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The persistence of traditional ways in an Inuit community Butler, Barbara Louise 1985

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THE PERSISTENCE OF TRADITIONAL WAYS IN AN INUIT COMMUNITY By BARBARA LOUISE BUTLER B.SC.N., McMaster Univers i ty , 1974 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Geography) We accept th i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Apr i l 1985 ^) Barbara Louise Butler, 1985 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of <-?£oGAAPHy  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 DE-6 (3/81) i i Abstract The persistence of t rad i t iona l ways in a Canadian A rc t i c Com-munity i s demonstrated by the examination of the I nu i t community of Pe l l y Bay, NWT. The discussion i s concerned with the manner in which the modern community continues to function in an I nu i t man-ner desp i te the adopt ion of elements of western society such as modern technology and an economic system based on cash. Data fo r the study a r e , f o r the most p a r t , the r e s u l t of fieldwork in Pe l ly Bay in 1982. Data are presented on various as-pects of the modern community with a par t i cu la r emphasis on re -source u t i l i z a t i o n and economic a c t i v i t i e s . i I i Table of Contents Abstract i i L i s t of Tables iv L i s t of I l l u s t r a t i ons vi Chapter One Introduction 1 Two Change and Development 18 Three An H is to r i ca l Perspective 28 Four Pe l l y Bay: The Modern Inuit Community 49 Five Tradi t ion and the Young People of Pe l l y Bay . . 122 Six Summary and Conclusions 138 Bibliography 146 Appendices 1 Household Survey 154 2 Student Survey 156 3 Youth Survey 157 iv L i s t of Tables Number Page 1 Years of Schooling, 1967 40 2 Employment of Inuit in Pe l ly Bay, 1967 45 3 Chronology of Important Events for Pe l l y Bay Inuit 48 4 Population Charac te r i s t i cs , Pe l l y Bay 1982 . . . . 50 5 School Enrollment, Pe l ly Bay 59 6 Educational Levels, Inuit Population Aged 15 and Over 63 7 Job Training 63 8 Labour Force A c t i v i t i e s , Pe l ly Bay Inuit 64 9 Pa r t i c ipa t ion of Inuit Household Members in Economic A c t i v i t i e s 66 10 Approximate Hunting Costs 76 11 Nutr i t iona l Value of Game 76 12 Value of Subsistence Foods, 1982 78 13 Summary of Game Harvests, Pe l ly Bay 79 14 Imputed Value of Caribou Harvest 80 15 Imputed Value of Seal Harvest 81 16 Imputed Value of Polar Bear Harvest 83 17 Imputed Value of Fish 85 V 18 Fur Export Data, Pe l ly Bay, 1976-1983 89 19 Hunters Subsidies 90 20 Wage Income for Pe l l y Bay, 1982 91 21 Annual Employment Incomes, Pe l l y Bay, 1981 . . . . 92 22 Cominco Employees from Pe l l y Bay 95 23 Income from Permanent Employment by Source, 1982 . 97 24 Par t ic ipants in Handicrafts/Arts 100. 25 Social Assistance, Pe l l y Bay, 1970-71 and 1982-83. 101 26 Social Assistance, Kitikmeot Communities, 1982-83. 101 27 Social Assistance, Pe l l y Bay, 1982-83, 1983-84 . . 102 28 Income From A l l Sources, 1982 102 29 Summary of Monetary Income Data, Pe l l y Bay . . . . 103 30 Per Capita Income, Pe l l y Bay 105 31 Employment Status of Pe l l y Bay Youth 124 32 Occupations of Pe l l y Bay Youth, 1982 125 33 Work Preferences of Pe l l y Bay Youth 126 34 Student Survey 127 35 Desire for Mob i l i t y , Pe l l y Bay Youth 134 vi L i s t of I l l u s t r a t i ons Number Page 1 Pe l l y Bay Location References 6 2 Pe l l y Bay Location References 7 3 Pe l l y Bay S i te Plan 8 4 Sale of Fox Pelts 33 5 Income from Fur Sales 34 6 Age and Sex Pyramid, Pe l l y Bay 1982 51 7 Population Growth, Pe l l y Bay 53 8 Pe l l y Bay Location References 69 9 Hunting Areas Pre-1935 70 10 Hunting Areas, 1935-1967 71 11 Hunting Areas, 1967-1974 72 12 Hunting Areas, 1982 73 13 Hunting Areas, Inuit Place Names 74 14 Summary of Economic A c t i v i t i e s by Percentage of Total Income 77a 15 Per Capita Income 104 16 Projected Labour Force for Pe l l y Bay (to 1977). . . 130 THE PERSISTENCE OF TRADITIONAL WAYS IN AN INUIT COMMUNITY Chapter One Introduction A modern I n u i t set t lement has te lecommunicat ions , modern transportation f a c i l i t i e s , public services and a cash economy. I t continues to e x i s t , however, as a t r u l y I n u i t community. This study examines the manner in which t rad i t iona l ways have persisted in an Inuit community, not in the form of r es idua l a r t i f a c t s and ceremonies from previous decades, but rather as a way of l i f e . Arguments are presented in the thesis to support the f o l l o w -ing three premises: 1. The community continues to function in an Inuit manner. A l l aspects of l i f e in the present day Inuit community are guided to some extent by Inuit t r ad i t i ons . 2 . The I nu i t have retained the i r culture and attachment to t rad i t iona l ways despite adoption of elements of western soc i e t y such as modern technology and an economic system based on cash. The values and ideologies associated with elements of western so -c iety have not been wholly adopted. 3. T r a d i t i o n a l ways have served to aid the adaptation to a changing l i f e s t y l e and the development of the modern community. 2 These premises w i l l be demonstrated in th i s study by the ex-amination of the hamlet of Pe l l y Bay, an I nu i t community in the Kitikmeot region of Canada's A r c t i c . The Meaning of Tradit ion The Inuit of Pe l l y Bay view and approach the i r environment in a way which i s d i f fe rent from the ways of southern Canadians. " . . . every culture has d i f fe rent eyes, d i f fe rent ways of looking at th ings, s i tuat ions and events" (Freeman, 1981, 269). Even those elements which are common to both the modern Inuit and Western cu l tures , such as the cash system, educat ion and em-ployment, d i f f e r in meaning. The term ' t r a d i t i o n , 1 for example, i s viewed by most southern Canadians as something which i s o l d . Thus, those ou t s i de r s who look for evidence of the ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' Inuit cul ture search for the presence of old a r t i f a c t s and s k i l l s such as ca rv ing of t o o l s , sewing of sk ins , certa in hunting prac-t i ces or even drum dancing. The Inuit however, have a d i f f e r e n t view of t r a d i t i o n ; to them, i t imp l i e s a part of one's culture which i s retained. In th is study, the term ' t r a d i t i o n ' i s u t i l -i z ed to i n d i c a t e that which i s part of the Inuit cu l tu re , as op-posed to something which has been adopted from o u t s i d e . Thus, a t r a d i t i o n a l way imp l i e s a manner of funct ioning which has been u t i l i z e d by the Inuit culture over a period of time. As G u s f i e l d suggests , " T r a d i t i o n i s not something waiting out there, always 3 over one's shoulder. I t i s rather plucked, created, and shaped to present needs and a sp i r a t i ons in a given h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n " (1967, 358). This study suggests that the Inuit culture i s evident in the manner in which White ways are conceived and adapted to present day l i f e s t y l e s by the Inuit themselves. Examples of these t r a d i -t ional approaches to modern l i f e can be summarized as fo l lows. 1. There i s a lack of future o r i en ta t ion . As noted by W i l l -iamson (1976), the Inuit l i v e on a day-to-day or season-to-season b a s i s . There continues to be an or ientat ion towards survival and consumption rather than the accumulation of a s s e t s , which i s r e -f lected in att i tudes towards money, education and employment. 2. Decision-making appears to be based on group concensus. A l l members are allowed to express the i r opin ion, and thereby con-t r ibute to the select ion of a course of act ion. There i s no cen-t r a l l e a d e r ; r a t h e r , respected community members are elected to decision-making bodies such as the Council or Board of D i r e c t o r s of the Co-op. 3. T r a d i t i o n a l shar ing methods are evident in job sharing and a l loca t ion of work on the basis of need and family r espons ib -i l i t y . Through these means 'cash' i s d is t r ibuted among community members. 4. Status i s based on t rad i t iona l values including respect for e lders , and i n t e l l i gence , in the forms of knowledge and w i s -dom. There i s no soc ia l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n based on choice of econ-omic strategy or from d i f f e r i ng income l e v e l . 4 5. A strong attachment to the land and land-based a c t i v i t i e s continues. The game harvested and the seasonal va r i a t ions remain s i m i l a r to those of prev ious decades although the adoption of white technology has given the Inuit the f l e x i b i l i t y to p a r t i c i -pate in other economic sectors as w e l l . 6. Most Inuit choose to par t ic ipate in a var iety of economic pursu i ts , a strategy ca l l ed "economic genera l izat ion" by Jansen II (1979). This allows them to cap i t a l i ze on o p p o r t u n i t i e s as they a r i s e . I t r e f l ec t s a t rad i t iona l or ientat ion towards l i v i n g on a day-to-day bas is . Pa t te rns such as these are examined more f u l l y throughout th is thes i s , and a further discussion of the meanings of the terms ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' and 'modern' i s included in Chapter Two. The Community The Physical Sett ing P e l l y Bay i s a small community and ex is ts in re la t i ve i s o l a -t ion from the r e s t of Canada. I t i s loca ted 1,312 k i lomete rs northeast of Yellowknife in the Kitikmeot region of the Northwest Te r r i t o r i e s . The settlement i t s e l f i s s i tuated on the west s ide of the Simpson Pen insu la , near the mouth of the Kugaardjuk River and i s bounded by rocky outcrops and the steep rocky sho re l i ne of S t . P e t e r ' s Bay. The area i n l and i s a r e l a t i v e l y level p la in interrupted by rocky areas and small l a k e s . A r i n g of i s l a n d s , 5 approximately one kilometer offshore from the community, cont r ib -utes to i t s picturesque se t t ing . The People Pe l l y Bay i s also known as A r v i l i g j u a t , and i t s people as the A r v i l i g j u a r m i u t . I t t r a n s l a t e s to mean "people of the l a rge whale" because nearby h i l l s are reminiscent of that shape. Pe l ly Bay people or ig inate from the Ne ts i l i k Inu i t , a l though today they a l l y themselves with the Inuit of Repulse Bay as much as with the 'seal people' of Spence Bay. N ine t y- f i ve percent of the community's popu la t ion of 255 are Inu i t , almost a l l of whom are related to one another. White res idents , wi th the except ion of the p r i e s t and the husband of one Inuit woman, are not perma-nent inhabitants. Local Government and Services The community i s h igh ly organized. A mayor and eight coun-c i l l o r s are elected to Hamlet Council pos i t i ons . There are a l so community committees which deal with education, heal th, housing and recreation matters. The people e lect a Board of Directors who act as a decision-making body for the Koomiut Co-op. The settlement appears as a group of coloured houses and i n -c ludes a new community complex, a six-room ho te l , co-operative store, snowmobile repa i r shop, c r a f t s t o r e , s c h o o l , t e l e v i s i o n s a t e l l i t e dish and local radio s t a t i on . A new nursing stat ion i s current ly under c o n s t r u c t i o n to rep lace the one-nurse s t a t i o n 0 10 20 30 40 50 I 1 1 1 1 1 m i l e s 8 Figure 3 P e l l y Bay Site Plan Legend 1. Mission Church lk. Kugaardjuk River 2. F i s h Plant (closed) 15. P e l l y Bay 3. Co-op Store k. Hamlet Office/Post Office 5. School 6. C r a f t Store 7• Community Complex 8. Nursing Station 9. Power Plant 10. Fuel Tanks (storage) 11. A i r p o r t Buildings 12. A i r S t r i p 13. Hotel 9 b u i l t in 1969. There are f i f t y housing units administered by the North West Te r r i to r i es (NWT) Housing Corporation through a l o ca l Housing Committee. A housing reab i1 i ta t ion program began in 1979 and w i l l resu l t in the i n s t a l l a t i o n of plumbing and running water in the housing u n i t s . Telephones are ava i lab le to a l l housing un i ts . The Hamlet Counci l provides water, sewage, garbage and road services. Water i s obtained from the Kugaardjuk R iver 2.5 k i l o -meters upstream from the community or from two lakes near the a i r s t r i p , and i s del ivered to each household twice weekly or as need-ed . A dump and a natural gravel deposit which provides material for maintenance and bui ld ing s i t e s , are located approximately two k i l omete rs from the community. Fuel i s del ivered to the communi-t y ' s storage tanks once a year by a i r l i f t and i s de l i v e r ed to households on a regular basis by the Koomiut Co-op. The community i s accessible only by a i r and skidoo. The Ham-l e t Counci l operates the a i r s t r i p , and weather and communication services are provided during working hours. Scheduled a i r service i s provided, weather permit t ing, twice weekly from Yellowknife v ia Cambridge Bay. F l ights from Hall Beach are scheduled i f s u f f i -c ient bookings are made. P o l i c e p ro t e c t i on i s a v a i l a b l e through the Spence Bay RCMP detachment, but only infrequent v i s i t s are made to Pe l ly Bay. A more complete descr ipt ion of the community as i t ex is ts t o -day i s included in Chapter Four. 10 Methods o f Data Col lect ion The data for the study are, for the most part , the resul ts o f s ix months of fieldwork in Pe l ly Bay in 1982. Data were col lected on var ious aspects o f the modern community with a par t i cu la r em-phasis on resource u t i l i z a t i o n and economic a c t i v i t i e s . The a t t i -tudes and a c t i v i t i e s of the young people were a major focus of the study. F i e l d Techniques P a r t i c i p a n t Obse rva t ion : In addit ion to the co l l e c t i on of quanti tat ive data, the importance of examining subjective informa-t ion concerning human behaviour and att i tudes i s recognized. Par-t i c ipan t observation was, therefore, an important research t e ch -nique . In a d d i t i o n to p a r t i c i p a t i o n in community events and ac t i v -i t i e s , the role of hotel manager for f i ve months served to j u s t i f y the researcher ' s presence in the community. The Council gave i t s permission for the research to be conducted and the members were, therefore, f u l l y aware o f the researchers' purposes. For the most part , the people were supe r f i c i a l l y helpful and f r i end l y , although many avoided i n t e r a c t i o n for fear of being asked questions. The role of hotel manager eased these apprehensions and served to i n -crease i n t e r a c t i o n with members o f the community on both a bus i -ness and social l e v e l . 11 Interviews/Questionnaires: A number of s t r u c tu r ed and un-structured interviews were conducted to complement and ver i fy data co l lected through part ic ipant observation in the community. I n i -t i a l l y , a l l households were v i s i t ed to make introductions and ex-pla in the purpose of the research. In the fol lowing months, each household was v i s i t ed again to gather data on economic a c t i v i t i e s . The interviews consisted of administering a formal ques t ionna i re along wi th informal d i s c u s s i o n . The interviews were conducted, for the most part , through an in terpre ter . A l l the young people (aged 15 to 24) in the community com-pleted a separate questionnaire and most (70 percent) part ic ipated in informal group discussions. Communication with the young peo-ple was pr imar i ly in Engl ish, which i s , in r e a l i t y , t h e i r second language. However, a research ass istant aided in t rans la t ion and in obtaining the co-operation of the young people, and a high lev -el of confidence i s placed in the information gathered. Senior students at Kugaardjuk school completed a ques t i on -na i re r e l a t ed to the i r educational leve ls and future asp i ra t ions . These resul ts are discussed in Chapter F ive. Other Data Sources: In addit ion to the fieldwork s i t u a t i o n , s t a t i s t i c a l data from government surveys and studies conducted by other researchers were u t i l i z e d . Where appropriate, these sources are noted in the fol lowing chapters. 12 Difficulties in Field Data Collection and Interpretation A number of difficulties are encountered in interpreting da-ta, and in doing fieldwork in a cross-cultural situation. Language Data gathering and communication in English is difficult be-cause the majority of Pelly Bay Inuit speak l i t t l e , i f any, Eng-l ish. There is a significant difference between the two languages and English words and ideas cannot, in many cases, be translated directly into Inuktitut. Comprehension and understanding from both sides is, therefore, sometimes incomplete. Moreover, the necessary use of Inuit interpreters includes the risk that trans-lations are skewed towards the translator's viewpoint. Size The size of the community (43 households) and the small num-ber of inhabitants were limitations in themselves. Greater con-fidence could be placed in the data to be gathered i f i t were pos-sible to interview al l members of the community. This proved sometimes difficult however, because community members were often absent from the community during extended hunting/camping periods. It also created difficulty in pre-testing questionnaires. 13 Culture In the Inuit cu l tu re , i t i s considered impolite to ask d i rec t questions or to express an opinion over t ly . Although the northern indigenous people have become accustomed to the presence of re -searchers in the i r communities, many remain uncomfortable with the questionnaire or structured interview format and tend only to give l imi ted answers—"yes," "no, " or "I don't know," when there i s a wish not to answer. I t i s also common that the interviewee might agree with a leading statement by the researcher rather than give an op in io in . This l a t t e r response necessitates caution in the use of questions which may contain hints of the interv iewer 's b ias . Western Bias As a l ready noted, westernized indicators of development may be out of context when applied to a study of a northern Inuit com-munity. In simple i l l u s t r a t i o n of th i s point , one survey complet-ed by the NWT government (and conducted by t h i s researcher ) con -ta ined the q u e s t i o n , "Where were you born?" Although th is re -quires a r e l a t i v e l y straightforward answer in western s o c i e t y , i n an I nu i t community which i s only f i f t een to twenty years o l d , r e -sponses varied from "Out behind the gravel p i t " to " In an i g l o o on the i c e . " S i m i l a r l y , some respondents had d i f f i c u l t y compre-hending questions asked by th is researcher. 14 Numerical Data It was d i f f i c u l t to obtain complete data in some areas due to lack of records. In many cases i t was necessary to r e l y on the r e c a l l of the inhabitants . In add i t ion , a number of factors con-t r ibute to inaccuracies in avai lable s t a t i s t i c s . Income f i g u r e s , fo r example are affected by the extent of work which i s part-time or seasonal, by the numbers who part ic ipate in many types of work s imu l t aneous l y , and by undeclared income from various sources. L imitat ions such as these are noted further in Chapter Four. Cross-Cultural Research C l i f f o r d Geertz (1977) suggests that the researcher must set aside one's own conceptions and attempt to view the experiences of others w i th in the framework of the i r own ideas. While th i s study represents an attempt to do as Geertz suggests, some d i f f i c u l t i e s were inherent because of the cross-cultural nature of the f i e l d -work s i tua t i on . For example, although experience as a par t ic ipant observer provided knowledge of actions and the a b i l i t y to a n t i c i -pate behaviours and decis ions, there remained d i f f i c u l t i e s in com-prehending the exact mechanisms through which dec i s i ons were reached. Many times th is researcher f e l t she had achieved a level of understanding only to be confronted with a contradictory s i t ua -t i o n . The researcher was not alone in t h i s exper ience however. Father van de Ve lde , for example, a Belgian pr ies t who l i ved for many years in the community of Pe l l y Bay, noted, " . . . I wish I 15 would understand these Eskimos as well as (I thought) I did af ter I had spent mny f i r s t year here" (quoted in Van den Steenhoven, 1959, 10). The thoughts of t h i s w r i t e r ' s exper ience with part ic ipant observation are perhaps best summed up by Geertz (1977): Understanding the form and pressure of . . . na-t i v e s ' inner l i v e s i s more l i k e grasping a proverb , ca tch ing an i l l u s i o n , seeing a j o k e ~ o r , as I have sug-gested, reading a poem—than i t i s l i k e achieving commu-nion (p. 492). While i t i s probably not necessary to "achieve communion" with the local people in order to study processes occur r ing in the commu-n i t y , one must be aware that the researcher, "cannot help but make some sort of comparison with the society and c u l t u r e whence they came. They w i l l n e c e s s a r i l y view the other ways of behaving, thinking and fee l ing through the f i l t e r of the i r own" (Hsu, 1979, 526). Scope of the Study The thesis emphasizes an examination of the processes occur -r i n g at the community l e v e l . In pa r t i cu l a r , the focus i s on the economic a c t i v i t i e s of the people of Pe l ly Bay. Both q u a n t i t a t i v e and qua l i t a t i ve data are presented to de-monstrate the way of l i f e of the people of Pe l ly Bay. I t i s r e c -ognized tha t q u a n t i t a t i v e i n d i c a t o r s of development such as 16 employment and income leve ls have l im i ted meaning when u t i l i z e d to examine cu l tura l groups who have d i f f e r i n g concepts not only of development, but a l so of " cash " and "making a l i v i n g , " for i n -stance. Such indicators cannot gauge man's use of resources and the manner in which he relates to his environment in i t s t o t a l i t y . The study therefore adopts a d e s c r i p t i v e approach and u t i l i z e s anecdotal notes where appropriate to communicate further the mean-ing of development for the residents of Pe l l y Bay, and to demon-strate the manner in which t rad i t iona l ways have pers is ted . As previously noted, the persistence of t r a d i t i o n a l ways i s shown to be evident in the manner in which decision-making occurs, education and employment are viewed, status i s acquired and land-based a c t i v i t i e s are pursued. These t rad i t iona l patterns are ex-amined in th is thesis in the fol lowing manner. Chapter Two reviews l i t e r a tu re which i s relevant to the the-s i s . In pa r t i cu l a r , the concepts of development and change are examined, and there i s further discussion concerning the meaning of the terms ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' and 'modern.' Chapter Three examines the changes which have occurred for the people of Pe l ly Bay from an h i s to r i ca l perspective. The man-ner i n which the I nu i t have re ta ined t h e i r t rad i t iona l culture despite the adoption of the elements from the o u t s i d e , such as Ch r i s t i an i t y , government serv ices , and equipment i s discussed. The present-day community of Pe l ly Bay and the way in which the modern way of l i f e i s approached i s the subject of Chapter Four. Current a c t i v i t i e s and a t t i t u d e s , e s p e c i a l l y those which 17 re late to economic patterns, are examined in deta i l to demonstrate the persistence of t rad i t iona l Inuit ways in the modern community. The i m p l i c a t i o n s of the present system for the future l i f e -sty les of the young people of the community i s explored in Chapter F i v e . The a c t i v i t i e s and att i tudes of the young people of Pe l l y Bay are emphasized in th i s study because a large proportion of the popu la t ion of the community f a l l s into th i s age bracket. It i s noted that the youth, l i k e the i r parents and grandparents , con-tinue to l i v e in a t rad i t iona l manner, holding on to Inuit values and world views, and that they u t i l i z e these in the i r approach to a modern way of l i f e . In the f i na l chapter, a summary i s presented, conclusions are discussed, and the impl icat ions of t h i s research fo r s tud ies of other northern communities are b r i e f l y explored. 18 Chapter Two Change and Development The process of change which has been occurring for the I nu i t of P e l l y Bay, p a r t i c u l a r l y s ince contact with the white man, i s referred to as development. This chapter examines the concept of development as i t pertains to the Inuit of northern Canada and to the study. To North Americans, the term development, when applied to i n -digenous people of the North, implies that the native peoples are becoming more l i k e the metropolitan Canadian; that i s , the Inuit are acquiring the values and way-of-life of the white man's s o c i -e t y . This view i s based on the assumption that development i s synonymous with i ndus t r i a l i zed western society. The manner in which Whites have interacted with the northern people and the northern environment i s f r equen t l y analyzed in terms of a c o l o n i a l framework ( for example, Brody, 1975; Berger, 1977; Dacks, 1981). Brody (1975) states that the c o l o n i a l i s t r e -gards h i s own soc i e t y as synonymous with cu l tu re , and perceives the ' co lon ized ' as barely able to protect themselves, and the re -fore to need the benefits of c i v i l i z a t i o n . Although northern peo-ple themselves have not accepted the low economic and s o c i a l 19 s ta tus which i s ass igned by t h e i r c o l o n i a l or dependent status (Dacks, 1981), th is ethnocentric v iewpoint has i n f l uenced those i n t e r e s t e d in the North and i t s peoples. I t seems, for example, to have been the push behind the benevolent government po l i c i e s of the 1960s. S im i l a r l y , in the 1970s, i t was demonstrated by those who advocated the need to p ro tec t the c u l t u r e of Nat ive people from progress, even to the extent of suggesting a return to t r a d i -t ional l i f e s t y l e s . The e thnocen t r i c focus of southern Canadians has also been indicated by designs created for development r esea rch . In many cases , measurements of development in northern Canadian communi-t i es are based on the extent to which White ways have been adopt-ed . Mayes (1982) notes for example, that selected indicators are based on western norms such as infant m o r t a l i t y , number of t e l e -phones, percentage of c h i l d r e n attending school , income and/or protein intake, or on the degree of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ach ieved . These approaches assume that soc i e t y progresses from pr imi t ive subsistence to modern i n d u s t r i a l . They also r e f l e c t a d u a l i s t i c view of change according to which t r ad i t i on and change are seen as opposed forces, the l a t t e r growing at the expense of the former. This study attempts to focus on a less ethnocentric view of the process of development in the community of P e l l y Bay. I t i s based on the fol lowing assumptions: 1. Change or development i s a continunous process. 2. Change occurs as a r e s u l t of not only outside fac tors , but also of processes occurring within the culture i t s e l f . 20 3. Development does not cause t rad i t iona l ways to be d i s -carded; rather, new ways are adopted within a Native context. The f i r s t of these assumptions, that change i s an ongoing process, suggests that no culture i s s t a t i c , but ins tead that i t i s constant and e v o l v i n g . This i s noted by Dacks (1981) who states: . . . the natives ' t rad i t iona l values are no more s ta t i c and unchanging than non-natives' t rad i t iona l values are; a culture applies i t s time-tested ideas and forms of so-c i a l organization to new s i t u a t i o n s . In t h i s way the c u l t u r e evolves new forms, yet retains a coherence be-cause the old forms are adapted to the new. (p. 38) Lineton suggests that change i s the means by which indigenous people maintain the i r cu l ture : . . . the native people . . . are maintaining the i r c u l -ture and expanding the i r numbers in one of the few ways p o s s i b l e fo r t rad i t iona l pr imi t ive soc iet ies in the mo-dern world—by changing. (Lineton, 1978, 102) That i s to say, that cu l tura l t rad i t ions can continue to be strong although the forms of the culture are constantly changing. This i s in agreement with the ideas of Milton Freeman (1981) who states that although cu l ture , in the form of behav iours , va lues and a t t i t u d e s , i s passed on to the succeeding generation, what i s passed on i s not e x a c t l y what i s rece ived from one 's parents . Freeman argues that there i s a core of the e s sen t i a l elements which const i tutes the basis of a person's s e l f -pe r cep t i on of who he i s and why h i s group i s d i s t i n c t i v e , and that th i s i s what i s passed on. What i s l o s t i s made up for by greater c u l t u r a l value 21 being accorded to elements which do remain. In th is way v i s i b l e manifestations o f culture can change without weakening the culture of the group. In t h i s v e i n , Berger a l so concludes that the c u l t u r e o f northern Canada's native people i s s t i l l a v i t a l fo rce in t h e i r l i v e s . He notes that since the coming o f the white man, the na-t i ve people of the North have clung to t h e i r b e l i e f s , t h e i r own ideas of themselves, of who they are and where they came from, and have revealed a self-consciousness that i s much more than r e t r o -spec t i ve (Berger , 1977, 85). In reference to native cu l tu re , he states, "These values are ancient and enduring, a l though the ex-press ion of them may change—indeed has changed—from general to generation" (Berger, 1977, 99). The assumption that cu l tura l groups are constantly undergoing change implies that the Native people o f Canada's North d id not e x i s t in a s t a t i c state before the a r r i va l of the white man, nor that they moved along a l i ne from one evolutionary stage of deve-lopment to another . This i s i n agreement with the thoughts o f Gusf ie ld (1967) who argues not only against the idea of a s t a t i c t rad i t iona l cu l tu re , but also that t r ad i t i on and modernity are not mutually exclusive systems. His theories suggest that there i s an intermingl ing of the 'modern' and the ' t r a d i t i o n a l , ' rather than a series o f c on f l i c t s between the two. Theor ies o f change which focus pr imar i ly on a theme of con-f l i c t , often portray development as the r e s u l t o f some outs ide 22 f o r c e . Causat ive status i s delegated to new technologies, ideo-logies or other outside fac tors . Such forces are o f ten seen to push the people of a cu l tura l group who are subject to the impact, on to another stage of development. For example, B a l i k c i (1964) a t t r i b u t e s changes in t rad i t iona l re lat ionships of the Pe l ly Bay Inuit to the land and to each other to the advent of the r i f l e . S i m i l a r l y , among those of the structural marxist fo l low ing , cap i -ta l ism i s often portrayed as a force acting against a t r a d i t i o n a l soc i e t y ( f o r example, McDonnell, 1983). However, the assumption that change i s brought about by outside forces does not recognize the mechanisms inherent within the indigenous society i t s e l f . Brody (1982) points out in his book, Maps and Dreams, that i t i s the f au l t of the social sciences, or rather of those who do re-search in the s o c i a l sciences, that they tend to point to strong socio-economic and h i s to r i ca l forces and to the i r i nev i t ab l e con-sequences. This suggests that people are, as Brody expresses i t , helpless vict ims without the "wit or freedom" to influence events. Brody noted from h i s research with the Beaver Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, that th is i s not necessari ly the case. While most c u r -rent s tud ies of northern communities do note that the native peo-ple are pers is t ing in t rad i t iona l modes to some ex t en t , t h i s i s o f ten in terpreted as a reaction to some outside force . Seldom i s any decision-making on the part of the indigenous society pointed out a l though nat i ve people have both accepted and rejected many innovations. 23 McConnell (1975), on the other hand, considers that both the a b i l i t y to change and the push for change comes from w i th in I nu i t s o c i e t y . He d i s ca rds a notion of determinism in development and suggests rather that the actions taken by the I n u i t are the pro -duct of act ive decision-making between choices within the society. McConnell argues that changes occur i n I n u i t soc i e t y through a process which invo l ves f i r s t inputs of new information or mate-r i a l s and then consideration of the new options these may suggest. In t h i s manner, there i s accommodation to new circumstances which are presented. The premise of th i s thes i s , that the development process oc-curs not only as a resu l t of contact with outside factors but also of processes inherent in the culture i t s e l f , l i e s between the the-or ies of McConnell and those who see native people as pass ive i n the face of some stronger power. That i s to say that contact with new technologies and systems i s viewed as present ing new opt ions to a nat ive group, and many of these options are adopted and help to create new l i f e s t y l e s . As the I n u i t author , Minnie Freeman, notes , " . . . any good change i s always welcome to any kind of cu l ture . Inuit have always looked fo r be t t e r ways, f o r useful th ings to a i d s u r v i v a l " (1981, 269). They were in other words, act ive part ic ipants in the process of change and not j u s t the peo-ple upon whom changes were forced. That i s not to say that the cu l ture i t s e l f does not create some constraints on ind iv idua ls in terms of what opt ions are ac-c e p t a b l e . However, the I n u i t culture has been noted by several 24 researchers to be f l e x i b l e . Lange (1977), for example, focuses on the notion of f l e x i b i l i t y in t r a d i t i o n a l I n u i t c u l t u r e as an adapt ive and an in tegra t i ve mechanism. He refers to f l e x i b i l i t y as the high degree of tolerance the I n u i t a f f o r d each other r e -garding d i s s i m i l a r means of achieving approved ends, as long as the d i f fe rent means are equally e f f ec t i ve . Lange suggests that i t i s because of t h i s f l e x i b i l i t y that the I n u i t have maintained the i r t rad i t iona l values in the i r day-to-day l i f e in modern times. Put i n other words, the Inuit culture allows i t s members to choose between many options. This does not imply permiss iveness , but ra ther tha t there are many feas ib le courses of action which are acceptable within the context of the Inuit cu l ture . Those in P e l l y Bay f o r example, who choose to support the i r fami l ies by means of working at a regular j ob , are not regarded as any l e s s Inuit than those who are pr imar i ly hunters. Culture, while creating some constraints may also a i d in the adjustment to new options offered to the community through contact with those outside. Thus, an indiv idual i s able to pursue a new mode o f , f o r example, 'earning a l i v i n g ' without threatening his t i e s t o j T j j ^ c u l t u r a l group. New methods, systems and technologies which are acceptable to the cu l tu ra l group are adopted into the community and adapted to a native way of doing t h i n g s . In t h i s way, change i s allowed to occur. John Beveridge, in reference to the wr i t ings of Gusf ie ld sums th i s up as fo l lows: 25 Aspects of t rad i t iona l cultures often had cons ide rab le e f f e c t on the acceptance, re ject ion or fusion of modern forms, o f ten supp ly ing the s k i l l s and sometimes the source of l e g i t i m a t i o n for new goals and new processes in a se lect ive change process . T r a d i t i o n and modern-i z i n g processes such as communication, t ransportat ion, and economic and p o l i t i c a l development sometimes acted to strengthen c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s . (Beveridge, 1979, 112) As mentioned e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter, researchers have ex-amined evidence of the use of western technology or methods as i n d i c a t o r s of the presence or absence of t rad i t iona l ways. There are two fau l ts with th i s mode of th ink ing. F i r s t of a l l , one must be aware that the adoption of certa in technology i s not necessa-r i l y seen as a westernized way of doing things by the indigenous people themselves. Inuit who use, for example, skidoos and r i f l e s to hunt do not consider th i s a white way of hunt ing (McConnell , 1975). Secondly, i t f a i l s to examine the manner in which these mo-dern items are incorporated into native ways, and i t ignores t r a -d i t i o n a l processes which continue to be present. In support of t h i s , Berger (1977) notes that the adoption of items of western technology does not mean that western values are adopted with them. He also referred to Derek Smith who cautions against equat-ing technological adaptations with a change in values, "Technolog-i ca l change, which i s very v i s i b l e , should not be allowed to obs-cure the less v i s i b l e . . ." ( in Berger, 1977, 110). In th is ve in , Rapaport's (1981) study of the Bedouin demon-strated that despite the giv ing up of tents with which the Bedouin 26 had come to be i d e n t i f i e d , i n favour of houses, settlement pat-terns were retained. Thus patterns rather than actual s t r u c tu r e s cou ld be seen to be more ind icat ive of the persistence of t r a d i -t ional values. Although the Inuit have given up many t rad i t iona l structures or technology, many patterns and t h e i r way of v iewing the world appear to have been adopted more from t rad i t iona l modes of func-t ioning than from the i n f u s i o n of western a r t i f a c t s . In P e l l y Bay, t r a d i t i o n i s present in the manner in which the Inuit manage the i r a f f a i r s and behave towards one another . For example, the manner i n which dec i s i ons are reached r e f l e c t s the pattern of group concensus that i s associated with the Inuit c u l t u r e . L i k e -w i se , t r a d i t i o n a l sharing methods are ref lected in the manner in which h i r ing for jobs i s done; h i r ing i s most o f ten on the bas i s of need and jobs are shared by or rotated among community members. Att i tudes towards the economic system a l so d i f f e r from those of western society in the i r or ientat ion towards consumption and per-haps survival rather than towards accumulation of assets f o r f u -ture secur i ty . These f indings r e f l e c t the th i rd assumption and primary theme of t h i s t h e s i s , that development does not cause t rad i t iona l ways to be discarded; rather new ways are incorpora ted i n to a na t i ve way-of-l i fe. . . . the capacity for human beings to adapt, to incor -porate new s i tuat ions and experiences i n to t h e i r wor ld view wi thout fundamentally a l t e r ing i t , has often been underestimated. Even under conditions of p o l i t i c a l and 27 economic domination or po l i c i e s of a ss im i l a t i on , many of the essential elements of t rad i t iona l cultures have per-s i s t ed . (Beveridge, 1979, 111) Tradit ional patterns in the community of P e l l y Bay w i l l be explored more f u l l y in the fol lowing chapters. 28 Chapter Three An H is tor i ca l Perspective L i f e in a permanent Arc t i c community in the 1980s i s ce r ta in -l y d i f f e r e n t than l i f e on the land in the 1930s. The changes which have occurred for the I n u i t of P e l l y Bay are subs t an t i a l when viewed from an h i s to r i ca l perspective. The influences of the Church, the DEW (Distance Early Warning) L ine, trading p o s t s , new technology of va r ious k i n d s , and successive government programs have a l l offered opportunit ies for change, and some elements from the outside were absorbed into the Inuit way of l i f e . Explorers, Missionaries and Fur Traders The Explorers At the time of contac t wi th 'wh i t e s ' the Inuit followed a seasonal migratory cycle and had a subs is tence economy based on hunt ing and f i s h i n g . Winter was spent in a large group of up to s ixty people on the sea i ce . During th i s time sealing at b rea th -ing holes was the main hunting a c t i v i t y , and soc i a l i z i ng and com-munal events were common. 29 In s p r i n g , f a m i l i e s t rave l led back to the land to establ ish f i sh ing camps, and also engaged in hunt ing baby s e a l s . In l a t e summer, the Arv i l ig juarmiut moved in land , and autumn was the time when caribou hunting occurred. With the exception of the winter gather ings on the i c e , camps were smal l , often consist ing of only one or two extended fami l i es . I t i s thought that the Arv i l i g jua rmiu t ' s f i r s t contact with Whites was with John Ross' expedit ion of 1829 which wintered in the area east of the Boothia Peninsula. The contact with the ex-plorers seems to have been minimal. However, a ship abandoned by the expedi t ion on the shores of Lord Mayor Bay became a source of metal and wood. Previously such resources were rare and obta ined through trade with Inuit and Indian groups to the south. In 1847 John Rae was reported to have v i s i t e d the Pe l ly Bay s i t e , and con-tact did not occur again unt i l 1923 when Rasmussen spent some time in the region. The Missionaries The f i r s t white person to res ide in the area was an Oblate missionary, Father Henry, who established a miss ion in 1935. He was j o i n e d i n 1938 by Father van de Velde who remained the sole p r i es t in Pe l l y Bay for over twenty-five years . The miss ion was the f i r s t permanent structure in Pe l l y Bay. By 1957 i t consisted of seven small stone and earth bui ldings i n c lud ing a greenhouse. The o r i g i n a l stone church i s s t i l l present today, although i t i s now in use only as a museum. 30 The mission was located at the mouth of the Kugaardjuk River, a s i t e which had frequently been u t i l i z e d as a f i s h i n g camp by a number of A rv i l i g jua rmiu t . In the years fol lowing 1935, the mis-sion bui ld ings became a nucleus around which an increasing number of P e l l y Bay I n u i t set up t h e i r i g l o o s . I t was not unt i l the 1960s, however, that i t became a permanent base fo r the ma jo r i t y of res idents . The m iss iona r i e s ' purpose was to convert the Inuit to Chr i s -t i a n i t y . By l i v i n g among the people and sett ing examples of the C h r i s t i a n l i f e , the pr iests converted the Arv i l ig juarmiut to the Roman Catholic f a i t h . Nevertheless, t rad i t iona l legends, b e l i e f s , taboos and p r a c t i c e s cont inue in use to some extent (Several sources, Personal Communications, Summer 1982). L i ke several other customs or ways adopted af ter contact with Whites, C h r i s t i -anity has not replaced the native system of be l i e f completely, but rather co-exists with i t . Today, the Catholic Church i s an impor-tant sp i r i t ua l and soc ia l element in the community desp i te the t rad i t iona l re l ig ious be l i e f s which l inger on. The pr ies t functioned in several major r o l e s f o l l o w i n g the founding of the m i s s i o n . For example, he diagnosed i l l n e s s and dispensed medical suppl ies , a very important r o l e because of the impact of d iseases introduced by the Europeans. The mission was also a school for young people, and became a centre of administra-t i o n , the local s tore , and a trading post. 31 The m i s s i o n a r i e s became f l u e n t in Inukt i tut and introduced sy l l ab i cs to the Pe l ly Bay Inu i t , so that they might read the B i -b l e . The a c q u i s i t i o n and use of the English language, however, was not encouraged by the p r i e s t s . The miss ion secured a t r a d i n g l icense and accepted furs in exchange for staple goods such as tea , tobacco, sugar, ammunition, powdered mi lk and matches. The miss ion s tore , which opened in 1947, remained small in comparison to the larger trading posts set up in other communities by the Hudson's Bay Company. The mission-ary did not a c t i v e l y encourage the A r v i 1 i g j u a r m i u t to acqui re l a rge numbers of material goods and he, in f a c t , saw his roles as a trader and missionary as con f l i c t i ng ones (Treude, 1975; van den Steenhoven, 1959). The miss ion provided a l i nk between the A rv i l igjuarmiut and the outside world through the performance of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e du-t i e s , i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of government d i rect ives and l a te r the d i s -t r ibu t ion of government cheques. Although the missionary was ac -t i v e and i n f l u e n t i a l in many aspects of the l i ves of the A r v i l i -gjuarmiut, he made no attempt to a l t e r the subs is tence hunt ing economy of the people. Van den Steenhoven noted that : Although Rev. Van de Velde--who was able to l i v e o f f the country l i k e the Eskimos—has gained a posi t ion of considerable prest ige, I had several opportunit ies to no t i ce how l i t t l e he was given to inf luencing the E sk i -mos as to where and when to trade, hunt or f i s h , and i t s t ruck me how he did not even allow the s l igh tes t sel f-interest to inter fere with what the Eskimos cons ider to be a domain of t h e i r own exclusive sovereignty: the i r da i ly freedom of movement (Van den Steenhoven, 1959, 10). 32 The Fur Traders Trapping and t r ad ing fu rs was less important for the Pe l ly Bay Inuit than i t was in neighbouring areas such as Spence Bay and Gjoa Haven (Treude, 1975). The number and value of fur pelts taken over several years (Figures 4 and 5) show P e l l y Bay behind the other communities. One reason i s the missionary, who was not a commercial trader, did not encourage fur t r ad ing i n to the mis -s ion on a l a rge s c a l e . Secondly, the Arv i l ig juarmiut themselves viewed trapping as a secondary a c t i v i t y , pursued on a sporadic ba-s i s and p r i m a r i l y when staple goods were needed. Van den Steen-hoven observed in 1957 that , " a l l grown men are devoted hunters and f i shermen; they do some t r app ing but they don't want i t to inter fere too much with hunting and f i sh ing " (Van den Steenhoven, 1959, 3 ) . That t r app ing was a secondary a c t i v i t y to hunting i s f—A i l lustnatt .ed by the fact that the traps were set near food caches or along the routes to hunt ing areas (Several sources, Personal Communication, Summer, 1982). Those few A r v i 1 i g j ua rm iu t who de-c ided to i nco rpora te fu r t r ad ing i n t o t he i r economic base to a greater extent moved out of the area and c l o s e r to one of the e s t a b l i s h e d posts ( B a l i k c i , 1964). A th i rd reason why trapping remained in the background was because ice conditions and shal low waters made the a r r i v a l of t rad ing boats impossible, and there-fore , no Hudson's Bay Company post was es tab l i shed in P e l l y Bay. Thus the on ly opt ion from t r ad ing with the pr ies t was to trade 33 " '•• " Sale of Fox Pelts, 1958-1983 F i g u r e k • 5950 1957/8 9 6 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 7 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 8 1 2 3 0 0 0 G j o a H a v e n P e l l y B a y Spence B a y d a t a s o u r c e : Games B r a n c h r e c o r d s 3 &.A/.u. T. Figure 5 Income From Fur Sales 1 9 5 7 / 8 9 6 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 7 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 8 1 2 3 0 0 0 GJOA HAVEN PELLY BAY SPENCE BAY data source: Games Branch records^ &. w.uJ. T, 35 with the post at Repulse Bay or less commonly at Gjoa Haven and Spence Bay. Although the t r a d i n g post at Repulse Bay was 322 kilometers southeast of the mission s i te and considerably f u r t h e r away than Spence Bay, 209 k i lomete rs northwest, people preferred to go to Repulse Bay. Van den Steenhoven (1959) suggests that t h i s was because of lower p r i c e s fo r goods, a t t rac t i ve food caches along the route, and the fact that people cou ld earn ex t r a revenue by t r a n s p o r t i n g miss ion f r e i g h t on the return journey. I t i s also possible that preferred hunt ing areas e x i s t e d along the way to Repulse Bay, and espec ia l l y that there was a desire to v i s i t r e l a -t ives in that area. Although the Inuit of Pe l l y Bay welcomed material gains from trading fu rs , i t appeared to a l t e r the i r l i f e s t y l e only minimally. As already noted, fur-trapping remained for the most part a spora-dic a c t i v i t y which supplemented, but did not r e p l a c e , the t r a d i -t i o n a l hunting economy. For th i s reason the Pe l ly Bay Inuit were l e s s a f f e c t e d than some other northern nat ive communities by f luctuat ions in world demands and in avai lable supplies of fox. One of the most s ign i f i c an t acquis i t ions of the fur trade era fo r the P e l l y Bay I n u i t came from the a v a i l a b i l i t y of r i f l e s . With the advent of th is new technology, hunters were able to har -vest s u b s t a n t i a l numbers of game with less e f fo r t than had been required previously. While th is was a boon to the people at the t ime , i t was a l so thought to have caused some profound changes, pa r t i cu l a r l y with respect to hunting patterns. Brice-Bennett ( i n 36 Freeman, 1976) po inted out that f i r ea rms extended the caribou hunting season into winter. More extensive polar bear hunting a l -so r e s u l t e d ; pr ior to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of guns, interact ions with polar bear were pr imar i ly on the basis of defence (Freeman, 1976). Treude (1975) noted that declines in caribou stocks which occur-red fol lowing the acquis i t ion of the r i f l e , made i t necessary to t r ave l fur ther distances to obtain game. Consequently, more dogs and more game for dog food were required. Treude (1975) also sum-marized that the a v a i l a b i l i t y of the r i f l e made co-operat ive hunting e f for ts unnecessary and encouraged the harvesting of game on an indiv idual bas is . There i s no doubt that the adoption of the r i f l e did af fect the l i f e s t y l e of the Inu i t . However, i t s e f f e c t as an agent of c u l t u r e change was perhaps l e s s profound than was stated by Ba-l i kci (1964). Although the r i f l e had been c i ted as the cause of decreased number of game, f o r example, i t i s also possible that migratory patterns could account for decreased stocks in the Pe l ly Bay a r ea . Th is would seem to be borne out by the fact that , t o -day, caribou are in more abundance in the area than at any time w i t h i n the memories of the inhabitants. I t should also be remem-bered that a hunter i s res t r i c ted to the number of ca r ibou which can be t ranspor ted to camp; the advantages created by the r i f l e are therefore not without some constra ints . Las t l y , i t should be noted that the Inuit remained f l e x i b l e in the i r adaptation to l a -ter technological inf luences. The adoption of the snowmobile, for example, had an e f f e c t opposite to that noted by Treude; because 37 of the danger of mechanical f a i l u r e , hunters wi th snowmobiles tended to hunt in at least pairs ra ther than i n d i v i d u a l l y ( V i l -l i e r s , 1969). The Role of Government P r io r to 1950, the federal government had shown l i t t l e i n t e r -es t i n the North and e s p e c i a l l y in the Inuit peoples. Services had been provided by i n s t i t u t i ons such as the po l i ce , the Hudson's Bay Company or the Church. However, a f t e r World War I I , these functions were gradually t ransferred to the government, and new programs i n s t i t u t e d . Government programs and services which af -fected the Inuit of Pe l ly Bay included education, hea l th , housing and s o c i a l s e r v i c e programs, c o n s t r u c t i o n of the DEW (Distance Early Warning) l i ne s ta t ions , and the establishment of communica-t ion and transportat ion networks. The federal government was also pr imar i ly responsible for the introduction of the wage economy in Pe l l y Bay. Following i s a discussion of the manner in which these government programs were adopted by the Pe l ly Bay Inu i t . Social Services The l e g i s l a t i o n of family allowances in 1945 and of old age pension in 1948, meant that chi ldren and the e l d e r l y con t r i bu t ed to the amount of cash f l ow , or at l e a s t to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of 38 c r e d i t at t r ad ing pos t s , through transfer payments. Social as-sistance was i ns t i t u t ed in the 1950s, but these monies d id not form any s u b s t a n t i a l p ropor t i on of the economy of the Pe l ly Bay Inu i t . The acceptance of social assistance was not encouraged by Church t each ings , and Van den Steenhoven (1959) noted that by 1957, there were s t i l l no " r e l i e f " cases among the A r v i l i g j u a r -m iu t . This pattern continued for the most part unt i l modern day, as discussed more f u l l y in the fol lowing chapter. Medical Care As p r e v i o u s l y noted , the miss ion provided l imi ted medical supplies in the years f o l l o w i n g i t s estab l i1shment in 1935. A government nursing stat ion was not constructed unt i l 1969. In the 1950s and early 1960s, v i s i t s by doctors to the area were, for the most part , sporadic and infrequent (Van den Steenhoven, 1959; Sev-eral sources, Personal Communications, Summer 1982). The P e l l y Bay I n u i t were a f f e c t e d , however, as were most northern communities, by diseases in t roduced to the Nor th . The people were s u s c e p t i b l e to tubercu los i s , for example. Although medical care decreased the threat of death from t h i s i l l n e s s , i t was feared fo r i t s method of cure as w e l l . Treatment generally meant the removal of the infected indiv idual from the community to hospitals in the South or in other predominantly white communities in the North. The patient remained separated from family and com-munity f o r months, and of ten y e a r s . Van den Steenhoven (1959) noted that as of 1957, of a popu la t ion of 118, 25 people or 39 approximately 20 percent of the population had been evacuated from Pe l l y Bay at some time for treatment in outside hosp i ta ls . A few casualt ies resulted from inf luenza in 1949 owing part ly to lack of an t ib io t i c s (Van den Steenhoven, 1959). An i n f l u e n z a epidemic in 1959 and 1960 which swept across the A r c t i c , and f o l -lowed a year of famine, k i l l e d 16 people in Pe l ly Bay alone (Jen-ness, 1972). Van den Steenhoven (1959) reported that o f f i c i a l l y there were no pol io cases at Pe l l y Bay. However, the missionary s ta ted that there had been a few "suspic ious" cases, and research in 1982 i n -dicated evidence of pol io in the area at some time in the pas t . Cases of mumps and measles are reported to have occurred since 1954. Education As p r e v i o u s l y noted , the missionary ran some classes out of the Church. In l a te r years, pr imar i ly in the mid- and late 1950s, some students were flown out of the community to at tend the Church-run, res ident ia l school in C h e s t e r f i e l d I n l e t . Van den Steenhoven (1959) reports that 15 pupi ls were ready to attend the Chesterf ie ld In let school in 1957. However, the plane d id not arr ive before the f a l l f i sh ing began, and accordingly, no students went out to school that year. The government b u i l t a school in Pe l ly Bay in 1961 which ac-commodated grades one to s i x . To attend higher grades a f t e r that 40 time students were flown to Inuvik for the year. Students who a t -tended the Inuvik school from Pe l ly Bay were, f o r the most p a r t , females; the young males tended to spend more time hunting and did not achieve higher grade l e ve l s . I t was perhaps a l so f e l t that they were needed more at home to learn hunting techniques and to contribute to the fami ly ' s meat supply. V i l l i e r s (1969) reported that educat ion rece ived less emphasis in Pe l ly Bay than in other Central A rc t i c communities. Of those who attended the Inuvik school, only one acquired a high school education. As a resu l t of her prolonged attendance at the s c h o o l , which a l lowed only English to be spoken, she i s re -ported to have l o s t her fluency in Inukt i tut . This occurrence was spoken of i n a derogatory manner, even by the young Inuit of the community today. TABLE 1. Years of Schooling, 1967 Pe l ly Bay Inuit Years Men Women 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30 2 4 3 2 1 0 1 0 23 2 1 3 1 1 3 2 0 0 Total 44 36 Adapted from V i l l i e r s , 1967. 41 Those who did receive the i r education outside of the communi-ty tend to have greater understanding of , or even to have acquir -ed, some of the customs of white society. Many of them today hold r e spons ib l e posit ions in the community which necessitate frequent dealings with whites. However, they appear to gain l i t t l e s ta tus from ho ld ing these pos i t ions . For example, although they are re -spected for t h e i r knowledge and i n t e l l i g e n c e , they are r a r e l y e l e c ted to decis ion-making p o s i t i o n s such as the Counc i l , the Board of Directors of the Co-operative, or even to the Educat ion Committee. Many of them recognize that some of the i r views, such as those concerning the value of educa t i on , are d i f f e r e n t from others i n Pe l l y Bay, but they appear to support t rad i t iona l modes of functioning within the community. DEW Line Construction The bui ld ing of the DEW l ine s i t e from 1955 to 1957, approxi-mately twelve kilometers from the Pe l ly Bay mission, provided only minimal work for the Arv i l i g jua rmiu t . According to Van den Steen-hoven (1959), the Pe l ly Bay Inuit were prohibited from employment there as a r e s u l t of a c i v i l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n r u l i n g in 1956. Treude (1975) reported that the missionary discouraged employment at the s i t e . In any case, the young men who did spend time at the s i t e during i t s construction phase were often r i d i c u l e d by t h e i r f a m i l i e s f o r doing so (Several sources, Personal Communication, 1982). Only very few Pe l ly Bay I n u i t worked at the DEW l i n e in 42 the years fol lowing 1957. Their duties were pr imar i ly related to maintenance and frequently lasted only a short per iod (Personal Communication, 1982) . V i s i t i n g the s i t e , which i s by i nv i t a t i on only, has become more common in the past few years. Although the DEW l i ne created l i t t l e employment, the A r v i l i -gjuarmiut did make use of the equipment which was discarded a f t e r the c o n s t r u c t i o n phase. Heavy machinery was repaired, and u t i l -ized for many years by the Inuit for community projects , including the construction of an a i r s t r i p . There are many other examples of the adoption and e f f i c i e n t use of resources, such as construction mater ia ls , which government p ro j ec t s in t roduced to the community. These include the use of surplus bui ld ing supplies for var ious purposes such as komatiks ( s l e d s ) , f u r n i t u r e and snowmobile she l te rs , scrap metal to make skidoo parts , and the body of a crashed plane which served as sev-e ra l sheds. The government b u i l d i n g s projects of the past few years have resulted in a re la t i ve abundance of scrap wood, metal and machine par ts to be d iscarded near the community. So adept were the people of Pe l ly Bay in the past at adapting these scarce resources, that dismay and discomfort are expressed concerning the present "waste" of these mater ia ls . Communi ca t i on/Transportati on In 1958, the f i r s t r ad io transmission set was i n s t a l l ed in Pe l ly Bay. Since that time the government has provided and im-proved systems of communications in Canada's North. Televis ion 43 recep t ion was e s t a b l i s h e d by the e r e c t i o n of a dish in 1980 in Pe l ly Bay. As we l l as p rov id i ng be t t e r access to government serv ices , these better systems of communication, such as t e l e v i s i o n , rad io and movies, have provided a medium through which information about white values, southern technology, and the wage economy are t rans-mitted to the Inu i t . As mentioned p rev i ous l y , the Inuit of Pe l l y Bay constructed the i r own a i r s t r i p with equipment d iscarded from the DEW l i n e s t a t i o n , and with gravel from the natural deposit beside the com-munity s i t e . The government has s ince provided monies fo r the a i r p o r t ' s maintenance and upgrad ing . This has allowed for a i r transportation in and out of the community s ince the mid 1960s. J us t as communication l ines have allowed for greater contact with the white cu l tu re , so transportation f a c i l i t i e s have a l lowed fo r contact w i th i nc reas ing numbers of whites who arr ived to de l iver government services and programs. In 1967, f o r example, f i f t y -four char te red f l i g h t s were made to Pe l ly Bay by the Departments of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, and Health and Welfare for administrat ive health purposes ( V i l l i e r s , 1969). Housing In 1967, the government a i r l i f t e d 32 housing units to the Pe l l y Bay s i t e , thus e s t a b l i s h i n g i t as a permanent community. With the advent of permanent dwel l ings, the Inuit ceased to travel as extensive ly throughout t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . Although seasonal 44 camps con t i nued , the government housing pattern was large ly re -sponsible for curtailment of the Inuit migratory pattern. Although the P e l l y Bay Inuit gave up the i r igloos in favour of permanent dwel l ings, much of the t rad i t iona l settlement pattern con t inued . In t r a d i t i o n a l times c l o s e l y related family groups tended to camp close to one another: Somewhere everyone i s r e l a t e d to everyone over here. .But i f you wish to know who r e a l l y at a given time want to belong toge the r , then take a look at how our tents are grouped, or , in winter, how p r e c i s e l y our igloos are grouped. You w i l l learn much from that! (Quoted in Van den Steenhoven, 1959, 74) According to Van den Steenhoven (1959) and Treude (1975), such t r a d i t i o n a l groupings were mainta ined when the people of P e l l y Bay established residence near the mission af ter i t s found-ing in 1935. To some extent, even today, c l o s e l y r e l a t e d fami l y cont inue to res ide in houses in close proximity to one another. However, increased incidence of inter-marriage, the assignment of houses on the bas i s of a v a i l a b i l i t y , and a pattern of frequent moves in and out of houses, i t s e l f ind icat ive of a t rad i t iona l way of l i f e , has tended to obscure the t rad i t iona l pattern. The Wage Economy The wage economy was slow to show much influence in Pe l ly Bay in early years. Before the establishment of the native co-opera-t ive in 1966, regular wage employment was res t r i c ted to a very few who were employed in the mission or school. 45 The on ly permanent government employee before 1966 was the j an i t o r of the school. In 1967, the posit ions of teaching a s s i s t -ant, school cook and lay dispenser were created. Most of the avai lable work was on a sporadic, seasonal bas is , o f ten i n i t i a t e d by government b u i l d i n g programs. In 1967, the construction of thirty-two low cost housing u n i t s , and su r f a c ing of the a i r s t r i p , f o r example, prov ided a boost to cash income. However, by 1968, only two employees were requ i red to complete these projects . TABLE 2. Employment of Inu i t in Pe l l y Bay, 1967 Occupation Teaching ass istant School cook School j an i to r Lay dispenser Co-op manager Co-op c lerk Co-op dr iver Total Permanent Employment Number Male 1 1 2 Number Female 1 1 1 3 Seasonal and Casual Employment Employer Number Male Number Female Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development 28 2 Great Slave Lake Railway 4 Koomiut Co-operative 1 Total 33 (Adapted from V i l l i e r s , 1967) 46 As w i l l be discussed in the f o l l o w i n g chapte r , government se r v i ces and programs continue to be the major source of wage em-ployment in Pe l ly Bay. One cannot deny that the federal government programs affected Inuit l i f e s t y l e s . I t was in part to avai l themselves of govern-ment serv i ces and programs, such as medical care, that increasing numbers of Arv i l ig juarmiut spent the i r winters exc lus i ve l y at the Miss ion s i t e . A f t e r 1958 only a handful of people existed at smaller winter camps and by 1967 these f a m i l i e s had moved in as w e l l . In t h i s way, the federa l government played an important role in the process which established a permanent community at the Pe l ly Bay s i t e . The government has been c r i t i c i z e d by some for the design and manner in which i t i ns t i tu ted programs with regards to northern peoples ( f o r example, Berger , 1977; Brody, 1975; Dacks, 1981; McDonnell, 1983). In retrospect many of these c r i t i c i sms are well deserved. The government's philosophy in i t s attempts to provide services for the indigenous peoples appeared to r e f l e c t the be l i e f that the best way to help northern peoples was to acculturate them into a white way of l i f e . To th i s aim, school systems and po l i cy -making were based on southern Canada's cu l tu re . I t i s true that school systems which required students to leave the i r f a m i l i e s at an age when they would have been learning t rad i t iona l s k i l l s , or medical care which necessitated long absences from home, played a part in acqua in t ing the ind iv idua ls involved with white cu l tu re , 47 and perhaps, in a l ienat ing them from the i r fami l ies and community. However, there seems to be l i t t l e evidence, that , af ter t h e i r r e -turn to P e l l y Bay, those involved in the early programs were not capable of pursuing an Inuit l i f e s t y l e . In f a c t f ami l y t i e s r e -mained strong and most chose to return to the community as soon as poss ib le . I t i s also important to note that many of the government pro-grams of the 1960s and 1970s aimed to prov ide s e r v i c e s , such as h e a l t h , education, housing and social serv ices, communication and transportat ion programs and f a c i l i t i e s , w i t h i n the community. This was t rue even of set t lements such as Pe l l y Bay with small populations and in r e l a t i v e l y i so la ted locat ions . The a v a i l a b i l -i t y of such se r v i c e s made i t unnecessary for the Pe l ly Bay Inuit to move away from the community in order to obtain these benef i ts . They were, therefore, able to adopt desired elements of government programs into the i r l i f e s t y l e without the need to seek res idence outside of the i r own environment. This chapter has out l ined the changing nature of the commu-ni ty of Pe l ly Bay from the time of contact wi th whites u n t i l the late 1960s when the l a s t residents moved in from a camp l i f e s t y l e . The emphasis has been on the resources and ideas which the I n u i t have adopted and adapted to the i r own way of l i f e . The metal from John Ross1 sh ip, the advent of the r i f l e i n the fu r trade e r a , Ch r i s t i an i t y , permanent housing, the cash economy and the increas-ing numbers of material goods have a l l been accepted and c o n t r i b -uted to new Inuit l i f e s t y l e s . 48 The fol lowing chapter w i l l look at the modern hamlet of Pe l l y Bay and the way in which the economic system has been adapted to present-day Inuit l i f e . TABLE 3. Chronology of Important Events for Pe l l y Bay Inui t 1979 - Liquor p l eb i sc i t e—proh ib i t i on 1973 - Hamlet status granted 1969 - Nursing stat ion established 1967 - 32 low cost units b u i l t 1966 - Koomiut Co-operative established and opens store 1961 - School opens 1959-60 - Influenza epidemic—16 people die 1958 - F i r s t radio transmission set i ns ta l l ed 1957 - Radar post of DEW l i ne system ins t a l l ed near Pe l l y Bay 1947 - Mission store opens 1935 - Roman Catholic mission established 1923 - K. Rasmussen spent seven months in N e t s i l i k t e r r i -tory—5th Thule Expedition 1919 - Hudson's Bay Co. store opens at Repulse Bay 1906 - F i r s t r i f l e acquired by Pe l ly Bay people 1832 - Iron abandoned on shores of Lord Mayor Bay from the "V ic tory" 1829 - J . Ross' expedition winters in Pe l ly Bay area. 49 Chapter Four Pe l l y Bay: The Modern Inuit Community The modern community appears at f i r s t glance as a mixture of the o ld and the new. A family eats seal meat while watching the te l ev i s ion bought with earnings from Cominco's Po lar i s mine. Out-s ide const ruct ion workers renovate and i n s t a l l plumbing in houses while local fami l ies opt for the serenity of f i sh ing camps on the r i v e r . The plane br ings in a load of three-wheel Hondas so that summer caribou hunting can occur. A group of boys plays hockey on the i ce under the shadow of four Inukshuks. Duffles and f i sh are hung on a clothes l i ne to dry. A ca lcu la tor i s used to est imate the value of a polar bear s k i n . A l l of these events are marks of the modern community. This chapter i s concerned wi th the manner in which the I n u i t way of l i f e i s approached in present day in Pe l ly Bay. Discussions of the population cha rac te r i s t i c s , education, a t t i t u d e s towards the cash economy, the presence of social cont ro l s , and in pa r t i cu l a r , the economic a c t i v i t i e s of the community, w i l l be included to i l -l u s t r a t e the ways in which new technologies and methods have been adapted to the t rad i t iona l way of l i f e . I t w i l l demonstrate the 50 manner in which modern ways have been adopted within a native con-text . Perhaps the most s t r i k i ng feature of the popu la t ion i s i t s youth. Over f i f t y percent of the population of Pe l l y Bay i s under the age of f i f t e e n . A high b i r th rate ind ica tes that t h i s t rend w i l l continue, pa r t i cu l a r l y when the current group of young adults begin to have the i r own fami l ies (Table 4 ) . Population Character is t ics TABLE 4. Population Character is t ics  Pe l l y Bay, 1982 Percentage of Number Population Population Inuit White Male ( Inuit ) Female ( Inuit) 255 245 10 138 107 130 74 56 115 64 51 100% 97 3 56 44 53 30 23 47 26 21 Age <16 ( Inuit Population) Male Female Age >16 ( Inuit Population) Male Female B i r th Rate (increase per year) Death Rate (decrease per year) 3 1 Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982; Devine, 1982. Figure 6 further i l l u s t r a t e s the male/female balance and age char-a c t e r i s t i c s of the populat ion. 51 F i g u r e 6 A g e - S e x P y r a m i d , P e l l y B a y 1982 male female O v e r 65 6 1 - 6 5 56<-60 5 f - 5 5 4 6 - 5 0 4 1 - 4 5 3 6 - 4 0 31-35 26-30 2 1 - 2 5 1 6 - 2 0 11 -15 6 - 1 0 0 - 5 — i 40 40 30 20 10 10 20 30 d a t a s o u r c e : f i e l d w o r k , 1982 Although the birth rate in the community is high (three per-cent), the population of Pelly Bay has not increased dramatically 52 in the past few yea r s . In f a c t , a community census completed in August 1982 showed a decline in population since the previous cen-sus , two years p r i o r (F igure 7 ) . The population has f luctuated with the migration of a few Pe l l y Bay fami l i es in and out of the community. General ly, the number who have l e f t has been s l i g h t l y higher than those who have moved i n . A small number of i n d i v i d -uals have a l so l e f t the community on a permanent bas is ; most of these were young women who married someone in a neighbouring se t -t lement . From 1976 to 1981, net migration resulted in a decrease of twenty in the population (Canada Census, 1981). Much of the m ig ra t ion was between neighbouring communities, espec ia l l y Spence Bay and Repulse Bay. I t was reported that fami l ies which l e f t the hamlet did so to seek better employment opportunit ies and to l i v e close to d i s t a n t r e l a t i v e s . Those who moved to Pe l ly Bay had family members, usu-a l l y the wives, who were o r i g i n a l l y from the hamlet, and a l so "because i t i s a nice place to l i v e . " P o l i t i c a l Organization and Modes of Decision-Making P e l l y Bay was granted hamlet status in 1973. Accordingly, the elected mayor and council are responsible f o r dec i s i ons made about municipal a f f a i r s . The operating budget i s decided annually and i s transferred to the hamlet from the t e r r i t o r i a l government. data source: Mayne & Govier, 1977; Devine, 1982; V i l l i e r s , 1969» Treude, 1975} fieldwork, 1982 J 54 Day-to-day business i s dealt with by a hamlet manager and ass i s -tant manager who are responsible to the counc i l . The hamlet takes respons ib i l i t y to provide community services including san i ta t ion , water de l ivery , road maintenance, and a lso posta l se r v i ce and a i r p o r t communications and weather observa-t i ons . Salar ies for these l a t t e r posit ions are reimbursed to the hamlet from the appropriate federal government agency. Beyond the municipal serv ices , there are a number of commu-n i t y committees composed of l o c a l people who make a var iety of decisions in areas such as education, recreation and health. Mem-bership on a committee or the Council i s viewed as a job , and mem-bers are paid for the i r attendance at meetings. Leadership p o s i -t i ons in the community, such as the Council seats, are held p r i -mari ly by those between the ages of t h i r t y and f o r t y - f i v e , a l -though the old people continue to have substantial author i ty . Decisions Through Community Concensus Decisions concerning community a f f a i r s are rarely made by one person . Rather, each person of the decision-making body, such as the Council or the Board of Directors of the Co-op, expresses an o p i n i o n , and the group reaches a concensus about the issue at stake. Often the whole community i s surveyed i f the managing group i s not sure of the fee l ings of the community res idents . I t i s rare for one person to answer for the community or express an op in ion on behalf of the community un t i l there has been an oppor-tunity for such a process to occur. Rarely are these dec i s i ons 55 h u r r i e d . At the E lders Conference held in Pe l ly Bay in Apr i l of 1982, for example, each elder was given time to express him/her-s e l f about each i s s u e . When the organizers suggested that th is might be too time-consuming, the people r ep l i ed tha t such a pro -cess was " the I nu i t way" and the conference would therefore con-tinue in that fashion. Th is t r a d i t i o n a l mode of decision-making i s at times in con-f l i c t with a white way of handling a f f a i r s , especia l ly wi th those who may v i s i t the community expecting to acquire information and feedback to the i r plans within a short period of time. For exam-p l e , when the new community complex was being designed and cons i -dered in Yel lowknife, there was b r i e f contact made with the hamlet with respect to i t s wishes. However, the responses were l i m i t e d , and one member of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l team noted that the I nu i t tended to nod and go along with what was being sa id . He noticed that , i f leading questions were asked, the suggested responses were given (Personal communication, Summer, 1982). This appears to have been an example of what Williamson (1976) descr ibes as a " Soc i a l Protect ive Response" whereby there may be apparent agree-ment on the par t of the I n u i t u n t i l the i ssue i s d iscussed in further deta i l and a decision reached. There i s , in general, disapproval expressed towards any com-munity member who appears to be making decisions without appropri -ate consul ta t ion, even in cases where those dec i s i ons are passed on from another source such as a government o f f i c e . This was the case , f o r example, when an I n u i t woman from P e l l y Bay was in 56 charge of the c ra f t shop af ter the resignation of the government-appointed manager. Because of slow markets and a shortage of a v a i l a b l e cash , quotas were establ ished on the number of c ra f t s accepted during a cer ta in time period, and on the amount of mate-r i a l s dispensed. Although these decisions were made in Cambridge Bay, the local manager was blamed for these circumstances. There was a l so i l l - f e e l i n g towards her because she had to estab l ish va-lues for the c ra f ts and was thought to be u n f a i r to some. Her s o l u t i o n was to a l t e r the process of decision—making to a more t rad i t iona l mode. She suggested that a group of local women form an advisory group so that each would be able to have input, and so that there would not be only one designated decision-maker. This appeared to provide an adequate so lu t ion . The examples given above and in previous pages, demonstrate that the I nu i t manner of dec i s ion-mak ing , that i s one which i s done on the basis of concensus and by groups who t r u l y represent the ideas of the community, i s very much in use in Pe l ly Bay t o -day. In f ac t , decisions made by other means, such as by those in a managerial pos i t i on , are not well received. Hi r ing and Job A l loca t ion Hir ing employees for various community posit ions i s also done by a group, even though responsible author i t ies such as the Co-op manager or the Hamlet secretary-manager technica l l y have th i s au-tho r i t y . Candidates are considered on the bas i s of a b i l i t y , and a l so wi th respect to t h e i r place of o r i g i n , that i s , whether or 57 not they are Pe l l y Bay people, and on the basis of the i r need es-pec ia l l y with concern to the number of dependents. In one case, a man who had never had any type of wage employment, was given a job with the Housing Associat ion in order that his rent b i l l s could be p a i d . Genera l ly , however, there i s an i n i t i a l survey of the com-munity to ascertain who might be interested in the p o s i t i o n , the candidates are then considered, and f i n a l l y a vote i s taken. I f the posi t ion i s a government one, o f f i c i a l s from outside the com-munity are involved to some degree. The Co-op s tore manager, who i s appointed by the Co-op Fed-erat ion in Yel lowknife, i s considered and accepted (or r e j ec ted ) by the loca l Board of D i rec tors . People of Pe l l y Bay reacted with dismay when, in the summer of 1982, the i r request f o r the incum-bent Co-op manager to remain based in Pe l ly Bay was denied. Peo-ple had been qu i te c e r t a i n that the Federat ion in Ye l l owkn i f e would not c o n t r a d i c t a d e c i s i o n made by the Board of Directors through community concensus. In general , the process of h i r ing resembles that of decision-making—individuals are chosen for p o s i t i o n s through group con-census, and h i r ing which i s done through such a process i s seldom in dispute. Job Sharing Jobs are sometimes shared in order to allow time of f for em-ployees to hunt and to divide the shares of cash a v a i l a b l e from wage employment. Decisions to par t ic ipate in job-sharing do not 58 always invo l ve the employees however, but may be made by a group for the benefit of the community. For example, when the p o s i t i o n of a i r p o r t communicator and weather observer was made ava i l ab le , the Council selected one young single man to attend the necessary course in For th Smith. When i t l a te r became apparent that there was no other person who was suitably trained to cover for him dur-ing ho l iday p e r i o d s , another man was se l ec ted to complete the course. On h i s r e t u r n , the Counc i l decided that the p o s i t i o n should be s p l i t between the two men because the l a t t e r man had a wife and two ch i ld ren . The f i r s t man was not consulted; however, he accepted th i s decision without thought of dispute. There i s general agreement that jobs should be d i s t r i b u t e d among the community members as equally as poss ib le , and there i s discontent i f one person gets more than his share of avai lable em-ployment. For example, one man was often offered substantial ca -sual employment, e spec i a l l y by wh i t e s , because of h i s a b i l i t y , w i l l i n g n e s s , and prof ic iency in Eng l i sh . His acceptance of these posit ions was regarded with disapproval because i t was f e l t that he was not shar ing wi th o t h e r s . Community members expect that cash obtained through working i s shared through the equ i tab le a l -locat ion of jobs . 59 Education Elementary school education from kindergarten to grade s ix i s avai lable in Pe l l y Bay at Kugaardjuk School. The 1983-84 e n r o l l -ment was 105 s tudents , a drop of ten students from the previous year. Consistent with the population pyramid, the greatest number of students i s concentrated in the jun ior grades. - TABLE 5. School Enrollment, Pe l l y Bay Year Enrollment 1967 25 1975 97 1981- 82 99 1982- 83 115 1983- 84 105 Data Source: V i l l i e r s , 1969; Mayne & Govier, 1977; Fieldwork, 1982; Pe l ly Bay School Committee, Personal Communication, 1984. The school has f i ve teachers, one of whom i s the p r i n c i p a l , three teaching ass i s tan ts , and a varying number of community mem-bers, usually the e lders , who teach cu l tura l inc lus ion c lasses. There i s a gradual introduction of English as a second l an -guage, in the school program. Kindergarden i s taught pr imari ly in I n u k t i t u t ; the lower grades are taught in Inukt i tut and Engl ish, and the higher grades (grades four to s ix) are taught pr imari ly in Engl ish. 60 The school year runs from July 20 to May 21 (1982) in order to free students dur ing the sp r ing and ea r l y summer when many f a m i l i e s are out 'on the l and . ' Attendance averages 85 percent, but varies seasonally and with student age. The younger students have the h ighest attendance rates ; lower attendance rates corre-spond with hunting seasons. Students in the school appear, as do students everywhere, to gain a sense of f u l f i l l m e n t from doing wel l at t h e i r s t u d i e s . However, the Pe l l y Bay school i s sometimes regarded as a place of entertainment for the ch i ld ren , as some place to go, ra ther than as a valuable experience. The merits of teachers are often weigh-ed on the basis of the kindness they display towards the c h i l d r e n rather than on the i r e f fo r t s to encourage academic excel lence. I t i s not surpr i s ing , therefore, that the chi ldren do not feel pushed to progress q u i c k l y in the i r s tudies . Consequently they tend to lose in terest when, as teenagers, they are only doing grade three or four work, and are often in the same class as younger brothers and s i s t e r s . At th is time as w e l l , parents of ten fee l a need of the i r help at home, and the young people may wish to begin earning money of the i r own. To obtain grade e ight , students attend schools in e i ther Gjoa Haven or Cambridge Bay. High school education i s achieved through attendance at a r e s i d e n t i a l school in Yel lowknife. In 1982 and 1983, no one from the community was attending these i n s t i t u t i o n s , although one student completed grade eight at Gjoa Haven in 1981. 61 School Leaving For most f a m i l i e s in P e l l y Bay, wage earning continues to take precedence over the continuation of education. Because many parents have l i t t l e or no education themselves and have success-f u l l y entered the wage economy, they are not convinced of the me-r i t s of f u r t h e r educa t i on , and, as d iscussed elsewhere in the thes i s , l i t t l e emphasis i s p laced on the fu ture s e c u r i t y which educat ion might prov ide . In any case, an added income i s a wel -come addit ion to the household. P a r t i c i p a t i o n in land-based a c t i v i t i e s also takes precedence over school a c t i v i t i e s . As already noted, attendance i s notably l e s s dur ing hunt ing p e r i o d s , p a r t i c u l a r l y among the older male students. Parents generally see hunting and f i s h i n g as more im-portant than attending school , and in cases where the male parent i s employed, i t i s often expected that the older sons hunt for the family. While the decision to leave school i s often the parents ' , the students also appear to lose i n t e r e s t . This may be r e l a t e d to lack of parental encouragement, o r , as noted e a r l i e r , to slow pro-gress and the minimal gains to be had in Pe l ly Bay from education-al achievement. Vocational Training Although formal educat ion i s not emphasized in Pe l ly Bay, there i s in terest in vocational and t ra in ing courses. 62 Vocat iona l t ra in ing i s avai lable at Fort Smith and at i n s t i -tut ions in southern Canada. Although the requirements are usually waived f o r Pe l ly Bay res idents , many of the programs are unava i l -able because of i n s u f f i c i e n t educational preparat ion and lack of p r o f i c i e n c y in the Eng l i sh language. The most popular t ra in ing course fo r workers i n P e l l y Bay has been Heavy Equipment Opera- t i o n ; seven r e s iden t s have taken th is course at Thebacha College in Fort Smith, NWT. In 1982, there were only two adult educat ion courses a v a i l a b l e i n P e l l y Bay (sewing, cooking and restaurant management). However, the regional government i s sponsor ing an i n c r ea s i ng number of t ra in ing programs for the Kitikmeot Region, and some of these are avai lable in Inukt i tu t . I t i s also intended that ou t s i de r s who are given contracts in Pe l ly Bay provide on-the-job t r a i n i ng . This has met with l imi ted success as con t r ac t s are u s u a l l y awarded to the lowest bid rather than on the basis of teaching capab i l i t y . Educational Levels The f o l l o w i n g t ab l es i n d i c a t e the educat ion and t r a in ing achievements of Pe l ly Bay res idents. 63 TABLE 6. Educational Levels , Inui t Population Aged 15 and Over Level Number Male Female Grade 0 - 9 103 54 49 Grade 9 - 13, no diploma 4 1 3 High School diploma 2 1 1 Trade School - 1 or more courses 12 10 2 University level course 1 _1 _0 Total 122 67 55 Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. TABLE 7. Job Training Percentage of Labour Force  1976 1982 Technical/Vocational Training 6.4% 12.1% On-the-Job Training 2.6% 26.5% Data Source: 1976—Mayne & Govier, 1977; 1982—Fieldwork, 1982. 64 TABLE 8. Labour Force A c t i v i t i e s , Pe l l y Bay Inui t Ac t i v i t y Number Stating Number Em| Experi ence/Trai ni ng in Actv Off ice manager 1 1 Secretary 8 2 Wei fare worker 1 -Recreation leader 1 -Teacher's aide 0 3 Lay dispenser 1 -Fur designer 4 2 Interpreter 2 1 Clerk t yp i s t 4 2 Bookkeeper/Clerk 7 1 Postal supervisor 1 1 Postal c lerk 2 1 Switchboard operator 1 -A i r cargo agent 1 1 Off ice clerk 1 1 Retai l super./mgr. 1 1 Sales/store c lerk 27 8 Security guard 3 2 Conservation o f f i c e r 1 1 Cook ( i ns t i tu t i on ) 1 -Homemaker 1 1 Maid/housekeeper 2 -Jan i tor 18 2 Fishermen (commercial) 9 -Fish cleaner (cutter) 4 -Furniture assembler 2 -Seamstress 2 -Mechanic 3 3 Heavy equipment operator 6 3 Railway track repair 1 1 Excavation labourer 2 2 Carpenter/hel per 23 11 Painter/helper 1 -Housing maintenance 9 3 M i l l maintenance mech. 1 4 Construction worker 8 4 Furnace repair helper 1 -Truck dr iver 15 6 Materials handler 9 4 Data sources: TERIS f i l e s , Government of Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , 1981; f ieldwork, 1982. Note: There are several ind iv idua ls who are employed in more than one pos i t i on . 65 As the prev ious t ab l es i n d i c a t e , l e v e l s of educat ion and t ra in ing in Pe l ly Bay are not h igh . E igh ty- four , percent of the Inuit population has less than a grade 9 education. I t i s notable however that the percentage of the labour force with some form of t r a i n i n g has increased s i g n i f i c a n t l y since 1976 (Table 7 ) . A l -though formal education leve ls are not increas ing to a great ex-t e n t , the amount of t r a i n i n g ob t a i ned , e i t h e r through formal t ra in ing programs or work experience, a l lows P e l l y Bay I n u i t to f i l l a range of wage-earning posit ions (Table 8 ) . Economic A c t i v i t i e s The economy of the modern community of Pe l l y Bay i s divided into three areas. The f i r s t involves hunting and f i sh ing for sub-sistence purposes. The second group of a c t i v i t i e s f a l l s under the t i t l e of earned income. This area encompasses hunt ing and t r a p -ping for commercial ga in , handicrafts , and wage labour. The f ina l area i s unearned income in the form of social assistance, pensions and a l lowances . Table 9 outl ines the par t i c ipa t ion of community members in these economic areas by household. The Subsistence Economy The people of Pe l l y Bay consider that hunting i s an important part of the i r l i f e and a l l men in the community p a r t i c i p a t e to TABLE 9. Par t i c ipat ion of Inuit Household Members in Economic A c t i v i t i e s No. of Wage Employment Hunting Unearned Household Adults* Cominco Permanent Casual Handicrafts Commercial Subsistence Incom #1 3 2 1 - 1 1 2 #2 1 - 1 1 _ _ 1 #3 5 1 3 3 1 3 #4 2 - 1 1 _ 1 _ #5 3 2 - 1 1 2 _ #6 3 1 1 1 _ 2 #7 2 1 1 - _ 1 _ #8 2 - - 1 1 1 1 #9 3 1 2 1 2 2 _ #10 3 1 1 1 _ 2 #11 2 1 - 1 _ 1 _ #12 3 1 1 2 _ 1 _ #13 2 2 - 1 1 #14 3 1 2 1 _ 1 #15 2 1 1 1 1 1 _ #16 2 2 - 1 _ ; 1 _ #17 2 - 2 2 - 1 2 #18 4 1 - 1 3 3 _ #19 2 1 1 - - _ 1 _ #20 2 1 1 1 1 _ #21 2 1 2 - 1 1 _ #22 1 1 - 1 #23 2 1 - - _ 1 _ #24 2 - 1 1 1 1 _ #25 " 2 - 2 1 _ 1 2 #26 4 1 2 2 _ ; 2 #27 1 1 - 1 _ _ _ #28 3 1 - 1 1 : 2 #29 2 1 1 - 1 _ 1 _ #30 4 3 - 2 1 2 _ #31 2 2 1 _ 1 _ #32 4 1 1 1 2 :* 1 _ #33 3 1 1 _ 1 i 1 _ #34 2 1 - 1 i 1 #35 4 _ - 1 1 2 2 #36 2 1 1 - 1 1 1 _ #37 3 - 1 1 _ 1 2 #38 2 1 - 1 1 1 _ #39 3 - 3 2 - 1 2 #40 3 - 1 2 - 1 1 #41 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 — #42 2 1 - - _ 1 _ #43 2 1 1 1 - 1 1 Total 108 9 36 33 45 20 54 14 % of Total 20.9 67.4 53.5 86.1 37.2 95.4 20.9 Households 95.5 95.4 Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. Note: *Includes thosed aged * 16 years, excluding students. 67 vary ing extents . Although only three men in the community cons i -der themselves fu l l- t ime hunters, that i s , they have no other i n -come, over ninety-five percent of households part ic ipated in hunt-ing and f i sh ing for subsistence purposes. I t was with embarrassed laughter that i t was reported that there was one young man who did not l i k e to hunt. Hunting cont inues to be t i ed to the t rad i t iona l way of l i f e and i s one aspect of l i f e in which the Church and government pro -grams have had on ly minimal inf luence over the years. Projects such as the bu i ld ing of the new Church and the opening of the ho-t e l (1982) , for example, had to wait unt i l adequate game had been secured during hunting seasons. As w e l l , school sessions and ho-l idays are arranged to make best use of hunting periods. Some of the r i t ua l aspects of hunting remain fo r many hunt-e r s . For example, the f i r s t ' k i l l ' by the young boys in a family continues to be a cause fo r c e l e b r a t i o n . This occurs when the c h i l d i s as young as s ix or seven and the game from th i s event i s usually shared with a re la t i ve who i s special in the I nu i t b e l i e f system, such as a naming partner. Although there may not be a continuation of the seal-sharing pract ices which were present in the w in ter camps in t r a d i t i o n a l t imes , game cont inues to be shared wi th family members. I t i s common pract ice that the hunter takes h i s game to h i s mother 's house. Family members gather there to eat, although some meat may be brought back to indiv idual homes for the next meal(s). 68 Equipment i s a l so shared among extended fami ly . Although most households have the i r own skidoo and gun, l a r g e r equipment such as boats and motors are often bought by two or more family members, most often a father and one or more of his grown sons. Hunting and Working From an h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , the region hunted by Pe l l y Bay Inuit covered an increasingly smaller geographical area as the I nu i t became more attached, i n i t i a l l y to the miss ion, and then to wage employment. Although the advent of skidoos and boats allowed greater d i s tances to be covered, most hunts today, espec ia l l y by those who are i nvo l ved in r egu la r employment, remain w i t h i n a day 's t r a ve l of the community or a camp (an approximate twenty mile radius) . Hunting areas are out l ined in Figures 9 to 13. Figure 8 pro-vides points of reference. P r ior to 1935 (Figure 9) hunting areas extended over a wide area and ranged north of Spence Bay. After the opening of the trading post at Repulse Bay, hunting, espec ia l -l y of car ibou s h i f t e d southwards. This was also due to a more southerly migratory pattern for caribou (Treude, 1975). Following the founding of the permanent community and the a r r i va l of houses, hunting areas became less extensive (Figure 11), although, as a l -ready noted , snowmobiles a l lowed f o r caribou hunting in areas south of Pe l l y Bay. At present (Figure 12), a much sma l l e r area i s used as a hunting ground because hunters do not leave the com-munity or camps fo r ex tens i ve p e r i o d s . There i s l e s s need to 69 Figure 8 P e l l y Bay Location References s 10 —t— 30 —I A0 data source: adapted from Freeman, 1976 POLAR BEAR CARIBOU data source: adapted from Freeman, I976 SEAL FISH Q Q i O ^ POLAR BEAR Q8£PM> CARIBOU i ° '0 20 30 «g 5j) • MM 1 9 6 7 - 1 9 7 4 data source: adapted from Freeman, 1976 SEAL FISH PO IAR BEAR OLXASD CARIBOU ! | Figure 12 Hunting Areas, 1982 73 data source: fieldwork, 1982 SEAL FISH POLAR BEAR GLOXM) CARIBOU i 10 A0 data source: fieldwork, 1982 75 search out d istant caribou s i t e s , as the current migratory pattern brings the caribou to the s i t e of the community. Figure 13 labels important hunting areas using Inukt i tut names. There are few people today who can make a l i v i n g out of hunt-ing and t rapp ing a lone. One wife related that although her hus-band was a good hunter, they, l i k e a l l f a m i l i e s , were too depen-dent on goods bought at the Co-op to get along without any cash income. Her husband consequently part ic ipated in occasional wage employment, and when a new skidoo was necessary, he worked for one rotat ion at Cominco's mine. Although th is man was considered poor in terms of material possessions, pa r t i cu l a r l y pr ior to his Comin-co employment, he was considered to be a wise and f a i r man and was e l e c ted to responsible posit ions in the community, as are many of the good hunters. Country Foods A l l f a m i l i e s in Pe l ly Bay make sea l , caribou and f i sh a part of the i r d ie t . These are e i ther cooked, dr ied , or in many cases , enjoyed raw or f rozen. The cost of skidoos, guns and fuel do not make these foods necessari ly inexpensive, but they are economical in terms of food value in comparison with the packaged foods avai lable at the Co-op (Tables 10, 11). 76 TABLE 10. Approximate Hunting Costs for each Hunter, Pe l l y Bay, 1982 " Gun $800. Ammunition $ 80.box Skidoo $5,000. Fuel $ 15 ($5. per gallon) Data Source: Personal communication, 1982. TABLE 11. Nutr i t iona l Value of Game Species Edible Weight Nutr i t iona l Value* Caribou 100 l b s . 1.6 Seal—Ringed 35 l b s . 1.8 —Bearded 175 l b s . 1.8 Polar Bear 175 lbs . 1.6 Birds 0.8 l b s . 1.3 Data Source: Berger, 1977; Treude, 1975. *A protein value in comparison to southern Canada's counter -part , e . g . , beef. I t has been a pract ice to assign a monetary value to subsis -tence harvests in order to portray the i r importance to non-Native people (Usher, 1970, 1976; B r a c k e l l , 1977; Berger, 1977; McDon-n e l l , 1983). Various methods of assigning values have been u t i l -i z e d . The pract ice of assigning a value equivalent to the amount which would be spent to acquire a s imi la r meat in the same quan-t i t y at the l o c a l s tore ( equ i va l en t replacement cost) has been, chosen to be most va l i d in th is thesis for the f o l l o w i n g reason. I t was noted that when meat was bought at the Co-op, i t was obtained in the same quant i t y as would have been u t i l i z e d had 77 car ibou or seal been used. A d d i t i o n a l nu t r i t iona l values were seldom, i f ever, considered and any d i f ferences in c a l o r i c value were apt to be s u b s t i t u t e d fo r in terms of carbohydrate rather than protein foods. I t should also be noted that monetary values do not r e f l e c t the preference for country foods which was stated by many residents and evidenced by over-indulgence in some meats, such as s ea l , during i n i t i a l periods of hunting seasons. U t i l i z i n g a conserva t i ve replacement value of $5.00 per pound, the subs is tence economy i s est imated to represent over twenty per cent of the tota l income from a l l economic a c t i v i t i e s i n P e l l y Bay in 1982. This v a l u e , although not i n s i g n i f i c a n t , underestimates the importance of subs is tence foods to the P e l l y Bay Inu i t , espec ia l l y when compared to increasing per capita mone-tary incomes (Tables 28, 30). In actual f a c t , resource harvests with the except ion of s ea l , have not diminished substant ia l l y in the past decade (Figure 14). Hamelin (1979) f o r example, e s t i -mated the imputed value of subsistence foods in 1971 in Pe l l y Bay, to be $83,000 (or $231,454 in 1983 d o l l a r s ) . This f i g u r e i s s l i g h t l y l e s s than the estimated subsistence value in 1982 af ter i n f l a t i o n f igures are taken into account. 77a F i g u r e 14 Summarv o f E c o n o m i c A c t i v i t i e s B y P e r C e n t a g e o f T o t a l Income 100 9a 8 a 70. 60 5Q 40. 3Q 2Q 10. 0 1967 1971 1974 1982 SOCIAL ASS ISTANCE HANDICRAFTS FDR SALES WAGES d a t a s o u r c e : V i l l i e r s , 1969} T r e u d e , 1975', Mayne & G o v i e r , 1977? f i e l d w o r k , 1982 TABLE 12. Value of Subsistence Foods, 1982 Species Number Edible Value Total Value Total Harvested 9 Weight lb Value 2C Value Caribou 260 26,000 lb $5.00 $130,000 $8.00 $208,000 Seal-ringed 156 5,406 lb 5.00 27,300 9.00 49,140 -bearded 2 350 lb 5.00 1,750 9.00 3,150 Polar Bear 12 2,100 lb 5.00 10,500 8.00 16,800 Fish 33,000 lb 2.00 66,000 2.00 66,000 Birds 124 99.2 lb 2.50 248 3.25 322.40 Total $235,798 $343,412.40 Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. Notes: aNumbers harvested are based on hunters' estimates and f i e l d observations. I f the values are in er ror , i t i s l i k e l y that numbers are underestimates rather than over-estimates, due to poor hunters' r e c a l l . DValue 1 is equivalent to replacement cost . c Value 2 is equivalent to replacement cost with nut r i t iona l factor—see Table 11, i . e . , equivalent to protein content of southern Canada counterpart. d$5.00 was the average price for beef and beef products in the Co-op during the period of f ieldwork, although prices did range up to $10.00 per lb for the choicest cuts of meat. 79 TABLE 13. Summary of Game Harvests, Pe l l y Bay Item 1967 1971 1982 No. of Caribou harvested 213 50* 260 Per capita harvest 1.37 0.24 1.02 No. of Seals harvested (ringed) 514 500 156 Per capita harvest 3.3 2.4 0.61 No. of Pel ts traded 96 no record 59 No. of Seals harvested (bearded) 20 3 2 No. of Pe l ts traded 1 -No. of Polar Bear harvested 7 9 12** No. of Polar Bear furs traded 7 9 12** No. of Fish harvested--for export 2000 lb 35,000 lb no reco — subsistence no record 35,000 lb 33,000 Per capita harvest (F ish) ' - 170.7 129.4 Data Sources: V i l l i e r s , 1969; Treude, 1975; Fieldwork, 1982; Game Branch records. Notes: *Th i s number i s considerably fewer than that noted for other years and i s p o s s i b l y due to d iscrepancy in numbers reported. **0nly 4 of these were recorded as traded by Games Branch r e co rds . The remaining 8 are presumed to have been so ld pr i va te l y . Caribou Caribou are hunted f o r both t h e i r meat and hides although they have only minimal commercial value. Caribou hunting i s most common in f a l l and ear ly winter , and late winter and spr ing. The recent a r r i va l of three-wheeled Hondas in the community has al low-ed i n l and hunts to become more common in summer. Caribou hunting i s almost exclus ive ly done by men and genera l l y occurs in short t r i p s of one or two days o r i g i n a t i n g from the community or from 80 the autumn camps on the Kett le River. As already noted, caribou meat i s a favoured d i e t , and i s eaten raw, cooked and in stews and casseroles. Caribou kamiks (boots) are s t i l l worn and occasional ly c a r i -bou parkas and sk ins are used, e s p e c i a l l y fo r w in ter hunt ing t r i p s . The sk ins of the car ibou k i l l e d in the ear ly winter are reportedly best for making caribou c lo th ing , and there i s a f l u r r y of a c t i v i t y at th is time on the part of the women to get the skins scraped and sewn. As noted in Table 14 below, caribou have the highest subsis -tence value in Pe l ly Bay. TABLE 14. Imputed Value of Caribou Harvest 1967 1982 No. of Caribou harvested 213 260 Edible weight 21,300 l b . 26,000 l b . Lbs. per capita (edible) 137 102 Replacement cost $5.00 Total Value $130,000 Data Sources: V i l l i e r s , 1969; Fieldwork, 1982. Seal Seal hunting occurs pr imar i ly in the Tate winter , spr ing, and summer. Almost no hunt ing i s done in the w in ter at breath ing h o l e s , as was common in t rad i t iona l t imes. However, harpoons may s t i l l be used in the spring when the seal can be found l y i n g on 81 top of the i c e . Women and o lder chi ldren sometimes part ic ipate with the men in the seal hunting at th is time of the year, and the baby seal are considered an espec ia l l y tasty t rea t . R i f l es have become the most common means of hunting seals although losses may be high e a r l y in the summer season when the seals tend to sink qu ick ly . Most seal i s used l o c a l l y . The meat i s well l i ked and the skins are used pr imari ly for boots. A seal skin can be purchased l o c a l l y f o r approximate ly $20.00. A pa i r of s e a l s k i n kamiks (boots) r e t a i l s l o ca l l y for approximately $120.00. As noted in Table 15, the number of both ringed and bearded seals harvested has substant ia l ly decreased in the past decade, possibly due to the almost complete cessation of winter hunts. TABLE 15. Imputed Value of Seal Harvest Ringed Seal 1967 1982 No. harvested Edible weight Lbs per capita (edible) Replacement cost Total val ue Value of Fur Sales 514 17,990 lbs 115 156 5,460 21.4 $ 5.00 $27,300.00 $1,075.75 Bearded Seal No. harvested Edible weight Lbs per capita (edible) Replacement value Total val ue 20 3,500 lbs 22.4 $1,750.00 2 350 1.37 $5.00 Total value of Seal harvest $30,125.75 Data Sources: V i l l i e r s , 1969; Games Branch records; Fieldwork, 1982. 82 Polar Bear Hunting of Po la r Bear was minimal before the advent of the r i f l e (Brice-Bennett, 1976). Today, polar bear are hunted pr ima-r i l y for the commercial value provided by the i r sk ins . Current ly , the hunting of bear i s contro l led and Pe l ly Bay i s a l l o t t e d f i f -teen t ags . The tags are d i s t r i b u t e d to fami l ies by the Hunters and Trappers Assoc iat ion, and the polar bear are hunted in ea r l y winter. I f the quota i s not shot at that time, remaining tags are re-distr ibuted and hunting continues in l a t e w inter and s p r i n g . Hunting i s done by groups of men, usual ly r e l a t i v e s , who travel in at least pa i r s . The hunting t r i p s involve long distances and sev-e ra l days away from the community because few bears are found in the v i c i n i t y of the community; most are hunted from the Astronom-ica l Society Islands southeast to Keith Bay. Pel ts are cleaned, stretched and washed by the women and part of the meat i s eaten. The meat, however, i s not generally prefer -red and i s always cooked. Some bear meat i s used for dog food. Po la r bear fu rs b r ing in about $100.00 per foo t of sk in . Those acquired in the spring of 1982, ranged in s ize from eight to twelve fee t . 83 TABLE 16. Imputed Value of Polar Bear Harvest 1967 1982 No. of Polar Bear harvested Edible weight Replacement value Value Value of Fur Sales 7 1,225 lbs $947.10 $10,500.00 $12,000.00 12 2,100 lbs $ 5.00 Total Value $22,500.00 Data Sources: V i l l i e r s , 1969; Games Branch; Fieldwork, 1982. Traps are set for foxes across the Simpson Peninsula east of the community to Ke i th Bay (B r i ce-Bennet t , 1976), by the few P e l l y Bay I n u i t who part ic ipate in trapping. Although fox t rap-ping has never been undertaken to any great extent by the major-i t y of the A rv i 1 ig juarmiut , as discussed in Chapter Three, i t appears to have declined even more in importance since s u f f i c i e n t casual employment i s avai lable to provide cash to acquire goods. Hunting for commercial gain i s discussed l a t e r in th i s chapter. Wolf and wolver ine are the preferred trims for parkas. In addit ion to local use, some furs are sent out to fur exchanges in Winnipeg or Vancouver. A good qua l i ty pe l t can be bought l o c a l l y for approximately $300.00. Wolves are k i l l e d pr imari ly in w inter and are most o f ten shot when encountered ra ther than ac t i ve ly Fox Wolf 84 hunted. The meat i s seldom eaten, but i s often u t i l i z e d for dog food. F ishing The r i vers and lakes c losest to the community, espec ia l ly the - Kugaardjuk River, are most often f i shed , but there i s also f i sh ing on the western Pe l ly Bay coast, on the Becher and Arrowsmith r i v -e rs , and on Bellenden and Barrow Lakes. W i l d l i f e o f f i c i a l s have expressed concerns about over-f ishing in local r i vers and streams, espec ia l ly the Kugaardjuk, and had several meetings in 1982 with P e l l y Bay f i she rmen . Whether i t was a resu l t of the meetings or because stocks are greater at distances from the community, those who f i s h for commercial use, tend to f i sh at the less used s i t e s . However, the convenience of the local s i t e s , especia l ly f o r those who are i nvo l ved in employment in the community, make these very popular, as they have been since pre-contact times. In the late winter and spr ing , f i sh ing takes the form of j i g -ging through the ice and involves the par t i c ipa t ion of whole fam-i l i e s . In summer, nets are spread across the r i v e r s . These are generally checked each morning and early evening. Any f i s h which appears to have been in the nets for more than a few hours i s not considered fresh enough and i s thrown back or used f o r dog food . The a r c t i c char from the nets i s dried in the open a i r , or may be cached in la te summer. In recent years f i s h i n g with a rod and ree l has been introduced to the community and i s becoming especi -a l l y popular with the women and young people. 85 The K e t t l e R iver i s popular f o r w h i t e f i s h in the autumn. Camps are set up there af ter the ice has started to form, and f i sh are caught by spreading nets under the i c e . In the late f a l l , Kakkivak f i sh ing at a stone weir on the Kugaardjuk River i s s t i l l performed al though t h i s has become almost a ceremonial pract ice and i s considered a special event for the people in the community. Fishermen who se l l the i r f i sh to the Co-op, received $.50 per pound for a r c t i c char ($1.00 per pound for cleaned f i sh ) in 1982. In the mid-1970s when the f i sh processing plant was in operat ion, there were 35,000 pounds of f i sh processed for export and approx-imate ly the same amount again for community consumption (Treude, 1975). However, at present, much smaller amounts are so ld to the Co-op, and these amounts are not declared as income. Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. Ptarmigan Although these b i r d s are eaten (each one provides approxi-mately one pound of meat), hunting them i s considered more akin to p l a y . They are f r equen t l y shot by ch i l d ren , teenagers or young men near the community. TABLE 17. Imputed Value of Fish 1982 Amount of Fish harvested Lbs per capita Replacement val ue Val ue 33,000 lbs 129.4 $ 2.00 $66,000.00 86 Arc t i c Hare L ike the ptarmigan and other smaller game, the hare i s most often hunted by younger people or when encountered by hunters . Few are a c t i v e l y sought and one white teacher who hunted the hare on a regular bas is , and frequently commented on the goodness of the meat, was made fun of by the Inuit hunters. The hares each y i e l d three to f i ve pounds of meat. Although the sk ins are sometimes u t i l i z e d for c lo th ing , most of the rabbit fur used to make mitts and do l l s which are sold in the c r a f t shop, i s imported. Other Resource Walruses and whales (narwhals and white whales) are rare ly taken. During the occasional summer, when there i s l e s s sea i ce than usual in the Bay, a few may appear and are hunted. None were caught, or s ighted, in 1982 or 1983. Muktuk i s occasional ly imported from Repulse Bay. Musk-oxen no longer appear in the Pe l l y Bay a rea . P r i o r to the 1960s some musk-oxen were hunted in la te autumn near the Upper K e l l e t t River and around the Arrowsmith R iver (B r i ce-Bennet t , 1976) . In the summer of 1982, some musk-oxen meat was brought to the community for sale by an Inuit hunter from Gjoa Haven. During the summer, crowberry-picking i s a popular a c t i v i t y espec ia l ly for the women and c h i l d r e n . The most popular berry-picking areas are near the community and on the is lands off-shore. Berry-picking i s largely a social a c t i v i t y and i s o f ten combined 87 with the popular summer pass-time of going out on the land for tea. Ducks, geese, swans, loons and cranes are found in the area of Pe l ly Bay but are rarely ac t ive ly hunted. Earned Income i ) Commercial hunting Although hunting appears to refer to a spec i f i c set of a c t i v -i t i e s , subsistence hunting i s d i f fe rent ia ted from commercial ac -t i v i t i e s i n the thesis in order to demonstrate the differences in the goals and intents of these a c t i v i t i e s . Hunting fo r food has always been a major economic a c t i v i t y for the Inuit of Pe l l y Bay. I t was, unt i l the 1960s, the i r only means of survival and can ea -s i l y be i den t i f i ed as a major part of the t rad i t iona l way of l i f e . Hunting and t rapp ing fo r commercial gain cannot. As noted in Chapter Three and i l l u s t r a t e d in Figures 4 and 5, trading of furs was u t i l i z e d only to supplement the subsistence economy. When the Co-op opened in 1966, trading increased somewhat, but has not been as substantial as in neighbouring communities such as Gjoa Haven and Spence Bay. The number of furs traded appear to have f l u c t u -ated with fur pr i ces , f luctuat ions in the fox c y c l e and with the a v a i l a b i l i t y of casual employment. In 1982 fur returns accounted for only one percent of income. 88 In the 1950s and 1960s t rap l ines tended to fol low the path of t ravels to hunting areas or to be on the way to a t r ad ing pos t . In present day, trapping tends to take place pr imar i ly during the winter months and traps are l a i d close to the community. Table 18 g ives fu r export data fo r 1976 to 1983. Further data i s i l l u s t r a t e d in Figures 4 and 5 in Chapter Three. TABLE 18. Fur Export Data*. Pe l ly Bay, 1976-1983 1976-77 1977-78 1978-79 1979-80 1980-81 1981-82 1982-83 Price per Seal Skin 16.99 - - 17.70 28.43 18.23 Number Harvested 600 - - 10 106 59 Income, Seal Skin $10,194 - - $177 $3,014 $1,076 Pr ice per Fox Skin 38.00 33.58 39.27 33.27 35.76 26.51 14.70 Number Harvested 356 74 2 242 624 40 8 Income, Fox Skin $13,528 $2,485 $79 $8,051 $22,314 $1,060 $117 Price per Wolf Skin 138.66 - 212.87 197.73 205.77 165 44.10 Number Harvested 8 - 1 22 13 6 6 Income, Wolf Skin $1,109 - 212.87 $4,350 $2,675 $990 $265 Pr ice per Bear Skin 588.73 717.90 - 430.00 762.50 - 900.00 Number Harvested 7 9 - 5 16 - 4 Income, Bear Skin $4,121 $6,461 - $2,150 $12,200 - $3,600 Number Hunters Se l l ing - - - - 47 23 11 Total Sales $28,952 $8,946 $291 $14,729 $40,204 $4,326 $5,033 Total Sales (C$ 1 9 8 3 ) * * $52,091 14,834 433 20,451 50,053 4,810 5,033 Data Sources: Devine, 1982; GNWT Games Branch records (1976-1983) Notes: *Data from Games Branch records does not include private sa les . **;c$ 1983 designates value in constant do l l a r s , 1983 = 100. CO «3 90 In order to encourage hunt ing as a means of earning an i n -come, the t e r r i t o r i a l government provides a number of s u b s i d i e s . These are out l ined in Table 19. TABLE 19. Hunters Subsidies Gasoline Subsidy 5% of value of fur sold (minimum $600.00, maximum $3,000.00) Fur Incentive Subsidy 10% of value of fur sold (minimum $600.00, maximum $3,000.00) Sealskin Subsidy $5.00 per skin sold Hunters and Trappers $3,000.00 grant per annum for admin-Association Grant i s t r a t i v e costs . Data Source: Dept. of Economic Development, GNWT, 1983. Commercial F ishing At present commercial f i sh ing has a l l but been abandoned ex-cept for small numbers of char purchased at the Co-op f o r sa le l o c a l l y or sent by means of pr ivate sale to Yel lowknife. Income from these sources i s not declared. A commercial f i sh ing industry in co-operat ion with Gjoa Haven and Spence Bay was i n i t i a t e d and funded by the Government of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s i n the mid 1970s. I t cont inued fo r two seasons before a moratorium was placed upon i t because of high t r a n s p o r t a t i o n cos ts and concern about f i s h s t o c k s . Residents expect the commercial f i sh ing and f i sh processing a c t i v i t i e s to resume in the mid 1980s. 91 i i ) Wage Labour Employment i n the wage sec tor inc ludes a number of ac t i v -i t i e s . Cominco provides jobs outside of the community at i t s lead and z inc mine at L i t t l e Cornwall i s I s l a n d . Both permanent and casual work are avai lable in the hamlet of Pe l ly Bay i t s e l f . Wage labour accounts for over seventy-seven percent of monetary income. TABLE 20. Wage Income for Pe l l y Bay, 1982 Item Income Permanent Employment—in the community — outside the community $ 628,000.00 144,000.00 Casual Employment—in the community 137,155.00 Total $ 909,155.00 Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. 92 TABLE 21. Annual Employment Incomes Pe l ly Bay, 1981 Men Women Under $1,000 10 > 25 $1,000 - $1,999 10 $2,000 - $2,999 10 > 5 $3,000 - $4,999 5 $5,000 - $7,999 5 > 5 $8,000 - $9,999 0 $10,000 - $11,999 0 0 $12,000 - $14,999 10 0 $15,000 - $17,999 0 $18,000 - $19,999 5 10 $20,000 - $24,999 0 $25,000 and over 5 AVERAGE INCOME $ 8,469 $ 5,822 MEDIAN INCOME 6,099 2,428 Data Source: Canada Census, 1981. Note: Data includes Inuit and White workers. Cominco Employment The P e l l y Bay area has no known mineral resources which have been i den t i f i ed for development. Those who wish to part ic ipate in the employment boom created by resource development in the North, w i l l have to continue to travel substantial distances to do so, as do those who are current ly working at Po l a r i s . 93 The Cominco mine at L i t t l e Cornwall i s I s l and has been in operation only since 1982 although some workers p a r t i c i p a t e d in b u i l d i n g opera t ions in the previous year. Most Inuit employees commute to the mine for a period of s ix weeks before r e tu rn ing to the community, generally for a four week period. Return a i r fare costs the employee approximately $500.00 whi le Cominco foots a b i l l of over $1,000.00 per employee. The journey takes a minimum of two days depending on plane connections. Each employee i s hired for the s ix week period and i s techni -c a l l y terminated and re-hired at the end of each r o t a t i o n . There a r e , t h e r e f o r e , va ry ing lengths of time between periods worked. Although no one from Pe l ly Bay has resigned before completion of a f u l l r o t a t i on , there have been some Pe l ly Bay Inuit who have work-ed for only one ro ta t ion . Only one man worked during peak hunting times in the spring and ear ly summer of 1982 and th is man was re -ported, as noted e a r l i e r , not to l i k e hunting and going out on the land. Cominco personnel v i s i t e d the community during th i s time to encourage employees to continue employment in r e cogn i t i on of the p o s s i b l e e f f e c t s of the economic recession on job opportuni t ies . However, few heeded th is warning, e i ther because i t was not under-stood or because hunting had p r i o r i t y at the time. Pe l ly Bay workers, accord ing to Cominco pe rsonne l , have a good r epu ta t i on fo r r e l i a b i l i t y and di l igence at the mine. Most hold labouring jobs underground. Because of the lack of adequate educat ion preparation (grade eight) none are e l i g i b l e for the ap-prenticeship programs. 94 Opinions about work at the mine vary. Almost a l l the workers commented on the comfort and newness o f the f a c i l i t i e s , in pa r t i c -ular the recreational complex. However, comments concerning lone-l iness and missing family members were frequent. There were a l so some comments concerning the ef fects o f mine work on the health of the miners. This at t i tude was reinforced most emphatically by the death, in the summer o f 1982, of a Pe l ly Bay man who had worked at the mine and was to ld upon completion o f a r o t a t i o n e a r l i e r that y e a r , that he would no longer be e l i g i b l e to work underground. This was interpreted to i n d i c a t e that the work had been d e t r i -mental to his heal th. One woman whose husband had worked in the mine stated that they would not allow the i r son to seek employment there. She r e -l u c t a n t l y agreed that perhaps i f her son could accompany h i s father , they might allow him to go, but she r e i t e r a t e d that work at Po lar is was "not good." General ly, the wives o f the mine work-ers stated that although they missed the i r husbands, i t was "o . k . " for them to go. Among a l l employees, the des i r e f o r cash was the opt imal , and usually the only, reason f o r employment with Cominco. A l -though none o f those who had been employed there appeared to have any more avai lable cash than other res idents, or to l i v e in better c i rcumstances ( i n f a c t the employee with the most hours spent in employment at the mine had his phone disconnected fo r f a i l u r e to pay h i s b i l l ) , the presence o f new skidoos and guns attested to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of funds from the employment. Income from work 95 at the Cominco mine i s est imated to be $144,000 in 1982 (F ie ld-work, 1982). TABLE 22. Cominco Employees from Pe l l y Bay September 1, 1981 - May 20, 1982 Number hired 12 Number severed 7 Number remaining 5 Data Source: Cominco, 1982. During peak hunting periods in the summer of 1982, these num-bers f e l l to one employee. In August 1983, there were again only two workers at the mine from Pe l l y Bay (Personal Communication, F a l l , 1983). Permanent Employment in the Community Permanent wage employment consists of both fu l l- t ime and per-manent part-time work. Sixty-seven percent of a l l households have at least one regular wage earner although the oldest male does not n e c e s s a r i l y hold t h i s pos i t i on ; an unmarried young person l i v i n g at home or a wife may be the major wage-earner because of Eng l i sh language prof i c iency , better education and preparation, or in or -der to free the men for other pursu i ts . Of thirty-seven permanent p o s i t i o n s in the community, twenty-two are held by men. However, women hold only s l i g h t l y fewer than f i f t y percent of the permanent fu l l- t ime pos i t ions . 96 The l a r g e s t employers are the Hamlet and the Koomiut Co-op. The Hamlet i s the source of most of the regular income in the com-munity. Salar ies are higher than those of the Co-op and funds are derived from government sources. The Koomiut Co-operative, estab-l i s h e d in 1966, operates the on ly s tore and the ho te l , acts as a i r l i n e agent and provides fuel and f re ight d e l i v e r y . I t i s ad-ministered by a local Board of Directors under the guidance of the Federation of A rc t i c Co-operatives L td . in Yel lowknife. Pe l ly Bay p a r t i c i p a t e s in the manager-tra iner program of the Federation, whereby a local Inuit i s trained to be Co-op manager. A new t r a i nee was appointed in the early summer of 1982 and as of the f a l l of 1983, had completed su f f i c i en t t ra in ing in order to manage the Co-op without the presence of a manager-trainer in the community. The Co-operative has played an important part in the develop-ment of the community. I t was one of the f i r s t to be e s t a b l i s h e d in the area and managed by local Inu i t , and i t has provided a good t ra in ing ground for l o ca l people i n economic mat te rs . Many of those who have worked fo r the Co-op in the past have moved into other responsible posit ions in the community. The Hamlet's Secre-tary-Manager and Ass i s tan t Manager, for example, were both Co-op managers at one time. I t i s also important to note that the Co-opera t i ve has a l lowed some of the impetus for development to re -main in the control of the community. Today the Co-op employs nine people on a permanent bas is and i s the l a rges t , and one of of the only, non-government funded sources of employment i n the 97 community. However, the Co-op i s responsible for only seventeen percent of income whi le government p o s i t i o n s account fo r over sixty-two percent of income from permanent employment. In early winter of 1982, one man es tab l i shed h i s own skidoo shop. I t reportedly has done w e l l , but no data i s avai lable con-cerning his income. Another private enterpr ise , focusing on tour-i s t s e r v i c e s , was planned fo r 1983, but did no business in that year (Personal Communication, F a l l , 1983). Some undeclared income r e s u l t e d from the private sale of c igare t tes , pop, chocolate bars and f i sh ing rods by one res ident , but again, no data i s a v a i l a b l e concerning th i s income. TABLE 23. Income from Permanent Employment by Source, 1982 Source Number of Income % of Posi t ions Total Municipal Government 9 $ 186,000 24.1 Te r r i t o r i a l Government - Housing 3 36,000) - Education 5 116,000( 167,000 21.6 - Regional Worker 1 15,000) Pr ivate Business (Cominco) 9 144,000 18.7 Co-operative 9 128,000 16.6 Federal Government - Health & Welfare 3 36,000) - M.O. Transport 2 48,000( 109,000 14.1 - Post Off ice 1 25,000) Crown Corporations (Telephone, hydro) 2 20,000 2.6 Craft Shop _1 18,000 2.3 Total 45 $772,000 100 Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. 98 Casual Employment Over f i f t y percent of fami l ies have some income from casual employment. The most common source of these jobs i s summer b u i l d -ing or r e h a b i l i t a t i o n programs. During the spr ing , summer and f a l l of 1982, jobs were made avai lable through the housing rehab-i l i t a t i o n c o n t r a c t s , the const ruct ion of the new community com-plex, a housing roofing project , a i r p o r t maintenance, community and road survey work, and the annual fue l d e l i v e r y . In 1983, construction of a new nursing stat ion created further employment. In a d d i t i o n , one job for the Hamlet i s rotated on a regular basis among a l l the unemployed Inuit men in the community. The increas-ed number of v i s i t o r s to the community in the summer months also creates employment through hotel and restaurant serv ices. Tourism has not created employment as had been ant ic ipated . In the summer of 1982, the Co-op sponsored a twenty-four hour tour to P e l l y Bay from Y e l l o w k n i f e . Although the tour i s t s had high praise for the specatcular scenery and the f r i e n d l i n e s s of the peop le , the costs of t r a ve l l i ng to and staying in the hamlet, re -ported by Devine (1982) to be the most expensive community in the A r c t i c , are extremely high. A business established by one Pe l ly Bay resident in 1983 to act as a guide to t o u r i s t s was not suc -cessful as no tour i s t s v i s i t ed the community in that year. The majority of casual wage employment i s a v a i l a b l e dur ing the summer months. Although most posit ions are offered to those 99 between the ages of eighteen and f i f t y , a l l age groups part ic ipate in occasional employment. For example, young people and the e l -ders are h i r ed by the Counci l to do the spring clean-up in the community, and teenagers are paid to help unload the supply planes. In add i t ion , the elders are hired to teach a varying num-ber of cu l tura l inc lus ion classes during the school year. Handicrafts P e l l y Bay i s known for i t s weavings and small ivory carvings although soapstone carvings and the product ion of some c l o t h i n g items a l so b r ing in income. In 1981-82, there was an attempt by the government to introduce screen p r in t i ng ; however, as ye t , par-t i c i pa t i on in th i s a c t i v i t y i s minimal. Items are handled l o ca l l y by the Co-op or by d i r e c t sa le to community v i s i t o r s . The c r a f t shop which in 1982 handled pr imar i -l y weavings, was due to be taken over by the Co-op in 1983. P r i o r to 1983, i t was funded by a government grant. Items are exported out of the community through Canadian A r c t i c Producers . A few carvers who are pa r t i cu l a r l y well known se l l d i r e c t l y to southern buyers. Almost a l l households (86 percent) have some income from the sa le of h a n d i c r a f t / a r t i tems and in houses without regular wage employment, these may provide a prime source of income. More women than men p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s sec tor of the economy. The sale of handicrafts and carvings i s responsible for over ten per -cent of the monetary income in the community. Much of th is i s undeclared income, as a resu l t of private sa les. 100 TABLE 24. Par t ic ipants in Handicrafts/Art Year Men Number of Par t ic ipants Women Total Income (1983 $) 1967 1971 1982 18 10 10 14 20 35 32 30 45 $ 6,009 70,553 125,952 Data Source: V i l l i e r s , 1969; Treude, 1975; Fieldwork, 1982. Unearned Income Despite the lack of employment opportunit ies in Pe l ly Bay, social assistance, family allowance and pensions form only eleven percent of the monetary income of the community. Income from transfer payments has increased in the past decade, but the amount of these payments as a percentage of tota l income has decreased (Table 25). Pe l l y Bay has one of the lowest per c a p i t a incomes from s o c i a l a s s i s t ance of communities in the Ki t ikmeot region (Table 26). 101 TABLE 25. Social Assistance, Pe l l y Bay, 1970-71 and 1982-83 1970-71 1982-83 (c$ 1983) (c$ 1983) Wei fare $19,933 $55,865 Old Age Pension 27,818 33,600 Family Alllowance 22,035 52,800 Total $69,786 $142,265 % of Total Income 19.1 13.4 Per Capita Income $399.00 $558.00 Data Source: Treude, 1975; Dept. of Soc ia l S e r v i c e s , GNWT; Health & Welfare Canada. TABLE 26. Social Assistance, Kitikmeot Communities*, 1982-83 Community Popula- Total S.A. S.A. Per Capita Average S.A./ t ion /Per Year Per Year/Per Applicant Pe l l y Bay 239 $ 55,985 $ 233 $ 1,923 Gjoa Haven 541 173,926 321 2,102 Spence Bay 447 197,608 442 2,156 Cambridge Bay 831 217,718 262 1,280 Data Source: Dept. of Social Services, GNWT, 1983. *0ther communities in the Kitikmeot region are Coppermine and Holman Is land. In the sp r ing of 1982, no one was co l l e c t i ng welfare in the community, and people in the hamlet were reported to be proud of that f a c t . The amounts doled out for welfare were also considered to be i n s u f f i c i e n t to survive in the community and perhaps t h i s also acted as a deterrent. During the summer of 1982 there was an 102 i n c r ea s i ng number of welfare cases, some of whom were people who moved to Pe l l y Bay from other communities. During that t ime , two indiv iduals also became e l i g i b l e for Unemployment Insurance. Social assistance i s d is t r ibuted by a s o c i a l worker who v i -s i t s the community each month. Appl icat ions for assistance are also accepted at that t ime. Welfare cheques can be cashed and u t i l i z e d only at the Co-op and must, therefore be used towards the purchase of food and suppl ies. Data Source: Dept. of Health & Welfare, Govt, of Canada, 1984; Dept. of Social Services, Govt of the NWT, 1984. *Apr i l to September 1983 only. A summary of incomes from economic a c t i v i t i e s i s presented in Tables 28, 29 and Figure 14 (p. 78). TABLE 27. Social Assistance, Pe l l y Bay 1982-83 1983-84* Population Total Social Assistance Average No. of Cases/Month Average Social Assistance/case/month Social Assistance Per Capita 239 $55,865 11 $423 $233 266 $26,000 10 $433 $195 TABLE 28. Income From A l l Sources, 1982 Source Income Income (c$ 1983) Social Assistance Wages Fur Sales Subsistence Value Handicrafts $ 134,752 909,155 12,033 235,798 119,300 $ 142,265 959,845 12,704 248,945 125,952 Total $1,411,038 $1,489,711 103 TABLE 29. Summary of Monetary Income Data*, Pe l l y Bay Unearned Income ($83) Source 1967 1970-71 1982 Wei fare $ 15,454 $ 19,933 $ 55,865 Old Age Pension 17,508 27,818 33,600 Family Allowance 17,155 22,035 52,800 Total 50,117 69,786 142,265 % of Total Income 25% 19.1% 11.5% Per Capita Income $321 $339 $558 Earned Income ($83) Wages $ 138,145 a $ 190,625 $ 959,845 % of Total Income 68% 53% 77.3% Fur Sales 7,602 27,781 12,7041 Fish Sales - 7,620 -% of Total Income 4% 9.7% 1% Handicrafts 6,009 70,553 125 ,952' % of Total Income 3% 19.2% 10.2% Total Earned Income $ 151,756 $ 296,579 $ 1,098,501 % of Total Income 75% 81.9% 88.5% Total Monetary Income $ 201,873 $366,365 $ 1,240,766 Data Sources : V i l l i e r s , 1969; Treude, 1975; Games Branch records, (year); Fieldwork, 1982. *A11 values in C$1983, 1983 = 100. a A b u i l d i n g boom added great ly to income in th is year; data i s not ind ica t i ve of year pr ior or fo l lowing. ^Includes estimates of private sales of fu r . c Includes estimates of private sales of carvings/handicrafts. Per Capita Income $6000 , $5000J $4000 $3000 $2000 $1000 $0 I , 1968 1971 1 9 7 6 1 9 8 2 data source: V i l l i e r s , 1969J Treude, 1975; Canada Census, 1976J fieldwork, 1982 105 TABLE 30. Per Capita Income, Pe l l y Bay Year Per Capita Income Per Capita Income c$ 1983 % Increase 1968 1971 1976 1982 $ 716 630 1,037 4,609 $ 2,218 1,779 1,939 4,866 (-24.7%) 8.3% 60% Data Sources : V i l l i e r s , 1969; Treude, 1975; Devine, 1982; F ie ld-work, 1982. In Pe l ly Bay, there has been an increasing dependence on wage employment, and an increase in per capita income, since the crea-t ion of occasional employment by local bu i l d ing programs in the late 1960s and 1970s. However, as the information in the previous pages points out, there i s rarely p a r t i c i p a t i o n in one economic sector a l one . Depipte the increasing use of cash, fami l ies have remained t i ed to t rad i t iona l economic patterns. These are supple-mented by wage jobs which are often characterized by i r regu lar and f l e x i b l e hours. A l t e rna t i ve l y , in the case of those who have pur-sued f u l l - t i m e jobs , employment i s accompanied by subsistence ac-t i v i t i e s . Brody (1981) notes that in th is respect the new i s used in ways which are reconci lable with the o l d . That i s to say that new methods of making a l i v i n g are adapted to t r ad i t i ona l ways of l i f e . The Economic Pattern The economic mix i s not a neat sequence but a f l e x i b l e and changing system (Brody, 1981, p. 208). 106 Economic General izat ion P a r t i c i p a t i o n in casual wage labour or even employment in permanent part-time posit ions allows Inuit in Pe l ly Bay to pa r t i c -ipa te in other a c t i v i t i e s when the opportunity presents i t s e l f . Such an economic pat te rn i s descr ibed by Jansen II (1979) as 'economic genera l iza t ion . ' The 'economic genera l i s t ' usual ly combines a number of income-producing tac t i c s and depends upon no s i n g l e oppor tun i ty too heavi ly , so that he has the f l e x i b i l i t y to cap i t a l i ze upopn any opportunity as i t ar ises (Jansen II , 1979:61). Those who are fu l l- t ime hunters do not generally par t ic ipate in any type of permanent wage employment although they may take occas iona l jobs and have another family member with regular em-ployment. Pa r t i c ipa t ion in wage employment, on the other hand, does not appear to inter fere with hunting and f i sh ing for subsid-ence. In f ac t , wages enhance the opportunit ies to hunt and f i s h because those who have the highest sa lar ies in the community, tend to be better equipped wi th sk idoos , hondas, and boats than are other households. Thus the use of th i s technology allows them to travel to hunting grounds, and f i sh ing camps with greater e f f i c i -ency and with in short periods of time. For these Inuit the adop-t ion of modern technology has enabled them to adapt to the modern cash system while reta in ing t i e s to the t rad i t iona l sector . Research in other communities has shown that par t i c ipa t ion in wage employment does not a f f e c t the amount of meat avai lable to the family through hunting, and that increased income from wages 107 tends to r e s u l t in increased spending on technology for use in hunting and f i sh ing (Hobart, 1981). The Pe l ly Bay Inu i t a l so ac-knowledge the r o l e wages play in the subsistence economy. This was i l l u s t r a t e d when a government o f f i c i a l c r i t i c i z e d residents of the hamlet who worked at Cominco for spending the i r earnings on t r i v i a in Yellowknife on the i r homeward journey . The community responded by say ing that s u b s t a n t i a l amounts of those earnings %ere spent on new skidoos and boats, and that these d id not con-s t i t u t e " t r i v i a , " but conve r se l y , were essent ia l to the i r fam-i l i e s ' su r v i va l . Not only i s employment outs ide the community seen as a means to pursue subsistence a c t i v i t i e s , but the amount of time between rotat ions at Cominco's mine allows ample time fo r par t i c ipa t ion in other economic a c t i v i t i e s . In summary, par t i c ipa t ion in economic a c t i v i t i e s in Pe l ly Bay i s , as B rody ' s quote i m p l i e s , a f l e x i b l e and changing system. Such a system re f l ec t s a t rad i t iona l or ientat ion towards l i v i n g on a day-to-day or season-to-season bas is . Attachment to the Land The people of P e l l y Bay have r e t a ined st rong t i e s to the land. A l l fami l ies who were not res t r i c ted by employment or i l l -ness spent at least some time camping and/or v i s i t i n g neighbouring communities by skidoo in the spr ing of 1982. Many of those who cou ld not leave for any length of time set up camps along the wa-ter within a couple of m i l es of the community and commuted to work. Often camps were kept near the community to dry f i sh and 108 meat; many s ta ted that the community was too d i r t y in summer for these a c t i v i t i e s . In the autumn most fami l i es e s t a b l i s h e d camps on or near the Kett le River for f i sh ing and caribou hunting. Extended fami l ies tend to camp near to each other and t r a d i -t ional patterns and ways of r e l a t ing to one another appear to pre-va i l when out on the l a n d . The camps, f o r example, tend to be qu ie t and re l axed and even the most exuberant of teenagers, who often stay up a l l night dur ing summer months in the community, f a l l into obedient, respectful re lat ionships with e lders . As noted l a te r in th is Chapter, l i f e on the land i s sometimes turned to in time of s t r e s s , such as that created by the misbe-haviour of a young person. Several of the people in Pe l ly Bay who held f u l l - t i m e jobs a l so expressed t h e i r need to go out on the land when they were fee l ing pressured at work. One man, f o r ex-ample, who had been engaged in fu l l- t ime employment for over f i f -teen years, stated that he would rather be out on the l a n d . A l -though h i s job a l lowed him to take his holidays during the peak summer season, and he went out on the land every weekend in the f a l l , he d id not fee l happy t i ed to a job in the community. An-other man stated that he needed to get out on the land to " th ink , " and ye t another conf ided that although he l i ked his j ob , i t was d i f f i c u l t to remain indoors during the summer months. C e r t a i n l y , among a l l employees there was much vy ing for holiday time near good hunting/camping times, and much i l l - f e e l i n g i f i t was thought that one employee got more than his share of th i s preferred time o f f . 109 Att i tudes Towards the Cash Economy Pe l l y Bay has become a consumer, cash-oriented soc iety . Con-versations often turn to money and the need for cash in th is so c i -ety when only two decades ago money had l i t t l e importance. How-ever, Inuit concepts of cash d i f f e r from those of Eurocanadian s o c i e t y . The white c u l t u r e i s geared towards economic gain be r cause the accumulation of money, and the mate r i a l assets which money can buy, provide economic secur i ty . Inuit soc iety , on the other hand, aims towards survival on a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l . To the Inu i t , cash i s necessary to provide means for su r v i v a l , where sur-v iva l i s the t rad i t iona l pursuit of country foods to sus ta in the family un i t . I t i s not r e a l i s t i c to propose that the Inuit are able to re -turn to the type of ex is tence they had before contac t wi th the white cu l tu re . Nor do they wish to . I t i s therefore necessary to acquire cash in order to survive in the l i f e s t y l e in which they l i v e in modern t imes . Hunting alone cannot provide everything which i s considered necessary to l i v e in Pe l ly Bay today. Ma te r i a l possess ions which are avai lable today are great ly desired by the I nu i t~no t only s taples , skidoos, tents and coleman stoves, but also stereos, washing machines, and blue jeans. A few of the o lde r I n u i t have had some d i f f i c u l t y ad ju s t i ng to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of these goods. One old woman, for example, stated that , for most of her l i f e , she had been able to carry every th ing she owned on her back. Now that she i s " r i c h , " her l i f e fee ls 110 " c l u t t e r e d . " The ma jor i t y of Pe l l y Bay Inuit have nevertheless become oriented towards consumer goods, and the a v a i l a b l i l i t y of cash to buy goods i s considered necessary. Although the Inuit of Pe l ly Bay have adopted the cash system, they have not adopted the values and goals of Whites into the Inuit economic system. For example, there i s l i t t l e future or ien -t a t i o n or focus on long-term ga in . The aim i s not to gain f inan -c i a l secur i ty , but rather to obtain cash for more immediate pur -poses. While whites buy to accumulate or save, the Inuit buy to consume. Jobs or money are sought when i t i s desired to buy c e r -t a i n goods or when cash i s needed, to par t ic ipate in cer ta in ac-t i v i t i e s . Evening gambling games, for example, have become a po-pular passtime. I t i s not uncommon when a woman wishes to p a r t i c -ipate in the evening's game, that she produce carvings for sale to the Co-op or to v i s i t o r s in the hamlet. There i s also a f l u r r y of c ra f t a c t i v i t y when catalogue order books arr ive in the community. S i m i l a r l y , p a r t i c i p a t i o n in occasional employment, such as that mentioned previously , takes p lace when new equipment such as a skidoo i s required. Having steady employment and income l e v e l s are associated with prestige in Eurocanadian society . This i s not t rue fo r the Inu i t . Instead, the a b i l i t y to, support one's family i s considered essential and i s respected; status i s not necessa r i l y r e l a t e d to the means by which t h i s i s accomplished. There are a number of acceptable options avai lable to the Inu i t , and as noted e a r l i e r , I l l only very rare ly do Pe l ly Bay Inuit pursue one opportunity to the exclusion of others. In P e l l y Bay there i s in terest shown in casual wage employ-ment when i t becomes ava i l ab le , except, perhaps, at peak camping/ hunting t imes . However, there were few applicants for the nume-rous permanent posit ions which became avai lable during the summer of 1982. This was due, in part , because many people in the commu-nity were lacking in the necessary educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s or Eng l i sh language requirements. Some young people when asked why they had not sought out cer ta in employment opportun i t ies , r e p l i e d that they were l a z y , which was interpreted to mean that they had not wished to be t i ed down to a permanent p o s i t i o n . Others de-c l i n e d t h i s opt ion by s t a t i n g that t h e i r parents had to ld them that , "they did not have t o . " Although the Pe l l y Bay Inuit are, for the most part , depend-able and hard-working, t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n i s r e l a t e d more to the p u r s u i t of what i s cons idered necessary than to the presence of the work ethic prevalent in Eurocanadian society. Moreover, there i s l i t t l e attempt by the e lde rs to i n s t i l l in the young, a need for steady work and a steady income. Whites and Inui t Working Together Most wage employment involves contracts given to Whites, and i t places the Inuit workers in subordinate posit ions to White su -p e r v i s o r s . Such was the case , f o r example, wi th the numerous construction and housing rehab i l i t a t i on projects which have taken 112 place in P e l l y Bay in recent y e a r s . General comments by the Whites tend to acknowledge that the Pe l ly Bay people are r e l i a b l e and good workers , but there were questions about the a b i l i t y of the Inuit to acquire the necessary construct ion s k i l l s . Bureau-crats were also concerned about such things as time l i m i t s and f i -nancial management should the Inuit be given con t ro l of the pro -jec ts themselves. This evaluation of the people's c apab i l i t i e s appears to be in d i rec t contrast to experience. For example, when four P e l l y Bay men were given the job of constructing two government houses, the work was reported to have been completed on t ime. As w e l l , the houses were well constructed, a fact noted in subsequent years by author i t ies who v i s i t e d the community and the houses developed a l o t l e s s problems than other houses b u i l t according to the same design in other communities (Personal Communication, Summer, 1982). Men from the community a l so b u i l t the new church in Pe l ly Bay. Although const ruct ion d id not begin immediately when the plans were received (the men spent time hunting pr ior to the con-struct ion per iod) , the church was completed ahead of schedule . The workers were not pa id a sa lary during the construct ion; i n -stead, i t was agreed that an account would be provided in the Co-op from which the men cou ld draw funds as needed to feed the i r f ami l i es . According to the p r i e s t , the funds were not mismanaged; there was, in f a c t , money remaining when the construction was com-pleted. There were some t e chn i ca l problems encountered in the 113 church construct ion, but they were found to be pr imar i ly the fau l t of the plans and necessary changes were succes s fu l l y made by the men as they worked on the bu i l d ing . Another example of the q u a l i t y of Inuit workers was demon-strated by those assigned small construction tasks around the new hotel in the summer of 1982. Not only were the men able to f ind or adapt the necessary materials to construct the items, but they were able to repair ex is t ing problems created by the poor workman-ship of the construction company workers. These examples are d i s t i n c t c o n t r a d i t i o n s of the views of some white supervisors. The d i f f e rence cannot be a t t r i b u t e d to personality co n f l i c t s alone; although there was one group of work-ers who had repeated d i f f i c u l t y in r e l a t i n g to the I n u i t , there were several groups who worked well with the local people. There are perhaps two reasons for the apparent discrepancy in a t t i tudes . For one, the I n u i t tend to take a passive role when working with white supervisors. Although elders have a u t h o r i t y , t r a d i t i o n a l Inuit patterns lend themselves more to co-operative e f fo r t s rather than to supervisor-worker re la t ionsh ips , and th is may exp l a i n why the I n u i t worker tends to wait un t i l he i s to ld what to do in s i -tuations such as those described. Secondly, there are differences in the way tasks are thought through and problems are solved. I t was observed that tasks were at times approached by an Inuit work-er in a manner which was incomprehensible to a white supervisor, and yet the end resu l t was that the task was accomplished w e l l . I f the supervisor attempted to d i rec t the Inuit worker in the way 114 he/she would approach the problem on the other hand, the rat ionale for the method was often not apparent to the I n u i t . Th is i s not n e c e s s a r i l y r e l a t e d to differences in knowledge level but rather to cu l tura l differences in the way something i s perceived. In summary, i t appears that there are two reasons for the ap-parent low product iv i ty on the part of Inuit workers when working wi th Whites. The Inu i t u t i l i z e a co-operative approach to tasks and are unfamil iar with the supervisor-employee r o l e . Secondly , c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s between the two groups resu l t in Inuit and Whites perceiving and approaching tasks in d i f fe rent ways. These reason a l so account for the high level of s k i l l and product iv i ty noted when only Inuit workers are involved in a project . Job D issa t i s fac t ion Job d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n i s r a r e l y expressed in a d i rec t verbal manner. Indeed, any show of anger i s regarded with disdain in the I n u i t c u l t u r e . Rather, complaint takes the form of ind i rec t mes-sages such as tardiness or complete withdrawal of s e r v i c e s . For example, when the Inuit hotel workers did not feel that c r i t i c i s m about the unsatisfactory completion of t h e i r c l ean ing tasks was warranted, they l e f t ear ly for the day, or did not show up to cook breakfast. S i m i l a r l y , two Pe l l y Bay men showed up late to help two out-side construction workers, because the workers had kept them wait-ing the previous day. This approach seems to be an accepted man-ner of expressing d i s con ten t wi th a s i t u a t i o n . One I n u i t man 115 r e l a t e d a s to ry about a p i l o t who was habi tua l ly la te in showing up to f l y the Inuit back home because he stayed out la te at night. The I n u i t responded by showing up several hours la te themselves one day. I t was reported that th i s measure appeared to remedy the s i tuat ion as the p i l o t was never la te again. Poor performance or not showing up for work can be, as noted e a r l i e r , i n d i c a t i o n s of job d i s sa t i s f ac t i on and often herald the announcement that the employee i s q u i t t i n g . Unhappiness at the job may be the resu l t of the urging of the other workers, however, who may pressure the person to resign by making the i r time at work uncomfortable. Such was the case with one of the employees at the hotel who d id not , accord ing to the other workers , " p u l l her weight." In th i s manner the authority of the white supervisor was circumvented and "group concensus" decided who should s t a f f the i n s t i t u t i o n . Work Values Although P e l l y Bay workers are, for the most par t , r e l i ab l e and responsible employees, punctua l i t y and keeping to a regu la r time schedule are not part of the Inuit value system. I f however, the job involves services to others in the community, t h e i r d i s -p l e a s u r e , or the threat of i t , i s generally su f f i c i en t to encour-age the workers to be ava i lab le . For example, school c u s t o d i a l s ta f f who opened the doors and rang the bel l for the chi ldren were always on time, whereas the teaching ass is tants were of ten l a t e , as w e l l , of cou rse , the ch i l d ren . Hamlet employees who provided 116 se rv i ces were most often avai lable and someone was l e f t to be "on c a l l " at a l l times. On the other hand, people i n the community are general ly f l e x i b l e in the i r demand fo r s e r v i c e s . For example, when they knew that the s t a f f at the Co-op were often late in a r r i v ing at work, none of the res idents appeared u n t i l one-hal f hour a f t e r opening. When they rea l ized that the new Co-op manager was always there at the scheduled opening time, some shoppers s tar ted coming e a r l i e r . The Inuit adapt with f l e x i b i l i t y to s i tuat ions as they occur, and tend to brush o f f things which do not go according to plan as being unavo idab le . As w e l l , they tend to re ly on ex is t ing r e l a -t ionships and mechanisms to deal with s i tua t ions , while whites try to organize s i t u a t i o n s along business l i n e s . The Inuit f ind i t d i f f i c u l t to understand why whites, in the i r eyes, seem to worry need less l y about t r i v i a l mat ters . For example, when the supply plane was due during hunting season, the Co-op manager was con-cerned that there would be no one a v a i l a b l e to unload i t . She t r i ed to encourage the Inuit employees to organize the s i t u a t i o n in advance but met with l i t t l e progress. Having given the respon-s i b i l i t y for the unloading to the employees, she decided to wa i t and see what happened. When the plane did a r r i v e , there were am-ple numbers of young people there to unload i t -- the workers had been informed through an informal communication system and a rea-sonable number of them had taken advantage of the occasion to come i n to the community. A s imi la r s i tuat ion occured with the workers 117 at the h o t e l . Despite the urging of the hotel manager, the work-ers had not planned the evening d inner f o r the hotel guests i n advance and there was, therefore, no meat avai lable to cook. Af-ter a phone c a l l , the employees were able to acquire f resh a r c t i c char and dinner went ahead as usual . The examples u t i l i z e d in th i s section demonstrate some con-f l i c t s which ar ise when the Inuit attempt to function within work patterns established by the white system. They a l so demonstrate how the I n u i t of P e l l y Bay are able to adapt the s i tuat ions to a more Inuit method of funct ioning. Social Controls Pe l l y Bay i s r e l a t i v e l y f ree of major c r ime . There have been, however, increasing occurrences of petty thef t and vandalism on the part of some young people. Matters such as these are gen-e r a l l y handled w i t h i n the community without need for outside i n -tervent ion. Most Inui t are sens i t ive to what others think of them and s o c i a l control i s generally adequate to do away with inappro-pr iate behaviour. When s o c i a l controls are not successful in preventing t rans-gressions, t rad i t iona l solut ions are often turned t o . For exam-p l e , when one man in a responsible posi t ion in the community was unable to function adequately in h i s p o s i t i o n and consequently resorted to disrupt ive behaviours, the Board of D i rec tors , to whom 118 he was responsible, voted to give him time o f f . The Board decided that a month's leave of absence, enabling the indiv idual to go out on the land, was the optimal so lu t i on . S im i l a r l y , in the case of a young teenage o f f ende r , the so -lu t ion was to take the youngster out on the land for a substantial length of time. In t rad i t iona l t imes , parents had cons ide rab le control over the. a c t i v i t i e s of the i r chi ldren because of the phys-i ca l l im i ta t ions and r es t r i c t i ons of the camp. The community set-t i n g makes i t more d i f f i c u l t for guardians to have control over the whereabouts, and therefore, the a c t i v i t i e s of the i r c h i l d r e n . In the instance of th i s teenager's delinquency, t rad i t iona l l i f e -sty les and a c loser re la t ionship with the land were turned to in an attempt to f i n d a s o l u t i o n to the problem. On return to the community, the teenager was often seen in the company of one of h is uncles as f am i l y t i e s were r e l i ed upon to solve the problem. In another case, a teenager was sent from a neighbouring community to l i v e wi th h i s grandparents i n P e l l y Bay in hopes that the i r influence and the time spent in a more t rad i t iona l home would curb his delinquent ways. I nu i t so lu t ions to problems such as these are obviously pre-fer red. However, the Inuit are able to u t i l i z e methods of control learned from contac t with white systems, pa r t i cu l a r l y in circum-stances involv ing whites. Such a s i tuat ion occurred when i t was decided that the nurse should be replaced. When the Inuit methods of repeated social ostracism and then quiet , ind i rec t suggest ions 119 that she leave were unsuccessful, the Inuit appealed to her super-v isors in Yel lowknife. They were to ld that they needed adequate data wi th respect to the nurse ' s lack of s u i t a b i l i t y and exper-t i s e , and accordingly the Pe l ly Bay Council prepared and d i s t r i b -uted ques t ionna i r es to each household. This procedure, learned from contact with numerous researchers and government surveyors was adequate to achieve t h e i r goal of acquiring a more suitable nurse. The P e l l y Bay Inuit appear to be extremely to lerant of inap-propriate and even i l l e g a l behaviour on the part of whites present in the community. Their behaviour only becomes into lerab le when i t involves physical v io lence, or , in p a r t i c u l a r , the we l l-be ing of c h i l d r e n and women. In such circumstances, steps are taken to remove the cu lp r i t ( s ) through appeal to the appropriate government agency. Recreation Primary recreational a c t i v i t i e s include sports such as hock-ey, v o l l e y b a l l and t r a d i t i o n a l I n u i t games (Pe l ly Bay athletes have won several events at the Northern Games). F r iday n ight dances, weekly bingo games and movies are also popular events. Perhaps the most common a c t i v i t y i n the community, however, i s v i s i t i n g . V i s i t s , espec ia l l y between related ind iv idua ls are not only frequent, they are expected. No inv i ta t ions are i s s u e d , but 120 feel ings can eas i l y be hurt i f expected v i s i t s are not made. Such v i s i t i n g was also common in the t r a d i t i o n a l camps p r i o r to the establishment of the community. In 1980 P e l l y Bay obtained te lev i s ion recept ion. When asked i f th is caused any changes in the community, one woman r e p l i e d , "No one went out v i s i t i n g fo r a whole week!" As already noted, th i s was indeed an ufi^ual event. Although v i s i t i n g patterns have now returned to the i r 1 pre-te lev is ion 1 s tatus, watching te l ev i s ion remains a popular passt ime. Soap operas , p ro f e s s i ona l hockey games and the Beachcombers are three of the most popular programs. Social events are most fequent during w inter months, as i n -deed they were in pre-contact times. Christmas and Easter are, in pa r t i cu l a r , times for communal feasts and games. In the summer, camping, going out on the land for tea , and boating are common ac-t i v i t i e s . To some ex t en t , hunt ing and f i s h i n g , a l though they serve an economic purpose, are also recrea t iona l , and many f ind them enjoyable. As noted in Chapter Three, the Church continues to play an important part in the community. Most fami l ies attend Church ser-vices on a regular basis except during peak hunting seasons. The Modern Community—In Summary To the casual observer, Pe l l y Bay appears to function in many ways l i k e other small Canadian communities in the 1980s. I t has, 121 fo r example, an economic system based, at least in part , on cash. In add i t ion , there are a number of modern conveniences in evidence such as motor v e h i c l e s , store-bought goods, and modern construc-t ion projects. On c loser examination however, i t i s noted that the manner in which l i f e i s approached in the community i s based p r i m a r i l y on Inuit values, perceptions, and world views. Incomes, for example, are based on a system of economic general izat ion in which s u b s i s -tence a c t i v i t i e s play a major r o l e . Decision-making i s accom-pl ished through group concensus. Values assoc i a ted with cash , work, s ta tus and social controls are not adopted from White s o c i -ety; rather, they are r e f l e c t i ve of Inuit ways. This chapter has focused on the hamlet of Pe l l y Bay in modern times, and in p a r t i c u l a r , on the manner i n which new ways have been adapted to e x i s t i n g p a t t e r n s . The fol lowing chapter w i l l examine the impl icat ions of these changes for the young people of the community. 122 Chapter Five Tradi t ion and the Young People o f Pe l l y Bay While Sony Walkmans and disco dancing are popular, the young people are s t i l l very much inf luenced by t r a d i t i o n a l va lues and social t i e s . This chapter examines the impl icat ions o f the modern way of l i f e in Pe l l y Bay for the future l i f e s t y l e s of young people in the community. A focus on the young people in spec i f i c i s included in th i s study because of the large number of youth under the age o f twen-t y- f i ve . As noted e a r l i e r , one o f the most predominent character-i s t i c s of the community of P e l l y Bay i s i t s you th . Wi th in the next two decades, young people w i l l form the majority of the work force and move into leadership posit ions in the community. The younger generation of today i s the f i r s t to have grown up in the permanent community in contact with modern goods and se r -v i c e s . I t i s therefore important to examine the manner in which they have adapted to the modern l i f e s t y l e . The research design was focused i n i t i a l l y on f a c to r s which were important for dec i -sions made concerning the future l i f e s t y l e s of the young people o f an I n u i t community. I t was expected that there would be ample evidence o f a s s i m i l a t i o n due to contac t wi th the Eurocanadian 123 c u l t u r e , and of the curtai lment of t rad i t iona l a c t i v i t i e s because of the adoption of a wage economy. Such evidence was, however, g r e a t l y l e s s than o r i g i n a l l y hypothes ized . In f a c t , c u l t u r a l , family and community t i e s remain strong. Despite the educat iona l system, the presence of t e l e v i s i o n , par t i c ipa t ion in a cash econ-omy and the resu l t ing presence of Sony Walkmans, e l e c t r i c gu i ta rs , three-wheeled hondas and video games, the young people seem t i e d to many of the ' o l d ' ways. That i s not to say that they p a r t i c i -pate greatly in so-called ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' a c t i v i t i e s , such as drum dancing and hunt ing with spears, although these do occur on spe-c i a l occasions, but ra ther tha t there i s adherence to c u l t u r a l values and norms such as respect for e lders , and attachment to the land and to Inuit p o l i t i c a l forms. They, l i k e t h e i r parents and grandparents, have adopted modern ways within a native context and have retained the i r attachment to t rad i t iona l ways. This i s e v i -dent in t h e i r a t t i t u d e s towards education and employment, the i r re lat ionships with e lders , and the i r outlook on l i f e . The d i scuss ion in th i s chapter centres on those young people who are e i ther completing the i r education or have entered the work fo rce r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t l y . For the purpose of th i s d iscuss ion, 'youth' has been a r b i t r a r i l y defined as those between the ages of f i f t een and twenty-five (15 to 24 i n c lus i ve ) . 124 Employment A c t i v i t i e s and Education Employment Status Forty percent of youth in P e l l y Bay s ta ted that they were employed at the time the survey was conducted (October , 1982). This i s somewhat m i s l e a d i n g , however, as only about 25 percent were working on a fu l l- t ime or permanent part-time bas i s , and the numbers of casual posit ions diminished as winter approached. One-th i rd of the youth were unemployed and the remainder, mostly f i f -teen-and-sixteen-year-olds, were attending school. TABLE 31. Employment Status of Pe l l y Bay Youth Status Number Employed Male Female Employed 9 10 Unemployed 11 5 Student _8 4 Total 28 19 Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. Those who were engaged in the labour force pa r t i c i pa ted in a v a r i e t y of a c t i v i t i e s (Table 32). As i s true of the adul ts , many of those employed on a permanent basis are women, wh i le men f i l l more of the temporary or seasonal pos i t ions . 125 TABLE 32. Occupations of Pe l l y Bay Youth, 1982 (past and present) Occupation Number Employed Male Female C lerk/of f i ce worker Weatherman Miner (work for Cominco) Heavy equipment operator Cleaner Construction worker Cook Hotel manageress Cashier Maintenance Worker Post mistress Power company employee Independent businessman Truck dr iver for hamlet Commercial fisherman 2 1 5 1 1 2 1 1 1 1+ 1 3 2 1 1 1 1 Total 17 9 Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. The Co-op i s the largest s ingle employer of young people. Although wage-earning appears to be of preference among the young people in Pe l l y Bay (62 percent s ta ted they would p re fe r f u l l - t i m e employment), cons ide rab le time i s spent hunting and f i sh i ng . Of the young men, f i f t y percent s ta ted that they spent moderate or cons iderab le time hunting or f i sh ing (data co l lected for the month of September). Ten young people , a l l women, ac-knowledged involvement in sewing a c t i v i t i e s and four l i s t e d carv-ing as addit ional s k i l l s . 126 TABLE 33. Work Preferences of Pe l l y Bay Youth Status Number of Responses Ful l-t ime employment Part-time employment Seasonal employment Student 29 8 3 10 0 No employment at a l l Total 50 Data Source; Fieldwork, 1982. Student Aspirat ions The r e s u l t s of a survey of sen io r students at Kugaardjuk school (Table 34), demonstrate that young people in Pe l l y Bay as -p i r e to higher education leve ls and to occupations which are gen-e ra l l y associated with White p o s i t i o n s . The three most des i r ed occupat ions are policeman, co-op manager and p i l o t . Interest ing-l y , no one chose a l t e rna t i v e s such as f isherman or hunter , a l -though perhaps those who wished to pursue, or whose parents wished them to pursue, more t rad i t iona l occupations, were no longer a t -tending school by th is age. I t i s also l i k e l y that par t i c ipa t ion in the t rad i t iona l sector i s not viewed as a ' j o b . ' The popu la r i t y of the choice of 'policeman' i s somewhat sur-pr i s ing since there are no policemen in P e l l y Bay. The c l o s e s t RCMP s t a t i o n i s i n Spence Bay and the o f f i c e r s make only rare v i s i t s to the community. I t i s possible that the image of a po-liceman comes from the content of popular te lev i s ion shows. Becoming a p i l o t may be desired for a number of reasons; fo r example, two of the students i n the survey are offspr ings of an 127 I nu i t man who i s a student p i l o t . Secondly, there are frequent contacts with planes and p i l o t s in the community. The f a c t that one very popular p i l o t l i ved in Pe l l y Bay for a period of time may also be a fac tor . A l l of the other preferred occupat ions chosen by the students are p o s i t i o n s which are held by Pe l l y Bay r e s i -dents, and only one of these (miner) necessitates absence from the community. TABLE 34. Student Survey Aqe 12 13 14 15 16 Total Number of Students 2 3 3 3 1 12 Grade* 3 4 5 6 7 Total Number of Students 1 6 4 0 1 12 Grade Aspired To 7 8 9 10 11 12 Undecided No. of Students 2 0 1 1 2 5 1 Desired Occupation Number of Responses Pol iceman 3 Co-op manager 3 Truck dr iver 1 Mechanic 2 Miner 1 Maintenance worker (bui lding) 1 Cook 1 P i l o t 3 Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. * Grade r e f e r s to math l e v e l . Students in the senior c lass studying math at a level below grade 3 were a t tend ing an-other c lass at the time of the survey. In a survey in the Mackenzie Del ta , Smith (1984) found that there were few d i f f e r e n c e s in occupat iona l preferences between students of d i f fe rent ethnic groups, and concluded that social and 128 economic s t r u c tu r e s are more important in determining l i f e s t y l e preferences than cu l ture . In th i s ve in , i t would appear that con-t a c t wi th Whi tes , the cash system and te lev is ion a l l have i n f l u -enced Pe l l y Bay students. This does not mean, however, that e t h -n i c i t y and c u l t u r e do not play a f a c t o r in determining how the preferences are acted out. Although P e l l y Bay students tend to show preference for employment posit ions in the wage economy, th i s does not imply that these would necessari ly be performed or adapt-ed to in a White manner. In f a c t , certa in values and pract ices inherent in the white economic system, do not adapt wel l to the I nu i t way of l i f e . Thus, for example, co-op managers have d i f f i -cu l ty saying "no" to r e l a t i v e s , and those in supervisory posit ions have d i f f i c u l t y in d i rec t ing peers and e lders . Students also ex-perience d i f f i c u l t y in ad ju s t i ng to the s t r u c tu r e found in the formal school system. I t i s not l i k e l y that a l l of the cu r ren t students w i l l achieve the l e v e l of a s p i r a t i o n which they have i n d i c a t e d , at least with respect to educational l e v e l . Although the average age of the students surveyed i s almost fourteen y e a r s , most students are i n grade four or f i v e . At t h e i r current rate of progress, they would be in the i r twenties before completing high school, and i t i s l i k e l y that most w i l l leave school before that time. Although the government plans to move towards expansion of education programs, pa r t i cu l a r l y those which would be avai lable to Inuit in smaller centres (Government of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , 1982), f a i l u r e to acquire a basic grade eight education may l i m i t 129 the types of programs avai lable to Pe l ly Bay youth. This may be pa r t i cu l a r l y unfortunate because the economic base has not deve l -oped to the point that i t can support the rapid ly increasing popu-l a t i on of young people (F igure 16 dep i c t s the p ro jec ted labour force to 1977). Although jobs are being created by projects such as the opening of the hotel in the summer of 1982, proposed t ou r -ism programs, construct ion, and bui ld ing r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , i t i s un-l i k e l y that these w i l l be s u f f i c i e n t to absorb a l l of the young people who are about to enter the labour market. Higher education and t ra in ing may allow Inuit to acquire more of the jobs current ly held by s k i l l e d whites such as teachers and nurses. However, these account for r e l a t i v e l y few p o s i t i o n s , and as noted p r e v i o u s l y , there are few who are l i k e l y to achieve the necessary educational l e ve l s . At present, three young people have taken vocational courses in Forth Smith and of these, two are em-ployed in the i r respective f i e l d s . Cultural Inclusion Classes The people of Pe l l y Bay consider the learning of t rad i t iona l s k i l l s to be of utmost importance. To th i s end, c u l t u r a l i n c l u -s ion c l a s ses have been incorporated into the school curr iculum. While there seems to be l i t t l e need for the s k i l l s themselves to be taught because a l l the students are able to par t ic ipate in sub-sistence a c t i v i t i e s with the i r f a m i l i e s , i t does a l low time f o r the elders to pass on some cu l tura l components. 130 F i g u r e 16 250 1 Projected Labour Force for PELLY BAY [to 1997] 1972 1977 1982 1987 1992 1997 * calculated on the basis of natural increase only 131 Par t i c ipat ion in cu l tura l inc lus ion c lasses , however, appears at times less than enthus iast ic . Often the students appear more w i l l i n g to watch than to help with the a c t i v i t y , or to par t ic ipate in other a c t i v i t i e s rather than in the task i t s e l f . The elders do not expect the students to pa r t i c ipa te , but rather to take an ob-server ro l e , as i s typical of the Inuit education system. In one c i r cumstance , an e lde r became i r r i t a t e d with a teacher who at -tempted to restore the students' attention through threat of d i s -c i p l i n e . The lack of a t t e n t i o n on the part of the students and the response of the elders does not indicate a lack of i n t e r e s t . Rather , i t i s ind ica t i ve of the lack of structure inherent in the t rad i t iona l education system. Work Ethics As noted e a r l i e r , there i s no attempt on the part of parents to encourage a work ethic such as that found in Eurocanadian c u l -t u r e . This i s not to say that c h i l d r e n do not have duties at home. Older chi ldren are expected to look af ter the younger s i b -l i n g s and i t i s common to see teenage g i r l s as young as eleven or twelve, 'packing' the i r younger brothers and s i s t e r s . Teenage boys are o f ten expected to help t h e i r f a the rs wi th hunting or f i sh ing a c t i v i t i e s , or to look a f t e r t h e i r mothers and s i b l i n g s when the fathers are absent. One young man, for example, was sent out by skidoo to take a load of supplies to his family who were in a f i s h i n g camp and to stay with them while his father worked at a job in the community. These types of tasks are expected of o lde r 132 c h i l d r e n and the i r assignment i s the manner in which the chi ldren are trained i n t o t r a d i t i o n a l f ami l y r o l e s . However, there i s l i t t l e demand or expec ta t ion placed on young people in terms of education or employment a c t i v i t i e s . One school teacher remarked, fo r example, that he cou ld not send school work home with the chi ldren because the parents would not appreciate the intrus ion of such tasks into the home environment. In t rad i t iona l t imes, chi ldren were allowed to play and, ex-cept f o r s o c i a l i z a t i o n into family roles and respect for the e l -ders, there were few demands put on them. However, in these ea r -l i e r times, chi ldren took on the respons ib i l i t y of adulthood at an early age. Today, they seldom marry before the age of eighteen or twenty, and there are several teenage years during which the young people are required to do l i t t l e . During th i s time the teenagers complain f r equen t l y of being "bored" and parents are concerned because the young people do not have anything that must be done. As already noted, education i s not seen as a necessary task. Influence of Other Community Members Elders and parents continue to, have s ign i f i can t i n f l uence on the a c t i v i t i e s of young people. Strong family t i e s and the i n f l u -ence of parents and elders not only promote the l e a r n i n g of t r a -d i t i o n a l values and ways but also ensure that the older genera-t ions have input into decisions made concerning future l i f e s t y l e s . A u t h o r i t y i s s t r ong l y associated with age, and few question the wisdom of e lders . Unlike most teenagers in southern Canada 133 who are g r e a t l y inf luenced by peers, Pe l l y Bay young people con-t inue to respect and depend on t h e i r e lde rs fo r advice and gu idance . Fieldwork resu l ts indicated that only a few young peo-ple feel that fr iends are more " h e l p f u l " than the e lde r s and a l -most a l l stated that they learn "a l o t " from the older people. "My parents said I d idn ' t have t o . " As noted in the previous Chapter , th i s i s not an uncommon response to inqu i r ies concerning lack of par t i c ipa t ion in cer ta in a c t i v i t i e s . Although i t some-times means that the person i s not keen to pa r t i c ipa te , i t i s i n -d icat ive of the extent to which parenta l au tho r i t y i s accepted. Parents i n f l u ence almost a l l aspects of l i f e of the young people and make most of the decisions with respect to educat ion and em-ployment a c t i v i t i e s , and even concerning who they should marry. Although some parents in modern times are now g i v i n g t h e i r c h i l -dren some respons ib i l i t y for the i r own decision-making, even th i s i s done with permission. Few young people complain about, or even th ink to q u e s t i o n , the au tho r i t y of the i r parents. The few who do, usually choose to respect the wishes of t h e i r parents i n the long-term. Those who do not, r i sk the p o s s i b i l i t y of being d i s -owned from the fami ly , a serious s i tuat ion in a c u l t u r e in which family plays an important r o l e . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g the re fo re that the young people feel tha t the i n i t i a t i v e fo r t h e i r fu tu re plans r e s t s wi th others through decis ions made by parents, the community counc i l , or per-haps by the government. In the t rad i t iona l cu l tu re , the Inuit be-l i e v e d that t h e i r l i v e s were contro l led by ' f a t e ' or ' s p i r i t s ' — 134 that there was no help fo r what occurred. In modern day, i t i s often the government which i s viewed as in control of t h i s ' f a t e ' and the re fo re r e spons ib l e f o r the future of the people. A l l of the young people surveyed feel that the government should prov ide them with money or jobs i f needed. Attachment to the Community Des i re to leave Pe l ly Bay i s low. Fewer than one-quarter of those aged f i f t een to twenty-five showed any i n c l i n a t i o n to l i v e outs ide the community. Of those who wished to leave, the most commonly stated reason was to at tend s c h o o l . Only three young people stated that they would leave in order to get a j ob , despite increasing in teres t in jobs avai lable with Cominco (Table 35). TABLE 35. Desire for Mob i l i t y , Pe l l y Bay Youth No desire to leave the community 35 Wil l ingness to leave the community 11 Reasons Number of Responses To further education 6 To work 3 Other 2 Data Source: Fieldwork, 1982. U n t i l a school-sponsored t r i p to Toronto in 1983, fewer than one-quarter of the young people had been out of P e l l y Bay except to v i s i t in neighbouring communities or to go to the hospital in Yellowknife or Edmonton. In many cases , the o lde r generat ions 135 spent more time outs ide of the community in the i r youth than do today's young people, due to attendance in res ident ia l schools or to lengthy treatments in hosp i ta l s . Because educat ion and health f a c i l i t i e s have been avai lable in Pe l ly Bay since the 1960s, the youngest generat ion has l i t t l e need to t r a ve l out of the community. In many cases the i r view-point of southern Canadian soc i e t y i s formed p r i m a r i l y through contac t wi th Whites l i v i n g in or v i s i t i n g the i r community, and more recently by the image of southern society portrayed through t e l e v i s i o n . Motivation to leave the hamlet i s discouraged not only by the re la t i ve i so l a t i on of the community but a l so by parents ' a t t i -tudes . Most parents fee l that Pe l l y Bay i s a much "better" and "hea l th ie r " place to l i v e than other communities ' o u t s i d e , ' and also that i t i s best to l i v e near one's family . One young man who wished to attend high school in Yellowknife was, with much r e l u c -t ance , given permission to do so by his parents af ter the i n t e r -vention of school s t a f f . When he ca l led home af ter only two weeks at the school because he was lone ly , he was to ld to re turn . A l -though he had no employment prospects in the community, i t was cons idered preferable that he be in the community rather than ' to s t ick i t out' away from home. The cu r ren t generation of young people are the f i r s t to have grown up in a permanent community and in contact wi th the modern economic system. Their ac t i v i t i es--spor ts such as vo l leyba l l and hockey, movies, bingo, Friday night dances, v i s i t i n g and skidoo-or 136 honda-r id ing—are not u n l i k e those of young people in southern Canada. They are also very attracted by the mate r i a l goods that teenagers in southern Canada have, such as portable cassette decks and fashion c lothes . Their d iet has come to inc lude food bought at the Co-op, and in pa r t i cu l a r , pop and chocolate bars. However, they, l i k e the i r parents, are very much influenced by t r a d i t i o n a l va lues and r e l a t i o n s h i p s , despi te the adoption of many material elements of Eurocanadian society . The Future The young people in Pe l ly Bay are f r i end l y , respec t fu l , help-ful and affect ionate towards younger brothers and s i s t e r s . In ad-d i t i o n , Pe l ly Bay youth have minimal problems with drugs and a lco -hol , due par t ly to the community's i s o l a t i o n , and also to a l iquor prohib i t ion declared in 1979. Older I n u i t , however, are concerned about the youth in the community and recognize that the lack of necessity of "doing some-th ing to su r v i v e " i n present times may be detr imental . Although i t was not on the agenda, the problems faced by young I n u i t today f r equen t l y arose in discussion at the f i r s t Elders Conference in A p r i l , 1982. 'Al though the pe r s i s t ence of t r ad i t i ona l ways has aided the Pe l ly Bay Inuit in t h e i r adaptat ion to t h e i r modern l i f e s t y l e , perhaps the e lde r s feel that such i s not the case for the future 137 of the young people. I t i s possible that t rad i t iona l values, such as a l a i ssez f a i r e at t i tude towards employment and educat ion , and the o r i e n t a t i o n towards consumption and survival rather than f u -ture secur i ty , may mean lack of opportunity in the future. On the other hand, the f l e x i b i l i t y afforded by the Inuit way of l i f e through mechanisms such as 'economic g e n e r a l i z a t i o n , ' may provide a means of coping with the large in f lux of youth reaching adulthood and entering the labour force. 138 Chapter Six Summary and Conclusions Despite changes in t r a d i t i o n a l soc i e t y and c u l t u r a l norms since contacts with aspects of western cu l ture , Inuit va lues p e r s i s t in the Canadian A r c t i c and inform the responses that people there make to present day circumstances (Freeman, 1976, 171). The previous chapters have i l l u s t r a t e d that changes have and are con t inu ing to occur f o r the I n u i t of Pe l l y Bay. They have also demonstrated that I n u i t ways have p e r s i s t e d through these changes and t h a t , as they seek improvements in the i r l i f e s t y l e , the Inuit have adapted new technology and modern systems to the t rad i t iona l way of l i f e . The Process of Change . As noted in Chapter Two, the changes which occured in Pe l ly Bay were the resu l t not only of outside fac tors , but a l so of p ro -cesses o c cu r r i ng w i t h i n the c u l t u r e i t s e l f . Elements from the outside such as new technology, government programs and an econ-omic system based on cash , d id not cause t rad i t iona l ways to be discarded; rather, the new ways were incorporated i n t o the I n u i t way of l i f e . As new ways were adopted, the culture evolved new 139 forms, but i t r e ta ined for the most part i t s values, t rad i t iona l patterns, and an Inuit way of viewing the world. H i s to r i ca l Trends Chapter Three d i scussed from an h i s to r i ca l perspective the manner in which the Inuit adopted elements which were in t roduced to them from the o u t s i d e . For example, resources such as metal and wood became avai lable i n i t i a l l y through exp lo re r s and l a t e r from government construction programs. Chr i s t i an i t y was introduc-ed by the missionaries in the 1930s, and government se rv i ces such as hous ing , education, and transportat ion were made avai lable af -ter the 1950s. While a l l these elements were responsible for major changes in l i f e s t y l e , they inter fered to a lesser extent with the p e r s i s -tence of an I n u i t way of l i f e . For example, C h r i s t i a n i t y co-existed with t rad i t iona l b e l i e f s . S im i l a r l y , the fur trade served to supplement the t rad i t iona l hunting economy, jus t as casual and even permanent employment does today. I t i s noteworthy a l so that many of the government services such as medical care, housing and education were provided in the community i t s e l f . I t was therefore possible for the Inuit to make use of such programs while cont inu-ing to par t ic ipate in t rad i t iona l pursu i ts . 140 The Modern Community In the beginning pages of the thes i s , s ix examples of t r a d i -t ional approaches to modern l i f e in P e l l y Bay were i d e n t i f i e d . Data was presented with reference to each to i l l u s t r a t e the manner in which modern elements were adapted to an Inuit way of l i f e . The fol lowing i s offered in conclusion. 1. There i s in genera l , a lack of future o r i en ta t ion . The Inuit continue for the most part to l i v e with a focus on a day-to-day or season-to-season bas is , and they are geared towards su r v i -val and consumption, rather than to the accumulation of assets for long-term secur i ty . S im i l a r l y , there continues to be a be l i e f in the power of f a t e ~ a sense that no power e x i s t s over what occurs in the future . This or ientat ion i s re f lected in att i tudes towards, for exam-p le , education and employment. Educat ion as an asset f o r long-term security i s not recognized by most Inu i t , nor i s i t consider-ed essential for su rv i va l . Employment i s regarded as a means of ob ta in ing cash fo r desired goods, but seldom thought of in terms of 'career goals' or ' sav ings . ' I t i s evident that , although e le -ments of southern Canadian society such as the cash economy have been adopted, the work values inherent i n Eurocanadian soc i e t y have not. 2. Decision-making i s accomplished by concensus. Decisions are generally made by groups of elected community members, such as 141 the Counci l or Board of D i r ec to r s of the Co-op. I f such groups are unsure of the wishes of the community members, i t i s not un-common that the community i s canvassed pr ior to a decision being made. Individual decision-making i s frowned upon i f the decisions a f f e c t other community members. I t i s not surpr is ing therefore that those who hold author i tat ive employment posit ions in the com-munity, such as the Hamlet, Co-op or Craft store managers, work in col laborat ion with a Board of Directors or Committee. 3. Although some community members are employed in more than one pos i t i on , there i s an attempt to a l locate jobs as equitably as poss ib le , ensuring that each household has at least one member who provides cash for the family. In keeping with the mode of d e c i -sion-making, h i r ing decisions are generally made by a group. Jobs are a l located pr imar i ly on the basis of indiv idual need and family r e spons ib i l i t y . 4. Status i s based on t rad i t iona l values such as respect for e lders , knowledge, and the a b i l i t y to meet fami l y r e s p o n s i b i l -i t i e s , ra ther than on the bas i s of wealth, income or employment pos i t ion . 5. A strong attachment to the land and land-based a c t i v i t i e s continues. Not only do a l l community households p a r t i c i p a t e in hunting, f i sh ing and camping a c t i v i t i e s , and re ly in part on coun-try foods, but they a lso turn to the land as a s o l u t i o n to the s t r esses c reated by modern soc iety . Inuit of a l l ages and pos i -t ions consider going out on the land a valuable and necessary part of the i r l i f e . 142 Although on ly three men hunt to the exclusion of a l l other economic a c t i v i t i e s , hunting and f i s h i n g pat terns have s i m i l a r -i t i e s to those of prev ious decades. The school year , vacations and casual employment are a l l geared to make the most of the best h u n t i n g / f i s h i n g seasons. The adoption of modern technology has given those Inuit who do work, the f l e x i b i l i t y to continue to par-t i c ipa te in land-based a c t i v i t i e s . 6. 'Economic genera l izat ion ' i s a common prac t i ce . P a r t i c i -pation in a variety of economic a c t i v i t i e s allows the Inuit to ca -p i t a l i z e on o p p o r t u n i t i e s as they a r i s e . The majority of Pe l l y Bay households pa r t i c i pa te i n casual or seasonal employment or jobs which provide f l e x i b l e working times, and there i s often par-t i c i p a t i on in more than one economic a c t i v i t y . Job shar ing i s also present and allows indiv idual workers more time to be invo lv -ed in other economic pursu i ts . In prev ious decades i t was necessary for survival that the Inuit were able to take advantage of opportunity when i t presented i t s e l f . S i m i l a r l y today, there i s an o r i e n t a t i o n towards the short-term, and work cha rac te r i s t i c s , such as those described, aid in g i v i n g the I nu i t the f l e x i b i l i t y to p a r t i c i p a t e in various areas of the economic system. 143 Tradi t ion and the Young People The role of the youth in the modern community i s discussed in the study because of the i r importance to the future of the commu-n i t y . Because of the l a rge numbers of young people, they w i l l soon swell the ranks of the labour force and enter respected pos i -t i ons w i t h i n the community. I t i s therefore important to note that they, too, continue to l i v e in a t rad i t iona l manner, ho ld ing on to Inuit values and world views, and that they u t i l i z e these in the i r approach to a modern way of l i f e . The Scope of the Study The thesis emphasizes an examination of processes occu r r ing at the community l e v e l . In pa r t i cu l a r , the focus i s on the econ-omic a c t i v i t i e s of the people of Pe l ly Bay. I t i s recognized that the Inuit of Pe l l y Bay do not l i v e in i s o l a t i o n ; they are affected by changes in government and government pol icy as well as by p ro -cesses occu r r i ng at national and world l e ve l s . While events oc-curr ing at these broader leve ls are s ign i f i c an t to northern devel-opment, however, the manner in which adaptations are made to the ef fects of these external processes was thought to be best exam-i n e d , f o r the purposes of the thes i s , by the study of processes 144 occurring at the local l e v e l . To th i s end, the community of Pe l l y Bay provides an apt example of the manner in which the modern Inuit community continues to function along t rad i t iona l l i n e s . Implications for Further Research The scope of the thesis i s l imi ted to the experiences of one Arc t i c community. I t i s therefore inappropriate to generalize the f i n d i n g s to other northern settlements without further research. This i s pa r t i cu l a r l y true because of variances in the I n u i t c u l -ture and the history of contact across the A r c t i c . Although the resu l ts of th i s study cannot be gene ra l i zed to other communities, some considerations for future research however can be noted. For example, i t was discussed ea r l i e r in the thesis that research concerning northern development i s often biased to -wards a western norm, and accordingly, that western i n d i c a t o r s or measurements of development may be out of context when applied in cross-cultural s i tua t ions . Likewise, the use of quantitat ive data alone may not portray the cu l tura l differences in the meanings of terms such as t r ad i t i on and development. For these reasons, i t would seem necessary that research into the development of northern communities encompass a broad scope and a va r i e t y of research techniques. There i s a need to co l l e c t data not only about flows of capi ta l and commodities, but a l so to 145 " . . . seek explanations in matters such as human behaviour, a t t i -tudes and b e l i e f s , social organization and the charac ter i s t i cs and inter-re la t ionships of human groups" (Brookf ie ld , 1964, 283). This thesis represents an attempt to u t i l i z e a research de-s ign such as that described above by Brookf ie ld . A number of re -search techniques were employed to gather both q u a n t i t a t i v e and q u a l i t a t i v e da t a . A s i m i l a r design could be a p t l y applied to studies of development and the persistence of t r ad i t i ona l ways in other northern communities. Conclusion The hamlet of Pe l ly Bay continues to e x i s t as a t r u l y I nu i t community. Despi te the presence of telecommunications, public serv ices, a cash economy and modern t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s , t r a d i t i o n a l ways p e r s i s t to some extent in a l l aspects of l i f e . In add i t ion , the data presented in the t h e s i s demonstrates that change and development i n the community are guided by nat i ve values, t rad i t iona l patterns and Inuit ways of viewing the world. 146 Bi bliography A l a v i , H. , Shanin, T. Introduction to the Sociology of 'Develop- ing Soc i e t i e s . ' New York: Monthly Review Press, 1982. B a l i k c i , A. Development of Basic Socio-Economic Units in Two Es- kimo Communities. Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1964. Berger, T. Northern F r o n t i e r , Northern Homeland. The Report of  the Mackenzie Val ley P ipe l ine Inquiry. Toronto: J . Lorimer & Co. , 1977. Beveridge, J . "The Rabbit Lake Communting Operation: A Case for Mutual Adaptation?" Proceedings of the Conference on Commut- ing and Northern Development. Saskatchewan: Inst i tute for Northern Studies, 1979, 110-162. Brackel , W.D. The Soc io Economic Importance of Marine W i ld l i f e  U t i l i z a t i o n i n the Beaufor t Sea. V i c t o r i a : Department of F isher ies and the Environment, 1977. Bradby, B. "The Destruction of the Natural Economy." Economy and  Society, 4.4 (1975): 127-161. Br ice-Bennett , C. "The East-Central A r c t i c . " Inui t Land Use and  Occupancy Study, Volume 1: Land Use and Occupancy. Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, 1976, 66-72. Br iggs, J . Aspects of I n u i t Value Soc i a l i z a t i on . Ottawa: Na-t ional Museum of Canada, 1979. 147 Br iggs. J . Never in Anger. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970. Brody, H. Maps and Dreams. Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1982. . "Ecology, P o l i t i c s and Change: The Case of the E s k i -mo." Development and Change, 9 (1978):21-40. . The People's Land. Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1975. B r o o k f i e l d , H. Interdependent Development. London: Methuen, 1975. . "Questions on the Human Frontiers of Geography." Econ- omic Geography, 40.4 (1964):283-303. Canada. Census. Ottawa, 1981. . Census. Ottawa, 1976. Cominco. P o l a r i s Report on Northern Employment. Yel lowknife: Outcrop, 1982. Dacks, G. A Choice of Futures. Toronto: Methuen, 1981. Devine, M. N.W.T. Data Book. Yel lowknife: Outcrop, 1982. Freeman, M.A. "Ikumaaluminik—Living in Two H e l l s . " A Century of  Canada's A r c t i c I s l ands . Ed. M. Zaslow. Ottawa: The Royal Society of Canada, 1981, 267-274. Freeman, M.M.R. " P e r s i s t ence and Change: The Cultural Dimen-s ion . " A Century of Canada's A rc t i c Is lands. Ed. M. Zaslow. Ottawa: The Royal Society of Canada, 1981, 257-266. . "An Ecological Perspective on Man-Environment Research in the Hudson/James Bay Region." Hudson/James Bay Symposium. Guelph, 1981. 148 Freeman, M.M.R. (Ed.) Inui t Land Use and Occupancy Study, Volumes  1-3. Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Devel-opment, 1976. F r i esen , B .F . , Ne l son , J . G . "An Overview of the Economic Poten-t i a l of W i l d l i f e and Fish Resources in the Canadian A r c t i c . " Northern Trans i t ions , Eds. R.F. Keith and J . B . Wright. Otta-wa: Canadian Arc t i c Resources Committee, 1978, 163-180. Geertz, C. "From the N a t i v e ' s Po in t of View: On the Nature of An th ropo log i ca l Unders tand ing . " Symbolic Anthropology: A  Reader in the Study of Symbols and Meanings, Eds. J . L . Dogin, D.M. Kamnitzer, and D.M. Schneider. New York: Columbia U n i -vers i ty Press, 1977, 480-492. Government of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s . T e r r i t o r i a l Employment  Record and Informat ion System F i l e s . Y e l l o w k n i f e : GNWT, 1981. . Tradi t ion and Change in the NWT: Report of the Special Committee on Education. Yel lowknife: GNWT, 1976. Guemple, D.L. "The I n s t i t u t i o n a l F l e x i b i l i t y of I n u i t Soc ia l L i f e . " I nu i t Land Use and Occupancy Study, Volumes 1-3. Ed. M.M.R. Freeman. Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, 1976, 181-186. Gus f ie ld , J . "Tradi t ion and Modernity: Misplaced P o l a r i t i e s in the Study of Social Change." American Journal of Sociology, 72.4. (1967): 351-362. Hamelin, L.-E. Canadian Nord ic i t y , I t ' s Your North Too. Montre-a l : Harvest House, 1979. 149 Hector, M. Internal Colonia l ism. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Uni -vers i ty of Ca l i f o rn i a Press, 1975. Hobart, C. "Impacts of Industr ia l Employment of Hunting and Trap-ping Among Canadian I n u i t . " Renewable Resources and the  Economy of the Nor th , Ed. M.M.R. Freeman. Ottawa: ACUNS, 1981. . Work A s p i r a t i o n s and Phys i ca l M o b i l i t y I n te res t of Young I n u i t i n Gjoa Haven, NWT. Edmonton: Hobart, Walsh & Associates, 1978. Hsu, F .L .K . "Cul tura l Problems of the Cultural Anthropologist . " American Anthropology, 81 (1979):517-532. Iglauer, E. Inui t Journey. Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1979. Jansen I I , W. Eskimo Economics: An Aspect of Culture Change at Rankin In l e t . Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1979. Jenness, D. Eskimo Adminis t rat ion I I , Canada. Montreal: Arc t i c Inst i tute of North America, 1964, 1972. . Eskimo A d m i n i s t r a t i o n V, A n a l y s i s and Re f l e c t i ons . Montreal: Arc t i c Ins t i tute of North America, 1968. Ke i th , R.F., Wright, J . B . Northern Trans i t ions . Ottawa: Canadian Arc t i c Resources Committee, 1978. Kemp, W.B. "The Flow of Energy in a Hunting Society." S c i e n t i f i c American, Sept. (1971):105-112. Lange, P. "Some Q u a l i t i e s of I n u i t Soc i a l I n t e r a c t i o n . " The White A r c t i c , Ed. R. Paine. Toronto: The University of To-ronto Press, 1977, 107-128. L ineton, P. "Soviet Nat ional i ty Po l i cy in North Western S ibe r i a : An H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e . " Development and Change, 9 (1978):87-102.-Mayes, R.G. "Contemporary Inuit Society . " Musk-Ox, 30 (1982):36-47. Mayne, R.E. , Govier , G.T. Settlements of the Central Arctic-Kee- wat in Region: Community P ro f i l e s and Regional Hierarchies. Winnipeg: Underwood, McLellan & Associates L t d . , 1977. McConnell , J . "The D ia lec t i c Nature of Eskimo Cul tures . " Conse- quences of Economic Change in Circumpolar Regions, Eds. L. Mul ler-Wi l le , P. Pe l to , L. Mul ler-Wi l le , R. D a r n e l l . Edmon-ton: Boreal Inst i tute for Northern Studies, 1975:185-200. McConnell , S. Community Res is tance Land Use and Wage Labour in  Pau la tuk , NWT. Vancouver: Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1983, Unpublished thes is . McGee, T .G . "Conservat ion and D i s s o l u t i o n in the Th i rd World C i t y . " Development and Change, 10.1 (1977):1-22. Meyer, G. "Promotional Measures and Present State of Development in the F i e l d of Nomadism in S y r i a . " Applied Geography and  Development, 19 (1982):97-107. Moore, C. Before the Reservat ion. Rediscovering Canada's Early Hi s t o r y . Toronto : Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, 1983, Transcr ipt . 151 Mougeot, M., Ed. Proceedings: Conference on Commuting and North- ern Development. Saskatchewan: Inst i tute for Northern Stu-d ies , 1979. M u l l e r - W i l l e , L., P e l t o , P., Mu l l e r -W i l l e , L., Darne l l , R. Eds. Consequences of Economic Change in Circumpolar Regions. Ed-monton: Boreal Ins t i tute for Northern Studies, 1975. Paine, R. The White A r c t i c . Toronto: The University of Toronto Press, 1977. Pe l l y Bay. Census. 1982. Pof fenberger , M. , Zurbuchen, M. "Economics of V i l l a g e B a l i : Three P e r s p e c t i v e s . " Economic Development and Cu l tu ra l  Change, 29 (1980):91-133. Preston, P.W. Theories of Development. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul L t d . , 1982. Rapaport, A. " I d e n t i t y and Environment: A Cross-Cultural Per-s p e c t i v e . " Housing and I d e n t i t y , Ed. J . Duncan. London: Croom & Helm, 1981. Rasmussen, K. "The Ne t s i l i k Eskimos." Report of the F i f t h Thule  E x p e d i t i o n , 8 .1-2 . Copenhagen: G lynda lske Boghainde ln , 1931. Rea, K.J. The P o l i t i c a l Economy of Northern Development. Ottawa: Science Council of Canada, 1976. Smith, D. Occupational Preferences of Northern Students. Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, 1974. 152 Stager, J . K . Baker Lake, NWT. A Background Report of I ts Social and Economic Development. Polar Gas Project , 1977. S t e l t ze r , U. Inu i t . The North in Trans i t ion . Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1982. Swif t , J . "The Marginal Societ ies at the Modern Front ier in Asia and the A r c t i c . " Development and Change, 9 (1978):3-19. Thomas, D.K., Thompson, C T . Eskimo Housing as Planned Culture Change. Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, 1972. Treude, E. " S tud ies in Sett lement Development and Evolution of the Economy in the Eastern Centra l A r c t i c . " Musk-Ox, 16 (1974):53-66. Usher, P. "Sustenance or Recreation? The Future of Native Wi ld-l i f e Harvesting in Northern Canada." Renewable Resources and  the Economy of the North, Ed. M.M.R. Freeman. Ottawa: ACUNS, 1981:56-71. . "Renewable Resources Development in Northern Canada." Northern Trans i t ions , Ed. R.F. Keith and J . B . Wright. Otta-wa: Canadian Arc t i c Resources Committee, 1980:154-162. . The Bankslanders Economy and Ecology of a F ront ie r Trapping Community. Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, 1970. Va len t ine , V . F . , V a l l e e , F.G. Eskimo of the Canadian A r c t i c . Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1968. 153 van den Steenhoven, G. Legal Concepts Among the Ne t s i l i k Eskimos  of P e l l y Bay, NWT. Ottawa: Northern Co-ordination and Re-search Centre, 1959. V i l l i e r s , D. The Central A r c t i c . An Area Economic Survey. Otta-wa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, 1969. Wenzel , G. Clyde Inuit Adaptation and Ecology: The Organization  of Subsistence. Ottawa: National Museums of Canada, 1981. . " Inu i t and Local C o n t r o l : The Case of Somerset I s -l and . " Inui t Studies, 3.2 (1979):19-23. Will iamson, R.G. The Boothia Peninsula People. Polar Gas, 1976. . Eskimo Underground: Sociocultural Change in the Cana- dian Central A r c t i c . Uppsala: Almquist and W ikse l l , 1974. Zaslow, M. A Century of Canada's A r c t i c I s lands . Ottawa: The Royal Society of Canada, 1981. 154 APPENDIX 1. HOUSEHOLD SURVEY 1) How many people l i v e in th is house? 2) Education and employment for each person: a) What i s your ( their ) age? b) Are you (they) employed? yes no posi t ion c) I f yes f u l l time part time casual d) Do you get money from other sources? carving/sewing commercial hunting or f i sh ing social assistance (what form? ) e) What grade did you (they) complete? f) Do you have any other t ra in ing or s k i l l s ? g) What kind of work would you l i k e your chi ldren to do when they get older? * I f employed at Cominco1s mine: a) Do you l i k e working there? yes no b) What do you l i k e best about work at Cominco? c) What don't you l i k e about working there? c) (to wife) Do you l i k e your husband working there? (yes) (no) (ok) Hunting a) How many seal did you catch l as t year? Where do you go seal hunting? (map) When do you hunt seal? spring summer winter b) How many caribou did you catch l as t year? Where do you go caribou hunting? (map) When do you hunt caribou? summer fal1 other 155 c) How much f i sh did you catch l a s t year? Where do you f ish? (map) When do you f ish? summer winter spring f a l l How do you catch most of the f ish? nets under nets across j igg ing through other ice r i ve r ice d) How many polar bear did you get l as t year? Where do you go polar bear hunting? (map) When do you go polar bear hunting? f a l l winter spring e) Do you hunt ducks? yes no hare? yes no ptarmigan? yes no other? f) Did you set up camp away from the community l a s t year? yes no I f yes, when? spring summer f a l l g) Do you have yes no a) a skidoo b) a boat c) a 1honda' h) With whom do you usually go hunting? i ) Did you se l l any skins l a s t year? yes no I f yes, what kind? how many ? 156 APPENDIX 2. STUDENT SURVEY 1. How old are you? 2. What grade (of math) are you in? 3. How often do you come to school? (put a beside the best answer) . . . . a lmost always (4-5 days per week, every week) . . . .most of the time (4-5 days most weeks) ....sometimes (2-3 days per week) . . . . n o t very often (one day per week or l e s s ) . 4. What grade do you hope to complete? 5. Would you, leave Pe l ly Bay to go to school? yes, or no. 6. Woudl you quit school now i f you were offered a job? yes, or no. 7. What kind of job would you l i k e to have? (put an x beside the job you'd l i k e most and checks beside others you would l i k e ) . .dr iv ing a truck hunter .cashier co-op manager . p i l o t construction worker .bookkeeper hamlet worker .cook sewing .fisherman cleaner .teacher maintenance (look .miner af ter bui ldings) .policeman social worker .o f f i ce worker mechanic ( f ixes trucks) .nurse .hamlet manager .other , 8. Are you male, or female? 157 APPENDIX 3. YOUTH SURVEY 1. How old are you? 2. Are you male or female 3. Are you married (yes) (no) 4. Are you a) employed b) not employed, but looking for work c) not employed, not looking for work d) a student I f employed, a) what do you do? b) How many weeks/months have you worked in the past year? (weeks) or (months). 5. What jobs have you had? 6. What grade did you complete in school? 7. Do you have any other t ra in ing or s k i l l s ? 8. What kind of job would you l i k e most? a) f u l l time b) part time c) a job only part of the year d) no job 9. Have you ever been out of Pe l ly Bay? (yes) (no) I f yes, where? 10. Would you leave Pe l l y Bay to l i v e somewhere else? (yes) (no) I f yes, why would you leave? a) to go to school b) to go to work c) another reason why? 158 11. Last month (Sept. ) , how often did you go hunting? a) a l o t (every weekend, or stayed at f i sh ing camp most of the time) b) some (most weekends, spent some time at f i sh ing camp) c) not much (went out once or twice) d) not at a l l 12. Do you think chi ldren should have to go to school? yes no. 13. Do you think the government should get jobs or money for people i f they need them? (yes) (no). 14. I f you need advice, do you a) go to fr iends b) go to elders c) go to fr iends and elders d) go to someone else 15. Which of the fol lowing statement(s) describe how you feel about elders? a) They do(n't) understand what i t i s l i k e to be growing up in Pe l ly Bay today b) They teach me a l o t c) They try to t e l l me what to do too much d) They are more helpful than fr iends 

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