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An iconographic study of "Ten Kings" paintings Watanabe, Masako 1984-05-31

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AN ICONOGRAPHIC STUDY OF "TEN KINGS" PAINTINGS By MASAKO WATANABE B.A., The Tokyo Woman's Christian University, 1969 Art History Diploma, The University of British Columbia, 1980 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE REQUIREMENTS MASTER PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF FOR THE DEGREE OF OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Fine Arts) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required st^fidard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1984 © Masako Watanabe, 1984 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 DE-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT In China and Japan there are innumerable paintings and texts of the "Ten Kings of Hell" but to date there has been no systematic investigation of them. This thesis makes an attempt to categorize these art works and documents according to iconographic features and format. Classification has been successful in as much as a sequential order was established and new insight, substantiated by tenth century Tun-huang documents, Sung Buddhist records, and Japanese commentaries has been attained regarding iconographic and iconological properties. Tenth century Type A paintings of "Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings," character ized by iconic presentation and in large hanging scroll format, were super seded by mid-tenth century Type B narrative handscrolls consisting of "Ten Kings Illustrations" accompanied by Type Y texts, the edited and modified versions of their precursor, Type X. Textual investigation disclosed an affiliation between Ten Kings paintings and texts, and the unprecedented suggestion that Type A paintings and Type X texts had a close iconographic and iconological relationship Is made in this paper. Comparative analysis of Illustrations and texts shows that the Type X text, with emphasis on the concept of "Chui-shan" and "Yii-hsiu," corresponds iconologically to the large Type A hanging scrolls used in the funeral service, and that the Type Y text, which dealt exclusively with "Yii-hsiu" accompanied the Type B handscrolls used for accruing religious merit. Typological examination of thirteenth and fourteenth century Chinese paintings executed by professional painters in the Ning-p'o area, as well as scrutiny of traditional Japanese hell paintings, leads to speculation that the Ten Kings painting tradition between the tenth and thirteenth centuries was already depicting fully developed hell scenes, despite the fact that there is a dearth of literary and pictorial evidence. Fourteenth century Japanese Ten Kings paintings reveal that Chinese proto types had undergone "Japanization" and that one particular set of paintings owned by Nison-in was based on three separate Chinese prototypes: two Ning-p'o models, and the tenth century Type B tradition, as well as traditional Japanese motifs. One significant aspect of the Japanization of this set is discernible in the elaboration of the "Honjibutsu" (origins of Buddhist deities) and this fact has been interpreted in the context of fourteenth century Japanese Buddhism, the Zen sect in particular. i -iii-TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i TABLE OF CONTENTS iii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT viINTRODUCTION - 1 CHAPTER ONE. Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings Paintings, Type A 7 CHAPTER TWO. The Ten Kings Illustration, Type B 17 1. The First Scene, Sakyamuni Preaching (Plate 10-1) 18 2. The Second Scene, Six Bodhisattvas (Plate 10-2) 19 3. The Scene of a Messenger Riding on a Black Horse (Plate 10-3) 14. The Scene of the First King, Ch'in-kuang Wang (Plate 10-4) 20 5. The Scene of the Second King, Ch'u-chiang Wang (Plate 10-5) 1 6. The Scene of the Third King, Sung-ti Wang (Plate 10-6) 22 7. The Scene of the Fourth King, Wu-kuan Wang (Plate 10-7) 3 8. The Scene of the Fifth King, Yen-lo Wang (Plate 11-8)9. The Scene of the Sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang (Plate 11-9) 24 10. The Scene of the Seventh King, T'ai-shan Wang (Plate 11-10) 5 11. The Scene of the Eighth King, P'ing-cheng Wang (Plate 11-11) 212. The Scene of the Ninth King, Tu-shih Wang (Plate 11-12) 26 13. The Scene of the Tenth King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang (Plate 11-13) 214. The Last Scene (Plate 11-14) 7 CHAPTER THREE. , The Ten Kings Texts 30 CHAPTER FOUR. Japanization in the Nison-in Ten Kings Paintings 36 CONCLUSION 52 NOTES 5 BIBLIOGRAPHY 71 APPENDIX 6 PLATES 7 -iv-Plate LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings: The Mus^e Guimet -983 A.D., hanging_scroll Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 108 Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings: The National Museum, New Delhi 10 c^, hanging scroll Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 109 Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings: The Muse'e Guimet 10 c., hanging scroll Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 111-b Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings: The British Museum 10 c^, hanging scroll Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 110-a Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings: The National Musum, New Delhi 10 c^, hanging scroll Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 111-a Ti-tsang: The British.Museum 10 c., hanging scroll Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 105 An esoteric drawing of Ti-tsang: Ninna-j i 12 c. Rokudo-e PI. 27 Ti-tsang, Tao-ming, and the Lion: The Musee Guimet 981 A.D., hanging_scroll Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 113-b The Ten Kings and the Hell Scene: The Kimiko and John Powers Collection 14 c, hanging scrolls Kobijutsu No. 23 The Ten Kings Illustrated Text: The Kuboso Museum 971 A.D.?, handscroll Kokka No. 621 The Ten Kings Illustrations: The (Pelliot) Muse'e Guimet (top) The (Stein) British Museum (middle) The Hojuin, Koyasan (bottom) handscrolls "Juo zukan no kozo" pp. 289-295 Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings: The British Museum 10 c^, hanging scroll Tonko-ga no kenkyu PI. 110-b The texts of Shih Wang Ching: Nihon Shodo Hakbutsu-kan (Type X) The_Pelliot 2003 q. (Type Y) "Juo zukan no kozo" pp. 259-267 A set of the Ten Kings: Nison-in, attributed to Tosa Yukimitsu 14 c, hanging scroll Five of the Ten Kings: The Metropolitan Museum of Arts, Chin Ta-13_c, hanging scroll Chugoku kaiga sogo zuroku Vol. 1 The Ten Kings: Hofuku-ji 14 c., hanging scroll Juyo bunkazai 8 PI. 300 The third King, Sung-ti Wang Seigan-ji 13 c.?, hanging scroll The fifth King, Yen-lo Wang Jodo-ji 14 c, hanging scroll The fifth King, Yen-lo Wang Zendo-ji 13 c, hanging scroll -vi-Plate 42 The sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang Zendo-ji 13 c, hanging scroll 43 A painting of the Ten Kings set: Daitoku-ji 14 c.?, hanging scroll 44 The Ten Categories of the Universal World (Jukkai-zu) Zenrin-ji ca. 1300, hanging scrolls Juyo bunkazai 8 PI. 83 45 Details of Jukkai-zu: a. a hell river Kobijutsu No. 23 PI. 8 b. a demon figure Jigoku-e PI. 65 c. a woman on a needle tree Kobijutsu No. 23 PI. 7 46 The_sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang Koto-in 13 or 14 c.?, hanging scroll 47 A scene of the first King, Ch'in-kuang Wang from the Ten Kings Illustrated sutra: Toji 14 c.± handscroll Rokudo-e PI. 30 48 Details from Rokudo-e: Shojuraigo-ji 14 c, hanging scroll Heibonsha Jigoku-e 49 A painting of the Ten Kings set: Kanazawa Bunko The tenth King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang 13 or 14 c., hanging scroll -vii-ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to express my wholehearted appreciation for the long-standing support and continuous stimulation of Dr. Moritaka Matsumoto and Dr. Mary Morehart of the Department of Fine Arts. Dr. Leon Hurvitz, of the Asian Studies Department, was a source of invaluable advice in the translation and interpretation of Buddhist manuscripts. I wish to acknowledge the generosity of the Ohira Foundation whose research grant gave me the opportunity to examine original paintings in Japan. Lastly, I would like to thank Ms. Lynn Katey for much appreciated encouragement and the editing of this thesis. INTRODUCTION The Ten Kings of Hell (Shih Wang y* £ ) are the judges who during the term of three years between death and incarnation, examine the deeds of the dead and pass judgement. Sentient beings are sentenced according to their good and evil deeds and sent to one of the six destinies, which are those of the gods, men, asuras, animals, hungry ghosts and beings of hell. In order to eliminate, or at least decrease suffering at the court of each of the Ten Kings, and to be reborn in the realm of gods after death, people were encouraged to perform such meritorious deeds as the copying of texts, the making of icons, and the performance of the mass of the Ten Kings. People performed the Ten Kings observances twice monthly to ensure a felicitous future life for themselves, and on the dates when their deceased relatives would be facing judgement to ensure their rebirths.Thus the cult of the Ten Kings, which was entirely related to the ceremony for the dead and to the concept of death, became one of the most popular in Buddhism after the late T'ang Dynasty. The Teh Kings cult was most probably an offshoot of the Ti-tsang (Jizo in Japanese, Ksitagarbha in Sanskrit) cult which became popular in the T'ang Dynasty (618-907). Ti-tsang is a bodhisat-tva who had made a vow to save all beings, throughout the six destinies, during the period of the Buddha's absence from this world. As ceremonies in honor of Ti-tsang were commonly practiced by the living for the dead, the cult of the Ten Kings most likely emerged from the context of the popular Ti-tsang cult, with its religious emphasis on saving the dead from hell. The dates after their deaths on which people meet the Ten Kings are as follows: -2-The first King Ch'in-kuang Wang The second King Ch'u-chiang Wang The third King Sung-ti Wang The fourth King Wu-kuan Wang The fifth King Yen-lo Wang The sixth King Pien-ch'eng Wang The seventh King T'ai-shan Wang The eight King P'ing-cheng Wang The ninth King Tu-shih Wang The tenth King Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang JDL 3=Zv-3WJl on the third year Since the discovery of many paintings, and many copies of the sutras of the Ten Kings (Shin Wang at Tun-haung, studies on the Ten Kings have been undertaken by Buddhologists and art historians. However, the provenance and development of the cult of the Ten Kings is still shrouded 2 in mystery. The difficulties in studying the development of the Ten Kings paintings lie in the fact that both Buddhologists and art historians have concentrated wholly upon their own specialized research without attempting a comprehensive investigation of the cult of the Ten Kings as a whole. This integral approach involves a combination of textual and iconographic investigation. In general, the texts of popular Buddhism were inclined to be apocryphal in an effort to authenticate the impure and adulterate ideas attached to on the first seventh day on the second seventh day ^^i. on the third seventh day on the fourth seventh day on the fifth seventh day on the sixth seventh day on the seventh seventh day on the hundredth day on the first year -3-Buddhism. In the case of the Ten Kings belief, the Buddhist concepts of "karma" and the transmigration of souls were amalgamated with the Taoist concept of the juridical system of the netherworld as seen in the T'ai-shan cult and the Confucian concepts of ancestor worship and filial piety. 3 Texts of the Ten Kings are divided into three basic types. The first, hereafter referred to as Type X, is the simplest, and the one in which the Ten Kings are merely named for purposes of recitation rather than for indi-4 vidual description. The main theme of Type X texts is concerned with the concept of Chui-shan }$ # (Tsui-zen in Japanese), which refers to the benefits of performing a mass for the dead, and the concept of Yu-hsiu "f^i^ (Yoshu in Japanese) which refers to the benefits of preparatory performances done by the living for themselves. The second type, hereafter referred to as Type Y, is a more developed version of Type X consisting of alternate prose and seven-syllable verses describing the individual traits of the Ten Kings and emphasizing the benefits of preparatory performance by the living."' After the second half of the tenth century, the development of Type Y texts completely superseded Type X. The last type, hereafter referred to as Type Z, is problematic. It is the most elaborate of the three Ten Kings texts because both the seven-syllable verses and the prose contain detailed descriptions of the Ten Kings. Type Z also includes Honjibutsu (origins of Buddhist deities) and this fact puts its sources in question. Both Type X and Type Y texts originated in Northwestern China and other sites while Type Y were found in both Japan and Korea as well. Type Z texts have traditionally been considered a Japanese invention since they were seen only in Japan, but because of the fact that some descriptions found only in Type Z are also present in tenth century Tun-huang paintings, one -4-theory is that Type Z originated in China. As for the development of the Ten Kings painting tradition, there are two crucial periods. The first period, covering the tenth century, is g represented by two types, A and B. In Type A (Plates 1-5), Ti-tsang is the central image which is depicted frontally, sitting upon a lotus pedestal, and with a large halo. The Ten Kings are presented as subordinate icons juxtaposed, around Ti-tsang. As a result of its rigid symmetrical and hierarchical composition, Type A paintings are characterized .-by iconic presentation. On the other hand, the Type B handscroll (Plates 10,11) is a narrative presentation in which Ti-tsang is reduced to a secondary image and the Ten Kings are individually illustrated in continuous small scenes, accompanied by texts. In each scene, one king and all other accompanying figures are asymmetrically arranged and depicted in three-quarter view. The scenes in front of each king are ones of simple torture as actual hell scenes did not emerge until later in the Ten Kings painting tradition. The iconic type presentation of Ten Kings paintings was a pre cursor to the narrative type presentation, which most likely emerged in the mid-tenth century, and as both types developed simultaneously there was a certain amount of mingling between the traditions. The second crucial period, covering the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, saw the production of many sets of Ten Kings paintings by professional painters in the Ning-p'o area. These sets (Plates 37-43,46,49) are markedly different, both icono-graphically and pictorially, from those of the tenth century phase, and this mass production implies that the Ten Kings cult was popular during this time period although there is no literary evidence to support the specific shift in presentation. Trying to investigate the Ten Kings painting tradition in -5-the few centuries following the tenth is problematic, but nevertheless, I will speculate on the development of the tradition through typological investigation of the Ning-p'o Ten Kings sets and corroborate this with thirteenth and fourteenth century Japanese sources. Examination of the Japanese Ten Kings paintings, which are enormously indebted to Chinese prototypes, will reveal that they contain clear features of the Ning-p'o Ten Kings tradition, and this Japanization of iconography-is a significant art historical problem. The most representative example of Japanese Ten Kings paintings, and one that deserves special attention, is a set owned by the Nison-in temple in Kyoto (Plates 27-36) and registered as a National Treasure. This set is comprised of ten hanging scrolls individually depicting each of the Ten Kings. They are painted in color on silk, and measure 99.3 cm in height by 42.8 cm in width.. The execution date of this set has been sug gested to be the second half of the fourteenth century, and the painter of the set, according to the Japanese art historian, Jiro Umezu, was the profes sional court painter Tosa (Fujiwara) Yukimitsu. The Nison-in set is the only extant work ever attributed to this painter who was active during the reign of Emperor Gokogon (^C^C ) (1351-1371), despite the fact that there is abundant literary material regarding Yukimitsu. As we shall soon demonstrate, the Nison-in Ten Kings paintings are indebted to Chinese Ten Kings paintings in their pictorial and iconographic characteristics, and yet clearly reveal traits of Japanese artistic vocabu laries, as for example in the elaboration of Honjibutsu that is a prominent characteristic of the Nison-in paintings. The iconography of Honjibutsu was originally developed as a part of Esoteric Buddhism. Within Mikkyo, -6-Dainichi Nyorai (Vairocana) was considered the origin (Honji) of everything in the universe. His manifestation (Suijaku) was the historical Buddha 13 (Shakamuni). This main Hon-jaku relationship was gradually expanded to include various deities, and the resultant scheme was exemplified by mandala presentation. The Nison-in set of paintings depicts the Ten Kings and their Buddha and Bodhisattva origins, as for example in the scroll of the first King where Ch'in-kuang Wang is shown as the manifestation of Pu-tung Ming-wang (Fudo Miyo-o in Japanese). This facet of Japanization, the elaboration of the Honjibutsu, should be interpreted in the context of Japanese Buddhism. -7- • CHAPTER ONE Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings Paintings, Type A Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings paintings were already being executed during the tenth century. Type A, in hanging scroll format, depicted Ti-tsang as the central icon flanked by the Ten Kings (Plates 1-5).1 The earliest extant record of Type A paintings, is found in Shan-yu Shih-k'o Ts'ung-pien J_| jfi & and states that in the last year of the T'ang Dynasty (907), at a sub temple of Shen-f u-Shan-ssu ffi^^^t in Shansi province, a painting of 2 Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings was executed along with sixteen Lohan paintings. Other literary records, particularly art historical ones, suggest that the subject of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings continued to be popular into the Five Dynasties period (907-959). A record, Wu-tai Ming-hua Pu-i 3L/f\,^i^.^ 3». states that the Five Dynasties painter Chang-t'u executed paintings of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings during the reign of Emperor T'ai tsu, Chu Ch'u'an-chung -$t4bitL' (907-912).~* Kuo Jo-hsii , in his 1074 preface to T'u-hua Chien-wen Chih f$ tA/ , introduced a painter, Wang Ch'iao-shih i ^ "ir , in his section dealing with Five Dynasties painters, as follows:^ Wang Ch'iao-shih: Skilled at painting Buddhist and Taoist subjects and secular figures and most fond of doing the icons of the Bodhisattva Ksitigarbha (Ti-tsang) and the Ten Kings of Hell. More than a hundred versions of this theme have been preserved to modern times. From literary accounts we can see that many paintings of the Ten Kings were depicted along with the image of Ti-tsang during the latter part of the T'ang Dynasty and throughout the Five Dynasties period. Extant paintings of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings located at Tun-huang and considered to have been executed during the Five Dynasties or early Northern -8-Sung Dynasty periods, should have been similar in pictorial and iconographic presentation to paintings of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings recorded in literary sources. One Tun-huang painting housed in the Musee Guimet (Plate 1) will be used for careful examination of Type A iconography as it provides us with significant information."' The painting is dated to the eighth year of T'ai-p'ing Hsing-kuo (983) and gives complete iconographic information in its well-preserved cartouches. The Type A painting tradition, already in force at the beginning of the tenth century, lasted through the late tenth century as evidenced by the 983 date for the Musee Guimet painting. The Type A painting is a hierarchical representation of figures with a large scale Ti-tsang located at the axis of the symmetrical composition, and the smaller scale Ten Kings placed to either side of him, as if they were attendants. This placement is characteristic of iconic presentation as opposed to Type B narrative presentation. Ti-tsang is a more important figure than the Ten Kings iconographically, as evidenced by his central placement, frontal depiction, large halo, and elaborate canopy. The Mandala-like arrangement of the Ten Kings and their attendants, along with their portrayal in three quarter view suggests adoration and enhances the concept of Ti-tsang as a cult image. This deity, who had made the vow "to make all beings ripen in the world of no existence of Buddha" and who had been instructed by Buddha "with your great compassion, you (Ti-tsang) now wish to undertake the incon ceivable task of rescuing all those in the six paths who suffer for their offences," had been worshipped as a Messiah image in the world of the latter day of the Law (Mappo ) Ti-tsang's portrayal as a monkish figure, which is based upon Ti-tsang texts, is his most credible iconographic trait, particularly in the context of the exoteric Buddhist tradition. At the same -9-time, among portrayals of him as a monk, there is no consistent use of attributes or mudras, most probably because there is no detailed description of his figure in exoteric Ti-tsang texts. Within Type A paintings iconographic motifs are routinely depicted. For example, in the Guimet painting, the major icon, Ti-tsang, is depicted in the same pictorial and iconographic manner as his solitary image in other tenth century Tun-huang paintings, such as the British Museum painting (Plate 6). He is seated upon a lotus pedestal, wears a hood over his head and shoulders, is surrounded by an elaborate halo, and holds a long metal staff with six rings. He does not carry the usual jewelled ball in his left hand . though his hand gesture is similar to that of his figure in, for example, the British Museum painting. This similarity of hand gesture suggests that a jewelled ball should be held in the left hand of the Guimet Ti-tsang. In thirteenth and fourteenth century Ti-tsang paintings of China, Korea, and Japan, both a metal staff and jewelled ball are frequent attributes. The pictorial pre sentation of this deity with both attributes was a popular and long lasting tradition. The aforementioned iconographic features of Ti-tsang, though not described by exoteric texts', were found in later esoteric literary sources ; and twelfth through fourteenth century compilations of iconographic drawings. Later mention of the staff and jewelled ball attributes can be found in the Ti-tsang section of a book Buddhist commentary) written by Shingon priest Kakuzen i fj^f (1143-1217). The following quote is Amoghavajra's rules of drawing icons) •? Ti-tsang secretes his bodhisattva practice in himself and mani fests a monkish appearance outside. He holds a jewelled ball in his left hand a metal staff in his right hand, peacefully residing on the thousand-leaved and blue lotus flowers. -10-Although Fuku giki is not extant and some scholars suspect its authenticity, it can be safely stated that the Ti-tsang iconography of the Guimet painting discloses a connection with esoteric iconography. In the Dojo-kan in Kakuzen sho, priest Kakuzen instructed how a detailed image of Ti-tsang g could be manifested through the practice of visualization of Ti-tsang. There is a lotus flowered pedestal on a platform. On the top of that there is a letter of ^ . The letter turns into a jewelled ball and the jewelled ball turns into Ti-tsang Bodhisattva, appearing in the figure of a monk. He wears a monkish garment of $L 1$. (an "Emancipation" banner). He holds a jewelled ball of purified Bodhi mind in his right hand and in his left hand is a metal staff of fulfilment of six savings. This visualization of Ti-tsang is remarkably similar to the image of Ti-tsang in the Guimet painting and in esoteric drawings such as the seventeen^Nin-na drawings (Plate 7). Since the practice of visualization is one of the most Important and unique practices of esoteric Buddhism, it can be concluded that the figure of Ti-tsang depicted with both the staff and jewelled ball as 9 attributes might have originated from, and developed within, this tradition. In short, the esoteric iconography of Ti-tsang with two attributes was already popular at Tun-huangin the tenth century. It is quite under standable that the representation of Ti-tsang in Type A paintings is that of a cult image, since this is appropriate for iconic representation. Above the figure of Ti-tsang, an inseparable iconographic motif, the six destinies, is represented. In the Guimet painting, the destinies of man, asuras, and hell, are illustrated on the right hand side from top to bottom, and the realms of devas, beasts, and hungry demons are portrayed on the left in a similar manner. The ordering of six destinies from hell to deva, arranged from bottom to top, follows the basic traditional presentation All the beings from the six destinies seem to have been saved by Ti-tsang and his compassionate vow as they are on their way to the heaven hall on an ascending cloud. In the Guimet painting, beneath Ti-tsang's pedestal, there is a lion on the right and a monk on his knees doing the anjali mudra (a gesture of prayer) on the left. The cartouches identify the lion as the golden-haired lion Chin-mao Shih-tzu , and the monk as Tao-ming Ho-shang There are two contradictory accounts about the golden-haired lion and Tao-ming which are rather puzzling. The Sung Buddhist sources Fo Tsu  T'ung Chi fa fa #u&£> and Shih Men Cheng T'ung .#U^j£Jjvi) state that in the T'ang dynasty, Tao-ming entered purgatory, carefully observed the Ten Kings passing judgement, and upon return to the world told of what he had seen."^ Neither of the Sung accounts mention Tao-ming in relation to Ti-tsang but they do link him to the Ten Kings. A fragment of the Tun-haung document, Huan Hun Chi ~!&Ji$b&fl> (the record of the returning spirit) (Stein 3092), speaks of Tao-ming and a golden-haired lion in connection with Ti-tsang iconography though there is no mention of the Ten Kings.''""'" The story of Tao-ming in Huan Hun Chi has been summarized by Eiichi Matsumoto, and the 12 following account is based upon his rendering. When he was taken into purgatory by mistake in the thirteenth year of Ta-li 7\. 1%. (778) he saw a meditating monk with a lion beside him. The monk's eyes looked like blue lotus and his face like a full moon. He was upon a jewelled lotus and held a staff in his hand. Tao-ming identified him with Ti-tsang and the lion with a manifestation of the Bodhisattva, Manjusri. The appearance of Ti-tsang was different from the typical monkish image of the figure. (E. Matsumoto suggests that the Ti-tsang whom Tao-ming saw should have been a hooded figure.)13 Ti-tsang ordered Tao-ming to tell people in this world the details of Ti-tsang's appearance and to advise them to recite the mantra ) of Ti-tsang. After Tao-ming came back from purgatory, he recounted and drew what he saw there. -12-In keeping with this detailed story of Tao-ming there is a Tun-huang, painting (Plate 8), dated 981, which illustrates Tao-ming and the lion with a solitary figure of Ti-tsang. The above literary record, with its integration of Ti-tsang, Tao-ming, and the lion, leads us to believe that the Ten Kings might be a latter addition to the iconography that is exempli-14 fied in the Guimet Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings painting. Eventually the iconography of Ti-tsang the Ten Kings, and Tao-ming and the lion became standardized. Referring back to the Sung records of Fo Tsu T'ung Chi and Shih Men Cheng T'ung, where a tight relationship between Tao-ming and Ten Kings is mentioned, we can see that a shift occurred in this iconography and that the Ten Kings came to replace Ti-tsang. In the Guimet painting, the Ten Kings, Shih Wang , are positioned on both sides of the Ti-tsang figure, and arranged in order from the first King who is met on the seventh day after death to the tenth King who is seen in the third year after death. Even though each King is rendered almost identically, is in the same pose, wears a Chinese official-like long dress with a crown, and holds a sceptre, there are, fortunately, cartouches to identify the figures. The kings are positioned from the top right downward as Ch'in-kuang Wang, ^ fc\ , Ch'u-chiang Wang ^tfjti , Sung-ti Wang i- , Wu-kuang Wang JL , and Yen-lo Wang j^i and from bottom left upward as Pien-ch'eng Wang , T'ai-shan Wang iLvi. , P'ing-cheng Wang -SpjE-i- , Tu-shih Wang %f~^^- , and Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang 7? T& Sfc The fifth king, Yen-lo Wang, is conspicuous because of his rectangu lar shaped crown, and the tenth king, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang because of his armor and helmet. These two kings provide a means of identifying the order of the Ten Kings in other Tun-huang paintings of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings even when the inscriptions are illegible or the cartouches empty. Having -re established the identity of these two kings, it may be possible to draw several different arrangements of the group of Ten Kings as a whole. Their order in the Tun-huang paintings is as follows: 1. The Musee Guimet version (date: 983) (Plate 1) 2. The New Delhi Museum version (Plate 2) 3. The Musee Guimet version (Plate 3) 4. The British Museum version (Plate 4) <7 V y ft ^7 ft -14-5. The New Delhi Museum version (Plate 5) The later Japanese painting collection of K.&J. Powers (Plate 9) i 3 s n 1 l» 8 b 4 z Despite severe damage to this fifth painting, it seems to me that the figure in the bottom right is wearing armor and might be the tenth king. These drawings make clear that the numerical arrangement of the figures is different in every case, and yet they are always in lineal order. It is perhaps useful to note that in later Japanese Ten Kings paintings this pattern is not applied and that the figures appear in even and odd-number sequences. This arrangement is evident in the painting owned by Kimiko and John Powers (Plate 9). In the Guimet painting, the Ten Kings are subordinate to Ti-tsang in terms of their iconographic presentation. It seems that indi vidual distinctions between the Ten Kings were not considered of primary importance and that the impersonal and monotonous characterization was considered adequate. A brief summary of the legend from Ti-tsang P'u-sa  Hsaing-ling-yen chi. % %^ifyM$)$%b, dated 989, and compiled by Ch'ang Chin ijfy , is as follows:"'""' -15-During the T'ien-fu era ^.-ff? (936-943) a western monk, Chih Yu ^ %ta brought a painting of Ti-tsang and the Sanskrit text of Pen-yuan Kong-te Ching ^/j^ 7# #J~ (probably referring to Ti-tsang P'u-sa Pen-yuan Ching 1&^%i'$Lfa.lw{ %!& . A hooded Ti-tsang was depicted in a circle at the centre of the painting with a staff in his hand and was accompanied by the Ten Kings. Five of them are placed at the left and they are Ch'in-kuang Wang, Ch'u-chiang Wang, Sung-ti Wang, Wu-kuan Wang, and Yen-lo Wang. The remaining five at the right are Pien-ch'eng Wang, T'ai-shan Wang, P-ing-cheng Wang, Tu-shih Wang, and Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang. Each king has assistants such as Ssu-ming $ £^ and Ssu-lu ^ . The original story of this painting goes: a long time ago in India a bodhisattva made a great vow to save sentient beings who suffer and went to the castle of the Ten Kings with the painting of Ti-tsang and obtained the cooperation of the Ten Kings. Subsequently the figures of the Ten Kings were added to paintings of Ti-tsang. The description of.the relationship of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings in this .0 story is in keeping with their depiction in the. Guimet painting. In other words, since the 989 date of Ti-tsang P'u-sa Hsaing-ling-yen Chi, is so close to that of the Guimet painting, 983, the remarkable similarities in iconographic and pictorial presentation of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings indicates that there was an established tradition for the cult of the Ten Kings and Ti-tsang in the late tenth century. The frontality of the central icon, Ti-tsang, and the systematic arrange ment of the Ten Kings around him, creates an iconic image of the Type A tradition. The esoteric attributes of Ti-tsang proper can be understood as manifestations of ritualisticand-devotional factors of esoteric Buddhism. The inscription in the Type A Guimet painting says that this painting was produced for a daughter of Mr. Chang, a 16 subordinate of the local military ruler, T'sao. The painting was meant to praise her meritorious deeds while alive, and to wish her happiness after death. It is obvious that this Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings hanging scroll -16-was meant to function as part of the funerary services for Miss Chang. The large size of this painting, and its hanging scroll format, certainly cor respond to its public function in the Chui-shan services it* (acquisition of merits for the dead). From the literary records cited previously, the tradition of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings can be seen to have reached back as far as the end of the T'ang dynasty and to have lasted for some time. -17-CHAPTER TWO The Ten Kings Illustration, Type B Another type of the early phase of the Ten Kings of Hell paintings is found in illustrations for the sutra of the Ten Kings (Shih Wang Ching, "j* >&§b.) °f which there are four illustrated versions, (Shih Wang T'u Chuan, ~f ~£- 'JL? } (Plates 10-16). ^ These illustrations show clear differences with the "Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings" type previously discussed. In the Type B each of the Ten Kings is shown individually accompanied by a section from the sutra. These continuing small scenes of the Ten Kings give a narrative quality to the illustrations. On the other hand, in the Type A Ten Kings and Ti-tsang paintings, all Ten Kings are neatly arranged around the central figure, Ti-tsang, and this placement imparts a devotional quality. This difference of presentation, where the Type A are done as hanging scrolls and Type B as handscrolls, is very significant in that it suggests an iconographic and iconological development between the two types. Before interpreting these developments, the Type B Ten Kings illustra tions will be examined in order to understand their iconographic features. Our attention will first be focussed upon the Kuboso Museum version of the Ten Kings illustrated sutra (Plates 10-11), the most significant of the four Type B versions because of its cyclical date, Hsin Wei (/5Jh ) , which will be crucial in reconstructing the tradition of the Ten Kings of Hell paintings. The inscription at the end of this handscroll gives us a significant clue when considering the function of Type B paintings. It says that the scroll was completed on the tenth day of the twelfth month in the year of Hsin Wei, and that a Buddhist disciple, Tung Wen-yuan ^ jjr ^ , copied it at the age of sixty-eight. -lo in the following pages, I will investigate how each illustration cor responds to the text and observe the iconographic traits of each scene In the Type B illustrations. 1. The First Scene, Sakyamuni Preaching (Plate 10-1) The first scene illustrates the preaching scene of 'Sakyamuni at Kusinagar before entering Nirvana, and is based upon the section of Shih Wang Ching which Immediately follows this scene. It is comparable in its compositional scheme to the Type A Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings painting housed in the British Museum (Plate 17) in which the Ten Kings are divided into two groups and arranged diagonally so as to meet at the top. Moreover, the motifs of Tao-ming, the four officials, and the good and bad youths, which were character istic of the iconography of the Ten Kings and Ti-tsang Type A paintings, are revealed in this first scene of Sakyamuni preaching. The remarkable similari ties between them suggest that this scene of Sakyamuni preaching in the Ten Kings illustration must have been closely linked to the tradition of the Ten Kings and Ti-tsang painting exemplified by the British Museum version. On the other hand, the differences between the two types clearly reveals that the central figure, Ti-tsang, and his attendants, have been replaced by that of Sakyamuni and his two great disciples, Sariputta and Moggaltana. The depiction of Sakyamuni and his disciples follows the description of Sakyamuni preaching in the text, and it was probably included to give additional credi bility to the Shih Wang Ching, which has been regarded as a later Chinese invention since the Buddha's preaching scene had become a common subject for 3 sutra frontispiece illustration. -19-In short, the mixture of the two iconographic traditions, that of Sakyamuni preaching, and that of the Ten Kings and Ti-tsang, is manifested in the first scene of the Ten Kings illustration. 2. The Second Scene, Six Bodhisattvas (Plate 10-2) The second scene in the Kuboso Museum version represents six Bodhisat tvas, Ti-tsang Jffl %, , Lung-shu H #f , Chiu-k'u Kuan-shih-yin $Cl§ f$->l£ -f , Chin-kang-tsang &$'\MK , Ch'ang-pei , and T'o-lo-ni F&fe^ . The text following this illustration names these six Bodhisattvas who came to Sakyamuni and unanimously praised the compassion for ordinary people inherent in his excellent dharma, as it spared them from death. The figures of these six Bodhisattvas are placed independently on a plain background, with no consideration for natural setting, and this gives an impersonal and devotional quality to the Bodhisattvas that is quite similar to the format 4 of an esoteric mandala. 3. The Scene of a Messenger Riding on a Black Horse.(Plate 10-3) This scene is a faithful illustration of the accompanying text. It describes the King, Yen-lo, ordering his messenger to determine whether or not the dead have done meritorious deeds. The messenger rides a black horse, is dressed in black, and carries a black banner. In this scene the messenger is depicted in three-quarter view, which emphasizes his narrative function rather than his iconic significance. This is the first time we notice the introduction of a narrative element to these illustrations. In contrast to the opening two scenes, all others contribute toward the narrative quality of the whole. -20-The following ten scenes are illustrations of each of the Ten Kings of Hell. Some of these scenes clearly show the iconographic traits of the Kings pictorially, and confirm them in the texts, while others simply repre sent the Kings in judgement and give no specific iconographic descriptions in their texts. Although there is no clear characterization for some of the Kings, it is significant to note that all Ten Kings are rendered as judges, and that all are considered independently, occupying separate scenes. More over, placement of the three-quarter view figures around the Ten Kings sug gests a stage-like spatial relationship between them and helps to create an active narration of the judgement scenes. This is one of the major differ ences in pictorialization between Type B and Type A paintings where the Kings are simply arranged around a central icon, Ti-tsang, and display no animation. 4. The Scene of the First King, Ch'in-kuang Wang 4$: A (Plate 10-4) The text to this scene narrates as follows:^ On the first seventh day one passes Ch'in-kuang Wang. In praise one says: 'On the first seventh day, the dead are in the interval between the incarnations. The sheep driven in the columns are numerous as grain dust. Briefly, facing the first king, they list the fasts. But they have not yet forded the river Styx.' As the text only tells us that the role common to all of the Ten Kings of Hell is the judgement of the dead, the illustration here simply presents the King without any of his specific attributes. Ch'in-kuang Wang, who stands behind the desk with two attendants and one official, is investigating -21-the four dead in front of him. The document on his desk is probably a record of the good and bad deeds done in their lifetime. Two of the dead hold a copy of a sutra and are judged by the King to have safely passed this court and to be ready to go on to the", next. The two remaining dead souls* shackled at the neck, are sentenced to be punished because of their bad deeds. The motifs mentioned above are not limited to this scene but appear throughout the fol lowing scenes of the Ten Kings. 5. The Scene of the Second King, Ch'u-chiang Wang fa ;X_£- (Plate 10-5) The text of this scene says the following: On the second seventh day one passes Ch'u-chiang Wang. In praise one says: 'On the second seventh day the dead cross the river Styx. In thousands of herds and myriads of columns they cross the river's waves. Ox-headed demons who drag them on the way clamp the poles oh their shoulders And then demon soldiers that egg them on carry their pitchforks upright in their hands.' This scene illustrates the text by showing demons pushing one person into the river while three others cross it. We also see such things as a thorny tree on which torn clothes are hung and a woman crossing a bridge, which seem to reveal an iconographic meaning not stated in the text. It is only in the Japanese copy of the sutra of the Ten Kings of Hell, Type Z, that we find these motifs associated with Ch'u-chiang Wang. The section of this King in the Type Z text called Tj-tsang P'i-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ch'ing ^-f £ f& , says that there are three places to cross the river : a rushing mountainstream, a deep and wide -22-river, and a place crossed by a bridge where there is a big tree, called "Iryoju under which live two demons, an old woman who removes the clothing of the dead, and an old man who hangs these clothes on the branches to weigh the sins of the dead. Though the old man and woman under the tree do not appear in this scene, we can identify the tree as Iryoju and perhaps surmise that the woman crossing the bridge has led a meritorious "life% .. The scene as a whole presents the characteristics of Ch'u-chinag Wang as understood by both the text accompanying this scene and that of the Type Z text.^ Furthermore, this illustration of Ch'u-chiang Wang invites us to reconsider the origins of the Japanese sutra of the Ten Kings of Hell g in the context of the Chinese Ten Kings cult tradition. 6. The Scene of the Third King, Sung-ti Wang j£- (Plate 10-6) The text for this King does not give any clear characterization, but says as follows: On the third seventh day one passes Sung-ti Wang. In praise one says, 'On the third, seventh day, the dead; all the more alarmed, are first aware of the length of the steep road of the nether world. Each name is recorded, and they are known whereabout in herds they are driven to the king, Wu-kuan Wang.' The illustration for the text simply shows a scene in which the King, Sung-ti Wang, inspects the dead. This scene is another example of the typical and familiar representation of the King's judgement as seen in the previous section of Ch'in-kuang Wang. -23-7. The Scene of the Fourth King, Wu-kuan Wang JE. ^@ £~ (Plate 10-7) The text for this scene says the following: On the fourth seventh day one passes Wu-kuan Wang. In praise one says: 'Even if Wu-kuan Wang's scale of deeds stands idle, the young men to the left and to the right carry a complete register of acts. Can their lightness or gravity possibly be a matter of their own wishes? No, the height or depth of their destiny naturally depends on (the) former causes and conditions.' The motif of the empty scale appears in all four versions of the Type B Ten Kings of Hell and must be regarded as a definite iconographic attribute. 8. The Scene of the Fifth King, Yen-lo Wang flfl (Plate 11-8) The text for this scene says the following: On the fifth seventh day one passes Yen-lo Wang. In praise one says: 'On the fifth seventh day, although Yamaraja (Yen-lo) quiets the voice of altercation the rancour in the sinners' hearts is not assuaged. When their hair is pulled and heads are lifted, so that they can see the mirror of their deeds, then for the first time, they have a clear understanding of events in their former lives.' Yen-lo Wang is seen here with his identifying attribute, the mirror. This motif is consistently portrayed in all the Type B versions and is 9 described in the Japanese copy.of Type Z as well. -24-In the Kuboso Museum version, Ti-tsang, Tao-ming and the lion, an iconographic unit also seen in Type A, is arranged in the background left of Yen-lo Wang, and this inclusion of the figure of Ti-tsang needs to be scrutinized. It is worth mentioning that the text for this scene has no reference to Ti-tsang, while in Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang  Ching Ti-tsang is mentioned as Yen-lo Wang."^ This joint appearance of Ti-tsang and Yen-lo in the Type B painting shows clearly that there must have been a definite connection between the Type B examples and Ti-tsang  P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching, though it cannot yet be substantiated with any more concrete evidence than that mentioned above. 9. The Scene of the Sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang 'l£ $KJ- (Plate 11-9) The text for this scene says the following: On the sixth seventh day one passes Pien-ch'eng Wang. In praise, one says: 'The dead after the sixth seventh day, entangled in the nether world, are acutely fearful of being reborn as men and becoming addicted in their folly to their thoughts. Day after day, all they see is the force of merits. But both the palace of the gods and hell itself are for but a moment.' So far we have concentrated our attention on the Kubuso Museum edition but now we will concentrate on the Pelliot version (Plate 14-9). A faithful representation of the text shows two figures ascending pn a cloud and. a glimpse of hell, whereas the other three versions show only a familiar judgement scene presided over by a King of Hell. For some reason the depiction of Heaven and Hell in the Pelliot version of Pien-ch'eng Wang -25-did not seem to become standard with the other Type B paintings. 10. The Scene of the Seventh King, T'ai-shan Wang 7\ *k (Plate 11-10) The text says the following: On the seventh seventh day one passes T'ai-shan Wang. In praise one says: 'On the seventh seventh day, the dead in the interval between incarnations and in the nether world, single-mindedly seek an intimate reunion with their parents. Though their meritorious deeds at this time are still not determined, yet they see what causes they shall create for rebirth as man or woman.' Since the literal description of this King offers no iconographic particulars, the Kuboso Museum version simply illustrates the scene of judge ment presided over by the King, T'ai-shan Wang. 11. The Scene of the Eighth King, P'ing-cheng Wang JE~£- (Plate 11-11) The text for this scene says the following: On the hundredth day one passes P'ing-cheng Wang. In praise one says" 'Personally encountering stocks and pillory and suffering blows or whips. Both men and women, by striving to cultivate merit, escape a fall and a long sojourn in the bitter place of hell.' The Illustration corresponds faithfully to the text in its depiction of an official beating his subject and of the pillory as the torture mechanism. We learn here that these punishments are characteristic of P'ien-cheng Wang. -26-12. The Scene of the Ninth King, Tu-shih Wang ffi'fe' %~ (Plate 11-12) The text for this scene says the following: On the ninth first year one passes Tu-shih Wang. In praise one says: 'Spending a year here, in ever greatly suffering, what cause of merit should men and women cultivate? Ere yet the course of gyration through the six destinies has been determined, by copying scripture and building images let them bridge the ford of stray wandering.' The Kuboso Museum version depicts, just as was the case with the previous King, a familiar scene of the King confronting his sinners. The Pelliot version (Plate 15-12), however, has the added pictorial element of the six destinies, indicated in different colours by bands flowing upward from the side of the King. The insertion of this iconographic motif in the Pelliot version can safely be attributed to the content of the text, with the implica tion that the decision will finally be made in the court of Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang. 13. The Scene of the Tenth King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang 3L5&,^%fi&r£- (Plate 11-13) The text says the following: On the tenth third year one passes Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang. In praise one says: 'The last three to .be traversed are these barriers and fords. Good and bad depend solely on the basis of merits (and other deeds) -27-and the evil are still (?) tormented by fear that within a thousand days, There are maybe premature birth, stillbirth, and early death.' In all Type B versions this scene presents the King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang, with his attendants and the Six realms, suggesting that the dead have already been sentenced, and that their ultimate destiny in one of the Six realms has been decided. A distinctive pictorial feature, which is typical of Type A representation of this King, is his armor and helmet. 14. The Last Scene (Plate 11-14) The text for this scene says the following: When the ten fasts (for the Ten Kings of Hell) are complete, one will be exempted from the ten cardinal sins and will be permitted to be born into heaven. In praise one says: 'One body in the six destinies is with woe beset. (Because of) the ten evils for the three (lowest) destinies there is no substitute. For the diligent keeping of the fast one's merit is perfect, and sins as numerous as Ganges' sands simply melt away.' The scene shows a sinner, free from the tortures of hell, worshipping a Ti-tsang-like figure, and a demon of hell on a coiled snake threatening a man in front of the iron fence of hell. Y. Tokushi and K. Ogawa in their article, "Juo-zukan no kozo," suggest that the monk here might not be Ti-tsang but rather Tao-ming, because of his monkish attire instead of the hooded garb traditional for Ti-tsang. Also absent are Ti-tsang's attributes, 12 a staff and a jewelled ball. It is true that this figure is rendered in -28-a manner remarkably similar to the depiction of Tao-ming in the scene of Yen-lo Wang (Plate 11-8), however, in this case it would be more understand able to identify him with Ti-tsang, as he has the ability to save beings in all of the six realms, but particularly from hell. As demonstrated above, the method of illustration employed in the Type B series is remarkably different from that of Type A.and, but for a few cases of notable identifying correspondences, the iconographical and pictorial features are also divergent. In Type B paintings many of the Ten Kings have unique attributes and settings. Particularly revealing are the scenes of Ch'u-chiang Wang %UvLi- , Wu-kuan Wang 2- , Yen-lo Wang , and Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang &^^|^"i£- . The differing characteristics dramatically separate Type B paintings from Type A, in which the main purpose of the figures of the Kings is to form a meaningful iconographic entity rather than establish any individual identity. The Kings are secondary icons whose function is to lend support to the primary figure of Ti-tsang. In Type B paintings the role of Ti-tsang becomes subordinate to that of the Ten Kings and he is seen only in a narrative context with the King, Yen-lo, or again in the final scene. How can these significant differences in the pictorial and iconographic presentation of the Ten Kings of Hell in Type A and Type B paintings be inter preted in the context of the cult of the Ten Kings of Hell? This question leads us inevitably to the chronology of the two types. As mentioned pre viously, the dating of Type A paintings can be established as being from the late days of the T'ang dynasty in the early tenth century through to the late tenth century, as exemplified by the 983 date for the Guimet painting of Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings. On the other hand, the dating of the Type B tradition -29-has not been solidly established since there are no firmly datable extant versions. The Kuboso Museum version has only the cyclical date, Hsin Wei 1% » and this offers as possible dates 911, 971 or 1031."^ To fix the date of the Kuboso Museum version, we must first investigate its text in the light of the development of the tradition of the Ten Kings sutra. -30-CHAPTER THREE The .Ten'Kings Texts In the following section I will discuss the texts of the Ten Kings and keep the dating of the Kuboso Museum version open until a better understanding of the significant differences between the various texts has been established. There are basically two types of 10th century Shih Wang texts, X and Y. The Type X texts, (Plates 18-26, upper sections), consist only of prose pas sages and the other, Type Y, (Plates 18-26, lower sections), consist of prose alternating with the seven-syllable "gatha" form of verse.^ The Type Y texts, many of which are accompanied by illustrations, as seen in the Kuboso Museum version for example, can be identified with the previously discussed Type B 2 paintings in terms of iconographic and iconological issues. The basic content of both Type X and Type Y is identical in that it is concerned with Buddha's preaching just before his Nirvana at Kusinagara. It is here that he predicted his impending Buddhahood to Yen-lo, a ruler of hell, and encouraged all beings to perform observances associated with the Ten Kings in order to insure benefits for themselves after death. The differences between Type X and Type Y texts are also clearly recognizable. One of these distinguishing differ-3 ences is the ordering of the Ten Kings. Sung-ti Wang, the second King in all Type X texts, is the third King in all Type Y texts. Similarly, Ch'u-chiang Wang, the third king in Type X texts, appears as the second king in those of Type Y. Since the order in which the Ten Kings are presented relates specifically to the number of days after death, this order would be important in any ceremonies of the Ten Kings cult, and any changes would indicate some distinctive shift in the tradition of the cult. In other words, it should be impossible for different orderings of the Ten Kings to coexist if each is -31-representative of a specific observance within a meaningful sequence. If the Ten Kings were consistently considered as a group rather than as strictly ordered individuals then the differing order of the Ten Kings might be seen as an indication of a change in the development of Shih Wang texts from Type X to Type Y. There is further evidence regarding the chronological sequence between the two types. In Type X texts the Ten Kings are merely named, for purposes of recitation, and not given any individual characterization (Plates 23-25, upper sections). The listing of the Kings names, one after another, is reminiscent of Type A paintings where the figures are illustrated in an impersonal "line up," each one named by a cartouche. In the Type Y texts each of the Ten Kings is characterized by a seven-syllable verse, the same as in Type B paintings. Along with this addition of seven-syllable verses the name of the monk, Tsang-ch'uan "| of the Ta-sheng-tz'u-ssu 7\^J^), in Ch'eng-tu. > appears at the beginning of the text (Plate 18, lower section). Tsang-ch'uan is generally considered to have been the one to add the seven-syllable verses between the prose sections in the Type Y text while in the process of editing and elaborating upon it, and so in 4 effect was the creator of a new Type Y version. In addition to this, Tsang-ch' uan must also have been responsible for reversing the order of the second and third Kings.^ From the preceding evidence it can be seen that Type X must have been prior to Type Y in the chronology of the texts of Shih Wang.^ In regard to the execution date of Type X, there are two versions of this type which are firmly dated; the Nakamura version, dated to 936, and the Stein 6230 version, dated to 926. Since these fixed dates of Type X versions suggest that the Type X Shih Wang texts were being copied in the 32-first half of the tenth century, three other Type X versions with only cyclical dates can probably be safely dated as follows; the year of Mou Ch'en for the Stein 4530 version, 908; the year of Hsin Wei ^ for the Stein 5544 version, 911; and the year of Keng Ch'en for the Stein 5531 version, 920. The execution date of the Type Y text accompanying Type B paintings is problematical since there is no literary evidence concerning the inventor of the text, but other circumstantial evidence can be employed. First of all, the order of the second and third kings in the Type A Guimet painting dated to 983 is reversed, relative to the earlier Type X arrangement, is the same as the order for these figures in Ti-tsang P'u-sa Hsiang-ling-yen Chi dated to 989, and is consistent with that followed in Type Y. Secondly, a frag mentary literary source, I Ch'u Liu Tieh 'j^./v *tr7 (datable between 945-954), has a line that is identical to the section of the Type Y text which reads as follows:^ as**. 5- t i-« * t * * *+m?t Yen-lo will attain Buddhahood, be named Samantabhadratathagata, and fully complete the ten epithets of the Buddha. As the phrase, Shih hao chu tsu "I" "f ^ J^. , is not included in early Type X texts but is seen in the Type Y text, it is probable that the text of Type Y was created near the mid-tenth century, or at least after the period when the Type X texts were popular. With this evidence, the execution date of the Kuboso Museum version (a Type B painting with a Type Y text) should be set at either 971 or 1031, rather than 911. This date of 971 can also be taken — 8 as the earliest possible date for the Kuboso Museum version. The proposed parallel relationship between text and painting reveals a problem. If a case can be made for associating Type B paintings with Type Y -33-texts, then we must address the question of whether Type X texts can be linked iconographically with features of Type A paintings. In the fol lowing section I will attempt to substantiate that Type A paintings are closely related to Type X texts in terms of their iconographic and icono-logical features. As previously discussed, one of the characteristics of the Type X text is the ordering of the second and the third Kings. Unfortunately, the order of the second and third Kings within Type A paintings is impossible to identify because neither has any identifying characteristics and because their cartouches are illegible, except in the case of the Guimet painting where the date of 983 is ascertainable but much later than the period in question. Despite questions of order, the Ten Kings as a whole are presented in a similar manner in both the Type A paintings and the Type X text. The text gives the names of the kings in order but without description. The paintings arrange the Ten Kings one above the other without differentiation. In other words, although both the text and the painting indicate that in the early tenth century no specific iconography had yet been established for the Ten Kings, their presentation must have been based on some iconographic tradi tion. In order to locate the source of this tradition we must consider the treatment Ti-tsang (the central motif of the Type A paintings) is accorded in the Type X text. This text type stemmed from one of the fundamental texts of 9 Ti-tsang, Ti-tsang P'u-sa Pen-yuan Ching. The main theme of chapter seven of the Pen-yuan Ching deals with the concept of Chui-shan and the benefits of performing mass for the dead."^ The nine marked lines of Type X text in Plate 20 are quoted almost verbatim from chapter seven of the Pen-yuan Ching. This -34-chapter also deals with the concept of Yu-hsiu, and it says that in observing masses for the dead, six-sevenths of the benefit will be accrued by the performer, whose suffering will be alleviated after death. It seems that people were being encouraged to perform these services not only for the dead but also for their own gain. The idea of the inseparability of Chui-shan and Yu-hsiu that is expressed in the Type X text clearly originated in chapter seven of the Pen-yuan Ching. Though the Ten Kings are not specifically brought up here, we do find the basic soil or religious disposition from which the cult of the Ten Kings could grow. This is perhaps as close as we can come in our speculation, for the Pen-yuan Ching, after all, is really concerned with elaborating upon Ti-tsang and his tradition. If this is so, it can be understood that the central figure of Ti-tsang in the Type A paintings could iconologically support such figures as the Ten Kings. Going back to Type Y texts and Type B paintings, we can see that the significance of Ti-tsang diminishes and that that of the Ten Kings increases because of the characterizations added by monk Tsang-ch'uan. The fact that a short text on Ti-tsang, Fo-shuo Ti-tsang P'u-sa Ching , is attached to the beginning of the Kuboso Museum version (Plate 10) clearly indicates that the Type Y text itself had become separate from the text of Ti-tsang, while at the same time, the illustrated sutra of the Ten Kings was not yet completely independent of the cult of Ti-tsang. In Type Y texts the merit of Chui-shan was noticeably weakened and the value of Yu-hsiu became much more pronounced. For example, in the earlier Type X texts, the words Shin-ssu-chia ^y^llL. (the family of the recently departed) and Shin-s s u-wang-j en (the recently departed) appear in several sections that deal with the benefits of masses for the dead, but in the Type -35-Y texts these expressions have been dropped. The two types of Ten Kings paintings manifest different religious emphasis. The Type A Guimet painting was used in the Chui-shan ceremony for Miss Chang, whereas the Type B Kuboso handscroll was dedicated in preparation for eventual death, (Yu-hsiu). Because both Type A paintings and Type X texts present the same iconographic features, a tight relationship between the paintings and the texts in the tenth century Ten Kings tradition is indicated. The message that the benefits derived from services to the Ten Kings are bestowed both upon the dead (Chui-shan) and the performer (Yu-hsiu) is strongly asserted, and is iconologically related to the cult of Ti-tsang. The early, mid-tenth century, phase of the Ten Kings tradition reveals a transference from a Type A/Type X association to a Type B/Type Y, and these Type B/Type Y illustrated sutras became more significant entities both iconographically and pictorially; to the point of being important cult images. The Ten Kings services came to focus 12 most heavily on the benefits earned by the performer of Yu-hsiu rites. CHAPTER FOUR Japanization in the Nison-in Ten Kings Paintings In the two centuries following the tenth, it is difficult to reconstruct either the Ten Kings painting tradition or the development of the Ten Kings cult because of the lack of literary and pictorial material. The second crucial period in the development of the Ten Kings painting tradition was during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and it saw the production of many sets by the professional painters around the Ning-p'o area."'' The Ning-p'o Ten Kings paintings reveal marked differences from the earlier tenth century phase, both iconographically and pictorially. For example, all the court scenes depict luxurious interiors where the Kings sit upon opulently ornamented, embroidered-cloth chairs. Pleasing landscapes are painted on the standing screens behind the Kings and these figures, who are busy 2 examining deceased souls, are depicted in three-quarter view. The attendants flanking the Kings gesture theatrically as they assist in the judgement pro cedure, and the whole court scene is so vividly depicted, with its torture punishments, that the viewer feels pulled into the stage-like setting. Each of the Ten Kings Independently depicted on one hanging scroll results in a set of ten, rather than the single tenth century Ten Kings paintings or handscrolls. Because of the individual hanging scroll format each Ning-p'o painting reveals a more complex composition. In each scroll there are basically two scenes depicted, as exemplified by the Metropolitan-Boston version (Plate 37) painted by Chin Ta-shou fe'K.HQ- . In the upper part of the scroll there is a court scene, and in the lower, a hell scene. Division is effected by cloud and rock motifs. The court scene is basically a far more elaborate continuation of an earlier phase of representation, while -37-the addition of hell scenes to the earlier torture scenes is a new icono graphic presentation for Ten Kings paintings. Suffering of the deceased in various hells was realistically illustrated, and these illustrations 3 correspond to descriptions of hell in both Ti-tsang and Hell texts. In the Metropolitan-Boston Ning-p'o painting depiction of hell seems to be significant as it occupies more than one-third of the total space. In short, the Ning-p'o Ten Kings paintings of.the later tradition are undeniably dis tinguishable from those of the earlier tenth century phase because of the narrative quality resulting from the presentation of hell scenes and the consequent increase in compositional complexity. Later developments in the Ning-p'o Ten Kings painting tradition would again simplify this compositional complexity as the hell scenes were gradually eliminated and the major focus was shifted to the Ten Kings themselves, who were by then less representational. The Appendix designates the major versions of • the Ning-p' o-.-Ten Kings \ paintings typological order from the most complex compositional scheme to the most simple. Type I is a fully depicted hell scene separated from the accompanying court scene by full-fringed clouds and rocks (Plates 37,38). Type II retains some hell scenes but depicts far fewer hell motifs than Type I. The remnants of cloud and rock motifs do not clearly separate x some, hell and court scenes. Less spatial recession is created within them than in Type I (Plates 39, 46, 49). Type III has even fewer hell scenes than Type II and there are no longer any cloud or rock motifs to separate the court scenes from these. This type focuses more attention upon the Kings' examinations and yet there is still a sense of spatial depth leading toward the standing screens (Plates 40-42). -38-Type IV confines the Kings to a smaller area and gives the observer a "close-up" view, while at the same time completely eliminating the hell scenes and divisive motifs, and reducing the number of figures represented. The compositional scheme of this type is the simplest of the four (Plate 43). Because of the lack of literary evidence regarding Ning-p'o paintings and painters we have no firm datings for them. Only the Zendo-ji version has been dated prior to its date of repair, 1373. Based on a late four teenth century date for the Nison-in paintings, tentative dating could hope fully be established for other Ten Kings painting versions. In addition to this, there is the problem that there is little iconographic individuality to the kings. Cartouches have been the sole basis for identification and of course this has resulted in confusion in the sets where there are none. Turning to the Japanese Ten Kings tradition, many literary accounts have quoted from, and commented on, the thirteenth century Ten Kings texts. The founder of the Nichiren sect, Nichiren 0 ^HOtr , in his writing Juo santan- sho "f Z-^^XPf (datable to 1254), summarized the Type Z text Ti-tsang  p'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching, and the Shingon priest Ryoki , in his writing Shodo shu tfS^Jj^ (datable to 1297), quoted from both Type Y and Z texts.^ Remarks regarding the Ten Kings cult are found in such works as Hoji San shiki J£\ ^ i^fafti, written by a.Jodo sect priest, Ryochu "iLi^* (.1199-1257), and Shiju hyaku innen shu -fa$L & )^ /rjdjb (datable to 1257), written by Gukan Jushin ^yfj//' Ifc^ti . ^ Because we know that thirteenth century Japanese of all sects were familiar with the Ten Kings cult, it is safe to assume that paintings and/or sculptures were executed. The En-o-ji <f , in Kamakura, has fragments of Ten Kings sculpture datable to 1251. At the present time It is difficult to see the original iconographic presenta--39-tion of these works because of the effects of natural disasters and the addition of figures at later dates. It is possible, from a literary account, to determine that a painting of the palace of Yen-lo, the Ten Kings, the six realms, and humans awaiting rebirth in heaven was dedicated to Bukko-ji in g 1236. This painting seems to have been similar to that of the Ten Categories of the Universal World (Jukkai Zu (Plate 44) owned by Zenrin-ji and given a possible date of 1300. The Zenrin-ji pair of hanging scrolls includes one of Amitabha Buddha, who is represented in the centre of the upper part while four of the six realms are represented on the bottom and both sides of the Buddha figure, and one of Ti-tsang, who is centrally positioned in the upper part of the scroll flanked by five of the ten Kings, and accompanied, in the lower part, by depictions of two realms of hell complete with full depictions of hungry ghosts. These Zenrin-ji scrolls are remarkable in their similarity to the literary descriptions of the Bukko-ji painting. It seems that in thirteenth century Japan, paintings of the Ten Kings were complemented by hell scenes. Taking into consideration the fact that the Type I of the later phase of the Chinese Ten Kings paintings (thirteenth and fourteenth, centuries) manifested full depiction of hell scenes with, the Ten Kings, it can be suggested that the Ten Kings paintings between the tenth century and the thirteenth and fourteenth century tradi tions had fully advanced hell scenes."^ The hanging scrolls with Ti-tsang, the Ten Kings, and various hell scenes disclose similarities to the tenth century Type A paintings in the depiction of the central icon and subordinate figures in the upper half, and to the Zenrin-ji version in the inclusion of hell scenes in the lower half. The Type I Ning-p'o paintings were divided into sets of ten and gave the impression that one large scroll had been cut -40-into appropriate pieces, and if one looks at the Ti-tsang scroll of the Zenrin-ji pair one can see a like potential for division. The Nison-in Ten Kings paintings (Plates 27-36) consist of scenes of judgement with Honjibutsu in the upper part of the scroll and occasionally a view of hell in the lower part. A sense of consistency within the set of ten scrolls, in terms of the composition, is created by the conspicuous presentation of the Honjibutsu, but otherwise a lack of structural harmony is recognizable in the court scenes where the motifs are patched together from different traditions, schools, and models. These Japanese Ten Kings paintings are basically composed of two phases of the Ten Kings painting tradition as well as aspects of the Japanese Buddhist painting tradition, hell paintings specifically. The first phase is the tenth century Chinese, particularly the Type B illustration, and the second is the later phase of the Ning-p'o painting schools, exemplified by the Metropolitan-Boston version (Type I-a), and the Koto-in and Zendo-ji versions (Types Il-ib, Ill-b) . In order to understand the pictorial features of the Nison-in paintings it is necessary to trace the origins of the motifs through comparative examination with other Ten Kings painting traditions. The first thing noticeable in the Nison-in paintings is the fact that the motifs used in the background are adopted from the contemporary Ning-p'o Ten Kings painting tradition. We notice that both sets of paintings reveal standing screens behind the Kings on which ink monochrome landscapes are painted. These screens create a theatre-like space in the court scene. Behind and beside them there is usually vegetation and fences, and in front of the Kings a skirted desk. The disposition of the screens and desks before each King creates a diagonal space for his court. With careful examination it can. ... be ascertained that the depiction of the Kings and their young -41-attendants, and occasionally their officers, is derived from the Chin school of the Ning-p'o Ten Kings painting tradition (Type I-a Metropolitan-Boston version is heavily damaged, a rather faithful Japanese copy of a Chin model (a), the Hofuku-ji version (Plate 38), will be employed for comparative examination with the Nison-in paintings. Since eight of the ten Nison-in paintings are identical to the Hofuku-ji paintings in terms of the depiction of the Kings, their young attendants, and court officers, it can be said that the pictorialization of the Kings and their attendants is based upon a coherent source from a Chin model."'""'' The scroll of the sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang (Plate 32), of the Nison-in paintings, which is identical to the Hofuku-ji scroll of the tenth King, gives typical evidence of the pitfalls of direct copying. For example, the King of the Hofuku-ji version is an imposing, dignified, and stable figure, sitting serenely in a chair and positioning his arms firmly on a desk, whereas the King of the Nison-in version has a very unbalanced posture and gives an impression of nervousness and instability because of his small size and awkwardly-tilting, bent arms. This impression is further enhanced by his exaggerated facial expression. Similarly, the two figures attending the King were copied with exactly the same gestures as the original, but not with the corresponding stability or weightiness. Even such small details as the ink box and document on the desk are identical to the Hofuku-ji version. Thus it can be inferred that Chin school Ten Kings paintings played a major role in the execution of the Nison-in paintings. In the Nison-in set, the seventh King, T'ai-shen Wang (Plate 33), wearing armor and helmet, is not found in the paintings of the Chin version). Since the Metropolitan-Boston -42-school or the Liu school of the Ning-p'o tradition, but is found in the tenth century Tun-huang Ten Kings painting tradition. His costume is iconographic-ally attributed to the last King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang, in the early phase of the Tun-huang Ten Kings tradition, and so it is possible to speculate that the outfit of Tai-shan Wang, in the Nison-in set, might originally have been meant for the last King. People in the fourteenth century were familiar with Japanese copies of the Ten Kings illustrated texts exemplified by the Hoju-in (Plate 16-13, bottom) version, and so should have been well aware of the fact that in the old Ten Kings painting tradition the last King was depicted as a general-like figure in. armour, and helmet. Moreover, the figure ascending on clouds to heaven also corresponds to the old iconography of the last King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang. It is quite possible that after the execu tion of the Nison-in paintings identification of the Kings was mixed up, since the specific iconographic traits of the individual kings had gradually disappeared. Furthermore, in the four paintings which have a Honjibutsu of a Buddha icon, the four Buddhas are not clearly distinguishable, and this could also have contributed to a mix-up in identification of the Kings. It is therefore feasible that the King in armour and helmet in the Nison-in paintings was originally depicted as the last King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang. The fact that this specifically old-tradition motif was used simultaneously with new-tradition motifs, including the particularly Japanese motif of a shrine gate, reveals an important characteristic of Japanese Ten Kings paintings in terms of artistic creation. The Japanization of Ten Kings paintings is even more clearly observable, in all of the ten scrolls, in the lower sections illustrating the beings facing judgement and hell scenes. These sections are characterized by the inclusion of old Chinese elements, -43-new Chinese Ning-p'o elements, and Japanese elements. In the scrolls of the fourth (Plate 30) and tenth Kings (Plate 36) great Indebtedness to the Chin model (a) can be clearly seen. The subject matter was chosen from the models but was not rendered as exact copy work. A comparison of the Hofuku-ji first King, Ch'in-kuang Wang (Plate 38(1), with the Nison-in fourth King, Wu-kuan Wang, reveals that all the motifs are Identical, while the composition of the Nison-in scroll is a reversal of the Hofuku-ji scroll composition with a change in the treatment of the fore ground space. This reversal is a common method of modifying Chinese proto types. The Hofuku-ji scroll (Chin model (a)) depicts the hell scene inde pendently from the court scene by means of a divisive rock motif and both these scenes are parallel. On the other hand, the Nison-in scroll has blended the hell and court scenes. For example, the pulling of tongues is a part of the court scene and the depiction of the balance unifies the fore and middle grounds. The court scene is centralized and enhanced by the addition of a new diagonal space in the form of a rock platform on which two meritorious people stand. Again, comparing the Hofuku-ji sixth King (Plate 38(6)) with the Nison-in tenth King (Plate 36) reveals that composi tional changes have been made, but ones that differ from the changes made in the scroll of the fourth King. The Nison-in painting depicts a hell scene identical to that of the Hofuku-ji painting motif-wise, but the direc tion of the chase is again reversed, and the divisive rocks are removed . • resulting in a flat quality. In other words, the rendition of hell in the Nison-in painting is not so illusionistic and realistic as that of the Hofuku-ji version, and presents a less dreadful and horrible hell than the Chin model. Even though these two Nison-ih paintings reveal the artist copied -44-all the major motifs, he did not attempt to make exact replicas but rather to modify the Chin model and somehow create "Japanese" Ten Kings paintings. The significance of hell is weakened in terms of iconographic implication by the two differing modifications of two original composition schemes. As well as being indebted to Chin prototypes, the Nison-in paintings were also associated with the Ning-p'o painting school of . Lu ,Hsin-chung fa \% % He (or his studio) produced many sets of Ten Kings paintings 12 in both models (b) and (c). With close comparative examination, particu larly of the Zendo-ji and Bunkacho versions, we find the Nison-in paintings are strongly linked to model (b). For example, a representative motif of the fifth King, Yen-lo, a karma mirror, Is evident in all the sets of both Chinese and Japanese Ten Kings paintings. Each model of Ning-p'o painting (a), (b), or (c) depicts the court of Emma in a slightly different manner. In Chin model (a) (Plate 38(5)) a man is forced, by a demon, to face the mirror while an officer holds documents that resemble texts. In Lu model (c) (Plate 40) a man is forced to face the mirror, by a demon, but the document like items are tiny and held by two birds. The mirror is reflecting the karma of the man's soul as a result of his having killed a bird during his lifetime. In Lu model (b) (Plate 41) both a man and woman are forced by a demon to face the mirror, while a bull-headed demon carrying a long spear is also depicted. The Nison-in fifth King painting has evidently used Lu model (b) as a basis with the addition of such motifs as tiny bound-souls and an officer. Whereas Chinese models did not hesitate to depict nude women, the Nison-in painter avoided depiction of nude figures, and with women, in order to hide the breasts, endeavoured to show a back view or insert a concealing motif. The prohibition of nudity in the Nison-in set was most likely imposed upon the painter by the imperial court which employed him. -45-The Nison-in tenth King painting employs a noteworthy adaptation of a . Lu model (b) compositional device in the scroll of the King (Plate 28). In the model's fragmental scene of hell (Plates 39,42,46), a needle mountain is arranged diagonally in the bottom left corner with a soul impaled upon it, and a second soul is shown fallen into a hole. In the Nison-in hell scene the needle mountain is also in the bottom left corner, but the male figure Impaled upon it and the female figure on top of it differ from the model 13 in that they conform to a popular Japanese hell motif,(Plate 45-c). Borrowing the compositional scheme from the Lu model (b), the Nison-in scroll neatly replaced a traditional Japanese motif, thereby employing one of the characteristic methods of "Japanization" in the set. Moreover, the cloud motif utilized in the scene, particularly the horizontal dark clouds floating from the left, shows the same functionless yet decorative manner-is tic treatment found in the model (b) version of Seigan-ji (Plate 39) and Koto-in of the Daitoku-ji compound temples (Plate 46). Some of the torture scenes of the Nison-in paintings are definitely influenced by the Lu model (b) paintings, and what is more, this influence can be seen in the lower sections of the scrolls at the same time that the Chin model (a) influence can be seen in the upper sections. Along with the Chin model influences, subject matter from the early phase of Ten Kings paintings is revealed in the Nison-in painting of the first King (Plate 2.7) . In the foreground a red demon is about to throw a soul into the same hell river where three other souls are drowning, and a second demon hangs their clothing on the branches of a thorny tree. A Chinese man is portrayed riding over the hell river on a horse. The subject matter of this scene was depicted in the section of the second King in the -46-Tun-huang Type B illustrated texts (Plate 10-5, 13-5), so the same problem of identity as that of the .armor and helmet previously discussed, is raised. According to Type Z texts the subject matter of the scene presents character istics of the second King as exemplified in Tun-huang paintings, however, the Japanese copies of the Type B texts (Plates 13-5, bottom, 47) illustrate this motif for the first King, so it can be seen that the Nison-in painting adopted 14 this iconographic motif from the Japanese copy. Two additional points should be raised. The demons depicted in the foreground scene of the Nison-in painting are of an old-man-demon and an old-woman-demon as illustrated in the Type B scrolls and so are faithful to the early phase model while there is a confusion regarding the use of the hell river. This river was originally considered part of the route to the palace of the second King but is depicted, in the Nison-in painting, like a part of hell. It is understandable, in the context of Japanese Buddhist art history, that since this motif became an iconography of hell through the development of hell painting, exemplified by the Zenrin-ji painting (Plate 45-a), the Nison-in painter simply treated the hell river as a hell motif. The Nison-in first King painting is remarkably different, compositionally, from the other scrolls because of the fact that the hell scene is elaborate and the judgement scene is eliminated. The separation of the ,King and the hell scene by clouds reminds one of the fully depicted hell scenes of the Chin model (a), yet ironically, the Chin proto type paintings of the Nison-in set actually decreased the hell scenes. The elaboration of the hell scene is given additional focus by the fact that the King, demon, and officer stare down upon it. Though the Nison-in paintings utilize structural principles from dif ferent Chinese models, they definitely manifest "Japanese" elements in the court and hell scenes. The artist obviously attempted to avoid direct -47-replication of Chinese Ten Kings paintings by addition of "Japanese" motifs and by replacement of Chinese motifs with Japanese ones. There are basically two devices used to present "Japanese" aspects, one being to employ tradi tional hell painting subject matter, iconography, and pictorialization, and the other to substitute "Japanese" motifs, such as Japanese figures, for Chinese and so manifest the Japanese mid-fourteenth century point of view. In the Japanese hell painting tradition the treatment of demons is character ized by application of a bright and simple color for the naked body, sometimes with graduation of a single coloration and employment of contour lines to emphasize their powerful physical imagery. This characteristic rendition is clearly revealed in the treatment of the Nison-in demons (Plate 33). Their appearance is very similar to that of the fourteenth century Shojuraigo-ji hell painting (Plate 48-a). In both the Shojuraig5-ji and Nison-in paintings the demons expose upright fangs, glare from three eyes, and have conspicuously curly hair. Moreover, in the Nison-in painting of Ch'u-chiang Wang (Plate 28), the demon that wears vest-like armor directly over its naked body, shows far more similarity to the Shojuraigo-ji demons (Plate 48-b) than those of Chinese Ten Kings paintings. One Japanese painting which shares many pictorial and iconographic characteristics with the Nison-in paintings is a hanging scroll of the Ten Realms of the Worlds (Jukkai-zu) at Zenrin-ji (Plate 45-b). The demons in this painting are depicted in the same "Japanese" manner as in the first King scroll of the Nison-in set. In addition, two particular motifs depicted in the Nison-in scroll, those of souls crossing the hell river on a bridge, and male and female souls on a needle tree, are also seen in the Zenrin-ji painting. A crucial area in which both scrolls reveal a similarity is the iconographic unity of hell and the Ten Kings, although Nison-in's iconography -48-of hell and torture is a little confused. While the previous similarities exist, the differences between the two paintings indicate that in the context of the Japanese hell painting tradition, the Zenrin-ji type was executed prior to the Nison-in. One significant difference between the two is in the format. The Zenrin-ji painting depicts all the Ten Kings, a central image of Ti-tsang, the realm of hell, and the realm of hungry ghosts all together in one large hanging scroll. On the other hand, the Nison-in set depicts each of the Ten Kings, along with some hell motifs, on a separate scroll, as if each King was independent from the collective body of Kings. An interesting observation regarding the Zenrin-ji painting is that all the Ten Kings, who are completely based upon Chin model (a), more closely resemble those of the model than those of Nison-in. The single coloration of their clothing and the lack of pattern reveals a faithful reproduction of the model. At the same time some Japanese artistic flavor can be dis cerned in the elaborate patterns on the chairs behind the Kings. On the other hand the newly created Japanese Ten Kings tradition, under the influence of the Ning-p'o Ten Kings tradition of Liu Hsin-chung and Chin Ta-shou, is revealed in the Nison-in set of scrolls. Japanization is obvious in the elaborate treatment of the Kings' clothes and the patterning on the chairs behind the Kings. We can most likely conclude that the Chin model (a) was an earlier type of Ning-p'o Ten Kings painting which fully represents the old iconographical system amalgamating the Ten Kings and hell. The Ten Kings court scene of the Zenrin-ji scroll was greatly influenced by the Chin model and to a much lesser degree by Japanese artistic taste, but as a whole the paintings reproduced the old tradition of the Ten Kings painting. The Nison-in paintings, which borrowed not only from Chin but also from Lu and from the older tenth century Ten Kings painting tradition, were part of a fully -49-modified "new tradition" of Japanese Ten Kings painting. As mentioned earlier, one device used in Japanization was substitution of Japanese figures for Chinese. For example, in the Nison-in first King painting, the woman who is drowning in the hell river is a Japanese figure, while the male figure on horseback who is riding over a bridge of the hell river is Chinese. The Japanese figure represents a wicked soul and the Chinese a meritorious one. Here and there throughout the Nison-in paintings good and bad karmas can be distinguished by this use of figures. On the other hand, the Zenrin-ji painting basically depicts souls as Japanese figures with no distinction between bad and good. This is evident in both the upper part of the painting where the Ten Kings are depicted and in the lower part where we see the realms of the hungry ghosts and hell. It can be understood that the different treatment of figures reflects shifting social attitudes. By the mid-fourteenth, century (execution date of Nison-in paintings) Chinese imagery would have been considered more "ideal" than it would have been around 1300 (execution date of the Zenrin-ji painting). The early Muromachi period was characterized by enthusiastic absorption of Chinese culture and philosophy by high-class citizens, Zen monks, and the patrons of the arts; the Emperors and Ashikaga Shoguns. Anything and everything Chinese was considered superior to Japanese equivalents and therefore prestigious. The Zen monks of Kyoto and Kamakura spoke Chinese and the Shoguns collected Chinese art works with zest.^ Considering this idealization of Chinese cult ure, It is quite possible that the head of the Emperor's court painters, Yukimltsu, Intentionally depicted the Chinese figures favorably and the Japanese less so. A particularly distinctive feature of the set of Nison-in paintings is the fact that the Honjibutsu is predominant and governs the entire composi tional scheme. This is in contrast to other Ten Kings paintings such as the -50-Kanazawa Bunko >ic ~/K version (Plate 49) and Fukuoka Seigan-ji version (Plate 39) in which the Honjibutsu play a minor role, rather like postage stamps on an envelope. In the Nison-in paintings the Honjibutsu occupies the upper two-fifths of each long rectangular hanging scroll, and the Ten Kings court scene and occasional hell scenes occupy only the remaining three-fifths. The predominance of the Honjibutsu in the Nison-in paintings counteracts the rather inconsistent structure evident in the lower sections, and the end result is ten well-balanced continuous compositions. In all ten scrolls, the Honjibutsu, which are identifiable based upon the Type Z text, are depicted frontally and surrounded by an elaborate halo or aura of light. Each sits upon a lotus pedestal, which in turn rests upon floating or descending clouds. The hovering of the Honji butsu above the court scenes creates an illusionistic spatial relationship and makes it seem as though, they are attending the judgements. Regarding the Type Z text, in the past it was thought to be a Japanese original because of some prominent Japanese expressions, but recent re-evaluation has made it a possible Japanese modification of a Chinese prototype. This opinion stems from the fact that the text describes subject matter depicted in the tenth century Ten Kings paintings at Tun-huang. If the origin of Type Z text, the only Ten Kings text to mention Honjibutsu, is in fact in China, then the iconography of the Honjibutsu is also Chinese. A substantiation of this origin can be found in the presentation of Honjibutsu in the Kanazawa Bunko version executed by the Chinese painter, Liu Hsin-chung. A closer look at both the patron of the Nison-in artist, and the indi vidual to whom the work was to be dedicated, is necessary. Court painter and Nison-in artist, Yukimitsu, received commissions from Emperor Gokogon 16 and Ashikaga Shogun, Yoshiaki. During the emperor's reign, his father -51-Kogon Joko, died, and a large Chui-shan ceremony was held in 1365 to honor the first year death anniversary (Jsshuki). We can surmise that Yukimitsu was commissioned by the emperor to produce the Ten Kings paintings for this posthumous ceremony, and that he probably created a new "Japanese" manner of presentation while at the same time being greatly indebted to Chinese prototypes. -52-CONCLUSION As discussed in the preceding chapters, it is safe to conclude that the early tenth century, Type A, large hanging scrolls of "Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings" depicting Ti-tsang as a central icon and the Ten Kings as subordinate figures, manifest an iconic presentation, whereas the Type B, "Ten Kings Illustrations" depicting each of the Ten Kings individually but in continuous small scenes in handscroll format, manifests a narrative representation and must have commenced with, or after, the invention of the Type Y text around the middle of the tenth century. The Type A painting tradition was not swept away by the Type B painting tradition but co-existed with it for some time. Analysis of the Ten Kings texts makes it clear that the Type Y text, an edited and modified version of Type X text, completely superseded its predecessor after the second half of the tenth century. Regarding the relationship between the texts and pictures, Type B paintings can be seen to have an integral relationship with the Type Y texts , and though there is . some difficulty in insisting that Type A paintings were based upon Type X texts, they are closely related both iconographically and iconologically; both began during the immature stages of the characteri zation of the Ten Kings and under the influence of the Ti-tsang cult and are highly compatible. There was a modification in the religious importance placed upon the ceremonies stressed in the texts X and Y. The Type X text was an offshoot of the Ti-tsang cult, and the main theme of both it and the Ti-tsang text was a concern with the concepts of "Chui-shan" and "Yu-hsiu." The corresponding Type A paintings of "Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings" were used as part of these -53-funeral services. On the other hand, the Type B handscroll was prepared specifically for use in "Yu-hsiu" and dedication to the Ten Kings, and the Type Y text dealt exclusively with the merit "Yu-hsiu" ceremonies accrued for the living while concurrently decreasing the significance of Ti-tsang and increasing the importance of the Ten Kings through the individual characterization added by the monk,. Tsang-ch'uan. In addition to this, the opening two lines of the text introduce the name of Amitabha Buddha and the recitation of it in the five tunes."'" The emergence of this reference can 2 be seen to have stemmed, in some way, from the Pure Land Buddhist tradition. In chapter four we saw that the Nison-in paintings were comprised of three different Chinese prototypes arranged so as to create a more indigenous painting. The Chin model (a), which clearly reveals the importance of Ning-p'o models in the early Japanese tradition, Ning-p'o model (b), and the old tenth century Type B tradition coexisted with traditional Japanese motifs, particularly subject matter indicative of the enduring hell painting tradi tion, and together resulted in successful Japanization of the Ten Kings paintings. One of the best examples of the flexible blend of source materials is the scroll of the first King, in which the hell scene is fully depicted in a manner compositionally Identical to Chin model (a) while the subject matter is derived from the tenth century Type B tradition. The co-existence of u Chinese traditions both old and new in Japan was the result of artistic eclecticism, and Japanese painters, the Nison-in artist in particular, most likely adopted Chinese elements regardless of their date of origin in the creation of art works. -54-In addition to the combination of diverse prototypes and the elaboration of the Honjibutsu as major.means of Japanizatioh, minor devices such as reversal in the arrangement of motifs, substitution of Japanese figures for Chinese (even demonic ones^ and heightened ornamentation of fabrics, were employed. Of these techniques, the one that offers the best insight into the intrinsic meaning is the embellishment of the Honjibutsu. The fact that the kings are paired iconographically with Buddhist deities is notable, but it is the drastic increase in the Honji's size, to the extent that they seize the viewer's attention and overpower the other figures, and their "symbolic" attendance at the "Chui-shan" ceremony that is significant. The Nison-in paintings, supposedly created for use in the "Chui-shan" ceremony, and including the elaborate Honjibutsu indicative of the esoteric element, would have been highly appropriate in ritualistic presentation and could be under stood in the context of fourteenth century Japanese Buddhism, Zen in parti cular, as it was both influential and powerful at this time and the recipient of patronage from emperors, Ashikaga Shoguns, and court nobles. The afore mentioned ritual, representative of the absorption of esoteric ritual into Zen Buddhism facilitated by the monk Muso Soseki 'Jp i^' and his successor Shun-oku Myoha , played an important role in the 3 popularization of the Buddhist funeral ceremony. The cult of the Ten Kings, which stemmed from the Ti-tsang cult, never became part of mainstream Buddhism but remained a popular sub-sect that was utilized, from time to time, by such influential sects as Pure Land Buddhism and Zen Buddhism. As long as the fear of death was prevalentt-in society, the pictorial presentation and practises of. the..,Ten Kings cult remained rooted ' in popular Buddhist custom. -55-NOTES INTRODUCTION 1. Fo-shuo Yu-hslu Shih-wang Sheng Sh-i Ching fa tb^ffi^ £- in  Dai-nihon zokuzo kyo KB ^h^j^t^- vol. 150, p. 385. 2. There are some different ideas on the provenance of the cult of the Ten Kings of Hell. 1. Gessho Sasaki tyx. 1 fc- )\ suggests that the connection between Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings originated in India. 2. Minao Hirose and Yusho Tokushi 'fcjkjtfa^ and Kan'ichi Ogawa Ah- " | suggest that the cult of the Ten Kings was indigenous to China and stemmed from Taoism and folk cults. 3. Tadao Sakai and Eiichi Matsumoto faJ^f^Z.— emphasize the connection with Manichean as well as with certain Chinese beliefs. The references are as follows: Manabe, Kosai /t^ffi » Jizo-bosatsu no kenkyu yjQj jj^ •^'f^.^J^f^ > pp. 111-112, Kyoto: Sanmitsu-do Shoten, 1960. Tokushi, Yusho and Ogawa, Kan'ichi, "Ju5 shoshichi kyosan zukan no kozo •f 3L0--t fe&t &j£r<r>%&&^ in Chuo-ajia Bukkyo-bijutsu ¥ Tv'T^^lB^J » pp* 255_296» Kyoto: Hozokan, 1962. This article will hereafter be referred to as "Juo zukan no kozo." Sakai, Tadao, "Juo-shinko ni kansuru shomondai oyobi enrao Juki kyo IS-htW flfl t 5 H ft J-^f5ttln Saito-sensai koki-shukuga ronbun-shu jftffc fa £L , pp. 611-656, Tokyo: Toko Shoin, 1937. This article will hereafter be refer red to as "Juo-shinko shomondai." Matsumoto, Eiichi, Tonko-ga no kenkyu ^ f)/^f\'^_S » pp' 368-416, Tokyo: Toho-bunka Gakuin, 1937. -56-3. Textual Investigation of the Shih Wang Ching has been done by the following scholars: Tokushi Y. and Ogawa, K., "Juo zukan no kozo." Sakai, Tadao, "Juo-shinko shomondai." Tsukamoto, Zenryu J^L^^r^T , "Inro-bosatsu-shinko to jizo-jiio in Tsukamoto zenryu chosaku-shu % ]^ JL , vol. 7, pp. 315-400, Tokyo: Daito Shuppan, 1975. This article will hereafter be referred to as "Jizo juo shinko." Izumi, Rokei jj^ , "Juokyo no kenkyu -f £-*) jSt{% Otani Gakuho 7v i£ ft 23-4, pp. 1-24. 4. The titles of Type X are various. The simplest Type X text is Fo-shuo  Yen-lo Wang Shou-ch'i Kuan-hsiu Sheng Ch'i Chai Kung-te Ching $k i J%J%1£± ln Tsukamoto zenryu chosaku-shu vol. 7, pp. 366-371. 5. Most Type Y texts are entitled Fo-shou Yen-lo Wang Shou-chi Yu-hsiu  Sheng-ch'i Wang-sheng Ching-t'u Ching ^-^"fcj^fS^ 4-^.4^-fi^~t^5-fyh- an<* have remarks of the monk, Tsang-ch'uan, at the head of the title. 6. Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching ^Ml-^lS^-"f" i ^n Dal'^ihon zokuzo kyo vol. 150. 7. As scholars such as Eiichi Matsumoto and Genmyo Ono A^^f^^')^ have sug gested, this sutra should be re-examined in the context of Chinese texts of Shih-Wang Ching. See E. Matsumoto, "Tonko-bon juo zukan zakko" in Kokka No. 621, pp. 229-230 and G. Ono, "Tomatsu-godai jo-so no bukkyo-ga-3- " in Kokka No. 516, pp. 30, and Rokudo-e y^3^,^l^-, Kyoto National Museum, pp. 64. -57-8. E. Matsumoto in Tonko-ga no kenkyu, dated the Tun-huang paintings of the Ten Kings broadly to the Five Dynasties and Northern Sung Period. Lothar Ledderose stated in his recent article, "A King of Hell" in Suzuki  kei-sensei kanreki kinen ronbun-shu ^'j^%JLfc&&%1?£s&i'&r%. , that the Tun-huang Ten Kings of Hell paintings all belong more or less to the same period, namely the tenth century (p. 37). 9. The study of the Japanese Ten Kings painting tradition has been done by Ryoji Kajitani J^^lftjliz in his article, "Nihon ni okeru ju-o-zu no seiritsu to tenkai B ^ i: ti it 5 t i- ^ O A jfc. St. \% " Bukkyo  geiijutsu /K$rj£4fr No« 97' The identification of each King will be based upon that in Kokka No. 786. There Is a replica of the Nison-in type owned by Jofuku-ji ifftf in Kyoto. See "Nikumi no juo-zu" written by Jiro Umezu ^"/^-/^^f* in Bukkyo-geiijutsu No. 36, pp. 32-36, 1958, and Reflections of Reality in  Japanese Art (Cleveland Museum of Art, 1983, pp. 220-222). There is a fragment of the Nison-in type in the collection of Yamato Bunka Kan 7V#0 X In Nara. See Yamato bunkakan shozohin zuhan mokuroku Vol. 2, Catalogue No. 16. 10. Umezu, Jiro yfctP , "Nikumi no ju-o zu Z-§£L<T> f ^ ll ," Bukkyo  geijutsu No. 36, pp. 32-35, 1958. 11. Miyashima, Shin'ichi "^ife^T^ > "Juyon seiki ni okeru edokoroazukari no keifu 14 tiffi K if IH f^ftj^ Ofttt .." Bijutsu-shi ^4^t_ No. 88, pp. 87-104. Tani, Shin'ichi , "Muromachi jidai bi jutsu shi ron #T C ^"tik >" Tokyo: Tokyo-do, 1942, pp. 389-417. 12. The names of the Ten Kings and their Honjibutsu are as follows, based upon Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching: -58-The first King, Ch'in-kuang Wang The second King, Ch'u-chiang Wang The third King, Sung-ti Wang The fourth King, Wu-kuan Wang Pu-tung Ming-wang Shih-chia Ju-lai We^n-chu P'u-sa P'urhsien P'u-sa The fifth King, Yen-lo Wang Ti-tsang P'u-sa The sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang The seventh King, T'ai-shan Wang Mi-lo P'u-sa Yao-shih Ju-lai The eighth King, P'ing-cheng Wang Kuan-yin P'u-sa The ninth King, Tu-shih Wang A-ch'u Ja-lai* The tenth King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang A-mi-t'o Ju-lai 13. •Another Honjibutsu of Tu-shih Wang is Shih-chih P'u-sa "9$3~ ia" C*. noted in a different version of the Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang  Ching. See Rokudo-e, Kyoto National Museum, 1982, pp. 63-64. Matsunaga, Alicia, The Buddhist Philosophy of Assimilation - The  Historical Development of the Honji-Suijaku, Rutland and Tokyo: Sophia University in cooperation with Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1969, pp. 213-214. -59-CHAPTER ONE 1. Information on literary sources for the Ten Kings has been provided by Tsukamoto, Zenryu in his article "Jizo-juo shinko." 2. Ibid., pp. 377-378. 3. Wu-tai Ming-hua P'u-yi 4\ % %. , compiled by Liu Tao-ch'un it^f- , in Ssu K'u Ch'uan Shu Chen Pen Vol. 5 G9 ft t£ % f$%- 3- JH • 4. T'u-hua Chien-wen Chih Q ^fc L fifl f& by Kuo Jo-hsii %\% f$L translated by Alexander Soper, Kuo Jo-hsii's Experiences in Painting, p. 29, Washington, D.C: American Council of Learned Societies, 1951. 5. Photocopies of the Guimet painting are found in Kokka 515 (1933) and Tonko-ga no kenkyu. Hanging scroll, color on silk, 2.25 x 1.59 m in size. 6. Ti-tsang Shih-lun Ching tt> ln Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 13, p. 721c Sutra of the Past Vows of Earth Store Budhisattva, a translation of Ti-tsang P'u-sa Pen-yuan Ching by Heng Ching, p. 187. 7. Kakuzen sho by Kakuzen In Dai nihon bukkyo zensho %. tl ^ %%. ^§r Vol. 48, p. 197. The same description of the Ti-tsang iconography as Kakuzensho is also found in Ryubu mandara giki ijfa ^ $\ ^ pAj. (datable to 1377) in Dai nihon bukkyo zensho edited by Honyen J^jfJ Vol. 44, p. 450. 8. Ibid., pp. 189-190. 9. In esoteric iconography Ti-tsang Is usually depicted as a prince-like Bodhisattva, but monkish figures were also executed as described in the Ti-tsang I-kuei tH^i^pA* translated by Subhakara (datable to 8th century) Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 20, p. 652 a-b. 10. Fo Tsu T'ung Chi /jA £lL &Li in Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 49, Shih Men Cheng  T'ung faf^ jE.$b in Dai-nihon zoku-zo-kyo, Vol. 30, p. 401. -60-11. Huan Hun Chi, undated, generally thought to be a Five Dynasties test. See Eiichi Matsumoto, Tonko-ga no kenkyvi, pp. 378-379. 12. Matsumoto, Eiichi, "Jizb-juo-zu to inro-bosatsu ," Kokka 515, pp. 266-267. He suggests a tenth century date for this document. 13. Bodhisattva Ti-tsang is usually depicted as either a monk or a prince-like figure. The "atypical appearance of the Ti-tsang figure" which E. Matsumoto refers to is that of the hooded Ti-tsang figure. 14. E. Matsumoto, in Tonko-ga no kenkyu, considers Tao-ming and the lion to be connected with Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings (p. 379). However, through examination of Huan Hun Chi and the Ti-tsang painting in the Musee Guimet, it can be concluded that the Ten Kings were later additions to the integrated iconography of Ti-tsang and Tao-ming and the lion. 15. Ti-tsang P'u-sa Hsian-ling-yen Chi in Dai-nihon zoku-zo kyo Vol. 149, p. 184.. 16. Kokka No. 515, p. 270. -61-CHAPTER TWO 1. The four versions of the illustrated sutras of the Ten Kings are as follows: 1. The Kuboso Museum version ^ It ^Pit (Plates 10,11) (previously in the Nagao Collection). 2. The Pelliot version (Pelliot 2003) (Plates 12-16). 3. The Stein version (Stein 3961) (Plates 12-16). 4. The Hoju-in version This version is considered to be a Japanese copy of a Chinese original. Tokushi and Ogawa suggest that this was probably copied in the Muromachi period ("Juo-zukan no kozo," p. 275). E. Matsumoto suggests that this probably Is a copy from a Sung original (Tonko-ga no kenkyu, p. 398) (Plates 12-16). 2. The Kuboso Museum version Is a handscroll, 11 3/4 in. x 22 ft. 5 1/4 In. in size, and done in color on paper. E. Matsumoto has written articles on this handscroll in Kokka 621, pp. 227-231 (1943) and in Tonko-ga no  kenkyu, pp. 405-412. 3. E. Matsumoto mentions in Kokka 621, p. 228, that the prototype of Type A paintings such as the British Museum painting (Plate 17), might have been based on the standard format for the preaching scene, as exemplified by the first scene of the Kuboso Museum version. In other words, he considers the Type B painting tradition to have been prior to that of Type A. 4. There are no iconographical distinctions or identifying cartouches except for Ti-tsang. 5. I gratefully acknowledge Dr. Leon Hurvitz's assistance in translating the gathas of the Ten Kings. References for this translation are the Kuboso Museum version, the Pelliot version, the Stein version, the Hoju-in -62-version, and the text In the Dai-nihon zoku-zo kyo Vol. 150, pp. 385-387. Xerox copies of the text of the Pelliot version (Plates 18-26, lower section) are included in the illustrations accompanying this paper. 6. Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching, in Dai-nihon zoku-zo kyo Vol. 150, p. 381. 7. In the Hoju-in version, this subject matter appears in the scene of the first King, Ch'in-kuang Wang (Plate 13-4). It is particularly notable that an old woman appears in this version. 8. See Introduction Notes, No. 7. 9. The motif of the mirror of deeds and an ox-headed demon appear in the British Museum version of the Type A painting (Plate 4). They are arranged beneath figures of Ti-tsang, Tao-ming and the lion, and are not represented as specific attributes to Yen-lo Wang in this arrangement. 10. Dai-nihon zoku-zo-kyo Vol. 150, pp. 382-384. 11. The motif of animal skins on a bar in this scene is not described in either the accompanying text or in the Japanese text. 12. Y. Tokushi and K. Ogawa suggest that the monkish figure in the Kuboso Museum version and the Pelliot version is Tao-ming and that he may be a manifestation of Ti-tsang. See "Juo zukan no kozo," p. 286. 13. Y. Tokushi and K. Ogawa dated the Kuboso Museum version to 911. See "Juo zukan no kozo," p. 286. E. Matsumoto takes the date of 971, although he subtlely suggests that there is another possible date, 1031, when discussing the origin of the Japanese text, Ti-tsang P'u-sa Fa-hsin  Yin-ytian Shih-wang Ching, which describes the original date of this text as the tenth year of T'ien-sheng (1032). The date of 1031 for the Kuboso Museum version has been considered by other scholars such as G. Ono, Z. Tsukamoto and H. Izumi. See "Tomatsu-godai-jo-so-jidai no bukkyo-ga," p. 301; "Jizo-juo shinko," p. 389; "Jiio-kyo no kenkyu," pp. 18-19. -63-CHAPTER THREE 1. Type X: There are approximately twenty-two extant versions, nine in the Peking National Library, eleven in the Stein Collection, one in the Pelliot Collection and one in the Nakamura Collection. Wang Chung-min i-f. ed., Tun-huang Yi-shu Tsung-mu So-yin ffc. %% ^Jt ® ^ ^ , P' 418, Peking: Shang Wu Yin Shu Kuan, 1962. I have examined most of the above mentioned texts except for two of the Peking versions. The datable versions of the Type X text are as follows: 1. The Stein 4530 (a cyclical date, Mou Ch'en, /% f%_ ) 2. The Stein 5544 (a cyclical date, Hsin Wei, % 3. The Stein 5531 (a cyclical date, Keng Ch'en, ) 4. The Stein 6230 (dated the fourth year of T'ung Kuang, (SJjfcj and a cyclical date, Ping Hsu, j£j , 926) 5. The Nakamura version (dated the third year of Ch'ing T'ai, ?fj[ 4b » 936) 2. See the Type B painting list, note 1 of Chapter Two. 3. See Plate 23. No one except T. Sakai has noted the discrepancy in the order of the Ten Kings in Type X and Type Y. T. Sakai in "Juo-shinko shomondai" (p. 615), says the order of the Ten Kings in Type X is simply a mistake. However, all versions of Type X that I have examined consistently show Sung-ti Wang as the second King and Ch'u-chiang Wang as the third King. Thus the order of the Ten Kings in Type X is not an error but a well-established iconographical order. 4. All scholars who have published articles on the Ten Kings agree that Tsang-ch'uan added the seven-syllable verses. See Y. Tokushi and K. Ogawa, "Juo zukan no kozo," p. 273; T. Sakai, "Juo-shinko shomondai," p. 642; Z. Tsukamoto, "Juo-jizo shinko," p. 358; H. Izumi, "Juo-ky5 no -64-kenkyu," p. 19-20. 5. The iconographic change in the order of the Ten Kings was probably due to the fact that the name of the King, Ch'u-chiang Wang means "the first river," and refers to Nai Ho, ^ (the River Styx). Nai Ho is a river which people must cross after death in order to proceed to the interval between incarnations (Ming-chie,) (Iwamoto, Hiroshi,^ , Gokuraku to jigoku, ^-fjj*"^ t fLM>1\» P* 191). The King, Ch'u-chiang Wang, should have been placed at the beginning in the order of the Ten Kings. When Tsang-ch'uan changed and modified the old text of Shih Wang Ching, he might have exchanged the order of the second and third Kings so as to more effectively characterize Ch'u-chiang Wang. 6. Y. Tokushi and K. Ogawa in "Juo zukan no kozo" suggests that Type Y is prior to Type X (p. 271). T. Sakai, in "Juo-shinko shomondai," hesitantly suggests that Type Y is contemporary with Type X (p. 645). Z. Tsukamoto in "Juo jizo shinko" offers a sequential order in which Type X is prior to Type Y, and Type Y is dated 971 at the latest, that being the year that he takes as the date for the Kuboso Museum version (pp. 288-289). 7. See line 16, lower section Plate 18, I-ch'u Liu-tieh by I-ch'u, Vol. 13, No. 33, p. 362, Kyoto: Hoyu Shobo, 1979. 8. The dating of 911 offered by Y. Tokushi and K. Ogawa is too early. See "Juo zukan no kozo" (p. 286). As the Ten Kings sutra, Ti-tsang P'u-sa  Fa-hsin Yin-yuan Shih-wang Ching indicates that the original date of the Ten Kings text was in the tenth year of T'ien-sheng ^ (1032), a 1031 date for the Kuboso Museum version is also possible. The dating problem of this version should be scrutinized further in terms of its stylistic properties in the wider context of the Tun-huang painting tradition. This, however, must remain a subject of further study. -65-9. 10. 11. 12. Pen-yuan Ching, hereafter, refers to the full title, Ti-tsang P'u-sa  Pen-yuan Ching. Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 13, p. 784 b. See the last line, upper section Plate 19, line 5, upper section Plate 20 and line 2 upper section Plate 26. The services of Yfl-hsiu might have been popular in the second half of the tenth century. According to the Sung Kao-seng Chuan and died in 971, soon after the consecration of the two towers. See i , the monk, Shou-chen built two towers for the merits of Yii-hsiu , Chugoku kinsei jodo-kyo-shi no kenkyu pp. 289-290. -66-CHAPTER FOUR 1. The study of the Ning-p'o professional paintings and painters has been done by the following scholars: Watanabe, Hajime , "Shakki aru sogen butsuga fyrt'tbhb Bijutsu kenkyu Suzuki, Kei ^ ft , Mindai kaiga-shi kenkyu . seppa ^ ^ Tokyo: Toyo bunka kenkyujo, 1968. 2. The ink monochrome landscape is suggestive of the "pure land" heavenly realm in contrast to the realm of hell. Both ink monochrome landscapes and hell scenes are a new development in the later phase. 3. Cheng-fa Nien-ch'u Ching jfc. g£ in Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 17, pp. 1-379. Ti-tsang P'u-sa Pen-yuan Ching in Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 13, pp. 781. 4. Kajitani, Ryoji, "Riku shinchu hitsu ju-5 zu "f $ ," in Kokka No. 1020, 1979. 5. Nichiren 0 fit , Ju-o santan sho Ti-W^t^" , pp. 1967-1993. Ryoki ^C^. , Futsu shodo shvt in Kodai bukkyo no chuseiteki tenkai £ H fa/it *) f t-J feffl , by Shuichi Murayama ft M ^ - , Kyoto: Hozo-kan, 1976. 6. Ryochu , Hoji san shiki >f* ^ "f^t"^ t& Vol. 1, in Jodo-shu zensho Vol. 4. Gukan %/7 , Shiju hyaku innen shu fa § ® frf<-!t Vol. 4 in Dai-nihon bukkyo zensho Vol. 148, pp. 60-73. 7. Washizuka, Hiromitsu ^ i'^.^k.^fj , "Enno-ji no emma ju-o-zo ni tsuite fl/fo^ *>ft(|^&"f ," Bukky5 Geijutsu No. 89, 1972. 8. Ogushi, Sumio )KJ^t>kjf^ > "Jukkai-zu ko "f ^ l3 % ," in Bijutsu  kenkyu No. 120, p. 30. -67-9. Ogushi, "Jukkai-zu-ko" No. 119, No. 120, 1941. 10. This speculation can be made if it is assumed that the systemic order of Type I-IV corresponds to the chronological order, and that the Chinese and Japanese art traditions are both In the same area of the East Asian painting tradition. 11. The following Ten Kings of the Nison-in paintings are identical to those of the Hofuku-ji version. The identification of the Ten Kings of the Hofuku-ji version follows that found in Juyo bunka zai The Nison-in Version The Hofuku-ji Version The second King The eighth King The third King The sixth King The fourth King The first King The fifth King The second King The sixth King The tenth King The eighth King The seventh King The ninth King The fourth King The tenth King The third King 12. Suzuki, Mindai kaiga-shi kenkyu . seppa , "Riku shinchu jii-o-zu PHI & T £ fl ," Kanazawa bunko kenkyu £##!!&, No. 136, 1967. "Chugoku kaiga - Rakan-Jiio zu "f |§ $\ flfe '/%. ' t Z- $ Kanazawa bunko k5en-kai shirizu No. 10, 1974. 13. Hell story: An attractive woman is on the top of a needle tree. She lures a man and he climbs up to the top of the tree, impaling himself on the sharp spines in the process. When he arrives at the top of the tree he finds that the woman is on the ground and proceeds to climb down again. The tree has reversed the direction of its spines and he now impales himself going downward. This karma will repeat without end for -68-countless years. (From Genshln of Nihon shiso taikei 13 & pp. 15-16, 1970.) 14. See page 22 of Chapter Two. 15. Tamamura, Takeji , "Kitayama jidai zenrin no shicho ^\\^^<n^M " In Suiboku bijutsu taikei ^L^H^s Vol. 6, Tokyo: Kodansha, 1978, pp. 55-62. 16. Miyashima, "Juyon seiki ni okeru edokoro azukari no keifu," p. 90. 17. It seems that after the thirteenth century a set of Ten Kings scrolls was used for both the "Chui-shan" and "Yu-hsiu" ceremonies. The fourteenth century diary, Moromori ki £>f %t\}> and the historical record, Zoku shi  gu sho » contain references to the "Chui-shan" ceremonies held on the appropriate days after the emperor's death. The fifteenth century diary, Kyogaku shiyo sho jftj. , includes annual records of "Yu-hsiu" ceremonies. Moromori ki Vols. 7-11 in Shiryo sanshu , Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruiju Kansei-kai, 1971. Zoku shi gu sho Vol. 2 in Shitei zoho kokushi taikei ffit$$i%% 'H Vol. 14, Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1966, p. 64. Kyogaku shiyo sho Vols. 1,2,3,4 in Shiryo sanshu. -69-CONCLUSION 1. I, (Tsang-ch'uan), deferentially open and read the text of Yen-lo Wang  Yu-hsiu Sheng Ch'i Wang Sheng Ching-t'u Ching f£\ ^ £ ffit <f£ 7^" :£-&§",)• * note that the Buddha vowed to encourage all having a nexus to read the scriptures in the five tunes to praise and to recollect Amitabha. See lines 3 and 4, lower section Plate 18. This translation was suggested by Dr. Leon Hurvitz. 2. The mention of Amitabha emerging here, as well as the "five tunes," indicate that the Type Y text was to be in some way regarded as stemming from, or belonging to, the tradition of Fa Chao's ^ Pureland Buddhism. Fa Chao (late 8c- early 9 c), from the Ssu-ch'uan, invented the practice of reciting Amitabha and promoted Buddhism in the T'ang dynasty. Ts'ang-ch'uan, who was also active in Ssu-ch'uan, was familiar with the Pureland Buddhist practice of reciting in five tunes (Wu Heui Nien Fo, A )• In fact, in the early Sung Buddhist tradition, we find various established sects such as those of Ch'an %-*r , T'ien-t'an ia , and Lu '<f , adopting the popular, practical aspects of Pureland Buddhism into their own religious system. It Is therefore quite understandable that such a minor tradition as that of the Ten Kings of Hell incorporated the invocation of Amitabha into its cannonical text. This tendency of conflation in the tradition of the Ten Kings of Hell became more accelerated in the later Sung dynasty, as exemplified by the Type Y text from the Ta-li kingdom housed in the Freer Gallery of Art. Z. Tsukamoto, "Jizo juo shlnko," pp. 384-388. -70-Kenneth Ch'en, Buddhism In China, pp. 348-349, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973. Takao, Giken , Sodai bukkyo-shi no kenkyu fo' ^U,%^ i^4J$\'9u > PP• 1-12, Kyoto: Hyakka-en, 1975. Ogasawara, Chugoku kinsei jodo-kyo no kenkyu ffij^fr t£>ffit$ffi^> p* ^' Moritaka Matsumoto , "A New Approach to the Long Scroll of Buddhist Images Painted by Chang Sheng-wen <y t of the kingdom of Ta-li" in Bukkyo geijutsu No. Ill, 1977, pp. 52-77. Thomas Lawton, Chinese Figure Paintings, pp. 91-93, Washington, D.C: Smithsonian Institute, 1973. 3. Tamamura, Takeji, Muso kokushi , Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1958. Akamatsu, Shunshu ^•^A'f^^ , ed., Nihon bukkyo-shi-chusei hen #;MA#C 5t_tf JjS » Kyoto: Hozo kan, 1967. Imaeda, Aishin ^%j^>ijj£_ |L , Chusei zenshu-shi no kenkyu g £^ rf* $f\'9t » Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppan kai, 1970. Tamamuro, Taijo i£ 'fl %^f$i , Soshiki bukkyo ^j^jhXl , Tokyo: Daihorinkaku, 1979. -71-BIBLIOGRAPHY Akamatsu, Shunshu and others, Nihon bukkyo shi - Chusel hen - Kyoto: Hozo kan, 1967. Auboyer, Jeannine, introd., Rarities of the Musee Guimet, New York: The Asia Society, Inc., 1974. 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APPENDIX Ning-p'o Painting Tradition Types and Models Types, Descriptions Model a (Chin Model) Model b (Lu Model) Model c (Lu Model) Model d Type I Fully depicted hell scenes divided from court scenes by full-fringed clouds and rocks Type II Some hell scenes, but in much less space with remnants of cloud and rock motifs that have no divisive function Type III A few hell scenes with no clouds or rocks and a sense of spatial depth toward the standing screens Type IV No hell scenes, no clouds and rocks, . much less spatial depth, and fewer figures *The Metropilitan-Boston version, signature of Chin Ta-shou *Hofuku-ji version *Shitenno-ji version *Eda version (Princeton) *Fukuoka Seigan-ji version *Koto-in version, signature of Lu Hsin-chung *Zendo-ji version, signature of Lu Hsin-chung *Bunkacho version signature of Lu Hsin-chung *Morimura version, signature of Lu Chung-yuan *Honen-ji version, signautre of Lu Hsin-chung *Kanaza Bunko version, signature of Lu Hsin-chung *Eigen-ji version, signature of Lu Hsin-chung *Jodo-ji version, signature of Lu Hsin-chung i ON I *Daitoku-ji version *Kanagawa Municipal Museum version Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings The Musee Guimet Plate 1 -78-Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings The National Museum, New Delhi Plate 2 -79-Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings The Musee Guimet Plate 3 -80-Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings The British Museum Plate 4 -81-Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings The National Museum, New Delhi Plate 5 An Esoteric Drawing of Ti-tsang Ninna-ji Plate -84-Detail: Ti-tsang, Tao-ming, and the Lion The Musee Guimet Plate 8 The Ten Kings with Hell Scenes Kimiko and John Powers Collection Plate 9 *1 ft******* •^li"1 Si MS Si #w !#£ •j*vij>; 83 'If £t Mil -!»»-(«• v» t 4 flr * 14 & •• The Ten Kings Illustrated Texts The Kuboso Museum Plate 10 -87-sJSilp WM f *>fiHff1Wr",ff^ life rH -T—1 L ^WtM"11 mm ft! 4 «*ffcff«« a««S •. ... u . ^H.^^ 0) 4J rH CO 4J X CD H •a OJ | a) !-: CO CD S rHI O H 01 H O co i M « P •H OJ H a E— 00 I a black horse Plate 12 The Ten Kings Illustrations u » ^ *> n r Pelliot Version The Stein Version oo I The « Hoju-in Version I Plate 13 4. The fifth King, Ch'in-kuang Wang 5. The second King, Ch'u-chaing Wang The third King, Sung-ti Wang The Ten Kings Illustrations Pelliot Version The Stein Version The Hoju-in Version .5 ' '• L t ii The Ten Kings Illustrations - — J |- Plate 14 i >£> o i •train The Pelliot Version The Stein Version 10. The seventh King, T'ai-shan Wang *y0> 11. The eighth King, P'ing-cheng Wang i—r . ; ^ 12. The ninth King, Tu-shih Wang Plate 15 i The Ten Kings Illustrations The Hoju-in Version 14. The exemption of the ten cardinal sins and the permission to be born among the gods. 13. Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang Plate 16 The Ten Kings Illustrations -93-Ti-tsang and the Ten Kings The British Museum Plate 17 -94-I.Y: -b" m im m Atf. m m 2L 'Ti? in p 115= ; m SI ~ 3i fill; X E9 n.f: IMI • * in in ' •5c 1=1 .1511' * •: n •'• . : m & A Jin H: . — :H : :• & it -A • ;. M-± IMI 'ft ^ * • Id • ' : it ii eg ., -• M if. 5c § it ... * -T FMI n l-J Bl P • . • te .•' • * •/. & 5c Mt m. • SI • it. 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A< It rioi-6 ii — Hi & i\C ;?/f fl: L* ft .id i'Ji A Iff W iX ffi •ft as •44 ia ?i8 :.X A A IS $$99 te •ff 3R Ki 1$ sn k f« flit! ffi '">'. $896 ft - &s I* IS ft -m s ft: 1-51 n't 'J- id ji. A. * B L" jJi to (ieioa IK ± Jl98 lit . its — •fcl IS # n ff [iii aii. 11 :l: T VS lit', -¥ ir! ifc It ft Jt: A >v «L •'ft ft ff m m m n •4-' 5 in! ii JH ft!: .if. iii H r$ 1: -f ff! 'it iii Ci -A! iTii • tn m *M ;? te! w fl- ^ it ilk ± 331 108 107106105 104100 fit tS W VT 109 ~ i'" 110 :•< s 101 •ru> 10.' 103 .Ul s •f-99 98 97 96 v s Type Y The texts of Shih Wang Ching Plate 26 -103-The First King, Ch'in-kuang Wang Nison-in Plate 27 -104-Plate 28 -105-The Third King, Sung-ti Wang Nison-in Plate 29 -106-Plate 30 Plate 31 -108-The Sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang Nison-in Plate 32 -109-The Seventh King, T'ai-shan Wang Nison-in Plate 33 -110-Plate 34 -111-Th e Ninth King, Tu-shih Wang Nison-in Plate 35 -112-The Tenth King, Wu-tao Chuang-lun Wang Nison-in Plate 36 Five of the Ten Kings The Metropolitan Museum of Arts Plate 37 The Ten Kings Hofuku-ji Plate 38 -115-The Third King, Sung-ti Wang Seigan-ji Plate 39 -116-The Fifth King, Yen-lo Wang Jodo-ji Plate 40 -117-The Fifth King, Yen-lo Wang Zendo-ji Plate 41 -118-The Sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang Zendo-ji Plate 42 -119-Plate 43 -120-The Ten Categories of the Universal World (Jukkai-zu) Zenrin-ji Plate 44 -121-a) detail: a hell river Details of Jukkai-zu Zenrin-ji Plate 45 -122-The Sixth King, Pien-ch'eng Wang Koto-in Plate 46 -124-Plate 48 -125-Th e Tenth King, Wu-tao Chuan-lun Wang Kanazawa Bunko Plate 49 

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