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An iconographic study of "Ten Kings" paintings 1984

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AN ICONOGRAPHIC STUDY OF "TEN KINGS" PAINTINGS By MASAKO WATANABE B.A., The Tokyo Woman's Christian University, 1969 Art History Diploma, The University of British Columbia, 1980 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE REQUIREMENTS MASTER PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF FOR THE DEGREE OF OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Fine Arts) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required st^fidard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1984 © Masako Watanabe, 1984 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head o f my department o r by h i s o r her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t copying o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 DE-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT In China and Japan there are innumerable paintings and texts of the "Ten Kings of H e l l " but to date there has been no systematic i n v e s t i g a t i o n of them. This thesis makes an attempt to categorize these art works and documents according to iconographic features and format. C l a s s i f i c a t i o n has been successful i n as much as a sequential order was established and new i n s i g h t , substantiated by tenth century Tun-huang documents, Sung Buddhist records, and Japanese commentaries has been attained regarding iconographic and i c o n o l o g i c a l properties. Tenth century Type A paintings of "Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings," character- ized by i c o n i c presentation and i n large hanging s c r o l l format, were super- seded by mid-tenth century Type B narrative handscrolls consisting of "Ten Kings I l l u s t r a t i o n s " accompanied by Type Y texts, the edited and modified versions of t h e i r precursor, Type X. Textual i n v e s t i g a t i o n disclosed an a f f i l i a t i o n between Ten Kings paintings and texts, and the unprecedented suggestion that Type A paintings and Type X texts had a close iconographic and i c o n o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p Is made i n t h i s paper. Comparative analysis of I l l u s t r a t i o n s and texts shows that the Type X text, with emphasis on the concept of "Chui-shan" and "Yii-hsiu," corresponds i c o n o l o g i c a l l y to the large Type A hanging s c r o l l s used i n the funeral service, and that the Type Y text, which dealt e x c l u s i v e l y with "Yii-hsiu" accompanied the Type B handscrolls used for accruing r e l i g i o u s merit. Typological examination of thirteenth and fourteenth century Chinese paintings executed by professional painters in the Ning-p'o area, as well as scrutiny of t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese h e l l paintings, leads to speculation that the Ten Kings painting tradition between the tenth and thirteenth centuries was already depicting f u l l y developed hell scenes, despite the fact that there is a dearth of literary and pictorial evidence. Fourteenth century Japanese Ten Kings paintings reveal that Chinese proto- types had undergone "Japanization" and that one particular set of paintings owned by Nison-in was based on three separate Chinese prototypes: two Ning-p'o models, and the tenth century Type B tradition, as well as traditional Japanese motifs. One significant aspect of the Japanization of this set is discernible in the elaboration of the "Honjibutsu" (origins of Buddhist deities) and this fact has been interpreted in the context of fourteenth century Japanese Buddhism, the Zen sect in particular. i - i i i - TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i TABLE OF CONTENTS i i i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS i v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT v i i INTRODUCTION - 1 CHAPTER ONE. Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings Paintings, Type A 7 CHAPTER TWO. The Ten Kings I l l u s t r a t i o n , Type B 17 1. The F i r s t Scene, Sakyamuni Preaching (Plate 10-1) 18 2. The Second Scene, Six Bodhisattvas (Plate 10-2) 19 3. The Scene of a Messenger Riding on a Black Horse (Plate 10-3) 19 4. The Scene of the F i r s t King, Ch'in-kuang Wang (Plate 10-4) 20 5. The Scene of the Second King, Ch'u-chiang Wang (Plate 10-5) 21 6. The Scene of the Third King, Sung-ti Wang (Plate 10-6) 22 7. The Scene of the Fourth King, Wu-kuan Wang (Plate 10-7) 23 8. The Scene of the F i f t h King, Yen-lo Wang (Plate 11-8) 23 9. The Scene of the Sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang (Plate 11-9) 24 10. The Scene of the Seventh King, T'ai-shan Wang (Plate 11-10) 25 11. The Scene of the Eighth King, P'ing-cheng Wang (Plate 11-11) 25 12. The Scene of the Ninth King, Tu-shih Wang (Plate 11-12) 26 13. The Scene of the Tenth King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang (Plate 11-13) 26 14. The Last Scene (Plate 11-14) 27 CHAPTER THREE. , The Ten Kings Texts 30 CHAPTER FOUR. Japanization i n the Nison-in Ten Kings Paintings 36 CONCLUSION 52 NOTES 55 BIBLIOGRAPHY 71 APPENDIX 76 PLATES 77 - i v - P late LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings: The Mus^e Guimet - 983 A.D., hanging_scroll Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 108 Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings: The National Museum, New Delhi 10 c^, hanging s c r o l l Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 109 Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings: The Muse'e Guimet 10 c., hanging s c r o l l Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 111-b Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings: The B r i t i s h Museum 10 c^, hanging s c r o l l Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 110-a Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings: The National Musum, New Delhi 10 c^, hanging s c r o l l Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 111-a Ti-tsang: The British.Museum 10 c., hanging s c r o l l Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 105 An e s o t e r i c drawing of Ti-tsang: Ninna-j i 12 c. Rokudo-e PI. 27 Ti-tsang, Tao-ming, and the Lion: The Musee Guimet 981 A.D., hanging_scroll Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 113-b The Ten Kings and the H e l l Scene: The Kimiko and John Powers C o l l e c t i o n 14 c , hanging s c r o l l s Kobijutsu No. 23 The Ten Kings I l l u s t r a t e d Text: The Kuboso Museum 971 A.D.?, handscroll Kokka No. 621 The Ten Kings I l l u s t r a t i o n s : The ( P e l l i o t ) Muse'e Guimet (top) The (Stein) B r i t i s h Museum (middle) The Hojuin, Koyasan (bottom) handscrolls "Juo zukan no kozo" pp. 289-295 Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings: The B r i t i s h Museum 10 c^, hanging s c r o l l Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 110-b The texts of Shih Wang Ching: Nihon Shodo Hakbutsu-kan (Type X) The _ P e l l i o t 2003 q. (Type Y) "Juo zukan no kozo" pp. 259-267 A set of the Ten Kings: Nison-in, a t t r i b u t e d to Tosa Yukimitsu 14 c , hanging s c r o l l Five of the Ten Kings: The Metropolitan Museum of Arts, Chin Ta- 13 _ c , hanging s c r o l l Chugoku kaiga sogo zuroku Vol. 1 The Ten Kings: Hofuku-ji 14 c., hanging s c r o l l Juyo bunkazai 8 PI. 300 The t h i r d King, Sung-ti Wang Seigan-ji 13 c.?, hanging s c r o l l The f i f t h King, Yen-lo Wang Jo d o - j i 14 c , hanging s c r o l l The f i f t h King, Yen-lo Wang Zendo-ji 13 c , hanging s c r o l l - v i - Plate 42 The sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang Zendo-ji 13 c , hanging scroll 43 A painting of the Ten Kings set: Daitoku-ji 14 c.?, hanging scroll 44 The Ten Categories of the Universal World (Jukkai-zu) Zenrin-ji ca. 1300, hanging scrolls Juyo bunkazai 8 PI. 83 45 Details of Jukkai-zu: a. a hell river Kobijutsu No. 23 PI. 8 b. a demon figure Jigoku-e PI. 65 c. a woman on a needle tree Kobijutsu No. 23 PI. 7 46 The_sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang Koto-in 13 or 14 c.?, hanging scroll 47 A scene of the first King, Ch'in-kuang Wang from the Ten Kings Illustrated sutra: Toji 14 c.± handscroll Rokudo-e PI. 30 48 Details from Rokudo-e: Shojuraigo-ji 14 c , hanging scroll Heibonsha Jigoku-e 49 A painting of the Ten Kings set: Kanazawa Bunko The tenth King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang 13 or 14 c., hanging scroll - v i i - ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to express my wholehearted appreciation for the long-standing support and continuous stimulation of Dr. Moritaka Matsumoto and Dr. Mary Morehart of the Department of Fine Arts. Dr. Leon Hurvitz, of the Asian Studies Department, was a source of invaluable advice in the translation and interpretation of Buddhist manuscripts. I wish to acknowledge the generosity of the Ohira Foundation whose research grant gave me the opportunity to examine original paintings in Japan. Lastly, I would like to thank Ms. Lynn Katey for much appreciated encouragement and the editing of this thesis. INTRODUCTION The Ten Kings of H e l l (Shih Wang y* £ ) are the judges who during the term of three years between death and incarnation, examine the deeds of the dead and pass judgement. Sentient beings are sentenced according to t h e i r good and e v i l deeds and sent to one of the s i x d e s t i n i e s , which are those of the gods, men, asuras, animals, hungry ghosts and beings of h e l l . In order to eliminate, or at l e a s t decrease s u f f e r i n g at the court of each of the Ten Kings, and to be reborn i n the realm of gods a f t e r death, people were encouraged to perform such meritorious deeds as the copying of texts, the making of icons, and the performance of the mass of the Ten Kings. People performed the Ten Kings observances twice monthly to ensure a f e l i c i t o u s future l i f e f o r themselves, and on the dates when t h e i r deceased r e l a t i v e s would be facing judgement to ensure t h e i r r e b i r t h s . T h u s the c u l t of the Ten Kings, which was e n t i r e l y r e l a t e d to the ceremony f o r the dead and to the concept of death, became one of the most popular i n Buddhism a f t e r the l a t e T'ang Dynasty. The Teh Kings c u l t was most probably an offshoot of the Ti-tsang (Jizo i n Japanese, Ksitagarbha i n Sanskrit) c u l t which became popular i n the T'ang Dynasty (618-907). Ti-tsang i s a bodhisat- tva who had made a vow to save a l l beings, throughout the s i x d e s t i n i e s , during the period of the Buddha's absence from t h i s world. As ceremonies i n honor of Ti-tsang were commonly prac t i c e d by the l i v i n g f o r the dead, the c u l t of the Ten Kings most l i k e l y emerged from the context of the popular Ti-tsang c u l t , with i t s r e l i g i o u s emphasis on saving the dead from h e l l . The dates a f t e r t h e i r deaths on which people meet the Ten Kings are as follows: -2- The f i r s t King Ch'in-kuang Wang The second King Ch'u-chiang Wang The t h i r d King Sung-ti Wang The fourth King Wu-kuan Wang The f i f t h King Yen-lo Wang The s i x t h King Pien-ch'eng Wang The seventh King T'ai-shan Wang The eight King P'ing-cheng Wang The ninth King Tu-shih Wang The tenth King Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang JDL 3=Zv-3WJl on the t h i r d year Since the discovery of many paintings, and many copies of the sutras of the Ten Kings (Shin Wang at Tun-haung, studies on the Ten Kings have been undertaken by Buddhologists and art h i s t o r i a n s . However, the provenance and development of the c u l t of the Ten Kings i s s t i l l shrouded 2 i n mystery. The d i f f i c u l t i e s i n studying the development of the Ten Kings paintings l i e i n the f a c t that both Buddhologists and art h i s t o r i a n s have concentrated wholly upon t h e i r own s p e c i a l i z e d research without attempting a comprehensive i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the c u l t of the Ten Kings as a whole. This i n t e g r a l approach involves a combination of textual and iconographic i n v e s t i g a t i o n . In general, the texts of popular Buddhism were i n c l i n e d to be apocryphal i n an e f f o r t to authenticate the impure and adulterate ideas attached to on the f i r s t seventh day on the second seventh day ^ ^ i . on the t h i r d seventh day on the fourth seventh day on the f i f t h seventh day on the s i x t h seventh day on the seventh seventh day on the hundredth day on the f i r s t year -3- Buddhism. In the case of the Ten Kings b e l i e f , the Buddhist concepts of "karma" and the transmigration of souls were amalgamated with the Taoist concept of the j u r i d i c a l system of the netherworld as seen i n the T'ai-shan c u l t and the Confucian concepts of ancestor worship and f i l i a l p i e t y . 3 Texts of the Ten Kings are divided i n t o three basic types. The f i r s t , hereafter r e f e r r e d to as Type X, i s the simplest, and the one i n which the Ten Kings are merely named for purposes of r e c i t a t i o n rather than f o r i n d i - 4 v i d u a l d e s c r i p t i o n . The main theme of Type X texts i s concerned with the concept of Chui-shan }$ # (Tsui-zen i n Japanese), which refers to the benefits of performing a mass f o r the dead, and the concept of Yu-hsiu "f^i^ (Yoshu i n Japanese) which refe r s to the benefits of preparatory performances done by the l i v i n g f o r themselves. The second type, hereafter r e f e r r e d to as Type Y, i s a more developed version of Type X c o n s i s t i n g of alternate prose and seven-syllable verses describing the i n d i v i d u a l t r a i t s of the Ten Kings and emphasizing the benefits of preparatory performance by the l i v i n g . " ' A f t e r the second h a l f of the tenth century, the development of Type Y texts completely superseded Type X. The l a s t type, hereafter referred to as Type Z, i s problematic. I t i s the most elaborate of the three Ten Kings texts because both the seven-syllable verses and the prose contain d e t a i l e d descriptions of the Ten Kings. Type Z also includes Honjibutsu (or i g i n s of Buddhist d e i t i e s ) and t h i s f a c t puts i t s sources i n question. Both Type X and Type Y texts originated i n Northwestern China and other s i t e s while Type Y were found i n both Japan and Korea as w e l l . Type Z texts have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been considered a Japanese invention since they were seen only i n Japan, but because of the fa c t that some descriptions found only i n Type Z are also present i n tenth century Tun-huang paintings, one -4- theory i s that Type Z originated i n China. As f o r the development of the Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n , there are two c r u c i a l periods. The f i r s t period, covering the tenth century, i s g represented by two types, A and B. In Type A (Plates 1-5), Ti-tsang i s the c e n t r a l image which i s depicted f r o n t a l l y , s i t t i n g upon a lotus pedestal, and with a large halo. The Ten Kings are presented as subordinate icons juxtaposed, around Ti-tsang. As a r e s u l t of i t s r i g i d symmetrical and h i e r a r c h i c a l composition, Type A paintings are characterized .- by i c o n i c presentation. On the other hand, the Type B handscroll (Plates 10,11) i s a n a r r a t i v e presentation i n which Ti-tsang i s reduced to a secondary image and the Ten Kings are i n d i v i d u a l l y i l l u s t r a t e d i n continuous small scenes, accompanied by texts. In each scene, one king and a l l other accompanying figures are asymmetrically arranged and depicted i n three- quarter view. The scenes i n front of each king are ones of simple torture as actual h e l l scenes did not emerge u n t i l l a t e r i n the Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n . The i c o n i c type presentation of Ten Kings paintings was a pre- cursor to the n a r r a t i v e type presentation, which most l i k e l y emerged i n the mid-tenth century, and as both types developed simultaneously there was a c e r t a i n amount of mingling between the t r a d i t i o n s . The second c r u c i a l period, covering the t h i r t e e n t h and fourteenth centuries, saw the production of many sets of Ten Kings paintings by p r o f e s s i o n a l painters i n the Ning-p'o area. These sets (Plates 37-43,46,49) are markedly d i f f e r e n t , both icono- g r a p h i c a l l y and p i c t o r i a l l y , from those of the tenth century phase, and t h i s mass production implies that the Ten Kings c u l t was popular during t h i s time period although there i s no l i t e r a r y evidence to support the s p e c i f i c s h i f t i n presentation. Trying to investigate the Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n i n -5- the few centuries following the tenth i s problematic, but nevertheless, I w i l l speculate on the development of the t r a d i t i o n through t y p o l o g i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the Ning-p'o Ten Kings sets and corroborate t h i s with th i r t e e n t h and fourteenth century Japanese sources. Examination of the Japanese Ten Kings paintings, which are enormously indebted to Chinese prototypes, w i l l reveal that they contain c l e a r features of the Ning-p'o Ten Kings t r a d i t i o n , and t h i s Japanization of iconography-is a s i g n i f i c a n t art h i s t o r i c a l problem. The most representative example of Japanese Ten Kings paintings, and one that deserves s p e c i a l attention, i s a set owned by the Nison-in temple i n Kyoto (Plates 27-36) and registered as a National Treasure. This set i s comprised of ten hanging s c r o l l s i n d i v i d u a l l y depicting each of the Ten Kings. They are painted i n color on s i l k , and measure 99.3 cm i n height by 42.8 cm i n width.. The execution date of t h i s set has been sug- gested to be the second h a l f of the fourteenth century, and the painter of the set, according to the Japanese a r t h i s t o r i a n , J i r o Umezu, was the profes- s i o n a l court painter Tosa (Fujiwara) Yukimitsu. The Nison-in set i s the only extant work ever a t t r i b u t e d to t h i s painter who was active during the reign of Emperor Gokogon ( ^ C ^ C ) (1351-1371), despite the f a c t that there i s abundant l i t e r a r y material regarding Yukimitsu. As we s h a l l soon demonstrate, the Nison-in Ten Kings paintings are indebted to Chinese Ten Kings paintings i n t h e i r p i c t o r i a l and iconographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and yet c l e a r l y reveal t r a i t s of Japanese a r t i s t i c vocabu- l a r i e s , as f o r example i n the elaboration of Honjibutsu that i s a prominent c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Nison-in paintings. The iconography of Honjibutsu was o r i g i n a l l y developed as a part of E s o t e r i c Buddhism. Within Mikkyo, -6- D a i n i c h i Nyorai (Vairocana) was considered the o r i g i n (Honji) of everything i n the universe. His manifestation (Suijaku) was the h i s t o r i c a l Buddha 13 (Shakamuni). This main Hon-jaku r e l a t i o n s h i p was gradually expanded to include various d e i t i e s , and the resultant scheme was exemplified by mandala presentation. The Nison-in set of paintings depicts the Ten Kings and t h e i r Buddha and Bodhisattva o r i g i n s , as for example i n the s c r o l l of the f i r s t King where Ch'in-kuang Wang i s shown as the manifestation of Pu-tung Ming- wang (Fudo Miyo-o i n Japanese). This facet of Japanization, the elaboration of the Honjibutsu, should be interpreted i n the context of Japanese Buddhism. -7- • CHAPTER ONE Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings Paintings, Type A Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings paintings were already being executed during the tenth century. Type A, i n hanging s c r o l l format, depicted Ti-tsang as the c e n t r a l icon flanked by the Ten Kings (Plates 1-5). 1 The e a r l i e s t extant record of Type A paintings, i s found i n Shan-yu Shih-k'o Ts'ung-pien J_| jfi & a n d states that i n the l a s t year of the T'ang Dynasty (907), at a sub temple of Shen-f u-Shan-ssu ffi^^^t i n Shansi province, a painting of 2 Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings was executed along with sixteen Lohan paintings. Other l i t e r a r y records, p a r t i c u l a r l y a r t h i s t o r i c a l ones, suggest that the subject of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings continued to be popular into the Five Dynasties period (907-959). A record, Wu-tai Ming-hua Pu-i 3 L / f \ , ^ i ^ . ^ 3». states that the Five Dynasties painter Chang-t'u executed paintings of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings during the reign of Emperor T'ai tsu, Chu Ch'u'an- chung -$t4bitL' (907-912).~* Kuo Jo-hsii , i n h i s 1074 preface to T'u-hua Chien-wen Chih f$ tA/ , introduced a painter, Wang Ch'iao- shih i ^ "ir , i n h i s section dealing with Five Dynasties painters, as follows:^ Wang Ch'iao-shih: S k i l l e d at painting Buddhist and Taoist subjects and secular figures and most fond of doing the icons of the Bodhisattva Ksitigarbha (Ti-tsang) and the Ten Kings of H e l l . More than a hundred versions of t h i s theme have been preserved to modern times. From l i t e r a r y accounts we can see that many paintings of the Ten Kings were depicted along with the image of Ti-tsang during the l a t t e r part of the T'ang Dynasty and throughout the Five Dynasties period. Extant paintings of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings located at Tun-huang and considered to have been executed during the Five Dynasties or ea r l y Northern -8- Sung Dynasty periods, should have been s i m i l a r i n p i c t o r i a l and iconographic presentation to paintings of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings recorded i n l i t e r a r y sources. One Tun-huang painting housed i n the Musee Guimet (Plate 1) w i l l be used for c a r e f u l examination of Type A iconography as i t provides us with s i g n i f i c a n t information."' The pai n t i n g i s dated to the eighth year of T ' a i - p'ing Hsing-kuo (983) and gives complete iconographic information i n i t s well-preserved cartouches. The Type A pai n t i n g t r a d i t i o n , already i n force at the beginning of the tenth century, l a s t e d through the l a t e tenth century as evidenced by the 983 date f o r the Musee Guimet painting. The Type A painting i s a h i e r a r c h i c a l representation of figures with a large scale Ti-tsang located at the axis of the symmetrical composition, and the smaller scale Ten Kings placed to e i t h e r side of him, as i f they were attendants. This placement i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of i c o n i c presentation as opposed to Type B narrative presentation. Ti-tsang i s a more important f i g u r e than the Ten Kings iconographically, as evidenced by h i s c e n t r a l placement, f r o n t a l depiction, large halo, and elaborate canopy. The Mandala-like arrangement of the Ten Kings and t h e i r attendants, along with t h e i r p o r t r a y a l i n three quarter view suggests adoration and enhances the concept of Ti-tsang as a cult image. This deity, who had made the vow "to make a l l beings ripen i n the world of no existence of Buddha" and who had been instru c t e d by Buddha "with your great compassion, you (Ti-tsang) now wish to undertake the incon- ceivable task of rescuing a l l those i n the s i x paths who s u f f e r f o r t h e i r offences," had been worshipped as a Messiah image i n the world of the l a t t e r day of the Law (Mappo ) Ti-tsang's p o r t r a y a l as a monkish f i g u r e , which i s based upon Ti-tsang texts, i s h i s most credible iconographic t r a i t , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the context of the exoteric Buddhist t r a d i t i o n . At the same -9- time, among portrayals of him as a monk, there i s no consistent use of att r i b u t e s or mudras, most probably because there i s no de t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s figure i n exoteric Ti-tsang texts. Within Type A paintings iconographic motifs are rou t i n e l y depicted. For example, i n the Guimet painting, the major icon, Ti-tsang, i s depicted i n the same p i c t o r i a l and iconographic manner as h i s s o l i t a r y image i n other tenth century Tun-huang paintings, such as the B r i t i s h Museum painting (Plate 6). He i s seated upon a lotus pedestal, wears a hood over h i s head and shoulders, i s surrounded by an elaborate halo, and holds a long metal s t a f f with s i x r i n g s . He does not carry the usual jewelled b a l l i n h i s l e f t hand . though hi s hand gesture i s s i m i l a r to that of h i s f i g u r e i n , f o r example, the B r i t i s h Museum painting. This s i m i l a r i t y of hand gesture suggests that a jewelled b a l l should be held i n the l e f t hand of the Guimet Ti-tsang. In thirteenth and fourteenth century Ti-tsang paintings of China, Korea, and Japan, both a metal s t a f f and jewelled b a l l are frequent a t t r i b u t e s . The p i c t o r i a l pre- sentation of t h i s deity with both a t t r i b u t e s was a popular and long l a s t i n g t r a d i t i o n . The aforementioned iconographic features of Ti-tsang, though not described by exoteric texts', were found i n l a t e r e s o t e r i c l i t e r a r y sources ; and twelfth through fourteenth century compilations of iconographic drawings. Later mention of the s t a f f and jewelled b a l l a t t r i b u t e s can be found i n the Ti-tsang section of a book Buddhist commentary) written by Shingon p r i e s t Kakuzen i f j ^ f (1143-1217). The following quote i s Amoghavajra's rules of drawing icons) •? Ti-tsang secretes h i s bodhisattva p r a c t i c e i n himself and mani- f e s t s a monkish appearance outside. He holds a jewelled b a l l i n h i s l e f t hand a metal s t a f f i n h i s r i g h t hand, peacefully r e s i d i n g on the thousand-leaved and blue lotus flowers. -10- Although Fuku g i k i i s not extant and some scholars suspect i t s a u t h e n t i c i t y , i t can be s a f e l y stated that the Ti-tsang iconography of the Guimet pai n t i n g discloses a connection with e s o t e r i c iconography. In the Dojo-kan i n Kakuzen sho, p r i e s t Kakuzen i n s t r u c t e d how a d e t a i l e d image of Ti-tsang g could be manifested through the p r a c t i c e of v i s u a l i z a t i o n of Ti-tsang. There i s a lotus flowered pedestal on a platform. On the top of that there i s a l e t t e r of ^ . The l e t t e r turns i n t o a jewelled b a l l and the jewelled b a l l turns i n t o Ti-tsang Bodhisattva, appearing i n the f i g u r e of a monk. He wears a monkish garment of $L 1$. (an "Emancipation" banner). He holds a jewelled b a l l of p u r i f i e d Bodhi mind i n h i s r i g h t hand and i n h i s l e f t hand i s a metal s t a f f of f u l f i l m e n t of s i x savings. This v i s u a l i z a t i o n of Ti-tsang i s remarkably s i m i l a r to the image of Ti-tsang i n the Guimet painting and i n e s o t e r i c drawings such as the seventeen^Nin-na drawings (Plate 7). Since the p r a c t i c e of v i s u a l i z a t i o n i s one of the most Important and unique pr a c t i c e s of e s o t e r i c Buddhism, i t can be concluded that the figure of Ti-tsang depicted with both the s t a f f and jewelled b a l l as 9 a t t r i b u t e s might have originated from, and developed within, t h i s t r a d i t i o n . In short, the e s o t e r i c iconography of Ti-tsang with two a t t r i b u t e s was already popular at T u n - h u a n g i n the tenth century. I t i s quite under- standable that the representation of Ti-tsang i n Type A paintings i s that of a c u l t image, since t h i s i s appropriate for i c o n i c representation. Above the figure of Ti-tsang, an inseparable iconographic motif, the s i x d e s t i n i e s , i s represented. In the Guimet painting, the d e s t i n i e s of man, asuras, and h e l l , are i l l u s t r a t e d on the r i g h t hand side from top to bottom, and the realms of devas, beasts, and hungry demons are portrayed on the l e f t i n a s i m i l a r manner. The ordering of s i x d e s t i n i e s from h e l l to deva, arranged from bottom to top, follows the basic t r a d i t i o n a l presentation A l l the beings from the s i x destinies seem to have been saved by Ti-tsang and h i s compassionate vow as they are on t h e i r way to the heaven h a l l on an ascending cloud. In the Guimet painting, beneath Ti-tsang's pedestal, there i s a l i o n on the r i g h t and a monk on h i s knees doing the a n j a l i mudra (a gesture of prayer) on the l e f t . The cartouches i d e n t i f y the l i o n as the golden-haired l i o n Chin-mao Shih-tzu , and the monk as Tao-ming Ho-shang There are two contradictory accounts about the golden-haired l i o n and Tao-ming which are rather puzzling. The Sung Buddhist sources Fo Tsu T'ung Chi fa fa # u & £ > and Shih Men Cheng T'ung .#U^j£Jjvi) state that i n the T'ang dynasty, Tao-ming entered purgatory, c a r e f u l l y observed the Ten Kings passing judgement, and upon return to the world t o l d of what he had seen."^ Neither of the Sung accounts mention Tao-ming i n r e l a t i o n to Ti-tsang but they do l i n k him to the Ten Kings. A fragment of the Tun-haung document, Huan Hun Chi ~!&Ji$b&fl> (the record of the returning s p i r i t ) (Stein 3092), speaks of Tao-ming and a golden-haired l i o n i n connection with Ti-tsang iconography though there i s no mention of the Ten Kings.''""'" The story of Tao-ming i n Huan Hun Chi has been summarized by E i i c h i Matsumoto, and the 12 following account i s based upon h i s rendering. When he was taken into purgatory by mistake i n the thirteenth year of T a - l i 7\. 1%. (778) he saw a meditating monk with a l i o n beside him. The monk's eyes looked l i k e blue lotus and h i s face l i k e a f u l l moon. He was upon a jewelled lotus and held a s t a f f i n h i s hand. Tao-ming i d e n t i f i e d him with Ti-tsang and the l i o n with a manifestation of the Bodhisattva, Manjusri. The appearance of Ti-tsang was d i f f e r e n t from the t y p i c a l monkish image of the fi g u r e . (E. Matsumoto suggests that the Ti-tsang whom Tao-ming saw should have been a hooded figure.)13 Ti-tsang ordered Tao- ming to t e l l people i n th i s world the d e t a i l s of Ti-tsang's appearance and to advise them to r e c i t e the mantra ) of Ti-tsang. A f t e r Tao-ming came back from purgatory, he recounted and drew what he saw there. -12- In keeping with t h i s d e t a i l e d story of Tao-ming there i s a Tun-huang, painting (Plate 8), dated 981, which i l l u s t r a t e s Tao-ming and the l i o n with a s o l i t a r y f i g u r e of Ti-tsang. The above l i t e r a r y record, with i t s i n t e g r a t i o n of Ti-tsang, Tao-ming, and the l i o n , leads us to believe that the Ten Kings might be a l a t t e r addition to the iconography that i s exempli- 14 f i e d i n the Guimet Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings painting. Eventually the iconography of Ti-tsang the Ten Kings, and Tao-ming and the l i o n became standardized. Referring back to the Sung records of Fo Tsu T'ung Chi and Shih Men Cheng T'ung, where a t i g h t r e l a t i o n s h i p between Tao-ming and Ten Kings i s mentioned, we can see that a s h i f t occurred i n t h i s iconography and that the Ten Kings came to replace Ti-tsang. In the Guimet painting, the Ten Kings, Shih Wang , are positioned on both sides of the Ti-tsang f i g u r e , and arranged i n order from the f i r s t King who i s met on the seventh day a f t e r death to the tenth King who i s seen i n the t h i r d year a f t e r death. Even though each King i s rendered almost i d e n t i c a l l y , i s i n the same pose, wears a Chinese o f f i c i a l - l i k e long dress with a crown, and holds a sceptre, there are, fortunately, cartouches to i d e n t i f y the fi g u r e s . The kings are positioned from the top r i g h t downward as Ch'in-kuang Wang, ̂  fc\ , Ch'u-chiang Wang ^ t f j t i , Sung-ti Wang i - , Wu-kuang Wang J L , and Yen-lo Wang j ^ i and from bottom l e f t upward as Pien-ch'eng Wang , T'ai-shan Wang i L v i . , P'ing-cheng Wang - S p j E - i - , Tu-shih Wang %f~^^- , and Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang 7? T& Sfc The f i f t h king, Yen-lo Wang, i s conspicuous because of h i s rectangu- l a r shaped crown, and the tenth king, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang because of h i s armor and helmet. These two kings provide a means of i d e n t i f y i n g the order of the Ten Kings i n other Tun-huang paintings of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings even when the i n s c r i p t i o n s are i l l e g i b l e or the cartouches empty. Having -re- established the i d e n t i t y of these two kings, i t may be possible to draw several d i f f e r e n t arrangements of the group of Ten Kings as a whole. Their order i n the Tun-huang paintings i s as follows: 1. The Musee Guimet ver s i o n (date: 983) (Plate 1) 2. The New Delhi Museum version (Plate 2) 3. The Musee Guimet version (Plate 3) 4. The B r i t i s h Museum version (Plate 4) <7 V y ft ^7 ft -14- 5. The New Delhi Museum version (Plate 5) The l a t e r Japanese painting c o l l e c t i o n of K.&J. Powers (Plate 9) i 3 s n 1 l» 8 b 4 z Despite severe damage to t h i s f i f t h painting, i t seems to me that the f i g u r e i n the bottom r i g h t i s wearing armor and might be the tenth king. These drawings make clear that the numerical arrangement of the figures i s d i f f e r e n t i n every case, and yet they are always i n l i n e a l order. I t i s perhaps useful to note that i n l a t e r Japanese Ten Kings paintings t h i s pattern i s not applied and that the figures appear i n even and odd-number sequences. This arrangement i s evident i n the painting owned by Kimiko and John Powers (Plate 9). In the Guimet painting, the Ten Kings are subordinate to Ti-tsang i n terms of t h e i r iconographic presentation. I t seems that i n d i - v i d u al d i s t i n c t i o n s between the Ten Kings were not considered of primary importance and that the impersonal and monotonous ch a r a c t e r i z a t i o n was considered adequate. A b r i e f summary of the legend from Ti-tsang P'u-sa Hsaing-ling-yen chi. % %^ifyM$)$%b, dated 989, and compiled by Ch'ang Chin ijfy , i s as follows:"'""' -15- During the T'ien-fu era ^ . - f f ? (936-943) a western monk, Chih Yu ^ %ta brought a pai n t i n g of Ti-tsang and the Sanskrit text of Pen-yuan Kong-te Ching ^ / j ^ 7# #J~ (probably r e f e r r i n g to Ti-tsang P'u-sa Pen-yuan Ching 1&^%i'$Lfa.lw{ %!& . A hooded Ti-tsang was depicted i n a c i r c l e at the centre of the painting with a s t a f f i n h i s hand and was accompanied by the Ten Kings. Five of them are placed at the l e f t and they are Ch'in-kuang Wang, Ch'u-chiang Wang, Sung-ti Wang, Wu-kuan Wang, and Yen-lo Wang. The remaining f i v e at the r i g h t are Pien-ch'eng Wang, T'ai-shan Wang, P-ing- cheng Wang, Tu-shih Wang, and Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang. Each king has assistants such as Ssu-ming $ £^ and Ssu-lu ^ . The o r i g i n a l story of t h i s painting goes: a long time ago i n India a bodhisattva made a great vow to save sentient beings who s u f f e r and went to the c a s t l e of the Ten Kings with the painting of Ti-tsang and obtained the cooperation of the Ten Kings. Subsequently the figures of the Ten Kings were added to paintings of Ti-tsang. The d e s c r i p t i o n of.the r e l a t i o n s h i p of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings i n th i s .0 story i s i n keeping with t h e i r depiction i n the. Guimet painting. In other words, since the 989 date of Ti-tsang P'u-sa Hsaing-ling-yen Chi, i s so close to that of the Guimet painting, 983, the remarkable s i m i l a r i t i e s i n iconographic and p i c t o r i a l presentation of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings indicates that there was an established t r a d i t i o n f or the c u l t of the Ten Kings and Ti-tsang i n the l a t e tenth century. The f r o n t a l i t y of the ce n t r a l icon, Ti-tsang, and the systematic arrange- ment of the Ten Kings around him, creates an i c o n i c image of the Type A t r a d i t i o n . The e s o t e r i c a t t r i b u t e s of Ti-tsang proper can be understood as manifestations of r i t u a l i s t i c a n d - d e v o t i o n a l factors of e s o t e r i c Buddhism. The i n s c r i p t i o n i n the Type A Guimet pai n t i n g says that t h i s painting was produced for a daughter of Mr. Chang, a 16 subordinate of the l o c a l m i l i t a r y r u l e r , T'sao. The pain t i n g was meant to praise her meritorious deeds while a l i v e , and to wish her happiness a f t e r death. I t i s obvious that t h i s Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings hanging s c r o l l -16- was meant to function as part of the funerary services for Miss Chang. The large size of this painting, and i t s hanging s c r o l l format, certainly cor- respond to i t s public function in the Chui-shan services i t * (acquisition of merits for the dead). From the literary records cited previously, the tradition of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings can be seen to have reached back as far as the end of the T'ang dynasty and to have lasted for some time. -17- CHAPTER TWO The Ten Kings Illustration, Type B Another type of the early phase of the Ten Kings of Hell paintings is found in illustrations for the sutra of the Ten Kings (Shih Wang Ching, "j* >&§b.) °f which there are four illustrated versions, (Shih Wang T'u Chuan, ~f ~£- 'JL? } (Plates 10-16). ^ These illustrations show clear differences with the "Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings" type previously discussed. In the Type B each of the Ten Kings is shown individually accompanied by a section from the sutra. These continuing small scenes of the Ten Kings give a narrative quality to the illustrations. On the other hand, in the Type A Ten Kings and Ti-tsang paintings, a l l Ten Kings are neatly arranged around the central figure, Ti-tsang, and this placement imparts a devotional quality. This difference of presentation, where the Type A are done as hanging scrolls and Type B as handscrolls, is very significant in that i t suggests an iconographic and iconological development between the two types. Before interpreting these developments, the Type B Ten Kings i l l u s t r a - tions w i l l be examined in order to understand their iconographic features. Our attention w i l l f i r s t be focussed upon the Kuboso Museum version of the Ten Kings illustrated sutra (Plates 10-11), the most significant of the four Type B versions because of i t s cyclical date, Hsin Wei (/5Jh ) , which w i l l be crucial i n reconstructing the tradition of the Ten Kings of Hell paintings. The inscription at the end of this handscroll gives us a significant clue when considering the function of Type B paintings. It says that the s c r o l l was completed on the tenth day of the twelfth month in the year of Hsin Wei, and that a Buddhist disciple, Tung Wen-yuan ^ jjr ^ , copied i t at the age of sixty-eight. - l o - i n the following pages, I w i l l i nvestigate how each i l l u s t r a t i o n cor- responds to the text and observe the iconographic t r a i t s of each scene In the Type B i l l u s t r a t i o n s . 1. The F i r s t Scene, Sakyamuni Preaching (Plate 10-1) The f i r s t scene i l l u s t r a t e s the preaching scene of 'Sakyamuni at Kusinagar before entering Nirvana, and i s based upon the section of Shih Wang Ching which Immediately follows t h i s scene. I t i s comparable i n i t s compositional scheme to the Type A Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings pa i n t i n g housed i n the B r i t i s h Museum (Plate 17) i n which the Ten Kings are divided into two groups and arranged diagonally so as to meet at the top. Moreover, the motifs of Tao- ming, the four o f f i c i a l s , and the good and bad youths, which were character- i s t i c of the iconography of the Ten Kings and Ti-tsang Type A paintings, are revealed i n t h i s f i r s t scene of Sakyamuni preaching. The remarkable s i m i l a r i - t i e s between them suggest that t h i s scene of Sakyamuni preaching i n the Ten Kings i l l u s t r a t i o n must have been c l o s e l y l i n k e d to the t r a d i t i o n of the Ten Kings and Ti-tsang p a i n t i n g exemplified by the B r i t i s h Museum version. On the other hand, the differences between the two types c l e a r l y reveals that the cen t r a l f i g u r e , Ti-tsang, and h i s attendants, have been replaced by that of Sakyamuni and h i s two great d i s c i p l e s , Sariputta and Moggaltana. The depiction of Sakyamuni and h i s d i s c i p l e s follows the de s c r i p t i o n of Sakyamuni preaching i n the text, and i t was probably included to give a d d i t i o n a l c r e d i - b i l i t y to the Shih Wang Ching, which has been regarded as a l a t e r Chinese invention since the Buddha's preaching scene had become a common subject f o r 3 sutra f r o n t i s p i e c e i l l u s t r a t i o n . -19- In short, the mixture of the two iconographic t r a d i t i o n s , that of Sakyamuni preaching, and that of the Ten Kings and Ti-tsang, i s manifested i n the f i r s t scene of the Ten Kings i l l u s t r a t i o n . 2. The Second Scene, Six Bodhisattvas (Plate 10-2) The second scene i n the Kuboso Museum version represents s i x Bodhisat- tvas, Ti-tsang Jffl %, , Lung-shu H #f , Chiu-k'u Kuan-shih-yin $Cl§ f$->l£ -f , Chin-kang-tsang &$'\MK , Ch'ang-pei , and T'o-lo-ni F & f e ^ . The text following t h i s i l l u s t r a t i o n names these s i x Bodhisattvas who came to Sakyamuni and unanimously praised the compassion f o r ordinary people inherent i n h i s excellent dharma, as i t spared them from death. The figures of these s i x Bodhisattvas are placed independently on a p l a i n background, with no consideration f o r natural s e t t i n g , and t h i s gives an impersonal and devotional q u a l i t y to the Bodhisattvas that i s quite s i m i l a r to the format 4 of an e s o t e r i c mandala. 3. The Scene of a Messenger Riding on a Black Horse.(Plate 10-3) This scene i s a f a i t h f u l i l l u s t r a t i o n of the accompanying text. I t describes the King, Yen-lo, ordering h i s messenger to determine whether or not the dead have done meritorious deeds. The messenger rides a black horse, i s dressed i n black, and c a r r i e s a black banner. In t h i s scene the messenger i s depicted i n three-quarter view, which emphasizes h i s na r r a t i v e function rather than h i s i c o n i c s i g n i f i c a n c e . This i s the f i r s t time we notice the introduction of a narrative element to these i l l u s t r a t i o n s . In contrast to the opening two scenes, a l l others contribute toward the narrative q u a l i t y of the whole. -20- The following ten scenes are i l l u s t r a t i o n s of each of the Ten Kings of H e l l . Some of these scenes c l e a r l y show the iconographic t r a i t s of the Kings p i c t o r i a l l y , and confirm them i n the texts, while others simply repre- sent the Kings i n judgement and give no s p e c i f i c iconographic descriptions i n t h e i r texts. Although there i s no clear c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n f or some of the Kings, i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t to note that a l l Ten Kings are rendered as judges, and that a l l are considered independently, occupying separate scenes. More- over, placement of the three-quarter view figures around the Ten Kings sug- gests a sta g e - l i k e s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between them and helps to create an active narration of the judgement scenes. This i s one of the major d i f f e r - ences i n p i c t o r i a l i z a t i o n between Type B and Type A paintings where the Kings are simply arranged around a cen t r a l icon, Ti-tsang, and display no animation. 4. The Scene of the F i r s t King, Ch'in-kuang Wang 4$: A (Plate 10-4) The text to th i s scene narrates as follows:^ On the f i r s t seventh day one passes Ch'in-kuang Wang. In praise one says: 'On the f i r s t seventh day, the dead are i n the i n t e r v a l between the incarnations. The sheep driven i n the columns are numerous as grain dust. B r i e f l y , facing the f i r s t king, they l i s t the f a s t s . But they have not yet forded the r i v e r Styx.' As the text only t e l l s us that the r o l e common to a l l of the Ten Kings of H e l l i s the judgement of the dead, the i l l u s t r a t i o n here simply presents the King without any of h i s s p e c i f i c a t t r i b u t e s . Ch'in-kuang Wang, who stands behind the desk with two attendants and one o f f i c i a l , i s i n v e s t i g a t i n g -21- the four dead i n front of him. The document on h i s desk i s probably a record of the good and bad deeds done i n t h e i r l i f e t i m e . Two of the dead hold a copy of a sutra and are judged by the King to have s a f e l y passed t h i s court and to be ready to go on to the", next. The two remaining dead souls* shackled at the neck, are sentenced to be punished because of t h e i r bad deeds. The motifs mentioned above are not l i m i t e d to t h i s scene but appear throughout the f o l - lowing scenes of the Ten Kings. 5. The Scene of the Second King, Ch'u-chiang Wang fa ;X_£- (Plate 10-5) The text of t h i s scene says the following: On the second seventh day one passes Ch'u-chiang Wang. In praise one says: 'On the second seventh day the dead cross the r i v e r Styx. In thousands of herds and myriads of columns they cross the r i v e r ' s waves. Ox-headed demons who drag them on the way clamp the poles oh t h e i r shoulders And then demon s o l d i e r s that egg them on carry t h e i r p i t c h f o r k s upright i n t h e i r hands.' This scene i l l u s t r a t e s the text by showing demons pushing one person i n t o the r i v e r while three others cross i t . We also see such things as a thorny tree on which torn clothes are hung and a woman crossing a bridge, which seem to reveal an iconographic meaning not stated i n the text. I t i s only i n the Japanese copy of the sutra of the Ten Kings of H e l l , Type Z, that we f i n d these motifs associated with Ch'u-chiang Wang. The section of this King i n the Type Z text c a l l e d Tj-tsang P'i-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ch'ing ^-f £ f& , says that there are three places to cross the r i v e r : a rushing mountainstream, a deep and wide -22- r i v e r , and a place crossed by a bridge where there i s a b i g tree, c a l l e d " I r y o j u under which l i v e two demons, an old woman who removes the cloth i n g of the dead, and an old man who hangs these clothes on the branches to weigh the sins of the dead. Though the old man and woman under the tree do not appear i n th i s scene, we can i d e n t i f y the tree as Iryoju and perhaps surmise that the woman crossing the bridge has led a meritorious " l i f e % .. The scene as a whole presents the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Ch'u-chinag Wang as understood by both the text accompanying t h i s scene and that of the Type Z text.^ Furthermore, t h i s i l l u s t r a t i o n of Ch'u-chiang Wang i n v i t e s us to reconsider the o r i g i n s of the Japanese sutra of the Ten Kings of H e l l g i n the context of the Chinese Ten Kings c u l t t r a d i t i o n . 6. The Scene of the Third King, Sung-ti Wang j£- (Plate 10-6) The text f o r t h i s King does not give any clear c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n , but says as follows: On the t h i r d seventh day one passes Sung-ti Wang. In praise one says, 'On the third, seventh day, the dead; a l l the more alarmed, are f i r s t aware of the length of the steep road of the nether world. Each name i s recorded, and they are known whereabout i n herds they are driven to the king, Wu-kuan Wang.' The i l l u s t r a t i o n f o r the text simply shows a scene i n which the King, Sung-ti Wang, inspects the dead. This scene i s another example of the t y p i c a l and f a m i l i a r representation of the King's judgement as seen i n the previous section of Ch'in-kuang Wang. -23- 7. The Scene of the Fourth King, Wu-kuan Wang J E . ^@ £~ (Plate 10-7) The text f o r t h i s scene says the following: On the fourth seventh day one passes Wu-kuan Wang. In praise one says: 'Even i f Wu-kuan Wang's scale of deeds stands i d l e , the young men to the l e f t and to the r i g h t carry a complete r e g i s t e r of acts. Can t h e i r lightness or gravity possibly be a matter of t h e i r own wishes? No, the height or depth of t h e i r destiny n a t u r a l l y depends on (the) former causes and conditions.' The motif of the empty scale appears i n a l l four versions of the Type B Ten Kings of H e l l and must be regarded as a d e f i n i t e iconographic a t t r i b u t e . 8. The Scene of the F i f t h King, Yen-lo Wang flfl (Plate 11-8) The text for t h i s scene says the following: On the f i f t h seventh day one passes Yen-lo Wang. In praise one says: 'On the f i f t h seventh day, although Yamaraja (Yen-lo) quiets the voice of a l t e r c a t i o n the rancour i n the sinners' hearts i s not assuaged. When t h e i r h a i r i s pul l e d and heads are l i f t e d , so that they can see the mirror of t h e i r deeds, then f o r the f i r s t time, they have a clear understanding of events i n t h e i r former l i v e s . ' Yen-lo Wang i s seen here with h i s i d e n t i f y i n g a t t r i b u t e , the mirror. This motif i s consistently portrayed i n a l l the Type B versions and i s 9 described i n the Japanese copy.of Type Z as w e l l . -24- In the Kuboso Museum version, Ti-tsang, Tao-ming and the l i o n , an iconographic unit also seen i n Type A, i s arranged i n the background l e f t of Yen-lo Wang, and th i s i n c l u s i o n of the fi g u r e of Ti-tsang needs to be sc r u t i n i z e d . I t i s worth mentioning that the text f or t h i s scene has no reference to Ti-tsang, while i n Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching Ti-tsang i s mentioned as Yen-lo Wang."^ This j o i n t appearance of Ti-tsang and Yen-lo i n the Type B painting shows c l e a r l y that there must have been a d e f i n i t e connection between the Type B examples and Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching, though i t cannot yet be substantiated with any more concrete evidence than that mentioned above. 9. The Scene of the Sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang 'l£ $KJ- (Plate 11-9) The text f o r t h i s scene says the following: On the s i x t h seventh day one passes Pien-ch'eng Wang. In pr a i s e , one says: 'The dead a f t e r the s i x t h seventh day, entangled i n the nether world, are acutely f e a r f u l of being reborn as men and becoming addicted i n t h e i r f o l l y to t h e i r thoughts. Day a f t e r day, a l l they see i s the force of merits. But both the palace of the gods and h e l l i t s e l f are for but a moment.' So f a r we have concentrated our attention on the Kubuso Museum e d i t i o n but now we w i l l concentrate on the P e l l i o t version (Plate 14-9). A f a i t h f u l representation of the text shows two figures ascending pn a cloud and. a glimpse of h e l l , whereas the other three versions show only a f a m i l i a r judgement scene presided over by a King of H e l l . For some reason the depiction of Heaven and H e l l i n the P e l l i o t version of Pien-ch'eng Wang -25- did not seem to become standard with the other Type B paintings. 10. The Scene of the Seventh King, T'ai-shan Wang 7\ *k (Plate 11-10) The text says the following: On the seventh seventh day one passes T'ai-shan Wang. In praise one says: 'On the seventh seventh day, the dead in the interval between incarnations and in the nether world, single-mindedly seek an intimate reunion with their parents. Though their meritorious deeds at this time are s t i l l not determined, yet they see what causes they shall create for rebirth as man or woman.' Since the l i t e r a l description of this King offers no iconographic particulars, the Kuboso Museum version simply illustrates the scene of judge- ment presided over by the King, T'ai-shan Wang. 11. The Scene of the Eighth King, P'ing-cheng Wang J E ~ £ - (Plate 11-11) The text for this scene says the following: On the hundredth day one passes P'ing-cheng Wang. In praise one says" 'Personally encountering stocks and pi l l o r y and suffering blows or whips. Both men and women, by striving to cultivate merit, escape a f a l l and a long sojourn in the bitter place of h e l l . ' The Illustration corresponds faithfully to the text in i t s depiction of an o f f i c i a l beating his subject and of the pill o r y as the torture mechanism. We learn here that these punishments are characteristic of P'ien-cheng Wang. -26- 12. The Scene of the Ninth King, Tu-shih Wang ffi'fe' %~ (Plate 11-12) The text f or t h i s scene says the following: On the ninth f i r s t year one passes Tu-shih Wang. In praise one says: 'Spending a year here, i n ever greatly s u f f e r i n g , what cause of merit should men and women cu l t i v a t e ? Ere yet the course of gyration through the s i x de s t i n i e s has been determined, by copying s c r i p t u r e and b u i l d i n g images l e t them bridge the ford of stray wandering.' The Kuboso Museum version depicts, j u s t as was the case with the previous King, a f a m i l i a r scene of the King confronting h i s sinners. The P e l l i o t version (Plate 15-12), however, has the added p i c t o r i a l element of the s i x d e s t i n i e s , indicated i n d i f f e r e n t colours by bands flowing upward from the side of the King. The i n s e r t i o n of t h i s iconographic motif i n the P e l l i o t version can sa f e l y be a t t r i b u t e d to the content of the text, with the implica- t i o n that the decision w i l l f i n a l l y be made i n the court of Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang. 13. The Scene of the Tenth King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang 3L5&,^%fi&r£- (Plate 11-13) The text says the following: On the tenth t h i r d year one passes Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang. In praise one says: 'The l a s t three to .be traversed are these b a r r i e r s and fords. Good and bad depend s o l e l y on the basis of merits (and other deeds) -27- and the e v i l are s t i l l (?) tormented by fear that within a thousand days, There are maybe premature b i r t h , s t i l l b i r t h , and early death.' In a l l Type B versions t h i s scene presents the King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang, with h i s attendants and the Six realms, suggesting that the dead have already been sentenced, and that t h e i r ultimate destiny i n one of the Six realms has been decided. A d i s t i n c t i v e p i c t o r i a l feature, which i s t y p i c a l of Type A representation of t h i s King, i s h i s armor and helmet. 14. The Last Scene (Plate 11-14) The text f o r t h i s scene says the following: When the ten fasts (for the Ten Kings of Hell) are complete, one w i l l be exempted from the ten c a r d i n a l sins and w i l l be permitted to be born into heaven. In praise one says: 'One body i n the s i x d e s t i n i e s i s with woe beset. (Because of) the ten e v i l s f o r the three (lowest) de s t i n i e s there i s no s u b s t i t u t e . For the d i l i g e n t keeping of the f a s t one's merit i s p e r f e c t , and sins as numerous as Ganges' sands simply melt away.' The scene shows a sinner, free from the tortures of h e l l , worshipping a T i - t s a n g - l i k e f i g u r e , and a demon of h e l l on a c o i l e d snake threatening a man i n front of the i r o n fence of h e l l . Y. Tokushi and K. Ogawa i n t h e i r a r t i c l e , "Juo-zukan no kozo," suggest that the monk here might not be T i - tsang but rather Tao-ming, because of h i s monkish a t t i r e instead of the hooded garb t r a d i t i o n a l for Ti-tsang. Also absent are Ti-tsang's a t t r i b u t e s , 12 a s t a f f and a jewelled b a l l . I t i s true that t h i s f i g u r e i s rendered i n -28- a manner remarkably s i m i l a r to the depiction of Tao-ming i n the scene of Yen-lo Wang (Plate 11-8), however, i n t h i s case i t would be more understand- able to i d e n t i f y him with Ti-tsang, as he has the a b i l i t y to save beings i n a l l of the s i x realms, but p a r t i c u l a r l y from h e l l . As demonstrated above, the method of i l l u s t r a t i o n employed i n the Type B serie s i s remarkably d i f f e r e n t from that of Type A.and, but for a few cases of notable i d e n t i f y i n g correspondences, the iconographical and p i c t o r i a l features are also divergent. In Type B paintings many of the Ten Kings have unique a t t r i b u t e s and se t t i n g s . P a r t i c u l a r l y revealing are the scenes of Ch'u-chiang Wang %UvLi- , Wu-kuan Wang 2- , Yen-lo Wang , and Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang & ^ ^ | ^ " i £ - . The d i f f e r i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s dramatically separate Type B paintings from Type A, i n which the main purpose of the figures of the Kings i s to form a meaningful iconographic e n t i t y rather than e s t a b l i s h any i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y . The Kings are secondary icons whose function i s to lend support to the primary fi g u r e of Ti-tsang. In Type B paintings the r o l e of Ti-tsang becomes subordinate to that of the Ten Kings and he i s seen only i n a narrative context with the King, Yen-lo, or again i n the f i n a l scene. How can these s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n the p i c t o r i a l and iconographic presentation of the Ten Kings of H e l l i n Type A and Type B paintings be i n t e r - preted i n the context of the c u l t of the Ten Kings of Hell? This question leads us i n e v i t a b l y to the chronology of the two types. As mentioned pre- viou s l y , the dating of Type A paintings can be established as being from the l a t e days of the T'ang dynasty i n the e a r l y tenth century through to the l a t e tenth century, as exemplified by the 983 date f o r the Guimet pai n t i n g of T i - tsang and the Ten Kings. On the other hand, the dating of the Type B t r a d i t i o n -29- has not been solidly established since there are no firmly datable extant versions. The Kuboso Museum version has only the cyclical date, Hsin Wei 1% » and this offers as possible dates 911, 971 or 1031."^ To fix the date of the Kuboso Museum version, we must first investigate its text in the light of the development of the tradition of the Ten Kings sutra. -30- CHAPTER THREE The .Ten'Kings Texts In the following section I w i l l discuss the texts of the Ten Kings and keep the dating of the Kuboso Museum version open u n t i l a bet t e r understanding of the s i g n i f i c a n t differences between the various texts has been established. There are b a s i c a l l y two types of 10th century Shih Wang texts, X and Y. The Type X texts, (Plates 18-26, upper se c t i o n s ) , consist only of prose pas- sages and the other, Type Y, (Plates 18-26, lower s e c t i o n s ) , consist of prose a l t e r n a t i n g with the seven-syllable "gatha" form of verse.^ The Type Y texts, many of which are accompanied by i l l u s t r a t i o n s , as seen i n the Kuboso Museum version f or example, can be i d e n t i f i e d with the previously discussed Type B 2 paintings i n terms of iconographic and i c o n o l o g i c a l issues. The basic content of both Type X and Type Y i s i d e n t i c a l i n that i t i s concerned with Buddha's preaching j u s t before h i s Nirvana at Kusinagara. I t i s here that he predicted h i s impending Buddhahood to Yen-lo, a r u l e r of h e l l , and encouraged a l l beings to perform observances associated with the Ten Kings i n order to insure benefits f o r themselves a f t e r death. The differences between Type X and Type Y texts are also c l e a r l y recognizable. One of these d i s t i n g u i s h i n g d i f f e r - 3 ences i s the ordering of the Ten Kings. Sung-ti Wang, the second King i n a l l Type X texts, i s the t h i r d King i n a l l Type Y texts. S i m i l a r l y , Ch'u- chiang Wang, the t h i r d king i n Type X texts, appears as the second king i n those of Type Y. Since the order i n which the Ten Kings are presented relates s p e c i f i c a l l y to the number of days a f t e r death, this order would be important i n any ceremonies of the Ten Kings c u l t , and any changes would i n d i c a t e some d i s t i n c t i v e s h i f t i n the t r a d i t i o n of the c u l t . In other words, i t should be impossible f o r d i f f e r e n t orderings of the Ten Kings to coexist i f each i s -31- representative of a s p e c i f i c observance wi t h i n a meaningful sequence. I f the Ten Kings were co n s i s t e n t l y considered as a group rather than as s t r i c t l y ordered i n d i v i d u a l s then the d i f f e r i n g order of the Ten Kings might be seen as an i n d i c a t i o n of a change i n the development of Shih Wang texts from Type X to Type Y. There i s further evidence regarding the chronological sequence between the two types. In Type X texts the Ten Kings are merely named, for purposes of r e c i t a t i o n , and not given any i n d i v i d u a l c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n (Plates 23-25, upper s e c t i o n s ) . The l i s t i n g of the Kings names, one a f t e r another, i s reminiscent of Type A paintings where the figures are i l l u s t r a t e d i n an impersonal " l i n e up," each one named by a cartouche. In the Type Y texts each of the Ten Kings i s characterized by a seven-syllable verse, the same as i n Type B paintings. Along with t h i s addition of seven-syllable verses the name of the monk, Tsang-ch'uan "| of the Ta-sheng-tz'u-ssu 7\^J^), i n Ch'eng-tu. > appears at the beginning of the text (Plate 18, lower s e c t i o n ) . Tsang-ch'uan i s generally considered to have been the one to add the seven-syllable verses between the prose sections i n the Type Y text while i n the process of e d i t i n g and elaborating upon i t , and so i n 4 e f f e c t was the creator of a new Type Y version. In addition to t h i s , Tsang- ch' uan must also have been responsible for reversing the order of the second and t h i r d Kings.^ From the preceding evidence i t can be seen that Type X must have been p r i o r to Type Y i n the chronology of the texts of Shih Wang.^ In regard to the execution date of Type X, there are two versions of thi s type which are f i r m l y dated; the Nakamura version, dated to 936, and the Stein 6230 version, dated to 926. Since these f i x e d dates of Type X versions suggest that the Type X Shih Wang texts were being copied i n the 32- f i r s t h a l f of the tenth century, three other Type X versions with only c y c l i c a l dates can probably be s a f e l y dated as follows; the year of Mou Ch'en f o r the Stein 4530 version, 908; the year of Hsin Wei ^ f o r the Stein 5544 version, 911; and the year of Keng Ch'en f o r the S t e i n 5531 version, 920. The execution date of the Type Y text accompanying Type B paintings i s problematical since there i s no l i t e r a r y evidence concerning the inventor of the text, but other circumstantial evidence can be employed. F i r s t of a l l , the order of the second and t h i r d kings i n the Type A Guimet painting dated to 983 i s reversed, r e l a t i v e to the e a r l i e r Type X arrangement, i s the same as the order f o r these figures i n Ti-tsang P'u-sa Hsiang-ling-yen Chi dated to 989, and i s consistent with that followed i n Type Y. Secondly, a f r a g - mentary l i t e r a r y source, I Ch'u L i u Tieh 'j^./v *tr7 (datable between 945- 954), has a l i n e that i s i d e n t i c a l to the section of the Type Y text which reads as follows:^ as**. 5- t i - « * t * * * + m ? t Yen-lo w i l l a t t a i n Buddhahood, be named Samantabhadratathagata, and f u l l y complete the ten epithets of the Buddha. As the phrase, Shih hao chu tsu "I" "f ^ Ĵ . , i s not included i n early Type X texts but i s seen i n the Type Y text, i t i s probable that the text of Type Y was created near the mid-tenth century, or at l e a s t a f t e r the period when the Type X texts were popular. With t h i s evidence, the execution date of the Kuboso Museum version (a Type B pai n t i n g with a Type Y text) should be set at e i t h e r 971 or 1031, rather than 911. This date of 971 can also be taken — 8 as the e a r l i e s t possible date f or the Kuboso Museum version. The proposed p a r a l l e l r e l a t i o n s h i p between text and pai n t i n g reveals a problem. I f a case can be made f o r assoc i a t i n g Type B paintings with Type Y -33- texts, then we must address the question of whether Type X texts can be lin k e d iconographically with features of Type A paintings. In the f o l - lowing section I w i l l attempt to substantiate that Type A paintings are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to Type X texts i n terms of t h e i r iconographic and icono- l o g i c a l features. As previously discussed, one of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Type X text i s the ordering of the second and the t h i r d Kings. Unfortunately, the order of the second and t h i r d Kings wi t h i n Type A paintings i s impossible to i d e n t i f y because neither has any i d e n t i f y i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and because t h e i r cartouches are i l l e g i b l e , except i n the case of the Guimet p a i n t i n g where the date of 983 i s ascertainable but much l a t e r than the period i n question. Despite questions of order, the Ten Kings as a whole are presented i n a s i m i l a r manner i n both the Type A paintings and the Type X text. The text gives the names of the kings i n order but without d e s c r i p t i o n . The paintings arrange the Ten Kings one above the other without d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . In other words, although both the text and the painting i n d i c a t e that i n the early tenth century no s p e c i f i c iconography had yet been established f o r the Ten Kings, t h e i r presentation must have been based on some iconographic t r a d i - t i o n . In order to locate the source of t h i s t r a d i t i o n we must consider the treatment Ti-tsang (the cen t r a l motif of the Type A paintings) i s accorded i n the Type X text. This text type stemmed from one of the fundamental texts of 9 Ti-tsang, Ti-tsang P'u-sa Pen-yuan Ching. The main theme of chapter seven of the Pen-yuan Ching deals with the concept of Chui-shan and the benefits of performing mass for the dead."^ The nine marked l i n e s of Type X text i n Plate 20 are quoted almost verbatim from chapter seven of the Pen-yuan Ching. This -34- chapter also deals with the concept of Yu-hsiu, and i t says that i n observing masses for the dead, six-sevenths of the b e n e f i t w i l l be accrued by the performer, whose s u f f e r i n g w i l l be a l l e v i a t e d a f t e r death. I t seems that people were being encouraged to perform these services not only for the dead but also f o r t h e i r own gain. The idea of the i n s e p a r a b i l i t y of Chui-shan and Yu-hsiu that i s expressed i n the Type X text c l e a r l y o riginated i n chapter seven of the Pen-yuan Ching. Though the Ten Kings are not s p e c i f i c a l l y brought up here, we do f i n d the basic s o i l or r e l i g i o u s d i s p o s i t i o n from which the c u l t of the Ten Kings could grow. This i s perhaps as close as we can come i n our speculation, f o r the Pen-yuan Ching, a f t e r a l l , i s r e a l l y concerned with elaborating upon Ti-tsang and h i s t r a d i t i o n . I f t h i s i s so, i t can be understood that the c e n t r a l figure of Ti-tsang i n the Type A paintings could i c o n o l o g i c a l l y support such figures as the Ten Kings. Going back to Type Y texts and Type B paintings, we can see that the s i g n i f i c a n c e of Ti-tsang diminishes and that that of the Ten Kings increases because of the characterizations added by monk Tsang-ch'uan. The f a c t that a short text on Ti-tsang, Fo-shuo Ti-tsang P'u-sa Ching , i s attached to the beginning of the Kuboso Museum version (Plate 10) c l e a r l y indicates that the Type Y text i t s e l f had become separate from the text of Ti-tsang, while at the same time, the i l l u s t r a t e d sutra of the Ten Kings was not yet completely independent of the c u l t of Ti-tsang. In Type Y texts the merit of Chui-shan was noticeably weakened and the value of Yu- h s i u became much more pronounced. For example, i n the e a r l i e r Type X texts, the words Shin-ssu-chia ^y^llL. (the family of the recently departed) and Shin-s s u-wang-j en (the recently departed) appear i n several sections that deal with the benefits of masses f o r the dead, but i n the Type -35- Y texts these expressions have been dropped. The two types of Ten Kings paintings manifest d i f f e r e n t r e l i g i o u s emphasis. The Type A Guimet p a i n t i n g was used i n the Chui-shan ceremony f o r Miss Chang, whereas the Type B Kuboso handscroll was dedicated i n preparation f o r eventual death, (Yu-hsiu). Because both Type A paintings and Type X texts present the same iconographic features, a t i g h t r e l a t i o n s h i p between the paintings and the texts i n the tenth century Ten Kings t r a d i t i o n i s ind i c a t e d . The message that the benefits derived from services to the Ten Kings are bestowed both upon the dead (Chui- shan) and the performer (Yu-hsiu) i s strongly asserted, and i s i c o n o l o g i c a l l y r e l a t e d to the c u l t of Ti-tsang. The e a r l y , mid-tenth century, phase of the Ten Kings t r a d i t i o n reveals a transference from a Type A/Type X association to a Type B/Type Y, and these Type B/Type Y i l l u s t r a t e d sutras became more s i g n i f i c a n t e n t i t i e s both iconographically and p i c t o r i a l l y ; to the point of being important c u l t images. The Ten Kings services came to focus 12 most heavily on the benefits earned by the performer of Yu-hsiu r i t e s . CHAPTER FOUR Japanization i n the Nison-in Ten Kings Paintings In the two centuries following the tenth, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to reconstruct e i t h e r the Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n or the development of the Ten Kings c u l t because of the lack of l i t e r a r y and p i c t o r i a l material. The second c r u c i a l period i n the development of the Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n was during the thi r t e e n t h and fourteenth centuries, and i t saw the production of many sets by the pr o f e s s i o n a l painters around the Ning-p'o area."'' The Ning- p'o Ten Kings paintings reveal marked differences from the e a r l i e r tenth century phase, both iconographically and p i c t o r i a l l y . For example, a l l the court scenes depict luxurious i n t e r i o r s where the Kings s i t upon opulently ornamented, embroidered-cloth chairs. Pleasing landscapes are painted on the standing screens behind the Kings and these f i g u r e s , who are busy 2 examining deceased souls, are depicted i n three-quarter view. The attendants fl a n k i n g the Kings gesture t h e a t r i c a l l y as they a s s i s t i n the judgement pro- cedure, and the whole court scene i s so v i v i d l y depicted, with i t s torture punishments, that the viewer f e e l s p u l l e d i n t o the stage-like s e t t i n g . Each of the Ten Kings Independently depicted on one hanging s c r o l l r e s u l t s i n a set of ten, rather than the s i n g l e tenth century Ten Kings paintings or handscrolls. Because of the i n d i v i d u a l hanging s c r o l l format each Ning-p'o painting reveals a more complex composition. In each s c r o l l there are b a s i c a l l y two scenes depicted, as exemplified by the Metropolitan- Boston v e r s i o n (Plate 37) painted by Chin Ta-shou fe'K.HQ- . In the upper part of the s c r o l l there i s a court scene, and i n the lower, a h e l l scene. D i v i s i o n i s effected by cloud and rock motifs. The court scene i s b a s i c a l l y a f a r more elaborate continuation of an e a r l i e r phase of representation, while -37- the addition of h e l l scenes to the e a r l i e r torture scenes i s a new icono- graphic presentation f o r Ten Kings paintings. Suffering of the deceased i n various h e l l s was r e a l i s t i c a l l y i l l u s t r a t e d , and these i l l u s t r a t i o n s 3 correspond to descriptions of h e l l i n both Ti-tsang and H e l l texts. In the Metropolitan-Boston Ning-p'o painting depiction of h e l l seems to be s i g n i f i c a n t as i t occupies more than one-third of the t o t a l space. In short, the Ning-p'o Ten Kings paintings of.the l a t e r t r a d i t i o n are undeniably d i s - tinguishable from those of the e a r l i e r tenth century phase because of the narrative q u a l i t y r e s u l t i n g from the presentation of h e l l scenes and the consequent increase i n compositional complexity. Later developments i n the Ning-p'o Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n would again s i m p l i f y t h i s compositional complexity as the h e l l scenes were gradually eliminated and the major focus was s h i f t e d to the Ten Kings themselves, who were by then les s representational. The Appendix designates the major versions of • the Ning-p' o-.-Ten Kings \ paintings t y p o l o g i c a l order from the most complex compositional scheme to the most simple. Type I i s a f u l l y depicted h e l l scene separated from the accompanying court scene by f u l l - f r i n g e d clouds and rocks (Plates 37,38). Type II retains some h e l l scenes but depicts f a r fewer h e l l motifs than Type I. The remnants of cloud and rock motifs do not c l e a r l y separate x some, h e l l and court scenes. Less s p a t i a l recession i s created within them than i n Type I (Plates 39, 46, 49). Type III has even fewer h e l l scenes than Type II and there are no longer any cloud or rock motifs to separate the court scenes from these. This type focuses more attention upon the Kings' examinations and yet there i s s t i l l a sense of s p a t i a l depth leading toward the standing screens (Plates 40-42). - 3 8 - Type IV confines the Kings to a smaller area and gives the observer a "close-up" view, while at the same time completely eliminating the h e l l scenes and d i v i s i v e motifs, and reducing the number of figures represented. The compositional scheme of t h i s type i s the simplest of the four (Plate 4 3 ) . Because of the lack of l i t e r a r y evidence regarding Ning-p'o paintings and painters we have no f i r m datings for them. Only the Zendo-ji version has been dated p r i o r to i t s date of r e p a i r , 1373. Based on a l a t e four- teenth century date f o r the Nison-in paintings, tentative dating could hope- f u l l y be established f o r other Ten Kings painting versions. In addition to t h i s , there i s the problem that there i s l i t t l e iconographic i n d i v i d u a l i t y to the kings. Cartouches have been the sole basis for i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and of course t h i s has resulted i n confusion i n the sets where there are none. Turning to the Japanese Ten Kings t r a d i t i o n , many l i t e r a r y accounts have quoted from, and commented on, the t h i r t e e n t h century Ten Kings texts. The founder of the Nichiren sect, Nichiren 0 ^HOtr , i n h i s w r i t i n g Juo santan- sho " f Z-^^XPf (datable to 1254 ) , summarized the Type Z text Ti-tsang p'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching, and the Shingon p r i e s t Ryoki , i n h i s w r i t i n g Shodo shu tfS^Jj^ (datable to 1297 ) , quoted from both Type Y and Z texts.^ Remarks regarding the Ten Kings c u l t are found i n such works as H o j i San s h i k i J£\ ̂  i^fafti, written by a.Jodo sect p r i e s t , Ryochu " i L i ^ * (.1199-1257), and S h i j u hyaku innen shu -fa$L & )^ / r j d j b (datable to 1257 ) , written by Gukan Jushin ^ y f j / /' Ifc^ti . ̂  Because we know that thirteenth century Japanese of a l l sects were f a m i l i a r with the Ten Kings c u l t , i t i s safe to assume that paintings and/or sculptures were executed. The E n - o - j i <f , i n Kamakura, has fragments of Ten Kings sculpture datable to 1251. At the present time I t i s d i f f i c u l t to see the o r i g i n a l iconographic presenta- -39- t i o n of these works because of the e f f e c t s of natural disasters and the addition of figures at l a t e r dates. I t i s possible, from a l i t e r a r y account, to determine that a painting of the palace of Yen-lo, the Ten Kings, the s i x realms, and humans awaiting r e b i r t h i n heaven was dedicated to Bukko-ji i n g 1236. This painting seems to have been s i m i l a r to that of the Ten Categories of the Universal World (Jukkai Zu (Plate 44) owned by Z e n r i n - j i and given a possible date of 1300. The Z e n r i n - j i p a i r of hanging s c r o l l s includes one of Amitabha Buddha, who i s represented i n the centre of the upper part while four of the s i x realms are represented on the bottom and both sides of the Buddha f i g u r e , and one of Ti-tsang, who i s c e n t r a l l y positioned i n the upper part of the s c r o l l flanked by f i v e of the ten Kings, and accompanied, i n the lower part, by depictions of two realms of h e l l complete with f u l l depictions of hungry ghosts. These Z e n r i n - j i s c r o l l s are remarkable i n t h e i r s i m i l a r i t y to the l i t e r a r y descriptions of the Bukko-ji painting. I t seems that i n thirteenth century Japan, paintings of the Ten Kings were complemented by h e l l scenes. Taking into consideration the f a c t that the Type I of the l a t e r phase of the Chinese Ten Kings paintings (thirteenth and fourteenth, centuries) manifested f u l l depiction of h e l l scenes with, the Ten Kings, i t can be suggested that the Ten Kings paintings between the tenth century and the t h i r t e e n t h and fourteenth century t r a d i - tions had f u l l y advanced h e l l scenes."^ The hanging s c r o l l s with Ti-tsang, the Ten Kings, and various h e l l scenes d i s c l o s e s i m i l a r i t i e s to the tenth century Type A paintings i n the depiction of the c e n t r a l icon and subordinate figures i n the upper half, and to the Z e n r i n - j i version i n the i n c l u s i o n of h e l l scenes i n the lower h a l f . The Type I Ning-p'o paintings were divided i n t o sets of ten and gave the impression that one large s c r o l l had been cut -40- i n t o appropriate pieces, and i f one looks at the Ti-tsang s c r o l l of the Z e n r i n - j i p a i r one can see a l i k e p o t e n t i a l f o r d i v i s i o n . The Nison-in Ten Kings paintings (Plates 27-36) consist of scenes of judgement with Honjibutsu i n the upper part of the s c r o l l and occasionally a view of h e l l i n the lower part. A sense of consistency within the set of ten s c r o l l s , i n terms of the composition, i s created by the conspicuous presentation of the Honjibutsu, but otherwise a lack of s t r u c t u r a l harmony i s recognizable i n the court scenes where the motifs are patched together from d i f f e r e n t t r a d i t i o n s , schools, and models. These Japanese Ten Kings paintings are b a s i c a l l y composed of two phases of the Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n as w e l l as aspects of the Japanese Buddhist painting t r a d i t i o n , h e l l paintings s p e c i f i c a l l y . The f i r s t phase i s the tenth century Chinese, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Type B i l l u s t r a t i o n , and the second i s the l a t e r phase of the Ning-p'o painting schools, exemplified by the Metropolitan-Boston version (Type I-a), and the Koto-in and Zendo-ji versions (Types Il-ib, I l l - b ) . In order to understand the p i c t o r i a l features of the Nison-in paintings i t i s necessary to trace the o r i g i n s of the motifs through comparative examination with other Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n s . The f i r s t thing noticeable i n the Nison-in paintings i s the f a c t that the motifs used i n the background are adopted from the contemporary Ning-p'o Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n . We notice that both sets of paintings reveal standing screens behind the Kings on which ink monochrome landscapes are painted. These screens create a t h e a t r e - l i k e space i n the court scene. Behind and beside them there i s usually vegetation and fences, and i n front of the Kings a s k i r t e d desk. The d i s p o s i t i o n of the screens and desks before each King creates a diagonal space for h i s court. With c a r e f u l examination i t can. ... be ascertained that the depiction of the Kings and t h e i r young -41- attendants, and occasionally t h e i r o f f i c e r s , i s derived from the Chin school of the Ning-p'o Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n (Type I-a Metropolitan-Boston version i s heavily damaged, a rather f a i t h f u l Japanese copy of a Chin model (a), the Hofuku-ji version (Plate 38), w i l l be employed f o r comparative examination with the Nison-in paintings. Since eight of the ten Nison-in paintings are i d e n t i c a l to the Hofuku-ji paintings i n terms of the depiction of the Kings, t h e i r young attendants, and court o f f i c e r s , i t can be said that the p i c t o r i a l i z a t i o n of the Kings and t h e i r attendants i s based upon a coherent source from a Chin model."'""'' The s c r o l l of the s i x t h King, Pien- ch'eng Wang (Plate 32), of the Nison-in paintings, which i s i d e n t i c a l to the Hofuku-ji s c r o l l of the tenth King, gives t y p i c a l evidence of the p i t f a l l s of d i r e c t copying. For example, the King of the Hofuku-ji version i s an imposing, d i g n i f i e d , and stable f i g u r e , s i t t i n g serenely i n a chair and po s i t i o n i n g h i s arms f i r m l y on a desk, whereas the King of the Nison-in version has a very unbalanced posture and gives an impression of nervousness and i n s t a b i l i t y because of h i s small s i z e and awkwardly-tilting, bent arms. This impression i s further enhanced by h i s exaggerated f a c i a l expression. S i m i l a r l y , the two figures attending the King were copied with exactly the same gestures as the o r i g i n a l , but not with the corresponding s t a b i l i t y or weightiness. Even such small d e t a i l s as the ink box and document on the desk are i d e n t i c a l to the Hofuku-ji version. Thus i t can be i n f e r r e d that Chin school Ten Kings paintings played a major r o l e i n the execution of the Nison-in paintings. In the Nison-in set, the seventh King, T'ai-shen Wang (Plate 33), wearing armor and helmet, i s not found i n the paintings of the Chin v e r s i o n ) . Since the Metropolitan-Boston -42- school or the L i u school of the Ning-p'o t r a d i t i o n , but i s found i n the tenth century Tun-huang Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n . His costume i s iconographic- a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to the l a s t King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang, i n the early phase of the Tun-huang Ten Kings t r a d i t i o n , and so i t i s possible to speculate that the o u t f i t of Tai-shan Wang, i n the Nison-in set, might o r i g i n a l l y have been meant f o r the l a s t King. People i n the fourteenth century were f a m i l i a r with Japanese copies of the Ten Kings i l l u s t r a t e d texts exemplified by the Hoju-in (Plate 16-13, bottom) version, and so should have been w e l l aware of the f a c t that i n the old Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n the l a s t King was depicted as a general-like f i g u r e in. armour, and helmet. Moreover, the figu r e ascending on clouds to heaven also corresponds to the old iconography of the l a s t King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang. I t i s quite possible that a f t e r the execu- t i o n of the Nison-in paintings i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the Kings was mixed up, since the s p e c i f i c iconographic t r a i t s of the i n d i v i d u a l kings had gradually disappeared. Furthermore, i n the four paintings which have a Honjibutsu of a Buddha icon, the four Buddhas are not c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i shable, and t h i s could also have contributed to a mix-up i n i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the Kings. I t i s therefore f e a s i b l e that the King i n armour and helmet i n the Nison-in paintings was o r i g i n a l l y depicted as the l a s t King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang. The f a c t that t h i s s p e c i f i c a l l y o l d - t r a d i t i o n motif was used simultaneously with new-tradition motifs, i n c l u d i n g the p a r t i c u l a r l y Japanese motif of a shrine gate, reveals an important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Japanese Ten Kings paintings i n terms of a r t i s t i c creation. The Japanization of Ten Kings paintings i s even more c l e a r l y observable, i n a l l of the ten s c r o l l s , i n the lower sections i l l u s t r a t i n g the beings facing judgement and h e l l scenes. These sections are characterized by the i n c l u s i o n of old Chinese elements, -43- new Chinese Ning-p'o elements, and Japanese elements. In the s c r o l l s of the fourth (Plate 30) and tenth Kings (Plate 36) great Indebtedness to the Chin model (a) can be c l e a r l y seen. The subject matter was chosen from the models but was not rendered as exact copy work. A comparison of the Hofuku-ji f i r s t King, Ch'in-kuang Wang (Plate 38(1), with the Nison-in fourth King, Wu-kuan Wang, reveals that a l l the motifs are I d e n t i c a l , while the composition of the Nison-in s c r o l l i s a rever s a l of the Hofuku-ji s c r o l l composition with a change i n the treatment of the fore- ground space. This r e v e r s a l i s a common method of modifying Chinese proto- types. The Hofuku-ji s c r o l l (Chin model (a)) depicts the h e l l scene inde- pendently from the court scene by means of a d i v i s i v e rock motif and both these scenes are p a r a l l e l . On the other hand, the Nison-in s c r o l l has blended the h e l l and court scenes. For example, the p u l l i n g of tongues i s a part of the court scene and the depiction of the balance u n i f i e s the fore and middle grounds. The court scene i s c e n t r a l i z e d and enhanced by the addition of a new diagonal space i n the form of a rock platform on which two meritorious people stand. Again, comparing the Hofuku-ji s i x t h King (Plate 38(6)) with the Nison-in tenth King (Plate 36) reveals that composi- t i o n a l changes have been made, but ones that d i f f e r from the changes made i n the s c r o l l of the fourth King. The Nison-in p a i n t i n g depicts a h e l l scene i d e n t i c a l to that of the Hofuku-ji painting motif-wise, but the d i r e c - t i o n of the chase i s again reversed, and the d i v i s i v e rocks are removed . • r e s u l t i n g i n a f l a t q u a l i t y . In other words, the r e n d i t i o n of h e l l i n the Nison-in painting i s not so i l l u s i o n i s t i c and r e a l i s t i c as that of the Hofuku-ji version, and presents a less dreadful and h o r r i b l e h e l l than the Chin model. Even though these two Nison-ih paintings reveal the a r t i s t copied -44- a l l the major motifs, he did not attempt to make exact r e p l i c a s but rather to modify the Chin model and somehow create "Japanese" Ten Kings paintings. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of h e l l i s weakened i n terms of iconographic i m p l i c a t i o n by the two d i f f e r i n g modifications of two o r i g i n a l composition schemes. As w e l l as being indebted to Chin prototypes, the Nison-in paintings were also associated with the Ning-p'o painting school of . Lu ,Hsin-chung fa \% % He (or h i s studio) produced many sets of Ten Kings paintings 12 i n both models (b) and ( c ) . With close comparative examination, p a r t i c u - l a r l y of the Zendo-ji and Bunkacho versions, we f i n d the Nison-in paintings are strongly l i n k e d to model (b). For example, a representative motif of the f i f t h King, Yen-lo, a karma mirror, Is evident i n a l l the sets of both Chinese and Japanese Ten Kings paintings. Each model of Ning-p'o painting (a), (b), or (c) depicts the court of Emma i n a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t manner. In Chin model (a) (Plate 38(5)) a man i s forced, by a demon, to face the mirror while an o f f i c e r holds documents that resemble texts. In Lu model (c) (Plate 40) a man i s forced to face the mirror, by a demon, but the document- l i k e items are t i n y and held by two b i r d s . The mirror i s r e f l e c t i n g the karma of the man's soul as a r e s u l t of h i s having k i l l e d a b i r d during h i s l i f e t i m e . In Lu model (b) (Plate 41) both a man and woman are forced by a demon to face the mirror, while a bull-headed demon carrying a long spear i s also depicted. The Nison-in f i f t h King painting has evidently used Lu model (b) as a basis with the addition of such motifs as t i n y bound-souls and an o f f i c e r . Whereas Chinese models did not he s i t a t e to depict nude women, the Nison-in painter avoided depiction of nude fi g u r e s , and with women, i n order to hide the breasts, endeavoured to show a back view or i n s e r t a concealing motif. The p r o h i b i t i o n of nudity i n the Nison-in set was most l i k e l y imposed upon the painter by the imperial court which employed him. -45- The Nison-in tenth King painting employs a noteworthy adaptation of a . Lu model (b) compositional device i n the s c r o l l of the King (Plate 28). In the model's fragmental scene of h e l l (Plates 39,42,46), a needle mountain i s arranged diagonally i n the bottom l e f t corner with a soul impaled upon i t , and a second soul i s shown f a l l e n into a hole. In the Nison-in h e l l scene the needle mountain i s also i n the bottom l e f t corner, but the male fig u r e Impaled upon i t and the female fi g u r e on top of i t d i f f e r from the model 13 i n that they conform to a popular Japanese h e l l motif,(Plate 45-c). Borrowing the compositional scheme from the Lu model (b), the Nison-in s c r o l l neatly replaced a t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese motif, thereby employing one of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c methods of "Japanization" i n the set. Moreover, the cloud motif u t i l i z e d i n the scene, p a r t i c u l a r l y the h o r i z o n t a l dark clouds f l o a t i n g from the l e f t , shows the same functionless yet decorative manner- i s t i c treatment found i n the model (b) version of S e i g a n - j i (Plate 39) and Koto-in of the D a i t o k u - j i compound temples (Plate 46). Some of the torture scenes of the Nison-in paintings are d e f i n i t e l y influenced by the Lu model (b) paintings, and what i s more, t h i s influence can be seen i n the lower sections of the s c r o l l s at the same time that the Chin model (a) influence can be seen i n the upper sections. Along with the Chin model influences, subject matter from the early phase of Ten Kings paintings i s revealed i n the Nison-in p a i n t i n g of the f i r s t King (Plate 2.7) . In the foreground a red demon i s about to throw a soul into the same h e l l r i v e r where three other souls are drowning, and a second demon hangs t h e i r c l o t h i n g on the branches of a thorny tree. A Chinese man i s portrayed r i d i n g over the h e l l r i v e r on a horse. The subject matter of t h i s scene was depicted i n the section of the second King i n the -46- Tun-huang Type B i l l u s t r a t e d texts (Plate 10-5, 13-5), so the same problem of i d e n t i t y as that of the .armor and helmet previously discussed, i s ra i s e d . According to Type Z texts the subject matter of the scene presents character- i s t i c s of the second King as exemplified i n Tun-huang paintings, however, the Japanese copies of the Type B texts (Plates 13-5, bottom, 47) i l l u s t r a t e t h i s motif f o r the f i r s t King, so i t can be seen that the Nison-in painting adopted 14 t h i s iconographic motif from the Japanese copy. Two a d d i t i o n a l points should be r a i s e d . The demons depicted i n the foreground scene of the Nison- i n p ainting are of an old-man-demon and an old-woman-demon as i l l u s t r a t e d i n the Type B s c r o l l s and so are f a i t h f u l to the early phase model while there i s a confusion regarding the use of the h e l l r i v e r . This r i v e r was o r i g i n a l l y considered part of the route to the palace of the second King but i s depicted, i n the Nison-in painting, l i k e a part of h e l l . I t i s understandable, i n the context of Japanese Buddhist a r t h i s t o r y , that since t h i s motif became an iconography of h e l l through the development of h e l l painting, exemplified by the Z e n r i n - j i p ainting (Plate 45-a), the Nison-in painter simply treated the h e l l r i v e r as a h e l l motif. The Nison-in f i r s t King painting i s remarkably d i f f e r e n t , compositionally, from the other s c r o l l s because of the fac t that the h e l l scene i s elaborate and the judgement scene i s eliminated. The separation of the ,King and the h e l l scene by clouds reminds one of the f u l l y depicted h e l l scenes of the Chin model (a), yet i r o n i c a l l y , the Chin proto- type paintings of the Nison-in set a c t u a l l y decreased the h e l l scenes. The elaboration of the h e l l scene i s given a d d i t i o n a l focus by the f a c t that the King, demon, and o f f i c e r stare down upon i t . Though the Nison-in paintings u t i l i z e s t r u c t u r a l p r i n c i p l e s from d i f - ferent Chinese models, they d e f i n i t e l y manifest "Japanese" elements i n the court and h e l l scenes. The a r t i s t obviously attempted to avoid d i r e c t -47- replication of Chinese Ten Kings paintings by addition of "Japanese" motifs and by replacement of Chinese motifs with Japanese ones. There are basically two devices used to present "Japanese" aspects, one being to employ tradi- tional h e l l painting subject matter, iconography, and pictorialization, and the other to substitute "Japanese" motifs, such as Japanese figures, for Chinese and so manifest the Japanese mid-fourteenth century point of view. In the Japanese h e l l painting tradition the treatment of demons is character- ized by application of a bright and simple color for the naked body, sometimes with graduation of a single coloration and employment of contour lines to emphasize their powerful physical imagery. This characteristic rendition i s clearly revealed in the treatment of the Nison-in demons (Plate 33). Their appearance i s very similar to that of the fourteenth century Shojuraigo-ji h e l l painting (Plate 48-a). In both the Shojuraig5-ji and Nison-in paintings the demons expose upright fangs, glare from three eyes, and have conspicuously curly hair. Moreover, i n the Nison-in painting of Ch'u-chiang Wang (Plate 28), the demon that wears vest-like armor directly over i t s naked body, shows far more similarity to the Shojuraigo-ji demons (Plate 48-b) than those of Chinese Ten Kings paintings. One Japanese painting which shares many p i c t o r i a l and iconographic characteristics with the Nison-in paintings i s a hanging s c r o l l of the Ten Realms of the Worlds (Jukkai-zu) at Zenrin-ji (Plate 45-b). The demons in this painting are depicted in the same "Japanese" manner as in the f i r s t King s c r o l l of the Nison-in set. In addition, two particular motifs depicted in the Nison-in s c r o l l , those of souls crossing the h e l l river on a bridge, and male and female souls on a needle tree, are also seen i n the Zenrin-ji painting. A crucial area in which both scrolls reveal a similarity i s the iconographic unity of h e l l and the Ten Kings, although Nison-in's iconography -48- of h e l l and torture i s a l i t t l e confused. While the previous s i m i l a r i t i e s e x i s t , the differences between the two paintings i n d i c a t e that i n the context of the Japanese h e l l painting t r a d i t i o n , the Z e n r i n - j i type was executed p r i o r to the Nison-in. One s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between the two i s i n the format. The Z e n r i n - j i painting depicts a l l the Ten Kings, a c e n t r a l image of Ti-tsang, the realm of h e l l , and the realm of hungry ghosts a l l together i n one large hanging s c r o l l . On the other hand, the Nison-in set depicts each of the Ten Kings, along with some h e l l motifs, on a separate s c r o l l , as i f each King was independent from the c o l l e c t i v e body of Kings. An i n t e r e s t i n g observation regarding the Z e n r i n - j i painting i s that a l l the Ten Kings, who are completely based upon Chin model (a), more clo s e l y resemble those of the model than those of Nison-in. The si n g l e c o l o r a t i o n of t h e i r c l o t h i n g and the lack of pattern reveals a f a i t h f u l reproduction of the model. At the same time some Japanese a r t i s t i c f l a v o r can be d i s - cerned i n the elaborate patterns on the chairs behind the Kings. On the other hand the newly created Japanese Ten Kings t r a d i t i o n , under the influence of the Ning-p'o Ten Kings t r a d i t i o n of L i u Hsin-chung and Chin Ta-shou, i s revealed i n the Nison-in set of s c r o l l s . Japanization i s obvious i n the elaborate treatment of the Kings' clothes and the patterning on the chairs behind the Kings. We can most l i k e l y conclude that the Chin model (a) was an e a r l i e r type of Ning-p'o Ten Kings painting which f u l l y represents the old iconographical system amalgamating the Ten Kings and h e l l . The Ten Kings court scene of the Z e n r i n - j i s c r o l l was greatly influenced by the Chin model and to a much l e s s e r degree by Japanese a r t i s t i c taste, but as a whole the paintings reproduced the old t r a d i t i o n of the Ten Kings painting. The Nison- i n paintings, which borrowed not only from Chin but also from Lu and from the older tenth century Ten Kings painting t r a d i t i o n , were part of a f u l l y -49- modified "new t r a d i t i o n " of Japanese Ten Kings painting. As mentioned e a r l i e r , one device used i n Japanization was s u b s t i t u t i o n of Japanese figures f o r Chinese. For example, i n the Nison-in f i r s t King painting, the woman who i s drowning i n the h e l l r i v e r i s a Japanese f i g u r e , while the male fig u r e on horseback who i s r i d i n g over a bridge of the h e l l r i v e r i s Chinese. The Japanese fi g u r e represents a wicked soul and the Chinese a meritorious one. Here and there throughout the Nison-in paintings good and bad karmas can be distinguished by t h i s use of f i g u r e s . On the other hand, the Z e n r i n - j i painting b a s i c a l l y depicts souls as Japanese figures with no d i s t i n c t i o n between bad and good. This i s evident i n both the upper part of the painting where the Ten Kings are depicted and i n the lower part where we see the realms of the hungry ghosts and h e l l . I t can be understood that the d i f f e r e n t treatment of figures r e f l e c t s s h i f t i n g s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s . By the mid-fourteenth, century (execution date of Nison-in paintings) Chinese imagery would have been considered more " i d e a l " than i t would have been around 1300 (execution date of the Z e n r i n - j i p a i n t i n g ) . The early Muromachi period was characterized by e n t h u s i a s t i c absorption of Chinese culture and philosophy by high-class c i t i z e n s , Zen monks, and the patrons of the a r t s ; the Emperors and Ashikaga Shoguns. Anything and everything Chinese was considered superior to Japanese equivalents and therefore p r e s t i g i o u s . The Zen monks of Kyoto and Kamakura spoke Chinese and the Shoguns c o l l e c t e d Chinese art works with z e s t . ^ Considering t h i s i d e a l i z a t i o n of Chinese c u l t - ure, I t i s quite possible that the head of the Emperor's court painters, Yukimltsu, I n t e n t i o n a l l y depicted the Chinese figures favorably and the Japanese less so. A p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s t i n c t i v e feature of the set of Nison-in paintings i s the f a c t that the Honjibutsu i s predominant and governs the e n t i r e composi- t i o n a l scheme. This i s i n contrast to other Ten Kings paintings such as the -50- Kanazawa Bunko >ic ~/K version (Plate 49) and Fukuoka Seigan-ji version (Plate 39) i n which the Honjibutsu play a minor r o l e , rather l i k e postage stamps on an envelope. In the Nison-in paintings the Honjibutsu occupies the upper two-fifths of each long rectangular hanging s c r o l l , and the Ten Kings court scene and occasional h e l l scenes occupy only the remaining t h r e e - f i f t h s . The predominance of the Honjibutsu i n the Nison-in paintings counteracts the rather inconsistent structure evident i n the lower sections, and the end r e s u l t i s ten well-balanced continuous compositions. In a l l ten s c r o l l s , the Honjibutsu, which are i d e n t i f i a b l e based upon the Type Z text, are depicted f r o n t a l l y and surrounded by an elaborate halo or aura of l i g h t . Each s i t s upon a lotus pedestal, which i n turn rests upon f l o a t i n g or descending clouds. The hovering of the Honji- butsu above the court scenes creates an i l l u s i o n i s t i c s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p and makes i t seem as though, they are attending the judgements. Regarding the Type Z text, i n the past i t was thought to be a Japanese o r i g i n a l because of some prominent Japanese expressions, but recent re-evaluation has made i t a possible Japanese modification of a Chinese prototype. This opinion stems from the f a c t that the text describes subject matter depicted i n the tenth century Ten Kings paintings at Tun-huang. If the o r i g i n of Type Z text, the only Ten Kings text to mention Honjibutsu, i s i n fact i n China, then the iconography of the Honjibutsu i s also Chinese. A substantiation of t h i s o r i g i n can be found i n the presentation of Honjibutsu i n the Kanazawa Bunko version executed by the Chinese painter, L i u Hsin-chung. A closer look at both the patron of the Nison-in a r t i s t , and the i n d i - v i d u a l to whom the work was to be dedicated, i s necessary. Court painter and Nison-in a r t i s t , Yukimitsu, received commissions from Emperor Gokogon 16 and Ashikaga Shogun, Yoshiaki. During the emperor's reign, h i s father - 5 1 - Kogon Joko, died, and a large Chui-shan ceremony was held in 1365 to honor the first year death anniversary (Jsshuki). We can surmise that Yukimitsu was commissioned by the emperor to produce the Ten Kings paintings for this posthumous ceremony, and that he probably created a new "Japanese" manner of presentation while at the same time being greatly indebted to Chinese prototypes. -52- CONCLUSION As discussed i n the preceding chapters, i t i s safe to conclude that the early tenth century, Type A, large hanging s c r o l l s of "Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings" depicting Ti-tsang as a c e n t r a l icon and the Ten Kings as subordinate figures, manifest an i c o n i c presentation, whereas the Type B, "Ten Kings I l l u s t r a t i o n s " depicting each of the Ten Kings i n d i v i d u a l l y but i n continuous small scenes i n handscroll format, manifests a narrative representation and must have commenced with, or a f t e r , the invention of the Type Y text around the middle of the tenth century. The Type A pai n t i n g t r a d i t i o n was not swept away by the Type B pai n t i n g t r a d i t i o n but co-existed with i t f o r some time. Analysis of the Ten Kings texts makes i t clear that the Type Y text, an edited and modified version of Type X text, completely superseded i t s predecessor a f t e r the second h a l f of the tenth century. Regarding the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the texts and p i c t u r e s , Type B paintings can be seen to have an i n t e g r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with the Type Y texts , and though there i s . some d i f f i c u l t y i n i n s i s t i n g that Type A paintings were based upon Type X texts, they are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d both iconographically and i c o n o l o g i c a l l y ; both began during the immature stages of the c h a r a c t e r i - zation of the Ten Kings and under the influence of the Ti-tsang c u l t and are highly compatible. There was a modification i n the r e l i g i o u s importance placed upon the ceremonies stressed i n the texts X and Y. The Type X text was an offshoot of the Ti-tsang cult, and the main theme of both i t and the Ti-tsang text was a concern with the concepts of "Chui-shan" and "Yu-hsiu." The corresponding Type A paintings of "Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings" were used as part of these -53- funeral services. On the other hand, the Type B handscroll was prepared s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r use i n "Yu-hsiu" and dedication to the Ten Kings, and the Type Y text dealt e x c l u s i v e l y with the merit "Yu-hsiu" ceremonies accrued f o r the l i v i n g while concurrently decreasing the s i g n i f i c a n c e of Ti-tsang and increasing the importance of the Ten Kings through the i n d i v i d u a l c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n added by the monk,. Tsang-ch'uan. In addition to t h i s , the opening two l i n e s of the text introduce the name of Amitabha Buddha and the r e c i t a t i o n of i t i n the f i v e tunes."'" The emergence of t h i s reference can 2 be seen to have stemmed, i n some way, from the Pure Land Buddhist t r a d i t i o n . In chapter four we saw that the Nison-in paintings were comprised of three d i f f e r e n t Chinese prototypes arranged so as to create a more indigenous painting. The Chin model (a), which c l e a r l y reveals the importance of Ning- p'o models i n the e a r l y Japanese t r a d i t i o n , Ning-p'o model (b), and the o l d tenth century Type B t r a d i t i o n coexisted with t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese motifs, p a r t i c u l a r l y subject matter i n d i c a t i v e of the enduring h e l l p ainting t r a d i - t i o n , and together resulted i n successful Japanization of the Ten Kings paintings. One of the best examples of the f l e x i b l e blend of source materials i s the s c r o l l of the f i r s t King, i n which the h e l l scene i s f u l l y depicted i n a manner compositionally I d e n t i c a l to Chin model (a) while the subject matter i s derived from the tenth century Type B t r a d i t i o n . The co-existence of u Chinese t r a d i t i o n s both old and new i n Japan was the r e s u l t of a r t i s t i c e c l e c t i c i s m , and Japanese painters, the Nison-in a r t i s t i n p a r t i c u l a r , most l i k e l y adopted Chinese elements regardless of t h e i r date of o r i g i n i n the creation of a r t works. -54- In addition to the combination of diverse prototypes and the elaboration of the Honjibutsu as major.means of Japanizatioh, minor devices such as r e v e r s a l i n the arrangement of motifs, s u b s t i t u t i o n of Japanese figures f o r Chinese (even demonic ones^ and heightened ornamentation of f a b r i c s , were employed. Of these techniques, the one that o f f e r s the best i n s i g h t into the i n t r i n s i c meaning i s the embellishment of the Honjibutsu. The f a c t that the kings are paired iconographically with Buddhist d e i t i e s i s notable, but i t i s the d r a s t i c increase i n the Honji's s i z e , to the extent that they seize the viewer's attention and overpower the other f i g u r e s , and t h e i r "symbolic" attendance at the "Chui-shan" ceremony that i s s i g n i f i c a n t . The Nison-in paintings, supposedly created f o r use i n the "Chui-shan" ceremony, and including the elaborate Honjibutsu i n d i c a t i v e of the e s o t e r i c element, would have been hi g h l y appropriate i n r i t u a l i s t i c presentation and could be under- stood i n the context of fourteenth century Japanese Buddhism, Zen i n p a r t i - cular, as i t was both i n f l u e n t i a l and powerful at t h i s time and the r e c i p i e n t of patronage from emperors, Ashikaga Shoguns, and court nobles. The afore- mentioned r i t u a l , representative of the absorption of e s o t e r i c r i t u a l i n t o Zen Buddhism f a c i l i t a t e d by the monk Muso Soseki ' J p i ^ ' and h i s successor Shun-oku Myoha , played an important r o l e i n the 3 popularization of the Buddhist funeral ceremony. The c u l t of the Ten Kings, which stemmed from the Ti-tsang c u l t , never became part of mainstream Buddhism but remained a popular sub-sect that was u t i l i z e d , from time to time, by such i n f l u e n t i a l sects as Pure Land Buddhism and Zen Buddhism. As long as the fear of death was prevalentt-in society, the p i c t o r i a l presentation and practises of. the..,Ten Kings c u l t remained rooted ' i n popular Buddhist custom. -55- NOTES INTRODUCTION 1. Fo-shuo Yu-hslu Shih-wang Sheng Sh-i Ching fa tb^ffi^ £- i n Dai-nihon zokuzo kyo KB ^h^j^t^- vol. 150, p. 385. 2. There are some different ideas on the provenance of the cult of the Ten Kings of Hell. 1. Gessho Sasaki tyx. 1 fc- )\ suggests that the connection between Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings originated in India. 2. Minao Hirose and Yusho Tokushi 'fcjkjtfa^ and Kan'ichi Ogawa Ah- " | suggest that the cult of the Ten Kings was indigenous to China and stemmed from Taoism and folk cults. 3. Tadao Sakai and Eiichi Matsumoto faJ^f^Z.— emphasize the connection with Manichean as well as with certain Chinese beliefs. The references are as follows: Manabe, Kosai /t^ffi » Jizo-bosatsu no kenkyu yjQj j j ^ • ^ ' f ^ . ^ J ^ f ^ > pp. 111-112, Kyoto: Sanmitsu-do Shoten, 1960. Tokushi, Yusho and Ogawa, Kan'ichi, "Ju5 shoshichi kyosan zukan no kozo •f 3L0--t fe&t &j£r<r>%&&^ in Chuo-ajia Bukkyo-bijutsu ¥ Tv'T^ ^ l B^J » p p * 2 5 5 _ 2 9 6 » Kyoto: Hozokan, 1962. This article will hereafter be referred to as "Juo zukan no kozo." Sakai, Tadao, "Juo-shinko ni kansuru shomondai oyobi enrao Juki kyo IS-htW flfl t 5 H ft J - ^ f 5 t t l n Saito-sensai koki-shukuga ronbun-shu jftffc fa £L , pp. 611- 656, Tokyo: Toko Shoin, 1937. This article will hereafter be refer- red to as "Juo-shinko shomondai." Matsumoto, Eiichi, Tonko-ga no kenkyu ^ f)/^f\'^_S » p p ' 368-416, Tokyo: Toho-bunka Gakuin, 1937. -56- 3. Textual Investigation of the Shih Wang Ching has been done by the following scholars: Tokushi Y. and Ogawa, K., "Juo zukan no kozo." Sakai, Tadao, "Juo-shinko shomondai." Tsukamoto, Zenryu J ^ L ^ ^ r ^ T , "Inro-bosatsu-shinko to jizo-jiio in Tsukamoto zenryu chosaku-shu % ] ^ JL , vol. 7, pp. 315- 400, Tokyo: Daito Shuppan, 1975. This article w i l l hereafter be referred to as "Jizo juo shinko." Izumi, Rokei j j ^ , "Juokyo no kenkyu -f £ - * ) jSt{% Otani Gakuho 7v i£ ft 23-4, pp. 1-24. 4. The t i t l e s of Type X are various. The simplest Type X text i s Fo-shuo Yen-lo Wang Shou-ch'i Kuan-hsiu Sheng Ch'i Chai Kung-te Ching $k i J%J%1£± l n T s u k a m o t o zenryu chosaku-shu vol. 7, pp. 366-371. 5. Most Type Y texts are entitled Fo-shou Yen-lo Wang Shou-chi Yu-hsiu Sheng-ch'i Wang-sheng Ching-t'u Ching ^-^"fcj^ fS^ 4-̂ .4̂ - fi^~t^5-fyh- a n <* have remarks of the monk, Tsang-ch'uan, at the head of the t i t l e . 6. Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching ^ M l - ^ l S ^ - "f" i ^ n Dal'^ihon zokuzo kyo vol. 150. 7. As scholars such as Eii c h i Matsumoto and Genmyo Ono A^^f^^')^ have sug- gested, this sutra should be re-examined in the context of Chinese texts of Shih-Wang Ching. See E. Matsumoto, "Tonko-bon juo zukan zakko" in Kokka No. 621, pp. 229-230 and G. Ono, "Tomatsu-godai jo-so no bukkyo-ga-3- " in Kokka No. 516, pp. 30, and Rokudo-e y ^ 3 ^ , ^ l ^ - , Kyoto National Museum, pp. 64. -57- 8. E. Matsumoto in Tonko-ga no kenkyu, dated the Tun-huang paintings of the Ten Kings broadly to the Five Dynasties and Northern Sung Period. Lothar Ledderose stated in his recent ar t i c l e , "A King of Hell" in Suzuki kei-sensei kanreki kinen ronbun-shu ^'j^%JLfc&&%1?£s&i'&r%. , that the Tun-huang Ten Kings of Hell paintings a l l belong more or less to the same period, namely the tenth century (p. 37). 9. The study of the Japanese Ten Kings painting tradition has been done by Ryoji Kajitani J^^lftjliz in his a r t i c l e , "Nihon ni okeru ju-o-zu no seiritsu to tenkai B ^ i : ti i t 5 t i - ^ O A jfc. St. \% " Bukkyo geiijutsu / K $ r j £ 4 f r N o « 9 7 ' The identification of each King w i l l be based upon that in Kokka No. 786. There Is a replica of the Nison-in type owned by Jofuku-ji ifftf in Kyoto. See "Nikumi no juo-zu" written by Jiro Umezu ^"/^-/^^f* in Bukkyo-geiijutsu No. 36, pp. 32-36, 1958, and Reflections of Reality in Japanese Art (Cleveland Museum of Art, 1983, pp. 220-222). There is a fragment of the Nison-in type in the collection of Yamato Bunka Kan 7V#0 X In Nara. See Yamato bunkakan shozohin zuhan mokuroku Vol. 2, Catalogue No. 16. 10. Umezu, Jiro yfctP , "Nikumi no ju-o zu Z-§£L<T> f ^ l l ," Bukkyo geijutsu No. 36, pp. 32-35, 1958. 11. Miyashima, Shin'ichi " ^ i f e ^ T ^ > "Juyon seiki ni okeru edokoroazukari no keifu 1 4 tiffi K if I H f ^ f t j ^ O f t t t .." Bijutsu-shi ^4^t_ No. 88, pp. 87-104. Tani, Shin'ichi , "Muromachi ji d a i bi jutsu shi ron #T C ^ " t i k >" Tokyo: Tokyo-do, 1942, pp. 389-417. 12. The names of the Ten Kings and their Honjibutsu are as follows, based upon Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching: -58- The f i r s t King, Ch'in-kuang Wang The second King, Ch'u-chiang Wang The third King, Sung-ti Wang The fourth King, Wu-kuan Wang Pu-tung Ming-wang Shih-chia Ju-lai Wê n-chu P'u-sa P'urhsien P'u-sa The f i f t h King, Yen-lo Wang Ti-tsang P'u-sa The sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang The seventh King, T'ai-shan Wang Mi-lo P'u-sa Yao-shih Ju-lai The eighth King, P'ing-cheng Wang Kuan-yin P'u-sa The ninth King, Tu-shih Wang A-ch'u J a - l a i * The tenth King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang A-mi-t'o Ju-lai 13. •Another Honjibutsu of Tu-shih Wang is Shih-chih P'u-sa "9$3~ ia" C*. noted in a different version of the Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching. See Rokudo-e, Kyoto National Museum, 1982, pp. 63-64. Matsunaga, A l i c i a , The Buddhist Philosophy of Assimilation - The Historical Development of the Honji-Suijaku, Rutland and Tokyo: Sophia University in cooperation with Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1969, pp. 213-214. -59- CHAPTER ONE 1. Information on literary sources for the Ten Kings has been provided by Tsukamoto, Zenryu in his article "Jizo-juo shinko." 2. Ibid., pp. 377-378. 3. Wu-tai Ming-hua P'u-yi 4\ % %. , compiled by Liu Tao-ch'un it f̂- , in Ssu K'u Ch'uan Shu Chen Pen Vol. 5 G9 ft t£ % f$%- 3- JH • 4. T'u-hua Chien-wen Chih Q f̂c L fifl f& by Kuo Jo-hsii %\% f$L translated by Alexander Soper, Kuo Jo-hsii's Experiences in Painting, p. 29, Washington, D.C: American Council of Learned Societies, 1951. 5. Photocopies of the Guimet painting are found in Kokka 515 (1933) and Tonko-ga no kenkyu. Hanging s c r o l l , color on s i l k , 2.25 x 1.59 m in size. 6. Ti-tsang Shih-lun Ching tt> l n Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 13, p. 721c Sutra of the Past Vows of Earth Store Budhisattva, a translation of Ti-tsang P'u-sa Pen-yuan Ching by Heng Ching, p. 187. 7. Kakuzen sho by Kakuzen In Dai nihon bukkyo zensho %. tl ^ %%. ^ § r Vol. 48, p. 197. The same description of the Ti-tsang iconography as Kakuzensho i s also found in Ryubu mandara giki ijfa ̂  $\ ̂  pAj. (datable to 1377) in Dai nihon bukkyo zensho edited by Honyen J ĵfJ Vol. 44, p. 450. 8. Ibid., pp. 189-190. 9. In esoteric iconography Ti-tsang Is usually depicted as a prince-like Bodhisattva, but monkish figures were also executed as described in the Ti-tsang I-kuei tH^i^pA* translated by Subhakara (datable to 8th century) Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 20, p. 652 a-b. 10. Fo Tsu T'ung Chi /jA £lL &Li in Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 49, Shih Men Cheng T'ung faf^ jE.$b in Dai-nihon zoku-zo-kyo, Vol. 30, p. 401. -60- 11. Huan Hun Chi, undated, generally thought to be a Five Dynasties test. See Ei i c h i Matsumoto, Tonko-ga no kenkyvi, pp. 378-379. 12. Matsumoto, E i i c h i , "Jizb-juo-zu to inro-bosatsu ," Kokka 515, pp. 266-267. He suggests a tenth century date for this document. 13. Bodhisattva Ti-tsang is usually depicted as either a monk or a prince-like figure. The "atypical appearance of the Ti-tsang figure" which E. Matsumoto refers to is that of the hooded Ti-tsang figure. 14. E. Matsumoto, in Tonko-ga no kenkyu, considers Tao-ming and the lion to be connected with Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings (p. 379). However, through examination of Huan Hun Chi and the Ti-tsang painting in the Musee Guimet, i t can be concluded that the Ten Kings were later additions to the integrated iconography of Ti-tsang and Tao-ming and the lion. 15. Ti-tsang P'u-sa Hsian-ling-yen Chi in Dai-nihon zoku-zo kyo Vol. 149, p. 184.. 16. Kokka No. 515, p. 270. -61- CHAPTER TWO 1. The four versions of the illustrated sutras of the Ten Kings are as follows: 1. The Kuboso Museum version ^ It ^ P i t (Plates 10,11) (previously in the Nagao Collection). 2. The Pelliot version (Pelliot 2003) (Plates 12-16). 3. The Stein version (Stein 3961) (Plates 12-16). 4. The Hoju-in version This version is considered to be a Japanese copy of a Chinese original. Tokushi and Ogawa suggest that this was probably copied in the Muromachi period ("Juo-zukan no kozo," p. 275). E. Matsumoto suggests that this probably Is a copy from a Sung original (Tonko-ga no kenkyu, p. 398) (Plates 12-16). 2. The Kuboso Museum version Is a handscroll, 11 3/4 in. x 22 f t . 5 1/4 In. in size, and done in color on paper. E. Matsumoto has written articles on this handscroll in Kokka 621, pp. 227-231 (1943) and in Tonko-ga no kenkyu, pp. 405-412. 3. E. Matsumoto mentions in Kokka 621, p. 228, that the prototype of Type A paintings such as the British Museum painting (Plate 17), might have been based on the standard format for the preaching scene, as exemplified by the f i r s t scene of the Kuboso Museum version. In other words, he considers the Type B painting tradition to have been prior to that of Type A. 4. There are no iconographical distinctions or identifying cartouches except for Ti-tsang. 5. I gratefully acknowledge Dr. Leon Hurvitz's assistance in translating the gathas of the Ten Kings. References for this translation are the Kuboso Museum version, the Pelliot version, the Stein version, the Hoju-in -62- version, and the text In the Dai-nihon zoku-zo kyo Vol. 150, pp. 385-387. Xerox copies of the text of the Pelliot version (Plates 18-26, lower section) are included in the illustrations accompanying this paper. 6. Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching, in Dai-nihon zoku-zo kyo Vol. 150, p. 381. 7. In the Hoju-in version, this subject matter appears in the scene of the f i r s t King, Ch'in-kuang Wang (Plate 13-4). It is particularly notable that an old woman appears in this version. 8. See Introduction Notes, No. 7. 9. The motif of the mirror of deeds and an ox-headed demon appear in the British Museum version of the Type A painting (Plate 4). They are arranged beneath figures of Ti-tsang, Tao-ming and the lion, and are not represented as specific attributes to Yen-lo Wang in this arrangement. 10. Dai-nihon zoku-zo-kyo Vol. 150, pp. 382-384. 11. The motif of animal skins on a bar in this scene is not described in either the accompanying text or in the Japanese text. 12. Y. Tokushi and K. Ogawa suggest that the monkish figure in the Kuboso Museum version and the Pelliot version is Tao-ming and that he may be a manifestation of Ti-tsang. See "Juo zukan no kozo," p. 286. 13. Y. Tokushi and K. Ogawa dated the Kuboso Museum version to 911. See "Juo zukan no kozo," p. 286. E. Matsumoto takes the date of 971, although he subtlely suggests that there is another possible date, 1031, when discussing the origin of the Japanese text, Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-ytian Shih-wang Ching, which describes the original date of this text as the tenth year of T'ien-sheng (1032). The date of 1031 for the Kuboso Museum version has been considered by other scholars such as G. Ono, Z. Tsukamoto and H. Izumi. See "Tomatsu-godai-jo-so-jidai no bukkyo-ga," p. 301; "Jizo-juo shinko," p. 389; "Jiio-kyo no kenkyu," pp. 18-19. -63- CHAPTER THREE 1. Type X: There are approximately twenty-two extant versions, nine in the Peking National Library, eleven in the Stein Collection, one in the Pelliot Collection and one in the Nakamura Collection. Wang Chung-min i - f. ed., Tun-huang Yi-shu Tsung-mu So-yin ffc. %% ̂ Jt ® ̂  ^ , P' 418, Peking: Shang Wu Yin Shu Kuan, 1962. I have examined most of the above mentioned texts except for two of the Peking versions. The datable versions of the Type X text are as follows: 1. The Stein 4530 (a cycl i c a l date, Mou Ch'en, /% f%_ ) 2. The Stein 5544 (a cyclical date, Hsin Wei, % 3. The Stein 5531 (a cyclical date, Keng Ch'en, ) 4. The Stein 6230 (dated the fourth year of T'ung Kuang, (SJjfcj and a cyclical date, Ping Hsu, j£j , 926) 5. The Nakamura version (dated the third year of Ch'ing T'ai, ?fj[ 4b » 936) 2. See the Type B painting l i s t , note 1 of Chapter Two. 3. See Plate 23. No one except T. Sakai has noted the discrepancy in the order of the Ten Kings in Type X and Type Y. T. Sakai in "Juo-shinko shomondai" (p. 615), says the order of the Ten Kings in Type X is simply a mistake. However, a l l versions of Type X that I have examined consistently show Sung-ti Wang as the second King and Ch'u-chiang Wang as the third King. Thus the order of the Ten Kings in Type X is not an error but a well-established iconographical order. 4. A l l scholars who have published articles on the Ten Kings agree that Tsang-ch'uan added the seven-syllable verses. See Y. Tokushi and K. Ogawa, "Juo zukan no kozo," p. 273; T. Sakai, "Juo-shinko shomondai," p. 642; Z. Tsukamoto, "Juo-jizo shinko," p. 358; H. Izumi, "Juo-ky5 no -64- kenkyu," p. 19-20. 5. The iconographic change i n the order of the Ten Kings was probably due to the fa c t that the name of the King, Ch'u-chiang Wang means "the f i r s t r i v e r , " and refers to Nai Ho, ̂  (the River Styx). Nai Ho i s a r i v e r which people must cross a f t e r death i n order to proceed to the i n t e r v a l between incarnations ( M i n g - c h i e , ) (Iwamoto, H i r o s h i , ^ , Gokuraku to jigoku, ^ - f j j * " ^ t fLM>1\» P* 191). The King, Ch'u-chiang Wang, should have been placed at the beginning i n the order of the Ten Kings. When Tsang-ch'uan changed and modified the old text of Shih Wang Ching, he might have exchanged the order of the second and t h i r d Kings so as to more e f f e c t i v e l y characterize Ch'u-chiang Wang. 6. Y. Tokushi and K. Ogawa i n "Juo zukan no kozo" suggests that Type Y i s pr i o r to Type X (p. 271). T. Sakai, i n "Juo-shinko shomondai," h e s i t a n t l y suggests that Type Y i s contemporary with Type X (p. 645). Z. Tsukamoto i n "Juo j i z o shinko" o f f e r s a sequential order i n which Type X i s pr i o r to Type Y, and Type Y i s dated 971 at the l a t e s t , that being the year that he takes as the date for the Kuboso Museum version (pp. 288-289). 7. See l i n e 16, lower section Plate 18, I-ch'u L i u - t i e h by I-ch'u, V o l . 13, No. 33, p. 362, Kyoto: Hoyu Shobo, 1979. 8. The dating of 911 offered by Y. Tokushi and K. Ogawa i s too ear l y . See "Juo zukan no kozo" (p. 286). As the Ten Kings sutra, Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching indicates that the o r i g i n a l date of the Ten Kings text was i n the tenth year of T'ien-sheng ^ (1032), a 1031 date for the Kuboso Museum version i s also possible. The dating problem of t h i s version should be s c r u t i n i z e d further i n terms of i t s s t y l i s t i c properties i n the wider context of the Tun-huang painting t r a d i t i o n . This, however, must remain a subject of further study. -65- 9. 10. 11. 12. Pen-yuan Ching, hereafter, refers to the f u l l t i t l e , Ti-tsang P'u-sa Pen-yuan Ching. Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 13, p. 784 b. See the last line, upper section Plate 19, line 5, upper section Plate 20 and line 2 upper section Plate 26. The services of Yfl-hsiu might have been popular in the second half of the tenth century. According to the Sung Kao-seng Chuan and died in 971, soon after the consecration of the two towers. See i , the monk, Shou-chen built two towers for the merits of Yii-hsiu , Chugoku kinsei jodo-kyo-shi no kenkyu pp. 289-290. -66- CHAPTER FOUR 1. The study of the Ning-p'o professional paintings and painters has been done by the following scholars: Watanabe, Hajime , "Shakki aru sogen butsuga fyrt'tbhb Bijutsu kenkyu Suzuki, Kei ^ ft , Mindai kaiga-shi kenkyu . seppa ^ ^ Tokyo: Toyo bunka kenkyujo, 1968. 2. The ink monochrome landscape is suggestive of the "pure land" heavenly realm in contrast to the realm of h e l l . Both ink monochrome landscapes and hell scenes are a new development in the later phase. 3. Cheng-fa Nien-ch'u Ching jfc. g£ in Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 17, pp. 1-379. Ti-tsang P'u-sa Pen-yuan Ching in Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 13, pp. 781. 4. Kajitani, Ryoji, "Riku shinchu hitsu ju-5 zu "f $ ," in Kokka No. 1020, 1979. 5. Nichiren 0 f i t , Ju-o santan sho T i - W ^ t ^ " , pp. 1967-1993. Ryoki ^C^. , Futsu shodo shvt in Kodai bukkyo no chuseiteki tenkai £ H fa/it *) f t-J feffl , by Shuichi Murayama ft M ^ - , Kyoto: Hozo-kan, 1976. 6. Ryochu , Hoji san shiki >f* ^ "f̂ t"̂  t& Vol. 1, in Jodo-shu zensho Vol. 4. Gukan %/7 , Shiju hyaku innen shu fa § ® frf<-!t Vol. 4 in Dai-nihon bukkyo zensho Vol. 148, pp. 60-73. 7. Washizuka, Hiromitsu ^ i'^.^k.^fj , "Enno-ji no emma ju-o-zo ni tsuite fl/fo^ *>ft(|^&"f ," Bukky5 Geijutsu No. 89, 1972. 8. Ogushi, Sumio )KJ^t>kjf^ > "Jukkai-zu ko "f ̂  l 3 % ," in Bijutsu kenkyu No. 120, p. 30. -67- 9. Ogushi, "Jukkai-zu-ko" No. 119, No. 120, 1941. 10. This speculation can be made i f i t is assumed that the systemic order of Type I-IV corresponds to the chronological order, and that the Chinese and Japanese art traditions are both In the same area of the East Asian painting tradition. 11. The following Ten Kings of the Nison-in paintings are identical to those of the Hofuku-ji version. The identification of the Ten Kings of the Hofuku-ji version follows that found in Juyo bunka zai The Nison-in Version The Hofuku-ji Version The second King The eighth King The third King The sixth King The fourth King The f i r s t King The f i f t h King The second King The sixth King The tenth King The eighth King The seventh King The ninth King The fourth King The tenth King The third King 12. Suzuki, Mindai kaiga-shi kenkyu . seppa , "Riku shinchu jii-o-zu P H I & T £ fl ," Kanazawa bunko kenkyu £ # # ! ! & , No. 136, 1967. "Chugoku kaiga - Rakan-Jiio zu "f |§ $\ flfe '/%. ' t Z- $ Kanazawa bunko k5en-kai shirizu No. 10, 1974. 13. Hell story: An attractive woman is on the top of a needle tree. She lures a man and he climbs up to the top of the tree, impaling himself on the sharp spines in the process. When he arrives at the top of the tree he finds that the woman is on the ground and proceeds to climb down again. The tree has reversed the direction of it s spines and he now impales himself going downward. This karma w i l l repeat without end for -68- countless years. (From Genshln of Nihon shiso taikei 13 & pp. 15-16, 1970.) 14. See page 22 of Chapter Two. 15. Tamamura, Takeji , "Kitayama jidai zenrin no shicho ^ \ \ ^ ^ < n ^ M " In Suiboku bijutsu taikei ^L^H^s Vol. 6, Tokyo: Kodansha, 1978, pp. 55-62. 16. Miyashima, "Juyon seiki ni okeru edokoro azukari no keifu," p. 90. 17. It seems that after the thirteenth century a set of Ten Kings scrolls was used for both the "Chui-shan" and "Yu-hsiu" ceremonies. The fourteenth century diary, Moromori ki £>f %t\}> and the historical record, Zoku shi gu sho » contain references to the "Chui-shan" ceremonies held on the appropriate days after the emperor's death. The fifteenth century diary, Kyogaku shiyo sho jftj. , includes annual records of "Yu-hsiu" ceremonies. Moromori k i Vols. 7-11 in Shiryo sanshu , Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruiju Kansei-kai, 1971. Zoku shi gu sho Vol. 2 in Shitei zoho kokushi taikei ffit$$i%% 'H Vol. 14, Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1966, p. 64. Kyogaku shiyo sho Vols. 1,2,3,4 in Shiryo sanshu. -69- CONCLUSION 1. I, (Tsang-ch'uan), d e f e r e n t i a l l y open and read the text of Yen-lo Wang Yu-hsiu Sheng Ch'i Wang Sheng Ching-t'u Ching f£\ ̂  £ ffit <f£ 7^" :£-&§",)• * n o t e that the Buddha vowed to encourage a l l having a nexus to read the scriptures i n the f i v e tunes to praise and to r e c o l l e c t Amitabha. See l i n e s 3 and 4, lower section Plate 18. This t r a n s l a t i o n was suggested by Dr. Leon Hurvitz. 2. The mention of Amitabha emerging here, as well as the " f i v e tunes," indicate that the Type Y text was to be i n some way regarded as stemming from, or belonging to, the t r a d i t i o n of Fa Chao's ^ Pureland Buddhism. Fa Chao ( l a t e 8 c - early 9 c ) , from the Ssu-ch'uan, invented the practice of r e c i t i n g Amitabha and promoted Buddhism i n the T'ang dynasty. Ts'ang-ch'uan, who was also active i n Ssu-ch'uan, was f a m i l i a r with the Pureland Buddhist practice of r e c i t i n g i n f i v e tunes (Wu Heui Nien Fo, A )• In f a c t , i n the early Sung Buddhist t r a d i t i o n , we fi n d various established sects such as those of Ch'an %-*r , T'ien-t'an ia , and Lu '<f , adopting the popular, p r a c t i c a l aspects of Pureland Buddhism into their own r e l i g i o u s system. It Is therefore quite understandable that such a minor t r a d i t i o n as that of the Ten Kings of H e l l incorporated the invocation of Amitabha into i t s cannonical text. This tendency of c o n f l a t i o n i n the t r a d i t i o n of the Ten Kings of H e l l became more accelerated i n the l a t e r Sung dynasty, as exemplified by the Type Y text from the T a - l i kingdom housed i n the Freer Gallery of Art. Z. Tsukamoto, "Jizo juo shlnko," pp. 384-388. -70- Kenneth Ch'en, Buddhism In China, pp. 348-349, Princeton: Princeton Uni v e r s i t y Press, 1973. Takao, Giken , Sodai bukkyo-shi no kenkyu fo' ^U,%^ i^4J$\'9u > PP• 1-12, Kyoto: Hyakka-en, 1975. Ogasawara, Chugoku k i n s e i jodo-kyo no kenkyu ffij^fr t£>ffit$ffî > p * ^' Moritaka Matsumoto , "A New Approach to the Long S c r o l l of Buddhist Images Painted by Chang Sheng-wen <y t of the kingdom of T a - l i " i n Bukkyo geijutsu No. I l l , 1977, pp. 52-77. Thomas Lawton, Chinese Figure Paintings, pp. 91-93, Washington, D.C: Smithsonian I n s t i t u t e , 1973. 3. Tamamura, Tak e j i , Muso kokushi , Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1958. Akamatsu, Shunshu ^ • ^ A ' f ^ ^ , ed., Nihon bukkyo-shi-chusei hen #;MA#C 5t_tf JjS » Kyoto: Hozo kan, 1967. Imaeda, Ais h i n ^%j^>ijj£_ |L , Chusei zenshu-shi no kenkyu g £^ rf* $f\'9t » Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppan k a i , 1970. 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Welch, Holmes, The Practice of Chinese Buddhism, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1967. Yabukl, Keiki, Sankaikyo no kenkyu, Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1927. Yamabe, Shugaku, Jigoku no shin kenkyu, Tokyo: Shunju sha, 1932. Yamato Bunka-kan, ed., Yamato bunka-kan shozohin zuhan mokuroku Vol. 2. Zokushigusho Vol. 2 in Shintei zoho kokushi taikei Vol. 14, Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1966. APPENDIX Ning-p'o Painting T r a d i t i o n Types and Models Types, Descriptions Model a (Chin Model) Model b (Lu Model) Model c (Lu Model) Model d Type I F u l l y depicted h e l l scenes divided from court scenes by f u l l - f ringed clouds and rocks Type II Some h e l l scenes, but i n much less space with remnants of cloud and rock motifs that have no d i v i s i v e function Type III A few h e l l scenes with no clouds or rocks and a sense of s p a t i a l depth toward the standing screens Type IV No h e l l scenes, no clouds and rocks, . much less s p a t i a l depth, and fewer figures *The M e t r o p i l i t a n - Boston version, signature of Chin Ta-shou *Hofuku-ji version *Shitenno-ji version *Eda version (Princeton) *Fukuoka Seigan-ji version *Koto-in version, signature of Lu Hsin-chung *Zendo-ji version, signature of Lu Hsin-chung *Bunkacho version signature of Lu Hsin-chung *Morimura version, signature of Lu Chung-yuan *Honen-ji version, signautre of Lu Hsin-chung *Kanaza Bunko version, signature of Lu Hsin-chung * E i g e n - j i version, signature of Lu Hsin-chung * J o d o - j i version, signature of Lu Hsin-chung i ON I * D a i t o k u - j i version *Kanagawa Municipal Museum version Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings The Musee Guimet Plate 1 - 7 8 - Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings The National Museum, New Delhi Plate 2 -79- Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings The Musee Guimet Plate 3 -80- Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings The B r i t i s h Museum Plate 4 -81- Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings The National Museum, New Delhi Plate 5  An E s o t e r i c Drawing of Ti-tsang Ninna-ji Plate -84- D e t a i l : Ti-tsang, Tao-ming, and the Lion The Musee Guimet Plate 8 The Ten Kings with H e l l Scenes Kimiko and John Powers C o l l e c t i o n Plate 9 *1 ft******* • ^ l i " 1 Si MS S i #w !#£ •j*vij>; 83 'If £t Mil -!»»-(«• v» t 4 flr * 1 4 & • The Ten Kings I l l u s t r a t e d Texts The Kuboso Museum Plate 10 -87- sJSilp WM f *>fiHff1Wr",ff^ l i f e rH -T—1 L ̂ WtM"11 mm ft! 4 « * f f c f f « « a««S •. ... u . ^ H . ^ ^ 0) 4J rH CO 4J X CD H •a OJ | a) !-: CO CD S rHI O H 01 H O co i M « P •H OJ H a E— 00 I a black horse P l a t e 12 The Ten Kings I l l u s t r a t i o n s u » ̂  *> n r P e l l i o t Version The Stein Version oo I The « Hoju-in Version I Plate 13 4. The f i f t h King, Ch'in-kuang Wang 5. The second King, Ch'u-chaing Wang The t h i r d King, Sung-ti Wang The Ten Kings I l l u s t r a t i o n s P e l l i o t Version The S t e i n Version The Hoju-in Version .5 ' '• L t i i The Ten Kings I l l u s t r a t i o n s - — J |- Plate 14 i >£> o i •train The P e l l i o t Version The S t e i n Version 10. The seventh King, T'ai-shan Wang *y0> 11. The eighth King, P'ing-cheng Wang i — r . ; ^ 12. The ninth King, Tu-shih Wang Plat e 15 i The Ten Kings I l l u s t r a t i o n s The Hoju-in Version 14. The exemption of the ten c a r d i n a l sins and the permission to be born among the gods. 13. Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang Plate 16 The Ten Kings I l l u s t r a t i o n s -93- Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings The B r i t i s h Museum Plate 17 - 9 4 - I.Y: -b" m im m Atf. m m 2L 'Ti? in p 15= ; m SI ~ 3i fill; X E9 n.f: IMI • * in in ' •5c 1=1 .1511' * •: n •'• . : m & A Jin H: . — :H : :• & it -A • ;. M- ± IMI 'ft ^ * • Id • ' : it i i eg ., -• M if. 5c § it ... * -T FMI n l-J Bl P • . • te .•' • * • / . & 5c Mt m. • SI • it. PI • -L" ' • -- • ' j s. -tit •• W H n IT -'• • $ , .. .> . lit ill ^ . .!•:;•• : •. '• - • i % m m : 5c & vr. r»J .;, ,. & .'i-8>. ft; m fill ; V ;h . . fl1 • % • i j II ' f t « El ' If -a EE 5c i . m •i Type X m I!'r) m :\:. Us ii* M lit If; i!i . Irl IS » ft lit ** ni- i i m l?l — ts 1!t Vii" 11. # til f' i'l i i Tp. Wi nj m- 5c [-ZJ ^ III ftiii i r- M m IBis ̂  .flic J l i m i l ate t l II: ill f'Jl! l-I r;P. 3V". in • iiH R :/;r. H M ik ' IE-1 m m m \% m llil It IMI X IT* X H PI un ia in MS •M IMI iil'l- i J i l ' Jtii "I- i i A fi'. n m liVn'l m 5c ' ± A il m il/1' in.! 5c 'J'X. V,' m i l 1 ':\:. • I'fl X JJII. IF. 3- m rz T-s ̂  IMI A F iiLl rfXl3 i l :U5 m Mr. 1=1 A ;itr m Ti lit m- 1st rf P :Mr. tl M A fl: m S9.6 A IS m .'A ill A- A -t iiiu ft; Hi lit ^ II- ?n "A ft fils #. A # A m re- ĵ a •iiK ± Tiii A i-i rrj' % m III 1% Wj A- Iff] n A f'Jl! »K w A m i"i m /II ' 2 H I te •-fc: • I f'Jl! I II IH w | - : | A. P m • O 9 1 S 3i s 7 B s 6 4 3 l Hi Type Y The Texts of Shih Wang Ching Plate 18 -95- ft •:-fc ill- V)'J ' ~k 1-1 15" : ti 151 ill'] ZE- IS te ili -fc fl-: it If 2r as T- -h A It rT-I I H J.L Jt Jx A 2L 111 #j .il', :M-. . -ii it & m -H- ^ • m '& m W m m ^ m - m •>• If ;. n • \ 4-- :. & L •' ¥ :'. IS A' « m '\i A II m m W 5C •3 i( A ill # . \k : I A U Jlli * M A o ' ' l it -If- It 'A # i? m & m a n m. ft 1$. # :': 1k 'll' M ill / i - 2"f. ft i * 11.: TE It o 1 A A fl-: m A m I'-l Type X m m ^18 &® m m A 0 i t m i l l ~M 1:1 m ill li-l •u • H A -I'- ft n n 19=j|l A M l l rX-: if w m m Hi •0 — A : v •TIN 1* m m -MT. TE1 if' •  A ®; A 1*16 ' 14 & it lit 0 itli 5C m m MI-. ? H & m Jl -k w i i ; Sir l-l m A lit * ft & - A ® .1-: -1- — m !S S i s -1- SB 1$ i t sit J.'A 20 . 1 #j ^ m 1:1:1 i t •5 -. HI ill <̂  Jr w :: 2: If m n • '•te. m ^ It m . ••; 17 m : m Jt H Jr m lit Slit iiiii —1_» — A IS iv.. -It # & % 13 5c if $ 9 Jfr24 fS n A W IM1 few -ft- i i i m fl-: :^ lik Jl«21 i l l : lit X i l m m ?ts A A WE i- & m ; '.'.( A m A m Vr. m II- 3= & fTi2.-i n /; .in. H -T iii* A III 10 te & « * m ^ •-. M22 ; »U n i l l • ' % i-l 41 jfct 4?. i t m m 1 24 . If 23 20 m 21 IJIJ 22 18 17 B 19 l'_4 ^- T X 16 j- 15 14 Ii 12 13 S 11 s 9 s 10 Type Y The texts of Shih Wang Ching Plate 19 - 9 6 - •0. M 1 n m K iiffl m ^ ft W i i i l l 5̂- Ji'i H f fin 1lt 1=1 3£ i i * i * m m n . l i t a n - *j> • ran- m HE vs- l l * tfc g & Jib GJS 3 £ 5$ i t IB 70k IYI El J l f i i * A Jib ilk it m m B29 l i t jt If fcl> i i ML 30 & I! 1=1 K *n X /t 315 m liLi ft .JTr i i . C~l 4: •W- i i / N Ji'i p -yt m [H] WH ft K w ft I i i M m l i t I l i t m # m i i i — sr W * # f l fl' # V\- fl 1 IM1 T i i 515 A «c # II IX J l # J l i i . A $c M # f l » 1? 1=1 « W II: . J l I K I r r - k A m te lit + EE life te i t -t 7A A A 7> 7> i t A * il S # flU A f& JL n I I * Type X i i i i m ft m A l i t {* m iiil m W + f t f l ft ±. tib 31 % ft & i t m m w ill ft A J# {ft ft m tt i i . Jik & ^ ^ m 3-. jf̂ f B f t — ft m f£ f,= ft m i f % lit A If — EE k If als KH • & i f 13 ia -h T —r_. / \ m f i . # 3£ # Ji % m m m m f p lit 3?. B f * # f j & te f i fin If i t ft j i # If i f -t « n* i f IIHI i f ig t l'l!l' • t e -t -t 13 If A ''fJI! W 7> 7> T 13 fit! - Jut OIL £IJ iit # ill iii te • Jilt • f t . iO. m i i i t .X. 13 JK • 13 s ~4< 1̂  Vf f l IsJ: i«i I.l'.27 y|- k • i"i W lw • ** ;u n I I f'C "V.r Ik • f i JR te • — m fiil - r -n* -\- i l l 3:. \k Jr. . — «£ m A Tllf ,:|:, M & — •JUi i d l e fl= Jff l-'l. /t Jit m f:l: .'iT i i i ' . ' Vii' 5Ji o 5 <t> f l —• m fia - /iff it 3-. •W m - i - IE 1:1. i l l m m i 29 lid; 30 19 28 s 27 26 S 25 m s Type Y The Texts of Shih Wang Ching Plate 20 -97- 7* J i m in m •IfK • ! ,lllj IX X ; 4i •• 41) lit :• hi: A Hi: '•• 'la ' ' j& ft •Jtii U: ' i • • . IH J 1 M fiV? •' ' j£ ta A ; -V; ft • - i< . : ' ! ' fiij ST ?f r. j rr-. ' te y i f A •• . " • i i f l : ia It tic fl* i l l ffl R- 8'! Mi f t Jit • iftf I t I® r»( * • f f m ®\ in- . Jfv m •Jc • H IM1 13 H i t A life m -T i t Jilt ffl in HO fB I* I'H ft m •i & II! Jik (K i l l 5c 75. m m ,rt7. KM 11* r. M -I- EH A * 'R It - J i #J Jt Jtii Jr a ja i t $ IHI A 11 ® A $ - r -A - A - $f m j2i • -A- lit IH' Type X 35 -m ia m JI 10; A ' • - :'J nil 11 . Iii " f t m 11 M i i * 11 TJ f t iilll Iff! ft 11* i l ii-k EL te ,* ".",!'• ® • m IS # — —32 m m i l l m - iH jut H 5?r. iiq -r- ft )i If: '> fJI'. "li'l" . 3: Jilt H A J'i' ft! A ft m f i i t ft i SI ? i): •^33 Jt m -LlL «. A • '£ i-n m £f!34 M f!)|! AH M m ffci ft Jr m a:: ^< m m I i (R It i ^ J s JS 'g -J] m m f/ill * . l-J — 1̂1 — J i m ;il!S . Kfi. m. i t m P'b m i l l 3: JS m X- # l i 7K I!SS 111 41 it* el A"? in m 41 _h 11 mi i l l # • IJCI # 1̂1 filU A m mi i s i2 •}J, II', f it SU i i Xf. ft JJH- rr i l l II', Jtk f l ' m A i*.': Wi • m ItL- 7K P fl-: I I Hi m m M fv'. ' m ± A fl ; m 'J'A'. i i i n m «. m m •M i i i A :'ii lit 11 it jit m fill! Jfts i i A ,"f3r» Jtii I iJjs A # m & JN37 i t 7 if'A w 41 S ^ ii n "A" *K • n C to 4< » 40 S it 38 39 S te 36 S 37 Hi S 34 s 35 s w 33 32 31 S Jill Type Y The texts of Shih Wang Ching Plate 21 -98- J * ^ f f A m $ & $ & W j i i i A | . & m A f'Jl! A !r! I f| *p II 31! . f f • ^ rf< l - U . f t • _ < f e i i l l i . ,-• ^ m , r - , „ „ t ^ # £ £ ;tf H • • « A m M .<CJ m h : • A ft I I ,.. g " •• *j* *E "J ~ . A .ft * - -=F- (I? *« ^ # -L' W ;/f. A . S jSB & 71 4. '' 4l I S M A J £ Type X VI m m ff ©149 it m iill *44 B ff i-i i t A t 1 A w] filU Fl 'E> .13 % y.i... f f B i t # ft n> ^ nil! •m m lit P i i ft i t i t 55 wj H HI A ± A US .-5 & ft i # i 5 9 i a i m a II te i-1 m &' p. • fir A II ' IT? 47 fig 1^ Pill I f f* m i i m [Ssi iS T'T 'ti 1*45 ̂l l in id A A — A ftli f l f t n Jlli . •>l< M i i i ill's A iiiil'S A 5 2 E I S m -T V'iV W , '.Jl m ' te m m' A dll ; H ' $ 6 0 * '•• f f A $t SIS a.' %i A # 24. m te A ^ i i '> f l : te M ia58 . #s 0 .IE is; ff 3;- :1 s ts fii m ,'•7 m f f A ft & 1m I'I'I «ji '% m 111 A i i iii'1'53 A l-l fa '}\ m .in. a;. Ii i i i ff; te A54 IM! <fe f l ; " A W A m. rft iitli : 56. 32 m ^ s ill! i • W ,©57 fifii '{>i A Wr. i-i AH & i ' A Hi Klj W. 3 : ,' iii'l' 'iV/46 Sri in 61 s 59 s 57 55 s 52 51 49 48 IS) li'l wl; Sill S 60 58 •> 56 s 53 s • 50 IU i- n 1 3«f J)IL u M :y (W. JU. 54 s- 10. Type Y i i & K ^ ^ . ^ ..fig te i&r i'.^ :,! f f % f l ' vii 1st- , •,- i % jRf, i % lit t ^ ^ * flb IMI r-l • • • Jib ̂  j * . A ^ Aia ^ I-i ^- f f :3: - . ^ f,J|; f « w i n tfi •>:•• /n • . i £' • i f ? '}} ^ •• i l l • . ; B M IMI ffi H I I '!• LJ W H* Fl -6 ^ ' Fl te f Fi. M w i l   U< fi; lift i£ >F &42 «t 3£ -/fiei |"1 ® fill! m • ^ ni a: - fir fju / i ̂  i i ' i7i  ig % m ® m ^ lit t: A lie i§?s ^ ^ m m A a i ?fe S : ;:j4i its- f#f m M 3- . s a < $ 'H' 2i % m te A ' i - '> fi- te 1̂  i t -T1- !'T ffi ia'58 . ^ jf: f S | j£ U f 32 K S Vi 'V. M IX fk m ® ft YUi i i 1; 5C te A54IM1 <\>. fl!* A ^ A SsC M * ||> j) m m ,©57 m A .<fe # # ia . Di Wi . <y m u -{• w\ m • f i ' w • ni; 1® Jfeo ifl! . {v.;43 m 47 45 43 . 42 a s s ' "44 S * u The texts of Shih Wang Ching Plate 22 -99- ft i f 'ii m m IE T ' in £ 111: m Type X iiff $' 3r t: in ¥,1; A 'M — <:l: — . ft Titr ^ IE am 1 rH •li- • Iffs IK &s 'fi!' §68 2L iifcs . 'fir If* 5R yi — 4'-s £: HR A AS fit . £ IIH -t — in #4 ft? ff. IE ff f!'fs 73' ^ 9k -f- ^ ¥. if. JL - 31 i t m H — -fc — ' 0 tr A JS?{- 1? * IE $>67# . Eli!S ift64 * #65 A |$S it Bfcs m m m m m m n H i l fM! A 31 & fills te W If Wl m m m m -h fV IE m ^62 . SI fit # fl? •m i f H i t A g* 31 f l 1:1:1 Fl W A ff# ̂ IE ii& fit S'i "let tr A 2* ~k te f,rj IS ^ m s s s 68 S PS s s III w 66 64 67 65 S 63 s -̂62 S •y a m S H r, HH Type Y The texts of Shih Wang Ching Plate 23 - 1 0 0 - Q IE EH r -t -t: * Hi EH T m -t: If « EE "K m -fc Hf IH K EH T B9 •fc 51 EH Type X A i53 •+- IF. 76 • IE _ -t fS -t 0 » 1 t I + lit 3? A 7 4 B& u* m IU ft * EE * rr * m ft • • EE is m 0 A -t a t a H A S A tfj •& ta ife ife73 ft fl 31 .ft 91 ft SB ft 3E 9t -fc s .a & <£ » S Es EE 731 A £ .6 tt til $s * vh 11 A 8S a 95 - f c ^69 E 0 m %• m t» fa l-E « • Si ia T T . 'J&70*? •6 « ft ..ft ft s « W Mi 76 75 74 1$ * 72 73 S 71 S a 69 s « s 70 s ft Type Y The texts of Shih Wang Ching Plate 24 -101- I'M •i, -sV a. 4Bt l l i : .r- ]• ffi Wli sft ittl • ^ • m • • a i f . i -A ••)•:., •'BE- f f i i i r Ml ' ; A m m • .A. • m & ft A A -h # m ... 1 I • 31 <r"; 1 i i : m . lit rt . W. • '.;! .)' ' ) •'. 'll •uw A 1;^ ft • !m lit t m m <L> t M -f- k A f f •: m > m / few "': 31 f f Til' T|> Type X lift fa m : ± tit : A # ft' M IP m A #JS # Si Jl • = Jfl 'ft H Wi ft m M m ® • . £ Ii : lit # m fli 31 =* * fts its ^ 3A 7p.- ^ TJ 1=1 P895 A a A M L & Tr as I'I'I94 fill •141 :f. i l 'lit te .11 ro 13 -h f f lift H9i ft P S?92 I'l ^ ?f!}93^ ; '.t: ft l i A Al % ft ft 85 # H < r - )fW> 31. r- Jik it El 1*187 fir 31 SF A « 9 E 13 j l -A • - 4f- i i ^ o§ ^ 5H lit Hi iii 31 * :,''V /i=! ^ & 'J! • ;S fl* f^84 f"j81 111 #782 x£ te83 fIJ 53 •k ft m nil ' l"-l Iil77 , l l tl A ' . f«79 Ji te {''.I ft80% Jiii in W Iil7fl ^ iii i i fy s s II: 95 IS* 94 'Id 93 - S ffi &sL 89 90 it" 91 92 S 86\ 85 i-. mo- ss 87 84 81 82 83 79 77 iZi il-A i-f tl 80 «£ M 1J. 78 s Type Y The texts of Shih Wang Ching Plate 25 -102- f'f. m m Type X at * m ?7. lit 01 3? - ** p & ri- !!* P 106 ,11! IR ioo ffi (HI ••fl IH] ft Ti iii X% m ft Ti 107 - Sft 3: 'ia 3-. W97 IH] ffi Mi [•*! «i! ' 'if. Ti ffi rs w :P. III! A< It rioi-6 ii — Hi & i\C ;?/f f l: L* ft .id i'Ji A Iff W iX ffi • f t as •44 ia ?i8 :.X A A IS $$99 te •ff 3R Ki 1$ sn k f« flit! ffi '">'. $896 ft - &s I* IS ft -m s ft: 1-51 n't 'J- id ji. A. * B L" jJi to (ieioa IK ± Jl98 lit . it s — •fcl IS # n ff [iii aii. 11 :l: T VS lit', -¥ ir! ifc It ft Jt: A >v «L •'ft ft f f m m m n •4-' 5 in! ii J H ft!: .if. iii H r$ 1: -f ff! 'it iii Ci -A ! iTii • tn m *M ;? te! w fl- ^ it ilk ± 331 108 107106105 104100 fit tS W VT 109 ~ i ' " 110 :•< s 101 •ru> 10.' 103 .Ul s •f- 99 98 97 96 v s Type Y The texts of Shih Wang Ching Plate 26 -103- The F i r s t King, Ch'in-kuang Wang Nison-in Plate 27 -104- Plate 28 -105- The Third King, Sung-ti Wang Nison-in Plate 29 -106- Plate 30 Plate 31 -108- The Sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang Nison-in Plate 32 -109- The Seventh King, T'ai-shan Wang Nison-in Plate 33 -110- Plate 34 -111- Th e Ninth King, Tu-shih Wang Nison-in Plate 35 -112- The Tenth King, Wu-tao Chuang-lun Wang Nison-in Plate 36 Five of the Ten Kings The Metropolitan Museum of Arts Plate 37 The Ten Kings Hofuku-ji P l a t e 38 -115- The Third King, Sung-ti Wang Seigan-ji Plate 39 -116- The F i f t h King, Yen-lo Wang Jo d o - j i Plate 40 -117- The F i f t h King, Yen-lo Wang Zendo-ji Plate 41 -118- The Sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang Zendo-ji Plate 42 -119- Plate 43 -120- The Ten Categories of the Universal World (Jukkai-zu) Z e n r i n - j i Plate 44 -121- a) d e t a i l : a h e l l r i v e r D e t a i l s of Jukkai-zu Z e n r i n - j i Plate 45 -122- The Sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang Koto-in Plate 46  -124- Plate 48 -125- Th e Tenth King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang Kanazawa Bunko Plate 49

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