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The density-crowding relationship : planning implications for high density housing Reynolds, Kenneth Victor Thomas 1984

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THE DENSITY-CROWDING RELATIONSHIP: PLANNING IMPLICATIONS FOR HIGH DENSITY HOUSING by KENNETH VICTOR THOMAS REYNOLDS B.A. University of Alberta, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (The School of Community and Regional Planning) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1984 Kenneth Victor Thomas Reynolds, 1984 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head o f my department or by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 DE-6 (.3/81) ABSTRACT This study examines p lann ing i m p l i c a t i o n s which may r e s u l t when human crowding con s i de ra t i on s are i nco rpo ra ted i n t o h igh den s i t y hous ing c o n t r o l s . As most c u r r en t d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s do not r e f l e c t the r e l a t i o n s h i p between h igh den s i t y and percept ions of crowding, ensur ing l i v e a b i l i t y has been l e f t l a r g e l y to chance. The i n c l u s i o n of human requ i rements , which can u l t i m a t e l y prevent crowding and ensure g rea te r l i v e a b i l i t y , may be more sy s temat ic i f a framework i s prov ided which suggests ways to i n co rpo ra te t e c h n i c a l measures of den s i t y w i t h human crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . To pursue t h i s end, an i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y study i s undertaken which exp lo res the two concepts of d e n s i t y and crowding as w e l l as the p lann ing i m p l i c a t i o n s which may r e s u l t from t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p . Us ing a h e u r i s t i c process , a conceptua l framework i s proposed which organ izes cu r r en t dens i t y - c rowd ing knowledge i n t o a format that may a l l ow g rea te r c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r human needs i n h igh den s i t y p l a n n i n g . Components of the study which a s s i s t i n deve lop ing th i s framework are as f o l l o w s : 1. A d e s c r i p t i o n of the h i s t o r y of den s i t y thought which t races the C e n t r i s t and D e c e n t r i s t movements and serves to p lace re search r e l a t e d to h igh den s i t y p lann ing i n t o i t s con tex t . 2 . A d e s c r i p t i o n of what " d e n s i t y " means and i t s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n t o a taxonomy of the va r i ou s measurements of d e n s i t y . - i i i -3. A d e s c r i p t i o n of what " c rowd ing " means and i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t o a taxonomy of the human crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s which i n f l u e n c e the l i v e a b i l i t y i n h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing . 4. An e x p l o r a t i o n of the complex i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between d e n s i t y and crowding so that a b e t t e r unders tand ing of the r e s u l t a n t p l ann i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s i s ga ined. Necessary and s u f f i c i e n t p r e - c o n d i t i o n s to the human crowding response are i d e n t i f i e d . 5. The development of a conceptua l framework as based on the two taxonomies which exp lo re s ways to i n t e g r a t e d e n s i t y measures w i t h crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s ; some p l ann i ng i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r s e n s i t i v e development c o n t r o l s are i d e n t i f i e d . The goal of t h i s approach i s to encourage the a p p l i c a t i o n of c u r r e n t den s i t y - c r owd i n g knowledge so t ha t the q u a l i t y of l i f e i n h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing environments i s ensured. The proposed framework t he re f o re i s the main c o n t r i b u t i o n of t h i s s tudy . - iv -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION I A. THE RESEARCH TOPIC I 1. General Statement of Issues 1 2. Problems Regarding Present Density Usage 2 a. Definitions 2 b. Limited Scope of Definition 3 3. An Introduction to the Density and Crowding Concepts 4 4. A Conceptual Famework for Integrating Crowding with Density 6 B. THE RESEARCH PROPOSAL 7 1. The Purpose 8 2. Definitions of Terms Used 9 3. Thesis Organization and Methodology 11 C. THE CONTEXT AND ASSUMPTIONS OF THE RESEARCH 13 1. The Research Context 13 2. The Research Assumptions 14 D. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER 1 16 CHAPTER II - THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF HIGH DENSITY THOUGHT 17 A. THE VALUE OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 17 B. THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT 18 1. The Forces Behind Density Thought 18 2. The Implication of Social, Scien t i f i c and Technological Change 20 - v -Page 3. The Impact of Change on Planning Thought. 22 C. THE DEVELOPMENT OF DENSITY THOUGHT 24 D. THE UTOPIAN PLANNERS AND THEIR HIGH DENSITY THOUGHT.. 26 1. Ebenezer Howard 26 2. Sir Raymond Unwin 29 3. Le Cor busier 31 4. Jane Jacobs 44 a. The Need to Distinguish Between Density and Crowding. 46 b. The Need for a Qualitative Component in Density Controls 47 c. The Need for Diversity with High Density 48 d. The Need for Open Space with High Density.... 49 E. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER II 50 CHAPTER III - THE CONCEPT OF DENSITY: THE QUANTITATIVE COMPONENTS OF DENSITY MEASUREMENTS 52 A. BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION 52 B. THE GENERAL MEANING OF DENSITY 53 C. A METHOD OF ORGANIZING DENSITY MEASUREMENTS 53 1. The Surface Area Component of Density 54 a. Gross Density and Net Density Measurements... 56 2. The Population Component of Density 59 a. The Person/Net Acre Measurement..... 59 b. The Person or Family Capacity Measurement.... 59 c. The Persons/Room Capacity Measurement. 60 3. The Building Bulk Component of Density 61 a. Cubic Density Measurement 61 b. Floor Area Ratio (FAR) or Floor Space Ratio (FSR) Measurement. 62 - v i -Page 4. Confusion Between Density Measures 65 D. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER III 67 CHAPTER TV - THE CONCEPT OF CROWDING: THE QUALITATIVE COMPONENTS OF HUMAN CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS 68 A. BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION 68 1. Impliciations of Crowding Theory on Density Planning 68 2. Limitation of Crowding Studies 69 3. Scope of This Chapter 73 B. THE GENERAL MEANING OF CROWDING 76 C. PERCEPTIONS OF DENSITY 78 1. Social Perceived Density 78 2. Physical Perceived Density 79 D. THE DENSITY-CROWDING RELATIONSHIP 80 E. A METHOD OF ORGANIZING QUALITATIVE CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS 91 1. Physiological Requirements 91 2. Psychological Requirements 94 3. Social/Cultural Requirements 99 a. Social Factors 100 b. Cultural Factors 104 F. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER IV 106 V. THE INCORPORATION OF CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS AND DENSITY MEASURES 107 A. INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 107 - v i i -Page B. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR INCORPORATING DENSITY MEASURES WITH CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS 109 1. Development of the Framework 109 2. Planning Implications of the Density-Crowding Relationship 114 3. Description of the Conceptual Framework 115 C. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER V 125 CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 127 A. SUMMARY OF RESEARCH FINDINGS 127 B. PLANNING IMPLICATIONS OF THE RESEARCH 129 1. The Density Implications 129 2. The Crowding Implications 131 3. The Density-Crowding Relationship Implications... 133 4. Strengths and Weaknesses of the Framework 135 C. NATURE OF THE LIMITATIONS 139 D. SUGGESTED FURTHER INVESTIGATION 140 EPILOGUE 144 BIBLIOGRAPHY 14 5 APPENDIX I 154 APPENDIX II 169 - v i i i -LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure I The Two Schools, of Density Thought 25 Figure II Le Corbusier's Contemporary City 40 Figure III Perceptions of Density 81 Figure IV Relating Density and Crowding 88 Figure V Psychological Response to Crowding 97 Figure VI Potential Connecting Elements of the Density-Crowding Relationship I l l Figure VII Incorporation of Density Measures with Physiological Crowding Considerations 116 Figure VIII Incorporation of Density Measures with Psychological Crowding Considerations 117 Figure IX Incorporation of Density Measures with Social/Cultural Crowding Considerations 118 Figure X A Conceptual Framework for Incorporating Density Measures with Crowding Considerations 122 Figure XI The Framework's Role in the Planning Process 164 Figure XII Matrix of Density Measures 169 - ix -ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my wife, Noreen, for her hours of support and advice in the preparation of this research. Also I would like to thank the School Director, Professor Brahm Wiesman for his assistance as advisor and reader. - 1 -CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A. THE RESEARCH TOPIC 1. General Statement of Issues One of the objectives of land use planning; is to enhance the quality of l i f e 1 in our urban neighbourhoods. This preoccupation has resulted in a myriad of development controls intended to achieve this obj ec tive. As the process of change in modern c i t i e s has become increasingly complex, so too has the task of urban planning. One of the most challenging of these tasks is to create the best possible l i v i n g environments within the constraints of diminishing financial and land resources. An integral part of this concern relates to the notions of what is density and what is crowding. This study presents a discussion and analysis of both density and crowding with the objective of developing a better understanding of how they interrelate. Development controls might better incorporate knowledge of human crowding considerations i f planners were to be more sensitive to these issues. Ultimately, the purpose of this approach is to improve the planner's a b i l i t y to enhance the quality of l i f e in high density housing through sensitive development controls. ^ o r a concise definition of quality of l i f e , see Hans Blumenfeld. "Criteria for Judging the Quality of the Urban Environment", Urban Affairs Annual Reviews, ed. H. Schmandt and W. Bloomberg, Volume 3 (1969): 137-163. - 2 -2. Problems Regarding Present Dens i t y Usage a . D e f i n i t i o n s ; Unfortunately, density as i t is commonly used appears to be an illusionary concept of questionable value when used by i t s e l f as a development control. The concept of density as i t relates to the intensity of land use for housing is laden with misconception and ambiguity. The British Department of the Environment density study found that measures of density," vary widely from one local authority to another and may vary within the same authority." This appears to be the case in Canada as in Britain. Three factors in particular seem to contribute to the problems which surround the contemporary usage of density and i t s measures. F i r s t i s the confusion over the meaning of density and i t s measures. This confusion results from the many connotations, definitions and units of measurement which are commonly used. This has lead one writer to lament, for example, that some implications or, "influences of density are better described by some definitions than by others". In other words, by using different definitions, or particular measurements of density, one can achieve very different results or affect different outcomes from density controls. The plethora of contexts and the resulting planning implications arising from these meanings necessitates an accurate and concise, i f not George Woodford, et a l . , The Value of Standards for the External  Residential Environment, British Department of the Environment (London: Her Majesty's Stationary Office, 1976), pp. 39-48. 3 E. Borukhov, "The Tradeoff Between Density and Other Objectives", New Trends in Urban Planning, ed. P. Soen; (New York: Pergamon Press, 1979), p. 179. - 3 -universal, framework of density usage which may improve communication between local governments, the development industry and the public. The second factor contributing to confusion in the use of the term can be linked to density's incorrect and often synonymous use with notions and perceptions of crowding.1* As w i l l be discussed at some length later in this study, density and crowding are two distinc t , although intimately related, terms. However i t is their close interrelationship which requires a better understanding. In view of these two concerns, some students of the subject question the u t i l i t y of relying solely on present density measures as high density controls. Therefore, the third factor concerning density controls relates to the wisdom of using density measures as a legitimate basis for planning mechanisms which are sensitive to human needs in housing environments.5 More application of crowding knowledge is required to achieve liveable high density housing. It i s timely then to examine in more depth another mechanism for development controls which may more systematically address these human crowding considerations. b. Limited Scope of Definition: Perhaps the most damning attack on the concept of density has been levelled by Amos Rapoport when he concludes that, "at the moment A^mos Rapoport, "Toward a Redefinition of Density", Crowding i n Real Environments, ed. Susan Saegert. (London: Sage Publications Inc., 1975), pp. 7-32. 5See for example; J. Marshall Miller, "Relating People to Space Rather than to Ground Area", Journal of the American Institute of  Planners (Feb. 1961): 77-78. - 4 -d e n s i t y i s not a very u s e f u l concept i n human terms because i t i s seen l a r g e l y as a matter of the number of people per u n i t area and t h i s i s not a ve ry u s e f u l a p p r o a c h " ; 6 more care must be taken to l ook a t the impact on humans of d e n s i t y l e v e l s , i n other words c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r crowding i s the m i s s i n g component i n c u r r e n t d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s . M i l l e r has a l s o found se r i ou s f a u l t i n the t r a d i t i o n a l use of the term d e n s i t y . For as he po i n t s out , " the use of the term to i n d i c a t e a r a t i o 7 of people per u n i t area i s outmoded and o f t en f a l l a c i o u s " . As M i l l e r e x p l a i n s , i t i s a narrow approach to r e l y on d e n s i t y formulae as a means q of r e g u l a t i n g r e s i d e n t i a l env i ronments. G iven these concerns , a f u r t h e r case can be made f o r the need to examine the concept of d e n s i t y , i t s measurements, i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to c rowding, and the v a r i ou s human requi rements which prevent crowding i n h igh d e n s i t y environments i n order to p lan hous ing more s e n s i t i v e to q u a l i t y of l i f e c r i t e r i a . 3. An Introduction to the Density and Crowding Concepts Many d e f i n i t i o n s and measurements of d e n s i t y have been u t i l i z e d a t d i f f e r e n t times and p laces throughout the w o r l d . In Canada and the Un i ted S t a t e s , r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i t e s are g e n e r a l l y expressed as q u a n t i t a t i v e formulae such as a f l o o r space r a t i o (FSR) which i s the r a t i o of the f l o o r area of a b u i l d i n g to i t s s i t e a r e a . Th i s measurement has been used i n the Vancouver r eg i on s i nce 1965 as a major component of the r e g u l a t i o n of h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l development. To 5 Rapopor t , p. 7. 7 M i l l e r , p. 77. 8 I b i d . \ - 5 -understand the i m p l i c a t i o n s of d e n s i t y , however, one must go beyond an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of such q u a n t i t a t i v e formulae and examine the broader concept of how d e n s i t y r e l a t e s to crowding. What then, i s the best d e f i n i t i o n of " d e n s i t y " and how does i t d i f f e r from popular no t ions of crowding? A cu r so r y rev iew of land use p l ann ing l i t e r a t u r e r e v e a l s that the t r a d i t i o n a l meaning of d e n s i t y g e n e r a l l y r e f l e c t s a numer i ca l formula used to measure the number of 9 people or the amount of accommodation w i t h i n a s p e c i f i e d area of l a n d . One of the foremost a u t h o r i t i e s on d e n s i t y , Amos Rapoport, concludes tha t d e n s i t y i s c o n v e n t i o n a l l y seen as a s i t e measurement. Crowding on the other hand i s c o n v e n t i o n a l l y viewed as a nega t i ve pe r cep t i on i n response to human c o n c e n t r a t i o n w i t h i n a d w e l l i n g ( a l t hough i t may a l s o app ly to d w e l l i n g c o n c e n t r a t i o n on a g i ven land a r e a ) . By way of d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the two, Rapoport has suggested the f o l l o w i n g p r i n c i p l e : " d e n s i t y can be seen as a measure of people per u n i t area and crowding as a nega t i ve pe r cep t i on of e x ce s s i v e d e n s i t y - a s u b j e c t i v e exper ience of sensory and s o c i a l c r owd i ng . " As can be seen, a l though not u n r e l a t e d , d e n s i t y and crowding are i n f a c t two d i s t i n c t terms. However, g iven the c l o s e i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two terms, s p e c i a l care must be taken to avo id t h e i r misuse. The concern r a i s e d here i s that when such u n c e r t a i n t y surrounds the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between the concepts of d e n s i t y and crowding, they Rapoport , p. 8 . 1 0 I b i d . U I b i d . - 6 -may be applied in an improper manner and f a i l to achieve intended objectives. 4. A Conceptual Framework for Integrating Crowding with Density There is l i t t l e question that the concept of density w i l l continue to play an integral part of standards which regulate urban housing environments. Local governments and planning agencies have long u t i l i z e d density to achieve varying and at times conflicting planning objectives and w i l l continue to do so. Some of the concerns involving the concept of density are referred to above. This, however, should not lead the reader to conclude that density is a worthless concept. In some ways, density as i t is presently used has proven to be an effective planning tool. For example, minimum density formulae have been used to 13 ensure land economy when land is viewed as a scarce resource. However, density is less successful in addressing qualitative human requirements of sensitive housing environments. This is especially true with regard to i t s social and psychological effects. Density not only indicates variations in the number of occupants or amount of buildings per unit space, but i t also affects potential perception of social and physical density, symbols and associations of a high density environ-ment, as well as socio-cultural notions of crowding and human 12 G. Woodford, et a l . , p. 36. 13 This position is generally sited by proponents of high density housing on the basis that low density development is extremely costly on energy, environmental and f i s c a l grounds. See for example, Real Estate Research Corporation, The Cost of Sprawl: Literature Review  and Bibliography. (Washington, D.C: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1974), pp. 5-18. - 7 -requi rements which i n f l u e n c e c rowding. These r a m i f i c a t i o n s u l t i m a t e l y i n f l u e n c e the l e v e l of s a t i s f a c t i o n exper ienced by r e s i d e n t s of h i g h d e n s i t y development. I t i s impor tant that p lanners i n co rpo r a t e crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of h i gh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y i n t o hous ing development c o n t r o l s . There i s ev idence to suggest that the l e v e l of crowding an I n d i v i d u a l exper iences i n response to the d e n s i t y l e v e l i s an impor tant i n d i c a t o r of the env i ronment ' s l i v e a b i l i t y . Fu r the r r e sea r ch seems to be needed to i d e n t i f y mechanisms which might o p e r a t i o n a l i z e crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n t o s e n s i t i v e development c o n t r o l s . B. THE RESEARCH PROPOSAL The d e s c r i p t i o n of hous ing a t h igh d e n s i t y has i n the past been viewed l a r g e l y i n numer i ca l or q u a n t i t a t i v e terms ( f o r example, the c u r r e n t p r a c t i c e of c o n t r o l l i n g h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing developments through d e n s i t y measures such as FSR). Th i s study w i l l examine i f o ther approaches might be more s u c c e s s f u l i n s y s t e m a t i c a l l y i n c o r p o r a t i n g human crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n t o the p l ann ing of h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y env i ronments. I f p u b l i c p o l i c y i s to c rea te h igh d e n s i t y environments of the h i ghe s t p o s s i b l e l e v e l of h e a l t h and s a t i s f a c t i o n to r e s i d e n t s , i t may need to proceed on a ba s i s of i n c o r p o r a t i n g human crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s to a g rea te r degree. There i s a need f o r p l ann ing which i s more s e n s i t i v e g i ven the demand f o r such hous ing. Con s i de r i n g new knowledge about human crowding and i t s i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p to d e n s i t y , p resent h igh d e n s i t y development c o n t r o l s m Rapoport , p. 8. - 8 -might be made more e f f e c t i v e by p r o v i d i n g f o r human p s y c h o l o g i c a l , p h y s i o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l requ i rements . Th i s study t h e r e f o r e a sk s , can such crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s be i n c o r p o r a t e d i n a mean ingfu l way w i t h c u r r e n t d e n s i t y c o n t r o l mechanisms? 1. The Purpose In v iew of the p rev ious i n t r o d u c t o r y s ta tements , the purpose of t h i s r e s ea r ch i s to o rgan i ze c u r r e n t d e n s i t y and crowding knowledge i n the form of a conceptua l framework from which more s e n s i t i v e h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing development c o n t r o l s can be drawn. Th i s r e sea r ch i s not i n tended as a defense of the b e n e f i t s or n e c e s s i t y of h igher hous ing d e n s i t i e s . Ra the r , i t accepts h i ghe r d e n s i t y as a g i v en , and i t goes on to suggest how the q u a l i t y of l i f e may be b e t t e r ensured i n these env i ronments . In o rder to address the problem of more s e n s i t i v e h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing , there are s e v e r a l c o n t r i b u t o r y o b j e c t i v e s of the balance of t h i s s tudy: 1. To exp l o re the h i s t o r y of d e n s i t y thought so that the study of new approaches i n h i gh d e n s i t y p l ann i n g can be put i n t o some p e r s p e c t i v e or c o n t e x t . 2. To d e s c r i b e what " d e n s i t y " means and c l a s s i f y i n t o a taxonomy the v a r i ou s measurements of d e n s i t y . 3. To d e s c r i b e what " c r owd ing " means and o rgan i ze i n t o a taxonomy the human crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s which make h igh d e n s i t y more l i v e a b l e . 4 . To e xp l o r e the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between d e n s i t y and crowding so that a b e t t e r unders tand ing of r e s u l t a n t p l a nn i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s i s ga ined. - 9 -5. To propose a conceptual framework which might assist the planner to integrate density measures with crowding considerations and to draw some planning implications for sensitive high desity development controls. 2 . D e f i n i t i o n s of Terms Used In the preceding discussion various terms have been introduced. It is useful at this time to more spe c i f i c a l l y define them as used in this study. (a) Density/Density Measure: Refers to a measure of a physical space condition.-It is often incorrectly used however to describe a crowding condition. Participants of current density debates often lack a common informed understanding of the proper and distinct definition of each, ( i . e . , to say, "one is suffering from density," is incorrect. One might actually be, "suffering from crowding or perceptions of excessive density"). A density measure is a numerical formula based on technical considerations used in land use planning to measure (1) the number of people per dwelling unit, (2) the number of dwellings or amount of building per land area ( i . e . neighborhood), or (3) the site coverage and height of residential buildings on the land area; (b) High Density: For the purpose of this discussion, i t refers to a range of 100 to 300 persons per net acre of land - 1 0 -in residential developments. 15 Although this is an arbitary figure, i t represents the apparent current standards in the Canadian context. (c) Quantitative components of density measures: The taxonomy (refers to a system of orderly classification) of density measures consisting of three main types: (1) surface area, (2) population and (3) building bulk. A negative perception of excessive density or a subjective experience of sensory or social crowding; 1 6 an individual's feeling of sensory and social disruption resulting from either a physical state of excessive density or an emotional state of feeling lack of space; a psychological condition. A negative, emotional terra often used, though erroneously, to indicate an excessive and harmful density level; i t is a seperate and distinct terra from "crowding"; i t is a lay term not used by scholars in this field. To avoid confusion, the terra "over-crowding" should not be used when'one is actually referring to excessive density. (d) Crowding: (e) Over-crowding: 1 5a ouse and Home, 133-154. 16. Rapoport, p. 8. - 11 -(f) Qualitative components of crowding considerations: The taxonomy of human crowding considerations consisting of three main aspects: (1) social/cultural, (2) psychological and (3) physiological. The impact of a high density environment on these components influence perception of crowding and ultimately affect the quality of l i f e experienced at high density. (g) Quality of l i f e / l i v e a b i l i t y : The conditions of a human environment which address acceptable public health and safety standards while at the same time offering a satisfactory level of comfort and convenience deemed necessary by a society at a given time, and also provides the population a healthy, f u l l f i l l i n g l i f e . 1 7 (h) Conceptual model/framework: A means of organizing a complex body of knowledge so that i t is more meaningful. 3. Thesis Organization and Methodology Discussion of the integration of density and crowding knowledge, though not well organized in the current literature w i l l be the focus of this study. The research organization is described here as a way of 17 Adapted from Maslow's Hierarchy, see; A. Maslow, Motivation and  Personality (New York & Harper & Row, 1954). Also, see; CA. Doxiadis, "An Attempt at a Scientific Approach to the Problems of Human Settlements", ERISTICS, Vol. 33, No. 231 (Feb 1969): pp. 359-360. - 12 -i n t r o d u c i n g the d i s c u s s i o n . Chapter I I puts the study i n t o con tex t by t r a c i n g the h i s t o r y of h i g h d e n s i t y thought. The reseach methodology of I n t e l l e c t u a l H i s t o r y i s employed to study the o r i g i n s of d e n s i t y as a p o p u l a r l y he ld i d e a In a s o c i e t y of a g i ven t ime. Th i s chapter begins by d e s c r i b i n g the advent of modern orthodox p l ann ing and the h i s t o r i c a l f o r ce s i n the s o c i e t y of the time which i n f l u e n c e d t h i s movement. The no t i on s of hous ing d e n s i t y , as i n t roduced by Ebenezer Howard i n the New Town p l ann i n g movement, arid which was l a t e r to s t i m u l a t e two d i v e r gen t schoo l s of p l ann i ng thought on d e n s i t y , i s p re sented. A rev iew of h i gh d e n s i t y thought of four r e p r e s e n t a t i v e Utopian p lanners serves to organize the remainder of the chap te r . Chapter I I I o f f e r s a gene ra l d e s c r i p t i o n of what d e n s i t y means and presents a system of o r g a n i z i n g three component types of d e n s i t y measures. S p e c i f i c types of measures used to c o n t r o l h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing development are p resented. Chapter IV examines what crowding means and how i t i n t e r r e l a t e s w i t h d e n s i t y . I t a l s o present a system of o r g a n i z i n g three groups of s p e c i f i c human requirements wh ich, i f met i n h i gh d e n s i t y environments might improve i t s l i v e a b i l i t y . Chapter V a p p l i e s the two d e n s i t y and crowding taxonomies from Chapters I I I and IV and draws i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r i n n o v a t i v e approaches to the p l ann ing of h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing . A proposed conceptua l framework se t s up a system f o r i n t e g r a t i n g the three q u a n t i t a t i v e components of d e n s i t y measures w i t h the three q u a l i t a t i v e components of human crowding - 13 -considerations. It describes potential mechanisms to link human requirements more closely with various quantitative formulae. Chapter V proposes a possible solution to the problem of ensuring a satisfactory quality of l i f e at high densities. The f i n a l chapter consists of the summary of the research findings, planning implications, limitations, and ^ suggestions for further study in this area of planning. C. THE CONTEXT AND ASSUMPTIONS OF THE RESEARCH 1. The Research Context Present trends in urban land use planning indicate that density w i l l continue to be a contentious public policy issue for years to come. Todate, no consensus has been reached on this important issue. The opponents of high density housing development (over 100 people per acre) remain as numerous as the proponents. However, increasing numbers of students and practitioners of planning are endorsing the belief that many present day problems faced by modern c i t i e s can be alleviated through policy which intensifies a l l land use for housing purposes. Jacobs and others cite research documenting some positive aspects of 18 higher urban density. Any movement toward higher density residential environments must be preceded by careful study of the consequences. Consideration of Jane Jacobs, The Death and Li f e of Great American Cities (New York: Random House, 1961), pp. 4-25. For economic advantages of high density see, Real Estate Research Corporation, The Cost of Sprawl: A  Detailed Cost Anaysis (Washington, D.C: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1974). - 14 -both the p o s i t i v e and negat i ve f a c t o r s of inc reased d e n s i t y should serve as the ba s i s f o r r a t i o n a l dec i s i on -mak ing r ega rd ing d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s . Opponents and proponents a l i k e agree that there are p e n a l t i e s r e l a t e d to h i gh d e n s i t y . The debate cont inues as to whether or not the p e n a l t i e s outweigh the g a i n s . F u r t h e r , i t i s que s t i oned , what groups or i n d i v i d u a l s are the r e c i p i e n t s of these ga ins and p e n a l t i e s ? Due to the l i m i t e d scope of t h i s r e s e a r c h , t h i s i s sue w i l l not be covered he re . The study however, recogn i ze s that the argument over who b e n e f i t s i n monetary terms from h i gh d e n s i t y i s indeed a l e g i t i m a t e one. On the other hand, the d i s c u s s i o n of the me r i t s of h igh d e n s i t y should a l s o proceed i n the con tex t of a fundamental concern f o r the p h y s i c a l and emot iona l w e l l - b e i n g of the r e s i d e n t s of h i gh d e n s i t y env i ronments, and no t outworn b i a s e s . 2. The Research Assumptions The purpose of t h i s t h e s i s i s not to argue the advantages of h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing . Ra the r , h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing w i l l be cons idered a g i ven so that the focus w i l l be p laced on how to best ensure improved l l v e a b i l i t y based on present knowledge. There fo re to l i m i t the scope of t h i s s tudy, i t i s app rop r i a t e here to l i s t s e ve r a l assumptions on which i t i s based. I t i s assumed t ha t : (a) H igher d e n s i t i e s w i l l be a cont inued t r end : P a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Vancouver r e g i o n , the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of popu l a t i on s i n . a l i m i t e d land area i n d i c a t e that f u t u r e -housing needs w i l l be met a t much - 15 -higher densities. Changing demographic makeup of the Canadian population, as well as escalating land and construction costs may necessitate more intense residential land use than presently experienced i n most regions of Canada. Also jobs, stores, community services and other amenities can be offered to a larger number of citizens within walking distance of their homes. (b) Quality of l i f e can be better ensured in high density environments: A satisfactory quality of l i f e can be offered to residents in high density developments through the organization and application of existing knowledge regarding the desireable quantitative and qualitative components of high density. In particular, the application of crowding knowledge w i l l influence high density residential development by improving the quality of l i f e to i t s residents. (c) Application of crowding/density knowledge can assist in planning sensitive high density housing: The exploration and organization of state-of-the-art knowledge regarding density and crowding and the implications of their See for example; E.M. Gibson, The Urbanization of the Strait of  Georgia Region (Ottawa: Lands Directorate, Environment Canada, 1976). - 16 -interrelationship are necessary i n i t i a l steps towards the development of a conceptual framework which may assist in high density planning. Enhanced understanding of the concepts of density and crowding and their application to high density environments w i l l be of use to municipal planners, the development industry and the public at large, and w i l l ultimately provide housing that is more sensitive to quality of l i f e concerns. D. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER I In this introductory chapter the need for and the f e a s i b i l i t y of developing a conceptual framework with greater emphasis on human needs at high density, was presented. A brief description of the concepts of density and crowding was cited, which suggested how crowding knowledge can be of value in planning liveable high density housing. Problems regarding current density usage was also given to place the research proposal in context. Overall, the research aim was cited, that of developing a system which integrates density and crowding knowledge into a more manageable form from which future planning mechanisms for more liveable high residential density environments might be derived. - 17 -CHAPTER I I THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF HIGH DENSITY THOUGHT A. THE VALUE OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY Th i s chapter t r ace s the h i s t o r y of the concept of h i gh d e n s i t y as used i n r e s i d e n t i a l development. The r e sea r ch methodology employed i s t ha t of I n t e l l e c t u a l H i s t o r y , de f i ned as the academic study of the o r i g i n s of a p o p u l a r l y he ld i dea i n a s o c i e t y of a g i ven t ime. T h i s chapter begins by d e s c r i b i n g the advent of modern orthodox p lann ing and the h i s t o r i c a l f o r ce s i n the s o c i e t y of the time which i n f l u e n c e d t h i s movement. The no t i on s of hous ing d e n s i t y , as i n t roduced by Ebenezer Howard i n the New Town p lann ing movement, and which was l a t e r to s t i m u l a t e two unique schoo l s of p l ann ing thought on d e n s i t y , i s p re sen ted . A rev iew of r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y thought of f ou r representative Utopian p lanners serves to o rgan ize the remainder of the chap te r . In o rder to study d e n s i t y and i t s r e l a t i o n to crowding, as proposed i n t h i s s tudy, an unders tand ing of i t s beg inn ings i s e s s e n t i a l . However, the h i s t o r i c a l r oo t s of h i gh d e n s i t y thought i s not w e l l documented i n the p l ann ing l i t e r a t u r e . Th i s h i s t o r i c a l background i s presented a t t h i s p o i n t i n order to o f f e r some f u r t h e r under t s tand ing of h i gh d e n s i t y and crowding through the works of acknowledged a u t h o r i t i e s . In p a r t i c u l a r the goa l of t h i s chapter i s to present the h i s t o r i c a l argument unde r l y i n g the b e l i e f that s e n s i t i v e h igh d e n s i t y i s a reasonab le s o l u t i o n to urban hous ing problems. I t i s t h i s b e l i e f that - 18 -f u r t h e r j u s t i f i e s the need to pursue re sea rch i n t o the p lann ing i m p l i c a t i o n s of a framework which i n co rpo r a t e s crowding and d e n s i t y knowledge. As p r e v i o u s l y ment ioned, d e n s i t y i s an o f t en misunderstood concept . The complex i t y of an e x e r c i s e which d e f i n e s such a popular term has been summarized by A.P. M c K i l l o p when he w r i t e s , " the study of i dea s or concepts l i k e " d e n s i t y " can be de sc r i bed as an endeavor m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y amorphous to n a i l i n g j e l l y to a w a l l . " 1 For one to c l e a r l y comprehend a concept such as d e n s i t y , i n t e l l e c t u a l s c h o l a r s have employed a methodology which t races the use of a s p e c i f i c term through h i s t o r y to determine i t s proper meaning. Th i s i n v o l v e s seek ing the o r i g i n a l c on tex t i n which the seminal author Introduced the use of the term to a d i s c i p l i n e such as p l a n n i n g . The noted Canadian h i s t o r i a n , Frank U n d e r h i l l , has expressed the importance of t h i s approach when he w r i t e s , " t h a t i f we are to understand ou r se l ve s be t t e r we need to devote a g rea t d e a l more study to our i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y , to the v a l u e s , to the gu i d i n g ideas and i d e a l s , that have i n f l u enced the minds of 2 d i f f e r e n t groups of Canad ians " . Th i s ho lds true i n unders tand ing the pas t and t h e r e f o r e f u tu re use of the concept of l i v e a b l e h igh d e n s i t y hous ing i n p l a n n i n g . B. THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT 1. The Forces Behind Density Thought D e n s i t y , i n the modern c i t y , I s a r e l a t i v e term. What might be ^ . P . M c K i l l o p , " N a t i o n a l i s m , I d e n t i t y and Canadian I n t e l l e c t u a l H i s t o r y " , Queen's Q u a r t e r l y V o l . 8 (Winter 1974): 534 2 F. U n d e r h i l l , The Image of Con fede ra t i on (Toronto : CBC P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1964), p. 60. - 19 -viewed as an excessive concentration of housing in one era might appear wasteful in another. The same might be said of the land use controls which are implemented by such c i t i e s as a means of controlling density. Housing density i s closely tied to market forces. However, popular demands for the redesign of urban environments, including alteration of density controls, also arise from the forces of change in the modern ci t y . For example, to many residents of Vancouver City, change is viewed as progress which results in jobs and increased economic act i v i t y . S t i l l others view such change in negative terms such as block busting, over-crowding, environmental destruction, and pollution. From an hi s t o r i c a l perspective, change has always placed a strain upon planners to reach a concensus or find a solution to such an unsolved and chronic problem as establishing acceptable housing densities. The planner has continually been called upon to offer proper direction for change or growth as the city evolves. On this point, Nathaniel L i t c h f i e l d has commented: "Urban planning is carried out by governments in an attempt to remedy the deficiencies of their urban ateas and to steer their growth and change towards a better future than would emerge without such planning". It has long been recognized that the "better future" Litchfied refers to, often requires a revitalization or urban renewal in the core areas of large c i t i e s . The focus of urban renewal schemes often centers on plans to assure an adequate stock of housing, usually at higher 3 Nathaniel L i c h f i e l d , "From Urban Planning to Settlement Planning", Studies in Housing, Urban Design and Planning, ed. Pan Soen. (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1979), p. 7. - 20 -d e n s i t i e s . Th i s i s no s imple task . The p r o v i s i o n of s u f f i c i e n t numbers of hous ing u n i t s i n the modern c i t y i n v o l v e s much more than s imply s upp l y i n g ba s i c s h e l t e r f o r i t s r e s i d e n t s . 4 Housing form, neighborhood environment, economics and p a r t i c u l a r l y d e n s i t y have always posed major concerns to the p lanners and the p u b l i c . I t i s hoped that the i n c l u s i o n of the h i s t o r i c a l con tex t behind d e n s i t y thought w i l l p l a ce the c o n t r i b u t i o n s of the remainder of t h i s study i n t o a c l e a r e r p e r s p e c t i v e . The teach ings of noted Utopian p lanner s form the ba s i c t he s i s that h igher d e n s i t y hous ing environments can be l i v e a b l e g i ven more c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r human needs i n t h e i r p l a n n i n g . Th i s premise i s threaded through the remainder of the s tudy . Crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s can be r e l a t e d more c l o s e l y to d e n s i t y measures and a conceptua l framework can be developed which guides the p lanner i n app l y i n g d e n s i t y and crowding knowledge. I t i s the aim of t h i s chapter then to e x p l o r e the h i s t o r y behind c u r r e n t d e n s i t y trends so that new p l ann i n g approaches i n h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing are p laced i n t o t h e i r proper c o n t e x t . 2. The Implication of Social, Scientific and Technological  Change The tu rn of the twen t i e t h centu ry hera lded the beg inn ings of the L i c h f i e l d , p. 8 . - 21 -"Modern City". The transition from the "Post-liberal" city was a time of rapid change to both the physical structure and the urban society. Society was not only confronted with a back log of unsolved urban problems, but also a myriad of new problems which resulted from the technological advancement of the period. Imagine a city's population which was experiencing rapid increases, being housed in obsolete aging physical structures while being inundated by the many impacts of these new inventions. Take for example, the advent of the "Bessemer Process" In 1856 which f i r s t produced steel; i t was to forever alter construction technique and built form in the modern ci t y . Imagine the reaction of residents of c i t i e s like Chicago in the late 1900's who were the f i r s t to witness the construction of twenty to thirty story buildings and the resultant problems of automobile t r a f f i c , congestion and air pollution. Many major inventions took place during this period which were to irreversably alter the face of the modern city. In 1869, the dynamo was developed which effectively harnessed e l e c t r i c i t y as a practical and clean energy force. Other notable inventions such as the telephone in 1876, the el e c t r i c light in 1879, the internal combustion engine and the elevator in 1885, a l l contributed to an environment of phenomenal change. The cumulative effect of these new inventions not only dramatically altered the manner in which c i t i e s were administered, but Urban Historians are in general agreement that the "post-liberal" city ended near the end of the 1900's and was replaced in the western world by the modern city. See for example; Leonards Benevolo, The History of the City (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, (1980). - 22 -perhaps more i m p o r t a n t l y how t h e i r growth and change was p lanned. There i s l i t t l e wonder that the s o c i e t a l l e ade r s of the day were qu ick to embrace a b e l i e f that the s o l u t i o n to many urban problems would soon be so lved by technology and the machine a g e . 6 3 . The Impact o f Change on P l a n n i n g Thought As i n the f i e l d s of s c i ence and technology, l eade r s i n the p l ann ing p r o f e s s i o n toyed w i t h the i d e a of d i s c a r d i n g o ld ways of do ing th ing s i n favour of e n t i r e l y new i d e a s . To the p lanner of the e a r l y modern c i t y , the dream of c o n s t r u c t i n g e n t i r e l y new machine-age c i t i e s appeared to be w i t h i n t h e i r grasp i n t h e i r own l i f e t i m e . Noted Utopian p l anne r s , such as Ebenezer Howard, were the products of t h i s heady p e r i o d of r e f o r m i s t i d e a l s and demands which c a l l e d f o r change to not on l y the s t r u c t u r e of c i t i e s but more importantly to the ba s i c f a b r i c of s o c i e t y . I t was i n t h i s s e t t i n g and i n response to these demands, t ha t s e v e r a l i n n o v a t i v e c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s of the " i d e a l c i t y " form were proposed. Perhaps as a s p i n - o f f of the wide p u b l i c r e c o g n i t i o n r e c e i v e d by major advancements i n other f i e l d s , f u t u r i s t p lanners of that pe r i od were mot ivated by the p o s s i b i l i t y of s e r i ou s popular c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r t h e i r c i t y p l a n s . The f o l l o w e r s of these Utopian p lanners were to present ideas that ranged f a r beyond the i n t e l l e c t u a l s of that time however. As i n Ebenezer Howard 's ca se , h i s Garden C i t y p lan was to become the f o c a l 6 F o r a i ndepth d i s c u s s i o n of the e f f e c t technology and the machine age had on urban p lann ing see; Lewis Mumford, Techn ics and  C i v i l i z a t i o n (Cambridge Mass.: The MIT P r e s s , 1934). - 23 -point for a major social movement which greatly influenced planning in both Europe and North America. Howard's success, however, is an exception to the rule. Few of the futurist planners of his day received a f a i r hearing of their ideas. Of these, only a minority were ever given an opportunity to implement and thus test new ideas in city planning. The success or failure of these early planners should not be gauged only by their a b i l i t y to implement their plans. In retrospect, perhaps their greatest contribution to the f i e l d of urban planning was the introduction of new concepts and ideas which began a debate on urban problems and their ideal solutions. It was this dialogue, began in the early twentieth century by the futurist planners, which not only defined many modern urban problems, but also focused discussion on such specific issues as housing density. This process eventually identified and refined many new solutions to age old urban problems. One noteable example of such an idea was that of increasing the density of housing in the core of a city rather than opting for l e s s complex suburban housing development. It was these ideas, pioneered by the Utopians, which were to lay the groundwork for the planning and development of the modern city. Additionally, many present day planning practices and concepts have their origins in the works of these early planners. As w i l l be shown from the application of some of the futurists ideas in this study, other of their dreams have yet to be f u l l y refined. For example, the notion of being more sensitive to human needs in planning high density environment is an idea not yet f u l l y incorporated into planning - 24 -practise. It i s the aim of this study to explore and operationalize some of these early concepts. In the determination of urban housing density, Ebenezer Howard has inspired the advocates of a decentralized or low density urban development (also called new town planning thought). Howard's seminal ideas about new urban environments met with a dramatic opposition by other early planners of the modern city, such as Le Corbusier. For example, as Maurice Besset points out, " i t was the reading of these pioneer books (like Garden Cities of Tomorrow by Ebenezer Howard) whose proposals he later violently condemned, that set Le Corbusier seriously thinking about town-planning problems". C. THE DEVELOPMENT OF DENSITY THOUGHT The following diagram il l u s t r a t e s the two divergent schools of density thought. As can be seen, Ebenezer Howard was the seminal influence. Only the four individuals addressed in this study are included in the figure; there are however other planning futurists and theorists that tend to follow one school or the other, such as Fredrick Law Otmstead, Henry Wright, Clarence Stein, Lewis Mumford and Catherine-Bauer as Decentrists, and Daniel Burnham as a Centrist. An overview of the two schools of density thought stemming from Howard's work w i l l be presented in this section. Although most planning theorists can be placed in one or the other of the two schools, the discussion in this chapter w i l l focus on four individuals in an effort to describe the 7Maurice Besset, Who Was Le Corbusier? (Geneva: Editions d'Art Albert Skina, 1968), p. 151. - 25 -beliefs surrounding both schools: Ebenezer Howard, Sir Raymond Unwin, Le Corbusier, Jane Jacobs. FIGURE I - THE TWO SCHOOLS OF DENSITY THOUGHT EBENEZER HOWARD "The Garden City' New Towns Decentrists Centrists SIR RAYMOND UNWIN "Nothing Gained by Overcrowding" Proponent of Low Density School LE, CORBUSIER "The Radiant City" Proponent of High Density School Jane Jacobs Planning history suggests the presence of two distinct schools of thought which pertain to housing density. The f i r s t , which w i l l be referred to as the "Decentrist" school, consisted of devout followers of Ebenezer Howard and the Garden City movement. This movement was init i a t e d by Sir Raymond Unwin. These planners were of the religious belief that high density housing was an e v i l to be stamped out. In the late nineteenth century context many negative consequences were experienced in high density low quality family housing in Great Britain. During this same period, a radically different school of density thought was to develop under the architect, Le Corbusier, whose teachings advocated high density as an exciting, practical aspect of - 26 -lif.e in the modern city, given proper design, adequate construction and ample park space. It is the Le Corbusier inspired "Centrist" school of density thought from which many present notions promoting high density have originated. D. THE UTOPIAN PLANNERS AND THEIR HIGH DENSITY THOUGHT 1. Ebenezer Howard Planning historians are in general agreement that modern city planning began with the publication of the book, Garden Cities of Q Tomorrow in 1898 by Ebenezer Howard. Howard, one of the f i r s t new "town planners", was to i n i t i a t e many of the ideas and ideals which have dominated the planning profession from that date. Howard's contribution to planning theory was the development of a f u l l y planned, small scale new town for Britain. His desire for new towns was in response to the unhealthy crowded l i v i n g conditions he had experienced in late nineteenth century B r i t i s h c i t i e s , particularly London. This Garden City idea was to construct new, s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t c i t i e s on a much smaller scale with a population of about 30,000 in the core and about 2000 in the surrounding agricultural estate. The town was to contain 3,500 building lots of an average size of 20 feet x 130 feet - the minimum 9 space alloted for the purpose being 20 x 100. Howard's design was intended to improve the quality of l i f e for i t s residents by, for 3 G.B. Dantzig, and T.L. Saaty, Compact City (San Francisco: W.H. Freeman and Company, 1973), p. 18. g Ebenezer Howard, Garden Cities of Tomorrow (Cambridge, Mass.: reprinted by The MIT Press, 1965), p. 54. - 27 -instance, creating open spaces in the urban core. Also care would be taken to shield residential areas from negative industrial impacts. Greenbelts would surround the Garden City to offer i t s residents easy access to green space and fresh a i r . Finally, the idea of offering jobs closer to the worker's residence reduced the need for expensive transportation which might affect air quality. Howard based his model ci t y on two key assumptions: 1. That people would rather live in smaller, cleaner, more ef f i c i e n t c i t i e s than in large c i t i e s . 1 0 2. That a decentralized urban area and therefore decentralized social order would offer a more pleasing l i v i n g environment than large c i t i e s . 1 1 Howard successfully planned and constructed a demonstration project at Letchworth, England which was to become the focal point for an expanding Garden City movement amongst city planners of the twentieth century. It has been assumed that Ebenezer Howard was opposed to high density residential construction and was a proponent of low density. However, Lewis Mumford, a noted author, writes of Ebenezer Howard that he had no conscience commitment to either low or high density although his Garden City was an attempt to relieve the congestion of the large city. Mumford argues that, "Howard's alleged plan for lowering the density of population to twelve houses to the acre . . . is a fantastic 10Howard, pp. 50-57. U I b i d , pp. 138-150. - 28 -error: you w i l l look in vain through the pages of Garden Cities of 12 Tomorrow for even the hint of such a proposal". What exactly then did Ebenezer Howard have to say about the density of housing? Mumford explains that Howard's beliefs about the actual numbers involved in housing densities were "on the conservative 13 side". As has been pointed out, Howard specified an average lot size in Garden City of 20 x 130 feet with a minimum of 20 x 100 feet. Mumford translates these dimensions, (given the average family size of the day as five persons) into 90 to 95 persons per residential acre, or in present day terms of smaller family units, about 70 persons per acre 1 k to be housed in single family units. Howard did not specify what density he had in mind for Garden City. He did however recommend a minimum lot size which indirectly did limit density levels. The commonly held belief that Ebenezer Howard was the i n i t i a t o r of modern concepts of low density i s in fact an overstatement. Who then did begin the planning movement which pursued the idea that low density development provided the best l i v i n g environment? Conversely, from where did the idea that modern c i t i e s could be constructed with high density residential components obtain i t s origin? For these answers, this discussion w i l l now focus on the contrasting Lewis Mumford, "The Garden City Idea and Modern Planning", Garden Cities of Tomorrow, ed. Ebenezer Howard (Cambridge, Mass.: reprinted by The MIT Press, 1965), p. 30. 13 Howard, p. 31. 1 1 +Ibid, p. 32. - 29 -ideas and ideals of the followers of Ebenezer Howard's Garden City movement, Sir Raymond Unwin and Le Corbusier. It is these two individuals who brought the density debate to a focus, one an opponent and one a proponent of high density. 2. Sir Raymond Unwin Sir Raymond Unwin was a co-planner with Ebenezer Howard during the construction of the f i r s t Garden City at Letchworth. As Lewis Mumford discovered, i t was Unwin, not Howard, who argued in favor of lower densities for housing. Unwin's main contribution to planning i s the notion that there is "Nothing Gained by Overcrowding", a classic essay in 1903. 1 5 Unwin argued from an economic standpoint that higher densities should not be implemented in response to high costs of urban land. He argued that less congested c i t i e s would be more economical by not wasting money on excessive street area and expensive paving; the savings would provide instead more public space such as internal parks and play areas. He also f e l t that lower cost suburban development presented a better option when faced with rising city core land values. Lewis Mumford is c r i t i c a l of Unwin's "rigid mechanical application of a density standard" associated with his "overcrowding" notion. Unwin's suggestion of a density of 36-48 persons per acre i s , Raymond Unwin, "Nothing Gained by Overcrowding", (1912) The Legacy of Raymond Unwin, ed. W. Creese (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1967), pp. 109-127. The.best short survey of Sir Raymond Unwin's works can also be found in Creese's book. - 30 -i n Mumford's b e l i e f , f a r below the d e n s i t y l i m i t compat ib le w i t h h e a l t h and good l i v i n g . 1 6 One can f i n d the beginnings of modern a d v e r s i t y to h igh d e n s i t y 17 housing i n the w r i t i n g s of S i r Raymond Unwin. Unwin ' s ideas r e ce i v ed a wide f o l l o w i n g i n the f i e l d of p l ann ing and cont inue to i n f l u e n c e the d e n s i t y debate. Based on Unwin ' s teach ing s , many p lanners d r a f t e d and implemented d e n s i t y standards which were p u r p o s e f u l l y r e s t r i c t i v e i n na tu re . The o b j e c t i v e was to h inder or d i scourage h i gh d e n s i t y urban development based on Unwin ' s assumptions about the i l l - e f f e c t s of crowding a t h i gh d e n s i t y . Ca ther ine Bauer has l a b e l e d t h i s the 18 " D e c e n t r i s t S c hoo l " of p l ann ing thought. Unwin was one of the f i r s t of the d e c e n t r i s t school to recogn i ze the need fo r land use c o n t r o l s to r e gu l a t e d e n s i t y as a means of p revent i ng the i l l - e f f e c t s of crowding. Such r e g u l a t i o n , he wrote, must r e c o g n i z e , "two important and d i f f e r e n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n s which make some 19 s o r t of l i m i t a t i o n d e s i r a b l e " . The f i r s t was the need to l i m i t the ground area coverage and he igh t of b u i l d i n g s on a s i t e . The second 16 Mumford, p. 3 1 . 17 See f o r example, S i r Raymond Unwin, Town P l a n n i n g i n P r a c t i c e (London: E rnes t Bean L t d . , 1909). 18 For f u r t h e r re search on the " D e c e n t r i s t School of P l ann i n g Thought" See: F r e d r i c k Law Olmsted, F o r t y - e i g h t Years i n A r c h i t e c t u r e (Cambridge Mass.: The MIT P r e s s , 1957), and Henry Wr i gh t , Rehousing  Urban Amer ica (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1935); and Cather ine Bauer, Economic Development and Urban L i v i n g Cond i t i on s (Un i ted N a t i o n s , New York: Hous ing, B u i l d i n g and P l ann i n g Branch, Bureau of S o c i a l A f f a i r s , 1957). 1 9 U n w i n , pp. 124-126. - 31 -r e l a t e d to a need to l i m i t the p o p u l a t i o n which was to i n h a b i t the s i t e . Unwin ' s proposed r e g u l a t i o n s to avo id crowding were based on these two assumptions. Unwin ' s Letchworth d e n s i t y r e g u l a t i o n s r e f l e c t these two assumptions and g i ve a c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n of h i s commitment to low d e n s i t y development. For example, h i s Letchworth r e g u l a t i o n s p e c i f i e d : " 1 . That i n the case of houses on o r d i n a r y s i t e s , not more than o n e - s i x t h of the s i t e should be covered by b u i l d i n g s . 2. That d w e l l i n g houses c o s t i n g l e s s than 200 pounds should not exceed 12 to the ac re ; houses c o s t i n g from 200 to 300 pounds should not exceed 10 to the ac re ; houses c o s t i n g from 300 to 350 should not exceed 8 to the acre and so f o r t h . " 2 0 Unwin ' s ideas are s t i l l i n f l u e n t i a l ; h i s l e g a c i e s cont inue i n r e s ea r ch on the i l l - e f f e c t s of crowding i n r e s i d e n t i a l environments which now spans s e v e r a l academic d i s c i p l i n e s rang ing from env i ronmenta l psychology to p l a n n i n g . 3. Le Corbusier I f one i s to search the o r i g i n of p ro -h i gh dens i ty hous ing i d ea s , i t i s to the works of Le Co rbus i e r which one must l ook . A l though Le Corbus ie r i s g e n e r a l l y c la imed by the a r c h i t e c t u r a l f r a t e r n i t y , he has been recogn ized as the most noted and i n f l u e n t i a l urban p l ann i n g t h e o r i s t to propose h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing . He was the f i r s t of the f u t u r i s t p lanners of the modern c i t y to present a redevelopment s cena r i o which was not on ly c o n t r a r y but r a d i c a l l y opposed to the p l ann ing ideas w i de l y endorsed by the Garden C i t y movement. Th i s event was to be of 2 0 U n w i n , p. 125. - 32 -major importance in the evolution of the acceptance and usage of high density developments as an alternative to suburban developments in meeting modern housing needs. Who was Le Corbusier? What were his revolutionary ideas on the design of urban housing environments? Why have these ideas come to be recognized as synonymous with the development of high density housing of present day? These are some of the issues which w i l l be covered in the following sections. The contributions of Le Corbusier are viewed by his c r i t i c s with disdain as exemplified by Lewis Mumford when he labels Le Corbusier's •i .21 work propaganda of urbanism . The present day importance of his early concepts of urban development however warrant greater study, such as proposed in this research. In view of current trends in the planning of high density housing, i t would be unfortunate to dismiss his ideas as abruptly as Mumford when he concludes that Le Corbusier's ideas are, "a 22 sort of vulgar trade mark of modern form". The relevance of Le Corbusier to urban planning is not only that he is a leading proponent of high density housing, but also that his ideas form the nucleus of a broad philosophy of modern city development which continues to influence a significant portion of present day planners. In this respect, for one Lewis Mumford's distrust for Le Corbusier has been widely documented. Mumford discounts Le Corbusier as a "Propagandist of Urbanism" in The Culture of Cities (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1938). Lewis Mumford, The City in History (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1961). - 33 -to understand urban housing environments and density, one must begin by understanding Le Corbusier. The task of understanding Le Corbusier and his influence in both modern architecture and urban planning is aided by many biographic and c r i t i c a l studies. To begin, a short literature review of key sources w i l l be given. Dating from the publication of Le Corbusier - on 1'architecture 23 as service de 1' homme in 1944 by Maximillian Gautlier, Le Corbusier has continued to attract a vast amount of scholarly investigation. Although many of the early works on Le Corbusier are published in the French language, several have now been translated into English. Probably the best discussion of the intellectual development of Le Corbusier to date was written by Paul Venable Turner entitled, The  Education of Le Corbusier: A Study of the Development of Le Corbusier's  Thought, 1900-1920.24 I n i t i a l l y presented in 1971 as a doctoral dissertation, Turner offers a valuable outline of the inte l l e c t u a l forces which contributed to Le Corbusier's development as a "functionalist" architect. Turner, however, focuses largely on Le Corbusier as Architect at the expense of Le Corbusier as Urban Planner. Turner's work is augmented by Russell Walden's book, The Open Hand: 23 Maximillian Gautlier, Le Corbusier - on 1'architecture and  service de 1'homme (Paris: Massard Pub. Inc., 1944). Paul Venable Turner, The Education of Le Corbusier: A Study of  the Development of Le Corbusier's Thought, 1900-1920 (New York: Garland Publishing Inc., 1977). - 34 -2 5 Essays on Le Corbusier, which is a collection o f s e v e r a l key essays d e a l i n g with Le Corbusier's intellectual d e v e l o p m e n t and orientation as a U t o p i a n city p l a n n e r . Of several biographies on Le Corbusier, perhaps the most 2 6 valuable contribution comes from Norma Evenson. She not only shows a clear understanding of Le Corbusier, but does so in an objective and thought-provoking manner. Evenson further identifies that Ebenezer Howard played a major role in the derivation and evolution of Le Corbusier's urban planning thought. Among the more recent Le Corbusier studies, Robert Fishman in 27 his book, Urban Utopians in the Twentieth Century, sheds new light upon Le Corbusier's fundamental influences on planning, while at the same time comparing and contrasting his notions with that of Ebenezer Howard and Frank Lloyd Wright. This book is of particular interest in that i t carefully outlines the conceptual plans for the "future c i t y " which Le Corbusier developed over a period of forty years. Fishman organizes Le Corbusier's writings and thoughts on urban planning issues in a concise and easily read manner. As well, Fishman's observations and conclusions contribute much in identifying Le Corbusier as the founder of modern urban planning thought on high density. "Le Corbusier", was in fact a pseudonym used professionally by Charles Edouard Jeanneret. Jeanneret was born of an artisan family in 25 Russell Walden, The Open Hand; Essays on Le Corbusier (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1977). 26 Norma Evenson, Le Corbusier: The Machine and the Grand Design (New York: George Braziller Inc., 1969). 27 Robert Fishman, Urban Utopians in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1982). - 35 -the F rench- speak ing reg i on of Sw i t ze r l and i n 1887. I n i t i a l l y educated i n an a r t schoo l and l a t e r to l e a r n the c r a f t of watch eng rav ing , he was to l ead the l i f e of a pas s i ve r e v o l u t i o n a r y . A change of name, the adopt ion of P a r i s as a home r a t h e r than Sw i t ze r l and and h i s commitment to a r t forms, a re a l l i n d i c a t i o n s of a s t rong i n d i v i d u a l u n a f r a i d of change and committed to t r y i n g new i d e a s . Jeanneret once cons idered becoming a p a i n t e r , however on the adv ice of h i s e a r l y a r t i n s t r u c t o r s was to become an a r c h i t e c t . The comple t ion of h i s f i r s t hous ing des i gn i n 1907 was to launch Jeanneret on a l i f e course which would r e s u l t i n 28 grand des i gn f o r e n t i r e l y new c i t i e s . P a r i s was to become Le C o r b u s i e r ' s working l a b o r a t o r y . I t was i n t h i s v i b r a n t , e x c i t i n g s e t t i n g that as a young man he was to develop many r e v o l u t i o n a r y p l ann ing i d e a s . I f one was to summarize Le C o r b u s i e r ' s ph i l o sophy of p l ann ing i n a few shor t words, i t would be; geometr ic o rde r , c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of a u t h o r i t y and a pas s ionate commitment to a mass i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . Th i s Is of course a s u p e r f i c i a l e x p l a n a t i o n of. the i n t e l l e c t u a l f o rce s from which he was to d e r i v e h i s urban p l ann ing i d e a s . Fishman, however, concludes t ha t , "Le Co rbus i e r embraced and i d e a l i z e d p r e c i s e l y what r e p e l l e d Howard and Wright i n the 29 modern c i t y : i t s c o n t r i b u t i o n to the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of s o c i e t y " . To Le C o r b u s i e r , a r c h i t e c t u a l des ign was a v e h i c l e through which 28 For a more complete d i s c u s s i o n of Char le s -Edourard J e a n n e r e t ' s e a r l y l i f e see; S t a n i s l a u s von Moos, Le C o r b u s i e r : E lements of a  S yn thes i s ( E n g l i s h T r a n s l a t i o n ) (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT P re s s , 1979), pp. 1-36. 29 Fishman, p. 193. - 36 -to achieve his Utopian so c i e t y . From this broad perspective on urban society, Le Corbusier set about to physically design a modern city which reflected these concepts. Le Corbusier's orientation as an architect 30 was strongly influenced by the cubist movement in painting. Mumford identifies Le Corbusier as a leader of the cubist movement among architects who, in his words, "ceased to concern themselves alone with the isolated architectural product: they passed on to the urban environment as a whole, and sought to place the entire process of 3 1 building and rebuilding on a fresh foundation". An integral part of this new foundation was the incorportation of the machine into the design of modern c i t i e s . In certain ways, Le Corbusier shared many ideas with Ebenezer Howard, the most notable being to bring "sun, space and green" back into the c i t y . This, however, is where Le Corbusier was to depart dramatically from the teachings of Howard. His solution to these goals was to rebuild the city, constructing t a l l sky scrapers for office buildings thus allowing an expansion of park space below and between then. As well, high speed elevated roadways would be constructed to move the modern automobile quickly from the center of the city outward in what Le Corbusier coined a "radiating" fashion. In residential areas, t a l l thin garden apartment Cubism, is a style of art (especially painting) in which objects are so presented as to give the effect of an assemblage of geometric figures. For a discussion of "Cubism" as i t relates to Le Corbusier, see Lewis Mumford, The City in History, pp. 412-415. 3 1 I b i d . , p. 414. - 37 -buildings were to replace existing housing. Le Corbusier envisioned a new urban environment which would accept more communal urban land use as a necessary trade-off in this new, geometrically ordered, convenient, machine age society. Most importantly, the proximity to a vast array of amenities, services and job p o s s i b i l i t i e s would enhance the quality of l i f e of the modern city dweller and also encourage his adaptation to this new way of l i f e . Throughout his l i f e , Le Corbusier was to repeat these unique and novel ideas in his many writings. Of these, two books stand out as primary sources, Urbanisme* and The Radiant City. The publication of ^32 Urbanisme in 1924 presented many very controversial planning ideas for i t s day. Of special note from this book is Le Corbusier's suggestions about the density of housing in future c i t i e s as described below. One can find i t s logic in the broader principle of architecture, art and urban design around which le Corbusier's l i f e revolved. Urbanisme Is a futurist design for an ideal city which Le Corbusier labeled "The Contemporary City". Urbanisme* was an innovative plan for a 1920's Paris, a city around which Le Corbusier spent a lifetime redesigning in concept. It is in his Contemporary City plan that Le Corbusier was to outline an uncompromising stand on density. He wrote; "The more dense the population of a city the less are the distances that have to be covered. The moral, therefore, Le Corbusier, Urbanisme* (English translation) (London: Percy Lund, Humphries & Co., 1929). - 38 -is that we must increase the density of the centers of our c i t i e s , where business affairs are carried on". 3 In the words of the author, the Contemporary City plan was i n i t i a l l y , "greeted with a sort of stupor; the shock of surprise caused rage in some quarters and enthusiasm in others". 3 t f Here, as in a l l of his writing, Le Corbusier attacked low density or suburban development as wasteful and in e f f i c i e n t . As an alternative to the Garden City (and also later Frank Lloyd Wright's Broadacre City), Le Corbusier advocated concentration of urban populations at the city's core. In his Contemporary City of tomorrow the prescribed density was as follows: (a) The sky-scraper: 1,200 inhabitants to the acre. (This would translate roughly to an FSR of 12 or approximately four times the present density of the West End of Vancouver or similar to building density in the central business d i s t r i c t in the downtown core of Vancouver) (b) The residential blocks with setbacks: 120 inhabitants to the acre. These are the luxury dwellings. (c) The residential blocks on the "cellular" system, with a 3 5 similar number of inhabitants. Le Corbusier in fact did endorse the idea f i r s t initiated by the Garden City Movement, that of open green space as a fundamental Le Corbusier, p. 174. 3 4 I b i d . 3^Ibid., p. 180. - 39 -component of urban de s i gn . In h i s Contemporary C i t y p l a n , he s p e c i f i e d that s i t e coverage f o r the above d e n s i t y types must prov ide the f o l l o w i n g open space: Of the area ( a ) , 95 per cent of the ground i s open (For example 5% coverage a t FSR of 10 would t r a n s l a t e i n t o 200 s t o r e y b u i l d i n g s ) w i t h squares , r e s t a u r a n t s , t h e a t r e s . Of the area ( b ) , 85 pe rcent of the ground i s open w i t h garden and spo r t s grounds. Of the a rea ( c ) , 48 per cenf^of the ground i s open w i t h gardens and spo r t s grounds. As can be seen i n the f o l l o w i n g diagram,. Le Co rbus ie r proposed v e r t i c a l r e s i d e n t i a l developments surrounded by open space. He r e f e r r e d to open space as the lungs of the c i t y . Observ ing urban renewal trends of the 1920 ' s , he wrote , " the towns of today can on ly i n c rea se i n 3 7 d e n s i t y a t the expense of open spaces which are the lungs of a c i t y " . Contemporary C i t y proposed to i n c rea se both open space and d e n s i t y i n the core of the c i t y by v e r t i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n . Le Corbus ie r caut ioned tha t r e s i d e n t i a l q u a r t e r s , " must no l onge r be b u i l t a long c o r r i d o r 3 8 s t r e e t s f u l l of no i se and dust and depr i ved of l i g h t . H i s s o l u t i o n was i n n o v a t i v e des i gn which b u i l t d w e l l i n g s away from s t r e e t s , w i t h no i n t e r n a l cour tya rds but r a the r windows o ve r l ook i n g l a r ge parks . Garden p a t i o s and roof top gardens were to be i n co rpo ra ted i n t o the des i gn as a means of r e p l a c i n g ground o r i e n t a t i o n and at the same time g i ve r e s i d e n t s outdoor l i v i n g space ad jacent to t h e i r homes. C lean a i r , s u n l i g h t and, most i m p o r t a n t l y , p r i v a c y from neighbors were s t r i c t l y 3 6 L e Co rbu s i e r , p. 175. 3 7 I b i d . 3 8 I b i d . - 40 -achieved by Le Corbusier's design c r i t e r i a . FIGURE II - Le CORBUSIER'S CONTEMPORARY CITY Le Corbusier endorsed the idea of "cubism", as described earlier, which viewed each dwelling unit as a three-dimensional c e l l structure which might be studied and arranged geometrically to maximize views, sunlight, and privacy. Dwelling units or fl a t s in Le Corbusier's plans were likened to the cells of a beehive. It was not the communal l i f e s t y l e of multiple family housing which, "attacks our freedom and so 3 9 we dream of a detached house", but rather, he believed i t was disorderly grouping of such cells that fostered the perceptions of crowding and loss of freedom held by their residents. Again, innovative design was Le Corbusier's solution to the problem of crowding. For, as he wrote, " i t i s possible by a logically conceived ordering of these 3 9Le Corbusier, p. 242. - 41 -c e l l s to a t t a i n freedom through o r d e r " . S t a n i s l a u s von Moos i n h i s book, Le Co rbu s i e r - Elements of a S y n t h e s i s , c l e a r l y de f i ne s Le C o r b u s i e r ' s p h i l i s o p h y as a proponent of h i gh d e n s i t y urban l i f e . In the words of von Moos, Le Co rbu s i e r b e l i e v e d t ha t , " i f the modern me t r opo l i s no longer works, i t should be brought back under a r c h i t e c t u r a l c o n t r o l , equipped w i t h proper t o o l s , and remain a c u l t u r a l and a r c h i t e c t u r a l "who le " c l e a r l y d i s t i n c t from "+1 i t s r u r a l s u r r ound i n g " . To summarize, Contemporary C i t y o u t l i n e s three d i s t i n c t goa l s of f u t u r e c i t y p l ann i n g : " (1) to i n c r ea se the d e n s i t y , (2) to r e a f f i r m the supremacy of the bus iness c e n t e r , (3) to b r i n g greenery and nature back i n t o urban l i f e . Le C o r b u s i e r ' s Contemporary C i t y of 3 m i l l i o n i s unique i n that i t r ecogn i ze s the e x i s t e n c e of urban man as d i s t i n c t from r u r a l man. Le C o r b u s i e r ' s f u t u r i s t concept i on of c i t y form and d e n s i t y was based on two key premises . F i r s t l y , t ha t modern urban man has the a b i l i t y to adapt to new l i v i n g environments g iven s e n s i t i v e a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e s i g n . Second ly , t ha t through o r d e r l y de s i gn of t a l l r e s i d e n t i a l developments l o c a t e d i n l a r g e park a reas , p lanners cou ld j u s t i f y much h igher d e n s i t i e s than that which e x i s t e d i n the most congested randomly b u i l t areas of our c i t i e s . To Le C o r b u s i e r , a f u t u r i s t i c , h igh d e n s i t y urban environment p re sented , " the u l t i m a t e exp re s s i on of man's a b i l i t y to Le C o r b u s i e r , p.226. •+1 S t a n i s l a u s von Moos, p. 191. ^ I b i d , p. 192. -- 42 -master nature". Waclaw Ostrowski observes that Le Corbusier's quest for new forms of housing was essentially an exercise in determining new forms of 44 urban l i f e . Increased housing densities were the catalyst which would achieve this v i t a l new society built on technological advancement. Le Corbusier continued to refine his new town planning doctrine. In 1930 he published The Radiant C i t y 4 5 which expanded upon the basic principles put forward by his Contemporary City plan for Paris. In the Radiant City plan, he furthered the belief that density meant much more than simply the number of persons which could be housed per acre of land. In the earlier Contemporary City plan, Le Corbusier had defined his population density on the assumption that fourteen 4 6 square meters of dwelling space was required per inhabitant ( i t might be noted that this amount of space is very low by today's standards, which are roughly at least double this amount). Based on his building design, this resulted in a projected 400 persons per acre or 1000 per hectare density which is a reduction of density as outlined in his Contemporary City plan (a hectare is slightly less than 2 1/2 acres). These figures, Le Corbusier later explains in The Radiant City, are l + 3Evenson, p. 11. 44 Waclaw Ostrowski, Contemporary Town Planning (The Hague, Netherlands: International Federation for Housing and Planning, 1970), p. 78 45 Le Corbusier, The Radiant City (London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1933), p. 106. 46 Evenson, p. 22. - 43 -borrowed from the housing designs of Loi Loucheur. Briefly, Loucheur proposed that an ideal habitable space of a dwelling unit should be based on 45 square meters of floor space per 6 inhabitants (or 7.50 m^  i per person). The Loucheur type dwelling unit, as Le Corbusier explains, can be easily occupied by 6, 4, 3 or 2 persons. Le Corbusier took this basic measurement several steps further and recommended a rule of thumb to be used in designing housing of high density. The ideal habitable space of this type of housing should be: "in a unit occupied by 6 people: 7.50 m^  per person. in a unit occupied by 4 people: 11.25 m per person. in a unit occupied by 3 people: 15 m^  per person. in a unit occupied by 2 people: 22.50 m^  per person 4 8 giving an average of fourteen square meters per person". As in most of Le Corbusier's futurist works, i t was not his intention that his ideas be implemented directly. Rather, these ideas were to be used as a model. His legacy was not to suggest that a l l urban problems might be solved by concentrating population in t a l l architecturally ordered buildings. Rather, i t was his intention to encourage new approaches to urban issues such as high density through abstract conceptualization. Le Corbusier was the f i r s t noted urban theorist to articulate a correlation between density and the negative effects of crowding which 1+7 Le Corbusier, The Radiant City, p. 108. ' + 8Ibid., p. 108. - 44 -resulted in a need for him to personally establish high density housing design guidelines. Le Corbusier's proposals for the number of persons per acre and the adequate l i v i n g unit space per individual were based on how the high density environment affected one's perception of crowded l i v i n g conditions. He f i r s t identified the fact that density controls which also addressed humanism were fundamental to planning and urban design. Le Corbusier's ideas on density created interest in several urban related disciplines. The fields of design and construction were perhaps most receptive to Le Corbusier's proposals largely because of the economics of building at higher densities. The most vocal opposition came from some planners who drafted and legislated modern city land use and zoning ordinances. It may be suggested that their fears and apprehensions stemmed largely from the decentrist planning ideology as well as from widely-documented objectionable past experience with poor quality high density housing in Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. 4. Jane Jacobs In the introduction to her book, The Death and Li f e of Great 4 9 American C i t i e s , Jane Jacobs also Identifies a decentrist group, consisting of such leading regional planners as Lewis Mumford, Clarence Stein, Henry Wright and Catherine Bauer, as the most articulate opponents of Le Corbusier. Without belabouring the point, much of the 4 9 Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House, 1961), pp. 4-25. - 45 -opposition to Le Corbusier's ideas are grounded in the classical ideological r i f t between centrists and decentrists. Much of their c r i t i c i s m of Le Corbusier must be viewed in this light. In the words of Jacobs, "the Decentrists, with their devotion to the ideal of a cozy town l i f e , have never made peace with the Le Corbusier V i s i o n " . 5 0 Jacobs however observes that v i r t u a l l y a l l sophisticated city designers incorporate the ideas of both groups. This being the case, one would be hard pressed to determine which philosophy of urban design is best, that of the decentrists like Mumford or that of the centrists like Le Corbusier; for i t i s an inescapable fact that these two philosophies are the points of departure and form the major lines of thought on urban density today. 5 1 Although not an uncritical supporter of Le Corbusier, Jacobs has attributed him with much of the application of notions of high density in present day c i t i e s . In her writings on density, Jacobs leaves no doubt that she is a proponent the Centrist school of high density thought. For example, she has written: "High dwelling densities have a bad name in orthodox planning and housing theory. They are supposed to lead to every kind of d i f f i c u l t y and failu r e . But in our c i t i e s , at least, this supposed correlation between high density and trouble, or high density and slums, is simply incorrect 5|s anyone who troubles to look at real c i t i e s can see". 5 0Jacobs, p. 23 5*Ibid., p. 24. 5 2 I b i d . , p. 202. 46 -To organize Jane Jacobs' thoughts regarding high density, her opinions about four main requirements necessary for the planning of liveable high density environments w i l l be presented. a . The Need to D i s t i n g u i s h Between Dens i ty and Crowding: To Jacobs, the reason popular wisdom supports the idea that low density c i t i e s are in some way better than high density c i t i e s , centers on a general confusion in distinguishing between density and crowding. To attempt to c l a r i f y this confusion, Jacobs explains: "high density means large numbers of dwellings per acre of land. Crowding means too many people in a dwelling for the number of rooms i t contains. The concensus definition of overcrowding is 1.5 persons per room or more. I t has nothing to do with the number of dwellings on the land, just as in real l i f e high densities have nothing to do with overcrowding." 5 3 As w i l l be discussed in Chapter IV in a review of the literature on crowding, Jacobs observations have been confirmed in many recent studies. For example, a density-related survey undertaken in 1975 by CS. Fisher, et. a l . concluded that, "density though perceived as unpleasant does not appear to have definite and consistent detrimental social e f f e c t s . " 5 4 Jacobs places considerable blame for such confusion on the decentrist planners lead by Sir Raymond Unwin. To Jacobs, i t is their dogmatic and often incorrect belief about high density which continues 5 3 Jacobs, p. 205. (Jacobs use of the term overcrowding here refers more to excessive internal density levels and should be distinguished from the term crowding as used in this study) 54 CS. Fischer, M. Baldassare, and R.J. Of she, "Crowding Studies and Urban L i f e : A C r i t i c a l Review", Journal of the American Institute of Planners 41 (Nov. 1975): 406-418. - 47 -to offer improper planning direction in large modern c i t i e s . b. The Need for a Qualitative Component in Density Controls Jacob's also identifies the use of s t r i c t formulae as another factor which contributes to the improper planning of high density housing. This she labels "a s t a t i s t i c a l monstrosity" which was developed by short-sighted housing reformers primarily concerned with preventing high density at any cost. The s t a t i s t i c a l monstrosity she refers to is the use of numerical calculation to specify the number of persons per acre of land as exemplified in the various density measures defined in Chapter III following. Jacobs suggests that the u t i l i t y of development controls based solely on arbitrary quantitative density measures is highly questionable, as the physical space conditions they enforce do l i t t l e to achieve the objective of preventing crowding. It is Jacobs' belief that i f planners are to be successful in designing regulatory devices to control crowding they must focus on regulating the 55 number of persons in a dwelling or per room of a dwelling, as well as controlling the density of dwelling units or site coverage of buildings, as a way to ensure greater l i v e a b i l i t y . The consequence of crowding i s commonly associated with high density. However, i t is Jacobs' contention that as many glaring examples of crowding can be found in low and medium density developments. If one were to pinpoint the cause of crowding, i t would more r e a l i s t i c a l l y be identified as a symptom of poverty or poor quality building design than one of density alone. 5 6 Without pursuing this 5 5Jacobs, pp. 205-206. 5 6 I b i d . , pp. 206-208. - 48 -p o i n t , i t i s important to recogn ize that Jacobs , not s u r p r i s i n g l y , found a c o r r e l a t i o n between the more a f f l u e n t soc io-economic groups and the q u a l i t y and cos t of c o n s t r u c t i o n of b u i l d i n g s , to the success or f a i l u r e of h i gh d e n s i t y env i ronments. Crowded urban hous ing c o n d i t i o n s r e l a t e to a broad range of s o c i a l i s s u e s . Concerns f o r t h i s however should not obscure a d i s c u s s i o n of de s i gn i ng or r e g u l a t i n g h a b i t a b l e h igh d e n s i t y hous ing . F o r , as Jacobs d i s t i n g u i s h e s , one d o e s n ' t l i v e i n crowded c o n d i t i o n s by c h o i c e , but one may choose to occupy housing a t h igh d e n s i t y . T h e r e f o r e , a q u a l i t a t i v e component i s needed i n d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s to prevent c rowding, thus ensu r ing a more s a t i s f a c t o r y q u a l i t y of l i f e a t h i gh d e n s i t y f o r those who chose t h i s l i f e s t y l e as an a l t e r n a t i v e . c . The Heed f o r D i v e r s i t y w i th High Dens i ty : Freedom of cho ice and d i v e r s i t y are c o n t i n u i n g themes throughout Jacobs ' w r i t i n g s on l i v e a b l e urban envi ronments, w i t h h igh d e n s i t y being the foundat i on of her b e l i e f s . I t i s from the d i v e r s i t y of c u l t u r e , l i f e s t y l e , amen i t ie s and s e r v i c e s a f f o rded by h igh d e n s i t y that Jacobs d e r i v e s her unwavering support f o r I t . The de te rm ina t i on of the proper d e n s i t y , Jacobs w r i t e s , should be viewed as a matter of performance. She draws an analogy of d e n s i t y to the i n t a k e of c a l o r i e s or v i t am in s by s t a t i n g , " r i g h t amounts are r i g h t amounts because of how they per form. And what i s r i g h t d i f f e r s i n 57 s p e c i f i c I n s t ance s " , or i n other words h igh d e n s i t y works when i t i s compat ib le w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l ' s needs and persona l t a s t e . 57 Jacobs , p. 219. - 49 -Jacobs suggests that there are upper limits within which high density must be curtailed for residential l i f e because of i t s impact on another aspect of diversity. It was her observation that excessive density environments tend to diminish needed diversity. She believed that concentrated environments succeeded best when such diversity existed or was consciously planned for. A situation of bad density exists, in her view, when the visual diversity of buildings disappears in favour of the standardized design of entire neighborhoods. Proper high density environments must contain a mix of building form, such as t a l l apartments, low rise apartments and various more unique forms of stacked housing. Different combinations or concentrations of these forms should take advantage of specific site characteristics. In retrospect this is perhaps where Le Corbusier's Radiant City would have produced a poor l i v i n g environment as his cubist design lacked such planned diversity. d . The Need f o r Open Space w i th H igh Dens i t y : Her f i n a l concern regarding high density related to the ground coverage of buildings and the preservation of open space. A rule of thumb Jacobs suggests i s that site coverage of high density must be controlled when i t approaches seventy per cent of the total s i t e . Without such controls, a condition of crowding might result. Jane Jacobs of course had much more to say in favour of high density than has been briefly presented here. In summary, Jacobs i s committed to the creation of healthy satisfying and safe urban environments. This i s dependant upon a reasoned acceptance that high density can be positive provided that crowding considerations are incorporated into building design. It is this acceptance of high density as a concept upon which the, "job of int e l l i g e n t l y developing genuine city l i f e and increased city economic strength depends". In pragmatic terms, the continued trend toward concentrated populations and 5 9 therefore high density housing is inevitable. Therefore to i t s opponents, i t w i l l ultimately become a necessary e v i l , unless there is a clearer understanding of high density and it s relation to crowding. There are many North American examples in which high density environments do work. 6 0 It is to these examples that future city planners must look. Given that high density seems inevitable, the task then becomes to develop Innovative approaches which may better ensure the planning and construction of high density urban environments which offer a high level of l i v e a b i l i t y to i t s residents. E. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER II In summary, this chapter suggests that i t is now time to discard the defensive posture of the past concerning the density issue. Once the seemingly painful concensus is reached in favour of high density housing, special care must be taken to construct housing which is sensitive to the many requirements, needs and wishes of future residents 5 8Jacobs, p. 220. 59 See for example, Vancouver Sun, May 29, 1984, p. 1.; and Jacobs p. 220. 6 0 See for example, House and Home, The Case For High Density  Housing, A p r i l , 1962, pp. 133-154. - 51 -of such intense urban environments. Planners, politicians and the public at large, when they reach such a consensus and understanding of the density-crowding relationship, may then approach their planning with objectivity as well as receptiveness to new ideas and concepts. Such a planning process should mold the knowledge and experience of the past with image or vision of the future as described by our leading urban theorists. It is hoped that through the methodology of intellectual history, the works of the great Utopian planners such as Ebenezer Howard, Le Corbusier and Jane Jacobs w i l l serve as an introduction to this study by way of clari f y i n g the origins of schools of high density thought. Further, history has given us the centrist movement which provides some hi s t o r i c a l rationale for the pro-density side of the argument. This chapter has, not suprisingly, raised many questions regarding density and crowding which w i l l be addressed in the balance of this study. Such questions are: 1. What does "density" actually mean and how is i t currently measured? 2. What does "crowding " mean and what exactly is i t s relationship to density? 3. What are the various aspects of human crowding considerations at high density? 4. What are some planning implications of the crowding-density relationship and how can crowding concerns be better incorporated into high density planning? - 52 -CHAPTER III THE CONCEPT OF DENSITY: THE QUANTITATIVE COMPONENTS OF DENSITY MEASUREMENTS A. BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION Inconsistency in definition or application of density and its measures is common. When undertaking the study of density, one encounters frustration in the writings of those who have attempted holistic investigation of this term. This tendency results from an abundance of density-related definitions, connotations and measures. In the literature, many studies are further complicated by the emotional and value-laden nature of the term's usage. Researchers have therefore found i t necessary to define density and its measures as a prerequisite to any discussion of this unruly subject. This then, becomes the objective of this chapter. Density will be described in its general meaning, followed by the description of a system which categorizes measures commonly used in the planning and regulation of housing environments. This chapter is intended to provide a framework for the systematic organization of density knowledge. A brief evaluation of the strengths and weaknesses of the various measurement techinques will be offered with the intent of determining what, if any, single or combination of measurements are best used to quantify density. As perceptions of density play an important role in determining how one approaches a discussion of density, a brief review and graphic description of a range of housing density types will - 53 -serve as an introduction to the Chapter IV discussion of the interrelationship between density and crowding. B. THE GENERAL MEANING OF DENSITY Urban planning has long concerned i t s e l f with the problem of establishing the relationship between number of people and the amount of land required to accommodate residents' housing needs.1 To aid in the resolution of this problem, the concept of density is uti l i z e d as the basis of land use controls and standards which are implemented to achieve this goal. Webster's Third International Dictionary defines density as follows: "the average number of individuals or units per 2 space unit". In the literature, one can find many variations of this definition. However in general, density as used in planning, remains only a physical measurement or a ratio of some count of persons or accomodation divided by some measure of area. C. A METHOD OF ORGANIZING DENSITY MEASUREMENTS A useful study which addresses the measurement of density was published by Henry S. Churchill and William H. Ludlow in 1944, entitled 3 Measuring Urban Population Densities. This often overlooked study of For a good overview of residential density see; Ministry of Housing and Local Government, The Density of Residential Areas (London, Eng.: Her Majesty's Stationary Office, 1952). 2 Webster's Third International Dictionary (Springfield, Mass.: G. and C. Merriam Company, 1976). 3 William H. Ludlow and Henry S. Churchill, "Measuring Urban Population Densities", Pencil Points 4th ed.. (June 1944): 87-101. - 54 -d e n s i t y measurement, i s perhaps the most conc i se to be presented to d a t e . The i r approach i s unique i n that they recogn ize that most d e n s i t y measures may be c l a s s i f i e d i n t o three d i s t i n c t components: d e n s i t y i n a rea terms, d e n s i t y i n popu l a t i on terms, and d e n s i t y i n bu lk terms. T h e i r c a t e go r i e s serve as the bas i s f o r the f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n . R e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y i s most o f t en computed by d i v i d i n g the number of persons or f a m i l i e s or a measure of the bulk of a b u i l d i n g by a s p e c i f i e d area of l a n d . However, problems o f ten a r i s e i n d e f i n i n g the s u r f a ce area being c on s i de red , the method of count ing persons or f a m i l i e s , or the measurement of the bulk of a b u i l d i n g . For example, Borukhov e x p l a i n s there a re , " s e v e r a l s i t u a t i o n s i n which one measure of 4 d e n s i t y w i l l i n c rea se when another f a l l s and v i c e v e r s a " , based on d i f f e r e n t a p p l i c a t i o n s of these three components of d e n s i t y measurement. 1. The Surface Area Component of Density One ' s attempt to measure d e n s i t y must begin by s p e c i f y i n g the su r f ace area which i s to be a p p l i e d to the computat ion. Woodbury 5 has observed that p lanners have used a range of s u r f ace areas when measuring d e n s i t y . These range from a space as sma l l as the s i z e of an i n d i v i d u a l room w i t h i n a hous ing u n i t to as l a r ge as an e n t i r e c i t y or m e t r o p o l i t a n a rea . Aga in , when r e f e r r i n g to these one must d i s t i n g u i s h between l + E. Borukhov, "The T rade -o f f Between Den s i t y and Other O b j e c t i v e s : A Re-examinat ion of P l ann i n g Norms," G e o j o u r n a l , V o l . 2.1 (1978): 74. Coleman Woodbury, e d . , Urban Redevelopment: Problems and  P r a c t i c e (Ch icago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1953), pp. 105-120. - 55 -p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y and r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y , both net and g ros s . A p r e c i s e area d e f i n i t i o n i s r equ i r ed f o r accurate d e n s i t y measurement. For s i m p l i f i c a t i o n , the f o l l o w i n g area d e f i n i t i o n s as taken from Ludlow and C h u r c h i l l w i l l be presented i n the order of succe s s i ve decrease In the s i z e of l and area con s i de red : "Urban A rea : r e f e r s to a l l land w i t h i n a s i n g l e m u n i c i p a l i t y , a l a r g e s u b d i v i s i o n the reo f , or a group of a d j o i n i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s forming a m e t r o p o l i t a n a rea . Th i s can be f u r t h e r d i v i d e d i n t o sub areas such as T o t a l urban area and Developed urban a r e a . R e s i d e n t i a l A rea : r e f e r s to r e s i d e n t i a l s e c t i o n s of a m e t r o p o l i t a n a rea , a s i n g l e m u n i c i p a l i t y or p o r t i o n thereof a t l e a s t l a r g e enough to support a schoo l and reasonab ly wide v a r i e t y of bus iness f a c i l i t i e s and p u b l i c and p r i v a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s . Th i s can be f u r t h e r d i v i d e d i n t o Developed • r e s i d e n t i a l area and P redominant l y r e s i d e n t i a l a r ea . Gross a r ea : r e f e r s to the same as net area (as f o l l o w s ) except tha t p u b l i c s t r e e t s s h a l l be i n c l uded up to the cente r l i n e of bounding s t r e e t s . I t must be noted that there are many ways i n which to compute s t r e e t measurements, another f a c t o r which serves to comp l i ca te d e n s i t y measurement. Net a rea : r e f e r s to a l l land used f o r d w e l l i n g s and i n c i d e n t a l s e r v i c e s norma l l y f u r n i s hed on the d w e l l i n g l o t and s h a l l i n c l u d e ; d r i veways , sma l l s torage garages, pa rk ing a reas , p l a y spaces f o r c h i l d r e n . Excluded i n t h i s c a l c u l a t i o n a re : 1. I n d u s t r i a l , r a i l r o a d and a i r p o r t p r o p e r t i e s * . 2. C i t y - w i d e bus iness d i s t r i c t s . 3 . Large parks and parkways, cemete r i e s , g o l f courses and other r e c r e a t i o n a l or i n s t i t u t i o n a l uses. P laygrounds i n l a r g e parks however, may be a l l o c a t e d to the r e s i d e n t i a l areas they se rve . 4 . Vacant land or land undeveloped f o r urban use. 5. P u b l i c s t r e e t s . 6. L o c a l bus iness not d i r e c t l y beneath d w e l l i n g space. 7. Garage space f o r 3 or more cars not d i r e c t l y below d w e l l i n g space. 8. P u b l i c parks and playgrounds f o r o lde r c h i l d r e n . " (Note: Net area can a l s o be r e f e r r e d to as Net s i t e area. ) L u d l o w and C h u r c h i l l , p. 99-100. - 56 -Depending upon what one wants to ach ieve from the use of these v a r i ou s su r f ace area d e s c r i p t i o n s , some can be found to be more p r e c i s e measures than o the r s . In most cases, however, t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n depends l a r g e l y upon the a v a i l a b i l i t y of the necessary d a t a . Care must be taken to s e l e c t the app rop r i a t e area to ensure d e n s i t y measurements which p rov ide the intended i n f o r m a t i o n . To a i d t h i s process the two main types of su r face measures of gross and net d e n s i t y are o u t l i n e d . a . Gross Dens i ty and Net Dens i ty Measurements: Borukhov caut ion s that when one i s a t tempt ing to ana lyze r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y , t h a t , "one has to be c a r e f u l not to confuse the va r i ou s d e f i n i t i o n s " . 7 I t i s t he r e f o r e important to make a c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n between net and gross d e n s i t y . Borukhov e xp l a i n s that Net d e n s i t y r e f e r s t o , " the net r e s i d e n t i a l area ( l and covered by the b u i l d i n g s and p r i v a t e acces so ry uses; gardens, ya rds , park ing a rea s , e t c . ) w h i l e Gross d e n s i t y r e f e r s to a l a r g e r or e n t i r e neighbourhood area ( t he net r e s i d e n t i a l area p lus the s t r e e t s , s i dewa l k s , p u b l i c open spaces; p u b l i c parks , p laygrounds, pa r k i ng a reas , and areas occupied by 3 p u b l i c s e r v i c e s such as s c h o o l s ) . " A s ho r t d e s c r i p t i o n of gross and net d e n s i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia can be found i n the M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s handbook, R e s i d e n t i a l  S e r v i c e s and S i t e P l a n n i n g S tandards . As de sc r i bed i n t h i s document: 7 E . Borukhov, pp. 71-80. 8 I b i d . , p. 73. - 57 -" a . Gross d e n s i t y i s app l i ed to the e n t i r e neighbourhood or a l a r g e pa r t of i t . I t s t a t e s the number of d w e l l i n g s w i t h r e s pec t to a land area which i n c l u d e s roads , p a r k i n g , s e r v i c e s , and non r e s i d e n t i a l uses such as parks , r e c r e a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s , s choo l s i t e s , and l o c a l commercial development. b. Net d e n s i t y u s u a l l y r e f e r s to a group of d w e l l i n g s w i t h i n a neighbourhood, a l though i n some cases , o v e r a l l neighbourhood d e n s i t y w i l l be s t a ted i n terms of net d e n s i t y . To determine net d e n s i t y , c e r t a i n uses are excluded from the land a rea : a r t e r i a l roads , major u t i l i t y easements, pa r k s , r e c r e a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s , schoo l s i t e s , and commercial development. The net d e n s i t y c a l c u l a t i o n w i l l i n c l u d e c o l l e c t o r , l o c a l and c u l - d e - s a c roads , l o c a l pa rk i ng s e r v i n g r e s i d e n t i a l uses , and sma l l areas of pub l i c^open space s e r v i n g d e c o r a t i o n or b u f f e r i n g f u n c t i o n s . " As can be seen i n the p reced ing d e f i n i t i o n s , i n c o n s i s t e n c y o f t en occu r s . For example, Borukhov ' s net d e n s i t y i s viewed on ly i n neighborhood wide terras and does not r e f e r to a group of d w e l l i n g s w i t h i n t ha t neighborhood as i n the second d e f i n i t i o n . However, both Borukhov ' s and M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r ' s d e f i n i t i o n i n genera l terras agree on what p h y s i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s are to be i n c l uded i n the computat ion of net or gross d e n s i t y . One e x cep t i on Is t ha t Borukhov exc ludes a l l s t r e e t s from net d e n s i t y wh i l e Munc ipa l A f f a i r s i n c l ude s l o c a l s t r e e t s i n t h e i r computat ion. There are v a r i a t i o n s w i t h i n these two measures which d i s t i n g u i s h A s s o c i a t ed Eng i nee r i n g Se r v i ce L t d . , R e s i d e n t i a l S e r v i c e s and  S i t e P l a n n i n g Standards ( V i c t o r i a , B.C.: The M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , Government of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1980). - 58 -r e s i d e n t i a l and popu l a t i on d e n s i t i e s . For example there are d i f f e r e n c e s between, net popu l a t i on d e n s i t y and net r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y , or gross popu l a t i on d e n s i t y and gross r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y . Aga i n , Borukhov o f f e r s a d e f i n i t i o n of gross or net r e s i d e n t i a l and popu l a t i on d e n s i t y : "NET POPULATION DENSITY ( N . P . P . ) : r e f e r s to the number of persons per u n i t of net r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d . GROSS POPULATION DENSITY (G.P .D . ) : r e f e r s to the number of persons per u n i t of gross r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d . NET RESIDENTIAL DENSITY (N.R.D.): r e f e r s to the number of d w e l l i n g u n i t s per u n i t of net r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d . GROSS RESIDENTIAL DENSITY (G.R.D. ) : r e f e r s to the number of d w e l l i n g u n i t s per u n i t of gross r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d . " A f u r t h e r example of l a c k of con s i s t ency i s made by S t ua r t Chapin when he attempts to d e l i n e a t e the v a r i o u s terms somewhat d i f f e r e n t l y than has a l r eady been d i s c u s s ed . For example, Chapin d i f f e r e n t i a t e s between gross r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y and neighbourhood d e n s i t y . Under h i s d e f i n i t i o n , gross r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y r e f e r s to d w e l l i n g u n i t s per area of land used f o r re s idences and t r a v e r s i n g s t r e e t s , w h i l e neighbourhood d e n s i t y r e f e r s to d w e l l i n g u n i t s per area of l and used f o r r e s i d e n c e s , l o c a l shopping, s choo l s , p u b l i c open spaces D i s t i n c t i o n s between d i f f e r e n t types of net d e n s i t y are e xp l a i ned i n ; George Woodford, e t a l . , The Value of Standards f o r the  E x t e r n a l R e s i d e n t i a l Environment, B r i t i s h Department of the Environment (London: Her M a j e s t y ' s S t a t i o n a r y O f f i c e , 1976), pp. 39-48; and i n P h i l i p Cooper, e t a l . , New Towns: A n a l y s i s of A c t i v i t i e s and T h e i r  D e n s i t i e s , Working Paper 73 (Cambridge, Mass., U n i v e r s i t y of Cambridge P r e s s , 1973), pp. 28-44. Borokhov, p. 74. - 59 -and s t r e e t s . 2. The Popu la t i on Component of Dens i ty a . The Person/Net Acre Measurement: The most o f t en used p o p u l a t i o n component of a d e n s i t y measurement i s expressed i n terms of "pe r sons " or " f a m i l i e s " . The use of " pe r son s " i s an e f f i c i e n t approach to d e n s i t y measurement because i t can draw on data conta ined i n the census. The measurement of persons  per net ac re i s the most commonly used d e n s i t y measurement. I t i s used to i n d i c a t e popu l a t i on i n e i t h e r e s t a b l i s h e d or planned neighbourhoods. I t i s a l s o used i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h r e l a t e d d e n s i t y measurements such as; rooms, d w e l l i n g u n i t s or f l o o r a rea . There are two other d e n s i t y measurements that f a l l w i t h i n the person component which are de s c r i bed below. b. The Person or Fami ly Capac i ty Measurement: There are d i sadvantages to us ing persons as a d e n s i t y measurement. Person d e n s i t y can change w i t hou t any e f f e c t on e i t h e r b u i l d i n g s or the number of d w e l l i n g u n i t s , and i s t he re fo re d i f f i c u l t to app ly a t the p lann ing or c o n s t r u c t i o n phase of a community when no p o p u l a t i o n e x i s t s and when occupancy r a t e s have to be assumed. Th i s problem has been so lved through the use of a su r rogate measure, persons  c a p a c i t y . Persons c a p a c i t y can be app l i ed to b u i l d i n g s a t the p l ann ing 12 F. S t u a r t Chapin and Edward J . K a i s e r , Urban Land Use P l a n n i n g (Ch icago: U n i v e r s i y of I l l i n o i s P re s s , 1979), pp. 453-456. - 60 -s tage or i n p a r t i a l l y b u i l t areas as an e s t imate of p o p u l a t i o n . The only way In which t h i s measure changes i s through d e m o l i t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t s . The e s t i m a t i o n of person c a p a c i t y v a r i e s d r a m a t i c a l l y f o r d i f f e r e n t income l e v e l s or types of f a m i l i e s i n v o l v e d . Person c a p a c i t y i s de f i ned as an e s t imate of a s tandard number of people  per s i z e of each d w e l l i n g u n i t ; or f o r each bedroom; or f o r an average  of the rooms w i t h i n a d w e l l i n g u n i t . Care must be taken when bas ing person counts on room counts as these vary g r e a t l y i n d e f i n i t i o n and measurement. A second w i d e l y used u n i t of the p o p u l a t i o n component i s the  f a m i l y , and i s the same as above w i t h " f a m i l y s i z e " the p o p u l a t i o n  c o n s i d e r a t i o n . The problem encountered i n u s i ng t h i s measurement i s t ha t i t i s dependent on f a m i l y s i z e . Furthermore, f a m i l y i s not always e q u i v a l e n t to households or the number of occupied u n i t s . Whether or not to i n c l u d e s i n g l e person f a m i l i e s i n the c a l c u l a t i o n a l s o presents a problem. c . The Persons/Room C a p a c i t y Measurement: A t h i r d popu l a t i on component to be implemented as a measurement of d e n s i t y , i s the measurement of persons per room. Persons per room i s a u s e f u l t o o l In c o n t r o l l i n g crowding w i t h i n d w e l l i n g u n i t s . I t i s computed by d i v i d i n g the number of persons by the number of rooms w i t h i n  the d w e l l i n g u n i t . Again there are s e ve r a l v a r i a t i o n s ; f o r example, rooms which are not used fo r s l e e p i n g have been l e f t out of t h i s r a t i o . Persons can a l s o vary i n t h i s measurement w i t h , i n some cases, young - 61 -c h i l d r e n counted as h a l f persons or i n f a n t s l e f t out of the count a l l t oge the r . However, the use of persons per room serves no p r a c t i c a l purpose i n c o n t r o l l i n g crowding ou t s i de of hous ing u n i t s . S p e c i a l care must be taken when us ing t h i s measure due to the i n c o n s i s t e n c y i n methods used to count persons and rooms. Den s i t y has a l s o been measured i n terms of h a b i t a b l e room per  ac re and bedspaces per a c r e . These however are both ambiguous terras i n p r a c t i c e and have the same problems encountered when us ing persons per room. 3. The B u i l d i n g Bulk Component of Dens i ty The m a j o r i t y of land use c o n t r o l s which are p r e s e n t l y used i n North American c i t i e s to c o n t r o l d e n s i t y , focus on r e g u l a t i n g the s i t e coverage, he i gh t and f l o o r space of r e s i d e n t i a l b u i l d i n g s . These form the t h i r d major category of d e n s i t y measures i d e n t i f i e d by Ludlow and C h u r c h i l l . I t i s acknowledged i n the d e n s i t y l i t e r a t u r e that b u i l d i n g bu lk measures are r e l a t i v e l y s u c c e s s f u l i n ensu r ing the e f f i c i e n c y of land use as w e l l as being s e n s i t i v e to c on s i de r a t i o n s of v iew p r e s e r v a t i o n and access to d a y l i g h t and sun l i g h t . Th i s s e c t i o n i n v e s t i g a t e s some of the pros and cons of the d i f f e r e n t measurements. a . Cubic Dens i ty Measurement: Three k inds of bu lk den s i t y measurements are desc r ibed i n the l i t e r a t u r e . The more obscure i s cubage or cub i c d e n s i t y , based on the concept of th ree -d imens i ona l space. Kev in Lynch de f i ne s cubage as - 62 -intensities per unit volume. He rationalizes that man inhabits three-dimensional space, and therefore density measurements should conceptualize such space. Cubage as a bulk measurement of density, only appears in theoretical terms in the literature. Only very brief descriptions of i t s components and possible application exist. There is possible merit in further research and development of a practical cubage measurement. It also might prove effective in regulating for adequate ligh t , open space, view presentation and become an effective tool for regulating the many innovative housing forms experienced at high density. There Is no doubt that cubage would allow f l e x i b i l i t y i n building design which goes beyond that which is provided by commonly used, two-dimensional bulk measurements, such as FAR or FSR described below. In support of the development of a cubage measurement of density, Lynch suggests that, "in the future, as activity increases, and as technology weakens the connection of structures to the ground or makes possible three-dimensional circulation systems, we may turn to measures of cubic density." 1 4 Until such time, however, planners w i l l continue to use such two-dimensional tools to regulate density. b. F l o o r Area Ra t i o (FAR) or F l o o r Space Rat io (FSR) Measurement: Floor area or space ratios, another category of bulk measurement of density, is the total floor area of a building divided by the net 13 Kevin Lynch, Site Planning (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1971), p. 32. 1 1 +Ibid, p. 33. - 63 -residential land area. Ludlow describes FAR as, "the total area in square feet of a l l floors used for residential purposes including public h a l l s , stairwalls and elevators serving the dwelling units. It does not include the floor area of basements not used for dwelling purposes, community rooms, and other non-residential space." 1 6 The advantage of using this measure to regulate density is that i t i s easily computed for single buildings and small areas by dividing the gross residential floor space by the site area. The measures FAR and. FSR are technically the same and w i l l be used interchangeably in this section. The use of FSR, however, becomes more complicated when used to measure buildings with stores or other non-residential uses. Furthermore, various high density housing forms yield the same measurement. For example, Ludlow states that, "an FAR of 1.8 could indicate a building which was three floors high with a net site coverage of sixty percent; or a building which was six floors high with thirty percent net site coverage; or a building twelve floors high with fifteen 17 percent net site coverage." A problem inherent in the use of FAR or FSR as a development control is that i t has l i t t l e direct effect on the internal space of dwelling units. Floor space ratios make no provision for differences in either room or overall dwelling unit floor space. This is unfortunate Borukhov, p. 74. 1 6Ludlow, p. 100. 1 7 I b i d . - 64 -g i ven that market f o r ce s encourage minimum room and d w e l l i n g s i z e s i n a s i g n i f i c a n t amount of c u r r en t h igh d e n s i t y hous ing development. H i s t o r i c a l l y , f l o o r space measurements of d e n s i t y were developed i n B r i t i s h p l ann i ng p r a c t i c e . P lanner s and a r c h i t e c t s have l ong recogn i zed a r e l a t i o n s h i p between den s i t y of people and the bulk of b u i l d i n g s . P a u l Evans contends that f l o o r s p a c e i s p o s s i b l y the l e a s t ambiguous of the den s i t y measures and, " the one most d i r e c t l y l i n k e d 18 w i t h the geometr ic determinants of f o r m . " The use of t h i s measure has sometimes been extended to g i ve an i n d i c a t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n to be accommodated i n b u i l d i n g s , an a p p l i c a t i o n of que s t i onab le 1 9 r a t i o n a l e . A l though the f l o o r space r a t i o measure i s used as a d e n s i t y c o n t r o l , i t i s obv i ou s l y more a b u i l d i n g des i gn c o n t r o l than a c o n t r o l of p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y . I t c o n t r o l s p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y on ly by i m p l i c a t i o n and i s a poor su r rogate when used i n genera l d i s c u s s i o n s of d e n s i t y . These c r i t i c i s m s have encouraged p lanners to modify f l o o r space measures by i n c o r p o r a t i n g person measurements i n t o t h e i r d e n s i t y computat ions . For example, t h e o r i s t s have suggested expanding f l o o r space r a t i o s to i n c o r p o r a t e minimum standards of f l o o r space per person P a u l Evans, Housing Layout and Dens i t y (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1973), pp. 9-21. 19 L e s l i e M a r t i n and L i o n e l March, Urban Space and S t r u c t u r e s (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1972), p. 33. - 65 -20 i n a d w e l l i n g . In Evan ' s v iew, f l o o r space r a t i o s are e f f e c t i v e f o r s e v e r a l reasons . F i r s t , they are r e l a t i v e l y s u c c e s s f u l i n ensur ing a h igh l e v e l of e f f i c i e n c y of land use. Secondly, f l o o r space r a t i o s are s u c c e s s f u l i n ensu r ing open space su r round ing b u i l d i n g s by p r o v i d i n g f o r v iew, access to s u n l i g h t and c i r c u l a t i o n of a i r . I t might be s a i d that p lanners and a r c h i t e c t s have opted to use FAR or FSR l a r g e l y f o r expediency. FSR a l l ows the a r c h i t e c t c o n s i d e r a b l e l a t i t u d e i n de s i gn . P lanner s have adopted FSR because i t has become a conven ient means of r e g u l a t i n g b u i l d i n g bu l k . 4. Confusion Between Density Measures I t can be suggested there i s a l a c k of c on s i s t ency i n the l i t e r a t u r e on the meaning of commonly-used d e n s i t y terms. S t u a r t Chapin has made an attempt a t d e l i n e a t i n g the va r i ou s terms. Author s , such as 21 Lewis K e e b l e , have found i t necessary to make d i s t i n c t i o n s between types of d e n s i t y . A l l of these works have attempted to develop b e t t e r d e f i n i t i o n s of d e n s i t y by c o n t i n u i n g to d i s t i n g u i s h , l a b e l and mean ing fu l l y o rgan ize an i n c r e a s i n g number of den s i t y measures. Th i s approach has f a i l e d to ach ieve c l a r i f i c a t i o n and has g e n e r a l l y r e s u l t e d on ly i n f u r t h e r con fu s ion and ambigu i ty of the measures. Fu r the r i n v e s t i g a t i o n would r e v e a l other l a b e l s of s i m i l a r aspects of 20 Chapin and K a i s e r , pp. 453-456, 21 Other d e n s i t y types have been o u t l i n e d i n : Lewis K e e b l e , P r i n c i p l e s and P r a c t i c e of Town and Country P l a n n i n g (London: The E s t a t e s Gazet te L i m i t e d , 1969), pp. 252-266. - 6 6 -measurements of d e n s i t y . Th i s study w i l l not seek to f u r t h e r e l a b o r a t e on these sub-types he re . T h e i r e x i s t e n c e , however, underscores and v a l i d a t e s e a r l i e r statements i n t h i s t he s i s which suggested tha t these many d e f i n i t i o n s on ly serve to confuse r a t h e r than c l a r i f y the method of measur ing d e n s i t y and the in tended purpose of that measurement. The i n c o n s i s t e n c y of d e n s i t y measures and t h e i r For example the f o l l o w i n g measures appear i n the l i t e r a t u r e by Ludlow, pp. 108-111. a. " F l o o r and room d e n s i t y , used to measure the degree of crowding and p r i v a c y w i t h i n i n d i v i d u a l d w e l l i n g u n i t s , i n c l u d i n g both houses and apartments . The most f r e q u e n t l y used measure i s persons per room. b. L o t d e n s i t y , used to i n d i c a t e the adequacy of open space around and between b u i l d i n g s which a f f e c t l i g h t , a i r , p r i v a c y , no i se and outdoor l i v i n g space immediate ly ad jacent to the d w e l l i n g . c . R e s i d e n t i a l a rea d e n s i t y , d e f i n e s the neighbourhood as the s m a l l e s t area f o r making t h i s type of d e n s i t y measurement and g e n e r a l l y comprises the d i s t r i c t served by at l e a s t one elementary s c hoo l . The land use i n c l u d e , i n a d d i t i o n to re s idences and s t r e e t s , are commercia l and community f a c i l i t i e s that serve p r i m a r i l y the r e s i d e n t s of that a rea , such as p laygrounds , sma l l pa rk s , l o c a l s t o r e s , s e r v i c e e s t a b l i s h m e n t s , churches and neighbourhood c e n t r e s . H igh schoo l s and c o l l e g e s , h o s p i t a l s and bus iness or i n d u s t r i e s s e r v i n g a l a r ge s e c t i o n of the c i t y are commonly exc luded. Such d e n s i t i e s may be measured i n terms of persons, or f a m i l i e s per ac re or per square i n c h . (Note: t h i s measurement i s s i m i l a r to net r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y as de s c r i bed by other a u t h o r s ) . d . C i t y - w i d e and m e t r o p o l i t a n d e n s i t y , i s u s u a l l y made i n terms of persons per square m i l e or per a c r e . I t g i ves a genera l impres s i on as to the r e l a t i v e degree of c o n c e n t r a t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n and urban land uses. When s t a t e d i n terms of acres per 100 or 1,000 persons , i t can be broken down to i n d i c a t e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o p u l a t i o n and the area of l and use f o r s p e c i f i c purposes such as r e s i d e n c e , commerc ia l , i n d u s t r y , s t r e e t s and other p u b l i c and p r i v a t e uses . In measur ing c i t y - w i d e d e n s i t y , a l l underdeveloped vacant p a r c e l s and a l l p a r c e l s used p r i m a r i l y f o r fa rming are o f t e n exc luded f o r some purposes, but i n c l u d e d f o r o t h e r s . " 9 (Note: Th i s measurement appears to be s i m i l a r to the gross d e n s i t y type as d e s c r i b e d e l sewhere ) . - 67 -i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s do i n f a c t render the terra d e n s i t y con fu s i ng i n p r a c t i c a l terms when a p p l i e d to land use p l a n n i n g . D. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER III The p reced i ng d i s c u s s i o n has shown that r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y can p e r t a i n to s e v e r a l r e f e r e n t s . Den s i t y i s most o f t en measured by i n t e r n a l d e n s i t y l e v e l s such as p o p u l a t i o n r a t i o s or by e x t e r n a l d e n s i t y l e v e l s such as f l o o r space r a t i o s . In person terms, d e n s i t y has been expressed i n s e v e r a l ways. For example, d e n s i t y can be an a c t u a l or e s t imated count of the number of persons i n h a b i t i n g e i t h e r i n d i v i d u a l rooms w i t h i n a d w e l l i n g u n i t or w i t h i n the d w e l l i n g as a whole. Another type of person d e n s i t y r e f e r s to the number of r e s i d e n t s w i t h i n a de f i ned s u r f a ce r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a . In terms of u s ing the hous ing u n i t as a su r rogate measure of c o n c e n t r a t i o n s of human p o p u l a t i o n s e v e r a l indexes are used to i n d i c a t e d e n s i t y . Of these, a r a t i o of the number of d w e l l i n g u n i t s per a c r e , i s the most w i d e l y used. Those who use the term d e n s i t y should be aware of the v a r i o u s components of d e n s i t y , c l e a r l y understand the d e f i n i t i o n of each, be s e n s i t i v e to the d i f f e r e n c e s between the measures, take s p e c i a l care to s e l e c t an a p p r o p r i a t e measurement which ach ieves t h e i r s p e c i f i c needs, and apply that measurement i n i t s proper c o n t e x t . The p rev ious d i s c u s s i o n might l ead one to conclude that the problems encountered w i t h use of d e n s i t y and i t s measures can r e s u l t from a f a i l u r e to do so. - 68 -CHAPTER IV THE CONCEPT OF CROWDING: THE QUALITATIVE COMPONENTS OF HUMAN CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS A. BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION 1. Implications of Crowding Theory On Density Planning There are i n d i c a t i o n s that p resent d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s have not been developed w i t h s y s temat i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r the p o s s i b l e harmfu l e f f e c t s on humans i n h a b i t i n g h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing . I t i s hypothes i zed that such p l ann i ng mechanisms can be improved through the a p p l i c a t i o n of e x i s t i n g human behav i o r a l knowledge found i n crowding r e s ea r ch . There are s e v e r a l problems which must be s o l v e d , however, before such a combinat ion of d e n s i t y p r a c t i c e and crowding theory can be o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d . Research on the p o s s i b l e e f f e c t s of crowding on humans has been the focus of a massive volume of l i t e r a t u r e . For example, numerous academic d i s c i p l i n e s and s u b - d i s c i p l i n e s have produced bodies of crowding l i t e r a t u r e w i t h on ly r a r e Instances of c r o s s - d i s c i p l i n a r y exchange of i n f o r m a t i o n . E n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s , b i o l o g i s t s , p s y c h o l o g i s t s , e t h o l o g i s t s , p h y s i o l o g i s t s , s o c i o l o g i s t s , a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , geographers, a r c h i t e c t s and urban p lanners have s t ud i ed crowding from coun t l e s s p e r s p e c t i v e s . Th i s has c reated i n f o r m a t i o n over load whereby the shear volume of crowding theory has perhaps r e s u l t e d i n l i t t l e of t h i s knowledge f i l t e r i n g down to the l e v e l of p l ann ing p r a c t i c e . In other words, the d i s o r g a n i z e d , m u l t i f a c e t e d wea l th of knowledge on crowding i s too d i s c i p l i n e - s p e c i f i c and complex f o r u s e f u l a p p l i c a t i o n . - 69 -There i s a tendency f o r crowding re sea rch to be i n c o n c l u s i v e i n i t s f i n d i n g s , c o n t r a d i c t o r y i n na tu re , as w e l l as d i f f i c u l t to apply to d i s c i p l i n e s ou t s i de of the area of the o r i g i n a l r e s ea r ch . Sys temat ic o r g a n i z a t i o n and s e l e c t use of s u b s t a n t i a t e d crowding knowledge, however, promises to advance the p l a n n e r ' s e f f e c t i v e n e s s i n the area of h i gh den s i t y p l a n n i n g . I f the p lanner was enabled to become conversant w i t h the knowledge of how humans r e a c t to h igh d e n s i t y environments and thereby supplement more t e c h n i c a l d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s w i t h t h i s knowledge, e f f e c t i v e improvements i n h i gh d e n s i t y p l ann ing might be r e a l i z e d . Such an approach w i l l be a p o s i t i v e step towards p r o v i d i n g h e a l t h y , f u l f i l l i n g and comfortab le housing environments at h i gh d e n s i t y , as w e l l as d i s p e l l i n g the popu lar b e l i e f that h igh d e n s i t y of any form must n e c e s s a r i l y r e s u l t i n crowding. 2. Limitation of Crowding Studies Crowding re search i n p a r t f o l l o w s from i n t u i t i v e p u b l i c concern f o r the adverse e f f e c t s of crowded l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . Some of t h i s concern stems from the s e n s a t i o n a l i z e d r e p o r t i n g of non-human ( i . e . r a t ) behav ior i n crowded l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . Such s t ud i e s have i n d i c a t e d such malad ies as; i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y , i nc rea sed aggress ion and a v a r i e t y of sexua l or s o c i a l pa tho l og i e s r e s u l t i n g from h igh d e n s i t y env i ronments . Th i s b e l i e f , coupled w i t h e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s ' warnings of impending shortages caused by i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a t i o n s , have i n s p i r e d many unp leasant s cenar io s about impending l i f e under "crowded" c o n d i t i o n s at h i gh d e n s i t y . - 70 -S ince the l a t e 19th cen tu ry , many s cho l a r s have harboured a b e l i e f that there i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between d e n s i t y i n hous ing environments and unde s i r ab l e human behavior caused by crowding. Th i s no t i on f o r example, was i n t r oduced by the B r i t i s h p lanner S i r Raymond Unwin i n the 19th cen tu ry . There can be l i t t l e que s t i on that c o n d i t i o n s of e xce s s i ve d e n s i t y and poor des ign of that day d i d cause much human s u f f e r i n g . However, to c o r r e l a t e a l l of these problems w i t h h i gh d e n s i t y i n the modern c i t y i s a s u p e r f i c i a l approach to t h i s complex phenomenon. The assumption that h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing of any form r e s u l t s i n crowded c o n d i t i o n s , has f o s t e r e d an a n t i - u r b a n b i a s amongst many i n t e l l e c t u a l s . 1 In t u r n , many i n t e l l e c t u a l s have engaged i n academic gymnastics designed to produce d e f i n i t i v e proof of t h i s b e l i e f . Th i s k i nd of r e sea r ch has r e c e n t l y a t t r a c t e d s t rong c r i t i c i s m which ques t i on s the l o g i c , conc lu s i on s and suppor t i ng ev idence of non-human crowding r e s e a r c h . Commenting g e n e r a l l y on crowding r e s e a r c h , Claude F i s c h e r e t a l . concludes that most f i n d i n g s are s p e c u l a t i v e i n na tu re . In p a r t i c u l a r , he w r i t e s that a l l b i o l o g i c a l - e t h o l o g i c a l s t ud i e s p a r t i c u l a r l y based on non-human exper iments , "have obta ined l i t t l e e m p i r i c a l * support , f o r human r e a c t i o n s to d e n s i t y are much more a 2 f u n c t i o n of the s o c i a l and a r c h i t e c t u r a l s i t u a t i o n and of c u l t u r e " . 1 M. White and L. Whi te, "The American I n t e l l e c t u r a l Versus The American C i t y " , Daedalus (W in te r , 1961): 166-179. 2 Claude F i s c h e r , Mark Ba l da s s a r c , and R i cha rd Ofshe, Crowding S tud ie s and Urban L i f e : A C r i t i c a l Review (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1974), p. 19. - 71 -In his c r i t i c a l review of crowding studies, Fischer concluded that, "those who draw firm conclusions about density and human behavior are either speculating or making astounding leaps from flimsy , . 3 4 evidence". In particular, sensationalist research such as Calhoun's now infamous caged rat experiments have done much to perpetuate the popular belief that crowding and density have proven serious negative effects on human behavior. Fischer is highly c r i t i c a l of Calhoun's findings which linked human behavior to rat behavior in over-populated pens. In Fischer's opinion, Calhoun's suggestion that high density and crowded human conditions may result in infant mortality, increased aggression and a variety of sexual and social pathologies can not be substantiated by present knowledge. Fischer believes that few i f any clear consequences of density have been produced by the bulk of non-human crowding experiments. Fischer has also found fault generally in present studies of humans under the condition of high density. Again as he points out, these studies f a i l to produce evidence of either negative or positive human consequences.5 He suggests that the logical connection of the emperical level to the theoretical or substantive level of analysis is weak or non-existent in the majority of crowding studies. Specifically, Fisher explains, that often obvious procedures such as measuring density 3 Fischer et a l . , p. 21. 4 John Calhoun, "Population density and social pathology", Sc i e n t i f i c American, (No. 206, 1962): 139-148. 5Fischer et a l . , p. 42. - 72 -i n u n i t s e q u i v a l e n t to the u n i t s i n a s t u d y ' s t h e o r e t i c a l p r o p o s i t i o n s are i gnored by the r e sea r che r . The absences of the l o g i c a l examinat ion of the re levance of re search f i n d i n g s i s common i n the m a j o r i t y of crowding s t u d i e s . Th i s renders much of the e x i s t i n g re sea rch on crowding of dubious v a l u e . To improve f u t u r e crowding r e s e a r c h , F i s c h e r recommends t ha t : "Researchers and p lanners a l i k e must a t t e n d , f i r s t , to t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n of d e n s i t y and crowding. They must know of what they speak and I t s r e l a t i o n s to t h e i r problem, whether i t be hous ing , neighbourhoods, or c i t i e s . Beyond t h a t , i t i s important to have c l e a r l y thought out o b j e c t i v e s and a t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e ; l oo se ana log i e s drawn from animal behav ior w i l l s imply not d o . " 5 7 Another work on crowding by Jonathan Freedman supports F i s c h e r ' s r e s e r v a t i o n s and c r i t i c i s m of much of the crowding l i t e r a t u r e . Freedman's work on crowding i n human environments produced two major f i n d i n g s r e l e v a n t to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n . B r i e f l y , Freedman found: " F i r s t , h igh d e n s i t y (crowding) does not have g e n e r a l l y negat i ve e f f e c t s on humans. O v e r a l l , w i t h other f a c t o r s equated, l i v i n g , work ing , or spending time f o r any reason under c o n d i t i o n s of h i gh d e n s i t y does not harm people. I t does not produce any k i nd of p h y s i c a l , mental or s o c i a l patho logy. People who exper ience high, den s i t y are j u s t as hea l t h y , happy and p roduc t i ve as those who exper ience lower d e n s i t y . Second, h i gh d e n s i t y does have e f f e c t s on people, but these e f f e c t s depend on other f a c t o r s i n the s i t u a t i o n . Under some c i rcumstances h igh d e n s i t y makes people more compe t i t i v e and agg re s s i v e , but under others i t has the 5 F i s c h e r e t a l . p. 4 2 . 7 Jonathan Freedman, Crowding and Behav ior (San F r a n c i s c o : W.H. Freeman and Company, 1975). - 73 -oppos i te e f f e c t . High d e n s i t y can cause people to be f r i e n d l i e r and a l s o l e s s f r i e n d l y . And under c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s , the r e a c t i o n s are d i f f e r e n t f o r men and women." Freedman e l o q u e n t l y summarizes present knowledge on crowding and human behav ior making r e fe rence to many sources . F i s c h e r ' s and Freeman's r e s e r v a t i o n about crowding re sea rch have not been presented w i t h the i n t e n t i o n of d i s c o u n t i n g a l l such r e s e a r c h . I t i s important however f o r those u s i ng t h i s l i t e r a t u r e to be s e l e c t i v e when a p p l y i n g the f i n d i n g s as a ba s i s f o r proposed s o l u t i o n s to problems encountered i n human envi ronments. The re sea rche r can s e l e c t u s e f u l crowding knowledge by s c reen ing r e sea r ch f o r re levance and s u b s t a n t i a t i o n . As o u t l i n e d l a t e r i n t h i s chap te r , c u r r e n t human crowding l i t e r a t u r e can be organ ized under the c a tego r i e s of s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l and p h y s i o l o g i c a l aspects of human crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s which l a t e r serve as p a r t of the framework f o r r e l a t i n g crowding knowledge and d e n s i t y measures. 3. Scope of This Chapter The f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n , based on crowding l i t e r a t u r e which was s e l e c t e d from s e v e r a l d i s c i p l i n e s , w i l l emphasize human crowding s t ud i e s on l y . As a means of l i m i t i n g the scope of t h i s chapte r , three q u a l i t a t i v e components of human crowding c on s i de r a t i o n s w i l l be emphasized based on the assumption that these ca tego r i e s encompass the major f o r ce s which i n f l u e n c e the q u a l i t y of l i f e exper ienced by a Freedman, pp. 7-8. 9 See page 11 f o r d e f i n i t i o n . - 74 -residents of high density housing. The three components which represent subsystems of basic motivations of human behavior; social/cultural, psychological and physiological, build on Maslow's 1 0 preliminary framework of human needs. The qualitative components used in this chapter are adapted from the work of Talcott Parson 1 1 on the motivations of human behavior. Parson i n i t i a l l y suggested that the basic motivations of human behavior are influenced and conditioned by a A. Maslow, Motivation and Personality (New York: Harport & Row, 1954). Maslow developed the following framework of human needs which form a descending hierarchy from strongest to weakest: 1. Physiological Needs, such as hunger and th i r s t . Shelter may f u l f i l l physiological needs, and in particular the quality of shelter is of great importance. 2. Safety Needs, which include, besides protection from physical harm, the opportunity to reduce psychic threats from others, to encourage personal privacy, and to promote self-orientation within the urban environment. 3. A f f i l i a t i o n Needs, such as love. This also includes the need for group membership which involves the urban designer in the d i f f i c u l t problem of producing designs which promote comfortable interpersonal interactions, and yet preserve privacy. 4. Esteem Needs, which relate to personal integrity (self-evalution) and the perceived esteem of others for oneself. The satisfaction of esteem needs is closely related to one's a b i l i t y to personalize one's environment. 5. Actualization Needs, the need for self-fu l f i l l m e n t , according to one's capacities. This relates strongly to the individual's actual or perceived control of his environment. 6. Cognitive/Aesthetic Needs, relating to our personal concept of beauty and our need to learn. Talcott Parson, Societies (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966), pp. 20-30. - 75 -v a r i e t y of subsystems of behav ior which encompass; p h y s i o l o g i c a l , s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and p e r s o n a l i t y subsystems as summarized below: " 1 . P h y s i o l o g i c a l Subsystem - Phy s i o l ogy c l e a r l y c o n t r o l s and l i m i t s human a c t i o n . Our knowledge from pas t exper ience of these l i m i t a t i o n s s t r o n g l y e f f e c t s our a c t i v i t i e s . Important p h y s i o l o g i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s on human behav io r are age, sex and somatic i m p e r f e c t i o n s . 2. C u l t u r a l Subsystem - Th i s r e f e r s to the v a l u e s , norms, t r a d i t i o n s and b e l i e f s he ld by p a r t i c u l a r groups, and which c o l o r and c o n s t r a i n the i n d i v i d u a l 1 s behav io r . N a t i o n a l , e t h n i c , and subethn ic groupings are of importance here . 3 . S o c i a l Subsystem - The process by which groups are he ld together w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e c l e a r l y a f f e c t s the r o l e s which an i n d i v i d u a l p lays w i t h i n and w i thou t the group. I n p a r t i c u l a r , one of the major determinants of a p e r s on ' s behav ior may be the r o l e he i s expected to p lay w i t h i n h i s p a r t i c u l a r l e a r n i n g , work ing or s o c i a l i z a t i o n group. 4 . P e r s o n a l i t y Subsystem - Th i s i s the complex subsystem of p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s to a c t i o n , such as p r e f e rence s , op in ions and a t t i t u d e s , which make each i n d i v i d u a l ' s c o v e r t r e a c t i o n to an env i ronmenta l s t imu lu s unique, though h i s o v e r t r e a c t i o n may be con s t r a i ned by phy s i o l o g y , s o c i a l grouping and c u l t u r e . " For the purpose of t h i s t h e s i s , P a r s on ' s four subsystems have been r e c a s t i n t o three q u a l i t a t i v e components of human crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . The f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n of these components i s in tended to summarize s u f f i c i e n t crowding knowledge and prov ide a ba s i s from which to develop a conceptua l framework f o r r e l a t i n g d e n s i t y measures and crowding i n a more mean ingfu l manner. S o c i e t i e s (Englewood C l i f f s , N . J . , 1966), c i t e d by Douglas Po r teous , Environment and Behav ior (Don M i l l s : Addison-Wesley P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1977), pp. 31-65. - 76 -B. THE GENERAL MEANING OF CROWDING Crowding i s a word of negat ive c onno ta t i on . I t i s most o f t e n used i n r e fe rence to unde s i r ab l e human c o n d i t i o n s found i n congested hous ing env i ronments. "C rowd ing " i s d e r i v a t i v e of the word "c rowd" which Webster ' s New C o l l e g i a t e D i c t i o n a r y de f i ne s as: "Noun - 1) a l a r g e number of persons e s p e c i a l l y when c o l l e c t e d i n t o a somewhat compact body w i thou t . o rde r , 2) a l a r ge number of th ings together . " Ve rb - 1) to f i l l by p r e s s i n g or throng ing toge the r , 2) to p re s s , f o r ce or t h r u s t i n t o a sma l l s p a c e . " "Crowded" i s de f i ned as; "as s t a t e of being f i l l e d w i t h numerous th ings 14 or people o f t e n o v e r l y compacted or c o n c e n t r a t e d . " Use of the term crowding i s common i n the f i e l d s of s o c i o l o g y and psycho logy, i n c l u d i n g t h e i r many s u b - d i s c i p l i n e s . The d e f i n i t i o n of crowding i n the contex t of human behav ior i n hous ing environments i s more s p e c i f i c as demonstrated by J . A . De so r ' s d e f i n i t i o n . He de f i ne s " c r owd ing " as: "an e x p e r i e n t i a l or p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t a t e of mind of an i n d i v i d u a l I n v o l v i n g a f e e l i n g of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n or d i s comfo r t w i t h the amount of space one has a t h i s d i s p o s a l . " 1 5 13 Webs te r ' s New C o l l e g i a t e D i c t i o n a r y (Toronto: Thomas A l l e n & Sons L t d . , 1977), p. 270. 1 1 + I b i d , p. 270. 7 1 5 J o h n A. Desor, "Toward a P s y c h o l o g i c a l Theory of C rowd ing " , J o u r n a l of P e r s o n a l i t y and S o c i a l Psychology ( V o l . 21, 1972): 79-83. - 77 -Daniel Stokols agrees with this definition. He states that, "a state of crowding exists and is perceived as such by an individual, when the individual's demand for space exceeds the available supply of such space." 1 5 Stokols argues that crowding does not refer to a physical condition involving the limitations of space. Rather, crowding is a situation in which the restrictive aspects of limited space are 1 7 perceived by the individuals exposed to them. To Stokols, feeling crowded may be the consequence of population density mixed with personal characteristics such as; l i f e s t y l e , past experience with spacial limitations, a l l in interaction. In other words, whether an individual feels crowded depends on the level of population concentration combined with his personality and socialization. Stokols also suggests that crowding can be a motivational state, where under i t s influence an individual is directed toward easing the disparity between the preferred and actual environmental situation he inhabits. 18 Freedman, however, explains that crowding can be conceived i n either physical terras with lack of space being the only crucial element or In psychological terms with crowding conceptualized as an internal emotional state as defined by Stokols. Freedman points out that the 1 6Daniel Stokols, "A Social-Psychological Model of Human Crowding Phenomena", The American Institute of Planners Journal (March 1972): p. 75. 17 Daniel Stokols, "On the Distinction Between Density and Crowding: Some Implications for Future Research", Psychological Review (Vol. 79, No. 3, 1972): 275-277. 18 Jonathan L. Freedman, Crowding and Behavior (San Francisco: W.H. Freeman and Company, 1975), pp. 10-15. - 78 -sensation of feeling crowded (or of experiencing crowding) is related to, but dist i n c t from, the physical state of having l i t t l e space. The sensation of feeling crowded does not always follow from, or coincide with, the physical situations. To Freedman, "the physical state has no inherent value one way or the other. It is neither good nor bad in i t s e l f . In contrast, the sensation of being crowded is almost by 19 definition a negative one." The crowding referent which Freedman emphasizes is the individual's response to the physical state which seems to parallel Desor's definition of crowding. In summary, the major problem encountered when using the terra crowding is to select the appropriate referent which is relevant to the situation under discussion. A general discussion such as this must therefore recognize crowding as both a physical state of lacking space and a psychological state resulting from lack of space. C. PERCEPTIONS OF DENSITY The perception of density is an essential aspect of any discussion of crowding and is viewed from two main perspectives, as described by Amos Rapoport. 1. S o c i a l P e r c e i v e d D e n s i t y This is defined by Rapoport as follows: ". . . i n terms of social interaction; here, perceived density involves various sensory modalities; or mechaisras 1 for controlling interaction levels - spacing, physical elements, t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries, hierarchy, the size and nature of the group, i t s homogeneity, rules for behaviour 19 Freedman, p. 10. - 79 -2 0 and how f a c i l i t i e s a v a i l a b l e are u s ed . " In other words, s o c i a l pe rce i ved d e n s i t y cou ld be de sc r i bed as a s u b j e c t i v e f e e l i n g of l a c k of space due to a h igh uncomfortable l e v e l of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h i n that space. Pe r ce i v ed s o c i a l d e n s i t y i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to not ions of c rowding, or the l e v e l s of i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n an environment, and t he re fo re w i l l not be pursued f u r t h e r he re , but r a t h e r l a t e r i n t h i s s e c t i o n . 2. P h y s i c a l Perce ived Dens i ty Rapoport de f i ned t h i s a spect as f o l l o w s : " . . . i n s p a c i a l terms; where pe rce i ved d e n s i t y r e f l e c t s one ' s impress ions of the b u i l t environment - the he i g h t , spac ing or j u x t a p o s i t i o n of b u i l d i n g s . Here, pe rce i ved d e n s i t y r e s u l t s from h igh l e v e l s of such q u a l i t i e s as; a h i g h degree of e n c l o s u r e , i n t r i c a c y of spaces, h i gh l e v e l s of a c t i v i t y , many uses of s pace . " One 's p e r c e p t i o n of p h y s i c a l d e n s i t y can be i n f l u e n c e d by the number of people i n an a r ea . More i m p o r t a n t l y , i t i s a f f e c t e d by the a v a i l a b l e l a n d , space and the o r g a n i z a t i o n of b u i l t form on that land s u r f a c e . 22 In h i s book, Des ign G u i d e l i n e s f o r C r e a t i n g De f en s i b l e Space, Oscar Newman g r a p h i c a l l y d i s p l a y s a v a r i e t y of hous ing forms at v a r i ou s 20 Amos Rapoport, "Toward a R e d e f i n i t i o n of D e n s i t y " , Crowding i n  Rea l Env i ronments , ed. Susan Saegert . ( Beve r l y H i l l s : Sage P u b l i c a t i o n s 1976), p. 8. 21 Rapoport , p. 8. 22 F i gu r e I I I diagrams taken from Oscar Newman, Des ign G u i d e l i n e s  f o r C r e a t i n g D e f e n s i b l e Space (Washington, D . C : U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , A p r i l 1976), pp. 61-64. - 80 -d e n s i t i e s . These drawings have been reproduced i n F i gu re I I I as a means of i l l u s t r a t i n g how one ' s pe r cep t i on of p h y s i c a l d e n s i t y can be i n f l u e n c e d by the b u i l t form. Newman has designed s e v e r a l popular hous ing forms on a one acre s i t e to s i m p l i f y comparisons. The d e n s i t y ranges from s i x u n i t s per acre i n F i g u r e 2.25 ( s i n g l e f a m i l y detached) to one hundred three u n i t s per acre i n F i gu re 2.36 ( h i g h - r i s e apartment) as shown i n F i gu re I. Many impor tant c o n s i d e r a t i o n s such as s i t e coverage, he i gh t of b u i l d i n g s , ground o r i e n t a t i o n , v iews , b u i l d i n g se t backs, open space and s u n l i g h t have an e f f e c t upon how dense one perce i ve s an environment or i n d i v i d u a l r e s i d e n t i a l b u i l d i n g s to be. Pe r ce i ved p h y s i c a l d e n s i t y i s a l s o i n f l u e n c e d by one ' s unders tand ing and b e l i e f of what i s low and h i gh d e n s i t y . I t i s f u r t h e r i n f l u e n c e d by one ' s a b i l i t y to v i s u a l i z e . D. THE DENSITY—CROWDING RELATIONSHIP Most Informed re sea rche r s i n the f i e l d of human behav ior now take g reat care to d i s t i n g u i s h between d e n s i t y and crowding. For example, Amos Rapoport d i f f e r e n t i a t e s the two terms as f o l l o w s : "a) Den s i t y can be seen as a s i t e measure, and crowding as a measure of d e n s i t y w i t h i n a d w e l l i n g . b) Or dens i ty can be seen as a measure of people per u n i t area and crowding as a negat ive pe r cep t i on of exce s s i v e d e n s i t y ~ 3 a s u b j e c t i v e exper ience of sensory o v e r l o a d . " (Rapoport a l s o shows con fu s i on of Amos Rapoport, "Toward a R e d e f i n i t i o n of D e n s i t y " , Crowding i n  Rea l Env i ronments , ed. Susan Saeger t . (London: Sage P u b l i c a t i o n s I nc . 1975), pp. 7 -8. FIGURE I I I \ - 8 2 -•ujura 2 JO: w M p w i c n Ganoan aportrnanti, 39 I unarm on 1-acra fit*. 6 Sit, uimemlona: 21T X 200* • 43800 •0. It. IS unm par tida - 38 wtfn per acre Typical interior unit dirtwnaiefia: 29' X 41.4-- 1,203 to. It. t .200 K). ft. • 3-bedraom unit •Mine: lOlcor^ each tide meet-20 • 1 8 teeem on interior of u « . ratal • 36 m Pleura 3.31: I I U w Max rice mum, 38 unit! per act*. Hixrxeu - l : air x joo" n.ft. • Sla ftorfae. lis OUKIIIICIIII par f *aV36 unrei per acre * Typics! IntsrioF Ufi4*t mjq (por 1 3 KIOMIUKIII • 1.200 tq. ft.: 4 m m t 1,2S0ao, ft. • IJOOnj. ft. - -• SHa to, ft. i: 21f X 200--43.000 ' Typical intarior unit araai (par floor I: 4 nammim • 1J02 «>. ft.: 4 asart-fnentt • 1.227 to, ft. • t^OOtq. ft. - 3-bedroom unit X 43.4-"1.202 to, ft. • Typical Interior unit Jl otnna. 8u-pun: I3J8 - X 48XT X I Rone. • 1.283 a*, ft. _ ' 1 JOO n . ft. • Xieiaoan unH. • 40 aq. ft. ran par floor for dupin : 22 aaatea par acta (on itraotl. no aroo <«0-T X 2181 I.J- X 4*At too (14J8- X OOP* X a n a i l K l X 28.71 naaraUO: T»> ton 12-ctory ouUdira* • Sta uHilMiomi 218- » 200" - 43400 • 47 urwtj par wmr - »4 ums par aer^ 4 unit* par floor • Typical Intarior unit oai—lona: •»• proa. 40* X 33* (unit aetiuxly 1194 to, ft.l • 1,200 IQ. ft. • 34ja8room unit - PerUna: 20 on-eile wnoee par ude. total 40 apaeai Flaura2J4: Hlah uarolu w*HMa>, 73 unra par pem-• Wottrap rwmm^v nan inajiiii on i o n ana Site Olmaroluia: 218' X 20TT - 41jS00 a>. ft. - 38 unna par no* - 72 w*Wu par acra • »—•— • i:29*x 4I.4-- 1J01 iq.ft. pMa: 28- X 22-2" X 3 norm at. ft. • 1 JOO -- rVMiaj: 30 • •nil. • 40 to, fl. on rna • 20 eaecee • sua dlinainiuM 3 i r X 700* - 43800 • 13 ttortat. 8 luailimriH par floor • 103 unm par acra • Typical intarior unit dbnarwiona: 4 iu.im.nn • 33* X 38* • 1.188 to, ft.: 2 wai uw • 28.8- X 474* •• 1J11 a* ft.: 2 Kaatincnte • 31J' X 38* -1.197 to, ft. > 1300 taj. ft. • 3-bodroont unH • Parfelna: 43 onaita loocaa - 83 -terms. In (a) where he improper l y uses the term crowding he i s a c t u a l l y r e f e r i n g to exces s i ve i n t e r n a l d e n s i t y , (b) i s t he re fo re a more mean ingfu l d e f i n i t i o n . Rapoport agrees that d e n s i t y i s c l e a r l y r e l a t e d to crowding, but i n i n d i r e c t ways. " D e n s i t y " should be used to de s c r i be a p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n w i t hou t b e h a v i o r a l c onno ta t i on s . Crowding, on the other hand, i s a much more complex term which r e f e r s to a s u b j e c t i v e p s y c h o l o g i c a l 24 response to a combinat ion of weighted f a c t o r s . When an i n d i v i d u a l i s exposed to l i m i t e d space, the r e s t r i c t i v e aspects of that l i m i t a t i o n on h i s unique needs are perce i ved as f e e l i n g crowded. S t oko l s i d e n t i f i e s d e n s i t y as a necessary antecedent , r a t h e r than a s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n f o r the exper ience of crowding. To S t o k o l s , h i gh d e n s i t y i s not a s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n f o r the a r o u s a l of crowding s t r e s s . He has found that f o r crowding to occur there must be a d i s r u p t i o n i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l r e l a t i o n w i t h others he i n t e r a c t s Th i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s endorsed by s e v e r a l w r i t e r s ; See W i l l i a m M i c h e l s o n , Man and H i s Urban Environment (Don M i l l s : Addison-Wesley P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1976), pp. 152-156; Stan Z l u t n i c k and I r w i n Altman "Crowding and Human B e h a v i o r " , Environment and S o c i a l  S c i ence s , ed . Joachim W o h l w i l l (Washington, D . C : American P s y c h o l o g i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , 1972), pp. 72-87; Robert M i t c h e l l , "Some S o c i o l o g i c a l I m p l i c a t i o n s of High Dens i t y Hou s i n g " , American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 36 (December 1971): 18-27. 25 D a n i e l S t o k o l s , "On the D i s t i n c t i o n Between Dens i t y and Crowding: Some I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Future Research " , P s y c h o l o g i c a l Review ( V o l . 79, No. 3, 1972): 275-277. - 84 -Proshansky et a l . concluded that an individual may feel crowded by others, which in turn restricts his freedom of choice. Clare Cooper expands this theme by noting that an instance of spatial limitation involves potential inconveniences such as the restriction of 27 movement or the preclusion of privacy. Desor found that when an individual perceives crowding he is "receiving excessive stimulation 2 8 from social sources." A l l of the before-mentioned researchers have directed their attention to determining conditions under which density w i l l affect human behavior and those factors which control the direction of that effect. For example, Schiffenbaur et a l . suggest that, "density affects behavior only when the distribution of individuals in the environment interferes with the attainment of some valued goal." Density and crowding, individually and combined have a variety of complex variables and implications. An important explanation of the relationship between these two concepts was articulated by Day and 26 H.M. Proshansky, W.H. Ittelson and L.G. Riv l i n , Environmental  Psychology: Man and His Physical Setting (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1970). 27 Clare Cooper, "The House as Symbol", Design and Environment (Vol. 3, 1972): 30-37. 28 Desor, pp. 79-83. 29 Allen Schiffenbaur, Janet Brown, Pamela Perry, Louise Shulack and Alice Zanzola, "The Relationship Between Density and Crowding: Some Architectural Modifiers", Environmental and Behavior, Vol. 9, No. 1 (March 1977): 4-14. - 85 -Day. T h e i r f i n d i n g s recogn ize that there are d i f f e r e n t types of d e n s i t y and that each may have d i f f e r e n t e f f e c t s on d i f f e r e n t people and on t h e i r behav io r . Th i s i n turn i n f l u e n c e s the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p e r c e p t i o n of e i t h e r p h y s i c a l or p s y c h o l o g i c a l c rowding. More r e sea r ch on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between d e n s i t y and crowding w i l l be r e q u i r e d before the knowledge can be o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d . Th i s r e s ea r ch should focus d i r e c t l y on human behav ior and should avo id su r rogate e xpe r imen ta t i on . An example of recent m i c r o - l e v e l crowding r e sea r ch which might be a p p l i e d by the p lanner was r epo r ted by Biderraan e t a l . 3 1 In t h i s s tudy, crowding was determined to occur when an i n d i v i d u a l had l e s s than ten square f e e t of l i v i n g space per person. A l though not i n a f u l l y developed s t a t e , t h i s type of tested ob se r va t i on promises v a l u a b l e new approaches which may be used to improve the p l ann i n g and des i gn of h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing env i ronments. However, before such advances can be r e a l i z e d , those w i sh i ng to app ly d e n s i t y and crowding knowledge must take a s tep backward from t h i s type of m i c r o - l e v e l d i s c u s s i o n . The i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s , c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and m i s i n f o rma t i on about the human consequences of d e n s i t y , or c rowding, and t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p n e c e s s i t a t e a m a c r o - l e v e l examinat ion to c l a r i f y and focus c u r r e n t knowledge on these two important concepts . Such an updat ing of d e n s i t y and crowding knowledge should precede any attempt to 3 0 A . T . Day and L.M. Day, " C r o s s n a t i o n a l Comparisons of P o p u l a t i o n D e n s i t y " , S c i ence , V o l . 181 (November 1973): 1016-1023. 3 1 H i s t o r i c a l I n c i d e n t s of Extreme Overcrowding (Washington, D . C , 1963), c i t e d by Douglas Po r teous , Environment and Behav ior (Don M i l l s : ( Addison-Wesley P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1977), p. 178. - 86 -operationalize this information in practical or micro-level terms. It can be concluded from the previous discussion that the interrelationship between density and crowding i s mainly described on a conceptual or intellectual level which may be confusing. Nevertheless i t is possible to draw some practical inferences from this literature. In summary, the term density is most often used to refer to a site measurement or a physical space condition. To paraphrase the acknowledged authorities (Rapoport, Stokols), the individual must perceive* either the state of this density level as excessive because of lack of space and enclosed building design (physical perceived density) or the state of space inadequate because of excessive social interactions (social perceived density) for crowding to occur. However, these two conditions, although necessary,** alone are not sufficient to create crowding. Other factors, or sufficient conditions*** must also be present; these factors result mainly from the impact of either the social or physical perceived density on the individual's human needs. Authorities *Perception is the process through which an individual becomes aware of his environment by organizing and interpreting the evidence of his senses i n response to environmental stimulation. Imposed stimulation tends to create more reaction in the individual than stimulation which is sought. (Jerome Kagan and Ernest Havemann, Psychology, An  Introduction, 4th ed. (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., 1980), p. 579). **Necessary condition - a state of affairs that must prevail i f another is to occur; prerequisite (Webster, p. 767). ***Sufficient condition - a state of affairs whose existence assures the existence of another state of affairs; requisite or desirable (Webster, p. 1164). - 87 -have identified that these disruptions, i f sufficient, cause stress.* This tension, from either a physical state of excessive density or an emotional state of feeling lack of space, is the main reason individuals experience crowding. Therefore, a high density l i v i n g environment does not necessarily lead to crowding unless there is a disruption of certain human needs creating stress, termed crowding-stress. In other words under a low density situation, i f an individual experiences social or sensory disruption he would not necessarily perceive a feeling of crowding. There needs to be a situation of high density (necessary condition) for crowding to be experienced, but crowding w i l l not occur in every high density situation unless there is disruption to the individual which creates stress (sufficient condition). To further validate this analysis, Maslow's hierarchy of human needs (see page 74) indicates how human behavior can be affected by his environment. He suggests that the level in which these needs are met in turn influence the quality of l i f e (see page 11) in that environment. Therefore in a high density environment, i f various human needs are adequately met, the individual as a consequence is less l i k e l y to experience crowding and more l i k e l y to experience a satisfactory quality of l i f e . Also Sundstroms' Interpersonal Model of Crowding (see Figure V) further validates such interrelationships between density and crowding. The following Figure IV depicts these interrelationships as *Stress is the body's reaction to anything that threatens to damage the organism; the physiological wear and tear caused by attempting to adjust to events that cause emotional and other forms of reaction (Kagan and Havemann, pp. 411-412) - 88 -FIGURE IV: RELATING DENSITY AND CROWDING Environmental S t i m u l a t i o n of High Density Levels / Perception I n d i v i d u a l response to sensory s t i m u l a t i o n from environmental c o n d l t l o n s Negative response to den s i t y l e v e l S o c i a l Perceived Density E m o t i o n a l / s o c i a l s t a t e of l a c k of space r e l a t e d to high s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n l e v e l s P h y s i c a l Perceived Density P h y s i c a l / s e n s o r y state of excessive d e n s i t y r e l a t e d to space s i z e , design and l e v e l s of use P o s i t i v e response to den s i t y l e v e l JZ Impact of environmental c o n d i t i o n s on p h y s i o l o g i c a l , s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l requirements X Minimal or no impact (low perception of s o c i a l or p h y s i c a l sensory d i s r u p t i o n ) X S u f f i c i e n t impact (high perception of s o c i a l or p h y s i c a l sensory d i s r u p t i o n ) Minimal s t r e s s response S u f f i c i e n t s t r e s s response No perceived crowding High L i v e a b i l i t y X Perceived crowding from A or B Q u a l i t y of L i f e continuum Low L i v e a b i l i t y - 89 -discussed here, further cla r i f y i n g their distinctions. There are indications that human needs and stress response best explain the chain of events which interrelate density and crowding. As w i l l be described further in this chapter, there are three main groupings of crowding considerations (physiological, psychological, social/cultural) each with unique requirements that, i f adequately met, may reduce the individuals' negative reaction to high density environ-ments. In examining these areas, the concept of crowding-related stress reoccurred; stress from excessive noise, lack of privacy, lack of open space, excessive physical density to l i s t but a few. If a high density environment alone cannot create crowding, then perhaps i t is the individuals negative stress response to the impact of this environment on his physiological, psychological and social/cultural requirements that is sufficient to create the experience of crowding. In looking at the potential crowding-stress resulting from a disruption in physiological requirements, the literature indicates that certain environmental conditions have the greatest impact or influence -such things as noise, visual intrusion, size or occupancy level of rooms are examples of conditions which impact the physiological response and perhaps lead to crowding-stress. In looking at what environmental conditions might determine a psychologial-based crowding response, i t was found that the duration of exposure, the individual's desire for social contact, and whether the dwelling is where a person spends a great deal of time are important conditions which might lead to crowding-stress. The impact of social/cultural factors on crowding stress is determined by such conditions as proximity of f a c i l i t i e s / - 90 -s e r v i c e s , ground o r i e n t a t i o n , p r i v a t e open space, no i se l e v e l s as w e l l , as i n d i v i d u a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as age, c u l t u r e , e d u c a t i o n l e v e l , p e r s o n a l t a s t e and pas t e x p e r i e n c e . In examin ing the three aspect s of c rowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , i t can be s a i d t ha t both the env i r onmenta l c o n d i t i o n s and i t s impact on human needs i n f l u e n c e how the i n d i v i d u a l p e r c e i v e s h i s q u a l i t y of l i f e i n a h i g h d e n s i t y hous ing env i ronment . Some of these f a c t o r s would m in im i ze the d i s r u p t i o n and s t r e s s to the i n d i v i d u a l , w h i l e o the r s would c o n t r i b u t e to t h i s c r o w d i n g - s t r e s s . I n any even t , the l e v e l of c r o w d i n g - s t r e s s seems to be a s t r ong i n d i c a t o r of the l e v e l or range of l i v e a b i l i t y i n a h i gh d e n s i t y env i ronment as d e p i c t e d by the cont inuum i n F i g u r e IV. From t h i s a n a l y s i s , i t appears t ha t the human needs, the s t r e s s re sponse , and l i v e a b i l i t y are a l l key concepts when speak ing of the d e n s i t y - c r o w d i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p . The degree to wh ich i n d i v i d u a l requ i rement s are d i s r u p t e d by the s o c i a l or p h y s i c a l pe r ce i v ed d e n s i t y i s a f a c t o r i n i n f l u e n c i n g p e r c e p t i o n s of c rowd ing . U l t i m a t e l y the l i v e a b i l i t y of the p a r t i c u l a r env i ronment seems determined by the outcome of t h i s complex process as w e l l . These c o n c l u s i o n s have been deve loped here drawing on r e l e v a n t l i t e r a t u r e i n t h i s f i e l d . In c o n c l u s i o n , i t i s e v i d e n t that d e n s i t y and c rowd ing , though two d i s t i n c t terms are i n t i m a t e l y i n t e r r e l a t e d . I t seems e s s e n t i a l to a l s o d i s c u s s c rowding i s s ue s whenever one r e f e r s to d e n s i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y h i g h d e n s i t y because of i t s p o t e n t i a l f o r c r e a t i n g a p e r c e p t i o n of c rowd ing . Th i s d i s c u s s i o n may f u r t h e r v a l i d a t e the need to pursue more i n d e p t h r e s ea r ch on human crowding as w e l l as to - 91 -formulate a method by which crowding considerations may more readily be incorporated with density controls so that environmental housing conditions which reduce this potential for crowding can be promoted. Ultimately this course of action promises to enhance the level of l i v e a b i l i t y in high density housing. E. A METHOD OF ORGANIZING QUALITATIVE CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS The following c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of antecedents of human crowding within the physiological, psychological and social/cultural categories are by necessity arbitrary. For example, stress which results from crowding is as much a social or psychological condition as i t is physiological. The following overview is intended to highlight the key aspects and effects of crowding in housing environments. 1. P h y s i o l o g i c a l Requirements Extensive research on the impact housing environments can have on the physical health of humans has centered on notions of crowding. Documentation of the relationship between l i v i n g conditions and human health, although far from complete, is sufficient to construct general "cause and effect" conclusions about crowding in housing environments. By building on principles of preventative medicine as developed in the 3 2 health sciences, urban designers and planners may achieve major advances toward improving high density housing. See for example; Hendrik L. Blum, Planning For Health:  Development and Application of Social Change Theory (New York: Human Sciences Press, 1974). - 92 -S e v e r a l recent , works d e s c r i b e the p h y s i o l o g i c a l e f f e c t s of 33 crowding found i n hous ing env i ronments . These sources rev iew r e l a t e d e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n and r e p o r t a wide range of f i n d i n g s . The f o l l o w i n g summary i s based on the i n f o r m a t i o n found i n these s t u d i e s . Human i l l n e s s most o f t e n f o l l o w s a l ong cha i n of s o c i a l and p h y s i o l o g i c a l e ven t s . Human crowding has been l i n k e d to v a r i o u s types of i l l - h e a l t h such as communicable d i s e a s e s , c h o l e s t e r o l l e v e l , i n f e c t i o u s d i s e a s e s and s t r e s s d i s e a s e s . The s t r o n g e s t ev idence i n d i c a t e s t h a t human crowding c o n t r i b u t e s to a v a r i e t y of s t r e s s d i s e a s e s and o v e r a l l h e a l t h p rob lems. G i ven that one accept s a l i n k between crowding and s t r e s s d i s e a s e , the f o l l o w i n g s t r e s s r e l a t e d h e a l t h d i s o r d e r s have been r e p o r t e d i n a d u l t s . S t r e s s wh ich can r e s u l t from s e v e r a l d imens ions of c rowding (ne ighbourhood or d w e l l i n g ) can i n f l u e n c e : " e l e v a t e d b lood p r e s s u r e , u r i n a r y t r a c t d i s o r d e r s , i n c r e a s e d l e v e l s of t h y r o x i n e , c h o l e s t e r o l and h y p e r t e n s i o n . P s y c h o - s o c i a l s t r e s s can i n f l u e n c e the cour se of such i l l n e s s e s a s : t u b e r c u l o s i s , asthma and upper r e s p i r a t o r y i n f e c t i o n s , hay f e v e r , acne, p e p t i c u l e r s , i r r i t a b l e c o l o n , u l c e r a t i v e c o l i t i s , s t r o k e and aneurysm, rheumatoid a r t h r i t i s . I n f e c t i o u s d i s e a s e s may a l s o r e s u l t from s t r e s s due to a n t i - i n f l a m m a t o r y a d r e n a l s t e r o i d s be ing s e c r e t e d which pe rmi t the spread of i n f e c t i o n i n the body. S t r e s s may a l s o r e s u l t i n u t e r i n e d y s f u n c t i o n which can cause suppressed m e n s t r a t i o n a l c y c l e s , u n u s u a l l y p a i n f u l p e r i o d s and i n extreme cases A l a n Booth , Urban Crowding and I t s Consequences (New Yo rk : Praeger P u b l i s h e r s , 1976), pp. 44 -72; Andrew Baum and Takov E p s t e i n , Human Responses To Crowding ( H i l l s d a l e , N . J . : Lawrence Erlbaura A s s o c i a t e s , 1978). - 9 3 -spontaneous a b o r t i o n s . " I t has a l s o been suggested tha t crowded l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s i n c r e a s e o n e ' s chance of c o n t a c t i n g a v a r i e t y of communicable d i s e a s e . T h i s i s due to the h i gh number of human c o n t a c t s e xpe r i enced i n h i gh d e n s i t y l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . What are the p h y s i c a l , env i r onmenta l c o n d i t i o n s which i n f l u e n c e human p h y s i o l o g i c a l responses to crowding? " i ) S p a t i a l D e n s i t y i n Rooms: The s i z e of rooms and the number of people i n the room s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e l e v e l s of s t r e s s and p e r c e p t i o n s of c rowd ing . H igh s p a t i a l d e n s i t y produces d i s c o m f o r t and a t l e a s t m i l d l e v e l s of s t r e s s a t b r i e f exposu re . i i ) No i s e and Hea t : Both have been i d e n t i f i e d as a v e r s i v e , a r o u s a l - p r o d u c i n g s t i m u l i . Both may produce s t r e s s or i n t e n s i f y s t r e s s or i n t e n s i f y s t r e s s produced by o the r a v e r s i v e c o n d i t i o n s . No i se generated on a neighbourhood l e v e l from t r a f f i c , c o n s t r u c t i o n , i n d u s t r y or c h i l d r e n p l a y a reas was found to i n f l u e n c e s t r e s s l e v e l s a t the same r a t e as no i se which o r i g i n a t e d from w i t h i n a b u i l d i n g or d w e l l i n g u n i t . P ro l onged exposure to a v a r i e t y of n o i s e sources can a l s o impa i r h e a r i n g and s l e e p p a t t e r n s . C l ean a i r and v e n t i l a t i o n are neces sa ry c o n t r o l s f o r heat r e l a t e d s t r e s s l e v e l s . i i i ) V i s u a l I n t r u s i o n and Loss of P r i v a c y : Human h e a l t h i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to one ' s sense of p r i v a c y and s e c u r i t y . When one ' s i n t e r n a l or e x t e r n a l l i v i n g spa.ce i s i n t r u d e d on by o t h e r s , a v a r i e t y " of p h y s i o l o g i c a l responses may occur such as i n c r e a s e d l e v e l s of s t r e s s . I n t r u s i o n on one ' s p e r s ona l space may a l s o take the form of s m e l l s and odors wh ich i n c l u d i n g obvious p h y s i o l o g i c a l h e a l t h e f f e c t s can i n c r e a s e s t r e s s . i v ) L i g h t n e s s Ve r su s Darknes s : W e l l l i t or l i g h t c o l ou red rooms tend to be pe r ce i v ed as l a r g e r than dark rooms. Thus poo r l y l i t , dark c o l ou red rooms can i n c r e a s e s t r e s s l e v e l s . P rope r b u i l d i n g o r i e n t a t i o n and v iew Boo th , pp. 44 -47 . - 94 -preservation aid in protecting natural light sources. v) Complexity of Physical Surroundings: Based on an "overload model", complicated and disorderly settings produce stress by creating demands on an individuals capacity to assimilate information; such settings produce greater stress levels than simple, orderly ones. vi) Variations in Architecture: Individual perceptions of crowding and stress levels are strongly influenced by building design. For example, higher stress levels were reported in people l i v i n g in buildings with double-loaded corridors when compared to those l i v i n g in buildings with entrance of two or three units arranged around common space or those with separate entrances. v i i ) Partitions Within Rooms: Partitioning of rooms enables a larger number of individuals to be comfortable by reducing the amount of social stimulation recieved by each individual which reduces stress by c o n t r o l l i n g R e m a n d s on their capacities to process, information and stimulation." 2. P s y c h o l o g i c a l Requirements A continuing theme of crowding as a state of psychological stress which sometimes accompanies high population density links a vast amount of research produced by environmental psychologists. This 37 concept which was refined by writers like Irwin Altman clearly accepts the principle of psychological mediation and the importance of the interplay of both personal and environmental variables in crowding 35 Eric Sundstrom, Crowding as a Sequential Process: Review of Research on the Effects of Population Density on Humans", Human Response  to Crowding, ed. Andrew Baum (Hillsdale, NJ.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1978), pp. 38-46. 3 6 Here, environmental psychologists refers to a diverse group representing many different disciplines and theoretical perspectives. 37 Irwin Altman, Environmental Psychology and Social Psychology," Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin No. 2 (September 1976): 96-113.. - 95 -r e s e a r c h . Th i s f u r t h e r v a l i d a t e s the n o t i o n of neces sa ry and s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n s to c rowding as d e p i c t e d e a r l i e r i n F i g u r e IV. 3 8 Lazarus and Cohen summarize t h i s type of c rowding r e s e a r c h and p o i n t out t ha t the new p s y c h o l o g i c a l approach to crowding i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a g ene r a l s h i f t i n modern psycho logy which r e cogn i z e s the impor tance of p e r s o n a l i t y de te rm inan t s of r e a c t i o n and c o g n i t i v e m e d i a t i o n . B r i e f l y they found; " I t has become c l e a r that c rowding i s a p s y c h o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e t h a t has o f t e n been confused w i t h a p h y s i c a l v a r i a b l e , h i g h p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y ; t h i s c o n f u s i o n i s p a r a l l e l to the concept of s t r e s s o f t e n used by s o c i o l o g i s t s , who have t r e a t e d s o c i a l s t r a i n , a u t o m a t i c a l l y as i f i t were expe r i enced by the i n d i v i d u a l as p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t r e s s . Second, as r e s e a r c h and theory on c rowding has expanded, the a n a l y t i c a l concepts employed have i n c r e a s i n g l y i n v o l v e d s o c i a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l and p h y s i o l o g i c a l m e d i a t i o n and mechanisms. T h i r d , the outcome measures of c rowding r e s e a r c h have i n c l u d e d the e n t i r e spectrum of s t r e s s - response measures a t a l l l e v e l s of a n a l y s i s i n c l u d i n g f o r example, s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , s h o r t - t e r m p h y s i o l o g i c a l changes, p r e c u r s o r s of d i s e a s e , d i s e a s e of a d a p t a t i o n and m o r t a l i t y . " 3 9 Other author s have a p p l i e d the knowledge of psycho logy to the s tudy of c rowding on human env i ronments . For example, P e r i n i n v e s t i g a t e d how concepts from b e h a v i o r a l s c i e n c e s can b r i n g a c e n t r a l concern f o r human behav io r and development to env i r onmen ta l de s i g n and p l a n n i n g . Amos Rapoport a l s o has produced a comprehensive overv iew R i c h a r d Laza ru s and J u d i t h Cohen, " Env i r onmenta l S t r e s s , " i n Human Behav i o r and Env i ronment , eds . I r w i n Altman and Joach im W o h l w i l l (New Yo rk : P lenus P r e s s , 1976), pp. 89-119. 39 I b i d . , p. 116. i+0 Constance P e r i n , An I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y P r o spec tu s Fo r  Env i r onmenta l Des i gn (Cambridge, Mas sachuse t t s : The MIT P r e s s , 1970). - 96 -of man-environment studies which as well organizes and applies a vast 41 range of behavioral knowledge to planning and design. Psychological implications of crowding are far too complex and broad in scope to allow complete coverage here. However, with the aid of a model developed by Eric Sundstrom,1+2 a basic understanding of the psychological underpinnings of crowding in human environments can be achieved. The following model depicts crowding as a sequential process and serves as a means of organizing the findings of psychological crowding research. Sundstrom based this model on several assumptions: "i) The various types of high density ( i . e . the number of structures per acre, the number of dwellings per structure, the number of rooms per dwelling, the number of persons per room) _do not necessarily produce aversive conditions that result in crowding. i i ) Effects of high density on individual experience are mediated by conditions that either accompany high density or are produced by i t . In other words high density only indirectly produces stress. i i i ) Psychological events that accompany crowding may include changes in attitudes toward other people ( i . e . , decreased attraction and changes in perception of others). iv) Under some conditions, cognitive or perceptual processes of adaptation may diminish crowding. People may reduce crowding through coping or alteration of conditions through interpersonal behavior, task performance, or physical environment. v) Negative after effects and cumulative effects of crowding may result from (a) stress, (b) the effort expended during coping, or (c) 4 i See, Amos Rapoport, Human Aspects of Urban Form (New Yorks Pergamon Press, 1977). 42 Eric Sundstrom, Toward An Interpersonal Model of Crowding, Sociological Symposium No. 14 (1975): 129-144. Figure V on page 97 of this research comes from this source. the e f f o r t spent i n a d a p t a t i o n . " 43 FIGURE V - PSYCHOLOGICAL RESPONSE TO CROWDING Antecedents of Crowding Physical Condition. High density Partitions Complexity Orderliness Heat/noise Social Conditions Number o( persons Interpersonal distance Interference Social Atmosphere Personal Character-istics Personality Sex Modifying, Factors Duration of exposure Type of activity Primary vs. Secondary environment Desire 'or social contact Psychological Responses Stress Discomfort Physiological arousal Uklng Perception ol other people Adaptation Decreased responsiveness over time (cognitive/ perceptual) Consequences of Crowding Immediate Behavioral Reaction. Interpersonal behavior Task performance Aftereffects and Cumulative Eltecti Withdrawal Aggression III health Poor performance Sundst rom ' s model i s d i v i d e d three c a t e g o r i e s ; (1) Antecedent s  of C rowd ing , wh ich l i s t s p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s such as s i z e of room, no i s e and c o m p l e x i t y of s e t t i n g ; s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s such as the number of pe r son s , i n t e r p e r s o n a l d i s t a n c e and s o c i a l atmosphere; and pe r s ona l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as sex , age and p e r s o n a l i t y p re fe rence s or e xpe r i ence w i t h crowded s u r r ound i ng s . In the model, these antecedents feed i n t o m o d i f y i n g f a c t o r s such as d u r a t i o n of exposure and pr imary ver sus secondary env i ronment. C o n t r o l l i n g f o r these m o d i f i e r s the model l i s t s ; (2) P s y c h o l o g i c a l Responses to Crowding such as s t r e s s , 43 Sundstrom, 1978, p. 35 . - 98 -a d a p t a t i o n and a l t e r e d a t t i t u d e s toward o the r peop l e . The model r e c o g n i z e s o the r b e h a v i o r a l responses such as changes i n task, performance and i n t e r p e r s o n a l behav io r and reduced i n t e r p e r s o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n . Perhaps the g r e a t e s t c o n t r i b u t i o n Sundst rom ' s model makes i s i n the a rea of the f i n a l c a tego r y ; (3) Consequences of Crowding. Here he d i s t i n g u i s h e s th ree l e v e l s of p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e a c t i o n to c rowd ing , immediate b e h a v i o r a l r e a c t i o n , c umu l a t i v e e f f e c t s and a f t e r e f f e c t s , a l l o f wh ich may i n c l u d e changes i n h e a l t h or performance l e v e l s t ha t a r i s e a f t e r exposure to crowded c o n d i t i o n s . Sundst rom ' s a r t i c l e a p p l i e s t h i s model w h i l e c a t e g o r i z i n g and r e v i e w i n g r e l e v a n t source m a t e r i a l wh ich need no t be reproduced h e r e . A c o n t i n u i n g problem one faces when a t t e m p t i n g to d e f i n e crowding i s the , " s p e c i f i c a t i o n of c o n d i t i o n s t ha t l e ad to s t r e s s i n h i g h d e n s i t y l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . " 4 4 A l t hough no t i n tended to imp ly t h a t crowding s t r e s s always occurs a t h i gh d e n s i t y , the f o l l o w i n g l i s t of p s y c h o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s are p re sented to o u t l i n e the k i nd i n f o r m a t i o n p l anne r s shou ld be aware of when p l a n n i n g f o r h i g h d e n s i t y . What a re the env i r onmenta l c o n d i t i o n s which impact the human p s y c h o l o g i c a l responses to crowding? " i ) D u r a t i o n of Exposure: An i n d i v i d u a l may t o l e r a t e a b r i e f exposure to c o n d i t i o n s of h i g h d e n s i t y such as a r i d e on a crowded bus, but p ro longed exposure may i n c r e a s e the l i k e l i h o o d of c rowd ing . Crowding i s a l s o i n f l u e n c e d by an i n d i v i d u a l ' s advance knowledge of the d u r a t i o n of exposu re . Even p ro longed h i g h d e n s i t y c o n d i t i o n s can be t o l e r a b l e i f a person knows how 4 4 S u n d s t r o m , 1978, p. 33 . - 99 -l o ng they w i l l c o n t i n u e . i i ) P r e d i c t a b i l i t y : Research on s t r e s s suggests t ha t a v e r s i v e c o n d i t i o n s are more s t r e s s f u l when they are u n p r e d i c t a b l e . i i i ) C u r r e n t d e s i r e f o r s o c i a l s t i m u l a t i o n : A person sometimes needs s o l i t u d e and a t o the r times d e s i r e s i n t e n s e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , depending on r e cen t e xpe r i ence and p e r s o n a l i t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t ha t d e r i v e from pa s t e x p e r i e n c e . A per son who has r e c e n t l y been i s o l a t e d may have a t e m p o r a r i l y e l e v a t e d t h r e s ho l d f o r c rowd ing . . Someone r a i s e d i n a crowded household may e s t a b l i s h a h i g h a d a p t a t i o n l e v e l f o r s o c i a l s t i m u l a t i o n and may p r e f e r r e l a t i v e l y -crowded q u a r t e r s . i v ) P r i m a r y ve r su s secondary env i ronment : P r i m a r y env i ronments a re p l a ce s where a person spends l a r g e amounts of t ime, r e l a t e d to o the r s on a p e r s o n a l b a s i s , and .performs p e r s o n a l l y impo r t an t a c t i v i t i e s ( i . e . , homes, apartments and p l a ce s of w o r k ) . When ove r l oad or t h w a r t i n g occur s i n these s e t t i n g s , they pose a g r e a t e r t h r e a t to " p s y c h o l o g i c a l s e c u r i t y " than i n o ther s e t t i n g s . T h e r e f o r e , c rowding i n p r imary env i ronments i s expected to be more i n t e n s e and d i f f i c u l t to r e s o l v e than i n secondary env i ronments where a person spends l i t t l e time and r e l a t e s to o the r s on an imper sona l b a s i s . By t h i s r e a s o n i n g , c rowding i n d w e l l i n g s i s more d i f f i c u l t to r e s o l v e than crowding produced by h i gh ne ighborhood d e n s i t y . v) P e r c e i v e d o r i g i n of i n t e r p e r s o n a l e v e n t s : I f i n t e r f e r e n c e and t hwa r t i n g by o the r people i s p e r s o n a l ( e m i n a t i n g from a s i n g l e pe r son , d e l i b e r a t e , and p e r s o n a l l y d i r e c t e d ) , c rowding i s e xpe r i enced as be ing more i n t e n s e than i n response to n e u t r a l t h w a r t i n g . S i m i l a r l y , a v i o l a t i o n of norms of i n t e r p e r s o n a l d i s t a n c e may be more s t r e s s f u l i f i t appears i n t e n t i o n a l and not due to the p h y s i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s p r e sen t i n a s i t u a t i o n . " 3• Social/Cultural Requirements Human behav i o r i s s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by s o c i e t y , s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The i n d i v i d u a l ' s pe r s ona l h i s t o r y and c u l t u r e a l s o a f f e c t how one r e a c t s to one ' s s u r r ound i n g s . To examine the human consequences of c rowding i n a r e l e v a n t manner, a c omb ina t i on of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s which i n f l u e n c e behav io r must be we ighed. ' + 5 Sunds t rom, 1978, pp. 33 -34 . - 100 -This section deals briefly with the study of how social systems and culture have been applied from crowding research. Although social and cultural factors could each warrant separate investigation, their parallel use here and in sociological literature minimizes the duplication of available sources, thus permitting a more concise reporting of their importance to the study of human environments. As pointed out by Susan Saegert, the significance of these two factors in understanding human environments reflect a general claim by sociologists, "that the nature of society i t s e l f and the bonds amongst its members are pervasively affected by the density of i t s population . • >• 4 6 concentration. a. Social Factors: Sociological literature reveals many factors which are important to crowding phenomena. From a sociological perspective, the individual's response to crowding is strongly influenced by age, sex and l i f e s t y l e . Other factors such as personal resources, personality type or position in the social structure are examples of further possible factors. Social units such as the family or neighborhood come into play 47 in one's response to crowding. Considerations such as homogeneity of a population have also been noted to influence perception of crowding. l t 6Susan Saegert, "High Density Environments: Their Personals and Social Consequences," in Human Responses to Crowding, ed. Andrew Baum and Yakov Epstein (Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1978), pp. 257-281. 47 . 'Homogeneity" refers to the degree to which an individual is similar to those around him in terms of ethnicity, race, l i f e style, or other characteristics. - 101 -I n s h o r t , s o c i o l o g y has p re sented broad ev idence of f a c t o r s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the r e l a t i o n s h i p of s e l e c t e d a spec t s of the p h y s i c a l env i ronment to p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and a c t i v i t i e s of peop le . The volume of t h i s m a t e r i a l r u l e s out a comprehensive su rvey h e r e . In i t s p l a ce however, one can u t i l i z e secondary sources which have condensed and a p p l i e d such r e s e a r c h i n an endeavor to draw c o n c l u s i o n s about s o c i a l behav io r i n l i v i n g env i ronment s , f o r example, a 4 8 c o l l e c t i o n of essays on s o c i a l e co l ogy by Moos and I n s e l . A l s o , books by Baum and E p s t e i n , 4 9 , F r e e d m a n , 5 0 and Douglas P o r t e o u s 5 1 can serve as a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n s ou r ce s . However, the source most a p p l i c a b l e f o r the purposes of t h i s s tudy i s W i l l i a m M i c h e l s o n ' s 1976 e d i t i o n of 52 Man and H i s Urban Env i ronment ; A S o c i o l o g i c a l Approach. Backed by h i s depth of s o c i o l o g i c a l knowledge, M i c h e l s o n has l i s t e d t e n t a t i v e c o n c l u s i o n s about the s o c i a l env i ronment wh ich are r e l e v e n t to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n and w i l l be reproduced he re . What are the p h y s i c a l env i r onmenta l c o n d i t i o n s which can 4 8 Rudo l f H. Moos and P a u l M. I n s e l , ed . I s sues I n S o c i a l  E co l ogy ; Human M i l r i u s ( P a l o A l t o , C a l i f . : N a t i o n a l P res s Books, 1974). 4 9 Baum and E p s t e i n , 1978. 5 0 F r e e d m a n , 1975. 5 1 D o u g l a s J . P o r t e o u s , Env i ronment and B e h a v i o r : P l a n n i n g and  Everyday Urban L i f e (Don M i l l s : Add i son-Wes ley P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1977). 5 2 W i l l i a m M i c h e l s o n , Man and H i s Urban Env i ronment : A  S o c i o l o g i c a l Approach , 2nd ed". (Don M i l l s : Add i son-Wes ley P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1976). - 102 -i n f l u e n c e human s o c i a l responses to crowding? " 1 . I n t e n s e , f r e q u e n t a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h a wide range of r e l a t i v e s t h r i v e s i n areas i n which many people have easy p h y s i c a l access to each o t h e r , w h i l e the same people f i n d tha t t h i s s t y l e of l i f e d i m i n i s h e s i n v o l u n t a r i l y i n areas of low d e n s i t y . 2. An emphasis on the n u c l e a r f a m i l y and i t s j o i n t a c t i v i t i e s i s most congruent w i t h the access of people to each o the r and to v a r i o u s a c t i v i t i e s now p rov i ded by the t y p i c a l h ou s i n g , open space, and l and use p a t t e r n s of the suburbs . 3 . A c t i v e , t r a d i t i o n a l l y mascu l i ne past imes are p a r t of home l i f e on l y when the env i ronment i s s t r u c t u r e d so as to m in im ize the impingement of ne ighbors on each o t h e r . 4 . S p e c i a l i z e d i n t e r e s t s which r e q u i r e c o - e n t h u s i a s t s are d i f f i c u l t to s a t i s f y i n low d e n s i t y a r e a s . A d a p t i v e b e h a v i o r , o f t e n expres sed i n terms of k a f f e e k l a t c h i n g or o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i s e s s e n t i a l f o r those whose l i v e s have p r e v i o u s l y i n c l u d e d o the r people and a c t i v i t y but who a re sudden ly r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d . 5. Peop le w i t h " c o s m o p o l i t a n " l i f e s t y l e s d e s i r e more p h y s i c a l s e p a r a t i o n from ne ighbor s and p l a c e l e s s emphasis on p r o x i m i t y to f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s than do people whose i n t e r e s t s a re " l o c a l " . 6 . D i r e c t access to the o u t s i d e maximizes c o n t r o l i n c h i l d r a i s i n g under c o n v e n t i o n a l p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p s . 7. S e l f - c o n t a i n e d hous ing u n i t s m in im ize pa ren t f o s t e r i n g of c h i l d r e n ' s i n h i b i t i o n s . 8. A d u l t s , be fo re and a f t e r r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n (as w e l l as those who are c h i l d l e s s ) f r e q u e n t l y r a t e c e n t r a l i t y ( i . e . , access to consumer goods and s e r v i c e s ) more h i g h l y than do f a m i l i e s w i t h growing c h i l d r e n . 9. The aged f i n d g r e a t e s t s a t i s f a c t i o n i n a c o n c e n t r a t i o n of l i k e - a g e d peop l e , p a r t i c u l a r l y when they have " l o c a l " l i f e s t y l e s and p r e v i o u s l y l i v e d i n noncohes ive ne ighborhoods . 10. A c c e s s i b i l i t y to l i v e l y a c t i v i t y i s a l s o b e n e f i c i a l f o r o l d e r p e o p l e . - 103 -11. The percentage of income t ha t people w i l l spend on good q u a l i t y hous ing v a r i e s p r i m a r i l y a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r e d u c a t i o n . 12. Peop le i n d i f f e r e n t s oc i o -economic c l a s s e s have d i f f e r e n t concep t i on s of hous ing adequacy. 13. Comp le te l y random placement of work ing c l a s s r e s i d e n t s among m idd le c l a s s ne ighbor s r e s u l t s i n the i s o l a t i o n of the former r a t h e r than i n any i n t e n d e d , p o s i t i v e r e s u l t . 14. A l though c u r r e n t usages and images of the c i t y are r e s t r i c t e d by pe r s ona l r e s o u r c e s , no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n the p r e f e r r e d form of homes, ne ighborhoods, ' and c i t i e s have been shown r e l a t e d to s o c i a l c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s . 15. N a t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l v a l u e s f r e q u e n t l y t r an s fo rm the type and the use of urban spaces i n any p l a c e . 16. Peop le who h i g h l y va l ue conven ience are l i k e l y to p r e f e r more mixed l and uses and s m a l l l o t s i z e s . Peop le who h i g h l y v a l u e i n d i v i d u a l i s m p r e f e r l a r g e r l o t s i z e s . 17. Peop le e v a l u a t e hous ing w i t h d i f f e r e n t y a r d s t i c k s , a c c o r d i n g to the type of hou s i n g . 18. Peop l e a s s o c i a t e p r i v a t e open space w i t h a c t i v e f a m i l y p u r s u i t s r e g a r d l e s s of the s i z e of the space. 19. Hous ing c o n d i t i o n l eads d i r e c t l y to s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l p a t h o l o g i e s on l y when i t i s d e s p e r a t e l y i nadequa te . M a r g i n a l improvements i n hous ing c o n d i t i o n have been found markedly r e l a t e d to few expected b e n e f i t s , the most pronounced of which i s a s h o r t e r d u r a t i o n f o r c h i l d r e n ' s i l l n e s s e s . 20. H igh neighborhood d e n s i t i e s seem more r e l a t e d to s o c i a l p a t h o l o g i e s than crowding w i t h i n d w e l l i n g u n i t s , but i t s e f f e c t i s mediated by pe r s ona l and c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s . 21 . H igh no i s e l e v e l s a re r e l a t e d to the i n c i d e n c e of d i s ea se s that i n v o l v e t e n s i o n . 22. Lack of a b i l i t y to meet people i n a p l a ce where c o n t a c t can become mean ing fu l ( such as can now be found i n c e r t a i n types of apartment b u i l d i n g s ) i s r e l a t e d to an i n c r e a s e d i n c i d e n c e of r e p o r t e d med i ca l problems, p o s s i b l y r e f l e c t i n g induced i n t r o v e r s i o n . 23 . A f o r ced change of r e s i d e n c e i nduces a p s y c h i a t r i c syndrome more d i r e c t than most o the r behav io r responses to env i ronment . Th i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y acute among people whose c u l t u r a l or o c c u p a t i o n a l t r a i t s ( o r both) are d i f f e r e n t from midd le c l a s s norms• - 104 -24. Spatial proximity, often based on the position and outlook of doors, may determine interaction patterns, but i t normally occurs only under conditions of real or perceived homogeneity in the population and where there is a need for mutual aid, which i s in many instances caused by population turnover in situation where residents themselves cope with repairs and like problems." b. Cultural Factors;, The influence one's cultural background has on the individual's use of space and physical environments was f i r s t proposed by E.T. Hall in the widely cited book The Hidden Dimension 5 4. Building on his earlier observations Hall later developed a proxemics framework55 which w i l l be described here as a model to describe how culture influences behavior and response to crowding in l i v i n g environments. Hall defines proxemics as, "the interrelated observations and theories of man's use of space as a specialized elaboration of c u l t u r e . " 5 6 Hall's work has two separate focuses, (1) hypotheses about spatial zones used in social interactions and (2) observations and hypotheses concerning space usage in different cultures. This discussion addresses the second focus. 5 3Michelson, pp. 193-195. 54 Edward T. Hall, The Hidden Dimension (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1966). Edward T. Hall, Handbook Of Proxemics Research (Washington, D.C: Society for the Anthropology of Visual Communication, 1974). - 105 -The task of condensing Hall's extensive research has been 57 undertaken by Altman and Vinsel. Hall's findings might be best described by an example taken from this source. Briefly, Hall takes an anthropological approach of observation to determine cultural norms and values which are reflected in the use of space and reaction to environments. The deduction is made that furniture arrangements, home design, distance and orientation between people vary with cultural values. Altman and Vinsel cite the example of differences in contact and non-contact cultures: "Hall portrayed Arabic societies as highly sensory, with people interacting at very close quarters: nose to nose, breathing in one another's face, touching and the li k e . Such immediacy contrasts with practices in so called non-contact cultures, for example, northern Europeans, who presumably ar.^  more reserved in their communications." A limited amount of research now exists on the spatial behavior and requirements of ethnic groups from which the planner can begin to select data to aid in incorporating cultural considerations into high density planning. Altman and Vinsel's a r t i c l e supplies on extensive bibliography which documents some of these sources. Although several lines of research have outlined specific ethnic or cultural factors of spatial behavior, these findings in their present state, are insufficient to provide general planning direction. For example, studies have focused on Arabic, Northern European, Latin American and ethnic groups in the United States (blacks and whites) but 57 Irwin Altman and Anne M. Vinsel, Personal Space: An Analysis of E.T. Hall's Proxemics Framework" in Human Behavior and Environment, ed. Irwin Altman and Joachim Wohlwill (New York: Plenum Press, 1978): 181-259. 5 8 I b i d , p. 241. - 106 -are not refined sufficiently and do not include a large enough sample of ethnic groups to enable the planner to apply this knowledge toward physical planning in the multi-cultural context of Canadian society. However, Hall's theorizing on cultural differences in spatial behavior and response to crowding promises to focus future research to provide the cultural data necessary for worthwhile application to planning for high density environments. Present knowledge does, however, validate Hall's observation that culture is a key factor in human responses to environments. Cultural differences and responses to crowding are important factors to consider in the planning of high density environments. F. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER IV The intent of this chapter has been to present an overview of the current status of crowding knowledge as i t relates to planning for high density housing. The focus was to clearly define and describe the qualitative component which relates to crowding, i t s causes and it s effects on humans. The qualitative component was divided into three classifications of human crowding conditions; 1) the physiological, 2) the psychological, and 3) the social/cultural. As indicated in the following chapter, these categories combined with the three quantitative components of density measures comprise the major considerations of the proposed conceptual framework. The close interrelationship between density and crowding is evident from this chapter, and further il l u s t r a t e s the need for the systematic incorporation of the density-crowding relationship in planning approaches for the regulation of high density housing environments. - 107 -CHAPTER V THE INCORPORATION OF CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS AND DENSITY MEASURES A. INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND The objective of this chapter is to combine knowledge from the preceding chapters in order to develop a conceptual framework which depicts the density-crowding relationship in a planning context. This framework might assist the planner to more systmatically incorporate crowding considerations into his decision-making in conjunction with technical density measures. The framework as proposed here outlines a process through which the density-crowding relationship might be used to suggest planning implications for high density housing. The strategy of developing such a guide for density-crowding controls is valuable for another, more academic, reason; that of serving as a necessary link between theory and practise, knowledge and actions. If one assumes that an awareness of current theory i s useful in that i t expands one's viewpoint and increases one's a b i l i t y to interpret or problem-solve, then the question becomes, how can theory be made useful and practical to planning? This research hopes to answer this challenge by suggesting a conceptual framework that may both narrow the gap between theory and practise and serve as a guide towards more sensitive high density housing environments. Other objectives for developing a conceptual framework are that; i t may provide consistency in applying the theory involved, It may provide an informed basis for decision-making and i t may c l a r i f y the - 108 -i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n v o l v e d . In a d d i t i o n a concep tua l framework can be adaptab le to the e v o l u t i o n of knowledge r e g a r d i n g d e n s i t y and c rowd ing . T h e r e f o r e , i t may prove a u s e f u l t o o l to p r ov i de c o n t i n u i t y i n advanc ing more s e n s i t i v e h i gh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y p l a n n i n g by o f f e r i n g a t h e o r e t i c a l ba s i s f o r the p l a n n e r ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and a c t i o n s . The proposed c o n c e p t u a l framework i s des igned to be adaptab le so t h a t i t may complement c u r r e n t d e n s i t y c o n t r o l mechanisms or se rve as c r i t e r i a f o r d e v e l o p i n g new d e n s i t y - c r o w d i n g c o n t r o l s . I t would be an i m p o s s i b l e task to d e s c r i b e c r i t e r i a f o r a l l p o s s i b l e p l a n n i n g s i t u a t i o n s , nor would t h i s be a d e s i r e a b l e g o a l . R a t h e r , the framework which i s des i gned to be adaptab le might app l y to a range of s i t u a t i o n s . A l s o i t s p a r t i c u l a r focus on the r e s i d e n t s ' q u a l i t y of l i f e i n h i g h d e n s i t y env i ronments i s t i m e l y . The concep tua l framework can serve a s - a b a s i s to o r gan i ze knowledge from r e c e n t and f u t u r e t h e o r e t i c a l advances i n d e n s i t y and crowding r e s e a r c h . A m a t r i x i s used because i t i s f l e x i b l e , and may be a p p l i e d i n a v a r i e t y of complex p l a n n i n g s i t u a t i o n s . Th i s approach may be more r e spon s i ve to i n n o v a t i v e h i gh d e n s i t y de s i gn s than a r i g i d code of q u a n t i t a t i v e d e n s i t y measures. Aga in i t must be emphasized tha t t h i s framework i s not meant to r e p l a c e c u r r e n t d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s , but r a t h e r to se rve as a gu ide i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of both d e n s i t y and crowding theory i n the de s i g n and c o n t r o l of h i g h d e n s i t y deve lopments . A case can be made f o r p u t t i n g the c u r r e n t crowding knowledge i n t o a m a t r i x format from an urban p l a n n i n g p e r s p e c t i v e . A c o n c e p t u a l framework which may he lp the p lanner to i n t e r p r e t , r e f i n e , or supplement - 109 -current, mainly quantitative density measures.with crowding considerations may be an effective planning approach, and may provide a system which can better deal with the many high density planning concerns on a more individual basis. For example, ensuring quality of l i f e cannot be left to chance through the current use of quantitative density measures such as floor space ratios. The inclusion of human requirements into density controls may be more systematic if planning is provided with a useable framework which represents both the technical measures of density and human aspects of crowding. As well, the framework may be utilized to critique or evaluate the effectiveness of current density measures and controls in addressing crowding considerations. B. A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR INCORPORATING DENSITY MEASURES WITH CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS 1 . Development of the Framework The conceptual framework in itself is not the end product of this study. Rather, i t is the density-crowding knowledge collected in the previous chapters which is the important consideration. The framework is nothing more than a concise means of organizing and operationalizing this vast amount of knowledge. It should be noted that the density and crowding chapters were both organized to correspond with the format of the framework. In particular, the three components of density measures and the three components of crowding considerations - 110 -comprise the major matrix headings. The following discussion and figures suggest how one might " f i l l - i n " the nine boxes which appear in the conceptual framework in order to hypothesize possible planning implications of the density-crowding relationship. The framework is intended as a broad guide for the organization of the density-crowding relationship knowledge from this research. Its I purpose is to outline a process by which the planner might comprehend and apply this knowledge in a more meaningful way. No new knowledge i s generated by the development of this conceptual framework, rather the discussion in this chapter i s intended to serve as a "road map" which may show how to combine .density-crowding knowledge as well as identify some of the resultant planning implications. Prior to presenting the framework, i t may be useful to f i r s t draw some correlations between the three general crowding components as outlined in Chapter IV with the three types of density measures described in Chapter III. As based on this research, a description i s suggested of the potential connecting elements between density and crowding and how they relate to the density-crowding relationship as shown by Figure VI. The purpose of Figure VI is to graphically identify some of the apparent connecting elements or the linkages between the factors related to the sufficient conditions of crowding as shown on the l e f t and the measures of the necessary conditions of crowding as shown on the right side. Organizing a large amount of information, the headings of the chart correspond with sections of the text of this study. Through a FIGURE VX - POTENTIAL CONNECTING ELEMENTS OP THE DENSITY-CROWDING RELATIONSHIP Noise Level Adequate privacy View Preservation Natual Lighting Building Orientation  Stress Response  Visual Intrusion  Partltlonlng/Size of Rooms  Adequate Open Space  Stress Response  Noise Levels  Primary vs. Secondary Environment  Individual Experience and Perception  Peisonal Taste  Archltectual Complexity and Diversity  Interpersonal Space Needs Open Space  Social Characteristics (age, sex, education) Past Experience with High Density Housing  Neighborhood Amenities  Family Size & Relations Cultural Space Needs Social Mix Stress Response Gross Density Net Density Persons/Net Acre Persons/Family Capaclty Person/Room Capacity Cubic Density Floor Area Ratio and Floor Space Ratio ( Crowding Consideration Controls - — > 4 Density Level Controls ^ for Sufficient Conditions for Necessary Conditions V •  - - — — •• . . . . . . • . • . , M 1 Liveabitlty Guidelines process of referring back to the appropriate section of the text, one can reach some conclusions as to whether or not a relationship between a specific crowding consideration and a specific density measurment can be suggested. Although the correlations between specific crowding concerns and density measures are not large, there is nevertheless enough inferrable information to permit some generalization which produce the connecting lines in this figure. It does not mean that the crowding consideration will adequately be prevented i f the connecting density measures are adopted. Rather, by using the particular density measure, which seem more promising, such as the population measures, the connecting crowding considerations might better be systematically ensured in the housing environment though the development control process. To understand further how the figure relates to the density-crowding relationship, a brief explanation is necessary. Crowding was created by the existence of both necessary and sufficient conditions. The high density level is the necessary condition for crowding. The density measures on the right of the figure serve to quantify this necessary condition. It is apparent from this figure that the population measures have the most potential connecting elements. If implemented as density controls however, these measures can only indirectly have positive impact. For example by setting up the necessary environmental condition in a way more conducive to human needs, disruption of those needs might be avoided and ultimately this prevents the existence of the sufficient condition to crowding. - 113 -The sufficient conditions are represented by the human crowding requirements on the l e f t of the figure. In addition to density measures which have an indirect impact on these, separate controls might be necessary to ensure their consideration to a degree which prevents crowding-stress. Therefore as the figure depicts, i t may be necessary to have two sets of high density controls. The set related to the measurement of high density could be termed density level controls and would be used primarily to control the necessary environmental conditions that influence crowding. The second set, called crowding consideration controls, would be necessary to control the environmental conditions that are sufficient to disrupt human needs and result in crowding. Since both conditions are needed for crowding to occur, i t would follow that some type of planning mechanism is necessary to control both conditions adequately. Also since the presence or absence of crowding is an indicator of the l i v e a b i l i t y of the environment, both sets of controls would constitute comprehensive guidelines for l i v e a b i l i t y . Two problems arise from connecting density measures with crowding considerations as in Figure VI. F i r s t l y , the diagram reveals that no linkages can be found from several of the crowding considerations and the various density measures. Secondly, the linkages which have been identified have mainly been inferred from the literature so that they may not be as reliable and consistent as desired. Therefore, even i f one chose to use the population measures as development control this would not be adequate to prevent both the sufficient and the necessary conditions to crowding. From this analysis - 114 -i t would appear there is a need for controls directly aimed at human needs because density measures, at best, can only be applied as indirect controls. The sufficient environmental conditions must be controlled along with the necessary conditions i f crowding is to be prevented. As the figure shows some density measures can indirectly control some of the environmental conditions that could negatively impact human needs. However there seem to be other environmental conditions that can not be addressed by density measures at a l l . These conditions must also be controlled because they can also have sufficient negative impacts on human needs to result in crowding, thus the need for two sets of high density housing controls. Figure VI can serve as an outline to apply the density-crowding knowledge documented by this study. The information indicated by this figure is further refined and presented in Figures VII-IX which follow. These figures are developed as a way of explaining some of the planning implications which result from the density-crowding relationship at a more specific level. Each figure outlines the planning implications which become evident when one compares a particular crowding component with the various density measures. 2. P l ann ing Imp l i ca t ions of the Density-Crowding Re l a t i on sh ip Figure VI raises two important questions: (1) How can the most promising density measures be implemented to be more sensitive to human needs? and (2) What kind of controls are needed to address both the necessary and sufficient conditions to crowding? - 115 -With these questions in mind, the following Figures VII-IX have been developed to outline some of the planning implications which arise. An assessment is made on how a specific density measure f i t s into the density-crowding relationship. For example, does i t influence the environment either negatively or positively, and does i t cause or reduce a crowding-stress response? If the density measurement is not determined to significantly influence crowding considerations, then the planning process must center on the sufficient conditions to crowding which involves focusing on the human requirements at high density. The purpose of these charts is to outline which crowding considerations, i f any, can be influenced directly or indirectly by the measures of the three density types. Again, some of the measures can not be directly linked to specific crowding considerations for several reasons. F i r s t , their basic nature is such that no meaningful association can be made. Also the measurement may not be defined in theory well enough to base a sound judgement. These are inferred relationships only, but they are useful to suggest possible directions for the application on the density-crowding relationships in the planning f i e l d . 3. Description of the Conceptual Framework Figures VII - IX have given some specific planning implications of the density-crowding relationship. Sensitive use of the various density measures might reduce some of the environment conditions that negatively impact the various human needs. It was also suggested FIGURE VII: INCORPORATION OF DENSITY MEASURES WITH PHYSIOLOGICAL CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS Types of Density Measures Planning Implications A. Surface Area Components 1. Gross Density of a Neighborhood 2. Net Density of a Neighborhood Noise control, adequate privacy, view preservation, natural lighting and building orientation are the key considerations here; limiting gross density may indirectly control for each and thus meet these needs. As gross density also Included neighborhood amenities, i t ha9 more f l ex ib i l i ty than net in decreasing crowding perceptions and stress levels from the external environment. Generally same as above, except that neighborhood considerations are excluded. Manipulating net density may possibly address the key considerations as Identified above. B. Population Components 1. Persons per net acre 2. Person/Family Capacity 3. Persons/Room Capacity Again, noise control, and adequate privacy are key considerations. By limiting neighbourhood density through this measure, many physiological crowding responses can be reduced. Potentially a highly effective measure for controlling a limited range of crowding concerns. The size of rooms and the number of people In the rooms influences levels of stress and perceptions of crowding. Both have been identified as influencing physiological crowding. Visual intrusion, loss of privacy and partitioning of rooms are key points. Internal l iv ing space, noise control, and privacy can a l l be controlled Indirectly by this measure. It appears that this measure can directly affect physical perceived density. C. Building Bulk Components 1. Cubic Density 2. Floor Area Ratio (FAR) Floor Space Ratio (FSR) This measure has not yet been described and tested in enough detail to operatlonallze Its use here. View preservation, open space, privacy, sun light are key considerations. This measure directly influences a l l of these and therefore can be said to directly address physiological crowding considerations. Most Importantly, this measure determines variations In architecture—a key factor of perceptions in crowding. FIGURE V I U : INCORPORATION OF DENSITY MEASURES WITH PSYCHOLOGICAL CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS Types of Density Measures Planning Implications A. Surface Area Components 1. Gross Density of a Neighborhood 2. Net Density of a Neighborhood The key considerations here are the Individual's past experience with high density, his adaptation process, and personal stress response. It Is di f f icult to draw direct relationships between gross density and the level of crowding experienced as the person adapts to densities to a level he personally finds tolerable. The same as above In general terms. No readily apparent methods of controlling for psychological crowding through this measure have been drawn from this study. B. Population Components 1. Persons Per Net Acre 2. Person/Family Capacity 3. Persons/Room Capacity The key considerations are the Individual adaptation process and Interpersonal behavior. Personal characteristics of age, sex become mediating factors. This measure affects secondary environments and therefore can be used to resolve crowding concerns which result from high neighbourhood density levels. Group behavior patterns tend to obscure the application of this measure. Psychological crowding considerations do not clearly relate to this type of density measure. This measure Influences primary environments - places where a person spends large amounts of time. Psychological crowding In this type of environment poses major concerns In terms of the human quality of l i fe and requires some form of control. Internal l iv ing environments are closely associated with key psychological crowding considerations. C. Building Bulk Components 1. Cubic Density 2. Floor Area Ratio (FAR) Floor Space Ratio (FSR) This measure has not yet been developed and applied In enough detail to allow meaningful appraisal here. This measure can not be easily related to Influencing key psychological crowding considerations in Its present state. Key psychological crowding considerations are; architectural complexity, interpersonal distance, primary vs. secondary environment. Human adaptation process greatly Influence this form of crowding. FIGURE IX: INCORPORATION OF DENSITY MEASURES WITH SOCIAL/CULTURAL CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS Types of Density Measures Planning Implications A. Surface Area Components 1 . Gross Density of a Neighborhood 2. Net Density of a Neighborhood Ethnic groupings, the family, neighbourhood Identity, and the need for open space are the key crowding considerations here. These concerns should be considered when measuring gross density in development controls. The differences In land area from the above density measure causes this measure to be less effective in controlling for social /cultural crowding considerations than Is gross neighborhood density. B. Population Components 1 . Persons Per Net Acre 2. Person/Family Capacity 3. Persons/Room Capacity Personal history of age, sex, past experience with high residential density, social ization, and family relations are key social crowding considerations. Additional cultural crowding factors combine with the social considerations to increase resident perceptions of crowding at high residential density. High residential density development controls could be improved by Incorporating social/cultural crowding controls. This density measure's effectiveness as a high density development control, might be improved when used In conjunction to soclal/cultural crowding considerations. This density measure, when enforced, directly controls several social/cultural crowding considerations at high residential density, such as personal space needs. C. Building Bulk Components 1 . Cubic Density 2. Floor Area Ratio (FAR) Floor Space Ratio (FSR) This density measure has not yet been described In planning theory and tested sufficiently to make an informed judgement at this time. These measures' relationship to social/cultural crowding considerations are d i f f i cu l t to define, given present knowledge. When these measures are the only development controls Implemented to regulate high residential density, It Is questionable that these measures Impact social/cultural crowding considerations. - 119 -that additional mechanisms which more directly influence the human response to the density level might be necessary as well. In this end, a conceptual framework is proposed to indicate how greater l i v e a b i l i t y could be acheived at high density. It is now appropriate to present the conceptual framework which depicts, in the form of a matrix, the density and crowding taxonomies. This matrix appears in Figure X and has been "inspired" by the matrix of density measures used by Maurice Kilbridge et a l . in a density study entitled Urban Analysis. 1 His matrix however generated too many indices for useful application by the planner. Perhaps this is the reason i t has not been developed in greater detail by other scholars. (See Appendix II) The two axes of the conceptual framework in Figure X consist of three components of density measures and the three crowding components as described in Chapter III and IV. The crowding considerations, as described in Chapter IV, includes: psychological; social/cultural; and physiological requirements. The density measurements, as described in Chapter III, consists of : the surface area; the population; and the building bulk measures. These six sub-components provide the matrix framework. It would be useful at this point to review the density-crowding relationship and relate i t more closely to the framework. The high density level, as represented by i t s measurement, is the necessary condition to crowding. Depending on how the individual perceives this condition he may respond positively or negatively. A Maurice D. Kilberidge, Robert P. 0'Block and Paul V. Teplitz, Urban Analysis (Boston, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1970), p. 47. - 120 -negative response usually i s a result of two conditions: one of excessive social interactions (social perceived density) and one of excessive uses of available space (physical perceived density). If these necessary conditions in turn disrupt the three aspects of human needs to a large enough degree, a sufficient condition to crowding can occur. In this instance the individual would experience stress from his need disruption which would culminate in an overall negative perception of the high density environment. The combination of both the necessary conditions and the sufficient conditions concludes into a crowding experience. To summarize: the necessary conditions related to high density (existence of social or physical perceived density) plus the sufficient conditions (sufficient impact of the environment on human requirements) result in crowding (negative perception from crowding-stress) which reflects the l i v e a b i l i t y (satisfaction of l i f e ) of the high density housing environment. One can conclude from this process that in order to prevent crowding in a comprehensive approach, both the necessary conditions and the sufficient conditions should be considered. Planning intervention directed only at controlling the density level is inadequate. It is the disruption of human needs that ultimately determines i f crowding w i l l occur, and those planning interventions which address human crowding consideration are also necessary. Although the density measures have some impact on l i v e a b i l i t y as evidenced by the connecting elements in Figure VI, they alone appear insufficient to ensure that both the - 121 -necessary and sufficient environmental conditions which create crowding-stress are prevented, and that the environmental conditions which positively f u l f i l l human requirements at high density are encouraged. The purpose of this framework is to reflect this process so that the knowledge and planning intervention required to positively intervene in i t can be conceptualized. The text of this thesis and the planning implications suggested earlier are what operationalize this framework. It does not provide the answers, rather i t suggests the direction to take in finding the answers. It is proposed as a tool to up-date planning thought on the issue of high density housing. Therefore the Necessary Conditions High Density plus the Sufficient Conditions Negative Impact on Human Needs result in Crowding Negative Perception from Crowding-Stress which reflects the Li v e a b i l i t y Satisfaction of Life in the high density housing environment. In looking at Figure X there are two main ways one may approach the framework. One might start by considering a particular density - 122 -FIGURE X: A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR INCORPORATING DENSITY MEASURES WITH CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS COMPONENTS OF DENSITY MEASUREMENTS USED TO CONTROL NECESSARY ENVIRONMENTAL CONDITIONS TO CROWDING o cn H 2 W 2 O 2 W tH 2 W M o M fa cn O r H CO P£i CO H O c 2 •H (U O o 00 E U 2 o 0J l - l Vi o Q o *H H -H 3 o cn cr O OS W u p i cn p-TO cn 2 cn O 2 ATI TIO M T - l Ui w O to U Q 2 u C r-H O •H 0) cn o bfj E 2 O <D O • J i—! U o •5 H no ui o 2 o cr 2 >> cu I—I CO 04 Q 2 0-3 O O erf BJ H u > CO l-l 3 3 c E cu l-l CO o 3 cr u 01 O «! cn Surface Area Component Population Component Building Bulk Component 1 • r > r See Figure VII > r <• •> f See Figure VIII 7 > f •» » •> See Figure IX T - 123 -measure in one of the density, components ( i . e . FSR in the building bulk component). The f i r s t step would be to understand completely what FSR means and how i t works to measure density and control the related necessary environment condition. The second step would be to move down the column and carefully consider how FSR might impact each of the three groups of crowding considerations. For example, one could question whether the FSR measurement can be used to control any environmental condition that would have a negative impact on human needs. As the earlier linkage chart demonstrate there appears to be few linkages that can be made with any success. So then one has to take a third, yet crucial, step and consider each of the three crowding components in the context of the density measure in question. In this step one must determine what additional approaches are necessary to control the environment so that i t positively addresses the human requirements which make a high density environment liveable. In the case of using FSR, i t directly can be used to control the density qualities of an environment, but i t indirectly has l i t t l e influence on ensuring that many of the human needs are not negatively impacted. To better ensure that these sufficient conditions to crowding are also controlled, one must incorporate into the planning process consideration Tor environmental conditions that relate to each of the three crowding components. To continue with the FSR example, i t indirectly addresses view preservation and open space, but i t does l i t t l e to address noise control and interpersonal space needs. Because these are also important environmental conditions that prevent crowding, some additional crowding - 124 -c o n t r o l s to the FSR d e n s i t y c o n t r o l may be neces sa ry . In t h i s way, both the neces sa ry and s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n to c rowding are addressed tn the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . The o the r main approach one may take to app l y the framework i s to f i r s t choose one of the c rowd ing components, get a good grasp of a l l the human requ i rements r e l a t e d to i t , and then l ook ac ro s s a t a l l th ree types of d e n s i t y measures to see which ones are most a p p r o p r i a t e . To make t h i s d e t e r m i n a t i o n one would dec i de how each d e n s i t y component might c o n t r o l env i r onmenta l c o n d i t i o n s tha t c ou l d n e g a t i v e l y impact the human requ i rement s i n q u e s t i o n . One might dec i de t h a t use of more than one d e n s i t y measure i s bes t to p reven t neces sa ry c o n d i t i o n s to c rowding i n r e l a t i o n to the c rowding component i n q u e s t i o n . A l t hough one would s t i l l need to a l s o c o n s i d e r more d i r e c t c rowding c o n t r o l s to p revent s u f f i c i e n t c rowding c o n d i t i o n s t h i s p rocess would a t l e a s t s e t the s tage by f i r s t c o n t r o l l i n g the neces sa ry c o n d i t i o n s as much as p o s s i b l e . I f n o t h i n g e l s e , t h i s p rocess might se rve as a c r o s s - r e f e r e n c e to ensure a l l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of the environment have been taken i n t o account . To f u r t h e r ache i ve unde r s t and i ng of how the framework can be used as a p l a n n i n g g u i d e , a s c e n a r i o r e g a r d i n g no i s e c o n t r o l has been deve l oped . T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n appears i n Appendix I. No i se c o n t r o l was chosen as i t i s one of the most c r u c i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n p r e v e n t i n g c r o w d i n g - s t r e s s . I t i s hoped t h i s s c e n a r i o might i l l u s t r a t e the p r o b l e m - s o l v i n g p roces s neces sa ry to ache i ve an env i ronment more s e n s i t i v e to human needs. Rega rd le s s of wh ich approach i s taken to the framework, the - 125 -u n d e r l y i n g p r i n c i p l e i s the same. By a d d r e s s i n g d e n s i t y as w e l l as c rowding c o n t r o l s , both the neces sa ry and s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n s to c rowding can b e t t e r be p reven ted . The d e s i r e d outcome of a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s framework i s more s y s t e m a t i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r l i v e a b i l i t y i n h i g h d e n s i t y hou s i n g . In c o n c l u s i o n , i t might be suggested tha t the c o n c e p t u a l framework i n t h i s s t udy , g i ven f u r t h e r development, w i l l prove v i a b l e f o r use i n problem a n a l y s i s , r e s e a r c h d e s i g n , p o l i c y - m a k i n g and c o n c e p t u a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of e x i s t i n g d e n s i t y and crowding knowledge. These f o u r tasks may be r e a d i l y implemented through the use of t h i s framework, and prove to be a u s e f u l a d d i t i o n to the f i e l d of h i g h d e n s i t y p l a n n i n g . C. SUMMARY OF CHAPTER V Chapter I of t h i s s tudy i d e n t i f i e d two main problems r e g a r d i n g c u r r e n t h i gh d e n s i t y p l a n n i n g - l a c k of unde r s t and i ng of what d e n s i t y means and how i t r e l a t e d to c rowding; and l a c k of a human element i n d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s neces sa ry to make such hous ing more l i v e a b l e . Th i s chap te r has attempted to app l y the knowledge tha t addressed these two concerns i n Chapter I I I and IV. Th i s chap te r p re sented p o s s i b l e p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s t ha t takes i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the d e n s i t y - c r o w d i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p . I t suggested the need f o r two se t s of h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing c o n t r o l s . One s e t would be p r i m a r i l y d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s t ha t p revented the "necessary env i r onmenta l c o n d i t i o n s to c rowd ing . The o the r - 126 -set would be crowding controls that would prevent the sufficient environmental conditions to crowding. The f i r s t would prevent as much as possible the states of either social percieved or physical perceived density in the individual. The second would prevent a negative impact of that environment on specific human requirements so that crowding-stress would not result. Both sets of controls, though interrelated somewhat, are necessary to provide a comprehensive approach for ensuring greater l i v e a b i l i t y in high density housing. To this end a conceptual framework was proposed. This chapter offers the challenge of applying the density-crowding relationship in the f i e l d of planning. As only a few of the planning implications of this framework can be described In the scope of this study,, i t provides a general guide of how to apply density and crowding knowledge. The framework would be best u t i l i z e d when one has a specific high density housing development in mind. The context in which one applies knowledge to the framework w i l l be a large determinant of i t s success. - 127 -CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS A. SUMMARY OF RESEARCH FINDINGS The scope of this research covers many perspectives regarding density, crowding, their unique relationship, and the resultant planning implications. To achieve this end an overall goal with specific related objectives was identified in Chapter I. By way of summary i t may be useful to reproduce the purpose of this research here and briefly address how each objective was achieved. Also some general implications to the f i e l d of planning w i l l be presented in the following section of this chapter. Chapter I indicated that the purpose was to organize density and crowding knowledge in the form of a conceptual framework from which a more sensitive approach to high density housing planning could be drawn. This framework was proposed in Chapter V but not before considerable preparatory research was completed in the preceding chapters. For example Chapter II explored the history of density thought so that an understanding of planning theorists might put current density thought (including that of this research) into some perspective. Particular attention was given to the contributions of Le Corbusier and Jane Jacobs. Chapter III was devoted to the study of density - what i t means and how i t is measured. The taxonomy of density measures with three main types was presented so that i t may serve as a common language and - 128 -understanding of their role in high density planning. Chapter IV concerned i t s e l f with describing what crowding meant. It also organized a taxonomy of three aspects of human requirements in high density environments. As well the interrelationship between crowding and density was explored so that a better understanding of i t s implication to high density housing planning might be gained. It was found that the level of l i v e a b i l i t y achieved in high density housing is largely dependent on how the density level impacts human needs. If the individual feels his needs are disrupted by a high density environment he w i l l l i k e l y feel more stressed and l i k e l y attribute i t to negative perception of crowding. These were important findings in understanding the density-crowding relationship and i t s potential use as an indicator of the l i v e a b i l i t y of a given high density housing environment. Chapter V subsequently operationalized into planning implications the density-crowding relationship. It proposed a conceptual framework which might assist the planner to more systematically incorporate crowding considerations into high density controls in conjunction with technical density measures. Some planning implications for more sensitive development controls were offered. The ultimate goal of this framework was to provide a process, not a rigid formula, for the planning of more liveable high density housing in our modern c i t i e s . This study recognizes that the proposed framework is not f u l l y developed, nor could i t be f u l l y operationalized within the scope of - 129 -this research. However, the framework has proven to be su f f i c i e n t l y refined to indicate the possible application of density measures and crowding considerations in high density development control situations. Appendix I describes a short case example regarding environmental noise experienced at high density and indicates how the density and crowding knowledge might be applied to real l i f e planning problems experienced at high density. In summary, this research addressed three problems relating to density usage (1) i t provided a definition of density and an exploration of i t s various measures; (2) i t c l a r i f i e d the difference and interrelationship between density and crowding; and (3) i t explored a system for addressing human needs in high density housing planning with more sensitivity to quality of l i f e c r i t e r i a . B. PLANNING IMPLICATIONS OF THE RESEARCH This research has uncovered several main findings that might influence the planning of high density housing, particularly in three areas: the implications regarding density usage, regarding crowding considerations, and regarding their interrelationship. Some of these planning implications are listed below followed by a brief discussion of the apparent strengths and weaknesses of the Conceptual Framework for  Incorporating Crowding Considerations with Density Measures. 1. The Dens i t y Imp l i ca t ions (a) It i s f u t i l e to use density measures alone to attempt to regulate crowding concerns; they seem to be inadequate for the task of improving l i v e a b i l i t y . - 130 -(b) Of the three components of d e n s i t y measures, the p o p u l a t i o n measures i n d i c a t e the most p o t e n t i a l i n add re s s i n g some of the p h y s i o l o g i c a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l , and s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l c rowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . ( c ) The d e n s i t y measures r e l a t e d to the s u r f a c e a rea and b u i l d i n g bu lk components seem to have some, but l e s s p o t e n t i a l than p o p u l a t i o n measures, i n c o n t r o l l i n g the impact of a h i gh d e n s i t y envi ronment on human needs wh ich sub sequent l y i n f l u e n c e s c rowding p e r c e p t i o n s . (d) I t i s neces sa ry to f i r s t o b t a i n a common language and unde r s t and i n g of d e n s i t y and i t s measures; t h i s a lone may c o r r e c t some of the c u r r e n t problems r e l a t e d to d e n s i t y usage; a l s o i t i s e s s e n t i a l to d i s t i n g u i s h between d e n s i t y and crowding when p l a n n i n g h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing env i ronment s . (e) H i gh d e n s i t y i s more s a t i s f a c t o r y when i t p r o v i d e s d i v e r s i t y of b u i l d i n g fo rm, l i f e s t y l e , amen i t i e s and s e r v i c e s which ensure freedom of c h o i c e . ( f ) H i gh d e n s i t y does no t n e c e s s a r i l y l e a d to c rowding; o ther f a c t o r s must be p r e s e n t . (g) C o n t r o l of i n t e r n a l d e n s i t i e s (peop le w i t h i n a d w e l l i n g ) i s more impo r t an t i n p r e v e n t i n g crowding than e x t e r n a l d e n s i t i e s ( d w e l l i n g s on the l a n d ) . (h) Though inadequate a l o n e , a r b i t r a r y numbers and measures a re needed to serve as " r u l e s of thumb" i n c o n t r o l l i n g - 131 -pre-conditions in a high density environment. For example: a population measure of less than 1.5 persons/room w i l l prevent conditions related to crowding; another source cites 7.50 m per person as an ideal habitable space. - FSR measures can effectively ensure e f f i c i e n t land use, view preservation and ground orientation, ( i ) Acceptable density levels i s a function of personal taste to the individual as well as public acceptance which varies over time. 2. The Crowding Implications (a) Crowding is an essential concept in high density housing planning; not a l l high density environments create crowding. Only when the individual feels stress from a disruption of his needs does he experience crowding at high density. It is crucial that planners clearly understand how crowding differs from density. Knowledge about the human stress response and adaptation w i l l assist in this task. (b) The l i v e a b i l i t y of high density housing seems to be a function of the crowding response. Less crowding, and a higher level of of l i v e a b i l i t y , occurs when specific human requirements are sati s f a c t o r i l y maintained in high density environments. - 132 -These human requirements are made up of three components: social/cultural, physiological, and psychological. More literature exists on the latter component, but a l l three should be considered for comprehensive sensitive planning to reduce the Impact of high density on i t s residents. Poverty and poor quality construction seem to be important factors in creating crowding. There appears to be a correlation between the cost/quality of construction and the success of high density housing. Also families with small children are not suitable for high density in most cases. Individuals with previous positive exposure to high density have greater adaptation a b i l i t i e s and less stress response. Those that have had a negative experience tend to adapt less readily to future high density situations. Specific aspects of human needs that seems to greatly prevent crowding are: 1) noise control, 2) privacy, 3) open space/sunlight both on the ground ( i . e . parks) and i n each dwelling ( i . e . large garden patios) and 4) adequate internal space. There are indications that these considerations have the most impact in reducing crowding-stress and ultimately improving l i v e a b i l i t y in high density housing environments. Good building design and quality of construction are also very important. Ideas such as large balconies, concrete construction, - 133 -single-loaded corridors, diverse but not overly complex design, well-lighted and light colored rooms and preservation of views to the outdoors might be useful. 3 . The Dens i t y -C rowd ing R e l a t i o n s h i p I m p l i c a t i o n s (a) There seems to be a need for two related but distinct sets of high density planning controls. Just as density and crowding are distinct but related terms, so i t follows about the planning implications associated with each. A high density environment, which i s a necessary antecedent to crowding, can be somewhat controlled with arbitary physical density measures. However, just as high density alone cannot cause crowding; density measures alone cannot control for crowding. Therefore one must also clearly focus on the sufficient antecedents to crowding - that i s the environmental conditions that impact the human needs to a level that i t causes crowding-stress. These must also be addressed so that crowding is prevented. In order to prevent crowding and improve the l i v e a b i l i t y of high density housing, one must address both i t s necessary and its sufficient antecedents. Two sets of planning controls - one addressing density levels through density measures, and one addressing the impact of the density levels on human crowding considerations - are necessary to truly improve the l i v e a b i l i t y of high density housing. Therefore - 134 -a l l h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing c o n t r o l s might be c a l l e d l i v e a b i l i t y g u i d e l i n e s c o n s i s t i n g of both d e n s i t y l e v e l c o n t r o l s and crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n c o n t r o l s . There are sugge s t i on s t ha t the d e n s i t y l e v e l of an env i ronment i s l e s s an i s s u e than how the i n d i v i d u a l f e e l s impacted by t h a t env i ronment . As t h i s p e r c e p t i o n i s an i n t e g r a l p a r t of c r o w d i n g - s t r e s s , i t f o l l o w s t ha t c o n t r o l l i n g f o r c rowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s may be the key f a c t o r i n p l a n n i n g l i v e a b l e h i g h d e n s i t y hou s i n g . The main i s s u e seems to be how to p l a n , de s i gn and c o n s t r u c t the deve lopment. so t ha t i t adequate l y meets c o n d i t i o n s t ha t reduce how crowded " i t f e e l s " . I t i s c r u c i a l to both unders tand and acknowledge the r o l e of the d e n s i t y - c r o w d i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p i n h i g h d e n s i t y p l a n n i n g i f i t i s to have an impact on c r e a t i n g s e n s i t i v e h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing compat i b l e w i t h human needs. The l i t e r a t u r e and knowledge i n t h i s a rea i s not w e l l o r g a n i z e d . I t i s t h e r e f o r e u s e f u l to have a method which condenses t h i s m a t e r i a l and suggests the process the p l anne r can go through to i n c o r p o r a t e c rowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n w i t h d e n s i t y measures. The concep tua l framework of t h i s r e s e a r c h i s a beg i nn i ng s tep i n a p p l y i n g t h i s d e n s i t y and crowding knowledge. Much f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h by p l anne r s and s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s i s needed. - 135 -(e) The framework does no t r e p l a c e the need f o r p l anne r s to f i r s t g a i n much knowledge r e g a r d i n g d e n s i t y and c rowd ing . T h i s knowledge i s a p r e - r e q u i s i t e to i t s s u c c e s s f u l imp lement i on . There are no easy answers or s o l u t i o n s to imp rov i n g the l i v e a b i l i t y of h i g h d e n s i t y hous ing w i t h o u t a s t r o n g t h e o r e t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l b a s i s , ( f j ; P u b l i c e d u c a t i o n may a l s o be a p r a c t i c a l s o l u t i o n to c rowding c o n t r o l where e x i s t i n g d e n s i t y measures cannot be determined to c o n t r o l f o r those conce rn s . For example, i f an i n d i v i d u a l i s made aware of the symptoms of c r owd i ng -s t r e s s i n h i s env i ronment , he can e i t h e r take d i r e c t a c t i o n to c o n t r o l the c r o w d i n g - s t r e s s or he can move to a d e n s i t y l e v e l wh ich i s more compa t i b l e w i t h h i s p e r s o n a l needs and t a s t e . P l a n n e r s may need to assume a g r e a t e r advocacy r o l e i n e n s u r i n g adequate p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n l e v e l s . These are some g e n e r a l p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s to summarize the essence of t h i s s tudy ; more s p e c i f i c p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s can be found i n Chapter V. 4. Strengths and Weaknesses of the Framework There are a number of f a i r l y s e l f - e v i d e n t p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s . For example, there i s a need to broaden our unde r s t and i ng of d e n s i t y and c rowd ing , the re appears to be a need to f i n d b e t t e r ways of i n c o r p o r a t i n g q u a l i t y of l i f e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n t o development c o n t r o l s f o r h i gh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y , and, f i n a l l y , p l anne r s and l o c a l - 136 -governments shou ld be more prepared to exper iment w i t h w e l l des igned h i g h d e n s i t y env i ronment s . However, i t i s u s e f u l to examine some of the s t r e n g t h s and weaknesses of the p l a n n i n g a p p l i c a t i o n of the d e n s i t y - c r o w d i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p i n a c o n c e p t u a l mode l . The s t r e n g t h s may be summarized as: 1. I t p r o v i de s some l i n k a g e between d e n s i t y and c rowd ing knowledge and p l a n n i n g p r a c t i s e ; i t o r gan i ze s a complex body of knowledge i n t o an e a s i e r f o rmat . Subsequent ly i t may improve the p l a n n e r ' s knowledge of the i s s u e s . 2. I t suggests the p o s s i b l e i n c o r p o r a t i o n of q u a n t i t a t i v e d e n s i t y fo rmu lae w i t h c rowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . 3 . I t enhances the c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r q u a l i t y of l i f e c r i t e r i a i n h i gh d e n s i t y hous ing env i ronments w i t h more comprehensive a p p l i c a t i o n of c rowding theory ; 4 . I t p r o v i de s a t o o l t h a t i s a d a p t a b l e , f l e x i b l e and s y s t e m a t i c ; and y e t i t may be a p p l i e d to a v a r i e t y of c i r cums tance s where i n c r e a s e d d e n s i f i c a t i o n i s an i s s u e . 5. I t p r ov i de s a p o s s i b l e framework f o r the c r i t i q u e or r e f i nemen t of c u r r e n t g u i d e l i n e s / p o l i c i e s and f o r the development of new d e n s i t y g u i d e l i n e s . 6 . I t suggests some p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between d e n s i t y and crowding so t ha t more s e n s i t i v e h i g h d e n s i t y hous ing may be deve l oped . 7. I t may s o l v e the two main problems of i n c o n s i s t e n t use of d e n s i t y measures and the inadequate focus on crowding concerns i n d e n s i t y p l a n n i n g . - 137 -The weaknesses may be summarized as: 1. I t would be t ime-consuming to update d e n s i t y and c rowd ing knowledge i n o rde r to implement the framework. 2 . I t may be d i f f i c u l t to implement some a spec t s of the framework i n p l a n n i n g p r a c t i s e as the knowledge i s i n s u f f i c i e n t l y r e f i n e d i n some areas ( i . e . the a c t u a l impact o f the v a r i o u s d e n s i t y measures on human needs ) . 3 . The framework i s on l y a beg i nn i n g s t ep ; as y e t there are no easy s o l u t i o n s to a complex prob lem. 4 . The c o n c e p t u a l framework would make the p l a n n i n g p roces s somewhat more c o n t r o l l e d and " s c i e n t i f i c " . Though there i s room f o r some i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , the p l anne r would have l e s s p e r s o n a l i n p u t i n t o what he b e l i e v e d was l i v e a b l e hou s i n g . Th i s would reduce the p o t e n t i a l f o r d e c e n t r i s t b i a s as mentioned i n the h i s t o r y s e c t i o n which l i k e l y would outwe ight t h i s d i s a d v a n t a g e . The p lanner has h i s t o r i c a l l y assumed the r o l e of advocate f o r the " p u b l i c good . " At i t s most g ene r a l l e v e l , t h i s o v e r a l l o b j e c t i v e of p l a n n i n g can be equated w i t h a d e s i r e to o b t a i n the h i g h e s t p o s s i b l e q u a l i t y of l i f e f o r urban r e s i d e n t s g i ven the numerous c o n s t r a i n t s . In o rder to c a r r y out t h i s t a s k , the p l anne r w i l l need to become more aware of the q u a l i t a t i v e a spec t of c rowding i n order to e f f e c t i v e l y advocate human c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n hous ing form and d e n s i t y . I f p l anner s do not become i n v o l v e d i n the process of i n e v i t a b l e change r e g a r d i n g h i gh d e n s i t y t r end s , or remain d o g m a t i c a l l y opposed to h i gh d e n s i t y , then the - 138 -change w i l l occur without their potentially valuable input; in other words, they w i l l be l e f t out and planning knowledge in this f i e l d may be ignored. Another related implication on the planners' role is that they w i l l need to become more intimately knowledgeable about density and crowding theory so that they may take a stronger role in planning high density environments. Planners can no longer recommend acceptance or rejection of a development proposal merely on i t s conformity to physical formulae, as is currently a common practise in North American c i t i e s . This is in fact a very passive role. Planners need to broaden their assessment c r i t e r i a , particularly by including a more clearly developed understanding of qualitative crowding factors. Planners may need to assume greater responsibility in this role, for i t is too simplistic to look at FSR, for example, as the one c r i t e r i a for an acceptable high density development. This w i l l require a more active role on the part of the planner with increasing knowledge and a b i l i t i e s in the whole f i e l d of high density. In view of the increasing rate of change in our society and c i t i e s , a planner cannot possibly be prepared for every situation but must possess greater a b i l i t i e s in problem-solving, interpreting and determining feasible compromises. This leads to the f i n a l effect on the planner's role, that of how he u t i l i z e s his time. More time and energy w i l l be spent on controlling for qualitative or human aspects of high density. More attention w i l l be paid to the internal l i v i n g environment and building design to ensure they possess characteristics that enhance l i v e a b i l i t y . - 139 -Less time w i l l be spent on the external levels of density and judging whether a building meets quantitative formuae. Ultimately, the quality of l i f e w i l l be met primarily through the betterment of the internal environments of high density buildings; this is where the future of high density planning l i e s . C. NATURE OF THE LIMITATIONS After completion of the research and examination of the findings, several possible limitations might be concluded: 1. As much time and research was required to explore the concepts of density and crowding as well as develop the conceptual framework, i t was not possible to also test i t in a comprehensive manner, such as applying i t in an actual density planning situation to determine i t s f e a s i b i l i t y . Therefore, the conceptual framework's potential in connecting theory and practise may not be fu l l y realized without some sort of practical validation. It now stands as mainly a guide for addressing crowding concerns in high density planning. 2. The current crowding literature on the whole has not been s c i e n t i f i c a l l y validated. This data, for the purpose of this research, has been assumed to be valid and may at some point be proven incorrect. However, because of the framework's f l e x i b i l i t y , specific knowledge regarding the crowding- density relationship may be up-dated and changed - 140 -without affecting the overall structure and intent of the framework. Its application to planning would merely adapt to incorporate new knowledge in the f i e l d . As density and crowding knowledge evolve, and their unique interrelation-ship is further defined, ideas about the latter which are believed to be correct today may be disproven in the future. 3. The current density literature is lacking particularly in the area of defining i t s measures and exploring the implications of these on l i v e a b i l i t y at high density. Therefore Chapter III on density is not of the same depth as Chapter IV on crowding. Nevertheless the available literature offered suitable insight in order to achieve the objectives of this study. 4. The density-crowding relationship, as described in this study, i s based primarily on inferred correlations. As understanding of this relationship seems crucial before exploring i t s planning implications, more study and refinement of this interrelationship in the literature would have been a great asset to this study. D. SUGGESTED FURTHER INVESTIGATION The background and discussion of density and crowding opens many avenues for further research. Through the course of this research i t became apparent that several areas warrant further study: - 141 -1. A study would be u s e f u l which documents and ana lyzes methods other than q u a n t i t a t i v e d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s which p lanners use to decrease the harmful e f f e c t s of crowding ( i . e . , I n fo rmal or i n d i r e c t methods such as v iew p r e s e r v a t i o n and ground o r i e n t a t i o n ) i n t h e i r c o n t r o l of d e n s i t y l e v e l s . 2. A comprehensive study to o p e r a t i o n a l i z e and f u l l y apply t h i s framework i s needed. I t cou ld assess the framework ' s p r a c t i c a l i t y to i n t e g r a t e crowding and d e n s i t y concepts I n to the p l ann ing process as suggested by t h i s r e s ea r ch . 3. G iven the d i v e r s e nature of the t op i c s of d e n s i t y , crowding and t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p , a p r o j e c t - t e am approach which c o n s i s t s of a p lanner and expert s from the f i e l d of H e a l t h and/or B e h a v i o r a l Sc iences might be a more c r e a t i v e , r e l i a b l e approach to f u l l y o p e r a t i o n a l i z e t h i s framework, i n r e sea r ch which may, f o r the f i r s t t ime, look a t the i s sue from a p l ann ing p e r s p e c t i v e . 4 . Many avenues f o r f u r t h e r r e sea rch and u s e f u l a p p l i c a t i o n l i e i n the area of p l ann i ng t r a d e - o f f s at h i gh d e n s i t y . The l i m i t e d number of i n i t i a l c u r r en t works might be expanded and r e f i n e d to generate i n n o v a t i v e p l ann ing s t r a t e g i e s . 5. There was some sugges t ion of a c o r r e l a t i o n between the i n c r e a s i n g co s t of v a r i o u s h i gh d e n s i t y b u i l d i n g s forms and t h e i r a b i l i t y to meet adequate q u a l i t y of l i f e s tandards . For example, there i s some i n d i c a t i o n that some lowcost hous ing i s not s u c c e s s f u l i n p reven t i ng crowding a t h igh - 142 -density ( i . e . due to inadequate noise control?). This proposition warrants further investigation. 6. More research is needed into the entire density-crowding relationship, for example, examining the v a l i d i t y of using perceptions of crowding as an indicator of the level of l i v e a b i l i t y in a given high density housing environment. Also, perhaps research should be devoted to defining crowding experiences common to a l l housing environments, factors which determine why individuals react effectively or ineffectively to these environments and, f i n a l l y how the planner may intervene appropriately in this process. 7. More study of the centrist and decentrist bias in planning philosophy i s needed which could focus on the intellectual impact in current planning practice. One might investigate how a planner's particular philosophy affects his decisions in the development approval process of high density housing. For further historical reference, a more indepth study of Le Corbusier as a Utopian i s required. Most planning history recognizes Le Corbusier as an architect and perhaps overlooks his major contributions to the planning profession. It is the hope of this study that the findings serve as a beginning for further development of planning theory related to high density environments. Methods other than the use of a framework might also effectively organize and u t i l i z e density and crowding knowledge in - 143 -a practical way. However, the matrix format has proven very stimulating and challenging as a methodology. Par t i c u l a r i l y , i t has offered a broad understanding of new areas of knowledge. On a personal note, this study has enabled the author to organize his own beliefs and dispel subjective biases about high density housing environments. It i s hoped this research w i l l be of assistance in achieving the goal of planning more liveable high density housing environments. Reflecting on the framework, i t s main strength appears to be that of an organizer of density and crowding knowledge, one which requires much more research and refinement; in short i t shows promise. It also may be a useful tool to assess l i v e a b i l i t y concerns as well as apply the density-crowding relationship more systematically in high residential density environments. The framework, once f u l l y developed, could be applied not only to a l l aspects of planning research or environmental design, but also to entirely different fields concerned with crowding and density-related issues. Finally, the study suggests that there is much more knowledge to be derived from human behavioral research on the density-crowding relationship. This study offers a practical guide in the form of a conceptual framework through which density-crowding knowledge may be applied more systematically in the planning of liveable high density housing. - 144 -EPILOGUE High density housing seems inevitable in the modern city; crowding i s not. The conventional planning process behind high density development, however, is plagued with bias, misinformation and inconsistency. 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This area was chosen because of i t s apparent importance in reducing crowding-related stress at high density. The exercise of building a framework might take many different approaches, however the end product should have several basic attributes regardless of i t s design. It should address a problem statement; i t should be of general application; and i t must offer the opportunity for the researcher to apply the framework in different situations. It in essence is a tool which bridges the gap between theoretical concepts and actual situations. One basic goal of density and crowding research In housing is to improve the l i v e a b i l i t y of the environment. In simplistic terms this can be achieved by identifying actual or perceived negative and positive factors which might serve as a basis to guide the design of better residential environments. Perhaps at this point i t is important to c l a r i f y the scope of the term "environment", which in this case refers to the surroundings in which one's home is situated. Environment is influenced by density, internal to the dwelling unit; external encompassing outdoor open space and; the broader spectrum of neighbourhood which might include parks, social service f a c i l i t i e s , shopping areas or community centers. The important point being made, is that user needs and thus satisfaction with one's l i v i n g environment must be studied in both micro and macro density terms. - 156 -I n any environment, there i s cons tant change tak ing p l a c e . For example, the space needs and thus s a t i s f a c t i o n l e v e l s of the i n d i v i d u a l can change over t ime. A young couple l i v i n g i n a one bedroom apartment, when they have t h e i r f i r s t c h i l d , f i n d t h e i r space needs w i l l change q u i c k l y as the c h i l d grows. An example of e x t e r n a l changes i n the environment might take the form of urban renewal i n a mature neighbourhood. As p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y i n randomly planned mature neighbourhoods i n c r e a s e s , the o r i g i n a l r e s i d e n t s may be conf ronted w i t h i n c r ea sed e x t e r n a l no i se and p o l l u t i o n l e v e l s , i n c rea sed use of inadequate community f a c i l i t i e s , a l l of which w i l l a f f e c t how they f e e l about and respond to the d e n s i t y of t h e i r environment. As r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s i n c r e a s e , the above changes a c t as s t i m u l i to the r e s i d e n t s . As a process of adap ta t i on to these changes occu r s , these s t i m u l i ac t upon t he• re s i den t s and r e s u l t i n behav ior or outcomes on t h e i r pa r t as they attempt to adapt or ad ju s t to these s t i m u l i . A major problem presented by the study of d e n s i t y and crowding i s tha t the re sea rche r cannot observe or measure the a c t u a l process which takes p l a ce between the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a change s t imu lu s and the r e s u l t i n g response on the p a r t of i n d i v i d u a l r e s i d e n t s . Th i s i n t e r a c t i o n i s i n t e r n a l to the i n d i v i d u a l , and t he r e f o r e not e a s i l y t e s t e d . However an avenue of f r u i t f u l r e sea rch might e i t h e r use techniques of ob se r va t i on or i n t e r v i e w s of r e s i d e n t s as a method of l i n k i n g the o r i g i n a l s t imu lu s to a r e s u l t i n g behav ior or outcome w i t h i n a f f e c t e d r e s i d e n t groups. Changes i n the environment ( i n f l u e n c i n g pe rcept i on s of d e n s i t y and c rowd ing ) , c rea te s t i m u l i which a c t i v a t e a process i n t e r n a l to the - 157 -individual which impact the high density resident needs, real and perceived. As the process of exposure to higher densities or crowding evolves, observable or measureable behavioral outcomes develop from the internal process. These outcomes might take the form of individual attitudes, verbal statements, or real actions related to their response to their housing environments. Behavioral outcomes from the crowding experience might f a l l into two different categories. These w i l l be defined as "effective" and "ineffective" outcomes. Classification into each sub-group would depend upon specific c r i t e r i a , which w i l l be described. An i n i t i a l c r i t e r i a might be; does the behavioral outcome maintain the integrity of the individual user ( i . e . meet one's physical, emotional or social needs). Here the researcher would identify an effective outcome by questioning whether the outcome resulting from the housing environment meets such needs of the user group as a whole. Another c r i t e r i a for determining c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of outcomes might be to determine i f the effect of the stimulus on the use group is desirable or not. Take for example the case of environmental noise as a stimulus. A possible outcome would be for a resident to actually leave the neighbourhood because of the noise level created by higher densities. Another outcome might be that the resident states he does not like the noise but has adjusted to i t . This latter case is an application of a psychological adaptation model which w i l l be expanded here. Many other c r i t e r i a of this nature could be developed to further define whether the housing resident's behavioral outcome is "effective" - 158 -or "ineffective" such as: the cost of these outcomes, the overall benefit to the community, whether i t infringes on others rights, etc.. These suggestions are only a cursory look at possible c r i t e r i a which lends i t s e l f to considerable further research and determination. The application of density and crowding knowledge might best be explained through i t s application to a f i e l d research example. For ^ i l l u s t r a t i o n , a case example of noise levels affecting a mature neighbourhood w i l l be developed to i l l u s t r a t e the potential application of the Conceptual Framework For Incorporating Density Measures With  Crowding Considerations proposed in Chapter V. The environmental structure for this example is a mature single family neighbourhood in which a densification or housing i n f i l l process is taking place. Once a quiet area, the residents are now reporting problems of increased noise levels which they believe are resulting from the nearby generated noise of higher density development construction. More people, more t r a f f i c and ultimately more noise is present. Also very important in this process is the residents' internal factors which greatly influence what impact the stimuli w i l l actually have. In this example, the residents resented the changes in their neighbourhood, f e l t they weren't consulted and spent more time in their homes exposed to the noise. Age, sex and ethnicity are also examples of user group personal characteristics. Such factors also influence their perception and therefore response to the noise stimulus as a result of higher densities and changing perceptions of crowding. The environmental stimulus combined with the internal factors act on user attitudes and actions. Examples of major user needs in this - 159 -l i v i n g environment are a very low i n t e r n a l l i v i n g u n i t no i se l e v e l from i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l sources , moderate e x t e r n a l no i se t o l e r a n c e , and a s t r ong sense of "ne ighbourhood" w i t h r e s i s t a n c e to change. In response to the s t imu lu s and i t s impact on t h e i r needs, some i n t e r n a l adap ta t i on or adjustment may occu r , such as a c t i v a t i o n of the s t r e s s response. The i n d i v i d u a l response to h i gher no i se l e v e l s which c reated s t r e s s can f u r t h e r l ead to p h y s i o l o g i c a l changes, such as d i s r u p t e d s l eep pa t t e rn s or gene ra l d e t e r i o r a t i o n i n h e a l t h . E s s e n t i a l l y these are i n t e r n a l human responses wh ich, as p r e v i o u s l y ment ioned, are crowding responses which can occur at h i gh d e n s i t y . The p lanner must be s e n s i t i v e to the b e h a v i o r a l outcomes of the user group as they attempt to adapt or a d j u s t to the no i se s t i m u l i and i t s e f f e c t on t h e i r needs. Through techniques of o b s e r v a t i o n , s i t e i n s p e c t i o n and i n t e r v i e w s , the p lanner can determine what a c t i o n s some i n d i v i d u a l users had taken w i t h i n t h e i r l i v i n g environment to adapt to the no i se problem and encourage these on an area-wide s c a l e to min imize c r o w d i n g - r e l a t e d problems. Here, the p lanner might d i s c o v e r an a r r ay of b e h a v i o r a l outcomes. For example, on the macro, or neighbourhood d e n s i t y l e v e l e x t e r n a l to the u s e r ' s immediate l i v i n g environment, the user group may be l o b by i n g the c i v i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to i n c o r p o r a t e p o l i c e enforcement or t r a f f i c c o n t r o l dev i ce s to reduce h i gher d e n s i t y t r a f f i c generated no i se i n t h e i r neighbourhood. T h i s , however, would on ly p a r t i a l l y decrease the o v e r a l l no i se l e v e l as human a c t i v i t y i nc rea sed i n t h e i r env i ronment. The re sea rche r might f i n d that r e s i d e n t s were t ak i ng - 160 -action more immediate to their l i v i n g unit by planting trees and vegetation between the noise source and their homes to defuse the noise. Others might be building berras or constructing fences to deflect the noise away from their l i v i n g environment. Some users might be incorporating noise insulation into affected walls or replacing single with double pane windows. As well, bedrooms might have been moved to the rear of the dwelling farther away from the noise source. Also there might be a higher than usual turnover in neighbourhood residents indicating that users were moving away from the noise. A l l of these examples are measures residents might take to reduce crowding-related stressors at high density. Again using the case of noise levels, the planner must f i r s t recognize and define the environmental stimulus as being high noise levels or he may do the step in reverse by f i r s t observing particular resident behaviors and then assessing their main causative factors or stimuli. Next, the planner must undertake to study the behavioral outcomes of the noise stimulus. This takes the form of the data collection and analysis phase of the planning process. The planner identifies each resulting behavior as "effective" or "ineffective" based on the suggested pre-determined c r i t e r i a . He then must analyze and link these outcomes to the environmental stimuli causing or reinforcing the resident behavior. For example, is the affected resident actually planting trees or building berms as noise abatement, or is he merely landscaping with no real intention of noise reduction? Having made the link between the environmental stimulus and the behavioral outcome, the planner must develop a plan implementation to - 161 -deal with the high density neighbourhood noise problem. In this instance, the action takes the form of an intervention against the environmental stimulus and i s achieved through the manipulation of the noise stimulus. Generally interventions can be of either a "positive" or "negative" nature. In a case such as a noise problem, for instance, i t may not be r e a l i s t i c for the planner to either take-away or reduce the stimulus (a negative approach as i t constricts action) through the enforcement or expansion of density controls alone. Further the planner might intervene through implementation of regulations other than density controls which would confine the stimulus, such as reducing operating hours of the major noise-making a c t i v i t i e s within the neighbourhood. This could serve to alter the impacts of the high density generated noise stimulus through controlling for stressors in the environment. An alternative approach, as an example of a positive approach which promotes action, could offer an opportunity for the planner to focus on maintaining or promoting those resident behaviors which suggest their adaptation to the environment. Also the planner must take into account the p o s s i b i l i t y of the individual undergoing some level of internal adaptation to the stimulus of high noise levels experienced at higher density, where no action, either positive or negative need be taken. The f i n a l step In the planning process which must be incorporated is some form of evaluation of the intervention schedule which questions the costs, benefits and effectiveness of any actions which are taken. Here the planner must question: was the original - 162 -assessment correct?; were the goals r e a l i s t i c ? ; and was the intervention appropriate or adequate to the situation?. Flexible use of the Conceptual Framework For Incorporating  Density Measures With Crowding Considerations allows the planner to apply relevant knowledge to a specific urban problem, such as noise. The planner can either apply a l l the variables of the framework in a comprehensive manner, or focus on one component such as done here with the example of noise. The planner must remain aware however, that "crowding" occurs because of different environmental stressors which may be somewhat controlled by the various density measures described in Chapter III. Also the planner must continually determine the original cause of the environmental stimuli ( i . e . is the noise from an increased density or from another factor, such as poor building design and construction?). In seeking solutions, the influencing qualitative factors and the personal history of both individuals and groups of individuals should be considered when analyzing the crowding-related stress which results from the environment's disruption of the individual's physiological, social/cultural and psychological needs. This necessary application of crowding knowledge may best take place at the implementation stage of the planning process. Controls for crowding considerations can take several forms: 1) the planner may implement controls which themselves become environmental stimulus in order to correct some other negative stimulus; 2) new regulations can be applied which change the original stimulus thereby decreasing i t s effect; 3) regulations can also be designed to encourage or maintain the presence of a positive stimulus; and 4) trade-offs, as described later, - 163 -could be implemented in the face of a stimulus that cannot be changed r e a l i s t i c a l l y . This latter crowding i n i t i a t i v e is perhaps the most important. The identification of trade-offs and their use may effectively influence the resident's perceptions of density and crowding in a positive manner. For example, given that no r e a l i s t i c solution can be found for the increasing noise levels from densification in a maturing neighbourhood, the planner might consider amenities which could be offered to the existing residents which would improve their l i v i n g environment in some other way. This approach w i l l not actually reduce noise levels but i t may modify the resident's response to i t so that crowding-stress can be minimized. There are rewards that could be given to the residents to aid in their adaptation to higher densities, such as; decreased property tax levels, subsidized noi^se insulation measures to reduce stress, public education on density and crowding and how the individual may protect themselves from possible negative effects at higher density. Affected residents may be offered a range of corrective measures as a part of a program to develop and test innovative measures sensitive to human needs in high density residential development. By way of summary, the knowledge generated by this framework promises many new aspects of research which might yield innovative approaches to control crowding considerations at high density. Much more research is required on how existing density and crowding knowledge can be applied \ in planning development controls for high density housing. The process as previously described has many implications to planning. It appears that a conceptual framework based on density and - 164 -crowding knowledge could become an important tool for the planner's use in the assessment of many aspects of human environments and behavior. The conceptual framework for example might be operationalized through the planning processes shown in Figure XI below, particularly in the steps within the box. Figure XI: The Framework's Role In The Planning Process GOALS -TfT-fotittes IT II II ii Ii mU THiogzeS Plaster TRUO* 1 "6£STm PtAAf fk(>6LgMS •The greatest p o t e n t i a l f o r the Model's a p p l i c a t i o n i a represented by the double-dotted {.-) box. The Use of T rade -Of f s i n the P lann ing Process Inherent in the previous discussion are the notions of f l e x i b i l i t y and adaptability. This is particularly true when one is - 165 -attempting to establish the optimal level of high residential density or building design. Borukhov summarizes this idea succintly when writes: "A. residential neighborhood has many characteristics. Usually people trade off one characteristic against another. For instance: people can trade off density against cost or accessibility against space. The aim of good planning is to find the combination of characteristics that w i l l give maximum level of satisfaction to the residents of a neighbourhood subject to the limitations of their budgets. Density standards should, therefore, be adapted to the preferences of the potential residents and their preferred compromise between the various attributes of their environment."1 Burukhov further contends that people tend to be negatively influenced more by factors other than density such as views, open space and noise, and i t is important to analyze and modify these factors to the benefits of i t s residents. For example, at high densities "ground orientation" may be traded for private open space in the form of a garden patio/balcony. Or the transportation/infrastructure cost savings at high density may be applied to improved internal building conditions such as effective sound-proofing which may dramatically improve the li v e a b i l i t y of the dwelling. On a broader scale, decisions should be made regarding the amount and mix of densities to implement in a given area. Here trade-offs also occur so that at higher densities an increased choice of public and private services can be accessible at a convenient distance. This in turn reduces the noise, air pollution and safety hazards of automobile t r a f f i c that are less necessary in a more compact E. Borukov, "The Trade-off Between Density and Other Objectives: A Re-examination of Planning Norms", Geojournal Vol. 2.1 (1978): 71. - 166 -env i ronment. However i n poo r l y planned h igh d e n s i t y environments the reve r se can be the case . To a i d the p lanner i n i d e n t i f y i n g the pre ferences of r e s i d e n t s so that s a t i s f a c t o r y t r a d e - o f f s may be made, Borukhov c i t e s three d i f f e r e n t methods: 1. A n a l y s i s of behav ior shows p re fe rence s based on what people do r a t h e r than what they say. Th i s data i s c o l l e c t e d through the three approaches of o n - s i t e o b s e r v a t i o n , a n a l y s i s of s t a t i s t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n r ega rd i ng r e l o c a t i o n or cr ime r a t e s , and m u l t i p l e r e g r e s s i o n a n a l y s i s of house p r i c e s . 2. D i r e c t q u e s t i o n i n g of the r e s i d e n t s on t h e i r a t t i t u d e s , how t h e i r ne ighbourhood/dwel l ing meets t h e i r needs, and how r e s i d e n t s ' s a t i s f a c t i o n s i n d i f f e r e n t types of d e n s i t i e s and des igns compares. 3 . T r ade - o f f games which develop s i m u l a t i o n s of a c t u a l hous ing s i t u a t i o n s i n f i n a n c i a l c o n s t r a i n t s and demonstrate neighbourhood and hous ing t r a d e - o f f s . F u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of these methods w i l l not be i n c l u d e d he re , however they have been presented to p rov ide a unders tand ing of a p p r o p r i a t e p l ann ing approaches. The i s sue and s t r a t e g i e s of t r a d e - o f f s might be cons idered when app l y i n g the conceptua l framework as proposed Borukov p. 73. I b i d , pp. 75-76. - 167 -in Chapter V. It is not the intention to indicate that the use of trade-offs meets every residents' preference or requirement, for this is an impossibility. However, decision-makers are called upon to make such interpretations to the best of their a b i l i t y . They must therefore p r i o r i t i z e the many factors and decide which trade-off w i l l result in sli g h t l y more or s l i g h t l y less satisfaction and come to the most desirable compromise among the various variables. Planning then centers around the process as well as the end product. It is in this s p i r i t that the conceptual framework of this study has been developed. This framework is not meant to be a concrete formula, but rather a flexible tool that may systematically guide decision-makers in addressing quality of l i f e considerations at high residential density and how they may be best assured. Much more refinement of the framework is necessary. However, i t is suggested by this analysis that i t has potential as a planning tool. As can be seen from the noise level case, research findings on "effective" behavioral outcomes might readily be applied to neighbourhood plans which would be implemented to control noise levels. The knowledge outlined by this research might also form the basis of high density control guidelines or other policy which could be applied to either new residential areas or to neighbourhoods soon to be faced with higher residential densities and potential undesirable crowding effects. In conclusion, i t might be suggested that the Conceptual  Framework For Incorporating Density Measures With Crowding - 168 -further development, w i l l prove viable for use in problem analysis, research design, policy-making and conceptual organization of existing density and crowding knowledge. These four tasks may be readily implemented through the use of this framework, and prove to be a useful addition to the f i e l d of high density planning. - 169 -APPENDIX II - 170 -FIGURE XII - MATRIX OF DENSITY MEASURES Qualities of Space I denominator) Land Space- Duelling Space-E. £ 'c c C £ C !C SJ . * ^ a: Cultural Ethnic: Background: Education Level Economic Employment Status Income Level Occupation Home Owner Qualities Tenant of Person), Car Owner (numerator j Afte Aged. School Age Preschool Age Social Individual Persons Families Female Heads of Households Residents Transients Present Only in Day Present Only at Night Migrants " Maurice D. Kilberidge, Robert P. 0'Block and Paul V. Teplitz, Urban Analysis (Boston, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1970), p. 47. 

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