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Death in British Columbia 1850-1950 Coates, Colin MacMillan 1984

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DEATH IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 1850-1950 by COLIN MACMILLAN COATES B.A.(Hons.), The U n i v e r s i t y of Ottawa, 1982 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department Of H i s t o r y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to jche r^qui red standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1984 © C o l i n MacMillan Coates, 1984 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of H T S T O K Y  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date OCTOBER 1 , 1984 DE-6 (3/81) i i A b s t r a c t In B r i t i s h Columbia between 1850 and 1950 a t t i t u d e s towards death s h i f t e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y . In the e a r l y decades of white sett l e m e n t , r e a c t i o n s to death resembled the s o c i a l norms h i s t o r i a n s have e s t a b l i s h e d f o r other p a r t s of the Western world d u r i n g the same p e r i o d . Death occasioned a moment durin g which the f a m i l y (and to a l e s s e r extent the l a r g e r community) expressed l i n k s with the deceased through magnificent f u n e r a l s and imposing mortuary a r t . Centred in the f a m i l y c i r c l e , m o r t a l i t y i m p l i e d both a d e s i r a b l e escape from d a i l y t r i a l s and a f u t u r e reunion with r e l a t i v e s i n a heavenly home. By 1920, however, f a c e t s of t h i s mentali te had undergone an e v o l u t i o n . Many commentators on modern a t t i t u d e s argue that contemporary s o c i e t y "denies death." Analyses of p e r s o n a l l e t t e r s and memoirs, government correspondence and r e p o r t s , f u n e r a l i n d u s t r y r e c o r d s , and e p i t a p h i n s c r i p t i o n s i l l u s t r a t e that i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n d i v i d u a l s a c t u a l l y c o n f r o n t e d m o r t a l i t y in an i n t e l l e c t u a l , but not a p h y s i c a l , sense. I t was the shunning of p h y s i c a l reminders of m o r t a l i t y , as shown by the p o p u l a r i t y of embalming, cremation, caskets and f u n e r a l p a r l o r s , which permitted t h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l c o n f r o n t a t i o n . Nondescript cemeteries and monuments and the common use of v i t a l i s t i c euphemisms s t r e s s the c o n t i n u i n g l i f e of the deceased in the c o n f i n e s of the memory of the mourner. Such l i n k s were e n t i r e l y i n d i v i d u a l ones, and the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of modern a t t i t u d e s i s a l s o apparent in changing p e r c e p t i o n s of h e a l t h . As emphasis s h i f t e d from improving the p u b l i c ' s w e l l - b e i n g to f o c u s s i n g on p e r s o n a l h e a l t h , each assumed u l t i m a t e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r h i s or her own h e a l t h and death. The importance thus p l a c e d on the i n d i v i d u a l i s l a r g e l y a t r a i t of middle c l a s s s e n s i b i l i t i e s . Changes i n mortuary p r a c t i c e s a l l stemmed from bourgeois reforms. Indeed, these s h i f t s r e p resented one means by which the middle c l a s s f o s t e r e d i t s own i d e n t i t y . E s t a b l i s h i n g a separate, abhorrent r i t e f o r paupers, that i s those who had r e j e c t e d the economic s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y by not p r o v i d i n g f o r t h e i r departure from i t , the middle c l a s s f u r t h e r a f f i r m e d ' i t s i d e n t i t y . For t w e n t i e t h century bourgeois B r i t i s h Columbians, c o n f r o n t i n g death was an i n d i v i d u a l , i n t e r n a l , and i n t e l l e c t u a l e x e r c i s e . i v Table of Contents Abstract i i L i s t of Tables v L i s t of Figures... v i Acknowledgement v i i Chapter I INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter II MORTALITY STATISTICS AND THE PUBLIC HEALTH.. 18 Chapter i l l DISCOURSES ON DEATH 39 Chapter- IV FUNERALS AND CLASS DISTINCTION 61 Chapter V CEMETERIES. AND MONUMENTS 92 Chapter VI CONCLUSION 118 BIBLIOGRAPHY 127 APPENDIX A - GRAVESTONE INSCRIPTIONS - CEMETERIES USED 139 V L i s t of Tables I. Death Rates i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1881-1951 28 II. A n a l y s i s of Condolence L e t t e r s Sent by T. D. P a t t u l l o , 1934-1938 42 III. Average F u n e r a l Expenditures by Status Groups f o r four-year p e r i o d s , R. H. Dwyer's Funeral House, Kamloops, 1923-1945 82 vi L i s t o f F i g u r e s 1. P r o p o r t i o n o f I l l - D e f i n e d C a u s e s o f D e a t h i n G o v e r n m e n t S t a t i s t i c s on M o r t a l i t y , 1872-1910 24 2. P r o p o r t i o n o f D e a t h s i n P u b l i c I n s t i t u t i o n s , 1927-1950 - 30 3. P r o p o r t i o n o f A d u l t B o d i e s Embalmed by Dwyer's F u n e r a l H o u s e , K a m l o o p s , 1917-1945 71 4.- A v e r a g e E x p e n d i t u r e on A d u l t F u n e r a l s , Dwyer's F u n e r a l H o use, K a m l o o p s , 1917-1945 80 5. A n a l y s i s o f E p i t a p h s : I n f o r m a t i o n on D e c e a s e d , I , 1871-1950 106 6- A n a l y s i s o f E p i t a p h s : I n f o r m a t i o n on D e c e a s e d , I I , 1 8 6 0 S - 1 9 5 0 1 0 8 7 . A n a l y s i s o f E p i t a p h s : D e s c r i b i n g D e a t h , 1871-1950 ...109 8. A n a l y s i s o f E p i t a p h s : M o u r n e r ' s l i n k s w i t h t h e D e c e a s e d , 1871-1950 110 v i - i Acknowledgement I should l i k e to thank P r o f e s s o r s D. Breen, H. K. Ralston and R. Barman for t h e i r comments on my i n i t i a l f o r a ys i n t o the f i e l d s of a t t i t u d e s towards death and popular c u l t u r e . R i c h a r d Mackie, Duane Thomson, Linda Hale, and Walter Meyer zu Erpen g r a c i o u s l y p o i n t e d out or provided r e f e r e n c e s that I would not have otherwise found. Walter Meyer zu Erpen, Byron Budd, and Margaret and R i c h a r d Coates g r e a t l y helped i n the f i n a l p r i n t i n g stages of the t h e s i s . Deidre Lynch and Kenneth Coates s u p p l i e d suggestions and c r i t i c i s m s throughout the time I spent r e s e a r c h i n g and w r i t i n g . F i n a l l y , I should e s p e c i a l l y l i k e to thank P r o f e s s o r W. Peter Ward for h i s encouragements and c r i t i c i s m s . 1 I. INTRODUCTION The B r i t i s h Columbian s o c i e t y that emerged d u r i n g the mid-ni n e t e e n t h century founded i t s e l f upon metaphors of death. The very act of settlement i n the P a c i f i c Coast r e g i o n was o f t e n shrouded i n a mist of m o r t a l i t y . "A voyage," to the p r o v i n c e , Margaret Ormsby w r i t e s , "was seldom completed without an outbreak of smallpox or a death from s c a r l e t fever or from measles." 1 But f a r more than the immigrants, the n a t i v e s must have looked upon the whites' coming with a sense of f o r e b o d i n g . Demographically and c u l t u r a l l y the i n c u r s i o n s of white s o c i e t y e n t a i l e d the death of much of the Indian p o p u l a t i o n , and the s e t t l e r s r e a l i z e d and even c e l e b r a t e d t h i s f a c t . 2 L a t e r , i f Vancouver accepted the somewhat unfortunate nickname "the Terminal C i t y , " i t was because i t saw i t s e l f as a new home on the coast f o r expected immigrants. In a recent examination of B r i t i s h Columbian l i t e r a t u r e , George Bowering found the p r i n c i p a l theme to be "the attempt to f i n d or make a home" where "home...means ... l i t e r a l l y and e t y m o l o g i c a l l y , a p l a c e where one may l i e down." 3 Hie jacent , many members of a h i g h l y t r a n s i e n t white s o c i e t y found t h e i r permanent home in t h e i r graves. By the mid-twentieth century, j o u r n a l i s t Bruce Hutchison suggested, the search f o r a permanent home spurred many e l d e r l y persons to s e t t l e i n the p r o v i n c e . " I t i s the normal, accepted ambition of most Canadians," he exaggerated i n 1943, "to spend t h e i r l a s t days here."" Even though death may have wielded a c e r t a i n 2 metaphorical power throughout B r i t i s h Columbian h i s t o r y , one would be hard pressed to suggest that i t "ravaged" the s o c i e t y . Rather than the communal or s o c i e t a l c r i s e s that h i s t o r i a n s of e a r l i e r c u l t u r e s have d e t a i l e d , 5 f a m i l y and i n d i v i d u a l traumas r e s u l t e d from death's encroachments on the l i v i n g of B r i t i s h Columbia. Almost s i n g l e h a n d e d l y , the p i o n e e r i n g French h i s t o r i a n P h i l i p p e A r i e s has p r o v i d e d a sweeping h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l background which has informed a l l h i s t o r i a n s of death. In a r t i c l e s which he has p u b l i s h e d s i n c e the 1960s, and e s p e c i a l l y in h i s 1977 L'Homme devant l a mort, A r i e s presents h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the h i s t o r y of changing a t t i t u d e s towards death: the l a s t thousand years of the h i s t o r y of western c i v i l i z a t i o n o f f e r f i v e d i s t i n c t , but o v e r l a p p i n g , p e r c e p t i o n s . 6 "Tamed Death," the f i r s t form, i s the t i m e - d e f y i n g a t t i t u d e found in the most " t r a d i t i o n a l " peasant s o c i e t i e s . The dying person sensed the approach of h i s or her death, c o n t r o l l e d the l a s t f a r e w e l l scene, and thus welcomed f a t e . The Knights of the Round Table and T o l s t o i ' s Russian peasants shared the same, re s i g n e d view of what c o u l d be termed, to borrow a phrase, the f i n a l stage of growth. The f i r s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l view occurred among e l i t e groups i n the e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y . As i t g r a d u a l l y spread to other s e c t o r s , "the Death of the S e l f " accentuated the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of the dying person. T h i s baroque a t t i t u d e emphasized b e l i e f i n the a f t e r l i f e , and r i c h r i t u a l s of b u r i a l concealed the s p e c t r e of death. T h i s 3 was, i n P i e r r e Chaunu's words, "une mort p r e d i c a t i o n , une mort cohue." 7 During the Enlightenment, death took an appearance of savagery and u n f a m i l i a r i t y . With the concept of "the Remote and Imminent Death," the prospect of m o r t a l i t y seemed f a s c i n a t i n g , even e r o t i c , although f e a r f u l at the same t i m e . 8 Romanticism and the s t r e n g t h e n i n g bond of the nuclear f a m i l y transformed t h i s s e n s i b i l i t y i n t o what A r i e s termed "the Death of the Other." Death became b e a u t i f u l s i n c e i t was something which oc c u r r e d to the "loved one." It was e x a l t e d with m a g n i f i c e n t ceremonies. Then, at some vague p o i n t i n time, between 1900 and i 9 6 0 , 9 a rupture r e c a s t Western a t t i t u d e s towards death. Death i s pornographic; people no longer come to terms with t h e i r m o r t a l i t y . Modern s o c i e t y denies the r e a l i t y of b u r e a u c r a t i z e d and i s o l a t e d death and, to a c e r t a i n extent, of the dead themselves. In t h i s p e r i o d of "the I n v i s i b l e Death," the t e r m i n a l moments became, in Susan Sontag's words, "an o f f e n s i v e l y meaningless e v e n t . " 1 0 T h i s f i v e p art s y n t h e s i s has not enjoyed u n c r i t i c a l acceptance. Some h i s t o r i a n s have contented themselves with r e v i s i n g s p e c i f i c d e t a i l s of A r i e s ' argument. 1 1 Others have suggested that c e r t a i n a t t i t u d e s are temporally misplaced or simply never e x i s t e d . 1 2 More than one reviewer has mentioned A r i e s ' c u r i o u s chronology and e l u s i v e c a u s a l r e a s o n i n g . 1 3 Nonetheless, A r i e s ' work remains the benchmark a g a i n s t which more s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l a nalyses measure themselves. Announcing t h e i r r e s e a r c h i n t o n i n e t e e n t h century a t t i t u d e s 4 towards death i n O n t a r i o , Bruce Bowden and Roger H a l l f e l t c o n s t r a i n e d to admit that O n t a r i o does not provide a comfortable t e s t case f o r A r i e s ' sweeping c o n c l u s i o n s about V i c t o r i a n a t t i t u d e s . For one t h i n g . . . O n t a r i a n s o c i e t y i s fundamentally a n i n e t e e n t h century c r e a t i o n . 1 * If O n t a r i o i s not "comfortable," then B r i t i s h Columbia must be even l e s s so. The P a c i f i c Coast region d i d not house s t a b l e white settlements u n t i l the l a t e 1840s. P o p u l a t i o n remained small and i s o l a t e d u n t i l a f t e r the 1880s and the completion of a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n l i n k with the r e s t of Canada. B r i t i s h Columbian s o c i e t y was a l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century c r e a t i o n , and t h e r e f o r e here we look at the l a t t e r phases of the V i c t o r i a n era's "Death of the Other" and the establishment of the " I n v i s i b l e Death" i n the t w e n t i e t h century. For the p e r i o d under examination two recent s t u d i e s p r o v i d e a d d i t i o n a l elements of h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l b ackground. 1 5 James F a r r e l l i n Inventing the American Way of Death looks at a t t i t u d e s towards death in the northern United S t a t e s between 1830 and 1920. J u s t as A r i e s ' work can be c o n s i d e r e d an attempt to provide h i s t o r i c a l context f o r G e o f f r e y Gorer's s o c i o l o g i c a l t r a c t Death, G r i e f , and Mourning i n Contemporary B r i t a i n , 1 6 F a r r e l l ' s s e t s the h i s t o r i c a l stage for J e s s i c a M i t f o r d ' s muckraking expose of North American b u r i a l customs, The American  Way of D e a t h . 1 7 F a r r e l l argues c o n f u s e d l y that both l a r g e r s o c i e t a l p r e s s u r e s and c o n s p i r a t o r i a l c a b a l s of p r o f i t - and s t a t u s - s e e k i n g undertakers and cemetery managers caused changes in a t t i t u d e s towards death. "In d i r e c t i n g the dying of death," 5 F a r r e l l exclaims i n one example of h i s sometimes e x c e s s i v e r h e t o r i c , " f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s t r i e d to c r e a t e a f u n e r a l s e r v i c e that...minimized the importance of death and g r i e f . " 1 8 What had occ u r r e d ( to take a more l i t e r a l t r a n s l a t i o n of A r i e s ' phrase " l a mort i n v e r s e e " ) was that death was not i n v e r t e d , but invented. Even f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s and cemetery managers, however, probably never enjoyed the power to shape a t t i t u d e s t h at F a r r e l l grants them. A r i e s has al r e a d y responded to such a view, suggesting the importance of p u b l i c demand: "The money earned by f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s would not be t o l e r a t e d i f they d i d not meet a profound n e e d . " 1 9 Where A r i e s , F a r r e l l and many others do agree i s on the e x i s t e n c e of a c r i s i s i n t w e n t i e t h century a t t i t u d e s towards death. Chaunu suggests that our views of m o r t a l i t y r e f l e c t an intense " c r i s e de c i v i l i s a t i o n . " 2 0 David Cannadine has r e c e n t l y responded to these doom-sayers with f o r c e : "The best time to d i e and to g r i e v e i n modern B r i t a i n i s probably now." 2 1 T h a n a t o l o g i s t s i n general and G e o f f r e y Gorer i n p a r t i c u l a r have, he proposes, overemphasized the p s y c h o l o g i c a l b e n e f i t s of w e l l -e s t a b l i s h e d mourning r i t u a l s , such as V i c t o r i a n f u n e r e a l p r a c t i c e s . D espite h i s c l a i m s to the c o n t r a r y , however, Cannadine f a i l s to m a r s h a l l evidence that r i t u a l i s t i c mourning was not p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y b e n e f i c i a l . While he may have demonstrated that i n d i v i d u a l s indeed f e l t a strong sense of g r i e f i n the t w e n t i e t h century, he has misread Gorer in suggesting that the l a t t e r argued o t h e r w i s e . 2 2 I t i s d i f f i c u l t not to agree with M i c h e l V o v e l l e ' s assessment that Cannadine's 6 l o g i c b e t r a y s "un iconoclasme p a r f o i s un peu f o r c e . " 2 3 Such s t u d i e s of a t t i t u d e s towards death s i n c e the mid-nin e t e e n t h century seem plagued, to a c e r t a i n extent, by major d e f i c i e n c i e s . H i s t o r i a n s s t u d y i n g death must a v o i d both the r h e t o r i c a l extremes of F a r r e l l and the co n f u s i n g c o n c l u s i o n s of Cannadine. Given the recentness of the h i s t o r i a n ' s venture i n t o the f i e l d of a t t i t u d e s towards death, i t should not be s u r p r i s i n g that theory remains a r e l a t i v e l y sparse crop. H i s t o r i a n s study death l a r g e l y as a r e s u l t of t h e i r i n t e r e s t in the s u b d i s c i p l i n e , the h i s t o r y of m e n t a l i t e s . 2 " Indeed, V o v e l l e has d e s c r i b e d the study of a t t i t u d e s towards death as the " f r o n t a c t u e l de l ' h i s t o i r e des m e n t a l i t e s . " 2 5 The l a r g e s t part of the l i t e r a t u r e on a t t i t u d e s towards death betrays a somewhat simple concern, termed by Peter Burke the " r e f l e c t i o n t h e s i s . " 2 6 Death deserves study f o r what i t can show us of the h i s t o r i c a l nature of human nature. R e c o n s t r u c t i o n s of how members of past s o c i e t i e s c onceived of t h e i r m o r t a l i t y are, we are t o l d , i n t e r e s t i n g i n themselves. Many such s t u d i e s of past m e n t a l i t e s are indeed of great, i n t e r e s t . Emmanuel Le Roy L a d u r i e ' s f o r m u l a t i o n of s o c i a l i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s ( among which, death ) i n a small Cathar community i n f o u r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Languedoc i s one such example, r e v e a l i n g the temporal and r e g i o n a l nature of a long-disappeared world v i e w . 2 7 For a sub j e c t area so r e c e n t l y rooted i n the h i s t o r i c a l c o nsciousness, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that so many 7 s t u d i e s of a t t i t u d e s towards death f i t i n t o t h i s a n a l y t i c a l mode. In f a c t , s i n c e we have begun only r e c e n t l y to understand the h i s t o r i c a l f i g u r a t i o n s of m o r t a l i t y , t h i s d e s c r i p t i v e stage i s h i g h l y important. T h i s same t h e o r e t i c a l stance can, nonetheless, be s e l f -d e f e a t i n g . Studying the cemetery landscape of southern B r i t i s h Columbia, for example, Mary P h i l p o t concluded that " i t i s . . . a n a c c u r a t e r e f l e c t i o n of the way the men who c r e a t e d i t conducted a f f a i r s in l i f e and d e a t h . " 2 8 M e n t a l i t e s p r o v i d e , i t appears, a m i r r o r f o r l a r g e r s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s . Yet when the r e f l e c t i o n t e l l s us no more than that V i c t o r i a was V i c t o r i a n , the F r a s e r V a l l e y a g r a r i a n , and the Cariboo region t r a n s i t o r y , we have not r e a l l y l e a r n e d a l l that much. A second group of h i s t o r i a n s attempts to i n c r e a s e the e x p l i c a t i v e f o r c e of the examination of m e n t a l i t e s , l i n k i n g changes i n mental and c u l t u r a l s t r u c t u r e s to s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . S e r v i n g to d e f i n e and enforce s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , m e n t a l i t e or c u l t u r e 2 9 becomes a means of domination, even of o p p r e s s i o n . Joachim Whaley, in studying f u n e r a l r i t e s in l a t e seventeenth- and e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Hamburg, s t r e s s e d the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l import of the d i s p o s a l of the corpse. B u r i a l not only r e f l e c t e d the s t a t i o n of l i f e of the deceased, i t a l s o served to r e i n f o r c e the l e g i t i m a c y of that s t a t i o n . 3 0 T h i s f u n c t i o n a l i s t t r e n d has spawned an even more strenuous i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the r o l e of m e n t a l i t e s . According to Robert Muchembled, popular c u l t u r e ( or i n h i s terms, c u l t u r e de  masse ) was f o i s t e d upon the peasants and the p r o l e t a r i a t , 8 alienating them from their s p e c i f i c economic conditions of degradation. Popular culture, he writes, attenuait l a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y des e l i t e s dans la conquete c u l t u r e l l e comme dans 1'exploitation des masses laborieuses, creant a i n s i un ecran qui masqua longtemps l a r e a l i t e de ce qui aurait pu etre une l u t t e de classes. 3 1 The mirror has turned into a screen, and the lower classes have entered a "Brave New World." But this interpretation both excludes any v i t a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by those classes in the unfolding of history and implies an impossibility of change. Alain < Croix' recent study of death in Brittany applies Muchembled's framework. There, too, c u l t u r a l change was imposed from above. The "offensive dans le domaine de l a mort...," Croix concludes, n'est certainement pas consciemment i n s c r i t e dans la constitution d'un mode de production c a p i t a l i s t e mais e l l e est bien, en revanche, coherente et deliberee. 3 2 Other scholars have rejected such simple models of c u l t u r a l change. "If...there were merely an imposed ideology...," writes the Marxist l i t e r a r y h i s t o r i a n Raymond Williams, " i t would be...a very much easier thing to overthrow." 3 3 The anthropologist C l i f f o r d Geertz concurs: "Anything may, of course, play a role in helping society work...; just as anything may help i t tear i t s e l f a p a r t . " 3 4 The emphasis l i e s in mental processes rather than structures, and the history of mentalites becomes less a study of oppression, and more one of expression. 9 Death, i f we pursue th is concept, changes from a screen to a stage, a d i m l y - l i t platform upon which men and women enact, overcome, and succumb to a l l sorts of s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s . John McManners' French c i t i z e n s of the Enlightenment played such r o l e s : Death-beds and funerals have been the points of dec is ive encounter in the warfare between churchmen and a n t i c l e r i c a l s which was the cent ra l theme of so much of French h is tory from the eighteenth century onwards. 3 5 The c o n f l i c t s occasioned by the advent of death revealed and indeed represented the most fundamental i n t e l l e c t u a l and s o c i a l turmoils of the century. Death, furthermore, served to mediate and express the ambiguit ies and uncer ta int ies of the larger s o c i a l transformations of the century. If , consequently, we can see death in B r i t i s h Columbia as providing a stage upon which s o c i a l re la t ionsh ips are enacted, we s t i l l need to present the players who w i l l l i v e out the drama. Gorer, A r i e s , and F a r r e l l a l l note the s i g n i f i c a n t ro le the middle c l a s s has played in changing at t i tudes towards death in the nineteenth and twentieth c e n t u r i e s . 3 6 None of them, however, pursue the analys is fu r ther , having accepted i m p l i c i t and vague d e f i n i t i o n s of the bourgeois ie . But as Peter Gay points out in h is study of nineteenth century bourgeois s e n s i b i l i t i e s , anxiety over i t s own d e f i n i t i o n represented a s i g n i f i c a n t part of the middle c lass experience. For the h i s t o r i a n , the attempt to ident i f y the s o c i a l group 10 becomes doubly d i f f i c u l t : "Perhaps the most severe hurdle impeding the e n t e r p r i s e of d e f i n i n g the n i n e t e e n t h century b o u r g e o i s i e i s i t s t r o u b l e d attempts at s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n . " 3 7 Contemporary members of the middle c l a s s and modern h i s t o r i a n s must accept a negative i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ; the bourgeois were " n e i t h e r a r i s t o c r a t s nor l a b o r e r s , " and f e l t "uneasy in t h e i r middle c l a s s s k i n s . " 3 8 In l i g h t of such an obscure i d e n t i t y , i t would not be s u r p r i s i n g i f the bourgeois had recourse to other methods of s e l f - a f f i r m a t i o n . Death, t h i s t h e s i s w i l l argue, provided one such means. T r a c i n g the contours of changing a t t i t u d e s towards death i n B r i t i s h Columbia between 1850 and 1950, we can d i s c e r n an anxious middle c l a s s i n t e n t on d e f i n i n g i t s e l f through i t s words, r i t u a l s , and monuments. B r i t i s h Columbia, that product of Gay's n i n e t e e n t h "bourgeois c e n t u r y , " was probably not much d i f f e r e n t than the United S t a t e s i n i t s q u i n t e s s e n t i a l bourgeois c h a r a c t e r . 3 9 I t s e a r l y settlement d i r e c t e d by the merchant c a p i t a l i s m of the Hudson's Bay Company, B r i t i s h Columbia subsequently took shape under the watchful eye of p a t e r n a l i s t i c i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , entrepreneurs, and government a d m i n i s t r a t o r s . ' 0 " C l a s s s t r u c t u r e s were c r e a t e d , " Jean Barman w r i t e s , " i n B r i t i s h Columbia from the top down.""1 The b o u r g e o i s i e enacted i t s own i d e n t i t y , in p a r t , on the stage of death. But as the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t Rene G i r a r d p o i n t s out, groups can only d e f i n e themselves by e x p e l l i n g o t h e r s . " 2 The B r i t i s h Columbian b o u r g e o i s i e , without attempting to exclude a l l of the working c l a s s from i t s m e n t a l i t e , e n f o r c e d i t s c h a r a c t e r by d e f i n i n g 11 the kind of respect a pauper's death would r e c e i v e . How the working c l a s s responded to the b o u r g e o i s i e ' s s e l f - a f f i r m a t i o n i s a worthy drama, but not one which w i l l be recounted h e r e . ' 3 Even w i t h i n the r e s t r i c t e d scope of middle c l a s s sentiments, a c e r t a i n degree of c o n f l i c t c h a r a c t e r i z e d a t t i t u d e s towards death. Most h i s t o r i a n s propose that the c h i e f c o n f l i c t in the t w e n t i e t h century i s the r e p r e s s i o n of our r e a c t i o n s to death."" The contemporary d e n i a l of death i s tantamount, Gorer suggests, to the n i n e t e e n t h century taboo on s e x u a l i t y . Death i s obscene and pornographic, i t s r e a l i t y obscured and obfuscated: The n a t u r a l processes of c o r r u p t i o n and decay have become d i s g u s t i n g , as d i s g u s t i n g as the n a t u r a l processes of b i r t h and c o p u l a t i o n were a century ago." 5 Yet the r h e t o r i c of those who suggest that the t w e n t i e t h century bourgeois denies death i s e x c e s s i v e . "The man who e l a b o r a t e s ways to a v o i d what he cannot cope with does not deny i t ; " W i l l i a m May argues, "with every t w i s t and turn of h i s l i f e , he c o n f e s s e s to i t s r e a l i t y f o r him."" 6 M i c h e l Foucault has shed f u r t h e r l i g h t on our understanding of the " r e p r e s s i v e n e s s " of modern c u l t u r e . What i s p e c u l i a r to modern s o c i e t i e s , i n f a c t , i s not that they consigned sex to a shadow e x i s t e n c e , but that they d e d i c a t e d themselves to speaking of i t ad  i n f i n i t u m , while e x p l o i t i n g i t as the s e c r e t . For the b o u r g e o i s i e , the d i s c u s s i o n of sex represented t h e i r key to power, t h e i r meaning f o r e x i s t e n c e . " 7 But i f Foucault has 1 2 s h a t t e r e d G o r e r ' s p r e m i s e , we s t i l l have the l a t t e r ' s c o n c l u s i o n : d e a t h has become p o r n o g r a p h i c because p e o p l e were no l o n g e r a b l e or w i l l i n g t o speak of i t . James F a r r e l l c a r r i e s t h i s argument t o r h e t o r i c a l extremes. "By 1920...," he w r i t e s , " i f d e ath would not d i e , a t l e a s t i t c o u l d be b a n i s h e d from t h o u g h t . " " 8 Yet psychology t e a c h e s us t h a t r e p r e s s i o n c o u l d never be so m e c h a n i c a l l y c o m p l e t e . " 9 B r i t i s h Columbian e v i d e n c e s u g g e s t s a nuance on the theme of d e n i a l ; t hroughout the p e r i o d under study the tendency was t o i n t e r n a l i z e r e a c t i o n s t o d e a t h . S h i f t i n g from the c o n f i n e s of the f a m i l y c i r c l e a t the b e g i n n i n g of the p e r i o d t o the garden of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s memory at the end, b o u r g e o i s B r i t i s h Columbians s h a r e d t h e i r r e a c t i o n s t o d e a t h l e s s and l e s s w i t h each o t h e r . They d i d n o t , however, deny i t . Indeed, we might argue, they c o n f r o n t e d i t i n t h e i r minds, i f o n l y through the haze of o b s c u r e metaphors and euphemisms. T h i s c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h d e a t h , l i k e F o u c a u l t ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of m i d d l e c l a s s d i s c o u r s e s on s e x u a l i t y , had an end r e s u l t i n a i d i n g i n the s e l f - a f f i r m a t i o n of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y b o u r g e o i s i e . T h i s study b e g i n s , of c o u r s e , w i t h the e a r l y phases of w h i t e s e t t l e m e n t . The reasons f o r ending i n 1950 a r e more a r b i t r a r y . O r i g i n a l l y , 1950 was chosen because the r e c o r d s of the Dwyer F u n e r a l Home, the f i r s t r e c o r d s c o n s u l t e d , ended i n t h a t y e a r . More s i g n i f i c a n t , however, was the s u g g e s t i o n by v a r i o u s o b s e r v e r s t h a t the i n c r e a s e i n l i t e r a t u r e on d e a t h s i n c e the 1950s r e p r e s e n t s a new phase i n Western a t t i t u d e s towards d e a t h . 5 0 The y e a r 1950 was chosen, t h e r e f o r e , i n o r d e r t h a t we 13 might r e s i s t the temptation of d e a l i n g with t h i s "new" a t t i t u d e . As the c o n c l u s i o n w i l l show, however, the temptation won. The i n i t i a l two chapters d e a l with two separate but of course r e l a t e d aspects of a t t i t u d e s towards death. In the f i r s t , we s h a l l examine the p e r c e p t i o n s of the demographic i n c i d e n c e of m o r t a l i t y and the r e l a t i o n s h i p of these p e r c e p t i o n s to the middle c l a s s l e d p u b l i c h e a l t h movement. The second chapter d e a l s with bourgeois w r i t i n g s on death, such as they appear i n d i a r i e s , memoirs, and e s p e c i a l l y condolence l e t t e r s . In the t h i r d chapter we examine the r i t u a l s which r e f l e c t and embody r e a c t i o n s to death. F i n a l l y , we study the e v o l u t i o n of cemetery landscapes to d i s c e r n how the middle c l a s s view the p h y s i c a l c o n s e c r a t i o n of the r e a l i t y of death. 1 4 Notes - Chapter I 1 B r i t i s h Columbia, A H i s t o r y , 2nd ed., ( Toronto: Macmillan^ 1971 ), p. 111. 2 Robin F i s h e r , Contact and C o n f l i c t : I n d i a n - European  R e l a t i o n s i n B r i t i s h Columbia ', I Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of" B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1977 ), pp. 87-8. 3 "Home Away: A Thematic Study of Some B r i t i s h Columbian Novels," B C S t u d i e s , 62 ( summer, 1984 ), 9. " The Unknown Country: Canada and Her People, ( Toronto: Longmans, Green and Co., 1943 V, pT 332. 5 For a d i s c u s s i o n of a s o c i e t y where death ravaged both the immediate community and the l a r g e r s o c i e t y , see David Stannard, The P u r i t a n Way of Death: A Study i n R e l i g i o n ,  C u l t u r e , and S o c i a l Change, ( New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977 ) . 6 The Hour of Our Death, t r a n s . Helen Weaver, ( New York: Vintage Books, 1982 ). 7 "Mourir a P a r i s ( XVIe - XVII e -XVI H e s i e c l e s ), Annales: Economies, S o c i e t e s , C u l t u r e s , 31, 1 ( J a n v i e r f e v r i e r 1976 ), 30. 8 A r i e s does not i n c l u d e t h i s phase i n an e a r l i e r s y n t h e s i s : Western A t t i t u d e s toward Death from the Middle Ages  to the Present") t r a n s . Patr i c i a Ranum, I B a i t imore: Johns Hopkins U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974 ). 9 A r i e s ' chronology i s ra t h e r c o n f u s i n g on t h i s p o i n t . See I b i d . , pp. 85-103; i d . , The Hour, pp. 559-601. 1 0 I l l n e s s as Metaphor, ( New York: Vintage Books, 1977 ), p. 8. 1 1 For example, J.-L. Bourgeon, "La peur d' e t r e e n t e r r e v i v a n t au XVIIIe s i e c l e : mythe ou r e a l i t e ? " , Revue d ' h i s t o i r e  moderne et contemporaine, 30, ( janvier-mars 1983" T~r 139-153. 1 2 Lawrence Stone, "Death," i n The Past and the Present, (Boston: Routledge & Kegan Pa u l , 1981 ), pp. 251-3. 1 3 I b i d . , pp. 253-5; Joachim Whaley, " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " i n 1 5 ed. Whaley, M i r r o r s of M o r t a l i t y ; S t u d i e s i n the S o c i a l H i s t o r y  of Death, ( London: Europa P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1981 ), pp. 4-9. 1" "The Impact of Death: An H i s t o r i c a l and A r c h i v a l Reconnaissance i n t o V i c t o r i a n O n t a r i o , " A r c h i v a r i a , 14 ( summer, 1982 ), 97. 1 5 V a r i o u s other works d e a l i n g with the p e r i o d are more d e s c r i p t i v e than a n a l y t i c a l . J . Morley, Death, Heaven and the  V i c t o r i a n s , ( London: Studio V i s t a , 1971 ); J . S. C u r l , The  V i c t o r i a n C e l e b r a t i o n of Death, ( London: David and C h a r l e s , 1972 ); S. T. K l e i n b e r g , "Death and the Working C l a s s , " J o u r n a l of Popular C u l t u r e , 11,1 ( summer, 1977 ), 193-209; J . Walvin, "Dust to Dust: C e l e b r a t i o n s of Death in V i c t o r i a n England," H i s t o r i c a l R e f l e c t i o n s - R e f l e x i o n s h i s t o r i q u e s , 9, 3 ( f a l l , 1982 ), 353-371. 1 6 ( London, Cresset Press, 1965 ). A r i e s admits h i s debt to Gorer in The Hour, x v i . 1 7 2nd ed., ( New York: Fawcett C r e s t , 1978 ). 1 8 Inventing the American Way of Death, 1830 - 1920, ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : Temple U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1980 ), p. 178. 1 9 Western A t t i t u d e s , p. 100; see a l s o Kathy Charmaz, The  S o c i a l R e a l i t y of Death: Death in Contemporary America, (Reading, Mass.: Addam-Wesley P u b l i s h i n g Co., 1980 ), p. 189. 2 0 La mort a P a r i s , ( P a r i s : Fayard, 1978 ), pp. 3-14. 2 1 "War and Death, G r i e f and Mourning in Modern B r i t a i n , " i n ed. Whaley, M i r r o r s of M o r t a l i t y , p. 189. 2 2 Death, G r i e f and Mourning, pp. 110-114. 2 3 "Encore l a mort: un peu p l u s qu'une mode?", Annales:  Economies, S o c i e t e s , C u l t u r e s , 37,2 ( m a r s - a v r i l 1982 ), 286. 2 * Incidence of death as a demographic f a c t has a l s o , of course, warranted study. Even many demographic h i s t o r i a n s , however, permit themselves a glance at m e n t a l i t e s . For example, P. Uhlenberg, "Death and the Family," J o u r n a l of  Family H i s t o r y , 5,3 ( f a l l , 1980 ), 313-320. 2 5 "Les a t t i t u d e s devant l a mort, f r o n t a c t u e l de l ' h i s t o i r e de m e n t a l i t e s , " A r c h i v e s de s c i e n c e s s o c i a l e s des  R e l i g i o n s , 20, 39 ( Janvier - j u i n 1975 ), 17-29. 2 6 "From Pioneers to S e t t l e r s : Recent S t u d i e s of the H i s t o r y of Popular C u l t u r e , A Review A r t i c l e , " Contemporary  Studie s i n S o c i e t y and H i s t o r y , 25, 1 ( January, 1983 T~, 183. 2 7 M o n t a i l l o u ; Cathars and C a t h o l i c s i n a French V i l l a g e , 1 6 1294-1324, t r a n s . Barbara Bray, ( London: Scholar Press, 1978). 2 8 "In t h i s Neglected Spot: The Rural Cemetery Landscape i n Southern B r i t i s h Columbia," ( M. A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1976), p. 99. 2 9 P a t r i c k Hutton has suggested that " ' m e n t a l i t i e s ' i s a code name f o r what used to be c a l l e d c u l t u r e . " "The H i s t o r y of M e n t a l i t i e s : The New Map of C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y , " H i s t o r y and  Theory, 20 ( 1981 ), 237. 3 0 "Symbolism f o r the S u r v i v o r s : The D i s p o s a l of . the Dead in Hamburg i n the l a t e seventeenth and e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s , " i n ed. Whaley, M i r r o r s of M o r t a l i t y , p. 80; see a l s o R. C. Finucane, "Sacred Corpse, Profane C a r r i o n : S o c i a l I d e a l s and Death R i t u a l s in the l a t e r Middle Ages," in I b i d . , pp. 40-60. 3 1 C u l t u r e p o p u l a i r e et c u l t u r e des e l i t e s dans l a France  moderne ( XVe - XVIII s i e c l e s ), I P a r i s : Flammar ion, 1977 T~, pT 387. 3 2 La Bretagne aux 16e et 17e s i e c l e s : l a v i e - l a mort -l a f o i , ( P a r i s : Maloine, 1981 ), 2:1253. 3 3 "Base and S u p e r s t r u c t u r e i n M a r x i s t C u l t u r a l Theory," New L e f t Review, 82 ( Nov.-Dec., 1973 ), 9. 3 * "Art as a C u l t u r a l System," in L o c a l Knowledge: F u r t h e r  Essays i n I n t e r p r e t i v e Anthropology, ( New York: Basic Books, 1983 ), p. 99. , 3 5 "Death and the French H i s t o r i a n s , " i n ed. Whaley, M i r r o r s of M o r t a l i t y , p. 109; i d . , Death and the Enlightenment:  Changing A t t i t u d e s to Death among C h r i s t i a n s and U n b e l i e v e r s i n  E i g h t e e n t h Century France, ( Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981 Ti 3 6 Gorer, Death, G r i e f and Mourning, p. 19-22; A r i e s , The  Hour, pp. 594-5; F a r r e l l , I nventing the American Way, pp. 214-9. 3 7 The Bourgeois Experience: V i c t o r i a to Freud. V o l . I  Education of the Senses, ( New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1984 ) , p. iT. 3 8 I b i d . , p. 31. 3 9 I b i d . , p. 5. *° Robert McDonald, " V i c t o r i a , Vancouver, and the Economic Development of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1886-1914," in ed. W. Peter Ward and McDonald, B r i t i s h Columbia: H i s t o r i c a l Readings, (Vancouver: Douglas and M c l n t y r e , 1981), 369-375. a 1 "Growing up B r i t i s h i n B r i t i s h Columbia: Boys in P r i v a t e 1 7 School, 1900-1950," (D. Ed. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1982), p. 468. 4 2 G i r a r d bases h i s theory on s a c r i f i c i a l v i c t i m s . V i o l e n c e and the Sacred, t r a n s . P a t r i c k Gregory, ( B a l t i m o r e : Johns Hopkins U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977 ), pp. 309-318. 4 3 S i m i l a r l y , t h i s t h e s i s w i l l e x c l u s i v e l y examine a t t i t u d e s towards death among the white p o p u l a t i o n of the p r o v i n c e . The term " B r i t i s h Columbians" w i l l o f t e n be used, for ease of r e f e r e n c e , to d e s c r i b e the white s o c i e t y . The n a t i v e and O r i e n t a l p o p u l a t i o n s had very d i s t i n c t a t t i t u d e s towards death, at l e a s t at the beginning of the p e r i o d , and a study of t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s would demand a "history of a c c u l t u r a t i o n and e t h n i c p e r s i s t e n c e , f a r removed from the focus of t h i s paper. 4 4 For example, see A r i e s : "[ S o c i e t y ] i s a l s o s u b j e c t to i r r e s i s t i b l e movements that put i t i n a s t a t e of c r i s i s and impose a t r a n s i t o r y u n i t y of a g g r e s s i o n or d e n i a l . One of these movements has u n i f i e d mass s o c i e t y a g a i n s t death." The Hour, p. 613. 4 5 "The Pornography of Death," (an a r t i c l e which f i r s t appeared i n 1955), r e p r i n t e d i n Gorer, Death, G r i e f and  Mourning, p. 172. 4 6 "The S a c r a l Power of Death i n Contemporary Experience," S o c i a l Research, 39, 3 ( autumn, 1972 ), 472. 4 7 The H i s t o r y of S e x u a l i t y . _ Volume I: An I n t r o d u c t i o n , t r a n s . Robert Hurley, (New York: Vintage Books, 1980), pp. 115-131, quote from p. 35. Peter Gay, Education of the Senses, a l s o shows that the n i n e t e e n t h century b o u r g e o i s i e d i d not shun i t s s e x u a l i t y , but he bases h i s c o n c l u s i o n s , he notes, on e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t premises than does F o u c a u l t , pp. 468-9. 4 8 Inventing the American Way, p. 180. 4 9 J u l i e n Freund, "La s i g n i f i c a t i o n de l a mort et l e p r o j e t c o l l e c t i f , " A r c h i v e s de s c i e n c e s s o c i a l e s des R e l i g i o n s , 20, 39 ( j a n v i e r - j u i n 1975), 31; F o u c a u l t , H i s t o r y of S e x u a l i t y , p. 81. 5 0 See, f o r example, C h a r l e s Jackson, "Death i n American L i f e , " i n ed. Jackson, P a s s i n g : The V i s i o n of Death i n America, ( Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1977 ), p. 237-9; Stone, "Death," p. 248; Whaley, " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " p. 7. 18 I I . MORTALITY STATISTICS AND THE PUBLIC HEALTH The American h i s t o r i a n C h a r l e s Jackson r a i s e s the i n t e r e s t i n g q u e s t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the demographic i n c i d e n c e of m o r t a l i t y and popular a t t i t u d e s towards death. "The gradual r e j e c t i o n of s o c i a l mourning as w e l l as the growing r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t e l a b o r a t e f u n e r a l p r a c t i c e may be," he suggests, "a q u i t e n a t u r a l consequence of present death demography." 1 But, a c c o r d i n g to M i c h e l V o v e l l e the q u e s t i o n i s c l o s e d , " l ' h i s t o r i e n des m e n t a l i t e s y a deja repondu: i l n'y a pas de l i e n mecanique." 2 We may have to r e j e c t the o v e r l y mechanical r e l a t i o n s h i p Jackson proposes. Although d e c l i n i n g m o r t a l i t y r a t e s between .1850 and 1950 may have i n f l u e n c e d a t t i t u d e s , i t i s p o s s i b l e to argue that the growing r e j e c t i o n of a f a t a l i s t i c r e s i g n a t i o n before death had, i t s e l f , a pronounced e f f e c t on death s t a t i s t i c s . An i n c r e a s i n g optimism towards demographic r e a l i t i e s , among the middle c l a s s at l e a s t , expressed i t s e l f through the c o m p i l a t i o n of v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s and a t t i t u d e s towards p u b l i c h e a l t h measures. If the death r a t e , by the end of the p e r i o d , was lower than i t had been at the beginning, the d e c l i n e was due i n part to a g r e a t e r awareness and acceptance of i n d i v i d u a l and p u b l i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s towards h e a l t h . And i f m o r t a l i t y s t a t i s t i c s were more r e l i a b l e i n 1950 than i n 1850, t h i s f a c t must a l s o be due to a s h i f t i n a t t i t u d e s . 19 In V i c t o r i a i n 1856 a young Reverend Edward Cridge d e l i v e r e d a sermon on the occasion of l o c a l m a g i s t r a t e Thomas B l i n k h o r n ' s f u n e r a l . Cridge exhorted the mourners to prepare for death: "Time i s s h o r t , l i f e u n c e r t a i n , you know not the day nor the hour. If you have not begun i n earnest to prepare f o r t h i s event, you should begin t h i s very day, t h i s very hour." 3 Cridge was not alone i n e x p r e s s i n g , even promoting, the r e s i g n a t i o n of u n c e r t a i n t y before the u n y i e l d i n g power of death. The businessman R i c h a r d Carr c o n f i d e d to h i s d i a r y , "we know not what an hour may b r i n g f o r t h , may we be found prepared i s my f e r v a n t [ s i c ] prayer."" Neither Cridge nor Carr a s p i r e d to a s t a t i s t i c a l l y based l i f e span. A d u l t s f e l t the need to c o n f r o n t t h e i r imminent m o r t a l i t y . They a l s o hastened to i n c u l c a t e the same a t t i t u d e i n t h e i r c h i l d r e n . If a neighbour made C a r r ' s young daughter Emily k i s s the corpse of her baby, i t was because Mrs. McConnell deemed i t necessary f o r c h i l d r e n to be acquainted with d e a t h . 5 S i m i l a r l y an 1867 reader i n use i n B r i t i s h Columbian schools warned school c h i l d r e n to s t e e r away from the "ignominious death of the wicked." 6 Such enforced c o n f r o n t a t i o n probably r e s u l t e d from p e r s o n a l experience with m o r t a l i t y . Charles Hayward, V i c t o r i a ' s pre-eminent f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r and l a t e r the c i t y ' s mayor, had l o s t three of h i s c h i l d r e n at young ages. As a consequence, there i s more than pious formalism i n the phrase he i n c l u d e d i n h i s proud account i n 1888 of h i s sons' s c h o l a s t i c successes: My two younger sons Ernest ( 11 ) and R e g i n a l d ( 8 ) are being educated at the p u b l i c school and ( excuse my v a n i t y ) g i v e promise ( i f spared ) of doing 20 themselves and the i n s t i t u t i o n c r e d i t . 7 But Hayward, as probably many others of h i s p e r i o d , was a c t u a l l y torn between an unquestioned acceptance of C h r i s t i a n f a t a l i s m and a growing b e l i e f that human a c t i o n s should be able to postpone that f i n a l hour. D e s c r i b i n g the l o s s of h i s c h i l d r e n to h i s s i s t e r , he wrote with a h i n t of r e b e l l i o n , that "we f e l t at t h at time how hard i t was to bow i n submission to His w i l l and f e e l that He doeth a l l t h i n g s w e l l . " 8 I f any one group were to r e j e c t f a t a l i s m , we might expect i t to be the medical p r o f e s s i o n . Nonetheless, Dr. John Sebastian Helmcken recorded in h i s memoirs a view which expresses both the g r a d u a l l y r e l a x i n g a t t i t u d e towards the i n e v i t a b l e immediacy of death and h i s continued, t e n t a t i v e r e s i g n a t i o n to f a t e . R e c a l l i n g the death of h i s wife C e c i l i a at the age of t h i r t y - o n e i n 1865, he wrote: "Indeed in l o o k i n g back I am almost l e d to the b e l i e f that under more f a v o r a b l e c o n d i t i o n s she might have l i v e d - but who knows?" 9 These B r i t i s h Columbians were unsure of the e f f i c a c y of human i n t e r v e n t i o n i n p e r m i t t i n g the f u l f i l l m e n t of demographic promises. They had not yet a c q u i r e d the s t a t i s t i c a l c o n sciousness, "the t i m e t a b l e of e x i s t e n c e , " that would, i n John McManners' words,, reduce "human r e l a t i o n s h i p s to the elemental t a c t i c s and sympathies of a programme of s u r v i v a l . " 1 0 Since the ei g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y , ever i n c r e a s i n g p o r t i o n s of the b o u r g e o i s i e were won over to the r e c o g n i t i o n of the "timeta b l e of e x i s t e n c e . " Such a r e c o g n i t i o n e n t a i l e d f a c i n g 21 the grim r e a l i t y of death. The c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of h e a l t h by p h y s i c i a n s d u r i n g the Enlightenment demanded, p h i l o s o p h e r Michel Foucault argues, a d i r e c t c o n f r o n t a t i o n with m o r t a l i t y . The l i f e / d i s e a s e / d e a t h t r i n i t y was a r t i c u l a t e d i n a t r i a n g l e whose summit culminated i n death; p e r c e p t i o n c o u l d grasp l i f e and disease i n a s i n g l e u n i t y only i n s o f a r as i t in v e s t e d death in i t s own gaze. 1 1 Consequently, i t i s no s u r p r i s e that the p u b l i c h e a l t h movement in B r i t i s h Columbia should by the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century vehemently condemn the popular a t t i t u d e of f a t a l i s m . The second annual report of the P r o v i n c i a l Board of Health d e c r i e d the f a c t that people commonly speak of death from d i p t h e r i a , typhoid f e v e r , consumption, c h o l e r a , e t c . , as a v i s i t a t i o n from God. Modern s c i e n t i s t s know they are nothing of the kind, that the Almighty has nothing to do with such d i s a s t e r s , but that death from such causes a r i s e s from ignorance and the non-observance of the laws of hygiene. 1 2 The P r o v i n c i a l Board furthermore owed i t s very e x i s t e n c e to the m o r t a l i t y c r i s e s of the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century. The c o l o n i a l government had passed l e g i s l a t i o n in 1869 p r o v i d i n g f o r the establishment of a c e n t r a l board of h e a l t h , but t h i s board would only s i t duri n g a time of emergency and would disband a f t e r the t h r e a t had p a s s e d . 1 3 In 1894, a smallpox epidemic and a menace of c h o l e r a l e d the p r o v i n c i a l government to e s t a b l i s h a permanent Board of H e a l t h . 1 " Only the p u b l i c r e c o g n i t i o n of the ravages of death was able to goad the p r o v i n c i a l government i n t o a c t i o n on more than an ad hoc s c a l e . 22 But the most s t r i k i n g way in which the proponents of better sanitary and medical measures faced death was in the use of s t a t i s t i c s . "The public health movement," Terence Murphy suggests, tracing i t s o r i g i n s , was " b u i l t on medical s t a t i s t i c s . " 1 5 George Emery asserts that in nineteenth century Ontario mortality s t a t i s t i c s provided the necessary j u s t i f i c a t i o n for the movement's a c t i v i t i e s : " C i v i l r e g i s t r a t i on developed f u l l y through a l l i a n c e with the public health movement."16 Thus, when reporting on the i n s t a l l a t i o n of sewers in V i c t o r i a in the 1890s, a c i t y o f f i c i a l c i t e d a declining death rate as proof of the measure's e f f e c t i v e n e s s . 1 7 In 1911 a contributor to the Public Health Journal, in estimating B r i t i s h Columbia's mortality s t a t i s t i c s , wrote, "the annual death rate of a c i t y , province or dominion i s i t s health balance sheet." 1 8 Death rates provided both a reason and a measure for the work of the health a u t h o r i t i e s . But accurate s t a t i s t i c s did not inevitably l i e within the grasp of the public health movement. John McManners, in examining the beginning of the s t a t i s t i c a l study of l i f e and death during the Enlightenment, suggests that the act of compiling s t a t i s t i c s can be of as much h i s t o r i c a l interest as the subsequent use historians make of these compilations. Numerical techniques, as more than one early c r i t i c noted, denied the uniqueness of the i n d i v i d u a l . 1 9 By the nineteenth century governments recognized the advantages of data c o l l e c t i o n . In early B r i t i s h Columbia, 23 c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s r e p o r t e d the annual number of b i r t h s , deaths, and marriages in the "Blue Books" sent to the C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y i n London. 2 0 Although the l o c a l c o u n c i l s d i s c u s s e d the sub j e c t of l e g a l l y e n f o r c i n g the r e g i s t r a t i o n of v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s d u r i n g the 1860s, 2 1 i t was the new p r o v i n c i a l government which adopted the R e g i s t r a t i o n of B i r t h s , Deaths and Marriages Act i n 1872. At f i r s t the new bureau of v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s r e l i e d e x t e n s i v e l y on p u b l i c c o o p e r a t i o n . Death n o t i c e s were to be s u p p l i e d by the "occupant of the house wherein the death happened." 2 2 In the face of general apathy, however, the p r o v i n c i a l r e g i s t r a r recommended in 1877 that the act be ammended so as to appeal f o r the c o o p e r a t i o n , more s p e c i f i c a l l y , of the middle c l a s s . The new c l a u s e r e q u i r e d r e g i s t r a t i o n from "every M i n i s t e r of other person who b u r i e s or performs any f u n e r a l or r e l i g i o u s s e r v i c e f o r the b u r i a l of any dead body...within t h i r t y days a f t e r such b u r i a l . " 2 3 But even the bourgeois c l e r g y and undertakers a p p a r e n t l y continued to demonstrate r e l u c t a n c e . As l a t e as 1896, the R e g i s t r a r noted the problems i n a c h i e v i n g v a l i d r e t u r n s concerning m o r t a l i t y . 2 " P u b l i s h e d s t a t i s t i c s on causes of death i l l u s t r a t e that medical personnel a l s o had d i f f i c u l t y agreeing or complying with the p r o v i n c i a l government's wishes. Up to the 1890s, as many as a t h i r d of a l l causes of death were not s p e c i f i e d or were i l l -d e f i n e d by the person completing the death r e t u r n . Only i n the 1890s d i d the p r o p o r t i o n of p o o r l y d e f i n e d causes c o n s i s t e n t l y f a l l below f i v e percent of the t o t a l . [ See F i g u r e I ] In the 24 F i g u r e 1 - P r o p o r t i o n of I l l - D e f i n e d Causes of Death i n Government S t a t i s t i c s on M o r t a l i t y , 1872-1910 S 0 U r C 6 : ReP°rts of the R e g i s t r a r of B i r t h s , Death, and M a r r i a g e . 6l '0S/ °0 Si 30V±N33H3d 25 same decade , the p r o v i n c i a l r e g i s t r a r proposed m o r t a l i t y r a t e s fo r s p e c i f i c B r i t i s h Columbian l o c a l i t i e s , but government t a b u l a t i o n s of province-wide r a t e s do not extend f u r t h e r back than 1911. 2 5 A l s o in 1911, the board i s s u e d a new death r e g i s t r a t i o n form, r e q u i r i n g from the a t t e n d i n g p h y s i c i a n both the remote and immediate causes of d e a t h . 2 6 E v i d e n t l y government o f f i c i a l s b e l i e v e d by the 1910s that they had s u c c e s s f u l l y awakened a s t a t i s t i c a l and medical consciousness, at l e a s t among the middle c l a s s . The consciousness which more and more B r i t i s h Columbians enjoyed was the f a c t that the death rate was d e c l i n i n g d u r i n g the p e r i o d . T h i s was, i n the Western world at l e a s t , a widespread phenomenon. "The i n c r e a s e i n l i f e chances among Europeans s i n c e the middle of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , " B r i t i s h demographer J . M. Winter notes, "was probably g r e a t e r than the t o t a l gains made over the p r e v i o u s m i l l e n i u m . " 2 7 But the d e c l i n e was not n e c e s s a r i l y evident at a l l times. Throughout most of the n i n e t e e n t h century i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s , f o r example, m o r t a l i t y r a t e s remained r e l a t i v e l y constant. Between o n e - f i f t h and o n e - t h i r d of a l l c h i l d r e n would die before age ten, and the average twenty-year-old c o u l d expect from f o r t y to f o r t y - f i v e more years of l i f e . 2 8 When m o r t a l i t y r a t e s d i d drop, B r i t i s h evidence suggests, s p e c i f i c age groups were a f f e c t e d at d i f f e r e n t p e r i o d s . During the 1870s, c h i l d r e n , a d o l e s c e n t s and young a d u l t s ( ages two to 26 t h i r t y - f i v e ) were f i r s t to register a decreasing mortality rate. Adult aged t h i r t y - f i v e to s i x t y - f i v e enjoyed increasing l i f e expectancy by the 1890s. Infant mortality ( death before one year of age ) did not diminish u n t i l the turn of the century. 2 9 In Canada the crude death rate dropped between 1851 and 1951 from 24.6 to 9.0 per 1000. 3 0 We know from analyses of census materials that in B r i t i s h North America the l i f e expectancy at b i r t h of about forty years in 1850 d i f f e r e d l i t t l e from the rates prevailing in the United States and Great B r i t a i n . 3 ' Nonetheless, demonstrating that B r i t i s h Columbian mortality s t a t i s t i c s followed the same evolution as did those of Great B r i t a i n , the United States or even Canada, is a d i f f i c u l t task. One complication is the u n r e l i a b i l i t y of the data. Discussion of a crude death rate requires both the number of deaths within a given time period ( a year ) and a population base to place that number in context. We have already mentioned the discrepencies in the death returns. Census material was perhaps more r e l i a b l e , but i t was not e n t i r e l y s a t i s f a c t o r y for our purposes. F i r s t , census and death returns deal with s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t populations. While enumerators received instructions to include the entire de jure population of a l o c a l i t y for a given date, v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s present data for a longer period. Secondly, historians have noted some of the problems faced by nineteenth century census t a k e r s . 3 2 The 1881 census in B r i t i s h Columbia r e f l e c t e d these problems: the 27 enumerator f o r Nanaimo q u i t h i s work three days a f t e r beginning, and the census was not continued u n t i l another census taker a r r i v e d about three months l a t e r . 3 3 W i l l i a m Ross, the enumerator f o r the New Westminster area, took from A p r i l 9 to June 6 to complete h i s "statement of f a c t s e x i s t i n g on the 4th day of A p r i l , 1881." During that p e r i o d , i t was not s u r p r i s i n g , perhaps, that Ross should enumerate at l e a s t three people t w i c e . 3 " In l i g h t of such i n a c c u r a c i e s , a h e a l t h y s c e p t i c i s m must accompany a glimpse at the crude death r a t e s that a comparison of census and v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s data produces. [ See Table I ] While these computations suggest l i t t l e change between 1881 and 1951, the sheer weight of evidence i n other p a r t s of the Western world i n d i c a t e s that such a tendency was u n l i k e l y . 3 5 A second c o m p l i c a t i o n i n e s t a b l i s h i n g m o r t a l i t y r a t e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s the r e g i o n ' s d i s t i n c t i v e age s t r u c t u r e . In the p e r i o d under study, i t was a p r o v i n c e of immigrants dominated by a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of young and middle-aged a d u l t s . Nonetheless, over time t h i s age s t r u c t u r e m a t u r e d . 3 6 One of the most s i g n i f i c a n t i n f l u e n c e s on m o r t a l i t y r a t e s i s , of course, the age s t r u c t u r e of the p o p u l a t i o n . A s t a n d a r d i z e d death rate takes the changing s t r u c t u r e i n t o account. By c a l c u l a t i n g death r a t e s f o r v a r i o u s cohorts of ages and i n t e g r a t i n g the r a t e s i n t o a standard age s t r u c t u r e , we may make a more v a l i d comparison of m o r t a l i t y r a t e s over t i m e . 3 7 The s t a n d a r d i z e d death r a t e shows an almost c o n t i n u a l decrease i n the m o r t a l i t y r a t e a f t e r 1881. 28 Table I - Death Rates i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1881-1951 YEAR CRUDE DEATH STANDARDIZED RATE DEATH RATE (per 1000) (per 1000) 1881 10.5 28.7 1891 11.9 16.3 1901 9.5 19.1 1911 9.3 15.9 1921 8.4 12.9 1931 . 9.1 12.4 1941 10.7 12.2 1951 10.3 10.3 Sources: Dominion censuses; Reports of the R e g i s t r a r B i r t h s , Deaths and Marriages f o r the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia; Reports of V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s , P r o v i n c i a l Health Board. 29 I f , as i t appears, m o r t a l i t y r a t e s were d e c l i n i n g in B r i t i s h Columbia, i t remains r e l a t i v e l y d i f f i c u l t to e x p l a i n the reasons for the d e c l i n e . B r i t i s h and American demographers have argued that the s u s t a i n e d d e c l i n e i n m o r t a l i t y before the 1930s r e l i e d more on improving l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s than on medical technology. B e t t e r s a n i t a t i o n and n u t r i t i o n d r a m a t i c a l l y i n c r e a s e d the l i f e expectancy of the p o p u l a t i o n . 3 8 In the case of Vancouver, Margaret Andrews s i m i l a r l y suggests that changes in hygiene and food p r e f e r e n c e s supplemented p u b l i c h e a l t h measures in improving the h e a l t h of the p o p u l a t i o n . 3 9 The p u b l i c h e a l t h movement d i d not represent the s o l e reason fo r Vancouver's d e c l i n i n g m o r t a l i t y . Nonetheless, the degree to which the p o p u l a t i o n had accepted the a u t h o r i t y of medical experts by the 1920s demonstrated a p u b l i c w i l l i n g n e s s to agree with the r h e t o r i c of the movement." 0 An a p p r o p r i a t e measure of the p u b l i c ' s acceptance of the medical p r o f e s s i o n ' s a u t h o r i t y may be s t a t i s t i c s on the p l a c e of death. A s i g n i f i c a n t a d d i t i o n to the Reports of the V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s Branch i n the 1920s, the percentage of B r i t i s h Columbians dying in p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c r e a s e d from the a l r e a d y high r a t e of 43.4 percent i n 1927 to 60.7 percent i n 1950. [ See F i g u r e II ] Concommitant with the growing acceptance, by the 1920s the r h e t o r i c of the p u b l i c h e a l t h movement was undergoing s u b t l e yet important s h i f t s . Where p u b l i c h e a l t h o f f i c i a l s had p r e v i o u s l y expressed the n e c e s s i t y f o r s a n i t a r y and medical reform by warning of the t h r e a t to the commmunity, they now e x a l t e d the h e a l t h of the i n d i v i d u a l . " 1 " I f you w i l l not assume 30 F i g u r e 2 - P r o p o r t i o n of Deaths i n P u b l i c I n s t i t u t i o n s , 1927-1950 Source: Reports of the P r o v i n c i a l Health Board. < >-30VlN30cJ3d 31 r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the h e a l t h of the other f e l l o w and h i s c h i l d r e n , " the government's 1921 Report on H e a l t h Insurance urged, "then you must do so f o r the sake of y o u r s e l f and your own.""2 P u b l i c h e a l t h a u t h o r i t i e s , i n h e r i t i n g the d e c l i n i n g z e a l of Canada's urban reformers, and f e e l i n g that they had d e a l t too long with "the negative s i d e of h e a l t h , " r e c o g n i z e d that they "must c a r r y the gospel of h e a l t h to the p e o p l e . " " 3 I t was a gospel i n which " h e a l t h r e p l a c e s s a l v a t i o n ; " as M i c h e l Foucault argues, " p o s i t i v e medicine marked...the beginning of that fundamental r e l a t i o n that binds modern man to h i s o r i g i n a l f i n i t u d e . " " " In making the i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s or her own h e a l t h , modern medical p h i l o s o p h y a l s o handed over the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r death. Recognizing t h i s s h i f t i n i t s 1923 r e p o r t , the P r o v i n c i a l Board of H e a l t h acknowledged, The o l d p u b l i c h e a l t h was . concerned with the environment, the new i s concerned with the i n d i v i d u a l ; the o l d sought the sources of i n f e c t i o u s d i s e a s e s i n the surroundings of man, the new f i n d s them in man h i m s e l f . " 5 The d a i l y c o n f r o n t a t i o n with death that medical p h i l o s o p h e r s had laboured under s i n c e the Enlightenment now f e l l to the l o t of the average middle c l a s s c i t i z e n . An i n c r e a s i n g awareness of death r a t e s , of the concept that i n d i v i d u a l s l i v e d out b i o l o g i c a l l y a l l o t t e d numbers of y e a r s , showed that the f a t a l i s m born of u n c e r t a i n t y that had t y p i f i e d a t t i t u d e s up to the 1890s was i t s e l f dead. Although m o r t a l i t y s t a t i s t i c s were perhaps not, as one prominent p u b l i c h e a l t h reformer i n the United S t a t e s d e s i r e d i t 32 in 1913, d i s c u s s e d with the r e g u l a r i t y of weather r e p o r t s , " 6 members of the B r i t i s h Columbian b o u r g e o i s i e had begun to a c q u i r e a s t a t i s t i c a l consciousness of m o r t a l i t y by the turn of the c e n t u r y . An 1896 textbook of h e a l t h warned school c h i l d r e n that " t o t a l a b s t a i n e r s at age 20 had a l i f e expectancy three times that of moderate d r i n k e r s . " " 7 A correspondent p r o v i d e d Charles Hayward with v a r i o u s m u n i c i p a l and p r o v i n c i a l death r a t e s throughout the Dominion, demonstrating perhaps to the f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r ' s c h a g r i n that i n 1911 V i c t o r i a had the lowest rate of seven major c i t i e s . " 8 More c o n v i n c i n g , p o s s i b l y , i s the statement Dr. F. F. Wesbrook i n c l u d e d i n an argument a g a i n s t the i m p o s i t i o n of an extended p e r i o d of u n i v e r s i t y e d u c a t i o n . In an e n t i r e l y unassuming and offhand f a s h i o n , he made h i s case "notwithstanding the i n c r e a s e of human l o n g e v i t y . " " 9 I t i s an i n d i c a t i o n of the widespread a c c e p t a b i l i t y of the new h e a l t h r e l i g i o n by the end of the p e r i o d that we f i n d i n the B r i t i s h Columbia E l e c t r i c Railway Papers a l e t t e r from Vancouver's Medical H e a l t h O f f i c e r to the p r e s i d e n t of the company. "As you are aware," wrote Dr. Stewart Murray ( and without a doubt A. E. Graver was aware ), "an informed p u b l i c can determine t h e i r own m o r b i d i t y and m o r t a l i t y r a t e s , w i t h i n c e r t a i n l i m i t s . " 5 0 In Vancouver in 1947, Rev. C. Swanson d e l i v e r e d a sermon on the o c c a s i o n of the f u n e r a l of the c i t y ' s mayor, G. G. McGeer. McGeer having d i e d suddenly at the age of f i f t y - n i n e , Swanson s a i d , "He d i e d as few of us w i l l d i e , at the very z e n i t h of h i s powers." 5 1 Swanson and probably most of the mourners f i r m l y b e l i e v e d that they would d i e having f i l l e d out a f u l l 33 complement of years. They knew, too, that to a c e r t a i n extent t h e i r l i f e chances depended upon t h e i r a t t i t u d e s towards t h e i r own h e a l t h . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the i n c i d e n c e of m o r t a l i t y and popular a t t i t u d e s towards death i s thus an exceedingly complex one. The middle c l a s s p u b l i c reform movement demanded a s h i f t i n c o n c e p t i o n s . Where i n d i v i d u a l s were once content to e n t r u s t t h e i r f a t e to God, i n c r e a s i n g l y , t h e i r medical f a t e became t h e i r own r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . They became aware not only of the l i k e l y causes of death, but a l s o , with ever more comprehensive s t a t i s t i c s , i t s l i k e l y hour. F i n a l l y , and perhaps most s i g n i f i c a n t l y , the acceptance of a h e a l t h r e l i g i o n a l s o brought about the m a t e r i a l lowering of death r a t e s by the end of the p e r i o d . I t was not by denying death, but by c o n t i n u a l l y c o n f r o n t i n g i t with a death-centred medical philosophy, that middle c l a s s B r i t i s h Columbians on both i n d i v i d u a l and p u b l i c l e v e l s were a b l e to c o n t a i n i t s ravages. Because they proved s u c c e s s f u l i n f a c i n g and overcoming the s p e c t r e of m o r t a l i t y , the d e f i n i t i o n of a "good" death was now based l e s s on the hope fo r s a l v a t i o n than on an i n c r e a s i n g l y well-known demographic r e a l i t y . 34 Notes - Chapter II 1 "Death i n American L i f e , " pp. 236-7. 2 "Les a t t i t u d e s devant l a mort: problemes de methode, approches et l e c t u r e s d i f f e r e n t e s , " Annales: Economies,  S o c i e t e s , C u l t u r e s , 31, 3 ( j a n v i e r - f e v r i e r 1976 T~, 126. T h i s i s e s s e n t i a l l y the same a r t i c l e . a s the one which appeared i n A r c h i v e s de s c i e n c e s s o c i a l e s des R e l i g i o n s . 3 P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s of B r i t i s h Columbia, [ h e r e a f t e r PABC], Rev. E. Cridge Papers, Add. MSS. 320, Sermon for Thomas B l i n k h o r n ' s f u n e r a l , Oct. 16, 1856, v. 4, f . 6. " C i t e d i n T i p p e t t , Emily C a r r , ( Toronto: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1981 ), p. 7. 5 Emily Carr, The Book of Small, (Toronto: C l a r k e , Irwin and Co., 1966), p. 160. 6 H. Van Brummelen, " S h i f t i n g P e r s p e c t i v e s : E a r l y B r i t i s h Columbia Textbooks from 1872 to 1925," B C S t u d i e s , 60 ( winter, 1983-1984 ), 6. 7 PABC , Hayward Family Papers [ h e r e a f t e r HF ], C h a r l e s Hayward to Mrs. A b l i t t , June 4, 1888; v. 1, p. 244. In a previous l e t t e r to the same s i s t e r , Hayward requested that she "remember me k i n d l y to your husband and to the four l i t t l e ones who...I t r u s t w i l l be spared to be your comfort." March 7, 1888, v. 1, p. 211. 8 HF, Hayward to Mrs. A b l i t t , March 7, 1888, v. 1, p. 209. 9 Dorothy Blakey Smith, ed., Reminiscences of Doctor John  Sebastian Helmcken, ( Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1975 ), p. 215. 1 0 Death and the Enlightenment, pp. 74-5. 1 1 The B i r t h of the C l i n i c : An Archaeology of Medical  P e r c e p t i o n , t r a n s . TT. M~. Sheridan Smith, ( New York: Vintage Books, 1975 ), p. 158. 1 2 Second Report of the P r o v i n c i a l Board of H e a l t h , ( V i c t o r i a : R i c h a r d Wolfenden, 1897 ), p. 687. 35 1 3 T. F. Rose, From Shaman to Modern Medicine: A Century  of the H e a l i n g A r t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia, I Vancouver: M i t c h e l l Press, 1972 ), p. 119. 1 4 I b i d . ; F i r s t Report of the P r o v i n c i a l Board, ( 1896 ), p. 478. 1 5 "Medical Knowledge and S t a t i s t i c a l Methods in e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h century France," M e d i c a l H i s t o r y , 25, 3 ( J u l y , 1981), 311. 1 6 "Ontario's C i v i l R e g i s t r a t i o n of V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s , 1869-1926: The E v o l u t i o n of an A d m i n i s t r a t i v e System," Canadian  H i s t o r i c a l Review, 64, 4 ( D e c , 1983 ), 471. 1 7 Edward Monun to George Duncan, S e c r e t a r y , P r o v i n c i a l Board of H e a l t h , J u l y 29, 1898, T h i r d Report of the P r o v i n c i a l  Board of H e a l t h , ( 1898 ), p. 1300. 1 8 W. G. Home, "The Death Rate of B r i t i s h Columbia," P u b l i c Health J o u r n a l , 6, 7 ( J u l y , 1915 ), 326. 1 9 Death and the Enlightenment , p.. 94; Murphy, "Medical Knowledge," 301-2. 2 0 U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia L i b r a r y , Great B r i t a i n , C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , "Blue Books," m i c r o f i l m . 2 1 James Hendrickson, ed., J o u r n a l s of the C o l o n i a l  L e g i s l a t u r e s of the C o l o n i e s of Vancouver I s l a n d and B r i t i s h  Columbia, 1851-1871 v. IV, J o u r n a l s of the E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l ,  1864-1871 , ( V i c t o r i a : PABC, 1980 ), p. f05~; 2 2 F i r s t Report of the R e g i s t e r of B i r t h s , Deaths and Marriages f o r the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, I V i c t o r i a : R i c hard Wolfenden, 1874 ) , p. 5~. 2 3 T h i r d Report of the R e g i s t r a r , ( 1876 ), p. 71; F i f t h  Report of the Registrar") I 1878 ) , p. 1 1 . 2 " Second Report of the P r o v i n c i a l Board of Health, (1897), p. 685. 2 5 T h i r d Report of the P r o v i n c i a l Board of H e a l t h , ( 1898), p. 1300; E i g h t i e t h Report of V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s , (1951), p. C16. 2 6 T h i r t y - n i n t h Report of the R e g i s t r a r , ( 1912 ), p. H5. 2 7 "The d e c l i n e of m o r t a l i t y i n B r i t a i n , 1870-1950," i n ed. T. Barker and M. Drake, P o p u l a t i o n and S o c i e t y i n B r i t a i n  1850-1980, ( London: B a t s f o r d Academic and E d u c a t i o n a l L t d . , 1982 ), pp. 101-1. 36 2 8 D a n i e l Smith, " M o r t a l i t y i n the U n i t e d States before 1900," ( Chicago: Newberry Papers in Family and Community H i s t o r y , paper 8 1 - 1 , 1981 ), p. 8. 2 9 Winter, "The D e c l i n e of M o r t a l i t y , " pp. 103-4. 3 0 Robert Bourbeau et Jacques Legare, E v o l u t i o n de l a  m o r t a l i t e au Canada et au Quebec 1831-1931: E s s a i de mesure par  generat i o n , { Montreal: Presses de l ' u n i v e r s i t e de Montreal, 1982 ), p. 20. 3 1 I b i d . , p. 46. L i f e expectancy at b i r t h in the United S t a t e s in 1850 was 36.5 f o r men and 38.5 f o r women. Smith, " M o r t a l i t y i n the U. S.," p. 30. In England, l i f e expectancy at b i r t h was 39.5 years in 1851. E. A. Wrigley and R. S. S c h o f i e l d , The P o p u l a t i o n H i s t o r y of England 1541-1871: A  R e c o n s t r u c t i o n , ( London: Edward Arno l d , 1 9 8 1 ) , p~. 230. 3 2 See, f o r example, A. Brookes, "'Doing the Best I Can': The Taking of the 1861 New Brunswick Census," H i s t o i r e s o c i a l e - S o c i a l H i s t o r y , 9, 7 ( May, 1976 ), 70-9. 3 3 "The 1881 Canadian Census," B. C. G e n e a l o g i s t , 2 (summer, 1976 ), 28. 3 4 Census of Canada, 1880-1881, ( Ottawa: Maclean, Roger and Co., 1882 V, v"! T~. x. ; U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia L i b r a r y , Nominal census r e t u r n s of the Census of Canada, 1881, microf i l m . 3 5 W. Kalbach and W. McVey, The Demographic Bases of  Canadian S o c i e t y , 2nd ed., ( Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1979), pp. 69^71. 3 6 W. Peter Ward, "Pop u l a t i o n Growth i n Western Canada, 1901-1971," i n ed. John F o s t e r , The Developing West: Essays i n  Canadian H i s t o r y i n honour of Lewis H. Thomas, I Edmonton: U n i v e r s i t y of A l b e r t a Press, 1983 ), pp. 155-177. 3 7 The method i s o u t l i n e d i n L o u i s Henry, P o p u l a t i o n :  A n a l y s i s and Models, t r a n s . Etienne van de Walle and E l i s e Jones, I New York: Academic Press, 1972 ), p. 136. The p r o v i n c e ' s age s t r u c t u r e i n 1951 was used as the constant. Since v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s r e p o r t s do not i n c l u d e data on the demography of the Indian p o p u l a t i o n , i t was necessary to remove the n a t i v e s from the base cohorts-. Although t h i s task was r e l a t i v e l y easy f o r 1931, 1941 and 1951, none of the previous censuses p r o v i d e i n f o r m a t i o n on the age s t r u c t u r e of t h i s group. In f a c t , the 1891 census does not even give a f i g u r e f o r the Indian p o p u l a t i o n of the p r o v i n c e . ( F i s h e r gleaned a number from the Department of Indian A f f a i r s Annual Report f o r that year, Contact and C o n f l i c t , p. 202 ). For decades pr e v i o u s to 1931, we have c a l c u l a t e d the age d i s t r i b u t i o n assuming the same d i v i s i o n s as i n 1931. As a r e s u l t of a l l these c a l c u l a t i o n s , 37 the s t a n d a r d i z e d death rate i s s c a r c e l y l e s s "crude" than the crude death r a t e . 3 8 Smith, " M o r t a l i t y i n the U. S.," p. 26; Winter, "The d e c l i n e of m o r t a l i t y , " pp. 114-6; R o s a l i n d M i t c h i s o n , B r i t i s h  P o p u l a t i o n Change s i n c e 1860, ( London: Macmillan Press, 1977 T T pp. 44-5; Anne Hardy, "Smallpox i n London: f a c t o r s i n the d e c l i n e of the d i s e a s e in the nineteenth c e n t u r y , " Medical  H i s t o r y , 27, 2 ( A p r i l , 1983 ), 138; John N o r r i s , "Typhoid in the Rockies: Epidemiology in a C o n s t r a i n e d H a b i t a t , 1883-1939," in ed. Charles Roland, Health, Disease and Medicine: Essays in  Canadian H i s t o r y , ( Toronto: Hannah I n s t i t u t e f o r the H i s t o r y of Medicine, 1984 p. 292 3 9 "Medical S e r v i c e s i n Vancouver, 1886-1920: a study i n the i n t e r p l a y of a t t i t u d e s , medical knowledge, and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e s , " (PhD. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1979), p. 38. *° I b i d . , pp. 243-257; in "The best advertisement a c i t y can have: p u b l i c h e a l t h s e r v i c e s in Vancouver, 1886-1888," Urban  H i s t o r y Review - Revue d ' h i s t o i r e urbaine, 12, 3 ( January, 1984), 19-27, Andrews shows the middle c l a s s nature of p u b l i c h e a l t h reform in e a r l y Vancouver. " 1 Id., "Medical S e r v i c e s , " p. 34. 1 , 2 C i t e d in Diane Matters, "A Report on He a l t h Insurance: 1919," B C S t u d i e s , 21 ( s p r i n g , 1974 ), 31-2. " 3 Paul R u t h e r f o r d , " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " i n ed. Rut h e r f o r d , Saving the Canadian C i t y : The F i r s t Phase 1880-1920 , ( Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1974 V, x x i . ; Twenty-ninth Report  of the P r o v i n c i a l Board, ( 1925 ), p. N5; Twenty-fourth Report  of the . P r o v i n c i a l Board, ( 1920 ), p. A5. 4 4 The B i r t h of the C l i n i c , p. 197-8. 1 , 5 Twenty-eighth Report of the P r o v i n c i a l Board, ( 1924 ), p. Q5. " 6 Rosemary Gagan, "Disease, M o r t a l i t y and P u b l i c Health, Hamilton, O n t a r i o , 1900-1914," (M. A. T h e s i s , McMaster U n i v e r s i t y , 1 98 1 ) , p. 1. * 7 Van Brummelen, " S h i f t i n g P e r s p e c t i v e s , " 13. " 8 HF, John Dean to C. Hayward, n.d., v. 42. 0 9 C i t e d i n W. C. Gibson, "Frank F a i r c h i l d Wesbrook (1868 1918 ): A Pioneer M e d i c a l Educator i n Minnesota and B r i t i s h Columbia," J o u r n a l of the H i s t o r y of Medicine and A l l i e d S ciences, 22, 4 ( Oct., 1967 ), 369. 38 U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, The L i b r a r y , S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n [ h e r e a f t e r UBCSC ], B r i t i s h Columbia E l e c t r i c Railway Papers, Murray to Graver, Aug. 11, 1947, box 29, f. B780. 5 1 PABC, G. G. McGeer Papers [ h e r e a f t e r MSS. 9, v. 4, f . 3. GGM ], Add. 39 I I I . DISCOURSES ON DEATH Except perhaps i n s o f a r as the m a t e r i a l r e a l i t y of s t a t i s t i c s i s concerned, death, l i t e r a r y theory t e l l s us, i s a c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t . 1 S o c i e t i e s and i n d i v i d u a l s e s t a b l i s h m etaphorical meanings f o r m o r t a l i t y , obscuring or i l l u m i n a t i n g i t s impact and i n f l u e n c e . " I t i s i m p o s s i b l e , " s a i d La Rochefoucauld, "to look d i r e c t l y at the sun or at d e a t h . " 2 If l o o k i n g at death i s impo s s i b l e , i t i s s t i l l p o s s i b l e to w r i t e about i t ; w r i t i n g about i t may, indeed, make up f o r not being a b l e to face i t d i r e c t l y . 3 A r i e s demonstrates that i n the ninet e e n t h century when death h i d behind a mask of beauty, i t was e x a l t e d i n l y r i c p o e t r y . 4 In the twen t i e t h century, however, he c o n t i n u e s , the d i s c o u r s e d r i e d up: "Death has become unnamable ." 5 Yet B r i t i s h Columbians, throughout the p e r i o d between 1850 and 1950, have always w r i t t e n about death. Memoirs, f a m i l y correspondence, d i a r i e s , and most importantly condolence l e t t e r s r e v e a l t h e i r i n t i m a t i o n s on m o r t a l i t y . The v a g a r i e s of a r c h i v a l c o l l e c t i n g ensure that these s c a t t e r e d sources almost i n v a r i a b l y present middle c l a s s v iewpoints. Nonetheless, these bourgeois d i s c o u r s e s c a s t l i g h t on A r i e s ' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of changing a t t i t u d e s towards death, emphasizing the c o n t i n u i t y , r a t h e r than the break, i n t r a d i t i o n . They a l s o expose the complex e v o l u t i o n 40 of the h i s t o r i c a l f o r c e s which f i r s t saw the community, then the fa m i l y , and f i n a l l y the i n d i v i d u a l p lay the primary s o c i a l r o l e in r e a c t i n g to a death. In the end, they show that the i n d i v i d u a l c o n f r o n t e d death, i n t e r n a l i z i n g h i s or her r e a c t i o n to i t . Where i n s o c i e t i e s of the ancien regime , death occasioned the p a r t i c i p a t i o n and sympathy of the e n t i r e community in the commemoration of the dead, by the ni n e t e e n t h century mourning had become a fami l y a f f a i r . With the s t r e n g t h e n i n g of the a f f e c t i v e bonds of the . small nuclear f a m i l y , the immediate r e l a t i v e s of the deceased r e v e l l e d i n the p r i v a c y of t h e i r g r i e f . 6 Condolence l e t t e r s , which propose the c o n s o l a t i o n of the mourners and the expr e s s i o n of p e r s o n a l sentiments towards the deceased, t e s t i f y both to the f a m i l y ' s pre-eminent r o l e i n modern mourning and to the problems inherent i n t h i s h i s t o r i c a l tendency. To examine the m e n t a l i t e of the authors of condolence l e t t e r s , to w r i t e the " i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y of non-i n t e l l e c t u a l s , " 7 we have to look at both i n t e n t i o n s and i m p l i c a t i o n s . Rules of e t i q u e t t e have long suggested the sending of condolences on the occasion of a death. An e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h century t r e a t i s e on p o l i t e n e s s , w r i t t e n i n France and t r a n s l a t e d f o r an American audience, p r e s c r i b e d a l e t t e r of condolence " i f we are at a d i s t a n c e . " 8 L a t e r books s t r e s s e d that "short notes of condolence, e x p r e s s i n g the deepest sympathy, are u s u a l l y accepted, and help to comfort s t r i c k e n h e a r t s . " 9 L e t t e r s should 41 be short and prompt; i t was assumed that they were d e s t i n e d f o r members of the immediate f a m i l y . 1 0 A study of some of the condolence l e t t e r s w r i t t e n by or f o r B r i t i s h Columbians between 1850 and 1950 demonstrates the c e n t r a l i t y of the f a m i l y ' s r o l e i n the mourning p r o c e s s . With a small number of e x c e p t i o n s , r e l a t i v e s r e c e i v e d a l l the condolences. The condolences sent by Premier T. D. P a t t u l l o between 1934 and 1938 provide an apt i f somewhat obvious example. Of the 112 l e t t e r s he wrote, only one l e t t e r was i d e n t i f i a b l y not sent to the immediate f a m i l y : i t commemorated the death of a member of the Vancouver Yukoners A s s o c i a t i o n . Nine l e t t e r s made no r e f e r e n c e to the r e l a t i o n s h i p the deceased shared with the r e c i p i e n t . P a t t u l l o addressed a l l the remaining l e t t e r s to the immediate f a m i l y : spouse, parent, s i b l i n g or c h i l d of the deceased. [ See Table II ] L e t t e r s to spouses c o n s t i t u t e d the l a r g e s t group, t h r e e - f i f t h s of the t o t a l . 1 1 Other except i o n s , as the c l i c h e goes, prove the r u l e . Dr. G. F. Amyot wrote to John M a r s h a l l on the death of the l a t t e r ' s s u p e r i o r , P r o v i n c i a l H e a l t h O f f i c e r Dr. H. E. Young: "I f e e l I can understand your r e a c t i o n . He a l s o seemed l i k e a f a t h e r to me but I have not n e a r l y the c l a i m on that that you have." Concurring with Amyot's sentiment, M a r s h a l l wrote to another correspondent that Young "was more of a f a t h e r to me than a head of a Department." 1 2 Although condolence l e t t e r s s t r e s s e d the c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p of the deceased with the r e c i p i e n t of the l e t t e r , the authors' r e l a t i o n s h i p with the mourner was o f t e n more i n t i m a t e than t h e i r 42 Table II - A n a l y s i s of Condolence L e t t e r s Sent by T. D. P a t t u l l o , 1934-1938 RELATIONSHIP OF DECEASED TO RECIPIENT NUMBER PERCENTAGE (OF LETTERS WITH RELATIONSHIP SPECIFIED) Husband 42 Wife 21 Father 10 Mother 11 Brother 4 S i s t e r 6 Son 7 Daughter 4 Not s p e c i f i e d 10 1 40.0 20.0 9.5 10.5 3.8 5.7 6.7 3.8 TOTAL 1 15: 100.0 1 Includes l e t t e r sent to Vancouver Yukoners Assoc i a t i o n . 2 Three l e t t e r s mentioned more than one death, Source: PABC, B r i t i s h Columbia Premier, GR 1222, General F i l e s , box 122, f. 1; box 131, f 1; box 140, f . 2. 43 l i n k s to the deceased. Of the three hundred condolence l e t t e r s C h a r l o t t e McGeer r e c e i v e d on the death of her husband, f o r example, about two-thirds were from women. 1 3 Although G e r a l d McGeer, the mayor of Vancouver and a senator, would presumably have had a l a r g e number of male acquaintances, these d i d not respond i n equal p r o p o r t i o n to the widow's f r i e n d s . T h i s strong ( but not r i g i d ) 1 " c o n s t r a i n t of knowing the mourners e x p l a i n s the almost a p o l o g e t i c tone of some correspondents, who f e l t i t necessary to j u s t i f y t h e i r i n t e r v e n t i o n s . I t was only a f t e r e s t a b l i s h i n g how w e l l he knew businessman R. P. R i t h e t that D. Campbell c o u l d say to the widow "under these c o n d i t i o n s , then, I f e e l that I have the r i g h t to t e l l you and h i s f a m i l y how s i n c e r e l y . . . I f e e l a r e a l sense of p e r s o n a l l o s s . " 1 5 When a stranger f e l t moved to send a note of condolence to Mrs. McGeer, she added the wish, "hoping you do not think me too personnel [ s i c ] ." 1 6 But another of McGeer's correspondents, B. P. Lewis, perhaps s t a t e d the t i m i d i t y b e s t : "I hope I do not in t r u d e on your sorrow by o f f e r i n g you, and your f a m i l y , my deepest sympathy..." 1 7 These w r i t e r s n o t i c e d themselves impinging upon the g r i e f of the nuclear f a m i l y . They recognized, p o s s i b l y , that they were p a r t i a l l y s u b v e r t i n g the h i s t o r i c a l process which had p l a c e d the c o n t r o l of mourning w i t h i n the f a m i l y . Others recognized the ambiguous i n t e n t i o n s of t h i s form of d i s c o u r s e when they c o n s i d e r e d i t s u t i l i t y . Some admitted, with f o r t h r i g h t n e s s , that condolence l e t t e r s had l i t t l e success in r e l i e v i n g sorrow. Hugh Mackie, f o r example, conceded a f t e r h i s 44 son's death, that everybody has been most sympathetic to us, people w r i t t e n of whom we have h a r d l y h e a r d r e s o l u t i o n s of condolence by the l o c a l Counci1...but a l l these t h i n g s make not the l e a s t d i f f e r e n c e , i n such c i r c u m s t a n c e s . 1 8 Some w r i t e r s , i n sending sympathy, confessed as much, thereby committing an i n t e l l e c t u a l e r r o r which r e q u i r e d b a c k t r a c k i n g . One of Mrs. McGeer's f r i e n d s acknowledged i n the case of her own bereavement, "I w i l l never f o r g e t the agony of a l l the l e t t e r s . " But not wishing to be a conscious p a r t i c i p a n t in McGeer's agony, she had to add q u i c k l y , "as w e l l as the great f e e l i n g of being given so much a t t e n t i o n . " 1 9 If both r e c i p i e n t s and authors t e s t i f i e d to the f u t i l i t y of condolence l e t t e r s , the r e a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of the conventions must be more complex. F i r s t , condolence l e t t e r s express the problem of c e n t e r i n g r e a c t i o n to deaths w i t h i n the fami l y c i r c l e . As the middle c l a s s f a m i l y , from the eig h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y onwards, monopolized mourning, o u t s i d e r s of d i f f e r e n t degrees of c l o s e n e s s to the deceased or h i s or her r e l a t i v e s sought e x p r e s s i o n f o r t h e i r g r i e f and empathy. "I know no other way," wrote L. S. Anderson on the presumed war death of h i s f r i e n d , the son of p r o v i n c i a l c a b i n e t m i n i s t e r R. L. M a i t l a n d , "to give vent to my sorrow, than to s i t down and drop you people a few l i n e s . . . " 2 0 Having l o s t the wider r o l e i n mourning that the community enjoyed i n previous eras, u n r e l a t e d sympathisers had few recourses other than w r i t i n g . W r i t i n g condolence l e t t e r s represented, consequently, an attempt - a l b e i t a f e e b l e one - to 45 subvert the f a m i l y ' s monopoly on mourning. Secondly, condolence l e t t e r s r e i n t e g r a t e the mourners, t e m p o r a r i l y i s o l a t e d i n the p r i v a c y of t h e i r bereavement, back i n t o s o c i e t y . Obviously, a l e t t e r demands a response. An 1833 t r e a t i s e on e t i q u e t t e s n i f f e d , " t h e i r g r i e f cannot excuse them from answering us, although i t i s not immediately n e c e s s a r y . " 2 1 By e n j o i n i n g the mourner to w r i t e , the s o c i a l p r e s s u r e s of condolence l e t t e r s r e a l i z e h i s or her r e - e n t r y i n t o s o c i e t y . P a t t u l l o , f o r example, r e c e i v e d many notes of g r a t i t u d e . In more than one way, then, the condolence l e t t e r , while r e s p e c t i n g the p r i v a c y of f a m i l y mourning, subverts the same process and appears to e s t a b l i s h s o c i e t y ' s u l t i m a t e primacy over the f a m i l y . T h i s d i s c u s s i o n has c o n s i d e r e d the B r i t i s h Columbian condolence l e t t e r as a l i t e r a r y form with c e r t a i n unchanged i n t e n t i o n s and i m p l i c a t i o n s d u r i n g the p e r i o d i n v e s t i g a t e d here. The r e s t of t h i s chapter w i l l focus on the s l i g h t yet s i g n i f i c a n t m o d i f i c a t i o n s i n the d i s c o u r s e on death which appear in an a n a l y s i s not only of condolences, but a l s o of d i a r i e s , memoirs and p e r s o n a l correspondence. Acc o r d i n g to A r i e s , death i n the n i n e t e e n t h century exuded a macabre, e r o t i c a t t r a c t i o n . A r t and l i t e r a t u r e g l o r i f i e d the beauty and peace of f l e e i n g from the l i v i n g world. Death was something to a n t i c i p a t e and d i s c u s s . 2 2 H. P. P. Crease, l a t e r a judge i n the p r o v i n c i a l Supreme Court, p r o v i d e d a p o e t i c example of t h i s d i s c o u r s e . In 1841, some seventeen years before h i s a r r i v a l i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Crease penned "A D i r g e , " a 46 rather e x c e s s i v e outpouring of morbid sentiment: Sleep on, s l e e p on, ye r e s t i n g dead; The grass i s o'er ye growing In dewy greenness. Ever f l e d From you hath c a r e ; . . . Sleep on, s l e e p on: Ye do not f e e l L i f e ' s ever-burning f e v e r - . . . Sleep on, s l e e p on; your couch i s made upon your mother's bosom;... Sleep on, s l e e p on: I would, I were At r e s t w i t h i n your d w e l l i n g - . . . 2 3 We can e x t r a c t f i v e elements from t h i s excerpt which we can subsequently f o l l o w through v a r i o u s other nineteenth century w r i t i n g s on m o r t a l i t y : death was p e a c e f u l and n a t u r a l ; i t was an escape, yet i t promised a reunion; most o b v i o u s l y , i t was d e s i r a b l e . I t i s p o s s i b l y a t i m e l e s s convention when d i s c u s s i n g the death of a l o v e d one to assure o n e s e l f that the death was a "good" one. Yet, as we saw i n the l a s t chapter, the nature of a "good" death evolved over time. In n i n e t e e n t h century B r i t i s h Columbia c r o s s i n g the bar was, i d e a l l y , a n a t u r a l and p e a c e f u l movement. D e s c r i b i n g her u n c l e ' s death i n 1856 i n her d i a r y , Martha E l l a wrote, "he...awoke coughing and i t Broke a Blood v e s s e l and was s u f f o c a t e d he never spoke a g a i n . " Leaving a blank which "death" or "end" would presumably f i l l , E l l a reassured h e r s e l f , "I never witnessed a more happy 1 than h i s , I t r u s t he has gone to r e s t . . . " 2 " The condolence l e t t e r s Dr. Helmcken r e c e i v e d i n 1865 r e f e r r e d i n a r a t h e r vague, organic sense to death as a "change." "For [ Helmcken's i n f a n t son] the 47 change," wrote b r o t h e r - i n - l a w and Hudson's Bay Company o f f i c i a l A. G. D a l l a s , " i s no doubt a b l e s s e d o n e ." 2 5 C h a r l e s Hayward, who viewed himself as V i c t o r i a ' s l e a d i n g f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r and who, t h e r e f o r e , probably had ra t h e r normative a t t i t u d e s towards death, agreed with h i s b r o t h e r - i n - l a w ' s r e a c t i o n to h i s s i s t e r ' s demise: "I j o i n with you i n the f e r v e n t hope that our l a s t hours l i k e hers may be p e a c e . . . " 2 6 One of Hayward's correspondents, having acknowledged that her loved one "had s u f f e r e d so long," took refuge i n the f a c t that " f o r about e i g h t hours before he passed away he s u f f e r e d no pain at a l l and d i e d without a murmur at m i d n i g h t . " 2 7 When w r i t i n g about deceased r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s , i t was important to s t r e s s the pea c e f u l n e s s and n a t u r a l n e s s of the moment of death. In a n i n e t e e n t h century shaken to i t s foundations by r e l i g i o u s d o u b t s , 2 8 death c o u l d only be p e a c e f u l and n a t u r a l where there e x i s t e d a c e r t a i n degree of assurance i n the a f t e r l i f e . The exchange of an e a r t h l y home f o r a heavenly one im p l i e d both a s e p a r a t i o n and a f u t u r e reunion. "I hope, dear Helmcken," cons o l e d Henry P i e r s , the good hope you have of your dear wife's present happiness and meeting her again i n a b e t t e r and an unchanging world, comforts, and supports you. 2 9 Death was an escape from the t r i b u l a t i o n s of everyday l i f e . Of V i c t o r i a ' s Roman C a t h o l i c Bishop Mgr. Demers, who i n 1871 "a doucement succombe sous l e poids de l'age et des i n f i r m i t e s , " a C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r y wrote, "sa b e l l e ame est a l l e e r e c e v o i r l e p r i x de ses merites dans un m e i l l e u r s e j o u r . " F.-X. Blanchet 48 undoubtedly r e c o g n i z e d the s i g n s of impending s a l v a t i o n ; he was much l e s s generous w i t h the s o u l s of v a r i o u s wanton s e t t l e r s i n ot h e r p a r t s of the P a c i f i c Coast r e g i o n . 3 0 Death i n the c o m f o r t i n g arms of r e l i g i o n , which ensured the happy r e u n i o n , was the most s u b l i m e . C h a r l e s Hayward hastened t o n o t i f y Mrs. H a r r i e s t h a t her f a t h e r , the n i g h t b e f o r e he " e x p i r e d w i t h o u t a s t r u g g l e , " " e x p r e s s e d h i m s e l f so much c o m f o r t e d w i t h the r e l i g i o u s e x e r c i s e s . " 3 1 Not everyone i n the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y found the same r e a s s u r a n c e s i n r e l i g i o n , however, and two ca s e s demonstrate some consequences of d i s b e l i e f i n the hea v e n l y home. Sarah Crease begged her f a t h e r , John L i n d l e y , i n h i s i l l - h e a l t h , t o come t o terms w i t h C h r i s t : You d o u b t l e s s can g r a s p - d e a r e s t F a t h e r t o what I a l l u d e - Shou l d I never see you a g a i n i n t h i s w o r l d , can I have the i n e x p r e s s i b l e comfort of hoping and b e l i e v i n g t h a t you a t l e a s t , w i l l be s a f e i n a b e t t e r ? 3 2 Hugh G i l l i s , b e f o r e he committed s u i c i d e i n 1872, d e c l a r e d "may God have mercy on my s o u l , " a l t h o u g h even i n h i s d i s t u r b e d s t a t e of mind, he had r e c o g n i z e d t h a t he had l i t t l e hope of h a p p i n e s s i n an a f t e r l i f e . A w i t n e s s a t the c o r o n e r ' s i n q u e s t t e s t i f i e d : " M i t c h e l l s a i d the supper i s g e t t i n g c o l d , the deceased s a i d e v e r y t h i n g w i l l be c o l d e r by and b y e . " 3 3 For a s u i c i d e , d eath o b v i o u s l y c o n s t i t u t e d an escape from r e a l i t y , as ind e e d i t had a l s o f o r C r e a s e . Yet G i l l i s r e c o g n i z e d t h a t by d i s o b e y i n g God's laws, he would not e n t e r the h e a v e n l y home. When bo t h the escape and r e u n i o n promised by de a t h c o u l d be 49 assured, however, the dying person i d e a l l y showed no f e a r . I t was, i n f a c t , a l i t e r a r y convention to f i n d death a t t r a c t i v e . In an admission q u i t e astounding to our ears, Walter Colquhoun Grant, the pioneer farmer on Vancouver I s l a n d , d i s c l o s e d almost n o n c h a l a n t l y to a correspondent that he had contemplated " s u i c i d e by hanging drowning or otherwise." I t i s the j u x t a p o s i t o n which i s r e v e a l i n g . Grant had j u s t d i s c u s s e d h i s l o n e l i n e s s ; he "never saw a c r e a t u r e save my own men and a few r a s c a l l y I n d i a n s . " 3 " Death ( or the contemplation of i t ) was a s u b s t i t u t e f o r the dearth of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . For o t h e r s , death promised a d e s i r a b l e r e l e a s e from e a r t h l y concerns. "Rest must have been a welcome word," f o r one dying man; Hayward wrote of a f r i e n d , "death has no t e r r o r s . " 3 5 Having surpassed seventy years of age, J . H. G l a s s wrote to Hayward, ex p r e s s i n g the wish that "may i t be your, and my good fortune to enter unto t h i s p e r f e c t r e s t , bye and b y e . " 3 6 In t h e i r l e t t e r s , condolences, d i a r i e s and memoirs, nineteenth century B r i t i s h Columbians d i d not h e s i t a t e to w r i t e about death. They assured each other that death was p e a c e f u l , n a t u r a l and a l l u r i n g , and that the f i n a l i t y of i t s escape would be tempered by an eventual reunion with loved ones. D e s c r i b i n g death i n i n c r e a s i n g l y n a t u r a l and domestic terms, they rendered the dead and t h e i r a f t e r l i f e , as Ann Douglas p o i n t s out, a c c e s s i b l e to the l i v i n g . 3 7 B r i t i s h Columbians of the new century would accentuate these l i f e - l i k e metaphors. T h i s s h i f t can be e x p l a i n e d l a r g e l y in terms of three themes. The f i r s t i s the s l i g h t r e d e f i n i t i o n of the "good" death. 50 As we saw i n the l a s t chapter, an expansion of s t a t i s t i c a l knowledge r e c a s t death, f o r a pa r t of the middle c l a s s at l e a s t , in a demographic idiom. In a d d i t i o n , death was best i f i t s i l e n t l y and p a i n l e s s l y s t o l e the dying person. T h i s theme i s not r e a l l y much d i f f e r e n t from the p e a c e f u l and n a t u r a l death of the n i n e t e e n t h century, though perhaps more a n a e s t h e t i c and c o n t r i v e d . Often death c o u l d remain s i l e n t only i f there were a c o n s p i r a c y to keep i t a s e c r e t . Having l e a r n e d that h i s "Japanese man" was a f f l i c t e d with a f a t a l cancer, C h a r l e s Hayward i n s t r u c t e d h i s daughter to inform the soon-to-be widow but not the soon-to-be deceased. The c u l t u r a l divergence between h i s and h i s se r v a n t s ' r e a c t i o n s was worthy of i n c l u s i o n i n a l e t t e r to h i s s i s t e r . I t was poor F l o s s y ' s unpleasant duty to g i v e h i s wife the Doctor's v e r d i c t , who i n turn at once ( a g a i n s t remonstrances ) t o l d i t a l l to Tora; who bears the d r e a d f u l news w e l l , saying that being a s o l d i e r , and a Jap, he has no fear of death. 3 8 S i l e n c e went hand-in-hand with p a i n l e s s n e s s . War deaths by t h e i r very nature, c h a l l e n g e d the view that people d i e d at a r i p e age. S t i l l , p a t r i o t i s m r e q u i r e d that they be d e s c r i b e d as "good" deaths. A f t e r making the t r a d i t i o n a l appeal to n a t i o n a l sentiment, the authors of condolence l e t t e r s r eassured the next-o f - k i n that death was p a i n l e s s . The news that her nephew "was k i l l e d i n s t a n t l y . . . by p i e c e of shrapnel i n neck," was meant to console Annie S o u t h c o t t . 3 9 S i m i l a r l y , when R. L. M a i t l a n d ' s son d i e d i n the a i r i n the Second World War, an A i r V i c e -M a r s h a l l sent h i s 51 p e r s o n a l word of c o n s o l a t i o n [ : ] . . . I am c o n f i d e n t that the p a s s i n g of l i f e i n these circumstances i s e i t h e r as instantaneous as the going out of a l i g h t or that i f i n j u r y occurs without unconsciousness, Nature a p p l i e s an immediate and m e r c i f u l a n a e s t h e t i c i n the instantaneous onset of shock, d u l l i n g , i f not completely o b l i t e r a t i n g the p a i n element. M a i t l a n d responded that he found the l e t t e r "very kind and I might say c o m f o r t i n g . " " 0 Mayor McGeer's sudden death was more t o l e r a b l e , the widow learned, because i t was "so quick and p a i n l e s s " ; "to pass over q u i e t l y i n s l e e p i s a wonderful way of c r o s s i n g to the other s i d e . " " 1 J u s t as i l l u m i a t i n g i s a case where death was not quick and p a i n l e s s . Mrs. D. H., prematurely making her husband's f u n e r a l arrangements, c o n f i d e d i n R e g i n a l d Hayward, "I am too fond of him to wish him to stay i n the c o n d i t i o n he has been si n c e J u l y 4 t h . That i s not l i f e . " " 2 Perhaps l i t e r a r y and s o c i a l c r i t i c Susan Sontag i s wrong i n suggesting that "part of the d e n i a l of death i n t h i s c u l t u r e i s a vast expansion of the category of i l l n e s s as such."* 3 Rather, part of the t w e n t i e t h century c o n f r o n t a t i o n with m o r t a l i t y was a r e d e f i n i t i o n of what c o n s t i t u t e d "good" deaths ( and l i v e s ). The second theme i n the B r i t i s h Columbian d i s c o u r s e on death i s the a m p l i f i c a t i o n of what Ann Douglas d i s c o v e r e d i n her study of n i n e t e e n t h century American c o n s o l a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e : the extension of the sentiments and surroundings of the mourners to e n c i r c l e the dead."" In the t w e n t i e t h century, the l i v i n g b u i l t upon the metaphor of a home-like heaven. The dead i n c r e a s i n g l y a c q u i r e d a t t r i b u t e s of the l i v i n g , and euphemisms f o r death 52 m i r r o r e d the l a t t e r s ' a c t i v i t i e s . " 5 One common euphemism in B r i t i s h Columbian condolence l e t t e r s , f o r example, was to see death as a journey. Reginald Hayward consoled Mrs. G. S. Holt on her f a t h e r ' s p a s s i n g : "We cannot keep our dear ones f o r e v e r ; they must a l l go on that journey from which no t r a v e l l e r r e t u r n s . " " 6 Gladys Mackie, i n w r i t i n g to her mother, r e f e r r e d to her nephew's a c c i d e n t a l death: "God b l e s s you Mater dear - and h e l p you soon to see the b r i g h t s i d e of t h i s , P e t e r k i n s l a t e s t adventure."" 7 The dead ventured unto a new home, but what d i d they do there? Many mourners granted them a p e r i o d of r e s t , yet some extended the P r o t e s t a n t work e t h i c to the a f t e r l i f e . The Rev. George P r i n g l e , thanking Premier P a t t u l l o f o r the condolence l e t t e r sent on h i s b r o t h e r ' s death, p r e d i c t e d , "he's at work somewhere in God's u n i v e r s e . " " 8 Nor had Gerry McGeer d i e d : "your dear husband i s l i v i n g and l o v i n g and working on."" 9 Yet i f the dead were s t i l l a l i v e , they g e n e r a l l y d i d not ( d e s p i t e the c l a i m s of S p i r i t u a l i s t s ) 5 0 l e t anyone know. Rather, the l i v i n g became t h e i r mouthpieces, o f t e n making somewhat presumptuous, v e n t r i l o q u a l statements. Not only were the l i v i n g , by d e s c r i b i n g the a f t e r l i v e s of the dead, e n c i r c l i n g them in a vocabulary of v i t a l i t y , they i n s e r t e d t h i s vocabulary i n t o the mouths of the dead. "Don't g r i e v e too deeply," Peter Mackie's grandmother le a r n e d , "- he would be so s o r r y . " 5 1 In d e s c r i b i n g the death of W i l l i a m John M a i t l a n d , F. V. Heakes d e s i r e d , " i f p o s s i b l e , [ to ] be the v o i c e of your son e x p r e s s i n g h i s noble wish that those he loved should not unduly s u f f e r at h i s p a s s i n g . " 5 2 Mrs. McGeer was to l e a r n more than 53 once that " i f your husband co u l d have chosen h i s going f o r himself he would have chosen the way i t happened." 5 3 By usurping the r i g h t to speak for the dead, and d e s c r i b i n g death i n i n c r e a s i n g l y v i t a l i s t i c phrases, the w r i t e r s of condolence l e t t e r s were not denying death, but demonstrating a w i l l i n g n e s s to c o n f r o n t i t , i f only i n somewhat obscured terms. Of course, t h i s l i f e - l i k e d i s c o u r s e on death represented an i n t e l l e c t u a l e x e r c i s e , one that the w r i t e r s performed only with a c e r t a i n degree of d i f f i c u l t y . A t h i r d theme, and one that appeared i n an i n f i n i t e number of forms, was the concept that words were an i n s u f f i c i e n t means of d e a l i n g with death. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the f i r s t time such a phrase appears i n the condolence l e t t e r s s t u d i e d was j u s t a f t e r the turn of the c e n t u r y . 5 * In 1902 Wentworth B e l l wrote to h i s mother upon h i s f a t h e r ' s death, "I wish I c o u l d say e x a c t l y what I f e e l , but am a f r a i d I c a n n o t . " 5 5 Numerous w r i t e r s used words to express the b e l i e f t h a t "words cannot express my deep s o r r o w . " 5 6 E l l a Rowland, us i n g an a p p r o p r i a t e medical metaphor, perhaps s t a t e d i t best to C h a r l o t t e McGeer: "Words are a poor medicine with which to express one's f e e l i n g s at a time of s o r r o w . " 5 7 The p r o t e s t s that words were f u t i l e to the c o n t r a r y , however, t h i s theme does not suggest, as i t s u p e r f i c i a l l y might seem, that death had become unnamable. For i f the w r i t e r s of condolence l e t t e r s r e a l l y b e l i e v e d that words were u s e l e s s , the l e t t e r s would be s h o r t e r and fewer than they were. Rather, by p r o c l a i m i n g the f u t i l i t y of words, they drew a t t e n t i o n to the f a c t that t h e i r r e a c t i o n s to the s p e c i f i c death were much deeper 54 than anything they c o u l d w r i t e . They kept t h e i r own counsel, r e f u s i n g to share i t with the g r i e f - s t r i c k e n f a m i l y . Instead, they i n t e r n a l i z e d t h e i r r e a c t i o n to the death, e n c i r c l e d i t i n t h e i r own v i t a l i t y , and encased i t i n t h e i r own memory. In so doing, they were undoing, in p a r t , the subversive process that w r i t i n g condolence l e t t e r s r e presented. While condolences apparently e s t a b l i s h e d the primacy of the community over the g r i e v i n g f a m i l y , by r e f u s i n g to communicate t h e i r innermost f e e l i n g s and by announcing t h i s f a i l u r e , the t w e n t i e t h century authors of condolence l e t t e r s e s t a b l i s h e d the primacy of the i n d i v i d u a l over both the f a m i l y and the community. The r e f l e c t i o n s of one B r i t i s h Columbian p r o v i d e an i l l u m i n a t i n g case study of the i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s a t t i t u d e . For Emily C a r r , death was not f e a r f u l . Rather i t was a c o n t i n u a t i o n of l i f e f r e e d from the c o n s t r a i n t s of e a r t h l y and c o r p o r a l bonds. "Perhaps death i s l i k e t h a t , the s o u l t e a r i n g i t s e l f f r e e from the body." 5 8 Death was best, f o r Carr a l s o , i f i t was s i l e n t and p a i n l e s s . R e f e r r i n g to her s i s t e r ' s l a s t i l l n e s s , she brooded: "Anything would be b e t t e r than that slow e a t i n g of d i s e a s e . That i s h o r r i b l e . " 5 9 Thoroughly modern, Emily C a r r ' s view was nonetheless q u i t e c o n v e n t i o n a l . D e s p i t e her p r o f e s s e d assurances about death, however, one f i n a l p i e c e of evidence might shed more l i g h t on her r h e t o r i c . In her l a s t p i c t u r e , Woo, f i n i s h e d in the month before her death, Carr d e p i c t e d her beloved pet monkey with a s t r i k i n g l y s i n i s t e r and u n t r u s t i n g c o u n t e n a n c e . 6 0 T h i s q u a l i t y was absent from her other p a i n t i n g s . Perhaps, we might s p e c u l a t e , in the face of imminent 55 death, which her d e c l i n i n g h e a l t h c o n s i s t e n t l y p o i n t e d out to her, she was showing signs of wavering f a i t h and f e a r l e s s n e s s . P o s s i b l y her a r t r e v e a l s the d e f i c i e n c i e s of the t w e n t i e t h century middle c l a s s d i s c o u r s e on death; a somewhat impoverished i n d i v i d u a l i s m c r e a t e d i n part by the o b s c u r i n g vocabulary f a i l e d to respond to the f e a r s of the dying person. Foucault argues that death had become s i n c e the n i n e t e e n t h century " c o n s t i t u t i v e of s i n g u l a r i t y ; i t i s i n that p e r c e p t i o n of death that the i n d i v i d u a l f i n d s h i m s e l f . " 6 1 Despite the c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t s which s o c i e t i e s and i n d i v i d u a l s e s t a b l i s h to come .to terms with m o r t a l i t y , the i n d i v i d u a l must in the end face death alone. W r i t i n g about death probably i n h i b i t e d and r e p l a c e d the act of c o n f r o n t i n g i t d i r e c t l y . But death, between 1850 and 1950 i n B r i t i s h Columbia has always been namable. From proposing a p e a c e f u l , n a t u r a l and d e s i r a b l e escape from r e a l i t y , a n t i c i p a t i n g a f u t u r e reunion with loved ones, metaphors s h i f t e d to emphasize an a n a e s t h e t i c , s i l e n t , v i t a l i s t i c death, which the i n d i v i d u a l i n t e l l e c t u a l l y faced alone. The middle c l a s s commitment to d i s c o u r s i n g about m o r t a l i t y i n c r e a s e d the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and most l i k e l y the s i n g u l a r i t y , of the i n d i v i d u a l i n c o n f r o n t i n g h i s or her own death. 56 Notes - Chapter III 1 Umberto Eco, Theory of S e m i o t i c s , ( Bloomington: Indiana U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1976 ) , p. 66~! 2 C i t e d i n McManners, "Death and the French H i s t o r i a n s , " p. 1 30. 3 L.-V. Thomas, "La mort et ses i s s u e s , " A r c h i v e s de  s c i e n c e s s o c i a l e s des R e l i g i o n s , 49, 2 ( a v r i l - j u i n " 1980 TT 179: "On peut se demander s i p a r l e r de l a mort, c ' e s t - a - d i r e l a transformer en objet de d i s c o u r s , ne r e v i e n t pas, f i n a l e m e n t , a empecher q u ' e l l e ne p a r l e . Et sous p r e t e x t e q u ' e l l e ne d i t r i e n ou pas grand-chose, a p a r l e r a sa p l a c e . . . " * The Hour, pp. 473-4. 5 Western A t t i t u d e s , p. 106. 6 McManners, Death and the Enlightenment, pp. 462-3; A r i e s , The Hour, pp. 609-10. 7 R. Darnton, "The H i s t o r y of m e n t a l i t e s , " i n ed., R. H. Brown and S. M. Lyman, S t r u c t u r e , Consciousness and H i s t o r y , (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1978 ), p. 112. 8 Mme C a l n a r t [ E l i s a b e t h F e l i c e ( Canard ) Bayle-M o u i l l a r d ] , The gentleman's and lady's book of p o l i t e n e s s and  p r o p r i e t y of deportment, d e d i c a t e d to the youth of both sexes, t r a n s . , (Boston: A l l e n and T i c k n e r , 1833 ), p. 213. 9 John H. Young, Our Deportment or the Manners, Conduct  and Dress of the Most Refi n e d S o c i e t y , I D e t r o i t : F~. 17 Dickerson and Co., 1883 ), p. 301. 1 0 Thomas E. H i l l , H i l l ' s Manual of S o c i a l and Business  Forms: A Guide to C o r r e c t W r i t i n g , { Chicago: H i l l Standard Book Co. , 1891 T~, pp. 33-4; Gertrude P r i n g l e , E t i q u e t t e i n Canada;  The Blue Book of Canadian S o c i a l Usage, ( Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1932 ), p. 381. 1 1 PABC, B r i t i s h Columbia Premier, GR 1222, General F i l e s , box 122, f. 1; box 131, f . 1; box 140, f. 2. 1 2 PABC, J . T. M a r s h a l l Papers, Add. MSS. 321, Dr. G. F. Amyot to J . T. M a r s h a l l , Nov. 6, 1939; J . T. M a r s h a l l to Dr. H. W. H i l l , Nov. 25, 1939, v. 1, f . 5. On the 57 death of ex-premier S i r Richard McBride, h i s s e c r e t a r y r e c e i v e d a small number of condolence l e t t e r s . With somewhat p a t e r n a l i s t i c overtones, M o l l i e McN. r e f e r r e d to McBride as "our b i g man..." PABC, S i r R i c h a r d M c B r i d e / L o t t i e M. Bowron C o l l e c t i o n , Add. MSS. 347, M o l l i e McN. to Bowron, Aug. 10, 1917, v. 2, f . 26. 1 3 GGM, v. 4-5. 1 * S i x t y percent of P a t t u l l o ' s l e t t e r s commemorated the death of a male. PABC, B r i t i s h Columbia Premier, GR 1222, General F i l e s , box 122, f. 1; box 131, f . 1, box 140, f . 2. 1 5 PABC, R i t h e t Family Papers, Add. MSS. 504, D. Campbell to Mrs. R. P. R i t h e t , March 21, 1919, v. 1, f . 8. 1 6 GGM, Mrs. J . Love to C. McGeer, Aug. 12, 1947, v. 5, f . 1 . 1 7 GGM, Lewis to McGeer, Aug. 11, 1947, v. 4, f . 2. 1 8 PABC, Mackie Family Papers, Add. MSS. 1164, H. Mackie to A. Mackie, A p r i l 16, 1918, box 2, f . 4. 1 9 GGM, Nora J a l l e n to McGeer, Aug. 21, 1947, v. 4, f.2. 2 0 PABC, M a i t l a n d Family C o l l e c t i o n , Add. MSS. 781, Anderson to Mr. and Mrs. M a i t l a n d , Dec. 21, 1943, box 7, f. 3. 2 1 C a l n a r t , The gentleman's and lady's book, p. 213. 2 2 A r i e s , The Hour, pp. 409-74. Although the terms ni n e t e e n t h and t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s w i l l be used to c a t e g o r i z e the a t t i t u d e s d i s c u s s e d here, the break was not, of course, so d i s t i n c t . I t i s worth n o t i n g that the d i v i s i o n can a l s o be seen, i n B r i t i s h Columbia, as g e n e r a t i o n a l . The n i n e t e e n t h century a t t i t u d e r e f l e c t e d the views of the f i r s t l a r g e group of s e t t l e r s , such as C h a r l e s Hayward, R i c h a r d Carr and H. P. P. Crease. T h e i r daughters and sons ( as w e l l as the new waves of immigrants ) provide examples f o r the t w e n t i e t h century: R e g i n a l d Hayward, Emily Carr, T. D. P a t t u l l o , Hugh Mackie, and C h a r l o t t e McGeer. 2 3 PABC, Crease Family Papers, Add. MSS. 55, "A D i r g e , " 1841, v. 3, f . 19, pp. 2-3. 2 f t J . K. N e s b i t t , ed., "The D i a r y of Martha Cheney E l l a , 1853-1856, Part I I , " B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Q u a r t e r l y , 13, 3 and 4 ( J u l y - October, 1949 ), 269. 2 5 PABC, J . S. Helmcken Papers, Add. MSS. 505, D a l l a s to Helmcken, A p r i l 29, 1865, v. 1, f . 14, p. 3. See a l s o Henry P i e r s to Helmcken, A p r i l 21, 1865, v. 1, f. 14, p. 1-2: 58 "Your dear wife, through f a i t h in her Redeemer, has changed her e a r t h l y home f o r a b e t t e r - a heavenly one." 2 6 HF, Hayward to Mr. Haynes, March 16, 1898, v. 4, pp. 412-3. 2 7 HF, A l i c e How to Hayward, January 10, 1902, v. 36. 2 8 Morley, Death, Heaven and the V i c t o r i a n s , pp. 102, 111. 2 9 PABC, J . S. Helmcken Papers, Add. MSS. 505, Henry P i e r s to Helmcken, A p r i l 21, 1865, v. 1, f. 14, pp. 1-2. 3 0 Dix ans sur l a cote du P a c i f i q u e , par un m i s s i o n n a i r e  canadien, J Quebec: Leger Brousseau, 1873 V, pp. 46-7. Blanchet, w r i t i n g of a P r o t e s t a n t ' f a n a t i c ' who d i e d in a f i r e "apres t r e n t e heures d'une a f f r e u s e agonie," c i t e d a p p r o v i n g l y the o p i n i o n s of a s i x - y e a r o l d : "Oh! Cette femme n ' i r a jamais au c i e l , a cause de sa langue scandaleuse." " P l u s i e u r s a u t r e s personnes," he added, " d i r e n t q u ' e l l e a v a i t grandement merite ce chatiment, q u ' e l l e a v a i t endure l e s feux du p u r g a t o i r e , sur l a t e r r e . " pp. 52-3. 3 1 HF, Hayward to Mrs. H a r r i e s , March 18, 1887, v. 1, p. 2. 3 2 PABC, Crease Family Papers, Add. MSS. 55, Sarah Crease to John L i n d l e y , January 17, 1864, v. 11, f . 1, pp. 11-17. 3 3 PABC, Attorney General, GR 431, I n q u i s i t i o n s , Case of Hugh G i l l i s , v. 1, f. 1872, case 15. 3 * James Hendrickson, ed., "Two L e t t e r s from Walter Colquhoun Grant," BC S t u d i e s , 26 ( summer, 1975 ), 13. 3 5 HF, A l i c e How to C. Hayward, January 10, 1902, v. 36; Hayward to Mrs. A b l i t t , March 6., 1904, v. 6, p. 156. T h i s l a t t e r comment r e f e r r e d to Mrs. C r i d g e . 3 6 HF, G l a s s to Hayward, May 29, 1919, v. 40. 3 7 The F e m i n i z a t i o n of American C u l t u r e , ( New.York: A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1977 ), pp. 209, 225-6. 3 8 HF, Hayward to Mrs. A b l i t t , Oct. 18, 1915, v. 9, p. 610. 3 9 C i t y of Vancouver A r c h i v e s [ h e r e a f t e r CVA ], Southcott Family Papers, Add. MSS. 113, W. H. Hayward, Captain and Paymaster of F i r s t Canadian Pioneer B a t t a l i o n to A. Southcott, Nov. 4, 1916. 1 , 0 PABC, M a i t l a n d Family C o l l e c t i o n , Add. MSS. 781, F. V. Heakes, A i r O f f i c e r Commanding, Western A i r Command to 59 M a i t l a n d , Sept. 27, 1944, box 7, f. 4; M a i t l a n d to Heakes, Oct. 16, 1944, box 7, f. 9. Andre C o r v i s i e r argues t h a t , in g e n e r a l , " l a mort du s o l d a t . . . r e s t e . . . a s s e z proche malgre tout de c e l l e de ses contemporains." "La mort du s o l d a t depuis l a f i n du Moyen Age," Revue h i s t o r i q u e , 99, 254 ( 1975 ), 30. 4 1 GGM, Mary to McGeer, Aug. 18, 1947, v. 4, f . 3; N e l l y Selby to McGeer, Aug. 12, 1947, v. 4, f . 3. 4 2 HF, Mrs. D. H. to R. Hayward, J u l y 25, 1939, v. 56. In cases where business correspondence with the Haywards was of a d e c i d e d l y personal nature, only the i n i t i a l s of the correspondent w i l l be used. * 3 I l l n e s s as Metaphor, p. 55. 4* The F e m i n i z a t i o n of American C u l t u r e , pp. 207-8. 4 5 Charmaz, S o c i a l R e a l i t y of Death, p. 79. 4 6 HF, Hayward to H o l t , Dec. 23, 1931, v. 34, p. 99. 4 7 PABC, Mackie Family Papers, Add. MSS. 1164, G. Mackie to A. Mackie, n.d., box 2, f . 4. S i m i l a r l y the t r i b u t e of the Vancouver Branch of the Canadian S o c i e t y of C i v i l Engineers on the death of Walter Moberly read: "On May 14th he passed i n t o the shadow of the v a l l e y on h i s long and f i n a l journey." CVA, Moberly Papers, Add. MSS. 33, " O f f i c i a l t r i b u t e . . . , " n.d., A. Personal Papers, pp. 104-5. 4 8 PABC, B r i t i s h Columbia Premier, GR 1222, General F i l e s , P r i n g l e to P a t t u l l o , May 7, 1935, v. 131, f. 1. 4 9 GGM, Gertrude H. B r i c k to C. McGeer, Aug. 13, 1947, v. 4, f. 2. 5 0 Ramsay Cook has r e c e n t l y demonstrated that S p i r i t u a l i s m , i n Canada at l e a s t , was a not a t y p i c a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n of modern a t t i t u d e s towards r e l i g i o n . " S p i r i t u a l i s m , Science of the E a r t h l y P a r a d i s e , " Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, 65, 1 ( March 1984 ), 4-27. 5 1 PABC, Mackie Family Papers, Add. MSS. 1164, Grace Mackie to Annis Mackie, A p r i l , 1918, box 2, f. 4. 5 2 PABC, M a i t l a n d Family Papers, Add. MSS. 781, Heakes to R. L. M a i t l a n d , Sept. 27, 1944, box 7, f.4. 5 3 GGM, Esther Kinney to McGeer, Aug. 1947, v. 4, f . 2. 5 4 Thomas H i l l ' s American book of e t i q u e t t e p r e s c r i b e d e x p r e s s i n g the f u t i l i t y of words as e a r l y as 1891. H i l l ' s  Manual, pp. 93-4. 60 5 5 PABC, Peter Warren B e l l Papers, Add. MSS. 661, B e l l to Mrs. P. Warren B e l l , Feb. 11, 1902, f . 6, p. 28. 5 6 GGM, W i n i f r e d Akhurst to C. McGeer, Aug. 11, 1947, v. 4, f. 2. 5 7 GGM, Rowland to McGeer, Aug. 12, 1947, v. 4, f . 3 . 5 8 Hundreds and Thousands: The J o u r n a l s of Emily Carr, (Toronto: C l a r k e , Irwin and Co., 1978 ), p. 261; compare a l s o p. 87 and i d . , Growing Pains: The Autobiography of Emily Carr, (Toronto: C l a r k e , Irwin and Co., 1971 ), p. 281. 5 9 Id., Hundreds and Thousands, p. 250. 6 0 The p i c t u r e i s reproduced i n T i p p e t t , Emily C a r r , p. 272. 6 1 B i r t h of the C l i n i c , p. 171. 61 IV. FUNERALS AND CLASS DISTINCTION One important aspect of the t w e n t i e t h century d i s c o u r s e on death that the l a s t chapter d i d not c o n f r o n t i s the i n c r e a s i n g l y v o c a l c r i t i c i s m of contemporary a t t i t u d e s towards death. Much of t h i s c r i t i c i s m has focussed on the e c c e n t r i c i t i e s of the North American b u r i a l r i t u a l . J e s s i c a M i t f o r d ' s muckraking expose, The American Way of Death, w e l l i l l u s t r a t e s the opaque nature of t h i s debate. For M i t f o r d , contemporary North American f u n e r a l s are extravagant and meaningless, i n v e n t i o n s of the p r o f i t - c r a z e d undertaker; the e x c e s s i v e l y commercialized f u n e r a l deserves no p l a c e i n a r a t i o n a l s o c i e t y . 1 But a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s f u r n i s h a l e s s c o n t e n t i o u s view of mortuary p r a c t i c e s . Set in a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l p e r s p e c t i v e , the American f u n e r a l , R i chard Huntington and Peter M e t c a l f contend, no longer appears s i n g u l a r l y expensive and i n s c r u t a b l e . Rather, the death r i t u a l p r o v i d e s the key to understanding the c i v i l r e l i g i o n which c o n s t i t u t e s the "American Way of L i f e . " 2 Maurice Bloch extends the a n a l y s i s even f u r t h e r . A study of f u n e r a l s r e v e a l s not only c e r t a i n s t r u c t u r e s of a s o c i e t y , i t a l s o b r i n g s to l i g h t a dramatic moment du r i n g which these s t r u c t u r e s are themselves c r e a t e d . 3 Pursuing t h i s l a t t e r premise, we w i l l argue that i n B r i t i s h Columbia between 1850 and 1950, f u n e r a l s c u l t i v a t e d s o c i a l 62 c o h e s i o n on a s m a l l s c a l e a n d f o s t e r e d s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s on a l a r g e r , s c a l e . On one h a n d t h e c e r e m o n y r e i n f o r c e d i n d i v i d u a l , f a m i l y a n d co m m u n i t y t i e s w i t h t h e d e c e a s e d a nd w i t h e a c h o t h e r . On t h e o t h e r t h e c h a n g e s i n f u n e r a l p r a c t i c e s o v e r t h e c e n t u r y r e p r e s e n t e d d i f f e r e n t a t t e m p t s a t c l a s s s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n . T h i s c h a p t e r e x p l o r e s t h e s e themes o f c o h e s i o n a n d d i s t i n c t i o n . The c e r e m o n i e s s u r r o u n d i n g t h e u n i o n o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and V a n c o u v e r I s l a n d i n 1866 r e m i n d e d t h e f o r m e r g o v e r n o r o f a b u r i a l r i t e : "a f u n e r a l p r o c e s s i o n , w i t h m i n u t e guns w o u l d h a v e been more a p p r o p r i a t e t o t h e s a d m e l a n c h o l y e v e n t . " " James D o u g l a s ' r e f l e c t i o n s a p t l y d e m o n s t r a t e t h e pomp o f a n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y f u n e r a l . They a l s o i l l u m i n a t e t h e m i s p l a c e d n o s t a l g i a o f t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y c o m m e n t a t o r s . " S i m p l i c i t y t o t h e p o i n t o f s t a r k n e s s , " M i t f o r d s u p p o s e s , t h e p l a i n p i n e b o x , t h e l a y i n g o u t o f t h e d e a d by f r i e n d s a n d f a m i l y who a l s o b o r e t h e c o f f i n t o t h e g r a v e - t h e s e were t h e h a l l m a r k s o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l f u n e r a l u n t i l t h e end o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . 5 A l t h o u g h i t h a s , i n d e e d , become a modern t r a d i t i o n t o r e f e r t o s u c h a f u n e r a l , h i s t o r i a n s o f t h e p e r i o d a s s e r t t h a t s u c h s t a r k n e s s was n o t a h a l l m a r k o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y c e r e m o n y . R a t h e r , t h e V i c t o r i a n m o r t u a r y r i t u a l o f t e n e n t a i l e d a d e g r e e o f e x t r a v a g a n c e a n d o s t e n t a t i o n w h i c h w o u l d make t o d a y ' s f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s e n v i o u s . 6 I n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a t h e s i t u a t i o n was c o m p l e x ; n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y f u n e r a l s j u x t a p o s e d s i m p l i c i t y a n d e x t r a v a g a n c e . 63 One of the e a r l i e s t f u n e r a l accounts s t i l l extant i s that of C e c i l i a Helmcken. She was b u r i e d i n 1865 by Richard Lewis. A d v e r t i s i n g "Mahogany and Lead C o f f i n s , E n g l i s h and American Trimmings, c o n s t a n t l y oh hand," Lewis acted, a p p a r e n t l y , as a part-time undertaker, being l i s t e d i n an 1868 c i t y d i r e c t o r y as an a r c h i t e c t , and i n 1871 as a C i t y Councilman, undertaker and b u i l d e r . 7 At a time when c o l o n i a l estimates provided a $700 y e a r l y s a l a r y f o r firemen working on government dredging c o n t r a c t s , and the C l e r k of the Land O f f i c e earned $1000 ( to take only two examples ), 8 Lewis conducted Mrs. Helmcken's f u n e r a l f o r the rather l a r g e sum of $187. The b u r i a l of her i n f a n t son, who succumbed a few weeks l a t e r , as w e l l as the reinterment i n the b r i c k v a u l t of two c h i l d r e n who had predeceased her, added a f u r t h e r $52.50 to the b i l l . 9 S i m i l a r l y , when Governor F r e d e r i c k Seymour d i e d i n 1869, the purchase of "yards of black crape, black v e l v e t , g l a z e d c a l i c o and black r i b b o n " e n r i c h e d h i s f u n e r a l and many merchants of V i c t o r i a . 1 0 One young boy, at l e a s t , enjoyed the pageantry of b u r i a l ceremonies. T h i n k i n g back on h i s youth in V i c t o r i a , Edgar Fawcett wrote I had a great weakness for f u n e r a l s , and l i v i n g only a block from Quadra S t r e e t , I attended scores in my day. I n a t u r a l l y l i k e d the naval f u n e r a l s best, f o r there were s o l d i e r s and s a i l o r s , and bands of music, with three v o l l e y s over the grave, so I missed few. 1 1 In her r e c o l l e c t i o n s of the l u g u b r i o u s f u n e r a l s of e a r l y V i c t o r i a , Emily Carr remembered those d i r e c t e d by C h a r l e s Hayward, a competitor of Richard Lewis. 64 Hayward's hearse had s i x enormous black plumes waving over the top of i t . They swayed and writhed and were c o n s i d e r e d most d i g n i f i e d and i n very good taste...Crepe streamed from the hats of the undertaker, the d r i v e r , the widows' bonnets, the c a r r i a g e whips and the knobs of the house doors where death waited f o r the h e a r s e . . . F u n e r a l s were made as slow and nodding and mournful as p o s s i b l e . 1 2 The V i c t o r i a n f u n e r a l , at l e a s t f o r those who had access to or who c o u l d a f f o r d an undertaker, unfolded in o s t e n t a t i o u s blackness and languor. Yet not a l l the e a r l y s e t t l e r s of B r i t i s h Columbia were able to indulge in the expense of such prominent ceremonies. Death o f t e n occurred f a r from the purview of f a m i l y and undertakers. Funerals in such i n s t a n c e s c l o s e l y resembled M i t f o r d ' s " t r a d i t i o n a l " b u r i a l s . Informing James Douglas of Chief Trader Paul F r a s e r ' s a c c i d e n t a l death i n 1855, Donald Manson -promised, "I s h a l l see the body i n t e r r e d and arranged as w e l l as our means a d m i t . " 1 3 A j o u r n a l i s t has subsequently suggested that t h e i r means per m i t t e d l i t t l e ceremony; F r a s e r "was b u r i e d without even a rough box, without candle, book or b e l l , and not very deep, due to the nature of the t e r r a i n . " 1 " L i k e w i s e , when a group of t r a v e l l e r s making t h e i r way o v e r l a n d to B r i t i s h Columbia from the Canadian c o l o n i e s i n 1862 l o s t one of t h e i r company to the hardships of the voyage, they b u r i e d him in a small c a n o e . 1 5 On A r c h i b a l d Napier's death at B e l l a Coola i n 1875, George P i e r c e , a p p a r e n t l y the nearest white man, took charge of the former's b u r i a l , a s s u r i n g the coroner that he had a c o f f i n made f o r the d e c e a s e d . 1 6 In these cases, the whites c l o s e s t to the deceased i n a g e o g r a p h i c a l r a t h e r than a 65 sentimental sense oversaw the l a s t r i t e s , c o n s t r u c t i n g a makeshift c o f f i n and conducting the impromptu interment. Such s i m p l i c i t y was a hallmark only of c e r t a i n B r i t i s h Columbian f u n e r a l s . The d i s t i n c t i o n s l a y l a r g e l y between urban c e n t r e s and s p a r s e l y s e t t l e d r e g i o n s . Wealth and c l a s s may have a l s o been s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s , but here the documentation i s scant. Carr r e p o r t s the case of Lean and Fat O'Flahty, who were able to engage someone's s e r v i c e s to embalm t h e i r mother's corpse, but who then themselves had to look a f t e r t r a n s p o r t i n g the c o f f i n to the w h a r f . 1 7 The r e s p e c t s they were able to pay t h e i r mother allowed none of the pomp of other nineteenth century f u n e r a l s . Other e a r l y urban f u n e r a l s , i f t h i s case i s at a l l i n d i c a t i v e , probably r e f l e c t e d l a r g e r s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s of wealth and c l a s s . While demonstrating s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s , simple and extravagant f u n e r a l s a l s o promoted s o c i a l c ohesion. The improvised b u r i a l ceremonies of i s o l a t e d r e g i o ns r e a f f i r m e d l i n k s between the whites who oversaw p r e p a r a t i o n s . From testimony at the inquest i n t o A r c h i b a l d Napier's death, i t appears that there was a l a r g e c o n t i n g e n t of Indians present i n Napier's house. P i e r c e ' s haste i n o b t a i n i n g a c o f f i n must betray, consequently, a d e s i r e to ensure a Western b u r i a l f o r Napier and thus express unwavering s o l i d a r i t y among the white p o p u l a t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , at the c o s t l y f u n e r a l , the g a t h e r i n g of the mourners at the deceased's r e s i d e n c e and the p r o c e s s i o n to the cemetery demonstrated cohesion i n the f a m i l y and the community. Carr recounted that 66 every f r i e n d of the dead who owned a c h a i s e or buggy and some h i r e d hacks j o i n e d i n the p r o c e s s i o n . Nobody thought of c r o s s i n g the path of a f u n e r a l ; people stood h o l d i n g t h e i r hats i n t h e i r hands with heads bowed p a t i e n t l y u n t i l the p r o c e s s i o n had passed. 1 8 In n i n e t e e n t h century f u n e r a l s , dark c o l o u r s , s i l e n c e and slowness served to focus the a t t e n t i o n of the l a r g e r p o p u l a t i o n on the death of an i n d i v i d u a l . 1 9 Death occasioned one of the few moments durin g which members of the community were able to a f f i r m the s o c i a l order which encompassed them a l l . The mourners expressed t h e i r l i n k s not only with the deceased, but a l s o through him or her with one another. By the 1880s, the North American f u n e r a l was undergoing change. In t h i s p e r i o d M i t f o r d ' s and F a r r e l l ' s "American Way of Death" began to take shape. M i t f o r d , as we have seen, imputes blame for the i n n o v a t i o n s to the undertaking p r o f e s s i o n . F a r r e l l i s more comprehensive, c e n s o r i n g an e n t i r e middle c l a s s m e n t a l i t y f o r the new d i r e c t i o n s . 2 0 C e n t r a l to the changes was the c r e a t i o n of a p r o f e s s i o n of f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s . When undertakers, in a d d i t i o n to s u p p l y i n g commodities, began to o f f e r a l a r g e range of s e r v i c e s , they e s t a b l i s h e d , F a r r e l l argues, an a u t h o r i t a t i v e c o n t r o l over death r i t e s . O r g a n i z i n g themselves i n t o p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , they attempted to p r o t e c t and improve t h e i r p r o f i t a b l e p o s i t i o n . 2 1 C h a r l e s Hayward, whose ex t e n s i v e business records allow us to use h i s company to t r a c e the o u t l i n e s of the f u n e r a l i n d u s t r y 67 in B r i t i s h Columbia, f i r s t opened up a business i n V i c t o r i a as a b u i l d i n g c o n t r a c t o r . His c a r p e n t e r s manufactured c o f f i n s a c c o r d i n g to demand, but the demand a p p a r e n t l y remained small u n t i l the 1880s. 2 2 In 1888, Hayward informed h i s s i s t e r that he had r e s o l v e d to dispose of h i s sash and door manufacturing s i d e l i n e s i n order to devote h i s time to undertaking and c o n t r a c t i n g . 2 3 In doing so, he f o l l o w e d a route b l a z e d by many American undertakers; indeed, h i s e a r l i e s t t i e s were with the business in the United S t a t e s . In 1889, he attended a convention in P o r t l a n d of the Northwest F u n e r a l D i r e c t o r s A s s o c i a t i o n . 2 " He imported much of h i s merchandise from the Oregon Casket Company, and corresponded with i t when he wished to ensure that h i s concern remained "up to d a t e . " 2 5 By the twentieth century, however, the B r i t i s h Columbia Fu n e r a l Company ( as Hayward c h r i s t e n e d i t i n 1916 ) purchased more and more of i t s goods from Canadian, o f t e n Vancouver based, s u p p l i e r s . Hayward's l e t t e r s r e f l e c t e d an i n c r e a s i n g d i s t a n c e between Canadian and American m a t e r i a l s and methods. He e x p l a i n e d i n 1914 that our American c o u s i n s go i n f o r e l a b o r a t e expensive f u n e r a l c a r s , c o s t i n g many thousand d o l l a r s , but our community do not as yet take k i n d l y to the idea , f o r which we are t h a n k f u l . 2 6 Reginald Hayward, by the time that he took over h i s f a t h e r ' s f i r m , had a c q u i r e d s i m i l a r a t t i t u d e s . Always mindful of the p o s s i b i l i t y of p u b l i c c r i t i c i s m , he responded q u i c k l y to the "sharp p r a c t i c e s " of c e r t a i n American companies. When an E l Paso f u n e r a l home sent a b i l l exceeding a quoted p r i c e , Hayward 68 scolded, "Funeral Directors in t h i s part of the Country do not tolerate t h i s kind of t h i n g . " 2 7 Another way in which B r i t i s h Columbian funeral directors d i f f e r e d from their American colleagues was their lack of success in establishing a common front. During the period under study no government control regulated the establishment of undertaking concerns. 2 8 In 1911, the f i r s t p r o v i n c i a l association formed to demand o f f i c i a l recognition, and subsequent attempts followed in the early 1920s, the late 1920s and the early 1940s. Despite one funeral director's dire warnings that "there are many matters of grave importance to us a l l which should be brought to the attention of the proper a u t h o r i t i e s , " 2 9 the industry proved unsuccessful in pressing i t s demands. A desire to r e s t r i c t competition probably accounted in part for these persistent attempts. No less important, however, was the desire to obtain o f f i c a l acknowledgement of professional, and consequently middle cl a s s , status. By 1917, the term "mortician" was spreading throughout North America, undoubtedly because i t "sounds a b i t l i k e p h y s i c i a n . " 3 0 But even the funeral directors' endeavours to identi f y themselves with those paragons of middle class values, doctors and p r i e s t s , l i k e l y had l i t t l e conclusive e f f e c t . "There i s , perhaps," the undertakers assured themselves in 1911, "no profession, after that of the sacred ministry, in which high mortality i s more imperatively necessary than that of the Funeral D i r e c t o r s . " 3 1 Likewise, in 1944, when labour leaders were threatening to organize workers in funeral homes, Reginald 69 Hayward complained that "they seem to f o r g e t that t h i s p r o f e s s i o n i s s i m i l a r , i n a way, to the medical p r o f e s s i o n . " He based t h i s r a t h e r suspect c o n c l u s i o n on the premise that "you cannot set the time of d e a t h . " 3 2 T h i s deployment of s u s p i c i o u s a n a l o g i e s f u r t h e r demonstrated the undertakers' d e s i r e to e s t a b l i s h a p r o t e c t e d niche i n bourgeois s o c i e t y . In t h i s way, the f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r d e a l t i n i l l u s i o n s , both for h i s own b e n e f i t and f o r the sake of the c l i e n t . The r e s t of t h i s chapter examines these l a t t e r dissemblances. Here i t s u f f i c e s to p o i n t out some i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the undertaker himself of h i s trade i n i l l u s i o n s . In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , the term " f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r " d e s c r i b e d b e t t e r than any other the undertaker's f u n c t i o n . "In h i s r o l e as stage manager," F a r r e l l suggests, "the American m o r t i c i a n d i r e c t e d a drama which c o n t r i v e d a c a t h a r s i s of d e a t h . " 3 3 S t i l l , the undertaker was a l s o an a c t o r on h i s own s t a g e . 3 " The facades he promoted r e l i e d on the c l i e n t ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The drama would f a l l apart i f the bereaved f a i l e d to express t h e i r approval or i f they brought a t t e n t i o n to o v e r s i g h t s . "I want to thank you," a not a t y p i c a l l e t t e r s t a t e d , " f o r the q u i e t and o r d e r l y way i n which the f u n e r a l of my dear young husband was c o n d u c t e d . " 3 5 More i n s t r u c t i v e are the ins t a n c e s when some aspect went a s t r a y . When water was found in the s h i p p i n g case of a casket sent by a co l l e a g u e to V i c t o r i a , R. Hayward p r o f e r r e d an e x p l a n a t i o n . "I don't thi n k he [ the c l i e n t ] swallowed t h a t , " Hayward r e l a t e d , "but I am p o s i t i v e he w i l l never say anything to Mrs. L. about i t . " 3 6 The c l i e n t ' s r e a l i z a t i o n of the f a l s e n e s s of an i l l u s i o n 70 was not as great a source of fear as h i s or her v e r b a l i z a t i o n of that d e c e i t . W r i t i n g to another a s s o c i a t e , Hayward reassured him that although the embalming o p e r a t i o n had not been e n t i r e l y s u c c e s s f u l , "we have heard of no complaint from anybody and that i s the main t h i n g . " 3 7 The f u n e r a l represented a consensual drama, i n which the acceptance of c e r t a i n facades was most important. For f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s , middle c l a s s s t a t u s was the paramount f i c t i o n ; f o r the c l i e n t s , i t was a f o r c e d appearance of n a t u r a l n e s s and q u i e t n e s s . A h i g h l y unnatural way of a c h i e v i n g n a t u r a l n e s s l a y i n the chemical treatment of the corpse. F a r r e l l t r a c e s the modern p o p u l a r i t y of embalming back to the American C i v i l War, when entrepreneurs preserved thousands of s o l d i e r s ' bodies i n order to send them home for b u r i a l . 3 8 If post-mortem m o b i l i t y soon l e g a l l y r e q u i r e d embalming, the procedure a l s o became common in l o c a l f u n e r a l s . Hayward's e a r l i e s t company records i n d i c a t e that he was a l r e a d y embalming i n 1887. 3 9 Yet embalming, which found i t s s t r o n g e s t supporters among the middle c l a s s , " 0 d i d not gain instantaneous acceptance. " I t i s a p i t y , " C h a r l e s Hayward grumbled in 1893, "that so much p r e j u d i c e and misconception e x i s t i n the minds of the general p u b l i c with regard to embalming."* 1 Before long, however, the p r e j u d i c e s evaporated. As the f u n e r a l accounts of R. H. Dwyer's Kamloops based o p e r a t i o n s demonstrate, the l a r g e m a j o r i t y of a d u l t corpses were embalmed by the 1920s. [ See F i g u r e III ] In V i c t o r i a , the small number Source: F inanc ia l Records of Dwyer's Funeral House, Note: Cases per year range between 18 and 4 9 . 100 O LxJ O UJ CL N Crj O) cn cr> CD it' CD cv CO C D C D 2 > C D C D C D C D C D C D r-* T ^ . t^m. t—» y^. CD CD CD Cv AO ^ to \r V ^ V co co cn CD c ft) i • T J T) C "I 3 O ^ o OJ i-i rt i-" X o O 3 c cn O n> i-h > ?« a PJ c 3 i -\-> rt O o tu *rJ o cn a - i-" a» — cn KD - EJ - J 3 i cr — OJ KD I—' *» 3 cn ro a cr <~< a s CD >-l cn YEARS 72 of requests a f t e r 1920 to forego embalming were, i f not a l t o g e t h e r ignored, at l e a s t q u i c k l y f o r g o t t e n . 4 2 Even the n a t u r e - l o v i n g Emily Carr r e f l e c t e d a d i s l i k e f o r the process of b i o l o g i c a l decay. D e s c r i b i n g her s i s t e r ' s corpse, she wrote, I t was l i k e being introduced to a new L i z z i e , t h i s r a d i a n t person i n the c o f f i n . . . I want always to remember L i z z i e ' s c o f f i n f a c e . It was so completely s a t i s f i e d . 4 3 Others of Hayward's customers d i d not h e s i t a t e to compliment the embalmers on t h e i r handiwork. "The peace on the face of my l a t e husband as he r e s t e d i n h i s ca s k e t , " wrote Mrs. M. E. R., "gave us s t r e n g t h . " 4 4 Likewise, f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s p r a i s e d or chi d e d each other on t h e i r degree of p r e s e r v a t i v e d e x t e r i t y . When embalming d i d not work, d i r e consequences might a r i s e . McKague's L t d . of Saskatoon c r i t i c i z e d the B. C. Funeral Co., As we were unable to say anything good about the case we were c e r t a i n l y not going to say anything otherwise but the fa m i l y saw the case here and i t i s they who have made the o b j e c t i o n s to t h e i r s o l i c i t o r . 4 5 D e s i r e d by the c l i e n t , p r e s e r v a t i o n of the corpse was no l e s s important to the f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r . Indeed, by the 1920s, any c l a i m to a p r o f e s s i o n a l m o r t i c i a n ' s s t a t u s r e q u i r e d embalming s k i l l s . "Whidden of Duncan i s no Undertaker," Reginald Hayward commented, "he only s e l l s c a s k ets and conducts f u n e r a l s . " 4 6 Embalming, consequently, represented both f o r the undertaker and the c l i e n t , a c e n t r a l f a c e t of the tw e n t i e t h century b u r i a l r i t e . Extending t h i s a n a l y s i s , as some have done, and suggesting that the widespread acceptance of embalming 73 i n d i c a t e s a d e s i r e to deny d e a t h , " 7 has however some u n l i k e l y i m p l i c a t i o n s . As Huntington and M e t c a l f query, If Americans r e a l l y a s s o c i a t e d p r e s e r v a t i o n of the corpse with p e r p e t u a t i o n of l i f e , would there not be a demand f o r true mummification, as there was i n a n c i e n t Egypt? " 8 Embalming served only to c r e a t e a l i f e - l i k e appearance f o r the corpse u n t i l such time as the mourners might arrange the f u n e r a l and interment. I t represented no more or l e s s that the c r e a t i o n of an i l l u s i o n , an i l l u s i o n which a i d e d the bereaved to commit a p e a c e f u l prototype of the deceased to the graveyard of t h e i r memories. If embalming was the premise to the f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r ' s argument f o r p r o f e s s i o n a l and bourgeois s t a t u s , the s a l e of c o n t a i n e r s f o r the dead body p r o v i d e d h i s p r o f i t s . O r i g i n a l l y the c o f f i n , whose tapered form s t r e s s e d the f a c t t h a t a human body l a y i n s i d e , was the most common r e c e p t a c l e . D e s p i t e some v a r i a t i o n s of s t y l e and p r i c e i n c o f f i n s , the undertaker's f o r t u n e s , F a r r e l l suggests, awaited the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the c a s k e t . Rectangular, mass-produced caskets " d i f f e r e d from c o f f i n s i n r i c h n e s s and o s t e n t a t i o n , i n shape, in name, and i n purpose."" 9 L i k e the p r a c t i c e of embalming, t h e i r acceptance in V i c t o r i a was not immediate. Asked i n 1890 whether the market j u s t i f i e d the l o c a l manufacture of casket, C h a r l e s Hayward responded i n the n e g a t i v e . Only the upper c l a s s e s bought the c o n t a i n e r s . 74 The use of caskets i s s t r i c t l y l i m i t e d i n t h i s p l a c e to the best f u n e r a l s , the balance being hand made c o f f i n s , covered with black c l o t h and which we a l l make up. 5 0 Not a l l bourgeois b u r i a l s enjoyed the presence of a ca s k e t . The businessman R i c h a r d C a r r , f o r example, was i n t e r r e d i n a c o f f i n in 1888 . 5 1 Nonetheless, by the time R. H. Dwyer began f u r n i s h i n g f u n e r a l goods i n the Kamloops area i n 1917, he r e f e r r e d i n v a r i a b l y to c a s k e t s . 5 2 P u r p o r t i n g to p r o t e c t the e a r t h l y remains of the deceased from the elements, the casket achieved widespread p o p u l a r i t y in the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . Indeed, c l i e n t s o f t e n sought t h i s i l l u s i o n of p r o t e c t i o n . Monica S t o r r s , a l ay miss i o n a r y i n the Peace R i v e r d i s t r i c t i n the l a t e 1920s, r e p o r t s the time she "had been commissioned by Mrs. F o s t e r to buy something to cover [ her son's ] c o f f i n because she hated the thought of i t s rough unstained b o a r d s . " 5 3 At l e a s t one c l i e n t of the Haywards saw the outer box m a i n t a i n i n g the shape of the f r e s h l y dug grave as a f u n c t i o n a l e x t e n s i o n of the ca s k e t . W. G. wrote to a s c e r t a i n i f the box's l i d had been p l a c e d i n her f r i e n d ' s grave a f t e r the f u n e r a l . Assured that i t was, she r e p l i e d , " I t i s some comfort to know t h a t . . . t h e casket would have more p r o t e c t i o n . " 5 " R e l a t i v e s r e c e i v e d a rude shock i n 1922 when they d i s c o v e r e d that a Maxwell S t e e l V a u l t which promised p e r p e t u a l p r o t e c t i o n for the deceased had not f u l f i l l e d i t s guarantee: "Besides being f u l l of water, the top of the v a u l t was very badly dented i n . " 5 5 The f u n e r a l i n d u s t r y promoted i l l u s i o n s of p r e s e r v a t i o n , and a wide range of i l l u s i o n s was a v a i l a b l e . "An undertaker's 75 account," R e g i n a l d Hayward informed more than one p r o s p e c t i v e c l i e n t , "depends almost e n t i r e l y upon the c l a s s of casket s e l e c t e d which v a r i e s to almost any e x t e n t . " 5 6 With the Canadian i n d u s t r y a d m i t t i n g to a f o u r - f o l d mark-up on caskets i n 1951, the source of the f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r ' s p r o f i t s was e a s i l y d i s c e r n a b l e . 5 7 By the 1910s B r i t i s h Columbian f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s were d i v i s i n g other means of ensu r i n g t h e i r p r o f i t margins and p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a t u s . The e r e c t i o n of f u n e r a l p a r l o r s confirmed t h e i r a u t h o r i t y over the b u r i a l r i t e . Whereas the deceased was p r e v i o u s l y returned a f t e r embalming to the re s i d e n c e from which the f u n e r a l would take p l a c e , now the m o r t i c i a n provided q u a r t e r s for. the deceased and h i s or her v i s i t o r s . The c o n s t r u c t i o n of p a r l o r s p e r m i t t e d a more m a t e r i a l expression of the undertaker's presence. When Charles Hayward decided i n favour of a p a r l o r i n the 1910s, he examined plans for other establishments throughout North America. One Toronto b u i l d i n g , he noted, " l e f t a f a v o r a b l e impression, having something of a C h u r c h - l i k e a p p e a r a n c e . " 5 8 New premises, Hayward thought, might favour the p r o f e s s i o n a l facade. But a p a r l o r d i d more than assuage the p a r a - r e l i g i o u s p r e t e n s i o n s of the m o r t i c i a n ; i t a l s o p r o v i d e d a h o u s e - l i k e atmosphere f o r the f u n e r a l . When R. H. Dwyer b u i l t h i s p a r l o r in Kamloops i n 1917, a l o c a l newspaper r e p o r t e d that, "In opening the new b u i l d i n g he has provided accommodation that r e l i e v e s one from unnecessary evidence of the b u s i n e s s . " 5 9 76 Vancouver's T. Edwards Company, i n a brochure f e a t u r i n g t h e i r memorial c h a p e l , promised that "Absolute p r i v a c y i s a f f o r d e d the f a m i l y . " 6 0 In a l i k e v e i n , R e g i n a l d Hayward, asked i n 1943 why Mrs. W.'s corpse d i d not go immediately to the crematorium a f t e r the f u n e r a l s e r v i c e , e x p l a i n e d that the crematorium had been busy that day. Consequently, he r e l a t e d , we f e l t i t would be n i c e r f o r Mrs. W. to l i e here over n i g h t , where we have a night s t a f f on the premises, and she would not be l e f t alone, r a t h e r than take her to Royal Oak [ Crematorium ] and leave her locked up alone a l l n i g h t . 6 1 The p r i v a t e and f a m i l i a l i l l u s i o n s that the p a r l o r s promoted probably c o n s t i t u t e d t h e i r s t r o n g e s t s e l l i n g p o i n t . Although p a r l o r s r e s p e c t e d and r e i n f o r c e d the p r i v a c y of the deceased's f a m i l y , there was no doubt as to who c o n t r o l l e d the e s t a b l i s h m e n t . When Mrs. McN. c o u l d not d i s g u i s e her g r i e f at Hayward's p a r l o r s i n 1925, her companions turned to the undertaker's a u t h o r i t y . "Your f r i e n d s , " R e g i n a l d Hayward l a t e r e x p l a i n e d , " t h i n k i n g you would c o l l a p s e q u i e t l y asked me to t r y and get you to go home." 6 2 Emily and A l i c e Carr f e l l prey to the same c o n t r o l when they attempted to v i s i t t h e i r s i s t e r ' s remains at "those loathsome p a r l o r s : " She was not ready. Another s e r v i c e was being h e l d i n the c h a p e l . A hard-voiced, r o u g e - l i p p e d , noisy woman was i n the o f f i c e where we sat w a i t i n g . She took the n i g h t d r e s s and s t o c k i n g s i n a c o l d , c a l l o u s way and s a i d , 'You can s i t i n the o f f i c e and w a i t . ' 6 3 But Carr was not content to c o n f i d e her d i s p l e a s u r e to her j o u r n a l . Breaking a f a m i l y t r a d i t i o n , she d e f i e d Hayward's 77 a u t h o r i t y and i n s t r u c t e d that her remains be i n t e r r e d by the McCall Brothers F l o r a l C h a p e l . 6 4 The l a r g e s t long-term c h a l l e n g e to the undertaking i n d u s t r y was the i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a r i t y of cremation. S a n i t a t i o n , s c i e n t i s m , and savings were the keywords of the cremation movement in Great B r i t a i n . 6 5 Economic excuses, however, were never paramount in B r i t i s h Columbia. Given the l i m i t e d number of c r e m a t o r i a , most bodies were s t i l l embalmed and p l a c e d i n caskets before being sent to the nearest e s t a b l i s h m e n t . Indeed, for a long time, cremation was seen as complementary to the t r a d i t i o n a l ceremony ra t h e r than opposed to i t . At f i r s t cremations took p l a c e only among an e l i t e group. The poet and government f u n c t i o n a r y C h a r l e s Mair, f o r i n s t a n c e , i n s t r u c t e d R e g i n a l d Hayward in 1917 to see to h i s c r e m a t i o n . 6 6 S i m i l a r l y , when ex-premier S i r R i c h a r d McBride d i e d i n London i n the.same year, h i s corpse was cremated and the ashes shipped back to V i c t o r i a f o r b u r i a l . Although the body c o u l d have been embalmed for shipment, R. F. Green noted somewhat gr u d g i n g l y that he regarded the course of a c t i o n "a very s e n s i b l e idea under the c i r c u m s t a n c e s . " 6 7 Not everyone accepted the p r a c t i c e . Mrs. M. R. c o n f i d e d that "my husband's people are annoyed I b e l i e v e at the cremation but i t was Tommy's l a s t w i s h . " 6 8 Yet the i n c r e a s i n g number of correspondents r e q u e s t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n from Hayward concerning cremation t e s t i f i e d to a r i s e i n p o p u l a r i t y throughout the l a t t e r p a r t of the p e r i o d . In f a c t , although the S e c r e t a r y of the Cremation S o c i e t y i n London s t i l l 78 spoke i n 1952 of "very l i t t l e success" i n some f a c e t s of the movement in B r i t i s h Columbia, i n the same year 1630 bodies,, comprising 13.5 percent of a l l b u r i a l s , were c r e m a t e d . 6 9 L i k e other aspects of the f u n e r a l business, cremation r e l i e d on a number of i l l u s i o n s . Mr. Angus returned to Hayward's p a r l o r s i n 1934 a f t e r a v i s i t to the Vancouver Cremation S o c i e t y d e c l a r i n g h i m s e l f ( somewhat ambiguously ) " o f f the idea f o r l i f e . " Having witnessed the c r u s h i n g of bones i n t o small fragments, Angus r e a l i z e d that the term "ashes" d i d not a c c u r a t e l y d e s c r i b e the r e s i d u e of c r e m a t i o n . 7 0 P r e v i o u s l y , R e g i n a l d Hayward had suggested that the S o c i e t y i n s u l a t e urns with c o t t o n b a t t i n g so as to m u f f l e the r a t t l i n g of the crushed bone, which "causes a very gruesome sound when we hand i t over to r e l a t i v e s . " 7 1 Cremation depended on the f a l s e impression that i t c r e a t e d an amorphous amount of ashes. The one dangerous i l l u s i o n t h a t the method f o s t e r e d , as f a r as f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s were concerned at l e a s t , was the b e l i e f that the act of cremating a corpse r e l e a s e d the bereaved from a t t e n d i n g to i t any f u r t h e r . R e g i n a l d Hayward found i t necessary to remind numerous c l i e n t s that he had i n storage the ashes of a loved one and was a w a i t i n g i n s t r u c t i o n s r egarding d i s p o s i t i o n . Mrs. J . W. admitted to him t h a t , "on June 20, 1929 my dear Husband was cremated by you people and at that time I was so upset I d i d not have the thought what to do with h i s a s h e s . " 7 2 For the unhappy f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r who housed Mr. W.'s ashes f o r s i x years, reminding c l i e n t s that cremation was not the f i n a l word on a death was becoming a r e l a t i v e l y common task . 79 Hayward undoubtedly r e a l i z e d that such d i s i n t e r e s t marked a d i s t i n c t l a c k of concern f o r the e a r t h l y remains of the dead, a trend which p o t e n t i a l l y threatened both h i s p r o f i t s and h i s l i n e of b u s i n e s s . But such c h a l l e n g e s awaited the f u t u r e . During the p e r i o d under examination, B r i t i s h Columbians shared a f u n e r a l r i t e not much d i f f e r e n t from that p r e v a i l i n g i n the r e s t ' of North America. F u n e r a l expenditures i n the pr o v i n c e , however, i f we are to accept c r i t i c i s m of expenses elsewhere as being a c c u r a t e , f o l l o w e d a ra t h e r s i n g u l a r e v o l u t i o n . Taking the f i n a n c i a l records of R. H. Dwyer's f u n e r a l home i n Kamloops as roughly i n d i c a t i v e , we see that the average expenditure on f u n e r a l s d i d not i n c r e a s e d r a m a t i c a l l y between 1920 and 1945. 7 3 [ See F i g u r e IV ] At no time d i d the average c o s t exceed $170. In 1948, a j o u r n a l i s t complained in the Canadian Forum th a t , "The general p r i c e f o r a f u n e r a l i s between three hundred f i f t y and four hundred d o l l a r s . " 7 " Perhaps B r i t i s h Columbians were l e a d i n g the country i n t h e i r a t t i t u d e s towards b u r i a l c o s t s . As we have seen, most changes i n f u n e r a l customs arose out of a middle c l a s s m e n t a l i t y . I t should not be s u r p r i s i n g , then, to f i n d that c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s i n terms of expenditures had become vague by the 1920s. Indeed, s o c i o l o g i s t s studying a small American town in the 1960s found a s i m i l a r ambiguity among c l a s s - d i f f e r e n t i a t e d e x p e n s e s . 7 5 In Kamloops, f o r two four-year p e r i o d s i n the 1920s, the lower s t a t u s group p a i d a gre a t e r average amount than the upper s t a t u s group. The s i t u a t i o n was 180 Source: F i n a n c i a l Records of Dwyer's F u n e r a l House. Note: Cases per p e r i o d range between 5 4 and 8 1 . YEARS 81 reversed in l a t e r p e r i o d s . [ See Table III ] Furthermore, although the s m a l l e s t b i l l s u s u a l l y i m p l i e d b u r i a l among the lower s t a t u s group, f o r the hig h e s t p r i c e d f u n e r a l s the case was not so c l e a r . Of the nineteen accounts between 1923 and 1945 equal to or sur p a s s i n g $300, ten were f o r lower s t a t u s f u n e r a l s . Apparently bourgeois c i t i z e n s of Kamloops, u n l i k e t h e i r V i c t o r i a n predecessors, had decided that f i n a n c i a l solvency was not to be the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c r i t e r i o n f o r modern f u n e r a l s . In 1913, i n a move d e s t i n e d to f r i g h t e n m o r t i c i a n s throughout the pr o v i n c e , the U n i t e d Undertakers L t d . had c r i t i c i z e d the high c o s t of f u n e r a l s i n an advertisement which appeared i n the Vancouver Province : "Death i s solemn and impressive," the company intoned, "but i t s impressiveness i s not added to by e x t r a v a g a n c e . " 7 6 Not alone i n her wish i n 1937, Mrs. D. H., i n a r r a n g i n g her husband's f u n e r a l p r i o r to h i s death, i n s t r u c t e d Hayward th a t , "We n e i t h e r of us b e l i e v e i n 'ornate' or 'showy' f u n e r a l s , so be as simple as p o s s i b l e . " 7 7 Long before s o c i a l c r i t i c s l i k e J e s s i c a M i t f o r d took up the cause, the B r i t i s h Columbian middle c l a s s had r e d e f i n e d the f u n e r a l as an "unextravagant" event. Indeed, M i t f o r d ' s expose probably f i t s q u i t e w e l l with the r e d e f i n i t i o n among the middle c l a s s throughout North America. The e v o l u t i o n of pauper b u r i a l s p r o v i d e s f u r t h e r evidence of the r e c a s t i n g of a t t i t u d e s towards f u n e r a l s . As a n t h r o p o l o g i s t Rene G i r a r d demonstrates, s o c i a l groups can only achieve s e l f - a f f i r m a t i o n by e x p e l l i n g - o t h e r s . 7 8 In t h e i r c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e i r own b u r i a l r i t e s , bourgeois B r i t i s h 82 Table III - Average F u n e r a l Expenditures by Status Groups for four-year p e r i o d s , R. H. Dwyer's Funeral House, Kamloops, 1923-1945 UPPER STATUS LOWER STATUS PERIOD NUMBER AVERAGE COST NUMBER AVERAGE COST 1923-36 32 $162.42 35 $181.19 1927-30 39 $178.52 45 $180.46 1931-34 41 $1 74.98 43 $157.48 1942-45 49 $182.07 56 $157.69 Sources: F i n a n c i a l records of Dwyer's Funeral House; Kamloops newspapers; Wr i g l e y ' s B r i t i s h Columbia Di r e c t o r i e s . 83 Columbians a l s o c r e a t e d a separate ceremony for paupers. D e s c r i b i n g one case in 1888, C h a r l e s Hayward deplored, "the commonest s h e l l , h u r r i e d to the cemetery in a wagon...and without the l e a s t form of b u r i a l s e r v i c e . " 7 9 Mrs. 0. A. C r a i g a l s o d i s c o v e r e d to her shock and g r i e f of what a pauper b u r i a l c o n s i s t e d . Having l o c a t e d her son's grave i n 1924, she had h i s body exhumed. The box my sons remains was p l a c e d i n was a l l broken in on the top, no l i n i n g on the i n s i d e of the box, no rough box on the o u t s i d e , and no robe, nothing but h i s underware [ s i c ], on. 8 0 She found l i t t l e solace i n the assurance that "they were a l l b u r i e d in that c o n d i t i o n . " 8 1 While, as we have seen, the terminology of c a s k e t s and c o f f i n s had ceased to d i s t i n g u i s h upper c l a s s b u r i a l s by the 1910s, for paupers the d i f f e r e n c e s p e r s i s t e d . The C i t y of Vancouver's agreement in 1916 on c h a r i t y f u n e r a l s with the f i r m of Center and Hanna p r e s c r i b e d a " c o f f i n [ with ] four handles and f u r n i s h i n g s u i t a b l e f o r b u r i a l of pauper d e a d . " 8 2 In 1929, V i c t o r i a ' s f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s c o l l u d e d to c r i t i c i z e the c i t y c o u n c i l ' s by-law which p r o v i d e d only "a decent c o f f i n " and "sometimes the p r e s e r v a t i o n " of the r e m a i n s . 8 3 By 1944, however, the same group complimented the C i t y Welfare Department for i t s g e n e r o s i t y : "A good f u n e r a l i s given, and the C i t y cannot be reproached f o r the way they bury t h e i r i n d i g e n t dead." 8" Although the same might not be s a i d of other c i t i e s , 8 5 V i c t o r i a a p p a r e n t l y accentuated l e s s s t r o n g l y the d i s t i n c t i o n between pauper and non-pauper f u n e r a l s by the 1940s. 84 I t i s , of course, no c o i n c i d e n c e that more should be spent on pauper f u n e r a l s at the same time that middle c l a s s morners were i n c r e a s i n g l y s t r e s s i n g the s i m p l i c i t y of t h e i r b u r i a l r i t e . The d i s t i n c t i o n s that wealth had once a f f o r d e d had given way to new, i n t e l l e c t u a l ones. As the previous chapter showed, middle c l a s s B r i t i s h Columbians w r i t i n g about death expressed t h e i r a t t i t u d e s i n i n c r e a s i n g l y v i t a l i s t i c terms. The i l l u s i o n s of the f u n e r a l ceremony showed a s i m i l a r e v o l u t i o n . The d e c e p t i o n Reginald Hayward promoted in 1943 i s i n d i c a t i v e . We got f o r your mother the n i c e s t f l a n n e l e t t e nightgown we c o u l d procure which looked w e l l on her g i v i n g her the appearance of r e s t f u l l y s l e e p i n g i n her c a s k e t . 8 6 By a c c e p t i n g the a u t h o r i t y of the f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r , the bereaved r e l e g a t e d t h e i r w e l l - p r e s e r v e d loved ones to bed-shaped caskets which r e s i d e d i n h o t e l - l i k e accommodations. The myth of p e a c e f u l s l e e p was indeed paramount, but t h i s f a c t does not n e c e s s a r i l y warrant the v i t u p e r a t i v e a t t a c k s made on i t . For as C h r i s t o p h e r Crocker notes, to employ metaphors of s l e e p i n r e f e r e n c e to the dead imbues them with a s p e c i a l kind of l i f e . 8 7 Obscuring the death of the deceased c o n v e n i e n t l y hastened t h e i r entry i n t o the p e r p e t u a l l i f e a f f o r d e d by i n d i v i d u a l memory. M i t f o r d i s not i n c o r r e c t i n a c c u s i n g the North American f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r of wanting to transform "a common corpse i n t o a B e a u t i f u l Memory P i c t u r e . " 8 8 But i t would be naive to b e l i e v e 85 t h a t o n l y u n d e r t a k e r s u n d e r s t o o d themselves as c r e a t o r s of i l l u s i o n s . T h e i r . purpose was t o remove o b s t a c l e s t o the deceased's e n t r y i n t o the memory of the mourners. As S. C. Humphreys a r g u e s , "the attempt t o a v o i d or deny the e x i s t e n c e of dea t h by no means i m p l i e s a l a c k of con c e r n w i t h the d e a d . " 8 9 O b s c u r i n g the r e a l i t i e s of de a t h d i d , however, i m p l y a growing l a c k of concern w i t h the p h y s i c a l remains. Hence, i n B r i t i s h C o lumbia, c r e m a t i o n was i n c r e a s i n g l y p o p u l a r by 1950. Wit h the c o r p s e s a f e l y out of s i g h t or the n a t u r a l p r o c e s s e s of decay d i s g u i s e d , death was becoming an i n t e l l e c t u a l e x e r c i s e i n which the memory c a r r i e d the deceased i n t o a new l i f e . Mourners now r e a c t e d t o death i n i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c terms; the s o c i a l t i e s f o r m e r l y e x p r e s s e d by and th r o u g h b u r i a l r i t e s d e veloped i n t o an i n t e l l e c t u a l , i n t e r n a l c o h e s i o n which the mourner shared o n l y w i t h the deceased. T h i s i n d i v i d u a l i s m was p a r t and p a r c e l of the b o u r g e o i s i n n o v a t i o n s i n f u n e r a l p r a c t i c e s . F o u c a u l t has argued t h a t the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y m i d d l e c l a s s a t t i t u d e towards s e x u a l i t y "has t o be seen as the s e l f - a f f i r m a t i o n of one c l a s s r a t h e r than the enslavement of a n o t h e r . " 9 0 L i k e the f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s s e a r c h i n g f o r p r o f e s s i o n a l and m i d d l e c l a s s s t a t u s , the B r i t i s h Columbian b o u r g e o i s i e d e f i n e d and c o n t r i v e d i t s d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s , i n p a r t , t h r o u g h i t s mortuary p r a c t i c e s . Where w e a l t h and r e g i o n a l d i s t i n c t i o n s and community c o h e s i o n marked the e a r l y f u n e r a l s i n the p r o v i n c e , i n d i v i d u a l i n t e l l e c t u a l c o h e s i v e n e s s and c o l l e c t i v e m i d d l e c l a s s d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s were the h a l l m a r k s of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y B r i t i s h Columbian f u n e r a l . 86 Notes Chapter i v 1 American Way of Death. From her reading of one Canadian trade j o u r n a l , M i t f o r d suggests that Canadian p r a c t i c e s are the same as those south of the border, p. 66. In an a c t i o n which probably says as much of Canadian a t t i t u d e s towards reform as of the problems i n the f u n e r a l i n d u s t r y , M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart commissioned a f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r to w r i t e a Canadian verson of M i t f o r d 1 s book. " C o r i o l u s , " Death, Here i s Thy S t i n g , (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1967 FT " C o r i o l u s " i s , perhaps to no one's s u r p r i s e , much l e s s harsh than M i t f o r d on the embattled undertaker. He argues f o r i n t e r n a l reform to stave o f f the u l t i m a t e a f f r o n t , a s o c i a l i z e d f u n e r a l i n d u s t r y ('Morticare' ), p. 113. 2 C e l e b r a t i o n s of Death: The Anthropology of Mortuary  R i t u a l s , ( Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 197 9 V, pp. 190-4, 203-10. 3 "Death, Women and Power," in ed. Bloch and Jonathan Parry, Death and the Regeneration of L i f e , ( New York: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1982 ), pp. 218-9. 4 C i t e d i n Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 219. 5 American Way of Death, p. 17. 6 Cannadine, "War and Death," p. 191. 7 B r i t i s h Columbia and V i c t o r i a D i r e c t o r i e s , ( V i c t o r i a : 1868 and 1871 ). 8 V i c t o r i a B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t , Feb. 1, 1865. 9 PABC, J . S. Helmcken Papers, Add. MSS. 505, Funeral account, March 1865, v. 2, f. 51. 1 0 Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 229. 1 1 Some Reminiscences of Old V i c t o r i a , ( Toronto: W i l l i a m Briggs and Co., 1912 ), p. 130. 1 2 The Book of Small, p. 114. 1 3 PABC, Paul F r a s e r , M i s c e l l a n e o u s m a t e r i a l r e l a t i n g to, M/F 862, Manson to Douglas, J u l y 29, 1855. 87 1 * A.. C. M i l l i k e n , "Paul F r a s e r ' s Grave," B r i t i s h  Columbia D i g e s t , 18, 2 ( M a r c h - A p r i l , 1962 ), 60. 1 5 Margaret McNaughton, Overland to Cariboo, ( Toronto: W i l l i a m B r i g g s , 1896 ), pp. 100-1. 1 6 PABC, B r i t i s h Columbia Attorney General, GR 431, I n q u i s i t i o n s , Case of A r c h i b a l d Napier, v. 1, f . 1875, case 48. 1 7 The Book of Small, p. 129. 1 8 I b i d . , p. 114. 1 9 Morley, Death, Heaven and the V i c t o r i a n s , p. 63. 2 0 Inventing the American Way, pp. 213-9. 2 1 I b i d . , pp. 147-9. 2 2 HF, C h a r l e s ' son Regin a l d d e s c r i b e d h i s f a t h e r ' s e a r l y years of business i n l e t t e r s to the Canadian F u n e r a l S e r v i c e , A p r i l 21, 1936, v. 53 and to Howard Buswell, Feb. 1, 1946, v. 62. 2 3 HF, Hayward to Mrs. A b l i t t , Mar. 7, 1888, v. 1, p. 210. 2 * Derek P e t h i c k , Summer of Promise: V i c t o r i a , 1864-1914, ( V i c t o r i a : Sono Nis Press") 1980 ), p. 121. 2 5 HF, Hayward to Oregon Casket Co., June 20, 1905, v. 7, p. 294. 2 6 HF, Hayward to Mrs. A b l i t t , Mar. 18, 1914, v. 9, p. 305. 2 7 HF, Reginald Hayward to Peak-Hagedon F u n e r a l Home, A p r i l 21, 1925, v. 27, p. 237; a l s o R. Hayward to Butterworth and Sons, S e a t t l e , Sept. 27, 1917, v. 18, p. 76. 2 8 R i c h a r d Gosse, "The P r o v i s i o n of Funeral and Cemetery S e r v i c e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia," ( A Report to the Hon. R. Rafe Mair, M i n i s t e r of Consumer S e r v i c e s , 1976 ), p. 182. 2 9 HF, A. E. Harron to C. Hayward, Sept. 13, 1911, v. 41; R. Hayward to R. A. Aves, Aug. 4, 1924, v. 26, p. 234; qu o t a t i o n from E. A. Simmons to B. C. Funeral Co., Nov. 10, 1928, v. 30; R. Hayward to C h a r l e s Achison, Nov. 4, 1942, v. 59. 3 0 Robert Armour and C a r o l W i l l i a m s , "Image Making and A d v e r t i s i n g i n the Fu n e r a l I n d u s t r y , " J o u r n a l of Popular  C u l t u r e , 14, 4 ( s p r i n g , 1981 ), 706. 88 3 1 HF, B. C. Funeral D i r e c t o r s and Embalmers A s s o c i a t i o n , Code of E t h i c s , C o n s t i t u t i o n and By-laws, Incorp. Sept. 1, 1911, v. 42. 3 2 HF, Hayward to F. J . Harding, S e c r e t a r y , B. C. S o c i e t y of M o r t i c i a n s , Nov. 1, 1944, v. 61. 3 3 Inventing the American Way, p. 180. 3 * Ronny Turner and Charles Edgley, "Death as t h e a t r e : a d r a m a t u r g i c a l a n a l y s i s of the American f u n e r a l , " S o c i o l o g y and  S o c i a l Research, 60, 4 ( J u l y , 1976 ), 378. 3 5 HF, I. G. to Reginald Hayward, May 1929, v. 30. 3 6 HF, Hayward to T. E. Banks, May 31, 1916, v. 16, p. 176. 3 7 HF, R. Hayward to J . K. Brenner, J u l y 1, 1930, v. 33, p. 278. 3 8 Inventing the American Way, pp. 158-9. 3 9 HF, Account of Hon. W i l l i a m Smithe, March 31, 1887, v. 1, p. 9. 4 0 F a r r e l l , I nventing the American Way, p. 161. 4 1 V i c t o r i a D a i l y C o l o n i s t , Oct. 29, 1893, p. 6 4 2 HF, A. R. F. to B. C. F u n e r a l Co., Aug. 7, 1924, v. 48; W. H. M. H. to Reginald Hayward, Aug. 29, 1934, v. 52. 4 3 Hundreds and Thousands, pp. 252-3. But compare a younger, more o r g a n i c , Carr who d e c l a r e d to shock her acquaintances, "Good decent corpses f o r me, Miss Green, worms w r i g g l i n g i n and out, h u r r y i n g the d i s a g r e e a b l e s back to dust, renewing good mother e a r t h . " Growing Pains, p. 93. 4 4 HF, Mrs. M. E. R. to B. C. Funeral Co., Mar. 1, 1930, v. 30. 4 5 HF, H. G. McKague to B. C. Funeral Co., Oct. 30, 1928, v. 30. 4 6 HF, Hayward to Charles F u l t o n , May 4, 1921, v. 22, p. 243. 4 7 F a r r e l l , I nventing the American Way, p. 161. 4 8 C e l e b r a t i o n s of Death, p. 195. 4 9 Inventing the American Way, p. 169. 89 5 0 HF, Hayward to Thomas Semmens, Apr. 14, 1890, v. 2, p. 81 . 5 1 HF, Funeral account of Richard C a r r , Nov. 23, 1888, v. 1, p. 360. 5 2 UBCSC, F i n a n c i a l Records of Dwyer's Fu n e r a l Home, Kamloops, A x A 1/1, [ h e r e a f t e r DFH ], F u n e r a l accounts. 5 3 W. L. Morton, ed., God's G a l l o p i n g G i r l : The Peace  Ri v e r D i a r i e s of Monica S t o r r s , 1929-1931, ( Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1979 ), pp. 195-6. The c a s k e t ' s semantic replacement of the c o f f i n was not n e a r l y , except perhaps among f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s , as u n i v e r s a l as the p h y s i c a l s u b s t i t u t i o n . 5 4 HF, W. G. to B. C. Funeral Co., June 12, 1936, v. 53. 5 5 HF, Reginald Hayward to Maxwell S t e e l V a u l t Co., Oneida, New York, Feb. 7, 1922, v. 23, p. 46. 5 6 HF, Hayward to D. B. K., A p r i l 30, 1908, v. 12, p. 43. 5 7 E r i c C e c i l M o r r i s , "They serve the l i v i n g , " Canadian  Business, 24, 5 ( May, 1951 ), p. 53. The f i g u r e s are f o r the i n d u s t r y i n c e n t r a l Canada. The mark-up in the U n i t e d S t a t e s , the a r t i c l e r e p o r t s , was g e n e r a l l y f i v e - f o l d . 5 8 HF, Hayward to Mr. Eckardt, Jan. 31, 1910, v. 13, p. 21 . 5 9 Kamloops S t a n d a r d - S e n t i n e l , A p r i l 17, 1917, p. 10. 6 0 T. Edwards Co., "View of Our Memorial Chapel," (n.p.: n.d.) [CVA]. Reginald Hayward a d v e r t i s e d i n the V i c t o r i a D a i l y  Times of Jan. 21, 1932 that "A new modern mourners room has been added f o r the use of bereaved f a m i l i e s who can now, i f d e s i r e d , enter and depart from f u n e r a l s e r v i c e s , p r i v a t e l y , without c o n t a c t with the c o n g r e g a t i o n . " HF, v. 34, p. 133. 6 1 HF, Hayward to Mrs. A. G., Nov. 24, 1943, v. 59. 6 2 HF, Hayward to Mrs. McN., Mar. 7, 1925, v. 27, p. 204. 6 3 Hundreds and Thousands, pp. 252, 250-1. 6 " HF, Rev. Donald Gordon to R. Hayward, Mar. 16, 1945, v. 61; T i p p e t t , Emily C a r r , p. 277. 6 5 A l b e r t Freeman, Crematoria i n Great B r i t a i n and Beyond, 90 ( London: St. B r i d e ' s Press, 1906 ), p. 6. 6 6 HF, Mair to Hayward, Sept. 14, 1917, v. 45. 6 7 PABC, McBride/L. Bowron C o l l e c t i o n , Add. MSS. 347, R. F. Green to Miss Bowron, Aug. 10, 1917, v. 2, f. 26. 6 8 HF, M. R. to Mr. C a s t l e t o n , J u l y 20, 1926, v. 49. 6 9 PABC, F. W. L o n g s t a f f C o l l e c t i o n , Add. MSS. 677, P. Herbert Jones to Major L o n g s t a f f , Oct. 16, 1952, v. 385, f. 78; Gosse, " P r o v i s i o n of S e r v i c e s , " pp. 15-16. 7 0 HF, R e g i n a l d Hayward to Mr. P l a y f o r d , Vancouver Cremation S o c i e t y , Oct. 13, 1934, v. 35. 7 1 HF, Hayward to Vancouver Cremation S o c i e t y , Oct. 15, 1928, v. 31. 7 2 HF, Mrs. J . W. to B. C. F u n e r a l Co., A p r i l 29, 1935, v. 52. 7 3 F u n e r a l s f o r c h i l d r e n under ten years of age were not i n c l u d e d i n the Kamloops sample. Only complete f u n e r a l s , that i s ceremonies i n which Dwyer s u p p l i e d the casket and performed the interment, are i n c l u d e d . No i n s t a n c e s where the corpse was shipped to or from Kamloops were r e t a i n e d . 7 * P a t r i c k Waddington, "The corpse i s taken f o r a r i d e , " Canadian Forum, 28, 329 ( June, 1948 ),p. 57. 7 5 Vanderlyn Pine and Derek P h i l l i p s , "The Cost of Dying: A S o c i o l o g i c a l A n a l y s i s of F u n e r a l E x p e n d i t u r e s , " S o c i a l Problems, 17, 3 ( winter, 1970 ), 409. 7 6 The occupations found e i t h e r i n p u b l i s h e d o b i t u a r i e s or in the p r o v i n c i a l Di r e c t o r i e s were c l a s s i f i e d a c c o r d i n g to the c r i t e r i a of T. Hershberg and R. Dockhorn, "Occupational C l a s s i f i c a t i o n , " H i s t o r i c a l Methods Newsletter, 9, 2 and 3 (March-June, 1976 ), 59-98 and R. Hauser, "Occupational Status in the Nineteenth and Twentieth C e n t u r i e s , " H i s t o r i c a l Methods, 15, 3 ( summer, 1982 ), 111-126. Status rankings one and two are c o n s i d e r e d 'upper s t a t u s ' and i n c l u d e such occupations as doctor, rancher, businessman and c l e r k ; rankings three to f i v e are 'lower s t a t u s ' and i n c l u d e c o n s t r u c t i o n workers, j a n i t o r s , brakemen and teamsters. 7 7 Vancouver Pr o v i n c e , Aug. 27, 1913, p. 17. 7 8 HF, Mrs. D. H. to R e g i n a l d Hayward, Jan. 23, 1937, v. 56. 7 9 V i o l e n c e and the Sacred, pp. 309-318. 91 8 0 HF, Hayward to J . S Yates, Hon. S e c r e t a r y , Royal H o s p i t a l , J u l y 3, 1888, v. 1, pp. 260-1. 8 1 PABC, B r i t i s h Columbia Attorney General, GR 1323, Correspondence S e r i e s , Mrs. C r a i g to Attorney General, A p r i l 22, 1924, f. G-96-1. 8 2 CVA, Vancouver Health Department, 103 B 1, O p e r a t i o n a l F i l e s , Memorandum of Agreement, March 6, 1916. 8 3 HF, Reginald Hayward and other f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s to mayor and members of Finance Committee, Aug. 10, 1929, v. 33, p. 50. 8 * HF, B. C. Funeral Co. and other V i c t o r i a f u n e r a l homes to E. G. Snowden, A d m i n i s t r a t o r , C i t y Welfare Department, A p r i l 5, 1944, v. 61 . 8 5 R e g i n a l d Hayward wrote to Simmons and McBride i n 1943: "Over here Vancouver i s o f t e n mentioned among the Funeral D i r e c t o r s , as the C i t y which r e a l l y b u r i e s i t s poor as a f u l l f l e d g e d pauper...The days should have passed long age when M u n i c i p a l i t i e s do l i t t l e more than bury t h e i r poor l i k e animals." HF, Nov. 19, 1943, v. 61. 8 6 HF, Hayward to Miss P. W., Nov. 24, 1943, v. 59. 8 7 "The Southern Way of Death," in ed. J . Kenneth Morland, The Not So S o l i d South: A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l S t u d i e s i n a  Regional Subculture^ I Athens: U n i v e r s i t y of Georgia Press, 1971), p. 123. 8 8 American Way of Death, p. 66. 8 9 "Death and Time," in ed. Humphreys and Helen King, M o r t a l i t y and Immortality: the anthropology and archaeology of  death, ( L o n d o n : Academic Press, 1981 ), p. 273. 9 0 H i s t o r y of S e x u a l i t y , p. 123. See a l s o N i c h o l a s Abercrombie and Bryan Turner, "The Dominant Ideology T h e s i s , " i n ed. Anthony Giddens and David Held, C l a s s e s , Power, and  C o n f l i c t : C l a s s i c a l and Contemporary Debates,- I Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1982 Y~, pp. 411-2. 92 V. CEMETERIES AND MONUMENTS John McMillan d i e d i n 1895 i n W e l l i n g t o n . The tombstone h i s f a m i l y e r e c t e d over h i s grave a p t l y r e f l e c t e d many aspects of n i n e t e e n t h century a t t i t u d e s towards death. Another l i n k i s broken In our household bond But a chain i s forming In a b e t t e r l a n d . 1 Death, f o r McMillan's mourners, emphasized both escape and reunion; i n p r o v i d i n g the key to heaven, i t was a l s o d e s i r a b l e . The monument a l s o s t r e s s e d the f a m i l i a l nature of g r i e f . A r i e s argues t h a t , i n the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h - and e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s , a f a m i l y c e n t r e d " c u l t of the dead" i n s p i r e d changes i n b u r i a l grounds throughout the Western world. For the middle c l a s s reformers who e s t a b l i s h e d them, the new, p a s t o r a l cemeteries represented " p l a c e s to v i s i t where r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s l i k e d to gather around the graves of t h e i r dead." 2 In the tw e n t i e t h century, however, both cemeteries and the monuments which populated them l o s t t h e i r p a s t o r a l charms and became i n c r e a s i n g l y i n v i s i b l e . T h i s change r e v e a l e d the extent to which the memory had r e p l a c e d the graveyard as the f i n a l r e s t i n g p l a c e f o r the dead l o v e d ones. The s h i f t i n g themes of cohesion and d i s t i n c t i o n t h a t a study of B r i t i s h Columbian 93 f u n e r a l s demonstrates a l s o documented themselves in the e v o l u t i o n of mortuary landscapes between 1850 and 1950. The e a r l y white s e t t l e r s of B r i t i s h Columbia undoubtedly brought with them r e c o l l e c t i o n s of how t h e i r home s o c i e t i e s d i s p o s e d of t h e i r dead. Dr. Helmcken recorded i n h i s memoirs the uneasy f e e l i n g s he e n t e r t a i n e d d u r i n g h i s e x p l o r a t i o n s of the b u r i a l v a u l t s of h i s p a r i s h church i n London. 3 R e l a t i v e l y common up to the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h century, such b u r i a l s were g e n e r a l l y r e served f o r persons of s t a t u s and wealth. Others had to content themselves with l e s s d i s t i n g u i s h e d r e s t i n g p l a c e s . Entrapped w i t h i n the c o n f i n e s of burgeoning metropoles, churchyards and graveyards, o f t e n no more than mass b u r i a l p i t s , bequeathed memories of miasmatic vapours and exposed r o t t i n g remains." Reformers invoked s a n i t a r y and sentimental j u s t i f i c a t i o n s to c l o s e the o l d b u r i a l grounds and open new g a r d e n - l i k e cemeteries o u t s i d e of urban a r e a s . 5 A s i m i l a r u n d e r l y i n g c u r r e n t of pragmatic n a t u r a l i s m may a l s o have i n f l u e n c e d some e a r l y B r i t i s h Columbian b u r i a l s . In i s o l a t e d a r e a s , or among s p e c i f i c groups in s o c i e t y , i n f a c t , the dead were not even i n t e r r e d in graveyards. Helmcken b u r i e d two of h i s i n f a n t s i n h i s own garden, t r a n s f e r r i n g them to a cemetery only on the death of t h e i r mother. 6 T r a v e l l e r s to the i n t e r i o r of the pro v i n c e thought i t noteworthy, but not shocking, to f i n d graves a l o n g s i d e the t r a i l s they were f o l l o w i n g . 7 As l a t e as 1892, C h a r l e s Mair employed his' p o e t i c l i c e n c e to express h i s enthusiasm over the lack of a graveyard 94 near Kelowna: Everybody d i e s a n a t u r a l death, and people are b u r i e d i n t h e i r backyards, or under t h e i r f a v o r i t e f r u i t t r e e s . I t i s p e r f e c t l y d e l i g h t f u l . 8 Such were the haphazard borrowings from North American and European i n f l u e n c e s that a student of r u r a l graveyards exclaimed t h a t , i n comparison to O n t a r i o ' s b u r i a l grounds, " i t i s not so easy to s t e r e o t y p e the B r i t i s h Columbian cemetery." 9 Nonetheless, i n the urban areas of the p r o v i n c e , the e v o l u t i o n of cemeteries t r a c e d a s i m i l a r course to the trends i n other p a r t s of the Western world. The n i n e t e e n t h century garden cemetery was, in David Stannard's words, "the refuge of the p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y overburdened f a m i l y . " Through i t s c o n t r i v e d i s o l a t i o n , p e a c e f u l n e s s and beauty, the new b u r i a l grounds both expressed cohesion between the communities of the l i v i n g and the dead and e x a l t e d the i m m u t a b i l i t y of the f a m i l y ' s s o l i d a r i t y . 1 0 Thus, when Lady F r a n k l i n v i s i t e d V i c t o r i a i n 1861, Alexander Grant D a l l a s , a d i r e c t o r of the Hudson's Bay Company, took' her to the l o c a l graveyard one Sunday a f t e r church. I t was a matter of c i v i c p r i d e as w e l l as pious f a m i l i a l g r i e f to show the d i s t i n g u i s h e d t r a v e l l e r h i s c h i l d ' s tomb. 1 1 Indeed, i n the e a r l y years of settlement, there was a great deal of p u b l i c d i s c u s s i o n about the form of the new c i v i c c emeteries. B r i t i s h Columbian communities reached agreement that b u r i a l grounds should be d i s t i n c t and i s o l a t e d from the l i v i n g . In recommending the approval of the A n g l i c a n Bishop's plan f o r New 95 Westminster, C o l o n e l R. C. Moody wrote to Governor James Douglas that "His L o r d s h i p impressed upon me the immediate n e c e s s i t y of a B u r i a l Ground o u t s i d e the l i m i t s of the C i t y . " 1 2 L i k e w i s e , when B. P. Pearse judged the v i a b i l i t y of v a r i o u s s i t e s i n V i c t o r i a , he s t a t e d that " n e a r l y a l l of these l o t s would be s u i t a b l e for a Cemetery, being w e l l away from the C i t y . . . " 1 3 As a r e s u l t , when V i c t o r i a e s t a b l i s h e d Ross Bay Cemetery in 1872 and Vancouver c r e a t e d Mountain View in 1887, both s i t e s were q u i t e d i s t a n t from populated a r e a s . 1 " C i v i c o f f i c i a l s were only r e f l e c t i n g the accepted notions that cemeteries o f f e r e d a menace to the p u b l i c h e a l t h . A p e t i t i o n for the c l o s u r e of the small graveyard e s t a b l i s h e d by the Hudson's Bay Company in V i c t o r i a i n 1848, c i t e d the f a c t s that remains p a r t i a l l y exposed are exceedingly o f f e n s i v e to the passers by and to persons r e s i d i n g and h o l d i n g property i n the neighbourhood... these remains becoming more and more decomposed i n the heat of summer incr e a s e are l i k e l y to i n f e c t the a i r , produce m a l a r i a , and breed d i s e a s e . 1 5 As l a t e as 1895, Nanaimo's Board of Cemetery Trustees c o n s i d e r e d c l o s i n g the Old Cemetery because a p u b l i c h e a l t h o f f i c i a l warned of the dangers of i n f e c t i o n . 1 6 Concerns for the l i v i n g , r a t h e r than the dead, r e s u l t e d i n the i s o l a t e d l o c a t i o n of cemeteries. But t h i s d i d not mean that the l i v i n g were unconcerned about the dead. Rather, in cemeteries, B r i t i s h Columbians e s t a b l i s h e d c i t i e s f o r the dead which m i r r o r e d i n many ways the communities of the l i v i n g . 1 7 The b u r i a l grounds, the middle c l a s s proponents 96 of the movement argued, should s t r e s s the o v e r a l l u n i t y of the community. "The l i n e s of demarcation between separate p o r t i o n s , " H. P. P. Crease s t a t e d , "should not be such as to prevent the Cemetery being l a i d out as a whole." 1 8 Furthermore, p u b l i c i n t e r e s t had a great d e a l to do with the shape the graveyards took. "I f e l t impressed today with the importance of doing something to improve our p u b l i c Cemetery which i s in a d i s g r a c e f u l c o n d i t i o n , " Rev. Edward White recorded i n h i s d i a r y in 1867 i n New Westminster, "went to the p r e s i d e n t of the C o u n c i l and something may be done." 1 9 In V i c t o r i a i n 1868 a p u b l i c committee proposed d r a i n i n g the Quadra S t r e e t Cemetery, c o n s t r u c t i n g walks and p l a n t i n g i t with ornamental t r e e s and s h r u b s . 2 0 By c r e a t i n g gardens out of b u r i a l grounds, the dead were being rendered, d e s p i t e t h e i r d i s t a n c e , a c c e s s i b l e to the l i v i n g . In doing so, cemetery committees s t r e s s e d the l i n k s between the l i v i n g and the dead, and to a c e r t a i n extent the cohesion of the community i t s e l f . But i n a more s t r i k i n g sense, the n i n e t e e n t h century cemeteries s t r e s s e d the cohesiveness of the nuclear f a m i l y . E a r l y photographs of Ross Bay Cemetery i l l u s t r a t e the p o i n t . 2 1 V i r t u a l l y a l l the graves were enclosed by some form of fence, i r o n r a i l i n g or concrete c u r b i n g which c a r r i e d i n t o , the n e c r o p o l i s i d e a l s of p r i v a c y and p r o p e r t y . 2 2 The e a r l y B r i t i s h Columbian cemeteries with t h e i r emphasis on the f a m i l y , on peacefulness and beauty, and on the idea of an escape f o r the dead from the urban sprawl of the young c i t i e s and t h e i r promise of a reunion i n fenced p r i v a t e p l o t s r e f l e c t e d many aspects of nineteenth century a t t i t u d e s towards death. 97 In the face of r a p i d urban growth in V i c t o r i a and Vancouver, the i s o l a t e d nature of the cemeteries was soon l o s t . As o l d s i t e s f i l l e d up, debates over the c r e a t i o n of new b u r i a l grounds r e v e a l e d that i n the t w e n t i e t h century, a t t i t u d e s towards cemeteries were changing. Where once cemeteries had been a source of c i v i c p r i d e , many now saw them as a d i r e c t c h a l l e n g e to suburban s e l f - e s t e e m . Vancouver overcame the problems of overcrowding i n Mountain View by expanding the o r i g i n a l s i t e . In 1920, the South Vancouver Board of Trade complained to i t s Member of Parliament, "We have no ambition or d e s i r e to become a C i t y of the 'dead.'" 2 3 Another p e t i t i o n i n 1935 to the c i t y ' s mayor s t a t e d the problem more c l e a r l y . South Vancouver should be e n t i t l e d to as good a c l a s s of home as the Point Grey d i s t r i c t , but on account of t h i s N e c r o p o l i s , ( C i t y of the dead ), the d i s t r i c t i s r u i n e d . ( Why should the dead reduce the value of our homes?) 2 4 The r e f e r e n c e to Point Grey i s a p p r o p r i a t e s i n c e only nine years p r e v i o u s l y , a c o n c e r t e d p r o t e s t by p o l i t i c i a n s at every l e v e l of a u t h o r i t y a v e r t e d plans f o r a p r i v a t e cemetery i n the suburb. A committee report argued s u c c e s s f u l l y to the p r o v i n c i a l premier that people do not wish to l i v e near a cemetery i f they are a b l e to a f f o r d homes elsewhere. Such an a t t i t u d e appears to be caused by a d e s i r e to be spared the d e p r e s s i n g e f f e c t s of continuous p a s s i n g of corteges and of seeing the conducting of interments. 2 5 Faced by a suburban p u b l i c u n w i l l i n g to accept d a i l y reminders of death, in the t w e n t i e t h century a s u c c e s s f u l cemetery was one 98 which d i s s i m u l a t e d i t s morbid nature. In the l a t e 1920s, during the p e r i o d i n which Vancouver's C i t y C o u n c i l f l i r t e d with the p o s s i b i l i t y of d i s p o s i n g of i t s dead i n an acreage i t had purchased i n Burnaby, i t commissioned a r e p o r t on the i d e a l forms a modern b u r i a l ground should take. "In order to prevent t h i s undue an i m o s i t y , " the author noted, r e c o g n i z i n g the suburban o p p o s i t i o n to cemeteries, "the modern cemetery, resembling a park, with i t s t a b l e t system of memorials, has been e v o l v e d . " 2 6 The stone jungle of u p r i g h t monuments of the n i n e t e e n t h century garden cemetery gave way to manicured lawns and almost i n v i s i b l e memorials. Cemetery ordinances were i n c r e a s i n g l y s t r i c t c oncerning the s i z e and shape of monuments. The 1924 by-laws of Burnaby's Ocean View B u r i a l Park set out very s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s f o r the e r e c t i o n of monuments. 2 7 S i m i l a r l y , i n those s e c t i o n s of Mountain View Cemetery opened a f t e r 1933, only f l a t , h o r i z o n t a l t a b l e t s were p e r m i t t e d . 2 8 Informing an E n g l i s h c l i e n t of the r u l e s i n V i c t o r i a ' s Royal Oak Cemetery, which r e p l a c e d Ross Bay i n the 1920s, Reg i n a l d Hayward e x p l a i n e d i t i s the i n t e n t i o n of the Board of Managers t h i s God's Acre s h a l l be when completed a b u r i a l park f o r the dead r a t h e r than an o r d i n a r y type cemetery, t h e r e f o r e u p r i g h t stones which o f t e n topple over, are not allowed. T h i s modern type of cemetery i s now l a r g e l y being used throughout Canada and .we can assure you they are f a r p r e t t i e r than the cemetery of the o l d type. 2 9 Modern cemeteries promised e a s i e r , more e f f i c i e n t maintenance. They a l s o , F a r r e l l argues, " e l i m i n a t e d suggestions of d e a t h . " 3 0 Furthermore, by d i s a l l o w i n g fences and c u r b i n g s , they 99 e l i m i n a t e d the emphasis on the f a m i l y . P h i l p o t notes that e n c l o s u r e s had l a r g e l y disappeared from the r u r a l cemeteries of southwestern B r i t i s h Columbia by 1925. 3 1 The report commissioned by Vancouver's c o u n c i l remarked a s i m i l a r t r e n d . Where once four-grave u n i t s had been popular among purchasers of cemetery p l o t s , two-grave u n i t s were i n c r e a s i n g l y i n demand. 3 2 The reunion of the e n t i r e nuclear f a m i l y at the time of death was l e s s and l e s s l i k e l y . Cemetery r e g u l a t i o n s , and a p p a r e n t l y s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l , were frowning on the expre s s i o n s of p r i v a c y and p r o p e r t y that were so common to graveyards of the n i n e t e e n t h century. In 1940, the owner of a p l o t in Mountain View d e c l a r e d h i s i n t e n t i o n to cover i t with a sheet of c o n c r e t e . H i s neighbour complained to the mayor, I f e e l that i t i s d e t r i m e n t a l to the general body of p l o t - h o l d e r s in the Cemetery... to allow others i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y to cover up t h e i r p l o t s with an u n s i g h t l y s l a b of c o n c r e t e . 3 3 The C i t y C o u n c i l agreed; i f i n d i v i d u a l s wished to express property and fami l y i d e a l s , they would have to employ l e s s m a t e r i a l means. To a l a r g e extent, e x p r e s s i n g cohesion with the dead became an i n t e l l e c t u a l e x e r c i s e which no longer needed the cemetery. Nonetheless, the cemetery remained an a p p r o p r i a t e p l a c e to cr e a t e and recognize s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s . Having made the d e c i s i o n , at l e a s t i n urban areas, to amalgamate a l l s e c t o r s i n one cemetery, nineteenth century B r i t i s h Columbians s t i l l 100 p e r m i t t e d r e l i g i o u s groups to e s t a b l i s h r i g h t s over s p e c i f i c a r e a s . In 1860, Roman C a t h o l i c Bishop Demers of V i c t o r i a complained to Governor Douglas that the A n g l i c a n Church was not r e s p e c t i n g h i s congregation's p r i v i l e g e s i n the Quadra S t r e e t Cemetery. 3" With the opening of Ross Bay i n 1872, v a r i o u s churches r e c e i v e d p o r t i o n s of l a n d . Emily Carr remembered the strange v i s u a l e f f e c t s of the r e l i g i o u s d i v i s i o n s : The f i r s t graves in Ross Bay Cemetery looked very l o n e l y and f a r a p a r t , because E p i s c o p a l i a n s c o u l d not l i e beside Nonconformists, nor c o u l d C a t h o l i c s r e s t beside E p i s c o p a l i a n s . 3 5 In the 1870s, debate arose over the p r o p r i e t y of g r a n t i n g land to r e l i g i o u s groups. V i c t o r i a ' s Cemetery T r u s t e e s p e t i t i o n e d the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly in 1875 to maintain the c l e r g i e s ' r i g h t s . 3 6 L i k e w i s e , i n 1876 New Westminster's Cemetery Board, caught up in government r e s t r i c t i o n s , demanded the power to d i v i d e i t s p r o p e r t y among the d e n o m i n a t i o n s . 3 7 In the end, communitarian f o r c e s of the p e r i o d compromised with the churches' t e n a c i t y . In 1879, the L e g i s l a t u r e passed an Act r e q u i r i n g the payment in Ross Bay of $300 an acre f o r the r e t e n t i o n of p r i v i l e g e s . Only the A n g l i c a n , Roman C a t h o l i c and P r e s b y t e r i a n Churches p a i d the sum, and other s e c t i o n s were opened to the p u b l i c . 3 8 B r i t i s h Columbian s o c i e t y proved much more s u c c e s s f u l i n p r e s e r v i n g r a c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s than i t d i d r e l i g i o u s d i s t i n c t i o n s . The Church of England, at the time of the opening of Ross Bay, vehemently argued that 101 the ground...be c o n f i n e d to the purposes of C h r i s t i a n s ' B u r i a l only, to the e x c l u s i o n f o r i n s t a n c e of the heathen...( The Buddhist may, and c e r t a i n l y w i l l as the Chinese become wealthy, have h i s heathen ceremony and a f f i x h i s heathen i n s c r i p t i o n s i n the midst of C h r i s t i a n symbols.) 3 9 Although the t r u s t e e s p e r m i t t e d O r i e n t a l ^ C a n a d i a n s to i n t e r t h e i r dead i n the cemetery, Chinese, Japanese, and East Indians had access only to an i s o l a t e d s e c t i o n . That t h i s p o r t i o n of the b u r i a l ground was undoubtedly the l e a s t d e s i r a b l e land was shown by the f a c t that a strong storm l a t e r washed p a r t of the s e c t i o n i n t o the s e a . " 0 R a c i a l r e s t r i c t i o n s r e c u r r e d throughout the p r o v i n c e . The by-laws of the Ocean View B u r i a l Park Company o u t l i n e d in 1924 that No person of Asian or A f r i c a n blood i n any degree whatsoever s h a l l be b u r i e d in any part of the B u r i a l Park, except in that p o r t i o n a l l o t t e d and set apart f o r such purposes. 4 1 The r e p o r t on Vancouver's cemetery l i k e w i s e suggested in 1928 that a separate p o r t i o n be a l l o t t e d to Canadians of O r i e n t a l o r i g i n . 4 2 P h i l p o t a l s o notes that such d i v i s i o n s found t h e i r way i n t o many r u r a l g r a v e y a r d s . 4 3 . No l e s s , and p o s s i b l y more, important were the c o n t r a s t s d i s t i n g u i s h i n g graves dug i n pauper s e c t i o n s . P l o t s v a r i e d in s i z e , l o c a t i o n and p r i c e , making the a b i l i t y to buy a p l o t c o n f i r m a t i o n of s o c i a l s t a t u s . "In the urban cemetery," h i s t o r i a n s of n i n e t e e n t h century B r i t a i n have argued, "...the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e which was developing c o u l d be n e a t l y demonstrated by the l i n e s on a map or p l a n . " 4 4 In B r i t i s h Columbia, as we saw i n the l a s t chapter, the b o u r g e o i s i e 1 02 manufactured i t s own d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s , in p a r t , through i t s manipulation of r e g u l a t i o n s r e f e r r i n g to paupers. P r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n r e q u i r e d the p r o v i s i o n f r e e of charge of b u r i a l grounds f o r paupers; i t made no demands as to the s o r t of ground accorded f o r the purpose. C h a r l e s Hayward, who e a r l i e r had complained of the rude conduct of pauper f u n e r a l s , was quick to suggest a money-saving plan f o r the b u r i a l of the u n i d e n t i f i e d dead of a shipwreck: "At l e a s t four probably f i v e c o u l d be placed i n two p l o t s , and the expense c o n s i d e r a b l y r e d u c e d . " 4 5 Such c a v a l i e r a t t i t u d e s towards the interment of paupers on the part of undertakers e x p l a i n e d why Reginald Hayward dissuaded a c l i e n t from purchasing a cheaper grave. "They are good dry graves," he e x p l a i n e d , "but are where the c h a r i t y cases are put, hence not p a r t i c u l a r l y d e s i r a b l e . " 4 6 Nor were these sentiments n e c e s s a r i l y the d e l u s i o n s of f u n e r a l d i r e c t o r s . " C e r t a i n i t i s that had I been an hour l a t e r i n a r r i v i n g , " the b r o t h e r - i n - l a w of an almost u n i d e n t i f i e d drowning v i c t i m d r a m a t i c a l l y informed the l a t t e r ' s b r o t her, "poor Tom would have been b u r i e d as an unknown body i n a pauper's g r a v e . " 4 7 Mrs. M. F. K e l l y asked Vancouver's mayor why her husband's grave was so p o o r l y tended, s t a t i n g , "one would think i t was a s e c t i o n set a s i d e f o r p a u p e r s . " 4 8 In a s i m i l a r v e i n , a meeting of V i c t o r i a ' s m o r t i c i a n s l e a r n e d i n 1942 that "a buyer... ordered a $20.00 grave through h i s Funeral D i r e c t o r and...was m o r t i f i e d to f i n d the grave dug i n the pauper s e c t i o n . " 4 9 To the end of the p e r i o d , the thought of a pauper grave struck fear i n t o the hearts, of B r i t i s h Columbians. Indeed, poverty even overcame the 1 03 r a c i a l r e s t r i c t i o n s so important to l o c a l cemetery boards. Cemetery records f o r the f i r s t years of o p e r a t i o n of Mountain View report the adjacent b u r i a l s between December 22, 1888 and January 5, 1889 of James McAhealy, a "Chinaman," W i l l i a m Sweeny, and Kandi, a " J a p " . 5 0 The paths of poverty c e r t a i n l y l e d to d i f f e r e n t graves than d i d the paths of g l o r y . Even the paths of g l o r y , though, l e d i n the t w e n t i e t h century to i n c r e a s i n g l y n o n d e s c r i p t cemeteries and headstones. The e a r l i e s t cemetery l e g i s l a t i o n accorded l o c a l boards the j u r i s d i c t i o n to accept or r e f u s e p e r s o n a l monuments. 5 1 In the heyday of V i c t o r i a n mortuary a r t , however, a wide v a r i e t y of columns, o b e l i s k s , p e d e s t a l s , sarcophagi, and t a b l e t s d o tted the landscape of the garden cemeteries. Most of these memorials had a v e r t i c a l a x i s , as i f by reaching -towards heaven they breached the d i s t a n c e between the deceased and h i s or her mourners. P h i l p o t demonstrates that the v e r t i c a l nature of B r i t i s h Columbian tombstones peaked around the turn of the century. In a d d i t i o n , she shows that they r e f l e c t e d the designs, themes and m a t e r i a l s c u r r e n t i n other p a r t s of North A m e r i c a . 5 2 By the 1920s, h o r i z o n t a l headstones, set f l u s h to the lawn, took the p l a c e of the d i v e r s e s t y l e s . "By 1925," P h i l p o t notes, "tombstone a r t seems to be d i r e c t e d towards f u n c t i o n a l purposes rather than a r t i s t i c e x p r e s s i o n . " 5 3 Stereotyed and shortened, epitaphs became i n c r e a s i n g l y unremarkable. U n i f o r m i t y was, i n f a c t , u n i v e r s a l among those b u r i e d as war v e t e r a n s . Subsuming i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y to the l a r g e r , n a t i o n a l cause, cemetery 1 04 o f f i c i a l s v i g i l a t e d over the r e g u l a r i t y of the rows of monuments. In 1931, Mountain View's Superintendent J . B. Gray complained of a " d i s a g r e e a b l e circumstance": Yesterday afternoon a marker was p l a c e d on the grave of B. B l i t c h , and t h i s stone bears the i n s c r i p t i o n 'In l o v i n g memory of' c o n t r a r y to s p e c i f i c a t i o n . 5 " In 1942, the e r e c t i o n of a c r o s s on a s o l d i e r ' s grave occasioned a s i m i l a r c r i s i s . A c i t y o f f i c i a l wrote to a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the army, "I f e e l that we s h a l l have to remove the c r o s s so that u n i f o r m i t y may be p r e s e r v e d . " 5 5 Although u n i f o r m i t y was never so r i g i d in other p a r t s of the cemetery, the d i v e r s e monuments of the n i n e t e e n t h century found only a f a i n t echo i n the t w e n t i e t h . In t h i s sense, the war veterans probably t y p i f i e d only an extreme example of the modern tendency. In most cemeteries, the monuments (and epitaphs) f o r a l l groups in s o c i e t y had become smaller by the end of the p e r i o d . The d e c r e a s i n g s i z e of the monument complicates somewhat the a n a l y s i s of s e r i a l trends i n i n s c r i p t i o n s . But M i c h e l V o v e l l e , i n r e f e r r i n g to the tombstone i n h i s study of mortuary i n s c r i p t i o n s i n the United S t a t e s between 1660 and 1813, notes t h a t , " i t i s the testimony of the f a m i l y of the c o l l e c t i v i t y , more than of the deceased h i m s e l f , but i s s e n s i t i v e a l s o to the passage of t i m e . " 5 6 For an example of B r i t i s h Columbian trend s , we have . u t i l i z e d two main sources of evidence. The Kamloops m o r t i c i a n R. H. Dwyer acted as a r e g i o n a l d i s t r i b u t o r f o r the Art Monument Company of Vancouver, o r d e r i n g 109 tombstones f o r l o c a l c l i e n t s between 1945 and 1950. The order forms show that the 105 average c o s t was $90.99, although p r i c e s ranged between $30 and $237 . 5 7 C l e a r l y , gravestones were not r e s t r i c t e d uniquely to the most prosperous s e c t o r s of s o c i e t y . V a r i o u s g e n e a l o g i s t s have in t h e i r c o m p i l a t i o n s of tombstone i n s c r i p t i o n s p rovided a second source of i n f o r m a t i o n . We have for t h i r t y - t h r e e cemeteries ( some 818 stones ) l i s t s which appear to i n c l u d e the e n t i r e e pitaph f o r dates ranging from the 1870s to 1950. S c a t t e r e d throughout the southern h a l f of the p r o v i n c e , the l i s t s o v e r - r e p r e s e n t s m a l l , r u r a l c ommunities. 5 8 T h i s f a c t , however, may present advantages. Although P h i l p o t notes that stones shipped to the i n t e r i o r of the province tended to be smaller and l e s s ornate than those i n c o a s t a l areas, 5 9 urban cemeteries probably adopted s t r i c t r e g u l a t i o n s on tombstone s i z e e a r l i e r than the l e s s populated a r e a s . In any case, a q u a n t i t a t i v e a n a l y s i s of epitaphs p r o v i d e s some very c l e a r t e n d e n c i e s . 6 0 V o v e l l e shows that American e p i t a p h s i l l u s t r a t e d a growing mastery over the f a c t s of the deceased's l i f e by the beginning of the n i n e t e e n t h century. For example, tombstones almost u n i v e r s a l l y noted the age of the dead and f r e q u e n t l y the p l a c e of b i r t h as w e l l . 6 1 The trend r e v e r s e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Between 1870 and 1950, i t became l e s s and l e s s commmon to provide p r e c i s e v i t a l i n f o r m a t i o n such as the exact dates of death and b i r t h and the age of the deceased. [ See F i g u r e V ] L i k e w i s e , there were important decreases i n the number of epitaphs r e f e r r i n g to other aspects of the deceased's l i f e . N o tations of the p l a c e s of o r i g i n or death d e c l i n e d , and i f the 100 80 LxJ 60 O — f< 1 z UJ • o UJ Q_ 40 — 20 H 0. F i g u r e 5 - A n a l y s i s of E p i t a p h s : Information on Deceased, I, 1871-1950 Source: See note 57. o Legend A EXACT DATE DIED X EXACT DATE BORN f j • AGE GIVEN YEARS 107 data on occupations are s l i g h t l y more vague, t h i s f a c t i s due to the r i s i n g number of war veterans who d i e d i n the l a t t e r p a r t of the p e r i o d . T h e i r tombstone s p e c i f i c a t i o n s r e q u i r e d an i n d i c a t i o n of t h e i r m i l i t a r y o c c u p a t i o n . [ See Fig u r e VI ] At the same time that there was a de c r e a s i n g emphasis on the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of the deceased, i t became l e s s and l e s s c l e a r j u s t what he or she was doing in the cemetery. The use of d i r e c t terms such as 'died' or 'death' ( obvious euphemisms l i k e 'gone' or 'passed' were a l s o i n c l u d e d i n t h i s graph ) d e c l i n e d d r a m a t i c a l l y over the p e r i o d . Even l i f e - l i k e metaphors such as ' r e s t ' and 'peace' i n c r e a s e d only m a r g i n a l l y , while 'sleep' remained very low. [ See F i g u r e VII ] Perhaps B r i t i s h Columbians g r a d u a l l y r e a l i z e d that i t was unnecessary to i n d i c a t e the purpose of the deceased's sojourn in the cemetery; perhaps a l s o they were shunning a d i r e c t , m a t e r i a l c o n f r o n t a t i o n with m o r t a l i t y . Of course, the s h r i n k i n g s i z e of the tombstone might provide a f a c i l e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r these d e c l i n i n g t r e n d s . One set of graphs, however, suggests the inadequacy of t h i s argument. Mentions of the f a m i l y t i e s of the deceased remained r e l a t i v e l y c o n s i s t e n t over time, as d i d re f e r e n c e s to the mourners. 6 2 The s u r v i v o r s , when faced with death, proved u n w i l l i n g to forsake t h e i r l i n k s with the dead. T h i s cohesion c o u l d only be an i n t e l l e c t u a l one. The use of the term 'memory' ( 'remember', ' i n memoriam' ) a c t u a l l y seemed to i n c r e a s e , although u n s t e a d i l y , through the p e r i o d . [ See Fig u r e VIII ] In more than j u s t the sense of a c o d i f i e d move to a h o r i z o n t a l F i g u r e 6 - A n a l y s i s of Epitaphs: Information on Deceased, I I , 186US-1950 Source: See notes 57 and 61. YEARS o CO Legend A OCCUPATIONS X PLACE OF ORIGIN • PLACE OF DEATH Figure 7 - A n a l y s i s of E p i t a p h s : D e s c r i b i n g Death, 1871-1950 Legend A DEATH X REST • PEACE El SLEEP YEARS 111 a x i s , the twentieth century tombstones brought death "down to e a r t h , " where the mourners re f u s e d to. r e l i n q u i s h t h e i r t i e s with the dead and succeeded i n t h e i r endeavours by e n c i r c l i n g the l o v e d ones in t h e i r memories. Cremation, as S. C. Humphreys p o i n t s out, provided an even more e f f i c i e n t means of e n c i r c l i n g the deceased i n memories. Ashes c o u l d be d i s p e r s e d i n spots r e m i n i s c e n t of the dead person's l i f e t i m e . 6 3 At l e a s t two churches in V i c t o r i a allowed the b u r i a l of cremated remains i n t h e i r b u i l d i n g s a f t e r the 1930s. 6" More s i g n i f i c a n t was the a b i l i t y to s c a t t e r or bury ashes o u t s i d e of t r a d i t i o n a l areas. Mrs. M. M. S., R e g i n a l d Hayward learned, expressed the wish that her ashes be b u r i e d at a c e r t a i n spot on a wooded b l u f f at Sooke Harbour House where she s a i d she had spent the happiest hours of her l i f e . 6 5 For people who cremated the remains of t h e i r loved ones, no m a t e r i a l presence, whether i t be the corpse or some form of monument, stood between the deceased and the i n t e l l e c t u a l p rocess of commemoration. In t h i s way, the h i s t o r i c a l process which had caused the c r e a t i o n of cemeteries and the e r e c t i o n of monuments u l t i m a t e l y a l s o i m p l i e d t h e i r disappearance. In the n i n e t e e n t h century, the f a m i l y f e l t the need to commemorate i t s dead i n g a r d e n - l i k e graveyards with o s t e n t a t i o u s monuments. In the t w e n t i e t h century, however, the memory r e p l a c e d the cemetery as the f i n a l 112 r e s t i n g p l a c e . The B r i t i s h Columbian b o u r g e o i s i e , t h rough i t s c i t y c o u n c i l s and cemetery b o a r d s , invoked r e g u l a t i o n s which d i s s i m u l a t e d the b u r i a l ground's r o l e as a r e p o s i t o r y f o r the dead. In 1952, the Canadian j o u r n a l i s t B. K. S a n d w e l l , i n h i s a t t a c k on contemporary f u n e r a l s , conceded t h a t t h e r e was o n l y one r e s p e c t i n which our f u n e r a r y b e h a v i o r has improved i n the l a s t f i f t y y e a r s , and t h a t i s i n the a r c h i t e c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r of our memorials. The u s u a l tombstone of today i s v a s t l y s i m p l e r , b e t t e r p r o p o r t i o n e d and l e s s s e n t i m e n t a l than t h o s e of our g r a n d f a t h e r s . 6 6 S a n d w e l l was i n c o r r e c t i n i m p l y i n g t h a t cemetery t r e n d s d i f f e r e d from f u n e r a l customs. In b o t h c a s e s , among the m i d d l e c l a s s a t l e a s t , mourners were shunning p h y s i c a l c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h d e a t h , o n l y t o f a c e i t more d i r e c t l y i n an i n t e l l e c t u a l sense. C e m e t e r i e s p e r s i s t e d i n r e c o g n i z i n g d i s t i n c t i o n s between r a c e s and l e v e l s of w e a l t h , but i n the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y they had perhaps l o s t t h e i r a b i l i t y t o d i s p l a y the c o h e s i v e n e s s of the community. The l i n k s modern mourners were a b l e t o e x p r e s s w i t h the deceased were i n d i v i d u a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l . Thus, when John James Gatenby d i e d i n 1944 i n A b b o t s f o r d , the monument h i s f a m i l y e r e c t e d over h i s grave demonstrated the changes t h a t had o c c u r r e d i n a t t i t u d e s towards d e a t h : "In memories garden," h i s f a m i l y a s s u r e d him, "we meet e v e r y d a y . " 6 7 1 1 3 Notes - Chapter V 1 Gravestone I n s c r i p t i o n s , W e l l i n g t o n Cemetery, Nanaimo. Compiled by Walter Meyer zu Erpen. 2 The Hour, p. 531. 3 Smith, ed., Reminiscences of Helmcken, p. 17. 4 Walvin, "Dust to Dust," 354; McManners, Death and the  Enlightenment, pp. 303-4. 5 Regis Bertrand, "Cimetieres m a r s e i l l a i s aux XVIIIe et XIXe s i e c l e s , " Provence h i s t o r i q u e , 22, 92 ( a v r i l - j u i n 1973 ), 245; Michel Bee, "Les c i m e t i e r e s du Calvados en 1804," i n Bee et a l . , M e n t a l i t e s r e l i g i e u s e s dans l a France de l ' o u e s t aux XIXe  et XXe s i e c l e s : etudes d ' h i s t o i r e s e r i e l l e , I Caen: Annales de Normandie , no. 8 , 1 976 V, p~] 33 . 6 Smith, ed., Reminiscences of Helmcken, pp. 212-3. 7 Id., ed., "The J o u r n a l of Arthur Thomas Bushby, 1858-1859," B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Q u a r t e r l y , 21, 1 to 4 ( Jan.-Oct., 1957-8 ), 159; George S t a n l e y , ed., Mapping the F r o n t i e r :  C h a r l e s Wilson's D i a r y . . . , ( Toronto: Macmi l l a n , 1970 T~, p 7 119. 8 P u b l i c A r c h i v e s of Canada, George T a y l o r Denison Papers, MG 29 E29, Mair to Dennison, Dec. 5, 1892. V. 7-8. Quotation s u p p l i e d by Duane Thomson. 9 P h i l p o t , "In t h i s Neglected Spot," p. 16. 1 0 Stannard, "Calm D w e l l i n g s , " American H e r i t a g e , 30, 5 (1979 ), 54; McManners, Death and the Enlightenment, p. 403; Douglas, The F e m i n i z a t i o n of American C u l t u r e , pp. 207-213. 1 1 D. B. Smith, ed., Lady F r a n k l i n V i s i t s the P a c i f i c  Northwest. • • , ( V i c t o r i a : PABC Memoir no. 1974 ), p. 32. 1 2 PABC, C o l o n i a l Correspondence [ h e r e a f t e r CC ], Moody to Douglas, Feb. 24, 1860, B1337, F919 25. 1 3 CC, Pearse, Lands and Works Department to C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y , Aug. 9, 1870, Bl341 r F 955 29. 1 4 John Adams, H i s t o r i c Guide to Ross Bay Cemetery, 1 14 ( V i c t o r i a : H eritage A r c h i t e c t u r a l Guides, 1983), p. 3; Gosse, " P r o v i s i o n of S e r v i c e s , " p. 149. 1 5 PABC, Crease Family Papers, Add. MSS. 55, d r a f t s of p e t i t i o n , n.d., v. 3, f . 22, pp. 1-3. 1 6 C i t y of Nanaimo A r c h i v e s , C o r p o r a t i o n of the C i t y of Nanaimo, C o u n c i l Minutes, C o u n c i l as Board of Cemetery T r u s t e e s , A p r i l 1, 1895, p. 558. Reference s u p p l i e d by Walter Meyer zu Erpen. 1 7 Richard F r a n c a v i g l i a , "The Cemetery as an E v o l v i n g C u l t u r a l Landscape," Annals of the A s s o c i a t i o n of American  Geographers 61, 3 ( Sept., 1971 ), 509. 1 8 CC, Crease to Attorney General, March 27, 1863, B1303, F 61 26a. 1 9 UBCSC, Rev. Edward White Papers, v. f . 118, Di a r y , Thursday, August 22, 1867. 2 0 CC, E. G. A l s t o n to W. A. G. Young, C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y , Oct. 24, 1868, B1300 F 13 14. 2 1 Two e a r l y photos of Ross Bay Cemetery appear in Adams, H i s t o r i c Guide, f r o n t cover and p. 7. See an e a r l y photo of another, sm a l l e r cemetery i n P h i l p o t , "In t h i s Neglected Spot," p. 9. 2 2 Stannard, The P u r i t a n Way of Death, p. 181. 2 3 PABC, Attorney General, Correspondence S e r i e s , GR 1323, Char l e s H a r r i s o n , S e c r e t a r y , South Vancouver Board of Trade, to Mr. F a r r i s , M.P., Aug. 23, 1920, B2170, f. V-279-8. 2* CVA, C i t y of Vancouver Health Department, S e r i e s 3, A d m i n i s t r a t i v e O f f i c e r Records, 1. Cemetery Records [ h e r e a f t e r VHDCR ], P e t i t i o n to Mayor and C o u n c i l , Sept. 21, 1935, 146 E 6, f. -7. 2 5 PABC, Attorney General, Correspondence S e r i e s , GR 1323, Committee Report to Premier and Cabinet, Sept. 16, 1926, B2230, f. C-31-1. 2 6 VHDCR, J . A. Walker, "Report on C i v i c Cemetery (Burnaby )," 1928, p. 6, 145 A1, f . 4. 2 7 VHDCR, By-laws of Ocean View B u r i a l Park Co., 1924, 146 C7, f . 6. 2 8 Gosse, " P r o v i s i o n of S e r v i c e s , " p. 150. 2 9 HF, Hayward to Miss M. A., Feb. 25, 1939, v. 56. 1 15 3 0 Inventing the American Way, p. 120. 3 1 "In t h i s Neglected Spot," p. 78. 3 2 VHDCR, J . A. Walker, "Report on C i v i c Cemetery (Burnaby )," 1928, p. 10, 145 A1, f. 4. 3 3 VHDCR, N e i l McEwen to mayor, May 31, 1940, 146 E 6, f. 13. 3 4 CC, Demers to Douglas, Nov. 8, 1860, B 1324, F 453 4." 3 5 The Book of Small, p. 114. 3 6 P e t i t i o n of Tr u s t e e s of Ross Bay Cemetery to L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, 1874, S e s s i o n a l Papers, J o u r n a l s of the L e g i s l a t i v e  Assembly of the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, ( V i c t o r i a : R i c h a r d Wolfenden, 1875 ), p. 702. 3 7 T. R. Mclnnes, S e c r e t a r y , Cemetery Board to A. C. E l l i o t t , A ttorney General, March 2, 1876, S e s s i o n a l Papers, J o u r n a l s of the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, ( V i c t o r i a : R i c h a r d Wolfenden, 1876 ), p. 743. 3 8 Adams, H i s t o r i c Guide, p. 5. 3 9 PABC, Bishop G. H i l l s Papers, Add. MSS. 1525, Memorial to the Cemetery Board from the Bishop, C l e r g y and L a i t y of the Church of England, Sept. 18, 1872, p. 63. 4 0 Adams, H i s t o r i c Guide, p. 29. 4 1 VHDCR, By-laws of Ocean View B u r i a l Park Co., 1924, 146 C7, f . 6. 4 2 VHDCR, J . A. Walker, "Report on C i v i c Cemetery (Burnaby)," 1928, p. 17, 145 A1, f . 4. 4 3 "In t h i s Neglected Spot," p. 43. 4 4 S t u a r t Rawnsley and Jack Reynolds, " U n d e r c l i f f e Cemetery, B r a d f o r d , " H i s t o r y Workshop, 4 ( autumn, 1977 ), 220; F r a n c a v i g l i a , " E v o l v i n g C u l t u r a l Landscape," 506; Kenneth Ames, " I d e o l o g i e s i n Stone: Meanings i n V i c t o r i a n Gravestones," J o u r n a l of Popular C u l t u r e , 14, 4 ( s p r i n g , 1981 ), 651. 4 5 HF, C. Hayward to Mr. W. A l l e n , Agent, P a c i f i c Coast Steamship Co., Feb. 5, 1906, v. 7, p. 501. 4 6 HF, R. Hayward to H. T. M., Aug 18, 1936, v. 53. 4 7 James C u r r i e to James Thompson, Aug. 19, 1897, S e s s i o n a l Papers, J o u r n a l s of the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly ( V i c t o r i a : R i c h a r d Wolfenden, 1898 ), p. 765. 1 16 " 8 VHDCR, K e l l y to S. W. M i l l a r , Aug. 2, 1938, 146 E6, f. 11. " 9 HF, Minutes of meeting of Funeral D i r e c t o r s and Embalmers of V i c t o r i a , May 22, 1942, v. 60. 5 0 CVA, P u b l i c Cemetery, 1887-1889, R e g i s t e r of l o t s s o l d , 126 A 5, p. 611. 5 1 "An ordinance to make general r e g u l a t i o n s f o r the establishment and management of Cemeteries i n the colony of B r i t i s h Columbia," 33 V i c t . , no. 15, Ordinances Passed by the  L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l of B r i t i s h Columbia... . 5 2 "In t h i s Neglected Spot," pp. 49-65. 5 3 I b i d . , p. 18. 5* VHDCR, Gray to Dr. Mcintosh, Medical Health O f f i c e r , J u l y 21, 1 931 , 146 C 6, f. 1. 5 5 VHDCR, Dr. Stewart Murray, Medical Health O f f i c e r to F l i g h t - L i e u t e n a n t McDonald, June 18, 1942, 146 E6, f. 14. 5 6 "A Century and One-Half of American Epitaphs ( 1660-1813): Toward the Study of C o l l e c t i v e A t t i t u d e s about Death," Comparative S t u d i e s i n S o c i e t y and H i s t o r y , 22, 4 ( Oct., 1980), 536. 5 7 DFH, Purchase o r d e r s , box 3, f 5 8 L i s t s of monument i n s c r i p t i o n s p u b l i s h e d by the B r i t i s h Columbia G e n e a l o g i c a l S o c i e t y ( See Appendix fo r l i s t of cemeteries ); PABC, Cowichan I s l a n d G e n e a l o g i c a l Club, Add.. MSS. 1325, monument i n s c r i p t i o n s f o r Pioneer Methodist Cemetery, Maple Bay, and A l l S a i n t s Church, Westholme; monument i n s c r i p t i o n s f o r W e l l i n g t o n Cemetery, Nanaimo, compiled by Walter Meyer zu Erpen. 5 9 "In t h i s Neglected Spot," p. 68, 6 0 I t i s assumed f o r t h i s study that c h o i c e s f o r epitaphs were made w i t h i n the year of death marked on the stone. Dwyer's records show, however, that t h i s assumption i s not always c o r r e c t . Between 1945 and 1950, twenty-one monuments ( 19.3 % ) commemorated people who had d i e d before the beginning of the decade. Three stones, indeed, remembered persons deceased before 1900. Such purchases would tend to mask changes which occurred i n the epitaphs over time. Consequently, any trends that might appear are even more s i g n i f i c a n t than they might appear. The temporal d i v i s i o n s of the tombstones are 1871-1890, 25; 1891-1900, 48; 1901-1910, 73; 1911-1920, 135; 1921-1930, 124; 1931-1940, 178; 1941-1950, 344. 1 1 7 6 1 "A Century and One-Half," 537. 6 2 Data f o r the 1860s comes from Joanne Hughes' a n a l y s i s of i n s c r i p t i o n s i n the Johnson S t r e e t and Quadra S t r e e t cemeteries of V i c t o r i a . Most of these stones were e r e c t e d i n the 1860s. PABC, Hughes C o l l e c t i o n , Add. MSS. 260, "Fraser V a l l e y [ s i c ] Cemeteries and How They R e f l e c t the S o c i a l H i s t o r y of the Area," unpub. paper, Douglas C o l l e g e , 1972, pp. 4-5. 6 3 These two graphs are almost, but not q u i t e , i d e n t i c a l . Mentions of fam i l y t i e s i n c l u d e those with r e l a t i v e s who predeceased the person commemorated ( e.g. 'widow of' ). References to the mourners only i n c l u d e mentions of l i v i n g r e l a t i v e s , but a l s o englobe the use of p e r s o n a l pronouns which e s t a b l i s h a l i n k with the deceased ( e.g. 'In time we w i l l meet her' ). 6« "Death and Time," p. 272. 6 5 HF, Reginald Hayward to G. H. S c a r r e t , People's Warden, Church of our Lord, Mar. 21, 1935, v. 35; R. Hayward to P. G., A p r i l 14, 1938, v. 55 ( r e f e r r i n g to C h r i s t Church Cathedral ). 6 6 HF, A. K. to Hayward, Mar. 7, 1937, v. 54. 6 7 "Funeral customs of today," Saturday Night, 69, 3 (Oct. 25, 1952 ), 7. 6 8 Gravestone I n s c r i p t i o n s , M u n i c i p a l ( Musselwhite ) Cemetery, Abbotsford, p u b l i s h e d by the B r i t i s h Columbia G e n e a l o g i c a l S o c i e t y . 118 VI. CONCLUSION In h i s memoirs, Dr. J . S. Helmcken recorded an e x i s t e n t i a l i s t query that had stayed with him throughout h i s a d u l t l i f e : T h i s medico...puzzled me once by asking me 'What i s death?' to which I made answer 'The c e s s a t i o n of l i f e , ' but he would not stand t h i s - and I remember how o f t e n I asked the q u e s t i o n a f t e r - 'What i s death?' and ask the q u e s t i o n s t i l l . 1 Undoubtedly, Helmcken was not alone i n h i s uneasy c o n f r o n t a t i o n with m o r t a l i t y . Probably many other middle c l a s s B r i t i s h Columbians asked themselves the same q u e s t i o n . The c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t s they e s t a b l i s h e d i n response were r e l a t i v e l y coherent. T h i s t h e s i s had o u t l i n e d two d i f f e r e n t , but c l o s e l y l i n k e d , c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t s d e a l i n g with death. The immigrants to the B r i t i s h Columbia region i n the nin e t e e n t h century shared a t t i t u d e s towards death s i m i l a r to those p o r t r a y e d by h i s t o r i a n s of other p a r t s of the Western world. Death was a f a m i l y c r i s i s , yet because i t n e c e s s a r i l y took the "l o v e d one," i t had to be seen as a t t r a c t i v e and n a t u r a l . I t was a l s o , as nature should be, u n p r e d i c t a b l e ; Nineteenth century B r i t i s h Columbians often faced the imminent prospect of t h e i r own death. They f e l t l i t t l e assurance that they were d e s t i n e d to a t t a i n o l d age. T h i s u n c e r t a i n t y was 119 overshadowed by the b e l i e f that death o f f e r e d both an escape from the t r i b u l a t i o n s of w o r l d l y woes and the u l t i m a t e reunion of the f a i t h f u l f a m i l y i n the heavenly home. The a f f l u e n t , urban f a m i l y c e l e b r a t e d the p a s s i n g of one of i t s members with m a g n i f i c e n t , black, p l o d d i n g f u n e r a l s . The s p e c t a c l e r e a f f i r m e d the l i n k s between the deceased and the mourners, and between the mourners themselves. The communal, but family-dominated, aspect of death c a r r i e d over i n t o the garden cemetery. The graveyard p l o t reproduced f a m i l y v i r t u e s of p r i v a c y and property, and provided a p l a c e where the mourners c o u l d continue to manifest t h e i r a f f e c t i o n f o r the dead. L i k e l i f e insurance had a l s o done for many ni n e t e e n t h century North Americans, the pomp of f u n e r a l ceremonies and commemorative monuments d e f i n e d death "as an economic e p i s o d e . " 2 The bourgeois f a m i l i e s of urban n i n e t e e n t h century B r i t i s h Columbia p a i d t h e i r l a s t r e s p e c t s to t h e i r dead. Between 1880 or 1890 and 1920, a l a r g e number of f a c e t s of a t t i t u d e s towards death underwent an e v o l u t i o n . Less an economic episode, death developed i n t o an i n t e l l e c t u a l e x e r c i s e . The l i v i n g p r o j e c t e d t h e i r v i t a l i t y onto the dead. The dead, i n f a c t , no longer d i e d ; i l l u s i o n s of s l e e p t r a n s l a t e d the mourners' r e a c t i o n s to death. When w r i t i n g about the deceased, middle c l a s s B r i t i s h Columbians e n c i r c l e d the f a c t s of t h e i r demise i n a v i t a l i s t i c vocabulary which emphasized t h e i r constant a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the world of the l i v i n g . Embalming composed the f e a t u r e s of the corpse; caskets p r o v i d e d the i l l u s i o n of a bed; f u n e r a l p a r l o r s served as temporary 120 accommodations. C r e m a t i o n , i n c r e a s i n g l y p o p u l a r by the end of the p e r i o d , removed the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of d e a l i n g w i t h the body. Ceme t e r i e s a l s o l o s t i m p o r t a n c e . Innocuous memorials and e p i t a p h s s t r e s s e d the f a c t t h a t the memory was t o be the f i n a l r e s t i n g p l a c e f o r the dead. A l l the changes i n r e a c t i o n s t o d eath seemed, in d e e d , t o i l l u s t r a t e a t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y " d e n i a l of d e a t h . " N o n e t h e l e s s , we must, w i t h Hope G l i d d e n , note t h a t " m e n t a l i t i e s may be d i s c e r n e d by c r a c k i n g c u l t u r e ' s codes, t a k i n g c a r e not t o c o n f u s e the code w i t h the message." 3 W h i l e the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t seemed t o deny d e a t h , the message, i n f a c t , i m p l i e d a c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h i t . Nowhere was t h i s more apparent than i n contemporary a t t i t u d e s t o h e a l t h . The new p e r c e p t i o n of h e a l t h f o c u s s e d on the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l . U l t i m a t e l y , each was the cause of h i s or her own d e a t h . I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and a n a e s t h e t i c , death s u r r e n d e r e d t o h e a l t h the i n d i v i d u a l quest f o r p e r s o n a l s a l v a t i o n . In t u r n , as i t worked i t s way t h r o u g h s a n i t a r y , d i e t a r y and p u b l i c h e a l t h measures, t h i s new a t t i t u d e caused a s i g n i f i c a n t drop i n the d e a t h r a t e . By c o n f r o n t i n g d e a t h , t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y B r i t i s h Columbians were a b l e t o do something about i t . In t h e i r d i s c o u r s e s , f u n e r a l s and c e m e t e r i e s , B r i t i s h Columbians o b f u s c a t e d the n a t u r a l p r o c e s s e s of death i n o r d e r t o f a c e the d i s a p p e a r a n c e of a l o v e d one i n an i n t e l l e c t u a l and i n d i v i d u a l sense. I f the cemetery was, as S t a n n a r d s u g g e s t s , the r e f u g e f o r the p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y over-burdened f a m i l y i n the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , the memory was the r e f u g e f o r the 121 p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y over-burdened i n d i v i d u a l i n the t w e n t i e t h . D i s g u i s i n g the deceased i n l i f e - l i k e terms demonstrated how s i g n i f i c a n t that person's r e l a t i o n s h i p had been with the mourner, and how tenacious the mourner was i n not wishing to surrender that r e l a t i o n s h i p . Although we do not have to agree with David Cannadine that "the best time to d i e and to g r i e v e . . . i s probably now,"" we do not have to accept that the " c r i s e de c i v i l i s a t i o n " of the l a t e t wentieth century begins with contemporary a t t i t u d e s towards death. Thus death, w i t h i n the middle c l a s s of B r i t i s h Columbia, expressed unending i n d i v i d u a l attachments between the mourner and the deceased. Death was a l s o , however, a stage upon which s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s were performed. M i c h e l V o v e l l e has demonstrated how d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l c l a s s e s acted out div e r g e n t responses to death i n e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Provence. 5 On the p l a t f o r m d e s c r i b e d i n t h i s t h e s i s , the p r i n c i p a l a c t o r s , the middle c l a s s of the p r o v i n c e , employed r e a c t i o n s to m o r t a l i t y , in p a r t , to c o n t r i v e t h e i r uniqueness and s e l f - a f f i r m a t i o n . Death was an exp r e s s i o n of i n d i v i d u a l i s m . C l a r e G i t t i n g s has r e c e n t l y shown that i n d i v i d u a l i s m has formed a s i g n i f i c a n t part of r e a c t i o n s to death s i n c e the e a r l y modern e r a . 6 In the twen t i e t h century we argue, t h i s focus on the s i n g u l a r i t y of the deceased has been extended to encompass the s i n g u l a r i t y of the mourner. As S. C. Humphreys has suggested, the process of pe r s o n a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l adjustment to g r i e f , r a t h e r than the readjustment of a wider 1 22 s o c i e t y , i s c o n s i d e r e d now to be the most s i g n i f i c a n t of the processes set i n motion by d e a t h . 7 The u n c o n t r o l l a b l e g r i e f , which many of today's s o c i a l c r i t i c s impute to the d e n i a l of death, probably stems r a t h e r from i n d i v i d u a l i s m accentuated by middle c l a s s i d e a l s . I t i s no c o i n c i d e n c e , as Peter Gay notes, that the s o c i o l o g i c a l c o n s t r u c t "anomie" t y p i f y i n g contemporary impoverishing i n d i v i d u a l i s m was f i r s t d e f i n e d at the end of the bourgeois c e n t u r y . 8 Thus, middle c l a s s uniqueness meant i n d i v i d u a l uniqueness. T h i s hopeful s e l f - a f f i r m a t i o n r e l i e d on the c r e a t i o n of a s e c t o r of s o c i e t y u t t e r l y d i s t i n c t from bourgeois p r a c t i c e s . Middle c l a s s p o l i t i c i a n s and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s e s t a b l i s h e d abhorrent f u n e r a l r i t e s and graveyards f o r paupers. As cemetery evidence shows, economic d i s t i n c t i o n s overshadowed even the importance of r a c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s when i t came to c h a r i t y b u r i a l s . E x p e l l i n g those who had r e j e c t e d the fundamental p r e c e p t s of an i n d u s t r i a l economy by not even p r o v i d i n g f o r t h e i r own departure from i t , the middle c l a s s up to 1950 at l e a s t succeeded i n a f f i r m i n g i t s i d e a l s of uniqueness. But what has happened to p e r c e p t i o n s of m o r t a l i t y s i n c e 1950? D e s p i t e the c l a i m by v a r i o u s commentators that a s h i f t i n a t t i t u d e s towards death, manifested most openly i n a changing academic d i s c o u r s e , i s underway i n today's s o c i e t y , the trends apparent i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1950 have p e r s i s t e d to the present. F u n e r a l s i n the p r o v i n c e have the lowest average c o s t in the country, and given the p o p u l a r i t y of Memorial S o c i e t i e s , 1 23 tend to g r e a t e r s i m p l i c i t y than elsewhere. 9 Cremation continues to gain acceptance. In 1980, some 53.4 percent of a l l a d u l t f u n e r a l s ended in the cremation of the c o r p s e . 1 0 Cemeteries are becoming l e s s and l e s s permanent p l a c e s in which to commemorate the dead. One no longer buys p l o t s i n Vancouver's crowded Mountain View Cemetery. Rather, one ren t s them f o r a f o r t y - y e a r p e r i o d . By the end of the term, o f f i c i a l s reassure the c l i e n t , no p h y s i c a l t r a c e s of the loved one r e m a i n . 1 1 H e a l t h preoccupies middle c l a s s i n d i v i d u a l s more than ever before. Every time one boards a c i t y bus, one c o n f r o n t s at l e a s t h a l f a dozen d i f f e r e n t f a t a l d i s e a s e s through advertisements asking f o r c o n t r i b u t i o n s and s t a t i n g that the donation may make the d i f f e r e n c e i n d e f e a t i n g death. F i n a l l y , probably because of the p o p u l a r i t y of c r i t i c i s m s l i k e J e s s i c a M i t f o r d ' s (and d e s p i t e the comparatively low co s t of f u n e r a l s ) , the p r o v i n c i a l government c o n t r i b u t e d to the d i s c o u r s e on death in the mid-1970s by commissioning a re p o r t on the f u n e r a l and cemetery i n d u s t r i e s . 1 2 B r i t i s h Columbians, whether i n government documents, condolence l e t t e r s or graduate theses, continue to write and read about death. But i s the " l i b e r a t i n g " i n f l u e n c e of contemporary w r i t i n g about death as strong as some h i s t o r i a n s suggest? Academics and j o u r n a l i s t s of every type have conducted a voluminous s c h o l a r l y d i s c o u r s e on the s u b j e c t . Some, l i k e E l i s a b e t h K u b l e r - R o s s , 1 3 have reached a l a r g e p u b l i c and have f o r c e d medical p e r s o n n e l , for i n s t a n c e , to re-examine b u r e a u c r a t i c c o n t r o l s over the dying p a t i e n t . T h i s bookish d i s c u s s i o n i s not r e a l l y d i v o r c e d from 1 2 4 other t w e n t i e t h century t e n d e n c i e s . Rather, death, f o r these academics, as f o r other members of the middle c l a s s , i s an i n t e l l e c t u a l e x e r c i s e . Death has become a subject of study, l i k e economics or energy d e f i c i e n c i e s , which we expect we may a c t u a l l y do something about, i f only we can d i s c o u r s e e n d l e s s l y about i t . As Jacques C h i f f o l e a u suggests, I l n'est pas c e r t a i n que l e d i s c o u r s p r o l i x e q ui se t i e n t depuis quelques annees sur ce theme n ' a i t pas une f o n c t i o n d'exorcisme. 1" In the end, we are probably only p e r p e t u a t i n g a bourgeois, c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t which leaves us as d i s t a n t from death as ever. M i c h e l F o u c a u l t ' s c o n c l u d i n g shot at the p e r s i s t e n t bourgeois d i s c u s s i o n about s e x u a l i t y i s a p p l i c a b l e , perhaps, to contemporary a t t i t u d e s towards death: "The ir o n y of t h i s deployment [ of d i s c o u r s e s on sex ] i s i n having us b e l i e v e that our ' l i b e r a t i o n ' i s i n the b a l a n c e . " 1 5 The B r i t i s h Columbian middle c l a s s , now i n the form of an academic e l i t e , c ontinues to t a l k about death i n the l a t e t w e n t i e t h century. T h i s t h e s i s , then, says as much about the s o c i a l c l a s s of i t s author as i t does of that of i t s readers. 125 Notes - Chapter VI 1 Smith, ed., Reminiscences of Helmcken, p. 24. 2 V i v i a n a Rotman Z e l i z e r , Morals and Markets: The  Development of L i f e Insurance i n the Uni t e d S t a t e s , (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1979), p~! 64. 3 "Review of Emmanuel Le Roy L a d u r i e , Love, Death and Money  in the Pays d'Oc ," H i s t o r y and Theory, 23, 2 (1984), 272. • "War and Death," p. 189. 5 P i e t e baroque et d e c h r i s t i a n i s a t i o n en Provence au XVIIIe  s i e c l e , ( P a r i s : Plon, 1973), pp. 98-9, 601. 6 Death, B u r i a l and the I n d i v i d u a l i n e a r l y Modern England, (London: Croom Helm, 1984), pp. 10-14. 7 "Death and Time," p. 2-73. 8 The Bourgeois Experience, v. 1: 9 Average f u n e r a l c o s t s f o r a d u l t s i n 1976 were $689 i n B r i t i s h Columbia compared to a nationwide average of $1052. In 1980, r e s p e c t i v e c o s t s f o r a l l types of f u n e r a l s had r i s e n to $874 and $1361. S t a t i s t i c s Canada, "Funeral D i r e c t o r s 1976," (Ottawa: S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1978), p. 10; S t a t i s t i c s Canada, "Funeral D i r e c t o r s 1980," (Ottawa: M i n i s t e r of Supply and S e r v i c e s , 1982), p. 16. David Aston r e p o r t e d in The Globe and  M a i l that "In B r i t i s h Columbia 120,000 people belong to the Memorial S o c i e t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, dwarfing t o t a l membership in memorial s o c i e t i e s i n the r e s t of Canada." "Funeral i n d u s t r y moves toward one-stop shopping," J u l y 9, 1984, p. B5, 1 0 S t a t i s t i c s Canada, "Funeral D i r e c t o r s 1980," p. 14. 1 1 Gosse, " P r o v i s i o n of S e r v i c e s , " pp. 153-4; L i s a Fitterman quoted cemetery superintendent Bert Woods, " A f t e r 40 year s , e v e r y t h i n g has d i s i n t e g r a t e d . We would then l e a s e the p l o t to someone e l s e . " "Smart shopping c u t s cost of dying." Vancouver Sun, March 10, 1984, p. A6. 1 2 Gosse, " P r o v i s i o n of S e r v i c e s . " 1 3 For example, Death: The F i n a l Stage of Growth, (Englewood C l i f f s , N. J . : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1975). 1 * La c o m p t a b i l i t e de l ' a u - d e l a : Les hommes, l a mort et l a  r e l i g i o n dans l a region d'Avignon a l a f i n du Moyen Age (vers  1320 - vers 1480), (Rome: Ec o l e f r a n g a i s e de Rome, 1980), p. 1 26 1 1 . 1 5 History of Sexuality, p. 159. 127 BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES 1 . ' Manuscripts And Pub l i c Records PABC. B r i t i s h Columbia. Attorney Genera l . I n q u i s i t i o n s . 1865-1937. GR 431. PABC. B r i t i s h Columbia. Attorney Genera l . Correspondence S e r i e s . GR 1323. PABC. B r i t i s h Columbia. C o l o n i a l Correspondence. PABC. B r i t i s h Columbia. Premier . General F i l e s . GR 1222. PABC. 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The Populat ion H is tory of  England 1541-1871: A Reconst ruc t ion . London: Edward Arno ld , 1981. Z e l i z e r , V i v iana Rotman. Morals and Markets: The Development of  L i f e Insurance in the United S t a t e s . New York: Columbia Un i ve rs i t y P ress , 1979. 2. Unpublished Andrews, Margaret. "Medical Serv ice in Vancouver, 1886-1920: a study in the in te rp lay of a t t i t u d e s , medical knowledge, and admin is t ra t i ve s t r u c t u r e s . " Ph.D. T h e s i s , Un i ve rs i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia , 1979. Barman, Jean. "Growing up B r i t i s h in B r i t i s h Columbia: Boys in Pr i vate School , 1900-1950." D .Ed. T h e s i s , Un i ve rs i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia , 1982. Gagan, Rosemary Ruth. "D isease , M o r t a l i t y and Publ ic Hea l th , Hamilton, Ontar io , 1900-1914." M. A, t h e s i s , McMaster U n i v e r s i t y , 1981. Gosse, R ichard . "The Prov is ion of Funeral and Cemetery Serv ices in B r i t i s h Columbia." A Report to the Hon. K. Rafe Mai r , M in i s te r of Consumer S e r v i c e s , 1976. P h i l p o t , Mary. "In t h i s Neglected Spot : The Rural Cemetery Landscape in Southern B r i t i s h Columbia ." M. A. T h e s i s , Un i ve rs i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia , 1976. Smith, Danie l S c o t t . "Mor ta l i t y in the United States before 1900." Chicago: Newberry Papers in Family and Community H i s t o r y , Paper 8 1 - 1 , 1981. 139 APPENDIX A - GRAVESTONE INSCRIPTIONS - CEMETERIES USED Soda Creek Cemetery, Soda Creek. S t . Mary's Angl ican Church Cemetery, F u l f o r d Harbour. H i l l ' s Community Cemetery, H i l l s . Donald Cemetery, Donald. Zebal los Munic ipa l Cemetery, Z e b a l l o s . Lone Butte Cemetery, Lone Butte . Stanley Cemetery, S tan ley . Legion Cemetery, Golden. Henderson Pr i va te Cemetery, Golden. Edgewater Cemetery, Edgewater. Stone a longs ide highway, Haida. Hemlock V a l l e y Road Cemetery, Harr ison M i l l s . Midway Cemetery, Midway. Cemetery on the range, Midway. Rock Creek Cemetery, Rock Creek. Lac La Hache Cemetery, Lac La Hache. Fe lker Family Cemetery, Lac La Hache. S t . Oswald's Angl ican Church Cemetery, Surrey ( Port K e l l s ). St. . Stephen's Churchyard, Burnaby. S t . P a u l ' s Ca tho l i c Church Cemetery, Fu l ford . Harbour. B r i d e s v i l l e Cemetery, B r i d e s v i l l e . Stone a longside road, B r i d e s v i l l e . Roman Catho l i c Church Cemetery, A lexandr ia . Camp McKinney Cemetery, Camp McKinney. Chase Cemetery, Chase. Mattey Family Cemetery, Chase. Munic ipa l ( Musselwhite ) Cemetery, Abbotsford . Grani te Creek Cemetery, Grani te Creek. Rabbit t Family Cemetery, Tulameen. Tulameen Pub l i c Cemetery, Tulameen. A l l l i s t s of i n s c r i p t i o n s compiled for and publ ished by the B r i t i s h Columbia Genealogica l S o c i e t y . 

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