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The chiefly classes in the kingdom of Tonga Cant, Daphne Grace 1984

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THE CHIEFLY CLASSES IN THE KINGDOM OF TONGA BY DAPHNE GRACE CANT B.A. Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA SEPTEMBER 1984 © Daphne Grace Cant, 1984 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of A^TT-r^-o ^ L p c , The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date S ^ - T 2-H | DE-6 (3/81) - /'( ' ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s a n a l y s e s the r o l e o f the c h i e f l y c l a s s e s i n the Kingdom o f Tonga d u r i n g t h r e e d i s t i n c t decades between 1770 and 1980. U s i n g s i x v a r i a b l e s , the r o l e s o f the c h i e f l y c l a s s e s are compared and e v i d e n c e i s p r e s e n t e d i n s u p p o r t o f a c o n t e n t i o n t h a t the power base o f the c h i e f l y c l a s s e s has s h i f t e d from the l o c a l v i l l a g e l e v e l t o the c e n t r a l i z e d n a t i o n a l government. Dr. C.S. Belshaw, S u p e r v i s o r - Ill -THE CHIEFLY CLASSES IN THE KINGDOM OF TONGA TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Introduction 1 - 8 CHAPTER ONE Geographic and H i s t o r i c a l Background 9 - 2 4 CHAPTER TWO Tongan Chiefs 1770-1780 2 5 - 4 5 CHAPTER THREE Tongan Chiefs and N o b i l i t y 1870-1880 4 6 - 6 3 CHAPTER FOUR Tongan N o b i l i t y 1970-1980 6 4 - 8 3 CHAPTER FIVE Discussion of the changes over the three time periods . • 84 - 88 Conclusion BIBLIOGRAPHY 8 9 - 9 1 - 1 -INTRODUCTION Many recent anthropological writings on Tonga have focused on the noble or c h i e f l y class. Irving Goldman's Ancient Polynesian Society i s in large part a study of systems of aristocracy. Goldman contends that: "... in the larger h i s t o r i c a l perspective, a r i s t o c r a c i e s have been the agents of the most powerful and s i g n i f i c a n t c u l t u r a l developments." (1) On Tonga s p e c i f i c a l l y he notes that: "...the Tongan status structure i s b u i l t around two d i s t i n c t p r i n c i p l e s : one, in a sense, l i n e a r , represents the clear gradations of genealogical rank vi a p a t r i l i n y and s e n i o r i t y ; the other, complementary, sets off one type of status against another." (2) He further points out that t h i s structure can be viewed as in a state of balance which i s not s t a t i c but, in fact, extremely active. The structure can and does allow for s h i f t s in power relationships. Marshall Sahlins, i n Social S t r a t i f i c a t i o n in Polynesia (3), also writes about Polynesian society from the perspective of the c h i e f l y classes. This i s evident in h i s conclusion that in Tonga the p a t r i l i n e a l ha'a system can be equated with the kinship system. This conclusion could only have been reached (1) Goldman, Irving (1970) Ancient Polynesian Society, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, p.XVI. (2) Ibid, p.304. (3) Sahlins, Marshall (1958) Social S t r a t i f i c a t i o n in Polynesia, University of Washington Press, Seattle. - 2 -by viewing the society from the perspective of chiefs. If he had written from the commoners' point of view the ha'a system would not have been deemed important and s i g n i f i c a n t enough so as to bear comparison with the kinship system. Ordinary commoners did not consider themselves a part of the ha'a system. Elizabeth Bott (198 2) says the following: "In theory, the ha'a consisted of a l l descendants of the kings' sons through males, but in practice i t was only the t i t l e holders and certain other leading families who were considered to belong to the ha'a. Close r e l a t i v e s on the male side and tehina and John of the t i t l e were also included. The ha'a was thus considered to be a thing that concerned t i t l e holders ..." (4) Numerous other anthropologists have written on Tongan n o b i l i t y . (Bott 1972, 1982; Coult 1959; G i f f o r d 1929; Marcus 1980; Kaeppler 1971). Although the noble view of Tongan society is more widely represented i n anthropological l i t e r a t u r e there are anthropologists including Beaglehole (5) and Aoyagi (6) who have written from the commoners' viewpoint about commoners in Tonga. (4) Bott, E. (1982) Tongan Society at the Time of Captain Cook's V i s i t s : Discussions with Her Majesty Queen  Salote Tupou, Memoir No.44, Wellington, The Polynesian Society (Incorporated), p.156. (5) Beaglehole, Earnest and Pearl Beaglehole (1941) Pangai: V i l l a g e i n Tonga, Wellington, Polynesian Society Memoir No.18. (6) Aoyagi, Machiro (1966) "Kinship Organizations and Behavior in a Contemporary Tongan V i l l a g e " , Journal of the Polynesian Society, No.75, P.141-176. - 3 -The study of chiefs in Polynesian socie t i e s has long been of great interest to those who seek to understand l i f e on these remote (7) islands. The t r a d i t i o n a l role of the chief was important to maintaining the f a b r i c of society and supporting l o c a l ideologies connecting the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , economic, and re l i g i o u s parts of the community. In the 1770's, when Captain Cook v i s i t e d Tonga, he was greatly impressed by the c h i e f l y classes. Cook was p a r t i c u l a r l y taken by the d i g n i f i e d behaviour which he witnessed. One story from Cook's journals t e l l s of how the people would greet a chief by touching his feet with the palms and backs of t h e i r hands. This gesture was c a l l e d "moemoe" and served the dual purpose of a respectful greeting and an opportunity for people of lower rank to remove the "tapu" (taboo) on using t h e i r hands. They would incur this tapu by inadvertently touching a chief or any of h i s possessions. After performing the moemoe, they would wash their hands and the tapu would be completely removed. The moemoe could be done on any chief of equal or higher rank than the chief or his possessions which you touched. Tu'i Tonga was the sacred king and had the highest rank in the land, so was very much in demand since a touch of his feet could remove the tapu of anyone. Cook's description of what sometimes happened is quite amusing: (7) The notion of remote i s used to mean that the distance from one island to another is great enough to prohibit regular contact. Despite this fact, the development of many islands' s o c i e t a l infrastructure i s very similar and consequently represents a subject of great inte r e s t to those wishing to understand Polynesian society. - 4 -It appeared that the king could not refuse anyone who chose to pay him this compliment, for the common people would frequently take i t into their heads to do i t when he was walking, and he was always obliged to stop and hold up one of his feet behind him t i l l they had done; This, to an heavy unwieldy man l i k e him, must be attended with trouble and pain, and I have seen make a run, Tho very unable, to get out of the way, or to a place where he could s i t down. (8) Examples, such as this one, serve to i l l u s t r a t e how inte r e s t i n g and d i f f e r e n t l i f e must have been i n these small island kingdoms compared to Captain Cook's England. The intent of this thesis i s to compare the role of Tongan chiefs during three vastly d i f f e r e n t time periods. In Chapter 2, we w i l l look at the c h i e f l y classes between 1770 and 1780. This was the time of Captain Cook's v i s i t s to the Tongan group. He was so impressed by the people that he named the islands the "Friendly Islands". He and his men made a v a l i a n t e f f o r t to understand the society and were much confused by the number of kings. As Englishmen, they were accustomed to a one king monarchy, thus finding i t very d i f f i c u l t to comprehend what they c a l l e d the three king system of Tonga. It was a highly s t r a t i f i e d society which had a number of forms of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n which not only overlapped, but were often contradictory. (9) The difference between authority and rank i n the Tongan kinship system is a good example. Within the (8) Cook, Capt. J. (1961 and 1967) The Journal of Captain Cook on his Voyages of Discovery, edited by J.C. Beaglehole. Hakleyt Society, Vol.11, p.175-176. (9) The main sources used to describe the Tongan n o b i l i t y during the decade of 1770 to 1780 are Bott 1982; G i f f o r d 19 29; Cook 1961; Langdon 197 7; Marcus 1980; Poulsen 197 7; Goldman 1970. - 5 so c i a l order there was a p o l i t i c a l aspect and a domestic aspect. As well, there was a system of p a t r i l i n e a l authority and a system of ceremonial rank. Translated, this meant that fathers and elder brothers had authority and control over access to land. Within the system of rank, however, s i s t e r s had a higher rank than brothers. Sisters did not have authority over brothers but they did outrank them. Fathers and brothers had the means to land, the right to command, and the a b i l i t y to give, or withhold. Sisters had the rank and, consequently, the right to ask for what the brothers produced. Chapter 3 w i l l deal with the Tongan chiefs and n o b i l i t y one hundred years l a t e r (1870-1880). This important decade represents a period of great change for Tonga. It was i n 1875 that the Tongan constitution was promulgated and Tonga took i t s f i r s t steps into the international world of p o l i t i c s . The reigning monarch at this time was King George Taufa'ahau Tupou I. He had a strong b e l i e f that Tonga's only chance to remain an independent nation was to control western influences. He f e l t that Tonga could take on the facade of a nation state and s t i l l maintain many of i t s t r a d i t i o n a l ways. The p o l i t i c a l status of rank known l e g a l l y as "the n o b i l i t y " was created by King George Tupou I in 1875 as a major component of a series of reforms designed to complete and s t a b i l i z e the westernization of Tongan society. The p o l i t i c a l c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and the proclamation of the national constitution i n 187 5 were intended to a s s i s t in the emancipation of the population from the control of regional, independent t r a d i t i o n a l leaders or chiefs and the concomitant undermining of the basis of both c h i e f l y - 6 -prestige and authority. (10) Chapter 4 w i l l discuss Tongan n o b i l i t y another hundred years l a t e r , between 197 0 and 1980. The Tonga of the twentieth century can best be described as a "Compromise Culture" where one finds a blending of t r a d i t i o n a l and modern ways. The main issue addressed by t h i s thesis i s whether or not one of the major changes which occurred over t h i s two hundred year period was a s h i f t in the basis of power for the c h i e f l y class. Is i t true that the power of the c h i e f l y class gradually shifted from the l o c a l v i l l a g e l e v e l to a centralized location within the c a p i t a l c i t y and the national government? This question w i l l be answered by comparing the role of the c h i e f l y class i n Tongan society during each of the three decades in r e l a t i o n to the following variables: (11) (10) Marcus, George E. (1977) "Successions Disputes and the Position of the N o b i l i t y in Modern Tonga"; i n Oceana XLVII, No.3, March 1977. (11) The six variables used were chosen by the writer and based s o l e l y on her decision that they would provide a basis of comparison in several areas which had some signi f i c a n c e over such vastly d i f f e r e n t time periods. - 7 -(a) chief/noble access to the natural resources. This w i l l be primarily a discussion of the chiefs' access to land as land is the most valuable and the most limited of the resources in Tonga. (12) As well, however, we w i l l take a b r i e f look at access to the marine resources; (b) location of the chiefs' residence; (c) l e g a l / j u r a l status of the chiefs; (d) education within the c h i e f l y class; (e) state rights in r e l a t i o n to the chiefs and la t e r the nobles; and (f) church authority in r e l a t i o n to the c h i e f l y classes. The use of these six variables provides a common basis from which to compare the role of the c h i e f l y class in Tonga over the three vastly d i f f e r e n t time periods. There are also, of course, a number of li m i t a t i o n s , the major of which is that p r i o r to the promulgation of the constitution there was no s t r i c t (in the sense of l e g a l l y defined) d e f i n i t i o n of a noble. In fact, p r i o r to the constitution i t may be argued that there was not a n o b i l i t y but rather a system of ha'a's which provided the society with chiefs. Ha"a is a kin grouping but i s not common to a l l people. Goldman says "only the upper ranks can be said to belong to a lineage organization at a l l " . (13) The ha'a is based on the grouping of c h i e f l y t i t l e s , each group of which can trace i t s t i t l e s to a common ancestor. (14) This (12) See pages 24-26, 43-46, and 68-7 2. (13) Goldman, Irving (1970), p.242. (14) Decktar Kovn, Shulamnit (1974) The Noble and The Common View Society No.83, p.6. it Tongan Kin Groups: Journal of Polynesian - 8 -w i l l be further discussed in the main text but i t i s important to recognize the change before and after the constitution as i t e s s e n t i a l l y provided legal d e f i n i t i o n of the n o b i l i t y . In the constitution the noble was defined as a chief appointed to the p o s i t i o n of a hereditary t i t l e / l a n d holding noble. The role of the n o b i l i t y i s dealt with within the clauses of the consti t u t i o n and the provisions of the Land Act. These clauses and provisions cover three main areas relevant to the n o b i l i t y : the n o b i l i t y as i t relates to i n s t i t u t i o n s and the state; the n o b i l i t y as i t relates to t h e i r role as hereditary landlords; and the n o b i l i t y and rules of succession for hereditary estates and t i t l e s . Categories of the nobles' r e l a t i o n to church, state and education are s l i g h t l y problematic because each of the variables themselves underwent rather d r a s t i c changes with the introduction of the constitution. The church, for instance, became a methodist version of Western C h r i s t i a n i t y . In fact, education, church, and state a l l took on western forms after 1875. - 9 -CHAPTER ONE GEOGRAPHIC AND HISTORIC BACKGROUND Before beginning the examination of Tongan c h i e f l y classes, a b r i e f discussion of Tongan geography and history including a review of early European contact with the "Friendly Islands", w i l l be useful. Among thousands of islands scattered near the Tropic of Capricorn is a group of coral islands known as the Friendly Islands. They consist of some 136 islands which extend between latitudes 15 and 23.5 and longtitudes 173W and 177W and cover a t o t a l land and sea area of 360,000 square km. (1) Of t h i s t o t a l area, only about 750 square km represent land and major island reefs. Recent government reports (2) indicate that only 36 of these islands are actually inhabited. The Kingdom of Tonga consists of three major island groups: Tongatapu and the islands to the south; Ha'apai and the cental group; and Vava'u with i t s surrounding northern islands. In addition to these three groups there are the outlying islands some 200 km north of Vava'u which include Nuiafo'ou, Niuatoputapu and 'Ata. (See map on page 10) The islands are of three types: volcanic, raised marine volcanic and coral limestone. The two islands which have the largest number of inhabitants, Tongatapu and Vava'u, are of (1) Central Planning Department Nuku'alofa. Third Development  Plan 1975-1980. Nuku'alofa, Tonga: Central Planning Department, T9~76, p. 1. (2) Ibid, p . l . i8o» - 10 THE KINGDOM OF TONGA . 179' . ' t i l JUT— lib* 1 7 5 ' NIUAFOOU UAAPA "NIUATOPUTAPU VAVAU GROUP ~#7 & TAFAHI GROUP • fi 0 o1 TONGATAPU 6R6UP .» io loo UKUALOFA 7 loo SCALE IN KILOMETRES (s TELEKl TOKELAU >>} T E l E K l TONGA" i few i-^ew t j i L ris Soo i ... H\y - 11 -coral limestone and have s o i l which i s extremely r i c h and f e r t i l e . (3) The average r a i n f a l l is about 2 meters annually but most of t h i s occurs during the hot season so that droughts can and do play havoc with the crops during the cool season. While the s o i l i s very r i c h and f e r t i l e i t i s not deep, so that there is l i t t l e protection from high winds and r a i n . This fact, and the low, f l a t landscape of the island are c e r t a i n l y contributing factors to the almost t o t a l devastation of crops during the 1982 cyclone which swept through Tonga. (4) The p r i n c i p a l crop, grown primarily for export, i s coconut. To increase the land's productivity a system of mixed cropping and intercropping under the coconut trees i s used. This i s combined with an extensive program of s h i f t i n g c u l t i v a t i o n and a bush-fallow technique to maintain s o i l f e r t i l i t y . In more recent years fallow periods have become markedly reduced due to increasing population pressure. (5) More intensive c u l t i v a t i o n i s being attempted through more sophisticated farming practices including the use of f e r t i l i z e r . Of the t o t a l area of Tonga only a very small percentage (.208% or 750 sq km) i s land. The greater area within Tonga's boundaries is ocean. Food harvested from the ocean has always (3) United Nations General Assembly A37, "Special Economic and Disaster Relief Assistance" Assistance To Tonga Report  of the Secretary-General. November 198 2, p.14. (4) Ibid, p.4,7,10 & 17. (5) Ibid, p.14-17,44-47. - 12 -been an important staple and a source of protein for the people. T r a d i t i o n a l l y the r i c h f i s h i n g grounds were found along the coral reefs and inshore areas. These areas are presently unable to provide s u f f i c i e n t harvest to s a t i s f y the increased l o c a l requirements and this has stimulated demand for alternative sources of protein. Such sources have included importation of canned f i s h and attempts to develop a l o c a l a r t i s a n a l f i s h e r i e s capable of exploiting f i s h i n g grounds on the outer reef and deep water slopes, as well as the deep sea area. (6) Archaeological evidence suggests that the largest of the Tongan Islands, Tongatapu, was f i r s t s ettled around 1200 B.C. by the Lapita people from the F i j i a n archipelago to the north-west. It i s believed that these people settled around coastal lagoon areas and l i v e d primarily from the resources of the sea, cultivated crops and domesticated chickens and pigs. Between 1200 B.C. and the f i r s t millenium A.D., the Lapita (named Lapita from an excavation s i t e on New Caledonia) people inhabited Tongatapu and l e f t a legacy of ceramic shards, stone tools, s h e l l f i s h hooks, s h e l l ornaments and assorted other a r t i f a c t s which have given archaeologists hints of prehistory. (7) (6) Central Planning Department Nuku'alofa. Fourth Development Plan 1980-1985. Nuku'alofa, Tonga: Central Planning Department 1981. (7) Poulsen, J. (1977) "Archaeology and Prehistory", in N. Rutherford (ed.) Friendly Islands: A History of Tonga. Melboune, Oxford University Press, p.5-6. - 13 -Linguists have been able to a s s i s t in the reconstruction of t h i s early period by determining that the Lapita people of Tonga spoke pre-Polynesian, an east oceanic branch of the Austronesian language family. It has been suggested by archaeologists that between 1000 B.C. and 5 00 B.C. t h i s language developed l o c a l l y into the ancestral language of the area, today c a l l e d proto-Polynesian. The next millenium eventually produced the proto-Tongic language and modern-day Tongan derives d i r e c t l y from this l i n g u i s t i c o r i g i n . (8) Archaeological prehistory represents just one perspective on how i t a l l began. When considering origins one must always acknowledge ethnohistorical accounts as well. These legends are passed down through the generations as a part of the oral history and many ceremonial t r a d i t i o n s are s t i l l said to have had their beginnings in stories such as "The Creation Myth". (9) THE CREATION MYTH In the beginning there was just the sea, and the s p i r i t world, Pulotu; and between them was a rock c a l l e d Touia'o Futuna. On the rock l i v e d B i k i and his twin s i s t e r , Kele, 'Atungaki and his twin s i s t e r , Maimoa'o Longona, Fonua 1uta and his twin s i s t e r , Fonuavai, and Hemoana and his twin s i s t e r , Lupe. B i k i lay with his own s i s t e r and she bore him two children; a son, Taufulifonua, and a daughter, Havea Lolofonua; 'Atungaki also lay with his s i s t e r , who bore him a daughter, Velel a h i ; and Fonua'uta lay with his s i s t e r and she bore him a daughter, V e l e s i ' i . (8) Ibid, p.7. (9) "The Creation Myth" in N. Rutherford (ed.) Friendly Islands: A History of Tonga. Melbourne, Oxford University Press, p . l . - 14 -When Taufulifonua grew to manhood, his s i s t e r , Havea Lolofonua, bore him a son, Hikule'o, Velelahi bore him a son, Tangaloa, and V e l e s i ' i bore him a son, Maui. Hikule'o, Tangaloa and Maui divided the creation between them. Hikule'o took as his portion Pulotu, Tangaloa took the sky and Maui, the underworld. Hemoana, whose form was a sea snake, and Lupe, whose form was a dove, then divided the remainder between them, Hemoana taking the sea and Lupe taking the land. Tangaloa had several sons in the sky: Tangaloa Tamapo'uli- 1Alamafoa, Tangaloa'Eitumatupu'a, Tangaloa' Atulongo-longo and Tangaloa Tufunga. Old Tangaloa grew t i r e d of looking down from the sky and seeing nothing but sea, so he sent down Tangaloa'Atulongo-longo in the form of a plover to see i f he could find land. A l l Tangaloa' Atulongo-longo could find was a reef below the water, where 'Ata is now. So old Tangaloa t o l d Tangaloa Tufunga to throw down into the sea the chips from the wood carving on which he was working. Tangaloa Tufunga continued to do thi s for a long time, and on two occasions Tangaloa'Atulongo-longo flew down in the form of a plover to see i f anything had happened, but found nothing. On the t h i r d occasion, however, he found that the chips had formed an island. This was 'Eua. Later, Tangaloa Tufunga threw down more chips to form the islands of Kao and Tofua. Tongatapu and most of the other islands were the work of Maui. One day Maui v i s i t e d Manu'a and there an old man, Tonga Fusifonua, gave him a fish-hook. Maui went f i s h i n g with th i s hook, but when he t r i e d to p u l l in his l i n e he found i t was caught. He exerted a l l his strength and succeeded in hauling the l i n e i n , to find that he had dragged up Tongatapu from the bottom of the sea. Maui continued f i s h i n g with th i s wonderful hook and so pulled up from the deeps the rest of the islands of Tonga, and some of those of F i j i and Samoa as well. 'Ata began as a reef below the water and slowly rose out of the sea. One day Tangaloa'Atulongo-longo v i s i t e d 'Ata in the form of a plover and dropped a seed from his beak upon the isl a n d . The next time he v i s i t e d 'Ata he found that the seed had grown into a creeper that almost covered the island. He pecked at the root of thi s creeper u n t i l i t s p l i t in two. Then he returned to the sky. A few days l a t e r he returned to find that the root had rotted and a fat, juicy worm was curled up in i t . He pecked the worm in two. From the top section a man was formed c a l l e d Kohai. The bottom section also turned into a man ca l l e d Koau. Then the plover f e l t a morsel l e f t on his beak; he shook i t o f f and i t turned into a man ca l l e d Momo. Kohai, Koau and Momo were the f i r s t men in Tonga. Maui brought them wives from Pulotu and they became the ancestors of the Tongan people. THE STORY DIAGRAM 0 K e l e 0 Havea Lolofonua 0 * Lupe Henoana (Land) (Sea) ^ 0 B i k i Mainoa Longona Taufulifonua T l i k u l e ' o ( S p i r i t World) Tangaloa (Sky) A , 0 Atun Fonua Gaki 1 Fonuauta 0 3 0 VELELAHI = V e l e s i ' i Maui (Underworld) Islands of 'Eua, Kao, Tofua, 'Ata.... Islands of Tongatapu and F i j i and Samoa CREEPER AND WORM A = 0 A = 0 /\ = 0 Kohai Koau Momo (Who i s I t ) ( I t i s I ) (Fragment) A N C E S T O R S O F P R E S E N T P O P U L A T I O N - 16 -Elizabeth Bott (1982) discusses t h i s creation myth and relates i t to some of the Tongan ideas about t h e i r p o l i t i c a l system. Kohai i s attibuted as having been the f i r s t Tu'i Tonga and Koau the second. One of Tangaloa's sons, Tangaloa'Eitumatupu'a used to climb down a toa tree to v i s i t earth. On one v i s i t he lay with an earth woman, Va'epopua and she bore a son, 'Aho'eitu. The father returned to heaven and when the son grew up and became curious about his father Va'epopua directed him to the toa tree. 'Aho'eitu climbed the tree and found his father who welcomed him. The father had other sons of heavenly women and sent 'Aho'eitu out to meet them. He became concerned when h i s earth son did not return and suspected his other sons had k i l l e d him. The sons denied t h i s but Tangaloa 1Eitumatupu made each vomit into a bowl. They a l l vomitted f l e s h and blood and 'Aho'eitu came back to l i f e . The father c a l l e d a l l the sons together and sent 'Aho'eitu back to earth to take over as Tu'i Tonga replacing the l i n e of Kohai and Koau. In this story the inte r e s t i n g feature is that 'Aho'eitu was the youngest son and yet was chosen to become Tu'i Tonga. Normally i t would have been the oldest son. In this case what overrode s e n i o r i t y was the fact that 'Aho'eitu could rule on earth because he had the support of his mother and her people. According to Queen Salote, in her conversations with Elizabeth Bott, t h i s s i t u a t i o n was repeated many times i n Tonga's history. - 17 -" . . . . i t was the mother's people who gave support to an aspiring chief, and i f they were not strong he had l i t t l e chance of success. It was d i f f i c u l t for a chief to get an established following on a new island unless h i s mother came from that island, or unless he himself married women from the i s l a n d " . (10) Myths, legends and geneologies a l l help to reconstruct parts of Tonga's prehistory. The period which i s remembered through oral h i s t o r y i s approximately from 1000 A.D. to the f i r s t written records of the European explorers in the 17th century — a period known as the " C l a s s i c a l Tongan" period. Much information has been preserved and recorded about lihis era through the help of a committee set up by Queen Salote. The Tonga Traditions Committee (11) is s t i l l in existence today and has done much to ensure that part of Tonga's history w i l l never be l o s t . Genealogical records have unequivocally shown that Tonga had a highly developed s o c i a l system in operation long before the a r r i v a l of the Europeans. Gifford, in Tongan Society, (12) explains how this population was once s t r a t i f i e d into three s o c i a l classes consisting of the chiefs, the chief's assistants (10) Bott, E. Tongan Society at the Time of Captain Cook's V i s i t s ; Discussions with Her Majesty Queen Salote  Tupou, Memoir No.44. Wellington: The Polynesian Society (Incorporated) 1982, p.91. (11) The Tonga Traditions Committee i s a committee formed by the government of Tonga and maintains a f i l e in the Palace Records Office, Nuku'alofa of documents relevant to Tonga's history. Included in th e i r c o l l e c t i o n i s assorted family genealogies, "Tphi 'o 'Ene "Afio" (The Book of Queen Salote Tupou) and "Discussions on Tongan Custom 1958-1960." Many of these documents were based on Queen Salote's view of Tongan history. (12) Gifford, Tongan Society, Bernice Bishop Museum B u l l e t i n No.61, p.108. - 18 -or Matapules and commoners. There was even, within the class of chiefs, a system of hierarchy. O r i g i n a l l y , the paramount ruler was ca l l e d Tu'i Tonga. The f i r s t known Tu'i Tonga ruled around 950 A.D. and was thought to be the son of the sun god Tangaloa. From 950 A.D. u n t i l about 1450 A.D. Tu'i Tonga and hi s successors ruled both the s p i r i t u a l and the temporal worlds of Tonga. The 24th Tu'i Tonga divided his powers and handed over control of the temporal powers to his brother, so that a new dynasty was created under the t i t l e of Tu'i Ha'atakalaua. During the early part of the 17th century, another dynasty with the t i t l e Tu'i Kanokupolu was created (13) and the duty of t h i s new dynasty was the administration of the country. (14) The duties of the Tu'i Ha'atakalaua and his control over the temporal world gradually diminished as Tu'i Kanokupolu became more powerful. Tu'i Tonga and his power in the s p i r i t u a l world, maintained i t s importance but was, increasingly over time, regarded as a ceremonial function. Tu'i Tonga's powers did eventually become obsolete with the introduction of C h r i s t i a n i t y . After this time, a l l three t i t l e s became merged into one and the Tu'i Kanokupolu became the sovereign of a l l Tonga. It is from t h i s genealogical l i n e that the (13) Marcus, G.E. (1980) The N o b i l i t y and the Chi e f l y Tradition in the Modern Kingdom of Tonga, Memoir No.42, Wellington: The Polynesian Society (Incorporated), p.6. (14) The basic reason for the s p l i t t i n g up of the powers of the Tu'i Tonga into the sacred and secular was because a number of Tu'i Tonga were reported to have been assassinated in the f i f t e e n t h century. The twenty-fourth Tu'i Tonga s p l i t the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s in an e f f o r t to avoid being singled out as the only leader. - 19 -present day H.M. King Taufa'ahau Tupou IV can trace h i s ancestral roots back to Tu'i Kanokupolu. Despite these s h i f t s in power the pos i t i o n of Tu'i Tonga was always acknowledged to be s l i g h t l y superior to both Tu'i Kanokupolu and Tu'i Ha'atakalaua. The sup e r i o r i t y rested in the fact that Tu'i Tonga retained his power in the s p i r i t u a l world and in a l l ceremonial r i t e s he was the king i n whose name a l l t ribute was made. - 20 -EARLY EUROPEAN EXPLORERS The northern outlying islands of Tafahi and Niuatoputapu were the f i r s t of the Tongan group to be v i s i t e d by European explorers when in May, 1616, a Dutch expedition led by William Cornelisz Schouten and Jacob Le Maire accidentally sighted the islands. The purpose of the expedition on board the Eendracht was to find the great land thought to exist in the Southern P a c i f i c , having f a i l e d in i t s search, the expedition headed west to trade in the East Indies. En route to the East Indies, they came upon the Tongan Islands. Twenty-seven years l a t e r , Abel Janszoon Tasman approached from the south in his two ships, the Heemskerck and the Zeeham and v i s i t e d the souther islands of 'Ata, 'Eua and Tongatapu. On t h i s v i s i t , i t i s believed that Tasman introduced a tree c a l l e d Citrus decumane which bore f r u i t similar to the grapefruit. The next v i s i t was not u n t i l 1767 when Captain Samuel Wallis s a i l e d from a northern d i r e c t i o n and sighted the islands of Tafahi and Niuatoputapu as Schouten and Le Maire had done 151 years previous. Captain Wallis and his party of men aboard the H.M.S. Dolphin did not stay long on these islands and made no further explorations of the islands to the south. Five years l a t e r , two French ships, the "Marquis Castries" and the "Mascarin", made an even shorter v i s i t as they simply saxled through the Tongan waters. A much more curious explorer, Captain James Cook, arrived i n October, 1773, on the f i r s t of three v i s i t s to Tonga. This f i r s t v i s i t with the tv/o ships "Resolution" and "Adventure" approached from T a h i t i to the east and made l a n d f a l l on the northwestern corner of 'Eua. From 'Eua they v i s i t e d nearby Tongatapu before heading south to New Zealand. Cook returned with the ship "Resolution" and anchored at Nomuka. Communications between the islands was confirmed as natives of Nomuka knew who Cook was from his previous stop on Tongatapu. It was during t h i s v i s i t that Captain Cook bestowed the name the "Friendly Archipelago" on the Tongan Group. During Cook's t h i r d voyage in search of the Northwest Passage between Asia and Europe, he again v i s i t e d Tonga. This was in 177 7 with the two ships "Resolution" and "Discovery". The expedition returned to the island of Nomuka and from here, Cook spent two and one ha l f months moving from island to island. They v i s i t e d Lifuka in the central Ha'apai group and returned for second v i s i t s to 'Eua and Tongatapu. This b r i e f outline of the early explorers who v i s i t e d Tonga i s by no means complete (15), but i t is f e l t by histo r i a n s that the attractions which Tonga had to offer were not so great as to att r a c t very much more attention. Tonga was f i r s t v i s i t e d in 1616 but i t was not u n t i l 1898 that a complete hydrographic survey was made and a l l the islands in the Tongan group charted. Many of the early explorers sighted Tonga quite by accident as they were en route to other destinations. (15) Langdon, R. (1977) Rutherford (ed.) Tonga. "The Maritime Explorers", in N. Friendly Islands: A History of Those Who did venture ashore were in search of provisions such as wood, food, and water. Obviously, t h e i r reports back to Europe indicated that there was very limited commercial value or potential to be found in Tonga and that navigating through the central Ha'apai group could be very hazardous. These are some of the reasons why only a limited number of explorers made the i r way to Tonga and why th e i r v i s i t s were short in duration. Short though they were, they were by no means i n s i g n i f i c a n t as they were the f i r s t white men to see Tongans and f i r s t white men seen by Tongans. The information gathered by both groups l a i d the ground for future encounters and the white man revealed to the world through t h e i r logs what Tonga and i t s people were l i k e . The explorers introduced many new plants and animals to Tonga and, more l i k e l y than not, a few of the New World's diseases. The f i r s t permanent European s e t t l e r s were f i v e men who deserted the ship "Otter" en route from Sydney to Vancouver Island i n 1796. (16) They were followed a year l a t e r by ten missionaries from the London Missionary Society who landed on board the "Duff" i n Tongatapu. These o r i g i n a l missionaries did not fare very well since they arrived amidst a c i v i l war between factions supporting and opposing the current Tu'i Kanokupola. The fighti n g continued in Tonga for the following decade and during t h i s time, a chief named Finau Ulukalala gained control over the major island groups. His death i n (16) Ibid, p.51. - 23 -1809 put an end to most of the warring but the three royal t i t l e s f e l l vacant, and not u n t i l 1820 did a leader emerge. This new leader, Taufa'ahau, was the son of Tu'i Kanokupola. He i n i t i a l l y became chief of Ha'apai but l a t e r managed to acquire a l l three royal t i t l e s and under his guidance, the modern kingdom of Tonga was created. During this period of p o l i t i c a l t r a n s i t i o n , another missionary group arrived under the sponsorship of the Australian Wesleyans. Unlike the London Missionary Society, these new Wesleyans r e a l i z e d that t h e i r success would be dependent upon support from l o c a l a uthorities. They very astutely backed the emerging power kingroup of Tu'i Kanokupola. He had been an early convert to C h r i s t i a n i t y and had f a c i l i t a t e d the spread of C h r i s t i a n i t y throughout the Kingdom of Tonga. His r i s e to the supreme pos i t i o n of power i n 184 5 secured the Wesleyans' place in Tonga's future. (17) (17) Ibid. - 24 -EARLY EUROPEAN EXPLORERS (18) Explorer Nationality- Date Islands William Cornelisz Dutch Schouten and Jacob Le Maire Abel Janszoon Tasman Captain Samuel Wallis B r i t i s h 1616 Captain James Cook Francisos Antonio Mourelle La Perouse French B r i t i s h Spanish French William Bligh B r i t i s h Captain Edward Edwards B r i t i s h Captain d'Entrecasteaux Captain Alessandro Malaspina 1643 176 7 1772 1773 1774 1777 1781 1787 1791 1793 1791 Tafahi Niuatoputapu 'Ata ' Eua Tongatapu Tafahi Niuatoputapu ' Eua Tongatapu Nomuka Ha'apai ' Eua Tongatapu Vava'u Late Fonuale' Niuatoputapu Vava'u Tof ua Vava'u (18) Ibid. - 25 -CHAPTER TWO CHIEFS IN TONGA 1770-1780 Tongan society at the time of Captain Cook's v i s i t s was a highly s t r a t i f i e d society with a c h i e f l y p o l i t i c a l system. The Tongan people were able to gather s u f f i c i e n t food from the land and the sea to never require the c h i e f l y classes to concern themselves with manual work. The mild climate, f e r t i l e s o i l s , and r i c h marine resources enabled the Tongan people to l i v e comfortably within t h e i r island ecosystem. (1) Food was grown on the land and fished from the sea, clothing was made from the bark of the mulberry tree and the skins of animals, and shelter was constructed from the trees and leaves of the forest. Tongans were able to move about between the islands by canoe and communications between islands was, in some ways, almost as e f f e c t i v e as i t i s today. (2) Today, modern technological communications networks are fraught with malfunctions. (3) The t r o p i c a l climate did not demand that time and e f f o r t be spent on complicated structures to shelter and house people. Consequently, the t r a d i t i o n a l housing for commoners involved (1) The description of the general ecosystem refers to the period between 1770-1780. At this time resources were comparatively p l e n t i f u l and although hurricanes and droughts did occur there was not the huge demand placed on the produce from the land and sea as there i s in modern times. The population increase in recent times places new pressures on the f r a g i l e ecosystem. (2) United Nations General Assembly A37, "Special Economic and Disaster Relief Assistance." Assistance to Tonga Report  of the Secretary-General. November 198 2, p. 20-22. (3) Kennedy, T.F. (1961) "Land, Food and Population in the Kingdom of Tonga", Economic Geographer, No.37, p.61-71. - 26 -only simple bush materials which could be put together by only a few people in a r e l a t i v e l y short time. The housing for the chiefs was much more elaborate and required not only a great deal of time, but also s k i l l e d craftsmen and lots of helpers to complete. Social organization and kinship played a central role in determining production and d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth. In re l a t i o n to production chiefs occupied supervisory roles while commoners were relegated to the actual physical work. This was true not just for the construction of special c h i e f l y houses, but for production of foodstuffs, surpluses and trade goods as well. The best of everything would always be picked out for the chiefs in recognition of t h e i r s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . Occasional items which were in scarce supply were often reserved for the c h i e f l y classes and denied to the commoners through taboo r e s t r i c t i o n s . (4) Christine Gailey includes in her a r t i c l e on Tongan women and colonization a discussion of the d i v i s i o n of labor prior to European intervention. She proposes that the d i v i s i o n of labor was based on rank, gender and age. She says: "Most, but not a l l , chiefs did not produce th e i r own food, but were dependent on non-chiefly labor for t h e i r subsistence. Land was vested in the highest-ranking (paramount) chiefs, who assigned usufruct (use right) estates to lower-ranking chiefs in return for support in warfare, donations of food and durable products, and labor service by the "commoner" or tua people l i v i n g in the area." (5) (4) Bott, E. (1981) "Power and Rank in Tonga", Journal of Polynesian Society, Vol.90, No.l, p.2 2. (5) Gailey, Christine Ward (198 ). "Putting Down Sisters and Wives: Tongan Women and Colonization" in Mona Etienne Women and Colonization, p.3 00. - 27 -In t h i s chapter the p o s i t i o n of the n o b i l i t y w i l l be shown in r e l a t i o n to the society as a whole. The following chart outlines the basic h i e r a r c h i c a l structure. Each of the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are explained on the page following the chart. Tu'i Tonga T u i ' i Ha'atakalaua Tu'i Kanokupolu i Ha'a Chiefs Ha'a Chiefs Ha'a Chiefs Resident Ha'a Chiefs Resident Ha'a Chiefs land t i t l e s with land t i t l e s Resident Ha'a Chiefs with t i t l e s Kainga Kainga i Ka inga 'Api or Household Api 'Api The people of (Ha'a Takalaua) The people of (Kauhala'uta) The people of (Kauhalalao) - 28 -- T u i ' i Ha' atakalaua, Tu'i Tonga and Tu'i Kanokupolu were the three kings. - Ha'a i s a p a t r i l i n e a g e . A group o f people descended through men f r o m a coimvion ancestor. There are a number of ha'as i n each of the king l i n e s . - Each group descends from a son who did not succeed his father as king. (6) - Resident ha 1 a chiefs with land t i t l e s . This group of chiefs l i v e on t h e i r land estates and exert d i r e c t power over the commoners. - Kainga i s a c t u a l l y translated as "kinsmen" but also means one's own people and includes a l l those who reside on a p a r t i c u l a r chief's land. (7) - 'Api or household refers to the domestic family unit. In s t r i c t l y functional terms, i t was the resident chiefs with land t i t l e s who occupied a p i v o t a l point in the d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods and the flow of t r i b u t e . The people within each kainga are the only group which do the actual productive work. A successful kainga chief ensured that there was s u f f i c i e n t goods produced to supply his people, himself and h i s ha 1 a group. The ha'a chiefs received goods as tribute and had to supply both themselves and t h e i r king. (8) (6) Bott, E. (1981). "Power and Rank in the Kingdom of Tonga", Journal of Polynesian Society, Vol.90, No.l, p. 27-31. (7) Bott, E. (198 2). Tongan Society at the Time of Captain Cook's V i s i t s : Discussions with Her Majesty Queen  Salote Tupou^ Memoir No.44. Wellington, The Polynesian Society (Incorporated), p.57. (8) Ibid, p.65. - 29 -ACCESS TO NATURAL RESOURCES T r a d i t i o n a l l y , no land was communally owned. Land was as scarce in ancient times as i t i s today and controlled by the c h i e f l y classes as indicated below. The individuals who belonged to each chief's kainga were permitted to l i v e on and harvest certain plots belonging to the chief. In repayment for being allowed to grow crops commoners would save the best part of the harvest for the chief. (9) This system was not simply a rental payment but was reinforced by the s o c i e t a l values discussed e a r l i e r . The maintenance of respect, obligation and l o y a l t y deemed i t wise for the chief to allow commoners to farm certain areas and s i m i l a r l y dictated that the commoners show the i r respect by giving the best part of the crop to the c h i e f s . In order to keep a r e a l i s t i c perspective on the effectiveness of these in t e r c l a s s values i t should be appreciated that the b e l i e f system also included such b e l i e f s as that "commoners" lacked souls, precluding them from an a f t e r l i f e in Tongan paradise, and that when they died they simply became vermin. The chiefs, on the other hand, did have souls and after death went d i r e c t l y and automatically to Pulotu, the Tongan paradise where they became secondary gods. This p a r t i c u l a r aspect of the b e l i e f system served to j u s t i f y the chief's treatment of commoners. (9) Ibid, p.71. - 30 -Some commoners attached to the kaingas of cruel or unkind chiefs were subjected to even the most unreasonable whims and were powerless to rebel. There was no value placed on the l i v e s of those who had no souls. Rebellion against a reasonable, or even an unreasonable (by Tongan standards) chief, meant instant death. The moral code supported these kinds of incidents because the commission of murder, theft or adultery was not regarded as an offence unless committed against equals or those of superior class or against sacred objects. The duties of the kainga chief to his people were apparently not stressed except to say that the chief led his people and took care of them. If he did not f u l f i l l his obligations such as dividing up any food he received or attending their weddings and funerals there were a number of things the kainga members could do to r e t a l i a t e . One way was not to be so generous in the quality or quantity of food contributed to the chief. The chief needed a certain amount to pass along to other chiefs and eventually to the Tu'i Tonga, who himself had no kainga. If a chief were not able to contribute s u f f i c i e n t food to his chiefs then he would lose respect as a powerful chief. Another method the kainga member used to weaken a chief was to s l i p away and become a member of another kainga thereby decreasing the size and strength of his former kainga. Elizabeth Bott (198 2) adds: - 31 -"One reason for the kainga putting up with cruelty was that the chief was the embodiment of themselves; i f he was great, they were great; i f he was a f o o l , they were fools. It was in th e i r interests to see that t h e i r chief was regarded as an important man to outsiders." (10) Access to the marine resources was much more communal than access to land. The actual rights of f i s h i n g both inshore and offshore belonged to those l i v i n g on the adjacent shoreline. Most chiefs had waterfront property and, therefore, had access to f i s h i n g in the waters bordering th e i r property. Every commoner who had land bordering the shore also had the right to f i s h there and even those who l i v e d inland usually had a friend or kainga mate who would permit him f i s h i n g rights in return for a supply of taro or yams or some other inland crop. Communal f i s h i n g v/as practiced on a large scale and would be organized by a man c a l l e d Pulepola, or one who rules the pola. He would get hundreds of people together and d i r e c t the building and eventual use of huge fences to trap the f i s h . Each kainga group had exclusive rights to pola grounds adjacent to i t s land. The pola hunt could be organized and executed without permission from the chief. The f i r s t of the catch, however, went d i r e c t l y to the chief. (11) (10) Ibid. (11) G i f f o r d , Tongan Society. Bernice Bishop Museum B u l l e t i n No.61, p.146-147. - 32 -The chief did not p a r t i c i p a t e in the f i s h i n g a c t i v i t i e s . Fie r e l i e d on the professional fishermen to give him advice on the seasonal variations of the sea. On the basis of t h i s advice he would create taboos on certain species at certain times of the year. Often the taboo would apply to everyone except the chier. The chief had the authority and the professional fisherman had the knowledge. Together they formed a very e f f e c t i v e conservation team. (12) A continuous harvest from the inshore area was p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l i a n t on t h i s form of t r a d i t i o n a l conservation. Without some regulation of harvest i t would not take very long before there were no more s h e l l f i s h . The fishermen knew when the mating season was and could advise the chief to place a taboo on s h e l l f i s h at t h i s time. (13) (12) Klee, G. (1980) "Oceania", i n G. Klee (ed.) World Systems of T r a d i t i o n a l Resource Management. San Jose State University, V.H. Winston and Sons, p.253-255. (13) Handy, W.C. Houses, Boats, Fishing-Society Islands, Bernice P. Bishop Museum B u l l e t i n , No.90, p.69 & 76-81. - 33 -LOCATION OF CHIEF'S RESIDENCE The smallest unit over which a chief ruled was known as the s u b d i s t r i c t (14) or the 'api. This consisted of a number of household units located on the land of the t i t l e d chief who had residual rights over a p a r t i c u l a r section of land. A l l land in Tonga belonged to someone; even the uninhabited land was assigned to a chief. In theory, a l l the land a c t u a l l y belonged to Tu'i Tonga, the sacred king, but there i s no evidence to suggest that he took land away from any of his c h i e f s . The way in which land would be reassigned was by Tu'i Tonga appointing a new man to an estate. It was up to the new man to go to the already inhabited land and establish himself as the new leader. He may marry into families of powerful inhabitants and eventually absorb them into his kainga. The two main ways for a chief to acquire land was to either marry into i t or be given a land grant. Marriage was the much more common means. It was these resident chiefs who had the most power over the commoners. As long as the obligations to higher ha'a chiefs were f u l f i l l e d these resident chiefs were l e f t alone and were not required to account for t h e i r treatment of t h e i r subjects. There was no court or legal system for the chief's subjects to appeal to for just treatment. There was, however, a mutual need for the chief to be good and f a i r to his subjects so that they would produce s u f f i c i e n t (14) Ibid. - 34 -foodstuffs enabling him to f u l f i l l his obligations to other chiefs higher and more powerful than himself. The size and composition of the kainga was constantly changing. A chief who b u i l t his reputation as a good and just leader had a kainga group that would expand with new families. "The rules of residence and inheritance of land were f l e x i b l e . Normally a woman l i v e d with her husband. But i f she were the daughter of a man with land and a strong kainga, and i f her husband had no land of his own, he might come to l i v e with her." (15) Simil a r l y , a chief who became known as an unreasonable and unjust leader would only see increases through new b i r t h s . Young people would try to marry into other kainga groups and those remaining would be l e f t to endure the wrath of t h e i r leader. The kainga as a s o c i e t a l unit was constant but the size and composition r e f l e c t e d very much the type of leader in power. (15) Bott, E. Tongan Society at the Time of Captain Cook's  V i s i t s : Discussion with Her Majesty Queen Salote Tupou, Memoir No.44. Wellington: The Polynesian Society (Incorporated) 1982, p.161. - 35 -"Unlike the Samoan v i l l a g e where authority-was vested in the v i l l a g e fono, at which the matais ( t i t l e d heads of the families) discussed matters a f f e c t i n g the v i l l a g e before they were implemented, the powers of the v i l l a g e chief i n Tonga were absolute and arb i t r a r y . The Tongan fono was simply a compulsory assembly of the people to receive instructions from the chief. Offenders were not brought to public t r i a l as was the case in Samoa. Any major offences were dealt with by the chief whose decisions were absolute, punish-ment frequently being meted out on the spot, either by the chief himself or by one of his powerful henchmen. This absolute power of the r u l i n g chiefs, however, contained the seeds of the system's own destruction. As c h i e f l y ambitions grew they fostered l o c a l autonomy, thus threatening the p o l i t i c a l unity of Tonga as a whole." (16) The decade of 1770-1780 represents the f i n a l days of the three king system of government. Each of the three kings was supreme among his group of followers and t h i s created three main divisions within the society. Kauhala'uta were the people of Tu'i Tonga; Ha'a Takalaua were the people of Tu'i Ha'ataralaua and Kauhalalao were the people of Tu'i Kanokupolu. These groups were not equal in size or power. The scene which Captain Cook witnessed during his v i s i t s was that both Tu'i Ha'atarolaua and Tu'i.Kanokupolu acknowledged the superior rank of Tu'i Tonga. There were attempts being made to appoint a new Tu'i Tonga during the l i f e t i m e of Tu'i Tonga. The Tu'i Ha'ataralaua l i n e that f a i l e d twice had been taken over by an individual from the Hauhalalalo group lo y a l to Tu'i Kanokupolu. The people of Tu'i Kanokupolu were very strong but f i g h t i n g was soon to erupt amongst them. (16) Latukefu, Sione (1974) Church and State in Tonga. The Wesleyan Methodist Missionaries and P o l i t i c a l Development 1822-1875. Canberra, Australian National University Press, p.10. - 36 -These three kings each had a number of subordinate chiefs who were members of a ha'a. A ha'a was a group of t i t l e s which were derived from the t i t l e s of sons of kings who did not succeed to the kingship position. Each of the kings had several ha'a and each ha 1 a had numerous t i t l e holding chiefs with t h e i r own kainga. The kainga were the l o c a l subjects. The location of the chiefs' residence was extremely important during t h i s decade. On a l l of the islands in the kingdom there were people of a l l three p o l i t i c a l groups, Kauhala'uta, Ha'a Takalaua, and Kauhalalalo. The way in which t h i s i s l a n d by island representation was obtained was that each king had sent l o y a l i s t s to the various islands to rule on his behalf. Over a great number of years before the 1770's, a l l three groups became represented. It was Tu'i Tonga who was the o r i g i n a l ruler and during his reign he sent out his people to rule on his behalf. (17) The t i t l e of Tu'i Tonga was l a t e r r e t i r e d to become the sacred king and Tu'i Ha atakalau was appointed to administer the secular a f f a i r s of the kingdom. He then sent his ha'a chiefs out to the islands. S t i l l l a t e r , when Tu'i Kanokupolu was in power, he sent his men and so, by 1770, a l l three kings had their supporters on a l l of the lands in the Kingdom of Tonga. The leaders who were sent out to the islands did not assume authority by stepping into ascribed positions at the (17) Ibid, p.158. - 3 7 -l o c a l l e v e l . They had to be strong leaders and earn the respect of and authority over the islanders. One of the most common methods of establishing oneself as a new leader was by marrying l o c a l women from powerful families and after a generation or two of marriages between powerful families, the o r i g i n a l leader's sons could have a very strong l i n e of authority. when Captain Cook v i s i t e d Tonga, the three kings had the i r strongholds in d i f f e r e n t locations. The people of Kauhalalalo were the most powerful in Ha'apai and Vava'u. The three kings a l l l i v e d on Tongatapu but the i r power was d i r e c t l y dependent on the number and strength of t h e i r chiefs in every corner of the land. (18) The chiefs had ultimate power over t h e i r subjects as members of th e i r kainga. There was potential for c o n f l i c t among old leaders and the new ones sent by the king but t h i s v/as not often the case. The kings, located on the inain island of Tongatapu, did not send out new leaders to islands where the old order was strong. When i t was preferable to have a new leader from Tongatapu, the king would ensure that the new leader was of a superior rank and so takeover was sometimes eased by the acknowledgement of the superiority of the new person's l i n e . Sometimes marriages were arranged between the new leader and the old leader's daughters and then the takeover could be accomplished through kinship instead of c o n f l i c t and f i g h t i n g . (18) Ibid, p.159. - 38 -LEGAL STATUS The system of t i t l e s used in Tongan society was very important at the time of Captain Cook's v i s i t s . It provided the major guidelines which regulated the hierarchy and established the flow of goods as t r i b u t e . As was previously outlined, there were three major kings in Tonga. One was ultimately superior in status, i f not always in power. This was Tu'i Tonga, and he was the sacred king. His l i n e of succession was the only l i n e which was automatic in that i t went to his eldest son. In other lines i t was other t i t l e d members of the same ha'a who selected the successor and i t was a choice based on agreement as to who was most suitable and capable. (19) Legal status i s not a p a r t i c u l a r l y v a l i d term to use in discussing Tongan society during the 1770's. There was no actual legal system in force. There was, however, a model system which can be understood by integrating three features of Tongan society: s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , the values which governed relationships between the strata, and a b e l i e f system which sanctioned the s o c i a l order. The Tongan society was s t r a t i f i e d in an elaborate and complex way. At the top end was the ha 1 a t u ' i consisting of the three royal dynasties; the Tu'i Tonga, the Tu'i Ha'atahalaua and Tu'i Kanokupolu. Next in l i n e was the c h i e f l y class (hou'eiki), followed by the gentry class (19) Ibid, p.160. - 3 9 -( m u ' a ) , t h e c h i e f ' s a t t e n d a n t s ( m a t a p u l e ) , t h e c o m m o n e r ' s c l a s s ( t u ' a o r m e ' a v a l e ) a n d f i n a l l y , t h e s l a v e c l a s s ( p u p u l a ) . A s w e l l a s t h e s e s i x m a i n g r o u p s , t h e r e w e r e a l s o p r o f e s s i o n a l c l a s s e s o f p r i e s t s ( t a u l a ) , t h e c a r e t a k e r s ( h a ' a t u f u n g a ) , t h e n a v i g a t o r s ( t o u t a i ) a n d t h e s k i l l e d t r a d e s m e n ( t u f u n g a ) . ( S e e d i a g r a m n e x t p a g e ) . T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n t h e s e v a r i o u s g r o u p s w a s q u i t e s t r i c t a n d w e l l d e f i n e d . M e m b e r s w e r e t a u g h t f r o m a n e a r l y a g e b y i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e s o c i o p o l i t i c a l g r o u p s . T h e s m a l l e s t o f t h e s e u n i t s w a s t h e ' a p i o r h o u s e h o l d . N e x t , t h e e x t e n d e d f a m i l y o r f a ' a h i n g a , a n d t h e n , t h e g r o u p u n d e r t h e c o n t r o l o f a p a r t i c u l a r c h i e f c a l l e d a k a i n g a . A b o v e t h i s l e v e l w a s t h e h a ' a w h i c h c o n s i s t e d o f a l o o s e l y g r o u p e d n u m b e r o f g e n e o l o g i c a l l y r e l a t e d c h i e f s , a n d f i n a l l y , t h e f o n u a , o r t h e w h o l e s o c i e t y . I n o r d e r t o k e e p t h i s s t r a t i f i e d g r o u p o p e r a t i n g s m o o t h l y t h e r e w e r e t h r e e i m p o r t a n t v a l u e s w h i c h w e r e i n t e r w o v e n w i t h i n t h e g e n e r a l n o t i o n s o f g o o d c i t i z e n r y . T h e v a l u e s w e r e r e s p e c t ( f a h a ' a p a ' a p a ) , o b l i g a t i o n ( f a t o n g i a ) a n d l o y a l t y ( m a t e a k i ) . A s l o n g a s t h e r e w a s g e n e r a l a d h e r e n c e t o t h e s e v a l u e s , s o c i e t a l b u s i n e s s w a s e f f i c i e n t l y m a i n t a i n e d . T h e b e l i e f s y s t e m w a s r e i n f o r c e d b y a n d s a n c t i o n e d t h e s o c i a l o r d e r . A n y v i o l a t i o n o f t h e t a b o o s w a s b e l i e v e d t o a n g e r t h e g o d s a n d w o u l d c a u s e s e v e r e n a t u r a l d i s a s t e r s . - 40 -! Tu'i Tonga ! i i i i i i I Tu'i Kanokupolu I 1 Tu'i Ha'atahalaua 1 i i i C h iefly classes 1 i Hou'eiki 1 Professional Classe s Priests-Taula Caretakers-Ha'atu Funga Navigators-Touta i S k i l l e d Tradesmen-Tufunga Gentry classes Mu' a Chief's Attendants Matapule Commoner's class Tu'a or Me'avale Tongan chiefs and t h e i r kaingas were involved in two major types of obligations and relationships. F i r s t was the obligation of sending tribute and foodstuffs to the ha'a chief who would be the superior t i t l e h o l d e r . Through him, tributes would eventually reach the king, Tu'i Tonga. These relationships were formally outlined in the system of t i t l e s and ha !a and were r i t u a l l y reinforced through the Kava ceremony. The Tongan chiefs had far-reaching powers over t h e i r subjects. They were, however, held in check by a reliance on t h e i r subjects to provide them with a s u f f i c i e n t quantity and q u a l i t y of food. This was necessitated by t h e i r obligations - 41 -to the king. Although a l l the produce of the land belonged to the chief, obligations to the king had to be met in order for the chief to retain his omnipotent position over his subjects. As long as the chief f u l f i l l e d obligations to those higher up he was l e f t alone and did not have to account for his treatment of those below him. The second typo of r e l a t i o n s h i p governing the actions of the chief and his subjects was kinship-based. Such t i e s included p o l i t i c a l a l l i a n c e s attained through marriage, obligations to s i b l i n g s , and a complex system of personal rank and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . One of the p r i n c i p l e s of kinship dictated that s i s t e r s had higher rank than t h e i r brothers. (20) The i n f e r i o r p o s ition of brothers to their s i s t e r s manifested i t s e l f most often in s o c i a l situations, e s p e c i a l l y in ceremonial proceedings l i k e marriages and funerals. On such occasions, the chief would be i n f e r i o r to c e r t a i n of his family members. He would be of i n f e r i o r rank to his s i s t e r s , and of i n f e r i o r rank to his elder brothers. (21) This was also true of the Tu'i Tonga. His s i s t e r outranked him. The p r i n c i p l e s of rank must not be confused with the p r i n c i p l e s of authority. Rank position i s most s i g n i f i c a n t in ceremonial functions; authority position i s related to access to power. (20) Bott, E. (1981) "Power and Rank in the Kingdom of Tonga", Journal of Polynesian Society, Vol.90, No.l, p.8-9. (21) This overlapping of the p r i n c i p l e s of rank ( s i s t e r s ' superiority) with the p r i n c i p l e s of authority i s explained more thoroughly in an a r t i c l e by Elizabeth Bott c a l l e d "Power and Rank in the Kingdom of Tonga", p.8-9. - 42 -EDUCATION, CHURCH AMD STATE Unlike modern times, the spheres of education, church, and state did not occupy such separate places in society. There were no formal schools. Rather, education was a part of growing up and learning about the society, h i s t o r y and l i f e s k i l l s from one's own extended family. The professional classes of fishermen, tradesmen, navigators and p r i e s t s formed as much a hereditary class system as was the ha'a of the chiefs. The sons of navigators apprenticed under t h e i r fathers or uncles and learned the s k i l l s of that s p e c i f i c trade. Education was limited by the position one occupied on the h i e r a r c h i c a l ladder of Tongan society. The location on that ladder predetermined what body of information and education was accessible. Within the professional classes there was a hierarchy of status depending on exactly what s k i l l was required. The class with the least status included such occupational categories as tattooers, club carvers and barbers. Hereditary rules were not as s t r i c t l y enforced in these groups as in the upper classes. The following table shows some of the professional groups, the r e s t r i c t i o n s on participants, and whether or not the trade was hereditary. The matapules were the chief's advisors, the muas were warriors, and the tuas worked the land and were servants of the chief. - 43 -Hereditary by Choice i- S k i l l -1 ! Canoe builders 1 1 Whale teeth cutters ! 1 Supervisor of funeral rites-1 ! Stone masons -! Net makers ! i Fishermen 1 Class Matapules and Muas Large house builders Muas and Tuas Hereditary by Default Tattooers Club carvers Barbers Hereditary by Cooks Peasants * i Tuas only ( 22) Demand _ i The group of s k i l l s l i s t e d at the top represent s k i l l s which had the most status in Tonga. This s o c i a l respect was largely due to the knowledge and talent required to be good at the jobs. They were hereditary by choice for three reasons. 1.) They each required long periods of t r a i n i n g , 2.) the training was generally done by fathers with t h e i r sons and 3.) these professions were highly prized and desired occupations for sons. Tattooers, club carvers and barbers were generally inherited posts because they did not have such a high a status or require the same degree of s k i l l as those which were hereditary by choice. Few outsiders sought such s k i l l s . Cooks and peasants were hereditary by the demand of the chief. These persons served a chief and trained t h e i r sons and daughters to also serve that chief. (22) Coult, p.63. - 44 -In the 17 70's, there was no formal church, nor was C h r i s t i a n i t y present. Tu'i Tonga was the ruler of the s p i r i t u a l and sacred and was himself regarded as a deity. The b e l i e f system reinforced the power of the c h i e f l y class and as stated on page 29 s p e c i f i e d that a f t e r death, the souls of the chiefs would go automatically to Pulotu, the Tongan paradise, where they would become secondary gods. The state, as we have already discussed, was a three-king p o l i t i c a l system with Tu'i Tonga as the ultimate supreme r u l e r . The society was a highly s t r a t i f i e d system comprised of a hierarchy of authority, p r i n c i p l e s of kinship and a system of obligations and relationships. The state did not have a legal system or a constitution. It had instead, c e r t a i n t r a d i t i o n a l rules and regulations adhered to very s t r i c t l y at ceremonial functions and less s t r i c t l y in the day-to-day a c t i v i t i e s of the kingdom. - 45 -Summary In this 18th century decade the role of the c h i e f l y classes was f a i r l y well specified through a hierarchy of power relationships between the chi e f s . There were no legal procedures, no elections and no courts. Warfare and a l l i a n c e s were the main methods of increasing the kainga size and subsequently the importance of the l o c a l chief. Each chief belonged to a ha'a group and was expected to make offerings and g i f t s to the ha'a group who would i n turn make offerings to their leader (Kauhala'uta, Ha'a Takalaua or Kauhalalalo). At t h i s time Kauhala'uta was the Tu'i Tonga and so the other two chiefs would make offerings to him, the sacred r u l e r of Tonga. Succession was not automatic but based on the individual's a b i l i t y . Other chiefs of the ha'a group would ultimately decide on who would assume a vacant t i t l e . This was eventually changed by the constitu t i o n of 187 5 which decreed that the eldest son must succeed. - 46 -CHAPTER THREE .TONGAN CHIEFS AND NOBLES 1870-1880 After a r e l a t i v e l y short, a l b e i t intense, period of c o n f l i c t , C h r i s t i a n i t y was adopted in the three major island groups of Ha'apai, Vava'u and Tongatapu. Along with t h i s struggle to convert the Tongan people to C h r i s t i a n i t y was the p o l i t i c a l struggle of Taufa'ahau (later Tupou I) to unite a l l Tonga under his leadership. In 1045, he was elected to the t i t l e Tu'i Kanokupolu under the name Siaosi (George) Tupou. Although elected to t h i s p o sition in 1845, he was not accepted by a l l the chiefs on Tongatapu and further f i g h t i n g occurred u n t i l 185 2 when Tupou f i n a l l y emerged the v i c t o r . During the next several decades, Tupou I issued numerous proclamations a l l designed to bring a new Tonga into the c i v i l i z e d world. (1) He attempted to rewrite the internal t r a d i t i o n a l laws and emancipate the people from the previously powerful chiefs. In 186 2 he i n s t i t u t e d a code of law for the whole of Tonga in which i t was stated that henceforth a l l Tongans, be they chiefs or commoners, were to be treated equally before the law. He also appropriated a great deal of d i r e c t power that the chiefs wielded over the commoners and t h i s freed the commoners from forced labour, and compulsory contributions to t h e i r c h i e f s . In fact, he removed the single most s i g n i f i c a n t power which gave the chiefs the position of dominance --(1) Bott, E. (1981). "Power and Rank in the Kingdom of Tonga" Journal of Polynesian Society, Vol.90, No.l, p.59-60. - 47 -he gave commoners control over t h e i r own property. These changes were included in the new constitution which came into e f f e c t on November 4, 1875. It guaranteed rights to l i f e , property and worship; i t defined a new form of government and i t declared that a l l land belonged to the king and that he could grant land areas to the nobles who, in turn, could lease portions to the people. (2) He restructured the s o c i a l system in such a way as to make the nobles dependent on him as king instead of being supported by t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l kainga. E s s e n t i a l l y , what he did was to make 3 0 of the chiefs into "nobles" and assign a hereditary estate to each. These nobles were then responsible for granting hereditary leases of 8-1/4 acres to each adult male over the age of 16 years. He could then c o l l e c t an annual rent from the lessee. (2) Constitution of Tonga, 1875. Part I Declaration of Rights "Seeing i t appears to be the Will of God for man to be free, as He has made of one blood a l l nations of men, therefore s h a l l the people of Tonga be for ever free, and a l l people who reside or may reside in this kingdom. And the l i v e s and bodies and time of a l l people s h a l l be free to possess and acquire property, a l l doing as they l i k e with the f r u i t s of t h e i r hands, and using t h e i r own property as they may seem f i t . Part II Form of Government 44. The person of the King i s sacred. He governs the land, but his Ministers are responsible. A l l laws that have passed the Legislative Assembly must have His Majesty's signature before they become law. 60. It is with the King and Legislative Assembly to enact a l l laws; and the Nobles and Representatives of the people s h a l l s i t in one House. - 48 -The 3 0 noble t i t l e s and the 6 matapule t i t l e s who were granted estates were to be inherited according to fixed B r i t i s h rules of succession (3) instead of by the f l e x i b l e rules of the t r a d i t i o n a l Tongan system. This system of t i t l e s became, in fact, i n f l e x i b l e . An inevitable period of c o n f l i c t erupted as c e r t a i n of the other chiefs and t i t l e holders, who had not been made nobles, realized that they would soon lose a l l their t r a d i t i o n a l power and s o c i a l position. This p a r t i c u l a r period of c o n f l i c t did eventually resolve i t s e l f during the 1880's. Consequently the chiefs who were not made into nobles gradually l o s t t h e i r power and their t i t l e s ; and from commanding "some respect" went to commanding "not much respect". The 30 chiefs who became nobles and the 6 matapule who were given land, a l l prospered. These 3 0 men were no longer dependent on t h e i r kainga for support; but t h e i r kaingas were s t i l l dependent on them at least, for land. The land a l l o t t e d to a l l males of 16 years and over was ensured by the constit u t i o n but i t was not u n t i l 1915 that the s p e c i f i c allotments were registered. The l e g i s l a t u r e was also defined by the constitution and within the d e f i n i t i o n was a provision for an assembly heavily weighted with nobles. It consisted of a cabinet and an assembly with seven nobles' representatives and seven peoples' representatives elected by the population at large. The cabinet, too, was largely composed of nobles. (3) See quote p.51 explaining the adaptation of the B r i t i s h rules of succession. - 4 9 -A t t h e v i l l a g e l e v e l , t h e r e was no l o n g e r an autonomous v i l l a g e government b u t r a t h e r e l e c t e d Town and D i s t r i c t o f f i c e r s who i n t e r p r e t e d and e n f o r c e d t h e l a w a t t h e l o c a l l e v e l . C h i e f s no l o n g e r had any f o r m a l power i n t h e v i l l a g e p o l i t i c s . In t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s y s t e m i t was t h e c o n t r o l t h a t t h e c h i e f s w i e l d e d a t t h e l o c a l v i l l a g e l e v e l t h a t was t h e b a s i s o f t h e i r power. Now a u t h o r i t y had s h i f t e d t o t h e c e n t r a l government. The f a c t t h a t t h e c e n t r a l g o v ernment was composed l a r g e l y o f n o b l e s i s , f u r t h e r m o r e , v e r y i m p o r t a n t t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h i s s y s t e m . A l t h o u g h t h e i r l o c a l r o o t s o f power had weakened, t h e n o b l e s ' a c t u a l d o m i n a t i o n w i t h i n t h e new power s t r u c t u r e had n o t . The b a s i s o f t h e i r power h a d changed from v i l l a g e p o l i t i c s t o n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s . A l o n g w i t h t h i s s h i f t i n power b a s e came a s h i f t i n t h e a r e a s i n w h i c h t h i s power was e x e r t e d and t h e ends t o w h i c h i t was u s e d . In t h e n e x t s e c t i o n I w i l l d i s c u s s t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f modern Tonga and a t t e m p t t o d i s c e r n f a c t o r s w h i c h , i n d e p e n d e n t o f government i n t e r v e n t i o n , h a v e come t o be c o n t r o l l e d b y t h e modern n o b l e c l a s s . A l t h o u g h t h i s f o r m a l s y s t e m o f government was i n s t i t u t e d i n 1875 i t was many y e a r s b e f o r e t h e t r a n s i t i o n f r o m t r a d i -t i o n a l t o modern was c o m p l e t e . - 50 -ACCESS TO NATURAL RESOURCES The decade from 1870-1880 was a time of great p o l i t i c a l upheaval, c o n f l i c t and general confusion for the people of Tonga but, most especially, to those belonging to the pri v i l e g e d n o b i l i t y . The constituion was passed i n 1875 and outlined profound changes within the t r a d i t i o n a l skeleton of the society. Some changes were put into legal e f f e c t immediately but in r e a l i t y many years passed before a new blend of t r a d i t i o n a l and modern occurred. The major change for the n o b i l i t y was the reassignment of a l l the lands of Tonga to 3 6 people selected by King George Taufa'ahau Tupou I. Thirty important chiefs were made into "nobles" and given hereditary estates to manage. Six matapule (chiefs' attendants) were chosen to also manage estates but were not inducted into the n o b i l i t y . The ramifications of t h i s restructuring of land control was multifaced. In this section, I w i l l outline only the d i r e c t e f fects on the n o b i l i t y ' s access to natural resources. The constitution e f f e c t i v e l y wiped out the t r a d i t i o n a l system of chiefs and kaingas as p o l i t i c a l units. In theory, i t wiped them out a l l together but, in r e a l i t y , i t was a long and slow process to b u i l d l o y a l t y to a new noble c l a s s . In some cases, the land granted the noble was the same land he had controlled as a kainga chief. Changes in these areas were not so great. Trouble occurred in areas where powerful chiefs were replaced and the deep l o y a l t i e s of the kainga members were ca l l e d upon to right these i n j u s t i c e s . - 51 -The new n o b i l i t y , as hereditary estate managers, were now e s s e n t i a l l y occupying an ascribed position as opposed to thei r formally achieved position as kainga head. The land had formerly been always under the control of the chief and now the chief (noble) was supposed to grant hereditary leases of 8-1/4 acres to each adult male over the age of 16 years. He v/as also supposed to receive from the lessee an annual rent. The government would pay the estate holder for each section of land granted to an adult male. The li n e s of power had dramatically shifted from the chiefs supported by th e i r kainga, to nobles supported by the state. The intent of the law was to make a l l Tongans equal under the law and to free the common people from a t r a d i t i o n a l feudal bondage. The changes were great but power s t i l l rested with the nobles in r e l a t i o n to commoners. The nobles' p o s i t i o n was no longer dependent on a l o c a l kainga, yet he s t i l l retained a large degree of control over i t s members. Because his pos i t i o n was b a s i c a l l y ascribed, he v/as no longer judged on how well he managed or mismanaged his holdings. He kept his position, authority, income and voice in the new l e g i s l a t i v e assembly, irrespective of merit. (3) The years between 1870 and 1880 saw a n e g l i g i b l e change in land ownership by commoners. The t r a d i t i o n a l system of land usage continued and i t was ac t u a l l y not u n t i l 1915 (4) that the new allotments were actually registered with the government. Although the immediate changes were small, the eventual impact on Tongan culture was profound. The new land tenure laws became a catalyst for c u l t u r a l transformation. The new c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y appointed nobles became estate holders and old chiefs were - 52 -relegated to a position of legal obscurity. In fact, although they were not l e g a l l y abolished, they were quite simply ignored by the state. These chiefs retained t h e i r t i t l e s and continued to pass them on to th e i r sons, but th e i r status as chiefs gradually diminished to ceremonial functions such as s i t t i n g at the head of t h e i r own kava ceremonies. Ceremonially, they had status but economically, they were no d i f f e r e n t than a commoner who operated a small scale farm. The description just given is what eventually transpired for that c i r c l e of chiefs not granted hereditary status. During the decade we are concerned with in this section, l i t t l e change actually occurred to a f f e c t the status of the chiefs within t h e i r kaingas. The constitution was passed halfway through the decade and the following f i v e years were spent beginning the long process of sorting out what t h i s new system meant to individuals in their day-to-day l i v e s . In essence the power and influence slowly became consolidated in the hands of fewer c h i e f s . The u n t i t l e d t r a d i t i o n a l chiefs maintained a degree of status, even power, in t h e i r l o c a l kainga groups. But the new n o b i l i t y held the power in the new central government. The king retained ultimate control. The king's power was supported by the terms of the const i t u t i o n . (3) Bott, E. (1981) "Power and Rank in the Kingdom of Tonga." Journal of Polynesian Society, Vol.9 0, No.l, p.59. (4) Maude, A. (1971) "Tonga: Equality Overtaking P r i v i l e g e , " in R. Crocombe (ed.) Land Tenure in the P a c i f i c . Melbourne, Oxford University Press, p.106-128. - 53 -LOCATION OF NOBLE'S RESIDENCE The location of the noble's residence became decreasingly important after the new n o b i l i t y were issued t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l l y assigned hereditary estates. A noble was responsible for the administration of his lands, but he was no longer dependent on his subjects for t h e i r support. It was now possible for a noble to reside anywhere outside his former kainga and to have his a f f a i r s administered by an agent. The appointed n o b i l i t y had new r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as members of the l e g i s l a t i v e assembly in the c a p i t a l of Nuku'alofa and could be expected to maintain dual residences, i f not simply move to the c a p i t a l altogether. The chiefs who were not made into nobles by the granting of hereditary estates were s t i l l bound to t h e i r kainga for support and prestige. There were no new avenues immediately open to them except for a f f i l i a t i o n through marriage to the new-nobles. The new land tenure system encouraged a strengthening of the family as a primary s o c i a l unit. The more adult males e n t i t l e d to land allotments in a kainga, the larger the consolidated land allotment would be and the more potential for the family to attain economic independence and even wealth. This fact created a s i t u a t i o n which was quite d i f f e r e n t from the actual intent of the land reform laws. The system was created as an equalizing strategy, so that individuals would have access to small land holdings within a semi-feudal hereditary estate controlled by the central government. Instead, the consolidation of plots by kinsmen allowed for the continuation of a t r a d i t i o n a l kainga system where the kingroup head remained the chief or leader of the group. - 54 -The s t a t u s o f s i s t e r s w i t h i n the k i n s h i p system d i d not change nor d i d i t p a r t i c u l a r l y i n f l u e n c e some o f t h e new t r e n d s brought about by t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y g r a n t e d a l l o t m e n t s . The s i s t e r s had rank over t h e b r o t h e r s b u t th e y d i d not have a u t h o r i t y . They were a b l e t o ask t h i n g s o f t h e i r b r o t h e r s and were l i k e l y t o r e c e i v e g i f t s , b u t th e y c o u l d not e x e r t any d i r e c t power over them. I t was the a d u l t males who r e c e i v e d t h e l a n d a l l o t m e n t s . - 55 -LEGAL STATUS The legal status of the new n o b i l i t y created by the constitution was where the center of Tongan strength, power and prestige lay. It did not immediately enhance a man's position in r e l a t i o n to the t r a d i t i o n a l system; but, in r e l a t i o n to the modern state which was being organized, i t eminently strengthened the influence of a select group. The new noble class was in o r i g i n and essence a legal phenomenon. Under the terms of the constitution i t was stated: "There s h a l l be but one law i n Tonga for chiefs and commoners for Europeans and Tongans. No law s h a l l be enacted for one class and not for another class but the law s h a l l be the same for a l l the people of t h i s land. (5) Despite this law, the n o b i l i t y did have special l e g a l l y granted rights to s i t in the bicameral l e g i s l a t i v e assembly. The appointed hereditary nobles could part i c i p a t e by right while those serving as Peoples' Representatives had to be elected by the general population. In the beginning, persons of c h i e f l y status not appointed as hereditary nobles comprised the bulk of the Peoples' Representative seats. The state's democratic assembly was, furthermore, made up of the old chiefs and the new nobles. The king held tremendous power since there (5) Marcus, G.E. (1980). The N o b i l i t y and the Chiefly T r a d i t i o n in the Modern Kingdom of Tonga. Memoir No.42, Wellington: The Polynesian Society (Incorporated), p.74. - 56 -were no p o l i t i c a l parties in Tonga. Elected commoners and nobles had access to an equal number of seats as the appointed nobles but the two facts which prohibited them from having any-real power were that old chiefs were often elected as Peoples' Representatives and that only the l e g i s l a t i v e assembly (the nobles) were able to discuss or vote on b i l l s r e l a t i n g to the king or the Royal Family. (6) There was a general aura of confusion during the decade of 187 0 to 1880. This was not a l l e v i a t e d by the king's appointment of noble t i t l e s and estates, since this was done without accompanying s p e c i f i c a t i o n s as to the rights and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the nobles to the estate dwellers, nor did i t help that the boundaries of each estate were not l e g a l l y defined. This was not c l a r i f i e d u n t i l 188 2 when a formal d i v i s i o n of hereditary land estates was completed. During the intervening seven year period the t i t l e h o l d e r s were in competition with each other in an attempt to enlarge t r a d i t i o n a l l y held lands. They hoped the changes would become recognized and be incorporated into the formal system. At t h i s time, hereditary landholders were prohibited by law from s e l l i n g any of t h e i r land. They could lease up to 5% of t h e i r allotment to other Tongans or to foreigners, and more than that i f i t were leased to a church or government organization. The land holders did not have to seek approval from the noble estate holders in question, but only required approval from the Minister of Lands. The Minister of Lands (6) Ibid, p.75. - 57 -could consult with the estate holder i f he wished, however, and then overrule the wishes of the land holder. The Minister of Lands was the f i n a l authority in land dispute matters and was in a p o s i t i o n to go against the desires of the t i t l e d estate holder too. The legal p o sition of the land holders with regard to successsion to t h e i r hereditary lands and t i t l e s was now as follows: "The heir must have been born in wedlock ( i e . , of a formal C h r i s t i a n marriage). He should be the eldest male c h i l d ; f a i l i n g him, then any other male c h i l d (and his descendants) by s e n i o r i t y of age; f a i l i n g him, then any female c h i l d (and her descendants) by s e n i o r i t y of age. F a i l i n g an heir in the d i r e c t l i n e of succession, the t i t l e and lands revert to the l i n e of the mothers of the previous holder and t h e i r descendants in order of s e n i o r i t y . F a i l i n g a male heir in the l i n e s of mothers, succession proceeds through the l i n e of s i s t e r s . " (7) If there were no legitimate heirs to the estate then the land and t i t l e reverted back to the king who could reassign them to whomever he chose. Persons who had been convicted of a felony since the constitution or who were deemed insane could not i n h e r i t either land or a t i t l e . It was also not possible for someone Who was not a Tongan national to hold land or a t i t l e in Tonga. (7) Ibid, p.80. The formal legal method of guiding inheritance of land and t i t l e had a number of ramifications within the kinship group. T r a d i t i o n a l l y there was a system of p a t r i l i n e a l inheritance combined with a selection process whereby the kingroup had a voice in judging the leadership q u a l i t i e s of e l i g i b l e kin members. Because there was room within the system to ascertain individual q u a l i t i e s , the status attached to the t i t l e was once much higher. Under the new system the eldest son inherited the t i t l e whether he was considered to be suitable by the kingroup or not. Legal status remained th same for a l l t i t l e holders, but now the l o c a l s o c i a l status of a person's t i t l e was diminished through the lack of l o c a l involvement in his select i o n . - 59 -EDUCATION, CHURCH AND STATE Trie establishment of schools was considered of primary importance by the early missionaries. The f i r s t school was started in the 1820's by a Wesleyan missionary, John Thomas. It was located i n Kolovai on the main island of Tongatapu and classes were conducted in English. The Wesleyan missionaries placed a great deal of importance on education because i t enabled the new converts to read the Bible. The teachings of the Bible and the new concepts of C h r i s t i a n i t y helped Tongans combat the i r t r a d i t i o n a l "superstitious" b e l i e f s . Among the early converts to C h r i s t i a n i t y was King George Taufa'ahau Tupou I. However, he had some i n i t i a l trouble reconciling himself to the notion that the lord's preacher had more status than himself while he was inside a chapel. George was not pleased to discover that the pulpi t was the highest point in the church. He considered t h i s a v i o l a t i o n of Tongan protocol which stated that no one should s i t or stand above the king. To remedy the oversight on the part of the Wesleyans he had a platform b u i l t at the opposite end of the chapel which was higher than the p u l p i t . (8) Several years later when he had become a more devout convert he righted his wrongs and had the platform dismantled. He became very involved as a church leader and was instrumental in spreading C h r i s t i a n i t y throughout his kingdom. Many of the chiefs (8) Latukefu, S. (1977). "The Wesleyan Mission," in N. Rutherford (ed .) , Friendly Islands: A History of Tonga. Melbourne, Oxford University Press, p.129. - 60 -followed the example of Tu'i Tonga and assisted in developing the s p i r i t u a l l i v e s of th e i r kainga members. For the commoners, conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y had many po s i t i v e side effects and did not involve giving up anything. They gained s e l f respect through learning about the Christian b e l i e f that a l l men and women had souls and a l l men and women had the right to l i f e after death. King George was as enthusiastic about education as he was about spreading C h r i s t i a n i t y . This fact was evidenced when he said: See what knowledge has done for the White manl See what ignorance has done for the men of th i s land! Is i t that white men are born more wise? Is i t that they are naturally more capable than others? No: but they have obtained knowledge . This i s the p r i n c i p l e cause of the difference. (9) The educational system was well under way by 1870 and included by t h i s time a teachers' t r a i n i n g i n s t i t u t e opened on Vava'u in 1841 and Tupou College in Nuku'alofa, Tongatapu in 1866. By 1880 women were being admitted to Tupou College, making i t the f i r s t co-educational i n s t i t u t i o n of post secon-dary learning in the P a c i f i c . (9) From R. Young, The Souther World: Journal of a Deputation from Wesleyan Conference to Au s t r a l i a and Polynesia (London, 1854), p.443. As quoted in S. Latukefu. The Wesleyan Mission in Rutherford. The  Friendly Islands: A History of Tonga. (Melbourne, ,1977), p.130. - 61 -Concurrent with the adoption of C h r i s t i a n i t y and the implementation of an educational system was the es t a b l i s h -ment of a central government for the kingdom of Tonga. The missionaries did not i n i t i a l l y advocate u n i f i c a t i o n of the state but when i t became obvious that i t would happen they gave their support to King George Taufa'ahau Tupou. Their support took the form of an advisory role to the king and not only helped with s p e c i f i c advice but also made known thei r support for the king's p o l i t i c a l stance. A Wesleyan missionary named Rev. Shirley Baker became a confidant of the king and i t was he who actually drew up the constitution of Tonga which v/as promulgated in 1875. King George Taufu'ahau Tupou I believed that in order for Tonga to remain for Tongans in a world which was quickly changing, they had to adopt some western styled i n s t i t u t i o n s . The const i t u t i o n was just such a concession. King Tupou's p o l i t i c a l acuity was borne out shortly after the national acceptance of the constitution when within a month a German man-of-war ca l l e d at Tonga. The purpose for the Germans was to draw up a Treaty of Friendship. In return for Germany's recognition of the kingdom of Tonga they were permitted to b u i l d naval coaling stations in the port of Vava'u. This treaty was signed in November 1876, a year after the enactment of the cons t i t u t i o n . By 1879 a similar treaty was negotiated with the B r i t i s h and Tonga's independence and security was assured. - 62 -The transformation of Tonga from the t r a d i t i o n a l c h i e f l y system to that of a western-derived system i s rooted in the introduction of both the constitution and C h r i s t i a n i t y as well as the increased involvement of Tonga in international p o l i t i c s . During the decade of 1870 to 1880 Tupou successfully brought about reforms which eventually destroyed the basis of t r a d i t i o n a l authority and c h i e f l y status. Those who helped Tupou r i s e to power as a single monarch were the very ones who l o s t t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d positions. The decade witnessed great confusion as to what a l l the changes would r e a l l y mean in day to day l i f e but there was no evidence of uprising or organized resistance. There is a simple reason for such a lack of outcry from those who stood to lose so much. The reason was that most of the changes outlined in the co n s t i -tution were purely academic. King Tupou I made l i t t l e e f f o r t to actually implement the changes. (10) He merely set the stage for change, for a new government bureaucracy, a centra-l i z a t i o n of power and a new noble e l i t e . (10) Marcus, G.E. (1980). The No b i l i t y and the Chiefly  Tradition in the Modern Kingdom of Tonga. Memoir No.42, Wellington: The Polynesian Society (Incorporated), p.41. - 63 -Summary The decade of 1870-1880 provides the framework for the development of the modern Kingdom of Tonga. The changes which were outlined in the constitution were r a d i c a l departures from the t r a d i t i o n a l ways of Tonga. The new noble hereditary land holders replaced the ha'a system of land administration. A legal system was put in place to adjudicate disputes replacing open warfare and complex family allegiances through marriages designed to enhance power positions and land holdings. The new n o b i l i t y now operated on a hereditary system where t i t l e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s were passed down through the eldest son. The p o s i t i o n of land administrator became an ascribed t i t l e rather than an achieved one as i t had been within the ha 1 a system. Although the outline of change was dramatic the actual length of time before many were implemented was not. In r e a l i t y , the change was an extremely slow and laborious process. The p r i n c i p l e s were introduced and the d e t a i l s of implementation worked out over the ensuing years. - 64 -CHAPTER FOUR TONGAN NOBILITY 1970-1980 The period 187 0 to 197 0 was one of a great many changes world wide. For the Kingdom of Tonga this was no d i f f e r e n t . Tonga did not make great i n t e r n a l l y - i n i t i a t e d technological discoveries but as each year passed Tonga's access to the world's innovations increased. The e f f e c t of the twentieth century was no less profound on thi s tiny South P a c i f i c kingdom than i t was on the rest of the world. In t h i s chapter I s h a l l examine the society of Tonga during the decade of 1970-1980 and outline the role played by n o b i l i t y in the contemporary kingdom of Tonga. The present monarch i s His Majesty King Taufa'ahau Tupou IV and the following genealogical chart shows how the modern day Tupou dynasty originated from Tonga's t r a d i t i o n a l kingly l i n e s . - 05 -'Alio 'cilu Tu'i Ton^a circa A.13. 950 (Wood 1932) Tamaha Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua circa 1450 (Wood 1932) 1865 . I Tu'i Kanokupolu circa 1610 (Wood 1932) Laiililiuinga (Tii'i Tonjia) Tupou I 1875 j . •Uga Suloie i J Tu'i I'clchakc J <i (iwinsi y IMS) Kali ii ui v.i In Tupou II 1893-1918 i Lavinia I Queen Siloic 1918-1965 Tungi 1 I Kalaniuvalu Tungi title lillc modern modem rcprcscnlalivc reprcscntaiivc (held by Tupou IV) from Vcikuiic a nd Knl.miuvalu-loiolili O fi i>m ' .Miiiinc'c and Vc ik vine •) Tupou IV Tu'i I'cleliakc 1965-n from I ml.i and \ .u'.i Crown Prince TupoiKo'a (1) Marcus, G. (1980). The No b i l i t y and the Chi e f l y Tradition in the Modern Kingdom of Tonga. Memoir No.42, Wellington: The Polynesian Society (Incorporated), p.7. •» - 66 -LAND AND AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES The most n o t e w o r t h y f e a t u r e i n a d i s c u s s i o n o f l a n d and a g r i c u l t u r e i n Tonga i s t h a t t h e r e i s an o v e r r i d i n g d e p e n d e n c y on a g r i c u l t u r e and r e l a t e d p r i m a r y e x p o r t c o m m o d i t i e s . F o r Tonga, as w e l l as f o r o t h e r S o u t h P a c i f i c c o u n t r i e s , t h e p r o d u c t o f s i n g l e i m p o r t a n c e t o t h e economy i s c o p r a . Some c o u n t r i e s h a v e managed t o s l i p o u t f r o m under t h i s d e p e n d e n c y w i t h t h e d i s c o v e r y and e x p l o i t a t i o n o f m i n e r a l s . T h i s i s t h e c a s e w i t h p h o s p h a t e i n Nauru and t h e G i l b e r t and E l l i c e I s l a n d s , g o l d and o t h e r m i n e r a l s i n F i j i and n i c k e l i n New C a l e d o n i a . Tonga does n o t , as y e t , h a v e m i n e r a l r e s o u r c e s t o r e l y on and, t h e r e f o r e , c o n t i n u e s t o p l a c e an u n r e a l i s t i c a l l y h i g h e x p e c t a t i o n on p r o f i t s g e n e r a t e d i n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r . (2) I t i s a r g u a b l e t h a t t h e s h i f t f r o m a g r i c u l t u r a l d e p e n d e n c y t o m i n e r a l d e p e n d e n c y i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y d e v e l o p m e n t a l . I f a c o u n t r y m e r e l y s h i f t s f r o m r e l i a n c e on one r e s o u r c e t o a n o t h e r s i n g l e r e s o u r c e t h e n t h e p r o b l e m s i n c u r r e d t h r o u g h s i n g l e r e s o u r c e d e p e n d e n c y s h i f t t o o t h e r e q u a l l y numerous p r o b l e m s . A t r u e d e v e l o p m e n t a l s t a t e g y f o r any o f t h e s e c o u n t r i e s would (2) U n r e a l i s t i c a l l y h i g h e x p e c t a t i o n s o f p r o f i t s r e f e r s t o t h e f a c t t h a t t h e r e a r e a number o f u n c o n t r o l l a b l e f a c t o r s i n v o l v e d i n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r . F o r i n s t a n c e , i n 198 2 H u r r i c a n e I s a a c swept t h r o u g h t h e Tongan I s l a n d s and c a u s e d a l m o s t t o t a l d e v a s t a t i o n o f t h e c r o p s . S i n c e t h e GNP i s c o m p r i s e d o f a l m o s t 80% o f t h e r e v e n u e s g e n e r a t e d f r o m a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n i t i s c l e a r j u s t how d i s a s t e r o u s a c r o p f a i l u r e c a n be f o r t h e whole c o u n t r y . - 67 -attempt to d i v e r s i f y t h e i r economy, not substitute one resource for another. Land d i s t r i b u t i o n i s s t i l l based on the p r i n c i p l e s outlined in the constitution of 1875 which e n t i t l e s every male 16 years of age and over to a small portion of land in a r u r a l area (3.34 hectares) and a town allotment of 0.16 hectares. Since the population has grown and the t o t a l amount of land available has remained small, there are s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f i c u l t i e s in implementing these consti-tutional rights. It i s estimated that only about one t h i r d of a l l those e n t i t l e d to land allotments actually have them. The land shortage has serious ramifications for successful and e f f i c i e n t farmers who would l i k e to increase t h e i r production. There i s no land on which they can expand th e i r operations. Consequently, the only way for them to expand production i s to further improve t h e i r farming methods or perhaps to switch to more lu c r a t i v e cash crops and steer away from producing subsistence food for l o c a l use . The government of Tonga is presently attempting to improve and d i v e r s i f y production in the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector. There i s , however, a recognition that an optimal l e v e l of a g r i c u l t u r a l production exists and that i t i s becoming increasingly important to find alternative resources which w i l l generate an increased export trade. Modern day Tonga can no longer oe content with a subsistence economy as i t becomes increasingly desirous of imported goods related to a l l areas of l i f e . Often times, on the l o c a l l e v e l , Tongan - 68 -so c i a l goods are seen as being synonymous with access to, and the subsequent enjoyment of, a l l of the things available to the developed world. Awareness of what i s current in the United States or New Zealand or Aust r a l i a i s gained through exposure to radio, t e l e v i s i o n and magazines. F i r s t hand knowledge is gained by many of the people who have spent time working abroad. While a g r i c u l t u r a l pursuits remain tremendously important to the current Tongan economy i t i s equally true that the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector i s no longer where the real growth potential of Tonga l i e s . This i s the r e s u l t of a population increase over the years and a resultant chronic land shortage. There are increasing numbers of families who are without land and, consequently, the government has been forced to look for employment potential in other sectors of the economy. According to T.F. Kennedy, i n an a r t i c l e written for the journal Economic Geographer, prospects of land production increasing to support a larger population are quite limited. He suggests that i f a l l available land were to be farmed i n 8-1/4 acre plots then a maximum of 18,000 farms would support 117,000 people i f the average family size were 6.5 people. (3) The population census, conducted in November 1976, reported a to t a l population of 90,085 and estimated population for mid (3) Kennedy, T.F. (1961) "Land, Food and Population in the Kingdom of Tonga", Economic Geographer No.37, p.69. - 69 -1980 at 94,760. (4) I f the population continues to increase at a rate of 1.41% a year then within 20 years there w i l l be no more land plots to d i s t r i b u t e . This d i s t r i b u t i o n of farm plots r e f l e c t s the ideal system of only 8-1/4 acre per family. In r e a l i t y some people have much larger farms and some people have no farm land. The modern n o b i l i t y must r e l y more and more on a western model of status and improve i t s education, wealth and employ-ment status. Descendants of the old n o b i l i t y , however, s t i l l r e l y on kinship with the Royal Family and/or th e i r ancestry traceable back to one of the t h i r t y hereditary landed nobles appointed during the reign of Tupou I. It is perhaps i n e v i t a -ble, (5) that these descendants w i l l eventually become govern-ment agents and t h e i r c h i e f l y role relegated to that of a ceremonial function. Land holding may continue to be used as a minor measure of s o c i a l status in contemporary Tonga but there is an ongoing search for replacement markers that better indicate contemporary s o c i a l status, r e s p e c t a b i l i t y and p r i v i l e g e . (4) Central Planning Department Nuhu'alofa. Fourth Fiye-Year Development Plan 1980-1985. Nuhu'alofa"; Tonga: Central Planning Department 1981, p.104. (5) As a r e s u l t of these severe land shortages, and the land allotments i t i s no longer possible to use control of land as a measure of noble status. Education and high governmental positions are, in part, replacing access to land as a measure of s o c i a l status. - 70 -Agriculture in Tonga i s s t i l l controlled, to a large degree, by the noble class. The land holdings have now been divided and sub-divided to an extent s u f f i c i e n t to diminish the t r a d i t i o n a l value placed upon agriculture and land holdings generally. The change is d i r e c t l y due to government interven-tion since i t was because of the constitution that the land was carved up into so many portions. The modern noble class recognizes t h i s and seeks a suitable power substitute from which i t can more e f f e c t i v e l y influence Tonga's future economic d i r e c t i o n . I have broken down in these discussions the s o c i a l status of the c h i e f l y class into tv/o elements. One i s i t s s o c i a l standing in r e l a t i o n to t r a d i t i o n a l ceremonial r i t e s such as funerals, weddings and the kava ceremony. Within t h i s sphere i t s standing has not changed. There i s a p o s s i b i l i t y that the entire ceremonial r i t e s may be abandoned a l l together in the modern kingdom, but at the present time th i s does not seem l i k e l y . The other sphere l i e s within the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic sectors of contemporary Tonga. The infra-structure of the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic sectors has been redesigned by the con s t i t u t i o n . The role of the o r i g i n a l hereditary t i t l e d nobles v/as c l e a r l y defined but those of the chiefs' descendants was not. Consequently the role is not c l e a r l y defined or understood and there i s much s h i f t i n g and vying for increased status. (6) (6) See discussion of ha'a groupings on page 7 2. - 71 -LOCATION OF NOBLE'S RESIDENCE The group of hereditary t i t l e d nobles has grown somewhat since the o r i g i n a l twenty nobles were appointed i n 1875. In l i s t i n g the current t i t l e s , i t i s of interest to note that they are now grouped according to island location, rather than by ha'a position. According to Elizabeth Bott, ha'a o r i g i n a l l y meant "people of such-and-such a place" — more concerned with l o c a l i t y than descent. (7) Later, the term came to mean a group descended from a king's (secular kingships) sons who did not succeed to kingship themselves. Ha'a groupings were once very important in the organization of n o b i l i t y . Hence i t represented a big change when, in 187 5, the newly appointed nobles were l i s t e d by island. These nobles appointed in 1875 were: (7) Bott, E. (1982) Tongan Society at the time of Captain Cook's V i s i t s : Discussions with Her Majesty Queen Salote Tupou. Wellington: The Polynesian Society (Incorporated), p.65-69. - 72 -Tongatapu Ha'apai Vava 1u 1. Tungi 2. N'uku 3. Ma 1afu 4. Lavaka 5. Ve'ehala 6. Ata 7. Vaea 8. Tu'ivakano 9. Farafanua 1. Tu'i Pelehaue 2. Niukapu 3. Malupo 4. Havea 5. Tu'iha'angana Niua Foto F i l i 3 . 4. Kalaniuvalu Tupoutoutai Luani T u ' i ' a f i t u Ni uatoputapu 1. Ma'Atu (8) 'The reason that this l i s t of newly appointed nobles was given by islan d group instead of the t r a d i t i o n a l l y important ha'a grouping was that King Tupou I f e l t that t e r r i t o r i a l power and influence would be the more s i g n i f i c a n t measure for the future. This has, in fact, turned out to be the case. The a f f i l i a t i o n of nobles to the ha'a groups has now become secondary to the nobles' a b i l i t y to acquire education and wealth in the modern world. This, in turn, i s strongly corre-lated with where in the island chain one resides. Ha'a groups retain a degree of relevance in Tonga but th e i r importance i s now limited to certain r i t u a l occasions concerning the king-ship, p a r t i c u l a r l y the royal and c h i e f l y kava ceremonies. (9) (8) Marcus, G. (1980) The N o b i l i t y and the Chiefly Traditions in the Modern Kingdom of Tonga. Memoir No.42, Wellington: The Polynesian Society (Incorporated), p.36. (9) Ibid, p.52. - 73 -In 1880, King Tupou I added ten more t i t l e s to the l i s t of hereditary nobles. During the reign of Tupou II (1893-1918), two more noble t i t l e s were established and Queen Salote (1918-1965) appointed another. Accordingly, the t o t a l number of t i t l e d nobles i n the Kingdom of Tonga today number t h i r t y -three. A l l of these nobles, however, do have ha'a a f f i l i a t i o n s which can be traced back to the secular kingships of Tu'i Tonga, Tu'i Ha'a Takalaua and Tu'i Kanokupolu. (9) Ibid, p.52. - 74 -The following l i s t gives the residences of present nobles. These persons are a l l descendants of the o r i g i n a l appointed nobles. (10) A) Permanently Residing Nuku'Alofa-Capital City Tonga Locations of Major Estate Holdings 1Ahome'e Fakafanua Fielakepa K a l a n i u v a l u - F o t o f i l i Ma 1afu Lasike-Tu'uhetoka Luani Malupo Tu'i Ha'angana Tupouto'a Tungi Tu'i Pele Haue Tuita T u 1 i Vakano Vaea Ve'ehaia 'Akau'ola Tongatapu, Vava'u Tongatapu, Ha'apai, Vava'u Tongatapu Tongatapu, Niuafo'ou, Tongatapu Tongatapu, Niuafo'ou, Ha'apai Tongatapu, Vava'u Ha'apa i Ha'apai Tongatapu, Ha'apai, Vava'u Tongatapu Tongatapu, Ha'apai, Vava' u Vava'u, Niuafo'ou Tongatapu Tongatapu Tongatapu, 'Eua Vava'u (10) Ibid, p.119. - 75 -B) Residing i n Nuku'alofa and Their Estates Fakatulolo Vava'u F u l i v a i Vava'u Tangipa Niuatoputapu Va Ha'i Tongatapu, Vava'u Veikune Tongatapu, Vava'u Afu Ha'alaufuli Vava'u C) Residing on Estates Near Nuku'Alofa Fohe Puke Nuku Kblonga Tu'i Ha'ateiho Ha'ateiho Lauaki Talafo'ou Motu'Apuaka Te'ekiu D) Residing on Estates Not on Tongatapu Niukapu Makave, Vava'u Tu ' i ' A f i t u Makave, Vava'u Tu'i Lakepa 'Ofu Island, Vava'u Fotu Leimatu'a, Vava'u Currently Vacant T i t l e s Ata - l a s t holder was 'Ulukalala 'Ulukalala - l a s t holder had major residence i n Nuku'alofa Fusitu'a - l a s t holder l i v e d on Niuafo'ou estate Lavaka - l a s t holder l i v e d on Pea estate, near Nuku'alofa Ma'atu - l a s t holder l i v e d a l t e r n a t i v e l y on Niuatoputapu estate and in Nuku'alofa. - 76 -From this l i s t of nobles and th e i r residences, we can see that 51% reside in Nuku'alofa, the c a p i t a l of Tonga; 19% maintain dual residences in both Nuku'alofa and on their estate, 16% l i v e on t h e i r estate near Nuku'alofa and 14% l i v e on t h e i r estates outside the main island of Tongatapu. /Another way to look at t h i s i s that 86% of the hereditary t i t l e d nobles l i v e in or have easy access to the c a p i t a l c i t y of Nuku'alofa. These residence patterns make i t clear that the present day power base i s located in Nuku'alofa and not within the estates of each noble. These t i t l e - h o l d e r s can be further divided into two groups, a more powerful rul i n g e l i t e of high ranking nobles (Groups A, B and C) and a low ranking set of nobles l i v i n g on their estates without easy access to Nuku'alofa (Group D). The higher ranking nobles have attempted to change with the times. They have i d e n t i f i e d the arena of power and are prepared to give up t h e i r l o c a l v i l l a g e prestige for a place in the government e l i t e . The nobles who have remained on t h e i r estates command a certa i n amount of respect and p r i v i l e g e with t h e i r v i l l a g e r s . They have some power over those v i l l a g e r s wanting land allotments. The noble has a seat at royal kava ceremonies and the v i l l a g e r s w i l l s t i l l donate generous quantities of food and g i f t s so as to bring honour to the noble and, hence, the v i l l a g e . The nobles at the v i l l a g e l e v e l are not r e a l l y unlike the common people. They have the same opportunities to compete in the a g r i c u l t u r a l sphere of business and some have done well economically. Some commoners have been able to compete successfully with the nobles in the commercial sector. Quoting from Marcus (1980) he says: "The nobles r e f l e c t the intersection of the h i s t o r i c a l forces of l e v e l l i n g and p r i v i l e g e by t h e i r roles within the major i n s t i t u t i o n s of the compromise culture. The forces of l e v e l l i n g have had a thorough impact on t r a d i t i o n a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n so that a l l Tongans share a v i r t u a l l y homogeneous s o c i a l world. Privilege has r e a l l y only served to r e s t r i c t or l i m i t the f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n of nobles in t h i s s o c i a l world. Commoners develop t h e i r family estates, a c t i v e l y take advantage of opportunities in state, church, and education, and informally manoeuver within the land tenure system. Nobles have held back from enterprise and mobility in these same i n s t i t u t i o n s . Rather, they have been spectators and occasional bene-factors of the more active manipulations of statuses and positions by commoners in s o c i a l situations that commoners share with the nobles. The nobles mediate the competition among commoners for land, act with r e s t r a i n t in the co-operative economic arrangements of family estates, are involved in the state and education i n d i f f e r e n t l y and by special royal favour and encouragement, and are wary of the churches as the strongest challenge to t h e i r t r a d i -t i o n a l p r i v i l e g e and status." (11) The two main choices that an ambitious Tongan c i t i z e n has i s to be successful in working his land and through that to p a r t i c i p a t e in the commercial sectors of the society, or to get on education work in the government. These options p a r a l l e l the choices of l i f e s t y l e open to the t i t l e d nobles. They can either remain on their estates or they can go to the c i t y and work within the government structure. In a quickly changing modern Tonga, the overwhelming preference of the n o b i l i t y has been to adopt a l a r g e l y western l i f e s t y l e and with the aid of a good education abroad, r i s e to positions of power within the government or church hierarchy. (11) Ibid, p.117. - 78 -EDUCATION, CHURCH AMD STATE Education has been e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y promoted since the mission schools were started in the 1800's. A l l young Tongans can now attend school and can compete for Tongan lower and higher learning c e r t i f i c a t e s . A large number of students go on to i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher education in New Zealand or Au s t r a l i a . Both the government and churches are involved in running schools in Tonga. There i s , furthermore, a special program to educate the heirs of t i t l e holders which t r i e s to develop t h e i r leadership potential, and hence their chances of securing important government positions. The nobles' education fund comes from a small sum deducted monthly from members' sal a r i e s (the member's salary i s an emolument paid by the government to each noble t i t l e h o l d e r ) and pooled for the payment of overseas schooling for noble h e i r s . A good education i s extremely important to the nobles since i t represents an arena to which commoners also have access. Similar to the way in which a p o l i t i c a l kianga v/as b u i l t in the t r a d i t i o n a l system, the education system has now come to provide an individual with the beginnings of p o l i t i c a l power. (12) Marcus (1978) puts forward an interesting observation about the modern Tongan view of education. He says that i t has long been a Tongan value to i d e n t i f y "the clever man". T r a d i t i o n a l l y t h i s was done in areas where a person could demonstrate his s k i l l s in such a c t i v i t i e s as f i s h i n g , warfare, agriculture and leadership. The concept of the clever man was (12) Bott, E. (1981) "Power and Rank in Tonga", Journal of  Polynesian Society, Vol.90, No.l, p.62. - 79 -ca l l e d poto. This concept i s now thought of s p e c i f i c a l l y within the sphere of education and subsequent success in securing high positions in the Church or government. Even without actually getting the job the individual was s t i l l recognized through his/her success in school. Nowadays there are many'more educated Tongans than there are church and government positions to f i l l . The noble class has suffered somewhat over the years as a r e s u l t of education being open to a l l Tongans. For the commoner education has been revered and sought aft e r by those who were capable. The noble class, on the other hand, has been rather cavalier in i t s attitude and appreciation of education. Indeed, the nobles rank high as a group notable for the number of drop-outs and early school leavers. Although some have done very well in gaining higher educational q u a l i -f i c a t i o n s there have been many who do not feel that they need a superior education in order to obtain important government o f f i c e s . This was p a r t i c u l a r l y true in the past, but now education i s gradually becoming the only acceptable q u a l i -f i c a t i o n for high status jobs. The present monarch places great emphasis on t r a i n i n g and competence for those who hold i n f l u e n t i a l positions in the current Tongan bureaucracy. As of 1973 (13) the following t i t l e h o l d e r s and heirs worked within the government bureaucracy. The category of heir represents the eldest son of t i t l e h o l d e r . (13) Marcus, G.E. (1980). The N o b i l i t y and the Chi e f l y  Tradition in the Modern Kingdom of Tonga. Memoir No.42, Wellington, The Polynesian Society (Incorporated), p.120. - 80 -TIT UPHOLDERS AND HEIRS IN GOVERMENT SERVICE T i t l e Holder Heir Position 'Ahome'e Farafanua Fakatulolo Fielakepa Kalaniuvalu-Foto F i l i F u l i v a i Ma'afu 1Akauola Tupouto'a (Crown Prince) T u ' i ' a f i t u Tu'i Pelehare Tui Ha'Angana Tui Ha'ateiho Tuita Vaea Vaha'i Ve'ehala X X X X X X X X X X X Police inspector Survey trainee, Ministry of Lands X A g r i c u l t u r a l Asst., Dept. of Agriculture Clerk in Palace o f f i c e Aide-de-Camp to King Member of Commodities Board Speaker of Le g i s l a t i v e Assembly Minister of Police Assistant Secretary for Foreign A f f a i r s (also Colonel-in-Chief of Defense Forces) Senior Airport Control Off i c e r Prime Minister Auditor Clerk Off i c e r i n Department of Agriculture Minister of Lands Minister of Labour, Industries & Commerce X Clerk in Customs Governor of Ha'apai, plus a number of rotating M i n i s t e r i a l Posts X X X Of the thirty-three t i t l e d nobles currently with land holdings, twelve hold high government positions. From the l i s t of nobles within easy access to Nuku'alofa (page 75) we can compare the percentage of nobles with high government positions to the percentage of nobles within easy access of the c a p i t a l . Eighty-six percent had easy access to the c i t y and home; 27.5% held high governmental positions. - 81 -Of these seventeen people only eight can be c l a s s i f i e d as occupying routine bureaucratic posts. The remainder hold positions of power and high status within the government. Holding a routine post and working one's way up the ladder i s one method of obtaining a high government position. Another method i s by a p o l i t i c a l appointment made by the king. The majority of government service posts have been occupied in the past by commoners who intend to make these jobs long term careers. It i s extemely f r u s t r a t i n g for the well q u a l i f i e d i ndividual to now be passed over for promotion i n favour of those from the e l i t e commoner or noble groups who have i n f l u e n t i a l contacts within the government. The e l i t e commoners are those from well-to-do families who are without t i t l e but not without influence. According to Marcus, "Some t i t l e h o l d e r s in the past have made careers in routine bureaucratic posts, but most nobles have preferred to stay out of the bureaucracy unless they could hope to be, or were assured of being eventually placed in high positions." (14) Another way for commoners to advance to high government posts i s to marry into t i t l e d families. It i s essential that they have exceptional educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s as well i f they subsequently wish to be granted these high positions. One example of this was ( u n t i l 1982) the Minister of Finance, Mahe Tupouniua. (15) As well as association through marriage with the royal family, Mahe also holds a PH.D in economics. (14) Ibid, p.100. (15) Prince Maha Tupouniua married the present Queen of Tonga's s i s t e r . - 8 2 -The church also plays an extremely important role i n the modern Tongan society. The old t r a d i t i o n a l values are, in general, maintained by the church. This i s done, in part, by the church assuming many of the functions of v i l l a g e chief. Like the kainga chief the church accepts g i f t s of tribute from the congregation. The hereditary estate noble now has land holders on his estate from a number of d i f f e r e n t church groups. There may be some from the Catholic Church, the Free Church of Tonga, the Church of Tonga, the Mormons, and the Wesleyans. Any disputes between these re l i g i o u s factions more often than not require church intervention. The noble must have formal t i e s with a l l the churches represented on his estate. It i s increasingly the case that individuals on the estate have a greater i d e n t i t y with th e i r church than their kainga group. (16) Hence, the churches have now become the mediator and definer of the t r a d i t i o n a l relationship between the noble and his subjects. (16) Marcus, G.E. (1980). The N o b i l i t y and the Ch i e f l y  Traditions in the Modern Kingdom of Tonga. Memoir No.42, Wellington. The Polynesian Society (Incorporated), x j«107. - 83 -The most notable change in Tongan society in the decade of 1970-1980 i s the continued development of the new middle c l a s s . This class contains both members of the n o b i l i t y and commoners. It i s based partly on income but more on occupation and education. Included in the middle class are persons holding jobs that require a high l e v e l of education such as doctors, lawyers, church ministers, high technical tradesmen, and spec i a l i z e d government servants. Members of the middle class continue to pay homage to t r a d i t i o n a l Tongan values by p a r t i c i p a t i n g on ceremonial occasions, and through respect for their kinship t i e s . (17) (17) Bott, E. (1981). "Power and Rank in the Kingdom of Tonga," Journal of Polynesian Society, Vol.90, No.l, p . 6 3 • - 84 -CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION During the period 1770 to 1980 much change has occurred within the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l sectors of Tongan society. Many t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the ha'a and kainga have l o s t much of th e i r s o c i a l importance. In p a r t i c u l a r , the ha'a or descent based organization of chiefs has been replaced by a strong centralized government. Perhaps the only major s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c which has not changed is the power of the monarch. He i s s t i l l , as always, at the center and in v i r t u a l control. It i s s t i l l imperative for nobles who want to have influence to curry favour with the monarch. The major change which has taken place has been the dra s t i c reduction in the number of chiefs with access to land resources. In the 1770's there were as many chiefs as there were kainga groups to manage. The number f l u c -tuated depending on the strength of kainga leadership and the merging and separating of kainga units. When the constitution was introduced in 1875 the role of the kainga chief was v i r t u a l l y abolished. It was not l e g a l l y reco-gnized and a new n o b i l i t y was appointed to manage hereditary estates throughout the kingdom. The system of kaingas and kainga chiefs took many years to dissolve and the new parliament did not i n i t i a l l y hasten the t r a n s i t i o n . However, many of the newly appointed t i t l e d hereditary nobles were also powerful kainga chiefs of the time. Hence the decade of 1870-1880 saw very l i t t l e actual change. Rather, the decade set the stage for profound changes in the future. By 197 0 these changes were complete. The Tu'i Tonga equivalent in the 1970's is H.M. King Taufa'ahau Tupou IV. A l l land i s s t i l l o f f i c i a l l y owned by the king and administered by his appointed agents, the t i t l e d n o b i l i t y . The major change l i e s in the reduction of the number of chiefs administering the kingdom's land on behalf of the king. The nobles are now responsible for apportioning the land allotment to a l l Tongan males over the age of 16. A major objective of these new land laws was to eman-cipate the Tongan people and to force a l e v e l l i n g of the old s t r a t i f i c a t i o n system. But to do this a new e l i t e was f i r s t created and given new pr i v i l e g e s within the central government. This has become rather d i f f i c u l t since the population has increased to the point where land shortage has denied many individuals access to th e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l right to a land allotment. S t i l l , the hereditary land holding commoners now share with the n o b i l i t y a common interest in one of Tonga's most important resources — land. Although land i s becoming more scarce and the population larger, i t s possession remains an important male s o c i a l marker. The new nobles are e n t i t l e d to c o l l e c t a nominal annual rent from land holders within the boundaries of t h e i r heredi-tary estates. Yet th i s i s rarely done. Instead, as i t was with the t r a d i t i o n a l tributes made to the kainga chief, each land holder is asked to supply food and goods to the central king on r i t u a l occasions. For instance, when the king makes - 86 -his yearly v i s i t s to the hereditary estates the noble has certain duties to the king. These duties are f u l f i l l e d by the land holders who prepare huge feast tables and g i f t s for him to give the king. The more generous the display of homage the more honour i s brought to the noble and his l o c a l v i l l a g e . The location of the noble's residence has retained i t s importance over the years. But now a location within the c a p i t a l c i t y of Nuku'alofa i s all-important. Power t r a d i -t i o n a l l y lay within the kainga so that i t was important for the chiefs to l i v e within the kainga. The power base has now shifted to the centralized government. By the 1970's, nobles seeking power had a l l begun to locate themselves within easy access to the c i t y . The legal status of the n o b i l i t y has remained unchanged since i t was outlined in the 1875 constitution. Since t h i s time the noble t i t l e d families have had a chance to adapt to the new order. What has resulted has been two d i s t i n c t groups of nobles. Those which can be c a l l e d the gentry nobles have remained on t h e i r estate and been content with a conservative l i f e s t y l e more c l o s e l y linked to that of t h e i r predecessor, the kainga chief. This group has had only a limited desire to enhance i t s education and opportunities within the government bureaucracy. Some 45% of the t i t l e d hereditary n o b i l i t y (1) (1) Bott, E. (1981) "Power and Rank in the Kingdom of Tonga", Journal of Polynesian Society, Vol.90, No.l, p.68. - 87 -have chosen this way of l i f e . The other group has opted for higher education and careers in various occupations including the c i v i l service. Tongan society of the 1970's has changed a great deal from that of the "Friendly Islands" v i s i t e d by Captain Cook some two hundred years e a r l i e r . The path of development followed by the modern kingdom of Tonga i s rooted in the guidelines introduced by the 1875 constitution. There has been a conscious e f f o r t e f f o r t made to advance into the 20th century while simulta-neously maintaining some of the t r a d i t i o n a l ways of l i f e . The new n o b i l i t y represents one such link with t r a d i t i o n as do the ceremonial occasions and the protocol associated with these r i t e s . One of the major changes which has occurred within the n o b i l i t y i s a s h i f t in the basis of power from the v i l l a g e l e v e l to the national government centralized in the kingdom's c a p i t a l c i t y of Nuku'alofa. Those nobles who sought a position within the contemporary power structure had to realign themselves with the central government and away from their v i l l a g e s . John Baker in his a r t i c l e "Contemporary Tonga" states: "Under a prosperous and growing economy one can well see the basic features of contemporary Tongan l i f e remaining largely unchallenged, and subject to gradual rather than sudden change." (2) (2) Baker, John (1977) "Contemporary Tonga" in N. Rutherford. The Friendly Islands: A History of Tonga, Melbourne, Oxford.University Press, p.228. - 88 -Baker s u g g e s t s t h a t g i v e n a s t a b l e economic s i t u a t i o n , Tongans c o u l d c o n t i n u e t o l i v e more o r l e s s as t h e y .are f o r many y e a r s t o come. The conv e r s e o f t h i s p r o g n o s i s i s t h a t i f t h e economy does not . improve and p r o v i d e t h e b a s i c r e q u i -rements o f employment f o r a growing p o p u l a t i o n perhaps more r a d i c a l changes can be e x p e c t e d . - 89 -BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Aoyagi, Machiro (1966) "Kinship Organizations and Behaviour in a Contemporary Tongan V i l l a g e " , Journal of the Polynesian Society, No.75, p.141-176. Baker, John (197 7) "Contemporary Tonga" in N. Rutherford. The  Friendly Islands; A History of Tonga. Melbourne, Oxforcl University Press. Beaglehole, Earnest and Pearl Beaglehole (1941) Pangai: V i l l a g e  i n Tonga, Wellington, Polynesian Society Memoir No.18. Bott, Elizabeth (1982) with the assistance of Tavi. Tongan Society at the Time of Captain Cook's V i s i t s ; Discussions  with Her Majesty Queen Salote Tupou. Wellington: The Polynesian Society (Incorporated). Bott, Elizabeth (1981) "Power and Rank in Tonga", Journal of  Polynesian Society, Vol.90, No.l, p.7-81. Central Planning Department Nuku'alofa (1976) Third Development  Plan 1975-1980. Nuku'alofa, Tonga: Central Planning Department. Central Planning Department Nuku'alofa (1981) Fourth Five Year  Development Plan 1980-1985. Nuku'alofa, Tonga: Central Planning Department. Cook, Captain James (1961 and 1967) The Journal of Captain Cook on his Voyages of Discovery, edited by J.C. Beaglehole. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press for the Hakluyt Society, Vol.11. Coult, A. (1959) "Tongan Authority Structure: Concepts for Comparative Analysis", Kroeber Anthropological Society  Papers , Vol.20, p.56-70. Decktor Korn, Shulamit (1974) "Tongan Kin Groups; The Noble and The Common View", Journal of Polynesian Society, No.83, p.5-13. - 90 -Gailey, Christine Ward (1980) "Putting Down Sisters and Wives: Tongan Women and Colonization" in Mona Etienne and Eleanor Leacock (eds.) Women and Colonization. New York, Prager. Gif f o r d , E.W. (1929) Tongan Society, Bernice P. Bishop Museum B u l l e t i n No.61. Goldman, Irving (1970) Ancient Polynesian Society, University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Handy, W.C. (1932) Houses, Boats, Fishing-Society Islands, Bernice P. Bishop Museum B u l l e t i n , No.90. Kennedy, T.F. (1961) "Land, Food and Population in the Kingdom of Tonga", Economic Geographer No.37, p.61-71. Klee, G. (1980) "Oceania" i n G. Klee (ed.) World Systems of Tra d i t i o n a l Resource Management. San Jose State University V.H. Winston and Sons. Langdon, R. (1977) "The Maritime Explorers", in N. Rutherford (ed.), Friendly Islands: A History of Tonga. Melbourne, Oxford University Press. Latukefu, Sione (1974) Church and State in Tonga. The Wesleyan Methodist Missionaries and P o l i t i c a l Development 1822-1875. Canberra, Australian National University Press. Latukefu, S. (1977) "The Wesleyan Mission", in N. Rutherford (ed.), Friendly Islands: A History of Tonga. Melbourne, Oxford University Press. Marcus, G.E. (lidO) The No b i l i t y and the Chiefly Tradition in the Modern Kingdom of Tonga. Memoir No.42, Wellington: The Polynesian Society (Incorporated). Maude, A. (1971) "Tonga: Equality Overtaking P r i v i l e g e " , in R. Crocombe (ed.) Land Tenure in the P a c i f i c . Melbourne, Oxford University Press. - 91 -Poulsen, J. (1977) "Archaeology and Prehistory", in N. Rutherford (ed.) Friendly Islands: A History of Tonga. Melbourne, Oxford University Press. Rutherford, N. (ed.) (1977) Friendly Islands: A History of  Tonga. Melbourne, Oxford University Press . Rutherford, N. (1971) Shirley Baker and the King of Tonga. Melbourne, Oxford University Press. Sahlins, Marshall (1958) Social S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n Polynesia, University of Washington Press, Seattle. Scarr, D. (1967) Fragments of an Empire. A History of the Western P a c i f i c High Commission 1877-1914. Canberra, Australian University Press. United Nations General Assembly A37, "Special Economic and Disaster Relief Assistance" Assistance to Tonga Report  of the Secretary-General. November 198 2. Young, R. The Souther World: Journal of a Deputation from Wesleyan Conference to Au s t r a l i a and Polynesia (London, 1854), p.443. As quoted in S. Latukefu. The Wesleyan Mission in Rutherford. The Friendly Islands: A History  of Tonga. Melbourne, 1977. 

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