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Reduplication in Nisgha Thompson, Wendy 1984

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REDUPLICATION IN NISGHA by WENDY THOMPSON THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF M.A. in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES L i n g u i st i c s We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d s tandard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1984 :© Wendy Thompson, 1984 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requ i rements fo r an advanced degree at the The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Co lumbia , I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s tudy. I f u r t h e r agree tha t pe rm i s s i on fo r e x t e n s i v e copy ing of t h i s t h e s i s for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g ranted by the Head of my Department or by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s unders tood that copy ing or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s fo r f i n a n c i a l ga in s h a l l not be a l l owed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . L i n g u i s t i c s The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075.Wesbrook P l ace Vancouver , Canada V6T 1W5 Date: September 1984 ABSTRACT Nisgha e x h i b i t s d i v e r s e r e d u p l i c a t i o n t y p e s , each type d i s p l a y i n g consonant and vowel v a r i a t i o n . T h i s t h e s i s i n v e s t i g a t e s the p h o n o l o g i c a l p r o p e r t i e s of these r e d u p l i c a t i o n types and accounts f o r them in an autosegmenta l framework. In p a r t i c u l a r , the r e d u p l i c a t i o n types are examined in M a r a n t z ' s framework, as p resented in "Re R e d u p l i c a t i o n " (1982). In accordance with M a r a n t z ' s p r i n c i p l e s , t h i s t h e s i s r e p r e s e n t s Nisgha r e d u p l i c a t i o n as the a f f i x a t i o n of a s k e l e t a l morpheme to which a copy of the phonemic melody i s a s s o c i a t e d . C e r t a i n r e d u p l i c a t i o n types are p rob lemat i c f o r t h i s approach, and f o r t h e s e , an a l t e r n a t i v e approach i s d i s c u s s e d . In g e n e r a l , the t h e s i s cover s ( i ) a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of Nisgha phonology ( i i ) a d e s c r i p t i v e account of r e d u p l i c a t i o n types and the r e l e v a n t r u l e s ( i i i ) a comparison wi th the a n a l y s i s of Tarpent (1983) ( i v ) an autosegmenta l t reatment of r e d u p l i c a t i o n , u s i ng Ma ran tz ' s framework. Two r e d u p l i c a t i o n types p resent a problem for Marantz . One of these types can be handled by abandoning Ma ran tz ' s C—V s k e l e t o n and employing i n s t e a d a s k e l e t a l t i e r c o n s i s t i n g of empty s e q u e n t i a l p o i n t s , as proposed by Lowenstamm and Kaye (1983). For the second r e d u p l i c a t i o n t y p e , v a r i o u s approaches are suggested, none of which i s wi thout i t s prob lems. In f a c t , t h i s type proves to be i i prob lemat i c not on ly to Marantz but to autosegmenta l theory as a whole. i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My s i n c e r e s t thanks to my c o n s u l t a n t s Harry Nyce, C a r o l e Moraes, Sad ie S c a r r o t t Angus, W i l l a r d M a r t i n , Ron S tewart , W i l f r e d Stevenson and Sarah P i c a r d . I a p p r e c i a t e t h e i r c o - o p e r a t i o n , a n d w i l l i n g n e s s . I would a l s o l i k e to express my g r a t i t u d e to the American P h i l o s o p h i c a l S o c i e t y ( P h i l i p s Fund) which was r e s p o n s i b l e in p a r t f o r the fund ing of t h i s r e s e a r c h . A l s o , I would l i k e to thank my s u p e r v i s o r and the r e s t of my committee from whose comments I b e n e f i t e d g r e a t l y . I am a l s o g r a t e f u l to E l l e n L i v i n g s t o n and Cathy Howett who very w i l l i n g l y typed t h i s t h e s i s . F i n a l l y I want to thank Desmond, N i c o l e and J a n e l l e fo r a l l t h e i r support d u r i n g the w r i t i n g of t h i s t h e s i s . Tab le of Contents I. O u t l i n e of Nisgha Phonology 1 A. Phonet i c Inventory 1 B. Phonemic Inventory of Consonants 2 1. Obst ruent V o i c i n g 3 2. A s p i r a t i o n 4 3. S p i r a n t i z a t i o n 5 4. Rounding and P a l a t a l i z a t i o n 6 5. Resonant D e v o i c i n g 10 6. The Behav ior of the G l o t t a l F r i c a t i v e 11 C. Phonemic Inventory of Vowels . . . i 14 D. S t r e s s Assignment . . . . 1 8 E. Behav ior of Uvu la r Consonants 21 F. Conc lud ing Remarks to Chapter 1 .' 24 II. P a t t e r n s of R e d u p l i c a t i o n 25 A. Su r f ace P a t t e r n s of R e d u p l i c a t i o n 27 B. U n d e r l y i n g P a t t e r n s of R e d u p l i c a t i o n 28 C. U n d e r l y i n g P a t t e r n C i 31 D. U n d e r l y i n g P a t t e r n C iC 33 E. U n d e r l y i n g p a t t e r n C ix 41 F. P a t t e r n s of R e d u p l i c a t i o n and P r o d u c t i v i t y 44 G. Summary of Chapter 2 51 I I I. Examinat ion of the R e d u p l i c a t i o n A n a l y s i s in Tarpent 53 A. B r i e f O u t l i n e of T a r p e n t ' s Treatment of R e d u p l i c a t i o n 53 1. P a r t i a l R e d u p l i c a t i o n 53 2. F u l l R e d u p l i c a t i o n 54 v B. Problems With T a r p e n t ' s A n a l y s i s 55 1. Arguments Aga in s t a D e l e t i o n and Epen the s i s A n a l y s i s 55 2. An A l t e r n a t i v e to a D e l e t i o n and E p e n t h e s i s A n a l y s i s 58 3. Problems I n t e r n a l to T a r p e n t ' s A n a l y s i s 59 C. How the Present A n a l y s i s D i f f e r s from Ta rpen t ' s 63 1. D i f f e r e n c e s in the Genera l Mechanics of the two Approaches .64 2. D i f f e r e n c e s in A n a l y s i s of R e d u p l i c a t i o n Types 67 3. D i f f e r e n c e s P e r t a i n i n g to Consonant D e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n 71 D. Summary of Chapter III 72 IV. An Autosegmental Treatment of Nisgha R e d u p l i c a t i o n ; 74 A. Overview of the T h e o r e t i c a l Treatment of R e d u p l i c a t i o n 74 B. Nisgha R e d u p l i c a t i o n in M a r a n t z ' s Framework . . . . 7 5 C. I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Ma ran t z ' s Theory and Conc lu s i on 91 V. BIBLIOGRAPHY 94 VI . APPENDIX I 96 A. Consonant Fea tu re M a t r i c e s 96 B. Vowel Fea ture Ma t r i x , 97 V I I . APPENDIX II 96 v i INTRODUCTION N i sgha, a member of the Ts imsh ian language f a m i l y , i s spoken a long the Nass R i ve r in Nor thern B r i t i s h Co lumbia. The a n a l y s i s p re sen ted in t h i s paper i s based on a body of language data e l i c i t e d from n a t i v e s p e a k e r s 1 of Nisgha from the areas of G r e e n v i l l e , Canyon C i t y and A i y a n s h . In a d d i t i o n , some data were c o l l e c t e d from a speaker from K i n c o l i t h , and these data were used main ly f o r comparat ive purposes . R e d u p l i c a t i o n in Nisgha i s a widespread phenomenon and man i fe s t s i t s e l f a c c o r d i n g to d i v e r s e p a t t e r n s . T h i s t h e s i s w i l l i n v e s t i g a t e the p h o n o l o g i c a l p r o p e r t i e s of these p a t t e r n s and propose a more i n t e g r a t e d account of them in an autosegmenta l framework. The format of the t h e s i s w i l l be as f o l l o w s . The f i r s t th ree c h a p t e r s , which w i l l be l a r g e l y d e s c r i p t i v e w i l l o f f e r ( i ) a p h o n o l o g i c a l o u t l i n e of N i sgha , ( i i ) a p r e s e n t a t i o n of the r e d u p l i c a t i o n types and r u l e s a c c o u n t i n g f o r them, ( i i i ) a comparison w i th the a n a l y s i s g i ven in Tarpent (1983). The f o u r t h chap te r w i l l o f f e r a t h e o r e t i c a l t reatment of Nisgha r e d u p l i c a t i o n in an autosegmenta l framework. Let us now look at an o u t l i n e of N isgha p h o n o l o g i c a l p roces se s which w i l l prove to be r e l e v a n t to r e d u p l i c a t i o n . See Acknowledgements. v i i I. OUTLINE OF NISGHA PHONOLOGY A. PHONETIC INVENTORY: The phone t i c i nven to ry of consonants i s as f o l l o w s : Stops E j e c t i ve A f f r i c a t e s E j e c t . A f f r . F r i c a t i v e s Resonants G l o t t . Res. For the most p a r t , the d i s t r i b u t i o n of consonants in the phonet i c i n ven to ry seems q u i t e s ymmetr i ca l . With re spec t to the p l a i n s t o p s , there i s u n i f o r m i t y of v o i c e d and v o i c e l e s s c o u n t e r p a r t s at the v a r i o u s p o i n t s of a r t i c u l a t i o n . In the case of the f r i c a t i v e s , t h e r e i s an apparent imbalance wi th r e spec t to v o i c i n g — on ly the uvu la r and g l o t t a l f r i c a t i v e s have v o i c e d r e a l i z a t i o n s . I t w i l l l a t e r be shown that [j] and a r e r e l a t a b l e not to t h e i r v o i c e l e s s c o u n t e r p a r t s but r a t h e r to the homorganic s t op , and tha t [ E ] i s r e l a t a b l e to / h / . F i n a l l y , the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the re sonant s i s e n t i r e l y s ymmet r i c a l , w i th both the g l o t t a l i z e d and n o n - g l o t t a l i z e d s e r i e s o c c u r r i n g at the v a r i o u s p o i n t s of p t k* k kw q q W ' h P th k* h k h Rwh h q wh q b d g V g w g G GW P' t ' kY ' k 1 k w- q ' w, q t s dz dz^(or d3) t s ' t r t r s i y XJ X w X X X h 1 >/w K m n 1 y w m ft 1' y w ill ft 1' y $ 1 2 a r t i c u l a t i o n . The following are the vowels that occur in the phonetic inventory of the language. i ( : ) u(:) L V e(:) o(:) e (: ) s o ( :) ae( : ) a (:) a( : ) The vowels pattern uniformly, with both long and short vowels occurring throughout the vowel area. We w i l l examine the range of. pronunciation of these vowels when the phonemic status of the vowels i s discussed. B. PHONEMIC INVENTORY OF CONSONANTS The consonants comprising the phonemic system of Nisgha are: Stops P t k* k w q 9 Ejective Stops P' t' k?« kw- q' A f f r i c a t e s ts Eject. A f f r . ts' t r F r i c a t i v e s s i X * w X X h Resonants m n 1 y w Glott. Res. m n 1' 5 > w The phonemicization given above would imply the existence of quite a few rules in order that we might relate the phonetic and phonemic inventories. Let us look at these rules. 3 1. OBSTRUENT VOICING: With re spec t to the consonant s , the most s t r i k i n g d i f f e r e n c e between the phone t i c and phonemic i n v e n t o r i e s , i s the l ack of v o i c e d o b s t r u e n t s in the l a t t e r . Of the c l a s s of o b s t r u e n t s , the n o n - e j e c t i v e s tops and a f f r i c a t e s become v o i c e d when they immediate ly precede a vowel . Cons ider the f o l l o w i n g p h o n e t i c a l l y 2 r e p r e s e n t e d examples. 1 (a) w d p ' house ' (house) (b) w i l b - a 'Does he have a house? ' (house-Q) 2(a) q ' o t s 3 ' c u t ' (cut ) (b) w, > _ q ' o d 3 - t n ' you c u t ' ( cu t -2 s ) 3(a) G w 5 : t h ' h e a r t ' (hear t ) (b) G W o : d - t y 'my h e a r t ' ( h e a r t - 1 s ) 4(a) ,w , . wh xsk une :x - k ' c o l d ' (co ld-STATIVE) (b) W r W xsk une:x~g ~vm ws>ne:x^ ' c o l d f ood ' ( c o l d - STAT-ATTRIB food) 5(a) * w ^asno^ — uiti 'we 1i ke' ( l i k e - l p ) (b) ">Een5 : q w ^ - d i t ^ ' t h e y l i k e ' ( l i k e - 3 p ) 2 The data g i ven in the f i r s t pa r t of the paper w i l l be p h o n e t i c a l l y r e p r e s e n t e d . Once the phonemic i n ven to ry w i th neces sa ry r u l e s has been e s t a b l i s h e d , the data w i l l then be p re sen ted in phonemic form. 3 Note tha t in the case of example 2 (b ) , t s i s not on ly v o i c e d but a l s o p a l a t a l i z e d because i t p recedes a f r o n t vowel . 4 From the above examples we see t h a t : P t k q t s b d 9 G dz / V Very g e n e r a l l y , we may represent the above noted phenomenon as: 6. Obstruent V o i c i n g : " [-cont] — > [+voice] / +voc -cons 2. ASPIRATION: A s p i r a t e d stops occur w o r d - f i n a l l y and before other a s p i r a t e d s t o p s . T h i s i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n 7 below. ' f a t h e r ' ( f a t h e r ) 7(a) nsg w5:htk (b) n 8 g w 5 : h t h - t h ' h i s f a t h e r ' (father-3s) We can t h e r e f o r e account f o r a l l a s p i r a t e d stops by p o s t u l a t i n g that they occur at a word boundary. "For convenience the r u l e s w i l l be represented i n the format of the Standard Theory (SPE and subsequent work) except where there i s evidence that any p a r t i c u l a r f e a t u r e ( s ) should be autosegmentalized — i n which case the r u l e s w i l l then be presented a c c o r d i n g to the format of Autosegmental Theory. 5 The r u l e i s : 5 8. A s p i r a t i o n : - c o n t +del r e l —> [+asp i ra ted] / 3. SPIRANTIZATION: In S e c t i o n A i t was mentioned that the v o i c e d uvu la r f r i c a t i v e was r e l a t a b l e to i t s homorganic s t o p . The uvu l a r s top has a tendency to s p i r a n t i z e in i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n . We d e s c r i b e i t as a tendency s i n c e s p i r a n t i z a t i o n of t h i s consonant does not occur in a l l i n s t ance s of the i n t e r - v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n , nor does i t occur c o n s i s t e n t l y w i th a l l s peaker s . Some examples of s p i r a n t i z a t i o n a r e : 9(a) Go:da 'no more' '(no more) (b) l u - 2 o : d a 'empty ' ( i n - n o more) (c) lu- ;yat -G5:da ' empty ( p l u r a l ) ' ( in-REDUP-no more) but there a re a l s o the f o l l o w i n g examples. 10(a) G a G e t k w - f g y i d e x t g w un ' T h i s q u e s t i o n i s d i f f i c u l t ' ( d i f f i c u l t - C O N N q u e s t i o n t h i s ) 5 Note tha t t h i s t h e s i s employs the no t i on of l e v e l s as proposed by K ipa r sky (1982); however the symbol # i s employed in r u l e s as a mnemonic dev i ce to i n d i c a t e p roces se s o c c u r r i n g at the f i n a l c y c l i c l e v e l . (b) Gajetk™-i g^idax t g w u n " ' T h i s q u e s t i o n i s d i f f i c u l t ' ( d i f f i c u l t - C O N N ques t i on t h i s ) It appears then that t he re i s an o p t i o n a l r u l e of the form: 11. S p i r a n t i z a t i o n : - con t +back - h i g h By a p p e a l i n g to the r u l e s of Obs t ruent V o i c i n g (c_f. 6) and S p i r a n t i z a t i o n (11 above ) , we can c l a s s i f y [j] and [ 2 W ] 6 as a l l o p h o n e s of / q / . > [+cont] / + V O C + V O C - cons - cons 4. ROUNDING AND PALATALIZATION The phenomena of round ing and p a l a t a l i z a t i o n w i l l be t r e a t e d j o i n t l y because of c e r t a i n p a r a l l e l i s m s which w i l l become apparent as we work through t h i s s e c t i o n . Note that rounding r e f e r s to u v u l a r s whereas p a l a t a l i z a t i o n r e f e r s to the a l v e o - p a l a t a l a f f r i c a t e . U v u l a r s are rounded in the environment of round vowels and the a l v e o - p a l a t a l a f f r i c a t e becomes p a l a t a l i z e d when b e f o r e f r o n t vowels . In the examples below, compare the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the p l a i n a f f r i c a t e w i th that of the p a l a t a l i z e d a f f r i c a t e , as w e l l as the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the p l a i n u v u l a r with tha t of the 6 F o r _2 ] we need an a d d i t i o n a l r u l e of round ing which w i l l be d e s c r i b e d l a t e r . 7 rounded u v u l a r . A l v e o - p a l a t a l A f r i c a t e : 12. q w 6 : t s 13. q w 6 d 3 - i y 14. d z v £ k w h U v u l a r s : •i r , , h ,h 15. G o : t - t ' c u t ' ' I cu t ' k i l l ' (cut) ( cu t -1 s ) ( k i l l ) ' h i s h e a r t ' 1 t r e e ' ' sky ' ' h i s mother ' T h i s p r e d i c t a b i l i t y can be c a p t u r e d by r u l e s of the form: 19. Rounding: 16. Gan 17. l axah i o ' w , h 18. nox - t ( h e a r t - 3 s ) ( t r e e ) (sky) (mother-3s) +cons -voc +back + l o 20. P a l a t a l i z a t i o n : [+round] / 9 - cons +voc +round - con t + s t r i d +del r e l —> [+hi] / - cons +voc -back Note that a s i de from the uvu la r and a l v e o p a l a t a l consonants which are s u b j e c t to rounding and p a l a t a l i z a t i o n r e s p e c t i v e l y , there i s a s e r i e s of u n d e r l y i n g l y p a l a t a l i z e d and rounded v e l a r s . Cons ider these examples in which p a l a t a l i z a t i o n and rounding cannot be a t t r i b u t e d to the 8 env i ronment. Rounded V e l a r S e r i e s : 21. t s ' i : k w h 22. t ' abk w h 23. t ' g w £ n t k w h w to l e a k ' to t w i s t ' to f a l l ' to sweep' ( leak) ( tw i s t ) ( f a l l ) (sweep) ( yes terday ) ( r i g h t , c o r r e c t ) (paper) 24. t '&x P a l a t a l i z e d V e l a r S e r i e s : 25. k ' y 6 t s ' y e s t e r d a y ' 26. h6g y ax ' t o be r i g h t 27. sae*>6nskyh ' p a p e r ' I f we propose that the u n d e r l y i n g v e l a r s e r i e s i s composed of the p a l a t a l i z e d and the rounded consonant s , then we must account fo r the occu r rence of the p l a i n v e l a r consonant s . Cons ider these examples. 28. mi lksax ' s o u r ' 29. k s i - t ' a k w h ' t o wr ing ' 30. Tasks 'wa te r ' 31. dak. ' t o t i e ' The above examples would l e a d us to b e l i e v e that the p l a i n v e l a r consonant i s the v a r i a n t found in consonant c l u s t e r s . We would t h e r e f o r e want to a t t r i b u t e t h i s v a r i a n t to e i t h e r the u n d e r l y i n g p a l a t a l i z e d or l a b i a l i z e d s e r i e s on the b a s i s of complementary d i s t r i b u t i o n . I t tu rns out tha t the l a b i a l i z e d s e r i e s a l s o can occur in c l u s t e r s . For example: 32. k w U - ' a l l o v e r ' ( a l l over) 33. d u k w . i n x ' t o drown' (drown) On the b a s i s of the above examples, we can r u l e out (sour) (out o f - t w i s t ) (water) ( t i e ) 9 c l a s s i f y i n g [k] w i th / k w / , but l e t us c o n s i d e r the d i s t r i b u t i o n of [ k y ] in c l u s t e r s . Note that word boundar ies a re marked in the f o l l o w i n g examples where r e l e v a n t . 34. w £ k y h # t h ' h i s b r o t h e r ' ( b r o t h e r - 3 s ) 35. dsei i : sk y ^#t^ ' he r s t o c k i n g ' ( s t o c k i n g - 3 s ) 36. w £ k y # g w - i y 'my b r o t h e r s ' ( b r o t h e r - P L - 1 s ) 37. dzux w - d3<£k w h - - l - s k Y £ e k y h # * las^us (REDUP-ki l l -CONN eagle-CONN REDUP-dog) ' t h e eag le k i l l e d the dogs ' If we compare the above examples w i th those c i t e d in 28 to 31, we can see that [k] c l u s t e r s morpheme- i n te rna l l y whereas [ k y ] can on ly c l u s t e r where the re i s an i n t e r v e n i n g word boundary. In a d d i t i o n , c o n s i d e r the f o l l o w i n g examples: 38. t ' i x - t ' a k y h ' t o f o r g e t ( p l u r a l ) ' (REDUP-forget) 39. d i x - d i k ' y ' t o be shy ( p l u r a l ) ' (REDUP-shy) Note tha t C 2 7 of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x i s not p a l a t a l i z e d whereas C 2 of the root i s . Here t o o , we have another i n s t a n c e of the u n p a l a t a l i z e d v e r s i o n of the v e l a r consonant o c c u r r i n g in c l u s t e r s . I t seems, then , that we can c l a s s i f y [k] as a v a r i a n t of / k y / . We can w r i t e a morphophonemic r u l e 7 The s p i r a n t i z a t i o n of t h i s consonant w i l l be accounted for in Chapter 2. 10 to the e f f e c t o f : 40. V e l a r D e p a l a t a l i z a t i o n +cons -voc +high -back —> [+back] / +cons -voc T h i s r u l e does not app ly a c ro s s a word boundary. In o ther words, the r u l e occurs at an e a r l i e r l e v e l than does the attachment of a f f i x e s of the type be fo re which [ k v ] occurs in examples 34 to 37. Note tha t the p r e c e d i n g argument a l s o ho ld s f o r the v e l a r f r i c a t i v e s and the e j e c t i v e v e l a r s e r i e s . T h e r e f o r e , the v e l a r consonants c o n s i s t of the u n d e r l y i n g s e r i e s of p a l a t a l i z e d and l a b i a l i z e d p l a i n s t op s , e j e c t i v e s tops and f r i c a t i v e s . 5. RESONANT DEVOICING G l o t t a l i z e d resonants are p a r t i a l l y d e v o i c e d when they occur in w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n . Compare the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the f u l l y v o i c e d and the devo i ced g l o t t a l i z e d resonant s in the examples below. ' c anoe ' 'we l i k e ' 'my b e r r y ' ' b e r r y ' ' f r o g ' 'my f r o g ' 41. 42. ^ n o :Gw-urti 43. m&:y- iy 44. m£:y 45. Gan&:# 46. Gan£ :v> - i y (canoe) ( l i k e - 1 p ) ( b e r r y - 1 s ) (ber ry ) ( f rog ) ( f r o g - 1 s ) 11 The r u l e would t h e r e f o r e be: 47. Resonant D e v o i c i n g : +sonorant + g l o t t a l —> [ - v o i c e ] / 6. THE BEHAVIOR OF THE GLOTTAL FRICATIVE It was mentioned e a r l i e r tha t i t i s p o s s i b l e to show that [E] i s r e l a t a b l e to / h / . Let us examine t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n in these data 48. h inadzax 49. h£t-*>n [ h i t ' c n ] 50. h a t - h i r t - ^ n [ h a t - h i : t ' a n ] 51. t ' i p - h o k ' w i l t ' t o spank' (spank) ' t o s tand something ' (stand-CAUS) ' t o g lue something ' (REDUP-st ick-CAUS) ' t o r o l l something down' ( down- ro l l ) ' t o c a t c h an a n i m a l ' (REDUP-catch) From the above examples, i t i s c l e a r that [h] occur s w o r d - i n i t i a l l y , and m e d i a l l y in c l u s t e r s . Let us compare the d i s t r i b u t i o n of [E] 52. hap-hapk wh wh 53. E6g yax 54. E i t - y & t i ' i k s k 55. k w H - E i s - y £ t s 56. s t a - E i . a q - ^ n [ s t a - E i _aq'an] ' t o be r i g h t ' ( to be r i g h t ) ' t o s l i p ' (REDUP-s l ip) ' t o beat up ( a l l over -REDUP-h i t ) ' t o break on one s i d e ' (one s ide -break-CAUS) 12 57. f i i - K i t k w ^ ' t o s tand down on ' ( s t r a i g h t down-stand) We can see from these examples, tha t [E] occurs word i n i t i a l l y , and m e d i a l l y on ly in i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n . U n l i k e [ h ] , i t never c l u s t e r s . I t i s c l e a r tha t we may get e i t h e r [E] or [h] in w o r d - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n . In f a c t , c o n s u l t a n t s gave s i n g l e l e x i c a l i tems w i th both [E] and [h] o c c u r r i n g in w o r d - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n . It seems tha t we can c l a i m f r e e v a r i a t i o n f o r these sounds when they appear at the beg inn ing of a word. With re spec t to i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n , we have a c l e a r case of v o i c i n g . It tu rns out however that i t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e to d e l e t e the consonant between vowels . Compare these examples; 58. n i - i t k ' t o s tand something down ' ( s t r a i g h t down-stand) 59. k w . i - a k s ' t o thorough ly i n s u l t ' ( a l l o v e r - i n s u l t ) 60. k w H - i x - h a k s ' t o thorough ly i n s u l t ( p l u r a l ) ' ( a l l o ve r -REDUP - i n su l t ) Whether / h / v o i c e s or d e l e t e s in i n t e r - v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n does not appear to be c o n t i n g e n t on p h o n o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s . Note that n i i t k w and n i E i t k w occur in the i d e n t i c a l c o n t e x t . We can t h e r e f o r e conc lude that / h / i s v o i c e d between vowels , and in t u r n [E] i s s ub jec t to an o p t i o n a l r u l e of d e l e t i o n between vowels . 1 3 Let us f u r t h e r examine the behav ior of / h / in the examples to f o l l o w . Note that in each of the examples below, an i n t e r m e d i a t e ( r a ther than u n d e r l y i n g ) r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and a s u r f a c e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n are g iven in order to show the p o s i t i o n of the g l o t t a l f r i c a t i v e . 61.dsm-hi s - y £ d z v - i y (FUT-REDUP-chop-1s) [ d a m - i s - y 2 e d z v - i y ] 8 'I w i l l chop ( p l u r a l ) ' 62. dam-hasa7~ay [dsm-as&y-ay] 63. t q ' a l - h i : t - ^ n [ t q ' a l - i : t ' - a n ] 64. t q ' a l - h a t - h i :t-*>n (FUT-need-1s) 'I w i l l need ' ( a g a i n s t - s t i c k - C A U S ) ' t o s t i c k something a g a i n s t ' ( aga ins t -REDUP-s t i ck -CAUS) [ t q ' a l - a t - h i : t ' - e n ] ' t o s t i c k something a g a i n s t ( p l u r a l ) ' 65. w a H n - h u - w i l p h (old-REDUP-house ) [wa f in -u -w i l p * 1 ' o l d houses ' The above examples i n d i c a t e that / h / i s c o n s i s t e n t l y l o s t a f t e r / m / , / n / and / l / . T h i s o b s e r v a t i o n can be c a p t u r e d by a r u l e of the form; 66. ' h ' D e l e t i o n : +cons -voc +cont + l o -> 0 / +cons -voc +sonor +ant Compare a\Bm-y&a\z^— i y 'I w i l l chop( s i n g . ) ' . 1 4 C. PHONEMIC INVENTORY OF VOWELS It appears that the vowels enjoy a r a t h e r wide range of p r o n u n c i a t i o n , o f t en r e s u l t i n g in a great d e a l of su r f a ce o v e r l a p . The f i g u r e below i l l u s t r a t e s the areas over which the v a r i o u s vowels may range. The phonet i c i n v e n t o r y i s aga in c i t e d below. The vowel v a r i a t i o n does appear to occur w i t h i n c e r t a i n l i m i t s . In the case of the h i gh vowels , the c o n s t r a i n t s on v a r i a t i o n are p r o v i d e d by the uvu l a r consonants . For example, a s i n g l e speaker g i v e s the f o l l o w i n g p r o n u n c i a t i o n s 9 . 67. g y i b u : / g y i b o : ' w o l f (wol f ) 68. *?us / ' 6 s ' dog ' (dog) 69. q w ' 6 t s / q w ' 6 t s ' c u t ' (cut) (not * q w ' u t s ) 9 Note that the v a r i a t i o n g i ven in the examples was found to occur w i th a l l speaker s , and a s i n g l e word would be pronounced d i f f e r e n t l y in the i d e n t i c a l u t t e r a n c e . The examples c i t e d are a few of a g reat many words e x h i b i t i n g the v a r i a t i o n in vowel p r o n u n c i a t i o n . 15 70. GaGetk"* 1 / G a G i t k w ^ ' e x p e n s i v e ' (expens ive) (not * G a G i t k w h ) 71. yen / yen 'wa lk ' (walk) 72. x s k w unexk w ^ / xskWuna;xkw^ ' c o l d ' ( co ld ) 73. d z S q w ^ / d z 6 q w ^ 'camp' (camp) 74 .masdzaGale: / madzaGale: / madzaGale: ' f l o w e r ' ( f l ower ) A system which a l l ows so much v a r i a t i o n in vowel p r o n u n c i a t i o n p r e s e n t s no smal l problem for p h o n e m i c i z a t i o n . Le t us propose the f o l l o w i n g f i v e vowel system. i ( : ) u ( : ) e(:) o(:) a ( : ) There i s ev idence to show that the above phonemes c o n t r a s t in i d e n t i c a l env i ronments . However w i t h i n t h i s f i v e vowel system, there i s a g rea t dea l of o v e r l a p between phonemes ( cons i de r the examples in 67 to 74) . It seems that we can propose the f o l l o w i n g a l l o p h o n i c d i s t r i b u t i o n (which i s more of a tendency than a r u l e , s i n c e there i s so much v a r i a t i o n ) , as w e l l as c e r t a i n c o n s t r a i n t s to handle the r e s i d u e . Note that the o b s e r v a t i o n s below a l s o app ly to the long c o u n t e r p a r t s of the vowels . 75. / i / —> [ t ] / Uvu la r / u / —> [v] / Uvu la r / a / —> [as] / V e l a r / a / —> [a] / Uvu lar 1 6 In a d d i t i o n : 76. / i / - / e / (but * i / Uvu la r ) 77. / u / * / o / (but *u / Uvu la r ) We must a l s o note that [a] occur s most f r e q u e n t l y wi th uvu l a r s and [as] with the p a l a t a l i z e d v e l a r s e r i e s a l though both sounds do occur e l sewhere . With re spec t to the mid vowels / e / and / o / , I have not been ab le to f i n d any c o n d i t i o n i n g f a c t o r s that would p r e d i c t when we get [e] o r [ e ] , or [o] or [ o ] . T h i s l ack of p r e d i c t a b i l i t y would seem to f o r c e an a n a l y s i s i n which we t r e a t the four sounds as independent phonemes and account f o r the v a r i a t i o n s as in examples 67 to 74 by o v e r l a p between the v a r i o u s phonemes. My argument a ga in s t t h i s a n a l y s i s i s based on symmetry in the r e s t of the system, namely between the h i gh vowels . I t seems, then , tha t we must t r e a t [e] and [e] as f r e e v a r i a n t s of / e / , and [o] and [o] as f r e e v a r i a n t s of / o / . A l t o g e t h e r t h i s a n a l y s i s proposes the f o l l o w i n g : / u / —> [ i> ] / Uvu la r —> [u] />/ —> [e] —> [e] where [e] and [e] a re f r e e v a r i a n t s /of — > [o] —> [o] where [o] and [o] are f r e e v a r i a n t s 78. / i / > [ i ] / Uvu la r > [ i ] 1 7 / a / 1 0 —> [a] / U v u l a r _ —> [as] / P a l a t a l i z e d v e l a r s —> [a] In a d d i t i o n to 78, we need to account f o r the o v e r l a p by s tatements such as those p r e v i o u s l y g i ven in 76 and 77. With r e spec t to schwa, i t seems that any shor t vowel may reduce to schwa when ad jacent to a s t r e s s e d vowel . T h i s occur s most o f t e n when there i s a long vowel in an ad jacent s y l l a b l e . See example 74 and a l s o compare 79 and 80. 79. g w i l £ h ' b l a n k e t ' ( b l anket ) 80. g w i : l a h ' b l a n k e t s ' ( b l a n k e t ( p l u r a l ) ) An a l t e r n a t i v e s o l u t i o n seems p o s s i b l e . Let us c o n s i d e r a th ree vowel system. i ( : ) u ( : ) a ( : ) We would need to c l a i m that / i ( : ) / v a r i e s f r e e l y a l l the way down to [ e ( : ) ] and / u ( : ) / a l l the way down to [ D ( : ) ] . The a n a l y s i s f o r / a ( : ) / and the c o n s t r a i n t s p r o v i d e d by the uvu l a r consonants would be the same as in the f i v e vowel system. T h i s th ree vowel system seems h i g h l y u n d e s i r a b l e because of i t s heavy r e l i a n c e on f r e e v a r i a t i o n , and t h i s suggests tha t t he re i s very l i t t l e s y s t e m a t i c i t y to the p r o n u n c i a t i o n of the vowels . In another sense, t h i s a n a l y s i s may have some mer i t i n tha t i f t he re are on ly t h ree u n d e r l y i n g d i s t i n c t i o n s , then the range of p r o n u n c i a t i o n of 1 0 T h i s statement r e p r e s e n t s a tendency r a t h e r than a r u l e . 18 the vowels does have some p l a u s i b i l i t y . We are t h e r e f o r e l e f t w i th two ana l y se s — n e i t h e r of which seems r e a d i l y a c c e p t a b l e . However, pending f u r t h e r en l i gh tenment , I opt fo r the the f i v e - v o w e l system s i n c e i t seems somewhat more c o n s t r a i n e d than the second a n a l y s i s . Having e s t a b l i s h e d the phonemic i nven to ry of the language, we w i l l h e n c e f o r t h rep re sen t a l l data p h o n e m i c a l l y . 1 1 Let us now tu rn our a t t e n t i o n to the ass ignment of s t r e s s , a p h o n o l o g i c a l p roces s r e l e v a n t to r e d u p l i c a t i o n . D. STRESS ASSIGNMENT T y p i c a l l y , pr imary s t r e s s i s a s s i gned to the l a s t vowel of the r o o t . It shou ld here be mentioned that by f a r the m a j o r i t y of Nisgha roo t s are m o n o s y l l a b i c . On the o ther hand, long vowels do a t t r a c t s t r e s s ; t h e r e f o r e i f a long vowel i s p resent in a p o l y s y l l a b i c r o o t , that long vowel r e c e i v e s pr imary s t r e s s . Cons ider the f o l l o w i n g examples: 81. hanctq' 'woman' (woman) 82. •>am-'>6:-kyit ' c l o t h e s ' (good f o r - c o v e r - p e r s o n ) 83. l u : l a q ' g h o s t ' (ghost) 84. t a : * e : t ' s l e e t ' ( s l e e t ) 85. q ' a p ' a l u : ' gun' (gun) The s t r e s s r u l e i s t hen : 1 1 See Appendix I. 19 86. S t r e s s the r ightmost long vowel of the r o o t ; o therwi se s t r e s s the f i n a l vowel of the r o o t . The s t r e s s r u l e as s t a t e d above i s t rue o f , t h e vast m a j o r i t y of cases but not of a l l , s i n c e s t r e s s may f a l l on the r e d u p l i c a t e d p r e f i x in words e x h i b i t i n g one p a r t i c u l a r p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . When t h i s r e d u p l i c a t i o n type i s d i c u s s e d , we s h a l l invoke the n o t i o n of L e v e l s as proposed by K ipa r sky (1982), and t h i s use of L e v e l s w i l l then obv i a te the need to d e f i n e the root as the domain of the s t r e s s r u l e , as the domain may then be s p e c i f i e d as L e v e l I. At the moment, l e t us c o n s i d e r a m e t r i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the Nisgha s t r e s s r u l e . In g e n e r a l , s t r e s s r u l e s a re s e n s i t i v e to c e r t a i n a s p e c t s of s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e e . g . c l o s e d v s . open s y l l a b l e s or ( m e t r i c a l l y represented) b ranch ing v s . non -branch ing r imes . In the case of N i sgha, s t r e s s assignment i s s e n s i t i v e to the b r a n c h i n g / non-branch ing nature of the n u c l e u s . In o ther words, the s t e s s r u l e looks at long v s . shor t vowels . The s t r e s s r u l e in a m e t r i c a l framework i s : 87. S t r e s s R u l e : ( i ) P r o j e c t the nuc leus ( i i ) S t a r t from the r i g h t margin ( i i i ) Con s t ruc t a l e f t dominant unbounded foo t (F) in which the dominant node must branch ( i v ) Gather a l l s y l l a b l e s i n t o a r i gh t -dominan t word t r e e . Note that the domain of the s t r e s s r u l e i s a l l L e v e l I input 20 ( j u s t i f i c a t i o n fo r t h i s c l a i m i s g i ven in Chapter 2, S e c t i o n D ) . The r u l e a p p l i e s to examples 81 to 85 as f o l l o w s (Note that the unmarked l a b e l l i n g conven t i on i s assumed, i . e . the dominant nodes are l a b e l l e d S and the r e c e s s i v e nodes W): 88. hanaq' 'woman' 89. '?am' '6:k y it ' c l o t h e s ' A . s w A I 90. l u : l a q ' g h o s t ' 91. t a : . e : t ' s l e e t ' I ! A 92. q ' a p ' a l u : ' gun ' Pr imary s t r e s s i s a s s i gned to those nodes dominated s o l e l y by S — hence the s t r e s s ass ignment in 88 to 92. 21 We w i l l r e t u r n to a d i s c u s s i o n of s t r e s s in S e c t i o n 2 when we d i s c u s s the p a r t i c u l a r r e d u p l i c a t i o n p a t t e r n which bears pr imary s t r e s s on the p r e f i x . E. BEHAVIOR OF UVULAR CONSONANTS In t h i s s e c t i o n , we w i l l c o n s i d e r the behav io r of uvu la r consonants o u t s i d e the contex t of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . T h e i r behav iour w i t h i n the con tex t of r e d u p l i c a t i o n w i l l be addressed in Chapter 2 where r e d u p l i c a t i o n types are d e a l t w i t h . In S e c t i o n B we noted the tendency of u v u l a r consonants to weaken in c e r t a i n p o s i t i o n s , i . e . they s p i r a n t i z e when they occur in i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n . In a d d i t i o n , these consonants are l o s t in o ther env i ronments . Cons ider the f o l l o w i n g forms in which uvu l a r d e l e t i o n i s o p t i o n a l . Note that there i s compensatory l e n g t h e n i n g on the p reced ing vowel when the uvu la r i s d e l e t e d . The examples a r e : 93(a) pax ' t o run ' (run) (b) y u k w - i pax~y 'I am r u n n i n g ' (ASP-CON run-1s ) (c) y u k w - J p a : - y 'I am r u n n i n g ' (ASP-CON run-1s ) 94(a) pax-n ' r u n ! ' ( run-2s ) (b) pa : -n ' r u n ! ' ( run-2s ) 95(a) n6x 'mother ' (mother) (b) nox~y 'my mother ' (mother-1s) (c) no : - y 'my mother ' (mother-1s) 22 96. * ?an- lu : - to : s ' p l a c e f o r - i n - p u t ' (drawer) Uvu lar l o s s i n the root of the l a s t example i s a f f i r m e d by the presence of the u v u l a r in the r e d u p l i c a t e d p r e f i x of the p l u r a l form ' a n l u : t a x t o : s . It appears tha t a uvu l a r consonant in the coda may o p t i o n a l l y d e l e t e when f o l l owed by a consonant . We can w r i t e a r u l e to the e f f e c t of 97. 97. Uvu la r D e l e t i o n : R 0 +cons \ ) \ x - h i g h - low -> 0 / \ X On the o ther hand, t h e r e are s e v e r a l counter -examples to t h i s r u l e : 98(a) nax ' snowshoe' (snowshoe) (b) nax _ y [nax~ay] 'my snowshoe' (snowshoe-1s) but *na :y 99(a) f a x ' v e s t ' ( ves t ) (b) t ' a x - y [ t a x _ a y ] 'my v e s t ' ( ve s t -1 s ) but * t ' a : y 100(a) Gax ' r a b b i t ' ( r a b b i t ) (b) Gax -y lGax -y ] 'my r a b b i t ' ( r a b b i t - I s ) but *Ga:y One would l i k e to account by p h o n o l o g i c a l means f o r the d i f f e r e n c e between the forms that conform to the r u l e of uvu l a r d e l e t i o n and those which do no t . I f we compare the p h o n o l o g i c a l l y s i m i l a r nax (snowshoe) w i th nox (mother) , we see that the r u l e may app ly o p t i o n a l l y to the l a t t e r but not 23 to the former. The d i f f e r e n c e in vowel between these forms does not seem to be a c o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r , s i n c e the r u l e may app ly to pax (run) whose vowel i s i d e n t i c a l to that of nax (snowshoe), a form to which the r u l e cannot a p p l y . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the forms in which uvu l a r d e l e t i o n has a p p l i e d are g i ven by o l d e r speakers who a l s o g i v e , as a l t e r n a t i v e s , the (a) forms c i t e d in 93 to 96. Younger speakers c o n s i s t e n t l y g i ve the (a) forms. However, not even w i t h i n the speech of o l d e r speakers ( i n t h i s data s e t , speakers age 54 to 61 ) , do we f i n d uvu la r d e l e t i o n o c c u r r i n g in examples 98 to 100. T h i s i s i n c o n t r a s t to the c l a i m of Tarpent (1983:168) tha t the r u l e of uvu la r d e l e t i o n i s a very gene ra l one in the speech of o l d e r speakers ( those born p r i o r to 1940, a c c o r d i n g to T a r p e n t ) . On the b a s i s of examples 93 to 96, we can conc lude that the r u l e i s pa r t of the grammar of an e a r l i e r s tage of the language, but i t i s no longer p r o d u c t i v e in the grammar of younger speakers . Ev idence of the a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s e a r l i e r r u l e w i t h i n r o o t s 1 2 has been l e f t on a few l e x i c a l items (of the data c o l l e c t e d , on ly those items l i s t e d in 93 to 96) . C u r i o u s l y enough, a l though Tarpent c o n s i d e r s the p roces s of uvu l a r d e l e t i o n to be a genera l one f o r o l d e r speaker s , she c i t e s 1 2I s p e c i f y " w i t h i n r o o t s " because ev idence of the r u l e a p p l i c a t i o n o u t s i d e of r oo t s ( i . e . in d e r i v e d environments) can be found in the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p a t t e r n of a somewhat wider v a r i e t y of forms. 24 on ly th ree roo t s e x h i b i t i n g uvu l a r d e l e t i o n and they are the ones g i ven in 93 to 96. To summarize, we are c l a i m i n g : ( i ) At an e a r l i e r stage of the grammar, the r u l e of uvu l a r d e l e t i o n was a genera l one. ( i i ) For o l d e r speaker s , i t i s an o p t i o n a l r u l e which a p p l i e s in a l i m i t e d number of r o o t s , ( i i i ) For younger speakers , the r u l e i s no longer p r o d u c t i v e , ( i v ) Ev idence of the p r i o r e x i s t e n c e of the r u l e in n o n - d e r i v e d forms can be found on ly in a few l e x i c a l terms, (v) R e d u p l i c a t i o n w i l l p rov ide ev idence of i t s e x i s t e n c e in c e r t a i n d e r i v e d environments in a s l i g h t l y g r e a t e r number of forms, p o s s i b l y suppor t i ng the c l a i m that the r u l e was f o rmer l y more g e n e r a l . F. CONCLUDING REMARKS TO CHAPTER 1. T h i s chapter p re sen ted a sketch of N i sgha phonology. I t s i n t e n t i o n was to g i ve an o v e r a l l p h o n o l o g i c a l p i c t u r e of Nisgha and to h i g h l i g h t some of the more p e r v a s i v e p roces ses which p l a y a pa r t in Nisgha r e d u p l i c a t i o n , the t o p i c which w i l l next be addres sed . I I. PATTERNS OF REDUPLICATION Wi th in the corpus of data under s tudy, r e d u p l i c a t i o n serves two f u n c t i o n s : ( i ) To mark p l u r a l i t y — For example: 101. qan ' t r e e ' ( t r e e ) 102. qan-qan ' t r e e s ' (REDUP-tree) ( i i ) To mark a s p e c t , i n d i c a t i n g a p r o g r e s s i v e a c t i o n - For example: 103. q a - q o : l 1 3 ' r u n n i n g ' (PROG-run) R e d u p l i c a t i o n as an aspect marker f o l l o w s on l y one p a t t e r n ; however as a marker of p l u r a l i t y , r e d u p l i c a t i o n appears to adopt d i v e r s e p a t t e r n s . T h i s d i s c u s s i o n w i l l be concerned on ly w i th r e d u p l i c a t i o n as i t se rves to mark p l u r a l i t y , s i n c e the r e d u p l i c a t i o n p a t t e r n marking a spect i s the same as one of the p a t t e r n s marking p l u r a l i t y . Be fore d i s c u s s i n g the p a t t e r n s of r e d u p l i c a t i o n , l e t us f i r s t e s t a b l i s h what t r i g g e r s r e d u p l i c a t i o n . P l u r a l marking occur s most commonly on p r e d i c a t e s , l e s s o f t e n on nouns. We t h e r e f o r e f i n d r e d u p l i c a t i o n (one of a number of methods of p l u r a l i z a t i o n ) most ly in p r e d i c a t e s . The marking of number on p r e d i c a t e s i s determined by the number of the ob jec t of the t r a n s i t i v e p r e d i c a t e and by the s u b j e c t of the 1 3 N o t e tha t the root of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r form i s i t s e l f a s u p p l e t i v e p l u r a l , the s i n g u l a r of which i s / p a x / . The r e d u p l i c a t e d p r e f i x i s t h e r e f o r e c l e a r l y not a p l u r a l i z e r but r a t h e r an aspect marker. 25 26 i n t r a n s i t i v e p r e d i c a t e . In o ther words, a p l u r a l o b j e c t of a t r a n s i t i v e p r e d i c a t e and a p l u r a l sub jec t of an i n t r a n s i t i v e p r e d i c a t e are the t r i g g e r s of p l u r a l i t y mark ing . There i s a d e f i n i t e p r e f e r e n c e f o r marking p l u r a l i t y on p r e d i c a t e s as opposed to nouns. R e d u p l i c a t i o n i s o f t e n not found (though i t may occur ) on nouns i f the p l u r a l i t y of the noun can be determined from the c o n t e x t . For example: 104. t ' i x - t ' a k y - s [ t ' i x t ' a g y i s ] m e r i - f t a * £ : s k - t REDUP-forget-CONN Mary-CONN s tock ing s~3s 'Mary fo rgo t her s t o c k i n g s ' 105. h i s - y a t s - s [ h i s y a d 3 i s ] r a b i n - f qan REDUP-chop-CONN Robin-CONN l og 'Rob in chopped the l o g s ' In the above examples, r e d u p l i c a t i o n on the p r e d i c a t e s i n d i c a t e s that the nouns are p l u r a l . Cons ider a l s o t h i s example: 106. k i l ' p i l - t w i l p - t i t two-CONN house-3p 'They have two houses ' In t h i s l a s t example, p l u r a l i t y of the noun can be determined by the numer i ca l word p reced ing i t . Having e s t a b l i s h e d the f a c t o r s that t r i g g e r r e d u p l i c a t i o n , we can proceed to ana lyze the v a r i o u s p a t t e r n s of r e d u p l i c a t i o n employed by Nisgha as a method of p l u r a l i z a t i o n . 27 A. SURFACE PATTERNS OF REDUPLICATION R e d u p l i c a t i o n i s done by a f f i x i n g some p a r t 1 " of a root d i r e c t l y to that r o o t . T h e r e f o r e , i f a form i s made up of an a f f i x f o l l o w e d by the r o o t , then the r e d u p l i c a t e d p r e f i x w i l l be added between the a f f i x and the r o o t . For example: 107. *>an-lu:-to: s ' d rawer ' ( p l ace f o r - i n - p u t ) 108. ^ a n - l u : - t a x - t 6 : s ' d rawers ' (p l ace f o r - i n -REDUP -pu t ) The v a r i a b i l i t y of the vowel , of C 1 f and p a r t i c u l a r l y of C 2 in the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x , cause the s u r f a c e r e d u p l i c a t i o n p a t t e r n s to appear so d i v e r s e tha t they p resent a c h a l l e n g e f o r any attempt at taxonomic p r e s e n t a t i o n . Given below, i s what seems to be the minimal number of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s based on s u r f a c e m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of r e d u p l i c a t i o n t ype s . W i th in the f o l l o w i n g s u r f a c e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , the p r e f i x and root vowels a re not indexed because, u n l i k e the consonants , the nature of the vowel in the p r e f i x i s t o t a l l y independent of the root vowel . The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s a r e : ( i ) C, V + C! VC 2 ( i i ) C V + C . V C 2 1 5 ( i i i ) C,VC2 + C ,VC 2 1 " T h e p a r t to be p r e f i x e d w i l l be s p e c i f i e d l a t e r . 1 5 T h e s u b s c r i p t s ' i ' and ' j ' a re used to emphasize that t h e consonants d i f f e r . 28 ( v i ) C,V: + C ,VC 2 The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s g i ven above shou ld be regarded merely as a h e u r i s t i c d e v i c e . I t w i l l l a t e r be shown that a l l the s u r f a c e p a t t e r n s of r e d u p l i c a t i o n can be subsumed under th ree ba s i c p a t t e r n s of C i , C iC and C ix r e d u p l i c a t i o n . I am t h e r e f o r e c l a i m i n g that there i s a r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme wi th the a l l omorphs , C i , C iC and C i x . W i th in the th ree c a t e g o r i e s , a l l apparent anomal ies w i l l be accounted fo r by gene ra l p h o n o l o g i c a l p r o c e s s e s . B. UNDERLYING PATTERNS OF REDUPLICATION R e d u p l i c a t i o n takes p l a c e by copy ing C, and C 2 of the r o o t . 1 6 The examples to f o l l o w w i l l show that the p r e f i x vowel i s not c o p i e d from the root vowel . Ev idence of t h i s can be found in the f o l l o w i n g examples which show that n e i t h e r the l eng th nor the q u a l i t y of the root vowel i s c o p i e d i n t o the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x . 109. s i : p k w s i p s i : p k w ' t o be h u r t i n g ' 110. t ' e r s t t ' i s t ' e : s t ' t o push something ' 111. t s ' i : k w t s ' u x w t s ' i : k w ' t o l e a k ' 112. q*6ts q ' a s q ' 6 t s ' t o c u t ' 1 6 B o t h C, and C 2 may undergo subsequent m o d i f i c a t i o n s which w i l l be accounted fo r i n the s e c t i o n s to f o l l o w . 29 F u r t h e r ev idence a ga in s t an a n a l y s i s of vowel copy can be found in examples whose r oo t s are of the form C 1 C 2 V C . 1 7 113. s q i k Y s k w s a x s q i k Y s k w ' t o get h u r t ' 114. l u s q ' e : x k w l u s a x s q ' e : x k w ' d a r k ' In the above examples s i s C, and q or q_ i s C 2 which undergoes subsequent change in the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x . Note that the second of the above two examples i s ambiguous, in that C 2 of the p r e f i x i s equa l to C 3 of the r o o t . T h i s c o u l d mean that C 3 and not C 2 of the root i s c o p i e d i n t o the p r e f i x . However, on the b a s i s of s a x s q i k y s k w , we w i l l assume that i t i s C 2 and not C 3 of the root tha t i s c o p i e d . These examples ana l y sed in an Autosegmental framework p r o v i d e s t rong ev idence a ga in s t a r u l e of vowel copy because copy ing the root vowel e n t a i l s the c r o s s i n g of a s s o c i a t i o n l i n e s , 1 8 and t h i s c o n s t i t u t e s a v i o l a t i o n of the t e n e t s of Autosegmental t heo ry . The r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of vowel copy would be: 1 7 T a r p e n t (1983:136) c i t e s these cases as ev idence that the p r e f i x vowel i s not a " reduced v e r s i o n or a copy of the root v o w e l " . However she c l a i m s that the o r i g i n a l vowel i s d e l e t e d from the p r e f i x and a new vowel i n s e r t e d . I t i s u n c l e a r to me how these examples support such an a n a l y s i s . In f a c t they seem to argue a ga in s t i t . 1 8 T h e p r i n c i p l e s of Autosegmental Theory w i l l be o u t l i n e d in a l a t e r c h a p t e r . 30 115. * s q i k y s k w + s q i k Y s k w ni l / / + c c v c c c I c ~ te 1 ,•»' I n s tead , i t can be shown that the vowel q u a l i t y i s p r e d i c t a b l e on the b a s i s of the ad jacen t consonants in the p r e f i x . Note that / i / seems to be the most commonly o c c u r r i n g vowel in the p r e f i x . If we regard / i / as pa r t of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme, then i t i s p o s s i b l e to w r i t e a very n a t u r a l r u l e a coun t i ng f o r i t s s u r f a c e v a r i a t i o n in the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x . 116. Vowel V a r i a t i o n : + VOC + V O C -cons 9 -cons +high — > + low / - h i g h -back +back 9 - ant + VOC -cons +high -back +round + bac k / [+round] Independent m o t i v a t i o n f o r the above r u l e i s p r o v i d e d by IV p r e f i x a t i o n , a method of p l u r a l i z a t i o n whereby / l / f o l l o w e d by a vowel i s p r e f i x e d to a stem. Here too we can regard / i / as the unmarked vowel of the p r e f i x . Cons ider these examples: 117. l a - x s k w i n e : k y s ftidit PL- c o l d 3P 'They are c o l d ' 31 118. l u ~ x w t i : t i x y nuiii PL - hungry 1P 'We are hungry ' 1 19. l i - t ' e : q num PL - eat q u i c k l y 1P 'We ate q u i c k l y ' The Vowel V a r i a t i o n r u l e can account f o r , t h e vowels in the above examples of IV p r e f i x a t i o n . The r u l e w i l l a l s o handle the vowels appear ing in a l l the s u r f a c e types of r e d u p l i c a t i o n to f o l l o w . 1 . 9 C. UNDERLYING PATTERN C i Under t h i s p a t t e r n come s u r f a c e types ( i ) and ( i i ) . Type ( i ) C,V + C ,VC 2 120. k y a t k Y i k y a t 'man' 121. q 6 : t qaq6: t ' h e a r t ' 122. p6 : t p i p o : t ' b o a t ' 123. t s ' a k y t s ' i t s ' a k y ' b ow l ' 124. ' ' a lazn ? a l i l a : n ' s l o w ' 2 0 125. *>al i :sk w ^ a l i l i r s k " 'weak' 1 9 In a l l the s i n g u l a r / p l u r a l examples to f o l l o w , a morpheme-by-morpheme breakdown w i l l be omi t ted so as to f a c i l i t a t e p r e s e n t a t i o n . 2 0 These r e d u p l i c a t e d forms (124, 125) d i f f e r from those c i t e d by Tarpent whose data do not show a vowel between resonants in t h i s p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . 32 Type ( i ) examples can be s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d l y accounted f o r by the vowel v a r i a t i o n r u l e . There are no consonan ta l changes in t h i s t y p e . Type ( i i ) C V + C^VC2 126. wa huwa /wuwa/ 'name' 127. wa:x huwax /wuwarx/ ' o a r ' 128. w i l p huwi lp /wuwi lp / ' house ' Note that in each of these examples C, of the p r e f i x i s [h] when C, of the root i s /w/. If we regard these examples as i n s t a n c e s of C i r e d u p l i c a t i o n the d e r i v a t i o n ( c i t i n g on ly the r u l e s r e l e v a n t to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n ) i s as f o l l o w s : /wa/ C i Redup. wi+wa Vowel V a r i a t i o n u At t h i s s tage of the d e r i v a t i o n , we have *wuwa. Among the data c o l l e c t e d , there are no i n s t a n c e s of the sequence wu. It seems that the form *wuwa would be in v i o l a t i o n of the p h o n o t a c t i c s of the language which do not appear to permi t homorganic vowels and g l i d e s 2 1 in w o r d - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n . T h i s be ing the ca se , the g l i d e becomes h which may be r e a l i z e d as e i t h e r [h] or [K] (see the d i s c u s s i o n of the g l o t t a l f r i c a t i v e in Chapter 1). The complete d e r i v a t i o n f o r 2 1 I t w i l l l a t e r be shown tha t the same ho lds f o r the h i g h , f r on t g l i d e and vowel . I have found one e x c e p t i o n , namely / v i m / ' t o s n i f f (c_f. 183) 33 Type ( i i ) forms would be: /wa/ C i Redup. wi+wa Vowel V a r i a t i o n u S t r e s s G l i d e to h h [huwa] or [Euwa] R e d u p l i c a t i o n Types ( i ) and ( i i ) have t h e r e f o r e been accounted f o r a c c o r d i n g to an u n d e r l y i n g C i p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . D. UNDERLYING PATTERN C iC Under t h i s p a t t e r n come s u r f a c e Types ( i i i ) to ( v ) . Type ( i i i ) C ,VC 2 + C ,VC 2 129. t ' i s t ' i s t ' i s ' l a r g e ' 130. muxw muxwmuxw ' e a r ' 131. ''us ' ' as 'us ' dog ' 132. q a l t s ' a p q a l t s ' i p t s ' a p ' v i l l a g e ' In t h i s r e d u p l i c a t i o n t y p e , C, and C 2 of the p r e f i x are i d e n t i c a l to C, and C 2 of the r o o t . Here t oo , the vowel v a r i a t i o n r u l e p r e d i c t s the na ture of the vowel in the p r e f i x . Type ( i v ) C 1 V C i +• C,VCj T h i s type i n c l u d e s examples which must be handled by two d i f f e r e n t u n d e r l y i n g p a t t e r n s of r e d u p l i c a t i o n , namely C iC and C i x . In t h i s s e c t i o n , we w i l l dea l on ly wi th those examples which r e d u p l i c a t e a c c o r d i n g to u n d e r l y i n g p a t t e r n 34 C i C . In a l l Type ( i v ) examples, C 2 of the root and p r e f i x d i f f e r . Cons i de r f i r s t these cases i n v o l v i n g uvu l a r consonants as C 2 . 133. s u : q s k w s ax su :q sk w ' d i v e ' 134. woq ' s l e e p ' waxwoq ' b a t ' 135. l u s q ' e : x k w l u s a x s q ' e : x k w ' d a r k ' 136. I6:q f a x t 6 :q 'wake up e a r l y ' In these examples, when C 2 of the root i s a uvu l a r s t op , i t i s r e d u p l i c a t e d as a f r i c a t i v e . Uvu lar s tops a l s o e x h i b i t a sporad ic tendency to s p i r a n t i z e o u t s i d e the contex t of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . 2 2 T h i s may occur when the u v u l a r s top i s i n w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n or when immediate ly f o l l o w e d by a consonant; both these environments g e n e r a l i z e to the coda p o s i t i o n . C o n s i d e r the f o l l o w i n g p h o n e t i c a l l y rep re sen ted examples. 137(a) T a n 5 : q w - d i t ' t h e y l i k e ' ( l i k e - 3 p ) (b) •>ano:x w-dit ' t h e y l i k e ' ( l i k e - 3 p ) 138(a) t ' 5 : q w ' s c r a t c h ' ( s c r a t c h ) (b) t ' o r t ' a x ' s c r a t c h ' (REDUP-scratch) We can t h e r e f o r e w r i t e a r u l e that would r e f l e c t the behav ior of C 2 i n examples 133 to 136, as w e l l as the sporad ic s p i r a n t i z a t i o n of u v u l a r s e l sewhere . 139. Uvu l a r S p i r a n t i z a t i o n I I : 2 3 2 2 Dunn (1983) a l s o notes t h i s phenomenon f o r uvu l a r s y l l a b l e s i n T s i m s h i a n . 2 3 R e c a l l t ha t u v u l a r s a l s o s p i r a n t i z e in i n t e r v o c a l i c 35 - con t +back - h i g h The second set of examples w i th d i f f e r i n g C 2 i n v o l v e s cases where C 2 of the root i s an a f f r i c a t e . 140. k y ' a t s k w k y ' i s k y ' a t s k w ' t o a r r i v e ' 141. q'6ts q ' a s q ' o t s ' t o c u t ' 142. y a t t ' K i . y_ . t - ' ' t o s l i p ' Note that on l y the second element of the a f f r i c a t e i s c o p i e d as C 2 of the p r e f i x . T h i s i s s t r i k i n g , e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e these a f f r i c a t e s f u n c t i o n in Nisgha as u n i t s 2 * r a t h e r than as sequences of sounds. In Chapter 4, an a l t e r n a t i v e approach a n a l y z i n g these types w i l l be proposed. The t h i r d set of Type ( i v ) examples p e r t a i n to those forms in which C 2 i s a v e l a r consonant . 143. t s ' i : k w t s ' u x w t s ' i : k w ' t o l e a k ' 144. t ' a k w t ' u x w t ' a k w ' t o t w i s t ' 145. t s ' a k w t s ' u x w t s ' a k w ' t o k i l l ' The v e l a r s behave in C 2 p o s i t i o n as do the u v u l a r s ; we w i l l r w \ 1 -> [+cont] / * X 2 3 ( c o n t ' d ) p o s i t i o n ( c f . 11). 2 * Ev idence fo r t h i s i s p r o v i d e d by an example such as q ' o t s ' t o c u t ' . The f i r s t person s i n g u l a r i s [ q ' w o d z y i y J . If d z y ( p a l a t a l i z a t i o n i s due to the vowel f o l l o w i n g c_f.20) were a sequence r a t h e r than an a f f r i c a t e , we would expect to f i n d z o c c u r r i n g i n i s o l a t i o n ; i t does no t . We can t h e r e f o r e conc lude tha t t s i s an a f f r i c a t e . 36 l a t e r see that the uvu l a r s and v e l a r s a l s o behave a l i k e in the Type ( v i ) p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . The next set to be d i s c u s s e d i n c l u d e s r e d u p l i c a t e d forms in which C 2 i s a g l o t t a l i z e d re sonant . 146. . i m o : l ' J imi lm6 : l ' ' t o wrap' 147. . i p a l ' H p i l p a l ' ' t o massage' 148. q ' i n q ' a n q ' i n ' t o chew' 149. t s ' a l ' t s ' i l t s ' a l ' ' f a c e ' In these examples, the g l o t t a l i z e d resonants of the root are r e d u p l i c a t e d in the p r e f i x as n o n - g l o t t a l i z e d consonant s . Type (v) C V C z + C_jVC2 Accord ing to t h i s p a t t e r n , C, of the r e d u p l i c a t e d p r e f i x i s d i f f e r e n t from C, of the r o o t . 150. yank w h i nyank w / y i n y a n k w / 'mouldy ' 151. y a * k w h i * y a * k w / y i f y a * k w / ' s l i p p e r y ' 152. y a t t ' i k w s h i * y a t t ' i k w s / y i t y a t * ' i k w s / ' t o s l i p ' 153. ya t s h i s y a t s / y i s y a t s / ' t o chop ' L i k e Type ( i i ) examples, of the p r e f i x i s [h] wh i le C, of the root i s a g l i d e , homorganic w i th the f o l l o w i n g vowel . The same e x p l a n a t i o n as f o r Type ( i i ) ho ld s fo r these e x a m p l e s . 2 5 One can wr i t e a s i n g l e r u l e to handle both f r o n t 2 5 Note tha t the phonet i c sequence y_i may occur w o r d - m e d i a l l y , but in these c a s e s , the g l i d e i s e p e n t h e t i c a l l y i n s e r t e d between vowels e . g . w a - y - i - J ( f ind-EPEN-ERG-CONN). 37 and back g l i d e s . 154. G l i d e to ' h ' : - cons -voc +hi /3back +cons + l o -back - r d / — - cons +voc +hi j3back Example 153 can be d e r i v e d as below: / y a t s / C iC Redup y i s + y a t s 2 6 Vowel V a r i a t i o n i ( a p p l i e s vacuous l y ) G l i d e to h h [ h i s y a t s ] Type ( v i ) C^:+C^VC2 The examples e x h i b i t i n g t h i s type of r e d u p l i c a t i o n appear to copy C, of the root and f o l l o w i t by a long s t r e s s e d vowel . The most s t r i k i n g d i f f e r e n c e about t h i s type i s the long vowel and the presence of s t r e s s in the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x r a t h e r than in the r o o t . The examples below show that C 2 of r oo t s p a r t i c i p a t i n g in Type ( v i ) r e d u p l i c a t i o n i s a u v u l a r . 155. h i - raq 'an h i f a : l a q ' a n ' t o b reak ' 156. maqs ma:maqs ' p a n t s ' 157. n6x 158. t ' o q 159. woq no:nax t ' 6 : t ' a x w6:waq 'mother ' ' t o s c r a t c h ' ' t o s l e e p ' In Chapter 1 S e c t i o n E, the l o s s of a uvu l a r in coda p o s i t i o n a long w i th compensatory l eng then ing was d i s c u s s e d . 2 6 C 2 of the p r e f i x has been accounted fo r under Type ( i v ) . 38 I f we assume that C 2 of the root i s c o p i e d , then the same r u l e ( c i t e d e a r l i e r as 9 7 ) , 2 7 can be invoked here to account f o r the uvu l a r d e l e t i o n and the long vowel i n the p r e f i x . In the Type ( i v ) c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , there were i n s t a n c e s of uvu la r s p i r a n t i z a t i o n in the same env i ronment. Types ( i v ) and ( v i ) would need to be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d in some way. If we assume that s p i r a n t i z a t i o n occurs be fo re uvu l a r l o s s , then Type ( v i ) forms can be marked f o r p a r t i c i p a t i n g in the uvu l a r d e l e t i o n r u l e whereas Type ( i v ) forms would no t . In Chapter 1, Sec t i on E, i t was argued that uvular - d e l e t i o n was no l onge r a p r o d u c t i v e r u l e of the grammar. T h i s a l ong w i th the f a c t that t he re are so few forms e x h i b i t i n g Type ( v i ) r e d u p l i c a t i o n , would imply that t h i s p a t t e r n i s no longer p r o d u c t i v e . The d i f f e r e n c e between Type ( v i ) and Type ( i v ) examples, those whose C 2 i s a s p i r a n t , can be r e c o n c i l e d by p o s i t i n g the occur rence of s p i r a n t i z a t i o n p r i o r to uvu la r d e l e t i o n and the c u r r e n t l o s s of the r u l e of uvu l a r d e l e t i o n as a genera l r u l e . In a d d i t i o n , note the f o l l o w i n g examples whose C 2 i s a v e l a r and which a l s o r e d u p l i c a t e a c c o r d i n g to the Type ( v i ) p a t t e r n . 2 7 The r u l e w i l l be r e f o r m u l a t e d to take i n t o account compensatory l eng then ing when an Autosegmenta l t reatment of the r e d u p l i c a t i o n proces s i s g i v e n . S ince compensatory l eng then ing i s p rob lemat i c f o r the n o t a t i o n of the Standard Theory, I w i l l not attempt to fo rmula te the r u l e h e r e . 160. naks n i : n i k s k ' t o get m a r r i e d ' 161. p l a k s k w p l i : * i k s k w ' t o be t i r e d ' An argument p a r a l l e l to that of the uvu l a r s can be made f o r these examples. In the case of example 161, I have no idea why the l a t e r a l f r i c a t i v e appears in the r e d u p l i c a t e d form ( c f . Tarpent (1983:206), note 50) . The change of root vowel in some of the r e d u p l i c a t e d forms i s another o u t s t a n d i n g p r o p e r t y of Type ( v i ) examples. The f a c t t h a t , i n the case of the u v u l a r s , the p r e f i x vowel i s always the same as the o r i g i n a l root vowel , suggests that the former may be a copy of the l a t t e r . T h i s may have been a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h i s e a r l i e r p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . In the case of the v e l a r s , the p r e f i x vowel i s e x a c t l y what we would expec t , but I am u n c e r t a i n how.the change of root vowel i s to be accounted f o r . The f i n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Type ( v i ) i s the s t r e s s e d p r e f i x vowel . Chapter I s t a t e d that long vowels in a root u s u a l l y a t t r a c t s t r e s s . The i naccuracy of the c l a i m tha t s t r e s s always f a l l s w i t h i n a root was a l s o ment ioned. Le t us compare Type ( v i ) examples w i th other examples c o n t a i n i n g u n s t r e s s e d long vowels o u t s i d e of the r o o t . 162. * ?an - lu : - to : s ' d rawer ' (p l ace f o r - i n - p u t ) 163. l u : - s i x - s i t y e : x w ' t r a d e , c h a n g e ' ( in-REDUP-change) 164. l u : - q a t s ' p o u r ' ( i n - pou r ) In examples 162 to 164, the long vowels o c c u r r i n g o u t s i d e 40 the roo t s never a t t r a c t s t r e s s away from the r o o t , r e g a r d l e s s of the l eng th of the root vowel . Cons ider a l s o the f o l l o w i n g : 165. t a : f e : t ' s l e e t ' ( s l e e t ) Example 163 shows that when a root c o n t a i n s more than one long vowel , s t r e s s f a l l s on the r i ghtmost of these vowels . The d i f f e r e n c e in s t r e s s ass ignment in the above cases and those in Type ( v i ) can be e x p l a i n e d by the use of l e v e l s as proposed by K ipar sky (1982). In a l l r e d u p l i c a t e d examples, the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x i s a t t a c h e d d i r e c t l y to the r o o t ; t h e r e f o r e i t can be argued that r e d u p l i c a t i o n takes p l a c e at an e a r l i e r stage than does the attachment of the p r o c l i t i c s . The uvu la r d e l e t i o n r u l e a l s o occur s e a r l i e r than the attachment of p r o c l i t i c s . Cons ider the f o l l o w i n g examples in which uvu la r d e l e t i o n does not a p p l y . 166. l a x - q a l - t s ' a p ' G r e e n v i l l e ( town) ' (on-around-where peop le l i v e ) 167. l a x - t ' a x ' l a k e ' ( on - l ake ) 168. l a x _ s i : l t a h ' o c e a n ' (on-?) Note that in a l l these examples, the uvu l a r i s in p reconsonan ta l p o s i t i o n and in a d e r i v e d enviroment as i t i s in the case of Type ( v i ) r e d u p l i c a t i o n . If we assume that at L e v e l I, r e d u p l i c a t i o n , uvu l a r d e l e t i o n and s t r e s s assignment o c c u r , but the a d d i t i o n of p r o c l i t i c s takes p l a c e at a l a t e r l e v e l , then we can e x p l a i n ( i ) the f a c t tha t the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x i s a t t a c h e d d i r e c t l y to the r o o t , ( i i ) the occur rence of s t r e s s on the long vowel of the p r e f i x and 41 the non -occur rence of s t r e s s on the long vowel of p r o c l i t i c s , ( i i i ) the f a c t that the uvu l a r d e l e t i o n occur s in d e r i v e d environments c r e a t e d by r e d u p l i c a t i o n but not in d e r i v e d environments c r e a t e d by the a d d i t i o n of p r o c l i t i c s . In a d d i t i o n , there i s no longer a need to s t a t e the domain of the s t r e s s r u l e , s i n c e a l l L e v e l I input w i l l a u t o m a t i c a l l y be sub jec t to the s t r e s s ass ignment r u l e . In other words, L e v e l I d e f i n e s the domain of the r u l e . The s t r e s s in the p r e f i x of Type ( v i ) examples i s t h e r e f o r e not an i n t r i n s i c p rope r t y of t h i s r e d u p l i c a t i o n type but r a t h e r f o l l o w s n a t u r a l l y from the s t r e s s ass ignment r u l e and i t s p l a c e in the grammar. E. UNDERLYING PATTERN C ix Some of the examples appear ing under s u r f a c e Type ( i v ) must be t r e a t e d as be long ing to the u n d e r l y i n g p a t t e r n C i x . In t h i s t y p e , C, of the root i s c o p i e d and i t i s f o l l o w e d by ix which c o n s t i t u t e s pa r t of the C i x 2 8 a l l omorph of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme. 2 9 Cons ider these examples. 169. k y i m x Y t k y i x k y i m x y t ' b r o t h e r (of f e m a l e ) ' 170. qanmala'? qaxqanmala"? ' b u t t o n ' 3 0 2 8 The a l l omorph i s r e a l l y C i x * but x y i s d e p a l a t a l i z e d a c c o r d i n g to the r u l e o u t l i n e d in Chapter 1:Sect. B, Par t 4. The examples are r ep re sen ted without the p a l a t a l i z a t i o n . 2 9 R e c a l l tha t i t was c l a imed that the r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme has the a l l omorphs C i , C iC and C i x . 171. q ' a l t e : x k W q ' a x q ' a l t e : x k W ' t o s h i v e r ' 172. s i : p k w s i x s i : p k w ' t o be h u r t i n g ' 173. h6k y ax haxhok y ax ' t o be r i g h t ' 174. t ' i p h o k ' w i l t t ' i p h a x w h o k ' w i l t ' t o r o l l something down' The vowel v a r i a t i o n r u l e a l s o accounts f o r the vowel in the p r e f i x of t h i s t y p e . Note that example 174 t ' i p h a x w h 6 k ' w i l t i s ev idence that / i / —> a (see Vowel V a r i a t i o n r u l e g i ven in 116.) when ad jacen t to G l o t t a l s or Uvu l a r s i s o rdered b e f o r e / i / —> u be fo re a rounded consonant ; o therwi se the p r e f i x vowel of t h i s example would be u. Now compare these c a s e s . 175. y6"?ok ys h i x y 6 T o k y s ' t o wash' 176. y a t . ' i k w s h i x y a t * ' i k w s ' t o s l i p ' 3 1 In these examples we accounted f o r / h / in C, p o s i t i o n by a r u l e g i ven in 154. These examples p r o v i d e ev idence that t h i s r u l e a p p l i e s a f t e r the Vowel V a r i a t i o n r u l e ; o therwi se the p r e f i x vowel would be a , as i t i s i n the p r e v i o u s examples where of the root i s / h / . In a d d i t i o n , the f o l l o w i n g examples shou ld be no ted . 177. h i n a t s a x h i x h i n a t s a x ' t o spank' 178. h a k y s h i x h a k y s ' t o i n s u l t ' 179. "?amq6:k y it h ix ' amqo: k y i t ' b e a u t i f u l ' 3 2 3 0 ( c o n t ' d ) 3 0 Tarpent (1983) c i t e s qanmi lmala *>. 3 1 A l s o r e d u p l i c a t e s as h i J y a t t ' i k w s . 3 2 A l s o r e d u p l i c a t e s as *?ax*?amq6: k y i t . 43 In these l a t t e r examples, we would expect the p r e f i x vowel to be a, g i ven that i s a g l o t t a l consonant . C l e a r l y these cases cannot be accounted f o r as we d i d the p r e v i o u s set of examples. Tarpent(1983:158) c l a i m s that h ix can be c o n s i d e r e d an independent p l u r a l marker. The very l a s t example, hix^amqd: k v i t appears to s u b s t a n t i a t e t h i s c l a i m , s i n ce a g l o t t a l s top in C, p o s i t i o n of a root always r e d u p l i c a t e s as a g l o t t a l s t o p . T h i s can be seen in examples c i t e d e l sewhere and a l s o in the a l t e r n a t i v e r e d u p l i c a t e d form, i . e . *?ax ^ amqo: k y i t . Tarpent (1983) notes tha t a great many of the r oo t s p a r t i c i p a t i n g in C ix r e d u p l i c a t i o n are b i - s y l l a b i c . There does not however, seem to be any c l e a r way whereby one can c l a s s i f y t h i s type as be long ing to the C iC p a t t e r n , and account f o r x in C 2 p o s i t i o n of the p r e f i x by p h o n o l o g i c a l means. The C ix p a t t e r n appears to bear some a f f i n i t y to the C iC p a t t e r n in which C 2 of the root i s a v e l a r and C 2 of the p r e f i x , the v e l a r f r i c a t i v e x* c 2 of the C ix examples does not seem to have any common f e a t u r e s which would make i t r e a d i l y c l a s s i f i a b l e w i th the v e l a r consonant . In a d d i t i o n , the f o l l o w i n g examples p r o v i d e s t rong support f o r t r e a t i n g C iC and C ix as d i s t i n c t p a t t e r n s of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . 180. q a q e t k w qaxqaqetk w ' e x p e n s i v e , d i f f i c u l t ' 181. s q ' a n i s s i x s q ' a n i s 'mounta in ' 182. sq ' a l i sa " ? s i x s q ' a l i s a ? . ' c u r t a i n ' In these examples C 2 i s a uvu l a r consonant . It was shown 44 e a r l i e r , under Types ( i v ) and ( v i ) p a t t e r n s , that u v u l a r s in C 2 p o s i t i o n of the root r e d u p l i c a t e in the p r e f i x as s p i r a n t s or are l o s t a l t o g e t h e r . C l e a r l y the above examples ( i n which C 2 of the root i s a uvu l a r ) f a l l in n e i t h e r of these c a t e g o r i e s . We are t h e r e f o r e f o r c e d to p o s i t a C i x a l l omorph of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme. F. PATTERNS OF REDUPLICATION AND PRODUCTIVITY The corpus of data under study i n d i c a t e s that the C iC and C ix p a t t e r n s of r e d u p l i c a t i o n are f a r more common than the C i p a t t e r n . It i s not l i k e l y tha t t h i s can be a t t r i b u t e d to skewness of these data s i n c e the data p re sen ted in Tarpent (1983) a l s o s u b s t a n t i a t e t h i s c l a i m . Among these p a t t e r n s of r e d u p l i c a t i o n , I have been a b l e to de tec t no semantic d i f f e r e n c e , wi th perhaps one p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n which I put forward very t e n t a t i v e l y . In S e c t i o n E of t h i s chapter we d i s c u s s e d the h ix r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x and we noted that u n l i k e the other r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x e s , i t s vowel was not sub jec t to the Vowel V a r i a t i o n r u l e . We a l s o noted that C t of the p r e f i x was not n e c e s s a r i l y a copy of C, of the r o o t . Both these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s set the h ix p r e f i x apar t from the other r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x e s . As mentioned e a r l i e r , Tarpent suggests tha t h i x might be c o n s i d e r e d an independent p l u r a l i z e r . The t e n t a t i v e sugges t ion that I wish to put forward i s tha t the h ix p r e f i x may ho ld some semantic d i f f e r e n c e . If t h i s were the ca se , then we might have made a 45 s t ep in the d i r e c t i o n of a ccount ing f o r i t s a p p a r e n t l y anomalous b e h a v i o r . Let us c o n s i d e r some o ther forms in which the h ix p r e f i x appear s . 183(a). y im-y im- f ' a s - ' u s - . t s ' i - t s ' i : p REDUP-sniff-CONN REDUP-dog-CONN REDUP-bone 'The dogs s n i f f the bones ' ( b ) . h i x -y im- } ' a s - ' u s - . t s ' i - t s ' i : p REDUP-sniff-CONN REDUP-dog-CONN REDUP-bone 'The dogs s n i f f the bones ' ( s n i f f e d one bone at a t ime) 184(a) . ' a x - ' a m q d : k y i t s i x - s q ' a n i s REDUP-remember REDUP-mountain 'The mountains are b e a u t i f u l (or worth remembering) ' ( b ) . h i x - ^ a m q d : k y i t s i x - s q ' a n i s REDUP-remember REDUP-mountain 'The mountains are b e a u t i f u l (or worth remember ing) ' Note tha t the (a) and (b) examples were g iven spontaneous ly by on l y one c o n s u l t a n t (the o l d e s t c o n s u l t a n t , age 60+). Another c o n s u l t a n t gave the (a) v e r s i o n f o r both examples, and f o r him these were the on ly p o s s i b i l i t i e s . The e x p l a n a t i o n g iven by the c o n s u l t a n t who gave both v e r s i o n s of each example i s c i t e d below e x a c t l y as the c o n s u l t a n t g i v e s i t : In the (b) v e r s i o n of the f i r s t example, the dogs s n i f f e d the bones, one bone at a t ime. In the (a) v e r s i o n the bones were a l l t oge ther and the dogs s n i f f e d the whole 46 group of bones. In the second example, t he re i s a whole range of mountains and in the (b) v e r s i o n , the speaker wishes to remark that each mountain of the group i s b e a u t i f u l , whereas in the (a) v e r s i o n the remark i s made of the mountains as a group. To the extent tha t the above e x p l a n a t i o n r e f l e c t s a gene ra l tendency (present or e a r l i e r ) i n the language, one may wish to c l a i m that the h i x p r e f i x on p r e d i c a t e s i s used to emphasize the i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n s or s t a t e s i n d i c a t e d by a p l u r a l p r e d i c a t e . If t h i s were the c a s e , we would expect the use of t h i s p r e f i x to be more w idespread. However, t h i s i s not s y n c h r o n i c a l l y s u b s t a n t i a t e d . The p o s s i b i l i t y of i t s use w i th the same semantic f u n c t i o n on a number of other roo t s was c o n s i s t e n t l y r e j e c t e d by a l l c o n s u l t a n t s . One might a l s o note t h a t , a c c o r d i n g to the data g iven by my o l d e s t c o n s u l t a n t , wherever the h i x p r e f i x was p o s s i b l e , so was the r e gu l a r f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i v e p a t t e r n (be i t C iC or C i x ) , but not v i c e v e r s a . In each case she ma in ta ined the semantic d i s t i n c t i o n . The p r e c e d i n g d i s c u s s i o n a l l ows us to c o n c l u d e , at most, that the h ix p r e f i x w i th i t s p a r t i c u l a r semantic f u n c t i o n was perhaps more p r o d u c t i v e at an e a r l i e r s tage . What we have now i s a r e l i c l e f t on a very l i m i t e d number of l e x i c a l i tems . In f a c t , the p resent data o f f e r no j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r t r e a t i n g the h ix p r e f i x as a r e d u p l i c a t i v e p a t t e r n excep t , of c o u r s e , f o r i t s apparent a f f i n i t y w i th the C ix p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . 47 We c l a i m e d in the f i r s t paragraph of t h i s s e c t i o n , that there were no semantic d i f f e r e n c e s between the C i , C iC and C ix r e d u p l i c a t i v e p a t t e r n s . There seems to be no c l e a r way of p r e d i c t i n g the p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n adopted by a p a r t i c u l a r l e x i c a l i t em. Note I am c l a i m i n g that i t i s the p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n that i s u n p r e d i c t a b l e , not the p roces se s which do occur w i t h i n a g i ven p a t t e r n . It i s p o s s i b l e to note c e r t a i n genera l t endenc ie s ( e . g . most b i - s y l l a b i c r oo t s f o l l o w the C ix p a t t e r n ) , but these do not ho ld th roughout . In f a c t many forms r e d u p l i c a t e a c c o r d i n g to more than one p a t t e r n w i th no semantic d i f f e r e n c e . C o n s i d e r : 185. s i p - s i : p - k w - i w e : n - i - y REDUP-hurt-STAT-CONN tooth-EPEN-1s 'My t e e t h are h u r t i n g ' 186. s i x - s i : p - k w - _ w e : n - i - y REDUP-hurt-STAT-CONN tooth -EPEN-1s 'My t e e t h are h u r t i n g ' 187. k ' w i s - k ' w a s ~ * m f c . l - i - y REDUP-break-CONN canoe-EPEN-1s 'My canoes are broken ' 188. k ' w i x - k ' " a s - * m £ : l - i - y REDUP-break-CONN canoe-EPEN-1s 'My canoes are b roken ' 189. k ' w i s - k ' w a s - . w e : n - i - y REDUP-break-CONN tooth-EPEN-1s 'My t e e t h are b roken ' The above examples can a l s o be adduced as ev idence that the 48 p h o n o l o g i c a l shape of the root does not determine the p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . In a d d i t i o n , i t can be shown tha t the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p a t t e r n i s not determined by the p a r t i c u l a r semantic c l a s s that a l e x i c a l i tem may belong t o . It seems that we must come to the l e s s - t h a n - d e s i r a b l e c o n c l u s i o n that each l e x i c a l item i s marked f o r the p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n in which i t p a r t i c i p a t e s . The items which r e d u p l i c a t e a c c o r d i n g to more than one p a t t e r n w i l l then be marked f o r both p a t t e r n s , between which they vary f r e e l y . In the l a t t e r c a s e s , we have e s s e n t i a l l y proposed f r e e v a r i a t i o n . T h i s n o t i o n leads us to address c e r t a i n q u e s t i o n s : ( i ) Is one of the p a t t e r n s in q u e s t i o n more p r o d u c t i v e than the o ther? ( i i ) Is the re any sense of a d i a c h r o n i c s h i f t in the d i r e c t i o n of one p a t t e r n as opposed to the o ther? In a r r i v i n g at an answer to the f i r s t q u e s t i o n , l e t us look at loans which are o f t e n a conven ient t o o l f o r de te rm in ing p r o d u c t i v i t y . Cons ider the f o l l o w i n g p h o n e t i c a l l y r ep re sen ted examples. 190. buts b i x b u t s 3 3 ' b o o t ' 191. sweta s i x - s w e t s ' s w e a t e r ' 3 4 3 3 Note that the f i n a l t s behaves as an a f f r i c a t e , c_f.[bud3iy] 'my b o o t ' . A l s o , r e c a l l the d i s c u s s i o n in f oo tno te 24 which c l a i m s that the v o i c e d c o u n t e r p a r t of t_s p r o v i d e s ev idence that i t i s an a f f r i c a t e . 3 4 Note the l ack of v o i c i n g on the t and the E n g l i s h s t r e s s 49 192. p e n d - i - y b i x p e n d - i - y 3 5 'I p a i n t ' The above examples, which c l e a r l y are l o an s , r e d u p l i c a t e a c c o r d i n g to the Cix p a t t e r n . Note a l s o tha t f o r none of these loans was the C iC p a t t e r n p o s s i b l e . Ev idence from loan words t h e r e f o r e suggests tha t C ix i s the more p r o d u c t i v e of the p a t t e r n s C iC and C i x . Addre s s i ng the q u e s t i o n of d i a c h r o n i c s h i f t , l e t us look at the behav ior of the C ix p a t t e r n . E a r l i e r in t h i s c h a p t e r , i t was c l a imed tha t r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x e s a t t a c h d i r e c t l y to r o o t s . T h i s i s t r u e f o r by f a r the m a j o r i t y of forms r e g a r d l e s s of the p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . There a r e , however, some dev ian t d e r i v e d forms, a l l of which r e d u p l i c a t e a cco rd ing to the C ix p a t t e r n . Cons ider the f o l l o w i n g : 193. q a n - t ' i m i s q a x - q a n - t ' i m i s s t i c k - w r i t i n g R E D U P - s t i c k - w r i t i n g ' p e n c i l ' ' p e n c i l s ' 194. qan-mala 1? qax -qan -ma la i s t i c k - f a s t e n R E D U P - s t i c k - f a s t e n ' b u t t o n ' ' b u t t o n s ' 3 4 ( c o n t ' d ) a s s i g n m e n t . 3 5 Note the f o l l o w i n g which i s t a n g e n t i a l to the present d i s c u s s i o n , but n e v e r t h e l e s s worth n o t i n g : The t of t h i s example i s v o i c e d in p r e - v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n , but the p r e - v o c a l i c _t o c c u r r i n g morpheme- i n te rna l l y in sweta remains u n v o i c e d . A l s o , in b i x - p e n d i y , the p_ of the root i s v o i c e l e s s l i k e E n g l i s h but v o i c e d in the p r e f i x . 50 In each of these examples, of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x i s a copy, not of C, of the r o o t , but r a the r of C, of the l e x i c a l p r o c l i t i c . It seems to be the case that the C ix p a t t e r n i s broaden ing the base to which i t a p p l i e s from roo t s to words. Tarpent (1983:194) c l a i m s tha t there i s ev idence to suggest tha t p l u r a l f o rmat ion has three d i s t i n c t s tages of e v o l u t i o n . She c l a i m s tha t there i s a stage where p l u r a l s a re b u i l t on r o o t s , f o l l o w e d by a stage where they a re b u i l t on stems and f i n a l l y , they are b u i l t on e n t i r e words. The f a c t tha t loan words adopt the C ix p a t t e r n , and that t h i s p a t t e r n appears to i n c l u d e whole words, l eads us to th ink that the C ix p a t t e r n r e p r e s e n t s an open c l a s s as opposed to a c l o s e d C iC c l a s s . Looked at in terms of L e v e l s , we c o u l d perhaps argue that C ix r e d u p l i c a t i o n i s not to be c o n s i d e r e d a L e v e l I p roce s s as are the o ther p a t t e r n s of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . 3 6 Note that we c l a i m e d in Chapter 1, tha t p r o c l i t i c s were a t t a c h e d at a l e v e l l a t e r than the one at which r e d u p l i c a t i o n and uvu l a r d e l e t i o n o c c u r r e d . S ince C ix r e d u p l i c a t i o n may copy C, of a p r o c l i t i c , then we must o rder C ix r e d u p l i c a t i o n l a t e r than the a d d i t i o n of the p r o c l i t i c s . T h i s i s not p r o b l e m a t i c f o r our e a r l i e r a n a l y s i s , s i n c e the c r u c i a l p roce s se s i n v o l v e d in the m o t i v a t i o n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n as a L e v e l I p roce s s were s t r e s s and uvu l a r d e l e t i o n , none of 3 6 Arguments f o r r e d u p l i c a t i o n as a L e v e l I p rocess were g iven in Chapter 1. 51 which i n t e r a c t wi th C ix r e d u p l i c a t i o n . P l a c i n g C ix r e d u p l i c a t i o n at a l a t e r l e v e l of the grammar t e l l s us something about i t s markedness in r e l a t i o n to that of the C iC p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n , which i s p l a c e d at an e a r l i e r l e v e l . Compare E n g l i s h p l u r a l markers . The i r r e g u l a r p l u r a l s which represent a c l o s e d c l a s s are c o n s i d e r e d to be at L e v e l I, whereas the a d d i t i o n of s_ or i t s v a r i a n t s ( t h e p r o d u c t i v e method of p l u r a l i z a t i o n ) i s c o n s i d e r e d a L e v e l II p r o c e s s . 3 7 S i m i l a r l y , we can c o n s i d e r the C ix p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n the unmarked p a t t e r n . Ev idence from loans i s t o t a l l y c o n s i s t e n t w i th t h i s c l a i m . G. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER 2 In t h i s chapter we saw tha t the many s u r f a c e m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of r e d u p l i c a t i o n types were r e d u c i b l e to fewer p a t t e r n s . I t was shown that these d i v e r s e ' s u r f a c e types can be accounted f o r by p o s i t i n g a r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme which has the a l lomorphs C i , C iC and C i x . The v a r i a t i o n s w i t h i n these types were accounted f o r by p h o n o l o g i c a l r u l e s , some of which were p e r v a s i v e p roces se s and o ther s p roces se s r e s t r i c t e d to the con tex t of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . In a d d i t i o n , we c l a imed that the vowel / i / was pa r t of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme, and i t s a l t e r n a t i o n e n t i r e l y p r e d i c t a b l e through the Vowel V a r i a t i o n r u l e . 3 7 S e e K ipa r sky 1983. 52 F i n a l l y , we addressed the n o t i o n of p r o d u c t i v i t y wi th r e spec t to p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . In the chapter to f o l l o w , we w i l l d i s c u s s how Tarpent (1983) proposes to account fo r the p r e f i x vowel and the v a r i o u s r e d u p l i c a t i o n t y p e s . I I I . EXAMINATION OF THE REDUPLICATION ANALYSIS IN TARPENT A. BRIEF OUTLINE OF TARPENT'S TREATMENT OF REDUPLICATION T a r p e n t , in her a r t i c l e "Morphophonemics of Nisgha P l u r a l Fo rmat i on " (1983:133) c l a i m s that N isgha e x h i b i t s two major types of r e d u p l i c a t i o n — p a r t i a l and f u l l (the l a t t e r be ing the more common). W i th in the major t y p e s , there are c e r t a i n forms which d e v i a t e s u f f i c i e n t l y from the r e g u l a r p a t t e r n that they appear to warrant a separa te c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . Examples are those forms which r e d u p l i c a t e a c c o r d i n g to the C ix or CV: p a t t e r n s . In the f o l l o w i n g two s e c t i o n s , the mechanics of the major r e d u p l i c a t i o n types as proposed by Tarpent w i l l be d i s c u s s e d . 1. PARTIAL REDUPLICATION The formula fo r p a r t i a l r e d u p l i c a t i o n as g i ven in Tarpent (1983:133) i s : # d . . .#—>#c(v)C, . . .# where c i s a copy of C, of the root or r e l a t a b l e to i t by r u l e , and v p r e d i c t a b l e from the ad jacent consonant s . Note tha t the vowel of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x i s o p t i o n a l . Tarpent (1983:133) t h e r e f o r e g i v e s the c o n d i t i o n s govern ing the presence of t h i s vowel . She s t a t e s : Vowel I n s e r t i o n : A vowel i s i n s e r t e d between the two i d e n t i c a l consonants at the beg inn ing of a word. If these i d e n t i c a l consonants a re both re sonan t s , there i s no vowel : 53 54 0 —> v / #C — C [ - r e s ] [ - r e s ] Tarpent (1983:134) then f o l l o w s t h i s by a vowel s p e c i f i c a t i o n r u l e which p r e d i c t s the nature of the vowel . The r u l e i s as f o l l o w s : v _ > a / c"3 8 _ a / — 7 v —> a / — C" u / — C w 3 9 i / o therw i se In a d d i t i o n to the Vowel S p e c i f i c a t i o n r u l e , Tarpent proposes r u l e s of Consonant D e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n and G l i d e Reduct ion to h to account f o r cases where C, of the root and p r e f i x are not i d e n t i c a l . These r u l e s w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d in d e t a i l l a t e r . 2. FULL REDUPLICATION Tarpent (1983:133) g i v e s t h i s gene ra l formula fo r f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n . #C ,VC 2 . . . #—>#C 1 vc 2 C ,VC 2 . . . # where: c i s a consonant i d e n t i c a l to or r e l a t e d by r u l e to the o r i g i n a l consonant and where v i s a vowel p r e d i c t a b l e from the consonanta l e n v i r o n m e n t . . . 3 8 C i s any uvu la r or g l o t t a l consonant. 3 9 C W i s any l a b i o v e l a r . 55 Tarpent (1983:136) proposes to account f o r the vowel in the p r e f i x by r u l e s of d e l e t i o n and e p e n t h e s i s . About the vowel in the p r e f i x , she says : T h i s vowel i s not then a reduced v e r s i o n or a copy of the root vowel ; i n s t e a d the o r i g i n a l vowel has been d e l e t e d by a r u l e of Vowel D e l e t i o n , and a new, u n s p e c i f i e d vowel i n s e r t e d as in p a r t i a l r e d u p l i c a t i o n . The Vowel S p e c i f i c a t i o n r u l e which a p p l i e s in p a r t i a l r e d u p l i c a t i o n a l s o a p p l i e s h e r e . Rules r e l a t i n g the consonants of the p r e f i x to those of the root a re a l s o g i v e n . The r u l e s a f f e c t i n g d a re Resonant D e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n and G l i d e Reduct ion to h. Consonant D e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n , V e l a r F r i c a t i v i z a t i o n and D e a f f r i c a t i o n are the r u l e s a f f e c t i n g C 2 . B. PROBLEMS WITH TARPENT'S ANALYSIS T a r p e n t ' s a n a l y s i s of N isgha r e d u p l i c a t i o n i s without doubt very d e t a i l e d . She succeeds in g i v i n g a comprehensive t reatment of the r e d u p l i c a t i o n types and the p h o n o l o g i c a l p roce s se s a f f e c t i n g them. Some a spec t s of her a n a l y s i s , however, remain p r o b l e m a t i c . 1. ARGUMENTS AGAINST A DELETION AND EPENTHESIS ANALYSIS The d e l e t i o n and e p e n t h e s i s a n a l y s i s employed by Tarpent in f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n i s a l s o employed i n account ing , f o r the change of root vowel in one r e d u p l i c a t i v e type ( c f . 56 Tarpent 1983:169). In p r i n c i p l e , i t seems c o u n t e r - i n t u i t i v e f o r d e l e t i o n and epen thes i s r u l e s to occur in the same env i ronment , excep t , of c o u r s e , the r u l e s can be c l e a r l y and independent l y mo t i v a ted . C e r t a i n l y from the p o i n t of view of l e a r n a b i l i t y and o p a c i t y , such r u l e s o c c u r r i n g in the same environment seem u n d e s i r a b l e . Tarpent p r o v i d e s no m o t i v a t i o n f o r her r u l e s of d e l e t i o n and e p e n t h e s i s , thereby making her approach seem ra the r ad hoc. In o rder to remedy T a r p e n t ' s approach, her a n a l y s i s can be a l t e r e d somewhat by d i s p e n s i n g w i th the d e l e t i o n r u l e and copy ing on l y C, and C 2 of the r o o t . Such a move can be j u s t i f i e d by the f a c t tha t the vowel in the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x i s not a copy of the root vowel . Under t h i s m o d i f i e d a n a l y s i s , there i s need on ly f o r an e p e n t h e s i s r u l e to i n s e r t a vowel between the c o p i e d consonants in the p r e f i x . I n i t i a l l y , i t can be argued tha t a r u l e of e p e n t h e s i s seems a t t r a c t i v e e s p e c i a l l y s i n ce an epen the s i s r u l e . e x i s t s e l sewhere in the grammar - namely in some w o r d - f i n a l consonant c l u s t e r s . When a v i o l a t i o n of the sonori.ty h i e r a r c h y i s brought about through s u f f i x a t i o n , the r u l e of e p e n t h e s i s a p p l i e s , thereby c au s i n g the c l u s t e r to r e s y l l a b i f y . Cons ider these examples: a o a o N o t e that the vowel v a r i a t i o n r u l e proposed in Chapter 1 accounts f o r the q u a l i t y of the e p e n t h e t i c vowel . 57 195. m i t - T i [ m i f in] f u l l - C A U S ' • f i l l ' 196. ^us-n [*>usin] dog-2S ' your dog ' 197. we:n-y [werniy] t o o t h - 1 s 'my t o o t h ' In examples 193 to 195 the o f f e n d i n g c l u s t e r s are T i , sn and ny r e s p e c t i v e l y . The r u l e of e p e n t h e s i s breaks up these c l u s t e r s . When one c o n s i d e r s more c l o s e l y the e p e n t h e s i s r u l e in the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x , i t s i n i t i a l p l a u s i b i l i t y seems somewhat d i m i n i s h e d . T h i s i s so f o r two rea sons : f i r s t , i t s f u n c t i o n does not e x a c t l y p a r a l l e l that of the o therwise needed e p e n t h e s i s r u l e d i s c u s s e d above. The f u n c t i o n of the l a t t e r i s t o break up i m p e r m i s s i b l e c l u s t e r s in codas , whereas, i n the case of r e d u p l i c a t i o n , the c l u s t e r s occur in o n s e t s . Second ly , there i s no independent ev idence f o r e p e n t h e s i s in onset s o u t s i d e the context of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . B ranch ing onset s do e x i s t i n r o o t s . Cons ider the f o l l o w i n g p r e v i o u s l y c i t e d example: 198. s q i k y s k w ' t o be i n j u r e d ' T h i s example r e d u p l i c a t e s a s : 199. s a x ~ s q i k y s k w ' t o be i n j u r e d ' One can argue that in the case of example 199, epen thes i s 58 a p p l i e s to break up a c l u s t e r of four consonants . However, g i ven that t he re e x i s t b ranch ing onsets made up of two and th ree consonants ( c f . examples 4 and 198), t he re s t i l l i s no j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the i n s e r t i o n of a vowel in the p o s i t i o n #C—CCC, as opposed to #CC—CC or #CCC—C. It seems c l e a r that an a n a l y s i s adopt ing both d e l e t i o n and e p e n t h e s i s shou ld be abandoned, s i n c e i t cannot be p l a u s i b l y m o t i v a t e d . On the o ther hand, the above argument a ga in s t e p e n t h e s i s o c c u r r i n g a f t e r C , , (as opposed to a f t e r C 2 or C 3 ) does not c o n v i n c i n g l y r u l e out e p e n t h e s i s . The argument s imp ly r a i s e s a q u e s t i o n as to the p l a u s i b i l i t y of an a n a l y s i s employing e p e n t h e s i s . 2. AN ALTERNATIVE TO A DELETION AND EPENTHESIS ANALYSIS G iven tha t the d e l e t i o n r u l e cannot be m o t i v a t e d , i t would seem much more p l a u s i b l e to t r e a t the vowel of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x as pa r t of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme. The a l l omorphs of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme would be C i f o r p a r t i a l r e d u p l i c a t i o n , and they would be C iC and C ix f o r f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n . With t h i s approach, we need on ly the vowel v a r i a t i o n r u l e to account f o r the s u r f a c e shape of the vowel . As mentioned e a r l i e r , t h i s r u l e i s needed e lsewhere fo r another method of p l u r a l i z a t i o n and to account fo r the shape of the vowel in the r u l e of epen the s i s which a p p l i e s in codas . The a n a l y s i s proposed here e l i m i n a t e s the need f o r r u l e s of d e l e t i o n and e p e n t h e s i s ; thus we can account f o r r e d u p l i c a t i o n with the use of fewer r u l e s . 59 3. PROBLEMS INTERNAL TO TARPENT'S ANALYSIS T h i s s e c t i o n w i l l examine some inadequac ie s of T a r p e n t ' s a n a l y s i s in which the vowel of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x i s accounted f o r by d e l e t i o n and e p e n t h e s i s . The s p e c i f i c problems l i e wi th the f o r m u l a t i o n of the e p e n t h e s i s r u l e . The f a i l i n g of t h i s r u l e , as proposed by Ta rpen t , immediate ly becomes apparent when we attempt to app ly i t to two p a r t i c u l a r r e d u p l i c a t i o n t ype s . The r u l e quoted in S e c t i o n A, Par t 1 of t h i s c h a p t e r , s t a t e s that a vowel i s i n s e r t e d between two i d e n t i c a l non- resonant s at the beg inn ing of a word. The fo rmu la ted r u l e i s r e s t a t e d here f o r conven ience . 0 —> V / #C — C [ - r e s ] [ - r e s ] " 1 There i s a d i s c r e p a n c y between the fo rmu la ted r u l e and the prose statement of the r u l e . The former does not index the consonants f o r i d e n t i t y whereas the l a t t e r does. Before a t tempt ing to a l i g n the two, l e t us see how the r u l e , as f o rmu l a ted , a p p l i e s to the d a t a . In p a r t i c u l a r , c o n s i d e r the i n t e r a c t i o n of t h i s r u l e of Vowel I n s e r t i o n wi th the r u l e of G l i d e Reduct ion to h. Tarpent (1983:135) c l a i m s that the l a t t e r i s a genera l r u l e of p a r t i a l r e d u p l i c a t i o n which a p p l i e s to words beg inn ing with w. The formula she g i v e s i s : fl1Although Tarpent does not e x p l i c i t l y d e f i n e her f e a t u r e [ i r e s o n a n t ] , i t i s here assumed to be e q u i v a l e n t to the Chomsky-Hal le (1.968) f e a t u r e [ i s o n o r a n t ] . 60 #w...—>#huw... Tarpent then adds that the vowel i s u through the Vowel S p e c i f i c a t i o n r u l e which i s g i ven in S e c t i o n A, Par t 1 of t h i s c h a p t e r . Note that the Vowel S p e c i f i c a t i o n r u l e a p p l i e s a f t e r the r u l e of Vowel I n s e r t i o n ( e p e n t h e s i s ) . The problem l i e s in the a p p l i c a t i o n of the Vowel I n s e r t i o n r u l e in those cases of p a r t i a l r e d u p l i c a t i o n where C,=[h]. Cons ider the o r d e r i n g of the Vowel I n s e r t i o n r u l e , as fo rmu la ted and the r u l e of G l i d e Reduct ion in the f o l l o w i n g d e r i v a t i o n : * 2 / w i l p / ' house ' w — (cannot a p p l y ; both consonants are resonants ) h * [ h w i l p ] P a r t i a l Redup. Vowel i n s e r t . G l i d e Red. Output Cons ider the a l t e r n a t i v e o r d e r i n g : / w i l p / ' house ' P a r t i a l Redup. w G l i d e Red. h Vowel i n s e r t . — (cannot app l y ; at l e a s t one of the consonants i s a resonant ) Output * [ h w i l p ] In n e i t h e r o r d e r i n g i s i t p o s s i b l e to have the Vowel I n s e r t i o n r u l e a p p l y . The Vowel S p e c i f i c a t i o n r u l e which * 2 Only the r e l e v a n t r u l e s are c o n s i d e r e d in t h i s d e r i v a t i o n . 61 Tarpent c l a i m s accounts f o r the vowel in the p r e f i x of huw i lp , presupposes the a p p l i c a t i o n of the Vowel I n s e r t i o n r u l e which we have shown cannot a p p l y . T a r p e n t ' s r u l e of Vowel I n s e r t i o n , as f o r m u l a t e d , c l e a r l y cannot account fo r the presence of the vowel in the p r e f i x of huw i l p . I t was mentioned e a r l i e r tha t T a r p e n t ' s f o r m a l i z a t i o n of t h i s r u l e d i f f e r s from her prose statement of the r u l e wi th re spec t to consonant i d e n t i t y . Note that i f the r u l e were amended so as to index the consonants f o r i d e n t i t y , the problem i n the case of huwi lp would s t i l l not be s o l v e d . The problem l i e s w i th the f e a t u r e [ - sonoran t ] ( [ - r e s o n a n t ] a c c o r d i n g to Tarpent ) Be fore a s o l u t i o n i s p roposed, f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n w i l l be examined to determine what consequences i t ho ld s f o r t h i s r u l e of Vowel I n s e r t i o n . Tarpent s t a t e s tha t in f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n , the o r i g i n a l vowel i s d e l e t e d and a new u n s p e c i f i e d vowel i s i n s e r t e d as in p a r t i a l r e d u p l i c a t i o n . The above-ment ioned d i s c r e p a n c y between the two forms of the r u l e becomes c r u c i a l in f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n . If Tarpent i n tends the r u l e f o r m u l a t i o n to r e f l e c t the consonant i d e n t i t y , as does the prose statement of the r u l e , then the fo rmu la ted r u l e can no more than f o r t u i t o u s l y i n s e r t a vowel in the p r e f i x . T h i s i s the case because a f t e r a vowel i s d e l e t e d from a f u l l y r e d u p l i c a t e d p r e f i x , d and C 2 of the p r e f i x then become the p o t e n t i a l l e f t and r i g h t c o n t e x t s r e s p e c t i v e l y . I t i s on l y under chance c i r cums tance s tha t they would be i d e n t i c a l . Note that i f the consonants of the r u l e were marked fo r i d e n t i t y , the 62 r u l e would s i m i l a r l y be i n a p p l i c a b l e in the case of r oo t s of the form sCVC or JCVC which, Tarpent (1983:136) c l a i m s , r e d u p l i c a t e s f u l l y w i th s or t as C, and the f o l l o w i n g consonant as C 2 . In a l l the cases of f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n , i t seems that the consonants c o n s t i t u t i n g the l e f t and r i g h t con te x t s of the Vowel I n s e r t i o n r u l e cannot be marked as i d e n t i c a l , d e s p i t e the f a c t tha t the prose statement of the r u l e s p e c i f i e s tha t they a r e . Cons ider now these cases f o r which T a r p e n t ' s f e a t u r e [ - re sonant ] a l s o proves to be p r o b l e m a t i c , as i t d i d in the case of p a r t i a l r e d u p l i c a t i o n . Tarpent (1983:136) g i ve s the forms c i t e d below: 200. man minman" 3 ' t o smear a subs tance ' 201. mal mi lma l ' t o f a s t e n , but ton something ' In these examples, a vowel can never be i n s e r t e d in the p r e f i x s i n c e both C, and C 2 a re r e sonan t s . In a d d i t i o n , the r u l e a l s o f a i l s i n cases of f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n where there i s g l i d e r e d u c t i o n to h, r e s u l t i n g from roo t s beg inn ing with the g l i d e y_, as in these examples taken from Tarpent (1983:137). 202. l u : y a l t k w l u : h i l y a l t k w ' t o tu rn around ' U 3 T h e l ack of g l o t t a l i z a t i o n on C, of the p r e f i x of these examples i s accounted fo r by T a r p e n t ' s Consonant D e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n r u l e . 63 203. yank w h i n y a n k w ' t o be mouldy' It has been shown that the r u l e of Vowel I n s e r t i o n i s p rob lemat i c on two c o u n t s : f i r s t w i th re spec t to the d i s c r e p a n c y mentioned above, and second ly w i th re spec t to the f e a t u r e [ - r e s o n a n t ] . In o rder to r e c t i f y the d i s c r e p a n c y , we can propose i ndex ing the consonants in the fo rmu la ted r u l e . If we do, then the r u l e does not work in cases of f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n . If we change i n s t e a d the s t a t e d r u l e to a l l ow vowel i n s e r t i o n between any two non- resonants ( r a ther than i d e n t i c a l n o n - r e s o n a n t s ) , then the r u l e i s s t i l l p rob lemat i c w i th re spec t to the f e a t u r e [ - re sonant ] in cases l i k e minman,milmal and h u w i l p . It seems that i f we were to adopt the Vowel I n s e r t i o n r u l e , we need to amend i t so that i t i n c l u d e s in i t s env i ronment , e v e r y t h i n g except i d e n t i c a l r e sonan t s . In o ther words, vowel i n s e r t i o n w i l l take p l a c e in a l l i n s t a n c e s except between i d e n t i c a l r e sonan t s . T a r p e n t ' s approach m o d i f i e d in t h i s way w i l l then o b s e r v a t i o n a l l y account f o r the data p r o v i d e d that the g l i d e r e d u c t i o n r u l e i s c r u c i a l l y o rde red be fo re vowel i n s e r t i o n . C. HOW THE PRESENT ANALYSIS DIFFERS FROM TARPENT'S The a n a l y s i s p re sen ted in t h i s t h e s i s and that of Tarpent d i f f e r s t r i k i n g l y in some ways. T h i s s e c t i o n w i l l examine some of the major d i f f e r e n c e s of the two approaches . 64 1. DIFFERENCES IN THE GENERAL MECHANICS OF THE TWO  APPROACHES One of the p r i n c i p a l d i f f e r e n c e s between T a r p e n t ' s a n a l y s i s and the p resent one l i e s in the method of a ccoun t ing f o r the vowel in the p r e f i x . As a consequence, the o v e r a l l mechanics whereby r e d u p l i c a t i o n proceeds a re a l t o g e t h e r d i f f e r e n t in the two approaches . T h i s a p p l i e s both to f u l l and p a r t i a l r e d u p l i c a t i o n . In c o n t r a s t to T a r p e n t ' s a n a l y s i s of p a r t i a l and f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n , the present a n a l y s i s proposes a r e d u p l i c a t i v e template of which the vowel (to appear i n the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x ) i s a p a r t . In the case of p a r t i a l r e d u p l i c a t i o n the template i s C i , and C iC in the case of f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n . T h i s a n a l y s i s then proposes that on l y consonants are c o p i e d from the r o o t . Comparable to T a r p e n t , the su r f a ce form of the vowel i s p r e d i c t a b l e from the Vowel V a r i a t i o n r u l e . ] E a r l i e r in t h i s c h a p t e r , i t was shown that there a re problems i n t e r n a l to T a r p e n t ' s a n a l y s i s w i th respect to the Vowel I n s e r t i o n r u l e . As ide from t h i s f a c t , her a n a l y s i s i s l e s s e f f i c i e n t than the one p r e s e n t e d here in the f o l l o w i n g ways. F i r s t , Tarpent s t a t e s a l l m o d i f i c a t i o n s on the consonants in r e d u p l i c a t i o n as g e n e r a l r u l e s , thus f a i l i n g to cap tu re the f a c t tha t some of these r u l e s app ly on ly in r e d u p l i c a t e d forms. In p a r t i c u l a r , the phenomena of d e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n and d e a f f r i c a t i o n a re ob se rvab le on ly w i t h i n the contex t of r e d u p l i c a t i o n and i t would be . 65 d e s i r a b l e to cap tu re t h i s f a c t . Chapter 4 w i l l show that by the use of a r e d u p l i c a t i o n template wi th c e r t a i n p r e - a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s , i t i s p o s s i b l e to cap ture a g e n e r a l i z a t i o n , namely that d e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n of consonants i s unique to r e d u p l i c a t e d forms. In Chapter 4, we w i l l a l s o make some p ropo sa l s f o r h a n d l i n g d e a f f r i c a t i o n , a l though the a n a l y s i s remains p rob lemat i c in some r e s p e c t s . Second ly , Tarpent t r e a t s C ix r e d u p l i c a t i v e types as hav ing an i n f i x i_x. In the p re sen t a n a l y s i s , the C ix p a t t e r n , a l though a separate a l l omorph of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme, can be hand led by a C iC template w i th p r e a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s on C 2 . T h i s w i l l be made e x p l i c i t in Chapter 4. Note t h a t , a c c o r d i n g to T a r p e n t ' s a n a l y s i s , C ix r e d u p l i c a t i o n must proceed by c o m p l e t e l y d i f f e r e n t means from that of CVC r e d u p l i c a t i o n . In the former, C, a lone i s c o p i e d and i t i s f o l l o w e d by an i n f i x i_x. In the l a t t e r c a se , the vowel i s c o p i e d a long w i th the consonants . In a d d i t i o n to the above d i f f e r e n c e s , t he re are d i f f e r e n c e s between some of the data c i t e d by Tarpent and those of t h i s s tudy . T h i s d i ve r gence in data i s very r e v e a l i n g . Tarpent (1983:159) c i t e s the f o l l o w i n g examples which r e d u p l i c a t e a c c o r d i n g to the C ix p a t t e r n . 204. q a q i t k w k y i x q a q i t k w ' t o be d i f f i c u l t , expens i ve ' 205. q a q ' i t k w k y i x q a q ' i t k w ' t o howl ' 206. q ' a m k w i : t k w k y i x q ' a m k w i : t k w ' t o b l e s s , b a p t i z e somebody' 66 A c c o r d i n g to T a r p e n t , the i_ of the i n f i x jjc i s i n compat ib l e w i th an i n i t i a l g or gj_. T h e r e f o r e i n s t e a d of the vowel a d j u s t i n g as i t does in the Vowel S p e c i f i c a t i o n r u l e , the uvu l a r f r o n t s so as to be compat ib le with the f o l l o w i n g vowel . Cons ider now these examples which form pa r t of t h i s s tudy : 207. q ' a l t e : x k w q ' a x q ' a l t e : x k w ' t o s h i v e r ' 208. qanmala'? qaxqanmala ? * 4 ' b u t t o n ' 209. q ' a m k w i : t k w q ' a x q ' a m k w i : t k w " 5 ' t o b a p t i z e ' Note that the two se t s of data permi t some very d i f f e r e n t a n a l y s e s . The f a c t that the p r e f i x vowel never v a r i e s in T a r p e n t ' s d a t a , but , i n s t e a d the consonant a d j u s t s to the vowel in i n s t a n c e s of i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y , makes t h i s type of r e d u p l i c a t i o n d i f f e r e n t from the other t ype s . Note that in t h i s c a se , the vowel i s not c o n d i t i o n e d by the ad jacent consonants as in the Vowel S p e c i f i c a t i o n r u l e . On the other hand, the data from the p re sen t study suggest tha t the vowel of C ix p l u r a l s i s no d i f f e r e n t from the vowel of C iC or C i p a t t e r n s and i s l i k e w i s e s u b j e c t to the Vowel V a r i a t i o n r u l e . 4 4 T a r p e n t c i t e s qanmilmala'?. 4 5 c f . example 206. 67 2. DIFFERENCES IN ANALYSIS OF REDUPLICATION TYPES Cons ider f i r s t the p a r t i a l and f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n types which r e d u p l i c a t e wi th C, as h or E when the roo t s of p a r t i a l l y r e d u p l i c a t e d forms beg in wi th w and the root s of f u l l y r e d u p l i c a t e d forms begin w i th y_." 6 Below are examples, some of which have been p r e v i o u s l y c i t e d . 210. wa Euwa 'name' 211. w i l p Euwilp ' house ' 212. y a t s E i s y a t s ' t o chop ' 213. y a . k w h i . y a l k w ' s l i p p e r y ' The a n a l y s i s o f f e r e d here proposes tha t g l i d e s become [h]. when f o l l o w e d by homorganic vowels . On the o ther hand, Tarpent (1983:135) c l a i m s that C, i s the r e s u l t of a G l i d e Reduct ion to h r u l e . The formula she g i ve s i s #w... —> #huw... She a l s o c l a i m s that a s i m i l a r formula e x i s t s in f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n f o r words beg inn ing w i th y_a. Note that in T a r p e n t ' s a n a l y s i s the f o r m u l a " 7 has to be s t a t e d s e p a r a t e l y fo r the p a r t i a l and f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n forms, whereas the G l i d e to ' h ' r u l e in the present a n a l y s i s can take care of both ca se s . The proposed r u l e i s r e s t a t e d here fo r r e f e r e n c e : " 6 A c c o r d i n g to Tarpent ya . " 7 T a r p e n t does not e x p l i c i t l y s t a t e the formula f o r the f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n forms. 68 -cons +cons -cons -voc + l o + V O C +hi —> -back / — +hi /3back - r d 0back In a d d i t i o n , i t appears that to have a formula that a p p l i e s on ly to y_a forms i s not e n t i r e l y a c c u r a t e . Among T a r p e n t ' s data (c_f. note 20) i s the f o l l o w i n g form in which a s p e c t u a l r e d u p l i c a t i o n o c c u r s . 214. ye : ' go , walk ' h i y e : ' t o be go ing , w a l k i n g ' I t seems from the above example that the formula shou ld not be l i m i t e d to forms beg inn ing wi th ya_ (as Tarpent d o e s ) . The G l i d e to ' h ' r u l e proposed in t h i s t h e s i s can handle the above example as w e l l as the o t h e r s , s i n c e on ly C, of the root (and not the root vowel) i s pa r t of the contex t of the r u l e . The d i f f e r e n c e s in the two approaches a l s o come out f o r c e f u l l y in the a n a l y s i s of CV: r e d u p l i c a t i o n t y p e s . The formula g iven in Tarpent (1983:167) f o r t h i s type i s : CVK* 8 —> CV :CvK f l 9 In t h i s t ype , she c l a i m s that the root vowel i s c o p i e d i n t o the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x and the o r i g i n a l vowel i s d e l e t e d from the root and a new vowel i n s e r t e d i n t o the r o o t . The u 8 K = V e l a r s , Uvu la r s and G l o t t a l s . " 9 v=an e p e n t h e t i c vowel s p e c i f i e d by the Vowel S p e c i f i c a t i o n r u l e . 69 o r i g i n a l C 2 s p i r a n t i z e s and through a s e r i e s of p roces se s d e l e t e s , l e a v i n g l e n g t h on the p r e c e d i n g vowel . In o rder to account f o r the presence of s t r e s s on the p r e f i x vowel , Tarpent (1983:168) compares the r e d u p l i c a t e d forms to o ther s in which uvu l a r d e l e t i o n takes p l a c e . She c i t e s the f o l l o w i n g : 215. * pax _ n —> pa:n run-2s 216. * n o x - n —> n6:n mother-2s 217. *n6x~y —> no:y mother-1s 218. **>an-lu:-t6xs —> ' r u n ! ' ' your mother ' 'my mother ' > *>anlu:to:s ' d r awer ' p l a c e o f - i n - p u t She then s t a t e s : Note that in these examples the r u l e a f f e c t s x 5 0 a f t e r s t r e s s e d vowel , as in the p re sen t p l u r a l examples, showing that s t r e s s ass ignment on the f i r s t s y l l a b l e must have o c c u r r e d be fore f r i c a t i v i z a t i o n . The essence of T a r p e n t ' s argument i s that s i n c e in the above examples the uvu l a r f r i c a t i v e i s d e l e t e d a f t e r a s t r e s s e d vowel , then t h i s p r o v i d e s ev idence that the s t r e s s ass ignment on the f i r s t s y l l a b l e of the CV: r e d u p l i c a t i o n type must have o c c u r r e d be fore f r i c a t i v i z a t i o n and 5 0 x=x , the uvu l a r f r i c a t i v e . 70 consequent l y be fo re d e l e t i o n . There seem to be at l e a s t two problems wi th t h i s argument. F i r s t , the argument i s c i r c u l a r . Tarpent s t a t e s tha t in the examples g iven above, the d e l e t i o n r u l e a f f e c t s x a f t e r a s t r e s s e d vowel "as in the p resent p l u r a l examples " . However in the p l u r a l examples, i t i s not c l e a r tha t the vowel i s s t r e s s e d at the time of uvu la r d e l e t i o n ; in f a c t that i s the very po in t tha t needs to be p roved . Tarpent t h e r e f o r e comes to the i l l - f o u n d e d c o n c l u s i o n that s t r e s s must have been p re sen t on the f i r s t s y l l a b l e b e f o r e f r i c a t i v i z a t i o n o c c u r r e d . Second ly , her treatment of the CV: r e d u p l i c a t i o n type i s d e f i c i e n t in tha t i t does not s t a t e how s t r e s s i s a s s i gned on the f i r s t s y l l a b l e . In other words, i s s t r e s s s h i f t e d on to the f i r s t s y l l a b l e and i f so, what are the c o n d i t i o n s cau s ing the s h i f t ? Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s that s t r e s s i s a s s i gned d i r e c t l y to the p r e f i x . I f t h i s i s the ca se , the q u e s t i o n a r i s e s as to why s t r e s s i s a s s i gned to the p r e f i x r a t h e r than to the root as happens in other c a s e s . C o n s i d e r , in c o n t r a s t , the a n a l y s i s of CV: r e d u p l i c a t i o n o f f e r e d , in t h i s t h e s i s . CV: types a re t r e a t e d as a form of C iC r e d u p l i c a t i o n in which the r u l e of uvu la r d e l e t i o n a p p l i e s to C 2 , c au s i ng l eng th to remain on the vowel . The major d i f f e r e n c e in the two a n a l y s e s i s tha t w i t h i n t h i s a n a l y s i s , noth ing need be s a i d about s t r e s s on the f i r s t s y l l a b l e , s i nce i t f a l l s out of the gene ra l s t r e s s 71 r u l e (as was shown in chapter 2 ) . R e c a l l tha t the s t r e s s r u l e w i l l a s s i gn s t r e s s to the r i ghtmost long vowel of a L e v e l 1 s t r i n g . 3. DIFFERENCES PERTAINING TO CONSONANT DEGLOTTALIZATION Tarpent p o s i t s t h ree r u l e s of d e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n . One r u l e of Consonant D e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n a p p l i e s on ly to C, of p a r t i a l l y r e d u p l i c a t e d forms as i n : 5 1 219. ma: l mma:1 ' c anoe ' 220. t s ' a k ' y t s i t s ' a k ' Y ' p l a t e , d i s h ' A second r u l e of d e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n a p p l i e s on ly to resonants in CT p o s i t i o n of f u l l y r e d u p l i c a t e d words as in the f o l l o w i n g : 221. man minman ' t o smear a subs tance ' 222. mal mi lma l ' t o f a s t e n , but ton something ' The t h i r d r u l e a p p l i e s to a l l consonants in C 2 p o s i t i o n . For example: 223. tarn t imt ' am ' t o p re s s something ' 224. t s ' a l ' t s ' i l t s ' a l ' ' f a c e , eye s ' 225. h i t ' h a t h i t ' ' t o s t i c k ' The data c o l l e c t e d in t h i s study support on ly a r u l e of Resonant D e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n in C 2 p o s i t i o n of the p r e f i x . A l though Tarpent c l a i m s that a l l consonants are d e g l o t t a l i z e d in C 2 p o s i t i o n , a l l her examples wi th the 5 1 U n l e s s o therwi se i n d i c a t e d the examples in t h i s s e c t i o n are c i t e d a c c o r d i n g to Tarpent (1983). 72 e x c e p t i o n of example 2 2 5 5 2 are ones in which C 2 i s a re sonan t . N e i t h e r the f i r s t nor second r u l e of d e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n can be c o r r o b o r a t e d by the data in t h i s s tudy . In each case the examples show g l o t t a l i z a t i o n on the r e l e v a n t consonant s . C o n s i d e r : 226. t s ' a k t s ' i t s ' a k ' d i s h , p l a t e ' 227. H m 6 : l ' H m i l m 6 : l ' ' t o wrap something ' 228. m a l k y e k y s k w m i l m a l k y e k y s k w ' heavy ' D. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER III Chapter III examined the major d i f f e r e n c e s between T a r p e n t ' s approach and the p re sen t one. In summary, l e t us t a b u l a t e the s t r a t e g i e s of the two approaches . Redup. Types . Tarpent Present Study P a r t i a l Redup. Copy C, and i n s e r t Use C i template and vowel under c e r t a i n Vowel V a r i a t i o n c o n d i t i o n s and r u l e s p e c i f y by Vowel Spec r u l e . F u l l Redup. (C, and C 2 of root and p r e f i x ident i c a l ) Copy CVC; d e l e t e v o w e l ; i n s e r t new vowel s p e c i f i e d by Vowel Spec. r u l e . Use C iC template and Vowel V a r i a t i o n r u l e . 5 2 N o t e tha t in t h i s study t h i s morpheme appears in a form such as [ h i : t ' a n ] which r e s u l t s from / h ^ t - ^ n / (st ick-CAUS) . If the u n d e r l y i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i s as i n d i c a t e d he re , then C 2 of the p r e f i x w i l l not show g l o t t a l i z a t i o n . 73 CV: Copy C, and C 2 and root vowel ; i n s e r t new vowel s p e c i f i e d by Vowel Spec, r u l e . C 2 s p i r a n t i z e s then d e l e t e s . Unc lea r whether s t r e s s s h i f t s to p r e f i x or i s a s s i gned the re o r i g i n a l l y . Use C iC template and Vowel V a r i a t i o n r u l e . C 2 s p i r a n t i z e s and d e l e t e s . C ix Copy C, of root and f o l l o w i t by i n f i x i x . When C, i s uvu l a r i t becomes Use C iC template w i th p r e a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s on C 2 and Vowel V a r i a t i o n r u l e . It i s worth r e i t e r a t i n g here that the a n a l y s i s o f f e r e d in t h i s t h e s i s employs two ba s i c s t r a t e g i e s in a c c o u n t i n g f o r the r e d u p l i c a t i o n t y p e s , whereas T a r p e n t ' s a n a l y s i s e s s e n t i a l l y employs a d i f f e r e n t s t r a t e g y f o r each d i f f e r e n t s u r f a c e t y p e . Chapter 4 w i l l show e x a c t l y how the templates proposed in Chapter 3 account fo r the v a r i o u s r e d u p l i c a t i o n types as we o f f e r an autosegmenta l t reatment of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . IV. AN AUTOSEGMENTAL TREATMENT OF NISGHA REDUPLICATION A. OVERVIEW OF THE THEORETICAL TREATMENT OF REDUPLICATION In t h i s s e c t i o n , we w i l l summarize the recent t reatment of the p roces s of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . Such an account n e c e s s a r i l y cannot be e x h a u s t i v e , but w i l l s imply h i g h l i g h t the s a l i e n t p o i n t s which have proved to be most c r u c i a l to the advancement of a theory of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . In the p a s t , r e d u p l i c a t i o n was regarded as a p u r e l y c o n c a t e n a t i v e p r o c e s s , and r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r o c e s s e s were accounted f o r in the t r a d i t i o n a l framework of the Standard Theory by the use of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l r u l e n o t a t i o n . However, in the recent l i t e r a t u r e , the problems wi th t h i s t reatment of r e d u p l i c a t i o n have been p o i n t e d to and a t tempts have been made to formula te a more adequate theory of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . I r e f e r in p a r t i c u l a r to McCarthy (1981), Marantz (1982) and L e v i n (1982) as recent sources on t h i s t o p i c . A c c o r d i n g to Marantz, the major problem in a ccoun t i n g f o r r e d u p l i c a t i o n by means of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l n o t a t i o n i s tha t t h i s d e v i c e p r e d i c t s many types of r e d u p l i c a t i v e p a t t e r n s ( e . g . m i r ro r - image r e d u p l i c a t i o n r u l e s ) which never do a c t u a l l y o c c u r . T h i s n o t a t i o n a l dev i ce t h e r e f o r e seemed too power fu l and l e d Marantz to search f o r a theory of r e d u p l i c a t i o n which would account f o r a l l and on l y the p a t t e r n s of r e d u p l i c a t i o n a t t e s t e d c r o s s - l i n g u i s t i c a l l y . Marantz t h e r e f o r e adapts McCar thy ' s t reatment of the A r a b i c ' 74 75 v e r b a l system (McCarthy 1 9 8 1 ) 5 3 to account f o r r e d u p l i c a t i o n p roces ses s i n c e t h i s approach, he c l a i m s , l a c k s the e x c e s s i v e power of the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s , wh i le t r e a t i n g r e d u p l i c a t i o n as a normal r u l e of a f f i x a t i o n (which Marantz c l a ims i t i s ) . F o l l o w i n g McCarthy, Marantz c l a i m s that words are to be r ep re sen ted as c o n s i s t i n g of t i e r s , one of which i s a consonant -vowel s k e l e t o n ( hence fo r th C-V s k e l e t o n ) which i s connected to another t i e r c o n s i s t i n g of phonemic m e l o d i e s . Adopt ing t h i s n o t i o n of s k e l e t a , Marantz t h e r e f o r e ana l yze s r e d u p l i c a t i o n as the a f f i x a t i o n of a C-V s k e l e t o n , i t s e l f a morpheme, to a stem - hence the autosegmenta l approach to r e d u p l i c a t i o n . The mechanics of M a r a n t z ' s approach and the r e l e v a n t p r i n c i p l e s of autosegmenta l phonology w i l l be g iven below when we attempt to app ly the theory to the Nisgha data and see what i m p l i c a t i o n s these data h o l d f o r the t h e o r y . B. NISGHA REDUPLICATION IN MARANTZ'S FRAMEWORK R e c a l l tha t Chapter 2 proposed that the r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme had th ree a l l o m o r p h s 5 " — C i , C iC and C i x . In Chapter 3, i t was c l a imed that these a l lomorphs can be handled by the use of the C i and C iC t emp la te s . The l a t t e r 5 3 F o r a rev iew of McCar thy ' s t reatment of A r a b i c v e r b s , see Marantz (1982:440). 5 " N o t e these a l lomorphs are not r e l a t a b l e p h o n o l o g i c a l l y ; they a re m o r p h o l o g i c a l l y c o n d i t i o n e d a l l omorphs . 76 would have p r e a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s on C 2 to account f o r the cases of C ix r e d u p l i c a t i o n . F o l l o w i n g Ma ran t z ' s approach of r e g a r d i n g r e d u p l i c a t i o n as the a f f i x a t i o n of a C-V s k e l e t o n , l e t us t r a n s l a t e these templates i n t o C-V s k e l e t a . The s k e l e t a would be CV and CVC fo r p a r t i a l and f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n r e s p e c t i v e l y . Ju s t as we proposed to account f o r C ix r e d u p l i c a t i o n by the use of p r e - a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s on C 2 , so too can we propose a complex of p r e - a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s on V of the s k e l e t o n . These would be the f e a t u r e s that d e f i n e V and C 2 as / i / and / x / r e s p e c t i v e l y . Very g e n e r a l l y , t hen , we may rep re sen t Nisgha p a r t i a l and f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n as ( i ) , ( i i ) and ( i i i ) be l ow: 5 5 X Y Z I I I ( i ) C V + C V C i X Y Z I i I ( i i ) C V C + C V C 5 5 N o t e that in ( i ) , ( i i ) and ( i i i ) the C-V t i e r of the stem i s a t t a c h e d to another t i e r , namely the phonemic melody. Each member of the phonemic t i e r c o n s i s t s of the complex of f e a t u r e s tha t comprise a p a r t i c u l a r phoneme. In ( i ) , ( i i ) and ( i i i ) the f e a t u r e complexes are r e p r e s e n t e d as X,Y and Z. 77 X Y Z I I I ( i i i ) C V C + C V C I I i x S ince the r e d u p l i c a t i v e a f f i x i s dependent on the phonemic melody of the stem, Marantz proposes to copy the e n t i r e phonemic melody of the stem on the same s i de of the stem melody to which the a f f i x i s a t t a c h e d . T h i s would be the l e f t s i de in the case of N i s gha . The c o p i e d phonemic melody i s then l i n k e d to the a f f i x e d s k e l e t o n a c c o r d i n g to the f o l l o w i n g four g e n e r a l c o n d i t i o n s taken d i r e c t l y from Marantz (1982:446). C o n d i t i o n A: Un le s s o v e r r i d d e n by a s p e c i a l p r o v i s o , f e a t u r e complexes c o n t a i n i n g the f e a t u r e [ - s y l l a b i c ] can be l i n k e d on ly to C s l o t s in the s k e l e t o n , and f e a t u r e complexes c o n t a i n i n g the f e a t u r e [ + s y l l a b i c ] can be l i n k e d on ly to V s l o t s in the s k e l e t o n . C o n d i t i o n B: A f t e r as many phonemes as p o s s i b l e are l i n k e d to C—V s l o t s one to one in accordance wi th o ther c o n d i t i o n s and p r i n c i p l e s , e x t r a phonemes and C-V s l o t s are d i s c a r d e d . There i s no m u l t i p l e attachment of phonemes to C-V s l o t s or of C-V s l o t s to phonemes. C o n d i t i o n C: The s l o t s in a C-V s k e l e t o n may be p r e a t t a c h e d to d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s . These f e a t u r e s take precedence over the f e a t u r e s of any phonemes from 78 a phonemic melody which may l i n k to these s l o t s . C o n d i t i o n D: ( i ) L i n k i n g of the phonemic melody to the r e d u p l i c a t i n g s k e l e t o n e i t h e r beg ins w i th the l e f tmos t phoneme of the melody l i n k i n g to the l e f t m o s t C-V s l o t in the s k e l e t o n e l i g i b l e under C o n d i t i o n A and proceeds from l e f t to r i g h t or beg ins wi th the r i ghtmost phoneme of the melody l i n k i n g to the r i ghtmost C-V s l o t of the s k e l e t o n and proceeds from r i g h t to l e f t . In the unmarked ca se , r e d u p l i c a t i n g p r e f i x e s a s s o c i a t e w i th t h e i r melod ies from l e f t to r i g h t , r e d u p l i c a t i n g s u f f i x e s from r i g h t to l e f t , ( i i ) The a s s o c i a t i o n of phonemic melod ies and C-V r e d u p l i c a t i n g a f f i x e s i s "phoneme—driven" in the sense that fo r each phoneme encountered l i n k i n g from l e f t to r i g h t or from r i g h t to l e f t , the a s s o c i a t i o n procedure scans a long the s k e l e t o n to f i n d a C-V s l o t e l i g i b l e f o r a s s o c i a t i o n w i th the phoneme under C o n d i t i o n A. In a d d i t i o n to the above c o n d i t i o n s , t he re i s the fundamental c o n s t r a i n t of autosegmenta l phonology that a s s o c i a t i o n l i n e s may never c r o s s . Le t us now app ly the above p r i n c i p l e s , as proposed by Marantz , to the Nisgha d a t a . Note that the phonemic melody a c t u a l l y c o n s i s t s of f e a t u r e complexes, but in the f o l l o w i n g d e r i v a t i o n s , the phonemic symbols are used p a r t l y f o r ease of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and p a r t l y f o r t h e i r mnemonic v a l u e . 79 Un les s o therwi se i n d i c a t e d , the unmarked d i r e c t i o n of l i n k i n g i s employed in the d e r i v a t i o n s ; a l s o , a l l o p h o n i c r u l e s w i l l be assumed but not d e t a i l e d in the d e r i v a t i o n s . 1) C i R e d u p l i c a t i o n 229. Root t s ' a k ' d i s h ' I II c VC A f f i x CV s k e l e t o n CV + I i Copy phonemic t s ' a k melody of stem A s s o c i a t i o n t s ' a k + t s ' a k I II c V c vc i S t r e s s Output t s ' i t s ' a k A c c o r d i n g to C o n d i t i o n C, the p r e - a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s on the C-V s k e l e t o n o v e r r i d e the f e a t u r e s -from the melody, hence the vowel /if i n the r e d u p l i c a t i v e a f f i x . Note that in t h i s case the Vowel V a r i a t i o n r u l e a p p l i e s v a c u o u s l y . A l s o , by C o n d i t i o n B, any unat tached phonemes or C-V s l o t s a re d i s c a r d e d ; t h e r e f o r e / k / of the c o p i e d phonemic melody i s d i s c a r d e d and u n r e a l i z e d on the s u r f a c e because i t has no s k e l e t a l s l o t w i th which to a s s o c i a t e . 2) C iC R e d u p l i c a t i o n Cases where C, and C 2 of p r e f i x and root are i d e n t i c a l can be accounted for s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d l y . The cases in which 80 consonant m o d i f i c a t i o n o c c u r s , w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d in the d e r i v a t i o n s to f o l l o w , (a) C 2 S p i r a n t i z a t i o n In Chapter 2, cases of C 2 s p i r a n t i z a t i o n were d i s c u s s e d . R e c a l l that there were examples of both uvu l a r and v e l a r s p i r a n t i z a t i o n in C 2 p o s i t i o n of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x . Let us examine a d e r i v a t i o n e x e m p l i f y i n g t h i s p r o c e s s . In t h i s d e r i v a t i o n we w i l l a l s o see how roo t s of the form CCV . . . r e d u p l i c a t e . 230.Root A f f i x s k e l e t o n Copy phonemic melody of stem Assoc i a t ion sq i k y s k w CCVC CC ' t o be i n j u r e d ' CVC + v w sqik-^sk + s q i k y s k w + s q i k y s k i \ t i l l I t CVC + CCVC CC w A - g l o t t c o n s t r Vowel V a r i a t i o n Uvu lar S p i r a n t i z . S t r e s s Output w s ax sq i ksk Note that the vowel of the c o p i e d phonemic melody cannot a s s o c i a t e w i th the V s l o t of the s k e l e t a l t i e r because t h i s would i n v o l v e the c r o s s i n g of a s s o c i a t i o n l i n e s . A c c o r d i n g to Autosegmenta l Theory , a s s o c i a t i o n l i n e s may never c r o s s , (b) C 2 D e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n 81 In Chapter 3 we noted that the d e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n of a consonant was a phenomenon observed on ly w i t h i n the con tex t of r e d u p l i c a t i o n and that i t would be d e s i r a b l e to cap tu re t h i s o b s e r v a t i o n . S ince there e x i s t s the f a c i l i t y of hav ing p r e - a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s on members of the C-V s k e l e t o n , we can use t h i s to handle cases of consonant d e g l o t t a l i z a t i o n by p ropos ing a f ea tu re [ - g l o t t a l c o n s t r i c t i o n ] on C 2 of the r e d u p l i c a t i n g morpheme. T h i s f e a t u r e w i l l p r e v a i l in accordance with C o n d i t i o n C. T h i s can be p o s i t e d p e r v a s i v e l y fo r C iC r e d u p l i c a t i o n whether or not C 2 of the root i s a g l o t t a l i z e d consonant . In cases where C 2 of the root i s not a g l o t t a l i z e d consonant , the f e a t u r e w i l l , of c o u r s e , be redundant. Cons ider the f o l l o w i n g example: 231. Root A f f i x CVC s k e l e t o n t s ' a l ' \ l \ C V C C V C + l . \ - g l o t t c o n s t r f a c e , eye ' Copy phonemic melody of stem Assoc i a t ion t s ' a l ' t s ' a l ' + t s ' a l ' \ \\ I M c v c + c v c l \ - g l o t t c o n s t r Vowel V a r i a t i o n S t re s s i ( a p p l i e s vacuous ly ) 82 Output t s ' i l t s ' a l * (c) C 2 A f f r i c a t e S p l i t These are the cases where C 2 d e a f f r i c a t e s when r e d u p l i c a t e d . For example q ' 6 t s / q ' a s q ' 6 t s ; yatX ' / h i J y a t i ' . These cases seem to be p rob l emat i c fo r M a r a n t z ' s approach. Let us examine the outcome i f we attempt a d e r i v a t i o n such as in the p r e v i o u s example. The form below r e d u p l i c a t e s as [ q ' a s q ' 6 t s ] . 232. Root q ' o t s ' ' t o c u t ' I I I C V C A f f i x CVC s k e l e t o n Copy phonemic melody of stem Assoc i a t ion C V C + l . \ . - g l o t t c o n s t r q ' o t s ' q ' o t s + q ' o t s [ ! I \ \ l c vc + c vc - g l o t t c o n s t r Vowel V a r i a t i o n a S t r e s s Output * q ' a t s q'6ts C l e a r l y the above d e r i v a t i o n y i e l d s the i n c o r r e c t ou tpu t . Let us c o n s i d e r some other o p t i o n s . The f a c t that the a f f r i c a t e s p l i t s i n C 2 p o s i t i o n of the p r e f i x seems to suggest tha t the a f f r i c a t e i s 83 f u n c t i o n i n g as a sequence of sounds r a ther than as a u n i t . Let us e n t e r t a i n t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y t e m p o r a r i l y and see how the c o p i e d phonemic melody w i l l a s s o c i a t e wi th the s k e l e t o n , The r u l e s of vowel v a r i a t i o n and s t r e s s are assumed. A s s o c i a t i o n q ' o t s + q ' o t s j n i i n c vc + c vcc l > - g l o t t c o n s t r Output * q ' a t q ' 6 t s The above a s s o c i a t i o n f o l l o w s the unmarked d i r e c t i o n of l i n k i n g ( i . e . l e f t to r i g h t ) as proposed in M a r a n t z ' s C o n d i t i o n D. If we propose i n s t e a d the marked d i r e c t i o n of a s s o c i a t i o n f o r p r e f i x e s ( i . e . r i g h t to l e f t ) , the outcome would be: A s s o c i a t i o n q ' o t s + q ' o t s St I IM c vc + c vcc I \ - g l o t t c o n s t r Output * t sq ' 6 t s Given c o n d i t i o n D which s t a t e s tha t l i n k i n g i s phoneme-dr iven, then a r i g h t to l e f t d i r e c t i o n of l i n k i n g a l s o produces the above i n c o r r e c t ou tpu t . Note tha t C, of the p r e f i x has no s k e l e t a l member to which to l i n k , and the p r e f i x vowel cannot l i n k to V of the s k e l e t a l t i e r , s i n c e t h i s would i n v o l v e the c r o s s i n g of a s s o c i a t i o n l i n e s . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , we c o u l d propose tha t l i n k i n g i s r i g h t to 84 l e f t and s k e l e t a l l y d r i v e n . Note that t h i s r e p r e s e n t s a depar tu re from M a r a n t z ' s C o n d i t i o n D which s t i p u l a t e s tha t l i n k i n g i s phoneme-dr iven. The p r o p o s a l tha t l i n k i n g be s k e l e t a l l y d r i v e n i s in keeping wi th the o r i g i n a l c o n s t r a i n t s on l i n k i n g (c_f. Go ldsmi th (1976) ) . Let us con s i de r a r i g h t to l e f t , s k e l e t a l l y d r i v e n a s s o c i a t i o n . A s s o c i a t i o n q ' o t s + q ' o t s c VC + c vcc - g l o t t c o n s t r Output q ' a s q ' o t s Note that t h i s approach y i e l d s the c o r r e c t ouput and c o u l d p o s s i b l y be adopted i f the d i r e c t i o n a l i t y of l i n k i n g and the s k e l e t a l l y d r i v e n a s s o c i a t i o n h e l d f o r r e d u p l i c a t i o n throughout . I t t u r n s - o u t that i t does no t . Cons ider the f o l l o w i n g form which r e d u p l i c a t e s as [ s a x s q i k s k w ] . A s s o c i a t i o n sq iksk + sq iksk / i f ( r i g h t to l e f t ' ' ' and s k e l e t a l l y ' ' ( d r i v e n ) / * i C V C 1 - g l o t t c o n s t r It i s obv ious tha t the above a s s o c i a t i o n cannot produce the c o r r e c t form. Even i f a r i g h t to l e f t d i r e c t i o n of l i n k i n g and a s k e l e t a l l y d r i v e n a s s o c i a t i o n were p o s s i b l e , we are s t i l l l e f t w i th the fundamental problem that such a s s o c i a t i o n 85 assumes that the a f f r i c a t e f u n c t i o n s as a sequence ra ther tha t a u n i t . E lsewhere in the phonology i t behaves as a u n i t ( c f . f oo tno te 24) . If indeed the a f f r i c a t e i s to be t r e a t e d as a u n i t , then perhaps the a f f r i c a t e s p l i t in C 2 p o s i t i o n of the p r e f i x can be viewed from a somewhat d i f f e r e n t p e r s p e c t i v e . R e c a l l tha t in Chapter 2, S e c t i o n D, some type ( i v ) cases i n v o l v e d the s p i r a n t i z a t i o n of u v u l a r s and v e l a r s in C 2 p o s i t i o n of the p r e f i x . It was c l a i m e d t h e r e , that the u v u l a r s and v e l a r s became [+cont inuant] in coda p o s i t i o n when f o l l o w e d by a consonant . L i k e w i s e , we c o u l d p o s s i b l y c l a i m that the a f f r i c a t e s become [+cont inuant] in the i d e n t i c a l env i ronment. The c l a i m would then be t h a t : There a r e , however, some problems w i th t h i s approach. F i r s t , the input to the above r u l e cannot be r e a d i l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d as a n a t u r a l f e a t u r e c l a s s . A second and more grave problem i s that d e a f f r i c a t i o n has a much more l i m i t e d domain of a p p l i c a t i o n than does uvu l a r s p i r a n t i z a t i o n . Note that d e a f f r i c a t i o n i s r e s t r i c t e d to the context of r e d u p l i c a t i o n . There e x i s t forms such as q ' 6 t s ~ t i t , ' t hey c u t ' , ( c u t - 3 p l ) i n which the a f f r i c a t e i s in coda p o s i t i o n and ad jacent to a consonant . T h i s d i s p a r i t y in domain of a p p l i c a t i o n i s a c o m p e l l i n g argument a ga in s t merging the p roce s se s i n t o a s i n g l e r u l e . R 0 q k t s —> [+cont] X tr 86 S ince the r e s t of the phonology suppor t s a t reatment of the a f f r i c a t e as a u n i t , then i t seems tha t we must l i n k as was done in the i n i t i a l d e r i v a t i o n , but , in a d d i t i o n , we need a non-ad hoc mechanism fo r g e t t i n g r i d of the s top q u a l i t y in the a f f r i c a t e . I know of no way of a c h i e v i n g t h i s , g i ven the c u r r e n t s t a t u s of the t h e o r y . Perhaps a p r o h i b i t i o n of the f e a t u r e [+delayed r e l e a s e ] on C 2 of the p r e f i x ho ld s some promise of a s o l u t i o n . The implementat ion of t h i s mechanism i s c l e a r l y an avenue f o r f u t u r e r e s e a r c h , (d) Uvu la r or V e l a r D e l e t i o n of C 2 These a re cases which r e d u p l i c a t e on the su r f a ce as (CV: + C . . . ) , a f t e r uvu l a r or v e l a r d e l e t i o n of C 2 has o c c u r r e d . The example below r e d u p l i c a t e s as [ l a : l a q s ] Le t us examine a d e r i v a t i o n of t h i s form. 233. Root A f f i x CVC s k e l e t o n l aq s M M cvcc C V C + A . - g l o t t c o n s t r ' t o ba the ' Copy phonemic melody of stem A s s o c i a t i o n l aqs l aqs + l aq s !,'/ M i l CVC + cvcc l \ - g l o t t c o n s t r Vowel V a r i a t i o n 87 At t h i s s tage of the d e r i v a t i o n , the uvu l a r d e l e t i o n and compensatory l eng then ing would o c c u r , f o l l owed by s t r e s s ass ignment. The problem, however, l i e s w i th a ccoun t i n g f o r uvu l a r d e l e t i o n and compensatory l eng then ing in M a r a n t z ' s framework. Let us attempt to account f o r these phenomena a c c o r d i n g to Ma ran t z ' s p r i n c i p l e s . At the present s tage of the d e r i v a t i o n we have: l ag s + l ag s CVC + cvcc In order to d e l e t e the uvu l a r in the p r e f i x , we erase the a s s o c i a t i o n l i n e l i n k i n g i t to the s k e l e t a l t i e r . The r e s u l t i s t h e r e f o r e : l ag s + l ag s Mil CVC + cvcc In Autosegmental t h e o r y , compensatory l eng then ing can be accounted f o r by s p r e a d i n g , i . e . the vowel w i l l spread to a s s o c i a t e w i th the s l o t from which the uvu l a r was d e l e t e d . .Note, however, that t h i s i s not p o s s i b l e , g iven M a r a n t z ' s C o n d i t i o n A which d i s a l l o w s the l i n k i n g of a f e a t u r e complex c o n t a i n i n g the f e a t u r e [ + s y l l a b i c ] w i th a C s l o t in the s k e l e t o n . In order f o r Marantz to account f o r t h i s phenomenon, he would need to invoke a s p e c i a l p r o v i s o ( c f . C o n d i t i o n A) to permit the type of l i n k i n g n e c e s s a r y . It i s the use of p r e c i s e l y such ad hoc p r o v i s o s tha t argue f o r an empty s k e l e t a l t i e r . c o n s i s t i n g of a s e r i e s of p o i n t s , as u t i l i z e d by Lowenstamm and Kaye (1983). Even wi th the implementat ion of a s p e c i a l p r o v i s o , the a n a l y s i s i s not 88 p o s s i b l e f o r Marantz , s i n c e C o n d i t i o n B p r o h i b i t s m u l t i p l e attachment of C-V s l o t s to phonemes and v i c e v e r s a . Let us examine how uvu l a r d e l e t i o n and compensatory l eng then ing can be hand led by employing a s k e l e t a l t i e r c o n s i s t i n g of a s e r i e s of p o i n t s which are r ep re sen ted as XXX. Uvu lar D e l e t i o n : l aq s + l aq s XXX + XXXX We are then l e f t w i th an unat tached s l o t from which the uvu la r was d i s a s s o c i a t e d . The vowel i s now f r e e to spread to t h i s empty s l o t . Compensatory L e n g t h . : l aq s + l aq s XXX + XXXX The output of the compensatory l eng then ing r u l e i s now sub jec t to the ass ignment of pr imary s t r e s s (cf_. Chapter 1: S e c t i o n D and Chapter 2: S e c t i o n D, Type ( v i ) ) , y i e l d i n g the c o r r e c t output i . e . [ l a : l a q s ] . Note that the above account i s not p o s s i b l e w i t h i n M a r a n t z ' s framework, s i n c e the re are no p r o v i s i o n s for e i t h e r empty s l o t s on the s k e l e t a l t i e r or f o r m u l t i p l e l i n k i n g . These cases of long vowels in the p r e f i x are a r e a l problem f o r M a r a n t z ' s framework. Marantz r e p r e s e n t s long vowels as e i t h e r a s e r i e s of two V s or by the use of a p r e a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e [+long] on a s i n g l e V . 5 6 N e i t h e r of 5 6 T h e p a r t i c u l a r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n that he chooses i s determined by l a n g u a g e - s p e c i f i c parameters . 89 these approaches i s p o s s i b l e f o r the p a t t e r n of r e d u p l i c a t i o n in q u e s t i o n . The f i r s t approach i s on ly p o s s i b l e i f the root c o n t a i n s a long vowel which i s to be t r e a t e d as a s e r i e s of two vowels and c o p i e d as such when the phonemic melody i s c o p i e d . The second approach would p r e d i c t tha t a l l the o ther p a t t e r n s of f u l l r e d u p l i c a t i o n c o n t a i n a long vowel in the p r e f i x . The data p rov i de ev idence a ga in s t both approaches . A f i n a l p o s s i b i l i t y would be to propose a separa te temp la te , namely C V [ + l o n g ] C 5 7 to hand le CV: r e d u p l i c a t i o n . C l e a r l y , t h i s adds need le s s c o m p l i c a t i o n to the grammar, and t r e a t s uvu la r d e l e t i o n and vowel l e n g t h in these cases as independent and u n r e l a t e d phenomena. We have ev idence to the c o n t r a r y o u t s i d e the con tex t of r e d u p l i c a t i o n (cf_. Chapter 1: S e c t i o n E ) . Even more c o m p e l l i n g ev idence aga in s t the use of a p r e a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e [+long] on V of the s k e l e t a l t i e r can be found in an examinat ion of r oo t s in which uvu la r d e l e t i o n and compensatory l eng then ing o c c u r . For these c a s e s , we would have to propose tha t the root i s r ep re sen ted in the l e x i c o n by two a l l omorph s , one of which i s a t t a ched to a s k e l e t a l t i e r of the form CVC, the o ther to a s k e l e t a l t i e r of the form CV:. We would then have no way of r e l a t i n g these a l l omorphs in the l e x i c o n , thereby m i s s i n g a g e n e r a l i z a t i o n . 5 7 N o t e that C 2 must be i n c l u d e d as pa r t of the temp la te , s i n c e i t c o n d i t i o n s the vowel in the Vowel V a r i a t i o n r u l e . 90 (3) C ix R e d u p l i c a t i o n Forms r e d u p l i c a t i n g a c c o r d i n g to t h i s p a t t e r n behave e s s e n t i a l l y l i k e those employing the C iC p a t t e r n , except tha t C 2 of the a f f i x e d s k e l e t a l t i e r has p r e a t t a c h e d to i t the complex of f e a t u r e s that compr ise / x y / . 5 8 Cons ider the f o l l o w i n g d e r i v a t i o n : 234. Root t s ' o? ' t o s k i n (an a n i m a l ) ' A f f i x s k e l e t o n Copy phoneme melody of stem Assoc i a t ion C VC CVC + ts 'o 1 ? + ts 'o 1 ? + t s ' C I I! c vc c vc IX' i ( a p p l i e s vacuous l y ) Vowel V a r i a t i o n S t r e s s Output t s ' i x t s ' 6 ' Note that the p r e a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s of C 2 of the s k e l e t a l t i e r p r e v a i l over the f e a t u r e s from the phonemic melody. 5 8 N o t e t h a t / x y / s u r f a c e s in C 2 of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e p r e f i x as [ x ] . T h i s i s due to the d e p a l a t a l i z a t i o n r u l e g iven in C h a p t e r l : S e c t i o n B, Par t 4. 91 C. IMPLICATIONS FOR MARANTZ'S THEORY AND CONCLUSION Nisgha p r o v i d e s c l e a r examples f o r d e c i d i n g an i s sue l e f t u n r e s o l v e d in Marantz (1982:449). Marantz s t a t e s tha t s i n c e , a c c o r d i n g to C o n d i t i o n D, p r e a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s take precedence over any f e a t u r e s from the phonemic melody, we c o u l d p l a u s i b l y adopt the approach of not l i n k i n g a phoneme to a member of the s k e l e t a l t i e r which has a f u l l set of p r e a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s . On the other hand, we may s t i l l l i n k such i tems , a l l o w i n g C o n d i t i o n C to come i n t o p l a y . Marantz p o i n t s out that the two approaches make very d i f f e r e n t p r e d i c t i o n s f o r c e r t a i n s i t u a t i o n s , none of which he was ab le to f i n d in r e a l - l a n g u a g e d a t a . I t t u rn s out that Nisgha C iC r e d u p l i c a t i o n p r o v i d e s j u s t such d a t a . R e c a l l that in Chapters 2 and 3, we argued f o r an a n a l y s i s i n which the vowel i s t r e a t e d as p a r t of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme. Th i s be ing the c a s e , the vowel of the r e d u p l i c a t i v e morpheme was r e p r e s e n t e d on the V s l o t of the a f f i x e d s k e l e t o n as a p r e a t t a c h e d complex of f e a t u r e s on V. T h i s , t hen , i s e x a c t l y the type of cases to which Marantz r e f e r s . Marantz (1982:450) c i t e s the f o l l o w i n g h y p o t h e t i c a l data to i l l u s t r a t e the two approaches . 235. t a s i d u t i i \ CVCCV + t a s i d u I I I I I i CVCVCV t a n i - t a s i d u n 236. t a s i d u M \ » CVCCV + CVCVCV t a s i d u t a n s i - t a s i d u n 92 Now c o n s i d e r a Nisgha C iC r e d u p l i c a t i o n c a s e . + t s ap H I CVC = t s i p - t s a p ' t o make, b u i I d ' i - g l o t t c o n s t r 238. t s i p + t s ap M l CVC CVC =* t s - t sap i - g l o t t c o n s t r Note that in the second ca se , i f we do not l i n k the vowel on the phonemic t i e r to V wi th the f u l l set of p r e a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s , then the vowel in the phonemic t i e r w i l l be d i s c a r d e d because i t has no s k e l e t a l element to which to l i n k . Not on ly w i l l the vowel be d i s c a r d e d , but so w i l l the f o l l o w i n g consonant , s i n c e a s s o c i a t i o n ceases when a phoneme i s unable to l i n k to a s k e l e t a l member. The consonant w i l l t h e r e f o r e never be a l l owed to a s s o c i a t e . If t h i s i s the ca se , C 2 w i l l never be ab le to r e d u p l i c a t e . C l e a r l y , t h i s i s not the c a s e . Nisgha t h e r e f o r e p r o v i d e s ev idence in favour of l i n k i n g a phoneme to a s l o t wi th a f u l l set of p r e a t t a c h e d f e a t u r e s . In a d d i t i o n , we saw, in S e c t i o n B above, tha t the cases of d e a f f r i c a t i o n of C 2 were p rob l emat i c f o r Ma ran tz ' s t h e o r y . I t tu rns out tha t these examples p resent a problem fo r Autosegmental theory as a whole, s i n c e , to the best of my knowledge, no c u r r e n t l y a r t i c u l a t e d framework can handle these ca se s . These cases I l eave u n r e s o l v e d , a w a i t i n g i n s i g h t from f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h . V. BIBLIOGRAPHY Boas, F r a n z . 1911. " T s i m s h i a n " , Handbook of American Ind ian  Languages V o l I, ed . Franz Boas, 285-422. Chomsky, N and M. H a l l e 1968.The Sound P a t t e r n of E n g l i s h , Harper and Row, New York. Dunn, John A. 1979. A Reference Grammar fo r the Coast Ts imsh ian Language, N a t i o n a l Museum of Man Mercury S e r i e s , Canadian Ethno logy S e r v i c e . Paper No.55. Dunn, John A. and R. A. Hays. 1983 "Ts imsh ian Uvu lar S y l l a b l e s , " U A L 49, 46-63. Go ld sm i th , J . 1976. "An Overview of Autosegmenta l Phono logy, " L i n g u i s t i c A n a l y s i s 2, 23-68. H a l l e , M. and J . R. Vergnaud. 1980. "Three D imens iona l Phono logy, " J o u r n a l of L i n g u i s t i c Research I , .83-105. Hayes, Bruce P. 1981 A M e t r i c a l Theory of S t r e s s R u l e s , D o c t o r a l D i s s e r t a t i o n , Ya le U n i v e r s i t y . Reproduced by the Indiana U n i v e r s i t y L i n g u i s t i c s C l ub , Bloomington I nd i ana . K i p a r s k y , P. 1983. "Some Consequences of L e x i c a l Phono logy" , ms, MIT, Cambridge, Mas sachuse t t s . K i p a r s k y , P. 1982. "From C y c l i c Phonology to L e x i c a l Phono logy" , The S t r u c t u r e of P h o n o l o g i c a l  R e p r e s e n t a t i o n s Par t I, ed . H u l t z and Smi th . Lowenstamm, J and J . D . Kaye. 1983 "Compensatory Lengthen ing in T i b e r i a n Hebrew: T h e o r e t i c a l I m p l i c a t i o n s , " ms., U n i v e r s i t e du Quebec a M o n t r e a l . L e v i n , J u l i e t t e . 1982. " R e d u p l i c a t i o n and P r o s o d i c S t r u c t u r e , " ms., MIT, Cambridge, Mas sachuse t t s . 94 95 McCarthy, J . 1981. "A P ro sod i c Theory of Nonconcatenat i ve Phono logy, " L i n g u i s t i c I nqu i r y 12, 373-418. Marantz , A l e c . "Re R e d u p l i c a t i o n , " L i n g u i s t i c I nqu i r y 13, 435-482. T a r p e n t , Mar ie L. 1983. "Morphophonemics of N isgha P l u r a l F o r m a t i o n , " Kansas Working Papers in L i n g u i s t i c s , 8, 123-214. VI . APPENDIX I A. CONSONANT FEATURE MATRICES p p' t t ' k y k y ' k w k w ' q q ' t Conson. + + + + + + + + + + + V o c a l i c _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Sonorant _ _ _ _ _ - _ - _ _ -Nasa l _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ C o n t i n . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ V o i c e _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ D e l . R e l . _ _ _ - _ - _ - _ - -S t r i d e n t _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Back _ _ _ _ _ _ + + + + _ Corona l _ _ + + _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Round _ _ _ _ _ _ + + _ _ _ Low - ' - - - - - -• - + + ' + High _ _ _ _ + + + + _ _ _ G l o t . C o n s t . - + - + _ + - + _ + _ A n t e r i o r + + + + - - - - - - -m m n n 1 l ' y y w w Conson. + + + + + + _ _ - -V o c a l i c _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Sonorant + + + + + + + + + + Nasa l + + + + _ _ - - - -C o n t i n . _ _ _ _ + + + + + + V o i c e + + + + + + + + + + D e l . R e l . -S t r i d e n t - - - - - - - _ _ Back _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ + + Corona l _ _ + + + + _ _ - -Round _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ + + Low - - - - - - _ _ _ _ High _ _ _ _ _ _ + + + + G l o t . C o n s t r i c . - + - + _ + - + _ + A n t e r i o r + + + + + + - - - -96 97 s i x y x w x h t s t s ' t t ' Conson. + + + + + - + + + V o c a l i c - - - - - - - -Sonorant - - - - - - - -Nasa l - - - - - - - -C o n t i n . + + + + + + - -V o i c e - - - - - - - -D e l . R e l . + + S t r i d e n t + _ _ _ + - + + Back + Corona l + + - -Round - - - + Low -High + + G l o t . C o n s t r i c . - - - -A n t e r i o r + - - -+ + + + + B. VOWEL FEATURE MATRIX i i : e Conson. -V o c a l i c + + + Sonorant + + + Back -High + + -Round -e: u u: o o: a a : + + + + +' + + + + + + + + + - + + + + + + - + + - - - -- + + + + VI I . APPENDIX II The f o l l o w i n g i s a l i s t of r u l e s numbered as appear in the t e x t . 6. Obstruent V o i c i n g : [ - con t ] —> [+voice] / +voc -cons 8. A s p i r a t i o n : - c o n t +del r e l —> [+a sp i r a ted ] / # 11. S p i r a n t i z a t i o n : - con t +back - h i g h > [+cont] / + V O C + VOC - cons -cons 19. Rounding: +cons -voc +back + l o [+round] / -cons +voc +round 20. P a l a t a l i z a t i o n : - c o n t + s t r i d +del r e l , —> [+hi] / - cons +voc -back 98 99 40. V e l a r D e p a l a t a l i z a t i o n : +cons -voc •h igh -back —> [+back] / +cons -voc 47. Resonant D e v o i c i n g : +sonorant + g l o t t a l 66. ' h ' D e l e t i o n : —> [ - v o i c e ] / +cons -voc +cont + l o —> 0 / +cons -voc +sonor +ant 87. S t r e s s Ru le : ( i ) P r o j e c t the nuc leus ( i i ) S t a r t from the r i g h t margin ( i i i ) Con s t ruc t a l e f t dominant unbounded foo t (F) in which the dominant node must branch ( i v ) Gather a l l s y l l a b l e s i n t o a r i gh t -dominan t word t r e e . 97. Uvu la r D e l e t i o n : +cons - h i g h - low —> 0/ R 0 \ i 100 116. Vowel Variation: +voc -cons +high -back + low +back / + V O C -cons -high -ant +voc -cons +high -back +round +back / [+round] 139. Uvular Spirantization II: -cont +back -high R 0 \ / — > [+cont] / N X 154. Glide to 'h': -cons -voc +hi 0back +cons + lo -back -rd / -cons +voc +hi 0back 

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