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Criminal justice education in British Columbia : a political perspective Arnold, Bruce Lane 1984

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CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION IN BRITISH COLUMBIA A POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE By BRUCE LANE ARNOLD B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1975 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIRE-MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1984 (c)Bruce Lane A r n o l d , 1984 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. BRUCE L. ARNOLD Department of ANTHROPOLOGY & SOCIOLOGY The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date J W ^ ^ H,tVf<? i i ABSTRACT T h i s study was designed to i n v e s t i g a t e the i d e o l o g i c a l context of c r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t i s h Columbia. A sample of 45 c r i m i n o l o g i s t s was i n t e r v i e w e d i n order to e s t a b l i s h the i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n of t h e i r t e a c h i n g , research, p u b l i s h i n g , and c o n s u l t i n g involvements. In a d d i t i o n , the i n -depth i n t e r v i e w s served to document the c o n s t r a i n t s c r i m i n o l o g i s t s experience due to t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n . The i n t e r v i e w r e s u l t s show that c r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s dominated by l i b e r a l ideology and that r a d i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s are r e s t r i c t e d through "gate-keeping" d e v i c e s such as funding, h i r i n g , and p u b l i s h i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s . By c l a r i f y i n g i t s i d e o l o g i c a l nature, c r i m i n o l o g y can be understood as a p o l i t i c a l phenomenon, which may e x p l a i n the widespread r e l u c t a n c e to c r i t i c a l l y r e f l e c t on the development of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e e d u c a t i o n . Gramsci's view of the hegemonic f u n c t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l s p r o v i d e s an h i s t o r i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l framework for examining the i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n s which i n f l u e n c e contemporary c r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t i s h Columbia. T h i s framework enables, study of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between c r i m i n o l o g y and the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e ' s growing need for a t e c h n i c a l l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d knowledge-base that w i l l both c o n t a i n i n c r e a s i n g crime r a t e s and maintain i d e o l o g i c a l hegemony. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to express my g r a t i t u d e to those who have been a s i g n i f i c a n t part of the t h e s i s p r o c e s s . T h i s would begin with R.S. Ratner who c h a i r e d my t h e s i s committee. His constant encouragement, enthusiasm, and c o n s t r u c t i v e thoughts, e n r i c h e d t h i s t h e s i s . J.L. McMullan provided r i g o r o u s e v a l u a t i o n s and i n s p i r e d me to explore the impact of h i s t o r i c a l f o r c e s on contemporary c r i m i n o l o g y . H. Jacobson has c o n t i n u a l l y encouraged my i n t e l l e c t u a l e x p l o r a t i o n of gender r e l a t e d p o l i t i c s in a c r i t i c a l l y t h o u g h t f u l manner. A l l of my t h e s i s committee have had a c a t a l y t i c e f f e c t i n the t r a n s l a t i o n of t h i s r e s e a r c h toward my own p r a x i s . There have been others who are worthy of acknowledgement i n the p r o d u c t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s . B r i a n Burtch has c o n t i n u a l l y encouraged me to extend my t h i n k i n g processes through w r i t i n g . Barbara Hovind reminded me of my purpose i n the t h e s i s when i t was most needed. K e i t h Warriner generously gave of h i s l i m i t e d time to share h i s e x p e r t i s e with computer technology. In a d d i t i o n , I would l i k e to express my g r a t i t u d e to those c r i m i n o l o g i s t s whom I i n t e r v i e w e d and who were most h e l p f u l and generous with s h a r i n g t h e i r experiences and thoughts regarding the phenomenon of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e education i n B r i t i s h Columbia. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i i i CONTENTS i v CHAPTER ONE: THE PHENOMENON OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 Problematics to be Researched . 2 Method of Research and A n a l y s i s 5 CHAPTER TWO: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION I n t r o d u c t i o n 10 E a r l y Foundations of Modern Criminology 12 Pioneers of E a r l y L i b e r a l Ideology 13 The R e o r g a n i z a t i o n of Feudal J u s t i c e and Punishment .. 15 The Humanizing of the CJS and C l a s s i c a l Criminology . . 16 The P o s i t i v i s t School, the Advent of Technocracy, and L i b e r a l Hegemony . 21 Increased CJS Education and S o c i o l o g i c a l Paradigms ... 24 L a b e l l i n g Theory, C r i t i c a l C riminology, and CJS Higher Education 26 C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e Education i n Canada 36 CHAPTER THREE: THEORIES OF THE CAPITALIST STATE I n t r o d u c t i o n 44 P l u r a l i s t - D e m o c r a t i c T heories of the State 48 V I n s t r u m e n t a l i s t Theories of the St a t e 54 S t r u c t u r a l i s t T h eories of the State 58 Gramsci's Theory of the State , 65 CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The Sample 74 The Q u e s t i o n n a i r e Schedule 77 The Interviews 80 E t h i c s 80 Q u a n t i f y i n g Data 82 Data A n a l y s i s 86 CHAPTER FIVE: RESULTS AND DISCUSSION I n t r o d u c t i o n 87 Criminology and Teaching Ideology 88 Ideology and Research 99 Ideology and P u b l i s h i n g 102 Ideology and C o n s u l t i n g or Board P o s i t i o n s 105 Overview of I d e o l o g i c a l I n c o n s i s t e n c i e s 107 CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSIONS . 111 TABLES Table I: S t r u c t u r e of Theories of the C a p i t a l i s t .... 46 State Table I I : Respondents' I n s t i t u t i o n a l A f f i l i a t i o n .... 77 Table I I I : Criminology & Teaching Ideology 89 Table IV: Ideology & I n s t i t u t i o n a l A f f i l i a t i o n ...... 90 v i Table V: Ideology & Course Content on Racism 92 Table VI: Ideology & Course Content on Sexism 94 Table V I I : Ideology & Course Content on Imperialism . 96 Table V I I I : Ideology & Course Content on C l a s s i s m ... 98 Table IX: Teaching Ideology & Research Focus ....... 100 Table X: Ideology & Research C o n s t r a i n t s 101 Table XI: Ideology & P u b l i c a t i o n O r i e n t a t i o n 103 Table XII: Ideology & P u b l i c a t i o n C o n s t r a i n t s 104 Table X I I I : Ideology & C o n s u l t i n g C o n s t r a i n t s 106 Table XIV: Ideology & Board P o s i t i o n s 107 Table XV: I d e o l o g i c a l I n c o n s i s t e n c i e s 108 APPENDIX A: L e t t e r of I n t r o d u c t i o n 123 APPENDIX B: Interview Schedule 124 APPENDIX C: Code Book 128 BIBLIOGRAPHY 138 1 CHAPTER ONE The Phenomenon of C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e Education  I n t r o d u c t i o n C o n s i d e r a b l e p u b l i c concern has been generated by the i n c r e a s i n g r a t e s of c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y in Canada ( T a y l o r , 1983). The s t a t e has responded to t h i s phenomenon by expanding i t s C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e System (CJS) i n order to understand, d e t e r , t r e a t , and punish c r i m i n a l behaviour. In recent years, f o r example, modern governments have r e l i e d i n c r e a s i n g l y upon c r i m i n o l o g i s t s to provide a t e c h n o c r a t i c knowledge base as a t o o l f o r s o c i a l c o n t r o l ( P i a t t , 1975, p.101). Quinney (1979) i s one of many observers who d e s c r i b e s c r i m i n o l o g y as a c l u s t e r of f i e l d s which a l l bear some r e l a t i o n to crime and i t s c o n t r o l (p.447). I t c o n s i s t s of academics who f u n c t i o n p r i m a r i l y as teachers, r e s e a r c h e r s , and w r i t e r s who are drawn from s o c i o l o g y , law, psychology, s o c i a l work, and business. T h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n c l u d e the t r a i n i n g of academic and v o c a t i o n a l personnel fo r deployment i n CJS branches, research, and government and p r i v a t e c o n s u l t i n g f i r m s . Thus, in c r e a s e d demands f o r , and usages of, c r i m i n o l o g i c a l knowledge in Canada have r e s u l t e d i n an unprecedented e x p l o s i o n of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e e d u c a t i o n a l resources and educators, as evidenced by the development of four major Centres of Criminology, c o l l e g e and 1 The four major ce n t r e s at Ottawa, Toronto, Montreal, and Burnaby have been c o n s t r u c t e d s i n c e the mid-1960's. 2 u n i v e r s i t y courses, and CJS personnel t r a i n i n g c e n t r e s . 1 They play a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n the d e f i n i n g and managing of j u s t i c e . Through t h e i r involvements i n the development and implementation of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o l i c i e s , educators have a d i r e c t e f f e c t on the s t a t e ' s usages of l e g a l power. Moreover, through t h e i r teaching and research involvements, they d i r e c t p u b l i c a t t i t u d e s and d e f i n i t i o n s of crime, deviancy, and the manner in which the s t a t e d e f i n e s and d e a l s with crime. T h e r e f o r e , c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y i n f l u e n t i a l i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n and management of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n Canada. Advocates of l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g y presume that the CJS f u n c t i o n s as the l e g a l apparatus of the s t a t e with the general consent of the p o p u l a t i o n . In t h i s view, the CJS f u n c t i o n s so that crime may be c o n t r o l l e d , thereby f a c i l i t a t i n g the o r d e r i n g of j u s t i c e . T h erefore, the tremendous expansion of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e education i s assumed to be a welcome a d d i t i o n to the f o r c e s f o r a s s i s t i n g i n the r e a l i z a t i o n of t h i s mandate. Ne v e r t h e l e s s , r e g a r d l e s s of CJS reforms and expansion, Canadian j u s t i c e c o n t i n u e s to be thwarted by r i s i n g crime r a t e s ( T a y l o r , 1983) and i n c o n s i s t e n t and or c o n t r a d i c t o r y CJS p r a c t i c e s (e.g. access, a r r e s t , sentencing, e t c . ) . Such i n j u s t i c e s g e n e r a l l y tend to have g r e a t e r e f f e c t on women (e.g. C l a r k & Lewis, 1977), r a c i a l m i n o r i t i e s (e.g. Hagan, 1974), and members of lower socio-economic groups i n general (e.g. Goff & Reasons, 1 978) . 3 Problematics to be Researched The c e n t r a l concern of t h i s t h e s i s i s to document and c l a r i f y the i d e o l o g i c a l and t h e r e f o r e p o l i t i c a l nature of c r i m i n o l o g y , as p r a c t i c e d i n an advanced contemporary c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e - s p e c i f i c a l l y , -the p r o v i n c e of B r i t i s h Columbia in Canada. C r i m i n o l o g i s t s are g e n e r a l l y members of the growing numbers of t e c h n o c r a t s who are employed and r e g u l a t e d by the Canadian c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e f o r purposes of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . These personnel are g e n e r a l l y presumed to be v a l u e - f r e e due to the s c i e n t i f i c nature of t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , Gramsci (1971) and Gorz (1976) are two c r i t i c a l t h i n k e r s who p o i n t out that s c i e n c e and technology are not independent of the dominant i d e o l o g y . Instead, they argue that i n t e l l e c t u a l s , through t h e i r t e c h n o c r a t i c f u n c t i o n s , p l a y a c e n t r a l r o l e i n the r e p r o d u c t i o n and l e g i t i m a t i o n of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s thereby p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the accumulation of c a p i t a l . C r i m i n o l o g i s t s , i n t h i s view, would not be v a l u e -f r e e , but would have d i s t i n c t c l a s s b i a s e s a f f e c t i n g t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the s o c i a l c o n t r o l apparatus. Indeed, t h e i r i m p l i c i t and e x p l i c i t use of l i b e r a l ideology r e s u l t s i n an acceptance of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l systems as u n i v e r s a l l y sound. C h a l l e n g i n g the c o n v e n t i o n a l p e r c e p t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l s as o b j e c t i v e and unbiased, Gramsci (1971) q u e r i e d : "Are i n t e l l e c t u a l s an autonomous and independent group, or does every s o c i a l group have i t s own p a r t i c u l a r s p e c i a l i z e d category of i n t e l l e c t u a l s ? (p.5)". 4 F o l l o w i n g from Ratner's (1984) p o l i t i c a l economy p e r s p e c t i v e which i l l u m i n a t e s the l i b e r a l content of the c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e i n Canada, t h i s r e s e a r c h w i l l q u e s t i o n the v a l u e - f r e e presumptions of c r i m i n o l o g y and examine i t s i d e o l o g i c a l content. The Schwendingers (1975) are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s who i l l u s t r a t e l i n k a g e s between mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y and the c o e r c i v e and i d e o l o g i c a l s o c i a l c o n t r o l needs of c a p i t a l i s m . C o n s i d e r i n g that c a p i t a l i s t socio-economic systems are s t r u c t u r e d i n terms of i n e q u a l i t i e s and s c a r c i t i e s , the i n a b i l i t y of t h e i r c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e systems to deter crime and provide equal j u s t i c e i s not s u p r i s i n g . In other words, i n j u s t i c e s cannot be e f f e c t i v e l y understood nor managed w i t h i n the i d e o l o g i c a l and m a t e r i a l panoply of l i b e r a l i s m ; e.g., treatment, d e c a r c e r a t i o n , d i v e r s i o n , v i c t i m i z a t i o n , due process of law guarantees, and i n c r e a s e d higher education f o r CJS personnel. But mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y i s not devoid of humanistic concerns; in f a c t , l i b e r a l humanism has played an important r o l e i n the development of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e ; e.g., e l i m i n a t i o n of c o r p o r a l punishment i n p r i s o n s , improvement of j a i l c o n d i t i o n s , pardons, and i n c r e a s e d p o l i c e p r o t e c t i o n f o r b a t t e r e d and s e x u a l l y a s s a u l t e d women. Even so, c r i m i n o l o g y i s not a v a l u e - f r e e or independent e n t e r p r i s e that i s e q u a l l y concerned for a l l f r a c t i o n s of s o c i e t y . Instead, as a part of a c a p i t a l i s t apparatus f o r s o c i a l c o n t r o l , most c r i m i n o l o g i s t s ' work i s i n f l u e n c e d by l i b e r a l i s m and i t s u n d e r l y i n g p o l i t i c a l b i a s e s , i . e . , c l a s s i s m , sexism, racism, and i n t e r n a t i o n a l domination 5 (Schwendinger & Schwendinger, 1975, T a y l o r et a l . , 1973). T h i s i s not to assume that c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are i d e o l o g i c a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y homogenous. In f a c t , f o l l o w i n g from Gramsci's (1971) i l l u s t r a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l s , i t i s i n e v i t a b l e that the • i d e o l o g i c a l r o l e of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s should engender c o n f l i c t and p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e s between r a d i c a l and mainstream adherents. T h i s i s the phenomenon that Gramsci r e f e r s to as the s t r u g g l e f o r hegemony between "organic" i n t e l l e c t u a l s . T h i s t h e s i s looks at a p a r t i c u l a r f e a t u r e of mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y i n t e l l e c t u a l s - t h e i r f a i l u r e to c r i t i c a l l y r e f l e c t on the u n d e r l y i n g i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l c h a r a c t e r of t h e i r d i s c i p l i n e . As w i l l be i l l u s t r a t e d , such r e l u c t a n c e stems from the l i b e r a l p r o p e n s i t y t o d e f i n e s o c i a l problems in e x p e d i t i o u s and pragmatic terms, r a t h e r than i n terms of s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t i e s which r e q u i r e r a d i c a l s o l u t i o n s f o r t h e i r e x t i r p a t i o n . P i a t t (1975) o u t l i n e s the s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g y which encompass i t s i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l content. They ar e : 1. State ( l e g a l i s t i c ) d e f i n i t i o n s of crime 2. Reformist o r i e n t a t i o n s 3. Pragmatic concerns 4. T e c h n o c r a t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d s c h o l a r s h i p 5. Work as agency-regulated 6. Academic c o m p l i c i t y with agency and mainstream p e r s p e c t i v e s I t i s by demonstrating these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that the i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l content of c r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t i s h Columbia can be r e v e a l e d . The a c t i v i t i e s of l i b e r a l and 6 c o n s e r v a t i v e c r i m i n o l o g i s t s ( j u s t i c e model advocates) may be expected to r e f l e c t the above c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s while c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s w i l l not, i n s t e a d f a v o u r i n g p e r s p e c t i v e s that draw upon l a r g e r socio-economic i s s u e s to e x p l a i n crime and s o c i a l c o n t r o l phenomena. C o n s i d e r i n g that Gramsci (1971) and Gorz (1976) underscore the s t a t e ' s r e g u l a t i o n of knowledge, given i t s p o l i t i c a l consequences, i t may be supposed that r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s encounter i d e o l o g i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s and that t h i s may induce i d e o l o g i c a l i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s i n t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . For example, t h e i r freedom to promote r a d i c a l and counter-hegemonic ideas may be r e s t r i c t e d to teaching a c t i v i t i e s i n the classroom, but they may b r i d l e t h e i r r a d i c a l enthusiasms when i t comes to r e s e a r c h and p u b l i c a t i o n . U l t i m a t e l y , such i d e o l o g i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s demonstrate the p o l i t i c a l b i a s of c r i m i n o l o g y as an i n t e l l e c t u a l and t e c h n o c r a t i c e n t e r p r i s e f o r reproducing the hegemony of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s e s s e n t i a l to c a p i t a l i s m . Methods of Research and A n a l y s i s To date, there has been l i t t l e e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h done on c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e education i n Canada which can be used to s u b s t a n t i a t e i t s p o l i t i c a l content (Ratner & McMullan, 1982). Therefore, t h i s t h e s i s i s designed to i n v e s t i g a t e , i n a p r a c t i c a l manner, the u n d e r l y i n g p o l i t i c a l dynamics of c r i m i n o l o g y and i t s recent expansion. The t h e s i s i s organized i n the f o l l o w i n g manner: 7 1. An h i s t o r i c a l o u t l i n e of the development of l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s as they r e l a t e to c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e e d u c a t i o n . 2. A b r i e f review of t h e o r i e s of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . 3. An e m p i r i c a l study of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. I t i s not the i n t e n t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s to p r o v i d e an e n c y c l o p e d i c examination of the above s i n c e such a study would warrant resources beyond the scope of t h i s endeavour. However, the t h e s i s does aim to c l a r i f y , i n broad o u t l i n e , the p o l i t i c a l dynamics of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e education in B r i t i s h Columbia, thereby l a y i n g the groundwork for f u t u r e r e s e a r c h on the r o l e of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n e s t a b l i s h i n g , p e r p e t u a t i n g , and de-s t a b i l i z i n g i d e o l o g i c a l hegemony i n the contemporary Canadian s t a t e . Chapter Two p r o v i d e s a b r i e f o u t l i n e of the h i s t o r y of l i b e r a l i s m i n order to d e l i n e a t e the r o l e of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n i t s development. The primary concern in t h i s chapter i s to i d e n t i f y the t r a d i t i o n a l roots of l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g y . From such a h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , the e s s e n t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y , c r i m i n o l o g y , s o c i a l c o n t r o l , and c a p i t a l i s m i s t r a c e d . The h i s t o r i c a l framework al l o w s f o r an understanding of the i d e o l o g i c a l and t h e r e f o r e p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n c a p i t a l i s t i n f r a - s t r u c t u r e s such as the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. In a d d i t i o n , i t i d e n t i f i e s the h i s t o r i c a l s t r u g g l e between i d e o l o g i c a l f r a c t i o n s and the dominance of l i b e r a l i s m throughout the 20th century, l e a d i n g up to the o r i g i n s of B r i t i s h Columbia c r i m i n o l o g y . 8 Chapter Three concerns i t s e l f w i t h e s t a b l i s h i n g a t h e o r e t i c a l framework t h a t p r o v i d e s an e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the p o l i t i c a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n the development of c a p i t a l i s t i n f r a - s t r u c t u r e s . As the b a s i s f o r such a c o n c e p t u a l framework, t h i s c h a p t e r w i l l b r i e f l y o u t l i n e l i b e r a l and n e o - m a r x i s t t h e o r i e s of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . Such an o u t l i n e i s not i n t e n d e d t o produce a s y s t e m a t i c or i n - d e p t h a n a l y s i s of th e s e t h e o r i e s . I n s t e a d , the o u t l i n e w i l l s e r v e as a framework f o r d e m o n s t r a t i n g the usages of Gramsci's views of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n examining the p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n s of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. H i s fo c u s on i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e a d d r e s s e s the importance of the h i s t o r i c a l development of the i n t e l l i g e n t s i a v i s - a - v i s c a p i t a l i s t hegemony. In p o i n t i n g out t h a t i n t e l l e c t u a l s have never f u n c t i o n e d o u t s i d e p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s , Gramsci l i n k s t h e i r p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n t h r o u g h t h e i r a f f i l i a t i o n and r e g u l a t i o n by the s t a t e . H i s concept of the " i n t e g r a l s t a t e " moves beyond l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c and neo - m a r x i s t a c c o u n t s of s t a t e a p p a r a t u s e s and d e v e l o p s a n o n - s e c t a r i a n framework f o r l i n k i n g knowledge, e d u c a t i o n , i d e o l o g y , and p o l i t i c a l or hegemonic s t r u g g l e w i t h o r g a n i z i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . T h e r e f o r e , Gramsci's p o l i t i c a l framework p r o v i d e s a v a l u a b l e t o o l f o r e x p l i c a t i n g the u n d e r l y i n g p o l i t i c s of c r i m i n o l o g y . Chapter Four f o c u s s e s on the e m p i r i c a l study of B r i t i s h Columbia c r i m i n o l o g i s t s . A major p a r t of t h i s t h e s i s i s to e m p i r i c a l l y e s t a b l i s h the p o l i t i c a l c h a r a c t e r of the c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The p o l i t i c a l -9 i d e o l o g i c a l content of the a c t i v i t i e s of c r i m i i n o l o g i s t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s documented through in-depth i n t e r v i e w s . T h i s evidence t e s t s the c l a i m that c r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s not v a l u e - f r e e but i s dominated by l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y . The chapter d e s c r i b e s the e m p i r i c a l methodology used to c o l l e c t and analyse the data. Issues such as r e l i l a b i l i t y , v a l i d i t y , sampling, response r a t e s , i n t e r v i e w design, coding format, and s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s are d i s c u s s e d . Chapter F i v e presents the r e s u l t s of the data. S t a t i s t i c a l c r o s s - t a b u l a t i o n s c o n f i r m the hypothesis that c r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s not v a l u e - f r e e , but i s dominated by l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y . These data a l s o r e v e a l the degree to which c o n s e r v a t i v e , l i b e r a l , and r a d i c a l i d e o l o g i c a l f r a c t i o n s face d i f f i c u l t i e s in t h e i r t e a c h i n g , r e s e a r c h , p u b l i s h i n g , c o n s u l t i n g and Board work; as w e l l as the extent to which t h e i r work i s r e g u l a t e d by v a r i o u s s t a t e agencies (e.g. e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , funding, p u b l i s h i n g houses, c o n t r a c t c o n s u l t i n g ) . Chapter F i v e , t h e r e f o r e , i n d i c a t e s the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between c r i m i n o l o g i s t s and the Canadian s t a t e . Chapter Six concludes with a reexamination of the h i s t o r i c a l , t h e o r e t i c a l , and e m p i r i c a l f a c e t s of the t h e s i s v i s - a - v i s the p o l i t i c a l - i d e o l o g i c a l dynamics of c r i m i n o l o g y . T h i s c a l l s f o r an i n t e g r a t i o n of Gramsci's and Gorz's p o i n t s regarding organic i n t e l l e c t u a l s (e.g. c r i m i n o l o g i s t s ) , the s t a t e ' s i n t e r v e n t i o n i n knowledge p r o d u c t i o n , and the c o e r c i v e 10 and i d e o l o g i c a l forms of s o c i a l c o n t r o l c e n t r a l i n the development of c a p i t a l i s t hegemony. From the c o n c l u s i o n s of t h i s r e s e a r c h , i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r some l i k e l y d i r e c t i o n s f o r c r i m i n o l o g i c a l research w i l l be suggested i n r e l a t i o n to promoting s o c i a l j u s t i c e i n Canadian s o c i e t y . 11 CHAPTER TWO H i s t o r i c a l Developments in C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e Education Introduct ion Marx (1934) b r i n g s to our a t t e n t i o n a number of c r u c i a l f a c t o r s t hat need to be in c l u d e d i n a s o c i o l o g y that transcends the p o l i t i c a l d i s t o r t i o n s of p a r t i a l , atomized, a h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s . He s t a t e s : Men make t h e i r own h i s t o r y , but they do not make i t as they p l e a s e ; they do not make i t under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances d i r e c t l y encountered, given and t r a n s m i t t e d from the past. The t r a d i t i o n of a l l the dead generations weighs l i k e a nightmare on the b r a i n of the l i v i n g (p.10). Marx informs us of the importance of i n c l u d i n g h i s t o r i c a l f o r c e s i n our understanding of contemporary phenomena. He contends that h i s t o r i c a l dynamics should be approached through the d i a l e c t i c s between past and present, and t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l and m a t e r i a l components. T h i s chapter b u i l d s upon Gramsci's (1971) view of i d e o l o g i c a l hegemony which was developed out of the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of Marx's d i a l e c t i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m . 1 Gramsci's concept of hegemony i s s u i t e d to e x p l i c a t i n g the p o l i t i c a l dynamics of i n t e l l e c t u a l s . He contends that i n t e l l e c t u a l s are c e n t r a l f i g u r e s i n p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e due to 1 Gramsci d i d not draw the d i s t i n c t i o n between i d e o l o g i c a l and m a t e r i a l forms as d i d Marx; r a t h e r , Gramsci viewed h i s t o r y and ideology as having m a t e r i a l e x i s t e n c e i n the sense that i t embodies the very s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , i n s t i t u t i o n a l , and c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s of i n d i v i d u a l s (Simon, 1 982,= p.59) . 12 t h e i r r o l e i n p r o d u c i n g i d e o l o g i c a l l y l a d e n k n o w l e d g e . As i s t h e c a s e f o r c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s y s t e m s , s u c h k n o w l e d g e h a s p r o v e n h i s t o r i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n o r g a n i z i n g , e n f o r c i n g , a n d l e g i t i m i z i n g u n e q u a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . I n o u t l i n i n g t h e p o l i t i c a l c o n t o u r s o f t h e h i s t o r i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t o f c r i m i n o l o g y , t h i s c h a p t e r t r a c e s i t s i d e o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n s a s t h e y r e l a t e t o t h e s o c i a l c o n t r o l n e e d s o f t h e c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . T h i s o u t l i n e b e g i n s w i t h t h e r o l e o f l i b e r a l i s m i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f e a r l y E n g l i s h c a p i t a l i s m and t h e n moves t o c r i m i n o l o g i c a l i d e o l o g y i n t h e 20th c e n t u r y U n i t e d S t a t e s . T h i s r e v i e w i s n o t i n t e n d e d t o be e x h a u s t i v e b u t t o o u t l i n e t h e p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n s t h a t have p r o v i d e d t h e i d e o l o g i c a l f o u n d a t i o n s f o r what h a s become t h e p r a c t i c e o f c o n t e m p o r a r y c r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . T h i s c h a p t e r d e s c r i b e s a c r i m i n o l o g y t h a t h a s been h i s t o r i c a l l y d o m i n a t e d by l i b e r a l i s m w h i c h a p p r o a c h e s s o c i a l p r o b l e m s f r o m w i t h i n a h i g h l y e m p i r i c a l a n d t e c h n o c r a t i c f r a m e w o r k . C o n s e q u e n t l y , m a i n s t r e a m c r i m i n o l o g y h a s i n v a r i a b l y s p o n s o r e d s o c i a l r e f o r m s w h i c h a r e c o n s o n a n t w i t h c a p i t a l i s t v i e w s o f s o c i a l o r d e r , t h e r e b y r e p r o d u c i n g a n d m y s t i f y i n g s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t i e s b e t w e e n r a c e s , c l a s s e s , g e n d e r , a nd f i r s t a n d t h i r d w o r l d n a t i o n s . The s t a t e ' s r e l u c t a n c e t o debunk t h e i d e o l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r o f p r o f e s s i o n a l c r i m i n o l o g y f r u s t r a t e s a t t e m p t s t o r e s o l v e t h e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s between l i b e r a l v i e w s o f j u s t i c e a n d a c t u a l s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e s . 1 3 E a r l y Foundations of Modern Criminology Recently there has been an i n f l u x of h i s t o r i c a l research examining the s t r u c t u r e of j u s t i c e p r i o r to the advent of c a p i t a l i s m . S p i t z e r & S c u l l (1977) and Weisser (1979) are three observers who d i s c u s s the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of f e u d a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e . G e n e r a l l y , i s s u e s were r e s o l v e d at the i n d i v i d u a l , f a m i l i a l , or community l e v e l through the usage of f i n e s , r e t r i b u t i o n , penance, or banishment. In essence, j u s t i c e was a p r i v a t e a f f a i r t h a t accepted f e u d a l norms and m o r a l i t y . J u s t i c e as a l o c a l i z e d system of j u s t i c e and punishment r e v o l v e d around the idea of personalvengeance as the means to d e t e r , s o l v e , and punish a c t s of a s s a u l t and property damage (Weisser, 1979, p.53). N e v e r t h e l e s s , the s t a b i l i t y of t h i s j u r i s p r u d e n c e system was upset as part of the prolonged s e r i e s of c u l t u r a l , economic, and geographic c r i s e s that emerged i n Europe and u l t i m a t e l y l e d to the c o l l a p s e of f e u d a l hegemony i n the 16th century, g i v i n g way to a more commercial and e v e n t u a l l y a more c a p i t a l i s t socio-economic system (see Kimmel, 1977). While f e u d a l times had been hegemonic and r e l a t i v e l y s t a t i c , these socio-economic and c u l t u r a l phenomena developed as a p a r t of the general " c r i s i s of a u t h o r i t y " . T h i s c r i s i s was manifest in a d i v e r s i t y of s t r u g g l e s , c o n f l i c t s , and r e v o l t s by the a r i s t o c r a c y and the poorer c l a s s e s a g a i n s t the emerging counter-hegemonic p r a c t i c e s and ideology of the b o u r g e o i s i e . The new order was to i n v o l v e the replacement of p r i v a t e systems 1 4 of j u s t i c e and c o n t r o l with " p u b l i c " c e n t r a l i z e d r a t i o n a l systems that were extensions of the emerging c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . Pioneers of E a r l y L i b e r a l Ideology The seeds of c a p i t a l i s m which were t a k i n g root throughout 17th century Europe - e s p e c i a l l y i n B r i t a i n - developed through e a r l y advocates of l i b e r a l ideology who f o s t e r e d a r e t h i n k i n g of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l order. E a r l y bourgeois s e c u l a r s c h o l a r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y Thomas Hobbes (1588-1676) and John Locke (1632-1704) were i n t e l l e c t u a l s " o r g a n i c " to the bourgeois ideology s i n c e t h e i r ideas on the s o c i a l c o n t r a c t proved to be e s s e n t i a l forerunners to c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i s m and i t s r e s t r u c t u r i n g of j u s t i c e and punishment. Hobbes advocated r a t i o n a l egoism, c o m p e t i t i v e exchange, and t h e i r r e g u l a t i o n by s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s - a l l e s s e n t i a l c o n d i t i o n s f o r c a p i t a l i s m . (MacPherson, 1962, p.71). 2 I t must be understood that the emergence of c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i s m was a process of s t r u g g l e , r e s i s t a n c e , and r e v o l t a g a i n s t t r a d i t i o n a l f e u d a l i s m ( M o r r i s , 1979, p.14). T h i s stage of r e v o l t , or c r i s i s of a u t h o r i t y , was not only between the b o u r g e o i s i e and the a r i s t o c r a c y , but between the b o u r g e o i s i e and the poorer c l a s s e s . Gramsci (1971) e x p l a i n s that i n the immediate stages of " o r g a n i c " hegemonic c r i s i s there i s a 2 There i s evidence that as e a r l y as the 17th century, bourgeois s c h o l a r s recognized the power of knowledge. Hobbes (1958) advocated the r e g u l a t i o n of d i s c o u r s e as a means f o r s o c i a l c o n t r o l (p.60). 1 5 d i s t i n c t tendency towards dangerous and v i o l e n t s o l u t i o n s as i n d i v i d u a l s and c o l l e c t i v i t i e s move from a p o s i t i o n of p a s s i v i t y to a c t i v i t y i n the wake of i d e o l o g i c a l c o n f u s i o n (p.210). In the case of the poorer c l a s s e s , t h e i r economic and i n t e l l e c t u a l resources were l e s s adaptable, r e s u l t i n g in phenomena s p e c i f i c to t h e i r immediate environment; i . e . c r i m i n a l , d e v i a n t , and d i s o r d e r l y conduct. 3 S p i t z e r & S c u l l (1977), Weisser (1979), and M o r r i s (1979) d e l i n e a t e the magnitude of c r i m i n a l and r i o t o u s forms of lower c l a s s r e s i s t a n c e to c a p i t a l i s m . 4 Weisser (1979) a l s o p o i n t s to the f a c t that c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s began to take on a d e f i n i t e c l a s s c h a r a c t e r ; f o r i n s t a n c e , 70 percent of a l l r e p o r t e d f e l o n i e s were committed by l a b o u r e r s (pp.77-78). Consequently, the poorer c l a s s bore the brunt of the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of j u s t i c e and punishment, an i n e q u i t y which has c a r r i e d i n t o the contemporary p e r i o d . 3 T h i s corresponds to Gramsci's (1971) o b s e r v a t i o n that during i d e o l o g i c a l c r i s i s , lower c l a s s e s s u f f e r moreso than upper c l a s s e s who have more m a t e r i a l and i d e o l o g i c a l resources which rendered them more f l e x i b l e i n terms of r e o r g a n i z a t i o n (p.210). 4 Pearson (1978) d e s c r i b e s the machinery smashing and r i o t o u s behavior that marked the e a r l i e r p e r i o d s of c a p i t a l i s m . 16 The R e o r g a n i z a t i o n of Feudal J u s t i c e and Punishment The emerging l i b e r a l s t a t e responded to the c r i s i s of a u t h o r i t y by r e s t r u c t u r i n g c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e mechanisms. Based upon the p o l i t i c a l views of Hobbes, who vested r e s p o n s i b i l i t y fo r s o c i a l order in the s t a t e , the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system was redesigned in attempts to secure s o c i a l harmony. In the i n i t i a l stages, p r i v a t e j u s t i c e systems were r e o r g a n i z e d i n t o . a more c o - o r d i n a t e d and r a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n of p u b l i c and p r i v a t e s e r v i c e s that set the foundations for modern c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . 5 S p i t z e r & S c u l l (1977) and I g n a t i e f f (1978) o u t l i n e the t r a n s i t i o n a l forms of c o n t r a c t p o l i c i n g , j a i l s , and Houses of C o r r e c t i o n . Notwithstanding the presence of l i b e r a l humanism, the p r a c t i c a l r e a l i t i e s of t h i s r e s t r u c t u r i n g of j u s t i c e and punishment q u i c k l y earned i t the pseudonym of the "Bloody Code" amongst the poorer c l a s s e s . For i n s t a n c e , summary of f e n s e s e n t a i l e d an i n c r e a s e d usage of whipping, the p i l l o r y , and the c o n s t r u c t i o n of workhouses; a l l of which, were punishments f o r those without the means of resources to pay f i n e s ( I g n a t i e f f , 1978, p.24). In a d d i t i o n , the number of crimes punishable by 5 Foucault (1979) and I g n a t i e f f (1978) c l e a r l y show that the i n n o v a t i o n of an i n q u i s i t o r i a l system was more focussed on a c q u i r i n g c o n f e s s i o n s than on i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s . 1 7 death increased from 50 in 1688 to over 160 in 1760 ( i b i d . ) . 6 Weisser (1979) argues that not only was the "Bloody Code" b ruta l by nature, but that i t served as a general system of s o c i a l cont ro l for the bourgeois c l a s s : Cr iminal procedure was not only a means for maintaining law and order, but had been transformed into a system of the law of one c lass versus the disorder of the other. In e f fec t the c r imina l jus t i ce system was becoming a means of c l a s s cont ro l (p.102). The inef fect iveness of the "Bloody Code" to deter s o c i a l disobedience led to a major res t ructur ing of the c r imina l jus t i ce apparatus and a stronger re l iance on less coercive methods in order to secure publ ic support for state usages of power. The Humanizing of the CJS and C l a s s i c a l Criminology Following from the "Age of Enlightenment", and the heated debates over p o l i t i c a l r ights that took place immediately a f ter the French Revolut ion, l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s began to d i r e c t l y attend to issues of s o c i a l cont ro l in order to design a more e f f e c t i v e system and one that one that would be more humane than the "Bloody Code" - hence the b i r t h of c l a s s i c a l cr iminology. Such developments were in react ion to , and therefore formulated v i s - a - v i s s o c i a l d isorder and resistance 6 In addi t ion to the the increased usages of severe punishments, a co -ord inated system of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s was developed for offenses and punishments focussing on the behaviour of the poorer c l a s s e s . This demonstrates that modern l e g a l i s t i c , c l a s s - o r i e n t e d d e f i n i t i o n s of crime had taken root by the 18th century and were i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d in the l i b e r a l s ta te . 18 by the poorer c l a s s e s to l i b e r a l economic and j u s t i c e systems; c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l humanism 7 and, the need to s t a b i l i z e and c o n t r o l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s (e.g. power r e l a t i o n s ) w i t h i n the parameters of the changing economic o r d e r . 8 Cesare B e c c a r i a (1738-1794) and Jeremy Bentham (1748-1842) o r i g i n a t e d the c l a s s i c a l school of c r i m i n o l o g y . T h i s school generated s i g n i f i c a n t changes in the CJS of the p e r i o d , but l a i d the foundations f o r mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y as an i n t e g r a l part of 20th century l i b e r a l hegemony. C e n t r a l to t h e i r works were the concepts of s o c i a l c o n t r a c t , u t i l i t a r i a n i s m , ' and the power of r a t i o n a l c h o i c e ; concepts that were used to design systems of punishment and s o c i a l c o n t r o l . B e c c a r i a and Bentham sought to i d e n t i f y u n i v e r s a l s o c i a l values from which to e x p l a i n the e x i s t e n c e of law and i t s impact on i n d i v i d u a l s ' b e h a v i o r a l c h o i c e s . Among other works, B e c c a r i a ' s On Crimes and  Punishments ( 1 764 ), argued f o r laws r e f l e c t i n g and r e i n f o r c i n g s o c i a l order b u i l t upon the u t i l i t a r i a n n o t i o n of s o c i a l c o n t r a c t that i m p l i c i t l y u n i v e r s a l i z e d c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e as normative and t h e r e f o r e m o r a l l y c o r r e c t . T h e r e f o r e , the usages of punishments and d e t e r r e n t s by the CJS 7 Dahl (1977) c l a r i f i e s that l i b e r a l humanism was a very powerful f o r c e i n g a i n i n g the consent of the poorer c l a s s e s . For i n s t a n c e , the l a i s s e z - f a i r e s t a t e was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n e s t a b l i s h i n g programmes f o r a l c o h o l i s m , n e g l e c t e d c h i l d r e n , the insane, poor r e l i e f , h e a l t h , and education f o r the poor. 8 Foucault (1979), while not i n t e g r a t i n g the m a t e r i a l f o r c e s or the s t r u g g l e s and c o n f l i c t s of c a p i t a l i s m , does e s t a b l i s h the r e l a t i o n s h i p between modes of punishment, c o r r e c t i o n , education, d e t e r r e n t s , and the needs of a f a c t o r y - b a s e d economy. 19 as an arm of the l i b e r a l c a p i t a l i s t i c s t a t e were presented as o b j e c t i v e , v a l u e - f r e e p r a c t i c e s and p o l i c i e s that were devoid of c l a s s i n t e r e s t . The b a s i c r i g h t of the s t a t e to punish -and thereby r e g u l a t e s o c i a l behaviour- had s h i f t e d fromvengeance to a j u r i s p r u d e n c e that p o s i t e d the defence of s o c i e t y and a r e i f i e d " p u b l i c i n t e r e s t " . Clarke (1982) notes that the g e n e r a l t h r u s t of l i b e r a l ideology in c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e was a p l e a f o r a more r a t i o n a l and humane code (p.30). However, the dominant views of humanism, u t i l i t y , and t h e r e f o r e s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n i n c i v i l matters, were u n e q u i v o c a l l y l o c a t e d w i t h i n the premises of l i b e r a l l a i s s e z - f a i r e c a p i t a l i s m . Bentham had argued that s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n i n i n d i v i d u a l a f f a i r s was j u s t i f e d i n that i t s f u n c t i o n was to maximize u t i l i t y , a u t i l i t y that was founded upon the s e c u r i t y of property r i g h t s , market s t r u c t u r e and t h e r e f o r e the p r o t e c t i o n of power r e l a t i o n s between labour and c a p i t a l (MacPherson, 1972, p . 2 0). 9 The p o l i t i c a l resources of the l i b e r a l s t a t e were thus v e h i c l e s f o r s o c i a l c o n t r o l and s t a b i l i t y that f o s t e r e d a s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e based upon middle c l a s s values of u t i l i t y and Darwinian views of s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y . S o c i a l deviance and c r i m i n a l i t y were viewed as a t h r e a t to s o c i a l w e l f a r e , thereby morally j u s t i f y i n g i n c r e a s e d usages of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e 9 The Schwendingers (1974) inform us that a l t e r n a t e systems of thought, such as the n e o - r o m a n t i c i s t that arose from the French R e v o l u t i o n , were dominated by l i b e r a l thought (pp.58-63). In a d d i t i o n , Hobsbawm (1962) observes that Marxism was s i m i l a r l y dominated by l i b e r a l i s m i n the 19th century (p.289). 20 a p p a r a t u s . 1 0 At the t u r n of the 19th century, the modern form of the CJS began to evolve as a r e s u l t of the l i b e r a l concerns f o r humanism along with demands from the poorer c l a s s e s f o r the d i s m a n t l i n g of the "Bloody Code", and the need to s t a b i l i z e s o c i a l behaviour and r e l a t i o n s so that they would be more congruent with the requirements of a c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . Two d i s t i n c t areas of modernization were i n the area of the p o l i c e and c o r r e c t i o n s . Before the 19th century, there were only fragments of l o c a l i z e d p o l i c i n g and m a g i s t r a t e s who were r e l a t i v e l y i n e f f i c i e n t and d i s t r u s t e d by the general populace (Emsley, 1983, p.24). The r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the p o l i c e i n t o a more numerous and c e n t r a l i z e d group was resented and r e s i s t e d by the populace i n t h e i r formative years d u r i n g the 1830's (Cohen, 1979, p.129). However, they d i d gain a much wider acceptance by a l l c l a s s e s by the 1850's s i n c e they d i d c u r t a i l the more immediate forms of s o c i a l d i s o r d e r (e.g. predatory and p e t t y c r i m i n a l s , a s s a u l t , e t c . which a f f l i c t e d a l l c l a s s e s ) ( M o r r i s , 1979, p.58); moreover, t h e i r "humanistic" presence was much p r e f e r r e d to that of the troops d u r i n g the "Bloody Code". Penal reform d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d was a l s o c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a more c e n t r a l i z e d , r a t i o n a l i z e d system of s o c i a l c o n t r o l as 1 0 L i b e r a l i s m and c l a s s i c a l theory operate on the t a c i t assumption that there i s a consensus concerning n o r m a l i t y , that the s t a t e i s o b l i g e d to preserve such n o r m a l i t y , and that the i n d i v i d u a l i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s / h e r behaviour. In f a c t , the s t a t e i s a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n d e f i n i n g and r e d e f i n i n g n o r m a l i t y s i n c e i t i s a l s o assumed that i n t e l l e c t u a l s have s p e c i a l access (e.g. s c i e n t i f i c l o g i c ) to the laws of s o c i a l behaviour (Tayl o r et a l . , 1973, pp.2-3). 21 evidenced by the appearance of M i l l b a n k (1816) and P e n t o n v i l l e (1842) p r i s o n s . These p r i s o n s r e f l e c t e d the t h i n k i n g of the contemporary l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s (e.g. B e c c a r i a , Benthem, Howard) who advocated a more r a t i o n a l program of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and d e t e r r e n c e t h a t , as Foucault (1979) a r t i c u l a t e s , was i n c r e a s i n g l y more concerned with the i n t e r n a l d i s c i p l i n i n g of i n d i v i d u a l s than with r e l y i n g on e x t e r n a l methods of be h a v i o u r a l c o e r c i o n . CJS reforms of the the l a t e 18th century that continued through to the mid-l9th century were r e i f i c a t i o n s of the i n t e l l e c t u a l developments of the c l a s s i c a l school of c r i m i n o l o g y which advocated s o c i a l c o n t r a c t , and, u l t i m a t e l y , i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for behaviour. These tene t s f o s t e r e d the d e s i g n i n g of c l e a r - c u t d e f i n i t i o n s of l e g a l and moral behaviour v i s - a - v i s l i b e r a l bourgeois d e f i n i t i o n s of u t i l i t y . In a d d i t i o n , the i n t e r v e n t i o n by the CJS, in terms of a r r e s t , s e ntencing, i n c a r c e r a t i o n , and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , was j u s t i f i e d by the u t i l i t a r i a n i s m p o s i t e d by l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s . S t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i I t i e s u n d e r l y i n g such views were e i t h e r ignored or r a t i o n a l i z e d by Darwinian theory. With r e f e r e n c e to t h i s time p e r i o d , Balkan et a l . (1980). observe t h a t : "Non-white people, women, and the lower c l a s s e s were i n f e r i o r s p e c i e s and l e s s f i t and l e s s adaptable to the e x i g e n c i e s of s o c i a l l i f e . They i n t e r f e r e d with the smooth f u n c t i o n i n g of a s o c i a l system and made unreasonable demands on hard-working white, c o m p e t i t i v e males" (p.15). 22 P o s i t i v i s t C riminology, the Advent of Technocracy, & L i b e r a l  Hegemony With the advent of the 20th century, c r i m i n o l o g y , as had other s o c i a l s c i e n c e s , became entrenched i n the p o s i t i v i s t approach d e r i v e d from the c l a s s i c a l s c hool's e f f o r t s to p o s t u l a t e n a t u r a l laws of s o c i a l behaviour. Shaw (1972) informs us that the impact of Marxian thought, popular i n Germany, had l i m i t e d impact upon bourgeois i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n B r i t a i n or America. In f a c t , M a r x i s t thought was r e j e c t e d o u t r i g h t by American i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n favour of systems of thought that were more in tune with c a p i t a l i s t v a l u e s and which c o u l d l e g i t i m i z e s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t i e s (Gurney, 1981, p.196). P o s i t i v i s t c r i m i n o l o g y had become an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the i d e o l o g i c a l apparatus that e s t a b l i s h e d l i b e r a l hegemony at the turn of the century. P o s i t i v i s t c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , such as Lombroso (1835-1909), had assumed and argued that c r i m i n a l i t y and deviance were the r e s u l t , not of s o c i a l or p o l i t i c a l f o r c e s , but of b i o l o g i c a l l y - b a s e d , measurable p a t h o l o g i e s and mental d e f e c t s which d i d not permit i n d i v i d u a l s to comply with the s o c i a l c o n t r a c t (Gibbons, 1979, p. 12). T y p i c a l of l i b e r a l i s m , the emphasis on the i n d i v i d u a l that had been formulated by the c l a s s i c a l s c h o o l , continued, but with p a s s i n g acknowledgements of environmental f a c t o r s (e.g. poverty, poor 1 1 S p i t z e r & S c u l l (1977) p o i n t out that CJS developments -which would i n c l u d e c r i m i n o l o g y - i n England predated and o f t e n provided the models fo r s i m i l a r i n n o v a t i o n s i n the U n i t e d States (p.267). 23 n u t r i t i o n ) . 1 1 By f o c u s s i n g on i n d i v i d u a l e t i o l o g i e s i n e x p l a i n i n g crime, areas of s o c i a l c o n f l i c t and i n e q u a l i t i e s were ignored. Michalowski (1977) e x p l a i n s : Since i t views crime as an o b j e c t and seeks to uncover the laws governing c r i m i n a l behaviour, p o s i t i v i s m can most e a s i l y focus upon the c r i m i n a l as the phenomenon to be s t u d i e d . I t i s here that the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the p o s i t i v i s t paradigm and a consensus model of law and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n becomes evident (p.30). In other words, p o s i t i v i s t c r i m i n o l o g y accepts the s t a t e ' s l e g a l i s t d e f i n i t i o n of crime, n o r m a l i t y , and m o r a l i t y , which i s presumably founded upon the general consensus of the p o p u l a t i o n . Rather than concerning i t s e l f with the s u b s t a n t i v e i s s u e s of power, p o s i t i v i s t c r i m i n o l o g y concerns i t s e l f with the r u l e s of cause and e f f e c t , and i n that process draws a t t e n t i o n away from s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t i e s thereby c o n t r i b u t i n g to the r e p r o d u c t i o n and l e g i t i m a t i o n of l e g a l i s t m y s t i f i c a t i o n s of power r e l a t i o n s i n CJS p o l i c i e s and p r a c t i c e s . The development and emphasis on the canons of s c i e n t i f i c r e s e a r c h f u r t h e r l e g i t i m i z e d and clouded p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s . Gouldner (1970) s t a t e s that these methodological f e t i s h i s m s r e s u l t i n r e s e a r c h appearing to be: ...a p u r e l y t e c h n i c a l concern devoid of ideology; presumably i t d e a l s with methods of e x t r a c t i n g r e l i a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n from the world, c o l l e c t i n g data, c o n s t r u c t i n g q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , sampling, and a n a l y s i n g r e t u r n s (p.50). The d e s c r i p t i v e e n t e r p r i s e s of the p o s i t i v i s t s c h o o l , through t h e i r v a l u e - f r e e presumptions, p o s i t e d cures to c r i m i n a l i t y through sentencing and treatment p r a c t i c e s which in turn r e l i e d 24 upon the l e g a l i s t i c c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of c r i m i n a l s . 1 2 CJS p o l i c y was not d i r e c t e d toward environmental a l t e r a t i o n s but rather with the d i s c i p l i n i n g of the c r i m i n a l s ' inner processes through the use of p s y c h o l o g i c a l t o o l s and re-education to f a c i l i t a t e c o n f o rmity to the norms d i c t a t e d by bourgeois n o t i o n s of s o c i a l c o n t r a c t . I t was from t h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l and i d e o l o g i c a l b a s i s , which dominated a l l o t h e r s , that i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r higher l e a r n i n g and t e c h n i c a l s k i l l s were developed at the turn of the 20th ce n t u r y . C u l l e n and G i l b e r t (1982) c h a r a c t e r i z e the " P r o g r e s s i v e E r a " as the expansion of l i b e r a l movements towards humanizing the penal system by i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g indeterminate s e n t e n c i n g , the use of p a r o l e , and the use of p o s i t i v i s t i c n o t i o n s of environmental f a c t o r s , (p.76). T h i s era of CJS development was a l s o c h a r a c t e r i z e d by l i b e r a l hegemony and was, to a s i g n i f i c a n t extent, the r e s u l t of the t e c h n i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s by p r o f e s s i o n a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s who p o s i t e d the s t a t e as a p r o t e c t i v e and t h e r a p e u t i c agent for s o c i e t y and the i n d i v i d u a l . Through the domain assumptions of l i b e r a l i s m (Gouldner, 1970). The CJS was viewed as an agency 1 2 Chapman (1980) informs us that by the middle of the 19th century, p o l i c e and p r i s o n s t a t i s t i c s were p u b l i s h e d annually and t h a t , given methodological problems, they d e f i n i t e l y show that there was a d i s t i n c t "embodiment of the i n t e r e s t s of the e l i t e " in these records (p.149). 25 that was to c o n t r o l the overdevelopment of b i g b u s i n e s s 1 3 and to p r o t e c t s o c i e t y from crime; indeed, through i t s t h e r a p e u t i c r o l e , i t was to p r o t e c t d e v i a n t s from themselves. As a part of s t a t e expansion and i t s r o l e i n e s t a b l i s h i n g i d e o l o g i c a l hegemony, i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d education was developed f u r t h e r , both i n t e l l e c t u a l l y and t e c h n i c a l l y (Manifesto, 1976, pp.124-128). In terms of the CJS, i t was at t h i s time that p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m and management concerns l e d to the development of the f i r s t higher education programmes f o r law enforcement i n the United S t a t e s i n the 1920's (Senna, 1974, p. 390). Increased CJS Education and S o c i o l o g i c a l Paradigms There were marked i n c r e a s e s i n the expansion and u t i l i t y of the c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e d u r i n g the 1930's and 1940's. These i n c l u d e d the founding of the c o r r e c t i o n a l i s t - o r i e n t e d American S o c i e t y of Criminology i n 1941 and an e x p l o s i o n of c r i m i n o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e and textbooks (Gibbons, 1979, pp. 71-72). During the 1930's and 1940's, the c e n t r a l t rend i n c r i m i n o l o g y moved from r i g i d p o s i t i v i s m toward a more s e r i o u s i n c l u s i o n of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l c a u s a l f a c t o r s in crime. I n t e l l e c t u a l s , such as Edwin Sutherland and Robert Merton, had been i n f l u e n c e d by the Great Depression of the 1930's -with i t s massive s o c i a l and economic upheavals- and began to i n q u i r e 1 3 Contrary to t h i s p r o f e s s e d m o t i v a t i o n , Goff and Reasons (1978) show that e a r l y Anti-Combines l e g i s l a t i o n i n Canada was i n e f f e c t i v e i n r e g u l a t i n g c o r p o r a t e p r a c t i c e s . In f a c t , such l e g i s l a t i o n f a c i l i t a t e d b i g - b u s i n e s s p r a c t i c e s by d i v e r t i n g a t t e n t i o n away from other p i e c e s of l e g i s l a t i o n that promoted corporate p r o f i t s and c o n t r o l s . 26 i n t o the e f f e c t s of peer p r e s s u r e , neighbourhood d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , poverty, and f a m i l i a l c o n f l i c t upon c r i m i n a l i t y ( G a l l i h e r , 1978, p. 246). G a l l i h e r d i s c u s s e s the s u r v i v a l of p o s i t i v i s t approaches in s o c i o l o g i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y , 1" but he f a i l s to acknowledge t h a t • S u t h e r l a n d a l s o i n i t i a t e d r e s e a r c h i n t o n o n - l e g a l i s t i c crimes such as those of corporate business p r a c t i c e s . 1 5 These concerns were g e n e r a l l y ignored, however, i n the implementation and establishment of higher e d u c a t i o n a l programmes f o r the CJS. These programmes were small i n number and p r a g m a t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d ; e.g., the B.Sc. degree i n p o l i c e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n at the U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan which began in 1935 (Senna, 1974, p.390). Such t e c h n i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s r e f l e c t e d , as Gorz (1976) argues, a philosophy towards education ( i n the p e r i o d p r i o r to WWII) which regarded i t as a v e h i c l e f o r reducing c o s t s and i n c r e a s i n g e f f i c i e n c y (p.163). In sum, the g r i p of l i b e r a l hegemony and c o r r e c t i o n a l i s t philosophy d i r e c t e d the general content of c r i m i n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s both i n t e l l e c t u a l l y and and i n t h e i r CJS a p p l i c a t i o n s . 1 U P i a t t and Takagi (1979) concur with G a l l i h e r . P o s i t i v i s t t h e o r i e s s t i l l commanded some p o p u l a r i t y i n the 1930's and through the 1960's as demonstated by chromosomal research on c r i m i n a l i t y and v i o l e n c e (p.5). 1 5 C l i n a r d and Yeager (1980) note that Sutherland was s e v e r e l y and p e r s o n a l l y c r i t i c i z e d f o r d a r i n g to q u e s t i o n the m o r a l i t y of the American economic system (p.x). 27 L a b e l l i n g Theory, C r i t i c a l Criminology, and CJS Higher  Educat ion Braverman (1974) informs us that a f t e r WWII, s c i e n t i f i c r e s e a r c h i n the United S t a t e s -which was h e a v i l y f i n a n c e d by government and c o r p o r a t i o n s - s y s t e m a t i c a l l y undertook to f u r n i s h the s c i e n t i f i c - t e c h n i c a l knowledge needs of i n d u s t r y (p.166). I n t r i n s i c to t h i s knowledge base, was the growth of e f f i c i e n t management s k i l l s to c o n t r o l and r e g u l a t e s o c i a l and economic processes (p.171). S i m i l a r l y , t h i s process a p p l i e d to the extension of the welfar e s t a t e ' s agencies i n g e n e r a l , as a means to secure s o c i a l order (e.g. power r e l a t i o n s between women & men, c l a s s e s , and races) conducive to a c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . The CJS and the c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e were no exception to t h i s phenomenon. In r e a c t i o n to the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l unrest of the 1960's, 1 6 the f e d e r a l s t a t e produced the 1965 Law Enforcement A s s i s t a n c e Act (LEAA) and the P r e s i d e n t ' s Crime Commission Report of 1967 that i n t i a t e d the "War Against Crime". From these p o l i t i c a l and economic mandates, the CJS's e d u c a t i o n a l apparatus expanded at an unprecedented r a t e . Both a p p l i e d and i n t e l l e c t u a l l y o r i e n t e d 1 6 Balkan et a l . (1980) o u t l i n e the magnitude of unrest and the v a r i o u s forms i t took; f o r in s t a n c e , p r o t e s t s a g a i n s t U.S. I n t e r v e n t i o n i n Vietnam, demands f o r in c r e a s e d c i v i l r i g h t s , women's r i g h t s groups, Black Panthers, Y i p p i e s , h i p p i e s , and the intense danger and fe a r r e g a r d i n g s t r e e t crime i n the c i t i e s (p.10). 28 programmes 1 7 were q u i c k l y c o n s t r u c t e d to d e a l with the counter-hegemonic turbulence of the 1960's and 1970's which p r e c i p i t a t e d an intense r e a c t i o n by the s t a t e over i s s u e s of a u t h o r i t y and l e g i t i m a c y . T h i s r e a c t i o n was reminiscent of the c o l l a p s e of f e u d a l hegemony in that i n i t i a l r e a c t i o n s took the form of overt c o e r c i v e measures. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the contemporary s t a t e ' s r e a c t i o n was more s o p h i s t i c a t e d and humane due to the advanced o r g a n i z a t i o n a l resources of the modern s t a t e ; e.g., economic, t e c h n i c a l , e d u c a t i o n a l , i n t e l l e c t u a l . Kuykendall (1977) documents that 104 c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e programmes were i n i t i a t e d between 1965 and 1967, and 458 more between 1968 and 1978 ( p . 1 6 1 ) . 1 8 Senna (1974) d e s c r i b e s these programmes as concerned p r i m a r i l y with f a c i l i t a t i n g the t r a i n i n g of CJS personnel, developing managment resources fo r the growing CJS, and e x p l o r i n g new ways of understanding, t r e a t i n g , d i c t a t i n g , c l a s s i f y i n g , and c o n t r o l l i n g ' crime (pp.392-393). 1 7 Gorz (1976) argues that the d i s t i n c t i o n between i n t e l l e c t u a l and a p p l i e d a c t i v i t i e s / t r a i n i n g has p o l i t i c a l f o undations. While h i s argument i s flawed by h i s i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t p o s i t i o n , he does c l a r i f y that s p e c i a l i z a t i o n does separate s e r v i c e s i n order to i n c r e a s e p r o d u c t i v i t y and e f f i c i e n c y (p.174). In terms of the CJS, such a s e p a r a t i o n f a c i l i a t e s the f u n c t i o n i n g of CJS p r a c t i t i o n e r s by f o c u s s i n g t h e i r a t t e n t i o n on immediate concerns r a t h e r than on l a r g e r s t r u c t u r a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . 1 8 Compared to the 193 c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e programmes that were s t a r t e d between 1930 and 1957, these f i g u r e s are evidence of the d r i v e towards higher eduation fo r the CJS. ( i b i d ) . Today, there are approximately 1,000 such programmes in the U n i t e d States (Senna, 1974, p.391). 29 L a b e l l i n g or s o c i e t a l r e a c t i o n theory, was a s i g n i f i c a n t i n t e l l e c t u a l development that f o l l o w e d the hegemonic t h r e a t i n the 1960's and 1970's both in terms of the a c t i v e and organized d i s c o n t e n t of v a r i o u s groups and the o v e r - r e a c t i o n by the CJS; e.g. p o l i c e v i o l e n c e . L a b e l l i n g theory i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the attempt to r e j e c t p o s i t i v i s t n o t i o n s that c r i m i n a l s are governed by unique c a u s e - e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Instead, i t argues that the s o c i a l response towards crime and deviance i s a key f a c t o r i n the d e f i n i n g and understanding of c r i m i n a l i t y , n o r m a l i t y , "and the law. S o c i a l f a c t s are not simply to be c o n s i d e r e d as s t a t i c or i n e v i t a b l e , but are to be approached as processes of i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e d e f i n i t i o n (Petrunik, 1980, p.215). However, the c r i t i c a l edge of l a b e l l i n g theory has been r e s t r i c t e d by i t s l i b e r a l i d e o l o g i c a l assumptions (Myers, 1983, p . 1 ) . 1 9 L a b e l l i n g theory i n t e l l e c t u a l s , such as Becker, focus on the c r i t i q u e of power r e l a t i o n s g e n e r a l l y o r i e n t a t e d towards micro and o r g a n i z a t o n a l flaws such as, the c r e a t i o n and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of r u l e s and t y p i f i c a t i o n s , CJS i n e f f i c i e n c i e s , b r u t a l i t y , mismanagement, and c o r r u p t i o n . 1 9 Michalowski (1977) o u t l i n e s the p l u r a l i s t assumptions of the l a b e l l i n g p e r s e c t i v e . He s t a t e s that while c o n f l i c t i s a key p a r t i n l a b e l l i n g theory, i t i s r e s t r i c t e d to viewing s o c i e t y as being comprised of a m u l t i p l i c i t y of world views; such c o n f l i c t s are not l o c a t e d in any c l e a r m a t e r i a l or s t r u c t u r a l form. In f a c t , i t s arguments imply that the s t a t e and/or CJS are e s s e n t i a l l y v a l u e - f r e e but i n need of e f f i c i e n t r e o r g a n i z a t i o n (pp.24-32). 30 L a b e l l i n g theory was not the only i n t e l l e c t u a l development to a r i s e from the t h r e a t s to l i b e r a l hegemony i n the 1960's. From Berkeley and the N a t i o n a l Deviancy Conference i n B r i t a i n , there emerged a more r a d i c a l or "new" school of c r i m i n o l o g i c a l thought showing signs of a f u r t h e r paradigmatic s h i f t (Kuhn, 1962) w i t h i n the d i s c i p l i n e . Ian T a y l o r , Jock Young, Paul Walton, S t u a r t H a l l , Stan Cohen, Anthony P i a t t , and J u l i a and Herman Schwendinger, among o t h e r s , advocated a "new" c r i m i n o l o g y -which began from the l a b e l l i n g t h e o r i s t s ' o b s e r v a t i o n that power i s c r i t i c a l i n the shaping of crime, law, and s o c i a l order. These tene t s were extended to i n c l u d e the M a r x i s t t r a d i t i o n s of the 19th and 20th c e n t u r i e s . T h i s r a d i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e was founded upon a marxian p o l i t i c a l economy framework that Marx had c o n s t r u c t e d . Marx (1970) had s t a t e d : In the s o c i a l p r o d u c t i o n of t h e i r e x i s t e n c e , men i n e v i t a b l y enter i n t o d e f i n i t e r e l a t i o n s , which are independent of t h e i r w i l l , namely r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n a p p r o p r i a t e to a given stage i n the development of t h e i r m a t e r i a l f o r c e s of p r o d u c t i o n . The t o t a l i t y of these r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n c o n s t i t u t e s the economic s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y , the r e a l foundation, on which r i s e s a l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l s u p e r s t r u c t u r e and to which corresponds d e f i n i t e forms of s o c i a l consciousness (p.20). While Marx d i d not apply h i s notions of s t r u c t u r e , power r e l a t i o n s , and consciousness to c r i m i n o l o g y , Quinney (1979) p o r t r a y s c r i m i n o l o g y as p l a y i n g an important f u n c t i o n i n the management of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s . Quinney o u t l i n e s c r i m i n o l o g y as a c u l t u r a l p r o duction that formulates knowledge and consciousness w i t h i n an i d e o l o g i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l framework - f o r CJS p r a c t i t i o n e r s , i n t e l l e c t u a l s , and the 31 p u b l i c - that has as i t s primary purpose the p r o t e c t i o n of the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l order (pp.446-447). R a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s argue that crime and the CJS do not e x i s t i n i s o l a t i o n . T h e r e f o r e , they must be analysed with a t t e n t i o n p a i d to l a r g e r , s t r u c t u r a l , and d i a l e c t i c a l (e.g power r e l a t i o n s ) s o c i o -economic i s s u e s . In a d d i t i o n , p o l i t i c a l economy analyses must account f o r h i s t o r i c a l and n a t i o n a l s p e c i f i c i t i e s (Gaucher, 1983). However, mainstream l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s - f o l l o w i n g t h e i r t r a d i t i o n of r e j e c t i n g and v u l g a r i z i n g Marxism - have s e v e r e l y c r i t i c i z e d and d i s m i s s e d p o l i t i c a l economy arguments. Beginning from the assumption that a l l M a r x i s t and neo-Marxist thought i s i n h e r e n t l y crude, they have argued that the new c r i m i n o l o g y i s s i m p l i s t i c i n that i t i s focussed on economical, p o l e m i c a l , and mechanistic analyses (Greenberg, 1976, pp. 611-612; Toby, 1980). Indeed, some r a d i c a l works do s u f f e r from such r e d u c t i o n i s m and are t h e r e f o r e inadequately formulated to e x p l a i n s t a t e c o n c e s s i o n s , the p o l i t i c a l impact of advocacy groups, e t c . However, even such t h e o r e t i c a l flaws do not preclude the i l l u m i n a t i o n of c a p i t a l i s t p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s i n CJS d e s i g n s . To date, the works of r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s have demonstrated the flaws of mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y and have poin t e d the way f o r t h e o r e t i c a l and methodological development in the context of p o l i t i c a l change. The focus i s p r a x i s -. o r i e n t e d both in the i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e sense of the concept and t h e r e f o r e i n o p p o s i t i o n to l i b e r a l t e c h n o c r a t i c c r i m i n o l o g y . To begin with, there i s a push to have 32 c r i m i n o l o g i s t s c r i t i c a l l y r e f l e c t upon t h e i r own c l a s s , i d e o l o g i c a l , and p o l i t i c a l b i a s e s , thereby f a c i l i t a t i n g a more dynamic and complete view of the world and t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n i t (Gouldner, 1970, pp.29-35). 2 0 From such a c t i v i t i e s , one i s able to c o n f r o n t c o n t r a d i c t i o n s as they e x i s t i n l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y , t o l o c a t e them in c a p i t a l i s t socio-economic s t r u c t u r e , and to a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r s u b s t a n t i v e forms. The focus f o r r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s and i t s t h r e a t to l i b e r a l hegemony i s c l e a r l y s t a t e d by Gaucher (1983): An important argument i s that the d i a l e c t i c of a s i t u a t e d Marxist c r i m i n o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s not only e x p l i c a t e s the nature of s t a t e a c t i v i t i e s , but a l s o i l l u m i n a t e s and c l a r i f i e s the very nature of the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of the s o c i e t y in q u e s t i o n (p.36). Only from such a b a s i s i s one able to s t r a t e g i c a l l y c h a l l e n g e l i b e r a l hegemony 2 1 and the v a r i o u s r e i f i c a t i o n s of c a p i t a l i s t s t r u c t u r e ; s p e c i f i c a l l y , the i n e q u a l i t e s and d i s c r i m i n a t o r y p r a c t i c e s of the law and the CJS a g a i n s t women (e.g. R a f t e r & N a t a l i z i a , 1981; Smart, 1977; Smart & Smart, 1978; ; Weis, 1976), r a c i a l m i n o r i t i e s (e.g. Bush, 1981; Greenberg, 1976; Reasons, 1974), lower income groups (e.g. G a r o f a l o , 1978; M e l o s s i , 1979; Reiman & Headlee, 1981; T a y l o r et a l . , 1973), 2 0 Gouldner's ideas of domain and background assumptions are w ell-argued and concur with Gramsci's (1979) view of the " c r i t i c a l s e l f " as a v e h i c l e f o r i n c r e a s i n g one's conception of r e a l i t y (p.333). 2 1 T h i s not to assume that l i b e r a l or mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y i s an homogeneous group; r a t h e r , i t c o n s i s t s of a d i v e r s i t y of s c h o o l s of thought that have l i b e r a l and c a p i t a l i s t (domain) assumptions to cement t h e i r e f f o r t s ( P i a t t , 1975, p.96). Ratner (1984) o u t l i n e s the v a r i e t y of types, from e n l i g h t e n e d p o s i t i v i s m to c r i t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s . 33 and t h i r d world nations (e.g. Boerhringer & G i l e s , 1977). Through i t s r e f l e x i v e stance, r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y has c r i t i c i z e d mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y i n order to r e v e a l and a l t e r i t s p o l i t i c s . P i a t t (1975) and Herman and J u l i a Schwendinger (1975) have s u c c i n c t l y o u t l i n e d the content of l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g y and i t s impact on the s t a b i l i z a t i o n of l i b e r a l -c a p i t a l i s t hegemony. T h e i r works show the p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n of mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y w i t h i n the dominance of the " c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e " model. J u s t i c e model c r i m i n o l o g y 2 2 operates w i t h i n l e g a l i s t i c , r e f o r m i s t , pragmatic i n t e l l e c t u a l parameters. P i a t t (1975) argues that the very s t r u c t u r e of l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g y i s grounded upon the s c h o l a r - t e c h n i c a l t r a d i t i o n , agency-determined research, and academic c o m p l i c i t y which m y s t i f i e s i t s f u n c t i o n i n g f o r the s t a t e (pp.99-101). Th e r e f o r e , the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e model encompasses c o n s e r v a t i v e and most l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g i c a l i l k s . From these arguments, the v a r i o u s f r a c t i o n s of r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y - o f t e n i n c o n f l i c t - continue to expose s e x u a l , r a c i a l , c l a s s , and i n t e r n a t i o n a l i n j u s t i c e s . 2 3 A l s o , they l i n k these power 2 2 G a r o f a l o (1978) prov i d e s a s u c c i n c t d e f i n i t i o n of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e model arguments and assumptions. He s t a t e s i t i s a f i e l d of study that concerns i t s e l f with the o p e r a t i o n s of the CJS's i n s t i t u t i o n s and i s t h e r e f o r e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and more d e s c r i p t i v e than a n a l y t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d ; i n a d d i t i o n , he argues that i t s hidden p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n i s to secure e f f i c i e n c y of the CJS and the e x i s t i n g socio-economic system (pp.17-18). 2 3 However, i t i s important to note that the bulk of r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y has focussed on c l a s s i s s u e s and have only j u s t begun to c r i t i c a l l y examine the t h e o r e t i c a l and e m p i r i c a l i s s u e s of sex, race, and t h i r d world domination w i t h i n c a p i t a l i s t s t r u c t u r e and c u l t u r e . 34 arrangements with socio-economic s t r u c t u r e , i d e o l o g y , the law, and i n c r e a s i n g l y with the s t a t e . Not only do these t h e o r e t i c a l d i r e c t i o n s show the f u t i l i t y of r e s o l v i n g the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s between l i b e r a l models of "due process" and "crime c o n t r o l " 2 " but they argue that there must be a r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the wider s o c i e t y and of i t s guardian p r o f e s s i o n s (such as c r i m i n o l o g y ) , i n order f o r j u s t i c e to m a t e r i a l i z e . T h i s would n e c e s s a r i l y e n t a i l moving away from l e g a l i s t i c d e f i n i t i o n s of crime which focus on lower s t a t u s groups, and i n c l u d e crimes committed by government and c o r p o r a t i o n s such as, fra u d , p r i c e - f i x i n g , government misuse of funds, m i l i t a r y i n t e r v e n t i o n i s m , e t c . While the counter-hegemonic t h r u s t s of the 1960's and 1970's have produced tremendous i n t e l l e c t u a l advancements i n the c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e , there have been growing divergences between the r a d i c a l and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e models. The c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e model v i t a l i z e d by l a b e l l i n g theory, has e s t a b l i s h e d i t s e l f as the dominant paradigm ( G a r o f a l o , 1978). T a y l o r et a l . (1973) contend that the a b i l i t y of l a b e l l i n g theory to a r t i c u l a t e i n e f f i c i e n c i e s w i t h i n the CJS, without q u e s t i o n i n g i t s i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e g i t i m a c y , r e s u l t e d i n i t s i n t e g r a t i o n / c o - o p t a t i o n i n t o the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e model's d r i v e fo r law and order through i n c r e a s e d e f f i c i e n c y and l e g i t i m a c y (pp.20-21). What e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h has been done i n the United S t a t e s r e i n f o r c e s the p r e v i o u s l y mentioned arguments by 2 " Packer (1964), while not i n c l u d i n g socio-economic s t r u c t u r e s , s y s t e m a t i c a l l y o u t l i n e s the two models p o s i t e d by the l i b e r a l s t a t e , and t h e i r c o n t r a d i c t o r y assumptions. 35 P i a t t (1975) and Herman and J u l i a Schwendinger (1975) that there i s a d i s t i n c t s u b o r d i n a t i o n of the r a d i c a l paradigm by the dominant l i b e r a l p e r s p e c t i v e ; i n f a c t , i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s there i s a movement towards the "new l e g a l r e a l i s m " of the r i g h t ( P i a t t & Takagi, 1977). C l e a r l y , the modern i d e o l o g i c a l r esources of the s t a t e (e.g. e d u c a t i o n a l ) have given the dominant c l a s s the a b i l i t y to reorganize i t s apparatus to suppress counter-hegemonic f o r c e s i n a way unthinkable i n the 18th and 19th c e n t u r i e s . In terms of the CJS and c r i m i n o l o g y , the s t a t e has been able to r e g u l a t e r a d i c a l i n f l u e n c e s through s u b t l e gatekeeping a c t i v i t i e s . Through the funding of re s e a r c h , e d u c a t i o n a l programmes ( h i r i n g of teachers with regards to t h e i r p o l i t i c a l - i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n , c u r r i c u l u m d e s i g n , e t c . ) the s t a t e has been r e l a t i v e l y s u c c e s s f u l i n de-s t a b i l i z i n g the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l b a s i s of r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y ( G a l l i h e r , ' 1 9 7 9 ) . 2 5 Senna (1974, p.396) and Kuykendall (1977, p.152) inform us that most courses are v o c a t i o n a l l y o r i e n t e d i n order to meet the pragmatic demands of the CJS; moreover, Kuykendall makes c l e a r that the t h e o r e t i c a l t r a i n i n g a v a i l a b l e in the graduate programmes i s not r a d i c a l l y o r i e n t e d but focusses on systems, l a b e l l i n g , and p o s i t i v i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s (p.155). In f a c t , as C a r t e r ' s work (1981) mentions there appears to be a d i s t i n c t t rend towards an i n c r e a s i n g u t i l i t a r i a n approach to c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e e d u c a t i o n . Yet, when 2 5 Perhaps the most b l a t a n t example of s t a t e power in t h i s regard would be the d i s m a n t l i n g of the Center of Criminology at Berkeley i n order to disband i t s r a d i c a l c o l l e c t i v i t y ( S c h a u f f l e r & Hannigan, 1974). 36 one looks at the works and i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e educators, the dominant c o n s e r v a t i v e and l i b e r a l o r i e n t a t i o n s of o l d e r , c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e educators who have " a p p l i e d " backgrounds in the CJS are c o n t r a s t e d with a small but a c t i v e group of younger, h i g h l y educated c r i m i n o l o g i s t s who are more c r i t i c a l and r a d i c a l l y o r i e n t e d (Bynum et a l . , 1981). While there i s a schism between a p p l i e d and r e s e a r c h / i n t e l l e c t u a l l y o r i e n t e d work and e d u c a t i o n a l programmes, the dominance of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e model s t i l l p r e v a i l s i n both cases although there i s a tendency to move away from t h i s model i n younger, higher educated persons in u n i v e r s i t y s e t t i n g s . 2 6 Consequently, there i s a mounting i n t e l l e c t u a l , i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u g g l e between c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e educators; or, in Gramsci's terminology, a "war of p o s i t i o n " where i d e o l o g i c a l f r a c t i o n s s t r u g g l e f o r popular support regarding modes for s e c u r i n g s o c i a l order, and attempt to d i s c r e d i t a l t e r n a t i v e v i e w s . 2 7 With the i n c r e a s i n g s p l i t between the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e and r a d i c a l paradigms ( G a l l i h e r , 1978), and the d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t c o n t r o l of the s t a t e (through funding, h i r i n g , i n - s e r v i c e p e r s o n n e l , e t c . ) over employment fo r c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , (Ingraham & S u l t o n , 1981) s e r i o u s 2 6 Greene et a l . (1980) a l s o demonstrate that not only i s c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e education dominated by the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e model, but that most f a c u l t y are white males. 2 7 A recent study by Greene et a l . (1982) shows that while there i s a v i s i b l e concern f o r the r a d i c a l approach to crime, most f a c u l t y favour of l e s s r a d i c a l paradigms as evidenced ' by t h e i r course s y l l a b i . 37 p r o f e s s i o n a l d i f f i c u l t i e s a r i s e f o r those advocating r a d i c a l i s m (Ingraham & Sul t o n , 1981). Such d i f f i c u l t i e s come from p r e s s u r e s to forsake t h e i r c l a s s / i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n i n favour of c a r e e r advancement. Such c l a s s c o n t r a d i c t i o n s faced by i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n the s t a t e ' s employ set the c o n d i t i o n s f o r change or c o - o p t a t i o n (Beverley, 1978, p.84). As o u t l i n e d , the t r e n d i n the United S t a t e s , as elsewhere, i s towards a more u t i l i t a r i a n , r i g h t wing, c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e model f o r c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e e d u c a t i o n . Yet, even o f f i c i a l s t a t e - p r o c e s s e d crime r a t e s suggest that u t i l i t a r i a n approaches to c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e education are f u t i l e s i n c e they show that c r i m i n a l i t y continues to r i s e (Manning & R e d l i n g e r , 1979, p. 131) as do CJS i n j u s t i c e s to women, r a c i a l m i n o r i t i e s , poorer c l a s s e s , and t h i r d world n a t i o n s . C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e Education i n Canada The i d e o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n s of c r i m i n o l o g y in B r i t a i n and the U n i t e d S t a t e s has been o u t l i n e d i n order to provide the i n t e l l e c t u a l foundations f o r c r i m i n o l o g y i n Canada, and s p e c i f i c a l l y i n B r i t i s h Columbia. C o n s i d e r i n g that the Canadian c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e i s a r e l a t i v e l y recent development, i t i s to be expected that the i n t e l l e c t u a l and i d e o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n s of B r i t a i n and the United S t a t e s would g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e Canadian c r i m i n o l o g y . Szabo (1978), G o s s e l i n (1982), and Couse et a l . (1982) i d e n t i f y the impact of B r i t i s h and American t r a d i t i o n s on Canadian c r i m i n o l o g y . N e v e r t h e l e s s , 38 i t cannot be assumed that the B r i t i s h and American experiences have been wholly d u p l i c a t e d in Canada or are r e p r o d u c i b l e i n the Canadian context. Gaucher (1983) warns a g a i n s t the "wholesale t r a n s f e r of t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s " or i m p e r i a l i s t i c forms of i d e o l o g y that have been produced in other s o c i e t i e s (p.37). He argues that such p r a c t i c e s negate the b a s i c premise of M a r x i s t m a t e r i a l i s m i n that t h e o r e t i c a l e n t e r p r i s e s must be l o c a t e d w i t h i n t h e i r m a t e r i a l s p e c i f i c i t i e s , thereby, a v o i d i n g r e p l i c a t i o n of dominant forms of i d e o l o g y . In n o t i n g some c r u c i a l s p e c i f i t i e s that have impacted the development of the CJS in Canada, Gaucher observes that there has not been an " i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n " i n Canada from which one can e x p l a i n the d i s c i p l i n a r y forms that the s t a t e has used to organize s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s - e x p l a n a t i o n s that b e t t e r f i t B r i t i s h and American s p e c i f i c i t i e s . The dominance of a bourgeois s o c i e t y that was based on land c o n t r o l through the 18th and 19th century r e s u l t e d in d i s c i p l i n a r y forms a k i n to f e u d a l j u r i s d i c t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s ; e.g., settlement r i g h t s , banishment, e t c . ( B e a t t i e , 1977, p.9). The absence of an i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n - and t h e r e f o r e a m a t e r i a l and i d e o l o g i c a l c r i s i s of t r a n s f o r m i n g peasants i n t o f a c t o r y workers - r e s u l t e d i n a unique and g e n e r a l l y slower development of the Canadian CJS. On the other hand, the experiences of B r i t a i n and the United States have e x e r c i s e d undeniable i n f l u e n c e ; e s p e c i a l l y , s i n c e they have been the dominant n a t i o n s i n the c a p i t a l i s t world. T h e i r economic and i d e o l o g i c a l impact was r e g i s t e r e d on the Canadian CJS i n the mode of i t s c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and i n the e a r l y 39 design of the Canadian p e n i t e n t i a r y system. In the d e s i g n i n g of Kingston P e n i t e n t i a r y (1835), Canadian o f f i c i a l s r e l i e d on the p r i s o n models i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s and on American i n t e l l e c t u a l and t e c h n i c a l s u p e r v i s i o n ( G o s s e l i n , 1982, p.71). 2 8 The Canadian s t a t e ' s i n t e r e s t i n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e education culminated "in the Archambault Royal Commission (1938) whose formal mandate was to guide the expansion of c o r r e c t i o n a l i s m . One s i g n i f i c a n t recommendation that flowed from t h i s r e port c a l l e d f o r the involvement of Canadian u n i v e r s i t i e s i n the education and t r a i n i n g of personnel f o r the CJS (Edwards, 1983, p.850). The subsequent f a i l u r e to i n i t i a t e e d u c a t i o n a l programmes l e d to a review of the Archambault Report by the Fateaux Commission in 1956. The l a t t e r r e i t e r a t e d the recommendations of Archambault and upheld i t s c o r r e c t i o n a l i s t o r i e n t a t i o n . F i n a l l y , in 1962 the Centre of Criminology at the U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto was e s t a b l i s h e d with three others s i m i l a r i l y c o n s t r u c t e d i n Montreal, Ottawa, and Burnaby. The c o n s t r u c t i o n of these c e n t r e s served as i n i t i a t i v e f o r the o r g a n i z a t i o n of complementary programmes in c o l l e g e s and other u n i v e r s i t i e s a c r o s s Canada. 2 8 B e a t t i e (1977) o u t l i n e s the Canadian usages of c l a s s i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i c a l t e n e t s i n the design and ideology of d i s c i p l i n e , reform, and treatment (pp.14-16). 40 The founding of these c e n t r e s was motivated by f o r c e s much l i k e those that r e s u l t e d i n the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the CJS a f t e r the demise of feu d a l hegemony and j u r i s p r u d e n c e . As in the past, the f o r c e s of l i b e r a l humanism guided the review of CJS i n e f f i c i e n c i e s and i n j u s t i c e s (Chan & E r i c s o n , 1981, p.7). Notwithstanding the b e n e f i t s of such humanism, the h i s t o r i c a l c l a s s o r i e n t a t i o n s that pervaded l i b e r a l i s m continued to be a dominant f o r c e i n CJS reforms. The presumption that c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l order was e s s e n t i a l l y sound r e s u l t e d i n the re p r o d u c t i o n of a m o r a l i t y that d i c t a t e d s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s and t h e r e f o r e i n j u s t i c e s . As a r e s u l t of counter-hegemonic movements i n the 1960's and 1970's, the s t a t e and i t s c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s e c t o r were pressed to reo r g a n i z e i t s l e g a l apparatus. Such a r e o r g a n i z a t i o n was concerned with appeasing the demands from the v a r i o u s p o l i t i c a l advocacy groups that had a r i s e n ; e.g. those l o b b y i n g f o r in c r e a s e d n a t i v e r i g h t s and lands, i n c r e a s e d women's wages and l e g a l r i g h t s , and demands f o r equal j u s t i c e and b e t t e r l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s f o r poverty/poorer groups. Even so, such changes have taken p l a c e w i t h i n the c o n s t r a i n t s of l i b e r a l r e f o r m i s t ideology, which has continued to ensure the i n t e r e s t s of the economic e l i t e s . In a d d i t i o n , the s t a t e has attempted to revamp the CJS i n t o a more e f f i c i e n t , c o s t -e f f e c t i v e d i s c i p l i n a r y f o r c e ( i . e . d e c a r c e r a t i o n as a means to reduce p e n i t e n t i a r y c o s t s and overcrowding). Yet, penal reforms have proven i n e f f e c t i v e i n reducing crime over the l a s t century s i n c e the number of p r i s o n e r s i n p r o p o r t i o n to the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n has been r e l a t i v e l y s t a t i c between 1881 41 (1/3,550) and 1971 (1/3,452) ( G o s s e l i n , 1982, p.107). A l s o , p e n i t e n t i a r y c o s t s (e.g. non-productive expenses) to the s t a t e in r e a l d o l l a r s was $308,600,000 compared to $3,654,072 i n 1947 ( G o s s e l i n , 1982, p . 1 0 3 ) . 2 9 With the advent of the four major Centres of Criminology, c r i m i n o l o g y became an important element in the i n f r a - s t r u c t u r e of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . In f a c t , with the development of the f e d e r a l government funding programme f o r c r i m i n o l o g i c a l research i n 1974, c r i m i n o l o g y became a growth i n d u s t r y o v e r n i g h t , whose f u n c t i o n was to a s s i s t i n p o l i c y and programme decision-making and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and l e g i s l a t i v e r e o r g a n i z a t i o n (Couse et a l . , 1982, p.9). It was a l s o at t h i s time that courses and programmes were i n i t i a t e d at community c o l l e g e s to complement those o f f e r e d at the u n i v e r s i t i e s . The arguments of P i a t t (1975), the Schwendingers (1975), and Ratner (1984) appear to be c o r r e c t in that the development of the c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e has been s t r u c t u r e d on the tenets of l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y . While the founding p h i l o s o p h i e s of the Centres advocated m u l t i - d i s c i p l i n a r i a n i s m , t h e i r t e c h n o c r a t i c o r i e n t a t i o n i s evidenced by the 1976-1977 p r i o r i t i e s f o r research; f o r i n s t a n c e , v i c t i m i z a t i o n , p r e v e n t i v e p o l i c y , p u b l i c a t t i t u d e s , d i v e r s i o n , gun c o n t d l , e t c . State ( f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l ) sources f o r funding r e v e a l 2 9 Friedenberg (1980) reviews the MacGuigan Report (1977) and concurs with G o s s e l i n r e g a r d i n g the i n e f f i c i e n c i e s and i n j u s t i c e s of the p e n i t e n t i a r y system. 42 that r e s e a r c h and education has been i n f l u e n c e d by government agencies even though the c e n t r e s were to be "autonomous". In f a c t , Doob (1983) argues that i n terms of funding c o n t r o l , government departments are i n c r e a s i n g l y moving towards a more c o n t r o l l e d and narrow view of the r e s e a r c h process (p.262). Dandurand (1974) c o r r e c t l y p o r t r a y e d the c r i m i n o l o g i c a l expansion i n Canada in a s s e r t i n g t h a t : Schools and departments of c r i m i n o l o g y i n Canadian U n i v e r s i t i e s have undoubtedly succeeded in t r a i n i n g s u p e r t e c h n i c i a n s and/or p r o f e s s i o n a l s acceptable to government (p.155). Dandurand s t a t e s f u r t h e r that c r i m i n o l o g i s t s have j o i n e d the ranks of l a b e l l i n g p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n that they deal with pre-d e f i n e d t y p i f i c a t i o n s (p.157). Szabo (1975) observes that d u r i n g the second h a l f of the 20th century in Canada, cr i m i n o l o g y has become more and more focussed on the i m p e r f e c t i o n s and m a l f u n c t i o n s of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e (p.120). Fried e n b e r g (1980) reviews the 1976 MacGuigan Report and f i n d s that there i s indeed a strong concern f o r more e f f i c i e n t usage of d i s c i p l i n e as modelled by the R.C.M.P. I t would appear that the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s o r i e n t a t i o n s - and t h e r e f o r e the p o l i t i c a l commitments - of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s and t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l f o c i i are molded, i n great p a r t , by the p o l i t i c a l - i d e o l o g i c a l c o n t r o l s of the s t a t e v i s - a - v i s higher education and the CJS. For these reasons, a l l of which e x p l i c i t l y or i m p l i c i t l y resonate with l i b e r a l assumptions of c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t hat there i s a dearth of p o l e m i c a l w r i t i n g s - and e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h - d e a l i n g with i n j u s t i c e s i n r e l a t i o n s to 43 gender, race, c l a s s , and i n t e r n a t i o n a l power r e l a t i o n s . Such absences are n o t i c e a b l e i n both l i b e r a l and c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l w r i t i n g s (moreso i n the former), even though there i s adequate s t a t i s t i c a l evidence f o r CJS d i s c r i m i n a t o r y p r a c t i c e s a g a i n s t n a t i v e Indians, women, and lower socio-economic groups (e.g. see Tepperman, 1977 or G r i f f i t h et a l . , 1980). While the works of the c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l school have focussed on s t r u c t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l i n e q u a l i t i e s i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s , to date- they have made a minimal c o n t r i b u t i o n to su b s t a n t i v e areas such as those r e l a t i n g to sexism. Works such as those by C l a r k & Lewis ( 1977), Gavigan (1983), and the Women's Research Centre (1982) are submerged under the deluge of mainstream l i t e r a t u r e i n Canadian c r i m i n o l o g y . With r e f e r e n c e to t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l r o o t s , the i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s and i n t e l l e c t u a l p r a c t i c e s of Canadian c r i m i n o l o g i s t s have been o u t l i n e d with regard to t h e i r r o l e i n the s t a t e ' s i n f r a - s t r u c t u r e of s o c i a l c o n t r o l , t h i s d i s c u s s i o n has obscured the a c t u a l "war of p o s i t i o n " or the ongoing p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e between c r i m i n o l o g i s t s of c o n f l i c t i n g p o l i t i c a l - i d e o l o g i c a l commitments. Nor have we demonstrated the concrete r e g u l a t i o n of c r i m i n o l o g i c a l work by the s t a t e i n the e x e r c i s e of i t s own p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s and s t r a t e g y . As argued by the Schwendingers (1975), i n order to unravel the p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s and i d e o l o g i e s of c r i m i n o l o g y , t h e i r development must be c o n t e x t u a l i z e d w i t h i n an h i s t o r i c a l l y a p posite theory of the s t a t e (p.124). Chapter Three sketches l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c and neo-marxist t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e by way 44 of p r o v i d i n g a framework f o r i n t e r p r e t i n g the u n d e r l y i n g p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n s and e v o l u t i o n of c r i m i n o l o g y . I t w i l l be contended that Gramsi's concepts of the " i n t e g r a l s t a t e " and hegemony are p e r t i n e n t to an e l u c i d a t i o n the h i s t o r i c a l and contemporary i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l r o l e of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . 45 CHAPTER THREE  Theo r i e s of the C a p i t a l i s t State I n t r o d u c t i o n C o n s i d e r i n g that Marx and Engels (1972) demonstrated that s t a t e s have h i s t o r i c a l l y developed i n r e l a t i o n to property r e l a t i o n s , the emergence of the l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t economies i s not an unexpected phenomenon. The p r e v i o u s chapter po i n t e d out the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e ' s h i s t o r i c a l dependence upon i t s s o c i a l c o n t r o l apparatus such as the CJS to maintain s o c i a l order, and drew a t t e n t i o n to the c o n t r i b u t i o n of l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s to the development of c a p i t a l i s t systems of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . 1 C r i m i n o l o g i s t s have t r a d i t i o n a l l y occupied a c e n t r a l and c o n s e r v a t i v e p o s i t i o n i n c l a s s c o n t r o l , s t r u g g l e , and hegemony by a t t r i b u t i n g the causes of c r i m i n a l and deviant behaviour to i n d i v i d u a l and i n t e r a c t i o n a l dynamics. Consequently, the s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t i e s that c h a r a c t e r i z e c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n are d i s c a r d e d as inadequate e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r s o c i a l d i s o r d e r . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the p o l i t i c a l nature of the l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c s t a t e , i t s mandates, sources and mechanisms of power, and the manner in which t h i s power i s e x e r c i s e d i s a s u b j e c t of intense c o n t r o v e r s y between and among l i b e r a l and neo-marxist i n t e l l e c t u a l s . U n t i l r e c e n t l y , the s a l i e n t r o l e of the s t a t e has been unrecognized, or 1 Gramsci (1971) maintains that i n t e l l e c t u a l i s m d e v e l o p s i n accordance with very concrete t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i c a l p r ocesses" (p.11). 46 underdeveloped in c r i m i n o l o g i c a l w r i t i n g and r e s e a r c h i n Canada, and elsewhere; moreover, the p o l i t i c a l r o l e of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n production of knowledge has r e c e i v e d scant a t t e n t i o n . T h i s chapter concerns i t s e l f with a b r i e f review of recent neo-marxist and p l u r a l i s t ( l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c ) t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e . Given the numerous c o m p l e x i t i e s i n the e v o l v i n g t h e o r i e s of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e , t h i s chapter i s not concerned with p r e s e n t i n g them in meticulous d e t a i l . Instead, the focus of t h i s review i s on examining the t h e o r i e s i n terms of t h e i r relevance f o r an exegesis of the p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . Such an examination i n v o l v e s a c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the manner in which the v a r i o u s t h e o r i e s c o n c e p t u a l i z e two major axes. C o n s i d e r i n g that i n t e l l e c t u a l s are not d i r e c t l y connected to economic g a i n , t h i s chapter e x p l o r e s the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the economic base and the i d e o l o g i c a l s u p e r s t r u c t u r e . Secondly, the p o l i t i c a l aspect of i n t e l l e c t u a l work i s not r e a d i l y v i s i b l e s i n c e i n t e l l e c t u a l s are a l l e g e d l y " s c i e n t i f i c " r a t h e r than p o l i t i c a l l y motivated. Th e r e f o r e , the second a x i s to be c o n s i d e r e d i n t h i s review i s that of the p o l i t i c a l and c i v i l s o c i e t y dichotomy. From t h i s o u t l i n e of l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c and neo-marxist t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e , a framework f o r understanding the h i s t o r i c a l and contemporary p o l i t i c s of c r i m i n o l o g y w i l l be i n t r o d u c e d . The f o l l o w i n g t a b l e i n d i c a t e s the b a s i c s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s of the t h e o r i e s to be i n v e s t i g a t e d i n terms of the two major conceptual axes. 47 TABLE I S t r u c t u r e of Th e o r i e s of the C a p i t a l i s t State VERTICAL AXIS HORIZONTAL AXIS Base - S u p e r s t r u c t u r e P o l i t i c a l - C i v i l P l u r a l i s t : autonomous P l u r a l i s t : autonomous I n s t r u m e n t a l i s t : c l a s s c o n t r o l l e d I n s t r u m e n t a l i s t : p o l i t i c a l sphere extended i n t o c i v i l S t r u c t u r a l i s t : r e l a t i v e autonomy r e l a t i o n S t r u c t u r a l i s t : p o l i t i c a l sphere extended i n t o c i v i l Gramsc i : r e l a t i v e autonomy & d i a l e c t i c r e l a t i o n Gramsc i : d i a l e c t i c r e l a t ion The t h e o r e t i c a l o u t l i n e i s organized i n r e l a t i o n to the h i s t o r i c a l developments of p o l i t i c a l thought. Beginning with the development of l i b e r a l views on the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e (e.g. P r e s t h u s ) , the in s t r u m e n t a l t h e o r i s t s ' (e.g. M i l i b a n d ) a t t a c k on l i b e r a l t h e o r i e s i s presented. F o l l o w i n g t h a t , the s t r u c t u r a l neo-marxists' (e.g. A l t h u s s e r , Poulantzas) c h a l l e n g e s to i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t arguments are presented. F i n a l l y , the views of Gramsci are presented as best s u i t e d f o r overcoming the t h e o r e t i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s of the above p e r s p e c t i v e s . Gramsci's c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of the " i n t e g r a l " 48 s t a t e 2 explains the extension of the p o l i t i c a l sphere into c i v i l society in order to s o l i d i f y l i b e r a l hegemony. This prespective i s useful for explicating the ideological and therefore p o l i t i c a l underpinnings of the criminological enterprise. Following from Ratner et a l . (1983), when applied to the Canadian context Gramsci's theoret i c a l framework illuminates three s i g n i f i c a n t factors related to the mechanisms of state power. F i r s t , state action (e.g. CJS) is organized in r e lation to f i s c a l contraints since the state's resources are dependent upon funds extracted from economic processes and are therefore constrained by f i s c a l fluctuations (e.g. Gough, 1979). Second, the CJS has a d i s t i n c t l y coercive/punitive function that comprises the "armour" of hegemony. F i n a l l y , and central to t h i s thesis, the CJS has an educative and ideological role in regulating p o l i t i c a l struggle and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , thereby securing the ideological hegemony of ruling class f r a c t i o n s . 2 Gramsci (1971) convincingly argued that the state i s most c l e a r l y understood through i t s ultimate, connections with c i v i l society. He denoted that the state = p o l i t i c a l society + c i v i l society - in other words, hegemony that i s protected by the armour of coercion (p.263). 49 P l u r a l i s t - D e m o c r a t i c Theories of the State L i b e r a l s c h o l a r s have long argued that the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e i s best d e f i n e d as a democratic and p l u r a l i s t i c p o l i t i c a l body that has no i n t r i n s i c i n t e r e s t s of i t s own and i s t h e r e f o r e devoid of economic or c l a s s b i a s . T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , t h e r e f o r e , c h a r a c t e r i z e s the v e r t i c a l a x i s by s e p a r a t i n g the economic base from the s u p e r s t u c t u r e . While the s e p a r a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l and economic spheres i s a g e n e r a l l y accepted p a r t of l i b e r a l hegemony, t h i s was not always the case. MacPherson (1977) p o i n t s to the contemporary l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c s t a t e as the c u l m i n a t i o n of an h i s t o r i c process of l i b e r a l ideology and c a p i t a l i s t development. Beginning with the e a r l y l i b e r a l s , the s t a t e was thought to be a p r o t e c t o r of s o c i a l welfare and i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t i e s , and t h e r e f o r e i n d i f f e r e n t to c l a s s b i a s . However, the e a r l y u t i l i t a r i a n philosophy of Bentham soon proved i m p r a c t i c a l due to the i n a b i l i t y of the s t a t e to r e s o l v e the c o n f l i c t s between u p p e r / r u l i n g and working c l a s s e s - an antagomism that r e s u l t e d i n the c h r o n i c c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y a l l u d e d to i n the previous chapter. As was the case in the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the CJS during t h i s p e r i o d , the e n t i r e l i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l system was redesigned to accomodate some of the working c l a s s - in an. attempt to secure consent through concession and to r e a l i z e the concerns of l i b e r a l humanism (MacPherson, 1977, p.44). These changes were intended to reduce p o l i t i c a l b i a s and secure some degree of autonomy f o r s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l elements from the economy. 50 T h i s was the b i r t h of the l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c s t a t e . While very d i s t i n c t changes were i n s t i t u t e d , they were g e n e r a l l y r e f o r m i s t i n o r i e n t a t i o n . L i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s continued to accept the l e g i t i m a c y of the s t a t e , i t s mechanisms of power (e.g. CJS), and the v i a b i l i t y of c a p i t a l i s t morality.- The growth of the l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c s t a t e embraced a c o n c e n t r a t i o n on formal democratic process, f o c u s s i n g on u n i v e r s a l s u f f e r a g e , i n d i v i d u a l p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t i e s , c o m p e t i t i o n , and the r u l e of law. S t r u c t u r a l antagonisms and i n d i v i d u a l i n j u s t i c e s of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y drew l i t t e a t t e n t i o n . 3 Instead, the democratic s t a t e was upheld as the r e s u l t of and the means f o r o b t a i n i n g i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e p r o s p e r i t y . MacPherson (1977) s t a t e s : Democracy would make people more a c t i v e , more e n e r g e t i c ; i t would advance them ' i n i n t e l l e c t ' , i n v i r t u e , and i n p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t y and e f f i c i e n c y (p.51) . In a d d i t i o n to the t r a d i t i o n a l l y l i b e r a l focus on the concerns for i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y , p l u r a l i s m was h i g h l y touted democratic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and the e q u a l i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l power. Again, competing and c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s were recogn i z e d i n l e g a l i s t i c c o n t e x t s , but not i n r e l a t i o n to s t r u c t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l parameters. Furthermore, the i n e q u a l i t i e s spawned by c a p i t a l i s m were m y s t i f i e d by i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c and Darwinian t h e o r i e s of s o c i a l progress 3 Schwendinger & Schwendinger (1974) document the l e g a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l s u b o r d i n a t i o n faced by women and b l a c k s , among ot h e r s (e.g. v o t i n g r i g h t s and p a r t i c i p a t i o n , poor treatment by the CJS, l e s s e r = wages and access to o c c u p a t i o n s ) . 51 (Schwendinger & Schwendinger, 1974, MacPherson, 1977, Balken et a l . , 1980, e t c . ) . From l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n s , modern democratic-p l u r a l i s t t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e have developed i n t o a dominant p o l i t i c a l paradigm. L i b e r a l ideology c o n t i n u e s , e x p l i c i t l y and i m p l i c i t l y , to r e g u l a t e the p e r c e p t i o n of p o l i t i c a l groups, processes and r e l a t i o n s h i p s . L i b e r a l ideology thus p l a y s a c e n t r a l r o l e i n the a r c h i t e c t u r e of s t a t e apparatus (e.g. CJS, e d u c a t i o n ) . Through the t e n e t s of l i b e r a l i s m , s c h o l a r s p r o j e c t the modern s t a t e as a p o l i t i c a l system which champions the democratic p r o c e s s . As Giddens (1981) notes: The s t a t e i s assumed to be a benign instrument f o r the p r o g r e s s i v e achievements of goals of s o c i a l reform: the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth, the spread of welfare programmes, the e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g expansion of educ a t i o n , and so on (p.203). The image of the s t a t e as the benevolent f a c i l i t a t o r of competition between a d i v e r s e number of f r a c t i o n s has secured the prominence of the p l u r a l i s t - d e m o c r a t i c model. Ono (1967) v e r i f i e s that bourgeois p l u r a l i s m enjoys i t s p o p u l a r i t y because of i t s ingenious a b i l i t y to r e c o n c i l e l i b e r t y with c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s i n wealth and power; indeed, the p l u r a l i s t model embraces s o c i a l h e t e r o g e n i t y , group c o n f l i c t s , d i v e r g e n t v a l u e s , and c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s as i n t e g r a l to the m u l t i -c u l t u r a l democratic process (p. 100). The s t a t e i s e f f e c t i v e l y presented i n such f a s h i o n by c o n c e p t u a l l y s e p a r a t i n g p o l i t i c a l power from s o c i a l and economic processes - thereby c r e a t i n g the i d e o l o g i c a l space f o r p l u r a l i s m . Rather than being a " c l a s s s t a t e " , the s t a t e i s p o s i t e d as the v e h i c l e f o r overcoming 52 c l a s s d i v i s i o n s through the i m p a r t i a l e x e r c i s e of i t s . r e g u l a t o r y apparatus i n order to ensure r e d i s t r i b u t i v e and e g a l i t a r i a n p o l i c i e s (Giddens, 1981, p.205). L i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s contend that the democratic s t a t e remains c l a s s l e s s due to i t s system of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n (e.g. through s u f f r a g e ) which secures equal access to p o l i t i c a l d ecision-making. Presthus (1970) argues that v o t i n g and p o l i t i c a l membership f a c i l i t a t e s equal i n t e r e s t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l processes. While he acknowledges the e x i s t e n c e of e l i t e s , dominant groups are not seen as homogeneous, but as s p e c i a l i z e d personnel that emerge from the democratic process i n order to f u l f i l l l e a d e r s h i p f u n c t i o n s . Emphasizing v o l u n t a r i s m , Presthus (1970, p.284) assumes that a l l have equal o p p o r t u n i t y and access to p o l i t i c a l decision-making thereby p r e v e n t i n g any unwanted f r a c t i o n from to monopolizing p o l i t i c a l power. Yet s e p a r a t i n g the p o l i t i c a l sphere from the economic base, p l u r a l i s t s are unable to give an adequate account of s t r u c t u r a l , i d e o l o g i c a l , or m a t e r i a l f o r c e s . Since l i t t l e s i g n i f i c a n c e i s a t t r i b u t e d to these f o r c e s i n p l u r a l i s t a n a lyses, the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s between i d e o l o g y , law, economy, and the s t a t e are not v i g o r o u s l y pursued. With regard to the h o r i z o n t a l a x i s , the s p l i t between c i v i l and p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y i n p l u r a l i s t a n a l y s i s i s d i s t i n c t . The p o l i t i c a l t e r r a i n i s narrowly centered around government and the l e g i s l a t u r e , on the assumption that c i v i l s o c i e t y i s 53 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y a p o l i t i c a l , except as popular p o l i t i c a l concerns are p e r i o d i c a l l y v o i c e d through s u f f e r a g e . T h i s conception c o n v e n i e n t l y n e g l e c t s both the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l power of g r a s s r o o t s or c i t i z e n advocacy groups and the weight of c e n t r a l i z e d and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s . The gap between equal access r h e t o r i c and the a c t u a l powerlessness of c e r t a i n f r a c t i o n s s t i r s f e e l i n g s of f r u s t r a t i o n and a l i e n a t i o n , with d i s o r g a n i z i n g e f f e c t on the p o l i t i c a l p o t e n t i a l of l e s s powerful groups. As M i l l s (1956) argued, p l u r a l i s t ideology induces i n d i v i d u a l s to focus on t h e i r immediate m i l i e u and to overlook the l a r g e r s t r u c t u r a l , i d e o l o g i c a l , and m a t e r i a l f a c t o r s which determine the g e n e r a l contours of t h e i r e x i s t e n c e (pp.322-324). L i b e r a l advocates of the p l u r a l i s t - d e m o c r a t i c model p o s i t the CJS as a s t a t e resource f o r j u s t i c e . The CJS a l l e g e d l y promotes i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y , thereby s e c u r i n g s o c i a l welfare through the mediation of d i f f e r e n c e s , d i s p u t e s , and v i o l e n c e ; i . e . the r u l e of law. Card (1979) comments: I t i s important to note that there l i e s i m p l i c i t l y w i t h i n the p l u r a l i s t s c e n a r i o of s t a t e f u n c t i o n the n o t i o n that the l e g a l f o r m u l a t i o n process i s s t r u c t u r e d in such a way that the d i v e r s e i n t e r e s t s of s o c i e t y w i l l be represented e q u a l l y in the decision-making process," and that d e c i s i o n s w i l l be made based on those submissions which most a c c u r a t e l y r e f l e c t the general i n t e r e s t (p.32). As i n the case of p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s , Card draws a t t e n t i o n to the r e l i a n c e upon unbiased "experts" or i n t e l l e c t u a l s who research, d e s i g n , r e f o r m u l a t e , and e x p l a i n CJS p o l i c i e s and p r a c t i c e s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , p r o f e s s i o n a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s employ 54 s c i e n t i f i c e x p e r t i s e and knowledge to accomplish t h e i r mandate. I n j u s t i c e s are r e a d i l y a t t r i b u t e d to i n e f f i c i e n c i e s i n the system r a t h e r than to s o c i a l or economic c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and i n e q u a l i t i e s . The CJS i s viewed as e s s e n t i a l l y sound needing only i n c r e a s e d i n t e r n a l e f f i c i e n c y or e x t e n s i v e r e o r g a n i z a t i o n (e.g. C o n n i d i s , 1982). In sum, c r i m i n o l o g y i s d e f i n e d as a p r o f e s s i o n a l , s c i e n t i f i c n o n - i d e o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e whose task i s to provide a s o p h i s t i c a t e d knowledge base for the CJS, i t s personnel and p o l i c i e s , so that i t may b e t t e r secure i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y and s o c i a l w e l f a r e . " The i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s of CJS reforms over the c e n t u r i e s i s g e n e r a l l y viewed as the r e s u l t of inadaquate s c i e n t i f i c r e s e a r c h , management, funding, and the stubbornly' p a t h o l o g i c a l d i s o r d e r s of i n d i v i d u a l t r a n g r e s s o r s . More im p o r t a n t l y , the r o l e of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i s seen as extraneous to knowledge-production - an u n r e f l e x i v e approach completely at odds with Gramsci's a p p r e c i a t i o n of the s o c i o -p o l i t i c a l context of i n t e l l e c t u a l work. 4 Gramsci (1971) observes that i n t e l l e c t u a l s have an h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n of p u t t i n g themselves forward a s . a u t o n o m o u s and independent of the dominant s o c i a l group (p.7)". The absence of r e s e a r c h on t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n , i s t h e r e f o r e e x p l a i n e d by t h e i r presummed "independent" p o s i t i o n i n s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l p rocesses. 55 I n s t r u m e n t a l i s t Theories of the State Chapter Two o u t l i n e d both the development and s u b o r d i n a t i o n of Marxist thought in c r i m i n o l o g y f o l l o w i n g the counter-hegemonic turbulence of the 1960's. The growth of r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y was a part of a more general resurgence of M a r x i s t thought which focussed on the modern c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . Beginning with the works of i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t neo-marxists, such as M i l i b a n d , t h i s resurgence has d i r e c t l y c h a l l e n g e d p l u r a l i s t -democratic t h e o r i e s which p o s i t the s t a t e not as an autonomous body, but one that i s a d i r e c t instrument of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s . Within t h i s framework, i n t e l l e c t u a l s are c o n s i d e r e d to be s o c i a l i z e d so as to reproduce r u l i n g c l a s s dominance. M i l i b a n d (1973) c h a l l e n g e s l i b e r a l s c h o l a r s who argue that no one i n t e r e s t can r e g u l a r l y m a r s h a l l power to impose i t s w i l l upon the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . His purpose i s to demonstrate the c l a s s nature of the s t a t e . He maintains t h a t : ...the ' r u l i n g c l a s s ' of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y i s that c l a s s which owns and c o n t r o l s the means of p r o d u c t i o n and which i s a b l e , by v i r t u e of the economic power that i s c o n f e r r e d upon i t , to use the s t a t e as i t s instrument f o r the domination of s o c i e t y (p.23). From t h i s framework, the v e r t i c a l a x i s i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a l a c k of s e p a r a t i o n between the economic base and s u p e r s t r u c t u r e . The r u l i n g c l a s s i s the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s and i t s f r a c t i o n s . M i l i b a n d adds to our understanding of the extent of p o l i t i c a l processes along the h o r i z o n t a l a x i s . He extends the p o l i t i c a l sphere i n t o i n s t i t u t i o n s that p l u r a l i s t s view as a 56 part of c i v i l s o c i e t y . Through h i s a n a l y s i s , M i l i b a n d i s able to demonstrate that p o l i t i c a l power and processes are not l i m i t e d to government, but e x i s t i n a complex of i n s t i t u t i o n s and b u r e a u c r a c i e s ; e.g., the m i l i t a r y , CJS, e ducation. In a d d i t i o n , by e s t a b l i s h i n g the l i n k a g e s between these i n s t i t u t i o n s he p i e r c e s t h e i r v e i l of l e g i t i m a c y and n e u t r a l i t y (Gold et a l . , 1975, p.34). In sum, M i l i b a n d e s t a b l i s h e s the p o l i t i c a l dynamics of ideology as a v e h i c l e f o r s t a t e power. 6 As represented by M i l i b a n d ' s work, instrumentalism has c l e a r l y demonstrated the c l a s s o r i e n t a t i o n of the s t a t e and i t s l e g a l apparatus by examining the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s between ideology, law, economics, and the s t a t e . Quinney (1977) prov i d e s a c l e a r i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t d e f i n i t i o n of the CJS: And i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y the h e althy order i s the one that b e n e f i t s the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , the c l a s s that owns and c o n t r o l s the p r o d u c t i v e process. C a p i t a l i s t j u s t i c e i s by the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , f o r the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , and a g a i n s t the working c l a s s (p.3) . The c l a s s o r i e n t a t i o n of the CJS i s e s t a b l i s h e d through the a r t i c u l a t i o n of f a m i l y , e d u c a t i o n a l , p o l i t i c a l p a r t y 5 M i l i b a n d (1973) argues that l e g i s l a t i v e assemblies play a s u b s i d i a r y r o l e i n p o l i t i c a l decision-making even though solemn t r i b u t e s are p a i d to them as the u l t i m a t e r e p o s i t o r i e s of the 'popular w i l l ' (p.148). 6 In the The State i n C a p i t a l i s t S o c i e t y M i l i b a n d demonstrates the c l a s s content of the p o l i t i c a l p r ocesses. His methodology has focussed on e s t a b l i s h i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between p o l i t i c a l and economic e l i t e s by e m p i r i c a l l y examining t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l , o c c u p a t i o n a l , and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l i n k a g e s . He argues that there are d i s t i n c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s between p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s and " b i g business" and that the l a t t e r c o n t r o l s the s t a t e and t h e r e f o r e determines the form and d i r e c t i o n of i t s i n t e r v e n t i o n (pp.53-55). 57 a f f i l i a t i o n s . Of the CJS p e r s o n n e l . Olsen (1980) demonstrates the c l a s s b i a s of the Canadian j u d i c i a r y through i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t methodology. From the i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e , i n t e l l e c t u a l s are viewed as i n d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s through t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n at u n i v e r s i t y ( M i l i b a n d , 1973, pp.230-231). Educators are g e n e r a l l y conceived as t e c h n o c r a t s or managers f u n c t i o n i n g to secure s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s conducive to the accumulation of c a p i t a l , thereby s e c u r i n g the p o l i t i c a l dominance of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s and i t s f r a c t i o n s . M i l i b a n d e s t a b l i s h e s the c l a s s nature of educators by e s t a b l i s h i n g f a m i l y h i s t o r i e s which he argues r e g u l a t e s access to higher education (p.38). C r i m i n o l o g i s t s f u n c t i o n to c o n t r o l crime and focus on d i s c i p l i n i n g lower c l a s s i n d i v i d u a l s who do not conform to c a p i t a l i s t moral norms. T h e i r e x p e r t i s e i s d i r e c t e d at p r o v i d i n g knowledge and s k i l l s f o r the CJS's c o e r c i v e and i d e o l o g i c a l m a n i p u l a t i o n of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . The c l a s s b i a s e s of p r o f e s s i o n a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s would be e s t a b l i s h e d through t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n which i s , i n t u r n , r e g u l a t e d by s t a t e funding, h i r i n g p r a c t i c e s , e t c . (Couse et a l . , 1983 ) . 7 7 L e g a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic gains made by subordinated i n d i v i d u a l s and groups cannot be accounted f o r w i t h i n t h i s framework; f o r i n s t a n c e , Women's groups, n a t i v e Indian groups, e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s , Amnesty I n t e r n a t i o n a l . 58 While instrumentalist scholars such as Miliband have successfully demonstrated the class orientation of the state, there are d i s t i n c t l i m i t a t i o n s to their analysis. The conceptual separation between base - superstructure is done in such a manner that the l a t t e r i s simply epiphenomenal of the economic base. Not only does this perspective assume that the ruli n g class is interchangeable with the c a p i t a l i s t class, but i t cannot adequately account for the p o l i t i c a l struggles from "lower status" groups. Whereas, the p o l i t i c a l sphere i s discussed in i s o l a t i o n from i t s "complex a r t i c u l a t i o n with economic forces" (Jessop, 1977, p.357), explanations are ultimately located in economics owing to the absence of the d i a l e c t i c between economic and p o l i t i c a l processes. I n t e l l e c t u a l s ' production of knowledge i s viewed as r e f l e c t i v e of the s o c i a l needs of production, e.g. moral and coercive d i s c i p l i n e . Social change in general is reduced to the mechanics of economics, thereby over-looking the forces of culture.and ideology, and the p o l i t i c a l gains achieved by lower strata fractions through their i n t e l l e c t u a l representatives. Second, instrumentalists' empistemology and methodology further l i m i t s their analysis. The strong emphasis on voluntarism implies that CJS reforms are i n s t i t u t e d through conscious, r a t i o n a l , and benign processes. Such a concept does not permit the inclusion of h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n s on the production of knowledge which, as was outlined in the previous chapter, has played a s i g n i f i c a n t role in ideological struggle and p o l i t i c a l domination. Jessop (1977) maintains that 59 Mi l iband 's focus on interpersonal connections reproduces the l i b e r a l tendency to d iscuss p o l i t i c s in i s o l a t i o n from other forces (p.357). In f a c t , th is methodology i m p l i c i t l y leads to c o n s p i r a t o r i a l a n a l y s i s ; for instance, p o l i t i c a l and ind iv idua l dec is ions are re lated to the contro ls of "big b u s i n e s s " . 8 From the out l ine of instrumental ist views of p o l i t i c a l processes, i t appears that th i s theore t i ca l framework i s too r e d u c t i o n i s t i c and u n i l a t e r a l to exp l icate the h i s t o r i c a l and contemporary i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l struggle within the c r imino log i ca l en te rp r i se . S t r u c t u r a l i s t Theories of the C a p i t a l i s t State Beginning with the contr ibut ions made by ins t rumenta l i s ts , s t r u c t u r a l i s t s have advanced a more sophis t icated neo-marxist theory of the s ta te . Althusser and Poulantzas have strongly responded to M i l iband ' s arguments by advocating that an understanding of the state and society requires a more t h e o r e t i c a l posture. As the s t a r t i n g point for the i r c r i t i q u e , s t r u c t u r a l i s t s have redefined the v e r t i c a l axis by moving away from the c l a s s i c a l base-superstructure dichotomy. Poulantzas (1969) s ta tes : The r e l a t i o n between the bourgeois c lass and the state i s an object ive r e l a t i o n . This means that i f 8 Mi l iband (1973) does not become t o t a l l y immersed in voluntarism as do most l i b e r a l scho lars . He does, in the la te r part of h is ana lys is include a d iscuss ion of i deo log ica l forces that are outside the immediate contro l of ind iv idua ls and organizat ions . 60 the f u n c t i o n of the s t a t e i n a determinant s o c i a l formation and the i n t e r e s t s of the dominant c l a s s i n t h i s formation c o i n c i d e , i t i s by reason of the system i t s e l f : the d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n of members of the r u l i n g c l a s s in the s t a t e apparatus i s not the cause but the e f f e c t , and moreover a chance and contingent one, of the o b j e c t i v e c o i n c i d e n c e (p.245). C o n s i d e r i n g that the s t a t e has an o b j e c t i v e r e l a t i o n to c l a s s e s , i t i s i n a p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n of " r e l a t i v e autonomy" and t h e r e f o r e has i t s own i n s t i t u t i o n a l resources to secure the long term needs of c a p i t a l i s m . Bridges (1974) maintains that the r e l a t i v e autonomy that i s argued by s t r u c t u r a l i s t s presents the s t a t e as not d i r e c t l y t i e d to the economic sphere or to the dominant c l a s s (p.168). The s t a t e i s a product of t e n s i o n s and the e q u i l i b r i u m between c o n f l i c t i n g c l a s s f o r c e s . I t f u n c t i o n s as a part of the b a s e - s u p e r s t r u c t u r e d i a l e c t i c . S t r u c t u r a l i s t s have a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d to our understanding of the p o l i t i c a l sphere by r e c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g the h o r i z o n t a l a x i s . Poulantzas and A l t h u s s e r f o l l o w M i l i b a n d s ' s view that the p o l i t i c a l sphere i s not r e s t r i c t e d to government, l e g i s l a t i v e , and e l e c t i v e p r o c e s s e s . They d i v i d e the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e i n t o two inter-dependent elements; the p o l i t i c o -l e g a l and the i d e o l o g i c a l . As opposed to i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t views of t h e i r c l a s s a f f i l i a t i o n s (e.g. f a m i l i a l t i e s ) , s t r u c t u a l i s t s p o s i t t h e i r systemic f u n c t i o n i n g as o b j e c t i v e l y determined by the base i n terms of t h e i r r o l e i n production and accumulation. A l t h u s s e r (1971) argues that the u l t i m a t e c o n d i t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n i s the r e p r o d u c t i o n of the c o n d i t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n (p.127). State apparatuses f u n c t i o n to secure long-term needs 61 of c a p i t a l by n e g o t i a t i n g , m y s t i f y i n g , and o r g a n i z i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s t h a t are conducive to the market p l a c e ; t h e r e f o r e , the s t a t e ' s c e n t r a l f u n c t i o n i s one of p r o v i d i n g s o c i a l cohesion and s t a b i l i t y (Poulantzas, 1974, pp.24-25). Thus, the s t a t e i s a d i s c i p l i n a r y body s i n c e i t must organize behaviour, and as such, depends on the CJS to c o n t r o l crime, deviance, and other d i s o r d e r l y conduct. S t r u c t u r a l i s t s have made s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the i d e o l o g i c a l apparatus of the s t a t e . From Athusser's (1971) argument r e g a r d i n g education, i t can be seen how the s t a t e ' s p o l i t i c a l powers and r e p r o d u c t i v e mechanisms extend i n t o the realm of c i v i l s o c i e t y . With regard to the d i s s e m i n a t i o n of knowledge and a t t i t u d e s he s t a t e s : To put i t more s c i e n t i f i c a l l y , I s h a l l say that the re p r o d u c t i o n of labour power r e q u i r e s not only a r e p r o d u c t i o n of i t s s k i l l s , but a l s o , at the same time, a reprod u c t i o n o'f i t s submission to the r u l e s of the e s t a b l i s h e d order, i . e . a r e p r o d u c t i o n of submission to the r u l i n g ideology f o r the workers, and a r e p r o d u c t i o n of the a b i l i t y to manipulate the r u l i n g ideology c o r r e c t l y f o r the agents of e x p l o i t a t i o n and r e p r e s s i o n , so that they, too, w i l l p r o vide f o r the domination of the r u l i n g c l a s s ' i n words' ( A l t h u s s e r , 1971, pp.132-133). Poulantzas (1974) extends A l t h u s s e r ' s argument regarding the d i s c i p l i n i n g and p o l i t i c a l nature of ideo l o g y . H is d i s c u s s i o n of the "new" (educated) p e t t y b o u r g e o i s i e adds to our understanding of i n t e l l e c t u a l s and education - such i n s i g h t can be a p p l i e d to the generation of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s . He pr o v i d e s an i n s i g h t f u l a n a l y s i s of the d i v i s i o n between manual and mental labour. T h i s d i v i s i o n , he argues, i s dependent upon the given mode of p r o d u c t i o n which t h e r e f o r e puts sc i e n c e i n the s e r v i c e 62 of the c a p i t a l (pp.235-236). In terms of th i s research, cr iminology could be considered within h is d e f i n i t i o n of " s c i e n c e " . 9 The d i v i s i o n of p r a c t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l a c t i v i t i e s f a c i l i t a t e s the contro l of knowledge. As was out l ined in the previous chapter, knowledge and education became increas ing ly spec ia l i zed during the 20th century, thereby regulat ing i t s p o l i t i c a l - i d e o l o g i c a l content and p r a c t i c e . Radical c r imino log is ts such as the Schwendingers (1975) argue that th is i s a lso the case in cr iminology. Poulantzas extends h is invest igat ion of the new petty bourgeoise beyond the mental-manual dichtomy. While he views knowledge as being in the serv ice of c a p i t a l i s m , he does not approach the new educated f rac t ions as being r e s t r i c t e d to those with bourgeois o r ien ta t ions . Instead, he demonstrates that the educated are comprised of those who have c o n f l i c t i n g p o l i t i c a l commitments. Since the new petty bourgeoise i s po la r i zed between the bourgeoisie and the working c l a s s s t ruggle , i t s d i v i s i o n into f rac t ions must be seen in r e l a t i o n to th i s p o l a r i z a t i o n (p.314). Considering that educators can be or iented e i ther towards the bourgeoisie or the subordinated c l a s s e s , i t i s c lear that educating i s a c t i v i t y that has a d i s t i n c t i deo log i ca l content and is an area of p o l i t i c a l s t rugg le . While Poulantzas discusses the impact of educational access on t r a d i t i o n a l l y 9 Poulantzas argues that while science presumes to be void of ideology, i t is in fact ideology since i t creates and reproduces the da i l y mater ia l and knowledge needs of production ( i b i d . ) . 63 subordinated c l a s s f r a c t i o n s (e.g. women), he concludes that t h e i r socio-economic advantages are l i m i t e d by o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s ; f o r example, access to p o s i t i o n s of i n f l u e n c e . In other words, education i s s t r u c t u r e d i n order to reproduce the s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s of c a p i t a l . T h e r e f o r e , i t i s r e f l e c t i v e of base needs. The p o l i t i c a l dynamics of educated groups are a p p l i c a b l e to c r i m i n o l o g y i n that there are competing i d e o l o g i c a l f r a c t i o n s which experience d i f f e r e n t degrees of o c c u p a t i o n a l . c o n s t r a i n t s , such as, funding, access, c o n s u l t i n g and p u b l i s h i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s , and c a r e e r advancement p r e s s u r e s . S t r u c t u r a l i s t s have g r e a t l y c o n t r i b u t e d to the development of neo-marxist p o l i t i c a l theory by moving away from c l a s s i c a l marxist b a s e - s u p e r s t r u c t u r e / c i v i l - p o l i t i c a l socie.ty dichotomies, and by a v o i d i n g v o l u n t a r i s t i c , m e c h a n i s t i c , e m p i r i c a l methodology. The development of the " r e l a t i v e autonomy" concept of the s t a t e permits a n a l y s i s of the connections between the economic and p o l i t i c a l spheres. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the focus on o b j e c t i v e l y s t r u c t u r e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s l i m i t s the a n a l y t i c p o t e n t i a l of the approach. While p o s i t i n g the s t a t e as " r e l a t i v e l y autonomous" and moving away from s t r i c t f u n c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s , the root causes of s o c i a l change are s t i l l l o c a t e d i n the economy. S t r u c t u r a l i s t s appear to r e p l a c e o b j e c t i v e s t r u c t u r e s and r e l a t i o n s f o r the i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t notion of a r u l i n g c l a s s i n order to demonstrate that the s t a t e i s not wholly manipulated by the b o u r g e o i s i e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s i s becomes mired in 64 economic a n a l y s i s . 1 0 As a p p l i e d to c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , i t suggests that developments in CJS education are a l s o merely r e f l e c t i o n s of l a r g e r economic f o r c e s , and that the s t r u g g l e of ideas waged by i n t e l l e c t u a l s i s of l i t t l e independent consequence. 1 1 In terms of the h o r i z o n t a l a x i s ( c i v i l - p o l i t i c a l ) , s t r u c t u r a l i s t s have transcended the view that p o l i t i c a l power i s l o c a t e d i n t r a d i t i o n a l s t a t e bodies. Instead, they have extended t h e i r a n a l y s i s to i n c l u d e the s t r u c t u r i n g of hegemony through i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c i v i l s o c i e t y ; such as, the e d u c a t i o n a l system. C r i m i n o l o g y would be seen as a part of t h i s f u n c t i o n , f o c u s s i n g on reproducing the i n t e r n a l i z e d and c o e r c i v e d i s c i p l i n a r y f o r c e s that deter only some forms of crime and promote l i b e r a l m o r a l i t y . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the a n a l y s i s of the h o r i z o n t a l a x i s i s flawed i n a manner s i m i l a r to that of the v e r t i c a l a x i s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the o b j e c t i v e s t r u c t u r i n g of r e l a t i o n s does not adequately account for the f o r c e s of change. Th e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s are arranged a p r i o r i and t h e r e f o r e not s u s c e p t i b l e to s i g n i f i c a n t impact by counter-hegemonic f o r c e s . S t r u c t u r a l i s t s ' a p r i o r i epistemol.ogy c r e a t e s other a n a l y t i c 1 0 P a r a d o x i c a l l y , even though p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e s are u l t i m a t e l y reduced to economic developments, Holloway and P i c c i o t t o (1978) contend that Poulantzas's d i s t i n c t i o n between the p o l i t i c a l and economic processes does not permit an a n a l y s i s of the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of accumulation and t h e r e f o r e cannot account f o r h i s t o r i c a l or n a t i o n a l s p e c i f i c i t i e s (pp.6-7) . 1 1 In f a c t , A l t h u s s e r (1971) concedes that the p o l i t i c a l sphere i s determined by the economic base in the " l a s t a n a l y s i s " (p.135). 65 l i m i t a t i o n s . A l t h u s s e r (1971) argues that i n d i v i d u a l s are i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r f u n c t i o n i n g w i t h i n i d e o l o g i c a l r o l e s ; they are "concrete s u b j e c t s " (p.173). In t h i s c onception, i n d i v i d u a l s are p a s s i v e agents, an outlook that negates Marx's views on p r a x i s and p o l i t i c a l c h a n g e . 1 2 The impact of h i s t o r i c a l l y s i g n f i c a n t i n t e l l e c t u a l s would be d i f f i c u l t to account f o r w i t h i n t h i s e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l framework; for i n s t a n c e , the work of K a r l Marx, John Howard, Jeremy Benthem, and Cesare B e c c a r i a . In sum, s t r u c t u r a l i s t s have moved the a n a l y s i s of the s t a t e , ideology, and education away from instrumentalism, and made s i g n i f i c a n t t h e o r e t i c a l developments i n r e l a t i o n to the " r e l a t i v e autonomy" of the s t a t e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the semblances of c l a s s i c a l marxist base-s u p e r s t r u c t u r e dichotomies, along with tendencies toward and economic re d u c t i o n i s m , l i m i t t h e i r r e c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of the v e r t i c a l and h o r i z o n a l axes and t h e r e f o r e the s u i t a b i l i t y of t h i s framework for the c o n t e s t e d t e r r a i n of c r i m i n o l o g y . 1 2 Gramsci (1971) argues that such epistemology negates the understanding of movement from the o b j e c t i v e to s u b j e c t i v e , from n e c e s s i t y to freedom. Such a r e s t r i c t i v e approach to the p o s t i o n of knowledge i n d i a l e c t i c s i s f a t a l i s t i c (e.g., l i m i t e d p o t e n t i a l f o r human/social growth). 66 Gramsci's Theory of the State While neo-marxists continue to make v a l u a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n s to t h e o r i e s of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e , the works of Gramsci (1891-1937) have s p e c i f i c d i a g n o s t i c q u a l i t i e s that permit an a n a l y s i s of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e education not s u s c e p t i b l e to r e d u c t i o n i s m and f a t a l i s m . Gramsci's s t a r t i n g p o i n t was an a n t i p a t h e t i c response to t h e o r e t i c a l works that o r i g i n a t e d i n the Second I n t e r n a t i o n a l . He argued that these paradigms which employed t r a d i t i o n a l b a s e - s u p e r s t r u c t u r e , c i v i l s o c i e t y -p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y , domination-hegemony, and structure-agency dichotomies were shallow, m i s l e a d i n g and c r i p p l e d the c r i t i c a l edge of marxism through t h e i r omission of b a s e - s u p e r s t r u c t u r e , c i v i l - p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y , o b j e c t i v i t y - s u b j e c t i v i t y d i a l e c t i c s (Boggs, 1972, pp.84-85). Instead, Gramsci r e c o n c e p t u a l i z e d the v e r t i c a l a x i s and h o r i z o n t a l a x i s by p o s i t i n g d i a l e c t i c s as the c r u c i a l a n a l y t i c t o o l f o r i l l u m i n a t i n g the p o l i t i c s of human r e l a t i o n s i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y - t h i s would i n c l u d e r e l a t i o n s between races, gender, and n a t i o n s . T h e r e f o r e , he moved away from t r a d i t i o n a l marxist dichotomies and committed h i s a t t e n t i o n to the primacy of p o l i t i c s i n an attempt to transcend marxist thought that r e s t r i c t e d i t s a n a l y s i s of domination to the sphere of p r o d u c t i o n . Gramsci's c e n t r a l p o l i t i c a l concerns were with the s u b t l e but p e r s u a s i v e forms of i d e o l o g i c a l c o n t r o l and manipulation that served to perpetuate a l l r e p r e s s i v e s t r u c t u r e s (Boggs, 1976, p.38). 67 With r e f e r e n c e to v e r t i c a l r e l a t i o n s Gramsci s t a t e d that the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e i s d i a l e c t i c a l l y " r e l a t i v e l y autonomous" to the base: P o l i t i c s becomes permanent a c t i o n and gi v e s b i r t h to permanent o r g a n i z a t i o n s p e r c i s e l y in so f a r as i t i d e n t i f i e s i t s e l f with economics. But i t i s a l s o d i s t i n c t from i t , which i s why one may speak s e p a r a t e l y of economics and p o l i t i c s , and speak of " p o l i t i c a l p a s s i o n " as of an immediate impulse to a c t i o n which i s born on the " permanent and o r g a n i c " t e r r a i n of economic l i f e but which transcends i t , b r i n g i n g i n t o p l a y emotions and a s p i r a t i o n s i n whose incandescent atmosphere even c a l c u l a t i o n s i n v o l v i n g the i n d i v i d u a l human l i f e i t s e l f obey d i f f e r e n t laws from those of i n d i v i d u a l p r o f i t (pp.139-140). C l e a r l y , h i s conception of r e l a t i v e autonomy f o r the p o l i t i c a l sphere was d i s t i n c t from that of Poulantzas or A l t h u s s e r i n that he d i d not see s o c i a l or p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s i n a p r i o r i terms of o b j e c t i v i t y . 1 3 Instead, he viewed t h e i r r e l a t i o n as r e l a t i v e l y autonomous because t h e i r connections were mediated through a complexity of h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c f o r c e s ; such as, human nature, moral norms and r u l e s , i d e o l o g i c a l systems, language and c u l t u r e . T h e r e f o r e , r a t h e r than being u l t i m a t e l y t i e d to the r u l i n g c l a s s , the s t a t e i s the outcome of the balance of c l a s s f o r c e s - i n c l u d i n g t h e i r v a r i o u s f r a c t i o n s . Another Gramscian i n n o v a t i o n a p p l i e d to the r e l a t i o n s t h at comprise the h o r i z o n t a l conceptual a x i s was h i s development of the " i n t e g r a l s t a t e " , which transcended the c i v i l - p o l i t i c a l 1 3 I t i s necessary to s t r e s s that Gramsci never denied the v i t a l importance of o b j e c t i v e c o n d i t i o n s i n shaping the r e v o l u t i o n a r y p r o c e s s . He emphasizes, however, that these c o n d i t i o n s become h i s t o r i c a l l y o p e r a t i v e only when they are " s u b j e c t i v e l y " r e a l i z e d (Boggs, 1972, p.87). 68 s o c i e t y dichotomy. Adamson (1980) observes that by p o s i t i o n i n g c i v i l s o c i e t y w i t h i n the s t a t e , or p o l i t i c a l sphere, Gramsci was able to s h i f t a n a l y s i s towards a re-examination of the mechanisms and r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e that c o n s t i t u t e the h i s t o r i c a l and m a t e r i a l content of c l a s s s t r u g g l e , c o n t r o l , and change (p.216). Gramsci's usage of the concept of hegemony p r o v i d e d him with the means f o r a n a l y s i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p s and mechanisms that c o n s t i t u t e s t a t e power and p r o v i d e d an understanding of the c e n t r a l problem of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e : what i s the nature of s t a t e power, what are i t s forms, and how are they regulated? Hegemony i s not simply a form of domination; i t i s a l s o the r e l a t i o n s h i p between c l a s s e s and t h e i r a f f i l i a t e d f o r c e s . The content of t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p r e v o l v e s around the manner in which one c l a s s gains and maintains the consent of other c l a s s f o r c e s through the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a system of a l l i a n c e s . 1 " Hegemonic process c o n s i s t s of ongoing and h i s t o r i c s t r u g g l e s that i n v o l v e v a r i o u s stages of l o c a l i z e d a l l i a n c e s , (e.g. e c o n o m i c - c o r p o r a t e ) . 1 5 These s t r u g g l e s r e s u l t i n hegemony ("national popular") when the dominant c l a s s has been ab l e to 1" Gramsci (1971) argued that hegemony i s u l t i m a t e l y backed by c o e r c i v e f o r c e s (e.g. m i l i t a r y , CJS, e t c . ) . Such f o r c e s are r a r e l y used in the "war of p o s i t i o n " but are commonly used durin g a "war of manoeuvre". The former i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u g g l e while the l a t t e r i s more c o e r c i v e l y o r i e n t e d . 1 5 The economic-corporate stages c o n s i s t of v a r i o u s groups forming p o l i t i c a l and economic a l l i a n c e s w i t h i n , not between c l a s s e s . 69 i n c o r p o r a t e other c l a s s e s i n t e r e s t s in t h e i r own, thereby e s t a b l i s h i n g a r e l a t i v e consensus regarding the l e g i t i m a c y of an e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l system. Gramsci (1971) argues that such a p o s i t i o n of c o n t r o l and advantage i s only secured when the dominant group i s able to p r o v i d e i n t e l l e c t u a l and moral l e a d e r s h i p , thereby n o r m a l i z i n g and l e g i t i m i z i n g socio-economic c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and antagonisms; i . e . , i n j u s t i c e s (pp.57-58). C o n s i d e r i n g that p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y e x i s t s i n the s t a t e and c i v i l s o c i e t y , the s t a t e extends i t s apparatus i n t o the " p r i v a t e " s e c t o r i n order to r e g u l a t e i d e o l o g i c a l p r a c t i c e s ; 1 6 s p e c i f i c a l l y , to promote dominant i d e o l o g i e s conducive to c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n ( i . e . l i b e r a l i s m ) while s i m i l t a n e o u s l y d i s o r g a n i z i n g counter-hegemonic f o r c e s (e.g. s o c i a l i s m , feminism, e t c . ) . In f a c t , i n order that hegemony i s secured, Gramsci maintains that c e n t r a l a c t i v i t i e s such as (wage) work must be assumed to be n a t u r a l and the means for freedom, r a t h e r than the e f f e c t s of e x t e r n a l l y imposed r u l e s (p.34). He argues that there must be: ...a " c u l t u r a l - s o c i a l " u n i t y through which a m u l t i p l i c i t y of d i s p e r s e d w i l l s , with hetrogeneous aims, are welded together with s i n g l e aim, on the b a s i s of an equal and common conception of the world, both ge n e r a l and p a r t i c u l a r , o p e r a t i n g i n t r a n s i t o r y 1 6 Gramsci's epistemology p o s i t s ideology as e x i s t i n g and o p e r a t i n g i n m a t e r i a l forms that are embodied in s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s , and i n s t i t u t i o n s (Simon, 1982, pp.59-60). Such i d e o l o g i e s are c l e a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n o r g a n i z i n g the b e h a v i o u r a l r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n . 70 b u r s t s or permanently ( p . 3 4 9 ) . 1 7 T h e r e f o r e , the o r g a n i z a t i o n of ideology i n t o a h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l form i s c e n t r a l to hegemony si n c e i t m y s t i f i e s and l e g i t i m i z e s s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s and i n e q u a l i t i e s . C o n s i d e r i n g the c e n t r a l i t y of c u l t u r e i n p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l , the s t r u g g l e f o r hegemony takes plac e i n c i v i l s o c i e t y . In the P r i s o n Notebooks Gramsci begins to a r t i c u l a t e h i s theory of p o l i t i c s , the s t a t e , and hegemony by o u t l i n i n g the c e n t r a l i t y of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e , s o c i a l change, and domination. His views on the r o l e of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i d e n t i f y two major themes u n d e r l y i n g t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . 1. c o n t r i b u t i n g to the d i v i s i o n between mental and manual i n t e l l e c t u a l behavour 2. c o n t r i b u t i n g to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between knowledge and power Gramsci empahsizes the need to a b o l i s h the a r t i f i c i a l d i v i s o n between mental and manual i n t e l l e c t u a l labour - a s e p a r a t i o n that he t e s t i f i e s has been c a r r i e d to the extreme under c a p i t a l i s m i n c i v i l s o c i e t y , the s t a t e apparatus, and the p r o d u c t i v e p r o c e s s . Such a s e p a r a t i o n r e t a r d s p r a x i s and promotes l i b e r a l hegemony. Gramsci begins h i s d i s c o u r s e on i n t e l l e c t u a l s by r e f u t i n g t r a d i t i o n a l or " v u l g a r " n o t i o n s of i n t e l l e c t u a l s as c o n s i s t i n g only of the h i g h l y educated. He maintains that " i n t e l l e c t u a l s " 1 7 While other neo-marxist t h e o r i s t s , such as Poulantzas, u t i l i z e d the concept of hegemony, they s t r e s s e d the determinant r o l e of o b j e c t i v e c o n d i t i o n s (e.g. the economy). Thus, hegemony and c u l t u r e were understood as e s s e n t i a l l y r e f l e c t i v e of the m a t e r i a l base. 71 are defined through thei r s o c i a l function rather than the i r i n s t r i n s i c t a l e n t s , and that a l l persons are i n t e l l e c t u a l s . Each man, f i n a l l y , outside th is p ro fess iona l a c t i v i t y , c a r r i e s on some form of i n t e l l e c t u a l a c t i v i t y , that i s , he is a "phi losopher" , an a r t i s t , a man of t a s t e , he p a r t i c i p a t e s in a p a r t i c u l a r conception of the world, has a conscious l i n e of moral conduct, and therfore contr ibutes to sustain a conception of the world or to modify i t , that i s , to bring into being new modes of thought (p.9) The separation between i n t e l l e c t u a l and manual a c t i v i t i e s has d i s t i n c t p o l i t i c a l rami f i ca t ions . By rupturing these i n t r i n s i c a l l y human a c t i v i t i e s , i t shuts off the d i a l e c t i c between the o b j e c t i v i t y and sub jec t i v i t y or the p r a c t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t a l a c t i v i t i e s of da i l y l i f e , thereby r e s t r i c t i n g p r a x i s . 1 8 Soc ia l change is then r e s t r i c t e d to the knowledge-production of i n t e l l e c t u a l "experts" , which then reproduces the pract ices of a l ienated p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s . 1 9 Gramsci 's second major propos i t ion regarding the s o c i a l funct ioning of i n t e l l e c t u a l s concerns the i r role in the re la t ionsh ip between knowledge and power. This re la t ionsh ip const i tutes an important element in the mechanisms in which c lass re la t ions are created and organized. The function of c r imino log is ts in the s o c i a l cont ro l apparatus exempli f ies the 1 8 Gramsci discusses praxis as the ind i v idua l and c o l l e c t i v e movement from "common sense" to "good sense". This polemical process f a c i l i t a t e s the superseding of e x i s t i n g modes of thought and s o c i a l l i f e , and the construct ion of newer c u l t u r a l forms (p.330). 1 9 Gramsci advocated the need for a d i a l e c t i c (dialogue) between i n t e l l e c t u a l s and the publ ic in order to transcend the gulf between theory and p r a c t i c e ; a gulf that retards c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l change (p.334). 72 r o l e of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n c o n t r i b u t i n g to the maintenance of c l a s s power. Gramsci's concepts of "organic" and " t r a d i t i o n a l " i n t e l l e c t u a l s present an h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e of i n t e l l e c t u a l s v i s - a - v i s the i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e f o r hegemony. 2 0 In terms of the manner i n which groups monopolize the means for o r g a n i z i n g consent and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s that are conducive to a given mode of p r o d u c t i o n , i n t e l l e c t u a l s are c r u c i a l to the formation of " h i s t o r i c a l b l o c s " . These b l o c s compose the d i a l e c t i c between the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e and the base. That i s to say the complex, c o n t r a d i c t o r y and d i s c o r d a n t ensemble of the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e i s the r e f l e c t i o n of the ensemble of the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n (Gramsci, 1971, p . 3 6 6 ) . 2 1 While the d e f i n i t i o n of organic and t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s i s somewhat ambiguous, they can be understood in terms of t h e i r s o c i a l f u n c t i o n . T r a d i t i o n a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s are those who are i d e o l o g i c a l l y , committed to a former mode of p r o d u c t i o n (e.g. feudalism, l a i s s e z - f a i r e c a p i t a l i s m ) and who 2 0 Gramsci's usage of v o l u n t a r i s m d i f f e r s from that of M i l i b a n d . Rather than viewing i n d i v i d u a l s as e x e r c i s i n g u n r e s t r i c t e d human w i l l , he i n t e r p r e t s i n d i v i d u a l s as d i a l e c t i c a l l y p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s ( h i s t o r i c a l b l oc) (Adamson, 1980, p.208). 2 1 T h i s would apply to c r i m i n o l o g i s t s ' r o l e i n o r g a n i z i n g c u l t u r a l ideas of c r i m i n a l and moral behaviour. Gramsci (1971) contends that h i s t o r i a l b l o c s are s i t u a t i o n s " . . . i n which p r e c i s e l y m a t e r i a l f o r c e s are the content and i d e o l o g i e s are the form, though t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n between form and content has p u r e l y d i d a c t i c v a l u e , s i n c e the m a t e r i a l f o r c e s would be i n c o n c e i v a b l e h i s t o r i c a l l y without form and the i d e o l o g i e s would be i n d i v i d u a l f a n c i e s without the m a t e r i a l f o r c e s (p.377). 73 g e n e r a l l y present themselves as c l a s s l e s s or a p o l i t i c a l . Organic i n t e l l e c t u a l s are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by t h e i r f u n c t i o n i n g i n a modern mode of production and by t h e i r c l a s s o r i e n t a t i o n s . T h e r e f o r e , there are organic i n t e l l e c t u a l s f o r c a p i t a l i s t f r a c t i o n s (e.g. l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s ) and, a l s o , f o r counter-hegemonic f r a c t i o n s (e.g. r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s ) . Those i n t e l l e c t u a l s who are l i b e r a l l y o r g a n i c , and i m p l i c i t l y or e x p l i c i t l y advocate c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l order, f u n c t i o n as " d e p u t i e s " . By p r e s e n t i n g l i b e r a l ideology as i n h e r e n t l y moral and u n i v e r s a l , they c o n s t r u c t and organize popular "spontaneous consent" f o r s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n i n c i v i l r e l a t i o n s . Through t h i s f u n c t i o n , which i s accompanied by the d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n of counter-hegemonic i n t e l l e c t u a l s (e.g. gatekeeping p r a c t i c e s of h i r i n g , funding, access, e t c . ) , the c o e r c i v e - o f t e n s u b t l e -p r a c t i c e s of the s t a t e regarding s o c i a l d i s c i p l i n e are l e g i t i m i z e d (Gramsci, 1971, p.12). T h i s review has p o i n t e d to c e r t a i n lacunae in t h e o r i e s of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e which pose problems f o r the a n a l y s i s of the p o l i t i c a l underpinnings of c r i m i n o l o g y , both h i s t o r i c a l l y and i n contemporary c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s such as Canada. L i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c t h e o r i e s tend to assume i d e o l o g i c a l d i s i n t e r e s t on the part of i n t e l l e c t u a l s and do not focus on i d e o l o g i c a l p r e f e r e n c e s . I n s t r u m e n t a l i s t s view i n t e l l e c t u a l s as merely being agents i n the r e p r o d u c t i o n of r u l i n g c l a s s power. S t r u c t u r a l i s t s examine the i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u g g l e s that takes plac e between educated c l a s s f r a c t i o n s , but u l t i m a t e l y engage n economic red u c t i o n i s m . I t would appear that Gramsi's 74 concepts of p o l i t i c a l hegemony and the i n t e g r a l s t a t e more r e a d i l y apply to an exegesis of the i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n the Canadian s t a t e ' s s o c i a l c o n t r o l apparatus ( i . e . CJS). With these r e l e v a n t t h e o r e t i c a l concepts i n mind, the next two chapters report on an e m p i r i c a l examination of c r i m i n o l o g y in B r i t i s h Columbia. The study focuses on the i d e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s of B. C. C r i m i n o l g i s t s i n the areas of t e a c h i n g , r e s e a r c h , c o n s u l t i n g , and p u b l i s h i n g . In a d d i t i o n , the study documents some of the r e s t r i c t i o n s and c o n s t r a i n t s p l a c e d upon c r i m i n o l o g i s t s who are c r i t i c a l of "mainstream" approches. The data tend to confirm the s u p p o s i t i o n that l i b e r a l dominance of c r i m i n o l o g y i n Canada i s p a r t of the p o l i t i c a l economy of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l c o n t r o l . 75 CHAPTER FOUR  Research Methodology In the p r e v i o u s chapters, i t has been proposed that c r i m i n o l o g y has been a predominantly l i b e r a l o c c u p a t i o n , and t h e r e f o r e has demonstrated c e r t a i n c o r r e s p o n d i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . In order to i n v e s t i g a t e the c u r r e n t s t a t u s of t h i s c l a i m , an i n t e r v i e w survey of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia was conducted. T h i s chapter o u t l i n e s the methodology i n v o l v e d i n c o l l e c t i n g data regarding the a c t i v i t i e s , i d e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s , and c o n s t r a i n t s experienced by B.C. C r i m i n o l o g i s t s . The data s u b s t a n t i a t e the g e n e r a l r e s e a r c h h y p o thesis that l i b e r a l i s m dominates c r i m i n o l o g y through a s e r i e s of gatekeeping c o n s t r a i n t s i n h i r i n g , funding, c o n t r a c t i n g , and p u b l i s h i n g p r a c t i c e s . T h i s suggests that the i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n s of c r i m i n o l g y have r e t a i n e d t h e i r p o l i t i c a l v i t a l i t y i n the contemporary c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system in B r i t i s h Columbia. The Sample The approximate p o p u l a t i o n s i z e (N=120) of B r i t i s h Columbian c r i m i n o l o g i s t s was e s t a b l i s h e d through a review of academic c a l e n d a r s and f a c u l t y r o s t e r s from a l l the u n i v e r s i t i e s and c o l l e g e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia, i n c l u d i n g the 76 J u s t i c e I n s t i t u t e of B r i t i s h Columbia. 1 While i t was not presumed that t h i s method would y i e l d an exhaustive sample of B.C. C r i m i n o l o g i s t s , i t was expected to provide an almost complte l i s t s i n c e most c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are a f f i l i a t e d with B.C. E d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . A d d i t i o n a l names were generated from the i n t e r v i e w s , a process which Downes & Rock (1982) r e f e r to as "snowballing" (pp.35-36). From a review of the academic c a l e n d a r s , i t was found that the vast m a j o r i t y of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are a f f i l i a t e d with e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the lower-mainland and V i c t o r i a v i c i n i t y . The sample was drawn from the f o l l o w i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s which represent a l l those that o f f e r academic and a p p l i e d i n s t r u c t i o n i n c r i m i n o l o g y and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e i n t h i s a r e a . 1. Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y 2. U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 3. U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a 4. Camosun C o l l e g e 5. Kwantlen C o l l e g e 6. Douglas C o l l e g e 7. F r a s e r V a l l e y C o l l e g e 8. Vancouver C i t y C o l l e g e 9. J u s t i c e I n s t i t u t e of B r i t i s h Columbia From these i n s t i t u t i o n s a l i s t of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s was compiled (N=87). From t h i s p o p u l a t i o n , a sample was organized (N=56). The d i s c r e p a n c y between the p o p u l a t i o n and sample s i z e was due to two f a c t o r s . A r e p r e s e n t a t i v e sample (60%) of 1 Not a l l J u s t i c e I n s t i t u t e Academies were i n c l u d e d . The P o l i c e , C o r r e c t i o n s , and Court S e r v i c e s Academies were s e l e c t e d as they are more d i r e c t l y r e l e v a n t t o c r i m i n o l o g y and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . RCMP T r a i n i n g Centre "E" was not i n c l u d e d i n =this survey. 77 c r i m i n o l o g i s t s at the J u s t i c e I n s t i t u t e was used (N=18), 13 persons were s u b t r a c t e d from the o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n of 87. Second, 18 persons on the p o p u l a t i o n l i s t were not a c c e s s i b l e due to t h e i r absences from t h e i r c o l l e g e or u n i v e r s i t y ; f o r example, f a c u l t y on v a c a t i o n or s a b b a t i c a l , and those who were not a f f i l i a t e d with i n s t i t u t i o n s o u t s i d e of term ( i . e . s e s s i o n a l i n s t r u c t o r s ) . Once the sample (N=56) had been e s t a b l i s h e d , a l l persons were sent a l e t t e r of i n t r o d u c t i o n (see Appendix A). T h i s l e t t e r was designed to f a m i l i a r i z e p o t e n t i a l respondents with the nature of the p r o j e c t , the importance of t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and to advise them that they would be contacted by telephone to e s t a b l i s h a convenient time for an i n t e r v i e w . A f t e r the l e t t e r s of i n t r o d u c t i o n were sent out, the sample of 56 was f u r t h e r reduced (N=47), s i n c e not a l l c o n t a c t s r e s u l t e d i n scheduled i n t e r v i e w s . There was a small number (N=2) who refused to consent to an i n t e r v i e w t i m e . 2 Nine persons c o u l d not be c o n t a c t e d by telephone, t h e r e f o r e no i n t e r v i e w o c c u r r e d . The f i n a l sample, c o n s i s t i n g of those a c t u a l l y interviewed, t o t a l l e d 45 which e s t a b l i s h e d a 95 percent response r a t e . C o n s i d e r i n g that the vast m a j o r i t y of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s in B r i t i s h Columbia are i n the lower-mainland and V i c t o r i a area, the sample of 45 i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of 2 T h i s number was o r g i n a l l y three but with a follow-up l e t t e r one person r e c o n s i d e r e d and agreed to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the study. 78 c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n t h i s p r o v i n c e . 3 T h i s sample, and t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l a f f i l i a t i o n s are as f o l l o w s : TABLE II Respondents' I n s t i t u t i o n a l A f f i l i a t i o n Number Percentage Un i v e r s i ty 22 48.9 Community C o l l e g e 1 1 24.4 J u s t i c e I n s t i t u t e 1 2 26.7 T o t a l 45 100.0 M i s s i n g Cases = 0 The Q u e s t i o n n a i r e Schedule The c o n s t r u c t i o n of the q u e s t i o n n a i r e schedule i n v o l v e d a number of tasks i n order to o b t a i n v a l i d and r e l i a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n p e r t i n e n t to the resea r c h t h e s i s . These were: 1. D e c i d i n g what info r m a t i o n to c o l l e c t 2. D r a f t i n g q u e s t i o n s 3. E s t a b l i s h i n g the qu e s t i o n sequence 4. A p r e - t e s t 5. Schedule r e v i s i o n s . The q u e s t i o n s were designed to i n q u i r e i n t o the respondents' 3 The adequacy of the sample s i z e a s s i s t s i n overcoming sampling e r r o r s and d e v i a t i o n s . 79 t e a c h i n g , r e s e a r c h , p u b l i s h i n g , c o n s u l t i n g , and board involvements, as w e l l as t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s and c o n s t r a i n t s i n these a c t i v i t i e s . Using Babbie (1973, 1979) and Sudman & Bradburn (1983), a s e m i - s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w schedule was c o n s t r u c t e d . I t was estimated that some q u e s t i o n s had p o t e n t i a l f o r causing respondent defensiveness or d i s c o m f o r t ; f o r example, q u e s t i o n s on income, p o l i t i c a l p a r t y p r e f e r e n c e s , i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s , and so f o r t h . T h e r e f o r e , open-ended quest i o n s were used in order to allow respondents to answer the q u e s t i o n s i n a l e s s r e s t r i c t i v e and more comfortable manner. In a d d i t i o n to d i r e c t i n q u i r i e s i n t o respondents' i d e o l o g i e s , a v a r i e t y of i n d i r e c t q u e s t i o n s were asked i n order to probe f o r i d e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s ; f o r i n s t a n c e , i n q u i r i e s about course reading m a t e r i a l s , p o s s i b l e b e n e f i c i a r i e s of r e s e a r c h , t h e o r e t i c a l p r e f e r e n c e s , and so f o r t h . When d i r e c t l y asking f o r the respondent's ideology i t was h e l p f u l to request that they put themselves on a continum between 1 and 10 with the former being c o n s e r v a t i v e and the l a t t e r being r a d i c a l . Both the respondent's and the i n t e r v i e w e r ' s p e r c e p t i o n of the respondent's ideology were recorded. The q u e s t i o n s were organized i n a f u n n e l l i n g f a s h i o n i n order to f a c i l i a t e respondents' c o - o p e r a t i o n (see Sudman & Bradburn, 1980, 221-223): i . e . they were organized from general to s p e c i f i c , from f a c t u a l (e.g. courses taught) to more a t t i t u d i n a l . Personal demographic q u e s t i o n s , such as income, gender, age, m a r i t a l s t a t u s , were asked at the c o n c l u s i o n of the i n t e r v i e w when i t was expected that the respondent would be more comfortable with 80 the i n t e r v i e w e r and the i n t e r v i e w schedule format. In order to secure the best p o s s i b l e c o n d i t i o n s f o r r e l i a b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y , and t h e r e f o r e accuracy, 20% (N=9) c r i m i n o l o g i s t s were in t e r v i e w e d i n a p r e - t e s t . These were randomly s e l e c t e d from each i n s t i t u t i o n . Through the p r e - t e s t , schedule flaws and inadequacies c o u l d be i d e n t i f i e d , p e r m i t t i n g informed r e v i s i o n s . In a d d i t i o n , during the p r e - t e s t each respondent was q u e r i e d regarding h i s / h e r o p i n i o n of the in t e r v i e w schedule. While there were very few c r i t i c a l comments on the schedule, the p r e - t e s t p o i n t e d to some necessary r e v i s i o n s . These g e n e r a l l y i n v o l v e d the d e l e t i o n of q u e s t i o n s rather than adding to or r e v i s i n g e x i s t i n g ones. I t was c l e a r that the d e s i r e d i n f o r m a t i o n c o u l d be obtained without a s k i n g a wide v a r i e t y of ques t i o n s to e l i c i t i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n . C o n s i d e r i n g that schedule r e v i s i o n s were minor, and d i d not d e t r a c t from the i n f o r m a t i o n p r o v i d e d by the p r e - t e s t sample, i t was concluded that the data obtained i n the p r e - t e s t would be a p p r o p r i a t e f o r i n c l u s i o n i n data a n a l y s i s (see Appendix B for an o u t l i n e of the i n t e r v i e w s c h e d u l e ) . 81 The Interviews' Interviews were conducted between mid-March and e a r l y J u l y 1984. The time i n v o l v e d f o r each i n t e r v i e w averaged 1.5 hours. While most i n t e r v i e w s took p l a c e i n the respondent's o f f i c e , two were conducted v i a telephone and two were conducted i n h o t e l l o b b i e s - these were done per respondent's request. A l l int e r v i e w s were conducted by the author. Interviews were i n i t i a t e d with a t t e n t i o n p a i d to e s t a b l i s h i n g rapport and p r o v i d i n g the respondent with inf o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g the s t r u c t u r e of the in t e r v i e w format. While much of t h i s had been mentioned i n the i n t r o d u c t o r y l e t t e r , t h i s review p r o v i d e d an o p p o r t u n i t y to put the respondent at ease and to probe f o r p o s s i b l e r e s e r v a t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n , respondents were informed that not a l l ques t i o n s might apply r e a d i l y to t h e i r s i t u a t i o n due to the v a r i e t y of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s that were being interviewed; f o r example, academics and p o l i c e i n s t r u c t o r s have d i f f e r e n t involvements i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. E t h i c s In order to comply with e t h i c a l mandates, the i n t e r v i e w s followed the re s e a r c h p r i n c i p l e s o u t l i n e d by the C.S.A.A. And the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia's Behavioural Sciences Screening Committee. In the l e t t e r of i n t r o d u c t i o n respondents were informed that they i t was not mandatory to answer a l l questions and that they c o u l d withdraw from the i n t e r v i e w at 82 any time. In a d d i t i o n , at the beginning of each interv i e w respondents were informed that a l l i n f o r m a t i o n would be c o n f i d e n t i a l . With the e x c e p t i o n of the author, no other persons had access to s p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n documented on the i n t e r v i e w schedules. Respondents were a l s o informed that a l l data a c q u i r e d would coded and q u a n t i f i e d , l e a v i n g no t r a c e of i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t i e s . The i s s u e of e t h i c s , i n c l u d i n g c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y , d i d not present any s e r i o u s , known problems d u r i n g the course of the r e s e a r c h . With the e x c e p t i o n of two respondents who were r e l u c t a n t to r e v e a l t h e i r income, a l l those interviewed answered a l l q u e s t i o n s . There were a small number of respondents who d i d express concerns regarding the c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y of t h e i r i n f o r m a t i o n , but there was only one case i n which t h i s concern was expressed throughout the i n t e r v i e w . " Respondents were informed that a l l data a c q u i r e d d u r i n g the i n t e r v i e w would be coded f o r a n a l y t i c purposes and through q u a n t i f i c a t i o n t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s would remain anonymous. " I n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, t h i s same respondent was e s p e c i a l l y adamant about o b t a i n i n g i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g the i d e n t i t i e s and p a r t i c i p a t i o n of others i n t e r v i e w e d . T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n was r e f u s e d . 83 Q u a n t i f y i n g Data A s i g n i f i c a n t part of the r e s e a r c h process i n v o l v e d q u a n t i f y i n g i n t e r v i e w data i n order to summarize and assess r e l a t i o n s h i p s between c r i m i n o l o g i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s , c o n s t r a i n t s , and so f o r t h . T h e r e f o r e , the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a code book and the coding process were e s s e n t i a l steps i n the r e s e a r c h methodology (see Appendix C). C o n s i d e r i n g that open-ended q u e s t i o n s were being used, i t was determined that 20 i n t e r v i e w s would be completed p r i o r to engaging i n the decision-making f o r coding c a t e g o r i e s . T h i s f a c i l i t a t e d the c o l l e c t i o n of a wide range of a c t u a l responses, thereby p r o v i d i n g an adequate base from which to e s t a b l i s h coding c a t e g o r i e s . Reducing the v a r i e t y of responses f o r the contents of c r i m i n o l o g i c a l a c t i v i t i e s and demographic i n f o r m a t i o n d i d not present t y p i f i c a t i o n d i f f i c u l t i e s . There was a f i n i t e number of v a r i a t i o n s of t e a c h i n g , research, p u b l i s h i n g , c o n s u l t i n g , and board p o s i t i o n s , thereby l i m i t i n g response p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Coding f o r i d e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s proved to be more complex. I n v e s t i g a t i n g the ideology of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s presented a number of d i f f i c u l t i e s i n q u e s t i o n design and c o d i n g . As p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, probing and d i r e c t q u e s t i o n s regarding respondents' ideology f a c i l i t a t e d t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . N e v e r t h e l e s s , some problems arose i n the coding of t h e i r responses. These were overcome by e s t a b l i s h i n g d e f i n i t i o n a l boundaries f o r c o n s e r v a t i v e , l i b e r a l , and c r i t i c a l - r a d i c a l 84 c r imino log ica l ideology by r e f e r r i n g to desc r ip t i ve/ana ly t i c attempts to c l a r i f y i deo log i ca l nomenclature in the pro fess iona l l i t e r a t u r e ; e . g . Taylor et a l . , 1975, Garofalo , 1978, Cul len & G i l b e r t , 1982, and Ratner, 1984. Ideolog ica l f rac t ions general ly view conservatism as being p r imar i l y concerned with pragmatic and immediate issues and is therefore best character ized as a descr ip t i ve rather than theore t i ca l endeavour. Considering that conservative thought is p r imar i l y concerned with maintaining s o c i a l order, i t s law and order perspect ive general ly accepts ex i s t ing s t ruc tu ra l h ie rarch ies and assumes that such be l i e f systems mirror publ ic consensus. In th i s view, c r i m i n o l o g i c a l data i s c o l l e c t e d and passed on to administrators in order that CJS funct ioning can be improved. While there is a concern for change, i t assumes that the CJS i s a b a s i c a l l y sound instrument of law and order, and that rapid changes should be avoided. Change tends to be focused inward on ind i v idua l and organizat ional subsystems. Due to the absence of t h e o r e t i c a l t o o l s , i d e o l o g i c a l , p o l i t i c a l , and s t ruc tu ra l concepts are seen as superfluous and are therefore general ly omitted from c r imino log ica l work. With reference to Gramsci 's concept of i n t e l l e c t u a l s , conservatives are to be considered as " t r a d i t i o n a l " since they are or iented towards past forms of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . Therefore, conservative c r imino log is ts form the far r ight f rac t ion of jus t i ce model advocates. 85 L i b e r a l i s m g r a v i t a t e s toward a c r i t i c a l approach to s o c i a l problems and t h e r e f o r e can be g e n e r a l l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d as p r e s c r i p t i v e or more concerned with i s s u e s of reform. I t advocates ongoing research and i n s t i t u t i o n a l reform (e.g. CJS) as the means to c o r r e c t s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s and i n j u s t i c e s . While there i s a c r i t i c a l edge towards socio-economic p r a c t i c e s , the s t r u c t u r a l foundations of c a p i t a l i s m are presumed to be sound and t h e r e f o r e the most v i a b l e form for democratic s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . As Ratner (1984) o u t l i n e s , l i b e r a l i s m i s not an homogenous f r a c t i o n but encompasses a v a r i e t y of p e r s p e c t i v e s ; f o r i n s t a n c e , s y s t e m s - a n a l y s i s , e n l i g h t e n e d p o s i t i v i s m , s o c i e t a l r e a c t i o n , s o c i a l c o n f l i c t , and l e g a l reformism. I t i s the scope of l i b e r a l p e r s p e c t i v e s that permits i t s p o p u l a r i t y and dominance of the f i e l d . Such a scope f a c i l i t a t e s the usage of t h e o r e t i c a l t o o l s i n a manner conducive to pragmatic a p p l i c a t i o n s . T h e r e f o r e , l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g y i s favoured by s t a t e agencies. N e v e r t h e l e s s , m a c r o - s o c i e t a l l i n k a g e s are not emphasized, thereby d i m i n i s h i n g the p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of s t a t e , law, ideology, and economic r e l a t i o n s . With r e f e r e n c e to Gramsci's p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n s of i n t e l l e c t u a l s , l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are "organic" to modern c a p i t a l i s m and t h e r e f o r e c o n s t i t u t e the main body and c r i t i c a l edge of j u s t i c e model advocates. As o u t l i n e d i n Chapter Two, c r i t i c a l - r a d i c a l (neo-marxist) crim i n o l o g y begins by p o s i t i n g s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s and i n j u s t i c e s as e s s e n t i a l f e a t u r e s i n c a p i t a l i s t modes of p r o d u c t i o n . While i n s t i t u t i o n a l reform may improve s o c i a l 86 c o n d i t i o n s , such reforms have d i s t i n c t l i m i t a t i o n s s i n c e t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n a l mandates i m p l i c i t l y or e x p l i c i t l y f u n c t i o n w i t h i n and reproduce value s t r u c t u r e s such as, s e x i s t and r a c i s t o c c u p a t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s . C r i t i c a l - r a d i c a l ideology begins with the p o l i t i c a l economy of crime or the i n t e g r a t i o n of economics, ideology, law, and the s t a t e . I t e l u c i d a t e s the p o l i t i c a l dynamics o p e r a t i v e i n i n d i v i d u a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s with a tendency - to date - to lean towards t h e o r e t i c a l r a t h e r than pragmatic concerns. As opposed to l i b e r a l i s m and conservatism, c r i t i c a l - r a d i c a l i d e o l o g y i s concerned with l a r g e - s c a l e s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s and t h e r e f o r e transcends i n s t i t u t i o n a l reforms by emphasizing the need for s t r u c t u r a l changes; for i n s t a n c e , the e l i m i n a t i o n of s e x i s t , r a c i s t , c l a s s , and n a t i o n a l i s t i c forms of domination. Th e r e f o r e , c r i t i c a l - r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are " o r g a n i c " to s o c i a l i s t causes and s o c i a l change. As a r e s u l t , they are not favoured by s t a t e agencies and those who do f u n c t i o n i n the p r o f e s s i o n a l c r i m i n o l o g i c a l f i e l d o r d i n a r i l y defuse the p r e s e n t a t i o n of t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n . Once these d e f i n i t i o n a l parameters had been e s t a b l i s h e d , i t was p o s s i b l e to code i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s more a c c u r a t e l y and c o n s i s t e n t l y . While i t was important to document how c r i m i n o l o g i s t s d e f i n e d themselves i d e o l o g i c a l l y , the d e f i n i t i o n a l parameters p e r m i t t e d secondary coding of respondents' ideology a c c o r d i n g to the i n t e r v i e w e r ' s own p e r c e p t i o n of the respondents' p r o f e s s e d i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n i n terms of the d e f i n i t i o n a l c r i t e r i a . 87 Data A n a l y s i s A f t e r p r e p a r i n g the coded i n t e r v i e w data fo r a n a l y s i s , the d e s i r e d c r o s s - t a b u l a t i o n s were i d e n t i f i e d . There were a number of r e l a t i o n s h i p s that were of primary concern. 1. What i s the d i s t r i b u t i o n of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n terms of t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n ? 2. What i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e i r ideology and i n s t i t u t i o n a l a f f i l i a t i o n ? 3. What i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i d e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s and a v a i l a b i l i t y of work in non-t e a c h i n g areas? 4. What i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t e a c h i n g ideology and i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s i n non-teaching areas? T h i s chapter has o u t l i n e d the manner in which data was gathered f o r examining the p o l i t i c a l dynamics of c r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The f o l l o w i n g chapter d i s p l a y s the i n t e r v i e w r e s u l t s i n the form of c r o s s - t a b u l a t i o n t a b l e s and d i s c u s s i o n , c h i e f l y i n order to s u b s t a n t i a t e a l i b e r a l dominance and to document the e x i s t e n c e of gate-keeping d e v i c e s which r e g u l a t e the i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l content of c r i m i n o l o g y . 88 CHAPTER FIVE  Re s u l t s and D i s c u s s i o n I n t r o d u c t i o n It has been argued that c r i m i n o l o g y has been h i s t o r i c a l l y dominated by l i b e r a l ideology and has served the s o c i a l c o n t r o l needs of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . P i a t t (1975), the Schwendingers (1975), the School of Human J u s t i c e , and Ratner (1984) have maintained that the dominance of l i b e r a l i s m i s not an a c c i d e n t or f a s h i o n but r e f l e c t s fundamental ongoing r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the i n t e l l e c t u a l community, the s t a t e , and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . While there are c r i m i n o l o g i s t s who c h a l l e n g e l i b e r a l hegemonic p r a c t i c e s , the i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s quo i s maintained p a r t l y through r e s t r i c t i n g employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r d i s s i d e n t i n t e l l e c t u a l s , and by c u r t a i l i n g t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s through funding - c o n t r o l s . In order to s u b s t a n t i a t e t h i s argument, I w i l l now present the r e s u l t s of the s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the B r i t i s h Columbia i n t e r v i e w data. A l l data r e p o r t e d i n t h i s chapter are from the respondents' responses to the i n t e r v i e w schedule. The r e s u l t s , presented i n d i s c u s s i o n and t a b l e format, v e r i f y that c r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s dominated by l i b e r a l , t e c h n o c r a t i c , and l e g a l i s t i c p e r s p e c t i v e s . Conservatism c l o s e l y f o l l o w s i n the shadow of l i b e r a l i s m thereby e s t a b l i s h i n g that mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y i s bounded by j u s t i c e model i d e o l o g y . R a d i c a l or counter-hegemonic i n t e l l e c t u a l s have a subordinate p l a c e i n B r i t i s h Columbian c r i m i n o l o g y i n 89 terms of the i r numbers and the pressures they face to use mainstream perspect ives in the i r a c t i v i t i e s . The interviews at test to the r e s t r i c t i o n s that rad ica l c r imino log is ts experience as a resul t of the i r p o l i t i c a l - i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s . They are considered to be overly c r i t i c a l and theore t i ca l at the expense of producing pragmatic knowledge. The fo l lowing tables present data that substant iate these claims by examining the content and perspect ives of conservat ive , l i b e r a l , and r a d i c a l c r imino log is ts in the i r teaching, research, pub l i sh ing , consu l t ing , and board involvements. These resu l ts indicate that the h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n of l i b e r a l i s m dominating and regulat ing the production of knowledge remains a strong force in B r i t i s h Columbia cr iminology. In a d d i t i o n , Gramsci 's claims that i n t e l l e c t u a l s occupy a cent ra l pos i t ion in the s t a b a l i z a t i o n of hegemony, and that those advocating counter-hegemonic ideology are constra ined, appear to be upheld in th is study. Criminology and Teaching Ideology Tables III and IV show the d i s t r i b u t i o n of conservat ive , l i b e r a l , and rad ica l c r imino log is ts and the i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l and teaching a f f i l i a t i o n s . As a n t i c i p a t e d , Table III shows that l i b e r a l i s m (53.3 percent) dominates the f i e l d followed by conservatism (31.1 percent) . The r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n (15.6 percent) of p o l i t i c a l economy perspect ives in criminology (see Garofalo , 1978, Ratner, 1984) i s substantiated by these 90 r e s u l t s . 1 Table III Criminology & Teaching Ideology Number • Percent Conservat ive 1 4 31.1 L i b e r a l 24 53.3 C r i t i c a l - 7 15.6 R a d i c a l T o t a l 45 100.00 Table IV i l l u s t r a t e s the degree of i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e p a r a t i o n between the three i d e o l o g i e s . The p o i n t s brought forward by Gorz (1976), Braverman (1974), and Gramsci (1971) regarding the s e p a r a t i o n ( a l i e n a t i o n ) between i n t e l l e c t u a l and other work appear to be s u b s t a n t i a t e d . Table IV i n d i c a t e s that a p p l i e d and b a s i c t r a i n i n g i s c e n t r e d i n the J u s t i c e I n s t i t u t e and Community c o l l e g e s with research and t h e o r e t i c a l t r a i n i n g being more the mandate of the u n i v e r s i t y . N e v e r t h e l e s s , as Tables V, VI, and VIII support the Schwendingers's (1975) claims that mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y i s entrenched i n l e g a l i s t i c and 1 I t had been hoped that a l a r g e r sample s i z e f o r r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s c o u l d have been i n c l u d e d i n the data a n a l y s i s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , s i n c e a l l r a d i c a l s appear to be l o c a t e d i n u n i v e r s i t y s e t t i n g s (see Table IV) and a l l B r i t i s h Columbian u n i v e r s i t i e s are i n c l u d e d i n the sample, i t i s to be assumed that the c o n c l u s i o n s drawn from these r a d i c a l respondents are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s province-wide. 91 pragmatic i s s u e s . 2 The f o l l o w i n g t a b l e s p o i n t to the s u b s t a n t i v e content of courses,and they demonstrate that even at the u n i v e r s i t y l e v e l , the t e c h n o c r a t i c and l e g a l i s t i c focus of c r i m i n o l o g y p r e v a i l s . 3 Table IV Ideology & I n s t i t u t i o n a l A f f i l i a t i o n U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e g e J . I . T o t a l C o n s e r v a t i v e - 42.9 57.1 100.00 L i b e r a l 62.5 20.8 16.7 100.00 C r i t i c a l - 100.0 - - 100.00 R a d i c a l Column T o t a l 48.9 24.4 26.7 (22) (11) (12) Now that the numbers and i d e o l o g i c a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s have been e s t a b l i s h e d , the emphases that c o n s e r v a t i v e , l i b e r a l , and r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s p l a c e on crime and CJS i s s u e s r e l a t e d to r a c i a l , s e x u a l , i n t e r n a t i o n a l , and c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n may be examined. Tables V, VI, V I I , and VIII i n d i c a t e that not only do l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s dominate the f i e l d n u m e r i c a l l y , but that the content of courses i s p r i m a r i l y t e c h n o c r a t i c and 2 These t a b l e s a l s o support Gorz's (1967) p o i n t s r e g a r d i n g the t e c h n i c a l nature of s c i e n c e , which, through i t s a p p l i c a t i o n supports c l a s s - b a s e d s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . 3 Buckley (1983) o u t l i n e s the pragmatic, pre-employment focus of courses at the u n i v e r s i t y l e v e l . 92 l e g a l i s t i c . A number of l i b e r a l respondents rep o r t e d the importance of " r e l e v a n c e " in t e a c h i n g i n terms of p r e p a r i n g students f o r c a r e e r s i n CJS branches. This documentation c h a l l e n g e s p l u r a l i s t assumptions regarding r e p r e s e n t a t i v e e q u a l i t y i n the marketplace. In o p p o s i t i o n to p l u r a l i s t c l a i m s , the d i s t i n c t l y t e c h n o c r a t i c focus of c r i m i n o l o g y serves as an hegemonic v e h i c l e f o r d e f i n i t i o n s of crime, l e g i t i m a t i o n of CJS power and s u b t l y o p p r e s s i v e forms of s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n . Notwithstanding that there are some u n i v e r s i t y f a c u l t y who engage in a b s t r a c t r e c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s crime and s t a t e l e g a l power, pragmatic needs of the CJS are a p r i o r i t y . As r e p o r t e d by one ( u n i v e r s i t y ) respondent: " I t i s d i f f i c u l t to get students i n t e r e s t e d i n theory and most courses are s u b s t a n t i v e and t e c h n i c a l l y o r i e n t e d i n our department". Rac ism: Table V i n d i c a t e s that r a c i a l i s s u e s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l are dominated by p e r s p e c t i v e s f o c u s s i n g on immediate and pragmatic concerns r a t h e r than economic or i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r a l dynamics. Table V v e r i f i e s that of the three i d e o l o g i c a l f r a c t i o n s , c o n s e r v a t i v e s a l l o c a t e the l e a s t amount of c l a s s time (57.1 percent) toward r a c i a l i s s u e s i n crime and CJS f u n c t i o n i n g . What a t t e n t i o n i s given r e v o l v e s around pragmatic i s s u e s such as the management of r a c i a l / e t h n i c f r i c t i o n s i n p o l i c i n g and i n c o r r e c t i o n s f a c i l i t i e s . C o n s e r v a t i v e respondents r e p o r t e d that they were concerned about, " . . . c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s that c r e a t e problems for p o l i c e - East Indian r e l a t i o n s , such as the f a c t that i n India the p o l i c e are c o r r u p t and they continue to be uncooperative and 93 s u s p i c i o u s with us"'. Table V shows that l i b e r a l s are more concerned than c o n s e r v a t i v e s with r a c i a l i s s u e s of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the CJS; f o r i n s t a n c e , the l a r g e percentage of the p r i s o n p o p u l a t i o n who are Na t i v e Indians. N e v e r t h e l e s s , only 4.2 percent of l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s o r i e n t any of t h e i r coursework around such i s s u e s . Table V a l s o shows that a l l r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , i n o p p o s i t i o n to other i d e o l o g i c a l f r a c t i o n s , i n c l u d e r a c i a l i s s u e s i n t h e i r t e a c h i n g . They rep o r t e d that t h e i r concerns focussed around, " . . . d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t Native Indians i n the system s i m i l a r to the Blacks i n the S t a t e s " . T h e r e f o r e , one can assume that r a d i c a l s c o n s i d e r racism more of a p r i o r i t y i s sue than mainstream approaches. N e v e r t h e l e s s , only 14.3 percent of t h i s group use racism as a f o c a l i s s u e i n the classroom. Table V Ideology & Course Content on Racism None Some Minor Major Row Focus Focus T o t a l C o n s e r v a t i v e 42.9 57. 1 - - 31.1 (6) (8). (14) L i b e r a l 20.8 62.5 12.5 4.2 53.3 (5) (15) (3) (1 ) (24) C r i t i c a l - - 71 .4 14.3 14.3 15.6 R a d i c a l (5) (1) (1) (7) :olumn T o t a l 24.4 62.2 8.9 4.4 (11) (28) (4) (2) 94 Sexism: In comparison to the emphasis on r a c i a l i s s u e s , Table VI i n d i c a t e s that there i s g e n e r a l l y more concern shown by a l l three i d e o l o g i c a l f r a c t i o n s regarding g e n d e r - r e l a t e d i s s u e s ; f o r i n s t a n c e , sexual a s s a u l t , and spousal a s s a u l t . N e v e r t h e l e s s , as expected, j u s t i c e model groups pay l e s s a t t e n t i o n to t h i s issue than do r a d i c a l s and t h e i r concerns are p r i m a r i l y t e c h n o c r a t i c and l e g a l i s t i c r a t her than e x p r e s s i v e of c h a l l e n g e s to e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r a l or p o l i t i c a l f o r c e s . For in s t a n c e , c o n s e r v a t i v e c r i m i n o l o g i s t s spend the l e a s t amount of t h e i r t e a c h i n g time on such i s s u e s with 21.4 percent e x c l u d i n g gender. While 78.5 percent acknowledge such concerns, they tend to de a l with p r o c e d u r a l and t e c h n i c a l i n e f f i c i e n c i e s (e.g. i n c r e a s e d l a y i n g of charges i n spousal a s s a u l t ) . L i b e r a l s have c o n s i d e r a b l y more i n t e r e s t i n g e n d e r - r e l a t e d crimes and CJS inadequacies. Only 12.5 percent ignore these i s s u e s and 4.2 percent design t h e i r courses to focus on such phenomenon. T h e i r concerns are f o r i n c r e a s e d p o l i c i n g p r o t e c t i o n f o r women, implementation of due process safeguards f o r women, and other i s s u e s of male b i a s i n CJS p r a c t i c e s . One l i b e r a l respondent s t r e n u o u s l y argued the need to c o r r e c t the p a t r i a r c h a l p r a c t i c e s .within the p o l i c e which, " . . . i n t e r f e r e s with p o l i c i n g . " As .in the case of r a c i a l i s s u e s , a l l r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n c l u d e gender r e l a t e d l e g a l i s s u e s i n t h e i r c o u r s e s . The m a j o r i t y of r a d i c a l s (57.1 percent) have gender as a s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a b l e i n s o c i a l c o n t r o l (see Smart, 1978) while 28.6 percent organize t h e i r t e a c h i n g around these concerns. N e v e r t h e l e s s , while r a d i c a l s i n c l u d e gender r e l a t e d 95 phenomena i n t h e i r teaching more than do other i d e o l o g i c a l f r a c t i o n s , to date i t remains a r e l a t i v e l y low p r i o r i t y i n the classroom (see Leonard, 1982). One r a d i c a l respondent s t a t e d t h a t , " U n f o r t u n a t e l y , i s s u e s of sexism s t i l l do not r e c e i v e the a t t e n t i o n that i s necessary." Table VI Ideology & Course Content on Sexism None Some Minor Major Row Focus Focus T o t a l Conservat ive 21.4 71 .4 7.1 — 31.1 (3) (10) (1 ) (14) L i b e r a l 12.5 70.8 12.5 4.2 53.3 (3) (17) (3) (1 ) (24) C r i t i c a l - - 14.3 57. 1 28.6 15.6 R a d i c a l (1 ) (4) (2) (7) Column T o t a l 13.3 62.2 17.8 6.7 (6) (28) (8) (3) Imperialism: From the data presented i n Table V I I , i t would appear that ideology as a v e h i c l e f o r i n t e r n a t i o n a l domination i s not c o n s i d e r e d as an important v a r i a b l e i n s o c i a l c o n t r o l , as i s sexism or racism. The vast m a j o r i t y of c o n s e r v a t i v e s (92.9 percent) do not c o n s i d e r t h i s i s s u e . Those that do (7.1 percent) devote l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n to t h i s matter. Co n s e r v a t i v e respondents report that t h e i r concerns in t h i s area r e v o l v e around the u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of l i t e r a t u r e f o r teaching i n Canada. Secondly, they tend to focus on p o l i c e 96 i s s u e s such as i n t e r n a t i o n a l powers of a r r e s t and c o - o p e r a t i o n and t e r r o r i s m ; e s p e c i a l l y , i n terms of, "gearing up f o r Expo". They s t r e s s the d i f f i c u l t i e s of l o c a t i n g course reading m a t e r i a l s that are a p p l i c a b l e f o r personnel t r a i n i n g i n the Canadian context. While a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n (75 percent) of l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s do not i n c l u d e t h i s phenomenon in t h e i r c ourses, 25 percent do i n c l u d e n a t i o n a l i s t i c i s s u e s such as the inadequacies of l i t e r a t u r e and r e s e a r c h f o r j u s t i c e problems s p e c i f i c to the Canadian context. Of these l i b e r a l s , 4.2 percent report that they are i n t e r e s t e d i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l l i n k a g e s of crime and s o c i a l c o n t r o l models, and they design classroom work around such i s s u e s as drug smuggling and i n t e r n a t i o n a l CJS networks. A l l r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n c l u d e i s s u e s of i m p e r i a l i s m i n t h e i r t e a c h i n g , although none t r e a t e d such i s s u e s as a c e n t r a l theme. They deal l o o s e l y with economic and c u l t u r a l dependency that i s c r e a t e d through systems of s o c i a l c o n t r o l which r e i n f o r c e i n t e r n a t i o n a l bourgeois hegemony (see R i e r a , 1979, C a m i l l e r i , 1981). 97 Table VII Ideology & Course Content on Imperialism None Some Minor Major Row Focus Focus T o t a l Conservat ive 92.9 7.1 31.1 (13) (1 ) (14) L i b e r a l 75.0 12.5 8.3 4.2 53.3 (18) (3) (2) (1 ) (24) C r i t i c a l - - 28.6 71.4 - 15.6 R a d i c a l (2) (5) (7) Column T o t a l 68.9 13.3 15.6 2.2 (31 ) (6) (7) (1 ) C l a s s : Table VIII i l l u s t r a t e s the var ious i d e o l o g i c a l f r a c t i o n s ' c o n c e n t r a t i o n on c l a s s - r e l a t e d d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n in the CJS The r e s u l t s are s i m i l a r to those d e a l i n g with r a c i s t , s e x i s t , and i m p e r i a l i s t i c i s s u e s of l e g a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n that t h e i r t e c h n o c r a t i c and l e g a l i s t focus does not prompt s c r u t i n y of s t r u c t u r a l or p o l i t i c a l dynamics. These r e s u l t s concur with the h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n of l i b e r a l dominance i n c r i m i n o l o g i c a l development ( i n d i c a t e d i n Chapter Two) again i n d i c a t i n g that the i n t e l l e c t u a l suppression of counter-hegemonic f r a c t i o n s remains s t r o n g . C l e a r l y , c o n s e r v a t i v e c r i m i n o l o g i s t s do not put much s i g n i f i c a n c e i n c l a s s (economic) d i s t i n c t i o n s . 50 percent exclude t h i s v a r i a b l e s i n c e they c o n s i d e r such i s s u e s as i r r e l e v a n t to the 98 administration of criminal law. Respondents from the remaining 50 percent stated that they include class only as a procedural concern in terms of p o l i c i n g d i f f e r e n t socio-economic communities and dealing with corporate crime. Liberals tend to view socio-economic or class d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s as a variable worthy of some concern. While 16.7 percent reported that they ignore class issues, 83.3 percent include them in their course coverage, and 12.5 percent view class as a central issue in the organization of s o c i a l control. Nevertheless, l i b e r a l s tended to report that their concerns with class deal with i n s t i t u t i o n a l reforms rather than endemic structural i n e q u a l i t i e s and i n j u s t i c e . In opposition to l i b e r a l and conservative fractions, and following from the h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n s of marxist thought, a l l r a d i c a l criminologists consider class as their focal point for analysing crime, mechanisms of s o c i a l control, and p o l i t i c a l dynamics of s o c i a l organization. As one r a d i c a l respondent pointed out, "Class d i s t i n c t i o n i s the s t a r t i n g point for r a d i c a l analysis". 99 Table VIII Ideology & Course Content on C l a s s None Some Minor Major Row Focus Focus T o t a l Conservat ive 50.0 42.9 7.1 - 31.1 (7) (6) (1 ) (14) L i b e r a l 16.7 45.8 25.0 12.5 53.3 (4) (11) (6) (3) (24) C r i t i c a l - - — - 100.0 15.6 R a d i c a l (7) (7) Column T o t a l 24.4 37.8 15.6 22.2 (11) (17) (7) (10) Tables III through VIII have i d e n t i f i e d r a d i c a l ideology as occupying a m i n o r i t y p o s i t i o n i n c r i m i n o l o g y . The small p r o p o r t i o n of r a d i c a l s i n d i c a t e s that i n s t i t u t i o n a l h i r i n g p r a c t i c e s favour mainstream p e r s p e c t i v e s thereby l i m i t i n g access to a l t e r n a t e (e.g. counter-hegemonic) ide o l o g y . In a d d i t i o n , t h i s a n a l y s i s p o i n t s to i n c r e a s e d i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n s t r a i n t s f o r those c r i m i n o l o g i s t s h i r e d who have r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l - i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s . A s i g n i f i c a n t percentage (57.1) of r a d i c a l s reported t e a c h i n g c o n s t r a i n t s as a r e s u l t of t h e i r i d e o l o g y . While c o n s e r v a t i v e s (7.1 percent) report some d i f f i c u l t i e s of t h i s nature, a l l l i b e r a l s appear to be free of such c o n s t r a i n t s t h e r e f o r e i n d i c a t i n g that mainstream 1 00 c r i m i n o l o g y i s promoted while r a d i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s are discouraged. In a d d i t i o n to t e a c h i n g c o n s t r a i n t s f o r r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , there i s evidence that q u e s t i o n s equal income o p p o r t u n i t i e s between i d e o l o g i c a l f r a c t i o n s . Average (gross) income f o r c o n s e r v a t i v e s can be estimated at $58,417 with $55,125 f o r l i b e r a l s . R a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s f o l l o w with an average income of $41,142. While an a n a l y s i s of income v a r i a n c e shows that there i s a .11 s i g n i f i c a n c e f a c t o r , the income d i s t r i b u t i o n documented i n t h i s sample does s t r o n g l y suggest income c o r r e l a t e s with i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n . Ideology and Research Tables IX and X o u t l i n e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between c r i m i n o l o g i s t s ' i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s , t h e i r involvements, and c o n s t r a i n t s in r e s e a r c h . The r e s u l t s uphold the c o n t e n t i o n s put f o r t h by G a l l i h e r (1979) and Doob (1983) that c r i m i n o l o g i c a l research i s s i g n f i c a n t l y r e g u l a t e d through s t a t e funding a g e n c i e s . State r e g u l a t i o n favours l i b e r a l r a t h e r than r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y as Tables IX and X i n d i c a t e . Of the three f r a c t i o n s not r e c e i v i n g funding, r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s r e port that they s u f f e r the most with 25 percent excluded from a s s i s t a n c e compared with 10 percent f o r c o n s e r v a t i v e s and 9.1 percent of l i b e r a l s . 101 Table IX shows that c o n s e r v a t i v e s do not experience i d e o l o g i c a l i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s between t h e i r t e a c h i n g and resea r c h a c t i v i t i e s . L i b e r a l s tend to continue to employ l i b e r a l p e r s p e c t i v e s and they appear to have the freedom to i n c l u d e some d e s c r i p t i v e and r a d i c a l elements i n t h e i r r e s e a r c h . N e v e r t h e l e s s , r a d i c a l s (57.1 percent) s h i f t t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n to a more l i b e r a l focus when engaged in r e s e a r c h . Through i n t e r v i e w i n q u i r i e s , r a d i c a l respondents r e p o r t e d the need to use a l e s s c r i t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e and to "water down co n c l u s i o n s " " i n order to comply with the pragmatic agendas of p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l funding agencies." Table IX Teaching Ideology & Research Focus D e s c r i p t i v e Reformist C r i t i c a l - N/A Row R a d i c a l T o t a l Conservat ive 71.4 - - 28.6 31.1 (10) (4) (14) L i b e r a l 12.5 62.5 4.2 20.8 53.3 (3) (15) (1 ) (5) (24) C r i t i c a l ^ - 57. 1 42.9 - 15.6 R a d i c a l (4) (3) (7) Column T o t a l 28.9 42.2 8.9 20.0 (13) (19) (4) (9) * The Centre of Criminology i s funded by the M i n i s t r i e s of the Attorney General and S o l i c i t o r General. T h e i r Research Reports show an ongoing focus on pragmatic r e s e a r c h ; e.g. p u b l i c p e r c e p t i o n s of crime, mobile r a d i o data systems, e v a l u a t i o n of robbery i n f o r m a t i o n , a t t i t u d e s r e g a r d i n g c a p i t a l punishment. 1 02 In a d d i t i o n to the adjustments which r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s have to make in t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n i n order to secure funding, Table X r e p o r t s that 42.9 percent s t a t e d that they d i r e c t l y experienced d i r e c t funding c o n s t r a i n t s as a r e s u l t of t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l commitment. In f a c t , one r a d i c a l respondent claimed to have been "black l i s t e d " from v a r i o u s funding agencies due p r e c i s e l y to i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n . Table X a l s o r e p o r t s that 16.7 percent of l i b e r a l s experience s i m i l a r d i f f i c u l t i e s - t h i s f r a c t i o n i s comprised of those from the more c r i t i c a l edge of l i b e r a l i s m (e.g. c i v i l l i b e r t a r i a n i s m ) . I t i s of importance to note that the more p r a g m a t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d the research, the fewer r e s t r a i n t s are p l a c e d on i t ; f o r i n s t a n c e , no c o n s e r v a t i v e s and only 48 percent of the l i b e r a l s experienced such d i f f i c u l t i e s . Table X Ideology & Research C o n s t r a i n t s No Access Funding Ideology N/A Row T o t a l C o n s e r v a t i v e 100.00 31.1 (14) (14) L i b e r a l 12.5 20.8 16.7 48.0 53.3 (3) (5) (4) (12) (24) C r i t i c a l - - 14.3 42.9 42.9 15.6 R a d i c a l (1) (3) (3) (7) Column T o t a l 6.7 13.3 15.6 64.4 (3) (6) (7) (29) 1 03 N/A = Have not experienced r e s e a r c h c o n s t r a i n t s Ideology and P u b l i s h i n g Tables XI and XII i l l u s t r a t e the degree to which the d i f f e r e n t f r a c t i o n s p a r t i c i p a t e i n p u b l i s h i n g and the c o n s t r a i n t s that they face as a r e s u l t of t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l -p o l i t i c a l commitments. Table XI e s t a b l i s h e s that r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s s h i f t t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e i n a manner s i m i l a r to that i n t h e i r r e s e a r c h . 71.4 percent employ a l i b e r a l p e r s p e c t i v e . R a d i c a l respondents t e s t i f i e d that such a s h i f t was a necessary s t r a t e g y i n order to have t h e i r work p u b l i s h e d i n l i b e r a l j o u r n a l s , and that there are very few o u t l e t s f o r work employing a p o l i t i c a l economy or marxist p e r s p e c t i v e of c r i m e . 5 One r a d i c a l respondent p o i n t e d out that tenure was a necessary goal to s t r u g g l e for i n order that c a r e e r p r e s s u r e s c o u l d be eased thereby p e r m i t t i n g more time f o r w r i t i n g f o r the p u b l i c through magazines and papers. Table XI a l s o i n d i c a t e s that l i b e r a l s and c o n s e r v a t i v e s do not appear to need to make such adjustments. 5 Most respondents reported that c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n u n i v e r i s t y s e t t i n g s must " p u b l i s h or p e r i s h " . L i b e r a l p e r p e c t i v e s are used a means to accomplish the former and a v o i d the l a t t e r . L i b e r a l j o u r n a l s t h e r e f o r e perform a gatekeeper f u n c t i o n i n a d d i t i o n to advancing t h e i r p r e f e r r e d o r i e n t a t i o n . 1 04 Table XI Ideology & P u b l i c a t i o n O r i e n t a t i o n Descr i p t ive Reformist C r i t i c a l - N/A Row R a d i c a l T o t a l Conservat ive 21.4 78.6 31.1 (3) • (11) (14) L i b e r a l 16.7 62.5 - 20.8 53.3 (4) (15) (5) (24) C r i t i c a l - - 71 .4 28.6 - 15.6 R a d i c a l (5) (2) (7) Column T o t a l 15.6 44.4 4.4 35.6 (7) (20) (2) (16) Table XII c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e s that those with a pragmat i c or i e n t a t i on to p u b l i shing experience c o n s t r a i n t s . No c o n s e r v a t i v e respondents rep o r t e d e x p e r i e n c i n g p u b l i s h i n g c o n s t r a i n t s of any kind. Of the l i b e r a l respondents, 87.5 do not experience any c o n s t r a i n t s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , 8.3 percent d i d r e p o r t that they have co n f r o n t e d c o n s t r a i n t s as a r e s u l t of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n . One l i b e r a l respondent contended t h a t , " . . . c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e branches are extremely s e n s i t i v e to c r i t i c i s m from the o u t s i d e , e s p e c i a l l y the p o l i c e " . However, r a d i c a l respondents r e p o r t e d having s e r i o u s problems in t h i s regard. The m a j o r i t y (57.1 percent) lamented t h e i r problems with p u b l i s h e r s who are l e s s 105 a t t r a c t e d to marxist p o l i t i c a l economy analyses than to 'nuts and b o l t s ' c r i m i n o l o g y . In terms of other types of p u b l i s h i n g c o n s t r a i n t s , r a d i c a l s (14.3) r e p o r t e d more d i f f i c u l t i e s than l i b e r a l s (4.2 percent) c o n s e r v a t i v e s ( n i l ) . These c o n s t r a i n t s were i d e n t i f i e d as r e l a t i n g to heavy teaching loads, or lack of ca r e e r i n c e n t i v e s (e.g. advancement). In sum, the i n t e r v i e w data show that r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are more vunerable to p u b l i s h i n g c o n s t r a i n t s than t h e i r l i b e r a l or c o n s e r v a t i v e c o u n t e r p a r t s . Table XII Ideology & P u b l i s h i n g C o n s t r a i n t s P o l i t i c a l - Other N/A Row Ideology T o t a l Conservat ive 100.00 31.1 (14) (14) L i b e r a l 8.3 4.2 87.5 53.3 (2) (1 ) (21 ) (24) C r i t i c a l - 57. 1 14.3 28.6 15.6 R a d i c a l (4) (1) (2) (7) Column T o t a l 13.3 4.4 82.2 (6) (2) (37) 106 Ideology and C o n s u l t i n g or Board P o s i t i o n s T a bles XIII and XIV o u t l i n e the c o n s u l t i n g and Board involvements of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s , and c o n s t r a i n t s a r i s i n g from these o r i e n t a t i o n s . These r e s u l t s support G a l l i h e r ' s (1979) cl a i m s that r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s (28.6 percent) are most s u b j e c t to (government) c o n s u l t i n g c o n s t r a i n t s as a r e s u l t of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n . A t o t a l of 4.2 percent of the l i b e r a l f r a c t i o n r e p o r t e d e x p e r i e n c i n g s i m i l a r d i f f i c u l t i e s . Only 7.1 percent of the c o n s e r v a t i v e f r a c t i o n experience c o n s u l t i n g c o n s t r a i n t s and none of these were a r e s u l t of t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n s . Of those i n v o l v e d i n c o n s u l t i n g , c o n s e r v a t i v e s tend to r e s t r i c t themselves to p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l CJS agencies. L i b e r a l s a l s o favour c o n s u l t i n g f o r the government agencies but 8.2 percent donate t h e i r time to private/non-government o r g a n i z a t i o n s with 4.2 percent of these being i n v o l v e d i n advocacy work. Due to t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l s h i f t toward l i b e r a l i s m i n non-teaching p o s i t i o n s , r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s (42.9 percent) a l s o engage in c o n s u l t a t i o n s with government agen c i e s . What does d i f f e r f o r r a d i c a l s i s that they are more a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n advocacy work such as groups l o b b y i n g f o r i n c r e a s e d womens' p r o t e c t i o n or p r i s o n e r s ' r i g h t s (42.9 percent) and i n non- government groups, than are t h e i r l i b e r a l and c o n s e r v a t i v e c o u n t e r p a r t s . 1 07 Table XIII Ideology & C o n s u l t i n g C o n s t r a i n t s P o l i t i c a l -Ideology Other N/A Row T o t a l Conservative 7.1 92.9 31.1 (1 ) (13) (14) L i b e r a l 4.2 - 95.8 53.3 (1 ) (23) (24) C r i t i c a l - 28.6 - 71 .4 15.6 R a d i c a l (2) (5) (7) Column T o t a l 6.7 (3) 2.2 (1 ) 91 . 1 (41 ) No respondents r e p o r t e d that they have d i f f i c u l t i e s i n s e c u r i n g Board p o s i t i o n s that they a c t i v e l y sought. For those p o s i t i o n s that were d e s i r e d the r e s u l t s are s i m i l a r to those in c o n s u l t i n g a c t i v i t i e s . R a d i c a l s ' involvements i n advocacy work (42.9 percent) surpassed the combined t o t a l of the c o n s e r v a t i v e s (none) and the l i b e r a l s (8.3 p e r c e n t ) . The emphasis on advocacy by r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s suggests that they, imore than other i d e o l o g i c a l f r a c t i o n s , attempt to overcome the g u l f between i n t e l l e c t u a l and p r a c t i c a l knowledge through the d i s s e m i n a t i o n of t h e i r s k i l l s i n the community in the course of c h a l l e n g i n g i n s t i t u t i o n a l p o l i t i c s . T h i s i s not to suggest that c o n s e r v a t i v e or l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are unconcerned with s o c i a l j u s t i c e , but r a t h e r , that they use 1 08 government agencies as v e h i c l e s of s o c i a l change thereby r e s t r i c t i n g the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of s o c i a l change to p r e - e x i s t i n g s t a t e agendas. Table XIV Ideology & Board P o s i t i o n s Pol i c e C o r r e c t - P u b l i c Other N/A Row ions Advocacy T o t a l Conservat ive 14.3 28.5 7.1 50.0 31.1 (2) (4) (1 ) (7) (14) L i b e r a l 16.7 25.0 8.3 8.3 41.7 53.3 (4) (6) (2) (2) (10) (24) C r i t i c a l - - - 42.9 28.6 28.6 15.6 R a d i c a l (3) (2) (2) (7) Column T o t a l 13.3 22.3 15.6 11.1 42.4 (6) (10) (7) (5) (19) Overview of I d e o l o g i c a l I n c o n s i s t e n c i e s Table XV p r o v i d e s an overview of i d e o l o g i c a l i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s that c r i m i n o l o g i s t s experience between t h e i r t e a c h i n g , r e s e a r c h , p u b l i s h i n g , c o n s u l t i n g , and board involvements. Such i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s have been presented in p r evious t a b l e s but the r e s u l t s shown in Table XV represent a summary of i d e o l o g i c a l d i s c r e p a n c i e s drawn from an a n a l y s i s of a l l c r i m i n o l o g i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . I t i s c l e a r that c o n s e r v a t i v e s c o n f r o n t no such d i f f i c u l t i e s and are not r e q u i r e d to make any 1 09 i d e o l o g i c a l adjustments i n t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . The vast m a j o r i t y of l i b e r a l s (79.2 percent) a l s o have no such problems. However, few r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s appear to a v o i d such d i f f i c u l t i e s i n t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l work (14.3 p e r c e n t ) . The i m p l i c a t i o n of Table XV i s that r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s face p r e s s u r e s to conform to a j u s t i c e model o r i e n t a t i o n based upon l i b e r a l assumptions of s o c i a l order. Consequently t h e i r a l t e r n a t i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n s of s o c i a l j u s t i c e are suppressed through the r e g u l a t i o n of t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . These r e s u l t s tend to a f f i r m the relevance of Gramsci's views regarding the p o l i t i c a l p r o d u c t i o n and c o n t r o l of knowledge to c r i m i n o l o g i c a l p r a c t i c e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The f i n d i n g s a t t e s t to the continued i n f l u e n c e of the h i s t o r i c t r a d i t i o n s of l i b e r a l i d e ology i n shaping the i n t e l l e c t u a l parameters of c a p i t a l i s t hegemony. Table XV I d e o l o g i c a l I n c o n s i s t e n c i e s Yes No Row T o t a l C o n s e r v a t i v e 100.00 31.1 (14) (14) L i b e r a l 20.8 79.2 53.3 (5) (19) (24) C r i t i c a l - 85.7 14.3 15.6 R a d i c a l (6) (1 ) (7) Column T o t a l 24.4 (11) 75.6 (=34) 110 T h i s chapter has presented e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h a t t e s t i n g to the l i b e r a l dominance of c r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t i s h Columbia. I t has p r o v i d e d data which i n d i c a t e that the h i s t o r i c s i t u a t i o n s sketched i n Chapter Two and Three are a p p l i c a b l e i n contemporary B r i t i s h Columbia. In the f o l l o w i n g and c o n c l u d i n g chapter, these f i n d i n g s are i n t e g r a t e d with the h i s t o r i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n s made in e a r l i e r c h a p t e r s . Such a d i s c u s s i o n w i l l f u r t h e r e x p l i c a t e the f i n d i n g s r e p o r t e d i n t h i s chapter and w i l l o u t l i n e the d i r e c t i o n f o r f u t u r e r e s e a r c h needed to' extend the argument begun in t h i s t h e s i s . 111 CHAPTER SIX  Con c l u s i o n s The Phenomenon T h i s t h e s i s began by drawing a t t e n t i o n to the recent e x p l o s i v e growth of c r i m i n o l o g y i n Canada, a phenomenon which r e f l e c t s the s t a t e ' s concern over i n c i p i e n t s o c i a l d i s o r d e r and which has r e s u l t e d i n an expansion of the s t a t e c o e r c i v e apparatus. As w e l l , the growth of c r i m i n o l o g y has s i g n i f i e d i n c r e a s e d s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n ( s t a t i z a t i o n ) i n c i v i l r e l a t i o n s . It has, of course, provided the knowledge base from which the p o l i c e , c o r r e c t i o n s , and j u d i c i a r y have designed t h e i r d i r e c t i o n and forms of growth. N e v e r t h e l e s s , d e s p i t e i n c r e a s e d c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e education and sundry a d m i n i s t r a t i v e reforms, crime r a t e s continue to e s c a l a t e . Chan & E r i c s o n (1981) show that there has been an i n c r e a s e i n p o l i c i n g from 1.5 per 1,000 persons i n 1962 to 2.3 per 1,000 (pp.50-51). T a y l o r (1983) p o i n t s out that t h i s phenomenon, along with the plans f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of 23 new p e n i t e n t i a r i e s , i n d i c a t e the c o e r c i v e d i r e c t i o n of Canadian CJS expansion (p.27). Yet, such s t a t e s t r a t e g i e s appear to have l i t t l e d e t e r r e n t e f f e c t on crime ( i b i d . , pp.25-27). The p r e v i o u s pages have underscored the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between mounting c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y and the s t a t e ' s attempts to advance i t s own l e g i t i m a c y through the c o n t r o l of crime. The study of t h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n e n t a i l s the examination of the 112 i d e o l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r of the c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e as a r t i c u l a t e d amidst the economic and p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s of l a t e c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . I t has been proposed that mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y i s predominantly a l i b e r a l e n t e r p r i s e i n Canada (Ratner, 1983, Ratner & McMullan, 1982), as i s the case i n other advanced c a p i t a l i s t n a t i o n s such as the United S t a t e s (Schwendingers, 1975) and B r i t a i n (Taylor et a l . , 1973). These same authors maintain that the dominance of l i b e r a l ideology i s not a c c i d e n t a l but an e s s e n t i a l f e a t u r e of the c u l t u r a l r e p r o d u c t i v e apparatus of these s o c i e t i e s (see Schwendingers, 1975, p.122). Yet, there has been a general r e l u c t a n c e to i n v e s t i g a t e the i d e o l o g i c a l and p o l i t i c a l nature of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e e d u c a t i o n . S p e c i f i c a l l y , Ward and Webb (1984) t e s t i f y t h a t : L i t t l e or no c o n s i d e r a t i o n has been given to understand c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e programs e i t h e r i n t h e i r academic environment or i n the l a r g e r s o c i e t y they are t h e o r e t i c a l l y designed to serve. Few comparisons have been made between the development of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e and the development of t r a d i t i o n a l academic d i s c i p l i n e s (p.5). The r a d i c a l premise that c r i m i n o l o g y i s q u i n t e s s e n t i a l l y a " l i b e r a l " e n t e r p r i s e was t e s t e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia through the research r e p o r t e d i n t h i s study. The r e s u l t s presented i n Chapter F i v e a f f i r m that c r i m i n o l o g y , as p r a c t i c e d in B r i t i s h Columbia, i s predominately l i b e r a l and p r i m a r i l y concerned with t e c h n o c r a t i c s o l u t i o n s to crime, s o c i a l order, and i n j u s t i c e . Consequently, the cr i m i n o l o g y p r o f e s s i o n tends to r e i n f o r c e and reproduce e x i s t i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s r a t h e r than promote 113 a l t e r n a t i v e conceptions of s o c i a l order and j u s t i c e . These f i n d i n g s a l s o show that l i b e r a l ideology dominates c r i m i n o l o g y through v a r i o u s s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n t r o l s such as h i r i n g p r a c t i c e s , funding, and other "gate-keeping" mechanisms. C l e a r l y , the arguments of r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s r e g a r d i n g the i d e o l o g i c a l f l a v o u r and p o l i t i c a l b i a s e s of c r i m i n o l o g y ( i n B r i t i s h Columbia) are s u b s t a n t i a t e d . 1 T h i s domination by mainstream l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g y accounts f o r the dearth of e m p i r i c a l work done by r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , e s p e c i a l l y i n Canada. N e v e r t h e l e s s , documentation of the s o r t p r o v i d e d i n t h i s study remains l i m i t e d without a t h e o r e t i c a l framework capable of e x p l i c a t i n g the ascendance of l i b e r a l i s m i n contemporary western s o c i e t i e s . Gramsci's ideas have been used to c l a r i f y the p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of the l i b e r a l domination of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e education and the u l t i m a t e f r u s t r a t i o n of l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c j u s t i c e . Gramsci's p o l i t i c a l theory of hegemony pr o v i d e s a v a l u a b l e conceptual t o o l f o r such a n a l y s i s i n a number of ways. In c o n t r a s t to most l i b e r a l and marxist i n t e l l e c t u a l s , h i s work shows that he d i d not succumb to the temptation to seek "general laws" of h i s t o r i c a l development. N e v e r t h e l e s s , he d i d not e n t i r e l y d i s m i s s such accounts, i n s t e a d d e v e l o p i n g a 1 T h i s c o n c l u s i o n resonates with the works of Senna (1974), Kuyendall (1977), and Ward & Webb (1984) which document the o v e r a l l t e c h n o c r a t i c o r i e n t a t i o n of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e education in the United S t a t e s . 1 1 4 r e f r e s h i n g l y n o n - s e c t a r i a n p e r s p e c t i v e on p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s . 2 The p o i n t of departure fo r h i s a n a l y s i s of the p o l i t i c a l was the s t a t e . C e n t r a l to t h i s s t r a t e g y i s the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of how i n d i v i d u a l s and groups come to c o n s t i t u t e and reproduce s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s e s p e c i a l l y the r o l e of i n t e l l e c t u a l s (e.g. c r i m i n o l o g i s t s ) i n t h i s p r o c e s s . Gramsci's conceptual i n n o v a t i o n s were powered by h i s r e j u v e n a t i o n of Marx's usage of h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m and p r a x i s , i n which the d i a l e c t i c and i n t e g r a t i o n of being-consciousness, o b j e c t i v e / s u b j e c t i v e and t h e o r y / p r a c t i c e p r o v i d e the core f o r c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s . The h i s t o r i c a l review i n Chapter Two f o l l o w s Gramsci's (1971) concept of i n t e l l e c t u a l development. He observes t h a t : ...the e l a b o r a t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l s t r a t a i n concrete r e a l i t y does not take p l a c e on the t e r r a i n of a b s t r a c t democracy but i n accordance with very c o n c r e t e t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i c a l processes (p.11). In other words, i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n s have developed as a p a r t of p o l i t i c a l and economic proc e s s e s . By c h a l l e n g i n g t r a d i t i o n a l bourgeois views of h i s t o r y Gramsci showed that i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n s have grown w i t h i n and t h e r e f o r e c o n t r i b u t e d to the i d e o l o g i c a l dominance of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . T h e r e f o r e , ideas, concepts, ; the t h e o r e t i c a l e n t e r p r i s e i t s e l f , are a l l p a r t of the h i s t o r i c a l l y s o c i o -economic process and as such Gramsci r e j e c t s the determinism, f a t a l i s m , and m y s t i f i c a t i o n f e a t u r e s of formal t h e o r i e s which 2 While not w i t h i n the scope of the endeavour, Gramsci's t h e o r e t i c a l framework can be e n r i c h e d by i n c l u d i n g f i s c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s that are generated from the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s between c a p i t a l accumulation and l e g i t i m a t i o n . Such f o r c e s , as o u t l i n e d by O'Connor (1973) and Gough (1979) p l a y a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n e x p l a i n i n g the f i n a n c i a l c o n s t r a i n t s on s t a t i z a t i o n . 115 are submerged i n s c i e n t i f i c i d e o l o g y . C o n s i d e r i n g that i n t e l l e c t u a l s are the generators of a b s t r a c t knowledge and d esigns for i t s a p p l i c a t i o n , they provide a r i c h source f o r i l l u m i n a t i n g p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e . Going a g a i n s t the views of l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s , l i b e r a l i s m as a p o l i t i c a l and moral system i s not understood by t h e o r i s t s such as Gramsci as i n e v i t a b l e , u n i v e r s a l , or e v o l u t i o n a r y dynamics. Instead, l i b e r a l i s m and c a p i t a l i s m have developed simultaneously, which p o i n t s to the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l nature of t h e i r i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p . L i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s such as Hobbes, Locke, and Bentham pr o v i d e d the impetus f o r the acceptance and eventual dominance of c a p i t a l i s t i d e o l o g y and t h e r e f o r e the o r g a n i z i n g of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s founded upon i n e q u a l i t y . In a d d i t i o n , through the impact of these l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s , the power of knowledge in o r d e r i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s became more apparent, e s p e c i a l l y with the advent of modern s c i e n c e . T h i s was d i r e c t l y a p p l i e d to the s o c i a l c o n t r o l requirements that arose from the d i s r u p t i o n s caused by the i n e q u i t i e s of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y (e.g. crime, r i o t s , s t r i k e s ) . T h e r e f o r e , c r i m i n o l o g y as a p r o f e s s i o n was founded w i t h i n a l i b e r a l i d e o l o g i c a l framework whose a p p l i c a t i o n was designed to organize s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s upon which c l a s s power was founded. The pioneers of c r i m i n o l o g y (e.g. Bentham, Bec c a r i a ) p l a y e d a c r u c i a l r o l e i n moving j u s t i c e and i t s enforcement away from the community, as was the case in f e u d a l s o c i e t y , towards a c e n t r a l i z e d s t a t e - c o n t r o l l e d l e g a l apparatus which depended, upon "experts" to design n a t i o n a l , community, 1 1 6 and i n d i v i d u a l means f o r s e c u r i t y . From the o u t s e t , i n t e l l e c t u a l s such as c r i m i n o l o g i s t s have p r i m a r i l y f u n c t i o n e d as the i n t e l l i g e n t s i a of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . As s t a t e t e c h n o c r a t s , c r i m i n o l o g i s t s focussed on a m e l i o r a t i n g s o c i a l problems. The c l a s s b i a s of these e a r l y i n t e l l e c t u a l s t a t e f u n c t i o n a r i e s was r e a d i l y apparent duri n g the "Bloody Code". The r e s u l t i n g s o c i a l d i s o r d e r culminated i n the s t a t e ' s r e a l i z a t i o n that "war of manoeuvre" ( c o e r c i v e ) t a c t i c s were in themselves no longer e f f e c t i v e means for s o c i a l c o n t r o l . Juxtaposed a g a i n s t t h i s r e a l i z a t i o n were the i n c r e a s e d a p p l i c a t i o n s of "war of p o s i t i o n " p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g i e s i n which m o r a l - i n t e l l e c t u a l f o r c e s played a c e n t r a l r o l e (Boggs, 1976, pp.114-115). I n t e l l e c t u a l s became key f i g u r e s i n p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l s i n c e , "...the supremacy of a s o c i a l group manifests i t s e l f in two ways, as 'domination' and as ' i n t e l l e c t u a l and moral l e a d e r s h i p ' " (Gramsci, 1971, p.57). A c c o r d i n g l y , c r i m i n o l o g i s t s were amongst those who engaged i n a r e s t r u c t u r i n g and humanizing of CJS p r a c t i c e s i n order to b e t t e r c o n t r o l s o c i a l d i s o r d e r and to l e g i t i m i z e the i n c r e a s i n g i n t e r v e n t i o n of the s t a t e i n t o c i v i l a f f a i r s . Through the expansion of " s c i e n t i f i c " e n t e r p r i s e s such as c r i m i n o l o g y , bourgeois views of s o c i a l order became entrenched throughout s o c i e t y . The i n c r e a s e d c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l resources in the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e r e s u l t e d in the a l i e n a t i o n of the community from the p r o d u c t i o n of knowledge. 117 E a r l y p o s i t i v i s t c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , under the guise of non-i d e o l o g i c a l s c i e n c e , p o p u l a r i z e d " n a t u r a l laws" of l e g a l order, thereby i n t r o d u c i n g modern systems of s o c i a l c o n t r o l (e.g. CJS) which t h e o r e t i c a l l y served as s t a t e resources f o r l i b e r t y r a t h e r than domination, i n c o n t r a s t to the s t a t e of a f f a i r s d u r i n g the Bloody Code e r a . I n t e l l e c t u a l s , then, have h i s t o r i c a l l y p layed a c e n t r a l r o l e i n "war of p o s i t i o n " p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g y , c u l m i n a t i n g i n 20th century c a p i t a l i s t hegemony. In a d d i t i o n to p o p u l a r i z i n g l i b e r a l views of s o c i a l order and s o c i a l Darwinian n o t i o n s of s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s , i n t e l l e c t u a l s " o r g a n i c " to c a p i t a l i s m were s u c c e s s f u l i n d i s o r g a n i z i n g c o n f l i c t i n g or counter-hegemonic views of i n t e l l e c t u a l s " o r g a n i c " to s o c i a l i s m . The p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n s of l i b e r a l i s m became f i r m l y entrenched i n the 20th century and the r o l e of i n t e l l e c t u a l s continued to expand with the s c i e n t i f i c management of i n d u s t r y and s o c i e t y i n general ( i . e . T a y l o r i s m ) . As Gorz (1976) p o i n t s out, r e s e a r c h has been become i n c r e a s i n g l y focussed upon pragmatic concerns s i n c e the advent of t h i s century and the t e c h n o c r a t i c r o l e of i n t e l l e c t u a l s has played an i n c r e a s i n g l y s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e in a l l spheres of c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n (p.162). The growth of c r i m i n o l o g y has been a p a r t of the s t a t e ' s expansion of i t s resources to dominate the "passive r e v o l u t i o n " i n order to secure c a p i t a l i s t hegemony. 3 3 Gramsci observed that i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l f r a c t i o n s were o f t e n absorbed or co-opted i n t o each others ranks thereby r e a l i g n i n g p o l i t i c a l s t r e n g t h (see Boggs, 1976, p.50). 1 18 Criminology has f l o u r i s h e d in p u r s u i t of a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d t e c h n i c a l knowledge base i n order to deter crime and maintain s o c i a l o rder. T h e o r e t i c a l developments continued to exclude s t r u c t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l elements i n the p r o d u c t i o n of crime and the s t a t e s o c i a l c o n t r o l apparatus, f o c u s s i n g i n s t e a d on i s s u e s of e f f e c t i v e n e s s and e f f i c i e n c y . Gorz (1976) e x p l a i n s the p o l i t i c a l dynamics of i n t e l l e c t u a l pragmatism: For s c i e n c e and technology cannot be c o n s i d e r e d to be i d e o l o g i c a l l y ' n e u t r a l ' . They are c o n d i t i o n e d by the purposes to which they are put by the b o u r g e o i s i e and by the c o n s t r a i n t s w i t h i n which they perform t h e i r f u n c t i o n s w i t h i n the c a p i t a l i s t system. A system poses only such problems as i t can r e s o l v e ; or, more p r e c i s e l y , i t tends to pose problems i n such a way that they can be r e s o l v e d without endangering the s t a b i l i t y or the l o g i c of the system (p.165). With the outbreak of massive d i s s i d e n c e a g a i n s t a u t h o r i t y i n the 1960's and 1970's the Canadian and American s t a t e s d i r e c t e d funding towards i n c r e a s e d s o c i a l c o n t r o l development, thus f u e l i n g an unprecedented growth in c r i m i n o l o g y (see Edwards, 1983). This growth continued to be d i r e c t e d by l i b e r a l i d e o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n s of the past two c e n t u r i e s , i n c l u d i n g the pragmatic emphasis developed as a p a r t of modern T a y l o r i s m . I n t e l l e c t u a l s such as c r i m i n o l o g i s t s were t r a i n e d by the thousands i n order t.o f i l l the s t a t e ' s need f o r s p e c i a l i z e d personnel to deal with the concrete problems of managing crime and r e g a i n i n g the l e g i t i m a c y of the CJS that has i n c r e a s i n g l y come under a t t a c k s i n c e the 1960's and 1970's. Here Gramsci's (1971) e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l s appears to be a p p l i c a b l e to the r a p i d development 119 of c r i m i n o l o g y . He agues that i n t e l l e c t u a l s occupy a c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n i n s o c i a l c o n t r o l s i n c e they concern themselves with the task of c o n s t r u c t i n g "spontaneous consent" from c i v i l s o c i e t y and provide t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e f o r the f u n c t i o n i n g of the l e g a l and c o e r c i v e apparatus of the s t a t e (p.12). As Ward & Webb (1984) document, the recent p r o l i f e r a t i o n of c r i m i n o l o g y has r e s u l t e d i n a w e l l - t r a i n e d but u n c r i t i c a l phalanx of p r a c t i t i o n e r s , and i n the design of p o l i t i c a l l y p a l a t a b l e r e s e a r c h programmes (Ward & Webb, 1984, p.183). The r e s u l t s of the i n t e r v i e w s with B.C. c r i m i n o l o g i s t s confirm one c u r r e n t i n s t a n c e of the i d e o l o g i c a l dominance of l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g y and manifest the ongoing s t a t u s of l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n s (see Table III f o r an o u t l i n e of i d e o l o g i c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n ) . The c r o s s - t a b u l a t i o n s show that s t a t e r e s t r i c t i o n s by way of "gate-keeping" d e v i c e s w i t h i n the c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e r e s u l t i n the re p r o d u c t i o n of u n d e r l y i n g p o l i t i c a l c u r r e n t s in c r i m i n o l o g y that d i r e c t i n t e l l e c t u a l work toward t e c h n i c a l i s s u e s . Tables V, VI, V I I , and VIII show that e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n B.C. s t r o n g l y favour mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y (e.g. l e g a l i s t i c i s s u e s ) f o r c i r r i c u l u m d e s i g n . Issues r e l a t e d to c a p i t a l i s t socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s such as sexism, racism, c l a s s , and i m p e r i a l i s m occupy a subordinate p o s i t i o n i n the classroom, and when d e a l t with tend to be approached i n pragmatic terms. In a d d i t i o n , i n s t i t u t i o n a l i d e o l o g i c a l r e s t r i c t i o n s undermine c o l l e c t i v e r e s e a r c h by r a d i c a l (counter-hegemonic) c r i m i n o l o g i s t s and, through s u b t l e c a r e e r p r e s s u r e s , d i r e c t r e s e a r c h away from 120 s t r u c t u r a l and i d e o l o g i c a l concerns which th r e a t e n to debunk the l e g i t i m a c y of the c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e . T h i s i s evidenced i n Tables IX and X which show that r e s e a r c h funding i s d i r e c t e d to mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y while Tables XI and XII p o i n t to the p u b l i s h i n g (and t h e r e f o r e c a r e e r ) c o n s t r a i n t s faced by r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s . Tables XIII and XIV s i m i l a r i l y show the f a v o u r i n g of mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y f o r c o n s u l t i n g and board p o s i t i o n s . As an overview of the r e s u l t s of s t a t e gate-keeping d e v i c e s , Table XV shows t h a t , i n comparison to other i d e o l o g i c a l f r a c t i o n s , r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s experience the g r e a t e s t (85.7 percent) c a r e e r pressures i n terms of adopting pragmatic p e r s p e c t i v e s i n order to maintain t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n a l p o s i t i o n s . The c o n t i n u a t i o n of l i b e r a l t e c h n o c r a t i c - i d e o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n s has d i s t i n c t e f f e c t s on the outcome of CJS p o l i c i e s and p r a c t i c e s . S u c c i n c t l y , reforms have met with very l i m i t e d success because they are s t r u c t u r a l l y d e c o n t e x t u a l i z e d and c u l t u r a l l y u n s p e c i f i c as implemented. C a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s serve as an unexamined framework f o r s o c i a l w e l f a r e and i n d i v i d u a l p r o s p e r i t y . The l i b e r a l s t a t e c o n t i n u e s to d i v e r t enormous amounts of tax d o l l a r s i n t o CJS reforms on the assumption that i n d i v i d u a l , s i t u a t i o n a l , or i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e f i c i e n c i e s are the c h i e f causes of crime and s o c i a l d i s o r d e r ( T a y l o r , 1983, p.141), notwithstanding the d i s c o u r a g i n g r e s u l t s . A l t e r n a t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n s are excluded from the c o n v e n t i o n a l d i s c o u r s e s i n c e they c h a l l e n g e fundamental l i b e r a l premises. Consequently, the d e l i c a t e balance between s o c i a l 121 d i s o r d e r , CJS p o l i c i e s , and p u b l i c consent i s maintained. Such a balance becomes more p r e c a r i o u s as crime e s c a l a t e s , CJS expenditures r i s e , and r h e t o r i c wears t h i n . T h i s t h e s i s has drawn a t t e n t i o n to the i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n s of c r i m i n o l o g y , i t s i d e o l o g i c a l - p o l i t i c a l underpinnings and t h e i r c u r r e n t and e f f e c t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The p o l i t i c a l r o l e of c r i m i n o l o g i s t s has been approached in t h i s manner in order to examine the h i s t o r i c a l f u n c t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n o r g a n i z i n g s o c i a l hegemony and s t a t e domination. Since c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r p r o v i d i n g the knowledge base for t r a i n i n g CJS personnel and g u i d i n g r e s e a r c h from which to plan s o c i a l reform, they are at the center of t h i s p o l i t i c a l stage. As o u t l i n e d i n the p r evious pages, t h e i r r o l e i s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y p o l i t i c i z e d as the s t a t e p e n etrates f u r t h e r i n t o c i v i l s o c i e t y and increasing' s e c t o r s are i n d o c t r i n a t e d to r e l y upon "experts" fo r i n f o r m a t i o n regarding the management of s o c i a l problems (Gorz, 1976, Gramsci, 1971). The l a b e l of s c i e n t i f i c n e u t r a l i t y can no longer be worn i n n o c e n t l y . Indeed, a l l respondents in the B.C. i n t e r v i e w sample showed concern f o r the magnitude of i n j u s t i c e i n Canada, h i n t i n g at u n d e r l y i n g concerns about the d i r e c t i o n s and purposes of the c r i m i n o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e in Canada. The r a p i d expansion of the e n t i r e Canadian CJS has apparently r e s u l t e d i n a cumbersome bureaucracy that i s unable to achieve i t s mandate. T h i s f a i l u r e seems to be l i n k e d to the i d e o l o g i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s evident i n l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g y which merely reproduce e x i s t i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l f r a c t i o n s and prevent 1 22 a n a l y s i s of root problems u n d e r l y i n g the s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e s pervading Canadian s o c i e t y . What i s needed, and what has been begun by t h i s study, i s a r e f l e x i v e a n a l y s i s of the i d e o l o g i c a l commitments of Canadian c r i m i n o l o g y i n order f o r i t to emancipate i t s e l f from lo n g - s t a n d i n g and p a t e n t l y d e f e a t i s t l i m i t a t i o n s . Gramsci's arguments and the r e s e a r c h on hand suggest i t would be f o l l y to expect that the 'organic' i n t e l l e c t u a l s of l i b e r a l c r i m i n o l o g y w i l l c a r r y out t h i s task. T h i s r e s e a r c h has i l l u s t r a t e d the need for a c o l l e c t i v e e f f o r t to c r i t i c a l l y r e f l e c t upon the h i s t o r i c a l development of Canadian c r i m i n o l o g y i n order to examine i t s u n d e r l y i n g p o l i t i c a l dynamics and t h e i r s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l conseguences i n Canadian s o c i e t y . C o n s i d e r i n g the s t r e n g t h of the l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n upon mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y , the task of o r g a n i z i n g the c o m p l e x i t i e s of t h i s c o l l e c t i v e , c o - o p e r a t i v e , and m u l t i -f r a c t i o n a l task belongs to c r i t i c a l and r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s . 123 APPENDIX A: Letter of Introduction THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 6303 N.W. MARINE DRIVE VANCOUVER, B.C., CANADA V6T 2B2 DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY Dear , We are conducting an in-depth interview study of criminal j u s t i c e educators in B r i t i s h Columbia. We w i l l be talking with pr o v i n c i a l educators who have teaching, research, consulting, or administrative involvements in the areas of criminology, deviance, or s o c i a l control. Considering the tremendous growth of the jus t i c e system's educational f a c i l i t i e s in recent years, i t i s important to systematically document and describe the types of involvements that i t s educators are engaged in as contributions to dealing with the various problems related to crime. In addition, i t i s as equally important to gain an understanding of the d i f f i c u l t i e s that educators encounter during the course of their teaching involvements. The results of this survey should prove of interest to a l l those involved in the criminology f i e l d , including policy makers. Since there is a limited number of such educators in thi s province, your p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s very important in order that your involvements and contributions are represented. The survey consists of in-depth interviews that are approximately one hour in length. Although the interview format is not r i g i d l y structured, i t is designed to use the time as economically as possible within the outlined objectives. A l l information w i l l be conf i d e n t i a l and you may withdraw from the study at any time. We w i l l be contacting you in a short while to give you further information about t h i s project and to try to arrange an interview time that i s convenient for you. To date, there i s l i t t l e o v e r a l l documentation regarding the exact types of teaching and research involvements or the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by criminal justice educators. In the interest of remedying t h i s s i t u a t i o n , we hope that you w i l l have the time to parti c i p a t e in our study. At i t s conclusion, the results of the survey w i l l be made available to participants. Thank you for your consideration. Yours t r u l y , Dr. R.S. Ratner Bruce L. Arnold 1 24 APPENDIX B: Interview Schedule  Teaching M a t e r i a l s 1. Beginning with the most recent, which courses are you t e a c h i n g or have you taught i n the areas of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e and c r i m i n o l o g y d u r i n g the past three years? 2. For these courses, c o u l d you t e l l me what reading m a t e r i a l s were/are required? Or, i f p o s s i b l e , c o u l d you provide a reading l i s t ? 3. I f you had your c h o i c e , what c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e and/or c r i m i n o l o g y courses would you p r e f e r to teach? Why would these be your p r e f e r e n c e s ? 4. Are there any f a c t o r s which i n h i b i t or preclude your o f f e r i n g these courses? I f so, what might these be? 5. In the r e l a t e d f i e l d s of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e and c r i m i n o l o g y , there are three major i d e o l o g i c a l / p h i l o s o p h i c a l p r e s p e c t i v e s that guide t e a c h i n g and r e s e a r c h . These are the c o n s e r v a t i v e , l i b e r a l , and r a d i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s . A p p l y i n g these general terms, how would you d e s c r i b e the i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n or p e r s p e c t i v e that you use i n your courses? 6. Do any of your courses i n c l u d e i s s u e s r e l a t e d to racism? If so, which c o u r s e ( s ) are they and which i s s u e ( s ) do they c o n s i d e r ? 7. Do any of your courses i n c l u d e i s s u e s r e l a t e d to sexism? If so, which c o u r s e ( s ) are they and which i s s u e ( s ) do they c o n s i d e r ? 8. Do any of your courses i n c l u d e i s s u e s r e l a t e d to imperialism? I f so, which c o u r s e ( s ) are they and which i s s u e ( s ) do they c o n s i d e r ? 9. Do any of your courses i n c l u d e i s s u e s r e l a t e d to c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n or d i s c r i m i n a i t o n ? If so, which course(s) are they and which i s s u e ( s ) do they c o n s i d e r ? Research Involvements 1. Have you been i n v o l v e d i n any r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t s i n the past three years? 2. If so, c o u l d you i d e n t i f y the p r o j e c t ( s ) and provide me with some.of d e t a i l s f o r each? For i n s t a n c e ; t h e i r names, t h e i r p r i n c i p l e c o n c e i v e r and i n v e s t i g a t o r , funders, the c e n t r a l problem being i n v e s t i g a t e d , t h e i r r e s u l t s and the p o s s i b l e b e n e f i c i a r i e s from the r e s e a r c h . 3. Did any of your r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t s i n c l u d e i s s u e s r e l a t e d to 1 25 racism? If so, which p r o j e c t ( s ) are they and which i s s u e ( s ) d i d they c o n s i d e r ? 4. Did any of your research p r o j e c t s i n c l u d e i s s u e s r e l a t e d to sexism? If so, which p r o j e c t ( s ) are they and which i s s u e ( s ) d i d they c o n s i d e r ? 5. Did any of your rese a r c h p r o j e c t s i n c l u d e i s s u e s r e l a t e d to imperialism? I f so, which p r o j e c t ( s ) are they and which i s s u e ( s ) d i d they consider? 6. Did any of your p r o j e c t s i n c l u d e i s s u e s r e l a t e d to c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n or d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ? If so, which p r o j e c t ( s ) are they and which i s s u e ( s ) d i d they c o n s i d e r ? 7. In terms of the ge n e r a l i d e o l o g i c a l / p h i l o s o p h i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s mentioned e a r l i e r , which p e r s p e c t i v e would best d e s c r i b e the one used i n your r e s e a r c h involvements? 8. Have you ever been dissuaded or c o n s t r a i n e d from r e s e a r c h i n g some t o p i c s ? 9. I f so, by whom and what forms d i d the c o n s t r a i n t s take? In a d d i t i o n , how d i d you respond to them? P u b l i s h i n g Involvements 1. Have you had the o p p o r t u n i t y to p u b l i s h any a r t i c l e s , books, papers, reviews, e t c . in the past three years? 2. If so, I would l i k e to document some of the d e t a i l s of these p u b l i c a t i o n s i n terms of t h e i r t i t l e s , o b j e c t i v e s , p e r s p e c t i v e s used, and intended audiences. 3. Have any of your p u b l i c a t i o n s d e a l t with any i s s u e s r e l a t e d to racism? I f so, which p u b l i c a t i o n ( s ) was t h i s and which i s s u e ( s ) was of concern? 4. Have any of your p u b l i c a t i o n s d e a l t with any i s s u e s r e l a t e d to sexism? I f so, which p u b l i c a t i o n ( s ) was t h i s and which i s s u e ( s ) was of concern? 5. Have any of your p u b l i c a t i o n s d e a l t with any i s s u e s r e l a t e d to i m p e r i a l i s m ? If so, which p u b l i c a t i o n ( s ) was t h i s and which i s s u e ( s ) was of concern? 6. Have any of your p u b l i c a t i o n s d e a l t with any i s s u e s r e l a t e d to c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n or d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ? I f so, which p u b l i c a t i o n ( s ) was t h i s and which i s s u e ( s ) was of concern? 7. With r e f e r e n c e to the gen e r a l i d e o l o g i c a l / p h i l o s o p h i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s mentioned e a r l i e r i n the i n t e r v i e w , which would best d e s c r i b e the p e r s p e c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i z i n g your p u b l i s h e d work? 1 26 8. Have you experienced any c o n s t r a i n t s in your p u b l i s h i n g ? If so, c o u l d you b r i e f l y d e s c r i b e what they are and how you have responded to them? C o n s u l t i n g Involvements 1. Have you had the o p p o r t u n i t y to be i n v o l v e d i n any c o n s u l t i n g or a d v i s o r y c a p a c i t i e s d u r i n g the past three years? 2. If so, what were/are your p o s i t i o n s and and the nature of t h e i r f u n c t i o n ? 3. Have you experienced any d i f f i c u l t i e s i n s e c u r i n g c o n s u l t i n g or a d v i s o r y p o s i t i o n s ? If you have, c o u l d you d e s c r i b e these d i f f i c u l t i e s and your responses to them? Committee and Board P o s i t i o n s 1. During the past three years, have you sat on any boards or committees? If so, which were they and what areas of crime or the j u s t i c e system d i d they deal with? 2. Have you experienced any d i f f i c u l t i e s i n s i t t i n g on boards or committees? If so, co u l d you d e s c r i b e these d i f f i c u l t i e s and your responses to them? I d e o l o g i c a l D i s c r e p a n c i e s 1. With r e f e r e n c e to the three g e n e r a l i d e o l o g i c a l p r e s p e c t i v e s mentioned e a r l i e r , would you say that the p e r s p e c t i v e that you use i n the classroom i s r e f l e c t e d i n your other involvements and a c t i v i t e s that you have mentioned? 2. If you have experienced some i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s , which areas c o n f l i c t with your classroom p e r s p e c t i v e and f o r which reasons? 3. Have these i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s caused any d i f f i c u l t i e s f o r you in the c a r r y i n g out of your work? I f so, what d i f f i c u l t i e s are these and how have you responded to them? 4. Do you expect these problems to continue? If so, why i s t h i s ? Demographic Information 1 . Gender 2. Age 3. M a r i t a l s t a t u s 4. N a t i o n a l i t y 5. Dependent c h i l d r e n 6. Approximate gross family income 7. Occup a t i o n a l t i t l e 8. Length of p o s i t i o n / c o n t r a c t 9. Name of l a s t e d u c a t i o n a l degree/diploma 1 27 10. Place of l a s t education 11. Other r e l a t e d employment 12. Career i n t e n t i o n s 13. P o l i t i c a l p a r t y v o t i n g p r e f e r e n c e s f e d e r a l l y p r o v i n c i a l l y . 1 28 APPENDIX C: Code Book E d u c a t i o n a l L e v e l : 1. u n i v e r s i t y 2. community c o l l e g e 3. j u s t i c e i n s t i t u t e 4. other)L2 Gender: 1. female 2. ma1e Age: M a r i t a l S t a t u s : 1. s i n g l e 2. married/common law 3. separated 4. d i v o r c e d 5. widowed 6. other N a t i o n a l i t y : 1. Canadian 2. American 3. B r i t i s h 4. other R a c i a l Background: 1. white 2. black 3. o r i e n t a l 4. a s i a n 5. n a t i v e Indian 6. other Number of Dependent C h i l d r e n : ) L 1. none 2.1 3. 2-3 4. 3 + Gross Family Income: Oc c u p a t i o n a l T i t l e : 1. i n s t r u c t o r 2. a s s i s t a n t p r o f e s s o r 3. a s s o c i a t e p r o f e s s o r 4. p r o f e s s o r 5. d i r e c t o r / a d m i n i s t r a t o r 6. c o n s u l t a n t 7. other Type of P o s i t i o n : 1. temporary non-renewable 2. temporary renewable 3. tenure t r a c k 1 29 4. tenured/permanent 5. c o n t r a c t u a l 6. other E d u c a t i o n a l Degree: 1 . high school 2. Bachelors 3. Masters 4. Ph.D. 5. LL.B. 6. c r i m i n o l o g y / c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e d i p l 7. combination of degrees 8. other Place of Last Degree: 1. Canada 2. U.S. 3. B r i t a i n 4. other Related Employment: 1. lawyer 2. academic 3. p r o v i n c i a l CJS 4. f e d e r a l CJS 5. none 6. other Career I n t e n t i o n s : 1. continue i n present p o s i t i o n 2. seek c a r e e r advancement 3. seek ca r e e r change 4. u n c e r t a i n 5. other P o l i t i c a l V o t i n g F e d e r a l l y : 1. Conservative 2. L i b e r a l 3. N.D.P. 4. other 5. no preference P o l t i c a l V o t i n g P r o v i n c i a l l y 1. S o c i a l C r e d i t / C o n s e r v a t i v e 2. L i b e r a l 3. N.D.P. 4. other 5. no pr e f e r e n c e 6. unable to vote Course Type: 1. CJS personnel a p p l i e d t r a i n i n g 2. CJS systems management 3. res e a r c h methods 1 30 4. theory c o n s r u c t i o n 5. review of c r i m i n o l o g y p e r s p e c t i v e s 6. CJS p r a c t i c e s / f u n c t i o n i n g 7. other Course Focus: 1 . a c r i t i c a l 2. d e s c r i p t i v e 3. r e f o r m i s t 4. c r i t i c a l 5. other Teaching P r e f e r e n c e : 1. courses p r e s e n t l y being taught 2. CJS systems management 3. CJS personnel a p p l i e d t r a i n i n g 4. r e s e a r c h methods 5. theory c o n s t r u c t i o n 6. CJS p r a c t i c e s / f u n c t i o n i n g 7. courses f e a t u r i n g more c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l - o r i e n t a t i o n 8. other Reasons f o r not Teaching P r e f e r r e d Courses: 1. budgetary 2. c u r r i c u l u m r e s t r a i n t s 3. unacceptable i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n 4. other 9. n/a Teaching Ideology: I n t e r v i e w e r ' s P e r c e p t i o n : 1. v a l u e - f r e e 2. c o n s e r v a t i v e 3. l i b e r a l 4. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 5. other Teaching Ideology: Interviewee's P e r c e p t i o n : 1. v a l u e - f r e e 2. c o n s e r v a t i v e 3. l i b e r a l 4. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 5. other Teaching Focus on Racism: 1 . none 2. l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n 3. minor focus 4. major focus Teaching Content on Racism: 1. d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 4. other 131 9. n/a Teaching Focus on Sexism: 1. none 2. l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n 3. minor focus 4. major focus Teaching Content on Sexism: 1. d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 4. other 9. n/a Teaching Focus on Imperialism: 1. none 2. l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n 3. minor focus 4. major focus Teaching Content on Imperialism: 1. d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 4. other 9. n/a Teaching Focus on C l a s s i s m : 1. none 2. l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n 3. minor focus 4. major focus Teaching Content on C l a s s i s m : 1. d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 4. other 9. n/a Any Research Involvement: 1 . yes 2. no Type of Research Involvement: 1. CJS a p p l i e d techniques 2. CJS a d m i n i s t r a t i o n 3. t h e o r e t i c a l problems 4. community a t t i t u d e s and CJS 5. h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s of crime/CJS 6. other 9. n/a 1 32 Focus of Research: 1. d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 4. other 9. n/a Source of Research Funding: 1. none 2. p r o v i n c i a l government 3. f e d e r a l government 4. i n s t i t u t i o n 5. other 9. n/a Research Focus on Racism: 1. none 2. l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n 3. minor focus 4. major focus 9. n/a Research Content on Racism: 1. d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 4. other 9. n/a Research Focus on Sexism: 1. none 2. l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n 3. minor focus 4. major focus 9. n/a Research Content on Sexism: 1. d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 4. other 9. n/a Research Focus on Imperialism: 1 . none 2. l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n 3. minor focus 4. major focus 9. n/a Research Content on Imperialism: 1 . d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 1 33 4. other 9. n/a Research Focus on C l a s s i s m : 1 . none 2. l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n 3. minor focus 4. major focus 9. n/a Research Content on C l a s s i s m : 1 . d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 4. other 9. n/a Research Ideology: I n t e r v i e w e r ' s P e r c e p t i o n : 1 . value f r e e 2. c o n s e r v a t i v e 3. l i b e r a l 4. c r i t c a l / r a d i c a l 5. other 9. n/a Research Ideology: Interviewee's P e r c e p t i o n : 1 . value f r e e 2. c o n s e r v a t i v e 3. l i b e r a l 4. c r i t c a l / r a d i c a l 5. other 9. n/a Experienced Research C o n s t r a i n t s : 1 . yes 2. no Reasons f o r Research C o n s t r a i n t s : 1. access 2. funding 3. i n s t i t u t i o n a l / d e p a r t m e n t a l c o n s t r a i n t s 4. p o l i t i c a l - i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n / c o n t e n t 5. other 9. n/a Any P u b l i c a t i o n s : 1 . yes 2. no P u b l i c a t i o n T o p i c s : 1. CJS a p p l i e d techniques 2. CJS f u n c t i o n i n g / a d m i n i s t r a t i o n 3. theory of crime 4. h i s t o r y of crime/CJS 1 34 5. p o l i t i c a l economy of crime 6. other 9. n~a Content of P u b l i c a t i o n s : 1 . value f r e e 2. d e s c r i p t i v e 3. r e f o r m i s t 4. c r i t c a l / r a d i c a l 5. other 9. n/a P u b l i c a t i o n Focus on Racism: 1. none 2. l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n 3. minor focus 4. major focus 9. n/a P u b l i c a t i o n Content on Racism: 1. d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 4. other 9. n/a P u b l i c a t i o n Focus on Sexism: 1 . none 2. l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n 3. minor focus 4. major focus 9. n/a P u b l i c a t i o n Content on Sexism: 1 . d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 4. other 9. n/a P u b l i c a t i o n Focus on Imperialism: 1 . none 2. l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n 3. minor focus 4. major focus 9. n/a P u b l i c a t i o n Content on Imperialism: 1 . d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 4. other 9. n/a 1 35 P u b l i c a t i o n Focus on C l a s s i s m : 1. none 2. l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n 3. minor focus 4. major focus 9. n/a P u b l i c a t i o n Content on C l a s s i s m : 1. d e s c r i p t i v e 2. r e f o r m i s t 3. c r i t i c a l / r a d i c a l 4. other 9. n/a P u b l i c a t i o n Ideology: I n t e r v i e w e r ' s P e r c e p t i o n : 1. value f r e e 2. c o n s e r v a t i v e 3. l i b e r a l 4. c r i t c a l / r a d i c a l 5. other 9. n/a P u b l i c a t i o n Ideology: Interviewee's P e r c e p t i o n : 1. value f r e e 2. c o n s e r v a t i v e 3. l i b e r a l 4. c r i t c a l / r a d i c a l 5. other 9. n/a P u b l i c a t i o n C o n s t r a i n t s : 1 . yes 2. no Reasons f o r P u b l i s h i n g C o n s t r a i n t s : 1. time 2. lack of o c c u p a t i o n a l i n c e n t i v e s 3. no i n t e r e s t 4. p o l i t i c a l - i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n / c o m t e n t 5. other 9. n/a C o n s u l t i n g Involvements: 1 . yes 2. no C o n s u l t i n g Employer: 1. p r o v i n c i a l government 2. f e d e r a l government 3. p r i v a t e 4. non-government 5. other 9. n/a 1 36 Experienced D i f f i c u l t i e s i n Securing C o n s u l t i n g : 1 . yes 2. no Reasons f o r C o n s u l t i n g D i f f i c u l t i e s : 1. p o l i t i c a l - i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n 2. lack of e x p e r t i s e 3. other 9. n/a Board of Committee Involvements: 1 . yes 2. no Board/Committee P o s i t i o n s : 1. p o l i c e 2. p r o b a t i o n 3. p e n i t e n t i a r y 4. c o r r e c t i o n s / p a r o l e 5. human r i g h t s advocacy 6. other 9. n/a Board P o s i t i o n s : D i f f i c u l t i e s i n Securing 1 . yes 2. no Reasons f o r D i f f i c u l t i e s 1. p o l i t i c a l - i d e o l o g i c a l 2. lack of e x p e r t i s e 3. other 9. n/a in Securing Board P o s i t i o n s : o r i e n t a t i o n I d e o l o g i c a l D i s c r e p e n c i e s and I n c o n s i s t e n c i e s - Interviewer' 1 . yes 2. no I d e o l o g i c a l D i s c r e p e n c i e s and I n c o n s i s t e n c i e s - Interviewee' 1. yes 2. no Area of I d e o l o g i c a l Discrepancy: 1. t e a c h i n g - r e s e a r c h 2. t e a c h i n g - p u b l i s h i n g 3. t e a c h i n g - c o n s u l t i n g / b o a r d s 4. t e a c h i n g / p u b l i s h i n g - a l l others 5. t e a c h i n g - a l l others 6. other 7. r e s e a r c h - a l l o t hers 9. n/a Reasons f o r I d e o l o g i c a l D i s c r e p a n c i e s : 1. p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n 2. d e p a r t m e n t a l / i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n s t r a i n t s 3. funding c o n s t r a i n t s 1 37 4. lack of pragmatic o r i e t a t i o n 5. other 6. n/a I d e o l o g i c a l Discrepancy D i f f i c u l t i e s : 1 . yes 2. no Response to I d e o l o g i c a l Discrepancy D i f f i c u l t i e s : 1. make work more pragmatic as needed by funder 2. r e s t i c t work to teaching 3. other 9. n/a R e s o l u t i o n s to I d e o l o g i c a l D i f f i c u l t i e s E f f e c t i v e : 1 . yes 2. no 3. n/a I d e o l o g i c a l D i s c r e p a n c i e s to Continue 1 . yes 2. no 3. n/a 1 38 REFERENCES Adamson, W.L. 1980 Hegemony and R e v o l u t i o n . 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