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The tomb of Fu hao Kwok, Kian-Chow 1984

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THE TOMB OF FU HAO By KIM-CHOW KWOK B.F.A., Nova Scotia College of Art.and Design, 1 9 8 1 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Fine Arts) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to \he required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA January 1 9 8 4 ©Kian-chow Kwok, 1 9 8 4 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements fo r an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Fine AT»t.a  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date 7 February 1984 DE-6 (3/81) Abstract A f u l l y i n t a c t Shang Dynasty Anyang phase (c.1300-1100 B.C.) tomb—Xiaotun M5 or better known as the tomb of Fu Hao—was discovered i n the Anyang region of Henan province, China i n 1976. Although only a 'medium' size b u r i a l by Shang standards, the huge quantity of yielded grave goods i s unprecedented i n Shang archaeology. The i n s c r i p t i o n 'fu hao' i s seen on about h a l f of the 210 r i t u a l bronze vessels from the tomb, and t h i s same name may be seen i n the contemporaneous div i n a t i o n records (the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s ) collected i n other Shang s i t e s . It i s thus possible to i d e n t i f y the occupant of M5. Another bronze i n s c r i p t i o n from the tomb, ' s i mu x i n ' , further suggests that Fu Hao was one of the consorts of the Shang king Wuding. Many scholars have commented on aspects of this i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and the date of the tomb. This thesis incorporates a synthesis of the discussions along with descriptions of the tomb and i t s coriTelits. The archaeological, art h i s t o r i c a l and palaeographical materials and t h e i r s i gnificance are : considered i n separate sections. An annotated t r a n s l a t i o n of selected Fu Hao-related oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s i s included. In addition, a chapter i s given to a new discussion on the placement of large vessels i n the tomb — i t s s p a t i a l design p r i n c i p l e s and s i g n i f i c a n c e . The tomb of Fu Hao offers a rare opportunity for us to discern p a r a l l e l s i n the Various complementary i i i c u l t u r a l subsystems of Shang, such as the oracular language and the bronze a r t , i n a r e l a t i v e l y enclosed context. In the conclusion, the Weberian model of patrimonialism i s employed to propose a perspective of the tomb and i t s content i n a c u l t u r a l - p o l i t i c a l context. i v Contents Abstract i i L i s t of Figures v L i s t of Plates v i Acknowledgement v i i I Introduction 1 Notes 7 II Description of the Tomb 18 Notes 32 III The Inscriptions 42 Hao 46 Xin 50 Qiao 53 Other Inscriptions 55 Notes 59 IV The Bronze Vessels. 70 Art H i s t o r i c a l Dating 86 Archaeological Dating 91 Concerning the Meaning of Shang Bronzes 96 Notes 100 V The Placement of Large Vessels...117 Notes 124 VI Other Mortuary Goods 130 Notes 139 VII Fu Hao i n the Oracle Bone Inscriptions ...141 Ch i l d b i r t h 145 O f f i c i a l Duties 147 General Welfare 149 Exorcism and Other Rituals 151 Notes 156 VIII Concluding Remarks 164 Plates 171 Bibliography 210 Sources f o r the Figures 227 Sources f o r the Plates 228-Sources f o r the Oracle Bone Inscriptions 229 Appendix I 232' Appendix II 233 Appendix III 236 V L i s t of Figures 1 Map of Eastern China 20 2 Map of the Anyang Region 21 3 Map of Excavation Sites at Xiaotun 22 4 Location of M5 ' 23 5 Stratigraphy of the M5 Site 24 6 The Basic Structure of the Fu Hao Tomb 25 7 Plan of M5 26 8 The Fu Hao Inscriptions 43 9 The Si Mu Xin and. Si Qiao Mu -Inscriptions 44 10 The Z i Shu Quan and Ya Inscriptions 45 11 Bronze Vessel Shapes 72 12 The Fu Hao 1 Dual 1-fangyi 74 13 The Fu Hao Bird-shaped Zun 76 14 The S i Mu Xin Gong 78 15 The Placement of Large Vessels 118 16 Rubbings of M5 Jades 133 17 Rubbings of Dasikong Cun Jades 134 A The Royal Cemetery at Xibeigang 16 B The Fu Nu Inscriptions :59 C The Si Mu Wu Inscription 63 D Bronzes From Xiaotun M238 113 v i l i s t of Plates 1 Fu Hao 'Dual'-fangyi #791 171 2 Fu Hao Four-piece Yan-set #790,786, 769,770 171 3 Fu Hao Bird-shaped Zun #785 172 4 Fu Hao Flat-legged Fangding #813 173 5 S i Mu Xin Fangding F/89 174 6 S i Mu Xin Four-legged Gong #803 175 7 Small Ding #836 175 8 Fu Hao Dustpan-shaped Object #869 176 9 S i Mu Xin Square High-legged Vessel #850 177 10 Fu Hao Ding-shaped Vessel #763 177 11 S i Qiao Mu Gui Fangzun #806 178 12 S i Qiao Mu Zun #793 179 13 S i Qiao Mu J i a #857 178 14 S i Qiao Mu Fanghu #794 180 15 Fu Hao Ding #815 & 761 181 16 Fu Hao Bu~?830 182 17 Fu Hao Hu #863 183 18 Ya Bi Ding #808 184 19 Fu Hao Gu 185 20 Fu Hao Gu 185 21 Ya Ql Gu 186 22 Fu Hao Gu 186 23 Shu Quan Jue 187 24 Shu Quan Jue 187 25 S i Qiao Mu Jue 188 26 Fu Hao Jue 188 27 Xiaotun M331 You #R2066 189 28 Xibeigang M10OT'Bu #R 11021 190 29 Xibeigang M1005 Yu #R1089 191 30 Wuguan Cun M1 You and Gui 192 31 Xiaotun M238 Fangyi #R20"b"7 193 32 Xiaotun M238 Hu #R2074 194 33 Xiaotun M238 You #R2065 195 34 Bi-jades From M5 196 35 Que-jades From M5 197 36 Cong-jades From M5 198 37 Gui-jades From M5 199 38 Huang-jades From M5 200 39 Jade Tigers From M5 201 40 Jade Birds From M5 202 41 Jade"Birds From M5 203 42 Jade Human Figures From M5 204 43 Si Mu Xin Stone Ox 205 44 Jades From Xiaotun M232 206 45 Jades From Xiaotun M164 207 46 Jades From Xibeigang M1550 208 47 Jade Duck From Xiaotun F10 209 48 Jade Bird From Xiaotun M53 209 v i i Acknowledgement I wish to thank, f i r s t of a l l , Professor James Caswell, a teacher who i s able to maintain that delicate balance of l i s t e n i n g p a t i e n t l y to everything the student has to say, and at the same time has a masterly way of l e t t i n g h i s teachings f i l t e r through. I also wish to thank Professors Richard Pearson who taught me archaeology, and Ken-ichi Takashima who taught me Chinese palaeography and helped me translate the Fu Hao-oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s (I am responsible f o r " a l l mistakes). Without them th i s thesis would not have been possible. I want also to thank Professors Qiu Xigui and Zou Heng of Peking University, Hu Houxuan of Chinese Academy of Science, and Ursula Franklin of University of Toronto. I have had precious opportunities to discuss Fu Hao with them during t h e i r v i s i t s to Vancouver. Mr. Wonyoung Koh, Ms. Masako Watanabe, Mr. Vernon Fowler and Ms. Pau Yen Yong have made valuable comments and helped i n many ways. 1 I Introduction When Xiaotun /J-^Tomb Number Five'' was discovered i n 1976, the i n i t i a l excitement expressed among researchers—other than the recognition that t h i s was the most well-preserved Shang tomb with a tremendous wealth of grave goods unforeseen i n the f i f t y - y e a r history of Shang archaeology—was the correspondence of the i n s c r i p t i o n 'fu hao 1 Jfy seen on more than one hundred bronze objects in the tomb with the same 'fu hao' seen among some three hundred Shang oracle 2 bone i n s c r i p t i o n s found outside t h i s tomb . This led to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the tomb mistress as the lady Fu Hao, believed to be a. consort of King Wuding ^ 1 ^. Fu Hao's a c t i v i t i e s i n the twelfth century B.C. could perhaps be delineated through the int e r p r e t a t i o n of these oracle records. It seemed that Shang Studies was on the verge of a great advancement as t h i s unprecedented association of a group of archaeological remains with a s p e c i f i c i n d i v i d u a l opened great p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r h i s t o r i c a l and anthropological researches. The reports on the excavation of the Fu Hao tomb by the Institute of Archaeology (Kaogu yanjiusuo) of the Chinese Academy of S o c i a l Sciences f i r s t appeared i n Kaogu 1977/3 and Kaogu xuebao 1977/2.5 Yinxu Fu Hao mu % ^ ^ , ^ ^ \ - % (hereafter: YXFHM), the monograph on the tomb was published 2 in 1980. The position of the i n s t i t u t e , as represented by these reports and the writings of i t s members (Kaogu 1977b; Zheng & Chen 1981; Zheng 1982a, 1982b), i s to accept the above a t t r i b u t i o n that the tomb belonged to the Fu Hao who was a consort of King Wuding. As Wuding was one of the e a r l i e r Shang r u l e r s at the new Anyang J£ ^  c a p i t a l , the acceptance of this association implies that the tomb may be dated to the e a r l i e r segment of the Anyang phase of Shang o c i v i l i z a t i o n . This has profound significance for the in t e r n a l periodization of the Anyang culture as well as the understanding of the nature of c u l t u r a l transformation at the i n i t i a t i o n of the Anyang phase. Chang Kwang-chih i n his comprehensive study, Shang C i v i l i z a t i o n , for instance, has chosen to use th i s tomb as a marker f o r the early stage q of 'dynastic Shang' occupation at Anyang. In the t r a d i t i o n of the western a r t h i s t o r i c a l studies on Shang bronzes, Max Loehr's Fiv e - s t y l e sequential scheme (1953, 1968) has been the most i n f l u e n t i a l since the exca-vations at Zhengzhou J^ f? i n the 1950s more or les s affirmed 10 his Styles I, II and III. On the other hand, since Styles IV and V are apparent among the bronzes unearthed from the 11 Fu Hao tomb , dating the tomb to early Anyang would, however, imply that these l a t e r styles a l l occurred at about the same time or at most within a very short span of time. Ti g h t l y knitted to this problem i s the nature of the Zhengzhou-3 Anyang c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i o n . Sometimes known as the 'Bo-Ao'debate', the opinions on the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Zhengzhou has been s p i l t between Bo 3 ^ , ( f i r s t Shang ca p i t a l ) and Aof%k^, (also known as Xiao ^ , second Shang capital)(An Zhimin 1961; Liu 1961; Zou 1978; An Jinhuai 1981; Yang Yubin 1982). David Keightley went as f a r as suggesting that Zhengzhou was perhaps not a Shang but e a r l i e r occupation (1983:525). One point a l l researchers agreed upon was the wide time-gap between the two cultures, which i s also confirmed by a v a i l -13 able radiocarbon dates . A recent art h i s t o r i c a l study by James Caswell has drawn a clear contrast between 'Zhengzhou s t y l e ' bronzes and 'Anyang s t y l e ' bronzes, suggesting that they were governed by d i s t i n c t modes of aesthetic value (1982;4~5). It may be further suggested that the formal d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n Zhengzhou and Anyang bronzes possibly r e f l e c t e d some varied functions i n the s o c i a l subsystems of the respective cultures. This could be an important guide-l i n e i n our reconsideration of the F i v e - s t y l e s . Separating Styles I-II-III (Zhengzhou) on the one hand, and IV-V (Anyang) on the other hand, the next immediate problem i s the i n t e r n a l sequence of each cl u s t e r . The significance of the date of the Fu Hao tomb i n th i s context i s evident. The early date of the Fu Hao tomb does not only f i n d i t s e l f at odds with Loehr's bronze scheme; i t also has d i f f i c u l t i e s f i t t i n g into Zou Heng's comprehensive a r t i f a c t u a l chronology, 4 Yinxu wenhua fenqi I ^ L ^ 3 ^ ( Z o u 1964; L i Xueqin 1977; Thorp 1982). 1 4 In the subsequent years a f t e r the Fu Hao tomb discovery, revisions to the scheme have been pro-posed (YXFHM; Zheng 1982a; Zheng & Chen 1981; Yang Xizhang 1982). ^ The most problematic category i s again, the bronzes. Those from the Fu Hao tomb seemed more advanced than t h e i r counterparts i n most other Anyang b u r i a l s . As such, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to conceive of the Fu Hao tomb as being e a r l i e r i n date. On the other hand, Fu Hao tomb c a l l s for a re-examination of our own conceptions of the form-16 sequence of Shang bronzes. While oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s offered clues to the i d e n t i -f i c a t i o n of the occupant and the date of the Fu Hao tomb, challenges to the early Anyang date also came from within the interpretation and chronology of the bone i n s c r i p t i o n s 17 themselves. F i r s t , there was the suggestion that some of the Fu Hao related i n s c r i p t i o n s , about six of them, should be dated to l a t e r Anyang: OBI Period IV (Kaogu 1977b: Qiu, Zou, L i , and Gao Ming). There could therefore be more than one Fu Hao l i v i n g i n d i f f e r e n t time periods. The next question was whether 'fu hao' was a personal name. It has been suggested that 'fu hao' meant 'lady from the Z i \- clan' and could thus be a generalized appellation or even a c o l l e c -tive name (Kaogu 1977b:Qiu; Chang 1980:89; Zhang Zhenglang 1982,1983;Kane 1982). If t h i s were the case, e-ven i f a l l exi s t i n g 5 Fu Hao related oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s could "be dated to the time of King Wuding (OBI Period I)—which was l a t e r suggested (Qiu 1981; Chang Ping-ch'Man 1982)—there was no compelling reason that the 'fu hao' i n oracle "bone was iden-19 t i c a l to the 'fu hao' on the M5 "bronzes. 'The present issue i s not to use the t r a d i t i o n a l oracle "bone periodization to confirm the date of M5, on the con-trar y , the discovery of M5 helps us to resolve some long standing problems i n the oracle bone periodization': t h i s comment made by L i Xueqin (Kaogu 1977b:345) may indeed be applied to the bronzes as well as the o v e r a l l dating of Shang b u r i a l s and a r t i f a c t s . We have thus gone one round and are back to our s t a r t i n g point again. Not quite so, for L i ' s comments anticipated the great progress made i n Shang Studies i n the post-M5 years despite the many f r u s -trations involved i n solving the, by now, c l a s s i c a l puzzle 20 of Fu Hao. A study of the Fu Hao tomb has to include the many areas of Shang Studies: a rt h i s t o r y , archaeology and palaeography. The tomb of Fu Hao becomes, i n a sense, a problem-orientated introduction to Shang art and archaeology. The complexity of the Fu Hao problem i s i t s e l f an indicator 22 of the state of the Shang scholarship. The main tasks of the present paper are to f i r s t describe the tomb of Fu Hao and i t s contents, then to make a synthesis 6 of the scholarly l i t e r a t u r e on the Fu Hao problem and t h e i r significance . Special emphasis w i l l be placed on the bronzes and t h e i r signicicance . I wish also to propose a hypothesis concerning the pattern of the placement of bronzes i n the wooden chamber of the tomb and i t s implication which, fa r as I am aware, has not been brought out f o r discussion. It w i l l be suggested that although s t r u c t u r a l l y the tomb was a rectangular p i t , the arrangement of grave goods possi-bly denotes i t s close conceptual r e l a t i o n s h i p with the larger cross-shaped Xibeigang J-& tombs.^ This con-ception i s i n turn discussed i n r e l a t i o n to the augmentation of the four-cardinal or quincuncial pattern of organization which found i t s expressions not only i n physical arrange-ment but also i n Shang oracular nomenclature: the notions 24-of the 'Four Directions'. General significance and impact of the Fu Hao tomb w i l l be discussed i n the conclusion. 7 Notes: I 1. Xiaotun i s the name of a small v i l l a g e about three km north-west of the town of Anyang. 'Anyang' i n the present paper refer s to the larger area along both banks of the Huan >S River within which Shang archaeological remains have been extensively found ( f i g . 2). The Anyang region i s located in the province of Henan ( f i g . 1 ) . Archaeological s i t e s i n the region are further i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r modern lo c a t i o n names, such as Xiaotun, Xibeigang and so on. Tomb Number Five i s also abbreviated as M5 (or Xiaotun M5). 2. These are d i v i n a t i o n records which were carved on some one hundred thousand scapula and plastron fragments. The oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s (OBI) are about the only Shang l i t e r a r y source available to us. Inscriptions were also cast on bronzes but they usually constituted very few graphs and thus provide l i t t l e ground f o r us to discern patterns and contexts out of them. The tomb of Fu Hao i s highly s i g n i -f i c a n t p r e c i s e l y because of t h i s unusual correspondence of the bronze- and the oracle bone-inscriptions. For an i n t r o -duction to the OBI see Chou 1980. Keightley 1978b provides a more detailed explanation as well as evaluates the OBI as a source of Shang histo r y . For a h i s t o r i c a l survey of the Chinese scholarship on the OBI, see Dong 1955; English trans-l a t i o n of t h i s book, F i f t y Years of Studies i n Oracle Inscrip- tions , by the Centre f o r East Asian Cultural Studies, Tokyo: 8 Notes: I 1964. For a survey of post-1949 Chinese studies on the OBI see Wang 1981. Chang 1983 provides an evaluation of the OBI as an aspect of the complex p o l i t i c a l culture of Shang. (1933). l a t e r advocated by scholars such as Hu Houxuan (1944). See further discussions under Hao i n ch.III. Two l e v e l s of questions are involved here. The f i r s t r elates the necessary correspondence of the same 'fu hao 1 seen on the M5 bronzes and on the OBI as r e f e r r i n g to the same in d i v i d u a l . A problem which i s intimately related to the dating of those OBI mentioning 'fu hao 1(the Fu Hao-inscrip-tions) as well as the very complex problem of the date of M5 (discussed throughout the present paper).The second l e v e l involves the 'content' of the Fu Hao-inscriptions. To what extent can we interpret them with a f a i r amount of cer-tai n t y and how much can we t e l l about the biography of Fu Hao from them (see ch.VIl). For the twelfth century-date, see note 13 below. Listed i n the bibliography as Kaogu 1977a and Kaogu yanjiu-suo 1977. See also Kaogu 1977b which i s the proceedings of an important conference on the tomb of Fu Hao held i n July 1977. Many basic questions on the tomb were pointed out 9 Notes; I during the conference, and active debates surrounding these questions have been taking place without cessation i n the past few years. The tomb of Fu Hao also became one of the most important topics i n the International Conference on  Shane; C i v i l i z a t i o n held i n Honolulu, September 1982. 6. Reviewed by Robert Thorp (1982) and L i Boling (1982). 7. According to the Guben zhushu j i n i a n which was quoted i n the Shi.ji IP)Yinbenji ^ the Shang c a p i t a l at Yin ( i . e . , Anyang) lasted f o r 273 years and included the reigns of twelve kings (see appendix I ) . The reigns of the f i r s t three Anyang kin g s — P a n g e n g J ^ j ( w h o moved his c a p i t a l to Yin i n h i s fourteenth year of r e i g n ) , Xiaoxin Jv l£y and Xiaoyi ^ 7^  — l a s t e d about f o r t y - f i v e years (Dong 1945 pt. 1, v. 4, pp. 11-12). The fourth king, Wuding, reigned f o r f i f t y - n i n e years: this information i s consistent i n a l l Zhou h i s t o r i c a l texts ( i b i d . : 11b). For d i f f e r e n t approaches to the chronologies of these kings see Ch'en 1955b:73-74 and Keightley 1978b:appendix 4. 8. Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n i s generally segmented into an e a r l i e r phase, Zhengzhou (or Erligang > % it) ), and a l a t e r phase, Anyang (or Y i n ^ ^ , also known as Yinxu ^  ' the ruins of Yin'). Both the Zhengzhou and Anyang s i t e s are believed to be Shang c a p i t a l s . The Anyang phase i s also often known as 10 Notes: I •Late Shang 1 (Soper 1966). Another bronze age s i t e , E r l i t o u > » w a s Previously considered to be Shang but i s now generally accepted as pre-Shang, possibly Xia (Chang 1983: 20; Yin 1983). See note 13 below for a discussion on the r e l a t i v e chronology of Zhengzhou and Anyang. For a b r i e f introduction to the E r l i t o u culture, i t s bronzes and jades, see Robert Bagley, 'The Beginnings of the Bronze Age' i n Fong, ed. 1980:69-77. 9. Chang believes that the archaeological data of the Xiaotun s i t e may be divided into the 'pre-dynastic' and the 'dynas-t i c ' periods. 'The dynastic period at Xiaotun (and else-where i n Anyang) saw the q u a l i t a t i v e transformation of the s i t e from a moderate-size settlement into a royal c a p i t a l featuring the archaeological appearance of three new phenomena: house foundations of major proportions ("palace foundations"), inscribed oracle bones, and tombs so large and r i c h as to warrant a "royal" designation' (Chang 1980:86). The period of the f i r s t three kings at Anyang s t i l l cannot be s p e c i f i -c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d with certainty i n the archaeological records. The tomb of Fu Hao, on the other hand, may be used to repre-sent the Wuding period. The pre-Wuding dynastic period may be regarded as 'a prefatory appendage of the Wuding period u n t i l proven otherwise by future archaeological f i n d s ' (Ibid.: 87). 11 Notes: I 10. For a detailed explanation the the Loehr's bronze scheme see under Art H i s t o r i c a l Dating, ch.IV of the present paper. The best c o l l e c t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c a l l y excavated Zhengzhou bronzes i s found i n Henan chutu Shangzhou qingtongqi f^) it', i - "fe ft % $h , plates 12-129 (Wenwu 1981). See Chang 1980 ch.5 f o r a survey study of the Zhengzhou s i t e . 11. There are also some Style III examples from M5, such as the ti n y fangding #834 (YXFHM p i . 4). However the Anyang Style III should be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the Zhengzhou Style I I I . See d i s t i n c t i o n s drawn by James Caswell, p. 90 below.. . ... 12. Because we are dealing with a ' s t y l i s t i c sequence' assuming the bronzes of the two c u l t u r a l phases as having an evolu-tionary formal continuum. See pp.86-87 below. 13. Some available carbon-14 dates (Chang 1980:371): lab number C-14 Years B.f. C-14 Years B.P. Years B.C. (based on 5730) (based on 5570) (calibrated) Anyang Xiaotun Shang Royal tomb: ZK-86 3065+90 2978+90 1280+150 Anyang Wuguan Cun: ZK-5 3035+100 2949+100 1210+160 Zhengzhou Erligang Upper l e v e l : ZK-178 3330+95 3235+90 1590+160 Zhengzhou Shang town wa l l : ZK-177 3310+95 3215+90 1560+160 The absolute dates of the two phases are d i f f i c u l t to 12 Notes: I determine. T r a d i t i o n a l chronology places Shang between 1766 and 1122 B.C.. However there have been at le a s t eighteen dates suggested f o r the f a l l of Shahg (Chang 1983:2 note 3). For the purpose of the present paper, the approximate dates of 1300 to 1100 B.C. f o r Anyang and 1750-1550 B.C. f o r Zhengzhou are suggested. If the tomb of Fu Hao can t r u l y be dated to the time of Wuding, the tomb may be considered to be datable to the early twelfth century B.C.. 14. See under Archaeological Dating, ch.IV of the present paper. L i and Thorp have discussed about the problems of f i t t i n g M5 into the Zou's 1964 scheme. 15. Mainly the e f f o r t s of the Institute of Archaeology. See ch. IV note 28, also appendix I. 16. Iki- 8 i s c a l l e d f o r because the quantity and var i e t y of the M5 bronzes f i n d no p a r a l l e l i n other Anyang archaeological s i t e s . A straight-forward typological comparison i s almost impossible- 1-a problem to be explained i n d e t a i l i n ch.IV. 17. See ch.VII f o r an introduction to the OBI dating scheme and methods; see also the c o l l a t e r a l table (appendix I) f o r a cross reference-of the OBI dating and the archaeological (Yinxu Periods) dating. 13 Notes: I 18. The time gap between OBI Periods I and IV i s too wide f o r the l i f e s p a n of an i n d i v i d u a l . 19. This i s related to the problem of the uneven d i s t r i b u t i o n of the number of OBI accounts by t h e i r periods. Preliminary research suggests that approximately f i f t y percent of a l l fragments come from OBI Period I, thirty-one percent from III and IV, and l e s s than seven percent each from II and V (Keightley 1978b:139-140). It i s d i f f i c u l t to say how representative the r a t i o i s i n regard to the actual d i v i n a -tions performed; i t could merely r e f l e c t the accident of discovery. 20. Our anxiety i n solving the dating problem of the Fu Hao tomb l i e s i n the f a c t that t h i s i s the most well-preserved large Shang tomb and thus offers a wealth of data f o r the study of Shang h i s t o r y and society; yet we are not able to s a t i s f a c -t o r i l y . solve the dating problem f o r p r e c i s e l y the same reason that , .existing data off e r i n s u f f i c i e n t references f o r us to date the Fu Hao tomb. 21. Chang Kwang-chih has been advocating an ' i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y approach' to the study of Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n . The scope involved i s best explained i n the 'Five Doors to Shang': 1.t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i c a l texts, 2.bronzes, 3.oracle bones, 14 Notes; I 4. archaeology and 5.theoretical models (1980:1-65). The scholarly significance of the Fu Hao tomb i s precisely that i t i s a problem the understanding and studying of which must encompass the 'Five Doors'. The problem of Fu Hao a c t u a l l y offerred rare opportunities f o r Shang s p e c i a l i s t s of d i f f e r e n t areas to parti c i p a t e i n active scholarly debates. A r t i c l e s on or clos e l y related to the Fu Hao tomb published i n the recent years exceeded t h i r t y (Chang Ping-ch'Uan 1982; Chao 1980; Chen 1979; Dai 1981; Fong, ed. 1980; Huber 1983; Kane 1982; Kaogu 1977a,1977b; Kaogu yanjiusuo 1977,1980,1981, 1982; L i Boling 1982; L i Boqian 1979; L i Xueqin 1977,1980; Takashima 1980; Thorp 1982; Wang et a l . 1977; Xia 1982,1983; Yan 1981; You 1981; Zhang Peishan 1982; Zhang Zhenglang 1982, 1983; Zheng 1982a,1982b; Zheng & Chen 1981). The scope of inquiry represented by these works i s i t s e l f a good repre-sentation of the range of concerns i n Shang Studies. Under-standing of the Fu Hao problem i s thus a process of acquir-ing a 'problem-oriented .. introduction to Shang a r t and archaeology'. 22. I should perhaps extend 'art and archaeology'(see note 21 above) t9 the e n t i r e - f i e l d of Shang Studies. The com-plexity of the Fu Hao problem i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the sophis-t i c a t i o n accomplished i n about s i x t y years of modern scholar-ship on the Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n . 15 Notes; I 23. Xibeigang i s situated northeast of Xiaotun, aacross the Huan River ( f i g s . 2, A). The Xibeigang s i t e i s generally known as the 'royal cemetery' because the largest Shang tombs with two or four ramps were discovered here i n the 1930s. The s i t e i s divided into the western and the eastern sections. There were seven large tombs (Xibeigang M1001, M1002, M1003, M1004, M1217, M1500 and M1550) and a large rectangular p i t (M1567)^-commonly regarded as an unfinished eighth tomb— found i n the western section. Three large tombs of compa-rable size (M1129, M1400 and M1443) were found i n the east-ern section ( f i g . A). A fourth tomb about f o r t y metres to the east of M1400 was found i n 1950 and another p i t was i d e n t i f i e d i n 1959 (Chang 1980:111-113)(the l a s t two tombs are not shown on f i g . A). For a general discussions of the Xibeigang s i t e see l i Chi 1977:74-94 and Chang 1980: 110-123. Detailed excavation reports are compiled i n the seven volume's Houjiazhuang |>L$L(Liang & Gao 1962-1976). See also Soper 1966, Gao 1969 and Yang Xizhang 1981 f o r discussions on issues related to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and meaning of the tomb structures. 24. Paul Wheatley comments that cardinal orientation appeared very early i n the ^ arrangement of Chinese urban forms, and the Zhouli i n i t s opening statement, preserved the f i c t i o n that i t was the Emperor himself who determined the four cardinal points... Both the i n d i v i d u a l buildings at The Royal Cemetery at Xibeigang 17 Notes; I Anyang and the ceremonial complex as a whole ( i . e . , Xiaotun 'palace' foundations) were arranged about roughly north-south axes, and, furthermore, that the Shang kingdom i t s e l f was r e p u t e d — i n i t s l a t e r phase ( i . e . , Anyang) at any r a t e — t o have been divided into f i v e regions: the c a p i t a l units and i t s environs at the centre, surrounded by the Pour D i s t r i c t s ( s i t u 5— ) named afte r the cardinal p i n t s of the compass... the whole arrangement and nomenclature i l l u s t r a t i n g a quincuncial pattern of organization wide-spread i n Asia (1971:425). The surrounding d i s t r i c t s or 'lands' were known to the Shang not only by t h e i r cardinal p o i n t s — n o r t h land, south land, east land, west land—but also by the c o l l e c t i v e term s i t u <S) ±_ 'the lands of the Pour Directions' as seen i n the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s (Duo 2.405, Nan ming 423). Another usage of a s i m i l a r nature was s i f ang no ^ 'the states of the Pour Directions' (Chen 121, Hou x i a 8.1, Nan ming 681, Ren 1928, Cun 1.1829, Nan ming 487)(Shima 1971:172 & 458). Chen Mengjia has a general discussion on the usages of s i t u , s i - fang as well as sige rjD — p o s s i b l y also r e f e r r i n g to 'the states (of a d i f f e r e n t order ?) of the Pour Directions' — i n h i s Yinxu buci zongshu, %g h H^j- .^2^(1956:319-321). The Shang referred to t h e i r own c a p i t a l c i t y as 'shang' j^j (thus the name Shang), 'da y i ' 'the great c i t y ' , or has commented above, th i s c a p i t a l c i t y was regarded by the Shang as being i n the centre of the s i t u , sifang and sige. •the great c i t y Shang'. As Wheatley 18 II Description of the Tomb The finding of the tomb of Fu Hao was the surprising r e s u l t of an archaeo-l o g i c a l survey of a low mound area northwest of Xiaotun v i l l a g e ( f i g s . 1,2) which began i n the winter of 1975. The tomb, which was excavated i n May 1976, was located about 200 metres west of the southern edge of Grid G of Xiaotun locus North 5 ( f i g . 3), i n t e s t - s i t e s T10 and T11 ( f i g . 4). A house foundation F1 was d i r e c t l y above the tomb (M5); t h e i r approximation i n l o c a l i t y and size implied that they were l i k e l y to be complementary structures.^ The stratigraphy of the s i t e provided l i t t l e information on the chronological position of M5: There were some pottery sherds found i n round p i t H32, which according to Yinxu Fu Hao mu, may be dated to Yinxu Period IV 5 (YXFHM:4). H32 cut into house founda-t i o n F9, which was subsequently cut into by F1 and M5. There were also some Yinxu Period IV deposits i n p i t H1 (Ibid.;4), which cut into F1, and the l a t t e r into M5 ( f i g . 5). F9 — j ( e a r l i e r than) j H32 (Yinxu IV) I j M5 j H 1 (Yinxu IV) The Fu Hao tomb was a north-south oriented rectangular p i t grave ( f i g . 6). The p i t opening was 5.6 by 4 metres. The p i t i t s e l f was 7.5 metres deep with i t s south wall sloping s l i g h t l y inward, thus the f l o o r was s l i g h t l y smaller i n 19 area than the opening. About 6.2 metres from the p i t opening, two n i c h e s ^ ) were dug on the east and west walls. The eastern niche was 1.9 metre, whereas the western niche was 1.7 metre i n length. A ledge ( l £ ) 0.3 metre wide and 1.3 metre t a l l was b u i l t along the four walls. The function of the ledge was to hold the wooden outer c o f f i n (also known as the wooden chamber, j ^ . ) . The l a t t e r was completely under the water table when excavated and thus the exact structure could not be reconstructed. The c o f f i n proper ( ) was also badly decomposed. It was situated, s l i g h t -l y to the south, i n the centre of the chamber. The exact size could not be determined. At the very bottom of the grave there was a one-metre deep small p i t ( ' w a i s t -p i t 1 ) , which was also positioned s l i g h t l y to the south of the centre ( f i g . 7). The body of the occupant of the tomb was completely decayed away. There were sixteen s a c r i f i c e d humans: four above the chamber (by the north wall and the northwest corner), three i n the niches, one i n the small p i t , and the r e s t scattered within the chamber. Two women, four men, and two children could be i d e n t i f i e d . At l e a s t one was beheaded, and one 7 other could have been cut into two halves at the waist. There were also six s a c r i f i c i a l dogs: one i n the small p i t and the r e s t above the chamber (by the north, south, and east w a l l s ) . 20 f i g . 1 KEY o Site • Modern city /"A AnyangcT, • Beijing o Zhengz*tOu^-V" J V O-^Erlitou . s . A, HENAN \ Huai Panjongchepg 4 * < </ r ^ — . i Guangzhou ( n Map of Eastern China Map of the Anyang Region f i g . 3 22 Map of Excavation Sites at Xiaotun fig.. 4 23 Location of M5 24 A — 2 * m " I ! ft' ! M s : ; iiSi l ¥ m mm III' 3n no. Tiiffla^*sTiitf)fBJ4tes!iffia 1—4.6.8.Fl&fi 5,7 column s l o t s ; column foundation; stone p l i n t h ; ramm eaVe arth column s l o t s Stratigraphy of the M5 Site The Basic Structure of the Fu Hao Tomb 26 f i g . 7 Plan of M5 27 An enormous quantity of grave goods—some 1,928 objects with an addition of 6,820 cowrie shells—were l i t e r a l l y packed into t h i s somewhat compact tomb, from the bottom, to within o one metre of the opening. Among them, there were 468 bronzes (weighing 1,625 kilograms), 755 jades, sixteen stones, eleven potte r i e s , and three i v o r i e s . Among, the bronzes, 210 items were vessel-types; the r e s t were mainly weapons and tool s . Most grave goods were scattered i n the e a r t h - f i l l above the wooden chamber. A stone ox and two jade vessels (gui were placed i n the centre of the chamber top. Within the chamber, twenty-four large bronze vessels and a stone sculp-ture, almost a l l of them inscribed, were c a r e f u l l y arranged— probably around the c o f f i n — a l o n g the north, east, and west i n t e r i o r walls. Other bronzes were also found i n the cham-ber but t h e i r o r i g i n a l positions were disturbed by the i n -flow of underground water. The construction of the Fu Hao tomb i s of a t r a d i t i o n a l type with features that could be traced back to the Chinese neo-9 * l i t h i c cultures. The-earliest rectangular b u r i a l trenches with an assortment of grave goods (including ceramics, jewellery, stone tools and weapons) were found i n the early n e o l i t h i c s i t e of Banpo ^  *#^_(5th millennium B.C.). A c o f f i n was f i r s t used among the l a t e r Gansu Yangshao %1 n e o l i t h i c cultures of the 3rd millennium B.C.. In the l a t e n e o l i t h i c s i t e of Dawenkou ^ =^ O , i n Shandong, the ledge and the 28 "burial chamber were already evident, together with r i c h b u r i a l goods, which included as many as 180 ceramic vessels i n a single b u r i a l . (Thorp 1979:3-9). In the early bronze age s i t e of E r l i t o u > ^ ' t l i e range of grave goods included jades, cowries, weapons, and bronze and ceramic vessles. Vessel types such as gu^jj, , .jue ^  , and he ^ might have been assembled according to some set-grouping. The waist-pit and the niches seen i n M5, on the other hand, had no n e o l i t h i c precedents. Waist-pit was a common Shang b u r i a l feature f i r s t seen among the larger Zhengzhou phase tombs, such as Baijiazhuang h> ^ n t . M3 at Zhengzhou, and L i j i a z u i "J. ^  «^ M2 at Panlongcheng ^ 1 0 Skeletal 11 remains were found i n the waist-pit i n most cases. The niches,however, seems to be a rare feature. The tomb of Pu Hao i s the largest b u r i a l excavated i n the Xiaotun s i t e . It was more than twice the size of M232 (in Locus North) which was the largest Xiaotun tomb prior to 12 the discovery of the former. M5 was also situated s l i g h t -l y outside of the Locus North, and thus away from the clus-t e r of Shang bu i l d i n g foundations at Xiaotun. The M5 s i t e 13 had been a r e l a t i v e l y unknown archaeological l o c a t i o n . After the h i s t o r i c a l discovery of the Pu Hao tomb, the Institute of Archaeology excavators continued to examine the immediate area surrounding the tomb. By A p r i l 1977, six b u r i a l s were discovered: three were about 4,.6 - 6 metres i n 2 9 length. It had also been reported by the l o c a l v i l l a g e r s that two other tombs were previously found i n this l o c a t i o n (Kaogu yanjiusuo 1 9 8 1 : 4 9 1 ) . Among the tombs, M 1 8 i s s i g n i -f i c a n t because the i n s c r i p t i o n ' z i yu' J^_;^.was found among the bronze vessels (on a j j i a ^ a n d a zun t | , ) . It i s believed that Z i Yu was a prince of King Wuding (Dong 1 9 3 3 : 3 8 1 ) . Like the Fu Hao tomb, M 1 8 was also a rectangular pit-grave with a ledge, chamber, c o f f i n , and waist-pit. The opening was 4 . 6 x 2 . 3 metres and i t had an oblong shaft. There were f i v e human s a c r i f i c e s , a dog i n the waist-pit, and ninety grave goods (pottery, bronze, jade, bone, and cowrie). Among them were twenty-four bronze vessels; thirteen of them 14. were inscribed. (Kaogu yanjiusuo 1 9 8 1 ) . Prior to the discovery of t h i s 'Fu Hao s i t e ' northwest of Xiaotun v i l l a g e , larger Shang tombs were only found i n the 'royal cemetery' s i t e of Xibeigang and Hougang 'A%__It i s now appropri-ate to consider t h i s as another large-tomb s i t e . Our reluctance to c a l l M5 a 'medium' size tomb i s due to the f a c t that i t yielded the largest quantity of mortuary art objects among a l l Shang b u r i a l s , despite the f a c t that t h i s 2 2 . 4 square metre (area of the opening) tomb was quite a b i t smaller than the Xibeigang large tombs of 2 0 0 - 3 0 0 square metre area. M5 bronze vessels make up about one t h i r d of a l l Shang bronze vessels s c i e n t i f i c a l l y excavated 16 i n the Anyang region. On the other hand, among some 30 1 7 2,500 b u r i a l s excavated i n the Anyang region, there was r e a l l y just a handful of larger tombs: a figure small enough to allow each b u r i a l to be considered i n d i v i d u a l l y rather than an i n t e r n a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . In a recent study by Yang Baocheng and Yang Xizhang (1983), Shang bu r i a l s have been divided into four categories: Large-medium tombs, small tombs, b u r i a l s without tomb-structure, and s a c r i f i c i a l p i t s . Large-medium tombs include the thirteen Xibeigang large 1 fi tombs, the Hougang large tombs, the new Fu Hao s i t e , and a few smaller size tombs at Xiaomintun Nandi 4- ^ These tombs belonged to the highest s o c i a l stratum of the Anyang society, probably members of the roy a l lineage. The second category—the small tombs—were mainly d i s t r i b u t e d i n Xiaotun, Dasikong Cun ji *\ as well as Xiaomin-tun Nandi areas. These tombs usually had co f f i n s but r a r e l y had chambers. Each had a few grave goods; mostly ceramic gu and jue. A few of them had one or two human s a c r i f i c e s . The owners of these tombs must have enjoyed some p o l i t i c a l power; they were probably the o f f i c i a l c l a s s , minor slave-owners and artis a n s . As f o r the bu r i a l s without tomb-structure, these were found i n ashy deposits a l l over Anyang. Some included one or two crude pottery objects. These bu r i a l s probably belonged to the zhong and zhongren %•> K 'common people, the multitude (the masses)' seen i n the oracle bone inscriptions.21 The l a s t category, the s a c r i f i -c i a l p i t s , were found i n hundreds at Xiaotun Locus North and 31 Xibeigang. They probably belonged to the captives and the slaves. Many of them were bound before b u r i a l (possibly-buried a l i v e ) , beheaded or cut up. Some s a c r i f i c i a l p i t s contained only s k u l l s — up to thirty-nine to a p i t (Chang 1980: 119). 2 2 The significances of Fu Hao tomb's stratigraphy, construc-t i o n , location and quantity of grave goods may be summarized as follows. The stratigraphy suggests that the tomb has to be dated e a r l i e r than Yinxu Period IV. A radiocarbon test on a piece of wood fragment from M5 yielded a date of 3155 + 140 B.P. calibrated to 3350 + 190 B.P.. 2 5 This informa-ti o n suggests a range of p o s s i b i l i t y f a r greater than our concern of chronological exactitude here. The F1 house foundation and the several p l i n t h bases and holes ( f i g . 5) point to the possible existence of an above ground struc-ture which would be considered by the Shang people—and v i s i b l e to them a f t e r the dead had been b u r i e d — a s part of 24 the tomb. Judging from the quantity of the grave goods, the tomb should be ranked with the Xibeigang r o y a l tombs i n terms of the s o c i a l status of the owner, but the basic construction of M5 belonged to a more t r a d i t i o n a l type. The singular size and l o c a t i o n of the tomb pose questions i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the physical layout of the Anyang 2S complex and the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of the Shang b u r i a l s . J 32 Notes: II 1. A l l data on M5 are based on Yinxu Fu Hao mu unless otherwise noted. 2. The low mound was about 0.8 metre higher than i t s surround-ing area. It was about seventy metres wide. In the winter of 1975» the l o c a l commune members wanted to clear the mound f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l production, and the members of the Institute of Archaeology were sent there f o r an o v e r a l l survey of the area. Traces of the house foundation above the tomb of Fu Hao were f i r s t recorded i n l a t e November 1975. The discovery and excavation of the tomb took place i n the spring of 1976. 3. Xiaotun Locus North i s generally regarded as the 'palace' ground of the Anyang period. It i s also the best-excavated area of the Anyang region as well as the most important source f o r the oracle bone and s h e l l fragments. Remains of foundations, ditches, b u r i a l s , dwelling- and storage-p i t s , and workshops have been extensively found i n t h i s l o c a t i o n . The most prominent are the hangtu ^ ±-~ 'rammed earth' large house foundations believed to be the palace complex of Anyang Shang. There were f i f t y - t h r e e i n d i v i d u a l buildings divided into three c l u s t e r s . See Shi 1955b and L i Chi 1977:194-189 fo r general discussions and reconstruc-tions of Shang architecture. 33 Notes; II 4 . See f i g . 5. Items 1,2,3,4,6 and 8 are column holes of the house foundation F1, whereas 5,7,9 are actual stone p l i n t h s . This i s p o t e n t i a l l y important information about the tomb structure of Shang: the possible existence of an above ground shrine structure aligned with the b u r i a l . It i s suggested i n the YXFHM that there exists one other example: Dasikong Cun "K M312. The Dasikong Cun excavation report (Ma et a l . 1955), unfortunately, has only a short description of M312 and the house foundation concerned. M312 was 3.3 by 1.8 metres i n size and 4.6 metres deep (compared to M5's 5.6 by 4 by 6.2m). It contained three s a c r i f i c i a l human victims, a l l of them children. As the tomb was previously looted, few b u r i a l goods were found. The rammed earth halxse foundation (no i d e n t i f i c a t i o n num-ber assigned) was 3.5 by 2.2 metres. There were also four stone p l i n t h s . 5. For explanation of the Yinxu Period see ch.IV, under Archaeological Dating. Yinxu Period should not be confused with the OBI Period (see appendix I ) . 6. North-south orientation i s also seen:in. the Xibeigang large tombs "(fig. A),.the palace buildings at Xiaotun Locus North and most Anyang b u r i a l s . In the Tangong;pj| 1^ chapter of the 34 Notes: II L i j i f f l i ^ j i t i s stated that ^ ^ ^ ^ ) ^ " | , > £~ i j _ -fej » - ^ - ^ i X ^ ^ "O'to bury the dead on the north side of the town with h i s head pointing toward the north, was the customary practice of the Three Dynasties (Xia, Shang, Zhou); t h i s was because the dead had to go into the realm of dark-ness 1. It i s in t e r e s t i n g to note that whereas the Xibeigang 'royal cemetery' w a s located j _ n -the north (northwest) of the palace ground ( f i g . 2), the tomb of Fu Hao was situated i n the southwest ( f i g s . 3 & 4). 7. Human s a c r i f i c e s seem to have been a Shang invention and had no precedent i n the n e o l i t h i c cultures. Human s a c r i f i -cies are also mentioned i n the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s and were performed i n r i t u a l contexts. 8. The tomb of Fu Hao was f u l l y i n t a c t . Robert Thorp suggests two reasons f o r t h i s : F i r s t , Tomb 5 i s located i n an area f a r removed from the other large tombs, about 100 metres west of the Xiaotun foundations, an area not associated with other large b u r i a l s or considered a source of bronze vessels i n recent times. Second, the Xiaotun s i t e l i e s hard by the Huan River and has been both flooded and eaten away by the r i v e r . Fu Hao's temple may have been hidden under a layer of s i l t from flooding at an early date (1979:21). 9. Cheng Te-k'un comments that 35 Notes; II the elaborate structure of (the Shang) ro y a l tombs and the richness i n t h e i r furniture represent a material manifestation of the wealth and power of the Shang kings rather than an abrupt change i n funeral customs. It was an elaboration of the t r a d i t i o n a l funerary practice s e t t i n g the s t y l e f o r the internment of the r o y a l per-sonages i n the l a t e r dynasties, many of which are known to have been v i r t u a l l y underground palaces. The basic funeral customs and practices i n China have followed the same t r a d i t i o n throughout the ages (1982:21). Whereas Cheng refe r s to the r o y a l tombs—presumably those at Xibeigang—the above ; observation would c e r t a i n l y also be true of the Fu Hao tomb, except perhaps the structure of the l a t t e r adhered closer to the n e o l i t h i c precedents. 10. For a study of the Panlongcheng s i t e see Bagley 1977. Pan-longcheng i s generally regarded as a Shang 'outpost' i n the south ( f i g . 1). Chronologically i t should be associated with the Zhengzhou (or Erligang) phase of Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n . Panlongcheng i s the furthest extent i n the south where we have archaeological remains of a Shang settlement. Bronze vessels -. datable to the Shang period, though not necessarily pertained to the. Shang p o l i t y , have been found further south i n Hunan province. 11. There were mostly do.gs.The waist-pit i s thus c a l l e d because the p i t i s positioned near the waist of the deceased. Dogs are often used i n shamanic contexts (Eliade 1964:90,188)* and the placing of s a c r i f i c e d dogs i n the waist-pit could perhaps suggest the use of the dog as the helping s p i r i t or the s p i r i t u a l vehicle i n the b u r i a l r i t u a l context. 36 Notes; II 12. Xiaotun M232 was a p i t grave with a wooden chamber (3.1 x 2.15 x 1.35 metres) and a wooden c o f f i n (2.1 x 0.9 x 0.8 metres). There were eight human s a c r i f i c i a l victims as well as four dogs, one of which was placed i n the waist-p i t . The b u r i a l was previously plundered. The remaining b u r i a l goods included ten bronze vessles, nine weapons and some jade, s h e l l and bone ornaments (Shi 1973). Chang Kwang-chih considers t h i s b u r i a l , together with Xiaotun M188, M222, M 3 3 3 and. M388, to be 'predynastic 1 Shang (at Xiaotun Locus North)(1980:76-86). Other scholars have dated t h i s tomb variously (see pp. 92-93 below). 13. See notes 8 & 9 above. 14. The significance of M18 (and M17) i s summarized by Zheng Zhenxiang'jhis view E representative of the Institute of Archaeology's position on t h i s question: The major achievement of these two tombs i s that they help determine the date of the Fu Hao Tomb. In par-t i c u l a r , the large numbers of pottery vessels of Tomb Number 18 leave no question as to i t s (Yinxu) Period II date, and i t s many bronze r i t u a l vessels l i n k the tomb with the tomb of Fu Hao. Furthermore, many bronze r i t u a l vessels with the Zi Yu i n s c r i p t i o n were found i n t h i s tomb. Both Zi Yu and Fu Hao were per-sonages seen often i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s of Bin^fL -group d i v i n e r s , and t h i s means that both the Fu Hao Tomb and Tomb Number 18 date from the period of King Wuding (I982a:57). Also, 37 Notes: II we now know that i n the area of the Fu Hao Tomb there were other tombs which were e s s e n t i a l l y contemporary with the Fu Hao Tomb. This shows that the Tomb of Fu Hao was not an isolated b u r i a l . . . (however) more work w i l l be needed before we can make clear the nature of this p a r t i c u l a r cemetery (IbJLgL, :57). It should be mentioned, however, that the correspondence i n date between M5 and M17-M18 has been questioned by V i r -g i n i a Kane, who c r i t i c i z e s the method used by the Institute for a r t i f a c t u a l association. Kane her s e l f concludes that M5 ought to belong to a period 'at le a s t two or three gene-rations l a t e r than M17 and M18' (1982:13). 15. A north-south oriented tomb with two; ramps and a rare cross-shaped chamber was found. The cross-shaped chamber was 5.7 metres north-south and 4.4 metres east-west. There were twenty-eight s k u l l s and 148 pieces of human skele-t a l fragments. For f u l l excavation report see Shi 1948. 16. Wang Shimin mentions that the number of bronze vessels i n the Fu Hao tomb exceeds the t o t a l number of s c i e n t i f i c a l l y excavated Anyang bronze vessels (Kaogu 1977b:350). I assume that the l a t t e r figure would not include those Anyang bronzes unearthed before 1949. L i Xueqin also mentions that there are altogether only several hundred s c i e n t i f i -c a l l y excavated bronze vessels i n Anyang ( L i 1977:34). As fo r bronzes unearthed i n the 1920s and 1930s (now kept i n 38 Notes: II Taiwan), they number 176 (Chang 1980:88). Based on the above information, I thus have the impression that the M5 bronze vessels make up about one third—more on the plus s i d e — o f a l l s c i e n t i f i c a l l y excavated bronze vessels i n the Anyang region. The most convenient sources f o r reproduc-tions of these bronzes are L i and Wan 1964-1972,(5 v o l s ) , Wenwu 1981 (Henan chutu Shangzhou qingtongqi), and of course, given the importance of M5, YXFHM i t s e l f . 17. The largest clusters of small b u r i a l s are the eastern sec-t i o n of Xibeigang ( f i g . A) and Xiaotun Locus North. The 2,500 figure i s suggested by Yang Xizhang (1982:1). The figure includes the 1928-1937 archaeological sessions. 18. For the question of the consideration of the M5 s i t e as a cemetery ground, see note 14 above; also see Zheng and Chen 1981. 19. Referring to the three s a c r i f i c i a l chariot b u r i a l s , of about the size of 3.5 by 3 metres, discovered i n 1958-1959 (Kaogu yanjiusuo 1961:72-73) and 1972 (Kaogu yanjiusuo 1972). 20. For the excavation report of Dasilong Cun see Ma et al.1953. 21. David Keightley suggests that the zhong and the ren were the forced labourers employed i n Shang ag r i c u l t u r e , con-s t r u c t i o n and warfare. The zhong were the state labourers 39 Notes: II whereas the ren were public workers. This d i s t i n c t i o n could be drawn because the ren were mobilized by the king where-as the zhong, being permanently a v a i l a b l e , were not (1969: 66). On occasion, zhong and ren were mobilized together (eg. Qian 7.3.2) and as a r e s u l t some scholars have i d e n t i -f i e d a t h i r d group of forced labourers — the zhongren Taking zhongren as a compound meaning 'the multitude' i s a misreading. Rather, zhongren as used by the Shang refe r s to the zhong and the ren separately (Ibid.:70). See Chang 1980:226-227 f o r a discussion on zhongren; also, M.V. Kryukov, 'On the zhong and zhongren i n the Yin Bone Inscriptions', translated into Japanese by M. Matsumaru, Kokotsugaku n.10 (1964) pp.31-52. 22. Chang Kwang-chih suggests a f o u r - t i e r economic class struc-ture i n Shang a g r i c u l t u r a l production which may be used as a reference here (1980:231): / Royal Family and the Lords /— -X—-The Supervisors / ---The Zhong / I The Qlang"#_, / Captives [ 23. ZK-881, Kaogu 1981/4 p.365. 40 Notes: II 24. Richard Huntington and Peter Metcalf discuss mortuary r i t e s and e d i f i c e s i n t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l , symbolical and s o c i a l contexts. Analysing the r o y a l funerals i n the Indie states of Southeast Asia, the Berawan of Borneo as well as the Egyptian pyramids, they suggest that the mortuary processes, which would include the construction of the e d i f i c e s , are often i d e o l o g i c a l legitimations of the status and power of not only the dead but also • of the l i v i n g r u l e r s . An impor-tant aspect of the entire mortuary practice i s i t s c o n t i -nued v i s i b i l i t y , such as the above ground Berawan mausoleum (roofed box structure with supporting posts) and the Egyptian pyramids. Although the above are greatly varied i n physical s i z e , they point to a s i m i l a r set of purposes (Huntington and Metcalf 1980:121-152). 25. Huntington and Metcalf (see note 24 above) also make the important observations that i f we assume that labour-intensive phases of the con-st r u c t i o n (of the dual pyramids at Sakkara and Abydos) went on during the off-season of the a g r i c u l t u r a l cycle, then the e f f o r t involved was l a r g e l y one of coordination and organization, a task appropriate to nation building (1980:151). And that the mortuary e d i f i c e s of the early pharaohs were the symbol and proof of r o y a l authority (Ibid.: 152) (my i t a l i c s ) . Compared to the pyramids, however, the Shang tombs were constructed oh'much smaller scale, with or without above ground structure. On the other hand, the 41 Notes: II highly organized labour-intensive project of a national scale was, i n the case of Shang, the .casting of the r i t u a l bronzes. A production which required a sophisticated process from the procurement of the metal sources to the ceramic molding and the f i n a l bronze casting. This highly prescrip-tiv e organization required an extremely powerful centralized authority. The nature of the organization i s i t s e l f highly informative of Shang culture and society (Ursula Franklin discussed the above i n a series of lectures given at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, November 1983). It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to see the r e l a t i v e importance of the tomb architecture and the r i t u a l bronzes i n Shang p o l i t i c a l -c u l t u r a l context. The numerous and highly elaborative bronzes i n the tomb of Fu Hao, i n contrast to the r e l a t i v e l y p l a i n tomb structure, i s i t s e l f an i n d i c a t i o n of the r e l a t i v e c u l t u r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of the r i t u a l bronzes and the tomb architecture. 42 III The Inscriptions Eleven i n s c r i p t i o n s are observed among the objects from the tomb. They are found on 196 bronzes, one jade plaque and two stone a r t i f a c t s . The i n s c r i p t i o n s may be read—some of them t e n t a t i v e l y — a s : 1. 'fu hao' 2. ' s i mu xm' 3. ' s i qiao mu'^'^-^. 4. 'ya q i ' 5. 'ya q¥» 6. 'ya b i ' $ tfo 7. ' z i shu quan' Jh % %^ 8. 'shi' ft 9. 'guan ?• * f X 10. ' l u fang ? ru ge wu' f ^ > 3L 11. *ren zhu ru s h i ' ^ A >£z The most important i n s c r i p t i o n i s of course, 'fu hao 1, which occurred 111 times'*, a l l of them on bronzes ( f i g . 8) (pis. 1-4,8,10,15-17,19-20,22,26). The r e l a t i v e large quan-t i t y of Fu Hao-bronzes i s the main reason f o r the a t t r i b u -t i o n of the tomb owner (Note: 'Fu Hao-bronzes' r e f e r to those M5 bronzes with 'fu hao' i n s c r i p t i o n s , whereas 'Fu Hao tomb bronzes' r e f e r to a l l M5 bronzes regardless of t h e i r i n s c r i p t i o n s ) . The next s i g n i f i c a n t i n s c r i p t i o n i s 43 f i g . 8 The Fu Hao Inscriptions: i on #813, i i on #768, i i i on #865, iv on #863, v on #866, v i on #869 44 The S i Mu Xin and S i Qiao Mu Inscriptions: S i Mu Xin i on #809, S i Qiao Mu i i on #806, i i i on #793 45 The Z i Shu Quan and Ya Inscriptions: i z i Shu Quan on #318, i i Ya Qi on #1197, i i i Ya Qi on #1156, i v Ya B i on #808 46 ' s i mu x i n ' ( f i g . 9 i ) . Although i t only occurred six times — o n f i v e bronzes (pis. 5,6,9) and one stone sculpture ( p i . 43)—Xin i s mentioned i n Period V oracle bones as one of the three o f f i c i a l spouses of King Wuding and r i t u a l s a c r i -f i c i e s were made to her. The ' s i mu xin' i n s c r i p t i o n substantiates the a t t r i b u t i o n of Pu Hao as the tomb owner. However, t h i s deduction i s complicated by the f a c t that the c y c l i c a l graph 'xin' was also the name of an o f f i c i a l spouse of King Kangding "J (of OBI Period I I I ) . This problem w i l l be explained i n d e t a i l below. 'Ya' <£_is generally considered as the t i t l e of an o f f i c i a l class stationed out-side the court (Chao 1980). The three 'ya'-inscriptions (items 4,5,6 above)(fig. 1 0 i i - i v ) may be thematically r e -lated to the two 'ru'A - i n s c r i p t i o n s (items 10,11). 'Ru' in oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s means 'to bring i n , to enter' i n the sense of the presentation of ceremonial g i f t s or economic tributes from the external o f f i c i a l s or the vassals to the Shang court. The 'ya'- and 'ru'-inscriptions may i n turn be considered i n the l i g h t of Fu Hao's a c t i v i t i e s i n the external a f f a i r s of Shang (ch.VII below). Hao In early scholarship on oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s , the graph 'fu' ^  (*tiog)4 w a s generally interpreted as a loan f o r gui |^.'to return' ( L i Xiaoding 1965:luo, Sun, Ye, J i n , Wang). 4 7 It was Guo Moruo who i n 1 9 3 3 f i r s t r e a l i z e d that 'fu' should "be read as fu-&ij5 ' lady, wife, female'. Guo also pro-posed that 'fu hao', among few other fu-names, was a consort of King Wuding ( 1 9 3 3 ) . Chou Hung-hsiang expanded the mean-ing of fu to include: 1 .female subject r u l e r s , 2 .female  r e l a t i v e of subject r u l e r s , 3 . t h a t of the princes, 4 . t h a t v of the d i v i n e r s , and 5 . t h a t of marquises and xiaochen /JN %. '(high) o f f i c i a l s ' 5 ( 1 9 7 0 : 3 5 6 - 3 6 1 ) . Evidence f o r categories 2 to 5 above was mainly based on the correspondence of names, such as Zhou/«] '(subject r u l e r ) Zhou, with Fu Zhou ^  , Z i Geng f%_ 'Prince Geng' with Fu Geng ^  , X i J | ' ( d i v i -ner) X i ' with Fu X i ^ ^ , and Hou Zhuan J^L % 'marquis Zhuan* with Fu Zhuan ^ % (JJaid.. : 3 5 6 - 3 6 1 ) . The association of the general appellation fu with d i f f e r e n t rank t i t l e s (categories 2 - 5 above) suggest that fu designated more a family r e l a t i o n s h i p , most probably 'wife' of the male coun-terpart, than an o f f i c i a l t i t l e / c l a s s with a constant p o l i t i -c a l p o s i t i on. The s o c i a l status of f u , i n another words, probably changed according to the p o l i t i c a l rank of the male counterpart. This, however, would not altogether d i s -q u a l i f y f u to be regarded as an o f f i c i a l t i t l e . It could s t i l l be a t i t l e that was defined i n a narrower sense rather thanin a n a t i o n a l l y uniform status. Chou's 'female subject r u l e r ' category above ( 1 ) , however, showed some f u women to have enjoyed extremely high p o l i t i c a l status without the association of a male counterpart. The evidence f o r this 48 category was mainly based on those fu names which corres-ponded to place names in the oracle records, and yet there were no p a r a l l e l male names. Futhermore, those f u were the d i r e c t r e c i p i e n t s of the shounian ^  ^- 'receive harvest' divinations (Ibid.:357-358). These were divinations made by the Shang king on the a g r i c u l t u r a l harvests of regions with-i n h i s economic i n t e r e s t . The d i r e c t r e c i p i e n t of such divinations was usually the r u l e r of the region concerned. The 'female subject r u l e r ' category poses new questions about the e a r l i e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the fu as the 'wives of rank holders'. Chou concluded himself that t h i s ('subject r u l e r ' ) was the most i n s t r u c t i v e category as the evidence was more subs t a n t i a l , whereas the former f o u r — t h e 'female r e l a t i v e s ' —were merely suggestive, based only on the existence of p a r a l l e l proper names (Ibid.;360). We are thus required to ask the question: was i t possible that even the f u of these ' r e l a t i v e s ' categories had higher p o l i t i c a l status than t h e i r male counterparts, ? Chou also reexamined the r e l a t i o n of the fu and the Shang king. Evidence to show that some fu were consorts of the Shang kings i s i n d i r e c t but nevertheless suggestive. 'Fu Hao of (OBI) Period I, f o r instance, took part i n m i l i t a r y campaigns and accordingly appears as an important associate of Wuding. The king took a sp e c i a l i n t e r e s t i n her pregnancy and the expected o f f s p r i n g . It would seem reasonable to 49 suppose both an intimate and a high-ranking r e l a t i o n s h i p . It i s quite possible that she was his consort, or was one of the several'(Chou 1970:356). It i s presumed that e a r l i e r p h i l o l o g i s t s who were contented that Fu Hao was a consort of King Wuding based t h e i r evidence l a r g e l y on the 'child: b i r t h ' - d i v i n a t i o n s (examples translated i n ch.VII below). This, however, may be an anachronistic reading of the Shang marital system, of which our knowledge i s s t i l l scarce. More substantial evidence would be the actual association of the posthumous name of a formal king's consort designated i n l a t e r oracle records (such as Xin, who was mentioned i n Period V records as one of the three o f f i c i a l consorts of the e a r l i e r King Wuding) on the one hand, and a f u name on the other hand. As f a r as the oracle bone record i s concerned, t h i s association cannot be found. This i s where the Fu Hao tomb comes into the picture. The coexistence of Fu Hao-bronzes and Xin-bronzes provides the missing l i n k i n the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n . As f o r the name 'hao '-#3_(*xog), opinions on i t s meaning range from regarding i t as a personal name (Kaogu 1977b: L i & Hu) to regarding i t as a general name (Kaogu 1977b: Qiu; Chang 1980:89; Zhang Zhenglang 1982,1983; Kane 1982). The l a t t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n emphasizes the clan reference of the name: 'hao'-tt-^as a woman (represented by the r a d i c a l nW -it 'female' ) from the Z i Jj~ (*tsiSg)-clan.^ In which case, 50 the pronounciation of 'fu hao 1 might be 'fu z i ' , i . e . , reading the b i s y l l a b i c graph~Qwith the i T r a d i c a l omitted. This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , however, does not necessarily imply that Pu Hao could not be a s p e c i f i c i n d i v i d u a l as an impor-tant personage could c e r t a i n l y have a generalized name. The problem of whether the 'fu hao' i n a l l Pu Hao related oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s referred to a single i n d i v i d u a l w i l l be discussed in,' chapter VII. Xin 5^ There are few possible readings of the ' s i mu x i n ' *J Q i n s c r i p t i o n . F i r s t of a l l i n terms of the number of cha-racters and t h e i r arrangement. The jinwen ^ ^ ' b r o n z e i n s c r i p t i o n 1 represents the ' s t y l i z e d ' counterpart of the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . The l a t t e r are more ordered and severe whereas .jinwen on the bronzes appear almost as logo-l i k e designs. In the 'fu hao' i n s c r i p t i o n s ( f i g . 8) f o r example, there are at l e a s t f i v e patterns or designs, including one which i s a juxapositioning of a taotie jjj|^3^ mask and the 'fu hao' graphs ( f i g . 8 v i ) . In the case of • s i mu x i n 1 , Tang Lan suggested that ' s i ' (which he read as hou ^3) and 'mu' (which he read as ntt-&~) might be combined as a b i s y l l a b i c graph hou-ftfe, which meant 'queen'(Kaogu 1977b: 346). L i Xueqin agreed with the 'queen' inte r p r e t a t i o n but continued to read the i n s c r i p t i o n as having three graphs: 5 1 hou mu x i n J £ - f f i . JO^ ( L i Xueqin 1 9 7 7 : 3 4 - 3 5 ) . There i s even a p o s s i b i l i t y that t h i s i s a • t r i - s y l l a b i c 1 i n s c r i p t i o n i n the sense that the ritf i£ , i . e . f the 'mu' graph (mu-jjl 'mother' and riU-^f'female' are i d e n t i c a l i n the oracle record: ) (*nio), may be taken as a 'shared r a d i c a l ' f o r both ' s i * Q and 'xin'. Other readings of the f i r s t graph i n the ' s i mu x i n ' i n s c r i p t i o n include s i ^ - g ] 1 s a c r i f i c e (to) • (YXFHM :96) and s i ^ ' m o t h e r of heirs'(Kane 1 9 8 2 : 2 3 - 2 5 ) 1 0 . As explained e a r l i e r , the ' s i mu x i n ' inscriptions substan-t i a t e the a t t r i b u t i o n of Pu Hao as the M5 owner; however, 'xin' was not only the name of a consort of King Wuding but also that of King Kangding. I have also mentioned e a r l i e r that,some of the Pu Hao rel a t e d oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s belong to the Diviner L i grouping, and the problem of dating has to be discussed i n consideration of the entire oracle bone grouping, including those oracle records unre-lated to Fu Hao but prepared by the diviners of the same 11 group. The current problem i s that Period III oracle bone inscriptions pertain to King Kangding (and King Linxin ^ ) 1 2 , whereas the Li-group i n s c r i p t i o n s are associated 1 "5 with OBI Period IV, not III . Commentators on the Fu Hao problem who questioned the 'Fu Hao—Xin—Wuding' deduction had to take up the burden of explaining t h i s 'III-IV dispa-r i t y ' . 52 OBI Period the 'III-IV d i s p a r i t y 1 King Wuding-III King Linxin King Kangding-King Wuyi King Wenwuding (had a consort named 'xin') ^ timespan between Periods I and III (or IV) i s too wide f o r the consi-deration that a name in both periods could r e f e r to a same person V -z? (also had a consort named 'xin') • t r a d i t i o n a l dating of the Li-group oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s The 'III-IV d i s p a r i t y ' i s a standing problem only i f the L i -group oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s can continue to be dated to Period IV (this has i n f a c t been challenged: see pp.142-143 below) and only i f both the Pu Hao-bronzes and Xin-bronzes a c t u a l l y belonged to the tomb owner, i . e . , those names cast on the bronzes were addressing the tomb mistress. This seemingly l o g i c a l deduction has also been challenged. V i r -g i n i a Kane suggested t h a t — i n r e l a t i o n to her int e r p r e t a t i o n of the graph ' s i as si-ftg) 'mother of h e i r s ' — t h e 'fu hao' of M5 could have been King Wuyi's - j ^ Is s i s t e r , a daughter of Mu Xin, or else she could have been her deceased 'mother-in-law' ( i . e . , the Xin-bronzes i n the M5 did not belong to Pu Hao but to her OBI Period III r e l a t i v e s ; or at l e a s t cast by Pu Hao i n honour of those relatives)(Kane 1982). 53 Kane's suggestion allows the assignment of Fu Hao to OBI Period IV while Mu Xin remained i n Period III without con-t r a d i c t i o n . Qiao ^ There are twenty-eight bronze vessels with the ' s i qiao mu' %^ i n s c r i p t i o n (Fig. 9 i i , i i i ) . Two of them have an additio n a l graph ' g u i ' ^ ^ f i g . 9 i i ) which i s also a c y c l i c a l graph ( l i k e 'xin') and possibly functioned as a posthumous 14 name. The suggested reading of 'qiao' i s based on the lower element of the graph: qiao (*k'og)(Li Xueqin 1977: 34). The upper element looks l i k e a pictograph of a rabbit and i t s reading i s not known. The graph i s not seen among oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . 1 ^ Unlike the i d e n t i c a l 'mu' in ' s i mu x i n * , the 'mu' graph i n ' s i qiao mu' would—toge-ther with 'qiao'—formulate the z i ^ 'style-name * of a woman. This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s based on an important study by Wang Guowei i n the 1920s, Nuzi shuo "t^J'A study of the female style-name', i n which he suggested that i n the jinwen, 'x-mu' -ffi and 'x-fu' ^ Lwere the style-mames of women and men respectively (Wang 1959:163-165). Qiao Mu, therefore, would l i k e l y to be the style-name of Fu Hao (YXFHM:97; Zheng 1982b:10-11). That the same 'mu' graph i n ' s i mu x i n ' and i n ' s i qiao mu' carry d i f f e r e n t meanings i s suggested by the syntactic p o s i t i o n of the graph"" the former: 54 •mother', and the l a t t e r : constituent of the style-name. were phonologically related (both with voiceless guttural i n i t i a l s ) i t would be l i k e l y that they were formal- and style-name counterparts (1977:34). This i s a rather s t r e -nuous inference as we cannot be certain about the phonolo-g i c a l reconstruction of the graph 'qiao*. Other than the f a c t that the Qiao-bronzes make up the second largest group of bronze vessels i n the tomb, the ' s i qiao mu' i n s c r i p t i o n i s p o t e n t i a l l y important because the same i n s c r i p t i o n has been found outside the in t a c t Fu Hao tomb. Zheng Zhengxiang l i s t e d three accounts. They are found on: 1.a bronze y_anjjjyjlisted i n the Song dynasty catalogue Wang-ed. 1965:vol. 1,pl. 22), and 3.a l e i ^ l i d excavated from Xiaotun M66 (Li Chi 1972:pi.50) (Zheng 1982b:9). The exact s i g n i f i c a n c e of the non-M5 Qiao-bronzes i s not 1 f> altogether clear at thi s point, and the p o t e n t i a l l y i n f o r -mative M66 suffered severe damages from upper structures (Shi 1976:9-12). The interpretations on the meaning of M66 included the dating of M66 to Yinxu Period I I ( b y a pottery vessel found i n the tomb—and thus suggesting a correspond-ing date f o r - the M5 Qiao-bronzes (Zheng 1982b:10)) to 55 regarding the Qiao-bronze l i d as an intrusion to M66 (Kane 1982:note 14 ). Another factor f o r the ' s i qiao mu' i n s c r i p -t i o n to a t t r a c t much scholarly attention i s the puzzle con-17 cerning the graph gui (found on two Qiao-bronzes). As the two other o f f i c i a l consorts of King Wuding mentioned i n Period V oracle record, other than Xin %^ , were Gui^Land Wu ^ 1 8 , and we have the ' s i mu x i n ' bronzes as well as the ' s i mu wu' fangding ^  fjfjf (which was discovered e a r l i e r on at Wuguan Cun)1^, could i t be that Qiao Mu was ac t u a l l y the t h i r d Wuding consort Gui ? If th i s i s an acceptable ~ 20 suggestion , then there i s the burden of explaining why the Qiao-bronzes were found i n the Fu Hao tomb, i n such large quantity, and together with the Xin-bronzes. Other Inscriptions 'Ya' (**ag) i s another o f f i c i a l t i t l e and i t appears i n the bone i n s c r i p t i o n s preceding proper names that sometimes correspond to place names or marquis names. Chen Mengjia considered y_a, l i k e ma ^ and fu , to be a m i l i t a r y rank because of the many Ya-related oracle records involving m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t i e s (Gh'en 1956:509-511). Ya at times functioned as the r o y a l house's representative i n the deal-ings with the regional lords (the hou ^ a n d the bo4£j ) (Ibid.:509-511) but other times functioned as subject r u l e r s themselves,presumably through entitlement by the 56 Shang king (Chao 1980:144). In short, v_a was a rank t i t l e whose a c t i v i t i e s covered both the n e i f u r ^ ^j5L'core region* and waifu P\- ftfk ' outer domain' of the Shang state. Ya also continued to be a rank t i t l e i n the Western Zhou. There are three v_a i n s c r i p t i o n s among the Fu Hao tomb bronzes. The Ya Bi "^ L 3^) -bronzes ( f i g . 10vi) include one j i a and a set of f i v e nao-^^-musical b e l l s . The Ya Qi 3fe. -bronzes ( f i g . 10ii) include twenty-one vessels; and Ya Qi ^ ^ ( f i g . 10 i i i ) : one fangyi and two yue-axes. These bronzes were l i k e l y to have been 'diplomatic g i f t s ' presented to Fu Hao 22 v by the y a - o f f i c i a l s . Studies have showed both B i and Qi to have been place- or tribal-names situated west of the Shang c a p i t a l (YXFHM:98; Chao 1980:150). Perhaps th i s was the reason f o r placing a Ya Bi-ding fj^(#808) ( f i g . 18) and a (Ya) Q i - j i a (#861)—the only Ya-bronzes represented i n the assembly of large bronze vessels i n the wooden chamber of M5—on the western row (see ch.V below). There are twenty-two Shu Quan-bronzes i n the Fu Hao tomb. The 'shu'^r graph ( f i g . 10i) i s not seen i n the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s and the pronounciation of 'shu' i s merely a loan from shu <J|( (*siuk) i n the bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . The 'quan' 1^ graph may be i d e n t i c a l with the oracle bone graph J\[ , which seems also to function as a name. Seven out of twenty-two Su Quan-inscriptions incorporate the t i t l e z i ( f i g . 10i top graph). Z i 3~ , l i k e f u ^ | , i s again 57 a t i t l e within which the kinship- and the office-reference i s bundled up i n ways that are not very clear to us. Z i i s normally taken to mean 'prince' or 'member of the r o y a l Z i l i n e a g e ' 2 4 (Hu 1944 , Ch'en 1 9 5 6 : 4 9 7 ) . As Z i Shu Quan i s a name not seen i n the oracle record, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to speculate the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Fu Hao and Z i Shu Quan. 25 Perhaps Shu Quan was a son, or a subordinate of Hao. ^ The si g n i f i c a n c e of the i n s c r i p t i o n s among the objects i n the Fu Hao tomb may be summarized as follows. Xiaotun M5 i s known as the tomb of Fu Hao because of the eminence of the Fu Hao-bronzes. The Xin-bronzes help to confirm the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n and date of Fu Hao, but not without problems, which c a l l f o r the reexamination of, among other things, the Fu Hao-oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . If the *M5—Fu Hao—Consort X i n — K i n g Wuding period' deduction holds true, t h i s would be the f i r s t time a Shang tomb may f i r m l y be i d e n t i f i e d i n regard to i t s owner and time. It i s , however, u n r e a l i s t i c to expect s o l i d evidence as we are dealing with c u l t u r a l r e l i c s more than three thousand years old. Fu Hao may t e n t a t i v e l y be dated to the time of King Wuding, i . e . , OBI Period I or Yinxu Period I I , and the present paper w i l l continue to examine what s i g n i f i c a n c e ' t h i s dating 'could hold i n the contexts of t r a d i t i o n a l a r t h i s t o r i c a l and archaeological periodizations of Shang culture. The group-ing of a r t i f a c t s by t h e i r i n s c r i p t i o n s as i n the tomb of 58 Fu Hao i s also unprecedented i n Shang archaeology. Formal analysis of the a r t i f a c t s may throw new l i g h t on problems that have been raised i n t h i s chapter. 59 Notes: III 1. Most of the Fu Hao-bronzes display the two graphs 'fu hao*. There are, however, seven items with only the second graph 'hao'. There i s , i n addition, a f a n g l e i (#866) , whose cover has the i n s c r i p t i o n 'fu hao', but the i n s c r i p t i o n at the bottom of the vessel has only 'hao'. This indicates, as suggested i n YXFHM (p. 95) that 'hao' i s the abbreviation of 1 f u hao 1. 2 . Fu Hao-bronzes with i d e n t i c a l 'fu hao' i n s c r i p t i o n s are not found outside M5. There i s , however, a pair of i n s c r i p t i o n s on the cover and the body of a you ^ - v e s s e l — l i s t e d as Fu Nti you by Yu Xingwu i n his Shangzhou jinwen l u y i ^ ( ^ ^ ^ L ^ ^ ( Y u 1 9 5 7 : rubbings n.256. 1 and 2 5 6 . 2 ) — which are taken by some scholars as evidence f o r the e x i s t -ence of 'Fu Hao-bronzes' outside M5 (Kaogu 1 9 7 7 b : 5 4 4 ; L i Bo-qian 1 9 7 9 : 1 7 0 ) . The Fu Mi Inscriptions 60 Notes; III To read the above i n s c r i p t i o n s as 'fu hao', one has to explain the existence of the additional kou fel and zhi V P elements above which are not found among the Fu Hao-bronze: i n s c r i p t i o n s of M5. Furthermore, the oddity of t h i s incorporation- of the kou and zhi i n only one example, being d i s t i n c t from the 111 accounts of Fu Hao-bronze i n s c r i p t i o n s , has to be accounted f o r . Even i f th i s i n s c r i p t i o n could be proven to be interpreted as 'fu hao', the existence of a Fu Hao-bronze outside of the int a c t M5 need not imply therefore that 'fu hao' was not a personal name (see discussions on 'hao', pp.46-50). She could have given out the vessel as a g i f t to someone else just as bronzes of others were found i n Fu Hao's tomb. 3. In the routine s a c r i f i c i a l divinations made by D i y i ^ 7-J and Dixin ^  ^- (of OBI Period V), the former king Wuding was recorded to have three o f f i c i a l wives, whose posthumous names were Wu fyi (Duo 2.215, Hou shang. 4 . 8 . . J ing 5077), Xin ^ (Bu 274, Hou shang 4.6.7, Qian 1.17.4, 1.37.4), and Gui # (Hou shang 3.13.14, 4.9-10, Qian 1.17.4, Gui 298) (Ch'en 1958:427). 4. I have followed Bernhard Karlgren, Grammata Serica Recensa (1957) f o r a l l phonological reconstructions of archaic Chinese used i n the paper. 61 Notes: III 5. Although 'xiao' l i t e r a l l y meant 'small' , the xiaochen were high o f f i c i a l s i n Shang. There were at l e a s t two categories of xiaochen i n the OBI: those who were o f f i c i a l s of the Shang court and those of the fang-states (Ch'en 1956: 505). 6. Shirakawa Shizuka suggests that the fu were the wives of the zi-4- -royal princes. Fu participated i n the r e l i g i o u s ceremonies of the husband's, family and sometimes led m i l i -tary troops of her own family • to the b a t t l e f i e l d (see OBI n.11, ch.VII below)(Shirakawa 1957). Whereas Shirakawa agrees with the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that ' f u ' ^ i n the oracle bone i s a loan f o r fu#s^ 'lady, woman', Shima Kunio, on the other hand, regards ' f u ' ^ as a loan f o r fu subjected vassal'. Shima suggests that fu ^ was a t i t l e given to the vassals under the d i r e c t authority of Shang. Fu's p o l i t i c a l status was l i k e that of the z i ^ - • Other lower ranking 1 vassals included the hou jg'and the bo i . Shima also suggests that fu could be a hereditary t i t l e because nine t i t l e s of the form fu-x appear i n both OBI Periods I and IV (Shima 1958:451-461)(Naito 1960:569). Keightley comments that i f the divinations which Shima assigns to the OBI Period IV are, i n f a c t , from the Period I, the suggestion that fu was a hereditary t i t l e would be one that i s d i f f i c u l t to accept (Kei.ghtley 1969:12 note 3). As 62 Notes: III we s h a l l see i n the case of the Fu Hao-inscriptions ( i . e . , oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s mentioning Fu Hao), suggestions have been made to date a l l of them to OBI Period I (ch.VII below). Also the coexistence of Fu Hao-bronzes and Xin-bronzes i n M5 points strongly to the f u — i n the case of Fu Hao and probably a few others—being consorts of the king rather than of the zi - p r i n c e . See also discussions on 'fu' i n Ch'en 1956:491-494 and Oshima 1964. 7. The r u l i n g of the Shang was designated ' z i i n the Shi.ji sfc- (The H i s t o r i c a l Records). However, not a l l of i t s members could be king. Within the Z i clan, there was a wangzu 5 *>^L » °r r o y a l lineage, from which kings were chosen, and zizu 3r \% or duozizu ^9 41L , members, of which often served as the king's l o y a l warriors. Some female members of the Z i clan (presumably from the r o y a l lineage) became the endoga-mous spouses of the kings. Female members of other clans are known to have been the exogamous spouses of the kings (Chang 1980:165-166)(following Shirakawa Shizuka and Hu Houxuan). 8. The ' s i mu xin' i n s c r i p t i o n i s often discussed i n associa-t i o n with the ' s i mu wu' i n s c r i p t i o n cast on the famous gigantic, 875 Kg^fangding ( f i g . 0)(the best colour reproduction of the S i Mu Wu-fangding I have seen i s i n China P i c t o r i a l 1977/6 p.22). This fangding was discovered i n 1939 i n the farm land of a Wuguan Cun v i l l a g e r Wu Yuyao. Apparently because of the huge size (133cm i n height) and heavy weight, he was not able to unearth i t and The S i Mu Wu Inscription 64 Notes: III continued to keep i t "buried. The fangding was f i n a l l y taken out i n 1946 and has since been kept i n the Nanjing Museum (Ch'en 1954:29). The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the S i Mu Wu fangding i s t h a t i t s i n s c r i p t i o n shares the same ' s i mu-x' format w i t h the S i Mu Xin-bronzes i n M5, which a l s o included a p a i r of la r g e fangding; ( p i . 5). Although s u b s t a n t i a l l y l i g h t e r than the S i Mu Wu fangding, the S i Mu X i n fangding are the second l a r g e s t Shang v e s s e l s ever discovered (see d i s c u s s i o n s on pp.. 77-79 below). 9. This i s my understanding of a suggestion made by Professor Qiu Xigui. He explained t h i s to me when I v i s i t e d him at the University of Washington, Seattle, i n March< 1983. 10. Following Akatsuka Kiyoshi. See Zhou et a l . 1975:6808-6819 f o r further discussions on the graph s i -fts). 11. The constituents of an oracle i n s c r i p t i o n usually include the preface (7% r|j^ ), the charge ( ), the prognostica-t i o n <2 ) and the v e r i f i c a t i o n ( 1^). The preface usually recorded the c y c l i c a l day on which the d i v i n a t i o n was performed, the name of the d i v i n e r , and sometimes the place of d i v i n a t i o n (see Keightley 1978b:28-45). Since Dong Zuobin f i r s t formulated the dating c r i t e r i a f o r the OBI (1933), the diviner's name has been one of the most 65 Notes: III important references f o r the date of an i n s c r i p t i o n . Based on the mutual appearance of diviner names on the same s h e l l or bone, and the possible dating of the s h e l l or bone by the appellations with which the deceased ancestors were addressed, i t has been possible to establish groups of d i v i -ners who were active as contemporaries. Thus, an OBI may be known by the d i v i n e r group—such as the Diviner L i group— to which it,belongs. 12. See appendix I f o r the association of reigns and the OBI Periods. Por explanations of the association see Dong 1933, Keightley 1978b:91-133. 13. See, f o r instance, Shima 1958:21-13 f o r the Period IV dating of the Li-group OBI. 14. As i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s ' s i mu wu' and ' s i mu x i n ' above. Chang Kwang-chih suggests that the tiangan 'heavenly stems' c y c l i c a l names designated the 'tablet u n i t ' a member of the r u l i n g clan pertained to. They were classed by t i a n - gan units i n l i f e as well as i n death, but they were never referred to by them u n t i l a f t e r death (Chang 1978). 15. Yan Yiping transcribes the graph as yu.l,SL(*ngio), which i n the Zhouli meant 'to drive (a c h a r i o t ) ' or 'to d i r e c t , 66 Notes: III govern* (Karlgren 1957:40). Yan also c i t e s four OBI examples — Y i b i a n 3162, Yibian 1047 + 1056 + 4656, Duo 1.454(also i n Cun 1.972, Wai 462), and Jinghua 2 (Yan 1981:2). In the case °f Jinghua 2, the graph i s ^ which c l e a r l y has a 'horse' element and the context of the i n s c r i p t i o n also confirms the 'to d i r e c t , govern' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , i n which case the meaning i s 'driving (a c h a r i o t ) ' . The graph i n Yibian, how-ever, i s ^  which may not be the same as y_u above. However the context of the Yibian i n s c r i p t i o n s does allow the i n t e r -pretation of 'to d i r e c t , govern', i n which case i t would mean 'to govern (this town)'. It i s d i f f i c u l t at t h i s point to es t a b l i s h a clear r e l a t i o n between the two graphs above. The Yibian graph looks closer to the bronze graph concerned (see f i g . 9 i i & i i i ) but again, the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s suggested purely on graphical ground and there can be no conclusion as to the exact r e l a t i o n s h i p of the Yibian graph 'yu' and the bronze graph 'qiao'. If indeed they could be related i n some way, th i s would be an important clue f o r the interpre-tation of 'qiao'. Anyway, whether the 'qiao' graph does occur i n the OBI or not, Yan (who thinks i t does) continues to regard i t as a z i 'style-name' of Pu Hao (Yan 1981:2). This i s s i m i l a r problem to the case of the Pu Nil you (note 2 above). We are, however, more confident about the i d e n t i -f i c a t i o n of the non-M5 Qiao-bronzes th i s time. 67 Notes: III 17. Peculiar s t i l l i s the pattern that the ' s i ' of both ' s i qiao mu gui' i n s c r i p t i o n s were inscribed i n the reversed order, i . e . , mirror image of the ' s i ' i n other 'su qiao mu' i n s c r i p -tions (YXFHM;97). 18. See note 3 above. 19. See note 8. above. 20. See, f o r instance, Zheng 1982b, who does suggest something to t h i s e f f e c t . 21. See Chang 1980:69-73, 309-317, 319-321 f o r general discus-sions on the 'core region' and the 'outer domain' of Shang. Chang terms the Anyang s i t e s c l u s t e r as the 'Anyang core', and the larger area of Shang s i t e s i n northern Henan—from Xingtai -ft|> o i n the north to Hui Xian^ J ^ i&dn the south (a stretch of about 160 Km)—of which the Anyang core was only a part, as the 'Royal Capit a l ' (Ibid.:73). This entire region may be considered as the nejfu of Shang. 22. ' B i ' ^ ^ i s seen i n the OBI. These i n s c r i p t i o n s record the Bi paying tributes to the Shang court (Xu 5.8.3, Hou x i a 30.12, Jiabian 122, 3000, 3163) and performing duties f o r the Shang court (Tie 31.3, Cui 1167). In addition, the 68 Notes: III Shang king also divined about the shounian 'receive harvest' of B i (Cui 890, Gun x i a 163, Qian 3.1.2)(OTHM:97-98). QiJ£ i s also seen i n the OBI performing services to the Shang (Jiabian 2124, 3 3 3 7 , Tie 263.3)(YXFHM:99). 23. Qian 7.17.1 and Pu 4. The former suggests more of a place name. In both cases the 'shu' graph i s not present and hence the bronze- and bone-inscriptions are probably not r e f e r r i n g to the same name. 24. The f u and the z i seem to be the highest ranking o f f i c i a l s i n Shang. However, as suggested e a r l i e r , these t i t l e s could be defined i n narrower p o l i t i c a l environments rather than having a n a t i o n a l l y uniform status. They are probably at the same time a kinship- as well as an office-designation. Z i i s also often taken to r e f e r to a member of the duozizu ^ \- (see note 7 above). 25. Judging from the r e l a t i v e tomb size and content of M5 and M18, i f they could be taken to represent the tomb of a f u and of a z i respectively (ch.II note 14 ), they indicate that the fu enjoyed much higher s o c i a l status than the z i . This would challenge Shirakawa's suggestion that the f u were the spouses of the jzi (note 6 above). However, th i s comparison need not be a general case (note 24 above). 69 Notes: I I I For f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n s on z i , see Dong 1933:379-386, K a i -zuka 1946:283-302, Hu 1944: see under Y i n d a i hunyin .jiazu  zongfa shengyu zhidukao fo4\;,4&<tfft H % % $ H & 4 , Shima 1958:442-451, Ding Shan 1956:74-77, L i Xiaoding 1965: 4309-4313. 70 IV The Bronze Vessels The importance of the tomb of Fu Hao i n the study of Shang bronzes i s evident just as the tomb i s s i g n i f i c a n t to almost every aspect of Shang Studies. The sheer quantity of the M5 bronzes—the 210 r i t u a l vessels that make up about one t h i r d of a l l Shang bronze vessels s c i e n t i f i c a l l y exca-1 vated i n the Anyang region —makes thi s tomb c r u c i a l and at the same time problematical. It i s t h i s s urprising number of bronze vessels i n the comparatively compact M5 that make us wonder how many more bronzes there would o r i g i n a l l y have been i n the much la r g e r , but almost completely looted, Xibeigang 2 tombs. Because of the large number and v a r i e t y of M5 bronzes there can be many ways to categorize them. One way i s to do i t by typology, which i s the approachtaken i n Yinxu Fu Hao mu. There are four larger classes based on the functional usages of the vessels: 1.cooking vessels, 2.food vessels, 3.wine vessels and 4.water vessels. It would be misleading, how-ever, i f a l l M5 bronzes were regarded to be 'functional' i n the above sense. Whereas some vessels show traces of use, such as a scorched surface , others could have been cast s o l e l y for mortuary purposes^". Below the larger functional classes, the M5 bronzes are further c l a s s i f i e d into twenty-four types (fig.11): 71 Cooking vessels 1. ding ^ 2. van ^ 3. zeng-shaped vessel Food vessels 4. gui J Wine vessels 5. 'dual'-fangyi {ft "% 7. zun .% 8. gong / i ^ 9. iru ^ 10. bu 11. you ^ 12. f a n g l e i % 13. fangfou % 2ft 14. j i a >P 15. he 16. zhi jg^ 17. .gu ^ 18. jue || 19. dpu Water- vessels 20. yu 5: 21. pan "5$. 22. guan Miscellaneous (the functions of these items are not known) 23. 'square high-legged vessel' 7> X . ^ 24. dustpan-shaped object ^ Hf^ H 72 f i g . 11 Bronze Vessel Types 1,2 gu 3,4 ^ue 5,6 ^ i a 7,8 bu 9 ding 10 pan 11 you 12 y_an 13 zhi 14 hu 15 zun 16 he 17 fangyi 18 gong (Note: These are not vessels from M5) 73 As an item-by-item description i n the above order based on typology i s provided i n the Yinxu Fu Hao mu, thi s w i l l not be repeated here. Rather, I w i l l s e l e c t i v e l y discuss a few bronzes i n order to provide an impression of the range of bronzes a v a i l a b l e , to hig h l i g h t some outstanding pieces, as well as to pose questions on the nature of the assemblage. These w i l l be followed by a s i m p l i f i e d inventory, l i s t i n g the major sets and pairs of bronzes. There w i l l also be a discussion on the grouping of the bronzes based on i n s c r i p -t ions. The interpretations of the various i n s c r i p t i o n s discussed i n chapter III w i l l here be considered i n r e l a t i o n to these groupings. A four-size scale based on the height of the vessel w i l l be used throughout the discussion, — 'grand' : about 45 to 80 cm, 'large' : about 30 to 45 cm, 'medium': about 20 to 30 cm, 'small' : about 8 to 20 cm. Art h i s t o r i c a l and archaeological dating of the bronzes and r e l a t e d issues w i l l be discussed i n the l a t t e r part of th i s chapter, to be followed by a short discussion on the 'meaning' of the bronzes. There are twenty-eight 'grand' pieces and many of them were placed among the three-row arrangement on the f l o o r of the wooden chamber (detailed discussion i n ch.V below). It i s generally true that the larger the vessel, the more crowded and r i c h e r the surface design. A good example i s the ou'fffi 'dual'-fangyi #791 (with 'fu hao' i n s c r i p t i o n ) ( f i g . 12, 74 f i g - 12 The Fu Hao 1 Dual'-fangyi 75 p i . 1). The name 'oufangyi' has been termed because th i s vessel looks l i k e 'two fangyi being joined into one' (YXFHM: 50). This 'dual'-fangyi i s the only example of i t s kind among Shang bronzes. The structure looks l i k e a toy house packed with a design surface as r i c h and p l a y f u l as i t could possibly be. The l i d looks l i k e a roof, with projecting 'eaves' immediately below i t . The main f r i e z e consists of kui'*^-dragon motif i s clos e l y attached as i f forming a dual image functioning as the extended horizontal body of the taotie and at the same time, a separate i n d i v i d u a l beast. A bird motif f i t s ever so t i g h t l y into the small space between t h i s h orizontal kui and yet another larger and ver-t i c a l l y oriented kui at the periphery of the main f r i e z e . The remaining sections of thi s vessel show an extremely l i v e l y assembly of the various bird-motifs, owl-images, cicadas and other mystical animals, a l l executed i n high r e l i e f (Loehr Style V). Another 'grand'-size Fu Hao vess e l , a set of the van-steamer #790, 768, 769 and 770 ( p i . 2) has, i n contrast to the fangyi, a more l u c i d and non-projecting surface decoration. The three bowl-shaped zeng are removable, which may also suggest that t h i s i s a p r a c t i c a l vessel-set. The pair of Fu Hao bird-shaped zun (or x i a o z u n ^ ) #784 and 785 ( f i g . 13, p i . 3) i s often shown i n recent publica-tions on Shang bronzes, and indeed t h i s i s probably the To each side of the mask, a The Fu Hao Bird-shaped Zun 77 most spectacular pair of a r t i f a c t s from the tomb. This powerful sculpture i s the outcome of a dynamic juxaposition-ing of the natural b i r d form and the a r t i f i c i a l vessel form. The zun stands on the bird's two legs i n front and at the same time propped upward by i t s t a i l at the rear. The otherwise complete hemisphere on the top plane i s interrupted by the curving b i l l i n front. The l i d covers only the back h a l f , allowing the f r o n t a l h a l f to remain permanently engaged as the bird's head and face; the l a t t e r i s at the same time a taotie image. There i s an owl-mask under the vessel handle (at the rear) which reminds one of the s i m i l a r owl-mask seen on the Fu Hao 'dual'-fangyi e a r l i e r ( f i g . 12, p i . 1). Another pair of unusual vessels from the tomb i s the Fu Hao flat-legged fangding #812 and 813 ( p i . 4). This i s the only pair of Shang bronzes with the composite of a square vessel body (fangding) and f l a t t i s h legs. The pair of S i Mu Xin fangding, measuring about 80 cm i n height and weighing about 120 Kg each, are the second largest Shang bronze vessels ever discovered (#789 and 809 » p i . 5). The largest Shang bronze vessel i s the S i Mu Wu fangding, which looks s i m i l a r to the present Xin fangding and has the same i n s c r i p t i o n a l format ' s i mu' with a d i f f e r -ent c y c l i c a l name 'wu' believed to function as a posthumous name. The fangding was the most 'conventional' vessel type i n the sense that the shape and design saw the le a s t changes The Si Mu Xin Gong 79 over the few centuries of Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n . The Anyang fangding i s the 'lowered' version of the Zhengzhou fangding i n that the rim had been brought down to a l i g n with the top of the taotie f r i e z e (see Wenwu 1981: 39-41 f o r reproductions of the Zhengzhou fangding). The change i n design seems to suggest a movement toward achieving a greater monumentality : a firmer and heavier structure. Yet the basic design scheme had been maintained and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , which was i t s e l f 7 a source f o r the same monumentality. The fangding was about the only vessel type that had a square (or rectangular) body i n the Zhengzhou phase. Whereas th i s was no longer the case i n the Anyang period, as observed i n the tomb of Fu Hao, the s p e c i f i c functions of the fangding probably remained r e l a t i v e l y unchanged while the sacredness of the square (or rectangular) shape was relaxed. The p l a y f u l shape and decoration of the Hao 'dual'-fangyi seen e a r l i e r ( f i g . 12, p i . 1) are i n sharp contrast with the solemn structure and monumental design of the Xin fangding , which suggests their actual r i t u a l usages to be d i f f e r e n t . It has been discussed i n chapter III that 'xin* i s a posthumous name and that ' s i mu x i n ' may mean ' s a c r i f i c e (addressed to) Mother Xin'. The Xin-vessel group then, might have been . cast purely f o r the mortuary r i t u a l s . The monumental quality of the fangding may perhaps be understood i n t h i s context. The pair of S i Mu Xin gong #803 and 1163 ( f i g . 14, p i . 6) 80 are rare examples of gong with four standing legs. This i s ac t u a l l y a composite of an ox-like animal and a bi r d of some kind. When viewed from the rear, the pair of legs and the wing at the two sides immediately remind us of those seen e a r l i e r on the Fu Hao bird-shaped zun ( f i g . 13, p i . 3). When viewed from the fro n t , however, i t becomes an ox with v i v i d representations of the horns, eyes, and a long muzzle with clear jaws, mouth and snout. A large coiled dragon i s seen on the l i d . The entire body i s covered with f r e e - f l o a t i n g leiwen ^ . ^ m o t i f . What I have been describing above are some of the larger vessels i n the Fu Hao tomb with height ranging from 36 to 80 cm. Most M5 vessels belong to the 'medium' size category, which include about ninety gu and jue (pis. 19-26). There are also 'small' vessels, such as the uninscribed t i n y ding #836 ( p i . 7), whose shape also looks l i k e a you ffi. It i s only 11.2 cm t a l l . There are also rare vessel types among the M5 bronzes unforeseen i n previous excavations or i n museum c o l l e c t i o n s . The function of the Fu Hao dustpan-shaped object #869 ( p i . 8) and the S i Mu Xin square high-legged vessel #850 ( p i . 9) i s not known. There are bronzes whose structure seems to have been derived from conventional forms, but new additions ensured u t i l i t a r i a n ends. For example, the Fu Hao djjigrlike object #763 ( p i . 10) with an extra large spout looks l i k e a sauce dispenser of 81 some kind. Because of the unforeseen v a r i e t y and to a cer-ta i n extent, the s t y l i s t i c features, of the M5 "bronzes, a r t i f a c t u a l association with other Anyang bu r i a l s becomes very problematical (see art h i s t o r i c a l and archaeological dating below). One of the greatest challenges of the Fu Hao tomb i s the demand-it implies f o r reexamination of- our concep-ti o n of the form sequence and design p r i n c i p l e of Shang bronzes. The following i s an inventory of bronze vessels i n the tomb of Fu Hao grouped by t h e i r i n s c r i p t i o n s : Hao group: 109 vessels (and 2 yue-axes) 1 1 dual 1-fangyi 1 pair bird-shaped zun 1 pair fanghu large: medium small: PcllI* -L. 1 pair f a n g l e i 3 fang.jia 1 yan-set (4 pieces) 1 ZZB yan-related vessels (6 pieces) 2 sets of round ding (12 pieces) 1 pair each of flat-legged ding, fangyi, bu, hu, he, and large ;jue 1 each of fangzun, zKi and large j i a at least 2 sets of gu_ (22 pieces) set of 10 jue 1 pair of gong 3 he. 1 each of guan, yu, pan, ding with spout and dustpan-like object 2 gui 1 fangding 1 pair t a l l - l e g g e d ding 5 other small ding 82 1 fou 8 dou-spoons g Xin group: 5 vessels grand: 1 pair fangding large: 1 pair four-legged gong .small: 1 square high-legged vessel Qiao group: 28 vessels (includes 2 with the 'gui' i n s c r i p t i o n s ) grand: 1 pair fangzun 1 pair zun 1 pair fanghu 1 pair j i a medium: set of 11 gu set of 9 jue Ya Bi group: 1 vessel (and 1 set of 5 nao / ^ ) - b e l l s ) grand: 1 round ding Ya Qi group: 21 vessels grand: 1 pair j i a medium: set of 10 go. set of 9 jue Ya Qi group: 1 vessel (and 2 yue-axes) medium: 1 fangding Quan group: 22 vessels l a r g e : 1 pair zun medium: 1 j i a sex of 10 gu set of 9 jue Others:23 vessels (2 of them inscribed) Other than the vast number and va r i e t y , the M5 bronzes also 83 allow us to examine a r t i f a c t s of a single b u r i a l by t h e i r i n s c r i p t i o n a l grouping. This i s the f i r s t such occasion i n Shang archaeology. The problem 'may be examined i n few aspects, such as the number of bronzes, the composition of vessel types, formal features, and t h e i r placement i n the tomb. In terms of the number of bronzes, i t i s observed i n the above inventory that the figure may represent the r e l a -t i v e importance of the i n s c r i p t i o n a l group i n the assemblage, such as the numerous Pu Hao-bronzes, which presumably were o r i g i n a l l y cast f o r the tomb owner. But thi s pattern may not always be acceptable, as i n the case of the Xin-bronzes, which are believed to be objects cast s o l e l y f o r mortuary purposes. Although few i n number, they probably functioned at a d i f f e r e n t r i t u a l l e v e l , and thus t h e i r r e l a t i v e impor-tance cannot be compared s o l e l y on • quantitative grounds. An i n t r i g u i n g pattern i s the number of the gu. and ^ue (pis. 19-26). For those groups that incorporate the gu and jue (always both together)—Pu Hao, Qiao, Ya Qi and Quan—the q quantity of each item i s always about ten or i t s multiples. We can thus speak of a gu-set and a jue-set. Formal simi-10 l a r i t y i n each set also confirm t h i s s e r i a l concept. A further question may thus be asked as regard to the s i g n i f i -cance of the incorporation (Pu Hao, Qiao, Ya Qi and Quan) and the non-incorporation (other i n s c r i p t i o n a l groups) of the gju and jue i n the bronze grouping. 84 In regard to the formal features, the i n s c r i p t i o n a l group show-ing the clearest s t y l i s t i c idiosyncrasy i s probably the Qiao-group. The four pairs of 'grand' vessels i n the group— fangzun #806 and 868 ( p i . 11), round zun #793 and 867 ( p i . 12), large j i a #857 and 860 ( p i . 13) and fanghu #794 and 807 ( p i . 14)—share a s t y l i s t i c q u a l i t y which i s characterized as having a clear compartmentalization of design, r e s u l t i n g from the clear-cut heavy flanges and the sim i l a r geometrical and unclouded taotie parts. Although the l a t t e r description cannot be said of the fanghu #794 ( p i . 14), on which the taotie i s more roundish, nevertheless the fanghu shares the same qual i t y of having compartmental decorative u n i t s . Dressed with r e p e t i t i o u s t r i a n g l e s and garland-like ornaments on the shoulder, the fanghu has a certain flamboyance which i s an acute expression of the ornate qu a l i t y of the Qiao-vessels . When we come to the Fu Hao-vessels, they seem to point to a d i f f e r e n t set of questions about Shang bronzes. F i r s t i s the amazing s t y l i s t i c v a r i e t y — i n c l u d i n g Styles I I I , IV and V on the loehr bronze scheme (see below)—showing the coexistence of many 'st y l e s ' i n a single i n s c r i p t i o n a l group. What has been said about the s t y l i s t i c unity of Qiao-bronzes may not be applied to the Fu Hao-bronzes. On the other hand, however, i t i s possible to tabulate the re p e t i t i o u s use of a certa i n pattern of motif-formation among the Fu Hao-bronzes. I s h a l l 85 venture to c a l l a certain taotie-formation seen on numerous Fu Hao-bronzes—but almost non-existent on vessels of other i n s c r i p t i o n a l groups i n the tomb—a 'Fu Hao t a o t i e * . This taotie i s characterized by a p r o f i l e d head ( f a c i a l feature as a complete unbroken u n i t ) , a pair of huge inward curved horns, two flanking kui-dragons of about the same length as the entire height of the taotie but not touching the mask i t s e l f , and the body of the taotie i s never shown (pis. 4, 15,16)(seen also on Fu Hao-vessels #629, 648, 656, 664, 756, 760, 762, 792, 795, 796, 812, 814, 815, 825, 827, 828, 858, 859, 863 and so on). The Fu Hao-bronzes, i n short, address questions on the r e l a t i v e significance of the mode of expres-sion ('qualities') and language of expression ('form r e l a -11 tionships'). The Ya-bronzes pose yet another set of questions. As d i s -cussed i n chapter I I I , the y a - o f f i c i a l s 1 a c t i v i t i e s covered both the 'core region' and the 'outer domain' of Shang, and they functioned as the royal house's representatives i n regional areas sometimes as high o f f i c i a l s and other times as subject r u l e r s . This implies that the Ya-bronzes could have been regional productions. The seemingly ' e a r l i e r ' s t y l i s t i c features of the Ya-bronzes, such as the Ya B i -ding #808 ( p i . 18), may represent geographical rather than chronological d i s t i n c t i o n s . 86 Art H i s t o r i c a l Dating An a r t h i s t o r i c a l periodization scheme on Shang (and Zhou) bronzes was f i r s t suggested by Guo Moruo (1935). Bernhard Karlgren, on the other hand, provided the f i r s t systematic analysis of the bronze art of the Shang r e s u l t i n g i n an i n t e r -12 nal chronological d i v i s i o n (1936,1937). Other early work in t h i s area included that of Ludwig Bachhofer (1944) and Chen Mengjia (1946,1954). As f a r as the i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n of the Shang period bronzes i s concerned, an important breakthrough was achieved by Max Loehr with h i s widely accepted 13 Fi v e - s t y l e scheme (1953,1968). Loehr explained that h i s analysis aimed at describing the ' t o t a l e f f e c t ' of the v e s s e l , taking the shape, the surface decoration and the technical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a l l into consideration (1953:42). A b r i e f summary of his F i v e - s t y l e : Style I: Thin r e l i e f l i n e s ; simple forms; l i g h t , a i r y e f f e c t . Style I I : R e l i e f ribbons; harsh, heavy forms; incised appear-ance . Style I I I : Dense, f l u e n t , more c u r v i l i n e a r f igurations deve-loped from the preceding s t y l e . Style IV: F i r s t separation of motifs proper from s p i r a l s , which now become small and function as ground pattern. Motifs and s p i r a l s are f l u s h . Style V: F i r s t appearance of motifs i n r e l i e f : the motifs r i s e above the ground s p i r a l s , which may be e l i m i -nated altogether (Loehr 1968:13)*14 87 Loehr further suggested that the bronzes excavated from Zhengzhou, which he i d e n t i f i e d as the Shang c a p i t a l Ao, ranged from Style I to Style III. Styles IV and V, on the other hand, appeared sequentially during the Anyang phase (1968:14). At about the same time when Loehr wrote his 1968 paper, L i J i and Wan Jiabao were developing a new sequential c l a s s i f i c a t i o n based on the technical production of the bronzes (1964-1972:5 vols) which, according to Loehr, basic-a l l y corresponded to the Fiv e - s t y l e scheme : A: Simple, incised mold design (agrees with Style I) B: Composite model-mold design (Styles I, II) C: Engraving and applique on model (Styles I I , I I I , IV) D: R e l i e f on model (Style V)(Loehr 1968:13). With the discovery of the tomb of Fu Hao and the subsequent dating of the tomb to early Anyang, the Style IV-V sequence i n the Loehr scheme i s challenged because these styles were a l l apparent among the bronzes i n the tomb . Art h i s t o -r i a n s ' reactions to the Fu Hao tomb bronzes ^ranges from accepting the early Anyang date f o r M5 and reworking the Anyang s t y l i s t i c sequence (Huber 1983) to regarding the advanced features of the Fu Hao tomb bronzes as one of the main reasons for r e j e c t i n g the early Anyang date of M5 (Kane 1982). Generally, both Louisa Huber and V i r g i n i a Kane con-tinued to agree with the Loehr's sequence but disagreed 88 between themselves on the r e l a t i v e chronology of the l a t e r s t y l e s . The important contribution of Huber's paper i s her characterization of the post-M5 'Style V , i . e . . her 'late 16 Middle Anyang Styles' and 'Late Anyang Styles' bronzes. The 'culmination of Shang bronze imagery', according to Huber, came about during the reigns of King Wuding and his immediate successors Zugeng and Z u j i a (1983:33). Bronze design deve-loped toward the reduction and r e g u l a r i z a t i o n of these con-ventionalized imageries with a corresponding move toward definiteness and assurance toward the l a t t e r part of Anyang. The goal was a greater balance among the parts and a bolder image i n general (ibid.:35). This process of gradual stan-dardization and conventionalization i n imagery and design, Huber contended, corresponded to a s i m i l a r development i n the oracle bone language as described by David Keightl.ey: '(Toward l a t e r Anyang) the whole process of d i v i n a t i o n has become more a r t i f i c i a l , more routine, less spontaneous, less dramatic, less importants.. The i n s c r i p t i o n s record (becomes) a constant bureaucratic murmur, forming a routine background of invocation to the d a i l y l i f e of the l a t e Shang...'(cited i n Huber 1983:33). 1 7 Kane's p o s i t i o n i s to date M5 to a l a t e r period. Her impor-tant contribution i s to establish an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t set of a l t e r n a t i v e s — o n the interpretations of the bronze i n s c r i p -t i o n s , t y p o l o g i c a l sequences of Anyang ceramic and bronze 89 c r e a t i v i t y , and a r t i f a c t u a l comparison on the Yinxu p e r i o d i -zation scheme—to demonstrate 'methodological p o s s i b i l i t i e s 1 ft which could r e s u l t i n a la t e r date f o r the tomb'(1982:1). Kane also made reference to s o c i a l data i n r e l a t i o n to s t y l i s -t i c sequence, but t h i s was i n d i s t i n c t contrast to Huber's reference to the development of the oracle bone language. Kane saw the development of Anyang culture as somewhat homo-geneous, or at l e a s t , accelerating on r e l a t i v e ' s i n g u l a r s o c i a l conditions. In her discussion on the 'fast happening' of Shang bronze art-, Kane cited George Kubler who suggested a set of s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s — a t e c h n i c a l l y trained and specia-l i z e d a r t i s a n c l a s s , a v i t a l urban environment, the rapid 'consumption' of art objects (Kubler 1962:92-97)—as basis f o r a 'fast happening'. Kane further pointed out that these conditions were not only s a t i s f i e d by the i n i t i a l Anyang period, but also continued and accelerated throughout i t s entire span. Dating the M5 to the Wuding. reign, however, would indicate a very rapid 'fast happening' i n bronze c r e a t i v i t y i n early Anyang, and a dramatic slowing of pace reverting to a 'slow happening' f o r the remaining part of the Anyang period (Kane 1982:8-9). The differences between Huber's and Kane's opinions here are l i k e l y to involve the actual conceptions of form-sequence as well as the nature of the s o c i a l data c i t e d . It seems that Kubler's s o c i a l conditions cited above are 'quantitative' descriptions of s o c i a l pheno-19 mena J and would not incorporate, for instance, the actual 90 change i n the q u a l i t a t i v e use of oracle hone i n s c r i p t i o n s . An a l t e r n a t i v e view of perceiving the art h i s t o r i c a l problem of the Fu Hao tomb bronzes has been suggested by James Caswell (1982) whose main contribution i s to draw a clear d i s t i n c t i o n between the Zhengzhou and the Anyang bronzes by t h e i r under-l y i n g aesthetic p r i n c i p l e : Zhengzhou: Bronzes of the Zhengzhou t r a d i t i o n p e r s i s t e n t l y maintain a planar character. In addition, there i s an additive q u a l i t y . That i s , the shape and the surface decor which co-exist as one f l a t surface layered upon the other. Anyang: Here a scul p t u r a l sense dominates. This derives from a thorough integration of shape and decor, the two r e i n f o r c i n g each other, as simultanelusly the vessel shape exudes into the decor and the decor presses into the shape (I982:5)(my i t a l i c s ) . Applying t h i s understanding to the Fu Hao-bronzes, we may thus see the wide va r i e t y as pertaining to a singular s t y l i s -t i c category sharing the 'sculptural aesthetics', i n d i s t i n c t contrast to the 'additive' Zhengzhou bronzes. The a r t h i s -t o r i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of the tomb of Fu Hao then, i f the tomb can t r u l y be dated to early Anyang, would be that Loehr 21 Styles IV and V (and Anyang III) were more l i k e l y to be contemporary styles finding" t h e i r mutual •- inceptions i n 22 early Anyang. 91 Archaeological Dating The popularly used archaeological dating of Shang remains i s the Yinxu wenhua fengqi 4^^ 'Yinxu culture perio d i z a t i o n ' (Yinxu Periods). This was f i r s t formulatedVby Zou Heng based on the various archaeological data such t. as the ditches, house foundations, b u r i a l s , p i t s , ceramic typology, bronze typology, s t r a t i g r a p h i c a l r e l a t i o n s and oracle bones 23 (1964) . The periodization, however, cannot at t h i s point be used as the d e f i n i t i v e source p a r t l y because of the nature of the current compilation of Shang archaeological data, and also because Zou had to c u l l h i s information from incompletely published m a t e r i a l s 2 ^ (Chang 1980:99 note 53) Stratigraphy i n Anyang can r e a l l y be used only i n iso l a t e d circumstances. Chronological i n t e r r e l a t i o n : of Shang remains can only be conjectured from a combination .of in d i r e c t s t r a t i g r a p h i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and a r t i f a c t u a l asso-c i a t i o n s , which may themselves be problematical as we s h a l l see i n the case of Xiaotun M238 below. In short, we are not i n a po s i t i o n where a s a t i s f a c t o r y Shang archaeological periodization has been worked out, which i s pa r t l y why the archaeological dating of M5 i s very problematic. Thus, instead of f i t t i n g M5 i n the o r i g i n a l periodization scheme of Zou Heng, suggestions have even been made to reconsider the c o r r e l a t i o n of archaeological periods and reigns of the Anyang kings. 92 The o r i g i n a l Zou Heng's Yinxu Periods and th e i r representa-t i v e "burials: period segment representative b u r i a l 1 (Pangeng— 1 Xiaotun M232 1 Xiaotun M333 Xiaoyi) II 2 Xiaotun M388 (Wuding—• 2 Xiaotun M188 Zujia) 2 Xiaotun M331 3 Dasikong Cun M157 3 Wuguan Cun M1 3 Xibeigang M1001 III 4 Xibeigang M1022 ( l i n x i n — 4 Xiaotun M238 Wenwuding) 4 Sipanmo M8 5 Dasikong Cun M51 5 Gaolou Zhuang M8 5 Dasikong Cun M304 5 Sipanmo M4 IV 6 Sipanmo M6 ( D i y i — 6 Dasikong Cun M239 Dixin) 6 Xibeigang M2020 7 Xibeigang M1003 7 Hougang S a c r i f i c i a l P i t To demonstrate how the dating of these b u r i a l s can be d i f f -erent depending on the int e r p r e t a t i o n of the data, below i s a s i m p l i f i e d table showing the d i f f e r e n t assignment of the chronological position of the various Xiaotun tombs i n three studies (Shi 1955b, also 1970,1971,1973; Zou 1964; Kane 1975). The differences i n opinion ari s e mainly from the interpre-ta t i o n of the bur i a l s * r e l a t i o n s h i p with the house founda-25 tion-and actual d i s p a r i t y i n a r t i f a c t u a l comparison. 93 Shi Zou Kane Pangeng' M232' M333 M333--M388 M388 M232 M222 M188 N Zujia M188 -M331- •M331 — M238 M232 M238 M238 Dixin M M331 M333 •M388 It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to see from the above chart that the only-tomb whose r e l a t i v e date a l l three studies more or less agreed upon—Xiaotun M238—became a topic of dispute i n the 26 process of dating the tomb of Pu Hao af t e r i t s discovery,. Robert Thorp (1982) analyzed the dispute between the ..early Anyang dating of M5, represented by the Institute of Archaeology (YXFHM), and the l a t e r Anyang dating of the tomb, represented by Zou Heng (Kaogu 1977b) and L i Boqian (1979). It was shown that only four b u r i a l s were used by both f o r purposes of dating. Three of these tombs—Xiaotun M331 (p i . 27), Xibeigang M1001 ( p i . 28), and Wuguan Gun % M1 ( p i . 30)—were placed by both camps i n Yinxu Period I I , while the fourth, which i s Xiaotun M238 (pi s , 31-33), was assigned to Period II by the Institute but placed i n Period III by Zou and L i (Thorp 1982:242). The major significance 9 4 of M238 i s that i t s bronzes are t y p o l o g i c a l l y closest to 27 th e i r M5 counterparts. However, there were only twelve bronzes yielded from M238, and l i k e M5, the lo c a t i o n and stratigraphy informed us l i t t l e of the r e l a t i v e date of the tomb. L i Boqian suggested that M238 cut into house founda- -t i o n yi-11, which i n turn cut into a d i t c h which overlapped storage p i t s H228 and H224. In the d i t c h Yinxu Period II pottery vessels were found, and also i n the storage p i t s OBI Period I oracle bones were found. At about the same l e v e l as yi-11 was M222, and bronzes which might be dated to the tran-s i t i o n a l Period I I - I I I phase (1979:167-168). H228,H224 ( e a r l i e r than) T d i t c h 7 y i - 1 1 — 7 M238 (OBI I) 1 (Yinxu 1 1 II pottery) M222 (Yinxu I I - I I I bronzes) It can be seen from the above chart that the p o s s i b i l i t y of dating M238. to Yinxu Period III i s ac t u a l l y based on the dating of the M222 bronzes. Yet the purpose of the above study i s to suggest a certain dating f o r the M238 bronzes, and, eventually, the M5 bronzes. The argument here becomes d i f f i c u l t because the author i s using h i s own opinion of a group of bronzes to date another group of bronzes. If we disregard the M222 bronzes above, the date of M238 may 95 continue to be incorporated into Yinxu Period II. The fundamental problem i s again and again that the M 5 bronzes are too wide i n va r i e t y and too great i n number, so that they render any a r t i f a c t u a l association with other Anyang bu r i a l s extremely unsatisfying, e s p e c i a l l y when most of these tombs were previously looted and t h e i r dates are themselves questionable. This allowed the Institute to ac t u a l l y suggest a r e v i s i o n to the Yinxu culture per i o d i z a t i on based on the b e l i e f that the tomb of Fu Hao ought to be dated to YinXu Period I I : 2 8 Anyang kings Pangeng Xiaoxin Xiaoyi Wuding Zugeng Zu j i a l i n x i n Kangding Wuyi Wenwuding D i y i Dixin Yinxu Periods Zou II III IV Kaogusuo II III IV early Wuding * ~ l a t e Wuding The M5 bronze v e s s e l s i n sheer quantity and v a r i e t y , pose many more new new questions on Shang bronzes than our a b i l i t y to answer them with e x i s t i n g resources and scholarship. Dating of the bronzes becomes an extremely d i f f i c u l t task because the Fu Hao tomb a c t u a l l y challenges our t h e o r e t i c a l 96 foundation f o r s t y l i s t i c and typ o l o g i c a l sequences^--This Is why i t works both ways that t r a d i t i o n a l studies may be used to locate M5 and yet M 5 may also restructure t r a d i t i o n a l studies. The various studies mentioned, i n both a r t h i s t o r y and archaeology, represent the d i f f e r e n t ways these scholars address the challenge offered by the tomb of Fu Hao. l i k e -wise, these complexities are r e f l e c t e d i n the many immediate problems of these bronzes, from categorization , i n s c r i p t i o n a l grouping, to formal analysis. Categorization may be done by typology, function, i n s c r i p t i o n a l grouping, s i z e , s e r i a t i o n and so on. .Inscriptional grouping may be correlated with the in t e r p r e t a t i o n of the inscriptions,, such as the r e l a -tionship between the monumentality of the Xin fangding ( p i . 5 ) and the posthumous name-inscription, the regional 'archaic 1 Ya B i round ding ( p i . 18) and the reading of y_a as 'regional-o f f i c i a l s ' . The great v a r i e t y of Fu Hao-bronzes representing a wide range of functions suggests the rather complete c o l l e c -t i o n of a single person, which helps to confirm Fu Hao as the owner of the tomb. Concerning the Meaning of Shang Bronzes Interpretations of the meaning of Shang bronzes and t h e i r motifs may generally be grouped under three headlines or approaches, as reviewed by Katheryn Linduff (1979): 1. As symbols of nature and/or ancestral s p i r i t s ; the motifs 97 29 30 could be a qu a l i t y , a s p i r i t , a force (van Huesden ; Pope ; Waterbury 1942; Ackerman 1945; Kidder 1956)(also, Paper 1978). 31 2. As totems r e s t r i c t e d to groups of kin (Guo 1931; Sun ). TO 3. As representative of shamanistic c u l t practices (Hentze^ ) (also, 111 1946; Chang 1981, 1983). The d i f f i c u l t y i n researching the meaning of the bronzes and t h e i r motifs with-i n the t r a d i t i o n a l a r t h i s t o r i c a l d i s c i p l i n e has also been noted by l i n d u f f . Primary documentation cannot r e s t heavily 33 on l i t e r a r y materials J(see ch.VII below). Whereas archaeo-l o g i c a l data provide part of the evidence, the subject matter on the bronze decor often include f a n t a s t i c and abstract forms which cannot be deciphered by analogy to the r e a l world (1979:139-140). *We are not able to research the 'iconology' of the bronze motifs, and reconstruct the ' i n t r i n -s i c meaning' and i t s position i n the 'history of c u l t u r a l symptoms' along _ Panofsky's methods.^ 4 L i n d u f f f interpreted the animal decor as 'an o f f i c i a l a r i s -t o c r a t i c iconography stemming from r i t u a l of the hunt and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the king to provide f o r the populace and maintenance of h i s own l i n e ' (Ibid.:162). She also considered the totemic and shamanistic interpretations to be acceptable (Ibid.:162-163). The same f l e x i b i l i t y i n the scope of interpretations i s also seen i n James Caswell's writings, who at the same time emphasized the p o l i t i c a l aspects of Shang bronze a r t : 98 Whether or not the animal character of the art describes a p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o u s , e s p e c i a l l y theriomorphic, b e l i e f can not be answered. Bestowing honour to and seeking benefit from ancestors may well have been the dominant, though not the only, purpose of the r i t u a l context... suggestion has (also) been made that the Shang people made t r i b a l totems of animal forms... Although the Shang people acknowledged some sort of supreme s p i r i t r u l e r c a l l e d d i ^  , he was conceived as e s s e n t i a l l y the p o l i t i -c a l equivalent of the secular shaman or king. The u l t i -mate referent of ceremonies and the supporting b e l i e f was no doubt the a f f a i r s of men on t h i s earth, and the manufacture and use of bronze a r t was both symbol and source of authority.55 Apparently what i s needed i n the ' int e r p r e t a t i o n of the purpose and meaning of the bronzes and t h e i r d e c o r i s a h e u r i s t i c t h e o r e t i c a l model that would not *only explain i n a s p e c i f i c way the s t y l i s t i c evolution of the bronzes, but also the s o c i a l function and meaning of the bronzes i n the context of the Anyang society and i t s p o l i t i c a l - r e l i g i o u s culture. Recent archaeological studies on a r t have moved toward the trend of reconstructing the meaning of a c e r t a i n grouping of a r t i f a c t s by regarding i t as a s o c i a l - c u l t u r a l subsystem. ,and the pattern and function of which may f i n d t h e i r p a r a l l e l or complementary expressions i n other sub-systems represented by d i f f e r e n t physical remains or h i s -t o r i c a l sources of other nature, such as documentations (see, f o r instance, Washburn, ed. 1983). Recent research trends i n a r t h i s t o r y have also placed greater emphasis i n the s o c i a l analyses of art and the importance of t h e o r e t i c a l constructions i n discerning the s o c i a l , e s p e c i a l l y p o l i t i c a l , 99 functions of art (see, f o r instance, Hauser 1982; Wolff 1981, 1983). As f a r as Shang bronze a rt i s concerned, the most powerful (and refreshing) hypothesis on r i t s purpose and meaning has been put f o r t h by Chang Kwang-CJhih i n his Art, Myth, and R i t u a l (1983). In the study Chang showed how art and myth in ancient China were in e x t r i c a b l y related to p o l i t i c s . As having an exceptionally strong p o l i t i c a l orientation was an important feature of ancient Chinese c i v i l i z a t i o n , the p o l i t i c a l perspective served as a unifying theme i n our reconstruction of the meaning of early Chinese a r t , myth and r i t u a l . Chang considered the bronze a r t , as i n the case of the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s , i n the context of ^ shamanism. But the animal motifs should not only be understood i n the context of t h e i r r e l i g i o u s r o l e s , they were also highly valued as the symbolic treasure of the p o l i t i c a l houses: C l e a r l y , i f animals i n Shang (and Zhou) a r t were the p r i n c i p a l medium employed by shamans to communicate with heaven, then possession of animal-styled r i t u a l bronzes meant possession of the means of communication. Possessors of such means of communication were invested with wisdom and thus with power (and thus the path to p o l i t i c a l authority)(1983:78-80). 100 Notes; IV 1. See ch.II note 16. 2. The main reason f o r our i n a b i l i t y to associate bronzes i n the museum c o l l e c t i o n s with the Xibeigang large tombs (see ch.I note 2-3) i s probably because most of the bronzes that belonged to the Shang king were not inscribed, except perhaps those inscribed with t h e i r posthumous appellations (see ch.III note 14). The general problem with i n s c r i p -tions on Shang bronzes i s that , while, most bronzes do not have inscriptions, those inscribed pieces would have very short i n s c r i p t i o n s , usually not more than three or four graphs. As such, the context of which provides l i t t l e clues as to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the i n s c r i p t i o n s , unless i d e n t i -cal i n s c r i p t i o n s are seen among the OBI such as i n the case of Fu Hao. See Kane 1973 f o r a study of Shang bronze i n s c r i p t i o n s . As thi s paper was published pr i o r to the d i s -covery of the Fu Hao tomb, some of the discussions should be reconsidered i n the l i g h t of the new archaeological mate-r i a l . 3. For example the Ya Bi=ding #808 ( p i . 18)(YXFHM;38). 4. Related to the int e r p r e t a t i o n of the ' s i mu x i n ' i n s c r i p t i o n as ' s a c r i f i c e to Mother Xin'; 'Xin' as the posthumous name of Fu Hao. See YXFHM:96. 101 Notes; IV 5. Although v e s s e l - l i k e pictographs do appear i n the OBI, such a s Z 2 u ^ ), i i a ^ 4 ( ^ ), d i n g ^ ( #f), jue j$ ( J | ), the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s of which are usually based on graphical c r i t e r i a with reference to l a t e r terminology (fig.11). By the time of Song, most of the vessel names were systematized. We see them i n Kaogu tu ^ % ^ ' I l l u s t r a t e d record of ancient objects' (compiled by IAl Dalin i n A.D.1092) and Xuanhe bogutu*e 1^ $ i§]^  ' I l l u s t r a t e d catalogue of antique objects i n the Xuanhe collection')(compiled i n A.D. 1111). Whether some of these terms were ac t u a l l y used i n Shang i s d i f f i c u l t to say. See note 7 . below f o r a discussion on the graph ding i n the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . 6. See c h . I l l note 8 . For discussions on the date of the S i Mu Wu fangding see Kane 1973:340-342, Du 1980. For tech-n i c a l studies see Yang & Ding 1959, Feng et a l , 1981. 7. Professor Ken-ichi Takashima suggests that 'the Shang may have had a b e l i e f that the ding-cauldron served to induce a s e t t l i n g , s t a b i l i z i n g , and perhaps r e c t i f y i n g , e f f e c t to c e r t a i n r i t u a l a c t i v i t i e s that needed the approval of the s p i r i t u a l f o r c e s ' ( S e t t l i n g the Cauldron i n the Right Place;  A Study of T i n g ^ i n the Bone Inscriptions, typescript, 1981, p.19). The graph usually functions as a verb i n the OBI meaning '(offering) by employing a ding-cauldron' 102 Notes; IV (eg. Hou 1.6.4, Qian 5.3.4). Other times i t could he a phonetic loan f o r ding vj5L'certainly, surely' such as i n dinglong ffij- -j^ L) (eg. Bingbian 12.8): '(ailment) w i l l c e r t a i n l y improve'. Ding jjjfr may also he considered i n a word-family, i . e . . a c o l l e c t i o n of words whose reconstructed phonologi-c a l values and whose meanings are s i m i l a r to the word ding: 5- , ,'ML X\ . The words l i s t e d above have i n common an etymonic meaning, 'to straighten (something con-sidered as 'crooked' and/or 'wrong', restoring i t to a de-sir e d and proper s t a t e ) ' or, c l o s e l y related to such a mean-ing, 'to s e t t l e (some undetermined matter so that i t s h a l l be i n the correct and proper s t a t e ) . ' (Ibid. : 1-7. also,, personal communications, 1982). 8. 'Si mu xin* i s also seen on a stone ox ( p i . 43). 9. This may be related to the Shang ten-day week (xun "oj *dziwen) calendar and the tiangan c y c l i c a l nomenclature (see c h . I l l note 14). 10. The flat-bottom S i Qiao Mu jue set ( p i . 25)(see YXFHM p i . 56); the flat-bottom Ya Qi jue set (see YXFHM p i . 57); the round-bottom Shu Quan jue set (pis. 23,24)(see YXFHM p i . 58) and so on. Professor Ursula Franklin suggests that these M5 £U and jue sets point to the p o s s i b l i l i t y of the vessels being cast using standard moulds. If so, th i s 103 Notes; IV would have important new implication i n our understanding of bronze production i n Shang (personal communications, 1983). 11. Meyer Schapiro on ' s t y l e ' : Although there i s no established system of analysis and writers w i l l stress one or another aspect accord-ing to t h e i r viewpoint or problem, i n general the description of a st y l e r e f e r s to three aspects of a r t ; form element or motives, form r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and q u a l i t i e s (including an a l l - o v e r q u a l i t y which we may c a l l the 'expression')(1953:139). Discussed further i n note 14 below. 12. Karlgren's study on Chinese bronzes of the 'archaic period' (Shang and early Western Zhou) was f i r s t developed i n h i s •New Studies on Chinese Bronzes' (1937). Karlgren con-centrated h i s analysis on 'the decor of the body of the vessels' and advocated a ' s t a t i s t i c a l way' of dealing with the problem (Ibid.:13). He divided the motifs into three categories — A, B, and C Elements : C Elements: Deformed taotie Mask taotie Bodied taotie Bovine taotie Cicada V e r t i c a l dragon Uni-decor Dragon!zed taotie Trunked dragon Beaked dragon Jawed dragon Turning dragon Feathered dragon Winged dragon S dragon Deformed dragon Bird Snake Whorl c i r c l e Blade Eyed blade S p i r a l band 104 Notes: IV B Elements: Dissolved taotie Animal t r i p l e band De-tailed b i r d Eyed s p i r a l band Eyed band with diagonals C i r c l e band Square with crescents Compound lozenges Spikes Interlocked T's V e r t i c a l r i b s (Ibid.:14) The A Elements are features of the e a r l i e r Primary Style, whereas the B Elements are those of the l a t e r Secondary Style. C Elements are 'neutral 1 motifs which may be com-bined with either the Primary or the Secondary Styles (Ibid.:81-93). The Primary Style i s , i n regard to i t s decor, eminently an animal s t y l e . It works with taotie of various types, cicadas, a great v a r i e t y of dragons, b i r d s , snakes, occasionally elephants... With i t s tendency to bold r e l i e f : the animals are apt to be modelled s e m i - p l a s t i c a l l y . i . e . , r i s i n g rather boldly from the surface (ibid.:82)(Cf. Max Loehr's 'Style V ) . The Secondary Style i s the creation of a new style., derived from the Primary Style but diverging from...an almost pure animal st y l e towards a geometrical s t y l e . . . the true o r i g i n a l t a o t i e , mask, bodied or bovine, has disappeared e n t i r e l y . . . (and) l i v e s on... i n a geometrized form... What was once a well-contained, f a i r l y r e a l i s t i c face and body i s dissolved into a maze of s p i r a l s (Ibid.:84-85)(my i t a l i c s ) . Karlgren's proposition was c r i t i c i s e d by J . Leroy Davidson 105 Notes; IV (1937,1940) and l a t e r by Max Loehr whose 'Five-Style' sequence (1953,1968) a c t u a l l y reversed the chronological order proposed by Karlgren — Loehr's e a r l i e r Styles I-II-III pertained to Karlgren's Secondary Style, whereas Loehr's l a t e r Styles IV-V pertained to Karlgren's Primary Style. See note 14 below. 13.See • general survey and review of the various dating schemes by Katheryn Linduff 1979:38-43, Chang Kwang-chih 1980:27-31, Wen Fong 1980:20-33. 14.Loehr's description concentrates on two formal aspects of the bronzes — the concreteness of the motifs proper (such as the ta o t i e and the projection'of the surface decoration ( i . e . , motifs i n r e l i e f ) . Linduff comments that Loehr has not explained methodologically exactly how he arrived at such conclusions (Linduff 1979:41). To make Loehr's scheme.even more d i f f i c u l t to comprehend, despite the general affirma-t i o n of h i s sequence from the excavations at Zhengzhou and other Erligang phase s i t e s , i s h i s contention that the bronzes •cannot have had any ascertainable meaning : r e l i g i o u s , cos-mological, or mythological' (Loehr 1968:13). The implication of t h i s suggestion i s almost a disengagement of the art h i s -t o r i c a l study of Shang bronzes from the other studies and data on Shang available to us. Loehr has not explained, i n 106 Notes: IV other words, how his h e u r i s t i c solution stands i n r e l a t i v e to other Shang sources. As discussed above, the Pu Hao-bronzes may point to the question on the r e l a t i v e importance of the mode of expression ('qualities') and language of expression ('form r e l a t i o n s h i p s ' ) . The 'Pu Hao taotie'-formation could have been more s i g n i f i -cant to the Shang people than the ' t o t a l e f f e c t ' of the bronzes. In which case, the seemingly 'quantitative' method of Karlgren could be more s i g n i f i c a n t than the ' q u a l i -t a t i v e ' method of Loehr. The problem, of course, i s our lack of understanding of what meaning the various formal aspects of bronzes held f o r the Shang. Interestingly, despite the general chronological sequential error of . Karlgren's Primary Style and Secondary Style, there has l a t e l y been some support of the scheme from anthropological perspective, nota-bly i n the writings of Chang Kwang-chih : More recent work along (Karlgren's) l i n e s has included an attempt to show that h i s A and B styles may be mani-f e s t not only on i n d i v i d u a l bronze vessels but also i n whole archaeological assemblages, a pattern of occurr? ence that may be s o c i o l o g i c a l l y rather than chronologi-c a l l y derived, and a new s t a t i s t i c a l study, using a new comprehensive catalogue arranged i n numerical code of more than four thousand inscribed Shang and Zhou bronzes, of Karlgren's A, B, and C elements, has r e -sulted i n the conclusion that 'the data provide no evidence that Karlgren's hypothesis i s f a l s e 1 , although, the data also do not dismiss the p o s s i b i l i t y of other clusters i d e n t i c a l i n behaviour to Karlgren's A, B, and C groups but composed of d i f f e r e n t motifs' (Chang 1980:28-29). 107 Notes: IV 15. Although we have to face the problem of the terminus  post quem and terminus ante quem dates of an assembly of a r t i f a c t s from a single tomb, the i n s c r i p t i o n s on the Fu Hao-bronzes suggest that the entire group should be considered within a chronological range smaller than the l i f e s p a n of a single person. Furthermore, although t h i s assumption requires the in t e r p r e t a t i o n of 'fu hao' as an i n d i v i d u a l (see ch.III), one has to take up the burden of explaining why the many bronzes of d i f f e r e n t 'fu haos' of d i f f e r e n t periods were buried i n t h i s single tomb i f one disagrees with t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Note that a solution to whether 'fu hao' was a personal name or a general name (pp..48-49 above) need not be a condition f o r the inte r p r e t a t i o n of the M5 'fu hao' as an i n d i v i d u a l . That there was simply a single c o f f i n i n the tomb and the lar g e s t number of bronzes with the same i n s c r i p t i o n pertained to the tomb occupant i s a straight forward and highly l o g i c a l deduction. 16. Later Middle Anyang Styles: A deliberate reduction and regu-l a r i z a t i o n of the imagery from the preceding (Wuding) period, as well as a s h i f t i n emphasis from the imagery i t s e l f and i t s expressiveness toward refinement of execu-t i o n . . . This new tendency took e s s e n t i a l l y two forms: (1) Style Va: The designs raised from the surface are covered by a pattern which often i s very nearly i n d i s t i n g u i s h -able from that of the ground... This mode of decoration de-emphasizes the images themselves. (2) The C l a s s i c Style: The designs are neither charged with the energy of the Wuding pieces nor can they be consi-dered innovative... Through an increasing s i m p l i f i c a t i o n 108 Notes: IV and standardization of the imagery and by continued per-f e c t i o n of execution, t h i s t r a d i t i o n produced the most c l a s s i c of a l l Shang vessels. Late Anyang Styles: The continuation of (the c l a s s i c ) s t y l e into the Late Anyang period and i t s transformation into what may j u s t i f i a b l y be c a l l e d a ' p o s t - c l a s s i c a l ' phase — heavy base, thick rim, prominent flanges, emphasis on weightiness and blunt r e g u l a r i t y . Apart from vessels belonging to the ' p o s t - c l a s s i c a l * phase... two new and dia m e t r i c a l l y opposed decorative styles appear during the Late Anyang: (1) Vessels decorated by narrow horizontal bands of purely geometric patterns, with the largest portion of the sur-face l e f t p l a i n . (2) Vessels with designs covering the entire surface i n high r e l i e f , stark i n e f f e c t , with minimal l i n e a r embellish-ment, and t y p i c a l l y raised from a ground that i s per-f e c t l y smooth (Huber 1983:33-37). 17. Huber also attempts to locate the early evolution of Style-IV i n the pre-Wuding early Anyang through the changes i n the leiwen design (1983:19) which seem to have been based on the premise that leiwen patterns derived o r i g i n a l l y from the configurations of q u i l l s and curls of Style III (Loehr 1953: 47-48). The development of leiwen took a gradual path away from i t s predecessors toward greater uniformity i n i t s reduced rectangular shapes. Huber, however, explained l i t t l e about the r e l a t i v e configuration of the.leiwen as a 'background' i n r e l a t i o n to the major motifs i n the examples shown (1983: 20 f i g s . 1A-1E). This deduction i s somewhat unconvincing because i t seems that the leiwen took t h e i r shape more because of t h e i r s p a t i a l assignment r e l a t i v e to the main motifs rather than being autonomous design units i n t h e i r own r i g h t . 109 Notes: IY Furthermore, I think the Fu Hao-hronzes are p r e c i s e l y t e l l i n g us that since Styles IV and V (and Anyang III) a l l existed concurrently, or at l e a s t within the l i f e s p a n of a single person, we have injected too much chronological s i g n i f i c a n c e into our previous conception of s t y l i s t i c evolution. Using only the leiwen to discuss an early Anyang s t y l i s t i c evolution would he a reversion to our previous method. Huber also characterized the 'Style V of the Fu Hao period (Ibid.:27). which again, should r e a l l y be taken as one of the many 'styles' of t h i s period. The s t y l i s t i c comparison between the Ya Y i ^L-bronzes (not i n M5) and a s e l e c t i o n of Hao- and Qiao-bronzes (Huber reads 'qiao' as 'tu')(Ibid.:28-32, figs.15-20) triggers one to think more on the meaning of t h i s grouping of corresponding vessel types rather than on t h e i r s t y l i s t i c s i m i l a r i t i e s . 18. Kane's views are discussed i n various sections i n the present paper: ch.III under Hao and Xin, ch.IV under Art H i s t o r i c a l  Dating and Archaeological Dating. 19. By 'quantitative' I mean the s o c i a l conditions (suggested by Kubler) were important but very general aspects of Anyang society. Whereas they are generally true, they do not pro-vide us with detailed information on the ' q u a l i t a t i v e ' p o l i -t i c a l - r e l i g i o u s culture of Anyang society. It i s within the 110 Notes: IV l a t t e r context that we must es t a b l i s h hypotheses on the re l a t i o n s h i p between the s o c i a l data and the a r t h i s t o r i c a l form sequence, such as that demonstrated by Huber. 20. Chang Kwang-chih has a discussion on how a r t and writing are mutual and complementary c u l t u r a l aspects on the 'path to authority* i n Shang (1983:56-94). 21. L i Xueqin(l977)P°ints out that thereis archaeological evidence suggesting that the r e l i e f decoration on bronzes f i r s t appeared i n early Anyang (Thorp 1982): 1. Both the fang .jue and fangyou from Xiaotun Tomb 331 had r e l i e f decoration. This tomb i s dated to the Wuding reign by inscribed oracle-bones found i n i t . 2. The three large fanghu now i n the Nezu Museum, Tokyo are said to come from Xibeigang Tomb 1001; these vessels feature formidable r e l i e f decoration and flanges. Tomb 1001 has been assigned to the Wuding reign because of an antler with the i n s c r i p t i o n Ya Que, a name mentioned i n the oracle-bone texts of the period. 3. A casting s i t e with molds f o r r e l i e f decoration was i d e n t i f i e d near p i t s H38 and H76 at Xiaotun. These same p i t s contained inscribed oracle-bones datable to the Wuding-Zugeng reigns, i . e . , Yinxu II (Thorp 1982:244). 22. I favour a combination of Caswell's 'Zhengzhou-Anyang' dicho-tomy and Huber's 'post-M5 Style V sequence as a chronologi-c a l framework f o r Shang bronzes. However,a few important questions remain to be accounted f o r . One i s the question of the inception of the zoomorphic motifs on the bronzes. We have seen e a r l i e r that Karlgren thought they came before 111 Notes: IV the geometric motifs hut Loehr reversed the order. Neither one, however, has discussed the possible s o c i a l context i n r e l a t i o n to the appearance of the zoomorphic motifs (the 'meaning' of the bronzes). Closely related to t h i s question i s the significance of the clear s t y l i s t i c d i s t i n c t i o n between Zhengzhou and Anyang bronzes. 23. The excavators of the 1928-1937 sessions at Anyang 'learned f i e l d techniques on the job; t h e i r methods changed during the course of the work, which precluded publication of a complete stratigraphy. The sole basis f o r dating these remains has been the association of inscribed oracle-bones with foundations or burials'(Thorp 1982:239). A periodiza-t i o n based on ceramic typology at the Dasikong Cun s i t e was the f i r s t attempt i n developing a r e l a t i v e chronological sequence by a r t i f a c t u a l association (Kaogu yanjiusuo 1964). In 1964, Zou Heng was able to incorporate a l l preceding materials into h i s proposal f o r a comprehensive periodiza-t i o n of Yinxu (or Anyang) culture. 24. Not a l l the materials of the 1928-1937 sessions, now kept i n Taiwan, have been published. 25. Shi Zhangru's dating of these tombs (see table) i s based on the association of these b u r i a l s — o f t e n merely geographical— 112 Notes: IV with the Xiaotun house foundation groupings. Shi had e a r l i e r divided the foundations into three geographical as well as chronological sequence: j i a , y_i and bing. These groupings are i n turn attributed to the reign periods of Anyang by vi r t u e of the oracle bones found within or around the areas of the foundations (see L i Chi 1977:174-189). As M238 and M232 were located within the boundary of the y_i group, and M331, M333 and M388 within that of the bing group, Shi con-siders the l a t t e r b u r i a l s to be dated toward the end of the Anyang period, whereas M238 and M232 to somewhere during the Linxin and Wenwuding period. V i r g i n i a Kane's dating of these tombs (see t a b l e ) , on the other hand, i s l a r g e l y based on a study of the bronzes yielded from them. Loehr's F i v e - s t y l e serves as the foundation f o r the study,and Kane has come out with a d r a s t i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t conclusion, placing Shi's l a t e s t tombs to the e a r l i e s t (see table)(Kane 1975). Zou Heng's study (1964) has been discussed i n d e t a i l e a r l i e r (pp. 91-91). The varied r e s u l t s achieved by Zou and Kane— es p e c i a l l y the d i f f e r e n t order f o r M232, M333 and M388— are l i k e l y to involve actual differences i n the int e r p r e t a -tions of a r t i f a c t u a l associations. M238 i s a rectangular s a c r i f i c i a l p i t of about 2 x 1.25 m. Five sets of human s k e l e t a l remains were found. Among the b u r i a l goods were bronzes, jades, pottery and bone objects. Bronzes from Xiaotun M238 114 Notes: IV There were twelve bronze vessels: 3 gu, 3 jue, 1 l e i t 1 hu 1 you, 1 j i a and 2 fangyi ( f i g . D, p i s . 31-33). For the complete excavation report see Shi 1970:376-402. 27. See f i g . E, also p i s . 31-33. Compare : M238 M5 fangyi ( p i . 31) :Yi Qi fangyi #823 (YXFHM pi.18.2) fangyi (Shi 1970:pl.287):Fu Hao fangyi #849(YXFHM pi.18.3) hu ( p i . 32) iFu Hao hu #863 ( p i . 17) you ( p i . 33) :vou #765 (YXFHM p i . 30) lei(guan ?)(Shi 1970: :guan #852 (YXFHM p i . 63) p i . 281) 28. The clearest explanation- i s found i n Zheng 1982a : The dating of the Fu Hao Tomb i s extremely important, since dating i s basic to any comparative study. In view of the f a c t that bronzes with Fu Hao and Z i Yu i n s c r i p t i o n s were associated with Period II pottery, i t i s clear that Yinxu Period II could be as early as the reign of King Wuding, and i t s lower l i m i t s could not be l a t e r than King Zujia. Consequently, the lower l i m i t s of Period I could not be l a t e r than King Wuding, and i t s upper l i m i t s could be e a r l i e r than King Wuding. This indicates that King Wuding 1s reign straddled Per-iods I and II of Yinxu h i s t o r y . In other words, the d i v i d i n g l i n e between Period I and Period II i s located within King Wuding's reign. This f a c t i s extremely s i g n i f i c a n t to the study of the development of Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n at Yinxu and of the periodization of the oracle-bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . It shows that many changes had taken place during the Wuding period and not i n the l a t e r phases of the Yin period (1982a:57). 29. See Linduff 1979:part II note 163. My notes 29, 31 and 32 re f e r to sources i n Linduff's book which I have not read. 115 Notes: IY 30. In Ackerman 1945:preface. 31. See L i n d u f f 1979:part I I note 169. 32. See L i n d u f f 1979:part I I note 171. 33. The problem of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s and the bronze motif i s humorously expressed by David K e i g h t l e y when d i s c u s s i n g the need f o r c a u t i o n i n u s i n g the i n s c r i p t i o n as a h i s t o r i c a l source: A colleague once asked me i f I knew the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the t a o t i e . . . found on so many Shang bronzes. I d i d hotT  rTf you don't understand the t a o t i e ' , I was t o l d , 'you cannot understand the Shang*. I s t i l l do not understand the t a o t i e ; i t i s one of the numerous enigmas which the i n s c r i p t i o n s have not solved (1978b: 137). And probably w i l l never solve ? 34. 'Iconology' to Panofsky i s i c o n o g r a p h i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n a deeper sense, the object of which i s to e x t r a c t the ' i n t r i n -s i c meaning* (or 'content') i n the context of the h i s t o r y of ' c u l t u r a l symptoms' (or 'symbols'), i . e . . the ' i n s i g h t i n t o the manner i n which, under v a r y i n g h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s , e s s e n t i a l tendencies of the human mind were expressed by s p e c i f i c themes and concepts' (Panofsky 1962:14-15). 35. Professor James C a s w e l l , i n 'Arts f o r a Purpose and Purposes 116 Notes: IV f o r Art', Patterns of Chinese Art, typescript, Vancouver: 1973, pp. 40-41. 36. Ma Chengyuan also comments that the r i t u a l context should not be regarded as the f i n a l purpose of the bronzes. The bronzes ought to be regarded as having the i d e o l o g i c a l function of the maintainance and aggrandization of the p o l i -t i c a l authority of those i n power (1982:22-23). 117 V The Placement of Large Vessels There were twenty-eight bronzes (including four items that made up a van-set) and a stone owl-statue placed i n three rows on the f l o o r of the wooden chamber and presumably cl o s e l y around the now deteriorated c o f f i n structure ( f i g . 15). This i s a rare incidence i n Shang archaeology whereby patterns of arrangement of a single category of b u r i a l goods may be discerned. In Yinxu Fu Hao mu, i t has been r i g h t l y pointed out that the Fu Hao-bronzes were placed i n the cen-t r a l positions of each row, and therefore the Fu Hao-bronzes were the most s i g n i f i c a n t i n s c r i p t i o n a l group (YXFHM:12). I wish to propose that the placement of these large bronze vessels (of about 40 to 80 cm i n height) observed three p r i n c i p l e s of organization: 1. that each corner be taken up by a representative of the main i n s c r i p t i o n a l groups; 2. that the Fu Hao-bronzes be placed i n the central positions of each row; and 3. that general symmetrical arrangement be observed subject to the f u l f i l m e n t of the two conditions above. I s h a l l f i r s t l i s t the bronzes concerned as seen i n f i g . 15 before i l l u s t r a t i n g the above p r i n c i p l e s . western row (from bottom) (item #) ( i n s c r i p t i o n a l (vessel type) (height) group) 857 Qiao jia(forms a pair with 65.7 cm #860) 118 f i g . 15 The Placement of Large Vessels 119 861 860 793 867 791 855 854 792 809 808 (Ya) Qi Qiao Qiao Qiao Hao Hao Hao Hao Xin Ya B i .-jia(one of a pair) •lia — l ( p a i r ) zun j V F ' fangyi f a n g j i a 1, , fang ,1ia ] ^ a i r > fangzun  f angding, (forms a pair with #789) ding northern row (continue on) 811 870 790 789 Hao Hao Hao Xin eastern row (continue on) 806 868 856 327 784 785 795 794 921 807 Qiao (Gui) Qiao (Gui) Hao uninscribed Hao Hao Hao Qiao uninscribed Qiao 61.8 66.5 47 46.7 60 (x 68.8 67.6 43 80 72.2 88.2) van van-set (¥790,768,769,770) fangding fangzun h_„. \ fangzun Pair) f a n g l e i (one of a pair) gong bird-shaped zun ] ( p a l r \ bird-shaped zun ' hu (one of a pair) fanghu (forms a pair with #807) (stone) owl-figure fanghu 43.9 78.1 44.5 (x 103.7) 80.1 55.6 56 52.5 18.2 45.9 46.3 50.9 64.4 28 64 It may f i r s t of a l l be observed that the four corners were taken up by: southwest — #861 (Ya) Qi j i a ; northwest — #808 Ya B i ding; northeast — #789 Xin"fangding; southeast — #807 Qiao fanghu. That t h i s corner-emphasis was in t e n t i o n a l was suggested by 120 the breaking down of the symmetrical arrangement of the #789 and #809 Xin fangding pair i n order to allow the #808 Ya B i ding to take up the northwest corner position. The same phenomenon occurred i n the southwest corner, where #860 and #857, the Qiao-.jia p a i r , were separated to allow the i n s e r t i o n of #861 (Ya) Qi j i a to the corner . In the southeast corner, however, #794 and #807 Qiao fanghu pair were placed together because the southeast corner pertained to the Qiao-bronzes. Symmetrical arrangement was s a c r i f i c e d only i f the corner was to be taken up by a representative of another i n s c r i p -t i o n a l group. The placement of Fu Hao-bronzes i n the middle of each row was obvious. Regarding the t h i r d p r i n c i p l e , the symmetri-ca l arrangement, the following phenomena may be highlighted. 1. In the western row, Fu Hao-bronzes were placed s l i g h t l y to the north i n order to allow the #867 and #793 Qiao zun pair to be placed next to each other. A symmetrical contrast occurred i n the eastern row, where the #806 and #868 Qiao fangzun pair were placed together, and therefore the Fu Hao-bronzes on the row were pushed s l i g h t l y to the south. 2. The Fu Hao-bronzes i n both the western row and the eastern row had the pattern of having a pair i n the middle flanked by two i n d i v i d u a l bronzes at the two sides, eg. , #854 and #855 Hao fangding pair flanked by £792 and #791 i n the case of the western row. That the arrangement i n the eastern row was a 121 symmetrical- r e f l e c t i o n of the western row was further sug-gested "by the existence of counterparts (the other one of the pair) of #856 Hao f a n g l e i and #795 Hao hu elsewhere i n the tomb (#866 Hao f a n g l e i and #863 Hao hu) 2. This emphasis on the four-corners as seen i n the arrangement of bronzes may perhaps be related to the four-cardinal or quincuncial concepts (we can regard the Pu Hao-bronzes as being symbolically i n the centre, p a r a l l e l to the p o s i t i o n of the c o f f i n being i n the centre of the tomb) i n Anyang nomenclature as seen i n oracular expressions such as sifang the Pour-Directions' or 'the Pang-states of the Pour-Directions' and s i t u >2) i — 'the Lands of the Four-Directions'. These were areas outside the Anyang core that were i n the economic i n t e r e s t of the Shang king. The usage of sifang and s i t u d i f f e r e d s l i g h t l y i n the d i f f e r e n t phases of Anyang. In Period I oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s , the a g r i c u l t u r a l harvests of the sifang were not included i n the king's d i v i -nation. In the l a t e r Period IV, however, they were included (Ch'en 1956:319-321). Perhaps the i n i t i a l non-incorporation and l a t e r incorporation of sifang i n the harvest-divination suggests the success of the . Shang - .to subject the sifang to t h e i r economic domination. The 'Four-Directions' then, might embody a sense of the expansion of Shang p o l i t i c a l influence to the surrounding regions. Indeed, an important p o l i t i c a l duty of Fu Hao, as suggested i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s , was leading m i l i t a r y expeditions against.fang-122 states such as the ,'Baf ang & ^ and the Tufang Jt- $ ( c h . v i l helow). We are to l d by l a t e r h i s t o r i c a l accounts that the King Wuding period was a time of great expansion of the Shang p o l i t i c a l sphere. ^  In the Xuanniao .% chapter i n the Shi .j ing ^ (The Book of Odes) i t was said that: The martial King Wuding, had none whom he did not vanquish; with dragon banners and ten chariots he (went and) presented the great s a c r i f i c i a l grain. The Royal domain was of a thousand l i , that was where the people (of our tri b e ) s e t t l e d ; but he (also) delimited and set boundaries for those (states between the) four seas. The (states between the) four seas ( a l l ) came (i n homage)...5 (Karlgren, trans. 1950a) Also i n the Wuyi ^.^> chapter i n the Shu .jing ^ ^ (The Book  of Documents): When the turn came to Gaozong ( i . e . , Wuding)(to be the King), he f o r long t o i l e d away from the court and he worked toge-ther with the small people... (After he ascended the throne,) he t r a n q u i l l i z e d Yin's State, i t reached to small and great. There were none who peradventure bore resentment against him. Thus Gaozong's enjoyment of the realm lasted f o r f i f t y -f i v e years.° (Karlgren, trans. 1950b). If indeed the dating of the tomb of Fu Hao to the time of Wuding ( i . e . , OBI Period I or Yinxu Period 1 1 0 holds true, Fu Hao's m i l i t a r y campaigns may be understood i n t h i s h i s -t o r i c a l context (see discussion on the nature of Fu Hao's 123 power i n chapter VIII below). The Ya-bronzes i n the tomb of Fu Hao were probably 'diplo-matic g i f t s ' or tributes of some kind, presented by. the lower ranking y a - o f f i c i a l s . Indeed, the two representations of Ya-bronzes among the chamber f l o o r arrangement of large bronze vessels had actual physical d i r e c t i o n a l reference. Bi and Qi Q were situated to the west of the Shang c a p i t a l and the two Ya-bronzes were indeed placed on the northwest and southwest corners of the tomb. This actual physical reference further suggests the possible intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p between the placement of bronzes .in M5 and the Shang notions of the 'Four-Directions' as an actual as well as i d e o l o g i c a l f i e l d of p o l i t i c a l expansion., There have been suggestions about q the meaning of the four-ramp Xibeigang royal tombs J (eg. Gao 1969) including a functional explanation (Guo Baojun 1963: 185-186). It could be that i t may be understood i n the same context, as an expression of the Shang p o l i t i c a l ideo-logy of the four-directions or -corners, and thus a symbol of power and authority just as the bronzes themselves represent (see pp.97-99). While - s t r u c t u a l l y M5 and Xibeigang large tombs might be d i f f e r e n t , the arrangement of bronzes i n M5 i n t e r e s t i n g l y suggests i t s . c l o s e 10 conceptual r e l a t i o n s h i p with the Xibeigang large tombs. 124 Notes: V 1. The #861 (Ya) Q£ j i a - i s one of a p a i r , the other of the pair being #1197 (YXPHM p i . 37) which was placed elsewhere i n the tomb. This suggests that only one representative of the Ya Qi-group was required i n the placement of large vessels on the f l o o r of the wooden chamber. 2. Similar to the case described i n note 1 above. Here, how-ever, the selections conformed more to the rule of symmetri-c a l arrangement (corresponding to the western row). 3. Other four-cardinal or quincuncial concepts include the names of the four-winds (Chen Banghuai 1959 v.1:1-5; Hu 1956), also sige cgj \j 'four ge-regions 1 (Ch'en 1956:320-321 ,325). Cardinal point designations were also used on shrines, parts of b u i l d i n g , places, towns and so on (Ch'en 1956:319-321, 468, 475-478, 573-574, 585-586, 589-591). See ch.I note 24. 4. See ch.IY note 28. Also, K.C. Wu, 'The Peak of Yin Power' (1982:205-215); Chang, 'P'an Keng and Wu Ting Renovations' (1980:11-12). 125 Notes; V * 6 ^  *^ . 4 $ ^ * * V - . ^ A - • 7. l a t e r h i s t o r i c a l sources provide hints on the nature of the c u l t u r a l transformation from the pre-Wuding Anyang period (Kings Pangeng, Xiaoxin, Xiaoyi) to the Wuding period. The Book of Documents t e l l s of Pangeng !s move of the Shang c a p i t a l to Yin: Pangeng moved to Yin, The people would not go and s e t t l e  there. He c a l l e d the multitude, and s o l i c i t o u s l y issued (this) solemn declaration. He said: Our (previous) King came, and, having done so, he s e t t l e d here ( i . e . , i n the old c a p i t a l ) . He attached great importance to our people (so that) they should not he destroyed and k i l l e d . (Now) they cannot succour each other i n order to l i v e . I have taken t o r t o i s e oracle and enquired, and (the S p i r i t s ) say that i t i s i n accordance with me (my i t a l i c s ) ( K a r l g r e n , trans. 1950b). 126 Notes: V Pangeng's plan to move the c a p i t a l to Anyang was f i r s t met with objection form the 'people'. A passage further down i n the same chapter suggests who these dissidents were: Now I have those who share the high positions i n the govern- ment, but you hoard your cowries and jade i s ; , your grand-fathers" and fathers grandly report to our high ancestors, saying: make great punishments f o r our great descendants; and they lead on the high r u l e r s grandly to r i s e and send down inauspicious things (my i t a l i c s ) ( K a r l g r e n , trans. 1950b). The above passage suggests a power struggle of some kind within the r u l i n g class and the t r a d i t i o n a l authority of the king was threatened. Pangeng eventually moved the c a p i t a l to Yin (Anyang) as confirmed i n the S h i j i . The two passages below (I am grat e f u l to Professor Qiu Xigui who has referred me to them) t e l l us about King Pangeng's p o l i c i e s of ' r e s t r a i n t ' i n the new Anyang c a p i t a l . F i r s t i s a passage from the Western Han text Shuoyuan: 127 Notes: V Pangeng of Shang regarded the palace of the former king to be too extravagant, he therefore moved to Yin. With shrubs and reeds untrimmed, r a f t e r s and beams unwhittled. (he wanted to) change h i s image i n the world (my t r a n s l a t i o n ) . The next passage i s from Hanshu : jL fa ?® * M . Hi & 7**£, The woods were polished but not carved, the walls were glazed but not painted;,: these were what the Zhou Xuan erected, what the (Shang) Pangeng moved (i n t o ) ; And as for the lesser palaces of the Xia, the t h r i f t y quarters of Yao and Shun, these are a l l practices of r e s t r a i n t (my t r a n s l a t i o n ) . Judging from the archaeological data, substantial s o c i a l changes seem to have taken place during the Wuding reign (ch.IV note .28), which more or less correspond to the description of the Wuding period as a peak of Shang power i n the S h i j i n g and Shu,jing chapters cited above. The con-t r a s t , on the other hand, between the 'r e s t r a i n t p o l i c i e s ' of Pangeng and Wuding's 'working together with the small people' may be an i n d i c a t i o n of the upward s o c i a l mobility of 'those who share the high positions i n the government'. 128 Notes: V In which case, we may regard the p o l i t i c a l expansionism of the Wuding period as "both an expansion of the Shang power as well as an extension of actual p o l i t i c a l power of the highest ranking o f f i c i a l s (including Pu Hao ?). 8. B i 5 ^ a s a state name i s seen i n the oracle record performing m i l i t a r y duties for (Tie 31.3,,' Cui 1167) and bringing i n tributes to/for the Shang (Xu 5.8.3, Hou x i a 30.12, J i a 122, 3000, 3163). The Shang king also divined about the a g r i c u l t u r a l harvesting of the B i (Cui 890, Cun x i a 163, Qian 3.12)(YXFHM:97-98). The l o c a t i o n of B i , according to Chen Mengjia, was i n the western Henan. This deduction i s based on the close r e l a t i o n s h i p between B i and QueJ^ (they performed m i l i t a r y duties together; shounian divinations on both B i and Que were recorded on the same plastron) and we are more certa i n of the l o c a t i o n of Que, which was i n western Henan (YXFHM:98). Qi ^  i s the topic of a ca r e f u l study by : Chao Dingyun (1980). She considers Qi i t to be related to the Qi ^  -state of la t e Eastern Zhou, which had the clan name of Jiang . The motherland of the Jiang was near the present Wugong-^ tj) county of Shaanxi. Chao therefore concludes ;that the Ya Qi during the time of early Anyang was a western t r i b a l group (1980:149-150). 129 Notes: V 9. See ch.I note 23. 10. There are other questions to be posed concerning the place-ment of large bronzes i n M5. F i r s t concerns the possible symbolism of the southern section, which was l e f t vacant ( f i g . 15). It may "be observed that the 'waist-pit' was positioned s l i g h t l y to the south. The distance between the 'waist-pit' and the southern edge of the tomb was about the same as that between the 'waist-pit' and the bronzes of the northern row. This implies that the tomb structure was designed with the placement of bronzes i n mind. Secondly, when the bronzes are read i n horizontal rows from south to north, they gradually . become larger i n s i z e . Perhaps the south may represent, i n a certain r i t u a l context, 'the front of a house'; the opening as the entrance - The north would then be 'the back of the house', where heavy 'kitchen items' such as the Hao yan-set were placed (Caswell, 1984, personal communications). Third question !'concerns the position of the pair of 'posthumous' S i Mu Xin i fangding #809 and 789. That they were placed i n the north perhaps corresponded to the description i n the Tangong chapter of L i j i about the north being 'the realm of darkness' (pp. 33-34 above). 130 VI Other Mortuary Goods Other than the bronzes, the following mortuary goods were found i n the tomb of Fu Hao : 755 jade objects 564 bone implements, arrowheads and hairpins 63 stone sculptures and other stone objects 47 opal, quartz c r y s t a l and other precious stone objects 3 ivory carving and 2 pieces of ivory fragments 11 pottery objects 6,820-plus cowries Only three pieces among the above items bear i n s c r i p t i o n s : 1. Stone ox #315 ( p i . 43) has the * s i mu x i n 1 i n s c r i p t i o n (same as on bronzes #789 ( p i . 5), 809, 803 ( p i . 6) and 1163 discussed e a r l i e r ) . 2. Jade ge \ -dagger #580 has the i n s c r i p t i o n ' l u fang.x ru ge wu' f *g / -V 3_. 3. Stone o^ing^--musical instrument #316 has the i n s c r i p t i o n 'ren zhu ru s h i ' 4 4 - ^ \ %. In items 2 and 3 above, the graphs before the verb ru A 'to enter' (in the sense of 'to present ( t r i b u t e / g i f t ) to the court') function as names of persons or geographical regions. The jade ge-dagger might be one of a set of f i v e , as suggested by i t s i n s c r i p t i o n which may be translated as 'the Lufang x (person x of Lufang ?) presented (to the Shang court) f i v e ge-daggers'. Likewise, i n the 'ren zhu ru s h i ' i n s c r i p t i o n , 'ren zhu' would be a name and s h i /£? 'stone' probably referred to the stone musical qing i t s e l f . The 131 ' s i mu x i n ' i n s c r i p t i o n has been discussed i n d e t a i l i n chapter III (pp.50-53). The 'ru'-inscriptions may he understood i n r e l a t i o n to the 'ya'-inscriptions (pp.55-56), i . e . , perceiving objects with these i n s c r i p t i o n s as 'diplomatic g i f t s ' presented to Fu Hao (see ch.VII, under O f f i c i a l Duties). Among the d i f f e r e n t categories i n the inventory above, the jades would be the most important because, as i n the case of the bronzes, they have come i n a surprising large quantity 2 unforeseen i n Shang archaeology. I s h a l l concentrate the discussion t h i s chapter on the M5 jades. An important recent publication i n Shang Studies i s the c o l l e c t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c a l l y excavated jades of the past decade, compiled and reproduced f o r the f i r s t time i n clear colour pictures (Kaogu yanjiusuo 1982). Out of the 121 plates i n the book, 111 are objects from the tomb of Fu Hao. This i s i n i t s e l f an i n d i c a t i o n of the r e l a t i v e s ignificance of the M5 jades i n the o v e r a l l Yinxu archaeological context. Reproductions of jades from the e a r l i e r 1928-1937 excavations may be found i n the Houjiazhuang A<% Ifct ( i . e . , Xibeigang) and Xiaotun volumes (Liang & Gao 1962-1976 - 7 v o l s . , Shi 1970-1973 -3 v o l s . ) ( p i s . 44-46 of the present paper show samples of jades from Xiaotun M232, M164 and Xibeigang M1550). As f o r the finds of the 1950s and 1960s period, the largest jade discovery was the series of excavations at Dasikong Cun 132 (Ma et al.1955), during which some f i f t y - f i v e jade objects were unearthed ( f i g . 16). The t o t a l count of jades found i n the Anyang region i s d i f f i c u l t to obtain because many are very fragmented pieces, and also studies such as the ones undertaken by L i J i and Wan Jiabao on excavated bronzes ( L i & Wan 1964-1972 - 5 vols.) have not been done on the jades. Generally speaking, the t o t a l amount of s c i e n t i f i c a l l y exca-vated jades i s not large and . we are i n an even more d i f f i c u l t position—compared to the study of M5 bronzes — t o discuss about the M5 jades i n the Shang archaeological context. Dating of jades i s also extremely d i f f i c u l t be cause of the exiguous data as well as the greater tendencies toward the Persistence 0 f t r a d i t i o n a l forms and s t y l e s . One possible comparison to make i s between the Dasikong ( f i g . 17) and M5 jades ( f i g . 16). I have chosen the rubbings of the bird pendants from the respective b u r i a l s f o r our d i s -cussion here. The M5 pendants show a sophisticated incised surface decoration. The spiral-and-meander design—an i n t e r -play of smooth curves and sharp angles--seen on the surface i s also r e f l e c t e d on the s t r u c t u r a l form. The neck and the main body are rounded curves whereas sharp geometrical forms represent the beak, crest, feather and so on. There i s the continuous r e p e t i t i o n of t h i s design dichotomy. The Dasi-kong jade pendants, on the other hand, tend to have f r e e r , l e s s controlled, structures. The v i v i d interplay of curves 133 Rubbings of M5 Jades 134 f i g * 17 1 2 0 1 2 3 cm 1 3 > > i J R«ffi±58(*RK-) l .*24: l 2.*35:12 3.fi32:14 4 .*27: l l 5 .* 256:3 6.*130:l 7 .* 27:10 8 . * 289:6 9 . * 88:3 l0. f i 260:11 12. Jfe 88:2 13. A 24:5 Rubbings of Dasikong Gun Jades 135 and angles of the M5 jades i s not evident here. Whether t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n between the M5 and Dasikong jade pendants ac t u a l l y •5 represent chronological d i s t i n c t i o n i s d i f f i c u l t to say. The Dasikong jades were excavated from a large series of tombs which may among themselves represent a wide chronolo-g i c a l and s o c i a l class range. 4As f a r as the question of dating i s concerned, rather than deciding through a r t i f a c t u a l asso-c i a t i o n the date of Fu Hao tomb jades, t h i s group of jades should be used as a reference f o r the confirmation of the Shang date of many ancient Chinese jade pieces found i n museums a l l over the world. There has i n f a c t been a tendency to push back the dating of ancient Chinese jades i n the histo r y of modern scholarship (see Laufer 1912; P e l l i o t 1925; W i l l e t t s 1958; Loehr 1975). The next concern i s the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the jades which i s often intimately related to our understanding of the functions of the jades. S.Howard Hansford once commented that 'the designs and decoration, mainly zoomorphic, of the countless small ornamental jades of ancient China w i l l probably provide material f o r speculation f o r years to come, and such problems may never be f i n a l l y s e t t l e d ' (1968:55). Certainly the discovery of the Fu Hao tomb cannot 're-solve' t h i s long standing problem,but the M5 jades do pro-vide us with a complete group of a category of a r t i f a c t s pertaining to a single tomb and possibly owned by a single 136 person. We have thus a more enclosed h i s t o r i c a l context and new researches on jades may perhaps make use of t h i s new archaeological evidence, taking the other aspects of the tomb—such as the related oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s and the a r t h i s t o r i c a l study of the b r o n z e s — a l l into considera-t i o n . A major theme i n the modern a r t h i s t o r i c a l scholarship on ancient Chinese jades is. the questions surrounding the inception of the so-called l i u r u i -^.gfo'Six Auspicious Jades' as s system of r i t u a l symbolism. According to the Zhouli ^ » ' t n e l i u r u i consisted of s i x jade forms: bi/&A, cong 5^1 » gui ;|_, zhang ^  , huangg^ji and hu"^j[\. There have been differences i n opinion as to the actual formal designation of these terms (see reviews i n Hansford 1968:55-58, Xia 1982, 1983). Related to t h i s problem i s the possible anachronistic understanding of the function of these jade-forms. William W i l l e t t s i n h i s important study on popular ancient Chinese jade forms proposed a nine-class scheme based on the n e o l i -t h i c implements from which he believed they were derived (1958:66-105). This was an important breakthrough from e a r l i e r studies by Wu Dacheng (1889), who was the pioneer of the modern scholarship on Chinese jade, and Berthold Laufer (1912). These conventionalized jade forms were now thought o r i g i n a l l y to be n e o l i t h i c tools and the forms were retained eventhough the p r a c t i c a l function had vanished. The function 137 of these forms i n Shang, however, remains as a major problem fo r us. Xia Nai commented that the Shang jades ought to be considered s t r i c t l y i n t h e i r archaeological context and not i n the l a t e r l i u r u i system. He also suggested hypotheses on the possible functions of these jade forms i n Shang. Most of them were used either i n the b u r i a l r i t u a l context or as decorative or ornamental pieces (Xia 1983). Xia also divided the jades into three larger categories: 1. ceremonial jades, 2. tools and weapons, 3. decorative jades. Among the s i x - l i u r u i forms, Fu Hao tomb contained f i f t y -seven b i (pis. 34-35), fourteen cong ( p i . 36), eight gui j_. (not to be confused with the vessel gui ^ ) ( p i . 37), and seventy-three huang ( p i . 38). There were also eight t i g e r ornaments ( p i . 39) but these should not be considered as the hu of the l i u r u i (Xia 1983:460). There were no zhang among the Fu Hao tomb jades. The jade t i g e r s above r e a l l y should be i n the 'decorative jades' category (Ibid.:460)(this i s where c l a s s i f i c a t i o n becomes d i f f i c u l t and necessarily depends on speculations on the function of the jades concerned). In f a c t , an important feature of the M5 jades i s the prominence of objects which seem to be more ornamental than ceremonial. According to Yinxu Fu Hao mu, 426 pieces may be regarded as 'decorative' or 'ornamental' jades. This figure makes up more than half 138 of the t o t a l number of M5 jades. There are thirteen human figures ( p i . 42)^ and. at le a s t 173 pieces of zoomorphic sculptures or pendants (pis. 39-41). Most of them represent animals seen i n the physical world, including t i g e r , eleph-ant, bear, monkey, deer, horse, ox, dog, rabbit and so on. These jades are important data f o r the study of the e a r l i e s t representations or n a t u r a l i s t i c human and animal s c u l p t u r a l forms. The remaining of the 426 pieces are ornaments with geometrical and abstract designs. Many of them could have functioned as jewelleries. F i n a l l y , three other pieces of jades require sp e c i a l atten-t i o n . They are the three jade vessels from the tomb: two gui and one pan-^l . There are very few Shang jade vessels known to us and these M5 jade vessels are extremely important, e s p e c i a l l y as references f o r dating early Chinese jade vessels i n museum c o l l e c t i o n s . 139 Notes: VI 1. See ch.VII OBI # 10 : 2. For a technical study of the M5 jades see Zhang Peishan 1982. 3. You Rende studies the evolution of c i r c u l a r dragon designs on Shang jades and concludes that the general development of Shang jade design represents a progression toward complex and decorative forms (You 1981). 4. Chang observes that the Dasikong Cun s i t e could be an exceed-ingly important area i n Shang archaeology. Shang remains yielded here included p i t s , '"' ground house f l o o r s , chariot and-horse b u r i a l s (ch.II note 19 of t h i s paper), human bur i a l s and two inscribed oracle bones. 'The b u r i a l s were sharply d i f f e r e n t i a t e d according to the shape of the p i t , the use of the wooden chamber, and the nature and amount of grave goods. These point to a f a i r - s i z e d settlement whose residents included n o b i l i t y of considerable status' (Chang 1980:128). 5. In her mortuary analysis of the n e o l i t h i c Dawenkou cemetery s i t e of Shandong, Anne Kingscott observes that probable high status items i n the Early Dawenkou period i n -cluded ivory b i and comb, animal shaped ceramic ve s s e l , red ochre and jade. The ivory b i may be considered i n r e l a t i o n HO Notes: VI to the l a t e r jade bi-form. Jades were found i n greater quantity i n the Late Dawenkou period, and those that do not resemble u t i l i t a r i a n a r t i f a c t s could be badges of high status. That the jades symbolized high status may also be discerned by the estimation of the amount of labour involved i n pro-curing and working the material (Kingscott 1983:169-171). Zhang were, however, found i n other Xiaotun b u r i a l s (Xia 1983:45). Yinxu Fu Hao mu considers the t o t a l number of ceremonial jade items i n M5 to be 175 (YXFHM:115). These are among the e a r l i e s t anthropomorphic representations i n China. They are important i n the study of the h i s t o r y of anthropomorphic representation, as well as the physical features "and the a t t i r e of the Shang people. 141 VII Fu Hao i n the Oracle Bone Inscriptions There are about three hundred accounts of Fu Hao-related oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . As mentioned e a r l i e r , about six of them were previously dated to OBI Period IV 2 where-as, a l l the remaining accounts may be dated to Period I (King Wuding) which contributed to the 'III-IV d i s p a r i t y ' problem (PP.51-52 above). In t h i s chapter, the usual oracle bone dating scheme and method w i l l f i r s t be b r i e f l y i n t r o -duced, to be followed by a discussion on the s i x problematic Fu Hao i n s c r i p t i o n s i n the Diviner L i ^ -group^. Selections of the Fu Hao oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s (Fu Hao-OBI) w i l l be translated and introduced by t h e i r subject matter. I s h a l l conclude with comments on the implications of the i n s c r i p t i o n s i n r e l a t i o n to the tomb of Fu Hao. The oracle bone periodization was f i r s t formulated by Dong Zuobin (1933). Subsequent researches have made various revisions to the scheme (Hu 1954, Ch'en 1956, Ikeda 1964), but the basic structure of the five-period scheme remains r e l a t i v e l y unchanged. The periods are as f o l l o w s — OBI Period I : i n s c r i p t i o n s made during the reign of King Wuding, II; Zugeng and Zuj i a , I I I : Linxin and Kangding, IV: Wuyi and Wenwuding, and V: D i y i and Dixin (for a cross reference with the archaeological periodization see the c o l l a t e r a l table i n appendix I ) . Dong suggested ten c r i t e r i a f o r dating: 142 genealogy, t i t l e s , d i v i n e r s , p i t provenance, foreign states, person names, d i v i n a t i o n t o p i c , grammar, epigraphic form and calligraphy (1933). The Fu Hao-OBI are di s t r i b u t e d in .= more than t h i r t y catalogues (see appendix I I I ) . Shima Kunio assembled 259 of them i n his Inkyo boku.ji sorui ^ ^ ^ ^ ' ^ ^ . ( 1 9 7 1 ) . Two comprehensive studies have recently been made on the Fu Hao-OBI (Wang et a l . 19774"; Yan 1981 5) while a few others concentrated t h e i r discussions on the problematic Period IV i n s c r i p t i o n s , i . e . , Li-group Fu Hao c i n s c r i p t i o n s (Zhang Zhenglang 1982, 1983 , Chang Ping-ch'uan 1982 7). It may be r e c a l l e d that L i Xueqin made a comment that instead of using the t r a d i t i o n a l oracle bone periodization to confirm the date of M5, i t ought to be vice versa (p. 5 above). It was also L i who f i r s t suggested that the L i -diviner group i n s c r i p t i o n s might be re-dated to OBI Period I (1977). Further studies were l a t e r taken up by Qiu Xigui (1981) who provided convincing evidence supporting the r e -dating. The confusion of dating began with the fac t that the two sets of addresses, 'Father Y i ' y£ Zj and 'Father Ding' % "J , could r e f e r to either Xiaoyi and Wuding on the one hand, or Wuyi and Wenwuding on the other hand. The L i -group divinations, which were found i n the central and southern regions of Xiaotun, usually do not include the diviner's name, though a small number include the name ' l i ' 1 4 3 ^ (thus the name Li-group). The non-inclusion of the d i v i n e r name strongly suggested that they could he dated 9 to OBI Period IV as t h i s was i t s common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . L i and Qiu have shown, however, many correspondences of names mentioned i n both the L i - i n s c r i p t i o n s ( i n which the six Pu 1 0 Hao-OBI are included) and Period I i n s c r i p t i o n s . Further-more , a group of names i n Li-group had almost i d e n t i c a l coun-terparts i n the B i n ^ - and Chu - groups i n s c r i p t i o n s which 11 are datable to OBI Period I. Other correspondences included 1 2 the time and nature of topics divined (Qui 1 9 8 1 ) . The implication of t h i s new dating of L i - i n s c r i p t i o n s i s that a l l Fu Hao-related oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s may now be considered as pertaining to a singular OBI Period — I (King Wuding). As Shima Kunio's Inkyo bokuji sorui remains the best cata-logue reference f o r the study of an assembly of i n s c r i p t i o n s grouped by graphs, I s h a l l f i r s t look at Shima*s sub-grouping under the 'fu hao' heading. They are: 1 . 'hao mian'-al V^U 2 . 'hao f a ' ^ A j 3 . 'hao x i a n ' * t > 4 . *hao j i ' 4l$%i_ 5 . 'hao long' $ \ 6 . *hao hou' f Q 7 . 'yu hao' ^rP-fcV 8 . bin h a o ' ^ 9 . others. I s h a l l organize these sub-groupings under four larger categories—which may further include i n s c r i p t i o n s l i s t e d under ' 9 . Others' above and other Fu Hao-OBI not found i n the Inkyo bokuji sorui whose topics may pertain to these 144 categories—arranged by the subject matter: 1. the c h i l d b i r t h i n s c r i p t i o n s (includes 'hao mian' above, 2. the o f f i c i a l - d u t i e s i n s c r i p t i o n s ('hao f a ' , 'hao xian'), 3. the general welfare i n s c r i p t i o n s ('hao ji','hao long' , 'hao hou') and 4. the exorcism and other r i t u a l s i n s c r i p t i o n s ('yu hao', 'bin hao'). Whereas the above represent larger subject categories, the Fu Hao-OBI cover nine out of seventeen items l i s t e d by David Keightley as the major content of the Shang oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s (1978b:33-35). The nine are : 1. s a c r i f i c e s , 2. m i l i t a r y campaigns, 3. sickness, 4. c h i l d b i r t h , 5. d i s t r e s s or trouble, 6. dreams, 7. orders, 8. divine assistance or approval, and 9. requests addressed to ancestral or natural powers. It should be noted that about h a l f of the Fu Hao-OBI are bone or s h e l l fragments containing only the graphs 'fu hao' or merely 'hao'. Twenty Fu Hao-OBI which are representative of the four subject categories are translated below. They are selected from the about 120 Fu Hao-related oracle bone in s c r i p t i o n s with content of a more discernible nature. 145 C h i l d b i r t h There are about t h i r t y - f i v e i n s c r i p t i o n s related to Fu Hao's pregnancy and c h i l d b i r t h divined by the Shang king. Most of these incorporate the graph mian^^t), which means 'to give looks l i k e a pair of hands taking out the offspring from the mother's body. Examples of the c h i l d b i r t h i n s c r i p t i o n s : (1) Xu 4.29.2 (Fu 116): Jj 2- h - fSL • %• # id- } f c . Jichou (26th) day crack-making, Que divined: On the following Gengyin (27th) day, Fu Hao w i l l give b i r t h . Divined: On the following Gengyin day, Fu Hao w i l l not per-haps give b i r t h . F i r s t month. '3 (2) Yibian 7731 (Binehian 247): f i t o . ^ ^ £ - a ^1 - ^ - T • Jiashen (21st) day crack-making, Que divined: Fu Hao w i l l give b i r t h ; i t w i l l not perhaps be lucky. ( V e r i f i c a t i o n : ) On the t h i r t y - f i r s t day: J i a y i n (51st day), (Fu Hao) gave b i r t h , i t was indeed unlucky.14 Jiashen (21st) day (crack-making, Que divined:) Fu Hao w i l l give b i r t h ; i t w i l l be lucky. The King read the crack and sai d : If i t was on a Ding day that (Fu Hao) gave b i r t h , i t would-be lucky, i f . i t was o n j Geng-day, i t would be exten-s i v e l y auspicious (VerTf ica'tion:) On the thTrth-f i r s t day; J i a y i n (51st.day),(Fu Hao).give b i r t h . It was not lucky; i t was a " g i r l . b i r t h ' ( L i Xiaoding 1965: 4317). 146 (3) Yibian 4728: Renyin (39th) day crack-making, Que divined: Fu (Hao) w i l l give b i r t h . The King read the crack and said: (If) i t was on x-shenday that she gave b i r t h , i t would be auspicious and lucky, (however) i f i t was on J i a y i n (51st) day that she gave b i r t h , i t would not be auspicious. ( V e r i f i c a t i o n : ) (The s p i r i t s ) went against (the prognostication); i t turned out to be a g i r l . Renyin (39th) day crack-making, Que divined: Fu Hao w i l l give b i r t h ; i t w i l l not perhaps be lucky. The King read the crack and said: (Since Lady) Shuai's ( c h i l d b i r t h ) was not lucky, (Fu Hao's) w i l l perhaps be lucky. ( V e r i f i -cation:) It was not auspicious at x (probably a place name). Following the c h i l d b i r t h , Fu Hao suffered from an i l l n e s s . The c h i l d b i r t h i n s c r i p t i o n s at l e a s t confirmed Fu Hao to be 15 a woman , but do not adequately suggest Fu Hao to be a wife of King Wuding (see p.49 above). The graph j i a -#;j)(*ka) i s considered to be related to ke "^j (*ka) i n the Shi j i n g , which means ' w i l l do, passable, a l l r i g h t ' (Karlgren 1950a: 86). Inscriptions (2) and (3) further suggest that 'not j i a ' i s related to giving b i r t h to a g i r l . J i a thus referred to giving b i r t h to a boy. Inscription (3) i s also important because it ' shows the precisenessof the mentioning of names i n the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . Lady Shuai's c h i l d b i r t h was referred to when d i v i n i n g about Fu Hao's c h i l d b i r t h as a contrasting statement. This definiteness i n addressing persons to a certain extent elimates the p o s s i b i l i t y 147 of regarding 'fu hao 1 as a non-particular name i n these i n s c r i p t i o n s (pp.49-50 above). Judging from the available Fu Hao-OBI, Fu Hao seems to have had at le a s t one boy and two g i r l s . ^ O f f i c i a l Duties There are about twenty inscriptions d i v i n i n g Fu Hao's involvement i n wa r f a r e — u s u a l l y i n the form of leading sold i e r s on an expedition—and other 'external a f f a i r s ' . The warfare i n s c r i p t i o n s : (4) Yibian 2948: Xinwei (8th) day crack-making, Zheng divined: Fu Hao w i l l perhaps follow Z h i j i a to attack the Bafang; the King (on the other hand) w i l l from the Eastern-x attack Houxing before Fu Hao takes up her position. ...Fu Hao w i l l perhaps (follow) Z h i j i a to attack the Bafang; the King (on the other hand) w i l l from the Eastern-x attack Houxing before Fu Hao takes up her pos i t i o n . 1 7 'To follow' i n the above i n s c r i p t i o n seems to refe r to a certain m i l i t a r y rank formation i n a batt l e s i t u a t i o n . In the pattern 'x follows y', x i s actually the higher ranking person, since there are many cases of 'the King follows someone', likewise, between Fu Hao and Z h i j i a above, Fu Hao was a c t u a l l y leading the troops. Wang Yuxing call e d 148 the above i n s c r i p t i o n a 1 g u e r r i l l a warfare' (1981:87)»pre-sumably because a tight and well-planned battle schedule has been suggested i n the i n s c r i p t i o n . This brings us again to the question of the p o s s i b i l i t y of Fu Hao r e f e r r i n g to more than a single person. It seems that t h i s would be highly u n l i k e l y given the prescriptiveness of the Shang nomenclature as seen i n the above i n s c r i p t i o n . (5) Gui 1230: 4:«f h % K ^ 4 ^ ^ % & ^  .% «. -Renshen (9th) day crack-making, Zheng divined: Order Fu Hao to follow Z h i j i a to attack the Bafang; she w i l l meet with abundant assistance (from the s p i r i t s ) . (6) Ku 237: & . i ^ ) ($) % ^ ) - - • 9* * ^  • Divined: The King ought not (order) Fu Hao (to follow...) to attack the Tufang. (7) Yicun:527 (Xu 4.30.1): ..AY- ^ 5 % i K • -D&V.\ J L . 5 i $ tfr[£) 1 1*0 • x-wu day crack-making, Bin divined: It should be Fu Hao whom the King w i l l order to r e c t i f y the Ren. Yiwei (32nd) day crack-making, Bin divined: It should be Fu Hao whom the King w i l l (order) to r e c t i f y (the Ren). (8) Qian 5.12.3: ^ k ^ k ^ - H fy&'tut^^ % • Jiashen (21st) day crack-making, Que divined: c a l l upon Fu Hao to f i r s t r a i s e men at Pang.18 149 (9) Xu 4.29.1: ... W~ & • ^V^jL^ x 7 § • -... Que divined: Fu Hao w i l l send an envoy to Mei. 0 ° ) Yibian 7782: ... ^  -ift- A + jz , . ... Fu Hao entered ( i . e . , presented to the court) f i f t e e n pieces (probably t u r t l e s h e l l s ) . (11) Ku 310: k-t%&-**-*£ & W (*S). X i n s i (18th) day crack-making, divined: Raise Fu Hao('s) (troops) three thousand; r a i s e Iii (probably a m i l i t a r y unit) troops ten thousand; c a l l upon X t h e m ) to attack the Jiang. The i n s c r i p t i o n above i s often taken to mean that Fu Hao led a thirteen thousand strong d i v i s i o n on a combat expedition (Wang et a l . 1977:2; Wang 1981:87; Xie 1982:347). If this i nterpretation holds true, t h i s was indeed the Shang m i l i -tary group with the greatest number of soldiers on a single expedition seen i n the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . This i n s c r i p t i o n i s also important because i t suggests that Fu Hao had her own s o l d i e r s , who belonged to a d i f f e r e n t m i l i t a r y unit from the l u - s o l d i e r s . General Welfare This group makes up to about another t h i r t y i n s c r i p t i o n s . The major topics include, divinations on Fu Hao's physical i l l n e s s e s , the recovery from them, and general physical and s p i r i t u a l well-being. 150 (12) Yibian 4098: • $ # !£ f^-%1^>-Divined: Fu Hao has i l l n e s s ; i t i s caused by the cursing (of a c e r t a i n ancestor). (13) Yibian 3164: # -tfl -Fu Hao w i l l not a i l from tooth(-ache). (14) Tie 72.1: Z>... $t- #j - A ^ . J i - x day crack-making, ...divined: Fu Hao w i l l smoothly recover from (her) i l l n e s s . (15) Tian 88 (Zhui 99): ^ tf^ • Fu Hao w i l l be fi n e ( i . e . . w i l l recover from i l l n e s s ) . (16) Duo 1.444 (Ning 1.493) : <h | t • ^ t ' T i • Bingxu (23rd) day divined: Fu Hao w i l l not have misfortune. The above i n s c r i p t i o n (16) i s an example of the Li-group divinations. Notice that the preface format i s d i f f e r e n t from a l l the other i n s c r i p t i o n s cited so f a r (see pp;. 142-143). (17) He 286: Divined: Fu Hao's nightmare i s not caused by (the s p i r i t of) Father Y i . Mengl^ (*miung) refers to 'dreams' or 'nightmare' ( L i Xiao-ding 1965:2509). It i s a pictograph ( ^ ) of a person l y i n g i n bed (ibid.:2510: Dai, Ye). The Shang were probably very 151 superstitious about t h e i r dreams and thus divined about them. This continued to the time of Zhouli i n which divinations on six d i f f e r e n t categories of dreams were d i s -cussed. In the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s , other than d i v i -nations on dreams i n general ( i . e . , without specifying the content of the dream, such as the above i n s c r i p t i o n ) , d i v i -nations were also made on the prophetic symbolism of objects and individuals i n the dreams (Fu ren 6, Tie 12.1)(ibid.: 2511-2513: Ding Shan). We can also t e l l from the above i n s c r i p t i o n (17) that, l i k e i l l n e s s and misfortunes, dreams or nightmare were believed to have been caused by the ances-tor s p i r i t s . Exorcism and Other Rituals The f i n a l category of i n s c r i p t i o n s concern those r i t u a l s of a more prescribed nature, such as the very common yu ij-fi 'exorcism 1-ritual. There are at le a s t twenty-five accounts of the y u - r i t u a l mentioning Pu Hao. There are also about ten accounts of other r i t u a l s involving Pu Hao. (18) Yibian 3383: k >&&.*r$*1-*5iJ-#f + Jimao (16th) day crack-making, Que divined: Exorcise Pu Hao in (the presence of the s p i r i t of )Father Y i ; (we should) cut sheep, o f f e r pig and stab ten penned sheeps. 152 (19) Ku 1701: K £ ^ . ^ ^ ^ - } « Z > . - ^ f i L . Jiaxu (11th) day crack-making, Xuan divined: Exorcise Fu Hao i n (the presence of the s p i r i t of) Father Y i ; (we should) stab (war-) captives. The main graph i n the above i n s c r i p t i o n s i s yu£fP (*ngio) meaning 'to exorcise'. The wu^f- (*ngo) element i n the graph, i t s e l f a c y c l i c a l sign, serves as the phonetic symbol. Wu i t s e l f has the meaning of 'to r e s i s t ' and y_uifPmay at the same time be considered as related to yu^j|f , 'to oppose, to counter attack'. In the Shang language, we would imagine, vu.£fPmeans 'to exorcise' i n the sense of removing a l i v i n g person from the e v i l influences of the s p i r i t s , i . e . . to counterattack, the s p i r i t s (Takashima: personal communica-ti o n , 1982). (20) Qian 7.27.4: ... fc. 4 * St * • x-yin day crack-making, Wei divined: (The s p i r i t of a cer-t a i n ancestor) w i l l ( r i t u a l l y ) treat Fu Hao as guest. ... divined: (The s p i r i t of a certain ancestor) w i l l perhaps not ( r i t u a l l y ) treat Fu Hao as guest. The important graph i n the above i n s c r i p t i o n i s bin ffih • which according to Luo Zhenyu, was a loan for bin VJT ' r i t u a l l y treat as guest' (Li Xiaoding 1965:3663). Wang Yuxing tran-scribed the graph as^tSand suggested that t h i s was a 153 s a c r i f i c i a l r i t u a l performed, by King Wuding i n honour of Fu Hao after her death (Wang et a l . 1977:18). If this was correct, t h i s would "be an important piece of evidence sugges-t i n g that Fu Hao died before King Wuding. Other bin-related Fu Hao-OBI—such as Tie 261.1: Divined: There w i l l be the coming of (a s p i r i t r i t u a l l y ) receiving Fu Hao as guest; (this s p i r i t ) w i l l not be Mother Geng—suggest Fu Hao as the r e c i p i e n t of the r i t u a l . Judging from other bin-related i n s c r i p t i o n s not necessarily pertaining to Fu Hao, the bin r i t u a l could be a ' s p i r i t u a l h o s p i t a l i t y ' between two deceased i n d i v i d u a l s , but i t could also be between a l i v i n g person (as the guest) and a deceased person (as the host), hence a certa i n form of shamanistic practice. The group of Fu Hao-related oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s has always been prominent even p r i o r to the discovery of the tomb of Fu Hao (Ch'en 1956:492-493; Chou 1970). After the excavation of the tomb, the Fu Hao-OBI became the focus of many discussions (Kaogu 1977b; Wang et al.1977; Zheng and Chen 1981; Yan 1981; Chang Ping-ch'uan 1982; Zhang Zhenglang 1982, 1983). The dating of the diviner Li-group i n s c r i p t i o n s became an important topic i n oracle bone dating because those Fu Hao-OBI which were previously thought to be dated to OBI Period IV were part of t h i s group ( L i Xueqin 154 1977; Qiu 1981; Xie 1982). It i s now becoming highly acceptable that these i n s c r i p t i o n s may a f t e r a l l be redated to OBI Period I. As such, a l l Pu Hao-OBI may be considered to have a uniform date. The oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s thus became the most important evidence for the dating of M5. Moving on from th i s premise, two further questions may be posed. P i r s t i s whether i t i s compulsory that the 'fu hao' on the bronzes i n M5 must be i d e n t i c a l to the 'fu hao' i n the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . After a l l no oracle bones were found i n the tomb i t s e l f . Second i s whether a l l Pu Hao i n s c r i p t i o n s r e f e r to a single i n d i v i d u a l even though they may a l l be dated to OBI Period I. There can be, of course, no clear-cut answers to these questions. As to the f i r s t question, I think i t i s highly u n l i k e l y that they r e f e r to d i f f e r e n t individuals but the p o s s i b i l i t y i s nevertheless there. How one attempts to answer t h i s question w i l l also depend on how he or she perceives the challenge of M5 as regard to the art h i s t o r i c a l and archaeological dating d i s -cussed i n chapter IV. The nature of the answer to the second question would be quite s i m i l a r . However, I do not think that these i n s c r i p t i o n s r e f e r to more than one prominent i n d i v i d u a l given the precise d e f i n i t i o n ;:of™^ > the oracular nomenclature. It would be highly confusing i f Wuding did not have a constant i n d i v i d u a l i n mind when he divined about Pu Hao's c h i l d b i r t h , f o r instance, and i t would be disastrous i f t h i s confusion occurred i n a battle 155 s i t u a t i o n . The content of the Fu Hao-OBI provides us with a r e l a t i v e l y good description of the "biography of an i n d i v i d u a l l i v i n g more than three thousand years ago. There are, however, many l i m i t a t i o n s to the i n s c r i p t i o n s . These were e s s e n t i a l l y d i v i n a t i o n records and could not be considered as h i s t o r i c a l data i n the s t r i c t sense of the word. Not only do they merely represent the l i t e r a t u r e of the apex of the Shang r u l i n g c l a s s , they also only show that conventionalized and u n i f i e d aspects of the r u l i n g class ideology. Oracular practice and material culture were two complementary c u l t u r a l subsystems. The Shang people knew, to take an example, exactly what the r i t u a l functions of the bronzes and jades were, and there was no necessity i n mentioning them during the d i v i n a t i o n , at l e a s t not i n the written form. It would therefore not be s u r p r i s i n g that we could not f i n d any men-tion of the many objects i n M5 that belonged to Fu Hao i n the Fu Hao-OBI. Thus,no clear correspondence can be found between the material contents of M5 and the oracular records concerning Fu Hao. Relationships of less obvious nature, such as i n the case of the p a r a l l e l between the oracular expressions and the arrangement of large bronzes i n M5, may however be discerned (p.121 above). 156 Notes: VII 1. 259 Fu Hao-OBI are collected i n the Inkyo boku.-ji sorui (Shima 1971:139-141). Wang, Zhang and Yang (1977) have collected another f o r t y i n s c r i p t i o n s not included i n the Shima 1s l i s t i n g above. Most of these are found i n the J i a -guwen h e j i ^ ^ "^-"^ > the index of which has yet to be published. Chang Ping-ch'uan (1982) has pointed out another i n s c r i p t i o n — Cun 1.443. See appendix III (those i n the Jiaguwen he.ji are not included i n the appendix). T h i r t y -one of the Fu Hao-OBI are found i n Yinxu wenzi bingbian $>L ^ They are dis t r i b u t e d i n eighteen plastrons, and the material allows us to look at the i n s c r i p -tions i n the plastron context. The plastrons are : 190,206, 245,247,249,253,255,313,317,334,335,340,384,508,513,514,548 and 549 (see under 'fu hao', i n K. Takashima, annotated, V. Fowler & B. Kpng, compiled, An Annotated Concordance to the  Shang Oracle-Bone Inscriptions, forthcoming). 2. They are (Shima 1958:452-453): Ning 1.491: /V ^ . % t ® • Duo 1.444: ' §L • ^  43- t. lB . Duo 1.444: ^ 41 . Jiabian 668: £j & k % 3L <%flL^ l£r • Yicun 649: ... k £fc>.. . ^  & . Ye 3.43.8: ^ 7^* ^ . ^ & t [B • Chang Ping ch'uan (1982:2) also includes — 157 Notes: VII Cun 1 .443 : ^ ^ Y . • ^  lfi-@f • J s & • 3 . The Li-group mostly consists of buxun h Q 'weekly'-divina-tions (see ch.IV note 9 ) . See Rao 1959:1166-1167 f o r a l i s t i n g of Li-group i n s c r i p t i o n s . 4 . Wang, Zhang and Yang discuss 128 Pu Hao i n s c r i p t i o n s i n th e i r paper. They consider Ning 1.491 and Ye 3 . 4 3 . 8 (see note 2 above) to be datable to OBI Period IV but suggest that these referred to a d i f f e r e n t 'fu hao' from the 'fu hao' of the Period I, to which a l l the remaining -inscriptions should be assigned. The a r t i c l e also discusses the i n s c r i p t i o n s in the h i s t o r i c a l context of the King Wuding period. This was the e a r l i e s t comprehensive study of the Pu Hao inscrip-r tions a f t e r the discovery of M5,and the problem of the L i -group Pu Hao i n s c r i p t i o n s had not been given new considera-t i o n yet. 5. Yan Yiping reduces probable Period IV Fu Hao i n s c r i p t i o n s to only one — Jiabian 668 (see note 2 above), which i s based on an interpretation of the i n s c r i p t i o n as a r i t u a l performed i n honour of the deceased Fu Hao. Yan, however, agrees that there could be no conclusive understanding of the graph<flX.in "the i n s c r i p t i o n (Yan 1982:36 note 2 ),and thus the inte r p r e t a t i o n of the entire l i n e also cannot be 158 Notes; VII conclusive. In the a r t i c l e , Yan has l i s t e d a t o t a l of 253 Fu Hao i n s c r i p t i o n s ; i t i s an important contribution to the comprehensive study of the Fu Hao-related oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . 6. Zhang Zhenglang maintains that the six 'Period I V Fu Hao ins c r i p t i o n s may continue to be considered so. His main argument i s that fu was a rank t i t l e comparable to the s h i fu"t^r-^ i n the Zhouli. Hao, on the other hand, could be a common name shared by many in d i v i d u a l s . The Period I and Period IV 'fu hao' need not ref e r to a single i n d i v i d u a l (see pp.49-50 above). Zhang, however, has not suggested reasons within the study of the OBI i t s e l f ( i . e . , Dong's ten c r i t e r i a f o r dating) why he accepts the Period IV dating of these i n s c r i p t i o n s (1983). 7. Chang Ping-ch'uan l i s t s seven i n s c r i p t i o n s (see note 2 above) thought to be dated to OBI Period IV. Chang comments that these divinations a c t u a l l y lack strong c r i t e r i a f o r dating since they contain neither the di v i n e r s ' nor the ancestors' names, and that Shima and Yan had considered them to be Period IV merely on the basis of .their writing style,which, says Chang, i s the weakest of the_ ten dating c r i t e r i a proposed by Dong (Chang Ping-ch'uan 1982:3). Chang concludes that a l l Fu Hao OBI are datable to Period I. 159 Notes: VII 8. Keightley comments that there i s not a single i n s c r i p t i o n he could f i r m l y date to the OBI Period IV on the basis of the ancestral addresses. A l l Period IV ancestral appella-tions are nonspecific and other datings are always possible (1978 : 107n.62), 9. Other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Period IV OBI include the prefer-ence for bone (but t h i s may r e f l e c t the nature of the sample) (Keightley 1978b: 10 n.32-, 162), a change of the c y c l i c a l ganzhi -^ f" JL format (Ibid.:110 n.81), and a c a l l i g r a p h i c style characterized by Dong as shou.jin -$%J& 'slender gold' (Ibid.:108 n.63). 10. In the event that ancestral addresses may not be f i r m l y used for dating, previous commentators have based th e i r Period IV dating of the Li-group OBI mainly on the preface pattern and c a l l i g r a p h i c s t y l e . There i s , however, a gradual tendency to allow a greater range of c a l l i g r a p h i c styles and d i f f e r e n t preface formats f o r Period I. The recent d i s -covery of the Dui -group i n s c r i p t i o n s at Xiaotun Nandi /h«kj^f) H £ J (Xiao Nan 1976)—the Period I dating of which supported by s t r a t i g r a p h i c a l and a r t i f a c t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n s — contain the 'ganzhi- ' crack -making1 or 'ganzhi-divined 1 preface formats s i m i l a r to those of the Li-group OBI. The Dui-group OBI i t s e l f also incorporates a few d i f f e r e n t 160 Notes: VII writing styles (Qiu 1981:267). A long l i s t of f i f t y - f o u r names—including Pu Hao and Z i Yu — h a s been provided by Qiu Xigui (1981:277-280). As to the problem of whether these could be common or hereditary names r e f e r r i n g to d i f f e r e n t individuals of d i f f e r e n t OBI Periods (as i n the case of 'fu hao' discussed i n c h . I I l ) , Qiu suggests that t h i s i s highly u n l i k e l y because of the unusually large quantity of correspondences. Furthermore, the names are mentioned i n sim i l a r thematic contexts, and their r e l a t i v e importance (in terms of the number of times mentioned) i n the OBI of d i f f e r e n t Diviner-groupings are also s i m i l a r (1981:281). . For^example, there i s an amazing correspondence i n the a c t i v i t i e s of Bi : 161 Notes: VII ft * ft ft ft ft ft I *p T ft . f t -* ft i± t tf? X ^ ^ f * f IT ft <* TT- /4t5 T It *t ft >' //C\ .* *f / / J 7 A ill m. • 3*3 7641 t . K 4'7 B'J 4./4.1 • ftX «n *f *h IE f toil an £ 4 . 7 an ft ft ft • f t ft ft e ft T ft ft ft ft g «J.f #p T ' f *. (El t M 1 ft ft ft £' ft & (04? f T Jf r 0 "J % 4 f -* if *)\ -a-477? \k 15 . — 4-28 < . T « 2 -(Qiu 1981:282). 162 Notes: VII 13. See ch.III note A 1 for an explanation on the constituents of an oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n . Zhen | , i s translated here as 'divined' i n the sense of predicting or making true ( i . e . , to test) some undetermined event or statement. Professor Takashima translates zhen d i r e c t l y as 'tested'. 14. Shang people u t i l i z e d an in c l u s i v e counting system, which i s why i t was thirty-one and not t h i r t y days between Jiashen (21st day) adand J i a y i n (51st day). 15. Other c h i l d b i r t h and pregnancy OBI mentioning Fu Hao take the form of shoushen ^ & and youzi 5£ . Such as Wai 141 (also Nan nan 1.80): "3" V* . §L • ^ 4! 4 L ' i - . 'Dingyou (34th) day crack-making, Bin divined: Fu Hao w i l l be pregnant'. Chen Mengjia explains that shoushen and qiushen may be understood as a pair of r e l a t i v e terms l i t e r a r y meaning 'to receive a c h i l d ' and 'to seek f o r a c h i l d ' , just as i n shounian ^  Jfr- 'to receive harvest' and qiunian 'to seek harvest' (1956:493-494). The qiushen OBI were usually addressed to ( i . e . t to seek the c h i l d from) the s p i r i t s of the Ancestral Mothers (Li Xiaoding 1965:2100). An example of youzi OBI i s Tie 127.1 (also Tong XI 1, An 2.1): k >-R . 'Gengzi (37th) day crack-making, Que divined: Fu Hao w i l l have a c h i l d . Third month'. 163 Notes: VII 16. Based on Yibian 7731 (OBI #2 above), Yibian 4728 (OBI #3 above) and Zhui 98 f o r the g i r l s ; He 405 for the boy. 17. Bafang, Tufang (OBI #6 below), Ren (OBI #7) and Jiang (OBI #11) were a l l opponents of Shang during the Wuding period as mentioned i n the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . See Ch'en 1956:269-291. 18. According to the Shuowen JL, deng ^ (*tsng) means to ascend'. Yang Shuda suggests that when i t i s used i n a m i l i t a r y context, i t would probably be a phonetic loan f o r zheng^jfjl(*ti3ng), which Shuowen explains as 'to summon' (Li Xiaoding 1965:465-467). Epigraphically, deng consists of two hands holding a v e s s e l , suggesting an act of presen-ting. In t h i s i n s c r i p t i o n , deng means to 'raise' men i n the sense of to summon them,probably for m i l i t a r y services. 19. L o n g ^ j ( * l i u n g ) i s used i n the sense of c h o n g 1 improve 1. When used i n the context of i l l n e s s d i v i n a t i o n s , to achieve favorable condition means to improve physically. In the Shi,jing, x 4fy ' m a y be translated as 'we have been favoured and receive i t ' ; M») ^ %JL) 1 may he understood as 'he received the favour of Heaven' (Karlgren 1942:169). 164 VIII Concluding; Remarks The p o s s i b i l i t y of i d e n t i f y i n g a three-thousand year old tomb with an i n d i v i d u a l whose biography we can v i v i d l y draw from contemporaneous di v i n a t i o n records i s highly e x c i t i n g . The present paper has examined the various e v i d e n c e — a r t h i s t o r i c a l , archaeological, palaeographical as well as h i s t o r i c a l — t o the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the tomb owner and/or the date of the tomb. Some of the most important considerations include : the asso-c i a t i o n of 'fu hao' i n the bronze i n s c r i p t i o n s and the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s (p.7 n.2); the coexistence of 'fu hao' and 'xin' i n s c r i p t i o n s i n a single b u r i a l (p.49) and the interpre-t a t i o n of the l a t t e r as a posthumous name of a consort of King Wuding (pp.46 & 60 n.3); the uniform date for a l l e x i s t i n g Fu Hao-OBI (pp.153-154); and, the p o s s i b i l i t i e s to place M5 i n Yinxu Period II i n both a r t h i s t o r i c a l (pp.87-90) and archaeo-l o g i c a l (pp.91, 94-95) considerations. Whereas i t i s suggested that the Fu Hao—Consort Xin—OBI Period I—Yinxu Period II deduction offers the most plausible solution, many questions nevertheless remain open (p.13 n.20). We could anticipate that future studies on Pu Hao would take both the 'horizontal' approach, i.e.,a continuation of the examination on the i d e n t i -f i c a t i o n and date of M5, and the ' v e r t i c a l ' approach, i . e . , in-depth study of the h i s t o r i c a l and anthropological s i g n i f i -cance of the tomb based on a certain established i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and dating. In the present paper I have also discussed other aspects of M5 which r e l a t e to the dating problem i n less d i r e c t 165 manners : the above ground structure and i t s significance (pp.18, 33 n.4, 40 n.24); the examination of bronzes by i n s c r i p t i o n a l grouping (p.84) and problems concerning the coexistence of many bronze 'styles' i n a single i n s c r i p t i o n a l group (pp.84-85, 96, 109 n.17); the regional bronzes and actual physical references (pp. 85 & 123); the Pangeng-Wuding h i s t o r i c a l background (pp.125-128 n.7); and, the p o l i t i c a l aspects of the bronzes (pp.96-99) and of the tomb (pp.29-30, 121-123). I s h a l l now make a synthesis of these discussions taking the s o c i a l - h i s t o r i c a l context of the tomb as the unifying theme. Paul Wheatley has described the p o l i t i c a l structure of the Shang state with reference to the Weberian concept of patrimonialism (1971:57-61; see also Ho 1975:295). The following may be considered as the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p a t r i -monialism : 1. A patrimonial domination i s the decentralization of the domestic authority through assignment of land (and equipment) to sons of the house or other dependents (Max Weber, Economy  and Society, Bedminster e d i t i o n , 1968:1011). 2. A patrimonial state . i s the organization of p o l i t i c a l power over extrapatrimonial areas through the exercise of patr i a r c h a l power (Ibid. :1013). 3. The patrimonial r u l e r ' s powers are legitimate insofar as they are t r a d i t i o n a l (Ibid.:1020). 166 4. Every p o l i t i c a l obligation within patrimonial administra-t i o n had an inherent tendency to turn into an impersonal f i x e d obligation to render contributions r e s t i n g on concrete objects of wealth (Ibid.;1024); a process of t y p i f i c a t i o n (Ibid.:1038). The tributes paid to the patrimonial r u l e r remain l a r g e l y circumscribed by t r a d i t i o n . However, the r u l e r may dare to demand new tributes e s p e c i a l l y when he i s supported by a strong m i l i t a r y force (Ibid.:1015)» 5. P o l i t i c a l administration i s treated as a purely personal a f f a i r of the r u l e r , and p o l i t i c a l power i s considered part of h i s personal property (Ibid.:1029). The patrimonial officialdom i s considered as a personal obligation and service to the r u l e r ( I b i d . ; 1 0 3 0 - 1 0 3 1 ) • Wheatley commented that the p o l i t i c a l e n t i t y i n Late Shang ( i . e . , the Anyang phase) had partaken of the nature of a patrimonial domain, with 'a pervasive combination of t r a d i -tionalism and a r b i t r a r i n e s s ' "as i t s p o l i t i c a l construct (1971:56). However, i t i s also clear that by the Late Shang the a c q u i s i t i o n of large extrapatrimonial t e r r i t o r i e s which could not be governed on the basis of the r u l e r ' s personal resources... had induced an extension of the admini-s t r a t i v e s t a f f , as well as the elaboration of a m i l i t a r y force... there i s abundant evidence that the Shang kings had been forced to delegate authority by granting benefices i n return f o r services (ibid.:57). Weber had also considered an important feature of patrimo-nialism i n the course of i t s development as the r u l e r ' s 167 preservation ' of his power v i s - a - v i s the tendencies toward appropriation on the part of the o f f i c i a l s (1968:1042-1044). Perhaps Pangeng's move of the c a p i t a l may be regarded as an endeavour on the part of the Shang king to safeguard the i n t e g r i t y of h i s domination (pp.125-127 above). The p o l i t i -c a l expansionism under Wuding (p.122) required a highly extensive coercive apparatus i n order to control the vast land i n fragmented locations. Along with t h i s development was the extension of what Wheatley calle d the 'administrative s t a f f (quotation cited above) who would be, at the same time, the benefice holders (p.128). The process of p o l i t i c a l expansionism came hand i n hand with the aggrandization of the power and wealth of the patrimonial o f f i c i a l s , who, according to Weber, usually developed into a status group set off from the ruled (1968:1026). It should be pointed out, however, that the application of the Weberian patrimonial model on Shang has received c r i t i c i s m s . The major d i f f i c u l t y i s that the Shang r u l i n g clan was a c t u a l l y an exogamous one; 'the state power was based on kinship only f i c t i t i o u s l y ' (Chang 1983:127). Because, however, of t h i s phenomenon, many of the c u l t u r a l -i d e o l o g i c a l mechanisms of a patrimonial state were not only true but also more i n t e n s i f i e d . The need f o r a p a t r i a r c h a l coercive power was ever greater. 168 It has been discussed above that the o f f i c e - and kinship-reference of the t i t l e fu i s bundled up i n ways that may not be easy for us to reconstruct (pp.47-49, 57). Some scholars have regarded fu as a kinship designation, i . e . , •wife' (pp.1, 8 n . 3 , 47, 49, 61 n.6) while others have regarded f u as a rank t i t l e (pp.47-48, 61 n.6, 15 8 n.6). In the case of Pu Hao, she was a wife of King Wuding, but she also had her own "military troops (pp.61 n . 6 , 149 n.11) and performed important o f f i c i a l duties (pp.147-149). Fu Hao was a high o f f i c i a l as well as a king's consort. That Fu Hao /was probably a very powerful person p r i o r to her marital association with Wuding i s suggested by the . continued reference to Fu Hao's personal troops i n Wuding's div i n a t i o n s . I t could be that the marriage was a p o l i t i c a l endeavour on the part of King Wuding. We may perceive t h i s i n the context of the patrimonial r u l e r ' s need f o r m i l i t a r y and other services discussed above. Further inferences may be made here on the basis of a d i f f e r e n t category of evidence — that pertaining to a r t hi s t o r y . . F i r s t i s the assembly of bronzes and th e i r i n s c r i p t i o n s i n the tomb of Fu Hao. The M5 bronzes are among the e a r l i e s t appearances of Shang bronzes with i n s c r i p t i o n s . These i n s c r i p t i o n s designated the ownership, of b r o n z e s — i n themselves symbols of p o l i t i c a l authority (pp.98 - 9 9 , 116 n . 3 6 ) — b y high ranking individuals other than 169 the king(pp.46 -57). To the contrary, the bronzes of the l a t t e r would not be inscribed (p.100 n . 2 ) . Bronze i n s c r i p -tions of t h i s early Anyang phase stood apart from the oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s i n that they represented those l e s s  t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l powers i n the process of a s s i m i l a t i o n into the Shang p o l i t i c a l - c u l t u r a l complex. There was every-where the need to symbolically portray this development. The taotie-mask being i n one respect the p o l i t i c a l symbol of Shang (p.9 9 ) , the bronze i n s c r i p t i o n incorporating the superimposition of the 'fu' character (of 'fu hao') with the taotie-mask on the dustpan-shaped object #869 ( p . 4 3 , f i g . 8 v i , pi. 8 ) i s but the most l u c i d graphic i l l u s t r a t i o n of th i s phenomenon. Second i s the consistency i n the motif-formation on the bronzes- as In the Fu Hao-bronzes (pp.84 -85) . It may be said that t h i s tendency toward a certain uniform pattern i n motif-formation implies a s p e c i f i c iconography or symbolism which was associated with the owner of the bronzes i n a 'personalized' manner. This may be regarded as a phenomenon p a r a l l e l to the f u - t a o t i e association above. Motif-formation also. : pertained closer to 'iconography' as opposed to ' s t y l i s t i c q u a l i t i e s ' (see pp. 103 n . 1 1 , 105-106 n.14). It may be said that t h i s pattern i s also a process of t y p i f i c a t i o n (p.166). In the patrimonial p o l i t i c a l environment, th i s would i n i t s e l f be a source of p o l i t i c a l authority. Third i s the placement of large bronzes. I have pointed out the design p r i n c i p l e s behind 170 the arrangement (p.117) and that they might have, to some extent, incorporated the notion of p o l i t i c a l expansionism (pp.121-123). It i s seen i n the oracle hone i n s c r i p t i o n s that Pu Hao a c t i v e l y participated i n m i l i t a r y campaigns (pp.147-148). It i s l i k e l y that the arrangement of bronzes also symbolized - her personal p o l i t i c a l power and a c t i v i t i e s . This art h i s t o r i c a l evidence regarding Fu Hao's authority They probably pertained more ranking o f f i c i a l than to the the king. strengthens the perspective i n and wealth as f a i r l y autonomous, to the f a c t that she was a high f a c t that she was a consort of PLATES 171 172 3. Fu Hao B i r d - s h a p e d Zun #785 1 7 3 4. Fu Hao F l a t - l e g g e d F a n g d i n g #813 174 5. S i Mu X i n F a n g d i n g #789 175 176 8. Fu Hao Dustpan-shaped o b j e c t #869 177 9. S i Mu X i n Square H i g h - l e g g e d V e s s e l #850 10. Pu Hao Ding-shaped V e s s e l #763 179 12. S i Qiao Mu Zun #793 180 14. S i Qiao Mu Fanghu #794 181 182 183 184 18. 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Sources f o r the Figures 1 Fong, ed. 1980:96 2 Ch'en 1956 3 I i Chi 1977:70 4 YXFHM: 2 5 YXFHM: 5 6 Based on author's drawing. 7 YXFHM: 8 8 YXFHM: '> i p 40.1, i i p 48.2, i i i p 48.7, i v p 52.9, v p 54.4, v i p 94.2. 9 YXFHM: i p 37.2, i i p 58.2, i i i p 58.3. 10 YXFHM: i p 60.16, i i p 84.11, i i i p 57.3, i v p 57.5. 11 Kaizuka 1967:112 12 YXFHM: 51 13 YXFHM: 55 14 YXFHM: 61 15 YXFHM: 14 16 YXFHM: 167 17 Ma et a l . 1955:53 A L i Chi 1977:83 B Yu 1957: rubbings n. 256.1 & 256.2 C Ch'en 1954: p i . 43 D Shi 1970 v.1: 380 228 Sources for the Plates 1 YXPHM:pi. 18 2 Wenwu-"1-981: p i . 141 3 YXFHM;colour p i . 7 4 Wenwu 1981:pl. 132 5 Wenwu 1981:pl. 130 6 Wenwu 1981:pl. 157 7 YXFHM ;.pl. 12 8 Wenwu 1981:pl. 195, YXFHM;pi. 63 9 Wenwu 1981:pl. 194 10 YXFHM: p i . 13 11 YXFHM: p i . 20 12 Wenwu 1981:pl. 148 13 YXFHM: p i . 36 14 Wenwu 1981: p i . 151 15 YXFHM:pi. 8 16 Wenwu 1981:pl. 153 17 YXFHM:pi. 28 18 Wenwu 1981:pl. 133 19 Wenwu 1981:pl. 168 20 Wenwu 1981:pl. 169 21 Wenwu 1981:pl. 166 22 Wenwu 1981:pl. 167 23 Wenwu 1981:pi. 164 24 Wenwu 1981:pi. 165 25 Wenwu 1981:pl. 162 26 Wenwu 1981:pl. 163 27 l i & Wan 1972:pi. XLIV 28 L i & Wan 1972:pi. XXI 29 L i & Wan 1972;pl. X 30 Guo Baojun 1951:pl. 16 31 L i & Wan 1972:pl. XIV 32 L i & Wan 1972:pi. XXXII 33 L i & Wan 1972:pi. XLII 34 YXFHM;pi. 86 35 YXFHM;pi. 104 36 YXFHM;pi. 81 37 YXFHM;pi. 84 38 YXFHM:pi. 96 39 YXFHM:pi. 135 40 Kaogu yanjiusuo 1982:pi. 49 41 Kaogu yanjiusuo 1982:pis. 54 & 55 42 YXFHM:pi. 129 43 YXFHM: p i . 174 44 Shi 1973:pi. XXXVIII 45 Shi 1971:pl. XII 46 Liang & G-ao 1974:pl. XLIII 47 Kaogu yanjiusuo 1982:pls. 52 & 53 229 Sources f o r the Oracle Bone Inscriptions  An J3? Henan Anyang yibao Binghian ^jfo Xiaotun: Yinxu wenzi bingbian 'J><4 . J t e * £ ± % i % Bu k Yinqi buci Chen pit Jiaguwen l i n g s h i — * f f x l # Cui y\Sr Yinqi cuibian to t # * Cun Jiagu xucun — f I ft & Duo Zg, Yinqi shiduo Fu a He Yinxu wenzi zhuihe Hou - f t Yinxu shuqi houbian Jiabian Xiaotun: Yinxu wenzi j i a b i a n Jian ^ % Jianshoutang suocang Yinxu wenzi H $ J i n Jinzhang suocane; jiagu buci & $ ft *i H - h Jing ,?v Zhanhou Jing J i n xinhuo i i a g u j i *>? 1k 14 * t * n i Jinghua -•§- i)r Yinxu shuqi jinghua Ku Fang ershi cang„jiagu buci L i n yfot Kikko... jukotsu monji 230 Ling VJ^ Tieyun canggui l i n g s h i l i t L i u 7"v Jiagu l i u l u Ming Yinxu buci Nan (%> Zhanhou Nanbei suojian jiagulu Ning Zhanhou Nine Hu xinhuo j i a g u j i Sian ft T ^ s ^ q ^ a „ Ren A Kyoto daigaku jimbun kagaku kenkyujo zo kokotsu monji .- " _ _ -Ye Yez Tian 7^  Tianrangge jiagu wencun Tie Tieyun canggui Tong ig[ Buci tongzuan Wai 7 [ Yinxu wenzi waibian s Wen X Jiagu wenlu Xu Yinxu shuqi xubian hong pianyu Yi •Qi Yinxu .yizhu Yibian i|p Xiaotun: Yinxu wenzi yibian n <K «. » fe % -z ^  z, Yicun 4$- J^, Yinqi yicun 2-3-1 -Zhui Jiagu zhuihe Man a * & 232 Appendix I A C o l l a t e r a l Table of Shane; Periodization Schemes YINXU -PERIODS OBI PERIODS'?' HOUSE-I (Zou) (IA) (Dong) Sch - (Shi) P a n g e n g ^ T J j ^ Xiaoxin /h ^ Xiaoyi Wuding ^ "J Zugeng 4&-Z u j i a 4jL*^ Linxin ^ 5^. Kangding "T Wuyi ^ ZJ Wenwuding D i y i ^ ZJ Dixin ^ II III IV (early) TlateT II III IV II III IV V 0 N 0 N J i a Y i B i n g J 233 Appendix II An Index f o r the Bronze Vessels i n YINXU FU HAO MU ( a r t i f a c t number, description i n YXFHM page number, reproduction i n YXFHM plate number (c = colour plate)) # p i . # Pi 317 70 34 652 . 86 318 56 22 653 85 320 56 22 654 86 56 327 63 27 655 86 57 601 74 42 656 85 55 602 75 43 657 86 603 74 42 658 86 604 75 43 659 89 605 75 43 660 89 56 607 85 53 661 86 609 82 53 662 85 55 610 82 52 663 89 611 75 43 664 85 55 612 77 48 665 88 58 613 85 53 666 89 614 77 49 667 88 58 615 77 49 668 88 58 616 85 53 669 89 617 77 49 670 89 58 618 75 44 674 86 619 75 675 86 621 75 44 677 86 56 622 82 52 678 86 624 82 679 86 57 625 77 48 680 86 55 626 82 51 681 86 627 82 51 682 88 628 78 683 85 54 629 77 46 684 88 630 82 50 685 86 56 631 78 49 686 86 633 75 45 687 86 57 634 77 47 689 86 637 82 51 742 91 639 75 45 743 89 640 75 45 744 89 642 75 45 745 89 643 82 51 746 91 644 77 47 747 89 648 77 47 748 91 650 77 46 749 89 16 651 86 57 750 49 # P» P1-751 69 35 752 67 33 753 42 10 754 42 09 755 42 756 41 06 757 42 758 42 759 42 09 760 42 02c 761 42 08 762 42 07 763 44 13 764 49 05c 765 66 30 767 46 15 768 44 03c 769 44 03c 770 44 03c 775 43 11 776 44 12 777 92 61 778 66 05c 779 63 26 781 70 38 782 70 38 783 73 41 784 56 24 785 59 07c 789 34 01c 790 44 03c 791 50 06c 792 53 08 c 793 56 21 794 64 08 c 795 64 28 796 66 29 797 46 14 798 . 73 40 802 59 26 803 59 09c 804 42 10 805 67 31 806 55 20 807 64 23 808 38 05 809 38 03 810 74 811 91 11c 812 38 04 234 _#_ p i . 813 38 02c 814 42 07 815 42 08 816 42 10 817 44 818 43 11 819 43 11 820 82 50 821 38 06 823 53 18 824 71 40 825 53 19 827 77 47 828 53 19 829 66 31 830 66 29 831 43 11 832 49 16 833 49 16 834 38 04 835 44 12 836 44 12 837 73 41 838 73 41 843 64 27 845 68 34 848 50 17 849 53 18 850 92 62 851 50 17 852 92 63 853 92 10c 854 68 33 855 67 10c 856 67 32 857 69 . 36 858 71 39 859 70 39 860 70 35 861 70 37 862 56 23 863 64 28 864 46 15 865 49 15 866 67 32 867 56 21 868 56 20 869 92 63 870 49 04c 1150 44 12 235 # - P J L p i . 1163 59 25 1173 44 13 1197 70 37 1579 85 54 236 Appendix III An Index f o r the Fu Hao Oracle Bone Inscriptions (See Sources for the Oracle Bone Inscriptions for abbrevia-tions") An Fu 2.1 111,112,113,115,116 Bingbian He (see p.156 n.1) 185, 275, 286, 315, 405 Bu Hou 181 , 579 xia" 11.8, 22.7 Cui Jiahian 1226, 1227, 1228, 1229, 1230, 668, 944, 2024, 3480, 3686 1231, 1232, 1233 Jian Cun 8.12 1,48, .317, .820, .1015, -.1016, .1019, .1020, .1021, 34.16 .1022, .1023, .1032, .1034, .1062, .1443, .1457, 35.1, .2, .3 2.66, .210, .452, .450, .454 J i n Duo 709 1.226, .296, .444, .535, .543, 2,118 Jing 796, 1349, 1977, 1978, 1980, 1981, 1982, 1983, 1984, 1985, 237 1986, 1987, 1988, 1990, 1991, N l n e 2035, 2046 & Jinghua 9.6 Ku 207, 237, 260, 310, 475, 503, 578, 1020, 1517, 1701, i Lin 1.20.11, .21.3, .21.10, .22.11, .23.6, 2.5.8 Liu 62, 115, 116, 117, 1.491, .492, .493, 2.13 Qian 1.38.2, .43.4, 4.38.1, 5.12.3, 6.5.6, .6.3, .8.5, .27.5, 7.18.4, .27.4, .30.4 Ren 465, 992 Tian 88, 89 Ming 274, 1778, 2361 Nan cheng 28 fang 3.85, .88 ming 243, 244 nan 1.80 2.140, .141 wu 116 Tie 45.1, 72.1, 92.3, 112.1, 113.4, 123.2, 123.4, 127.1, 130.4, 136.2, 170.2, 204.3, 206.3, 224. 1 , 229. 1 , 261.1 Tong IIIA, VI12, XI1 Wai 141 238" Xu 3.39.2 4.29.1, .2, .3, .4, 4.30.1, .2, .3, .4, .5, .6, 5.12.3, .18.6, .18.2, .29.3 Ye 2.36.10, 3.43.8 Yi 7, 168, 523, 524, 527, 620, 773, 1325 Yibian 870, 961, 2004, 2214, 2274, 2586, 2759, 2935, 2948, 2950, 3164, 3383, 3401, 4098, 4551, 4626, 4729, 4951, 5086, 5192, 5456, 5953, 6170, 6273, 6310, 6425, 6453, 6512, 6691, 6929, 7040, 7143, 7163, 7731, 7782, 7799, 8344 Yicun 92, 506, 527, 556, 649 Zhui 4, 42, 98, 99 

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