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UBC Theses and Dissertations

The "Illumination of Buddha" in the context of the social/philosophical milieu of the Chin-Liu Sung period Frisch, Matthew Ezra 1985

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THE "ILLUMINATION OF THE BUDDHA" IN THE CONTEXT OF THE SOCIAL/ PHILOSOPHICAL MILIEU OF THE CHIN-LIU SUNG PERIOD By MATTHEW EZRA FRISCH B.A., Cornell University, 1979 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE REQUIREMENTS MASTER PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF FOR THE DEGREE OF OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Asian Studies We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITIsY COLUMBIA J u l y , 1985 ® Matthew Ezra F r i s c h In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Asian Studies  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date July, 1985. i i ABSTRACT The t h e s i s searches for the roots of the Chinese appreciation for the concepts contained in the early Madhyamika texts in the currents in Chinese philosophy and the p o l i t i c a l cl imate in China during the Eastern Chin and Liu Sung periods. We also seek to account for the character i s -t i c emphasis i n hstlan-hstleh thought on descr ipt ions of a hypothetical sage-ruler and of "Non-being" (and i n Buddhist thought on the d i v i n e s a v i o r and the e te rna l l i f e of the " s p i r i t " ) in the s o c i a l / p o l i t i c a l s i tuat ion in China during th i s period. We examine the many po in t s of correspondence and s i m i l a r i t i e s between Taoist philosophy and concepts o r i g inat ing in the Prajnaparamita text s . Selected t rans lat ions from the Ming-fo-1un (T rea t i s e I l luminating the Buddha) by Tsung Ping (375-443) are used as examples of a Chinese layman 's app ra i s a l of the Buddhist " P a t h " v i s - a - v i s those of the philosophical Taoists and Confucianists and to give an overal l p icture of the phi losophical cl imate of the pe r -i od . The t h e s i s concludes that there i s a wealth of s i m i l a r i t y between the Buddhist ideas being introduced to Chinese i n the Post-Han p e r i o d , and Ch ina ' s own p h i l o s o p h i c a l output before and during th i s period. A c o n t i n u i t y i s i d e n t i f i e d between the tenets of hsdan-hsOeh and these Buddhist ideas. We further conclude that the Chinese i n t e r e s t i n the l i m i t l e s s powers of the Buddha- - l i ke the emphasis i n hstlan-hstleh thought on the qua l i t i e s of the s a g e - r u l e r - - c a n be a t t r i b u t e d to the i i i s o c i a l s t r i f e i n the period and the erosion of f a i t h i n mundane p o l i t i c -a l p h i l o s o p h i e s . The l i f e of the " s p i r i t " and the countenance of the Buddha offered t r u l y l a s t i n g s t a b i l i t y and reassurance which the more worldly doctrines had been unable to provide. As a f i n a l note, the thesis considers the common a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r Buddhism among Indians and Chinese as i n d i c a t i v e of universal features of r e l i g i o u s systems. We conclude t h a t as common components of the Madhyamika system p r a c t i c e d i n India and China, the recognition of an a l l powerful deity and transcendent realm coupled with the idea of men's potential to in t e r a c t and i d e n t i f y with these may be acknowledged as two of the fundamental features of a p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o u s d o c t r i n e shared for a time by these two ancient c i v i l i z a t i o n s . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i Chapter ONE INTRODUCTION 1 Notes 9 TWO THE POLITICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL MILIEU OF THE POST-HAN PERIOD 11 Notes 22 THREE DEVELOPING BUDDHIST THEMES OF THE EASTERN CHIN AND LIU SUNG 23 Notes 44 FOUR THE AUTHOR: TSUNG PING 47 Notes 52 FIVE ABOUT THE TEXT: ITS DATING, SUMMARY OF ITS CONTENT AND ITS NOTEWORTHY TERMINOLOGY AND USAGES 53 Notes 79 SIX A SHORT INTRODUCTION TO BUDDHIST APOLOGETIC LITERATURE .. 91 Notes 103 SEVEN ANALYSIS OF THE PHILOSOPHICAL AND DOCTRINAL POSITIONS OF THE TEXT 105 Notes 118 EIGHT CONCLUSIONS 126 Notes 137 BIBLIOGRAPHY 138 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER FOUR A. SUNG-SHU BIOGRAPHY 146 B. LU-SHAN-CHI BIOGRAPHY 150 Notes 152 1 THE "ILLUMINATION OF THE BUDDHA" IN THE CONTEXT OF THE SOCIAL/ PHILOSOPHICAL MILIEU OF THE CHIN-LIU SUNG PERIOD Chapter One Introduction The Treatise Illuminating the Buddha Bft\$gi& was written in ap-proximately 433 A.D. by Tsung Ping v ^ (375-433). It belongs to the category of Buddhist apologia of which other examples are the Treatise  Setting Doubt1 r E ^ ^ t ^ m (date undetermined), attributed to a Mou-tzu ^ 3" and the Clar i f icat ion of the Way2 C ^ p f l a ^ by Sun C n ' o ^ ^ (ca. 300-380). As an apologetic work, i t argues against the dismissal of Bud-dhism as a foreign doctrine inappropriate to the Chinese and on other, re-lated grounds and celebrates the benefits and lofty ideals of Buddhism. By the time of Tsung Ping's writ ing, Buddhism had already been practiced in China for at least 300 years on a gradually widening scale. By the Eastern Chin (317-420), and especially under the patriarchate of the monk H u i - y O a n ^ ^ (334-416), the "Law of the Buddha""^ i£ established itself as a staple topic of cultured parlance among the southern gentry. Monks at the southern court at Chienk 'ang^_j^ were well versed in the esoteric topics of the "Inquiry Into the Mysterious" 3 j^^ff (also refer-red to as "Dark Learning" or simply hstlan-hstleh) and were often highly regarded for their abil it ies in the "pure talk")*||>| (ch 'ing-t 'an) fash-ion of the day. A New Account of Tales of the World4te^ (SSHY) records many witty remarks made by such talented monks as Chu Tao-ch'ien 5 rTilt^ff (286-374) and K'ang Fa-ch 'ang 6jf ) £ 4§ (fourth century) which testify to their popularity and acceptance within gentry c i r c l e s . The 2 high s t a t u s i n s o c i e t y of such eminent monks as Hui-ytlan' and Tao-an°^|l, v"^ . (312-385) can a l s o be a t t r i b u t e d i n p a r t to t h e i r mastery of the hstlan-hstleh s y l l a b u s and t h e i r ready wit exhibited at ch'ing-t'an gather-ings. A l s o a c o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r to the p o p u l a r i z a t i o n of the Buddhist doctrine i n gentry c i r c l e s was the p e r c e i v e d correspondence between the p h i l o s o p h i c a l statements of the most i n f l u e n t i a l sutras of the fourth cen-t u r y — t h e Prajnaparamita sutras--and the ideas of the Taoist sages and hstlan-hstleh t h e o r i s t s . This correspondence, though perhaps only imagined, made possible the use of a method of tr a n s l a t i o n known as "matching mean-i n g s " i^jr} ( k o - i ) , i n which f o r e i g n terms such as Sunyata and nirvana were i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r c l o s e s t indigenous e q u i v a l e n t s - - i n t h i s case o r 7 ^ and^V ^ » re s p e c t i v e l y . This device was c r i t i c i z e d by both Tao-an and Hui-ytlan as encouraging a distorted understanding of the true mean-ing of the teachings of the Buddha but both masters continued to use i t as an expedient f o r the propagation of the "Path" F o s t e r e d by s i m i l a r i t i e s i n tone of the Buddhist and s e c u l a r thought of the p e r i o d , i t i s evident that a synthesis had taken place be-tween these two f i e l d s of thought, producing a hybrid philosophy and devo-t i o n a l creed molded by the currents and needs of the times. Nearly every early Chinese Buddhist master was known not only as an e x p e r t i n the Bud-d h i s t d o c t r i n e but a l s o i n one or more areas of hstlan-hstleh thought and t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese learning. Chih Tun J^Ji ( a k a ^ & ^ K » 314-366) was known as one of the foremost authorities of his times on the Chuang- t z u and the SSHY reco r d s a l e c t u r e he gave on h i s commentary to the Chuang-Tzu chapter, "Free and Easy Wanderings")£=Ll2d£j/ before the famous 3 c a l l i g r a p h e r Wang Hsi - c h i h i jf^ "2_ and other ch'ing-t'an e n t h u s i a s t s . 9 Tao-an's s h i f t of i n t e r e s t to the Prajnaparamita sutras during his period of residence (365-379) at Hsiangyang % \3j| r e f l e c t s the i n f l u e n c e of the hsdan-hsdeh s c h o l a r s h i p being c a r r i e d on i n the South. The theory of "Fundamental N o n - b e i n g " , a t t r i b u t e d to him, represents, i n ZUrch-e r ' s v i e w , 1 0 an amalgamation of the Hsiang Hsiu/Kuo Hsiang i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Chuang-tzu r e c o g n i z i n g no c r e a t i v e s u b s t r a t e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r " t h i n g s " ' ^ ( i n contrast to Wang Pi's commentary to the Lao-tzu, describ-ed below) and the concept drawn from the Prajnaparami ta" of "Emptiness" (sunyata) as the ultimate nature of a l l matter. The potential f o r such a cross of Buddhist and indigenous s t r a i n s i s , i n f a c t , q u i t e r i c h . As I w i l l explain i n greater d e t a i l below, the general postulates of the Tao-te-ching')^, ^ f j (aka the Lao-tzu) and i t s commentary by Wang Pi j£ ^ 5 (226-249) of an absolute, inexhaustible reser-v o i r which i s everywhere i n evidence and yet devoid of any concrete a t t r i b -utes of i t s own i s l a r g e l y compatible with the basic theme of the Prajnapa- rami t a s u t r a s o f "Emptiness" as the only f i t description of "self-nature" (svabhava) and i t s complement in phenomenal, worldy r e a l i t y , (the f i v e s k a n d h a ) W h i l e counter-currents did e x i s t , such as in the advocacy of the tenets of the "Teachings of Names"£l by those who had reason to seek a more r i g i d c l a s s structure and in the continued adherence to many of the tenets of Confucian p r o p r i e t y and m o r a l i t y , the main p h i l o s o p h i c a l tendency of the Post-Han period seems to have been one in which the poten-t i a l accomplishments of any one l i f e t i m e and the value of worldly t o i l were de-emphasized. 4 The d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t with man's a b i l i t y to create and sustain a s t a -ble social structure, brought on by the f a l l of the Han and the subsequent p o l i t i c a l s t r i f e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of medieval China, i s r e f l e c t e d i n the search of the hsOan-hsiieh t h e o r i s t s and Chinese Buddhist pioneers f o r i n -sight into an immortal, unchanging substrate of r e a l i t y which might a c t as an anchor i n the turbulent, perilous times. Moreover, amid the abuse and vulgar manipulation by successive strong men of t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and o f f i c e s , upper-class Chinese gentlemen with a taste f o r righteousness and purity naturally found comfort i n philosophies which posited the e x i s -tence of a p e r f e c t , l a s t i n g s t a t e beyond the accidents of worldly e x i s -tence, such as the Sagehood of the hsOan-hsfleh t h e o r i s t s or the nirvana of the Buddhists. Tsukamoto wrote, The Chin was a p e r i o d i n which two r e l i g i o n s f l o u r i s h e d by becoming the s p i r i t u a l supports of both the upper and low-er c l a s s e s on a broad s c a l e . The two r e l i g i o n s were Tao-ism, a development out of the t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s of the Chinese n a t i o n and Chinese Buddhism, a foreign r e l i g i o n eked out with a p e c u l i a r l y Chinese s e t of i n t e r p r e t a -t i o n s . 1 2 What s p e c i f i c aspects of the Buddhist doctrine were stressed in the w r i t i n g and r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s of Tao-an, h i s d i s c i p l e , Hui-ytlan and i n the Ming-fo-lun? In addition to t h e i r shared i n t e r e s t in the Prajnapa- ramita corpus, these two masters a l s o i n i t i a t e d s i m i l a r r e l i g i o u s prac-t i c e s of public pledges of devo t i o n made before the images of Buddhist d e i t i e s . In Tao-an's case, the pledge made by a group of monks before an image of Maitreya, was to be reborn i n the t u s i t a heaven. 1 3 For his part, Hui-y(lan gathered together more than 100 monks and laymen i n a vow before an image of the buddha Amitabha to be reborn i n the "Western P a r a d i s e " ( S u k h a v a t T ) . 1 4 These e a r l y examples of d e v o t i o n a l Buddhism 5 paved the way f o r the future emergence of the "Pure Land" ^ 3 _i_ sect and the potency of t h i s aspect of the doctrine i s borne out by the sentiments expressed i n Tsung Ping's Ning-fo - 1un. Another facet of t h i s sort of image worship, namely the e f f o r t to i n s p i r e the Buddha to appear and pro-vide guidance and reassurance to the b e l i e v e r , i s also a central topic of the Ming-fo-lun. In a d d i t i o n to these examples of devotional and salvational r e l i g -ious p r a c t i c e , the topics of reincarnation, r e t r i b u t i o n served i n f u t u r e l i v e s and the immortality of the " s p i r i t " 1 5 r p £ ^ » around which Chinese i n -t e r e s t i n Buddhism had c r y s t a l l i z e d since i t s f i r s t introduction i n t o C h i -na, continue to c l a i m a l i o n ' s share of Tsung Ping's attention. The f o r -mer two concepts cannot be s p e c i f i c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d with Indian Buddhism, being a p a r t of the general world-view i n India before the time of Sakya-muni, but for the Chinese gentry they represented something t o t a l l y new, and a c a p t i v a t i n g complement to the teachings of t h e i r own sages. Concern-ing the immortality of the " s p i r i t , " the Chinese Buddhist's a f f i r m a t i o n was i n d i r e c t contradiction to the Buddhist doctrine as i t had been formu-lated i n I n d i a , but, not s u r p r i s i n g l y , Chinese were b a f f l e d as to how karma c o u l d be t r a n s f e r r e d and r e t r i b u t i o n served without the assumption that an immortal " s p i r i t " (or soul) e x i s t s . This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n p e r s i s t e d throughout at l e a s t the f i r s t phase of Chinese Buddhist hi s t o r y and was considered by Chinese followers of the Buddha to be a b a s i c t e n e t of the doctrine. In t h i s t h e s i s I hope to demonstrate the points of continuity and correspondence between indigenous p h i l o s o p h i e s and s o c i a l c u r r e n t s , and the ideas s t r e s s e d by Tsung Ping. As a layman and writing f o r a l a r g e l y 6 l a y , Chinese audience, Tsung Ping n e c e s s a r i l y confines himself to those aspects of the new doctrine which are r e l e v a n t to the Chinese and which address the major debates of the day. By examining the content of Tsung Ping's defense and celebration of the new d o c t r i n e , we can gain i n s i g h t i n t o the main concerns of Chinese philosophy and the Chinese themselves i n the f i r s t decades of the f i f t h century. Therefore, r a t h e r than a n a l y z i n g the Buddhist n o t i o n s i n t r o d u c e d by Tsung Ping only in the context of the development of Buddhist thought, I intend to explore the l i n e s of connec-t i o n and s i m i l a r i t i e s of theme j o i n i n g the Buddhist to the indigenous t r a -d i t i o n s and contemporary idioms and to use Tsung Ping's outlook as a baro-meter of the trends in thought and society i n the period. The apologetes, including Tsung Ping i n his own s u b t l e way, argued t h a t Buddhism a r r i v e d i n China even before the time of the great p h i l o s -ophers of the Chou. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to c o n s i d e r t h a t the i n t e r e s t i n Buddhism which the Chinese u l t i m a t e l y showed can be seen to f u l f i l l and give legitimacy to t h i s hoped f o r pedigree. The aspects of the new doc-t r i n e which were warmly r e c e i v e d and roughly adopted by Chinese of Tsung Ping's i l k must have had t h e i r cognates and roots i n Chinese t r a d i t i o n and must have found c o n d i t i o n s s u i t a b l e to t h e i r growth i n contemporary thought and p o l i t i c s or they could not have thriven so on Chinese s o i l . C e r t a i n l y , the Buddhist sutras regard the "Law of the Buddha" having universal relevance, therefore claiming t h a t the seed of f a i t h must have been present in the hearts of the Chinese from the beginning. In the Chi-nese i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Buddhist doctrine of upaya, by which the Buddha resorts to expedients i n his teaching, the response of the Buddha i s under-stood to wait f o r the stimulus of a b e l i e v e r ' s f a i t h before being revealed. 7 In t h i s sense, the Buddha can be said to have been present and at the same time i n v i s i b l e i n c l a s s i c a l and p r e c l a s s i c a l China, s i n c e h i s r e v e l a t i o n does not come to the unworthy but must be i n s p i r e d . Thus, a good case can be made, though perhaps not so l i t e r a l l y as some apologetes argued i t , f or recognizing the roots in China's own sacro-sanct antiquity of the aspects and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the Buddhist doc-t r i n e adopted by Chinese of the Chin and Northern and Southern dynasties. Whether t h i s conclusion i s derived from the theory of the u n i v e r s a l i t y o f Buddhism or of the c a p a c i t y of the Buddha to respond to the p a r t i c u l a r -i t i e s of his followers, i t i s s t i l l l egitimate to trace the c o n t i n u i t y be-tween the indigenous philosophy and p o l i t i c a l conditions of the day and the ideas put forth in the Ming-fo-lun. The Buddhism which Tsung Ping prescribes must be judged as a pro-posed sol u t i o n to the uncertainties i n secular thought and l i f e and a com-plement to China's own t r a d i t i o n s . The p o l i t i c a l s t r i f e and philosophical problems of the day, must be r e f l e c t e d i n the cu r e , a l b e i t B u ddhist, o f -f e r e d by Tsung Ping to h i s contemporaries. While Tsung Ping cannot be taken as representative of his e n t i r e generation, he was f a r from alone i n choosing to a b s t a i n from an o f f i c i a l career and to seek s p i r i t u a l answers and reassurance i n other p u r s u i t s . His b i o g r a p h i e s r e c o r d at l e a s t one i n s t a n c e i n which he and another confirmed recluse, Chou HsU-chih ./§ ~JL- (377-423), j o i n t l y r e f u s e d o f f i c i a l appointment. 1 6 Ping was c h i e f l y distinguished among his contemporaries as one of the g r e a t e s t c a l l i g r a p h -ers and p a i n t e r s of h i s day and as a f i n e musician 1' 7 rather than by his disenchantment with contemporary p o l i t i c s and his s p i r i t u a l p r o p e n s i t i e s . While perhaps o u t s i d e of the mainstream of society, he may well have been 8 a t i t s f o r e f r o n t and h i s views may therefore be taken as a r e f l e c t i o n of the currents in Eastern Chin-Liu Sung society. In the c h a p t e r s to f o l l o w I w i l l describe the major influences i n secular and Buddhist thought i n the p e r i o d , the p a r t i c u l a r i t i e s of the author and the t e x t of the Treatise Illuminating the Buddha, the genre of Buddhist apologia, and, f i n a l l y , analyze the main themes of the t e x t and comment on t h e i r points of correspondence with the trends in secular p h i l -osophy and p o l i t i c s of the period. To i l l u s t r a t e the themes of the text, I w i l l provide translated excerpts and accompanying annotation from the Ming-fo-lun. 9 Notes Chapter One 1 Hung-ming-chi %L$fk% (HMC) chUan 1, Taisho, V. 52, p.lb-7a trans. Paul P e l l i o t T'oung Pao 19 (T52"0), pp. 255-7557 2 HMC, chUan 3, T a i s h o V. 52, p. 16b-17c, t r a n s . A r t h u r Link and T i m T e e "Sun C h ' o ' s * * * Yti-Tao-Lun c^Ltwi : A C l a r i f i c a t i o n of the Way" Monumenta Serica V. 25 (1966) pp. 169-196. 3 While t h i s t r a n s l a t i o n runs in the face of the apparent gramma-t i c a l r e lationships (adjective-noun) i n the Chinese term , i t better captures the i n e x h a u s t i b l e nature of t h i s metaphysical exploration than "Mysterious L e a r n i n g " (Mather) or "Dark Learning" (ZUrcher) and i s more-over less awkward-sounding than either of these. Based on the f l e x i b i l i t y and v a r i a b i l i t y we see i n the c l a s s i c a l and p o s t - c l a s s i c a l language, I think i t unwise to r e j e c t outright a c e r t a i n t r a n s l a t i o n simply because i t d i f f e r s from the o r i g i n a l Chinese i n terms of our modern-day conceptions of the parts of speech i n each. 4 See very f i n e t r a n s l a t i o n by R i c h a r d Mather: Shih-shuo Hsin-yU (SSHY) (A New Account of Tales of the World), (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1976). 5 SSHY, IIA/18B and E r i k ZUrcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, (Leiden:TTJ: B r i l l , 1959), p. 98. 6 SSHY IA/35b-36a and ZUrcher, p. 99. 7 ZUrcher, p 213. "For him (Yin Chung-k'an), and no doubt also for many others, Hui YUan remained the great hstlan-hstleh expert and gentleman-scholar, admired f o r the wit or the abstruseness of h i s answers and f o r his s t y l i s h behavior . . . " 8 The Kao-seng-chuan Mi^a^H (KSC) chUan 5, Taisho text #2059, p. 352c5 records one instance i n which Tao-an exchanged bon mots with Hsi Ts'o-ch'ih. See ZUrcher, p. 190 and note 58 to chapter 4 of that volume. 9 SSHY IB/20a. 1 0 ZUrcher, p. 190. 10 1 1 What to the adept i n trance appears as the absence of anything-hood, when viewed i n a conventional way i s the phenomenal world we see around us. "Emptiness" and phenomenal r e a l i t y seem to describe two sides of the same coin, though the former only appears to the trained eye of the adept. 1 2 Tsukamoto Zenryu Chugoku Bukkyo tsushi 4* iSKib^feiSLSfcL V. 1 (Tokyo: Suzuki Grakujutsu Zaidan, 1968} (Approx. p. 190 i n a soon to be published t r a n s l a t i o n by Leon Hurvitz ) . 1 3 Zdrcher. p. 194. 1 4 ZUrcher, p. 219. 1 5 When 3:^ i s discussed i n the context of the i n d i v i d u a l , I trans-l a t e i t with a lower-case " s " — " s p i r i t . " When i t r e f e r s to a u n i v e r s a l Oneness or to the Buddha, I tr a n s l a t e i t with an upper-case " S " — " S p i r i t . " 1 6 Tsung Ping's biography i n Sung-shu, chdan 93. Sung-shu, chdan 93, Nan-shih, chdan 75 and other biographies. 11 Chapter Two The P o l i t i c a l and Philosophical M i l i e u of the Post-Han Period With the precipitous decline of the Han i n the second century A.D. and i t s t o t a l c o l l a p s e i n 220, the philosophical systems on which i t s po-l i t i c a l structure rested, be they L e g a l i s t , "New Text" or "Old Text" Con-f u c i a n i s m , a l l became subject to reappraisal and r e v i s i o n by i n t e l l e c t u a l s and gentry. Considering the attachment of yin-yang values and cosmologic-al trappings to the sober teachings of the Sage as the primary i n n o v a t i o n of the "New Text" school, we can see that the fundamental concerns of a l l three of these philosophical approaches remain within the realms of every-day a f f a i r s and phenomenal r e a l i t y . Under the state i n s t i t u t i o n of Con-fucianism, the person of the Emperor had been e l e v a t e d to the rank of man's intermediary with "Heaven" and accorded honors b e f i t t i n g the "Son of Heaven" but the downward s l i d e of the dynasty, temporarily thwarted by the Kuang-wu 7 ,^ r e s t o r a t i o n , proved the Emperor to be, a t b e s t , only mortal and, at worst, a puppet of the powerful f a m i l i e s and f a c t i o n s . As the "Old Text" school rose into prominence during the course of the f i r s t century A.D., the cosmological embellishments c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the "New Text" school were gradually rejected i n favor of a predominantly worldly doctrine. The "Old Text" school f a s h i o n e d i t s e l f as a r e t u r n to the o r i g i n a l teachings of the Sage, Confucius, s t r e s s i n g the proper conduct of i n d i v i d u a l s i n society and consciously avoiding what was beyond the d i s -cernment of the senses or served no p r a c t i c a l function i n securing a w e l l -ordered l i f e . In the p e r i o d f o l l o w i n g the f a l l of the Han, during the 12 second quarter of the t h i r d century, thinkers began to turn t h e i r attention away from such problems i n dai l y l i f e and human r e l a t i o n s , toward metaphy-s i c a l and noumenal i s s u e s which had been o u t s i d e the repertoire of Han Confucianism or of the Sage himself. The dominant p h i l o s o p h i c a l movement of the Post-Han period was the "Inquiry Into the M y s t e r i o u s ' ^ v ^ (mentioned above). Within the move-ment there can be d i s t i n g u i s h e d two main influences: the commentary to the Tao-Te-ching by Wang Pi which seeks to elucidate the substance of the " N o n - b e i n g 1 " ^ a l l u d e d to i n the work 1 and, secondly, the Hsiang Hsiu & s% (ca. 221 - ca. 300) /Kuo Hsiang ^ (d. 312) commentary to the Chuang-tzu, s t r e s s i n g the concept of fer\yff --"allotment" or "portion" — and the need to abide by i t . For our purposes, the more c r i t i c a l of these two branches of hstlan- hstleh i s the former. Led by Wang Pi in conjunction with He Yen'i 'J ^  (d. 249) and Chung HUIJEILII (225-264), the thinkers of t h i s branch combined the d e s c r i p t i o n s of the Sage-ruler found in the Book of Changes with the i d e a l s of benign p a s s i v i t y and " n o n - a c t i o n " ^ ^  from the Tao-te-ching to form the th e o r e t i c a l basis of the concept of "Non-being." The S a g e - r u l e r i n the I-ching i s d e p i c t e d as being i n complete harmony with and able to a n t i c i p a t e a l l " C h a n g e " ^ . By h i s p o s i t i o n as master of "Change," i n the eyes of the hstlan-hstleh thinkers, the Sage-ruler was iden-t i f i e d with the mystery which underlies and generates a l l aspects of r e a l -i t y . In the T a o - t e - c h i n g and Chuang-tzu, as w e l l , these thinkers found p l e n t i f u l support for t h e i r postulation of a s t a b l e s u b s t r a t e u n d e r l y i n g 13 r e a l i t y . Such c o n t r a s t i n g s t a t e s as "form" and "fu n c t i o n 1 " ^ ! . $ , "non-a c t i o n " and " a c t i o n " , the "One" — and "many"$^ 2 r i p p l e through these works. To these was added the a d d i t i o n a l d u a l i t y of "Being" and "Non-being." The concept of "Non-being" as the mother of "Being" i s also a central theme of at l e a s t the Tao-te-ching. 3 The tao ^ f i , ( o r "Path,") i n these works, i s none other than t h i s abstract unity from which a l l d i v e r s i t y and "Change" r a d i a t e . I t i s the common thread which j o i n s a l l the yin-yang transformations and i s i t s e l f neither diminished nor changed by them. But while the a n c i e n t t e x t s ad-dress the m a n i f e s t a t i o n s and workings of the tao i n the world, these l a t -t e r day philosophical Taoists c o n c e n t r a t e on e x p l o r i n g the substance o f the tao and, with i t , the mystery u n d e r l y i n g r e a l i t y . An excerpt from Wang P i ' s commentary, t r a n s l a t e d by Zllrcher, i l l u s t r a t e s the main thurst of t h e i r i nquiry. We might be i n c l i n e d to say that i t i s Non-being, and yet a l l e n t i t i e s are completed by i t ; (on the other hand) we might be i n c l i n e d to say t h a t i t i s being and yet one cannot perceive i t s form. 4 The second branch of the " I n q u i r y Into the Mysterious," of which the manifesto i s c o n s i d e r e d by ZUrcher to be the commentary to the Chuang-tzu begun by Hsiang Hsiu and completed by Kuo Hsiang, i s the more conservative, "Confucian," of the two but i t also was of great i n t e r e s t i n the e r u d i t e , philosophical discussions known as ch'ing-t'an. This commen-tary stresses the importance of acting i n accordance with one's " p o r t i o n . " In p r a c t i c a l terms t h i s meant t h a t as a high o f f i c i a l , one should carry out the duties and behave i n a way b e f i t t i n g such a p o s i t i o n , and l i k e w i s e 14 i n the case of a farmer. It i s hard to determine how close to t r a d i t i o n -a l l y Confucian role models such "portions" or t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s were r e q u i r e d to be. We do know t h a t these thinkers rejected the existence of any substrate of r e a l i t y and maintained t h a t a l l t h i n g s are s e l f - g e n e r a -t i v e . The Sage-ruler, a central concern of these thinkers as w e l l , i s de-picted as one whose own "portion" i s the common thread running through a l l o t h e r s . He i s somehow able to reconcile and erase a l l differences of p o s i -t i o n and i d e n t i t y within himself. I f the i d e a l of complete harmony with one's fen i s r e a l i z e d as i n the case of the Sage-ruler, a bond with "Heaven" (may a l s o be t r a n s -l a t e d as "Nature") i s formed. This bond i s described as m i n g ^ —obscure or hidden. However, "Heaven" has no self-nature i n th i s conception and i s only the sum-total of a l l individual "portions." The Sage's bond to "Heav-en" i s ac t u a l l y a oneness with a l l the world's creatures. It i s i n t e r e s t -i n g to note t h a t upon reaching such a s t a t e , one i s said to be free of intenti o n a l reasoning as one u n c o n s c i o u s l y accords with the d i c t a t e s of the " p o r t i o n " - - a n image of w o r l d l y n i r v a n a i f ever there was one. The Sage-ruler's a t t r i b u t e of spontaneous response i s l a t e r a p p l i e d by Tsung Ping to the response of the Buddha to a believer's f a i t h . "The S p i r i t re-sponds mysteriously i n accord with circumstances. The response does not e x i s t beforehand"* £ < ^ Vkf)tMM • This branch of the "Inquiry Into the Mysterious" only e x p l o r e s the s u b t l e q u a l i t i e s of a hypothetical Sage-ruler but otherwise does not t r e a t ontological problems such as the nature of "Being" or "Non-being." How-ev e r , i t s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the Sage-ruler as being one with the uni-verse and o u t s i d e the reach of the processes of "Change" i s i n many 15 respects comparable to the concept of "Non-being" i n the Wang Pi commentary. The e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e between the two hsdan-hsUeh influences seems to be expressed i n the d e s c r i p t i o n of the Hsiang/Kuo branch as " e x a l t i n g Being" while Wang Pi's commentary "exalts Non-being." 6 The former branch can also be seen t o for g e a l i n k with Confucian thought by i t s d e n i a l of the p o s s i b i l i t y of a nebulous, other-worldly ex-istence—which Confucius only ignored—and by i t s emphasis on harmonizing with one's " p o r t i o n . " This celebration of one's inc o n t r o v e r t i b l e destiny i s a c t u a l l y a supposition shared by both the philosophical Taoists and the C o n f u c i a n i s t s . Beginning with t h i s common supposition, the Confucianists simply add s p e c i f i c i t y by d e t a i l i n g what type of behavior i s appropriate to each "portion" while the philosophical Taoists take on f a i t h that such con-duct w i l l be the natural i n c l i n a t i o n of an ind i v i d u a l i n harmony with h i s " p o r t i o n . " Accepting that the "Path" of the Confucianists i s derived from the natural order and i s not some human f a b r i c a t i o n , though j u d g i n g i t to be more s t r i n g e n t and e x a c t i n g than the Taoist- "Path," we must a t t r i b u t e both the Confucian and Taoist "Paths" to a common spring. Consistent with i t s t i e s to Confucian thought, the Hsiang/Kuo branch of hstian-hstleh also has much i n common with the "Teaching of Names," which ZUrcher i d e n t i f i e s as the other major tendency in Chinese medieval p h i l o s -ophy. ^  Amid the p o l i t i c a l turmoil following the Han, the loss of Northern China i n 316 and the general confusion which r e i g n e d through most of the medieval period, there was a natural yearning f o r a source of class s t a b i l -i t y ( p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the case of the gentry) and the affirmation of conven-t i o n a l r o l e s i n g e n e r a l . The "Teaching of Names," by i t s insistence on 16 I t s I n s i s t e n c e on conformity to conventional t i t l e s and forms and, i n d i -r e c t l y , the Hsiang/Kuo branch of the hstian-hstleh, by paying homage to an in d i v i d u a l ' s predestined "portion" answer t h i s yearning. In the i n t r o d u c -t i o n to h i s t r a n s l a t i o n of the SSHY (A New Account of Tales of the World), Mather draws the p a r a l l e l between these two branches of hstian-hstleh and the p o l a r i z a t i o n of l i f e s t y l e s of the E a s t e r n Chin: one pole f a v o r i n g " n a t u r a l n e s s " and t r a n q u i l i t y (preferred by advocates of "Non-being") and the other pole favoring "conformity" (preferred by advocates of " B e i n g " ) . As a r e f u t a t i o n of "Non-being," the Hsiang/Kuo branch can be assigned to the l a t t e r category. While not being as important a springboard f o r the popularization of Buddhist ideas, the Hsiang/Kuo commentary did capture the i m a g i n a t i o n s of the l i t e r a t i of the Chin (265-420) and Liu-Sung (420-479), as evidenced i n the s u b j e c t matter of the ch'ing-t'an discussions. The best surviving record of these discussions, held at the country estates and se c l u d e d r e -t r e a t s of gentry-patrons of the arts and learning, i s the SSHY "compiled" by Liu I-Ch'ingJ^j ^ - J ^ i n approximately 430. This work contains such s e c t i o n headings as "Speech and Conversation," "Insight and Judgement" and " C l a s s i f i c a t i o n According to Excellence."^ The p r a c t i c e , popular from the end of the three kingdoms (220-265), of composing a r t f u l c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n s lil of one's prominent peers f i n d s i t s p h i l o s o p h i c a l i n s p i r a t i o n i n the emphasis on an i n d i v i d u a l ' s " p o r t i o n " i n the Hsiang/Kuo commentary. In the f r e q u e n t l y i d l e hands of the gentry t h i s theme nourished the vogue of capturing an i n d i v i d u a l ' s c h a r a c t e r i n a few s u c c i n c t and we l l - c h o s e n words. For example, the monk K'ang Fa-ch'angjE > £ c h a r a c t e r i z e d his 17 own c a p a c i t i e s ^ @ as, "sharp i n t e l l i g e n c e endowed with s p i r i t ; t a l e n t -ed speech i n pervading eloquence" 9 (Modesty was s a c r i f i c e d i n the i n t e r -ests of accuracy). Thus, the a f f i r m a t i o n of the c o n s t r u c t of " p o r t i o n " contributed to t h i s fashion of describing i t with subtlety and a r t i s t r y . The i n t e r e s t in "portion" was also an important s t i m u l u s i n gentry c i r c l e s f o r the e n t e r t a i n m e n t of Buddhist ideas. The Hsiang/Kuo Chuang- tzu commentary does not s p e c i f y the f a c t o r s which go i n t o determining one's "portion" but describes them only as "a response which comes of i t s o w n " ^ ^ 2 - t f t . 1 0 The Buddhist idea of r e t r i b u t i o n f i t neatly into t h i s area of u n c e r t a i n t y . A c t i o n s taken i n past l i v e s would determine one's fen yff~ i n the f u t u r e . ZUrcher points out that r e t r i b u t i o n i n the minds of early Chinese Buddhists remained a " n a t u r a l " or "spontaneous" process, lacking i n point of o r i g i n or inner workings. 1 1 F i n a l l y , the Hsiang/Kuo branch of hsUan-hstleh, by the p a r t i c u l a r em-phasis i t places on the q u a l i t i e s of the S a g e - r u l e r , r e f l e c t s the v o i d which a c t u a l l y existed at the top of the Chin government. The thinkers of the period speculated on the p o s s i b i l i t y of a Sage-ruler, who would be i n my s t i c a l harmony with a l l the individual "portions" of the world and cap-able of i n f a l l i b l e response to i t s incessant "Change." The c r e a t i o n s by popular r e l i g i o u s movements of the Han of a d e i f i e d Lao-tzu and other such figures may be seen as e a r l i e r e x p r e s s i o n s , on a popular l e v e l , of t h i s same urge to a f f i r m such a transcendent, invulnerable being. The hopes for the p o s s i b i l i t y of such an i n d i v i d u a l were l a t e r to be b o l s t e r e d by the concept i o n of the Buddha i n the Mahayana texts and "Pure Land" school as savior to a l l those who followed him. Such topics being debated at ch'ing- t'an gatherings i n the Eastern Chin as whether or not the Sage had emotions 18 and what were the q u a l i t i e s of the mind of the Sage*-2 could have been e a s i -l y modified toward an inquiry into such mysteries surrounding the Buddha. There i s no doubt that Chinese thinkers were concerned with i d e n t i f y i n g the q u a l i t i e s of such a supreme Sage and the depictions of the Buddha as a l l -p o w e r f u l , compassionate and transcendent would have found an appreciative audience. In c o n j u n c t i o n with these philosophical developments, the p o l i t i c a l d e t e r i o r a t i o n of the Post-Han p e r i o d a l s o p r e d i s p o s e d the gentry of the Chin and L i u Sung toward the adoption of c e r t a i n aspects of the Buddhist doctrine. Imperial authority had been i n steady decline. With the excep-t i o n of the Chin Wu jjk, emperor (under whom, in the period following his conquest of Wu ^ i n 280, imperial power, and the empire i t s e l f , s t i l l showed some signs of vigor) weak emperors overshadowed by i n t e r - c l a n power struggles were the rule f o r the duration of the Chin. This e c l i p s e of im-p e r i a l a u t h o r i t y only grew more complete a f t e r the gentry's f l i g h t south and the establishment of the Eastern Chin i n 317. In i t s f i r s t decades, the r u l i n g Ssu-ma family was dominated by the Wang 31 and YU/^L c l a n s . These were succeeded by Ho Ch'ung/(«F Jr^ , the Huan^Q clan and, eventually, Liu YU^j-f^j , who, in 420, merci-f u l l y brought the Eastern Chin to a close and founded the L i u Sung. The YUan J C and M i n g f l j ^ emperors (Ssu-ma Jui ^  and Ssu-ma Shaoj|§ , r e -s p e c t i v e l y ) had been c o n t r o l l e d by the Wang clan. The YU clan held sway over the nominal emperors C h ' e n g ^ and K ' a n g ^ . This s t r i n g of puppet emperors culminated i n the 22 year reign of the severely retarded An"^ 7 emperor, who was k i l l e d i n 419 and the 17 month reign of h i s b r o t h e r , the Kung^fc" emperor, k i l l e d by Liu YU i n 420. 19 Any r i g h t f u l claim to the possession of a legitimate Confucian state hierarchy was absent through most of the Eastern Chin. P a r a l l e l to the l o s s of Northern China to foreign conquerors was the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l structure and values on which the Han bureaucracy had been based. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t amid t h i s worsening breakdown of the forms of t r a d i t i o n a l government, there would be a tendency among the gentry, many of whom s t i l l held firmly to t h e i r b e l i e f s in righteous, Confucian government, to abstain from holding o f f i c e and to spend t h e i r time i n abstract specula-t i o n f a r removed from the glaring i n i q u i t i e s of the times. Moreover, the monopolization of the highest positions i n the bureaucracy by the most pow-e r f u l c l a n of any period l i m i t e d the opportunities for advancement of wor-thy candidates from other f a m i l i e s . The c h o i c e of withdrawal from the world into extreme anti-conform-i t y and " n a t u r a l n e s s " e x e m p l i f i e d by the Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove ^ f - " ^ ^ ^ » w a s a^ s o a n important theme of t h i s period. However, Tsung Ping and his contemporaries were not necessarily a n t i - c o n f o r m i s t or a n t i - r i t u a l i s t . His biography a t t e s t s to his thorough observance of the mourning r i t e s for his p a r e n t s . 1 3 Recognized as the greatest c a l l i g r a p h e r and painter of his day, i t i s c l e a r t h a t he a l s o d i d not shy away from a r t i s t i c and i n t e l l e c t u a l endeavor. He l i v e d i n a time when worthy gentlemen might e a s i l y d i v e r t t h e i r energies away from an o f f i c i a l c a r e e r and i n t o the e x p l o r a t i o n of the supra-mundane mysteries, such as the sub-stance of "Non-being," and contact with the new, yet f a m i l i a r ideas of the Buddhists. As ZUrcher points out, hsUan-hsUeh was known, in i t s day, simply as t a l k about "Being" and "Non-being." 1 4 I conclude that the elu c i d a t i o n of 20 these realms as a means r e i n f o r c i n g the sagging p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l structure was of major concern to t h i n k e r s of the p e r i o d . The Han had based i t s f o r t u n e s on the predominantly w o r l d l y and p r a c t i c a l canon of Confucian t e a c h i n g s , adding cosmological embellishments but making no fundamental changes in i t s o r i e n t a t i o n . For example, the concept of "Hea-ven" remains as an undifferentiated and unknowable aspect of the cosmos, perhaps intimately t i e d to the human world but having no palpable features or i d e n t i t y . The f a l l of the Han, i n 220, and of Northern China, i n 316, demonstrated the dangers of t h i s dependence on worldly checks and balances and human a b i l i t y to sustain a p o l i t i c a l system. The p h i l o s o p h i c a l formu-l a t i o n s of the Wang Pi school r e f l e c t an e f f o r t to explore the mechanism which connects "Non-being" with "Being" and to b r i n g d e f i n i t i o n to the realm of "Non-being." The Hsiang/Kuo commentary represents the l i n k to Confucian thought and the " e x a l t a t i o n of 'Being'" side of the hsOan-hsdeh co i n . Its empha-s i s on the nature of "portion" and the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the S a g e - r u l e r a l s o helped to prepare the ground f o r the p o p u l a r i z a t i o n of Buddhist-inspired ideas i n gentry c i r c l e s . These two branches of the "Inquiry Into the M y s t e r i o u s " are l a t e r mirrored in the early "schools" of Chinese Bud-dhism, formulated by such Monks as Chih Tun and Chih Min-Tu^Lf^jH i n the middle fourth century. Some of these "schools" maintained that matter was i t s e l f i l l u s o r y and needed to be eliminated i n order to d i s c o v e r s e l f -nature Others held that matter, i t s e l f being empty, need not be eliminated i n order to be s a i d to e x i s t but r a t h e r t h a t only c o n s c i o u s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of matter in the mind were i l l u s o r y and required elimina-ti o n (in the case of Chih Min-Tu). The l a t e r outlook corresponds to the 21 views of the Hsiang/Kuo commentary. I w i l l discuss these early "schools" and t h e i r c o nnection to hstlan-hstleh thought i n greater de t a i l i n the next chapter. The hstlan-hstleh t h e o r i s t s sought the anchor, both s p i r i t u a l and p r a c t i c a l , with which to r e i n i n the rough-and-tumble a c t i v i t y which s u r g -ed around t h e m — t o gain a l e v e r on "Change." The i n t e l l i g e n t s i a of the Chin and Liu Sung gathered f o r discussions of e s o t e r i c , i m p r a c t i c a l sub-j e c t matter, p a r t i a l l y as an escape from the sad p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s of the day but also i n quest of the very answers which might r e s t o r e order and l e g i t i m a c y i n w o r l d l y a f f a i r s . By i t s celebration of the subtle and the t r a n s c e n d e n t , Buddhist thought c o n t a i n e d i n the Prajnaparami ta and early Mahayana s u t r a s appealed both to the escapism and to the l a t e n t hopes f o r the r e s t o r a t i o n of order of China's disenfranchised i n t e l l i -gentsia. 22 Notes Chapter Two 1 Tao-te-ching, (aka Lao-tzu), 1; 2; 11; 40. 2 T a o - t e - c h i n g , 20, for example, treats the d i f f e r i n g a t t itudes of the One as compared to the Many. 3 Tao-te-ching, 1; 2; 4; 16 etc . 4 From Wang P i ' s commentary to the Lao-tzu, 6. See Erik ZUrcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1959), p. 89. 5 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho V. 52, p. 15a8. 6 ZUrcher, p. 90. 7 ZUrcher, p. 87. 8 OQ >H 9 ZUrcher, p. 99 and SSHY Commentary lA/36a. 1 0 ZUrcher, p. 92. 1 1 ZUrcher, pp. 90-91. 1 2 ZUrcher, p. 95. 1 3 Sung-shu and Nan-shih biographies i n Sung-shu, chUan 93 and Nan- shih, chUan 75. 1 4 ZUrcher, p. 93. 23 Chapter Three Developing Buddhist Themes of the Eastern Chin and Liu Sung During the fourth century, while i n the North Buddhist masters such as F o - t ' u - t e n g ^ (^ l^ j^.1 (d. 349) endeared themselves to the r u l i n g c i r -c l e s through f e a t s of magic and p r e d i c t i o n , 2 southern masters such as Chih Tun and Chu Tao-ch'ien (286-374) gained admittance i n t o (or i n Tao-ch'ien's case, as a younger brother of Wang Tun, were allowed to remain in) the highest c i r c l e s of the a r i s t o c r a c y by v i r t u e of t h e i r r h e t o r i c a l s k i l l s . In t h e i r mastery of the "pure t a l k " l e x i c o n , they com-bined the f a m i l i a r content of the Confucian and T a o i s t c l a s s i c s with new i n s i g h t s o r i g i n a t i n g i n the Buddhist sutras. Such ethnic Chinese monks were often accomplished scholars of the t r a d i t i o n a l canon and the contem-porary developments i n Neo-Taoism i n addition to t h e i r s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n the Buddhist texts. As I mentioned above, Chih Tun was regarded as an ex-pert on the Hsiao-yao-yu chapter of the Chuang-tzu. His commentary to t h i s c h a p t e r , (now l o s t ) emphasized the concept of an i d e a l , transcendant tao ("Path") i n contrast to the emphasis on simply f r e e i n g one's s e l f of a l l hindrances to s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n , which was the standard Taoist i n t e r p r e t -a t i o n . Chih Tun i n j e c t e d a m o r a l i s t i c q u a l i f i c a t i o n i n t o the otherwise morally neutral ideal of free self-expression. Chu Tao-ch'ien, one of the most important teachers of southern gen-t r y Buddhism i n s t r u c t e d i n both Prajnaparamita texts and the Lao-Chuang corpus, perceiving no inconsistencies between t h e i r two messages. He con-s i d e r e d the Chinese secular philosophy to be the "outer teaching," i . e . , the message suitable for mass consumption w h i l e Buddhism r e p r e s e n t s the 24 "inner teaching," i l l u m i n a t i n g , for those who could grasp i t , the raw mys-t e r y . 3 Tao-an, l i v i n g for most of his l i f e in the North, was less c l o s e l y a l i g n e d with the amalgamation of the Buddhist ( p a r t i c u l a r l y Prajnaparami-ta) concepts with those of the "Inquiry Into the Mysterious" being c a r r i e d on i n the centers of southern gentry Buddhism. However, h i s study of p r a j n a philosophy during his period of residence in Hsiangyang (365-379), which was l a t e r c a r r i e d on by his f a v o r i t e d i s c i p l e Hui-yHan, r e f l e c t s the influence of Lao-Chuang thought i n his c a r e e r as w e l l . "At Hsiangyang, Tao-an's attention seems to have s h i f t e d from dhyana to Prajnaparamita . . . with i t s background of Chinese 'Dark Learning.' In t h i s new o r i e n t a t i o n of Tao-an's i n t e r e s t we cannot f a i l to perceive the influence of the South with i t s hstlan-hstleh." 4 F i n a l l y , Hui-ytlan, the famous patriarch of Lu S h a n j ^ (Mt. Lu) and Tsung Ping's mentor had, as a boy, been a d i l i g e n t student of the Con-fucian c l a s s i c s and l a t e r , of Lao-Chuang philosophy and drew on t h i s back-ground throughout his Buddhist career. He had made up his mind to devote his l i f e to the teachings of the Buddha upon hearing Tao-an's explanation of the Prajnaparami ta* sutras, which seemed to answer precisely the ques-t i o n s which he had pursued through Confucian and, l a t e r , Lao-Chuang thought. In a l e t t e r to his early lay devotee Liu Ch'eng-chih (354-410) Hui-ytlan wrote: . . . Long ago, when I devoted myself to the study of the (Confucian) s c r i p t u r e s , . . . I regarded these as the most b e a u t i f u l pleasance of our times. Then I became acquainted with (the writings of) Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu, and I r e a l i z e d t h a t Confucianism was no more than empty t a l k , adapted to the changing (needs of the times). Considered from (my) present ( s t a t e ) , I r e a l i z e t h a t where the meaning of the deep(est) mysteries i s concerned one cannot but give precedence to the p r i n c i p l e s of Buddhism . . .5 25 From i t s e a r l i e s t appearances in China, the ideal of the Buddha had impressed the Chinese as supremely pure and high-minded. In Hsiang K'ai's $3 memorial of 166, 6 reproaching the H u a n ^ § emperor for his sensual abuses, which i s counted among the e a r l i e s t pieces of documentary evidence of Buddhism i n China, the Buddha i s placed i n the company of the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu as a p i l l a r of the r e f i n e d wisdom which grasps the "Emptiness" of a l l objects of sense. Hsiang K'ai describes t h e i r common "Path" as one of "purity and emptiness^ % J ^ _ s e t t i n g g r e a t value on non-a d o ^ v ^ , l o v i n g l i f e and hating to k i l l , reducing desire and removing extravagance." 7 From the e a r l i e s t appraisal of the "Law of the Buddha" by a Chinese, i t i s c l e a r that a philosophical l e v e l l i n g of l i f e ' s p l e a s u r e s and pains was already associated with i t . This attitude devaluing worldly a f f a i r s and f a v o r i n g p h y s i c a l and s p i r i t u a l escape had been a standard of moral excellence f o r Chinese from e a r l i e s t record. Chinese mythical recluses and su p e r - n a t u r a l c r e a t u r e s had, from the age of Yao and Shun, transcended time and space by reducing t h e i r t i e s to the earth to the barest minimum. Such legendary f i g u r e s of r e l i g i o u s Taoism as Ch'ih Sung^^f/^ and Wang-tzu C h ' i a o i ^ - - ^ (Prince Ch'iao) "took pleasure i n the Path" and "became immortal" through such d i s c i p l i n e s as breathing exercises which gradually reduced t h e i r need f o r coarse food and drink.^ Other sylphs refined t h e i r bodies and nour-i s h e d t h e i r s p i r i t s by "sucking the wind and drinking the dew"^ CJ^M ll/Qll ' ^uc'1 a" t t r l b u' t e s a s purity of body and "exhaustive refinement of the spi r i t " | j f ^  possessed by the Buddha were readily appreciated by Chinese gentlemen and e n t i t l e d him to r e c o g n i t i o n as a person of grea t achievement in the "Path." 26 As we have seen, t h i s i d e a l i z a t i o n of escape from impure surround-ings common to the Buddhist teachings and Taoist mythology, which had a l -ready forged l i n k s between the Buddhist doctrine and Chinese t r a d i t i o n a l thought, would become a l l the more poignant amid the escalating p o l i t i c a l s t r i f e of the Chin. By far the most i n f l u e n t i a l Buddhist texts in fourth century China were the Prajnaparamita l i t e r a t u r e , which, i n conjunction with the philosophical theories of Taoism and hstlan-hstleh, contributed to the theoretical r a t i o n a l e f o r r e d u c i n g one's dependence on o b j e c t s of sense. Translations of versions in varying lengths of the Prajnaparamita sutras had been available i n China s i n c e Han times. By the end of the t h i r d century two tr a n s l a t i o n s of the Prajnaparamitasutra in 25,000 l i n e s (PafTcavimsatisahasrika P'p') had been completed. The central theme of these sutras i s the absence of "self-nature" i n a l l w o r l d l y phenomena and subjective thought conceived of in the conven-tional way. Worldly phenomena, as they appear, do not t r u l y e x i s t and n e i t h e r can thought express unambiguous tr u t h . In early Buddhist theory, elements of existence (dharmas) were seen as by-products of other e l e -ments, coming together for an instant and then reforming into new elements i n a never-ending process. Based on t h i s understanding, the authors of the prajna l i t e r a t u r e reached the conclusion that to posit l a s t i n g or con-s i s t e n t existence of objects of sense was i n v a l i d , s i n c e they would have been remodelled and, themselves, ceased to e x i s t long before an impression of them could have been formed. For t h i s reason, the e f f o r t to express any truth about the world in thought or in words was doomed to f a i l u r e be-cause the object under discussion would have immediately passed from e x i s -t e n c e . Thus, a l l matter and mental concepts were i l l u s o r y and empty'^vf 27 (s u n y a ) . The f a c t of the essential "Emptiness" of a l l phenomena and nou-mena was the philosophical kernel of the prajna corpus. Grasping the f a c t of the essential "Emptiness" of a l l dharmas amounted to reaching the "per-fe c t i o n of wisdom"--prajnaparamita~. While the true or "self-nature" (svabhava) could not be con-ceived of or expressed, i t i s seen to e x i s t in t h i s very q u a l i t y of "Emp-ti n e s s . " A l l aspects of r e a l i t y are constantly changing and being reform-ed as new conditions impinge on one another, but "Emptiness" i s a s t a b l e f a c t of r e a l i t y . It i s i d e n t i f i e d with absolute Truth as well as with nirvana and the "body of essence" i£z ^ of the Buddha. 1 0 In h i s f o r m u l a t i o n of the Madhyamika system, Nagarjuna (p^ ^ t f * "Dragon Tree," in Chinese) extended (or more c o r r e c t l y reduced) the con-cept of sunyafa by applying such skepticism to the idea of sunyafa i t s e l f . The ultimate negation i s that of the idea of negation, or so the p h i l o s -opher would have i t . The "four points of argument" were employed in t h i s regard and adopted by Chinese thinkers of the "Three T r e a t i s e " ^- | « i school to i l l u s t r a t e the compromise or "Middle Path "--Madhyamika—between affirmation and negation which must be followed. This c o n s i s t e d of d i s -p r o v i n g the "being" of an i d e a ; i t s "non-being;" both i t s "being" and "non-being;" i t s neither "being" nor "non-being." 1 1 Since nothing d e f i n i -t i v e could be posited, the ideal was to chart a course midway between such extremes. These th e o r i e s gained currency in China with the t r a n s l a t i o n s by KumarajTva (350-409, in China from 402) of the commentary to the P r a j - naparami t a , a t t r i b u t e d to Nagarjuna, known as the Ta-chih-tu lun fx_%&\ a n d other key works of the Madhyamika system and were fueled by the 28 dominantly Mahayam*stic and devotional character of Chinese Buddhism a f t e r the f i f t h century. But while the idea of "Emptiness" i s negated by the methods describ-ed above, "Emptiness" s t i l l e x i s t s i n the t h e o r e t i c a l geography of the Madhyamika system as the only absolute and unvarying f a c t of r e a l i t y . The urge to define i t forced i t ever deeper into the unreachable, unknowable underpinning of r e a l i t y . The ultimate p r e s c r i p t i o n of t h i s school was not only to c u l t i v a t e detachment from worldly t h i n g s , but a l s o to c e l e b r a t e the monumental achievement of the Buddha, as the embodiment and triumph of "Emptiness." Owing to i t s celebration of such an ideal and object of de-v o t i o n as the Buddha, the Madhyamika cannot be characterized as wholly n i h i l i s t i c , as A.L. Basham points out i n the Buddhist T r a d i t i o n . The Madhyamikas, however, were not p e s s i m i s t s . . . . The u l t i m a t e Emptiness was here and now, everywhere and a l l em-bracing, and there was i n f a c t no difference between the great Void and the phenomenal world. Thus, a l l beings were already p a r t i c i p a n t s of the Emptiness which was Nirvana, they were a l -ready Buddha, i f only they would r e a l i z e i t . Basham goes on to say that t h i s potential for worldly perfection contained i n the d o c t r i n e was e s p e c i a l l y germane i n China with i t s n a t u r a l i s t i c "Path" and t r a d i t i o n a l appreciation of the near-perfection of nature. It might also be f r u i t f u l to consider the argument i n favor of "Emp-tin e s s " i n terms of the absence of a substantive "self-nature" i n dharmas due to the cooperation of primary and secondary causes or "causes and con-d i t i o n s , " © I § L i n t h e i r generation. Since any dharma i s the r e s u l t of the c o n f l u e n c e of a host of such "causes and c o n d i t i o n s , " the dharma 29 i t s e l f l a c k s independent existence. It i s merely a pastiche of the Indiv-idual imprints of conditions, which are themselves the products of o t h e r conditions. Thus a l l things in the world of contingence are dependent on causes and conditions. The mystic knows what i s true r e a l -i t y and sees a l l conditioned things as empty and powerless. 1 3 Since dharmas lack independent existence, there can be no d i s t i n c -t i o n s between one such element of r e a l i t y and another. This leads to the conclusion of the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of d u a l i t i e s , which i s an important i m p l i -cation of the prajna" philosophy. One member of a pair of opposites can be understood only i n r e l a t i o n to the other. Since there can be no i n t e g r a l " s e l f , " there can be no "other." S i m i l a r i t i e s between the p r a j n a philosophy and Lao-Chuang/hsdan- hstleh philosophy e x i s t on many planes. The general tendency of the former to devalue and draw back from things of the world i s matched by the over-a l l theme of the philosophical Taoists e x t o l l i n g inner quietude or "Empti-ness" over outward m a n i f e s t a t i o n . " A t t a i n complete v a c u i t y , m a i n t a i n s t e a d f a s t q u i e t u d e . " 1 4 "The m u l t i t u d e a l l possess more than enough, I alone seem to have l o s t a l l . " 1 * The Tao-te-ching emphasizes the potential fo r expression over the expression i t s e l f . "To y i e l d i s to be p r e s e r v e d whole . . . To be empty i s to be f u l l . . . Therefore the Sage embraces the One . . . He does not show h i m s e l f , t h e r e f o r e he i s luminous." 1^ S i m i l a r l y , i n the Buddhist teachings we f i n d , He who maintains the doctrine of Emptiness i s not a l l u r e d by the things of the world, because they have no b a s i s . He i s not excited by gain or dejected by loss . . . What he l i k e s he knows to be only emptiness and sees i t as s u c h . 1 7 30 Thus, both t r a d i t i o n s view with skepticism objects of sense and thought. It may be that the Buddhist concept of "Emptiness," as o r i g i n a l l y formu-l a t e d , was p r i m a r i l y an epistemological device f o r the ultimate valuing of objects of the world. The Chinese, by i d e n t i f y i n g i t with the T a o i s t concept of "Non-bei n g " ^ endowed i t with an objective r e a l i t y which i t had not o r i g i n a l l y held claim to. This d i s t i n c t i o n between i n t e r p r e t i n g "Emptiness" as a psychological state and as the actual condition of things was hotly debated by the early Chinese Buddhist t h e o r i s t s , as I w i l l de-scribe below. The i d e a l s e t f o r t h in the Lao-tzu of achieving the Unity which i s the i n e f f a b l e "Path" corresponds to the r e a l i z a t i o n of "Emptiness" as the u n i v e r s a l , u n d i v i d e d , f a b r i c of existence put forth in the prajna texts. Both systems r e j e c t , with equal adamancy, d u a l i t i e s which threaten to com-promise t h i s U n i t y . The Tao - t e - c h i n g o f f e r s many i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the inter-dependency of pairs of opposites. For example, "Long and short con-t r a s t each other, . . . front and back follow each o t h e r . " T o be empty i s to be f u l l . To be worn out i s to be renewed. . . . Therefore the Sage embraces the One and becomes the model of the w o r l d . " 1 9 The Chuang-Tzu ( p a r t i c u l a r l y the " D i s c u s s i o n of Seeing Things as Equal" c h a p t e r ) a l s o minutely e x p l o r e s t h i s i d e a of the r e l a t i v i t y of a l l de-s c r i p t i o n s of the world which d i s q u a l i f i e s a l l of them from any c l a i m to ab s o l u t e T r u t h . Only in the "Emptiness" of the prajna philosophy, as i n the "Non-being" of the Lao-tzu and Wang Pi commentary, i s a Unity found which i s not susceptible to the ambiguity of a l l r e l a t i v e constructs. T h i s Unity i s the abode of the Sage i n Taoi s t thought and of the e n l i g h t e n e d one i n the Prajriaparamita sutras. In the Astasahasrika P.p. 31 we f i n d , "She i s omniscience; without beginning or end i s Perfect Wisdom, who has emptiness as her c h a r a c t e r i s t i c mark, . . ."20 The T a o i s t Sage perceives no d i s t i n c t i o n s between things of the world or between h i m s e l f and o t h e r s p r e c i s e l y because the concept of his own " s e l f " has ceased to e x i s t . Being united with a l l matter, the Sage "understand(s) a l l and pe-n e t r a t e d ) a l l without taking any a c t i o n . " 2 1 S i m i l a r l y , the non-existence o f a permanent " s e l f "--anatmya ffi* - - i s a fundamental Buddhist maxim. The "dharma-body" jj. & o f the Buddha i s everywhere present as i t d i s -tinguishes no facts of place or time which could be outside or f o r e i g n to i t . These two systems also share a common depiction of the nature of the "Emptiness" and "Non-being" as i n e f f a b l e , vague and e l u s i v e . A d j e c t i v e s such as d a r k f ^ , m y s t e r i o u s ^ and subtle ^ ^ L ; ^ are constantly ap-p l i e d to the operation and r e a l i z a t i o n of the Buddhist p r i n c i p l e s . The i n e f f a b l e "Path" of the T a o - t e - c h i n g i s i n f i n i t e l y "vague and e l u s i v e " ^ 2 ' $ " . 2 2 The " S p i r i t " "responds m y s t e r i o u s l y " ^ ^ , . 2 3 The Bud-dha's response cannot be further explored but i s only the r e f l e x i v e r e a c -t i o n to the stimulus of a believer's f a i t h , by one who embodies the "mys-terious ultimate" A number of other concepts introduced i n the prajna l i t e r a t u r e lend themselves to f a c i l e correspondence with p h i l o s o p h i c a l T a o i s t n o t i o n s . S a n t i - - t r a n q u i 11 i ty or non-sel f - a s s e r t i veness-- was glossed as ?*£ "non-ado" or "non - a c t i o n , " which was also i d e n t i f i e d with nirvana. Both describe a mental posture which i s devoid of c o n s c i o u s thought. While adhering to "non-ado," "nothing i s l e f t undone." " B e i n g " ^ i n the Lao- t z u was equated with the Buddhist concept of the f i v e skandha—phenomenal 32 r e a l i t y and "Non-being"^?, or"-3? with sunyata. The q u a l i t i e s of the mind of the Taoist Sage of being "as i t i s of i t s e l f " ^ vrb was i d e n t i -f i e d with the " s u c h n e s s " - £ f ) (tathata) and bodhi-enlightenment of the Tathagata. As mentioned above, t h e i r responses, equally free of r i g i d i t y and f i t t e d to the circumstances, were termed upaya /j^t. i n the case of the Buddha and " i n s p i r a t i o n and response"$>Jj^. i n the case of the Taoist Sage. Assuming the Buddha to be free of conscious thought-sharing with the Taoist Sage the quality of "Emptiness of Mind"—the Chinese Buddhists viewed the upaya of the Buddha in a mechanistic fashion as the response of the teacher to the stimulus of the students' level of understanding. This a p p r e c i a t i o n of upaya as following the stimulus-response pattern was cru-c i a l to the apologists' case for claiming that Confucius was, i n f a c t , a Buddhist who had unfortunately never been stimulated to preach the u l t i -mate lessons of Buddhism. The d i f f e r e n t interpretations by Chinese Buddhists of the concept of sunyata i n r e l a t i o n to the ten e t s of the "Inquiry Into the Mysterious" spawned the ten " s c h o o l s " ^ . ^ , beginning i n the f o u r t h c e n t u r y . As ZUrcher and Hurvitz point out, these are better characterized as d i f f e r i n g exegetical approaches to the single Mahayana concept of universal "Empti-ness," r a t h e r than as d i s t i n c t schools. These ten approaches are t r a d i -t i o n a l l y c l a s s i f i e d as either favoring "Being" or "Non-being," based on t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the statement in the Prajnaparamita sutras that a l l dharmas are "empty" ^ " > £ ^ ^ • It i s i n t e r e s t i n g , though not sur-p r i s i n g , t h a t t h i s p o l a r i z a t i o n mirrors the basic standpoints of the two branches of hsuan-hsOeh--the Wang Pi branch emphasizing "Non-being" and the Hsiang/Kuo branch emphasizing "Being." 33 Not much s u r v i v e s of the o r i g i n a l substance of these schools of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n beyond t h e i r names. Among them are Tao-an's "Theory of O r i g i n a l N o n - B e i n g " ^ . ^ | j L , Chih Tao-lin's (Chih Tun) "Theory of Mat-ter-as -Such" tPCH $£, and Chih Min-tu's "Theory of Non-existence of Mind" '^'tttk (which was l a t e r propagated by Chu Fa-wen ii. ( ^ ) as the "Theory of the Non-existence of (conscious) Thought"). The l a t t e r theory, which, a c c o r d i n g to ZUrcher, survived u n t i l the early f i f t h century when i t was consigned to o b l i v i o n by the wave of i n t e r e s t i n Kumarajiva's t r a n s l a t i o n s , i d e n t i f i e s sunyata as the subjective q u a l i t y of the mind of the Sage rather than as an objective f a c t of r e a l i t y . The mind of the Sage was regarded as a void, equivalent to the void which i s at the root of a l l dharmas. Chih Min-tu, a c c o r d i n g to ZUrcher, 2 4 appears to have accepted that objects of sense e x i s t and interpreted sunyata as a mere d e s c r i p t i v e designation of the mind of the Sage. In t h i s sense the "Theory of the Non-existence of Mind" must be c l a s s i f i e d as affirming "Being." S i m i l a r -l y , i n descriptions of Chih Tun's "Theory of Matter-as-Such" the p o i n t i s made t h a t matter (rupa) need not be evacuated i n order to ponder the Truth. "I hold that 'matter as such i s Emptiness, and t h a t matter does not need to be eliminated ( i n order to reach) Emptiness.'" 2* Basing t h e i r arguments on d i f f e r e n t Hinayana t r e a t i s e s , o t h e r s c h o o l s such as the "Establishment of Truth , based on the Satya-s i d d h i t r e a t i s e and the ChU-she, based on the Abhidharmakosa," assumed oppposite poles i n t h i s debate—the former denying and the l a t t e r a f f i r m i n g both dharmas and ego. The d i s t i n c t i o n seems to have been l a r g e -ly one of perspective and mental a t t i t u d e . From the hypothetical perspec-t i v e of an unchanging construct such as "Emptiness," a l l worldly phenomena 34 and s u b j e c t i v e thought are but a momentary c o i n c i d e n c e of causes and, therefore, have no substance in themselves. On the o t h e r hand, i f t h e r e i s no c o n s c i o u s attachment to or a p p r e c i a t i o n of matter as having sub-stance of i t s own, then matter becomes e f f e c t i v e l y e q u i v a l e n t to "Empti-ness." Anything consciously created i s susceptible to negation but what i s , or comes into being, of i t s e l f , may be seen to l i e i n the realm of the A b s o l u t e . The debate was eventually obviated by the doctrine of the "Mid-dle Path" which d i s q u a l i f i e d both sides and prescribed a median course be-tween "Being" and "Non-being," samsara and nirvana. We see i n Chih Tun's w r i t i n g s the f i r s t movements away from t h i s u n c o n s t r u c t i v e debate over "Being" and "Non-being" toward an af f i r m a t i o n of a higher t r u t h , encompassing both of these. I have a l r e a d y mentioned that by his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , "Emptiness" i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the mind of the subject, rather than the object. He extends t h i s e l i m i n a t i o n of con-s c i o u s thought to i t s l i m i t i n his description of "exhaustive Non-being" j i l ^ » i n which "(even) the Mystery ( i . e . , the h i g h e s t t r u t h of "Non-being") has been f o r g o t t e n . . ."27 and there i s simply no mentation ^ / c ^ . This development mirrors the negation of the ideas of "Non-being" as well as "Being" put f o r t h i n the Madhyamika system and was probably f i r s t expressed i n China by Chuang-tzu whose own penchant f o r n e g a t i o n i s well recognized. Chih Tun emphasized the changelessness of the mind of the Sage and his e t e r n a l l y stored potential which endows him with unlimited capacity to respond. This conception i s , of course, d i r e c t l y traceable to the Tao-te- c h i n g . Because of h i s stand i n favor of "Matter-as-such." he came into c o n f l i c t with YU Fa-k'ai T>£tWI (310-370), whose theory of "Stored 35 Consciousness" s t r e s s e d the i l l u s o r y nature of a l l dharmas. For Yd F a - K ' a i , the "Three Realms" — ^ (appetites, forms and the formless (thought)) comprised a monumental dream, punctuated by l i f e and death, from which one had to be a w a k e n e d ^ (bodhi) to the only real realm of "Empti-ness." "Stored consciousness" i s the i l l u s o r y perception of l a s t i n g r e a l -i t y mistakenly arrived at by the snare of conscious thought as the " s p i r -i t " meets with conditions within the "Three Realms." Like the ideas of Chih Tun, those of YU Fa K'ai were an important influence on Tsung Ping. The dream-quality of l i f e v i s - a - v i s the awaken-ing of bodhi and the r e c o g n i t i o n of "consciousness"^, , independent of " s p i r i t " y e t i n h e r i t e d along with i t , are echoed in the Ming-fo-lun. According to T'ang Yung-t'ung, i t i s probable that the name t r a d i t i o n a l l y a s c r i b e d to YU Fa-K'ai's theory o r i g i n a t e d in the "Ming-fo-lun."28 For both thinkers, as throughout the history of e a r l y Chinese Buddhism, the " s p i r i t " was recognized as a permanent stamp of the individual which may be clouded by f a l s e conclusions c o n t a i n e d i n the consciousness but which i s i t s e l f pure and e t e r n a l . In addition to such theoretical discussions derived from the synthe-s i s of Prajnaparamita and hsUan-hsueh themes, two aspects of Buddhist practice for the most part outside of the a r i s t o c r a t i c experience of the d o c t r i n e might be mentioned. These are the dhyana and devotional or s a l -v a t i o n a l components of the doctrine. Dhyana —"meditation"--had been the most important aspect of Chinese Buddhist p r a c t i c e i n i t s e a r l i e s t p e r i o d . Dhyana t e x t s were among the e a r l i e s t to be t r a n s l a t e d , probably owing to the i n t e r e s t among the p r a c t i t i o n e r s of r e l i g i o u s Taoism i n b r e a t h i n g e x e r c i s e s and other such meditative d i s c i p l i n e s . However, due 36 to the knotty nature of the Indian t e x t s , dhyana i n China f i r s t went through a process of s i n i c i z a t i o n before the emergence of the Chinese Ch 'an s e c t i n the eighth century. While meditation plays a l i m i t e d role in the a c t i v i t i e s of the learned southern Chinese monks of the fourth cen-t u r y such as Chu Tao-ch'ien, Ytl Fa-K'ai and Chih Tun, i t remained a regu-l a r feature of monastic l i f e . Based on the texts on which Tao-an comment-ed, i t i s l i k e l y t h a t dhyana was the focus of his attention during his residence "north of the r i v e r " from 349-365. It i s evident from a commen-t a r y Chih Tun wrote to the An-pan shou-i ching , an early dhyana text, that he was also concerned with t h i s aspect of Buddhist prac-t i c e . Dhyana techniques are alluded to in the Ming-fo-lun as w e l l . Devotional or salvational Buddhism was a l s o a secondary aspect of the d o c t r i n e during t h i s period but one which was on the r i s e and i t s i n -fluence i s r e a d i l y recognizable i n the Ming-fo-lun, as I w i l l describe be-low. This aspect of Buddhist p r a c t i c e s t r e s s e s the value of f a i t h i n b r i n g i n g to bear the saving power of the Buddha. This was eventually ex-pressed in the b e l i e f of the "Pure-land" i'^ j£_ sect that i f one once u t -t e r s the name of Amitabha (A-mi-t'o-fo) he w i l l be guaranteed r e b i r t h i n the "Western P a r a d i s e . " The basis for t h i s b e l i e f comes from the Pure- l a n d S c r i p t u r e (SukhavatTvyuha) in which Amitabha, as yet a bodhisattva named Dharmakara made f o r t y - e i g h t vows to be f u l f u l l e d upon his attainment of buddhahood. His eighteenth vow i s to a s s i s t anyone who harbors a s i n -cere desire f o r enlightenment and has meditated on h i s name. The f i r s t recorded instance of a public pledge of f a i t h in Amitabha took place among Hui-ytlan and h i s followers, including Tsung Ping, i n 402. 2 9 Marking the founding of the "Pure-land" school i t r e p r e s e n t s a landmark i n Chinese 37 Buddhism and r e f l e c t s the pe c u l i a r emphasis on devotional Buddhism on Mt. Lu. The i n s t i t u t i o n of monastic l i f e , 3 0 transplanted to Chinese s o i l , i s another important aspect of the doctrine in the context of Chinese t r a d i -t i o n and thought. In keeping with the Buddhist p r e s c r i p t i o n to break o f f t i e s with the world and engage i n contemplation of a transcendant realm i n t r a n q u i l and austere surroundings, monasteries, which provide such favor-able conditions for the practi c e of the Buddhist "Path," began to s p r i n g up on many of the mountains which were t r a d i t i o n a l l y i d e n t i f i e d with the s p i r i t u a l quests of sylphs and recluses. The independence from s e c u l a r l i f e and authority symbolized by such remote, mountain, centers as Mt. Lu J _ i ( i n present-day K i a n g s i ) and Mt. Yang"lXP J J ( i n present-day northern Chekiang) and the monks' custom of neglecting to bow before secu-l a r potentates may have kindled many Chinese suspicions of insubordination on the part of the sangha but was undoubtedly of great value i n a t t r a c t i n g Chinese followers as we l l . The choice of l i v i n g i n retirement or, f o r the more e c c e n t r i c , as a r e c l u s e , was a respected one both in Confucian and Taoist t r a d i t i o n s . Legendary recluses had found the key to immortality on such mountains and flown to "Heaven" on the backs of dragons. Such feats did not happen under men's noses but required long y e a r s , spent alone on mountain crags, r e f i n i n g mind and body. Tsukamoto Zenryu wrote: The Buddhist church, . . . an or g a n i z e d movement . . . q u i t e beyond the world of p o l i t i c s and the Confucian e t h i c , was making a v a i l a b l e to a l l , even to poor gentry of modest family ... a road leading to the attitude of l i f e maintained by those very recluses, that of a 'quest for the Way.'"31 I have already described the p o l i t i c a l maelstrom of the Chin which induced many young members of the gentry to choose to abstain from holding 38 off ice and to l ive in retirement, cultivating learning and artistic pur-suits rather than "selling out" to the unprincipled "establishment." The Buddhist monasteries offered such principled and searching members of the gentry a legitimate choice of participation in a community which could not be implicated in the shameful po l i t ica l goings-on. Moreover, by their emphasis on self-cultivation toward a distant goal, the monastic commun-ities also carried on the Chinese tradition of personal struggle, heedless of hardship, in the name of principle. These themes are all clearly ev i -dent in Tsung Ping's position in the Ming-fo-lun. To those who disdained politics in any form--honest or corrupt,--and sought only personal perfec-tion (which, amid the Taoist tide of the period, must have been a strong impulse) the monasteries also offered a refuge and discipl ine through which they could pursue their personal goals. All of these needs of the times were addressed by the monasteries. The model for al l other southern Chinese monasteries of the period was the Tung-lin-ssu ^ L 7 b k ^ in Hsdnyang^ $ | (the modern Chiu-chiang j\iX-) wherein Hui-ytlan and his co-religionists cultivated the Buddhist ideal of being "stranger(s) [living] beyond the world [of men ] . " 3 2 The eminence of Hui-ytlan and the recognition his community received for its pure conduct are attested to by numerous offerings of gifts and personal visits by high officials to the monastery and by the exemption of the com-munity in proposals to "select" the clergy. Huan HsUan^QX (369-404) honored Hui-ytlan with a visit in 399 even though his enemy, Yin Chung-k'an J§3{qShad also been a guest of the monastery. Liu Ytl, the founder of the Liu Sung, sent a letter and gifts to Hui-ytlan, also unperpturbed that Hui-ytlan had earlier met with the rebel leader Lu H s ( l n J | . When Huan 39 Hslian proposed a screening of the sahgha in around 400 to eliminate sus-pected insincere monks, he singled out the community at Mt. Lu f o r exemp-tion from t h i s measure. Thus, the Tung-lin-ssu was regarded as a d i s i n t e r e s t e d party i n the p o l i t i c a l i n t r i g u e s of the day and i t s stated intention to remain detached from w o r l d l y l i f e was respected. Such a community free of accountability for the p o l i t i c a l s t r i f e of the times and rigorous i n the c u l t i v a t i o n of moral purity and s p i r i t u a l growth was i d e a l l y suited to the tastes of d i s -affected Chinese i n t e l l e c t u a l s of the period. In addition to Tsung P i n g , who i s s a i d to have spent f i f t y days at the monastery i n 402, other mem-bers of the southern Chinese gentry drawn to Mt. Lu for varying periods of time were L i u Ch 'eng-chih M\ ^§-2- , Chou Hstl-chih Z , and Lei Tz'u-tsung )Xl~%. . Independent of t h i s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the Tung-lin ssu as o f f e r i n g an a l t e r n a t i v e to p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l l i f e , what were the main t h r u s t s of Buddhist thought and practice i n the monastery? In t h i s re-gard, devotional and salvational aspects of the doctrine can be considered d i s t i n c t i v e elements of the r e l i g i o u s l i f e i n the monastery. ZUrcher states that representations and v i s u a l i z a t i o n of various d e i t i e s were per-v a s i v e a s p ects of Buddhist l i f e on Mt. Lu. He draws a p a r a l l e l between t h i s emphasis on visual representations of buddhas and b o d h i s a t t v a s and the c u l t of M a i t r e y a , p o p u l a r i z e d by Tao-an during h i s r e s i d e n c e i n Hsiangyang. Maitreya, the f u t u r e Buddha, was p a r t i c u l a r l y valued as a source of i n s p i r a t i o n and guidance i n the exegesis of texts. In the hope of securing the permanent i n s p i r a t i o n of Maitreya, Tao-an gathered togeth-er seven of h i s f o l l o w e r s before an image of the deity and they j o i n t l y 40 vowed to be reborn 1n the tu§ita heaven. The doctrinal basis f o r t h i s f a i t h was found i n sutras already a v a i l a b l e in Chinese i d e n t i f y i n g Maitre-ya as the f u t u r e Buddha, w i l l i n g to help others reach enlightenment and defer his own attainment of nirvana. This r i t u a l , performed by Tao-an and h i s f o l l o w e r s , i s s i m i l a r to the vow, mentioned above, made by Hui-ytlan and his followers before an image of the buddha Amitabha. In both c a s e s , the f a i t h f u l appeal to the image of a buddha or bodhisattva to aid them i n t h e i r quest for enlightenment. In addition to using representations as objects of worship there was also the e f f o r t to v i s u a l i z e Buddhist d e i t i e s through meditation or trance (samadhi) — ^ • The method of i n d u c i n g the Buddha to appear adapted from the Po-chou-san-mei-ching j?Q £\ =_ Qfc&£ did not f i r s t require the attainment of supernatural f a c u l t i e s through years of Hinayanistic medita-t i o n and trance but was accessible to laymen as well as monks. By means of the "majestic s p i r i t " ^ ^ of the Buddha as well as the e l i m i n a t i o n of any thoughts of material comforts f o r three months and the accumulated merit of the devotee, the Buddha could be made to appear a f t e r a number of days spent i n c o n c e n t r a t e d meditation. This conception of the Buddha as w i l l i n g and able to respond to appeals from the f a i t h f u l by appearing and i n s p i r i n g t h e i r " s p i r i t s " with his own i s a central theme of the Ming-fo- lun. In such statements as "with devout w i l l , meditating upon him he w i l l a p p e a r , " 3 3 the Ming-fo-1 un s t r e s s e s repeatedly the importance of such a l i n e of communication with the Buddha, as Hui-ytlan promoted through r i t u a l and personal c u l t i v a t i o n , through which the saving medicine of the Buddha could be applied. 41 This tendency at the Tung-Hn-ssu toward devising ways so that devo-tees, " l i v i n g i n the home" could gain the reassurance of the Buddha and the promise of a good r e b i r t h , mirrors the increased acceptance and i n t e -gration of Buddhism i n Chinese society under Hui-ydan's tutelage. The doc-t r i n e was no longer the exclusive domain of r e c l u s i v e a s c e t i c s p r a c t i c i n g t h e i r yogic exercises in seclusion but had become a social a c t i v i t y geared toward family l i f e as well as monastic communities. For t h i s reason, and i n keeping with the r i s e of the Mahayana i n the l a t t e r fourth-early f i f t h c enturies, such methods as the use i n r i t u a l of the image of Amitabha, mentioned above, became a c e n t r a l p a r t of the exercise of the Buddhist f a i t h . The general themes of the Madhyamika school, introduced by Kumara-jTva's t r a n s l a t i o n of the Ta-chih tu-lun (completed i n 406), of working toward the salvation of a l l mankind and of g a i n i n g the guidance of the Buddha without undergoing the exhaustive r i g o r s demanded i n the Hinayana t r a d i t i o n p a r a l l e l the p a r t i c u l a r brand of Buddhist p r a c t i c e promoted by Hui-y (Jan. An i n q u i r y conducted by Hui-ytlan i n a series of l e t t e r s to Kumara-j ? v a i n t o the q u a l i t i e s of the dharmakaya ("dharma-body")—the uncondi-ti o n a l form of the Buddha as the embodiment of "Emptiness"--also i l l u -s t r a t e s Hui-yUan's concern over the establishment of a concrete represen-t a t i o n of the Buddha which might aid i n the propagation of the d o c t r i n e . J u s t as the p h i l o s o p h i c a l T a o i s t s and hsdan-hsdeh thinkers depicted the Sage-ruler as p e r f e c t l y harmonized with the "Path" and i n v u l n e r a b l e to "Change" or as the embodiment of "Non-being" which i s the root of a l l "Being," Hui-y(Jan sought a d e s c r i p t i o n of the q u a l i t i e s of the body of the Buddha. Through the p a i r i n g of concepts from T a o i s t p h i l o s o p h y with 42 Buddhist notions a c e r t a i n conception of the Buddha, approximate as i t may have been, had already been e n v i s i o n e d by Chinese B u d d h i s t s . For ex-ample, the nirvana of the Buddha was likened to the "non-ado" of the Tao-i s t Sage, as mentioned above. But the Buddhist s u t r a s spoke of the ex-t i n c t i o n of the worldly form upon achieving ni rvana and f a i l e d to c l e a r l y explain the o r i g i n of the body in which the Buddha manifested h i m s e l f be-f o r e the hosts of bodhisattvas in such spectacles as are described in the Lotus Sutra. Hui-ytlan and his colleagues puzzled over how the Buddha would show himself to his followers, i n what sense h i s body would possess the t h i r t y - t w o marks of buddhahood and other such r i d d l e s r e s u l t i n g partly from confusion with Taoist concepts and p a r t l y from the i n t r i n s i c d i f f i -c u l t y of the concept of "dharma-body." In the end, KumarajTva's "answers" were of l i t t l e help but Hui-ytlan's i n t e r e s t in t h i s topic i l l u s t r a t e s the c a r r y - o v e r of Taoist-hstlan-hstleh issues into Buddhist inquiry. This em-phasis on the Buddha's physical form and manifestation i s also e v i d e n t i n the Ming-fo-lun. The above areas of i n t e r e s t as well as other concerns, such as the improvement of the c o l l e c t i o n of vinaya texts a v a i l a b l e in Chinese, repre-sent the a c t i v i t i e s of the community at Mt. Lu within the Buddhist frame-work. However, i n keeping with his mission to popularize the doctrine, the bulk of Hui-ytlan's own w r i t i n g s are not commentaries or explanations of s p e c i f i c Buddhist concepts but are more of an a p o l o g e t i c and e v a n g e l i c a l nature. One of h i s most famous t r e a t i s e s seeks to e x p l a i n why monks should not be required to pay homage to the secular r u l e r . 3 4 In addition, much t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese scholarship, including hstlan-hstleh and Confucian 43 s t u d i e s , was a l s o c a r r i e d on under Hui-ytlan's patronage at Mt. Lu. Hui-yllan's f i r s t l o v e , as a boy, had been the Confucian r i t e s and l a t e r , as the Buddhist patriarch of the Tung-lin-ssu, he e x p l a i n e d the " r i t u a l o f the mourning garments" 3 5 to one of his lay d i s c i p l e s . By his i l l u m i n a t i o n of c e r t a i n Buddhist ideas before a sometimes h o s t i l e Chinese audience, and his sponsorship of secular as well as Bud-d h i s t s t u d i e s , Hui-yilan helped to forge a synthesis between elements of devotional and philosophical Buddhism and Chinese t r a d i t i o n . The emphasis he p l a c e d on the physical form of the Buddha suggests the r i s e of the de-votional and Mahayanistic aspects of the d o c t r i n e but a l s o m i r r o r s the p r e o c c u p a t i o n of hstian-hstleh thinkers with the person of the Sage-ruler and his transcendant a t t r i b u t e s . His fervent a p o l o g e t i c and e v a n g e l i c a l work both buoyed the d o c t r i n e and c o n t r i b u t e d to i t s adaptation to the s p e c i f i c needs and i n t e r e s t s o f the Chinese g e n t r y . The T u n g - l i n - s s u monastery served as refuge and o u t l e t f o r the energies of d i s i l l u s i o n e d gentry. Tsung Ping c a r r i e d on the work of his mentor of p r o p a g a t i n g the so c a l l e d "new" doctrine i n the face of outwardly c o n f l i c t i n g t r a d i t i o n a l solutions and i n so doing suggests to the modern student the tendencies i n Chinese thought of the p e r i o d and the f e l t d e f i c i e n c i e s in t r a d i t i o n a l approaches which these new tendencies sought to r e c t i f y . 44 Notes Chapter Three 1 While t h i s i s the accepted t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n , Professor Hurvitz theorizes that the o r i g i n a l name of t h i s Central Asian monk was^($ \S which i s the Chinese t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n of Buddhabhadra and over time the f e l l out. This being the case the appropriate reading of Sff i n t h i s context i s ch'eng rather than teng. 2 Erik ZUrcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1959), p. 181. "He was introduced to the 'barbarian' w a r l o r d , an i n t e l -l i g e n t but completely i l l i t e r a t e man who had begun his career as a slave, and who was deeply impressed by Teng's magic and mantic a r t s , e s p e c i a l l y by his g i f t to predict the issue of his b a t t l e s . " 3 ZUrcher, p. 137. 4 ZUrcher, p. 190. 5 ZUrcher, p. 311. 6 Hou-han-shu, 60B.18b. 7 Tsukamoto Zenryu Chugoku Bukkyo t s U s h i \ § " i " t u L V . 1 (Tokyo: Suzuki Grakujutsu Zaidan, 1968) (Approx. p. 69 i n a soon to be published t r a n s l a t i o n by Leon Hurvitz). 8 In the t e x t of the Ming-fo-lun Taisho text #2101, p. 9c22-23, we fi n d "Of such as the Paths of Lao-tzu and Chuang Chou and the techniques of Sung, Ch'iao and the a s s s o r t e d s y l p h s , t r u l y these can cleanse the heart and nourish the body." Sung i s Ch'ih Sung ( ^ ) - - s a i d to have been a contemporary of Shen Nung 7 ^ || --and C h ' i a o ^ i s Wang-tzu 3L -5- Ch'iao--the e l d e s t son^ of the Chou King L i n g ^ . . In the Huai- nan-tzu, "Ch ' i-su-shun" 2£L4& I'll they are described as p r a c t i t i o n e r s of br e a t h i n g e x e r c i s e s . The Lun-heng g^Hj "Wu-hsing" "Ss chapter de-scribes them as "fond of the Path, they became immortaMLb . They c r o s s e d beyond the world and di d not die." Wang Ch'ung adds, "These, as well , are f i c t i t i o u s . " 9 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 10c20-21. 1 0 deBary ( E d . ) , The Buddhist T r a d i t i o n , (New York: Random House, 1972), p. 78. 1 1 deBary (Ed.), p. 144. 45 1 2 deBary (Ed.), p. 78. 1 3 deBary ( E d . ) , p. 97, as t r a n s l a t e d from the L a i i t a v i s t a r a , 13.175-77. 1 4 T a o - t e - c h i n g , chapter 16, trans. Wing-tsit Ch'an, A Source Book In Chinese Philosopny ( P r i n c e t o n : Princeton University Press, 1963), p. vn~. 15 Tao-te-ching, chapter 20, trans. Ch'an, p. 150. 1 6 Tao-te-ching, chapter 22, trans. Ch'an, p. 151. 1 7 deBary (Ed.), p. 97, translated from the DharmasahgTtisutra. 1 8 Tao-te-ching, chapter 2, trans. Ch'an, p. 140. 19 Tao-te-ching, chapter 22, trans. Ch'an, p. 151. 2 0 deBary, ( E d . ) , p. 104, t r a n s l a t e d from the A$tasahasrika P.p., 7.170-71. 21 Tao-te-ching, chapter 10, trans. Ch'an, p. 144. 2 2 Tao-te-ching, 14.^- 'V£. also occurs i n the Ming-fo-lun, Taisho V. 52, p. 10c24. 2 3 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 15al8. 2 4 ZUrcher, p. 102. 2 5 ZUrcher, p. 123. 2 6 deBary, (Ed.), p. 142. 2 7 ZUrcher, p. 124. 2 8 T'ang Yung-t'ung, Han-wei liang-chin nan-pei-ch'ao fo-chiao-shih ^ff & ^ S ^ i f e J M M f c 3&_d£ (Peking: China Library, 1955), V. 2, p. Zbb. 2 9.ZUrcher, p. 219. 3 0 In defense of the uses of the terms "monastery" and "monastic community," c e r t a i n l y the one i m p l i c a t i o n of the term " m o n k " — l i v i n g a c e l i b a t e l i f e f o r r e l i g i o u s reasons—was met by the members of at l e a s t Tao-an's and Hui-yUan's r e l i g i o u s establishments. Both of these masters devoted much energy toward securing complete versions of the vinaya. The beginnings of such a code of monastic d i s c i p l i n e were a l r e a d y p r a c t i c e d under Tao-an's auspices and l a t e r c a r r i e d on and supplemented by Hui-yUan on Mt. Lu (ZUrcher, 1959, p. 229). As communities of monks these Buddhist centers q u a l i f y to be c a l l e d "monasteries" or "monastic communities." 46 3 1 Tsukamoto Zenryu Chugoku Bukkyo tsushi I M i L ^k)i|L$L V. 1 (Tokyo: Suzuki Grakujutsu Zaidan, 1968) (Approx. p. 172 i n a soon to be published t r a n s l a t i o n by Leon Hurvitz). 3 2 ZUrcher, p. 211. 3 3 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 14al6. 3 4 Trans. Hurvitz as "Render Unto Caesar i n Early Chinese Buddhism," Sino-Indian Studies, V. 5, 3/4 (1957), pp. 80-114. A part of the L i - c h i , ZUrcher, p. 231. 47 Chapter Four The Author: Tsung Ping I have located biographies of Tsung Ping of varying lengths in four separate c o l l e c t i o n s : The Sung-shu ^ * ^ , the Nan-shih ^ ^ , The Lu-shan-chi j _ ( %^ (Mt. Lu Annals) and the Lien-she-kao-hsien-chuan ^ "v^ which the v e r s i o n in the Sung-shu i s the most complete. I have included tr a n s l a t i o n s of the f i r s t and t h i r d of these i n the Appendix to t h i s chapter. ZUrcher and Ch'en place Tsung Ping's dates a t 375-443, c o r r e s p o n d i n g to the data provided i n the Sung-shu, which states that he died at the age of 69 in the 20th year of yUan-chia 7^7% (443). The Lu-shan-chi and the Lien-she kao-hsien-chuan biograph-ies agree on his age at death but date the unfortunate event f o u r y e a r s l a t e r i n the 24th y e a r of yUan-chia (447). While I am not c e r t a i n of the documents on which these l a t t e r two biographies are based, since the Sung-shu biography, of the four, i s the most complete and contemporary chronicle of Tsung Ping's l i f e , i t probably o f f e r s the most r e l i a b l e data with regards to his dates. A l l f our b i o g r a p h i e s agree that Tsung Ping came from a family of prominent o f f i c i a l s . One of his ancestors was a "Grand A d m i n i s t r a t o r " and h i s f a t h e r , a " P r e f e c t " ^ . Tsung Ping's sons and brothers also took t h e i r places in o f f i c i a l d o m but Tsung P i n g , throughout h i s l i f e , shunned o f f i c i a l appointment. The Sung biography l i s t s eight separate instances of Ping's refusing to accept o f f i c i a l employment in a v a r i e t y of positions ranging from "Master of R e c o r d s " a n d "Grand Administrator f o r M i l i t a r y S t a f f " A M ^ # ^ t o "Secretary" 48 and bodyguard to the Crown Prince. The appointments were made by such preeminent i n d i v i d u a l s as Liu YU (p r i o r to his becoming the Sung Wu ^ emperor i n 420) and the Emperor and princes of the realm a f t e r the pass-ing of the mandate to the Liu c l a n . But against t h i s vigorous campaign to draw him into the employ of the r u l e r he he l d s t e a d f a s t l y to the t i c pursuits, often i n r u s t i c surroundings, over the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and comforts of the court. Tsung Ping i s celebrated i n the biographies for his t a l e n t with the lute and brush and for his s k i l l i n "elucidating p r i n c i p l e s " % 5S . • He i s r e c o g n i z e d as one of China's f i r s t great gentleman painters. T r i b -utes to his enjoyment of nature are a l s o common f e a t u r e s of the f o u r b i o g r a p h i e s . The r u r a l landscape of rocky crags and mountain streams was his preferred element. He was also not averse to such a simple en-t e r p r i s e as farming to which h i s f a m i l y was reduced during f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s following the early deaths of two of his brothers. In the l a s t s e c t i o n of the Ming-fo-lun, in recounting his impressions during a stay at Mt. Lu, Tsung Ping praises the p u r i t y and hidden p o t e n t i a l o f the natural environment in which Hui-yUan l i v e d and taught. The teaching of the divine b r i g h t n e s s , deep w i t h i n mountain crags and f o r e s t s , was f r e q u e n t l y imparted to me. Among c l i f f - t o p trees and moutain streams, [though] dim, [his teach-ings] have a source. The expression of his words s t r i k e s peo-ple with awe."l After Tsung Ping was old and could no longer v i s i t the famous moun-ta i n s , he painted them on the walls of his room and said, "strumming the l u t e and p l a y i n g music, [ I ] hope to cause the hosts of mountains to i d e a l of the "gentleman i n hiding" ^ - j r » valuing s p i r i t u a l and a r t i s -49 e c h o . " 2 Tsung Ping discovered i n these rugged mountain landscapes, f a r from the hustle and bustle of the towns, an inexhaustible source of sus-tenance f o r the s p i r i t . In such surroundings, he pursued Buddhist and hstian-hstleh speculation into the eternal l i f e of the " s p i r i t " and e x i s -tence on a grander scale than was possible in the short span of w o r l d l y l i f e . To the t r a d i t i o n a l roles of recluse and "gentleman i n hiding" and t h e i r incumbent emphasis on the natural and s p i r i t u a l r a t h e r than con-s c i o u s l y - c r e a t e d sphere, Tsung Ping introduced the Buddhist concepts of samsara and universal t r u t h . The natural settings of Tsung Ping's cabin in the Three Rivers area of Chi angling > l f ^ and, l a t e r , on Mt. Heng provided the backdrop f o r h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l forays into the depic-tions of absolute r e a l i t y i n Buddhist law. Moreover, Tsung Ping's a r -t i s t i c and i n t e l l e c t u a l p u r s u i t s i l l u s t r a t e the emphasis he placed on s p i r i t u a l c u l t i v a t i o n over worldly riches or p r e s t i g e . Toward the goal of exhaustive s p i r i t u a l development, the doctrines of the Buddha offered the most comprehensive and extensive guide. Thus, i t can be c o n c l u d e d , based on his mode of l i f e and a r t i s t i c / i n t e l l e c t u a l pursuits that he was c h i e f l y attracted to the "Law of the Buddha" as a program f o r the c u l t i -v a t i o n of the " s p i r i t " which went beyond the n a t u r a l i s t i c teachings of the Lao-tzu which advocate adherence to one's inner nature and charted the course of the " s p i r i t " through countless l i f e t i m e s leading to i t s exhaustive refinement. While Tsung Ping became a follower of Hui-ytlan and a lay Buddhist devotee, he remained strongly rooted to Chinese t r a d i t i o n and customs. As a young man he was recognized by the people of his v i l l a g e for the thoroughness with which he c a r r i e d out the r i t u a l mourning practices f o r 50 h i s p a r e n t s . It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that a number of Hui-yUan's o t h e r l a y d i s c i p l e s and Hui-ytlan himself also exhibited a strong i n t e r -e s t , both i n t e l l e c t u a l and p r a c t i c a l , i n the mourning r i t e s . The study of the mourning r i t e s was the main thrust of Lei Tz'u-tsung's (386-448) a c t i v i t i e s on Mt. Lu. Chou HsU-chih also displayed a l i v e l y i n t e r e s t i n the " r i t e s concerning the mourning garments" 3 though his f i r s t i n t e r e s t was i n the Buddhist doctrine. For Tsung Ping, as for Hui-ytlan, s t r i c t observance and i n t e r e s t i n mourning r i t u a l s seem to have been most s t r o n g l y expressed early in t h e i r respective l i v e s . The f a c t of t h e i r i n t e r e s t s and the i n t e r e s t s of other members of the community at Mt. Lu i n such r i t e s i l l u s t r a t e s the connections which these men continued to maintain with Confucian teachings. Moreover, i n the s y n t h e s i s of Bud-d h i s t and indigenous t r a d i t i o n s into a d i s t i n c t i v e l y Chinese doctrine, i t i s not surprising that aspects of the indigenous t r a d i t i o n s wholly i n v o l v e d with the passage from l i f e to death, such as the mourning r i t e s , would capture the a t t e n t i o n of Chinese students of a d o c t r i n e which opens to examination the mystery shrouding t h i s passage. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that today i n Taiwan and Japan the a p p l i c a t i o n o f the Buddhist d o c t r i n e to the ceremonies marking a death i s among the most pervasive aspects of the doctrine and the prescriptions c o n c e r n i n g the numbers of monks to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the service and the i n t e r v a l s at which services are performed are s t r i c t l y obeyed. As has been stated above, Tsung Ping was actually only destined to spend f i f t y days i n Hui Ytlan's company before being s p i r i t e d back to Nanp'ing ^ at an older brother's i n s i s t e n c e . Other gentry devotees such as L i u Ch'eng-chih and Chou HsU-chih spent many years at Mt. Lu. 51 Also, unlike Chou Hsll-chih, Tsung Ping married and no mention i s made of his observance of the monastic code. Based on his admonitions voiced i n the M i ng-fo-lun against the taking of l i f e , i t i s l i k e l y that he did in f a c t observe a vegetarian d i e t . However, by his wish to "embrace the a s p i r a t i o n s o f Shang P' i n g " 4 $ i f -*\ t w n 0 set o f f wandering through the famed mountains only a f t e r seeing a l l h i s daughters s a f e l y m a r ried o f f and by his careful observance of the mourning r i t e s for his parents, i t i s c l e a r t h a t indigenous r o l e models and ideas of moral o b l i g a t i o n c o ntinued to exercise a potent influence on Tsung Ping. He i s best understood, along with many of Hui-yllan's other gentry lay f o l -lowers as representatives of the category i n t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese society of "gentleman in hiding." They embraced the new doctrine but remained e s s e n t i a l l y Chinese i n t h e i r outlooks. Judging from his ardent defense of the "Law of the Buddha" put forth in the Ming-fo-lun and in his cor-respondence with He Ch'eng-t'ien ^ ^ (370-447), Tsung Ping c l e a r l y f e l t s t r o n g l y that the new doctrine offered essential improvements over China's t r a d i t i o n a l approaches to o n t o l o g i c a l problems. However, the new Buddhist insights and t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese thought were not mutually exclusive and he remained firmly anchored to his Chinese t r a d i t i o n s and background. Tsung Ping's other writings include a series of l e t t e r s , mentioned above, exchanged with He Ch'eng-t'ien debating the ideas expressed i n the Pai -hei -1 un -£3 |B 5 ^ b y Hui-1 i n ^ j f Jjfr . This correspondence i s pres e r v e d i n the Hung-ming-chi ^ ^ ( | (Taisho", V. 52, p 17c-21c). Many of the folk legends and arguments which Tsung Ping employs i n the T r e a t i s e I l l u m i n a t i n g the Buddha to prove the e x i s t e n c e and 52 Immortality of the " s p i r i t " and i t s e f f i c a c y in bringing about miracles also appear i n these l e t t e r s . At the end of his f i r s t m i s s i v e i n t h i s s e r i e s , Tsung Ping mentions j u s t having written the Ming-fo-lun. C e r t a i n l y , a f t e r having seen h i s ( H u i - l i n ) f o o l i s h thoughts [ex p r e s s e d i n the Pai-hei-lun] , I made the Ming-fo-lun in or-der to o f f e r my feelings Lon the subject]. As I was j u s t com-pl e t i n g i t I was already d i r e c t i n g people to copy i t . * Thus, the correspondence between Tsung Ping and He Ch'eng-t'ien i s con-temporary with the Ming-fo-lun, both having been written around 433 i n response to the c o n t r o v e r s i a l Pai-hei-lun. While the Ming-fo-lun must be c o n s i d e r e d i n t h i s s p e c i f i c context, as a refu t a t i o n of the Pa i - h e i - 1 un, i t i s s t i l l a v a l u a b l e source of information when judged in the broader context as belonging to and r e f l e c t i n g the c u r r e n t s i n s e c u l a r and Buddhist thought in the period. I w i l l discuss the s p e c i f i c points of the Pai-hei -1un and Tsung Ping's defense i n Chapter Six below. Notes 1 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho", V. 52, p. 16al7-19. 2 Sung-shu, chtlan 93, and Nan-shih, chUan 75. 3 E r i k ZUrcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1959), p. 218. 4 Sung-shu and Nan-shih biographies. 5 Quoted i n : T'ang Yunq-t'ung ; j | pfc Han-wei li a n g - c h i n nan- pei -ch 'ao f o - c h i ao-shi h >|| ^ % &\ i t %&*\& #1 (Peking: China Library, 1955), V. 2, p. 433\ 53 Chapter Five About the Text: Its Dating, Summary of i t s Content  and Its Noteworthy Terminology and Usages' The dating of the text i s based on Ping's statement at the end of his f i r s t l e t t e r to He Ch'eng-t'ien, mentioned above, to the e f f e c t that he had r e c e n t l y completed the Ming-fo-lun. This l e t t e r can be dated by c o r d i n g to T'ang Yung-t'ung, 1 He Ch'eng-t'ien was "Magistrate" of Heng-. T'ang s t a t e s t h a t Yin was d i s m i s s e d from t h i s p o s i t i o n i n the n i n t h y e a r of ydan-chia (432) and had presumably not held t h i s p o s i t i o n f o r long b e f o r e t h i s . Since the l e t t e r i s l a r g e l y devoted to the P a i -hei- l u n , on t h i s basis T'ang dates both the Pai-hei-1un and the Ming-fo- lun at or around 433, with the Ming-fo-lun coming s l i g h t l y l a t e r . The Ming-fo-lun i s also known as the Treatise on the Immortality of t e x t number 2102 of the Taisho t r i p i t a k a (V. 52). It i s a c o l l e c t i o n of mostly pro-Buddhist l e t t e r s and t r e a t i s e s on the c o n t e n t i o u s i s s u e s of Hui-y"Jan's day and a number of other miscellaneous documents said to date from the E a s t e r n Han through the Liang d y n a s t i e s . I based my t r a n s l a t i o n s of the Ming-fo-lun on the Taisho e d i t i o n of the Hung-ming- c h i which reproduces the Korean block e d i t i o n of 1151 and supplies, i n Ping's reference i n i t to He Ch'eng-t'ien as He Heng-yang AC-yang at the same time as Yin Ching-jenJ^-^f. }S~ was " S u p e r v i s o r " - ^ 54 f o o t n o t e s , t e x t u a l v a r i a t i o n s with f o u r other t e x t s — t h e Sung, YUan, Ming and old Sung e d i t i o n s . The Hung-ming-chi i s f i r s t catalogued in the Ch'u san-tsang c h i - c h i with the Hung-ming-chi. In t h i s catalogue,the Hung-ming-chi i s l i s t e d as chdan which i s i t s l e n g t h i n the Taisho e d i t i o n . The content of the Hung-ming-chi, as described i n the Ch'u san-tsang c h i - c h i , was very d i f -f e r e n t from i t s content in the e d i t i o n s on which the Taisho i s based. The K'ai-ydan-lu of 793 does not l i s t the content of the work but as i t i d e n t i f i e s i t as having 14 chdan, i t i s l i k e l y that the form i n which i t existed at that time was close to the versions which are reproduced i n the T a i s h o . The f i r s t few entries i n the early catalogue and the l a t e r e d i t i o n s do, however, correspond, with the exception of the Cheng-wu-lun jE- f . ^ which i s not mentioned in the e a r l i e s t catalogue. Otherwise, ^ ^ ^ ^ • ^ J ^ , Tsung Ping's Ming-fo-lun and the correspondence between Tsung Ping and He Ch'eng T'ien are common to both. Approximately one t h i r d of the essay has been translated by Lieben-t h a l 3 but his t r a n s l a t i o n i s rather free and makes substantial additions to the spare Buddhist content of the o r i g i n a l . There i s a complete J a -panese t r a n s l a t i o n but, i n Professor Hurvitz' view, i t f a l l s below the usual standard of work done by the seminar which produced i t , and d i d not prove to be very r e l i a b l e during the process of our t r a n s l a t i o n of compiled by Seng-yu and i s contemporary 55 the t e x t . I have, however, made extensive use of the notes to t h i s Ja-panese t r a n s l a t i o n i n l o c a t i n g sources of quotes and r e f e r e n c e s , o f which the text has more than i t s share. While the T r e a t i s e I l l u m i n a t i n g the Buddha i s also known as the T r e a t i s e on the Immortality of the S p i r i t the former i s the more s u i t -able t i t l e as the essay discusses many aspects of the Buddhist d o c t r i n e i n equal balance. While i t i s a long and important example of apologe-t i c l i t e r a t u r e , I have found no s p e c i f i c references to i t in the Ency- c l o p e d i c D i c t i o n a r y of the Chinese Language <Jp y^A^I^  o r Moroha- s h i , and as mentioned above, ours, when i t appears, w i l l be the f i r s t attempt to translate the whole essay i n t o E n g l i s h . T h i s s i t u a t i o n i s p a r t l y due to the d i f f i c u l t y of the text. Many phrases, presumably be-cause of added, omitted or miscopied characters, do not r e a d i l y submit to grammatical or rhythmic a n a l y s i s . In n e a r l y a l l cases, however, t h e i r meanings are not su b s t a n t i a l l y i n doubt. At the end of th i s chap-t e r , I w i l l d i s c u s s some of the prob l e m a t i c phrases and i n t e r e s t i n g usages which we encountered as we worked through the text. While the l o g i c a l connections between phrases are at times vague, the essay as a whole i s cohesive and the arguments i t puts f o r t h , well developed. Based on the overall cohesion of the text there i s no ground for suspecting any extensive corruption. I found the essay to be r i c h in content, giving a thorough treatment of the arguments being put forth in t h i s period for and against the Buddhist quest. Rather than o f f e r i n g a f u l l annotated t r a n s l a t i o n of the text (which would run into over 200 pages) at th i s point, I w i l l summarize the text, devoting more det a i l to i t s more compelling or o r i g i n a l material and thereby give the reader a 56 good idea of the content and i n t e r e s t value of the Ming-fo-lun. In the in t e r e s t s of s i m p l i c i t y and brevity I w i l l present the summary i n the author's person. People of the world malign the teaching of the Buddha when i t ought r i g h t l y to be venerated. People harbor doubts about t h e i r a b i l i t i e s to abide by the teachings and about the teachings' legitimacy since i t was never mentioned by the sages the Duke of Chou or C o n f u c i u s . People drown i n t h e i r own doubt and i f they do not re-examine i t they r i s k the fate of descending for an e t e r n i t y rather than purely r i s i n g . The s u t r a s enhance both the concrete implications of the Confucian t e x t s and the concept of "Emptiness" of the Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu and are c e r t a i n l y the work of a sage. Chinese, l i k e Chuang-tzu's well f r o g , 4 have an u n r e a l i s t i c view of the world and t h e i r place i n i t . With the 3000 suns and moons arranged (in the heavens, forming) a network of 12,000 worlds* as i s acknowledged in the Buddhist doctrine, a truer perspective i s achieved in which the time t h a t has passed s i n c e the Yellow Emperor i s understood as but an in s t a n t . The Confucian c l a s s i c s are preoccupied with the vulgar goal of or-derly government, and ignore the exhaustive refinement of the " s p i r i t . " They r e s t r i c t themselves to the context of a single l i f e t i m e while the doctrine of the Buddha spans a myriad l i f e t i m e s . The " S p i r i t " i s t h a t which i s not fathomable^] in y i n and yang. (It does not come into being and perish i n accordance with the c y c l i c p r o cesses.) We can see t h i s in the example of Shun, who was born of an i g n o r a n t f a t h e r and was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r an unworthy son 6 but was, of 57 course, of legendary virtue himself. Secondly, even when the body i s at the point of death with s i c k n e s s , the " s p i r i t " i s o f t e n unperturbed. The " s p i r i t " i s not born of the coarse body and does not depend on i t . The Five Peaks and Four Rivers are only vast c o l l e c t i o n s of e a r t h and water respe c t i v e l y because t h e i r " s p i r i t s " are not created with them but i n s p i r e and lend themselves to the mountains, streams and rocky c r a g s , causing them to j o i n together. If the peaks crumbled and r i v e r s dried up, t h e i r " s p i r i t s " would survive. Duke Chou made offerings to the " s p i r i t s " of Wen and C h i . 7 Confu-cius s aid, "The bones return to the Earth, but there i s nowhere where the s o u l ^ j ^ j does not t r a v e l . " 8 These c i t a t i o n s contradict the case f o r a mortal " s p i r i t . " Yao was virtuous and Chi eh corrupt. But Chi eh was conscious of his own e v i l and Yao's goodness. If he had l i v e d 1000 y e a r s d u r i n g which time h i s e v i l had been punished and his goodness rewarded, would he not have i n c l i n e d toward goodness and eventually become l i k e Yao? T r a n s f o r m a t i o n s o c c u r r i n g i n darkness account f o r the d i f f e r e n t fates men meet with i n t h i s l i f e and for the variety of creatures we see on the e a r t h . The "dark t r a n s f o r m a t i o n " ^ ^ ! ) punishes e v i l and r e -wards goodness done in t h i s l i f e by d e c i d i n g the course of succeeding l i v e s . With the b r i g h t n e s s of the "Master of the Sun and Moon"9 to guide us, i t i s c l e a r that we can become Buddhas. L i f e comes from emotion. The F i v e Emperors and Three R u l e r s 1 0 overcame emotion but s t i l l followed the p r i n c i p l e of r e b i r t h u n t i l f o r them only " s p i r i t , " free of body, survived. How much more today, where 58 people are so preoccupied with emotional attachment, does the p r i n c i p l e of transmigration apply? The m i r a c l e s of the r e v e l a t i o n of the River Charts and Lo Docu-m e n t s 1 1 e t c . , are a l l the r e s u l t of the i n s p i r a t i o n of the " S p i r i t . " When the u l t i m a t e s p i r i t u a l a c t i v i t y ] § | f o f the "dharma-body" makes subtle the myriad things,no wonder i s impossible. Is i t only a matter of "sucking the wind" and " a b s t a i n i n g from g r a i n s " ? The auspicious s i g n s of the Buddha, of moving and r o t a t i n g w o r l d s 1 2 and of pouring the great ocean into a hole the diameter of a h a i r 1 3 and the many auspicious portents brought about by the Yellow Emperor, YU Shun, etc., a l l involve the vague operation of the "dark t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . " How can you accept some of t h i s evidence and not a l l ? J u s t as a form cannot c a s t i t s own shadow, emotions do not them-selves e l i c i t responses but work by the i n t e r c e s s i o n of the " S p i r i t . " The Buddhist sutras say a l l the dharmas are brought into being by inten-t i o n s . The mind i s responsible f o r Heaven and H e l l . Thus, by p u r i f y i n g the mind and emotions one w i l l c e r t a i n l y have a wondrous b i r t h in a glo-rious region. L i k e f i r e moving from one piece of wood to the next and spreading into an inferno, i t must be that each a c t i v a t i o n of the mind i s i n sub-t l e c o n t a c t ; each instance of "consciousness"^^ i s joined i n a subtle continuum. With the r e a l i z a t i o n of "Emptiness" and q u i e t i n g of the mind, the a c t i v i t y of the mind stops, emotion and consciousness are ex-hausted, and the brightness of the " s p i r i t " i s complete. The true nature of dharmas and "consciousness" i s empty—like bub-bles or l i k e the r e f l e c t i o n of the moon in a pool. Yen-tzu a p p r e c i a t e d 59 t h i s and therefore he treated "having" as though i t were "not h a v i n g . " 1 4 Sights and sounds pass i n an i n s t a n t . What i s there to l a y hold o f ? It i s extreme how t h i s " i l l u s i o n of having" blinds the " s p i r i t . " A bright mirror when clouded c a s t s a dim r e f l e c t i o n . People's " s p i r i t s " are l i k e t h i s m i r r o r . The coarse or subtle "consciousness" covers the " s p i r i t " but i t does not p e r i s h at death and i s g r a d u a l l y p u r i f i e d to transparency. This i s nirvana. The Sage i s "Emptiness" and teaches without emotion. A g r e a t many people i n antiquity became Buddhas. Someone may ask, i f the b a s i s of the " s p i r i t " i s empty, by what mechanism does i t i n i t i a l l y form connections to t h i n g s ? I f a l l t h i n g s are produced by the mind, what produced c o n d i t i o n s when only the " s p i r i t " was present? I answer that though " s p i r i t " i s f i n e and body, coarse, they act i n unison. Even vulgar people have s u b t l e c a p a c i t i e s and use them when they want to remember the past. That the mind makes a l l things has a l -ready been stated above. The explanation f o r t h i s i s the "mystery with-i n the mystery." 1 5 Chuang Chou asked, "can the s i t u a t i o n before Heaven and Earth be known?" 1 6 The " l i g h t of the s p i r i t " - ^ ^ comes from the beginningless past, from beyond the l i m i t s of our powers of r e c o l -l e c t i o n . What i s beyond our c a p a c i t i e s the Sage l e f t alone and did not d i s -c u s s . 1 7 He responds to s t i m u l i . What i s outside the s i x realms cannot i n s p i r e him so i t i s l e t be. Yii did not journey beyond the s i x prov-inces. We walk on the Earth and shoulder Heaven but what l i e s beyond i s without l i m i t and unknowable. 60 There are l i m i t s to what c r e a t u r e s ' emotions respond to. There-fore, we depend on the Sage to help us to develop "consciousness," l i k e the eyes using the l i g h t of the sun to see. But there are some things which even the eyes of Li C h u 1 8 could not see. Why doubt what i s c l e a r -l y evident and close at hand because you cannot see the d i s t a n t " b a s i s of c a u s e s " ? , ^ Someone may ask, why does the Sage not answer peoples' questions about the "beginning of causes"? The Sage does not respond to i l l e g i t i m a t e s t i m u l i . If you hold to excessive doubt you are l i k e the man who refused to allow the arrow to be p u l l e d out of him u n t i l he knew the name of the craftsman who had made i t and, a c c o r d i n g l y , d i e d . 1 9 How can a f o o l i s h doubt act to i n -spire the Buddha? The p r e s c r i p t i o n s are s u f f i c i e n t i n themselves. If one s e l f l e s s l y follows the lessons with conviction, one w i l l e v e n t u a l l y a r r i v e at the "dark U l t i m a t e . " - ^ But holding to t h i s f o o l i s h doubt w i l l bring disaster upon you. Can you a f f o r d not to choose wisely? Someone may ask, "Confucius spoke of benevolence and Lao-tzu of "non-action" but neither mentioned the p o s s i b i l i t y of a t t a i n i n g buddha-hood. Could they have d e l i b e r a t e l y obscured the Ultimate?" I answer, t h e i r teachings were in response to the times. Amid cha-os, good-order was taught. Amid the waning of the pure breeze, the Tao- t e - c h i n g was composed. But p r i v a t e l y , both Confucius and Lao-tzu c u l t i -vated the learning of non-birth. Latter day scholars never spoke of the Buddha because of d e f i c i e n c i e s i n t h e i r causal nexus. It i s not that 61 the sages d i d not understand nirvana and " d h a r m a - b o d y " ^ but only that t h e i r times did not cause them to manifest t h e i r understanding. How i s i t that from antiquity to the time of the Sages there i s no record of homage paid to the Buddha? As I have explained, the common Confucianists speak only of orderly government. Writings about what i s beyond l i f e were scattered and l o s t or otherwise p e r i s h e d in the burning of the books. It i s obvious that the "Great Path" ;?C\|§ must have been the topic of the Three D i k e s 2 0 but we can never know. They would not have spoken of benevolence w h i l e i t was abundant i n Heaven. Would Lao-tzu have taught about s i m p l i c i t y i f i t had not declined? The Three Dikes must have d e a l t with the most basic teaching, which would have been the "Law of the Buddha." The Five Emperors are described as having active " s p i r i t s " at b i r t h and soon speaking t h e i r own names.21 How do we know that they did not follow the "Path" of the Tathagata? When i t comes to the Grand H i s t o r i a n , only i n c i d e n t s involving k i l l i n g or good order were recorded. How can one decide t h a t because the p e r f e c t "Path" i s not manifest in these d e f i c i e n t works, that i t i s a l l foolishness? What i s outside the h i s t o r i c a l records i s beyond meas-ure. Po I i n the Shan-hai-ching described T'ien-chu (India) as a place where the people are compassionate and the Buddha f l o u r i s h e d . There-f o r e , s i n c e t h i s i s an ancient book, i t i s proven that Buddhism was a l -ready heard of in ancient times. Through h i s t o r y , the books have become incomplete. Tung-fang Shuo explained to the Han Wu emperor about the f i r e which e n g u l f s the world 62 at the end of a k a l p a . 2 2 L1u Hsiang l i s t e d seventy-four Buddhists in h i s L i e h - h s i e n - c h u a n . 2 3 But s c h o l a r s e x h i b i t pipe v i s i o n ^ %J[j i n these matters. In the c i t y of L i n - t z u there i s the a n c i e n t s i t e of a stupa of King Asoka. A r e l i c bone of the Buddha was found w i t h i n a s i l v e r box and a stone case.24 The practice of Buddhism in China began long before the Ming emperor. It i s j u s t that those who competed with t h e i r contem-p o r a r i e s were many and are readily evident but those of deep s i n c e r i t y were few and are hidden. I f the Buddha were a l l powerful why does he not make manifest his lustrous countenance so that a l l w i l l believe i n him? When the 60,000 men of the armies of Ch'in and Chao d i e d , 2 5 why did he stand i d l y by and not rescue them? If he can pass his body through a melon seed why was he unable to save these unfortunate s o l d i e r s , some of whom at l e a s t must have deserved better? Monks burn t h e i r bodies and break o f f the s i x cardinal r e l a t i o n -ships. In the Buddha's name, wealth i s squandered. What sense i s there to hope f o r a reward i n an uncertain, unpredictable future l i f e , assum-ing that one exists? The sutras are no d i f f e r e n t from the "Great Void" A^t^T* in f a c t , not even a f l e e t i n g response has been seen. How do we know that the Buddha was not an opportunist and t h a t h i s f o l l o w e r s are not now t r y i n g to subjugate China? Once the g u l l i b l e have been taken in who can predict the power t h i s foreign doctrine w i l l accumulate? I answer t h a t only the Buddha models the "Path" on the " S p i r i t . " Virtue and the "Path" are one. The " S p i r i t " and the "Path" are two. Since i t i s d i s t i n c t , the " S p i r i t " can i l l u m i n a t e the transcendant 63 transformation. Since i t i s One, 1t i s always u t i l i z e d and never i t s e l f created. The Buddha i s not c a l l e d the "dharma-master" because he can e f f e c t universal s a l v a t i o n , i n s p i t e of causes and conditions. He i s able to i l l u m i n a t e the "Path" but we must a l l abide by the twists and turns of our circumstances. Even Yao and Shun, whose v i r t u e was t r u l y g r e a t , c o u l d not take l i g h t l y the f l o o d w a t e r s 2 6 or the Four M a l e f a c t o r s 2 7 since each was created i n the "dark transformation." The Buddha i s no d i f f e r e n t . Those who are born i n Buddha lands had already established t h e i r w i l l s and p u r i f i e d t h e i r " s p i r i t s . " Therefore,their i n s p i r a t i o n was pen-e t r a t i n g , the Buddha shone b r i l l i a n t l y and many-jewelled pagodas rose out of the ground. 2 8 Why are the gentlemen of today unable to i n s p i r e a response? Though pure, t h e i r w i l l s are p e r v e r s e . Worse than them are those who have st r o n g emotional attachments and whose w i l l s do not l i e i n the "Path." Although r u l e r s of men, they are. minor p l a y e r s i n the "Path." If the Buddha does not appear, the f a u l t i s t h e i r own. The s p i r i t s of the 60,000 sol d i e r s were born with the u n i v e r s e and w i l l l i v e f o r e v e r . Could they be destroyed by the l i k e s of generals Ch'i and Chi? What fate awaits them i n t h e i r future l i v e s ? How can we know t h i s ? A l l natures and fates are r e c t i f i e d in the "Path" of c h ' i e n . 2 9 ^ Chickens, pigs, dogs and sheep are a l l gauged as One by ch'ien, k'un and t h e i r six progeny. 64 Now the 60,000 s o l d i e r s , may have d i f f e r e d i n terms of physical a t t r i b u t e s but they were equally g u i l t y of having eaten meat. F a l c o n s and t i g e r s must stalk t h e i r prey but people can get along on grains and vegetables. A l l g u i l t y of needlessly taking l i f e , the s o l d i e r s shared the same day of punishment. Their taking of l i f e and the r e t r i b u t i o n they received came one with the other. T h i s i s a l l recorded i n works which are taken as r e l i a b l e through the times of Han and Wei. One k i l l e d lowly people. Another k i l l e d great men,30 but the re-t r i b u t i o n i s the same. The Heavenly "Path" i s perfect j u s t i c e . The t a -l e n t e d and the d u l l are equally i t s c h i l d r e n . Therefore, even the na-ture of the lowly globefish.31 i s r e c t i f i e d in the "Path" of ch'ien. Based on the lowing cow heard by Ko L u 3 2 and the doe which moved H s i - p a , 3 3 i t i s c l e a r that there are strong attachments between animals and t h e i r kind. We would c o n s i d e r i t a tragedy i f a pregnant woman was k i l l e d and her c h i l d cut out of her but t h i s i s what i s done to animals i n the spring hunt. Heaven looks on these as equally c r u e l . Thus the sage kings taught by recourse to the kitchen to gain some lev e r a g e i n reducing the harm done. They borrowed the habits of the o t t e r s and w o l v e s 3 4 as a source of moderation. Meng-tzu lauded King Hstlan's i n s t i n c t s with r e s p e c t to the consecration of the b e l l 3 5 and knew that the former kings valued a l l l i v i n g things. The Tathagata of f u l l y r e f i n e d " s p i r i t " also treasured a l l l i v i n g things. The p r o s c r i p tion against k i l l i n g i s foremost among the p r o h i b i -t i o n s . 65 The iakya clan perished as a r e s u l t of having k i l l e d f i s h during a famine. 3 6 This attests to the power of r e t r i b u t i o n . People today have worldly beauty but no mind i n the "Path." They i n j u r e the myriad c r e a t u r e s and are themselves oppressed. This i s i n accordance with the p r i n c i p l e s . The Buddha i s conveyed on reason and saves creatures with the Law. If you do not abide by the Law, the p r i n -c i p l e , not providing f o r universal s a l v a t i o n , w i l l not save you. Through s i n c e r i t y , miracles are accomplished. Mount Sumeru i s seen i n a mustard s e e d . 3 7 With pure thoughts the Buddha can be i n s p i r e d to traverse hundreds of kalpas and appear. The "Path" l i e s i n the refinement of the " s p i r i t , " not i n the pre-servation of the body. Thus, monks o f f e r t h e i r bodies so t h a t t h e i r " s p i r i t s " can go on alone. What can be gained f o r the s e l f i f i t i s at the cost of taxing the " s p i r i t ? " People exhaust t h e i r energy i n quest of riches but i n an inst a n t t h e i r bodies have p e r i s h e d and the r i c h e s they a c q u i r e d do not s l i p through the robber's f i n g e r s . Making a p a v i l i o n and images, profound and austere, the body follows the subtle " s p i r i t " and goes f a r . Which i s superior: Robbery or the "Path"? Present good fortune r e s u l t s from commendable actions i n the past. The appearance of the Buddha i s the r e s u l t of a former a u s p i c i o u s con-f l u e n c e of c o n d i t i o n s . That today not even a f l e e t i n g response i s ob-served i s due to the lack of t h i s a u s p i c i o u s c o n f l u e n c e . But people blame the Law and c a l l i t "empty f a b r i c a t i o n . " ^ Maligning the Sage can also have i t s consequences. 66 The achievements of the Buddhist philosophers such as Nagarjuna, Deva, Asvaghosa, etc. span the centuries. Such works as the Measure of  Great Wisdom, The Middle and Hundred t r e a t i s e s a l l possess the qualit y of s p i r i t u a l penetration. Many eminent monks were p r a i s e d f o r t h e i r surpassing brightness. Did they a l l s a c r i f i c e themselves i n the service of a v i l e i n d i v i d u a l ? In I n d i a people have f i n e l y honed powers of perception, but as i n China, t h e i r t h i r s t s and desires run deep. Therefore, t h e i r a n c e s t o r s p l a c e d themselves before the Buddha and the precepts were honored over the whole land. If the p r i n c i p l e s of the Buddha were t r u l y a deception why would the people of India be w i l l i n g to conquer t h e i r desires in t h e i r name? And a f t e r having gone through the rigors, t h e i r devotion i s only increased! The "Path of good-order" ;££_£JL i s designed to preserve l i f e but l i f e i s the root of su f f e r i n g . Therefore, the many buddhas e n l i g h t e n with s u f f e r i n g and lead with non-birth. With increasing goodness, one gradually ascends and eventually mounts the bright pedestal. Today, peoples' weak f a i t h in the connection between calamity, good-fortune and the "Path of Heaven" ^  J l l i s s i m i l a r to the case where H i s t o r i a n Ch'i en was moved by Po Yi and sympathized with him. 3 8 Could the Sage, Confucius, have spoken wildly when he said that gathered good-ness brings blessings and from e v i l there w i l l come c a l a m i t y ? 3 9 But Yen Hui and Jan Po-niu were v i r t u o u s and died young. Shang Ch'en, though c o r r u p t , died a natural death i n o l d age . 4 0 These cases seem to confound the p r i n c i p l e . But could a universal Truth have excep-t i o n s ? Though the body comes and goes the e s s e n t i a l " s p i r i t " must 67 respond to conditions. Some may be expressed e a r l y , others l a t e but a l l must have t h e i r day. Human p r i n c i p l e s are r e s t r i c t e d to the scope of 100 years. Though passing through heaped kalpas they are experienced as though they are but a wink i n time. From now, i n a few more winks, another hundred years have gone by. The bodies of creatures are l i k e morning dew—lacking, as they do, in pure or l a s t i n g substance. Why take pleasure i n t h i s momentary decay and i n so doing o b s t r u c t the e s s e n t i a l " s p i r i t . " Treading on human roads one only appreciates the breadth of the"human Path. " A xfa. But c l i m b i n g the peak, the s p i r i t u a l presence of the sages i s evident. One must meditate on the distant to r e a l i z e the " s p i r i t u a l Path."""^ f$ When Confuciu s climbed Mount T'ai the world and Lu were both small .41 The F i v e C l a s s i c s 4 2 are a momentary response to a small part of the world. How can the age proscribe Buddhist law and not b e l i e v e i t ? Is i t t h a t you do not b e l i e v e i n Buddhist law because you think there i s no such t h i n g as the " l i g h t of the S p i r i t ? " If that were true what caused the dark b i r d to descend 4 3 and the giant's f o o t p r i n t to be l e f t ? 4 4 What released the auspicious portents before Han, Wei, Chin and S u n g ? 4 5 We know t h a t o u t s i d e s i g h t and h e a r i n g the " s p i r i t u a l Path" shines. In Yao's case the i n s p i r a t i o n caused by the " S p i r i t " was far-reach-i n g but what of the dancing of the 100 b e a s t s ? 4 6 Is t h i s not also i n s -p i r a t i o n by the " S p i r i t " ? 68 The most zeal o u s f u l l y r e f i n e t h e i r " s p i r i t s . " Middle achievers receive a good r e b i r t h . At the l e a s t , the e v i l d e s t i nies are avoided. Those who a r r i v e a t the Mystery are few. Those who abide by the world are many. But from the perspective of Buddhist law, t h i s body i s not the s e l f , but only a temporary resting place of the " s p i r i t . " What the Buddha opens up i s i n a c c e s s i b l e i n the world. When a wind passes through a flame i t i s warmed; through a f o r e s t , i t i s cooled. Whether or not the s p i r i t u a l e f f i c a c y i s gained or l o s t : t h ere i s a l s o t h a t on which i t depends. That one does not believe i s not the i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t of his "portion" but i s by conscious d e c i s i o n . By t r y i n g to a b s t a i n from attachments to worldly things, the truth of the Buddha's Law can be revealed. Above there are the many buddhas. Below there are the f l i t t e r i n g i n s e c t s . These are the consequences of gaining or l o s i n g the " S p i r i t . " Our l i v e s are short with half used i n sleep and even the remaining hal f tormented with i l l n e s s and worry. Because people cannot see the "root of causes" they are uninter-ested i n Buddhist p r i n c i p l e s . But the "beginning of causes" i s inacces-s i b l e to r e c o l l e c t i o n and knowing i t brings no power to move the Buddha. Might I go back and elaborate on what has been said? What the Sage d i d not c l a r i f y none can know but because of i t people abandon what can be known. You cannot remember what happened to you as an i n f a n t and that i s within a single l i f e t i m e ! T z u-lu asked about death and about s e r v i n g "ghosts and s p i r i t s " but was f r u s t r a t e d by Confucius i n each of these i n q u i r i e s . 4 7 Is 69 t h i s not because Yo was a straightforward fellow and Confucius, there-fo r e , responded to him i n terms he could understand? Although he asked, his was not a sincere i n s p i r a t i o n of the Sage. For the Buddha, also, there were questions which were not answered. L i k e a person d r i n k i n g from a stream, i t i s not necessary to know the very source o f h i s wisdom bef o r e one's t h i r s t f o r guidance can be quenched. People compete and give free rein to t h e i r passions. Though they might seek to destroy the " s p i r i t " they cannot and must r e c e i v e a new body. The myriad forms of l i f e are the m i r r o r of Y i n . 4 8 The only course i s to put f a i t h i n the Buddha and carry out the p r e s c r i p t i o n s . I f those i n p e r i l s i n c e r e l y speak the name of Avalokitesvara, they w i l l be rescued. This i s as I have described i n l i f e being protected by the " S p i r i t " and i n death, r i s i n g purely. The r u l e r busies himself from dawn to dusk but the people can only r e l y on him f o r one l i f e t i m e . How can he enrich t h e i r " s p i r i t s " and rule the myriad transformations? In sum, venerate the "Path," become enlightened to impermanence and "Emptiness" and through compassion be transformed. Is t h i s d i f f e r e n t from leading with vi r t u e and regulating with the r i t e s ? 4 ^ Formerly, Monk Hui-ytlan p u r i f i e d his karma on Mount Lu. I rested there f i f t y days. Lofty and austere was h i s study of the p r i n c i p l e s . Thus the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the " l i g h t of the s p i r i t , " was imparted to me. Its expression s t r i k e s a person with awe. 70 With one word from T' i Ying, the punishment of amputation was per-manently abolished.50 Now with my coarse words as catalyst, who can say that at death you will not transcendantly rise? I would l ike to explore the uses in the text of a number of tech-nical terms and thereby shed light on their particular connotations dur-ing the Eastern Chin-Liu Sung periods, as well as provide a new per-spective on their meanings throughout the history of Chinese thought. As I have said above, the Ming-fo-lun, while giving a long and well devel-oped treatment of its subject, is virtually ignored by the dictionaries, both Buddhist and general. This fact makes i t all the more relevant to consider its unusual usages and illustrate these with phrases from the text. Naturally at the top of the l i s t is " s p i r i t " ^^ (capitalized when a universal "Spirit" is implied), which often occurs in the compound $jjf^  . I translate this term as "essential spirit" or "fine spirit." Liebenthal renders this as "soul." LingJ|» is often used as a synonym f o r ^ ^ but in many cases i t carries another meaning of the "activity of the spirit" or "animation." For example, Tsung Ping quotes the de-scriptions in the Shih-chi of the Sage-emperors \fp !|j^ "At birth [his] spirit was animated."51 'Hf is also used in this adjectival sense in the Lao-tzu chapter 39 which Tsung Ping quotes: ^ — ^ ^ "Achieving the One by which i t became animated: If not the Buddha then who was i t ? 5 2 71 The " s p i r i t " i s most often used 1n the context of the i n d i v i d u a l . It i s contrasted with the body as the imperishable and permanent r e p o s i -tory of the s e l f . - 3 ^ ^ ^^jM-j^L^-ji^ "The f i n e s p l r i t recei'ves a body and migrates throughout the Five P a t h s . " 5 3 We can appreciate the force o f ^ in such phrases a s ^ - . ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ t ^ f e j . "Yao . . . h i s s p i r i t was f i n e , Chi eh . . . h i s s p i r i t was c l o u d e d . " 5 4 j j ^ ^ " ^ "T ^ ^ P ^IJ "Thereupon making h i s s p i r i t f i n e l i k e Yao's." 5 5 But the concept o f - ^ also has a universal connotation. In the end a l l i n -dividual " s p i r i t s " are equal J ^ * % ^ ^ "The s p i r -i t s of the hosts of creatures: Although i n t h e i r u l t i m a t e forms they are the same. . . ."56 Reaching t h i s stage the " s p i r i t " merges with the "dark ultimate" and i n t h i s sense i s no longer associated with any par-t i c u l a r body but j o i n s the one, universal " S p i r i t . " (In t h i s context, Liebenthal t r a n s l a t e s - * ^ and as " s p i r i t " and "universal s p i r i t . " ) 5 7 (Liebenthal p. 3 8 0 ) . ^ ^ ^ j ^ 4 | _ - ^ ; j & " I n the end c e r t a i n l y d i s t a n t l y merging with the dark u l t i m a t e . " 5 8 The Buddha i s i d e n t i f i e d with t h i s universal " S p i r i t " which answers the pleas of the f a i t h f u l ^**>^ l ^ J ^ ^ ^ ' T h u s the u l t i -mate S p i r i t of the dharma-body i n s p i r e s with s u b t l e t y the myriad t h i n g s . " 5 9 The pure " S p i r i t " of the dharma-body or Buddha i s in every-t h i n g . : ^ ^ ^g; /\r~~^D " T n e dharma-body has no form, and every-where e n t e r s a l l t h i n g s . " 6 0 This ultimate " S p i r i t " i s i d e n t i f i e d with " t h a t which achieved the One and became animated" 6 1 and "the One which gave r i s e to the two" (which Yen T s u n ^ i d e n t i f i e d with the " l i g h t of the S p i r i t . " ) 6 2 ^ 4 f ^ ^ ^ 4 J _ f ^ $ ^ ^ g j ^ /*| J*.^ "The hosts of creatures a l l take the f i n e s p i r i t as t h e i r 72 masters. T h e r e f o r e , they a l l f i n d an ordering p r i n c i p l e 1n the S p i r i t o f the dark u l t i m a t e " 6 3 ^ ^jg. ^LJ| i ]>^^. "In l i f e enjoy-ing the aid of the S p i r i t . In death then purely ascending." 6 4 A number of other i n t e r e s t i n g compounds i n c l u d i n g appear i n the M i n g - f o - l u n . ^ ^ "The l i g h t of the S p i r i t " i s b a s i c a l l y synonym-ous with-^t^ but emphasizes a vigorous, manifest " s p i r i t . " ^  ^ ' ^ - Z J^Wjif i*4.#&^ 5>iT?>. "Allow me to ask, do those who do not believe maintain that outside the human realm, there i s simply no s p i r i t u a l presence?" 6 5 The "capacity/ accomplishment of the S p i r i t " *f rfj and the " e f f i c a c y of the S p i r i t " ^Jl a l s o ap-pear i n the text, f , £ $ • " I f one wants to be aware of the past while situated i n the p r e s e n t — t o r e -c o l l e c t 'that' while located i n ' t h i s ' — b o t h require the s p i r i t u a l ac-c o m p l i s h m e n t " 6 6 ^ > k ^ -pffi fafe. ^*S%^hik "How can you claim that the s p i r i t u a l e f f i c a c y i s everywhere s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t and i n -a c c e s s i b l e to thought or d i s c u s s i o n ? " 6 7 The " s p i r i t u a l transformation" ^ 4 L l i s a k i n t 0 t h e ^ 4£j "profound t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , " . ^ 4iU " d i s t a n t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , " a n d ^ ^ j "penetrating (surpassing) transformation." A l l imply the abandonment of the corporeal body and ascendance i n t o the q u a l i t y of pure " S p i r i t . " For example, Jfej ^ ^ tf7 K?ftf $ *tt!t fa Since they l e f t the body and entered the S p i r i t , they e q u a l l y underwent, i n obscurity and uncertainty, the dark t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . " 6 8 The characters j&V and ^ | , meaning " s t i m u l a t e " or " i n s p i r e " and "respond," r e p r e s e n t c e n t r a l concepts i n Tsung Ping's analysis of the mechanism by which the devout e l i c i t the r e v e l a t i o n of the s p i r i t u a l presence and, conversely, by which the unworthy secure no salv a t i o n from 73 the " S p i r i t . " For example, Tsung Ping contends that as a response to the disorder and s t r i f e of the period, Confucius ' teachings r e s t r i c t e d themselves to the "Path of good-order" " ^ f c j j . , and did not speak of the "exhaustive refinement of the s p i r i t . " . The d i r e c t i o n of the s t imu lu s i s gene ra l l y from bel iever to " S p i r i t " and the response gene-r a l l y consists of the Buddha's revelat ion of himself or i n s t i g a t i o n of f u t u r e good-fortune for the b e l i e v e r . ^ ^ jfj) ^j^jlj^J^ 4$Cfj^^ Sf ^fert^VL^ "Thus, i n the Sage, f i xednes s and abiding substance are done away w i t h . He i s s imply i n s p i r e d and l a t e r responds . . . coming to what i s beyond the s i x d i rect ions , there i s nothing in i t which can ac t as an i n s p i r a t i o n ( t he re fo re the Sage puts i t as ide and does not discuss i t ) . " 6 9 ^ ^ 1 ) - ^ ^ ^Jfl (Tne Anti-Buddhist argues), "In f a c t , a f te r a l l , there has not been even a f l e e t i n g response. "70 ] ^ n - s a l s o used i n the passive voice in the sense of "be moved" or " fee l strongly about," for exampl e . ' ^ l H j J ^ T j ^ Xi Jf ^ j "The deer about which Hsi Pa was moved."71 Pa ra l l e l to the concepts of "st imulus and response" are the con -cepts of r e t r i b u t i o n and of cause and e f f e c t . The e f fec t i s expressed simply a s ^ i or as*$^_ (reward or penalty). The cause involves primary and secondary c o n d i t i o n s ] ^ J$$frSHetupratyaya). For e x a m p l e , ^ &^&fat^^$&tl*> ^ L " T h e Jo in ing of causes occurring many ka lpas past and the convergence of condit ions occurring a f te r a myriad of t r an s fo rmat ion s ( l i fe t imes) ,72 (produce the v i r tue of a Shun) ."^Ik. ^ " g e n e r a l l y connotes the f e l i c i t o u s coincidence of conditions (such as having an already subtle appreciation and being born in a time when the "Law of the Buddha" f l ou r i she s ) , which resu l t s in i r r e ve r s i b l e progress 74 toward enlightenment. i^^ij$>f-$Q refer to the "beginning" or " o r i g i n " of "causes," i . e . , the or i g i n a l condition which i n i t i a t e d people's d i s -t r a c t i o n from the pure " S p i r i t . " Tsung Ping emphasizes that t h i s i s not something people are able or need to know s%L&$i^j!E&?%. 7 f ^tfk^L . "Thus the o r i g i n of causes represents a vast reversion. It i s not something which can be reached by recollection,"73 ^ 4 ^ 1 's also used i n the non-technical sense, simply to mean "connected with"'fW/4 s-- ! & | ^ 3 ^ l ^ ~ ^ / j $ L ^2. ~& " B u t t o d a y > o n e (generation) to another, we are connected to the age of blood-drinking ( i . e . , p r i m i t i v e , u n c i v i l -ized times)."74 i s another puzzlement f o r the t r a n s l a t o r . As mentioned in Chapter Three, Chih Tun had brought to t h i s term a unive r s a l , t r a n s c e n -dantal connotation. Rather than r e f e r r i n g to a " p r i n c i p l e " or "natural order," which would be sus c e p t i b i l e to misinterpretation by a person of perverse nature, in Chih Tun's hands the term came to mean the universal Truth, on which the "Law of the Buddha" r e s t e d . Tsung Ping employs a number of compounds i n c o r p o r a t i n g ^ ^ , i n c l u d i n g : J\3%$Li ^3$$ a n d §L. s p i r i t u a l , Buddhist, worldly, man-made, t r u e and perfect " p r i n c i p l e s , " r e s p e c t i v e l y . Since a l l of these are r e l a t i v e v a r i e t i e s of 3^f[, i t appears that Tsung Ping had not adopted Chih Tun's proposed c o n v e n t i o n of t a k i n g to mean universal Truth. In Tsung Ping's view, human or man-made p r i n c i p l e s are l i m i t e d i n a p p l i c a b i l i t y as they are only concerned with worldly l i f e while Buddhist p r i n c i p l e s encompass the " s p i r i t " as well as the body and are therefore u n l i m i t e d . .^jife^J^f. ^ 1 J £ 7 ^ ^ ^ t l h e a n t i - B u d d h i s t a s s e r t s , "There are those who break from human p r i n c i p l e s and sever the s i x emotional 75 b o n d s . " 7 5 ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ t f H f ^ g - W<l%~tL The Buddhist laments, "Those i n the world who because they cannot apprehend the b a s i s of causes are unint e r e s t e d i n Buddhist p r i n c i p l e s are t r u l y multitudinous."76 Terms denoting the mystery and obscurity of the Buddhist quest per-vade the text. The workings of the Buddhist p r i n c i p l e s are described as ^ — "dark," and -"mysterious." The "Path" i t s e l f isCfe — " d i s -tant" and Efj| "open and vast." The attainment of the "Path" involves the basic s h i f t of one's appreciation toward s u b t l e t y - ^ ^ — ; -Jr)r and fineness or e s s e n c e ^ ^ " • For example, ^^J^-j^'Jg- ^ "Can one not but i n c l i n e one's thoughts in favor of the s u b t l e ? 7 7 The s t u f f of the " s p i r i t " i s s u b t l e compared with the coarseness of the body. $ ^ yj^Lzj$£^ " C r y s t a l l i z i n g the s p i r i t so that only the subtle [remains]: This i s the ultimate of the P a t h . " 7 8 Tsung Ping i d e n t i f i e s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the i n d i v i d u a l : — t h e j H ^ — v i j n a n a (appreciation or consciousness), which does not perish at death and may be brightened and made subtle or blunted depending on the kinds of conditions which are e n c o u n t e r e d . ^ A$J% ,73 i t i ^ ^ iH(j> ^ r ^ ^ "*n a ^ °^ these cases the mind i s a p p l i e d and a cons c i o u s n e s s i s made. It must be that each and.every a p p l i c a t i o n of the mind i s i n subtle contact and each and every instance of c o n s c i o u s -ness forms a s u b l t e c o n t i n u u m . " 7 9 Since the " s p i r i t " i s constant, a medium had to be found which could express the r e l a t i v e progress of the i n d i v i d u a l . While the o r i g i n a l intention of the Buddhist philosophers was to disclaim any c o n t i n u i t y of " s p i r i t " or "c o n s c i o u s n e s s , " Tsung Ping assumes the c o n t i n u i t y of both of these i n his in t e r p r e t a t i o n of 76 the Buddhist p r i n c i p l e s of transmigration and Buddhahood. To a t t r i b u t e non-conditional existence to any such construct as " s p i r i t " or " c o n s c i -ousness" c o n t r a d i c t s the Madhayamika's sweeping negation but Chinese Buddhists, long a f t e r Tsung Ping, continued to do so. In addition to these technical usages, a number of other characters carry i n t e r e s t i n g connotations i n the t e x t . Among these i s ^ 3 ^ . In such l i n e s a s ^ , f f _ KJSg ft ^ 8 0 a n d £ 4 | f ^ ^%^]%- ,81 i t seems to carry the meaning of "involve i n " or "of a type with," which i s an extension of one of the character's basic meanings of " p a r t i c i p a t e i n . " " I t i s not something i n which human p r i n c i p l e s are involved." "[Is reaching to the o r i g i n of causes] within the repertoire of the powers of penetration of scholars?"%~%L in t h i s text i s often best l e f t u n t r a n s -late d and c a r r i e s an emphatic f l a v o r . ^ appears i n the l i n e : - ^ ^ %Jfr-&% >Z\ • i l L % WJftty 7 ,+f t ^ ^ f " T a k i n 9 t h e l l f e o f a n o t h e r* one w i l l c e r t a i n l y receive r e t r i b u t i o n on one's own body. How much more can c o n t r i b u t i n g to the transcendance or hindrance of another's s p i r i t not [but] r e s u l t in glory or misery to one's own s p i r i t . " 8 2 Thus, l i t e -r a l l y "passing through and blocked," i t c a r r i e s the meaning of "degree or (success) of penetration through obstructions." i s used as a verb and in the active voice to mean "takes as i t s endowment" or " c a p i t a l i z e s on"-^' ^ ^ , "Supposing the s p i r i t takes the body as i t s endowment and i s thereby made. . ."83 ^ L ^ - i j ^ J ^ ^ ^ f i L "B^rt'1 ^ l l f e ) d o e s n o t c r e a t e independently. I t must t r a n s m i t t h a t upon which i t i s founded. "8 4 $ * % % VL>&. "One must endow one's s e l f with the Sage and thereby pass through."85 77 As a f i n a l note, the c h a r a c t e r i s used to mean the i n d e f i n i t e " s e l f . " For example, g ^ ^ f $ " $ J & - "B,y W l i a t m e a n s c a n a countenance i n d i c a t i n g great s p i r i t u a l a c t i v i t y i n s p i r e a response? Why do [th e y ] not completely conceal themselves and not expose the s e l f ? "Thus, coarseness and subtlety reside i n the s e l f . " 8 7 While the overall meanings of most phrases are d i s c e r n i b l e , as the reader may have n o t i c e d i n the examples above, the text has no want of phrases with apparent syntactic or rhythmic p e c u l i a r i t i e s . I w i l l o f -fer only a few of these f o r the reader's consideration. Near the begin-ning of the essay we f i n d ty JUkj^jk • 88 0ne way of rendering t h i s i s to take 1^ i n the sense of "employ," which y i e l d s "Only by employing brightness to make fi n e the dull and pushing onward, so that the Path of goodness i s established . . ." The d e f i c i -e n c i e s i n the metaphor of 'using brightness to make f i n e the dim' are rea d i l y apparent. Professor Hurvitz and I have concluded that i s best read as a compound verb meaning "brighten and make f i n e " with i t s object being (the dim) and a second c h a r a c t e r to balance with the compound verb which e i t h e r f e l l out or has been replaced with i^J . We were unable, however, to come up with a l i k e l y candidate f o r the missing character. S i m i l a r l y d i f f i c u l t to cons t r u e i s the phrase occurring a l i t t l e f a r t h e r on i n the t e x t , X _ /|J {^j j j j j Z*k & t£j . 8 9 which I t r a n s l a t e , "There i s c e r t a i n l y the s i t u a t i o n of people, one with the next, surmounting i t by means of spreading themselves [over i t ] . " The 78 " i t " i s the eternity and i n f i n i t e space described i n Buddhist law. Imme-di a t e l y preceding t h i s l i n e i s the phrase, "However, [amid t h i s ] v a s t -ness without l i m i t or boundary, t h i s expanse of time without beginning or end, ..." I have taken ty^ to mean "by means o f " r a t h e r than as i n t r o d u c i n g a r e s u l t , which i s suggested by i t s placement in the sen-tence, because the goal must be to transcend ^ - ^ t h i s endless s t r i n g of l i v e s f o r which spreading one's s e l f over i t i s a precondition. What Tsung Ping i s a l l u d i n g to here i s the mechanism of r e i n c a r n a -t i o n , whereby i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s are joined i n a subtle continuum u n t i l the time when the f a b r i c of the i n d i v i d u a l reaches such a degree of fineness that i t i s transparent to causes and c o n d i t i o n s . / ^ ffeC , while i t usually means "together" or "one with another," here must mean "one with one's past and f u t u r e i n c a r n a t i o n s . " The c h a r a c t e r i s used again on p. 10c 1. 5-6 of the t r e a t i s e i n t h i s sense of "spread" over hosts of l i f e t i m e s . Speaking of the Five Emperors and the Three Rulers, Tsung Ping states, "[they] also necessarily submitted to e n t e r i n g i n t o the subtle transformation, accorded with l i f e t i m e s one with the next and spread themselves over the myriad t r i b e s . ^ " As a f i n a l i l l u s t r a t i o n of the d i f f i c u l t y of the text, I submit tj&J^ Zi$^fal~^tl$i' 9°if ^J i s adapted from a phrase i n the Lun-y'u, "Tzu-han" and comes to mean "painstakingly seek." We have decided to r e a d i j ^ i n i t s non-technical sense to mean simply "reason" and to take & as a c o p y i s t ' s error f o r cU . The l i n e can then be translated, "For what reason do you hot empty yourself and a f t e r painstakingly seeking i t , by one change a t t a i n the Path." 79 Notes Chapter Five 1 T'ang Yung-t'ung, Han-wei l i a n g - c h i n nan-pei-ch'ao f o - c h i a o  shih, V. 1, (Peking: China Library, 1955), p. 426. 2 P. P e l l i o t , T'oung Pao, 19 (1920), p. 234-238. 3 W. L i e b e n t h a l "The Immortality of the Soul in Chinese Thought," Monumenta Nipponica, 8 (1952), pp. 378-394. Chuang-tzu, "Ch'iu-shui" Yenching concord-ance (YC) p. 42, 1. 5. "A well f r o g cannot be t a l k e d with about the sea. It i s constrained by space. A summer insect cannot be talked with about i c e . Its time i s defined by the season. A p r o v i n c i a l s c h o l a r cannot be talked with about the Path. He i s bound up i n teaching." These figures do not correspond to any r e c o g n i z a b l e Buddhist astronomical reckoning. Erik ZUrcher, in The Buddhist Conquest of China, ( L e i d e n : E.J. B r i l l , 1959), p. 418, note 100), following Liebenthal (1952, p. 380), c o n s i d e r s t h i s to be a mistake, by Tsung Ping, f o r "three thousand universes" .£. -^f-^L-f"-& (of which each universe consists of one thousand w o r l d s ) . How-eve r , ZUrcher p o i n t s out t h a t s i m i l a r figures appear i n a work of the l a t e Han, the Hsiu-hsing p e n - c h ' i - c h i n g / f ^ L ^ f j S u f f i c e i t to say that there are a great many of them. 6 Shun's f a t h e r was nicknamed Ku sou J^t which l i t e r a l l y means b l i n d and p u p i l - l e s s because he was known to be unable to see good from e v i l and t r i e d to k i l l his sagely son. Shun's son, Shang-chUn j|j , shared none of his father's legendary virtues and Shun therefore passed the throne to Y U ^ . 7 Hsiao-ching, "Sheng-chih"£ ^ chapter, YC, p. 3, #9, 1. 2. Hou Chi, an o f f i c i a l and a contemporary of Yao,is credited with having taught the people to t i l l the s o i l and i s also recognized as the founding an-cestor of the Chou. King Wen was Duke Chou's father. Duke Chou i s seen as having i n i t i a t e d t h i s practice of s a c r i f i c i n g to dynastic and person-al ancestors i n l i e u of s a c r i f i c e s to Heaven, or the heavenly Emperor and his i s therefore judged as the highest example of f i l i a l p iety. 80 8 From Li - c h i , "T'an-kung-hsia"^f 7 Li-chi chang-chfl, chUan 4, p. 28. "Chi-tzu of Yen L i n g j ^ p ^ ^ 3 - had gone to Ch'i jfe . His eldest son having died on the way back (to Wu) jjL Chi-tzu traried him between Ying and Boj| ^M-(The Li-chi, trans, dames Legge (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1885)192). After the mound was completed, he "went around i t thrice, crying out, 'that the bones and flesh should return again to the earth is what is appointed. But the soul in i t s energy can go everywhere; i t can go everywhere.' And with this he went on his way." Legge, 1885, p. 193. Soul here translates ^ . 9 & yr^ ^  Liebenthal translates as "the (Buddhist) religion, (bright as) sun and moon (p. 387). Perhaps closer to the basic meanings of ^ of "Clan head" or "ancestral temple" is the meaning of "master," in this case referring to the Buddha. 10.2 * ZJg The Five Emperors, according to the Shih-chi, "Wu-ti pen-chi" fee are the Yellow Emperor^; >f ff&e., Chuan HsB$I * i h% n • Ti K'u , T'ang YaoJf ^ , YU Shun * A . The Three Rulers were the founders of the Hsia, Shang and Chou'TlyrTas-ties: Y U ^ , T'ang^ , and the Wen k i n g ^ i . H The following is a helpful translation of the Great Treatise (Hsi-tz'u-chuan): Gerald William Swanson, Ph.d. dissertation, The Great  Treatise: Commentary Tradition to the Book of Changes (Xerox), (Seattle: U. of Washington, 1974).*^^^ Oft appears in Section 1, chapter 10, of Hsi-tz'u-chuan ^Because of this Heaven gave rise to spiritual things, the sages^ooK 'them as models of the changes of Heaven and Earth; the sages imitated them. Heaven hung down pheno-menon to be used to foretell fortune and misfortune. The sages approx-imated them (in their own prognostication charts). The (Yellow) river gave forth the chart. The Lo (river) produced the document. The sages took them as the model. For the Changes there are four images by which they express themselves. The Hsi-tz'u commentary (is appended to them) so that they can be disseminate*^ They are identified as propitious or unfortunate so that decisions can be made" (Swanson, 1974, p. 154). According to tradition, the "Yellow River Chart" 5^ lM w a s carried out of the river on the back of a dragon horse and provided the basis for Fu Hsi to devise his eight trigrams. Cf., Wei Tat, An Exposition  of the I-ching. (Taipei: Institute of Cultural Studies, 1970), p. 37. The Lo River Document >^*"J*~ is said to have been carried from the Lo river on the back of a tortoise and revealed to YU while he was en-gaged in his legendary work of taming the flood waters. It then provid-ed him with the basis for his "Great Plan"^^£j , contained in the Shu- ching (Wei Tat, p. 57). probably a reference to the Buddha's ability to relocate or remodel prominent geological features of the world or the world as a whole such as by placing Mount Sumeru inside a mustard seed or taking hold of 3000 universe like a potter spinning his wheel. 81 13 K A % Taishs, V. 9, p. 546b and c: "[He] put the waters of the four great seas Into a whole (the diameter o f ) a h a i r without disturbing the f i s h , t u r t l e s , t o r t o i s e s , water l i z a r d s or other forms of marine l i f e . And the basic nature of the great sea i s as b e f o r e . The v a r i o u s dragons, demons, gods, and asuras f f t f <f4F-jg| are unaware that they have entered ( t h i s minute hole)." I 4 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. lla22-23: A #-*»**Jlb 7$ % fe$fc * • Eun -yd 8.5, "Tai Po " 4 r ^ : Probably de-s c r i b i n g Yen^Hui /TYe i  '(Yervtzu), Tseng-tzu ^ ^- says, "His having was as not having. His f u l l n e s s as emptiness. Although offence was c a r r i e d out against him he did not r e t o r t . Formerly, I had a f r i e n d who attend-ed to a f f a i r s i n t h i s way." 1 5 Lao-tzu, chapter 1: "[Conceived of as] ( a f t e r Legge) having no name, i t i s the Originator of Heaven and Earth. (Conceived of as) hav-ing a name i t i s the Mother of a l l things. Therefore, the eternal "Non-being" enables one to perceive i t s unfathomable wonders. Ete r n a l being enables one to see i t s traces. These two have the same point of o r i g i n but through the course of development they have come to have d i f f e r e n t names. They can both be described as unfathomable mysteries. The mys-tery within t h i s infathomable mystery i s the gateway to a l l wonders." 16 s t y l e Tzu-yu ~^ appears in the o r i g i n a l version in Chuang-tzu "Chih-pei-yu"^tr Jfc YC, p. 60, 1 .70. With the one ex-ception that Tsung Ping omitted K'ung-tzu's response,""Pf ," i t i s f a i t h -f u l to the o r i g i n a l . The explanation a t t r i b u t e d to Confucius that "the past i s l i k e the present," has been explained by Hsllan ( N a n - h u a ) ^ ^ ^ to mean that j u s t as creatures not y e t born today are suddenly born tomorrow, so can the s i t u a t i o n before there was Heaven and Earth be known since i t i s but another point within the continuum of Nature. Ping, Ming-f o - l u n i n J a i s h S , V. 52, llb23-26.' In "The Sage fixedness has been abolished. LHe i s simply a conduit for impulses] f i r s t being stimulated and l a t e r responding. [Engaging i n such a transparent a c t i v i t y , devoid of a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s e l f ] , he cannot be conceptualized i n thought." The Japanese seminar has taken t h i s l i n e i n the opposite sense, rendering i t : "The Sage i s c e r t a i n l y f i r m . He abandons f e e l i n g s and puts r e -sponses at the back." However, the Sage i n his physical manifestation i s s t i l l subject to the laws of cause and e f f e c t and the d e s c r i p t i o n of the Sage as i n f i n i t e l y f l e x i b l e f i t s the ideal of the Buddhist teacher to match his sermon to the level of his audience and to avoid p r e j u d i c e toward those who come to him seeking help. (See also above, p. 73.) 18v^jl mentioned i n the Chuang -tzu "Heaven and Earth" and "Webbed toes" chapters. In the t i t l e of the Meng-tzu, Book four, he i s c a l l e d by the name of Li Ltl He i s said to have been contempo-rary with Huang Ti and a man of i n c r e d i b l e v i s u a l a c u i t y . Si-Ma Piao W i n n i s c o m m e n ' t a r y t 0 the Chuang-tzu, (Chuang-tzu c h i - s h i h A$NJ{g/chOan 4, p. 2) c r e d i t s Li with being able to see the t i p of an 82 autumn h a i r at 100 paces ^ 7$r £j rl^jt-fc. Tsung Ping has ampli-f i e d on t h i s t r a d i t i o n , declaring him able to make p o s i t i v e i d e n t i f i c a -t i o n of an autumn hair at one hundred hstln [one hstln roughly equiv-alent to eight f e e t ] . ^> 1 9 ffi.^-fe Taisho V. 1, p. 804. 20 — ^ j n - j s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was suggested by Chang He n g ^ | _ f ^ j , and by the use of 4^ to mean "dike" i n the Er-ya BJJ , i n the sense of t h e i r being mounds which safeguard i n s t i t u t i o n s and uphold propriety. T h i s a n c i e n t book or books long s i n c e l o s t i f they ever existed are i d e n t i f i e d by K'ung An-kuo l5 r i n his preface to the Shang-shu as the works of Fu Hsi, Shen Nung and the Yel1ow Emperor, and he d e s c r i b e s them as having spoken of the "Great Way." 2 1 A l l of the f o l l o w i n g r e f e r e n c e s to the Five Emperors are from the S h i h - c h i "Wu-ti -pen-chi" fifrjh&tl- Describing the Yellow Empe-ror: "Des sa naissance i l eut une'puisssance surnaturelle, des sa t e n -dre enfance, i l sut p a r l e r " (Szu-ma Ch'ien, Shih-chi, trans. Edouard Chavannes, Les memoires historiques de Se-Ma Ts'ien (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1967), p. 2"6~n Describing Emperor Kao Hsin & ±_ "D§s sa naissance, [ i l ] f u t d i v i n e t m e r v e i l l e u x . II d i t lui-meme quel e t a i t son nom" (Chavannes, 1967, p. 40). " Tung-fang Shuo was a minister of the Han Wu emperor (B.C. 140-B.C. 87). "He was talented i n the l i t e r a r y arts and took de-l i g h t i n humorous remarks." This reference i s to an incident described i n the Kao-seng-chuan vfj -fff j!k , chtlan 1, i n the Chu Fa-lan £=L >*£J^  biography"" "In former times, when Han Wu was digging the K'un Ming Take jj l jjfj 5^g,at the bottom a black ash was found. [Han Wu] inquired about i t with Tung-fang Shuo. Shuo said that he d i d not know but t h a t [ t h e Emperor] c o u l d ask a barbarian of the western regions. Afterward (two centuries) Fa-lan i n f a c t arrived and a l l the r e t a i n e r s pursued him to ask him. Lan said, 'The world had come to an end. The f i r e of the k a l -pa burned deep down. This ash i s from that [ f i r e ] . ' What Shuo had said tabout a westerner knowing the answer] was borne out. Those who b e l i e v -ed [ t h i s explanation] were i n great numbers. Fa-lan l a t e r died in Loy-ang. He was over 60 years old." I have given t h i s passage the b e n e f i t of a wide g u l f of doubt i n terms of the chronology of the events de-scribed. It seems to place Chu Fa-lan i n the Western Han, roughly con-temporaneous with the Han Wu emperor. However, i f Chu Fa-lan existed at a l l , i t would have been around the time of the Ming emperor of the East-ern Han. Dating Fa-lan i n the Eastern Han i s a l s o supported by the statement that he died in Loyang—the c a p i t a l of the E a s t e r n Han. I have t h e r e f o r e assumed t h a t the "afterward" refers to a space of time on the order of two hundred years. This lapse might have l e f t the Wu emperors' r e t a i n e r s weary of the whole matter but i f the passage i s to be believed, they (or t h e i r a n c e s t o r s ) c o n t i n u e d to show a l i v e l y i n t e r e s t centuries a f t e r the f a c t . Tsung Ping's account must represent an e a r l i e r or otherwise s i m p l i -f i e d version of the t r a d i t i o n since he a t t r i b u t e s the explanation c i t i n g 83 the kai pa f i r e to Tung-fang Shuo himself. The various versions of t h i s s t o r y and t h e i r r e l a t i v e m e r i t s are discussed in E. ZUrcher, The Bud- dhist Conquest of China, (Leiden: E . J . B r i l l , 1959), p. 20 and T'ang, V. 1. P- 9. 23 Here again we are confronted with a piece of h i s t o r i c a l data of questionable pedigree. A number of Buddhist sources as well as Liu Chtin jjgi^ \)£ i n his commentary to the SSHY c i t e a l o s t preface to Liu Hsiang's L i e h - hsien-chuan %>) f& jM. "in which he states that of the ranks o r s y l p h s l i s t e d , 74 come fronrthe Buddhist camp. From the Hung-ming- chi , chUan 14: "According to the Generation of the Han emperor YUan i n L i u Hsiang's preface [to the Lieh]-hsien-[ch(lan] he says, '74 people come out of the Buddhist sutras.' Therefore, we know t h a t the b e g i n -nings of the c i r c u l a t i o n of s u t r a s i n China i s a l r e a d y a long time past." Liu was a high o f f i c i a l under the YUan emperor (r39-32 B.C.). One version of the Lieh-hsien-chuan contained i n the Shuo-fu ^ jfa l i s t s 70 names with none of them foreign-sounding. The claim made in'the HMC i s also found in the Fo-tzu t'ung-chi T^L 4EJ , chUan 35 (TaisTu? V. 49, p. 329a) and the Ch'u^san-tsang c h i - c h i £gj chUan 2, ( T a i s h S , V. 55, p. 5BTT See ZUrcher, p. 21 f o r f u r t h e r ^ * s c u s s i o n of t h i s work. 2 4 T r a n s l a t i n g Tsung Ping's explanations (TaishS, V. 52, p. 12cl5-17). Recently, an uncle of Yao LUeh #k I^S-was a prince of Chin f^1 at P'u Pan^f *fiL. East of the river, at what anciently was said to be the s i t e of a king As"oka stupa,a brightness was evident. Digging i n search of i t a r e l i c bone of the Buddha was found w i t h i n a s i l v e r box and a stone case. Its brightness was extraordinary. Thereupon Luehreceived i t and examined i t . " The Ming-fo-1 un gives the e a r l i e s t account of t h i s t r a d i t i o n . No other i n f o r m a t i o n about the uncle of Yao Hsing^fc^, jjg^. s t y l e T z u - l f l e h ^ - has been found. The same i d e n t i f i c a t i o n — yKi%-^-yK.aPPears i n the account of t h i s t r a d i t i o n c o n t a i n e d i n the Chi-shen-chou san-pao J£ pf^ jjj (Taisho, V. 52, p. 406a.--not C as s p e c i f i e d in the Japanese notes.) But since i n both sources he i s i d e n t i f i e d as a Chin prince, and i n the l a t e r source described as c a r r y -ing out a p a c i f i c a t i o n campaign, t h i s may be a m i s l e a d i n g e p i t h e t f o r Yao Hsing h i m s e l f . Turning to Yao Hsing, he was r u l e r of the l a t e r Ch'in and a f t e r annexing a number of states had great m i l i t a r y strength. E v e n t u a l l y defeated in an attack on Hsia ^_,he was enfeoffed a prince of Chin and reigned 22 years. (Chin-shu, chUan 117 and 118). 2 5 Pai Ch'i ^3 $Q was awarded the t i t l e Wu-an-chun ^ by the Ch'in king. After defeating the ChaoigL army under Chao K ' u o j ^ ^ r and f o r c i n g the surrender of i t s 400 thousand s o l d i e r s , he d i s t r u s t e d t h e i r l o y a l t i e s and had them a l l buried a l i v e . See Shih-chi, (1959), chUan 73, p. 23^5, "Pai ch'i wang c h i e n - l i e h - c h u a n " / ^ ^ j jM. s t y l e YU l e d the army of the feudaT lords Hsiang Chi.3Ljs| 5J5J who forced the surrender of the Ch'in army. Hsiang YU calculated "'The s o l -diers and o f f i c e r s of Ch'in are s t i l l many. (In) t h e i r hearts they have not submitted. A r r i v i n g at the gate they w i l l not obey orders. The s i t u a t i o n w i l l c e r t a i n l y be grievous. This i s not as good [a s o l u t i o n ] as a t t a c k i n g and only e n t e r i n g Ch'in with Chang Han-j^--&jj , Permanent 84 Astronomer Hsin and Commander Kung I -I fjf- ' Thereupon (they) a t -tacked in the night and buried a l i v e the Ch'in army of over 200 thousand men." Han-shu, chdan 31, "Hsiang-ytl chuan, (1962), p. 1807. 2 6 The great flood eventually tamed by Y(J»^ . 2 7 Shang-shu, " S h u n - t i e n " ^ , Shang-shu chin-chu c h i n - i , p. 13. They were Kung Kung X , Huan Touj||p ^ j , s a n Miao =- \£ and K u n ^ f ^ . "Shun banished Kung Kung to Yu-chou *4 » e x i l e d Huan Tou to Ch'ung-shan # >lf , San Miao to San-wei £. ^  and Kun to Y U-shan^ Uj ; each punished according to his crimes and a l l the world submitted [ t o Shun's judgement]." 2 8 The Lotus Sutra "Chien-pao-t'a-p'in" TL (Taisho , V. 59, p. 32c. The many j e w e l l e d pagoda i s c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d with the Prabhtaratna or many j e w e l l e d Buddha who inhabits i t . "The Buddha by means of the power of his s p i r i t u a l wisdom, i n the worlds of the ten realms and everywhere, i f anyone intones the Lotus of the Wonderful Law there the jeweled pagoda w i l l r i s e out [from the ground] before them." 2 9 The "Path of c h ' i e n , " i n t h i s c o n t e x t , denotes the "Path of Heaven," Tsung Ping's language i s an exact quote form the e x p l a n a t i o n i n the "T'uan-chuan" ^m. of the second two a t t r i b u t e s ^ ! fi (ren-dered by Wei Tat as "Utility-Harmony" and "Correctness-Firmness, 1970, p. I l l ) , of the ch'i en kua i d e n t i f i e d in i t s " T ' u a n - t z ' u " ^ / ^ . ^t-l^L^t: 4LI 4$ 1%y^f*"The W a y o f Ch'ien . . . i s to change and'to t r a n s f o r m , so t h a t a l l beings w i l l r e a l i z e t h e i r true natures and f u l -f i l l t h e i r respective l i v e s , each i n i t s own correct way." 3 0 Ming-fo-lun Taisho" V. 52, p. 13c9-10 3 1/ / $ 4 i ' (J^O m a y m e a n "pi9 and f i s h " as the Japanese seminar has i n t e r p r e t e d i t but based on other references to the I-ching i n the M i n g - f o - l u n and the correspondence of t h i s l i n e with another l i n e from the c l a s s i c , t h i s probably denotes the globefish or blowfish (also c a l l -ed the ?J fifc and )*} ftfr, i n Chinese) mentioned i n the "Chung-fu" tj* J£_ kua #61. There appears to be some behavior c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h i s otherwise ignoble f i s h which has been i n t e r p r e t e d as doing obeisance & . The I -ch'uan explains, "The globefish l i v e s in the great marshes. It knows when a wind i s about to come and then does o b e i s a n c e - - t h i s i s f a i t h . " I could speculate that i t s rapport with the wind has to do with i t s h a b i t of i n f l a t i n g i t s body, but I have yet to confirm the s p e c i f i c nature of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p . The lesson of the globefish i s that while being a lowly, seemingly unaware creature, i t i s an integral part of the "Way of Ch'ien" and i n f a c t recognizes the supremacy of t h i s law in i t s behavior. J S Chieh Ko-1 was the r u l e r of the barbarian kingdom of Chieh sfr-during the "Spring and Autumn" period and was s a i d to under-stand the speech of cows. He i s mentioned i n the Tso-chuan,Hsi Kung ^ 29th year as a v i s i t o r at the court of Lu. "Ko-lu heard a cow lowing and s a i d , 'her three calves have a l l been used i n the s a c r i f i c e . 85 Jjgrec,r,y speaks of t h i s . ' Upon inquiry t h i s was found to t r u l y be the 33 Hsi-paVS' & i n Han Fei -tzu "Shuo-lin" (shang)i£j$~±- » Han  Fei-tzu ch'ien-chieh, p. 19*17 "Meng Sun & was hunting and caught a fawn. [He] r e c r u i t e d Ch'in Hsi-pa ^ FJIJ to c a r r y i t back. I t s mother followed behind, weeping. Ch'in Hsi-pa could not bear [her suf-f e r i n g ] and gave i t to her. Meng Sun j u s t then a r r i v e d and asked f o r the fawn. Hsi-pa responded, 'I could not bear [her s u f f e r i n g ] and gave i t to i t s mother.' Men Sun was greatly angered and sent him away." 3 4 The o t t e r and a wild beast akin to a wol f^itL The Li - c h i , "Wang-chih" JE_ , L i - c h i chang-chtl chuan 5, p. 11. "When the o t t e r has made offe r i n g s of f i s h only then do the fishermen enter the marsh and catch f i s h . Once the ch'ai has made of f e r i n g s of game only then [do the men] hunt." This reference to the otter and ch'ai (or wolf f o r our purposes) making o f f e r i n g s of f i s h and game concerns the behaviors of these two animals at s p e c i f i c times during the year i n which they gather up l a r g e s u p p l i e s of prey and arrange them, (presumably to dry in the sun), in a way which appeared to the i m a g i n a t i o n s of the a n c i e n t s as though i t were an o f f e r i n g to Heaven. The otter does t h i s at the onset of winter and the wolf, at the onset of f a l l . The hunters and fishermen used the animal 's behavior as a signal to begin t h e i r own hunting and f i s h i n g seasons. 3 5 From Meng-tzu "Liang-hui-wang" ( s h a n g ) ^ J§„ 3- -fc , YC p. 3. Meng-tzu, t r y i n g to confirm something he had heard about the Ch'i HsUan k i n g , ^ ^ Jt_ asked him, "I have heard of an incident from Hu He. [His majesty] the king was seated at the head of the great h a l l . A person leading an ox passed beneath the h a l l . His majesty saw them and then asked, 'Where i s the ox going?' The man [ l e a d i n g the ox] answered, ' [ I t ] i s going to be used to c o n s e c r a t e a b e l l . ' His majesty s a i d , 'free i t . I cannot endure to see i t tremble with fear, l i k e an innocent person going to the place of e x e c u t i o n . ' The man r e p l i e d , 'But then should we abandon the c o n s e c r a t i o n of the b e l l ? ' [His majesty] said "How can i t be abandoned? S u b s t i t u t e a lamb [ f o r the o x ] . ' I do not know i f such an incident actually took place. [The king] answered, ' i t did.'" For ffi I retain the ox as the subject since i t was the s u b j e c t of the KiWg's q u e s t i o n , r a t h e r than s h i f t i n g the subject to "we," as per Legge. 3 6 Reading "^f" ^ forlk ^ as per the four editions . A r e f e r -ence to the account i n the Ekpttara-agama tfg >g TaishS V. 2, p. 693. During a famine, the Sakya clan "took tne f i s n to eat and from t h i s cause, over kalpas beyond count, they entered into h e l l . Today they receive t h i s r e t r i b u t i o n . " 37 VimalakTrti Sutra "Pu-szu-i" ^  J § s %$J chapter (Taisho V. 14, p. 527b). 86 3 8 Shih-chi (1959), p. 2124-25. "Po-i-lieh-chuan'MS ^ fj] • A t the end of the chapter, Szu-ma Ch'ien confesses his shaken f a i t h i n the "Path of Heaven," which allows such kind and pure people as Po I and Shu Ch'i ^ ^ ^ - t o die of starva t i o n . He asks, " What i s Heaven's treatment of the worthy? Robber Chih k i l l e d d a i l y without g u i l t , ate minced human l i v e r , [and conducted himself] with violence and malevolence. Gathering together a band of many thousands he rampaged through the world and in the end l i v e d t i l l old age. What virtue i s t h i s commending? ... I am i n great c o n f u s i o n . What i s u n c e r t a i n l y c a l l e d the Path of Heaven: Does i t exist? Does i t not e x i s t ? " One place i n the A n a l e c t s i n p a r t i c u l a r addressed the q u e s t i o n of whether Po I and Shu Ch'i were adequately rewarded f o r t h e i r goodness. This i s i n " K u n g - y e - c h a n g " ^ > ^ ^ _ chapter 14, YC p. 12, 1. 15. Tze-kung goes into his master's quarters to ascertain his opinion of the r u l e r of Wei, who was usurping h i s f a t h e r ' s r i g h t f u l c l a i m to the throne, and did so by reference to the famous brothers who had given up t h e i r throne r a t h e r than compromise t h e i r e t h i c a l b e l i e f s . Tse-kung asks, "Did [Po I and Shu Ch'i] have any cause for resentment?" The mas-te r said, " S t r i v i n g a f t e r virtuous concerns they r e a l i z e d these virtuous concerns. What could they have to resent?" Rather than r e f e r r i n g to the Analects, i t i s l i k e l y that Tsung Ping i s here r e f e r r i n g to the "Wen-yen" of the I-ching, chapter 2 of the k'un hexagram, (I-ch 'Dan, p. 199). A l l of the ten wings of the I-ching are t r a d i t i o n a l l y ascribed to Confucius. Szu-ma Ch'ien ascribes a l l but the l a s t two to the Sage, including the seventh wing which consists of the "Wen-yen." The passage referred to reads ,4-'^-ML-^ & ' ^  ^§ • ' T s u n 9 P i n 9 abbreviates 'the passage,' but i t i s obvious that his quote from Confucius refers to t h i s . 4 0 S h i h - c h i (1959), chUan 40, p. 1698-99. "Ch 'u-shih-chia"jf^':$-, "In his 46th year, King Ch'eng jdfy of Ch'u wished to name Shang Ch'en ££ crown p r i n c e and spoke [of the matter] to Ling Yin Tzu-shang ^-j^-^-j^ . Tzu-shang said, 'The gentleman i s too young and he has been pampered within [the palace]. [ I f he should be] found wanting there w i l l be disorder. The actions of the kingdom of Ch'u are often i n the hands of young people. Moreover, Shang Ch'en i s f i e r c e and without mercy. He cannot be elevated.' The king d i d not heed [Tzu-shang's] advice and elevated [Shang Ch'en]. Later, he wanted to elevate his son Chihj*fej£ and demote the crown p r i n c e Shang Ch'en. Shang Ch'en heard t h i s but had not y e t a s c e r t a i n e d i t s v e r a c i t y . He asked his teacher P'an C h ' u n g ^ how he could l e a r n the t r u t h . [P'an Ch'ung s a i d ] 'Hold a banquer f o r the king's f a v o r i t e , Chiang Mi^x ^ but do not show the proper respect due her.' Shang Ch'en f o l l o w e d t h i s a d v i c e . [And indeed] Chiang Mi said a n g r i l y , 'It i s proper that the King chooses to k i l l you and elevate Chih.' Shang Ch'en said to P'an Ch'ung, ' I t i s true.' Ch'ung asked, 'Can you serve him?' [Ch'en] answered, 'I cannot.' "Can you f l e e ? ' He answered, 'I cannot.' "Can you carry out grave mat-t e r s ? ' He answered, "I can.' In the tenth month Shang Ch'en, with the troops of the palace guard, surrounded [the forces of] King Ch'eng [and 87 took the ki n g p r i s o n e r ] . King Ch'eng asked to eat a bear ' s paw before accepting execution. (The time needed to cook a bear ' s paw might give h i s r e s c u e r s opportunity to act.) Ch'en did not permit i t and on t i n g - wei - p _±» day, King Ch'eng hung himself. Shang Ch'en ascended to the throne and was known by the t i t l e of Mu4& . King Mu died a natural death i n his'twelfth year." 4 1 Meng-tzu "Chin-hsin," YC p. 52, #24. "K'ung-tzu climbed East Mountain ^ \ij and [the t e r r i t o r y of] Lu ^  looked small. He climbed T'ai Mountain jfer )±j and the whole world looked small." 4 2 S h i h - c h i ng M Shu-chi ng j j g . , I - c h i n g ^ , L i - c h i 4 3 S h i h - c h i ng, Mao #303. &f^?\$g f^ffp T r a d i t i o n has i t that Kao Hsin-shih ' s £g 5 -ir i m p e r i a l concubine Chien T i ^ swallowed a swallow ' s egg, and bore C h ' i j i ^ , who was the imperial founder of the Shang. "Heaven commanded the swallow to descend and Shang was born." 4 4 S h i h - c h i (1959) p. 111. "Chou pen-chi"yj*| ^ i & J . Relates to the legend of the b i r t h o f the a n c e s t r a l founder of Chou, Hou Chi jfeifcM' "His mother Chiang Yuan 3jr-j&, went out into the wilderness and saw xh~e tracks of a giant. She was delighted by i t and wanted to step i n (the t r a c k s ) . Upon s t e p p i n g in i t , her body was shaken as though [kicked] by a baby in her womb. Li v i n g [ t h e r e ] f o r a p e r i o d of time, she bore a son. She thought him to be inauspicious and abandoned him in a narrow a l l e y . Horses and cows passing by a l l avoided c r u s h i n g him. She moved him to the f o r e s t but j u s t then, in the f o r e s t , she came upon many people. She moved him and abandoned him on the ice in a c a n a l . A b i r d flew down and covered him with i t s wing. Chiang Yuan believed him to be a s p i r i t , and thereupon took him and reared him." This t r a d i t i o n i s also recounted in the Shih-ching, Mao #245. 4 5 S h i h - c h i (1959), p. 348. "Kao-tsu p e n - c h i " r % %L%iSJ. "The F i r s t Emperor of Ch'in once said, 'To the southeast there i s the a u s p i -cious a i r of a son of Heaven' ^Ty and he thereupon ventured east to suppress i t . Kao Tsu was f o r e w a r n e d a n d went i n t o h i d i n g but LU Hou & fa was o f t e n able to f i n d him. Kao Tsu was puzzled and asked Lii [how he^could f i n d him]. Lii Hou s a i d , 'above where Chi (Kao T s u ' s s t y l e ) i s , there i s always a cloudy mist.'" Concerning Wei^ l L , the San-kuo-chih, Book of Wei, chUan 2 records: "Formerly, i n the f i f t h year of the hsi-p'ingMr^- period of the Han, a yellow dragon appeared at C h ' i a o ^ ^ (a Han county i n the north of present day Anhui, which was l a t e r aTpart of Wei). The Imperial House-hold Grandee Ch'iao H s u a n ^ ^ - ^ asked the Prefect Grand Clerk Tan Yang j ^ j 3 l i j w n a t a u s p i c i o u s omen t h i s was. Yang s a i d , 'In time, i n that country, a king w i l l r i s e up. Within f i f t y years, [the dragon] should again appear. The Heavenly Will always sends portents. This i s i t s re-sponse [to human a f f a i r s ] . Yin T e n g j ^ ^ - o f Nei-huang s i l e n t l y took note of t h i s . A f t e r 45 y e a r s , TengStfas s t i l l a l i v e and in the t h i r d 88 month, the y e l l o w dragon again appeared at Ch'iao. Teng heard of t h i s and s a i d . 'The words of Tan Yang: t h i s i s t h e i r proof!'" S i m i l a r auspicious protents are recorded i n the dynastic h i s t o r i e s as preceding the Chin and Sung dynasties as w e l l . 4 6 Shang-shu, " K a o - y a o " ^ . ^ ,Shang-shu chin-chu c h i n - i , p. 30, duplicated in the "Yao-tien". "K'uei s a i d , 'when I h i t or tap a rock, the wild creatures a l l dance and the chief ministers are made t r u l y har-monious (compatible).'" 4 7 Taisho V 52,Ming-fo-lun, p. 15c8-10. "Tzu-lu inquired about death. The Master said, not yet knowing about l i f e , how can you know death. He inquired about serving ghosts and s p i r i t s . The master s a i d , 'Not yet knowing about serving people, how can you know about s e r v i n g ghosts?'" Adapted from Lun-yti " H s i e n - c h i n " ^ ^ , YC, p. 20, 1. 12. 4 8 1 ^ The "warning" or "mirror" of Yin, which i s the examp l e of the d e c l i n e and f a l l of H s i a . From the Shih-ching "Ta-ya" 7"vff^ "The warning of Yin i s not f a r o f f . I t i s i n the age of Hsia Hou (a designation for Y t l a n d the Hsia dynasty)." j 9 Lun-ytl "Wei-cheng" j#C , YC, p. 2, 1. 3. Tsung Ping has-*f-f o r i g L , i n the o r i g i n a l . "Leading them with v i r t u e , r e g u l a t i n g them with the r i t e s , they w i l l have a sense of shame and moreover w i l l be re-formed." 5 0 L i eh-nu-chuan " f j # and Shih-chi (1959), p. 427, "Hsiao wen-ti-chi" ^  ^ vfp^gj . During the reign of the Han Wen emperor, T ' i Y i n g i w a s trie daughter of the Prefect of the Grand Granary Ch'un YH-i^JiJJfc . I was implicated in a crime and to be punished by amputa-tion (of wnat appendage i s not s t a t e d ) . I, who had only daughters, vented h i s anger on his daughter saying, "Having daughters and not sons at some point had to bring i l l - l u c k . " T'i Ying sobbed and a f t e r follow-ing her father to the prison at Ch'angan,she submitted a l e t t e r o f f e r i n g h e r s e l f as a member of the harem i n exchange f o r the commutation of her f a t h e r ' s sentence. The Emperor took pity on her and sent down an order doing away with punishment by amputation. A c t u a l l y , only t a t o o i n g and amputation of the nose and foot were abolished at t h i s time. Castration was s t i l l practiced through the Sui dynasty. 5 1 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 12c5. 5 2 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 15al7. 5 3 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 10a9. 5 4Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 10b9-10. 5 5 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 10bl6. 5 6 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 10a3. 89 57 Liebenthal, 1952, p. 380. 5 8 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 15bl6. 5 9 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 10cl7. 60 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 12a22-23. 6 1 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 15a20-21. 6 2 Yen T s u n j | | \ ^ s t y l e Chdn-p'ing % was a man of Shu % who l i v e d at the time of the Ch'eng emperor of the former Han. His b i o -graphy can be found in the Han-shu, (1962), p. 3056, near the beginning of chdan 72, and i n three l o c a t i o n s in the Tao-tsang\^jj& . I quote the Han-shu biography: "Chdn-p'ing devined in the Ch'engtu market. He was of the opinion, 'divining i s a lowly (@$) trade but i t can be used to b e n e f i t the people. When an immoral or improper question [ i s put to me] then I avail myself of the di v i n i n g t o o l s to speak of b e n e f i t and harm. With men's sons, I base my pronouncements in piet y . With men's younger brothers, . . . in obedience. With men's servants ( § . ) . . . i n l o y a l t y . In each case, I accord with the si t u a t i o n and i n s t r u c t with goodness. Those who followed my advice are more than the h a l f . 1 "Earning one hundred cash, enough to get by, he closed his shop, put down the shade and gave i n s t r u c t i o n in the Lao-tzu. He read widely and there was nothing he did not understand. He wrote a book of over one hundred thousand c h a r a c t e r s based on the teachings of Lao-tzu and Chuang Chou." This book e n t i t l e d Tao-te-chen-ching-chih-kuei '\J!l^f? % tQ. jpp s u r v i v e s i n the Tao-tsang, neng ^ '. The phrase quoted by Tsung Ping begins the ei g h t h chUan of the work. "'Tao gives r i s e to the One',—a great confused mixture, far o f f and obscure. 'The One g i v e s r i s e to the Two'--called s p i r i t u a l b r i g h t n e s s . 'Two g i v e s r i s e to Three'—harmonizing muddy and pure.' 'Three gives r i s e to the myriad c r e a t u r e s ' — t h e shapes of Heaven and men." It i s p o s s i b l e t h a t i t i s the process of giving r i s e to the Two which Chdn-p'ing a t t r i b u t e s to the s p i r i t u a l brightness or power but judged by his other glosses, i t appears that he i s , in f a c t , i d e n t i f y -ing the One with the " S p i r i t , I I 63 Ming-fo-lun, Tai sho, V. 52, 15c26. 64 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 16a3. 65 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 15al2-13. 66 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, v. 52, Ilbl7-18. 67 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho", v. 52, 13a2. 90 68 Ming-fo-lun, TaishU, V. 52, 10c23-24. 69 Ming-fo-lun, Tai shu, V. 52, lll>25-27. 70 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho", V. 52, 13al8. 71 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho", V. 52, 13c15. 72 Ming-fo-lun, TaishU, V. 52, 10al2- 13. 73 Ming-fo-lun, Tai shU, V. 52, 15b25. 74 Ming-fo-lun, TaishU, V. 52, 13c19. 75 Ming-fo-lun, Tai shU, V. 52, 13a9. 76 Ming-fo-lun, Taishu, V. 52, 15b24-25. 77 Ming-fo-lun, Tai shU, V. 52, 15bll. 78 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 15bl3- 14. 79 Ming-fo-lun, Tai shU, V. 52, l l a l 6 . 80 Ming-fo-lun, Taishu, V. 52, Il c 2 . 81 Ming-fo-lun, Tai shU, V. 52, Ilb25. 82 Ming-fo-lun, TaishU, V. 52, 13C8-9 • 83 Ming-fo-lun, Tai shU, V. 52, 10a25. 84 Ming-fo-lun, Tai shU, V. 52, 9cl-2. 85 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, I l c l 7 - 18. 86 Ming-fo-lun, TaishU, V. 52, 13bl5- 16. 87 Ming-fo-lun, Tai shU, V. 52, 13bl8- 19. 88 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, 9b 18. 89 Ming-fo-lun, Tai sho, V. 52, 9c5-6. 90 Ming-fo-lun, TaishU, V. 52, 10b27- 28. 91 Chapter Six A Short Introduction to Buddhist Apologetic L i t e r a t u r e The difference i n approach to r e l i g i o n i n China and India was r e -s p o n s i b l e f o r much of the displeasure voiced by Chinese t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s toward Buddhism on Chinese s o i l . In India there was a long t r a d i t i o n a l l o w i n g f o r a r e l i g i o u s l i f e and community outside the auspices of the state. The s p i r i t u a l l i f e was f e l t to be amicably d i v o r c e d from w o r l d l y a c t i v i t i e s and a u t h o r i t i e s and was not required to j u s t i f y i t s own ex-istence by producing any concrete benefits f o r the s t a t e . F o l l o w e r s of the Buddha i n India l i v e d i n monasteries which were c o n c e p t u a l l y and s p a t i a l l y apart from the world and each a law unto i t s e l f , only account-able to the "Law of the Buddha." Compare t h i s s i t u a t i o n to the case in China where any priesthood was intimately t i e d to the monolithic Confucian state, and the r i t u a l i z e d wor-sh i p of Heaven i t performed was meant s t r i c t l y to garner Heaven's bless-ings toward continued prosperity in the world (^.Tr )• The order of obe-d i e n c e , cementing son to father, servant to master, subject to ru l e r and ultimately a l l men to Heaven exempted no one from the obligations accompa-nying h i s p o s i t i o n . The government was not looked on as an expedient, f o r t u i t o u s , enterprise but as part of the natural order e x i s t i n g through Heaven's acquiescence and ble s s i n g . Thus, by t h e i r very s e l f - a s s e r t i o n as independent bodies, the Buddhist monasteries immediately came up a g a i n s t 92 the c l a i m to u n i v e r s a l i t y of the Confucian state. Since i t was not in the service of the state in any way that was readily a p p r e c i a b l e and i n f a c t seemed to show contempt fo r secular rulers in the monks' in s i s t e n c e on not bowing before them, the Buddhist church was viewed by t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese gentlemen as a blasphemous denial of men's subservience to the r u l e r and to Heaven. Its success i n overcoming Chinese intolerance of heterodox i s a remarkable f e a t r e f l e c t i n g the p a r t i c u l a r receptiveness among the Chi-nese of t h i s period to what the doctrine had to o f f e r as well as the grad-ual adjustment of the foreign doctrine to the role of lending support to the state. In a d d i t i o n to the d i f f e r e n t orientations of the r e l i g i o u s estab-lishments i n India and China v i s - a - v i s the state, many of the l e s s o n s of the Buddha were i n sharp contrast to the teachings of China's sages. The Chinese philosophical t r a d i t i o n s of Confucianism and Taoism are g e n e r a l l y concerned with " t h i s " l i f e , perhaps seeking to put i t i n proper order, or free i t from constraint but n e v e r t h e l e s s working w i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f t h i s world, rather than toward any transcendant realm beyond. While Tao-i s t texts of the Han allude to the attainment of the " l i m i t l e s s " or the "mysterious" and in t h e i r ultimate fates the great Taoist sages and sylphs were understood to have transcended mundane existence by becoming one with the "Path," the main focus of the philosophical Taoists i s s t i l l with the workings of the tao i n the world. Such a "Path" as i s depicted in the Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu must c o n s i s t of a withdrawal from l i f e ' s tempta-tions into an attitude eff a c i n g both s e l f and other. However, i t waited u n t i l the exploration of "Non-being" in the Wang Pi branch of hstian-hstleh 93 and of "Emptiness" by the Buddhists f o r t h i s idea of transcendance i n the tao to be described p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y . ! Both the C o n f u c i a n i s t s and the philosophical Taoists took a deter-m i n i s t i c view of men's choices i n l i f e , as being d i c t a t e d by a person's place i n the human and natural order. In t h i s sense, personal i n i t i a t i v e i s discouraged as the individual i s taught to abide by the "share" assign-ed him. But t h i s i s not a f a t a l i s t i c determinism s i n c e w i t h i n t h a t "share" there s t i l l e x i s t s i n f i n i t e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r c o n s t r u c t i v e and harmonious l i v i n g . The "Way of Heaven" i s not an ideal unattainable in thi s l i f e but a blueprint for what l i f e i n the world c o u l d be l i k e . I t and the tao pervade human l i f e , functioning through the myriad creatures rather than i n spite of them. I t i s through l i f e ' s processes t h a t the cosmos i s defined and f u l f i l l e d . Some time during the Eastern Han a foreign doctrine began to be im-ported into China which taught the d i s i l l u s i o n i n g conception of l i f e as a p a i n f u l and negative e x p e r i e n c e , from which one should e x t r i c a t e one's s e l f at the e a r l i e s t opportunity. In c o n t r a s t to the s u f f e r i n g at the root of worldly l i f e , was presented, i n the Buddhist and p a r t i c u l a r l y Ma-hayana teachings, a transcendent realm founded on b l i s s f u l contentment and i n h a b i t e d by a species of s p i r i t u a l giants who have r e a l i z e d the f u t i l i t y of expecting any good to come of l i f e . The Buddhists r e c o g n i z e as the hi g h e s t goal the a n n i h i l a t i o n of l i f e and release from i t s unmistakably painful f e t t e r s . O f f s e t t i n g t h i s negative view of l i f e , there i s the joy-ous s t a t e of buddhahood which l i e s at the end of the devoted follower's arduous trek. It i s t h i s aspect of the d o c t r i n e which proved to be the most a t t r a c t i v e to the Chinese and e f f e c t i v e as a t o o l , in the hands of 94 the a p o l o g e t e s , f o r defending and popularizing the doctrine. From these basic differences i n p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n and i d e o l o g i c a l c o n t e n t , a wealth of arguments against—succeeded by arguments supporting—the doc-t r i n e were generated and given expression i n the a n t i c l e r i c a l and a p o l o -getic l i t e r a t u r e s of Medieval China. I might point out that the defenders of Chinese t r a d i t i o n were ex c l u s i v e l y members of the upper c l a s s e s . Among the uneducated masses there were apparently no unsurmountable contradic-tions between the old and new b e l i e f s . The numbers of monasteries and monks grew many f o l d during the Western and Eastern Chin, a t t e s t i n g to the warm welcome extended to the new customs by the m a j o r i t y of the popula-t i o n . 2 The upper class defenders of t r a d i t i o n , on the other hand, rose i n -dignantly against the audacity of the i n t e r l o p e r , charging the Buddhists with heterodoxy, i . e . , subversion of the state; squandering the wealth and resources i n buildings and a c t i v i t y which produced nothing; d i s r e s p e c t f o r the sacrosanct teachings of the Sages; and v i o l a t i o n of the moral ten-ets contained i n these writings. Considering the l a s t of these p o i n t s o f c o n t e n t i o n , we might observe that such practices among Buddhist monks as shaving the head and abandoning family l i f e would have c o n s t i t u t e d a b l a -t a n t d e n i a l o f one's n a t u r a l "portion" and a f a i l u r e to carry out one's r o l e i n the family. Such customs of the clergy were thus u n c o n s c i o n a b l e for tradition-minded Chinese gentlemen. The basic ideological d ifferences were thus a l l the more graphically obvious and incriminating when put i n t o p r a c t i c e . The doctrine was also maligned on ethnocentric grounds as being of foreign extraction and therefore incapable of having anything to o f f e r the patently superior culture of China. 95 The defense of Buddhism was fought on a number of fronts but Its basic proposition, most d e f i n i t i v e l y expressed by Hui-ytlan, was to explain that the apparent insubordination and waste of the Buddhist d o c t r i n e and p r a c t i c e would ac t u a l l y y i e l d great benefits for a l l mankind by e n l i s t i n g the support of the supreme benefactor—the Buddha—to bring about u n i v e r -sal s a l v a t i o n . The new d o c t r i n e had to prove i t s e l f to be equally i n -strumental i n bringing about the time-honored goals of good order and the " t r a n s f o r m a t i o n by t e a c h i n g " ySfaAJC as were the t r a d i t i o n a l teachings which stressed propriety and duty. Hui-ytlan argued t h i s case in his t r e a -t i s e , A Monk Does Not Bow Down Before A K i n g , 3 by delineating two d i s t i n c t classes of people: those residing i n the home, i . e . , laymen and Buddhist clergymen. He who has l e f t the household l i f e i s a lodger beyond the l i -mits. If they have changed t h e i r way of l i f e then t h e i r garb and d i s t i n c t i v e marks cannot share the r u l e s o f the secular codes . . . Though outwardly they l a c k the c o u r t e s y of up-h o l d i n g the s o v e r e i g n , y e t they do not l o s e hold of r e v e r -ence. 4 Those who remain i n the household l i f e were n a t u r a l l y expected to ex-press "the a f f e c t i o n s of natural k i n s h i p and the p r o p r i e t i e s of o b e d i -ence to a u t h o r i t y . " 5 Thus Hui-ytlan d i d not attempt to minimize the differences between monks and laymen but sought to j u s t i f y the clergy's exemption from o b l i -g a t i o n s imposed on o r d i n a r y Chinese by forging f o r them a separate s t a -tus beyond the pale of s e c u l a r s o c i e t y based on the e x i s t e n c e of the separate realm to which they a s p i r e d . Moreover, Hui-ytlan argued that the i m p r e s s i o n t h a t the sangha s h i r k e d i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to behave i n accordance with propriety was the r e s u l t of mi s t a k e n l y a p p l y i n g to i t 96 o r d i n a r y standards when i n f a c t , a whole d i f f e r e n t set of c r i t e r i a , in keeping with the sangha's d i f f e r e n t o r i e n t a t i o n , was a p p r o p r i a t e -While appearing to overlook such u n i v e r s a l v i r t u e s as reverence and k i n d n e s s , i n a c t u a l i t y , these were at l e a s t e q u a l l y c h e r i s h e d by the sangha. The Buddhist teachings are described as equally instrumental in bringing about the moral elevation of the people through p e r f e c t govern-ment. "In propagating the doctrine and i n encompassing a l l beings (the monks') meritorious work i s equal to that of emperors and kings and t h e i r ( c i v i l i z i n g ) t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i s the same as (what i s affected by) the true p r i n c i p l e s of government." 6 Hui-yUan was pleading with the potentates of his day for the benefit of the doubt i n judging the apparent heterodoxy of the new doctrine. His t r e a t i s e mentioned above was part of the debate generated by Huan Hsdan's d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n over monks' refusal to bow before him and h i s p r o p o s a l s to weed out unsavory members of the sangha put forth between 399 and 402. To succeed in gaining a separate status f o r the sangha which would exempt i t from conventional forms and perhaps win for i t g r e a t e r t o l e r a n c e from the r u l e r , Hui-yUan i n t r o d u c e d to his secular masters a higher ideal and guiding p r i n c i p l e than perhaps they had p r e v i o u s l y acknowledged. T h i s would imbue the secular ru l e r s with an appreciation of the potential cost to a l l mankind of r e s t r i c t i n g the sangha's autonomy. He brought to l i g h t the supreme accomplishment of the Buddha and the b l i s s f u l realm toward which people might aspire. T h i s appeal f o r t o l e r a n c e while being r e l a t i v e l y a r t l e s s and straightforward, i s probably most r e s p o n s i b l e f o r s i l e n c i n g c r i t i c i s m 97 and winning Chinese acceptance of the doctrine. ZUrcher recognizes i n Hui-yUan's "apology," . . . the f i r s t c l e a r and uncompromising d e s c r i p t i o n of the aims of the r e l i g i o u s l i f e . . . . He preaches a c l e a r - c u t d e l i n e a t i o n . . . of the sphere(s) of influence of the church [and state] . . . not based on h i s t o r i c a l or u t i l i t a r i a n mo-t i v e s , but being the ineluctable consequences of the fundamental p r i n c i p l e s of the Buddhist doctrine i t s e l f . 7 While suggesting something new to Chinese i m a g i n a t i o n s , there was a l s o a f a m i l i a r element i n Hui-ytlan's depiction of the Buddha as being free of the feelings and involvement with l i f e which reign i n the " s p i r i t . " In the t h i r d s e c t i o n of the above-mentioned t r e a t i s e , s u b t i t l e d , "He Who Seeks the F i r s t P r i n c i p l e s Does Not Acquiesce i n Change, " Hui-ytlan wrote, I f one does not encumber one's l i f e with f e e l i n g s , then one's l i f e can end. I f one does not encumber one's s p i r i t with l i f e , then one's s p i r i t can be made subtle. The subtle s p i r i t breaking the bounds—this i s what i s meant by nirva*na. 8 The s i m i l a r i t y between t h i s description and the d e p i c t i o n of the Sage i n the Lao-tzu c o u l d not have been l o s t on the Chinese gentleman of the day, f o r whom the Tao - t e - c h i n g was perhaps the most important text in the corpus. Quoting from Wing Tsit-Chan's t r a n s l a t i o n of chapter 20, I alone am i n e r t , showing no sign (of de s i r e s ) , Like an infa n t that has not yet smiled. Wearied, indeed, I seem to be w i t h -out a home. The m u l t i t u d e a l l possess more than enough, I alone seem to have l o s t a l l . 9 While the Buddhist c o n c e p t i o n represents an extension of t h i s ab-sence of involvement with l i f e and objects of sense to the point of aban-doning l i f e , the p r i n c i p l e of s t r i v i n g toward an absolute realm of the 98 " s p i r i t " i s the same. Later i n t h i s t r e a t i s e , Hui-ytlan quotes the Chuang- Tzu, which i n many ways amplifies and develops the concepts of r e l a t i v i t y versus the Absolute discussed i n the Lao-Tzu. "The great clod burdens me with l i f e and rests me with death. . . . L i f e [ i s ] man's harness and death a r e t u r n to t r u t h . . . . When one happens upon human form one re-j o i c e s thereat. But such human form, even in a myriad of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s would not begin to possess the U l t i m a t e . " 1 0 This i s a good example of how the apologists used material from China's own l i b r a r y o f p h i l o s o p h i c a l w r i t i n g s as proof of the v a l i d i t y of the Buddha's teachings. The quality of Hui-ytlan's d e s c r i p t i o n of the Buddhist i d e a l , of being both new and f a m i l i a r , helps to explain the success of h i s arguments and of the doc-t r i n e i t s e l f . Many of the other important apologetic writings along with the t r e a -t i s e by Hui-ytlan mentioned above and the Ming-fo-lun are contained in the Hung-ming-chi, a compendium made by Seng-yu in 515-518, 1 1 of Buddhist writings said to originate from the time of the Eastern Han to the period of the author's own Liang dynasty (502-557). Its f i r s t o f f e r i n g , the Mou-tzu /£p %- or Li -huo-lun ^."^ by Mou-tzu, claims, in i t s preface, to date from the second century, but a number of scholars have argued per-s u a s i v e l y i n favor of a date in the late fourth or early f i f t h centuries. Ztlrcher judges t h i s to be the product of a highly s i n i c i s e d form of Bud-dhism i n which hstian-hstleh terminology pervades the poetical descriptions of Buddhist n o t i o n s . 1 2 One of the main themes i n t h i s work i s the impor-tance of abandoning r i g i d i t y in judging the new doctrine. It s t a t e s t h a t Confu c i u s sought i n s t r u c t i o n from Lao T'an but such cases as t h i s are not mentioned i n the c l a s s i c s . It further points out t h a t medicine does not 99 have to come from the famous physician Pien-Ch'iao in order to be good. 1 , 3 This p r e s c r i p t i o n i s in keeping with the depiction of the Sage,current a t the time,as f r e e of mental f i x e d n e s s and capable of i n f i n i t e response. Like the Ming-fo-lun, i t argues that the Confucian c l a s s i c s do not contain the sum t o t a l of the Sage's wisdom but are only a l i m i t e d statement of the u l t i m a t e Truths of which the "Law of the Buddha" i s the d e f i n i t i v e state-ment. Sun Ch'o (300-380) i n the Ytl-tao-lun 0 ^ ^ ^ goes as far in t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Confucian teachings with the t e a c h i n g s of the Buddha as to say, The Duke of Chou and Confucius are the Buddha, the Buddha i s the Duke of Chou and Confucius! (The difference in) names mere-l y denotes the inner and outer (teachings) . . . The difference i s only that the Duke of Chou and Con f u c i u s brought s a l v a t i o n when c o r r u p t i o n was at i t s height, whereas the Buddha revealed the fundamental p r i n c i p l e s . 1 4 For Sun Ch'o as w e l l , "The Law of the Buddha" provided the f u l l e s t flowering of the "Inquiry Into the M y s t e r i o u s . " The Buddha was judged eminently d e s e r v i n g of the c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the Taoist Sage-ruler as "the one who does nothing and y e t there i s nothing t h a t he does not do." 1 5 The summary of the Ming-fo-lun above can s u f f i c e to give a general impression of types of charges and defenses put f o r t h i n these and other a p o l o g e t i c w r i t i n g s such as the Feng-fa-yao T^^jhi^? by Hsi Ch'ao (336-377) and the Cheng-wu-lun "fc f y f c f j ^ ( a n o n . ) . One anti-Buddhist t r e a t i s e the Pai -hei -1 un {=t " j ^ written by the renegade monk Hui-1 in in around 433, requires more careful attention since Tsung Ping c i t e s i t in a l e t t e r 100 to He Ch'eng-t'ien the source of his motivation for composing the Ming-fo-lun. In Tang Yung-t'ung's judgement, Hui-1 in made a name for himself by his b r i l l i a n c e of mind but never probed very deeply i n t o the metaphysical q u e s t i o n s . He was a part of the l a t e r brand of "Pure Talk" adepts who i d e a l i z e d elegance and t a s t e f u l n e s s i n speech and beauty and ornamentation i n w r i t i n g , whereas the e a r l i e r adepts stressed the "naming of p r i n c i p l e s " 3JL • After he wrote t h i s t r e a t i s e , he was denounced by the sangha but the Emperor (Wen) came to his a i d , took him into his confidence on a l l important matters of s t a t e , and Hui-1 i n became one of the most powerful men of his day. 1 6 Only e x c e r p t s from the t r e a t i s e s u r v i v e . They are found i n the Sung-shu, chtian 97, pp. llb-15b and have been translated by Liebenthal in Monumenta Nfponica 8, 1952, pp. 365-374. It appears from t h i s t r a n s l a t i o n that H u i - l i n was more of an u n c o n v e n t i o n a l , s y n c r e t i c Buddhist than a tre a c h e r o u s one as the monks of h i s day had l a b e l l e d him. Through his straw men "Mr. White Learning" and "Gentleman of the Way of Black Learn-ing" he decries the contradiction between the Buddhist teachings s t r e s s i n g humility and cessation of self-aggrandisement and t h e i r a c t u a l r e s u l t which i n many cases i s to encourage followers to s e l f - i n d u l g e n t l y s t r i v e toward f a r - o f f goals and g l o r i f i c a t i o n amid lush pageantry and extravagant display. "Mr. White" takes the role of c r i t i c of the f a r - f l u n g claims of the Buddhists and advocates the sober rules of conduct of C o n f u c i u s , with a peppering of T a o i s t q u i e t i s m and non-action. The "Monk Black" defends the v a l i d i t y of the t e a c h i n g s of the Buddha but e v e n t u a l l y accedes to 101 "Mr. White's" judgment of t h e i r p o l l u t i o n by worldly desires and ambi-t i o n . H u i - l i n p r a i s e s the emphasis i n both Confucian and Buddhist t e a c h i n g s on benevolence but prefers the sober admission of l i m i t a t i o n s i n the Confucian school to the broad sweep of Buddhist s p e c u l a t i o n . "Mr. White" says, Matters p e r t a i n i n g to b i r t h and death cannot be known. What i s beyond sight or hearing,the Duke Chou and Confucius doubted and did not discuss. This i s r e l a t i v e l y the correct a t t i t u d e . Sakya discussed i t and over and over reached f a l s e c o n c l u -sions, lacking in true substance. 1 7 E a r l i e r in the t r e a t i s e "Mister White" states, . . . pr a i s i n g the b l i s s of nirvana, you breed l a z i n e s s , e x t o l -l i n g the marvels of the dharmakcTya, you s t i r up c u r i o s i t y . While the worldly desires are not yet c o n t r o l l e d , you c r e a t e new de-s i r e s f o r the pleasures of Heaven. Maybe the Bodhisattyas are free from desires, yet c e r t a i n l y people s t i l l have them. 1 8 Many of the a l l u s i o n s appearing in the Pai-hei-lun, such as the r e f -erence to the statement i n the "Ch'i-wu-lun" chapter of the Chuang-tzu of that which the Sage l e t s be and does not d i s c u s s 1 9 are echoed in the Ming- f o - l u n , though they often lead to opposite conclusions. This accounts for some of the inconsistency i n the l a t t e r as Tsung Ping both i d e n t i f i e s with and d i s t a n c e s h i m s e l f from the values embodied i n such references. In general, H u i - l i n a l l i e s himself with the Duke of Chou and Con f u c i u s i n advocating only l i m i t e d concern for supernatural or mysterious matters and emphasizing r a t i o n a l i t y and obedience to the laws of propriety and nature. Tsung Ping agrees that t h i s stance was the appropriate one at the time i n which these sages of a n t i q u i t y taught and, in f a c t , acknowledges a s i m i l a r s t r a i n in the teachings of the Buddha concerning the eight questions which 102 needed no answer, but maintains that a f u l l recognition of the s p i r i t u a l and supernatural realm was the order of h i s day. He b r i n g s c o u n t l e s s pieces of evidence from Chinese l i t e r a t u r e i n d i c a t i n g the existence of the " S p i r i t " to bear i n f i n a l l y v a l i d a t i n g the d i s c u s s i o n of what i s beyond the " s i x d i r e c t i o n s . " T'ang prefaces his treatment of the Pai-hei-lun with a discussion of the two currents i n Chinese Buddhism: one conceiving of Buddhism primari-l y as a r e l i g i o u s and devotional system emphasizing f a i t h and disallowing heterodoxy; the other t r e a t i n g the d o c t r i n e as a p h i l o s o p h i c a l system c l o s e l y a l i g n e d with the "Inquiry Into the Mysterious." 2 0 The southern gentry with i t s penchant for philosophical discussion leaned h e a v i l y t o -ward the l a t t e r and while these discussions often became heated they never quite reached the fevered pitch c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Buddhist practice i n the North where i t was a full-blown devotional creed. T'ang posits that, ide-a l l y , these two aspects are best kept i n b a l a n c e 2 1 but i n China t h i s was not the c a s e . In T'ang's view, the Pai-hei -1un i s an example of the un-tempered p r e o c c u p a t i o n with p r i n c i p l e s to the detriment of r e l i g i o u s f a i t h , which was the tendency in the South. T'ang judges H u i - l i n to have been a monk of l i t t l e sincere f a i t h , and moreover to have had only a l i -mited understanding of such Buddhist concept as sunyata. 2 2 The Ming-fo- lun while belonging to t h i s southern brand of Buddhism leaves no ambiguity i n i t s statement of b e l i e f in Buddhist p r i n c i p l e s or f a i t h i n the s a v i n g power of the Buddha. 103 Notes Chapter Six 1 On the s u b j e c t of the " t h i s w o r l d l i n e s s " of the Confucian doc-t r i n e , i t might be further pointed out that in the actual p r a c t i c e of po-pular Confucianism i n the Han, though v i o l a t i n g the teachings of the Sage, there was often a great deal of attention given to the nether-world, i n order to prevent an ancestor's punishment there which would be shared by his l i v i n g descendants. In recent studies of tomb a r t i f a c t s d a t i n g from the Latter Han, such items as subterranean land deeds intended to ease the deceased's passage to the underworld or gain redemption f o r h i s past wrongs have been brought to l i g h t . T h i s new evidence i n d i c a t e s the strength of the b e l i e f s i n the nether-realm and j o i n t f a m i l i a l r e s p o n s i b -i l i t y and r e t r i b u t i o n held during the period. Thus, the statement of the " t h i s worldliness" of Confucianism must be q u a l i f i e d on the b a s i s of new i n s i g h t s i n t o Han popular r e l i g i o n . See Terry F. Kleeman "Land Contracts and Related Documents" in Chugoku no shukyo shiso' to kagaku, 1984. 2 E. ZUrcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1959), p. 255. ZUrcher quotes figures placing the numbers of monasteries and c l e r i c a l people i n the two c a p i t a l s (Loyang and Ch'angan) d u r i n g the Western Chin at approximately 180 and 3700, re s p e c t i v e l y . The same f i g -ures f o r the t e r r i t o r y of the Eastern Chin during the period from 317-420 reached 1768 and 24,000. These figures a t t e s t to the bourgeoning popular-i t y of the doctrine, among the masses. 3 Leon H u r v i t z , "Render Unto Caesar i n E a r l y Chinese Buddhism," Si no-Indian Studies, V. 5, 3/4 (1957), 2-36. 4 Hurvitz, pp. 99-100. 5 Hurvitz, p. 98. 6 ZUrcher, p. 263. 7 ZUrcher, p. 258. 8 Hurvitz, p. 102. 9 Lao-tzu, Chapter 21. W i n g - t s i t Ch'an, trans. A Source Book i n  Chinese Philosophy, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963), p. 150. 1 0 From the Chuang-tzu "Great and Venerable Teacher," Yenching con-cordance (YC), p. 116, 1. 24-27. Quoted by Hui-yUan in A Monk Does Not  Bow Down Before A King. Hurvitz, p. 109. 104 1 1 ZUrcher, p. 13. 12 ZUrcher, p. 52. 1 3 Kenneth Ch'en Buddhism i n China, (Princeton: Princeteon Univer-s i t y Press, 1964), p. 39. 14 ZUrcher, p. 267. 1 5 Taisho, V. 52, p. 17a. 16 T'ang Yung-t'ung, Han-wei liang-chin nan-pei-ch'ao fo-chiao shih (Shanghai: China Library, 1955), V. 2, p.423. 17 H u i - l i n , Pai-hei-Tun £3 H as quoted in T'ang, p. 420. 18 W. L i e b e n t h a l , "The Immortality of the Soul i n Chinese Thought," Monumenta Nipponica, 8 (1952), p. 370. 1 9 A.C. Graham, t r a n s . "Chuang-tzu's Essay on Seeing Things as E q u a l , " H i s t o r y of R e l i g i o n s V. 8, #1 (1968), p. 155. "What i s outside the universe the sage leaves as i t i s and does not d i s c u s s . What i s i n -side the universe the sage discusses but does not judge." 2 0 T'ang, pp. 418-419. 21 T'ang, p. 4 1 8 < £ < # *fc & 5!&/R-"f *T<fe # - . 22 T'ang, P- W 3& W £ 105 Chapter Seven Analysis of the P h i l o s o p h i c a l and Doc t r i n a l  Positions of the Text As i t s overall formulation, the t r e a t i s e seeks to account f o r the v a r i e t i e s of phenomenon and the changes o c c u r r i n g to a l l "elements of r e a l i t y " (dharmas) by p r i n c i p l e s d i s t i l l e d from the Buddhist sutras. Tsung Ping's main theme seeks to answer the metaphysical question "By what p r i n -c i p l e are creatures born i n certain forms and phenomena made to appear, and p e r i s h . " He describes in the Ming-fo-lun the vast range of creatures from the highest to the lowest. "Above there are the many Buddhas. Below t h e r e are the f l i t t e r i n g i n s e c t s . " 1 He poses the enigma of the great d i s p a r i t y i n t a l e n t and virtue between Shun,his father and his son. (In as much as) the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of stacked p u p i l s 2 was born of stubborn Ku 3 and the body of f o o l i s h ChUn was received from Huang Chung [Shun], ( i t can be seen that) ignorance and s a g e l i -ness are separated as by the g u l f of Heaven. How could they have come (in two) so close (as father and son)? . . . 4 E a r l i e r i n the t r e a t i s e , Tsung Ping explains: ". . . Now, although Shun was born of Ku, Shun's s p i r i t could not have been born of Ku. Then (also) the s p i r i t of Shang ChUn was also not born of Shun." 5 The Confucianists and the Philosophical Taoists d i d not t r y to ex-p l a i n why a creature would f i n d i t s e l f i n any p a r t i c u l a r "portion." Indi-genous philosophy ascribes such determinations to the mysterious workings of "Heaven" or the "Path." Perhaps because a creature, as conceived of i n Confucian and Taoist thought, only takes one ride on the merry-go-round of 106 l i f e , the p a r t i c u l a r mechanism which decides whether he s i t s a s t r i d e a g a l l a n t horse or a grotesque pig i s not of great i n t e r e s t , since i t would never come into play again. T r a d i t i o n a l Chinese l i t e r a t u r e does record many instances i n which f o r t u i t o u s heavenly intervention i n human a f f a i r s i s c l e a r l y the r e s u l t of s i n c e r e and worthy appeals by humble humans. In Buddhist philosophy the s i t u a t i o n of f a i t h or fervent emotion causing the Buddha to manifest him-s e l f i s seen as p a r a l l e l to the case in which a person of good and f a i t h -f u l conduct reaps a good r e b i r t h . In both cases a propitious condition i s formed which l a t e r g i v e s r i s e to another d e s i r a b l e s t a t e of a f f a i r s . Tsung Ping r e f e r s to many cases of heavenly blessings in Chinese t r a d i t i o n and he analyzes them as adhering to t h i s Buddhist pattern of p r e c i p i t a t i n g conditions which i n s p i r e the " S p i r i t " to intervene. There are those cases which must have come to pass by the a p p l i -c a t i o n of super-human powers. 6 The (Yellow) River gave fort h the c h a r t . The Luo ( R i v e r ) produced the document. 7 The Ming-Chia plant spread without being c u l t i v a t e d . The Black Jade t a -b l e t became perfect without cut t i n g or p o l i s h i n g . 8 Mulberry and grain plants grew in the courtyard. Suddenly they were i n great armfuls and j u s t as suddenly they were gone/ 9 As part of his case for the existence of the " S p i r i t " and the mech-anism of cause and condition (stimulus) and response, the authenticity of such legends as these i s assumed by Tsung Ping. He p r o j e c t s from these documented cases of conditioned response to a l l i n e x p l i c a b l e appearances of creatures and phenomena. He asks, "By what a r t i f i c e could some matters be alone t h i s way and the myriad transformations not so i n t h e i r e n t i r e -t y . "10 Tsung Ping accounts f o r the myriad manifestations and changes by the "dark t r a n s f o r m a t i o n " ^ 4** which i s at the root of a l l dharmas. 107 With the changes i n the sun and moon, the twelve pipes succeed one a n o t h e r . 1 1 New and f u l l moons mesh with one another and o y s t e r s and clams respond. 1 2 The seasons of moderation and of extremes; of blossom and of d e c l i n e . 1 3 Swallows and f a l c o n s , 1 4 dragons and snakes i n a gusting turbulence coming into being and p e r i s h i n g , a l l f i r s t undergo the dark transformation and only a f t e r i t , are they expressed as a type of c r e a t u r e . A l l the hosts of c r e a t u r e s " h a v e been shaped by the dark transforma-t i o n . 1 5 The hosts of auspicious omens mysteriously appear and disappear. Since they e x i t the body and enter the s p i r i t 1 6 they e q u a l l y undergo the immaterial dark t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . 1 7 How can you only believe ' t h i s ' and suppress ' t h a t ' ? 1 8 Just as a l l conditions a r i s e from mental or emotional attachments, the same can be said f o r the miraculous occurrences i n Chinese h i s t o r y . The hosts of portents [mentioned] i n the Great P l a n — 1 9 i n d i c a -tions of fortune good and b a d — a r e a l l d e r i v e d from the mind 'c? . Coming to such matters as a white s t r e a k p i e r c i n g the sun, [the b r i g h t n e s s o f ] Venus c o v e r i n g over the P l e i a d e s c o n s t e l l a t i o n . 2 0 a c o l d v a l l e y giving r i s e to m i l l e t , 2 1 a c o l -l a p s i n g w a l l 2 2 and a descending f r o s t 2 3 : A l l [of these] spring from peoples' emotions, at a distance molding heavenly phenomena. These together are c e r t a i n l y as form and shadow. [Just as] of forms there i s none without shadow and of sounds there i s none without echo, so then among emotions i s there none which has no r e p e r c u s s i o n s ? 2 4 Is i t only a matter of such things as 'piercing the sun' or 'a descending f r o s t ' . In a l l t h e s e , none does not a c c o r d with emotion to i n d i r e c t l y e l i c i t a response. 2 5 Among things, none can abscond from i t s f o r m . 2 6 Whether brought together into a body or scattered among [worldly] a f f a i r s , 2 7 cases of immediate and delayed c o m p e n s a t i o n 2 8 are confused and entangled. [The scope of] the manifest and obscure [ f r u i t s of t h i s p r o c e s s ] i s mystifyingly vast. Who can perceive i t s l i m i t ? The myriad metamorphoses f i l l the world. The hosts of forms crowd the eye. They are a l l brought together by the action of subtle causes p r e c i p i t a t i n g down over the course of ten-thousand generations. Thus, the Buddhist s u t r a s t a t e s "the forms of a l l the dharmas are born of the mind."""2^ It also states, "The mind i s the basis of dharmas--the mind makes the palace of the gods; the mind makes the earthly h e l l . " 3 0 108 The mechanism by which mental or emotional attachments are said to c o n d i t i o n f u t u r e l i v e s through the i n t e r m e d i a r y a c t i o n of the "dark t r a n s f o r m a t i o n " r e q u i r e s f u r t h e r examination. When the mind forms an attachment to something i n the world which,in f a c t , i s i t s e l f without abid-i n g r e a l i t y (except i n i t s e s s e n t i a l , "Emptiness"), the subject i s e f f e c -t i v e l y transformed i n t o a new, though equally i l l u s o r y , dharma which re-f l e c t s t h i s bond to another o b j e c t . The attachment made to the o b j e c t c o n d i t i o n s the r e s u l t i n g form of the person entering into the attachment. Thus an individual i s constantly defining and r e d e f i n i n g h i m s e l f by the co n n e c t i o n s he perceives or c u l t i v a t e s between himself and other elements of r e a l i t y . For t h i s reason, Tsung Ping r e i t e r a t e s a course prescribed i n the Lao-tzu o f g r a d u a l l y reducing connections to things, "upholding the learning of da i l y reduction-reducing and further r e d u c i n g - one w i l l c e r -t a i n l y reach (the state of) non-ado and non-desiring."31 The "dark transformation", though b r i d g i n g the mysterious g u l f be-tween l i v e s , i s j u s t another example of a previously generated condition giving r i s e to a succeeding condition. At death, the f i n a l i d e n t i t y which one has formed, being the sum total of each of his connections to things with each connection acting i n succession to generate his character (be i t pure and s a i n t l y as was Yao's or low and inhumane as was Chieh's), w i l l be the precursor and p r e c i p i t a t i n g cause of his next l i f e . The " c o n d i t i o n " of inhumanity w i l l reduce one's chances of being reborn a human. Thus, in the "dark transformation" a p a r t i c u l a r consciousness, now sep a r a t e d from i t s body, a c t s as the cause f o r the b i r t h of another creature which l i e s somewhere on the scale between " f l i t t e r i n g i n s e c t s " or perhaps denizens of Hell and Buddhahood. 109 Attachments are formed and the mechanism of cause and response per-petuated because of e m o t i o n . " T h u s , p u r i f y i n g the mind and c l e a n s i n g the emotions [one] w i l l c e r t a i n l y gain a fine b i r t h i n a glorious and mag-n i f i c e n t realm. P o l l u t i n g the emotions and degrading the conduct, one w i l l be forever deluded in the region of the three [ e v i l ] paths.32 A l l l i f e comes into being from emotional attachment . . . I t i s with f a i r assurance that we can know that emotional attachment i s the basis of l i f e . Coming to the Five Emperors and Three Ru-l e r s 3 3 , although they surpassed emotional attachment and f u l l y r e f i n e d t h e i r s p i r i t s but s t i l l there was none among the p r i n c i -p l e s [which I have d e s c r i b e d ] which they were not obliged to follow. With respect to c o n d i t i o n s p r e v i o u s l y formed, these s t i l l must have been complied with and entering into the subtle transformations, they followed from one l i f e t i m e i n t o another and spread [themselves] out among [the ranks o f ] the myriad c r e -atures. How much more i s i t true today where emotional a t t a c h -ment completely pervades the s p i r i t t h a t a t the death and destruction of one body, there would again be r e c e i v e d a body-b i r t h and death continuing without l i m i t . 3 4 Since the " S p i r i t , " i t s e l f , cannot be tampered w i t h , Tsung P i n g i d e n t i f i e s the n o t i o n of "consciousness"*!"^ (the intermittentness of which Prof. Hurvitz f e e l s i s best captured by the french word ' c o n n a i s s -a n c e ' ) . Tsung Ping a p p r e c i a t e s the actual "Emptiness" of consciousness. "Although there are such a myriad of emotional attachments, each c o n d i -t i o n s the next to produce consciousness. The consciousness i n s p i r e s to produce the body but i t s nature i s in f a c t empty." 3 5 It i s formed of emo-tion a l attachment and goes on to i n s p i r e the r e b i r t h i n a f u t u r e body by a c t i n g as the " c o n d i t i o n " for the r e b i r t h . It i s best understood as yet another conditioned element of e x i s t e n c e , c o n s t a n t l y being reborn and p e r i s h i n g through the c o n t a c t and involvement of the mind with external 110 t h i n g s . Inspiring a r e b i r t h , the "consciousness", along with the " s p i r i t ' J i s i n h e r i t e d by the new body but unlike " s p i r i t " in Tsung Ping's concep-t i o n , "consciousness" can be completely eliminated, leaving only the pure " s p i r i t . " . . . The mind i s applied and a consciousness i s made. It must be that each and every ap p l i c a t i o n of the mind i s i n subtle con-t a c t and each and every instance of consciousness forms a subtle continuum. It i s simply l i k e the flame of a f j / e ; [one] flame reaches to the next u n t i l i t becomes a b l a z e . 3 6 Now, using i n -t u i t i o n into Emptiness to quiet the mind, the a p p l i c a t i o n of the mind ceases as emotional consciousness i s put to r e s t . Then the l i g h t of the s p i r i t i s complete. T h e r e f o r e , the s t r u c t u r e of emotional c o n s c i o u s n e s s i s a subtle continuum of new and o l d . This then i s what demarcates the boundary between being f r a g -mented [and being as] one with the s p i r i t . Must t h i s b a r r i e r [to s p i r i t u a l unity] always e x i s t ? 3 7 S i m i l a r l y , the Buddha can be made to appear i n response to the f a i t h and s i n c e r i t y of the b e l i e v e r . This i s seen to occur by the same mechan-ism as allowed Tou Yen to cause the universal " S p i r i t " of "Heaven" to send down a f r o s t , i n r e c i p r o c i t y f o r his s u f f e r i n g at being unjustly j a i l e d 3 8 or allows an individual to gain a good r e b i r t h by e s t a b l i s h i n g a p o s i t i v e causal nexus. Discussing why 60,000 men were allowed to d i e i n two famous b a t t l e s , Tsung Ping explains Now although possessing worldly v i r t u e s , [a person] l a c k s the h e a r t [which i s wedded to] the Path. V i o l a t i n g and harming the hosts of l i v i n g [creatures], by means of r e t r i b u t i o n they meet with punishment. This i s as p r i n c i p l e would have i t . The Buddha i s conveyed on p r i n c i p l e , r e s i d e s i n what i s a p p r o p r i a t e and saves creatures by means of the Law. If the law i s not followed then as a matter of p r i n c i p l e there i s no u n j u s t i f i e d s a l v a t i o n . . . . In a l l cases [miracles are performed] by means of fervent s i n c e r i t y which moves the s p i r i t u a l P a t h . 3 9 Thus, [ i f ] the w i l l i s committed then contemplating him he w i l l appear; speaking to him he w i l l h e a r . 4 0 . . . with pure thought contemplating his arousal, [one w i l l ] see the Buddha of immeas-urable l o n g e v i t y . 4 1 I l l The Buddha i s able to offer salvation by virtue of his "exhaustively refin e d S p i r i t " ^ which enables his brightness to be everywhere pene-t r a t i n g . The f u l l y refined " s p i r i t " of one such as the Buddha i n s p i r e s the manifestation of a l l subtle phenomena. The ultimate s p i r i t u a l animation of the dharma-body in s p i r e s the hosts of subtle phenomena and the [ s u b t l e ] t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i s m a n i f e s t . The s p i r i t u a l e f f i c a c y illuminates and creatures are made bright. What miraculous event i s not c a r r i e d out to the f u l l e s t ? At what change can a l i m i t a t i o n be imposed? 4 2 It i s the S p i r i t which makes subtle the myriad things and speaks through them 4 3 . . . Thus, the essential S p i r i t reaches to a l l of the four corners and penetrates them a l l without l i m i t . Above i t meets with Heaven and below i t curves around the E a r t h . 4 4 "Concentrating the s p i r i t so that i t i s only subtle: t h i s i s the epitome of the Path. P e n e t r a t i n g without o b s t r u c t i o n : T h i s i s the ultimate b r i g h t n e s s . " 4 5 The " S p i r i t " i n these quotes seems to denote a universal concept rather than being i d e n t i f i a b l e with any p a r t i c u l a r individual or h i s t o r i c -al f i g u r e . Tsung Ping states that in the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , the " s p i r i t s " of i n d i v i d u a l s are a l l equal. "Although the s p i r i t s of the myriad l i v i n g t h i n g s a r e , i n the end, equal, they transmigrate and move in keeping with causes d e v e l o p i n g coarse and s u b t l e c o n s c i o u s n e s s . " 4 6 Reaching t h e i r f u l l e s t refinement,the " s p i r i t s " of such figures as the Buddha, C o n f u c i u s and Lao-tzu return to t h e i r o r i g i n s and merge with the universal " S p i r i t . " "Thus, Heaven and Earth have s p i r i t u a l animation . . . . T h e i r s p i r -i t s came t o g e t h e r with the u n i v e r s e . " 4 7 "The TathSgata exhaustively r e -f i n e d h i s s p i r i t with the bright u l t i m a t e . " 4 8 "Setting out with the men-t a l i t y of an ordinary person and f i n d i n g the t r a c k of the f i r s t r oad, 112 though the many ye a r s passed through could number 1n the kalpas, 1n the end one's road w i l l c e r t a i n l y merge with the dark u l t i m a t e . " 4 9 i t i s c l e a r from these excerpts that Tsung Ping envisions an ultimate e x i s t e n c e i n which p a r t i c u l a r i d e n t i t i e s have been sloughed away and the i n d i v i d -ual's " s p i r i t " has been reclaimed by a universal " S p i r i t . " The u n i v e r s a l " S p i r i t " and the " s p i r i t " or soul of an i n d i v i d u a l seem to amount to the same thing with the q u a l i f i c a t i o n that i n the l a t t e r case the " s p i r i t " i s s t i l l c o n f i n e d to the corporeal body and as such i t s inherent brightness i s muted. Tsung Ping depicts the " S p i r i t " as something which i s outside of the dominion of y i n and yang and therefore beyond change. He i d e n t i f i e s i t with "perfect Non-being" • Now i t i s stated that the [ c y c l i c operation o f ] y i n and yang i s what i s c a l l e d the course [of t h i n g s ] . 5 0 What cannot be appre-hended [ i n terms o f ] y i n and yang i s c a l l e d the S p i r i t . 5 1 In sum, t h i s i s speaking of perfect Non-being acting as the Path i n which y i n and yang are u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . Therefore, [by way of c o n t r a s t ] i t i s s a i d [ t h e r e i s a c y c l i c operation of] y i n and y a n g . 5 2 From the Path i t descends, e n t e r i n g into the subtle s p i r i t s o f i n d i v i d u a l s . 5 3 It e x i s t s forever outside of y i n and yang and i s not exhausted by these two standards. Therefore i t i s said that y i n and yang cannot apprehend i t . 5 5 The " S p i r i t " i s also i d e n t i f i e d as the o r i g i n a l source of animation i n the world, j u s t as "Non-being" ins p i r e s "Being." "Chtln-p'ing's theory that the One which gives r i s e to the Two i s c a l l e d the ' l i g h t of the S p i r -i t ' i s what t h i s i s r e f e r r i n g t o . " 5 6 This statement that o r i g i n a l l y there 113 was only " S p i r i t " 1n conjunction with previous statements that l i f e i s re-i t e r a t e d because of unreconciled emotional attachments, induced the a n t i -Buddhist to ask the defender of the f a i t h how the doctrine accounts for the genesis of l i f e and matter, i f , at one time, there was only the pure, s t o i c a l " S p i r i t . " Someone may ask, ' I f the root of the S p i r i t i s perfect empti-ness "SjJL , f o r what reason does i t become tainted by the myri-ad t h i n g s and with them produce a cause [of future Karma]? . . . And since as you say the mind c r e a t e s the myriad [types o f ] Being, before the myriad things existed what was there to burden the mind and cause i t to i n s p i r e and beget the myriad [types o f ] B e i n g ? ' 5 7 One cannot f a u l t Tsung Ping f o r f a i l i n g to provide his questioner with provocative material i n t h i s debate. Tsung Ping attempts to r e c t i f y these apparent inconsistencies i n i t i a l l y by appealing to the metaphor of a human body. This example i l l u s t r a t e s that the s u b t l e t y of the " S p i r i t " often comes together with the coarse, as an i n d i v i d u a l ' s " s p i r i t " i s j o i n -ed to his coarse body. I respond, now the s p i r i t i s subtle^')? and the form coarse but they u t i l i z e each other. Since the s u b t l e i s i n c o n t a c t with the coarse then we can know t h a t Emptiness can be i n contact with B e i n g . 5 8 The r a t i o n a l e here seems to be that between coarse matter and the " S p i r i t " there w i l l always occur chance meetings and contacts w i l l i n v a r i a b l y come about. But t h i s f a i l s to explain the o r i g i n of t h i s coarse matter which the " S p i r i t " might inadvertently have alighted on. About t h i s q u e s t i o n of the o r i g i n of conditions ; which would be the f i r s t instance of subtle " S p i r i t " coming i n t o c o n t a c t with coarse matter, Tsung Ping 114 pleads Ignorance and emphasizes the f u t i l i t y of any human quest a f t e r t h i s " o r i g i n a l cause." Tsung Ping i d e n t i f i e s t h i s mystery with what i s " o u t s i d e the u n i v e r s e " which the Sage "leaves as i t i s and does not d i s -c u s s . "59 " P r o j e c t i n g from the present day u t i l i t y of the s p i r i t to seek i t s point of o r i g i n i n the past, i n the end one w i l l a r r i v e at what the Sages l e t be and d i d not d i s c u s s . " 6 0 Thus, i n Tsung Ping's conception, while the Buddhist doctrine pushes back the f r o n t i e r s of Confucianism, i t shares with the Chuang-tzu the r e c o g n i t i o n of a l i m i t to the mysteries which the Sage would i l l u m i n a t e . Tsung Ping explains t h i s l i m i t simply as the r e s u l t of the absence of any stimulus from those quarters which might i n s p i r e the Sage's response. "What i s beyond the s i x realms has nothing which can a c t as an i n s p i r a t i o n . Therefore i t i s l e f t alone and not d i s -cussed. If a Sage did not d i s c u s s i t , by what means can people become enlightened to i t . " 6 1 T h e r e f o r e , the hosts of the minds [of creatures] receive [the model of] the Sage i n order to develop [ s u b t l e ] c o n s c i o u s n e s s . I t i s l i k e the hosts of eyes al i g n i n g with the sun so that they may see . . . Why, because of what i s obscure a t 1000 paces should one doubt a f i n e hair at one hundred hsUn.62 Today, we cannot reach back to the root cause. [Because ofJ the d e f i c i e n -c i e s of emotion there i s no means of coming into contact with the Sage [on t h i s subject] but we know that t h i s does not impede our r e a c h i n g the f o r d which ar r i v e s at the Path. Why, because of the obscurity of the beginning of causes should one s e l f de-f e a t i n g l y doubt teachings which are already c l e a r . 6 3 This c r i t i c i s m of the doctrine f o r f a i l i n g to adequately account f o r the o r i g i n of c o a r s e matter must have been a major part of the anti-Buddhist polemic of the period because Tsung Ping frequently refers i n the Trea t i s e to such charges and the harm which they cause. 115 In keeping with his admonition to nurture and promote the s p i r i t u a l side, Tsung Ping chides t r a d i t i o n a l l i t e r a t u r e and customs with being preoc-c u p i e d with the common yearning to preserve the body. He c r i t i c i z e s the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese approach as being l i m i t e d to the r e l a t i v e l y momentary span of a l i f e t i m e and minute land-area of China compared to the e t e r n i t y and "three-thousand suns and moons" i n which the teachings of the Buddha o p e r a t e . Moreover, t r a d i t i o n a l l i t e r a t u r e i s characterized by Tsung Ping as being preoccupied with e s t a b l i s h i n g and maintaining good government, to the d e t r i m e n t of the c u l t i v a t i o n of the " s p i r i t . " "Thus the Path l i e s in r e f i n i n g the s p i r i t and i s not d e r i v e d from p r e s e r v i n g the [ e a r t h l y ] f o r m . " 6 4 " L a b o r i n g b i t t e r l y [ i n the i n t e r e s t s of e n j o y i n g ] splendid sights*, expending a l l one's resources [ i n the hope o f ] a long l i f e , not having [enjoyed l i f e ] for long, suddenly, the body p e r i s h e s . " 6 5 "The rea-son why from ancient times the Path of good-government has always been espoused i s so t h a t l i f e might be preserved and yet from l i f e comes suf-f e r i n g . The i g n o r a n t do not understand [ t h i s ] . " 6 6 "Although the Path puts at a distance the desire f o r good-government and to preserve l i f e , s t i l l , c e r t a i n l y , the f i v e unchanging p r i n c i p l e s 6 7 take shape 6 8 and the teach-ing of propriety i s counselled within i t . " 6 9 Though having passed through the heaped kalpas beyond count or boundary reaching t i l l today, i t i s a l l but a single blink and a single glimpse. . . . Thus c r e a t u r e s fawn over t h e i r bodies which are l i k e morning dew . . . rather, than giving themselves free r e i n amid the distant current [of Buddhism]. 7 0 Tossed about i n the domain of men and preoccupied with w o r l d l y ways, [ p e o p l e ] only appreciate the scope of men's P a t h / ^ and s p i r i t u a l contemplation i s as nothing at a l l 7 1 ... It i s not that the s p i r i t i s united with the eight remote [ p o i n t s of the compass] and therefore transcends a single g e n e r a t i o n ? 7 2 116 Now, worldly teaching emphasizes the achievement of orderly gov-ernment within a sin g l e l i f e span. Thus, those who [ s t r i v e t o -ward] the dark p e r f e c t i o n are few, those who abide by the world's norms are many 7 3 . . . From the perspective of the Law of the Buddha, t h i s body i s not the s e l f but could be understood as a mere r e s t i n g p l a c e along the way. It i s the essential s p i r i t which.is one's own person 4£ % J3 Along the same l i n e s , Tsung Ping contrasts human t r u t h s or p r i n c i -p l e s A 5% with those of the " S p i r i t . " Human p r i n c i p l e s are depicted as being highly susceptible to the trends of the times and constantly i n fl u x w h i l e the p r i n c i p l e s espoused by the Buddha are universal and unchanging. "The p r i n c i p l e s [governing] human existence 75 a r e tossed and buf-f e t e d , l i k e a dream, [now] staying, now d i s a p p e a r i n g . " 7 6 Worldly j u s t i c e i s seen as only a subordinate manifestation of an e a r l i e r judgement formed i n the "dark t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . " "Today, the situations of being without g u i l t and being g u i l t y of a crime are equally the r e s u l t of a dark c o n d i -t i o n formed p r e v i o u s l y . Human p r i n c i p l e s [of r i g h t and wrong] are only l a t e r e x p r e s s e d . " 7 7 Human truths are depicted as being unstable and o f -f e r i n g no real s e c u r i t y . Tsung Ping asks, "When have human p r i n c i p l e s been adequate to be r e l i e d o n ? " 7 8 Worldly rul e r s are s i m i l a r l y judged unworthy to dispense l a s t i n g security and nourishment f o r body or " s p i r -i t . " Thus, the master of ten thousand c h a r i o t s , the l o r d of one thou-sand c h a r i o t s : T i l l the sun sinks to the West they cannot spare even the time to eat. The masses may re l y on them for the mere span of a single l i f e t i m e . How can [the temporal r u l e r ] con-t r i b u t e to the f l o u r i s h i n g of t h e i r s p i r i t s and be the master of the myriad t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s ? 7 9 117 For the vast m a j o r i t y of Chinese, Tsung Ping p r e s c r i b e s simple, though unquestioning, f a i t h in the Buddha and his teachings. He d i s c o u r -ages the tendency he saw among his contemporaries to seek f u l l explana-tions of the most abstract concepts of the doctrine such as the " o r i g i n of causes," before abandoning t h e i r doubts and suspicions. He teaches that they need only follow the p r e s c r i p t i o n s , ignoring such u n c e r t a i n t i e s , and a l l would be made c l e a r to them in time. "Thus, in the Path in which the Sage (Confucius) i s obeyed and the Buddha i s upheld, one should c e r t a i n l y b i d f a r e w e l l to what i t c i r c u m s c r i b e s and feast on [what i s within the scope o f ] i t s response."80 . m m Now the hosts of lowly c r e a t u r e s of no account, the myriad types of insects and crawling things are proof of this.81 As a means of coping, the only course open i s , with complete s i n c e r -i t y , to put one's f a i t h in the Buddha and to devote one's heart to carrying out the monastic code as a source of guidance f o r the essential S p i r i t . [ I f ] blessed in l i f e with the support of the S p i r i t , in death one w i l l purely rise.82 . . . "In sum, honor his Path, and have f a i t h i n his teachings."83 These prescriptions mirror the growing d e v o t i o n a l and s a l v a t i o n a l a spects of Buddhist practice in China. Armed simply with a sincere f a i t h in the might of the Buddha, one would be guaranteed present protection and f u t u r e transcendence. "With one heart speaking [the name of] Kuan-shih-y i n (Avalokitesvara) then, in general, none w i l l not be blessed with s a l -v a t i o n . " 84 jhe u n i v e r s a l " S p i r i t " represented by the Buddhist figures Avalokitesvara and Amitabha was depicted i n the r o l e of a b s o l u t e r u l e r , able to secure men's security and good-fortune not only for one l i f e t i m e but for a l l time. 118 Notes Chapter Seven 1 Tsung Ping, Ming-fo-lun Pk9<atj^K, Hung-ming-chi chUan 2, TaishU, V. 52, p. 15b 18-19. h * 8 ^ 2 M i n g - f o - l u n , Tai sho", V. 52, p. 10a 10. Shun was said to have had more than one pupil i n an eye. For t h i s reason he was c a l l e d "many flow-e r s " 4 _ # and "stacked" or "multiple p u p i l s" f ! (£_)§ji , c f . Shih-chi (1959), p. 31, "Wu-ti p e n - c h i " . 'Tv 3 J$ ^Jf . r e f e r s to Shun's father. Ku means blind-man and was Shun's father's nickname so given because of hTs i n a b i l i t y to d i s c e r n Shun's goodness. 4 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 1 0 a l 0 - l l . 5 M i n g - f o - l u n . T a i s h o , V. 52, p. 10a4-6. Shang-chfln ^ 5t> Shun's son, was recognized by Shun to be unworthy and Shun, t h e r e f o r e , passed the throne to Yd $h . 6 M i n g - f o - l u n , T a i s h o , V. 52, p. 10cl4. Han-shu(1962), p. 2500, "Tung c h u n g - s h u - c h u a n , " : 4 ^ A t ? PfrZXZb^%l 7 Re: Chapter 5, Note 11. 8 M i n g - f o - l u n , T a i s h o , V. 52, p. 10c 15 ^  --an auspicious plant which grew in Yao's garden, adding a lea f f o r each of the f i r s t f i f t e e n days o f the month and l o s i n g one l e a f f o r each of the succeeding f i f t e e n d a y s . z l SSl --a type of jade said to have existed during the time of YU and mentioned i n the Shang-shu. 9 M i n g - f o - l u n , T a i s h o , V. 52, p. 10c6. S h i h - c h i ( 1 9 5 9 ) , p. 1356, "Feng-ch'an-shu" 5tf % . "During the reign of the T'ai -wu & emperor, sang and ku |"? ^  (mulberry and g r a i n ) plants [grew! i n the courtyard. By" dusk "tTTere were g r e a t armfuls [ o f them] — % IK . I Chih s a i d , 'Strange phenomenon cannot succeed over v i r t u e . T'ai-wu then improved his conduct and the mulberry and grain died away." 1° Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 10b20. 1 1 M i n g - f o - l u n , Taisho, V. 52, p. 10b 16-17, ^ . The twelve s t a n d a r d pipes devised i n f a r t h e s t antiquity consisted of s i x ^ # (yang) pi p e s and six S (yin) pipes of graduating length and set i n a l t e r n a t i o n with each o t h e r . TnTthe "Yue-ling"/*} ^ section of the Li - c h i , each 119 month 1s i d e n t i f i e d with one of these pipes and so, p a r a l l e l to the pass-ing of months i s the succession from one pipe to another. 12 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho", V. 52, p. 10bl7 Lu-shih ch'un-ch'iu chUan 9, LU-shih ch'un-ch'iu chen-pen, p. 208. "The moon: i t i s the basis of a l l y i n . When the moon i s f u l l then oysters and clams are in evidence "^ jjf and a l l y i n i s p l e n t i f u l . When the moon i s new then the oysters and clams are absent jSL and a l l y i n i s d e f i c i e n t . " Liebenthal i n t e r p r e t s "**§" and ^ to mean " f a t " and "lean." W. Liebenthal, "The Immortality of the Soul i n Chinese Thought," Monumenta Nipponica, 8 (1952) pp. 386-387. p. 94, supp. i . "''fh5W ."'Th r e f e r s to s p r i n g and f a l l because d u r i n g these seasons, time i s n e a r l y e q u a l l y d i v i d e d between day and night. r e f e r s to the extremes of summer's long days and winter's long hours of darkness. and r^P r e f e r to the months of opening up and prospering and to the months of decline and dormancy, r e s p e c t i v e l y . the other four e d i t i o n s . 15 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 10bl8-19. 16 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 10c23. Perhaps meaning that when an omen vanishes some trace of i t remains, i n " s p i r i t , " u n t i l i t s next appearance i n form. 1 7 M i n g - f o - l u n , Taisho, V. 52, p. 10c24. V*^ 'V^  ' V £ . For '12'^ ('Vjfei) we may r e f e r to the Lao-tzu chapter 14 "This i s c a l l e d shape without shape, form (hsiang) without o b j e c t . It i s the vague and e l u -sive " A l t (Ch'an t r a n s l a t i o n ) . One commentator e x p l a i n s t h i s term as meaning, "that which cannot be f i x e d " ^ f^'fe *ZL -. 1 8 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 10c24. There does not seem to be any attempt here to e s t a b l i s h the s u p e r i o r i t y of one s e t of b e l i e f s over another; merely to make room f o r a new, equally p l a u s i b l e c o l l e c t i o n of miracles. 19 i*£fP JS^ifc . From the Shang-shu "Hung-fan" chapter, Shang-shu  chin-chu c h i n - i , p. 75. The eighth of the nine branches of the "Great Plan" reads % ffl f £ "Consult the hosts of [Heaven's] portents." 20 M i n g - f o - l u n , T a i s h o , V. 52, p. 10c27 , 'B ff Q *.*3/vfp with ^ i n the place of 7v t h i s sentence appears i n the Han-shu,(1962), p. 2343, "Chia-tsou-mei-lUTChuan" ^ gp^jSSrtft , and i s recounted i n the Lun-heng, "Kan-hsu"" 1% *£_ , Lun-heng chi-chieh, p. 107. Tsou Yang, the v i c t i m of slander by his fellow r e t a i n e r s and sentenced to death by the Hsiao King of Liang ^ 5. , wrote a plea f o r j u s t i c e to the King, in which he mentioned these two omens which were s a i d to have both been i s s u e d f o r t h i n response to a " p e r f e c t s i n c e r i t y " fjiw. . T h e f i r s t omen rel a t e s to the f a i l e d assassination attempt by Ching K'e^f^ of Yenching concordance (YC) rather than goose, as per 120 the King of Ch'in. In the omen depicting his success, the sun represents the King and the "white band"—the weapon doing i t s work. The commentator s t a t e s t h a t even a f t e r seeing the omen, Prince Tan of Y e n ? f e ^ . 4 doubted i t s veracity and was s t i l l a f r a i d , which e x p l a i n s the u l t i m a t e f a i l u r e of the mission. In the second omen, Venus stands for the Ch'in army as i t was l e d by Pai Ch'i against C h a o ^ , which i s i t s e l f r e p r e s e n t e d by the P l e i a d e s . (One of the 28 c o n s t e l l a t i o n s i n Chinese astronomy). Pai Ch'i had beaten the Ch'ang-p'ing ^ ^ army and sent an emissary—Wei Hsien-sheng^$7 — t o r e quest r e i n f o r c e m e n t s and s u p p l i e s to complete the campaign. However, Hsien-sheng was k i l l e d b efore he c o u l d d e l i v e r h i s message. "Heaven" i s s u e d t h i s omen depicting v i c t o r y f o r Ch'in i n response to the commitment of Hsien-sheng to his cause but again the r u l e r , t h i s time the Ch'in King Chao Qg doubted the omen. 21 s ^ ^ ' £ 4k T h i s and Note 23 below re f e r to Tsou Yen ft|g) >^7, a famous author and mystic of the kingdom of Ch'i ^ of the "Warring S t a t e s " p e r i o d . He was known i n his day as "Talk of Heaven Yen" because of his b e l i e f i n the r e c i p r o c i t y e x i s t i n g between Heaven and human a f f a i r s and a t t r i b u t e d the unenviable morals of the ru l e r s of his day to the cy-c l i c growth and d e c l i n e i n y i n and yang. He i s frequently mentioned in the Shih-chi and Lun-heng. This incident i s not found in the former but i s r e l a t e d in the l a t t e r , " T i n g - h s i e n " < ^ M chapter, Lun-heng c h i - c h i e h , p. 541, aj well as the Han-fei-tzu, "Shih-hsieh'WSn? and Lieh-tzu, "T'ang-vten"i.% p ' i e n . These sources v a r i o u s l y describe "Row Tsou Yen had come upon a c o l d , i n f e r t i l e v a l l e y i n the North. He played his f l u t e and the v a l l e y became warm and supported m i l l e t and other grains. 2 2 T h i s s t o r y i s mentioned along with the one recounted in Note 23, i n the Lun-heng. " K a n - h s t i ^ J^. chapter, as support f o r the case against the legitimacy of such reputed miracles. This story concerns Ch'i L i a n g , a man of Ch'i 0c during the "Spring and Autumn" period, who was k i l l e d i n a b a t t l e with Chll . His wife sat facing the c i t y wall and c r i e d for him. Her sorrow moved Heaven to cause the wall to c o l -l a p s e . The Lieh-nO-chuan e x p l a i n s t h a t she had no money with which to bury him. She had c a r r i e d his body back from b a t t l e , placed i t beside the wall and begun to cry over him. Her tears and those of passers-by soaked the base of the wall, causing i t to collapse and thereby resolving the d i -lemma of h i s b u r i a l . The Lun-heng, which was almost d e f i n i t e l y Tsung Ping's source for these t r a d i t i o n s , makes no mention of t h i s c h a i n of events i n i t i a t e d by the tears of the wife. 23 £|| ^ This incident appears in the same Lun-heng chapter as i s mentioned i n Note 22 above and according to Liebenthal (1952), i n a quote i n the P'ei-wen-yun-fu from an old version, now l o s t , of the Huai Nan-tzu ( L i e b e n t h a l , 1952, p. 391). According to the Lun-heng, "Tsou Yen was un-j u s t l y j a i l e d i n Yen. It was summer, i n the f i f t h month, and he gazed up toward Heaven and signed. Heaven then sent down a f r o s t , i n response to his s u f f e r i n g . " Wang Ch'ung goes on to r e j e c t t h i s and other i n c i d e n t s l i k e i t i n which "Heaven" i s said to play a hand. Tsung Ping c i t e s these same incidents as proof of the mysterious r e c i p r o c i t y o p e r a t i n g i n the world. 121 2 4 M i n g - f o - l u n , T a i s h o , V. 52, p. 10 c 2 9 - l l a l . In the Sung, Ytlan, Ming and Palace editions these p a r a l l e l phrases % '#> ' V f e T C ^ ^ f t have ' fS f o r J^>% i n each c a s e . I have followed these Tour e d i t i o n s because I could not j u s t i f y t r a n s l a t i n g ft i n such a way as to convey the s a r c a s t i c tone t h a t would be required to otherwise make the l i n e meaningful. 25 f^JI'lil $>j^ § i n which S&i implies an i n d i r e c t or c i r c u i t o u s a r i s -ing of a response. 2 6 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. I l a 2 . ^ - "none can hide t h e i r form" (or f a i l to cast a shadow). 2 7 T h i s i s a d i f f i c u l t correspondence to piece together. I i n t e r -pret these as two examples of the universal law of cause and e f f e c t . In the f i r s t example, causes c o a l e s c e i n t o the compact form of the human body. In the second, they r e s u l t i n some aspect of external environment. In both cases, these manifestations are i n t h e i r time the r e s u l t s of past conditions and the conditions f o r future r e s u l t s . 2 8 ^ L i t e r a l l y , paying immediately or buying on c r e d i t . The term i s a l s o used by Hui-yflan Cf. f | $L6rT % p. 32, Note 43 "Retribution coming immediately or a f t e r a delay i s entwined and e n t a n g l -ed." 2 9 Ming-fo-1 un, TaisKo, V. 52, p. Ila5 . I have translated jl*. as "mind" a f t e r the Buddhist connotation r a t h e r than a f t e r the indigenous connotation of "thought." 3 0 P r o b a b l y not from any one s u t r a but a basic concept found i n a number of sutras. The Japanese seminar suggests a s a l i k e l y source the Wu-k'u chang-chO 3 L S % Q sutra (Taisho, v. 17, p. 545a). This sutra was translated by Chu-t'an wu-lan ^ M ^ fjfc during the Eastern C h i n . A passage from t h i s reads, "The Buddna s t a t e s , 'among a l l the strengths, none surpasses the mind. The mind i s h o s t i l e and i s always deceiving peo-p l e . The mind conjures up H e l l . The mind conjures up hungry ghosts. The mind conjures up beasts. The mind conjures up heavenly sages."' In t h i s s u t r a "gg " c o n j u r e s " takes the place of'fV "make" which appears i n the t r e a t i s e and 5^ A. "heavenly sages" takes the place o f i£vJ£, , "the palace of Heaven." 3 1 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 10c8. "The learning of d a i l y r e-d u c t i o n " ^ T ^ T a y T n - w o r o T T o r m e d around the opening l i n e s of the Lao-tzu, chapter 48. Translated by Arthur Waley, i t reads: "Learning c o n s i s t s o f adding to one's stock day by day. The practice of Tao consists in sub-t r a c t i n g day by day, subtracting and yet again s u b t r a c t i n g t i l l one has reached i n a c t i v i t y . " 122 Tsung Ping's choice of language, c a l l i n g Buddhism the " d i s c i p l i n e of d a i l y r e d u c t i o n " B "2- compared to the opening phrases of the Lao- tzu, chapter 4 8 , ^ i§ 3 9 i l l u s t r a t e s the degree of corre-spondence as well" as d i f f e r e n c e which he r e c o g n i z e d between the i d e a s contained in the Tao-te-ching and i n Buddhism. Buddhism i s seen as bring-ing d e f i n i t i o n and a program of study to the el u s i v e teachings of the Tao-i s t sages. ^ 3 2 Ming-fo-lun, Taiship v. 52, p. Ila 6 . The "three e v i l paths" =-g f c Z j c i S ( t i s r o dTjr"gatayah)--the denizens of H e l l , hungry ghosts and pretas. 3 3 M i n g - f o - l u n , T a i s h o , V. 52, p. 10c1. See Chapter 5, Note 10, Edward Schafer t r a n s l a t e s the 3L«3fr as the "Five I l l u s t r i o u s Theocrats." 3 4 Ming-fo-lun, Tai sho", V. 52, p. 10al-7. 3 5 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. Ila9-10. 3 6 % 2. & & h% 1K> <^ There i s a s i m i l a r reference to a f i r e passing from one piece of wood to the next i n the P a i - h e i - l u n ( L i e b e n t h a l , 1952, p. 368). The source of the l a t t e r i s the Chuang-tzu "Yang-sheng-chu"ife 2L » YC, p. 8, 1 19. Roughly paraphrased, i t reads: "Using o n e ^ hands, tree branches are broken o f f and used as f i r e -wood. Eventally the fire-wood i s exhausted but the f i r e can be passed [to another piece of wood] and i s never exhausted." The f i r e i n t h i s metaphor represents the " s p i r i t " and the wood, the body. In Tsung Ping's a p p l i c a -t i o n , the spreading f i r e represents the c o n s c i o u s n e s s ^ , which l i k e the " s p i r i t " maintains continuity from one l i f e t i m e to the next. I t i s pro-bable t h a t t h i s chapter from the Chuang-tzu i s the source of Tsung Ping's metaphor because a few l i n e s l a t e r , i n the Ming-fo-lun, (Taisho, V. 52, p. l l a l 9 - 2 0 ) , Tsung Ping mentions "Cook Ting"y|? -j who i s the main._cha.rac-ter in t h i s chapter of the Chuang-tzu. 3 7 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. Ilal 6 - 1 9 . 42 See above, Notes 21 and 23. Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, P. 14a3-9. Ming-fo-lun, Tai sho, V. 52, P- 14al6. Ming-fo-lun, Tai sho, V. 52, P- 14al8-19. Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, P- 10c18-20. Mi ng-fo-1un, Tai sho , v . 52, p. 10a24-25. that the I-ching has f o r Tsung P i n g ' s ^ 123 4 4 M 45 M 46 M 4 7 M 4 8 M 4 9 M 50 M t e x t (the but i n thi ching, "Hs and be ng-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 10a24-27, ng-fo-lun, TaisKS, V. 52, p. 15bl3-14. ng-fo-lun, Taish7, V. 52, p. 10a3-4. ng-fo-lun, Taisho, v. 52, p. 10b20-21. ng-fo-lun, Taisho~, V. 52, p. 13c24-25. ng-fo-lun, Taish5, V. 52, p. 15bl4-16, ng-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 9c27. As i t appears i n the Korean b a s i c t e x t of the Taisho e d i t i o n ) t h i s l i n e i s u n i n t e l l i g i b l e o t h e r f o u r t e x t s , i t appears as an exact quote from the -ts'e" j^jp$$ (aka "The Great Commentary") shang ___ , I-ch'uan, i t i s t h i s version which I have t r a n s l a t e d . I t reads: — This tao i s equivalent to "Change" ^  . Therefore, t h i s phrase t r a n s l a t e d "[a successive movement] between y i n and yang," as rather than in such a way as to suggest a s t a t i c s t a t e of a f -f o r example, "What i s composed of y i n and yang i s c a l l e d the as i t i s here employed, does not, I think, r e f e r to "Path" with "P" but i s best t r a n s l a t e d by the l e s s emphatic "course [ o f which allows the emphasis to r e s t in the constituents, i . e . , y i n than i n what they represent as a whole. P- 15, should per Legge, f a i r s as, a c a p i t a l t h i n g s ] " and yang rather 5 1 T h i s l i n e i s an approximate quote of what follows i n the "Great Commentary", the l i n e dealt with in Note 50. It reads i n the Ming-fo-lun, T a i s h o , V. 52, p. 9c27 : P_t ^ 2. 5 $ % . This statement plays r i g h t into Tsung Ping's h a n d — i d e n t i f y i n g a s p i r i t u a l e n t i t y outside and immune to the operation of growth and d e c l i n e . It might be noted that both the preceding two l i n e s prepose the object 2L . For example, "2 . f . i g * * " and ^ L The restatement of the phrase — seems to i n t e r r u p t the l o g i c a l progression of the passage. To lessen t h i s d i s r u p t i v e e f f e c t , I have i n t e r p r e t e d i t as intending to i l l u s t r a t e the difference between the "course [ o f t h i n g s ] " in which y i n and yang are as yet u n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e — ffiiW --and the l e v e l at which y i n and yang are distinguishable as inde-pendent elements. 53 T h i s tao i s not the tao of the Lao-tzu but one in which an lute or " S p i r i t T s seen to exTsT which can then infuse the " s u b t l e i t s " ^ 5 i i _ 3 of i n d i v i d u a l s . 54 "Exhausted" i n the sense of " f u l l y revealed" t r a n s l a t e s ^ "two standards" — \%. represent y i n and yang. Abso-s p i r -. The 5 5 Ming-fo-lun, Tai sho, V. 52, p. 9c26-10al. 124 b b M i n g - f o - l u n , T a i s h o , V. 52, p. 10al-2. For the source of t h i s r e f e r e n c e and a d e s c r i p t i o n of Chtln-p'ing (aka Yen Tsun ), see Chapter 5, Note 62. 5 7 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. Ilbl2-15. 5 8 Ming-fo-lun, TaishS, V. 52, p. Ilbl6-17. 5 9 M i n g - f o - l u n , T a i s h P , V. 52, p. Ilb27. From the Chuang-tzu, "Ch'i-wu-TuTT? See Chapter 6, Note 19. 6 0 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. l l c 4 - 5 . 6 1 Ming-fo-lun, Tai sho*, V. 52, p. llb26-28. 6 2 M i n g - f o - l u n , Taisho, V. 52, p. Ilc8-12. This passage refers to the legendary eyesight of Li Lu , described in Chapter 5, Note 18. 6 3 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. Ilc8-14. 64 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, v. 52, p. 14a20. 6 5 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 14a23-24. 6 6 Ming-fo-lun, Tai sho", V. 52, p. 14c9-10. 6 7 Minig-fo-1un, Taisho, V. 52, p. 14c13-14. 2L ^ Mentioned i n the Shang-shu, S h u n - t i e n ^ c% Shang-shu chin-chu c h i n - i , p. 9, they are the father's righteousness, uie mother's compassion, an o l d e r b r o t h e r ' s f r a -t e r n i t y and younger brother's respect and a son's obedience and service to his parents. 6 8 PS f o l l o w i n g the Korean edition rather than ^ p ; ^ as per the other four e d i t i o n s . yy~ 69 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho", V. 52, P- 14C13-15. 70 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, P- 14c26-15a2. 71 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, P- 15a3-4. 72 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho", V. 52, P- 1 5 a l 0 - l l . 73 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho", V. 52, P- 15a25-26. 74 Ming-fo-lun, Taishe, V. 52, P- 15a29-bl. / J ) M i n g - f o - l u n , Tai sho", V. 52, p. 14c24. A i l does not seem to suggest here "human p r i n c i p l e s " (as compared to universal p r i n c i p l e s ) but the nature of human existence. 125 7 6 Ming-fo-lun, TaishU, V. 52, p. 14c24. 7 7 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho-, V. 52, p. 10b21-23. 78 Ming-fo-lun, TaishU, V. 52, p. 15c22-23. 79 Ming-fo-lun, TaishU, V. 52, p. 16a4-6. 8 0 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 15cl4-15. 8 1 M i n g - f o - l u n , TaishU, V. 52, p. 15c24-25. "Proof of t h i s " para-phrases £$^"the~1rnrror of Yin." See Chapter 5, Note 48. 82 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 15c24-26. 8 3 Ming-fo-lun, Taisho, V. 52, p. 16al0. 8 4 Ming-fo-lun, TaishU, V. 52, p. 16a2-3. 126 Chapter Eight Conclusions As I described i n the preceding chapter, the o v e r a l l metaphysical statement of the Treatise Illuminating the Buddha i d e n t i f i e s the o r i g i n of a l l things in previously formed conditions, with each new contact with an o b j e c t of the world producing a redefined subject. This generative pro-cess i s seen to pass through i n f i n i t e "dark t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s , " which are most graphically i l l u s t r a t e d in the case of the t a i l o r i n g of a new body to the karma c o l l e c t e d by the inhabitant of i t s predecessor, and i s c a r r i e d on as long as the subject continues to redefine himself by forming connec-t i o n s to o b j e c t s o f the world. Such an e l u c i d a t i o n of t h i s tendency to f a l s e l y a t t r i b u t e "self-nature" to one's s e l f and to objects of the world and to then e s t a b l i s h connections to such objects which accounts f o r the appreciation of the d i s t i n c t i o n between " t h i s " and "that" i s h i g h l y r e m i -niscent of the p r e s c r i p t i o n s of the philosophical Taoists to avoid drawing d i s t i n c t i o n s between, and forming c o n n e c t i o n s t o , o b j e c t s of sense or thought. Tsung Ping's metaphysical and epistemological statement i s also suggestive of the commentary to the Lao-tzu by Wang P i , i n which the ever-changing, conditional realm of "Being" i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the s t a t i c realm of "Non-being," to which the Buddhist concept of "Emptiness," as the only f i t d e s c r i p t i o n of "self-nature," was l a t e r applied. 127 In the Chuang-tzu. "Ch'1-wu-lun" ("Essay On Seeing Things As Equal") we f i n d , Any t h i n g i s "other," any thing i s " i t . " What i s unseen from the other's standpoint, from h i s own s t a n d p o i n t the knower knows. T h e r e f o r e i t i s said "Other comes out from I t , It too adapts to Other," the opinion that It and Other are born s i -multaneously.! Thus, the n o t i o n of the c o n d i t i o n a l , composite character of objects ex-pressed by Tsung Ping was far from without i t s precedent i n c l a s s i c a l Chi-nese philosophy. What Graham t r a n s l a t e s as "an adaptive 'that's i t , ' " ® jl, on the part of the Sage i s to be contrasted with the i n f l e x i b l e d e f i n i t i o n s of " t h i s " or "that" of a common man and his subsequent d e f i n i t i o n of himself. . . . The Way develops as we walk i t , things become so by being c a l l e d so. Why are they so? They are so from where they are so. Why are they not so? They are not so from where they are not so. I f r e a l l y there are standpoints from which things are so, from which they are admissible, no thing i s not so, no thing i s i n a d m i s s i b l e . Therefore when a contrived "that's i t " picks out a s t a l k from a p i l l a r , a l e p e r from b e a u t i f u l Hstl Shih, things however unlike and incongruous, the Way interchanges them and t r e a t s them as one. T h e i r d i v i d i n g i s t h e i r development, t h e i r development i s t h e i r decay.2 S i m i l a r l y , the Lao-tzu and i t s commentary by Wang Pi illuminates the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of defining "Non-being" with words or d e s c r i p t i o n s because i t i s non-conditional, and i n f i n i t e l y mutable. Giving i t a name would t i e i t to a p a r t i c u l a r s e t of circumstances or c o n d i t i o n s which, i n t u r n , would r e d e f i n e i t and cause i t to become divorced from i t s o r i g i n a l na-ture. The preferred posture i s to abstain from c o n s t r u c t i n g a r t i f i c i a l c o n n e c t i o n s between "Non-being" and d e s c r i p t i v e terms or appellations, thereby allowing i t f u l l freedom of expression within the myriad forms of the world. 128 The concept of "Change" o f f e r s a productive approach to the analysis of the main themes of the Ming-fo-lun i n the context of the events and i n -digenous philosophies of the period. The emphasis i n the t r e a t i s e on the o r i g i n s of the myriad creatures and phenomenon i s an attempt to penetrate the process of "Change." As I explained i n Chapter Seven, the forms o f creatures change and manifestations occur because of contacts with objects or "conditions" r e s u l t i n g i n a r e d e f i n i t i o n of the s u b j e c t which i s e f f e c t e d by the mechanism of the "dark transformation." This process by which a subject i s expressed i n a new, a l t e r e d form i s one way of concep-t u a l i z i n g the inner-workings of "Change." "Change" i s the a n t i t h e s i s of the S a g e - r u l e r , who occ u p i e s such a c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n i n hstlan-hstleh thought. The Sage-ruler, by being i n perfect harmony with "Change" i s him-s e l f unchanged by i t . The motivation of the hstlan-hstleh thinker behind t h i s exploration of "Change" versus s t a b i l i t y may be understood i n the p o l i t i c a l turbulence and i n s t a b i l i t y of the times. S i m i l a r l y , the Ming-fo-lun r e f l e c t s the search for a source of stab-i l i t y i n the world which would be independent of the p e r i o d i c decay o f w o r l d l y i n s t i t u t i o n s and of human weakness. The i l l u m i n a t i o n of the " S p i r i t " as an e t e r n a l , unvarying f a c t of existence—perhaps the only such fact—answers t h i s urge for an authority which transcends the narrow con-fine s and l i m i t a t i o n s which characterize human e x i s t e n c e . The C o n f u c i a n emphasis on the p r a c t i c a l i s s u e s of good-government and the business of l i f e had proved i n s u f f i c i e n t to sustain p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y and perhaps was f e l t , b y Tsung Ping's time, to be inherently d e f i c i e n t in i t s treatment of the " S p i r i t " and s i m i l a r topics l y i n g o u t s i d e of p r a c t i c a l m a t t e r s . 129 This movement away from complete r e l i a n c e on human I n s t i t u t i o n s 1s a n t i c i -pated i n the scepticism of the Taolsts toward r i g i d adherence to any moral p r i n c i p l e or custom. Tsung Ping's depiction of such an a l t e r n a t i v e to the shortcoming of human existence i n the immortal " S p i r i t " c orresponds to t h i s e l a b o r a t i o n of a realm and a r b i t e r beyond the precarious p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of the times. Insights derived from Buddhist sutras into such topics as an e t e r n i -ty of interwoven l i f e t i m e s and a myriad of u n i v e r s e s brought to Chinese devotees a much broadened perspective from which to judge the events and p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n during t h e i r l i f e t i m e s . This broadened outlook which reduced the ultimate s i g n i f i c a n c e of sensory experience and stressed what lay beyond the reach of the senses must have been a welcome r e s p i t e from the sad r e a l i t y of the times. Just as the hstlan-hstleh t h e o r i s t s , by t h e i r exploration of "Non-being'| sought a conception of existence which was l e s s e x c l u s i v e l y dependent on the phenomenal realm, the Chinese Buddhists wel-comed the broad sweep of Buddhist p r i n c i p l e s which served to de-emphasize and, i n f a c t , s t a b i l i z e the here and now by embracing an eternal time frame and an unchanging " S p i r i t . " The S a g e - r u l e r i n the Wang Pi commentary i s i d e n t i f i e d with the realm of "Non-being." Such a hypothetical person c o u l d a c t as the model fo r the world by a n t i c i p a t i n g and, in e f f e c t , n u l l i f y i n g "Change." In the Ming-fo-lun,the Sage or Buddha i s the embodiment of the universal " S p i r i t " which i s , i n turn, i d e n t i f i e d with "Non-being." L i k e "Non-being'i the " S p i r i t " i s independent of l i f e and yet everywhere i n evidence. It i s the ultimate Truth u n d e r l y i n g the i l l u s i o n of t r u e e x i s t e n c e imagined i n 130 w o r l d l y t h i n g s . By formulating t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , Tsung Ping added an-other dimension to the concept of "Non-being" discussed by Wang P i . The " S p i r i t , " i n a d d i t i o n to e x i s t i n g o u t s i d e of people, also e x i s t s as a part of each person i n t h e i r individual " s p i r i t s . " This conceptualization p e r m i t t e d the a s s o c i a t i o n between the refinement of the " s p i r i t " and teachings of the personal c u l t i v a t i o n of v i r t u e i n the Confucian t r a d i t i o n and of quietude and harmony i n the p h i l o s o p h i c a l Taoist t r a d i t i o n . An individual could engage i n a type of c u l t i v a t i o n s i m i l a r to that p r e s c r i b -ed by the indigenous philosophies. The r e s u l t of such c u l t i v a t i o n would ultimately be to merge with the universal " S p i r i t " as a Taoist p r a c t i t i o n -er would one day become one with the "Path." Tsung Ping further applies the notion of the responsiveness of the Sage-ruler, described i n the H s i -ang/Kuo commentary, through which a s s i s t a n c e and reassurance could be gained by the b e l i e v e r , to the Buddha. Simply by a p p e a l i n g to the Buddha with s i n c e r e f a i t h , a revelation would surely be manifested representing the r e f l e x i v e response of such an e n l i g h t e n e d one to such a s t i m u l u s . Thus, Tsung Ping's ideas concerning the " S p i r i t " and i t s responsiveness to worthy appeals c a r r i e s on i n the vein of the hsuan-hsdeh conceptions of "Non-being" and the Sage-ruler. Tsung Ping's theory of a "dark transformation" which precedes the appearance of a l l the v a r i e t i e s of creatures i n the world and a l l n a t u r a l phenomena addressed the question of how to account f o r the d i f f e r e n t c i r -cumstances and fates which creatures encountered i n the world. This topic had a l r e a d y been d e a l t with i n Han Confucianism and r e l i g i o u s Taoist schools i n the context of the shared fortunes of the f a m i l y . Unpunished e v i l committed by a person would c e r t a i n l y bring misfortune down on his 131 descendants a f t e r h i s death. Thus, a type of r e t r i b u t i o n , operating at the family l e v e l , was recognized in China long before the a r r i v a l of Bud-d h i s t law. However, i t was not u n t i l the propagation of the p r i n c i p l e of reincarnation that one could feel personally responsible for one's present and future circumstances. In the Hsiang/Kuo branch of hsOan-hstleh, the p a r t i c u l a r niche i n so-c i e t y and i n nature which a creature f i l l e d was expressed i n the concept of " p o r t i o n , " but there was no attempt by the thinkers to reveal the j u s -t i c e which might be hidden in these variable "portions." This may be ex-plained, as I proposed above, by the f a c t that in the Chinese view since a person only had a single l i f e t i m e and the factors which had caused him t o be born i n p a r t i c u l a r circumstances would not again come into play, i t was not relevant to examine these f a c t o r s . A person's l i f e circumstances were to be t r e a t e d as accidents of f a t e , within which a person did the best he could. Moreover, by the n a t u r a l i s t i c bent of the p h i l o s o p h i c a l T a o i s t s , i t i s hard to imagine that the fate to be born a man rather than as some other creature of nature would be taken as a matter of pride. In the Tao-i s t conception, a l l creatures be they great or lowly, are the o f f s p r i n g of the "Path." Recognizing one's o r i g i n s i n the same n a t u r a l f o r c e which produces a l l other c r e a t u r e s would have had a humbling e f f e c t on people and prevented them from attaching great s i g n i f i c a n c e to t h e i r r e l a t i v e po-s i t i o n s in the world. The Buddhist's e l u d i c a t i o n of a mechanism which accounted f o r what were considered by the philosophical Taoists to be accidents of f a t e , cou-ple d with the i d e a of the i m m o r t a l i t y of the " s p i r i t " which Tsung Ping confidently maintains, made i t possible to j u s t i f y the r e l a t i v e advantages 132 of one's "portion" i n terms of the degree of merit one had accumulated i n the past rather than simply a t t r i b u t i n g t h i s outcome to the neutral work-ings of the "Path." The conditions one had engendered i n past l i v e s were substituted for the deeds c a r r i e d out by one's ancestors as the determin-ing f a c t o r of one's present fortunes. Moreover, t h i s "Law of the Buddha," as i t supplanted the enigmatic "Path" of the p h i l o s o p h i c a l T a o i s t s , must a l s o have o f f e r e d a more focused and c l e a r l y defined source of guidance for the individual than had previously been a v a i l a b l e . In the case of the p h i l o s o p h i c a l T a o i s t s , guidance was to be found i n the nebulous traces of an i n e f f a b l e "Path." The "Path" of the Confucianists was defined i n terms of the proper i n c l i n a t i o n of the individual toward the people around him, and was ultimately based on a vague understanding of the w i l l of "Heaven." For the Chinese Buddhist devotee, by his p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Mldhayamika system, guidance was drawn from a s p i r i t u a l presence which ex-i s t e d both i n s i d e each person as the nascent form of his Buddhahood and outside, in the all-powerful, god-like Buddha. The acceptance of the Buddhist explanation f o r the source of d i s c r e -pancies i n the "portions" a l l o t t e d to d i f f e r e n t creatures must have imbued people with a consciousness of t h e i r own s u p e r i o r i t y over le s s meritorious animal forms and, i n some cases, over t h e i r l e s s advantgaged f e l l o w men. But at the same time as Buddhist law set men a p a r t from t h e i r f u r r y f r i e n d s , i t also maintained a c o n t i n u i t y and camaraderie between them, s i n c e i n the Chinese understanding of Buddhist p r i n c i p l e s a l l creatures were posessed of " s p i r i t s " and merely represented d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s on a s i n g l e continuum. Even today, a westerner in China i s aware of a l e s s e r degree of separation or assumed d i s t i n c t i o n between animal and man than we 133 f i n d i n the West. This i s not to say that domesticated and other animals are better treated in China than i n the West. On the c o n t r a r y , the l a c k i n China of the p a t e r n a l i s t i c a t t i t u d e which i s often seen toward animals in the West leaves them open to the same sorts of abuse to which a s i m i -l a r l y h e l p l e s s human might be s u b j e c t . Animals such as r a t s , or cock-roaches i n s p i r e very l i t t l e f e ar or d i s g u s t among the common people i n Taiwan. They are almost treated with a kind of quaint respect, which rec-ognizes t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l place i n the n a t u r a l o r d e r . The Chinese term " o l d r o d e n t " ^ " also suggested to me a sur p r i s i n g willingness to ac-cept even t h i s creature as a permanent member of the community. The d i s -t i n c t i v e genres i n t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese painting which concentrate on such animal subjects as c o l o r f u l carp, horses, t i g e r s and pug-nosed Pekinese dogs a l s o i l l u s t r a t e the absence of a s t r i c t l y enforced distance between animal and man i n the Chinese s e t t i n g . This a t t i t u d e i s probably due i n l a r g e p a r t to the influence of the philosophical Taoists, who refused to place r e l a t i v e values on creatures of the "Path" but must a l s o be due to the Chinese Buddhist recognition of a soul within each creature, human or otherwise, and the shared potential of a l l l i v i n g creatures. The r i s i n g importance of the devotional and salvational aspects of the d o c t r i n e evident in the Ming-fo-lun i s e a s i l y understood when we con-sider the turmoil and s t r i f e e x i s t i n g i n China throughout the post-Han p e r i o d . This tendency p a r a l l e l s the e f f o r t by the hsdan-hsdeh t h e o r i s t s to a r r i v e at a description of the nature and a t t r i b u t e s of a h y p o t h e t i c a l S a g e - r u l e r . In both cases, the person of the savoir, be he Sage-ruler or "enlightened one" occupies a central part of the e f f o r t to i l l u m i n a t e the substance of "the mystery within the mystery" Z, % ^ «3 134 As a f i n a l point in t h i s study I would l i k e to examine the implica-tions of t h i s Chinese adoption of Buddhism, an Indian i n v e n t i o n , on the question of the universal needs which are met by r e l i g i o u s f a i t h . By anal-yzing the common appreciation f o r the teachings of the Buddha among I n d i -ans and Chinese—and the ways in which Buddhism bolstered China's own t r a -d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s we can discover r e l i g i o u s impulses and needs which while perhaps not u n i v e r s a l are at l e a s t shared by these two widely d i f f e r i n g peoples. I t i s c l e a r from our study t h a t there are few among the Buddhist concepts adopted by China's early monks which can be s a i d to r e p r e s e n t a fundamental departure from t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese thought. What seems to have been brought to China by the doctrine of the Buddha are the notion of r e i n c a r n a t i o n and the a b s t r a c t i o n of the notions of "Path" and " S p i r i t " beyond the n a t u r a l i s t i c focus of the philosophical Taoists and the wordly l i m i t a t i o n s of the C o n f u c i a n i s t s . S i m i l a r l y , the Buddhist doctrine en-hanced the rather austere, dominantly theoretical notion of the Confucian "Heaven" by i t s graphic descriptions of the Buddhist d e i t i e s and realms. Thus, by the recognition of a s p i r i t u a l "Path" f a r o u t s t r i p p i n g w o r l d l y e x i s t e n c e , the notion of " S p i r i t " was set apart from the goal of simply harmonizing with the natural environment and one's " p o r t i o n . " Moreover, g r e a t e r d e t a i l and d e f i n i t i o n was added to the already abstract notion of "Heaven" by the c o l o r f u l images of the Buddhist d e i t i e s and realms which, l i k e the Chinese "Heaven," represent the perfection and the embodiment of " S p i r i t . " The theoretical basis for these Buddhist d e i t i e s was more de-veloped than in the cases of the d e i t i e s of popular Taoism, being derived from the Buddhist concept of "Emptiness" and i t s counterpart in indigenous 135 thought--"Non-being." This tendency toward a more detached, theoretical and, at the same time, graphic c o n c e p t i o n of the " S p i r i t " suggests the need to i d e n t i f y a t r a n s c e n d a n t , p u r e l y s p i r i t u a l being, both d i s t i n c t from the worldly realm and responsive to personal appeals. It a l s o r e -s u l t e d i n the a f f i r m a t i o n of the presence of the embryonic form of t h i s universal " S p i r i t " in men themselves. The description of such a transcen-dant being and s a v i o r as the Buddha must have found i t s most receptive audience in the common people, with t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s i n such su-perhuman figures as Lao-tzu and the Yellow Emperor. In the case of upper-c l a s s gentlemen, the idea put forth in the Treatise Illuminating the Bud- dha of a s p i r i t u a l presence within each person which transcended l i f e and might ultimately merge with the universal " S p i r i t " of the Buddha must have had great appeal and influence. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , i n India, the s p i r i t u a l side of l i f e was granted far more legitimacy than in China. The s p i r i t u a l realm r e p r e s e n t e d an i n t e -g r a l and perhaps primary component of existence. In China, on the other hand, the " s p i r i t" Z$_, was beholden and bound to the body. Separated from the body i t was a r e s t l e s s and perverse thing. With the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Buddhist ideas, the " s p i r i t " was pictured as having a l i f e of i t s own and as a potent force in men's l i v e s . This reformulation of the concept of " S p i r i t " gave greater legitima-cy to the p o s s i b i l i t y of such transcendant, a l l - p o w e r f u l beings as the d e i t i e s r e c o g n i z e d i n popular r e l i g i o u s movements. Thus i t can be said that Buddhism brought to the Chinese the conception of a credible deity of e x h a u s t i v e refinement with whom a believer was in subtle contact. This 136 v a l i d a t i o n o f the s p i r i t u a l side of l i f e and the formulation of a purely s p i r i t u a l and ever-present being, d e r i v e d from an admixture o f Chinese "Non-being" and Buddhist "Emptiness," may be seen as the two primary modi-f i c a t i o n s forged by Buddhist n o t i o n s i n the c o n t e x t o f post-Han C h i n a . Such a c e l e b r a t i o n of the " S p i r i t " answered both the need f o r a source of psychological security i n times of turmoil and the d e s i r e to e x p l o r e the o r i g i n s o f l i f e and the ethereal d i r e c t i o n s i n which i t might lead. The exul t a t i o n of the achievement of the Buddha and of each i n d i v i d u a l ' s pot-e n t i a l , being aspects of the Buddhist doctrine as i t was expressed i n the Madhyamika system i n both India and China, i t may be concluded that there i s a common need manifested by these two ancient c i v i l i z a t i o n s f o r such a conception of a s p i r i t u a l l y perfect being and for the affirmation of men's potential to i n t e r a c t with and aspire toward t h i s i d e a l . 137 Notes Chapter Eight 1 A.C. Graham, "Chuang-tzu's Essay On Seeing Things As Equal" His- tory of Religions, V. 8, #1 (1968), 152-153. 2 Graham, p. 153. 3 Lao-tzu, Chapter 2, and Ming-fo-lun, Tai sho", V. 52, p. 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Sung-shu Biography Tsung Ping, s t y l e Shao-wen ^£ , was a man of Nanyang &l [pre-f e c t u r e ] , N i e h y a n g " ^ [ c o u n t y ] . His a n c e s t o r Ch*eng;§C , was the Grand Administrator of Itu **§? "^J? .1 His father C h o u - c h i n ^ p % , » was Pre-f e c t of Hsianghsiang His mother was of the Shih ' B ' T ' c l a n of the same prefecture. She was i n t e l l i g e n t and s k i l l e d in argument, learned and p r i n c i p l e d . She ins t r u c t e d t h e i r sons. In h i s r e t i r e m e n t f o r mourning, Ping more than f u l f i l l e d propriety and was given recognition [ f o r t h i s ] by the people of his v i l l a g e . Gover-nor Yin Chung-K'an 2 and Huan Hslian both summoned him to be Master of Records and recommended him as a person of t a l e n t , 3 but he did not go. After the August Founder had executed L i u I *^'J%^. and him-s e l f become Governor of Ching^ ' J Province, 4 he asked the m i l i t a r y l i a i s o n o f f i c e r i n I's government, Shen Yung^*7*<^ , "Today, how should matters best be handled?" Yung answered, "Correct his (I's) past errors and sur-pass his beneficence. Be thorough i n s e t t i n g down the ranks of the [ r e -s p e c t i v e ] c l a n s . Make known and elevate [men of] t a l e n t . It i s simply t h i s way." The August Founder accepted his advice and appointed Shao-wen Master of Records. He did not accept. When asked his reason he respond-ed, "I have rested on the h i l l t o p s and drunk from the r a v i n e s f o r more than t h i r t y y e a r s . " The August Founder expressed pleasure with his re-sponse. 147 Shao-wen was marvelously adept with the l u t e , and in c a l l i g r a p h y and f i n e l y s k i l l e d i n explaining philosophical issues. Whenever he wandered amongst the mountains and r i v e r s , he went on and on and forgot about r e -turning. Each time C h i e f C l e r k of the Cheng-hsi ^ general Wang Ching-hung 3E %\*- § A accompanied him they were always gone the whole day. He went into Mt. Lu and sought Monk^f Hui-ytlan to investigate and search out the meanings of w r i t i n g s . An older brother, Tsang, IffiS. was the Grand A d m i n i s t r a t o r of Nanp'ing . He compelled [Ping] to return with him [to Chiangling] • Thereupon, he b u i l t a house at Three Lakes 2. :&J"*\ i n C h i a n g l i n g and passed h i s days i n retirement without discharging any d u t i e s . 5 The August Founder summoned him to be Grand Administrator f o r M i l i t a r y S t a f f . He did not go. Two older brothers [ i n the family] died young. [Piing] was burdened with t h e i r many orphans. The family was so poor i t could not support i t -s e l f . They engaged extensively i n farming. The August Founder made g i f t s of food to him on several occasions. Afterward, the children and younger b r o t h e r s drew o f f i c i a l emoluments and [Ping] never again accepted [the c h a r i t y ] . The August Founder was i n charge o f e s t a b l i s h i n g new government seats and c a l l e d for o f f i c i a l s . He sent down a l e t t e r saying, My humble person has been greatly honored [with] t h i s respons-i b i l i t y . I hope to employ the worthy and able but the hare t r a p p e r s are in h i d i n g 6 and K'ao P'an has not yet been reach-ed.' You lean forward on your mats in revery over the h i l l s and gardens. I wait i n vain to augment my [store o f] virtuous men. Tsung Ping of Nanyang, Chou HsU-chih of YenmenJRi f ^ 8 are determined 9 to hold to r e s i d i n g in obscurity. They are not bothered by caps and garments of coarse weave. Might I send down an appointment beckoning them and, using proper conduct, induce them to submit. 148 Thereupon, they were both appointed o f f i c e r s in the "Grand Commandant's" s t a f f but neither of them assented. A f t e r Sung had r e c e i v e d the abdication (420) [Ping] was appointed S e c r e t a r y to the Prince. In the beginning of the yUan-chia 7LJ|s (period t i t l e of the Wen emperor) [ p e r i o d ] (424-453) he was a l s o appointed t'ung-chih-lang . When the Eastern Palace was established he was c a l l e d on to be Central Secretary to the Prince and shu-tzu )g % but re-sponded to none of these. His wife was Madam L u o j ^ . She was also of high character and her i n c l i n a t i o n s harmonized with Ping's. When Madam Luo d i e d , Ping was ex-tremely g r i e f - s t r i c k e n over her. Upon ceasing to weep and searching for the reason [ f o r his l o s s ] , his sadness was suddenly d i s s i p a t e d . He s a i d to the monk Hui-chien H ^ , "The separation between death and l i f e i s not e a s i l y understood but a f t e r again and again applying the te a c h i n g [ o f the Buddha], only then c o u l d the sadness be banished." The Prince of Hengyang^T ' F ' ! I Chi || ^  was [Governor] i n Ching P r o v i n c e . He went personally to Ping's house and enjoyed a banquet with him. [Chi] appoint-ed [Ping] m i l i t a r y l i a i s o n o f f i c e r but [Ping] did not assent. He took pleasure in nature and loved to journey f a r . In the West he climbed Mts. Ching ^ 1 0 and Wu 3t£ .H In the South, he climbed Heng Peak 4$n & .12 Thereupon, he b u i l t a cabin on Heng Peak, hoping to embrace the aspirations of Shang (Hsiang) P'ing ^ (-fa ) £ji .13 He became sick and returned to Chiangling. He sighed, Old age and s i c k n e s s come together. I fear that I w i l l not be able to see a l l the famous mountains but w i l l only [be ab l e t o ] cleanse my heart, look at the Path and tour them in my dreams. 149 Whatever [mountains] he had toured, he painted on [the walls of] his room and said to people, "strumming the lute and playing music f t ) )^ , [I] hope to cause the hosts of mountains to echo." In ancient times there was the (song) Chin-shih-nung ^  p£ which was g r e a t l y valued by the Huan f a m i l y . 1 4 when the Huan clan had perished i t was no longer heard. Only Ping c a r r i e d i t on. The Supreme Founder sent the Music Master Yang Kuan to Ping to receive i n s t r u c t i o n i n i t . Ping's younger c o u s i n (mother's s i s t e r ' s son) Shih ChUeh-shou^T 7 ^ . $ 5 ? also had accumulated merit. He used the l u t e and c a l l i g r a p h y to amuse h i m s e l f . Prince of Linch'uan ___ )i\ I Ch' i ng || J^ff appointed him O f f i c e r i n charge of Wine Libations and Master of Records but he d i d not accept e i t h e r [appointment]. He then made known his recommendation of him but j u s t at that time [Chlleh-shou] got sick and died. In the 20th y e a r of Yllan-chia (443), Ping died. At the time [of his death] he was 69. Prince of Hengyang I Chi and Minister of Education, Prince of Chianghsia ).X I Kung ^ wrote: Retired gentleman Tsung did not seek to r e l i e v e that which a f -f l i c t e d him. 1 5 His pure acts enriched his former merit. From beginning to end he can be celebrated. Our g r i e f over him can-not be put to r e s t . 150 B. Lu-shan-chi 1 ^ tlaStL B*"ography Tsung Ping from Nanyang Tsung Ping's s t y l e was Shao-wen. He was a man of Nanyang, Niehyang [county]. His ancestor was Ch'eng, the Grand A d m i n i s t r a t o r of I t u . His f a t h e r was Chou Chih, p r e f e c t of Hsianghsiang. Ping had broad learning and was s k i l l e d i n the l u t e , c a l l i g r a p h y and painting. He was p a r t i c u l a r -l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d i n abtruse d i s c u s s i o n . When the Song Wu emperor was [Governor] of Ching province, he r e c r u i t e d Ping to be Master or Records. Ping d i d not go. When asked why he s a i d , "I have rested on the h i l l t o p s and drunk from ravines f o r more than 30 y e a r s . " He went to Mt. Lu and b u i l t a hut. He [ l i v e d ] in the same community as Master YUan. Later, his older brother Tsang was the Grand Administrator of Nanp'ing and compelled [ P i n g ] to r e t u r n t o g e t h e r with him. He thereupon b u i l t a hut at Three Lakes i n Chiangling. Later he was appointed to the posts of S t a f f O f f i c e r and Grand A d m i n i s t r a t o r , both of which he refused. [The Wu emperor] or-dered the Commander of the South prefecture to give him an o f f i c i a l p o s i -t i o n and on numerous o c c a s i o n s presented him with food. Prince of Nan-yang, I Chi,went personally to his residence. [Ping] ordered him to wear a cornered turban, 2 and c l o t h i n g made of coarse cloth to see him. They did not bow and the Prince said, "Is i t p o s s i b l e to gain your a c q u i e s c e n c e , s i r , by a l a r g e emolument?" [Ping] answered, "emolument i s l i k e decayed g r a s s . 3 How much time i s there between prosperity and d e c l i n e ? " 4 He took refi n e d pleasure i n scenery. Going out [touring the mountains], he would f o r g e t to r e t u r n . In the West he climbed-mounts Ching and Wu. In the South he climbed Heng Peak. In h i s l a t e r y e a r s he p a i n t e d them a l l on 151 [the walls of] his cabin and s a i d : "I am o l d . I cannot again gaze at the renowned mountains . A l l that remains i s to cleanse my f e e l i n g s , look a t the Path and t o u r them i n my dreams. Strumming the l u t e and playing mu-s i c , [I] hope to cause the hosts of mountains to echo." He d i e d i n the 24th year of ydan-chia (447), kuei-wei jfc, year, at the age of 69. 152 Notes to the Appendix to Chapter Four A 1 A p r e f e c t u r e o f Shu of the Three Kingdoms, located in the northwest of present-day Itu county, Hupei province. ' Governor of Ching chou t i l l 399 when Huan Hsllan engineered his death. 3 Before the i n s t i t u t i o n of the c i v i l service exam system, a s p i r i n g o f f i c i a l s ' hopes rested i n the recommendations of i n f l u e n t i a l sponsors. 4 Before the founding of the Lui Sung in 420. 5 The Li en-she ^  rjvfc. biography has " l i v e d in retirement, cut o f f from the coarse [world] ^ § ^ . b^L*%- : name of a s e c t i o n i n the Shih-ching, "Chou-nan"/H f^l . During the time of King Wen, worthy ministers were in such p l e n t i f u l sup-ply that even a common hare trapper had a b i l i t i e s of use to the kingdom. 7 K'ao P ' a n ^ ^ : another section name of the Shih-ching, "Wei-f e n g " ^ 7 J$j\ "The worthy and capable sequester themselves amid the moun-t a i n streams and ravines but they experience unequalled expansiveness [ i n these surroundings] and su f f e r no a f f l i c t i o n of mind." 8 In modern-day Shanhsi province. 9 Reading /"fc|L as ^ . 1 0 ^t'i LAJ i n southern Hupei province. 1 2 "5L LL> i n Szechuan. 1 2 |& i n Hunan, one of the "Five Peaks." 1 3 Hsiang Ch'ang *to? s t y l e Tzu-p'ing *"h £f of the Eastern Han. (Paraphrasing his biography), he l i v e d i n hiding and did not serve i n any o f f i c i a l c a p a c i t y . During the c h i e n - w u i ^ j""^, period, once a l l his sons and daughters had been safely married, he set o f f to tour the "Five Peaks" and other famous mountains. None knew where his t r a v e l s came to an end. 1 4 Of the Chin % , including Huan HsUan^e"L . 15 =f Perhaps i n the sense: ". . . did not seek r e l i e f from s u f f e r i n g (appreciating that i t was i n the nature of l i f e ) . " 153 B 1 Tai slfP text #2095. 2fy<\i — t r a d i t i o n a l garb of a "gentleman in hiding." 3 The Lien-she kao-hsien-chuan has, "Emolument i s l i k e f a l l g r a s s — a s time passes, i t decays." 4 The Chinese reads "decline and prosperity" ^ 

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