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The school primers and the political culture of British Columbia, 1880-1980 Ahsan, Syed Aziz-Al 1984

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THE SCHOOL PRIMERS AND THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1880-1980 By SYED AZIZ-AL AHSAE B.A., M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y , 1982 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA O c t o b e r 1983 © S y e d A z i z - a l Ahsan,1983 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department o r by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 DE-6 (2/79) - i i -ABSTRACT The s c h o o l p r i m e r s used i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a between 1880 and 1980 a r e used t o measure t h e e v o l u t i o n o f t h e p r o v i n c e ' s p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e . The r e s e a r c h method used i s c o n t e n t a n a l y s i s . T h r e e h y p o t h e s e s a r e t e s t e d : 1) B.C. p r i m e r s w i l l p i c t u r e an i n c r e a s i n g l y e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t y ; 2) B.C. p r i m e r s w i l l p i c t u r e an i n c r e a s i n g t o l e r a n c e o f e t h n i c d i v e r s i t y ; 3) B.C. p r i m e r s w i l l p i c t u r e an i n c r e a s i n g l y s e c u l a r s o c i e t y . The h y p o t h e s e s c o n c e r n i n g s e c u l a r i z a t i o n and e t h n i c d i \ r e r s i t y a r e s u p p o r t e d . The h y p o t h e s i s c o n c e r n i n g e g a l i t a r i a n i s m i s s u p p o r t e d o n l y p a r t i a l l y . The l i m i t a t i o n s and a d v a n t a g e s o f t h e i n d i c a t o r s used i n t h e c o n t e n t a n a l y s i s a r e s t r e s s e d i n t h e c o n c l u s i o n . The i n d i c a t o r s used t o measure e g a l i t a r i a n i s m a ppear t o be t h e w e a k e s t o f t h o s e used i n t h i s s t u d y . - i i i -TABLE OF CONTENTS L i s t o f I l l u s t r a t i o n s v I n t r o d u c t i o n : t h e C o n t e n t A n a l y s i s * o f B.C. P r i m e r s . . . 1 The P o l i t i c s o f S e l e c t i o n o f P r i m e r s 1 R e s e a r c h Method 2 P r o b l e m s I n v o l v e d i n t h e C o n t e n t A n a l y s i s o f S c h o o l P r i m e r s 3 P r e v i o u s F i n d i n g s : I . S t u d i e s o f P r i m e r s Done by P o l i t i c a l S c i e n t i s t s . . . I I . S t u d i e s o f P r i m e r s Done b y v N o n - P o l i t i c a l S c i e n t i s t s 6 Our H y p o t h e s e s 12 H i s t o r i c a l B a c k g r o u n d and i t s R e l a t i o n t o Our H y p o t h e s e s 12 E q u a l i t a r i a n i s m . 12 M u l t i - e t h n i c i t y 18 D e c l i n e o f R e l i g i o u s n e s s 21 Our D a t a , t h e P r o b l e m s They Posed and R e s o l u t i o n o f Those P r o b l e m s 21 The M e r i t s and D e m e r i t s o f Our S o u r c e s 23 H y p o t h e s i s No.1: B.C. P r i m e r s W i l l P i c t u r e an I n c r e a s i n g l y E g a l i t a r i a n S o c i e t y 24 Our F i n d i n g s 26 - i v -H y p o t h e s i s No.2: B.C. P r i m e r s W i l l P i c t u r e an I n c r e a s i n g T o l e r a n c e o f E t h n i c D i v e r s i t y . . . . 3 7 Our F i n d i n g s 39 H y p o t h e s i s No.3 : B.C. P r i m e r s W i l l P i c t u r e an I n c r e a s i n g l y S e c u l a r S o c i e t y 45 Our F i n d i n g s 45 Summary and C o n c l u s i o n 48 A p p e n d i c e s ( 1 - 1 6 ) 53 B i b l i o g r a p h y 70 - V -LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS GRAPH No . 1 : Lower Species, C h i l d r e n , and Adults Appearing i n Pictures of B.C. Primers to Measure Eq u a l i t a r i a n i s m . , 27 GRAPH No.2: Children and Adults Appearing i n Pic t u r e s of B.C. Primers to Pleasure E q u a l i t a r i a n i s m 28 GRAPH No.3: Lower Species, C h i l d r e n , and Adults Appearing i n Pictures of B.C. Primers to Measure Eq u a l i t a r i a n i s m 29 GRAPH No.4: Lower Species, C h i l d r e n , and Adults Appearing i n the Text of B.C. Primers to Measure Eq u a l i t a r i a n i s m 30 GRAPH No.5: Lower Species, C h i l d r e n , and Adults Appearing i n the Text of B.C. Primers to Measure Eq u a l i t a r i a n i s m . 31 GRAPH No.6: Lower Species, Children, and Adults Appearing as Act i v e Actors i n Pi c t u r e s of B.C. Primers to Measure E q u a l i t a r i a n i s m 32 GRAPH No.7: Public Authority Figures and Symbols Appearing i n Pictures of B.C. Primers to Measure Eq u a l i t a r i a n i s m 35 GRAPH No.8: Public Authority Figures and Symbols Appearing i n the Text of B.C. Primers to Measure Eq u a l i t a r i a n i s m 36 - v i -GRAPH No.9: Non-Anglo-Saxons A p p e a r i n g i n t h e T e x t o f B.C. P r i m e r s t o Measure E t h n i c D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n . . 40 GRAPH No. 10: N o n - A n g l o - s a x o n s A p p e a r i n g i n . t h e T e x t o f B.C. P r i m e r s t o Measure . E t h n i c D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n 41 GRAPH No . 1 1 : N o n - w h i t e P e o p l e A p p e a r i n g i n P i c t u r e s o f B.C. P r i m e r s t o Measure E t h n i c D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n . . 42 GRAPH No.12: N o n - w h i t e P e o p l e A p p e a r i n g i n P i c t u r e s o f B.C. P r i m e r s t o Measure E t h n i c D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n . . 43 GRAPH No.13: R e l i g i o u s F i g u r e s and Symbols A p p e a r i n g i n P i c t u r e s o f B.C. P r i m e r s t o Measure S e c u l a r i z a t i o n 46 GRAPH No.14: R e l i g i o u s F i g u r e s and Symbols A p p e a r i n g i n t h e T e x t o f B.C. P r i m e r s t o Measure S e c u l a r i z a t i o n . . . . 47 F i g u r e No . 1 : Summary o f F i n d i n g s 45 - 1 -Introduction Though schools are not p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , they play a c r u c i a l ro le in the ove ra l l p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n process of any s o c i e t y . Primers can thus be expected to contain symbols and images that express d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , i f not the whole, at least c e r t a i n aspects Of a s o c i e t y ' s p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e . To study the evolut ion of the p o l i t i c a l cu l ture of B r i t i s h Columbia I s h a l l use the basic primers (grade 1 textbooks) used in B.C. schools from 1880s to 1980s as my primary sources. I use Only the basic pr imers, not pre-pr imers or advanced primers, for the sake of uniformity and manageabi1ity. The P o l i t i c s Of Select ion Of Primers In B.C. the se lec t ion of school primers i s done by a committee appointed by the Min is t ry Of Educat ion. The Min is t ry inv i tes the B r i t i s h Columbia Teachers Federation (B .C .T .F . ) and the u n i v e r s i t i e s in B.C. ( p a r t i c u l a r l y the i r Education Facu l t ies ) to submit nominations to the M i n i s t r y . From a l l the names submitted, the Min is t ry se lec ts the committee. The Min is t ry a lso nominates a member from i t s own s ta f f and makes him the coord inator , but not necessar i l y the chairman. The representat ive Of the Min is t ry i s usual ly an employee who is appointed on the basis of experience and q u a l i f i c a t i o n , rather than p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n . Usual ly one member i s se lected from each un ivers i t y in B.C. The representat ives of the B . C . T . F . are e i ther teachers or school admin is t rators . This has been the standard se lec t ion process since the 1940s. This committee -2-a u t h o r i z e s primers that are used to teach i n B.C. s c h o o l s . The committee s e l e c t s primers from those a v a i l a b l e on the market. P u b l i s h i n g companies, whether Canadian or f o r e i g n , supply f r e e c o p i e s to the members of the s e l e c t i o n committee. U s u a l l y , f o r e i g n companies r e v i s e t h e i r primers before s u b m i t t i n g them to the members of the committee. The c r i t e r i a of s e l e c t i o n are very i n f o r m a l . The members in the S e l e c t i o n committee do not i n s i s t that the primers should r e f l e c t B.C. p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e . R e c e ntly there has been an awareness of the n e c e s s i t y to p o r t r a y the changed r o l e of women in s o c i e t y and the m u l t i - c u l t u r a l , m u l t i - e t h n i c dimensions of B.C. s o c i e t y . But i s s u e s such as e g a l i t a r i a n i s m - f o r example, whether B.C. i s e v o l v i n g towards a more or l e s s e g a l i t a r i a n order - are not taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n . In other words, no systematic attempt on the pa r t of the committee to p o r t r a y B.C. s o c i e t y i n the way they thi n k B.C. s o c i e t y should be. 1 Research Method The r e s e a r c h method used i n t h i s p r o j e c t i s content a n a l y s i s , a technique that enables us to q u a n t i f y messages embodied i n words and images. 1 T h i s s e c t i o n on "the P o l i t i c s of S e l e c t i o n . . . . " i s based on my in t e r v i e w with Dr.Jane C a t t e r s o n of the F a c u l t y of Education at U.B.C. - 3 -The Problems Involved In The Content Analys is Of School Primers R.R.Woodsworth c i t e s the case of a Canadian primer written according to content guidel ines set by the publ ishers in order that the book be accepted by the appropriate a u t h o r i t i e s . Th i s , the c r i t i c argues, provides an obvious explanation for the p ic ture of the stereo-typed b lue-eyed, white-skinned, f a i r -haired Caucasian c h i l d that i s presented throughout the t e x t . 1 V.Hamm argues that a major problem in analyzing content i s to determine how the author has selected what was to be included in h is work. 2 R.De Charms and G.H.MOeller give so lut ion to such problems as whether the message coded from the primers i s a. passive r e f l e c t o r of p r e v a i l i n g values and a t t i tudes in a given society or not. They contend that s ince the s to r ies in c h i l d r e n ' s readers are written to transmit c u l t u r a l va lues , the i r very use depends on the c u l t u r a l acceptance of the values contained in the book. 3 Even i f school primers do contain manipulated in f luence, the degree of manipulation cannot go beyond a degree Of a c c e p t a b i l i t y to the p u b l i c , namely, the teachers, the c h i l d r e n , and the parents . A rad ica l departure from p r e v a i l i n g norms could be expected to produce controversy. Hence, i t can usual ly be expected that the primers w i l l enable 1R.R.Woodsworth, "A Content Analys is Of Two Elementary Grade One Readers", (unpublished paper, Dept.Of P o l i t i c a l Sc ience, U . B . C . , 1968) p .9 . 2V.Hamm, "Comparative Content Analys is Of Two Grade 1 Pr imers" , (Unpublished paper, Dept.of P o l i t i c a l Science, U . B . C . , 1968) p .2 . 3R.De Charms, G.H.Moel ler , "Values Expressed In American Ch i ld ren ' s Readers: 1800-1950", Journal of Abnormal and Soc ia l  Psychology (1962, vo l .64,No.2) p.137. -4-one to trace the dominant p o l i t i c a l cu l ture of a given soc ie ty . But whether t h i s chain of arguments appl ies to the case of B.C. or not, cannot be se t t l ed at th i s po in t . Our content ana lys is w i l l focus on that . Previous Findings A survey of the works that report content ana lys is of school primers shows them to have been written not p r imar i l y by p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s , but by s p e c i a l i s t s such as educators, psychologists ,and p s y c h i a t r i s t s . There i s a paucity of l i t e r a t u r e t rac ing the p o l i t i c a l content of pr imers. Studies Of Primers Done By P o l i t i c a l S c i e n t i s t s S.M.J.Snyder (1970) studied the school primers used in Quebec and Ontario between 1830 and 1970 to trace the changing inf luence of r e l i g i o u s author i t y . He observed that the E n g l i s h -Canadian texts had experienced the greatest move towards secu la r i za t ion in 1890,sixty years before those of French-Canada. There was, however, a move toward the secular in both c a s e s . 1 Vic tor Hamm (1968) d id a comparative content ana lys is of Grade 1 primers used in Canada and Germany in the 1960s. Hamm tested the fo l lowing hypotheses; 1) the German textbook shows author i ty as a remover of obstacles while the Canadian textbook 1 S.M.J .Snyder , "Crosses Crowns And Crayons: A Content Analys is of School Primers For Quebec and Ontario 1830 to 1970", (Unpublished paper, Dept.of P o l i t i c a l Science, U.B.C. 1970) p. 17a. - 5 -shows author i ty as an obstac le ; 2) the German textbook shows the male as the author i ty in the home to a greater degree than does the Canadian text ; 3) the German textbook stresses the adult as the a c t i o n - i n i t i a t o r in the home, while the Canadian textbook d isp lays a greater degree of independence on the part of ch i ld ren faced with a d e c i s i o n . 1 The f i r s t two hypotheses were confirmed but the t h i r d was re jec ted . In in terpret ing h is f indings concerning the f i r s t hypothesis , Hamm remarks that the German textbook showed author i ty as a remover of obstacles whereas the Canadian textbook showed author i ty to be an obstacle in i t s e l f . 2 In the case of the second hypothesis the author i ty in the Canadian home was evenly balanced between the male and the female parents , while the texts showed the German male to be r a l a t i v e l y more in author i ty in the home than the female, and a greater author i ta r ian than h is Canadian counte rpar t . 3 R.R.Woodsworth (1968) d id a content analys is of two Canadian Grade 1 primers - one French, the other E n g l i s h . The French primer was published in 1958 and the Engl ish one in 1960. Woodsworth tested two hypothesis : that the French - Canadian primer st resses ind iv idual ism rather than group act ion while the opposite i s true of the Engl ish primer; 2) that the French-Canadian text presents a more accurate por t rayal of r e a l i t y than ^.Hamm, "Comparative Content Analys is Of Two Grade 1 Pr imers" , pp .6 , 9 & 13. 2 Ib id , pp.16 & 17. 3 Ib id , p .16. -6-does the Engl ish t e x t . 1 Both hypotheses were confirmed. While in the E n g l i s h -Canadian primer a large majority of p ic tures consisted of group a c t i v i t i e s , in the French-Canadian primer there was a more even d i s t r i b u t i o n between p ic tures depic t ing ind iv idua l and group a c t i v i t i e s . As for the second hypothesis , the French text presented to the c h i l d the world as i t i s , whereas the Engl ish primer portrayed a rather i d y l l i c utopia devoid of v io lence or a g g r e s s i o n . 2 The Content Analys is Of Primers Done By N o n - p o l i t i c a l S c i e n t i s t s David McCle l land 's ( 1961 ) celebrated study of the achievement syndrome was based on the hypothesis that achievement motivation i s responsible for economic growth. 3 He used c h i l d r e n ' s s to r ies to tap achievement motivation in two periods : 1920-1929, center ing around 1925 and 1946-1955, center ing around 1950.Stories were c o l l e c t e d from 23 countr ies for the ear ly per iod and from 40 countr ies for the second." He noted that high achievement leve ls were associated with more rapid economic development. 5 The o v e r a l l frequency of achievement imagery was highest in readers from countr ies 1R.R.Woodsworth, "A Content Analys is of Two Elementary Grade One Readers" , p . 1 . 2 Ib id , p .8 . 3 D . C . M c C l e l l a n d , The Achieving Society (New York: The Free Press , 1961)p.36. fl Ib id , p .72. 5 Ib id , p .93. developing more rapidly economically. 1 It is interesting, however, to note that achievement imagery did not only appear more frequently in more rapidly developing countries but that their s t o r i e s were "means" oriented rather than "goal" oriented. The "means" oriented stories were most frequent in countries which had managed to overcome obstacles to economic achievement. 2 Blom,Waite, et a l ( 1968 ) undertook a project designed to investigate the content Of primers and pre-primers used in the 1960s in the United States. 3 A c o r r e l a t i o n of a number of variables and a study Of the interactions showed three dimensions (real l i f e with posi t i v e emotions, active play, and pets) to account for 47 percent of the s t o r i e s . " Only one story -out Of 1307 depicted a r e l i g i o u s setting. The main theme concerned a pet. In contrast to readers used in the past, moral and e t h i c a l values did not appear. In terms of actors three categories (children and animals, children and mother, children and mother and father) made up 53 percent of a l l the s t o r i e s . 5 The stories were also rated in terms of environmental settings according to whether they were: urban, suburban, r u r a l , or i n d e f i n i t e . Urban settings rarely appeared (1 percent). 1 Ibid, p.103. 2 Ibid, pp.104 & 105. 3G.E.Blom, R.R.Waite, et a l , "Content of f i r s t grade reading books", The Reading Teacher (vol. 21, No. 4, 1968) p.317. • Ibid, p.318. 5 Ibid, p.319. -8-Suburban set t ings accounted for 38 percent while ru ra l sett ings accounted for 20 percent of the s t o r i e s . Such f igures contrast widely with the actual d i s t r i b u t i o n of population in the United States during the mid 1960s which was 33 percent suburban, 36 percent r u r a l , and 31 percent urban. 1 Urban set t ings appear rare ly in school primers used in North America. Suburban and ru ra l areas are thought to be hea l th ie r for the o v e r a l l development of c h i l d r e n . Wiberg (1970) d id a c r o s s - n a t i o n a l study of a t t i tude content in primers used in the 1960s in the U.S. and 20 other countr ies from North and South America, Europe, As ia ,and A u s t r a l i a . They did rat ings and prel iminary analyses of 60 randomly se lected s to r ies in primers from f i ve count r ies : the United States , South Korea, England, West Germany, and R u s s i a . 2 Att i tudes such as c u l t u r a l va lues , war, weaponry and m i l i t a r i s m appeared with very low frequency or were absent in a l l countr ies except South Korea . 3 Perhaps th is i s so because of South Korea's secur i ty concern which has been a c r u c i a l issue in nat ional l i f e for the l a s t three decades. On a rat ing of nat ional ism and p a t r i o t i s m , South Korea scored high with Russia fol lowing but s t a t i s t i c a l l y not higher than West Germany, England, or the United S t a t e s . 4 1 Ib id , p .321. 2 J . L . W i b e r g , G.E.Blom, "A Cross -Nat ional Study Of At t i tude Content In Reading Pr imers" , Internat ional Journal of Psychology ( vo l .5 , No.2, 1970) p.112. 3 Ib id , p .115. "Idem. -9-Blom and Wiberg (1973) did another cross nat ional study of a t t i tude contents in pr imers. In that study rat ings were done of primers from the U .S . , France, Great B r i t a i n , India , I s r a e l , I ta l y , Japan, Mexico, Norway, Russ ia , South Korea, Turkey, and West Germany.1 Although the at t i tude scale was o r i g i n a l l y constructed on the basis of American primers, the researchers maintained that i t could be app l icab le to other countr ies as w e l l . 2 It appeared that India and South Korea used the i r primers for s o c i a l i z a t i o n of a t t i tudes far more frequently than d id the remainder. I s rae l d isplayed a high frequency of a t t i tudes such as t r a d i t i o n a l i s m , re l i g iousness , recognit ion of death or i n f i r m i t y , while the United States was lowest in the presentat ion of those c u l t u r a l a t t i t u d e s . 3 It i s not surpr i s ing that South Korea and India are high on t r a d i t i o n a l i s m while the United States and Russia are s t r i k i n g l y low; or t h a t India ..and' I s r a e l s c o r e h i g h l y on re l ig iousness while Russ ia , the United States , South Korea, France and Turkey scored low. When the frequencies of working and p lay ing were compared, i t appeared that Russia and Is rae l stressed work over play while other countr ies were e i ther more equal or stressed play over work. 4 Perhaps t h i s i s so because of 'G.E.BlOm, J .L .Wiberg , "Att i tude Contents in Reading Primers" i n , J . Downing, Comparative Reading (New York: Macmil lan, 1973) p.87. 2 Ib id , p.103. 3 Idem. "Idem. -10-the r igor and auster i t y of communist l i f e s ty le in the case of the former and the heavy task of bu i ld ing a new state in the case of the l a t t e r . De Charms and Moeller ( 1962 ) d id a remarkable content analys is of American c h i l d r e n ' s readers from 1800 to 1950. They tested four hypotheses: the incidence of achievement imagery w i l l decrease over the time per iod ; the incidence of a f f i l i a t i o n imagery w i l l increase; the incidence of moral teaching w i l l decrease; the incidence of achievement imagery w i l l be p o s i t i v e l y re lated to the number of patents i s s u e d . 1 The f i r s t hypothesis predicted a consistent decrease in achievement imagery. This was v e r i f i e d a f te r 1890. Pr ior to that , a steady increase, from 1800 to the peak at about 1890,was n o t e d . 2 A consistent increase in a f f i l i a t i o n imagery predicted in the second hypothesis was not v e r i f i e d . The data showed no consistent increase but on the contrary a general decrease with an unexpected drop in 1950 to the 1890 l e v e l . The t h i r d hypothesis , p red ic t ing a decrease in moral teaching, was confirmed by the data. The data a lso confirmed the fourth hypothesis that predicted a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the amount of achievement imagery during a s p e c i f i c period and the index of patents issued per populat ion. In expla in ing the f ind ings , the author quoted W.W.Rostow's asser t ion that in the United States the t r a d i t i o n a l 1R.De Charms, G.H.Moel ler , "Values Expressed In American Ch i ld ren ' s Readers; 1800-1950, p.137. 2 Ib id , p.139. - 1 1 -or a g r i c u l t u r a l society lasted u n t i l about 1840. 1 A major change occurred from 1843 to 1860; i t co inc ided with the take -o f f per iod for achievement o r ientat ion (as coded from the primer content) . During the next per iod from 1860 to 1900, described by Rostow as the dr ive to matur i ty , some ten to twenty percent of the nat ional income was s tead i l y invested, al lowing i n d u s t r i a l Output regular ly to o u t s t r i p the increase in p o p u l a t i o n . 2 Thus, according to Rostow's data and reasoning, the United States reached technologica l maturity around 1900. It is s t r i k i n g to note that th i s data i s very c lose to the high points of achievement imagery and patent measures. Here, one point i s worthy of cons iderat ion . McClel land (1960) observed that achievement o r ientat ion in nations developing rap id ly i s "means" or iented rather than "goal" o r iented . When the obstacles to development were overcome and the U.S. economy was s tead i l y growing on a strong foundation, achievement imagery s tar ted to d e c l i n e . This explains why achievement o r i e n t a t i o n , as r e f l e c t e d in the contents of American c h i l d r e n ' s readers, began to dec l ine a f te r 1900. Thus, a survey of the l i t e r a t u r e on content ana lys i s of primers ind icates that one can f r u i t f u l l y use primers to measure c u l t u r a l i f not s o c i e t a l evo lu t ion . A var ie ty Of s tud ies , mostly done in North America, measured var iab les such as s e c u l a r i z a t i o n , e g a l i t a r i a n i s m , m i l i t a r i s m , and achievement Or ientat ion . None of these various studies concluded that the 1 Ib id , p .141. 21dem. -1 2-primers were poor sources to measure the evolut ion of a s o c i e t y ' s c u l t u r e . There i s no guarantee, of course, that i t w i l l be so in the case of B r i t i s h Columbia. But our survey does provide some re-assurance that school primers are usefu l ind icators of such an evo lu t ion . Our Hypotheses Our hypotheses a re : 1) B.C. primers w i l l p ic ture an increas ing ly e g a l i t a r i a n soc ie ty ; 2) B.C. primers w i l l p ic ture an increasing tolerance of ethnic d i v e r s i t y ; 3) B.C. primers w i l l p ic ture an increas ing ly secular soc ie ty . Are the above hypotheses reasonable in the l i g h t of what we know about B.C. p o l i t i c s and h is tory? H i s t o r i c a l Background And Its Relat ion To Our Hypotheses Equal i ta r ian ism Margaret Ormsby, in her B r i t i s h Columbia: a H is tory , t races c l a s s consciousness from as ear ly as the 1860s. When w e l l - t r a i n e d pro fess iona l people appeared in the 1860s, c lass l i n e s on Vancouver Island had become sharply def ined , and V i c t o r i a was c a l l e d the town of three es ta tes - "nobs , snobs, and f l u n k i e s " . 1 She remarked on another occasion, without re fe r r ing to any time per iod , that in B r i t i s h Columbia, the backwoodsman, 'M.A.Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: a History (TorontoiMacmillan, 1958) p.143. - 1 3 -the small farmer, and the day labourer i n s t i n c t i v e l y d is tasted c l a s s p r i v i l e g e . 1 Hence, i t appears that some segments of B . C . ' s population have cherished e g a l i t a r i a n values since the very days of immigrant sett lement. As ear ly as the 1910s, the r a d i c a l leaders of the B r i t i s h Columbia labor movement came under the inf luence of the " Indus t r ia l Workers of the World" and of the "One Big Union". Those labor leaders demanded the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of pr ivate p r o p e r t y . 2 During the la te 1910s, the Federated Labour Party stated that the complete overthrow of the ex i s t ing system of property and production was the i r ult imate o b j e c t i v e . 3 Socia l ism was gaining some ground in the logging camps, on the waterfront, in the mining camps,and in a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t s , because of general d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the ex i s t ing dominant p a r t i e s , the L i b e r a l s and the Conservat ives, who were considered to be serving p r i v a t e , rather than p u b l i c , i n t e r e s t s . By 1920, s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n , such as the Adoption Act , a Deserted Wives' Maintenance A c t , a system of Mothers' Pensions and the extension Of the Minimum Wage l e g i s l a t i o n had been enacted." These p r a c t i c a l steps taken by the B.C. government for the benef i t of the less p r i v i l e g e d segment Of the society ind icate an emerging e g a l i t a r i a n trend in B r i t i s h Columbia. 'M.A.Ormsby, "Canada and the New B r i t i s h Columbia", i n , J , F r i e s e n , H.K.Ralston e d . , H i s t o r i c a l Essays on Br i t i sh Columbia Toronto: Gage, 1980) p.97. 2 M.A.0rmsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: a History pp.396 & 397. 3 I b id , pp.408 & 409. 4 I b id , p.428. -14-In 1933, the Co-operat ive Commonwealth Federation ( C . C . F . ) , a nat ional party representing labor and farm groups, appeared in B r i t i s h Columbia. 1 The fact that the C . C . F . ' s c a l l for a planned s o c i a l i s t order had a wide appeal was evident in the 1933 e l e c t i o n . In that e l e c t i o n , the completely new party became the o f f i c i a l opposit ion by captur ing seven out of 44 s e a t s . 2 The C . C . F . los t the i r o f f i c i a l opposit ion pos i t ion in B.C. l e g i s l a t u r e in 1937 but regained that pos i t ion in 1941. 3 In an attempt to explain rad ica l labor movements and p o l i t i c a l pa r t ies in B . C . , Jamieson asserts that because of i t s spec ia l l o c a t i o n , topography and resources, B r i t i s h Columbia has remained a f ron t ie r region up to the present t ime. And the North American f r o n t i e r s have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been an important b i r t h -place and nurtur ing ground of m i l i t a n t labor movements and r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . " P h i l i p Resnick maintains that to face the challenge of the l e f t , the p r o v i n c i a l government of B.C. rest ra ined the free working of a l i b e r a l economy from the ear ly 1930s (the ~-i)u£f Pat tu lo per iod ) . 5 The subsequent government of l i b e r a l s and 1 Ib id , p.452 2 Ib id , p.453. 3 Ib id , p.465. *S.Jamieson, "Regional Factors in Indust r ia l C o n f l i c t : The Case of B r i t i s h Columbia" i n , W.P.Ward, R.A.J .McDonald, B r i t i s h Co lumbia :H is to r i ca l Readings ( Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1981) p.505. 5 P.Resn ick , "Soc ia l Democracy in Power: The Case of B r i t i s h Columbia", BC Studies ( No.34, Summer 1977) p .7 . -15-conservat ives , which ruled B.C. from 1941 to 1952, introduced welfare measures, such as a l imi ted form of p r o v i n c i a l health insurance. But the trend of r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l developments was dera i led by socio-economic developments during World War II. During the ear ly 1940s, B r i t i s h Columbia entered a stage of great economic growth. By 1943 the boom was manifested in B r i t i s h Columbia having the highest per cap i ta income of a l l the Canadian p rov inces . 1 The employment opportuni t ies improved enormously and simultaneously led to massive immigration to the province from various parts of the world. Such developments enhanced the popular i ty of the moderate and r i g h t i s t par t ies at the cost of the l e f t i s t ones. Along with these new popular values and a t t i tudes appeared the Soc ia l Credi t Party , a r ight wing popul is t p a r t y . 2 David E lk ins agrees with B i l l Bennett, the present S o c i a l Credit leader , that the Soc ia l Credit i s a popul is t party s l i g h t l y to the r ight of center , whereas the NDP is a popul is t party s l i g h t l y to the l e f t of c e n t e r . 3 E lk ins further claimed that S o c i a l Credi t p o l i c i e s in the 1950s and 1960s, such as the government takeover of B.C. E l e c t r i c and the B.C. Ferry System, 1M.A.Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: a History p.479. 2 T h i s paragraph is based on my interview with Prof . LapOnce of the Dept. of P o l i t i c a l Science at U.B.C. 3 D . J . E l k i n s , " P o l i t i c s Makes Strange Bedfel lows: The B.C. Party System in the 1952 and 1953 Prov inc ia l E l e c t i o n s " , BC Studies (No. 30, Su mmer 1976) p . 3 . * Ib id , pp.3 & 4. -16-could be considered s o c i a l i s t i c . " In cont rast , P h i l i p Resnick described the same period (W.A.C.Bennett 's rule 1952 to 1972) as a queer combination of "cowboy" cap i ta l i sm and state i n t e r v e n t i o n . 1 W.A.C.Bennett further introduced important publ ic welfare p o l i c i e s in the 1960s: heal th and hosp i ta l insurance and increas ing educational expenditures. Martin Robin descr ibes the same period (the 1950s and 1960s) from a th i rd perspect ive . He contends that the Soc ia l Credi t and the NDP represented two value s t r a i n s : the former bent on the preservat ion of pr ivate enterpr i se , the l a t t e r imbued with the values of c o l l e c t i v i s m . 2 He, however, admitted that the two par t ies moved c loser in the 1960s, each absorbing a l i t t l e of the other 's p o l i c i e s . P h i l i p Resnick attempted to show that the NDP p o l i c i e s , while in power (1972-1975), were not more welfare or iented than the S o c i a l Credi t p o l i c i e s of the preceding decade. He argued that the most s i g n i f i c a n t growth in the c i v i l serv ice of B.C. Occurred not under the NDP (1972 to 1975) but under the Soc ia l Credit rule from 1964 to 1967. 3 A major NDP po l i cy was "MincOme", guaranteeing pensioneers a minimum Of $20o a month." The NDP a lso granted p r o v i n c i a l c i v i l servants the r ight to free 1 P.Resn ick , "Soc ia l Democracy in Power: The Case of B r i t i s h Columbia", BC Studies p .7 . 2M.RObin ed. Canadian P rov inc ia l P o l i t i c s ( Scarborough, Ontar io : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1972) p .40. 3 P.Resn ick , "Soc ia l Democracy in Power: The Case of B r i t i s h Columbia", BC Studies p .8 . " Ib id , p .10. - 1 7 -c o l l e c t i v e barga in ing . 1 Simultaneously, they introduced a new Human Rights Code which was aimed at barr ing a l l types of job d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . Another welfare measure was the funne l l ing of a c e r t a i n amount of money towards housing co -operat ives in order to provide adequate and good housing at reasonable p r i c e s . 2 In health care , some small steps were taken towards a greater degree of consumer p a r t i c i p a t i o n . J .H.Bradbury argues that , between 1950 and 1970, small f irms assoc iated with resource ex t rac t ion , s p e c i a l l y in the lumber industry , were taken over or absorbed by mul t inat iona l c o r p o r a t i o n s . 3 These changes in the pattern of i n d u s t r i a l ownership coincided with the growth of new " ins tant" towns. Bradbury claims that between 1965 and 1972 , mul t inat iona l resource ext ract ion companies and the p r o v i n c i a l government cooperated in the creat ion of instant resource towns to replace company towns." These instant towns became serv ice centers for nearby metropoles. Thus these towns f a c i l i t a t e d a rapid growth of serv ice or iented small business. Hence, according to Bradbury's study, small businesses d id benef i t from the Soc ia l Credit r u l e . Soc ia l Credit p o l i c i e s can be said to contain elements of ega l i ta r ian ism in the sense of favouring the small business 1 Ib id , p.14. 2 Ib id , p .17. 3 J .H .Bradbury , "Class Structure and Class C o n f l i c t s in "Instant"Resource Towns in B r i t i s h Columbia- 1965 to 1972", BC  Studies ( No.37, Spring 1978 ) p .7 . " Ib id , p .4 . -18-over the monopolist ic Or o l i g o p o l i s t i c cont ro l of large corporat ions . Secondly, the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth through h o s p i t a l s , health care and t ransportat ion f a c i l i t i e s measure the e g a l i t a r i a n dimension of the Soc ia l Credit p o l i c i e s . As far as the nOn-economic dimensions of equal i tar ian ism are concerned, some important developments took place in the post-World War II per iod . The Asian immigrants and Native peoples were granted the f ranchise in 1947 and the ban on Chinese immigration was removed. Though many of the above h i s t o r i c a l observations support our hypothesis that B.C. society has been gradual ly tending towards a more equa l i ta r ian order, the issue i s not f u l l y resolved and there has been some disagreement. For example, some scho lars , p a r t i c u l a r l y David E lk ins and DOnald Blake, saw evidence of a trend towards ega l i ta r ian insm, while Others, p a r t i c u l a r l y P h i l i p Resnick and Martin Robin, portrayed a cu l ture that remained n o n - e g a l i t a r i a n . M u l t i - e t h n i c i t y Our second hypothesis p red ic ts that B.C. primers w i l l p ic ture an increasing ethnic d i v e r s i t y . It i s assumed that the primers w i l l r e f l e c t a marked evolut ion in the a t t i tude Of the dominant group towards the tolerance of ethnic d i v e r s i t y . A major theme of the h is tory and p o l i t i c s of B r i t i s h Columbia since the mid 19th century, when the immigrants started s e t t l i n g in the province, has been One of r a c i a l prejudice - 1 9 -towards the people of non-European o r i g i n . 1 The e a r l i e s t o r i e n t a l immigrants in B r i t i s h Columbia were mostly Chinese, who came with the f i r s t inf lux of miners. In 1864 they numbered about 2000. 1 Ag i ta t ion against the Chinese began in 1864 and continued unsuccessful ly for more than twenty years . F.H.Howay claims that t h i s rac i s t sentiment rose with economic recession and f e l l in times of economic p rosper i t y . Peter Ward observes that whiteness became the primary symbol of the homogeneous society which the people of the west coast t r i e d to f o s t e r . 2 However, with B r i t i s h Columbia's admission to Confederat ion, the nature of the " o r i e n t a l menace" changed from a question of pr ivate prejudice to become a publ ic i s s u e . 3 O r ien ta l immigrants were given a subordinate place in a white community that was being estab l ished by the f i r s t l e g i s l a t o r s of the prov ince . " By the ear ly 20th century, the Japanese and the East Indian immigrants a lso se t t l ed in B r i t i s h Columbia. In 1923 Chinese immigration halted with the passage of the exc lus ion is t Chinese Immigration A c t . 5 Arrangements were a lso made with the 1The theme appears frequently in W.P.Ward's White Canada Forever. 'F.W.Howay, "The Settlement and Progress of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1871-1914" i n , J . F r i e s e n , H.K.Ralston ed. H i s t o r i c a l Essays on  B r i t i s h Columbia p .39. 2W.P.Ward, White Canada Forever ( Montrea l :McGi l l -Queen 's , 1978 ) p. 1 9. 3 Ib id , p .31 . " IB id . p .32. 5 P . E . R o y , " B r i t i s h Columbia's Fear of As ians, 1900-1950" i n , W.P.Ward, R.A. J.McDonald, B r i t i s h Co lumbia :H is tor ica l Readings p.659. -20-Japanese government to res t ra in Japanese immigration to Canada. During the interwar per iod the predominance of people of B r i t i s h and Canadian descent was further heightened. A r e l a t i v e calm in the realm of ethnic r e l a t i o n s during the interwar per iod came to a hal t in the la te 1930s when Japan's aggressive p o l i c i e s were perceived to have posed a threat to the secur i ty of the West Coast. Three waves of r a c i a l v io lence swept across B r i t i s h Columbia between 1937 and 1942. Thus, for almost a century, from the la te 1850s to the ear ly 1940s, racism had been deeply rooted in B r i t i s h Columbia to the extent that i t had become a c u l t u r a l norm. 1 The white community had wanted a r a c i a l l y homogeneous soc ie ty . They feared that heterogeneity would destroy the i r c a p a b i l i t i e s to perpetuate the i r values, t r a d i t i o n s , laws and i n s t i t u t i O n s -which were a l l represented by the white Canada symbol . 2 The important developments in the immediate post-war per iod were the fo l lowing : the province was prospering rap id l y ; there was no lack of wel l -pay ing jobs; immigrants star ted coming from various parts of the world; there was l i t t l e danger"that Asians would dominate the white populat ion ; Japan no longer pOsed any m i l i t a r y th reat ; the Japanese Canadians were no longer concentrated pr imar i l y in B r i t i s h Columbia. 3 A l l these developments together brought changes in publ ic a t t i tudes and 1W.P.Ward, White Canada Forever p.142. 2 Ib id , p.169. 3 P . E . R o y , " B r i t i s h Columbia's Fear of As ians , 1900-1950" i n , W.P.Ward, R.A.J .McDonald, B r i t i s h Columbia: H i s t o r i c a l Readings p. 667. -21-government p o l i c i e s . The ban on Chinese immigration was l i f t e d and h o s t i l i t i e s towards the absent Japanese mi t igated . Thus, our survey of the l i t e r a t u r e on B r i t i s h Columbia h is tory and p o l i t i c s ind icates that almost simultaneously with the r e l a t i v e decrease in r a c i a l prejudice in the post-World War II per iod , mul t i - e thn ic immigration to B.C. s tar ted to increase. Although racism does s t i l l e x i s t , i f not o f f i c i a l l y recognized, at least p r i va te l y cherished by some people, our hypothesis concerning B.C. primers depic t ing an increasing tolerance of ethnic d i v e r i s i t y is supported by our survey of the h i s t o r i c a l l i t e r a t u r e . Decl ine Of Rel ig iousness Our t h i r d hypothesis concerning B.C. primers p i c tu r ing an increas ing ly secular soc iety does not get prec ise support in the h i s t o r i c a l l i t e r a t u r e . The assumption that B.C. society has been assuming a secular character i s supported however by the few content analyses of B.C. and Canadian primers already discussed (Snyder:1970), as well as some studies (Blom, Waite, et a l : l 9 6 8 ; Wiberg and Blom:1973) that were conducted on the broader North American context . Our Data, The Problems They Posed And The Resolut ion Of Those  Problems Appendix 1 l i s t s the school primers that are used as our corpus. A major problem is that the school texts were changed at some point in every decades and in other cases every two decades. So, we categor ize the primers by decade and gather data -22-by decade as well; for example, i f a primer was used both in the 1920s and the 1930s, our data for the 1920s and 1930s are the same because they are coded from the same primer. In some cases (for example in the 1980s) multiple grade one primers were introduced. We took only the basic primer, meaning standard grade one text, after consulting Primary Education experts who have scales to determine whether a reader i s a pre-primer or an advanced primer Or a standard grade one text. For some decades, we have only One text and for others we have two. In both texts and pictures, counting starts from page one to the l a s t page enumerated (except those pages in the end where guidance i s given to the instructors exclusively and i s not meant for c h i l d r e n ) . In cases Of multiple pictures (for example, a school appearing at the top and a shopping center appearing at the bottom of the same page) which appear On a single page, we counted them as one picture. A picture which covers two pages i s also counted as One. But i f one picture covers two pages while there i s a separate picture (one Or more) appearing in either of these pages,the whole thing i s counted as two. However, i f these additional pictures are complementary parts of the main picture, these additional side pictures are not counted as being separate. Drawings are also counted as pictures. But pictures Of pictures are not counted (for example, photograph of a dog). Emblems of ...the. p u b l i s h i n g company a r e not counted. Anthropomorphic figures are not counted. Statues, d o l l s , and toys are not counted. Any figure which cannot be i d e n t i f i e d as to real or pseudo (that i s a r t i f i c i a l ) , i s not -23-counted. In J e r r y And Jane (used i n the 1940s) the moon appears with a human face i n two p i c t u r e s (pages 111 and 113); . i t i s not counted. The M e r i t s And Demerits Of Our Sources Our sources have c e r t a i n l i m i t a t i o n s . F i r s t of a l l , most of the primers were not produced i n B.C. But most of them were intended f o r use, i f not i n B.C. alone, at l e a s t i n E n g l i s h Canada as a whole or i n Western Canada. In cases of primers of f o r e i g n o r i g i n , they were r e v i s e d f o r use i n B.C. and i n Other p a r t s Of Canada. The process of s e l e c t i o n does not show much e x p l i c i t awareness on the p a r t Of the a u t h o r i t y that the primers should r e f l e c t the p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e of B.C. except i n recent times (again to a l i m i t e d e x t e n t ) . A l l these negative o b s e r v a t i o n s do i n d i c a t e that the primers may be of l i m i t e d use in l o o k i n g f o r c u l t u r a l values and a t t i t u d e s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the case of B.C. But i t i s important to remember that the a u t h o r i t i e s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the s e l e c t i o n of B.C. primers do not f i n d a n y t h i n g unacceptable i n the primers t h a t c o u l d . b e ^ g a i n s t . t h e i r c u l t u r a l v a l u e s and a t t i t u d e s . Other than a high cost owing to a s m a l l market, there i s no Other impediment to B.C. producing i t s Own school primers. The s e l e c t i o n by the p u b l i c a u t h o r i t y and i t s acceptance by the p u b l i c do suggest that the primers r e f l e c t B.C. c u l t u r e i f not i n minutest d e t a i l s , at l e a s t i n a g e n e r a l way. I t i s a l s o not an exaggeration to say that Anglophone communities i n North America are s i m i l a r i n c e r t a i n dimensions of c u l t u r e , such as having almost the same standard of l i v i n g , l i b e r a l democracy, f r e e economic e n t e r p r i s e -24-s e c u l a r i s m , feminism, and a h i g h l y urbanized l i f e . So, the primers used i n Anglophone communities i n North America are l i k e l y to be s i m i l a r i n many of t h e i r c u l t u r a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s . Hypothesis No.1:B.C• Primers W i l l P i c t u r e An I n c r e a s i n q l y  E g a l i t a r i a n S o c i e t y " E q u a l i t a r i a n i s m " i s measured by three i n d i c a t o r s : a) percentages of c h i l d r e n , a d u l t s and lower s p e c i e s i n both te x t and p i c t u r e s ; b) the percentage of a c t i v e a c t o r s and c) the percentage of a u t h o r i t y symbols. The l a s t measure d i d not pose problems but the f i r s t two c r e a t e d a few. If c h i l d r e n appear i n c r e a s i n g l y i n peer groups, rather than with a d u l t s , t h i s i s taken to mean that both f a m i l y and s o c i e t y are becoming l e s s h i e r a r c h i c a l . Lower s p e c i e s are co n s i d e r e d to represent an i n f e r i o r group. Ther e f o r e an increase i n the appearances of lower s p e c i e s i s l i k e l y to i n d i c a t e a trend towards e q u a l i t a r i a n i s m i n the sense of an i n c r e a s e d m i n g l i n g of s u p e r i o r and i n f e r i o r groups. The percentages of lower s p e c i e s , c h i l d r e n and a d u l t s appearing as a c t i v e and p a s s i v e a c t o r s i s another i n d i c a t o r to t e s t the sub-hypothesis concerning a l e s s h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e of f a m i l y and s o c i e t y i n B.C. An i n c r e a s e i n the number of c h i l d r e n and animals appearing as a c t i v e a c t o r s i s taken to denote a l e s s h i e r a r c h i c a l f a m i l y and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . Numerous re s e a r c h problems were encountered regarding i n d i c a t o r s a) and b ) . Status as an a d u l t or c h i l d i n cases where i t i s not e x p l i c i t was determined on the b a s i s of the r o l e s a s s i g n e d to the i n d i v i d u a l . Those r e f e r r e d to by the t i t l e Mr. -25-or Miss, are taken to be a d u l t s . Those under the age of 14 are con s i d e r e d to be c h i l d r e n . A c t i o n s such as c r y i n g , p l a y i n g with toys, c h i l d i s h speech, are c o n s i d e r e d a t t r i b u t e s of c h i l d r e n . C e r t a i n names appear without r e f e r e n c e to t h e i r i d e n t i t y as animal, c h i l d , or a d u l t , but l a t e r pages o f t e n d i s c l o s e the i d e n t i t y of those names. T h i s c r i t e r i o n of " l a t e r d i s c l o s u r e of e a r l i e r p u z z l i n g r e f e r e n c e s " helped us i n d e c i d i n g many border-l i n e cases. Those whose s t a t u s as to a d u l t or c h i l d r e n cannot be i d e n t i f i e d are not counted. I f f i g u r e s are so small Or i n d i s t i n c t t h a t t h e i r s p e c i e s or age can not be i d e n t i f i e d , they are not counted ( f o r example, human f i g u r e s whose age can not be i d e n t i f i e d ) . A l l s o r t s of animals, b i r d s , f i s h e s , and i n s e c t s are counted as lower s p e c i e s . They i n c l u d e s p i d e r , l o b s t e r s , s n a i l , f l i e s , bees. There are some s p e c i f i c b o r d e r - l i n e c a ses. In Come Along  With Me (the primer used f o r the 1960s and the 1970s), p i c t u r e s of animals i n pages 55, 56, and 57 appear to be a r t i f i c i a l (that i s , not n a t u r a l ) . SO they are not counted. But the same f i g u r e s i n pages 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 69, 70, and 71 appear to be r e a l and are counted. In the same book, the arm of an a d u l t appears; i t i s counted (page 14). There appears a l s o a shopping c e n t e r (pages 136 and 137) with many people who cannot be i d e n t i f i e d as to c h i l d r e n or a d u l t s ; so they are not counted. In Fun With Dick And Jane ( used i n the 1950s) there i s a p i c t u r e of c h i l d r e n Or a d u l t s i n a car (page 39). The category-c h i l d Or a d u l t - cannot be a s c e r t a i n e d ; they are not counted. An a c t i v e a c t o r i s one who t a l k s , moves, walks r a t h e r than One who -26-takes an i n i t i a t i v e . A p a s s i v e a c t o r i s one who i s not undertaking any i n i t i a t i v e . Acts such as s l e e p i n g , standing, s i t t i n g are counted as p a s s i v e a c t i o n . However standing or s i t t i n g and simultaneously t a l k i n g or opening up the mouth or moving any limb of the body make one an a c t i v e a c t o r . Our F i n d i n g s Our f i n d i n g s , represented i n Graphs 1, 3, 4, 5, and 6 r e j e c t p a r t i a l l y the sub-hypothesis concerning a l e s s h i e r a r c h i c a l f a m i l y and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i n B.C. The percentages of c h i l d r e n i n c r e a s e s i n the 1980s from the 1880s only i n two cases (Graphs 1 and 4), not c o n s i d e r i n g the c o unting of a c t i o n s (Graph 6) at the moment. But at the same time the percentage of lower s p e c i e s d e c l i n e s over time and that of a d u l t s i n c r e a s e s (Graphs 1 and 4). In counts measuring a c t i o n , the percentage of c h i l d r e n as a c t i v e a c t o r s i n c r e a s e s over time though there i s a sudden d e c l i n e i n the 1980s. However, even here, the percentage i s higher than that of the 1880s' (Graph 6). At the same time, the percentage of lower s p e c i e s as a c t i v e a c t o r s d e c l i n e s s h a r p l y i n the 1980s from what i t was i n the 1880s and that of a d u l t s i n c r e a s e s r a p i d l y i n the 1980s from what i t was i n the 1880s (Graph 6 ) . At t h i s p o i n t i t should be noted that the i n d i c a t o r s do not u n i f o r m l y support the assumption that the s t r u c t u r e of fa m i l y and s o c i e t y i s becoming l e s s h i e r a r c h i c a l . T h i s i s evident from the f a c t that the percentage of a d u l t s i n c r e a s e s over time, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the 1980s. Only i n a few counts do c h i l d r e n appear i n g r e a t e r percentages i n the 1980s than i n the Graph No.1 Lower s p e c i e s , c h i l d r e n , and a d u l t s a p p e a r i n g i n p i c t u r e s of B.C. p r i m e r s t o m e a s u r e . e q u a l i t a r i a n i s m ( s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y dimension) ( i n %) \ C\J I -Lower specie— > > > > > v Childr-en-' l I T I I I A d u l t s • \m ;• MO WO VIO- l%0 IJjO Ifyp >%d • flfD-rfft) l%o 100%= t o t a l number o f c h a r a c t e r s ( i n c l u d i n g l o w e r s p e c i e s , c h i l d r e n , and a d u l t s ) F o r number o f c a s e s and e x a c t p e r c e n t a g e s see A p p e n d i x No.2. Graph No.2 C h i l d r e n and a d u l t s a p p e a r i n g i n p i c t u r e s o f B.C. p r i m e r s to measure equalit..arianism....(social h i e r a r c h y dimension), ( i n . % ) 100%= t o t a l number o f c h a r a c t e r s ( i n c l u d i n g c h i l d r e n and a d u l t s ) F o r number o f c a s e s and e x a c t p e r c e n t a g e s see Ap p e n d i x Wo., 2.1 A Graph No.3 ^ I T o ^ e a s S ^ i I Lower'-' s p e c i e s — _ i > ) > > > > ' - C h i l d r e n -I I I | I | A d u l t s -'Wo— m—Wo ,y0 l^o i°3<) .. Ws0- fro<9w ' ; r n u ™ " o n a I e s ° f a n f ^ p e r c e n t a g e s ^ see Appendix No. 3 Graph No.4 Lower species, children, and adults' appear ing'in the", text" "of' B '."C". "primer si";to measure eqjualitarianism (so'cial hierarchy dimension) • (in %). i . ..< i i . Lower spee^&s > > > > > > C h i l d r - e n ! ; A d u l t s ; ! j i U l o i 100%= t o t a l number of c h a r a c t e r s ( i n c l u d i n g l o w e r s p e c i e s , c h i l d r e n , and a d u l t s ) F o r number o f cases and e x a c t p e r c e n t a g e s see A p p e n d i x No.4 . Graph No.5 l o w e r s p e c i e s , c h i l d r e n , and a d u l t s a p p e a r i n g i n t h e t e x t o f B C p r i m e r s t o measure e q u a l i t a r i a n i s m ( s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y d i m e n s i o n ) ' ( i n %) i Lower s p e c i e s few Ityo fyo fyo • - / ? # > - - fye tfyi) >9f0 —mo-- !— t-Ti 1>?..totai _numbex o f pages F o r number o f c a s e s and e x a c t p e r c e n t a g e s see Ap p e n d i x No.5 Graph No.6 Lower s p e c i e s , c h i l d r e n , and a d u l t s a p p e a r i n g as a c t i v e a c t o r s i n p i c t u r e s o f B.C. p r i m e r s t o measure e q u a l i t a r i a n i s m ( s o c i a l h i e r a r d i m e n s i o n ) ( i n %) i CM I Lower s p e c i e s Y C h i l d r e n -I [ | I I | i - " Adults-- . — . J mo. mo ..tfoo W . .mo i?}o '%o . Uso J9tt lljo Wo ••%0&%--1 t o t a l - number of' p i c t u r e s " " "'• : F o r numher o f cases and e x a c t p e r c e n t a g e s see Appe n d i x No.6. -33-1880s. Simultaneously, we do not see that the i n f e r i o r groups have been mingling increas ing ly with superior groups (I mean lower species mingling with ch i ld ren or adults) with the passage of t ime. In Graphs 1, 3, 4, and 5 the percentage of lower species dec l ines in the 1980s from the 1880s. The percentage of adults increases in the 1980s from the 1880s in a l l counts (Graphs 1, 3, 4, and 5) . If we count ac t ions , the percentage of adults as act ive actors i s much higher in the 1980s than the 1880s. A l l these data negate the assumption that the structure of family and society in B.C. projected by the primers i s becoming less h i e r a r c h i c a l . Hence, the sub-hypothesis concerning a gradual trend toward equal i ta r ian ism measured by a gradual dec l ine in h i e r a r c h i c a l s t ructure Of family and society i s not confirmed. To ascer ta in whether the absence of lower species i s important, we el iminated the lower species from one count. The resu l t s as shown in Graph 2 are a l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t from Graph 1. In Graph 1 (which is based on the same c r i t e r i a as Graph 2 except that the lower species are counted along with ch i ld ren and adults) the percentage of ch i ld ren in the 1980s does not f a l l below that of the 1880. But in Graph 2 the percentage of ch i ld ren in the 1980s does f a l l below that of the 1880s. In the case Of adults the resu l ts are s i m i l a r . Hence, Graph 2 re jects again the sub-hypothesis concerning a less h i e r a r c h i c a l structure Of family and s o c i e t y . Why i s the sub-hypothesis not confirmed? In primers of the past , the r u r a l - p a s t o r a l se t t ing ( for example, farmland, garden, s k y - l i n e ) occurred f requent ly . In such ru ra l or pastora l -34-s e t t i n g s , none of the three categor ies of actors ( ch i ld ren , lower spec ies , and adults) were allowed scope for much i n t e r a c t i o n . The modern primers (for example, the one used in the 1980s) frequently portray publ ic places and rea l l i f e s i tua t ions ( i . e . people boarding a bus, waiting in an a i r p o r t ) . In these s i tuat ions i t i s l i k e l y that the adults w i l l interact more than the ch i ld ren or the lower spec ies . Hence, a s h i f t from an i d e a l i s t i c past to a r e a l i s t i c present brought changes in the r a t i o of actors ( p a r t i c u l a r l y in the 1980s). The las t aspect of the f i r s t hypothesis , concerning a less author i ta r ian o r i e n t a t i o n , i s measured by the fact that publ ic author i ty f igures and symbols appear less and less in both text and p i c t u r e s . A policeman, a judge, a k ing , a queen, a crown are considered to be publ ic author i ty f igures and symbols. If the percentage of publ ic author i ty f igures dec l ines over t ime, the hypothesis of a dec l in ing author i tar ian or ientat ion i s upheld. As far as ind icators to test th i s sub-hypothesis are concerned, we encountered no problem in coding from the text and p i c t u r e s . Publ ic author i ty f igures and symbols appearing in the text and p ic tures of the primers were easy to i d e n t i f y . Our f ind ings represented in Graphs 7 and 8 ve r i f y th i s sub-hypothesis . A look at Graphs 7 and 8 shows a decl ine in the percentage of symbols and f igures of publ ic author i t y . P i c t o r i a l representat ions of publ ic author i ty have been absent since the 1920s, except for a br ie f reappearance in the 1950s (Graph 7)* Textual references increased markedly between 1910 and 1930 but have since then disappeared (Graph 8) . The sub-hypothesis i s Graph No.7 Public authority figures and symbols appearing i n pictures of B.C. primers to measure equalitarianism (authoritarian dimension) ( i n %) • • - - ro 1 i i ; 9 — - - • / ! P i - - I T * . _ i _ . I ; j . i , • 1. L '• ' : :.. !... L1_L : i j_ ' • i ' ' i i i ' |&<? ...Kfo 1^0 - /?J0 /tytf IISO -'9(6 /9fo~ I vn 10O%- t o t a l number .of -pictures -- - - •• For number of cases and exact percentages see Appendix No.7 Graph No.8 P u b l i c authority figures and symbols appearing i n the t e x t of B.C. primers to measure Equalitarianism ( a u t h o r i t a r i a n dimension) ( i n %) . L i . . 'a,Q : Wo IJio • l%o J9JO Ifyo Vsv-1?toWo j Mo 1G0%= - t o t a l number o f .-pages -F o r number o f cases and e x a c t p e r c e n t a g e s see A p p e n d i x No.» i I -37-t h e r e f o r e c l e a r l y upheld. In c o n c l u s i o n i t can be s t a t e d that t h i s l a s t i n d i c a t o r supports the sub-hypothesis that B.C. s o c i e t y moved towards e q u a l i t a r i a n i s m i n the mid-twentieth century, i n the sense Of a d e c l i n e i n o r i e n t a t i o n to a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e s and symbols. On the whole our hypothesis concerning e g a l i t a r i a n i s m i s not c l e a r l y v e r i f i e d ; i n one dimension ( h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e of f a m i l y and s o c i e t y ) the c u l t u r e i s becoming n o n - e g a l i t a r i a n and i n another dimension ( a u t h o r i t a r i a n o r i e n t a t i o n ) i t i s becoming e g a l i t a r i a n . Perhaps our i n d i c a t o r s do not a c c u r a t e l y measure e g a l i t a r i a n i s m ; or Ma r t i n Robin's Observation on contemporary B.C. s o c i e t y as being s p l i t On i d e o l o g i c a l l i n e s i s r e f l e c t e d i n Our content a n a l y s i s . I f the l a t t e r i s t r u e , then the s p l i t , Or a l a c k of unanimity i n i d e o l o g i c a l and p o l i c y d i r e c t i o n s i n B.C. s o c i e t y make i t d i f f i c u l t to o b t a i n u n i -dimensional r e s u l t s i n t e s t i n g Our hyp o t h e s i s concerning B.C. primers p i c t u r i n g an i n c r e a s i n g l y e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t y . Hypothesis No.2; B.C. Primers Wi11 P i c t u r e An I n c r e a s i n g  T o l e r a n c e Of E t h n i c D i v e r s i t y Our second hypothesis c a l l s f o r measures of t o l e r a n c e of et h n i c h e t e r o g e n e i t y , i f not on the pa r t of the p o p u l a t i o n as a whole, at l e a s t on the p a r t of B.C. e l i t e s . Under t h i s second h y p o t h e s i s , i n c r e a s i n g e t h n i c d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n i s taken to mean that the e l i t e takes i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n that the primers should r e f l e c t a m u l t i - e t h n i c s o c i e t y . T h i s can be measured by the nature of e t h n i c composition appearing i n the pri m e r s . We have two i n d i c a t o r s t o test the hypothesis : percentages of non-Anglo-Saxon names or other references to non-Anglo-Saxons in text , and p i c t o r i a l representat ions of non-whites. In p i c t o r i a l representat ions, the d i s t i n c t i o n between the whites and the non-whites i s made on the basis of colour and f a c i a l features . Those looking b lack , coloured (brown, yel low) , Chinese (or Lat in American), O r i e n t a l , n a t i v e Indian, Eskimo, are taken for non-whites. The non-whites appear in large numbers only in the primers used in the 1980s. Most of these non-whites are blacks who can e a s i l y be i d e n t i f i e d . In p i c t o r i a l presentat ions there are some border l ine cases (in the primer used in the 1980s) in which one i n d i c a t o r , such as f a c i a l feature or skin pigmentation alone, i s not enough to ident i f y the subject as being white Or non-white. In such cases , f a c i a l feature and skin pigmentation combined together, enable us to ident i f y a sub ject ' s r a c i a l background. In the primer for the 1980s, human f igures appearing in two p ic tures were not counted for not being d i s t i n c t as to the i r number or age (pp.16 & 17; p .78) . This exc lus ion , however, app l ies only to Graphs 2 and 11. Though not a l l the white people in B.C. are Anglo-Saxons, the textual references to whites of non-anglo-SaxOn Or ig in do not appear at a l l . This perhaps implies that the nOn-AnglO- Saxon whites in B.C. accul turate qu ick l y ; Or the e l i t e in B.C. would l i k e to induce them to accul turate by withholding any reference to non-Anglo-Saxon whites in the school pr imers. This a t t i tude of the e l i t e becomes more obvious when we not ice that the textual references to non-Anglo-saxons do not appear except in two cases : the f i r s t One is an Indian (1900-1909 period) and -39-the second i s an Eskimo (1910s). However, i n H e l i c o p t e r s And  Gingerbread (being used i n the 1980s), the name "Kim Parks" occurs i n the t e x t i n pages 40, 42, 43, 44, and 45. "Kim" can be a Korean name as w e l l as a female Anglo-Saxon name. But "Parks" i s an Anglo-Saxon ( l a s t ) name. A l s o i n the p i c t u r e "Kim Parks" appears as a white woman. I asked two Canadians, one of o r i e n t a l and the other of European o r i g i n s , to i d e n t i f y "Kim Park" i n p i c t u r e and the t e x t . In the case of the p i c t u r e they i d e n t i f i e d her to be a white woman (American or Canadian). In the case of the t e x t they i d e n t i f i e d "Kim Parks" as an Anglo-Saxon female. So I decided to c l a s s i f y "Kim Parks" as an Anglo-Saxon. Our F i n d i n g s The f i n d i n g s , represented i n Graphs 11 and 12, v e r i f y the h y p o t h e s i s , whereas, those of graphs 9 and 10 r e j e c t the hy p o t h e s i s . Our f i n d i n g s are not uniform because of d i f f e r e n t i m p l i c a t i o n s i n the t e x t u a l and the p i c t o r i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . T h i s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n d e t a i l s h o r t l y . As f a r as the text i s concerned, there i s no r e f e r e n c e to non-Anglo-Saxons except i n two cases (Graphs 9 and 10). T h i s does not show any kind of e v o l u t i o n a r y change. T h i s , however, p o i n t s out that i n the e a r l y 20th century ( p a r t i c u l a r l y the f i r s t two decades of the 20th century) there were elements of e t h n i c h e t e r o g e n e i t y i n B.C. But in the case of the p i c t u r e s , non-whites appeared r a r e l y except i n the 1980s when they scored an abrupt i n c r e a s e (Graphs 7 & 8). Thus, so f a r as p i c t o r i a l p r e s e n t a t i o n i s concerned, the hypothesis i s upheld i n the sense t h a t , by the 1980s, B.C. Graph No.9 Non-Anglo-Saxons a p p e a r i n g i n t h e t e x t o f B.C. p r i m e r s to measure e t h n i c d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n ( i n 96) 100%= t o t a l number o f p e o p l e ' " " ' F o r number o f c a s e s and e x a c t p e r c e n t a g e s see A p p e n d i x No.9 Graph Wo. 10 Won-Anglo-Saxons a p p e a r i n g i n t h e t e x t o f B.C. p r i m e r s t o measure e t h n i c d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n ( i n %) r4t - to r ..:Z~I.J - $ ; ; —i^.. 1—|—f— ; i : V •J..._L_L 5 ! 1 ; f :ht i . j : :> : . ^ . . . j . . T - . . . ; • : l : ....!,. ; -i " : • ; i • : i ; i • i 1 _• . - . I i • ! i j j : : j i' • 1 ' • ; , i 1 : !. ^ i : ; • : i : | 1 - • - - ' • > : i 1 iW0_..__..U^ —-/9«>0 . Qio. dZo I?3t> l?</o.—i)s&~ ~ ~ t - f -I9fv <??x>- <9ro--100%= t o t a l number o f pages i n w h i c h a t l e a s t one a d u l t ' o r c h i l d a p p e a r s .... ' ' . ,. 1 n  F o r number o f c a s e s and e x a c t p e r c e n t a g e s see Appendix No.10 Graph No. 11 Non-white p e o p l e a p p e a r i n g i n p i c t u r e s o f B.C. "primers to measure e t h n i c d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n ( i n %) -4 ..i .1 . : ... t i. I I •1—\—I r -Hr -\-ip " 1 5 i i i . mo- \V)0 . tfbo . '9/0 .. l%o_. '93o •.JS&...../9to-—tf?*>-UBro-. 100%= " t o t a l numher o f p e o p l e : : • - \ F o r numher o f c a s e s and e x a c t p e r c e n t a g e s see Appendix No.11 _c Graph No.12 Non-white people;appearing in pictures of B.C. primers to measure ethnic d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n ' (in. %) ' ; -A-' 9 1 i i i — I — -ID — 1 • r ! T i ] i " I • i ! . . . . ! „ J . i : i • i ! J 1_L ..._J.._.;_J."«W.._I.IWfi /^ Of? .. fllo. mo t%o-...J*t*..-..i9so. .. ifa>. . l??0-jJftb i i • 1-0096-= t o t a l number o f p i c t u r e s i n which a t l e a s f o n e adult" '"' o r c h i l d appears F o r number of c a s e s and e x a c t p e r c e n t a g e s see A p p e n d i x No.12 -44-primers p ic ture a society more e t h n i c a l l y d iverse than at any other time under study. The discrepancy between textual and p i c t o r i a l representat ions resu l ts par t l y from the fact that non-whites appear in a large number of p ic tures only in the 1980s and that they are mostly b lack. Since the primer for the 1980s i s produced in the context of the United States , the black people normally have Anglo-Saxon names. But, the absolute lack of references to non-Anglo-Saxons in the text perhaps ind icates a subtle a t t i tude Of the dominant ethnic group in B.C. They to le ra te the immigration of Or ienta ls and other non-Anglo-Saxon ethnic groups. But they do not accept a p l u r a l i t y of c u l t u r e . The ethnic minor i t ies are i n d i r e c t l y induced to accul turate to the already establ ished c u l t u r a l patterns in B.C. This argument receives reinforcement when we consider that the se lec t ion process in the B.C. Min is t ry of Education does take into account the fact that the primers should r e f l e c t a mul t i - e thn ic soc ie ty . The ethnic d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n Of B.C. primers i s co r re la ted to changes in B . C . ' s population composition (Appendix 15). In the post-World War II pe r iod , a huge European immigration to B r i t i s h Columbia a l te red the r a t i o between non-white and white population for the 1950s and 1960s. Since the 1970s the percentage Of non-white population has been increasing as a resu l t of substant ia l o r i e n t a l immigration. In the 1980s i t resu l ted in an increase to 7.5% non-white from 2.6% Of 1961 (excluding the native people) . (Appendix 15) -45-Hypothesis No.3: B.C. Primers W i l l P icture An Increasingly  Secular Society The ind icator used to test the hypothesis concerning a gradual s e c u l a r i z a t i o n .-'.of B.C. cu l ture is the percentage of r e l i g i o u s f igures and symbols appearing in the text and p i c t u r e s . A dec l ine in the percentages of r e l i g i o u s f igures and symbols over time should confirm the hypothesis . As far as the ind icators to test th i s hypothesis are concerned, we had no problem in coding from the text and p i c t u r e s . Re l ig ious f i gu res , symbols and themes appearing in the text and p ic tures of the primers were easy to i d e n t i f y . Our Findings The f ind ings presented in Graph 13 v e r i f y the hypothesis ; those of graph 14 p a r t i a l l y ve r i f y i t . Our f indings are not uniform because of changes in forms and ways through which r e l i g i o u s symbols and themes have been manifested. As far as p i c t o r i a l representat ion i s concerned, references to r e l i g i o n appear in low frequencies from 1900 to the 1930s and then disappear altogether. (Graph 13). In the text , references to r e l i g i o n appear in low frequency from the 1880s to the 1930s. For the 1940s and the 1950s, references to r e l i g i o n are non -ex is tent . In the 1960s and the 1970s they appear again but disappear altogether in the 1980s (Graph 14). On the sole basis Of textual presentat ion i t i s thus d i f f i c u l t to uphold the hypothesis . When both textual and p i c t o r i a l representat ions are combined, the ind icators f a i l again to show a gradual evolut ion towards s e c u l a r i z a t i o n ; they show a cu l ture f luc tuat ing between Grph No.13 R e l i g i o u s f i g u r e s and symbols a p p e a r i n g i n p i c t u r e s o f B.C. p r i m e r s t o measure s e c u l a r i z a t i o n ( i n %} Hio . \%% \%c ij/d >%b J93t> m<>. . /fro /fa . ^ .i i L ... •. • ; • . ; _ J L 100%= total.-.number of p i c t u r e s ' • -: F o r number o f c a s e s and e x a c t p e r c e n t a g e s see A p p e n d i x No. 4 Graph No .14 R e l i g i o u s f i g u r e s and symbols a p p e a r i n g i n t h e t e x t of B.C. p r i m e r s t o measure s e c u l a r i z a t i o n ( i n %) Wto... \%^0 . l?oo i?/0- 1930 /%c IHo — -1-10.0%=; t o t a l numher o f pages - !--• - ---For ..-number o f c a s e s and e x a c t p e r c e n t a g e s see A p p e n d i x No", t-4—•• 4 -48-the s e c u l a r and the r e l i g i o u s . I t i s now i n a s e c u l a r phase. An i n t e r e s t i n g q u e s t i o n a r i s e s here. D i d B.C. (or Canadian) s o c i e t y h e s i t a t e to part with r e l i g i o n as an i n g r e d i e n t of c u l t u r e i n the 1960s and 1970s a f t e r r e l i g i o n had disappeared f o r two decades (1940s and 1950s) from B.C. school primers? Perhaps post World War II experiences such as high d i v o r c e r a t e s and the t h r e a t of a t h e i s t i c i d e o l o g i e s , communism in p a r t i c u l a r , i n f l u e n c e d the s o c i e t y to r e i n s t i l l r e l i g i o u s v alues i n the s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s . Those r e l i g i o u s symbols, f i g u r e s and themes which occur i n the primers are God, Noah,the B i b l e , the Lord, a c r o s s , angels, a church, a boy p r a y i n g , the i n f a n t Samuel, Christmas, Santa Claus, a Christmas t r e e , Mary, baby Jesus, C h r i s t . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , a l l the r e l i g i o u s themes, symbols, and images are C h r i s t i a n . They are a l s o non-denominational; i t i s not p o s s i b l e to i d e n t i f y whether they are C a t h o l i c or P r o t e s t a n t . Summary And C o n c l u s i o n As i n d i c a t e d by F i g u r e 1, as w e l l as by pre v i o u s graphs and data, our sub-hypothesis concerning B.C. primers p i c t u r i n g a d e c l i n e i n the h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e of f a m i l y and s o c i e t y i s not supported at a l l . However, another dimension of the same hypothesis concerning a d e c l i n e i n a u t h o r i t a r i a n o r i e n t a t i o n as p i c t u r e d i n B.C. primers i s supported by two measures (Figure 1). The second hypothesis concerning B.C. primers p i c t u r i n g an i n c r e a s i n g t o l e r a n c e of e t h n i c d i v e r s i t y i s supported by two out of four measures (Figure ! ) . The t h i r d h y p o thesis concerning Summary Of F i n d i n g s Measures: 2 3 5. 6 7 8 SW SW S F o r S u p p o r t e d SW F o r Weakly S u p p o r t e d B l a n k F o r Not S u p p o r t e d At A l l B l a c k o u t F o r Does Not A p p l y H y p o t h e s i s c o n c e r n i n g e g a l i t a r i a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s c o n c e r n i n g t o l e r a n c e of e t h n i c d i v e r s i t y H y p o t h e s i s c o n c e r n i n g s e c u l a r i z a t i o n * A p p l i e s t o counts t h a t e x c l u d e s l o w e r s p e c i e s . ** A p p l y t o a u t h o r i t y d i m e n s i o n of e g a l i t a r i a n i s m . -50-B.C. primers p i c t u r i n g an i n c r e a s i n g l y s e c u l a r s o c i e t y i s supported by both measures, in one case s t r o n g l y and i n the other weakly, (Figure 1). The hypothesis concerning s e c u l a r i z a t i o n i s best supported whether we measure i t by the text or by the p i c t u r e s . The h y p o t h e s i s concerning e t h n i c d i v e r s i t y a l s o r e c e i v e s support from two of our four measures. As i n d i c a t e d e a r l i e r , we p l a c e d g r e a t e r r e l i a n c e on measures 3 and 4 (Figure 1) i n which p i c t u r e s are used as content u n i t s . The h y p othesis concerning e g a l i t a r i a n i s m i s l e a s t w e l l supported s i n c e i t i s v e r i f i e d only on our measures of p u b l i c symbols of a u t h o r i t y , both i n the t e x t and i n p i c t u r e s . I t i s not supported by the measure of lower s p e c i e s / c h i l d r e n / a d u l t r a t i o e i t h e r i n the t e x t or i n p i c t u r e s . However, I put more weight on measures 7 and 8 (Figure 1) than on the o t h e r s , because the lower s p e c i e s / c h i l d r e n / a d u l t r a t i o was a f f e c t e d by a s e r i o u s i n t e r f e r e n c e . The primer f o r the 1980s r e f l e c t s a r e a l i s t i c world with many a d u l t s appearing in p u b l i c p l a c e s , such as a i r p o r t s , bus stops, work-place. The primers used i n the past r e f l e c t e d an i d y l l i c environment i n which n e i t h e r a d u l t s nor c h i l d r e n had much scope to i n t e r a c t . I t i s e a s i e r to p i c t u r e an i d e a l i s t i c world devoid of a d u l t s than i t i s to remove a d u l t s from a r e a l i s t i c s o c i a l environment. Before drawing a c o n c l u s i o n l e t us give a l a s t look at the i n d i c a t o r s on which depends the measurement of the v a r i o u s dimensions of c u l t u r a l e v o l u t i o n we are s t u d y i n g . The s i n g l e mindedness of the primers prevented us from using i n d i c a t o r s of e g a l i t a r i a n i s m that more s o p h i s t i c a t e d t e x t s -51-would have enabled us to use- r i c h or poor; c o n s e r v a t i v e or l i b e r a l ; blue c o l l a r / w h i t e c o l l a r f o r example. To measure h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e of fa m i l y and s o c i e t y , perhaps a b e t t e r i n d i c a t o r would have been to determine who i n i t i a t e s a c t i o n s r a t h e r than counting a c t i v e and p a s s i v e a c t o r s , as I d i d . The problem with the f i r s t o p t i o n i s one of i d e n t i f y i n g i n i t i a t o r s when a c t o r s belonging to d i f f e r e n t s p e c i e s and age groups p a r t i c i p a t e simultaneously i n i n i t i a t i n g an a c t i o n . There i s a high p r o b a b i l i t y of b i a s . I c o u l d have counted the r a t i o of ad u l t males and females at p u b l i c p l a c e s to measure the r o l e of women i n s o c i e t y as an i n d i c a t o r of e g a l i t a r i a n i s m . But t h i s would have been a r e f l e c t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l versus modern s o c i e t y . For example, i n L a t i n America women do p a r t i c i p a t e i n p u b l i c l i f e i n l a r g e numbers. But t h i s does not prove that those s o c i e t i e s are e v o l v i n g towards a more e g a l i t a r i a n order ( C h i l e and P a k i s t a n make a good c o n t r a s t on t h i s ) . Hence, a g r e a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n by females i n p u b l i c l i f e may i n d i c a t e a t r a n s i t i o n from t r a d i t i o n a l to modern s o c i e t y . To measure an a u t h o r i t a r i a n o r i e n t a t i o n , the presence of a d u l t s i n f r o n t of c h i l d r e n c o u l d have been taken as symbols of a u t h o r i t y . But t h i s would not have given us very meaningful data. I t might have i n d i c a t e d the d i v i s i o n of a u t h o r i t y i n the f a m i l y . I p r e f e r r e d to use p u b l i c a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e s that t e l l us about the a u t h o r i t a r i a n o r i e n t a t i o n not only w i t h i n f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e but i n the s o c i e t y as a whole. In the case of s e c u l a r i z a t i o n , i n d i c a t o r s c o u l d have been chosen to measure an e v o l u t i o n towards a modern s o c i e t y under the assumption that the t r a d i t i o n a l i s l i n k e d to the -52-r e l i g i o u s . I f i n d i t p r e f e r a b l e however to measure s e c u l a r i z a t i o n by means of r e l i g i o u s symbols r a t h e r than by using i n d i c a t o r s such as, male/female r o l e s or u r b a n / r u r a l s e t t i n g s . In c o n c l u s i o n i t can be claimed that though our i n d i c a t o r s and our r e s e a r c h t o o l - content a n a l y s i s - have obvious l i m i t a t i o n s i n measuring the p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e of B.C., they p r o v i d e us, n e v e r t h e l e s s , with i n t e r e s t i n g and r e l a t i v e l y p r e c i s e data. Some of our i n d i c a t o r s such as, a d u l t / c h i l d r e n / l o w e r s p e c i e s r a t i o to measure h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e of f a m i l y and s o c i e t y , were not as good as I had expected. But the other i n d i c a t o r s - the symbols of a u t h o r i t y and r e l i g i o n , and the measure of e t h n i c d i v e r s i t y - turned out to be most s a t i s f a c t o r y . I f work remains to be done, i t i s , p r i m a r i l y , on the measure of e g a l i t a r i a n i s m . A p p e n d i x No.1 P r i m a r y S o u r c e s B i b l i o g r a p h y o f p r i m e r s ( o n l y b a s i c p r i m e r s , n o t p r e -p r i m e r s o r adva n c e p r i m e r s ) : 1. C a n a d i a n R e a d e r s P r i m e r I Gage's E d u c a t i o n a l S e r i e s T o r o n t o & W i n n i p e g : W.J.Gage, 1.881. 2. C a n a d i a n R e a d e r s P r i m e r I I Gage's E d u c a t i o n a l S e r i e s T o r o n t o & W i n n i p e g : W.J.Gage, 1881. 3 . New C a n a d i a n R e a d e r s A F i r s t P r i m e r T o r o n t o ' & W i n n i p e g : W.J.Gage, 1901 . 4. New C a n a d i a n R e a d e r s A Second P r i m e r T o r o n t o & W i n n i p e g : W.J.Gage, 1901 . 5. The B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a R e a d e r s B e g i n n e r s R e a d e r 6. B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a P h o n i c P r i m e r T o r o n t o : E d u c a t i o n a l Book, 1902. 7 . The C a n a d i a n R e a d e r s Book I T o r o n t o : M a c m i l l a n , 1927. 8. J e r r y And Jane T o r o n t o : R y e r s o n ; M a c m i l l a n ; 1932, 1934. 9 . Fun W i t h D i c k And Jane T o r o n t o : W.J.Gage. 10.Our New F r i e n d s T o r o n t o : W.J.Gage, 1938. 11. Come A l o n g W i t h Me Va n c o u v e r , T o r o n t o , M o n t r e a l : Copp C l a r k , 1960. 12. H e l i c o p t e r s And G i n g e r b r e a d Canada: G i n n , 1978. The f i r s t two p r i m e r s were used i n t h e 1880s and 1890s; t h e t h i r d and .the f o u r t h ones were used i n t h e p e r i o d f r o m 1900 t o 1909; t h e f i f t h and t h e s i x t h ones were used i n 1910s; t h e s e v e n t h one was used i n t h e 1920s and 1930s; t h e e i g h t h one was used i n t h e 1940s; t h e n i n t h and t h e t e n t h ones were used i n t h e 1950s; t h e e l e v e n t h one was used i n t h e 1960s and 1970s; and t h e t w e l v t h one i s b e i n g used i n t h e 1980s. S o u r c e : C u r r i c u l u m G u i d e o f B.C. M i n i s t r y o f E d u c a t i o n and A n n u a l R e p o r t o f t h e P u b l i c S c h o o l s o f B.C. ": A p p e n d i x No.2 Lower s p e c i e s , c h i l d r e n , a n d a d u l t s a p p e a r i n g on p i c t u r e s o f t h e B.C. p r i m e r s t o measure e q u a l i t a r i a n i s m ( s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y d i m e n s i o n ) P i c t u r e s as c o n t e n t u n i t s . P e r i o d T o t a l number o f c h a r a c t e r s ( i n c l u d i n g l o w e r s p e c i e s , c h i l d r e n , a n d a d u l t s ) % o f . L o w e r s p e c i e s % o f C h i l d r e n '& o f A d u l t s 1880s 203 61 24 14 1 890s , 203 61 24 14 1900-1909 127 49 37 1 2 1910s 309 55 33 11 1 920s 240 70 26 3 1 930s 240 70 26 3 1 940s 253 31 58 9 1 950s 101 4 24 59 1 6 1 960s 320 48 44 7 1 970s 320 48 44 7 1 980s 251 27 33 38 A p p e n d i x No.2.1 C h i l d r e n and a d u l t s a p p e a r i n g on p i c t u r e s o f t h e B.C. p r i m e r s t o measure e q u a l i t a r i a n i s m ( s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y d i m e n s i o n ) P e r i o d T o t a l number o f c h a r a c t e r s ( i n c l u d i n g c h i l d r e n - : and a d u l t s ) % o f c h i l d r e n % o f a d u l t s 1880s 79 62 38 1890 s 79 62 38 1900-1909 64 73 27 1910s 139 73 27 1920s 72 86 14 1 930s 72 86 14 1940s 174 84 1 6 1 950s 770 78 22 1 960s 166 84 16 1 970s 166 84 1 6 1 980s 183 46 •54 I \ . -56-. Appendix No.3 Lower species,children,and adults appearing cn p i c t u r e s •v. of" the B.C. primers to measure e q u a l i t a r i a n i s m ( s o c i a l hierarchy dimension) Picture. a as content units. Period T o t a l numher of p i c t u r e s At l e a s t one lower species appears, on one . p i c t u r e \t l e a s t one ?h i l d appears on one picture kt l e a s t one adult • appears-on one •Dicture 1880s 77 63% 35% 18% 1890s 77 63% 35% 18% 1900-1909 98 " 60% 30% 1 4% 1910s 117 65% 51% 20% 1920s 90 63% 40% 10% 1930s 90 63% 40% 10% 1 940s 86 55% 79% 23% 1950s 322 43% 75% 32% 1960s 118 66% 51% 16% 1 970s 118 66% 51% 16% 1 980s 67 35% 32% 55% A p p e n d i x No.4 Lower s p e c i e s , c h i l d r e n , a n d a d u l t s a p p e a r i n g i n t h e t e x t o f t h e B . C . p r i m e r s t o measure e q u a l i t a r i a n i s m ( s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y d i m e n s i o n ) Words a,s c o n t e n t u n i t s , T o t a l number o f c h a r a c t e r s 2 8 8 2 8 8 2 8 1 4 0 3 3 7 3 3 7 3 2 9 3 9 4 8 4 6 9 4 6 9 1 2 4 % o f l o w e r s p e c i e s 5 8 5 8 5 0 4 3 5 7 5 7 3 7 2 6 3 8 3 8 3 0 % o f c h i l d r e n 2 8 2 8 3 0 3 7 2 9 2 9 4 6 5 5 4 9 4 9 4 5 % o f a d u l t s 1 2 19 1 8 13 13 1 6 17 11 11 2 4 -58-A-ppendix No. 5 Lower s p e c i e s , c h i l d r e n , a n d a d u l t s a p p e a r i n g i n t h e t e x t o f t h e B.C. p r i m e r s , t o measure e q u a l i t a r i a n i s m ( s o c i a l hierarchy dimension ) Words as content unit P * At l e a s t one c h i l d appearing on one page At l e a s t " >ne adult appearing on one page Period T o t a l number of pages At l e a s t one lower species appearing on one page 1880s 96 53% 52% 25% 1890s 96 53% 52% 25% 1900-1909 1 31 59% 42% 25% 1910s 1 28 69% 61% 34% 1 920s 149 69% 44% 28% 1930s 149 69% 44% 28% 1 940s 1 20 57% 75% 34% 1 950s 346 43% 84% 37% 1 960s 153 64% 64% 23% 1 970s 153 64% 64% 23% 1 980s 78 48% 37% 32% Appendix No.6 Lower spe c i e s , c h i l d r e n , and adults appearing as a c t i v e actors i n pictures of B.C. primers to measure eq u a l i t a r i a n i s m ( s o c i a l hierarchy dimension) P i c t u r e s as content u n i t s Feriod T o t a l number of p i c t u r e s At l e a s t one lower a p e c l e s as a c t i v e ac tor A l l lower species as passive actors At l e a s t one c h i l d as a c t i v e actor A l l c h i l d r e n as passive actors At l e a s t one adult as a c t i v e actor A l l adults as passive actors 1 8 8 0 s 7 7 42% 2 0 % 2 0 % 9 % 14% 3% 1890s 7 7 42% 2 0 % 2 0 % 9 % 1 4 % 3% 1 9 0 0 -1 9 0 9 98 2 0 % 3 9 % 18% 1 2 % 10% 4% 1 9 1 0 s 1 1 7 3 4 % 3 1 % 41% 1 0 % 1 5 % 5% 1 9 2 0 s 90 5 6 % 6% 3 2 % 7 % 5% 4% 1 9 3 0 s 90 5 6 % 6% 32% 7% 5% 4% 1940s 86 2 3 % 32% 70% 8% 2 0 % 2% 1 9 5 0 s 322 3 3 % 1 0 % 72% . 3% 3 1 % . 1% 1 9 6 0 s 118 4 3 % 2 2 % 48% 3% 16% 0 % 1 9 7 0 s 118 4 3 % 2 2 % 48% 3 % 16% 0 % 1 9 8 0 s 67 7% 28% 26% 7% 40% 7% -60-A p p e n d i x No.7 P u b l i c a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e s and s y m b o l s a p p e a r i n g on p i c t u r e s o f t h e B.C. p r i m e r s t o measure e q u a l i t a r i a n i s m ( a u t h o r i t a r i a n d i m e n s i o n ) » P e r i o d T o t a l number o f p i c t u r e s At l e a s t one- p u b l i c . a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e o r . symbol a p p e a r i n g .-or one p i c t u r e 1880s 77 2.5% 1890s 77 2.5% 1900-1909 98 2% 1910s 117 2.5% 1 920s 90 X 1 930s 90 X 1 940s 86 X 1950s 322 .3% 1 960s 11 8 X 1 970s 118 X 1 980s 67 X I • i - 6 1 -A p p e n d i x No.8 P u b l i c a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e s and symbols a p p e a r i n g i n t h e t e x t o f t h e B.C. p r i m e r s t o measure e q u a l i t a r i a n i s m ( a u t h o r i t a r i a n d i m e n s i o n ) Words as c o n t e n t u n i t s . P e r i o d T o t a l number.of pages A t l e a s t one p u b l i c a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e o r symbol a p p e a r i n g on one page. 1880s 96 3.1% 1890s 96 3.1% 1900-1909 • 1 31 2.2% 1910s 1 28 3.9% 1 920s 149 7.3% 1 930s 149 7.3% 1 940s 120 X 1 950s 346 X 1 960s 153 I 1970s 153 i X 1 980s 78 X -62-A p p e n d i x No.9 . Non-Anglo-Saxons a p p e a r i n g i n t h e t e x t o f t h e B.C. p r i m e r s t o measure e t h n i c d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n - ' Words as c o n t e n t u n i t s . Count I . P e r i o d T o t a l number o f p e o p l e ( i n c l u d n i n g a d u l t s and c h i l d r e n ) P e r c e n t a g e o f Non-Anglo-Saxons P e r c e n t a g e o f n o n - w h i t e p e o p l e o f B.C. a c c o r d i n g t o cens u s 1880s 119 X 60.7 1890s 119 X 45 1900-1909 140 .7 25.2 1910s 227 .4 12.9 1 920s 1 60 X 11 .8 1 930s 160 X 10.8 1940s 183 X 8.2 1950s 550 X 4.6 1 960s ' 287 X 4.9 1 970s 287 X 6 1 980s 86 X 9.8 j -63v Appendix No.10 Non-Anglo-Saxons appearing i n the text of the B.C. primers t o measure ethnic d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n Words as content u n i t s . Count I I . P e r i o d T o t a l number o f pages i n w h i c h a t l e a s t one a d u l t or>a c h i l d a p p e a r s P e r c e n t a g e o f pages i n w h i c h a t l e a s t one n o n - A n g l o - S a x o n a d u l t o r c h i l d a p p e a r s P e r c e n t a g e o f n o n - w h i t p o p u l a t i o n o f - B.C. a c c o r d i n g t c e n s u s 1880s 55 X 60.7 1890s 55 X 45 1900-1909 72 1 .38 25.2 1910s 94 1 12.9 1920s 95 X 11 .8 1930s 95 X 10.8 1 940s 90 X 8.2 1950s 309 X 4.6 1 960s 102 X 4.9 1970s 102 X 6 1 980s 45 X 9.8 , • -64-Appendix E.o. 11 Jtfon-white people appearing on pi c t u r e s of the B.C. primers to measure ethnic d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n " Pictures as content u n i t s . Count I. Period T o t a l number of people ( i n c l u d i n g adults and chil d r e n ) Percentage of non-white Percentage of non-white population of B.C. according to census 1880s 79 X 60.7 1890s 79 X 45 1 900- . 1909 66 1.5 25.2 1910s 136 2.94 12.9 1 920s 72 X 11 .8 1 950s 72 X 10.8 • 1 940s 174 X 8.2 1 950s 780 X 4.6 1960s 164 X 4.9 1970s 164 X 6 1980s 182 24.7 9.8 Appendix No. 1 2 'Non-white people appearing on p i c t u r e s of the B.C. primers to measure ethnic d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n Pictures as content units.Count I I . Period J T o t a l numher of i p i c t u r e s i n which ! at l e a s t one adult [ or c h i l d appears Percentage of p i c t u r e s in.which at l e a s t one non-white adult or c h i l d appears Percentage of non-white popu-l a t i o n of B.C. according to .. census 1880s | 36 , x 60.7 1890s J 36 X 45 1900- | 40 1909 j 2.5 25.2 1910s ! 69 5.7 12.9 1920s j 40 X 11.8 1930s ! 40 X 10.8 1940s | 72 X 8.2 1950s ! 265 X 4.6 1960s | 66 X 4.9 1970s | 66 X 6 1980s | 42 52.3 9.8 -66-A p p e n d i x No.13 R e l i g i o u s f i g u r e s and symbols a p p e a r i n g i n p i c t u r e s o f B.C. p r i m e r s t o measure s e c u l a r i z a t i o n P i c t u r e s , as c o n t e n t u n i t s . P e r i o d T o t a l number o f p i c t u r e s A t l e a s t one r e l i g i o u s f i g u r e o r y symbol a p p e a r i n g i n • ' • one p i c t u r e 1880s 77 X 1890s 77 X 1900-1909 98 3% 1 910s 11 7 • 3.4% 1 920s 90 1.1% 1 930s 90 1.1% 1 940s 86 X 1 950s 322 X 1960s 118 X 1 970s 118 X 1 980s 67 X Appendix No. 1 4 Rel i g i o u s f i g u r e s and symbols appearing i n the text of B.C. primers to measure s e c u l a r i z a t i o n Words as content u n i t s . Period T o t a l number of pages At l e a s t one r e l i g i o u s f i g u r e or symbol appearing i n one page 1880s 96 5.2% 1890s 96 5.2% 1900-1909 131 4.5% 1910s 1 28 6.2% 1 920s 149 2% 1930s 149 2% 1 940s 1 20 X 1 950s 346 X 1 960s 153 6.5% 1 970 s 153 6.5% 1980s 78 X -68-Appendix No.15. Percentage of non-white population of B.C. ( i n c l u d i n g Asians,Blacks,Native Indians,Eskimos,West I n d i a n s , A f r i c a n s , L a t i n Americans,Pacific Islanders ): 1870 75.1 ( 7 0 . 8 Native Indians + 4.3 Asians ) 1881 60.7 ( 51.9 Native Indians + 8.8 Asians ) 1891 45 ( 35.9 Native Indians + 9.1 Asians ) 1901 25.2 ( 1 4 . 3 Native Indians +10.9 Asians ) 1911 12.9 ( 5.1 Native Indians + 7.8 Asians ) 1921 11.8 ( 4.3 Native Indians + 7.5 Asians ) 1931 10.8 ( 3.5 Native Indians + 7.3 Asians ) 1941 8.2 ( 3.0 Native Indians + 5.2 Asians ) 1951 4.6 ( 2.4 Native Indians + 2.2 other non-white 1961 4 . 9 ( 2.3 Native Indians + 2.6 other non-white 1971 6 ( 2 . 3 Native Indians +3.6 other non-white 1981 9.8 ( 2.3 Native Peoples + 7.5 other non-white Absolute f i g u r e of non-white population of B.C. i n recent times ( i t excludes Native Indians and Eskimos,): 1961 41,311 " The non-white population increased by 1971 79 ,915 I almost f i v e times from 1961 to 1981; 1981 203,525 I and i t increased by almost three times from 1971 to 1981. Sources: 1) Census of Canada 2) Ward,W.P. "Class and Race i n the S o c i a l Structure of B r i t i s h Columbia", i n Ward,W.P.,McDonald,R.A.J. B r i t i s h Columbia:Historical Readings p.590. -69-Appendix No.16 To t a l population of B.C.: 1871 36,247 1881 49 ,459 1891 98 ,173 1901 178,657 1911 392,480 1 921 524,582 1931 694,263 1941 817,861 1951 1,165,210-1961 1,629,082 1971 2,184,620 1981 2 ,713,615 Sources: 1) MacDonald,N.,"Population Growth and Change i n Se a t t l e and Vancouver,1880-1960",in,Pries en,J.,Ralston,H.K.ed. H i s t o r i c a l Essays on B r i t i s h Columbia 2) Census of Canada. B i b l i o g r a p h y - On C o n t e n t A n a l y s i s As A M e t h o d o l o g y : 1. Budd, R.W., T h o r p , R.K. e t a l C o n t e n t A n a l y s i s o f  Co m m u n i c a t i o n New Y o r k : M a c m i l l a n , 1967. 2. C a r n e y , T.F. C o n t e n t A n a l y s i s W i n n i p e g : U n i v e r s i t y o f M a n i t o b a , 1972. 3. H o l s t i , O.R. C o n t e n t A n a l y s i s f o r t h e S o c i a l S c i e n c e s  and H u m a n i t i e s Don M i l l s , O n t a r i o : A d d i s o n - W e s l e y , 1969. 4. L a s s w e l l , H.D. The A n a l y s i s Of P o l i t i c a l B e h a v i o u r Hamden, C o n n e c t i c u t ! A r c h o n B o o k s , 1966. 5. L a s s w e l l , H.D., L e i t e s , N. e t a l Language Of P o l i t i c s C a m bridge, Mass.: M.I.T., 1965. On C o n t e n t A n a l y s i s Of S c h o o l P r i m e r s : 1. Blom, G.E., W i b e r g , J . L . " A t t i t u d e C o n t e n t s i n R e a d i n g P r i m e r s " i n , Downing, J . C o m p a r a t i v e R e a d i n g New Y o r k : M a c m i l l a n , 1973. 2. Blom, G.E., W a i t e , R.R. e t a l " C o n t e n t o f f i r s t g r a d e r e a d i n g b o o k s " i n , The R e a d i n g T e a c h e r J a n u a r y 1968. 3. B y e r s , L. " P u p i l ' s I n t e r e s t s and t h e C o n t e n t Of P r i m a r y R e a d i n g T e x t s " i n , The R e a d i n g T e a c h e r J a n u a r y 1964. 4. De Charms, R., M o e l l e r , G . H . " V a l u e s E x p r e s s e d I n A m e r i c a n C h i l d r e n ' s R e a d e r s : 1800-1950" i n , J o u r n a l o f  Abnormal and S o c i a l P s y c h o l o g y V o l . 6 4 , No.2, 1962. 5. Hamm,V. " C o m p a r a t i v e C o n t e n t A n a l y s i s Of Two Grade 1 P r i m e r s " , U n p u b l i s h e d p a p e r , D e p t . o f P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e , U.B.C., 1968. 6. M c C l e l l a n d , D.C. The A c h i e v i n g S o c i e t y New Y o r k : The F r e s s , l y b ' l . 7. P a t t e r s o n , J . I . " V o c a b u l a r y L o a d Of B e g i n n i n g R e a d e r s A u t h o r i z e d F o r B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a S c h o o l s , 1872 To 1977", M.A. T h e s i s , U.B.C., 1977. 8. S m i t h , R.C. " C h i l d r e n ' s R e a d i n g C h o i c e s and B a s i c Reader C o n t e n t " i n , E l e m e n t a r y E n g l i s h March 1962. - 7 1 -9 . Snyder, S.M.J. "Grosses Crowns And Crayons: A Content Analysis of School Primers For Quebec and Ontario 1830 to - 1970", Unpublished paper, D ept. of P o l i t i c a l Science, U.B.C. 1970. 10. Wiberg, J.L., Blom, G.E. "A Cross-National Study Of A t t i t u d e Content In Reading Primers", I n t e r n a t i o n a l Journal  of Psychology Vo.5, No.2, 1970. 11. Woodsworth, R.R. "A Content A n a l y s i s of Two Elementary Grade One Readers", Unpublished paper, Dept. of P o l i t i c a l Science, U.B.C., 1968. On H i s t o r y and P o l i t i c s of B.C.: 1. Bradbury, J.H. "Class Structure and Class C o n f l i c t s i n "Instant" Resource Towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia- 1965 to 1972" i n , BC Studies No.37, Spring 1978. 2. E l k i n s , D.J. " P o l i t i c s Makes Strange Bedfellows: The B.C. Party System i n the 1952 and 1953 P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n s " i n , BC Studies No.30, Summer 1976. 3. F r i e s e n , J . , Ralston, H.K. ed. H i s t o r i c a l Essays on  B r i t i s h Columbia Toronto: Gage, 1980. 4. Ormsby, M.A. B r i t i s h Columbia: a H i s t o r y Toronto: Macmillan, 1958. 5. Resnick, P. " S o c i a l Democracy i n Power: The Case of B r i t i s h Columbia" i n , BC Studies No.34, Summer 1977. 6. Robin,'M. The Rush f o r S p o i l s Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1972. 7. Robin, M. ed. Canadian P r o v i n c i a l P o l i t i c s Scarborough, Ontario: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1972. 8. Ward, W.P., McDonald, R.A.J. B r i t i s h Columbia:  H i s t o r i c a l Readings Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1981. 9. Ward, W.P. White Canada Forever Montreal: McGill-Queen•s, 1978. / 

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