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Saisei Itchi : the identity of religion and government in the early Meiji years 1867-1872 Brown, William Nimmo 1984

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SAISEI ITCHIt THE IDENTITY OP RELIGION AND GOVERNMENT IN THE EARLY MEIJI YEARS 1 8 6 7 - 1 8 7 2 by WILLIAM NJMMO BROWN B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 7 8 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department o f H i s t o r y ) We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1 9 8 4 (c) W i l l i a m Nimmo Brown, I98-+ In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Hl*To*y The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date OCT. II /IILf. >E-6 (3/81) i i ABSTRACT This thesis i s a study of the in t e r a c t i o n of r e l i g i o n and government i n the f i r s t f i v e years of the M e i j i Restoration (1868-1872). I t deals with the i d e o l o g i c a l premises as well as the p o l i t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n of Shinto as an organ of government. The paper discusses the elevation to national prominence of Shinto i n the form of Restoration or Revival Shinto (Fukko  Shint5)and traces both the the o l o g i c a l antecedents as well as the ancient i n s t i t u t i o n a l o r i g i n s of the r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l theory of state espoused by the Restoration Shinto movement. This theory found p o l i t i c a l expression i n the early M e i j i years through the government's re-introduction and promotion of the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of s a i s e i i t c h i , the i d e n t i t y or unity of r e l i g i o n and government. This thesis has three main objectives: f i r s t , to examine the Shinto administrative mechanisms i n the c e n t r a l government and thereby define s a i s e i i t c h i as both an administrative structure and a r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l ideology; second, to i n v e s t i -gate the p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n of, s a i s e i i t c h i as a r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y by looking at the l e g i s l a t i o n effected by Shinto admin-i s t r a t i v e bodies; and t h i r d , to define the p o s i t i o n and role of the s a i s e i i t c h i construct within the context of the general pre-war a l l i a n c e of Shinto and the Japanese state which i s categorized under the blanket term State Shinto (Kokka Shinto). This thesis concludes that the implementation of s a i s e i i i i i t c h i was a consistent goal of the early M e i j i government between 1868 and 1872. The promotion of the Restoration Shinto ideology expressed through the s a i s e i i t c h i i d e a l provided an i d e o l o g i c a l framework which aided i n the consolidation of Shinto as a r e l i g i o u s structure and i n the acceptance of the new Imperial government. The paper argues further that s a i s e i i t c h i was to a y s i g n i f i c a n t degree r e l i g i o u s i n intent, so much so that i t can be viewed as being a d i s t i n c t e n t i t y within the general context of State Shinto with which i t i s usually fused or confused. That i s , i n the work of several modern historians, s a i s e i i t c h i has either been treated assan i n t e g r a l component of State Shinto or mistaken f o r State Shinto i t s e l f . By hi g h l i g h t i n g s a i s e i  i t c h i as the major facet i n the early M e i j i state's involve-ment with Shinto, t h i s thesis hopes to provide some insight into t h i s o f t neglected aspect of early M e i j i government. i v TABLE OP CONTENTS A b s t r a c t i i P r e f a c e . . v Chapter 1. I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 2. The Legacy o f A n c i e n t J apan 10 3. The S y s t e m a t i z a t i o n and P o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f S h i n t o Thought 24 . 4. The E s t a b l i s h m e n t o f S a i s e i I t c h i 41 P a r t One: The R e - i n s t a t e m e n t o f the I m p e r i a l House, 1867-1868 42 P a r t Two: I n i t i a l E x p e r i m e n t a t i o n w i t h A d m i n i s t r a t i v e Forms. 55 P a r t Three: The J i n g i k a n P e r i o d (August 15, 1869 t o September 22, 18?1) 71 P a r t F o u r : S e n k y o s h i and the P r o p a g a t i o n o f S h i n t o I d e o l o g y °96 P a r t F i v e : The D o w n f a l l o f the J i n g i k a n and R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o 103 5. C o n c l u s i o n 114 Notes 121 G l o s s a r y 134 B i b l i o g r a p h y 136 V PREFACE T h i s s t u d y d e a l s w i t h the p o l i t i c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f S h i n t o i n the f i r s t f i v e y e a r s o f the M e i j i p e r i o d . I t was i n s p i r e d i n i t i a l l y by the work of Murakami S h i g e y o s h i and D a n i e l Holtom. B o t h t h e s e a u t h o r i t i e s and o t h e r s w r i t i n g i n the immediate post-war p e r i o d examined the r o l e of S h i n t o i n the p o l i t i c i z e d form known as S t a t e S h i n t o w h i c h they saw as b e g i n n i n g i n 1868. By the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , however, the m u l t i p l i c i t y o f elements w h i c h comprise the S h i n t o w o r l d had d e v e l o p e d i n d e p e n d e n t l y i n t o f i v e b r o a d s p h e r e s --I m p e r i a l House S h i n t o , S c h o o l or S c h o l a r l y S h i n t o , S h r i n e S h i n t o , F o l k S h i n t o and S e c t S h i n t o . A l t h o u g h i n the main s e p a r a t e , t h e s e were l i n k e d by a c e n t r a l c o n v i c t i o n t o the supremacy o f kami r e v e r e n c e . To p l a c e t h e s e d i v e r s e forms o f S h i n t o under the s i n g l e c a t e g o r y of S t a t e S h i n t o f a i l s t o a c c o u n t f o r the r o l e and development of each o f the S h i n t o spheres and compresses them i n t o one mold. T h i s mold, more-o v e r , was one shaped by the d i c t a t e s of the i d e o l o g y o f the p o l i t i c a l s t a t e . I n t h i s essay I examine the r o l e and p o s i t i o n w i t h i n government of R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o , the most p r e v a l e n t form of S c h o l a r l y S h i n t o a t the o n s e t o f the M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n . My r e s e a r c h showed t h a t R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o i s t s who h e l d o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s i n the S h i n t o a d m i n i s t r a t i v e departments v i o f the e a r l y M e i j i government f o r m u l a t e d a r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y and en a c t e d l e g i s l a t i o n t o r e - e s t a b l i s h the a n c i e n t r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l i d e a l o f s a i s e i i t c h i . A l t h o u g h n o t g i v e n precedence over p o l i t i c a l c o n c e r n s between 1868 and 1872, S h i n t o d i d , as p a r t o f the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e framework, p r o v i d e the means f o r the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f S h i n t o as an independent r e l i g i o u s e n t i t y . T h i s e n t i t y , when compared t o S t a t e S h i n t o , showed a much s t r o n g e r i n f l u e n c e o f r e l i g i o u s i d e o l o g y and r e l i g i o u s c o n c e r n s . T h i s t h e s i s , t hen, draws a d i s t i n c t i o n between the s a i s e i  i t c h i f o r m u l a t i o n and the l a t e r S t a t e S h i n t o . I n so d o i n g i t emphasizes a p r e v i o u s l y l i t t l e examined a s p e c t o f the e a r l y M e i j i government's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h S h i n t o . I n h e r e n t i n the p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h i s g e n e r a l theme i s the cogent q u e s t i o n o f the r o l e and p o s i t i o n o f R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o and S h i n t o i s t s i n e a r l y M e i j i government. Thus t h e p r i m a r y f o c u s o f t h i s paper l i e s i n an e v a l u a t i o n o f S h i n t o f rom the s t a n d p o i n t o f r e l i g i o u s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and l e g i s l a t i o n and i n the f o r m u l a t i o n o f e a r l y M e i j i r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y . I n the e x a m i n a t i o n o f S h i n t o f rom t h i s v i e w p o i n t the t h e s i s p r o v i d e s a unique c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the s t u d y o f the t i e s between S h i n t o and the e a r l y M e i j i s t a t e . To u n d e r l i n e the e f f i c a c y o f such a theme and t o demon-s t r a t e the w o r t h o f the arguments and c o n c l u s i o n s h e r e i n p r e s e n t e d , I w i s h here t o c l a r i f y some o f the problems r a i s e d by such a s t u d y . A p r i m a r y p r o blem f a c e d by the v i i scholar i s that of obtaining a clear picture of the administrative framework formed i n the years 1868 to 1872. Numerous administrative changes took place during these years of the M e i j i t r a n s i t i o n period, an era of general p o l i t i c a l insecurity. The p o l i t i c a l events i n these f i v e years defy accurate assessment as does the exact importance of the numerous administrative bodies set up. Secondly, the response of p o l i t i c a l leaders to Shinto reform i s also d i f f i c u l t to evaluate. There i s i n f a c t a paucity of i n f o r -mation on the attitudes of the p o l i t i c a l leaders towards Shinto. It i s possible, however, to address d i r e c t l y the question of the r o l e of Shinto i n government administration by an evaluation of how various Shinto o f f i c e s were formed, th e i r p o s i t i o n i n the general administrative framework and the l e g i s l a t i o n they issued. As a r e s u l t , I focus on (1) the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of early M e i j i and (2) the degree of p r i o r i t y given to the elevation of Shinto. The acquiescence of the p o l i t i c a l leaders to Shinto reform, while assumed, i s a more d i f f i c u l t question to assess. This thesis, then, emphasizes the administrative issues and achievements of early M e i j i Shinto by a presentation of Imperial edicts and other orders on r e l i g i o n which emanated from the Shinto administrative bodies. Thus, i t i s possible to show the intent and goals of the Shinto r e l i g i o u s leaders for the reconstruction of Shinto as well as the d i r e c t e f f e c t of the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y . Since the primary concern of v i i i S h i n t o a d m i n i s t r a t o r s was t h e e l e v a t i o n and r e - e s t a h l i s h m e n t o f S h i n t o , the d i s c u s s i o n s o f S h i n t o d o c t r i n e i n t h i s paper are c o n f i n e d t o t h o s e p o s t u l a t e s w h i c h were u t i l i z e d t o p r o v i d e a l e g i t i m a c y f o r the r e s t o r a t i o n o f the I m p e r i a l l i n e t o p o l i t i c a l prominence. The s t r u c t u r e o f t h i s t h e s i s was c o n d i t i o n e d by the needs t o p r e s e n t (1) g e n e r a l background i n f o r m a t i o n on the o r i g i n o f s a i s e i i t c h i and (2) the development o f S h i n t o d o c t r i n e . Both o f these c o n c e r n s , i f n o t c r u c i a l t o the arguments c o n t a i n e d i n t h i s paper, a r e n e c e s s a r y t o p r o v i d e the c o n t e x t f o r the subsequent r e l i g i o u s and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e development. Thus C h a p t e r s 2 and 3 p r e s e n t b r i e f a c c o u n t s o f the a n c i e n t bond between S h i n t o and government and the development of S h i n t o thought which c u l m i n a t e d i n the works o f R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o i s t s i n t h e m i d - n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o r e p r e s e n t s the s c h o l a r l y o r v e r b a l i z e d form of an e s s e n t i a l l y n o n - v e r b a l type o f w o r s h i p . That i s , i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n t e r e s t e d i n S h i n t o by the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y had formed v a r i o u s s c h o o l s w h i c h had d e v e l o p e d d o c t r i n e s t h a t f o r the sake o f c o n v e n i e n c e are t r e a t e d h e r e i n as " i n t e l l e c t u a l S h i n t o " . S h i n t o i t s e l f i s the c o l l e c t i v e name f o r the i n d i g e n o u s Japanese form o f p i e t y towards and appeasement of the kami o r d e i t i e s o f the S h i n t o pantheon. The term r e l i g i o n i s a p p l i e d h e r e i n w i t h r e g a r d t o t h i s phenomenon. I t i s , i n f a c t , a l e s s t h a n a c c u r a t e d e s c r i p t i o n i x o f S h i n t o r i t u a l p r a c t i c e s and w o r l d view. The i n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h i s t h e s i s p r e s e n t s t h e major h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l debates on S t a t e S h i n t o . I t a l s o i n t r o -duces my approach t o the s u b j e c t w h i c h d e a l s p r i m a r i l y w i t h the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f S h i n t o by R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o i s t s h o l d i n g f o r m a l p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e . T h i s approach has an added v a l i d i t y due t o the s h a r e d o b j e c t i v e s o f the p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s and t h e l e a d e r s o f S h i n t o . That i s , the c o n c e r n f o r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l c o h e s i o n c e n t r e d around the I m p e r i a l symbol c o i n c i d e d w i t h the r e l i g i o u s aims o f S h i n t o and emperor e l e v a t i o n . What emerges from a s t u d y o f the i n t e r -a c t i o n o f r e l i g i o n and government i n e a r l y M e i j i i s the r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l c o n t i n u i t y p r o v i d e d by S h i n t o t h r o u g h o u t t h i s p e r i o d . The p o s i t i o n o f S h i n t o , t h e n , i s i l l u s t r a t e d by an e x a m i n a t i o n o f the l e g a l s t a t u t e s e f f e c t e d by S h i n t o a d m i n i s -t r a t o r s i n t h e i r r e f o r m o f the S h i n t o r e l i g i o u s s t r u c t u r e . Thus, Chapter k p r e s e n t s the c e n t r a l arguments o f t h i s paper and p r o v i d e s an e x a m i n a t i o n o f the r o l e o f R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e framework c o n s t r u c t e d i n the f i r s t M e i j i y e a r s . F u r t h e r m o r e , t h i s c h a p t e r measures the degree o f s u c c e s s i n the a p p l i c a t i o n o f s a i s e i i t c h i as i t was a p p l i e d i n e a r l y M e i j i . S e v e r a l p r a c t i c a l f a c t o r s , however, i n h i b i t e d a complete a p p r a i s a l of the t i e s between S h i n t o and the e a r l y M e i j i government. F i r s t , as s t a t e d above, t h e r e i s a l a c k o f X primary-source evidence on the precise opinions and intentions of the M e i j i p o l i t i c a l leaders. For example, the diary of Kido Koin, covering the period 1868 to 1871, i s s i l e n t on the subject of Shinto. The biography of Iwakura by Tokutomi I i c h i r o also f a i l s to provide the reader with the Prince's views on Shinto and r e l i g i o u s reform. Thus, any assessment on the degree of influence on r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y formation or support of Shinto must be measured circumstantially by these leaders' and others' l a i s s e z - f a i r e attitude to the promotion and elevation of Shinto as d i r e c t government p o l i c y . Because of t h i s lack of more s p e c i f i c information, i n fact, the task of determin-ing such views has been l i t t l e addressed i n the h i s t o r i o -graphy of the period 1868 to 1872. To avoid becoming embroiled i n such hypothetical issues,this thesis concentrates on the administration of Shinto i n t h i s period. Secondly, because we lack sources, i t i s most d i f f i c u l t to determine the precise intentions of the Restoration Shinto leaders. While there i s an abundance of material as to the d o c t r i n a l extrapolations of these scholars, the various schools they headed and the f a c t i o n a l disputes over r e l i g i o u s issues, there i s l i t t l e i n the way of evidence regarding t h e i r d i r e c t l y expressed p o l i t i c a l goals for Shinto. Thirdly, there are also the usual general l i m i t a t i o n s regarding the nature of the sources used, namely, the x i Japanese h i s t o r i e s I c o n s u l t e d w h i c h r e c o u n t the changes i n S h i n t o ' s s t a t u s i n e a r l y M e i j i . Two o f t h e s e works, however, were t o a degree u s e f u l . The M e i j i i s h i n s h i n h u t s u  b u n r i s h i r y o ( H i s t o r y o f the S h i n t o B u d d h i s t S e p a r a t i o n i n the M e i j i P e r i o d ) , w h i l e d e a l i n g a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h the v a g a r i e s o f B u d d h i s t a f f a i r s , d i d prove v a l u a b l e i n p r o v i d i n g p r i m a r y - s o u r c e m a t e r i a l which i n c l u d e d the docu-m e n t a t i o n o f s e v e r a l o f the main l e g a l o r d e r s r e l a t i n g t o S h i n t o - i n s p i r e d changes i n the r e l i g i o u s s t r u c t u r e . The I s h i n s h i ( H i s t o r y o f the R e s t o r a t i o n ) , a l t h o u g h a g e n e r a l s e condary s o u r c e , p r o v i d e d a d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t o f the names and r a n k s o f t h e l e a d i n g f i g u r e s who h e l d the key p o s i t i o n s i n government departments. The s e l e c t i o n s from the H o r i  zensho (Complete C o l l e c t i o n o f Laws and O r d i n a n c e s ) as t r a n s l a t e d by P r o f e s s o r McLaren, though o f l i t t l e use i n d e t e r m i n i n g the background i s s u e s b e h i n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e change and the r e a s o n f o r i t , do_. p r o v i d e a b r o a d s u r v e y of the major a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f o r m u l a t i o n s and t h e i r l e g a l enactment. T h i s t h e s i s draws e x t e n s i v e l y on more u p - t o - d a t e r e s e a r c h on S h i n t o by l e a d i n g contemporary Japanese a u t h o r i t i e s i n the f i e l d . T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i s c o n t a i n e d i n the s p e c i a l i z e d a r t i c l e s i n Japanese c i t e d h e r e i n . The d ocumentation o f p r i m a r y - s o u r c e m a t e r i a l p r o v i d e d by t h e s e a r t i c l e s e n a b l e d t h i s t h e s i s t o add new m a t e r i a l t o t h e d i s c u s s i o n i n E n g l i s h o f e a r l y M e i j i S h i n t o r e f o r m s . x i i The above i n f o r m a t i o n t a k e n c o l l e c t i v e l y p r o v i d e d enough m a t e r i a l t o j u s t i f y the c o n c l u s i o n s drawn i n C h a p t e r k o f t h i s t h e s i s . There i s a b r o a d body o f i n f o r m a t i o n on the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and l e g i s l a t i v e a c t i v i t i e s o f R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o i s t s i n government. U t i l i z i n g t h i s , i t has been p o s s i b l e t o measure t h e i r i n f l u e n c e i n the r e l i g i o u s s p here, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n e f f e c t i n g the l e g i s l a t i o n t o r e - e s t a b l i s h an independent S h i n t o r e l i g i o u s s t r u c t u r e by 1872. I n t h i s r e s p e c t , t h i s t h e s i s , t h e n , p r o v i d e s an o r i g i n a l c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the s t u d y o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between S h i n t o and the e a r l y M e i j i government. F u r t h e r m o r e , by p r e s e n t i n g a h i t h e r t o l i t t l e e x p l o r e d a s p e c t o f e a r l y M e i j i government, i t demon-s t r a t e s a view o f the M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n as more t h a n a s e c u l a r r e v o l u t i o n . I n the t a s k o f p r e s e n t i n g the m a t e r i a l used i n t h i s t h e s i s and o f c l a r i f y i n g the i s s u e s i n v o l v e d , I r e c e i v e d the c o n s i s t e n t a d v i c e o f my s u p e r v i s o r , P r o f e s s o r W i l l i a m Wray, t o whom I owe a debt o f g r a t i t u d e . I a l s o w i s h t o thank P r o f e s s o r Leon H u r v i t z f o r h i s i l l u m i n a t i n g comments on the e t y m o l o g i c a l d e r i v a t i o n o f the term s a i s e i i t c h i . 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The i n i t i a l , p o l i t i c a l l y c r u c i a l y e a r s of t h e M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n (1868-1872) were c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the f o r m a t i o n o f a governmental s t r u c t u r e , the k eystone of w h i c h was the r e i n s t a t e m e n t of the Emperor t o the f o c a l p o s i t i o n as head of the p o l i t i c a l s t a t e . C o n c o mitant to t h i s move, the M e i j i government, from the o n s e t of t h e R e s t o r a t i o n , c a r r i e d out a p o l i c y f o r the r e v i v a l o f S h i n t o . S h i n t o i n a l l i t s m a n i f o l d a s p e c t s , b u t p a r t i c u l a r l y i t s a n c i e n t t i e s w i t h the I m p e r i a l house, p r o v i d e d the M e i j i l e a d e r s w i t h an a c c e p t a b l e o r t h o d o x i d e o l o g i c a l f o u n d a t i o n f o r the l e g i t i m a t e r e i n s t a t e -ment t o p o l i t i c a l prominence of the Emperor i n whose name the R e s t o r a t i o n and i t s accompanying r e f o r m s were j u s t i f i e d . Thus, the e l e v a t i o n and p r o m o t i o n o f S h i n t o i n e a r l y M e i j i was u n d e r t a k e n w i t h t h e p r e c i s e g o a l of p r o v i d i n g a r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l f o u n d a t i o n f o r the modern I m p e r i a l s t a t e s t r u c t u r e . What was d e v e l o p e d , n o t o n l y i n the e a r l y M e i j i y e a r s , b u t t h r o u g h o u t the M e i j i p e r i o d (and i n d e e d , w i t h m o d i f i c a t i o n u n t i l 19^5). was an E m p e r o r - c e n t r e d n a t i o n a l p o l i t y t h a t had an i d e o l o g i c a l b a s i s i n s p i r e d by the example of Japan's c l a s s i c a l a g e . 1 That i s , f u n damental t o the e a r l y M e i j i t h e o r y of s t a t e and the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y o f the f i r s t 2 M e i j i governments was t h e u t i l i z a t i o n of t h e r e l i g i o - s o c i a l framework and the p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s o f the a n c i e n t 2 i n d i g e n o u s kami w o r s h i p of J a pan. A t t h e same t i m e , e a r l y M e i j i p o l i t i c a l t h e o r y and r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y drew upon more r e c e n t r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l developments p r o v i d e d by the i d e a s o f a s u c c e s s i o n of S h i n t o and C o n f u c i a n s c h o l a r s . The work of t h e s e r e s e a r c h e r s , a p r o t r a c t e d p r o g r e s s i o n o f b r o a d l y c o n n e c t e d i n t e l l e c t u a l o u t p o u r i n g s , c u l m i n a t e d i n and was s y s t e m a t i z e d by the s c h o l a r s o f the s c h o o l of N a t i o n a l L e a r n i n g (Kokugaku) and i t s o f f s h o o t , the s c h o o l of R e s t o r a t i o n or R e v i v a l o f A n t i q u i t y S h i n t o (Fukko S h i n t o ) . The movement of d i s s e n t i n g samurai who, by November, 1867. had d e f e a t e d the Shogun Tokugawa K e i k i and r e s t o r e d the I m p e r i a l l i n e t o n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l prominence, was i n f l u e n c e d by the S h i n t o - b a s e d n o t i o n s o f I m p e r i a l l e g i t i m a c y and supremacy s u p p l i e d by the R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o s c h o o l . Thus, from the background of a n a t i o n s t r a i n i n g t o b r e a k from th e c o n f i n e s o f anachro-n i s t i c f e u d a l government, S h i n t o emerged t o p r o v i d e a s y m b o l i c p r o t e c t i o n and a r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l f o c u s f o r t h o s e who r a l l i e d a g a i n s t t h e outmoded bakuhan system. The t r a n s i t i o n p e r i o d f r o m Tokugawa r u l e t o t h e conso-l i d a t i o n o f the M e i j i s t a t e was f r a u g h t w i t h change and e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n i n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e forms. I n 1868 the M e i j i government, f a c e d w i t h the l a c k of a s u i t a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e and i n f l u e n c e d by the d o c t r i n e s of R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o , formed 3 an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e based p r i m a r i l y on a r e l i g i o -p o l i t i c a l t h e o r y o f governance. The model emulated was t h a t of s a i s e i i t c h i , t he i d e n t i t y o f r e l i g i o n and g o v e r n -ment. S a i s e i i t c h i had i t s f i r s t e x p r e s s i o n i n t h e t h e o -c r a t i c p o l i t y o f a n c i e n t Japan. I n t h i s p e r i o d S h i n t o r i t e s had been paramount i n the f u n c t i o n i n g o f the a n c i e n t p o l i t i c a l s t a t e . The f o r m a t i o n i n 1869 of an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e based on t h e e i g h t h c e n t u r y Yoro Code, by which the J i n g i k a n ( C o u n c i l of S h i n t o A f f a i r s ) was p l a c e d as the pre-eminent department o f government, marked the r e i n s t a t e -ment of more t r a d i t i o n a l n o t i o n s of I m p e r i a l government. The p o s i t i o n o f b u r e a u c r a t i c supremacy a c c o r d e d the J i n g i k a n a l s o e x e m p l i f i e d t h e i n f l u e n c e o f R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o i n the p r o m o t i o n o f the government p o l i c y on r e l i g i o n . A t the o u t s e t o f the R e s t o r a t i o n , t h e n , the f i r s t M e i j i government c a r r i e d o ut a r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y w hich e l e v a t e d and promoted S h i n t o as the p r i m a r y r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l b u t t r e s s t o I m p e r i a l r u l e . T h i s p o l i c y a d v o c a t e d the forma-t i o n and p r o m o t i o n of the a n c i e n t i d e a l o f the i d e n t i t y o r u n i t y of the S h i n t o r e l i g i o n and government. Thus was i n i t i a t e d the m a r r i a g e o f S h i n t o b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s t o the p o l i t i c a l t h e o r y of modern i m p e r i a l government. A f t e r the r e i n t r o d u c t i o n of the s a i s e i i t c h i model and the i n i t i a l r e l i g i o u s e x p e r i m e n t s of the e a r l y M e i j i government, t h i s a l l i a n c e became i n c r e a s i n g l y p o l i t i c i z e d . From the l a t e 1880's onwards, S h i n t o as t h e r e l i g i o u s v o i c e o f t h e 4 k o k u t a i ( n a t i o n a l p o l i t y ) became c r y s t a l l i z e d i n t o t h e form w h i c h has come i n r e t r o s p e c t t o be known as S t a t e S h i n t o (Kokka S h i n t o ) . S h i n t o i n t h i s f o rm remained i n t a c t u n t i l i t was d i s e s t a b l i s h e d by the Supreme Commander o f the A l l i e d Powers i n 1 9 - + 5 . S t a t e S h i n t o i s the a l l - e m b r a c i n g a p p e l l a t i o n used p r i m a r i l y by post-war s c h o l a r s t o d e s c r i b e the i n t e r a c t i o n o f S h i n t o and the Japanese s t a t e . S t a t e S h i n t o , as d e f i n e d by most h i s t o r i a n s , denotes the Japanese government's u t i l i z a t i o n f o r p o l i t i c a l ends of the numerous b o d i e s t h a t c o m p r i s e d the S h i n t o r e l i g i o n . F u r t h e r m o r e , S t a t e S h i n t o has tended t o be t r e a t e d as a v i r t u a l i n s t i t u t i o n , an u n m a l l e a b l e "engine o f government" f i x e d o m a d e f i n i t e t r a c k and f i r e d by the z e a l o f S h i n t o i s t s and p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y - m a k e r s who sought t o use S h i n t o d o c t r i n e s and i n s t i -t u t i o n s t o c o n t r o l and m o b i l i z e the p o p u l a c e b e h i n d the I m p e r i a l s t a t e . The y e a r s 1 8 6 8 t o 1 9 - 4 - 5 a r e d e s i g n a t e d the S t a t e S h i n t o p e r i o d . However, as P r o f e s s o r F r i d e l l p o i n t s o u t , S t a t e S h i n t o , a g e n e r a l u m b r e l l a term c o i n e d i n r e t r o -s p e c t by modern s c h o l a r s , i s somewhat ina d e q u a t e t o d e s c r i b e the c o m p l e x i t y of t h e r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l element formed by the a l l i a n c e o f S h i n t o and t h e s t a t e . S t a t e S h i n t o , t h e n , i s b e s t viewed from the s t a n d p o i n t of th o s e who f o r m u l a t e d the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c i e s and must b e ~ a n a l y z e d a l s o by an exa-m i n a t i o n o f i t s numerous component p a r t s . 5 A p re-eminent Western s c h o l a r of S h i n t o , P r o f e s s o r D a n i e l Holtom, examines the r e l i g i o u s development o f the S h i n t o - s t a t e bond w i t h a v i e w t o d e t e r m i n i n g the causes o f o p p r e s s i v e S h i n t o - f o s t e r e d n a t i o n a l i s m i n pre-war Japan. To Holtom, S t a t e S h i n t o was "Japan's r e l i g i o n o f c o n q u e s t " ^ and the p r i m a r y f o r c e b e h i n d the r i s e o f Japanese n a t i o n a l -ism. The l e a d i n g Japanese a u t h o r i t y i n t h i s f i e l d , P r o f e s s o r Murakami S h i g e y o s h i examines S t a t e S h i n t o b o t h t o c l a r i f y t he r e a s o n s b e h i n d the r e s t r i c t i o n s on freedom o f r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f i n pre-war Japan and t o warn a g a i n s t t h e i r r e c u r r e n c e . To Murakami, S t a t e S h i n t o was a prime e v i l , spawned i n the M e i j i p e r i o d . U s i n g a M a r x i s t - o r i e n t e d approach, he examines the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l d e t e r m i n a n t s w hich u n d e r l y r e l i g i o u s change. However, by s t r e s s i n g r e l i g i o n as a s o c i a l f o r c e , Murakami, t o an e x t e n t , n e g l e c t s the p r i m a r i l y r e l i g i o u s ( d o c t r i n a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l ) m o t i v e s b e h i n d the r e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the s a i s e i i t c h i c o n s t r u c t and the c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f S h i n t o i n the f i r s t f i v e y e a r s o f M e i j i . B o t h s c h o l a r s , f u r t h e r m o r e , f a i l t o s t r e s s the i m p o r t a n c e o f the s a i s e i i t c h i phenomenon as i t was e x p r e s s e d i n the e a r l y M e i j i y e a r s , a p e r i o d c a t e g o r i z e d by them under the h e a d i n g S t a t e S h i n t o . Viewed i n the l i g h t of the pre-war and immediate post-war e x p e r i e n c e of the above a u t h o r i t i e s , the o v e r a l l i n d i c t m e n t of S t a t e S h i n t o i s u n d e r s t a n d a b l e . The Japanese s t a t e ' s e x c l u s i v e s u p p o r t o f one r e l i g i o n d i d have a 6 d e t r i m e n t a l e f f e c t on the o t h e r r e l i g i o n s o f Japan. E m p e r o r - c e n t r e d m i l i t a r i s m and n a t i o n a l i s m u t i l i z i n g S h i n t o - b a s e d I m p e r i a l i d e o l o g y a l s o r e s u l t e d i n p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s s i o n and the e x c e s s e s of the d i s a s t r o u s P a c i f i c war. Y e t t h e s e views must be tempered by an a n a l y s i s o f S t a t e S h i n t o ' s v a r i o u s elements i n o r d e r t o c l a r i f y b o t h the e x a c t n a t u r e o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f the p o l i t i c a l s t a t e w i t h the v a r i o u s S h i n t o r e l i g i o u s b o d i e s as w e l l as t o show the e f f e c t o f the s t a t e ' s i n t r u s i o n i n t o the r e l i g i o u s sphere. I n an attempt t o e l u c i d a t e the e x a c t n a t u r e of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between S h i n t o and government i n t h e f i r s t M e i j i y e a r s , t h i s t h e s i s examines the a l l i a n c e o f S h i n t o w i t h government from the s t a n d p o i n t o f the the n contemporary r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of s a i s e i i t c h i . T h i s p o l i c y i s viewed h e r e i n as a d i s t i n c t i n t e g r a l f a c e t o f e a r l y M e i j i g o vern-ment. T h i s t h e s i s argues t h a t t h e r e was a p e r i o d i n e a r l y M e i j i when the r e l a t i o n s h i p between S h i n t o and t h e Japanese s t a t e had a c o m p l e x i o n d i f f e r e n t from the l a t e r S t a t e S h i n t o f o r m u l a t i o n . T h i s p e r i o d , l i t t l e a n a l y s e d from the v i e w p o i n t of the r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y of the e a r l y M e i j i l e a d e r s , may be c a l l e d the s a i s e i i t c h i p e r i o d (186.7-1872). T h i s p e r i o d i s marked by the a t t e m p t s of government l e a d e r s and S h i n t o i n t e l l e c t u a l s t o e l e v a t e and d i s a s s o c i a t e S h i n t o f rom B u d d h i s t d o c t r i n a l d o m i n a t i o n . A t the same time e f f o r t s were made t o e s t a b l i s h a governmental s t r u c t u r e founded upon the r e s t o r a t i o n o f the i d e a l s and model o f the a n c i e n t S h i n t o -7 based I m p e r i a l s t a t e . A f t e r 1 8 7 2 t h r e e f u r t h e r periods;can be d i s c e r n e d as e x e m p l i f y i n g the n a t u r e and degree of t h e s t a t e ' s i n t e r -a c t i o n w i t h S h i n t o . Between 1 8 7 2 and 1 8 7 7 the government sponsored a j o i n t S h i n t o - B u d d h i s t - C o n f u c i a n e d u c a t i o n a l programme f o r the p r o m o t i o n o f the n a t i o n a l g o a l s o f Emperor l o y a l t y and p a t r i o t i s m . The p e r i o d 1 8 7 7 t o around 1 8 9 8 was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by an i n f l u x o f Western e n l i g h t e n e d i d e a s and a c o n c o m i t a n t marked r e d u c t i o n of the government's s t r e s s on r e l i g i o n as a c o h e s i v e f a c t o r i n n a t i o n a l l i f e . However, from the 1 8 8 0 ' s onwards s e v e r a l p o l i t i c a l moves were i n i t i a t e d w h ich were t o p l a c e the network of S h i n t o s h r i n e s i n t o an o f f i c i a l n o n - r e l i g i o u s c a t e g o r y . T h i s d e s i g n a t i o n was the f i r s t e x p r e s s i o n o f the e v o l u t i o n of S h i n t o i n t o the form of p o l i t i c a l l y m o t i v a t e d S t a t e S h i n t o . Between 1 8 9 5 and 1 9 ^ 5 , the f o u r t h p e r i o d , the • c h a r a c t e r o f the i n t e r a c t i o n o f S h i n t o and the s t a t e became t h a t of t h e complete d o m i n a t i o n of S h i n t o by p o l i t i c a l c o n c e r n s . I n t h i s f i n a l p e r i o d S t a t e S h i n t o was s u b s e r v i e n t to'; t h e d i c t a t e s o f the w i d e r k o k u t a i i d e o l o g y and as such can be v iewed as a v i r t u a l p o l i t i c a l i n s t r u m e n t f o r the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of n a t i o n a l g o a l s . I n l i g h t o f the i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s i n pre-war Japanese governments'' s u p p o r t and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f S h i n t o and the d i v e r g e n t n a t u r e of t h e r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n s o f S h i n t o , the s a i s e i  i t c h i p e r i o d i s b e s t examined s e p a r a t e l y on i t s own terms and n o t , as i s u s u a l , t r e a t e d as an i n t e g r a l p a r t of t h e 8 l a t e r State Shinto formulation. Under saisei i t c h i , the term used i n Imperial edicts of the day and by Shintoists i n government, a d i r e c t government po l i c y was disseminated by which the goals of the early M e i j i state were i d e n t i f i e d with those of the Shinto r e l i g i o n . Thiis unity, with i t s roots i n an idealized past and strongly promoted by Restoration Shinto schools, had as i t s primary intent the creation of a religio-govern-mental structure i n which kami r i t e s and government admini-s t r a t i o n were joined i n the service of the M e i j i Imperial state. Thus, the adoption of the s a i s e i i t c h i i d e a l between 1868 and 18?2, I argue, provided the early M e i j i government with a firm r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l foundation. To evaluate the e s s e n t i a l d i s t i n c t i o n between s a i s e i i t c h i and State Shinto, and to reassess the role of s a i s e i i t c h i as an ancient r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l i d e a l , a r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y and an id e o l o g i c a l basis f o r the Imperial theory of government, i t i s necessary to examine the nature of the re l a t i o n s h i p between Shinto and the c e n t r a l government administration in the f i r s t f i v e years of the M e i j i period. To t h i s end, therefore, Chapter 2 of t h i s thesis outlines the orig i n s of the s a i s e i i t c h i model which pro-vided the i n s p i r a t i o n f o r the government administrative structure that was re-established between 1869 and 1871. Chapter 3 traces the growth and development of Shinto thought which led to the r e v i v a l of Shinto as an independent 9 r e l i g i o u s e n t i t y , the s y s t e m a t i z a t i o n of S h i n t o i d e o l o g y and the c o n c o m i t a n t r i s e and i n f l u e n c e o f R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o s c h o l a r s i n t h e y e a r s s u r r o u n d i n g the M e i j i R e s t o r a -t i o n . C h a p t e r 4 examines th e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , r e l i g i o u s , i n s t i t u t i o n a l and l e g a l mechanisms s e t up i n t h e f i r s t f i v e y e a r s o f M e i j i t o promote s a i s e i i t c h i . I t w i l l f u r t h e r r a i s e the q u e s t i o n o f t h e degree o f i n f l u e n c e o f S h i n t o i d e o l o g y as w e l l as t h a t of the R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o s c h o l a r - o f f i c i a l s i n the S h i n t o o f f i c e s of the c e n t r a l government. The t h e s i s c o n c l u d e s w i t h a b r i e f e v a l u a t i o n of the r o l e and v a l u e o f s a i s e i i t c h i b o t h as a r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y and i d e o l o g i c a l f o r m u l a t i o n and i n so d o i n g p r e s e n t s a r e - a p p r a i s a l o f s a i s e i i t c h i w h i c h i s p l a c e d o u t s i d e the b r o a d e r S t a t e S h i n t o c o n s t r u c t . 10 CHAPTER 2 THE LEGACY OF ANCIENT JAPAN Almost one thousand years before the M e i j i Restoration the Japanese adopted and modified to t h e i r needs a series of administrative and l e g a l codes (Ritsuryo), o r i g i n a l l y based on the model of T'ang China (618-906). These early codes were the source of and the i n s p i r a t i o n f o r the r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of early M e i j i and provided t the model fo r the c e n t r a l government administrative bodies set up i n the f i r s t years of the M e i j i Restoration. The general government structure of early M e i j i , the t i e s between the throne, Shinto, and the c e n t r a l administrative i n s t i t u t i o n s established between 1868 and 18?1 were d i r e c t descendants of the administrative framework and kami r i t u a l o f f i c e s systema-t i z e d i n early Japan (eighth, ninth and tenth centuries). To provide an overview,of the o r i g i n s of the religio-adminis-t r a t i v e structures of early M e i j i government, t h i s chapter w i l l outline b r i e f l y the formation and systematization of the early administrative codes and the procedural instructions (engi) by which they were i n s t i t u t e d . It w i l l show which laws and i n s t i t u t i o n s were revived as facets of the early M e i j i s a i s e i i t c h i model and i n addition w i l l examine the r e l a t i o n -ship between the throne and the establishment of kami worship r i t u a l s which provided the s t a b i l i z i n g l i n k between the 11 p o l i t i c a l centre and the populace. The o r i g i n and function of the saisei i t c h i construct The loose c o l l e c t i o n of diffuse t r i b a l chiefdoms by which the p r o t o - h i s t o r i c period of Japanese history i s characterized had, by the s i x t h century, evolved to form a r e l a t i v e l y c e n t r a l i z e d state under a single r u l e r . This r u l e r , the hereditary c h i e f of the leading clan(u.ii), owed his status,to a degree, by his claim of descent from the leading, most powerful kami of the native r e l i g i o n . Thus o r i -ginated the. close r e l a t i o n s h i p between Shinto r i t e s and the Imperial house. As the "task of government grew i n weight and complexity," 1 the r e l i g i o u s element emerged as a force i n the consolidation of the Japanese state. On the other hand, there developed a separation of the secular and sacer-dotal aspects of c e n t r a l r u l e . Religious r i t u a l duties were placed i n the hands of hereditary l i t u r g i s t s while the adminis-t r a t i v e functions were given to c i v i l functionaries. This d i v i s i o n or dual nature of the c e n t r a l administration as i t evolved from e a r l i e s t times became a recognizable element of Japanese bureaucracy even before the importation of foreign administrative forms i n the seventh century. "The e a r l i e s t Japanese word fo r government i s matsurigoto, which means r e l i g i o u s observances." This term denotes that the c e n t r a l administrators p a r t i c i p a t e d i n kami r i t e s and f e s t i v a l s as part of t h e i r duties. Kami worship, p a r t i c u l a r l y the r i t e s held f o r the national d e i t i e s , u n i f i e d the dual aspects of government and helped i n the process of p o l i t i c a l c e n t r a l -i z a t i o n . Thus, to f u l l y appreciate the h i s t o r i c a l develop-ment of Japanese government, we must he gognizant of "the 3 dual nature of i t s background" J as expressed by the secular, c i v i l and l e g a l aspects and by the kami worship c u l t . I t was not, however, u n t i l the promulgation of the systematized l e g a l codes of the seventh and eighth centuries and, more concretely, i n the tenth century Engi s h i k i (Procedures of  the Engi Era) compilation that "these two streams [ f u l l y ] converge." In the seventh century, with the aim of strengthening the c e n t r a l bureaucracy v i s a v i s the influence?*of powerful landowning f a m i l i e s , T'ang dynasty administrative and l e g a l forms were imported by the Japanese r u l e r s . In 6-4-6 the influence of the Chinese model was r e f l e c t e d i n the reform edict of the second year of the "Great Change" (Taika). This reform;,; however, was l a r g e l y unsuccessful as i t f a i l e d to make accommodation f o r the p a r t i c u l a r d u a l i t y between the o f f i c i a l Imperial kami worship and the secular administra-t i v e and l e g a l system which was a feature p e c u l i a r to the Japanese scene. Consequently, i n 702 the l e g a l re-organiza-t i o n known as the Great Treasure Penal and C i v i l Law Code (TaihS ritsu-ryo) was i n s t i t u t e d . The Taiho Code, and the Yoro Code drawn up i n 718,^ provided the foundation f o r a bureaucratic and l e g i s l a t i v e framework that was to remain, though modified, u n t i l modern times. Indeed, the Yoro Code provided "the t h e o r e t i c a l basis of government u n t i l the 7 nineteenth century." Exact d e t a i l s of the Taiho Code have not survived. I t i s known, however, that i n 702 "doc-tors of law were dispatched to the various p r o v i n c i a l p governmentsftosexplain i t and see to i t s enforcement." As w i l l be shown l a t e r , t h i s type of p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n was to be used i n early M e i j i by government teachers or propa-gators (senkyoshi). By the mid-Nara Period (710-794) a cen t r a l i z e d bureau-c r a t i c hierarchy and administrative structure had been established and the theory of Emperor-centred kami worship was u n i v e r s a l l y accepted. This administrative system was to remain consistent, though f o r long periods i n e f f e c t i v e , u n t i l M e i j i . Indeed, Professor Robert H a l l argues that these early law codes constituted a v i r t u a l c o n s t i t u t i o n that was not pre-empted u n t i l the M e i j i c o n s t i t u t i o n of 1889.^  The administrative structure set up by the r i t s u - r y o From China, the Japanese imported two d i s t i n c t catego-r i e s of law. They were ryo, the administrative code govern-ing the workings of the various departments of the bureau-cracy and r i t s u , the penal codes. The Taiho and Yoro r i t s u -ryo exemplify the advances made i n bureaucratic cohesion and also mark the culmination of Chinese influence on early Japanese administrative and l e g a l forms. The basic difference from the Chinese model was the d i v i s i o n of Japanese bureau-Ik c r a t i c o f f i c e s into two branches! c i v i l and. r e l i g i o u s . By the provisions of the Yoro Code, a system of two councils (kan) and eight departments (sho) was set up. The l a t e r s i gnificance of the Yoro Code l i e s i n the fac t that i t provided the ibasic model f o r the s a i s e i i t c h i administrative structure set up i n I869. Also, to a degree, the functions of the early departmental d i v i s i o n s found a p a r a l l e l i n the early M e i j i administrative system. The Yoro Code structure was headed by the prestigious Jingikan (Council of Shinto A f f a i r s ) which supervised kami r i t e s and f e s t i v a l s , Shinto shrines and p r i e s t s as well as 10 the maintenance of the r e g i s t r y of households. The Dajokan (Council of State) was the chief secular administra-t i v e organ. Below these two bodies were the eight depart-ments of state (hachi-sho). F i r s t i n the oMer of bureau-c r a t i c rank came the Department of Central A f f a i r s (nakatsuka-sa-sho) which was responsible f o r advising the r u l e r on ceremonial matters and approving Imperial r e s c r i p t s . Second, the Department of Ceremonies (shikibu-sho)which maintained the r e g i s t e r s of a l l o f f i c i a l s and cou r t i e r s . Third i n the bureaucratic hierarchy was the Department of C i v i l Adminis-t r a t i o n (jibu-sho). The name of t h i s department, however, b e l i e s i t s r o l e which was mainly concerned with r i t u a l aad " r e l i g i o u s observances...but these matters were among 11 the p r i n c i p a l functions of government." Fourth was the Department of Home A f f a i r s (minbu-sho) which functioned as 15 the Department of the I n t e r i o r and oversaw the c o l l e c t i o n of taxes. A Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s (kazue-ryo) was a sub-d i v i s i o n of t h i s department. F i f t h was the Department of War (hyohu-sho) and Sixth was the Department of J u s t i c e (gyobu-sho) i n charge of crime and punishment. Seventh was the Department of the Treasury (okura-sho) responsible f o r the s e t t i n g of taxes and eighth was the Department of the Imperial Household (kunai-sho) which supervised the Imperial 12 palace and landholdings. Within the ranks of the above o f f i c e s the highest prestige was accorded those departments which dealt with the kami r e l i g i o n and the inner workings of the Imperial court. The Jingikan "was ranked above the c i v i l branch i n 13 p o s i t i o n because of i t s prestige and antiquity" J and was the body i n charge of a l l aspects of the kami r e l i g i o n and i t s p r a c t i t i o n e r s . Several h i s t o r i a n s stress the supreme 14 p o s i t i o n accorded the Jingikan. Yet, as i n M e i j i , when th i s model was revived, the p r a c t i c a l i t i e s of p o l i t i c a l administration prevailed, a l b e i t within the all-pervasive context of kami r i t e s and f e s t i v a l s , and the chief o f f i c e r of the Jingikan (jingi-haku), i n f a c t , held a l e s s e r p o s i t i o n and rank than the Dajokan head (d a j o d a i j i n ) . J To e f f e c t administrative e f f i c i e n c y , the two branches of government, c i v i l and r e l i g i o u s , were kept bureaucratically separate, though there was no t h e o r e t i c a l d i v i s i o n drawn between these two sectors. Administrative functions were fused i n the form of the Emperor, Imperial r i t e s and kami r e l i g i o u s 16 ceremonies. Thus, at t h i s l e v e l , there was a complete id e n t i t y of the two spheres of administration. The ancient emperors held a dual role i n government. As the d i r e c t descendants of the chief national kami (Amaterasu omikami), they were the leading r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i t i o n e r s as well as the p o l i t i c a l head of the c e n t r a l 16 bureaucracy. Thus, i n the Nara Period and i n the early 17 Heian (79^-897), Shinto or more accurately kami worship maintained a singular bond with government. Furthermore, a deity (kami) system was set up whereby the kami of power-f u l p r o v i n c i a l f a m i l i e s were ranked i n status below that of the Imperial kami and thus a degree of homogeneity was brought to both Shinto r e l i g i o n and state governance. By stressing the legitimacy of the claim to supremacy of the ancient kami-descended Imperial l i n e , the early M e i j i leaders sought also to co n t r o l the diverse l o c a l daimyo (feudal l o r d s ) . Arguably, the main achievement of the early M e i j i Dajokan was the replacement of these l o c a l lords with a system of government-appointed p r o v i n c i a l governors. The administra-tive structure recreated i n early M e i j i had close p a r a l l e l s with the administrative framework controlled by the ancient Dajokan which headed a "bureaucratic pyramid made up of ministries (sho), important o f f i c e s ( s h i k i ) , bureaux (rvo). headquarters ( f u ) , p r o v i n c i a l (kuni) and d i s t r i c t (kori) 1 8 governments." The s t a b i l i z a t i o n of the ancient administrative struc-ture characterized by the i d e n t i t y of kami r i t e s and govern-17 merit ( s a i s e i i t c h i ) can he i d e n t i f i e d by the f a c t that the d i r e c t i o n of Shinto r i t e s and practices and the duties of p o l i t i c a l government "were committed to the same hands, r e l i g i o n (shukyo) was regarded as the same thing as govern-ment (sei.ji)'. Thus, c i v i l government became placed firmly i n the context of a r e l i g i o u s world-view. The semi-mythical basis of c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n founded on r e l i g i o u s concepts became prevalent i n the Imperial edicts of the f i r s t M e i j i years which harkened back to a mythological golden age. The primary sources of these b e l i e f s were the K o j i k i (Chronicles of Ancient Matters) and the Nihon shoki (Chronicles of Japan) compiled i n the f i r s t decades of the eighth century. These works provided the major i n s p i r a t i o n for the eighteenth and nineteenth century Shinto r e v i v a l and supplied the mythico-historical basis f o r the claims by Revival Shintoists for the supremacy of the d i v i n e l y descended Imperial l i n e . Thus, i n the nineteenth century there was a restoration of the r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l legitimacy of the Imperial i n s t i t u t i o n which roughly ten centuries previously had reached the apex of. i t s influence, an i n f l u -ence accorded by the l e g a l and administrative formulations of the r i t s u - r y o period (c. 645-C.1167). The Engi s h i k i and the Shinto shrine system The Taiho and Yoro-ryo were elaborated on i n the tenth century by the formulatian of additional categories of law. 18 One of these, the s h i k i . d e t a i l e d the supplementary procedures and delineated the implementation of the e a r l i e r ryo. The f i r s t ten books of the s h i k i (Procedures) of the Engi era (901-922) dealt with measures f o r the employment of the j i n g i - r y o or the laws concerning kami worship, r i t e s and f e s t i v a l s . These procedures were necessitated by the s p e c i a l dictates of the kami r e l i g i o n , s p e c i f i c a l l y the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the ubiquitous network of Shinto shrines and the c e n t r a l government au t h o r i t i e s . The Jingi-,-- <• kan, as the c e n t r a l administrative body governing Shinto, supervised the inplementation of the expanded shrine system set out i n the Engi s h i k i . The Engi s h i k i recognized 3-132 seats of kami, the majority of which contained the tutelary kami of the leading families of the land. Two thousand eight hundred and s i x t y -one of these d e i t i e s and t h e i r sacred precincts were f o r -20 mally designated as o f f i c i a l l y registered shrines. The Grand Shrine of Ise, seat of the kami of the Imperial house, was placed at the apex of what became a ranked hierarchy of shrines, graded into higher, middle and lower categories. Thus was effected the f i r s t major consolidation of the highly diverse Shinto shrinensystem. Of s p e c i a l importance to the c e n t r a l government were the twenty-two o f f i c i a l shrines which housed the national kami. These kansha (government or national shrines) were shrines which received favoured status and were d i r e c t l y supported by the government. Kansha provided a national 19 character to the kami r i t e s c a r r i e d out by the Imperial 21 court government. The r i t e s and f e s t i v a l s performed i n the government-sponsored kansha included ceremonies for the protection of the state (kokka no soshi) as a r e l i -giously conceived e n t i t y i n which a l l kami were linked to the c e n t r a l kami of the Imperial lineage. The system-a t i z a t i o n of shrine Shinto, e s p e c i a l l y the ranking of the kami of the powerful p r o v i n c i a l f a milies below that of the Imperial house as well as the universal acceptance of the e s s e n t i a l nature of kami r i t e s , acted as a force f o r national consolidation and s t a b i l i t y . In 1868 with the o f f i c i a l elevation of Shinto which accompanied the r e s t o r a t i o n of the Imperial house to nation-a l prominence, the shrine system was again formally re-es-tablished. Using the Engi s h i k i as the basic model, shrines were accorded ranks and placed under the d i r e c t i o n of central government Shinto bodies. In 1869 the ancient Jingikan-Dajokan administrative structure was re-erected and the ancient concepts of kokka no soshi "and s a i s e i i t c h i became prevalent i n Imperial edicts. The early Mejyi government also became permeated with the ambience and forms of the ancient Shinto government structure, which were expressed by a return to the court dress and o f f i c i a l ranks and t i t l e s as l a i d out i n the early law codes. It must be stressed, however, that the r i t s u - r y o and the l a t e r Engi s h i k i were i n e f f e c t attempts to consolidate 20 a society which became increasingly characterized by p o l i t i c a l and economic fragmentation. The early law codes, although they erected a remarkable p o l i t i c a l and economic structure, were never e n t i r e l y successful when p r a c t i c a l l y applied. From the end of the tenth century, i n an era of competition between l o c a l warrior chiefs (bushi), there was a breakdown of the power of the c e n t r a l bureaucracy. The decentralized feudalism of the succeeding s i x centuries saw also the weakening of t i e s to the Imperial throne and t h e i r replacement by l o c a l allegiances. Nevertheless, the basic framework set out i n the ancient codes, though superseded, was never destroyed and remained i n the form of the o f f i c e s and ranks which governed the Imperial court. Shogun, up to and including those of the Tokugawa family, held "quite modest o f f i c e s i n the 2 2 Imperial government." During the Tokugawa period (1600-1868) , the Imperial house had l i t t l e p o l i t i c a l influence, 2 3 yet "some shadow of authority was preserved" J i n the form of court-appointed ranks and t i t l e s which were prized f o r t h e i r prestige value by hakufu o f f i c i a l s . Thus, to a degree, the c e n t r a l idea of the close i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p between throne, c i v i l bureaucracy and Shinto r i t e s remained int a c t and was preserved i n the form of the r i t u a l practices and formal o f f i c e s of the Imperial court. S a i s e i i t c h i t the etymology of the i d e a l From ancient times u n t i l around the mid-Heian period, 21 Japanese government had evolved to embody the two emerging streams: r e l i g i o u s r i t e s and c i v i l law. This i n t e r - r e l a t i o n -ship was a unique convergence of the sacred and the secular expressed inftthe r i t u a l s of the court and i n the form of bureaucratic administration. The l e g a l and r i t u a l proce-dures of the Engi s h i k i show "the depth to which the idea 2k of the state as [a] l i t u r g i c a l community had gone." The sacred r e l i g i o u s basis f o r bureaucratic government was embodied i n the i d e a l of s a i s e i i t c h i . S a i s e i i t c h i can also be used to describe the form of hamlet and v i l l a g e s o c i a l organization prevalent i n Japan u n t i l modern times. At the l o c a l socio-economic l e v e l , kami r i t e s and f e s t i v a l s centred around tutelary d e i t i e s played a s i g n i f i c a n t role i n the s o c i a l cohesion necessary i n a rice-growing culture. At t h i s l e v e l "there were no separate committees f o r shrine f e s t i v a l s and l o c a l government issues; both these things were dealt with by the same people. The i d e a l of the state outlined i n the r i t s u - r y o was one of the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p of government and r i t u a l worship. Although a d i s t i n c t i o n i s implied by the dual aspects, c i v i l and r e l i g i o u s , i d e a l l y they were fused into one c e n t r a l organism, the state, which embodied both. The etymological derivation of the term s a i s e i i t c h i ( ^ r i E X — underlines t h i s concept. The character s a i (Sft ) meaning kami r i t e s and the character s e i (.iExl) meaning government stem from the same conceptual root, matsuru which means 2 2 kami r i t e s or r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s . That i s , i n Japanese the idea of r e l i g i o u s worship (matsuru) i s i d e n t i f i e d with c i v i l government (matsurigoto). What i s i m p l i c i t here i s the i d e a l of service to an authority i n which both concepts are assimilated. I t c h i ( -— JEX ) i s usually rendered as "unity" hut since no d i s t i n c t i o n was drawn between the two facets of r u l e , " i d e n t i t y " i s perhaps a more appropriate t r a n s l a t i o n . In the term s a i s e i i t c h i , then, there i s no d i s t i n c t i o n made between s e c u l a r - c i v i l a f f a i r s and r e l i g i o u s 26 observances. The samurai, who rose to overthrow the Tokugawa bakufu and replace i t with an Imperial government, found themselves i n 1868 with the problem of erecting a new national adminis-t r a t i v e structure. These leaders, a l b e i t faced with the lack of a definable modern a l t e r n a t i v e , sanctioned the resurrection of the r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l administrative f o r -mulation of the r i t s u - r y o period and the accompanying i d e a l of s a i s e i i t c h i . Once again Shinto became i d e n t i f i e d with government and acted as a force i n the integration of the ideals of the Imperial house, the c e n t r a l bureaucracy and the nation. The main impetus behind the movement to elevate Shinto i n early M e i j i was provided by the school of Restoration or Revival Shinto. The writings of t h i s school contemporised the ancient myths and administrative theories of the Emperor-led state. Restoration Shinto theories, the culmi-23 nation of a long complex evolution of Shinto thought into modern d o c t r i n a l form, advocated the r e v i v a l of the ancient theocratic p o l i t y . Restoration Shinto adherents were highly i n f l u e n t i a l , both i n e f f e c t i n g -the consolidation of Shinto i n modern times and i n providing the i d e o l o g i c a l and d o c t r i n a l theories u t i l i z e d by the government i n the f i r s t M e i j i years to bolster Imperial r u l e . The next chapter, therefore, traces the growth and development of Shinto thought as i t evolved to influence early M e i j i leaders. 24 CHAPTER 3 THE SYSTEMATIZATION AND POLITICIZATION OF SHINTO THOUGHT With a view to e x p l i c a t i n g the basic tenets and assumptions as well as the r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l motivation behind the elevation of Shinto i n early M e i j i , the r i s e of the Restoration Shinto school and the re-emergence of the ancient i d e a l of s a i s e i i t c h i , t h i s chapter presents a b r i e f conspectus of the evolution of Shinto thought from medieval times. Shinto doctrine from the Nara periodson-wards developed under the overwhelming influence of Confu-cianism and Buddhism. This development, characterized at f i r s t by a compromise and amalgamation with these two systems, culminated i n a strong reaction to both Buddhism and Confucianism which became viewed by Sh i n t o i s t s as •foreign' r e l i g i o u s influences. This chapter argues that the emergence of Shinto as a r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l force i n M e i j i was the end product of an i n t e l l e c t u a l movement which strove to formulate a d i s t i n c t and independent r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y f o r Shinto. I t argues, further, that the evolution of Shinto doctrines and the emergence of a r e l i g i o u s s e l f -d e f i n i t i o n f o r Shinto included the broad int e r p r e t a t i o n of ancient myths and r e l i g i o u s practices to s u i t the neces-s i t a t e s of d o c t r i n a l and p o l i t i c a l expediency. 25 The Shinto doctrines which proved e s s e n t i a l as a r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the r e s t o r a t i o n of the M e i j i emperor which i n turn resulted i n the elevation of Shinto i n the M e i j i period were the product of an accretion of successive t h e o r e t i c a l formulations, the un-foldment of which spanned over eight hundred years. Three primary c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h i s development can be empha-sized as being p a r t i c u l a r l y conducive to the formation of Shinto ideology i n i t s modern form. The f i r s t was the pre-emption of the r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l : status of Shinto by Buddhism. This took the form of the Ryobu or Dual Shinto system consolidated from around the beginning of the Kama-kura period (1185-133?). The second was the cumulative ef f e c t of the d o c t r i n a l formulations which developed as a reaction to the overwhelming influence of Buddhism and Con-fucianism. Third was the work of the h i s t o r i c a l researcher Motoori Norinaga and the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n of Shinto based on an expansion of his r e l i g i o u s theories by his i d e o l o g i c a l successor, Hirata Atsutani. Ryobu Shinto (Dual Aspect Shinto) The history of Shinto from the Nara period onward i s one of increasing i n t e r a c t i o n with Buddhism. Shinto was a major facet of ce n t r a l government and the Ji n g i - r y o (laws pre s c r i b i n g the form of kami r i t u a l ) placed "ceremonies for the kami in?a d i f f e r e n t dimension from r e l i g i o n s such 26 as Buddhism."1 Buddhism and Confucianism, therefore, as independent systems, were l e f t to " s a t i s f y the emotion-2 a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l appetites" of those who sought to explore the wider s p i r i t u a l postulates not contained i n the kami religion. Under Buddhist reformers such as Kukai (774-835) and Saicho ( 7 6 7 - 8 2 2 ) , large Buddhist sects i n -creased i n influence and provided sophisticated doctrines including the notions of karma, s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n and s a l -vation through f a i t h which were lacking i n Shinto. The f o r f e i t u r e of the r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l influence of Shinto from the twelfth to the nineteenth century, the r e s u l t of the loss of p o l i t i c a l power by the court, was p a r a l l e l e d by the spread of esoteric Buddhism. The r e s u l t was a v i r t u a l l y complete amalgamation of the magic r i t u a l s and fabulous f e s t i v a l s of Buddhism with shrine Shinto ceremonies. During the Kamakura period the Shinto accommodation of Buddhism was completely systematized. This amalgamation i s c a l l e d Ryobu Shinto or Dual Aspect Shinto. Under the influence of Ryobu Shinto the kami worship t r a d i t i o n c a r r i e d out i n the major Shinto shrines under-went a fusion of i d e n t i t y with the Buddhas of the pantheon of the Shingon sect. Shinto kami thus became manifestations of these Buddhas. In this, the honji-suijaku ( o r i g i n a l sources and manifest traces) system, Shinto kami were r e l e -gated to the p o s i t i o n of being mere off-shoots of the o r i g i n a l t h i r t e e n Buddhas of Shingon. Buddhist d o c t r i n a l 27 explications, furthermore, placed kami worship i n the context of Buddhist teachings whereby "the Buddha assumes a state i n which kami and Buddha are not d i f f e r e n t things but are absolutely i d e n t i c a l . " J The kami of Shinto shrines thereby were incorporated as part Shinto and part Buddhist and acquired a dual form and function which was consolidated under the Ryobu Shinto construct. Under t h i s dual r e l i g i o u s system both Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples were managed j o i n t l y by an amalgamated priesthood (shaso). The boundaries between Shinto and Buddhism thus became increasingly obscured. Parishioners drew l i t t l e d i s t i n c t i o n between the two r e l i g i o n s . The influence of Buddhism, however, imbued Shinto with the added dimension of speculative metaphysics and, importantly, inspired Shinto scholars with the motivation to construct independent d o c t r i n a l formulations with the aim of defining Shinto*s h i s t o r i c a l role.-' Individual Shinto shrines also increasingly "sought to emphasize the d i s t i n c t i v e capacities and lineage of t h e i r own kami...as well as the unique teachings and practices passed down i n t h e i r shrine and schools."^ Thus, within the framework of the honji-suijaku amalgam which remained i n t a c t u n t i l the dramatic Shinto-Buddhist Separation of 1868, various independent Shinto r e l i g i o u s theories were developed. This development can be viewed as a movement which not only evinced the r e s i l i -ence of native Shinto b e l i e f but also exemplified a growing 28 i n t e l l e c t u a l reaction to the Ryobu Shinto system. The end product of t h i s movement was the formation of a d i s -t i n c t , separate i d e n t i t y f o r Shinto, a l b e i t a Shinto now enhanced by the r e l i g i o u s philosophies of Confucianism and Buddhism. The Shinto reaction to 'foreign' religious influences The progressive development of Shinto doctrine can be categorized into four broad streams of thought. The f i r s t , i n the f i n a l analysis, was an anti-Buddhist reaction which resulted i n the emergence of an independent viewpoint which challenged the Ryobu Shinto system. Most notable among the schools of t h i s movement were those of Ise Shinto and the scholar Kitabatake Chikafusa (1293-1354). Ise Shinto or Outer Shrine Shinto (Gegu Shinto) i n the thirteenth century fabricated a set of forgeries which were purported to be the Five Ancient C l a s s i c s of Shinto (Shinto  gobusho). These works were regarded "as a treasury of pure n Shinto teachings"' and proved extremely i n f l u e n t i a l to l a t e r Shinto scholars as a source of reference and i n s p i r a t i o n . Building on e a r l i e r moral constructs which were drawn from Buddhism, Watari Nobuyoshi (1615-1690) stressed the primacy of Amaterasu Omikami as the cen t r a l kami of the Shinto pantheon. Nobuyoshi, drawing heavily on Confucian concepts, was an ardent advocate of the Emperor-Shinto unity as the basis of good government. 29 The influence of the Ise school and the Five C l a s s i c s of Shinto i s evident i n the work of Kitabatake Chikafusa. Kitabatake i s renowned f o r his r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l formula-tions written to provide d o c t r i n a l legitimacy f o r the claims to the throne of the e x i l e d Emperor Go-Daigo (r.1318-1339)• In the Jinno shotoki (Records of the Legitimate Lineage of  the Sacred Emperors) Kitabatake revived the notion of the ancient i d e a l age of Emperor-kami worship unity. His work outlined several key themes which were to recur i n the works of Restoration Shinto. Namely, he defended the legitimacy of the Imperial l i n e by t r a c i n g i t s o r i g i n to the kami Amaterasu. The emperors, he stressed, were destined to reign over a divine land which inherently could claim unique national q u a l i t i e s and a glorious ancient c i v i l i z a t i o n . Un-l i k e his successors, however, Kitabatake did not outwardly r e j e c t Confucianism and Buddhism. Instead, he held that o these systems contained the "same es s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s " as Shinto. Kitabatake's researches underline the u t i l i t y of the Shinto heritage to bolster the Imperial cause and to provide an ethico-moral and p o l i t i c a l foundation f o r Imperial claims to power. Empeior Go-Daigo, fo r example, restored the state administrative structure and i n s t i t u t i o n s of the r i t s u - r y o o system. Kitabatake's causal explanation of Japanese h i s -tory provided a rationale f o r Imperial r e s t o r a t i o n backed by Shinto theories. This i n t e l l e c t u a l approach was taken by the Shinto r e v i v a l i s t s who sought to elevate the Emperor 30 M e i j i and of whom Kitabatake was a p r i n c i p a l forerunner. Several of Kitabatake's themes recur i n the work of the Shinto scholar Yoshida Kanemoto (1435-1511) who advo-cated a doctrine of pure and o r i g i n a l Shinto c a l l e d Yul- i t s u Shinto (Only One or Primal Shinto). Kanemoto reversed the assertions of Buddhist supremacy inherent i n the Ryobu system of hon.ji-suijaku. Thus, rather than the Shinto kami being the manifestation of o r i g i n a l Buddhas, the kami were the o r i g i n a l s and the Buddhas the apparent manifestations,, as Kanemoto stressed i n a the o l o g i c a l volte face. The work of Kanemoto, l i k e that of the Ise school, o f f e r s a broad inter p r e t a t i o n of the r o l e and p o s i t i o n of the kami i n the Buddhist schema to s u i t the dictates of his p a r t i c u l a r pos-tulates. Kanemoto's work re-emphasizes also the major concerns of Kitabatake i n that he stressed the unique pre-eminence of Japan, the d i v i n e l y descended Imperial l i n e and Shinto. He claimed that " a l l f oreign doctrines are off-shoots of S h i n t o . " 1 0 Kanemoto's philosophy, a l b e i t molded i n the crucible of Confucianism and Buddhism, was defended and enhanced by l a t e r S h i n t o i s t s . I t represents the end of "the long period of Shinto apprenticeship to a l i e n ideolo-11 gies." Henceforth, Shinto scholars would attempt hold theological interpretations from a more independent stand-point. 31 The Confucian-Shinto amalgamation In the late f i f t e e n t h century the second broad philosophical stream emerged i n the form of the adaptation of Shinto theories by Confucian scholars who "used Con-fucian ideas to enrich the significance of the Imperial 12 symbols of sovereignty." U t i l i z i n g Confucian notions, such as l o y a l t y to the virtuous r u l e r and the concept of do (the way, which was interpreted to mean the way of the 11 kami "as a p o l i t i c a l or moral norm" J ) , Shinto thought became t i e d more c l o s e l y to the p o l i t i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n s of the state. The Shinto scholar Ic h i j o Kaneyoshi (1402^-1481) stressed the Confucian v i r t u e s were both inherent i n Shinto and provided a sound basis f o r Imperial government. Kane-yoshi* s p o l i t i c a l philosophy strongly influenced the M e i j i 14 Restoration Shinto movement. The value of Confucian l o y a l -ty i n providing s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y i s thoroughly exemplified by Tokugawa r u l e . The work of Hayashi Razan (1583-1657)# leader of the school of government-sponsored orthodox Confucianism, expanded upon Shinto doctrine i n an attempt to thwart the influence of Buddhism i n government. Although Hayashi's i n f l u e n t i a l school "destroyed the old Shinto subservience to Buddhism",^ Shinto remained defined i n Confucian terms. With the writings of Yamazaki Anzai (1618-1682), Confucian Shinto (Suika Shinto) reaches i t s apogee. His combination of the u t i l i t a r i a n s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l 32 values of Confucian reverence and l o y a l t y to the r u l e r with the kami worship i d e a l was "expressed through [the concept of] devotion to t h e i r l i v i n g embodiment, the 16 Emperor." Yamazaki, however, f a i l e d to provide an adequate i n t e l l e c t u a l reasoning f o r his juxtaposition 17 of the "disparate elements" ' i n Shinto and Confucianism. Thus, l i k e many scholars i n the early development of Shinto thought, he resorted to rather abstract j u s t i f i c a -tions f o r his theories. Nevertheless, his work underlines the themes and issues which were to gather momentum i n the hands of succeeding Shinto scholars, s p e c i f i c a l l y , the f o r -mulation of independent Shinto doctrines based on the idea of the unity of Emperor reverence and kami worship. Of importance also i s the f a c t that Japanese Confucian scholars came to view the Emperor as being unconstrained by any Mandate from Heaven. Unlike the Chinese emperor who remained a chief p r i e s t i n the r e l i g i o u s sphere, the Japanese emperor acquired the q u a l i t i e s of a d i v i n i t y (kami). Imperial communications i n the form of edicts, which became so e s s e n t i a l to M e i j i governance, were to Confucian Shinto-i s t s more than a p o l i t i c a l mechanism; to them, "an Imperial 18 order was the Mandate from Heaven." The r e v i v a l of notions of Imperial d i v i n i t y gave an impetus to the work of l a t e r scholars who increasingly came to view the shogun !!as a mere delegate to the throne, and so furnished the enemies of the bakufu with the p o l i t i c a l weapon with which i t was 19 ultimately dispatched." 3 3 Kokugaku (National Learning) and the Shinto Revival The work of the Shinto scholars i n general developed a t r a d i t i o n of formal research into the records of ancient Japan. Drawing on t h i s methodology and recognizing i t s v a l i d i t y , the Kokugaku movement rose to r e j e c t "the 20 secular rationalism of Confucianism." Exemplifying the t h i r d general category of the development of Shinto thought, Kokugaku t y p i f i e s the process whereby the p o l i t i c s of revolution became imbued with r e l i g i o u s concerns. That i s , the i n t e l l e c t u a l formulations which provided the bridge between s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l y accepted norms and revolutionary action to change these norms became c o n s o l i -dated i n the writings of the Kokugaku school. This move-ment a f t e r 1800 continued to amplify the chief concerns found i n the works of previous Shinto scholars. That i s , they stressed the elevation of the Emperor, Shinto and the state as a^national entity. Kokugaku scholars, however, brought an added depth to these themes through the v a l i d i t y of t h e i r highly respected scholarship. In the hands of these scholars, Shinto "as Japan's indigenous r e l i g i o n 21 f i n a l l y emerged complete both i n name and i n f a c t . " The decisive difference between the Kokugaku p o s i t i o n and those of i t s predecessors lay i n the f a c t that i t sought to construct t h e o r e t i c a l formulations f o r Shinto which were free of the influence of Confucianism and Buddhism. Kokugaku scholars "rejected a l l metaphysics as 3 4 foreign importations and i n s i s t e d on a l i t e r a l b e l i e f i n the ancient myths as contained e s p e c i a l l y i n the 22 K o j i k i . " They repudiated much of the work of the Confucian Shintoists as inaccurate, but nevertheless expanded upon the ancient notion of the Emperor as a manifest kami (arahito-garni) and Shinto as kanagara no  michi (the way as i t i s with the gods). The most s i g n i f i c a n t influence of Kokugaku scholar-ship was i n th e i r hermeneutic explications drawn from p h i l o l o g i c a l and l i t e r a r y researches. The work of Kada Azumaru ( 1 6 6 9 - 1 7 3 6 ) and Kamo Mabuchi ( 1 6 9 7 - 1 7 6 9 ) expanded upon Yoshida Kanemoto and Kitabatake*s conceptions of the purity of Shinto, the divine land and divine emperor. Their work represents a d e f i n i t i v e r e v i v a l of Shinto. This renaissance of Shinto thought reached a pinnacle with the l i n g u i s t i c c l a r i f i c a t i o n s (of ancient textual sources) of Motoori Norinaga ( 1 7 3 0 - 1 8 0 1 ) . His t r a n s l a t i o n of the K o j i k i into the Japanese language of his day added to the canon of Revival Shinto. A c e n t r a l l y directed Shinto shrine administration (.jingi gvosei) under the Imperial house "was 23 a dream of Motoori" J who consequently stressed the primacy of the unbroken Imperial l i n e and the goddess Amaterasu who, he claimed, had accorded a sp e c i a l destiny upon a superior Japanese people and culture. 24 Motoori i s much c r i t i c i z e d f or his "fulsome formulas" which exaggerated the supremacy of Japanese t r a d i t i o n s . In his defense, i f one i s necessary, i t must be pointed out 3 5 that he was an inordinately dedicated scholar whose i n t e l l e c t u a l response to the domination of Confucian thought,though exaggerated, was due perhaps to the f r u s t r a -t i o n of a genius who sought to formulate an i n t r i n s i c a l l y pure Japanese l i t e r a r y and l i n g u i s t i c t r a d i t i o n hut had to do so within the context of "the dominion of Chinese ideas 25 and forms of expression." ^ The main achievement of the Kokugaku school was i n i t s provision of the Shinto r e v i v a l movement with an i d e o l o g i c a l foundation drawn from indigen-ous Japanese sources. This " i d e o l o g i c a l arsenal" was to he used successfully i n the cause of the r e s t o r a t i o n of the Emperor i n M e i j i . Restoration or Revival Shinto The i n h e r i t o r of the mantle of Motoori was Hirata Atsutane ( 1 7 7 6 - 1 8 4 3 ) who, though highly influenced by the work of the Kokugaku researchers, developed i n the late Tokugawa period the much more d i r e c t l y p o l i t i c i z e d school of Restoration Shinto (Fukko Shinto). If Motoori was the eminence g r i s of the e a r l i e r Shinto r e v i v a l , Atsutane was the enfant t e r E i b l e of the movement to restore or revive the g l o r i e s of the ancient Shinto t r a d i t i o n . He advocated Shinto*s r o l e as that of the primary r e l i g i o n of Japan destined to return to a leading p o s i t i o n i n the state governing construct. Government, he stated, should be that of rule by the Imperial court which headed the earthly manifestation of the realm of the kami. However, his 3 6 claims of Shinto supremacy and "kami-descended emperors as r u l e r s of the world" 2'' were at times i r r a t i o n a l and contrived. Atsutane's theories, nevertheless, r e f l e c t e d a new realism and a degree of idealism and were expressed i n r e l a t i v e l y e a s i l y understood language. This, an inno-vative step i n the i n t e l l e c t u a l discourse of the day, brought a much wider audience to the writings and lectures of Atsutane and also endowed hi s works with the capacity for projecting "the f e l t perceptions of those s o c i a l groups which had not been represented i n the formalized conscious-ness of Tokugawa Japan." These,groups, fo r example, lower ranked samurai, r i c h commoners as well as Shinto p r i e s t s , were inspired by Atsutane's moral view that the e v i l i n the world ( s p e c i f i c a l l y , the severe s t r i c t u r e s of Tokugawa l i f e ) was r e c t i f i a b l e by the actions of man. Furthermore, his complex theological constructions imbued the theories of Motoori with a d i r e c t l y r e l i g i o u s aspect and provided a more un i v e r s a l l y appealing theological dimension to Shinto. His doctrine was an e c l e c t i c compro-mise of both native and foreign r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n s , a f a c t that engendered considerable c r i t i c i s m i n the 1 8 7 0 ' s by those who opposed the influence of Hirata school teach-29 ing i n government educational programmes. 7 In the atmosphere of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l tension & caused by the i n t e r n a l and external threats to shogunal authority that characterized the bakumatsu period ( 1 8 5 3 -37 1868), the teachings of Hirata, e s p e c i a l l y his advocacy of the s u p e r i o r i t y of Shinto, the Imperial l i n e and the Japanese as a people, acquired a more immediate p o l i t i c a l aspect. His doctrine, promoted by his successor Hirata Kanetane (1799-1880), placed shogun and daimyo i n a position of ethico-moral subservience to the throne. Furthermore, many i n a l l walks of l i f e saw k a the work of the Hirata school as a d i r e c t summons f o r s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l reform. At the time of Atsutane's death there were 1,330 30 active d i s c i p l e s within the Hirata school-' and from the 1860's onwards under Kanetane the number grew extensively. This following, which by 1868 numbered 4,000 adherents, "produced some of the 'men of high purpose* (shishi) of the 31 M e i j i Restoration" J who sought the p o l i t i c a l r e v i v a l of the Emperor and the downfall of the bakufu. The Hirata school became a prime force i n the general Shinto r e v i v a l of the late Tokugawa period and became highly i n f l u e n t i a l when a l l i e d to the p o l i t i c a l movement which sought to replace sh5gunal rule by a r e s t o r a t i o n of the Imperial house. Under leaders l i k e Kanetane, Restoration Shinto formed a d i r e c t l i n k with the court and Restoration Shinto-i s t s vigorously petitioned Imperial o f f i c i a l s to promote the r e v i v a l of the s a i s e i i t c h i model of government and the ancient Jingikan. These p e t i t i o n s were to prove e f f e c t i v e and s a i s e i i t c h i was adopted i n 1868 as the mainstay of the new government's po l i c y on r e l i g i o n . 38 Hirata school adherents also were accorded o f f i c i a l positions i n the revived Shinto administrative o f f i c e s of the c e n t r a l government. Thus, i n the f i r s t years of the era the M e i j i leaders upheld a p o l i t i c a l theory based on the model of ancient Japan r e v i v i f i e d by the ideas of Restoration Shinto. This thought incorporated a Confucian view of the state with the ancient Shinto based notion of the i d e n t i t y of p o l i t i c a l government and kami worship.(saisei i t c h i ) . The development of Shinto thought, which was expressed i n the d o c t r i n a l formulations of numerous scholars from around the beginning of the Kamakura era to the bakumatsu period, i s one of amalgamation and compromise with impor-ted r e l i g i o - e t h i c a l systems. The conclusions drawn herein aretthat t h i s evolution exemplifies a consistent e f f o r t to both re-appraise Shinto b e l i e f s i n terms of the other great r e l i g i o n s of Buddhism and Confucianism and to u t i l i z e the knowledge gained from t h i s re-appraisal i n order to formulate a d i s t i n c t s e l f - i d e n t i t y f o r Shinto as an independent r e l i g i o u s system. Shinto thought, therefore, evolved within a philosophical matrix of diverse ideo-logies which, though d i s t i n c t , became integrated and were manipulated to f i t the framework of the broad interpreta-tions of ancient myths and r e l i g i o u s practices which com-pri s e the Shinto r e l i g i o n . Over a period of eight centuries the theanthropic kami worship of Japan acquired a set of t h e o l o g i c a l con-39 structs which became relevant when applied i n the r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l context. That i s , the four general streams of Shinto thought converged i n the re-surgence and systematization of the ethos of the Emperor worship-state duality expressed by the i d e a l of s a i s e i  i t c h i . Furthermore, Shinto theories r e v i t a l i z e d , expanded and manufactured i n Tokugawa times became an id e o l o g i c a l l e g i t i m i z i n g f a c t o r ^ f o r the M e i j i Restoration. The ethico-moral constructs of Shinto provided the r a t i o n -a l i z a t i o n s f o r superceding and breaking established t i e s and l o y a l t i e s . Thus, t h i s p o l i t i c i z e d Shinto became a dynamic element i n s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l transformation. Shinto i n t e l l e c t u a l s , then, had formulated the ideology by which Shinto a l l i e d to the Imperial cause ceased being dormant and acquired a strong i d e n t i t y as the r e l i g i o n which made "more e x p l i c i t the moral basis of [ p o l i t i c a l ] action. •-^ The p o s i t i o n and role of Shinto h i s t o r i c a l l y was dependent upon the p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n of the Imperial house to which i t was by d e f i n i t i o n i n e x t r i c a b l y linked. Thus, Revival Shinto, exalting the ideals of the ancient l i t u r g i c a l state, became the instrument which provided the i d e o l o g i -c a l unity which lent an added impetus to the many-faceted rest o r a t i o n movement. Shinto doctrine, then, became u t i l i z e d on an i d e o l o g i c a l l e v e l by p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t s 14 as "the l i n k between action and fundamental b e l i e f . " ^ The influence of Shinto ideology, vOn = the p o l i t i c s of the Imperial re s t o r a t i o n can be measured by the degree to which the Shinto r e v i v a l i s t theory of the i d e n t i t y of Shinto with the Imperial state was adopted by the new M e i j i government. The p o l i t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s i d e n t i t y as expressed by the i d e a l of s a i s e i i t c h i i s discussed i n the next chapter. 41 CHAPTER 4 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SAISEI ITCHI The previous two chapters have shown s a i s e i i t c h i hoth as the administrative model of the ancient theocratic state construct and as an e s s e n t i a l paradigm i n the deve-lopment of Shinto as a modern ideology. These two aspects of s a i s e i i t c h i , that i s , as an administrative model and as a r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l theory of state, became prevalent i n the early M e i j i years. S a i s e i i t c h i furthermore was promoted as the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of the government and consequently became the i n s p i r a t i o n f o r the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of the Shinto r e l i g i o u s structure. This chapter, therefore, deals with the p o l i t i c a l establishment of the s a i s e i i t c h i model from an i n s t i t u t i o n a l and l e g a l standpoint. That i s , i t examines the administrative mechanisms and l e g i s l a t i o n whereby the i d e o l o g i c a l i d e a l of s a i s e i i t c h i was applied as both a r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y and as part of the early M e i j i p o l i t i c a l and administrative construct. Further, t h i s chapter, by analyzing the programmes and personnel of Shinto administrative bodies, examines the influence of Restoration Shinto groups i n the promotion of the early M e i j i r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y . This chapter argues that the s a i s e i i t c h i i d e a l as expressed i n contemporary Imperial edicts and other l e g i s l a t i v e measures formed a consistent r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y i n the f i r s t few years of M e i j i . Since the r e l i g i o u s goals of Shintoists coincided with the aim 42 of national s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l cohesion stressed by the p o l i t i c a l leaders, Shinto as a r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure was re-established as the r e l i g i o u s arm of the i d e n t i t y of r e l i g i o n and government. The r e s u l t of t h i s i d e n t i t y , I posit, which culminated i n the r e v i v a l of ancient administrative forms i n ,1869, placed early M e i j i government to a considerable degree i n a thorough-going r e l i g i o u s context. Part One: The Re-instatement of the Imperial House 1867 - 1868 By the 1860's the pro-Shinto i n t e l l e c t u a l movement became d i r e c t l y active i n the debate surrounding the pro-blem posed by the incursion of foreign navies into Japanese waters. In the f i f t e e n years which had elapsed since the v i s i t of Commodore Perry's 'black ships' to Edo Bay i n 1853» there had been a gradual decline i n shSgunal power. The weaknesses of bakufu leaders became accentuated by i n a b i l i t y to f i n d an acceptable solution to the demands of foreign powers. The Imperial court also, as a t r a d i t i o n -a l l e g i t i m i z i n g body for the c e n t r a l p o l i t i c a l r u l e r , became involved with the fate of a Japan now exposed to J;he vagaries of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s of imperialism. In an atmosphere of general Shinto r e v i v a l and moves to restore the r e l i g i o u s authority of the throne, Emperor Komei (r.1847-1867) i n 1853 journeyed tothe Grand Shrine ^3 of Ise, seat of the ancestral goddess of the Imperial l i n e . There he requested divine intervention against i the threat posed by foreign 'barbarians'. Amaterasu Omikami, however, f a i l e d to intervene. Nor did she produce an equivalent of the kamikaze (divine winds) which had so e f f e c t i v e l y destroyed the Mongol invasion s i x centuries e a r l i e r . Instead, the goddess and the Imperial symbol became the figureheads around which the anti-bakufu forces r a l l i e d . The Shogun K e i k i i n turn "sought co u n c i l from the Imperial court and the feudal lords on the momentous problem presented by the demands 2 of Commodore Perry." By 1867 the bakufu was i n serious trouble. In the face of modern change many of the socio-economic and p o l i -t i c a l constructs of the two hundred-year-old bakuhan system were crumbling. In short, "the shogun's ru l e was disintegrating, was not s u f f i c i e n t l y national, was resen-ted."^ In t h i s atmosphere of national insecurity, p o l i t i -c a l tension and, to a degree, s o c i a l fragmentation, new voices rose to demand a part i n the decision-making process. To the majority the national dilemma was viewed as a "struggle to determine the future of the Imperial i n s t i t u t i o n and the Tokugawa family."^ At the same time, however, p o l i t i c a l decision-making was r e s t r i c t e d to the hands of a narrow p o l i t i c a l e l i t e . Among the masses many "did not even r e a l i z e there was an Emperor."-' I t 44 was among the educated, e l i t i s t factions, then, that the anti-shogun pro-Emperor struggle was ca r r i e d out. Injected into the movement to reassert Imperial authority were two primarily r e l i g i o u s factors which were to prove of c r u c i a l import i n the re-establishment of the Emperor to national prominence. The f i r s t was Shinto which provided the inherent legitimacy f o r s t r e s s -ing the supremacy of the d i v i n e l y descended Imperial l i n e as well as the i n s p i r a t i o n f o r the r e v i v a l of the ancient theory of Shinto government unity ( s a i s e i i t c h i ) . This unity was deemed desirable by both court and rebel han leaders as a bulwark to the Imperial cause. A u n i f i e d national p o l i t i c a l system exemplified by a Shinto-state-Emperor construct with throne at i t s apex was f o r the f i r s t f i v e years of M e i j i a chief goal of government leaders i n the aftermath of p o l i t i c a l upheaval. The second factor was the active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Imperial cause of Restoration and Revival Shinto groups i n Kyoto i n the 1860's. These men, c h i e f l y of the Hirata school, were to have an i n f l u e n t i a l role i n the formation of the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c i e s adopted by the court. The r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l aspect proved to be of e s s e n t i a l worth to the Imperial cause, This ideology i n the main was promoted by Restoration Shinto schools, members of which were i n f l u e n t i a l i n court c i r c l e s from the 1860's onwards. 45 Hirata school scholars tutored the court on R e v i v a l i s t Shinto doctrines. These teachers disseminated the theory of Emperor-Shinto i d e n t i t y that had been an i n t r i n s i c part of ancient Japanese government. Restoration Shinto ideas, then, became part of a planned programme by courtiers and i n t e l l e c t u a l s who sought to restore the Emperor to p o l i t i c a l prominence. Consequently, Restoration Shinto ideologues became instrumental i n the formation and implementation of the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of s a i s e i i t c h i . In November 1867, Shogun K e i k i , having f a i l e d to q u e l l the r i s i n g tide of reformist zeal or gain the support of the court, submitted his resignation to the throne. Reiki's l e t t e r expressed the need fo r a strong c e n t r a l i z e d authority to e f f e c t p o l i t i c a l control and counter the impending danger of "foreign intercourse."^ The shogun proposed that i f the old order of things be changed then administrative authority be restored to the Imperial court.^ K e i k i , thus, recognized the Imperial symbol and court as a s t i l l v i t a l element i n national governance. Under the leadership of the court, he stated, national p o l i t i c a l cohesion and u n i f i e d government could be achieved. On November 12 , I867, the shogun's resignation was accepted by the perfunctory statement: "Tokugawa Keiki's proposal to restore the admin-i s t r a t i v e authority to the Imperial court i s accepted by o the Emperor." On January 3 , 1968 the sixteen year-old Emperor, the singular unifying symbol i n the nation, pro-claimed his r e s t o r a t i o n to power. 46 P o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s factions i n and behind the f i r s t  Me i.i i government The events surrounding the Imperial r e s t o r a t i o n from the early 1860's to the winter of I867 are character-ized by i n t r i c a t e p o l i t i c a l maneuvring and complex machi-nations by numerous p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t groups. The f i r s t f i v e years of M e i j i , indeed, comprise a rather gray area o i n Japanese history, one " d i f f i c u l t to chart" with complete accuracy. Three factions, however, can be d i s -cerned as emerging as predominant i n the new government structure. The f i r s t and m i l i t a r i l y most important was the young samurai administrators who made "the v i t a l 10 decisions" i n t h e i r own domains and who led the armies of Choshu, Satsuma and Tosa against the Tokugawa house. Notably, Kido Koin, Skubo Toshimichi and Saigo Takamori held a resentment f o r the Tokugawa that "was almost pathological i n i t s i n t e n s i t y . " 1 1 Together with the courtier Iwakura Tomomi, they formed the to-baku ( a n t i -bakufu) f a c t i o n which sought no compromise with the bakufu. The samurai who were the leading p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y makers i n early M e i j i u t i l i s e d the Imperial personage as the r a l l y i n g symbol f o r t h e i r cause. Thus, p o l i t i c a l problems became intermingled with the status of the Emperor and his Shinto heritage. The second predomiantly successful f a c t i o n was com-47 posed of those nobles who supported the moves to increase the p o l i t i c a l power and r e l i g i o u s prestige of the throne, moves which brought them into the centre of the p o l i t i c a l scene. They thus fostered the ideals of Emperor-Shinto — 12 elevation, were t a l l i e s of the to-baku f a c t i o n " and were greatly influenced by the ambitious and f o r c e f u l Prince Iwakura Tomomi (1825-1883). Iwakura was ardently 13 "priest-minded", that i s , he was "strongly influenced by the Kokugaku scholar Tamamatsu Misao" of the Hirata school and was desirous of the return of the r e l i g i o u s authority of the Emperor on a national scale. Iwakura with fellow nobleman Sanjo Sanetomi (1837-1891) i s credited (and blamed) for the promotion of the a b s o l u t i s t pro-Shinto r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y and i t s acceptance i n court c i r c l e s and f o r h i s supports of the Restoration Shinto i d e a l of s a i s e i i t c h i . The i n i t i a l success of " t h i s p o l i c y was due to Iwakura Tomomi and Sanjo Sanetomi who were [to become] c e n t r a l figures i n the new government." 1^ Iwakura "was representative of the [ i d e a l s ] of the resto-— 1 f, r a t i o n [to-baku1 f a c t i o n " which he led with considerable authority. Iwakura had the foresight and insight to recognize the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of harnessing the nation under the Imperial symbol backed by a c e n t r a l l y directed unity of Shinto and the state. He was, i f any one man was, c h i e f l y responsible f o r the s a i s e i i t c h i r e v i v a l i n the f i r s t M e i j i years. 48 The t h i r d f a c t i o n was that comprised of Restoration Shinto scholars, primarily those of the Hirata school. Members of th i s group were close advisors to Iwakura and to several strongly pro-Shinto daimyo. The daimyo most prominent i n the promotion of Shinto were Kamei Koremi (1823-1885) of Tsuwano han and Matsudaira Yoshinaga of Echizen. Yoshinaga was a strong pro-Shinto advocate, f a n a t i c a l l y anti-Biddhist and anti-Confucianist. He was among the f i r s t daimyo to undermine the Tokugawa sankin- kotai system (enforced residence i n Edo) and his defection to ithe Imperial cause considerably weakened the shogunate. As head of the early M e i j i University (daigako Betto) i n 1869, he wielded considerable influence i n education. Kamei Koremi held high o f f i c e i n the major Shinto administrative i n s t i t u t i o n s of the ce n t r a l government and had as his chief advisor Fukuba B i s e i (1831-1907), who was an extremely i n f l u e n t i a l force i n the Hirata school. From around the mid-nineteenth century Tsuwano had carried out r e l i g i o u s reforms to strengthen the han economy at the expense of Buddhism and to increase the influence of Shinto. In the late Tokugawa period s i m i l a r r e s t r i c t i o n s on Buddhist influence and moves to elevate Shinto had been ca r r i e d out by pro-Shinto reformers i n Satsuma under Shimazu Nariakira, i n Okayama under I&eda Mitsumasa and in Mito under Tokugawa Mitsukuni. The reforms were mainly i n the form of the reduction of the number of 4 9 Buddhist temples, the taking over of temple property to increase han finances and the u t i l i z a t i o n of Shinto shrines to replace Buddhist temples as centres of family r e g i s t r a t i o n . ^ Fronr'rthe 1850's Hirata school influence acquired an increasing impact among i n t e l l e c t u a l s of the Kokugaku movement i n general. Importantly, also, they tutored the court and Emperor i n the ancient texts and acted as close advisors to p o l i t i c a l l y i n f l u e n t i a l daimyo. The Hirata school and i t s branches were centred around Hirata Kanetane i n Kyoto during the decade of the 1860's. Kanetane had over four thousand adherents who were drawn from a broad spectrum of the well-to-do sections of society, including "upper- and middle-class merchants and artisans, lower-class warriors, and i n farm v i l l a g e s r i c h farmers, l o c a l 19 c a p i t a l i s t i c landlords, and Shinto p r i e s t s . " 7 Thus, as suggested e a r l i e r , the p o l i t i c i z e d aspect of Hirata school doctrine greatly inspired those classes of Tokugawa society who f e l t s t i f l e d by the s o c i a l circumscription and lack of p o l i t i c a l mobility inherent i n bakufu r u l e . However, by the mid-1860's the ranks of the Hirata school had swollen to include upper-class samurai as the majority of new converts. These men found i n the teachings of Hirata a r e l i g i o - i n t e l l e c t u a l buttress to the p o l i t i c a l movement 20 which sought to end bakufu domination. The adherents of the Hirata school, though not the only i n t e l l e c t u a l force behind the restoration of Emperor 50 M e i j i , became "without doubt the most important." In the l a t e Tokugawa period, the Shinto i n t e l l e c t u a l movement became highly p o l i t i c i z e d and advocated a return to the s a i s e i i t c h i Jingikan-Dajokan administrative system of the ancient l i t u r g i c a l state. I t was a n t i -Buddhist and became c l o s e l y aligned with the movement to return the Emperor to p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s authority. By means of lectures, p e t i t i o n s and personal presentations, the followers of Hirata "found a hearing i n the court i n Kyoto, about the Emperor, most importantly i n Prince 2 2 Iwakura." In due course, i n the f i r s t years of M e i j i , from positions i n high-level government o f f i c e s , members of the Hirata school were to promote Shinto concerns and pro-Shinto r e l i g i o u s p o l i c i e s . F u j i t a n i Toshio, a leading authority ontthe Emperor system, states that Hirata school adherents were the people at the heart of the government's r e l i g i o u s policy, were close confidants of Iwakura and Sanjo who i n turn were responsible for the placing of Kokugaku scholars into positions of p o w e r . A s a whole, then, from around 1 8 5 0 to I 8 6 7 Hirata school members were active on the p o l i t i c a l l e v e l as advisors to nan p o l i c y makers and pro-Shinto c o u r t i e r s and from 1 8 6 8 to 1 8 7 2 held government o f f i c e s from which they promoted the e l e -vation of Shinto to i t s former p o s i t i o n of national promin-ence . 51 The Jingikan r e v i v a l movement The various schools of Restoration Shinto which stressed the necessity of a return to the ancient J i n g i -kan-Dajokan administrative structure thus promoted the r e l i g i o u s ideology and r e l i g i o u s p o l i c i e s of Revival Shinto as a firm p o l i t i c a l goal. Indeed, the p o l i t i c a l moves by Shintoists between 1840 and 1 8 6 9 can be viewed as a gradual process f o r the re s t o r a t i o n of the Jingikan to i t s former p o l i t i c a l prominence. This was achieved i n August, I 8 6 9 . As stated above the r e v i v a l of Shinto took i t s f i r s t p o l i t i c a l form i n the actions of pro-Shinto daimyo. Shinto also, as a l l i e d to the r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l authority of the throne, became more i n d i r e c t l y involved i n the a n t i -foreign movements from the 1840's onwards. In Kyoto i n 184? and i n 1849 Emperor Komei held Shinto r i t e s i n which i t was proclaimed that to achieve national peace a l l foreign-ers should be expelled. Imperial messengers were sent to relay t h i s message to the twenty-two major Shinto shrines 24 of the nation. In I 8 6 3 having achieved a degree of consolidation, the anti-Tokugawa forces acted on a recom-mendation by the leaders of Choshu han which proposed the u t i l i z a t i o n of the Emperor and Shinto r i t e s i n the a n t i -foreign cause. The Shinto ceremonies which were c a r r i e d out Ise Shrine, the Imperial court and the twenty-two 52 national shrines were those of the Muromachi period (1392-1568). Late Muromachi Shinto was predominantly that of the Yoshida school which followed the d o c t r i n a l formulations of Yoshida Kanemoto. Thus, i n I865 the Yoshida family was again brought to prominence as part of the Emperor Komei's po l i c y f o r the restoration of major shrine f e s t i v a l s . The leader of the Yoshida school Yoshida Ryogi (1821-1888) was to hold high o f f i c e i n various Shinto o f f i c e s of the M e i j i government. The r e v i v a l of the influence of Yoshida Shinto brought back "an era of Shinto prosperity and was a posi t i v e development i n 25 the re-establishment of the influence of the Jingikan." The recommendation by Choshu that Muromachi Shinto be promoted by the Imperial house met with opposition from Imperial court nobles and Restoration Shinto scholars who proposed that the court restore the r i t e s of the ancient Jingikan as l a i d out i n the Engi s h i k i . This difference i n opinion as to the r e l i g i o u s model to be adopted was also r e f l e c t e d i n arguments over the choice of p o l i t i c a l structure to be adopted to re-place the bakufu. According to one authority, both the Choshu and Satsuma daimyo held that the " i d e a l government was that 27 of the end of the sixteenth century." This system was that of national rule by a council of f i v e leading daimyo. Many of the younger samurai of Choshu, Satsuma and Tosa, who were the mainstay of the M e i j i Restoration and whose primary goal was that of national consolidation under a strong central authority, maintained that the best government was that of 53 t h e C o n f u c i a n c o n c e p t i o n o f r u l e b y m e n o f v i r t u e w h o w o u l d c o m r p i s e " a c o u n c i l o f e l d e r s [ b u t i n w h i c h ] p o p u l a r o p i n i o n 28 w a s c o n s u l t e d i n v a r i o u s w a y s . " T h e l a t e M u r o m a c h i m o d e l w a s a l s o o p p o s e d b y R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o i s t s a n d s e v e r a l p r o -E m p e r o r d a i m y o w h o s o u g h t t h e r e v i v a l o f t h e p r e - f e u d a l I m p e r i a l b u r e a u c r a c y . T h i s p r o p o s a l " w a s n o t o n l y r a d i c a l , b u t r e v o l u t i o n a r y i n i t s p r o p o s i t i o n , i n a s m u c h a s i t a i m e d a t 29 t h e a b o l i t i o n o f t h e s h o g u n a t e a n d e v e n o f t h e d a i m i a t e s . " T h e r e w a s , t h e n , c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s c u s s i o n a m o n g t h e v a r i o u s p o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n s a s t o t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f o r m o f t h e f i r s t M e i j i g o v e r n m e n t . B y t h e 1 8 6 0 ' s t h e J i n g i k a n r e v i v a l m o v e m e n t g a i n e d i n m o m e n t u m a n d s t r o n g l y p r o m o t e d a r e t u r n t o t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e m o d e l o f t h e a n c i e n t I m p e r i a l b u r e a u c r a c y . I n d e e d , t h e t e r m D a j o k a n w h i c h o r i g i n a t e d i n t h e a n c i e n t s t r u c t u r e w a s u s e d f r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g a s t h e g e n e r a l n a m e f o r t h e e a r l y M e i j i c e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t . I n J u l y 1867, t h e I w a k u r a t o - b a k u f a c t i o n s o u g h t a d v i c e f r o m H i r a t a K a n e t a n e o n t h e s u b j e c t o f r e l i g i o u s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e 30 f o r m s . K a n e t a n e i n a " s e c r e t m e m o r i a l " - ^ t o t h e I w a k u r a g r o u p ' s e t f o r t h a n e i g h t c l a u s e p o l i t i c a l p r o g r a m m e f o r t h e r e -v i v a l o f t h e J i n g i k a n . K a n e t a n e a l s o r e c o m m e n d e d t h e r e m o v a l o f a l l t i e s b e t w e e n B u d d h i s m a n d t h e I m p e r i a l c o u r t . I n D e c e m b e r 1867, a d e t a i l e d p o l i c y f o r t h e " u n i t y o f w o r s h i p 31 a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( s a i s e i i t c h i ) , r c e n t r e d o n S h i n t o i s m " w a s p r e s e n t e d t o t h e c o u r t b y Y a n o G e n d o ( I 8 2 3 - I 8 8 7 ) . G e n d o , a l e a d e r o f t h e H i r a t a s c h o o l , s t r o n g l y p r o m o t e d t h e r e t u r n 5* of the Shinto administrative bodies of the ancient bureau-cracy. Thus, the theories of Motoori and Hirata Atsutane found an i n f l u e n t i a l following at the highest l e v e l s of p o l i t i c a l power. P a r t i c u l a r l y i n f l u e n t i a l was Iwakura's p r i n c i p a l advisor Tamamatsu Misao (1810-1872) who was an Hirata school advocate and student of Okuni Takamasa (1792-1871) of Tsuwano. Okuni also acted as advisor to the promi-nent courtier Tokudaiji Sanenori (I838-I919) who was to hold highly i n f l u e n t i a l posts i n M e i j i departments of Home Affairs,; Another pro-Shinto figure who was to hold high o f f i c e i n early M e i j i governments and who played a key role i n the formation and enactment of Shinto r e l i g i o u s p o l i c i e s was Maruyama Sakura (1840 -1944) . A Shimabara samurai and p u p i l of Hirata Kanetane, Sakura was a leading force i n the Jingikan r e v i v a l movement. The r e s t o r a t i o n of the Jingikan "was a 32 l i f e - l o n g heartdesire of Sakura,."^ and one which he strove for long af t e r the early M e i j i Jingikan had come and gone. He was an ardent exponent of the adoption of ancient court r i t u a l forms and ranks. Sakura was c l o s e l y associated with Iwakura i n the formation of early M e i j i Shinto administrative bodies and, as a Restoration Shinto i n t e l l e c t u a l , he upheld 33 "the Jingikan r e s t o r a t i o n as the s p i r i t u a l f u l c r u m " J J of t h e i r ideas. On August 1 7 , I867 the f i r s t r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l conception of the new government was indicated by a statement issued by the court which c a l l e d f o r a r e v i v a l of the ancient Imperial 55 "bureaucracy. This statement read: " I t i s our desire to restore the respective t r a d i t i o n a l [Shinto] ceremonies of 34 the Dajokan and restore the Jingikan. This was a c l e a r statement of the formal adoption i n c e n t r a l government c i r c l e s of a p o l i c y to r e - i n s t a t e the Jingikan and led to the establishment of the J i n g i - k a (Shinto Office) i n the central government i n February 1868. On December ?, 186? a group of leading courtiers presented to the throne a d e f i n i t e proposal f o r the o f f i c i a l establishment of the ancient Jingikan-Da.jokan structure. This was formally accepted as court p o l i c y and the f i r s t Imperial edict c a l l e d for a return to the system of s a i s e i i t c h i . Part Two: I n i t i a l Experimentation with Administrative Forms  1868-1869 The administrative mechanisms by which Shinto was introduced as part of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure of the early M e i j i state were formed by a gradual process character-ized by a consistent experimentation with governmental forms. From the beginning of 1868 and the v i c t o r y of the to-baku faction, the c e n t r a l authorities issued a stream of orders f o r s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s change. 1868 was a year of p o l i t i c a l experiment,, resurrection and innovation. Major p o l i t i c a l and administrative innovations were announced by means of Imperial edicts expressed i n the terminology of the ancient Imperial state. The Imperial edicts, nevertheless, 56 however much couched i n nostalgic Shinto-state r h e t o r i c , did exemplify the tenor of the time which was that of a desire to recreate the i d e a l of r i t u a l p u r i t y and administra-tive c l a r i t y of the i d e a l i z e d ancient structure. However, the exact form t h i s construct was to take i n modern times was, i n early 1868, uncertain. From 1868 to 1872, never-theless, "public opinion conceived of d i r e c t Imperial rule as a going back to the ancient Japanese past."-^ The court leaders, e s p e c i a l l y Iwakura and Sanjo, supported by Restoration Shinto groups upheld a r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y which would advance the establishment of s a i s e i i t c h i . In upholding the profoundly r e l i g i o u s view of the throne and i t s place i n government, Iwakura stated that the Emperor was i d e n t i c a l with heaven and descended from a continuous heaven-l y lineage; "consequently, the path of s a i s e i i t c h i was c l e a r l y a 37 celebration of something which proceeded from a divine source."' In 1868 the samurai leader, Kido Koin, as his diary attests, was at f i r s t overawed by the proximity of the Imperial personage with whom he formed a close and p r a c t i c a l friendship. Kido also understood and supported a l l e f f o r t s to elevate' the Imperial symbol. Both court and samurai leaders r e a l i z e d the advantage of promoting Shinto, both to bolster the status of the c e n t r a l government and to inculcate a national allegiance to the throne by means of a universal Shinto ideology. They also saw the u t i l i t y , i n face of a lack of acceptable modern alternatives, of the re-introduction 57 of the l e g a l and administrative codes of the seventh and eighth centuries. Shinto r i t e s and f e s t i v a l s quickly predominated to become a hallmark of a l l major l e g i s l a t i v e and i n s t i t u t i o n a l reform. These transformations were invariably presented by means of Imperial edicts heralded amid the fanfare of Shinto ceremonies presided over by the Emperor. Thus, the p o l i t i c a l promulgation of new laws was placed i n the context of r e l i g i o n . Shinto added the dimension of divine authority and mystical import to the regal solemnity of these occasions. This aspect of l e g i s l a t i v e pronouncements was extended also to a l l forms of secular reform. The Emperor "spoke less l i k e a modern chief of state than l i k e the ancient sage-king." £ Shinto, then, which provided the sacred authority and prestige to kingship, also played a major role i n the introduction and acceptance of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l as well as r e l i g i o u s change. The Shichi-ka (Seven Offices of State) administrative reform  and the establishment of the J i n g i - k a (Shinto Office) On January 3, 1868 the anti-shogunate (to-baku) f a c t i o n took command of the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n centred around the courtiers, daimyo and samurai assembled at the Imperial court i n Kyoto. I t was at t h i s juncture that Iwakura began to take control. He "knew pre c i s e l y what he wanted to do and how he wanted to do i t . " 2 * 0 Iwakura and his 5 8 advisors drafted a considerable number of legislative and administrative proposals as well as the Imperial Restoration E d i c t . The Restoration E d i c t of January 3, proclaiming the return to power of the Imperial house, was composed after seeking the advice of Yano Gendo, a primary advocate of s a i s e i i t c h i . The r e s c r i p t was the f i r s t p o l i t i c a l declaration of the new regime. I t contained the f i r s t public announcement of the importance to be placed on Shinto r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l constructs by the new government. The Emperor also on January 3i following guidelines set 41 out by Iwakura, announced the establishment of the f i r s t of several administrative structures. This, the San shoku (Three Offices of Government) system, was composed of a sosai (President or chief executive o f f i c e r ) , a council of gijo (senior or c o n c i l l o r s f i r s t class) and under t h i s , a junior executive body comprised of sanyo (junior or c o u n c i l l o r s second c l a s s ) . At this early period, the final decision on the form of government administrative bodies lay with the Iwakura f a c t i o n which also was closest to the court and the members of which, as g i j o , held the e f f e c t i v e reins of power. As f a r as r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y was concerned, the Iwakura group received the d i r e c t support of those Sh i n t o i s t s given o f f i c e i n the San shoku structure. These included the gijo Shirakawa Sukenori and Yoshida Ryogi of the t r a d i t i o n a l orthodox Shinto families both of whom were also of court rank. 59 The more progressive Shinto schools were represented by, among others, the sanyo Hirata Kanetane and the daimyo Kamei Koremi and Shimazu Tadayoshi of Satsuma who also held g i j o rank. By February 1868, with the defeat of the Tokugawa forces at the Battle of Toba-Fushimi, and thus i n an atmos-phere of increased security and confidence, the Imperial council was i n a p o s i t i o n to re-organize the administrative structure along more systematic and e f f e c t i v e l i n e s . On February 10, 1868 the San shoku system was replaced by six administrative o f f i c e s (ka). These were a Home Office, Foreign Office, Offices of the Army and Navy, Finance, 42 Justice and I n s t i t u t i o n a l L e g i s l a t i o n . The cabinet council (Byogi), however, decided i t was "necessary to add an o f f i c e of (Shinto) d e i t i e s . " J Shinto, then, was accorded a voice 44 i n p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s and the Ji n g i - k a and the various Shinto administrative bodies which succeeded i t would hence-f o r t h be the crucible f o r the d i r e c t formulation and enact-ment of the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c i e s of the early M e i j i state. Restoration Shinto ideology would predominate i n these early o f f i c e s whose major l e g i s l a t i o n would be sanctioned by the Dajokan and announced by the Emperor. The addition of the Ji n g i - k a represented a v i c t o r y f o r the Shinto r e v i v a l movement. The Jingi-ka s i g n i f i e d the f i r s t move toward the restoration of the ancient Jingikan-Dajokan state structure. 60 The duties of the J i n g i - k a were those of the administra-t i o n of Shinto " r i t e s , shrines, missionaries, f e s t i v a l s and those parish households which provided services to the 45 shrine." R e f l e c t i n g the general acceptance of Shinto's role i n government was the f a c t that the Jingi-ka-was accorded the status of being placed f i r s t among the seven new o f f i c e s of state. The absence of an o f f i c i a l body to administer Buddhism or the establishment of an all-embracing o f f i c e of r e l i g i o n underlines the general mood created by Restoration Shinto ideas as well as the stress placed upon the age-old t i e s between Shinto and the throne. The i d e o l o g i c a l and r i t u a l importance of Shinto i s underlined by the appointment of Arisugawa no Miya (1835-1895) to a leading p o s i t i o n i n the Jingi-ka. Prince A r i s u -gawa was the senior executive o f f i c e r (sosai) of the M e i j i government. As fellow f i r s t rank o f f i c i a l s (sotoku) i n the Ji n g i - k a were the courtiers and g i j o Nakayama Tadayasu, 46 Konoe Tadafusa and the sanyo Shirakawa Sukenori. Below these men, as second ranked administrative o f f i c e r s (kakari) were three Shinto p r i e s t s appointed f o r t h e i r "technical 4? knowledge of the doctrine and r i t e s of the f a i t h . " ' On February 2, 1868 Iwakura and Sanjo were appointed as assistants (fuku sosai) to Arisugawa. Thus, the three leading positions i n the state were held by pro-Shinto advocates. The Shichi-ka structure exemplifies the early experi-mentation with untried administrative bodies. The i n c l u s i o n 61 of a Jingi-ka, nevertheless, attests to the importance of Shinto i n the formation of early M e i j i theories of government. Professors Murakami and Holtom, who place the J i n g i - k a and i t s successor the J i n g i Jimukyoku within the State Shinto framework as organs of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l control, c r e d i t M e i j i p o l i c y makers at this early stage with a modernistic foresight which i s not r e f l e c t e d i n the other s i x o f f i c e s of government set up at a time of t r i a l and error and s h i f t i n g administrative forms. However, the hand of both court and Restoration Shinto i s obvious i n the promotion of reverence and l o y a l t y to the k_ami-descended Emperor. These ideas were viewed as e s s e n t i a l enough f o r the Jingikan to be accorded high status as a primary o f f i c e of state. The Jingikan, i n fact, was the bureaucratic re-placement for "the J i s h a bugyo (Board of Commissioners for Temples and Shrines) which had supervised c e n t r a l government re l a t i o n s with r e l i g i o u s bodies since the days of Tokugawa UP, Iemitsu (1623-1650)." Inexperience on the part of the early M e i j i leaders with national scale administrative forms led to the lack of d e f i n i t i o n as to the exact functions and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the administrative bodies. On February 25, 1868, i n an attempt to consolidate and reform the central administration, a gorernment re-organization was c a r r i e d out. The e x i s t i n g o f f i c e s (ka) were expanded to include a more developed sosai and "were henceforth to be known as kyoku [bureaus]." 62 The Hachi kyoku (Eight Bureaus of State) and the e s t a b l i s h - ment of the J i n g i Jimukyoku (Bureau of Shinto A f f a i r s ) The eight bureaus established on February 25 were, in order of rank, a P r e s i d e n t i a l Board enlarged to the size of the other kyoku with Iwakura and Sanjo i n e f f e c t i v e control; under t h i s body, following the previous structure, were placed the seven bureaus with the J i n g i Jimukyoku given precedence of rank over the others. While the e s t a b l i s h -ment of the Jin g i - k a o f f i c e had denoted the general d i r e c t i o n of the government's r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y , the J i n g i Jimukyoku was to enact d e f i n i t e l e g i s l a t i o n f o r the formulation of s a i s e i i t c h i . The reshuffle of personnel c a r r i e d out i n the change to the J i n g i Jimukyoku r e f l e c t s more obviously the influence of the Hirata school. Furthermore, as Professor Reischauer points out, the r a p i d i t y of change i n early M e i j i government organs i s "less important than the men who st a f f e d them."-50 The sanyo Shirakawa Sukenori of the orthodox Shinto school subsumed by Buddhism during the centuries of Ryobu Shinto headed the J i n g i Jimukyoku with the rank of toku (chief o f f i c i a l ) . Under him were Yoshida Ryogi of the leading orthodox Shinto family which had also suffered a loss of influence i n the Ryobu period, and Kamei Koremi, a g i j o and strongly pro-Restoration Shinto advocate who held suke ( o f f i c i a l second rank). Given the rank of hanji ( o f f i c i a l 6 3 t h i r d rank) were Hirata Kanetane and Yano Gendo, leaders of the Hirata school. Tanimori Yoshiomi (1877-1911), a scholar of the Motoori school of Kokugaku, was accorded han.ji rank.-*1 On March 27, Tanimori was moved to the Bureau of Inst i t u t i o n s (Seido Jimukyoku). He was replaced by two leading Hirata scholars Okuni Takamasa and his d i s c i p l e Fukuda B i s e i who held the rank of assistant han.ji. Okuni was also a close advisor to Prince Tokudaiji Sanenori (1839-1919), head of the Bureau of Home A f f a i r s . Tokudaiji i n January 1868 was asked by the government to "establish and supervise"^ 2 the Jingikan. He obviously declined t h i s request i n favour of an appointment i n Home A f f a i r s . Toku-d a i j i , nonetheless, was represented i n the Bureau of Shinto A f f a i r s by Okuni. Skuni furthermore was the teacher of Tamamatsu Misao who i n turn was an advisor to Iwakura. On March 27, 1868 Hirata Kanetane moved to take up the post of nanji i n the Bureau of Home A f f a i r s . At around the same time Hirata Nobutane (1801-1882), heir apparent to the Hirata school leadership, was appointed assistant hanji i n the J i n g i Jimukyoku. v Thus, the Hirata school was strongly represented i n the Bureau of Shinto A f f a i r s . As well as i n f l u e n t i a l Restoration Shinto leaders, the Bureau also included the heads of the two main orthodox Shinto lineages, Shirakawa and Yoshida. These schools which shared the same general aim of Shinto r e v i v a l can also be grouped as part of the Restoration Shinto and Jingikan r e v i v a l movements. 6 4 I t was from the J i n g i Jimukyoku that the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of s a i s e i i t c h i was planned and executed i n the f i r s t years of M e i j i . Key l e g i s l a t i o n that originated from the J i n g i Jimukyoku As part of the s a i s e i i t c h i p o l i c y , the J i n g i Jimukyoku set out to end the Ryobu Dual Shinto-Buddhist system and replace i t with an independent Shinto r e l i g i o u s structure. The Dajokan, acting on a proposal drawn up by the J i n g i  Jimukyoku, on March 13. 1868 issued the s a i s e i i t c h i edict. This edict proclaimed: As regards the r e s t o r a t i o n of the country to the system of s a i s e i i t c h i and the undertaking of a general reform based upon the r e s t o r a t i o n of Imperial rule f i r s t established by Emperor Jimmu, the Jingikan s h a l l be restored f i r s t of a l l . 5 4 This pronouncement put i n a more concise form the ideals expressed by the Restoration E d i c t of January 3» s p e c i f i c a l l y , the March 13 edict exemplified the p o l i t i c a l r e a l i z a t i o n of the Restoration Shinto philosophy of Tamamatsu Misao. It was on the advice of t h i s advisor that Iwakura acted when promoting t h i s edict's acceptance by the government.^-5 Thus, through the influence of Iwakura, early M e i j i p o l i t i c a l leaders adopted as a v a l i d precedent the r e l i g i o u s model of ancient Japanese government. Both these Imperial edicts, while to a degree couched i n t r a d i t i o n a l p a t r i o t i c r h e t o r i c , 6 5 nonetheless expressed the p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y of the resto-r a t i o n of the id e n t i t y and unity of Shinto with the ce n t r a l government. The return to the semi-mythological past expressed by references to the reign of Emperor Jimmu was i n e f f e c t the underlining of the fac t that the Imperial lineage was now restored to f u l l status on a national scale. The desire to restore s a i s e i i t c h i was both "a calculated step i n the creation of a r e l i g i o u s motivation f o r the Imperial i n s t i t u t i o n " - ^ and a "sincere expression of f a i t h . The March 13 edict underlines the r e l i g i o u s intentions of the government coupled with a pragmatic r e a l i z a t i o n of the use of Shinto to the Imperial cause. The edict also r e f l e c t s the acceptance i n government c i r c l e s of the ideals the Jingikan r e s t o r a t i o n movement. It i s questionable, however, how f a r historians can interpret the p o l i t i c a l inten-tions inherent i n the s a i s e i i t c h i edict. That i s , did the Restoration Shinto movement and Iwakura have, as Cabot C o v i l l e suggests, "the insight to recognize the p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n harnessing the nation with a centralized S h i n t o " P o l i -t i c a l s t a b i l i t y was the chief aim of the Imperial govern-ment at thi s time and mobilizing the c o l l e c t i v e Shinto consciousness i n support of the r e l i g i o u s authority of the Emperor made sound p o l i t i c a l thinking. Yet there i s an equal case to be made f o r the r e l i g i o u s objectives behind a uni f i e d , c e n t r a l l y directed Shinto, that i s , i t was the intent of the Shintoists to consolidate a systematic shrine 6 6 structure free of Buddhist influence. As Shinto was a primary i d e o l o g i c a l factor i n the Imperial cause, the J i n g i Jimukyoku was encouraged to carry out a programme of Shinto consolidation. To t h i s end, i n March 1868 the J i n g i Jimukyoku under-took the supervision of the complicated process wherehy the shrines, personnel and kami of Shinto would be separated from Buddhist domination. On March 17, 1868 an o f f i c i a l order (tasshi) was sent from the J i n g i Jimukyoku to the nation's major shrines. This order read: Whereas at present Imperial rule i s being restored and the nation cleansed of a l l abuses, i t i s ordered that i n large and small shrines i n the various provinces those 'intendants' who wear Buddhist garb, and those persons c a l l e d 'shrine monks' and the l i k e , s h a l l return to secular l i f e . 60 This order i n i t i a t e d the process f o r the removal from Shinto shrines of betto (Buddhist superintendents;0f dual Shinto-Buddhist shrines) and shaso (Buddhist p r i e s t s who serve i n Shinto shrines). These monk-officials usually held the top managerial posts i n the shrines. They were i n general viewed by Shinto -priests as intruders. By the above order, they were given the choice of becoming l a i c i z e d or being re-ordained 6l as Shinto p r i e s t s . The March 17 order, then, was the f i r s t move towards the p r a c t i c a l application of the general i d e o l o g i c a l precepts outlined i n the March 13 edict. That i s , the order began the res t r u c t u r i n g of Shinto i n s t i t u t i o n s and personnel to form a more u n i f i e d Shinto. 6? As an adjunct to the March 17 order, the J i n g i Jimukyoku on March 28 issued instructions f o r the disasso-c i a t i o n of Shinto kami from Buddhist d e i t i e s which shared the sane shrine. This i n s t r u c t i o n stated that: "Buddhist t i t l e s . . .were no longer to he applied to'.kami. . .and that Buddhist statues and r i t u a l implements were to he removed 62 from shrine precincts." This order began the process of the separation of Shinto kami from Buddhist d e i t i e s . The March orders also e f f e c t i v e l y dealt with the problem of shrine intendants who formed a p o t e n t i a l opposition to s a i s e i i t c h i . The orders were issued d i r e c t l y by the J i n g i Jimukyoku i n i t s capacity as the chief Shinto i n s t i t u t i o n . Thus, there began a pattern whereby those laws a f f e c t i n g Shinto r e l i g i o u s consolidation were issued by Shinto administrative o f f i c e s while l e g i s l a t i o n on the broader government r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y was issued through the Dajokan. From 1867 to 1871 there was a close a l l i a n c e of religious and p o l i t i c a l objectives of both i n s t i t u t i o n s . The p o l i t i c a l power of the Dajokan was u t i l i z e d to support the r e l i g i o u s objectives of the Restoration Shinto-i s t s i n the various Shinto administrative bodies. I n i t i a t i o n of the Shinto-Buddhist separation(1868-18?2) Following the l e g i s l a t i v e moves outlined i n the orders 68 which removed Buddhist statues from Shinto shrines, the J i n g i Jimukyoku issued through the Dajokan the edict of A p r i l 20, 1868 generally known as the Edict for the Separa-t i o n of Shinto from Buddhism (shinbutsu hanzen-rei). Like so many early o f f i c i a l i nstructions, t h i s edict was mainly a request f o r d e t a i l s into the e x i s t i n g conditions of Shinto shrines. Nevertheless, i t demanded that "shrines which are u t i l i z i n g Buddhist statues as s h i n t a i [sacred Shinto objects] must correct the usage and make r e p o r t . T h i s law, l i k e the March orders, brought to an end the honji-suijaku system i n which Shinto kami had played a subservient r o l e to Buddhist d e i t i e s . Between 1868 and 1872 numerous orders emanating from the c e n t r a l government o f f i c e s attempted to e s t a b l i s h a more autonomous Shinto shrine network. The enactment of a r e l i -gious p o l i c y by which Ryobu Shinto influences would be exor-cised from Shinto shrines was of pressing concern to Restora-t i o n S h i n t o i s t s . The reaction against Buddhism, however, though varying according to geographic location and l o c a l sentiment, was at times f i e r c e . Parishioners of j o i n t Shinto-Buddhist temples led by " l o c a l government o f f i c i a l s 6k and such people as the scholars of the Hirata school" vented their anger at Buddhism as a symbol of r e l i g i o u s repres-sion. By an i n s t r u c t i o n , issued on A p r i l 10, 1868,5 and sent to Shinto p r i e s t s and parishioners, the government ordered that the removal of Buddhist objects of worship from Dual 69 S h i n t o s h r i n e s "was to he c a r r i e d out peaceably." J Never-t h e l e s s , the extreme a c t i o n s of S h i n t o z e a l o t s i n s t r o n g l y p r o - S h i n t o areas wrought havoc on Buddhist p r o p e r t y . Buddhism, by l a t e Tokugawa times, had l o s t much of i t s e a r l i e r r e l i g i o u s v i t a l i t y . There was a g e n e r a l s p i r i t u a l bankruptcy e x e m p l i f i e d by moribund d o c t r i n e s and a v e n a l , c o r r u p t monkhood. Buddhist temples a l s o were c e n t r e s of l o c a l e d u c a t i o n . Household r e g i s t r a t i o n and r i t e s of passage i n the Buddhist f a s h i o n were by and l a r g e o b l i g a t o r y . Buddhism, then, became i n e x t r i c a b l y l i n k e d to the bakuhan system. P r o f e s s o r Murakami s t r e s s e s the f a c t t h a t Buddhism had become i d e n t i f i e d a d v e r s e l y with Tokugawa f e u d a l i s m and Buddhist i n s t i t u t i o n s had come to symbolize r e p r e s s i v e f e u d a l c o n t r o l . Under Tokugawa law, a l l Japanese were r e q u i r e d to be members of a Buddhist s e c t and be r e g i s t e r e d a t the a p p r o p r i a t e Buddhist temple. Thus, the " r e l a t i o n s h i p between temple and p a r i s h i o n e r s . . . b o u n d a l l the people 66 without e x c e p t i o n to some temple a f f i l i a t i o n . " I t i s p o s s i b l e , however, c o n s i d e r i n g the g e n e r a l r e l i g i o u s p l u r a l -ism and s y n c r e t i s t i c nature of Japanese r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , t h a t few Japanese questioned t h i s p r a c t i c e . Furthermore, the degree to which Buddhist temples "served the f u n c t i o n 67 of the s m a l l e s t u n i t s of f e u d a l c o n t r o l " ' or a c t e d as " o b s e r v a t i o n p o s t s f o r the central government"^ must be measured a g a i n s t the f a c t t h a t Buddhism had l i t t l e or no 70 p o l i t i c a l axe t o g r i n d i n l a t e Tokugawa t i m e s . Buddhism, i n g e n e r a l , l i k e a l l o t h e r r e l i g i o u s groups, was f i r m l y under the e x a c t i n g thumb of the c e n t r a l government. Buddhism, n o n e t h e l e s s , had p r o s p e r e d d u r i n g the.Tokugawa p e r i o d and had a c c e p t e d i t s r o l e i n the p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s quo. I t d i d n o t t h e r e f o r e d e v e l o p as a r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l f o r c e f o r s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l change and " c o u l d n o t p r o v i d e the s p i r i t u a l s t r e n g t h J a p a n needed i f i t were t o d e v e l o p 69 i n t o a modern n a t i o n . " 7 T h i s r o l e was t a k e n o v e r by S h i n t o , w h i c h i n the form o f R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o , f u r n i s h e d the i d e o -l o g y w h i c h h e l p e d m o t i v a t e t h e s a m u r a i who c a r r i e d out the r e s t o r a t i o n o f I m p e r i a l r u l e and t h e subsequent t r a n s f o r -m a t i o n o f Japanese s o c i e t y . From the b e g i n n i n g o f M e i j i , n e v e r t h e l e s s , , S h i n t o i s t s sought t o de-emphasize t h e r o l e o f Buddhism and t o e s t a b l i s h a c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p between the p e r s o n o f the Emperor M e i j i , h i s I m p e r i a l a n c e s t r y and t h e S h i n t o a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o f f i c e s . T h i s was a c h i e v e d i n t h r e e s t a g e s . F i r s t , S h i n t o ' i n t e l l e c t u a l s and b u r e a u c r a t s gave t h e i r s u p p o r t t o the move-ment f o r "the r e s t o r a t i o n o f sanryo [ I m p e r i a l tombs] and the r e - e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f some [ o t h e r ] I m p e r i a l tombs. T h i s was a movement t h a t had e x i s t e d i n Tokugawa t i m e s when s e v e r a l p r o - S h i n t o daimyo p e t i t i o n e d the b a k u f u ( u s u a l l y i n v a i n ) t o a l l o w the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n and upkeep o f I m p e r i a l tombs on the daimyo's domain. By e m p h a s i z i n g t h e importance o f the I m p e r i a l tombs and making them s a c r e d p l a c e s , S h i n t o 71 i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n and behind government attempted to disassociate the Imperial family from i t s Buddhist connec-tions and ceremonies, thus stressing Imperial ancestor veneration instead. This objective was achieved under the J i n g i Jimukyoku. The slogan was "to change from r e-specting kami and worshipping Buddha to respecting the 71 kami and worshipping ancestors."' The second stage was the sett i n g up of the 'Three Palace Shrines' at which the Emperor worshipped inside the J i n g i Jimukyoku building. By the placing of a l l Imperial ceremonies and f e s t i v a l s i n t h i s r e l i g i o u s environment, the government became d i r e c t l y connected to Shinto and the Empe-ror. The t h i r d step was the re-establishment of the ancient Jingikan. This was achieed by the government re-organization of August 1869. Part Three: The Jingikan Period (August 15. 1869 to Septem- ber 22, 1871) The administrative structures formed during the vola-t i l e , } i p o l i t i c a l l y uncertain f i r s t half-year of the Restora-t i o n proved inadequate to the task of e f f e c t i n g either p o l i t i c a l consolidation or systematic l e g i s l a t i o n . In June 1868, the Dajokan admitted "that these arrangements, made during a time of c i v i l commotion, were necessarily hurried 72 and imperfect."' Thus, on June 11, with Imperial forces 72 i n command of the key areas of the nation, a new govern-ment structure was set up. By the systematization of more pr e c i s e l y r e f i n e d administrative bodies, i t was hoped to "establish those laws and regulations which have hitherto remained undetermined."^ Fukuoka Kotei (1835-1919). a key formulator of the e a r l i e r administrative systems, was again c a l l e d upon to formulate a new government structure. He was aided i n t h i s task by the Shi n t o i s t sanyo Soejima Taneomi (1828-1905) who l a t e r became an o f f i c i a l i n the Board of Shinto Propagation (Senkyoshi). I t i s in t e r e s t i n g to note that Soejima was one of the few Japanese c o n s t i t u -t i o n a l formulators at t h i s early stage of M e i j i who had a l i t t l e experience with foreign governmental forms and 7k p o l i t i c a l theories of governance. P r i o r to the June remodelling of the Japanese administration, Fukuoka and others did undertake a l i m i t e d study by consulting a few volumes on the p o l i t i c a l systems of "China and the West, as well as the ancient p o l i t i c a l structure of Japan. Furthermore, they did not take advantage of the experience of former bakufu o f f i c i a l s . The new government organization was accepted by the Imperial council and on June 11, 1868 the Seitaisho (June Constitution) delineated the administrative structure now implemented. Under the general t i t l e of Dajokan t h i s government consisted of seven sections now c a l l e d departments (kan). There was a L e g i s l a t i v e Department 7 3 with two houses with the g i jo and sanyo i n the upper house which comprised "most of the personnel who held high o f f i c e s 76 i n the preceding administration."' Next i n order were the Executive Department, and the Departments of Shinto, Finance, War, Foreign A f f a i r s and J u s t i c e . The Jingikan (Department of Shinto) was headed by the court nobles Takatsukasa Sukehiro, Konoe Tadafusa and Naka-yama Tadayasu. As assistants to these mainly ceremonial posts were Kamei Koremi and Fukuba B i s e i of the Hirata school. Appointed also was Hirata Nobutane who with his fellow a s s i s -tants c a r r i e d out the e f f e c t i v e administration of Shinto a f f a i r s . ^ The June 11 government re-organization l i k e i t s prede-cessors highlights the p o l i t i c a l and administrative problems facing the early M e i j i leaders. Primary among these remained the need to secure central control of the daimyo domains and consequently the various and complex p o l i t i c a l adminis-t r a t i v e maneuverings were c a r r i e d out mainly with t h i s objective i n mind. At the same time, national consolidation had yet to be effected m i l i t a r i l y . In t h i s atmosphere there was a fear of p o t e n t i a l l y subversive groups a r i s i n g i n Imperial government administered t e r r i t o r y . In keeping with the government's b e l i e f i n the unifying f a c u l t i e s of Shinto and the important r o l e of Shinto ideology to the national p o l i t y , the Emperor on several occasions i n 1868 reiterated?- through Imperial edicts, that 'Shinto " r i t e s 74 s h a l l be i n i t i a t e d and rules and regulations to govern the country s h a l l be firml y established, thus r e v i v i n g the way of s a i s e i i t c h i . A t the same time, C h r i s t i a n i t y came under severe censure. A problem p e r s i s t i n g since late Tokugawa times was the existence of 'hidden C h r i s t i a n s ' (kakure k i r i s h i t a n ) around Nagasaki. In early 1868 Kido Koin had been sent to deal with t h i s large group of Catholics and ins t r u c t them on t h e i r obligations and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as good c i t i z e n s . Faced with their r e calcitrance, i t i s claimed 79 that he had thi r t e e n of t h e i r leaders beheaded. While Kido's diary, which does not begin u n t i l A p r i l 24, 1868, makes no mention of these executions, the punishment stated being RO seven years i n t e r n a l e x i l e , i t does underline the fac t that the M e i j i leaders were deeply disturbed by the problem of Ch r i s t i a n a c t i v i t y which was treated as v i r t u a l open r e b e l l i o n . On June 16, 1868 a National Council (Jokyoku keigi) was c a l l e d by Imperial edict to discuss, among other things, the above mentioned problems. The question of the implementation of the national p o l i c y 'on r e l i g i o n was decreed as an objective of t h i s council. The council decided "to promote s a i s e i i t c h i as well as the veneration of the Shinto kami and ancestor 81 reverence." Shinto, then, was not only to continue to be elevated, but the ideals of kami worship and Emperor l o y a l t y were to be greatly amplified. At the same time, however, by mid-1869 the Seitaisho structure had f a i l e d to bring order to the e x i s t i n g l e g i s l a t i v e confusion or to solve the prob-75 lems caused by the delicate nature of the " r e l a t i o n s 82 between the Imperial authorities and the clans." A return to the administrative model of the r i t s u - r y o period On August 15. I869 the entire Seitaisho government structure was replaced by a more c l e a r l y systematized model based on the t r a d i t i o n a l religio-government structure of ancient Japan. Shinto was accorded a primary p o s i t i o n and r o l e i n t h i s resurrected construct. August 15. I 8 6 9 . then, marks the beginning of the Jingikan Period which lasted u n t i l September I871. I t i s a time characterized by a conscious return to the governing model and r e l i g i o u s ideals of ancient Japan which emphasized the i d e n t i t y of Shinto r i t e s with the c e n t r a l p o l i t i c a l administration. The return to the s a i s e i i t c h i model was an attempt to systematize the central administration by using the precedent of a workable model from the h i s t o r i c a l past. Before 1869 the c e n t r a l government i n general had effected only stopgap attempts at administrative reconstruction. The administra-tive transformation of the summer of I869 exemplifies both the " d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n of Japanese leaders with the government organs and p o l i t i c a l t h e o r i e s p r e v i o u s l y employed and the influence of Shinto ideology promoted by the Shinto i n t e l l e c t u a l movements. That i s , the Restorationist (Fukko) group which predominated at t h i s juncture looked askance 7 6 at the more modern views of government expressed by less t r a d i t i o n a l l y minded M e i j i leaders. The r e s u l t was a p o l i t i c a l retrenchment marked by a return to the ancient administrative model. The government structure of August I 8 6 9 i n f a c t marks the true establishment of the M e i j i Imperial s t a t e . ^ Soejima Taneomi, on August 1 6 i n a Shinto ceremony "informing the gods that harmony now prevailed on questions of national p o l i c y , d e l i n e a t e d the form of the new administrative bodies. The new structure consisted of two - 8 6 kan (councils) and s i x sho(departments). The Jingikan (Council of Shinto A f f a i r s ) was accorded the p o s i t i o n of the highest ranked administrative organ above even the Dajokan (Council of State)vwhich was now the t i t l e for the chief executive o f f i c e of government. Below these and under the control of the Dajokan were the Departments of C i v i l A f f a i r s (Minbusho), Finance (Okurasho), War (Hyobusho). Justice (Gyobusho), Imperial Household (Kunaisho) and Foreign A f f a i r s (Gaimusho). With the exception of the Foreign A f f a i r s Department, the August 15 structure was modelled exactly on that of the eighth century Yoro Code. The elevation of the Jingikan denotes the r e s t o r a t i o n i s t t r a d i t i o n a l i s t and r e l i -gious character of the new administration while the retention of the reins of e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l power i n the hands of secular p o l i c y makers i n the Dajokan r e f l e c t s a pragmatic modern approach to state government. The old ranks and names 77 of o f f i c i a l positions were revived as was Nara period court dress. In the new government structure s a i s e i i t c h i i n the form of a theory of state and i d e o l o g i c a l i d e a l proved i t s p r a c t i c a l worth. Under the umbrella of t h i s system, the c r u c i a l moves towards the disestablishment of the feudal structure and state consolidation were achieved. The Jingikan personnel The achievement of the re-establishment of the Jingikan marks the apex of the work of the Restoration Shinto scholars and p o l i t i c o s who had been promoting the s a i s e i i t c h i struc-ture both i n government o f f i c e and as advisors to government leaders since I867. Due to t h e i r e f f o r t s "the foundations of s a i s e i i t c h i were established and the Jingikan was [again] ' f On set up based on the old system [of government]." ' The courtiers Nakayama Tadayasu and Sanjo Sanetomi, the head of state ( u d a i j i n ) , held the f i r s t rank ( j i n g i haku) o f f i c e s i n the Jingikan. Shirakawa Sukenori and Prince Konoe Tadafusa were the second rank ( j i n g i taifuku) o f f i c e r s . Fukuba B i s e i headed the t h i r d ranked o f f i c i a l s ( j i n g i shofuku). Under B i s e i as assistants were Hirata Nobutane and Yoshida Ryogi whose forefather held s i m i l a r o f f i c e s i n the ancient 88 Jingikan. The absence of Hirata Kanetane and Tamamatsu Misao i s explained by the f a c t that they were given the p o s i t i o n of lecturers i n the Board of Chamberlains (Jijushoku) 78 which "was established to undertake the tutelage of the 89 young Emperor." Nevertheless, a continuity of admini-s t r a t i v e personnel was prevalent i n the Shinto administra-tive o f f i c e s . As i n the general p o l i t i c a l administrative formulation where court and samurai interests coincided to share an emphasis on Emperor-centred state unity, i n the Jingikan and i t s predecessor Shinto o f f i c e s , orthodox Shinto and Restora-t i o n Shinto groups found common cause i n the elevation of Shinto to national prominence. Furthermore, we can see the commonality of p o l i t i c a l objective and r e l i g i o u s goals expressed i n the o v e r - a l l acceptance of the u t i l i t y of the Shinto-Emperor bond. There was l i t t l e or no opposition en-countered when the r e v i v a l of the ancient Shinto-state struc-ture was accepted by the National Council of June 1869. This council was composed of a l l groups i n government and v i r t u a l l y a l l acquiesced to the re-establishment of the Jingikan and thus to Restoration Shinto theories of state government. For a time, i n fa c t , due to the influence of "extremely con-servative a r i s t o c r a t s [who] were temporarily i n the [ p o l i t i c a l ] ascendancy...Shinto was receiving more attention than was 90 reform. The p o l i t i c a l structure formed i n August 1869 placed p o l i t i c s f i r m l y i n the context of r e l i g i o n while at the same time the adoption of s a i s e i i t c h i was found suitable to a l l major p o l i t i c a l groups. To the court i t consolidated the Imperial p o s i t i o n v i s a v i s samurai m i l i t a r y leaders. In 7 9 turn, Shinto groups received consistent court support, es p e c i a l l y from Iwakura and Sanjo. Most importantly, as George Sansom points out, Shinto r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y was not - 91 opposed by the samurai leaders Okubo and Kido. S a i s e i i t c h i , then, replaced experimental administrative forms with a more authoritative and systematic construct and the theories of Restoration Shinto provided an acceptable and constructive model f o r Imperial government. The f i r s t e f f e c t i v e Imperial government structure, then, was to a s i g n i f i c a n t degree r e l i g i o u s i n i n s p i r a t i o n . The state structure was united by the ideology and model of s a i s e i i t c h i . The Jingikan, con-sequently, was given a free r e i n to implement the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y and to enact the consolidation of Shinto. S a i s e i i t c h i i n action; the reconstruction of Shinto under  the Jingikan The l e g i s l a t i v e enactments of the Jingikan to consolidate the Shinto r e l i g i o u s system were numerous and complex. There were, however, two objectives uppermost i n the minds of early M e i j i S h i n t o i s t s . The f i r s t was to regain control of a l l Shinto shrines and shrine personnel. The second was to d i r e c t the construction of a uniform shrine system. Concomi-tant to these was the implementation of an ordered systematized Shinto doctrine and r i t u a l p r a c t i c e . The rules delineating the duties of the Jingikan were drawn up on July 8, 1869. They stated that t h i s o f f i c e was 80 to oversee the "administration of r i t e s , the inspection of Imperial tomhs, the propagation of Shinto and shrine f e s t i -vals and the households of the parish which provided ser-vices to the shrine ( k a n b e ) . F o l l o w i n g the procedures set out i n the Engi s h i k i . the Jingikan undertook to super-vise a l l facets of shrine worship, both at the l e v e l of major national shrines and the smaller l o c a l l e v e l shrines. A chief goal of Shinto o f f i c i a l s was to recreate the ancient system of i n t e r r e l a t e d and standardized kami ceremonials and to re-introduce the concept of c e r t a i n shrines as kokka no soshi, that i s " i n s t i t u t i o n s i n which national 9 3 worship took place or national reverence was expressed." In t h i s way shrine f e s t i v a l s would he more c l o s e l y aligned to the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y and Shinto doctrine espoused hy the Jingikan. "The shrines were to he the s p i r i t u a l model of the n a t i o n " 7 hy which reverence for the kami was united with and i d e n t i f i e d with l o y a l t y to the Emperor and through him, the government. The shrines, also following the Engi s h i k i code, were to he accorded ranks or grades as were shrine intendants and indeed t h i s practice extended to include a l l c e n t r a l government personnel. The Jingikan i t s e l f became a r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n , the s i g n i f i c a n c e of which was underlined by the nature of the kami r i t e s held i n the Jingikan building. On June 28, 1869 the Emperor M e i j i presided over the enshrine-ment i n the Jingikan of the 'Eight Kami' protectors of the 81 I m p e r i a l ancestors. The Emperor announced i n h i s d e d i c a t i o n t h a t t h i s move was c a r r i e d out to f u r t h e r the cause of s a i s e i i t c h i . The Shirito genealogy of the Imp e r i a l house was f u r t h e r s t r e s s e d and augmented by the Peace P r e s e r v a t i o n R i t e which was held i n the J i n g i k a n on January 3. 1870. The e d i c t r e s t o r i n g t h i s ceremony p a i d t r i b u t e to the "ancient o r i g i n of the i d e n t i t y of r e l i g i o n and government.' ^ The Peace P r e s e r v a t i o n R i t e or P a c i f y i n g F e s t i v a l ( c h i n s a i ) " d e i f i e d the d i v i n e s p i r i t s of the h i s t o r i c a l empe-r o r s as the enshrined kami w i t h i n the three thrones set up i n 96 the J i n g i k a n . " 7 In this way the s u p e r i o r i t y of the Imp e r i a l kami was e s t a b l i s h e d as was the concomitant r e l i g i o u s a u t h o r i t y of Emperor M e i j i . R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o i s t s i n the J i n g i k a n thus placed great emphasis on the e l e v a t i o n of those kami which were c e n t r a l to the r e l i g i o u s s t a t u s of the Impe r i a l l i n e . At the same time, the o f f i c i a l enshrinement of the 'Eight Kami' "was a u s e f u l d e l i m i t a t i o n of the l u s h Shinto pantheon b r i n g i n g i t w i t h i n bounds."^ The J i n g i k a n a l s o to the same end would c a r r y out reforms to u n i t e the Shinto d e i t y system w i t h the secular p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y . The i d e n t i t y of the c e n t r a l government w i t h Shinto was al s o f u r t h e r e d by the widespread promotion of Shinto d o c t r i n e by government sponsored teachers. To achieve t h i s the Great Teaching E d i c t (daikyo senpu) was proclaimed on January 3, 1870. This e d i c t ushered i n the phase of the i d e o l o g i c a l p r o s e l y -t i z a t i o n of s a i s e i i t c h i by senkyoshi (government sponsored 82 Shinto propagators), the a c t i v i t i e s of whom were directed by the Jingikan. The Imperial pronouncement of January 3 declared that the o r i g i n a l i d e a l was government according to the p r i n c i p l e of s a i s e i i t c h i . However, i t stated t h i s way had been l o s t and had f a l l e n into disuse. With the innovations brought about by the rule of Emperor M e i j i , however, once again the old ideals had been restored. Thus, " a l l e f f o r t s must be directed to making clear that the great way of the kami r e l i g i o n s h a l l be promoted by the government through education. Therefore, [to th i s end] Shinto teachers (senkvoshi) are now appointed to spread the [kami] Way 98 throughout the land."^ Henceforth, the 'way of the kami' became without reservation the"guiding p r i n c i p l e of the 99 nation. 7 To th i s degree, then, the goals of Shinto eleva-t i o n sought by Restoration Shintoists had been achieved. To implement the task of broadcasting the unity of the aims of Shinto doctrine with the Imperial state, the senkyoshi, who w i l l be discussed l a t e r , were set up. Of equal importance to the s a i s e i i t c h i i d e a l was the consolidation of the Shinto shrine network and the establishment of d i r e c t administration of the shrines by the Jingikan. The Shinto shrine system In 1871 several successful measures were ca r r i e d out to consolidate Shinto shrines, p r i e s t s , shrine property 83 and parishioners more d i r e c t l y under the Jingikan. Under the d i r e c t i o n of Prince Konoe Tadafusa and Fukuba B i s e i , l e g i s l a t i o n was passed to consolidate the shrine system into a more cohesive r e l i g i o u s structure. Konoe, an i n f l u e n t i a l member of the court and government as well as a leading Jingikan o f f i c i a l , was also head of the Ise school of Hirata Shinto. In July 1871. the Grand Shrine of Ise was o f f i c i a l l y designated as the nation's leading shrine and was placed at the apex of the nationally ranked shrine system. Since the f i r s t year of M e i j i , under the Jingi-ka, the primary task of the c e n t r a l Shinto authority had been to a great degree one of general research and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the larger Shinto shrines. At the same time, i n an attempt to systematize shrine r i t e s and shrine regulations, o f f i c i a l questionnaires were sent out to each shrine. These documents, which had to be returned to the Home Ministry, provided information on shrine possessions and personnel. From late 1868 onwards the government i n t e n s i f i e d i t s o f f i c i a l research p o l i c y (torishirabe tesoku) which examined the "present conditions [of Shinto shrines] i n order to formulate a p o l i c y of r e l i g i o u s l a w s . " 1 0 0 A nation-wide survey was undertaken to determine the exact names, locations and the extent of the landholdings of Shinto shrines as well as the nature and number of t h e i r kami, r i t e s and f e s t i v a l s . One set of rules was drawn up to ( l ) categorize 8 4 and grade the shrines and (2) alloca t e f i n a n c i a l support to them. From November 1 8 6 8 the Jingikan had been c l a s s i f y i n g the major Shinto shrines according to the dictates of the Engi s h i k i as well as creating categories not included i n that code. The f i r s t categories drawn up, f o r example, were ( l ) ancestor shrines (soreisha), (2) shrines which inv i t e d the souls of the M e i j i Restoration c i v i l war dead (shokonsha) and (3) f a r - o f f shrines to which people could pray ( y o h a i s h o ) . 1 0 1 Further categories were Imperial worship shrines (chokusaisha), inside ceremony shrines — 102 (shikinaisha) and miscellaneous shrines (shosha). The basic d i s t i n c t i o n i n these categories was between Imperial house connected shrines and p r e f e c t u r a l or han shrines. By the Dajokan edict of May 1 4 , 1 8 7 1 the government established the basic system of shrine ranks which was to endure u n t i l the disestablishment of Shinto i n 1 9 4 5 . By the Dajokan order, the shrines of the nation were c l a s s i f i e d into the basic categories of kansha, higher grade shrines, and minsha, lower grade or l o c a l shrines. Kansha were those shrines which had a r e l i g i o u s import on a national l e v e l , were seen to have t i e s to the Imperial l i n e and were were now placed under the supervision of the Jingikan.  Kansha, following the d i s t i n c t i o n s set up i n the Engi s h i k i , were divided into the further categories of kampeisha 85 (governmental shrines) and kokuheisha (national shrines). Both these categories were subdivided into taisha (upper grade), chusha (middle grade) and shosha (lower grade) shrine ranks. In I871 out of an approximate 170,000 shrines 104 the number of kansha was ninety-seven. The vast majority of the nation's shrines t h i s were minsha, lower rank shrines. These were administered by l o c a l a u t horities and had a r e l i g i o u s significance d i r e c t l y related to the s o c i o l o g i c a l and s p i r i t u a l needs of t h e i r s p e c i f i c l o c a l e . Under the country d i s t r i c t shrine rules established i n July 1871, minsha were divided into fu-sha (town shrines), han-sha (domain shrines), ken-sha (prefectu-r a l shrines), go-sha ( d i s t r i c t shrines)and son-sha ( v i l l a g e shrines). Ungraded shrines below the v i l l a g e l e v e l were allocated the rank of mukakusha (shrines with no rank). Consonant with the general r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of s a i s e i  i t c h i , the May 14 edict, then, established a systematic Shinto shrine system unprecedented i n modern times. The control of shrine a f f a i r s i n the hands of the Jingikan marks a major success i n the implementation of the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of s a i s e i i t c h i . As well as establishing the delimitations of the Shinto shrine network, the research into and grading of shrines was an attempt to e s t a b l i s h nation-wide unity using shrines of a l l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s as a cohesive fa c t o r which linked the l o c a l people to the c e n t r a l government. The c e n t r a l l y directed shrine system thus established expressed 86 for the f i r s t time i n eight centuries an o v e r - a l l percep-t i o n of the entire shrine network as a complete r e l i g i o u s entity, an entity, moreover, which would be administered from a ce n t r a l o f f i c e and u n i f i e d under the broadly acceptable doctrines of Restoration Shinto. The e s t a b l i s h -ment of the shrine system also replaced the moribund and d i s -organized Buddhist temple system with a cohesive, c e n t r a l -ized r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure. This was a laudable feat i n a state s t i l l characterized by the dire need f o r national unity. The financing of s a i s e i i t c h i : the shrine f i s c a l p o l i c y Included i n the general instructions on shrine c l a s s i -f i c a t i o n was a set of regulations governing shrine operation. Any major change i n shrine buildings, landholdings or personnel were to be reported to the Jingikan. The govern-ment also set out to reb u i l d and re-instate defunct shrines. However, the shrine f i s c a l p o l i c y , which was set up at the same time as the general c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of shrines, offered guidelines that were complex and not s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d . 1 0 ^ Nevertheless, the process was set up whereby suggestions on the f i n a n c i a l conditions of the shrines could be forwarded to a l l l e v e l s of government. What was established i n 1871, however, was a general p o l i c y of government support f o r Shinto shrines. 87 In January 1871, the M e i j i government "decreed the confiscation of a l l shrines and temple landholdings (shoen) excluding the property within the shrine or temple complex." 1 In return the government undertook to provide f i n a n c i a l support for Shinto shrines and shrine intendants. This move brought the shrines (and temples) under the f i s c a l thumb of the ce n t r a l shrine authorities and thus made r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s and t h e i r personnel dependent on the public purse f o r f i n a n c i a l support. The system of allowances to be a l l o t t e d shrines was worked out over a period of years and i t was not u n t i l 187k that the system of remuneration was f u l l y operational. The decree thus had the e f f e c t of making shrine p r i e s t s v i r t u a l s a l a r i e d government o f f i c i a l s . The January decree applied to shrines at the kansha l e v e l and involved considerable t e r r i t o r y . The t o t a l shrine and temple land confiscated was 140,000 hectares with 107 shrine landholdings alone equalling 87,200 hectares. The early M e i j i government, consistently faced with an un-predictable f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n , had by taking c o n t r o l of the revenue of shrine lands provided an economic foundation f o r the promotion of the p o l i c y of a a i s e i i t c h i . Reform of the Shinto priesthood The move to control shrine finances was followed by major reform of the Shinto priesthood. The edict of 88 May lk, 1871 abolished the t r a d i t i o n of hereditary p r i e s t -hood whereby a son inherited his father's p o s i t i o n . This custom was replaced by a system of employment by appointment and the s e t t i n g up of graded ranks of shrine p r i e s t s . The importance of the rank was to coincide with the grade of the shrine. The May edict stated that under the reinstatement of kokka no soshi [national worship;or r i t e s f o r the state] 1 OR Shinto shrines "should not be owned p r i v a t e l y . " The reasons elaborated f o r t h i s change were that there had been a regression i n the s p i r i t of Shinto over a long period characterized by a lack of formal c e n t r a l shrine organization. This decline was accompanied by the assumption of personal p r i v i l e g e s by shrine personnel, such as the practice of i n h e r i t i n g p r i e s t positions. "Accordingly, t h i s government which believes strongly i n the unity of p o l i t i c s and divine service [ s a i s e i i t c h i ] , has decreed that a l l Shinto p r i e s t s 109 must be newly appointed through a national examination." 7 This examination was held i n 1872 and Shinto p r i e s t s , at l e a s t f o r a time, became r e l i g i o u s o f f i c i a l s (kanri)under Jingikan j u r i s d i c t i o n . The Jingikan, i n f a c t , now took over a r o l e held primarily by the Yoshida family of Shinto who i n Tokugawa times were the formally sponsored Shinto school and as such were given the r i g h t of approving the o f f i c i a l credentials of Shinto p r i e s t s . The systematization of Shinto under the Jingikan sought to abolish the abuses and 89 personal p r i v i l e g e inherent i n the old shrine system. As a r e s u l t , not only was the private ownership of shrines abolished along with hereditary p r i e s t positions, but Shinto p r i e s t s now became part of the c e n t r a l bureaucracy. Family r e g i s t r a t i o n under the Jingikan The establishment of the modern shrine system under the d i r e c t i o n of the new Shinto r e l i g i o u s e l i t e who staffed the Jingikan was accompanied by moves to change the e x i s t i n g practice of national family r e g i s t r a t i o n . In July 1871, the government replaced the Tokugawa system of compulsory family r e g i s t r a t i o n at Buddhist temples with r e g i s t r a t i o n at Shinto shrines. The Dajokan edict on "The Matter of the Investigation of the Parishioners of Large and Small Shrines" set out the seven a r t i c l e d 'parishioner i n v e s t i g a t i o n regulation* (u.jiko torishirabe kisoku). The f i r s t a r t i c l e stated that "a c i t i z e n on the b i r t h of a c h i l d must v i s i t a shrine and n o t i f y the family r e g i s t r a t i o n o f f i c i a l of t h i s occurrence and he must receive the required amulet 111 (mamori) from the shrine." The s i x t h a r t i c l e stated that "every s i x years thereafter changes i n family r e g i s t r a -t i o n w i l l be checked by the r e g i s t r a t i o n o f f i c i a l and a new 112 amulet issued." Thus, i n 1871, was continued the practice of using r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r national census purposes. Shinto shrines i n a r e v i v a l of the function 90 l a i d down for them by the Yoro Code took over the r o l e of census-keeper previously held by Buddhist temples. I t has to be noted, however, that the use of the r e l i g i o u s institutionstof Shinto f o r family r e g i s t r a t i o n purposes was i n part due to the f a c t that e f f i c i e n t secular l o c a l government o f f i c e s had yet to be set up i n the nation. Kokka no soshi ( r i t e s of the state) The reform of the Shinto r e l i g i o u s structure and the celebration of s a i s e i i t c h i at the major Shinto shrines was accompanied by the re-introduction of the idea stressed i n the Engi s h i k i that the shrines were kokka no soshi. The edict of May 14, 1871 upheld kokka no soshi as the i d e a l of shrine worship. By the dictates of kokka no soshi the shrines acquired not only a more public character i n that they were no longer the sole preserve of i n d i v i d u a l p r i e s t l y f a milies but also wider national r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . These included the o f f e r i n g of r i t e s for the protection of the state as a r e l i g i o u s realm which was i n e x t r i c a b l y linked to the trans-temporal realm of the kami. Inherent i n these r i t e s was the reaffirmation of the close bond between kami worship and veneration of the Imperial kami, the sovereign and the state. Under the banner of kokka no soshi, shrine ceremonies began to stress the a l l i a n c e of kami worship and the 91 r e l i g i o u s theory of the Imperial state. The shrines thus acquired the function of being places which "provided those r i t e s which were i n t e g r a l to government within the context 113 of s a i s e i i t c h i . " J However, i f the s a i s e i i t c h i model and i t s a p p l i c a t i o n i n M e i j i i s not stressed, then the term kokka no soshi taken more l i t e r a l l y comes to mean "the function of shrines i s to provide a place of worship fo r a l l the people of Japan." The former aspect of shrine worship i s the most r e f l e c t i v e of the r e l i g i o u s themes promoted by the early M e i j i government. Kokka no soshi exemplified the r e a l i z a t i o n that the i d e a l i z e d model of shrine worship was to be that stressed under the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y which i d e n t i f i e d Shinto r i t e s with national government. The early M e i j i government applied d i r e c t l y the shrine format set out i n the Engi s h i k i which included the i d e a l of kokka no soshi as a key support of a r e l i g i o u s structure. The reforms of the Shinto r e l i g i o u s structure c a r r i e d out between 1869 and 1871 under the d i r e c t i o n of the Jingikan had been necessary primarily i n order to ( l ) end the 'old 115 abuses' J inherent i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Shinto structure, (2) complete the separation of Shinto from Buddhist i n f l u -ences and (3) establish a concretely systematized r e l i g i o u s body which could uphold i t s p o s i t i o n as the r e l i g i o u s arm of the s a i s e i i t c h i model. 92 The achievements of Shinto under the d i r e c t i o n of the Jingikan The enactment of the above shrine l e g i s l a t i o n and other rules f o r shrine government proved e f f e c t i v e i n the formation of an o v e r - a l l r e l i g i o u s structure f o r Shinto. The bureaucrats of the Hirata school, from t h e i r positions i n the e l i t e Shinto administrative departments of govern-ment, were successful i n promoting the p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n i n law of the r e l i g i o u s aspect of s a i s e i i t c h i . Furthermore, the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of s a i s e i i t c h i was endorsed through l e g i s l a t i o n by the same l e g i s l a t u r e which formulated the p o l i t i c a l p o l i c i e s of the early M e i j i state. Although the shrine regulations i n general d i r e c t l y affected only the nation's major shrines at kansha l e v e l , the r e s u l t of t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was that these imperially connected shrines now came under Jingikan control. These aspects of modern Shinto, that i s , as having achieved a c e n t r a l l y directed shrine network, a close Imperial bond with the shrines and the concomitant elevation of the r e l i g i o u s authority of the Emperor were the major goals of M e i j i Shinto i s t s and exemplify the success of the Restoration Shintoists i n government. Under the Jingikan, Shinto 'came of age' as a d i s t i n c t r e l i g i o u s entity, an entity, moreover, which provided the id e o l o g i c a l buttress to the Imperial state i n the t r a n s i t i o n from feudal rule to a modern nation. The d i s p a r i t i e s and flaws i n the old Ryobu Shinto system were e f f e c t i v e l y 93 removed. The a b o l i t i o n of the hereditary priesthood and the aspect of the shrines as f i n a n c i a l l y self-supporting was eliminated and substituted with a uniform f i s c a l p o l i c y . The problems caused by Dual Shinto-Buddhist r i t u a l s and ceremonies :were also solved by moves to r e - i n t r o -duce uniform r i t u a l p ractices. Furthermore, an intercon-nected and consolidated shrine system was constructed and placed under cen t r a l i z e d administrative supervision. By 1871, then, the main problems facing early M e i j i Shinto as a r e l i g i o u s entity had been eradicated. The c e n t r a l l y directed reform of the shrines i s viewed by some historians as a continuation of the use of r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s as mechanisms of feudal control and s o c i a l re-116 pression. Professors Oguehi and Takagi decry the u t i l i z a -t i o n of Shinto shrines as i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r control of the populace. Nevertheless, t h e i r severest censure i s that under the family r e g i s t r a t i o n system each household was required to buy an amulet as proof of r e g i s t r a t i o n . A c e n t r a l theme i n the work of Murakami Shigeyoshi, the poineer scholar of the o r i g i n and nature of State Shinto, i s a warning against any interference by government i n r e l i g i o u s matters. This Murakami underlines as c o n s t i t u t i n g a challenge to freedom of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f and a threat to democracy. Murakami, who measures r e l i g i o u s change against socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l factors, views s a i s e i i t c h i as part of the re-op-pressive State Shinto construct. While he concedes that s a i s e i i t c h i was a r e l i g i o u s l y conceived i d e a l , he ignores the r e l i g i o u s intent inherent i n the search f o r r e l i g i o u s s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n c a r r i e d out by early M e i j i S h i n t o i s t s . In early M e i j i the primary task of the c e n t r a l Shinto authorities was to a great degree one of research and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the larger Shinto shrines. This was ca r r i e d out to formulate a r e l i g i o u s structure with which government could i d e n t i f y under the p o l i c y of s a i s e i i t c h i . The Shinto r e l i g i o u s structure, moreover, was to be staf f e d by q u a l i f i e d r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i t i o n e r s licensed by a c e n t r a l Shinto authority. Control of the populace, such as i t was, took the form of the use of Shinto ideology to promote allegiance to the Imperial cause. National mobilization behind the new government, when i t was achieved i n 1871, led to modernization and a more enlightened society. From 1868 onwards, a chief motivation behind shrine control c a r r i e d out by Restoration Shintoists was one of r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u -t i o n a l consolidation achieved through p o l i t i c a l means. In such a diverse r e l i g i o n as Shinto wholesale conformity to a set standard either r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l was not achieved before the turn of the century when, under State Shinto, Shinto shrines were placed under the canopy of the p o l i t i -cized kokutai (national p o l i t y ) i d e a l . Only aft e r 1900 did shrines become " c i v i l instruments f o r the implementation 117 of national goals." ' 95 The e f f e c t of the changes to Shinto shrines under the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of s a i s e i i t c h i remained at the l e v e l of p r i e s t s , bureaucrats and i n t e l l e c t u a l s of the Shinto schools. In the main, the r e l i g i o u s l i f e of the Japanese people was l i t t l e affected by the government proclamations concerning shrine governance. Furthermore, Buddhist monks serving i n Shinto shrines who faced removal with the dismantling of the Ryobu system i n 1868 "could be rehired as Shinto functionaries 118 i f they wanted to be." This p o l i c y therefore does not seem unduly harsh or repressive. The increase i n the inten-s i t y of Shinto self-reform did, however, lead to a change i n the character of the Shinto priesthood which now became an o f f i c i a l adjunct to\the c e n t r a l Shinto o f f i c e . The reform of the Shinto r e l i g i o n c a r r i e d out between the beginning of I869 and late 1871 heralded the main achieve-ments of the s a i s e i i t c h i p o l i c y . In the p o l i t i c a l sphere Restoration Shintoists had succeeded i n placing early M e i j i government f i r m l y within the context of Shinto r e l i g i o u s forms. Furthermore, the government became strongly i d e n t i f i e d with the court-Shinto i d e o l o g i c a l a l l i a n c e , a m a l l i a n c e which was u t i l i z e d to promote the acceptance of p o l i t i c a l reform. Restoration Shinto ideology provided a;*sound support for Imperial government. It was on the l e v e l of ideology that early M e i j i Shinto proved^highly e f f e c t i v e . To e f f e c t wider r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n , the government authorized 96 the use of senkyoshi (teachers or propagators) who disseminated the 'new' theory of state throughout the land. Part Fourt Senkyoshi and the Propagation of Shinto Ideology Just as the central government had accepted Shinto ideology as a basis f o r Imperial rule, so i t was hoped the general populace would r a l l y behind the c e n t r a l r u l e r s by the wisespread dissemination, through education and r e l i -gious proselytization,<~of the ideals of s a i s e i i t c h i . To t h i s end, i n early ±868.the Imperial Council ordered the leaders of the Restoration Shinto school to formulate an educational system. Yano Gendo (1823-1887) of the Hirata school f o r c e f u l l y argued f o r the establishment of a c e n t r a l -l y directed educational p o l i c y . In March 1868 Gendo's ideas were accepted and together with Hirata Kanetane he was ordered to investigate the formation of a national education system. In the same month these s c h o l a r - o f f i c i a l s were transferred from the J i n g i Jimukyoku and posted to j o i n fellow S h i n t o i s t Tamamatsu Misao as chief o f f i c i a l s i n the 11Q Bureau of Home A f f a i r s . 7 The end r e s u l t of t h e i r researches was published i n th e i r Proposals f o r Educational Organization (Gakushasei). This work promoted the dissemination of the ideals of Shinto and stressed the worship of the founding kami of Japan, Amaterasu, to replace the accent on Buddhism prevalent under the Tokugawa. 97 The educational curriculum espoused by the Hirata school scholars stressed the primacy of religio-moral and e t h i c a l education as well as " p o l i t i c a l economy, composition, art, 120 and foreign studies." Under the Jingikan, a programme for the dissemination the ideals of s a i s e i i t c h i and the goals of the Restoration was undertaken. Following the general practice of s e t t i n g up investigative and research organs to examine various facets of and to uncover p o t e n t i a l problems inherent i n the introduction of l e g i s l a t i o n , the Teaching and Research Bureau (Kyodo torishirabe kyoku) was established under the - 121 Dajokan on March 10, 1869. Ono Shigenobu, a Confucian scholar and a chief retainer of Choshu han, was put i n charge of t h i s bureau and instructed to carry out research into the nature and methodology of the promotion of Shinto r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n . Ono recommended that the Teaching and Research Bureau be expanded into an o f f i c e of Shinto propagation. Ono had the support of Okuma Shigenobu, a leading o f f i c i a l i n the Da.jokan and i n the Department of Finance, who stressed the need fo r the systematization of Shinto doctrine to replace those of a decadent Buddhism and to o f f s e t the p o t e n t i a l l y 122 disruptive e f f e c t s of C h r i s t i a n i t y . The Grand Council of a l l ranks convened i n June, 1869, r a t i f i e d Ono's proposal and i n July I869, the senkyoshi (Office of Shinto Propagation) was established and placed under the Jingikan. 98 In November 1869, Nakayama Tadayasu, the Jingikan chief, was appointed to head the senkyoshi o f f i c e . His chief assistant was Fukuba B i s e i . B i s e i , an o f f i c i a l of considerable influence i n the Shinto bureaucracy, was a leading force i n the senkyoshi u n t i l i t s disestablishment i n 1872. Other leading o f f i c e r s i n the department were Prince Sanjo Sanetomi and Soejima Taneomi, the Hirata school follower who headed the senkyoshi i n s t r u c t i o n section (kyo- do kyoku). Ono was appointed assistant to the above o f f i c i a l s and a l l men f e l t the strong need f o r a consolidated programme f o r the dissemination of the r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l ideals of the new government. On October 4, I869. the rules f o r the senkyoshi teachers were approved and the prescribed texts were issued to the f o r t y - s i x senkyoshi who were hired from the ranks of Shinto 124 p r i e s t s and Confucian scholars. The programme undertaken by the senkyoshi was intended to act as a p o l i t i c a l l y s t a b i -l i z i n g f actor by promoting the r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l basis of the M e i j i Restoration. A further objective was the broad-casting of an understanding of the general s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l programmes of the c e n t r a l authority. This kind of i n s t r u c t i o n was deemed necessary i n areas experiencing s o c i a l unrest and samurai discontent. The promotion of Imperial l o y a l t y also was necessary i n a decentralized nation where notions of patriotism were overridden by l o c a l t i e s and l o y a l t i e s . 99 An added reason f o r the senkyoshi formation was the concern, voiced at the National Council, over the threat of 'alien' r e l i g i o u s systems such as C h r i s t i a n i t y . This danger was expressed most obviously by the discovery and arrest of the more than four thousand Catholics at Uragami near Nagasaki i n 1868. In March 1870, Ono Shigenobu was 125 appointed senkyoshi to Nagasaki. J His chief task was to propagate the r e l i g i o u s ideals of the Imperial state. The senkyoshi programme was inaugurated formally by the Imperial edict of January 3, 1870. This, the Great Teaching Edict, ordered senkyoshi "to pro s e l y t i z e the way throughout the land." In March 1870 the systematic propagation of Shinto was extended by the establishment of l o c a l senkyoshi o f f i c e s , under senkyogakari (administrators of o f f i c i a l propagation), i n the newly established urban prefectures (fu), domains (han) and prefectures (ken). Senkyoshi o f f i c e s 127 became ubiquitous and extended "as far as Hiroshima." ' Senkyoshi acted to spread the ce n t r a l government i d e a l of national unity at a time of decentralization and p o t e n t i a l 1 ? 8 han d i s a f f e c t i o n . This programme was a sincere e f f o r t to disseminate an understanding of the aims of the Restoration. There i s a tendency i n immediate post-war Shinto scho-l a r s h i p to att r i b u t e l a t e r aspects of the Shinto-state a l l i a n c e (for example, thought control, v i r u l e n t nationalism) as having existed before i n the f i r s t M e i j i years i n the form 100 of the government use of Shinto to enhance the acceptance of the Imperial cause. C r i t i c i s m i s l e v e l l e d at the sen- kyoshi programme as being of a coercive nature and using Shinto propagation as a means of "bureaucratic thought 129 control" 7 or, f o r being part of a general e f f o r t by 130 "aroused n a t i o n a l i s t s " to destroy Buddhism. E a r l i e r scholars such as S i r Ernest Satow are more vituperative, s t a t i n g that the elevation of Shinto reduced "the people to 131 a condition of mental slavery." J The Reverend S.R. Brown, President of the A s i a t i c Society of Japan i n 1874, offered the mistaken prognostication that " e f f o r t s to revive t h i s 132 would-be r e l i g i o n must end i n f a i l u r e . " J The coercion and so-called thought control took the form of the periodic assembling of l o c a l people to hear lectures on Shinto. Given mainly by low-ranking senkyoshi, the major-i t y of whom "were former Confucianists and lacked an inten-133 s i t y i n t h e i r propagation", J J these lectures were to a high degree ineffective and f e l l on apathetic ears. Furthermore, the teaching rules f o r senkyoshi show that the Jingikan was conscientious i n i t s guidelines f o r Shinto teachers. The senkyoshi had to ensure that any r e f u t a t i o n of competing doctrines remained s t r i c t l y on a scholastic l e v e l . Calumny of t h e i r opponents and even s l i g h t aggressiveness was decried 134 -as a great hindrance to conversion. y Okuma and B i s e i and other progressive Shintoists emphasized moderation i n r e l i g i o u s p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n . B i s e i also pressed f o r lenient 101 treatment of Christians and the adaptation of Western ideas of s o c i a l reform. Furthermore, the claim that senkyoshi were part of a scheme to promote ardent nationalism i s premature i n t h i s period of r e l a t i v e decentralization and precariously balanced daimyo a l l i a n c e s . The nascent central government had yet to e f f e c t the consolidation of a securely u n i f i e d national entity. The senky5shi programme had as i t s goals the two recurrent themes of early M e i j i r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y — that of the i n c u l c a t i o n of national unity centred around the Imperial symbol and that of the dissemination of Revival Shinto ideas to enhance the r e l i g i o u s authority of the throne. Both these aspects were, i n the f i r s t few years of M e i j i , treated as being i d e o l o g i c a l l y inseparable. As Professor Murakami states, the senkyoshi programme 135 was the p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n of an emperor-centred p o l i t y . I t has to be pointed out, however, that at t h i s early stage i n the M e i j i period, the r e l i g i o u s character of the government was such that p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n was seen as an i n t r i n s i c part of the r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l p o l i t y . Furthermore, there was no systematically designed p o l i t i c a l programme nor any serious-l y worked out p o l i c y as to the numerous questions on the p o s i t i o n of the Emperor J and other fundamental p o l i t i c a l issues that were l a t e r systematized during the State Shinto period. The main p o l i t i c a l task i n the f i r s t years of M e i j i 1 0 2 was the e f f e c t i n g of the return of the feudal domains to the Emperor and c e n t r a l government. The r o l e of senkyoshi i n t h i s endeavour was, hy promoting ethico-moral ideas such as Emperor reverence, to smooth the transference of l o c a l l o y a l t i e s from the han to the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t i e s . The task placed before senkyoshi was a considerable one. They met with confusion and apathy from a populace generally uninformed as to the exact nature of the Restoration. Fur-thermore, r e l i g i o n was only one part of people's l i v e s and outside of the r e l i g i o u s e l i t e most found l i t t l e time for the complex, ab s o l u t i s t tenets of Hirata Shinto. More pressing problems faced the populace, problems not e a s i l y assuaged by lectures on 'the kami way'. At the same time two pervasive forces began to undermine the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t i e s ' e f f o r t s at r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l 'edu-cation'. One was the growing strength of sectarian Buddhism which resented being excluded from a role i n national r e l i -gious a f f a i r s and the other was the growing acceptance of Western ideas of ' c i v i l i z a t i o n and enlightenment'. The f a i l u r e of the senkyoshi programme exemplified the weakness of the sole reliance on s a i s e i i t c h i as a r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y and as a cohesive force f o r national unity. The work of the senkyoshi did, however, underline the need f o r further attempts at the dissemination of central government ideology of state. This, however, was c a r r i e d out within the atmosphere of an increasing u t i l i z a t i o n of modern and Western ideas of 103 state government. Part Five; The Downfall of the Jingikan and Restoration Shinto By late 1871 support of the government both for the p o l i c y of s a i s e i i t c h i and f o r the elevation of Shinto ended abruptly. Henceforth, p o l i t i c a l prerogatives would take precedence over r e l i g i o u s reform. On September 22, 1871 the Jingikan l o s t i t s prestigious status i n the government bureaucracy and was demoted to a Jingisho (Department of Shinto), a body which had considerably less influence i n gov-ernment. In the following A p r i l (I872), the Jingisho was replaced by a Kyobusho (Department of Religions) which included the administration of both Shinto and Buddhism. Furthermore, while o f f i c i a l regulation of Shinto continued to be a concern of various government departments, the support of the govern-ment for these bodies lapsed considerably. The reasons for the curtailment of the d i r e c t a p p l i c a t i o n of s a i s e i i t c h i and an exclusive pro-Shinto r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y was a r e s u l t of factors which were both p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s . In the sphere of p o l i t i c s the M e i j i government had, by mid -1871, achieved a considerable degree of national p o l i t i c a l consolidation and administrative security. In August of that year the M e i j i leaders had, a f t e r long negotiations and p o l i t i c a l maneuvering, achieved control of the daimyo domains. The Imperial edict of August 29, 1871 reads; "We now completely 104 abolish the Clans (Han) and convert them into Domains (Ken), with the object of... abolishing the disease of government 137 proceeding from multiform centres." The existence of independently controlled daimyo t e r r i t o r i e s which had been the major stumbling block to national u n i f i c a t i o n was now ended. The national control and p o l i t i c a l consolidation under Imperial authority achieved by the a b o l i t i o n of the han was the most outstanding achievement of the early M e i j i government. Henceforth modern nation b u i l d i n g could commence within the framework of the modern p r e f e c t u r a l system which was set up i n 1871. By late I87I the government undertook a re-organization of the central government. This restructuring, "the great change of 1Q71" was planned by a commission directed by government leaders of a much more progressive bent. A new, more permanent government organization was now planned. This administration saw less need to support the t r a d i t i o n a l -a l i s t , conservative p o l i c i e s favoured by reactionary daimyo and most members of the court. On September 13, I871 t h i s new administrative structure was formed. It consisted of the d i v i s i o n of the Dajokan into three chambers, Sa-in (Board of the L e f t ) , U-in (Board of the Right) and S e i - i n (Central Board). A l l former government departments were placed under the Dajokan. The S e i - i n , dominated by the young samurai leaders, held the e f f e c t i v e reins of power and "with the exception of Iwakura and Sanjo, the top posts 105 i n the c e n t r a l government were swept clean of nobles and - 139 daimyo" J and the government leaders commenced .the con-st r u c t i o n of a new order. Under t h i s new re-organization the Jingikan was reduced to the l e v e l of an ordinary department. The reasons indicated fo r the downgrading of the Jingikan were f a r from s p e c i f i c . The o f f i c i a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n stated that the Jingikan's " j u r i s d i c t i o n a l o f f i c e s were few i n number compared tothat 140 of the Dajokan." As a r e s u l t of the changes, the Jingikan ( l i k e the other administrative departments) suffered a consi-derable reduction i n s t a f f . Most of the senior and a l l lower-grade ranks were abolished. To replace the bureaucrats thus removed ordinary Shinto p r i e s t s were appointed whose duties were restricted to the administration of shrine f e s t i v a l s . The lowering of the status of the Jingikan caused con-siderable consternation i n Restoration Shinto c i r c l e s . The Shinto r e v i v a l i s t s now found they no longer shared the same objectives as the new government. Henceforth, t h e i r p o l i t i c a l influence would be much less s i g n i f i c a n t . The Jingikan was now ,to a degree an anachronism and a new government structure i n which purely secular p o l i t i c a l p o l i c i e s would replace the stress on r e l i g i o n which characterized the previous adminis-t r a t i v e structure. On May 22, 18?1» for example, Census Regulations (koseki 106 kisoku) were enacted by a law which stated: "Census d i s t r i c t s are created, i n each of which, the Ko-cho [ D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r ] and his assistant must procure accurate information as to the number of houses, of inhabitants, or b i r t h s and deaths, and the movement of the population." Thus, Shinto shrine r e g i s t r a t i o n was replaced with a modern and secular system. On September 2, I87I, "the Department of Education (Mombusho) [was] established i n place of the Daigaku [National Univer-1/4,3 s i t y ] . " J The Daigaku, then, which had stressed the tenets of the Hirata school was now abolished. It was replaced by the beginnings of a modern and Western-style education system. Factions i n the Jingikan One of the primarily r e l i g i o u s reasons for the down-grading of the Jingikan was the f a c t that the Shinto bureau-crats, who were drawn from various schools of Restoration Shinto, became involved i n d o c t r i n a l disputes. The r e s u l t was that the Shinto bureaucracy became rent by f a c t i o n a l d i v i s i o n s which had a detrimental e f f e c t on both Jingikan administration and the Shinto r e v i v a l movement. The chief cause of t h i s d i v i s i o n lay i n the a b s o l u t i s t and r a d i c a l nature of the Hirata school teachings. Included i n the general undertaking of s a i s e i i t c h i was the pre-eminent p o s i t i o n accorded both the members and the doctrine;?of the Hirata school. Therefore, inherent i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of 107 the Shinto r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y was the danger of the wholesale application of the tenets of one school over the others. This was particularly unusual i n the case of Shinto which before M e i j i had seldom been held to a generally accepted d o c t r i n a l orthodoxy. The various branches of Shinto united by the goal of s a i s e i i t c h i , the achievement of a r e l i g i o u s s e l f - i d e n t i t y and the need f o r a reconstructed shrine system began to assert t h e i r independent views once these goals had been achieved. Herein lay the i n t e r n a l weakness of early M e i j i Shinto, a weakness which would become exacer-bated and lead to c o n f l i c t and ultimate d i v i s i o n of the various groups that comprised the Shinto world. The d o c t r i n a l orthodoxy attempted under s a i s e i i t c h i was that of Hirata Atsutane and t h i s met with resistance from some Shinto p r i e s t s when applied l o c a l l y , at the l e v e l of general shrine Shinto, by senkyoshi teachers. Thus Restoration Shinto which had succeeded on an i d e o l o g i c a l l e v e l and which had"provided the chief i n t e l l e c t u a l motiva-i L.L. t i o n f o r the restoration of Imperial r u l e " began to flounder when applied l o c a l l y on a national scale. The leaders of the more t r a d i t i o n a l schools, such as Yoshida Ryogi and Shirakawa Sekenori, found Hirata doctrines too e c l e c t i c and derivative of Buddhism and other r e l i g i o u s systems. Hirata's doctrine indeed expressed a progressive universalism which included unique interpretations of such notions as a Supreme Creator Kami and an afterworld or 108 realm of the dead which were derived from C h r i s t i a n and Buddhist teachings. Atsutane, to meet the phi l o s o p h i c a l and theological tenor of the day, integrated these concepts (and others) into the Shinto schema. Atsutane's hold innovations were expanded hy his successors Kanetane and Nohutane as well as Yano Gendo, Senge Takatomi, Okuni Taka-masa and Maruyama Sakura. Many of these scholars formed independent branches of the Hirata school. Within the school of Hirata Shinto there also developed broadly progressive and conservative groups. Theological progressives such as Kanetane, Gendo and Okuni were opposed i n the Jingikan by c o n s e r v a t i v e - t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s , such as Konoe Tadafusa, head of the Ise school of Hirata Shinto, and Shirakawa Sukenori of the ancient Shinto lineage. Both groups, however, were c r i t i c i z e d by Fukuba B i s e i and Kado-waki Shigeaya who were among the p o l i t i c a l l y progressive Hirata school o f f i c i a l s i n the Jingikan. B i s e i , also a senkyoshi chief o f f i c i a l , advocated the i n c l u s i o n of more modern reformist ideas and praised the usefulness of foreign 'enlightened' ideas i n the promotion of Shinto. Kubo Sueshige (1830-1886), a progressive member and o f f i c i a l Shinto commentator, stressed that the r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l p o l i c i e s should not be mere imitations of the past but be made compatible with the necessitates of a changing Japan. This view was contrary to the s p i r i t of s a i s e i i t c h i . 109 In the J ingikan f a c t i o n a l wrangling over d o c t r i n a l issues became accentuated i n 1870 over the question as to which kami should be worshipped i n the Shinto government o f f i c e s and over the question of the senkyoshi curriculum. These disputes made the Jingikan a prey to strong c r i t i c i s m by several authoritative government members, such as Eto Shimpei and Saigo Takamori who saw the J ingikan become a source of d o c t r i n a l confusion. These c r i t i c i s m s increased as the senkyoshi programme continued to make l i t t l e progress. The demotion of the Jingikan i n 1871 caused further r i f t s i n the ranks of Restoration Shinto and t h i s downgrading i n e f f e c t halted the momentum of Restoration Shinto achieve-ments. The Jingisho (Department of Shinto) The c r i t i c i s m of the conservative group became focused on Fukuba B i s e i and Kadowaki Shigeaya. These Hirata scholar-o f f i c i a l s had supported the new government changes of 1871 and thus were accorded leading positions i n the Jingisho 146 established on September 22, 1871 to replace the Jingikan. Eto Shimpei and Saigo Takamori, two dominant figures i n the new government, became the leading o f f i c e r s i n the Jingisho. With the government changes of I87I1 court Shinto ceremonies were removed to a separate o f f i c e , the Sfaikiburyo (Ceremonial Office) which was placed under Dajokan control 110 Also -in September 1871, the 'Eight Kami' worshipped i n the Shinto administrative o f f i c e s were transferred to the Palace Sanctuary (Kyuchu kashikodokoro) of the Imperial court. Thus, the r e l i g i o u s character of the Jingisho was altered considerably. The emphasis i n the Jingisho became one of study and research. There was l i t t l e achieved i n the sphere of r e l i g i o u s administration. At the same time the d o c t r i n a l disputes and f a c t i o n a l schisms continued to plague the department. The i n e f f e c t u a l i t y of the Jingisho r e f l e c t e d the general change i n the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of the government. By 1872 the government had considerably reduced i t s support of Shinto, and shrine administration began to take an i n f e r i o r p o s i t i o n i n the p r i o r i t i e s of government, a s i t u a t i o n which lasted u n t i l around the turn of the century. ' At the same time, from the begin-ning of the I870's amid an i n t e l l e c t u a l climate increasingly characterized by much more progressive and enlightened ideas, p o l i t i c a l p o l i c i e s stressed reform along modern and Western l i n e s . The Jingisho, reduced i n s t a f f and lacking the ardent commitment of the more conservative Hirata scholars, f a i l e d to make progress i n the national p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n of Shinto by senkyoshi. Consequently, the Jingisho became viewed as a "useless white elephant." Arguments arose between Eto and Saigo as to the usefulness of the department. Saigo c a l l e d the Jingisho "a s i e s t a department" 1 ^ and both I l l o f f i c i a l s p r o p o s e d i t s r e p l a c e m e n t b y a m o r e m o d e r n a n d p r a g m a t i c a p p r o a c h t o r e l i g i o u s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . I n A p r i l 1872, t h e r e f o r e , t h e J i n g i s h o a n d s e n k y o s h i w e r e a b o l i s h e d a n d r e p l a c e d b y a K y o b u s h o o r D e p a r t m e n t o f R e l i g i o n s w h i c h i n c l u d e d B u d d h i s t s a m o n g i t s o f f i c i a l s a n d w a s a u t h o r i z e d t o s u p e r v i s e t h e j o i n t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f b o t h S h i n t o a n d B u d d h i s m . A m a j o r f a c t o r i n t h e s e t t i n g u p o f t h e K y o b u s h o w a s t h e o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e e a r l y M e i j i r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y b y t h e o r g a n i z e d f o r c e s o f s e c t a r i a n B u d d h i s m . T h i s o p p o s i t i o n w a s p a r t i c u l a r l y e f f e c t i v e a s t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s m a i n c o n c e r n w a s s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y . T h e B u d d h i s t m o v e m e n t a r o s e o u t o f r e s e n t m e n t a t t h e g e n e r a l a n t i ^ B u d d h i s t a t m o s p h e r e , t h e p r e f e r e n t i a l t r e a t m e n t a c c o r d e d S h i n t o a n d a l s o b e c a u s e m a n y s e c t l e a d e r s w a n t e d B u d d h i s t t e a c h i n g s i n c l u d e d i n t h e n a t i o n a l p r o p a g a t i o n o f t h e I m p e r i a l c a u s e . A s a r e s u l t a m a l g a m a t e d s e c t a s s o c i a t i o n s f o r m e d a u n i f i e d B u d d h i s t f r o n t . / w h i c h , l e d b y v o c a l s e c t l e a d e r s , c o n s t a n t l y p e t i t i o n e d t h e g o v e r n m e n t t o a c h i e v e t h e i r a i m s . S h i m a j i M o k u r a i , l e a d e r o f t h e p o w e r f u l W e s t H o n g a n j i s e c t o f S h i n B u d d h i s m , a m o n g o t h e r s , p r o p o s e d t h e f o r m a t i o n o f a d e p a r t m e n t o f r e l i g i o n s i n w h i c h B u d d h i s m w o u l d b e i n c l u d e d . T h e r e s u l t w a s t h e K y o b u s h o e s t a b l i s h e d o n A p r i l 21, 1872 w h i c h e f f e c t e d a S h i n t o - B u d d h i s t a m a l g a m a t i o n a t t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l e v e l . T h i s b o d y u n d e r t h e d i r e c t i o n o f t h e p o l i t i c i a n E t o S h i m p e i w a s t o c a r r y o u t a g e n e r a l r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l e d u c a t i o n o f 112 the populace. The new s t r e s s was to he on the promotion of an e d u c a t i o n a l p o l i c y and the Kyobusho worked hand i n hand with the Mombusho (Department of Education). From 18?2 onwards the r e l i g i o u s character of the government s u p p l i e d by Restora-t i o n Shinto and the J i n g i k a n was g r a d u a l l y r e p l a c e d by a more modern, p o l i t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d and systematic approach to the disse m i n a t i o n of r e l i g i o u s ideas through n a t i o n a l education. The government r e - o r g a n i z a t i o n of 1871. then, was fol l o w e d by a sharp increase i n the momentum towards the f o r m u l a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s p o l i c i e s more i n keeping w i t h the d i c t a t e s of modernization. The sole promotion of Shinto under the o f f i c e s of the c e n t r a l government q u i c k l y came to be viewed as i m p r a c t i c a l f o r the advancement of s o c i a l reform. Under the Kyobusho, s a i s e i i t c h i was replaced by s a i s e i k y o i t c h i (the u n i t y of r e l i g i o n , education and government). 1 5 0 From I875 onwards u n t i l around 1900 there was a general trend away from the s t r e s s on Shinto by government. In 1882 independent Shinto s e c t s (Kyoha Shinto) were f o r m a l l y recognized and allowed independence from the Shrine Shinto system. The Imperia l C o n s t i t u t i o n of 1889 provided guarantees, a l b e i t of a c o n d i t i o n a l nature, of freedom of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f f o r a l l . 1 - ' 1 This freedom, nonetheless, was accorded w i t h i n the framework of an I m p e r i a l s t a t e which was decreed "sacred and i n v i o l a b l e . " 1 Thus, i n M e i j i , Western p o l i t i c a l and ed u c a t i o n a l ideas became incorporated w i t h n a t i v e a b s o l u t i s t notions of p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l and Im p e r i a l house dominance. The r e s u l t was the f o r -113 mulation of the kokutai i d e a l into which Shinto was incor-porated i n the form of State Shinto. Therefore, though the government of 1872 forced into the background ideas of a return to the theocratic p o l i t y of ancient Japan exemplified by the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of s a i s e i i t c h i , Restoration Shinto ideology, i n the sense of having elevated the r e l i g i o u s authority of the Emperor, provided a r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l legacy which was u t i l i z e d to considerable p o l i t i c a l e f f e c t i n l a t e r years. To paraphrase C l i f f o r d Geertz, the f i r s t f i v e years of M e i j i proved that an increase i n the r i t u a l potency of the head of the p o l i t i c a l state meant an increase i n the status of the r e l i g i o n providing the r i t u a l element. 1 In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , - i t seems that the ideology behind the r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y of the earlypMeiji state was more important than the mechanisms set up to disseminate t h i s ideology. 114 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION The f i r s t f i v e years of the M e i j i period and the establishment of the Imperial state are noted f o r the promotion of Shinto i n the form of the r e l i g i o u s ideology and p o l i c y of s a i s e i i t c h i which acted to b o l s t e r the Imperial cause. The implementation of s a i s e i i t c h i c a r r i e d out under the impetus of Restoration Shinto s c h o l a r - o f f i c i a l s lent a d e f i n i t e r e l i g i o u s character to early M e i j i govern-ment. With the re-establishment of the ancient Jingikan-Dajokan structure i n I 8 6 9 i " » Shinto influence reached i t s apogee. Under the J ingikan order was brought to the Shinto world i n that Shinto became consolidated into a systematized r e l i g i o u s structure and f o r the f i r s t time i n eight centuries acquired an independent s e l f - i d e n t i t y free from the influence of i n s t i t u t i o n a l Buddhism. S a i s e i i t c h i represents the formation of a r e l i g i o u s structure by p o l i t i c a l means. At the same time, the accept-ance by the government of Restoration Shinto theories of Imperial-.state structure, placed the c e n t r a l administration i n the context of r e l i g i o n . In the f i r s t years of M e i j i , a time of s h i f t i n g allegiances, experimentation with admini-s t r a t i v e forms and p o l i t i c a l insecurity, the government, faced with the lack of a c l e a r l y defined modern alternative, 115 turned to an indigenous source of government found i n the administrative forms of the ancient past. The govern-ment thus became characterized by the influence of Shinto and Shinto ideology which provided the r e l i g i o u s authority for the Emperor around whom the state was consolidated. In this early period there were few clear-cut p o l i t i c a l p o l i c i e s and various groups inside and outside of govern-ment promoted th e i r own p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s . The Emperor, however, provided a f o c a l point around which diverse forces r a l l i e d and also became u t i l i z e d i n his age-old role as a l e g i t i m i z e r of p o l i t i c a l power. The expansion and development of Shinto as a r e l i g i o u s system i n the f i r s t f i v e years of M e i j i attests to the f a c t that p o l i t i c a l leaders supported the r e v i v a l of Shinto to i t s former p o s i t i o n of administrative prominence. They also supported the p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n of Shinto amidst a populace ignorant of the values both of the ancient Emperor state construct and of the goals of the Restoration. The i d e n t i t y of r e l i g i o n and p o l i t i c a l goals allowed Shinto for a time to dominate the r e l i g i o u s sphere and also, by the promotion of the p o l i c y of s a i s e i i t c h i , government to a degree became imbued with a r e l i g i o u s intent. The u t i l i t y of the s a i s e i i t c h i system lay i n the f a c t that i t provided a r e l i g i o - i d e o l o g i c a l and administrative framework which u n i f i e d the court and samurai leaders and aided them i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to control the divergent 116 i n t e r e s t s o f the f e u d a l daimyo. A f t e r p o l i t i c a l u n i f i c a t i o n was a c h i e v e d , however, and t h e domains r e t u r n e d t o the t h r o n e , the way was open f o r t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f more modern forms o f government. As Prime M i n i s t e r S a n j o Sanetomi, w r i t i n g i n 1885, p o i n t e d o u t , the r e - i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the a n c i e n t government model was one w h i c h " s u i t e d as a temporary e x p e d i e n t t o the e x i g e n c i e s o f the t i m e . " 1 The f a i l u r e o f s a i s e i i t c h i , t h e n , was the f a i l u r e o f t h e r e - e s t a b l i s h e d J i n g i k a n - D a j o k a n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e model o f 1869 t o f orm a l a s t i n g a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e . F u r t h e r m o r e , a l t h o u g h R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o a c h i e v e d a g r e a t d e a l o f i t s g o a l s by 1871. t h e f a i l u r e o f s a i s e i i t c h i h i g h l i g h t s the l a c k o f s u c c e s s o f R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o d o c t r i n e s t o s u s t a i n a p o p u l a r f o l l o w i n g amid the g r o w i n g s o c i a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l movements o f the ' e n l i g h t e n m e n t ' . A n o t h e r key f a c t o r i n t h e d o w n f a l l o f s a i s e i i t c h i was t h a t i t was p r i m a r i l y a r e l i g i o u s con-s t r u c t and as such was c o n s t r a i n e d by t h e r e l i g i o u s f a c t o r s p r e v a l e n t i n the Japanese scene. That i s , the p l u r a l i s m i n h e r e n t i n Japanese r e l i g i o n as a whole a c t e d as an e f f e c t i v e o b s t a c l e t o the o v e r l o r d s h i p o f S h i n t o . I n o r d e r t o d e f i n e the p a r a m e t e r s o f t h e s a i s e i i t c h i c o n s t r u c t , i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o measure i t a g a i n s t the w i d e r background o f what has come t o be known as the S t a t e S h i n t o p e r i o d . The q u e s t i o n i s how f a r can we d e s i g n a t e s a i s e i i t c h i , the p r e v a l e n t e x p r e s s i o n o f the e a r l y M e i j i Shinto-government a l l i a n c e , as S t a t e S h i n t o , the term used by contemporary scholars to describe the i n t e r a c t i o n of the Shinto r e l i g i o n and the Japanese state between 1868 and 1945-The beginnings of State Shinto can be traced to the o f f i c i a l pronouncement of 1882 which allowed the independence of numerous Shinto sects which had developed with t h e i r own founders and d o c t r i n a l t r a d i t i o n s and at the same time placed Shrine Shinto into a formally designated non-religious category. By t r e a t i n g Sect Shinto as a separate entity from the more t r a d i t i o n a l Shinto shrines and i n e f f e c t leaving "matters of r e l i g i o n and morals [mainly i n the hands o f ] . . . 2 the sects," the government was able to side-step the freedom of r e l i g i o n provision l a i d down l a t e r i n the Imperial Consti-tution of 1889. The government then began a gradual process of the promotion of Shrine Shinto, devoid of such r e l i g i o u s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as d o c t r i n a l development and t h e o l o g i c a l research, as a symbol of p a t r i o t i c national worship. Thus, from the f a i l u r e of s a i s e i i t c h i there developed a more modern, p o l i t i c a l l y systematized and oriented construct. This, the kokutai, u t i l i z e d Shinto tenets and i n s t i t u t i o n s for the popular indoctrination of the e t h i c o - p o l i t i c a l goals of the secular state. From 1900 under the Ministry of Home A f f a i r s , Shrine Shinto became a v i r t u a l c i v i l body and was regulated within a separate j u r i s d i c t i o n from the r e l i g i o u s bodies of Japan. The year 1882, then, "marks the beginning of an e f f o r t by the government to d i f f e r e n t i a t e Shinto as a 3 national c u l t from Shinto as a r e l i g i o n . " J 118 S h r i n e S h i n t o t h u s d e f i n e d e v o l v e d t o p l a y a major r o l e i n p r o p a g a t i o n o f the k o k u t a i ( l i t . n a t i o n a l e n t i t y ) i d e o l o g y w h i c h had i t s b e g i n n i n g s i n the l a t e M e i j i p e r i o d . The k o k u t a i i d e a was the n o t i o n o f the s t a t e as a u n i t e d n a t i o n a l f a m i l y and was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by n a t i o n a l i s t i c i n d o c t r i n a t i o n by a b r o a d v a r i e t y o f p o l i t i c a l , e d u c a t i o n a l and r e l i g i o u s means. F o r example, a p r i m a r y b u t t r e s s t o the k o k u t a i was the e t h i c a l t r a i n i n g l a i d o u t i n the I m p e r i a l R e s c r i p t on E d u c a t i o n o f 1890 w h i c h promoted Emperor r e v e r -ence and l o y a l t y . By the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y a t a time o f v i c t o r i e s i n f o r e i g n wars w i t h C h i n a (1895) and R u s s i a (1905) and i n an atmosphere o f v i r u l e n t n a t i o n a l i s m , S h i n t o came t o the f o r e i n the form o f S t a t e S h i n t o w h i c h was u t i l i z e d w i t h i n the k o k u t a i framework t o engender n a t i o n a l m o b i l i z a t i o n i n s u p p o r t o f the war e f f o r t . S t a t e S h i n t o , t h e n , i s the term used by post-war s c h o l a r s t o d e s c r i b e those a s p e c t s o f S h i n t o u t i l i z e d as an i n t r i n s i c f a c e t o f k o k u t a i n a t i o n a l i s t i d e o l o g y and thus more a c c u r a t e l y s h o u l d be termed k o k u t a i S h i n t o . Under the d i c t a t e s o f the k o k u t a i , s h r i n e w o r s h i p became t h o r o u g h l y p o l i t i c i z e d . S h r i n e r e v e r e n c e as f o s t e r e d by S t a t e S h i n t o superceded p e r s o n a l r e l i g i o u s t i e s and b e l i e f s . F u r t h e r m o r e , the m a n i p u l a t i o n o f S h i n t o by p o l i t i -c i a n s p r o v e d d e t r i m e n t a l t o the t h e o l o g i c a l development o f S h i n t o as a r e l i g i o u s system. S t a t e S h i n t o , t h e n , became, a t l e a s t t h e o l o g i c a l l y , a c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n terms. I t was the p o l i t i c a l power o f the s t a t e g i v e n a r e l i g i o u s g u i s e . 119 Some s c h o l a r s h o l d , however, t h a t S t a t e S h i n t o , d e s p i t e the p o l i t i c a l a r t i f i c e o f i t s o f f i c i a l d e s i g n a t i o n as a non-r e l i g i o n , d i d p o s s e s s " u n m i s t a k a b l y most o f the c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s o f a normal r e l i g i o u s c u l t " - * w h i c h t o a h i g h degree u t i l i z e d the v i s i b l e forms and t r a p p i n g s o f the S h i n t o r e l i g i o n . However, hy the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y , the p o l i t i c a l i n t e n t b e h i n d the r e l i g i o u s f a c a d e made S t a t e S h i n t o a r e l i -g i o n w h i c h d e n i e d i t s r e l i g i o s i t y and i t t h u s became a " n a t i o n a l r i t u a l w h i c h had l i t t l e r e l i g i o n . " ^ As P r o f e s s o r F r i d e l l p o i n t s o u t , S t a t e S h i n t o must be r e c o g n i z e d as an u m b r e l l a t e rm c o i n e d i n r e t r o s p e c t t o d e s c r i b e t h e m u l t i - f a c e t e d i n t e r a c t i o n o f S h i n t o and government be-n tween 1868 and 19^5. As suc h , t h i s paper argues t h a t the term i s in a d e q u a t e t o d e f i n e the a l l i a n c e o f S h i n t o and government w h i c h t o o k the f o r m o f s a i s e i i t c h i i n the f i r s t f i v e y e a r s o f M e i j i . S a i s e i i t c h i h e r e i n has been viewed i n i t s own terms and w i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f b o t h i t s i n t e l l e c -t u a l a n t e c e d e n t s and as the term used i n contemporary I m p e r i a l government pronouncements w h i c h h e r a l d e d the S h i n t o f o u n d a t i o n s o f the new s t a t e . S a i s e i i t c h i was a r e l i g i o -p o l i t i c a l d u a l i t y based on a r e l i g i o u s t h e o r y i n w h i c h b o t h elements were i d e n t i f i e d w i t h i n the framework o f r e l i g i o u s p r e c e p t s . T h i s i d e n t i t y d i f f e r e d s u b s t a n t i v e l y i n i n t e n t from the subsequent S t a t e S h i n t o f o r m u l a t i o n i n t h a t the r e l i g i o u s c o n c e r n s o f R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o i s t s i n government were a c c e p t e d and de v e l o p e d . The f i r s t M e i j i government 120 a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s between I868and 1871 were p l a c e d i n a r e l i g i o u s context and a c q u i r e d a r e l i g i o u s c h a r a c t e r when th e o b j e c t i v e s o f R e v i v a l S h i n t o became a l l i e d t o t h e p o l i t i c a l g o a l s o f the s e c u l a r l e a d e r s . F u r t h e r m o r e , the R e s t o r a t i o n S h i n t o o f f i c i a l s i n the J i n g i k a n f o r m u l a t e d and s u p e r v i s e d t h e r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y o f s a i s e i i t c h i w h i c h marked the achievement o f t h e - r e v i t a l i z a t i o n o f S h i n t o i n s t i t u t i o n s . I n c o n t r a s t " i t was the p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y , r a t h e r t h a n the r e l i g i o u s e l i t e , w h i c h d e t e r m i n e d the o p o l i c i e s and a c t i v i t i e s o f S t a t e S h i n t o . " The i d e n t i t y of S h i n t o w i t h government i n the f i r s t M e i j i y e a r s e x e m p l i f i e d by s a i s e i i t c h i , when viewed w i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f i t s own development, e x h i b i t s enough o f a c o n t r a s t t o S t a t e S h i n t o t h a t i t can be t r e a t e d as a d i s t i n c t phenomenon worthy o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n on i t s own terms as an h i s t o r i c a l e n t i t y . 1 2 1 NOTES Chapter 1 1 C l a s s i c a l or ancient period of Japanese history refers approximately to the Nara Period ( 6 4 6 - 7 9 4 ) and to the early and mid-Heian Period ( 7 9 4 - C . 9 9 4 ) . The term kami defies an exact etymological d e f i n i t i o n acceptable to a l l scholars. In general, kami are the awe-i n s p i r i n g protective s p i r i t s and primary objects of reverence around which ancient r i t e s and ceremonies were c a r r i e d out. The c o l l e c t i v e practices of t h i s indigenous c u l t came l a t e r to be known as Shinto or the Way of the Kami. ^ Bakuhan system: government by a c e n t r a l m i l i t a r y r u l e r (shogun) and m i l i t a r y authority (bakufu) over feudal domains (han). 4 Cabot C o v i l l e , "Shinto, Engine of Government", Trans- actions of the A s i a t i c Society of Japan, Third Series, Vol. 1 , December, 1 9 4 8 , pp. 1 - 2 3 . 5 Wilbur M. F r i d e l l , "A Fresh Look at State Shinto", Journal of the American Academy of Religions, Vol. 4 4 , No. 3 . 1 9 7 6 , p. 5 6 1 . ^ Daniel C. Holtom, Modern Japan and Shinto Nationalism, University of Chicago P r e s F j 1 9 4 7 , p. v i i . Chapter 2 i George B. Sansom, Japan: A Short C u l t u r a l History, Appleton-Century-Crofts Inc., New York, 1962, p. 50. 2 Sansom, Japan, p. 51. y F e l i c i a G r e s s i t t Bock, t r . , Engi S h i k i : Procedures  of the Engi Era, Sophia University, Tokyo, 1970,; p. v i . 4 Bock, p. v i . Bock, p. 7. 6 -Some authorities c r e d i t the Taiho Code both as the source of eighth century administrative forms and as being the main i n s p i r a t i o n f o r the M e i j i government structure formed i n 1869. Professor Bock (1970), however, has shown that the Yoro Code was a separate compilation from the Taiho Code and 122 not as most scholars maintain, a s l i g h t r e v i s i o n of i t . Furthermore, as l i t t l e survives of the contents of the Taiho Code, the Yoro compilation may claim t h e _ d i s t i n c t i o n of providing the model fo r the Jingikan-Da.jokan structure re-established i n early M e i j i . ^ George B. Sansom, "Early Japanese Law and Administra-t i o n , Part One", Transactions of the A s i a t i c Society of Japan, Second Series, Vol. IX, 1932, p. 72. p Sansom, Japan, p. 158. 9 Robert King H a l l , Shushin: The Ethics of a Defeated  Nation, Columbia University, New York, 194-9, p. 40. 1 0 George B. Sansom, "Early Japanese Law and Administra-tio n , Part Two", Transactions of the A s i a t i c Society of Japan, Second Series, Vol. XI, 1934, p. 118. 11 12 13 14 Sansom, "Early - Part One", p. 84. Sansom, "Early - Part One", pp. 74 -109. Bock, p. 10. For example, George Sansom, Murakami Shigeyoshi, Yanaga Chitoshi. Bock, p. 10. Robert K a r l Reischauer, E a r l y Japanese History, Princeton University Press, 1937, P« 23. 17 ' There i s much debate as to the exact o r i g i n of the term Shinto and i t s use i n everyday language. The term does not appear i n the Engi s h i k i and may not have seen widespread usage before the Kamakura Period (1185-1333). Shinto means the way of the gods and was used to define the practices of the native kami r e l i g i o n i n the same way as the way of the Buddha and the way of Confucius. The word Shinto i s , however, of foreign o r i g i n and l i k e the term M e i j i i t may have been taken from the Chinese Book of Changes. In early Japan the term kamigoto defined the a f f a i r s of the kami r e l i g i o n and the term matsurigoto described the r u l e r ' s dual function as head of government and chief o f f i c i a t o r of kami r i t e s . 18 R.K. Reischauer, p. 23. 19 Jan E. deBecker, "General Discussion on Japanese Jurisprudence", The Transactions of the A s i a t i c Society of Japan, Vol. XLIV, Part II, 1916, pp. 61-62. 20 Harada Toshiaki, J i n j a : minzokugaku no tachiba kara miru, Shibundo, Tokyo, 1961, p. 178. 123 2 1 Murakami Shigeyoshi, Kokka Shinto, Iwanami shoten, Tokyo, 1970, p. 29. 2 2 Sansom, "Early - Part One", p. 72. 2-^ deBecker, p. 4. 2 h r Alan L. M i l l e r , "Ritsuryo Japan: The State as L i t u r g i c a l Community", History of Religions, Vol. 2, No. 1, August 1971. P« 118. 2 ^ Yonechi Minoru, " M e i j i shogi n i okeru_sonrakushozai j i n j a to kokka t o s e i " , Ninon joshi daigaku kiyo. Nihon joshi daigaku, Tokyo, 1970, pp. 5*4—55. 2 6 Jean Herbert, Shinto: At the Fountainhead of Japan, George A l l e n & Unwin, London, 1967. p. 168; p. 391. Chapter 3 I Kuroda Toshio, "Shinto i n the History of Japanese Religion", Journal of Japanese Studies, Vol. 7. No. 1, winter, 1981, p. 8 . Sansom, Japan, p. 184. ^ Kuroda, p. 10. Anesaki Masaharu, Religious L i f e of the Japanese  People, Kokusai bunka shinkokai, Tokyo, 1961, p. 18. 5 Joseph J . Spae, Shinto Man, Oriens Inst i t u t e f o r Religious Research, Tokyo, 1972, p. 22. - Kuroda, p. 12. ^ Tsunoda Ryusaku et. a l . , Sources of the Japanese  Tradition , Columbia University Press, New York, 1958, p. 271. o Tsunoda, p. 282. ^ Herschel Webb, The Japanese Imperial I n s t i t u t i o n i n  the Tokugawa Period, Columbia University Press, New York, 1968, p. 46. 1 0 Yoshida Kanemoto, Y u i i t s u shinto mvoho voshu quoted i n Tsunoda, p. 271. I I Tsunoda, p. 272. 124 1 2 Marius B. Jansen, "The M e i j i State: 1868-1912" i n Modern East Asia: Essays i n Interpretation, ed. James B. Crowley, Harcourt Brace & World, New York, 1970, p. 91. ^ Kuroda, p. 19. 14 Muraoka Tsunetsuge, Studies i n Shinto Thought, t r . Delmar M. Brown and James T. Araki, Ministry of. Education, Tokyo, 1964, p. 172. Muraoka, p. 8. 1 6 Tsunoda, p. 363. 1 7 Tsunoda, p. 363. 1 8 Muraoka, p. 16. 1 9 Sansom, Japan, p. 506. 20 Edwin 0. Reischauer and Albert M. Craig, Japan; Trad i t i o n and Transformation, Houghton MifflSn Co., Boston, 1978, p. 103. 2 1 Kuroda, p. 19. 22 Robert N. Bellah, Tokugawa Religion, The Free Press, New York, 1957, p. 101. 23 - -J Sakamoto Kenichi, "Meiji i s h i n to shinto", Shinto shi kenkyu. Vol. 13, No. 5-6, November, 1965, p. 77. 24 Spae, p. 22. 2 5 Ernest Satow, "The Revival of Pure Shin-Tau", Transactions of the A s i a t i c Society of Japan, Reprints, Vol. II, December, 1927. p. 201. 26 Joseph M. Kitagawa, Religion i n Japanese History, Columbia University Press, New York, 1966, p. 170. 2 7 Muraoka, pp. I67-I68. 28 H.D. Harootunian, "The Consciousness of Archaic Form i n the New Realism of Kokugaku" i n Japanese Thought  i n the Tokugawa Period, eds. Tetsuo,, Najita and Irwin Scheiner, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1978, pp. 63-104. 29 -Tokushige Asakichi, Ishin s e i j i shukyo s h i kenkyu, Matsumura shoten, Tokyo, 1935. PP* 657-664. 30 Murakami, Kokka, p. 67. 125 3 Maruyama Masao, Studies i n the I n t e l l e c t u a l  History of Tokugawa Japan, t r . Mikiso Hane, Princeton University Press, 1 9 7 4 , p. 2 6 7 . 32 Muraoka, p. 2 0 3 . 33 David E. Apter, ed., "Ideology and Discontent" i n Ideology and Discontent, Free Press of Glencoe, New York, 1 9 6 4 , p. 1 7 . 3^ Apter, p. 1 7 . Chapter 4 1 Kosaka Masaki, ed., Japanese Thought i n the M e i j i  Era, t r . David Abosch, Pan P a c i f i c Press, Tokyo, 1 9 5 8 . P« 18. Robert A. Wilson, "Genesis of the M e i j i Government i n Japan, I 8 6 8 - I 8 7 I " i n University of C a l i f o r n i a Publications  i n History, v o l . 5 6 , 1 9 5 7 , p. 1 . 3 C o v i l l e , p. 3 . 4 Wilson, pp. 1 - 2 . ^ Marius B. Jansen, Sakamoto Ryoma and the M e i j i  Restoration, Princeton University Press, 1 9 6 1 , p. 3 0 0 . Horei zensho I 8 6 7 - 8 i n Transactions of the A s i a t i c  Society of Japan, Japanese Government Documents, ed. W.W. Mclaren, Vol. XLII, Part I, 1 9 1 4 , p. 2 . 7 Horei zensho I 8 6 7 - 8 , TASJ. p. 2 . o Horei zensho I 8 6 7 - 8 , TASJ, p. 2 . 9 Albert Craig, "The Central Government i n the Transi-t i o n from Tokugawa to M e i j i Japan 1 8 5 3 - 1 8 7 1 " , unpublished, August, 1 9 8 1 , p. 1 9 . 1 0 Craig, p. 7 . 11 Wilson, pp. 5 - 6 . 12 Wilson, p. 5 . 1 3 C o v i l l e , p. 6. 14 Horitsu bunlca sha, Kyoto, 1 9 8 O , p. 16. F u j i t a n i Toshio, Shinto shinko to minshu tennosei, nks ' " 126 1 5 F u j i t a n i , p. 16. 1 6 Tokutomi I i c h i r o , Iwakura Tomomi ko, Hozonkai, Kyoto, 1932, p. 2. 1 7 Wilson, p. 12. 1 8 Martin Collcut, "Buddhism i n the M e i j i Transition", unpublished, 1981, pp. 6 -11 . 1 9 Murakami Shigeyoshi, Japanese Religion i n the Modern Century, t r . H. Byron Earhart, University of Tokyo Press, 1980, p. 9-2 0 Murakami, Modern, p. 10. 2 1 Muraoka, p. 203. 2 2 C o v i l l e , p. 5« 2 % E u g i t a n i , pv&*6, p. 175. 2 ^ Murakami, Kokka. p. 81. 2 5 Murakami, Kokka. p. 82. 2 6 Murakami, Kokka, p. 82. 2 7 Okakura Kakuzo, The Awakening of Japan, Sanseido Co., Tokyo, 1939. P- H I . 2 8 Okakura, p. 113. 2 9 Okakura, p. 111. 3 0 Tokushige, p. 160. 3 1 Muraoka, p. 203. 3 2 Sakamoto Kenichi, "Maruyama Sakura to Fukuzawa Yukichi", Kokugakuin zasshi, v o l . IV, May-June 1963. no. 5 & 6, p. 172. 3 3 Sakamoto, "Maruyama", p. 172. 3 ^ Murakami, Kokka, p. 84. 3 5 Wilson, p. 21; footnote 38, p. 131• 3 6 Kosaka, p. 54. 3 7 Iwakura quoted i n Tokushige, pp. 660-661. 127 ^ Kido Takayoshi, The Diary of Kido Takayoshi,  Vol. It 1868-1871. t r . Sidney DeVere Brown and Akiko Hirota, University of Tokyo Press, 1983. p. x x v i i . 3 ? Tsunoda, pp. 642-643. 40 Wilson, p. 10. 41 k Z Horei zensho 1867-8, TASJ, pp. 4 -5 -Ishin s h i , v o l . 5. Tokyo, 1941, pp. 60-64. 2 + 3 Ishin s h i , p. 377. 44 There i s a high degree of inconsistency i n the rendering into English of the t i t l e s of the Shinto adminis-t r a t i v e bodies of the M e i j i period. Since no standardized t r a n s l a t i o n e x i s t s , confusion i s best avoided by retention of the Japanese. Lc. _ -* Sakurai Masashi, M e i j i shukyo shi kenkyu, Shunju sha, Tokyo, 1971. pp. 13-14. 46 Sakurai, p. 14. 47 ' Wilson, p. 23. 48 Daniel C. Holtom, "The P o l i t i c a l Philosophy of Modern Shinto", TASJ. Vol. XLIX, Part Two, 1922, p. 11. 2 + 9 Wilson, p. 23-•5° John K. Fairbank et. a l . , East Asia The Modern  Transformation, Houghton M i f f l i n Co., Boston, 1965, p. 230. J Murakami Senjo et. a l . , eds., M e i j i i s h i n shinbutsu  bunri shiryo, Vol. 1, Heibunsha, Tokyo, 1970, p. 70. 52 J Hori Ichiro and Toda Yoshio imply wrongly that Toku-d a i j i headed the Jingikan which they mistakenly state as being set up i n February 1868. See Hori and Toda, "Part One - Shinto" i n Japanese Rel i g i o n i n the M e i j i Era, ed. Kishimoto Hideo, t r . John F. Howes, Obunsha, Tokyo, 1956, p. 44. However, as these authorities state, on January 19. 1868, Tokudaiji received a secret memorial from the govern-ment asking him to organize the s e t t i n g up of the Jingikan. Tokudaiji i n turn consulted his advisor Okuni Takamasa as to the e f f i c a c y of such an implementation. GkuniV'.inireply, outlined the form the modern Jingikan should take. He published t h i s i n his work Jingikan hongi (History of the  Council of Shinto A f f a i r s ) . 0kuni__s ideas received wide-spread attention. See M e i j i shukyo shi kenkyu, pp. 14 -15. 1 2 8 53 Shinbutsu bunri, p. 70. 5^ Shinbutsu bunri, p. 8 1 . 55 Shinbutsu bunri, p. 6 . 5^ The Kokugaku investigators of the Shinto heritage maintained that the Emperor Jimmu (660?B.C.-585?B.C.), the semi-mythological f i r s t Emperor of Japan, was the originator of both the s a i s e i i t c h i construct and the Jingikan. The highly i d e a l i z e d rule of Jimmu was constantly referr e d to i n Imperial pronouncements i n early M e i j i as an i n s p i r a t i o n a l model of government. See Ishin s hi, p. 4 7 2 . 57 H a l l , p. 29-5Q H a l l , p. 2 9 -5 9 C o v i l l e , p. 6 . 6 0 Edict of March 1 7 , 1 8 6 8 quoted i n Muraoka, p. 2 0 4 . 6 1 C o l l c u t , p. 13. J i n g i Jimukyoku order of March 2 8 , 1 8 6 8 quoted i n Collcut , p. 1 4 . ^ Dajokan order of A p r i l 2 0 , 1 8 6 8 quoted i n Holtom " P o l i t i c a l Philosophy", p. 1 1 , footnote 3« 6 4 Murakami, Modern, p. 25. 6 6 ^5 Murakami, Kokka, p. 8 7 . Murakami, Modern, pp. 5 - 6 . ^ 7 Murakami, Modern, p. 5 « 6 8 Kishimoto Hideo and Wakimoto Tsuneya, "Religion During Tokugawa" i n Japanese Religion i n the M e i j i Era, p. 11. 69 7 Kishimoto and Wakimoto, p. 13. 7 0 Sakamoto, "Meiji i s h i n " , p. 5 7 -7 1 Sakamoto, "Meiji i s h i n " , p. 5 7 -7 2 Seitaisho i n Japan Herald, August 2 9 , 1 8 6 8 , p. 1 4 9 2 i n TASJ, Vol. XLII, p. 7 -7 3 Seitaisho, TASJ, Vol. XLII, p. 7 -129 7 Soejima had studied with the Rev. Guido Verbeck, an American Protestant missionary, i n Nagasaki i n the early 1860's. See Kido, Diary, p. 11, footnote 35. 7 5 Wilson, p. 35-7 6 Wilson, p. 40. 7 7 Ishin s h i , p. 473. 7 8 Imperial Edict of November 30, 1868 quoted by Kono Shozo i n "Kannagara no michi", Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 3, No. 2, July 19^0, p. 25. 7 9 Hori and Toda, see footnote k9, p. 52. RO Kido, Diary, p. 53« 8 1 Ishin s h i , p. 540. 8 2 W.W. McLaren, "Introduction", TASJ, Vol. XLII, Part One. 1914, p. x l . 83 84 8 3 Wilson, p. 66. Craig, p. 13. 86 8 ^ Wilson, p. 66. The term Jingikan suffers from a lack of consistent t r a n s l a t i o n . Historians have tended towards i n d i v i d u a l ren-derings of the term. Bock (1970) underlines t h i s discrepancy and uses the t i t l e Department of Shinto. However, perhaps Council of Shinto A f f a i r s i s more precise as t h i s t r a n s l a t i o n r e f l e c t s the Jingikan's p o s i t i o n i n the two kan eight sho structure as an equal i n status to the Council of State (Dajokan1). 8 7 Ishin s h i , p. 475. Murakami, Kokka, p. 82. 8 9 Wilson, p. 58. 90 7 Jansen, Sakamoto, p. 363. 91 George Sansom, The Western World and Japan, A l f r e d A. Knopf, New York, 1950, p. kT<f. 9 2 Ishin s h i , p. 474. : 7 J Wilbur M. F r i d e l l , "The Establishment of Shrine Shinto i n M e i j i Japan", Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, Vol. 2, Nos. 2-3, June-September, 1975, p. 144. 130 9 i + Tagawa Daikichi, Kokka to shukyo, Kyobunkan, Tokyo, 1943, P. 85-9 ^ Murakami, Kokka, p. 92. 9 6 Murakami, Kokka, p. 148. 9 7 C o v i l l e , p. 11. 9 8 Imperial E d i c t of January 3. 1870 i n Shinbutsu  bunri, p. 86. 9 9 Kitagawa, p. 201. 1 0 0 Umeda Yoshihiko, "Shukyo ho no hensen", Shinto s h i  kenkyu, Part II, Vol. 10, No. 4, July 1962, p. 24. 1 0 1 Umeda, p. 28. 1 0 2 Sakurai, p. 18. 101 J Shinto Committee f o r the IXth International Congress for the History of Religions, Basic Terms of Shinto. Kokugaku-i n University Press, Tokyo, 1958, PP« 53-54. F u j i t a n i Toshio, "Kokka Shinto no honshitsu", Bunka hyoron, No. 89, February 1967, p. 65. 1 0 5 Kamada Junichi, "Meiji shinto gyoseijo no n i , san no mondai", Kogakkan ronson, Vol. 10, No. 3, June 1977, p. 2. In f a c t i t was not u n t i l the shrine merger p o l i c y c a r r i e d out between 1906 and 1912 that a clear-cut set of regulations was l a i d down. 1 0 6Murakami, Kokka, p. 94. 1 0 7Murakami, Kokka. p. 94. 1 0 8 The E d i c t of May 1871 quoted i n Hagiwara Tatsuo, "The Position of the Shinto Priesthoods H i s t o r i c a l Changes and Developments", Studies i n Japanese Folklore, ed. Richard M. Dorson, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1963, p. 226. 1 0 9 The E d i c t of May 1871 quoted i n Hagiwara, p. 226. 1 1 0 The Dajokan Ed i c t of July 1871 i n Murakami, Kokka, P, 96. I l l Regulations quoted i n Murakami, Kokka, p, 96. 112 Regulations quoted i n Murakami, Kokka, p. 96. 131 1 1 3 Wilbur M . F r i d e l l , Japanese Shrine Mergers 1 9 0 6 - 1 9 1 2 , Sophia Un ivers i t y , Tokyo, 1 9 7 3 . P - 32. E d i c t of May 1 8 ? 1 quoted in Hor i and Toda, p. 4 5 . 1 1 - 5 The Charter Oath of 1 8 6 8 , arguably the main secular l e g i s l a t i o n of the f i r s t M e i j i years , a lso c a l l s fo r the need for a nat ion cleansed of o ld abuses. The Charter Oath took the form of a Shinto oath which by the recommendation of Kido Koin was sworn by the ent i re government body before the Shinto kami i n the Imperial pa lace . A r t i c l e 4 of t h i s document states that " e v i l customs of the past be destroyed and a l l law be founded upon the_just ice of_heaven and e a r t h . " See Charter Oath i n M e i j i shukyo sh i kenkyu, p. 10. It i s therefore poss ib le to a t t r i b u t e r e l i g i o u s motivat ion to th i s c lause and state that the ' e v i l customs' and ' o l d abuses' may re fe r to the abuses of Shinto under the Ryobu system. 11 f Oguchi I i c h i and Takagi H i ro , "Re l ig ion and S o c i a l Development", Japanese R e l i g i o n i n the M e i j i E r a , pp. 3 3 7 -3 3 8 ; Murakami, Modern, p. 2 8 . 1 1 7 F r i d e l l , "Establ ishment ' , p. 148. 1 1 8 Oguchi and Takagi , p. 335. 1 1 9 Wilson, p. 5 9 . . 1 2 0 Wilson, p. 6 0 . Sakurai , p. 15. Hor i and Toda, pp. 5 4 - 5 5 . 123 -J The term senkyoshi app l ies a lso to the i n d i v i d u a l t e a c h e r - o f f i c i a l or missionary-emissary who acted as propagator fo r the r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l ideas of the new government. 1 Z h r Ishin s h i , p. 4 8 2 . 1 2 5 Ishin s h i , p. 4 8 3 . Imperial E d i c t of January 3 . 1870 i n Shinbutsu bunr i , p. 8 6 . 1 2 7 Tokushige, p. 233. 121 122 1 2 8 1 2 9 Sakurai , p. 1 7 • Matsutani Fumio and Undo Yoshimichi , "Part Two -Buddhism", Japanese R e l i g i o n i n the M e i j i E r a , p. 130. 132 1 3 0 D a n i e l C. Holtom, The N a t i o n a l F a i t h o f Japan: A  Study i n Modern S h i n t o , Paragon Book R e p r i n t Corp., New York, 1965, P. 56. 1 3 1 C o v i l l e , p. 13. 1 3 2 C o v i l l e , p. 13. 1 3 3 Murakami, Modern, p. 24. R u l e s f o r s e n k y o s h i quoted i n M a t s u t a n i and Undo, p. 1 13-> Murakami, Modern, p. 24. 1 3 6 I s h i n s h i , p. 540. 1 3 7 H o r e i zensho 1871, TASJ, p. 33-1 3 8 W.W. McLaren, A P o l i t i c a l H i s t o r y o f Ja p a n d u r i n g the  M e i . i i E r a 1867-1912, George A l l e n & Unwin, London, 1916, p. 94. J y C r a i g , p. 22. l Z + 0 Murakami, Kokka, p. 98. l Z j 4 I s h i n s h i , p. 479. l i |' 2 H o r e i zensho 1871, TASJ, p. 18. l / i 3 H o r e i zensho 1871, TASJ, p. 20. 144 Muraoka, p. 233. ^5 Muraoka, p. 220. Murakami, Kokka, p. 106. 1 ^ 7 F r i d e l l , " E s t a b l i s h m e n t " , p. l 4 l . 1 48 Murakami, Kokka, p. 106. 149 S h i n b u t s u b u n r i , p. 281. Toku s h i g e , p. 655. 1- > 1 A r t i c l e 28 o f the M e i j i C o n s t i t u t i o n s t a t e s t h a t "Japanese s u b j e c t s s h a l l w i t h i n l i m i t s n o t p r e j u d i c i a l t o peace and o r d e r , and not a n t a g o n i s t i c t o t h e i r d u t i e s as s u b j e c t s , e n j o y freedom o f r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f . " See W.W. McLaren t r . , TASJ, V o l . X L I I , P a r t One, 1914, p. 138. 133 1-^ 2 K i s h i m o t o and Wakimoto, p. 32. C l i f f o r d G e e r t z , I s l a m Observed, Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , New Haven, 1968, p. 57« C h a p t e r 5 1 Sanjo Sanetomi i n J a p a n Weekly M a i l , December 26, 1885, PP- 618-619 i n TASJ, V o l . X L I I , p. 91. 2 F r i d e l l , " E s t a b l i s h m e n t " , p. 147. 3 H a r o l d S. Q u i g l e y , Japanese Government and P o l i t i c s , The C e n t u r y Company, New York, 1932, p. 78. ^ S h i n t o d a i . j i t e n , v o l . 2, 1937-1940, p. 47 quoted i n Wilhelmus H.M. Creemers, S h r i n e S h i n t o a f t e r World War I I , E . J . B r i l l , L e i d e n , 1968, p. 11. 5 Holtom, N a t i o n a l F a i t h , p. 64. Murakami, Kokka, p. 224. 7 F r i d e l l , " F r e s h Look", p. 561. Q K i t a g a w a , p. 213. 134 GLOSSARY Bakufu Bakuhan Daimyo Dajokan E n g i s h i k i Fukko S h i n t o F u k u - s o s a i G i j o Han Han j i H o n j i - s u i j a k u J i n g i Jimukyoku J i n g i - k a J i n g i k a n J i n g i - r y o J i n g i s h o Kami The Tokugawa government, the shogunate. R u l e by the shogunate over i n -d i v i d u a l daimyo domains. F e u d a l l o r d s . C o u n c i l o f S t a t e . The t e n t h c e n t u r y p r o c e d u r a l i n s t r u c t i o n s f o r the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f the e a r l y Japanese law codes. R e s t o r a t i o n o r R e v i v a l o f A n t i q u i t y S h i n t o . A s s i s t a n t t o the P r e s i d e n t . C o u n c i l l o r T f i r s t c l a s s i n t h e f i r s t M e i j i s e n i o r l e g i s l a t i v e c o u n c i l . A daimyo domain. O f f i c i a l o f the t h i r d .rank. The p r e - M e i j i r e l i g i o u s system under w h i c h the kami o f S h i n t o were h e l d t o be m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f the Buddhas o f s e c t a r i a n Buddhism. Bureau o f S h i n t o A f f a i r s , e s t a b l i s h e d F e b r u a r y 25, 1868. S h i n t o O f f i c e , e s t a b l i s h e d December 7. 1868. C o u n c i l o f S h i n t o A f f a i r s , e s t a b l i s h e d i n the e a r l y e i g h t h c e n t u r y and r e -v i v e d August, 1869. The a n c i e n t laws concerned w i t h kami r i t e s and f e s t i v a l s . Department o f S h i n t o , e s t a b l i s h e d September 22, I87I. The u b i q u i t o u s d e i t i e s o f S h i n t o . 135 Kansha Kokka no s o s h i Kokugaku K o k u t a i Kyobusho M a t s u r i g o t o R i t s u - r y o Ryobu S h i n t o Sanyo S e n k y o s h i S h r i n e S h i n t o S h i c h i k a S o s a i To-baku Government o r n a t i o n a l s h r i n e s . S h i n t o r i t e s f o r the p r o t e c t i o n o f the s t a t e . S c h o o l o f N a t i o n a l L e a r n i n g . N a t i o n a l p o l i t y o r n a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . Department o f R e l i g i o n s , e s t a b l i s h e d A p r i l 1872. L i t e r a l l y , r e l i g i o u s o b s e r v a n c e s , the o r i g i n a l term f o r Japanese government. The a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and l e g a l codes o f a n c i e n t Japan. D u a l A s p e c t S h i n t o , t h e amalgamation o f S h i n t o and B u d d h i s t ceremonies. C o u n c i l l o r second c l a s s i n the f i r s t M e i j i l e g i s l a t i v e c o u n c i l . O f f i c e o f S h i n t o P r o p a g a t i o n , a l s o an o f f i c i a l - i n s t r u c t o r . The network o f S h i n t o s h r i n e s o f v a r y i n g s i z e s . The o t h e r major forms o f S h i n t o ares I m p e r i a l House S h i n t o , S e c t a r i a n S h i n t o , F o l k S h i n t o and S c h o l a r l y S h i n t o . Seven o f f i c e s o f s t a t e s e t up J a n u a r y 3, 1868. President o r c h i e f e x e c u t i v e o f f i c e r o f the s t a t e . R o y a l i s t anti-Tokugawa p o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n . 136 BIBLIOGRAPHY A n e s a k i , Masaharu. H i s t o r y of Japanese R e l i g i o n . London: Kegan P a u l , Trench, Trubner and Co., 193°-. R e l i g i o u s L i f e o f t h e Japanese P e o p l e . Tokyo: K o k u s a i Bunka S h i n k o k a i ( S o c i e t y f o r I n t e r n a t i o n a l C u l t u r a l R e l a t i o n s ) , 196l. A p t e r , D a v i d E., ed. I d e o l o g y and D i s c o n t e n t . New York: The F r e e P r e s s , 1964. . " P o l i t i c a l R e l i g i o n i n the New N a t i o n s . " I n Old S o c i e t i e s and New S t a t e s . Ed. hy C l i f f o r d G e e r t z . 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