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Choices for change : a study of the Fort Ware Indian band and implications of land settlements for northern… Harris, Yvonne 1984

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CHOICES FOR CHANGE A Study of the Fort Ware Indian Band and I m p l i c a t i o n s of Land Settlements -for Northern Indian Bands by YVONNE DOROTHY HARRIS B.A.,The U n i v e r s i t y of Saskatchewan, Regina Campus, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES i n the SCHOOL OF COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING 1984 We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 1984 ^Yvonne Dorothy H a r r i s , 1984 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements fo r an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date DE-6 (3/81) i i ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s a n a l yses the o p t i o n s -for Indian land s e t t l e m e n t s in terms o+" the s o c i a l , ecomomic, and c u l t u r a l i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r northern Indian bands. The -focus i s on three Sekan i communities in northeast B r i t i s h Columbia, but more s p e c i f i c a l l y on Fo r t Ware, a remote Indian settlement l o c a t e d in the Fin1ay-Parsnip watershed w i t h i n the Rocky Mountain Trench. S o c i a l and economic problems f a c e d by Canadian Indians have, in the p a s t , always been met by remedial programs, programs that have been d i r e c t e d at the symptoms of d i s t r e s s , not the causes. T h i s t h e s i s examines land settlement as a p o s s i b l e long term s o l u t i o n to the economic and s o c i a l problems of Canada's Indian p o p u l a t i o n . The question that i s posed in the t h e s i s i s : what would be the optimum k i n d of settlement in terms of b r i n g i n g about p o s i t i v e s o c i a l and economic change? To answer t h i s q u e s t i o n , information was gathered on three Indian communities - Fort Ware, an Indian reserve without road access and remote from non-Indian settlement and resource developments; McLeod Lake, a settlement surrounded by i n d u s t r i a l development and s e v e r e l y a f f e c t e d by the massive 1960's W.A.C. Bennett h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t ; and Ingenika, a community d i s p l a c e d by the same p r o j e c t . The t h e s i s f o c u s s e s c h i e f l y on F o r t Ware because i t i s a northern band whose t e r r i t o r y has not yet been s i g n i f i c a n t l y a l t e r e d by non-Indian resource developments and i s s i m i l a r in t h i s r e s p e c t to many northern i i i Indian s e t t l e m e n t s that are s t i l l j u s t beyond the - f r o n t i e r . In order to determine the present extent of t e r r i t o r y and the value of Indian s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s of. the people of For t Ware and McLeod Lake, a land use and occupancy study was c a r r i e d out in these two communities. It was found that country food (food from g a t h e r i n g and hunting) was c r i t i c a l to the d i e t of both communities and that the t e r r i t o r y used by the bands was e x t e n s i v e . In For t Ware the extent of t e r r i t o r y used f o r hunting, t r a p p i n g , g u i d i n g , and f i s h i n g was almost as ext e n s i v e as that used at the time of white c o n t a c t . In McLeod Lake the extent of t e r r i t o r y used has d e c l i n e d s i n c e the contact p e r i o d , with the major decrease o c c u r r i n g s i n c e completion of the W.A.C. Bennett dam. The t h e s i s f o c u s s e s on the v i l l a g e of For t Ware and i t s c h o i c e s f o r change. Options f o r land settlement f o r For t Ware and other s i m i l a r northern Indian bands have been grouped i n t o four c a t e g o r i e s and analysed. They i n c l u d e : t r a d i t i onal , f o l l o w i n g the Indian t r e a t i e s ; moderate , c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the James Bay Northern Quebec Agreement, the proposed Yukon agreement and the Committee f o r O r i g i n a l Peoples E n t i t l e l m e n t (C.O.P.E.) sett l e m e n t ; assimi1 at i on , f o l l o w i n g the A l a s k a Native Claim Settlement, and Indian reform , c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the Nishga n e g o t i a t i n g p r o p o s a l s . It was concluded that none of the se t t l e m e n t s were s a t i s f a c t o r y , although s e v e r a l elements were c o n s i d e r e d to be p o s i t i v e . The i v t r e a t i e s -fal l short o-f p r o v i d i n g the necessary land base -for continued Indian s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s , do not provide Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n in resource management, and do not provide c a p i t a l •for the bands' economic development. The moderate agreements - James Bay Northern Quebec Agreement, the proposed Council -for Yukon Indians agreement and the C.O.P.E. settlement - address the issue o-f n a t i v e resource use but -fail to provide comprehensive c o n t r o l over resource management. Even the C.O.P.E. agreement, which has the most extensive land base, - f a l l s short because the I n u v i a l u i t , the bene-f i c i ar i es in the agreement, have i n s u f f i c i e n t v o i c e in resource and land use d e c i s i o n s . The Alaskan agreement i s an a s s i m i l a t i o n package with l i t t l e p r o t e c t i o n -for s u b s i s t e n c e use or adequate p o l i t i c a l framework f o r the Indian and I n u i t people. The Nishga n e g o t i a t i n g p r o p o s a l s are the most p o s i t i v e in terms of support of the Indian c u l t u r e and in terms of b r i n g i n g about s o c i a l and economic development. Because these p r o p o s a l s are aimed at g a i n i n g Indian c o n t r o l over a l l the e x t e n s i v e , claimed land and resource revenues, i t i s not r e a l i s t i c that such p r o p o s a l s c o u l d be s u c c e s s f u l l y n e g o t i a t e d f o r a l l northern Indian bands. Some general c o n c l u s i o n s have emerged from t h i s a n a l y s i s . In order f o r northern Indian bands to achieve economic, s o c i a l and V c u l t u r a l growth, a land c l a i m agreement should c o n t a i n at l e a s t the -foil ow i n g: 1.One to one and one-half square m i l e s of land per b e n e f i c i a r y to be owned by the Indian group. 2. P r i o r i t y r i g h t s to re s o u r c e s <for hunting, f i s h i n g , t r a p p i n g , g u i d i n g , and f o r e s t r y ) on the balance of the claimed land. 3. Equal v o i c e on decision-making resource management conuni t tees. 4 . Cash settlement s u f f i c i e n t f o r the band's economic deve1opmen t . 5. Greater p o l i t i c a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l over matters a f f e c t i n g the Indian group. VI TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Abstrac t < i i > Table of Contents <vi> Li s t of Maps <v i i > L i s t of T a b l e s ( v i i i ) Acnowledgements (x) CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 METHOD 11 CHAPTER II THE SEKANI BANDS 16 Fort Ware 16 McLeod Lake 22 Ingenika 23 CHAPTER III LAND USE AT TIME OF WHITE CONTACT 26 CHAPTER IV EXISTING RESOURCE BASE AND DEVELOPMENT IMPACTS 40 F o r e s t r y 40 Mining 44 W i l d l i f e 44 F i s h 49 H y d r o - e l e c t r i c development 50 CHAPTER V LAND USE AND OCCUPANCY STUDY 52 Fort Ware 53 McLeod Lake 60 Mapping P r o j e c t 64 CHAPTER VI ANALYSIS OF ABORIGINAL TITLE 71 CHAPTER VII ANALYSIS OF TREATIES, SETTLEMENTS AND AGREEMENTS 82 T r a d i t i o n a l - T r e a t y 8 91 Moderate - James Bay Agreement & Proposed Yukon and COPE Settlements 94 A s s i m i l a t i o n - A l a s k a Land Claim 107 Indian Reform - Nishga P r o p o s a l s 110 CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSIONS 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY 124 APPENDIX 13° i/ii LIST OF TABLES Table I W i l d Game K i l l e d f o r Food in Fort Ware During One Year 1982-83 53 II F o r t Ware F i s h Catch During One Year 1982-83 54 III F o r t Ware Trappers' Harvest During One Year 1982-83 59 IV Opinion of Respondents Comparing E x i s t i n g Resources with Resources before the Dam 60 V W i l d Game K i l l e d f o r Food in Fort Ware During one Year 1982-83 60 VI McLeod Lake F i s h Catch During One Year 1982-83 61 VII McLeod Lake Trappers' Harvest During One Year 1982-83 62 VIII McLeod Lake Trappers' Harvest - 1830 63 IX Opinions of McLeod Lake Respondents Comparing E x i s t i n g Resources with Resources Before the Dam 64 X Summary of Land Settlement P r o v i s i o n s 96 XI Summary of Har v e s t i n g R i g h t s and Resources Management 97 XII Summary of Cash Settlements 98 v i i i LIST OF MAPS Map 1 L o c a t i o n of Sekani Bands 2 Map 2 Land Claims Submitted in B r i t i s h Columbia 5 Map 3 T e r r i t o r y used at the Time of White Contact 38 Map 4 Proposed F o r e s t r y to 2001 42 Map 5 Mining and H y d r o - e l e c t r i c Developments 45 Map 6 For t Ware Land Use 1982-83 65 Map 7 McLeod Lake Land Use 66 Map 8 D e t a i l - McLeod Lake Land Use 1982-83 67 Map 9 Changes in Sekani T e r r i t o r y 1793 to 1983 69 Map 10 T r e a t y 8 88 Acknowl edoements I am g r a t e f u l to Chief Emil McCook who supported my r e s e a r c h in F o r t Ware and to the many Fort Ware Band members who p a r t i c i p a t e d in the survey. I would l i k e to thank Hazel and C h a r l i e Boya who b e f r i e n d e d me and the Van Sommers who a s s i s t e d me. A l s o I want to remember the band manager Robert I n y a l i e , the John McCook and the John Poole f a m i l i e s . At McLeod Lake I had the support of Chief Harry Chingee and h i s w i f e Pat and the c o - o p e r a t i o n of a l l the band members in the v i11 age. I a p p r e c i a t e the a s s i s t a n c e I r e c e i v e d from Indian and Northern A f f a i r s , Canada in p r o v i d i n g e s s e n t i a l information and the i n v a l u a b l e help from Medical S e r v i c e s s t a f f of Health and Welfare who g r a c i o u s l y o f f e r e d me accommodation in F o r t Ware. The P r o v i n c i a l Government s t a f f in the M i n i s t r i e s of F o r e s t s , Mines and Environment a s s i s t e d me by p r o v i d i n g r e s e a r c h d a t a . Most important to the success of t h i s work was the support I r e c e i v e d from my husband, P a u l , who cared f o r our young daughter Em i 1 y wh i l e I s t u d i e d . I wish to express my a p p r e c i a t i o n to my a d v i s o r s , M i l d r e d Poplar of the Union of B.C. Indian C h i e f s , Robin R i d i n g t o n , Department of Anthropology and my s u p e r v i s o r , Peter Boothroyd of the School of Community and Regional P l a n n i n g . F i n a l l y , I want to acknowledge the -financial a s s i s t a n c e I r e c e i v e d -from Central Mortgage and Housing C o r p o r a t i o n . There i s no group in Canada more inadequately s h e l t e r e d than the Canadian Indians. Through research such as t h i s i t i s hoped that the root o-f the problem, not the symptoms w i l l be addressed. 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION T h i s t h e s i s w i l l analyze land c l a i m settlement o p t i o n s in terms o-f the s o c i a l , economic and c u l t u r a l i m p l i c a t i o n s -for northern Indian bands. The f ocus w i l l be on three Sekani communities, and more s p e c i f i c a l l y on F o r t Ware, a remote Sekani community l o c a t e d in the Rocky Mountain Trench of northeast B r i t i s h Columbia (see Map 1). The land c l a i m s r e f e r r e d to are comprehensive c l a i m s based on the concept of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e . A comprehensive c l a i m , as d e f i n e d by Indian and Northern A f f a i r s Canada, i n v o l v e s a group or groups of Indians w i t h i n a geographic area and may include land and s u b s i s t e n c e r i g h t s to hunting, f i s h i n g and t r a p p i n g , as well as other economic, s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s (Indian and Northern A f f a i r s Canada 1982:7). The question of a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s i s g a i n i n g importance in B r i t i s h Columbia. In the 1970's two events o c c u r r e d that d r a m a t i c a l l y a f f e c t e d f e d e r a l p o l i c y on n a t i v e r i g h t s . The f i r s t was the a p p l i c a t i o n by the Cree and I n u i t f o r an i n j u n c t i o n which s t a l l e d the g i a n t James Bay h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t ; the second was the Supreme Court of Canada d e c i s i o n on the question of whether or not the Nishga T r i b e had r e t a i n e d a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e to the Nass V a l l e y . It was p r i m a r i l y the Nishga case that became the c a t a l y s t f o r a r e v i s e d f e d e r a l p o l i c y on n a t i v e land c l a i m s . z The p o s s i b i l i t y o-f Indian t i t l e being upheld by the Supreme Court strengthened the b a r g a i n i n g p o s i t i o n of Indian bands a c r o s s Canada, but more so in areas where t i t l e had never been e x t i n g u i s h e d by t r e a t y . Although t r e a t i e s were signed in O n t a r i o and a c r o s s the p r a i r i e s in the l a t e Nineteenth and e a r l y Twentieth C e n t u r i e s , s i g n i f i c a n t p o r t i o n s of Canada were never the s u b j e c t of Indian t r e a t i e s . Indians in the Yukon, northern Quebec, and most of B r i t i s h Columbia and the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s d i d not come under t r e a t y . Since the 1970's a major land c l a i m settlement has taken place in northern Quebec and s e t t l e m e n t s are near completion in the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and the Yukon. In c o n t r a s t , land c l a i m n e g o t i a t i o n s in B r i t i s h Columbia are p r o g r e s s i n g s l o w l y . The f e d e r a l government has the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r r e s o l v i n g land c l a i m s , yet t i t l e to the land i s in the name of the p r o v i n c e . In Quebec the p r o v i n c i a l government s e t t l e d with the Cree and the I n u i t in order to move ahead with i t s massive h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t ; in B r i t i s h Columbia the p r o v i n c i a l government has not p e r c e i v e d any p r e s s i n g m o t i v a t i o n to r e s o l v e land c l a i m s . Once s e t t l e m e n t s are f i n a l i z e d in the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s the Indian land c l a i m issue may focus more d i r e c t l y on B r i t i s h Columbia. The Province f a c e s a very complex a r r a y of l e g a l arguments on the s u b j e c t of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e ; i t a l s o f a c e s an a r r a y of Indian p r o p o s a l s f o r land s e t t l e m e n t . 4 The issue o-f land settlement i s made more complex in the northeast o-f B r i t i s h Columbia because o-f an anomaly that e x i s t s . The boundaries o-f T r e a t y 8, s i g n e d in 1899, extend over t e r r i t o r y t r a d i t i o n a l l y used by bands that never s i g n e d or p a r t i c i p a t e d in the T r e a t y . These bands, as a consequence, are con-fronted with the a d d i t i o n a l o p t i o n o-f adhering to the 1899 T r e a t y . As the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l debate on a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e heated up in 1980-81 and again d u r i n g the March 1983 c o n s t i t u t i o n a l accord t a l k s , the p o s i t i o n s of the v a r i o u s a c t o r s emerged. What became evident was the p o l a r i z a t i o n between the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia and the more m i l i t a n t Indian o r g a n i z a t i o n s . It a l s o became evident that there was l i t t l e consensus among v a r i o u s Indian bands as to the d i r e c t i o n f o r land s e t t l e m e n t s and resource use. Indian bands are c o n s i d e r i n g a range of c h o i c e s . Although Thomas Berger w i l l be undertaking the task of a n a l y z i n g the Alaskan s e t t l e m e n t , at t h i s time there i s l i t t l e information a v a i l a b l e on the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the v a r i o u s c h o i c e s f o r s e t t l e m e n t . An examination of the o p t i o n s a v a i l a b l e to Indian bands i s r e q u i r e d to ensure g r e a t e r understanding by the bands as they formulate p r o p o s a l s f o r land s e t t l e m e n t . Options f o r S e t t l i n g , Land Claims Although land c l a i m s have been submitted f o r most of the land in is,?'ott* 's'ancfs COMPREHENSIVE CLAIMS 1983 ACCEPTED 1 . N I S H G A 2. K I T W A N C O O L 3. G I T K S A N - C A R R I E R 4. H A I S L A N A T I O N 5 . U N I T E D T A M L T A N 6 . T R E A T Y 8 UNDER REVIEW 7. N U U - C H A M - N U L T H 6. H A I 0 A N A T I O N 9 . H E I L T S U K 10. N U X A L K 1 1 . K O O T E N A I N A T I O N 12. N A Z K O - K L U S K U S 13. K A S K A - D E N A 14. C A R R I E R - S E K A N I 1 5 . T S I M S H I A N 1 6 . A L K A L A L A K E 17. A T L I N 1*1 MAP 2 LAND CLAIMS SUBMITTED N BRITISH COLUMBIA STUDY AREA Vancouver / s / and 6 B r i t i s h Columbia (see map 2 ) , a l l bands have not f i n a l i z e d t h e i r n e g o t i a t i n g s t r a t e g i e s . Some Indian bands may opt f o r adhesion to the e x i s t i n g T r e a t y 8 while o t h e r s may f o l l o w the stand taken by the Nishga, namely, that no land be ceded and that Indians a s s e r t t i t l e over a l l the claimed l a n d . In e x p l o r i n g the v a r i o u s c h o i c e s , t h i s t h e s i s w i l l d e t a i l four o p t i o n s which encompass the range of c h o i c e s f a c i n g Indian groups. These o p t i o n s w i l l be l a b e l l e d t r a d i t i o n a l , moderate, a s s i m i l a t i o n and Indian reform. Examples of the t r a d i t i onal approach are the t r e a t i e s where t i t l e was e x t i n g u i s h e d in exchange f o r a r e l a t i v e l y small land and cash s e t t l e m e n t , with l i t t l e p r o t e c t i o n f o r ongoing resource use; the moderate approach i s demonstrated by the James Bay Agreement where t i t l e was e x t i n g u i s h e d f o r a f a i r l y generous land and cash settlement along with some ongoing resource use; the assimi 1 at i on option i s pa t t e r n e d from the Alaskan s e t t l e m e n t , and the Indian reform, from the Nishga n e g o t i a t i n g p r o p o s a l s . T h i s o v e r s i m p l i f i e s the c h o i c e s . Obviously, there are many p o s s i b l e s e t t l e m e n t s that f a l l between the four c a t e g o r i e s and some that may f a l l o u t s i d e . The r a t i o n a l e f o r t h i s t h e s i s i s that there i s no a n a l y s i s a v a i l a b l e at the present time f o r northern Indian bands to use in f o r m u l a t i n g land c l a i m p r o p o s a l s . Socio-economic C o n s i d e r a t i o n s The v a r i o u s o p t i o n s f o r land s e t t l e m e n t s w i l l be viewed in r e l a t i o n to t h e i r impacts on the s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s 7 o-f the Indian people. The c o n d i t i o n o-f Canada's r e g i s t e r e d Indian p o p u l a t i o n i s documented in a 1979 r e p o r t commissioned by D.I.A. (Indian and Northern A f f a i r s Canada). That Indians s u f f e r from d e p r i v a t i o n and s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n i s not news; the 1979 r e p o r t simply p r o v i d e s the s t a t i s t i c a l evidence of t h i s widespread problem. Below are some of the r e s u l t s from that study (Indian and Northern A f f a i r s Canada 1979). Indian i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y in 1976 was 32.1 deaths per thousand, or twice that of the general p o p u l a t i o n . The m o r t a l i t y r a t e f o r the 20 to 44 age group was four times that of the general p o p u l a t i o n . Major causes of death were a c c i d e n t s , v i o l e n c e and p o i s o n i n g s . S u i c i d e s among s t a t u s Indians were twice as p r e v a l e n t as compared to the general p o p u l a t i o n . The m a j o r i t y of Indian s u i c i d e s o c c u r r e d among young a d u l t s . The percentage of students c a r r y i n g on to grade twelve in 1976 was 18'/. among Indians compared to 75% in the general p o p u l a t i o n . F i v e percent of Indians age 18-24 continued to U n i v e r s i t y compared to 12% in the general p o p u l a t i o n (Indian and Northern A f f a i r s Canada 1979:28). Although Indians represent o n l y 2 to 3"/. of the p o p u l a t i o n , ( i n c l u d i n g s t a t u s and non-status) they make up 97. of the p r i s o n inmate p o p u l a t i o n (Indian and Northern A f f a i r s Canada 1979:41). An issue that has gained more and more a t t e n t i o n among Indian l e a d e r s has been c h i l d apprehension. In 1976 e i g h t percent of 8 the 0 to 16 age group were in government care - four times the r a t e in the general p o p u l a t i o n . The concern expressed by many Indian l e a d e r s i s that removing c h i l d r e n -from t h e i r community i s not o n l y d e s t r u c t i v e to the c h i l d , d e p r i v e d of -family and c u l t u r a l environment, but d e p l e t e s band p o p u l a t i o n . Employment f i g u r e s f o r s t a t u s Indians are d i f f i c u l t to compile because of the lack of data on the number of people engaged in t r a d i t i o n a l Indian a c t i v i t i e s - t r a p p i n g , f i s h i n g , hunting, and g u i d i n g . F i g u r e s f o r s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e i n d i c a t e d that in 1976 approximately 50 to 55'/. of reserve p o p u l a t i o n was in r e c e i p t of p u b l i c a s s i s t a n c e , compared to 6V. in the general p o p u l a t i o n . However, these f i g u r e s are m i s l e a d i n g i f used as an i n d i c a t i o n of employment s i n c e many of the f a m i l i e s on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e are working in t r a d i t i o n a l Indian o c c u p a t i o n s . Income from t r a p p i n g , however, without s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e , i s in many cases i n s u f f i c i e n t to support a f a m i l y (see Chapter V) . F i n a l l y , the study documented housing c o n d i t i o n s on Indian r e s e r v e s . F o r t y percent of a l l reserve housing i s in need of r e p a i r ; 32X accommodates two or more f a m i l i e s , s u g g e s t i n g severe overcrowding; and onl y 45K of reserve housing i s s e r v i c e d with water and sewage (Indian and Northern A f f a i r s Canada 1979:39). U n t i l r e c e n t l y every problem i d e n t i f i e d among Canada's Indian p o p u l a t i o n was met with a program. Funding has been p r o v i d e d to upgrade substandard housing, combat drug and a l c o h o l abuse, improve h e a l t h c o n d i t i o n s , encourage economic development, and 9 provide community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . The symptoms, not the causes, were being t r e a t e d . Approximately 94% of D.I.A. funding has been c h a n n e l l e d i n t o r emedial, maintenance programmes which have achieved l i t t l e p o s i t i v e s o c i a l or economic change. D.I.A. o f f i c i a l s themselves have admitted that f e d e r a l programmes tended to f o s t e r dependent and a l i e n a t e d Indian s o c i e t i e s which demonstrated many of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of underdeveloped n a t i o n s ( T h a l a s s a 1983:46-47). In a n a l y z i n g land settlement i s s u e s , the p i v o t a l question to r a i s e is,"How w i l l a p a r t i c u l a r settlement strengthen the Indian c u l t u r e , economy and se1f-awareness of the Indian people?" In t h i s t h e s i s the case study i s a northern B.C. band and the accompanying a n a l y s i s w i l l apply p r i m a r i l y to northern bands -the hunting and g a t h e r i n g s o c i e t i e s . Although there were s e v e r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n programs i n i t i a t e d by the f e d e r a l government, these hunting and g a t h e r i n g groups remained as separate, a l b e i t weakened and d i s s p i r i t e d s o c i e t i e s . Economic u n c e r t a i n t y and p o l i t i c a l emasculation undermined t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l l e a d e r s h i p and eroded s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l s t r u c t u r e s . Canadian Indians have r e s i s t e d a s s i m i l a t i o n due in part to the r e s e r v e system which i s o l a t e d Indians from mainstream s o c i e t y . The 1969 White Paper advocated the d i s m a n t l i n g of the reserve system, the repeal of the Indian A c t , and the end of any s p e c i a l s t a t u s f o r Indian people (Canada 1969). T h i s was the u l t i m a t e in a s s i m i l a t i o n p o l i c y . However, Indian r e a c t i o n was so adverse that the paper was withdrawn. 10 In the 1980's -federal p o l i c y has been d i r e c t e d at r e - a s s e s s i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Indians and the f e d e r a l government. A committee e s t a b l i s h e d in 1982 to study Indian self-government recommended the f e d e r a l government recognize Indian F i r s t Nation governments as a d i s t i n c t order of government w i t h i n the Canadian f e d e r a t i o n , and that the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development be phased out (Canada 1983(a)). The p o t e n t i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g of Canada's p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with the Indian p o p u l a t i o n can not be separated from the q u e s t i o n of land s e t t l e m e n t . S e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n without a land base, c a p i t a l and r e s o u r c e s would not work, j u s t as s i g n i f i c a n t land and cash s e t t l e m e n t s without p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y over the land and r e s o u r c e s would do l i t t l e to a l l e v i a t e the socio-economic problems f a c e d by Indians. Self-government and land settlement are inseparable ( T h a l a s s a 1983:117). The issue of land settlement i s the focus of t h i s paper. But t h i s f o c u s wi11 be c o n s i d e r e d w i t h i n the context of the s t r u c t u r a l changes that are expected to take place with r e s p e c t to i n c r e a s e d s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n of the Indian people. In one of the background papers to the r e p o r t of the S p e c i a l Committee on Indian Self-government, the r e s e a r c h e r s s t a t e that the economic foundation f o r s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n i s c o n t r o l over a resource base s u f f i c i e n t to meet m a t e r i a l needs ( T h a l a s s a 1983: 119-120). In order to address the c e n t r a l problem of the under-development and s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n of Canada's Indian p o p u l a t i o n , the r e s e a r c h e r s argue that we must begin with the reinstatment of 11 the Indians' resource base and p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y . T h i s t h e s i s w i l l examine v a r i o u s land settlement o p t i o n s and analyze those o p t i o n s in r e l a t i o n to the economic and s o c i a l growth of the northern Indians. METHOD In order to reach the point where i t i s p o s s i b l e to examine on a broad b a s i s the c h o i c e s a v a i l a b l e to northern bands, I w i l l • f i r s t analyze the o p t i o n s -facing the For t Ware Band. As part o-f the background to the F o r t Ware c l a i m the f o l l o w i n g data have been compiled: the Band's land use and occupancy at the time of white c o n t a c t ; present resource use; the c u r r e n t extent of band t e r r i t o r y ; and the impacts on the band of non-native resource use. The area of land occupied at the time of white contact i s an important element in land c l a i m n e g o t i a t i o n s . For t h i s reason, h i s t o r i c a l accounts are in c l u d e d of the t r i b a l a n c e s t o r s of the Fo r t Ware people. These accounts d e t a i l , as much as p o s s i b l e , the t e r r i t o r y used at the time of white contact and the type of resource use. The F o r t Ware Band belongs to the Sekani T r i b e which in turn i s part of a larg e northern Athapaskan l i n g u i s t i c group. Reference w i l l be made l a t e r to the Athapaskans in terms of the e a r l y m i g r a t i o n s of t h i s c u l t u r a l group. The main h i s t o r i c a l f o c u s w i l l be on the Sekani - the t r i b a l group which i s p r e s e n t l y represented by three bands: F o r t Ware, Ingenika, and McLeod Lake. 12 F o r t Ware i s of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t with re s p e c t to the land c l a i m s issue because i t i s has been r e l a t i v e l y u n a f f e c t e d by non-native resource development. I t s t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system has been d i s r u p t e d by the W.A.C. Bennett Dam but the f u l l impact of f o r e s t r y development i s s t i l l o u t s i d e of the Fort Ware t e r r i t o r y . In c o n t r a s t to Fort Ware, the McLeod Lake Indian Reserve i s the s i t e of the f i r s t c o n t i n u o u s l y occupied white settlement in B r i t i s h Columbia; the Band has been in c l o s e contact with the Euro-Canadian s o c i e t y s i n c e completion of the Hart Highway in 1948; and, the t e r r i t o r y of the McLeod Lakers has not onl y been f l o o d e d by a major h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t , but has been covered by access roads and extensive l o g g i n g s i n c e the l a t e 1960's. The i n t e r e s t i n g c o n t r a s t between these two Sekani communities i s va l u a b l e f o r the a n a l y s i s of f u t u r e o p t i o n s . Consequently, a land use survey was conducted in both s e t t l e m e n t s - Mcleod Lake and F o r t Ware. Land use at Ingenika i s s i m i l a r to Fort Ware in that both communities are remote and s t i l l l a r g e l y dependent on hunting, f i s h i n g and t r a p p i n g . Because of these s i m i l a r t i e s , no land use and occupancy study was undertaken f o r Ingenika. The land use survey was comprised of a q u e s t i o n n a i r e and a mapping p r o j e c t . A l l households were con t a c t e d and a q u e s t i o n n a i r e f i l l e d out (see Appendix). A map was drawn by ad u l t members of the f a m i l y u n i t who used the land f o r food or economic g a i n . Where two f a m i l i e s or a second or t h i r d 13 hunter/trapper shared the household, each hunter/trapper would draw a map and be interviewed. The q u e s t i o n n a i r e was p r i m a r i l y intended to determine the amount of 'country food' <food from hunting and gathering) the two v i l l a g e s o b t a i n e d in a one year p e r i o d . The survey q u e s t i o n n a i r e a l s o p r o v i d e d information on the t r a p p i n g h a r v e s t , on b i g game g u i d i n g , the present extent of land usage, and the o p i n i o n s of the h u n t e r s / t r a p p e r s as to whether or not the resource had improved or d e c l i n e d s i n c e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the UI.A.C. Bennett Dam. The mapping p r o j e c t was p a t t e r n e d on the techniques f i r s t a p p l i e d in the land use and occupancy study of the I n u i t (Indian and Northern A f f a i r s Canada 1976) and l a t e r by Brody in h i s book, Maps and Dreams (1983). Using topographic maps, respondents drew with c o l o r e d pens, a l l the areas where they u s u a l l y hunted, trapped, guided, f i s h e d , and p i c k e d b e r r i e s . Respondents were a l s o asked to i d e n t i f y areas which they used p r i o r to 1970 (before the dam and major resource developments) and which they now no longer used. A l l map makers g e n e r a l l y drew the outer boundaries of the areas they used. These i n d i v i d u a l maps were aggregated to show the t o t a l land area used by the F o r t Ware and McLeod Lake bands. To supplement the resource data p r o v i d e d by the F o r t Ware Indian band members, information was c o l l e c t e d from agencies on the resource base and proposed resource developments. The l a t t e r i n c l u d e d f u t u r e f o r e s t r y p l a n s , mining p r o p o s a l s , h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t s and roads and tr a n s m i s s i o n r i g h t s - o f - w a y . Once the data were compiled a meeting was arranged with the F o r t Ware band members f o r the purpose of i n c l u d i n g r e s i d e n t p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the study. Band members were presented with the survey data, the composite map showing n a t i v e land use, and the maps showing proposed resource developments. A number of qu e s t i o n s were posed, r e l a t i n g to the band's c h o i c e s in land c l a i m s e t t l e m e n t s . What oc c u r r e d at the meeting was a c o - o p e r a t i v e search f o r s o l u t i o n s and a mutual exchange of i n f o r m a t i o n . As Friedman <1981) p o i n t s out there should be a t r a n s a c t i v e s t y l e of pl a n n i n g that e f f e c t i v e l y b r i d g e s the gap between c l i e n t and planner to allow a two-way flow of i n f o r m a t i o n . The responses and community consensus reached at the meeting i n f l u e n c e d the range of s t r a t e g i e s analyzed f o r F o r t Ware and added c o n s i d e r a b l e weight to the o v e r a l l c o n c l u s i o n s reached. Two more areas of research were undertaken to complete the data gathered in t h i s study - one d e a l i n g with the l e g a l question of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e and the other d e a l i n g with the range of settlement c h o i c e s f a c i n g Indian bands. Research on the issue of a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s and/or t i t l e began with e a r l y c o l o n i a l p o l i c y and continued through to the present day p o s i t i o n s of the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments. T h i s t h e s i s summarizes the major events and l e g a l d e c i s i o n s c r i t i c a l to the issue of 15 a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s . These include the C r e e / I n u i t court a c t i o n in Quebec, and the Supreme Court d e c i s i o n on the Nishga case (Calder vs A.G. 1973) to c i t e the most prominent. F i n a l l y , the t h e s i s analyzes the v a r i o u s e x i s t i n g or proposed s e t t l e m e n t s i n c l u d i n g T r e a t y 8, the James Bay Northern Quebec Agreement, the Alaskan s e t t l e m e n t , the proposed Yukon and C.O.P.E. s e t t l e m e n t s , and the Nishga's n e g o t i a t i n g p o s i t i o n . In c o n c l u s i o n , t h i s t h e s i s analyzes F o r t Ware's o p t i o n s and then moves on to the broader area o-f examining the i m p l i c a t i o n s -for northern Indian bands given the v a r i o u s c h o i c e s f o r change. 16 CHAPTER II THE SEKANI BANDS There are three Sekani communities l o c a t e d in a north-south d i r e c t i o n w i t h i n the Rocky Mountain Trench (see map 1). F o r t Ware i s s i t u a t e d 80 k i l o m e t r e s north o-f W i l l i s t o n Lake, Ingenika i s 90 k i l o m e t r e s south o-f Fort Ware, on W i l l i s t o n Lake, and McLeod Lake, the most s o u t h e r l y , i s l o c a t e d 120 k i l o m e t r e s north o-f P r i n c e George. In 1970-71 the F i n l a y , Parsnip and Peace R i v e r s were -flooded by the W.A.C. Bennett Dam to crea t e W i l l i s t o n Lake. The a f f e c t s of the dam have been d e v a s t a s t i n g f o r the Sekani people, but l e s s so f o r F o r t Ware than the other two bands. For members of the two more s o u t h e r l y bands, Ingenika and McLeod Lake, the impacts of the h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t have been permanently d i s r u p t i v e . FORT WARE BAND The v i l l a g e of F o r t Ware i s l o c a t e d on the banks of the F i n l a y River between the mouths of the Fox and.Kwadacha R i v e r s , in an area of northeast B r i t i s h Columbia about 400 k i l o m e t r e s north of Pri n c e George. There are 223 band members and a v i l l a g e p o p u l a t i o n of approximately 160. Socio-Economic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of F o r t Ware Indian l e a d e r s are well aware of the problems f a c e d by many of t h e i r people - the high r a t e of homicide, e s p e c i a l l y among the young, higher than average i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y , and over use of drugs and a l c o h o l . F o r t Ware i s no exception in terms of 17 i n d i c a t o r s o-f s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n . In the past decade there have been f o u r homicides and seven a c c i d e n t a l deaths in t h i s small s e t t l e m e n t . One of the most t r a g i c was the sh o o t i n g of a twelve year o l d g i r l by her s i x year o l d r e l a t i v e . Guns are e s s e n t i a l to the s u b s i s t e n c e way of l i f e of the people, yet t h e i r use, e s p e c i a l l y where c h i l d r e n have ready access or where l i q u o r i s inv o l v e d , has become a s e r i o u s problem. F o r t Ware i s a dry r e s e r v e . A c c o r d i n g to s e c t i o n 97 of the Indian Act a l l r e s e r v e s are p r o h i b i t e d l i q u o r u n l e s s the band c o u n c i l passes a motion to the c o n t r a r y . There i s no l i q u o r s o l d in the community but a home brew i s made and l i q u o r i s brought in from Mackenzie and Pr i n c e George. A c c o r d i n g to Health and Welfare o f f i c i a l s the high incidence of i l l n e s s in Fort Ware i s l i n k e d to a l c o h o l abuse <Prestage 1983 per.convn.). In a d d i t i o n to the homicides, there have been s e v e r a l a c c i d e n t a l deaths, the most recent caused by a house f i r e which took the l i v e s of two very e l d e r l y people and t h e i r small great g r a n d c h i l d r e n . V i o l e n c e and a l c o h o l i s m are present in the community but they are not p r e v a i l i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; they are problems that erupt p e r i o d i c a l l y in a community that I found to be f r i e n d l y and co h e s i v e . T i e s in the extended f a m i l y are s t r o n g and there i s a p o s i t i v e sense of each i n d i v i d u a l b elonging to a network of su p p o r t i v e r e l a t i v e s . P o l i t i c a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s P o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e i s to an extent i n f l u e n c e d by the p r o v i s i o n s 18 of the Indian A c t . The c h i e f and c o u n c i l l o r s are e l e c t e d approximately every two years. Leaders are s e l e c t e d on the b a s i s of f a m i l y as well as l e a d e r s h i p q u a l i t i e s . The c h i e f i s not expected to act independently but to work with the community to reach consensus, before making major d e c i s i o n s . The c h i e f ' s r o l e i s becoming l e s s and l e s s a p o l i t i c a l one and more and more a d m i n i s t r a t i v e as the work i n v o l v e d in the d e l i v e r y of Indian A f f a i r s (D.I.A.) programs i n c r e a s e s . In a d d i t i o n to the task of o r g a n i z i n g and h i r i n g workers f o r p r o j e c t s , the c h i e f i s a l s o expected to act as a l i a i s o n between band members and government age n c i e s . Regional p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s were in a s t a t e of f l u x in 1983-84. F o r t Ware i s p r e s e n t l y a member of the C a r r i e r - S e k a n i T r i b a l C o u n c i l . T h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s o r e p r e s e n t s the Sekani band of Ingenika along with approximately 12,000 C a r r i e r Indians. The T r i b a l Council has an o f f i c e in P r i n c e George with a s t a f f of ten, i n c l u d i n g s e v e r a l p r o f e s s i o n a l s . The f i r s t Indian tree farm l i c e n s e in B r i t i s h Columbia was n e g o t i a t e d by the C a r r i e r - S e k a n i T r i b a l C o u n c i l . T h i s Indian-run f o r e s t o p e r a t i o n , T a n i z u l Timber L t d . , has been c i t e d as a unique and p o s i t i v e economic move f o r a n a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n . Despite the a d m i n i s t a t i v e a b i l i t i e s of the C a r r i e r - S e k a n i T r i b a l C o u n c i l , i t has been unable to b r i n g McLeod Lake i n t o i t s membership, and i t may lose F o r t Ware whose i n t e r e s t s l i e more to the north than the c e n t r a l i n t e r i o r . F o r t Ware has a l l i e d i t s e l f with the Kaska-Dene to the north in a j o i n t land c l a i m submission and i s 19 c o n s i d e r i n g j o i n i n g that t r i b e ' s c o u n c i l . C u l t u r a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s There i s l i t t l e in the way o-f Indian handicra-ft in F o r t Ware although there i s now a school program designed to r e v i v e Indian c u l t u r e . The middle-aged and e l d e r l y people are s k i l l e d in t r a p p i n g , hunting and some in boat b u i l d i n g , and these s k i l l s are to an extent being passed on to the young. The Sekani language i s spoken by most people middle aged or o l d e r and the c h i l d r e n appear to understand the language, but are not -fluent. Economic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s There are -few employment o p p o r t u n i t e s in F o r t Ware. There i s the p o s i t i o n o-f band manager, community h e a l t h care r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , one or two part-time j a n i t o r i a l j o b s , and work in temporary band p r o j e c t s . Most -families have at l e a s t one person engaged in t r a p p i n g . The m a j o r i t y o-f v i l l a g e income i s made up of f e d e r a l t r a n s f e r payments in the form of s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e and p r o j e c t fundi ng. The Cyprus-Anvil s i l v e r / l e a d mine i s l o c a t e d 18 k i l o m e t r e s south of F o r t Ware. The mine was in the development stage when the o p e r a t i o n was put on h o l d in 1983 due to a shortage of development c a p i t a l . Had the mine gone i n t o production there may have been j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s in mining f o r band members. P h y s i c a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of F o r t Ware There are 32 d w e l l i n g s in the community with the average s i z e of 20 d w e l l i n g 58 square meters (622 sq. f t . ) . The average number of persons per d w e l l i n g in F o r t Ware i s 5.5 compared to the average in B r i t i s h Columbia of 2.75 ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada 1981). In one d w e l l i n g there were twelve persons t e m p o r a r i l y occupying a 45 square meter (484 sq. f t . ) house while in another, there were ten people l i v i n g year round in a 70 square meter (753 sq. f t . ) d w e l l i n g . Houses are heated by wood and there i s no indoor plumbing. Residents take water from the F i n l a y R i v e r . The s c h o o l , h e a l t h u n i t , teacherages and s t o r e a l l have e l e c t r i c i t y and indoor plumbing, while o n l y one d w e l l i n g , owned by the former storekeeper, i s s e r v i c e d by power and water. P r o j e c t p l a n s f o r 1984 i n c l u d e d c o n s t r u c t i o n of sewer and water s e r v i c e s f o r the v i11 age. The Department of Indian A f f a i r ' s school s e r v e s grade one to e i g h t , has two teachers and an enrollment of 40. Students who continue on to high school go out to Mackenzie or P r i n c e George. Indian A f f a i r s education o f f i c i a l s in P r i n c e George s t a t e d that s i n c e 1979 a few students continued on to grade nine but that none continued on to grade eleven or twelve. The h e a l t h u n i t i s the most impressive b u i l d i n g in the community. T h i s u n i t has two bathrooms, a washer and d r y e r , a l l ' a v a i l a b l e to members of the community. In a d d i t i o n to a w a i t i n g room and examination room, there are two s u i t e s used f o r v i s i t i n g agency s t a f f . The band owns a small cabin served with power, which i s l e a s e d to D.I.A. f o r the use of i t s s t a f f . 21 Up to 1980 the s t o r e had been operated by a non-Indian, Jim Van Sommers, who had o r i g i n a l l y taken over from the Hudson's Bay Company. In 1980 the band r e c e i v e d funding from D.I.A. to open i t s own s t o r e which i s now in o p e r a t i o n and e x p e r i e n c i n g the usual d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered in a new o p e r a t i o n . T h i s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d in more d e t a i l l a t e r . The a i r p o r t i s the only l i n k to the o u t s i d e now that the water t r a n s p o r t a t i o n route has been d i s r u p t e d by the W i l l i s t o n Lake r e s e r v o i r . There are c h a r t e r f l i g h t s to the community from P r i n c e George, at a r e t u r n cost of *1900. I t i s p o s s i b l e to f l y to F o r t Ware as an i n c i d e n t a l passenger at a cost of $200 r e t u r n p r o v i d i n g one of the agencies has scheduled a f l i g h t and g i v e s permission to the a d d i t i o n a l passenger to occupy a s e a t . F a c i l i t i e s in the community were being expanded in the summer of 1983, with the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a community h a l l , e n l a r g e d school and a new teacherage. P r i o r i t i e s f o r the f u t u r e include e l e c t r i f i c a t i o n and completion of the sewer and water system. F o r t Ware's t e r r i t o r y abuts Ingenika's. A four wheel d r i v e road has now been pushed through from Ingenika to the F i n l a y R i v e r , and an a l l weather road leads from a barge l a n d i n g on the F i n l a y to a mine s i t e only 18 k i l o m e t r e s south of F o r t Ware. Fo r t Ware stands beyond the f r o n t i e r . The floodwaters f i l l i n g the W i l l i s t o n r e s e r v o i r stopped j u s t 80 k i l o m e t r e s south of F o r t Ware; f o r e s t r y development i s s t i l l f i v e years i n t o the f u t u r e ; 22 the mine i s on hold; and the L i a r d h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t has been postponed -for 20 years. The Band appears to have been given a r e p r i e v e -from the encroachment o-f development. It i s a time •for the people o-f Fort Ware to work out an a p p r o p r i a t e s t r a t e g y f o r d e a l i n g with land settlement and f u t u r e resource use. MCLEOD LAKE BAND T h i s most s o u t h e r l y Sekani band i s l o c a t e d on reserve land and i s part of the non-native community of McLeod Lake. The f e a t u r e which d i s t i n g u i s h e s McLeod Lake reserve from the se t t l e m e n t s at Fo r t Ware and Ingenika i s t h a t , u n l i k e these two more n o r t h e r l y communities, McLeod Lake has both Indian and non-Indian s e t t l e m e n t s and the reserve i s in c l o s e p r o x i m i t y to ext e n s i v e non-Indian resource development. The McLeod Lake Indian Reserve i s s i t u a t e d a c r o s s the Pack River from a p r i m a r i l y non-Indian s e t t l e m e n t . At McLeod Lake there are 80 band members l i v i n g on or near the r e s e r v e , compared to a non-Indian p o p u l a t i o n of 135. Acro s s from the McLeod Lake r e s e r v e , there i s a s t o r e with a l i q u o r o u t l e t , two s e r v i c e s t a t i o n s , and a hotel with a r e s t a u r a n t . C h i l d r e n from the McLeod Lake Band are bussed a few m i l e s north on the Highway to a p r o v i n c i a l school l o c a t e d adjacent to Westcoast Transmission company housing. There are v a r i o u s employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s a v a i l a b l e in the v i c i n i t y of McLeod Lake. The pulp m i l l town of Mackenzie i s 60 k i l o m e t r e s n o r t h ; there are jo b s with f o r e s t r y , Westcoast T r a n s m i s s i o n , and with the s e r v i c e i n d u s t r y along the highway, although few band members have obtained employment in the area. 23 The p r o x i m i t y and easy access to urban communities i s thought to be one of the -factors c o n t r i b u t i n g to the high emigration -from the r e s e r v e . O-f the McLeod Lake band membership o-f 229 people, 149 or 65% l i v e o-f f - r e s e r v e ; in F o r t Ware 63 people or 28% l i v e o-f f - r e s e r v e . A more c r i t i c a l cause o-f the high o f f - r e s e r v e p o p u l a t i o n in McLeod Lake i s the impact of resource development on t h i s band's t e r r i t o r y . McLeod Lake has been the community most n e g a t i v e l y a f f e c t e d by the W.A.C. Bennett Dam and by resource developments. Few of the t r a p l i n e s remain in Indian ownership, there i s high unemployment d e s p i t e the p r o x i m i t y of resource i n d u s t r i e s , and there i s a c o n s i d e r a b l e a l c o h o l problem. One of the o b j e c t i v e s of t h i s t h e s i s i s to determine the e f f e c t s on Indian resource ( h u n t i n g , f i s h i n g , e t c . ) of major f o r e s t r y and h y d r o - e l e c t r i c developments. Because McLeod Lake has taken the brunt of resource mega-projects, events in McLeod Lake may be the harbinger of events in F o r t Ware. By comparing the two communities i t i s p o s s i b l e to s p e c u l a t e on f u t u r e impacts that may be f a c e d by the more northern and i s o l a t e d communities. INGENIKA The t h i r d Sekani community, Ingenika, i n i t i a l l y would appear to be the most t r a g i c a l l y a f f e c t e d by the dam. These people are descendents of the F o r t Grahame nomads who trapped and hunted from F i n l a y Forks (the c o n j u n c t i o n of the F i n l a y and Parsnip R i v e r s ) up the F i n l a y to the Ingenika R i v e r . They were l a t e r d e f i n e d by D.I.A. as the F i n l a y River Band, along with F o r t 24 Ware. They l i v e d f o r the most part along t h e i r t r a p l i n e s , v i s i t i n g F o r t Grahame p e r i o d i c a l l y to trade (see map 3 ) . When l o g g i n g o p e r a t i o n s were t a k i n g place in p r e p a r a t i o n f o r the dam, many of the Ingenika people who l i v e d along the F i n l a y R i v e r r e l o c a t e d at F i n l a y Forks to work at the temporary saw m i l l . They b u i l t makeshift housing near the sawmill and l i v e d there u n t i l the dam was completed. In the winter of 1970-1971, the f l o o d waters rose and inundated t h e i r homes at F i n l a y F o rks. I n d u s t r i a l sheds were brought in by government o f f i c i a l s and l o c a t e d on higher ground to provide some s h e l t e r f o r the w i n t e r . The f o l l o w i n g year o f f i c i a l s from D.I.A. and other government agencies t r i e d to r e l o c a t e the r e s i d e n t s to new r e s e r v e s , Tutu Creek, l o c a t e d near the new f o r e s t i n d u s t r y town of Mackenzie, and Parsnip R i v e r , l o c a t e d 28 k i l o m e t r e s from the Mackenzie townsite. The i n t e n t i o n of the o f f i c i a l s was to b r i n g the F i n l a y R i v e r Indians i n t o the i n d u s t r i a l work f o r c e and i n t o mainstream s o c i e t y . But a s s i m i l a t i o n never o c c u r r e d and both r e s e r v e s are now abandoned. The people have r e l o c a t e d to Ingenika where they are, f o r the most p a r t , engaged in hunting, t r a p p i n g and f i sh i ng. Ingenika i s unique in one resp e c t - the band i s l o c a t e d on crown land r a t h e r than a r e s e r v e . T h i s settlement of approximately 100 i s s i t u a t e d on the Ingenika River near where i t flows i n t o W i l l i s t o n Lake. Because the land i s not an Indian reserve D.I.A. i s r e l u c t a n t to fund housing and c a p i t a l p r o j e c t s . U n t i l the land q u e s t i o n i s r e s o l v e d the band remains disadvantaged in 25 terms o-f -federal -funding. Ingenika has many c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s s i m i l a r to Fort Ware - i t i s remote -from white s e t t l e m e n t s , the r e s i d e n t s are i n v o l v e d in s u b s i s t e n c e h a r v e s t i n g , and, l i k e F o r t Ware, the community has a •few b a s i c - f a c i l i t i e s such as a s t o r e , h e a l t h u n i t and s c h o o l . F o r e s t r y development has now reached the south bank o-f the Ingenika River d i r e c t l y a c r o s s -from the community. When the r i v e r i s b r i d g e d , Ingenika may -find i t s resource base threatened as the c l e a r cut l o g g i n g moves a c r o s s the t r a p p i n g areas and the non-Indian hunters and fishermen compete with the Ingenika band f o r f i sh and game. 26 CHAPTER III LAND USE AND OCCUPANCY AT TIME OF WHITE CONTACT The argument that Indian communities make in defending t h e i r land c l a i m s i s that p r i o r to the a r r i v a l of the Europeans, the n a t i v e group or t r i b e used and occupied a f a i r l y well d e f i n e d t e r r i t o r y and that the land was home to t h e i r people and prov i d e d f o r t h e i r food and s h e l t e r . Although no t i t l e e x i s t s on paper, c l a i m s of ownership are based on a common law i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t i t l e and Canadian c o n s t i t u t i o n a l s t a t u t e . It i s t h i s type of argument that w i l l be f o l l o w e d in the h i s t o r i c a l accounts of the Sekani. Because the hu n t i n g / g a t h e r i n g bands in northeast B r i t i s h Columbia were nomadic and tended to group and regroup (Duff 1964:18-36), i t i s not p o s s i b l e in most cases, or p r a c t i c a l , to d e f i n e a p a r t i c u l a r band's t e r r i t o r y . For t h i s reason the t e r r i t o r y of the Sekani t r i b e at time of white contact w i l l be e s t a b l i s h e d , r a t h e r than the t e r r i t o r y of an i n d i v i d u a l band. Alexander Mackenzie, the f i r s t European to reach the P a c i f i c Ocean o v e r l a n d and the f i r s t e x p l o r e r to enter Sekani t e r r i t o r y , d e s c r i b e d a number of meetings with t h i s t r i b e d u r i n g h i s 1793 voyage of e x p l o r a t i o n . T h i s Northwest Company employee f i r s t met the Sekani, which he c a l l e d Rocky Mountain Indians, i n h a b i t i n g the area from the j u n c t i o n of the Pine and Peace (See Map 3 ) , near F o r t S t . John up to the f a l l s at F o r t V e r m i l l i o n ( i n c e n t r a l A l b e r t a near High L e v e l ) (Mackenzie 1902:15). They t o l d 27 Mackenzie that the Beaver T r i b e was encroaching on them and pushing them west ac r o s s the Rockies. T h i s group has been de-fined as Sekani by Jenness (1937:7)) but i t i s not c o n c l u s i v e that they were part o-f the same t r i b e occupying the F i n l a y - P a r s n i p River watershed (Lanoue 1983:225). Another group o-f Sekani were at the Peace River Canyon (now the s i t e o-f the UJ.A.C. Bennett Dam) and a s s i s t e d the e x p l o r e r and h i s p a r t y over the d i f f i c u l t portage. The f i r s t i n d i c a t i o n we have of the Sekani's e x t e n s i v e knowledge of the country was from Mackenzie's account of h i s d e c i s i o n on the route to take at F i n l a y Forks. Mackenzie wrote that he would have taken the north branch in h i s attempt to reach the P a c i f i c Ocean had he not been dissuaded by a Sekani guide. The " o l d man" t o l d Mackenzie that the south branch leads to a " c a r r y i n g p l a c e " to another great r i v e r (the F r a s e r ) and from there to the ocean (Mackenzie 1902:72). As Mackenzie t r a v e l l e d up the Parsnip River he n o t i c e d s e v e r a l Indian encampments and noted that i t appeared from the number of s i t e s that the Rocky Mountain Indians (the Sekani) i n h a b i t e d the area in the s p r i n g and f a l l (Mackenzie 1902:83). He a l s o wrote that there were beaver lodges almost every canoe length along the r i v e r bank. It was along the.Parsnip River that the p a r t y encountered Indians with iro n implements. These Sekani d e s c r i b e d how they t r a v e l l e d west to trade with n e i g h b o r i n g t r i b e s who l i v e d in houses and traded in iron on the ' s t i n k i n g l a k e ' (the ocean) (Mackenzie 1902:91). T h i s would be the C a r r i e r who in turn traded with the Tsimshian ( F i s h e r 1977:33). The prevalence of i r o n implements i n d i c a t e d to Mackenzie that trade with the 28 c o a s t a l Indians was well e s t a b l i s h e d . Mackenzie reached B e l l a Cool a on the P a c i f i c Ocean having been guided by the Sekani through the upper Peace and Parsnip River systems, and by the C a r r i e r up the Blackwater and o v e r l a n d to the P a c i f i c Ocean. There i s one f i n a l i n c i d e n t that Mackenzie recounted which a t t e s t s to the manner the Sekani d i s p l a y e d in t h e i r f i r s t d e a l i n g s with these e a r l y e x p l o r e r s . On h i s journey up r i v e r en route to the P a c i f i c , Mackenzie traded f o r a beaver s k i n with a Sekani hunter but l e f t the p e l t in the Indian's care to a v o i d f u r t h e r burdening the e x p l o r a t i o n p a r t y . When Mackenzie completed h i s t r i p to the P a c i f i c and was r e t u r n i n g down the Parsnip l a t e r that summer, the Indians had d i s p e r s e d but the beaver p e l t was hung prominently along the r i v e r bank f o r the e x p l o r e r to r e t r i e v e (Mackenzie 1902:102). Although Mackenzie's journey i s important in the annals of Canadian h i s t o r y , i t d i d not r e s o l v e the problems of the Northwest Company in i t s b i d to expand the f u r trade west of the Rockies. The company needed a good water route to the P a c i f i c in order to tap the r e s o u r c e s of the west and yet a v o i d the c o s t l y s h i p p i n g route east a c r o s s the c o n t i n e n t . To achieve t h i s the Northwest Company commissioned Simon Fr a s e r to e s t a b l i s h t r a d i n g p o s t s west of the Rockies and f i n d a water route to the P a c i f i c . F r a s e r f i r s t entered Sekani t e r r i t o r y in 1805 when he journeyed up the Peace, Parsnip and Pack R i v e r s to e s t a b l i s h a post at Trout Lake (McLeod Lake). There was no j o u r n a l of t h i s f i r s t 29 t r i p but from l a t e r accounts we can e s t a b l i s h that F r a s e r l e f t a small contingent to man the Trout Lake (McLeod Lake) post while he r e t u r n e d to the east s i d e of the Rockies f o r the winter of 1805-06. Fr a s e r d e s c r i b e d a meeting at Rocky Mountain Portage with the Sekani Indians whom he r e f e r r e d to as Meadow Indians. In s e v e r a l r e f e r e n c e s to t h i s band, F r a s e r p l a c e d t h e i r t e r r i t o r y in the v a l l e y s of the Pine, Halfway R i v e r , Moberly River and Moberly Lake (see map 3 ) . He a l s o mentioned how t h i s band was being pushed a c r o s s the Rockies by the more ag g r e s s i v e and well armed Beaver T r i b e . In f a c t , by the e a r l y part of the twentieth century t h i s area was c o n s i d e r e d to be Beaver country (Jenness 1937:Figure 1). There i s a s t o r y , recounted by Simon F r a s e r , about the Indian c h i e f at Rocky Mountain Portage which throws an unfavorable l i g h t on the e x p l o r e r . It s e r v e s as an i n t e r e s t i n g anecdote on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Indians and the newcomers. While F r a s e r was w a i t i n g at Rocky Mountain Portage f o r s p r i n g breakup, he harassed the o l d c h i e f of the band, L i t t l e Head, i n t o s u p p l y i n g f i s h and meat and a l s o compel l e d the c h i e f to accompany F r a s e r on h i s journey to the P a c i f i c . L i t t l e Head was o f t e n brought r e l u c t a n t l y to the post where he was berated f o r not s u p p l y i n g enough food. When the time f o r F r a s e r ' s departure was upon them, L i t t l e Head was again brought to the post by the e x p l o r e r ' s men. T h i s time the o l d Chief was to remain at Rocky Mountain Portage u n t i l i t was time to go up r i v e r with F r a s e r . Instead, L i t t l e Head i n s i s t e d on r e t u r n i n g to h i s camp f i r s t and F r a s e r sent a young voyageur to make sure he came back. But 30 L i t t l e Head gave h i s captor the s l i p by c r o s s i n g on snowshoes onto the s o f t , deep s p r i n g snow, l e a v i n g h i s pursuer l o s t and up to h i s knees in snow. Days l a t e r the young voyageur r e t u r n e d without the c r a f t y o l d C h i e f (Lamb 1960:171-183). T h i s s t o r y i s not t y p i c a l of how the Indians r e c e i v e d the newcomers, as L i t t l e Head was somewhat l e s s accommodating than most of the Sekani that aided Mackenzie and F r a s e r . The a t t i t u d e of the Sekani to the e a r l y e x p l o r e r s and f u r t r a d e r s was g e n e r a l l y one of f l e x i b i l i t y , an a t t i t u d e which, some c l a i m , they have r e t a i n e d up to the present (Lanoue 1983:6). There are other accounts of mistreatment of the Sekani, but without any r e c o r d s preserved by the Indians themselves we are not l i k e l y to have the b e n e f i t of an o b j e c t i v e account of how the Indian people were d e a l t with by the newcomers. In one event, the Chief at McLeod Lake was to r e c e i v e a gun from La M a l i c e , the f u r trader who was l e f t in charge of the McLeod Lake post in the winter of 1805-06. Instead, La M a l i c e took the lock from the gun to mend h i s own and sent the C h i e f , f o r payment, to Rocky Mountain Portage, a journey of 240 k i l o m e t r e s . On the C h i e f ' s a r r i v a l at the Portage F r a s e r r e f u s e d to make good the payment s a y i n g that the Chief must r e t u r n to McLeod Lake and t r y to get La M a l i c e to honour the debt. Guns were valued h i g h l y by the Sekani. T h e i r t r i b e was being threatened by the more a g g r e s s i v e , armed Beaver Indians. It was e s s e n t i a l f o r the Sekani to o b t a i n arms in order to prosper d u r i n g the e a r l y part of the f u r t r a d i n g e r a . In t h i s i n c i d e n t the f u r t r a d e r s f o r c e d the Sekani c h i e f to t r a v e l a t o t a l of 480 k i l o m e t r e s in order to 31 r e c e i v e a gun that he had p a i d f o r with f u r s . The r e c o r d s do not show i f he a c t u a l l y r e c e i v e d the gun upon h i s r e t u r n to McLeod Lake. Another account d e t a i l s the way in which the e x p l o r e r s dominated the l o c a l Indians. When Fra s e r was informed that the band had k i l l e d t h i r t y moose near Rocky Mountain Portage he sent a voyageur to the Indians to prevent them from wasting any of the meat and to " f o r c e them to dry and pound i t " (Lamb 1960:170-171). Despite t h i s type of treatment, there i s no i n d i c a t i o n that the Sekani ever responded a g g r e s s i v e l y . There i s a l s o an account in F r a s e r ' s j o u r n a l which adds to our knowledge as to where the Sekani t r a v e l l e d . When Fra s e r reached the headwaters of the Parsnip River at A r c t i c , P a c i f i c and Portage Lakes, he met a band of Sekani who gave him va l u a b l e information on a s h o r t e r route to the Fra s e r R i v e r . One of the Sekani Indians t o l d him of a route south from McLeod Lake on the Crooked River that r e q u i r e d o n l y a short and easy portage to the Fr a s e r River (Lamb 1960:210-211>. T h i s would e i t h e r be the portage from Summit Lake to the Salmon River or the Giscombe portage to the Fraser R i v e r . The l a t t e r became an important supply route from F o r t George ( P r i n c e George) north to the f u r t r a d i n g p o s t s w i t h i n the Fin1 ay-Parsnip watershed. F r a s e r d e s c r i b e d how the Meadow Indians k i l l e d p l e n t y of moose and deer by cha s i n g them with dogs on the hard c r u s t s when the snow would c a r r y the weight of the dogs but not the game (Lamb 32 1960:169). He a l s o d e s c r i b e d how these people chased sheep on the mountain s i d e s l e a p i n g from p r e c i p i c e to p r e c i p i c e and f i n a l l y k i l l i n g the sheep in t h e i r snares (Lamb 1960:188-189). As F r a s e r made h i s way up the Parsnip R i v e r , and passed the mouth of the Nation R i v e r , he noted that the headwaters were i n h a b i t e d by a Sekani band r e l a t e d to the McLeod Lake band. During F r a s e r ' s stay at McLeod Lake in 1806 he pressed the Indians to supply h i s p a r t y with f i s h and game. The band at McLeod Lake, which F r a s e r c a l l e d 'Big Men', pro v i d e d 600 to 700 d r i e d carp p l u s s e v e r a l deer in one t r i p and were then r e q u i r e d to r e t u r n f o r more (Lamb 1960:200). It was e s s e n t i a l to the success of F r a s e r ' s journey that h i s p a r t y l i v e o f f l o c a l food in order to preserve the supply of pemmican and d r i e d meat f o r the t r i p ahead. The Sekani at McLeod Lake appeared to have a i d e d the e x p l o r e r s without complaint. The f o u r t h e x p l o r e r to enter Sekani t e r r i t o r y was a Hudson's Bay Company man, Samuel Black. In 1797 John F i n l a y e x p l o r e d the southern p o r t i o n of the r i v e r that bears h i s name but there i s no w r i t t e n account of h i s t r a v e l s . In 1824 Black t r a v e l l e d up the F i n l a y to i t s headwaters and then o v e r l a n d to the source of the L i a r d . On t h i s journey Black was guided by a Sekani Indian, "the Old Slave" who brought along h i s wife and two c h i l d r e n . They t r a v e l l e d with Black from May to August, an estimated 600 k i l o m e t r e s through extremely hazardous waters and dangerous portages. The Sekani f a m i l y e v e n t u a l l y d e s e r t e d Black but onl y a f t e r l e a d i n g him s a f e l y through the most d i f f i c u l t p art of the 33 journey. On the. way up the F i n l a y , the p a r t y passed the present day l o c a t i o n o-f F o r t Ware, but Black made no mention of whether or not there were any o l d encampments at t h i s spot <Rich 1955:25). H i s o n l y comment i s that they a r r i v e d at a c o n s i d e r a b l e f o r k in the River <the mouth of the Fox). At the fork the Sekani guide attempted to persuade Black to take the r e l a t i v e l y easy and known route up the Fox to where i t meets the headwaters of the L i a r d . T h i s , the guide e x p l a i n e d , would l e a d Black to the Mackenzie River and back to h i s company p o s t s . Black was a l s o t o l d that the Sekani t r a v e l l e d down the L i a r d system as f a r as L i a r d Canyon (between For t H a l k e t t and H e l l Gate), and that other t r i b e s , the Thluckdennis and Thloadennis (present Kaska-Dene T r i b e ) , i n h a b i t e d the L i a r d River (Rich 1955:25-32). The Kechika R i v e r , which flows i n t o the L i a r d R i v e r , and part of the L i a r d , up to the canyon, was o v e r l a p p i n g t e r r i t o r y , used by the f o r e f a t h e r s of both the Sekani and the Kaska-Dene T r i b e s . Black d i s r e g a r d e d h i s guide's advice and veered west up the F i n l a y . Rather than take the c u t - o f f t r a i l to a v o i d the canyons, Black chose to f o l l o w the main r i v e r through canyons that are s t i l l unnavigable today. At Fox Pass on the F i n l a y , they found an e n c l o s u r e f o r ensnaring c a r i b o u , i n d i c a t i n g a s i t e that the Indians would v i s i t r e g u l a r l y . T h e i r guide e x p l a i n e d that most of the Thecannies (Sekani) spent the winter on the east s i d e of the Rockies but that one Sekani band, l e d by Chief Methodiates, s t a y e d year-round with i t s main hunting area along the Caribou 34 Hide T r a i l (see map 3 ) . Black met Methodiates along the F i n l a y River and asked the Chief to f i s h and hunt f o r the e x p l o r e r s at Toodagone Lake (Rich 1955:51-83). Black a l s o encountered a band of Thecannies (Sekani) a f t e r Cascade Canyon whom he d e s c r i b e d as desperate because they had been f o r c e d to s u r v i v e on r o o t s due to a shortage of game. Along the F i n l a y near Toodagone R i v e r , Black made an i n t e r e s t i n g d i s c o v e r y of a rock s c u l p t u r e d e p i c t i n g an Indian man, woman, and c h i l d (Rich 1955:59). If the Sekani people had time f o r rock s c u l p t u r e t h i s i n d i c a t e s that there were p e r i o d s when the food supply was good and the hunting group had a r e p r i e v e that allowed f o r a r t i s t i c work. The e x p l o r a t i o n p e r i o d i n c l u d e d only four t r i p s in a p e r i o d of t h i r t y - o n e years (Mackenzie 1793, F i n l a y 1797- undocumented, Fra s e r 1805-08 and Black 1824). It i s d i f f i c u l t to attempt to d e f i n e the t e r r r i t o r y of a n a t i o n of people based on l i m i t e d accounts w r i t t e n by e x p l o r e r s who n e i t h e r understood the c u l t u r e nor the language of the indigenous people. The f u r t r a d e r s f o l l o w e d on the h e e l s of the e x p l o r e r s . A j o u r n a l by Daniel Harmon, wr i tten between 1810 and 1819, p r o v i d e s f u r t h e r information on the Sekani d u r i n g t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d in Euro-Canadian h i s t o r y . It was Harmon who f i r s t used the term ' S i c a u n i e ' , to d e s c r i b e the i n h a b i t a n t s of the F i n l a y - P a r s n i p watershed (Harmon 1903:156). Harmon wrote that the Sekani remained on the east s i d e of the Rockies in winter where they hunted b u f f a l o , moose and deer and r e t u r n e d to the west s i d e of the mountains, (the Fin1ay-Parsnip watershed) in 35 the summer. T h i s may have been somewhat of a narrow view because we have seen from Bl a c k ' s account that there was at l e a s t one band which stayed in the F i n d l a y watershed throughout the year. It was a l s o Harmon who f i r s t c o n j e c t u r e d that the Sekani and the Beaver may have been one t r i b e at an e a r l i e r time and that the Sekani had s p l i t o f f and were then pushed west i n t o the Fin1ay - P a r s n i p watershed <Harmon 1903:159). T h i s may a l s o be too s i m p l i f i e d an e x p l a n a t i o n s i n c e Harmon had l i t t l e knowledge of the F i n l a y R i v er bands connected to the Kaska-Dene to the n o r t h . The same c o n c l u s i o n was reached independently by Morice <Morice 1978:29-30), however, h i s knowledge of the F i n l a y River Indians was a l s o l i m i t e d . While i t i s p o s s i b l e that the McLeod Lake people may have a r r i v e d r e c e n t l y there i s no evidence to support a recent m i g r a t i o n i n t o the F i n a l y - P a r s n i p watershed of a l l the Sekani bands or to accept an o v e r s i m p l i f i e d theory of an east-west m i g r a t i o n . The ext e n s i v e t e r r i t o r y covered by the Sekani in t r a d i n g and hunting l e a d s more reasonably to a f a r more complex e x p l a n a t i o n of t h e i r o r i g i n . Rather than accept that the Sekani are a fragmentation of the Beaver T r i b e , i t i s more probable that the Sekani were connected to the Kaska-Dene to the n o r t h , the C a r r i e r to the south and west, as well as to the Beaver to the east; r a t h e r than repeat the u n s u b s t a n t i a t e d remarks of Jenness <1937:7) that the Fin1ay-Parsnip watershed was l i k e l y unoccupied before the eighteenth Century, i t i s more reasonable to de l a y drawing a c o n c l u s i o n r e g a r d i n g the occupation of the area u n t i l adequate a r c h e o l o g i c a i r e s e a r c h i s c a r r i e d out. 36 Not o n l y i s there no evidence that the Sekani r e c e n t l y occupied the Fin1ay-Parsnip watershed, there has been l i t t l e a rcheol ogi c a l r e s e a r c h to determine i f the Sekani were indeed the - f i r s t a b o r i g i n e s i n h a b i t i n g that part o-f the Rocky Mountain Trench. A c c o r d i n g to Brody, ancient bands c o u l d have migrated south through northeast B r i t i s h Columbia around the end o-f the l a s t ice age or through ice -free c o r r i d o r s that were known to have e x i s t e d (Brody 1983:16,20) There i s evidence o-f a 10,000 year o l d Indian s i t e east o-f the Rocky Mountains near Ft.St.John (Fladmark 1983 per.comm.) and a 4,000 year o l d s i t e 60 k i l o m e t r e s south of P r i n c e George (Fladmark 1974). In terms of the land s e t t l e m e n t , the land occupied at time of white c o n t a c t i s c r i t i c a l ; in terms of the people who are the s u b j e c t of t h i s r e s e a r c h , t h e i r p r e h i s t o r y i s a l s o important. Indian people that I have spoken to are annoyed at the statements r e g a r d i n g a recent m i g r a t i o n of t h e i r people i n t o an area that t h e i r grandparents t o l d them had been used by the t r i b e s i n c e the beginning of t h e i r o r a l h i s t o r y . The q u e s t i o n of the occupation of the Fin1ay-Parsnip watershed may not l i k e l y be r e s o l v e d f o r some time because much of the t e r r i t o r y which c o u l d have pr o v i d e d a r c h e o l o g i c a l evidence has been l o s t to the UI.A.C. Bennett dam. But there are areas promising r i c h a r c h e o l o g i c a l evidence which may e v e n t u a l l y shed l i g h t on the p r e h i s t o r y of the Sekani. These include the Caribou Hide T r a i l and Thutade Lake west of F o r t Ware, areas where Black l o c a t e d the northern Sekani band (Rich 1955:25-83) and where there are remains of an o l d Indian cemetery. Reynolds Creek, 37 thought to be an ancient Indian t r a i l (Chingee 1984 per.comm.) and A r c t i c Lake where Mackenzie encountered the Sekani at the headwaters o-f the Parsnip are two other p o s s i b l e s i t e s that may rev e a l an e a r l y occupation by a b o r i g i n e s . U n t i l a r c h e o l o g i c a i r e s e a r c h i s undertaken in these and other areas the argument over the date o-f the occupation o-f the Trench cannot be sat i s-f ac tor i 1 y r e s o l v e d . In terms of t h i s t h e s i s i t i s not important to determine when the Sekani a n c e s t o r s occupied the Fin1ay-Parsnip watershed; i t i s o n l y important to e s t a b l i s h the t e r r i t o r y the t r i b e occupied at time of white c o n t a c t . In 1924 Jenness, who has l e f t us the 1926 account of the Sekani, d e s c r i b e d the Sekani t e r r i t o r y as f o l l o w s : l y i n g between l a t i t u d e 54 20 <Summit Lake) and 58 north ( S i f t o n P a s s ) , combining the waters that form the Peace River with the western boundary along the P a c i f i c d i v i d e except a spur around Bear Lake, and the east boundary, the Rockies, except a spur down the Peace to the canyon (Jenness 1937:1). A c c o r d i n g to the r e c o r d s of the e a r l y e x p l o r e r s , in 1793 to 1824 the Sekani were occupying areas east to the Pine R i v e r , north as f a r as the L i a r d Canyon, south to the Salmon River and west to the P a c i f i c d i v i d e (see Map 3 ) . In summary, the t e r r i t o r y occupied by the Sekani at the time of white c o n t a c t was even more extensive than the t r i b a l t e r r i t o r y thought by Jenness to have been occupied by the Sekani d u r i n g 38 39 the beginning o-f the Twentieth Century. There was some overlap in land use between neig h b o r i n g t r i b e s . The Kaska-Dene a l s o hunted along the L i a r d , the Beaver were pushing i n t o the area around Peace Canyon and the C a r r i e r were occupying the area north -from P r i n c e George to the Salmon R i v e r . 40 CHAPTER IV FORT UIARE - EXISTING RESOURCE BASE AND DEVELOPMENT IMPACTS In order to -formulate a land settlement the F o r t Ware Band needs to Know the l o c a t i o n and value o-f the area's n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s , as well as any f u t u r e resource developments planned f o r the area. A land settlement may include e x c l u s i v e hunting and f i s h i n g r i g h t s or a quota of the p o t e n t i a l y e a r l y hunt or c a t c h ; i t may include r i g h t s to harvest timber, subsurface r i g h t s , or revenue s h a r i n g agreements on mineral e x t r a c t i o n . The na t u r a l r e s o u r c e s w i t h i n F o r t Ware's t e r r i t o r y are f o r e s t r y , mineral d e p o s i t s , w i l d l i f e , and f i s h and water r e s o u r c e s . F o l l o w i n g i s a more d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of the e x i s t i n g resource base and planned resource developments. In Chapter V the present land use of the Band i s documented. If the t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s of hunting, t r a p p i n g and f i s h i n g are to con t i n u e , the Band w i l l have to ne g o t i a t e p r o t e c t i v e measures to ensure f u t u r e h a r v e s t s . F o r e s t r y Most of the F o r t Ware t e r r i t o r y i s w i t h i n the Mackenzie Timber Supply Area (T.S.A.) and a l l the timber c u t t i n g r i g h t s have been c o n t r a c t e d to F i n l a y F o r e s t Products and B.C. Fores t Products under 20 year c o n t r a c t s signed in the m i d - s i x t i e s . Both companies have sawmill and p u l p m i l l o p e r a t i o n s in Mackenzie, 220 k i l o m e t r e s south of F o r t Ware. Under the terms of t h e i r c o n t r a c t s the companies are r e q u i r e d to submit a c u t t i n g p l a n , or development p l a n , p r i o r to 41 / commencement o-f the timber o p e r a t i o n . Both -forest companies have submitted twenty year development p l a n s to the M i n i s t r y o-f F o r e s t s i n d i c a t i n g proposed timber c u t t i n g to the year 2001 (see Map 4 ) . The timber companies" development plans show c u t t i n g b l o c k s along the r i v e r s and creeks where the band members have t h e i r t r a p l i n e s . In the second phase the f o r e s t r y o p e r a t i o n w i l l have reached the v i l l a g e of F o r t Ware and a l a r g e block opposite the r e s e r v e w i l l be logged. Because the Rocky Mountain Trench i s narrow at t h i s p o i n t , most of the l o g g i n g w i l l take p l a c e near the settlement and in the areas used f o r t r a p p i n g , hunting and f i s h i n g . Weissener Lake i s a s p e c i a l Indian f i s h i n g area p a r t i a l l y p r o t e c t e d under Indian Reserve s t a t u s . The timber companies' development p l a n s show most of the lakeshore, not i n c l u d e d in the Reserve, designated f o r l o g g i n g . During the community meeting with the band members, the plans f o r l o g g i n g Weissener Lake were s t r o n g l y opposed. The Timber Sale H a r v e s t i n g L i c e n c e s s i g n e d between the province and the two f o r e s t companies are due f o r renewal in 1987 and 1989 ( M i n i s t r y of F o r e s t s , P r i n c e George Regional O f f i c e , Province of B.C.). Under the terms of the c o n t r a c t B.C. F o r e s t Products i s a u t h o r i z e d to harvest 1,651,110 cubi c meters of timber a n n u a l l y and F i n l a y F o r e s t Products, 1,301,210 c u b i c meters. The c o n t r a c t a c t u a l l y s e t s out that the companies must harvest at l e a s t 75% of the Annual Allowable Cut (A.A.C.) over a f i v e year p e r i o d . It i s presumed that i f , over a f i v e year p e r i o d , the harvest i s under 75% the terms of the c o n t r a c t have been v i o l a t e d . Harvest f i g u r e s a v a i l a b l e show that a t o t a l of 4 2 43 1,902,326 cubi c meters was harvested in 1982 in the Mackenzie T.S.A. or 67% o-f the A.A.C. set out in the two c o n t r a c t s . Given the c o n t i n u e d r e c e s s i o n and the 1984 lockout in the pulp i n d u s t r y i t i s very l i k e l y that the companies have not met the terms of the agreement. T h i s f a c t i s important in terms of the band's b a r g a i n i n g p o s i t i o n . If i t can be shown that the f o r e s t companies are not l i v i n g up to the terms of t h e i r c o n t r a c t s and not u t i l i z i n g the a v a i l a b l e timber in the T.S.A., then the p o s i t i o n of the band in n e g o t i a t i n g a r e v i s i o n to the c o n t r a c t w i l l be strengthened. A r e v i s o n to the e x i s t i n g c o n t r a c t s with the f o r e s t companies may be d e s i r a b l e f o r two reasons. The Band w i l l want to chose settlement lands p r e s e n t l y h e l d by the two f o r e s t companies. (Settlement lands would be owned by the band or Indian group and used f o r housing, community use and e x c l u s i v e Indian resource use.) Because there i s l i m i t e d v a l l e y bottom lands, p a r c e l s chosen f o r settlement w i l l most l i k e l y be good f o r e s t land, p r e s e n t l y proposed f o r f u t u r e l o g g i n g . Apart from settlement lands the Band may want to c o n s i d e r n e g o t i a t i n g f o r the r i g h t s to harvest timber w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l F o r t Ware t e r r i t o r y . (The t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y i s the land area used by the band members f o r hunting and g a t h e r i n g p r i o r to white se t t l e m e n t . Indian use of the t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y may have continued i n t o the present and may be the area claimed under a land c l a i m s submission.) Where timber r i g h t s are h e l d by a band engaged in s u b s i s t e n c e land use i t i s in the i n t e r e s t s of the band to manage the timber to ensure the continued supply of a l l the 44 r e s o u r c e s used by the band. Under the present system the f o r e s t companies have no economic stake in the p r o t e c t i o n of f i s h , game and f u r b e a r e r s , al hough there i s a l e g i s l a t i v e mandate. M i n i no The area has s e v e r a l d e p o s i t s of l e a d , z i n c , g o l d and s i l v e r . Although mines have operated w i t h i n the F o r t Ware t e r r i t o r y , at present they are a l l dormant. The mine c l o s e s t to the community i s the Cyprus A n v i l lead / z i n c / s i l v e r o p e r a t i o n near Paul R i v e r . T h i s i s c o n t r o l l e d by Dome Petroleum and has s u f f e r e d from lack of c a p i t a l . Plans in 1980 were f o r a work f o r c e of 100 to 150. The o r g i n a l plan was to base employees in Mackenzie and p e r i o d i c a l l y f l y them i n t o the camp. The mine i s only 19 k i l o m e t e r s south of the reserve and the access road has been completed from the a i r s t r i p on the Akie River to the m i n e s i t e (see Map 5 ) . There are s e v e r a l other mineral d e p o s i t s in the area. The Baker mine was in o p e r a t i o n u n t i l 1983 when i t c l o s e d due to d e p l e t i o n of commercial grade ore r e s e r v e s . T h i s g o l d / s i l v e r mine i s on Toodagone R i v e r and was reached by a i r from Smithers. The other major d e p o s i t i s in the Gataga area where there are s e v e r a l d e p o s i t s of l e a d and z i n c . UJi l d l i f e The Rocky Mountain Trench and b o r d e r i n g ranges support a range of w i l d l i f e i n c l u d i n g moose, deer, e l k , c a r i b o u , sheep , goat, bear, wolf, cougar and the f u r b e a r e r s - beaver, lynx, marten AS 46 ( B r i t i s h Columbia h.d.). The UI.A.C. Bennett dam inundated approximately 1400 square k i l o m e t r e s o-f C l a s s 1 to 3 h a b i t a t f o r w i l d l i f e in the P a r s n i p , F i n l a y and Peace River v a l l e y s . It i s estimated that the dam r e s u l t e d in a l o s s of 12,500 moose ( B r i t i s h Columbia h.d.:122). Apart from the e f f e c t s of the r e s e r v o i r , the d e c l i n i n g supply of moose i s i n f l u e n c e d by the f o r e s t i n d u s t r y . The p r a c t i c e of c r e a t i n g l a r g e c l e a r cut areas has reduced moose browsing ar e a s . Moose depend on small openings in the f o r e s t where they can venture out to browse and s t i l l be c l o s e enough to r e t u r n to cover. The e x t e n s i v e c u t b l o c k s do not provide the proper r a t i o of mature f o r e s t s to younger s u c c e s s i o n a l stages. F o r e s t r y has not yet reached the F o r t Ware t e r r i t o r y , however, the hunters c l a i m - t h a t the e,ffects of the dam have r e s u l t e d in d e c l i n i n g moose p o p u l a t i o n . The F i n l a y River arm p r o v i d e s one of the remaining C l a s s 1 to 3 h a b i t a t s f o r moose, one which has a p o t e n t i a l f o r increased p o p u l a t i o n i f the o b j e c t i v e s of the F i s h and W i l d l i f e Branch are met ( B r i t i s h Columbia h.d.:117-122). If f o r e s t r y p r a c t i c e does not change, and c u r r e n t methods of c l e a r cut l o g g i n g are extended north, the moose d e c l i n e w i l l c o n t i n u e . Caribou r e q u i r e w i l d ranges to accommodate t h e i r mobile g r a z i n g h a b i t s . The l a r g e s t known herds are l o c a t e d on the west s i d e of the F i n l a y Reach and near P e l l y Lake. It i s estimated by the M i n i s t r y of Environment that there i s a p o t e n t i a l f o r approximately 3000 ca r i b o u w i t h i n the F o r t Ware area.The study by the M i n i s t r y of Environment estimated that c a r i b o u herds 47 w i t h i n the F i n 1 ay-Parsn i p watershed were reduced by 30% -from 1972 to 1982 and that -future -forestry development w i l l d e s t r o y t w o - t h i r d s of the v a l l e y f o r e s t area c r i t i c a l f o r w i n t e r i n g h a b i t a t ( B r i t i s h Columbia h.d.:130,136). The e n t i r e world p o p u l a t i o n of Stone sheep r e s i d e in B r i t i s h Columbia and the Yukon with the Sekani t e r r i t o r y a c counting f o r one-quarter. Within F o r t Ware t e r r i t o r y Stone sheep are found in the Toodagone River area on the upper F i n l a y . However t h i s h a b i t a t i s onl y r a t e d low to moderate. Other areas in the F o r t Ware t e r r i t o r y have not been mapped f o r c a p a b i l i t y f o r sheep h a b i t a t and there i s l i t t l e i n v e n t o r y . The harvest of Stone sheep had been d e c l i n i n g in the F i n 1 ay-Parsnip watershed from 37 in 1971 to between 18 and 29 in the p e r i o d from 1976 to 1980, i n d i c a t i n g that there may be a d e c l i n i n g p o p u l a t i o n . Stone sheep r e q u i r e rocky and mountainous t e r r a i n with g r a s s l a n d s . One of the major f a c t o r s l i m i t i n g good h a b i t a t f o r stone sheep i s the c o n t r o l of f o r e s t f i r e s which a l l o w s the wood s p e c i e s to encroach on g r a s s l a n d s . With g r e a t e r c o n t r o l of f o r e s t f i r e s the g r a s s l a n d h a b i t a t of the stone sheep w i l l be overtaken by f o r e s t . Increased pressure from hunters and mining o p e r a t i o n s may a l s o d i r e c t l y a f f e c t the sheep p o p u l a t i o n . Mountain goats o n l y e x i s t in the northwest of North America, with o n e - f i f t h of the p o p u l a t i o n w i t h i n the Fin1ay-Parsnip watershed. Mountain goats are found south of the F o r t Ware t e r r i t o r y along the F i n l a y Reach. Most of the F o r t Ware t e r r i t o r y has not been mapped, however, the M i n i s t r y e s t i m a t e s 48 that the northern area would support even l a r g e r numbers o-f goats than the areas a l r e a d y mapped ( B r i t i s h Columbia h.d.:149-151). Resource developments are thought to have l i t t l e n egative impacts on the p o p u l a t i o n o-f mountain goat, although i n c r e a s e d hunter pressure c o u l d a-f-fect the herd s i z e . Elk and deer are not pr e v a l e n t in the For t Ware t e r r i t o r y . However, both are found in the Ingenika area to the south. The most important s p e c i e s of f u r beare r s are marten, lynx and beaver. Up to the present, resource development has not n e g a t i v e l y a f f e c t e d the f u r b e a r e r s in the F o r t Ware area. Responses from F o r t Ware tr a p p e r s i n d i c a t e d that the resource was as good i f not b e t t e r than ten years ago (see Chapter V ) . The areas to the south around McLeod Lake and Ingenika have s u f f e r e d c o n s i d e r a b l e l o s s of r i v e r i n e h a b i t a t with the inundation of the F i n l a y , Parsnip and Peace R i v e r s . F i f t y - t w o out of the 93 t r a p l i n e s in the Fin1ay-Parsnip watershed are n a t i v e owned ( B r i t i s h Columbia h.d.:221>. In the Fo r t Ware area a l l f o u r t e e n t r a p l i n e s are n a t i v e owned. The resource a n a l y s t s f o r the M i n i s t r y of Environment expressed concern over the lack of inventory f o r f u r b e a r e r s and lack of harvest r e c o r d s due to the number of n a t i v e t r a p p e r s not f i l i n g r e t u r n s ( B r i t i s h Columiba h.d.:171). The e x i s t i n g w i l d l i f e r e s o u r c e s and p o t e n t i a l f o r w i l d l i f e are r a t e d high by the M i n i s t r y of the Environment. There are, 49 however, c o n s i d e r a b l e problems to be -faced. There i s a lack o-f inventory of p o p u l a t i o n s and h a r v e s t s , making e f f e c t i v e management of the resource impossible; there i s a threat of incompatible f o r e s t development which may lead to d e c l i n i n g p o p u l a t i o n s ; and there i s the f o r e c a s t e d increase in access roads which w i l l be expected to le a d to over h a r v e s t i n g . These two problems, inadequate m u l t i - r e s o u r c e management and a n t i c i p a t e d increase in hunter/angler p r e s s u r e , are s e r i o u s concerns of the Fort Ware people. They t a l k about the d e c l i n e of game and f i s h in the McLeod Lake area and see s i m i l a r d e v a s t a t i o n of s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s o c c u r r i n g in F o r t Ware. The F o r t Ware band members have not developed a plan f o r s e t t l i n g t h e i r c l a i m that w i l l address these concerns, but they b e l i e v e that i f there i s no mechanism to a r r e s t the encroachment of non-Indian resource development the present r e s o u r c e s that the band depends on w i l l be s e r i o u s l y threathened. There i s a hope in the community that the land c l a i m process w i l l prevent the l o s s of t h e i r f i s h , game and f u r b e a r e r s . F i sh The UI.A.C. Bennett dam has r e s u l t e d in a l o s s of A r c t i c g r a y l i n g and rainbow t r o u t in W i l l i s t o n Lake and an increase in w h i t e f i s h (Abel son 1983 per.comm.). The upper reaches of the F i n l a y R i v e r , where For t Ware i s l o c a t e d , remain r e l a t i v e l y u n a f f e c t e d by the r e s e r v o i r . However, i n a p p r o p r i a t e resource development c o u l d reverse t h i s . One side a f f e c t of the impoundment which has a f f e c t e d Fore Ware has been increased mercury l e v e l s in some f i s h s p e c i e s in the F i n l a y system. The Federal Department of 50 Health and Welfare c a r r i e d out a study of mercury content in the Fo r t Ware area (Health and Welfare, Canada 1981). The Department of Health and Welfare c o n s i d e r e d the mercury content to be of c r i t i c a l concern to newborns and expectant mothers. D o l l y Warden were found to have unacceptable l e v e l s of mercury and the r e p o r t recommended that t h i s s p e c i e s , i f taken from the F i n l a y R i v e r , should not be consumed (Health and Welfare, Canada:8-9). There i s a c e r t a i n n a t u r a l l e v e l of mercury in most l a k e s but when a r e s e r v o i r i s c r e a t e d there can be a s i g n i f i c a n t r i s e in mercury l e v e l s which w i l l in turn cause c e r t a i n s p e c i e s of f i s h to e x h i b i t i n c r e a s e d l e v e l s of mercury. With few ex c e p t i o n s , the people of F o r t Ware continue to eat D o l l y Varden. There has been no compensation from B.C. Hydro f o r the p o l l u t i o n of t h i s r e s o u r c e . H y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t s Although the L i a r d h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t has been p l a c e d on h o l d t i l l at l e a s t the turn of the century, i t i s necessary to include i t in t h i s a n a l y s i s because of the p o t e n t i a l impacts of the p r o j e c t . The dam proposed on the L i a r d Canyon between Lower Post and F o r t Nelson, would have a d e v a s t i n g a f f e c t on the Kaska-Dene to the north of Fort Ware. The r e s e r v o i r c r e a t e d by the f l o o d waters w i l l reach the north boundary of the t e r r i t o r y used by F o r t Ware (see Map 5 ) . The f l o o d i n g of the Kechika River from Turnagain River to F i r e s i d e River w i l l d i s r u p t a t r a d i t i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n route used by the Sekani s i n c e p r e - h i s t o r i c times (Rich 1955:25-32). Impacts on the f i s h and w i l d l i f e h a b i t a t are unknown at t h i s time. A r e l a t e d development 51 that w i l l a f f e c t the For t Ware t e r r i t o r y more s e v e r e l y i s the proposed t r a n s m i s s i o n l i n e c o r r i d o r <see Map 5 ) . There are two proposed c o r r i d o r s -for the L i a r d River p r o j e c t - one through the Rocky Mountain Trench, and the other through the F o o t h i l l s c o r r i d o r to the east o-f the Rockies. I f the transmission l i n e i s b u i l t through the Trench i t w i l l pass c l o s e to the Fort Ware community and w i l l c r o s s the hunting and t r a p p i n g t e r r i t o r y of these people. If the L i a r d h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t ever goes ahead, i t w i l l r e s u l t in F o r t Ware being surrounded from the north and the south by two g i a n t hydro p r o j e c t s , the W.A.C. Bennett dam to the south and the L i a r d dam to the n o r t h . Summary As F o r t Ware n e g o t i a t e s i t s land s e t t l e m e n t , the band needs to conside r the land area and reso u r c e s i t w i l l want to a c q u i r e . T h i s c h a p t e r * p r o v i d e s an overview of the r e s o u r c e s . As part of a land c l a i m s e t t l e m e n t , the band would want to map these r e s o u r c e s in d e t a i l . From the resource a n a l y s i s and mapping the band c o u l d determine the most s u i t a b l e land f o r community use, f o r subsurface r i g h t s , f o r resource use ( f o r e s t r y , f i s h i n g and w i l d l i f e ) , and resource c o n s e r v a t i o n . In the next chapter the e x i s t i n g land use of the Fort Ware people i s documented. The survey r e s u l t s and mapping should be viewed in l i g h t of the e x i s t i n g r e s o u r c e s and the resource development p r o p o s a l s that would be expected to a f f e c t the F o r t Ware t e r r i t o r y . , 52 CHAPTER V LAND USE AND OCCUPANCY STUDY Chapter III p r o v i d e d an h i s t o r i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n o-f Sekani t e r r i t o r y at the time o-f white c o n t a c t . I-f a band's t e r r i t o r y has been e n t i r e l y usurped by non-Indian settlement or resource development i t may be necessary f o r the band to r e s t i t s n a t i v e land c l a i m e n t i r e l y on such an h i s t o r i c a l account. If an Indian group has been s u c c e s s f u l in r e t a i n i n g i t s t e r r i t o r y s i n c e the contact p e r i o d then i t s case f o r land c l a i m i s strengthened c o n s i d e r a b l y . In the case of a l l three Sekani bands, use of e x t e n s i v e areas of land has continued up to the present, although with d i f f e r e n c e s in the i n t e n s i t y and extent of the use. In the p r e v i o u s chapter we looked at the n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s w i t h i n F o r t Ware's t e r r i t o r y . In t h i s chapter, present n a t i v e resource use i s documented not only f o r F o r t Ware, but a l s o in the i n t e r e s t of p r o v i d i n g a c o n t r a s t , f o r the McLeod Lake band. A survey of households was c a r r i e d out in 1983 in F o r t Ware and McLeod Lake (see q u e s t i o n n a i r e , Appendix). In each household, the a d u l t members who used the land to hunt, t r a p , f i s h , guide, or pick b e r r i e s were asked to be i n t e r v i e w e d . At each household I asked who hunted, f i s h e d , trapped or guided. If someone who used the la n d f o r income or income-in-kind was absent, t h i s was noted and I attempted to contact the person l a t e r . 53 FORT WARE SURVEY RESULTS I c o n t a c t e d 31 out of the 32 households in F o r t Ware and interviewed approximately 90'/. of the hunters and tr a p p e r s <See Table I ) . TABLE I - WILD GAME KILLED FOR FOOD IN FORT WARE  DURING ONE YEAR 1982-83 Moose Goat Sheep Bl.Bear Car i bou ElK Smal1 Game 69 11 3 7 2 1 50-60 <1> (1) beaver, porcupine, grouse, r a b b i t Most hunters thought that the band members u s u a l l y k i l l e d one hundred moose a year f o r food and that the f i g u r e s compiled in the survey r e p r e s e n t e d 70% of the average y e a r l y h a r v e s t . If we assume that the k i l l i s between 70 and 100 moose a year, i s that s u f f i c i e n t meat to supply a v i l l a g e of 160 persons? A c c o r d i n g to a resource study by the p r o v i n c i a l M i n i s t r y of the Environment, a f a m i l y of three r e q u i r e s one moose p l u s one medium s i z e d game (sheep, goat or cari b o u ) f o r i t s meat supply f o r one year ( B r i t i s h Columbia h.d.:218). When I mentioned t h i s to F o r t Ware r e s i d e n t s they laughed, t e l l i n g me that they eat l o t s more meat than t h a t . Although the M i n i s t r y ' s c r i t e r i o n f o r s u b s i s t e n c e on w i l d game may not be too a p p l i c a b l e to F o r t Ware, working out the c a l c u l a t i o n w i l l provide some idea of the importance of w i l d game to the F o r t Ware d i e t . Using the M i n i s t r y ' s c r i t e r i o n , F o r t Ware r e q u i r e s 53 moose (160 54 3=53) p l u s 53 medium s i z e d game per year. The y e a r l y harvest in Fo r t Ware i s 70 to 100 moose and the e q u i v a l e n t o-f 30 medium s i z e d game . (Note:ten small animals are estimated to equal one medium s i z e d game.) T h i s i s 32% to 88% more moose than the M i n i s t r y c r i t e r i o n and 56% of the medium s i z e d game. It i s a l s o u s e f u l to look at the game k i l l in terms of q u a n t i t y and commercial value of the meat. One hundred moose, at an average of 225 pounds of meat each a f t e r b u t c h e r i n g (King 1984 per.comm.), p r o v i d e s a y e a r l y t o t a l of 22,500 pounds of meat f o r the v i l l a g e , or 140 pounds per person per year. T r a n s l a t i n g t h i s i n t o economic v a l u e , the game k i l l i s estimated to have a commercial value of $112,500 per year (*5.00/pound meat, i n c l u d i n g the f r e i g h t c h a rge). T h i s c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e s that game from the hunt i s c r i t i c a l to the v i l l a g e food supply and economy. T h i s meat d i e t i s supplemented by f i s h (See Table I I ) . TABLE II - FORT WARE FISH CATCH  DURING ONE YEAR 1982-83 Rai nbow A r c t i c Trout G r a y l i no Kokanee Pol 1y Warden Suckers (1) 508 492 50 40 350 (1) used f o r dog food On the average, Canadians eat seven kilograms of f i s h per person per year ( F i s h e r i e s and Oceans 1983). Assuming an average of one-half k i l o per rainbow t r o u t , A r c t i c g r a y l i n g and kokanee and one k i l o f o r D o l l y Warden, i t i s estimated that the v i l l a g e caught 565 k i l o s of f i s h f o r food.. T h i s works out to 3.5 k i l o s of f i s h per person compared to the average Canadian consumption 55 o-f seven k i 1 os. The -figures compiled in the survey are thought to be low in terms o-f the average y e a r l y -fish catch in the v i l l a g e . In many cases respondents d i d not know how many -fish were caught by t h e i r -family. The c h i l d r e n do much of the f i s h i n g in the v i l l a g e . Unless prompted, parents d i d not always mention the f i s h caught by the c h i l d r e n . The estimate i s a l s o thought to be low because many people complained that there were no f i s h hooks in the s t o r e and few people had anything to f i s h with that season. There were a l s o some c o n f l i c t i n g comments which i n d i c a t e d that f o r some f a m i l i e s f i s h i n g was not important and was thought to be somewhat demeaning, e x p e c i a l l y f o r a hunter. Several r e s i d e n t s mentioned that they no longer f i s h e d because of a Federal Department of Health study which determined that there were high l e v e l s of, mercury in some f i s h s p e c i e s (Health and Wei f a r e 1981). In the i n t e r v i e w respondents were asked about s h a r i n g f i s h and game. Since there i s no r e f r i g e r a t i o n in the d w e l l i n g s , except f o r the home of the former storekeeper, s h a r i n g i s a p r a c t i c a l as well as a s o c i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n . The v i l l a g e has s t r o n g , extended f a m i l y connections and the p r a c t i c e of s h a r i n g w i t h i n the f a m i l y u n i t would continue whether or not there was r e f r i g e r a t i o n . The assumption that s h a r i n g i s an important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c w i t h i n the community was supported by the survey f i n d i n g s . One hundred percent of the hunters shared t h e i r k i l l and seventy percent of the fishermen shared t h e i r c a t c h . 56 Because food c o s t s in the v i l l a g e are extremely high the f i s h and game harvest b u f f e r s people from undernourishment. When there i s a good supply of f r e s h meat in the v i l l a g e , people eat well with meat forming the main part of a l l three meals. I saw a very e l d e r l y man who spends h i s day s l e e p i n g and l y i n g on h i s cot in the k i t c h e n , get up and eat a p o r t i o n of meat that would choke a f o o t b a l l p l a y e r . If there were no w i l d game, r e s i d e n t s would be reduced to e a t i n g canned food purchased at i n f l a t e d p r i c e s from the band operated s t o r e . In 1983 a can of f r u i t p r i c e d at $1.09 in P r i n c e George was p r i c e d at $2.65 in F o r t Ware; twenty pounds of f l o u r , r e g u l a r l y $6.89 in P r i n c e George s o l d f o r $27.00 in F o r t Ware. The high p r i c e s in 1983 r e f l e c t , to a degree, t r a n s p o r a t i o n c o s t s s i n c e a l l goods were t r a n s p o r t e d at a cost of $.76/lb. <*.60/lb. a i r f r e i g h t from Ingenika to F o r t Ware p l u s * . 1 6 / l b . barge cost from Mackenzie to Ingen i ka>. P r i o r to the W.A.C. Bennett dam f r e i g h t was brought in by r i v e r b o a t and barge from P r i n c e George u s i n g the o l d Indian route along the Crooked River system. Residents in F o r t Ware were able to combine a y e a r l y shopping t r i p to P r i n c e George with v i s i t s , hunting and f i s h i n g . A f t e r W i l l i s t o n Lake was c r e a t e d , f o r a time goods were brought in a c r o s s the r e s e r v o i r from Mackenzie and up the F i n l a y R i v e r . T h i s water route i s s t i l l used at times but the r i s k s are q u i t e h i g h . D e b r i s i s blown to the north end of the r e s e r v o i r , p l u g g i n g the mouth of the F i n l a y River and making water access extremely hazardous. 57 Because B.C. Hydro has r e c e n t l y p a i d -for the a i r -freight cost to f l y s u p p l i e s from Ingenika over the p l u g on the F i n l a y R i v e r to F o r t Ware, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o s t s are not the o n l y reason f o r the high cost of goods. S h o r t l y a f t e r the band s t o r e opened i t was burned down with the l o s s of an e n t i r e winter supply of goods. The s t o r e was r e b u i l t , u s i n g funds from f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l sources. However the o p e r a t i o n has not run smoothly and has been unable to keep a good supply of food in stock at a p r i c e that r e s i d e n t s can a f f o r d . The d i f f i c u l t i e s with the s t o r e make hunting and f i s h i n g even more e s s e n t i a l to the w e l l - b e i n g of the people in the community. In 1984 the Band h i r e d a new storekeeper and the most recent r e p o r t s are that the stock and the p r i c e s have improved c o n s i d e r a b l y s i n c e 1983. But the t h r e a t of food shortages s t i l l overshadows the community. In the s p r i n g of 1984 s t o r i e s about s t a r v a t i o n in F o r t Ware reached the southern newspapers. " S t a r v a t i o n Denied, Hard Times in F o r t Ware", was the headine (The C i t i z e n , P r i n c e George; May 11, 1984). The Member of Parliament f o r that area was quoted as s a y i n g that people were s t a r v i n g , l i v i n g f o r two weeks out of each month on porcupine l e g s . Local spokesmen denied people were s t a r v i n g but admitted that there had been a hard winter in the v i l l a g e , that there were food shortages in the s t o r e and that game was s c a r c e . My experience i s that game was e s s e n t i a l to the f a m i l i e s ' w e l l - b e i n g . When no f i s h or game was k i l l e d the people went without meat. In the summer and f a l l of 1983 there was no f r e s h or f r o z e n meat in the s t o r e ; f r e s h v e g e t a b l e s and f r u i t were not brought in and canned goods were extremely expensive. 58 F i s h and game are not so much a supplement to the store-bought -food, as the s t o r e -food i s a n c i l l i a r y to the s u b s i s t e n c e d i e t o-f w i l d game and -f i s h . Apart -from the a c t i v i t i e s o-f hunting and - f i s h i n g , most households have at l e a s t one person engaged in t r a p p i n g . As p a r t 0- f the survey, trappers were interviewed to determine t h e i r average income <See Table I I I ) . Nineteen out o-f the twenty-one t r a p p e r s were surveyed, or 90%. 1-f the f i g u r e s are p r o r a t e d , the t o t a l f u r harvest can be estimated at $36,000. The average t r a p p e r ' s harvest in F o r t Ware i s c o n s i d e r e d low a c c o r d i n g to a t r a p p i n g a s s o c i a t i o n o f f i c i a l who e stimated that f u l l - t i m e B r i t i s h Columbia t r a p p e r s have an average harvest of $7,000 a year and the best t r a p p e r s can make up to $40,000 <Sharpe 1983 per.comm.). Respondents were asked whether or not f i s h and game had improved or d e c l i n e d s i n c e before the dam. Seventy-seven percent f e l t that game had d e c l i n e d but that t r a p p i n g was e i t h e r b e t t e r or the same as before the dam (See Table IV). 59 : i n -FORT WARE TRAPPERS' HARVEST DURING ONE YEAR 1982' SPECIES NO.OF PELTS Marten 482 VALUE *40 TOTAL VALUE $19,280 Beaver 161 *18 * 2,898 Muskrat 81 * 3 * 243 Lynx 30 *300 * 9,000 Mink 22 * 30 * 660 Weasel 6 * 2 * 12 Wolveri ne 2 *250 * 500 Otter 5 * 50 * 250 Wol i 4 * 75 * 300 Black Bear 1 * 40 * 40 S q u i r r e l 250 *1 .50 * 375 TOTAL HARVEST 1982-83 *33.558 value s •from Sharpe : 1 983 per. comm.) Trappers surveyed - 19 Average harvest per trapper - *i,766.21 60 TABLE IV - OPINIONS OF FORT WARE RESPONDENTS COMPARING  EXISTING RESOURCES WITH RESOURCES BEFORE THE DAM Percent o-f Respondents Replying, Resources Are Now:  B e t t e r Same Worse <N= 30) Game 15% 77*/. F i s h 29% 29% 42% F u r b e a r e r s 55% 23% 23% McLEOD LAKE SURVEY RESULTS Although McLeod Lake i s not the c h i e f f o c u s of t h i s t h e s i s , m a t e r i a l on the band i s i n c l u d e d to provide a comparison with For t Ware. Having been surrounded by development f o r c l o s e to f o r t y years with i t s hunting and f i s h i n g areas a l t e r e d e x t e n s i v e l y by hydro development and l o g g i n g , McLeod Lake d i f f e r s s i g n i f i c a n t l y from F o r t Ware. By c a r r y i n g out a survey in both of these Sekani communites, one surrounded by the i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y , the other s t i l l remote, some i n t e r e s t i n g o b s e r v a t i o n s can be made. A l l households in McLeod Lake were co n t a c t e d and 14 or 90% of the hunters were interviewed. Table V shows the r e s u l t s of the survey on game ha r v e s t . TABLE V - WILD GAME KILLED FOR FOOD IN MCLEOD LAKE  DURING ONE YEAR 1982-83 Moose 21 Elk 1 Bear 6 Smal1 Game 80-90 <1> ( l ) b i r d s , groundhogs, r a b b i t s 61 Since the harvest shown above r e p r e s e n t s 90% o-f the hunters, the y e a r l y game k i l l , i f p r o r a t e d , i s estimated at 24 large game and 16 medium s i z e d game. (Note 10 small game i s equal to one medium s i z e d game). L i k e Fort Ulare, the amount of game k i l l e d f o r food has been r e l a t e d to the M i n i s t r y of Environment c r i t e r i o n f o r s u b s i s t e n c e . Assuming that a f a m i l y of three r e q u i r e s one moose p l u s one medium s i z e d game, McLeod Lake with a p o p u l a t i o n of 80 would need 27 moose and 27 medium s i z e d game. The a c t u a l h a r v e s t , t h e r e f o r e i s 11% l e s s than the c r i t e r i o n set by the M i n i s t r y f o r l a r g e game and 40% l e s s than the c r i t e r i o n set f o r medium s i z e d game. Although the game harvest i s short of the c r i t e r i o n set by the M i n i s t r y , t h i s i s supplemented by a l a r g e f i s h catch (See Table V I ) . TABLE VI - MCLEOD LAKE FISH CATCH  DURING ONE YEAR 1982-83 w*h i t e f i sh A r c t i c Rai nbow Kokanee Pol 1 y Other  G r a y l i no Trou t Varden 847 286 135 10 92 6 The f i s h catch i s estimated at 731 k i l o s or 9.1 k i l o s per person. T h i s i s higher than the average consumption in Canada, c a l c u l a t e d at seven k i l o s per person. Although the t r a p p i n g areas of the McLeod Lake people were inundated by the dam, some t r a p p i n g i s s t i l l c a r r i e d on by band members. There are some d i f f e r e n c e s between t r a p p i n g at F o r t Ulare and t r a p p i n g at McLeod Lake. In the northern community a l l the t r a p l i n e s are h e l d by Indians; in McLeod Lake, many t r a p l i n e s have been s o l d to non-natives. The McLeod Lake Band has r e c o g n i z e d t h i s as a problem and has r e s o l v e d to prevent any 62 •further t r a n s f e r e n c e o-f Indian t r a p l i n e s . The reason f o r some band members abandoning the use of t r a p l i n e s must be at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y r e l a t e d to the extensive damage caused by the dam when the Parsnip River from Tudyah Lake to F i n l a y Forks was f l o o d e d , d e s t r o y i n g a l l the t r a p l i n e s in the r i v e r v a l l e y . Despite the l o s e s s u f f e r e d by the McLeod Lakers, there are s t i l l about ten people t r a p p i n g (See Table V I I ) . TABLE VII - MCLEOD LAKE TRAPPERS' HARVEST  DURING ONE YEAR 1982-83 SPECIES NO.OF PELTS VALUE TOTAL Mar ten 375 *40 $15,000 Lynx 12 $300 % 3,600 Beaver 102 * 18 * 1 ,836 Mink 44 * 30 1 ,320 Ulol ver i ne 1 *250 250 Fox 3 $ 60 * 180 Ot t e r 2 * 50 * 100 Coyote 2 * 50 100 Muskrat 20 * 3 * 60 Bl .Bear 1 * 40 * 40 TOTAL VALUE OF HARVEST $22.486 Number of t r a p p e r s - 9 Average harvest per trapper - *2,498 The average McLeod Lake harvest per trapper i s higher than that of F o r t Ware. However, t o t a l value f o r the McLeod Lake Band i s l e s s because of the smaller number of Indian t r a p p e r s in McLeod 63 Lake. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to compare the e x i s t i n g harvest with the harvest at the height of the f u r trade in 1830. Returns were c o n s i d e r a b l y h i g h e r , e s p e c i a l l y f o r beaver, but the band p o p u l a t i o n was a l s o c o n s i d e r a b l y h i g h e r . P o p u l a t i o n in 1830 was 202 compared to the present McLeod Lake p o p u l a t i o n of 80. TABLE VIII - MCLEOD LAKE TRAPPERS' HARVEST - 1830 Marten Beaver Muskrat Lynx Bear Otter Wolv'i ne  Mink 454 2044 8 32 6 43 12 8 (Lanoue 1983 quoting from Hudson Bay A r c h i v e s , Uinnepeg, Man i toba) If we apply 1983 p e l t p r i c e s to the 1830 harvest the value would be *70,206 compared to the present 1982-83 harvest of $22,486. Respondents were asked whether the r e s o u r c e s , f i s h , game and f u r b e a r e r s , had improved or d e c l i n e d s i n c e the dam. Game had f a i r e d the worse in the o p i n i o n of the respondents, with 80% s t a t i n g that the resource had d e c l i n e d from l e v e l s before the dam. There was a high degree of no reponse to t h i s question p r i m a r i l y because four out of the 14 respondents were too young to have hunted and s i x respondents had not f i s h e d or trapped before the dam. Below are the r e s u l t s from the respondents who answered the q u e s t i o n . 64 TABLE IX - OPINIONS OF THE MCLEOD LAKE RESPONDENTS COMPARING  EXISTING RESOURCES WITH RESOURCES BEFORE THE DAM Percent o-f Respondents Reply} no Resources Are Now: B e t t e r Same Worse Game 0 20% 80% W h i t e f i s h 62% 25% 13% Rainbow Trout 0 17% 83% F u r b e a r e r s 29% 14% 57% MAPPING PROJECT From a land c l a i m s poi n t o-f view, the most important aspect o-f the survey conducted in F o r t Ware and McLeod Lake was mapping o-f the areas where people hunted, trapped, -fished, guided and p i c k e d b e r r i e s . In each household, a d u l t members who used the land f o r income or income in k i n d , were asked to p a r t i c i p a t e in drawing a map which showed the areas they were accustomed to u s i n g . If there were se v e r a l h u n t e r s / t r a p p e r s in one f a m i l y more than one map would be completed. What was a s u r p r i s e to me was the a b i 1 t y of these people to map the areas where they hunted, trapped and f i s h e d . The t r a p p e r s would c a r e f u l l y trace the areas where they had t h e i r t r a p l i n e s , i n d i c a t i n g the l o c a t i o n of each of the t r a p l i n e c a b i n s and then p o i n t i n g out good hunting areas f o r v a r i o u s s p e c i e s . The hunter's w i f e or c h i l d r e n would prompt him d u r i n g the map drawing and a l s o add t h e i r s p e c i a l areas f o r hunting, f i s h i n g or b e r r y p i c k i n g . 65 MAP7 McLEOD LAKE LAND USE Areas ilsed for hunting/fishing/trapping/ guiding • by individual band members Composite of areas - used before the dam - used 1 9 8 2 - 8 3 See MAP 8 FOR DETAIL. k eft** &7 68 The r e s u l t s of the p r o j e c t are a s e r i e s of i n d i v i d u a l maps each showing the boundaries f o r v a r i o u s land use a c t i v i t i e s -t r a p p i n g , hunting, f i s h i n g , b e r r y p i c k i n g and g u i d i n g . These i n d i v i d u a l maps have been aggregated i n t o composite maps f o r Fo r t Ware and McLeod Lake and provide a r e c o r d of the land use p a t t e r n of these people in 1982-83. <See maps 6,7,8) One purpose of the mapping p r o j e c t was to determine the change in the extent of land used f o r hunting, f i s h i n g , and t r a p p i n g s i n c e the dam. Respondents were asked to show the areas they used before the dam as well as the areas they p r e s e n t l y used. In McLeod Lake the two areas d i f f e r e d c o n s i d e r a b l y (see map 7 & 8 ) . In F o r t Ware band members s a i d there was r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e change in the areas they used before and a f t e r the dam. F o r t Ware r e s i d e n t s , t h e r e f o r e , drew onl y one map (see map 6 ) . E x i s t i n g land use p a t t e r n s have a l s o been compared with the extent of t e r r i t o r y used at time of white c o n t a c t . In Chapter III the t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y of the Sekani people was mapped based on the h i s t o r i c a l accounts of the e a r l y e x p l o r e r s . Comparing the map drawn f o r the p e r i o d 1793 to 1824 (see map 3) with the t e r r i t o r y p r e s e n t l y used i t can be seen that the northern Sekani have continued to use almost as much land as in the past whereas the t e r r i t o r y used by the McLeod Lake band has decreased (see Map 9 ) . The mapping p r o j e c t has a l s o r e v e a l e d some overlap between fc9 70 bands. The F o r t Ulare t e r r i t o r y p r e s e n t l y being used by band members extends up the Kechika as -far as Turnagain R i v e r . The area -from S i f t o n Pass to Turnagain may a l s o be claimed by the Kaska-Dene T r i b e , who occupy the t e r r i t o r y north o-f the Sekani. There are two Fort Ulare f a m i l i e s t r a p p i n g in t h i s area and t h e r e f o r e the land can l e g i t i m a t e l y be claimed by Fort Ulare. One of the f a m i l i e s was o r i g i n a l l y from the Kaska and i s undecided as to which band i t w i l l e v e n t u a l l y s e t t l e w i t h . In a d d i t i o n , t h i s n o r t h e r l y p o r t i o n of the t e r r i t o r y has, up to 1982, been a g u i d i n g area belonging to a F o r t Ulare r e s i d e n t . T h i s g u i d i n g l i c e n s e has been s o l d to a non-Indian, which may have the e f f e c t of the F o r t Ware band members abandoning t h e i r use of some p a r t s of the area. T h i s n o r t h e r l y p o r t i o n has t h e r e f o r e been d e f i n e d as o v e r l a p p i n g t e r r i t o r y (see map 9 ) . The area of land used almost e x c l u s i v e l y by Fort Ulare band members f o r hunting, f i s h i n g , t r a p p i n g , g u i d i n g and b e r r y p i c k i n g has been c a l c u l a t e d at approximately 20,000 square k i l o m e t r e s . In a d d i t i o n , some band members used a land area of 12,000 square k i l o m e t r e s which i s a l s o used by the Kaska-Dene T r i b e to the n o r t h . 71 CHAPTER VI ANALYSIS OF ABORIGINAL TITLE In t h i s chapter there i s a d e f i n i t i o n of the nature of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e as seen by the Indian groups and by the c o u r t s . Northern Indian bands want to continue t h e i r use of the land f o r s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s , o t h e r s are l o o k i n g f o r a land base that w i l l provide r e s o u r c e s f o r economic development, and o t h e r s f o r compensation f o r the l o s s or d e s t r u c t i o n of t h e i r land. The extent to which these o b j e c t i v e s w i l l be achieved w i l l be a r e f l e c t i o n of the judged s t r e n g t h of the Indian argument that a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e has been r e t a i n e d . Although the f e d e r a l government p r e s e n t l y r e c o g n i z e s u s u f r u c t u a r y r i g h t s ( r i g h t s to use of the l a n d ) , i t has stopped shor t of a d m i t t i n g that a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e e x i s t s . T h i s has not always been the p o s i t i o n of the f e d e r a l government. In f a c t there i s h i s t o r i c a l evidence that e s t a b l i s h e s both B r i t i s h and Canadian support f o r the Indians' c l a i m to ownership. T h i s p o s i t i o n of support f o r an Indian c l a i m to the land was not p e c u l i a r to the B r i t i s h Commonwealth. The p r i n c i p l e of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e which now forms an important b a s i s in i n t e r n a t i o n a l law was f i r s t espoused d u r i n g the Spanish e x p l o r a t i o n of the Americas. In 1532, a Spanish t h e o l o g i a n p r o f e s s e d that no c l a i m to the Americas c o u l d be based on d i s c o v e r y because d i s c o v e r y implied that the lands were unoccupied. He f u r t h e r argued that Indians of North America, no l e s s that the peasants of Spain, had p r o p e r t y r i g h t s that c o u l d not be usurped even by the Pope (Cumming 1972:14;Jackson 1982:76). Although i t i s w i d e l y known that the 72 Spanish d e v i a t e d a great deal from t h i s i d e a l , the p r i n c i p l e of the land r i g h t s of indigenous peoples has s u r v i v e d and has i n f l u e n c e d the p o l i c i e s of s e v e r a l c o l o n i a l powers. There i s c o n s i d e r a b l e evidence that the B r i t i s h r e c o g n i z e d the t e r r i t o r y of the a b o r i g i n e s of North America in the pre-sett1ement p e r i o d and that a p o l i c y was adopted to n e g o t i a t e with the Indian T r i b e s p r i o r to any permanent s e t t l e m e n t . The use of t r e a t i e s with the Indians i m p l i e s that B r i t a i n r e c o g n i z e d that the Indians e x e r c i s e d r i g h t s over the t e r r i t o r y . When the Seven Years War spread to North America the B r i t i s h n e g o t i a t e d a l l i a n c e s with Indian t r i b e s , promising that t h e i r land and r i g h t s would be p r o t e c t e d by the B r i t i s h . When B r i t a i n ignored these promises by l e a v i n g B r i t i s h f o r t s in Indian t e r r i t o r y , the Pontiac War ensued. F o l l o w i n g t h i s u p r i s i n g George III issued the Royal Proclamation which i s o f t e n c a l l e d the Indians' c h a r t e r of r i g h t s . T h i s c o n s t i t u t i o n a l document of 1763 reads in par t : "And we do f u r t h e r d e c l a r e i t to be our ro y a l w i l l and p l e a s u r e , f o r the present as a f o r e s a i d to reserve under our s o v e r e i g n , p r o t e c t i o n and dominion, f o r the use of the s a i d Indians, a l l the lands and t e r r i t o r i e s not inc l u d e d w i t h i n the l i m i t s of the t e r r i t o r y granted to the Hudson's Bay Company, as a l s o a l l the lands and t e r r i t o r i e s l y i n g to the westward of the sources of the r i v e r s which f a l l i n t o the sea from the west and north west as a f o r e s a i d : And we do hereby s t r i c t l y f o r b i d on pain of our d i s p l e a s u r e , a l l our l o v i n g s u b j e c t s from making any purchases or se t t l e m e n t s whatever, or t a k i n g p o s s e s s i o n of any of the lands above r e s e r v e d , without our e s p e c i a l leave and l i c e n c e f o r the purpose f i r s t obtained." <Renaud 1977:22?) It has been argued that the Royal Proclamation does not apply to 73 B r i t i s h Columbia because that province had not been e x p l o r e d and was there-fore unknown to the sovereign in 1763 < Calder vs A.G. 1973). T h i s has been countered by a very reasoned argument by Gumming and Mickenberg who contend that two laws on a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s cannot apply w i t h i n a n a t i o n and that a s t r o n g case can be made that the Proclamation i s a p p l i c a b l e throughout Canada. Furthermore, they wrote that even i f the Proclamation d i d not apply in B r i t i s h Columbia the source of a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s i s the 'law of n a t i o n s ' , now i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the common law of Canada and confirmed by p o l i c y and a c t i o n s of the B r i t i s h and Canadian governments (Gumming 1972:30-34). Confir m a t i o n of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e i s supported by the t r e a t i e s made with n a t i v e t r i b e s d u r i n g Canada's c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , and extending i n t o p o s t - c o n f e d e r a t i o n . In 1850 the Robinson t r e a t i e s formed a b a s i s f o r f u r t h e r t r e a t i e s to be signed with t r i b e s on the p r a i r i e s , i n O n t a r i o , and in p a r t s of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and B r i t i s h Columbia. In these p o s t - c o n f e d e r a t i o n , or numbered t r e a t i e s , there i s a statement ceding r i g h t s to the t e r r i t o r y a long with p r o v i s i o n s f o r r e s e r v e s , small cash s e t t l e m e n t s and other b e n e f i t s (Gumming 1972:179). Today, some Indian r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s contend that the Indians who signed the t r e a t i e s had no i n t e n t i o n of g i v i n g up Indian land but i n s t e a d b e l i e v e d that the t r e a t i e s simply allowed the s e t t l e r s to share the t e r r i t o r y . In B r i t i s h Columbia, Governor Douglas was development of c o l o n i a l Indian p o l i c y . He r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the took the p o s i t i o n that 74 the Indians h e l d t i t l e to the land and that no settlement would be p e r m i t t e d u n t i l r e s e r v e s were e s t a b l i s h e d and compensation n e g o t i a t e d (Cumming:179). Fourteen t r e a t i e s were signed with t r i b e s on Vancouver I s l a n d between 1848 and 1859. A f t e r that no more t r e a t i e s were n e g o t i a t e d because Douglas lacked the -funds to pay compensation and the new c o l o n i a l i s t s were opposed to paying f o r Indian land. When the g o l d rush erupted in the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia in the 1850's there was c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n f l i c t with the Indians who saw t h e i r r i g h t s and t h e i r land being u n f a i r l y taken from them. Douglas continued to work to lessen c o n f l i c t by a l l o c a t i n g land f o r Indians a c c o r d i n g to the l o c a t i o n and the areas f a v o r e d by the Indians. Although Douglas encouraged the Indians to chose land they used f o r v i l l a g e s i t e s and f o r resource use, the s i z e of these r e s e r v e s was very small in r e l a t i o n to the land a l l o c a t i o n s set out in the numbered t r e a t i e s , averaging around twenty a c r e s per f a m i l y in B r i t i s h Columbia compared to e i t h e r 160 or 640 acr e s under the t r e a t i e s . In 1864 Douglas was succeeded in h i s post as governor and the subsequent c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s r e v e r s e d the p o l i c y e s t a b l i s h e d by Douglas and embarked upon a p e r i o d of b l a t a n t d i s r e g a r d f o r n a t i v e r i g h t s . Settlement p r e s s u r e s were c o n s i d e r a b l e and the p o l i c y r e f l e c t e d the views of the new s e t t l e r s who saw the Indians as o b s t a c l e s to proper use and development of the country. Land p r e v i o u s l y granted to Indian t r i b e s was t r a n s f e r r e d to s e t t l e r s without compensation and Indian t e r r i t o r y was made a v a i l a b l e f o r settlement without 75 n e g o t i a t i n g with the t r i b e s (dimming 1972:180). It i s t h i s settlement p o l i c y that has been c i t e d as having e x t i n g u i s h e d n a t i v e t i t l e . In Calder vs the A t t o r n e y General  1973 i t was argued that because t h e . c o l o n i a l government p r o v i d e d -for homestead i ng o-f lands not ceded by the Indians that such a c t i o n was s u f f i c i e n t to end the e x i s t e n c e of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e . What i s evident i s that the c o l o n i a l government acted c o n t r a r y to the a u t h o r i t y of the sovereign power and had no j u r i s d i c t i o n e i t h e r under B r i t i s h Law, i n t e r n a t i o n a l law, or common law to allow settlement in the t e r r i t o r y without f i r s t n e g o t i a t i n g with the Indians. These arguments and o t h e r s were c i t e d in two l e a d i n g , modern day judgements on aborginal r i g h t s . One was Kanatewat et a l . vs  James Bay Development Cor p o r a t i o n and the A t t o r n e y General of  Canada 1973 and the other, Calder et a l • vs the A t t o r n e y General  of B r i t i s h Columbia 1969.1970.1973 . In the f i r s t case, the Cree and I n u i t f i l e d a p e t i t i o n in the Supreme Court of Quebec f o r an i n t e r l o c u t o r y i n j u n c t i o n to stop the James Bay h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t . In the judgement by J u s t i c e Malouf, the court r u l e d that the Cree and I n u i t , had e x e r c i s e d personal and u s u f r u c t u a r y r i g h t s over the land and had r e t a i n e d those r i g h t s i n t o the present day ( Kanatewat 1973 ). Although the province immediately succeeded in having the i n j u n c t i o n suspended and the Court of Appeals r u l e d a g a i n s t the n a t i v e c l a i m , the f a v o r a b l e d e c i s i o n at the lower court was su-f f i c i en t government 76 to -force the Province o-f Quebec and the -federal to n e g o t i a t e with the Cree and the I n u i t . The Nishga case <Calder 1973) i s the most s i g n i f i c a n t Canadian judgment on a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e . The Nishga T r i b e was seeking a d e c l a r a t i o n that t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e had not been e x t i n g u i s h e d . In the judgement brought down by the Supreme Court of Canada a l l judges agreed that the Nishga had r e t a i n e d a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e up to the p e r i o d of c o l o n i z a t i o n . But the court s p l i t on the s u b s t a n t i v e question as to whether t i t l e had been r e t a i n e d up to the p r e s e n t . Three judges r u l e d that t i t l e had been e x t i n g u i s h e d p r i o r to c o n f e d e r a t i o n and three judges agreed with the Nishga c l a i m that t i t l e had been r e t a i n e d i n t o the p r e s e n t . The seventh judge d i d not r u l e on the c e n t r a l i s s u e , and i n s t e a d denied the Nishga's case on a t e c h n i c a l p o i n t d e a l i n g with " f i a t ' , or the Nishga's r i g h t to b r i n g forward an a c t i o n without the concurrence of the p r o v i n c e . Chief J u s t i c e L a s k i n was one of the three judges who agreed that the Nishga r e t a i n e d t i t l e . In h i s d i s s e n t i n g judgement he s t a t e d : "There i s a wealth of j u r i s p r u d e n c e a f f i r m i n g common law r e c o g n i t i o n of a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s to possession and enjoyment of lands of a b o r i g i n e s p r e c i s e l y analogous to the Nishga s i t u a t i o n . " ( Calder vs A.G. 1973 ) F o l l o w i n g the d e c i s i o n on the Nishga case Prime M i n i s t e r Trudeau p u b l i c l y s t a t e d , "You <the Indians) have more r i g h t s than we thought you had." ( B r i t i s h Columbia 1983) F o l l o w i n g the Supreme Court d e c i s i o n on the Nishga case, the f e d e r a l government 77 e s t a b l i s h e d the O f f i c e of N a t i v e Claims and provided funds to Indian groups to c a r r y out r e s e a r c h on land c l a i m s . The Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s came out with a r e v i s e d p o l i c y on Native land s e t t l e m e n t s and began n e g o t i a t i o n s with N a t i v e s in the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and the Yukon (Ind i a n and Northern A f f a i r s 1981,1982). F o r t Ware's c l a i m to i t s t e r r i t o r y i s s i m i l a r in most r e s p e c t s to the Nishga c l a i m . L i k e the Nishga, the Sekani T r i b e occupied the t e r r i t o r y at time of white contact and continue to use and occupy the land to the present day (see Chapters III and V) . Fo r t Ware's a n c e s t o r s never e x t i n q u i s h e d a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e to the land nor accepted t r e a t y b e n e f i t s . The arguments advanced on behalf of the Nishga in the Supreme Court case were: 1. That t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s to the land in the Nass V a l l e y had never been e x t i n g u i s h e d . 2. The t e r r i t o r y had been occupied by t h e i r t r i b e f o r hundreds of years and p o s s i b l y thousands. 3. The Royal Proclamation of 1763 r e c o g n i z e d Indian r i g h t s to t h e i r land and e s t a b l i s h e d that the Indian peoples must not be d e p r i v e d of t h e i r land without n e g o t i a t i o n and settlement agreed to by a competent r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the t r i b e . 4. Governor Douglas e s t a b l ished N a t i v e r i g h t s to the land in a l e t t e r to the c o l o n i a l o f f i c e in 1861, where he s t a t e d that the land belonged to the Indians and c o u l d o n l y be e x t i n g u i s h e d by t r e a t y . 5. T r e a t y 8 was signed in 1899 with t r i b e s in A l b e r t a , Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and B r i t i s h Columbia, c o n f i r m i n g 78 Canadian r e c o g n i t i o n o-f Native t i t l e < Calder 1973 >. One of the l e a d i n g witnesses at the Nishga court proceedings was Wilson Duff whose book Indian H i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia was e n t e r e d as evidence. Duff wrote: " I t i s not c o r r e c t to say that the Indians d i d not "own" the land but only roamed over the face of i t and "used" i t . The p a t t e r n of ownership and u t i l i z a t i o n which they imposed upon the lands and waters were d i f f e r e n t from those r e c o g n i z e d by our system of law, but were nonetheless c l e a r l y d e f i n e d and mutually r e s p e c t e d . Even i f they d i d n ' t s u b d i v i d e and c u l t i v a t e the land, they d i d re c o g n i z e ownership of p l o t s used f o r v i l l a g e s i t e s , f i s h i n g p l a c e s , b e r r y and root patches, and s i m i l a r purposes. Even i f they d i d n ' t s u b j e c t the f o r e s t s to wholesale l o g g i n g , they d i d e s t a b l i s h ownership of t r a c t s used f o r hunting, t r a p p i n g , and f o o d - g a t h e r i n g . Even i f they d i d n ' t sink mine s h a f t s i n t o mountains, they d i d own peaks and v a l l e y s f o r mountain goat hunting and as sources of raw m a t e r i a l s . Except f o r barren and i n a c c e s s i b l e areas which are not u t i l i z e d even today, every part of the Province was f o r m e r l y w i t h i n the owned and r e c o g n i z e d t e r r i t o r y of one or other of the Indian tribes.°<Duff 1944:8) From d i s c u s s i o n s with Fo r t Ware f a m i l i e s , i t was c l e a r that concepts of ownership s i m i l a r to those d e s c r i b e d by Duff e x i s t 79 in F o r t Ware. F a m i l i e s "own" the areas where they trap and hunt. In i n t e r v i e w s a -family would say that the Pooles 'own' the P e l l y River v a l l e y or that the McCooks 'own' Paul Creek. People a l s o s t a t e d that the band 'owns' c e r t a i n l a k e s where everyone f i s h e s and a l p i n e areas where the sheep and goat are hunted. When the mining company b u i l t an a i r s t r i p on the land used and owned by the P i e r r e f a m i l y , there was no c o n s u l t a t i o n with the Indian owner. The Indian f a m i l y was angry and f r u s t r a t e d by t h i s i n t r u s i o n and lack of r e s p e c t f o r t h e i r r i g h t s to an area of land that had been used f o r a generation by t h e i r f a m i l y and by t h e i r f a t h e r ' s f a m i l y before them. While Indian l e a d e r s contend that the land belongs to t h e i r people and t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s must be r e c o g n i z e d , i t i s not expected that the f e d e r a l or p r o v i n c i a l governments w i l l accept the concept of an Indian t i t l e . The f e d e r a l government takes the p o s i t i o n that Indian land r i g h t s , i f present, are possessed at the p l e a s u r e of the Crown. The Province of B r i t i s h Columbia has c o n s i s t e n t l y denied the e x i s t e n c e of Indian t i t l e < Calder 1973 and B r i t i s h Columbia 1983). For the Province to reverse i t s p o s i t i o n would l e a d to a severe c u r t a i l m e n t of i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n over the land base. The issue of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e has been coming more and more to the f o r e f r o n t s i n c e the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l debates in 1980-81. A f t e r much debate and d i v i s i o n among the p r o v i n c e s , n a t i v e groups, and the f e d e r a l government, a s e c t i o n was added to the Canada Act (1981) as foi1ows: 80 35(1) The e x i s t i n g a b o r i g i n a l and t r e a t y r i g h t s o-f the a b o r i g i n a l peoples o-f Canada are hereby r e c o g n i z e d and af-f i rmed. T h i s C o n s t i t u t i o n a l entrenchment o-f a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s i s not an admission of the e x i s t e n c e of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e , i t does however, give s t a t u t o r y r e c o g n i t i o n to Indian and I n u i t r i g h t s to use of the land, and c l e a r l y p l a c e s the t r e a t i e s in a stronger p o s i t i o n . N a t i v e groups have o b j e c t e d to the wording of S e c t i o n 35(1), arguing at subsequent c o n s t i t u t i o n a l accord t a l k s that the word " e x i s t i n g ' must be d e l e t e d . While Indian and I n u i t l e a d e r s were working to have c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r e c o g n i t i o n of a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s , extinquishment of t i t l e was being n e g o t i a t e d in two major agreements - the C.O.P.E. and Yukon s e t t l e m e n t s (C.O.P.E. 1984 ; Council of Yukon Indians 1983). The proposed Yukon agreement in p r i n c i p l e has been c r i t i c i z e d by some prominent Indian l e a d e r s . B i l l Wilson of the Native Council of Canada opposed extinquishment and has charged that the f e d e r a l government has f o r c e d Indians to cede t i t l e . Wilson e x p l a i n e d h i s p o s i t i o n on a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e at the hear i n g s on Indian Self-government h e l d in Whitehorse, Yukon. "In my area, i t i s our assumption, and always w i l l be, that the land belongs to us. The d i s c u s s i o n s in regard to the r e s o l u t i o n of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e and a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s do not flow on the b a s i s of an exchange. They flow on the b a s i s of ens u r i n g that we e x e r c i s e those r i g h t s . " ( C a n a d a 1983 (b) 27:36) The t h r u s t of the f e d e r a l p o l i c y on land c l a i m s i s to exchange undefined a b o r i g i n a l land r i g h t s f o r concrete r i g h t s and b e n e f i t s (Indian and Northern A f f a i r s 1981:19). The f e d e r a l government w i l l not l i k e l y a f f i r m Indian t i t l e although i t r e c o g n i z e s c e r t a i n t r a d i t i o n a l Indian land use. With the change 81 in -federal l e a d e r s h i p in 1984 i t i s expected that there w i l l be even l e s s consensus between Indians and Ottawa on the the issue o-f a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e . How Indian groups should approach the issue of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e i s a very complex and s e n s i t i v e s u b j e c t . Because there i s l i t t l e hope that s e n i o r l e v e l governments w i l l r e c o g n i z e a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e , Indian groups not w i l l i n g to cede the r i g h t s they b e l i e v e they are e n t i t i l e d to, face d i f f i c u l t c h o i c e s in n e g o t i a t i n g a land c l a i m . In Chapter VII the issue of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e i s d e a l t with in terms of the v a r i o u s o p t i o n s a v a i l a b l e to Indian groups in t h e i r n e g o t i a t i o n s f o r land se 111emen t . 82 Chapter VII TREATIES. SETTLEMENTS AND AGREEMENTS If the F o r t Ware people are to have any chance of breaking away from the dependency and s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n so evident among many Canadian Indians, then a land settlement must l e a d to economic and s o c i a l reform. There i s a range of c h o i c e s a v a i l a b l e to F o r t Ware and s i m i l a r northern Indian bands with r e s p e c t to land c l a i m p r o p o s a l s . For the purposes of t h i s a n a l y s i s , the c h o i c e s have been c a t e g o r i z e d as t r a d i t i onal , moderate , assimi1 at i on. and Indian reform . The t r a d i t i onal approach to land c l a i m settlement i s analogous to the conventional t r e a t i e s concluded in Canada up to the e a r l y part of the Twentieth Century. The reason the t r e a t i e s are important in terms of the c h o i c e s f a c i n g the Sekani i s that whether by e r r o r or design the t r i b e ' s t e r r i t o r y was i n c l u d e d w i t h i n the boundaries of T r e a t y 8, even though the t r i b e was not asked to adhere to the document. In a d d i t i o n , the McLeod Lake band i s c o n s i d e r i n g adhering to the t r e a t y and t h e r e f o r e we must examine the advantages and disadvantages of t h i s Nineteenth Century document. In order to shed some l i g h t on the treaty-making process, a b r i e f o u t l i n e of the h i s t o r y of Canadian Indian t r e a t i e s i s i n c l u d e d below. Canadian Indian T r e a t i e s Settlement p r e s s u r e s increased in Canada with the l o y a l i s t e m igration f o l l o w i n g the War of Independence in 1783. The Royal 83 Proclamation was not adhered to c o n s i s t e n t l y d u r i n g t h i s settlement p e r i o d s i n c e the immigrants, hungry f o r land, made agreements with the Indian t r i b e s c o n t r a r y to the p r o v i s i o n s of the Pro c l a m a t i o n . Many of these agreements were l a t e r r a t i f i e d by the c o l o n i a l government in an e f f o r t to preserve the p r i n c i p l e s behind the Proclamation of 1763 and to keep peace between s e t t l e r s and Indians <Cumming 1972:107,111). From 1670 <the date of the f i r s t Indian t r e a t y ( P o i n t i n g 1980:23)) to the f i r s t of the numbered t r e a t i e s in 1871, there were over a hundred Indian t r e a t i e s signed i n v o l v i n g s u r r e n d e r s or agreements. Some d e a l t with only a few acr e s of land; o t h e r s designated c h i e f s and set out p r o v i s i o n s f o r government s e r v i c e s ( C o l e s Canadiana C o l l e c t i o n 1971). The process of Indian surrender of t i t l e , which began as a piecemeal process in the Seventeenth Century, grew i n t o a major government program in the mid-Nineteenth Century. But was i t an i n e v i t a b l e outcome that the Indians would have to r e l i n q u i s h t h e i r ownership of the land in favour of the new s e t t l e r s ? It would not have appeared that way to the Indian t r i b e s who met the f i r s t e x p l o r e r s . At the time of white contact there were an estimated one m i l l i o n n a t i v e s occupying the c o n t i n e n t north of the Mexican border (Duff 1964:39). The f i r s t prolonged contact Indians had with Europeans was with the f u r t r a d e r s whose numbers were i n s i g n i f i c a n t in comparison to the Indians. The f u r t r a d i n g p e r i o d was welcomed by the Indians; i t brought wealth to t h e i r people and d i d not threaten the i n t e g r i t y of t h e i r n a t i o n s ( F i s h e r 1977:12). 84 In B r i t i s h Columbia the e a r l y e x p l o r e r s met Indian t r i b e s l i v i n g in the most densely populated area in Canada. There were an estimated 80,000 to 100,000 Indians in B r i t i s h Columbia, most occupying the resource r i c h c o a s t l i n e (Duff 1964:39). The west coast Indians were astute t r a d e r s and proud de-fenders of t h e i r t e r r i t o r y and re s o u r c e s ( F i s h e r 1977:9). The Indians had l i t t l e pre-warning that the f i r s t contact would be f o l l o w e d e v e n t u a l l y by subsequent waves of s e t t l e r s who would push the a b o r i g i n e s from t h e i r l and. The sequence of occurrences that l e d from the f u r trade p e r i o d to extinguishment of t i t l e i s a p t l y d e s c r i b e d by Hagan: "The o u t l i n e of events in such t r a g e d i e s was c l e a r . The t r a d e r s f i r s t employed the Indians to gather f u r s and t r i b a l standard of l i v i n g rose as they a c q u i r e d f i r e a r m s and metal t o o l s . Then as the game dimi n i s h e d and the f r o n t i e r l i n e pressed upon the Indian h o l d i n g s the second act opened. It c l o s e d with the tribesmen having been f o r c e d or seduced i n t o s e l l i n g t h e i r land...The t h i r d a ct would f i n d the Indian r e s i s t a n c e crushed and the i n e v i t a b l e t r e a t y w r i t t e n ceding even more land to the whit e s . The p r i n c i p a l problem remaining would be the u l t i m a t e d i s p o s i t i o n of the t r i b e . The Indians might s e t t l e the problem t e m p o r a r i l y by m i g r a t i n g westward to compete with a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d t r i b e s f o r t h e i r hunting grounds and set the stage f o r a r e p e t i t i o n of the l a s t two acts...The usual r e s u l t was that the r e s e r v a t i o n Indians f r u s t r a t e d t h e i r well wishers and co-operated with t h e i r o ppressors by dying o f f r a p i d l y . " ( D r i v e r 1975:481; quoting from Hagan 1961:29-30) By the mid-Nineteenth Century d i s e a s e and d e p l e t i o n of game had demoralized and weakened most of the Indian t r i b e s . In B r i t i s h Columbia i t was estimated that o n e - t h i r d of the Indian p o p u l a t i o n d i e d from European epidemics - mostly from smallpox. By the 1880's the white p o p u l a t i o n in B r i t i s h Columbia exceeded 85 that of the Indians f o r the f i r s t time ( F i s h e r 1977: x i i ) . A s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n e x i s t e d a c r o s s Canada with the P r a i r i e Indians even more d e s t i t u t e due to the l o s s of the bison herds. It was d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d that the newly f e d e r a t e d Canadian government embarked on i t s program of t r e a t i e s . C onfederation was won with the promise of an east-west r a i l r o a d . In order to survey the right-of-way and provide homesteads f o r s e t t l e r s , the Canadian government b e l i e v e d that i t would have to deal with Indi an t i t l e . The f i r s t p o s t - c o n f e d e r a t i o n t r e a t y was concluded in 1871 with the Swampy, Chippewa and Cree of Manitoba. A c c o r d i n g to Lieutenant Governor A r c h i b a l d there was r e a l l y no choice f o r the Indians s i n c e i f they d i d not accept the t r e a t y they would s t i l l be s u b j e c t to white settlement (Cumming 1972:121). T h i r t e e n t r e a t i e s were concluded in t o t a l s i n c e c o n f e d e r a t i o n . T r e a t i e s one to eleven, the so c a l l e d numbered t r e a t i e s , i n c l u d e d s u r r e n d e r s of Northern O n t a r i o , al1 of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, A l b e r t a , and p a r t s of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and B r i t i s h Columbia. T r e a t y p r o v i s i o n s v a r i e d to a degree, with the common elements being r e s e r v e land, t r e a t y money, small g i f t s and a statement r e g a r d i n g c e s s i o n of t i t l e . The land settlement in T r e a t i e s one, two and f i v e was 1<S0 acr e s per f a m i l y of f i v e and in T r e a t i e s three, f o u r , s i x , seven, e i g h t , nine, ten, and eleven , one 86 square m i l e (640 acres) per f a m i l y of f i v e or 160 a c r e s per person in s e v e r a l t y (Cumming 1972:124). Small a n n u i t i e s of $5.00 per person were a l s o p a i d , and continue today. The most important p r o v i s i o n s of the t r e a t i e s , apart from the r e s e r v e land, e s t a b l i s h e d hunting and f i s h i n g r i g h t s . In T r e a t y 8 the f e d e r a l government promised the Indians they c o u l d "pursue t h e i r usual v o c a t i o n s of hunting, t r a p p i n g , and f i s h i n g throughout the t r a c t surrendered, s u b j e c t to such r e g u l a t i o n s as may from time to time be made by the Government of the country, a c t i n g under the a u t h o r i t y of Her M a j e s t y . . " ( T r e a t y 8:12). A s i m i l a r p r o v i s i o n i s i n c l u d e d in a l l the numbered t r e a t i e s with the exception of t r e a t i e s one and two. In B r i t i s h Columbia p r i o r to c o n f e d e r a t i o n there were fo u r t e e n t r e a t i e s concluded with the t r i b e s on Vancouver I s l a n d . In these t r e a t i e s , t r i b e s r e c e i v e d small r e s e r v a t i o n s , a n n u i t i e s , g i f t s and freedom to hunt and f i s h as before on unoccupied land ( F i s h e r 1977I66-67>. Eleven t r e a t i e s covered the areas surrounding F o r t V i c t o r i a . The other three t r e a t i e s concerned areas at F o r t Rupert and Nanaimo. It i s i r o n i c that the land under the L e g i s l a t i v e B u i l d i n g s i s part of one of the r e s e r v e s e s t a b l i s h e d by Governor Douglas d u r i n g t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d of treaty-making in the Colony of Vancouver ( F i s h e r 1977:68). No c l a i m has been submitted to the O f f i c e of Native Land Claims r e g a r d i n g land under the L e g i s i a t i v e Bui1dings although i t i s p o s s i b l e that the Songhees, who h e l d the r e s e r v e land, c o u l d b r i n g t h i s forward under a s p e c i f i c c l a i m . Regarding the 87 -fourteen Douglas t r e a t i e s , the v a l i d i t y o-f these C o l o n i a l p e r i o d t r e a t i e s has been upheld by the Supreme Court of Canada (Sanders 1975:22 r e f e r r i n g to the Supreme Court of Canada d e c i s i o n in Reoina vs. White and Bob 1945 ). While the l e g a l s t a t u s of the C o l o n i a l t r e a t i e s has been a f f i r m e d , there has been some questi o n r a i s e d r e g a r d i n g the land areas ceded by the t r e a t i e s . The O f f i c e of Native Land Claims in B r i t i s h Columbia r e c e i v e d a submission from the Kwakiutl D i s t r i c t C o u n c i l , the descendant of one of the o r i g i n a l C o l o n i a l t r e a t y t r i b e s , c l a i m i n g ownership to t r a d i t i o n a l t r i b a l lands not surrendered under the C o l o n i a l t r e a t i es. The o n l y other land under t r e a t y in B r i t i s h Columbia i s in the northeast of the Province (see map 10). It i s t h i s t r e a t y that i s important to the Sekani bands s i n c e a c c o r d i n g to the Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s adherence i s an o p t i o n open to those bands whose t e r r i t o r y i s w i t h i n the t r e a t y boundaries (Walchli 1984 per.comm.). There are two c o n f u s i n g matters with r e s p e c t to T r e a t y 8. F i r s t l y , there i s no consensus r e g a r d i n g the c o r r e c t boundaries of the T r e a t y and secondly, i t has been g e n e r a l l y agreed that the Sekani, whose land i s i n c l u d e d w i t h i n T r e a t y 8, never signed or p a r t i c i p a t e d in the p r o v i s i o n s of the T r e a t y . The boundary confusion Century Indian A f f a i r s the Indian A f f a i r s o f f i i s d e s c r i b e d by the e a r l y o f f i c i a l Mr. Ditchburn in ce in Ottawa: Twen t i e th h i s l e t t e r to 89 "I have be-fore me a copy o-f T r e a t y 8 and -from the map accompanying t h i s document I note that the western boundary o-f t h i s T r e a t y i s shown to be the Height o-f Land, whereas the d e s c r i b e d western boundary in the T r e a t y i t s e l - f i s given as the Rocky Mountains, which are many m i l e s east o-f the Height o-f Land." <Ditchburn, Chie-f Inspector o-f Indian Agencies to S c o t t , Deputy Superintendent General of Indian A f f a i r s , November 19th, 1920) Wilson Duff a l s o noted the problem with the w e s t e r l y boundary of the T r e a t y and came to the same c o n c l u s i o n as Ditchburn (Duff 1964:70). A d i f f e r e n t view was p o s t u l a t e d by an Indian A f f a i r s o f f i c i a l in 1960. The Chief of Reserves and T r u s t s concluded that he had 'no doubt that the McLeod Lake and F i n l a y River bands are l o c a t e d w i t h i n the boundaries of T r e a t y 8". He does not, however, defend t h i s o p i n i o n in any way (memorandum from Chief of Reserves and T r u s t s , Department of Indian A f f a i r s , A p r i l 14,1960). Although there can be no r e s o l u t i o n of the issue without f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n , i t appears to me that the boundary most l i k e l y was drawn in e r r o r on the map. The commissioners who were to n e g o t i a t e the t r e a t y were given f a i r l y e x p l i c i t i n s t r u c t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the outposts they were to v i s i t ( L e t t e r from North West T e r r i t o r y Commissioner to S e c r e t a r y of Indian A f f a i r s , January 12, 1898). The area west of the Rockies must have been well known to the commissioners. There had been a post l o c a t e d at F o r t McLeod s i n c e 1805 and at F o r t Grahame s i n c e 1870. McLeod Lake had been an important t r a n s p o r t a t i o n post d u r i n g the f i r s t p e r i o d of the f u r trade. If Indian A f f a i r s had intended to include in T r e a t y 8 the bands w i t h i n the F i n l a y - P a r s n i p watershed, why were the commissioners not i n s t r u c t e d to v i s i t 90 F o r t McLeod and F o r t Grahame to o b t a i n consent of the bands? If there were no s p e c i f i c i n s t r u c t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the bands in the F i n l a y - P a r s n i p watershed, would not the commissioners have f e l t o b l i g e d to v i s i t F o r t McLeod and F o r t Grahame to request the Indians' adhesion to the t r e a t y before i n c l u d i n g t h e i r area? I t i s p o s s i b l e that the o f f i c i a l s in the Department of Indian A f f a i r s were aware that the McLeod Lake and F i n l a y R i v er Indians had not consented; yet, f o r expediency, they allowed the map to include the F i n l a y - P a r s n i p watershed. By showing the area as part of T r e a t y 8, the Federal government may have thought settlement c o u l d be p e r m i t t e d . The Department of Indian A f f a i r s has maintained the p o s i t i o n that Sekani land i s w i t h i n the T r e a t y . For the bands i n v o l v e d , there i s no advantage to be gained in r e f u t i n g the boundary s i n c e i t . l e a v e s an a d d i t i o n a l o p t i o n open to the bands in t h e i r n e g o t i a t i o n s f o r land s e t t l e m e n t . However, the problem needs to be r e s o l v e d because of the misunderstandings that c o u l d develop because of the e x i s t e n c e of the map attached to T r e a t y 8. Because Sekani t e r r i t o r y has been shown on an o f f i c i a l government document as ceded land, p r o v i n c i a l , f e d e r a l and even Indian r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s may make d e c i s i o n s based on the f a l s e assumption that a l l Indian c l a i m s to that land had been surrendered. It i s p o s s i b l e , in the past, that Indian c l a i m to the t e r r i t o r y was ignored because of the e x i s t e n c e of T r e a t y 8. The UJ.A.C. Bennett dam was c o n s t r u c t e d without p r i o r agreement with the Sekani; i t was only a f t e r the completion of the dam that B.C. Hydro c a r r i e d out i t s r e s e a r c h on the s t a t u s of T r e a t y 91 8 ( M e l v i l i e 1981). While the boundary question has been argued -from both s i d e s , the p o i n t that has been g e n e r a l l y agreed upon i s that the Sekani bands d i d not adhere to the T r e a t y . T r e a t y 8 was i n i t i a l l y s i g n e d in 1899 by a group o-f Beaver, Cree, and Chipewyan, and adhesions continued up to 1914. In 1910 the Indian A f f a i r s T r e a t y commissioner was sent to F o r t Nelson to o b t a i n the consent of the Indians in the area. A c c o r d i n g to the Indian A f f a i r s r e p o r t , the commissioner met 140 Indians who were "mostly S l a v e s and a few Sicanees" (Annual r e p o r t of Department of Indian A f f a i r s 1911). The Indians were t o l d to e l e c t a headman to s i g n f o r them. The f o l l o w i n g year, there was a group of Sekani who accepted t r e a t y money, but t h i s band moved s h o r t l y a f t e r to appear as the Nelson River nomads in the r e p o r t of the S t i k i n e Agency of Telegraph Creek (Duff 1964:71). T h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p c o n s t i t u t e s the Sekani's involvement with T r e a t y 8. The c o n f u s i o n remains, with the three Sekani bands occupying land that appears on government documents as t r e a t y t e r r i t o r y . No competent r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the Sekani has ever agreed to the T r e a t y , no reserve land has been a l l o c a t e d and no a n n u i t i e s p a i d as per the terms of the t r e a t y . The Sekani bands now face the choice of adhering to t h i s Nineteenth Century t r e a t y . TRADITIONAL SETTLEMENT: TREATY 8 If the t r a d i t i o n a l settlement ( T r e a t y 8) were to be accepted by the Sekani what would be t h e i r l o s e s and b e n e f i t s compared to the present s i t u a t i o n ? T r e a t y 8 g e n e r a l l y f o l l o w s the p r o v i s i o n s 92 o-f the r e s t o-f the numbered t r e a t i e s . A statement i s i n c l u d e d in a l l the numbered t r e a t i e s r e g a r d i n g c e s s i o n o-f Indian t i t l e . Land settlement under T r e a t y 8 i s one square mil e per f a m i l y of f i v e , or i f remote from the r e s e r v e , 160 a c r e s per person. If F o r t Ware with i t s present band membership of 223 adhered to the t r e a t y , land settlement would be 116 square K i l o m e t r e s (45 sq mi) or .6'/. of the 20,000 square k i l o m e t r e s of land the band p r e s e n t l y uses. The Band's present reserve land i s o n l y 3.8 square k i l o m e t e r s (1.5 sq m i ) . T r e a t y 8 promises the Indians freedom to hunt and f i s h . Where hunting or f i s h i n g r i g h t s have been l e g a l l y a d j u d i c a t e d , the c o u r t s have c o n s i d e r e d accompanying documents such as the f o l l o w i n g Indian A f f a i r s commissioner's r e p o r t on T r e a t y 8, which in part s t a t e s : "Our c h i e f d i f f i c u l t y was the apprehension that the hunting and f i s h i n g p r i v i l e g e s were to be c u r t a i l e d . ...Over and above the p r o v i s i o n s , we had to solemnly assure them that only such laws as to hunting and f i s h i n g as were in the i n t e r e s t of the Indians and were found necessary in order to p r o t e c t f i s h and f u r - b e a r i n g animals would be made, and that they would be as f r e e to hunt and f i s h a f t e r the t r e a t y as they would be i f they never entered i n t o i t . " (Commissioner L i a r d to S i f t o n , Superintendent of Indian A f f a i r s , Sept. 22, 189?) There i s a c o n s t a n t l y changing body of law on the s u b j e c t of Indian hunting and f i s h i n g r i g h t s e s t a b l i s h e d in the c o u r t s ; however, a few l e g a l p r i n c i p l e s have emerged. F i r s t , p r o v i n c i a l or f e d e r a l law may not impose r e g u l a t i o n s that are so s t r i n g e n t that the s t a t u s and c a p a c i t y of the Indian way of l i f e i s a f f e c t e d (Jackson l?82:300-305). For the members of the F o r t Ware band, seasonal hunting r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed on the general 93 p o p u l a t i o n would l i k e l y be d e c l a r e d i n a p p l i c a b l e to the band. The s u p p o r t i n g augument would be that the v i l l a g e has no r e f r i g e r a t i o n and i t can be shown that the band depends on a year round supply of meat f o r sustenance (see Chapter V) . The second p r i n c i p l e r e g a r d i n g Indian hunting and f i s h i n g r i g h t s i s that T r e a t y p r o v i s i o n s take precedence over p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n , though not over f e d e r a l s t a t u t e . Based on t h i s l e g a l p r i n c i p l e , there i s g r e a t e r p r o t e c t i o n in the c o u r t s f o r a T r e a t y Indian charged with an i n f r a c t i o n of a p r o v i n c i a l r e g u l a t i o n than there i s f o r a non-Treaty Indian. There are cases before the c o u r t s on t h i s question of Indian hunting and f i s h i n g r i g h t s so i t i s premature to attempt to draw any f i n a l c o n c l u s i o n s r e g a r d i n g the m e r i t s of the t r e a t y p r o v i s i o n s with r e s p e c t to hunting and f i s h i n g r i g h t s . Whi1e land e n t i t l e m e n t and s u b s i s t e n c e h a r v e s t i n g are the main p r o v i s i o n s that bands w i l l e v aluate in c o n s i d e r i n g adhesion to T r e a t y 8, there are other p r o v i s i o n s . The a n n u i t i e s are so small as to be a source of humour. C o n s i d e r i n g that modern day agreements include cash s e t t l e m e n t s up to $600 m i l l i o n , or $100,000 per b e n e f i c i a r y , i n c l u d i n g a l l funding (Council of Yukon Indians 1983), the f i v e d o l l a r s per person i s unreasonable. F i n a l l y , the T r e a t y p r o v i d e s f o r educational b e n e f i t s . Although T r e a t y 8 does not s p e c i f y medical care, t h i s i s covered by the Indian A c t . The f e d e r a l government has p r o v i d e d h e a l t h and educational s e r v i c e s to s t a t u s Indians whether or not they are covered by t r e a t y . 94 In summary, before Fo r t Ware, or any other band a f f e c t e d by T r e a t y 8, c o n s i d e r s adhesion to the T r e a t y i t would be a d v i s a b l e to f i r s t compare the t r e a t y p r o v i s i o n s with the modern day agreements. THE MODERATE SETTLEMENTS: JAMES BAY NORTHERN QUEBEC AGREEMENT AND THE PROPOSED YUKON AND C.O.P.E. SETTLEMENTS Bands n e g o t i a t i n g land c l a i m s w i l l c e r t a i n l y be l o o k i n g at the recent land s e t t l e m e n t s in Canada, the James Bay Northern Quebec Agreement (J.B.N.Q.A.) and the proposed Yukon and the Commmittee f o r O r i g i n a l Peoples E n t i t l e m e n t (C.O.P.E.) s e t t l e m e n t s . These three agreements have been c a t e g o r i z e d as 'moderate' in terms of the groupings set out f o r t h i s t h e s i s . A l l three s e t t l e m e n t s exchange n a t i v e t i t l e f o r b e n e f i t s under the se t t l e m e n t s and r e t a i n s p e c i a l n a t i v e hunting p r o v i s i o n s over the surrendered land. The James Bay Northern Quebec Agreement (J.B.N.Q.A.) was signed in November 1975 and has s i n c e been implemented by way of sev e r a l p r o v i n c i a l s t a t u t e s and by the James Bay and Northern Quebec N a t i v e Claims Settlement A c t , a 1977 f e d e r a l s t a t u t e . The text of the proposed Yukon Land Settlement was not p u b l i c l y a v a i l a b l e as of December 1983; i n s t e a d , a s e r i e s of brochures was p u b l i s h e d which b r i e f l y o u t l i n e s the main p r o v i s i o n s . In l a t e 1983 and e a r l y 1984, the Yukon bands were in the process of 95 v o t i n g on the agreement. The c h i e f d i f f i c u l t y has been the quest i o n of extinguishment of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e with the Council of Yukon Indians (C.Y.I.) and the T e r r i t o r i a l government at opposite ends of the i s s u e . In August 1984 the Council of Yukon Indians decided against acceptance of the set t l e m e n t . The C.O.P.E. agreement in p r i n c i p l e was si g n e d in 1978; the f i n a l agreement was approved by the Federal c a b i n e t on March 28, 1984, and by the I n u v i a l u i t in a vote completed in May 1984. The C.O.P.E. settlement i n c l u d e s the Western A r c t i c Region in the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and the Yukon North Slope. The t o t a l area of claimed land i s 168,000 square m i l e s . The Yukon North Slope i s the s i t e of c o n s i d e r a b l e o f f s h o r e o i l e x p l o r a t i o n . T h i s f a c t o r has given the I n u v i a l u i t a stronger b a r g a i n i n g p o s i t i o n in n e g o t i a t i o n s . A summary of the main f e a t u r e s of these three moderate land s e t t l e m e n t s i s o u t l i n e d below: Land Settlement One of the most important c l a u s e s of a land c l a i m s agreement i s the amount of land that w i l l be h e l d by the Indian b e n e f i c i a r i e s . Under the t r a d i t i o n a l t r e a t i e s the reserve e n t i t l e m e n t was e i t h e r one-quarter square mil e or one square m i l e per f a m i l y of f i v e (.05 to .2 square m i l e s per b e n e f i c i a r y ) , depending on the p a r t i c u l a r t r e a t y . In the modern s e t t l e m e n t s , land e n t i t l e m e n t has been c o n s i d e r a b l y g r e a t e r . Below i s a summary of the three agreements with r e s p e c t to land 96 ent i t l e m e n t : TABLE X - SUMMARY OF LAND SETTLEMENT PROVISIONS J.B.N.Q.A. Yukon C.O.P.E, T o t a l Land ownership (square m i l e s ) per b e n e f i c i a r y 0.32 1 - 1.5 14.1 Surface R i g h t s 2 Only Sub-surface 0.32 1 - 1 . 5 12 Ri g h t s % of t o t a l T r a d i t i o n a l Land 1.3% 3.9% 20% Land a c q u i r e d through any of the s e t t l e m e n t s cannot be s o l d or t r a n s f e r r e d to non-Indians. H a r v e s t i n o R i a h t s While the J.B.N.Q.A provided f o r l e s s settlement lands than the other two agreements, the Cree and I n u i t in Northern Quebec gained stronger h a r v e s t i n g r i g h t s than the Council f o r Yukon Indians. The C.O.P.E. agreement has the s t r o n g e s t p r o v i s i o n s f o r h a r v e s t i n g r i g h t s as i s shown below: 97 TABLE XI - SUMMARY OF HARVESTING RIGHTS  AND RESOURCE MANAGEMENT J.B.N.Q.A. Yukon C.O.P.E. (square mi 1es) Land -for E x c l u s i v e N a t i v e h u n t i n g / t r a p p i n g 40,655 8,000 35,350 Land -for e x c l u s i v e N a t i v e h u n t i n g / t r a p p i n g per b e n e f i c i a r y 3.8 1- 1 .5 14.1 Seats on w i l d l i f e Managemen t Commi t t e e s 50% 50% 40% Other H a r v e s t i n g R i g h t s James Bay Northern Quebec Agreement (J.B.N.Q.A.) The Cree and I n u i t gained a quota gf game on the surrendered a b o r i g i n a l land, the quota to be set on the advice of the w i l d l i f e management committee. Council f o r Yukon Indians (C.Y.I.) '>•• The C.Y.I, would have had 50% of moose, southern c a r i b o u and f i s h on the surrendered a b o r i g i n a l land (Yukon T e r r i t o r y e x c l u d i n g the North S l o p e ) . A w i 1 d l i f e management board with 50% Indian s e a t s w i l l set game quotas and advise on the f i s h c a t c h . Committee f o r O r i g i n a l Peoples E n t i t l e m e n t (C.O.P.E.) C.O.P.E. n e g o t i a t e d and r e c e i v e d extensive h a r v e s t i n g r i g h t s . These include e x c l u s i v e r i g h t s to harvest f u r b e a r e r s and p o l a r bears, p r e f e r e n t i a l r i g h t s to f i s h and hunt throughout the surrendered a b o r i g i n a l land, e x c l u s i v e r i g h t to harvest game in two proposed parks, and p r i o r i t y r i g h t s to harvest marine mammals. These p r o v i s i o n s are over and above the 98 e x c l u s i v e h a r v e s t i n g r i g h t s on the I n u v i a l u i t settlement lands (Land to be owned by the I n u v i a l u i t ) . 1-f the F o r t Ware Band were to n e g o t i a t e a land settlement s i m i l a r to the C.O.P.E. agreement (20% o-f i t s t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y ) , i t s land e n t i t l e m e n t would be 4,000 square k i l o m e t r e s (1545 square m i l e s ) . 1-f in a d d i t i o n , F o r t Ware c o u l d bargain f o r e x c l u s i v e h a r v e s t i n g r i g h t s throughout i t s t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y , the s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s of the band members c o u l d be reasonably p r o t e c t e d . Cash Settlement There i s a c o n s i d e r a b l e v a r i a t i o n in the cash settlement under these three agreements. The Council f o r Yukon Indians, who would have r e c e i v e d the s m a l l e s t land s e t t l e m e n t , would have had the l a r g e s t cash payout. $78 m i l l i on C.O.P.E. No.of B e n e f i c i a r i e s (approx imately) 10,600 6,000 2,500 (To t a l Compensation Per B e n e f i c i a r y ) ($14,000) ($63,000) ($31,000) Other f u n d i n g (economic, c u l t u r a l _ t r a n s f e r of D.I.A. Fund i ng) $75 m i l l i on $240 m i l l i on $17.5 mi 11 i on TOTAL CASH SETTLEMENT $620 mi 11i on $225 m i l l i on $95.5 m i11 i on Note: C.O.P.E. n e g o t i a t e d $45 mi11ion in 1978. F i n a l compensation was $78 m i l l i o n in 1983. 99 Under a l l three agreements, Native c o n t r o l l e d c o r p o r a t i o n s w i l l manage the -funds. In the J.B.N.Q.A. no d i v i d e n d s are p a i d to i n d i v i d u a l members although funds are a v a i l a b l e f o r band members to i n v e s t in businesses. U n t i l a l l the d e t a i l s of the Yukon and the C.O.P.E. s e t t l e m e n t s are a v a i l a b l e i t i s not c l e a r whether b e n e f i c i a r i e s w i l l r e c e i v e d i v i d e n d s . If F o r t Ware were to opt f o r a larg e land settlement and a money package s i m i l a r to the C.O.P.E agreement, i t s cash settlement would be $6.9 m i l l i o n . If the settlement f o l l o w e d the Yukon agreement, the cash settlement f o r the 223 Fort Ware band members would be $14 mi 11ion. Abor i Qi nal T i t l e The issue which has most s e r i o u s l y d i v i d e d Indian groups and set Indian o r g a n i z a t i o n s a g a i n s t t e r r i tor i af-'and f e d e r a l n e g o t i a t o r s has been the question of surrender of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e . A l l three s e t t l e m e n t s include a cl a u s e ceding t i t l e to a b o r i g i n a l land. The Council f o r Yukon Indians p u b l i c a t i o n s t a t e s that, "Yukon Indians w i l l trade t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s to lands in the Yukon f o r the r i g h t s and b e n e f i t s in the land c l a i m settlement."(Counci1 f o r Yukon Indians 1983). The Cree and I n u i t agreed to "cede, r e l e a s e , surrender and convey a l l t h e i r Native c l a i m s , r i g h t s , t i t l e s and i n t e r e s t s , whatever they may be, in and to land in the T e r r i t o r y and in Quebec, and Quebec and Canada accept such surrender"<Quebec 100 1975:Sec. 2.1). In the C.O.P.E. agreement the wording i s , "Subject to the Settlement L e g i s l a t i o n coming i n t o -force, and in c o n s i d e r a t i o n o-f the r i g h t s and b e n e f i t s in favour of the I n u v i a l u i t h e r e i n set f o r t h , the I n u v i a l u i t w i l l cede, r e l e a s e , surrender and convey a l l t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l c l a i m s , r i g h t s , t i t l e s and i n t e r e s t s whatever they may be in and to the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and Yukon Ter r i t o r y . " ( C o m m i t t e e f o r O r i g i n a l Peoples' E n t i t l e m e n t 1984: Sec. 3<2)<a) ) The C.O.P.E. agreement a l s o i n c l u d e s a statement d e c l a r i n g t h a t , "nothing in the F i n a l Agreement s h a l l remove from the I n u v i a l u i t t h e i r i d e n t i t y as an a b o r i g i n a l people of Canada nor p r e j u d i c e t h e i r a b i l i t y ...to p a r t i c i p a t e in ..any f u t u r e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l rights.."<Committee f o r O r i g i n a l Peoples E n t i t i l e m e n t 1984:Sec.3<2)<b) ). To s e v e r a l prominent Indian l e a d e r s , the question of extinguishment of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e i s c r i t i c a l . During the 1984 C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Accord T a l k s , C h i e f David Ahenakew of the Assembly of F i r s t N a t i o ns spoke at length on t h i s i s s u e , s t a t i n g that in a d d i t i o n to a b o r i g i n a l and t r e a t y r i g h t s , h i s people are s eeking to entrench a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e w i t h i n the Canadian C o n s t i t u t i o n (Canada 1984:30-34). Hi s remarks on the present f e d e r a l land c l a i m p o l i c y were as f o l l o w s : "There i s one urgent matter, Prime M i n i s t e r (Trudeau), which i s r e l e v a n t to t h i s process but which does not r e q u i r e a change in the C o n s t i t u t i o n , not even a change in l e g i s l a t i o n . The change can be accomplished with a s t r o k e of the pen. It i s s o l e l y a matter of f e d e r a l p o l i c y . Many view the f e d e r a l presence here as t a i n t e d by the c u r r e n t land c l a i m s p o l i c y . I r e f e r to the p o l i c y of extinguishment of a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s which we are r e q u i r e d 101 to accept i f we want settlement of j u s t c l a i m s . " (Canada 1984:33) Chief Ahenakew went on to propose the development of a new c l a i m s settlement p o l i c y (Canada 1984:35), one which would r e t a i n Indian t i t l e . To date there has been no i n d i c a t i o n that the s e n i o r governments are prepared to move on t h i s i s s u e . In the n e g o t i a t i o n s f o r the proposed Yukon settlement, the T e r r i t o r i a l government was adamant that t i t l e must be e x t i n g u i s h e d (Canada 1983 (b> 27:19). The 1982 Federal government's p o s i t i o n was that land settlement would erase a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e , that the agreement would be "a f i n a l r e d r e s s " (Indian and Northern A f f a i r s 1982:24). If the Federal government mai n t a i n s the p o s i t i o n that a l l land s e t t l e m e n t s are to include surrender of a b o r i g i n a l land, some Indian bands may chose not to ne g o t i a t e through the f e d e r a l land c l a i m s p r o c e s s . As an a l t e r n a t i v e to land s e t t l e m e n t , bands c o u l d n e g o t i a t e with s e n i o r governments f o r Indian r i g h t s to r e s o u r c e s , such as, h a r v e s t i n g of f i s h , game or timber.The Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, while r i g i d in i t s p o s i t i o n that a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e i s no n - e x i s t e n t , has s t a t e d i t s w i l l i n g n e s s to co n s i d e r other Indian r i g h t s (Debates of the L e g i s l a t u r e of B r i t i s h Columbia, June 29,1983:93). T h i s i s not to suggest the issue of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e s h ould be set a s i d e . Indian bands who opt not to proceed with land settlement because of e x i s t i n g extinguishment p o l i c y , can continue to a s s e r t ownership. In the face of p r o p o s a l s f o r non-Indian development of t h e i r t e r r i t o r y , northern Indian bands c o u l d communicate t h e i r land c l a i m p o s i t i o n to government and the p u b l i c , and i f necessary use the c o u r t s to a s s e r t an i n t e r e s t in the land. 102 There are inherent problems a s s o c i a t e d with the question of r e t e n t i o n of t i t l e . If land settlement i s r e s o l v e d under present i m p l i c i t p o l i c y , as manifested in the C.O.P.E., J.B.N.Q.A. se t t l e m e n t s and proposed Yukon agreement, the band l o s e s t i t l e over most of the claimed land while g a i n i n g a d e f i n e d land regime and funds f o r economic development; i f land settlement i s not r e s o l v e d , a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e (unrecognized by s e n i o r governments) i s r e t a i n e d , but there w i l l be no s i g n i f i c a n t cash settlement or d e f i n e d Indian lands u n t i l governments change t h e i r p o s i t i o n s . I t i s a dilemma f o r the bands with o u t s t a n d i n g land c l a i m s and there i s no immediate implementable s o l u t i o n that w i l l meet a l l the o b j e c t i v e s of the northern Indian bands. Governmen t The Pa r l i a m e n t a r y S p e c i a l Committee on Indian Se1f-Government issued i t s r e p o r t in October, 1983, recommending the tr a n s f e r e n c e of r e s p o n s i b l i t i e s f o r Indian s e r v i c e s c u r r e n t l y c a r r i e d by Indian and Northern A f f a i r s Canada, to Indian s e l f - g o v e r n i n g n a t i o n s . The h i s t o r y making document r a d i c a l l y d e parts from p r e v i o u s p o l i c y aimed at a s s i m i l a t i o n of Indians i n t o mainstream s o c i e t y . In 1983 the S p e c i a l Committee proposed a ' c i t i z e n p l u s ' concept, and some r e c o g n i t i o n of Indian n a t i o n s as occupying a unique p o s i t i o n w i t h i n c o n f e d e r a t i o n (Government of Canada 1983(a)). The p r e p a r a t i o n of t h i s r e p o r t l i k e l y a f f e c t e d the outcome of the n e g o t i a t i o n s between the Government of Canada and the Council of Yukon Indians. The proposed Yukon settlement p r o v i d e d f o r a one-government system. The support f o r 103 f u t u r e Indian self-government, in the S p e c i a l Committee's r e p o r t , may have convinced some Yukon bands to r e c o n s i d e r the one-government system proposed in the Yukon agreement. The James Bay agreement was n e g o t i a t e d p r i o r to establishment of the Committee on Indian Self-Government and, as a r e s u l t , p r o v i s i o n s f o r Indian and I n u i t government were i n c l u d e d in the sett l e m e n t . The James Bay Cree and I n u i t , a l o n g with the Province of Quebec, have e s t a b l i s h e d many of the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e s envisaged in the se t t l e m e n t . The agreement p r o v i d e s f o r l o c a l a u t h o r i t y over r e s e r v e s and band matters and r e g i o n a l a u t h o r i t y over educa t i o n , s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and economic development. There are a d d i t i o n a l p l a n n i n g f u n c t i o n s a l l o c a t e d to the Cree and I n u i t but they are a d v i s o r y in nature. The primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r p o l i c y and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n has s e t t l e d with the r e g i o n a l a u t h o r i t y , an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e comprised of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of a l l the bands. In an a n a l y s i s of the a f f e c t s of the J.B.N.Q.A. on the Cree, i t was found that the Cree Regional A u t h o r i t y gained most of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y at the expense of both D.I.A. and the l o c a l bands <SSDCC 1979: 88-90). While l o c a l band c o u n c i l s p r e v i o u s l y played a s t r o n g r o l e in the d e l i v e r y of s e r v i c e s funded by D.I.A., that r o l e has been taken over l a r g e l y by the r e g i o n a l a u t h o r i t y . Band c h i e f s and c o u n c i l l o r s f i n d they are making fewer d e c i s i o n s on l o c a l matters while expending time and e f f o r t c o n t r i b u t i n g to r e g i o n a l decision-making. T h i s does not mean the agreement has not achieved the goal of t r a n s f e r i n g a u t h o r i t y to Indians. The Cree Regional A u t h o r i t y has been s u c c e s s f u l in b r i n g i n g a growing 104 number o-f Indians i n t o a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and executive p o s i t i o n s , a goal which 0.1.A. had -f a i l e d to achieve, and a range of s e r v i c e s are now being administered by Indians <SSDDCC 1979). The s t r u c t u r e s proposed f o r the Yukon Indians are r e l a t i v e l y simple compared to those under the J.B.N.Q.A. Bands would r e t a i n e x i s t i n g powers and w i l l have a d d i t i o n a l powers to make by-laws and run l o c a l band programs. There would a l s o be new r e s p o n s i b l i t i e s in managing settlement lands. There w i l l , however, not be separate Indian government. The thru s t of the proposed Yukon settlement i s "one government". Instead of the separate Indian c o n t r o l l e d s t r u c t u r e s s et out in the J.B.N.Q.A., there are p r o v i s i o n s f o r Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n in Yukon municipal governments and on t e r r i t o r i a l or f e d e r a l a d v i s o r y boards. The p a r t i c i p a t i o n in w i l d l i f e management i s permanent, whereas the Indian s e a t s on education, h e a l t h , s o c i a l s e r v i c e , j u s t i c e and h e r i t a g e , w i l l end in 25 ye a r s . As expressed by a t e r r i t o r i a l o f f i c i a l , "We do not want a settlement that w i l l d r i v e people apart on the b a s i s of race (Canada 1983 <b) 27:11). The C.O.P.E. agreement f a l l s somewhere between the Yukon and the James Bay settlement in the way in which Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n in government i s handled. S i m i l a r to the p r o v i s i o n s under the J.B.N.Q.A., the C.O.P.E. agreement p r o v i d e s f o r an I n u v i a l u i t Regional C o u n c i l ; however, t h i s Council does not have a u t h o r i t y over education and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . The C o u n c i l ' s main r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s are in the area of resource management, and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of lands and settlement funds. 105 In a p p l y i n g the F o r t Ware case, the most obvious c o n c l u s i o n i s that a small band o-f approximately 200 c o u l d not l i k e l y a n t i c i p a t e t a k i n g over the complexity o-f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n p r e s e n t l y handled by the Cree or I n u v i a l u i t who each r e p r e s e n t 2,500 to 4,000 n a t i v e s . If the northern Indian bands are to propose t a k i n g over a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d u t i e s of D.I.A. and o b t a i n a g r e a t e r degree of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n , there w i l l have to be some c o n s i d e r a t i o n given to an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e at a higher l e v e l than the band. The e x i s t i n g t r i b a l c o u n c i l s in B r i t i s h Columbia c o u l d provide adequate s t r u c t u r e s f o r a r e g i o n a l a u t h o r i t y . To a v o i d the problems encountered by the J.B.N.Q.A. there needs to be a great deal of c o n s i d e r a t i o n given to the d i v i s i o n of power between bands and r e g i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s in order to ensure that t r a n s f e r e n c e of decision-making from an Indian A f f a i r s bureaucracy does not simply evolve i n t o a c e n t r a l i z e d n a t i v e bureaucracy. Perhaps f o r the Sekani, a more workable approach than the J.B.N.Q.A. would be to n e g o t i a t e broad p r i n c i p l e s of Indian a u t h o r i t y over Indian a f f a i r s and lands. Rather than set out the s t r u c t u r e s in d e t a i l in the agreement, the p r i n c i p l e of d e v o l u t i o n of powers c o u l d be c l e a r l y s p e l l e d out, while the , d e t a i l s of the p o l i t i c a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e s c o u l d be the s u b j e c t of r e g u l a t i o n s to the e n a b l i n g l e g i s l a t i o n once the needs of the v a r i o u s bands and r e g i o n a l and t r i b a l groups have been worked out. 106 Summary At the c o n c l u s i o n of the n e g o t i a t i o n s on the J.B.N.Q.A. i t was acclaimed as a " p o l i t i c a l a r t i c u l a t i o n of hunter to s t a t e . , a means of r e s i s t i n g t h r e a t s to s u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n . . . " ( F e i t 1979:37) and was seen as an agreement that would ensure the s u r v i v a l of a threatened m i n o r i t y (Quebec 1975:xxi). However as d e s c r i b e d above, there are shortcomings in the J.B.N.Q.A. But f o r northern B r i t i s h Columbia would i t be p o s s i b l e to n e g o t i a t e stronger p r o t e c t i o n f o r Indian resource use such as the p r o v i s i o n s under the C.O.P.E. agreement? Perhaps the type of agreement reached in Quebec i s as much as F o r t Ulare c o u l d hope to achieve given the p o l i t i c a l stand on Indian r i g h t s taken to date in t h i s P r o v i n c e . B r i t i s h Columbia Indian p o l i c y has never been conducive to a f a i r settlement of out s t a n d i n g c l a i m s . In a d d i t i o n , the Quebec Cree and I n u i t had a stronger l e g a l case with r e s p e c t to Indian t i t l e than p r e s e n t l y e x i s t s in B r i t i s h Columbia. In Northern Quebec the Dorion Commission, r e p o r t i n g on the i n t e g r i t y of the t e r r i t o r y of Quebec, concluded in 1971 that the Province had a c l e a r o b l i g a t i o n to the Indians, an o b l i g a t i o n that the Province had agreed to in 1912. In B r i t i s h Columbia there c o u l d be as s t r o n g a l e g a l b a s i s f o r t i t l e but to date the c o u r t s have not confirmed that and we are s t i l l in the p o s i t i o n of being l e f t with a c o n t r a d i c t o r y body of s t a t u t e s , precedent, common law and le g a l arguments, which n e i t h e r c l e a r l y c o n f i r m s or denies a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e . The J.B.N.Q.A. and C.O.P.E s e t t l e m e n t s and proposed Yukon agreement are co n s i d e r e d to be moderate c h o i c e s w i t h i n the 107 spectrum of o p t i o n s f o r land s e t t l e m e n t . At the two extremes from the parsimonious p r o v i s i o n s of the numbered t r e a t i e s are the A l a s k a Nativ e Claims Settlement Act (A.N.C.S.A.) and the Nishga n e g o t i a t i n g p o s i t i o n . The former i s a money/corporate package with l i t t l e or no c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r the r e t e n t i o n of s p e c i a l Indian s t a t u s and Indian lands, while the Nishga p r o p o s a l s p l a c e r e t e n t i o n of Indian t i t l e over a l l Nishga land as a pr i or i tya ASSIMILATION SETTLEMENT:THE ALASKA NATIVE CLAIM The important aspect of the A l a s k a Native Claims Settlement Act (A.N.C.S.A.) was that s t o c k s and land t i t l e s would be t r a n s f e r a b l e . Cash settlement was $462 m i l l i o n to be p a i d over twelve y e a r s . In a d d i t i o n , the Alaskan b e n e f i c i a r i e s were to r e c e i v e revenue shares from non-renewable r e s o u r c e s up to a t o t a l of $500 m i l l i o n . T o t a l cash settlement per b e n e f i c i a r y i s approximately $16,000 f o r the 64,000 N a t i v e s in A l a s k a (Bureau of Census 1980). T h i s i s more than the J.B.N.Q.A. and l e s s than the Yukon and C.O.P.E. agreements. Land e n t i t l e m e n t v a r i e s from .5 to one square mile per b e n e f i c i a r y depending on the s i z e of the n a t i v e community. For example a community with a p o p u l a t i o n between 25 and 99 r e c e i v e s 69,120 a c r e s (108 square m i l e s ) while a community of 600 or more r e c e i v e s 161,280 a c r e s (252 square m i l e s ) ( A l a s k a Native Claims Settlement Act 1971:Sec.U (a) ( 3 ) ) . T h e land e n t i t l e m e n t per b e n e f i c i a r y i s about the same as the proposed Yukon agreement but l e s s than the C.O.P.E. s e t t l e m e n t . 108 The A.N.C.S.A. i s intended to trans-form Alaskan N a t i v e s i n t o c o r p o r a t e owners with the e x p e c t a t i o n that Alaskan N a t i v e s are to prosper as corporate owners with no s p e c i a l s t a t u s and l i t t l e p r o t e c t i o n f o r the Native land base. The agreement can be l i k e n e d to a monopoly game where inexperienced i n d i v i d u a l s are given money and t i t l e to v a l u a b l e p r o p e r t y and i n s t r u c t e d to p l a y the game with others who have been p l a y i n g monopoly f o r y e a r s . The newcomers to the game are expected, not o n l y to l e a r n the r u l e s in a short time p e r i o d , but a l s o to win. The e n t i r e concept has elements of s o c i a l Darwinism f o r i t would seem that some N a t i v e s w i l l indeed prosper under the system while o t h e r s w i l l s u r e l y p e r i s h e c o n o m i c a l l y . There have been i n d i c a t i o n s that some of the Native c o r p o r a t i o n s have been q u i t e s u c c e s s f u l (Bruchet 1984). But i t i s important to question the value of s t o c k s in r e l a t i o n to a s i g n i f i c a n t land and resource base f o r a people whose way of l i f e i s i n t r i n s i c a l l y connected to the land. Berger r a i s e d s i m i l a r q u e s t i o n s in a recent address. "Are the p r e s s u r e s on c o r p o r a t i o n s to make a p r o f i t i n c o n s i s t e n t with e x p e c t a t i o n s that the c o r p o r a t i o n s would be the means f o r p r o t e c t i o n of n a t i v e lands so as to enable the t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e i t s e l f to be p r o t e c t e d : If the n a t i v e people of A l a s k a are to s u r v i v e as a people, do they r e q u i r e a land base and r e c o g n i t i o n that they have p o l i t i c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n over the l a n d ? 0 <Berger 1983:5,10) There i s no long term p r o v i s i o n f o r Native p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s under the A.N.C.S.A. Native s e t t l e m e n t s w i l l evolve i n t o m u n i c i p a l i t e s . V i l l a g e c o r p o r a t i o n s , e s t a b l i s h e d to r e c e i v e development funds in the e a r l y part of the agreement, w i l l have both N a t i v e and non-Native membership t h i r t e e n years a f t e r the passage of the A c t . One p r o v i s i o n which i s unique to t h i s land settlement agreement i s the timber a l l o c a t i o n of 1,000,000 109 a c r e s . The e l i g i b i l i t y p r o v i s i o n s in A.N.C.S.A. d i f f e r -from J.B.N.Q.A. and the proposed Yukon agreement. In both the Canadian agreements, l o c a l bands c o u l d d e f i n e who was a b e n e f i c i a r y , whereas in A.N.C.S.A. membership i s to be a d j u d i c a t e d by a f i v e member committee with two n a t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . There are p r o v i s i o n s f o r appeal, but the Alaskan N a t i v e s do not have the l o c a l c o n t r o l a v a i l a b l e in the other two s e t t l e m e n t s . While land can e v e n t u a l l y be a l i e n a t e d under A.N.C.S.A., there i s a p r o v i s i o n in the Alaskan settlement intended to p r o t e c t f i s h and w i l d l i f e f o r Native use, however the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r c a r r y i n g out that mandate r e s t s with the S e c r e t a r y of the In ter i o r . Fo r t Ware shares many c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s with the Alaskan N a t i v e s . They are both hunting and g a t h e r i n g s o c i e t i e s . Most Alaskan N a t i v e s are Athapaskans, members of the same l i n q u i s t i c group as the Sekani. The hunting and g a t h e r i n g groups have a s p e c i a l and c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p with the land, a r e l a t i o n s h i p which, to a great extent, forms the b a s i s of t h e i r c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y as a people. The Alaskan settlement denies t h i s c onnection to the land and may be q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from the type of s e ttlement that would be a p p r o p r i a t e to F o r t Ware or other s i m i l a r northern bands. INDIAN REFORM SETTLEMENT: THE NISHGA PROPOSALS 110 At the opposi te end o-f the spectrum -from A.N.C.S.A. are the Nishga n e g o t i a t i o n p r o p o s a l s . The Nishga occupy land along the Nass River in northwest B r i t i s h Columbia. T h e i r p o s i t i o n may be summarized as -follows: 1. No surrender o-f t i t l e ; Nishga to manage t h e i r own r e s o u r c e s . 2. J o i n t government-Nishga economic development programs with examples being the c o n s t r u c t i o n o-f the Canadian N a t i o n a l Railway -from Terrace to Meziaden, as well as -forestry, mining and economic e n t e r p r i s e s . 3. Se 1-f-government f o r the Nishga over the Nass v a l l e y . 4. Immediate c e s s a t i o n of l o g g i n g o p e r a t i o n s on the west s i d e of the Nass River v a l l e y . 5. Right of veto over h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t s . 6. Recognition that a l l r e s o u r c e s in claimed area are owned by the Nishga and no new resource development u n l e s s consent has been obtained from the Nishga. 7. No f u r t h e r a l i e n a t i o n of crown la n d . 8. Payment f o r past r e s o u r c e s e x t r a c t e d by non-natives. 9. A ' c i t i z e n p l u s ' s t a t u s whereby the Nishga w i l l r e c e i v e a l l r i g h t s and b e n e f i t s a c c r u i n g to other Canadians and as well r e c e i v e s p e c i a l r i g h t s . T h i s i s a s t r o n g p o s i t i o n r e g a r d i n g Indian land settlement and i t would not be o v e r l y demanding i f there were a b e t t e r i n d i c a t i o n that a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e in B r i t i s h Columbia had c l e a r l y been r e t a i n e d . If Indian groups c o u l d s u c c e s s f u l l y defend I l l a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e in the c o u r t s and then go to the b a r g a i n i n g t a b l e , an agreement based on t h i s p o s i t i o n might be f e a s i b l e . Given the e x i s t i n g s i t u a t i o n , both the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments would s t r o n g l y r e s i s t such.an agreement because of i t s p r e c e d e n t - s e t t i n g nature. The Nishga are aware of t h i s argument and have countered by q u a l i f y i n g t h e i r proposal with the statement that the agreement would not set a precedent f o r other Indian groups. In r e a l i t y , i t would, s i n c e governments are g e n e r a l l y o b l i g a t e d to deal even-handedly with a l l c l a i m a n t s . The Province would be expected to argue that i f the Nishga r e t a i n e d c o n t r o l over resource revenues, then other t r i b e s , c o l l e c t i v e l y c l a i m i n g almost a l l the land in the P r o v i n c e , c o u l d a1 so c o n t r o l re sou r c e s. The Nishga p o s i t i o n may be viewed by Indian groups as an opening b a r g a i n i n g p o s i t i o n ; i t i s not a settlement that c o u l d r e a l i s t i c a l l y be won at t h i s time. Perhaps Indian groups c o u l d look to a more u n i t e d approach to land s e t t l e m e n t s . Rather than one group b a r g a i n i n g f o r a s t r o n g settlement and s t a t i n g that other t r i b e s need not gain s i m i l a r b e n e f i t s , t r i b e s c o u l d form a l l i a n c e s and work out a j o i n t s t r a t e g y . Through a f e d e r a t e d approach, settlement gains c o u l d be i n c r e a s e d . The Nishga p o s i t i o n i s by f a r in the f o r e f r o n t in concern f o r p r o t e c t i o n of the Indian s u b s i s t e n c e way of l i f e . Land, not money, i s c e n t r a l to the settlement p r o p o s a l . The Nishga have been defending t h e i r t e r r i t o r y and t i t l e f o r over one hundred ye a r s . In 1888 David MacKay, the Nishga spokesman addressed the 112 Royal Commission on Indian land c l a i m s with the -following words: "These c h i e f s do not t a l k f o o l i s h l y , they know the land i s t h e i r own; our f o r e f a t h e r s f o r g e n e r a t i o n s and g e n e r a t i o n s past had t h e i r land here a l l around us..." < Caider et a l .  vs A.G. of B r i t i s h Columbia 1973:31?) The Fo r t Ulare people a l s o b e l i e v e the land i s t h e i r s but may, n e v e r t h e l e s s , take a d i f f e r e n t approach to land settlement than that taken by the Nishga. 113 CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSIONS The land use and occupancy s t u d i e s in t h i s t h e s i s have documented the extensive land area c u r r e n t l y used by the F o r t Ware and McLeod Lake band members. It was -found that the t e r r i t o r y used by the McLeod Lake band was s i gn i-f i c a n t l y reduced -following major resource developments. Fo r t Ware, the land c l a i m at the focus of t h i s study, has seen l i t t l e change to i t s t e r r i t o r y in the past two hundred years. A few mines l o c a t e d w i t h i n the area but l a t e r they became dormant. In the next ten years the F o r t Ware t e r r i t o r y c o u l d become the new f r o n t i e r f o r resource development. Logging o p e r a t i o n s are planned f o r the area, s e v e r a l mineral d e p o s i t s are expected to be developed, and the g i a n t L i a r d h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t may be l i f t e d from the s h e l f . It i s a c r i t i c a l time f o r F o r t Ware. It must move to secure i t s land from i r r e v e r s i b l e development. In a n a l y z i n g i t s o p t i o n s f o r land settlement, the band should c o n s i d e r which' type of settlement i s conducive to i t s s o c i a l and economic growth. In Chapter VII the o p t i o n s f o r land settlement were analyzed. None of the s e t t l e m e n t s were found to be e n t i r e l y s a t i s f a c t o r y as b a r g a i n i n g p o s i t i o n s , although there were p o s i t i v e elements i n each. Although adhesion to T r e a t y 8 may be the most expedient route f o r the Sekani bands to take, the T r e a t y p r o v i s i o n s f a l l well sho r t of p r o v i d i n g what i s r e q u i r e d f o r the band's development. 114 The T r e a t y land a l l o c a t i o n s o-f .05 to .2 square m i l e s per bene-ficiary are extremely l i m i t e d when compared to the land s e t t l e m e n t s in recent agreements. Under the T r e a t y , there i s l i t t l e p r o t e c t i o n f o r Indian h a r v e s t i n g . While the T r e a t y s t a t e s that Indians covered by i t s p r o v i s i o n s can hunt and f i s h as they have always done, past experience has shown that non-Indian settlement and resource developments g r a d u a l l y erode f i s h and w i l d l i f e r e s o u r c e s . Because T r e a t y 8 c o n t a i n s no p r o v i s i o n f o r Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n in resource management, the Indians dependent on f i s h and w i l d l i f e may f i n d t h e i r r e s o u r c e s d i m i n i s h e d because of land use and resource management d e c i s i o n s over which they have no say. In the a n a l y s i s in Chapter VII i t was concluded that Indian economic investment and Indian c o n t r o l over l o c a l a f f a i r s and land would be important in b r i n g i n g about p o s i t i v e economic and s o c i a l growth to the Indian people. The cash settlement to the c h i e f and headmen and $5.00 a n n u i t i e s to band members are so small as to be i n s i g n i f i c a n t as a source of funding f o r a band's economic development. The T r e a t y makes no p r o v i s i o n f o r Indian governmental s t r u c t u r e s . In summary, the p r o v i s i o n s of T r e a t y 8 would do l i t t l e to a l l e v i a t e the economic and s o c i a l problems of the northern Indian bands. The moderate agreements - James Bay, and the proposed Yukon and C.O.P.E. s e t t l e m e n t s - address the issue of Indian resource use but f a i l to provide the comprehensive c o n t r o l over resource management that w i l l ensure f u t u r e supply of f i s h and w i l d l i f e . Only in the Yukon does the d r a f t agreement suggest that Indians should a c q u i r e actual decision-making power. The Council of 115 Yukon Indians would have had 50'/. o-f the s e a t s on the w i l d l i - f e management committee that s e t s w i l d l i - f e quotas. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , because the Yukon Indians have not gained s i m i l a r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in land use decision-making, the re s o u r c e s the Indians wish to p r o t e c t may be destroyed by settlement and incompatible developments over which the Indians have no e f f e c t i v e v o i c e . The C.O.P.E. agreement p r o v i d e s f o r extensive h a r v e s t i n g r i g h t s on settlement lands ( l a n d under I n u v i a l u i t ownership), as well as on the land exchanged as part of the set t l e m e n t . The I n u v i a l u i t , however, do not have as s t r o n g resource management p r o v i s i o n s as e i t h e r the J.B.N.Q.A. or the proposed Yukon se t t l e m e n t . The I n u v i a l u i t provide only advice on resource management and have l e s s than f i f t y percent p a r t i c i p a t i o n on w i l d l i f e management committees. The Alaskan settlement i s an a s s i m i l a t i o n package which does not meet the c r i t e r i o n of p r o t e c t i o n of n a t i v e s u b s i s t e n c e use. The Alaskan settlement provided funding f o r n a t i v e economic investment but the land a l l o c a t i o n i s l e s s than that p r o v i d e d unde the C.O.P.E. agreement and there are no p r e f e r e n t i a l n a t i v e hunting r i g h t s or Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n in resource management. Northern Indian bands may need to have a f i n a n c i a l stake in the i n d u s t r i a l development of t h e i r area, but i t should not be at the expense of the t r a d i t i o n a l Indian economic a c t i v i t i e s . The Nishga p r o p o s a l s are a s t r o n g statement in support of Indian c u l t u r e . The proposal f o r a l l the land to remain under Indian 116 c o n t r o l can o b v i o u s l y not be achieved by a l l Indian groups in B r i t i s h Columbia. It i s not l i k e l y that s e n i o r governments would agree to a settlement that p l a c e s the e n t i r e area claimed by v a r i o u s t r i b e s under the j u r i s d i c t i o n o-f Indian groups. While the Nishga proposal has merit as a b a r g a i n i n g p o s i t i o n -from which to begin n e g o t i a t i o n s , i t w i l l not l i k e l y -form the b a s i s o-f a se t t l e m e n t . With t h i s a n a l y s i s o-f the range o-f s e t t l e m e n t s , t r e a t i e s , and agreements in mind, l e t us look in more d e t a i l at the type o-f settlement F o r t Ware and other s i m i l a r northern bands may c o n s i d e r . There are several aspects o-f a land c l a i m s e t t l e m e n t . These include land, resource use, f i n a n c i a l compensation, economic development and government s t r u c t u r e . Land and Resource Use Land a l l o c a t i o n s in the two most r e c e n t l y proposed agreeements have been from one to one and one-half square m i l e s per b e n e f i c i a r y in the Yukon and 14 square m i l e s in the Western A r c t i c . Land settlement proposed under the Yukon agreement r e p r e s e n t s 3.9V. of the claimed land; land settlement under C.O.P.E. r e p r e s e n t s 20'/. of the claimed land. If B r i t i s h Columbian bands are to be d e a l t with f a i r l y in r e l a t i o n to other northern Indians in Canada, the land p r o v i s i o n should be at l e a s t one square mile per b e n e f i c i a r y p l u s an extensive area f o r e x c l u s i v e Indian resource use. The most p o s i t i v e settlement in terms of Indian h a r v e s t i n g r i g h t s i s the C.O.P.E. agreement under which there would be e x c l u s i v e I n u v i a l u i t h a r v e s t i n g on 117 20'/. of the t r a d i t i o n a l l y used t e r r i t o r y , and -for some s p e c i e s , on a l l o-f the t r a d i t i o n a l l y used t e r r i t o r y , p l u s a quota on the exchanged land. In 1982-3 the For t Ware people were u s i n g an area o-f land estimated to be 32,000 square k i l o m e t r e s (12,360 square m i l e s ) , some o-f which was o v e r l a p p i n g t e r r i t o r y with that of other bands. The area of land used f o r hunting, fishing", and t r a p p i n g , almost e x c l u s i v e l y by the For t Ware people, i s estimated at 20,000 square k i l o m e t r e s <7,723 square m i l e s ) . A northern band, such as For t Ware, may approach the n e g o t i a t i o n s f o r land and re s o u r c e s in s e v e r a l ways: 1. A settlement s i m i l a r to C.O.P.E., where 20% of the t r a d i t i o n a l l y used land becomes Indian settlement land with e x c l u s i v e Indian h a r v e s t i n g r i g h t s , p l u s a quota of the harvest on the balance of the t r a d i t i o n a l l y used land. 2. A s m a l l e r land settlement, at l e a s t as great as that in the Yukon settlement with e x c l u s i v e h a r v e s t i n g r i g h t s on the t r a d i t i o n a l l y used land. 3. A land settlement s i m i l a r to the Yukon's <1 to 1 1/2 square m i l e s per b e n e f i c i a r y ) p l u s quotas f o r h a r v e s t i n g on the balance of the t r a d i t i o n a l l y used land, and a s i g n i f i c a n t cash s e t t l e m e n t . I t M s not s u f f i c i e n t to n e g o t i a t e f o r use of the land without i n c l u d i n g Indian c o n t r o l over the management of the r e s o u r c e s . 118 In the three modern day se t t l e m e n t s , Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n on resource and environmental management committees was i n c l u d e d . It i s important to bear in mind when n e g o t i a t i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n in resource management that the band should have at l e a s t - f i f t y percent c o n t r o l , i-f not m a j o r i t y c o n t r o l , and that the management committee should have decision-making powers over both resource (renewable and non-renewable) management and land use management. To e f f e c t i v e l y p r o t e c t the t r a d i t i o n a l Indian economy, an e f f e c t i v e voice on decision-making committees should include management of mining, f o r e s t r y , h y d r o - e l e c t r i c , and o i l and gas developments in a d d i t i o n to the management of f i s h and w i 1 dl i f e . In a d d i t i o n to e x c l u s i v e hunting, f i s h i n g , g u i d i n g and t r a p p i n g r i g h t s over a d e f i n e d area, F o r t Ware may want to consid e r i n c l u d i n g w i t h i n the settlement an agreement f o r development of timber r e s o u r c e s and p o s s i b l y mineral d e p o s i t s . Since F o r t Ware al r e a d y has a sawmill and a few members have s k i l l s in lo g g i n g , one v i a b l e o p t i o n f o r p r o v i d i n g jobs f o r the community c o u l d be to secure timber c u t t i n g r i g h t s . T h i s would have the s i d e b e n e f i t of a l l o w i n g the band to plan the l o g g i n g o p e r a t i o n in a manner compatible with the f i s h and game r e s o u r c e s . Because the Rocky Mountain Trench i s narrow w i t h i n the F o r t Ware area, there i s a l i m i t e d v a l l e y f l o o r f o r the production of good timber as well as a l i m i t e d area f o r moose h a b i t a t . If the l o g g i n g companies c a r r y out t h e i r o p e r a t i o n s in the Fort Ware area u s i n g the same p r a c t i c e s prevalent along W i l l i s t o n Lake, the moose h a b i t a t w i l l decrease. 119 The b a r g a i n i n g power o-f the northern B r i t i s h Columbia bands w i l l depend c o n s i d e r a b l y on the p o l i c i e s o-f the s e n i o r governments. Indeed, Indians in B r i t i s h Columbia are in a d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n than Yukon or Northwest T e r r i t o r y Indians. In the T e r r i t o r i e s , the f e d e r a l government i s the land owner and although the T e r r i t o r i a l governments were i n v o l v e d in the land c l a i m s n e g o t i a t i o n s , the concurrence of Yukon and the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s was not e s s e n t i a l to the r e s o l u t i o n of the s e t t l e m e n t . In B r i t i s h Columbia, the land i s under the ownership of the Province and without p r o v i n c i a l agreement a land settlement may be impossible. P o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y and the degree of non-Indian settlement are a l s o f a c t o r s in the land settlement n e g o t i a t i o n s . There are o n l y 46,000 people in the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s with a land area of 1,304,903 square m i l e s ; in B r i t i s h Columbia, there are 2.7 m i l l i o n people with a land area of 365,255 square m i l e s . These f a c t o r s - the d e n s i t y of p o p u l a t i o n , the degree of p r i v a t e ownership of land, and the p r o v i n c i a l i n t e r e s t in the land -w i l l a l l i n f l u e n c e the land c l a i m s n e g o t i a t i o n s in B r i t i s h Columbia. While northern B r i t i s h Columbia bands w i l l most l i k e l y study the proposed agreements north of the s i x t i e t h p a r a l l e l , g a i n i n g b e n e f i t s equal to the C.O.P.E. land settlement w i l l r e q u i r e s t r o n g b a r g a i n i n g on behalf of the Indian groups. 120 F i n a n c i a l Compensation As o u t l i n e d in Chapter IV, there are e x t e n s i v e mineral d e p o s i t s in the F o r t Ulare t e r r i t o r y . While a l o g g i n g o p e r a t i o n i s w i t h i n the c a p a b i l i t i e s o-f the F o r t Ware people i t may not be -feasible •for t h i s small band to operate a mine. The Band c o u l d , however, n e g o t i a t e -for employment in l o c a l mines, p a r t i c i p a t i o n in environmental management to ensure a degree of l o c a l c o n t r o l over the development, and a resource revenue s h a r i n g agreement to provide f i n a n c i a l compensation to the Band in exchange f o r the e x t r a c t i o n of m i n e r a l s . Cash compensation has been in c l u d e d in the recent agreements as payment f o r past use of r e s o u r c e s and as an exchange f o r a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e . The question of extinguishment of Indian t i t l e has become the most c o n t r o v e r s i a l issue in land c l a i m s n e g o t i a t i o n s . The Yukon agreement was near f i n a l i z a t i o n when t h i s issue was r a i s e d and n e g o t i a t i o n s reopened. It would be to the band's advantage to t r y and r e t a i n a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e while n e g o t i a t i n g f o r a d e f i n e d land regime settlement and Indian resource use. As Berger (1977 x x i i ) emphasized, Indians do not want to e x t i n g u i s h t i t l e . What they want i s a settlement that w i l l entrench t h e i r r i g h t s to the land and that w i l l l a y the f o u n d a t i o n s of Indian s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n under the C o n s t i t u t i o n of Canada. Whether or not t i t l e i s e x t i n g u i s h e d , compensation w i l l be a f a c t o r in s e t t l e m e n t s . F i n a n c i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s in modern day agreements have been in the range of $14,000 per b e n e f i c i a r y in 121 the J.B.N.Q.A. to $63,000 per b e n e f i c i a r y , in the proposed Yukon se t t l e m e n t . It i s l i k e l y that F o r t Ware w i l l want to n e g o t i a t e f o r a per c a p i t a cash settlement at l e a s t as great as the James Bay agreeement which would amount to $3.6 m i l l i o n . The band c o u l d then invest the funds in economic development p r o j e c t s to provide l o c a l employment and f i n a n c i a l r e t u r n s to the band. In a d d i t i o n to compensation f o r exchanged land, the money settlement under the Yukon agreement i n c l u d e s band fundin g , payment of i n f r a s t r u c t u r e c o s t s and D.I.A. t r a n s f e r s . The i n i t i a l cash payment, t h e r e f o r e , may appear to be s u b s t a n t i a l ; however, i f there i s 1 i t t e or no f u r t h e r s e n i o r government funding a v a i l a b l e to bands, the Yukon Indians may f i n d the l a r g e cash payment i n s u f f i c i e n t to meet the bands' f i n a n c i a l c o s t s f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and s e r v i c e s in the long term. The C.O.P.E. agreement does not include band funding and D.I.A. t r a n s f e r s . Instead, the bands would continue to r e c e i v e e x i s t i n g funding from the f e d e r a l government. S i m i l a r to small m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , which g e n e r a l l y r e c e i v e funding from p r o v i n c i a l or f e d e r a l sources, Indian bands r e q u i r e an assured, continued source of funds to support communi ty a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and s e r v i c e s . If the o v e r a l l settlement package i s to be of long term b e n e f i t , the e x i s t i n g f e d e r a l funding should e i t h e r be l e f t in place or the agreement should include long term p r o v i s i o n f o r band a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , i n f r a s t r u c t u r e c o s t s and s e r v i c e s . Governmental S t r u c t u r e s Although p r o p o s a l s f o r economic development may appear to be the 122 s o l u t i o n to a l l o-f the problems -faced by Indian people, there i s a root cause o-f the problems that must be r e s o l v e d - f i r s t . There i s a s t r o n g r e l a t i o n s h i p between the domination o-f a people and the s o c i a l p a t h o l o g i e s and economic d i f f i c u l t i e s they face (Berger 1982). The S p e c i a l Committee on Indian Self-government (Canada 1983 (a)) recommends a new form of Indian self-government, one that i s entrenched in the Canadian C o n s t i t u t i o n . T h i s recommendation was supported by Indian groups a c r o s s Canada but r e j e c t e d by the m a j o r i t y of p r o v i n c i a l governments at the March 1984 C o n s t i t u t i o n a l t a l k s . If the Federal government passes l e g i s l a t i o n e n a b l i n g bands to become s e l f - g o v e r n i n g bodies, there w i l l be no need to include governmental s t r u c t u r e s w i t h i n the land s e t t l m e n t . The p r o v i s i o n s in the James Bay agreement are u n s a t i s f a c t o r y because there i s not enough f l e x i b i l t y to accommodate changes or v a r i a t i o n s in the needs of v a r i o u s bands and the a u t h o r i t y of the l o c a l bands has been s e v e r e l y eroded. Rather than attempt to work out in d e t a i l the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s w i t h i n a land s e t t l m e n t , bands should press f o r adequate f e d e r a l e n a b l i n g l e g i s l a t i o n that w i l l allow f o r a range of o p t i o n s in terms of Indian government. Once the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r increased Indian autonomy i s in p l a c e , governmental s t r u c t u r e s can be designed to s u i t the p a r t i c u 1 a r a b i 1 i t i e s and needs of each band or t r i b a l c o u n c i l . Northern Indian groups are seeking to p r o t e c t a c u l t u r e and an i d e n t i t y that has been dominated by another s o c i e t y f o r over one hundred y e a r s . Indian groups do not wish to a s s i m i l a t e and erase 123 t h e i r c u l t u r e — t h e y want to gain meaningful c o n t r o l over t h e i r own r e s o u r c e s and t h e i r communities. 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McLean, J . 1849 Notes on Twenty-Five years S e r v i c e in the Hudson's  Bay Company Richard Bentley, London, England. 2 V o l s . M e l v i l l e , B. 1981 Indian Reserves and Indian T r e a t y Problems in  Northeast B r i t i s h Columbia B r i t i s h Columbia Hydro and Power A u t h o r i t y , Vancouver. Nishga T r i b a l Council 1976 P o s i t i o n Paper of the Nishga T r i b a l  C o u n c i l , f u t u r e d i r e c t i o n s of the n e g o t i a t i o n New Aiyansh, B r i t i s h Columbia. Morice, A. 1978 The H i s t o r y of the Northern I n t e r i o r B r i t i s h  Columbi a I n t e r i o r S t a t i o n e r y L t d . , Smithers, B r i t i s h Columbi a. Pa t t e r s o n , E. 1972 The Canadian Indian: a H i s t o r y Since 1500 Col 1ier-MacMi11 an Canada L t d . Don M i l l s , O n t a r i o . P a t t e r s o n , R. 1968 F i n l a y ' s River MacMillan, Toronto. P o i n t i n g , R. 1980 Out of I r r e l e v a n c e Butterworths, Toronto. 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Sanders, D. and Beth Van Dyke 1975 The Indian Land Claim S t r u g g l e  in B r i t i s h Columbia: a b r i e f h i s t o r y F a c u l t y of Law, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver. Sharpe, W. 1983 (per. comm.) On t a r i o Trappers A s s o c i a t i o n , P r i n c e George, B r i t i s h Columbia. SSDCC 1979 N e g o t i a t i n g a Way of L i f e I n i t i a l Cree Experience with the A d m i n i s t r a t i v e S t r u c t u r e a r i s i n g from the JBA, CP666 La Ci t e ' , M o n t r e a l . T h a l a s s a Research A s s o c i a t e s 1983 The Economic Foundation of Indian S e l f Government A r e p o r t prepared f o r the House of 129 Commons S p e c i a l Committee on Indian Self-government, V i c t o r i a , BC. T r e a t y 8 1966 made June 21, 1899 and Adhesions, Reports e t c . , Queen's P r i n t e r and C o n t r o l l e r o-f S t a t i o n e r y , Ottawa. Union of BC Indian C h i e f s 1983 Agenda f o r Support Conference on  A b o r i g i n a l T i t l e and R i g h t s h e l d February 25-27, 1983, Vancouver. W a l c h l i , F. 1984 (per. comm.) Senior N e g o t i a t o r f o r B r i t i s h Columbia, Indian and Northern A f f a i r s Canada, Vancouver. Yukon, O f f i c e of Government Leader 1983 Yukoners Deserve a F a i r  Deal A Land Claims Information Package. Whitehorse, Yukon. 130 APPENDIX CHOICES FOR CHANGE A study o-f the Fort Ware Indian Band and I m p l i c a t i o n o-f Land Settlement -for Northern Native Bands QUESTIONNAIRE METHOD Every household in F o r t Ware and McLeod Lake w i l l be i n c l u d e d in the survey. The intervi e w w i l l be conducted person to person with an a d u l t member of the household, p r e f e r a b l y e i t h e r the mother or f a t h e r . Respondents w i l l be asked the question and the int e r v i e w e r w i l l r e c o r d the answers. Introduct i on T h i s information i s being gathered to f i n d out the hunting, f i s h i n g , t r a p p i n g and ber r y g a t h e r i n g t e r r i t o r y of your people. I a l s o hope to f i n d out whether the dam has reduced the f i s h and game in your area. I w i l l be a s k i n g you qu e s t i o n s about your hunting to t r y and f i n d out how much Native f a m i l i e s depend on country food. T h i s m a t e r i a l w i l l a l l be turned over to your band f o r them to use. I have permission from the band c o u n c i l to c a r r y out t h i s r e s e a r c h . The f i r s t q u estion i s on hunting. QI Please l i s t a l l the animals your household k i l l e d f o r food in the 1ast year. Moose Elk Deer Caribou Sheep Goat G r i z z l y Bl.Bear Rabbit Other Q2 How does l a s t year compare with hunting before the dam? Last year was ... BETTER WORSE THE SAME than before the dam. Q3 Did you share some of the meat? YES NO If shared, how much d i d you share? Q4 Describe your best year of hunting f o r game. Can you t e l l me how many animals you k i l l e d and what k i n d they were? Moose Elk Deer Caribou Sheep Goat G r i z z l y Bl.Bear Rabbit Other When was t h i s approximately? Q5 MAP DRAWING Please draw a l i n e on the map, u s i n g d i f f e r e n t c o l o r s f o r each use, around the are a s . . . . <1) Where you hunted before the dam and where you hunt now <2> Where you f i s h e d before the dam and where you f i s h now <3) Where you gathered b e r r i e s before the dam and where you gather b e r r i e s now FOR BIG GAME GUIDES Q6 Please draw a l i n e on the map around the areas where you guided before the dam and where you guide now. . Q7 Please l i s t your c l i e n t s ' k i l l s f o r the l a s t year. Moose Elk Deer Caribou Sheep Goat G r i z z l y Bl.Bear Wolf Lynx Wolv'ne Q8 Did you use any of t h i s k i l l f o r food f o r your f a m i l y or f o r ot h e r s ? YES NO If yes, how much was used f o r your family?. f o r o t h e r s ? FOR TRAPPERS Q9 Please l i s t your harvest f o r the l a s t year, g i v i n g number of p e l t s f o r each s p e c i e s . Beaver Marten S q u i r r e l Bl .Bear Mink Weasel Coyott e _ Muskrat Wolf F i s h e r Otter Wolverine Fox Skunk Lynx Q10 How does l a s t year compare with t r a p p i n g before the dam? Last year was BETTER WORSE THE SAME than before the dam. Ql1 Where i s your t r a p l i n e ? Can you give me the t r a p l i n e r e g i s t r a t i o n number? Draw on the map around the areas where you trapped before the 132 dam and where you trap now. FOR ALL RESPONDENTS Q12 Can you t e l l me approximately how many -fish your -family caught -for -food f o r the household l a s t year? Whi te f i s h Ra i nbow A r c t i c G r e y l i n g Sa1mon Kok an e e Dol 1 y Warder Other Q13 Did you use a l l the f i s h f o r your f a m i l y ? YES NO If shared, how much d i d you share? Was any used to feed the dogs? Q14 How does l a s t year compare to the f i s h i n g before the dam? <a) f o r rainbow aned g r a y l i n g BETTER WORSE THE SAME <B> f o r white f i s h BETTER WORSE THE SAME <C> other BETTER WORSE THE SAME Q15 What i s the s i z e of your house? How many people u s u a l l y l i v e here?. 

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