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Trial employment of Canadian forces servicewomen in a combat service support unit Karmas, Lenora-Mae Adelle 1984

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TRIAL EMPLOYMENT OF CANADIAN FORCES SERVICEWOMEN IN A COMBAT SERVICE SUPPORT UNIT By LENORA-MAE ADELLE KARMAS B.A.(Hon.), The University of Calgary, 1979 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 1984 ©Lenora-Mae Adelle Karmas, 1984 In presenting th i s thes i s in p a r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un iver s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree thai the L ibrary sha l l make it f ree l y ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thesis for s cho la r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives . It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t ion of this thes i s fo r f i nanc i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my writ ten permiss ion. Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y The Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date 1 9 June 1 9 8 4 ABSTRACT In response to the promulgation of the Canadian Human Rights Act, 1 March 1978, the Canadian Forces i n i t i a t e d f i v e , four-year studies of the employment of servicewomen in previously all-male units. The overall aim of the SWINTER (Servicewomen in Non-traditional Environments and Roles) t r i a l s , which commenced i n 1980, was to assess the impact of employing servicewomen on the operational capability of near-combat or remote, isolated units. Based on the results of these t r i a l s , service-women either w i l l be placed permanently into similar units across Canada or they w i l l revert to their t r a d i t i o n a l , p r e - t r i a l roles. Because these decisions must be made with the concurrence of the Canadian Human Rights Commission, the results of the t r i a l s must provide sound evidence of a bona fide occupational requirement for continuing the h i s t o r i c a l employment discrimination against servicewomen. The focus of this thesis was the land element (or "army") t r i a l being conducted i n Canadian Forces Europe "(CFE), Germany, and, s p e c i f i c a l l y , 4 Service Battalion (4 Svc Bn), a combat service support ( l o g i s t i c s ) u n i t . Thirty-nine servicewomen had been posted into the unit in September, 1980; three years l a t e r , the number had been increased to 54 or approximately 12% of the Battalion's strength. In September, 1983, intensive one-and-a-half to two hour interviews were held with a selected sample of 30 of the servicewomen at CFE, to confirm data gathered during i i the f i r s t three years of the t r i a l by an onsite Social and Behavioural Science Advisor and a participant-observer in May, 1982. Records of interviews conducted prior to their posting to 4 Svc Bn • indicated that the servicewomen were highly motivated and s e l f -confident t r i a l participants with good work h i s t o r i e s . They believed that by proving their a b i l i t i e s , they would be accepted into the previously all-male m i l i t a r y unit as legitimate members and would influence a successful t r i a l conclusion which would generate a policy to permanently employ servicewomen in a l l combat service support units. In other words, performance would f a c i l i t a t e their acceptance by the servicemen and integration into the Battalion. I t was found that although performance and demonstrated a b i l i t y were high, the service-women's expectations were not met. Over time, they had become discouraged and d i s i l l u s i o n e d about serving in the near-combat unit. In conjunction with recent sex-role l i t e r a t u r e , status charac-t e r i s t i c s and expectation states theory was used to explain the socio-psychological process whereby expectations based on performance are formed. Kanter's structural/numerical proportions model was then reviewed for i t s appropriateness i n describing the unmet expectations of the servicewomen. The concept of token status and six ensuing i n t e r -action patterns resulting from the perceptual phenomena of v i s i b i l i t y (overobservation, extension of consequences, attention to token's i i i discrepant status, fear of r e t a l i a t i o n ) and polarization (exaggeration of the dominant's culture, l o y a l t y tests) were then applied. It was determined that, while performance or demonstrated a b i l i t y are necessary to establish some c r e d i b i l i t y , when one soci a l category holds token status as the servicewomen did i n the Land T r i a l , integration remains handicapped. Expectations for acceptance cannot be met and very marginal group membership i s perpetuated. The implications of the findings for the Canadian Forces were discussed. The results of this study were related s p e c i f i c a l l y to the Land T r i a l and generally to the potential impact on m i l i t a r y small group cohesion should servicewomen be permanently employed i n the combat service support units. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS > Page ABSTRACT i i LIST OF TABLES v i i LIST OF FIGURES v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . ix CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 Scope of the Study 1 Organization of the Study 12 CHAPTER II WOMEN IN THE CANADIAN FORCES . 19 H i s t o r i c a l Overview 19 Summary s 27 Impact of the Canadian Human Rights Act .. 29 Summary 38 CHAPTER III THE SWINTER TRIALS 39 Overview 39 The Land T r i a l 43 Purpose and Scope 43 Setting 49 Participant Selection and Processing . 55 Summary 60 CHAPTER IV THEORETICAL RATIONALE 64 Gender Integrated Work Groups 64 Status Characteristics and Expectation States Theory 68 Structural/Numerical Proportions Model - Tokenism 77 M i l i t a r y Small Groups 90 Summary 97 CHAPTER V METHODOLOGY 104 Research Questions 104 Data Sources 106 Sample Characteristics 110 v Page CHAPTER VI ANALYSIS OF DATA 118 Status Characteristics and Expectation States Theory 118 Structural/Numerical Proportions Model - Tokenism 146 Summary 175 CHAPTER VII CONCLUSIONS 182 Theoretical Implications 185 M i l i t a r y Implications 189 APPENDICES APPENDIX A EXAMPLE OF A CF 285 FORM 193 APPENDIX B POST-FALLEX 83 INTERVIEW SCHEDULE 195 APPENDIX C SUBSET OF QUESTIONS FOR ANALYSIS - POST-FALLEX 83 INTERVIEW SCHEDULE 199 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 201 REFERENCES 203 v i LIST OF TABLES Table - • Page 1. Female Representation in the Land T r i a l by M i l i t a r y Occupational C l a s s i f i c a t i o n (MOC) and Rank 48 2. Distr i b u t i o n of Sample Servicewomen by M i l i t a r y Occupational C l a s s i f i c a t i o n (MOC) and Rank 112 3. Distr i b u t i o n of Sample Servicewomen by Years of M i l i t a r y Service 113 v i i LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Organization of Canadian Forces Europe Support to NATO 49 2. Organization of 4 Canadian Mechanized Brigade Group 51 3. Organization of 4 Service Battalion 52 4. Example of Operational Deployment of 4 Service Battalion 54 5. Structural Dispersal of Sample Servicewomen i n 4 Service Battalion 116 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS At the best of times, the writing of a master's thesis i s a challenging undertaking. When that thesis i s written by a student with off-campus and out-of-province status, that task becomes even more challenging. I am, therefore, appreciative of the support and encouragement offered by my thesis committee members, P a t r i c i a Marchak, Martha Foschi, and George Gray, during the completion of this long-distance e f f o r t . P a t r i c i a Marchak, especially, was always enthusiastic, good-humoured, and patient as this thesis evolved into i t s present form. For the past three years, I have been employed as a uniformed research analyst at National Defence Headquarters i n Ottawa. As a student of m i l i t a r y sociology, this has been an invaluable experience for which I am deeply grateful. During my service with the Directorate of Personnel Selection, Research, and Second Careers, I was given several opportunities, p a r t i c u l a r l y by my f i r s t supervisorsj Lieutenant-Colonel (Retired) G.M. Rampton and Major R.T. E l l i s , to gain p r a c t i c a l knowledge and insight into the m i l i t a r y which greatly f a c i l i t a t e d the writing of this thesis. Also, working with the research o f f i c e r s at Canadian Forces Personnel Applied Research Unit in Toronto was a d i s t i n c t pleasure. I could not have written this thesis without the support of my husband, A l Kimick. I am very thankful for his constant encouragement ix and willingness to take care of the details as this thesis was being f i n a l i z e d . To Marion Arbuckle, I extend a thank you for her yeomanly e f f o r t i n typing this thesis under severe time constraints. F i n a l l y , I salute the servicewomen of 4 Service Battalion who openly and candidly shared their thoughts and opinions during the participant-observation and interview sessions. They l e t me into their world and made this study possible. x - 1 -CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION SCOPE OF STUDY As a direct response to the promulgation of the Canadian Human Rights Act, 1 March 1978, the Canadian Forces (CF) has been reviewing the scope of employment available to women to avoid potential charges of discrimination. Central to this review is a set of five studies, termed the SWINTER (Servicewomen i n Non-traditional Environments and Roles) t r i a l s , being conducted i n previously all-male units. The overall aim of the t r i a l s which commenced i n 1980, i s to assess the effect of the employment of servicewomen on the operational capability of near-combat or remote, isolated units. Five related sub-objectives include compari-sons of the work performances of individuals, single-sex and mixed-sex groups; assessment of the behavioural and sociological impact on the t r i a l units; analysis of Canadian public and NATO -(North Atlantic Treaty Organization) opinion on the employment of servicewomen i n non-tradi-t i o n a l roles; and, determination of resource implications of the expanded parti c i p a t i o n of women i n the CF. After the f i n a l t r i a l i s completed i n October, 1985, decisions w i l l be made as to whether women w i l l be placed permanently into similar units across Canada or whether they w i l l revert to their p r e - t r i a l roles. Because these decisions must be made with the concurrence of the Canadian Human Rights Commission, the results of the t r i a l s must provide adequate evidence of a bona fide occupational re-quirement j u s t i f y i n g any r e s t r i c t i o n s on the employment of servicewomen. - 2 -Two units, 4 Service Battalion (4 Svc Bn) and 4 F i e l d Ambulance (4 Fd Amb), comprise the land element (or "army") t r i a l being conducted i n Germany. 4 Svc Bn, the focus of this thesis, i s a l o g i s t i c a l support unit responsible for providing maintenance, transportation, and supplies to the forward fighting troops. The Battalion i s , therefore, considered to be a near-combat unit for, while i t may become involved i n the zone of direct combat, i t s primary function i s to provide support to the combative units. The work, i s physically demanding (for example, changing the t i r e s of a five-ton truck, digging f i e l d l a t r i n e s and protective body trenches during an exercise) and involves numerous "exercises" during ( which sustenance and t a c t i c a l f i e l d tasks, and trade-related s k i l l s are practised and tested. Since mid-1980, 4 Svc Bn has employed between 39 and 54 service-women^ - who have comprised approximately 12% of the unit's strength. A l l but two of the servicewomen have been non-commissioned o f f i c e r s . The majority of the servicewomen have been corporals employed i n the following trades: Mobile Support Equipment Operator (driver), Vehicle Technician, and Supply Technician. In September, 1980, there were 39 servicewomen in the Battalion. Three years l a t e r , this t o t a l had increased to 54 servicewomen. - 3 -A Social and Behavioural Science Advisor (SBSA) attached to Canadian Forces Europe Headquarters at Lahr, Germany for the duration of the t r i a l , is responsible for monitoring the socio-psychological aspects of the integration process. Various methodologies have been employed to gather information including semi-annual questionnaire administration, annual structured interviews, participant-observation, performance measurement, and informal "information osmosis" such as casual conversation with the Battalion members. The SBSA reports are combined with operational assessments prepared by commanding o f f i c e r s to provide semi-annual progress reports. The summer of 1983 marked the completion of the thi r d year of the four-year t r i a l . The following represents some of the findings to date noted in the SBSA reports (Resch, 1980, 1981, 1982a, 1982b, 1983a, 1983b). According to unit personnel in senior supervisory positions, having between 12% and 15% servicewomen in the unit has made no impact on operational effectiveness. Senior unit personnel have also observed that servicemen posted into the units since 1980 appear to be more accepting of mixed-gender units than their male colleagues who were in the units prior to the a r r i v a l of the servicewomen. In addition, servicewomen posted into the units during the thi r d year of the t r i a l do not appear to be having the same adjustment problems as the i n i t i a l group of servicewomen. The female voluntary release rate has been higher than the - 4 -male a t t r i t i o n rate: by the summer of 1983, 43% of the o r i g i n a l 4 Svc Bn servicewomen and 70% of the o r i g i n a l 4 Fd Amb servicewomen remained compared with approximately 95% of the servicemen who arrived in 1980. The most common reason given by the servicewomen for requesting their release was d i s l i k e of f i e l d l i f e . ( It i s important to note that a particular release policy applied to the SWINTER participant. As w i l l be explained in Chapter H I , the servicewoman, unlike the serviceman, could not request a compassionate posting to a non-trial unit or back to Canada but, instead, had to request her release from the CF.) Although less than half of the o r i g i n a l group of 4 Svc Bn servicewomen remain, half of this group have been promoted in rank, demonstrating competence and an a b i l i t y to adapt to f i e l d l i f e . Between 40% and 45% of the servicemen believe that there has been a decrease in operational effectiveness, morale, and confidence i n the unit's a b i l i t y to succeed i n i t s operational mission since the introduction of the servicewomen. This negativism has been r e l a t i v e l y constant over the three surveyed years. While tolerant of the presence of servicewomen during peacetime, just over two-thirds of the servicewomen also said that they would prefer not to work i n mixed-gender units during a c r i s i s . F i n a l l y , 12% of the servicewomen sought professional help for stress-related problems during 1982. Although the servicewomen have demonstrated higher levels of stress than the servicemen since the beginning of the t r i a l , the level of stress appears to be declining somewhat. "The apparent reduction in - 5 -l e v e l s of s t r e s s can be a t t r i b u t e d to the increased experience of the women, t h e i r greater numbers, and the adaptation of the men to the fact of women serving i n the f i e l d with them" (Resch, 1983b:10). In addition to the questionnaire and interview data, task performance was extensively observed, tested, and recorded between 1980 and 1982 ( F o r e s t e l l , 1982). It was found that there were no s t a t i s t i c a l differences in the performance ratings of all-male and all-female groups on "common" (sustenance, t a c t i c a l , and common trade) and "unique trade" tasks. Varying the percentage of female content from 10% to 50% had negligible impact on performance in the above four task categories. A difference was found when the individual mean performance ratings were compared: individual men were rated s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than individual women on the three categories of the "common" tasks and equivalent to individual women on the unique trade tasks. There i s ample evidence that the differences in strength, endurance, experience and training between the men and women result in lower levels of performance on f i e l d and strength related tasks by the women. The team oriented approach to such tasks and discriminating leadership, however, act to balance out these differences. Supervisors continually report that although completion time may be extended, mixed gender or a l l female groups always f i n i s h the job. (Resch, 1983b:7) - 6 -In addition, i t has been noted that, as could be expected, the physical c a p a b i l i t i e s of the servicewomen have increased with length of time served in the f i e l d unit. Tasks that were problematic for the newcomers to complete offer no d i f f i c u l t i e s to the servicewomen that have been with the unit for at least two years. The fourth technique, participant-observation, was employed to obtain information in May, 1981 and May, 1982. I was assigned to a transport platoon within Supply and Transport Company, 4 Svc Bn, which participated in an eight-day f i e l d exercise in May, 1982. My assigned objective was to confirm and supplement data gathered previously by other means in the following areas: general climate (dominant concerns, prevailing attitudes toward women being in the f i e l d ) , sociometric/interaction patterns, sources of stress, commitment to the combat situ a t i o n and to completion of the four-year posting to the unit , leadership s t y l e s , t a c t i c a l a b i l i t y , and personality t r a i t s as a factor of adapation. The following prevalent and unexpected findings from the participant-observation related to performance expectations provided the impetus for this study (Karmas, 1982). Performance (defined as a b i l i t y plus effort) was highly salient and d i f f e r e n t i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t to the servicewomen and servicemen. On a macro-level, the servicewomen believed that their good performance would - 7 -lead to a "successful" decision being rendered at the conclusion of the Land T r i a l and the consequent opening of combat service support roles to women. On a personal l e v e l , the servicewomen believed that good performance would override any negative connotations associated with their being female. The servicemen, therefore, would re a l i z e that the servicewomen were legitimate unit members and would view female newcomers p o s i t i v e l y because of the eff o r t s of the Battalion's more tenured servicewomen. Conversely, the servicewomen were also sensitive to the potency of generalizations made from the poor performers to a l l of the servicewomen. It became apparent during the participation-observation that the servicemen were not making the generalizations that the servicewomen had hoped for or expected. F i r s t , while the servicewomen assumed that their performance was the c r i t e r i o n for expanding or r e s t r i c t i n g the role of women in the m i l i t a r y , several servicemen spoke disparagingly about the decision-making process saying that, " I t [the f i n a l decision] i s a l l p o l i t i c a l . " They thought that the t r i a l outcome was "fixed" as the decision to open the f i e l d units to women had already been made regardless of the actual t r i a l r e s u l t s . Second, although the servicemen acknowledged performance by constantly i d e n t i f y i n g the good female workers, they did not generalize - 8 -beyond these favourable individual assessments. Instead, they seemed to think of the good female workers as exceptions. In addition, even though good performance was informally recognized, the formal organizational reward of the servicewomen's performance by promotion was not acceptable to the servicemen. When servicewomen were promoted (or a promotion was anticipated), the servicemen denied their a b i l i t y as i t was incompatible with their sex. The servicewomen could not be seen as being better than the servicemen. Third, there was a suggestion that the second aspect of the servicewomen's two-part expectation (good performance acknowledged and femaleness overlooked) was not occurring. With the r e a l i z a t i o n that (some) servicewomen could function credibly i n the f i e l d came a depreciation of performance i n favour of other reasons for excluding servicewomen from the unit such as emotionalism, i n t e r f e r r i n g boyfriends, menstruation and hygiene complications, and sexual l i a i s o n s . A f i n a l observation concerns what has come to be known in a l l of the t r i a l s as the "goldfish bowl" phenomenon. The servicewomen were few i n number and highly v i s i b l e . At the beginning of the t r i a l , they were filmed and photographed by the media; l a t e r , they were scrutinized constantly by peers, supervisors, and researchers. Both the servicemen and the servicewomen complained that the t r i a l conditions placed undue and unfair pressure on the servicewomen but that did not stop the - 9 -servicemen from focussing c r i t i c a l l y on their female peers. To summarize, the participant-observation findings suggest that two different c r i t e r i a , performance and sex, were being used during informal evaluation. The servicewomen believed that a b i l i t y and effort would demonstrate to the CF that women could function e f f e c t i v e l y in a non-traditional role and that to their male peers, i t was performance that mattered, not the fact that they were females. If they could do the job, being a female should be i n s i g n i f i c a n t . They also believed that the i r good performance would contribute to an environment that was free from any h o s t i l i t y generated by a negative sex bias. This was important for future female newcomers. As for the servicemen, they praised the work of individual servicewomen, did not generalize the positive evaluations to a l l servicewomen, and did not want the organization to reward their performance with promotions. Further, depreciation of the importance of the servicewomen's performance had occurred. After two years of observation and testing, i t has been determined that most of the servicewomen can do most of the jobs as well as the servicemen. (Generally, any problems have been attributed to physiological makeup or to a lack of prior f i e l d t r a i n i n g , not to a lack of motivation or desire to work.) Now that the a b i l i t y to perform the requisite tasks has been established, the servicemen seem to have shifted their focus from performance to the negative stereotypes associated with being a female. - 10 -They stated that women do not belong i n a f i e l d unit, not because they are incapable, but because they are, for example, too emotional, afraid of the dark, or morally loose. The servicewomen were experiencing stress and f r u s t r a t i o n which were related, perhaps, to the consequences of different evaluative c r i t e r i a being used. Regardless of how well the servicewomen performed, they were starting to believe that the servicemen r e a l l y preferred that they not be in the unit. The foregoing participant-observation findings demonstrated blatant contradictions between the expectations held by the servicewomen for their acceptance as legitimate unit members and their actual acceptance by their male peers. Our society values the idea that competence or a b i l i t y should be rewarded and that achievement should dominate ascriptive status. In the case of the t r i a l objective, the guiding assumption i s that i f the servicewomen perform to a standard acceptable to the organization, they cannot be barred from f u l l and varied near-combat employment opportunities. The t r i a l scenario, therefore, demands high performance. The participant-observation suggested that, for the servicewomen, the d e f i n i t i o n of a successful t r i a l would be their acceptance by the servicemen as equally capable unit members and the permanent expansion of their employment into non-traditional areas. Good performance should result i n these successes. - 11 -Even though performance i s highly valued in a structured meritocracy such as the m i l i t a r y bureaucracy, the participant-observation has suggested that the variable of sex impacts upon the formation of the performance expectations. The female sex i s devalued in society as a whole and even more so in the m i l i t a r y where being a soldier is the antithesis of being female. From the participant-observation i t was learned that the serviceman's expectations for the performance of the servicewomen in the near-combat role was influenced by the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s or stereotypes associated with the female sex. This was both unexpected and contrary to the servicewomen's expectations for their acceptance which was based on hard work, diligen c e , e f f o r t , and enthusiasm. The servicewomen had omitted any negative values associated with the female sex from their performance - acceptance model. It was also concluded from the participant-observation that the cha r a c t e r i s t i c s of the t r i a l had a major impact on the unmet expectations of the sevicewomen. The servicewomen were "double deviants" because they were low i n number and status inconsistent (female s o l d i e r ) . They were inexperienced with the combat service support role when they arrived at 4 Svc Bn, a previously all-male unit which carries out male sex-typed tasks such as trucking, vehicle repairing and soldiering. F i n a l l y , the servicewomen are status tenuous u n t i l the t r i a l terminates i n 1984 and a f i n a l report i s submitted to the Chief of Defence Staff in 1985. The - 12 -purpose of this study, then, i s to link two bodies of l i t e r a t u r e : the socio-psychological dynamics of employing women i n a predominantly male work environment best described by the status characteristics and expectation states l i t e r a t u r e and the structural/numerical proportions model developed by Kanter (1977a, 1977b). I t w i l l be demonstrated that the expectations for acceptance and t r i a l "success" held by the servicewomen were based on their performances but that these expectations were u n r e a l i s t i c because of the contradiction between the value placed on the female sex and the value placed on performance i n a mi l i t a r y organization. It also w i l l be shown that structural/numerical t r i a l factors beyond the control of the servicewomen hindered the service-women's expectation f u l f i l l m e n t . ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY Chapters II and I I I provide the h i s t o r i c a l and environmental contexts, respectively, for the analysis of the integration and acceptance of the SWINTER participants within the Land T r i a l . Chapter I I documents the evolving role of servicewomen since 1885 highlighting the impact of external pressure on the Department of National Defence's decisions to remove some of the employment barriers and discriminatory p o l i c i e s affecting servicewomen. Emphasis i s placed on the Canadian Human Rights Act as i t d i r e c t l y influenced the creation of the SWINTER t r i a l s . Details on the Land T r i a l are provided i n Chapter I I I . They - 13 -include the t r i a l objectives, the structure and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of 4 Svc Bn, and an explanation of the selection and processing of the SWINTER participants• Three groups of social and behavioural science l i t e r a t u r e w i l l form the fourth chapter on theoretical rationale. The relevant sex-role l i t e r a t u r e on male-female interaction i n task-oriented work situations w i l l f i r s t be reviewed, then the research on status characteristics and expectation states w i l l be discussed. Informal evaluation processes i n a mixed-sex work setting can be described i n terms of status characteristics and expectation states theory which i s based on Georg Simmel's ideas on forms of soci a l interaction. Generally, human interaction can be traced to stereotypical c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of individuals based on certain status categories. These status conceptions are said to organize interaction because f a i r l y stable and consistent behavioural consequences arise. Therefore, when we know what a person i s (that i s , the ascribed or achieved status s/he occupies), we know who the individual i s , and we know how s/he w i l l l i k e l y behave. The o r i g i n a l expectation states theory (Berger, 1974) has been methodically tested and refined and has generated many variations on i t s basic theme. In essence, the "core" theory states that when members of a group are presented with a co l l e c t i v e task-solving situation i n which a - 14 -positive outcome i s highly valued, each member w i l l develop a set of expectations concerning the r e l a t i v e task-solving a b i l i t i e s of each person i n the group. In the absence of information on task a b i l i t y , group members form expectations about the other's potential contribution by generalizing from the societal value placed on certain external characteristics (unless the external characteristic and the task have been e x p l i c i t l y dissociated from each other). The "observable power and prestige order" (that i s , performance opportunities and outputs,, evaluations and influence) which r e s u l t s , r e f l e c t s the generalized c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ) . So, those with highly valued external characteristics w i l l be offered more opportunities to participate and w i l l be more i n f l u e n t i a l i n having their own ideas accepted as the group's solution to the task than those with devalued characteristics. Secondly, the concept of tokenism embedded in the structural/ numerical proportions model w i l l be presented as . i t provides a complementary rationale for the unmet expectations of the servicewomen. As with expectation states theory, this model i s based on Georg Simmel's work which posits that structure determines process and dynamics and that numbers influence interaction p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Kanter provides a framework for understanding "how group structures shape interaction contexts and influence particular patterns of male-female interaction" (Kanter, 1977b:967). Kanter describes the interaction dynamics which result - 15 -when women occupy token status and are alone or nearly alone i n a peer group of men. Tokens have sp e c i f i c characteristics: they constitute approximately 15% of the t o t a l personnel; they are often new to the occupational role; s t r u c t u r a l l y , they are dispersed throughout the organization and are, therefore, isolated lacking a social support base; they are viewed as representatives or symbols, not as individuals; and, they are i d e n t i f i e d by their ascribed status. In addition, there i s a history of the dominant group acting towards them in) a manner different from the current si t u a t i o n . The structural/numerical characteristics of the t r i a l closely match Kanter's description of token status. F i n a l l y , the m i l i t a r y l i t e r a t u r e on informal primary groups and cohesion w i l l be examined. A r i c h body of l i t e r a t u r e on small groups and cohesion grew out of sociological studies (Stouffer et a l . , 1949) conduc-ted on American combat units during World War I I . It was learned that i t was not ideology and p o l i t i c a l values but cohesive primary group r e l a -tions that were c r u c i a l to morale, stress a l l e v i a t i o n , and the performance of combat duties. Since then, cohesion within the informal small group has been accepted as integral to operational effectiveness and mission accomplishment, and, i n Canada is encouraged and f a c i l i t a t e d as much as possible during peacetime (for example, unit rather than individual rotations to the United Nations peacekeeping function i n Cyprus). Understanding the relationship of performance to cohesion is - 16 -c r i t i c a l to assessing the implications of placing servicewomen into the high-stress, physically demanding near-combat roles. Chapter V concerns methodology. This study w i l l use three research techniques to provide information from five data sources: content analyses of existing documents, participant-observation, and interviews. F i r s t , the salience of performance to the Land T r i a l w i l l be ascertained by a content analysis of CF memoranda and reports related generally to the review of non-traditional employment for servicewomen and s p e c i f i c a l l y to the development of the t r i a l s . Second, a socio-demographic p r o f i l e of the volunteer female t r i a l participants as well as their perceptions of the t r i a l and their expectations of 4 Svc Bn w i l l be obtained from the recorded interviews conducted by Base Personnel Selection Officers. These interviews, held with a l l of the sevicewomen selected for potential p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the t r i a l , were comprised of a variety of questions on personal, academic, and employment backgrounds, sports, and knowledge of the t r i a l s . Questions that w i l l be answered i n such a review include the following. Prior to their posting to Germany, did the sevicewomen ide n t i f y ability/performance as a variable of testable importance to the CF? Why did they think that the t r i a l was being conducted? Why did they think they were selected to participate? Why did they want to participate? Did they anticipate any d i f f i c u l t i e s ? - 17 -Although circumscribed by the telegraphic style of many of the reports, enough information i s available to provide a picture of the women's attitudes, opinions, and expectations prior to their posting to Germany. Third, relevant information from the participant-observation w i l l be presented in conjunction with the results of in-depth interviews held in September 1983 with 30 of the 48 non-commissioned o f f i c e r 4 Svc Bn Land T r i a l SWINTER participants. The data w i l l be analysed in Chapter VI i n r e l a t i o n to the three components of the chapter on theoretical rationale: status cha r a c t e r i s t i c s and expectation states, the structural/numerical proportions model, and primary groups and cohesion i n the m i l i t a r y . In the f i n a l chapter, summary and conclusions, the implications of this study w i l l be related s p e c i f i c a l l y to the Land T r i a l and generally to I m i l i t a r y women serving in a minority status capacity in non-traditional environments and roles. The t r i a l results could y i e l d a decision to r e s t r i c t the employment of women from combat service support units. I f this occurs, given the nature, scope, and objectives of the t r i a l , the purported bona fide occupational requirements may actually be based on the results of placing minority status holders or tokens with a majority group, and not on women performing in a combat service support unit. A di f f e r e n t , non-trial scenario in which equal numbers of s i m i l a r l y trained and experienced servicwomen and servicemen who are evenly distributed - 18 -t h r o u g h o u t t h e u n i t w o u l d l i k e l y g e n e r a t e p r o c e s s e s and r e s u l t s u n l i k e t h o s e t h a t a p p e a r t o b e d e v e l o p i n g u n d e r t h e c u r r e n t c o n d i t i o n s . - 19 -CHAPTER I I WOMEN IN THE CANADIAN FORCES HISTORICAL OVERVIEW A review of the history of Canadian servicewomen demonstrates a pattern of numerically l i m i t e d , and gender-related, t r a d i t i o n a l employment which has reflected the a v a i l a b i l i t y of male servicemembers. The only exception has been the nursing role which has always been allocated to women independent of other personnel factors. As w i l l be demonstrated, in addition to the practice of employing women in select occupational roles, the personnel policies governing their employment have been created or modified because of pressure external to the Department of National Defence (DND). Women were f i r s t employed in Canada's m i l i t a r y forces as nurses during the suppression of the Northwest Rebellion, 1885. Fourteen years l a t e r , the Canadian Army Nursing Service, a subdivision of the Army Medical Corps, was formed. Within this formal m i l i t a r y organization, the Nursing Sisters served with the Canadian contingent during the Boer War in South A f r i c a , 1899-1902. - 20 -The part i c i p a t i o n of Canadian women i n World War I was again limited to the role of nursing. In 1914, due to post-Boer War demobili-zation, only five Nursing Sisters were employed by the Service. By the end of World War I, 1,928 Nursing Sisters had served overseas receiving 328 awards and honours, and 169 Mentioned-in-Dispatches. Fifty-three died i n service. The Nursing Sisters were almost t o t a l l y demobilized after the war. During peacetime, their numbers shrank to 11 plus a small reserve force. Again, with the mobilization effort of World War I I , the Nursing Service increased and, by the end of that war, 4,455 had served in Canada and overseas. With World War I I came an increase i n the number of women recruited into m i l i t a r y service and a d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of their role compared with the previous two wars. This was partly due to the demands of Canadian women to become actively involved i n the impending war ef f o r t . "In the late 1930's and early 1940's, Canada had thousands of women eager to serve i n the armed forces. A host of u n o f f i c i a l women's paramilitary corps sprang up across Canada....According to a rough estimate made at National Defence Headquarters, some 6,700 women were believed to be enrolled i n such u n o f f i c i a l corps by early 1941" (Pierson, 1978:3). Pressure from these paramilitary groups for o f f i c i a l recognition and mounting concern at National Defence Headquarters regarding standardization of training and dress, led to the decision to - 21 -permit women volunteers to enter full-time service in government sanctioned corps. By mid-1942, Canadian women were serving i n , not as au x i l i a r y adjuncts to, the three branches of the Armed Services - Royal Canadian Air Force Women's Division (RCAF-WD), Canadian Women's Army Corps (CWAC), and the Women's Royal Canadian Naval Service (WRCNS). More important than the government requirement to respond to the aforementioned enthusiasm for m i l i t a r y service, was the increasing need to put women in uniform to release men for combat duties (Davies, 1966: 3; Simpson, 1978:4). The purpose of women in the Army Corps was stated in the introductory chapter of Women i n Khaki, a wartime brochure describing the role and function of the CWAC's: "Category 'A' men are needed for the war front...each recruit for the Canadian Women's Army Corps releases a top-grade soldier for more active service either overseas or i n Canada" (Canada. Department of National War Services, 1941?:3). Since 1939, Air Force Headquarters (A.F.H.Q.) was inundated with requests from Canadian women to serve and f i n a l l y responded two years l a t e r : In answer to direct inquiries A.F.H.Q. admitted grudgingly that i t was indeed feasible that many men's duties could be performed by women, even i f one man's job might require two women to do i t s a t i s f a c t o r i l y . The shortage of manpower was becoming very acute....Finally, in June, 1941, the Government announced i t s decision to e n l i s t women in the armed services in order to release more men for combatant duty. (Ziegler, 1973:6) - 22 -As such, women were trained to do a variety of jobs such as barber, cook, clerk (accountant, pay, postal, t y p i s t ) , driver and driver mechanic, laboratory technician, radio operator, spray painter, t a i l o r e s s , telegraphist, and night v i s i o n tester. The replacement employment rationale remained dominant throughout the war, although the scope of their occupational role was continually expanded to include work of a technical nature that was cha r a c t e r i s t i c of t r a d i t i o n a l l y male occupations (for example, women eventually served in A n t i - a i r c r a f t Units, Coast A r t i l l e r y Regiments and Signals Units). Female m i l i t a r y enrolment reached i t s all-time peak during the l a t t e r period of the war. Approximate strengths i n 1944 were 6,000 i n the WRCNS, 12,000 i n the CWAC, and 15,000 i n the RCAF-WD (Thomas, 1978:4). In May of that year, due to an increasing shortage of manpower, CWAC women began serving in the rear areas of the European theatre at 1st Echelon, A l l i e d Armies in I t a l y and at 1st and 2nd Echelons, 21st Army Group, in North West Europe. At the end of the war, the regular forces were considerably reduced in size and, as had occurred previously, the three women's corps were completely demobilized. By 1946, only the Nursing Sisters and a few messing o f f i c e r s also associated with the Medical Branch remained. - 23 -With Canada's entry into the North Atl a n t i c Treaty Organization i n 1949, and the outbreak, of the war i n Korea, the issue of the role of women i n the mi l i t a r y was again raised. Given their excellent performance during World War 11^, i t was decided to re-admit women into the m i l i t a r y . On March 21, 1951, the federal government authorized the enrolment of women into the Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) (Regular). In June, 1954, women were allowed into the Canadian Army (CA) (Regular) and i n January, 1955, into the Royal Canadian Navy (RCN). Unlike the experience of World War I I , which saw the evolution of the role of servicewomen based on changing need, the federal cabinet created special conditions of employment prior to the new recrui t i n g drive. There were to be no special women's units. Women in uniform could not be employed as clerks i n any of the headquarters. The t o t a l number of women had to be included within the t o t a l regular service strength, not i n addition to i t . F i n a l l y , women could only be employed i n the trades and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , "...which could obviously be done quite s a t i s f a c t o r i l y by women, and would not replace c i v i l i a n employees" (Belanger, 1979:4). Ceilings or quotas were imposed on the number of A t o t a l of 133 honours and awards were presented to the servicewomen (Davis, 1966:4): Eight - Order of the B r i t i s h Empire; 26 -Member of the B r i t i s h Empire; 56 - B r i t i s h Empire Medals; Four Commendations for Brave Conduct; 19 - Mentioned-in-Dispatches. - 24 -women allowed into each service: RCAF - 5,000; CA - 900; and RCN - 400. The r e l a t i v e l y large number of servicewomen recruited into the RCAF were primarily required for the sta f f i n g of radar units. Due to changing defence policy and the development and u t i l i z a t i o n of the Semi-automatic Ground Environment (SAGE) system, the i n i t i a l c e i l i n g was halved in 1953, then gradually allowed to dwindle through non-recruiting u n t i l , i n 1966, approximately 420 women remained in the A i r Force (Ziegler, 1973:163). In June, 1966, the Minister of National Defence, Paul H e l l y e r ^ approved a recommendation, based on a year-long study, that women would be retained i n the regular forces then and in the future. This policy was to stand for five years without further examination. It was also decided that a c e i l i n g of 1,500 women would be established and held u n t i l 1971 (Charleton, 1974:36). At that time, the CF t o t a l l e d 107,000 so women would comprise 1.4%. With the integration of the Army, Navy, and Air Force i n 1968, women came to be employed i n seven o f f i c e r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s including personnel support, l o g i s t i c s , medical (nurse and medical associate), along with 16 of the non-commissioned o f f i c e r support trades (for example, cook, postal clerk, supply technician). The publication of The Report of the Royal Commission on the  Status of Women i n Canada i n 1970, prompted DND to reconsider i t s employment p o l i c i e s for servicewomen. From i t s mandate to ensure for - 25 -women equal opportunities with men in a l l aspects of Canadian society, six recommendations spec i f i c to DND were made: Recommendati on 55 - a l l trades in the CF be open to women; Recommendation 56 - the prohibition on the enlistment of married women in the CF be eliminated; Recommendation 57 - the length of the i n i t i a l engagement for which personnel are required to e n l i s t i n the CF be the same for men and women; Recommendation 58 - the release of a woman from the CF because she has a ch i l d be prohibited; Recommendation 59 - the amendment of the CF Superannuation Act so that i t s provisions w i l l be the same for male and female contributors; and, Recommendation 60 - that women be allowed into m i l i t a r y colleges. A l l but recommendation 55 have been carried out since publication of the report. In July 1971, at the meeting of the Canadian Forces - 26 -Defence Council, the Minister of National Defence approved the decision that there was to be no set l i m i t a t i o n on the employment of women in the Canadian Forces other than within the primary combat roles, employment at remote locations, and sea-going service. Three years l a t e r , a review was conducted of a l l positions that, because of these l i m i t a t i o n s , could only be f i l l e d by men. The study established the trade and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n "people" quotas - that i s , the percentage of people in each m i l i t a r y occupational c l a s s i f i c a t i o n (MOC) that could be f i l l e d by the best applicant regardless of sex. As a r e s u l t , opportunities for women were expanded to include 18 of the 27 c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and 64 of the 94 trades (Belanger, 1979:7). In addition, the re c r u i t i n g quota was increased to ten percent of the t o t a l force (or a target of 8,000 out of 82,000 by the end of the 1980s). During the ensuing four years, 81 of the 127 MOCs were opened to women and by 1978, women comprised 5.9% of the to t a l CF strength (Simpson, et a l . , 1978:7). Women were s t i l l excluded from such o f f i c e r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s as chaplain, armoured, a r t i l l e r y , infantry, maritime surface and subsurface, m i l i t a r y and maritime engineering, p i l o t and navigator. They were not allowed into the following trades: f l i g h t engineer, crewman, artilleryman, infantryman, f i e l d engineer, map reproduction technician, topographical surveyor, and a l l other trades requiring sea duty (for example, radar plotter and boatswain). - 27 -SUMMARY This very b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l overview of role of the women in the Canadian m i l i t a r y has demonstrated that the federal government has been reactive, not proactive, i n i t s employment practices of servicewomen. Women have been employed in varying numbers and, when available manpower supplies have been threatened, they have l i t e r a l l y and f i g u r a t i v e l y constituted a "reserve army of labour" (Connelly, 1976:26, Armstrong and Armstrong, 1978:19). Second, DND has revised policy decisions on the scope of female m i l i t a r y employment because of pressures external to the Department. During the early part of World War I I , i t responded to the random and uncontrolled creation of lo c a l paramilitary units comprised of women who wanted to become actively and d i r e c t l y involved in the war e f f o r t . Three decades l a t e r , the Status of Women report stimulated policy revision to introduce some structural equality between the sexes and to broaden recruitment and internal occupational migration opportunities. As w i l l be discussed in d e t a i l , the proclamation of the Canadian Human Rights Act (CHRA) in 1978, e l i c i t e d action on the part of the CF to i n t e r n a l l y scrutinize emloyment practices for possible indefensible discrimination. Because of the CHRA, the CF must provide o f f i c i a l 28 -j u s t i f i c a t i o n for the exclusion of women from certain roles. U n t i l this point i n time, there had been no accountability for the existing study authorized by DND, state that, "... li m i t a t i o n s were imposed in 1971 because of the prevailing views and mores of Canadian society in re l a t i o n to the employment of women. These r e f l e c t e d , in general, the views and practices of the majority of other nations." The authors did not c i t e surveys substantiating DND interpretation of Canadian social attitudes; indeed, there i s no reason to believe that anything but tr a d i t i o n had guided decisions on what women could and could not do in the m i l i t a r y . In a memorandum out l i n i n g the impending l e g i s l a t i o n i t was stated, " . . . I believe that my reservations are shared by many members of the Canadian Forces. Such reservations are admittedly based primarily on conjecture and emotion..." (Canada. Department of National Defence. Director Personnel Development Studies, 1978a: 2). The Human Rights l e g i s l a t i o n , then, required a re-evaluation of female employment roles and, for the f i r s t time in Canadian m i l i t a r y history, substantiation of that re-evaluation through studies yielding defensible data. p o l i c i e s . Simpson, et a l , (1978 6), reporting on the results from a - 29 -IMPACT OF THE CANADIAN HUMAN RIGHTS ACT With the proclamation of the Canadian Human Rights Act, 1 March the CF again was placed in a position of assessing the employment of i t s female members. This piece of l e g i s l a t i o n i s c r i t i c a l to the employment situ a t i o n of servicewomen because, for the f i r s t time, the CF i s required to elucidate and to substantiate, to the sa t i s f a c t i o n of the Canadian Human Rights Commission, the reasons behind the po l i c i e s governing i t s employment practices. M i l i t a r y t r a d i t i o n and custom no longer suffice as explanations for the h i s t o r i c a l exclusion of women from certain environments and roles. Two sections of the CHRA are pertinent. Section 2 states: For a l l purposes of this Act, race, national or ethnic o r i g i n , colour, r e l i g i o n , age, sex, marital status, conviction for which a pardon has been granted and, in matters related to employment, physical handicap are prohibited grounds of discrimination. The CHRA, through Section 14a does provide an exception to the above prohibition: It i s not a discriminatory practice i f (a) any r e f u s a l , exclusion, expulsion, suspension, l i m i t a t i o n , s p e c i f i c a t i o n or preference in r e l a t i o n to any employment is based on a bona fide occupational requirement. - 30 -The phrase, "bona fide occupational requirement" is not defined in the Act. The Human Rights Tribunal of the Canadian Human Rights Commission (CHRC) therefore has the authority to determine, on a case-by-case basis, acceptable grounds for employment discrimination. A review of internal CF documents indicates two very important outcomes of the promulgation of this l e g i s l a t i o n , and, in p a r t i c u l a r , of the aforementioned lack of d e f i n i t i o n . F i r s t , the CF became concerned that unless i t acted quickly, i t would not be able to pre-empt po t e n t i a l l y immutable and extensive decisions by the CHRC on the constitution of a bona fide occupational requirement. One month prior to the l e g i s l a t i o n coming into e f f e c t , the Assistant Deputy Minister (Personnel) expressed concern that, ...we w i l l immediately be faced with charges of discrimination.... It is very clear that we w i l l be called upon, probably in Federal court, to prove that our policy of excluding women from the operational (combat) branches i s j u s t i f i e d on the basis of bona fide occupational requirements. (Canada. Department of National Defence. Assistant Deputy Minister (Personnel), 1978a:1) Further in the l e t t e r i t i s stated, " I think i t i s correct to say that our present policy i s based on our judgement that Canadian society is not prepared to see women in combat roles" (Canada. Department of National - 31 -Defence. Assistant Deputy Minister (Personnel), 1978a:l). That perception, however, would not be equivalent to a bona fide occupational requirement for l i m i t i n g the role of servicewomen. Without defensible input from the CF, an "unfavourable court decision" (Canada. Department of National Defence. Chief Personnel Careers and Senior Appointments, 1978:1) or "the worst case" (Canada. Department of National Defence. Director Personnel Development Services, 1978b:2) could r e s u l t . That would be the removal from DND of, "...the authority for the continuation of current employment r e s t r i c t i o n s to women in the Canadian Forces" (Canada. Department of National Defence. Director Personnel Development Studies 1978b:2). By way of summary, in the study which was to be the basis for the formulation of a set of t r i a l employment scenarios for servicewomen commencing in 1980, the following concern was expressed: ...as the Human Rights Act now stands, the Canadian Forces may be vulnerable to the actions through the Human Rights Commission which would compel the u t i l i z a t i o n of women in roles i n which the presence of women could have serious impact on the Forces and the nation. (Canada. Department of National Defence. Director Personnel Development Studies, 1978b :27) The second important outcome of the proclamation of the CHRA was the decision to evaluate servicewomen placed, for study purposes only, into previously all-male units. This process of evaluation would, by i t s - 32 -very objectives, determine the d e f i n i t i o n of "bona fide occupational requirement". I n i t i a l l y , the SWINTER t r i a l s were conceived as being comprised of two phases as stated in the following summation of a meeting held to discuss the proposed contents of a covering memorandum and discussion paper to be presented to Cabinet: In regards to moving as fast and as far as possible ( i n l i f t i n g the employment r e s t r i c t i o n s to servicewomen), i t was understood that, at present, this meant conducting t r i a l s i n "near-combat" units. To contemplate conducting t r i a l s in true or primary combat units without f i r s t obtaining data and experience of employing women in the near-combat units presently closed to females, would be an unnecessary r i s k . T r i a l s of combat units should only be contemplated after women, properly selected, have proven capable of performing in near-combat units. (Canada. Department of National Defence. Assistant Deputy Minister (Personnel), 1978c:l)^ It must be noted that the idea of studying women in combat units after assessment i n near-combat units was not formally expressed in future documentation. No reference to additional evaluations of women in combat units i s found in the introductory portion of the National Defence Headquarters' d i r e c t i v e governing the aim, scope, and methodology of the SWINTER t r i a l s . The d i r e c t i v e i s concerned only with near-combat units. 2Combat and near-combat are not l e g a l l y nor l e g i s l a t i v e l y defined terms. Combat i s understood to mean offensive, direct contact and battle with the enemy; near combat is understood to mean a c t i v i t i e s (for example, l o g i s t i c s ) i n support of the combatant, front-line troop manoeuvres. Near-combat units may become d i r e c t l y involved in combat but their primary role i s other than combat. - 33 -Those in the Deputy Minister (Personnel) Group involved with the development of the t r i a l s appeared to have been guided by the assumption that the CHRC would not press the issue of combat employment for servicewomen. It would be s u f f i c i e n t , therefore, for the CF to provide bona fide occupational reasons for r e s t r i c t i n g women merely from combat support roles. Aside from the combat/near-combat dichotomy, the foregoing quote also highlights the i n t e g r a l i t y of the concept of performance to the formulation of the SWINTER t r i a l s . The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and correlation of performance with bona fide occupational requirements was made some time before the commencement of the t r i a l s . In a l e t t e r dated 28 February 1978 from the Minister of National Defence, Barney Danson, to Marc Lalonde, Minister of State for Federal-Provincial Relations and Minister Responsible for the Status of Women, the words, "performing", "operational performance", and "operational c a p a b i l i t i e s " appear repeatedly. The argument, although inconsistent, was made that while, "Those r e s t r i c t i o n s which continue to apply to employment of women in the Forces in no way derive from any b e l i e f that they are incapable of performing many of the duties involved", an assessment was required of their impact on unit operational effectiveness. Accordingly, Mr. Danson - 34 -directed, that every e f f o r t s h a l l be made to increase the of employment in the Forces which i s open to women. The c r i t e r i a which w i l l be applied in assessing the v a l i d i t y of existing r e s t r i c t i o n s on the employment of women w i l l be the potential d i r e c t , or i n d i r e c t , effect on operational c a p a b i l i t i e s . Where r e s t r i c t i o n s cannot be f u l l y j u s t i f i e d in terms of this c r i t e r i a they'will be eliminated. However, where the implications for operational effectiveness of the removal of r e s t r i c t i o n s are judged to be unacceptable, these w i l l be taken to constitute "bona fide occupational requirements" which i n accordance with Section 14(a) of the Human Rights Act, are not discriminatory practices. (Canada. Department of National Defence. Minister of National Defence, 1978:2) Two months l a t e r , the Directorate Personnel Development Studies (DPDS) team tasked with recommending policy for submission to Cabinet, made the pre-study assumption that, "...bona fide occupational requirements are r e s t r i c t e d to physiological and physical factors. A l l other reasons, although important to the continued maintenance of operational effectiveness, can only be considered as c o l l a t e r a l reasons" (Canada. Department of National Defence. Director Personnel Development Studies, 1978b:2). The CF operationalization of "bona fide occupational requirement" as performance impacting upon unit operational effectiveness was - 35 -influenced by a concurrent broadening of employment po l i c i e s and research endeavours in the United States. In response to the end of the draft in 1973 and the consequent rise of the all-volunteer force, the House of Representatives' Committee on Armed Services' Special Subcommittee on the U t i l i z a t i o n of Manpower i n the M i l i t a r y , explored future manpower strategies and concluded, We are convinced that in the atmosphere of a zero draft or an all-volunteer force, women could and' should play an important ro l e . We strongly urge the Secretary to develop a program which w i l l permit women to take their r i g h t f u l places i n serving in our Armed Forces. (United States. Department of Defense, 1981:12) At approximately the same time as the commencement of this manpower u t i l i z a t i o n study i n 1972, the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) cleared Congress without a proposed amendment excluding women from combatant ships, a i r c r a f t and ground units, and from m i l i t a r y draft. Rather than wait for the f i n a l i t y of the state r a t i f i c a t i o n process, the Department of Defense interpreted Congress' overwhelming rejection of the proposed amendments as support for an expanded role for servicewomen. As we l l , in the mid-1970's, unpleasant and unwanted p u b l i c i t y ensued when a number of - 36 -servicewomen instigated legal challenges to perceived discriminatory personnel p o l i c i e s (Binkin and Bach, 1977:14, 42-46). The combined impact of an anticipated male manpower shortage, the ERA, and l i t i g a t i o n caused the Department of Defense to embark on a recruiting drive to admit more women Into the four services, to allow them to attend m i l i t a r y academies, and to increase the number of m i l i t a r y occupational specialties i n which they could be trained and employed. In conjunction with this new employment e f f o r t , three performance-oriented studies were conducted by the Army Research Institute for the Behavioral and Social Sciences: Project Athena (an assessment of the impact of women upon West Point and West Point's impact upon the women), Maximum Women Army Content (MAX WAC - an analysis of the effects of varying the percentages of female soldiers on unit performance i n a seventy-two hour f i e l d exercise) and Reforger Women Army Content (REF WAC - a comparative study of the performance of all-female and all-male units during ten day war games i n Germany, 1977. The women soldiers and their male counterparts were matched on demographic and personal characteristics and observed for a b i l i t y , fatigue, and stress.) The reports of the l a t t e r two projects, the only research of i t s type conducted within the NATO, formed the source material for the personnel responsible for the formulation of the SWINTER t r i a l s . Indeed, - 37 -the information was incorporated into the development of the rationale and objectives of the Canadian research e f f o r t s . Two of the proposed objectives, as stated in a memorandum from the Assistant Deputy Minister (Personnel) to the Deputy Chief of Defence Staff, made direct reference to the studies. The f i r s t and primary suggested objective was to determine the effect of mixed male-female composition on the operational effectiveness of near-combat and isolated units. "Studies carried out by United States forces, such as MAX WAC and REF WAC, although not considered ideal models, could be used as points of departure" (Canada. Department of National Defence. Assistant Deputy Minister (Personnel), 1979:3). The second objective, to compare the individual effectiveness of females versus males in the t r i a l units for representative samples of work, was generated from the MAX WAC study: "Results of American studies have shown that although the average of the performance ratings for women as individuals was not different from that of men, the same supervisors rated women's performance as a group as being lower than that of men as a group" (Canada. Department of National Defence. Assistant Deputy Minister (Personnel), 1979:3). Triangulation was recommended to ensure that a variety of work situations and performance assessment methods were employed to determine i f the Canadian experience would replicate the American findings. - 38 -SUMMARY The promulgation of the CHRA has generated the most recent pressure on the CF causing i t to reconsider i t s po l i c i e s governing the employment of servicewomen. The requirement to provide bona fide occupational reasons for excluding women from some occupations, coupled with the influence of the then current American research into the role of servicewomen, resulted in the development of five employment t r i a l s designed e s s e n t i a l l y to assess the performance c a p a b i l i t y of women in hitherto all-male environments and roles. - 39 -CHAPTER I I I THE SWINTER TRIALS OVERVIEW This chapter provides general information on the SWINTER t r i a l s followed by information pertinent to the Land T r i a l . With regard to the l a t t e r , the t r i a l purpose and evaluation procedures are outlined followed by a description of the structure and function of 4 Canadian Mechanized Brigade Group (4 CMBG) and, s p e c i f i c a l l y , of 4 Svc Bn, the t r i a l unit upon which this study i s focussed. F i n a l l y , the selection and processing of the SWINTER participants w i l l be discussed. The National Defence Headquarters (NDHQ) Instruction, Deputy Chief of Defence Staff (DCDS) 13/79, "The - T r i a l Employment of Servicewomen, Non-traditional Roles and Environments" (hereafter, the t r i a l directive) became effective 21 December 1979. It outlines to those responsible for conducting the t r i a l s , the raison d'etre and scope of a l l of the t r i a l s and provides particular guidelines (for example, the number and type of designated female positions, the reporting periods, etc.) for each of the five t r i a l s . The t r i a l directive preamble describes the CHRA prohibition of occupational discrimination without bona fide reason(s) and the "coincidentally" diminishing pool of recruitable young males as - 40 -the impetuses for the t r i a l s . While i t i s acknowledged that future demographic pressures alone warrant "some eventual adjustment in the employment of women in t r a d i t i o n a l l y male service roles," the impact of the CHRA i s recognized as the c r i t i c a l factor stimulating DND action, albeit with caution: "The pressure of many uncertainties rela t i n g to universal or near universal employment of women throughout the CF argues against an unreasoned or precipitous implementation of the l i t e r a l requirements of the CHRA" (Canada. Department of National Defence. Deputy Chief of Defence S t a f f , 1979:1). The summary statement of rationale for the creation of the t r i a l s demonstrates this DND caution and the assumption that the presence of servicewomen w i l l have a negative effect on the units: To ensure that operational c a p a b i l i t y is not imperilled, while at the same time moving in the di r e c t i o n of providing an opportunity for men and women to serve in the CF on an equal basis, i t has been decided to proceed with the t r i a l employment of women i n hitherto all-male roles at selected near-combat units and at one isolated station. (Canada. Department of National Defence. Deputy Chief of Defence Staff, 1979:1) The aim of the SWINTER T r i a l s i s , "to assess the effect on operational c a p a b i l i t y by the employment of women in near-combat or hitherto all-male isolated units" (Canada. Department of National Defence. Deputy Chief of Defence Staff, 1979:2). - 41 -Accordingly, gender-integrated evaluations are being conducted i n the following units: HMCS CORMORANT (sea element); transport, and search and rescue squadrons ( a i r element); 4 Svc Bn and 4 Fd Amb in Germany (land element); and Canadian Forces Station Alert (isolated u n i t ) . In addition to the primary aim, five c o l l a t e r a l or sub-objectives were defined: a. comparison of the individual effectiveness of servicewomen and servicemen on unit representative taskings; b. comparison of groups of servicewomen, groups of servicemen, and integrated groups on unit representative taskings; c. assessment of the behavioural and sociological impact of servicewomen on the t r i a l units and on the immediate families of personnel at t r i a l units; d. assessment of the Canadian public and a l l i e d forces' opinions of an acceptance of the employment of servicewomen i n non-traditional roles and environments.; and e. determination of the resource implications should the role of servicewomen be expanded. The t r i a l directive states that the design, implementation and reporting of each t r i a l must be comprehensive, objective, and accurate not because doing otherwise would be unethical but because the CHRA could act u n i l a t e r a l l y regardless of the CF position. It warns, - 42 -Should i t subsequently be determined that the t r i a l s were i n any way incomplete, p r e j u d i c i a l or lacking in adequate documentation, i t i s conceivable that a Human Rights Tribunal might disregard the recommendations of the CF, and without further regard to the possibly deleterious effects on operational c a p a b i l i t i e s , might require that heretofore male-only areas of employment be opened to women. (Canada. Department of National Defence. Deputy Chief of Defence Staff, 1979:5) The assessment and documentation of the impact of servicewomen on operational effectiveness i s comprised of an operational, and a socia l and behavioural science (SBS) component. The operational assessment i s carried out by unit personnel who are to determine i f and why operational effectiveness changes when women are introduced to the units. They are to accurately identify which, i f any, changes are related to the t r i a l and which are due to non- t r i a l factors. The complementary SBS component i s comprised of advising, information disseminating, and data gathering and analysing. Senior Personnel Selection Officers have been designated as SBSAs in each command to provide consultative services on the design, implementation, evaluation, and preparation of SBS reports in each of the t r i a l s . Base Personnel Selection Officers f i l l one of two data gathering functions - 43 -during the selection process. They administer a biographical and a t t i t u d i n a l questionnaire to servicewomen who have been i d e n t i f i e d by career managers as potential SWINTER participants. A structured interview i s conducted to obtain information on service background, personal background (health and marital status, sports i n t e r e s t s ) , academic background, previous knowledge of the SWINTER Tri a l s and views on p a r t i c i p a t i n g in the t r i a l s . The interview responses are summarized on a Canadian Forces (CF) 285 form, an example of which i s attached at Appendix A, for l a t e r content analysis. The servicewomen are then briefed on the SWINTER T r i a l s and on various aspects of the t r i a l unit ( r o l e , r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , etc.) and are given the appropriate fact sheets which expand upon the information provided during the b r i e f i n g . Further data gathering occurs in the t r i a l units. Survey administration, interviews, participant-observations and subsequent data analysis are conducted by the SBSA's and by Personnel Selection Officers serving at the Canadian Forces Personnel Applied Research Unit in Toronto. THE LAND TR IAL  Purpose and Scope Although there are numerous combat service support units i n Canada, i t was decided to situate the Land T r i a l within 4 CMBG - 44 -located at Canadian Forces Europe, Lahr, Germany. Two reasons for this decision were presented in the Land T r i a l d i r e c t i v e . F i r s t , the combat service support units of 4 CMBG are more operational or battle-oriented and prepared than their Canada-based counter-parts. That i s , these units participate in year-round exercises and training schemes in, preparation for quick mobilization. This peacetime state of alert most closely approximates the near-combat role to be adopted during wartime. Second, i t was believed that holding the t r i a l in Germany would create "fewer domestic d i s t o r t i o n s " than i f i t was held in Canada (Canada. Department of National Defence. Deputy Chief of Defence Staff, 1979:E-1). Although this phrase was not explained, i t i s assumed that Lahr's location would minimize potential p u b l i c i t y and interference from National Defence Headquarters (NDHQ), thereby allowing the t r i a l to proceed with as few interruptions as possible. The aim of the Land T r i a l r e f l e c t s that" stated in the general t r i a l d i r e c t i v e , namely, "...to determine the impact on operational effectiveness that results from the deployment of servicewomen in combat service support units of 4 CMBG" (Canada. Department of National Defence. Deputy Chief of Defence Staff, 1979:El). Principles for conducting the evaluation are outlined in the d i r e c t i v e . The evaluation emphasis i s on the assessment of the day-to-day garrison and f i e l d a c t i v i t i e s which contribute to the general functioning of the unit. By - 45 -focusing on unit tasks and not on individuals, the t r i a l would avoid dissolving, "...into contests to judge whether servicemen or servicewomen are the most capable in any one role" (Canada. Department of National Defence. Deputy Chief of Defence Staff, 1979:E-2). Other aspects of the evaluation process include: a. a l l o c a t i o n of unit/sub-unit duties and personnel responsi-b i l i t i e s on a non-gender basis; b. i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and analysis of any factors contributing negatively to the alte r i n g of operational e f f i c i e n c y ; and c. f u l l documentation and substantiation of a l l recommendations and conclusions. F i n a l l y , as with the other t r i a l s , reports are to be prepared semi-annually and are to record only the exceptional or unusual items and events. The Land T r i a l i s to be conducted between 1 September 1980 and 1 September 1984 i n 4 Svc Bn, 4 Fd Amb, and any other units designated by the Commander of 4 CMBG and the Chief of Land Doctrine and Operations, the sponsoring agency at NDHQ. (A description of the roles and re s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the units follows i n the section entitled "Setting", page 49.) - 46 -The servicewomen (also referred to as SWINTER participants) were to comprise between 10% and 15% of to t a l unit strength. There are approximately 500 personnel in 4 Svc Bn and 99 i n 4 Fd Amb; servicewomen now number 54 and 14 respectively. Although, as mentioned e a r l i e r , the CF knew of the American MAX WAC study which determined that an army unit could employ up to 35 percent servicewomen without operational effectiveness declining, a small percentage of servicewomen were placed into the two Land T r i a l units. Several factors contributed to the low female unit content. F i r s t , the servicewomen posted to Lahr had to replace servicemen completing the i r normal four-year tour of duty and returning or repatriating to Canada in the summer of 1980. (Approximately one-fifth to one-quarter of the Canadian Forces Europe (CFE) personnel rotate each summer.) Second, since these servicewomen were being employed on an experimental, not a permanent basis in a near combat r o l e , they would be removed from 4 CMBG in the event of an operational emergency, replaced by servicemen who had been holding base positions, and employed for the duration of the emergency as the Commander CFE saw f i t . It was argued, therefore, that this replacement policy permitted only the minimum number of servicewomen being employed at 4 CMBG. Third, each designated female position (as with every position) requires a specific rank level and training standard within a partic u l a r m i l i t a r y occupational c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The pool of servicewomen who had the necessary q u a l i f i c a t i o n s was further reduced - 47 -because of minimum height and weight c r i t e r i a and the requirement to volunteer for pa r t i c i p a t i o n in the t r i a l . Given these constraints, 10% to 15% servicewomen in each unit was workable from operational and personnel management viewpoints. Table 1 shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n of, and numerical and rank requirements for, the designated female positions. - 48 -TABLE 1 FEMALE REPRESENTATION IN THE LAND TRIAL By M i l i t a r y Occupational C l a s s i f i c a t i o n (MOC) and Rank MOC RANK NUMBER 043 Land Ordnance Engineering Capt 1 055 Medical Officer Capt 1 056 Medical Associate Officer Capt/Lt 1 069 Log i s t i c s Capt 2 212 Teletype Operator MCpl/Cpl 2 221 Radio Technician Cpl/Pte 2 411 Vehicle Technician MCpl/Pte 8 421 Weapons Technician (Land) Cpl/Pte 2 431 E l e c t r i c a l Mechanical Technician Cpl/Pte 2 711 Medical Assistant MCpl/Cpl/Pte 12 831 Administrative Clerk WO/Cpl/Pte 3 861 Cook MCpl/Cpl 3 862 Steward Cpl/Pte 1 911 Supply Technician WO/Sgt/MCpl/Cpl/Pt e 11 935 Mobile Support Equipment Operator Cpl/Pte 14 TOTAL: 65 Capt _ Captain Lt Lieutenant WO = Warrant Officer sgt = Sergeant MCpl = Master Corporal Cpl Corporal Pte = Private - 49 -Setting The role of CFE i s to provide combat ready land and a i r formations to the NATO m i l i t a r y a l l i a n c e i n central Europe. 4 CMBG and 1 Central A i r Group (1 CAG), headquartered i n Lahr, Germany since 1970, are s p e c i f i c a l l y tasked with f u l f i l l i n g this r o l e . Figure 1 presents the operational chain of command which would come into effect during wartime. Notwithstanding the NATO envelopment of the two Canadian units, the Commander CFE would remain the o f f i c i a l channel of communication between NDHQ, 4 CMBG and 1 CAG, and NATO authorities. During peacetime, he exercises command over a l l CF personnel stationed i n Europe. Supreme A l l i e d Commander in Europe Armed Forces Central Europe A l l i e d A i r Forces Central Europe Central Array Group 4 A l l i e d Tactical Air Force Northern Army Group - 2 A l l i e d Tactical Air Force 4 Canadian Mechanized Brigade Group 1 Central - A ir Group Headquarters Canadian Forces Europe National Defence Headquarters -1 Canadian Forces Base Baden-Soellingen Canadian Forces Base Lahr FIGURE 1: ORGANIZATION OF CANADIAN FORCES EUROPE SUPPORT TO NATO - 50 -4 CMBG has a peacetime strength of approximately 3,000 personnel and embodies nine sub-units (Figure 2). In order to execute i t s potential wartime tasks of counter penetration, counter attack, block and delay, flank protection, and counter airborne/heliborne operations, 4 CMBG regularly exercises with American and German troops. A l l members of the Brigade participate i n a train i n g cycle based on the calendar year. In January, annual refresher training (emphasizing personal and anti-tank weapons, pyrotechnics, and nuclear, b i o l o g i c a l and chemical warfare) i s conducted followed progressively by platoon, company, and battalion training i n the spring and summer. The climax consists of a brigade-level concentration (FALLEX) and NATO exercises in the f a l l . Post-FALLEX, garrison a c t i v i t i e s resume and the training year ends with administrative and operational inspections i n late November and December. In a ty p i c a l year, the Brigade w i l l spend about 100 days away from garrison. - 51 -HEADQUARTERS 4 CANADIAN MECHANIZED BRIGADE GROUP ; — r ~ 1 1 RCHA 2 RCD 3 4 CER 4 lR22 eR 5 3 RCR 6 4 Fd Amb 7 4 Svc Bn 8 444 Tac Hel Sqn 9 SIGS SQN 1 1 RCHA - 1st Regiment Royal Canadian Horse A r t i l l e r y 2 RCD - Royal Canadian Dragoons (armoured regiment) 3 4 CER - 4 Combat Engineer Regiment ^ 1 R22eR - l e r Battalion Royal 22 e Regiment (mechanized infantry battalion) 3 RCR - 3rd Battalion The Royal Canadian Regiment (mechanized infantry battalion) 6 4 Fd Amb - 4 Fie l d Ambulance (medical unit) 7 4 Svc Bn - 4 Service Battalion 8 444 Tac Hel Sqn - 444 Tactical Helicopter Squadron 9 SIGS SQN - Signals Squadron FIGURE 2: ORGANIZATION OF 4 CANADIAN MECHANIZED BRIGADE GROUP Within 4 CMBG, the roles of 4 Svc Bn's approximate 500 personnel of a l l ranks are to provide group support resources and services to the brigade commander. As demonstrated in Figure 3 below, this support includes transportation, supply of combat and non-combat stores and equipment, technical maintenance and repair, recovery and backloading salvage, bath and laundry f a c i l i t i e s , and comptroller and finance. 4 S e r v i c e B a t t a l i o n Commanding O f f i c e r B a t t a l i o n H e a dquarters L o g i s t i c a l Operat i o n s P l l B PI Supply and Tr ansport Company Suppl y PI Tanker S e c t 2 P I 1 - P l a t o o n S e c t 2 - S e c t i o n HQ-' - He a d q u a r t e r s R e p a i r P a r t s PI HQ3 PI Maintenance Company Weapons V e h i c l e & & E l e c t - Recovery r o n i c s PI PI Forward R e p a i r Group A d m i n i s t r a t i o n Company S i g n a l Troop Maintenance PI L o g i s t i c s PI rzri U n i t M e d i c a l St at i o n HQ PI 1st B a t t a l i o n L i n e Q u a r t e r T r a n s p o r t Master Food S e r v i c e s NJ FIGURE 3: ORGAKIZATIOH Of 4 SERVICE BATTALION - 53 -Because 4 Svc Bn provides second l i n e support resources and services, i t usually deploys 40 to 60 road kilometres behind the forward fighting troops. The majority of the 4 Svc Bn units are based in the Brigade Administrative Area (BAA), a very general location situated where i t i s protected as far as possible from enemy i n f i l t r a t i o n so that work such as lengthy equipment repairs and replenishment of supplies from the theatre base can proceed with a minimum of alarms. Delivery points are established in areas forward of the BAA for the nightly issue of combat supplies such as ammunition, p e t r o l , o i l and lubricants, rations, water, clothing, repair parts and replacement/repaired vehicles. F i r s t l i n e support troops from within the fighting echelon drop back to receive these goods. In addition, 4 Svc Bn details small mobile teams consisting of either two or four people to go beyond the delivery points into the fighting t e r r i t o r y . These forward l o g i s t i c s groups and forward repair groups provide c r i t i c a l l y needed supplies and repairs to p r i o r i t y operational equipment at the break down s i t e s . (Complex repair jobs requiring a long period of time are performed within the BAA.) Figure 4 offers a s i m p l i f i e d example of unit deployment during a war/exercise. - 54 -E N E M Y x x x x x x x x x x x x X X X X FORWARD FIGHTING TROOPS x x x x x x x x x x x x x X X X X 1ST LINE SUPPORT Forward Repair Group DP1 ~ Delivery Point DP f t f t t t DP 4 SERVICE BATTALION ADMINISTRATIVE AREA Forward Logistics Group FIGURE 4: EXAMPLE OF OPERATIONAL DEPLOYMENT OF 4 SERVICE BATTALION (4 SVC BN) The BAA does not move or relocate en masse but i t s units w i l l frequently change location within some semblance of a definable area. Thus, 4 Svc Bn demands that i t s personnel be a combination of s k i l l e d tradesmen and soldiers since the unit must l i n k up with the f i r s t l i n e support troops at the delivery points and must be able to defend i t s e l f both on the move and i n location. The work i s demanding, d i r t y , and st r e s s f u l involving long hours, numerous moves, repetitive camouflaging and decamouflaging, the digging of la t r i n e s and trenches, doing guard - 55 -duty at specific defensive sites within the unit's Immediate location, and constantly being on the a l e r t for enemy i n f i l t r a t i o n and attacks. Participant Selection and Processing On average, a CF servicemember changes his/her place of employ-ment once every three or four years. The decision to post or to move the individual from one locale to another i s made by the servicemember's career manager i n consultation with the branch advisor to the service-member's MOC. Several variables are considered when determining which person i s to move into what available position such as type and l e v e l of t r a i n i n g , rank, years of service, previous work experience, and career development requirements. Once these variables are weighed, some consideration i s also given to the servicemember's stated personal preference. The posting process begins with the individual being i d e n t i f i e d and sent a posting warning order. At this point, the servicemember, through his commanding o f f i c e r , has the opportunity to bring forward concerns or information that may not have been known at the time the o r i g i n a l decision was made. The result of this action could be a f i n a l posting order to the o r i g i n a l l y selected unit or a different unit. The th i r d alternative i s a compassionate deferral of posting for a limi t e d , - 56 -specified period of time. Refusal to obey a posting order w i l l result in release. Postings to CFE are usually four years in duration for other ranks and three years for o f f i c e r s . Since CFE's support systems and resources are l i m i t e d , and premature or unscheduled postings back to Canada are f i n a n c i a l l y p r o h i b i t i v e , a rigorous screening process i s followed. Factors that are considered include a history of repeated misconduct, and medical (obesity,, drug/alcohol dependence), emotional, marital and f i n a n c i a l problems. Consideration i s also given to the medical and emotional s t a b i l i t y and schooling requirements of the servicemember's dependents. A "Screening for Posting Outside Canada" form is completed by the social work (or Chaplain), education, medical, dental and base/station security o f f i c e r s in addition to the member's troop/section/platoon commander and commanding o f f i c e r . The servicewomen who were posted to CFE for p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the Land T r i a l were screened according to the above standard process after their i n i t i a l selection in a manner different from the normal posting process. Further, a 1980 requirement that a l l of the SWINTER participants be volunteers was waived in 1982 and the c r i t e r i o n of enrolment date applied. As w i l l be explained, the r e s u l t , i n 1983, was a sample of volunteers and non-volunteers the l a t t e r of which experienced a - 57 -posting process most closely resembling that of their male colleagues. Regardless of the participants' voluntary or non-voluntary status, they went through a SWINTER-specific process during which they were given special packages of information on the t r i a l and the role of 4 CMBG, completed two questionnaires, and were interviewed. Unlike the normal posting process, a l l of the potential participants were not sent i n i t i a l warning messages because the volume of paperwork would have been too great. Instead, an informal process of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of possible volunteers through phone c a l l s and interviews conducted during career manager v i s i t s to bases, was used to screen out the servicewomen who were categorically unwilling to consider accepting such a posting. Only those women who gave some indication that they would consider an offer of a CFE posting were sent the i n i t i a l screening for posting message. In the message, the servicewoman was informed that she had been tentatively selected to participate in the t r i a l s and she was referred to the Base Personnel Selection Officer for information dissemination and data gathering purposes. Subsequently, she was interviewed by her Commanding Officer who ensured that height/weight - 58 -spec i f i c a t i o n s l were met and approved the posting. Once the servicewoman had committed herself to parti c i p a t i n g in the t r i a l , she could not opt out. This condition became very important in the Land T r i a l , for once in Germany, a SWINTER participant who no longer wished to be part of the t r i a l had to request a voluntary release from the CF. She was not en t i t l e d to be repatriated to another unit in Canada. The f i n a l step i n the posting process was the completion of the "Screening for Posting Outside Canada" form. From f a l l 1979 to June 1982, a completely volunteer process was in place for the SWINTER participants. U n t i l 19 June 1979, women who enrolled in the CF were not expected to serve i n non-traditional roles i n near-combat environments. Therefore, the Chief of Defence Staff directed that no servicewoman would be required to participate in any of the t r i a l s against her w i l l . Three years l a t e r , this decision was reversed. Women who enrolled in the CF after 19 June 1979 had been advised at the lAt present,the CF does not have physical standards for trades or environments, therefore, height and weight specifications have served as indicators of the a b i l i t y to do demanding tasks. At a February 1980 meeting of advisors to the SWINTER t r i a l s , i t was decided to establish interim "standards" of 58 kg and 158 cm, "to ensure that they would at least have a lean muscle mass equivalent to that of the smallest male that we accept". (Canada. Department of National Defence. Surgeon General, 1980:4). Because many of the volunteers lacked the requisite minimum weight, the Director Medical Treatment Services decided to allow servicewomen who were suitable i n a l l other respects to enter the t r i a l i f they were within 5 kg and 3 cm of the interim "standards". - 59 -r e c r u i t i n g o f f i c e s that their conditions of service could include employment in a near-combat environment, at sea or at a remote, isolated post. In other words, the conditions of employment for servicewomen and servicemen would be si m i l a r . It was decided i n June 1982 that those servicewomen who enrolled after 19 June 1979 would be sent an i n i t i a l posting warning order without the informal, pre-message interview as had been done during the past three years. I f the non-volunteer refused the SWINTER posting, she risked career review action exactly as would a serviceman who declined a posting order. Throughout the period of the t r i a l s and regardless of enrolment or posting dates, the Base Personnel Selection Officer processed a l l the servicewomen who had been i d e n t i f i e d by a warning message by: a. administering two questionnaires prior to an interview session: (1) Women's T r i a l s Biographical Questionnaire. This questionnaire s o l i c i t e d biographic/demographic data and the servicewoman's attitude toward m i l i t a r y l i f e i n general and toward her MOC in p a r t i c u l a r . (2) Women's T r i a l s A t t i t u d i n a l Questionnaire. This questionnaire was comprised of two sections: aspects of the work environment; and, a self-report measure of the individual's c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s on the masculinity and femininity dimensions. - 60 -b. providing, for the serviceworaan's retention, a fact sheet on the reasons for the t r i a l and a description of the work environment, and a handout e n t i t l e d , "Background on Attitudes and Expectations". The l a t t e r was a summary of the tr a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s about the appropriate d i v i s i o n of labour between the sexes, recent changes in the roles of the sexes, introduction of small numbers of women into non-traditional work roles, synopsis of Canadian public opinion and m i l i t a r y attitudes toward the roles of servicewomen, and highlights of the experiences of employing women in the non-traditional roles i n the American m i l i t a r y forces; c. discussing the scope and purpose of the t r i a l s and the nature and conditions of the sp e c i f i c working environment for which the servicewoman had been tentatively selected or posted; and d. conducting a standardized interview during which questions were asked on the woman's service, personal, and academic background; marital status/personal relationships; sports/ hobbies; previous knowledge of SWINTER; and, decision to participate/views on the posting. (An example of the resulting form containing this information i s attached at Appendix A). Once this phase of the processing was completed, the servicewoman was cleared for posting to CFE in the standard fashion. SUMMARY In response to the CHRA, the CF created five t r i a l s commencing i n 1980 and ending in 1984 to evaluate the impact of employing servicewomen in near-combat or hitherto all-male isolated units. During this period, both operational, and sociological and behavioural assessments were to be conducted on performance and interaction dynamics within the mixed-sex units. Two combat service support units, 4 Svc Bn and 4 Fd Amb within - 61 -CFE's 4 CMBG were chosen for the land (or "army") near-combat t r i a l because of their operational or battle orientation and because they are physically located far from Canadian media p u b l i c i t y and interference from NDHQ. For the f i r s t time in Canadian m i l i t a r y h i s t o r y , the servicewomen employed in 4 Svc Bn would be deploying during operations, 40 to 60 road kilometres behind the forward fighting troops to provide maintenance, transport, and supply support. This chapter presented two aspects of the t r i a l s s i g nificant to this paper: the number of SWINTER t r i a l participants and the selection process of those participants. While the number of servicewomen in 4 Svc Bn has varied from a low of 39 in September 1980 to a high of 54 in September 1983, they have constituted no more than 15% of the total b a t t a l i o n personnel. Although advisors to the t r i a l s were aware of an American army study which found that up to 35% of a unit could be comprised of women without deterioration of operational effectiveness, the number of servicewomen pa r t i c i p a t i n g in the t r i a l was purposely kept low. Three administrative or personnel management reasons for this action have been i d e n t i f i e d . F i r s t , there were a limited number of available positions since the servicewomen could only replace servicemen repatriating to Canada during the normal posting season. Second, since the servicewomen were going to be employed i n 4 CMBG on an experimental basis, they would be removed from 4 CMBG in the event of a c r i s i s . Too - 62 -many servicewomen, therefore, could handicap 4 CMBG during a war scenario. Third, the servicewomen had to meet sp e c i f i c rank, trade and height/weight c r i t e r i a . Notwithstanding the aforementioned structural factors, Park (1983) suggests that the percentage of SWINTER participants was purposefully kept low so that operational effectiveness could not be hampered. "Concern was expressed that the operational capability of the CF could be jeopardized i f sudden and large-scale change took place. As a re s u l t , the t r i a l s were limited i n the number of units selected for the t r i a l employment (eight), and i n the number of servicewomen assigned to the t r i a l units (fewer than 150 women across a l l units at any one time)" (Park, 1983:6). ^ The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of potential participants changed over time, and their selection and conditions of employment varied from that of non-SWINTER personnel posted to CFE. During the f i r s t three years of the Land T r i a l , only volunteers were posted to the two t r i a l units i n 4 CMBG. In an effort to make the t r i a l more r e a l i s t i c , non-volunteers who had enrolled i n the CF after 19 June 1979 were posted to the units in the summer of 1983. F i n a l l y , two aspects of the selection and employment of the SWINTER participants were different from their male colleagues. A l l of the servicewomen had been interviewed and given questionnaires and special information prior to their posting to CFE. Such data gathering and information dissemination did not occur with the servicemen. Also, - 63 -once i n the t r i a l units, the servicewomen could not get a posting back to Canada u n t i l their four years of Land T r i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n were completed. While rep a t r i a t i o n prior to the usual four-year posting period i s rare because of cost, i t does occur; however, for the SWINTER participants, the only way out of the t r i a l was to take a voluntary release from the CF. This rule was put into place because i t was feared that participants from an already small sample would request repatriation should the conditions of employment become too demanding or unpleasant. - 64 -CHAPTER IV THEORETICAL RATIONALE The analysis of the parti c i p a t i o n of women i n a work group requires a three-pronged approach: the socia l and structural context of the workplace must be considered as well as the characteristics of the work. Three bodies of l i t e r a t u r e w i l l be brought together to provide the theoretical rationale for understanding the nature of the servicewomen's expectations for acceptance and t r i a l success: status characteristics and expectation states, organizational tokenism embedded in a s t r u c t u r a l / numerical proportions model, and the socio-psychological dynamics within m i l i t a r y small groups. GENDER INTEGRATED WORK GROUPS The phrase, "reserve army of labour" (Armstrong and Armstrong, 1978; Connelly, 1974), is both l i t e r a l l y and fi g u r a t i v e l y applicable to women serving in the CF. It not only implies a continually fluctuating role but also a nebulous image. Because of h i s t o r i c a l employment tenuity, role fluctuation, low rank clustering, and occupational sex segregation, i t is d i f f i c u l t to Imagine who the female soldier i s and of what she i s capable. - 65 -The ease of female integration into an all-male m i l i t a r y environment i s dependent on the patterns of interaction between the servicewomen and the servicemen. The nature of these interactions w i l l be shaped to varying degrees by the sex-role stereotypes that the servicewomen and servicemen hold of their own sex and of the other. N.T. Feather (1975:536) has observed that, "people acquire sets of beliefs...about what jobs are more appropriate for males than for females (and vice versa)". Feather further suggests that these stereotypes, or individualized subjective perceptions of other's(s') personality t r a i t s , encompass not only b e l i e f s about the characteristics of different occupations but also the normative expectations regarding appropriate male and female behaviour. Research conducted by Broverman et a l . , (1972) has supported the commonly held belief that our society accepts and maintains clearly defined sex-role stereotypes for men and women: Women are perceived as r e l a t i v e l y less competent, less independent, less objective and less l o g i c a l ; men are perceived as lacking interpersonal s e n s i t i v i t y , warmth and expressiveness i n comparison to women. Moreover, stereotypically masculine t r a i t s are more often perceived to be desirable than are stereotypically female cha r a c t e r i s t i c s . (Broverman et a l . , 1972:75) Broverman and colleagues found that certain male-valued q u a l i t i e s r e f l e c -ted what can be termed a "competency" cluster. These attributes included being independent, objective, active, competitive, l o g i c a l , s e l f - c o n f i -dent, able to make decisions ea s i l y , ambitious, and acting as a leader. On the other hand, a rela t i v e absence of these t r a i t s characterized the - 66 -perceptions of women. Relative to men, they were seen as less l o g i c a l , more indecisive, more passive, etc. Relative status i s determined by the possession of characteris-t i c s which have societal value. In many societies, these valued characteristics include seniority, maleness, n o b i l i t y , education, income, and positions of formal authority (Brown, 1965). Higher status i s then associated with greater influence, control, and power. According to Brown (1965:161-2), even though North American society i s oriented toward achieved status, not ascribed status, "there remains a difference of rank, between male and female. It i s a l i t t l e better to be male than female". An important dimension of the perception/evaluation l i t e r a t u r e concerns sex-role congruence. It has been found that behaviour which contradicts sex-role expectations, tends to be negatively regarded. This handicaps women attempting to enter male sex-typed occupations. "Because success at most demanding situations or occupations i s generally expected of males and not of feraales... females are not rewarded for success in the same way that males are. Success, therefore, i s viewed more posi t i v e l y i f i t i s consistent with sex-role expectations than i f i t is inconsis-tent" (Nieva and Gutek, 1980:273). Other research on sex roles i n a work setting (reported i n Lockheed and H a l l , 1976; Meeker and Weitzel-O'Neill, 1977; Nieva and Gutek, 1980) has demonstrated that men are more - 67 -active, i n f l u e n t i a l , dominating, task-oriented, and less conforming than women. Sex bias in evaluation has been explored in experiments in which evaluation judgements and personnel decisions are made on hypothetical persons who are identic a l except for sex. In selection and promotion sit u a t i o n s , male candidates are usually rated more favourably than their female counterparts along the dimensions of ac c e p t a b i l i t y , service po t e n t i a l , longevity, and i n t e l l i g e n c e . Regardless of the circumstance, women are ranked lower. More recent studies (for example, Frank and Drucker, 1977; Hall and H a l l , 1977) have found no differences in the ratings of men and women on s e n s i t i v i t y , organizational planning a b i l i t y , motivation, and overall task performance. . These contrasting findings have led Nieva and Gutek (1980) to conclude that bias and stereotyping are stronger when l i t t l e i s known about the women. When information is added, stereotyping decreases (Terborg and Ilgen, 1975). Specific and concrete information about an individual's merits or a b i l i t i e s relevant to the particular work/task si t u a t i o n should encourage inferences being made from that information, not from what is generally known about the group to which the individual belongs. Thus, ascriptive status inference should be minimized. After a review of a r t i c l e s published between 1976 and 1982 on sex composition within experimental task groups, actual work groups, - 68 -experimental discussion groups, and growth/therapy groups, Martin and Shanahan (1983:19) concluded, "The l i t e r a t u r e on gender, gender composition of groups, and small group structure and process leaves l i t t l e doubt that the 'sex composition' of small groups entails dramatic implications for group functioning and outcomes". Unfortunately, much of thi s gender relations l i t e r a t u r e , while de s c r i p t i v e l y sound has, u n t i l the late 1970's, lacked a theoretical basis. As w e l l , there has been a tendency to account for role d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and role values through personal a t t r i b u t i o n based on s o c i a l i z a t i o n patterns or a functional d i v i s i o n of the sexes. Status C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and E x p e c t a t i o n States Theory Two groups of l i t e r a t u r e pertinent to this study of the dynamics of gender relations in the workplace have been th e o r e t i c a l l y rooted in Georg Simrael's ideas on society as the product of social interaction and structural variables. The nucleus of Simmel's contribution to sociology was his b e l i e f that, "Society merely i s the name for a number of ind i v i d u a l s , connected by interaction" (Wolff, 1950:10). He observed that individuals associated or interacted with one another in patterned, routinized, and uniform ways and abstracted from these concrete, individual experiences or events to create forms or constructs of social interaction. On a macro-level, Simmel stated that, "... the interactions - 69 -we have in mind when we talk of 'society' are c r y s t a l l i z e d as defensible, consistent structures such as the state and the family, the guild and the church, social classes and organizations based on common interests" (Wolff, 1950:9). To complement these social forms, Simmel constructed a schema of micro-level social types. Each social type (for example, the poor, the stranger, the adventurer) was defined through his relationships with others who assigned him a particular social position, attributed certain c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to him, and formed expectations for his behaviour. Thus, social actions were not t o t a l l y self-driven but carried out i n r e l a t i o n to the b e l i e f s and actions of others, and to the processes and structures associated with the interaction settings. These "fundamental reciprocal orientations...account for stable patterns of interaction and for the regulations of overt behaviour" (Tenbruck, 1959:69). Putting Simmel's ideas into current terminology, the status associated with each social type leads to stereotyped c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of individuals. Interaction becomes organized about these c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s as f a i r l y stable and consistent behavioural consequences arise. As stated in the introductory chapter to this study, when a person i s i d e n t i f i e d by his/her ascribed or achieved status, we know who that person i s and we know how s/he w i l l l i k e l y behave in a group setting. Simmel's work l a i d the foundation for contemporary sociological concepts such as status, r o l e , norms, and expectations, and provided the - 70 -basis for the development, i n the late 1960's and 1970's, of status characteristics and expectation states theory (Berger, 1974; Berger, Conner and Fisek, 1974). The o r i g i n a l statement of the theory has generated a comprehensive research program stimulating the refinement, modification and extension of the subsequent iterations according to the particular variables or conditions under scrutiny. The theory defines status as the value attributed to the states of the salient character-i s t i c s ) d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g group members, and expectations as the bel i e f s about how group members with a certain state of a given characteristic w i l l behave i n a sp e c i f i c setting. The theory i s grounded i n a laboratory setting i n which spe c i f i c conditions or c r i t e r i a are operative, namely, group members are presented with a c o l l e c t i v e task-solving situation in which a positive (that i s , correct) outcome i s valued and i n which some lev e l of competence (not luck) i s assumed to be instrumental to the successful completion of the task. In the absence of information on task a b i l i t y , a group member w i l l impute from a given external characteristic about the other's potential contribution or competence at successful task completion. In other words, status generalization i s said to organize interaction within small groups by, "...the process of infe r r i n g or assigning s p e c i f i c task a b i l i t y from external status characteristics" ( D r i s k e l l , 1982:229). The resulting d i s t r i b u t i o n of power and prestige within the group w i l l be ordered according to the statuses held by the members. In status equal groups, - 71 -i n i t i a l evaluations of a b i l i t y or performance w i l l lead to expectations and opportunities for a corresponding, appropriate contribution to the task-solving s i t u a t i o n . In cases with status unequal group members, those with high status w i l l be expected to be more competent at the task than those with low status. Consequently, the former w i l l be given more opportunities to contribute to task completion, their decisions w i l l be acquiesced to, and their influence w i l l be extended to other task completion decisions. Thus, ". . . p r i o r status d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among group members leads to patterns of influence which c l e a r l y p a r a l l e l the status structure, even when such d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n has no apparent relevance to the task confronting the group" (Moore, 1968:48). Because status c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are " . . . c u l t u r a l l y evaluated and carry performance connotations" ( D r i s k e l l , 1982:230), they are powerful cognitive organizing tools for, i n the absence of strong evidence to the contrary, they offer clues or cues from which expectations are formed. D r i s k e l l (1982) has i d e n t i f i e d five theoretical assumptions, three of which are presented here because of their relationship to the structural/numerical proportions model to be discussed l a t e r . The f i r s t assumption, usually termed the saliency assumption or salience completion model states that a l l status characteristics known to be relevant to the task and a l l cha r a c t e r i s t i c s that discriminate between members w i l l become sa l i e n t . Complementing this i s the second, burden of proof, assumption which states that even though the status characteristics are not connected to - l i -the, task, they w i l l become activated or u t i l i z e d as performance expectation discriminators as long as they are not s p e c i f i c a l l y dissociated from the task. That i s , when contrary information i s lacking and task relevance i s uncertain, generalizations w i l l be from the status characteristic to task competence. The third assumption concerns a transfer effect such that a power and prestige order or structure developed through the saliency or burden of proof assumptions w i l l be transferred to new members. In the f i r s t experimental test of the transfer effect assumption, Pugh and Wahrman (1983:760) concluded that, "...evidence of female superiority did transfer to new partners. This suggests that a successful intervention strategy not only has benefits for those of lower status who are immediately involved but also carries a dividend i n terms of the likel i h o o d that new partners w i l l be treated on an equal basis". F i n a l l y , the theory allows for status characteristics to be either s p e c i f i c (for example, an occupational s k i l l ) or diffuse (for example, age, race). Sex i s considered a diffuse status characteristic (Lockheed and H a l l , 1976; Meeker and Weitzell-O'Neill, 1977; D r i s k e l l , 1982; Pugh and Wahrman, 1983) because i t meets three d e f i n i t i o n a l c r i t e r i a : a. two or more states of the characteristic are d i f f e r e n t i a l l y evaluated (male, female); b. s p e c i f i c q u a l i t i e s , s k i l l s and expectations are associated with each state of the characteristic (for example, male implies l o g i c , aggression, decisiveness; female implies - 73 -c there are general expectations about the overall worth and competence of the holders of the d i f f e r i n g states of the cha r a c t e r i s t i c . (With reference to the l i t e r a t u r e reviewed at the beginning of this chapter, i n this society the male state of the diffuse status characteristic of sex i s valued as better and as more proficient than the female state of the ch a r a c t e r i s t i c ) . ^he application of status characteristics and expectation states theory to gender relations begin in the mid-seventies. Martin and Shanahan (1983), and Meeker and Weitzell-O'Neill (1977) offer l i t e r a t u r e reviews and theo r e t i c a l , rather than empirical, applications of the theory to the study of mixed-sex groups in the workplace. The l a t t e r theorize that because women have lower status than men, they must prove that they are competent, well-intentioned, and deserving of a higher status: "...before task contributions from a woman are expected or accepted, there must be evidence either that she i s cooperatively motivated or that i t i s legitimate for her to enhance her status" (Meeker and Weitzel-O'Neill, 1977:96). The authors carry the above idea one step further and hypothesize that i n certain situations the diffuse status characteristics of sex w i l l not discriminate. " I f the external status char a c t e r i s t i c of sex can be made to appear irrelevant to the task, or i f the p a r t i c u l a r woman involved can be made to appear competent, performance expectations w i l l not be affected by sex" (Meeker and Weitzel-O'Neill, 1977:97). - 74 -Lockheed and Hall (1976) conducted the f i r s t study of status characteristics and expectation states i n which the experimental conditions of mixed-sex and single-sex groups were created. They challenged sex-role s o c i a l i z a t i o n as an explanation for the non-emergence of women as leaders i n mixed-sex groups and concluded that status characteristics and expectation states theory was more accurately predictive of women's pa r t i c i p a t i o n l e v e l s . They stated that the advantage of describing male-female interaction i n terms of status instead of role i s that the l a t t e r emphasizes complementary aspects of role s p e c i a l i z a t i o n (that i s , the sexes are different but equal) whereas status focuses on the power and prestige order or the actual structural relationships within settings. "Attention i s directed to the dysfunctions of status-ordered behaviour when i t becomes apparent both that low-status persons make fewer contributions to the group and that the contributions they do make are less l i k e l y to be accepted" (Lockheed and H a l l , 1976:117). Through a r e p l i c a t i o n of the experimental design commonly used to test hypotheses derived from the theory, Pugh and Wahrman (1983) affirmed Lockheed and Hall's (1976) findings that in mixed-sex groups, women exert less influence than men because of their lower status. While Lockheed and H a l l only recommended intervention techniques for changing expectations, Pugh and Wahrman introduced them into the experimental - 75 -setting to determine i f a woman must demonstrate that she i s superior to a man to achieve equality of influence. If so, competence at the task would overpower the low status of the female sex. They created four experimental conditions: each group member was aware of the partner's sex; each group member was told that previous studies had shown no relationship between sex and s k i l l ; through manipulation, the men and women appeared to demonstrate equal task competence; f i n a l l y , women appeared to be better than their male partners on the task. The results were the same for the f i r s t three interventions: sex was used as a cue for evaluating r e l a t i v e competence. In the fourth condition (female superiority) there was some increased influence although not to a s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t l e v e l where the researchers could unequivocally state that t a s k / s k i l l superiority overcomes sex stereotyping. They concluded that the only way to eliminate the effects of a status ch a r a c t e r i s t i c on expectation states was for group members to demonstrate superiority - not equality - on a task. As mentioned e a r l i e r , Pugh and Wahrman tested a carry over or transfer effect assumption. They were concerned that even though a woman may be shown to be more competent than a man in a task si t u a t i o n , after a change in partners she may s t i l l believe that most men are more competent than she. A man may come to believe that his female partner i s competent but may not extend this to new female partners. They found that - 76 -"superwomen" could pave the way for new female group members as there would be a greater likelihood for the l a t t e r to be treated with more equality than would be the case i f they had not been preceded by a woman demonstrating s k i l l / a b i l i t y superior to her male partner. Pugh and Wahrman were cautious when discussing the transfer effect results. They recommended that future research designs account for variables such as new partners and new tasks, length of group membership time, and groups rather than dyads. With regard to the l a t t e r variable, they suggest that the impact of social norms may be minimized in dyads, "The format of experimental settings such as ours excludes others of the same sex who might 'remind' group members of t r a d i t i o n a l role expectations" (Pugh and Wahrman, 1983:761). Using a survey technique, Wiley and Eskilson (1983) combined a t t r i b u t i o n theory with expectation states theory to l i n k the reasons for promotion to the formation of performance expectations. When a b i l i t y was assumed to be the basis for promotion, performance expectations (measured as effectiveness, control over others, and competence) for men and women did not d i f f e r ; however, sex effects prevailed when external pressure (for example, affirmative action) was the reason for promotion. In this case, men's promotions were s t i l l attributed to a b i l i t y ; women's promo-tions were attributed to task-irrelevant causes. They also found that regardless of whether or not the promotion was based on task a b i l i t y , - 77 -women were not expected to advance in their managerial careers because, compared with men, they were perceived as being less l i k e l y to be promoted in the future, less l i k e l y to have actual control over others, less l i k e l y to receive cooperation from their subordinates, and to be l e s s - l i k e d by peers and supervisors. Structural/Numerical Proportions Model - Tokenism Simmel's study of the structural determinants of social action through the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of abstract forms and social types was epitomized by his analysis of numbers. In "Quantitative Aspects of the Group" (Wolff, 1950:87-177), he described processes and structural arrangements generated by the number of group participants. (For example, by merely adding a t h i r d person to a dyad, new forms of sociation develop which transcend the personalities of the individuals involved. Small groups can be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from larger groups because face-to-face, personal interaction becomes replaced by imposed formal arrangements or "organs". These structures mediate interaction thereby distancing members from each other and lessening their contributions to and p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the group.) Kanter (1977a, 1977b) has extended Simmel's model of absolute numbers determining structure and process by demonstrating that r e l a t i v e - 78 -numbers or proportions are determinants of form and process. She builds on the idea that structures shape interaction contexts and influence particular patterns of male-female interaction by providing a framework outlining the effects of proportional representation on groups (Kanter 1977b:966). She i s interested in the dynamics of (female) tokenism in (male) dominant groups and seeks to understand what happens to women who occupy token status and are alone or nearly alone in a peer group of men. Kanter offered a schema of four group types based on various proportional representations or "typological ratios" of kinds of people: uniform groups (100:0), skewed groups (85:15), t i l t e d groups (65:35), and balanced groups (50:50). It i s the skewed groups, comprised of dominants who control and define the "culture" of the group and, i n parti c u l a r , the tokens that are of interest. Tokens constitute approximately 15% of the group and have special c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . They are id e n t i f i e d primarily by their ascribed status such as race, r e l i g i o n , and sex rather than their achieved status. As such, they are usually treated as representatives or symbols of their so c i a l category, not as individuals. Thirdly, the dominants have a history of interacting with members of the token's category i n ways that are different from the demands of task accomplish-ment being made on the currently constituted skewed group. Tokens are often new to the occupational role or setting of the dominants and they are usually dispersed throughout the organization. This structural - 79 -dispersal can further reduce the token to a "solo" or "isol a t e " within the work group thereby m i l i t a t i n g against the formation of a s o c i a l support base. Along with social i s o l a t i o n , tokens become organiza-t i o n a l l y isolated from informal learning opportunities which are c r u c i a l to successful integration. Kanter conducted her research (interviews and participant-observation) on 16 saleswomen and 40 salesmen and managers who comprised a d i v i s i o n a l sales force i n a large, American i n d u s t r i a l corporation. From this f i e l d study, she i d e n t i f i e d three perceptual phenomena and the resulting patterns of interaction that occur with regard to tokens: v i s i b i l i t y , p olarization, and assimilation. Since the integration dynamics noted in the preliminary participant-observation findings of this Land T r i a l study r e f l e c t most of Kanter's interaction patterns, the l a t t e r are summarized here. As minority status holders, a larger share of group awareness i s captured than the few numbers should warrant. This v i s i b i l i t y creates, i n turn, a set of performance pressures that are applicable to tokens alone: a. public performance - Because of over-observation, a l l actions are known and mistakes are heightened. There i s l i t t l e privacy. - 80 -b. extension of consequences - The consequences of performance become symbolic as each woman's performance could affect the prospects of potential female r e c r u i t s . Tokens, therefore, carry the burden of representing their category. Informally, they are twice assessed according to their ascribed status and their occupational r o l e . For the SWINTER Land T r i a l participants this would mean an assessment of how, as women, they performed the combat service support role and, conversely, how, as combat service support soldiers they embodied or liv e d up to the imagery of womanhood/femininity. c. attention to token's discrepant status - Since stereotypical b e l i e f s about the cha r a c t e r i s t i c s of the tokens' social category are dominant, tokens must work extremely hard (that i s , be super performers) to prove their competence in order that their discrepant cha r a c t e r i s t i c s be rendered n e g l i g i b l e . d. fear of r e t a l i a t i o n - While tokens w i l l work very hard so that achievements w i l l take p r i o r i t y over recognition of their discrepant c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , they are cautious of not performing to an outstanding l e v e l , thereby r e f l e c t i n g poorly on the dominants. Because of the token's v i s i b i l i t y , her successes would be well known and could humiliate the dominants. Kanter observed that tokens usually respond to performance pressures i n two ways: by overachieving or by attempting to become i n v i s i b l e in the organization. Both strategies can lead to negative consequences. Overachievement can be c r i t i c i z e d for aspiring too high, too fast and can incur r e t a l i a t o r y t a c t i c s such as "cutting her down to size". Secondly, by keeping a low p r o f i l e and by being as unobtrusive as possible, pressure may be deflected but so also w i l l be recognition for work well done. - 81 -The second perceptual phenomenon is polarization or exaggeration of status differences. Because the external or ascriptive c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are ea s i l y distinguished, s i m i l a r i t i e s with and differences from the tokens are readily apparent leading to polarization or exaggeration of the differences. Since there are so few tokens i t i s easier for the dominants to define themselves i n contrast to the tokens than would be the case in a balanced r a t i o work setting. The result i s that when an "outsider" i s introduced, the common bond of the dominants i s heightened thereby erecting a barrier to what may be perceived as a threat. Pol a r i z a t i o n leads to four types of interaction: a. exaggeration of the dominant's culture - The presence of the token provides the reason and the audience for the dominants to highlight and dramatize the status differences. Men w i l l demonstrate their machismo and agressiveness through sexual testing and the t e l l i n g of "war s t o r i e s " . In a l l cases, the female tokens are tested for their response to the male culture. b. interruptions or reminders of differences - Dominants w i l l preface acts or discussions with questions to the tokens on the appropriateness of doing so and then invariably w i l l carry on as o r i g i n a l l y intended. c. overt i n h i b i t i o n : informal i s o l a t i o n - Since tokens are outsiders they cannot be trusted with information p o t e n t i a l l y embarrassing or damaging to the dominants. Certain topics of conversation (for example, ways of getting around formal rules) w i l l not be raised before tokens but instead at informal get togethers from which tokens w i l l have been excluded. d. l o y a l t y tests - While kept at the periphery by the above means, tokens must prove their l o y a l t y to the dominants often by either making p r e j u d i c i a l statements about other tokens or by colluding with the dominants by allowing themselves to be a source of humour for the group. - 82 -Tokens respond to polarization or boundary heightening i n two ways. Since there are too few tokens to form a countercultural or a s o c i a l support base, they can accept the i s o l a t i o n or they can try to become insiders by proving their l o y a l t y and minimizing their differences through turning against their own social category. The third perceptual phenomenon is assimilation. In balanced or t i l t e d groups, there are enough minority status holders to encourage the development of non-stereotypical perceptions; however, in skewed groups the presence of tokens allows generalizations or characteristic distortions to p r e v a i l . Role entrapment results from: a. status l e v e l l i n g - This i s a cognitive process whereby the perceptions of the token or judgements about the token's professional role are made to f i t the commonly held stereotype about the token's soc i a l category (that i s , the "s i t u a t i o n a l status" i s brought in l i n e with the "master status"). b. stereotyped role induction - Dominants may accept tokens within the work setting but only i f they f u l f i l l the stereotypical roles associated with their social category. This preserves the t r a d i t i o n a l or familiar interaction patterns that usually occur between people of the s o c i a l categories represented by the tokens and dominants, creating a non-threatening environment for the l a t t e r . Kanter observed four role traps into which the saleswomen were inducted: mother, seductress, pet, and iron maiden. - 83 -Responses to role entrapment include acceptance, s e l f - d i s t o r t i o n and feigning of attributes such as f r i v o l i t y and submissiveness as called for by the assigned role. Token status induces personal stress. Performance pressures demand that tokens not make errors i n their work for fear of providing evidence to the dominants that they are interlopers or for fear of making integration d i f f i c u l t for other tokens or future employees who are members of the token's social category. Tokens often must expend an inordinant amount of energy maintaining a merely satisfactory relationship i n the workplace and must learn to balance contradictory expectations that arise from status inconsistency (Kanter, 1977b:988). Kanter's structural/numerical proportions model i s an at t r a c t i v e device for studying the nature of interaction between men and women in the workplace because i t considers factors external to the individual but inherent i n the organizational setting (for example, the proportion of women to men; the location of the women within the hierarchy). Gender relations researchers have begun to d i r e c t l y test her hypotheses or to incorporate her observations and conclusions into their analyses of women i n the workplace (for example, Martin and Shanahan, 1983; Wiley and Eskilson, 1983). An interesting precursor to Ranter's work was a study conducted by Wolman and Frank (1975) of solo or lone women in three - 84 -six-member T-groups and three six-member work groups. They found that, "The lone woman entering a small group of male professionals usually does not r e a l i z e that she i s trespassing, or resents and rejects this notion. She wishes to be accepted with f u l l membership, with the right to express herself f r e e l y , and compete ac t i v e l y for status according to her professional merits" (Wolman and Frank, 1975:169). F u l l , equal group membership was not accorded any of the women: four women were rejected as role deviants; one became an i s o l a t e ; and the sixth woman became a low status member. The authors concluded that: ...the women i n four of the six groups...were stereotyped and pushed into a deviant role that they d i s l i k e d and resisted. Their gender served as the salient cue determining their deviant r o l e . Usually, the men found a way to minimize their impact and ignore their efforts to become a regular member so that they could almost have an all-male group. (Wolman and Frank, 1975:169) Observations similar to those made later by Kanter were also noted i n this a r t i c l e ; however, Wolman and Frank t r i e d to apply exchange theory to their study with t o t a l l y inadequate results. As with the status characteristics and expectation states research program, Ranter's framework i s beginning to generate embellishments and refinements. Spangler, Gordon and Pipkin (1978) - 85 -conducted the f i r s t empirical test of three facets of Ranter's theory: academic performance, s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n and role entrapment by administering questionnaires i n two law schools with t i l t e d and skewed female underrepresentation. They found support for the three perceptual phenomena of v i s i b i l i t y , p o l arization, and assimilation but could not account for the v a r i a b i l i t y i n over- and underachievement strategies. Their work can be c r i t i c i z e d , though, for comparing an e l i t e with a non-elite school, using only two group types and analysing performance measures based on self-report (therefore, introducing sex effects of socia l d e s i r a b i l i t y ) . Alexander and Thoits (1983) also used an e l i t e , private university setting to determine i f tokens w i l l underachieve re l a t i v e to dominants. In a very comprehensive research design, they analysed grade point averages of male and female senior college students i n a l l four group types (departments). Three confounding factors were controlled for: token's high/low status r e l a t i v e to that of the dominants, the newness of the tokens, and absolute numbers. Their results were mixed. Ranter's hypothesis was not supported when women's and men's achievements were compared within group types; however, the hypothesis was supported when r e l a t i v e performance was compared across group types. With regard to the f i r s t of the three confounding factors, Alexander and Thoits (1983) found that: - 86 -...proportional representation effects are conditional upon the r e l a t i v e social status of the interactants in skewed (but not i n t i l t e d ) groups. In p a r t i c u l a r , proportional representation effects occur only when tokens are of low status r e l a t i v e to dominants. This finding suggests that negative performance expectations for members of devalued social categories are salient when their v i s i b i l i t y i s high. (Alexander and Thoits, 1983:35) They also observed that newness to a setting interacts with minimal proportional representation: when introduced into a t i l t e d or skewed sett i n g , a low-status token f i r s t overachieved because of the high token v i s i b i l i t y . This overachievement declined over time as v i s i b i l i t y due to newness wore o f f . F i n a l l y , there was no consistent relationship between underachievement and overachievement to the absolute number of tokens present i n either male- or female-dominated university departments. This finding suggested to Alexander and Thoits that intra-minority social support systems may not be c r u c i a l to performance outcomes. They concluded by c a l l i n g for the s p e c i f i c a t i o n of conditions under which tokenism w i l l hamper performance. I z r a e l i (1983) interviewed 259 part-time local union o f f i c e r s from I s r a e l i food, t e x t i l e , and electronics firms. Her objective was to analyse the dynamics of boundary heightening, role entrapment and power differences i n skewed and balanced union committees. She found - 87 -considerable support for Ranter's general argument that the sex r a t i o of a group's membership affects i t s culture as attitudes r e f l e c t i n g boundary heightening, role entrapment and asymmetrical power relationships were more evident i n skewed than in balanced committees. One unexpected finding was that group sex ra t i o had a stronger effect on women's attitudes compared with men's attitudes toward the r e l a t i v e a b i l i t i e s of the sexes and the role of the women on the committee. She had expected, in accordance with Ranter's theory, that the men would exaggerate the differences between themselves and the token women by demonstrating extreme pro-male stereotypical attitudes. She concluded that, "... rather than threaten male communality, the presence of women in fact buttresses i t . Aware of their v i s i b i l i t y , the token women seem to have adapted by c a l l i n g on t r a d i t i o n a l female scripts to put themselves and their partners at ease" ( i z r a e l i , 1983:162). Fairhurst and Snavely (1983a, 1983b) conducted two studies based on Ranter's work: the f i r s t , a theoretical application of existing l i t e r a t u r e on power to token status and the second, a test of the so c i a l i s o l a t i o n of male tokens. Fairhurst and Snavely recognized the inverse relationship between status c h a r a c t e r i s t i c deviancy and power, that i s , the greater the deviancy or status discrepancy, the greater the corresponding loss of power (and, consequently, the more intense the token dynamics). As Ranter stated, tokens, by their presence, remind - 88 -dominants that they are now expected to share power and privileges with previously excluded social category representatives. Fairhurst and Snavely asked to what extent tokens can acquire and exercise power in the absence of a numerical s h i f t based on the assumption that, "The attainment of power causes tokens to be perceived more complexly by majority members, and i t s h i f t s the attention away from their uniqueness to their a b i l i t y to mobilize needed resources for the achievement of their own goals or those of the majority members" (Fairhurst and Snavely, 1983a:293). In concert with I z r a e l i ' s observation on the buttressing of the dominant male role by female tokens, Fairhurst and Snavely suggest that tokenism i s contingent upon the token's compliance with the dominants' role expectations: The problem with tokenism i s that a token's perceived power in r e l a t i o n to a majority member's i s seen to be low by both the token and the majority member. Consequently, when tokens are treated on the basis of class membership, they tend to accept t h i s d e f i n i t i o n of the s i t u a t i o n much more frequently than they reject i t and offer a competing one of their own based on relevant a b i l i t i e s . (Fairhurst and Snavely, 1983a:294) Fairhurst and Snavely (1983a) concur with Alexander and Thoits (1983) that sc a r c i t y i s necessary but not s u f f i c i e n t to produce tokenism and that newness i s also a necessary condition. With the passage of time - 89 -the token should be able to step out of the token-related dynamics by fostering power producing dependencies or by actually acquiring power. Power producing dependencies can be achieved through: longevity (networks can be extended over time); attractiveness (helps gain access to important people); and location (token may be placed in a position of high v i s i b i l i t y because of an affirmative action requirement for symbols and, therefore, have access to important people). The five s k i l l s or q u a l i t i e s necessary for the acquisition of actual power are: the a b i l i t y to recognize power opportunities and powerful personalities; possessing risk-taking propensity; self-confidence; a b i l i t y to advance one's cause verbally; and the desire to gain access to power and the powerful. Thus, through personal i n i t i a t i v e the token should be able to change her disadvantaged s i t u a t i o n in the face of s t r u c t u r a l l y imposed proportional representation. Fairhurst and Snavely's (1983b) second a r t i c l e presents questionnaire data based on the sociometric technique to test the social i s o l a t i o n of male tokens in a nursing school. They found no support for the hypothesis that male tokens would be more s o c i a l l y isolated than their numerically dominant female colleagues and, secondly, that status l e v e l l i n g rarely occurred. ( I t should be noted that Ranter's work is not refuted as she allows for the sit u a t i o n where the token's master status or social category i s higher than that of the s i t u a t i o n a l dominants - 90 -(Kanter, 1977b:986)). MILITARY SMALL GROUPS The study of battle i s therefore always a study of fear and usually of courage; always of leadership, usually of obedience; always of compulsion, sometimes of insubordination; always of anxiety, sometimes of ela t i o n or catharsis; always of uncertainty and doubt, misinformation and misapprehension, usually also of f a i t h and sometimes of v i s i o n ; always of violence, sometimes also of cruelty, s e l f - s a c r i f i c e , compassion; above a l l , i t i s always a study of s o l i d a r i t y and usually also of disintegration - for i t i s towards the disintegration of human groups that battle i s directed. (Keegan, 1976:297-298) If the objective of ba t t l e i s to destroy the s o l i d a r i t y of the opposing fighting troops, then the fostering of unit cohesion i s c r i t i c a l to success on the b a t t l e f i e l d . The following review of the socio-psychological m i l i t a r y l i t e r a t u r e reveals the c e n t r a l i t y of primary group cohesion to combat service and the instrumental and socio-emotive foundations to i t s development and maintenance. The value of compatibility in fighting troops was recognized as early as the f i r s t century A.D. when the Greek General Onasander wrote - 91 -that the commander should statio n , "brother i n rank by brother; friends beside friends, and lovers beside their favourites" (quoted in K e l l e t t , 1982:42). During the ensuing two thousand years, the importance of the fellow f i g h t i n g soldier, the comrade in arms, was often noted. As combat hist o r i a n Brigadier-General Marshall observed: I hold i t to be one of the simplist truths of war. That the thing which enables an infantry soldier to keep going with his weapons i s the near presence or presumed presence of a comrade... .He must have at least some feeling of s p i r i t u a l unity with him....He i s sustained by his fellows primarily and by his weapons secondarily. (Marshall, 1964:42-43) These observations which, through the years, had become common knowledge to students of a l l participants in battle, were confirmed through the publication of The American Soldier studies. In a massive World War I I research endeavour, American sociologists were recruited to work i n the Research Branch of the United States War Department's Information and Education D i v i s i o n . The objective of this special services unit was to conduct action research to provide input to policy formulation. To this end, 80 surveys were administered to and interviews held with over 300,000 soldiers i n a l l theatres of war on topics ranging from combat motivation to rotation policy to preferred recreational equipment. One of the many findings reported i n the multi-volume set that was also unexpected, was that soldiers were not motivated in combat - 92 -by abstract i d e o l o g i c a l or p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s about the moral Tightness of the larger cause for which the country was at war. Rather, i t was cohesive primary group* relations that were c r u c i a l to morale and the willingness to carry out combat duties. Stouffer et a l . (1949:130) concluded that combat motivation was enhanced by the primary or informal group because i t set and emphasized group standards of behaviour, and i t supported and sustained the individual throughout s t r e s s f u l periods without which the individual would not have been able to cope. There was a very p r a c t i c a l aspect to primary group relations as we l l , for the soldier had to be certain that, should he get into a predicament or be wounded, he would be taken care of by his fellow soldiers. "The soldier himself f e l t strong ties of pride and loyalty to his buddies, and by the same token he could depend on them to act according to similar t i e s " (Stouffer et a l . , 1949:143). The American Soldier authors, as with a l l m i l i t a r y sociologists since World War I I , have used Cooley's d e f i n i t i o n of primary groups: "By primary groups I mean those characterized by intimate face-to-face associations and cooperation. They are primary i n several senses but chiefly i n that they are fundamental i n forming the so c i a l nature and ideals of individuals. The result of intimate association, pyschologi-c a l l y , i s a certain fusion of i n d i v i d u a l i t i e s i n a common whole, so that one's very s e l f , for many purposes at least, i s the common l i f e and purpose of the group" (Cooley, 1962:23). A d e f i n i t i o n of cohesion i s offered by K e l l e t t (1982:42): "Cohesion denotes the feelings of belonging and s o l i d a r i t y that occur mostly at the primary group level and result from sustained interactions, both formal and informal, among group members on the basis of common experiences, interdependencies, and shared goals and values." - 93 -Speier's (1950:116) observation that the American soldier in World War I I had neither any strong b e l i e f s about national war aims nor a highly developed sense of personal commitment to the war effort and yet was motivated to serve in combat, has been reiterated in studies of other n a t i o n a l i t i e s and wars. (See K e l l e t t , 1982:99-101 for a review.) In p a r t i c u l a r , the German Army, which had often been used as a prime example of the motivating force of ideology, was r e l i a n t upon the primary group as the impetus for morale and fighting effectiveness. He [German soldier] was l i k e l y to go on f i g h t i n g , provided he had the necessary weapons, as long as the group possessed leadership with which he could Identify himself, and as long as he gave affection to and received affect i o n from the other members of his squad and platoon. In other words, as long as he f e l t himself to be a member of his primary group and therefore bound by the expectations and demands of i t s other members, his s o l d i e r l y achievement was l i k e l y to be good. (Shils and Janowitz, 1975:181) A cohesive small group f a c i l i t a t e s stress management for i t helps to a l l e v i a t e anxiety and b a t t l e f i e l d deprivation as i t provides the major source of motivational support. While there has been concurrence on the role of the primary group, m i l i t a r y sociologists have disagreed on the factors contributing to cohesion. Lang (1972:75) stated that the basis for cohesion i s simply the proficiency with which each performs his - 94 -assigned task. Janowitz 1s analysis was more expansive. He recognized that social background and personality are important but that, " . . . i t i s not necessary to assume that cohesion in primary groups can only be the result of uniformity in personality or 1ike-mindedness among i t s members" (Janowitz, 1974:96). He then i d e n t i f i e d four "organizational r e a l i t i e s " contributing to the social cohesion of primary groups: technical aspects of weapons (individual or team f i r e d ) , organization of the unit and i t s replacement system, nature of the m i l i t a r y threat, and leadership. During World War I I , the reference point for the primary group was focussed at the platoon or squad l e v e l ; however, by the end of the War, the primary group was made synonymous with the section (Chodoff, 1983:585). L i t t l e (1964), who conducted a participant-observation study during the Korean War, further reduced the primary group to a series of two-person relationships termed "buddies". L i t t l e allowed that the concept of "buddies" could also refer generally to a l l unit members who shared combat ri s k s and hardships. "The primary basis for s o l i d a r i t y i n the platoon and company was the recognition of mutual r i s k . A set of norms so regulated their behaviour as to minimize that r i s k . On this basis, buddy relationships were established and maintained" ( L i t t l e , 1964:218). L i t t l e ' s emphasis of the instrumental nature of the small groups/buddies was reaffirmed by Moskos (1968) whose research on American - 95 -troops in Vietnam challenged the e a r l i e r hypothesis, "...that primary group ties are based on deep i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s and s o l i d a r i t y with fellow squad and platoon members, and the related hypothesis that, as a r e s u l t , individuals value the maintenance of the group and the group t i e s independently of s e l f i s h interests i n physical s u r v i v a l " (George, 1971:299). Moskos1 data on the American soldiers i n Vietnam demonstrated that the primary group relationships were indeed instrumental, pragmatic, and self-serving to reduce personal r i s k s : ...the intense primary-group t i e s so often reported i n combat groups are best viewed as necessities arising from immediate life-and-death exigencies....One can view primary-group processes i n the combat situation as a kind of rudimentary soc i a l contract which i s entered into because of advantages to individual s e l f - i n t e r e s t . Rather than viewing soldier's primary groups as some kind of semi-mystical bond of comradeship, they can be better understood as pragmatic and si t u a t i o n a l responses. This i s not to deny the existence of strong interpersonal t i e s within combat squads, but rather to interpret them as derivative from the very private war each individual was fighting for his own su r v i v a l . (Moskos, 1975:36-37) George (1971:313) warned that research into the primary group concept i s hindered by d i f f i c u l t i e s . It i s far easier to make the individual the unit of analysis rather than the small group and to obtain information on the individual serviceraember's attitudes than on the behaviour of the small group to which s/he belongs. These d i f f i c u l t i e s are accentuated when, as i s usually the case, data are obtained v i a - 96 -interviews with personnel from various naturally formed small units. George recommended that participant-observation (with supporting sociometric analysis) be used primarily and that a l l techniques be employed on a longitudinal basis. The above l i t e r a t u r e has been based on research into the male m i l i t a r y experience during wartime. With the expansion of the role of U.S. servicewomen and the increase of their absolute numbers beginning in the mid-1970's, has come a corresponding increase in the number of a r t i c l e s and books published on women in the m i l i t a r y . Four observations can be made about the scope of this l i t e r a t u r e . F i r s t , a r t i c l e s recognizing the anomaly of women in this male-dominated occupation go on to outline h i s t o r i c a l l y the evolving role of servicewomen. Second, in apparent reaction to the "issue" of women po t e n t i a l l y entering operational roles, much of the research has focussed on the reaction of male personnel to the u t i l i z a t i o n of their female" counterparts. Reports summarizing survey data on attitudes and opinion dominate the l i t e r a t u r e . The thi r d group of studies, motivated by the concern for organizational e f f i c i e n c y and effectiveness coupled by the requirement for m i l i t a r y forces to concretely j u s t i f y the exclusion of women from a l l roles, describe the psychological and physiological c a p a b i l i t i e s of women. F i n a l l y , the fourth type of l i t e r a t u r e reports on the socio-psychological dimensions of female employment in the m i l i t a r y . - 97 -Included here are discussions of commitment to a m i l i t a r y career, reasons for occupational selection, and different perceptions of organizational climate held by servicewomen and servicemen. The process of integration revealed through the analysis of primary group dynamics is s t i l l i n i t s infancy. It would appear that, as George (1971) cautioned, i t i s far easier to administer a t t i t u d i n a l surveys than to indulge i n intensive participant-observations. Only two such reports by Boyce (1981) and Devilbiss (1983) are known of, in addition to the one that formed the basis for this study (Karmas, 1982). There is s t i l l much to be learned about what actually occurs when servicewomen are introduced into t r a d i t i o n a l , previously all-male work groups during peacetime, l e t alone wartime. SUMMARY The foregoing l i t e r a t u r e review has provided the a n a l y t i c a l vehicles for describing the impact of the social and structural contexts on the integration of women into a previously all-male work environment. Status cha r a c t e r i s t i c s and expectation states theory and the structural/ numerical proportions model are complementary and together offer a framework for understanding SWINTER participant expectation formation. - 98 -Expectation states theory demonstrates a high correlation between contributions to task solving, positive or negative evaluations of those contributions, and acceptance or rejection of each member's influence. In status equal situations, assessments of a b i l i t y w i l l organize the ensuing power and prestige order; however, in status unequal situations, information about status w i l l be used to guide the framework of expectations. The gender relations l i t e r a t u r e described the societal a t t r i b u t i o n of low status to women. They are perceived as being, for example, less capable, less authoritative, less decisive, less l o g i c a l , and less r e l i a b l e than men. When the diffuse status c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of sex i s activated in a group task-solving s i t u a t i o n , the generally held societal perceptions are extended into the particular situation and low expectations for the female participant are formed. According to one study (Pugh and Wahrman, 1983), the only way to counter the negative effects of the low status of the female sex was for women to demonstrate task superiority. An added benefit of so doing was that there was a greater l i k e l i h o o d new females i n i t i a l l y would be considered equals by the male group members i f they had been preceded by extremely capable women than by women demonstrating task competence equal to their male partners. Thus, given certain conditions such as new group members and new tasks, the low female status c h a r a c t e r i s t i c could be suppressed. Given the introductory comments based on the participant-- 99 -observation of one of the Land T r i a l companies on exercise, i t would appear that the SWINTER participants i n i t i a l l y assumed that a demonstration of competence would lead to their acceptance as legitimate unit members and to a successful conclusion to the t r i a l (that i s , the permanent employment of servicewomen i n combat service support un i t s ) . It would also appear that their male colleagues were using the ascribed status of sex as an indicator of the servicewomen's level of a b i l i t y regardless of actual performance evidence to the contrary. A contradictory and highly s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n for the servicewomen had evolved as the group/unit members were beginning from two different sets of assumptions based on different emphases. From participant-observation and intensive interviews, Kanter learned that organizational tokens and dominants w i l l interact i n certain patterns. She defined tokens as constituting 15% of the work group, usually being new to the organization and to the work r o l e , and being structurally' dispersed throughout the work setting. As with expectation states theory, i t i s their ascribed status, not their achieved status, which provides information cues to the dominants. The integration dynamics consist of three perceptual phenomena, each stimulating c l e a r l y defined sub-processes: v i s i b i l i t y causing performance pressures, p o l a r i z a t i o n or i s o l a t i o n , and assimilation or role entrapment which locks the token into a stereotypical mold. - 100 -The model i s beginning to receive attention from sociologists just as expectation states theory did when i t was f i r s t published; however, replications of the l a t t e r have followed a s t r i c t experimental format whereas Ranter's work has been tested by questionnaires (with one instance of interviews). Survey methodology i s not very sensitive to the subtleties of group dynamics, interpersonal relationships, or s h i f t s i n face-to-face interactions. The essence of the group's functioning, personality, and cohesion, therefore, remains outside of the researcher's purview. The tentative support that has been accorded Ranter's model to date may be due to unsuitable research techniques. Along with the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of interaction patterns, the structural/numerical proportions model offers two important ideas. F i r s t , the model i s a system construct as opposed to an individual construct. The power acquisition strategy advocated by Fairhurst and Snavely (1983a) to improve the token's status cannot be applied to the SWINTER participants because i t assumes free choice. These servicewomen, as with a l l m i l i t a r y personnel, do not have the freedom to act for their own benefit as suggested by the two authors. Rank and role structure behaviour (although admittedly to a lesser degree for senior of f i c e r s and non-commissioned off i c e r s compared with their junior counterparts) to such an extent that power acquisition through individual i n i t i a t i v e i s v i r t u a l l y impossible. The second aspect of a st r u c t u r a l l y imposed - 101 -numerical imbalance i s that the underrepresentation of a social category can be changed by organizational decision-makers. Stress and the sense of powerlessness experienced by tokens in skewed groups can be alleviated i f t i l t e d or balanced groups are created. The second important idea i s that high master (social category) status w i l l be carried over regardless of the si t u a t i o n a l status (for example, Fairhurst and Snavely's (1983b) male nurse) whereas low master status w i l l be hampered by the s i t u a t i o n a l status. Further, when a low master status i s combined with token s i t u a t i o n a l status, "double deviancy" (Laws, 1975) results. In this study, the servicewomen are double deviants because they are numerically low and status inconsistent i n an almost all-male environment where most of the tasks are male sex-typed. Expectation states theory and the structural/numerical propor-tions model are linked as both claim that ascribed status, i s the chief i d e n t i f i e r (saliency). From t h i s , status i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , stereotypical expectations for future performance or specified behavioural consequences ar i s e , and, newness to a task-solving group or work environment encourages the application of the stereotypes associated with the status in the absence of or regardless of other information. The onus is on the low status holder or token to demonstrate status irrelevance. To sum, - 102 -status characteristics and expectation states theory explains the mechanism whereby status i s applied to the formation of expectations and the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between the power and prestige of group members. The concept of tokenism implies certain interaction dynamics that reinforce the consequences of status generalization. The third body of l i t e r a t u r e on m i l i t a r y small groups revealed that the functioning of primary groups i s c r u c i a l not only to the attainment of organizational goals but to the well-being of the individual soldiers. Men were motivated to perform in combat not by the i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of ideological values or national p o l i t i c a l b e liefs but by mutual reliance on their fellow group members. Cohesion i s v i t a l l y important i n m i l i t a r y small groups. Although the m i l i t a r y l i t e r a t u r e i s based on data gathered on men during wartime,- unit cohesion during peacetime i s viewed as a necessity not only for day-to-day functioning but also i n anticipation of mobilization during a c r i s i s . While the influence of various factors on the development and maintenance of cohesion i s debatable, the instrumental ( a b i l i t y to carry out the task; willingness to share risks) and socio-emotive (psychological compatability) foundations to cohesion are recognized. - 103 -Both the instrumental and socio-emotive aspects of cohesion have implications for servicewomen entering combat service support units and for the re s u l t i n g small group dynamics. Status characteristics and expectation states theory suggests that the diffuse c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of sex w i l l influence the exclusion of the servicewomen from f u l l group membership because their contributions to r i s k reduction w i l l not be recognized. As w e l l , the consequences of tokenism (performance pressures, p o l a r i z a t i o n / i s o l a t i o n , and assimilation/role entrapment) negate primary group member bonding. From th i s l i t e r a t u r e , i t would appear that the development of cohesion, which i s highly valued, w i l l become problematic and combat or operational effectiveness w i l l be decreased with the introduction of servicewomen. - 104 -CHAPTER V METHODOLOGY RESEARCH QUESTIONS The participant-observation findings summarized in the introduction highlighted the contradiction between the servicewomen's two-fold expectation that their performance would "earn" them unit membership and would lead to t r i a l "success", and their perceived lack of acceptance by their male peers. Stated i n terms of the material presented i n the previous chapter, this contradiction was between achieved status based on performance/ability leading to group membership legitimacy and token negation, and the ascribed status of sex which would deny group acceptance and heighten tokenism. The methodology has been structured, therefore, to permit the c l a r i f i c a t i o n and expansion of the participant-observation findings by employing aspects of expectation states theory and then the structural/numerical proportions model as general guidelines. The following research questions w i l l be investigated. a. Status Characteristics and Expectation States Theory. - 105 -(1) P r i o r to thei r a r r i v a l in CFE, did the SWINTER participants associate performance/ability with the purpose of the t r i a l ? (a) What did they know about the t r i a l prior to receiving information from the Base Personnel Selection Officers? (b) Why did they think the t r i a l was being conducted? (c) Why did they think they were selected to participate? (d) Why did they want to participate? (e) Did they anticipate any d i f f i c u l t i e s ? (f) What general assessments did the Base Personnel Selection Officers make of them? (2) What opinions did the SWINTER participants hold of the a b i l i t y of servicewomen? Had their expectations regarding the a b i l i t i e s of servicewomen changed over time? (3) Were the servicemen and servicewomen cognizant of external presssure on DND to review i t s policy on the employment of servicewomen? (4) Did the SWINTER participants feel that they belonged or were accepted in the unit? Did these feelings change over time? What influenced the change, i f any? Structural/Numerical Proportions Model. (1) What structural aspects of the skewed group existed i n 4 Svc Bn? (2) Over-observation. Did the SWINTER participants i d e n t i f y v i s i b i l i t y as a d i f f i c u l t y within the Land Trial? (3) Extension of consequences. Were the SWINTER participants sensitive to the consequences of their performances for servicewomen posted to the unit after them? Did they note any contradictions between being "s o l d i e r s " and being "women"? - 106 -(4) Attention to token's discrepant status. To what extent were the SWINTER participants motivated to work hard to render their female sex negligible? (5) Fear of r e t a l i a t i o n . Was "success i n the f i e l d environment problematic f or the acceptance of the SWINTER participants by their male peers? (6) Exaggeration of dominant's culture. Were elements of the male soldiering culture made sig n i f i c a n t to the SWINTER participants? Did they respond by attempting to emulate or withdrawing from their male peers? (7) Loyalty tests. Did the SWINTER participants support one another or did they deny the a b i l i t y and group membership status of their female peers? (8) Was newness to the unit a variable i n the SWINTER participants' perceptions of acceptance and feelings of belonging? (9) Was stress acknowledged by the SWINTER participants? What factors were attributed to the formation of stress? The sources of information that w i l l be used to answer the above questions are described i n the following section. DATA SOURCES The participant-observation provided a r i c h body of information on the integration of servicewomen into a previously all-male unit and also raised the above research questions that could be answered, in part, by a review of data obtained e a r l i e r i n the t r i a l and, i n part, by an analysis of data gathered some time after the participant-observation. - 107 -Thus, the methodology has incorporated data collected at three points i n time: prior to the posting of the t r i a l unit; m i d - t r i a l point (May 1982); and, beginning of the f i n a l year of the t r i a l (September 1983). Three techniques have been employed. F i r s t , a content analysis has been conducted of the internal DND documents pertaining to the creation of the SWINTER t r i a l s , the t r i a l d i r e c t i v e , the l i t e r a t u r e given to the potential SWINTER participants, and the summaries of the p r e - t r i a l interviews held between Base Personnel Selection Officers and 30 SWINTER Land T r i a l participants. (An example of the l a t t e r , termed a CF 285 because of the type of form on which i t i s written, i s attached as Appendix A.) The participant-observation and the interviews constitute the second and third methodologies. As described in the introduction, the participant-observation was conducted with a Supply and Transport Company during an eight-day Battalion-level exercise in May 1982. The interviews were held at CFE Lahr, 20 through 22 September 1983, as part of the annual post-FALLEX* intensive SBSA data gathering a c t i v i t y . During those days, 85 one to one-and-a-half hour interviews were held. Appendix B contains the complete interview schedule; Appendix C contains the subset of interview questions relevant to this study. ^FALLEX i s the abbreviated term for f a l l exercise which occurs every August through mid-September in CFE. I t i s the major annual exercise as i t brings together a l l brigade units for approximately three weeks of training followed by three weeks of manoeuvres. - 108 -There are d i f f i c u l t i e s with the CF 285 and post-FALLEX interview data that must be noted. F i r s t , because the CF 285s were completed by different Base Personnel Selection Officers across Canada, they vary in comprehensiveness although, in the main, they are telegraphic in s t y l e . Second, of the 15 servicewomen who were posted to 4 Svc Bn i n August 1983, CF 285s were not prepared on seven of them. It i s not known why these i n i t i a l interviews were not held. One possible explanation could be that these seven women enrolled post-19 June 1979 and, therefore, were processed for the CFE posting i n exactly the same manner as a serviceman. If so, even though an interview with the Base Personnel Selection Officer was required, i t may not have been held because i t was not part of the normal pre-CFE posting screening regardless of t h e i r SWINTER participant status. Since the seven CF 285s could not be linked to post-FALLEX interviews, these very recent a r r i v a l s were excluded from the study. With regard to the post-FALLEX interviews, d i f f i c u l t i e s were encountered i n the preparation of the schedule and the sample representativeness. The interview schedule was tailored to meet the research objectives of the SBSA, therefore, a l l questions important to this study could not be asked and probing was li m i t e d . Also, many of the questions were not directed at the servicewoman, but rather, asked for - 109 -her opinion of how her female peers f e l t or thought about certain issues. While attempts were made to randomly sample by MOC, rank, and sex, the four interviewers were dependent upon senior Battalion personnel to release the selected individuals from their other duties to attend the interviews. Regardless of who was asked to attend the interviews, only those available were dispatched. Consequently, by the end of the three days, the interviewees vaguely resembled the o r i g i n a l , desired sample. The participant-observation report contains comments on and conversations with servicemen and servicewomen; however, the post-FALLEX data has been limited to the servicewomen because of the biased sample. Therefore, data analysis must rely on the servicewomen's opinions of the servicemen's attitudes and opinions. F i n a l l y , measuring a t t i t u d i n a l change over time i s problematic since the three groups of data are not a l l matched according to o r i g i n a l c o l l e c t i o n purpose and sample. The CF 285s and post-FALLEX interviews are matched; however, the participant-observation discusses the attitudes and a c t i v i t i e s of servicemen and only some of the servicewomen who l a t e r took part i n the 1983 interviews. Notwithstanding the foregoing methodological flaws which were beyond the control of this study, i t i s believed that the available data can be applied successfully to the research questions. - 110 -SAMPLE CHARACTERISTICS Eight characteristics of the 30 servicewomen under study w i l l be discussed: rank; trade; years of mi l i t a r y service; age; educational l e v e l ; marital status; came-on-strength (or COS) date (that i s , date of a r r i v a l i n CFE); and organizational dispersal. Table 2 shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the sample servicewomen by rank and trade. Four of the seven non-commissioned o f f i c e r ranks and a l l of the ranks held by the Land T r i a l SWINTER participants were represented proportionally in the sample: warrant o f f i c e r - two; sergeant - two; master corporal - four; and corporal - 22. The ranks that were not represented were chief warrant o f f i c e r , master warrant o f f i c e r , and private. I t i s consistent with the CF strength figures that no chief or master warrant off i c e r s would be i n the sample since there are no female chief warrant o f f i c e r s in the CF and only nine female master warrant of f i c e r s out of 5,500 female non-commissioned o f f i c e r s . Very few privates are posted to 4 CMBG because they lack requisite course training and general m i l i t a r y work experience necessary to contributing to the Brigade's role. - I l l -For a woman, m i l i t a r y service can be considered non-traditional regardless of the work that i s actually done. Of the 68 trades currently open to servicewomen, 16 or 23% are defined as t r a d i t i o n a l as they r e f l e c t c i v i l i a n occupations that have been f i l l e d routinely by women. Of the 16 t r a d i t i o n a l trades, ten are medical or dental in nature, and three are c l e r i c a l (administrative, f i n a n c i a l , and postal). The remaining three are photographic technician, supply technician, and cook. Nine trades were represented in the sample. Due to the nature of the work i n 4 Svc Bn, six of the trades would be considered non-traditional to servicewomen. This i s most readily apparent in the Weapons Technician (Land) and Firecontrol Technician (Electronics) trades which are comprised, Forces-wide, of 13 and six servicewomen respectively. There were two servicewomen i n each of these trades in 4 Svc Bn and one of each i n the sample. - 112 -TABLE 2 DISTRIBUTION OF SAMPLE SERVICEWOMEN By M i l i t a r y Occupational C l a s s i f i c a t i o n (MOC) And Rank MOC RANK NUMBER 212 Teletype Operator MCpl 1 Cpl 1 221 Radio Technician Cpl 1 411 Vehicle Technician Cpl 7 421 Weapons Technician (Land) Cpl 1 432 Firecontrol Technician (Electronic) Cpl 1 831 Administrative Clerk WO 1 861 Cook MCpl 1 911 Supply Technician WO 1 Sgt 2 MCpl 1 Cpl 3 935 Mobile Support Equipment Operator MCpl 1 Cpl 8 TOTAL 30 WO = Warrant Officer Sgt = Sergeant MCpl = Master Corporal Cpl = Corporal The years of service attained by the servicewomen in September 1983 ranged from 15 down to two years (although the two servicewomen who enrolled into the regular force i n 1981 had served eight and five years with the M i l i t i a ) . As can be seen in Table 3, 17 or 57% of the servicewomen clustered in the five through seven years of service range. - 113 -This i s compatible with the number of servicewomen who held the corporal rank. Also to be noted i s that for the sevicewomen with two through seven years of service (21 or 70% of the total sample), 4 Svc Bn would have been their second posting. Therefore, they had only one other m i l i t a r y working environment to compare with what they experienced in 4 Svc Bn. TABLE 3 DISTRIBUTION OF SAMPLE SERVICEWOMEN By Years Of Military Service YEAR OF ENROLMENT YEARS OF SERVICE NUMBER 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 1 1 0 0 1 2 3 5 6 6 2 0 2 TOTAL 30 - 114 -B r i e f l y , the ages of the sample servicewomen ranged from 23 through 36 years with the median being 30 years and the mean, 28 years. The highest educational l e v e l attained was grade 12 by 23 of the servicewomen. Four had completed grade 11 and three, grade ten. Of those who had received their high school diploma, four had undertaken additional studies including a two-year diploma i n drafting, one year of journalism at a technical college, a three-month community college bank t e l l e r course, and a university sociology course. Twenty-two or 73% of the servicewomen were single, never married. Four were married, two were divorced, one was separated, and one had been divorced and remarried. The spouses of three of the servicewomen were also serving i n CFE; one spouse was a retired serviceman employed by DND as a c i v i l i a n i n CFE. None of the servicewomen had children although one who was separated had had a c h i l d and had given i t up for adoption prior to her marriage. The sample was selected according to COS date and organizational dispersal since these two variables are important to the str u c t u r a l / numerical proportions model. Thus, responses of the newest a r r i v a l s could be compared with those that had, at the time of the interviews, served i n 4 Svc Bn for three years to ascertain any a t t i t u d i n a l correlations with period of service in the Battalion. The sample was almost evenly distributed with a COS date of August 1980 for eight servicewomen, August 1981 for seven servicewomen, August 1982 for eight servicewomen, and August 1983 for seven servicewomen. - 115 -Figure 5 demonstrates the structural dispersal of the sample servicewomen i n 4 Svc Bn: 14 were employed i n Supply and Transport Company, nine i n Maintenance Company, and seven i n Administration Company. In September 1983, the servicewomen comprised 54 of approximately 500 personnel i n 4 Svc Bn or 10.8%. Within each platoon (30 to 45 people), the servicewomen were unevenly distributed such that they constituted between 15% and 20% in "A" and "B" Platoons of Supply and Transport Company and less than 4% i n Signal Troop of Administration Company. The average t o t a l female complement of each platoon was less than 10%. SUMMARY In this chapter, 13 research questions borne out of a p a r t i c i -pant-observation conducted in May, 1982, were presented. The data sources and methodology were explained and eight characteristics of the 30 servicewomen forming the sample were described. The sample servicewomen clustered at the corporal rank, thereby r e f l e c t i n g the CF d i s t r i b u t i o n of servicewomen, and i n non-traditional trades such as vehicle technician and mobile support equipment operator. Almost two-thirds of the sample had served between fiv e and seven years accounting for the large number of corporals. This range of service also implies that most of the servicewomen had been at one, possibly two, A Service B a t t a l i o n Commanding O f f i c e r A PI Bat t a l i o n Headquarters Supply and Transport Company . I . Supply PI 2 Tanker Sect 2 '2 Repair Parts Pi 3 P i 1 - Platoon S e c t 2 - Section HQJ Headquarters L o g i s t i c a l Operations Maintenance Company HQ3 ?]A Weapons Vehicle Forward ~~ & & Repair E l e c t - Recovery Group . ronics PL A P i > HQ UH Administration Company Signal Troop,. A Unit Medical Station 1st B a t t a l i o n Line Quarter Tr an8port Master S Food Services HQ PI I FIGURE 5: STRUCTURAL DISPERSAL OF SAMPLE SERVICEWOMEN IN 4 SERVICE BATTALION - 117 -other bases prior to their CFE posting. The average age was 28 years. Their educational and marital status reflected the CF s t a t i s t i c s for a l l female non-commissioned of f i c e r s as 70% held high school diplomas and 70% were single, never married. Of the eight characteristics discussed, the two most important to the structural/numerical proportions model were date of a r r i v a l in CFE (or, conversely, length of service in CFE) and organizational dispersal. The sample contained an even d i s t r i b u t i o n of servicewomen who had arrived each summer, from 1980 through to 1983. F i n a l l y , the 30 sample servicewomen were scattered throughout 4 Svc Bn, averaging less than 10% of each platoon's complement. - 118 -CHAPTER VT ANALYSIS OF DATA In this chapter, data obtained during the post-FALLEX interviews w i l l be combined with conclusions drawn from the participant-observation to answer the 13 research questions posed i n the previous chapter. Information pertaining to status characteristics and expectation states theory w i l l f i r s t be presented, followed by the data relevant to the structural/numerical proportions model. The summary w i l l review and integrate the findings. STATUS CHARACTERISTICS AND EXPECTATION STATES THEORY The most s i g n i f i c a n t finding from the participant-observation was that the servicewomen had focussed on their a b i l i t y to perform trade and soldiering s k i l l s to render a successful t r i a l conclusion and, prior to that, acceptance by their male peers as legitimate members in the pre-viously all-male unit. Chapters I I and I I I outlined the importance of task a b i l i t y to the establishment of a bona fide occupational require-ment, as deemed necessary by the CHRC, to j u s t i f y discriminatory occupational practices and, also, the importance of task a b i l i t y or performance to the development of the t r i a l d i r e c t i v e . From an organizational viewpoint, the performance of the servicewomen in the non-traditional environments and roles was c r i t i c a l to future employment p o l i c i e s . - 119 -In determining the salience of performance to the SWINTER participants in the Land T r i a l , i t i s necessary to ascertain what l e v e l of knowledge they held about the t r i a l and what their predisposition was to the Land T r i a l . If performance was sa l i e n t , that i s , i f the sample servicewomen associated performance/ability with the purpose of the t r i a l , i t would surface i n response to six questions posed to guide a content analysis of the CF 285s. Prior to their v i s i t to the Base Personnel Selection Officers (BPSOs), the f i r s t SWINTER participants may have acquired some general information on a l l of the t r i a l s through the media and from attending a br i e f i n g that was given at some bases by the Director of Women Personnel. Later, they possibly would have obtained more information from friends and colleagues participating in one of the t r i a l s or they may have served i n a six-month tour of Al e r t , s i t e of the remote, isolated posting t r i a l . The most comprehensive information, though, would have come from the BPSO who, near the end of the interview, discussed the t r i a l s i n general and the working conditions i n 4 CMBG i n d e t a i l . This information was also provided i n written form for the servicewoman's retention. The servicewoman had the option of stating whether she would accept the posting at that time or returning in a few days with her decision. The CF 285s were reviewed to determine what information the servicewomen brought with them into the interview session. Eleven (36%) said they had good to excellent knowledge based on a combination of sources such as service at Alert; reading the fact sheets that colleagues - 120 -had; communication with friends at CFE; a c t i v e l y seeking out and talking with people about service i n 4 Svc Bn; and discussing the t r i a l with career managers. Twelve (40%) said they had some general information, but no d e t a i l s . In other words, they knew that the t r i a l s existed or they were familiar with one of the t r i a l s but not the Land T r i a l . Seven servicewomen (23%) expressed surprise at being called i n for an interview since they had not known of the existence of the t r i a l s . What i s s i g n i -ficant i s that with only one-third of the servicewomen well-informed, and with the option of taking the fact sheet and returning lat e r with a f i n a l decision, a l l of the servicewomen gave their decision to participate i n the t r i a l by the end of the interview. As described i n Chapter I I I , two o f f i c i a l reasons were i d e n t i f i e d for the creation of the t r i a l s . The primary reason was the response to anticipated action based on the CHRA. The second, and much less important reason, was the decline i n the pool of recruitable males by the 1990s. A t o t a l of 32 responses were given to the following question posed by the BPSOs: Why do you think these t r i a l s are being conducted? The testing of the servicewomen's a b i l i t y received the largest number of responses (11 or 34%). Two of the servicewomen said i t was because they were capable that they were now being put through an experiment and one added, "to allow females to prove to themselves that they can carry out any job." The other nine cited employment f l e x i b i l i t y as the motivation for the CF to find out what servicewomen were capable of doing. It i s generally perceived in the CF that servicewomen take up base or s t a t i c - 121 -postings, thereby l i m i t i n g servicemen to the more arduous f i e l d postings that take them away from home several times a year on exercises- Even though servicewomen constitute only 8.3% of the CF and, therefore, do not monopolize base postings, both servicewomen and servicemen believe that they do. For the l a t t e r i t appears to be a b i t t e r issue. Should servicewomen demonstrate f i e l d a b i l i t y , they w i l l not be limited to base postings and more equity between the sexes w i l l be b u i l t into the posting system. Nine (28%) responses concerned equal rights for servicewomen. In s i x instances, external pressure was cited: changing social values and c i v i l i a n employment patterns; women's l i b e r a t i o n ; the "Women's Rights Act"; and the requirement to follow the American m i l i t a r y lead. The thi r d most frequent response (8 or 25%) to the question of why the t r i a l s were being conducted was because of a shortage of servicemen due to either not enough men in the Canadian population or a recent in f l u x of women to the recruiting centres. Therefore, the CF had no choice but to find out what servicewomen could do because there were not enough servicemen to place i n the t r a d i t i o n a l l y all-male jobs. Of the remaining four responses (12%) , two claimed that internal pressure was being brought to bear by servicewomen who were demanding equal rights; one said that the CF wanted to grant equal rights to servicewomen but had to do so with caution; and, f i n a l l y , one said she did not know the reason for the t r i a l s but she was sure the servicewomen would be successful. - 122 -A wide variety of responses were given to the question on why the servicewomen thought they had been selected to participate i n the t r i a l s . There were 35 responses in t o t a l . (Seven servicewomen were not asked this question and three gave multiple reasons for their selec-tion.) The two most frequent responses (6 or 17%) were "unsure" or "no idea" and "requested Germany on my l a s t PER" (6 or 17%). (The PER, or Performance Evaluation Review, i s an annual assessment that, among many other things, asks the servicemember to state three preferred posting locations.) Appropriate work experience; l e v e l of trade q u a l i f i c a t i o n ; stated willingness to participate i n any t r i a l ; and a previous, success-f u l tour i n a non-traditional work environment such as Alert or Egypt with the Canadian Contingent to the United Nations' peacekeeping forces, accounted for 17 (49%) of the responses. Two (6%) servicewomen said they were selected because they were single and, therefore, more mobile than their married peers. The four (12%) remaining single responses were good personal characteristics such as the right personality, appropriate physical a b i l i t y , motivation; being in location; and "the only e l i g i b l e woman i n my trade, therefore, i t i s l o g i c a l and my duty to accept the posting." A l l of the servicewomen gave at least one answer to the question on why they were w i l l i n g to participate i n the Land T r i a l ; some gave up to three answers thereby accounting for a tota l of 51 responses. The largest category (18 or 35%) of responses related to the nature of the work i n 4 Svc Bn. For eight of these servicewomen, the opportunity to - 123 -learn a l l aspects of their trade (and, therefore, advance their careers), was the primary reason for volunteering. Five were looking forward to a change from the type of work they were currently doing to the variety of work done i n a f i e l d unit. The remaining fi v e were attracted to the outdoor aspect of the employment and to the strictness of the "army" element. The most frequently given single reason (15 or 29%) for volunteering to participate was the perceived challenge. The work was envisaged as not merely being different from what the servicewomen were used to doing, but also physically and emotionally demanding. For some, the t r i a l or experimental nature of the experience added to the rigorous novelty of the posting. Nine (18%) servicewomen provided a reason t o t a l l y unrelated to the work or the t r i a l . They wanted the posting either because their husband or boyfriend was going to CFE or because of the opportunity to travel i n Europe. The remaining nine (18%) responses were quite varied: a f i e l d tour i s the normal thing to do (three); opportunity to prove oneself (two); honour to be selected; being part of the t r i a l team w i l l build character; duty to volunteer since she i s the only e l i g i b l e servicewoman i n her trade; and wants to be in a unit with other servicewomen instead of being the only female i n the unit as i s currently the case. Near the end of the BPSO interview, after the conditions of the t r i a l and the nature of the employment in 4 Svc Bn were discussed, the BPSO took note of any concerns the servicewomen may have expressed, especially i n response to the following question: What do you expect i t - 124 -to be l i k e to be a member of a t r i a l unit, assuming for the moment that you decided to accept the posting? Thirty-four responses were recorded. I t i s not easy to decipher what was actually a concern since some servicewomen said they had minor concerns, did not elaborate, then dismissed the concerns by stating something positive such as strong personal attributes and anticipated open-mindedness of the servicemen. Others said they had no concerns but then mentioned a factor such as d i f f i c u l t y i n adjustment to the land environment which could be interpreted as the anticipation of a perceived problem. To simplify the analysis, i t was decided to take the responses at face value, regardless of a q u a l i f i e r tacked onto a stated minor concern or no concern. Of the 34 responses, 16 (47%) were presented as "some" or "minor" concerns and 18 (53%) were "no" concerns. Three servicewomen gave double responses and two non-responses were recorded. Of those who said they had "some" or "minor" concerns, seven can be grouped under the nature of the work: four cited d i f f i c u l t , unpleasant f i e l d conditions and two were concerned about their lack of f a m i l i a r i t y with the "army" or Brigade way of doing things. One servicewoman anticipated being underutilized i n her trade by being assigned "kitchen work" or easy, non-trade duties because she was a female. Three concerns were about negative male attitudes: "strong, negative male peer pressure"; "adverse reaction from some men"; and "males holding very t r a d i t i o n a l opinions." The structure of the t r i a l was mentioned three times: d i s t r i b u t i o n of the servicewomen throughout the t r i a l platoons (once); and constantly being assessed - 125 -either by peers (once) or researchers (once). One minor concern had nothing to do with the non-traditional work environment or the t r i a l . This concern was about being uprooted and having to make new friends - an adjustment necessary after any posting. F i n a l l y , as mentioned e a r l i e r , two servicewomen said they had minor concerns (unspecified) but then apparently dismissed them because their follow up comments were that the servicemen would be open-minded and treat them as any tradespeople. In considering the 18 "no concerns" responses, 11 were followed by a j u s t i f i c a t i o n for the stated lack of concerns. The most frequently given reason (three) for not having a concern about the posting was that servicewomen have proven their a b i l i t y to perform non-traditional work. The remaining, singular responses included a love of the outdoors; confidence i n handling any s i t u a t i o n ; good physical stamina; has always worked with or been on course with servicemen and has not experienced c o n f l i c t ; and has been employed on "army" bases" such as Calgary and Gagetown and, therefore, has some exposure to the work environment. The most easily analysable responses were the summary comments made by the BPSOs about the potential SWINTER participants. Unfortu-nately, six such comments were not offered. Of the 24 that were, only one was a s l i g h t l y negative assessment of a private with three years of service at the time of the interview: "Private was. somewhat outspoken and appeared to be overconfident in terms of her a b i i t y to function i n her trade i n the 4 Svc Bn environment." The remaining - 126 -comments were exceptionally positive leaving the impression that these servicewomen were hand-picked for t r i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The adjective "confident" appeared 11 times, followed by "mature" (six times), and "highly motivated" (three times). Other descriptives included: healthy, positive attitude (to CFE, to the t r i a l , to l i f e ) ; very stable, excellent physical condition (robust, sturdy); composed; thoughtful; i n t e l l i g e n t ; hard working; outgoing; well-adjusted; and r e a l i s t i c . Five BPSOs added that the servicewomen being interviewed would be an asset to any unit or a successful candidate for the t r i a l . The picture of the servicewomen that emerges from the responses to the six research questions on knowledge l e v e l , reason for the t r i a l s , reason for the selection, motivation to participate, anticipation of d i f f i c u l t i e s , and BPSO assessments, i s one of a generally uninformed group of servicewomen who offered a variety of possible reasons for their selection and who demonstrated keen interest i n participating in the t r i a l primarily because of the nature of the work environment. The work would be new to them and they wanted the opportunity to learn in order to expand their trade and m i l i t a r y knowledge, to be challenged, and to work outdoors. They were not without some concerns. The factors motivating par t i c i p a t i o n for some servicewomen were also the factors i d e n t i f i e d by others as being of concern (for example, f i e l d conditions, and lack of f a m i l i a r i t y with the "army" role and i t s equipment). Those servicewomen who had no concerns said they had proven themselves i n the m i l i t a r y , they were in good physical condition, and they had some previous exposure - 127 -to an operational setting. The most t e l l i n g descriptives of the servicewomen were found in the general comments provided by the BPSOs. They gave the servicewomen very positive assessments describing them as confident, mature, emotionally stable, physically capable and quite able of serving i n a previously all-male unit. The best indicator of a prior association of performance/ability with the purpose of the t r i a l was the response to the question on why the servicewoman thought the t r i a l was being conducted. Thirty-eight per cent i d e n t i f i e d the testing of a b i l i t y with the objective of improving employment f l e x i b i l i t y by placing servicewomen in a greater number of roles. As one servicewoman said, "... the t r i a l i s a way of obtaining s t a t i s t i c s and evaluations on attitudes, problem areas, and perfor-mance." Of another, the BPSO said, ' She believes that i f she cannot perform any task required of male counterparts in her trade, then she should not be i n the 411 [vehicle technician] trade." A second, and much less d i r e c t , indicator of the salience of performance/ability to the servicewomen was the s e n s i t i v i t y of having to prove oneself i n the t r i a l scenario. This was apparent in the stated concerns of the servicewomen. Of the servicewomen that said they were not concerned about the posting, three said that they would have no problems once they proved themselves. Two others added that they f e l t they were capable of handling any si t u a t i o n . Given the information contained in the CF 285s, i t can be concluded that for about half of the - 128 -servicewomen there was a l i n k between performance/ability and the purpose of the t r i a l . The Land T r i a l fact sheet prepared i n September, 1979, and given to the SWINTER participants for their retention at the end of the pre-posting interview, stated that the t r i a l s were being held because of the proclamation of the CHRA; the shortage of male recruits in the 1990's; and the trend i n Canadian society for women to seek new types of employment. The CF, therefore, wanted to gather information on how mixed-sex groups functioned i n order to decide the extent of expanding the roles of servicewomen. I t i s interesting to note that at the end of the fact sheet, i t i s stated: There w i l l be no career implications for you i f you decide not to participate i n this t r i a l . The CF recognizes that when you joined you were not informed that one of the conditions of service for women would be in land units in the f i e l d . . . . However, should you choose to go, you w i l l be among the f i r s t women who enter other areas which previously have been open only to men. With this comes an extra challenge, a challenge which w i l l be worthwhile, considering the experience you w i l l gain by serving in such a unique, and for women, novel environment. (Canada. Department of National Defence. Director Personnel Selection, Research and Second Careers, 1979:6-6) If the servicewomen were not aware of the importance of performance prior to the interview, a reading of the fact sheet would l i k e l y have made them so; however, the impact of the fact sheet cannot be measured. - 129 -The foregoing focused on the individual servicewoman's cognitive and emotive predisposition to the Land T r i a l , self-assessments, and BPSO assessments of their character and a b i l i t i e s . Attention is next turned to the servicewomen's opinions of the a b i l i t i e s of their female peers. The CF 285s were studied to learn what opinions the SWINTER participants may have held prior to their CFE posting. Again, the content analysis was limited not only by what may not have been said but also by what may not have been recorded during the BPSO interview. In addition, s i x questions were asked during the post-FALLEX interviews (Appendix C), the f i r s t three of which were d i r e c t l y related to the research question and the remaining three i n d i r e c t l y related. A review of the CF 285s revealed only two comments about the a b i l i t y of the servicewomen. (This i s not surprising as the servicewomen had not been asked a question on a b i l i t y . ) The two comments were offered i n r e l a t i o n to a question on what they expected l i f e to be l i k e in the t r i a l unit. One servicewoman gave a qualif i e d endorsement of the a b i l i t y of servicewomen: "She feels that women employed in non-traditional roles have proven themselves to be as effective as males i n some instances." The second servicewoman was much more positive: She has a high opinion of the women involved in the Land T r i a l . She believes that, because of the personal s i t u -ation (male attitudes), most of the women within the t r i a l hate i t . Nevertheless, she i s convinced that they can do the job and she herself i s w i l l i n g to give i t a try . - 130 -The post-FALLEX Interviews provided the richest data on the expectations for and assessments of the performances or a b i l i t i e s of the servicewomen held by other servicewomen. The servicewomen were asked what they f e l t about women being i n combat service support units. Six (20%) said that they were against such employment because of negative male attitudes; loss of femininity ("they turn into animals - tough and mean"); the requirement for too much assistance; d i f f i c u l t y in adjusting to the operational environment; and too much discrimination. The remaining 24 (80%) interviewees supported the f i e l d employment of servicewomen. They a l l stated that servicewomen were capable of doing the jobs required i n a unit such as 4 Svc Bn. They recognized that the work was physically demanding, the l i f e s t y l e was crude, and that often a servicewoman would prefer a clean, comfortable, routinized work environment but that the a b i l i t y to do the work and equal salaries almost necessitated f i e l d employment. Three servicewomen also stipulated that such employment should not be mandatory for a l l servicewomen but only i f that was what was wanted since the right attitude was important. The servicewomen said that they had held high expectations regarding the a b i l i t i e s of their female peers prior to their posting into 4 Svc Bn and that these expectations had been met. Of the 27 servicewomen that provided responses, 21 (78%) said that they had thought that the servicewomen could do the job and they have demonstrated that they can. One commented, "I had high expectations; I never doubted their a b i l i t i e s . My expectations have been more than met. They have surpassed - 131 -what I thought they could do." Another said, "I had high expectations and they have been met. When a woman hasn't been able to do something, i t has been because she did not know how - not because she was a woman." One (4%) servicewoman said she had low expectations and they were confirmed, " I had low expectations regarding women in general employed i n thi s capacity. I was right. The f i e l d i s not the proper place for women." Two (7%) other servicewomen were disappointed i n the performances of their female peers: "I f e l t that I would be the one unable to do the work but I can. I expected more from the other women than what I saw"; "I expected their a b i l i t i e s would be higher but they just moan and complain. My expectations have not been met. They do not perform as well as the men." F i n a l l y , three (11%) servicewomen said that they had held no expectations at a l l . As explained in Chapter I I I , units within an operational brigade such as 4 CMBG require i t s personnel to be competent i n trade and soldiering s k i l l s . For the servicewomen i n the t r i a l unit, their a b i l i t y to perform near-combat tasks was at least as important as their a b i l i t y to carry out trade-related duties. This was the real non-traditional work at which a precedent was being set; therefore, during the post-FALLEX interviews, the servicewomen were asked how men and women compared i n t a c t i c a l situations. Although the vast majority had said that women should serve in combat service support units because they were capable of doing the work, far fewer (12 or 41%) believed them to be as competent as servicemen in t a c t i c a l situations. Of the 15 (52%) who - 132 -said that servicewomen did not compare favourably with the servicemen, five pointed out that i t was lack of f i e l d experience, not sex, that accounted for the differences. Other comments were that servicewomen were afraid of the dark; afraid to f i r e their weapons; lacked strength to prepare defensive positions; and were less enthusiastic and serious about t a c t i c a l manoeuvres. One summed up the apparent lack of requisite personal attributes by saying, "Women are more nervous and jumpy. Some guys are as well but the g i r l s get more scared. They don't think playing soldier i s rewarding. Women want to do trade duties, not play soldier but f i e l d l i f e i s soldiering." F i n a l l y , one servicewoman claimed that servicewomen outperformed servicemen in t a c t i c a l situations, "Men are slack. They are wimps. We are better off having a l l females out there." In order to further specify the a b i l i t i e s of servicewomen v i s - a -v i s servicemen, the post-FALLEX interviewees were asked to assess male and female physical a b i l i t i e s in f i e l d tasks and to state the importance of physical strength in the f i e l d . There were a total of 29 responses to the f i r s t two questions. To the question, "Can the men physically do a l l of the tasks?" 20 (69%) of the servicewomen responded affirmatively and 9 (31%) responded negatively. In comparison, 14 (48%) believed that women could physically do a l l of the f i e l d tasks and 15 (52%) that they could not. Considering the "no" responses to the question on the servicemen, si x comments were added suggesting that i t was impossible to carry out the tasks alone. Teamwork with a buddy or partner was required for strength and safety reasons. One servicewoman observed, "They make - 133 -excuses for the men when they can't do the job but when i t ' s a woman who can't do the job i t ' s because she's a woman." Either a q u a l i f i e r was offered i f the interviewee said that a servicewoman could do the tasks or a reason was given i f i t was asserted that they could not do the tasks. The q u a l i f i e r was usually that i t took . servicewomen longer to do the tasks or that they had more d i f f i c u l t i e s . One said, "Sure, women can do a l l of the tasks. Where they lack strength, they use their heads. I t's 'Brain' versus 'Brawn'." Lack of strength was cited as the reason for poor a b i l i t y . To ascertain i f , after stating that servicewomen were not physically capable of carrying out f i e l d tasks, the servicewomen would dismiss physical strength as unimportant, the interviewees were asked to describe the importance of physical strength i n the f i e l d . Of the 28 responses, 9 (32%) were "very important", 13 (46%) were "important", and 6 (21%) were "not important". Those in the l a t t e r group accounted for their responses by focussing on their trade-related duties such as cooking and administration in the f i e l d and, therefore, did not think that physical strength was a necessity. The majority of the servicewomen readily acknowledged the importance of physical strength even though they did not believe that servicewomen were physically capable of carrying out the requisite f i e l d tasks. ^ The responses to two further questions pertaining to the future employment policy for servicewomen, asked during the post-FALLEX - 134 -interviews, gave an indication of the servicewomen's opinions of the performance/ability of their female peers. Twenty-nine responses were given to the question, " If you were the Minister of National Defence responsible for making the policy on the employment of women i n a l l combat service support units, what would you decide?" Twenty-three (79%) said they would employ servicewomen in combat service support units, f i v e (17%) would not, and one (3%) did not know what she would do. Two servicewomen were very enthusiastic: "From what I've observed, we are doing great"; "Let's go for i t . We can do i t . " A l l others added at least one q u a l i f i e r such as voluntary, not mandatory service, and proper selection, to the employment of servicewomen i n f i e l d settings. The screening would be for physical strength and positive attitude toward f i e l d service although one servicewoman, t o t a l l y frustrated by the "army mentality" said, "The women are too capable and too smart for the men. They [the men] are l i k e neanderthal apes here. The women would have to be properly selected - strong and stupid l i k e the men." Others would only post servicewomen to combat service support units after Basic Training and before they became used to the "soft" m i l i t a r y l i f e ; only during peacetime; or for a short rotation of less than one year. The responses of two servicewomen demonstrated what could be considered punitive equality: "I would make them go. Females get away with too much. Same pay should result i n same work"; "I believe women should be there. Lots of men don't l i k e i t either but i t should be a f a i r policy." Two reasons were provided for excluding servicewomen from combat service support employment: "The women would take their releases - 135 -because of f i e l d l i f e ; the other half would get out because their husbands don't want them here"; "It's too demanding for the women and the men just can't accept them. I t might be different in wartime because then you have no other choice." After asking the servicewomen what employment policy they would set as Minister of National Defence, they were asked what the decision actually would be. Twenty-seven of the 30 (90%) sample servicewomen said that servicewomen would continue to be employed i n combat service support units, with the remaining three (10%) stating that they would be removed. Thus, regardless of the servicewoman's personal assessment of her female peers or of her own wishes for their future permanent employ-ment, almost a l l believed that, due to the precedent being set in the t r i a l units, a l l servicewomen would be l i a b l e for service i n 4 Svc Bn and similar units. In summary, the servicewomen held very positive opinions of the performance/ability of their female peers. They f e l t that they were quite capable of serving in combat service support units but because of inexperience and lack of physical strength, they were not as s k i l l e d i n t a c t i c a l situations and f i e l d craft tasks as the servicemen. They thought that servicewomen should continue to be employed i n the f i e l d because they were capable but they stipulated the necessity of careful screening and voluntary status. F i n a l l y , they were certain that servicewomen would continue to be employed i n units such as 4 Svc Bn, once the Land T r i a l was over. - 136 -Wiley and Eskilson (1983) have suggested that pressure external to an organization (for example, affirmative action programs) erode the legitimacy of the woman's placement i n the organization. Chapter I I oulined the impact of the CHRA on the creation of the SWINTER t r i a l s . There i s some indication that the unit members were cognizant of external pressure on DND to review i t s policy on the employment of servicewomen. As described e a r l i e r , six of the 29 servicewomen cited external pressure in the form of women's l i b e r a t i o n , changing c i v i l i a n and American m i l i t a r y employment patterns, and the "Women's Rights Act" as the reason for conducting the t r i a l s . Perhaps more important than external pressure to DND, i s the concept of external pressure to CFE. I t became apparent during the participant-observation and was reaffirmed during the post-FALLEX interviews that there was a sense of helplessness or lack of control i n the unit because the t r i a l was being directed by NDHQ. This was manifested by both servicewomen and servicemen stating during the participant-observation that the result of the t r i a l was a "foregone conclusion." When asked to define t h i s , they said that i f the service-women did the work wel l , the decision would be to keep them i n the f i e l d once the t r i a l was over - regardless of the wishes of the 4 Svc Bn senior o f f i c e r s . This attitude was reflected i n the servicewomen's responses to the question on what they thought the f i n a l decision would be on the employment of servicewomen in combat service support units. Of the 27 that said that servicewomen would be permanently employed i n combat - 137 -service support units, one-third added that the decision was not going to be based on their performances. Rather, the interviewees said that "they" [NDHQ] had already decided to keep the servicewomen in the unit when they f i r s t put them i n ; that i t was " a l l p o l i t i c a l " ; and that the decision was a " f a i t accompli." Two stated b i t t e r l y : "We are just going through the motions of a predetermined decision"; "Women w i l l be here. That's been the decision a l l along so why are we doing this?" Status characteristics and expectation states theorists have demonstrated that when information on task a b i l i t y i s lacking, information associated with an external characteristic w i l l be used. Status generalization leads to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of power and prestige within the group based on the ordering of the statuses. Meeker and Weitzel-O'Neill (1977) observed that because women have lower status than men, they must prove that they are competent, well-intentioned and deserving of high status and, therefore, of group membership. While i t i s impossible to ascertain the nature of an observable power and prestige order within the platoons without doing a repeat participant-observation, self-described group membership can help indicate the degree to which and the methods by which the servicewomen have earned a place i n 4 Svc Bn. Accordingly, five questions, numbered six through 11 i n Appendix C, were asked on the treatment of servicewomen, belonging, and acceptance during the post-FALLEX interviews. - 138 -There were 29 responses to the question on the treatment of the servicewomen by the servicemen. Twenty-one (70%) of the servicewomen said that the servicemen treated them favourably while the remaining eight (27%) offered negative comments. There was one (3%) non-response. The favourable responses ranged from "O.K." to "fine" and "good". Other comments were " l i k e s i s t e r s " , "as equals", and "with respect". The negative treatment was described as "with no respect", " l i k e d i r t " , and "very c r i t i c a l and judgmental". While three servicewomen had said, "pretty good - l i k e one of the guys", another servicewoman took an opposite view, "They treat us poorly l i k e they treat themselves - with a lack of compassion and caring." Some of the servicewomen made three d i s t i n c t i o n s in their responses, namely, according to rank, work section or platoon, and group versus individual treatment. For example, two servicewomen stated that the junior ranks treated them as equals but the senior non-commissioned o f f i c e r s (NCOs) either ignored them or treated them i n a negative fashion. Four servicewomen said they were treated "pretty good" by the servicemen i n their section because they rel i e d on each other as team members and had to work together. Interestingly, one servicewoman said, "They treat us l i k e d i r t i f we work with them and O.K. i f we don't." The third d i s t i n c t i o n was made between group and individual treatment. In this case, the interviewee responded that as an indi v i d u a l , she was treated as an equal or with respect but that gener-a l l y the servicewomen were not treated as such. A f i n a l observation concerns newness to the unit. A l l of the servicewomen who arrived during the summer of 1983 were positive about the treatment of the servicewomen. Most of the servicewomen who had arrived i n 1980 provided negative assessments. - 139 -A l l 30 servicewomen commented on the sense of belonging f e l t by their female peers; however, only 14 described a change over time. The servicewomen were almost evenly s p l i t in their responses: 15 (50%) said that the servicewomen did not feel that they belonged while 12 (40%) said that they did. Two (7%) servicewomen said that they personally f e l t that they belonged but they could not comment for the other servicewomen and one (3%) said, " I t varies. Many servicewomen don't want to be here so i t doesn't r e a l l y matter whether or not they feel they belong." Those responding in the negative gave a variety of reasons. One servicewoman said, "We feel l i k e outcasts. We have been discriminated against since we arrived and we feel the pressure to perform. That leads to low morale." Only one supporting comment was provided by those that believed that the servicewomen belonged. This was from a servicewoman who said, "I feel that I belong but I don't know about the other women,.. At f i r s t , I f e l t l e f t out. But after a time, I proved that I was r e l i a b l e and the men came to trust me. So, I feel that I belong." Ten (71%) servicewomen said that there had been a positive change over time while three (21%) said that the sense of belonging had decreased. The fourteenth (7%) servicewoman said that there had been no change over time. The lack of a sense of belonging had been constant. Factors contributing to an increase in the sense of belonging were given as length of service in 4 Svc Bn; novelty has worn off (no more jokes about the servicewomen); and positive attitudes of senior personnel. In addition, one servicewoman said, " It's improving a l l the time and when - 140 -the t r i a l i s over we w i l l r e a l l y feel that we belong, l i k e the men do." Two explanations were given for the decrease i n the sense of belonging: "Everything i s getting worse. People are complaining about everything"; "The majority do not feel that they should be here but they have to support themselves. They'll do anything for a paycheck except get out and look for another challenge". Related to the questions on belonging were questions on the acceptance of the servicewomen as unit members. Although half of the interviewees said that the servicewomen f e l t that they belonged, s l i g h t l y more (18 or 60%) said that the servicewomen had been accepted in the unit and eight (27%) said that they had not. Two (7%) said that the service-women were accepted only on the basis that they would free up s t a t i c base positions but that they r e a l l y were not wanted i n the f i e l d . Two (7%) said that they could not comment on acceptance since they had arrived i n the unit i n August, 1983. In answering the question, five of the servicewomen quali f i e d the term by saying that they were r e a l l y tolerated more than accepted since the servicemen had no choice but to work with them as a team. Of the 14 responses on factors contributing to acceptance, job performance was mentioned six times; "acting l i k e one of the guys" was mentioned three times; experience, twice; positive attitude, twice; and the small number of females, once. ("There are only four of us. If we made up 50% they wouldn't l i k e i t at a l l whereas women are used to - 141 -working with lots of men.") Barriers to acceptance were: entrenched negative male attitudes; not being assigned certain jobs because of being female; swearing too much; and inexperience. Two interviewees blamed the servicewomen saying that i f they were not accepted, i t was because they did not try, could not do the job, or had poor attitudes. In the opinion of 16 of the 30 (53%) servicewomen, acceptance had changed over time while eight (27%) said there had been no change. Of the l a t t e r , the belief was that they had never been accepted nor would they ever be accepted. At the most, they had been tolerated by service-men resigned to their presence. As one said, "The h o s t i l i t y has been controlled on the surface. It i s just as d i f f i c u l t for a woman to come in now as i t was three years ago." Four (13%) servicewomen said they were unable to comment on any changes as they were new to the unit and two (7%) said that acceptance varied according to the personnel: Everybody does four years and then they leave so you have to start a l l over proving yourself to new bosses and new co-workers. You are constantly trying to be accepted. It i s hard to be accepted. Fifteen of the 16 (93%) servicewomen noting a change i n acceptance said that i t had increased and one (7%) said that i t had decreased but did not provide a reason for this opinion. Eleven servicewomen attributed the positive change to the a b i l i t y of the servicewomen to do the work. As one said, "The men have realized that we - 142 -can perform. They had to see us i n action in the f i e l d since on base a l l we do i s clean trucks and sweep the fl o o r . " The others said that acceptance had increased when extremely negative people were posted out of the unit. One servicewoman commented that a new group of younger servicemen, mostly with " a i r force" backgrounds, had been posted into the unit and they were used to working with servicewomen. During the participant-observation, i t quickly became apparent that both those in command and their subordinates were very sensitive to the issue of leadership style s . While no differences in leadership styles used between male and female subordinates was actually observed, a great deal of concern was expressed that both sexes had to be treated equally. The servicemen were watchful of signs of favouritism i n the treatment of the servicewomen and the servicewomen were aware that favouritism would cause added h o s t i l i t y to be directed toward them. On the other hand, undue harshness would only accentuate d i f f i c u l t i e s in the integration of the servicewomen. It was acknowledged during the p a r t i c i -pant-observation that the o f f i c e r s and senior NCOs set the tone for compatible working relationships by demonstrating fairness in leadership. As a follow-up to the above observation, the post-FALLEX i n t e r -viewees were asked to describe how the attitudes of the supervisors affected the acceptance of the servicewomen. Twenty-five (83%) of the 30 servicewomen said that the attitudes of the supervisors d i r e c t l y affected the acceptance of the servicewomen as their attitudes f i l t e r e d down to - 143 -the lower ranks. The senior NCOs especially were seen as being very i n f l u e n t i a l as they could either help the servicewomen to shine or "break them". In one example, respect for a servicewoman's promotion based on her sound judgement and leadership a b i l i t i e s was cited as a positive influence in the acceptance of her promotion by her subordinates. If the senior NCO was respected or l i k e d , the corporals adopted his attitude. " I f a senior NCO doesn't l i k e women, the lower ranks w i l l follow. If the senior NCO i s f a i r and open-minded, there w i l l be no problem." Another servicewoman bluntly stated, " I t starts from higher up when you have a senior NCO c a l l i n g us 'fucking bitches'. It i s bound to have an effect on the junior NCOs." A more general comment was that i f leadership was good, morale would be good, and the servicewomen would more l i k e l y be accepted. Two (7%) servicewomen did not think that supervisors influenced acceptance as people formed their own opinions. Two (7%) said that they could offer no opinion as they had arrived in August, 1983 and one (3%) servicewomen did not respond to the question. Of the group of questions pertaining to belonging and acceptance, the one direct question on the relationship between the servicewomen's performance and their acceptance was the most poorly addressed as there were eight non-responses and two could not offer an opinion. Of the remaining 20, 17 (85%) stated that performance impacted d i r e c t l y on the servicemen's acceptance of the servicewomen such that performance f a c i l i t a t e d acceptance; however, two cautionary comments were given. One servicewoman said, "The women always have to perform to a high le v e l to - 144 -be accepted but they must be careful not to outdo the men or jealousy w i l l r e s u l t . " Another commented: If the woman performs w e l l , she should be accepted but i t can work two ways. If she works too hard, she shows up the men. If she gets a break, i t ' s not because she did well but because she's a ' s p l i t ' [derogatory slang applied to the 4 Svc Bn servicewomen] . They have the women coming and going. Three (15%) servicewomen said there was no relationship between perfor-mance and acceptance. One had stated e a r l i e r that the servicewomen were d e f i n i t e l y accepted but then said, "Performance i s s t i l l lacking on the women's part, so i t ' s not a positive factor in regards to the acceptance of women." The remaining two interviewees projected their experiences onto a l l of the servicewomen: I work my ass off and s t i l l they don't accept me. I f they don't l i k e you, they don't l i k e you. We give them a l l the chances in the world and they don't give us any. There's no real impact on acceptance. They either l i k e you or they don't. Also, I'm a Francophone and a woman to boot. It doesn't help matters. I am doubly d i s c r i -minated against. In summarizing this section on the treatment of the servicewomen, belonging, and acceptance, a contradiction in the responses i s noted. While over two-thirds of the interviewees said that they had been treated - 145 -favourably - l i k e equals or sisters - only half said that the service-women f e l t that they belonged and s l i g h t l y over half said that the servicewomen had been accepted in 4 Svc Bn. The servicewomen thought that co-workers and servicemen of the same rank treated them better than senior personnel or servicemen employed i n different work sections or platoons. The servicewomen were especially sensitive to their treatment by senior NCOs because their attitudes f i l t e r e d down to the lower ranks. Thus, i f the senior NCOs did not support servicewomen being in the unit, their male subordinates, peers of the servicewomen, would l i k e l y form negative attitudes about the servicewomen. Although half of the i n t e r -viewees said that the servicewomen did not feel that they belonged, most observed that a positive change had occurred i n their sense of belong-ing. This was based on the servicewomen's length of time i n the unit; the departure of some senior personnel who had negative attitudes; and the diminution of the novelty of servicewomen being in the unit. I t was cy n i c a l l y suggested by several servicewomen that the term, acceptance, was a misnomer. Rather than being accepted, they were merely tolerated by the servicemen since the l a t t e r had no choice but to work with them. Most said that job performance, primarily, and, to a much lesser degree, "acting l i k e one of the guys," influenced acceptance while negative male attitudes were the greatest barrier to acceptance. Generally, they thought that acceptance had increased with time i n consonance with a demonstrated a b i l i t y to do the work. - 146 -STRUCTURAL/NDMERICAL PROPORTIONS MODEL - TOKENISM Kanter (1977a, 1977b) described three perceptual phenomena which together generated ten interaction patterns. To apply her model in t o t a l to this study would have been too massive an undertaking; therefore, aspects of her model were selected to provide a framework for under-standing the integration dynamics i n 4 Svc Bn. This study focusses f i r s t on the perceptual phenomenon of v i s i b i l i t y and the resulting public performance pressures causing over-observation, extension of conse-quences, attention to the token's discrepant status, and fear of r e t a l i a t i o n . Second, the perceptual phenomenon of polarization or exaggeration of status differences leading to the exaggeration of the dominant's culture and lo y a l t y tests w i l l be considered followed by a discussion of newness to the organization and stress. Prior to presenting the participant-observation and post-FALLEX interview data, i t i s necessary to review the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the concept of tokenism to the SWINTER participants i n 4 Svc Bn. Kanter (1977b:966-969) defined tokens as constituting approximately 15% of a group; being d i f f e r e n t i a l l y described according to an ascribed status; having a different previous history of interacting with the dominants; being new to the occupational and/or organizational setting; and being dispersed throughout the work place. From the information presented so fa r , i t can be seen that the SWINTER participants constituted no more than 12% of 4 Svc Bn's strength. Further, they purposely were not allowed to account for more than that proportion due to organizational - 147 -constraints such as the a v a i l a b i l i t y of servicewomen with the requisite rank and trade experience, establishment vacancies, and potential manning depletion during a c r i s i s i n Europe. The sample characteristics discussed i n Chapter V showed that the servicewomen clustered in the low ranks and, therefore, were r e l a t i v e l y inexperienced as CFE would have been their second or third posting. At no time in their m i l i t a r y service would they have been employed in an operational setting. Most of the servicewomen were trained i n non-traditional trades, many of which had fewer than a dozen females. When i n CFE, as at many bases i n Canada, they were often the only females in their trades and, consequently, the only females i n their work sections. It i s quite l i k e l y that the SWINTER participants were among the f i r s t , i f not the f i r s t , females that many of the servicemen i n 4 Svc Bn had worked with. F i n a l l y , the servicewomen were dispersed throughout the Battalion. The largest concentration of servicewomen was the mobile support equipment operators located in Supply and Transport Company, A and B Platoons, who made up 17% of the person-nel . The remaining servicewomen ranged in proportion from 4% to 12% i n their platoons. Given the above, i t would appear that the structural characteristics of tokenism have been met by the SWINTER participants i n 4 Svc Bn. Attention i s now turned to the socio-psychological descrip-tives of the interaction dynamics. Tokens are highly v i s i b l e because they are few i n number and easi l y i d e n t i f i a b l e by ascribed, external c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . This v i s i b i l i t y encourages over-observation and a sense of being perpetually - 148 -on t r i a l . During the participant-observation, i t became obvious that this condition of over-observation was problematic. The servicewomen spoke about constantly being evaluated - by NDHQ, by their supervisors, and by their male peers. They f e l t that they could never relax as they always had to put on a performance. Any error, no matter how i n s i g n i f i -cant, would support the arguments of those who did not want them in the f i e l d . The comments of the servicewomen were echoed i n a response to a question (albeit leading) put to a male master corporal, "Do the men s t i l l jump on every s i l l y l i t t l e thing a woman may do and use i t as an example of why women shouldn't be i n the f i e l d ? " "Yes, always, s t i l l , constantly." The use of the term, t r i a l , angered both the servicewomen and the of f i c e r s for i t reinforced the str e s s f u l condition of constantly being observed and acted as an i n s t i t u t i o n a l reminder that CF servicewomen had never been an operational part of the m i l i t a r y . ' The barriers to the servicewomen were both a t t i t u d i n a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l . One servicewoman said that even though everyone tr i e d not to use the word, t r i a l , anymore, everyone believed i t was only the servicewomen who were being studied. "They are always watching the women, but why not watch the men, too? Sure, the guys f i l l out the questionnaires too, but they're s t i l l watching the women." Servicemembers i n the company under study resented " v i s i t o r s " from NDHQ and they were annoyed at having to "constantly" f i l l out the questionnaires and at being interviewed. The women f e l t as i f they were i n a "goldfish bowl" since everyone was watching their every - 149 -move. (This perceived focus on the servicewomen rather than the unit and the unit personnel, was contrary to the o r i g i n a l intention of the t r i a l -see pages 40-45.) Senior staff were very sensitive to this situation. One platoon commander said that the evaluation should not have been named the "Women's T r i a l s " . Even though the Commanding Officer of 4 Svc Bn had recently stated that this terminology was not to be used any longer, the phrase and the emphasis of the evaluation were firmly entrenched in everyone's mind. It was the servicewomen who were being studied and i t was they who had to measure up to the norms established by their platoon co-workers rather than the emphasis being on everyone working together to achieve a goal or upon rationale, unbiased leadership. It i s interesting to note that there was concern about this issue prior to being posted to CFE. As stated in the CF 285s, two anticipated d i f f i c u l t i e s - w e r e suggested by the statements: "She does, however, feel that there would be a feeling of constantly being assessed in her job performance more so than on a s t a t i c base"; "Also anticipates that females w i l l o r i g i n a l l y be under close scrutiny for research purposes." S l i g h t l y over one year l a t e r , the impact of over-observation continued to be f e l t but i t was not as dramatic as the 1982 participant-observation suggested. During the week preceding the 1983 post-FALLEX interviews, CFE and NDHQ s t a f f s (of which I was a member), held numerous discussions on the design and scope of a three-week Cold Weather T r i a l scheduled for February, 1985. The Cold Weather T r i a l was to incorporate - 150 -a Battalion-level exercise and trade and soldiering tasks to determine how servicemen and servciewomen worked i n d i v i d u a l l y and together under c l i m a t i c a l l y s t r e s s f u l conditions. The Commanding Officers of 4 Svc Bn and 4 Fd Amb advocated the cancellation of the Cold Weather T r i a l , the f i n a l opportunity for a comprehensive data pickup on task performance and interaction processes, because of the perceived disruption to their units. They thought that, with the fourth year of the Land T r i a l underway, the working atmosphere had s t a b i l i z e d . The servicewomen's feelings of being on display had abated somewhat and a f r a g i l e harmony between the sexes had been achieved. The Cold Weather T r i a l would be an intrusion that would again highlight the temporary, t r i a l nature of the servicewomen's presence and place them under scrutiny. Primarily due to the Commanding Officers' concern, the Cold Weather T r i a l was cancelled. During the post-FALLEX interviews, reference was made to stress-induced over-observation. Three servicewomen said: "The women are always being watched and assessed. Because you are female, you are a guinea pig. At every turn you have to prove yourself"; "We have to prove something. They are always watching us, waiting for us to hurt our-selves"; "Women have to prove themselves constantly. They are small i n number and v i s i b l e . They are always being watched." As described e a r l i e r in this chapter, two servicewomen linked belonging and acceptance to the v i s i b i l i t y of being "on t r i a l " by stating that, with the completion of the Land T r i a l , a sense of normalcy would be introduced into the unit. - 151 -The servicewomen's token status led to their over-observation i n the Land T r i a l , although s e n s i t i v i t y on their part to this problem appeared to have decreased between 1982 and 1983. The passage of time may have helped to ameliorate the situation such that this consequence of the t r i a l ' s structure had become pass§. Equally possible i s the sugges-tion that the method of data gathering in 1983, namely the one-and-a-half hour interview, may not have been able to identify the intensity of the problem as well as the eight-day participant-observation (Karmas, 1982). The second result of v i s i b i l i t y , extension of consequences, i s the carry over effect or generalization from women currently in the work place to potential female r e c r u i t s . These assessments are made according to stereotypes associated with ascribed status and performance in the occupational role. The concept of extension of consequences i s related to status characteristics and expectation states theory which describes the transfer of a power and prestige order arising from the saliency or burden of proof assumptions to new members. Further, from an experiment conducted by Pugh and Wahrman (1983), the conclusion was made that female superiority in a task situation transferred to new partners such that the lik e l i h o o d of equal treatment was increased. In other words, there was a greater probability that a female newcomer would be treated with equality i f she had been preceded by a woman demonstrating a b i l i t y superior to her male partner, than i f she had been preceded by a woman demonstrating equal or less than equal a b i l i t y compared with her male partner. Two - 152 -research questions were formulated on the extension of consequences: Were the SWINTER participants sensitive to the consequences of their performances for servicewomen posted to the unit after them? Did they note any contradictions between being "soldiers" and being "women"? During the participant-observation, stress was f e l t by the servicewomen because they believed that the future employment of women i n near-combat roles and environments rested solely upon how well each one of them did while posted to a f i e l d unit. As one servicewoman commented about her female peers, "Some are not good tradesmen and won't try. That makes i t bad for a l l of us." One of the best examples of the extension of consequences to newcomers was reflected i n the attitude of a cook who had been attached to Supply and Transport Company for the duration of the exercise. She f e l t that she had fought an u p h i l l c r e d i b i l i t y battle during the previous two years. Her supervisor had told her upon her a r r i v a l in the unit that he did not want women in the f i e l d and that he was going to try to have her sent back to Canada. In the time that she had been in CFE, she had put a lot of effort into her work in order to influence a change in his negative opinion of women's a b i l i t i e s . She said that, "... he's now come around. He doesn't object to me going to the f i e l d . " Two more female cooks were expected to arrive at the Battalion i n the upcoming month and she said that she had been, "... working real hard for them. They better not l e t me down." - 153 -It was not surprising that the servicewomen were sensitive to the consequences of their e f f o r t s . Whether or not the servicemen believed that the servicewomen should be employed in a f i e l d platoon, a l l of them publicly named the good and poor female workers. The servicemen would not generalize from the favourable assessments to a l l servicewomen who could pot e n t i a l l y serve in near-combat. The few acceptable servicewomen were seen as exceptions. By the f a l l of 1983, the concern had changed from a potential transfer effect to newcomers to a transfer effect to other servicewomen i n the unit. I t i s suggested that this was l i k e l y the case because by September, 1983, no new servicewomen were expected i n 4 Svc Bn. Those who had worked very hard to prove their a b i l i t y and, therefore, their legitimate membership i n the unit, did not want the erosion of any positive attitudes held by the servicemen. Negative assessments and opinions of their female peers would be applied to them and negate thei r e f f o r t s . In responding to a question on stress, one servicewoman said, "Because one or two women can't cope, the rest of us have to compensate. That i s highly s t r e s s f u l . " Three other servicewomen described the consequences of the offensive behaviour of their female peers. "Some females bring our names down. I know a few females who are out for sex. They are not discreet. Their behaviour r e f l e c t s back on me." "Sometimes the women act l i k e the guys. When they do, they are not doing us any favours." "A few women can be very crude. I t ' s O.K. to swear when you're angry or when you get hurt but not when i t ' s every second word. I - 154 -don't l i k e i t when the women act l i k e the men because then the men w i l l think that a l l the women are l i k e that and w i l l be even cruder." A female soldier i s an anomoly i n the CF as, u n t i l the SWINTER t r i a l s were created, a l l servicewomen f i l l e d support roles i n non-operational settings. It i s , therefore, to be expected that for many servicemembers the stereotypes associated with "soldiers" and "women" are incompatible. Data obtained during the participant-observation and the post-FALLEX interviews indicated prevalent contradictions i n these concepts. If "soldier" and "women" were synonymous terms, there would be no negative stereotyping associated with the l a t t e r . This was not the case, as one servicewoman pointed out in absolute f r u s t r a t i o n . During the exercise, she had often stated that i f the servicewomen worked r e a l l y hard and performed we l l , they would be accepted i n the f i e l d setting. Presumably, they would be recognized as being good soldiers. During a post-exercise party, this servicewoman, who was extremely well regarded by her male peers, said in tears that when the servicewomen arrived in 1980, " F i r s t they called us 'butch', then the called us 'whores'. What's a person to do? You try and try and work real hard and s t i l l they c a l l you something." Conscientious effort was not eradicating negative connotations with being female. - 155 -Those servicemen that , f e l t that servicewomen should not be i n near-combat units gave as their reasons for this opinion: lack of strength; improper employment for a woman ("I wouldn't want my wife here"); menstruation and hygiene problems; and sexual promiscuity. After acknowledging the a b i l i t y of the servicewomen i n his platoon, one serviceman rather bluntly summed up the problem of employing servicewomen i n the f i e l d : I f there were 45 men and 15 women in the f i e l d , 15 men •would be getting i t and 30 men wouldn't. That would cause a l l sorts of jealousy problems. Most women can do the job but i t ' s the potential relationships that w i l l cause the problems. He then gave an example of one servicewoman who had slept with half of the platoon. He was adamant that this story was true and not a rumour. Thus, regardless of f i e l d competence, the negative sexual imagery associated with being female, s t i l l had to be overcome. In the post-FALLEX interviews, the contradiction between "soldiers" and "women" surfaced during the discussions on acceptance and offensive peer behaviour. The ultimate insult one serviceman could give another serviceman was to refer to him as a woman. " I f the guys can't do something, they are called 'women' ." It was important to many of the servicewomen to retain their femininity and to have that femininity recognized by others. Many had ide n t i f i e d emulation of their male peers as a means of being accepted; however, attempts to be s o l d i e r - l i k e (or - 156 -"one of the guys") by drinking, swearing, swaggering, and not bothering to be clean, i f carried to excess, would render them unfeminine and also would r e f l e c t poorly on their female colleagues. Several servicewomen were bothered by the d i f f i c u l t y in balancing s o l d i e r - l i k e behaviour while attempting to retain their femininity. While behaviour had to be syn-chronic, to some degree, with male norms, recognition of their femininity by outsiders was appreciated. "Guys who don't have women working with them are more p o l i t e . The RCHA [Royal Canadian Horse A r t i l l e r y ] consider females as females and treat us with respect. Our guys swear in front of To sum this section, the servicewomen were quite conscious of a transfer effect from assessments of their a b i l i t i e s and reactions to their behaviour, to female unit newcomers and to other servicewomen currently in the unit. In addition, the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the stereo-types associated with "soldiers" and "women" had been continually reinforced throughout the t r i a l and they were well aware of the contradictions brought about by behaving l i k e the servicemen while trying to retain their femininity and avoiding c r i t i c i s m from other service-women . The f i n a l two effects of v i s i b i l i t y , attention to token's discrepant status and fear of r e t a l i a t i o n , are complementary. The f i r s t describes the necessity for tokens to work extremely hard to render their discrepant status negligible. In other words, they attempt to redirect - 157 -the dominant's attention from their ascribed status to their achieved status. This second effect cautions that i f the above effects are not within performance norms, the dominants w i l l be embarrassed or humiliated by the tokens' successes. Unpleasant r e t a l i a t o r y tactics can result to the detriment of the tokens' integration e f f o r t s . The sex-role l i t e r a t u r e reviewed i n Chapter IV, outlined the characteristics assigned to men and women in this society. Much effort must be expended to overcome the stereotypes associated with being female before a woman can be defined by the competency cluster of qu a l i t i e s attributed to men. While individual effort can break through stereo-types, a m i l i t a t i n g factor i s the negative sanction given to sex-role incongruent behaviour (Nieva and Gutek, 1980). Women are not expected to be successful i n a domain t r a d i t i o n a l l y dominated by men. The CF 285, participant-observation, and" post-FALLEX interview data are replete with examples of the servicewomen's motivation to prove their a b i l i t y . The f i r s t part of this chapter provided information on the servicewomen's pre-posting belief that once they had proven their a b i l i t y , there would be no problems and they would be integrated into the operational unit as legitimate members. They were highly motivated, confident and eager to take on the challenges of an operational environ-ment. In the participant-observation, much of the conversation about the Land T r i a l centered about the servicewomen's performance and their desire to prove their a b i l i t y . That this was such an issue was evidenced by the - 158 -example of the tearful servicewoman, an excellent worker, who could not accept that her hard work took less precedence than sexual stereotypes. A l l ranks commented on the importance of the servicewomen proving themselves. It was acknowledged by one senior NCO that, of course, any newcomer had to demonstrate that they could " p u l l their weight" but the pressure was r e a l l y on the servicewomen. "They have to do a damn good job while i n the f i e l d . " The motivation to work hard was s t i l l evident by the responses to the post-FALLEX interview questions over a year later but, by then, some bitterness was also discernible. For the servicewomen who had been i n 4 Svc Bn for two to three years, proving oneself had been transformed from s p i r i t e d s e l f - d i r e c t i o n to an imposed necessity. This was especially evident i n the responses to the question on comparative stress levels between the sexes. Of the 23 servicewomen who said that the servicewomen experienced more stress than the servicemen, 40% i d e n t i f i e d proving one-s e l f as stress-inducing. The following two comments were t y p i c a l . "Some people expect us to do more. We have to prove ourselves. There i s no end to proving ourselves. Even when we are close to perfect, they find mistakes." "Some men discriminate against the women and we have to try three times as hard to get half the credit." Aggressive determination to succeed (informal acknowledgement as a good performer; formal acknowledgement through promotion) was not appreciated by the male peers of the SWINTER participants. This could - 159 -have been the case because success at all-male tasks in a previously all-male environment was counter to the servicewomen's expectations or i t could have been because hard work violated the informally established male work norms. The l a t t e r was alluded to during a participant-observation conversation with a platoon senior NCO. He said that tremendous peer pressure "sucked down" anyone with ambition and the desire to learn. It was sad to watch the transformation of a keen, new person into being just one of the guys. Seven servicewomen had been promoted during their tenure at 4 Svc Bn. Promotions of the servicewomen bothered the servicemen as reflected in the following comment: There'll be h e l l to pay when the next female i s promoted. The f i r s t female promotion to master corporal went to R_ . She deserved i t but she's out now. Another w i l l be coming up soon - probably D , P , or D . The men w i l l be r e a l l y upset when this happens. This type of attitude was maintained in spite of the fact that these three servicewomen were uniformly named as the top three female workers. As with balancing being "one of the guys" with femininity, the servicewomen had to balance working hard i n order to prove themselves with refraining from outperforming the servicemen. This was l i k e l y made - 160 -even more d i f f i c u l t because of the i n i t i a l l y high motivation to p a r t i c i -pate i n the Land T r i a l to v learn new m i l i t a r y s k i l l s and to broaden their careers. Three of the seven promoted servicewomen, at different points i n the post-FALLEX interviews, offered unsolicited comments on the negative reactions to their promotion. One newly promoted master corporal had spent much of FALLEX with a senior NCO learning the s k i l l s required of her new rank. She said that they were accused of fra t e r n i z a t i o n . The men are jealous that women can do the job so they accuse us of fraternization and 'bag l i c k i n g ' . They resent you because you tr y . Trying hard doesn't get you anywhere. The second servicewoman recently promoted to master corporal said, "I've been hassled. The men said I got promoted because I volunteered to participate in the t r i a l s and because I'm a suckhole." F i n a l l y , the third servicewoman, a sergeant, who had been promoted twice i n her three years i n the Battalion commented: People said behind my back that I didn't deserve i t [most recent promotion] but no one said anything negative to my face. But at the corporal l e v e l , there's l o t s of jealously and bitching by older male corporals when a female corporal gets promoted. The data demonstrated that attention to discrepant status and fear of r e t a l i a t i o n were complementary interaction patterns that placed - 161 -the servicewomen in a quandary. Through hard work they expected to learn new s k i l l s and to do well in the operational setting; however, they risked censure i f they expended too much effort and, indeed, were repudiated i f promoted. The second perceptual phenomenon described by Kanter (1977a, 1977b) i s polarization or exaggeration of differences. Two types of interaction patterns, which are complementary i n nature, have been selected for application to the experiences of the servicewomen in the Land T r i a l . The exaggeration of the dominant's culture i s the process by which barriers are erected to the integration of the tokens through over-emphasis of the dominant's c o l l e c t i v e characteristics and behaviour. The presence of the tokens provides both the stimulus and the audience for the dominants and they are continually tested for their reactions. By l o y a l t y tests, Kanter meant the degree to which tokens aligned themselves with the dominants by rejecting their female peers. While constantly reminded of their differences from the dominants, on the one hand, on the other hand they are pressured, however subconsciously, into turning against their own soc i a l category. Although i t i s not possible to determine purposive action to exaggerate the male soldier culture as servicemen did not form part of the post-FALLEX sample used for this thesis, the results of their behaviour can be described. This section reports on the elements of the dominant's culture which were made sign i f i c a n t to the SWINTER p a r t i c i -pants and their reaction (emulation or withdrawal) to the presentation of the soldiering l i f e s t y l e . - 162 -During the post-FALLEX interviews, the servicewomen were asked f i r s t i f they had ever been offended by the behaviour of the servicemen i n the Battalion, and second by the behaviour of the servicewomen. By / asking the second question i t was possible to determine the extent of emulation or repugnance. Twenty-nine servicewomen responded to both questions. Twenty-one (72%) said that they were offended by the behaviour of the servicemen and 8 (28%) said that they were not. Twenty-three responses on types of offensive behaviour were given, the most frequent (ten) being verbal: crude jokes, verbal harassment, comments with heavy sexual connotations, and swearing or coarse language. Obnoxious or "gross" behaviour such as refusing to shower, vomiting and urinating i n public, and exposing themselves was mentioned seven times. Two ty p i c a l comments were: "Away from their families, they act l i k e animals"; "They are r e a l l y , r e a l l y crude - a bunch of pigs." Other offensive behaviour included excessive drinking (three times), being lazy (once), and "brown nosing" (once). Fifteen of the 29 servicewomen (52%) said they were offended by other servicewomen and 14 (48%) said they were not. There was some s i m i l i a r i t y in the opinions of what constituted offensive behaviour by each sex. Of the 18 responses on types of offensive behaviour, swearing was mentioned seven times, followed by drinking (twice), "acting l i k e a man" (twice) and being obnoxious (twice). Four responses unique to the servicewomen concerned sexually related behaviour. Sexual promiscuity was mentioned twice as was feminine ploys. Two comments pertaining to the l a t t e r were given: "I am offended when a g i r l uses her feminine attributes for favouritism"; "Some - 163 -women f l a t t e r up to the males to get them to do things." Again, "brown nosing" by the servicewomen offended one interviewee. Not only does the soldier culture have certain characteristics so also do spec i f i c units such as, for example, 4 Svc Bn's Forward Repair Group (FRG). FRG i s comprised of two or four member mobile teams who travel into the forward fighting areas to do repairs (pages 53 and 54 re f e r ) . FRG members believe themselves to be the best vehicle techni-cians in the Battalion because, with a minimum of time and equipment, they must apply their mechanical s k i l l s and ingenuity to doing repairs. FRG was notorious within and without the Battalion for i t s image of "work hard, play hard, drink hard." In August, 1983, for the f i r s t time in i t s history, four servicewomen were placed i n FRG. Three were part of this study's sample. A l l commented that they had more d i f f i c u l t y dealing with the crude behaviour of the FRG servicemen than they did with the demanding work. As one said: I thought I would l i k e FRG because the work was new and challenging. But the guys are pigs. They are so crude. In FRG i f you don't act l i k e a pig and drink with the guys, you're a wimp. You have to play their game but I won't. She concluded by saying that she f e l t lonely and isolated, and that she did not belong in FRG. - 164 -E a r l i e r in this chapter, "acting l i k e one of the guys" was cited as a factor f a c i l i t a t i n g acceptance. Behaving i n this manner to be accepted by the servicemen was also described as offensive to four of the interviewees responding to the question on the servicewomen's behaviour. Emulation to gain favour with the servicemen alienated the servicewomen from some of their female peers. Two incidents related to emulation occurred during the p a r t i c i -pant-observation and bear repeating. Lighthearted bantering of a sexual nature frequently took place between the servicemen and some service-women. Two of the platoon's six servicewomen comfortably engaged i n discussions of this nature and enjoyed trying to get the better of their male colleagues. As an example, during a dinner period in a meadow by a German v i l l a g e , while one of the servicewomen was participating in a conversation about sexual prowess with several servicemen, a good-looking German man walked past the group. The servicewoman panted and said how great i t would be to "have him". She did exactly what the servicemen had usually done when they had seen an attractive German woman; however, the servicemen appeared to be uncomfortable with this part of the conversa-t i o n . No one responded to her comment and the topic of conversation immediately changed. In this instance, emulation did not appear to be appreciated. In the second incident, the a b i l i t y to participate i n sexual bantering earned the servicewoman some c r e d i b i l i t y points. An attack - 165 -force created on the last day of the exercise was comprised of personnel from various platoons who were picked up enroute to the staging location. As one serviceman got into the back of the five-ton truck, he turned the safety belt above the end panel from a v e r t i c a l to a horizontal position and said, "So the g i r l s won't get excited when they climb over." Another serviceman climbed into the truck followed by a servicewoman who said, "Hold down the belt. My legs don't spread that far." The two servicemen laughed, and exchanged a look of approval for this witticism. The data demonstrated that a well-defined, dominant culture existed. They were very aware of the necessity of emulation to be accepted or to f i t into the soldiering world even though they found much of the servicemen's behaviour unattractive. Most of the servicewomen would not copy what they considered to be unflattering behaviour and they did not appreciate their female colleagues doing SQ. The servicewomen were not attracted to the dominant's culture and yet there was no evidence to suggest that they formed their own cohesive subgroup. Ranter's phrase, "loyalty tests" refers to the process of tokens making pr e j u d i c i a l statements about other tokens or by colluding with the dominants against other tokens. Minority status can support group formation in order to a l l e v i a t e stress, share knowledge or offer emotional support during times of personal c r i s i s . While the potential i s always there, minority group s o l i d a r i t y rarely develops. Minority group status i s usually perpetuated and internal fragmentation sustained - 166 -because members w i l l not bond together. Instead, they seek acceptance from the dominant group and tend to depreciate their association with the minority group. The dynamics described i n the foregoing paragraph became apparent during the participant-observation, perhaps the best method of ascertain-ing group bonding. There were no formal or informal female support groups i n the company. In the platoon under observation, there was one mentor-student relationship between a very capable servicewoman and a very timid, withdrawn servicewoman, and a friendship between one servicewoman and another who was often attached to the platoon for exercises. That a support group had not formed was volunteered by one servicewoman as being highly problematic. In tears, she said that she often f e l t very alone and wished that she could turn to someone. There were so few servicewomen in the t r i a l and even fewer sympathetic, female senior NCOs and o f f i c e r s on the base. Even though this servicewoman was saying, i n eff e c t , that she wanted and often needed a female support group, i n a c t u a l i t y she may not have associated with one. The servicewomen i n the platoon did not l i k e anything to create barriers between them and the servicemen and thereby disrupt their attempts to smoothly integrate into the unit. The servicewomen either participated i n conversations or a c t i v i t i e s with the servicemen or went about their work singularly (except for the mentor-student relationship). While the servicewomen did not bond together, there was l i t t l e evidence of denial of the female social category or, on the other hand, - 167 -of support for other servicewomen. This could have been the case because as the participant-observer, I was an outsider from which opinions on unit members were kept or because I was not in the right place at the right time to hear the comments or, f i n a l l y , because no strong opinions were voiced. Only one derogatory remark made by one servicewoman about another was heard. One servicewoman had been appointed second-in-command of her section after being i n 4 Svc Bn for less than nine months. Other servicewomen i n the platoon had been there for two years and some servicemen for three years. She was given this responsibility because she was mature and deserved the opportunity to meet new challenges, thereby proving her c a p a b i l i t i e s . Her a b i l i t y to do a good job was acknowledged by some but not by others. During the f i r s t day of the exercise, one servicewoman looked out of her tent and said i n a condescending tone, "P 's s t i l l digging [her trench] - about time she did something." The one example of a servicewoman publicly supporting another took place i n a conversation involving two servicewomen and two service-men. The two servicemen were complaining about the laziness of a servicewoman who had been i n the unit for two years. They said that she did sloppy work when in garrison and invented medical problems to avoid going on exercise. During this particular exercise she was working as a cook's helper since she had an injured knee and could not do her regular trade. The female cook, who was highly regarded in the Battalion because of her competence and se l f l e s s dedication, quickly came to this service-- 168 -woman's defence saying that she was doing excellent work for her i n the kitchen. One of the servicemen refused to accept that assessment causing the second servicewoman to comment, after he had l e f t the group, "See, no matter what she does now, the guys w i l l never accept her." The remaining serviceman said she deserved any i l l w i l l directed toward her because she had not done any work i n the past. The two servicewomen protested that he was being unreasonable and unfair. Interview data can only provide indirect evidence of the loyalty test interaction pattern. A review of the post-FALLEX interview sheets demonstrated that the servicewomen were positive about their female peers regarding their confirmed expectations for their a b i l i t i e s and for their performances in the f i e l d . Based on what they had experienced and observed, they thought that the servicewomen had done well enough to influence a decision to permanently employ them i n combat service support units. As noted in the previous section, p r e j u d i c i a l statements were made about the offensive behaviour of some servicewomen. Two of the very few negative statements made about working with the servicewomen were: "I would prefer to work with a male rather than a female. I feel more secure in the job"; "I don't l i k e working with females, I prefer working with guys. I have more male friends than female friends." On the whole, while there did not appear to be any bonding into a cohesive subgroup, there was no evidence of rejection of their female peers or collusion with the dominant social category. - 169 -One characteristic of the token i s that she i s new to the organi-zation or occupation. As such, she i s doubly handicapped for not only must she deal with the effects of being in the minority, she must over-come the stereotypes carried over from a different previous history of interacting with the dominants. Alexander and Thoits (1983) found that when introduced into a t i l t e d or skewed setting, a low-status token would f i r s t overachieve because of her high v i s i b l i t y , and then s t a b i l i z e her performance l e v e l as v i s i b i l i t y due to newness wore off. A longitudinal study would be required to determine the relationship of newness to the achievement patterns of the SWINTER participants. Instead, the post-FALLEX data was analysed to determine i f COS date or length of service in the Battalion affected the servicewomen's perceptions of acceptance, belonging, and performance. There was a def i n i t e response pattern by COS date or newness. Those servicewomen who arrived i n the summer of 1983, just prior to FALLEX, were the most positive about their new posting. They found the experience of going on exercise di f f e r e n t , exciting, and challenging although they also commented that they f e l t "dumb" or " l i k e a jerk" because they were so inexperienced with f i e l d craft tasks. They believed that the servicewomen f e l t that they belonged and were accepted in the unit. The servicewomen who arrived a year e a r l i e r were s t i l l positive about the work and the status of the servicewomen but increasingly - 170 -negative responses were given by the servicewomen with 1981 and 1980 COS dates. The servicewomen who were starting their fourth year of service were the most discouraged and jaded. They did not think that the servicewomen f e l t that they belonged or were accepted. The only excep-tion to the trend of increased negativity with length of service was seen in the comments about being in the f i e l d . The servicewomen who had been i n the unit since 1980 l i k e d being in the f i e l d the most, primarily because exercises broke the monotony of being i n garrison. The most recent a r r i v a l s focused on the discomfort of f i e l d l i f e and their inexperience saying that they would prefer not to go on exercise. Regardless of COS date, the servicewomen gave consistent responses to two questions. They said that servicewomen were quite capable of serving i n combat service support units because they had proven they could do the work. They also were not keen on serving again in an operational unit. Aside from newness to the unit, no other response patterns by variables such as trade, company or platoon, and recent promotion were discerned. The f i n a l research question to be analysed concerns stress and the factors contributing to i t . Kanter (1977b:987-988) observed that token status brought on stress because of performance pressures, symbolic representation, inconsistent status, and so c i a l i s o l a t i o n . Stress experienced by the SWINTER participants was noted at different points i n the Land T r i a l . - 171 -According to the SBSA (Resch, 1983b:10), 12% of the SWINTER participants had sought professional help for stress-related problems during 1982. The higher levels of stress for the servicewomen compared with the servicemen appeared to be declining over time. It was suggested that this was due to increased experience and numbers of servicewomen i n the unit, and to the temperance of the i n i t i a l l y overt h o s t i l i t y of the servicemen. Two types of stress were recorded in the participant-observation report: stress induced by exercise-specific tasks or situations and stress related to being a SWINTER participant. When considering stress caused by the exercise, there was no observable difference between the sexes. Both groups received the same taskings and experienced the same lack of sleep, physical aches and pains, and disorientation. They performed b a s i c a l l y the same and handled this type of stress in the same manner. That i s , the servicewomen did not resort to the socialized reaction of crying and when tempers flew, there were heated arguments regardless of the sex. Very vocal complaints were uttered by both groups i n response to di s l i k e d orders. In addition to the above, the servicewomen experienced three types of t r i a l - r e l a t e d stress. They f e l t an omnipresent pressure to perform to a very high, perfect standard in order to prove their worth. Failure of the servicewomen indicated not just an individual i n a b i l i t y to perform (as i t did for the servicemen), but also a negative prediction of - 172 -how a l l servicewomen would behave i n the same situation. Second, the servicewomen f e l t as i f they were i n a "goldfish bowl". Because they were few in number, highly v i s i b l e , and the participants in an experiment or t r i a l , they f e l t they were constantly being watched. F i n a l l y , the servicewomen f e l t alienated from the system that had organized their participation i n the Land T r i a l . They claimed that they had not received pertinent information when they arrived at 4. Svc Bn, nor had they received any feedback on their performances to date. Three post-FALLEX interview questions were analysed to obtain additional information on stress. The f i r s t two questions asked i f the servicewomen li k e d being in the f i e l d and i f they would serve again i n a near-combat unit. It was thought that indications of stress might surface in the responses. The third question was much more direct and asked i f the servicewomen were under greater stress than the servicemen in the f i e l d unit. If so, they were asked to account for the types and causes of stress. Unfortunately, for the purposes of ascertaining stress levels and causes, answers to the f i r s t two questions did not provide very useful information; however, the responses are b r i e f l y summarized because of their general significance to this study. Of the 30 servicewomen, 12 (40%) said that they did not l i k e being in the f i e l d . A variety of reasons were given such as preference to do trade tasks rather than soldiering tasks; being inexperienced; boring work; unit disorganization; - 173 -lack of hygiene f a c i l i t i e s ; and general discomfort due to lack of sleep and exposure to the elements. Of the 18 (60%) servicewomen who said they l i k e d being i n the f i e l d , the most frequently given reasons were oppor-tunity to do trade-related duties (three times); enjoyment of being outdoors (three times); and change i n routine (three times). Other reasons were the challenge of the f i e l d environment, comradeship, and being physically active rather than sedentary as was often the case in garrison. Regardless of their length of service i n the Battalion, 22 (73%) of the 30 sample servicewomen said that they did not want to serve i n a combat service support unit again. As with the previous question, there was no pattern in the 11 reasons for their negative responses. They said that the work was too hard; they d i s l i k e d the "army" mentality; they were worried about future health problems such as miscarriages due to the strenuous work; and they wanted to concentrate on their trades without having to do f i e l d duty. Two responses related to the participant-observation findings on stress. One servicewoman said, "I have never f e l t so bad i n a working environment. The men hate us. They reject us." Another said: We've been used as guinea pigs for four years. Our supervisors couldn't care less about us. We are a public laughing stock. They are destroying this human being. The only advantage of being i n this Battalion for four years i s that nothing else i n l i f e can ever piss me off. - 174 -The seven (23%) servicewomen who said they would serve again i n a near-combat battalion would do so because they enjoyed outdoor l i f e , they valued the t o t a l m i l i t a r y experience offered in such a unit, and they liked working i n a unit where being a soldier took precedence over being a tradesperson. One (3%) servicewoman could not express an opinion because she had been in the unit for only six weeks. The question on stress received responses from 30 servicewomen. Twenty-three (77%) said that the servicewomen were under greater stress than the servicemen, six (20%) said they were not, and one (3%) did not know. Nineteen of the 29 (65%) factors cited as stress-inducing were related to token status. Proving oneself because of a desire to do well or to be accepted was mentioned nine times followed by negative male attitudes (four times), and being new to and inexperienced i n the operational setting (three times). Also mentioned were fear of f a i l u r e ; not being accepted; and pressure to act l i k e the servicemen or r i s k being rejected. Ten (35%) factors unrelated to tokenism or being i n the Land T r i a l included: hygiene problems due to lack of showers or discomfort during menstruation (seven times); r e p e t i t i v e work; requirement for dress, d r i l l , and weapon maintenance perfection; and physically demanding tasks such as digging trenches. Of the six servicewomen stating that stress was not higher for servicewomen compared with servicemen, one said that i d e n t i c a l duties produced indentical stress and another said that i t was inexperience, not - 175 -sex, which accounted for stress. The third servicewoman observed that stress was the same for both sexes but was handled d i f f e r e n t l y . The servicemen got angry and got drunk while the servicewomen cried and did not get drunk. To sum, the post-FALLEX data confirmed the participant-observa-tion findings that stress was higher for the servicewomen than their male colleagues and was due, in the main, to tokenism and the structure of the Land T r i a l . SUMMARY From the participant-observation, i t was learned that the servicewomen believed their performances in the operational setting would lead to acceptance but that for the servicemen, the servicewomen's demonstrated a b i l i t y , while necessary, was not s u f f i c i e n t to consider them f u l l unit members. The purpose of this chapter, then, was to confirm the participant-observation findings regarding the relationship of performance to the formation of expectations and, second, to determine what factors f a c i l i t a t e d or barriers impinged upon the integration of the servicewomen. Thirteen research questions were posed using status characteristic and expectation states theory, and the structural/ numerical proportions model for theoretical guidance. - 176 -I t was found that the a b i l i t y to e f f e c t i v e l y perform i n the near-combat unit was highly salient to the sample of 30 servicewomen. Prior to their CFE posting, these servicewomen, described by the BPSOs as s e l f -confident, highly motivated, competent, and capable, i d e n t i f i e d the testing of the a b i l i t y of the servicewomen as the purpose of the Land T r i a l . While they were keenly interested i n participating i n the Land T r i a l , they did have some reservations about this future employment because of the demanding, physical nature of the work and the requirement to prove themselves In the new setting. These did not appear to be major concerns since they held high expectations for their own a b i l i t i e s and those of their female peers. They expected that they would do well i n 4 Svc Bn and, according to the post-FALLEX interview data, this expection was confirmed. Although the work was often d i r t y , unpleasant and t i r i n g , and the servicewomen did not think that they were as t a c t i c a l l y and physically capable as the servicemen while on exercise, they were strongly supportive of the idea of servicewomen being employed i n combat service support units. In their opinion, the servicewomen could do the work, so there was no need to perpetuate the present employment bar-r i e r s . Indeed, i f they were in a position to formulate policy, they would post servicewomen into a l l near-combat units (with the provisos that they volunteer for this type of work, and pass physical and a t t i t u d i n a l selection t e s t s ) . They were confident that, due to their e f f o r t s , the Land T r i a l would be declared a success and servicewomen would continue to be employed i n operational units such as 4 Svc Bn. - 177 -There was a contradiction between the above highly positive expectations, attitudes, and opinions regarding the servicewomen's a b i l i t i e s and the interview responses on their feelings of belonging and acceptance. Half of the interviewees said that the servicewomen f e l t that they belonged and 60% said that they were accepted by the servicemen although some opined that the term "tolerated" was a more accurately descriptive term. Prima facie, approximately half of the servicewomen seemed to be s a t i s f i e d with their integration into the unit; however, closer examination of a l l of the post-FALLEX interview data suggested that there was a deeper problem than was evidenced i n the responses to the direct questions on belonging and acceptance. The servicewomen both believed and showed that they could do the work required of them in a combat service support unit; however, the consequences of demonstrated a b i l i t y (the observable power and prestige order of expectation states theory or, i n this case, belonging and acceptance) were not realized. Decision-making external to CFE and negative attitudes of supervisors were two factors resulting in a n u l l i -f i c a t i o n of their efforts and accounting, i n part, for their unmet expectations. Token status and six interaction patterns associated with the perceptual phenomena of v i s i b i l i t y (over-observation, extension of consequences, attention to token's discrepant status, fear of r e t a l i a -tion) and polarization (exaggeration of the dominant's culture, loyalty tests) as defined in the structural/numerical proportions model helped to explain the general disillusionment of the servicewomen. - 178 -The servicewomen f e l t that they were perpetually on display as their performances constantly were being watched and assessed. While some had expected this to happen, and almost a l l acknowledged the importance of having to prove themselves, over time self-motivation and desire to demonstrate their a b i l i t y had been superseded by an imposed requirement to perform. This change i n locus of control during the t r i a l was s t r e s s f u l as were several other aspects of the integration process. The second interaction effect resulting from v i s i b i l i t y , extension of consequences, refers to the generalization of the a b i l i t y of the token incumbents to future recruits of the same social category. The servicewomen were very aware that their performance and behaviour reflected on them personally, and affected attitude formation about female newcomers and those females already serving in the unit. Thus, the servicewomen were s t r i v i n g to prove themselves i n order to earn a place in the unit and were attempting to pave the way for other service-women; however, their efforts to be good soldiers were hampered by the servicemen focussing on the negative stereotypes associated with their female sex. The complementary nature of the f i n a l two effects of v i s i b i l i t y , attention to token's discrepant status and fear of r e t a l i a t i o n , was confirmed by the Land T r i a l data. The servicewomen entered the t r i a l very confident and highly motivated. By proving their a b i l i t y , they - 179 -would become unit members and the fact that they were female would be rendered unimportant. They had to cautiously s t r i k e a balance between working hard to be accepted as legitimate unit members and performing beyond informally established male work norms, which i f rewarded by promotion, would cause resentment on the part of the servicemen. (Servicewomen who lacked a t r a d i t i o n of serving in combat service support units could not be better than their male counterparts.) As we l l , holding themselves i n check because of probable negative male reactions to their e f f o r t s , complicated the aforementioned generalizations to new female unit members. Of the two polarization interaction patterns, the exaggeration of the dominant's culture was found to be applicable i n the Land T r i a l but the loyalty test dynamic was not. Although there was no evidence that the servicemen purposely erected barriers to the servicewomen by emphasizing the characteristics and behaviour associated with soldiers, their dominant culture, the antithesis of womanhood, was pervasive. Some servicewomen attempted to adopt the dominant's behaviour. They believed that emulation, or "acting l i k e one of the guys" would ease their integration into the unit; however, since much of the servicemen's behaviour was viewed as offensive by over two-thirds of the servicewomen, such emulation alienated their female peers. As with the balancing between positive generalizations and censure for performing too wel l , attempts to emulate the characteristics of the dominant culture in order to be accepted had to be balanced against personal repugnance and the - 180 -alienation of other servicewomen. On the other hand, f a i l u r e to behave l i k e the servicemen could lead to social i s o l a t i o n within the work section. The servicewomen were not attracted to the dominant's culture, nor, as minority status holders, did they bond together. There was no evidence of the formation of formal or informal subgroups although the servicewomen were verbally supportive, not negative, about the other servicewomen in the unit. Ranter's lo y a l t y test interaction pattern was not an important factor i n the servicewomen's integration. Newness to the unit accounted for some perceptual variance. With length of service, enthusiasm for being a participant in the t r i a l waned. Those servicewomen who had been i n 4 Svc Bn since 1980, were the most b i t t e r and discouraged. They believed that the servicewomen did not fe e l that they belonged i n the unit, nor were they accepted by the servicemen. The higher stress levels of the servicewomen compared with the servicemen was noted during the t r i a l by the SBSA and in the participant-observation report. As this chapter has shown, application of aspects of the structural/numerical proportions model highlighted token-induced stress. During the post-FALLEX interviews, 77% of the interviewees said that the servicewomen were under greater stress than the servicemen. Si x t y - f i v e per cent of the factors causing stress were related to their - 181 -token status such as pressure to perform, v i s i b i l i t y , negative male attitudes, and inexperience in the environment. To conclude, i t would appear that performance aids feelings of belonging and acceptance, and, therefore, group membership; however, i f those trying to integrate hold token status, their interaction patterns w i l l be defined by the characteristics and consequences of that status and their efforts w i l l be impeded. Expectations based on performance/ a b i l i t y w i l l be unmet and group membership w i l l be marginal. - 182 -CHAPTER VII CONCLUSIONS The history of servicewomen i n the CF has been one of employment discrimination. They have been hired to f i l l t r a d i t i o n a l l y female sex-typed jobs only when servicemen have been unavailable and in response to pressure external to DND. After a war ef f o r t , they have been the f i r s t to be released from service. P o l i c i e s governing the conditions of their employment such as marital status and retirement benefits have differed from those applied to servicemen. F i n a l l y , they have been excluded from primary a i r , land, and sea combat roles because of perceived societal views on employment appropriateness for servicewomen. With the promulgation of the CHRA, the most recent form of external pressure has been brought to bear on DND. The response has been to establish f i v e , four-year t r i a l s during which data w i l l be gathered to support a decision either to expand the employment of servicewomen to a l l near-combat and isolated units or to return them to their t r a d i t i o n a l , p r e - t r i a l roles. Should the l a t t e r d e c i s i on be taken, the CHRC must concur with the results of the t r i a l s . The CF, therefore, must provide sound, bona fide occupational reasons for continued discrimination against servicewomen. As the CHRA emphasizes the requirement for a quantifiable reason j u s t i f y i n g discrimination, the CF focused the t r i a l directive on - 183 -performance or a b i l i t y . Performance, therefore, was highly salient to the organization as i t wanted to know what servicewomen were capable of doing and i f their presence i n the unit reduced operational e f f e c t i v e -ness. Performance was also highly salient to the servicewomen as was seen from a review of the interview data collected prior to their a r r i v a l i n Germany. They had i d e n t i f i e d the testing of the servicewomen's a b i l i t y as the primary reason for the purpose of the t r i a l s and they were keen to participate. By proving themselves, they believed that they would be accepted into the unit as legitimate members - as equals. Their achieved status would take precedence over their ascribed status. Their sex would be overlooked: they would become soldiers, not female soldiers, in the near-combat unit. Due to their e f f o r t s , they expected that the current employment policy on servicewomen would be reversed and that servicewomen would be permanently employed i n combat service support units. Once in 4 Svc Bn, the servicewomen demonstrated that they were f u l l y capable unit members; however, the above expectations were not met. Integration was proceeding slowly: only half of the servicewomen f e l t that they belonged i n the unit and were accepted by the servicemen. Those that had been in the unit since 1980 were very discouraged and d i s i l l u s i o n e d as their efforts over a long period of time had not been rewarded. - 184 -THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS The objective of this thesis was not to test a theory or a model, but to try to account for the dynamics of integration noted in the Land T r i a l and the servicewomen's unmet expectations. Status characteristics and expectation states theory, and Ranter's structural/numerical propor-tions model were used as general guidelines: the f i r s t described the process of expectation formation, and the second demonstrated that organizationally imposed variables beyond their control and outside of their efforts and a b i l i t i e s , could influence expectation f u l f i l l m e n t . The sex-role l i t e r a t u r e presented in Chapter IV described the stereotypes and normative behaviour associated with each sex in Western society. The male sex i s defined by a competency cluster of qua l i t i e s which include being independent, objective, l o g i c a l , ambitious, and acting l i k e a leader. The re l a t i v e absence of these q u a l i t i e s t y p i f i e s women. Consequently, the male sex has higher status and i s more highly valued than the female sex. Status characteristics and expectation states theory posits that under certain conditions (such as a task-solving situation in which a correct outcome i s valued and the assumption that competence i s inst r u -mental to task completion), a group member w i l l draw a conclusion from the available information about the other's competence at task comple-tio n . In the absence of spec i f i c information on task a b i l i t y , an - 185 -external status characteristic (and i t s associated stereotypes) w i l l be used for expectation formation i f i t differentiates between group members and i f i t has not been e x p l i c i t l y dissociated from the a b i l i t y required for the task. The result i s an observable power and prestige order which re f l e c t s status ranking according to the expectations formed and the opportunities given to contribute to the tasksolving si t u a t i o n . In status equal groups, i n i t i a l evaluations of a b i l i t y w i l l lead to corresponding contributions to the a c t i v i t y at hand; however, in status unequal groups, i t w i l l be assumed that those with high status w i l l be more competent at the task than those with low status. Thus, their task contributions w i l l be valued and higher expectations w i l l be formed for them. They w i l l get more opportunities to participate, i n i t i a t e more action, receive more positive reaction, and have more influence. Since females have low status, in any task-solving situation where the diffuse status characteristic of sex i s made known, they would be assumed to not be competent and would be given less opportunity to contribute to problem resolution. Simmel said that i f a person can be defined, expectations regard-ing his/her future behaviour can be formed based on that categorization. Women soldiers are an anomoly. They are few in number and clustered i n t r a d i t i o n a l l y female trades. There i s l i t t l e from their h i s t o r i c a l m i l i t a r y service from which an image can be formed. It i s not known who the female soldier i s and of what she i s capable. Nieva and Gutek (1980) concluded that i f l i t t l e i s known about women, bias and stereotyping are stronger. Terborg and Ilgen (1975) found that when information i s provided, stereotyping decreases. ( If these observations are accurate, - 186 -one would expect from the status characteristics and expectation states theory that as information contrary to the stereotypes associated with the low status of female are made known, their contributions to the group based on a b i l i t y should increase. In other words, when a b i l i t i e s relevant to the particular work/task situation are known, inferences should be made from that information, not from the individual's s o c i a l category. Meeker and Weitzel-O'Neill went further and said that performance expectations w i l l not be affected by sex i f the woman appears to be competent; however, they offered a caveat that the woman must be cooperatively motivated and that i t i s legitimate for her to move beyond her low status. Ranter's structural/numerical proportions model is based on the relationship between ascribed and achieved statuses. Certain organiza-t i o n a l or structural conditions combined with a skewed group type result i n tokenism which hinders the recognition of achieved status. Since the r e a l i t i e s of the work place preclude a simple recommendation for structural changes and numerical increases, the consequences of tokenism must be understood by supervisors, subordinates, and co-workers. There are several differences between status characteristics and expectation states theory, and the structural/numerical proportions model. For example, most of the tests of the former have been situated in a laboratory setting with two subjects and s t r i c t experimental - 187 -conditions; the l a t t e r grew out of a participant-observation of a skewed work group with no experimental controls. The theory focuses on individuals at one task while the model operates on a system le v e l as i t describes interaction dynamics within a group. Regardless of these differences, the theory and the model are compatible. While i t was ot the objective of this thesis to develop the theoretical compatibility of the theory and the model, but rather to use them as general guidelines for interpreting the participant-observation findings, i t i s suggested that there i s potential for doing so. As an example, three of the status characteristics and expectation states theory's assumptions can be related to the structural/numerical proportions model. F i r s t , the theory's saliency assumption states that a l l status characteristics known to be relevant to the task and a l l characteristics that discriminate between members, w i l l become salie n t . Kanter observed that in a skewed group, tokens w i l l be defined by their ascribed, not achieved, status. Their individualism w i l l be denied as they become representatives or symbols of their s o c i a l category. Thus, their external status characteristic results i n spec i f i c perceptual phenomena which hamper their integration. Second, the burden of proof assumption states that even i f there i s no association between the status characteristic and the task, the status c h a r a c t e r i s t i c w i l l become activated as a performance expectation discriminator. In the model, a pattern of interaction resulting from the - 188 -token's high v i s i b i l i t y , namely, attention to token's discrepant status, i d e n t i f i e d the persistence of dominants to focus on the stereotypical b e l i e f s held about the token's character and a b i l i t y rather than accepting her demonstration of competence. It becomes d i f f i c u l t for the token to render her discrepant status characteristic negligible since i t i s always there as an explanation, should the token err. The third assumption concerns the transfer effect of the observ-able power and prestige order to new members. Kanter described this process as the extension of consequences. Because there are so few tokens, their performances become symbolic. Therefore, i f they do manage to overcome the handicap of ascribed status, their performances could affect the integration of future female employees. The result, for newcomers, i s that the ascribed status characteristic has become replaced by the precedent set by other tokens. Neither, of course, are neces-s a r i l y accurate as to what newcomers can do. For the purpose of this thesis, status characteristics and expec-tat i o n states theory explained the general process by which status i s applied to the formation of expectations. It also conversely offered the theoretical guidelines by which the unmet expectations of the service-women could be described. The structural/numerical proportions model provided the framework for identifying the interaction dynamics which reinforced the consequences of that status generalization. - 189 -MILITARY IMPLICATIONS The m i l i t a r y implications of this study can be related s p e c i f i -c a l l y to the SWINTER t r i a l s and generally to servicewomen who, i n the future, may be employed i n combat service support units. The CF created the t r i a l s in an attempt to avoid u n i l a t e r a l decisions being made by the CHRC on how servicewomen should be employed. The Land T r i a l was structured, ostensibly, to determine what effect the employment of servicewomen would have on the operational c a p a b i l i t y of two combat service support units in 4 CMBG. Sub-objectives included comparative assessments of the individual effectiveness of servicwomen and servicemen on unit taskings, and groups of servicewomen, groups of servicemen and integrated groups on unit taskings. While the aim and sub-objectives were in concert with the CHRA's st i p u l a t i o n of a bona fide occupational requirement, the actual condi-tions of the t r i a l employment of the servicewomen imposed token status on them. I t has been suggested that sound organizational reasons were advanced for the percentage of SWINTER participants being so low i n the unit ( a v a i l a b i l i t y of positions, a v a i l a b i l i t y of servicwomen with the requisite rank and trade experience, withdrawal from 4 CMBG i n the event of a c r i s i s ) ; however, i t has also been suggested that the CF thought that operational capability would be jeopardized i f the t r i a l involved more than a minimum of servicewomen. The results of this decision are twofold. On a macro l e v e l , the t r i a l could not f a i l since there were too - 190 -few servicewomen in the unit to have an impact on operational e f f e c t i v e -ness. On a micro, or individual l e v e l , token status generated highly problematic employment conditions for each servicewoman. They have demonstrated that they can serve credibly i n a near-combat unit but stress, low morale, and lack of belonging and acceptance militated against the servicewomen feeling that this was a desirable occupational setting for them. Few said they would ever want to serve i n a near-combat unit again. The m i l i t a r y research done to date and conclusions made by senior unit personnel, suggest that a wealth of data and opinions have accrued on the results of placing tokens or minority status holders into a group dominated by another social category. It i s questionable how much know-ledge has been gained about the performance of the servicewomen, per se, to meet the aim of the t r i a l since the effects of tokenism are so perva-sive. As Kanter (1977a:208) concluded, "Again, r e l a t i v e numbers i n t e r -fered with a f a i r test of what men or women could 'naturally' do...." M i l i t a r y sociologists have studied cohesion and primary groups since World War I I . The work has been done by Americans on units com-prised of status similar personnel. With the advent of the all-volunteer force after the Vietnam War, attention was turned to r a c i a l integration, and since the end of the last decade to the integration of women. This research i s s t i l l very much in i t s infancy. L i t t l e i s known about the interaction dynamics resulting from the introduction of servicewomen into previously all-male operational units. - 191 -The primary group studies have shown that during wartime, cohesion, not ideology or p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s , was c r u c i a l to sustaining morale and combat motivation, a l l e v i a t i n g stress and carrying out combat duties. Each group member was dependent upon another for emotional support and p r a c t i c a l assistance. The soldier had to be capable of f u l f i l l i n g his share of r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and had to believe that he could r e l y on his buddies (or buddy) to do the same. This dependency on his fellow group members was p a r t i c u l a r l y important should he get into a predicament or be wounded. Soldiers who contributed to achieving the mission, shared risk-taking, and demonstrated dependability bonded well together. Cohesion i s , therefore, v i t a l to the successful functioning of the primary group. Research into the m i l i t a r y small group has i d e n t i f i e d socio-emotive (personality compatibility; like-mindedness) and instrumental ( a b i l i t y to carry out the task; willingness to share risks) factors as contributing to cohesion. The potential placement of servicewomen (during peacetime or wartime) into combat service support units has implications for the socio-emotive and instrumental aspects of cohesion. This study has shown that the ascribed status of sex dominates achieved status when servicewomen are placed into a previously all-male unit. While status characteristics and expectation states theory allows for the p o s s i b i l i t y that the diffuse status of sex w i l l be suppressed in favour of demonstrated a b i l t y or proven competence, i t i s unlikely that the sex of the servicewomen w i l l be rendered negligible. Therefore, the a b i l i t y - 192 -of servicewomen to contribute to r i s k reduction and mission accomplish-ment w i l l be negated. The theory suggests that their m i l i t a r y s k i l l s w i l l not be acknowledged by the servicemen because the negative stereotypes associated with the female sex w i l l take precedence i n expectation formation. If they are not allowed to contribute, they are of no value to the group. Should servicewomen be introduced permanently into combat service support units, i t w i l l l i k e l y be i n small numbers, and as in the Land T r i a l , their resulting token status w i l l engender interaction patterns that are not necessarily related to their achieved status. These interaction patterns r e s t r i c t integration and l i m i t c r e d i b i l i t y from being established as the servicewomen become locked into stereotypical molds. Given the dynamics of integration noted i n the Land T r i a l , a peacetime experiment, i t i s doubtful that servicewomen would ever be allowed to contribute to primary group cohesion and, therefore, to operational effectiveness. - 194 -E X A M P L E Academic Background 5. (C) Graduated Jun 76 with C- average in academic program. Entered a 2-year secretarial arts program but quit Feb 78, A months short of graduation. Reported that her grades were good but because she could not imagine herself confined to an office job she quit rather than obtain a diploma in something she no longer wanted to do as a career. Sports 6. (C) Has always been active in sports. Played on school rep basketball and f ield hockey teams; has been on base rep basketball and volleyball teams. Enjoys camping, x-country skiing and swimming. Tried to start a women's base hockey team last year but got l i t t l e response. Has recently taken up archery through a base club. Previous Knowledge of SWINTER 7. (C) Has some knowledge of the evaluations as a female friend (ADM CLK) who was posted to Alert last fa l l told her about the BPSO briefing and interview. In response to specific questions: a. believes that the CF is conducting the studies because of Human Rights pressure to prove that men and women are treated equally in the CF; b. thinks she was selected for posting because she did well on her trades training and because she is a good VEH TECH; and, c. said that she realizes that the work wil l be demanding because of the exercises - "It won't be as easy as Borden". She does not anticipate any insurmountable problems. Resumfe of Briefing Provided 8. (C) Asked several questions about the nature of A Svc Bn exercises (objectives, number per year, duration, etc). Conditions of service were explained and the CFE Land Evalution Fact Sheet and Annex C "Background on Attitudes and Expectations" were provided for her retention. Decision Reached (If the servicewomen enrolled pre-19 Jun 79): 9. (C) The selection message was the f irst she had received, therefore, there had been no prior indication of a willingness to volunteer for SWINTER. Accepts the posting. Enthusiastic about working in a near-combat unit and learning new sk i l l s . Views on Posting (If the servicewoman enrolled post-19 Jun 79): 10. (C) She was surprised that she was posted to CFE. She wants to remuster to an Air Tech trade and had asked for an Air base on her last PER to learn about the Air element and the working conditions. Being in Germany would create a A-year delay in her career plans. She does not want to go to Germany and said that she would discuss this further with her CO. Additional Comments 11. (C) Work record shows Cpl Compass to be very capable tradesperson. Meets ht/wt requirements: 167 cm, 63 kg. Testing a. WTBQ b. WTAQ DISTRIBUTION LIST NDHQ/DPSRSC CFTSHQ: SO PSEL CFPARU BPSO File E X A M P L E - 195 -APPENDIX B POST-FALLEX 83 INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FALLEX 83 1. Were you looking forward to FALLEX 83? Yes, why? No, why not? 2. Was i t a 'good' exercise for you? Yes, why? No, why not? 3. Did the people i n your platoon work well together? 4. Is there anything from FALLEX that indicates whether or not women should be in the fi e l d ? General Perceptions 5. How do you feel about women being i n combat service support units? (Probe for comments on their a b i l i t y to perform the tasks.) 6. When you f i r s t came to the unit, what expectations did you have regarding the a b i l i t i e s of servicewomen? Have these expectations been met? 7. Are there differences between mixed gender sections which are not apparent i n single sex sections? 8. Do you l i k e being out i n the fie l d ? Yes, why? No, why not? 9. How do men and women compare i n t a c t i c a l situations? - 196 -10. I am thinking of a l l of the tasks that you do in the f i e l d . a. Can the men physically do a l l the tasks? Yes? No? b. Can the women physically do a l l of the tasks? Yes? No? c. How important i s physical strength in the field? Very important? Important? Not important? Not very important? Attitudes 11. How do the men treat the women? 12. Do the women feel that they belong i n the unit? Has this changed over time? 13. Do you feel that the women have been accepted in the unit? Yes -factors? No - barriers? 14. Has this acceptance changed over time? If so, what has influenced the change? 15. How have the attitudes of the supervisors "affected the acceptance of the servicewomen? 16. How has the performance of the servicewomen affected th e i r acceptance? 17. Have you ever been offended by: a. the behaviour of men in 4 Fd Amb/4 Svc Bn? b. the behaviour of women i n 4 Fd Amb/4 Svc Bn? - 197 -Spouses 18. Are there any concerns that your wife/husband has about you being in the f i e l d with men/women. If yes, what are they? 19. What effect does/do this/these concern(s) have on you at work? 20. Do other wives/husbands have any concerns? I f yes, what are they? (Probe for degree and prevalence). Stress 21. Are women under greater stress than men in the f i e l d unit? If yes, define types ( s o c i a l , work, hygiene, accommodation, etc.) and causes. Combat Service Support Units 22. If given the choice would you serve again in a combat service support unit? 23. If you were the Minister of National Defence responsible for making the policy on the employment of women i n a l l combat service support units, what would you decide? 24. What do you think the decision w i l l be? Cold Weather T r i a l 25. What do you know about the Cold Weather Trial? 26. Are you looking forward to i t ? - L98 -27. Does everyone else feel the same? 28. Is the Cold Weather T r i a l a major issue in the unit at this time? 29. Is this t r i a l going to have any impact on the o v e r a l l / f i n a l decision? 30. Is there anything that we have not covered that you would l i k e to discuss? - 199 -APPENDIX C SUBSET OF QUESTIONS FOR ANALYSIS -POST-FALLEX 83 INTERVIEW SCHEDULE General Perceptions 1. How do you fe e l about women being i n combat service support units? (Probe for comments on their a b i l i t y to perform the tasks.) 2. When you f i r s t came to the unit, what expectations did you have regarding the a b i l i t i e s of servicewomen? Have these expectations been met? 3. Do you l i k e being out i n the field? Yes, why? No, why not? 4. How do men and women compare in t a c t i c a l situations? 5. I am thinking of a l l of the tasks that you do i n the f i e l d . a. Can the men physically do a l l the tasks? Yes? No? b. Can the women physically do a l l of the tasks? Yes? No? c. How important Is physical strength i n the fi e l d ? Very important? Important? Not important? Not very important? Attitudes 6. How do the men treat the women? 7. Do the women feel that they belong in the unit? Has this changed over time? - 200 -8. Do you feel that the women have been accepted in the unit? Yes -factors? No - barriers? 9. Has this acceptance changed over time? If so, what has influenced the change? 10. How have the attitudes of the supervisors affected the acceptance of the servicewomen? 11. How has the performance of the servicewomen affected th e i r acceptance? 12. Have you ever been offended by: a. the behaviour of men i n 4 Svc Bn? b. the behaviour of women i n 4 Svc Bn? Stress 13. Are women under greater stress than men in the f i e l d unit? If yes, define types ( s o c i a l , work, hygiene, accommodation, etc.) and causes. Combat Service Support Units 14. If given the choice would you serve again in a combat service support unit? 15. If you were the Minister of National Defence responsible for making the policy on the employment of women in a l l combat service support units, what would you decide? 16. What do you think the decision w i l l be? - 201 -L I S T OF ABBREVIATIONS ADM(Per) Assistant Deputy Minister (Personnel) BAA Brigade Administrative Area BPSO Base Personnel Selection Officer CF Canadian Forces CFE Canadian Forces Europe CFPARU Canadian Forces Personnel Applied Research Unit CHRA Canadian Human Rights Act CHRC Canadian Human Rights Commission COS Came-on-Strength (date of a r r i v a l at unit) CPCSA Chief of Personnel Careers and Senior Appointments DCDS Deputy Chief of Defence Staff DND Department of National Defence DPDS Directorate Personnel Development Studies ERA 1 Equal Rights Amendment FALLEX F a l l Exercise - Field Manoeuvres FRG Forward Repair Group - 202 -MOC M i l i t a r y Occupational C l a s s i f i c a t i o n NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NCO Non-Commissioned Officer NDHQ National Defence Headquarters PSO Personnel Selection Officer SBS Social and Behavioural Science SBSA Social and Behavioural Science Advisor Spec Asst/ADM(Per) Special Assistant to Assistant Deputy Minister (Personnel) SWINTER Servicewomen i n Non-traditional Environments and Roles 4 CMBG 4 Canadian Mechanized Brigade Group 4 Fd Amb 4 F i e l d Ambulance 4 Svc Bn 4 Service Battalion - 203 -REFERENCES Alexander, V i c t o r i a D., and Peggy A. 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