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The tomb of Fu hao Kwok, Kian-Chow 1984

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THE TOMB OF FU HAO By KIM-CHOW KWOK B.F.A., Nova S c o t i a C o l l e g e of Art.and  Design, 1 9 8 1  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of F i n e A r t s )  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to \he r e q u i r e d  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA January 1 9 8 4 © K i a n - c h o w Kwok, 1 9 8 4  In p r e s e n t i n g  t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of  requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the  the  University  o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make it  f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference  and  study.  I  further  agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may  be  department o r by h i s o r her  granted by  the head o f  representatives.  my  It i s  understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain  s h a l l not be  allowed without my  permission.  Department o f  Fine  AT»t.a  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date  DE-6  (3/81)  7 February  1984  Columbia  written  Abstract  A f u l l y i n t a c t Shang Dynasty Anyang phase (c.1300-1100  B.C.)  t o m b — X i a o t u n M5 or b e t t e r known as the tomb of Fu Hao—was discovered 1976.  i n the Anyang r e g i o n of Henan p r o v i n c e ,  China i n  Although only a 'medium' s i z e b u r i a l by Shang  the huge q u a n t i t y  standards,  of y i e l d e d grave goods i s unprecedented i n  Shang archaeology.  The i n s c r i p t i o n  ' f u hao' i s seen on  about h a l f of the 210 r i t u a l bronze v e s s e l s from the tomb, and  t h i s same name may be seen i n the contemporaneous  d i v i n a t i o n records  (the o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s ) c o l l e c t e d  i n other Shang s i t e s . occupant of M5.  I t i s thus  p o s s i b l e to i d e n t i f y the  Another bronze i n s c r i p t i o n from the tomb,  ' s i mu x i n ' , f u r t h e r suggests that Fu Hao was one of the consorts  of the Shang k i n g Wuding.  Many s c h o l a r s have  commented on aspects of t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and the date of the tomb.  This thesis incorporates  a synthesis  of the  d i s c u s s i o n s a l o n g with d e s c r i p t i o n s of the tomb and i t s coriTelits.  The a r c h a e o l o g i c a l , a r t h i s t o r i c a l and  m a t e r i a l s and t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e sections.  are  palaeographical  : considered  i n separate  An annotated t r a n s l a t i o n of s e l e c t e d Fu Hao-  r e l a t e d o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s i s i n c l u d e d .  In a d d i t i o n ,  a chapter i s given to a new d i s c u s s i o n on the placement of large vessels and  i n the tomb —  significance.  i t s spatial  design p r i n c i p l e s  The tomb of Fu Hao o f f e r s a r a r e  f o r us to d i s c e r n p a r a l l e l s i n the V a r i o u s  opportunity  complementary  iii  c u l t u r a l subsystems of Shang, such as the o r a c u l a r language and the bronze a r t , i n a r e l a t i v e l y  enclosed  context.  the c o n c l u s i o n , the Weberian model of p a t r i m o n i a l i s m i s employed to propose a p e r s p e c t i v e of the tomb and i t s content i n a c u l t u r a l - p o l i t i c a l  context.  In  iv  Contents Abstract L i s t of Figures L i s t of P l a t e s Acknowledgement  i i v vi v i i  I Introduction 1 Notes 7 II D e s c r i p t i o n of the Tomb 18 Notes 32 I I I The I n s c r i p t i o n s 42 Hao 46 Xin 50 Qiao 53 Other I n s c r i p t i o n s 55 Notes 59 IV The Bronze V e s s e l s . 70 Art H i s t o r i c a l Dating 86 Archaeological Dating 91 Concerning the Meaning of Shang Bronzes 96 Notes 100 V The Placement of Large Vessels...117 Notes 124 VI Other Mortuary Goods 130 Notes 139 VII Fu Hao i n the Oracle Bone Inscriptions ...141 Childbirth 145 O f f i c i a l Duties 147 General Welfare 149 Exorcism and Other R i t u a l s 151 Notes 156 V I I I Concluding Remarks 164 Plates Bibliography Sources f o r the F i g u r e s Sources f o r the P l a t e s Sources f o r the Oracle Bone Inscriptions Appendix I Appendix I I Appendix I I I  171 210 227 228229 232' 233 236  V  L i s t of F i g u r e s 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 A B C D  Map of E a s t e r n China Map of the Anyang Region Map of E x c a v a t i o n S i t e s a t Xiaotun L o c a t i o n of M5 ' S t r a t i g r a p h y o f the M5 S i t e The B a s i c S t r u c t u r e of the Fu Hao Tomb Plan of M5 The Fu Hao I n s c r i p t i o n s The S i Mu X i n and. S i Qiao Mu Inscriptions The Z i Shu Quan and Ya I n s c r i p t i o n s Bronze V e s s e l Shapes The Fu Hao D u a l - f a n g y i The Fu Hao Bird-shaped Zun The S i Mu X i n Gong The Placement of Large V e s s e l s Rubbings of M5 Jades Rubbings of Dasikong Cun Jades The Royal Cemetery a t Xibeigang The Fu Nu I n s c r i p t i o n s The S i Mu Wu I n s c r i p t i o n Bronzes From X i a o t u n M238 1  1  20 21 22 23 24 25 26 43 44 45 72 74 76 78 118 133 134 16 :59 63 113  vi  list 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48  of P l a t e s Fu Hao 'Dual'-fangyi #791 Fu Hao F o u r - p i e c e Yan-set #790,786, 769,770 Fu Hao Bird-shaped Zun #785 Fu Hao F l a t - l e g g e d Fangding #813 S i Mu X i n Fangding F/89 S i Mu X i n Four-legged Gong #803 Small Ding #836 Fu Hao Dustpan-shaped Object #869 S i Mu X i n Square High-legged V e s s e l #850 Fu Hao Ding-shaped V e s s e l #763 S i Qiao Mu Gui Fangzun #806 S i Qiao Mu Zun #793 S i Qiao Mu J i a #857 S i Qiao Mu Fanghu #794 Fu Hao Ding #815 & 761 Fu Hao Bu~?830 Fu Hao Hu #863 Ya B i Ding #808 Fu Hao Gu Fu Hao Gu Ya Q l Gu Fu Hao Gu Shu Quan Jue Shu Quan Jue S i Qiao Mu Jue Fu Hao Jue X i a o t u n M331 You #R2066 X i b e i g a n g M10OT'Bu #R 11021 X i b e i g a n g M1005 Yu #R1089 Wuguan Cun M1 You and Gui X i a o t u n M238 F a n g y i #R20"b"7 X i a o t u n M238 Hu #R2074 X i a o t u n M238 You #R2065 B i - j a d e s From M5 Que-jades From M5 Cong-jades From M5 Gui-jades From M5 Huang-jades From M5 Jade T i g e r s From M5 Jade B i r d s From M5 J a d e " B i r d s From M5 Jade Human F i g u r e s From M5 S i Mu X i n Stone Ox Jades From X i a o t u n M232 Jades From X i a o t u n M164 Jades From X i b e i g a n g M1550 Jade Duck From X i a o t u n F10 Jade B i r d From X i a o t u n M53  171 171 172 173 174 175 175 176 177 177 178 179 178 180 181 182 183 184 185 185 186 186 187 187 188 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 209  vii Acknowledgement I wish to thank, f i r s t a teacher who  of a l l , P r o f e s s o r James C a s w e l l ,  i s able to maintain  t h a t d e l i c a t e balance  l i s t e n i n g p a t i e n t l y to e v e r y t h i n g the student has and a t the same time has a m a s t e r l y way teachings f i l t e r  through.  Richard Pearson who Takashima who  of l e t t i n g h i s  archaeology,  and  Ken-ichi  Chinese palaeography and helped  t r a n s l a t e the Fu Hao-oracle  bone i n s c r i p t i o n s  responsible f o r " a l l mistakes). would not have been p o s s i b l e . Qiu X i g u i and  say,  I a l s o wish to thank P r o f e s s o r s  taught me  taught me  to  of  me  (I am  Without them t h i s t h e s i s I want a l s o to thank P r o f e s s o r s  Zou Heng of Peking U n i v e r s i t y , Hu Houxuan of  Chinese Academy of S c i e n c e , and U r s u l a F r a n k l i n of U n i v e r s i t y of  Toronto.  Fu Hao  p r e c i o u s o p p o r t u n i t i e s to d i s c u s s  with them d u r i n g t h e i r v i s i t s  Wonyoung Koh, Ms.  I have had  Ms.  to Vancouver.  Masako Watanabe, Mr.  Vernon Fowler  Mr. and  Pau Yen Yong have made v a l u a b l e comments and helped  many ways.  in  1  I Introduction  When Xiaotun /J-^Tomb Number Five'' was the i n i t i a l  excitement  expressed  the most w e l l - p r e s e r v e d  Shang tomb with a tremendous wealth  of grave goods  unforeseen  the f i f t y - y e a r h i s t o r y of Shang a r c h a e o l o g y — w a s  correspondence of the i n s c r i p t i o n  'fu hao  1  the  Jfy seen on  more than one hundred bronze o b j e c t s i n the tomb with same 'fu hao'  1976,  among r e s e a r c h e r s — o t h e r  than the r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t t h i s was  in  discovered i n  the  seen among some three hundred Shang o r a c l e 2  bone i n s c r i p t i o n s  found  outside t h i s tomb  .  T h i s l e d to  the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the tomb m i s t r e s s as the lady Fu b e l i e v e d to be a. consort of King Wuding ^ a c t i v i t i e s i n the t w e l f t h century B.C.  1 ^.  Hao,  Fu Hao's  could perhaps be  d e l i n e a t e d through the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of these o r a c l e r e c o r d s . It  seemed t h a t Shang S t u d i e s was  on the verge of a great  advancement as t h i s unprecedented a s s o c i a t i o n of a group of  a r c h a e o l o g i c a l remains with a s p e c i f i c i n d i v i d u a l opened  great p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r h i s t o r i c a l and a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l researches. The r e p o r t s on the e x c a v a t i o n of the Fu Hao I n s t i t u t e of Archaeology  the  (Kaogu y a n j i u s u o ) of the Chinese  Academy of S o c i a l Sciences f i r s t and Kaogu xuebao 1977/2.5  tomb by  appeared i n Kaogu 1977/3  Yinxu Fu Hao  mu  % ^ ^ , ^ ^ \ - %  ( h e r e a f t e r : YXFHM), the monograph on the tomb was  published  2  i n 1980.  The p o s i t i o n of the i n s t i t u t e , as represented by  these r e p o r t s and the w r i t i n g s of i t s members (Kaogu 1977b; Zheng & Chen 1981; Zheng 1982a, 1982b), i s to accept the above a t t r i b u t i o n t h a t the tomb belonged to the Fu Hao was a consort of King Wuding.  who  As Wuding was one of the  e a r l i e r Shang r u l e r s a t the new Anyang J£ ^  capital  , the  acceptance of t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n i m p l i e s t h a t the tomb may be dated to the e a r l i e r segment of the Anyang phase of Shang o  civilization  .  T h i s has profound s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the  i n t e r n a l p e r i o d i z a t i o n of the Anyang c u l t u r e as w e l l as the understanding of the nature of c u l t u r a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a t the i n i t i a t i o n of the Anyang phase.  Chang Kwang-chih i n  h i s comprehensive study, Shang C i v i l i z a t i o n , f o r i n s t a n c e , has chosen to use t h i s tomb as a marker f o r the e a r l y stage of 'dynastic Shang' occupation a t Anyang.  q  In the t r a d i t i o n of the western a r t h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s on Shang bronzes, Max Loehr's F i v e - s t y l e s e q u e n t i a l scheme (1953, 1968) has been the most i n f l u e n t i a l s i n c e the excav a t i o n s a t Zhengzhou J^f?  i n the 1950s more or l e s s a f f i r m e d 10  h i s S t y l e s I , I I and I I I .  On the other hand, s i n c e  Styles  IV and V are apparent among the bronzes unearthed from the 11 Fu Hao tomb  , d a t i n g the tomb to e a r l y Anyang would, however,  imply t h a t these l a t e r s t y l e s a l l  occurred a t about the same  time or a t most w i t h i n a v e r y s h o r t span of time.  Tightly  k n i t t e d to t h i s problem i s the nature of the Zhengzhou-  3  Anyang c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i o n .  Sometimes known as the 'Bo-  Ao'debate', the o p i n i o n s on the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Zhengzhou has been s p i l t between Bo 3 ^ , ( f i r s t Shang c a p i t a l ) and ( a l s o known as Xiao ^ ,  Aof%k^,  second Shang c a p i t a l ) ( A n Zhimin 1961;  L i u 1961; Zou 1978; An J i n h u a i 1981; Yang Yubin 1982).  David  K e i g h t l e y went as f a r as suggesting that Zhengzhou was perhaps not a Shang but e a r l i e r occupation (1983:525).  One  p o i n t a l l r e s e a r c h e r s agreed upon was the wide time-gap between the two c u l t u r e s , which i s a l s o confirmed by a v a i l 13 a b l e r a d i o c a r b o n dates  .  A r e c e n t a r t h i s t o r i c a l study by  James Caswell has drawn a c l e a r c o n t r a s t between  'Zhengzhou  s t y l e ' bronzes and 'Anyang s t y l e ' bronzes, s u g g e s t i n g t h a t they were governed by d i s t i n c t modes of a e s t h e t i c value (1982;4~5).  I t may be f u r t h e r suggested t h a t the f o r m a l  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n Zhengzhou and Anyang bronzes p o s s i b l y r e f l e c t e d some v a r i e d f u n c t i o n s i n the s o c i a l subsystems of the r e s p e c t i v e c u l t u r e s .  T h i s could be an important guide-  l i n e i n our r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the F i v e - s t y l e s . Styles I-II-III  Separating  (Zhengzhou) on the one hand, and IV-V  (Anyang) on the other hand, the next immediate problem i s the i n t e r n a l sequence of each c l u s t e r .  The s i g n i f i c a n c e of  the date of the Fu Hao tomb i n t h i s context i s e v i d e n t . The e a r l y date of the Fu Hao tomb does not only f i n d  itself  at odds with Loehr's bronze scheme; i t a l s o has d i f f i c u l t i e s fitting  i n t o Zou Heng's comprehensive a r t i f a c t u a l  chronology,  4  I^L^  Yinxu wenhua f e n q i 1977; Hao  Thorp  1982).  3  ^  (  Z o u  In the subsequent  14  1  964;  L i Xueqin  years a f t e r the Fu  tomb d i s c o v e r y , r e v i s i o n s to the scheme have been pro-  posed 1982).  (YXFHM; Zheng 1982a; Zheng & Chen 1981; ^  bronzes.  Yang Xizhang  The most problematic category i s a g a i n , the Those from the Fu Hao  tomb seemed more  advanced  than t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s i n most other Anyang b u r i a l s . such, i t i s d i f f i c u l t  to conceive of the Fu Hao  b e i n g e a r l i e r i n date.  tomb as  On the other hand, Fu Hao  f o r a re-examination of our own  As  tomb c a l l s  conceptions of the form-  16 sequence of Shang bronzes.  While  o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s o f f e r e d c l u e s to the  f i c a t i o n of the occupant and the date of the Fu Hao  identitomb,  c h a l l e n g e s to the e a r l y Anyang date a l s o came from w i t h i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and chronology of the bone i n s c r i p t i o n s 17 themselves.  F i r s t , there was  the s u g g e s t i o n t h a t some of  the Fu Hao r e l a t e d i n s c r i p t i o n s , about s i x of them, should be dated to l a t e r Anyang: OBI P e r i o d IV (Kaogu 1977b: Qiu, Zou, L i , and Gao Ming). one Fu Hao  There could t h e r e f o r e be more than  l i v i n g i n d i f f e r e n t time p e r i o d s .  q u e s t i o n was  whether 'fu hao' was  been suggested t h a t  The  a p e r s o n a l name.  next I t has  'fu hao' meant 'lady from the Z i \- c l a n '  and could thus be a g e n e r a l i z e d a p p e l l a t i o n or even a c o l l e c t i v e name (Kaogu 1977b:Qiu; Chang 1980:89; Zhang 1982,1983;Kane 1982).  Zhenglang  I f t h i s were the case, e-ven i f a l l e x i s t i n g  5  Fu Hao r e l a t e d o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s could "be dated to the time of King Wuding suggested  (OBI P e r i o d I ) — w h i c h was  later  (Qiu 1981; Chang Ping-ch'Man 1 9 8 2 ) — t h e r e  was no  compelling reason t h a t the ' f u hao' i n o r a c l e "bone was i d e n 19 tical  to the ' f u hao' on the M5 "bronzes.  'The present i s s u e i s not to use the t r a d i t i o n a l  oracle  "bone p e r i o d i z a t i o n to confirm the date of M5, on the cont r a r y , the d i s c o v e r y of M5 h e l p s us to r e s o l v e some l o n g s t a n d i n g problems i n the o r a c l e bone p e r i o d i z a t i o n ' : comment made by L i Xueqin  this  (Kaogu 1977b:345) may indeed be  a p p l i e d to the bronzes as w e l l as the o v e r a l l d a t i n g of Shang b u r i a l s and a r t i f a c t s .  We have thus gone one round  and are back to our s t a r t i n g p o i n t a g a i n . for  Not q u i t e so,  L i ' s comments a n t i c i p a t e d the g r e a t progress  made i n  Shang S t u d i e s i n the post-M5 years d e s p i t e the many f r u s t r a t i o n s i n v o l v e d i n s o l v i n g t h e , by now,  c l a s s i c a l puzzle  20 of  Fu Hao.  A study of the Fu Hao tomb has to i n c l u d e the  many areas of Shang S t u d i e s : a r t h i s t o r y , archaeology and palaeography.  The tomb of Fu Hao becomes, i n a sense, a  problem-orientated i n t r o d u c t i o n to Shang a r t and archaeology. The complexity of the Fu Hao problem i s i t s e l f an i n d i c a t o r 22 of the s t a t e of the Shang s c h o l a r s h i p .  The main tasks of the p r e s e n t paper are to f i r s t d e s c r i b e the tomb of Fu Hao and i t s c o n t e n t s , then to make a s y n t h e s i s  6  of the s c h o l a r l y l i t e r a t u r e on the Fu Hao significance bronzes and  .  S p e c i a l emphasis w i l l be  their signicicance  .  far  as  I am  I t w i l l be  aware, has  placed  on  tomb and  i t s i m p l i c a t i o n which,  not been brought out f o r d i s c u s s i o n .  suggested t h a t although s t r u c t u r a l l y the  a rectangular  bly  denotes i t s c l o s e conceptual r e l a t i o n s h i p with  tomb  p i t , the arrangement of grave goods p o s s i -  l a r g e r cross-shaped X i b e i g a n g i s i n turn discussed  J-&  tombs.^  i n r e l a t i o n to the  of the f o u r - c a r d i n a l or q u i n c u n c i a l which found i t s e x p r e s s i o n s not ment but  the  of the placement of bronzes  was  ception  their  I wish a l s o to propose a  h y p o t h e s i s concerning the p a t t e r n i n the wooden chamber of the  problem and  pattern  of  the  This  con-  augmentation organization  only i n p h y s i c a l arrange-  a l s o i n Shang o r a c u l a r nomenclature: the  notions  24-  of the  'Four D i r e c t i o n s ' .  of the Fu Hao  General s i g n i f i c a n c e and  tomb w i l l be d i s c u s s e d  i n the  impact  conclusion.  7 Notes: I 1. Xiaotun i s the name of a s m a l l v i l l a g e about three km west of the town of Anyang.  north-  'Anyang' i n the present paper  r e f e r s to the l a r g e r a r e a a l o n g both banks of the Huan >S R i v e r w i t h i n which Shang a r c h a e o l o g i c a l remains have been e x t e n s i v e l y found  ( f i g . 2).  The  Anyang r e g i o n i s l o c a t e d  i n the p r o v i n c e of Henan ( f i g . 1 ) .  Archaeological s i t e s i n  the r e g i o n are f u r t h e r i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r modern l o c a t i o n names, such as X i a o t u n , Xibeigang and F i v e i s a l s o a b b r e v i a t e d as M5  so on.  (or Xiaotun  Tomb Number  M5).  2. These are d i v i n a t i o n r e c o r d s which were carved on some one hundred thousand s c a p u l a and bone i n s c r i p t i o n s  little  contexts out of them.  and  The  tomb of Fu Hao  see Chou 1980.  and  i s highly signicorrespondence  the o r a c l e b o n e - i n s c r i p t i o n s .  d u c t i o n to the OBI  graphs and  ground f o r us to d i s c e r n p a t t e r n s  f i c a n t p r e c i s e l y because of t h i s unusual the bronze-  oracle  I n s c r i p t i o n s were a l s o c a s t on  but they u s u a l l y c o n s t i t u t e d v e r y few  thus provide  The  (OBI) are about the only Shang l i t e r a r y  source a v a i l a b l e to us. bronzes  p l a s t r o n fragments.  For an  of intro-  K e i g h t l e y 1978b p r o v i d e s  a more d e t a i l e d e x p l a n a t i o n as w e l l as e v a l u a t e s the OBI a source Chinese  of Shang h i s t o r y .  as  For a h i s t o r i c a l survey of the  s c h o l a r s h i p on the OBI,  l a t i o n of t h i s book, F i f t y Years  see Dong 1955;  English trans-  of Studies i n Oracle  Inscrip-  t i o n s , by the Centre f o r E a s t A s i a n C u l t u r a l S t u d i e s , Tokyo:  8  Notes: I 1964.  F o r a survey of post-1949  see Wang 1981.  Chinese s t u d i e s on the OBI  Chang 1983 p r o v i d e s an e v a l u a t i o n of the  OBI as an a s p e c t of the complex p o l i t i c a l  c u l t u r e of Shang.  (1933).  l a t e r advocated by s c h o l a r s such as Hu Houxuan  (1944).  See f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n s under Hao i n c h . I I I .  Two l e v e l s of q u e s t i o n s are i n v o l v e d here. The f i r s t  relates  the  necessary correspondence of the same ' f u hao  the  M5 bronzes and on the OBI as r e f e r r i n g to the same  individual.  A problem which i s i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d  d a t i n g of those OBI mentioning  of the date of second  i n v o l v e s the 'content' of the Fu H a o - i n s c r i p t i o n s . can  we  interpret  t a i n t y and how much can  Listed  level  To what  them with a f a i r amount of c e r we t e l l about the biography of  Fu Hao from them (see c h . V I l ) . d a t e , see note  to the  1  (discussed throughout the present paper).The  extent  seen on  ' f u h a o ( t h e Fu H a o - i n s c r i p -  t i o n s ) as w e l l as the v e r y complex problem M5  1  For the t w e l f t h c e n t u r y -  13 below.  i n the b i b l i o g r a p h y as Kaogu 1977a and Kaogu y a n j i u -  suo 1977.  See a l s o Kaogu 1977b which i s the proceedings of  an important conference on the tomb of Fu Hao h e l d i n J u l y 1977.  Many b a s i c q u e s t i o n s on the tomb were p o i n t e d out  9  Notes; I d u r i n g the questions past few  conference, and  a c t i v e debates surrounding these  have been t a k i n g place without c e s s a t i o n i n the years.  The  tomb  of Fu Hao  most important t o p i c s i n the Shane; C i v i l i z a t i o n h e l d  a l s o became one  I n t e r n a t i o n a l Conference  i n Honolulu, September  6. Reviewed by Robert Thorp (1982) and  7. According  to the  which was  Guben zhushu  included  (Dong 1945 reigned  p t . 1, v. 4, pp.  11-12).  i n a l l Zhou h i s t o r i c a l t e x t s chronologies  Keightley  (see appendix I ) .  The  The  f o u r t h k i n g , Wuding,  this information ( i b i d . : 11b).  i s consistent  For d i f f e r e n t  of these kings  1978b:appendix  phase, Zhengzhou (or E r l i g a n g  see  Ch'en  4.  earlier  > %  it) ), and  Anyang (or Y i n ^ ^ , a l s o known as Yinxu ^  a later  phase,  ' the r u i n s of  Both the Zhengzhou and Anyang s i t e s are b e l i e v e d  be Shang c a p i t a l s .  The  and  year of r e i g n ) ,  8. Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n i s g e n e r a l l y segmented i n t o an  Yin').  years  — l a s t e d about f o r t y - f i v e years  f o r f i f t y - n i n e years:  1955b:73-74 and  the  kings—PangengJ^j(who  three Anyang  X i a o y i ^ 7^  approaches to the  ^  ( i . e . , Anyang) l a s t e d f o r 273  moved h i s c a p i t a l to Y i n i n h i s f o u r t e e n t h X i a o x i n Jv l£y and  1982.  (1982).  IP)Yinbenji  the r e i g n s of twelve kings  r e i g n s of the f i r s t  on  jinian  quoted i n the Shi.ji  Shang c a p i t a l a t Y i n  L i Boling  of the  to  Anyang phase i s a l s o o f t e n known as  10  Notes: I •Late Shang >  »  w  (Soper 1966).  1  a  Another bronze age  P r e v i o u s l y considered  s  Y i n 1983).  See  note  Erlitou  to be Shang but  g e n e r a l l y accepted as pre-Shang, p o s s i b l y X i a 20;  site,  is  (Chang  1983:  13 below f o r a d i s c u s s i o n on  r e l a t i v e chronology of Zhengzhou and  Anyang.  Fong, ed.  jades,  Beginnings of the Bronze Age'  in  1980:69-77.  9. Chang b e l i e v e s t h a t the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l data of the s i t e may  the  For a b r i e f  i n t r o d u c t i o n to the E r l i t o u c u l t u r e , i t s bronzes and see Robert Bagley, 'The  now  be d i v i d e d i n t o the  t i c ' periods.  'The  'pre-dynastic'  and  dynastic period at Xiaotun  where i n Anyang) saw  Xiaotun  the  'dynas-  (and  else-  the q u a l i t a t i v e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n  s i t e from a moderate-size  settlement  of  into a royal c a p i t a l  f e a t u r i n g the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l appearance of three new house f o u n d a t i o n s of major p r o p o r t i o n s i n s c r i b e d o r a c l e bones, and  of the f i r s t  three  ("palace  tombs so l a r g e and  warrant a " r o y a l " d e s i g n a t i o n '  the  foundations"), r i c h as  (Chang 1980:86).  kings a t Anyang s t i l l  phenomena:  The  cannot be  to  period  specifi-  c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d with c e r t a i n t y i n the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l  records.  The  repre-  tomb of Fu Hao,  on the other hand, may  sent the Wuding p e r i o d . be regarded as  The  be used to  pre-Wuding d y n a s t i c  period  may  'a p r e f a t o r y appendage of the Wuding period  u n t i l proven otherwise by f u t u r e a r c h a e o l o g i c a l f i n d s ' ( I b i d . : 87).  11  Notes: I 10. For a d e t a i l e d e x p l a n a t i o n the the Loehr's bronze scheme see under A r t H i s t o r i c a l D a t i n g , ch.IV of the present paper. The b e s t c o l l e c t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c a l l y excavated Zhengzhou bronzes i s found i n Henan chutu Shangzhou q i n g t o n g q i it', i - "fe ft % $h 1980  , plates  12-129 (Wenwu 1981).  f^) See Chang  ch.5 f o r a survey study of the Zhengzhou s i t e .  11. There are a l s o some S t y l e  I I I examples from M5,  t i n y f a n g d i n g #834 (YXFHM p i . 4 ) .  such as the  However the Anyang S t y l e  I I I should be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the Zhengzhou S t y l e I I I . See d i s t i n c t i o n s drawn by James C a s w e l l , p. 90 below.. . ...  12. Because we  are d e a l i n g w i t h a ' s t y l i s t i c sequence'  assuming  the bronzes of the two c u l t u r a l phases as h a v i n g an e v o l u t i o n a r y f o r m a l continuum.  See pp.86-87 below.  13. Some a v a i l a b l e carbon-14 dates  (Chang 1980:371):  l a b number C-14 Years B . f . C-14 Years B.P. (based on 5730) (based on 5570) Anyang X i a o t u n Shang Royal tomb:  Years B.C. (calibrated)  ZK-86  2978+90  1280+150  2949+100  1210+160  3065+90  Anyang Wuguan ZK-5  Cun:  3035+100  Zhengzhou E r l i g a n g Upper l e v e l : ZK-178  3330+95  3235+90  1590+160  3215+90  1560+160  Zhengzhou Shang town w a l l : ZK-177  3310+95  The a b s o l u t e dates of the two phases are d i f f i c u l t to  12  Notes: I determine.  T r a d i t i o n a l chronology p l a c e s Shang between  1766 and 1122 B.C..  However there have been a t l e a s t e i g h t e e n  dates suggested f o r the f a l l 3).  of Shahg (Chang 1983:2 note  For the purpose of the p r e s e n t paper, the approximate  dates of 1300 to 1100 B.C. f o r Anyang and Zhengzhou are suggested.  I f the tomb of Fu Hao can t r u l y be  dated to the time of Wuding, the tomb may be d a t a b l e to the e a r l y  14.  1750-1550 B.C. f o r  be considered to  t w e l f t h century B.C..  See under A r c h a e o l o g i c a l D a t i n g , ch.IV of the p r e s e n t paper. L i and Thorp have d i s c u s s e d about the problems of f i t t i n g M5 i n t o the Zou's 1964 scheme.  15. Mainly the e f f o r t s of the I n s t i t u t e of Archaeology. IV note  16. I k i -  8  See ch.  28, a l s o appendix I.  i s c a l l e d f o r because the q u a n t i t y and v a r i e t y of the  M5 bronzes f i n d no p a r a l l e l i n other Anyang a r c h a e o l o g i c a l sites.  A s t r a i g h t - f o r w a r d t y p o l o g i c a l comparison i s almost  impossible- -a problem to be e x p l a i n e d i n d e t a i l i n ch.IV. 1  17. See ch.VII f o r an i n t r o d u c t i o n to the OBI d a t i n g scheme and methods; see a l s o the c o l l a t e r a l t a b l e  (appendix I) f o r a  c r o s s r e f e r e n c e - o f the OBI d a t i n g and the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l (Yinxu P e r i o d s ) d a t i n g .  13  Notes: I 18. The  time gap between OBI  the l i f e s p a n of an  Periods  I and  IV i s too wide f o r  individual.  19. T h i s i s r e l a t e d to the problem of the uneven d i s t r i b u t i o n of the number of OBI research  accounts by t h e i r p e r i o d s .  suggests t h a t approximately f i f t y percent  fragments come from OBI I I I and  Preliminary  IV, and  Period  I, t h i r t y - o n e percent  l e s s than seven percent  V ( K e i g h t l e y 1978b:139-140).  of a l l  each from I I and  It i s d i f f i c u l t  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e the r a t i o i s i n regard  from  to say  how  to the a c t u a l d i v i n a -  t i o n s performed; i t could merely r e f l e c t the a c c i d e n t  of  discovery.  20.  Our  a n x i e t y i n s o l v i n g the d a t i n g problem of the Fu Hao  l i e s i n the f a c t t h a t t h i s i s the most w e l l - p r e s e r v e d Shang tomb and  thus o f f e r s a wealth of data f o r the  of Shang h i s t o r y and  s o c i e t y ; y e t we  are not able to  tomb  large  study satisfac-  t o r i l y . s o l v e the d a t i n g problem f o r p r e c i s e l y the same reason f o r us  that  , .existing data o f f e r i n s u f f i c i e n t  to date the Fu Hao  21. Chang Kwang-chih has  tomb.  been advocating  an  'interdisciplinary  approach' to the study of Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n . involved i s best explained  references  i n the  The  scope  'Five Doors to Shang':  1 . t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i c a l t e x t s , 2.bronzes, 3.oracle  bones,  14 Notes; I 4. archaeology and 5 . t h e o r e t i c a l models (1980:1-65).  The  s c h o l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Fu Hao tomb i s p r e c i s e l y it  that  i s a problem the understanding and s t u d y i n g of which must  encompass the 'Five Doors'.  The problem of Fu Hao a c t u a l l y  o f f e r r e d r a r e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r Shang s p e c i a l i s t s of d i f f e r e n t areas to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a c t i v e s c h o l a r l y debates.  Articles  on or c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the Fu Hao tomb p u b l i s h e d i n the r e c e n t y e a r s exceeded t h i r t y  (Chang Ping-ch'Uan 1982; Chao  1980; Chen 1979; D a i 1981; Fong, ed. 1980; Huber 1983; Kane 1982; Kaogu 1977a,1977b; Kaogu y a n j i u s u o  1977,1980,1981,  1982; L i B o l i n g 1982; L i Boqian 1979; L i Xueqin 1977,1980; Takashima 1980; Thorp 1982; Wang e t a l .  1977; X i a 1982,1983;  Yan 1981; You 1981; Zhang Peishan 1982; Zhang Zhenglang 1982, 1983; Zheng 1982a,1982b; Zheng & Chen 1981). The scope of i n q u i r y r e p r e s e n t e d by these works i s i t s e l f a good r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the range of concerns i n Shang S t u d i e s .  Under-  s t a n d i n g of the Fu Hao problem i s thus a process of a c q u i r i n g a 'problem-oriented  .. i n t r o d u c t i o n to Shang a r t and  archaeology'.  22. I should perhaps extend  ' a r t and archaeology'(see note  21 above) t 9 the e n t i r e - f i e l d  of Shang  Studies.  The com-  plexity of the Fu Hao problem i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the s o p h i s t i c a t i o n accomplished i n about s i x t y years of modern s c h o l a r s h i p on the Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n .  15 Notes; I 23. X i b e i g a n g i s s i t u a t e d n o r t h e a s t River  ( f i g s . 2, A).  as the two  The  of X i a o t u n ,  Xibeigang s i t e  aacross the Huan  i s g e n e r a l l y known  ' r o y a l cemetery' because the l a r g e s t Shang tombs w i t h  or f o u r ramps were d i s c o v e r e d  here i n the  s i t e i s d i v i d e d i n t o the western and  the e a s t e r n  There were seven l a r g e tombs (Xibeigang M1004, M1217, M1500 and  M1550) and  r a b l e s i z e (M1129, M1400 and ern s e c t i o n ( f i g . A). the east of M1400 was identified are not  i n 1959  shown on  eighth  tomb—  Three l a r g e tombs of compaM1443) were found i n the  found i n 1950  and  another p i t  was  (Chang 1980:111-113)(the l a s t two f i g . A).  For a g e n e r a l  Chang  See  and  1969  of  1980:  r e p o r t s are compiled i n the |>L$L(Liang & Gao  Gao  tombs  discussions  seven volume's Houjiazhuang a l s o Soper 1966,  east-  A f o u r t h tomb about f o r t y metres to  Detailed excavation  discussions  sections.  a large rectangular p i t  the X i b e i g a n g s i t e see l i Chi 1977:74-94 and 110-123.  The  M1001, M1002, M1003,  (M1567)^-commonly regarded as an u n f i n i s h e d found i n the western s e c t i o n .  1930s.  1962-1976).  Yang Xizhang 1981  on i s s u e s r e l a t e d to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n  for and  meaning of the tomb s t r u c t u r e s .  24.  Paul Wheatley comments that c a r d i n a l o r i e n t a t i o n appeared v e r y e a r l y i n the ^ arrangement of Chinese urban forms, and the Z h o u l i i n i t s opening statement, preserved the f i c t i o n that i t was the Emperor h i m s e l f who determined the f o u r c a r d i n a l p o i n t s . . . Both the i n d i v i d u a l b u i l d i n g s a t  The Royal Cemetery a t X i b e i g a n g  17 Notes; I Anyang and the ceremonial complex as a whole ( i . e . , X i a o t u n 'palace' f o u n d a t i o n s ) were arranged about r o u g h l y n o r t h - s o u t h axes, and, f u r t h e r m o r e , t h a t the Shang kingdom i t s e l f was r e p u t e d — i n i t s l a t e r phase ( i . e . , Anyang) a t any r a t e — t o have been d i v i d e d i n t o f i v e r e g i o n s : the c a p i t a l u n i t s and i t s e n v i r o n s a t the c e n t r e , surrounded by the Pour D i s t r i c t s ( s i t u 5— ) named a f t e r the c a r d i n a l p i n t s of the compass... the whole arrangement and nomenclature i l l u s t r a t i n g a q u i n c u n c i a l p a t t e r n of o r g a n i z a t i o n wide-spread i n A s i a (1971:425). The  surrounding d i s t r i c t s  or  'lands' were known to the  not  only by t h e i r c a r d i n a l p o i n t s — n o r t h  east l a n d , west l a n d — b u t a l s o by <S) ±_  the  usage of a s i m i l a r nature was  s i f ang  Pour D i r e c t i o n s ' Cun  (Chen 121,  1.1829, Nan  Mengjia has  a general  Hou  'the Nan  Another  s t a t e s of  ming 681,  the  Ren Chen  d i s c u s s i o n on the usages of s i t u , s i — p o s s i b l y a l s o r e f e r r i n g to  'the  (of a d i f f e r e n t order ?) of the Pour D i r e c t i o n s ' — h H^j- . ^ 2 ^ ( 1 9 5 6 : 3 1 9 - 3 2 1 ) .  Shang r e f e r r e d to t h e i r own  c a p i t a l c i t y as  the name Shang), 'da y i ' •the great  has  no ^  x i a 8.1,  i n h i s Yinxu b u c i zongshu, %g  (thus  ming 423).  ming 487)(Shima 1971:172 & 458).  fang as w e l l as s i g e rjD  The  situ  'the lands of the Pour D i r e c t i o n s ' as seen i n the 2.405, Nan  states  land,  c o l l e c t i v e term  o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s (Duo  1928,  l a n d , south  Shang  commented above, t h i s c a p i t a l  Shang as b e i n g i n the  centre  'the g r e a t c i t y Shang'. c i t y was  'shang' j^j city', As  or  Wheatley  regarded by  of the s i t u , s i f a n g and  the  sige.  18  I I D e s c r i p t i o n of the Tomb The f i n d i n g of the tomb of Fu Hao was  the s u r p r i s i n g r e s u l t of an archaeo-  l o g i c a l survey of a low mound a r e a northwest village The  (figs.  of X i a o t u n  1,2) which began i n the w i n t e r of  tomb, which was  excavated  i n May  1976, was  1975.  located  about  200 metres west of the southern edge of Grid G of X i a o t u n locus North  5  ( f i g . 3 ) , i n t e s t - s i t e s T10 and T11  A house f o u n d a t i o n F1 was  ( f i g . 4).  d i r e c t l y above the tomb (M5);  their  approximation i n l o c a l i t y and s i z e i m p l i e d t h a t they were l i k e l y to be complementary s t r u c t u r e s . ^ of the s i t e p r o v i d e d l i t t l e p o s i t i o n of M5: p i t H32,  The  stratigraphy  i n f o r m a t i o n on the  chronological  There were some p o t t e r y sherds found i n round  which a c c o r d i n g to Yinxu Fu Hao mu,  to Yinxu P e r i o d I V  5  t i o n F9, which was  (YXFHM:4).  H32  may  be dated  cut i n t o house founda-  subsequently cut i n t o by F1 and  M5.  There were a l s o some Yinxu P e r i o d IV d e p o s i t s i n p i t H1 ( I b i d . ; 4 ) , which  cut i n t o F1, and the l a t t e r i n t o M5  F9 — j ( e a r l i e r than) I  The Fu Hao grave  j 5  p i t i t s e l f was  j  M  tomb was  ( f i g . 6).  j H32 H 1  ( f i g . 5).  (Yinxu IV) (Yinxu IV)  a north-south oriented r e c t a n g u l a r p i t  The p i t opening was  5.6 by 4 metres.  7.5 metres deep w i t h i t s south w a l l  s l i g h t l y inward, thus the f l o o r was  The  sloping  s l i g h t l y smaller i n  19  a r e a than the opening. two  n i c h e s ^  ) were dug  e a s t e r n niche was  1.9  1.7  metre i n l e n g t h .  1.3  metre t a l l was  of the ledge was  About 6.2  metres from the p i t opening,  on the east and west w a l l s .  metre, whereas the western niche A ledge ( l  £  ) 0.3  to h o l d the wooden outer c o f f i n j ^ . ) . The  latter  under the water t a b l e when excavated and s t r u c t u r e could not be r e c o n s t r u c t e d . (  ) was  a l s o badly decomposed.  l y to the south,  grave there was p i t ) , which was 1  the centre  proper  situated, slightThe  exact  At the v e r y bottom of  the  a one-metre deep s m a l l p i t ( ' w a i s t a l s o p o s i t i o n e d s l i g h t l y to the south  of  ( f i g . 7).  The body of the occupant of the away.  exact  coffin  i n the c e n t r e of the chamber.  s i z e could not be determined.  function  completely  thus the  I t was  and  ( a l s o known  was  The  was  metre wide  b u i l t along the f o u r w a l l s . The  as the wooden chamber,  The  tomb was  completely  decayed  There were s i x t e e n s a c r i f i c e d humans: f o u r above the  chamber (by the n o r t h w a l l and i n the n i c h e s , one  i n the s m a l l p i t , and  w i t h i n the chamber. could be  the northwest c o r n e r ) , three  identified.  Two  women, f o u r men,  At l e a s t one was  the r e s t s c a t t e r e d and  two c h i l d r e n  beheaded, and  one 7  other could have been cut i n t o  two  h a l v e s a t the  There were a l s o s i x s a c r i f i c i a l dogs: one and  waist.  i n the s m a l l p i t  the r e s t above the chamber (by the n o r t h , south,  east w a l l s ) .  and  20  fig. 1 KEY o  Site  •  Modern city  /"A  • Beijing  AnyangcT,  o Zhengz*tOu^- " O-^Erlitou . . V  J  V  s  A,  HENAN \  Huai  Panjongchepg  4*  </  ^—.  (  Map o f E a s t e r n China  i Guangzhou  n  <  r  Map of the Anyang Region  22  fig.  Map  3  of E x c a v a t i o n S i t e s a t X i a o t u n  23  fig.. 4  L o c a t i o n of M5  24  A  —  "I! 2*  iiSi  m  ft'  ! Ms: ;  l¥  mmm  III'  3n  no. Tiiffla^*sTiitf)fBJ4tes!iffia  1—4.6.8.Fl&fi  5,7  column s l o t s ; stone p l i n t h ; ramm eaVe a r t h column f o u n d a t i o n ; column s l o t s S t r a t i g r a p h y of the M5  Site  The  B a s i c S t r u c t u r e of the Fu Hao  Tomb  26 fig. 7  Plan of M5  27  An enormous q u a n t i t y of grave goods—some 1,928 o b j e c t s w i t h an a d d i t i o n of 6,820 cowrie s h e l l s — w e r e l i t e r a l l y  packed  i n t o t h i s somewhat compact tomb, from the bottom, to w i t h i n o  one metre of the opening.  Among them, there were 468 bronzes  (weighing 1,625 k i l o g r a m s ) , 755 jades, s i x t e e n s t o n e s , e l e v e n p o t t e r i e s , and t h r e e i v o r i e s .  Among, the bronzes, 210 items  were v e s s e l - t y p e s ; the r e s t were mainly weapons and t o o l s . Most grave goods were s c a t t e r e d i n the e a r t h - f i l l above the wooden chamber.  A stone ox and two jade v e s s e l s ( g u i  were p l a c e d i n the c e n t r e of the chamber top.  W i t h i n the  chamber, twenty-four l a r g e bronze v e s s e l s and a stone s c u l p t u r e , almost a l l of them i n s c r i b e d , were c a r e f u l l y  arranged—  probably around  the c o f f i n — a l o n g the n o r t h , e a s t , and west  interior walls.  Other bronzes were a l s o found i n the cham-  ber but t h e i r o r i g i n a l p o s i t i o n s were d i s t u r b e d by the i n flow of underground  water.  The c o n s t r u c t i o n of the Fu Hao tomb i s of a t r a d i t i o n a l type w i t h f e a t u r e s t h a t could be t r a c e d back to the Chinese neo9 *  lithic  c u l t u r e s . The-earliest r e c t a n g u l a r b u r i a l trenches with  an assortment of grave goods ( i n c l u d i n g ceramics, j e w e l l e r y , stone t o o l s and weapons) were found i n the e a r l y s i t e of Banpo ^ *#^_(5th millennium B.C.). f i r s t used among the l a t e r Gansu Yangshao c u l t u r e s of the 3rd millennium B.C.. s i t e of Dawenkou ^  =^ O  neolithic  A c o f f i n was %1 n e o l i t h i c  In the l a t e  neolithic  , i n Shandong, the ledge and the  28  "burial chamber were a l r e a d y e v i d e n t , together w i t h r i c h b u r i a l goods, which i n c l u d e d as many as 180 ceramic v e s s e l s in a single burial.  (Thorp 1979:3-9).  age  > ^  s i t e of E r l i t o u  '  tlie  In the e a r l y  bronze  range of grave goods  included  jades, cowries, weapons, and bronze  vessles.  V e s s e l types such as gu^jj, , .jue ^  and  ceramic  , and he ^  have been assembled a c c o r d i n g to some s e t - g r o u p i n g . w a i s t - p i t and  the n i c h e s seen  no n e o l i t h i c precedents. b u r i a l feature f i r s t  i n M5,  might The  on the other hand, had  W a i s t - p i t was  a common Shang  seen among the l a r g e r Zhengzhou phase  tombs, such as B a i j i a z h u a n g h> ^ n t . M3 a t Zhengzhou, and L i j i a z u i "J. ^  « ^ M2 a t Panlongcheng ^  Skeletal  1 0  11 remains were found  i n the w a i s t - p i t i n most cases.  The  niches,however, seems to be a r a r e f e a t u r e . The  tomb of Pu Hao  Xiaotun s i t e .  i s the l a r g e s t b u r i a l excavated  I t was  Locus North) which was  i n the  more than twice the s i z e of M232 ( i n the l a r g e s t X i a o t u n tomb p r i o r to 12  the d i s c o v e r y of the former.  M5 was  also situated  l y o u t s i d e of the Locus North, and thus away from t e r of Shang b u i l d i n g f o u n d a t i o n s a t X i a o t u n .  slight-  the  The M5  clussite 13  had been a r e l a t i v e l y unknown a r c h a e o l o g i c a l l o c a t i o n . A f t e r the h i s t o r i c a l d i s c o v e r y of the Pu Hao I n s t i t u t e of Archaeology  tomb, the  excavators continued to examine  the immediate a r e a surrounding the tomb.  By A p r i l  1977,  six  b u r i a l s were d i s c o v e r e d : three were about 4,.6 - 6 metres i n  29  length.  I t had  a l s o been r e p o r t e d by the l o c a l  t h a t two  other tombs were p r e v i o u s l y found i n t h i s l o c a t i o n  (Kaogu y a n j i u s u o  1981:491).  Among the tombs, M 1 8  f i c a n t because the  inscription  the bronze v e s s e l s  (on a j j i a ^ a n d  t h a t Z i Yu was  tomb, M 1 8 was  with a l e d g e , chamber, was  a zun t|, ) .  It i s believed 1933:381).  also a rectangular  c o f f i n , and w a i s t - p i t .  4 . 6 x 2 . 3 metres and  i t had  f i v e human s a c r i f i c e s , a dog  is signi-  ' z i yu' J^_;^.was found among  a p r i n c e of King Wuding (Dong  L i k e the Fu Hao  villagers  pit-grave The  an oblong s h a f t .  There were  i n the w a i s t - p i t , and  grave goods ( p o t t e r y , bronze, jade, bone, and  opening  ninety  cowrie).  Among them were twenty-four bronze v e s s e l s ; t h i r t e e n of them 14.  were i n s c r i b e d .  (Kaogu y a n j i u s u o  d i s c o v e r y of t h i s  'Fu Hao  1981).  ate to c o n s i d e r  and Hougang  'A%__It  t h i s as another large-tomb  Our r e l u c t a n c e to c a l l M5  the  s i t e ' northwest of Xiaotun  l a r g e r Shang tombs were only found i n the s i t e of Xibeigang  P r i o r to  village,  ' r o y a l cemetery' i s now  appropri-  site.  a 'medium' s i z e tomb i s due  to  the f a c t t h a t i t y i e l d e d the l a r g e s t q u a n t i t y of mortuary a r t o b j e c t s among a l l Shang b u r i a l s , d e s p i t e the f a c t  that  this 2 2 . 4  quite  square metre (area of the opening) tomb was  a b i t s m a l l e r than the Xibeigang square metre a r e a .  M5  l a r g e tombs of 2 0 0 -  bronze v e s s e l s make up about  t h i r d of a l l Shang bronze v e s s e l s s c i e n t i f i c a l l y  300 one  excavated  16  i n the Anyang r e g i o n .  On the other hand, among some  30 2,500 b u r i a l s excavated i n the Anyang r e g i o n , really to  j u s t a h a n d f u l of l a r g e r tombs: a  a l l o w each b u r i a l to be  there was  f i g u r e s m a l l enough  considered i n d i v i d u a l l y rather  than an i n t e r n a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . Baocheng and Yang Xizhang  17  In a r e c e n t study by Yang  (1983), Shang b u r i a l s have been  d i v i d e d i n t o f o u r c a t e g o r i e s : Large-medium tombs, s m a l l tombs, b u r i a l s without tomb-structure, and s a c r i f i c i a l  pits.  Large-medium tombs i n c l u d e the t h i r t e e n X i b e i g a n g l a r g e 1 fi  tombs, the Hougang l a r g e tombs, the new Fu Hao s i t e  , and  a few s m a l l e r s i z e tombs a t Xiaomintun Nandi 4- ^ These tombs belonged  to the h i g h e s t s o c i a l stratum of the  Anyang s o c i e t y , probably members of the r o y a l l i n e a g e .  The  second c a t e g o r y — t h e s m a l l tombs—were mainly d i s t r i b u t e d i n X i a o t u n , Dasikong Cun ji *\ tun  Nandi a r e a s .  had chambers. gu and jue. The  as w e l l as Xiaomin-  These tombs u s u a l l y had c o f f i n s but r a r e l y  Each had a few grave goods; mostly  ceramic  A few o f them had one or two human s a c r i f i c e s .  owners of these tombs must have enjoyed some  power; they were probably the o f f i c i a l owners and a r t i s a n s .  political  c l a s s , minor s l a v e -  As f o r the b u r i a l s without tomb-  s t r u c t u r e , these were found i n ashy d e p o s i t s a l l over Anyang. Some i n c l u d e d one or two crude p o t t e r y o b j e c t s . b u r i a l s probably belonged to the zhong  and zhongren %•> K  'common people, the m u l t i t u d e (the masses)' o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . 2 1  These  seen i n the  The l a s t c a t e g o r y , the s a c r i f i -  c i a l p i t s , were found i n hundreds a t X i a o t u n Locus North and  31  Xibeigang. slaves.  They probably belonged to the  Many of them were bound before  a l i v e ) , beheaded or cut up. only s k u l l s — 119).  The  up  c a p t i v e s and  burial  (possibly-buried  Some s a c r i f i c i a l p i t s  to t h i r t y - n i n e  to  a  the  pit  contained  (Chang  1980:  2 2  s i g n i f i c a n c e s of Fu Hao  t i o n , l o c a t i o n and as f o l l o w s .  The  quantity  tomb's s t r a t i g r a p h y , of grave goods may  be  IV.  A radiocarbon  on a piece  of wood fragment from M5  + 140  c a l i b r a t e d to 3350 + 190 B . P . .  This  25  concern of c h r o n o l o g i c a l e x a c t i t u d e and  the  The  s e v e r a l p l i n t h bases and  p o i n t to the p o s s i b l e e x i s t e n c e ture which would be  here.  considered  to  test  y i e l d e d a date of  t i o n suggests a range of p o s s i b i l i t y f a r g r e a t e r  foundation  summarized  s t r a t i g r a p h y suggests t h a t the tomb has  be dated e a r l i e r than Yinxu Period  B.P.  construc-  3155  informathan  our  F1 house  holes  ( f i g . 5)  of an above ground s t r u c by  v i s i b l e to them a f t e r the dead had  the Shang p e o p l e — a n d been b u r i e d — a s p a r t  of  24 the tomb.  Judging from the q u a n t i t y of the grave goods,  the tomb should  be ranked w i t h the X i b e i g a n g r o y a l tombs i n  terms of the s o c i a l s t a t u s of the owner, but c o n s t r u c t i o n of M5 The  the  belonged to a more t r a d i t i o n a l  s i n g u l a r s i z e and  l o c a t i o n of the tomb pose  basic type. questions  i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the p h y s i c a l l a y o u t of the Anyang 2S  complex and  the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of the Shang b u r i a l s .  J  32  Notes: I I 1. A l l d a t a on M5  are based on Yinxu Fu Hao  mu u n l e s s  otherwise  noted.  2. The  low mound was  ing area.  I t was  about 0.8  metre h i g h e r than i t s surround-  about seventy metres wide. In the w i n t e r  of 1975» the l o c a l commune members wanted to c l e a r mound f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n , and I n s t i t u t e of Archaeology survey of the a r e a . the tomb of Fu Hao The d i s c o v e r y and s p r i n g of  the  the members of the  were sent there f o r an  overall  Traces of the house f o u n d a t i o n above were f i r s t recorded  i n l a t e November  e x c a v a t i o n of the tomb took place i n the  1976.  3. X i a o t u n Locus North  i s g e n e r a l l y regarded  ground of the Anyang p e r i o d .  as the  I t i s a l s o the  source f o r the o r a c l e bone and  shell  'palace'  best-excavated  a r e a of the Anyang r e g i o n as w e l l as the most  important  fragments.  Remains  of f o u n d a t i o n s , d i t c h e s , b u r i a l s , d w e l l i n g - and  storage-  p i t s , and workshops have been e x t e n s i v e l y found  in this  location.  1975.  The most prominent are the hangtu ^ ±-~ 'rammed  e a r t h ' l a r g e house f o u n d a t i o n s b e l i e v e d to be the complex of Anyang Shang.  There were f i f t y - t h r e e  b u i l d i n g s d i v i d e d i n t o three c l u s t e r s .  palace individual  See S h i 1955b and  L i C h i 1977:194-189 f o r g e n e r a l d i s c u s s i o n s and r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s of Shang a r c h i t e c t u r e .  33  Notes; I I 4.  See f i g . 5.  Items 1,2,3,4,6 and 8 are column h o l e s of the  house f o u n d a t i o n F1, whereas 5,7,9 are a c t u a l stone T h i s i s p o t e n t i a l l y important  i n f o r m a t i o n about the tomb  s t r u c t u r e of Shang: the p o s s i b l e e x i s t e n c e  of an above  ground s h r i n e s t r u c t u r e a l i g n e d with the b u r i a l .  It i s  suggested i n the YXFHM t h a t there e x i s t s one other Dasikong Cun "K report  M312.  plinths.  The Dasikong  example:  Cun e x c a v a t i o n  (Ma e t a l . 1955), u n f o r t u n a t e l y , has only a s h o r t  d e s c r i p t i o n of M312  and the house f o u n d a t i o n  concerned.  M312 was 3.3 by 1.8 metres i n s i z e and 4.6 metres deep (compared to M5's 5.6 by 4 by 6.2m).  I t contained  s a c r i f i c i a l human v i c t i m s , a l l of them c h i l d r e n .  three As the  tomb was p r e v i o u s l y l o o t e d , few b u r i a l goods were found. The  rammed e a r t h halxse f o u n d a t i o n  (no i d e n t i f i c a t i o n num-  ber assigned) was 3.5 by 2.2 metres. There were a l s o f o u r stone  plinths.  5. F o r e x p l a n a t i o n of the Yinxu P e r i o d see ch.IV, under Archaeological Dating. with the OBI Period  Yinxu P e r i o d should not be  confused  (see appendix I ) .  6. North-south o r i e n t a t i o n i s a l s o seen:in. the X i b e i g a n g tombs " ( f i g . A),.the palace b u i l d i n g s a t Xiaotun and most Anyang b u r i a l s .  large  Locus North  In the Tangong;pj| 1^ chapter  of the  34  Notes: I I Lijiffl i^jit  i s stated that  -fej » - ^ - ^ i X ^ ^  "O'to  ^ ^ ^ ^ ) ^ " |  , >  £~ i j _  bury the dead on the n o r t h s i d e of  the town w i t h h i s head p o i n t i n g toward the n o r t h , was the customary p r a c t i c e of the Three D y n a s t i e s ( X i a , Shang, Zhou); t h i s was because ness . 1  the dead had t o go i n t o the realm o f dark-  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t whereas the X i b e i g a n g  ' r o y a l cemetery'  w  a  s  located  j _ -the n o r t h (northwest) o f the n  palace ground  ( f i g . 2 ) , the tomb of Fu Hao was s i t u a t e d i n  the southwest  (figs. 3 &4).  7. Human s a c r i f i c e s seem to have been a Shang i n v e n t i o n and had no precedent i n the n e o l i t h i c c u l t u r e s . c i e s are  a l s o mentioned  Human s a c r i f i -  i n the o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s and  were performed i n r i t u a l c o n t e x t s .  8. The tomb of Fu Hao was f u l l y  i n t a c t . Robert Thorp suggests  two reasons f o r t h i s : F i r s t , Tomb 5 i s l o c a t e d i n an a r e a f a r removed from the other l a r g e tombs, about 100 metres west of the X i a o t u n f o u n d a t i o n s , an a r e a n o t a s s o c i a t e d w i t h other l a r g e b u r i a l s or c o n s i d e r e d a source of bronze v e s s e l s i n r e c e n t times. Second, the X i a o t u n s i t e l i e s hard by the Huan R i v e r and has been both f l o o d e d and eaten away by the r i v e r . Fu Hao's temple may have been hidden under a l a y e r of s i l t from f l o o d i n g a t an e a r l y date (1979:21).  9. Cheng Te-k'un comments t h a t  35 Notes; I I the e l a b o r a t e s t r u c t u r e of (the Shang) r o y a l tombs and the r i c h n e s s i n t h e i r f u r n i t u r e r e p r e s e n t a m a t e r i a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the wealth and power of the Shang kings r a t h e r than an abrupt change i n f u n e r a l customs. I t was an e l a b o r a t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l f u n e r a r y p r a c t i c e s e t t i n g the s t y l e f o r the internment of the r o y a l personages i n the l a t e r d y n a s t i e s , many of which are known to have been v i r t u a l l y underground p a l a c e s . The b a s i c f u n e r a l customs and p r a c t i c e s i n China have f o l l o w e d the same t r a d i t i o n throughout the ages (1982:21). Whereas Cheng r e f e r s to the r o y a l tombs—presumably a t X i b e i g a n g — t h e above be true of the Fu Hao  observation  ;  would  those  certainly also  tomb, except perhaps the s t r u c t u r e  of  the l a t t e r adhered c l o s e r to the n e o l i t h i c precedents.  10. For a study of the Panlongcheng s i t e see Bagley 1977.  Pan-  longcheng i s g e n e r a l l y regarded as a Shang 'outpost' i n the south ( f i g . 1).  C h r o n o l o g i c a l l y i t should  be  associated  w i t h the Zhengzhou (or E r l i g a n g ) phase of Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n . Panlongcheng i s the f u r t h e s t extent  i n the south where  have a r c h a e o l o g i c a l remains of a Shang settlement. v e s s e l s -. d a t a b l e pertained  Bronze  to the Shang p e r i o d , though not n e c e s s a r i l y  to the. Shang p o l i t y ,  south i n Hunan  we  have been found f u r t h e r  province.  11. There were mostly do.gs.The w a i s t - p i t i s thus c a l l e d because the p i t i s p o s i t i o n e d near the w a i s t are o f t e n used i n shamanic contexts and  of the deceased.  ( E l i a d e 1964:90,188)*  the p l a c i n g of s a c r i f i c e d dogs i n the w a i s t - p i t  perhaps suggest the use  of the dog  Dogs  as the h e l p i n g  or the s p i r i t u a l v e h i c l e i n the b u r i a l r i t u a l  could  spirit  context.  36  Notes; I I 12. X i a o t u n M232 was 2.15  x 1.35  metres).  a p i t grave with a wooden chamber (3.1 x  metres) and a wooden c o f f i n (2.1 x 0.9 x  There were e i g h t human s a c r i f i c i a l v i c t i m s as  w e l l as f o u r dogs, one pit.  0.8  The b u r i a l was  of which was  placed i n the w a i s t -  p r e v i o u s l y plundered. The  remaining  b u r i a l goods i n c l u d e d ten bronze v e s s l e s , nine weapons and some jade, s h e l l and bone ornaments (Shi 1973).  Chang  Kwang-chih c o n s i d e r s t h i s b u r i a l , together w i t h X i a o t u n M188,  M222, M 3 3 3 and. M388, to be  X i a o t u n Locus North)(1980:76-86).  'predynastic  14. The  Shang (at  Other s c h o l a r s have  dated t h i s tomb v a r i o u s l y (see pp. 92-93  13. See notes  1  below).  8 & 9 above.  significance  of M18  (and M17)  i s summarized by Zheng  Zhenxiang'jhis view E r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the I n s t i t u t e Archaeology's  position  of  on t h i s q u e s t i o n :  The major achievement of these two tombs i s t h a t they h e l p determine the date of the Fu Hao Tomb. In part i c u l a r , the l a r g e numbers of p o t t e r y v e s s e l s of Tomb Number 18 leave no q u e s t i o n as to i t s (Yinxu) P e r i o d I I d a t e , and i t s many bronze r i t u a l v e s s e l s l i n k the tomb w i t h the tomb of Fu Hao. Furthermore, many bronze r i t u a l v e s s e l s w i t h the Z i Yu i n s c r i p t i o n were found i n t h i s tomb. Both Z i Yu and Fu Hao were personages seen o f t e n i n the i n s c r i p t i o n s of Bin^fL -group d i v i n e r s , and t h i s means t h a t both the Fu Hao Tomb and Tomb Number 18 date from the p e r i o d of King Wuding (I982a:57). Also,  37 Notes: I I we now know t h a t i n the area o f the Fu Hao Tomb there were other tombs which were e s s e n t i a l l y contemporary w i t h the Fu Hao Tomb. T h i s shows t h a t the Tomb of Fu Hao was not an i s o l a t e d b u r i a l . . . (however) more work w i l l be needed b e f o r e we can make c l e a r the nature of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r cemetery (IbJLgL, :57). I t should be mentioned, however, t h a t the correspondence i n date between M5 and M17-M18 has been questioned by V i r g i n i a Kane, who c r i t i c i z e s the method used by the I n s t i t u t e for artifactual association. M5 ought  Kane h e r s e l f concludes t h a t  to belong t o a p e r i o d  r a t i o n s l a t e r than M17 and M18'  15. A n o r t h - s o u t h o r i e n t e d  5.7 metres  (1982:13).  tomb w i t h two; ramps and a r a r e  cross-shaped chamber was found. was  'at l e a s t two or three gene-  The cross-shaped chamber  n o r t h - s o u t h and 4.4 metres  east-west.  There were twenty-eight s k u l l s and 148 p i e c e s of human s k e l e t a l fragments.  F o r f u l l e x c a v a t i o n r e p o r t see S h i 1948.  16. Wang Shimin mentions t h a t the number of bronze v e s s e l s i n the Fu Hao tomb exceeds  the t o t a l number of s c i e n t i f i c a l l y  excavated Anyang bronze v e s s e l s  (Kaogu 1977b:350).  I assume  t h a t the l a t t e r f i g u r e would not i n c l u d e those Anyang bronzes unearthed b e f o r e 1949. L i Xueqin a l s o mentions t h a t t h e r e are a l t o g e t h e r o n l y s e v e r a l hundred  scientifi-  c a l l y excavated bronze v e s s e l s i n Anyang ( L i 1977:34). f o r bronzes unearthed  As  i n the 1920s and 1930s (now kept i n  38 Notes: I I Taiwan), they number 176 (Chang 1980:88).  Based  on the  above i n f o r m a t i o n , I thus have the i m p r e s s i o n that the M5 bronze v e s s e l s make up about one t h i r d — m o r e  on the p l u s  s i d e — o f a l l s c i e n t i f i c a l l y excavated bronze v e s s e l s i n the Anyang r e g i o n .  The most convenient sources f o r reproduc-  t i o n s of these bronzes are L i and Wan 1964-1972,(5 v o l s ) , Wenwu 1981 (Henan chutu Shangzhou q i n g t o n g q i ) , and of course, g i v e n the importance  of M5, YXFHM i t s e l f .  17. The l a r g e s t c l u s t e r s of s m a l l b u r i a l s a r e the e a s t e r n s e c t i o n of X i b e i g a n g ( f i g . A) and X i a o t u n Locus North.  The  2,500 f i g u r e i s suggested by Yang Xizhang  The  (1982:1).  f i g u r e i n c l u d e s the 1928-1937 a r c h a e o l o g i c a l  sessions.  18. F o r the q u e s t i o n of the c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the M5 s i t e as a cemetery  ground,  see note  14 above; a l s o see Zheng and  Chen 1981.  19. R e f e r r i n g t o the three s a c r i f i c i a l c h a r i o t b u r i a l s , of about the s i z e of 3.5 by 3 metres, d i s c o v e r e d i n 1958-1959 (Kaogu y a n j i u s u o 1961:72-73) and 1972 (Kaogu y a n j i u s u o  1972).  20. F o r the e x c a v a t i o n r e p o r t of D a s i l o n g Cun see Ma e t al.1953. 21. David K e i g h t l e y suggests t h a t the zhong and the r e n were the f o r c e d l a b o u r e r s employed i n Shang a g r i c u l t u r e , s t r u c t i o n and warfare.  con-  The zhong were the s t a t e l a b o u r e r s  39 Notes: I I whereas the r e n were p u b l i c workers. be drawn because the r e n were  This d i s t i n c t i o n  m o b i l i z e d by the k i n g where-  as the zhong, b e i n g permanently a v a i l a b l e , were not 66).  On o c c a s i o n , zhong and r e n were m o b i l i z e d  f i e d a t h i r d group of f o r c e d l a b o u r e r s — zhongren as a compound meaning  misreading.  (1969:  together  (eg. Qian 7.3.2) and as a r e s u l t some s c h o l a r s have  Taking  could  identi-  the zhongren  'the m u l t i t u d e '  is a  Rather, zhongren as used by the Shang r e f e r s  to the zhong and the r e n s e p a r a t e l y ( I b i d . : 7 0 ) .  See Chang  1980:226-227 f o r a d i s c u s s i o n on zhongren; a l s o , M.V.  Kryukov,  'On the zhong and zhongren i n the Y i n Bone I n s c r i p t i o n s ' , t r a n s l a t e d i n t o Japanese by M. Matsumaru, Kokotsugaku  n.10  (1964) pp.31-52.  22. Chang Kwang-chih  suggests a f o u r - t i e r economic  ture i n Shang a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n which may a r e f e r e n c e here  / /  /  be used as  (1980:231): /  /—  class struc-  R o y a l Family and the Lords -X—-The  Supervisors  ---The Zhong I The Qlang"#_, Captives [  23. ZK-881, Kaogu 1981/4 p.365.  40 Notes: I I 24. Richard and  Huntington and  Peter M e t c a l f  d i s c u s s mortuary r i t e s  e d i f i c e s i n t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l , symbolical  contexts.  Analysing  the r o y a l f u n e r a l s i n the  and  social  Indie  of Southeast A s i a , the Berawan of Borneo as w e l l as Egyptian  pyramids, they suggest t h a t the mortuary  states the  processes,  which would i n c l u d e the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the e d i f i c e s , o f t e n i d e o l o g i c a l l e g i t i m a t i o n s of the s t a t u s and not only the dead but a l s o • of the l i v i n g r u l e r s . t a n t aspect  of  Egyptian  power of An  impor-  the e n t i r e mortuary p r a c t i c e i s i t s c o n t i -  nued v i s i b i l i t y , (roofed box  are  such as the above ground Berawan mausoleum  structure with supporting  pyramids.  p o s t s ) and  the  Although the above are g r e a t l y v a r i e d  i n p h y s i c a l s i z e , they p o i n t to a s i m i l a r s e t of purposes (Huntington and  25. Huntington and  Metcalf  Metcalf  important o b s e r v a t i o n s  1980:121-152).  (see note  24 above) a l s o make the  that  i f we assume t h a t l a b o u r - i n t e n s i v e phases of the cons t r u c t i o n (of the d u a l pyramids at Sakkara and Abydos) went on d u r i n g the o f f - s e a s o n of the a g r i c u l t u r a l c y c l e , then the e f f o r t i n v o l v e d was l a r g e l y one of c o o r d i n a t i o n and o r g a n i z a t i o n , a task a p p r o p r i a t e to n a t i o n b u i l d i n g (1980:151). And  that the mortuary e d i f i c e s of the e a r l y pharaohs were the symbol and proof of r o y a l a u t h o r i t y ( I b i d . : 152) (my italics).  Compared to the pyramids, however, the Shang tombs were c o n s t r u c t e d oh'much s m a l l e r ground s t r u c t u r e .  On  s c a l e , with or without above the  other  hand,  the  41 Notes: I I h i g h l y organized l a b o u r - i n t e n s i v e s c a l e was,  i n the  bronzes. from the  p r o j e c t of a  case of Shang, the  national  . c a s t i n g of the  A p r o d u c t i o n which r e q u i r e d  a sophisticated  procurement of the metal sources to the  molding and  the f i n a l bronze c a s t i n g .  tive organization  required  The  nature of the  informative  of Shang c u l t u r e and  ceramic  This highly  organization society  is itself  (Ursula  and  c u l t u r a l context. bronzes i n the  the  It i s  the r e l a t i v e importance of the  tomb  the r i t u a l bronzes i n Shang p o l i t i c a l The  numerous and  tomb of Fu Hao,  highly  i n contrast  p l a i n tomb s t r u c t u r e , i s i t s e l f an  elaborative to the  relatively  i n d i c a t i o n of the  c u l t u r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of the r i t u a l bronzes and architecture.  highly  Franklin  U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, November 1983).  architecture  prescrip-  above i n a s e r i e s of l e c t u r e s g i v e n a t  i n t e r e s t i n g to see  process  an extremely powerful c e n t r a l i z e d  authority.  d i s c u s s e d the  ritual  the  relative tomb  42  I I I The  Inscriptions  Eleven i n s c r i p t i o n s tomb.  are observed among the o b j e c t s from the  They a r e found on 196 bronzes, one jade plaque and  two stone a r t i f a c t s . them  The i n s c r i p t i o n s  may be read—some of  tentatively—as: 1. ' f u hao' 2.  ' s i mu  xm'  3. ' s i q i a o mu'^'^-^. 4. 'ya q i ' 5. 'ya q¥» 6. 'ya b i ' $ tfo 7. ' z i shu quan' Jh %  %^  8. ' s h i ' ft 9. 'guan ?• * f  X  10. ' l u f a n g ? r u ge wu' f 11.  *ren zhu r u s h i '  ^  The most important i n s c r i p t i o n  ^  >  3L  A >£z  i s of c o u r s e , ' f u h a o , 1  which occurred 111 times'*, a l l of them on bronzes ( p i s . 1-4,8,10,15-17,19-20,22,26).  ( f i g . 8)  The r e l a t i v e l a r g e quan-  t i t y of Fu Hao-bronzes i s the main reason f o r the a t t r i b u t i o n of the tomb owner  (Note: 'Fu Hao-bronzes' r e f e r to  those M5 bronzes w i t h ' f u hao' i n s c r i p t i o n s , whereas 'Fu Hao tomb bronzes' r e f e r their inscriptions).  to a l l M5 bronzes r e g a r d l e s s of  The next s i g n i f i c a n t  inscription is  43  fig. 8  The  Fu Hao I n s c r i p t i o n s : i on #813, i i on #768, i i i i v on #863, v on #866, v i on #869  on #865,  44  The S i Mu X i n and S i Qiao Mu  Inscriptions:  S i Mu X i n i on #809, S i Qiao Mu i i on #806, i i i  on #793  45  The ii  Z i Shu Quan and Ya I n s c r i p t i o n s : Ya Q i on #1197, i i i  i z i Shu Quan on #318,  Ya Q i on #1156, i v Ya B i on #808  46 ' s i mu x i n ' ( f i g . 9 i ) . —on  f i v e bronzes  Although i t o n l y occurred  s i x times  ( p i s . 5,6,9) and one stone s c u l p t u r e ( p i .  4 3 ) — X i n i s mentioned i n Period V o r a c l e bones as one of the three  o f f i c i a l spouses of K i n g Wuding and r i t u a l  f i c i e s were made t o h e r . substantiates  c y c l i c a l graph  "J ( o f OBI P e r i o d  w i l l be e x p l a i n e d  i n d e t a i l below.  as the t i t l e  s i d e the c o u r t  i s complicated  by the f a c t t h a t the  ' x i n ' was a l s o the name of an o f f i c i a l  of K i n g Kangding  (items  inscription  the a t t r i b u t i o n o f Pu Hao as the tomb owner.  However, t h i s deduction  considered  The ' s i mu x i n '  sacri-  III).  T h i s problem  'Ya' <£_is g e n e r a l l y  of an o f f i c i a l  (Chao 1980).  spouse  The three  class stationed  out-  'ya'-inscriptions  4,5,6 a b o v e ) ( f i g . 1 0 i i - i v ) may be t h e m a t i c a l l y r e -  l a t e d t o the two ' r u ' A - i n s c r i p t i o n s (items  10,11).  'Ru'  i n o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s means 'to b r i n g i n , to e n t e r ' i n the sense of the p r e s e n t a t i o n  of ceremonial g i f t s or  economic t r i b u t e s from the e x t e r n a l o f f i c i a l s or the v a s s a l s to the Shang c o u r t . t u r n be considered  The 'ya'- and ' r u ' - i n s c r i p t i o n s may i n i n the l i g h t of Fu Hao's a c t i v i t i e s i n  the e x t e r n a l a f f a i r s of Shang (ch.VII  below).  Hao  In e a r l y s c h o l a r s h i p on o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s , the graph 'fu' ^  (*tiog)4  |^.'to r e t u r n '  w  a  s  g e n e r a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d as a l o a n f o r g u i  ( L i Xiaoding  1965:luo, Sun, Ye, J i n , Wang).  47  I t was  Guo  should  "be read  posed t h a t  Moruo who  i n 1 9 3 3 f i r s t r e a l i z e d that 'fu'  as fu-&ij5 ' l a d y , w i f e , female'.  ' f u hao',  among few  of K i n g Wuding ( 1 9 3 3 ) . ing  Guo  other fu-names, was  r e l a t i v e of s u b j e c t r u l e r s , 3 . t h a t 5.that  of the  ner) X i ' with Fu X i ^  (categories 2 - 5  Geng' with Fu Geng ^ ^  Zhuan ^  , and %  (JJaid.. 3 5 6 - 3 6 1 ) . :  'marquis  The  above) suggest t h a t f u designated  The  male c o u n t e r p a r t .  'wife'  w i t h a constant  politi-  to the p o l i t i c a l rank of  the  T h i s , however, would not a l t o g e t h e r  a t i t l e t h a t was  defined  above  (1),  dis-  I t could  i n a narrower sense r a t h e r  t h a n i n a n a t i o n a l l y uniform s t a t u s . r u l e r ' category  more a  of the male coun-  q u a l i f y f u to be regarded as an o f f i c i a l t i t l e . be  association  s o c i a l s t a t u s of f u , i n another words,  probably changed a c c o r d i n g  still  ,  a p p e l l a t i o n f u with d i f f e r e n t rank t i t l e s  t e r p a r t , than an o f f i c i a l t i t l e / c l a s s position.  Zhou ^  , Xi J| ' (divi-  Zhuan J^L %  Hou  f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p , most probably  cal  categories  mainly based on the correspondence of names,  f%_ 'Prince  of the g e n e r a l  v  xiaochen /JN %.  such as Zhou/«] ' ( s u b j e c t r u l e r ) Zhou, with Fu  Zhuan* w i t h Fu  2.female  Evidence f o r  5  Z i Geng  consort  princes, 4 . t h a t  of marquises and  '(high) o f f i c i a l s ' ( 1 9 7 0 : 3 5 6 - 3 6 1 ) . 2 to 5 above was  a  Chou Hung-hsiang expanded the mean-  of f u to i n c l u d e : 1 . f e m a l e s u b j e c t r u l e r s ,  of the d i v i n e r s , and  a l s o pro-  Chou's 'female  subject  however, showed some f u women to  have enjoyed extremely h i g h p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n of a male c o u n t e r p a r t .  s t a t u s without  The  evidence  the  for this  48  category was  mainly based on those f u names  which c o r r e s -  ponded to p l a c e names i n the  o r a c l e r e c o r d s , and y e t  were no p a r a l l e l male names.  Futhermore, those f u were the  d i r e c t r e c i p i e n t s of the shounian ^ divinations  (Ibid.:357-358).  there  ^- ' r e c e i v e h a r v e s t '  These were d i v i n a t i o n s made by  the Shang k i n g on the a g r i c u l t u r a l h a r v e s t s of r e g i o n s i n h i s economic i n t e r e s t . d i v i n a t i o n s was The  The  with-  d i r e c t r e c i p i e n t of such  u s u a l l y the r u l e r of the r e g i o n concerned.  'female s u b j e c t r u l e r ' category poses new  questions  about  the e a r l i e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the f u as the  'wives of rank  holders'.  ('subject r u l e r ' )  was  Chou concluded  himself that t h i s  the most i n s t r u c t i v e category as the evidence  s u b s t a n t i a l , whereas the former f o u r — t h e  was  more  'female r e l a t i v e s '  — w e r e merely s u g g e s t i v e , based only on the e x i s t e n c e of p a r a l l e l proper names ( I b i d . ; 3 6 0 ) . to ask the q u e s t i o n : was these  We  are thus r e q u i r e d  i t p o s s i b l e t h a t even the f u of  ' r e l a t i v e s ' c a t e g o r i e s had h i g h e r p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s  than t h e i r male counterparts, ?  Chou a l s o reexamined the r e l a t i o n of the f u and king.  Evidence  the Shang  to show t h a t some f u were c o n s o r t s of the  Shang kings  is  Hao  Period I, f o r i n s t a n c e , took p a r t i n m i l i t a r y  of (OBI)  i n d i r e c t but n e v e r t h e l e s s s u g g e s t i v e .  campaigns and a c c o r d i n g l y appears as an important of Wuding. and  The  the expected  associate  k i n g took a s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i n her offspring.  'Fu  pregnancy  I t would seem reasonable  to  49  suppose both an i n t i m a t e and a h i g h - r a n k i n g  relationship.  I t i s q u i t e p o s s i b l e t h a t she was h i s c o n s o r t , or was one of the s e v e r a l ' ( C h o u  1970:356).  p h i l o l o g i s t s who were contented  I t i s presumed t h a t e a r l i e r t h a t Fu Hao was a c o n s o r t  of King Wuding based t h e i r evidence birth'-divinations  l a r g e l y on the ' c h i l d :  (examples t r a n s l a t e d i n ch.VII  below).  T h i s , however, may be an a n a c h r o n i s t i c r e a d i n g o f the Shang m a r i t a l system, of which our knowledge i s s t i l l  scarce.  More s u b s t a n t i a l evidence would be the a c t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n of the posthumous name o f a f o r m a l king's c o n s o r t designated i n l a t e r oracle records  (such as X i n , who was mentioned i n  P e r i o d V r e c o r d s as one of the three o f f i c i a l c o n s o r t s of the e a r l i e r King Wuding) on the one hand, and a f u name on the other hand. concerned,  As f a r as the o r a c l e bone r e c o r d i s  t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n cannot be found.  the Fu Hao tomb comes i n t o the p i c t u r e . Fu Hao-bronzes and Xin-bronzes  T h i s i s where  The c o e x i s t e n c e of  p r o v i d e s the m i s s i n g l i n k i n  the o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n .  As f o r the name 'hao '-#3_(*xog), o p i n i o n s on i t s meaning range from r e g a r d i n g i t as a p e r s o n a l name (Kaogu 1977b: L i & Hu) to r e g a r d i n g i t as a g e n e r a l name (Kaogu 1977b: Qiu; Chang 1980:89; Zhang Zhenglang 1982,1983; Kane 1982). The  l a t t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n emphasizes the c l a n r e f e r e n c e of  the name: 'hao'-tt-^as a woman (represented by the r a d i c a l nW -it 'female' ) from the Z i Jj~ ( * t s i S g ) - c l a n . ^  In which case,  50  the p r o n o u n c i a t i o n of 'fu hao  1  might be  'fu z i ' , i . e . ,  r e a d i n g the b i s y l l a b i c g r a p h ~ Q w i t h the i T r a d i c a l T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , however, does not n e c e s s a r i l y t h a t Pu Hao  omitted. imply  could not be a s p e c i f i c i n d i v i d u a l as an  impor-  t a n t personage could c e r t a i n l y have a g e n e r a l i z e d name. problem of whether the  ' f u hao'  i n a l l Pu Hao  The  related oracle  bone i n s c r i p t i o n s r e f e r r e d to a s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l w i l l  be  d i s c u s s e d in,' chapter V I I .  Xin  5^  There are few p o s s i b l e r e a d i n g s of the Q inscription. r a c t e r s and  First  of a l l i n terms of the number of  t h e i r arrangement.  inscription  r e p r e s e n t s the  1  o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s .  The  In  the  jinwen ^  cha-  ^'bronze  ' s t y l i z e d ' c o u n t e r p a r t of the The  l a t t e r are more ordered  severe whereas .jinwen on the bronzes l i k e designs.  ' s i mu x i n ' *J  'fu hao'  appear almost  inscriptions  and  as l o g o -  ( f i g . 8) f o r  example, there are a t l e a s t f i v e p a t t e r n s or d e s i g n s , i n c l u d i n g one which i s a j u x a p o s i t i o n i n g of a t a o t i e mask and  the  'fu hao'  graphs ( f i g . 8 v i ) .  • s i mu x i n , Tang Lan suggested 1  hou  ^3) and  'mu'  that ' s i '  In the case  jjj|^3^ of  (which he read  (which he read as ntt-&~) might be  as  combined  as a b i s y l l a b i c graph hou-ftfe, which meant 'queen'(Kaogu 1977b: 346).  L i Xueqin agreed w i t h the  continued  'queen' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n but  to read the i n s c r i p t i o n as h a v i n g three  graphs:  51  hou mu x i n J £ - f f i .  JO^  ( L i Xueqin 1 9 7 7 : 3 4 - 3 5 ) .  a p o s s i b i l i t y that t h i s i s a • t r i - s y l l a b i c  There i s even  inscription i n  1  the sense t h a t the ritf i£ , i . e . the 'mu' graph (mu-jjl 'mother' f  and  riU-^f'female'  are i d e n t i c a l i n the o r a c l e r e c o r d :  )  (*nio), may be taken as a 'shared r a d i c a l ' f o r both ' s i * Q and  'xin'.  Other r e a d i n g s  o f the f i r s t  graph i n the ' s i  mu x i n ' i n s c r i p t i o n i n c l u d e s i ^ - g ] 1 s a c r i f i c e and  si^'mother  As e x p l a i n e d  of h e i r s ' ( K a n e  (to) • (YXFHM:96)  1982 : 2 3 - 2 5 )  1 0  .  e a r l i e r , the ' s i mu x i n ' i n s c r i p t i o n s substan-  t i a t e the a t t r i b u t i o n of Pu Hao as the M5 owner; however, ' x i n ' was n o t only the name o f a consort a l s o t h a t of King Kangding.  of King Wuding but  I have a l s o mentioned  earlier  that,some o f the Pu Hao r e l a t e d o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s belong to the D i v i n e r L i  g r o u p i n g , and the problem o f  d a t i n g has to be d i s c u s s e d  i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the e n t i r e  o r a c l e bone grouping, i n c l u d i n g those o r a c l e r e c o r d s lated  unre-  to Fu Hao but prepared by the d i v i n e r s o f the same 11  group.  The c u r r e n t problem i s t h a t P e r i o d  bone i n s c r i p t i o n s p e r t a i n t o K i n g Kangding ^  )  1  2  , whereas the L i - g r o u p 1 "5  with OBI P e r i o d  IV, n o t I I I .  problem who questioned had  (and K i n g L i n x i n  i n s c r i p t i o n s are a s s o c i a t e d Commentators on the Fu Hao  the 'Fu H a o — X i n — W u d i n g '  to take up the burden of e x p l a i n i n g t h i s  rity' .  I I I oracle  deduction  'III-IV  dispa-  52 OBI  Period King Wuding-  (had a consort named 'xin') ^ timespan between Periods I and I I I (or IV) i s too wide f o r the c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h a t a name i n both p e r i o d s could r e f e r to a same person  III  King  Linxin  King Kangding-  the ' I I I - I V disparity 1  K i n g Wuyi King Wenwuding  The  V -z? ( a l s o had a consort named 'xin') • t r a d i t i o n a l d a t i n g of the L i - g r o u p o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s  ' I I I - I V d i s p a r i t y ' i s a s t a n d i n g problem o n l y i f the L i -  group o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s can continue to be dated P e r i o d IV below) and  ( t h i s has  on the bronzes seemingly  i n f a c t been c h a l l e n g e d : see pp.142-143  only i f both the Pu Hao-bronzes and  a c t u a l l y belonged  to  Xin-bronzes  to the tomb owner, i . e . , those names c a s t  were a d d r e s s i n g the tomb m i s t r e s s .  This  l o g i c a l d e d u c t i o n has a l s o been c h a l l e n g e d .  g i n i a Kane suggested  t h a t — i n r e l a t i o n to her  Vir-  interpretation  of the graph ' s i as si-ftg) 'mother of h e i r s ' — t h e ' f u hao' M5  of  c o u l d have been King Wuyi's - j ^ Is s i s t e r , a daughter of  Mu X i n , or e l s e she could have been her deceased in-law' Pu Hao  ( i . e . , the Xin-bronzes but to her OBI  c a s t by Pu Hao  'mother-  i n the M5 d i d not belong to  P e r i o d I I I r e l a t i v e s ; or a t l e a s t  i n honour of those r e l a t i v e s ) ( K a n e 1982).  53 Kane's s u g g e s t i o n a l l o w s the assignment of Fu Hao to OBI P e r i o d IV w h i l e Mu X i n remained  i n P e r i o d I I I without con-  tradiction.  Qiao  ^  There are twenty-eight bronze v e s s e l s w i t h the ' s i q i a o mu' %^  inscription  a d d i t i o n a l graph graph ( l i k e  (Fig. 9 i i , i i i ) .  'gui'^^fig.  Two of them have an  9 i i ) which i s a l s o a c y c l i c a l  'xin') and p o s s i b l y f u n c t i o n e d as a posthumous  14 name.  The suggested r e a d i n g of 'qiao' i s based on the  lower element of the graph: 34).  ( * k ' o g ) ( L i Xueqin 1977:  The upper element l o o k s l i k e a p i c t o g r a p h of a r a b b i t  and i t s r e a d i n g  i s not known.  o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . ^ 1  in  qiao  The graph i s not seen among  U n l i k e the i d e n t i c a l  ' s i mu x i n * , the 'mu' graph i n ' s i qiao mu'  'mu'  would—toge-  ther w i t h ' q i a o ' — f o r m u l a t e the z i ^ ' s t y l e - n a m e * of a woman.  T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s based on an important study  by Wang Guowei i n the 1920s, Nuzi shuo  "t^J'A study  of the female style-name', i n which he suggested t h a t i n the jinwen, 'x-mu' -ffi and 'x-fu' ^Lwere the style-mames of women and men r e s p e c t i v e l y t h e r e f o r e , would  (Wang 1959:163-165).  Qiao Mu,  l i k e l y t o be the style-name o f Fu Hao  (YXFHM:97; Zheng 1982b:10-11).  That the same 'mu' graph i n  ' s i mu x i n ' and i n ' s i qiao mu' c a r r y d i f f e r e n t meanings i s suggested by the s y n t a c t i c p o s i t i o n of the graph"" the former:  54 •mother', and the l a t t e r : c o n s t i t u e n t of the style-name.  were p h o n o l o g i c a l l y r e l a t e d  (both w i t h v o i c e l e s s  guttural  i n i t i a l s ) i t would be l i k e l y t h a t they were f o r m a l - and style-name c o u n t e r p a r t s (1977:34).  This i s a rather  stre-  nuous i n f e r e n c e as we cannot be c e r t a i n about the phonolog i c a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the graph  'qiao*.  Other than the f a c t t h a t the Qiao-bronzes make up the second l a r g e s t group o f bronze v e s s e l s i n the tomb, the ' s i q i a o mu' i n s c r i p t i o n i s p o t e n t i a l l y important because  the same  i n s c r i p t i o n has been found o u t s i d e the i n t a c t Fu Hao tomb. Zheng Zhengxiang l i s t e d  three accounts.  They are found on:  1.a bronze y_anjjjyjlisted i n the Song dynasty catalogue Wang-  ed. 1965:vol. 1 , p l . 2 2 ) , and 3.a l e i ^ l i d (Zheng  excavated from X i a o t u n M66 ( L i C h i 1972:pi.50)  1982b:9).  The exact s i g n i f i c a n c e of the non-M5 Qiao-bronzes i s not 1 f> altogether clear at this point,  and the p o t e n t i a l l y  infor-  mative M66 s u f f e r e d severe damages from upper s t r u c t u r e s ( S h i 1976:9-12).  The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s on the meaning of M66  i n c l u d e d the d a t i n g of M66 to Yinxu P e r i o d I I ( b y  a pottery  v e s s e l found i n the tomb—and thus s u g g e s t i n g a correspondi n g date f o r - the M5 Qiao-bronzes  (Zheng 1982b:10)) to  55  r e g a r d i n g the Qiao-bronze l i d as an i n t r u s i o n to M66 1982:note 14  ).  (Kane  Another f a c t o r f o r the ' s i q i a o mu'  inscrip-  t i o n to a t t r a c t much s c h o l a r l y a t t e n t i o n i s the puzzle con17 c e r n i n g the graph g u i (found on two Qiao-bronzes). the  two other o f f i c i a l  c o n s o r t s of King Wuding mentioned i n  P e r i o d V o r a c l e r e c o r d , other than X i n %^ , were Wu ^  1 8  ,  As  Gui^Land  and we have the ' s i mu x i n ' bronzes as w e l l as the  ' s i mu wu'  f a n g d i n g ^ fjfjf (which was  discovered e a r l i e r  at Wuguan Cun) ^, could i t be t h a t Qiao Mu was 1  t h i r d Wuding c o n s o r t Gui ?  on  a c t u a l l y the  I f t h i s i s an a c c e p t a b l e ~  20 suggestion the  , then t h e r e i s the burden of e x p l a i n i n g  Qiao-bronzes were found i n the Fu Hao  why  tomb, i n such  l a r g e q u a n t i t y , and t o g e t h e r w i t h the X i n - b r o n z e s . Other  Inscriptions  'Ya' the  (**ag) i s another o f f i c i a l  t i t l e and i t appears i n  bone i n s c r i p t i o n s p r e c e d i n g proper names t h a t sometimes  correspond to p l a c e names or marquis names. considered y_a, l i k e ma ^ because  and f u  Chen Mengjia  , to be a m i l i t a r y rank  of the many Y a - r e l a t e d o r a c l e r e c o r d s i n v o l v i n g  military activities  (Gh'en 1956:509-511).  Ya a t times  f u n c t i o n e d as the r o y a l house's r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n the d e a l ings w i t h the r e g i o n a l l o r d s  (the hou ^ a n d  the bo4£j )  (Ibid.:509-511) but other times f u n c t i o n e d as s u b j e c t r u l e r s themselves,presumably  through e n t i t l e m e n t by the  56  Shang k i n g (Chao 1980:144).  In s h o r t , v_a was a rank  title  whose a c t i v i t i e s covered both the n e i f u r ^ ^j5L'core r e g i o n * and w a i f u P\- ftfk ' outer domain' of the Shang s t a t e . continued to be a rank t i t l e  i n the Western Zhou.  three v_a i n s c r i p t i o n s among the Fu Hao B i "^L 3^) -bronzes ( f i g .  The Ya Qi 3fe.  -bronzes ( f i g .  i n c l u d e twenty-one v e s s e l s ; and Ya Qi ^ ^  iii):  one f a n g y i  v S t u d i e s have showed both B i and Qi  (YXFHM:98; Chao 1980:150).  Perhaps t h i s  reason f o r p l a c i n g a Ya B i - d i n g fj^(#808) ( f i g .  a (Ya) Q i - j i a  (#861)—the  assembly of l a r g e  was  18) and  only Ya-bronzes r e p r e s e n t e d i n  bronze v e s s e l s i n the wooden chamber  M5—on the western row  There are twenty-two The  22  have been p l a c e - or t r i b a l - n a m e s s i t u a t e d west of the  Shang c a p i t a l  of  10  ' d i p l o m a t i c g i f t s ' presented to Fu Hao  by the y a - o f f i c i a l s .  the  (fig.  and two yue-axes. These bronzes were  l i k e l y to have been  the  The Ya  j i a and a s e t of  10ii)  to  There are  tomb bronzes.  10vi) i n c l u d e one  f i v e nao-^^-musical b e l l s .  Ya a l s o  (see ch.V below).  Shu Quan-bronzes  'shu'^r graph ( f i g .  i n the Fu Hao  tomb.  10i) i s not seen i n the o r a c l e bone  i n s c r i p t i o n s and the p r o n o u n c i a t i o n of 'shu' i s merely a l o a n from shu <J|( (*siuk) i n the bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . 'quan' ^ graph may 1  J\[ , which  be i d e n t i c a l w i t h the o r a c l e bone graph  seems a l s o to f u n c t i o n as a name.  of  twenty-two  zi  (fig.  The  Su Q u a n - i n s c r i p t i o n s i n c o r p o r a t e the  10i top graph).  Seven out title  Z i 3~ , l i k e f u ^ | , i s a g a i n  57 a t i t l e w i t h i n which the k i n s h i p - and the o f f i c e - r e f e r e n c e i s bundled up i n ways that are not v e r y c l e a r to us.  Zi  i s normally taken to mean ' p r i n c e ' or 'member of the r o y a l Zi lineage'  2 4  (Hu 1 9 4 4 ,  Ch'en 1 9 5 6 : 4 9 7 ) .  As Z i Shu Quan i s  a name not seen i n the o r a c l e r e c o r d , i t i s d i f f i c u l t s p e c u l a t e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Fu Hao Perhaps  Shu Quan was  The s i g n i f i c a n c e the Fu Hao  and Z i Shu Quan.  a son, or a subordinate of Hao.  25 ^  of the i n s c r i p t i o n s among the o b j e c t s i n  tomb may  be summarized as f o l l o w s . X i a o t u n M5 i s  known as the tomb of Fu Hao Fu Hao-bronzes.  to  because  of the eminence of the  The Xin-bronzes h e l p to confirm the  p o s i t i o n and date of Fu Hao,  social  but not without problems,  which  c a l l f o r the reexamination o f , among other t h i n g s , the Fu Hao-oracle bone i n s c r i p t i o n s .  I f the *M5—Fu  Hao—Consort  X i n — K i n g Wuding p e r i o d ' d e d u c t i o n h o l d s t r u e , t h i s would be the f i r s t  time a Shang tomb may  regard t o i t s owner and time.  f i r m l y be i d e n t i f i e d i n I t i s , however, u n r e a l i s t i c  to expect s o l i d evidence as we are relics  more than three thousand  dealing with years o l d .  cultural  Fu Hao  may  t e n t a t i v e l y be dated to the time of King Wuding, i . e . , OBI P e r i o d I or Yinxu P e r i o d I I , and the p r e s e n t paper  will  continue to examine what s i g n i f i c a n c e ' t h i s d a t i n g 'could h o l d i n the c o n t e x t s of t r a d i t i o n a l a r t h i s t o r i c a l a r c h a e o l o g i c a l p e r i o d i z a t i o n s of Shang c u l t u r e .  and  The  group-  i n g of a r t i f a c t s by t h e i r i n s c r i p t i o n s as i n the tomb of  58  Fu Hao i s a l s o unprecedented i n Shang archaeology. a n a l y s i s of the a r t i f a c t s may that have been r a i s e d i n  throw new  this  Formal  l i g h t on problems  chapter.  59  Notes: I I I 1. Most of the Fu Hao-bronzes d i s p l a y the two graphs  ' f u hao*.  There a r e , however, seven items w i t h only the second graph 'hao'.  There i s , i n a d d i t i o n , a f a n g l e i  has the i n s c r i p t i o n  ' f u hao', but the i n s c r i p t i o n a t the  bottom of the v e s s e l has only 'hao'. suggested i n YXFHM (p. 95) that of  1  ( # 8 6 6 ) , whose cover  T h i s i n d i c a t e s , as  'hao' i s the a b b r e v i a t i o n  f u hao . 1  2 . Fu Hao-bronzes w i t h i d e n t i c a l found outside M5.  ' f u hao' i n s c r i p t i o n s  are not  There i s , however, a p a i r of i n s c r i p t i o n s  on the cover and the body of a you ^ - v e s s e l — l i s t e d Fu Nti you  by Yu Xingwu i n h i s Shangzhou  ^ ( ^ ^ ^ L ^ ^  (  Y u  1  as  jinwen l u y i  9 5 7 : rubbings n . 2 5 6 . 1 and 2 5 6 . 2 ) —  which are taken by some s c h o l a r s as evidence f o r the e x i s t ence of 'Fu Hao-bronzes' o u t s i d e M5 (Kaogu 1 9 7 7 b : 5 4 4 ; L i Boqian  1979:170).  The Fu Mi I n s c r i p t i o n s  60 Notes; I I I To read  the above i n s c r i p t i o n s as ' f u hao', one has to  explain  the  existence  of  the  additional  kou fel and z h i V P elements above which are not found among the Fu Hao-bronze: i n s c r i p t i o n s of M5. o d d i t y of t h i s  Furthermore, the  i n c o r p o r a t i o n - of the kou and z h i i n only  example, b e i n g d i s t i n c t from the 111 accounts of Fu bronze i n s c r i p t i o n s , has to be accounted f o r .  one  Hao-  Even i f t h i s  i n s c r i p t i o n c o u l d be proven to be i n t e r p r e t e d as ' f u hao', the e x i s t e n c e of a Fu Hao-bronze need not imply  o u t s i d e of the i n t a c t  M5  therefore t h a t ' f u hao' was not a p e r s o n a l  name (see d i s c u s s i o n s on 'hao', pp.46-50).  She could have  given out the v e s s e l as a g i f t to someone e l s e j u s t as bronzes of others were found i n Fu Hao's tomb.  3. In the r o u t i n e s a c r i f i c i a l d i v i n a t i o n s made by D i y i ^ 7-J and D i x i n ^ was recorded  ^- (of OBI P e r i o d V ) , the former k i n g Wuding to have three o f f i c i a l wives, whose posthumous  names were Wu fyi (Duo 2.215, Hou shang. 4 . 8 . . J i n g  5077),  Xin ^  (Bu 274, Hou shang 4.6.7, Qian 1.17.4, 1.37.4),  Gui #  (Hou shang 3.13.14, 4.9-10, Qian 1.17.4, Gui  (Ch'en  and  298)  1958:427).  4. I have f o l l o w e d Bernhard K a r l g r e n , Grammata S e r i c a Recensa (1957) f o r a l l p h o n o l o g i c a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s of a r c h a i c Chinese used i n the paper.  61 Notes: I I I 5. Although 'xiao' l i t e r a l l y meant ' s m a l l ' , were h i g h o f f i c i a l s  i n Shang.  There were a t l e a s t  c a t e g o r i e s of xiaochen i n the OBI: of the Shang c o u r t and  the xiaochen  those who  were  those of the f a n g - s t a t e s  two officials  (Ch'en  1956:  505).  6. Shirakawa Shizuka suggests t h a t the f u were the wives of zi-4- - r o y a l p r i n c e s .  Fu p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the  ceremonies of the husband's, f a m i l y and t a r y troops n.11,  agrees with  religious  sometimes l e d  of her own f a m i l y • to the b a t t l e f i e l d  ch.VII below)(Shirakawa 1957). the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n t h a t  mili-  (see  OBI  Whereas Shirakawa 'fu'^in  the  oracle  bone i s a l o a n f o r fu#s^ 'lady, woman', Shima Kunio, on other hand, regards vassal'.  ' f u ' ^ as a l o a n f o r f u  Shima suggests t h a t f u ^  was  s t a t u s was  like  a t i t l e given  t h a t of the z i ^ - •  the  subjected  the v a s s a l s under the d i r e c t a u t h o r i t y of Shang. political  the  to  Fu's  Other lower  r a n k i n g v a s s a l s i n c l u d e d the hou jg'and the bo i . 1  Shima  a l s o suggests t h a t f u could be a h e r e d i t a r y t i t l e because nine and  t i t l e s of the form fu-x appear i n both OBI IV  (Shima 1958:451-461)(Naito 1960:569).  Periods  Keightley  comments t h a t i f the d i v i n a t i o n s which Shima a s s i g n s the OBI  Period  suggestion  IV a r e , i n f a c t , from the P e r i o d  t h a t f u was  i s d i f f i c u l t to accept  to  I, the  a h e r e d i t a r y t i t l e would be one (Kei.ghtley 1969:12 note  I  3).  that As  62 Notes: I I I we  s h a l l see i n the case of the Fu H a o - i n s c r i p t i o n s  o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s mentioning Fu Hao), have been made to date a l l of them to OBI below).  Also the c o e x i s t e n c e  bronzes i n M5 Hao  and  a few  i n Ch'en 1956:491-494 and  sfc-  See  Oshima  7. The r u l i n g of the Shang was  (ch.VII  of Fu Hao-bronzes and  others—being  r a t h e r than of the z i - p r i n c e .  suggestions  Period I  p o i n t s s t r o n g l y to the f u — i n  probably  (i.e.,  consorts  of Fu  of the k i n g  a l s o d i s c u s s i o n s on ' f u ' 1964.  designated  (The H i s t o r i c a l Records).  the case  Xin-  'zi  i n the Shi.ji  However,  not a l l of i t s members could be k i n g . W i t h i n the Z i c l a n , there was a wangzu 5 *>^L » °r r o y a l l i n e a g e , from which kings were chosen, and z i z u 3r \% or d u o z i z u ^9 41L , members, of which o f t e n served as the king's l o y a l w a r r i o r s . Some female members of the Z i c l a n (presumably from the r o y a l l i n e a g e ) became the endogamous spouses of the k i n g s . Female members of other c l a n s are known to have been the exogamous spouses of the kings (Chang 1980:165-166)(following Shirakawa Shizuka and Hu Houxuan).  8. The  ' s i mu x i n ' i n s c r i p t i o n i s o f t e n d i s c u s s e d i n a s s o c i a -  t i o n with the  ' s i mu wu'  famous g i g a n t i c , 875  i n s c r i p t i o n c a s t on  the  Kg^fangding ( f i g . 0)(the best c o l o u r  r e p r o d u c t i o n of the S i Mu Wu-fangding I have seen i s i n China P i c t o r i a l i n 1939 Wu  1977/6 p.22).  T h i s fangding was  i n the farm land of a Wuguan Cun  Yuyao.  Apparently  because of the huge s i z e  h e i g h t ) and heavy weight, he was  discovered villager (133cm i n  not able to unearth  i t and  The  S i Mu  Wu  Inscription  64 Notes: I I I c o n t i n u e d t o keep i t "buried. out i n 1946  The  f a n g d i n g was  finally  and has s i n c e been k e p t i n the N a n j i n g Museum  (Ch'en 1954:29).  The  s i g n i f i c a n c e o f the S i Mu Wu  i s t h a t i t s i n s c r i p t i o n s h a r e s the same ' s i mu-x'  fangding format  w i t h the S i Mu X i n - b r o n z e s i n M5, w h i c h a l s o i n c l u d e d p a i r o f l a r g e fangding; ( p i . 5 ) . l i g h t e r t h a n t h e S i Mu Wu a r e the second  9. T h i s i s my understanding He  Although s u b s t a n t i a l l y  f a n g d i n g , the S i Mu X i n f a n g d i n g  explained  below).  of a s u g g e s t i o n made by t h i s to me  10. F o l l o w i n g Akatsuka K i y o s h i .  11. The  See  1983.  f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n s on the graph s i -fts).  c o n s t i t u e n t s of an o r a c l e i n s c r i p t i o n u s u a l l y i n c l u d e ), the  tion  1^).  <2  ) and  u s u a l l y recorded  the v e r i f i c a t i o n ( the c y c l i c a l day  prognosticaThe  performed, the name of the d i v i n e r , and  Dong Zuobin f i r s t  formulated  preface  on which the d i v i n a t i o n sometimes the  place of d i v i n a t i o n (see K e i g h t l e y 1978b:28-45).  OBI  at  Zhou e t a l . 1975:6808-  the preface ( 7 % r|j^ ), the charge (  was  Professor  when I v i s i t e d him  the U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, S e a t t l e , i n March<  6819  a  l a r g e s t Shang v e s s e l s e v e r d i s c o v e r e d (see  d i s c u s s i o n s on pp.. 77-79  Qiu X i g u i .  taken  Since  the d a t i n g c r i t e r i a f o r the  (1933), the d i v i n e r ' s name has been one  of the most  65  Notes: I I I important references f o r the date of an i n s c r i p t i o n . on the mutual or bone, and  Based  appearance of d i v i n e r names on the same s h e l l the p o s s i b l e d a t i n g of the s h e l l or bone by  the a p p e l l a t i o n s with which the deceased a n c e s t o r s were addressed, i t has ners who  been p o s s i b l e to e s t a b l i s h groups of  were a c t i v e as contemporaries.  Thus, an OBI  divi-  may  be  known by the d i v i n e r g r o u p — s u c h as the D i v i n e r L i g r o u p — to which  12.  13.  See  it,belongs.  appendix I f o r the a s s o c i a t i o n of r e i g n s and  Periods.  Por  Keightley  1978b:91-133.  See,  explanations  f o r instance,  of the L i - g r o u p  14. As  i n the  Shima 1958:21-13 f o r the  Period  IV  1933,  dating  OBI.  wu'  and  ' s i mu  Chang Kwang-chih suggests t h a t the tiangan stems' c y c l i c a l names designated the of the r u l i n g c l a n p e r t a i n e d  to.  x i n ' above. 'heavenly  ' t a b l e t u n i t ' a member  They were c l a s s e d by  gan u n i t s i n l i f e as w e l l as i n death, but  15. Yan  OBI  of the a s s o c i a t i o n see Dong  i n s c r i p t i o n s ' s i mu  r e f e r r e d to by  the  tian-  they were never  them u n t i l a f t e r death (Chang 1978).  Y i p i n g t r a n s c r i b e s the graph as yu.l,SL(*ngio), which i n  the Z h o u l i meant 'to d r i v e  (a c h a r i o t ) ' or  'to d i r e c t ,  66  Notes: I I I govern*  ( K a r l g r e n 1957:40).  —Yibian Cun  Yan a l s o c i t e s f o u r OBI  3162, Y i b i a n 1047 + 1056 + 4656, Duo  examples  1.454(also i n  1.972, Wai 462), and Jinghua 2 (Yan 1981:2).  In the case  °f Jinghua 2, the graph i s ^ which c l e a r l y has a 'horse' element and the context of the i n s c r i p t i o n a l s o confirms the 'to d i r e c t , govern' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , meaning i s ' d r i v i n g ever, i s ^  (a c h a r i o t ) ' .  which may  i n which case the  The graph i n Y i b i a n , how-  not be the same as y_u above.  However  the context of the Y i b i a n i n s c r i p t i o n s does a l l o w the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of 'to d i r e c t , govern', i n which case i t would mean 'to govern ( t h i s town)'.  It i s d i f f i c u l t at this  to e s t a b l i s h a c l e a r r e l a t i o n between the two graphs  point  above.  The Y i b i a n graph l o o k s c l o s e r to the bronze graph concerned (see f i g .  9 i i & i i i ) but a g a i n , the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s suggested  p u r e l y on g r a p h i c a l ground and there can be no c o n c l u s i o n as to the exact r e l a t i o n s h i p of the Y i b i a n graph 'yu' and the bronze graph 'qiao'. some way,  I f indeed they could be r e l a t e d i n  t h i s would be an important c l u e f o r the i n t e r p r e -  t a t i o n of 'qiao'.  Anyway, whether the 'qiao' graph does  occur i n the OBI or n o t , Yan  (who  t h i n k s i t does) continues  to r e g a r d i t as a z i 'style-name' of Pu Hao  (Yan  1981:2).  T h i s i s s i m i l a r problem to the case of the Pu Nil you above).  We  a r e , however, more c o n f i d e n t about the  f i c a t i o n of the non-M5 Qiao-bronzes  t h i s time.  (note 2  identi-  67 Notes: I I I 17. P e c u l i a r s t i l l  i s the p a t t e r n t h a t the ' s i ' of both ' s i qiao  mu g u i ' i n s c r i p t i o n s were i n s c r i b e d i n the r e v e r s e d i . e . , mirror tions  image of the ' s i ' i n other  order,  'su qiao mu'  inscrip-  (YXFHM;97).  3  18. See note  above.  19. See note 8.  above.  20. See, f o r i n s t a n c e , Zheng 1982b, who does suggest something to t h i s  21.  effect.  See Chang 1980:69-73, 309-317, 319-321 f o r general  discus-  s i o n s on the 'core r e g i o n ' and the 'outer domain' of Shang. Chang terms the Anyang s i t e s c l u s t e r as the 'Anyang and  the l a r g e r area of Shang s i t e s i n n o r t h e r n  core',  Henan—from  X i n g t a i -ft|> o i n the n o r t h to Hui Xian^J^ i & d n the south (a s t r e t c h of about 160 K m ) — o f  which the Anyang core was  a p a r t , as the 'Royal C a p i t a l ' ( I b i d . : 7 3 ) . r e g i o n may be considered  22. ' B i ' ^ ^ i s B i paying  only  This entire  as the n e j f u of Shang.  seen i n the OBI.  These i n s c r i p t i o n s r e c o r d the  t r i b u t e s to the Shang c o u r t  (Xu 5.8.3, Hou x i a  30.12, J i a b i a n 122, 3000, 3163) and performing d u t i e s f o r the Shang c o u r t  ( T i e 31.3, C u i 1167).  In a d d i t i o n , the  68 Notes: I I I Shang k i n g a l s o d i v i n e d about the shounian of B i (Cui 890,  'receive harvest'  Gun x i a 163, Qian 3.1.2)(OTHM:97-98).  QiJ£  i s a l s o seen i n the OBI performing s e r v i c e s to the Shang ( J i a b i a n 2124,  3337,  23. Qian 7.17.1 and Pu 4. name.  T i e 263.3)(YXFHM:99).  The former suggests more of a p l a c e  In both cases the 'shu' graph i s not present and  hence the bronze- and b o n e - i n s c r i p t i o n s are probably not r e f e r r i n g to the same name.  24. The f u and the z i seem to be the i n Shang.  highest ranking o f f i c i a l s  However, as suggested e a r l i e r , these t i t l e s  could be d e f i n e d i n narrower  p o l i t i c a l environments  rather  than h a v i n g a n a t i o n a l l y uniform s t a t u s .  They are p r o b a b l y  at  office-designation.  the same time a k i n s h i p - as w e l l as an  Z i i s a l s o o f t e n taken to r e f e r to a member of the d u o z i z u ^  \-  (see note  7  above).  25. Judging from the r e l a t i v e tomb s i z e and content of M5 M18,  and  i f they could be taken to r e p r e s e n t the tomb of a f u  and of a z i r e s p e c t i v e l y  ( c h . I I note  14  ), they i n d i c a t e  t h a t the f u enjoyed much h i g h e r s o c i a l s t a t u s than the z i . T h i s would c h a l l e n g e Shirakawa's  s u g g e s t i o n t h a t the f u  were the spouses of the jzi (note 6  above).  However,  t h i s comparison need not be a g e n e r a l case (note 24  above).  69 Notes: I I I For f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n s on z i , see Dong 1933:379-386, K a i zuka 1946:283-302, Hu 1944: see under Y i n d a i h u n y i n .jiazu z o n g f a shengyu zhidukao  fo4\;,4&<tfft  H%  % $ H & 4 ,  Shima 1958:442-451, Ding Shan 1956:74-77, L i X i a o d i n g 4309-4313.  1965:  70 IV The  The  Bronze  Vessels  importance of the tomb of Fu Hao  bronzes i s e v i d e n t  j u s t as  almost every aspect of the M5 one  i n the study of Shang  the tomb i s s i g n i f i c a n t  of Shang S t u d i e s .  b r o n z e s — t h e 210  The  sheer  quantity  r i t u a l v e s s e l s t h a t make up  t h i r d of a l l Shang bronze v e s s e l s s c i e n t i f i c a l l y 1  vated  to  about  exca-  i n the Anyang r e g i o n —makes t h i s tomb c r u c i a l and  the same time p r o b l e m a t i c a l . of bronze v e s s e l s i n the us wonder how  at  I t i s t h i s s u r p r i s i n g number  comparatively  compact M5  t h a t make  many more bronzes there would o r i g i n a l l y have been  i n the much l a r g e r , but almost completely l o o t e d , X i b e i g a n g 2 tombs. Because of the l a r g e number and v a r i e t y of M5  bronzes  can be many ways to c a t e g o r i z e  i s to do i t  by typology,  them.  One  way  there  which i s the approachtaken i n Yinxu Fu Hao  mu.  There are f o u r l a r g e r c l a s s e s based on the f u n c t i o n a l usages of the v e s s e l s : 1.cooking v e s s e l s , 2.food v e s s e l s , 3.wine v e s s e l s and  4.water v e s s e l s .  ever, i f a l l M5 the above sense.  bronzes were regarded to be  , others  s o l e l y f o r mortuary purposes^".  use,  could have been c a s t  Below the l a r g e r f u n c t i o n a l  bronzes are f u r t h e r c l a s s i f i e d  f o u r types ( f i g . 1 1 ) :  how-  'functional' i n  Whereas some v e s s e l s show t r a c e s of  such as a scorched s u r f a c e  c l a s s e s , the M5  I t would be m i s l e a d i n g ,  i n t o twenty-  71 Cooking v e s s e l s 1. d i n g  ^  2. van  ^  3. zeng-shaped v e s s e l Food v e s s e l s 4. g u i J Wine v e s s e l s 5.  'dual'-fangyi  7. zun  {ft "%  .%  8. gong / i ^ 9. iru 10.  ^  bu  11. you  ^  12. f a n g l e i  %  13. fangfou 14.  jia  15.  he  16.  zhi  >P  jg^  17. .gu 18.  jue  19.  dpu  % 2ft  ^ ||  Water- v e s s e l s 20. yu 21.  pan  22.  guan  5: "5$.  Miscellaneous (the f u n c t i o n s of these items are not known) 23.  'square high-legged  vessel'  24. dustpan-shaped o b j e c t  ^  X.  7> Hf^  H  ^  72  fig.  11  Bronze V e s s e l 1,2 gu  3,4  11 you  12 y_an  17 f a n g y i  Types  ^ue  5,6  ^ia  13 z h i  18 gong  7,8 bu  14 hu  9 ding  15 zun  10 pan  16 he  (Note: These are not v e s s e l s from  M5)  73  As an item-by-item d e s c r i p t i o n i n the above order based on typology  i s provided  be repeated h e r e . bronzes i n order  i n the Yinxu Fu Hao mu, t h i s w i l l not  Rather, I w i l l s e l e c t i v e l y d i s c u s s a few to provide  an impression  o f the range of  bronzes a v a i l a b l e , to h i g h l i g h t some outstanding as w e l l as to pose questions These w i l l be f o l l o w e d  pieces,  on the nature of the assemblage.  by a s i m p l i f i e d i n v e n t o r y ,  the major s e t s and p a i r s of bronzes.  listing  There w i l l a l s o be a  d i s c u s s i o n on the grouping of the bronzes based on i n s c r i p tions.  The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the v a r i o u s i n s c r i p t i o n s  discussed  i n chapter I I I w i l l here be considered  to these groupings.  i n relation  A f o u r - s i z e s c a l e based on the h e i g h t  of the v e s s e l w i l l be used throughout the d i s c u s s i o n ,  —  'grand' : about 45 to 80 cm,  ' l a r g e ' : about 30 to 45 cm,  'medium': about 20 to 30 cm,  'small'  : about  8 to 20 cm.  Art  h i s t o r i c a l and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l d a t i n g o f the bronzes  and  r e l a t e d i s s u e s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d  t h i s chapter,  to be f o l l o w e d  i n the l a t t e r p a r t of  by a s h o r t d i s c u s s i o n on the  'meaning' o f the bronzes.  There are twenty-eight 'grand' p i e c e s and many of them were placed  among the three-row arrangement on the f l o o r of the  wooden chamber ( d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n i n ch.V below).  It i s  g e n e r a l l y true t h a t the l a r g e r the v e s s e l , the more crowded and r i c h e r the s u r f a c e d e s i g n . 'dual'-fangyi  #791 (with  A good example i s the ou'fffi  'fu hao' i n s c r i p t i o n ) ( f i g . 12,  74  fig-  12  The Fu Hao  1  Dual'-fangyi  75 pi.  1 ) . The name 'oufangyi' has been termed because t h i s  v e s s e l looks l i k e 50).  'two f a n g y i being joined i n t o one' (YXFHM:  T h i s ' d u a l ' - f a n g y i i s the only example of i t s kind  among Shang bronzes.  The s t r u c t u r e l o o k s l i k e a t o y house  packed with a d e s i g n s u r f a c e as r i c h and p l a y f u l as i t could p o s s i b l y be. 'eaves'  The l i d l o o k s l i k e a r o o f , w i t h  immediately  below i t .  projecting  The main f r i e z e c o n s i s t s of To each s i d e of the mask, a  kui'*^-dragon  m o t i f i s c l o s e l y attached as i f forming a d u a l  image f u n c t i o n i n g as the extended  h o r i z o n t a l body o f the  t a o t i e and a t the same time, a separate i n d i v i d u a l b e a s t . A b i r d motif f i t s  ever so t i g h t l y i n t o the s m a l l space  between t h i s h o r i z o n t a l k u i and y e t another l a r g e r and v e r t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d k u i a t the periphery  of the main f r i e z e .  The remaining s e c t i o n s of t h i s v e s s e l show an extremely  lively  assembly of the v a r i o u s b i r d - m o t i f s , owl-images, c i c a d a s and  other m y s t i c a l animals, a l l executed  (Loehr S t y l e V ) .  i n high r e l i e f  Another 'grand'-size Fu Hao v e s s e l , a s e t  of the van-steamer #790, 768, 769 and 770 ( p i . 2) has, i n c o n t r a s t to the f a n g y i , a more l u c i d and n o n - p r o j e c t i n g s u r f a c e d e c o r a t i o n . The three bowl-shaped zeng are removable, which may a l s o suggest  that t h i s i s a p r a c t i c a l v e s s e l - s e t .  The p a i r of Fu Hao bird-shaped and  zun (or x i a o z u n ^  ) #784  785 ( f i g . 13, p i . 3) i s o f t e n shown i n r e c e n t p u b l i c a -  t i o n s on Shang bronzes, and indeed t h i s i s probably the  The Fu Hao  Bird-shaped  Zun  77  most s p e c t a c u l a r p a i r of a r t i f a c t s from the tomb. powerful s c u l p t u r e i s the outcome of a dynamic  juxaposition-  i n g of the n a t u r a l b i r d form and the a r t i f i c i a l The  This  v e s s e l form.  zun stands on the b i r d ' s two l e g s i n f r o n t and a t the  same time propped upward by i t s t a i l a t the r e a r . otherwise complete hemisphere by the c u r v i n g b i l l  on the top plane i s  i n front.  The interrupted  The l i d covers only the back  h a l f , a l l o w i n g the f r o n t a l h a l f to remain permanently engaged  as the b i r d ' s head and f a c e ; the l a t t e r i s a t the  same time a t a o t i e image.  There i s an owl-mask under the  v e s s e l handle (at the r e a r ) which reminds one of the s i m i l a r owl-mask seen on the Fu pi.  1).  Hao  'dual'-fangyi e a r l i e r  (fig.  12,  Another p a i r of unusual v e s s e l s from the tomb i s  the Fu Hao f l a t - l e g g e d f a n g d i n g #812  and 813  ( p i . 4).  This  i s the only p a i r of Shang bronzes w i t h the composite of a square v e s s e l body (fangding) and f l a t t i s h  legs.  The p a i r of S i Mu X i n f a n g d i n g , measuring about 80 cm i n h e i g h t and weighing about 120 Kg each, are the second l a r g e s t Shang bronze v e s s e l s ever d i s c o v e r e d p i . 5).  (#789 and 809 »  The l a r g e s t Shang bronze v e s s e l i s the S i Mu  Wu  f a n g d i n g , which looks s i m i l a r to the p r e s e n t X i n f a n g d i n g and has the same i n s c r i p t i o n a l format ' s i mu'  with a d i f f e r -  ent c y c l i c a l name 'wu'  b e l i e v e d to f u n c t i o n as a posthumous  name.  the most ' c o n v e n t i o n a l ' v e s s e l type  The f a n g d i n g was  i n the sense t h a t the shape and  d e s i g n saw the l e a s t  changes  The S i Mu X i n Gong  79  over the few c e n t u r i e s of Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n .  The Anyang  fangding i s the 'lowered' v e r s i o n of the Zhengzhou f a n g d i n g i n t h a t the rim had been brought down to a l i g n w i t h the top of the t a o t i e f r i e z e  (see Wenwu 1981:  of the Zhengzhou f a n g d i n g ) .  The  39-41  f o r reproductions  change i n d e s i g n seems to  suggest a movement toward a c h i e v i n g a g r e a t e r monumentality : a f i r m e r and h e a v i e r s t r u c t u r e . had been maintained  and  Yet the b a s i c d e s i g n scheme  i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , which was 7  a source f o r the same monumentality. about the only v e s s e l type t h a t had body i n the Zhengzhou phase.  The fangding a square  Fu Hao,  no l o n g e r  i n the tomb of  the s p e c i f i c f u n c t i o n s of the fangding  probably  remained r e l a t i v e l y unchanged while the sacredness square  (or r e c t a n g u l a r ) shape was  shape and d e c o r a t i o n of the Hao (fig.  relaxed.  was  (or r e c t a n g u l a r )  Whereas t h i s was  the case i n the Anyang p e r i o d , as observed  itself  The  of the  playful  ' d u a l ' - f a n g y i seen  earlier  12, p i . 1) are i n sharp c o n t r a s t with the solemn  s t r u c t u r e and monumental d e s i g n of the X i n fangding , which suggests t h e i r a c t u a l r i t u a l usages to be d i f f e r e n t . been d i s c u s s e d i n chapter I I I t h a t 'xin* name and t h a t ' s i mu x i n ' may Mother X i n ' .  (addressed  to)  The X i n - v e s s e l group then, might have been .  of the f a n g d i n g may pair  i s a posthumous  mean ' s a c r i f i c e  c a s t p u r e l y f o r the mortuary r i t u a l s .  The  I t has  The monumental  perhaps be understood  of S i Mu X i n gong #803 and  1163  in this  quality  context.  ( f i g . 14, p i . 6)  80 are r a r e examples of gong with f o u r s t a n d i n g l e g s .  This i s  a c t u a l l y a composite of an o x - l i k e animal and a b i r d of some kind.  When viewed from the r e a r , the p a i r o f l e g s and the  wing a t the two s i d e s immediately remind us o f those seen earlier  on the Fu Hao bird-shaped  zun ( f i g . 13, p i . 3 ) . When  viewed from the f r o n t , however, i t becomes an ox w i t h representations clear  of the horns, eyes, and a l o n g muzzle w i t h  jaws, mouth and snout.  on the l i d . leiwen ^  vivid  A l a r g e c o i l e d dragon i s seen  The e n t i r e body i s covered with  free-floating  .^motif.  What I have been d e s c r i b i n g above are some o f the l a r g e r v e s s e l s i n the Fu Hao tomb with 80 cm.  height r a n g i n g  from 36 to  Most M5 v e s s e l s belong to the 'medium' s i z e  which i n c l u d e about n i n e t y gu and jue ( p i s . 19-26).  category, There  are a l s o ' s m a l l ' v e s s e l s , such as the u n i n s c r i b e d t i n y  ding  #836 ( p i . 7 ) , whose shape a l s o l o o k s l i k e a you ffi. I t i s only  11.2 cm t a l l .  There are a l s o r a r e v e s s e l types among  the M5 bronzes unforeseen i n previous museum c o l l e c t i o n s .  excavations  or i n  The f u n c t i o n of the Fu Hao dustpan-  shaped o b j e c t #869 ( p i . 8) and the S i Mu X i n square h i g h legged  v e s s e l #850 ( p i . 9) i s not known.  There are bronzes  whose s t r u c t u r e seems to have been d e r i v e d from  conventional  forms, but new a d d i t i o n s ensured u t i l i t a r i a n ends. example, the Fu Hao d j j i g r l i k e an e x t r a l a r g e spout  looks  For  o b j e c t #763 ( p i . 10) with l i k e a sauce d i s p e n s e r of  81  some k i n d .  Because of the unforeseen  v a r i e t y and to a c e r -  t a i n e x t e n t , the s t y l i s t i c f e a t u r e s , of the M5  "bronzes,  a r t i f a c t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n with other Anyang b u r i a l s becomes v e r y p r o b l e m a t i c a l (see a r t h i s t o r i c a l and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l d a t i n g below).  One of the g r e a t e s t c h a l l e n g e s of the Fu  Hao tomb i s the demand-it i m p l i e s f o r reexamination t i o n of the form sequence and d e s i g n p r i n c i p l e  of- our concep-  of Shang  bronzes.  The  f o l l o w i n g i s an i n v e n t o r y of bronze v e s s e l s i n the tomb  of Fu Hao grouped by t h e i r  inscriptions:  Hao group: 109 v e s s e l s (and 2 yue-axes) 1 1 1 1 3 1 1  dual -fangyi p a i r bird-shaped zun PcllI* p a i r -L.fanghu pair fanglei fang.jia yan-set (4 p i e c e s )  1  1  ZZB  large:  y a n - r e l a t e d v e s s e l s (6 p i e c e s ) 2 s e t s of round d i n g (12 p i e c e s ) 1 p a i r each of f l a t - l e g g e d d i n g , f a n g y i , bu, hu, he, and l a r g e ;jue 1 each of fangzun, z K i and l a r g e j i a  medium  a t l e a s t 2 s e t s of gu_ (22 p i e c e s ) set of 10 jue 1 p a i r of gong 3 he. 1 each of guan, y u , pan, d i n g with spout and d u s t p a n - l i k e o b j e c t 2 gui  small:  1 fangding 1 pair t a l l - l e g g e d ding 5 other s m a l l d i n g  82  1 fou 8 dou-spoons g X i n group: 5 v e s s e l s grand:  1 p a i r fangding  large:  1 p a i r f o u r - l e g g e d gong  .small:  1 square h i g h - l e g g e d v e s s e l  Qiao group: 28 v e s s e l s grand: 1 1 1 1 medium:  ( i n c l u d e s 2 w i t h the ' g u i ' i n s c r i p t i o n s ) p a i r fangzun p a i r zun p a i r fanghu pair j i a  s e t of 11 gu s e t of 9 jue  Ya B i group: 1 v e s s e l grand:  (and 1 s e t of 5  1 round  nao ^)-bells) /  ding  Ya Q i group: 21 v e s s e l s grand:  1 pair j i a  medium:  s e t of 10 go. s e t of 9 jue  Ya Q i group: 1 v e s s e l medium:  (and 2 yue-axes)  1 fangding  Quan group: 22 v e s s e l s large:  1 p a i r zun  medium:  1 jia sex of 10 gu s e t of 9 jue  Others:23 v e s s e l s  (2 of them  inscribed)  Other than the v a s t number and v a r i e t y , the M5 bronzes  also  83 allow us to examine a r t i f a c t s o f a s i n g l e b u r i a l by t h e i r i n s c r i p t i o n a l grouping. Shang archaeology.  T h i s i s the f i r s t  The problem  such o c c a s i o n i n  'may be examined i n few  a s p e c t s , such as the number o f bronzes, the composition of v e s s e l t y p e s , f o r m a l f e a t u r e s , and t h e i r placement tomb. the  i n the  In terms of the number o f bronzes, i t i s observed i n  above i n v e n t o r y t h a t the f i g u r e may r e p r e s e n t the r e l a -  t i v e importance of the i n s c r i p t i o n a l group i n the assemblage, such as the numerous Pu Hao-bronzes,  which presumably were  o r i g i n a l l y c a s t f o r the tomb owner.  But t h i s p a t t e r n may  not  always be a c c e p t a b l e , as i n the case o f the  Xin-bronzes,  which are b e l i e v e d to be o b j e c t s c a s t s o l e l y f o r mortuary purposes.  Although few i n number, they probably f u n c t i o n e d  at a d i f f e r e n t  r i t u a l level,  and thus t h e i r r e l a t i v e  tance cannot be compared s o l e l y on An i n t r i g u i n g 19-26).  • quantitative  imporgrounds.  p a t t e r n i s the number of the gu. and ^ue ( p i s .  F o r those groups t h a t i n c o r p o r a t e the gu and jue  (always both t o g e t h e r ) — P u Hao, Qiao, Ya Q i and Q u a n — t h e q q u a n t i t y o f each item i s always about t e n or i t s m u l t i p l e s . We can thus speak o f a gu-set and a j u e - s e t .  Formal  simi10  larity  i n each s e t a l s o c o n f i r m t h i s s e r i a l concept.  A  f u r t h e r q u e s t i o n may thus be asked as r e g a r d to the s i g n i f i cance of the i n c o r p o r a t i o n  (Pu Hao, Qiao, Ya Q i and Quan)  and the n o n - i n c o r p o r a t i o n (other i n s c r i p t i o n a l the  gju and jue i n the bronze grouping.  groups) o f  84  In r e g a r d to the f o r m a l f e a t u r e s , the i n s c r i p t i o n a l group showing  the c l e a r e s t s t y l i s t i c  Qiao-group.  i d i o s y n c r a s y i s probably the  The f o u r p a i r s of 'grand' v e s s e l s i n the g r o u p —  fangzun #806 and 868 ( p i . 11), round zun #793 and 867 ( p i . 12), l a r g e j i a #857 and 860 ( p i . 13) and fanghu #794 and 807  ( p i . 14)—share  a stylistic  q u a l i t y which i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d  as having a c l e a r compartmentalization  of design,  resulting  from the c l e a r - c u t heavy f l a n g e s and the s i m i l a r  geometrical  and unclouded  description  taotie parts.  Although  the l a t t e r  cannot be s a i d of the fanghu #794 ( p i . 14), on which the t a o t i e i s more r o u n d i s h , n e v e r t h e l e s s the fanghu shares the same q u a l i t y of h a v i n g compartmental d e c o r a t i v e u n i t s . Dressed  w i t h r e p e t i t i o u s t r i a n g l e s and g a r l a n d - l i k e ornaments  on the s h o u l d e r , the fanghu has a c e r t a i n flamboyance which i s an acute e x p r e s s i o n of the ornate q u a l i t y o f the Qiaovessels .  When we come t o the Fu Hao-vessels,  they seem to p o i n t to a  d i f f e r e n t s e t of q u e s t i o n s about Shang bronzes. amazing s t y l i s t i c  First  i s the  v a r i e t y — i n c l u d i n g S t y l e s I I I , IV and V on  the l o e h r bronze scheme (see b e l o w ) — s h o w i n g the c o e x i s t e n c e of many ' s t y l e s ' i n a s i n g l e i n s c r i p t i o n a l group.  What has  been s a i d about the s t y l i s t i c u n i t y of Qiao-bronzes be a p p l i e d to the Fu Hao-bronzes. it  may n o t  On the other hand, however,  i s p o s s i b l e to t a b u l a t e the r e p e t i t i o u s use of a c e r t a i n  p a t t e r n of m o t i f - f o r m a t i o n among the Fu Hao-bronzes.  I shall  85 venture  to c a l l a c e r t a i n t a o t i e - f o r m a t i o n seen on numerous  Fu H a o - b r o n z e s — b u t almost n o n - e x i s t e n t on v e s s e l s of other i n s c r i p t i o n a l groups i n the t o m b — a  'Fu Hao  t a o t i e i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a p r o f i l e d head  taotie*.  ( f a c i a l feature  as a complete unbroken u n i t ) , a p a i r of huge inward horns, two  f l a n k i n g kui-dragons  This  curved  of about the same l e n g t h as  the e n t i r e h e i g h t of the t a o t i e but not t o u c h i n g the mask i t s e l f , and  the body of the t a o t i e i s never shown ( p i s . 4,  15,16)(seen a l s o on Fu Hao-vessels  #629, 648,  760,  762,  815,  859,  863  792, and  795,  796,  so on).  812,  814,  825,  656, 827,  664, 828,  858,  The Fu Hao-bronzes, i n s h o r t , address  questions on the r e l a t i v e s i g n i f i c a n c e of the mode of sion  756,  ( ' q u a l i t i e s ' ) and language of e x p r e s s i o n  expres-  ('form r e l a -  11 tionships').  The Ya-bronzes pose cussed  i n chapter  both the  y e t another  s e t of q u e s t i o n s .  I I I , the y a - o f f i c i a l s  'core r e g i o n ' and  the  1  activities  As  dis-  covered  'outer domain' of Shang, and  they f u n c t i o n e d as the r o y a l house's r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s i n r e g i o n a l areas sometimes as h i g h o f f i c i a l s and as s u b j e c t r u l e r s .  T h i s i m p l i e s t h a t the Ya-bronzes  have been r e g i o n a l p r o d u c t i o n s . stylistic  other  The  seemingly  times could  'earlier'  f e a t u r e s of the Ya-bronzes, such as the Ya B i -  d i n g #808 ( p i . 18), may  r e p r e s e n t g e o g r a p h i c a l r a t h e r than  chronological distinctions.  86 Art  H i s t o r i c a l Dating  An a r t h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d i z a t i o n scheme on Shang (and Zhou) bronzes was f i r s t  suggested by Guo Moruo (1935).  K a r l g r e n , on the other hand, provided the f i r s t  Bernhard systematic  a n a l y s i s of the bronze a r t of the Shang r e s u l t i n g i n an  inter-  12 nal in  chronological division  Other e a r l y work  t h i s a r e a i n c l u d e d t h a t of Ludwig Bachhofer (1944) and  Chen Mengjia (1946,1954). of  (1936,1937).  As f a r as the i n t e r n a l  division  the Shang p e r i o d bronzes i s concerned, an important  breakthrough was  achieved by Max Loehr w i t h h i s w i d e l y accepted 13  F i v e - s t y l e scheme (1953,1968).  Loehr e x p l a i n e d t h a t h i s  a n a l y s i s aimed a t d e s c r i b i n g the ' t o t a l e f f e c t ' of the v e s s e l , t a k i n g the shape, the s u r f a c e d e c o r a t i o n and the t e c h n i c a l characteristics a l l into consideration  (1953:42).  A brief  summary of h i s F i v e - s t y l e : Style  I : T h i n r e l i e f l i n e s ; simple forms; l i g h t , a i r y  effect.  S t y l e I I : R e l i e f r i b b o n s ; h a r s h , heavy forms; i n c i s e d ance .  appear-  S t y l e I I I : Dense, f l u e n t , more c u r v i l i n e a r f i g u r a t i o n s loped from the p r e c e d i n g s t y l e .  deve-  S t y l e IV: F i r s t s e p a r a t i o n of m o t i f s proper from s p i r a l s , which now become s m a l l and f u n c t i o n as ground p a t t e r n . M o t i f s and s p i r a l s are f l u s h . S t y l e V: F i r s t appearance of m o t i f s i n r e l i e f : the m o t i f s r i s e above the ground s p i r a l s , which may be e l i m i nated a l t o g e t h e r (Loehr 1968:13)* 14  87 Loehr f u r t h e r suggested t h a t the bronzes excavated from Zhengzhou, which he i d e n t i f i e d as the Shang ranged from S t y l e I to S t y l e I I I . other hand, appeared (1968:14).  capital  Ao,  S t y l e s IV and V, on the  s e q u e n t i a l l y d u r i n g the Anyang phase  At about the same time when Loehr wrote h i s  paper, L i J i and Wan  J i a b a o were d e v e l o p i n g a new  1968  sequential  c l a s s i f i c a t i o n based on the t e c h n i c a l p r o d u c t i o n of the bronzes  (1964-1972:5 v o l s ) which, a c c o r d i n g to Loehr, b a s i c -  a l l y corresponded to the F i v e - s t y l e scheme :  A: Simple, i n c i s e d mold d e s i g n (agrees w i t h S t y l e B: Composite  I)  model-mold d e s i g n ( S t y l e s I, I I )  C: E n g r a v i n g and a p p l i q u e on model ( S t y l e s I I , I I I , IV) D: R e l i e f on model ( S t y l e V)(Loehr 1968:13).  With the d i s c o v e r y of the tomb of Fu Hao and the  subsequent  d a t i n g of the tomb to e a r l y Anyang, the S t y l e IV-V i n the Loehr scheme i s c h a l l e n g e d because  sequence  these s t y l e s were  a l l apparent among the bronzes i n the tomb  .  r i a n s ' r e a c t i o n s to the Fu Hao  ^ r a n g e s from  tomb bronzes  Art h i s t o -  a c c e p t i n g the e a r l y Anyang date f o r M5 and reworking Anyang s t y l i s t i c advanced  sequence  (Huber  f e a t u r e s of the Fu Hao  1983) to r e g a r d i n g the tomb bronzes as one of the  main reasons f o r r e j e c t i n g the e a r l y Anyang date of M5 1982).  the  (Kane  G e n e r a l l y , both L o u i s a Huber and V i r g i n i a Kane con-  tinued to agree w i t h the Loehr's sequence  but d i s a g r e e d  88 between themselves styles.  The  on the r e l a t i v e chronology  important  of the  later  c o n t r i b u t i o n of Huber's paper i s her  c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the post-M5 'Style V ,  i . e . . her  'late 16  Middle Anyang S t y l e s ' and The  'Late Anyang S t y l e s '  ' c u l m i n a t i o n of Shang bronze  bronzes.  imagery', a c c o r d i n g to Huber,  came about d u r i n g the r e i g n s of King Wuding and h i s immediate s u c c e s s o r s Zugeng and Z u j i a  (1983:33).  Bronze d e s i g n deve-  loped toward the r e d u c t i o n and r e g u l a r i z a t i o n of these ventionalized  imageries with a corresponding move toward  d e f i n i t e n e s s and assurance The  g o a l was  con-  toward the l a t t e r p a r t of Anyang.  a g r e a t e r balance among the p a r t s and a b o l d e r  image i n g e n e r a l ( i b i d . : 3 5 ) . d a r d i z a t i o n and  T h i s process of gradual s t a n -  c o n v e n t i o n a l i z a t i o n i n imagery and  Huber contended, corresponded  design,  to a s i m i l a r development i n  the o r a c l e bone language as d e s c r i b e d by  David Keightl.ey:  '(Toward l a t e r Anyang) the whole process of d i v i n a t i o n become more a r t i f i c i a l ,  has  more r o u t i n e , l e s s spontaneous, l e s s  dramatic, l e s s importants..  The  i n s c r i p t i o n s r e c o r d (becomes)  a constant b u r e a u c r a t i c murmur, forming a r o u t i n e background of  i n v o c a t i o n to the d a i l y l i f e  i n Huber  1983:33).  of the l a t e S h a n g . . . ' ( c i t e d  17  Kane's p o s i t i o n i s to date M5  to a l a t e r p e r i o d .  Her  impor-  t a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n i s to e s t a b l i s h an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t s e t of  a l t e r n a t i v e s — o n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the bronze  tions,  t y p o l o g i c a l sequences of Anyang ceramic and  inscrip-  bronze  89 c r e a t i v i t y , and a r t i f a c t u a l comparison on the Yinxu p e r i o d i z a t i o n s c h e m e — t o demonstrate  'methodological  possibilities 1 ft  which could r e s u l t i n a l a t e r date f o r the tomb'(1982:1). Kane a l s o made r e f e r e n c e tic  sequence, but  reference  to s o c i a l data i n r e l a t i o n to s t y l i s -  t h i s was i n d i s t i n c t c o n t r a s t to Huber's  to the development of the o r a c l e bone language.  Kane saw the development of Anyang c u l t u r e as somewhat homogeneous, or a t l e a s t , a c c e l e r a t i n g on r e l a t i v e ' s i n g u l a r s o c i a l conditions.  In h e r d i s c u s s i o n on the ' f a s t happening'  of Shang bronze art-, Kane c i t e d George Kubler who suggested a s e t of s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s — a lized  t e c h n i c a l l y t r a i n e d and s p e c i a -  a r t i s a n c l a s s , a v i t a l urban environment, the r a p i d  'consumption' of a r t o b j e c t s f o r a ' f a s t happening'.  (Kubler  1962:92-97)—as b a s i s  Kane f u r t h e r pointed  out t h a t these  c o n d i t i o n s were n o t only s a t i s f i e d by the i n i t i a l Anyang p e r i o d , but a l s o continued e n t i r e span.  Dating  throughout i t s  the M5 t o the Wuding. r e i g n , however,  would i n d i c a t e a very r a p i d creativity  and a c c e l e r a t e d  ' f a s t happening' i n bronze  i n e a r l y Anyang, and a dramatic slowing  of pace  r e v e r t i n g to a 'slow happening' f o r the remaining p a r t of the Anyang p e r i o d and  (Kane 1982:8-9).  The d i f f e r e n c e s between Huber's  Kane's o p i n i o n s here are l i k e l y  to i n v o l v e the a c t u a l  conceptions of form-sequence as w e l l as the nature of the s o c i a l data c i t e d .  I t seems t h a t Kubler's s o c i a l  conditions  c i t e d above are ' q u a n t i t a t i v e ' d e s c r i p t i o n s of s o c i a l pheno19 mena  J  and would n o t i n c o r p o r a t e , f o r i n s t a n c e , the a c t u a l  90 change i n the  An  q u a l i t a t i v e use  of o r a c l e  a l t e r n a t i v e view of p e r c e i v i n g  of the Fu Hao  tomb bronzes has  (1982) whose main c o n t r i b u t i o n between the  Zhengzhou and  l y i n g aesthetic  the  hone i n s c r i p t i o n s .  art historical  been suggested by  problem  James Caswell  i s to draw a c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n  the Anyang bronzes by  t h e i r under-  principle:  Zhengzhou: Bronzes of the Zhengzhou t r a d i t i o n p e r s i s t e n t l y maintain a planar character. In a d d i t i o n , there i s an additive quality. That i s , the shape and the s u r f a c e decor which c o - e x i s t as one f l a t s u r f a c e l a y e r e d upon the o t h e r . Anyang: Here a s c u l p t u r a l sense dominates. T h i s d e r i v e s from a thorough i n t e g r a t i o n of shape and decor, the two r e i n f o r c i n g each o t h e r , as s i m u l t a n e l u s l y the v e s s e l shape exudes i n t o the decor and the decor presses i n t o the shape (I982:5)(my i t a l i c s ) .  A p p l y i n g t h i s understanding to the Fu Hao-bronzes, we  may  thus see  stylis-  tic  the wide v a r i e t y as p e r t a i n i n g  category s h a r i n g the  contrast  to the  can  t r u l y be  'sculptural aesthetics',  'additive'  torical significance  to a s i n g u l a r  of the  Zhengzhou bronzes. tomb of Fu Hao  The  in distinct art his-  then, i f the  dated to e a r l y Anyang, would be  that  tomb  Loehr  21 Styles  IV and  V  (and  Anyang I I I ) were more l i k e l y to  contemporary s t y l e s f i n d i n g " t h e i r mutual ••- i n c e p t i o n s 22 e a r l y Anyang.  be in  91 Archaeological Dating  The  p o p u l a r l y used a r c h a e o l o g i c a l d a t i n g o f Shang remains i s 4^^  the Yinxu wenhua f e n g q i dization'  (Yinxu P e r i o d s ) .  'Yinxu c u l t u r e p e r i o  T h i s was f i r s t formulatedVby Zou  Heng based on the v a r i o u s a r c h a e o l o g i c a l data such t. as the d i t c h e s , house f o u n d a t i o n s , b u r i a l s , p i t s , ceramic  typology,  bronze t y p o l o g y , s t r a t i g r a p h i c a l r e l a t i o n s and o r a c l e bones 23 (1964)  .  The p e r i o d i z a t i o n , however, cannot a t t h i s p o i n t  be used as the d e f i n i t i v e source nature  p a r t l y because o f the  of the c u r r e n t c o m p i l a t i o n o f Shang a r c h a e o l o g i c a l  d a t a , and a l s o because Zou had to c u l l h i s i n f o r m a t i o n from incompletely  p u b l i s h e d m a t e r i a l s ^ (Chang 1980:99 note 53) 2  S t r a t i g r a p h y i n Anyang can r e a l l y be used only i n circumstances.  Chronological interrelation:  remains can only be c o n j e c t u r e d  isolated  of Shang  from a combination .of  i n d i r e c t s t r a t i g r a p h i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and a r t i f a c t u a l  asso-  c i a t i o n s , which may themselves be p r o b l e m a t i c a l as we s h a l l see i n the case of X i a o t u n M238 below.  In s h o r t , we a r e not  i n a p o s i t i o n where a s a t i s f a c t o r y Shang a r c h a e o l o g i c a l p e r i o d i z a t i o n has been worked out, which i s p a r t l y why the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l d a t i n g of M5 i s v e r y p r o b l e m a t i c .  Thus,  i n s t e a d of f i t t i n g M5 i n the o r i g i n a l p e r i o d i z a t i o n scheme of Zou Heng, suggestions  have even been made to r e c o n s i d e r  the c o r r e l a t i o n o f a r c h a e o l o g i c a l p e r i o d s and r e i g n s of the Anyang k i n g s .  92  The o r i g i n a l Zou Heng's Yinxu P e r i o d s and t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e "burials:  period 1 (Pangeng— Xiaoyi)  segment 1 1  II (Wuding—• Zujia)  2 2 2  representative b u r i a l Xiaotun M232 Xiaotun M333 Xiaotun Xiaotun Xiaotun Dasikong Cun Wuguan Cun Xibeigang  M388 M188 M331 M157 M1 M1001  5 5 5 5  Xibeigang Xiaotun Sipanmo Dasikong Cun Gaolou Zhuang Dasikong Cun Sipanmo  M1022 M238 M8 M51 M8 M304 M4  6 6 6 7 7  Sipanmo M6 Dasikong Cun M239 Xibeigang M2020 Xibeigang M1003 Hougang S a c r i f i c i a l P i t  3 3 3  III (linxin— Wenwuding)  IV (Diyi— Dixin)  4 4 4  To demonstrate how the d a t i n g o f these b u r i a l s can be d i f f e r e n t depending on the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the d a t a , below i s a simplified  t a b l e showing  the d i f f e r e n t assignment of the  c h r o n o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n of the v a r i o u s X i a o t u n tombs i n three studies  ( S h i 1955b, a l s o 1970,1971,1973; Zou 1964; Kane  1975).  The d i f f e r e n c e s i n o p i n i o n a r i s e mainly from the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the b u r i a l s *  r e l a t i o n s h i p with the house founda25  tion-and a c t u a l d i s p a r i t y i n a r t i f a c t u a l  comparison.  93  Shi Pangeng'  Zou  Kane  M232' M333  M333--  M388 M188 -M331-  N Zujia  M238  M238 M232  M388 M232 M222 M188  •M331 — M238  M331 M333 •M388  M Dixin  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to see from the above c h a r t t h a t the onlytomb whose r e l a t i v e date a l l three s t u d i e s more or l e s s agreed u p o n — X i a o t u n M238—became  a t o p i c of d i s p u t e i n the 26  process  of d a t i n g the tomb o f Pu Hao a f t e r i t s discovery,.  Robert Thorp (1982) analyzed Anyang  the d i s p u t e between the ..early  d a t i n g of M5, represented  by the  I n s t i t u t e of  Archaeology  (YXFHM), and the l a t e r Anyang d a t i n g o f the tomb,  represented  by Zou Heng (Kaogu 1977b) and L i Boqian  (1979).  I t was shown t h a t only f o u r b u r i a l s were used by both f o r purposes of d a t i n g . ( p i . 27), Xibeigang  Three of these  t o m b s — X i a o t u n M331  M1001 ( p i . 28), and Wuguan Gun  %  M1 ( p i . 3 0 ) — w e r e placed by both camps i n Yinxu P e r i o d I I , while  the f o u r t h , which i s X i a o t u n M238 ( p i s , 31-33), was  assigned  t o P e r i o d I I by the I n s t i t u t e but placed  I I I by Zou and L i (Thorp 1982:242).  i n Period  The major s i g n i f i c a n c e  94  of M238 i s t h a t i t s bronzes are t y p o l o g i c a l l y c l o s e s t to 27 t h e i r M5 c o u n t e r p a r t s .  However, there were only twelve  bronzes y i e l d e d from M238, and l i k e M5, the l o c a t i o n and s t r a t i g r a p h y informed us l i t t l e tomb.  of the r e l a t i v e date o f the  L i Boqian suggested t h a t M238 c u t i n t o house founda- -  t i o n y i - 1 1 , which i n t u r n c u t i n t o a d i t c h which overlapped storage p i t s H228 and H224. vessels  In the d i t c h Yinxu P e r i o d I I p o t t e r y  were found, and a l s o i n the storage p i t s OBI P e r i o d  I o r a c l e bones were found. was M222, and bronzes  At about the same l e v e l as yi-11 which might be dated to the t r a n -  s i t i o n a l P e r i o d I I - I I I phase H228,H224 (OBI I)  (1979:167-168).  ( e a r l i e r than)  T 1  ditch yi-11— (Yinxu II pottery) 7 1  7  M238  1  M222 (Yinxu I I - I I I bronzes)  I t can be seen from the above c h a r t t h a t the p o s s i b i l i t y o f d a t i n g M238. t o Yinxu  P e r i o d I I I i s a c t u a l l y based on the  d a t i n g o f the M222 bronzes.  Yet the purpose o f the above  study i s t o suggest a c e r t a i n d a t i n g f o r the M238 bronzes, and, e v e n t u a l l y , the M5 bronzes. d i f f i c u l t because  The argument here becomes  the author i s u s i n g h i s own o p i n i o n o f a  group o f bronzes t o date another group of bronzes.  I f we  d i s r e g a r d the M222 bronzes above, the date o f M238 may  95 continue to be i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o Yinxu P e r i o d I I .  The fundamental  problem  i s a g a i n and a g a i n t h a t the M 5 bronzes  are too wide i n v a r i e t y and too g r e a t i n  number, so  that  they render any a r t i f a c t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n with other Anyang b u r i a l s extremely u n s a t i s f y i n g , e s p e c i a l l y when most of these tombs were p r e v i o u s l y l o o t e d and t h e i r dates are themselves questionable.  T h i s allowed the I n s t i t u t e t o a c t u a l l y  a r e v i s i o n to the Yinxu c u l t u r e p e r i o d i z a t i on based b e l i e f that Period  II:  suggest  on the  the tomb of Fu Hao ought to be dated to YinXu 2 8  Anyang kings Pangeng Xiaoxin Xiaoyi Wuding Zugeng Zujia linxin Kangding Wuyi Wenwuding Diyi Dixin  The M5 bronze v e s s e l s i n  Yinxu P e r i o d s Zou Kaogusuo  II  early Wuding II  III  III  IV  IV  *~late Wuding  sheer q u a n t i t y and v a r i e t y , pose  many more new new q u e s t i o n s on Shang bronzes than our a b i l i t y to answer them with e x i s t i n g r e s o u r c e s and s c h o l a r s h i p . D a t i n g of the bronzes becomes an extremely d i f f i c u l t  task  because the Fu Hao tomb a c t u a l l y c h a l l e n g e s our t h e o r e t i c a l  96  f o u n d a t i o n f o r s t y l i s t i c and t y p o l o g i c a l sequences^--This why  i t works both ways that t r a d i t i o n a l s t u d i e s may  to l o c a t e M5 and y e t M 5 may studies.  also restructure  Is  be used  traditional  The v a r i o u s s t u d i e s mentioned, i n both a r t h i s t o r y  and archaeology, r e p r e s e n t the d i f f e r e n t ways these s c h o l a r s address the c h a l l e n g e o f f e r e d by the tomb of Fu Hao. wise, these c o m p l e x i t i e s are r e f l e c t e d  i n the many immediate  problems of these bronzes, from c a t e g o r i z a t i o n grouping, to f o r m a l a n a l y s i s .  , inscriptional  C a t e g o r i z a t i o n may  t y p o l o g y , f u n c t i o n , i n s c r i p t i o n a l grouping, s i z e , and so on.  . I n s c r i p t i o n a l grouping may  5)  be done by seriation  be c o r r e l a t e d w i t h  the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the i n s c r i p t i o n s , , t i o n s h i p between the monumentality  like-  such as the r e l a -  of the X i n f a n g d i n g ( p i .  and the posthumous n a m e - i n s c r i p t i o n , the r e g i o n a l  Ya B i round d i n g ( p i . 18) and the r e a d i n g of y_a as o f f i c i a l s ' . The  'archaic  'regional-  g r e a t v a r i e t y of Fu Hao-bronzes r e p r e s e n t i n g  a wide range of f u n c t i o n s suggests the r a t h e r complete t i o n of a s i n g l e person, which h e l p s to  collec-  confirm Fu Hao  as  the owner of the tomb.  Concerning the Meaning of Shang  Bronzes  I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the meaning of Shang bronzes and m o t i f s may approaches,  g e n e r a l l y be grouped  under three h e a d l i n e s or  as reviewed by Katheryn L i n d u f f  1. As symbols of nature and/or  their  (1979):  ancestral s p i r i t s ;  the m o t i f s  1  97 29 could be a q u a l i t y , a s p i r i t , a f o r c e (van Huesden  ; Pope  30 ;  Waterbury 1942; Ackerman 1945; Kidder 1956)(also, Paper 1978). 2. As totems r e s t r i c t e d  31 to groups of k i n (Guo 1931; Sun ). TO  3. As r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of shamanistic c u l t p r a c t i c e s ( a l s o , 111 1946; Chang 1981, 1983).  The  (Hentze^ )  difficulty in  r e s e a r c h i n g the meaning of the bronzes and t h e i r m o t i f s w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l a r t h i s t o r i c a l d i s c i p l i n e has a l s o been noted by l i n d u f f .  Primary documentation cannot r e s t h e a v i l y 33  on l i t e r a r y m a t e r i a l s ( s e e ch.VII below). J  Whereas  archaeo-  l o g i c a l d a t a provide p a r t of the evidence, the s u b j e c t matter on the bronze decor o f t e n i n c l u d e f a n t a s t i c and a b s t r a c t forms which cannot be deciphered by analogy world  (1979:139-140).  to the r e a l  *We are not able to r e s e a r c h the  'iconology' of the bronze m o t i f s , and r e c o n s t r u c t the ' i n t r i n s i c meaning' and i t s p o s i t i o n i n the ' h i s t o r y of c u l t u r a l symptoms' a l o n g  _ Panofsky's  methods.^  4  L i n d u f f f i n t e r p r e t e d the animal decor as 'an o f f i c i a l t o c r a t i c iconography  aris-  stemming from r i t u a l o f the hunt and  the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the k i n g to provide f o r the populace and maintenance of h i s own l i n e '  (Ibid.:162).  She a l s o  considered the totemic and shamanistic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s to be a c c e p t a b l e (Ibid.:162-163).  The same f l e x i b i l i t y  i n the  scope of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s i s a l s o seen i n James Caswell's w r i t i n g s , who a t the same time emphasized the p o l i t i c a l aspects of  Shang bronze a r t :  98  Whether or not the animal c h a r a c t e r of the a r t d e s c r i b e s a p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o u s , e s p e c i a l l y theriomorphic, b e l i e f can not be answered. Bestowing honour to and seeking b e n e f i t from ancestors may w e l l have been the dominant, though not the o n l y , purpose of the r i t u a l c o n t e x t . . . s u g g e s t i o n has ( a l s o ) been made t h a t the Shang people made t r i b a l totems of animal forms... Although the Shang people acknowledged some s o r t of supreme s p i r i t r u l e r c a l l e d d i ^ , he was conceived as e s s e n t i a l l y the p o l i t i c a l e q u i v a l e n t of the s e c u l a r shaman or k i n g . The u l t i mate r e f e r e n t of ceremonies and the s u p p o r t i n g b e l i e f was no doubt the a f f a i r s of men on t h i s e a r t h , and the manufacture and use of bronze a r t was both symbol and source of authority.55  Apparently  what i s needed i n the ' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the  purpose and meaning of the bronzes and  their d e c o r i s  a  h e u r i s t i c t h e o r e t i c a l model t h a t would not * o n l y e x p l a i n i n a specific  way  the s t y l i s t i c e v o l u t i o n of the bronzes, but  a l s o the s o c i a l f u n c t i o n and context  meaning of the bronzes i n the  of the Anyang s o c i e t y and  culture.  its political-religious  Recent a r c h a e o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s on a r t have moved  toward the trend of r e c o n s t r u c t i n g the meaning of a c e r t a i n grouping  of a r t i f a c t s by r e g a r d i n g i t as a s o c i a l - c u l t u r a l  subsystem. ,and the p a t t e r n and  f u n c t i o n of which may  t h e i r p a r a l l e l or complementary expressions systems r e p r e s e n t e d t o r i c a l sources  i n other sub-  by d i f f e r e n t p h y s i c a l remains or h i s -  of other n a t u r e , such as documentations  (see, f o r i n s t a n c e , Washburn, ed. trends  find  1983).  Recent r e s e a r c h  i n a r t h i s t o r y have a l s o placed g r e a t e r emphasis i n  the s o c i a l analyses  of a r t and  the importance of  theoretical  c o n s t r u c t i o n s i n d i s c e r n i n g the s o c i a l , e s p e c i a l l y  political,  99  f u n c t i o n s o f a r t (see, f o r i n s t a n c e , Hauser 1982; W o l f f 1981, 1983).  As f a r as Shang bronze a r t i s concerned, the most powerful (and r e f r e s h i n g ) h y p o t h e s i s  on i t s purpose r  and meaning has  been put f o r t h by Chang Kwang-CJhih i n h i s A r t , Myth, and Ritual  (1983).  In the study Chang showed how a r t and myth  i n a n c i e n t China were i n e x t r i c a b l y r e l a t e d to p o l i t i c s . As h a v i n g an e x c e p t i o n a l l y s t r o n g p o l i t i c a l  o r i e n t a t i o n was  an important f e a t u r e of a n c i e n t Chinese c i v i l i z a t i o n , the political  p e r s p e c t i v e served as a u n i f y i n g theme i n our  r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the meaning of e a r l y Chinese a r t , myth and ritual.  Chang c o n s i d e r e d the bronze a r t , as i n the case of  the o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s , i n the context of ^shamanism. But the animal m o t i f s should n o t o n l y be understood  i n the  context of t h e i r r e l i g i o u s r o l e s , they were a l s o h i g h l y valued as the symbolic t r e a s u r e of the p o l i t i c a l  houses:  C l e a r l y , i f animals i n Shang (and Zhou) a r t were the p r i n c i p a l medium employed by shamans to communicate w i t h heaven, then p o s s e s s i o n o f a n i m a l - s t y l e d r i t u a l bronzes meant p o s s e s s i o n of the means of communication. Possessors of such means of communication were i n v e s t e d w i t h wisdom and thus w i t h power (and thus the path t o p o l i t i c a l authority)(1983:78-80).  100  Notes; IV 1. See c h . I I note 16.  2. The main reason f o r our i n a b i l i t y to a s s o c i a t e bronzes i n the  museum c o l l e c t i o n s w i t h the X i b e i g a n g l a r g e  (see  ch.I note  2-3)  tombs  i s probably because most o f the bronzes  t h a t belonged to the Shang k i n g were n o t i n s c r i b e d , perhaps those i n s c r i b e d (see  c h . I I I note  tions  14).  except  w i t h t h e i r posthumous a p p e l l a t i o n s The g e n e r a l problem w i t h i n s c r i p -  on Shang bronzes i s t h a t , w h i l e , most bronzes do not  have i n s c r i p t i o n s , those i n s c r i b e d  p i e c e s would have v e r y  s h o r t i n s c r i p t i o n s , u s u a l l y n o t more than t h r e e or f o u r graphs.  As such, the c o n t e x t o f which p r o v i d e s l i t t l e  clues  as t o the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f the i n s c r i p t i o n s , u n l e s s i d e n t i cal  inscriptions  of Fu Hao.  are seen among the OBI such as i n the case  See Kane 1973 f o r a study of Shang bronze  inscriptions.  As t h i s paper was p u b l i s h e d p r i o r t o the d i s -  covery o f the Fu Hao tomb, some o f the d i s c u s s i o n s should be r e c o n s i d e r e d i n the l i g h t of the new a r c h a e o l o g i c a l material.  3. F o r example the Ya Bi=ding #808 ( p i . 18)(YXFHM;38).  4. R e l a t e d t o the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  o f the ' s i mu x i n ' i n s c r i p t i o n  as ' s a c r i f i c e t o Mother X i n ' ; 'Xin' as the posthumous name of Fu Hao.  See YXFHM:96.  101 Notes; IV 5. Although v e s s e l - l i k e p i c t o g r a p h s do appear i n the OBI, a  s  Z2u^  ),  such  i i a ^ 4 ( ^ ), d i n g ^ ( # f ) , j u e j$ ( J | ), the  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s of which are u s u a l l y based  on g r a p h i c a l  c r i t e r i a w i t h r e f e r e n c e to l a t e r terminology  (fig.11).  By  the time of Song, most of the v e s s e l names were s y s t e m a t i z e d . We  see them i n Kaogu t u ^  % ^  ' I l l u s t r a t e d r e c o r d of  a n c i e n t o b j e c t s ' (compiled by IAl D a l i n i n A.D.1092) and Xuanhe bogutu*e  1^  $ i§]^ ' I l l u s t r a t e d catalogue of  antique o b j e c t s i n the Xuanhe c o l l e c t i o n ' ) ( c o m p i l e d 1111).  in  A.D.  Whether some of these terms were a c t u a l l y used i n  Shang i s d i f f i c u l t to say.  See note  7 . below f o r a  d i s c u s s i o n on the graph d i n g i n the o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s .  6. See  c h . I l l note  Mu Wu  8  .  For d i s c u s s i o n s on the date of the S i  f a n g d i n g see Kane 1973:340-342, Du  n i c a l s t u d i e s see Yang & Ding  1959,  1980.  For t e c h -  Feng e t a l , 1981.  7. P r o f e s s o r K e n - i c h i Takashima suggests t h a t 'the Shang  may  have had a b e l i e f t h a t the d i n g - c a u l d r o n served to induce a s e t t l i n g , s t a b i l i z i n g , and perhaps r e c t i f y i n g , e f f e c t to c e r t a i n r i t u a l a c t i v i t i e s t h a t needed the a p p r o v a l of the s p i r i t u a l f o r c e s ' ( S e t t l i n g the Cauldron i n the R i g h t P l a c e ; A Study of T i n g ^ i n the Bone I n s c r i p t i o n s , 1981,  p.19).  The  typescript,  graph u s u a l l y f u n c t i o n s as a verb i n the  OBI meaning ' ( o f f e r i n g ) by employing  a ding-cauldron'  102 Notes; IV (eg.  Hou  1.6.4, Qian 5.3.4).  Other times i t could he a  phonetic l o a n f o r d i n g j 5 L ' c e r t a i n l y , s u r e l y ' such as i n v  d i n g l o n g ffij- -j^L) (eg. improve'.  B i n g b i a n 12.8): '(ailment) w i l l  Ding jjjfr may  certainly  a l s o he c o n s i d e r e d i n a word-family,  i . e . . a c o l l e c t i o n of words whose r e c o n s t r u c t e d p h o n o l o g i c a l v a l u e s and whose meanings are s i m i l a r to the word d i n g : 5- ,  ,'ML  X\ .  The words l i s t e d  common an etymonic meaning, 'to s t r a i g h t e n s i d e r e d as 'crooked' and/or  above have i n (something con-  'wrong', r e s t o r i n g i t to a de-  s i r e d and proper s t a t e ) ' o r , c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to such a meaning,  'to s e t t l e  (some undetermined matter so t h a t i t s h a l l  be i n the c o r r e c t and proper s t a t e ) . ' p e r s o n a l communications,  8.  ' S i mu x i n *  9. T h i s may  ( I b i d . : 1-7.  1982).  i s a l s o seen on a stone ox ( p i . 43).  be r e l a t e d to the Shang ten-day week (xun "oj  *dziwen) c a l e n d a r and the t i a n g a n c y c l i c a l (see  also,,  c h . I l l note  nomenclature  14).  10. The f l a t - b o t t o m S i Qiao Mu j u e s e t ( p i . 25)(see YXFHM p i . 56); the  the f l a t - b o t t o m Ya Q i j u e s e t (see YXFHM p i . 57); round-bottom  Shu Quan j u e s e t ( p i s . 23,24)(see YXFHM  p i . 58) and so on. t h a t these M5 £U and the  P r o f e s s o r U r s u l a F r a n k l i n suggests jue s e t s p o i n t to the p o s s i b l i l i t y  v e s s e l s b e i n g c a s t u s i n g standard moulds.  of  I f so, t h i s  103  Notes; IV would have important new  implication  i n our u n d e r s t a n d i n g  of bronze p r o d u c t i o n i n Shang (personal  communications,  1983).  11. Meyer S c h a p i r o on  'style':  Although there i s no e s t a b l i s h e d system of a n a l y s i s and w r i t e r s w i l l s t r e s s one or another a s p e c t a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r v i e w p o i n t or problem, i n g e n e r a l the d e s c r i p t i o n of a s t y l e r e f e r s to three a s p e c t s of a r t ; form element or motives, form r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and q u a l i t i e s ( i n c l u d i n g an a l l - o v e r q u a l i t y which we may c a l l the 'expression')(1953:139). Discussed f u r t h e r i n note  14 below.  12. K a r l g r e n ' s study on Chinese bronzes of the ' a r c h a i c  period'  (Shang and e a r l y Western Zhou) was f i r s t developed i n h i s •New S t u d i e s on Chinese Bronzes' (1937).  K a r l g r e n con-  c e n t r a t e d h i s a n a l y s i s on 'the decor of the body of the v e s s e l s ' and advocated a ' s t a t i s t i c a l way' the  problem  categories —  (Ibid.:13).  of d e a l i n g w i t h  He d i v i d e d the m o t i f s i n t o  three  A, B, and C Elements : C Elements: Deformed t a o t i e Dragon!zed t a o t i e Trunked dragon Mask t a o t i e Beaked dragon Bodied t a o t i e Jawed dragon Bovine t a o t i e T u r n i n g dragon Cicada Feathered dragon V e r t i c a l dragon Winged dragon Uni-decor S dragon Deformed dragon Bird Snake Whorl c i r c l e Blade Eyed blade S p i r a l band  104  Notes: IV  B Elements:  Dissolved taotie Animal t r i p l e band De-tailed bird Eyed s p i r a l band Eyed band w i t h d i a g o n a l s C i r c l e band Square w i t h c r e s c e n t s Compound lozenges Spikes I n t e r l o c k e d T's V e r t i c a l r i b s (Ibid.:14)  The A Elements are f e a t u r e s of the e a r l i e r Primary S t y l e , whereas the B Elements are those of the l a t e r Style.  C Elements a r e ' n e u t r a l  1  m o t i f s which may be com-  bined w i t h e i t h e r the Primary or the Secondary (Ibid.:81-93).  Secondary  Styles  The Primary S t y l e i s ,  i n r e g a r d to i t s d e c o r , eminently an animal s t y l e . I t works w i t h t a o t i e of v a r i o u s t y p e s , c i c a d a s , a great v a r i e t y o f dragons, b i r d s , snakes, o c c a s i o n a l l y e l e p h a n t s . . . With i t s tendency to bold r e l i e f : the animals are a p t to be modelled s e m i - p l a s t i c a l l y . i . e . , r i s i n g r a t h e r b o l d l y from the s u r f a c e ( i b i d . : 8 2 ) ( C f . Max Loehr's ' S t y l e V ) . The Secondary S t y l e i s the c r e a t i o n of a new style., d e r i v e d from the Primary S t y l e but d i v e r g i n g from...an almost pure animal s t y l e towards a g e o m e t r i c a l s t y l e . . . the t r u e o r i g i n a l t a o t i e , mask, bodied or b o v i n e , has disappeared e n t i r e l y . . . (and) l i v e s on... i n a geometrized form... What was once a w e l l - c o n t a i n e d , f a i r l y r e a l i s t i c f a c e and body i s d i s s o l v e d i n t o a maze of s p i r a l s (Ibid.:84-85)(my italics).  K a r l g r e n ' s p r o p o s i t i o n was c r i t i c i s e d by J . Leroy Davidson  105  Notes; IV (1937,1940) and  l a t e r by Max  Loehr whose ' F i v e - S t y l e ' sequence  (1953,1968) a c t u a l l y r e v e r s e d the c h r o n o l o g i c a l order proposed by K a r l g r e n —  Loehr's  e a r l i e r S t y l e s I - I I - I I I p e r t a i n e d to  K a r l g r e n ' s Secondary S t y l e , whereas Loehr's V p e r t a i n e d to K a r l g r e n ' s Primary  Style.  l a t e r S t y l e s IV-  See note 14  below.  13.See • g e n e r a l survey and review by Katheryn Wen  of the v a r i o u s d a t i n g schemes  L i n d u f f 1979:38-43, Chang Kwang-chih 1980:27-31,  Fong 1980:20-33.  14.Loehr's d e s c r i p t i o n c o n c e n t r a t e s on two the bronzes  —  the concreteness  as the t a o t i e and  f o r m a l aspects of  of the m o t i f s proper  the p r o j e c t i o n ' o f the s u r f a c e d e c o r a t i o n  ( i . e . , motifs i n r e l i e f ) .  L i n d u f f comments t h a t Loehr  not e x p l a i n e d m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y e x a c t l y how conclusions  ( L i n d u f f 1979:41).  more d i f f i c u l t t i o n of  (such  he a r r i v e d a t  To make Loehr's  such  scheme.even  to comprehend, d e s p i t e the g e n e r a l a f f i r m a -  h i s sequence from the excavations a t Zhengzhou and  other E r l i g a n g phase s i t e s , i s h i s c o n t e n t i o n t h a t the •cannot have had  any a s c e r t a i n a b l e meaning : r e l i g i o u s ,  m o l o g i c a l , or m y t h o l o g i c a l ' (Loehr of  has  t h i s s u g g e s t i o n i s almost  1968:13).  The  bronzes cos-  implication  a disengagement of the a r t h i s -  t o r i c a l study of Shang bronzes d a t a on Shang a v a i l a b l e to us.  from the other s t u d i e s and Loehr has not e x p l a i n e d , i n  106  Notes: IV other words, how other Shang  As  h i s h e u r i s t i c s o l u t i o n stands  in relative  sources.  d i s c u s s e d above, the Pu Hao-bronzes may  p o i n t to  q u e s t i o n on the r e l a t i v e importance of the mode of ( ' q u a l i t i e s ' ) and The  'Pu Hao  language of e x p r e s s i o n  In which case,  the  the  expression  ('form r e l a t i o n s h i p s ' ) .  t a o t i e ' - f o r m a t i o n could have been more  cant to the Shang people than the bronzes.  signifi-  ' t o t a l e f f e c t ' of  the  seemingly ' q u a n t i t a t i v e '  method of K a r l g r e n could be more s i g n i f i c a n t than the t a t i v e ' method of Loehr. of understanding  The  problem, of course,  aspects  I n t e r e s t i n g l y , despite  g e n e r a l c h r o n o l o g i c a l s e q u e n t i a l e r r o r of Primary S t y l e and  'quali-  i s our l a c k  of what meaning the v a r i o u s f o r m a l  of bronzes h e l d f o r the Shang.  support  to  .  the  Karlgren's  Secondary S t y l e , there has l a t e l y been some  of the scheme from a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e ,  nota-  b l y i n the w r i t i n g s of Chang Kwang-chih : More r e c e n t work a l o n g ( K a r l g r e n ' s ) l i n e s has i n c l u d e d an attempt to show t h a t h i s A and B s t y l e s may be manif e s t not o n l y on i n d i v i d u a l bronze v e s s e l s but a l s o i n whole a r c h a e o l o g i c a l assemblages, a p a t t e r n of o c c u r r ? ence t h a t may be s o c i o l o g i c a l l y r a t h e r than c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y d e r i v e d , and a new s t a t i s t i c a l study, u s i n g a new comprehensive catalogue arranged i n numerical code of more than f o u r thousand i n s c r i b e d Shang and Zhou bronzes, of K a r l g r e n ' s A, B, and C elements, has r e s u l t e d i n the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t 'the data provide no evidence t h a t K a r l g r e n ' s h y p o t h e s i s i s f a l s e , although, the d a t a a l s o do not d i s m i s s the p o s s i b i l i t y of other c l u s t e r s i d e n t i c a l i n behaviour to K a r l g r e n ' s A, B, and C groups but composed of d i f f e r e n t m o t i f s ' (Chang 1980:28-29). 1  107 Notes: IV 15. Although we have to f a c e  the problem of the terminus  post quem and terminus ante quem dates of an assembly of a r t i f a c t s from a s i n g l e tomb, the i n s c r i p t i o n s on the Fu  Hao-  bronzes suggest t h a t the e n t i r e group should be c o n s i d e r e d w i t h i n a c h r o n o l o g i c a l range s m a l l e r than the l i f e s p a n of a s i n g l e person.  Furthermore, although t h i s  r e q u i r e s the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of ' f u hao' as an  assumption individual  (see c h . I I I ) , one has to take up the burden of e x p l a i n i n g why  the many bronzes o f d i f f e r e n t  ' f u haos' of d i f f e r e n t  p e r i o d s were b u r i e d i n t h i s s i n g l e tomb i f one d i s a g r e e s w i t h this interpretation. hao' was  Note t h a t a s o l u t i o n to whether ' f u  a p e r s o n a l name or a g e n e r a l name (pp..48-49 above)  need not be a c o n d i t i o n f o r the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the M5 ' f u hao' as an i n d i v i d u a l . coffin  That there was  simply a s i n g l e  i n the tomb and the l a r g e s t number of bronzes w i t h  the same i n s c r i p t i o n p e r t a i n e d to the tomb occupant i s a s t r a i g h t forward and h i g h l y l o g i c a l d e d u c t i o n .  16. L a t e r Middle Anyang S t y l e s : A d e l i b e r a t e r e d u c t i o n and r e g u l a r i z a t i o n of the imagery from the p r e c e d i n g (Wuding) p e r i o d , as w e l l as a s h i f t i n emphasis from the imagery i t s e l f and i t s e x p r e s s i v e n e s s toward refinement of execut i o n . . . T h i s new tendency took e s s e n t i a l l y two forms: (1) S t y l e Va: The d e s i g n s r a i s e d from the s u r f a c e are covered by a p a t t e r n which o f t e n i s v e r y n e a r l y i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from t h a t of the ground... T h i s mode of d e c o r a t i o n de-emphasizes the images themselves. (2) The C l a s s i c S t y l e : The designs are n e i t h e r charged w i t h the energy of the Wuding p i e c e s nor can they be c o n s i dered i n n o v a t i v e . . . Through an i n c r e a s i n g s i m p l i f i c a t i o n  108 Notes: IV and s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n of the imagery and by continued perf e c t i o n of e x e c u t i o n , t h i s t r a d i t i o n produced the most c l a s s i c of a l l Shang v e s s e l s . Late Anyang S t y l e s : The c o n t i n u a t i o n of (the c l a s s i c ) s t y l e i n t o the Late Anyang p e r i o d and i t s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n t o what may j u s t i f i a b l y be c a l l e d a ' p o s t - c l a s s i c a l ' phase — heavy base, t h i c k r i m , prominent f l a n g e s , emphasis on w e i g h t i n e s s and b l u n t r e g u l a r i t y . Apart from v e s s e l s b e l o n g i n g to the ' p o s t - c l a s s i c a l * phase... two new and d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed d e c o r a t i v e s t y l e s appear d u r i n g the Late Anyang: (1)  Vessels decorated by narrow h o r i z o n t a l bands of p u r e l y geometric p a t t e r n s , w i t h the l a r g e s t p o r t i o n of the s u r face l e f t p l a i n .  (2)  V e s s e l s w i t h designs c o v e r i n g the e n t i r e s u r f a c e i n h i g h r e l i e f , s t a r k i n e f f e c t , w i t h minimal l i n e a r e m b e l l i s h ment, and t y p i c a l l y r a i s e d from a ground t h a t i s perf e c t l y smooth (Huber 1983:33-37).  17. Huber a l s o attempts to l o c a t e the e a r l y e v o l u t i o n of S t y l e - I V i n the pre-Wuding e a r l y Anyang through  the changes i n the  l e i w e n d e s i g n (1983:19) which seem to have been based premise  t h a t l e i w e n p a t t e r n s d e r i v e d o r i g i n a l l y from  c o n f i g u r a t i o n s of q u i l l s and 47-48). from  on the the  c u r l s of S t y l e I I I (Loehr  1953:  The development of l e i w e n took a g r a d u a l path away  i t s predecessors toward g r e a t e r u n i f o r m i t y i n i t s reduced  r e c t a n g u l a r shapes.  Huber, however, e x p l a i n e d l i t t l e  the r e l a t i v e c o n f i g u r a t i o n of t h e . l e i w e n  about  as a 'background'  i n r e l a t i o n to the major m o t i f s i n the examples shown (1983: 20 f i g s .  1A-1E).  T h i s d e d u c t i o n i s somewhat u n c o n v i n c i n g  because i t seems t h a t the l e i w e n took t h e i r shape more because of  t h e i r s p a t i a l assignment r e l a t i v e to the main m o t i f s  r a t h e r than b e i n g autonomous d e s i g n u n i t s i n t h e i r own  right.  109 Notes: IY Furthermore, I t h i n k the Fu Hao-hronzes are p r e c i s e l y us  t h a t s i n c e S t y l e s IV and  concurrently, person,  we  V (and Anyang I I I ) a l l e x i s t e d  or a t l e a s t w i t h i n the l i f e s p a n of a s i n g l e  have i n j e c t e d too much c h r o n o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e  into our previous the leiwen  telling  conception  of s t y l i s t i c e v o l u t i o n .  to d i s c u s s an e a r l y Anyang s t y l i s t i c  would he a r e v e r s i o n to c h a r a c t e r i z e d the  'Style V  which a g a i n , should of t h i s p e r i o d .  our previous  The  method.  of the Fu Hao  r e a l l y be  Huber a l s o (Ibid.:27).  of the many ' s t y l e s '  s t y l i s t i c comparison between the Ya Y i  ^L-bronzes (not i n M5) and a s e l e c t i o n of Haobronzes (Huber reads 'qiao' as t r i g g e r s one  only  evolution  period  taken as one  Using  'tu')(Ibid.:28-32,  and  Qiao-  figs.15-20)  to t h i n k more on the meaning of t h i s grouping of  corresponding v e s s e l types r a t h e r than on t h e i r  stylistic  similarities.  18. Kane's views are d i s c u s s e d paper: c h . I I I under Hao Dating  19. By  and  and  Archaeological  i n v a r i o u s s e c t i o n s i n the  X i n , ch.IV under A r t H i s t o r i c a l Dating.  ' q u a n t i t a t i v e ' I mean the s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s  K u b l e r ) were important but v e r y g e n e r a l society.  present  (suggested  aspects of Anyang  Whereas they are g e n e r a l l y t r u e , they do not  v i d e us w i t h d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n  on the  by  pro-  'qualitative' poli-  t i c a l - r e l i g i o u s c u l t u r e of Anyang s o c i e t y .  It i s within  the  110 Notes: IV l a t t e r context t h a t we must e s t a b l i s h hypotheses  on the  r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s o c i a l data and the a r t h i s t o r i c a l form sequence,  such  as t h a t demonstrated  by Huber.  20. Chang Kwang-chih has a d i s c u s s i o n on how a r t and w r i t i n g are mutual and complementary c u l t u r a l a s p e c t s on the 'path to authority* i n Shang (1983:56-94).  21. L i Xueqin(l977)P°ints out that thereis a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence s u g g e s t i n g t h a t the r e l i e f d e c o r a t i o n on bronzes appeared  22.  i n e a r l y Anyang (Thorp  first  1982):  1.  Both the fang .jue and fangyou from X i a o t u n Tomb 331 had r e l i e f d e c o r a t i o n . T h i s tomb i s dated t o the Wuding r e i g n by i n s c r i b e d oracle-bones found i n i t .  2.  The three l a r g e fanghu now i n the Nezu Museum, Tokyo are s a i d to come from X i b e i g a n g Tomb 1001; these v e s s e l s f e a t u r e f o r m i d a b l e r e l i e f d e c o r a t i o n and f l a n g e s . Tomb 1001 has been a s s i g n e d to the Wuding r e i g n because o f an a n t l e r w i t h the i n s c r i p t i o n Ya Que, a name mentioned i n the oracle-bone t e x t s of the p e r i o d .  3.  A c a s t i n g s i t e w i t h molds f o r r e l i e f d e c o r a t i o n was i d e n t i f i e d near p i t s H38 and H76 a t X i a o t u n . These same p i t s c o n t a i n e d i n s c r i b e d oracle-bones d a t a b l e t o the Wuding-Zugeng r e i g n s , i . e . , Yinxu I I (Thorp 1982:244).  I f a v o u r a combination o f Caswell's 'Zhengzhou-Anyang' d i c h o tomy and Huber's 'post-M5 S t y l e V c a l framework f o r Shang bronzes.  sequence as a c h r o n o l o g i However,a few important  q u e s t i o n s remain to be accounted f o r . the i n c e p t i o n o f the zoomorphic  One i s the q u e s t i o n of  m o t i f s on the bronzes.  have seen e a r l i e r t h a t K a r l g r e n thought they came b e f o r e  We  111 Notes: IV the geometric  m o t i f s hut Loehr r e v e r s e d the order.  Neither  one, however, has d i s c u s s e d the p o s s i b l e s o c i a l context i n r e l a t i o n to the appearance of the zoomorphic m o t i f s  (the  'meaning' of the b r o n z e s ) .  question  C l o s e l y r e l a t e d to t h i s  i s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the c l e a r s t y l i s t i c Zhengzhou and  23. The  excavators  field  Anyang  of the  techniques  the course  d i s t i n c t i o n between  bronzes.  1928-1937 s e s s i o n s a t Anyang 'learned  on the  job; t h e i r methods changed d u r i n g  of the work, which precluded p u b l i c a t i o n of a  complete s t r a t i g r a p h y .  The  sole b a s i s f o r d a t i n g these  remains has been the a s s o c i a t i o n of i n s c r i b e d  oracle-bones  with foundations  A periodiza-  or b u r i a l s ' ( T h o r p 1982:239).  t i o n based on ceramic  typology a t the Dasikong Cun  site  was  the f i r s t attempt i n d e v e l o p i n g a r e l a t i v e c h r o n o l o g i c a l sequence by a r t i f a c t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n (Kaogu yanjiusuo In 1964,  Zou Heng was  1964).  able to i n c o r p o r a t e a l l preceding  m a t e r i a l s i n t o h i s p r o p o s a l f o r a comprehensive p e r i o d i z a t i o n of Yinxu  (or Anyang) c u l t u r e .  24. Not a l l the m a t e r i a l s of the  1928-1937 s e s s i o n s , now  kept  i n Taiwan, have been p u b l i s h e d .  25. S h i Zhangru's d a t i n g of these tombs (see t a b l e ) i s based the a s s o c i a t i o n of these b u r i a l s — o f t e n merely  on  geographical—  112 Notes: IV with the X i a o t u n  house f o u n d a t i o n  d i v i d e d the foundations  groupings.  S h i had e a r l i e r  i n t o three g e o g r a p h i c a l  c h r o n o l o g i c a l sequence: j i a , y_i and b i n g .  as w e l l as  These groupings  are i n t u r n a t t r i b u t e d t o the r e i g n p e r i o d s of Anyang by v i r t u e o f the o r a c l e bones found w i t h i n or around the areas of the foundations  (see L i C h i 1977:174-189).  As M238 and  M232 were l o c a t e d w i t h i n the boundary of the y_i group, and M331,  M333 and M388 w i t h i n t h a t of the b i n g group, S h i con-  s i d e r s the l a t t e r b u r i a l s to be dated toward the end o f the Anyang p e r i o d , whereas M238 and M232 to somewhere d u r i n g the L i n x i n and Wenwuding p e r i o d .  V i r g i n i a Kane's d a t i n g o f  these tombs (see t a b l e ) , on the other hand, i s l a r g e l y based on a study o f the bronzes y i e l d e d F i v e - s t y l e serves as the f o u n d a t i o n has  Loehr's  f o r the study,and Kane  come out w i t h a d r a s t i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t c o n c l u s i o n , p l a c i n g  Shi's l a t e s t tombs t o the e a r l i e s t Zou Heng's study (pp.  from them.  91-91).  (see table)(Kane  (1964) has been d i s c u s s e d  The v a r i e d r e s u l t s achieved  i ndetail  1975). earlier  by Zou and K a n e —  e s p e c i a l l y the d i f f e r e n t order f o r M232, M333 and M388— are l i k e l y  t o i n v o l v e a c t u a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n the i n t e r p r e t a -  t i o n s of a r t i f a c t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n s .  M238 i s a r e c t a n g u l a r s a c r i f i c i a l p i t of about 2 x 1.25 m. F i v e s e t s o f human s k e l e t a l remains were found.  Among the  b u r i a l goods were bronzes, jades, p o t t e r y and bone o b j e c t s .  Bronzes from X i a o t u n M238  114 Notes: IV There were twelve bronze v e s s e l s : 3 gu, 3 j u e , 1 l e i 1 you, 1 j i a and 2 f a n g y i complete  ( f i g . D, p i s . 31-33).  M5  fangyi  ( p i . 31)  : Y i Qi f a n g y i #823 (YXFHM  fangyi  ( S h i 1970:pl.287):Fu  ( p i . 32)  pi.18.2)  Hao f a n g y i #849(YXFHM pi.18.3)  i F u Hao hu #863 ( p i . 17)  ( p i . 33)  :vou #765 (YXFHM p i . 30)  l e i ( g u a n ? ) ( S h i 1970: p i . 281)  28.  F o r the  Compare :  M238  you  1 hu  e x c a v a t i o n r e p o r t see S h i 1970:376-402.  27. See f i g . E, a l s o p i s . 31-33.  hu  t  :guan #852 (YXFHM p i . 63)  The c l e a r e s t explanation- i s found i n Zheng 1982a : The d a t i n g of the Fu Hao Tomb i s extremely important, s i n c e d a t i n g i s b a s i c to any comparative study. In view of the f a c t t h a t bronzes w i t h Fu Hao and Z i Yu i n s c r i p t i o n s were a s s o c i a t e d w i t h Period I I p o t t e r y , i t i s c l e a r t h a t Yinxu Period I I could be as e a r l y as the r e i g n of King Wuding, and i t s lower l i m i t s could not be l a t e r than K i n g Z u j i a . Consequently, the lower l i m i t s of P e r i o d I could n o t be l a t e r than King Wuding, and i t s upper l i m i t s could be e a r l i e r than K i n g Wuding. T h i s i n d i c a t e s t h a t King Wuding s r e i g n s t r a d d l e d Peri o d s I and I I of Yinxu h i s t o r y . In other words, the d i v i d i n g l i n e between P e r i o d I and Period I I i s l o c a t e d w i t h i n K i n g Wuding's r e i g n . T h i s f a c t i s extremely s i g n i f i c a n t to the study of the development o f Shang c i v i l i z a t i o n a t Yinxu and of the p e r i o d i z a t i o n of the oracle-bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . I t shows t h a t many changes had taken place d u r i n g the Wuding p e r i o d and not i n the l a t e r phases of the Y i n p e r i o d (1982a:57). 1  29. See L i n d u f f 1979:part  I I note  163. My notes 29, 31 and 32  r e f e r to sources i n L i n d u f f ' s book which  I have not r e a d .  115 Notes: IY 30. I n Ackerman 1945:preface.  31. See L i n d u f f 1979:part I I note  169.  32. See L i n d u f f 1979:part I I note  171.  33. The problem o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the o r a c l e bone inscriptions  and the bronze m o t i f i s humorously  expressed  by D a v i d K e i g h t l e y when d i s c u s s i n g the need f o r c a u t i o n i n u s i n g the i n s c r i p t i o n as a h i s t o r i c a l s o u r c e : A c o l l e a g u e once asked me i f I knew the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the t a o t i e . . . found on so many Shang b r o n z e s . I r d i d hotT Tf you don't u n d e r s t a n d the t a o t i e ' , I was t o l d , 'you cannot u n d e r s t a n d the Shang*. I s t i l l do n o t u n d e r s t a n d the t a o t i e ; i t i s one of the numerous enigmas which the i n s c r i p t i o n s have n o t s o l v e d (1978b: 137). And p r o b a b l y w i l l never s o l v e ?  34. ' I c o n o l o g y ' to P a n o f s k y i s i c o n o g r a p h i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n a deeper s e n s e , the o b j e c t of which i s t o e x t r a c t the  'intrin-  s i c meaning* ( o r ' c o n t e n t ' ) i n the c o n t e x t of the h i s t o r y o f ' c u l t u r a l symptoms' ( o r ' s y m b o l s ' ) , i . e . . the ' i n s i g h t the  manner i n w h i c h , under v a r y i n g h i s t o r i c a l  into  conditions,  e s s e n t i a l t e n d e n c i e s of the human mind were e x p r e s s e d by s p e c i f i c themes and c o n c e p t s ' ( P a n o f s k y  1962:14-15).  35. P r o f e s s o r James C a s w e l l , i n ' A r t s f o r a Purpose and  Purposes  116  Notes: IV f o r A r t ' , P a t t e r n s of Chinese A r t , t y p e s c r i p t ,  Vancouver:  1973, pp. 40-41.  36. Ma Chengyuan a l s o comments t h a t the r i t u a l context should not  be regarded as the f i n a l purpose  of the bronzes.  The  bronzes ought to be regarded as having the i d e o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n of the maintainance and a g g r a n d i z a t i o n of the t i c a l a u t h o r i t y o f those i n power  (1982:22-23).  poli-  117 V The Placement of Large V e s s e l s  There were twenty-eight bronzes ( i n c l u d i n g  f o u r items t h a t  made up a van-set) and a stone owl-statue p l a c e d i n t h r e e rows on the f l o o r of the wooden chamber and closely 15).  around the now  deteriorated c o f f i n structure ( f i g .  T h i s i s a r a r e i n c i d e n c e i n Shang archaeology whereby  p a t t e r n s of arrangement may  presumably  be d i s c e r n e d .  of a s i n g l e category of b u r i a l  In Yinxu Fu Hao mu,  pointed out t h a t the Fu Hao-bronzes  i t has been r i g h t l y  were p l a c e d i n the cen-  t r a l p o s i t i o n s of each row, and t h e r e f o r e the Fu were the most s i g n i f i c a n t  i n s c r i p t i o n a l group  wish to propose t h a t the placement vessels  goods  Hao-bronzes  (YXFHM:12). I  of these l a r g e bronze  (of about 40 to 80 cm i n h e i g h t ) observed three  principles  of o r g a n i z a t i o n : 1. t h a t each c o r n e r be taken up  by a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the main i n s c r i p t i o n a l 2. t h a t the Fu Hao-bronzes of each row;  groups;  be p l a c e d i n the c e n t r a l  positions  and  3. t h a t g e n e r a l symmetrical arrangement  be observed s u b j e c t  to the f u l f i l m e n t  above.  I shall f i r s t l i s t  o f the two c o n d i t i o n s  the bronzes concerned as seen i n f i g . 15  b e f o r e i l l u s t r a t i n g the above  principles.  western row  (from bottom)  (item #)  (inscriptional group)  ( v e s s e l type)  (height)  857  Qiao  jia(forms a pair with #860)  65.7  cm  118  fig.  15  The Placement  of Large V e s s e l s  119  861 860 793 867 791 855 854 792 809  (Ya) Q i Qiao Qiao Qiao Hao Hao Hao Hao Xin  808  Ya B i  .-jia(one of a p a i r ) •lia  61.8 66.5 47 —l(pair) zun j ' 46.7 fangyi 60 (x 88.2) f a n g j i a 1, , 68.8 fang ,1ia ] ^ > 67.6 43 fangzun 80 f angding, (forms a p a i r w i t h #789) 72.2 ding V  F  a i r  n o r t h e r n row (continue on) 811 870 790  Hao Hao Hao  789  Xin  43.9 78.1 44.5 (x 103.7) 80.1  van van-set (¥790,768,769,770) fangding  e a s t e r n row (continue on) 806 868 856 327 784 785 795 794  Qiao (Gui) Qiao (Gui) Hao uninscribed Hao Hao Hao Qiao  921 807  uninscribed Qiao  I t may f i r s t  P  fangzun h_„. \ air) fangzun f a n g l e i (one of a p a i r ) gong bird-shaped zun ] ( \ bird-shaped zun ' hu (one of a p a i r ) fanghu (forms a p a i r with #807) (stone) o w l - f i g u r e fanghu p a l r  55.6 56 52.5 18.2 45.9 46.3 50.9 64.4 28 64  of a l l be observed t h a t the f o u r c o r n e r s were  taken up by: southwest —  #861 (Ya) Q i j i a ;  northwest —  #808 Ya B i d i n g ;  northeast —  #789 X i n " f a n g d i n g ;  southeast —  #807 Qiao fanghu.  That t h i s  corner-emphasis was i n t e n t i o n a l was suggested by  120  the b r e a k i n g down of the symmetrical  arrangement o f the #789  and #809 X i n f a n g d i n g p a i r i n order to allow the #808 Ya B i d i n g to take up the northwest corner p o s i t i o n .  The same  phenomenon occurred i n the southwest c o r n e r , where #860 and #857, the Qiao-.jia p a i r , were separated of #861 (Ya) Q i j i a to the corner  .  to a l l o w the i n s e r t i o n  In the southeast  however, #794 and #807 Qiao fanghu p a i r were placed because the southeast  corner,  together  corner p e r t a i n e d to the Qiao-bronzes.  Symmetrical arrangement was s a c r i f i c e d only i f the corner was to be taken up  by a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of another  inscrip-  t i o n a l group.  The  placement o f Fu Hao-bronzes i n the middle of each row  was obvious.  Regarding  the t h i r d p r i n c i p l e , the symmetri-  c a l arrangement, the f o l l o w i n g phenomena may be h i g h l i g h t e d . 1. In the western row, Fu Hao-bronzes were placed s l i g h t l y to the n o r t h i n order to a l l o w the #867 and #793 Qiao zun p a i r to be p l a c e d next to each other. occurred  A symmetrical  contrast  i n the e a s t e r n row, where the #806 and #868 Qiao  fangzun p a i r were p l a c e d t o g e t h e r , and t h e r e f o r e the Fu Haobronzes on the row were pushed s l i g h t l y to the south. 2. The Fu Hao-bronzes i n both the western row and the e a s t e r n row had the p a t t e r n o f h a v i n g a p a i r i n the middle f l a n k e d by two i n d i v i d u a l bronzes a t the two s i d e s , eg. , #854 and  #855 Hao f a n g d i n g p a i r f l a n k e d by £792 and #791 i n the case of the western row.  That the arrangement i n the e a s t e r n row was a  121 symmetrical-  r e f l e c t i o n of the western row  gested "by the e x i s t e n c e of c o u n t e r p a r t s the p a i r ) of #856 Hao the tomb (#866 Hao  f a n g l e i and  was  f u r t h e r sug-  (the other one  #795 Hao  f a n g l e i and #863 Hao  of  hu elsewhere i n  hu) . 2  T h i s emphasis on the f o u r - c o r n e r s as seen i n the arrangement of bronzes may  perhaps be r e l a t e d to the f o u r - c a r d i n a l or  q u i n c u n c i a l concepts (we  can regard  the Pu Hao-bronzes as  being s y m b o l i c a l l y i n the c e n t r e , p a r a l l e l to the p o s i t i o n of the c o f f i n b e i n g i n the c e n t r e of the tomb) i n Anyang nomenclature as seen i n o r a c u l a r expressions the P o u r - D i r e c t i o n s ' Directions'  and  These were areas  or 'the Pang-states of the Pour-  s i t u >2) i — 'the Lands of the F o u r - D i r e c t i o n s ' . o u t s i d e the Anyang  economic i n t e r e s t of and  such as s i f a n g  core t h a t were  the Shang k i n g .  The usage of s i f a n g  s i t u d i f f e r e d s l i g h t l y i n the d i f f e r e n t phases of Anyang.  In P e r i o d I o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s , the  agricultural  harvests  of the s i f a n g were not i n c l u d e d i n the king's  nation.  In the l a t e r P e r i o d  (Ch'en 1956:319-321). and  i n the  divi-  IV, however, they were i n c l u d e d  Perhaps the  initial  non-incorporation  l a t e r i n c o r p o r a t i o n of s i f a n g i n the h a r v e s t - d i v i n a t i o n  suggests the success the s i f a n g  to  of  the  . Shang  - .to  t h e i r economic domination.  subject The  'Four-  D i r e c t i o n s ' then, might embody a sense of the expansion of Shang p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e to the surrounding an important  p o l i t i c a l duty of Fu Hao,  i n s c r i p t i o n s , was  regions.  Indeed,  as suggested i n the  leading m i l i t a r y expeditions  against.fang-  122  s t a t e s such as the ,'Baf ang &  ^  and the Tufang Jt- $  (ch.vil  helow).  We are t o l d by l a t e r h i s t o r i c a l accounts t h a t the King Wuding p e r i o d was a time of g r e a t expansion of the Shang sphere. ^  In the Xuanniao  political  .% chapter i n the S h i .j ing  (The Book of Odes) i t was s a i d  ^  that:  The m a r t i a l K i n g Wuding, had none whom he d i d not vanquish; w i t h dragon banners and t e n c h a r i o t s he (went and) presented the g r e a t s a c r i f i c i a l g r a i n . The Royal domain was of a thousand l i , t h a t was where the people (of our t r i b e ) s e t t l e d ; but he ( a l s o ) d e l i m i t e d and s e t boundaries f o r those ( s t a t e s between the) f o u r seas. The ( s t a t e s between the) f o u r seas ( a l l ) came ( i n homage)...5 ( K a r l g r e n , t r a n s . 1950a)  A l s o i n the Wuyi ^.^> chapter i n the Shu .jing ^  ^  (The Book  of Documents):  When the t u r n came to Gaozong ( i . e . , Wuding)(to be the K i n g ) , he f o r l o n g t o i l e d away from the c o u r t and he worked toget h e r w i t h the s m a l l people... ( A f t e r he ascended the throne,) he t r a n q u i l l i z e d Y i n ' s S t a t e , i t reached to s m a l l and g r e a t . There were none who peradventure bore resentment a g a i n s t him. Thus Gaozong's enjoyment of the realm l a s t e d f o r f i f t y f i v e years.° ( K a r l g r e n , t r a n s . 1950b).  I f indeed the d a t i n g of the tomb of Fu Hao to the time of Wuding ( i . e . , OBI P e r i o d  I o r Yinxu P e r i o d 1 1 0 h o l d s t r u e ,  Fu Hao's m i l i t a r y campaigns may be understood i n t h i s h i s t o r i c a l context  (see d i s c u s s i o n on the nature of Fu Hao's  123 power i n chapter V I I I below).  The  Ya-bronzes i n the tomb of Fu Hao  matic  were probably  g i f t s ' or t r i b u t e s of some k i n d , presented  ranking y a - o f f i c i a l s .  'diplo-  by. the lower  Indeed, the two r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of  Ya-  bronzes among the chamber f l o o r arrangement of l a r g e bronze v e s s e l s had  a c t u a l p h y s i c a l d i r e c t i o n a l r e f e r e n c e . B i and  Qi  Q  were s i t u a t e d to the west of the Shang c a p i t a l  and  Ya-bronzes were indeed p l a c e d on the northwest and corners of the tomb. suggests  the  two  southwest  This actual physical reference further  the p o s s i b l e i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p between the  placement of bronzes . i n M5  and  the Shang n o t i o n s of the  ' F o u r - D i r e c t i o n s ' as an a c t u a l as w e l l as i d e o l o g i c a l f i e l d of p o l i t i c a l expansion., There have been suggestions about q the meaning of the four-ramp X i b e i g a n g r o y a l tombs 1969)  including a f u n c t i o n a l explanation  185-186).  I t could be t h a t i t may  J  (eg.  (Guo Baojun  be understood  1963:  i n the  same c o n t e x t , as an e x p r e s s i o n of the Shang p o l i t i c a l l o g y of the f o u r - d i r e c t i o n s or - c o r n e r s , and  Gao  ideo-  thus a symbol  of power and a u t h o r i t y j u s t as the bronzes themselves represent  (see pp.97-99).  and X i b e i g a n g  While  l a r g e tombs might be  arrangement of bronzes i n M5  -  structually  different,  the  i n t e r e s t i n g l y suggests  conceptual r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the Xibeigang  M5  its.close 10 l a r g e tombs.  124 Notes: V 1. The #861  (Ya) Q£ j i a - i s  p a i r being #1197 i n the tomb.  one of a p a i r , the  (YXPHM p i . 37) which was  other  of the  placed elsewhere  T h i s suggests that only one r e p r e s e n t a t i v e  the Ya Qi-group was r e q u i r e d  of  i n the placement of l a r g e  v e s s e l s on the f l o o r of the wooden chamber.  2. S i m i l a r to the case d e s c r i b e d  i n note  1 above.  Here, how-  ever, the s e l e c t i o n s conformed more to the r u l e of symmetric a l arrangement  (corresponding  to the western row).  3. Other f o u r - c a r d i n a l or q u i n c u n c i a l concepts i n c l u d e the names of the four-winds (Chen Banghuai 1959 v.1:1-5; Hu a l s o s i g e cgj \j 'four g e - r e g i o n s Cardinal point designations  1  1956),  (Ch'en 1956:320-321 ,325).  were a l s o used on s h r i n e s ,  parts  of b u i l d i n g , p l a c e s , towns and so on (Ch'en 1956:319-321, 468, 475-478, 573-574, 585-586, 589-591).  See ch.I note  24.  4. See ch.IY note (1982:205-215); (1980:11-12).  28.  A l s o , K.C. Wu,  'The Peak of Y i n Power'  Chang, 'P'an Keng and Wu T i n g Renovations'  125  Notes; V  * 6^  *^ . 4  $ ^ * * V - .^  A-•  7. l a t e r h i s t o r i c a l sources provide the c u l t u r a l  h i n t s on the nature  of  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n from the pre-Wuding Anyang p e r i o d  (Kings Pangeng, X i a o x i n , X i a o y i ) to the Wuding p e r i o d .  The  Book of Documents t e l l s of Pangeng s move of the Shang !  c a p i t a l to Y i n :  Pangeng moved to Y i n , The people would not go and s e t t l e t h e r e . He c a l l e d the m u l t i t u d e , and s o l i c i t o u s l y i s s u e d ( t h i s ) solemn d e c l a r a t i o n . He s a i d : Our ( p r e v i o u s ) King came, and, having done so, he s e t t l e d here ( i . e . , i n the old c a p i t a l ) . He attached great importance to our people (so t h a t ) they should not he destroyed and k i l l e d . (Now) they cannot succour each other i n order to l i v e . I have taken t o r t o i s e o r a c l e and e n q u i r e d , and (the S p i r i t s ) say t h a t i t i s i n accordance with me (my i t a l i c s ) ( K a r l g r e n , t r a n s . 1950b).  126 Notes: V Pangeng's p l a n to move the c a p i t a l to Anyang was f i r s t w i t h o b j e c t i o n form the 'people'. in  the same chapter suggests who  met  A passage f u r t h e r down these d i s s i d e n t s were:  Now I have those who share the h i g h p o s i t i o n s i n the government, but you hoard your cowries and jade i s ; , your grandf a t h e r s " and f a t h e r s g r a n d l y r e p o r t to our h i g h a n c e s t o r s , s a y i n g : make g r e a t punishments f o r our g r e a t descendants; and they l e a d on the h i g h r u l e r s g r a n d l y to r i s e and send down i n a u s p i c i o u s t h i n g s (my i t a l i c s ) ( K a r l g r e n , t r a n s . 1950b).  The above passage suggests a power s t r u g g l e of some kind w i t h i n the r u l i n g c l a s s and the t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y o f the k i n g was to  threatened.  Pangeng e v e n t u a l l y moved the c a p i t a l  Y i n (Anyang) as confirmed i n the S h i j i .  The two  below (I am g r a t e f u l to P r o f e s s o r Qiu X i g u i who me  passages  has r e f e r r e d  to them) t e l l us about K i n g Pangeng's p o l i c i e s of  ' r e s t r a i n t ' i n the new  Anyang c a p i t a l .  f r o m the Western Han t e x t Shuoyuan:  F i r s t i s a passage  127 Notes: V Pangeng of Shang regarded the palace of the former k i n g to be too extravagant, he t h e r e f o r e moved to Y i n . With shrubs and reeds untrimmed, r a f t e r s and beams u n w h i t t l e d . (he wanted t o ) change h i s image i n the world (my t r a n s l a t i o n ) .  The next  passage i s from Hanshu :  jL fa ?® * M  . Hi &  7**£,  The woods were p o l i s h e d but not carved, the w a l l s were glazed but not painted;,: these were what the Zhou Xuan e r e c t e d , what the (Shang) Pangeng moved ( i n t o ) ; And as f o r the l e s s e r p a l a c e s of the X i a , the t h r i f t y q u a r t e r s of Yao and Shun, these are a l l p r a c t i c e s of r e s t r a i n t (my t r a n s l a t i o n ) .  Judging from the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l d a t a , s u b s t a n t i a l  social  changes seem to have taken place d u r i n g the Wuding r e i g n (ch.IV note  .28), which more or l e s s correspond  to the  d e s c r i p t i o n of the Wuding p e r i o d as a peak of Shang power i n the S h i j i n g and Shu,jing chapters c i t e d above.  The con-  t r a s t , on the other hand, between the ' r e s t r a i n t  policies'  of Pangeng and Wuding's  'working together w i t h the s m a l l  people' may be an i n d i c a t i o n of the upward s o c i a l m o b i l i t y of 'those who share the h i g h p o s i t i o n s i n the government'.  128 Notes: V In which case, we may regard  the p o l i t i c a l expansionism of  the Wuding p e r i o d as "both an expansion o f the Shang power as w e l l as an e x t e n s i o n highest ranking  of a c t u a l p o l i t i c a l power of the  officials  ( i n c l u d i n g Pu Hao ? ) .  8. B i 5 ^ a s a s t a t e name i s seen i n the o r a c l e r e c o r d  performing  m i l i t a r y d u t i e s f o r ( T i e 31.3,,' C u i 1167) and b r i n g i n g i n t r i b u t e s t o / f o r the Shang (Xu 5.8.3, Hou x i a 30.12, J i a 122, 3000, 3163).  The Shang k i n g a l s o d i v i n e d about the  a g r i c u l t u r a l h a r v e s t i n g of the B i ( C u i 890, Cun x i a 163, Qian 3.12)(YXFHM:97-98).  The l o c a t i o n of B i , a c c o r d i n g t o  Chen Mengjia, was i n the western Henan.  T h i s deduction i s  based on the c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p between B i and QueJ^ (they performed m i l i t a r y d u t i e s t o g e t h e r ; both B i and Que were recorded  shounian d i v i n a t i o n s on  on the same p l a s t r o n ) and  we are more c e r t a i n of the l o c a t i o n o f Que, which was i n western Henan  Qi ^  (YXFHM:98).  i s the t o p i c of a c a r e f u l study b y  She c o n s i d e r s  :  Chao Dingyun  Qi i t to be r e l a t e d to the Q i ^  - s t a t e of l a t e  E a s t e r n Zhou, which had the c l a n name of J i a n g motherland of the J i a n g was near the present county o f Shaanxi.  Chao  .  The  Wugong-^ tj)  t h e r e f o r e concludes ;that the Ya Qi  d u r i n g the time of e a r l y Anyang was a western t r i b a l (1980:149-150).  (1980).  group  129  Notes: V 9.  See ch.I note  23.  10. There are other q u e s t i o n s to be posed ment of l a r g e bronzes i n M5. symbolism (fig.  First  concerning the p l a c e -  concerns the p o s s i b l e  of the southern s e c t i o n , which was  15).  I t may  positioned s l i g h t l y  "be observed  left  vacant  that the ' w a i s t - p i t '  to the south.  was  The d i s t a n c e between the  ' w a i s t - p i t ' and the southern edge of the tomb was  about  the  same as t h a t between the ' w a i s t - p i t ' and the bronzes of the n o r t h e r n row. designed  T h i s i m p l i e s t h a t the tomb s t r u c t u r e  w i t h the placement  of bronzes i n mind.  when the bronzes are read i n h o r i z o n t a l rows n o r t h , they Perhaps  gradually .  the south may  'the f r o n t  was  Secondly,  from south to  become l a r g e r i n s i z e .  represent,  i n a c e r t a i n r i t u a l context,  of a house'; the opening as the entrance -  n o r t h would then be  The  'the back of the house', where heavy  ' k i t c h e n items' such as the Hao yan-set were p l a c e d ( C a s w e l l , 1984,  p e r s o n a l communications).  T h i r d q u e s t i o n 'concerns the !  p o s i t i o n of the p a i r of 'posthumous' #809 and 789.  That they were p l a c e d i n the n o r t h  corresponded to the d e s c r i p t i o n L i j i about 34  above).  S i Mu X i n i fangding  the n o r t h b e i n g  i n the Tangong  perhaps chapter of  'the realm of darkness'  (pp. 33-  130  VI Other Mortuary  Goods  Other  than the bronzes, the f o l l o w i n g mortuary goods were  found  i n the tomb of Fu Hao  :  755 jade o b j e c t s 564 bone implements, arrowheads and h a i r p i n s 63 stone s c u l p t u r e s and other stone o b j e c t s 47 o p a l , q u a r t z c r y s t a l and other p r e c i o u s stone o b j e c t s 3 i v o r y c a r v i n g and 2 p i e c e s of i v o r y fragments 11 p o t t e r y o b j e c t s 6,820-plus cowries  Only three p i e c e s among the above items bear i n s c r i p t i o n s : 1. Stone ox #315  ( p i . 43) has  (same as on bronzes 1163  the * s i mu x i n  #789 ( p i . 5 ) , 809,  inscription  1  803  ( p i . 6)  discussed e a r l i e r ) .  2. Jade ge \ -dagger #580 has the i n s c r i p t i o n ge wu' f  *g / -V  has  the  inscription  zhu r u s h i ' 4 4 - ^ \ % .  In items 2 and  3 above, the graphs before the verb r u  'to e n t e r ' ( i n the sense the c o u r t ' ) regions.  ' l u fang.x r u  3_.  3. Stone o ^ i n g ^ - - m u s i c a l instrument #316 'ren  and  The  as suggested  of 'to present ( t r i b u t e / g i f t ) to  f u n c t i o n as names of persons jade ge-dagger might be one by i t s i n s c r i p t i o n which may  or g e o g r a p h i c a l of a s e t of f i v e , be t r a n s l a t e d  'the Lufang x (person x of Lufang ?) presented c o u r t ) f i v e ge-daggers'. inscription,  A  L i k e w i s e , i n the  as  (to the Shang  'ren zhu r u s h i '  'ren zhu' would be a name and s h i /£? 'stone'  probably r e f e r r e d to the stone m u s i c a l q i n g  itself.  The  131 ' s i mu x i n '  inscription  has been d i s c u s s e d i n  d e t a i l i n chapter I I I (pp.50-53). may  he understood  (pp.55-56), as  The  i n r e l a t i o n to the  'ru'-inscriptions  'ya'-inscriptions  i . e . , p e r c e i v i n g o b j e c t s w i t h these  'diplomatic g i f t s '  presented to Fu Hao  inscriptions  (see ch.VII, under  O f f i c i a l Duties).  Among the d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s i n the i n v e n t o r y above, the jades would be the most important of  because, as i n the  case  the bronzes, they have come i n a s u r p r i s i n g l a r g e q u a n t i t y 2  unforeseen  i n Shang archaeology.  d i s c u s s i o n t h i s chapter on the M5  I s h a l l concentrate the jades.  An  important  r e c e n t p u b l i c a t i o n i n Shang S t u d i e s i s the c o l l e c t i o n of scientifically  excavated  and reproduced  f o r the f i r s t  (Kaogu 111  yanjiusuo 1982).  jades of the past decade,  compiled  time i n c l e a r c o l o u r p i c t u r e s  Out of the 121  are o b j e c t s from the tomb of Fu Hao.  p l a t e s i n the book, This i s i n i t s e l f  an i n d i c a t i o n of the r e l a t i v e s i g n i f i c a n c e of the M5 i n the o v e r a l l Yinxu a r c h a e o l o g i c a l c o n t e x t . of  jades from  the e a r l i e r  i n the Houjiazhuang A<% volumes  (Liang & Gao  jades  Reproductions  1928-1937 excavations may Ifct ( i . e . , Xibeigang) and  be  found  Xiaotun  1962-1976 - 7 v o l s . , S h i 1970-1973 -  3 v o l s . ) ( p i s . 44-46 of the present paper show samples of jades from X i a o t u n M232, M164 the f i n d s of the 1950s and d i s c o v e r y was  the s e r i e s  and Xibeigang M1550).  1960s p e r i o d , the l a r g e s t of excavations a t Dasikong  As f o r jade Cun  132  (Ma e t a l . 1 9 5 5 ) , d u r i n g which some f i f t y - f i v e were unearthed  (fig.  16).  The  total  jade o b j e c t s  count of jades found  i n the Anyang r e g i o n i s d i f f i c u l t to o b t a i n because many are v e r y fragmented undertaken & Wan  p i e c e s , and a l s o s t u d i e s such as the ones  by L i J i and Wan  J i a b a o on excavated bronzes ( L i  1964-1972 - 5 v o l s . ) have not been done on the jades.  G e n e r a l l y speaking, the t o t a l amount of s c i e n t i f i c a l l y vated jades more —to  is  large  and  d i f f i c u l t position—compared d i s c u s s about the M5  context.  toward  are i n an even  to the study of M5  bronzes  jades i n the Shang a r c h a e o l o g i c a l be  exiguous d a t a as w e l l as the g r e a t e r t e n d e n c i e s  the P e r s i s t e n c e  0  f t r a d i t i o n a l forms and  p o s s i b l e comparison  17) and M5  . we  D a t i n g of jades i s a l s o extremely d i f f i c u l t  cause of the  One  not  exca-  styles.  to make i s between the Dasikong ( f i g .  jades ( f i g . 16).  I have chosen  the rubbings of  the b i r d pendants from the r e s p e c t i v e b u r i a l s f o r our d i s c u s s i o n here.  The M5  surface decoration.  pendants show a s o p h i s t i c a t e d The  spiral-and-meander  incised  design—an  inter-  p l a y of smooth curves and sharp angles--seen on the s u r f a c e i s a l s o r e f l e c t e d on the s t r u c t u r a l form.  The neck and  the  main body are rounded curves whereas sharp g e o m e t r i c a l forms r e p r e s e n t the beak, c r e s t , f e a t h e r and so on. continuous r e p e t i t i o n of t h i s d e s i g n dichotomy. kong jade pendants,  There  i s the  The D a s i -  on the other hand, tend to have f r e e r ,  less controlled, structures.  The v i v i d i n t e r p l a y of curves  133  Rubbings of M5  Jades  134 fig*  17  1 2  0 >  1 >  2 i  3 cm  1 3  J  R«ffi±58(*RK-) l . * 2 4 : l 2.*35:12 3.fi32:14 4 . * 2 7 : l l 5 . * 256:3 6.*130:l 7 . * 27:10 8 . * 289:6 9 . * 88:3 l 0 . f i 260:11 12. Jfe 88:2 13. A 24:5  Rubbings of Dasikong Gun  Jades  135  and  angles  of the M5 jades i s not e v i d e n t here.  Whether t h i s  d i s t i n c t i o n between the M5 and Dasikong jade pendants a c t u a l l y •5  represent chronological d i s t i n c t i o n i s d i f f i c u l t The Dasikong jades were excavated  to say.  from a l a r g e s e r i e s of  tombs which may among themselves r e p r e s e n t a wide  chronolo-  g i c a l and s o c i a l c l a s s range. As f a r as the q u e s t i o n of d a t i n g 4  i s concerned, r a t h e r than d e c i d i n g through a r t i f a c t u a l  asso-  c i a t i o n the date o f Fu Hao tomb jades, t h i s group of jades should be used as a r e f e r e n c e f o r the c o n f i r m a t i o n o f the Shang date  of many a n c i e n t Chinese jade p i e c e s found i n  museums a l l over the world.  There has i n f a c t been a tendency  to push back the d a t i n g o f a n c i e n t Chinese jades i n the h i s t o r y of  modern s c h o l a r s h i p (see L a u f e r 1912; P e l l i o t  1925;  1958; Loehr 1975).  Willetts  The next  concern  i s the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f the jades which  i s o f t e n i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d to our understanding f u n c t i o n s of the jades. that  S.Howard Hansford  'the designs and d e c o r a t i o n ,  mainly  o f the  once commented zoomorphic, of  the c o u n t l e s s s m a l l ornamental jades o f a n c i e n t China probably and  will  provide m a t e r i a l f o r s p e c u l a t i o n f o r years to come,  such problems may never be f i n a l l y s e t t l e d '  C e r t a i n l y the d i s c o v e r y  of the Fu Hao tomb  (1968:55).  cannot ' r e -  s o l v e ' t h i s l o n g s t a n d i n g problem,but the M5 jades do prov i d e us w i t h a complete group of a category o f a r t i f a c t s p e r t a i n i n g t o a s i n g l e tomb and p o s s i b l y owned by a s i n g l e  136 person. and new new  We have thus a more enclosed h i s t o r i c a l context r e s e a r c h e s on jades may  perhaps make use of t h i s  a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence, t a k i n g the other aspects of  the t o m b — s u c h as the r e l a t e d o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s  and  the a r t h i s t o r i c a l study of the b r o n z e s — a l l i n t o c o n s i d e r a tion.  A major theme i n the modern a r t h i s t o r i c a l s c h o l a r s h i p on a n c i e n t Chinese  jades is. the q u e s t i o n s surrounding the  i n c e p t i o n of the s o - c a l l e d l i u r u i -^.gfo'Six A u s p i c i o u s Jades' as s system  of r i t u a l  ^  l i u r u i c o n s i s t e d of s i x jade forms: bi/&A, cong  » '  t n e  5^1 » g u i ;|_, zhang ^  symbolism.  A c c o r d i n g to the Z h o u l i  , huangg^ji and hu"^j[\.  There have been  d i f f e r e n c e s i n o p i n i o n as to the a c t u a l f o r m a l d e s i g n a t i o n of  these terms (see reviews i n Hansford  1983).  R e l a t e d to t h i s problem  1968:55-58, X i a  1982,  i s the p o s s i b l e a n a c h r o n i s t i c  understanding of the f u n c t i o n of these jade-forms.  William  W i l l e t t s i n h i s important study on popular a n c i e n t Chinese jade forms proposed  a n i n e - c l a s s scheme based  on the n e o l i -  t h i c implements from which he b e l i e v e d they were d e r i v e d (1958:66-105). T h i s was  an important breakthrough  e a r l i e r s t u d i e s by Wu Dacheng (1889), who of  the modern scholarship on Chinese  (1912).  was  from  the pioneer  jade, and B e r t h o l d L a u f e r  These c o n v e n t i o n a l i z e d jade forms were now  thought  o r i g i n a l l y to be n e o l i t h i c t o o l s and the forms were r e t a i n e d eventhough the p r a c t i c a l f u n c t i o n had v a n i s h e d .  The  function  137 of  these forms i n Shang, however, remains as a major problem  for  us.  X i a Nai commented t h a t the Shang jades ought to be  considered s t r i c t l y i n t h e i r a r c h a e o l o g i c a l context and i n the l a t e r l i u r u i system.  He a l s o suggested hypotheses  the p o s s i b l e f u n c t i o n s of these of  them were used  Xia  jade forms i n Shang.  e i t h e r i n the b u r i a l r i t u a l  d e c o r a t i v e or ornamental  not on  Most  context or as  p i e c e s ( X i a 1983).  a l s o d i v i d e d the jades i n t o three l a r g e r c a t e g o r i e s :  1. ceremonial  jades, 2. t o o l s and weapons, 3. d e c o r a t i v e jades.  Among the s i x - l i u r u i  forms, Fu Hao  tomb contained  fifty-  seven b i ( p i s . 34-35), f o u r t e e n cong ( p i . 36), e i g h t g u i j_. (not  to be confused w i t h the v e s s e l g u i ^ ) ( p i .  seventy-three huang ( p i . 38).  37), and  There were a l s o e i g h t  tiger  ornaments ( p i . 39) but these should not be considered as the hu of the l i u r u i the Fu Hao  The  ( X i a 1983:460).  There were no zhang among  tomb jades.  jade t i g e r s above r e a l l y should be i n the ' d e c o r a t i v e  jades' category  ( I b i d . : 4 6 0 ) ( t h i s i s where  classification  becomes d i f f i c u l t and n e c e s s a r i l y depends on s p e c u l a t i o n s on the f u n c t i o n of the jades concerned). f e a t u r e of the M5  or  mu,  'ornamental'  important  jades i s the prominence of o b j e c t s which  seem t o be more ornamental Yinxu Fu Hao  In f a c t , an  426  than ceremonial.  p i e c e s may  jades.  be regarded  A c c o r d i n g to as ' d e c o r a t i v e '  T h i s f i g u r e makes up more than h a l f  138 of the t o t a l number of M5 jades. figures  ( p i . 4 2 ) ^ and. a t l e a s t  There are t h i r t e e n human  173 p i e c e s o f zoomorphic  s c u l p t u r e s or pendants ( p i s . 39-41).  Most of them r e p r e s e n t  animals seen i n the p h y s i c a l world, i n c l u d i n g t i g e r , e l e p h a n t , bear, monkey, deer, h o r s e , ox, dog, r a b b i t and so on. These jades a r e important d a t a f o r the study of the e a r l i e s t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s or n a t u r a l i s t i c human and animal forms.  sculptural  The remaining of the 426 p i e c e s are ornaments w i t h  g e o m e t r i c a l and a b s t r a c t d e s i g n s .  Many of them could have  f u n c t i o n e d as j e w e l l e r i e s .  F i n a l l y , t h r e e other p i e c e s o f jades r e q u i r e s p e c i a l a t t e n tion. gui  They are the three jade v e s s e l s from the tomb: two and one pan-^l .  There are v e r y few Shang jade v e s s e l s  known t o us and these M5 jade v e s s e l s are extremely e s p e c i a l l y as r e f e r e n c e s f o r d a t i n g e a r l y Chinese i n museum  collections.  important,  jade v e s s e l s  139 Notes:  VI  1. See ch.VII OBI # 10 :  2. F o r a t e c h n i c a l study of the M5  jades see Zhang Peishan  1982.  3. You Rende s t u d i e s the e v o l u t i o n of c i r c u l a r dragon d e s i g n s on Shang jades and concludes t h a t the g e n e r a l development of Shang jade d e s i g n r e p r e s e n t s a p r o g r e s s i o n toward and d e c o r a t i v e forms (You  1981).  4. Chang observes t h a t the Dasikong  Cun s i t e could be an  i n g l y important a r e a i n Shang archaeology. y i e l d e d here i n c l u d e d p i t s , and-horse b u r i a l s b u r i a l s and two  complex  '"'  ( c h . I I note  Shang  exceed-  remains  ground house f l o o r s ,  chariot  19 of t h i s p a p e r ) , human  i n s c r i b e d o r a c l e bones.  'The b u r i a l s were  s h a r p l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d a c c o r d i n g to the shape of the p i t , the use of the wooden chamber, and the nature and amount of grave goods.  These p o i n t to a f a i r - s i z e d s e t t l e m e n t whose  r e s i d e n t s i n c l u d e d n o b i l i t y of c o n s i d e r a b l e s t a t u s '  (Chang  1980:128).  5. In her mortuary  a n a l y s i s of the n e o l i t h i c Dawenkou  cemetery s i t e of Shandong, Anne K i n g s c o t t observes  that  probable h i g h s t a t u s items i n the E a r l y Dawenkou p e r i o d i n cluded i v o r y b i and comb, animal shaped ceramic v e s s e l , red ochre and  jade.  The  i v o r y b i may  be considered i n r e l a t i o n  HO Notes:  VI  to the l a t e r  jade b i - f o r m .  Jades were found  q u a n t i t y i n the Late Dawenkou p e r i o d , and resemble  i n greater  those that do not  u t i l i t a r i a n a r t i f a c t s could be badges of h i g h s t a t u s .  That the jades symbolized h i g h s t a t u s may  a l s o be d i s c e r n e d  by the e s t i m a t i o n of the amount of l a b o u r i n v o l v e d i n proc u r i n g and working  the m a t e r i a l ( K i n g s c o t t 1983:169-171).  Zhang were, however, found  i n other X i a o t u n b u r i a l s ( X i a  1983:45).  c o n s i d e r s the t o t a l number of  Yinxu Fu Hao  mu  ceremonial jade items i n M5  to be 175  (YXFHM:115).  These are among the e a r l i e s t anthropomorphic i n China.  They are important i n the study of the h i s t o r y  of anthropomorphic features  representations  "and  r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , as w e l l as the p h y s i c a l  the a t t i r e of the Shang people.  141  V I I Fu Hao i n the Oracle  Bone I n s c r i p t i o n s  There are about three hundred accounts of Fu o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . six  Hao-related  As mentioned e a r l i e r , about  of them were p r e v i o u s l y dated t o OBI P e r i o d  IV  where-  2  as, a l l the remaining accounts may be dated to P e r i o d I (King Wuding) problem  which c o n t r i b u t e d  (PP.51-52 above).  to the 'III-IV d i s p a r i t y '  In t h i s chapter,  the u s u a l  bone d a t i n g scheme and method w i l l f i r s t be b r i e f l y duced, t o be f o l l o w e d  oracle  intro-  by a d i s c u s s i o n on the s i x problematic  Fu Hao i n s c r i p t i o n s i n the D i v i n e r L i ^ - g r o u p ^ .  Selections  of the Fu Hao o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s (Fu Hao-OBI) t r a n s l a t e d and introduced  by t h e i r s u b j e c t matter.  w i l l be I shall  conclude w i t h comments on the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the i n s c r i p t i o n s i n r e l a t i o n to the tomb of Fu Hao.  The o r a c l e bone p e r i o d i z a t i o n was f i r s t formulated Zuobin (1933).  Subsequent r e s e a r c h e s have made v a r i o u s  r e v i s i o n s to the scheme but  (Hu 1954, Ch'en 1956, Ikeda 1964),  the b a s i c s t r u c t u r e of the f i v e - p e r i o d scheme remains  r e l a t i v e l y unchanged. Period II;  by Dong  The periods  I : i n s c r i p t i o n s made d u r i n g  are as f o l l o w s —  OBI  the r e i g n o f K i n g Wuding,  Zugeng and Z u j i a , I I I : L i n x i n and Kangding, IV: Wuyi and  Wenwuding, and V: D i y i and D i x i n  ( f o r a cross r e f e r e n c e  with  the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l p e r i o d i z a t i o n see the c o l l a t e r a l t a b l e i n appendix I ) .  Dong suggested t e n c r i t e r i a f o r d a t i n g :  142 genealogy, t i t l e s ,  d i v i n e r s , p i t provenance, f o r e i g n s t a t e s ,  person names, d i v i n a t i o n t o p i c , grammar, e p i g r a p h i c form and calligraphy  (1933).  The Fu Hao-OBI are d i s t r i b u t e d i n . =  more than t h i r t y catalogues  (see appendix I I I ) .  Shima  Kunio assembled 259 of them i n h i s Inkyo boku.ji s o r u i ^^^^'^^.(1971).  Two comprehensive s t u d i e s have r e c e n t l y  been made on the Fu Hao-OBI (Wang e t a l . 1977 "; Yan 1981 ) 4  while  a few others  problematic  Period  concentrated  5  t h e i r d i s c u s s i o n s on the  IV i n s c r i p t i o n s , i . e . , L i - g r o u p Fu Hao c  inscriptions  (Zhang Zhenglang 1982, 1983 , Chang Ping-ch'uan  1982 ). 7  I t may be r e c a l l e d t h a t L i Xueqin made a comment  that  i n s t e a d of u s i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l o r a c l e bone p e r i o d i z a t i o n to confirm above).  the date of M5, i t ought to be v i c e v e r s a  I t was a l s o L i who f i r s t  suggested t h a t the L i -  d i v i n e r group i n s c r i p t i o n s might be re-dated I (1977).  Further  (1981) who provided dating.  (p. 5  to OBI P e r i o d  s t u d i e s were l a t e r taken up by Qiu X i g u i c o n v i n c i n g evidence s u p p o r t i n g  the r e -  The c o n f u s i o n o f d a t i n g began w i t h the f a c t  that  the two s e t s of a d d r e s s e s , 'Father Y i ' £ Z j and 'Father y  %  Ding'  "J , could r e f e r t o e i t h e r X i a o y i and Wuding on the one  hand, or Wuyi and Wenwuding on the other hand. group  The L i -  d i v i n a t i o n s , which were found i n the c e n t r a l and  southern r e g i o n s  of X i a o t u n , u s u a l l y do n o t i n c l u d e the  d i v i n e r ' s name, though a s m a l l number i n c l u d e the name ' l i '  143  ^  (thus the name L i - g r o u p ) .  The  n o n - i n c l u s i o n of the  d i v i n e r name s t r o n g l y suggested t h a t they could he  dated 9  to OBI  P e r i o d IV as t h i s was  i t s common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c .  L i and  Qiu have shown, however, many correspondences of names  mentioned i n both the L i - i n s c r i p t i o n s  ( i n which the s i x Pu 10  Hao-OBI are i n c l u d e d ) and  Period I i n s c r i p t i o n s .  more , a group of names i n L i - g r o u p had t e r p a r t s i n the B i n ^ - and are d a t a b l e  to OBI  P e r i o d I.  Chu 11  Further-  almost i d e n t i c a l coun-  - groups i n s c r i p t i o n s which Other correspondences i n c l u d e d 12  the time and nature  of t o p i c s d i v i n e d  i m p l i c a t i o n of t h i s new a l l Fu Hao-related considered  (Qui 1 9 8 1 ) .  The  d a t i n g of L i - i n s c r i p t i o n s i s t h a t  o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s may  as p e r t a i n i n g to a s i n g u l a r OBI  now  be  Period —  I (King  Wuding). As Shima Kunio's Inkyo b o k u j i s o r u i remains the best logue r e f e r e n c e f o r the study  of an assembly of  cata-  inscriptions  grouped by graphs, I s h a l l f i r s t l o o k a t Shima*s sub-grouping under the  ' f u hao'  1.  'hao  4.  *hao j i '  7.  'yu hao' ^rP-fcV  heading.  mian'-al V^U 4l$%i_  They a r e :  2.  'hao  f a ' ^ A j  3.  'hao  5.  'hao  long'  6.  *hao hou'  8.  bin h a o ' ^  9.  others.  I s h a l l organize  these  categories—which  may  $\  xian'*t> fQ  sub-groupings under f o u r l a r g e r further include i n s c r i p t i o n s  listed  under ' 9 . Others' above and other Fu Hao-OBI not found i n the Inkyo b o k u j i s o r u i whose t o p i c s may p e r t a i n to these  144 categories—arranged  by the s u b j e c t matter:  1. the c h i l d b i r t h i n s c r i p t i o n s ( i n c l u d e s 'hao mian' above, 2. the o f f i c i a l - d u t i e s i n s c r i p t i o n s ('hao f a ' , 'hao x i a n ' ) , 3. the general welfare 'hao  i n s c r i p t i o n s ('hao j i ' , ' h a o l o n g ' ,  hou') and  4. the exorcism and other r i t u a l s i n s c r i p t i o n s ('yu hao', 'bin hao'). Whereas the above r e p r e s e n t Fu Hao-OBI cover nine  l a r g e r s u b j e c t c a t e g o r i e s , the  out of seventeen items l i s t e d by  David K e i g h t l e y as the major content bone i n s c r i p t i o n s (1978b:33-35).  of the Shang o r a c l e  The nine are :  1. s a c r i f i c e s ,  2. m i l i t a r y campaigns,  4. c h i l d b i r t h ,  5. d i s t r e s s or t r o u b l e , 6. dreams,  7. o r d e r s ,  8. d i v i n e a s s i s t a n c e or a p p r o v a l , and  9. requests  I t should  3. s i c k n e s s ,  addressed to a n c e s t r a l or n a t u r a l powers.  be noted t h a t about h a l f of the Fu Hao-OBI are  bone or s h e l l fragments c o n t a i n i n g only the graphs ' f u hao' or merely 'hao'.  Twenty Fu Hao-OBI which are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e  of the f o u r s u b j e c t c a t e g o r i e s are t r a n s l a t e d below. are s e l e c t e d from the i n s c r i p t i o n s with  about 120 Fu Hao-related  content  They  o r a c l e bone  of a more d i s c e r n i b l e nature.  145 Childbirth  There are about t h i r t y - f i v e i n s c r i p t i o n s  r e l a t e d to Fu Hao's  pregnancy and c h i l d b i r t h d i v i n e d by the Shang k i n g . these birth'  Most of  i n c o r p o r a t e the graph mian^^t), which means 'to give ( L i Xiaoding  1965: 4317).  l o o k s l i k e a p a i r of hands t a k i n g out the o f f s p r i n g from the mother's body.  Examples of the c h i l d b i r t h  (1) Xu 4.29.2 (Fu 116): Jj 2- h - fSL  •  inscriptions  %• # id-  :  }fc.  J i c h o u (26th) day crack-making, Que d i v i n e d : On the f o l l o w i n g Gengyin (27th) day, Fu Hao w i l l give b i r t h . D i v i n e d : On the f o l l o w i n g Gengyin day, Fu Hao w i l l n o t perhaps give b i r t h . F i r s t month. '3  (2) Y i b i a n 7731 (Binehian 247):  f  ito. ^  ^  £ -a  ^1  -^-T•  J i a s h e n (21st) day crack-making, Que d i v i n e d : Fu Hao w i l l give b i r t h ; i t w i l l not perhaps be l u c k y . (Verification:) On the t h i r t y - f i r s t day: J i a y i n (51st day), (Fu Hao) gave b i r t h , i t was indeed unlucky.14 J i a s h e n (21st) day (crack-making, Que d i v i n e d : ) Fu Hao w i l l give b i r t h ; i t w i l l be l u c k y . The King read the crack and s a i d : I f i t was on a Ding day t h a t (Fu Hao) gave b i r t h , i t would-be l u c k y , i f . i t was o n j Geng-day, i t would be extens i v e l y a u s p i c i o u s (VerTf ica'tion:) On the t h T r t h - f i r s t day; J i a y i n (51st.day),(Fu Hao).give b i r t h . I t was not l u c k y ; i t was a " g i r l .  146  (3) Y i b i a n 4728:  Renyin (39th) day crack-making, Que d i v i n e d : Fu (Hao) w i l l give b i r t h . The King read the crack and s a i d : ( I f ) i t was on x-shenday t h a t she gave b i r t h , i t would be a u s p i c i o u s and l u c k y , (however) i f i t was on J i a y i n (51st) day t h a t she gave b i r t h , i t would not be a u s p i c i o u s . (Verification:) (The s p i r i t s ) went a g a i n s t (the p r o g n o s t i c a t i o n ) ; i t turned out to be a g i r l . Renyin (39th) day crack-making, Que d i v i n e d : Fu Hao w i l l give b i r t h ; i t w i l l not perhaps be l u c k y . The King read the crack and s a i d : (Since Lady) Shuai's ( c h i l d b i r t h ) was not l u c k y , (Fu Hao's) w i l l perhaps be l u c k y . ( V e r i f i c a t i o n : ) I t was not a u s p i c i o u s at x (probably a place name). F o l l o w i n g the c h i l d b i r t h , Fu Hao s u f f e r e d from an i l l n e s s .  The  c h i l d b i r t h i n s c r i p t i o n s at l e a s t confirmed  Fu Hao  to be  15 a woman  , but do not adequately  of King Wuding (see p.49 considered  above).  passable,  I n s c r i p t i o n s (2) and  jia'  The  to be r e l a t e d to ke "^j (*ka)  which means ' w i l l do, 86).  suggest Fu Hao  graph j i a -#;j)(*ka) i s i n the Shi j i n g ,  a l l right'  ( K a r l g r e n 1950a:  (3) f u r t h e r suggest t h a t  i s r e l a t e d to g i v i n g b i r t h to a g i r l .  r e f e r r e d to g i v i n g b i r t h to a boy. important  to be a wife  'not  J i a thus  I n s c r i p t i o n (3) i s a l s o  because i t ' shows the p r e c i s e n e s s o f the mentioning  of names i n the o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . c h i l d b i r t h was  Lady  Shuai's  r e f e r r e d to when d i v i n i n g about Fu Hao's  c h i l d b i r t h as a c o n t r a s t i n g statement. a d d r e s s i n g persons to a c e r t a i n extent  This d e f i n i t e n e s s i n elimates  the  possibility  147 of r e g a r d i n g 'fu hao inscriptions  1  as a n o n - p a r t i c u l a r name i n these  (pp.49-50 above).  Judging from the a v a i l a b l e  Fu Hao-OBI, Fu Hao seems to have had a t l e a s t one boy and two  girls.^  Official  Duties  There a r e about twenty i n s c r i p t i o n s involvement soldiers  i n w a r f a r e — u s u a l l y i n the form of l e a d i n g  on an e x p e d i t i o n — a n d  The warfare  d i v i n i n g Fu Hao's  other  'external  affairs'.  inscriptions:  (4) Y i b i a n 2948:  Xinwei (8th) day crack-making, Zheng d i v i n e d : Fu Hao w i l l perhaps f o l l o w Z h i j i a to a t t a c k the Bafang; the King (on the other hand) w i l l from the Eastern-x a t t a c k Houxing before Fu Hao takes up her p o s i t i o n . ...Fu Hao w i l l perhaps ( f o l l o w ) Z h i j i a to a t t a c k the Bafang; the King (on the other hand) w i l l from the Eastern-x a t t a c k Houxing before Fu Hao takes up h e r p o s i t i o n . 7 1  'To f o l l o w ' i n the above i n s c r i p t i o n seems to r e f e r to a c e r t a i n m i l i t a r y rank f o r m a t i o n i n a b a t t l e the p a t t e r n 'x f o l l o w s y', x i s a c t u a l l y  situation.  In  the h i g h e r r a n k i n g  person, s i n c e there are many cases of 'the King f o l l o w s someone', Hao  l i k e w i s e , between Fu Hao and Z h i j i a above, Fu  was a c t u a l l y l e a d i n g the t r o o p s .  Wang Yuxing  called  148 the above i n s c r i p t i o n a g u e r r i l l a warfare' 1  (1981:87)»pre-  sumably because a t i g h t and well-planned b a t t l e has been suggested  i n the i n s c r i p t i o n .  schedule  T h i s b r i n g s us  a g a i n t o the q u e s t i o n o f the p o s s i b i l i t y o f Fu Hao r e f e r r i n g to more than a s i n g l e person.  I t seems t h a t t h i s would be  h i g h l y u n l i k e l y g i v e n the p r e s c r i p t i v e n e s s o f the Shang nomenclature as seen i n the above i n s c r i p t i o n .  (5)  h% K  Gui 1230: 4:«f  ^  4 ^ ^  % & ^ .% «.  -  Renshen (9th) day crack-making, Zheng d i v i n e d : Order Fu Hao to f o l l o w Z h i j i a to a t t a c k the Bafang; she w i l l meet w i t h abundant a s s i s t a n c e (from the s p i r i t s ) .  (6) Ku 237: & . i ^ ) ($) %  ^ ) - - • 9* * ^ •  D i v i n e d : The King ought n o t (order) Fu Hao (to f o l l o w . . . ) to a t t a c k the Tufang.  (7) Yicun:527 (Xu 4.30.1):  ..AY-D&V.\  ^  5  %  i K  J L . 5 i $  tfr[£)  1  • 1*0 •  x-wu day crack-making, B i n d i v i n e d : I t should be Fu Hao whom the King w i l l order to r e c t i f y the Ren. Yiwei (32nd) day crack-making, B i n d i v i n e d : I t should be Fu Hao whom the King w i l l (order) to r e c t i f y (the Ren).  (8) Qian 5.12.3: ^  k  ^ k ^ - H  fy&'tut^^  % •  J i a s h e n (21st) day crack-making, Que d i v i n e d : c a l l upon Fu Hao to f i r s t r a i s e men a t Pang.18  149  (9) Xu 4.29.1: ... ...  0°)  W~ & •  ^V^jL^  x  7 § • -  Que d i v i n e d : Fu Hao w i l l send an envoy to Mei.  Y i b i a n 7782: ... ^ -ift- A  + jz, .  ... Fu Hao entered ( i . e . , presented to the court) p i e c e s (probably t u r t l e s h e l l s ) .  k-t%&-**-*£  (11) Ku 310:  fifteen  &  W  (*S).  X i n s i (18th) day crack-making, d i v i n e d : Raise Fu Hao('s) (troops) three thousand; r a i s e Iii (probably a m i l i t a r y u n i t ) troops t e n thousand; c a l l upon to a t t a c k the J i a n g .  Xthem)  The  i n s c r i p t i o n above i s o f t e n taken t o mean that Fu Hao l e d  a t h i r t e e n thousand s t r o n g d i v i s i o n on a combat  expedition  (Wang e t a l . 1977:2; Wang 1981:87; X i e 1982:347). i n t e r p r e t a t i o n holds t r u e ,  If this  t h i s was indeed the Shang m i l i -  t a r y group with the g r e a t e s t number of s o l d i e r s on a s i n g l e expedition  seen i n the o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s .  This  i n s c r i p t i o n i s a l s o important because i t suggests that Fu Hao had  h e r own s o l d i e r s , who belonged to a d i f f e r e n t m i l i t a r y  u n i t from the l u - s o l d i e r s .  General Welfare  T h i s group makes up The  to about another t h i r t y i n s c r i p t i o n s .  major t o p i c s include, d i v i n a t i o n s on Fu Hao's p h y s i c a l  i l l n e s s e s , the r e c o v e r y spiritual  well-being.  from them, and general  p h y s i c a l and  150  (12) Y i b i a n 4098:  • $ #  !£  D i v i n e d : Fu Hao has i l l n e s s ; a certain ancestor).  (13) Y i b i a n 3164:  f^-%1^>-  i t i s caused  # -tfl  by the c u r s i n g (of  -  Fu Hao w i l l not a i l from t o o t h ( - a c h e ) .  (14) T i e 72.1: Z>... $ t -  #j - A ^  .  J i - x day crack-making, . . . d i v i n e d : Fu Hao w i l l r e c o v e r from (her) i l l n e s s .  (15) T i a n 88 (Zhui 99): ^ Fu Hao w i l l be f i n e  (16) Duo 1.444  tf^  smoothly  •  ( i . e . . w i l l r e c o v e r from  (Ning 1.493) : <h  |t • ^  illness).  t  'Ti •  Bingxu (23rd) day d i v i n e d : Fu Hao w i l l not have m i s f o r t u n e .  The above i n s c r i p t i o n divinations.  (16) i s an example of the Li-group  Notice t h a t the p r e f a c e format  i s different  from a l l the other i n s c r i p t i o n s c i t e d so f a r (see pp;. 142-143).  (17) He 286: D i v i n e d : Fu Hao's nightmare i s not caused Father Y i .  by (the s p i r i t o f )  M e n g l ^ (*miung) r e f e r s to 'dreams' or 'nightmare' ( L i X i a o d i n g 1965:2509).  I t i s a pictograph  i n bed ( i b i d . : 2 5 1 0 : D a i , Ye).  (^)  of a person  The Shang were probably  lying very  151 s u p e r s t i t i o u s about t h e i r dreams and thus d i v i n e d them.  This continued to the time of Z h o u l i  about i n which  d i v i n a t i o n s on s i x d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s of dreams were d i s cussed.  In the o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s , other than  divi-  n a t i o n s on dreams i n g e n e r a l ( i . e . , without s p e c i f y i n g the content of the dream, such as the above i n s c r i p t i o n ) , n a t i o n s were a l s o made on the p r o p h e t i c symbolism  divi-  of o b j e c t s  and i n d i v i d u a l s i n the dreams (Fu r e n 6, T i e 1 2 . 1 ) ( i b i d . : 2511-2513: Ding Shan). inscription  We can a l s o t e l l  (17) t h a t , l i k e  illness  from the above  and m i s f o r t u n e s , dreams  or nightmare were b e l i e v e d to have been caused by the ancestor  spirits.  Exorcism and Other R i t u a l s  The f i n a l  category of i n s c r i p t i o n s concern those r i t u a l s of  a more p r e s c r i b e d n a t u r e , such as the v e r y common yu ij-fi 'exorcism -ritual. 1  of ten  There a r e a t l e a s t t w e n t y - f i v e accounts  the y u - r i t u a l mentioning Pu Hao. accounts o f other r i t u a l s  There are a l s o  about  i n v o l v i n g Pu Hao.  (18) Y i b i a n 3383:  k  >&&.*r$*1-*5iJ-#f  +  Jimao (16th) day crack-making, Que d i v i n e d : E x o r c i s e Pu Hao i n (the presence of the s p i r i t of )Father Y i ; (we should) cut sheep, o f f e r p i g and stab t e n penned sheeps.  152  (19) Ku 1701:  K  £  ^.^^^-}«Z>.-^fiL.  J i a x u (11th) day crack-making, Xuan d i v i n e d : E x o r c i s e Fu Hao i n (the presence of the s p i r i t o f ) Father Y i ; (we should) stab (war-) c a p t i v e s .  The main graph i n the above i n s c r i p t i o n s i s yu£fP (*ngio) meaning 'to e x o r c i s e ' . itself a  cyclical  The wu^f- (*ngo) element i n the graph,  s i g n , serves as the p h o n e t i c symbol.  i t s e l f has the meaning of 'to r e s i s t '  Wu  and y_uifPmay a t the  same time be considered as r e l a t e d to yu^j|f , 'to oppose, to counter a t t a c k ' .  In the Shang language, we would  imagine,  vu.£fPmeans 'to e x o r c i s e ' i n the sense of removing a l i v i n g person from the e v i l i n f l u e n c e s of the s p i r i t s , i . e . . to c o u n t e r a t t a c k , the s p i r i t s tion,  (Takashima: p e r s o n a l communica-  1982).  (20) Qian 7.27.4:  ... fc. 4 * St *  •  x - y i n day crack-making, Wei d i v i n e d : (The s p i r i t of a c e r t a i n a n c e s t o r ) w i l l ( r i t u a l l y ) t r e a t Fu Hao as guest. ... d i v i n e d : (The s p i r i t of a c e r t a i n a n c e s t o r ) w i l l not ( r i t u a l l y ) t r e a t Fu Hao as guest.  perhaps  The important graph i n the above i n s c r i p t i o n i s b i n ffih • which a c c o r d i n g to Luo Zhenyu, was a l o a n f o r b i n JT ' r i t u a l l y V  t r e a t as guest' ( L i X i a o d i n g 1965:3663).  Wang Yuxing t r a n -  s c r i b e d the graph as^tSand suggested that t h i s was  a  153  s a c r i f i c i a l r i t u a l performed, by King Wuding i n honour of Fu Hao a f t e r h e r death (Wang e t a l . 1977:18).  I f t h i s was  c o r r e c t , t h i s would "be an important piece of evidence suggest i n g t h a t Fu Hao d i e d b e f o r e King Wuding.  Other b i n - r e l a t e d  Fu Hao-OBI—such as T i e 261.1: D i v i n e d : There w i l l be the coming of (a s p i r i t r i t u a l l y ) r e c e i v i n g Fu Hao as guest; ( t h i s s p i r i t ) w i l l not be Mother Geng—suggest the r e c i p i e n t of the r i t u a l .  Fu Hao as  Judging from other b i n - r e l a t e d  i n s c r i p t i o n s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y p e r t a i n i n g to Fu Hao, the b i n r i t u a l could be a ' s p i r i t u a l h o s p i t a l i t y ' between two deceased i n d i v i d u a l s , but i t could a l s o be between a l i v i n g person (as the guest) and a deceased person (as the h o s t ) , hence a c e r t a i n form of s h a m a n i s t i c p r a c t i c e .  The group of Fu H a o - r e l a t e d o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s has always been prominent even p r i o r to the d i s c o v e r y of the tomb  of Fu Hao (Ch'en  1956:492-493; Chou 1970).  After  the e x c a v a t i o n of the tomb, the Fu Hao-OBI became the focus of many d i s c u s s i o n s  (Kaogu  1977b; Wang e t al.1977; Zheng  and Chen 1981; Yan 1981; Chang Ping-ch'uan Zhenglang  1982, 1983).  1982; Zhang  The d a t i n g of the d i v i n e r L i - g r o u p  i n s c r i p t i o n s became an important t o p i c i n o r a c l e bone d a t i n g because  those Fu Hao-OBI which were p r e v i o u s l y thought to  be dated to OBI P e r i o d  IV were p a r t of t h i s group  ( L i Xueqin  154 1977;  Qiu  1981;  Xie  acceptable that to OBI  Period  1982).  these i n s c r i p t i o n s may  I.  As  such, a l l Pu  to have a uniform date. became the  I t i s now  The  on  the  the  highly  a f t e r a l l be  Hao-OBI may  oracle  be  oracle  must be  further  found i n the  tomb i t s e l f .  thus M5.  q u e s t i o n s may  i d e n t i c a l to the  bone i n s c r i p t i o n s . A f t e r  considered  d a t i n g of  P i r s t i s whether i t i s compulsory t h a t bronzes i n M5  redated  bone i n s c r i p t i o n s  most important evidence f o r the  Moving on from t h i s premise, two posed.  becoming  a l l no  the  be  'fu  'fu hao'  oracle  hao' in  bones were  Second i s whether a l l Pu  Hao  i n s c r i p t i o n s r e f e r to a s i n g l e  i n d i v i d u a l even though they  may  I.  no  a l l be  dated to OBI  clear-cut  Period  answers to these q u e s t i o n s .  question, I think i t i s highly different individuals there.  How  one  but  As  u n l i k e l y that  the  possibility  be,  he  regard to the  a r t h i s t o r i c a l and  or she  cussed i n chapter IV. q u e s t i o n would be  p e r c e i v e s the  they r e f e r  The  nature of the  quite s i m i l a r .  to  i s nevertheless also as  archaeological dating d i s answer to the  However, I do  precise  o r a c u l a r nomenclature.  I t would be h i g h l y  would be  first  challenge of M5  i n d i v i d u a l g i v e n the  divined  course,  to the  these i n s c r i p t i o n s r e f e r to more than one  Wuding d i d not  of  attempts to answer t h i s q u e s t i o n w i l l  depend on how  that  There can  definition  not  second  think  prominent  ;:of™^>  the  confusing i f  have a constant i n d i v i d u a l i n mind when he  about Pu Hao's c h i l d b i r t h , f o r i n s t a n c e , and d i s a s t r o u s i f t h i s c o n f u s i o n occurred i n a  it battle  155  situation.  The  content  of the Fu Hao-OBI provides us with a r e l a t i v e l y  good d e s c r i p t i o n of the "biography of an i n d i v i d u a l l i v i n g more than three thousand years  ago.  There a r e , however,  many l i m i t a t i o n s to the i n s c r i p t i o n s . d i v i n a t i o n records  and  data i n the s t r i c t  sense of the word.  merely r e p r e s e n t  These were e s s e n t i a l l y  could not be considered Not  as  historical  only do  they  the l i t e r a t u r e of the apex of the Shang  r u l i n g c l a s s , they a l s o only show t h a t c o n v e n t i o n a l i z e d u n i f i e d aspects  of the r u l i n g c l a s s i d e o l o g y .  p r a c t i c e and  m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e were two  subsystems.  The  Shang people knew,  Oracular  complementary  to take an  cultural  example,  e x a c t l y what the r i t u a l f u n c t i o n s of the bronzes and were, and  there was  i n the w r i t t e n form.  t h e r e f o r e not be s u r p r i s i n g t h a t we t i o n of the many o b j e c t s i n M5  could not f i n d any men-  t h a t belonged to Fu Hao  Fu Hao.  of M5  and  the o r a c u l a r  the arrangement of l a r g e bronzes i n M5,  discerned  in  records  R e l a t i o n s h i p s of l e s s obvious n a t u r e ,  as i n the case of the p a r a l l e l between the and  I t would  Thus,no c l e a r correspondence can be found  between the m a t e r i a l contents concerning  jades  no n e c e s s i t y i n mentioning them d u r i n g  the d i v i n a t i o n , a t l e a s t not  the Fu Hao-OBI.  and  (p.121 above).  oracular may  such  expressions  however be  156  Notes: V I I 1. 259 Fu Hao-OBI are c o l l e c t e d i n the Inkyo boku.-ji s o r u i (Shima 1971:139-141).  Wang, Zhang and Yang (1977) have  c o l l e c t e d another f o r t y i n s c r i p t i o n s not i n c l u d e d i n the Shima s 1  l i s t i n g above.  guwen h e j i published.  ^ ^  Most of these are found i n the J i a -  "^-"^  > the index of which has y e t to be  Chang Ping-ch'uan (1982) has pointed out another  inscription —  Cun 1.443.  See appendix I I I (those i n the  Jiaguwen he.ji are not i n c l u d e d i n the appendix).  Thirty-  one of the Fu Hao-OBI are found i n Yinxu wenzi b i n g b i a n $>L ^  They  are d i s t r i b u t e d  i n eighteen  p l a s t r o n s , and the m a t e r i a l allows us to l o o k a t the i n s c r i p t i o n s i n the p l a s t r o n context.  The p l a s t r o n s are : 190,206,  245,247,249,253,255,313,317,334,335,340,384,508,513,514,548 and 549 (see under ' f u hao', i n K. Takashima, annotated, V. Fowler & B. Kpng, compiled, An Annotated Concordance to the Shang Oracle-Bone I n s c r i p t i o n s , f o r t h c o m i n g ) .  2. They are (Shima 1958:452-453): Ning 1.491: /V Duo  1.444:  Duo  1.444:  ^  .%  ' §L • ^ ^  41  t  ® •  43- t . lB .  . % 3L <%flL^ l£r  J i a b i a n 668: £j &  k  Yicun 649:  ... k  £fc>.. . ^  Ye 3.43.8:  ^  7^* ^ . ^ &  & t  •  . [B •  Chang Ping ch'uan (1982:2) a l s o i n c l u d e s —  157  Notes: V I I 1.443: ^  Cun  3.  ^  Y .  •^  lfi-@f  •  & •  J s  h Q 'weekly'-divina-  The L i - g r o u p mostly c o n s i s t s of buxun tions  (see ch.IV note  9).  See Rao  1959:1166-1167 f o r a  l i s t i n g of L i - g r o u p i n s c r i p t i o n s .  4.  Wang, Zhang and Yang d i s c u s s 128 Pu Hao paper.  They c o n s i d e r Ning 1.491  and Ye 3 . 4 3 . 8  2 above) to be d a t a b l e to OBI P e r i o d these r e f e r r e d the  Period  to a d i f f e r e n t  The a r t i c l e  (see note  'fu hao' from the 'fu hao' of - i n s c r i p t i o n s should  a l s o d i s c u s s e s the  inscriptions  i n the h i s t o r i c a l context of the King Wuding p e r i o d . was  the e a r l i e s t comprehensive  tions  study of the Pu Hao  This  inscrip-r  a f t e r the d i s c o v e r y of M5,and the problem of the L i -  group Pu Hao tion  i n their  IV but suggest t h a t  I, to which a l l the remaining  be a s s i g n e d .  inscriptions  i n s c r i p t i o n s had not been g i v e n new  considera-  yet.  5. Yan Y i p i n g reduces probable P e r i o d to only one —  Jiabian  668  based on an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  IV Fu Hao  (see note  2  inscriptions  above), which i s  of the i n s c r i p t i o n as a r i t u a l  performed i n honour of the deceased Fu Hao.  Yan, however,  agrees t h a t t h e r e could be no c o n c l u s i v e u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the  graph<flX.in "the i n s c r i p t i o n  thus the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  (Yan 1982:36 note  of the e n t i r e  2  ),and  l i n e a l s o cannot be  158  Notes; V I I conclusive.  In the a r t i c l e , Yan has l i s t e d  Fu Hao i n s c r i p t i o n s ;  a t o t a l of 253  i t i s an important c o n t r i b u t i o n to  the comprehensive study of the Fu Hao-related  o r a c l e bone  inscriptions.  6. Zhang  Zhenglang maintains t h a t the s i x 'Period I V Fu Hao  i n s c r i p t i o n s may continue  to be considered  argument i s t h a t f u was a rank t i t l e f u " t ^ r - ^ i n the Z h o u l i .  comparable to the s h i  Hao, on the other hand, could be  a common name shared by many i n d i v i d u a l s . Period  IV ' f u hao'  so. H i s main  The P e r i o d  I and  need not r e f e r to a s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l  (see pp.49-50 above).  Zhang, however, has not suggested  reasons w i t h i n the study of the OBI i t s e l f ( i . e . , Dong's ten c r i t e r i a f o r d a t i n g ) why he accepts  the P e r i o d  IV d a t i n g  of these i n s c r i p t i o n s (1983).  7. Chang Ping-ch'uan l i s t s  seven i n s c r i p t i o n s (see note  above) thought to be dated to OBI P e r i o d  IV.  2  Chang comments  t h a t these d i v i n a t i o n s a c t u a l l y l a c k s t r o n g c r i t e r i a f o r d a t i n g s i n c e they c o n t a i n n e i t h e r the d i v i n e r s ' nor the ancestors'  names, and t h a t Shima and Yan had considered  to be P e r i o d  IV merely on the b a s i s of . t h e i r w r i t i n g  says Chang, i s the weakest o f the_ ten d a t i n g proposed by Dong (Chang Ping-ch'uan 1982:3). t h a t a l l Fu Hao OBI are datable  to Period I.  them  style,which,  criteria Chang concludes  159  Notes: V I I 8. K e i g h t l e y comments t h a t there i s not a s i n g l e i n s c r i p t i o n he  could f i r m l y date to the OBI  Period  IV on the b a s i s of  the a n c e s t r a l addresses.  A l l Period  t i o n s are n o n s p e c i f i c and  other d a t i n g s are always p o s s i b l e  (1978  IV a n c e s t r a l a p p e l l a -  :107n.62),  9. Other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of P e r i o d ence f o r bone (but t h i s may  i n c l u d e the p r e f e r -  r e f l e c t the nature of the  ( K e i g h t l e y 1978b: 10 n.32-, 162), ganzhi -^f" JL format  IV OBI  a change of the  (Ibid.:110 n.81), and  sample)  cyclical  a calligraphic  s t y l e c h a r a c t e r i z e d by Dong as shou.jin -$%J&  'slender  gold'  (Ibid.:108 n.63).  10.  In the event t h a t a n c e s t r a l addresses may used f o r d a t i n g , previous Period  commentators have based  IV d a t i n g of the L i - g r o u p  p a t t e r n and  not be f i r m l y  calligraphic style.  OBI  their  mainly on the  preface  There i s , however, a  gradual  tendency to allow a g r e a t e r range of c a l l i g r a p h i c s t y l e s and d i f f e r e n t preface formats f o r Period covery  of the Dui  1 9 7 6 ) — t h e Period  supported by s t r a t i g r a p h i c a l and  preface  'ganzhi-  The  recent  -group i n s c r i p t i o n s a t X i a o t u n  /h«kj^f) H £ J (Xiao Nan  c o n t a i n the  I.  Nandi  I d a t i n g of which  artifactual associations—  ' crack -making  1  or  'ganzhi-divined  formats s i m i l a r to those of the L i - g r o u p  Dui-group OBI  dis-  i t s e l f a l s o i n c o r p o r a t e s a few  OBI.  different  1  The  160  Notes: V I I writing  styles  A long l i s t —has the  (Qiu 1981:267).  of f i f t y - f o u r n a m e s — i n c l u d i n g Pu Hao and Z i Yu  been provided by Qiu X i g u i  (1981:277-280).  problem of whether these could be common or h e r e d i t a r y  names r e f e r r i n g to d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s Periods Qiu  of d i f f e r e n t OBI  (as i n the case of ' f u hao' d i s c u s s e d i n c h . I I l ) ,  suggests that  unusually large the  As to  this i s highly  u n l i k e l y because of the  q u a n t i t y of correspondences. Furthermore,  names are mentioned i n s i m i l a r thematic c o n t e x t s , and  t h e i r r e l a t i v e importance ( i n terms of the number of times mentioned) i n the OBI of d i f f e r e n t D i v i n e r - g r o u p i n g s are also  similar  (1981:281).  . For^example, there i s an amazing correspondence i n the a c t i v i t i e s of B i  :  161 Notes: V I I  *  ft ft  .ft  -*  ft  ft ft  ft  TT-  •  /4t5  T  ' It *t ft >  3*3  //C\  m. 7641  .K  • ft  X  B'J  4'7  4./4.1 «n  *f toil  ft  ill  A  t  T  IT  <* //J 7  *p  X ^ ^  *f  f  ft I  i±  tf?  t  .* *f  ft  *h  IE f  an £4.7  ft  ft  ft  ft  • f t  ft  ft  *.  'f  ft  e  ft  (El  ft  T  g  «J.f #p T M 1  t  ft  &  ft  0  -*  "J  if  % *)\  (04?  T  f  an  ft  Jf  ft  r  £'  ft  f  4  -a-  477?  \k 15.  — 4-28  <  .  T «2  (Qiu 1981:282).  162  Notes: V I I 13. See c h . I I I note A 1  f o r an e x p l a n a t i o n  of an o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n . as  on the  constituents  Zhen | , i s t r a n s l a t e d here  ' d i v i n e d ' i n the sense of p r e d i c t i n g or making true  ( i . e . , to t e s t ) some undetermined Professor  Takashima  event or statement.  t r a n s l a t e s zhen d i r e c t l y as  14. Shang people u t i l i z e d an i n c l u s i v e counting i s why  i t was  'tested'.  system, which  t h i r t y - o n e and not t h i r t y days between  (21st day) adand J i a y i n  Jiashen  (51st d a y ) .  15. Other c h i l d b i r t h and pregnancy OBI mentioning Fu Hao the form of shoushen ^  &  141 ( a l s o Nan nan 1.80): 'Dingyou  and y o u z i "3"  V* .  5£ §L •  .  take  Such as Wai ^  4! 4 L ' i - .  (34th) day crack-making, B i n d i v i n e d : Fu Hao  be pregnant'. qiushen  Chen Mengjia e x p l a i n s may  that  shoushen  and  be understood as a p a i r of r e l a t i v e  l i t e r a r y meaning 'to r e c e i v e a c h i l d ' and child',  j u s t as i n shounian ^  qiunian  'to seek h a r v e s t '  will  terms  'to seek f o r a  Jfr- 'to r e c e i v e h a r v e s t '  (1956:493-494).  were u s u a l l y addressed to ( i . e .  t  The qiushen  to seek the c h i l d  and OBI  from)  the s p i r i t s of the A n c e s t r a l Mothers  ( L i Xiaoding  An example of y o u z i OBI i s T i e 127.1  ( a l s o Tong XI 1, An  2.1):  . 'Gengzi (37th) day  k  crack-making, Que month'.  >-R  1965:2100).  d i v i n e d : Fu Hao w i l l have a c h i l d .  Third  163 Notes: V I I 16. Based on Y i b i a n 7731 above) and  Zhui 98  (OBI  above), Y i b i a n 4728 (OBI  f o r the g i r l s ; He  17. Bafang, Tufang (OBI #6 #11)  #2  below), Ren  405  (OBI  f o r the  #7)  were a l l opponents of Shang d u r i n g  and  #3  boy.  Jiang  (OBI  the Wuding p e r i o d  as mentioned i n the o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s .  See  Ch'en  1956:269-291.  18. According  to the Shuowen  ascend'.  JL,  deng ^  (*tsng) means t o  Yang Shuda suggests t h a t when i t  m i l i t a r y context,  i t would probably be a phonetic  zheng^jfjl(*ti3ng), which Shuowen e x p l a i n s (Li Xiaoding  i s used i n a  1965:465-467).  as  loan f o r  'to summon'  E p i g r a p h i c a l l y , deng c o n s i s t s  of two  hands h o l d i n g a v e s s e l , suggesting  an a c t of presen-  ting.  In t h i s i n s c r i p t i o n , deng means to  ' r a i s e ' men  in  the sense of to summon them,probably f o r m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e s .  19. L o n g ^ j ( * l i u n g )  i s used i n the sense of c h o n g  When used i n the context favorable Shi,jing,  x  4fy  '  m a  y  receive i t ' ;  'he r e c e i v e d  improve . 1  of i l l n e s s d i v i n a t i o n s , to achieve  c o n d i t i o n means to improve p h y s i c a l l y .  favoured and as  1  the favour  be  t r a n s l a t e d as  M») ^  %JL)  1  may  In  the  'we  have been  he  understood  of Heaven' ( K a r l g r e n  1942:169).  164 V I I I Concluding; Remarks The  p o s s i b i l i t y of i d e n t i f y i n g a three-thousand  with an i n d i v i d u a l whose biography  year o l d tomb  we can v i v i d l y draw from  contemporaneous d i v i n a t i o n r e c o r d s i s h i g h l y e x c i t i n g . present paper has examined the v a r i o u s e v i d e n c e — a r t  The  historical,  a r c h a e o l o g i c a l , p a l a e o g r a p h i c a l as w e l l as h i s t o r i c a l — t o the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the tomb owner and/or the date Some of the most important c i a t i o n of ' f u hao' bone i n s c r i p t i o n s  of the tomb.  c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n c l u d e : the asso-  i n the bronze i n s c r i p t i o n s and the o r a c l e  (p.7 n.2);  the coexistence  'xin' i n s c r i p t i o n s i n a single b u r i a l  of 'fu hao' and  (p.49) and the i n t e r p r e -  t a t i o n of the l a t t e r as a posthumous name of a consort of King Wuding (pp.46 & 60 n.3);  the uniform  date f o r a l l e x i s t i n g Fu  Hao-OBI (pp.153-154); and, the p o s s i b i l i t i e s to place M5 i n Yinxu  Period I I i n both a r t h i s t o r i c a l  logical  (pp.91, 94-95) c o n s i d e r a t i o n s .  (pp.87-90) and archaeoWhereas i t i s suggested  t h a t the Fu H a o — C o n s o r t X i n — O B I P e r i o d I — Y i n x u deduction  Period I I  o f f e r s the most p l a u s i b l e s o l u t i o n , many questions  n e v e r t h e l e s s remain open (p.13 n.20).  We could a n t i c i p a t e t h a t  f u t u r e s t u d i e s on Pu Hao would take both the ' h o r i z o n t a l ' approach, i . e . , a c o n t i n u a t i o n of the examination f i c a t i o n and date  on the i d e n t i -  of M5, and the ' v e r t i c a l ' approach, i . e . ,  in-depth study of the h i s t o r i c a l and a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i cance of the tomb based on a c e r t a i n e s t a b l i s h e d i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and  dating.  aspects  In the present  paper I have a l s o d i s c u s s e d  of M5 which r e l a t e to the d a t i n g problem i n l e s s  other direct  165 manners : the above ground s t r u c t u r e and i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e (pp.18, 33 n.4, 40 n.24); the examination of bronzes by i n s c r i p t i o n a l grouping coexistence  (p.84) and problems concerning the  of many bronze  'styles' i n a single inscriptional  group (pp.84-85, 96, 109 n.17); the r e g i o n a l bronzes and actual physical references  (pp. 85 & 123);  Wuding h i s t o r i c a l background p o l i t i c a l aspects  (pp.125-128 n.7);  of the bronzes (pp.96-99)  (pp.29-30, 121-123).  the Pangengand, the  and of the tomb  I s h a l l now make a s y n t h e s i s of these  d i s c u s s i o n s t a k i n g the s o c i a l - h i s t o r i c a l context  of the tomb  as the u n i f y i n g theme.  Paul Wheatley has d e s c r i b e d Shang s t a t e with r e f e r e n c e patrimonialism  the p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e of the to the Weberian concept of  (1971:57-61; see a l s o Ho 1975:295).  f o l l o w i n g may be considered  The  as the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p a t r i -  monialism :  1. A p a t r i m o n i a l domination i s the  d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of the  domestic a u t h o r i t y through assignment of l a n d  (and equipment)  to sons of the house or other dependents (Max Weber, Economy and  S o c i e t y , Bedminster e d i t i o n , 1968:1011).  2. A p a t r i m o n i a l s t a t e . i s the o r g a n i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l power over e x t r a p a t r i m o n i a l areas through the e x e r c i s e of p a t r i a r c h a l power ( I b i d .  :1013).  3. The p a t r i m o n i a l r u l e r ' s powers are l e g i t i m a t e i n s o f a r as they are t r a d i t i o n a l  (Ibid.:1020).  166  4. Every p o l i t i c a l t i o n had  obligation  within patrimonial  an i n h e r e n t tendency to t u r n i n t o an  administra-  impersonal  f i x e d o b l i g a t i o n to render c o n t r i b u t i o n s r e s t i n g on o b j e c t s of wealth (Ibid.;1024); (Ibid.:1038).  The  a process  of  concrete  typification  t r i b u t e s paid to the p a t r i m o n i a l  ruler  remain l a r g e l y c i r c u m s c r i b e d  by t r a d i t i o n .  r u l e r may  t r i b u t e s e s p e c i a l l y when he i s  dare to demand new  supported by a s t r o n g m i l i t a r y f o r c e 5. P o l i t i c a l  However,  (Ibid.:1015)»  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s t r e a t e d as a p u r e l y  personal  a f f a i r of the r u l e r , and  p o l i t i c a l power i s considered  of h i s p e r s o n a l  (Ibid.:1029).  property  o f f i c i a l d o m i s considered s e r v i c e to the r u l e r  The  as a p e r s o n a l  obligation  and  (Ibid.;1030-1031)•  ( i . e . , the Anyang phase) had p a t r i m o n i a l domain, with  (1971:56).  part  patrimonial  Wheatley commented t h a t the p o l i t i c a l e n t i t y i n  t i o n a l i s m and  the  partaken of the nature of a  'a p e r v a s i v e  arbitrariness'  Late Shang  combination of  "as i t s p o l i t i c a l  tradi-  construct  However,  i t i s a l s o c l e a r t h a t by the Late Shang the a c q u i s i t i o n of l a r g e e x t r a p a t r i m o n i a l t e r r i t o r i e s which could not be governed on the basis of the r u l e r ' s personal r e s o u r c e s . . . had induced an e x t e n s i o n of the adminis t r a t i v e s t a f f , as w e l l as the e l a b o r a t i o n of a m i l i t a r y f o r c e . . . there i s abundant evidence t h a t the Shang kings had been f o r c e d to delegate a u t h o r i t y by granting benefices i n return f o r services (ibid.:57). Weber had  a l s o considered  an important f e a t u r e of patrimo-  n i a l i s m i n the course of i t s development as the r u l e r ' s  167 preservation  ' of h i s power v i s - a - v i s the tendencies  appropriation  on the p a r t of the o f f i c i a l s  Perhaps Pangeng's move of the c a p i t a l  may  toward  (1968:1042-1044).  be regarded as  an  endeavour on the p a r t of the Shang k i n g to safeguard  the  i n t e g r i t y of h i s domination (pp.125-127 above).  politi-  cal  expansionism under Wuding (p.122) r e q u i r e d a h i g h l y  extensive  c o e r c i v e apparatus i n order  land i n fragmented l o c a t i o n s . was  the e x t e n s i o n  staff the  of what Wheatley c a l l e d the  ( q u o t a t i o n c i t e d above) who  benefice holders  the power according  to c o n t r o l the  (p.128).  'administrative  would be, at the same time,  The  process  of  political  the a g g r a n d i z a t i o n  and wealth of the p a t r i m o n i a l o f f i c i a l s , to Weber, u s u a l l y developed  o f f from the r u l e d  I t should be p o i n t e d  vast  Along with t h i s development  expansionism came hand i n hand with  set  The  into  of  who,  a s t a t u s group  (1968:1026).  out, however,  t h a t the a p p l i c a t i o n of  the Weberian p a t r i m o n i a l model on Shang has  received  criticisms.  the Shang r u l i n g  c l a n was  The  major d i f f i c u l t y  i s that  a c t u a l l y an exogamous one;  based on k i n s h i p o n l y f i c t i t i o u s l y '  'the s t a t e power  (Chang 1983:127).  Because, however, of t h i s phenomenon, many of the i d e o l o g i c a l mechanisms of a p a t r i m o n i a l s t a t e t r u e but a l s o more i n t e n s i f i e d . c o e r c i v e power was  ever  greater.  The  was  cultural-  were not  only  need f o r a p a t r i a r c h a l  168 I t has been d i s c u s s e d above t h a t the o f f i c e - and k i n s h i p r e f e r e n c e of the t i t l e  f u i s bundled  not be easy f o r us t o  r e c o n s t r u c t (pp.47-49, 57).  s c h o l a r s have regarded  f u as a k i n s h i p d e s i g n a t i o n ,  •wife'  up i n ways t h a t  may Some i.e.,  (pp.1, 8 n . 3 , 47, 49, 61 n.6) while others have  regarded  f u as a rank t i t l e  (pp.47-48, 61 n.6, 1 5  8  n.6).  In the case of Pu Hao, she was a w i f e of King Wuding, b u t she a l s o had h e r own " m i l i t a r y troops  (pp.61 n . 6 , 149 n.11)  and  performed important  official  Hao  was a h i g h o f f i c i a l  as w e l l as a king's c o n s o r t .  Fu Hao  d u t i e s (pp.147-149).  /was probably a v e r y powerful  Fu That  person p r i o r to h e r  m a r i t a l a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h Wuding i s suggested  by the .  continued r e f e r e n c e to Fu Hao's p e r s o n a l troops i n Wuding's divinations.  I t could be t h a t the marriage  endeavour on the p a r t o f King Wuding. in and  was a p o l i t i c a l  We may p e r c e i v e t h i s  the context of the p a t r i m o n i a l r u l e r ' s need f o r m i l i t a r y other s e r v i c e s d i s c u s s e d above.  F u r t h e r i n f e r e n c e s may be made here d i f f e r e n t category of evidence history.  —  on the b a s i s o f a  t h a t p e r t a i n i n g to a r t  . F i r s t i s the assembly of bronzes  i n s c r i p t i o n s i n the tomb of Fu Hao.  The M5 bronzes are  among the e a r l i e s t appearances of Shang bronzes inscriptions. of  These i n s c r i p t i o n s  and t h e i r  with  d e s i g n a t e d the ownership,  b r o n z e s — i n themselves symbols of p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y  (pp.98-99,  116 n . 3 6 ) — b y h i g h r a n k i n g i n d i v i d u a l s other  than  169 the k i n g ( p p . 4 6 - 5 7 ) .  To the c o n t r a r y , the bronzes of the  l a t t e r would not be i n s c r i b e d (p.100 n . 2 ) .  Bronze  inscrip-  t i o n s of t h i s e a r l y Anyang phase stood apart from the o r a c l e bone i n s c r i p t i o n s i n t h a t they represented  those  less  t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l powers i n the process  of a s s i m i l a t i o n  i n t o the Shang p o l i t i c a l - c u l t u r a l  There was  complex.  every-  where the need to s y m b o l i c a l l y p o r t r a y t h i s development. The  taotie-mask b e i n g i n one r e s p e c t the p o l i t i c a l  symbol of  Shang ( p . 9 9 ) , the bronze i n s c r i p t i o n i n c o r p o r a t i n g the superimposition  of the  'fu' character  (of 'fu hao')  with  taotie-mask on the dustpan-shaped o b j e c t #869 ( p . 4 3 , vi,  pi.8)  i s but the most l u c i d g r a p h i c  t h i s phenomenon. formation  Second  (pp.84-85).  I t may  c e r t a i n uniform  In  illustration  the  pattern i n motif-formation  Fu Hao-bronzes  implies a s p e c i f i c  T h i s may  be  as a phenomenon p a r a l l e l to the f u - t a o t i e a s s o c i a t i o n Motif-formation  'iconography' 103 n . 1 1 ,  motif-  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the owner  of the bronzes i n a ' p e r s o n a l i z e d ' manner.  above.  of  be s a i d t h a t t h i s tendency toward a  iconography or symbolism which was  regarded  fig. 8  i s the c o n s i s t e n c y i n the  on the b r o n z e s - as  also.  : p e r t a i n e d c l o s e r to  as opposed to ' s t y l i s t i c q u a l i t i e s '  105-106 n.14).  i s a l s o a process  I t may  of t y p i f i c a t i o n  be s a i d t h a t t h i s (p.166).  In the  (see  p o l i t i c a l authority. I have p o i n t e d  pp.  pattern patrimonial  p o l i t i c a l environment, t h i s would i n i t s e l f be a source  bronzes.  the  of  T h i r d i s the placement of l a r g e out the d e s i g n p r i n c i p l e s  behind  170  the arrangement (p.117) and  t h a t they might have, to some  e x t e n t , i n c o r p o r a t e d the n o t i o n of p o l i t i c a l (pp.121-123). t h a t Pu Hao  expansionism  I t i s seen i n the o r a c l e hone i n s c r i p t i o n s  actively participated in military  (pp.147-148).  It i s l i k e l y  a l s o symbolized  campaigns  t h a t the arrangement of bronzes  - her p e r s o n a l p o l i t i c a l power and  This a r t h i s t o r i c a l  evidence strengthens  activities.  the p e r s p e c t i v e i n  r e g a r d i n g Fu Hao's a u t h o r i t y and wealth as f a i r l y autonomous, They probably  p e r t a i n e d more to  the f a c t t h a t she was  r a n k i n g o f f i c i a l than to the f a c t t h a t she was the  king.  a high  a consort  of  PLATES  171  172  3. F u Hao  Bird-shaped  Zun  #785  173  4.  Fu Hao  Flat-legged  Fangding  #813  174  5. S i Mu X i n F a n g d i n g #789  175  176  8. F u Hao D u s t p a n - s h a p e d  o b j e c t #869  177  9. S i Mu X i n S q u a r e H i g h - l e g g e d V e s s e l  10. P u Hao D i n g - s h a p e d V e s s e l  #850  #763  179  12. S i Qiao Mu Zun #793  180  14.  S i Q i a o Mu F a n g h u #794  181  182  183  184  18. Y a B i D i n g #808  185  / 9 1  Fu Hao Gu  186  188  190  191  192  « ft k % P;>-:% K K 9 ft ^ g , $ f  W u g u a n C u n M1 Y o u a n d  A  Gui  a  31.Xiaotun M238 Fangy #R2067  Xiaotun M238 You #R2065  196  197  198  Cong-.jades Prom M5  199  37. Gui-,jades From M5  200  38. Huang-.jades From  M5  201  39. Jade T i g e r s Prom M5  202  40. Jade B i r d s From M5  203  41. Jade B i r d s From M5  204  42. Jade Human F i g u r e s From M5  205  S i Mu X i n Stone Ox  206  44. Jades From X i a o t u n M232  207  45. Jades From Xiaotun M164  208  46. Jades From X i b i e g a n g M1550  209  48. Jade B i r d s From Xiaotun M53  210 Bibliography Ackerman, P h y l l i s .  1945. R i t u a l Bronzes o f Ancient China.  New York: Dryden. An J i n h u a i i ^ - ^ ^ f e . 1981. ' S h i l u n Shangdai Tangdu Bo" yu w  "Zhongdingdu Ao«" jAiifcifrAj Zhongyuan wenwu S p e c i a l  *7*!&fik!K  "tf  1j($WJ'  issue.  . 1983. 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Sources f o r the F i g u r e s 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 A B C D  Fong, ed. 1980:96 Ch'en 1956 I i C h i 1977:70 YXFHM: 2 YXFHM: 5 Based on author's drawing. YXFHM: 8 YXFHM: ' > i p 40.1, i i p 48.2, i i i p 48.7, i v p 52.9, v p 54.4, v i p 94.2. YXFHM: i p 37.2, i i p 58.2, i i i p 58.3. YXFHM: i p 60.16, i i p 84.11, i i i p 57.3, i v p 57.5. Kaizuka 1967:112 YXFHM: 51 YXFHM: 55 YXFHM: 61 YXFHM: 14 YXFHM: 167 Ma e t a l . 1955:53 L i C h i 1977:83 Yu 1957: rubbings n. 256.1 & 256.2 Ch'en 1954: p i . 43 S h i 1970 v . 1 : 380  228  Sources f o r the P l a t e s 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47  YXPHM:pi. 18 Wenwu-"1-981: p i . 141 YXFHM;colour p i . 7 Wenwu 1981:pl. 132 Wenwu 1981:pl. 130 Wenwu 1981:pl. 157 YXFHM ;.pl. 12 Wenwu 1981:pl. 195, YXFHM;pi. 63 Wenwu 1981:pl. 194 YXFHM: p i . 13 YXFHM: p i . 20 Wenwu 1981:pl. 148 YXFHM: p i . 36 Wenwu 1981: p i . 151 YXFHM:pi. 8 Wenwu 1981:pl. 153 YXFHM:pi. 28 Wenwu 1981:pl. 133 Wenwu 1981:pl. 168 Wenwu 1981:pl. 169 Wenwu 1981:pl. 166 Wenwu 1981:pl. 167 Wenwu 1981:pi. 164 Wenwu 1981:pi. 165 Wenwu 1981:pl. 162 Wenwu 1981:pl. 163 l i & Wan 1972:pi. XLIV L i & Wan 1972:pi. XXI L i & Wan 1972;pl. X Guo Baojun 1951:pl. 16 L i & Wan 1972:pl. XIV L i & Wan 1972:pi. XXXII L i & Wan 1972:pi. X L I I YXFHM;pi. 86 YXFHM;pi. 104 YXFHM;pi. 81 YXFHM;pi. 84 YXFHM:pi. 96 YXFHM:pi. 135 Kaogu y a n j i u s u o 1982:pi. 49 Kaogu y a n j i u s u o 1982:pis. 54 & 55 YXFHM:pi. 129 YXFHM: p i . 174 S h i 1973:pi. XXXVIII S h i 1971:pl. X I I L i a n g & G-ao 1974:pl. X L I I I Kaogu y a n j i u s u o 1982:pls. 52 & 53  229  Sources f o r the Oracle Bone An  J3?  Henan Anyang yibao  Binghian ^jfo  Xiaotun: Yinxu wenzi b i n g b i a n  'J><4 . Bu  Inscriptions  k  Yinqi  ±  Jte*£  %  buci  Chen pit  Jiaguwen l i n g s h i  Cui  Yinqi  — * y\Sr  ffxl#  to  Cun  Fu  Zg,  #  *  Jiagu  xucun  Yinqi  shiduo  a  He Hou  t  cuibian  f Ift&  —  Duo  i %  Yinxu wenzi -ft  zhuihe  Yinxu shuqi houbian  Jiabian  X i a o t u n : Yinxu wenzi  jiabian  Jian ^%  Jianshoutang suocang  Yinxu  wenzi  H $ Jin Jing  Jinzhang suocane; j i a g u  & $ ft *i H - h  ,?  v  Jinghua -•§- i)r  buci  ni  Zhanhou J i n g J i n xinhuo  *>? 1k 14  *t  *  Yinxu shuqi jinghua  iiaguji  Ku Fang e r s h i cang„jiagu b u c i Lin  yfot  Kikko... jukotsu monji  230  Ling J ^  Tieyun canggui l i n g s h i  V  Liu  l i t  7"  Jiagu  v  Ming Nan  Yinxu b u c i (%>  Zhanhou Nanbei s u o j i a n  Ning  ft A  Tian  T ^ s ^  q  ^ a „  Kyoto daigaku jimbun kagaku kenkyujo zo kokotsu monji .- " _ _ -  7^  Tianrangge  j i a g u wencun  Tie  Tieyun canggui  Tong ig[  B u c i tongzuan  Wai  7[  Wen  X  Yinxu wenzi waibian  s  J i a g u wenlu  Xu  Yinxu shuqi xubian  Ye  Yez hong pianyu  Yi  jiagulu  Zhanhou Nine Hu xinhuo j i a g u j i  Sian Ren  liulu  •Qi  Yibian  Yinxu .yizhu i|p n  Yicun  4$- J^,  X i a o t u n : Yinxu wenzi  yibian  <K «. » fe % -z ^ z, Yinqi yicun  2-3-1  Zhui  J i a g u zhuihe  a  *  -  Man  &  232 Appendix I A C o l l a t e r a l Table of Shane; P e r i o d i z a t i o n Schemes YINXU -PERIODS OBI PERIODS'?' HOUSE-I (Zou)  (IA)  (Dong)  Sch - ( S h i )  P a n g e n g ^ TJj^ X i a o x i n /h ^ Xiaoyi Wuding  (early)  "J  ^  TlateT Zugeng 4&-  II Zujia  4jL*^  Linxin  II  ^ 5^.  Kangding Wuyi  0  II  "T  ^  J i a  Y i N  III III  ZJ  III IV  0  Wenwuding Diyi  ^  ZJ IV  Dixin  ^  IV  V  N  B i n g  J  233 Appendix I I An Index f o r the Bronze V e s s e l s i n YINXU FU HAO MU ( a r t i f a c t number, d e s c r i p t i o n i n YXFHM page number, r e p r o d u c t i o n i n YXFHM p l a t e number (c = c o l o u r p l a t e ) )  # 317 318 320 327 601 602 603 604 605 607 609 610 611 612 613 614 615 616 617 618 619 621 622 624 625 626 627 628 629 630 631 633 634 637 639 640 642 643 644 648 650 651  70 56 56 63 74 75 74 75 75 85 82 82 75 77 85 77 77 85 77 75 75 75 82 82 77 82 82 78 77 82 78 75 77 82 75 75 75 82 77 77 77 86  pi.  #  34 22 22 27 42 43 42 43 43 53 53 52 43 48 53 49 49 53 49 44  652 653 654 655 656 657 658 659 660 661 662 663 664 665 666 667 668 669 670 674 675 677 678 679 680 681 682 683 684 685 686 687 689 742 743 744 745 746 747 748 749 750  44 52 48 51 51 46 50 49 45 47 51 45 45 45 51 47 47 46 57  Pi . 86 85 86 86 85 86 86 89 89 86 85 89 85 88 89 88 88 89 89 86 86 86 86 86 86 86 88 85 88 86 86 86 86 91 89 89 89 91 89 91 89 49  56 57 55  56 55 55 58 58 58 58 56 57 55 54 56 57  16  234  #  751 752 753 754 755 756 757 758 759 760 761 762 763 764 765 767 768 769 770  775 776  777 778 779 781 782  783 784 785 789 790  791 792 793 794 795 796  797  798 . 802 803 804  805 806 807 808  809 810 811 812  P»  P-  _#_  69  67 42 42  35 33 10 09  41  06  813 814 815 816 817 818 819 820 821 823 824 825 827 828 829 830 831 832 833 834 835 836 837 838 843 845 848 849 850 851 852 853 854 855 856 857 858 859 860 861 862 863 864 865 866 867 868 869 870 1150  42 42  42 42  42  42 42  44 49 66  46  44 44 44 43 44 92 66 63 70 70  73 56 59 34 44 50 53 56 64 64  66  46  1  09 02c 08  07 13  05c  30 15  03c 03c 03c  11 12  61 05c 26  38 38 41  24 07c 01c 03c 06c 08 c 21 08 c 28  29 14 40  73 59 59 42  26 09c 10  55  20  67  64  38 38 74 91 38  31  23 05 03 11c 04  pi. 38 42 42 42 44 43 43 82 38 53 71 53 77 53 66 66 43 49 49 38 44 44 73 73 64 68 50 53 92 50 92 92 68 67 67 69 71 70 70 70 56 64 46 49 67 56 56 92 49 44  02c 07 08 10 11 11 50 06 18 40 19 47 19 31 29 11 16 16 04 12 12 41 41 27 34  17  18 62  17  63 10c 33 10c 32 . 36 39 39 35 37 23 28 15 15 32 21 20 63 04c 12  235  # 1163 1173 1197 1579  -PJL  59 44 70 85  pi. 25 13 37 54  236 Appendix I I I An Index f o r the Fu Hao Oracle Bone  Inscriptions  (See Sources f o r the Oracle Bone I n s c r i p t i o n s f o r a b b r e v i a tions") An 2.1  Fu 111,112,113,115,116  Bingbian  He  (see p.156 n.1)  185, 275, 286, 315, 405  Bu  Hou  181 , 579  xia" 11.8, 22.7  Cui  Jiahian  1226, 1227, 1228, 1229, 1230, 1231, 1232, 1233  668, 944, 2024, 3480, 3686  Cun 1,48, .317, .820, .1015, .1016, .1019, .1020, .1021, .1022, .1023, .1032, .1034, .1062, .1443, .1457,  Jian 8.12 34.16 35.1, .2, .3  2.66, .210, .452, .450, .454 Jin Duo  709  1.226, .296, .444, .535, .543, 2,118  Jing 796, 1349, 1977, 1978, 1980, 1981, 1982, 1983, 1984, 1985,  237 1986, 1987, 1988, 1990, 1991, 2035, 2046  N  l  n  e &  1.491, .492, .493, Jinghua  2.13  9.6 Qian Ku  1.38.2, .43.4,  4.38.1, 207, 237, 260, 310, 475, 503, 578, 1020, 1517, 1701, 5.12.3, i 6.5.6, .6.3, .8.5, .27.5, Lin  7.18.4, .27.4, .30.4  1.20.11, .21.3, .21.10, .22.11, .23.6, 2.5.8  Ren 465, 992  Liu 62, 115, 116, 117,  Tian 88, 89  Ming Tie 274, 1778, 2361  45.1, 72.1, 92.3, 112.1, 113.4, 123.2, 123.4, 127.1, 130.4, 136.2, 170.2, 204.3, 206.3, 224. 1 , 229. 1 , 261.1  Nan cheng 28  Tong  f a n g 3.85, .88  IIIA, VI12, XI1  ming 243, 244 nan  1.80 2.140, .141 wu 116  Wai 141  238" Xu 3.39.2 4.29.1, .2, .3, .4, 4.30.1, .2, .3, .4, .5, .6, 5.12.3, .18.6, .18.2, .29.3  Ye 2.36.10, 3.43.8  Yi 7, 168, 523, 524, 527, 620, 773, 1325  Yibian 870, 961, 2004, 2214, 2274, 2586, 2759, 2935, 2948, 2950, 3164, 3383, 3401, 4098, 4551, 4626, 4729, 4951, 5086, 5192, 5456, 5953, 6170, 6273, 6310, 6425, 6453, 6512, 6691, 6929, 7040, 7143, 7163, 7731, 7782, 7799, 8344  Yicun 92, 506, 527, 556, 649  Zhui 4, 42, 98, 99  

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