Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The density-crowding relationship : planning implications for high density housing Reynolds, Kenneth Victor Thomas 1984

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1984_A8 R49_6.pdf [ 7.98MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0096272.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0096272-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0096272-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0096272-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0096272-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0096272-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0096272-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0096272-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0096272.ris

Full Text

THE DENSITY-CROWDING RELATIONSHIP:  PLANNING IMPLICATIONS FOR  HIGH DENSITY HOUSING  by KENNETH VICTOR THOMAS REYNOLDS B.A. University of Alberta, 1977  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (The School of Community and Regional Planning)  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1984  Kenneth V i c t o r Thomas Reynolds,  1984  In p r e s e n t i n g  this thesis  r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an of B r i t i s h it  Columbia, I agree that  freely available  for reference  by  understood that for  h i s or  be  her  s h a l l not  s h a l l make  and  study.  I  DE-6  (.3/81)  of  further this  Columbia  thesis  head o f  this  my  It is thesis  a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my  of  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h 1956 Main Mall V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1Y3  the  representatives.  permission.  Department  University  Library  g r a n t e d by  be  the  the  copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  f i n a n c i a l gain  the  for extensive copying of  s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may  department or  f u l f i l m e n t of  advanced degree a t  agree t h a t permission for  in partial  written  ABSTRACT  This  study examines p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s which may r e s u l t when  human crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s are i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o h i g h d e n s i t y controls.  As most c u r r e n t d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s do not r e f l e c t  the  r e l a t i o n s h i p between h i g h d e n s i t y and p e r c e p t i o n s of c r o w d i n g , l i v e a b i l i t y has been l e f t l a r g e l y to chance.  housing  ensuring  The i n c l u s i o n of human  r e q u i r e m e n t s , w h i c h can u l t i m a t e l y p r e v e n t crowding and ensure  greater  l i v e a b i l i t y , may be more s y s t e m a t i c i f a framework i s p r o v i d e d which s u g g e s t s ways to i n c o r p o r a t e t e c h n i c a l measures crowding  of d e n s i t y w i t h human  considerations.  To pursue which e x p l o r e s  t h i s end, an  i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y study i s  undertaken  the two concepts of d e n s i t y and crowding as w e l l as  the  p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s which may r e s u l t from t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p . U s i n g a h e u r i s t i c p r o c e s s , a c o n c e p t u a l framework i s proposed w h i c h organizes  c u r r e n t d e n s i t y - c r o w d i n g knowledge i n t o a format t h a t may  a l l o w g r e a t e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r human needs i n h i g h d e n s i t y Components  of the s t u d y which a s s i s t  planning.  i n d e v e l o p i n g t h i s framework are as  follows: 1.  A d e s c r i p t i o n of the h i s t o r y of d e n s i t y thought which t r a c e s  the C e n t r i s t and D e c e n t r i s t movements and serves related  to h i g h d e n s i t y p l a n n i n g i n t o i t s 2.  to p l a c e r e s e a r c h  context.  A d e s c r i p t i o n of what " d e n s i t y " means and i t s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  i n t o a taxonomy of the v a r i o u s measurements  of d e n s i t y .  -  3.  i i i -  A d e s c r i p t i o n of what " c r o w d i n g " means and i t s  organization  i n t o a taxonomy of the human c r o w d i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s which i n f l u e n c e the l i v e a b i l i t y i n h i g h d e n s i t y 4.  housing.  An e x p l o r a t i o n of the complex i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between  d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g so t h a t a b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g planning i m p l i c a t i o n s i s gained. pre-conditions 5.  Necessary  of the r e s u l t a n t  and s u f f i c i e n t  to the human c r o w d i n g response  are  identified.  The development of a c o n c e p t u a l framework as based on the two  taxonomies w h i c h e x p l o r e s ways to i n t e g r a t e d e n s i t y measures crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s ;  some p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r  development c o n t r o l s are i d e n t i f i e d . encourage  sensitive  The g o a l of t h i s approach i s  the a p p l i c a t i o n of c u r r e n t d e n s i t y - c r o w d i n g knowledge so  the q u a l i t y of l i f e  i n high density housing  The proposed framework t h e r e f o r e i s study.  with  environments i s  the main c o n t r i b u t i o n of  to that  ensured. this  - iv -  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page  CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION A.  THE RESEARCH TOPIC  I  1.  General Statement of Issues  1  2.  Problems Regarding Present Density Usage  2  a. b.  2 3  3.  4.  B.  C.  D.  I  Definitions Limited Scope of D e f i n i t i o n  An Introduction to the Density and Crowding Concepts  4  A Conceptual Famework f o r Integrating Crowding with Density  6  THE RESEARCH PROPOSAL  7  1.  The Purpose  8  2.  D e f i n i t i o n s of Terms Used  9  3.  Thesis Organization and Methodology  11  THE CONTEXT AND ASSUMPTIONS OF THE RESEARCH  13  1.  The Research Context  13  2.  The Research Assumptions  14  SUMMARY OF CHAPTER 1  CHAPTER II - THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF HIGH DENSITY THOUGHT  16  17  A.  THE VALUE OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY  17  B.  THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT  18  1.  The Forces Behind Density Thought  18  2.  The Implication of S o c i a l , S c i e n t i f i c and Technological Change  20  - v Page 3.  The Impact of Change on Planning Thought.  22  C.  THE DEVELOPMENT OF DENSITY THOUGHT  24  D.  THE UTOPIAN PLANNERS AND THEIR HIGH DENSITY THOUGHT..  26  1.  Ebenezer Howard  26  2.  S i r Raymond Unwin  29  3.  Le Cor busier  31  4.  Jane Jacobs  44  a. b. c. d. E.  The Need to D i s t i n g u i s h Between Density and Crowding. The Need f o r a Q u a l i t a t i v e Component i n Density Controls The Need f o r D i v e r s i t y with High Density The Need for Open Space with High Density....  SUMMARY OF CHAPTER II  CHAPTER III - THE CONCEPT OF DENSITY:  46 47 48 49 50  THE QUANTITATIVE  COMPONENTS OF DENSITY MEASUREMENTS  52  A.  BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION  52  B.  THE GENERAL MEANING OF DENSITY  53  C.  A METHOD OF ORGANIZING DENSITY MEASUREMENTS  53  1.  The Surface Area Component of Density  54  a.  56  2.  3.  Gross Density and Net Density Measurements...  The Population Component of Density  59  a. b.  The Person/Net Acre Measurement..... The Person or Family Capacity Measurement....  59 59  c.  The Persons/Room Capacity Measurement.  60  The Building Bulk Component of Density  61  a. b.  61  Cubic Density Measurement Floor Area Ratio (FAR) or Floor Space Ratio (FSR) Measurement.  62  - vi -  Page 4. D.  Confusion Between Density Measures  SUMMARY OF CHAPTER I I I  CHAPTER TV - THE CONCEPT OF CROWDING: THE QUALITATIVE COMPONENTS OF HUMAN CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS A.  BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION 1.  67  68 68  Impliciations of Crowding Theory on Density Planning  68  2.  L i m i t a t i o n of Crowding Studies  69  3.  Scope of This Chapter  73  B.  THE GENERAL MEANING OF CROWDING  76  C.  PERCEPTIONS OF DENSITY  78  1.  S o c i a l Perceived Density  78  2.  Physical Perceived Density  79  D.  THE DENSITY-CROWDING  E.  A METHOD OF ORGANIZING QUALITATIVE CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS  91  1.  P h y s i o l o g i c a l Requirements  91  2.  Psychological Requirements  94  3.  S o c i a l / C u l t u r a l Requirements  99  a. b. F. V.  65  RELATIONSHIP  S o c i a l Factors C u l t u r a l Factors  SUMMARY OF CHAPTER IV  THE INCORPORATION OF CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS AND DENSITY MEASURES A.  INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND  80  100 104 106  107 107  - vii-  Page B.  CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR INCORPORATING DENSITY MEASURES WITH CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS  109  1.  Development of the Framework  109  2.  Planning Implications of the Density-Crowding Relationship  114  Description of the Conceptual Framework  115  3. C.  SUMMARY OF CHAPTER V  CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS  125  127  A.  SUMMARY OF RESEARCH FINDINGS  127  B.  PLANNING IMPLICATIONS OF THE RESEARCH  129  1.  The Density Implications  129  2.  The Crowding Implications  131  3.  The Density-Crowding Relationship Implications...  133  4.  Strengths  135  and Weaknesses of the Framework  C.  NATURE OF THE LIMITATIONS  139  D.  SUGGESTED FURTHER INVESTIGATION  140  EPILOGUE BIBLIOGRAPHY  144 14 5  APPENDIX I  154  APPENDIX II  169  - viii  -  LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure  I  Figure  II  Figure  III  Figure  IV  Figure  V  Figure  VI  Figure  VII  Figure VIII  Figure  Figure  IX  X  Figure  XI  Figure  XII  The Two Schools, of Density Thought  25  Le Corbusier's Contemporary City  40  Perceptions  81  of Density  Relating Density and Crowding  88  Psychological Response to Crowding  97  P o t e n t i a l Connecting Elements of the DensityCrowding Relationship  Ill  Incorporation of Density Measures with P h y s i o l o g i c a l Crowding Considerations  116  Incorporation of Density Measures with Psychological Crowding Considerations  117  Incorporation of Density Measures with S o c i a l / C u l t u r a l Crowding Considerations  118  A Conceptual Framework f o r Incorporating Density Measures with Crowding Considerations  122  The Framework's Role i n the Planning Process  164  Matrix of Density Measures  169  - ix -  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  I would l i k e to thank my wife, Noreen, f o r her hours of support and advice i n the preparation of this research.  Also I would l i k e to  thank the School D i r e c t o r , Professor Brahm Wiesman for h i s assistance as advisor and reader.  - 1 -  CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION  A.  THE RESEARCH TOPIC 1.  General Statement of Issues One  of the objectives of land use planning; i s to enhance the  q u a l i t y of l i f e  1  i n our urban neighbourhoods.  This preoccupation  resulted i n a myriad of development controls intended  has  to achieve  this  obj ec t i v e . As  the process  of change i n modern c i t i e s has become  increasingly complex, so too has  the task of urban planning.  One  of the  most challenging of these tasks i s to create the best possible l i v i n g environments within the constraints of diminishing f i n a n c i a l and resources.  An i n t e g r a l part of this concern r e l a t e s to the notions  what i s density and what i s crowding. and analysis of both density and developing  land of  This study presents a discussion  crowding with the objective of  a better understanding of how  they i n t e r r e l a t e .  Development  controls might better incorporate knowledge of human crowding considerations i f planners  were to be more s e n s i t i v e to these i s s u e s .  Ultimately, the purpose of this approach i s to improve the a b i l i t y to enhance the q u a l i t y of l i f e  planner's  i n high density housing through  s e n s i t i v e development controls.  ^ o r a concise d e f i n i t i o n of q u a l i t y of l i f e , see Hans Blumenfeld. " C r i t e r i a for Judging the Quality of the Urban Environment", Urban A f f a i r s Annual Reviews, ed. H. Schmandt and Bloomberg, Volume 3 (1969): 137-163.  W.  - 2  -  Problems R e g a r d i n g P r e s e n t D e n s i t y Usage  2.  a.  Definitions;  Unfortunately,  density as i t i s commonly used appears to be an  i l l u s i o n a r y concept of questionable development c o n t r o l .  The  value when used by i t s e l f as a  concept of density as i t r e l a t e s to the  i n t e n s i t y of land use for housing i s laden with misconception and ambiguity.  The B r i t i s h Department of the Environment density study  found that measures of density," vary widely from one l o c a l authority to another and may  vary within the same authority."  the case i n Canada as i n B r i t a i n .  This appears to be  Three factors i n p a r t i c u l a r seem to  contribute to the problems which surround the contemporary usage of density and i t s measures. density and  its  connotations, used.  F i r s t i s the confusion over the meaning of  measures.  This confusion r e s u l t s from the many  d e f i n i t i o n s and units of measurement which are commonly  This has lead one writer to lament, for example, that some  implications or, "influences of density are better described by some d e f i n i t i o n s than by others".  In other words, by using  different  d e f i n i t i o n s , or p a r t i c u l a r measurements of density, one can achieve  very  d i f f e r e n t r e s u l t s or a f f e c t d i f f e r e n t outcomes from density c o n t r o l s . The  plethora of contexts and  the r e s u l t i n g planning implications a r i s i n g  from these meanings necessitates an accurate  and  concise, i f not  George Woodford, et a l . , The Value of Standards f o r the External R e s i d e n t i a l Environment, B r i t i s h Department of the Environment (London: Her Majesty's Stationary O f f i c e , 1976), pp. 39-48. 3  E. Borukhov, "The Tradeoff Between Density and Other Objectives", New Trends i n Urban Planning, ed. P. Soen; (New York: Pergamon Press, 1979), p. 179.  - 3 -  u n i v e r s a l , framework of density usage which may improve communication between l o c a l governments, the development industry and the p u b l i c . The  second factor contributing to confusion i n the use of the  term can be linked to density's i n c o r r e c t and often synonymous use with notions and perceptions  of crowding. * 1  As w i l l be discussed at some  length l a t e r i n this study, density and crowding are two d i s t i n c t , although intimately r e l a t e d , terms.  However i t i s their close  i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p which requires a better understanding.  In view of  these two concerns, some students  the u t i l i t y of  of the subject question  r e l y i n g s o l e l y on present density measures as high density c o n t r o l s . Therefore,  the third factor concerning  density controls relates to the  wisdom of using density measures as a legitimate basis f o r planning mechanisms which are s e n s i t i v e to human needs i n housing environments.  5  More a p p l i c a t i o n of crowding knowledge i s required to achieve l i v e a b l e high density housing.  I t i s timely then to examine i n more depth  another mechanism for development controls which may more systematically address these human crowding considerations.  b.  Limited Scope of Definition:  Perhaps the most damning attack on the concept of density has been l e v e l l e d by Amos Rapoport when he concludes that, "at the moment  ^Amos Rapoport, "Toward a R e d e f i n i t i o n of Density", Crowding i n Real Environments, ed. Susan Saegert. (London: Sage Publications Inc., 1975), pp. 7-32. See f o r example; J . Marshall M i l l e r , "Relating People to Space Rather than to Ground Area", Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners (Feb. 1961): 77-78. 5  - 4 -  d e n s i t y i s n o t a v e r y u s e f u l c o n c e p t i n human terms because l a r g e l y as a m a t t e r of  i t is  seen  the number of p e o p l e per u n i t a r e a and t h i s  not a very u s e f u l a p p r o a c h " ;  6  is  more c a r e must be taken to l o o k a t the  i m p a c t on humans of d e n s i t y l e v e l s , i n o t h e r words c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r crowding i s  the m i s s i n g component i n c u r r e n t d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s .  has a l s o found s e r i o u s density.  Miller  f a u l t i n the t r a d i t i o n a l use of the term  F o r as he p o i n t s o u t , " t h e use of the term to i n d i c a t e a r a t i o 7  of p e o p l e per u n i t a r e a i s outmoded and o f t e n f a l l a c i o u s " .  As M i l l e r  e x p l a i n s , i t i s a narrow approach to r e l y on d e n s i t y f o r m u l a e as a means q  of r e g u l a t i n g r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s .  G i v e n these c o n c e r n s , a  f u r t h e r case can be made f o r the need to examine the c o n c e p t of i t s measurements,  density,  i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to c r o w d i n g , and the v a r i o u s human  requirements which prevent crowding i n high d e n s i t y environments o r d e r to p l a n h o u s i n g more s e n s i t i v e  3.  to q u a l i t y of l i f e  in  criteria.  An Introduction to the Density and Crowding Concepts Many d e f i n i t i o n s and measurements  a t d i f f e r e n t times and p l a c e s  throughout  of d e n s i t y have been u t i l i z e d the w o r l d .  In Canada and the  United S t a t e s , r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i t e s are g e n e r a l l y expressed q u a n t i t a t i v e f o r m u l a e such as a f l o o r space r a t i o (FSR) r a t i o of the f l o o r a r e a of a b u i l d i n g to i t s s i t e a r e a .  as  which i s  the  This  measurement has been used i n the Vancouver r e g i o n s i n c e 1965 as a major component of the r e g u l a t i o n of h i g h d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l d e v e l o p m e n t . 5  R a p o p o r t , p.  7  M i l l e r , p.  8  Ibid.  7.  77.  \  To  - 5 -  understand  the i m p l i c a t i o n s of d e n s i t y , however, one must go beyond  i n v e s t i g a t i o n of such q u a n t i t a t i v e f o r m u l a e and examine c o n c e p t of how d e n s i t y r e l a t e s What t h e n , i s differ  an  the b r o a d e r  to c r o w d i n g .  the b e s t d e f i n i t i o n of " d e n s i t y " and how does  from p o p u l a r n o t i o n s  planning l i t e r a t u r e reveals  of crowding?  A c u r s o r y review of land  t h a t the t r a d i t i o n a l meaning of  g e n e r a l l y r e f l e c t s a n u m e r i c a l f o r m u l a used to measure  it use  density  the number  of 9  p e o p l e or the amount of accommodation w i t h i n a s p e c i f i e d a r e a of l a n d . One o f the f o r e m o s t a u t h o r i t i e s on d e n s i t y , Amos R a p o p o r t , that density i s  c o n v e n t i o n a l l y seen as a s i t e  concludes  measurement.  Crowding on the o t h e r hand i s c o n v e n t i o n a l l y viewed as a n e g a t i v e p e r c e p t i o n i n response  to human c o n c e n t r a t i o n w i t h i n a d w e l l i n g  ( a l t h o u g h i t may a l s o a p p l y to d w e l l i n g c o n c e n t r a t i o n on a g i v e n area).  land  By way of d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the two, R a p o p o r t has s u g g e s t e d the  following principle: " d e n s i t y can be seen as a measure of people per u n i t a r e a and c r o w d i n g as a n e g a t i v e p e r c e p t i o n of e x c e s s i v e density s u b j e c t i v e e x p e r i e n c e of s e n s o r y and s o c i a l crowding." As can be s e e n , a l t h o u g h not u n r e l a t e d , d e n s i t y and crowding i n f a c t two d i s t i n c t terms.  However, g i v e n  the c l o s e  The c o n c e r n r a i s e d here i s  their  t h a t when such u n c e r t a i n t y s u r r o u n d s  the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between the c o n c e p t s of d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g ,  Rapoport, 1 0  U  Ibid.  Ibid.  p.  8.  are  interrelationship  between the two terms, s p e c i a l c a r e must be taken to a v o i d misuse.  a  they  - 6 -  may  be applied i n an improper manner and f a i l  to achieve  intended  objectives.  4.  A Conceptual Framework for Integrating Crowding with Density There i s l i t t l e question  continue  that the concept of density w i l l  to play an i n t e g r a l part of standards which regulate urban  housing environments.  Local governments and planning agencies have long  u t i l i z e d density to achieve varying and at times c o n f l i c t i n g objectives and w i l l continue  to do so.  Some of the concerns i n v o l v i n g  the concept of density are referred to above. lead the reader  planning  This, however, should  to conclude that density i s a worthless  concept.  not  In  some ways, density as i t i s presently used has proven to be an e f f e c t i v e planning  tool.  For example, minimum density formulae have been used to 13  ensure land economy when land i s viewed as a scarce  resource.  However, density i s less successful i n addressing q u a l i t a t i v e human requirements of s e n s i t i v e housing environments. with regard  This i s e s p e c i a l l y true  to i t s s o c i a l and psychological e f f e c t s .  Density not  only  indicates v a r i a t i o n s i n the number of occupants or amount of buildings per u n i t space, but i t also a f f e c t s p o t e n t i a l perception of s o c i a l physical density, symbols and associations of a high density ment, as well as s o c i o - c u l t u r a l notions 12  G. Woodford, et a l . , p.  and  environ-  of crowding and human  36.  13  This p o s i t i o n i s generally s i t e d by proponents of high density housing on the basis that low density development i s extremely c o s t l y on energy, environmental and f i s c a l grounds. See for example, Real Estate Research Corporation, The Cost of Sprawl: L i t e r a t u r e Review and Bibliography. (Washington, D.C: U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1974), pp. 5-18.  - 7 -  r e q u i r e m e n t s which i n f l u e n c e c r o w d i n g .  These r a m i f i c a t i o n s  u l t i m a t e l y i n f l u e n c e the l e v e l of s a t i s f a c t i o n e x p e r i e n c e d by r e s i d e n t s of h i g h d e n s i t y It  development.  i s important that planners incorporate crowding  c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of high r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y i n t o housing  development  controls.  There i s e v i d e n c e to s u g g e s t t h a t the l e v e l of c r o w d i n g an  Individual  e x p e r i e n c e s i n response  i n d i c a t o r o f the e n v i r o n m e n t ' s  to the d e n s i t y l e v e l i s an i m p o r t a n t  liveability.  F u r t h e r r e s e a r c h seems t o  be needed to i d e n t i f y mechanisms w h i c h m i g h t o p e r a t i o n a l i z e c r o w d i n g considerations  i n t o s e n s i t i v e development c o n t r o l s .  B. THE RESEARCH PROPOSAL The d e s c r i p t i o n o f h o u s i n g  a t h i g h d e n s i t y has i n the p a s t  been  viewed l a r g e l y i n n u m e r i c a l or q u a n t i t a t i v e terms ( f o r example, the c u r r e n t p r a c t i c e of c o n t r o l l i n g high d e n s i t y housing through d e n s i t y measures  such as F S R ) .  This  developments  study w i l l  examine i f o t h e r  approaches m i g h t be more s u c c e s s f u l i n s y s t e m a t i c a l l y i n c o r p o r a t i n g human c r o w d i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s d e n s i t y environments.  i n t o the p l a n n i n g of h i g h r e s i d e n t i a l  I f p u b l i c p o l i c y i s to c r e a t e h i g h  density  e n v i r o n m e n t s of the h i g h e s t p o s s i b l e l e v e l o f h e a l t h and s a t i s f a c t i o n to r e s i d e n t s , i t may need to proceed on a b a s i s of i n c o r p o r a t i n g human crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  to a g r e a t e r d e g r e e .  p l a n n i n g w h i c h i s more s e n s i t i v e g i v e n  There i s a need f o r  the demand f o r such  housing.  C o n s i d e r i n g new knowledge about human crowding and i t s interrelationship  m  to d e n s i t y , p r e s e n t h i g h d e n s i t y development  R a p o p o r t , p. 8 .  controls  - 8 -  m i g h t be made more e f f e c t i v e by p r o v i d i n g f o r human p s y c h o l o g i c a l , p h y s i o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l r e q u i r e m e n t s . a s k s , can such c r o w d i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  This  study  therefore  be i n c o r p o r a t e d i n a m e a n i n g f u l  way w i t h c u r r e n t d e n s i t y c o n t r o l mechanisms?  1.  The P u r p o s e I n v i e w of the p r e v i o u s  this research is  introductory statements,  the purpose  to o r g a n i z e c u r r e n t d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g knowledge  the form of a c o n c e p t u a l framework from w h i c h more s e n s i t i v e d e n s i t y h o u s i n g development c o n t r o l s can be drawn. i n t e n d e d as a d e f e n s e of the b e n e f i t s or n e c e s s i t y densities.  of in  high  This research i s of h i g h e r  not  housing  R a t h e r , i t a c c e p t s h i g h e r d e n s i t y as a g i v e n , and i t goes on  to s u g g e s t how the q u a l i t y of l i f e may be b e t t e r ensured i n  these  environments. I n o r d e r to a d d r e s s housing, this  the problem of more s e n s i t i v e h i g h  density  t h e r e are s e v e r a l c o n t r i b u t o r y o b j e c t i v e s of the b a l a n c e of  study: 1.  To e x p l o r e the h i s t o r y of d e n s i t y new approaches  thought so t h a t the s t u d y  of  i n h i g h d e n s i t y p l a n n i n g can be put i n t o some  p e r s p e c t i v e or c o n t e x t . 2.  To d e s c r i b e what " d e n s i t y " means and c l a s s i f y i n t o a taxonomy the v a r i o u s measurements  3.  of  density.  To d e s c r i b e what " c r o w d i n g " means and o r g a n i z e i n t o a  taxonomy  the human c r o w d i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s w h i c h make h i g h d e n s i t y more liveable. 4.  To e x p l o r e the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g t h a t a b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of r e s u l t a n t p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s is  gained.  so  - 9 -  5.  To propose a conceptual  framework which might a s s i s t the  planner  to integrate density measures with crowding considerations  and  to draw some planning implications for s e n s i t i v e high desity development c o n t r o l s .  2.  D e f i n i t i o n s of  Terms Used  In the preceding discussion various  terms have been introduced.  I t i s useful at this time to more s p e c i f i c a l l y define them as used i n this study. (a) Density/Density  Measure:  Refers  to a measure of a physical space condition.-  I t i s often i n c o r r e c t l y used however to describe a crowding condition.  P a r t i c i p a n t s of current density  debates often lack a common informed understanding of the proper and d i s t i n c t d e f i n i t i o n of each, ( i . e . , say, One  "one  to  i s s u f f e r i n g from density," i s i n c o r r e c t .  might a c t u a l l y be,  perceptions  " s u f f e r i n g from crowding or  of excessive d e n s i t y " ) .  A density measure i s a numerical  formula based on  technical considerations used i n land use planning  to  measure (1) the number of people per dwelling unit, (2) the number of dwellings  or amount of b u i l d i n g per  land area ( i . e . neighborhood), or (3) the s i t e coverage and height of r e s i d e n t i a l buildings on  the  land area; (b) High Density: For the purpose of this discussion, i t refers to a range of 100  to 300  persons per net acre of land  -10-  in residential developments. 15  Although this is an  arbitary figure, i t represents the apparent current standards in the Canadian context. (c) Quantitative components of density measures: The taxonomy (refers to a system of orderly classification) of density measures consisting of three main types:  (1) surface area, (2) population  and (3) building bulk. (d) Crowding: A negative perception of excessive density or a subjective experience of sensory or social crowding;  1 6  an individual's feeling of sensory and  social disruption resulting from either a physical state of excessive density or an emotional state of feeling lack of space; a psychological condition. (e) Over-crowding: A negative, emotional terra often used, though erroneously, to indicate an excessive and harmful density level; i t is a seperate and distinct terra from "crowding"; i t is a lay term not used by scholars in this f i e l d .  To avoid confusion, the terra  "over-crowding" should not be used when'one is actually referring to excessive density.  15  a ouse  16.  and Home, 133-154.  Rapoport, p. 8.  - 11 -  (f) Q u a l i t a t i v e components of crowding considerations: The  taxonomy of human crowding considerations  c o n s i s t i n g of three main aspects:  (1)  s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l , (2) psychological and physiological.  The  (3)  impact of a high density  environment on these components influence perception of crowding and ultimately a f f e c t the q u a l i t y of l i f e experienced  at high density.  (g) Quality of l i f e / l i v e a b i l i t y : The conditions of a human environment which address acceptable  public health and  safety standards while at  the same time o f f e r i n g a s a t i s f a c t o r y l e v e l of comfort and  convenience deemed necessary by a society at a  given  time, and also provides  healthy, f u l l f i l l i n g  life.  the population a  1 7  (h) Conceptual model/framework: A means of organizing a complex body of knowledge so that i t i s more meaningful.  3.  Thesis Organization and Methodology Discussion of the i n t e g r a t i o n of density and  though not well organized this study.  The  crowding knowledge,  i n the current l i t e r a t u r e w i l l be the focus of  research organization i s described here as a way  of  17  Adapted from Maslow's Hierarchy, see; A. Maslow, Motivation and Personality (New York & Harper & Row, 1954). Also, see; C A . Doxiadis, "An Attempt at a S c i e n t i f i c Approach to the Problems of Human Settlements", ERISTICS, Vol. 33, No. 231 (Feb 1969): pp. 359-360.  -  12  -  i n t r o d u c i n g the d i s c u s s i o n . Chapter I I high density  puts  thought.  the s t u d y i n t o c o n t e x t by t r a c i n g the h i s t o r y The r e s e a c h methodology of I n t e l l e c t u a l H i s t o r y  i s employed to s t u d y the o r i g i n s a s o c i e t y of a g i v e n  time.  of d e n s i t y as a p o p u l a r l y h e l d i d e a  T h i s c h a p t e r begins  time w h i c h i n f l u e n c e d t h i s movement.  In  by d e s c r i b i n g the advent  of modern o r t h o d o x p l a n n i n g and the h i s t o r i c a l f o r c e s i n the s o c i e t y the  of  The n o t i o n s of  of  housing  d e n s i t y , as i n t r o d u c e d by Ebenezer Howard i n the New Town p l a n n i n g movement, arid w h i c h was l a t e r  to s t i m u l a t e two d i v e r g e n t s c h o o l s  p l a n n i n g thought on d e n s i t y , i s  presented.  of  A r e v i e w of h i g h d e n s i t y  thought of f o u r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e Utopian p l a n n e r s s e r v e s  to o r g a n i z e the  r e m a i n d e r of the c h a p t e r . Chapter III  o f f e r s a g e n e r a l d e s c r i p t i o n of what d e n s i t y means  and p r e s e n t s a system of o r g a n i z i n g measures.  t h r e e component types of  S p e c i f i c types of measures  h o u s i n g development are p r e s e n t e d .  used to c o n t r o l h i g h  C h a p t e r IV  means and how i t i n t e r r e l a t e s w i t h d e n s i t y . organizing  Chapter V a p p l i e s  the  density  examines what c r o w d i n g a l s o p r e s e n t a system of  t h r e e groups of s p e c i f i c human r e q u i r e m e n t s w h i c h , i f met i n  h i g h d e n s i t y e n v i r o n m e n t s m i g h t improve i t s  Chapters III  It  density  liveability.  the two d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g taxonomies  from  and IV and draws i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r i n n o v a t i v e approaches  p l a n n i n g of h i g h d e n s i t y h o u s i n g .  A proposed c o n c e p t u a l framework  s e t s up a system f o r i n t e g r a t i n g the three q u a n t i t a t i v e components d e n s i t y measures  to  of  w i t h the t h r e e q u a l i t a t i v e components of human c r o w d i n g  - 13 -  considerations.  I t describes p o t e n t i a l mechanisms to l i n k human  requirements more c l o s e l y with various quantitative formulae. proposes a possible solution to the problem  Chapter V  of ensuring a s a t i s f a c t o r y  q u a l i t y of l i f e at high d e n s i t i e s . The f i n a l chapter consists of the summary of the research f i n d i n g s , planning implications, l i m i t a t i o n s , and ^suggestions f o r further study i n this area of planning.  C.  THE CONTEXT AND ASSUMPTIONS OF THE RESEARCH 1.  The R e s e a r c h  Context  Present trends i n urban land use planning indicate that density w i l l continue to be a contentious public p o l i c y issue f o r years to come.  Todate, no consensus has been reached on this important  issue.  The opponents of high density housing development (over 100 people per acre) remain as numerous as the proponents.  However, increasing numbers  of students and p r a c t i t i o n e r s of planning are endorsing the b e l i e f  that  many present day problems faced by modern c i t i e s can be a l l e v i a t e d through p o l i c y which i n t e n s i f i e s a l l land use f o r housing  purposes.  Jacobs and others c i t e research documenting some p o s i t i v e aspects of 18  higher urban density. Any movement toward higher density r e s i d e n t i a l environments be preceded  by c a r e f u l study of the consequences.  must  Consideration of  Jane Jacobs, The Death and L i f e of Great American C i t i e s (New York: Random House, 1961), pp. 4-25. For economic advantages of high density see, Real Estate Research Corporation, The Cost of Sprawl: A Detailed Cost Anaysis (Washington, D.C: U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1974).  - 14 -  b o t h the p o s i t i v e and n e g a t i v e f a c t o r s of i n c r e a s e d d e n s i t y s h o u l d as  the b a s i s f o r r a t i o n a l d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g r e g a r d i n g d e n s i t y Opponents  and proponents a l i k e agree  r e l a t e d to h i g h d e n s i t y .  controls.  that there are p e n a l t i e s  The d e b a t e c o n t i n u e s as to whether or n o t the  p e n a l t i e s o u t w e i g h the g a i n s .  F u r t h e r , i t i s q u e s t i o n e d , what groups o r  i n d i v i d u a l s a r e the r e c i p i e n t s of these g a i n s and p e n a l t i e s ? l i m i t e d scope of t h i s r e s e a r c h , t h i s i s s u e The s t u d y however, r e c o g n i z e s  Due to the  w i l l n o t be c o v e r e d h e r e .  t h a t the argument over who b e n e f i t s i n  monetary terms from h i g h d e n s i t y i s i n d e e d a l e g i t i m a t e one. o t h e r hand, the d i s c u s s i o n  serve  On the  of the m e r i t s of h i g h d e n s i t y s h o u l d  also  p r o c e e d i n the c o n t e x t o f a fundamental c o n c e r n f o r the p h y s i c a l and e m o t i o n a l w e l l - b e i n g o f the r e s i d e n t s of h i g h d e n s i t y e n v i r o n m e n t s , and n o t outworn  2.  biases.  The Research Assumptions The purpose o f t h i s t h e s i s i s n o t to argue  high density housing.  be p l a c e d on how to b e s t ensure  l l v e a b i l i t y based on p r e s e n t knowledge.  T h e r e f o r e to l i m i t  t h i s s t u d y , i t i s a p p r o p r i a t e here to l i s t  (a)  of  R a t h e r , h i g h d e n s i t y h o u s i n g w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d a  g i v e n so t h a t the f o c u s w i l l  i t i s based.  the advantages  improved the scope of  s e v e r a l assumptions  on w h i c h  I t i s assumed t h a t :  Higher d e n s i t i e s w i l l  be a c o n t i n u e d t r e n d :  P a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Vancouver r e g i o n , the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n s i n . a l i m i t e d l a n d a r e a indicate  t h a t f u t u r e -housing needs w i l l be met a t much  - 15 -  higher d e n s i t i e s .  Changing demographic makeup of  the Canadian population, and  as well as e s c a l a t i n g land  construction costs may necessitate more intense  r e s i d e n t i a l land use than presently experienced i n most regions  of Canada.  Also jobs, stores, community  services and other amenities can be offered to a larger number of c i t i z e n s within walking distance of their homes. (b)  Quality of l i f e can be better ensured i n high  density  environments: A s a t i s f a c t o r y q u a l i t y of l i f e can be offered to residents i n high density developments through the organization and a p p l i c a t i o n of e x i s t i n g knowledge regarding  the desireable quantitative and q u a l i t a t i v e  components of high density.  In p a r t i c u l a r , the  a p p l i c a t i o n of crowding knowledge w i l l influence high density r e s i d e n t i a l development by improving the q u a l i t y of l i f e (c)  to i t s residents.  A p p l i c a t i o n of crowding/density knowledge can a s s i s t i n planning s e n s i t i v e high density housing: The  exploration and organization of  state-of-the-art knowledge regarding density and crowding and the implications of their  See f o r example; E.M. Gibson, The Urbanization of the S t r a i t of Georgia Region (Ottawa: Lands Directorate, Environment Canada, 1976).  - 16  -  i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p are necessary i n i t i a l steps towards the development of a conceptual framework which a s s i s t i n high density planning. understanding and  of the concepts  may  Enhanced  of density and  crowding  their a p p l i c a t i o n to high density environments  w i l l be of use to municipal planners, the development industry and the public at large, and w i l l u l t i m a t e l y provide housing life  D.  that i s more s e n s i t i v e to q u a l i t y of  concerns.  SUMMARY OF CHAPTER I In this introductory chapter the need for and  the f e a s i b i l i t y  of  developing a conceptual framework with greater emphasis on human needs at high density, was  presented.  density and crowding was  A brief d e s c r i p t i o n of the concepts of  c i t e d , which suggested  how  crowding knowledge  can be of value i n planning l i v e a b l e high density housing. regarding current density usage was proposal i n context.  Problems  also given to place the research  O v e r a l l , the research aim was  c i t e d , that of  developing a system which integrates density and crowding knowledge i n t o a more manageable form from which future planning mechanisms for more l i v e a b l e high r e s i d e n t i a l density environments might be derived.  - 17 -  CHAPTER I I THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF HIGH DENSITY THOUGHT  A.  THE VALUE OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY T h i s c h a p t e r t r a c e s the h i s t o r y o f the c o n c e p t of h i g h  as used i n r e s i d e n t i a l d e v e l o p m e n t . is  employed  t h a t of I n t e l l e c t u a l H i s t o r y , d e f i n e d as the academic s t u d y of  origins  of a p o p u l a r l y h e l d i d e a i n a s o c i e t y of a g i v e n t i m e .  chapter begins the  The r e s e a r c h methodology  density  This  by d e s c r i b i n g the advent of modern o r t h o d o x p l a n n i n g  h i s t o r i c a l f o r c e s i n the s o c i e t y of the time w h i c h i n f l u e n c e d  movement.  and  this  The n o t i o n s of h o u s i n g d e n s i t y , as i n t r o d u c e d by Ebenezer  Howard i n the New Town p l a n n i n g movement, and which was l a t e r stimulate  the  two unique s c h o o l s  presented.  of p l a n n i n g thought on d e n s i t y ,  to is  A r e v i e w o f r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y thought of f o u r  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e Utopian p l a n n e r s  serves  to o r g a n i z e  the remainder of  the  chapter. I n o r d e r to s t u d y d e n s i t y and i t s r e l a t i o n to c r o w d i n g , as proposed i n t h i s s t u d y , essential.  an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of i t s b e g i n n i n g s  However, the h i s t o r i c a l r o o t s of h i g h d e n s i t y thought i s  w e l l documented i n the p l a n n i n g l i t e r a t u r e . i s presented at t h i s p o i n t i n order  This h i s t o r i c a l  to o f f e r some f u r t h e r  of h i g h d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g through the works of authorities.  is  background  undertstanding  acknowledged  I n p a r t i c u l a r the g o a l of t h i s c h a p t e r i s  h i s t o r i c a l argument u n d e r l y i n g  not  to p r e s e n t  the  the b e l i e f t h a t s e n s i t i v e h i g h d e n s i t y  a r e a s o n a b l e s o l u t i o n to urban h o u s i n g p r o b l e m s .  It  is  this belief  is  that  -  18  -  f u r t h e r j u s t i f i e s the need to pursue r e s e a r c h i n t o the p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s of a framework w h i c h i n c o r p o r a t e s c r o w d i n g and d e n s i t y knowledge. As p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d , d e n s i t y i s an o f t e n m i s u n d e r s t o o d concept.  The c o m p l e x i t y of an e x e r c i s e w h i c h d e f i n e s such a p o p u l a r  term has been summarized by A . P . M c K i l l o p when he w r i t e s , " t h e s t u d y ideas or concepts l i k e  of  " d e n s i t y " can be d e s c r i b e d as an endeavor  m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y amorphous  to n a i l i n g j e l l y  to a w a l l . "  1  F o r one  to  c l e a r l y comprehend a c o n c e p t such as d e n s i t y , i n t e l l e c t u a l s c h o l a r s  have  employed a methodology w h i c h t r a c e s the use of a s p e c i f i c term through history  to d e t e r m i n e i t s p r o p e r meaning.  This involves  o r i g i n a l c o n t e x t i n w h i c h the s e m i n a l a u t h o r I n t r o d u c e d term to a d i s c i p l i n e such as p l a n n i n g . F r a n k U n d e r h i l l , has e x p r e s s e d writes,  the  the use of  the  The noted Canadian h i s t o r i a n ,  the i m p o r t a n c e of t h i s approach when he  " t h a t i f we a r e to u n d e r s t a n d o u r s e l v e s  a g r e a t d e a l more s t u d y  seeking  b e t t e r we need to d e v o t e  to our i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y ,  to the v a l u e s ,  the g u i d i n g i d e a s and i d e a l s , t h a t have i n f l u e n c e d the minds  to  of  2  d i f f e r e n t groups of C a n a d i a n s " .  This holds  true i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g  p a s t and t h e r e f o r e f u t u r e use of the c o n c e p t of l i v e a b l e h i g h housing  B.  the  density  in planning.  THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT 1.  The Forces Behind Density Thought Density,  i n the modern c i t y , I s  a r e l a t i v e term.  What m i g h t be  ^ . P . M c K i l l o p , " N a t i o n a l i s m , I d e n t i t y and Canadian I n t e l l e c t u a l H i s t o r y " , Q u e e n ' s Q u a r t e r l y V o l . 8 ( W i n t e r 1974): 534 2  F. U n d e r h i l l , The Image o f C o n f e d e r a t i o n ( T o r o n t o : P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1964), p. 60.  CBC  - 19 -  viewed as an excessive concentration of housing i n one era might appear wasteful i n another.  The same might be said of the land use controls  which are implemented by such c i t i e s as a means of c o n t r o l l i n g density. Housing density i s c l o s e l y tied to market forces.  However, popular  demands for the redesign of urban environments, including a l t e r a t i o n of density controls, also arise from the forces of change i n the modern city.  For example, to many residents of Vancouver C i t y , change i s  viewed as progress which r e s u l t s i n jobs and increased economic activity.  Still  others view such change i n negative terms such as block  busting, over-crowding,  environmental  d e s t r u c t i o n , and p o l l u t i o n .  From  an h i s t o r i c a l perspective, change has always placed a s t r a i n upon planners to reach a concensus or find a solution to such an unsolved chronic problem as e s t a b l i s h i n g acceptable housing d e n s i t i e s .  and  The  planner has continually been called upon to offer proper d i r e c t i o n f o r change or growth as the c i t y evolves.  On  this point, Nathaniel  L i t c h f i e l d has commented: "Urban planning i s carried out by governments i n an attempt to remedy the d e f i c i e n c i e s of their urban ateas and to steer their growth and change towards a future than would emerge without such planning".  better  I t has long been recognized  that the "better future" L i t c h f i e d  refers to, often requires a r e v i t a l i z a t i o n or urban renewal i n the core areas of large c i t i e s .  The focus of urban renewal schemes often centers  on plans to assure an adequate stock of housing, usually at higher 3  Nathaniel L i c h f i e l d , "From Urban Planning to Settlement Planning", Studies i n Housing, Urban Design and Planning, ed. Pan Soen. (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1979), p. 7.  -  densities. of h o u s i n g supplying  This  i s no s i m p l e t a s k .  20  -  The p r o v i s i o n of s u f f i c i e n t numbers  u n i t s i n the modern c i t y i n v o l v e s much more than s i m p l y basic shelter for i t s r e s i d e n t s .  4  Housing  form,  neighborhood  e n v i r o n m e n t , economics and p a r t i c u l a r l y d e n s i t y have always concerns  to the p l a n n e r s and the p u b l i c . It  density  posed major  i s hoped t h a t the i n c l u s i o n of the h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t b e h i n d  thought w i l l p l a c e the c o n t r i b u t i o n s of the r e m a i n d e r of  study i n t o a c l e a r e r p e r s p e c t i v e . planners  form the b a s i c  thesis  The t e a c h i n g s of noted U t o p i a n  that higher d e n s i t y housing  environments  can be l i v e a b l e g i v e n more c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r human needs i n planning.  T h i s premise i s  Crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  their  threaded through the remainder of  the  can be r e l a t e d more c l o s e l y to d e n s i t y  and a c o n c e p t u a l framework can be d e v e l o p e d w h i c h g u i d e s a p p l y i n g d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g k n o w l e d g e .  It  is  in high d e n s i t y housing  study.  measures  the p l a n n e r  the aim of  then to e x p l o r e the h i s t o r y behind c u r r e n t d e n s i t y p l a n n i n g approaches  this  this  in  chapter  trends so t h a t new  are p l a c e d i n t o t h e i r p r o p e r  context.  2.  The Implication of Social, Scientific and Technological Change The t u r n of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y h e r a l d e d the b e g i n n i n g s  Lichfield,  p.  8.  of  the  - 21 -  "Modern C i t y " .  The  t r a n s i t i o n from the " P o s t - l i b e r a l " c i t y was  of rapid change to both the physical structure and Society was  not only confronted  problems which resulted from the  technological advancement of the period. experiencing  the urban society.  with a back log of unsolved urban  problems, but also a myriad of new  which was  a time  Imagine a c i t y ' s  population  rapid increases, being housed i n obsolete  aging  p h y s i c a l structures while being inundated by the many impacts of these new  inventions.  In 1856  Take for example, the advent of the "Bessemer Process"  which f i r s t produced s t e e l ; i t was  technique and  to forever a l t e r  b u i l t form i n the modern c i t y .  construction  Imagine the reaction of  residents of c i t i e s l i k e Chicago i n the l a t e 1900's who  were the  first  to witness the construction of twenty to t h i r t y story buildings and r e s u l t a n t problems of automobile t r a f f i c , congestion Many major inventions  took place during  and a i r p o l l u t i o n .  this period which were  to i r r e v e r s a b l y a l t e r the face of the modern c i t y . was  the  In 1869,  the dynamo  developed which e f f e c t i v e l y harnessed e l e c t r i c i t y as a p r a c t i c a l  clean energy force. 1876,  Other notable  the e l e c t r i c l i g h t i n 1879,  elevator i n 1885, change.  The  a l l contributed  and  inventions such as the telephone i n the i n t e r n a l combustion engine and  the  to an environment of phenomenal  cumulative e f f e c t of these new  inventions not  only  dramatically altered the manner i n which c i t i e s were administered,  but  Urban Historians are i n general agreement that the " p o s t - l i b e r a l " c i t y ended near the end of the 1900's and was replaced i n the western world by the modern c i t y . See for example; Leonards Benevolo, The History of the C i t y (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, (1980).  -  22  -  perhaps more i m p o r t a n t l y how t h e i r growth and change was p l a n n e d . is l i t t l e  wonder  t h a t the s o c i e t a l l e a d e r s of the day were q u i c k  There to  embrace a b e l i e f t h a t the s o l u t i o n to many urban problems would soon be s o l v e d by t e c h n o l o g y and the machine 3.  age.  6  The Impact o f Change on P l a n n i n g Thought As i n the f i e l d s of s c i e n c e and t e c h n o l o g y , l e a d e r s i n the  planning profession things  toyed w i t h the i d e a of d i s c a r d i n g o l d ways of  i n f a v o u r of e n t i r e l y new i d e a s .  modern c i t y ,  doing  To the p l a n n e r of the e a r l y  the dream of c o n s t r u c t i n g e n t i r e l y new machine-age  appeared to be w i t h i n t h e i r g r a s p i n t h e i r own l i f e t i m e .  cities  Noted U t o p i a n  p l a n n e r s , such as Ebenezer Howard, were the p r o d u c t s of t h i s  heady  p e r i o d o f r e f o r m i s t i d e a l s and demands w h i c h c a l l e d f o r change  to n o t  o n l y the s t r u c t u r e of c i t i e s but more i m p o r t a n t l y to the b a s i c f a b r i c of society.  I t was i n t h i s s e t t i n g and i n response  to these demands,  that  s e v e r a l i n n o v a t i v e c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s of the " i d e a l c i t y " form were proposed.  P e r h a p s as a s p i n - o f f of  by major advancements  the wide p u b l i c r e c o g n i t i o n r e c e i v e d  i n o t h e r f i e l d s , f u t u r i s t p l a n n e r s of t h a t p e r i o d  were m o t i v a t e d by the p o s s i b i l i t y of s e r i o u s their city  popular c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r  plans.  The f o l l o w e r s of these Utopian p l a n n e r s were to p r e s e n t t h a t ranged f a r beyond the i n t e l l e c t u a l s of Ebenezer H o w a r d ' s  t h a t time however.  ideas As i n  c a s e , h i s Garden C i t y p l a n was to become the f o c a l  F o r a i n d e p t h d i s c u s s i o n of the e f f e c t t e c h n o l o g y and the machine age had on urban p l a n n i n g see; L e w i s Mumford, T e c h n i c s and C i v i l i z a t i o n (Cambridge M a s s . : The MIT P r e s s , 1 9 3 4 ) . 6  -  23  -  point for a major s o c i a l movement which greatly influenced planning i n both Europe and North America. exception to the r u l e .  Few  Howard's success, however, i s an  of the f u t u r i s t planners of his day received  a f a i r hearing of their ideas.  Of these, only a minority were ever  given an opportunity to implement and planning.  thus test new  ideas i n c i t y  The success or f a i l u r e of these early planners should  be gauged only by their a b i l i t y  to implement their plans.  not  In  retrospect, perhaps their greatest contribution to the f i e l d of urban planning was  the introduction of new  debate on urban problems and  concepts  and ideas which began a  their i d e a l s o l u t i o n s .  I t was  this  dialogue, began i n the early twentieth century by the f u t u r i s t  planners,  which not only defined many modern urban problems, but also focused d i s c u s s i o n on such s p e c i f i c issues as housing density. eventually i d e n t i f i e d and refined many new problems.  One  solutions to age old urban  noteable example of such an idea was  the density of housing  This process  that of increasing  in the core of a c i t y rather than opting for l e s s  complex suburban housing development. It was  these ideas, pioneered  by the U t o p i a n s , which were to lay  the groundwork f o r the planning and development of the modern c i t y . A d d i t i o n a l l y , many present day planning practices and concepts have their origins i n the works of these e a r l y planners.  As w i l l be shown  from the a p p l i c a t i o n of some of the f u t u r i s t s ideas in this study, of their dreams have yet to be f u l l y r e f i n e d .  other  For example, the notion  of being more s e n s i t i v e to human needs i n planning high density environment i s an idea not yet f u l l y incorporated into planning  -  practise.  24 -  I t i s the aim of this study to explore and operationalize  some of these early  concepts.  In the determination of urban housing density, Ebenezer Howard has inspired  the advocates  of a decentralized or low density urban  development (also called new town planning thought).  Howard's seminal  ideas about new urban environments met with a dramatic opposition by other early planners of the modern c i t y , such as Le Corbusier. For example, as Maurice Besset points out, " i t was the reading of these pioneer books ( l i k e Garden C i t i e s of Tomorrow by Ebenezer Howard) whose proposals he l a t e r v i o l e n t l y condemned, that set Le Corbusier s e r i o u s l y thinking about town-planning problems".  C.  THE DEVELOPMENT OF DENSITY THOUGHT The following diagram i l l u s t r a t e s the two divergent schools of  density thought. influence.  As can be seen, Ebenezer Howard was the seminal  Only the four i n d i v i d u a l s addressed  i n this study are  included i n the figure; there are however other planning f u t u r i s t s and theorists that tend to follow one school or the other, such as Fredrick Law Otmstead, Henry Wright, Clarence Stein, Lewis Mumford and CatherineBauer as D e c e n t r i s t s , and Daniel Burnham as a C e n t r i s t . the two schools of density thought presented  i n this section.  An overview of  stemming from Howard's work w i l l be  Although most planning theorists can be  placed i n one or the other of the two schools, the discussion i n t h i s chapter w i l l focus on four i n d i v i d u a l s i n an e f f o r t to describe the Maurice Besset, Who Was Le Corbusier? (Geneva: E d i t i o n s d'Art A l b e r t Skina, 1968), p. 151. 7  -  b e l i e f s surrounding both schools:  25 -  Ebenezer Howard, S i r Raymond Unwin,  Le Corbusier, Jane Jacobs.  FIGURE I - THE TWO SCHOOLS OF DENSITY THOUGHT  EBENEZER HOWARD "The Garden City' New Towns  Decentrists  Centrists  SIR RAYMOND UNWIN "Nothing Gained by Overcrowding" Proponent of Low Density School  LE, CORBUSIER "The Radiant C i t y " Proponent of High Density School  Jane Jacobs  Planning h i s t o r y suggests the presence of two d i s t i n c t schools of thought which pertain to housing density.  The f i r s t , which w i l l be  referred to as the "Decentrist" school, consisted of devout followers of Ebenezer Howard and the Garden City movement. i n i t i a t e d by S i r Raymond Unwin. belief  This movement was  These planners were of the r e l i g i o u s  that high density housing was an e v i l to be stamped out.  In the  l a t e nineteenth century context many negative consequences were experienced i n high density low q u a l i t y family housing i n Great B r i t a i n . During this same period, a r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t school of density thought was to develop under the a r c h i t e c t , Le Corbusier, whose teachings advocated high density as an e x c i t i n g , p r a c t i c a l aspect of  - 26 -  lif.e i n the modern c i t y , given proper design, adequate construction and ample park space. density thought  I t i s the Le Corbusier inspired  " C e n t r i s t " school of  from which many present notions promoting high density  have o r i g i n a t e d . D.  THE UTOPIAN PLANNERS AND THEIR HIGH DENSITY THOUGHT 1.  E b e n e z e r Howard Planning h i s t o r i a n s are i n general agreement that modern c i t y  planning began with the p u b l i c a t i o n of the book, Garden C i t i e s of Q  Tomorrow i n 1898  by Ebenezer Howard.  "town planners", was  Howard, one of the f i r s t  new  to i n i t i a t e many of the ideas and ideals which have  dominated the planning profession from that date.  Howard's contribution  to planning theory was  the development of a f u l l y planned, small scale  new  His desire for new  town f o r B r i t a i n .  unhealthy  towns was  i n response  crowded l i v i n g conditions he had experienced  nineteenth century B r i t i s h c i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y London. C i t y idea was  to construct new,  to the  in l a t e This Garden  s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t c i t i e s on a much smaller  scale with a population of about 30,000 i n the core and about 2000 i n the surrounding a g r i c u l t u r a l estate.  The  town was  b u i l d i n g l o t s of an average size of 20 feet x 130  to contain 3,500 feet - the minimum  9  space a l l o t e d for the purpose being 20 x 100. intended  W.H.  Howard's design  was  to improve the q u a l i t y of l i f e for i t s residents by, f o r  3 G.B. Dantzig, and T.L. Saaty, Compact City (San Francisco: Freeman and Company, 1973), p. 18. g  Ebenezer Howard, Garden C i t i e s of Tomorrow (Cambridge, Mass.: reprinted by The MIT Press, 1965), p. 54.  - 27 -  instance, creating open spaces i n the urban core.  Also care would be  taken to shield r e s i d e n t i a l areas from negative i n d u s t r i a l impacts. Greenbelts would surround the Garden City to offer i t s residents easy access to green space and fresh a i r . F i n a l l y ,  the idea of o f f e r i n g jobs  closer to the worker's residence reduced the need for expensive transportation which might a f f e c t a i r q u a l i t y . c i t y on two key 1.  Howard based his model  assumptions:  That people would rather l i v e i n smaller, cleaner, more e f f i c i e n t c i t i e s than i n large c i t i e s .  2.  1 0  That a decentralized urban area and therefore decentralized s o c i a l order would o f f e r a more pleasing l i v i n g than large c i t i e s .  environment  1 1  Howard s u c c e s s f u l l y planned and constructed a demonstration project at Letchworth, England which was  to become the f o c a l point f o r  an expanding Garden C i t y movement amongst c i t y planners of the twentieth century. I t has been assumed that Ebenezer Howard was  opposed  to high  density r e s i d e n t i a l construction and was a proponent of low density. However, Lewis Mumford, a noted author, writes of Ebenezer Howard that he had no conscience commitment to either low or high density although his Garden City was an attempt to r e l i e v e the congestion of the large city.  Mumford argues that, "Howard's alleged plan for lowering the  density of population to twelve houses  10  U  Howard, pp. 50-57.  I b i d , pp. 138-150.  to the acre . . .  i s a fantastic  - 28 -  error:  you w i l l look i n vain through the pages of Garden C i t i e s of  Tomorrow for even the h i n t of such a proposal".  12  What exactly then did Ebenezer Howard have to say about the density of housing?  Mumford explains that Howard's b e l i e f s about the  actual numbers involved i n housing  d e n s i t i e s were "on the conservative  13  side".  As has been pointed out, Howard s p e c i f i e d an average l o t size  i n Garden C i t y of 20 x 130 f e e t with a minimum of 20 x 100 f e e t . Mumford translates these dimensions, (given the average family size of the day as f i v e persons) into 90 to 95 persons per r e s i d e n t i a l acre, or in present day terms of smaller family u n i t s , about 70 persons per acre 1k  to be housed i n single family u n i t s .  Howard did not specify what  density he had i n mind for Garden C i t y .  He did however recommend a  minimum l o t size which i n d i r e c t l y did l i m i t density l e v e l s .  The  commonly held b e l i e f that Ebenezer Howard was the i n i t i a t o r of modern concepts of low density i s i n f a c t an overstatement. Who then did begin the planning movement which pursued the idea that low density development provided Conversely,  the best l i v i n g environment?  from where did the idea that modern c i t i e s could be  constructed with high density r e s i d e n t i a l components obtain i t s origin? For these answers, this discussion w i l l now focus on the contrasting Lewis Mumford, "The Garden City Idea and Modern Planning", Garden C i t i e s of Tomorrow, ed. Ebenezer Howard (Cambridge, Mass.: reprinted by The MIT Press, 1965), p. 30. 13  Howard, p. 31. 11+  I b i d , p. 32.  - 29 -  ideas and ideals of the followers of Ebenezer Howard's Garden City movement, S i r Raymond Unwin and Le Corbusier. i n d i v i d u a l s who brought the density debate  I t i s these two  to a focus, one an opponent  and one a proponent of high density.  2.  Sir Raymond Unwin S i r Raymond Unwin was a co-planner with Ebenezer Howard during  the  construction of the f i r s t Garden C i t y at Letchworth.  As Lewis  Mumford discovered, i t was Unwin, not Howard, who argued i n favor of lower d e n s i t i e s f o r housing. the  Unwin's main contribution to planning i s  notion that there i s "Nothing Gained by Overcrowding",  essay i n 1903.  a classic  15  Unwin argued from an economic standpoint that higher d e n s i t i e s should not be implemented argued  i n response to high costs of urban land.  He  that less congested c i t i e s would be more economical by not  wasting money on excessive street area and expensive paving; the savings would provide instead more public space such as i n t e r n a l parks and play areas.  He also f e l t  that lower cost suburban development  presented a  better option when faced with r i s i n g c i t y core land values. Lewis Mumford i s c r i t i c a l of Unwin's " r i g i d mechanical a p p l i c a t i o n of a density standard" associated with his "overcrowding" notion.  Unwin's suggestion of a density of 36-48 persons per acre i s ,  Raymond Unwin, "Nothing Gained by Overcrowding", (1912) The Legacy of Raymond Unwin, ed. W. Creese (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1967), pp. 109-127. The.best short survey of S i r Raymond Unwin's works can also be found i n Creese's book.  - 30  i n Mumford's  -  b e l i e f , f a r below the d e n s i t y l i m i t c o m p a t i b l e w i t h h e a l t h  and good l i v i n g .  1 6  One can f i n d the b e g i n n i n g s  of modern a d v e r s i t y to h i g h  density  17  housing  i n the w r i t i n g s of S i r Raymond Unwin.  Unwin's  ideas  received  a wide f o l l o w i n g i n the f i e l d of p l a n n i n g and c o n t i n u e to i n f l u e n c e the density debate.  Based on U n w i n ' s  t e a c h i n g s , many p l a n n e r s d r a f t e d and  implemented d e n s i t y s t a n d a r d s w h i c h were p u r p o s e f u l l y r e s t r i c t i v e i n nature.  The o b j e c t i v e was to h i n d e r or d i s c o u r a g e  development based on U n w i n ' s assumptions crowding at high d e n s i t y .  high density  about the i l l - e f f e c t s  C a t h e r i n e Bauer has l a b e l e d t h i s  urban of  the  18  " D e c e n t r i s t S c h o o l " of p l a n n i n g  thought.  Unwin was one of the f i r s t of the d e c e n t r i s t s c h o o l the need f o r l a n d use c o n t r o l s p r e v e n t i n g the i l l - e f f e c t s  to r e c o g n i z e  to r e g u l a t e d e n s i t y as a means of  of c r o w d i n g .  Such r e g u l a t i o n , he w r o t e , must  r e c o g n i z e , "two i m p o r t a n t and d i f f e r e n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n s w h i c h make some 19  s o r t of l i m i t a t i o n d e s i r a b l e " .  The f i r s t was the need to l i m i t  ground a r e a coverage and h e i g h t o f b u i l d i n g s on a s i t e . 16 17  The  the  second  Mumford, p. 3 1 .  See f o r example, S i r Raymond Unwin, Town P l a n n i n g i n P r a c t i c e (London: E r n e s t Bean L t d . , 1909). 18  For f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h on the " D e c e n t r i s t S c h o o l of P l a n n i n g Thought" See: F r e d r i c k Law O l m s t e d , F o r t y - e i g h t Y e a r s i n A r c h i t e c t u r e (Cambridge M a s s . : The MIT P r e s s , 1957), and Henry W r i g h t , R e h o u s i n g Urban A m e r i c a (New Y o r k : Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1935); and C a t h e r i n e B a u e r , Economic Development and Urban L i v i n g C o n d i t i o n s ( U n i t e d N a t i o n s , New Y o r k : H o u s i n g , B u i l d i n g and P l a n n i n g B r a n c h , Bureau of S o c i a l A f f a i r s , 1957). 1 9  U n w i n , pp.  124-126.  - 31  related site. these  to a need to l i m i t Unwin's  two  -  the p o p u l a t i o n which was to i n h a b i t the  proposed r e g u l a t i o n s  to a v o i d c r o w d i n g were based  on  assumptions.  Unwin's Letchworth density r e g u l a t i o n s r e f l e c t assumptions  these  two  and g i v e a c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n of h i s commitment to low d e n s i t y  development. "1.  F o r example, h i s L e t c h w o r t h r e g u l a t i o n s p e c i f i e d : T h a t i n the case of houses on o r d i n a r y s i t e s , n o t more than o n e - s i x t h of the s i t e s h o u l d be c o v e r e d by b u i l d i n g s .  2.  T h a t d w e l l i n g houses c o s t i n g l e s s than 200 pounds s h o u l d n o t exceed 12 to the a c r e ; houses c o s t i n g from 200 to 300 pounds s h o u l d not exceed 10 to the a c r e ; houses c o s t i n g from 300 to 350 s h o u l d not exceed 8 to the a c r e and so f o r t h . " 2 0  Unwin's  i d e a s are s t i l l  r e s e a r c h on the i l l - e f f e c t s  influential;  his legacies continue  in  of c r o w d i n g i n r e s i d e n t i a l environments  w h i c h now spans s e v e r a l academic d i s c i p l i n e s r a n g i n g from e n v i r o n m e n t a l psychology  3.  to p l a n n i n g .  Le Corbusier If  one i s  to s e a r c h the o r i g i n of p r o - h i g h d e n s i ty  housing  ideas, i t is  to the works of Le C o r b u s i e r w h i c h one must l o o k .  Le C o r b u s i e r  i s g e n e r a l l y c l a i m e d by the a r c h i t e c t u r a l f r a t e r n i t y , he  has been theorist  r e c o g n i z e d as  the most noted and i n f l u e n t i a l urban  to propose h i g h d e n s i t y h o u s i n g .  f u t u r i s t p l a n n e r s of the modern c i t y  to p r e s e n t a redevelopment  w i d e l y endorsed by the Garden C i t y movement. U n w i n , p.  125.  planning  He was the f i r s t of the  w h i c h was n o t o n l y c o n t r a r y but r a d i c a l l y opposed  2 0  Although  This  scenario  to the p l a n n i n g  ideas  event was to be of  - 32 -  major importance i n the evolution of the acceptance and usage of high density developments as an a l t e r n a t i v e to suburban developments i n meeting modern housing needs. Who was Le Corbusier? What were h i s revolutionary ideas on the design of urban housing environments?  Why have these ideas come to be  recognized as synonymous with the development of high density housing of present day?  These are some of the issues which w i l l be covered  i n the  following sections. The contributions of Le Corbusier are viewed by h i s c r i t i c s with disdain as exemplified by Lewis Mumford when he labels Le Corbusier's .21  •i  work  propaganda of urbanism .  early concepts  The present day importance of h i s  of urban development however warrant greater study, such  as proposed i n this research.  In view of current trends i n the planning  of high density housing, i t would be unfortunate abruptly as Mumford when he concludes  to dismiss h i s ideas as  that Le Corbusier's ideas are, "a 22  sort of vulgar trade mark of modern form". Corbusier  The relevance of Le  to urban planning i s not only that he i s a leading proponent  of high density housing, but also that h i s ideas form the nucleus of a broad  philosophy of modern c i t y development which continues  a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of present day planners.  to influence  In this respect, f o r one  Lewis Mumford's d i s t r u s t for Le Corbusier has been widely documented. Mumford discounts Le Corbusier as a "Propagandist of Urbanism" i n The Culture of C i t i e s (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1938). Lewis Mumford, The C i t y i n History (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1961).  -  33 -  to understand  urban housing environments and density, one must begin by  understanding  Le Corbusier.  The  task of understanding  Le Corbusier and h i s influence i n both  modern a r c h i t e c t u r e and urban planning i s aided by many biographic and c r i t i c a l studies.  To begin, a short l i t e r a t u r e review of key sources  w i l l be given. Dating from the p u b l i c a t i o n of Le Corbusier - on 1'architecture 23  as s e r v i c e de 1' homme has continued  i n 1944 by Maximillian G a u t l i e r , Le Corbusier  to a t t r a c t a vast amount of s c h o l a r l y i n v e s t i g a t i o n .  Although many of the early works on Le Corbusier are published i n the French language, several have now been translated into E n g l i s h . Probably  the best discussion of the i n t e l l e c t u a l development of Le  Corbusier to date was written by Paul Venable Turner e n t i t l e d , The Education of Le Corbusier: Thought, 1900-1920.  24  A Study of the Development of Le Corbusier's  I n i t i a l l y presented  i n 1971 as a doctoral  d i s s e r t a t i o n , Turner offers a valuable outline of the i n t e l l e c t u a l forces which contributed to Le Corbusier's development as a "functionalist" architect.  Turner, however, focuses l a r g e l y on Le  Corbusier as A r c h i t e c t at the expense of Le Corbusier as Urban Planner. Turner's work i s augmented by R u s s e l l Walden's book, The Open Hand: 23  Maximillian G a u t l i e r , Le Corbusier - on 1'architecture and service de 1'homme (Paris: Massard Pub. Inc., 1944). Paul Venable Turner, The Education of Le Corbusier: A Study of the Development of Le Corbusier's Thought, 1900-1920 (New York: Garland Publishing Inc., 1977).  - 34  -  2 5  Essays on Le Corbusier, d e a l i n g  a  which i s  a  collection  with Le Corbusier's i n t e l l e c t u a l  U t o p i a n  city  of  s e v e r a l  d e v e l o p m e n t  key  essays  and o r i e n t a t i o n as  p l a n n e r .  Of several biographies on Le Corbusier, perhaps the most 2 6  valuable c o n t r i b u t i o n comes from Norma Evenson. clear understanding thought-provoking  She not only shows a  of Le Corbusier, but does so i n an objective and  manner.  Evenson further i d e n t i f i e s that Ebenezer  Howard played a major r o l e i n the d e r i v a t i o n and evolution of Le Corbusier's urban planning thought. Among the more recent Le Corbusier studies, Robert Fishman i n 27  his book, Urban Utopians i n the Twentieth  Century,  sheds new  light  upon Le Corbusier's fundamental influences on planning, while at the same time comparing and contrasting his notions with that of Ebenezer Howard and Frank Lloyd Wright.  This book i s of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i n  that i t c a r e f u l l y outlines the conceptual plans for the "future c i t y " which Le Corbusier developed  over a period of forty years.  Fishman  organizes Le Corbusier's writings and  thoughts on urban planning issues  in a concise and e a s i l y read manner.  As w e l l , Fishman's observations  and conclusions contribute much i n i d e n t i f y i n g Le Corbusier founder  as the  of modern urban planning thought on high density. "Le Corbusier", was  Charles Edouard Jeanneret.  i n fact a pseudonym used p r o f e s s i o n a l l y by Jeanneret was  born of an a r t i s a n family i n  25  Russell Walden, The Open Hand; Essays on Le Corbusier (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1977). 26  (New  Norma Evenson, Le Corbusier: The Machine and York: George B r a z i l l e r Inc., 1969).  the Grand Design  27  Robert Fishman, Urban Utopians i n the Twentieth (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1982).  Century  - 35  the F r e n c h - s p e a k i n g  r e g i o n of S w i t z e r l a n d i n 1887.  i n an a r t s c h o o l and l a t e r to l e a d the l i f e  -  Initially  educated  to l e a r n the c r a f t of watch e n g r a v i n g ,  of a p a s s i v e  revolutionary.  A change of name,  a d o p t i o n of P a r i s as a home r a t h e r than S w i t z e r l a n d and h i s  he was the  commitment  to a r t f o r m s , a r e a l l i n d i c a t i o n s of a s t r o n g i n d i v i d u a l u n a f r a i d change and committed to t r y i n g new i d e a s .  J e a n n e r e t once  becoming a p a i n t e r , however on the a d v i c e of h i s was to become an a r c h i t e c t .  The c o m p l e t i o n of h i s  i n 1907 was to l a u n c h J e a n n e r e t on a l i f e grand d e s i g n  f o r e n t i r e l y new c i t i e s .  P a r i s was  early art  considered instructors  f i r s t housing  course w h i c h would r e s u l t  working l a b o r a t o r y .  i n t h i s v i b r a n t , e x c i t i n g s e t t i n g t h a t as a young man he was  Corbusier's  philosophy  If  design  one was  to summarize  It  was  to d e v e l o p Le  of p l a n n i n g i n a few s h o r t words, i t would be;  g e o m e t r i c o r d e r , c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of a u t h o r i t y and a p a s s i o n a t e to a mass i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y .  This  Is  commitment  of course a s u p e r f i c i a l  e x p l a n a t i o n of. the i n t e l l e c t u a l  f o r c e s from w h i c h he was to d e r i v e  urban p l a n n i n g i d e a s .  however, c o n c l u d e s  Fishman,  t h a t , "Le  i t s c o n t r i b u t i o n to the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of  To Le C o r b u s i e r ,  his  Corbusier  embraced and i d e a l i z e d p r e c i s e l y what r e p e l l e d Howard and W r i g h t i n modern c i t y :  in  28  to become Le C o r b u s i e r ' s  many r e v o l u t i o n a r y p l a n n i n g i d e a s .  of  society".  the  29  a r c h i t e c t u a l d e s i g n was a v e h i c l e through  which  28  F o r a more complete d i s c u s s i o n of C h a r l e s - E d o u r a r d J e a n n e r e t ' s e a r l y l i f e see; S t a n i s l a u s von Moos, Le C o r b u s i e r : E l e m e n t s of a S y n t h e s i s ( E n g l i s h T r a n s l a t i o n ) (Cambridge, M a s s . : The MIT P r e s s , 1 9 7 9 ) , pp. 1-36. 29  F i s h m a n , p.  193.  - 36  to  achieve his Utopian s o c i e t y .  -  From this broad p e r s p e c t i v e on urban  society, Le Corbusier set about to p h y s i c a l l y design a modern c i t y which reflected  these concepts.  Le Corbusier's o r i e n t a t i o n as an a r c h i t e c t  30 was  strongly influenced by the cubist  movement i n p a i n t i n g .  Mumford  i d e n t i f i e s Le Corbusier as a leader of the cubist movement among a r c h i t e c t s who,  i n his words, "ceased  the isolated a r c h i t e c t u r a l product:  to concern  themselves alone with  they passed  on to the urban  environment as a whole, and sought to place the entire process of 3 1  b u i l d i n g and rebuilding on a fresh foundation". An i n t e g r a l part of this new of  foundation was  the machine into the design of modern c i t i e s .  the i n c o r p o r t a t i o n  In c e r t a i n ways, Le  Corbusier shared many ideas with Ebenezer Howard, the most notable being to  bring "sun, space and green" back into the c i t y .  where Le Corbusier was Howard.  T h i s , however, i s  to depart dramatically from the teachings of  His solution to these goals was  to rebuild  the c i t y ,  constructing t a l l sky scrapers for o f f i c e buildings thus allowing an expansion  of park space below and between then.  As w e l l , high speed  elevated roadways would be constructed to move the modern  automobile  quickly from the center of the c i t y outward i n what Le Corbusier coined a " r a d i a t i n g " fashion.  In r e s i d e n t i a l areas, t a l l  thin garden apartment  Cubism, i s a style of a r t ( e s p e c i a l l y painting) i n which objects are so presented as to give the e f f e c t of an assemblage of geometric f i g u r e s . For a discussion of "Cubism" as i t relates to Le Corbusier, see Lewis Mumford, The C i t y i n H i s t o r y , pp. 412-415. 3 1  I b i d . , p.  414.  - 37  -  buildings were to replace e x i s t i n g housing. new  Le Corbusier envisioned a  urban environment which would accept more communal urban land use as  a necessary  trade-off i n this new,  machine age society.  geometrically ordered,  convenient,  Most importantly, the proximity to a vast array of  amenities, services and job p o s s i b i l i t i e s would enhance the q u a l i t y of life  of the modern c i t y dweller and also encourage his adaptation to  this new way  of l i f e .  Throughout his l i f e , Le Corbusier was novel ideas i n h i s many w r i t i n g s .  to repeat these unique and  Of these, two books stand out as  primary sources, Urbanisme* and The Radiant C i t y .  The p u b l i c a t i o n of  ^32 Urbanisme for  i n 1924  i t s day.  presented many very c o n t r o v e r s i a l planning ideas  Of s p e c i a l note from this book i s Le Corbusier's  suggestions about the density of housing i n future c i t i e s as described below. art  One  can f i n d i t s l o g i c i n the broader p r i n c i p l e of a r c h i t e c t u r e ,  and urban design around which l e Corbusier's l i f e  revolved.  Urbanisme Is a f u t u r i s t design for an i d e a l c i t y which Le Corbusier labeled  "The Contemporary C i t y " .  Urbanisme* was  an innovative plan for a  1920's P a r i s , a c i t y around which Le Corbusier spent a l i f e t i m e redesigning i n concept. It  i s i n his Contemporary C i t y plan that Le Corbusier was  to  outline an uncompromising stand on density. He wrote; "The more dense the population of a c i t y the less are the distances that have to be covered. The moral, therefore,  Le Corbusier, Urbanisme* (English translation) (London: Percy Lund, Humphries & Co., 1929).  - 38 -  i s that we must increase the density of the centers of our c i t i e s , where business a f f a i r s are carried on". 3  In the words of the author,  the Contemporary City plan  was  i n i t i a l l y , "greeted with a sort of stupor; the shock of surprise caused rage i n some quarters and enthusiasm i n o t h e r s " . his  3tf  Here, as i n a l l of  w r i t i n g , Le Corbusier attacked low density or suburban development  as wasteful and i n e f f i c i e n t .  As an a l t e r n a t i v e to the Garden C i t y (and  also l a t e r Frank Lloyd Wright's Broadacre C i t y ) , Le Corbusier advocated concentration of urban populations at the c i t y ' s core. Contemporary C i t y of tomorrow the prescribed density was (a)  The  sky-scraper:  1,200  would translate roughly  In his as follows:  inhabitants to the acre. to an FSR  of 12 or  (This  approximately  four times the present density of the West End or similar to b u i l d i n g density i n the central  of Vancouver business  d i s t r i c t i n the downtown core of Vancouver) (b)  The r e s i d e n t i a l blocks with setbacks: to  (c)  the acre.  120 inhabitants  These are the luxury dwellings.  The r e s i d e n t i a l blocks on the " c e l l u l a r " system, with a 3 5  similar number of inhabitants. Le Corbusier i n f a c t did endorse the idea f i r s t i n i t i a t e d by Garden City Movement, that of open green space as a fundamental  Le Corbusier, p. 3 4  3  Ibid.  ^ I b i d . , p.  180.  174.  the  - 39  component of urban d e s i g n . t h a t s i t e coverage  -  I n h i s Contemporary C i t y p l a n , he s p e c i f i e d  f o r the above d e n s i t y  types must p r o v i d e  the  f o l l o w i n g open s p a c e : Of the a r e a ( a ) , 95 per c e n t of the ground i s open ( F o r example 5% coverage a t FSR of 10 would t r a n s l a t e i n t o 200 storey buildings) with squares, restaurants, theatres. Of the a r e a ( b ) , 85 p e r c e n t of the ground i s open w i t h garden and s p o r t s g r o u n d s . Of the a r e a ( c ) , 48 per c e n f ^ o f the ground i s open w i t h gardens and s p o r t s g r o u n d s . As can be seen i n the f o l l o w i n g d i a g r a m , . Le C o r b u s i e r v e r t i c a l r e s i d e n t i a l developments surrounded to open space as the l u n g s of the c i t y .  by open s p a c e .  proposed He r e f e r r e d  O b s e r v i n g urban renewal  of the 1 9 2 0 ' s , he w r o t e , " t h e towns o f today can o n l y i n c r e a s e  trends  in 37  d e n s i t y a t the expense of open spaces w h i c h a r e the l u n g s of a c i t y " . Contemporary C i t y proposed  to i n c r e a s e b o t h open space and d e n s i t y  the c o r e of the c i t y by v e r t i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n .  Le C o r b u s i e r  in  cautioned  t h a t r e s i d e n t i a l q u a r t e r s , " must no l o n g e r be b u i l t a l o n g c o r r i d o r 38  streets f u l l  of n o i s e and d u s t and d e p r i v e d of l i g h t .  His  solution  was i n n o v a t i v e d e s i g n which b u i l t d w e l l i n g s away from s t r e e t s , w i t h no i n t e r n a l c o u r t y a r d s but r a t h e r windows o v e r l o o k i n g l a r g e p a r k s . p a t i o s and r o o f  Garden  top gardens were to be i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the d e s i g n as a  means of r e p l a c i n g ground o r i e n t a t i o n and a t the same time g i v e r e s i d e n t s o u t d o o r l i v i n g space a d j a c e n t to t h e i r homes. s u n l i g h t a n d , most i m p o r t a n t l y , p r i v a c y from n e i g h b o r s 3 6  L e C o r b u s i e r , p.  3 7  Ibid.  3 8  Ibid.  175.  Clean a i r , were  strictly  - 40 -  achieved by Le Corbusier's design c r i t e r i a .  FIGURE I I - Le CORBUSIER'S CONTEMPORARY CITY  Le Corbusier endorsed  the idea of "cubism", as described  e a r l i e r , which viewed each dwelling u n i t as a three-dimensional  cell  structure which might be studied and arranged geometrically to maximize views,  sunlight, and privacy.  Dwelling units or f l a t s i n Le Corbusier's  plans were likened to the c e l l s of a beehive.  I t was not the communal  l i f e s t y l e of multiple family housing which, "attacks our freedom and so 39  we dream of a detached  house",  d i s o r d e r l y grouping of such c e l l s  but rather, he believed i t was that fostered the perceptions of  crowding and loss of freedom held by their residents.  Again, innovative  design was Le Corbusier's solution to the problem of crowding. he wrote, " i t i s possible by a l o g i c a l l y 3 9  L e Corbusier, p. 242.  For, as  conceived ordering of these  - 41  cells  to a t t a i n freedom through Stanislaus  Synthesis,  -  order".  von Moos i n h i s book, L e C o r b u s i e r - Elements of a  c l e a r l y d e f i n e s Le C o r b u s i e r ' s  h i g h d e n s i t y urban l i f e .  In  p h i l i s o p h y as a proponent of  the words of von Moos, Le C o r b u s i e r  b e l i e v e d t h a t , " i f the modern m e t r o p o l i s no l o n g e r works, i t s h o u l d be b r o u g h t back under a r c h i t e c t u r a l c o n t r o l , equipped w i t h p r o p e r  tools,  and remain a c u l t u r a l and a r c h i t e c t u r a l " w h o l e " c l e a r l y d i s t i n c t from "+1  its  r u r a l surrounding".  To summarize, Contemporary C i t y o u t l i n e s  t h r e e d i s t i n c t g o a l s of f u t u r e c i t y p l a n n i n g : d e n s i t y , (2)  Le C o r b u s i e r ' s recognizes  Corbusier's  to i n c r e a s e  the  to r e a f f i r m the supremacy of the b u s i n e s s c e n t e r , (3)  b r i n g g r e e n e r y and n a t u r e back i n t o urban l i f e  it  "(1)  to  .  Contemporary C i t y of 3 m i l l i o n i s  unique i n  that  the e x i s t e n c e of urban man as d i s t i n c t from r u r a l man.  Le  f u t u r i s t c o n c e p t i o n of c i t y form and d e n s i t y was based on  two key p r e m i s e s .  F i r s t l y , t h a t modern urban man has  the a b i l i t y to  adapt to new l i v i n g e n v i r o n m e n t s g i v e n s e n s i t i v e a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e s i g n . Secondly,  t h a t through o r d e r l y d e s i g n of t a l l  r e s i d e n t i a l developments  l o c a t e d i n l a r g e park a r e a s , p l a n n e r s c o u l d j u s t i f y much h i g h e r densities  than t h a t w h i c h e x i s t e d i n the most congested randomly b u i l t  a r e a s of our c i t i e s .  To Le C o r b u s i e r , a f u t u r i s t i c , h i g h d e n s i t y  urban  e n v i r o n m e n t p r e s e n t e d , " t h e u l t i m a t e e x p r e s s i o n of man's a b i l i t y to Le C o r b u s i e r ,  p.226.  •+1  Stanislaus ^Ibid,  von Moos, p.  p. 192. -  191.  - 42 -  master nature". Waclaw Ostrowski forms of housing was  observes  that Le Corbusier's quest for new  e s s e n t i a l l y an exercise i n determining new  forms of  44  urban l i f e .  Increased housing d e n s i t i e s were the c a t a l y s t which  would achieve  this v i t a l new  s o c i e t y b u i l t on technological advancement.  Le Corbusier continued doctrine.  In 1930  to r e f i n e his new  he published The Radiant C i t y  town planning 4 5  which expanded upon  the basic p r i n c i p l e s put forward by his Contemporary C i t y plan f o r Paris.  In the Radiant C i t y plan, he furthered the b e l i e f that density  meant much more than simply the number of persons which could be housed per acre of land.  In the e a r l i e r Contemporary City plan, Le Corbusier  had defined his population density on the assumption that fourteen 4 6  square meters of dwelling space was be noted  required per inhabitant  that this amount of space i s very low by today's  which are roughly at l e a s t double  this amount).  design, this resulted i n a projected 400  persons  ( i t might  standards,  Based on his building per acre or 1000  per  hectare density which i s a reduction of density as outlined i n his Contemporary City plan (a hectare i s s l i g h t l y less than 2 1/2 a c r e s ) . These f i g u r e s , Le Corbusier l a t e r explains i n The Radiant C i t y , are l+3  Evenson, p. 11.  44  Waclaw Ostrowski, Contemporary Town Planning (The Hague, Netherlands: I n t e r n a t i o n a l Federation for Housing and Planning, 1970), p. 78 45  1933), p.  Le Corbusier, The Radiant City (London: Faber and Faber L t d . , 106.  46  Evenson, p. 22.  - 43 -  borrowed from the housing designs of L o i Loucheur. proposed  Briefly,  Loucheur  that an ideal habitable space of a dwelling unit should be  based on 45 square meters of f l o o r space per 6 inhabitants (or 7.50  i  per person).  The Loucheur  m^  type dwelling unit, as Le Corbusier explains,  can be e a s i l y occupied by 6, 4, 3 or 2 persons.  Le Corbusier took this  basic measurement several steps further and recommended a rule of thumb to be used i n designing housing of high density.  The ideal habitable  space of this type of housing should be: "in in  a unit occupied by 6 people: a unit occupied by 4 people:  7.50 11.25  m^ per person. m  per person.  i n a unit occupied by 3 people:  15 m^ per person.  in  22.50 m^ per person  a unit occupied by 2 people:  4 8  giving an average of fourteen square meters per person". As i n most of Le Corbusier's f u t u r i s t works, i t was not his i n t e n t i o n that his ideas be implemented d i r e c t l y . were to be used as a model.  Rather, these ideas  His legacy was not to suggest that a l l  urban problems might be solved by concentrating population i n t a l l a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y ordered buildings. encourage  new approaches  Rather, i t was his intention to  to urban issues such as high density through  abstract conceptualization. Le Corbusier was  the f i r s t noted urban theorist to a r t i c u l a t e a  c o r r e l a t i o n between density and the negative e f f e c t s of crowding which 1+7  Le Corbusier, The Radiant C i t y , p. 108. ' I b i d . , p. 108. +8  - 44  -  r e s u l t e d i n a need for him to personally e s t a b l i s h high density housing design g u i d e l i n e s . Le Corbusier's proposals f o r the number of persons per acre and the adequate l i v i n g unit space per i n d i v i d u a l were based on how the high density environment affected one's perception of crowded l i v i n g conditions. which also addressed  He f i r s t i d e n t i f i e d the fact that density controls humanism were fundamental to planning and urban  design. Le Corbusier's ideas on density created i n t e r e s t i n several urban related d i s c i p l i n e s .  The f i e l d s of design and construction were  perhaps most receptive to Le Corbusier's proposals l a r g e l y because of the economics of b u i l d i n g at higher d e n s i t i e s .  The most vocal  opposition came from some planners who drafted and l e g i s l a t e d modern c i t y land use and zoning ordinances. fears and apprehensions  I t may be suggested  that their  stemmed l a r g e l y from the d e c e n t r i s t planning  ideology as well as from widely-documented objectionable past experience with poor q u a l i t y high density housing i n B r i t a i n at the beginning of the twentieth century.  4.  Jane Jacobs In the introduction to her book, The Death and L i f e of Great 49  American C i t i e s ,  Jane Jacobs also I d e n t i f i e s a d e c e n t r i s t group,  c o n s i s t i n g of such leading regional planners as Lewis Mumford, Clarence Stein, Henry Wright and Catherine Bauer, as the most a r t i c u l a t e opponents of Le Corbusier.  Without belabouring the point, much of the  49  Jane Jacobs, The Death and L i f e of Great American C i t i e s York: Random House, 1961), pp. 4-25.  (New  - 45 -  opposition to Le Corbusier's ideas are grounded i n the c l a s s i c a l i d e o l o g i c a l r i f t between c e n t r i s t s and d e c e n t r i s t s .  Much of their  c r i t i c i s m of Le Corbusier must be viewed i n this l i g h t . Jacobs,  In the words of  "the D e c e n t r i s t s , with their devotion to the ideal of a cozy  town l i f e , have never made peace with the Le Corbusier V i s i o n " . Jacobs however observes  that v i r t u a l l y a l l sophisticated c i t y  designers incorporate the ideas of both groups. one would be hard pressed  5 0  This being the case,  to determine which philosophy of urban design  i s best, that of the d e c e n t r i s t s l i k e Mumford or that of the c e n t r i s t s l i k e Le Corbusier; for i t i s an inescapable fact that these two philosophies are the points of departure and form the major l i n e s of thought on urban density t o d a y .  51  Although not an u n c r i t i c a l  supporter  of  Le Corbusier, Jacobs has attributed him with much of the a p p l i c a t i o n  of  notions of high density i n present day c i t i e s . In her writings on density, Jacobs leaves no doubt that she i s  a proponent the C e n t r i s t school of high density thought.  For example,  she has written: "High dwelling densities have a bad name i n orthodox planning and housing theory. They are supposed to lead to every kind of d i f f i c u l t y and f a i l u r e . But i n our c i t i e s , at l e a s t , this supposed c o r r e l a t i o n between high density and trouble, or high density and slums, i s simply i n c o r r e c t | s anyone who troubles to look at real c i t i e s can see". 5  50  5  Jacobs,  p. 23  * I b i d . , p. 24.  5 2  I b i d . , p. 202.  46 -  To organize Jane Jacobs'  thoughts regarding high density, her  opinions about four main requirements  necessary  l i v e a b l e high density environments w i l l be a.  for the planning of  presented.  The Need to D i s t i n g u i s h Between D e n s i t y and  To Jacobs,  the reason popular wisdom supports  density c i t i e s are i n some way  Crowding:  the idea that low  better than high density c i t i e s ,  centers  on a general confusion i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between density and crowding. To attempt to c l a r i f y  this confusion, Jacobs explains:  "high density means large numbers of dwellings per acre of land. Crowding means too many people i n a dwelling for the number of rooms i t contains. The concensus d e f i n i t i o n of overcrowding i s 1.5 persons per room or more. I t has nothing to do with the number of dwellings on the land, j u s t as i n r e a l l i f e high d e n s i t i e s have nothing to do with overcrowding." 53  As w i l l be discussed i n Chapter IV i n a review of the l i t e r a t u r e on crowding, Jacobs observations have been confirmed studies. CS.  For example, a density-related survey undertaken i n 1975  Fisher, et. a l . concluded  unpleasant social  i n many recent by  that, "density though perceived as  does not appear to have d e f i n i t e and consistent detrimental  effects."  5 4  Jacobs places considerable blame for such confusion on the d e c e n t r i s t planners lead by S i r Raymond Unwin.  To Jacobs,  i t i s their  dogmatic and often i n c o r r e c t b e l i e f about high density which continues 53  Jacobs, p. 205. (Jacobs use of the term overcrowding here refers more to excessive i n t e r n a l density l e v e l s and should be distinguished from the term crowding as used i n this study) 54  C S . Fischer, M. Baldassare, and R.J. Of she, "Crowding Studies and Urban L i f e : A C r i t i c a l Review", Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners 41 (Nov. 1975): 406-418.  - 47 -  to o f f e r improper planning d i r e c t i o n i n large modern c i t i e s .  b.  The Need for a Qualitative Component i n Density Controls  Jacob's also i d e n t i f i e s  the use of s t r i c t formulae as another  f a c t o r which contributes to the improper planning of high density housing.  This she labels "a s t a t i s t i c a l monstrosity" which was  developed by short-sighted housing reformers p r i m a r i l y concerned with preventing high density at any cost. refers to i s the use of numerical  The s t a t i s t i c a l monstrosity she  c a l c u l a t i o n to specify the number of  persons per acre of land as exemplified i n the various density measures defined i n Chapter III following.  Jacobs suggests that the u t i l i t y of  development controls based s o l e l y on a r b i t r a r y quantitative density measures i s highly questionable, enforce do l i t t l e  to achieve  as the physical space conditions they  the objective of preventing  i s Jacobs' b e l i e f that i f planners regulatory devices  crowding.  It  are to be successful i n designing  to control crowding they must focus on regulating the  55 number of persons i n a dwelling or per room of a dwelling,  as well as  c o n t r o l l i n g the density of dwelling units or s i t e coverage of b u i l d i n g s , as a way to ensure greater The density.  liveability.  consequence of crowding i s commonly associated with  However, i t i s Jacobs' contention  high  that as many g l a r i n g  examples of crowding can be found i n low and medium density developments.  If one were to pinpoint the cause of crowding, i t would  more r e a l i s t i c a l l y be i d e n t i f i e d as a symptom of poverty building design  than one of density a l o n e .  55  J a c o b s , pp. 205-206.  5 6  I b i d . , pp. 206-208.  5 6  or poor q u a l i t y  Without pursuing  this  - 48 -  p o i n t , i t i s i m p o r t a n t to r e c o g n i z e  that Jacobs, not s u r p r i s i n g l y ,  found  a c o r r e l a t i o n between the more a f f l u e n t s o c i o - e c o n o m i c groups and the q u a l i t y and c o s t o f c o n s t r u c t i o n of b u i l d i n g s , of h i g h d e n s i t y  environments.  Crowded urban h o u s i n g social issues.  to the s u c c e s s o r f a i l u r e  Concerns  d i s c u s s i o n of d e s i g n i n g  c o n d i t i o n s r e l a t e to a broad range of  f o r t h i s however s h o u l d n o t obscure a or r e g u l a t i n g h a b i t a b l e h i g h d e n s i t y  F o r , as J a c o b s d i s t i n g u i s h e s , c h o i c e , but one may choose  housing.  one d o e s n ' t l i v e i n crowded c o n d i t i o n s by  to occupy h o u s i n g  at high  density.  T h e r e f o r e , a q u a l i t a t i v e component i s needed i n d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s to p r e v e n t c r o w d i n g , thus e n s u r i n g a more s a t i s f a c t o r y q u a l i t y of l i f e h i g h d e n s i t y f o r those who chose  c.  t h i s l i f e s t y l e as an a l t e r n a t i v e .  The Heed f o r D i v e r s i t y w i t h H i g h D e n s i t y :  Freedom of c h o i c e and d i v e r s i t y a r e c o n t i n u i n g themes Jacobs'  at  throughout  w r i t i n g s on l i v e a b l e urban e n v i r o n m e n t s , w i t h h i g h d e n s i t y  the f o u n d a t i o n o f h e r b e l i e f s . lifestyle,  being  I t i s from the d i v e r s i t y o f c u l t u r e ,  a m e n i t i e s and s e r v i c e s a f f o r d e d by h i g h d e n s i t y  that Jacobs  d e r i v e s h e r unwavering s u p p o r t f o r I t . The d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f the p r o p e r d e n s i t y , J a c o b s w r i t e s , be viewed as a m a t t e r of p e r f o r m a n c e .  should  She draws an a n a l o g y o f d e n s i t y  to the i n t a k e of c a l o r i e s or v i t a m i n s by s t a t i n g , " r i g h t amounts a r e r i g h t amounts because of how they p e r f o r m .  And what i s r i g h t d i f f e r s i n  57  specific Instances",  or i n o t h e r words h i g h d e n s i t y works when i t i s  c o m p a t i b l e w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l ' s needs and p e r s o n a l 57  J a c o b s , p. 2 1 9 .  taste.  - 49 -  Jacobs suggests that there are upper l i m i t s within which high density must be c u r t a i l e d for r e s i d e n t i a l l i f e because of i t s impact on another aspect of d i v e r s i t y .  I t was her observation that excessive  density environments tend to diminish needed d i v e r s i t y .  She believed  that concentrated environments succeeded best when such d i v e r s i t y existed or was consciously planned f o r . A s i t u a t i o n of bad density e x i s t s , i n her view, when the v i s u a l d i v e r s i t y of buildings disappears in favour of the standardized design of entire neighborhoods.  Proper  high density environments must contain a mix of building form, such as t a l l apartments, low r i s e apartments and various more unique forms of stacked housing.  D i f f e r e n t combinations or concentrations of these  forms should take advantage of s p e c i f i c s i t e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  In  retrospect this i s perhaps where Le Corbusier's Radiant City would have produced a poor l i v i n g environment as h i s cubist design lacked such planned d i v e r s i t y .  d.  The Need f o r Open Space w i t h H i g h  Density:  Her f i n a l concern regarding high density related  to the ground  coverage of buildings and the preservation of open space.  A rule of  thumb Jacobs suggests i s that s i t e coverage of high density must be controlled when i t approaches seventy per cent of the total  site.  Without such controls, a condition of crowding might r e s u l t . Jane Jacobs of course had much more to say i n favour of high density than has been b r i e f l y presented here. committed  In summary, Jacobs i s  to the creation of healthy s a t i s f y i n g and safe urban  environments.  This i s dependant upon a reasoned  density can be p o s i t i v e provided  acceptance  that high  that crowding considerations are  incorporated into b u i l d i n g design.  I t i s this acceptance  density as a concept upon which the, "job of i n t e l l i g e n t l y  of high developing  genuine c i t y l i f e and increased c i t y economic strength depends". pragmatic  terms, the continued  In  trend toward concentrated populations and 5 9  therefore high density housing i s i n e v i t a b l e .  Therefore  to i t s  opponents, i t w i l l u l t i m a t e l y become a necessary e v i l , unless there i s a c l e a r e r understanding  of high density and i t s r e l a t i o n to crowding.  There are many North American examples i n which high density environments do work. planners must look.  60  I t i s to these examples that future c i t y  Given  that high density seems i n e v i t a b l e , the task  then becomes to develop Innovative approaches which may better ensure the planning and construction of high density urban environments which o f f e r a high l e v e l of l i v e a b i l i t y to i t s r e s i d e n t s .  E.  SUMMARY OF CHAPTER II In summary, this chapter suggests  that i t i s now time to discard  the defensive posture of the past concerning the seemingly  p a i n f u l concensus i s reached  the density i s s u e .  Once  i n favour of high density  housing, s p e c i a l care must be taken to construct housing which i s s e n s i t i v e to the many requirements,  58  Jacobs,  needs and wishes of future residents  p. 220.  59  See for example, Vancouver Sun, May 29, 1984,  p. 1.; and Jacobs  p. 220. 60  See for example, House and Home, The Case For High Density Housing, A p r i l , 1962, pp. 133-154.  - 51 -  of such intense urban environments.  Planners, p o l i t i c i a n s and the  public at large, when they reach such a consensus and understanding of the density-crowding  r e l a t i o n s h i p , may then approach their planning with  o b j e c t i v i t y as well as receptiveness to new ideas and concepts. planning process should mold the knowledge and experience  Such a  of the past  with image or v i s i o n of the future as described by our leading urban theorists.  I t i s hoped that through the methodology of i n t e l l e c t u a l  h i s t o r y , the works of the great Utopian planners such as Ebenezer Howard, Le Corbusier and Jane Jacobs w i l l serve as an introduction to this study by way of c l a r i f y i n g the origins of schools of high density thought.  Further, h i s t o r y has given us the c e n t r i s t movement which  provides some h i s t o r i c a l r a t i o n a l e f o r the pro-density side of the argument. This chapter has, not s u p r i s i n g l y , raised many questions regarding density and crowding which w i l l be addressed this study. 1.  i n the balance of  Such questions are: What does "density" a c t u a l l y mean and how i s i t currently measured?  2.  What does "crowding " mean and what exactly i s i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to density?  3.  What are the various aspects of human crowding considerations at high density?  4.  What are some planning implications of the crowdingdensity r e l a t i o n s h i p and how can crowding concerns be better incorporated into high density  planning?  - 52  -  CHAPTER III THE CONCEPT OF DENSITY: THE QUANTITATIVE COMPONENTS OF DENSITY MEASUREMENTS  A.  BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION Inconsistency in definition or application of density and i t s  measures is common. When undertaking  the study of density, one  encounters frustration in the writings of those who have attempted holistic investigation of this term.  This tendency results from an  abundance of density-related definitions, connotations  and measures.  In the literature, many studies are further complicated emotional and value-laden nature of the term's usage.  by the  Researchers have  therefore found i t necessary to define density and i t s measures as a prerequisite to any discussion of this unruly subject. becomes the objective of this chapter.  This then,  Density will be described in i t s  general meaning, followed by the description of a system which categorizes measures commonly used in the planning and regulation of housing environments.  This chapter is intended  to provide a framework  for the systematic organization of density knowledge. A brief evaluation of the strengths and weaknesses of the various measurement techinques will be offered with the intent of determining what, i f any, single or combination of measurements are best used to quantify density.  As perceptions of density play an important  role in determining how one approaches a discussion of density, a brief review and graphic description of a range of housing density types will  - 53 -  serve as an introduction to the Chapter IV discussion of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between density and crowding.  B.  THE GENERAL MEANING OF DENSITY Urban planning  has long concerned i t s e l f with the problem of  e s t a b l i s h i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between number of people and the amount of land required  to accommodate residents' housing needs.  1  To aid i n the  r e s o l u t i o n of this problem, the concept of density i s u t i l i z e d as the basis of land use controls and standards which are implemented achieve this goal. density as follows:  Webster's Third International Dictionary  to defines  "the average number of i n d i v i d u a l s or units per  2 space u n i t " . definition.  In the l i t e r a t u r e , one can find many v a r i a t i o n s of t h i s However i n general, density as used i n planning,  remains  only a physical measurement or a r a t i o of some count of persons or accomodation divided by some measure of area.  C.  A METHOD OF ORGANIZING DENSITY MEASUREMENTS A useful study which addresses the measurement of density  published  was  by Henry S. C h u r c h i l l and William H. Ludlow i n 1944, e n t i t l e d 3  Measuring Urban Population  Densities.  This often overlooked study of  For a good overview of r e s i d e n t i a l density see; M i n i s t r y of Housing and Local Government, The Density of R e s i d e n t i a l Areas (London, Eng.: Her Majesty's Stationary O f f i c e , 1952). 2 Webster's Third International Dictionary ( S p r i n g f i e l d , Mass.: G. and C. Merriam Company, 1976).  3  William H. Ludlow and Henry S. C h u r c h i l l , "Measuring Urban Population Densities", P e n c i l Points 4th ed.. (June 1944): 87-101.  - 54  d e n s i t y measurement, i s perhaps date.  -  the most c o n c i s e  to be p r e s e n t e d  T h e i r approach i s unique i n t h a t they r e c o g n i z e  to  t h a t most d e n s i t y  measures may be c l a s s i f i e d i n t o t h r e e d i s t i n c t components: d e n s i t y a r e a t e r m s , d e n s i t y i n p o p u l a t i o n terms, and d e n s i t y i n b u l k T h e i r c a t e g o r i e s s e r v e as  the b a s i s f o r the f o l l o w i n g  in  terms.  discussion.  R e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y i s most o f t e n computed by d i v i d i n g  the  number of persons o r f a m i l i e s or a measure of the b u l k of a b u i l d i n g by a s p e c i f i e d a r e a of l a n d .  However, problems o f t e n a r i s e i n d e f i n i n g  the s u r f a c e a r e a b e i n g c o n s i d e r e d , the method of c o u n t i n g persons o r f a m i l i e s , or the measurement of the b u l k of a b u i l d i n g . Borukhov  F o r example,  e x p l a i n s t h e r e a r e , " s e v e r a l s i t u a t i o n s i n which one measure  of  4  density w i l l  i n c r e a s e when a n o t h e r f a l l s and v i c e v e r s a " ,  d i f f e r e n t a p p l i c a t i o n s of these  1.  three components  based on  of d e n s i t y  measurement.  The Surface Area Component of Density O n e ' s a t t e m p t to measure d e n s i t y must b e g i n by s p e c i f y i n g  surface area which i s observed  to be a p p l i e d to the c o m p u t a t i o n .  Woodbury  the 5  has  t h a t p l a n n e r s have used a range of s u r f a c e areas when m e a s u r i n g  density.  These range from a space as s m a l l as  the s i z e of an i n d i v i d u a l  room w i t h i n a h o u s i n g u n i t to as l a r g e as an e n t i r e c i t y or m e t r o p o l i t a n area.  A g a i n , when r e f e r r i n g to these one must d i s t i n g u i s h  between  E . Borukhov, "The T r a d e - o f f Between D e n s i t y and O t h e r O b j e c t i v e s : A R e - e x a m i n a t i o n of P l a n n i n g Norms," G e o j o u r n a l , V o l . ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 74. l+  2.1  Coleman Woodbury, e d . , Urban Redevelopment: Problems and P r a c t i c e ( C h i c a g o : The U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1953), pp. 105-120.  -  55  -  p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y and r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y ,  both n e t and g r o s s .  p r e c i s e area d e f i n i t i o n i s required for accurate density F o r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n , the f o l l o w i n g a r e a d e f i n i t i o n s as  measurement.  taken from Ludlow  and C h u r c h i l l w i l l be p r e s e n t e d i n the o r d e r of s u c c e s s i v e the s i z e of l a n d a r e a  A  decrease  In  considered:  "Urban A r e a : r e f e r s to a l l l a n d w i t h i n a s i n g l e m u n i c i p a l i t y , a l a r g e s u b d i v i s i o n t h e r e o f , or a group of a d j o i n i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s f o r m i n g a m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a . T h i s can be f u r t h e r d i v i d e d i n t o sub a r e a s such as T o t a l urban a r e a and Developed urban a r e a .  •  R e s i d e n t i a l Area: r e f e r s to r e s i d e n t i a l s e c t i o n s of a m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a , a s i n g l e m u n i c i p a l i t y or p o r t i o n t h e r e o f l e a s t l a r g e enough to s u p p o r t a s c h o o l and r e a s o n a b l y wide v a r i e t y of b u s i n e s s f a c i l i t i e s and p u b l i c and p r i v a t e institutions. T h i s can be f u r t h e r d i v i d e d i n t o Developed r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a and P r e d o m i n a n t l y r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a .  at  Gross area: r e f e r s to the same as n e t a r e a (as f o l l o w s ) e x c e p t t h a t p u b l i c s t r e e t s s h a l l be i n c l u d e d up to the c e n t e r l i n e of bounding s t r e e t s . I t must be noted t h a t t h e r e are many ways i n w h i c h to compute s t r e e t measurements, a n o t h e r f a c t o r w h i c h s e r v e s to c o m p l i c a t e d e n s i t y measurement. N e t a r e a : r e f e r s to a l l l a n d used f o r d w e l l i n g s and i n c i d e n t a l s e r v i c e s n o r m a l l y f u r n i s h e d on the d w e l l i n g l o t and s h a l l i n c l u d e ; driveways, small storage garages, parking areas, play spaces f o r c h i l d r e n . E x c l u d e d i n t h i s c a l c u l a t i o n a r e : 1. 2. 3.  I n d u s t r i a l , r a i l r o a d and a i r p o r t p r o p e r t i e s * . City-wide business d i s t r i c t s . L a r g e parks and parkways, c e m e t e r i e s , g o l f c o u r s e s and o t h e r r e c r e a t i o n a l or i n s t i t u t i o n a l u s e s . P l a y g r o u n d s i n l a r g e p a r k s however, may be a l l o c a t e d to the r e s i d e n t i a l areas they serve. 4 . V a c a n t l a n d or l a n d undeveloped f o r urban u s e . 5. Public streets. 6. L o c a l b u s i n e s s n o t d i r e c t l y beneath d w e l l i n g s p a c e . 7. Garage space f o r 3 or more c a r s not d i r e c t l y below d w e l l i n g space. 8. P u b l i c parks and p l a y g r o u n d s f o r o l d e r c h i l d r e n . " (Note: Net a r e a can a l s o be r e f e r r e d to as Net s i t e a r e a . )  Ludlow  and  C h u r c h i l l , p.  99-100.  - 56 -  Depending upon what one wants various  to a c h i e v e from the use of  these  s u r f a c e a r e a d e s c r i p t i o n s , some can be found to be more p r e c i s e  measures  than o t h e r s .  I n most c a s e s , however,  t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n depends  l a r g e l y upon the a v a i l a b i l i t y of the n e c e s s a r y d a t a .  Care must be taken  to s e l e c t the a p p r o p r i a t e a r e a to ensure d e n s i t y measurements p r o v i d e the i n t e n d e d i n f o r m a t i o n . t y p e s of s u r f a c e measures  a.  of g r o s s and n e t d e n s i t y a r e o u t l i n e d .  cautions  residential density, definitions".  t h a t when one i s a t t e m p t i n g to a n a l y z e  t h a t , "one has It  7  is  to be c a r e f u l not to c o n f u s e  density refers  Borukhov  explains  that Net  t o , " t h e n e t r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a ( l a n d covered by the  and p r i v a t e a c c e s s o r y uses; g a r d e n s ,  e t c . ) w h i l e Gross d e n s i t y r e f e r s  yards,  to a l a r g e r or e n t i r e  area ( t h e net r e s i d e n t i a l area plus spaces;  the  t h e r e f o r e i m p o r t a n t to make a c l e a r  d i s t i n c t i o n between n e t and g r o s s d e n s i t y .  buildings  the two main  G r o s s D e n s i t y and Net D e n s i t y Measurements:  Borukhov  various  To a i d t h i s p r o c e s s  which  p u b l i c parks, playgrounds,  parking  areas,  neighbourhood  the s t r e e t s , s i d e w a l k s , p u b l i c open p a r k i n g a r e a s , and areas o c c u p i e d by  3  public services  such as  schools)."  A s h o r t d e s c r i p t i o n of g r o s s and net d e n s i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia can be found i n the M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s handbook, Services  and S i t e P l a n n i n g  Standards.  As d e s c r i b e d i n t h i s document: 7  E . Borukhov,  8  I b i d . , p.  73.  pp.  71-80.  Residential  - 57 -  "a.  Gross d e n s i t y i s a p p l i e d to the e n t i r e neighbourhood or a l a r g e p a r t of i t . I t s t a t e s the number of d w e l l i n g s w i t h r e s p e c t to a l a n d a r e a w h i c h i n c l u d e s r o a d s , p a r k i n g , s e r v i c e s , and non r e s i d e n t i a l uses such as p a r k s , r e c r e a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s , s c h o o l s i t e s , and l o c a l c o m m e r c i a l development.  b.  Net d e n s i t y u s u a l l y r e f e r s to a group o f d w e l l i n g s w i t h i n a n e i g h b o u r h o o d , a l t h o u g h i n some c a s e s , o v e r a l l neighbourhood d e n s i t y w i l l be s t a t e d i n terms of n e t d e n s i t y . To d e t e r m i n e n e t d e n s i t y , c e r t a i n uses are e x c l u d e d from the l a n d a r e a : a r t e r i a l r o a d s , major u t i l i t y easements, p a r k s , r e c r e a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s , s c h o o l s i t e s , and c o m m e r c i a l development. The n e t d e n s i t y c a l c u l a t i o n w i l l i n c l u d e c o l l e c t o r , l o c a l and c u l - d e - s a c r o a d s , l o c a l p a r k i n g s e r v i n g r e s i d e n t i a l u s e s , and s m a l l areas of p u b l i c ^ o p e n space s e r v i n g d e c o r a t i o n or b u f f e r i n g f u n c t i o n s . "  As can be seen i n the p r e c e d i n g d e f i n i t i o n s , i n c o n s i s t e n c y occurs.  F o r example, B o r u k h o v ' s n e t d e n s i t y i s viewed o n l y  neighborhood  wide terras and does n o t r e f e r to a group of  w i t h i n t h a t neighborhood  as i n the second d e f i n i t i o n .  what p h y s i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s n e t or g r o s s d e n s i t y . streets  in  dwellings  However,  B o r u k h o v ' s and M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r ' s d e f i n i t i o n i n g e n e r a l  often  both  terras agree  on  are to be i n c l u d e d i n the c o m p u t a t i o n of  One e x c e p t i o n Is  t h a t Borukhov  excludes  from n e t d e n s i t y w h i l e M u n c i p a l A f f a i r s i n c l u d e s l o c a l  all streets  i n t h e i r computation. There are v a r i a t i o n s  w i t h i n these two measures  which  distinguish  A s s o c i a t e d E n g i n e e r i n g S e r v i c e L t d . , R e s i d e n t i a l S e r v i c e s and S i t e P l a n n i n g S t a n d a r d s ( V i c t o r i a , B.C.: The M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , Government of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1 9 8 0 ) .  - 58  r e s i d e n t i a l and p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s .  -  For example  t h e r e are  d i f f e r e n c e s between, net p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y and n e t r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y , or g r o s s p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y and g r o s s r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y . Borukhov  Again,  o f f e r s a d e f i n i t i o n of g r o s s or n e t r e s i d e n t i a l and  population  density: "NET POPULATION DENSITY ( N . P . P . ) : r e f e r s to the number p e r s o n s per u n i t of n e t r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d .  of  GROSS POPULATION DENSITY ( G . P . D . ) : r e f e r s to the number persons per u n i t of g r o s s r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d . NET RESIDENTIAL DENSITY ( N . R . D . ) : r e f e r s to the number d w e l l i n g u n i t s per u n i t of n e t r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d .  of  of  GROSS RESIDENTIAL DENSITY ( G . R . D . ) : r e f e r s to the number d w e l l i n g u n i t s per u n i t of g r o s s r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d . " A f u r t h e r example o f l a c k o f c o n s i s t e n c y C h a p i n when he a t t e m p t s to d e l i n e a t e the v a r i o u s d i f f e r e n t l y than has a l r e a d y been d i s c u s s e d .  i s made by terms  density.  Stuart  somewhat  F o r example,  d i f f e r e n t i a t e s between g r o s s r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y and  Chapin  neighbourhood  Under h i s d e f i n i t i o n , g r o s s r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y r e f e r s  dwelling units  per a r e a of l a n d used f o r r e s i d e n c e s  s t r e e t s , w h i l e neighbourhood  density refers  of l a n d used f o r r e s i d e n c e s ,  l o c a l shopping,  of  and  traversing  to d w e l l i n g u n i t s schools,  to  per a r e a  p u b l i c open  spaces  D i s t i n c t i o n s between d i f f e r e n t types of n e t d e n s i t y a r e e x p l a i n e d i n ; George Woodford, e t a l . , The V a l u e of S t a n d a r d s f o r the E x t e r n a l R e s i d e n t i a l E n v i r o n m e n t , B r i t i s h Department of the E n v i r o n m e n t (London: Her M a j e s t y ' s S t a t i o n a r y O f f i c e , 1976), pp. 3 9 - 4 8 ; and i n P h i l i p C o o p e r , e t a l . , New Towns: A n a l y s i s of A c t i v i t i e s and T h e i r D e n s i t i e s , Working Paper 73 (Cambridge, M a s s . , U n i v e r s i t y of Cambridge P r e s s , 1 9 7 3 ) , pp. 2 8 - 4 4 . Borokhov,  p.  74.  - 59 -  and s t r e e t s .  2.  The P o p u l a t i o n Component o f  Density  a.  The P e r s o n / N e t A c r e Measurement:  The most o f t e n used p o p u l a t i o n component o f a d e n s i t y measurement i s e x p r e s s e d i n terms of " p e r s o n s "  or " f a m i l i e s " .  The use  o f " p e r s o n s " i s an e f f i c i e n t a p p r o a c h to d e n s i t y measurement because i t can draw on d a t a c o n t a i n e d i n the c e n s u s .  The measurement of  p e r n e t a c r e i s the most commonly used d e n s i t y measurement. to i n d i c a t e p o p u l a t i o n i n e i t h e r e s t a b l i s h e d or p l a n n e d I t i s a l s o used i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h r e l a t e d d e n s i t y s u c h a s ; rooms, d w e l l i n g u n i t s or f l o o r a r e a . d e n s i t y measurements  persons It is  used  neighbourhoods.  measurements  There are two o t h e r  t h a t f a l l w i t h i n the p e r s o n component which a r e  described below. b.  The P e r s o n o r F a m i l y C a p a c i t y Measurement:  There a r e d i s a d v a n t a g e s measurement.  to u s i n g persons  as a d e n s i t y  P e r s o n d e n s i t y can change w i t h o u t any e f f e c t on e i t h e r  b u i l d i n g s o r the number of d w e l l i n g u n i t s , and i s t h e r e f o r e d i f f i c u l t to a p p l y a t the p l a n n i n g o r c o n s t r u c t i o n phase of a community when no p o p u l a t i o n e x i s t s and when occupancy r a t e s have  to be assumed.  problem has been s o l v e d through the use of a s u r r o g a t e measure,  This persons  capacity. Persons  c a p a c i t y can be a p p l i e d to b u i l d i n g s a t the p l a n n i n g  12 F. S t u a r t C h a p i n and Edward J . K a i s e r , Urban Land Use P l a n n i n g ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i y of I l l i n o i s P r e s s , 1 9 7 9 ) , p p . 4 5 3 - 4 5 6 .  - 60  -  s t a g e or i n p a r t i a l l y b u i l t areas as an e s t i m a t e of p o p u l a t i o n . o n l y way In which t h i s measure changes residential units.  is  The  through d e m o l i t i o n of  The e s t i m a t i o n of p e r s o n c a p a c i t y v a r i e s  d r a m a t i c a l l y f o r d i f f e r e n t income l e v e l s or types of f a m i l i e s i n v o l v e d . P e r s o n c a p a c i t y i s d e f i n e d as an e s t i m a t e of a s t a n d a r d number of p e o p l e p e r s i z e of each d w e l l i n g u n i t ; o r f o r each bedroom; o r f o r an average o f the rooms w i t h i n a d w e l l i n g u n i t . p e r s o n counts on room counts as  Care must be taken when  basing  these v a r y g r e a t l y i n d e f i n i t i o n and  measurement. A second w i d e l y used u n i t of the p o p u l a t i o n component i s f a m i l y , and i s consideration.  the  the same as above w i t h " f a m i l y s i z e " the p o p u l a t i o n The problem e n c o u n t e r e d i n u s i n g  t h a t i t i s dependent on f a m i l y s i z e . e q u i v a l e n t to households n o t to i n c l u d e s i n g l e  t h i s measurement  Furthermore, f a m i l y i s not  or the number of o c c u p i e d u n i t s .  is always  Whether or  person f a m i l i e s i n the c a l c u l a t i o n a l s o p r e s e n t s  a  problem.  c.  The Persons/Room C a p a c i t y Measurement: A t h i r d p o p u l a t i o n component to be implemented as a measurement  of d e n s i t y , a useful  is  the measurement of p e r s o n s  per room.  Persons  per room  t o o l In c o n t r o l l i n g crowding w i t h i n d w e l l i n g u n i t s .  computed by d i v i d i n g the number o f persons the d w e l l i n g u n i t .  Again  It  is  is  by the number of rooms w i t h i n  t h e r e are s e v e r a l v a r i a t i o n s ; f o r example,  rooms w h i c h are not used f o r s l e e p i n g have been l e f t out of t h i s r a t i o . Persons  can a l s o v a r y i n t h i s measurement w i t h , i n some c a s e s ,  young  - 61 -  c h i l d r e n counted as h a l f persons together. purpose  However,  or i n f a n t s  the use of persons  l e f t out of the count a l l  per room s e r v e s  no p r a c t i c a l  i n c o n t r o l l i n g c r o w d i n g o u t s i d e of h o u s i n g u n i t s .  must be taken when u s i n g  S p e c i a l care  t h i s measure due to the i n c o n s i s t e n c y  methods used to count persons  in  and rooms.  D e n s i t y has a l s o been measured i n terms of h a b i t a b l e room p e r a c r e and bedspaces p e r a c r e .  These however a r e b o t h ambiguous  terras i n  p r a c t i c e and have the same problems e n c o u n t e r e d when u s i n g persons p e r room.  3.  The B u i l d i n g B u l k Component of D e n s i t y  The m a j o r i t y of l a n d use c o n t r o l s w h i c h a r e p r e s e n t l y used i n N o r t h A m e r i c a n c i t i e s to c o n t r o l d e n s i t y , f o c u s on r e g u l a t i n g the s i t e c o v e r a g e , h e i g h t and f l o o r space of r e s i d e n t i a l b u i l d i n g s . the t h i r d major c a t e g o r y of d e n s i t y measures Churchill.  are r e l a t i v e l y successful i n ensuring  l a n d use as w e l l as b e i n g s e n s i t i v e p r e s e r v a t i o n and access investigates a.  form  i d e n t i f i e d by Ludlow and  I t i s acknowledged i n the d e n s i t y l i t e r a t u r e  b u l k measures  These  the e f f i c i e n c y of  to c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  to d a y l i g h t and sun l i g h t .  that b u i l d i n g  of v i e w  This  section  some of the pros and cons of the d i f f e r e n t measurements.  C u b i c D e n s i t y Measurement:  Three k i n d s of b u l k d e n s i t y measurements literature.  a r e d e s c r i b e d i n the  The more obscure i s cubage or c u b i c d e n s i t y , based on the  c o n c e p t of t h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l s p a c e .  K e v i n Lynch d e f i n e s cubage as  - 62 -  i n t e n s i t i e s per u n i t volume. three-dimensional space, and conceptualize  such space.  He r a t i o n a l i z e s that man  inhabits  therefore density measurements should  Cubage as a bulk measurement of density,  only appears i n t h e o r e t i c a l terms in the l i t e r a t u r e .  Only very b r i e f  d e s c r i p t i o n s of i t s components and  possible a p p l i c a t i o n e x i s t .  possible merit i n further research  and development of a p r a c t i c a l cubage  measurement.  I t also might prove e f f e c t i v e i n regulating f o r adequate  l i g h t , open space, view presentation regulating the many innovative density.  and  become an e f f e c t i v e tool for  housing forms experienced at high  There Is no doubt that cubage would allow f l e x i b i l i t y i n  b u i l d i n g design which goes beyond that which i s provided used, two-dimensional bulk measurements, such as FAR below.  There i s  by commonly  or FSR  described  In support of the development of a cubage measurement of  density, Lynch suggests that, " i n the future, as a c t i v i t y increases, as technology weakens the connection of structures makes possible  continue to use  b.  to the ground or  three-dimensional c i r c u l a t i o n systems, we may  measures of cubic d e n s i t y . "  14  turn  to  U n t i l such time, however, planners w i l l  such two-dimensional tools to regulate  F l o o r A r e a R a t i o (FAR)  and  or  density.  F l o o r Space R a t i o (FSR)  Measurement:  Floor area or space r a t i o s , another category of bulk measurement of density, i s the t o t a l f l o o r area of a b u i l d i n g divided by the net  13  1971), p. 11+  Kevin Lynch, S i t e Planning (Cambridge, Mass.: The 32. I b i d , p.  33.  MIT  Press,  - 63 -  r e s i d e n t i a l land area.  Ludlow describes FAR as, "the total area i n  square feet of a l l f l o o r s used f o r r e s i d e n t i a l purposes including p u b l i c h a l l s , s t a i r w a l l s and elevators serving the dwelling units. include the f l o o r area of basements not used f o r dwelling community rooms, and other n o n - r e s i d e n t i a l s p a c e . "  I t does not  purposes,  16  The advantage of using this measure to regulate density i s that i t i s e a s i l y computed f o r single buildings and small areas by d i v i d i n g the gross r e s i d e n t i a l f l o o r space by the s i t e area.  The measures FAR  and. FSR are t e c h n i c a l l y the same and w i l l be used interchangeably i n this s e c t i o n .  The use of FSR, however, becomes more complicated when  used to measure buildings with stores or other non-residential uses. Furthermore, various high density housing forms y i e l d measurement.  the same  For example, Ludlow states that, "an FAR of 1.8 could  indicate a building which was three f l o o r s high with a net s i t e coverage of s i x t y percent; or a b u i l d i n g which was s i x f l o o r s high with percent net s i t e coverage; percent net s i t e  coverage."  thirty  or a building twelve f l o o r s high with  fifteen  17  A problem inherent i n the use of FAR or FSR as a development c o n t r o l i s that i t has l i t t l e d i r e c t e f f e c t on the i n t e r n a l space of dwelling u n i t s .  Floor space r a t i o s make no provision f o r d i f f e r e n c e s i n  e i t h e r room or o v e r a l l dwelling unit f l o o r space.  Borukhov, p. 74. 16  Ludlow, p. 100.  1 7  Ibid.  This i s unfortunate  - 64 -  g i v e n t h a t market f o r c e s encourage minimum room and d w e l l i n g s i z e s s i g n i f i c a n t amount of c u r r e n t h i g h d e n s i t y h o u s i n g Historically,  f l o o r space measurements  in B r i t i s h planning p r a c t i c e .  in a  development.  of d e n s i t y were d e v e l o p e d  P l a n n e r s and a r c h i t e c t s have  long  r e c o g n i z e d a r e l a t i o n s h i p between d e n s i t y of p e o p l e and the b u l k of buildings. ambiguous  P a u l Evans contends  that floorspace i s p o s s i b l y  of the d e n s i t y measures  the l e a s t  and, " t h e one most d i r e c t l y  w i t h the g e o m e t r i c d e t e r m i n a n t s of f o r m . "  18  The use of t h i s  linked measure  has sometimes been extended to g i v e an i n d i c a t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n to be accommodated i n b u i l d i n g s , an a p p l i c a t i o n of  questionable  1 9  rationale. Although  the f l o o r space r a t i o measure i s used as a d e n s i t y  c o n t r o l , i t i s o b v i o u s l y more a b u i l d i n g d e s i g n c o n t r o l than a c o n t r o l of p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y .  It  c o n t r o l s p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y o n l y by  i m p l i c a t i o n and i s a poor s u r r o g a t e when used i n g e n e r a l d i s c u s s i o n s  of  density. These c r i t i c i s m s have encouraged p l a n n e r s measures  by i n c o r p o r a t i n g person measurements  computations. space r a t i o s  to modify f l o o r  into their density  F o r example, t h e o r i s t s have suggested to i n c o r p o r a t e minimum s t a n d a r d s  space  expanding  floor  of f l o o r space per  P a u l E v a n s , H o u s i n g L a y o u t and D e n s i t y (Cambridge: U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 3 ) , pp. 9 - 2 1 .  person  Cambridge  19  L e s l i e M a r t i n and L i o n e l M a r c h , Urban Space and (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1972), p. 3 3 .  Structures  - 65  in a dwelling.  -  20  I n E v a n ' s v i e w , f l o o r space r a t i o s are e f f e c t i v e f o r reasons.  First,  they are r e l a t i v e l y s u c c e s s f u l i n e n s u r i n g a h i g h  of e f f i c i e n c y of l a n d u s e .  Secondly,  f l o o r space r a t i o s are  i n e n s u r i n g open space s u r r o u n d i n g b u i l d i n g s access  several level  successful  by p r o v i d i n g f o r v i e w ,  to s u n l i g h t and c i r c u l a t i o n of a i r . I t might be s a i d t h a t p l a n n e r s and a r c h i t e c t s have opted to use  FAR or FSR l a r g e l y f o r e x p e d i e n c y . considerable l a t i t u d e i n design.  FSR a l l o w s  the a r c h i t e c t  P l a n n e r s have adopted FSR because  it  has become a c o n v e n i e n t means of r e g u l a t i n g b u i l d i n g b u l k .  4.  Confusion Between Density Measures It  can be suggested t h e r e i s a l a c k of c o n s i s t e n c y i n the  l i t e r a t u r e on the meaning of commonly-used d e n s i t y has made an a t t e m p t a t d e l i n e a t i n g the v a r i o u s  terms.  terms.  Stuart  Chapin  Authors,such  as  21 Lewis K e e b l e ,  have found i t n e c e s s a r y  types of d e n s i t y . definitions  A l l of  to make d i s t i n c t i o n s between  these works have attempted to d e v e l o p b e t t e r  of d e n s i t y by c o n t i n u i n g to d i s t i n g u i s h ,  l a b e l and  m e a n i n g f u l l y o r g a n i z e an i n c r e a s i n g number of d e n s i t y measures.  This  approach has f a i l e d to a c h i e v e c l a r i f i c a t i o n and has g e n e r a l l y  resulted  o n l y i n f u r t h e r c o n f u s i o n and a m b i g u i t y of the measures.  Further  i n v e s t i g a t i o n would r e v e a l o t h e r l a b e l s of s i m i l a r a s p e c t s of 20 C h a p i n and K a i s e r , pp. 4 5 3 - 4 5 6 , 21 Other d e n s i t y types have been o u t l i n e d i n : L e w i s K e e b l e , P r i n c i p l e s and P r a c t i c e o f Town and C o u n t r y P l a n n i n g (London: The E s t a t e s G a z e t t e L i m i t e d , 1969), pp. 2 5 2 - 2 6 6 .  -  measurements  of d e n s i t y .  e l a b o r a t e on these s u b - t y p e s underscores  This  6 6  -  study w i l l n o t seek  here.  Their existence,  and v a l i d a t e s e a r l i e r s t a t e m e n t s  in this  s u g g e s t e d t h a t these many d e f i n i t i o n s o n l y s e r v e clarify  to f u r t h e r however, thesis  to confuse  which rather  the method of m e a s u r i n g d e n s i t y and the i n t e n d e d purpose  measurement.  The i n c o n s i s t e n c y  of d e n s i t y measures  F o r example the f o l l o w i n g measures L u d l o w , pp. 1 0 8 - 1 1 1 .  and  of  than that  their  appear i n the l i t e r a t u r e  by  a.  " F l o o r and room d e n s i t y , used to measure the degree of c r o w d i n g and p r i v a c y w i t h i n i n d i v i d u a l d w e l l i n g u n i t s , i n c l u d i n g both houses and apartments. The most f r e q u e n t l y used measure i s p e r s o n s per room.  b.  L o t d e n s i t y , used to i n d i c a t e the adequacy of open space around between b u i l d i n g s w h i c h a f f e c t l i g h t , a i r , p r i v a c y , n o i s e and o u t d o o r l i v i n g space i m m e d i a t e l y a d j a c e n t t o the d w e l l i n g .  c.  R e s i d e n t i a l a r e a d e n s i t y , d e f i n e s the neighbourhood as the s m a l l e s t a r e a f o r making t h i s type of d e n s i t y measurement and g e n e r a l l y c o m p r i s e s the d i s t r i c t s e r v e d by a t l e a s t one e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l . The l a n d use i n c l u d e , i n a d d i t i o n to r e s i d e n c e s and s t r e e t s , a r e c o m m e r c i a l and community f a c i l i t i e s t h a t s e r v e p r i m a r i l y the r e s i d e n t s of t h a t a r e a , such as p l a y g r o u n d s , s m a l l p a r k s , l o c a l s t o r e s , s e r v i c e e s t a b l i s h m e n t s , c h u r c h e s and neighbourhood c e n t r e s . H i g h s c h o o l s and c o l l e g e s , h o s p i t a l s and b u s i n e s s or i n d u s t r i e s s e r v i n g a l a r g e s e c t i o n of the c i t y are commonly e x c l u d e d . Such d e n s i t i e s may be measured i n terms of p e r s o n s , or f a m i l i e s per a c r e o r per square i n c h . ( N o t e : t h i s measurement i s s i m i l a r to n e t r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y as d e s c r i b e d by o t h e r a u t h o r s ) .  d.  C i t y - w i d e and m e t r o p o l i t a n d e n s i t y , i s u s u a l l y made i n terms of p e r s o n s per square m i l e or p e r a c r e . I t g i v e s a g e n e r a l i m p r e s s i o n as to the r e l a t i v e degree of c o n c e n t r a t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n and u r b a n l a n d u s e s . When s t a t e d i n terms of a c r e s per 100 or 1,000 persons, i t can be broken down to i n d i c a t e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o p u l a t i o n and the a r e a of l a n d use f o r s p e c i f i c purposes such as r e s i d e n c e , c o m m e r c i a l , i n d u s t r y , s t r e e t s and o t h e r p u b l i c and p r i v a t e uses. In m e a s u r i n g c i t y - w i d e d e n s i t y , a l l u n d e r d e v e l o p e d v a c a n t p a r c e l s and a l l p a r c e l s used p r i m a r i l y f o r f a r m i n g a r e o f t e n e x c l u d e d f o r some p u r p o s e s , but i n c l u d e d f o r o t h e r s . " (Note: T h i s measurement appears to be s i m i l a r to the g r o s s d e n s i t y type as described elsewhere). 9  and  -  67  -  i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s do i n f a c t r e n d e r the terra d e n s i t y c o n f u s i n g practical  D.  terms when a p p l i e d to l a n d use  in  planning.  SUMMARY OF CHAPTER III The p r e c e d i n g d i s c u s s i o n  p e r t a i n to s e v e r a l r e f e r e n t s .  has shown t h a t r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y  Density  i s most o f t e n measured  i n t e r n a l d e n s i t y l e v e l s such as p o p u l a t i o n r a t i o s l e v e l s such as f l o o r space In person  can  by  or by e x t e r n a l  density  ratios.  t e r m s , d e n s i t y has been e x p r e s s e d  in several  ways.  F o r example, d e n s i t y can be an a c t u a l or e s t i m a t e d count of the number of p e r s o n s i n h a b i t i n g e i t h e r i n d i v i d u a l rooms w i t h i n a d w e l l i n g u n i t or w i t h i n the d w e l l i n g as a w h o l e .  Another  type of p e r s o n d e n s i t y  refers  t o the number of r e s i d e n t s w i t h i n a d e f i n e d s u r f a c e r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a . In  terms of u s i n g  concentrations density.  Of  the h o u s i n g  the number of d w e l l i n g u n i t s per a c r e ,  of d e n s i t y ,  the term d e n s i t y  should  c l e a r l y understand  be aware of  discussion  is  to the d i f f e r e n c e s between the measures,  t h a t measurement  i n i t s proper c o n t e x t .  might l e a d one to c o n c l u d e  use of d e n s i t y and i t s measures  the  various  the d e f i n i t i o n of e a c h , be  s e l e c t an a p p r o p r i a t e measurement w h i c h a c h i e v e s and a p p l y  of  used.  Those who use  sensitive  measure  of human p o p u l a t i o n s e v e r a l i n d e x e s are used t o i n d i c a t e  t h e s e , a r a t i o of  the most w i d e l y  components  u n i t as a s u r r o g a t e  take s p e c i a l c a r e  their specific The  t h a t the problems  to  needs,  previous encountered w i t h  can r e s u l t from a f a i l u r e to do  so.  - 68 -  CHAPTER IV THE CONCEPT OF CROWDING: THE QUALITATIVE COMPONENTS OF HUMAN CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS  A. BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION 1. Implications of Crowding Theory On Density Planning There a r e i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t p r e s e n t d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s have n o t been d e v e l o p e d w i t h s y s t e m a t i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r the p o s s i b l e e f f e c t s on humans i n h a b i t i n g h i g h d e n s i t y h o u s i n g . t h a t such p l a n n i n g mechanisms  harmful  I t i s hypothesized  c a n be improved through  the a p p l i c a t i o n o f  e x i s t i n g human b e h a v i o r a l knowledge found i n c r o w d i n g r e s e a r c h .  There  are s e v e r a l problems w h i c h must be s o l v e d , however, b e f o r e such a c o m b i n a t i o n of d e n s i t y p r a c t i c e and c r o w d i n g t h e o r y can be operationalized. R e s e a r c h on the p o s s i b l e e f f e c t s of c r o w d i n g on humans has been the f o c u s  of a massive volume of l i t e r a t u r e .  F o r example,  numerous  academic d i s c i p l i n e s and s u b - d i s c i p l i n e s have produced b o d i e s of c r o w d i n g l i t e r a t u r e w i t h o n l y r a r e I n s t a n c e s of c r o s s - d i s c i p l i n a r y exchange of i n f o r m a t i o n . ethologists,  Environmentalists,  physiologists,  sociologists,  biologists,  psychologists,  anthropologists,  geographers,  a r c h i t e c t s and urban p l a n n e r s have s t u d i e d c r o w d i n g from c o u n t l e s s perspectives.  T h i s has c r e a t e d i n f o r m a t i o n o v e r l o a d whereby the shear  volume of c r o w d i n g t h e o r y has perhaps r e s u l t e d i n l i t t l e knowledge words,  of t h i s  f i l t e r i n g down t o the l e v e l of p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e .  In other  the d i s o r g a n i z e d , m u l t i f a c e t e d w e a l t h of knowledge on c r o w d i n g i s  too d i s c i p l i n e - s p e c i f i c and complex f o r u s e f u l a p p l i c a t i o n .  - 69 -  There i s a tendency f o r c r o w d i n g r e s e a r c h to be i n c o n c l u s i v e its  f i n d i n g s , c o n t r a d i c t o r y i n n a t u r e , as w e l l as d i f f i c u l t  d i s c i p l i n e s o u t s i d e of the a r e a of  to a p p l y  to advance the p l a n n e r ' s  the a r e a of h i g h d e n s i t y p l a n n i n g . c o n v e r s a n t w i t h the knowledge  to  the o r i g i n a l r e s e a r c h .  S y s t e m a t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n and s e l e c t use of s u b s t a n t i a t e d knowledge, however, promises  in  If  crowding  effectiveness  in  the p l a n n e r was e n a b l e d to become  of how humans r e a c t to h i g h  density  e n v i r o n m e n t s and t h e r e b y supplement more t e c h n i c a l d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s w i t h t h i s knowledge, e f f e c t i v e improvements i n h i g h d e n s i t y p l a n n i n g m i g h t be realized.  Such an approach w i l l  be a p o s i t i v e s t e p towards  h e a l t h y , f u l f i l l i n g and c o m f o r t a b l e h o u s i n g e n v i r o n m e n t s  at  providing high  d e n s i t y , as w e l l as d i s p e l l i n g the p o p u l a r b e l i e f t h a t h i g h d e n s i t y  of  any form must n e c e s s a r i l y r e s u l t i n c r o w d i n g .  2.  Limitation of Crowding Studies Crowding r e s e a r c h i n p a r t f o l l o w s from i n t u i t i v e p u b l i c c o n c e r n  for  the a d v e r s e e f f e c t s of crowded l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s .  Some of  this  c o n c e r n stems from the s e n s a t i o n a l i z e d r e p o r t i n g of non-human ( i . e . b e h a v i o r i n crowded l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . maladies as;  r e s u l t i n g from h i g h d e n s i t y  b e l i e f , coupled w i t h e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s '  shortages unpleasant high  Such s t u d i e s have i n d i c a t e d such  i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y , i n c r e a s e d a g g r e s s i o n and a v a r i e t y of  s e x u a l or s o c i a l p a t h o l o g i e s This  rat)  warnings  of  environments. impending  caused by i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a t i o n s , have i n s p i r e d many scenarios  density.  about impending l i f e under  "crowded" c o n d i t i o n s  at  - 70  Since belief  -  the l a t e 19th c e n t u r y , many s c h o l a r s  have harboured a  t h a t t h e r e i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between d e n s i t y i n  environments  housing  and u n d e s i r a b l e human b e h a v i o r caused by c r o w d i n g .  n o t i o n f o r example, was i n t r o d u c e d by the B r i t i s h p l a n n e r S i r Unwin i n the 19th c e n t u r y .  There can be l i t t l e  This  Raymond  question that conditions  of e x c e s s i v e d e n s i t y and poor d e s i g n of t h a t day d i d cause much human suffering.  However,  to c o r r e l a t e a l l of these problems w i t h h i g h  d e n s i t y i n the modern c i t y i s a s u p e r f i c i a l approach to t h i s  complex  phenomenon. The a s s u m p t i o n  that high d e n s i t y housing  of any form r e s u l t s  crowded c o n d i t i o n s , has f o s t e r e d an a n t i - u r b a n b i a s amongst intellectuals. gymnastics  1  In  designed  many  t u r n , many i n t e l l e c t u a l s have engaged i n academic to produce d e f i n i t i v e p r o o f of t h i s b e l i e f .  k i n d of r e s e a r c h has r e c e n t l y a t t r a c t e d s t r o n g c r i t i c i s m w h i c h the  in  l o g i c , conclusions  and s u p p o r t i n g e v i d e n c e of non-human  This questions  crowding  research. Commenting g e n e r a l l y on c r o w d i n g r e s e a r c h , Claude F i s c h e r e t al.  concludes  t h a t most f i n d i n g s  are s p e c u l a t i v e i n n a t u r e .  In  p a r t i c u l a r , he w r i t e s t h a t a l l b i o l o g i c a l - e t h o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s p a r t i c u l a r l y based on non-human e x p e r i m e n t s , empirical* support,  f o r human r e a c t i o n s  "have o b t a i n e d  little  to d e n s i t y are much more a  f u n c t i o n of the s o c i a l and a r c h i t e c t u r a l s i t u a t i o n and of c u l t u r e " . M . White and L. W h i t e , "The A m e r i c a n I n t e l l e c t u r a l V e r s u s A m e r i c a n C i t y " , Daedalus ( W i n t e r , 1961): 166-179. 1  2  The  2 Claude F i s c h e r , Mark B a l d a s s a r c , and R i c h a r d O f s h e , Crowding S t u d i e s and Urban L i f e : A C r i t i c a l Review ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 7 4 ) , p. 19.  - 71 -  In his c r i t i c a l review of crowding studies, Fischer concluded that, "those who draw firm conclusions  about density and human  behavior  are either speculating or making astounding leaps from flimsy ,.3  evidence".  4  In p a r t i c u l a r , s e n s a t i o n a l i s t research such as Calhoun's  now infamous caged r a t experiments have done much to perpetuate the popular  belief  that crowding and density have proven serious  e f f e c t s on human behavior.  Fischer i s highly c r i t i c a l of Calhoun's  findings which linked human behavior pens.  negative  to r a t behavior  In Fischer's opinion, Calhoun's suggestion  i n over-populated  that high density and  crowded human conditions may r e s u l t i n i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y , increased aggression  and a v a r i e t y of sexual and s o c i a l pathologies  substantiated by present knowledge.  can not be  Fischer believes that few i f any  c l e a r consequences of density have been produced by the bulk of non-human crowding experiments. Fischer has also found f a u l t generally i n present studies of humans under the condition of high density. these studies f a i l  to produce evidence of either negative  human consequences. emperical  level  Again as he points out,  5  or p o s i t i v e  He suggests that the l o g i c a l connection  of the  to the t h e o r e t i c a l or substantive l e v e l of analysis i s  weak or non-existent  i n the majority of crowding studies.  Specifically,  F i s h e r explains, that often obvious procedures such as measuring density 3  Fischer et a l . , p. 21.  4  John Calhoun, "Population density and s o c i a l pathology", S c i e n t i f i c American, (No. 206, 1962): 139-148. 5  F i s c h e r et a l . , p. 42.  - 72  -  i n u n i t s e q u i v a l e n t to the u n i t s i n a s t u d y ' s are i g n o r e d by the r e s e a r c h e r .  The absences  theoretical propositions of the l o g i c a l e x a m i n a t i o n  of the r e l e v a n c e of r e s e a r c h f i n d i n g s i s common i n the m a j o r i t y of crowding s t u d i e s .  T h i s r e n d e r s much of the e x i s t i n g r e s e a r c h on  c r o w d i n g of d u b i o u s v a l u e . recommends  To improve f u t u r e c r o w d i n g r e s e a r c h , F i s c h e r  that:  " R e s e a r c h e r s and p l a n n e r s a l i k e must a t t e n d , f i r s t , to t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n of d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g . They must know o f what they speak and I t s r e l a t i o n s to t h e i r p r o b l e m , whether i t be h o u s i n g , n e i g h b o u r h o o d s , or c i t i e s . Beyond t h a t , i t i s i m p o r t a n t to have c l e a r l y thought out o b j e c t i v e s and a t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e ; l o o s e a n a l o g i e s drawn from a n i m a l b e h a v i o r w i l l s i m p l y n o t d o . " 5  7  A n o t h e r work on c r o w d i n g by J o n a t h a n Freedman  supports  F i s c h e r ' s r e s e r v a t i o n s and c r i t i c i s m of much of the crowding literature.  F r e e d m a n ' s work on c r o w d i n g i n human e n v i r o n m e n t s  two major f i n d i n g s  r e l e v a n t to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n .  produced  B r i e f l y , Freedman  found: " F i r s t , h i g h d e n s i t y ( c r o w d i n g ) does n o t have g e n e r a l l y n e g a t i v e e f f e c t s on humans. O v e r a l l , w i t h other f a c t o r s e q u a t e d , l i v i n g , w o r k i n g , or s p e n d i n g time f o r any r e a s o n under c o n d i t i o n s of h i g h d e n s i t y does not harm p e o p l e . I t does n o t produce any k i n d of p h y s i c a l , m e n t a l or s o c i a l p a t h o l o g y . P e o p l e who e x p e r i e n c e h i g h , d e n s i t y are j u s t as h e a l t h y , happy and p r o d u c t i v e as those who experience lower d e n s i t y . Second, h i g h d e n s i t y does have e f f e c t s on p e o p l e , but these e f f e c t s depend on o t h e r f a c t o r s i n the s i t u a t i o n . Under some c i r c u m s t a n c e s h i g h d e n s i t y makes p e o p l e more c o m p e t i t i v e and a g g r e s s i v e , but under o t h e r s i t has the  5  F i s c h e r e t a l . p. 4 2 .  7  J o n a t h a n Freedman, Crowding and B e h a v i o r (San F r a n c i s c o : W.H. Freeman and Company, 1975).  - 73 -  opposite e f f e c t . H i g h d e n s i t y can cause p e o p l e to be f r i e n d l i e r and a l s o l e s s f r i e n d l y . And under c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s , the r e a c t i o n s are d i f f e r e n t f o r men and women." Freedman e l o q u e n t l y summarizes  p r e s e n t knowledge on c r o w d i n g and human  b e h a v i o r making r e f e r e n c e to many Fischer's  and Freeman's  sources.  r e s e r v a t i o n about c r o w d i n g r e s e a r c h have  n o t been p r e s e n t e d w i t h the i n t e n t i o n of d i s c o u n t i n g a l l such r e s e a r c h . It  i s i m p o r t a n t however f o r those u s i n g  when a p p l y i n g the f i n d i n g s as a b a s i s e n c o u n t e r e d i n human e n v i r o n m e n t s .  this l i t e r a t u r e  to be s e l e c t i v e  f o r proposed s o l u t i o n s  to problems  The r e s e a r c h e r can s e l e c t u s e f u l  c r o w d i n g knowledge by s c r e e n i n g r e s e a r c h f o r r e l e v a n c e and substantiation.  As o u t l i n e d l a t e r i n t h i s c h a p t e r , c u r r e n t human  c r o w d i n g l i t e r a t u r e can be o r g a n i z e d under the c a t e g o r i e s  of  s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l and p h y s i o l o g i c a l a s p e c t s of human c r o w d i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s w h i c h l a t e r s e r v e as p a r t of the framework f o r r e l a t i n g c r o w d i n g knowledge and d e n s i t y  3.  measures.  Scope of This Chapter The f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n ,  based on c r o w d i n g l i t e r a t u r e w h i c h was  s e l e c t e d from s e v e r a l d i s c i p l i n e s , w i l l emphasize human c r o w d i n g only.  As a means of l i m i t i n g  q u a l i t a t i v e components  the scope of t h i s c h a p t e r ,  three  of human crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s w i l l  emphasized based on the a s s u m p t i o n  be  t h a t these c a t e g o r i e s encompass  major f o r c e s w h i c h i n f l u e n c e the q u a l i t y of l i f e a Freedman, pp. 7-8. 9 See page 11 f o r d e f i n i t i o n .  studies  e x p e r i e n c e d by  the  - 74 -  residents of high density housing.  The three components which represent  subsystems of basic motivations of human behavior; s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l , psychological and p h y s i o l o g i c a l , build on Maslow's framework of human needs.  preliminary  10  The q u a l i t a t i v e components used i n this  chapter are adapted from the work of T a l c o t t P a r s o n motivations of human behavior.  11  on the  Parson i n i t i a l l y suggested that the  basic motivations of human behavior are influenced and conditioned by a  A. Maslow, Motivation and Personality (New York: Harport & Row, 1954). Maslow developed the following framework of human needs which form a descending hierarchy from strongest to weakest: 1. P h y s i o l o g i c a l Needs, such as hunger and t h i r s t . Shelter may f u l f i l l p h y s i o l o g i c a l needs, and i n p a r t i c u l a r the q u a l i t y of shelter i s of great importance. 2. Safety Needs, which include, besides protection from p h y s i c a l harm, the opportunity to reduce psychic threats from others, to encourage personal privacy, and to promote s e l f - o r i e n t a t i o n within the urban environment. 3. A f f i l i a t i o n Needs, such as love. need f o r group membership which involves the d i f f i c u l t problem of producing designs which interpersonal i n t e r a c t i o n s , and yet preserve  This also includes the urban designer i n the promote comfortable privacy.  4. Esteem Needs, which r e l a t e to personal i n t e g r i t y ( s e l f - e v a l u t i o n ) and the perceived esteem of others f o r oneself. The s a t i s f a c t i o n of esteem needs i s c l o s e l y related to one's a b i l i t y to personalize one's environment. 5. A c t u a l i z a t i o n Needs, the need f o r s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , according to one's c a p a c i t i e s . This relates strongly to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s actual or perceived control of h i s environment. 6. Cognitive/Aesthetic Needs, r e l a t i n g to our personal concept of beauty and our need to learn.  T a l c o t t Parson, Societies (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1966), pp. 20-30.  - 75  -  v a r i e t y of subsystems of b e h a v i o r w h i c h encompass;  physiological,  s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and p e r s o n a l i t y subsystems as summarized "1.  2.  below:  P h y s i o l o g i c a l Subsystem - P h y s i o l o g y c l e a r l y c o n t r o l s and l i m i t s human a c t i o n . Our knowledge from p a s t e x p e r i e n c e of these l i m i t a t i o n s s t r o n g l y e f f e c t s our activities. I m p o r t a n t p h y s i o l o g i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s on human b e h a v i o r a r e age, sex and s o m a t i c i m p e r f e c t i o n s . C u l t u r a l Subsystem - T h i s r e f e r s to the v a l u e s , norms, t r a d i t i o n s and b e l i e f s h e l d by p a r t i c u l a r g r o u p s , and w h i c h c o l o r and c o n s t r a i n the i n d i v i d u a l s b e h a v i o r . N a t i o n a l , e t h n i c , and s u b e t h n i c g r o u p i n g s are of importance here. 1  3.  S o c i a l Subsystem - The p r o c e s s by w h i c h groups a r e h e l d t o g e t h e r w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e c l e a r l y a f f e c t s the r o l e s w h i c h an i n d i v i d u a l p l a y s w i t h i n and w i t h o u t the group. I n p a r t i c u l a r , one of the major d e t e r m i n a n t s of a p e r s o n ' s b e h a v i o r may be the r o l e he i s expected to p l a y w i t h i n h i s p a r t i c u l a r l e a r n i n g , w o r k i n g or s o c i a l i z a t i o n group.  4.  P e r s o n a l i t y Subsystem - T h i s i s the complex subsystem of p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s to a c t i o n , such as p r e f e r e n c e s , o p i n i o n s and a t t i t u d e s , w h i c h make each i n d i v i d u a l ' s c o v e r t r e a c t i o n to an e n v i r o n m e n t a l s t i m u l u s u n i q u e , though h i s o v e r t r e a c t i o n may be c o n s t r a i n e d by p h y s i o l o g y , s o c i a l g r o u p i n g and c u l t u r e . " For  the purpose  of t h i s  t h e s i s , P a r s o n ' s f o u r subsystems have  been r e c a s t i n t o t h r e e q u a l i t a t i v e components considerations.  The f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n  of  of human c r o w d i n g these components  is  i n t e n d e d to summarize s u f f i c i e n t c r o w d i n g knowledge and p r o v i d e a b a s i s from w h i c h to d e v e l o p a c o n c e p t u a l framework f o r r e l a t i n g measures  and c r o w d i n g i n a more m e a n i n g f u l  density  manner.  S o c i e t i e s (Englewood C l i f f s , N . J . , 1 9 6 6 ) , c i t e d by D o u g l a s P o r t e o u s , Environment and B e h a v i o r (Don M i l l s : A d d i s o n - W e s l e y P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1 9 7 7 ) , pp. 3 1 - 6 5 .  - 76 -  B.  THE GENERAL MEANING OF CROWDING Crowding i s a word of n e g a t i v e c o n n o t a t i o n .  I t i s most o f t e n  used i n r e f e r e n c e to u n d e s i r a b l e human c o n d i t i o n s found i n c o n g e s t e d housing  environments. " C r o w d i n g " i s d e r i v a t i v e of the word " c r o w d " w h i c h W e b s t e r ' s New  C o l l e g i a t e Dictionary defines as: "Noun - 1) a l a r g e number of persons e s p e c i a l l y when c o l l e c t e d i n t o a somewhat compact body w i t h o u t . order, 2) a l a r g e number o f t h i n g s t o g e t h e r . "Verb-  1) to f i l l by p r e s s i n g or t h r o n g i n g t o g e t h e r , 2) to p r e s s , f o r c e or t h r u s t i n t o a s m a l l s p a c e . "  "Crowded" i s d e f i n e d a s ; "as s t a t e of b e i n g f i l l e d w i t h numerous  things  14  or p e o p l e o f t e n o v e r l y compacted or c o n c e n t r a t e d . " Use of the term c r o w d i n g i s common i n the f i e l d s of s o c i o l o g y and p s y c h o l o g y ,  i n c l u d i n g t h e i r many s u b - d i s c i p l i n e s .  The d e f i n i t i o n of  c r o w d i n g i n the c o n t e x t of human b e h a v i o r i n h o u s i n g e n v i r o n m e n t s more s p e c i f i c as demonstrated by J . A . D e s o r ' s d e f i n i t i o n . "crowding" as:  is  He d e f i n e s  " a n e x p e r i e n t i a l o r p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t a t e of mind of an  i n d i v i d u a l I n v o l v i n g a f e e l i n g of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n or d i s c o m f o r t w i t h the amount of space one has a t h i s d i s p o s a l . "  1 5  13  W e b s t e r ' s New C o l l e g i a t e D i c t i o n a r y ( T o r o n t o : Thomas A l l e n & Sons L t d . , 1977), p. 270. 1 1 +  I b i d , p. 2 7 0 .  7  J o h n A. D e s o r , "Toward a P s y c h o l o g i c a l Theory of C r o w d i n g " , J o u r n a l o f P e r s o n a l i t y and S o c i a l P s y c h o l o g y ( V o l . 2 1 , 1972): 7 9 - 8 3 . 1 5  - 77 -  Daniel Stokols agrees with  this d e f i n i t i o n .  He states that, "a  state of crowding e x i s t s and i s perceived as such by an i n d i v i d u a l , when the i n d i v i d u a l ' s demand for space exceeds the a v a i l a b l e supply of such space."  Stokols argues that crowding does not refer to a physical  15  condition i n v o l v i n g the l i m i t a t i o n s of space.  Rather, crowding i s a  s i t u a t i o n i n which the r e s t r i c t i v e aspects of limited space are 1 7  perceived by the i n d i v i d u a l s exposed to them. crowded may  To Stokols, f e e l i n g  be the consequence of population density mixed with  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as; l i f e s t y l e , past experience limitations, a l l in interaction.  personal  with s p a c i a l  In other words, whether an i n d i v i d u a l  f e e l s crowded depends on the l e v e l of population concentration combined with his personality and s o c i a l i z a t i o n .  Stokols also suggests that  crowding can be a motivational state, where under i t s influence an i n d i v i d u a l i s directed toward easing the d i s p a r i t y between the preferred and actual environmental s i t u a t i o n he i n h a b i t s . 18  Freedman,  however, explains that crowding can be conceived  e i t h e r physical terras with lack of space being  in  the only c r u c i a l element  or In psychological terms with crowding conceptualized as an i n t e r n a l emotional  state as defined by Stokols.  Freedman points out that the  D a n i e l Stokols, "A Social-Psychological Model of Human Crowding Phenomena", The American I n s t i t u t e of Planners Journal (March 1972): p. 75. 16  17  Daniel Stokols, "On the D i s t i n c t i o n Between Density and Crowding: Some Implications for Future Research", Psychological Review (Vol. 79, No. 3, 1972): 275-277. 18  W.H.  Jonathan L. Freedman, Crowding and Behavior Freeman and Company, 1975), pp. 10-15.  (San Francisco:  - 78 -  sensation to,  of f e e l i n g crowded (or of experiencing  crowding) i s related  but d i s t i n c t from, the physical state of having l i t t l e space.  sensation  of f e e l i n g crowded does not always follow from, or coincide  with, the physical s i t u a t i o n s .  To Freedman, "the physical state has no  inherent value one way or the other. itself.  The  In contrast,  the sensation  I t i s neither good nor bad i n of being crowded i s almost by  19  d e f i n i t i o n a negative one." emphasizes  The crowding referent which Freedman  i s the i n d i v i d u a l ' s response to the physical state which  seems to p a r a l l e l Desor's d e f i n i t i o n of crowding. In summary, the major problem encountered when using crowding i s to s e l e c t the appropriate s i t u a t i o n under discussion.  the terra  referent which i s relevant  to the  A general discussion such as this must  therefore recognize  crowding as both a physical state of lacking space  and a psychological  state r e s u l t i n g from lack of space.  C.  PERCEPTIONS OF DENSITY The perception  of density i s an e s s e n t i a l aspect of any  discussion of crowding and i s viewed from two main perspectives, described 1.  by Amos Rapoport.  Social Perceived T h i s i s defined  1  Density by Rapoport as follows:  " . . . i n terms of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n ; here, perceived density involves various sensory modalities; or mechaisras for c o n t r o l l i n g i n t e r a c t i o n l e v e l s - spacing, physical elements, t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries, hierarchy, the size and nature of the group, i t s homogeneity, rules for behaviour 19  Freedman, p. 10.  as  - 79 -  2  and how f a c i l i t i e s a v a i l a b l e are In o t h e r words,  used."  0  s o c i a l p e r c e i v e d d e n s i t y c o u l d be d e s c r i b e d as  s u b j e c t i v e f e e l i n g of l a c k of space due to a h i g h u n c o m f o r t a b l e l e v e l s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h i n that space. c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to n o t i o n s w i t h i n an e n v i r o n m e n t ,  of  is  of c r o w d i n g , or the l e v e l s of i n t e r a c t i o n  and t h e r e f o r e w i l l not be pursued  but r a t h e r l a t e r i n t h i s 2.  Perceived s o c i a l density  a  further here,  section.  Physical Perceived Density  R a p o p o r t d e f i n e d t h i s a s p e c t as  follows:  " . . . i n s p a c i a l terms; where p e r c e i v e d d e n s i t y r e f l e c t s o n e ' s i m p r e s s i o n s of the b u i l t environment - the h e i g h t , s p a c i n g or j u x t a p o s i t i o n of b u i l d i n g s . Here, perceived d e n s i t y r e s u l t s from h i g h l e v e l s of such q u a l i t i e s as; a h i g h degree of e n c l o s u r e , i n t r i c a c y of s p a c e s , h i g h l e v e l s of a c t i v i t y , many uses of s p a c e . " O n e ' s p e r c e p t i o n of p h y s i c a l d e n s i t y can be i n f l u e n c e d by the number of people i n an a r e a .  More i m p o r t a n t l y , i t i s a f f e c t e d by the  a v a i l a b l e l a n d , space and the o r g a n i z a t i o n of b u i l t form on t h a t l a n d surface. 22  In h i s  book, D e s i g n G u i d e l i n e s f o r C r e a t i n g D e f e n s i b l e  Oscar Newman g r a p h i c a l l y d i s p l a y s  a v a r i e t y of h o u s i n g  forms a t  Space, various  20  Amos R a p o p o r t , "Toward a R e d e f i n i t i o n of D e n s i t y " , Crowding i n R e a l E n v i r o n m e n t s , e d . Susan S a e g e r t . ( B e v e r l y H i l l s : Sage P u b l i c a t i o n s 1976), p. 8 . 21  Rapoport,  p.  8.  22  F i g u r e I I I diagrams taken from Oscar Newman, D e s i g n G u i d e l i n e s f o r C r e a t i n g D e f e n s i b l e Space ( W a s h i n g t o n , D . C : U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , A p r i l 1976), pp. 6 1 - 6 4 .  - 80 -  densities.  These drawings  have been r e p r o d u c e d i n F i g u r e I I I  as a means  of i l l u s t r a t i n g how o n e ' s p e r c e p t i o n of p h y s i c a l d e n s i t y can be i n f l u e n c e d by the b u i l t f o r m . Newman has d e s i g n e d s e v e r a l p o p u l a r h o u s i n g forms on a one a c r e site  to s i m p l i f y c o m p a r i s o n s .  acre i n F i g u r e  The d e n s i t y ranges  2.25 ( s i n g l e f a m i l y d e t a c h e d )  from s i x u n i t s per  to one hundred t h r e e u n i t s  p e r a c r e i n F i g u r e 2.36 ( h i g h - r i s e apartment) as shown i n F i g u r e  I.  Many i m p o r t a n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n s such as s i t e c o v e r a g e , h e i g h t of b u i l d i n g s , ground o r i e n t a t i o n , v i e w s , b u i l d i n g s e t b a c k s , open space and s u n l i g h t have an e f f e c t upon how dense one p e r c e i v e s an e n v i r o n m e n t or individual r e s i d e n t i a l buildings  to b e .  Perceived physical density i s  a l s o i n f l u e n c e d by o n e ' s u n d e r s t a n d i n g and b e l i e f of what i s low and high density.  I t i s f u r t h e r i n f l u e n c e d by o n e ' s a b i l i t y  to v i s u a l i z e .  D. THE DENSITY—CROWDING RELATIONSHIP Most Informed r e s e a r c h e r s i n the f i e l d of human b e h a v i o r now take g r e a t c a r e to d i s t i n g u i s h between d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g .  For  example, Amos R a p o p o r t d i f f e r e n t i a t e s the two terms as f o l l o w s : "a) b)  D e n s i t y can be seen as a s i t e measure, and c r o w d i n g as a measure of d e n s i t y w i t h i n a d w e l l i n g . Or d e n s i t y can be seen as a measure of p e o p l e per u n i t a r e a and c r o w d i n g as a n e g a t i v e p e r c e p t i o n of e x c e s s i v e d e n s i t y ~ a s u b j e c t i v e e x p e r i e n c e of sensory o v e r l o a d . " ( R a p o p o r t a l s o shows c o n f u s i o n of 3  Amos R a p o p o r t , "Toward a R e d e f i n i t i o n of D e n s i t y " , Crowding i n R e a l E n v i r o n m e n t s , e d . Susan S a e g e r t . (London: Sage P u b l i c a t i o n s I n c . 1975), pp. 7 - 8 .  FIGURE  \  III  - 82 •ujura 2 JO: Ganoan aportrnanti, 39 wMpwicn I unarm on 1-acra fit*. 6 Sit, uimemlona: 21T X 200* • 43800 •0. It. IS unm par tida - 38 wtfn per acre Typical interior unit dirtwnaiefia: 29' X 41.4-- 1,203 to. It. t .200 K). ft. • 3-bedraom unit •Mine: lOlcor^ each tide meet-20 • teeem on interior of u « . ratal • 36 m 1  8  Hixrxeu-l Pleura 3.31: I I U w Max rice mum, 38 unit! per act*.  : air x joo"  n.ft.  • Sla ftorfae. lis OUKIIIICIIII par f *aV36 unrei per acre * Typics! IntsrioF (por 3 KIOMIUKIII •  U 4 if*t mjq  1.200 tq. ft.: 4  1  m m t 1,2S0ao, ft. • IJOOnj. ft. - -  • SHa to, ft.  i: 2 1 f X 200--43.000  ' Typical intarior unit araai (par floor I: 4 nammim • 1J02 «>. ft.: 4 asartfnentt • 1.227 to, ft. • t^OOtq. ft. - 3-bedroom unit  X 43.4-"1.202 to, ft. • Typical Interior unit Jl otnna. 8upun: I3J8 X 48XT X I Rone. • 1.283 a*, ft. _ ' 1 JOO n . ft. • Xieiaoan unH. • 40 aq. ft. ran par floor for dupin : 22 aaatea par acta (on itraotl. -  no aroo <«0-T X 2181 I.J- X  4*At  too (14J8- X OOP* X a n a i l K l X 28.71  u nra par p e m - uarolu w*HMa>, 73 • Wottrap Flaura2J4: Hlah  rwmm^v nan inajiiii on i o n ana Site Olmaroluia: 218' X 20TT - 41jS00 a>. ft. - 38 unna par no* - 72 w*Wu par acra  • »—•—  •  4I.4-- 1J01 iq.ft.  i:29*x  pMa: 28- X 22-2" X 3 norm at. ft. • 1 JOO •nil. • 40 to, fl. - rVMiaj: 30 •  n a a r a U O : T»> ton 12-ctory ouUdira* • Sta uHilMiomi 218- » 200" - 43400 • 47 urwtj par w m r - »4 ums par aer^ 4 unit* par floor • Typical Intarior unit oai—lona: • » • proa. 40* X 33* (unit aetiuxly 1194 to, ft.l • 1,200 IQ. ft. • 34ja8room unit - PerUna: 20 on-eile wnoee par ude. total 40 apaeai  • sua dlinainiuM 3 i r X 700* - 43800 • 13 ttortat. 8 luailimriH par floor • 103 unm par acra • Typical intarior unit dbnarwiona: 4 i u . i m . n n • 33* X 38* • 1.188 to, ft.: 2 wai u w • 28.8- X 474* •• 1J11 a * ft.: 2 Kaatincnte • 31J' X 38* 1.197 to, ft. > 1300 taj. ft. • 3-bodroont unH • Parfelna: 43 onaita loocaa  on rna • 20 eaecee  - 83  terms.  -  In (a) where he i m p r o p e r l y uses the term c r o w d i n g  he i s a c t u a l l y r e f e r i n g to e x c e s s i v e is  internal density,  (b)  t h e r e f o r e a more m e a n i n g f u l d e f i n i t i o n .  R a p o p o r t agrees i n i n d i r e c t ways.  t h a t d e n s i t y i s c l e a r l y r e l a t e d to c r o w d i n g ,  "Density"  but  s h o u l d be used to d e s c r i b e a p h y s i c a l  condition without behavioral connotations. i s a much more complex term w h i c h r e f e r s  C r o w d i n g , on the o t h e r h a n d ,  to a s u b j e c t i v e p s y c h o l o g i c a l 24  response exposed  to a c o m b i n a t i o n of w e i g h t e d f a c t o r s .  When an i n d i v i d u a l  is  to l i m i t e d s p a c e , the r e s t r i c t i v e a s p e c t s of t h a t l i m i t a t i o n on  h i s unique needs are p e r c e i v e d as f e e l i n g crowded. Stokols  i d e n t i f i e s d e n s i t y as a n e c e s s a r y  antecedent, rather  than a s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n f o r the e x p e r i e n c e of c r o w d i n g . h i g h d e n s i t y i s n o t a s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n f o r the a r o u s a l of stress.  He has found t h a t f o r c r o w d i n g to o c c u r  To  Stokols,  crowding  t h e r e must be a  d i s r u p t i o n i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l r e l a t i o n w i t h o t h e r s he i n t e r a c t s  T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s endorsed by s e v e r a l w r i t e r s ; See W i l l i a m M i c h e l s o n , Man and H i s Urban E n v i r o n m e n t (Don M i l l s : A d d i s o n - W e s l e y P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1976), pp. 152-156; S t a n Z l u t n i c k and I r w i n A l t m a n "Crowding and Human B e h a v i o r " , Environment and S o c i a l S c i e n c e s , e d . J o a c h i m W o h l w i l l (Washington, D . C : A m e r i c a n P s y c h o l o g i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , 1 9 7 2 ) , pp. 72-87; R o b e r t M i t c h e l l , "Some S o c i o l o g i c a l I m p l i c a t i o n s of H i g h D e n s i t y H o u s i n g " , A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l R e v i e w , 36 (December 1971): 18-27. 25  D a n i e l S t o k o l s , "On the D i s t i n c t i o n Between D e n s i t y and C r o w d i n g : Some I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r F u t u r e R e s e a r c h " , P s y c h o l o g i c a l Review ( V o l . 7 9 , No. 3 , 1972): 2 7 5 - 2 7 7 .  - 84 -  Proshansky et a l .  concluded that an i n d i v i d u a l may f e e l  crowded by others, which i n turn r e s t r i c t s h i s freedom of choice.  Clare  Cooper expands this theme by noting that an instance of s p a t i a l l i m i t a t i o n involves p o t e n t i a l inconveniences such as the r e s t r i c t i o n of 27  movement or the preclusion of privacy. i n d i v i d u a l perceives  Desor found that when an  crowding he i s "receiving excessive  stimulation  2 8  from s o c i a l  sources."  A l l of the before-mentioned researchers  have directed their  attention to determining conditions under which density w i l l a f f e c t human behavior and those factors which control the d i r e c t i o n of that effect.  For example, Schiffenbaur  et a l . suggest that, "density a f f e c t s  behavior only when the d i s t r i b u t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s i n the environment i n t e r f e r e s with the attainment of some valued Density  goal."  and crowding, i n d i v i d u a l l y and combined have a v a r i e t y  of complex variables and i m p l i c a t i o n s .  An important explanation  of the  r e l a t i o n s h i p between these two concepts was a r t i c u l a t e d by Day and  26  H.M. Proshansky, W.H. I t t e l s o n and L.G. R i v l i n , Environmental Psychology: Man and His P h y s i c a l Setting (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1970). 27  Clare Cooper, "The House as Symbol", Design and Environment (Vol. 3, 1972): 30-37. 28  Desor, pp. 79-83.  29  A l l e n Schiffenbaur, Janet Brown, Pamela Perry, Louise Shulack and A l i c e Zanzola, "The Relationship Between Density and Crowding: Some A r c h i t e c t u r a l Modifiers", Environmental and Behavior, V o l . 9, No. 1 (March 1977): 4-14.  - 85  Day.  Their findings  recognize  -  t h a t there a r e d i f f e r e n t types  of  d e n s i t y and t h a t each may have d i f f e r e n t e f f e c t s on d i f f e r e n t people and on t h e i r b e h a v i o r .  T h i s i n t u r n i n f l u e n c e s the i n d i v i d u a l ' s  of e i t h e r p h y s i c a l or p s y c h o l o g i c a l  perception  crowding.  More r e s e a r c h on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g w i l l be r e q u i r e d b e f o r e the knowledge can be o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d . r e s e a r c h s h o u l d f o c u s d i r e c t l y on human b e h a v i o r and s h o u l d surrogate experimentation.  This  avoid  An example of r e c e n t m i c r o - l e v e l c r o w d i n g  r e s e a r c h w h i c h might be a p p l i e d by the p l a n n e r was r e p o r t e d by Biderraan et a l .  3  1  In  t h i s s t u d y , c r o w d i n g was d e t e r m i n e d to o c c u r when an  i n d i v i d u a l had l e s s  than t e n square  f e e t of l i v i n g space per  Although not i n a f u l l y developed s t a t e , t h i s  type of  tested  p r o m i s e s v a l u a b l e new approaches w h i c h may be used to improve p l a n n i n g and d e s i g n of h i g h d e n s i t y h o u s i n g However, b e f o r e such advances  person. observation the  environments.  can be r e a l i z e d ,  those w i s h i n g  a p p l y d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g knowledge must take a s t e p backward from type o f m i c r o - l e v e l d i s c u s s i o n .  to this  The i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s , c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and  m i s i n f o r m a t i o n about the human consequences  of d e n s i t y , or c r o w d i n g ,  and  t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p n e c e s s i t a t e a m a c r o - l e v e l e x a m i n a t i o n to c l a r i f y and f o c u s c u r r e n t knowledge on these two i m p o r t a n t c o n c e p t s .  Such an  u p d a t i n g of d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g knowledge s h o u l d precede any a t t e m p t to A . T . Day and L.M. Day, " C r o s s n a t i o n a l Comparisons of P o p u l a t i o n D e n s i t y " , S c i e n c e , V o l . 181 (November 1973): 1016-1023. 3 0  H i s t o r i c a l I n c i d e n t s of Extreme O v e r c r o w d i n g ( W a s h i n g t o n , D.C, 1 9 6 3 ) , c i t e d by Douglas P o r t e o u s , E n v i r o n m e n t and B e h a v i o r (Don M i l l s : A d d i s o n - W e s l e y P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1 9 7 7 ) , p. 178. 3 1  (  - 86 -  operationalize  this information  i n p r a c t i c a l or micro-level  I t can be concluded from the previous discussion  terms.  that the  i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between density and crowding i s mainly described conceptual or i n t e l l e c t u a l l e v e l which may be confusing. i t i s possible  to draw some p r a c t i c a l inferences  on a  Nevertheless  from this l i t e r a t u r e .  In summary, the term density i s most often used to refer to a s i t e measurement or a physical space condition.  To paraphrase the  acknowledged a u t h o r i t i e s (Rapoport, Stokols), the i n d i v i d u a l must perceive*  either the state of this density l e v e l as excessive  lack of space and enclosed  because of  building design (physical perceived  or the state of space inadequate because of excessive i n t e r a c t i o n s ( s o c i a l perceived  density)  social  density) f o r crowding to occur.  However,  these two conditions, although necessary,** alone are not s u f f i c i e n t to create  crowding.  Other factors, or s u f f i c i e n t conditions*** must also be present; these factors r e s u l t mainly from the impact of either the s o c i a l or p h y s i c a l perceived  density on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s human needs.  Authorities  *Perception i s the process through which an i n d i v i d u a l becomes aware of h i s environment by organizing and i n t e r p r e t i n g the evidence of h i s senses i n response to environmental stimulation. Imposed stimulation tends to create more reaction i n the i n d i v i d u a l than stimulation which i s sought. (Jerome Kagan and Ernest Havemann, Psychology, An Introduction, 4th ed. (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., 1980), p. 579). **Necessary condition - a state of a f f a i r s that must p r e v a i l i f another i s to occur; prerequisite (Webster, p. 767). * * * S u f f i c i e n t condition - a state of a f f a i r s whose existence assures the existence of another state of a f f a i r s ; r e q u i s i t e or desirable (Webster, p. 1164).  - 87  have i d e n t i f i e d This  tension,  -  that these disruptions, i f s u f f i c i e n t , cause stress.*  from either a physical state of excessive density  or  an  emotional state of f e e l i n g lack of space, i s the main reason i n d i v i d u a l s experience crowding. not n e c e s s a r i l y lead  Therefore, a high density  l i v i n g environment does  to crowding unless there i s a disruption of c e r t a i n  human needs creating s t r e s s , termed crowding-stress. under a low density  In other words  s i t u a t i o n , i f an i n d i v i d u a l experiences s o c i a l or  sensory d i s r u p t i o n he would not necessarily perceive  a f e e l i n g of  crowding.  There needs to be a s i t u a t i o n of high density  condition)  for crowding to be experienced, but crowding w i l l not  in  (necessary  every high density s i t u a t i o n unless there i s disruption  i n d i v i d u a l which creates  stress ( s u f f i c i e n t  to the  condition).  To further validate this analysis, Maslow's hierarchy needs (see page 74) environment.  He  turn influence  indicates how  suggests that the l e v e l in which these needs are met  the q u a l i t y of l i f e  (see page 11)  more l i k e l y  in  i n that environment. human needs are  the i n d i v i d u a l as a consequence i s less l i k e l y  experience crowding and of l i f e .  of human  human behavior can be affected by his  Therefore in a high density environment, i f various adequately met,  occur  to  to experience a s a t i s f a c t o r y q u a l i t y  Also Sundstroms' Interpersonal  Model of Crowding (see  V) further validates such i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between density  Figure  and  crowding. The  following Figure IV depicts  these i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s as  *Stress i s the body's reaction to anything that threatens to damage the organism; the p h y s i o l o g i c a l wear and tear caused by attempting to adjust to events that cause emotional and other forms of reaction (Kagan and Havemann, pp. 411-412)  - 88  -  FIGURE IV: RELATING DENSITY AND CROWDING Environmental Stimulation of High Density Levels /  Perception  I n d i v i d u a l response to sensory stimulation from environmental condltlons Negative response to density l e v e l S o c i a l Perceived Density  Physical Perceived Density  Emotional/social state of lack of space related to high s o c i a l interaction levels  Physical/sensory state of excessive density related to space s i z e , design and l e v e l s of use  JZ Impact of environmental conditions on p h y s i o l o g i c a l , s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l and psychological requirements  P o s i t i v e response to density l e v e l X  Minimal or no impact (low perception of s o c i a l or physical sensory d i s r u p t i o n )  S u f f i c i e n t impact (high perception of s o c i a l or physical sensory d i s r u p t i o n )  X  Minimal stress response  S u f f i c i e n t stress response X  No perceived crowding High L i v e a b i l i t y  Perceived crowding from A or B Q u a l i t y of L i f e continuum  Low L i v e a b i l i t y  -  discussed here, further c l a r i f y i n g  89  -  their d i s t i n c t i o n s .  There are indications that human needs and stress response best explain the chain of events which i n t e r r e l a t e density and crowding. will  As  be described further i n this chapter, there are three main  groupings of crowding considerations ( p h y s i o l o g i c a l , psychological, s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l ) each with unique requirements that, i f adequately met, may  reduce the i n d i v i d u a l s ' negative reaction to high density environ-  ments.  In examining these areas, the concept of crowding-related stress  reoccurred; stress from excessive noise, lack of privacy, lack of open space, excessive physical density to l i s t but a few. environment alone cannot create crowding,  If a high density  then perhaps i t i s the  i n d i v i d u a l s negative stress response to the impact of this  environment  on h i s p h y s i o l o g i c a l , psychological and s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l requirements that i s s u f f i c i e n t to create the experience of crowding. In  looking at the p o t e n t i a l crowding-stress r e s u l t i n g from a  d i s r u p t i o n i n p h y s i o l o g i c a l requirements, the l i t e r a t u r e indicates  that  c e r t a i n environmental conditions have the greatest impact or influence such things as noise, v i s u a l i n t r u s i o n , size or occupancy are  l e v e l of rooms  examples of conditions which impact the p h y s i o l o g i c a l response and  perhaps lead to crowding-stress.  In looking at what environmental  conditions might determine a psychologial-based crowding response, i t was  found that the duration of exposure, the i n d i v i d u a l ' s desire f o r  s o c i a l contact, and whether the dwelling i s where a person spends a great deal of time are important conditions which might lead to crowding-stress.  The impact of s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l factors on crowding  stress i s determined by such conditions as proximity of f a c i l i t i e s /  - 90 -  services,  ground  o r i e n t a t i o n , p r i v a t e open s p a c e , n o i s e  l e v e l s as  as i n d i v i d u a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s s u c h as age, c u l t u r e , e d u c a t i o n personal  t a s t e and p a s t e x p e r i e n c e .  crowding c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , c o n d i t i o n s and i t s perceives his Some of  In examining  i t can be s a i d  well,  level,  the t h r e e a s p e c t s  t h a t b o t h the e n v i r o n m e n t a l  i m p a c t on human needs i n f l u e n c e how the i n d i v i d u a l  q u a l i t y of l i f e  i n a high d e n s i t y housing  environment.  t h e s e f a c t o r s w o u l d m i n i m i z e the d i s r u p t i o n and s t r e s s  to the  i n d i v i d u a l , w h i l e o t h e r s w o u l d c o n t r i b u t e to t h i s c r o w d i n g - s t r e s s . any e v e n t ,  the l e v e l of c r o w d i n g - s t r e s s  of the l e v e l  seems  From t h i s a n a l y s i s ,  to be a s t r o n g i n d i c a t o r  i t appears  density-crowding relationship.  t h a t the human n e e d s ,  the  The d e g r e e  i s a f a c t o r i n i n f l u e n c i n g p e r c e p t i o n s of c r o w d i n g .  outcome of  the  density  U l t i m a t e l y the  the p a r t i c u l a r e n v i r o n m e n t seems d e t e r m i n e d by the  t h i s complex p r o c e s s  as w e l l .  These c o n c l u s i o n s  d e v e l o p e d h e r e d r a w i n g on r e l e v a n t l i t e r a t u r e i n t h i s In  stress  to w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l  r e q u i r e m e n t s a r e d i s r u p t e d by the s o c i a l o r p h y s i c a l p e r c e i v e d  of  as  IV.  and l i v e a b i l i t y a r e a l l key c o n c e p t s when s p e a k i n g of  liveability  In  o r range of l i v e a b i l i t y i n a h i g h d e n s i t y e n v i r o n m e n t  d e p i c t e d by the c o n t i n u u m i n F i g u r e  response,  of  conclusion, i t is  have  field.  e v i d e n t t h a t d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g ,  two d i s t i n c t terms a r e i n t i m a t e l y i n t e r r e l a t e d .  It  also discuss  to d e n s i t y ,  c r o w d i n g i s s u e s whenever one r e f e r s  been  though  seems e s s e n t i a l  to  p a r t i c u l a r l y h i g h d e n s i t y because of i t s p o t e n t i a l f o r c r e a t i n g a p e r c e p t i o n of crowding.  T h i s d i s c u s s i o n may f u r t h e r v a l i d a t e the need  to pursue more i n d e p t h r e s e a r c h on human c r o w d i n g as w e l l as  to  - 91 -  formulate a method by which crowding considerations may more r e a d i l y be incorporated with density controls so that environmental housing conditions which reduce this p o t e n t i a l for crowding can be promoted. Ultimately this course of action promises to enhance  the l e v e l of  l i v e a b i l i t y i n high density housing.  E.  A METHOD OF ORGANIZING QUALITATIVE CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS The following c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of antecedents of human crowding  within the p h y s i o l o g i c a l , psychological and s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l categories are by necessity a r b i t r a r y .  For example, stress which r e s u l t s from  crowding i s as much a s o c i a l or psychological condition as i t i s physiological.  The following overview i s intended to h i g h l i g h t the key  aspects and e f f e c t s of crowding i n housing environments.  1.  Physiological  Requirements  Extensive research on the impact housing environments can have on the physical health of humans has centered on notions of crowding. Documentation of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between l i v i n g conditions and human health, although far from complete, i s s u f f i c i e n t to construct general "cause and e f f e c t " conclusions about crowding i n housing environments. By b u i l d i n g on p r i n c i p l e s of preventative medicine as developed i n the 32 health sciences, advances  urban designers and planners may achieve major  toward improving high density housing.  See for example; Hendrik L. Blum, Planning For Health: Development and A p p l i c a t i o n of S o c i a l Change Theory (New York: Human Sciences Press, 1974).  -  Several  r e c e n t , works  92  describe  -  the p h y s i o l o g i c a l  effects  of  33 c r o w d i n g found i n h o u s i n g  environments.  e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n and r e p o r t a wide range summary  is  These  sources  of f i n d i n g s .  based on the i n f o r m a t i o n found i n t h e s e  review r e l a t e d  The  following  studies.  Human i l l n e s s most o f t e n f o l l o w s a l o n g c h a i n of s o c i a l physiological  events.  Human c r o w d i n g has been l i n k e d  o f i l l - h e a l t h s u c h as communicable d i s e a s e s , i n f e c t i o u s diseases indicates diseases  and s t r e s s  diseases.  t h a t human c r o w d i n g c o n t r i b u t e s and o v e r a l l h e a l t h  to v a r i o u s  cholesterol  The s t r o n g e s t  the f o l l o w i n g s t r e s s  reported i n adults.  types  level, evidence  to a v a r i e t y of  stress  problems.  G i v e n t h a t one a c c e p t s a l i n k between c r o w d i n g and disease,  and  related health disorders  have  stress been  S t r e s s w h i c h can r e s u l t from s e v e r a l d i m e n s i o n s  c r o w d i n g ( n e i g h b o u r h o o d or d w e l l i n g ) can i n f l u e n c e : " e l e v a t e d blood pressure, u r i n a r y t r a c t d i s o r d e r s , i n c r e a s e d l e v e l s of t h y r o x i n e , c h o l e s t e r o l and hypertension. P s y c h o - s o c i a l s t r e s s can i n f l u e n c e the c o u r s e of s u c h i l l n e s s e s a s : t u b e r c u l o s i s , asthma and upper r e s p i r a t o r y i n f e c t i o n s , hay f e v e r , a c n e , p e p t i c u l e r s , i r r i t a b l e c o l o n , u l c e r a t i v e c o l i t i s , s t r o k e and aneurysm, r h e u m a t o i d a r t h r i t i s . I n f e c t i o u s d i s e a s e s may a l s o r e s u l t from s t r e s s due to a n t i - i n f l a m m a t o r y a d r e n a l s t e r o i d s b e i n g s e c r e t e d w h i c h p e r m i t the s p r e a d of i n f e c t i o n i n the body. S t r e s s may a l s o r e s u l t i n u t e r i n e d y s f u n c t i o n w h i c h can cause s u p p r e s s e d m e n s t r a t i o n a l c y c l e s , u n u s u a l l y p a i n f u l p e r i o d s and i n extreme c a s e s  A l a n B o o t h , U r b a n C r o w d i n g and I t s Consequences (New Y o r k : P r a e g e r P u b l i s h e r s , 1 9 7 6 ) , pp. 4 4 - 7 2 ; Andrew Baum and Takov E p s t e i n , Human R e s p o n s e s To C r o w d i n g ( H i l l s d a l e , N . J . : Lawrence Erlbaura A s s o c i a t e s , 1978).  of  -  spontaneous It increase This  93  -  abortions."  has a l s o been s u g g e s t e d t h a t crowded l i v i n g  conditions  o n e ' s chance of c o n t a c t i n g a v a r i e t y of communicable  disease.  i s due to the h i g h number of human c o n t a c t s e x p e r i e n c e d i n  density l i v i n g  high  conditions.  What a r e  the p h y s i c a l , e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h i n f l u e n c e  human p h y s i o l o g i c a l  responses  to  crowding?  "i) S p a t i a l D e n s i t y i n Rooms: The s i z e of rooms and the number of p e o p l e i n the room s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e l e v e l s o f s t r e s s and p e r c e p t i o n s of c r o w d i n g . High s p a t i a l d e n s i t y p r o d u c e s d i s c o m f o r t and a t l e a s t m i l d l e v e l s of s t r e s s a t b r i e f exposure. ii)  N o i s e and H e a t : B o t h have been i d e n t i f i e d as a v e r s i v e , a r o u s a l - p r o d u c i n g stimuli. B o t h may produce s t r e s s or i n t e n s i f y s t r e s s or i n t e n s i f y s t r e s s produced by o t h e r a v e r s i v e c o n d i t i o n s . N o i s e g e n e r a t e d on a n e i g h b o u r h o o d l e v e l from t r a f f i c , c o n s t r u c t i o n , i n d u s t r y or c h i l d r e n p l a y a r e a s was found to i n f l u e n c e s t r e s s l e v e l s a t the same r a t e as n o i s e w h i c h o r i g i n a t e d f r o m w i t h i n a b u i l d i n g or d w e l l i n g u n i t . P r o l o n g e d e x p o s u r e to a v a r i e t y of n o i s e s o u r c e s can a l s o i m p a i r h e a r i n g and s l e e p p a t t e r n s . C l e a n a i r and v e n t i l a t i o n a r e n e c e s s a r y c o n t r o l s f o r heat r e l a t e d s t r e s s l e v e l s . iii)  V i s u a l I n t r u s i o n and L o s s o f P r i v a c y : Human h e a l t h i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to o n e ' s sense of p r i v a c y and s e c u r i t y . When o n e ' s i n t e r n a l or e x t e r n a l l i v i n g spa.ce i s i n t r u d e d on by o t h e r s , a v a r i e t y " of p h y s i o l o g i c a l r e s p o n s e s may o c c u r s u c h as i n c r e a s e d l e v e l s of s t r e s s . I n t r u s i o n on o n e ' s p e r s o n a l space may a l s o t a k e the form of s m e l l s and odors w h i c h i n c l u d i n g o b v i o u s p h y s i o l o g i c a l h e a l t h e f f e c t s can i n c r e a s e s t r e s s . iv)  Lightness Versus Darkness: W e l l l i t or l i g h t c o l o u r e d rooms tend to be p e r c e i v e d as l a r g e r than d a r k rooms. Thus p o o r l y l i t , d a r k c o l o u r e d rooms can i n c r e a s e s t r e s s l e v e l s . P r o p e r b u i l d i n g o r i e n t a t i o n and v i e w  B o o t h , pp. 4 4 - 4 7 .  - 94 -  preservation aid i n protecting natural l i g h t  sources.  v)  Complexity of Physical Surroundings: Based on an "overload model", complicated and d i s o r d e r l y settings produce stress by creating demands on an i n d i v i d u a l s capacity to assimilate information; such settings produce greater stress l e v e l s than simple, orderly ones. vi)  V a r i a t i o n s i n Architecture: Individual perceptions of crowding and stress l e v e l s are strongly influenced by b u i l d i n g design. For example, higher stress l e v e l s were reported i n people l i v i n g i n buildings with double-loaded corridors when compared to those l i v i n g i n buildings with entrance of two or three units arranged around common space or those with separate entrances. vii)  P a r t i t i o n s Within Rooms: P a r t i t i o n i n g of rooms enables a larger number of i n d i v i d u a l s to be comfortable by reducing the amount of s o c i a l stimulation recieved by each i n d i v i d u a l which reduces stress by c o n t r o l l i n g R e m a n d s on their capacities to process, information and s t i m u l a t i o n . "  2.  P s y c h o l o g i c a l Requirements A continuing theme of crowding as a state of psychological  stress which sometimes accompanies high population density l i n k s a vast amount of research produced by environmental psychologists.  This  37  concept which was accepts  refined by writers l i k e Irwin Altman  the p r i n c i p l e of psychological mediation and  clearly  the importance of  the i n t e r p l a y of both personal and environmental variables i n crowding  35  E r i c Sundstrom, Crowding as a Sequential Process: Review of Research on the E f f e c t s of Population Density on Humans", Human Response to Crowding, ed. Andrew Baum ( H i l l s d a l e , NJ.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1978), pp. 38-46. 36  Here, environmental psychologists refers to a diverse group representing many d i f f e r e n t d i s c i p l i n e s and t h e o r e t i c a l perspectives. 37  Irwin Altman, Environmental Psychology and S o c i a l Psychology," Personality and S o c i a l Psychology B u l l e t i n No. 2 (September 1976): 96-113..  -  further validates  95  -  research.  This  the n o t i o n of n e c e s s a r y  conditions  to c r o w d i n g as d e p i c t e d e a r l i e r  in Figure  and s u f f i c i e n t  IV.  3 8  Lazarus  and Cohen  summarize  this  type of c r o w d i n g r e s e a r c h and  p o i n t o u t t h a t the new p s y c h o l o g i c a l a p p r o a c h  to c r o w d i n g  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a g e n e r a l s h i f t i n modern p s y c h o l o g y  which  the i m p o r t a n c e of p e r s o n a l i t y d e t e r m i n a n t s of r e a c t i o n and mediation.  is recognizes  cognitive  B r i e f l y they found;  " I t has become c l e a r t h a t c r o w d i n g i s a p s y c h o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e t h a t has o f t e n been c o n f u s e d w i t h a p h y s i c a l v a r i a b l e , high population density; this confusion i s p a r a l l e l t o the c o n c e p t of s t r e s s o f t e n used by s o c i o l o g i s t s , who have t r e a t e d s o c i a l s t r a i n , a u t o m a t i c a l l y as i f i t were e x p e r i e n c e d by the i n d i v i d u a l as p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t r e s s . S e c o n d , as r e s e a r c h and t h e o r y on c r o w d i n g has e x p a n d e d , the a n a l y t i c a l c o n c e p t s employed have i n c r e a s i n g l y i n v o l v e d s o c i a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l and p h y s i o l o g i c a l m e d i a t i o n and mechanisms. T h i r d , the outcome measures of c r o w d i n g r e s e a r c h have i n c l u d e d the e n t i r e s p e c t r u m of s t r e s s - r e s p o n s e measures a t a l l l e v e l s of a n a l y s i s i n c l u d i n g f o r example, s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , s h o r t - t e r m p h y s i o l o g i c a l changes, p r e c u r s o r s of d i s e a s e , d i s e a s e of a d a p t a t i o n and mortality." 3 9  O t h e r a u t h o r s have a p p l i e d the knowledge s t u d y o f c r o w d i n g on human e n v i r o n m e n t s .  of p s y c h o l o g y  to the  For example, P e r i n  i n v e s t i g a t e d how c o n c e p t s from b e h a v i o r a l s c i e n c e s  can b r i n g a c e n t r a l  c o n c e r n f o r human b e h a v i o r and d e v e l o p m e n t to e n v i r o n m e n t a l d e s i g n planning.  Amos R a p o p o r t a l s o has p r o d u c e d a c o m p r e h e n s i v e  and  overview  R i c h a r d L a z a r u s and J u d i t h Cohen, " E n v i r o n m e n t a l S t r e s s , " i n Human B e h a v i o r and E n v i r o n m e n t , e d s . I r w i n A l t m a n and J o a c h i m W o h l w i l l (New Y o r k : P l e n u s P r e s s , 1 9 7 6 ) , pp. 8 9 - 1 1 9 . 39  I b i d . , p. 116. i+0 C o n s t a n c e P e r i n , An I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y P r o s p e c t u s F o r Environmental Design (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT P r e s s ,  1970).  - 96 -  of man-environment studies which as well organizes and applies a vast 41  range of behavioral knowledge to planning and design. Psychological implications of crowding are far too complex and broad i n scope to allow complete coverage here. of a model developed by E r i c Sundstrom,  1+2  However, with the a i d  a basic understanding of the  psychological underpinnings of crowding i n human environments can be achieved. The following model depicts crowding as a sequential process and serves as a means of organizing the findings of psychological crowding research. Sundstrom based this model on several assumptions: " i ) The various types of high density ( i . e . the number of structures per acre, the number of dwellings per structure, the number of rooms per dwelling, the number of persons per room) _do not n e c e s s a r i l y produce aversive conditions that r e s u l t i n crowding. ii) E f f e c t s of high density on i n d i v i d u a l experience are mediated by conditions that either accompany high density or are produced by i t . In other words high density only i n d i r e c t l y produces s t r e s s . iii) Psychological events that accompany crowding may include changes i n attitudes toward other people ( i . e . , decreased a t t r a c t i o n and changes i n perception of others). i v ) Under some conditions, cognitive or perceptual processes of adaptation may diminish crowding. People may reduce crowding through coping or a l t e r a t i o n of conditions through interpersonal behavior, task performance, or physical environment. v) Negative after e f f e c t s and cumulative e f f e c t s of crowding may r e s u l t from (a) s t r e s s , (b) the e f f o r t expended during coping, or (c)  4  i  See, Amos Rapoport, Human Aspects of Urban Form (New Yorks Pergamon Press, 1977). 42  E r i c Sundstrom, Toward An Interpersonal Model of Crowding, S o c i o l o g i c a l Symposium No. 14 (1975): 129-144. Figure V on page 97 of this research comes from this source.  the  e f f o r t s p e n t i n a d a p t a t i o n . " 43  FIGURE V - PSYCHOLOGICAL RESPONSE TO CROWDING  Antecedents of Crowding Physical Condition. High density Partitions Complexity Orderliness Heat/noise  Psychological Responses  Consequences of Crowding  Stress Discomfort Physiological arousal Modifying, Factors Duration of exposure Type of activity Primary vs. Secondary environment Desire 'or social contact  Social Conditions Number o( persons Interpersonal distance Interference Social Atmosphere  Immediate Behavioral Reaction. Interpersonal behavior Task performance  Adaptation Decreased responsiveness over time (cognitive/ perceptual)  Aftereffects and Cumulative Eltecti Withdrawal Aggression III health Poor performance  Uklng Perception ol other people  Personal Characteristics Personality Sex  Sundstrom's  model i s d i v i d e d t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s ;  of C r o w d i n g , w h i c h l i s t s p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s  (1) Antecedents  such as s i z e of room,  noise  and c o m p l e x i t y of s e t t i n g ; s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s s u c h as the number o f persons,  i n t e r p e r s o n a l d i s t a n c e and s o c i a l a t m o s p h e r e ;  and p e r s o n a l  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s s u c h as s e x , age and p e r s o n a l i t y p r e f e r e n c e s o r e x p e r i e n c e w i t h crowded s u r r o u n d i n g s .  In  the m o d e l , t h e s e  f e e d i n t o m o d i f y i n g f a c t o r s such as d u r a t i o n o f e x p o s u r e versus  secondary  lists;  ( 2 ) P s y c h o l o g i c a l R e s p o n s e s t o C r o w d i n g such as 43  environment.  Sundstrom,  antecedents  and p r i m a r y  C o n t r o l l i n g f o r these m o d i f i e r s  1978, p. 3 5 .  stress,  the model  -  a d a p t a t i o n and a l t e r e d a t t i t u d e s recognizes  98  -  toward o t h e r p e o p l e .  The model  o t h e r b e h a v i o r a l r e s p o n s e s s u c h as changes i n  p e r f o r m a n c e and i n t e r p e r s o n a l b e h a v i o r  and r e d u c e d  task,  interpersonal  interaction. Perhaps the a r e a of  the g r e a t e s t c o n t r i b u t i o n S u n d s t r o m ' s model makes  the f i n a l c a t e g o r y ;  distinguishes  (3) Consequences  t h r e e l e v e l s of p s y c h o l o g i c a l  of Crowding.  r e a c t i o n to  is  in  Here he  crowding,  i m m e d i a t e b e h a v i o r a l r e a c t i o n , c u m u l a t i v e e f f e c t s and a f t e r e f f e c t s , a l l o f w h i c h may i n c l u d e changes i n h e a l t h o r p e r f o r m a n c e l e v e l s a f t e r exposure  to crowded c o n d i t i o n s .  that  arise  Sundstrom's a r t i c l e applies  this  model w h i l e c a t e g o r i z i n g and r e v i e w i n g r e l e v a n t s o u r c e m a t e r i a l w h i c h need n o t be r e p r o d u c e d  here.  A c o n t i n u i n g p r o b l e m one f a c e s when a t t e m p t i n g to d e f i n e crowding i s  t h e , " s p e c i f i c a t i o n of c o n d i t i o n s  high density l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . " crowding s t r e s s psychological planners  always  occurs  4 4  Although not intended  at high density,  f a c t o r s are presented  to o u t l i n e  s h o u l d be aware of when p l a n n i n g What a r e  psychological  to  the k i n d  in  to i m p l y  the f o l l o w i n g l i s t  for high  the e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n s  responses  t h a t l e a d to s t r e s s  that of  information  density.  w h i c h i m p a c t the human  crowding?  "i)  D u r a t i o n of E x p o s u r e : An i n d i v i d u a l may t o l e r a t e a b r i e f e x p o s u r e to c o n d i t i o n s of h i g h d e n s i t y s u c h as a r i d e on a crowded bus, b u t p r o l o n g e d e x p o s u r e may i n c r e a s e the l i k e l i h o o d of c r o w d i n g . C r o w d i n g i s a l s o i n f l u e n c e d by an i n d i v i d u a l ' s advance knowledge of the d u r a t i o n of e x p o s u r e . Even p r o l o n g e d h i g h d e n s i t y c o n d i t i o n s can be t o l e r a b l e i f a p e r s o n knows how 4 4  Sundstrom,  1978,  p.  33.  - 99  long  they w i l l  -  continue.  ii)  Predictability: R e s e a r c h on s t r e s s s u g g e s t s t h a t a v e r s i v e s t r e s s f u l when they a r e u n p r e d i c t a b l e .  conditions  a r e more  iii)  Current desire for s o c i a l s t i m u l a t i o n : A p e r s o n sometimes needs s o l i t u d e and a t o t h e r times d e s i r e s i n t e n s e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , d e p e n d i n g on r e c e n t e x p e r i e n c e and p e r s o n a l i t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t d e r i v e from p a s t e x p e r i e n c e . A p e r s o n who has r e c e n t l y been i s o l a t e d may have a t e m p o r a r i l y e l e v a t e d t h r e s h o l d f o r c r o w d i n g . . Someone r a i s e d i n a crowded h o u s e h o l d may e s t a b l i s h a h i g h a d a p t a t i o n l e v e l f o r s o c i a l s t i m u l a t i o n and may p r e f e r r e l a t i v e l y crowded q u a r t e r s . iv)  Primary versus secondary environment: P r i m a r y e n v i r o n m e n t s a r e p l a c e s where a p e r s o n spends l a r g e amounts of t i m e , r e l a t e d t o o t h e r s on a p e r s o n a l b a s i s , and . p e r f o r m s p e r s o n a l l y i m p o r t a n t a c t i v i t i e s ( i . e . , homes, a p a r t m e n t s and p l a c e s of work). When o v e r l o a d o r t h w a r t i n g o c c u r s i n these s e t t i n g s , they pose a g r e a t e r t h r e a t to " p s y c h o l o g i c a l s e c u r i t y " than i n o t h e r s e t t i n g s . T h e r e f o r e , c r o w d i n g i n p r i m a r y e n v i r o n m e n t s i s e x p e c t e d to be more i n t e n s e and d i f f i c u l t to r e s o l v e than i n s e c o n d a r y e n v i r o n m e n t s where a p e r s o n spends l i t t l e time and r e l a t e s to o t h e r s on an i m p e r s o n a l b a s i s . By t h i s r e a s o n i n g , c r o w d i n g i n d w e l l i n g s i s more d i f f i c u l t to r e s o l v e t h a n c r o w d i n g p r o d u c e d by h i g h n e i g h b o r h o o d d e n s i t y . v)  P e r c e i v e d o r i g i n of i n t e r p e r s o n a l e v e n t s : I f i n t e r f e r e n c e and t h w a r t i n g by o t h e r p e o p l e i s p e r s o n a l ( e m i n a t i n g from a s i n g l e p e r s o n , d e l i b e r a t e , and p e r s o n a l l y d i r e c t e d ) , c r o w d i n g i s e x p e r i e n c e d as b e i n g more i n t e n s e than i n r e s p o n s e to neutral thwarting. S i m i l a r l y , a v i o l a t i o n o f norms of i n t e r p e r s o n a l d i s t a n c e may be more s t r e s s f u l i f i t a p p e a r s i n t e n t i o n a l and n o t due to the p h y s i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s p r e s e n t i n a s i t u a t i o n . "  3•  Social/Cultural Requirements Human b e h a v i o r i s  strongly  i n f l u e n c e d by s o c i e t y ,  social  i n s t i t u t i o n and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  The i n d i v i d u a l ' s  and c u l t u r e a l s o a f f e c t how one r e a c t s  to o n e ' s s u r r o u n d i n g s .  examine  the human consequences  1978,  a  f a c t o r s which i n f l u e n c e behavior  be w e i g h e d .  +5  history  To  of c r o w d i n g i n a r e l e v a n t manner,  c o m b i n a t i o n o f s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l  ' Sundstrom,  personal  pp. 3 3 - 3 4 .  must  - 100 -  This section deals b r i e f l y with the study of how s o c i a l and culture have been applied from crowding research.  systems  Although s o c i a l  and c u l t u r a l factors could each warrant separate i n v e s t i g a t i o n ,  their  p a r a l l e l use here and i n s o c i o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e minimizes the d u p l i c a t i o n of available sources, thus permitting a more concise reporting of their importance to the study of human environments. As pointed out by Susan Saegert, the s i g n i f i c a n c e of these two factors i n understanding human environments r e f l e c t a general claim by s o c i o l o g i s t s , "that the nature of society i t s e l f and the bonds amongst i t s members are pervasively affected by the density of i t s population . •  concentration.  a.  >• 4 6  S o c i a l Factors: S o c i o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e reveals many factors which are important  to crowding phenomena.  From a s o c i o l o g i c a l perspective, the  i n d i v i d u a l ' s response to crowding i s strongly influenced by age, sex and lifestyle.  Other factors such as personal resources, personality type  or p o s i t i o n i n the s o c i a l structure are examples of further possible factors.  S o c i a l units such as the family or neighborhood come into play 47  i n one's response to crowding.  Considerations such as homogeneity  of  a population have also been noted to influence perception of crowding. Susan Saegert, "High Density Environments: Their Personals and Social Consequences," i n Human Responses to Crowding, ed. Andrew Baum and Yakov Epstein ( H i l l s d a l e , N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1978), pp. 257-281. lt6  47 .  'Homogeneity" refers to the degree to which an i n d i v i d u a l i s s i m i l a r to those around him i n terms of e t h n i c i t y , race, l i f e s t y l e , or other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  -  In  101  -  s h o r t , s o c i o l o g y has p r e s e n t e d broad e v i d e n c e of  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the r e l a t i o n s h i p of s e l e c t e d a s p e c t s of  factors  the p h y s i c a l  e n v i r o n m e n t to p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and a c t i v i t i e s of people. here.  The volume of  t h i s m a t e r i a l r u l e s out a c o m p r e h e n s i v e  I n i t s p l a c e however, one can u t i l i z e  secondary sources  have condensed and a p p l i e d s u c h r e s e a r c h i n an endeavor conclusions  which  to draw  about s o c i a l b e h a v i o r i n l i v i n g e n v i r o n m e n t s , f o r example, a 48  c o l l e c t i o n of e s s a y s on s o c i a l e c o l o g y by Moos and I n s e l . by Baum and E p s t e i n ,  4 9  , Freedman,  as a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n s o u r c e s . for  survey  the p u r p o s e s  5 0  and D o u g l a s P o r t e o u s However,  5 1  Also,  books  can s e r v e  the s o u r c e most a p p l i c a b l e  of t h i s study i s W i l l i a m M i c h e l s o n ' s  1976 e d i t i o n of 52  Man and H i s U r b a n E n v i r o n m e n t ; A S o c i o l o g i c a l A p p r o a c h .  Backed by  h i s d e p t h of s o c i o l o g i c a l k n o w l e d g e , M i c h e l s o n has l i s t e d t e n t a t i v e conclusions  a b o u t the s o c i a l e n v i r o n m e n t w h i c h a r e r e l e v e n t to  this  d i s c u s s i o n and w i l l be r e p r o d u c e d h e r e . What a r e the p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h can  48  R u d o l f H. Moos and P a u l M. I n s e l , e d . I s s u e s I n S o c i a l Human M i l r i u s ( P a l o A l t o , C a l i f . : N a t i o n a l P r e s s B o o k s ,  Ecology; 1974). 49  B a u m and E p s t e i n ,  5 0  Freedman,  1978.  1975.  D o u g l a s J . P o r t e o u s , E n v i r o n m e n t and B e h a v i o r : P l a n n i n g and E v e r y d a y U r b a n L i f e (Don M i l l s : A d d i s o n - W e s l e y P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1977). 5 1  W i l l i a m M i c h e l s o n , Man and H i s U r b a n E n v i r o n m e n t : A S o c i o l o g i c a l A p p r o a c h , 2nd ed". (Don M i l l s : Addison-Wesley P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1 9 7 6 ) . 5 2  -  i n f l u e n c e human s o c i a l r e s p o n s e s to "1.  102  -  crowding?  I n t e n s e , f r e q u e n t a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h a wide range of r e l a t i v e s t h r i v e s i n a r e a s i n w h i c h many p e o p l e have easy p h y s i c a l a c c e s s to each o t h e r , w h i l e the same p e o p l e f i n d t h a t t h i s s t y l e of l i f e d i m i n i s h e s i n v o l u n t a r i l y i n a r e a s of low d e n s i t y .  2.  An emphasis on the n u c l e a r f a m i l y and i t s j o i n t a c t i v i t i e s i s most c o n g r u e n t w i t h the a c c e s s of p e o p l e to each o t h e r and to v a r i o u s a c t i v i t i e s now p r o v i d e d by the t y p i c a l h o u s i n g , open s p a c e , and l a n d use p a t t e r n s of the s u b u r b s .  3.  A c t i v e , t r a d i t i o n a l l y m a s c u l i n e p a s t i m e s a r e p a r t of home o n l y when the e n v i r o n m e n t i s s t r u c t u r e d so as to m i n i m i z e impingement o f n e i g h b o r s on each o t h e r .  4.  S p e c i a l i z e d i n t e r e s t s which r e q u i r e c o - e n t h u s i a s t s are d i f f i c u l t t o s a t i s f y i n low d e n s i t y a r e a s . Adaptive behavior, often e x p r e s s e d i n terms of k a f f e e k l a t c h i n g or o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i s e s s e n t i a l f o r those whose l i v e s have p r e v i o u s l y i n c l u d e d o t h e r p e o p l e and a c t i v i t y but who a r e suddenly r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d .  5.  P e o p l e w i t h " c o s m o p o l i t a n " l i f e s t y l e s d e s i r e more p h y s i c a l s e p a r a t i o n from n e i g h b o r s and p l a c e l e s s emphasis on p r o x i m i t y t o f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s than do p e o p l e whose i n t e r e s t s a r e "local".  6.  D i r e c t a c c e s s to the o u t s i d e m a x i m i z e s c o n t r o l i n c h i l d under c o n v e n t i o n a l p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  7.  S e l f - c o n t a i n e d housing units minimize parent f o s t e r i n g children's inhibitions.  8.  A d u l t s , b e f o r e and a f t e r r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n ( a s w e l l as those who a r e c h i l d l e s s ) f r e q u e n t l y r a t e c e n t r a l i t y ( i . e . , a c c e s s to consumer goods and s e r v i c e s ) more h i g h l y than do f a m i l i e s w i t h growing c h i l d r e n .  9.  The aged f i n d g r e a t e s t s a t i s f a c t i o n i n a c o n c e n t r a t i o n of l i k e - a g e d p e o p l e , p a r t i c u l a r l y when they have " l o c a l " l i f e s t y l e s and p r e v i o u s l y l i v e d i n n o n c o h e s i v e neighborhoods.  10.  A c c e s s i b i l i t y to l i v e l y a c t i v i t y i s people.  also b e n e f i c i a l for  life the  raising of  older  -  103  -  11.  The p e r c e n t a g e of income t h a t p e o p l e w i l l spend on good q u a l i t y h o u s i n g v a r i e s p r i m a r i l y a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r e d u c a t i o n .  12.  People i n d i f f e r e n t socio-economic classes c o n c e p t i o n s of h o u s i n g a d e q u a c y .  13.  C o m p l e t e l y random p l a c e m e n t of w o r k i n g c l a s s r e s i d e n t s among m i d d l e c l a s s n e i g h b o r s r e s u l t s i n the i s o l a t i o n o f the f o r m e r r a t h e r than i n any i n t e n d e d , p o s i t i v e r e s u l t .  14.  A l t h o u g h c u r r e n t usages and images of the c i t y a r e r e s t r i c t e d by p e r s o n a l r e s o u r c e s , no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n the p r e f e r r e d form of homes, n e i g h b o r h o o d s , ' and c i t i e s have been shown r e l a t e d to s o c i a l c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s .  15.  N a t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l v a l u e s f r e q u e n t l y t r a n s f o r m the t y p e and the use of u r b a n spaces i n any p l a c e .  16.  P e o p l e who h i g h l y v a l u e c o n v e n i e n c e a r e l i k e l y t o p r e f e r more mixed l a n d u s e s and s m a l l l o t s i z e s . P e o p l e who h i g h l y v a l u e individualism prefer larger l o t sizes.  17.  People evaluate housing w i t h d i f f e r e n t y a r d s t i c k s , the type o f h o u s i n g .  18.  P e o p l e a s s o c i a t e p r i v a t e open s p a c e w i t h a c t i v e f a m i l y r e g a r d l e s s of the s i z e of the s p a c e .  19.  H o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n l e a d s d i r e c t l y to s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l p a t h o l o g i e s o n l y when i t i s d e s p e r a t e l y i n a d e q u a t e . Marginal improvements i n h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n have been found m a r k e d l y r e l a t e d to few e x p e c t e d b e n e f i t s , the most pronounced of w h i c h i s a shorter duration for c h i l d r e n ' s i l l n e s s e s .  20.  H i g h n e i g h b o r h o o d d e n s i t i e s seem more r e l a t e d to s o c i a l p a t h o l o g i e s than c r o w d i n g w i t h i n d w e l l i n g u n i t s , b u t i t s e f f e c t i s m e d i a t e d by p e r s o n a l and c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s .  21.  H i g h n o i s e l e v e l s a r e r e l a t e d to the i n c i d e n c e of d i s e a s e s involve tension.  22.  L a c k o f a b i l i t y to meet p e o p l e i n a p l a c e where c o n t a c t can become m e a n i n g f u l ( s u c h as can now be found i n c e r t a i n t y p e s of a p a r t m e n t b u i l d i n g s ) i s r e l a t e d to an i n c r e a s e d i n c i d e n c e o f r e p o r t e d medical problems, p o s s i b l y r e f l e c t i n g induced introversion.  23.  A f o r c e d change of r e s i d e n c e i n d u c e s a p s y c h i a t r i c syndrome more d i r e c t than most o t h e r b e h a v i o r r e s p o n s e s to e n v i r o n m e n t . This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y a c u t e among p e o p l e whose c u l t u r a l or o c c u p a t i o n a l t r a i t s ( o r both) a r e d i f f e r e n t from m i d d l e c l a s s norms•  have d i f f e r e n t  according  to  pursuits  that  - 104 -  24.  b.  S p a t i a l proximity, often based on the position and outlook of doors, may determine i n t e r a c t i o n patterns, but i t normally occurs only under conditions of real or perceived homogeneity i n the population and where there i s a need for mutual a i d , which i s i n many instances caused by population turnover i n s i t u a t i o n where residents themselves cope with repairs and l i k e problems."  Cultural Factors;, The influence one's c u l t u r a l background has on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s  use of space and physical environments was f i r s t proposed by E.T. H a l l i n the widely c i t e d book The Hidden D i m e n s i o n . 54  Building on his  e a r l i e r observations H a l l l a t e r developed a proxemics framework w i l l be described here as a model to describe how  55  which  culture influences  behavior and response to crowding i n l i v i n g environments.  H a l l defines  proxemics as, "the i n t e r r e l a t e d observations and theories of man's use of space as a s p e c i a l i z e d elaboration of c u l t u r e . "  5 6  Hall's work has  two separate focuses, (1) hypotheses about s p a t i a l zones used i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s and (2) observations and hypotheses concerning space usage in different cultures.  53  This discussion addresses the second focus.  M i c h e l s o n , pp. 193-195.  54  Edward T. H a l l , The Hidden Dimension (New York: Company, Inc., 1966).  D.C:  Doubleday &  Edward T. H a l l , Handbook Of Proxemics Research (Washington, Society for the Anthropology of V i s u a l Communication, 1974).  - 105 -  The  task of condensing H a l l ' s extensive research has been 57  undertaken by Altman and V i n s e l .  H a l l ' s findings might be best  described by an example taken from this source.  B r i e f l y , H a l l takes an  anthropological approach of observation to determine c u l t u r a l norms and values which are r e f l e c t e d i n the use of space and reaction to environments.  The deduction i s made that furniture arrangements, home  design, distance and o r i e n t a t i o n between people vary with values.  cultural  Altman and V i n s e l c i t e the example of differences i n contact  and non-contact cultures: "Hall portrayed Arabic s o c i e t i e s as highly sensory, with people i n t e r a c t i n g at very close quarters: nose to nose, breathing i n one another's face, touching and the l i k e . Such immediacy contrasts with practices i n so c a l l e d non-contact cultures, for example, northern Europeans, who presumably ar.^ more reserved i n their communications." A limited amount of research now exists on the s p a t i a l behavior and requirements  of ethnic groups from which the planner can begin to s e l e c t  data to aid i n incorporating c u l t u r a l considerations into high density planning.  Altman and V i n s e l ' s a r t i c l e supplies on extensive  bibliography which documents some of these Although  sources.  several l i n e s of research have outlined s p e c i f i c ethnic  or c u l t u r a l factors of s p a t i a l behavior,  these findings i n their present  state, are i n s u f f i c i e n t to provide general planning d i r e c t i o n . For example, studies have focused on Arabic, Northern European, L a t i n American and ethnic groups i n the United States (blacks and whites) but 57  Irwin Altman and Anne M. V i n s e l , Personal Space: An Analysis of E.T. H a l l ' s Proxemics Framework" i n Human Behavior and Environment, ed. Irwin Altman and Joachim Wohlwill (New York: Plenum Press, 1978): 181-259. 5 8  I b i d , p. 241.  - 106 -  are not refined s u f f i c i e n t l y and do not include a large enough sample of ethnic groups to enable the planner to apply this knowledge toward physical planning  i n the m u l t i - c u l t u r a l context of Canadian society.  However, H a l l ' s theorizing on c u l t u r a l differences i n s p a t i a l behavior and response to crowding promises to focus future research to provide the c u l t u r a l data necessary for worthwhile a p p l i c a t i o n to planning  for high density environments.  however, v a l i d a t e H a l l ' s observation human responses to environments.  Present knowledge does,  that culture i s a key factor i n  C u l t u r a l differences and responses to  crowding are important factors to consider density  F.  i n the planning  of high  environments.  SUMMARY OF CHAPTER IV The  intent of this chapter has been to present an overview of  the current status of crowding knowledge as i t relates to planning f o r high density housing.  The focus was to c l e a r l y define and describe the  q u a l i t a t i v e component which relates to crowding, i t s causes and i t s e f f e c t s on humans.  The q u a l i t a t i v e component was divided into  c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of human crowding conditions;  1) the p h y s i o l o g i c a l ,  2) the psychological, and 3) the s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l . following chapter, these categories  three  As indicated i n the  combined with the three  quantitative  components of density measures comprise the major considerations  of the  proposed conceptual framework. The  close i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between density and crowding i s evident  from this chapter, and further i l l u s t r a t e s  the need f o r the systematic  incorporation of the density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p i n planning approaches f o r the regulation of high density housing environments.  - 107 -  CHAPTER V THE INCORPORATION OF CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS AND DENSITY MEASURES  A.  INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND The objective of this chapter i s to combine knowledge from the  preceding chapters i n order to develop a conceptual framework which depicts the density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p i n a planning context.  This  framework might a s s i s t the planner to more systmatically incorporate crowding  considerations into h i s decision-making i n conjunction with  technical density measures.  The framework as proposed  here outlines a  process through which the density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p might be used to suggest planning implications f o r high density housing. The strategy of developing such a guide f o r density-crowding controls i s valuable f o r another, more academic, reason;  that of serving  as a necessary l i n k between theory and p r a c t i s e , knowledge and actions. If one assumes that an awareness of current theory i s useful i n that i t expands one's viewpoint and increases one's a b i l i t y problem-solve,  to interpret or  then the question becomes, how can theory be made useful  and p r a c t i c a l to planning?  This research hopes to answer this challenge  by suggesting a conceptual framework that may both narrow the gap between theory and practise and serve as a guide towards more s e n s i t i v e high density housing  environments.  Other objectives f o r developing a conceptual framework are that; i t may provide consistency i n applying the theory involved, I t may provide an informed basis f o r decision-making and i t may c l a r i f y the  - 108 -  interrelationships involved.  I n a d d i t i o n a c o n c e p t u a l framework can be  a d a p t a b l e to the e v o l u t i o n of knowledge T h e r e f o r e , i t may p r o v e a u s e f u l  tool  r e g a r d i n g d e n s i t y and  to p r o v i d e c o n t i n u i t y i n  crowding. advancing  more s e n s i t i v e h i g h r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y p l a n n i n g by o f f e r i n g a theoretical  b a s i s f o r the p l a n n e r ' s  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and a c t i o n s .  The p r o p o s e d c o n c e p t u a l framework i s d e s i g n e d  to be a d a p t a b l e  t h a t i t may complement c u r r e n t d e n s i t y c o n t r o l mechanisms c r i t e r i a f o r d e v e l o p i n g new d e n s i t y - c r o w d i n g c o n t r o l s . impossible  task  to d e s c r i b e c r i t e r i a f o r a l l p o s s i b l e  s i t u a t i o n s , n o r w o u l d t h i s be a d e s i r e a b l e g o a l . which i s designed  d e n s i t y environments basis  is  timely.  as  I t w o u l d be an planning  Rather,  to be a d a p t a b l e m i g h t a p p l y to a range  A l s o i t s p a r t i c u l a r f o c u s on the r e s i d e n t s '  or serve  so  the framework of  q u a l i t y of l i f e  situations. in  high  The c o n c e p t u a l framework can s e r v e  as-a  t o o r g a n i z e knowledge f r o m r e c e n t and f u t u r e t h e o r e t i c a l a d v a n c e s  i n d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g r e s e a r c h . A m a t r i x i s used because i t i s v a r i e t y o f complex p l a n n i n g s i t u a t i o n s . responsive  flexible,  and may be a p p l i e d i n a  This  a p p r o a c h may be more  to i n n o v a t i v e h i g h d e n s i t y d e s i g n s  than a r i g i d code of  q u a n t i t a t i v e d e n s i t y measures.  A g a i n i t must be emphasized  that  this  framework i s n o t meant to r e p l a c e c u r r e n t d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s , b u t r a t h e r to s e r v e as a g u i d e i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of b o t h d e n s i t y and t h e o r y i n the d e s i g n and c o n t r o l of h i g h d e n s i t y  developments.  A case can be made f o r p u t t i n g the c u r r e n t c r o w d i n g i n t o a m a t r i x f o r m a t f r o m an u r b a n p l a n n i n g p e r s p e c t i v e . framework w h i c h may h e l p the p l a n n e r  crowding  knowledge A conceptual  to i n t e r p r e t , r e f i n e , or  supplement  - 109 -  current, mainly quantitative density measures.with crowding considerations may be an effective planning approach, and may provide a system which can better deal with the many high density planning concerns on a more individual basis. For example, ensuring quality of l i f e cannot be l e f t to chance through the current use of quantitative density measures such as floor space ratios.  The inclusion of human  requirements into density controls may be more systematic i f planning is provided with a useable framework which represents both the technical measures of density and human aspects of crowding.  As well, the  framework may be utilized to critique or evaluate the effectiveness of current density measures and controls in addressing crowding considerations.  B.  A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR  INCORPORATING DENSITY MEASURES WITH  CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS  1.  Development of  the  Framework  The conceptual framework in itself is not the end product of this study.  Rather, i t is the density-crowding knowledge collected  in the previous chapters  which is the important consideration.  The  framework is nothing more than a concise means of organizing and operationalizing this vast amount of knowledge.  It should be noted that  the density and crowding chapters were both organized to correspond with the format of the framework.  In particular, the three components of  density measures and the three components of crowding considerations  -  comprise  the major matrix headings.  figures suggest how  110  -  The following discussion and  one might " f i l l - i n "  the nine boxes which appear i n  the conceptual framework i n order to hypothesize possible planning implications of the density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p . The framework i s intended as a broad guide for the organization of the density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p knowledge from this research.  Its I  purpose i s to outline a process by which the planner might comprehend and apply this knowledge i n a more meaningful way. generated  No new knowledge i s  by the development of this conceptual framework, rather the  discussion i n this chapter i s intended to serve as a "road map" may  show how  which  to combine .density-crowding knowledge as well as i d e n t i f y  some of the resultant planning implications. P r i o r to presenting the framework, i t may  be useful to f i r s t  draw some c o r r e l a t i o n s between the three general crowding outlined i n Chapter described i n Chapter suggested crowding  components as  IV with the three types of density measures III.  As based on this research, a d e s c r i p t i o n i s  of the potential connecting elements between density and and how  they relate to the density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p as  shown by Figure VI. The purpose of Figure VI i s to g r a p h i c a l l y i d e n t i f y some of the apparent connecting elements or the linkages between the factors related to the s u f f i c i e n t conditions of crowding as shown on the l e f t and measures of the necessary conditions of crowding side.  the  as shown on the r i g h t  Organizing a large amount of information, the headings  chart correspond with sections of the text of this study.  of the  Through a  FIGURE VX - POTENTIAL CONNECTING ELEMENTS OP THE DENSITY-CROWDING  Noise Level Adequate privacy View Preservation Natual Lighting Building Orientation Stress Response Visual Intrusion Partltlonlng/Size of Rooms Adequate Open Space  Gross Density Net Density  Stress Response Noise Levels Primary vs. Secondary Environment Individual Experience and Perception Peisonal Taste Archltectual Complexity and Diversity Interpersonal Space Needs  Persons/Net Acre Persons/Family Capaclty Person/Room Capacity  Open Space Social Characteristics (age, sex, education) Past Experience with High Density Housing Neighborhood Amenities Family Size & Relations Cultural Space Needs Social Mix Stress Response  (  Crowding Consideration Controls - — for Sufficient Conditions V  •• - - —  — ••  ..  ....  • . • . ,  M  Cubic Density Floor Area Ratio and Floor Space Ratio  >  1  RELATIONSHIP  Liveabitlty Guidelines  4  Density Level Controls for Necessary Conditions  ^  process of referring back to the appropriate section of the text, one can reach some conclusions as to whether or not a relationship between a s p e c i f i c crowding consideration and a specific density measurment can be suggested.  Although  the correlations between specific crowding concerns  and density measures are  not large, there i s nevertheless enough  inferrable information to permit some generalization which produce the connecting lines i n this figure.  It does not mean that the crowding  consideration w i l l adequately be prevented measures are adopted.  i f the connecting density  Rather, by using the particular density measure,  which seem more promising, such as the population measures, the connecting crowding considerations might better be systematically ensured  in the housing environment though the development control  process. To understand density-crowding  further how  the figure relates to the  relationship, a brief explanation is necessary.  Crowding was  created by the existence of both necessary and s u f f i c i e n t  conditions.  The high density level i s the necessary condition for  crowding.  The density measures on the right of the figure serve to  quantify this necessary condition.  It i s apparent from this figure that  the population measures have the most potential connecting elements. implemented as density controls however, these measures can only i n d i r e c t l y have positive impact. necessary environmental  For example by setting up the  condition in a way more conducive  to human  needs, disruption of those needs might be avoided and ultimately this prevents the existence of the s u f f i c i e n t condition to crowding.  If  - 113 -  The  s u f f i c i e n t conditions are represented  requirements on the l e f t of the f i g u r e .  by the human crowding  In addition to density  measures which have an i n d i r e c t impact on these, separate controls might be necessary to ensure their consideration crowding-stress.  Therefore  to a degree which prevents  as the figure depicts, i t may be necessary  to have two sets of high density c o n t r o l s .  The set related to the  measurement of high density could be termed density l e v e l controls and would be used p r i m a r i l y to control the necessary environmental conditions  that influence crowding.  The second set, c a l l e d crowding  consideration controls, would be necessary to control the environmental conditions  that are s u f f i c i e n t to disrupt human needs and r e s u l t i n  crowding.  Since both conditions are needed f o r crowding to occur, i t  would follow that some type of planning mechanism i s necessary to control both conditions adequately.  Also since the presence or absence  of crowding i s an i n d i c a t o r of the l i v e a b i l i t y of the environment, both sets of controls would constitute comprehensive guidelines for liveability. Two problems arise from connecting crowding considerations as i n Figure VI.  density measures with Firstly,  the diagram reveals  that no linkages can be found from several of the crowding considerations  and the various density measures.  Secondly, the linkages  which have been i d e n t i f i e d have mainly been inferred from the l i t e r a t u r e so that they may not be as r e l i a b l e and consistent as desired. Therefore,  even i f one chose to use the population measures as  development control this would not be adequate to prevent both the s u f f i c i e n t and the necessary conditions  to crowding.  From this analysis  - 114  -  i t would appear there i s a need for controls d i r e c t l y aimed at human needs because density measures, at best, can only be applied as i n d i r e c t controls.  The  s u f f i c i e n t environmental conditions must be c o n t r o l l e d  along with  the necessary conditions i f crowding i s to be prevented.  As  the f i g u r e shows some density measures can i n d i r e c t l y control some of the environmental conditions that could negatively impact human needs. However there seem to be other environmental conditions that can not be addressed by density measures at a l l .  These conditions must also be  c o n t r o l l e d because they can also have s u f f i c i e n t negative  impacts on  human needs to r e s u l t i n crowding, thus the need for two sets of high density housing controls. Figure VI can serve as an outline to apply knowledge documented by this study.  The  figure i s further refined and presented These figures are developed as a way  density-crowding  information indicated by  this  i n Figures VII-IX which follow.  of explaining some of the  implications which r e s u l t from the density-crowding more s p e c i f i c l e v e l .  the  planning  r e l a t i o n s h i p at a  Each figure outlines the planning implications  which become evident when one compares a p a r t i c u l a r crowding component with  2.  the various density measures.  P l a n n i n g I m p l i c a t i o n s of  the  Density-Crowding Relationship  Figure VI raises two important questions: promising needs?  (1) How  can  the most  density measures be implemented to be more s e n s i t i v e to human  and  (2) What kind of controls are needed to address both the  necessary and s u f f i c i e n t conditions to crowding?  - 115 -  With these questions  i n mind, the following Figures VII-IX  have been developed to outline some of the planning arise.  implications which  An assessment i s made on how a s p e c i f i c density measure f i t s  into the density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p .  For example, does i t influence  the environment e i t h e r negatively or p o s i t i v e l y , and does i t cause or reduce a crowding-stress response?  I f the density measurement i s not  determined to s i g n i f i c a n t l y influence crowding considerations,  then the  planning process must center on the s u f f i c i e n t conditions  to crowding  which involves focusing on the human requirements at high  density.  The  purpose of these charts i s to outline which crowding  considerations, i f any, can be influenced d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y by the measures of the three density  types.  Again, some of the measures can  not be d i r e c t l y linked to s p e c i f i c crowding considerations reasons.  f o r several  F i r s t , their basic nature i s such that no meaningful  a s s o c i a t i o n can be made.  Also the measurement may not be defined i n  theory well enough to base a sound judgement.  These are i n f e r r e d  r e l a t i o n s h i p s only, but they are useful to suggest possible d i r e c t i o n s for the a p p l i c a t i o n on the density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the planning  3.  field.  Description of the Conceptual Framework Figures VII - IX have given some s p e c i f i c planning  of the density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p .  implications  Sensitive use of the various  density measures might reduce some of the environment conditions negatively impact the various human needs.  I t was also suggested  that  FIGURE VII:  INCORPORATION OF DENSITY MEASURES WITH PHYSIOLOGICAL CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS  Types of Density Measures A.  Surface Area Components 1. Gross Density of a Neighborhood  2.  B.  C.  Planning Implications  Net Density of a Neighborhood  Noise control, adequate privacy, view preservation, natural lighting and building orientation are the key considerations here; limiting gross density may indirectly control for each and thus meet these needs. As gross density also Included neighborhood amenities, i t ha9 more f l e x i b i l i t y than net in decreasing crowding perceptions and stress levels from the external environment. Generally same as above, except that neighborhood considerations are excluded. Manipulating net density may possibly address the key considerations as Identified above.  Population Components 1.  Persons per net acre  Again, noise control, and adequate privacy are key considerations. By limiting neighbourhood density through this measure, many physiological crowding responses can be reduced. Potentially a highly effective measure for controlling a limited range of crowding concerns.  2.  Person/Family Capacity  The size of rooms and the number of people In the rooms influences levels of stress and perceptions of crowding. Both have been identified as influencing physiological crowding. Visual intrusion, loss of privacy and partitioning of rooms are key points.  3.  Persons/Room Capacity  Internal l i v i n g space, noise control, and privacy can a l l be controlled Indirectly by this measure. It appears that this measure can d i r e c t l y affect physical perceived density.  Building Bulk Components 1.  Cubic Density  This measure has not yet been described and tested in enough detail to operatlonallze Its use here.  2.  Floor Area Ratio (FAR) Floor Space Ratio (FSR)  View preservation, open space, privacy, sun light are key considerations. This measure d i r e c t l y influences a l l of these and therefore can be said to directly address physiological crowding considerations. Most Importantly, this measure determines variations In architecture—a key factor of perceptions in crowding.  FIGURE V I U :  INCORPORATION OF DENSITY MEASURES WITH PSYCHOLOGICAL CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS  Types of Density Measures A.  Surface Area Components 1.  2.  B.  C.  Planning Implications  Gross Density of a Neighborhood  The key considerations here are the Individual's past experience with high density, his adaptation process, and personal stress response. It Is d i f f i c u l t to draw direct relationships between gross density and the level of crowding experienced as the person adapts to densities to a level he personally finds tolerable.  Net Density of a Neighborhood  The same as above In general terms. No readily apparent methods of controlling for psychological crowding through this measure have been drawn from this study.  Population Components 1.  Persons Per Net Acre  The key considerations are the Individual adaptation process and Interpersonal behavior. Personal characteristics of age, sex become mediating factors. This measure affects secondary environments and therefore can be used to resolve crowding concerns which result from high neighbourhood density levels.  2.  Person/Family Capacity  Group behavior patterns tend to obscure the application of this measure. Psychological crowding considerations do not clearly relate to this type of density measure.  3.  Persons/Room Capacity  This measure Influences primary environments - places where a person spends large amounts of time. Psychological crowding In this type of environment poses major concerns In terms of the human quality of l i f e and requires some form of control. Internal l i v i n g environments are closely associated with key psychological crowding considerations.  Building Bulk Components 1.  Cubic Density  This measure has not yet been developed and applied In enough detail to allow meaningful appraisal here.  2.  Floor Area Ratio (FAR) Floor Space Ratio (FSR)  This measure can not be easily related to Influencing key psychological crowding considerations in Its present state. Key psychological crowding considerations are; architectural complexity, interpersonal distance, primary vs. secondary environment. Human adaptation process greatly Influence this form of crowding.  FIGURE IX:  INCORPORATION OF DENSITY MEASURES WITH SOCIAL/CULTURAL CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS  Types of Density Measures A.  B.  C.  Planning Implications  Surface Area Components 1.  Gross Density of a Neighborhood  Ethnic groupings, the family, neighbourhood Identity, and the need for open space are the key crowding considerations here. These concerns should be considered when measuring gross density in development controls.  2.  Net Density of a Neighborhood  The differences In land area from the above density measure causes this measure to be less effective in controlling for s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l crowding considerations than Is gross neighborhood density.  Population Components 1.  Persons Per Net Acre  Personal history of age, sex, past experience with high residential density, s o c i a l i z a t i o n , and family relations are key social crowding considerations. Additional cultural crowding factors combine with the social considerations to increase resident perceptions of crowding at high residential density. High residential density development controls could be improved by Incorporating s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l crowding controls.  2.  Person/Family Capacity  This density measure's effectiveness as a high density development control, might be improved when used In conjunction to s o c l a l / c u l t u r a l crowding considerations.  3.  Persons/Room Capacity  This density measure, when enforced, directly controls several s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l crowding considerations at high residential density, such as personal space needs.  Building Bulk Components 1.  Cubic Density  This density measure has not yet been described In planning theory and tested s u f f i c i e n t l y to make an informed judgement at this time.  2.  Floor Area Ratio (FAR) Floor Space Ratio (FSR)  These measures' relationship to s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l crowding considerations are d i f f i c u l t to define, given present knowledge. When these measures are the only development controls Implemented to regulate high residential density, It Is questionable that these measures Impact s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l crowding considerations.  -  119  -  that a d d i t i o n a l mechanisms which more d i r e c t l y influence the human response to the density l e v e l might be necessary as w e l l .  In this  a conceptual  liveability  framework i s proposed to indicate how  could be acheived I t i s now  greater  end,  at high density. appropriate  to present  depicts, i n the form of a matrix,  the conceptual  framework which  the density and crowding taxonomies.  This matrix appears i n Figure X and has been " i n s p i r e d " by the matrix  of  density measures used by Maurice K i l b r i d g e et a l . i n a density study e n t i t l e d Urban A n a l y s i s .  His matrix however generated too many  1  indices for useful a p p l i c a t i o n by the planner.  Perhaps this i s the  reason i t has not been developed i n greater d e t a i l by other  scholars.  (See Appendix II) The  two axes of the conceptual  framework i n Figure X consist of  three components of density measures and as described  i n Chapter III and  IV.  described i n Chapter IV, includes: p h y s i o l o g i c a l requirements. Chapter I I I , consists of : b u i l d i n g bulk measures. framework.  The crowding considerations, as psychological; s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l ;  The density measurements, as described i n the surface area;  the population;  These s i x sub-components provide  the  and  the  matrix  r e l a t i o n s h i p and r e l a t e i t more c l o s e l y to the  The high density l e v e l , as represented  i s the necessary condition to crowding. perceives  and  I t would be useful at this point to review the  density-crowding framework.  the three crowding components  this condition he may  by i t s measurement,  Depending on how  the i n d i v i d u a l  respond p o s i t i v e l y or negatively.  A  Maurice D. K i l b e r i d g e , Robert P. 0'Block and Paul V. T e p l i t z , Urban Analysis (Boston, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1970), p. 47.  - 120 -  negative response usually i s a r e s u l t of two conditions:  one of  excessive s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s ( s o c i a l perceived density) and one of excessive uses of a v a i l a b l e space (physical perceived d e n s i t y ) . If these necessary conditions i n turn disrupt the three aspects of human needs to a large enough degree, a s u f f i c i e n t condition to crowding can occur.  In this instance the i n d i v i d u a l would experience  need d i s r u p t i o n which would culminate of  the high density environment.  stress from h i s  i n an o v e r a l l negative perception  The combination  of both the necessary  conditions and the s u f f i c i e n t conditions concludes  into a crowding  experience. To summarize:  the necessary  conditions related  to high density  (existence of s o c i a l or physical perceived density) plus the s u f f i c i e n t conditions ( s u f f i c i e n t impact of the environment on human requirements) r e s u l t i n crowding (negative perception from crowding-stress)  which  r e f l e c t s the l i v e a b i l i t y ( s a t i s f a c t i o n of l i f e ) of the high density housing  environment. One can conclude  from this process  that i n order to prevent  crowding i n a comprehensive approach, both the necessary conditions and the s u f f i c i e n t conditions should be considered.  Planning intervention  directed only at c o n t r o l l i n g the density l e v e l i s inadequate.  I t i s the  d i s r u p t i o n of human needs that ultimately determines i f crowding w i l l occur, and those planning interventions which address human crowding consideration are also necessary.  Although  some impact on l i v e a b i l i t y as evidenced  the density measures have  by the connecting elements i n  Figure VI, they alone appear i n s u f f i c i e n t to ensure that both the  - 121  necessary and s u f f i c i e n t environmental crowding-stress  are prevented,  which p o s i t i v e l y f u l f i l l encouraged.  and  -  conditions which create  that the environmental  human requirements  conditions  at high density are  The purpose of this framework i s to r e f l e c t this process  so  that the knowledge and planning intervention required to p o s i t i v e l y intervene i n i t can be conceptualized. planning implications suggested framework. direction  The  text of this thesis and  e a r l i e r are what operationalize this  I t does not provide the answers, rather i t suggests to  take i n finding  the  the answers.  the  I t i s proposed as a tool to  up-date planning thought on the issue of high density housing.  Necessary Conditions Therefore  the  S u f f i c i e n t Conditions plus the  High Density  Negative Impact on Human Needs  Crowding result in  which r e f l e c t s the Negative Perception from Crowding-Stress  Liveability i n the high density housing Satisfaction  environment.  of L i f e  In looking at Figure X there are two main ways one may the framework.  approach  One might s t a r t by considering a p a r t i c u l a r density  -  FIGURE X:  122 -  A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR INCORPORATING DENSITY MEASURES WITH CROWDING CONSIDERATIONS  COMPONENTS OF DENSITY MEASUREMENTS USED TO CONTROL NECESSARY ENVIRONMENTAL CONDITIONS TO CROWDING  O  rH CO O  P£i  H 2  O o  U  o H  2  l-l  Q  TO  o O OS W u cn  •H  Surface Area Component  Population Component  Building Bulk Component  1•  r  >r  CO  c  (U  00 E o 0J Vi  o *H 3 cn cr  -H  p-  pi  See Figure VII  ATI TIO  cn 2 cn O 2  r-H  M  O 2  O  cn o 2 O •J  o •5 o 2  H  2  I—I  Q 2 3 O O erf  T-l  Ui  to U u C •H 0) bfj E O <D  i—!  >r  <•  •>  f  U  no ui  w Q  7  o cr >> cu CO 04  0-  See Figure VIII  BJ H  u  >  2 W tH 2 W M  o o cn M H fa 2 W cn 2 O  o  CO  l-l 3 3  >f  •» »  •>  c E  cu l-l  3 cr u 01 O «! cn  T  CO  See Figure IX  - 123 -  measure i n one of the density, components ( i . e . component).  FSR i n the building bulk  The f i r s t step would be to understand completely what FSR  means and how i t works to measure density and control the related necessary environment condition. the  The second step would be to move down  column and c a r e f u l l y consider how FSR might impact each of the three  groups of crowding considerations. whether  For example, one could question  the FSR measurement can be used to control any environmental  condition that would have a negative impact on human needs. e a r l i e r linkage chart demonstrate can be made with any success.  As the  there appears to be few linkages that  So then one has to take a t h i r d , yet  c r u c i a l , step and consider each of the three crowding components i n the context of the density measure i n question.  In this step one must  determine what a d d i t i o n a l approaches are necessary to control the environment so that i t p o s i t i v e l y addresses the human requirements which make a high density environment l i v e a b l e .  In the case of using  FSR, i t d i r e c t l y can be used to control the density q u a l i t i e s of an environment, but i t i n d i r e c t l y has l i t t l e  influence on ensuring that  many of the human needs are not negatively impacted.  To better ensure  that these s u f f i c i e n t conditions to crowding are also c o n t r o l l e d , one must incorporate into the planning process consideration Tor environmental conditions that relate to each of the three crowding components.  To continue with the FSR example, i t i n d i r e c t l y addresses  view preservation and open space, but i t does l i t t l e control and interpersonal space needs.  to address noise  Because these are also important  environmental conditions that prevent crowding, some additional crowding  - 124 -  controls  to the FSR d e n s i t y c o n t r o l may be n e c e s s a r y .  the n e c e s s a r y planning  In  t h i s way,  and s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n to c r o w d i n g a r e a d d r e s s e d  both  t n the  process. The o t h e r main a p p r o a c h one may take to a p p l y the framework  t o f i r s t choose one of  the c r o w d i n g components,  g e t a good g r a s p of a l l  the human r e q u i r e m e n t s r e l a t e d to i t , and then l o o k a c r o s s t y p e s o f d e n s i t y measures  make t h i s d e t e r m i n a t i o n one w o u l d d e c i d e how each d e n s i t y  human r e q u i r e m e n t s i n q u e s t i o n . one d e n s i t y measure i s  b e s t to p r e v e n t n e c e s s a r y  s u f f i c i e n t crowding c o n d i t i o n s  all  component  conditions  A l t h o u g h one w o u l d to p r e v e n t  of  to  ensure  of how the framework can be  used as a p l a n n i n g g u i d e , a s c e n a r i o r e g a r d i n g n o i s e  c o n t r o l has  developed.  Noise  d e s c r i p t i o n appears  c h o s e n as i t i s  one of  crowding-stress.  It  i n A p p e n d i x I.  the most c r u c i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  in  necessary  been  c o n t r o l was preventing  i s hoped t h i s s c e n a r i o m i g h t i l l u s t r a t e  problem-solving process sensitive  to a c h e i v e an e n v i r o n m e n t  the more  to human n e e d s .  Regardless  If  the e n v i r o n m e n t have been t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t .  To f u r t h e r a c h e i v e u n d e r s t a n d i n g  This  stage  c o n d i t i o n s as much as p o s s i b l e .  t h i s p r o c e s s m i g h t s e r v e as a c r o s s - r e f e r e n c e  considerations  than  to c r o w d i n g  t h i s p r o c e s s w o u l d a t l e a s t s e t the  c o n t r o l l i n g the n e c e s s a r y  nothing else,  To  One m i g h t d e c i d e t h a t use of more  need t o a l s o c o n s i d e r more d i r e c t c r o w d i n g c o n t r o l s  by f i r s t  three  t h a t c o u l d n e g a t i v e l y i m p a c t the  i n r e l a t i o n to the c r o w d i n g component i n q u e s t i o n . still  at a l l  to see w h i c h ones a r e most a p p r o p r i a t e .  might c o n t r o l environmental c o n d i t i o n s  is  of which approach i s  t a k e n to the framework,  the  -  underlying principle is  the same.  125  By a d d r e s s i n g  c r o w d i n g c o n t r o l s , b o t h the n e c e s s a r y c r o w d i n g can b e t t e r be p r e v e n t e d .  -  d e n s i t y as w e l l  and s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n s  to  The d e s i r e d outcome of a p p l i c a t i o n o f  t h i s framework i s more s y s t e m a t i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r l i v e a b i l i t y density  high  c o n c l u s i o n , i t m i g h t be s u g g e s t e d t h a t the c o n c e p t u a l  framework i n t h i s s t u d y ,  given f u r t h e r development, w i l l  f o r use i n p r o b l e m a n a l y s i s ,  research design,  These f o u r t a s k s may be r e a d i l y i m p l e m e n t e d t h r o u g h f r a m e w o r k , and p r o v e  prove v i a b l e  p o l i c y - m a k i n g and  c o n c e p t u a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of e x i s t i n g d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g  C.  in  housing. In  density  as  knowledge.  the use of  t o be a u s e f u l a d d i t i o n to the f i e l d of  this  high  planning.  SUMMARY OF CHAPTER V Chapter I  of t h i s s t u d y i d e n t i f i e d two main p r o b l e m s  current high density planning -  l a c k of u n d e r s t a n d i n g  regarding  of what  density  means and how i t r e l a t e d to c r o w d i n g ; and l a c k of a human e l e m e n t i n d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s necessary  to make s u c h h o u s i n g  c h a p t e r has a t t e m p t e d to a p p l y the knowledge concerns  i n Chapter III This  housing  It  controls.  that addressed  This  t h e s e two  IV.  chapter presented possible  density controls relationship.  and  more l i v e a b l e .  planning implications  for  t h a t t a k e s i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the d e n s i t y - c r o w d i n g s u g g e s t e d the need f o r  two s e t s  of h i g h  density  One s e t w o u l d be p r i m a r i l y d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s  p r e v e n t e d the " n e c e s s a r y  environmental conditions  to c r o w d i n g .  that The o t h e r  - 126 -  set would be crowding controls that would prevent environmental  conditions to crowding.  the s u f f i c i e n t  The f i r s t would prevent as much  as possible the states of either s o c i a l percieved or p h y s i c a l perceived density i n the i n d i v i d u a l .  The second would prevent a negative  of that environment on s p e c i f i c human requirements crowding-stress would not r e s u l t .  impact  so that  Both sets of controls, though  i n t e r r e l a t e d somewhat, are necessary  to provide a comprehensive approach  for ensuring greater l i v e a b i l i t y i n high density housing.  To this end a  conceptual framework was proposed. This chapter offers the challenge of applying the density-crowding  r e l a t i o n s h i p i n the f i e l d of planning.  As only a few  of the planning implications of this framework can be described In the scope of this study,, i t provides a general guide of how to apply density and crowding knowledge.  The framework would be best u t i l i z e d when one  has a s p e c i f i c high density housing development i n mind.  The context i n  which one applies knowledge to the framework w i l l be a large of i t s success.  determinant  - 127 -  CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS  A.  SUMMARY OF RESEARCH FINDINGS The scope of this research covers many perspectives regarding  density, crowding, their unique r e l a t i o n s h i p , and the resultant planning implications.  To achieve  this end an o v e r a l l goal with s p e c i f i c related  objectives was i d e n t i f i e d i n Chapter I . By way of summary i t may be u s e f u l to reproduce the purpose of this research here and b r i e f l y address how each objective was achieved. to the f i e l d of planning w i l l be presented this  Also some general implications i n the following section of  chapter. Chapter I indicated that the purpose was to organize density and  crowding knowledge i n the form of a conceptual framework from which a more s e n s i t i v e approach to high density housing planning could be drawn.  This framework was proposed i n Chapter V but not before  considerable preparatory research was completed i n the preceding chapters.  For example Chapter I I explored  thought so that an understanding  the history of density  of planning theorists might put current  density thought (including that of this research) into some perspective.  P a r t i c u l a r attention was given to the contributions of Le  Corbusier and Jane Jacobs. Chapter I I I was devoted to the study of density - what i t means and how i t i s measured.  The taxonomy of density measures with  three  main types was presented  so that i t may serve as a common language and  - 128 -  understanding  of their role i n high density planning.  Chapter IV concerned i t s e l f with describing what crowding meant.  I t also organized a taxonomy of three aspects of human  requirements  i n high density environments.  As well the  i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between crowding and density was better understanding might be gained.  of i t s i m p l i c a t i o n to high density housing  I t was  found  planning  that the l e v e l of l i v e a b i l i t y achieved i n  high density housing i s l a r g e l y dependent on how impacts human needs.  explored so that a  the density l e v e l  If the i n d i v i d u a l f e e l s his needs are disrupted by  a high density environment he w i l l l i k e l y f e e l more stressed and a t t r i b u t e i t to negative perception of crowding. findings i n understanding  the density-crowding  These were  likely  important  r e l a t i o n s h i p and i t s  p o t e n t i a l use as an indicator of the l i v e a b i l i t y of a given high density housing environment. Chapter V subsequently  operationalized into planning  implications the density-crowding  relationship.  I t proposed a  conceptual framework which might a s s i s t the planner  to more  systematically incorporate crowding considerations into high density controls i n conjunction with technical density measures.  Some planning  implications for more s e n s i t i v e development controls were o f f e r e d . ultimate goal of this framework was  The  to provide a process, not a  r i g i d formula, for the planning of more l i v e a b l e high density housing i n our modern c i t i e s . This study recognizes developed,  that the proposed framework is not f u l l y  nor could i t be f u l l y operationalized within the scope of  - 129  t h i s research. refined  -  However, the framework has proven to be s u f f i c i e n t l y  to indicate the possible a p p l i c a t i o n of density measures and  crowding considerations i n high density development control situations. environmental  Appendix I describes a short case example regarding noise experienced  at high density and indicates how  density and crowding knowledge might be applied to real l i f e problems experienced  the  planning  at high density.  In summary, this research addressed  three problems r e l a t i n g to  density usage (1) i t provided a d e f i n i t i o n of density and an exploration of i t s various measures; (2) i t c l a r i f i e d  the d i f f e r e n c e and  i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between density and crowding; and (3) i t explored a system for addressing human needs in high density housing planning with more s e n s i t i v i t y to q u a l i t y of l i f e  B.  PLANNING IMPLICATIONS OF THE  criteria.  RESEARCH  This research has uncovered several main findings that might influence the planning of high density housing, p a r t i c u l a r l y in three areas:  the implications regarding density usage, regarding crowding  considerations, and regarding their i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p . planning implications are l i s t e d  Some of  these  below followed by a b r i e f discussion of  the apparent strengths and weaknesses of the Conceptual  Framework for  Incorporating Crowding Considerations with Density Measures.  1.  The D e n s i t y I m p l i c a t i o n s  (a)  I t i s f u t i l e to use density measures alone regulate crowding concerns; the task of improving  to attempt to  they seem to be inadequate  liveability.  for  -  (b)  Of  130  the t h r e e components  measures  -  of d e n s i t y m e a s u r e s ,  the p o p u l a t i o n  i n d i c a t e the most p o t e n t i a l i n a d d r e s s i n g  some o f  the p h y s i o l o g i c a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l , and s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l crowding (c)  considerations.  The d e n s i t y measures  r e l a t e d to the s u r f a c e a r e a and  b u i l d i n g b u l k components potential  seem to have some, but  than p o p u l a t i o n m e a s u r e s ,  less  i n c o n t r o l l i n g the  i m p a c t o f a h i g h d e n s i t y e n v i r o n m e n t on human needs subsequently (d)  It  i n f l u e n c e s crowding p e r c e p t i o n s .  i s necessary  understanding  to f i r s t  o b t a i n a common l a n g u a g e  of d e n s i t y and i t s measures;  c o r r e c t some of usage;  which  and  t h i s a l o n e may  the c u r r e n t p r o b l e m s r e l a t e d to d e n s i t y  also i t is  essential  to d i s t i n g u i s h  and c r o w d i n g when p l a n n i n g h i g h d e n s i t y  between d e n s i t y  housing  environments. (e)  H i g h d e n s i t y i s more s a t i s f a c t o r y when i t d i v e r s i t y of b u i l d i n g f o r m , l i f e s t y l e , s e r v i c e s which ensure  (f)  amenities  and  freedom of c h o i c e .  H i g h d e n s i t y does n o t n e c e s s a r i l y l e a d to c r o w d i n g ; f a c t o r s must be  (g)  provides  other  present.  C o n t r o l of i n t e r n a l d e n s i t i e s  (people w i t h i n a dwelling)  is  more i m p o r t a n t i n p r e v e n t i n g c r o w d i n g than e x t e r n a l densities (dwellings (h)  on the l a n d ) .  Though i n a d e q u a t e a l o n e , a r b i t r a r y numbers needed to s e r v e as  and measures  " r u l e s of thumb" i n c o n t r o l l i n g  are  - 131 -  pre-conditions i n a high density environment.  For example:  a population measure of less than 1.5 persons/room prevent conditions related c i t e s 7.50 m  will  to crowding; another source  per person as an i d e a l habitable space.  - FSR measures can e f f e c t i v e l y ensure e f f i c i e n t land use, view preservation and ground (i)  orientation,  Acceptable density l e v e l s i s a function of personal taste to the i n d i v i d u a l as well as public acceptance which varies over time.  2.  The Crowding Implications (a)  Crowding i s an e s s e n t i a l concept i n high density housing planning; not a l l high density environments crowding.  create  Only when the i n d i v i d u a l f e e l s stress from a  d i s r u p t i o n of h i s needs does he experience crowding at high density.  It i s crucial  that planners c l e a r l y understand  how crowding d i f f e r s from density.  Knowledge about the  human stress response and adaptation w i l l a s s i s t i n this task. (b)  The l i v e a b i l i t y of high density housing seems to be a function of the crowding response.  Less crowding, and a  higher l e v e l of of l i v e a b i l i t y , occurs when s p e c i f i c human requirements are s a t i s f a c t o r i l y maintained i n high density environments.  - 132 -  These human requirements  are made up of three components:  s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l , p h y s i o l o g i c a l , and psychological. More l i t e r a t u r e exists on the l a t t e r component, but a l l three should be considered f o r comprehensive sensitive planning to reduce the Impact of high density on i t s residents. Poverty and poor q u a l i t y construction seem to be important factors i n creating crowding.  There appears to be a  c o r r e l a t i o n between the c o s t / q u a l i t y of construction and the success of high density housing.  Also f a m i l i e s with  small children are not suitable for high density i n most cases. Individuals with previous p o s i t i v e exposure to high density have greater adaptation a b i l i t i e s and less stress response.  Those that have had a negative experience  tend  to adapt less r e a d i l y to future high density s i t u a t i o n s . S p e c i f i c aspects of human needs that seems to greatly prevent crowding are:  1) noise c o n t r o l , 2) privacy, 3)  open space/sunlight both on the ground ( i . e . parks) and i n each dwelling ( i . e . large garden patios) and 4) adequate i n t e r n a l space.  There are indications that these  considerations have the most impact crowding-stress  i n reducing  and u l t i m a t e l y improving  high density housing environments.  liveability in  Good building design  and q u a l i t y of construction are also very important. such as large balconies, concrete construction,  Ideas  -  133 -  single-loaded c o r r i d o r s , diverse but not overly complex design, w e l l - l i g h t e d and l i g h t colored rooms and preservation of views to the outdoors might be u s e f u l . 3.  The D e n s i t y - C r o w d i n g R e l a t i o n s h i p I m p l i c a t i o n s (a)  There seems to be a need f o r two related but d i s t i n c t sets of high density planning c o n t r o l s .  Just as density and  crowding are d i s t i n c t but related terms, so i t follows about the planning implications associated with each.  A  high density environment, which i s a necessary antecedent to crowding, can be somewhat c o n t r o l l e d with a r b i t a r y physical density measures.  However, j u s t as high density  alone cannot cause crowding; density measures alone cannot control f o r crowding.  Therefore  one must also c l e a r l y  focus on the s u f f i c i e n t antecedents to crowding - that i s the environmental conditions that impact the human needs to a l e v e l that i t causes crowding-stress. addressed so that crowding i s prevented.  These must also be In order to  prevent crowding and improve the l i v e a b i l i t y of high density housing, one must address both i t s necessary and i t s s u f f i c i e n t antecedents. - one addressing  Two sets of planning  controls  density l e v e l s through density measures,  and one addressing  the impact of the density l e v e l s on  human crowding considerations - are necessary to truly improve the l i v e a b i l i t y of high density housing.  Therefore  -  134  a l l high d e n s i t y housing l i v e a b i l i t y guidelines  -  c o n t r o l s m i g h t be c a l l e d  c o n s i s t i n g of b o t h d e n s i t y  c o n t r o l s and c r o w d i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n There are s u g g e s t i o n s environment i s  less  controls.  t h a t the d e n s i t y l e v e l  an i s s u e  level  of an  than how the i n d i v i d u a l f e e l s  i m p a c t e d by t h a t e n v i r o n m e n t .  As  this perception is  i n t e g r a l p a r t of c r o w d i n g - s t r e s s ,  i t follows  an  that  c o n t r o l l i n g f o r c r o w d i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s may be the k e y factor in planning l i v e a b l e high density housing. issue  seems t o be how to p l a n , d e s i g n  development.so  The main  and c o n s t r u c t  t h a t i t a d e q u a t e l y meets c o n d i t i o n s  the that  r e d u c e how crowded " i t f e e l s " . It  is crucial  to b o t h u n d e r s t a n d  and acknowledge  o f the d e n s i t y - c r o w d i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p i n h i g h planning i f i t is  condenses  It  is  t h i s area i s not  therefore useful  p l a n n e r can go t h r o u g h  to i n c o r p o r a t e  c o n s i d e r a t i o n w i t h d e n s i t y measures.  the p r o c e s s  crowding knowledge.  r e s e a r c h by p l a n n e r s  the  crowding The c o n c e p t u a l  this research i s a beginning  t h i s d e n s i t y and  well  to have a method w h i c h  t h i s m a t e r i a l and s u g g e s t s  framework of  sensitive  c o m p a t i b l e w i t h human n e e d s .  The l i t e r a t u r e and knowledge i n organized.  density  to have an i m p a c t on c r e a t i n g  high density housing  the r o l e  step i n  applying  Much f u r t h e r  and s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s i s  needed.  -  (e)  135  -  The framework does n o t r e p l a c e the need f o r p l a n n e r s  to  f i r s t g a i n much knowledge r e g a r d i n g d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g . T h i s knowledge i s a p r e - r e q u i s i t e to i t s implemention. improving strong (fj  ;  successful  T h e r e a r e no e a s y answers or s o l u t i o n s  the l i v e a b i l i t y o f h i g h d e n s i t y h o u s i n g w i t h o u t a  t h e o r e t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l  basis,  P u b l i c e d u c a t i o n may a l s o be a p r a c t i c a l s o l u t i o n c r o w d i n g c o n t r o l where e x i s t i n g d e n s i t y measures d e t e r m i n e d to c o n t r o l f o r t h o s e c o n c e r n s . an i n d i v i d u a l i s made aware of the symptoms stress  to  to c a n n o t be  For example, of  if  crowding-  i n h i s e n v i r o n m e n t , he can e i t h e r take d i r e c t a c t i o n  to c o n t r o l the c r o w d i n g - s t r e s s  or he can move to a d e n s i t y  l e v e l w h i c h i s more c o m p a t i b l e w i t h h i s p e r s o n a l needs  and  taste.  role  P l a n n e r s may need to assume a g r e a t e r a d v o c a c y  i n e n s u r i n g adequate p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n l e v e l s .  essence  These a r e some g e n e r a l p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s to summarize  the  of  found  i n Chapter  4.  t h i s s t u d y ; more s p e c i f i c p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s can be V.  Strengths and Weaknesses of the Framework T h e r e a r e a number o f f a i r l y s e l f - e v i d e n t  implications.  For example, there i s  o f d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g ,  controls  a need to b r o a d e n our  there appears  of i n c o r p o r a t i n g q u a l i t y of l i f e  planning understanding  to be a need to f i n d b e t t e r ways  considerations  i n t o development  f o r h i g h r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y , and, f i n a l l y , planners  and  local  -  governments  should  136  -  be more p r e p a r e d to e x p e r i m e n t w i t h w e l l  high d e n s i t y environments.  However, i t i s u s e f u l  strengths  the p l a n n i n g a p p l i c a t i o n of  and weaknesses of  designed  to examine some of  the  the  density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p i n a conceptual model. The s t r e n g t h s 1.  It  may be summarized provides  as:  some l i n k a g e between d e n s i t y and  crowding  knowledge and p l a n n i n g p r a c t i s e ; i t o r g a n i z e s of knowledge i n t o an e a s i e r f o r m a t . i m p r o v e the p l a n n e r ' s 2.  It  knowledge  s u g g e s t s the p o s s i b l e  4.  It  enhances  Subsequently  of the  issues.  considerations.  the c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r q u a l i t y of l i f e  i n high density housing  e n v i r o n m e n t s w i t h more  a p p l i c a t i o n of c r o w d i n g  theory;  It  provides a tool  i t may  i n c o r p o r a t i o n of q u a n t i t a t i v e  d e n s i t y formulae w i t h crowding 3.  a complex body  that i s adaptable, f l e x i b l e  criteria  comprehensive  and  s y s t e m a t i c ; and y e t i t may be a p p l i e d to a v a r i e t y o f  5.  c i r c u m s t a n c e s where i n c r e a s e d d e n s i f i c a t i o n i s an  issue.  It  or  provides a possible  framework f o r  the c r i t i q u e  r e f i n e m e n t of c u r r e n t g u i d e l i n e s / p o l i c i e s and f o r d e v e l o p m e n t of new d e n s i t y 6.  It  the  guidelines.  s u g g e s t s some p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s of  the  i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g so  t h a t more  s e n s i t i v e h i g h d e n s i t y h o u s i n g may be d e v e l o p e d . 7.  I t may s o l v e  the two main p r o b l e m s of i n c o n s i s t e n t use  d e n s i t y measures concerns  and the i n a d e q u a t e f o c u s on c r o w d i n g  in density  planning.  of  -  The weaknesses may be summarized 1.  137  -  as:  I t w o u l d be t i m e - c o n s u m i n g  to update d e n s i t y and  crowding  knowledge i n o r d e r to i m p l e m e n t the f r a m e w o r k . 2.  I t may be d i f f i c u l t  t o i m p l e m e n t some a s p e c t s  framework i n p l a n n i n g p r a c t i s e as  3.  the v a r i o u s  The framework i s easy s o l u t i o n s  4.  d e n s i t y measures  the  the knowledge  i n s u f f i c i e n t l y r e f i n e d i n some a r e a s of  of  (i.e.  is  the a c t u a l i m p a c t  on human n e e d s ) .  only a beginning  s t e p ; as y e t t h e r e a r e no  t o a complex p r o b l e m .  The c o n c e p t u a l framework w o u l d make the p l a n n i n g somewhat more c o n t r o l l e d and " s c i e n t i f i c " .  process  Though t h e r e  is  room f o r some i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , the p l a n n e r w o u l d have l e s s  p e r s o n a l i n p u t i n t o what he b e l i e v e d was l i v e a b l e  housing.  T h i s would r e d u c e the p o t e n t i a l f o r d e c e n t r i s t  b i a s as m e n t i o n e d i n outweight t h i s  the h i s t o r y s e c t i o n w h i c h l i k e l y  disadvantage.  The p l a n n e r has h i s t o r i c a l l y assumed the r o l e of a d v o c a t e the " p u b l i c g o o d . "  A t i t s most g e n e r a l l e v e l ,  p l a n n i n g can be e q u a t e d w i t h a d e s i r e q u a l i t y of l i f e order of  f o r urban r e s i d e n t s  to c a r r y out t h i s  task,  given  the numerous  density  possible  constraints.  In  the p l a n n e r w i l l need to become more aware  i n housing  become i n v o l v e d i n the p r o c e s s  for  t h i s o v e r a l l o b j e c t i v e of  to o b t a i n the h i g h e s t  the q u a l i t a t i v e a s p e c t of c r o w d i n g i n o r d e r  human c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  would  to e f f e c t i v e l y  form and d e n s i t y .  If  planners  of i n e v i t a b l e change r e g a r d i n g  t r e n d s , o r r e m a i n d o g m a t i c a l l y opposed  advocate do n o t high  to h i g h d e n s i t y ,  then the  - 138  -  change w i l l occur without their p o t e n t i a l l y valuable input; in other words, they w i l l be l e f t out and planning knowledge i n this f i e l d may  be  ignored. Another  related implication on the planners' role i s that they  w i l l need to become more intimately knowledgeable about density and crowding  theory so that they may  density environments.  take a stronger role i n planning high  Planners can no longer recommend acceptance or  r e j e c t i o n of a development proposal merely on i t s conformity to physical formulae, as i s currently a common p r a c t i s e i n North American This i s i n fact a very passive r o l e .  cities.  Planners need to broaden their  assessment c r i t e r i a , p a r t i c u l a r l y by i n c l u d i n g a more c l e a r l y developed understanding of q u a l i t a t i v e crowding f a c t o r s .  Planners may  need to  assume greater r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n this r o l e , for i t i s too s i m p l i s t i c to look at FSR,  f o r example, as the one c r i t e r i a for an acceptable high  density development. of  This w i l l require a more active role on the part  the planner with increasing knowledge and a b i l i t i e s i n the whole  f i e l d of high density.  In view of the increasing rate of change i n our  society and c i t i e s , a planner cannot possibly be prepared for every s i t u a t i o n but must possess greater a b i l i t i e s  i n problem-solving,  i n t e r p r e t i n g and determining f e a s i b l e compromises. This leads to the f i n a l e f f e c t on the planner's r o l e , that of how he u t i l i z e s his time.  More time and energy w i l l be spent on  c o n t r o l l i n g f o r q u a l i t a t i v e or human aspects of high density. attention w i l l be paid to the i n t e r n a l l i v i n g environment design to ensure  they possess c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  that enhance  and  More building  liveability.  - 139 -  Less  time w i l l be spent on the external levels of density and judging  whether a b u i l d i n g meets quantitative formuae.  Ultimately, the q u a l i t y  of l i f e w i l l be met p r i m a r i l y through the betterment of the i n t e r n a l environments of high density buildings; this i s where the future of high density planning l i e s .  C.  NATURE OF THE LIMITATIONS A f t e r completion  of the research and examination  of the  findings, several possible l i m i t a t i o n s might be concluded: 1.  As much time and research was required to explore the concepts  of density and crowding as well as develop the  conceptual framework, i t was not possible to also test i t i n a comprehensive manner, such as applying i t i n an actual density planning s i t u a t i o n to determine i t s f e a s i b i l i t y . Therefore,  the conceptual framework's p o t e n t i a l i n  connecting  theory and p r a c t i s e may not be f u l l y r e a l i z e d  without some sort of p r a c t i c a l v a l i d a t i o n .  I t now stands as  mainly a guide f o r addressing crowding concerns i n high density planning. 2.  The current crowding l i t e r a t u r e on the whole has not been s c i e n t i f i c a l l y validated.  This data, for the purpose of  this research, has been assumed to be v a l i d and may at some point be proven i n c o r r e c t .  However, because of the  framework's f l e x i b i l i t y , s p e c i f i c knowledge regarding the crowding- density r e l a t i o n s h i p may be up-dated and changed  - 140  -  without a f f e c t i n g the o v e r a l l structure and framework.  new  knowledge i n the f i e l d .  crowding knowledge evolve, and ship i s further defined,  3.  The  the  Its a p p l i c a t i o n to planning would merely adapt  to incorporate  believed  intent of  As density  and  their unique i n t e r r e l a t i o n -  ideas about the l a t t e r which are  to be correct today may  be disproven in the  future.  current density l i t e r a t u r e i s lacking p a r t i c u l a r l y i n  the area of d e f i n i n g i t s measures and implications  exploring  of these on l i v e a b i l i t y at high  the  density.  Therefore Chapter III on density i s not of the same depth as Chapter IV on crowding.  Nevertheless the a v a i l a b l e  l i t e r a t u r e offered suitable i n s i g h t in order to achieve objectives 4.  The  the  of this study.  density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p , as described  i n this  study, i s based primarily on i n f e r r e d c o r r e l a t i o n s .  As  understanding of this r e l a t i o n s h i p seems c r u c i a l before exploring  i t s planning implications, more study and  refinement of this i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p in the l i t e r a t u r e would have been a great asset  D.  to this study.  SUGGESTED FURTHER INVESTIGATION The  background and discussion of density and  avenues for further research.  crowding opens many  Through the course of this research i t  became apparent that several areas warrant further study:  -  1.  141  -  A s t u d y would be u s e f u l w h i c h documents and a n a l y z e s other  methods  than q u a n t i t a t i v e d e n s i t y c o n t r o l s which p l a n n e r s  to d e c r e a s e  the h a r m f u l e f f e c t s of c r o w d i n g ( i . e . ,  use  Informal  or i n d i r e c t methods such as v i e w p r e s e r v a t i o n and ground orientation) 2.  i n t h e i r c o n t r o l of d e n s i t y  A comprehensive  levels.  s t u d y to o p e r a t i o n a l i z e and f u l l y a p p l y  framework i s needed.  It  c o u l d a s s e s s the  framework's  p r a c t i c a l i t y to i n t e g r a t e c r o w d i n g and d e n s i t y c o n c e p t s the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s as suggested by t h i s 3.  this  Into  research.  G i v e n the d i v e r s e n a t u r e of the t o p i c s of d e n s i t y ,  crowding  and t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p , a p r o j e c t - t e a m approach w h i c h consists  of a p l a n n e r and e x p e r t s from the f i e l d of H e a l t h  and/or B e h a v i o r a l S c i e n c e s m i g h t be a more c r e a t i v e , r e l i a b l e approach to f u l l y o p e r a t i o n a l i z e t h i s framework, r e s e a r c h w h i c h may, f o r  the f i r s t  time,  l o o k a t the  in  issue  from a p l a n n i n g p e r s p e c t i v e . 4.  Many avenues  f o r f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h and u s e f u l a p p l i c a t i o n l i e  i n the a r e a of p l a n n i n g  t r a d e - o f f s at high d e n s i t y .  l i m i t e d number of i n i t i a l  c u r r e n t works might be expanded  and r e f i n e d to g e n e r a t e i n n o v a t i v e p l a n n i n g 5.  The  strategies.  There was some s u g g e s t i o n of a c o r r e l a t i o n between the i n c r e a s i n g c o s t of v a r i o u s  high density buildings  t h e i r a b i l i t y to meet adequate q u a l i t y of l i f e F o r example, t h e r e i s housing  forms  standards.  some i n d i c a t i o n t h a t some l o w c o s t  i s not s u c c e s s f u l  and  i n p r e v e n t i n g crowding a t  high  - 142  density ( i . e . due  to inadequate  proposition warrants 6.  -  noise control?).  This  further i n v e s t i g a t i o n .  More research i s needed into the entire  density-crowding  r e l a t i o n s h i p , for example, examining the v a l i d i t y of using perceptions of crowding as an indicator of the l e v e l of l i v e a b i l i t y i n a given high density housing environment. Also, perhaps research should be devoted  to d e f i n i n g  crowding experiences common to a l l housing environments, factors which determine why  i n d i v i d u a l s react e f f e c t i v e l y or  i n e f f e c t i v e l y to these environments and, f i n a l l y how planner may 7.  the  intervene appropriately i n this process.  More study of the c e n t r i s t and d e c e n t r i s t bias i n planning philosophy i s needed which could focus on the i n t e l l e c t u a l impact i n current planning p r a c t i c e . how  One might investigate  a planner's p a r t i c u l a r philosophy a f f e c t s his decisions  in the development approval process of high density housing.  For further h i s t o r i c a l reference, a more indepth  study of Le Corbusier as a U t o p i a n i s required.  Most  planning h i s t o r y recognizes Le Corbusier as an a r c h i t e c t and perhaps overlooks h i s major contributions to the planning profession. I t i s the hope of this study that the findings serve as a beginning for further development of planning theory related density environments.  to high  Methods other than the use of a framework might  also e f f e c t i v e l y organize and u t i l i z e density and crowding knowledge in  - 143 -  a p r a c t i c a l way.  However, the matrix format has proven very stimulating  and challenging as a methodology.  P a r t i c u l a r i l y , i t has offered a  broad understanding of new areas of knowledge. study has enabled  the author  On a personal note,  this  to organize h i s own b e l i e f s and d i s p e l  subjective biases about high density housing environments.  I t i s hoped  this research w i l l be of assistance i n achieving the goal of planning more l i v e a b l e high density housing  environments.  R e f l e c t i n g on the framework, i t s main strength appears  to be  that of an organizer of density and crowding knowledge, one which requires much more research and refinement; i n short i t shows promise. I t also may be a useful tool to assess l i v e a b i l i t y concerns as well as apply the density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p more systematically i n high r e s i d e n t i a l density environments. The framework, once f u l l y developed, could be applied not only to a l l aspects of planning research or environmental design, but also to e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t f i e l d s concerned with crowding and density-related issues.  F i n a l l y , the study suggests  that there i s much more knowledge  to be derived from human behavioral research on the density-crowding relationship.  This study offers a p r a c t i c a l guide i n the form of a  conceptual framework through which density-crowding knowledge may be applied more systematically i n the planning of l i v e a b l e high density housing.  -  144 -  EPILOGUE High density housing seems i n e v i t a b l e i n the modern c i t y ; crowding i s not. The conventional planning process behind high density development, however, i s plagued with bias, misinformation and inconsistency.  Humanism i n such environments  i s also poorly understood.  In view of t h i s , a study which addresses the l i v e a b i l i t y of high density housing i s fundamental.  A common language  necessary f o r meaningful density debate  to occur.  and framework i s I f nothing e l s e ,  this  research regarding the planning implications of the density-crowding r e l a t i o n s h i p may serve as an i n i t i a l discussion paper and a basis for dialogue and research among urban v i s i o n a r i e s and s o c i a l  scientists.  - 145 BIBLIOGRAPHY  Alexander, Christopher et a l . U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977.  A Pattern Language.  New York:  Oxford  Altraan, Irwin. "Environmental Psychology and S o c i a l Psychology," Personality and S o c i a l Psychology B u l l e t i n No. 2 (Sept., 1976): 96-113. Altman, Irwin and V i n s e l , Anne M.. "Personal Space: An Analysis of E.T. H a l l ' s Proxemics Framework." In Human Behavior and Environment, pp. 181-259. Edited by Irwin Altman and Joachim Wohlwill. New York: Plenum Press, 1978. Altman, Irwin and Wohlwill, George, ed.. Human Behavior and Environment. V o l . 2 New York: Plenum Press, 1977. Amick, Daniel J . and K r i z , Frederick J . . "Social A l i e n a t i o n i n P u b l i c Housing." E k i s t i c s V o l . 39 No. 231 (Feb. 1975): 118-120. Argan, G i u l i o . Inc., 1969.  The Renaissance C i t y .  New York:  George B r a z i l l e r ,  Ascher, Charles S. et a l . . Urban Redevelopment: Problems and P r a c t i c e s . Edited by Coleman Woodbury. Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1953. Associated Engineering Services, L t d . . R e s i d e n t i a l Services & S i t e Planning Standards. V i c t o r i a , B.C.: M i n i s t r y of Municipal A f f a i r s , Government of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1980. Bauer, Catherine. Economic Development and Urban L i v i n g Conditions. United Nations, New York: Housing, B u i l d i n g and Planning Branch, Bureau of S o c i a l A f f a i r s , 1957. Baum, Andrew and Epstein, Yakov, M., ed.. Human Response to Crowding. H i l l s d a l e , New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Assoc., Pub., 1978. Benevolo, Leonards. MIT Press, 1980.  The History of the C i t y .  Cambridge, Mass.: The  Besset, Maurice. Who was Le Corbusier?. Translated by Robin Kemball. Geneva: E d i t i o n s d'Art A l b e r t Skina, 1968. Blake, Peter. Le Corbusier: Architecture and Form. Maryland: Penguin Books Inc., 1966.  Baltimore,  Blowers, Andrew; Hamnett, George; and Sarre, P h i l i p , ed.. The Future of C i t i e s . London: The Open U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974. Blum, Henrik L.. 1974.  Planning For Health.  New York:  Human Sciences Press,  - 146 -  Bluraenfeld, Hans. " C r i t e r i a For Judging the Quality of the Urban Environment." In Urban A f f a i r s Annual Reviews Vol 3 (1969): 137-163. Edited by H. Schmandt and W. Bloombery. California: Pub. Inc., 1969.  Sage  Blumenfeld, Hans. The Modern Metropolis: I t s O r i g i n s , Growth, C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and Planning. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1976. Booth, Alan. Urban Crowding and I t s Consequences. Pub., 1976.  New York:  Praeger  Borukhov, E.. "The Tradeoff Between Density and Other Objectives." In' New Trends i n Urban Planning, p. 179. Edited by P. Soen. New York: Pergamon Press, 1979. Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Residential S i t e Advisory Document. Unpublished Report, 1980. Canter, David. The Psychology of Place. Press, L t d . , 1977.  London:  Development  The A r c h i t e c t u r a l  Chapin, J r . , Stuart, F. and Kaiser, Edward J . . Urban Land Use Planning, 3rd ed.. Chicago: University of I l l i n o i s Press, 1979. Chermayeff, Serge and Alexander, Christopher. New York: Doubleday Anchor, Inc., 1965.  Community and Privacy.  Choay, Francoise. The Modern C i t y : Planning i n The 19th Century. Translated by Marguerite Hugo and George R. C o l l i n s . New York: George B r a z i l l e r , 1969. C i t y of Vancouver. 1972.  West End P o l i c y Guidelines.  Unpublished Report,  Cooper, P h i l i p ; Lindsay, Walton; and Taylor, Edward. New Towns: Analysis of A c t i v i t i e s and Their D e n s i t i e s . Working Paper 73. Cambridge, Mass.: University of Cambridge Press, 1973. Dantzig, G.B. and Saaty, T.L.. Freeman and Company, 1973. Davis, Sam, ed.. Co., 1977.  Compact C i t y .  The Form of Housing.  Deane, P h i l i p . Cons tantinos Doxiadas: York: Oceana Pub., Inc., 1965.  San Francisco:  New York:  W.H.  Van Nostrand Reinhold  Master Builder of Free Men.  New  Department of the Environment Research Report No. 6. by Woodford, George; Williams, K i r s tine; and G i l l , Nancy. The Value of Standards for the External Residential Environment. Unpublished Report, 1976. De Wolfe, Ivor, ed.. C i v i l i a : A r c h i t e c t u r a l Press, 1971.  The End of Sub Urban Man.  London:  The  - 147 -  Doxiadas, CA.. "An Attempt at a S c i e n t i f i c Approach to the Problems of Human Settlements." Eki s t i e s V o l . 33 No. 231 (Feb 1969): 359-361. Dubos, Rene". 1968.  So Human An Animal.  New York:  Duhl, Leonard, ed.. The Urban Condition. 1963.  Charles Scribner's Sons,  New York:  Basic Books, Inc.,  Dyos, H.G.. Exploring The Urban Past. Edited by David Cannadine and David Reeder. Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press, 1982. Esser, A r i s t i d e H., ed.. Press, 1971.  Behavior and Environment.  Evans, Paul. Housing Layout and Design. of Cambridge Press, 1973.  New York:  Cambridge, Mass.:  Plenum  University  Evenson, Norma. Le Corbusier: The Machine and the Grand Design. York: George B r a z i l l e r , Inc., 1969. Ewald, William R., ed.. Environment For Man. U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967.  Bloomington:  New  Indiana  Fischer, Claude S.; Baldassare, Mark; and Ofshe, Richard J . . Crowding Studies And Urban L i f e : A C r i t i c a l Review. Working Paper No. 242. Unpub. Report, October 1974. Fischer, C.S.; Baldassare, M.; and Ofshe, R.J.. "Crowding Studies and Urban L i f e : A C r i t i c a l Review". Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners 41 (Nov. 1975): 406-418. Fishman, Robert. Urban Utopians i n the Twentieth Century. Mass.: The MIT Press, 1982.  Cambridge,  Flachsbart, Peter G.. "Urban T e r r i t o r i a l Behavior". Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners (Nov. 1969): 412-416. Foa,  Uriel. "Interpersonal and Economic Resources". 1971): 345-351.  Freedman, Jonathon L.. Press, 1975.  Crowding and Behavior.  Science (Jan. 29,  New York:  The V i k i n g  G a u t l i e r , Maximillian. Le Corbusier - on 1'architecture an service de 1'homme. P a r i s : Massard Pub. Inc., 1944. Geddes, P a t r i c k . C i t i e s In Evolution . F e r t i g , Inc., 1968.  Reprint ed.. New York:  Howard  - 148 Gibson, E.M.. The Urbanization of the S t r a i t of Georgia Region. Ottawa: Lands Directorate, Environment Canada, 1976. Goodman, P e r c i v a l and Goodman, Paul. Communitas: Means of L i v e l i h o o d and Ways of L i f e . Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1947. Haar, Charles M.. 1959.  Land-Use Planning.  Toronto:  L i t t l e , Brown and Co.,  H a l l , Edward T.. The Handbook of Proxemics Research. Washington, Society f o r the Anthropology of V i s u a l Communication, 1974. H a l l , Edward T.. Inc., 1966.  The Hidden Dimension.  New York:  Doubleday  D.C:  Anchor,  Hassan, Riaz. "Social and Psychological Implications of High Density i n Hong Kong and Singapore". E k i s t i c s Vol 39 No. 235 (June 1975): 382-386. Haythorn, William. "A 'Needs' by 'Social of S a t i s f a c t i o n ' Analysis of Environmental H a b i t i b i l i t y " . E k i s t i c s (Sept. 1970): 200-202. Ho, Tao. "Design C r i t e r i a for Human High-Density Housing". V o l . 39 No. 235 (June 1975): 377-381. House and Home. 133-154.  "The Case for High Density Housing".  Ekistics  (April  1962):  Howard, Barbara Jean. "Crowding In The Residential Environments," (M.A. Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1974). Howard, Ebenezer. Garden C i t i e s of Tomorrow. Mass.: The MIT Press, 1965.  Reprint ed.,  Cambridge,  Jacobs, Jane. The Death and L i f e of Great American C i t i e s . Vintage Books, 1961.  New York:  Keeble, Lewis. P r i n c i p l e s and P r a c t i c e of Town and Country Planning. 4th ed., London: The Estates Gazette L t d . , 1969. K i l b r i d g e , Maurice D.; 0'Block, Robert P.; and T e p l i t z , Paul V.. A n a l y s i s . Boston: Harvard University Press, 1970.  Urban  Land, Peter. Economic Garden Houses: High Density Development. V o l . 1 & 2. Chicago: College of Architecture, Planning and Design, 1977. Lansing, John B.; Marans, Robert W.; and Zehner, Robert B.. Planned R e s i d e n t i a l Environments. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Braun-Brurafield, Inc., 1971. Lazarus, Richard and Cohen, Judith. "Environmental Stress." In Human Behavior and Environment, pp. 89-127. Edited by Irwin Altman and Joachim Wohlwill. New York: Plenum Press, 1976.  - 149 Le Corbusier. Entwistle.  Concerning Town Planning. Translated by C l i v e London: The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Press, 1947.  Le Corbusier. The Radiant C i t y . and Faber Ltd., 1933.  (English t r a n s l a t i o n ) .  Le Corbusier. Urbanisme. (English t r a n s l a t i o n ) . Humphries & Co., 1929.  London:  London:  Faber  Percy Lund,  L i c h f i e l d , Nathaniel. "Net Density, Cost and Value i n P u b l i c Authority Dwellings". The Chartered Surveyor (Sept. 1960): 116-122. L i c h f i e l d , Nathaniel. "From Urban Planning to Settlement Planning". In Studies i n Housing, Urban Design and Planning, p. 7. Edited by Pan Soen. Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1979. Lowenthal, David. "Environmental Influences: Some Implications of Opposing Views". In Planning 1970, pp. 254-256. Chicago: American Society of Planning O f f i c i a l s , 1970. Lowenthal, David, ed.. Environmental Perception And Behavior. The Dept. of Geography, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago, 1967. Lym, Glenn Robert. A Psychology P r e n t i c e - H a l l Inc., 1980. Lynch, Kevin. Site Planning. Press, 1971.  of B u i l d i n g .  Chicago:  New Jersey:  2nd ed.. Cambridge, Mass.:  The MIT  Ludlow, William. "Urban Densities and Their Costs". In Urban Development: Problems and P r a c t i c e . Edited by Coleman Woodbury. Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1953. Ludlow, William H. and C h u r c h i l l , Henry S.. "Measuring Urban Population Densities". P e n c i l Points. 4th ed.. (June 1944): 87-101. MacCormac, Richard. "Redefining D e n s i t i e s " . B u i l t Environment Quarterly V o l . 2. No. 4 (Dec. 1976): 320-326. Marans, Robert W. and Mandell, Lewis. "The Relative Effectiveness of Density-Related Measures for P r e d i c t i n g Attitudes and Behavioral V a r i a b l e s " . American S t a t i s t i c a l Assoc. (1972): 360-363. Martin, L e s l i e and March, L i o n e l . Urban Space and Structures. Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1972. Maslow,. A.. 1954.  Motivation and P e r s o n a l i t y .  New York: Harper and Row,  McCue, Gerald M. et a l . . Creating the Human Environment. U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s Press, 1970.  Chicago:  McKillop, A.B.. "Nationalism, Identity and Canadian I n t e l l e c t u a l H i s t o r y " . Queen's Quarterly V o l . 8 (Winter 1974): 534.  The  - 150 -  Michelson, William. Man and His Urban Environment: A S o c i o l o g i c a l Approach. 2nd ed.. Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley Pub. Co., 1976. M i l l e r , J . Marshall. "Relating People to Space Rather than to Ground Area". Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners (Feb. 1961): 77-78. M i n i s t r y of Housing and Local Government. The Density of R e s i d e n t i a l Areas. London: Her Majesty's Stationary O f f i c e , 1952. Moller, C l i f f o r d B.. A r c h i t e c t u r a l Environment And Our Mental Health. New York: Horizon Press, 1968. Montgomery, Roger. High Density, Low-Rise Housing and Changes i n the American Housing Economy. New York: George B r a z i l l e r , Inc., 1975. Moos, Rudolf H. and Insel, Paul M., ed. Issues In S o c i a l Ecology: Human M i l i e u s . Pale A l t a , C a l i f . : National Press Books, 1974. Moos, Stanislaus von.. Le Corbusier: Elements of a Synthesis. (English T r a n s l a t i o n ) . Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1979. Mumford, Lewis. Press, 1934.  Technics and C i v i l i z a t i o n .  Mumford, Lewis. The C i t y i n History. Brace, World, Inc., 1961. Mumford, Lewis. The Culture of C i t i e s . Jovanovich, Inc., 1938.  Cambridge, Mass.:  Reprint ed., New York:  New York:  The MIT  Harcourt,  Harcourt, Brace,  Mumford, Lewis. "The Garden C i t y Idea and Modern Planning". In Garden C i t i e s of Tomorrow, p. 30. Edited by Ebenezer Howard. Reprint ed., Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1965. Munro, William B.. "City and Town Planning". In Encyclopedia of the S o c i a l Sciences, pp. 482-488. New York: MacMillan & Co., 1930. Newling, Bruce E.. "Urban Growth and S p a t i a l Structure: Mathematical Models and Eraperical Evidence". E k i s t i c s V o l . 36 No. 214 (Sept. 1973): 291-297. Newman, Oscar. Defensible Space: Crime Prevention Through Urban Design. New York: C o l l i e r Books, Inc., 1978. Newman, Oscar. Design Guidelines Creating Defensible Space. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , A p r i l 1976. Okpala, Donatus C.I... "Housing Standards: A Constraint on Urban Housing Production i n N i g e r i a " . E k i s t i c s V o l . 45 No. 222 (Jan. 1978): 249-257.  - 151 -  Olmsted, Frederick Law. Forty-Eight Years i n Architecture . Mass.: The MIT Press, 1957.  Cambridge,  Ostrowski, Waclaw. Contemporary Town Planning. Translated by Krystyna K e p l i c z . The Haque, Netherlands: International Federation for Housing and Planning, 1969. Ostrowski, Waclaw. Comtemporary Town Planning. Translated by Doris Ronowicz and Jadwiga Prsybylska. The Haque, Netherlands: International Federation f o r Housing and Planning, 1970. Parsons, T a l c o t t . S o c i e t i e s : Evolutionary And Comparative Perspectives. Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Inc., 1966. P e r i n , Constance. An I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y Prospectus f o r Environmental Design. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1970. Porteous, J . Douglas. Environment & Behavior. Addison-Wesley Pub. Co., 1977. Rapoport, Amos. 1977.  Human Aspects of Urban Form.  Reading, Mass.:  New York: Pergamon Press,  Rapoport, Amos. "Toward a R e d e f i n i t i o n of Density". In Crowding i n Real Environments, pp. 7-32. Edited by Susan Saegert. London: Sage Publications Inc., 1975. Real Estate Research Corporation. The Cost of Sprawl: L i t e r a t u r e Review and Bibliography. Washington, D.C: U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1974. Real Estate Research Corporation. The Cost of Sprawl: A Detailed Cost Analysis. Washington, D.C: U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1974. Rosow, I r v i n g . "The S o c i a l E f f e c t s of the Physical Environment". Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners (May 1961): 127-133. Saegert, Susan ed.. Crowding i n Real Environments. Pub., Inc., 1975.  California:  Sage  Saegert, Susan. "High Density Environments: Their Personal and Social Consequences." In Human Responses to Crowding, pp. 257-281. Edited by Andrew Baum and Yakov Epstein. H i l l s d a l e , N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1978. Schiffenbauer, A l l e n I. et a l . . "The Relationship Between Density and Crowding: Some A r c h i t e c t u r a l Modifiers". Environment and Behavior. V o l . 9 No. 1 (March 1977): 3-14. Schmandt, Henry J . , and Bloomberg J r . , Warner, ed.. The Quality of Urban L i f e . V o l . 3 C a l i f o r n i a : Sage Pub. Inc., 1969.  - 152 -  Schmitt, Robert C . "Implications of Density i n Hong Kong". the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners (Aug. 1963): 210-217.  Journal of  Schmitt, Robert C "Density, Health and S o c i a l Disorganization". Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners V o l . 32 (1966): 38-40. Smith, C. Ray and Witty, David. "An Exposition and C r i t i c a l Evaluation for the Commission of Conservation Canada". Plan Canada V o l . II No. 1 (1977): pp. 55-71. Smith, Wallace, F.. Housing: The S o c i a l and Economic Elements. Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1970. Stein, Clarence S.. Toward New Towns For America. The MIT Press, 1957.  Cambridge, Mass.:  Stokols, D.. "Physical S o c i a l Determinants: Environment and Behavior". Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners V o l . 38 (March, 1972): 72-83. Stokols, D.. "On D i s t i n c t i o n s Between Density and Crowding. Review V o l . 79, No. 3 (1972): 275-277.  Psychology  Stokols, Daniel. "A S o c i a l - P s y c h o l o g i c a l Model of Human Crowding Phenomena". Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners (March 1972): 72-77. Sussna, Stephen. "Playing the Numbers Game: Hud Challenge (Nov. 1972): 29-30.  R e s i d e n t i a l Density".  Sundstrom, E r i c . "Crowding as a Sequential Process: Review of Research on the E f f e c t s of Population Density on Humans," In Human Response to Crowding, pp. 31-116. Edited by Andrew Baum. H i l l s d a l e , N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1978. Sundstrora, E r i c . "Toward An Interpersonal Model of Crowding," S o c i o l o g i c a l Symposium No. 14 (1975): 129-144. Swanick, E r i c L.. "Land Use Studies i n Canada During the 1970's: An Introductory Bibliography". P u b l i c Administration Series: Bibliography, p. 304. M o n t i c e l l o , 111.: Vance B i b l i o g r a p h i e s , August 1979. Taeuber, Conrad et a l . . Density: Five Perspectives. The Urban Land I n s t i t u t e , 1972.  Washington, D.C:  The American Society of Planning O f f i c i a l s . The Urban Planner i n Health Planning. U.S. Dept. of Health, Education and Welfare. Washington, D.C: U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1968. Turner, Paul Venable. The Education of Le Corbusier: A Study of the Development of Le Corbusier's Thought, 1900-1920. New York: Garland Pub. Inc., 1977.  - 153 -  U n d e r b i l l , F.. 1964.  The Image of Confederation.  Toronto:  CBC Publications,  Unwin, Raymond. "Nothing Gained by Overcrowding". In The Legacy of Raymond Unwin: A Human Pattern f o r Planning, pp. 112-127. Edited by Walter Creese. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1967. Unwin, Raymond. Town Planning i n P r a c t i s e . Benn Ltd., 1932.  8th ed., London:  U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. National Reports of the U.S. and the U.S.S.R.. U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1981.  Ernest  Planning New Towns: Washington, D.C:  Walden, R u s s e l l , ed.. The Open Hand: Essays on Le Corbusier. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1977. White, Anthony G.. "Crowding i n Urban Areas: A Selected Bibliography". Council of Planning L i b r a r i a n s . (Nov. 1976): Exchange Bibliography //ll56. Whyte, William H.. The S o c i a l L i f e of Small Urban Spaces. D.C: The Conservation Foundation, 1980. Wiebenson, Dora. Tony Garnier: The Cite* I n d u s t r i e l l e . George B r a z i l l e r , Inc., 1969.  Washington,  New York:  Willmott, Peter and Cooney, Edmund. "Community Planning and S o c i o l o g i c a l Research: A Problem of Collaboration". Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners V o l . 29 (May 1963): 123-126. Woodbury, Coleman, ed.. Urban Redevelopment: Problems and P r a c t i c e . Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1953. Woodford, G. et a l . . The Value of Standards f o r the External R e s i d e n t i a l Environment. B r i t i s h Department of the Environment. London: Her Majesty's Stationary O f f i c e , 1976. Wright, Henry. Rehousing Urban America. Press, 1935.  New York:  Columbia University  Yeates, Maurice. "The Windsor-Queen C i t y Urban Axis". 41 No. 242 (Feb. 1976): 120-122.  Ekistics Vol.  -  154  -  APPENDIX I  - 155 -  Noise Control;  A Scenario of The Framework's Application  The purpose of this appendix i s to demonstrate how the framework might be used to apply density and crowding knowledge i n the one area of noise c o n t r o l .  This area was chosen because of i t s apparent importance  i n reducing crowding-related stress at high density. The exercise of building a framework might take many d i f f e r e n t approaches, however the end product should have several basic a t t r i b u t e s regardless of i t s design.  I t should address a problem statement; i t  should be of general application; and i t must offer the opportunity f o r the  researcher to apply the framework i n d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s .  It in  essence i s a tool which bridges the gap between t h e o r e t i c a l concepts and actual s i t u a t i o n s .  One basic goal of density and crowding research In  housing i s to improve the l i v e a b i l i t y of the environment.  In s i m p l i s t i c  terms this can be achieved by i d e n t i f y i n g actual or perceived negative and p o s i t i v e factors which might serve as a basis to guide the design of better r e s i d e n t i a l environments. Perhaps at this point i t i s important to c l a r i f y the  the scope of  term "environment", which i n this case refers to the surroundings i n  which one's home i s s i t u a t e d .  Environment i s influenced by density,  i n t e r n a l to the dwelling unit; external encompassing outdoor open space and; the broader spectrum of neighbourhood which might include parks, s o c i a l service f a c i l i t i e s ,  shopping areas or community centers.  The important point being made, i s that user needs and thus s a t i s f a c t i o n with one's l i v i n g environment must be studied i n both micro and macro density terms.  - 156 -  I n any e n v i r o n m e n t ,  t h e r e i s c o n s t a n t change  taking place.  For  example, the space needs and thus s a t i s f a c t i o n l e v e l s of the i n d i v i d u a l can change over t i m e . when they have  A young c o u p l e l i v i n g i n a one bedroom a p a r t m e n t ,  their f i r s t child,  q u i c k l y as the c h i l d grows. environment might neighbourhood. neighbourhoods  f i n d t h e i r space needs w i l l  change  An example of e x t e r n a l changes i n the  take the form of urban r e n e w a l i n a mature  As p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y i n randomly p l a n n e d mature increases,  the o r i g i n a l r e s i d e n t s may be c o n f r o n t e d w i t h  i n c r e a s e d e x t e r n a l n o i s e and p o l l u t i o n l e v e l s , i n c r e a s e d use i n a d e q u a t e community f a c i l i t i e s , about and respond  a l l of w h i c h w i l l  to the d e n s i t y of t h e i r  As r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s i n c r e a s e , s t i m u l i to the r e s i d e n t s . occurs,  is  a f f e c t how they  feel  environment. the above changes a c t as  of a d a p t a t i o n to these changes  these s t i m u l i a c t upon t h e • r e s i d e n t s and r e s u l t i n b e h a v i o r  outcomes on t h e i r p a r t as stimuli.  As a p r o c e s s  of  they a t t e m p t to adapt or a d j u s t to  or  these  A major problem p r e s e n t e d by the s t u d y of d e n s i t y and c r o w d i n g  t h a t the r e s e a r c h e r cannot o b s e r v e o r measure  the a c t u a l  process  w h i c h takes p l a c e between the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a change s t i m u l u s and the r e s u l t i n g response  on the p a r t of i n d i v i d u a l r e s i d e n t s .  This  i n t e r a c t i o n i s i n t e r n a l to the i n d i v i d u a l , and t h e r e f o r e not tested.  However an avenue of f r u i t f u l  easily  r e s e a r c h might e i t h e r use  t e c h n i q u e s of o b s e r v a t i o n or i n t e r v i e w s of r e s i d e n t s as a method of linking  the o r i g i n a l s t i m u l u s  to a r e s u l t i n g b e h a v i o r or outcome w i t h i n  a f f e c t e d r e s i d e n t groups. Changes i n the environment ( i n f l u e n c i n g p e r c e p t i o n s of and c r o w d i n g ) , c r e a t e s t i m u l i w h i c h a c t i v a t e a p r o c e s s  density  i n t e r n a l to the  - 157 -  i n d i v i d u a l which impact the high density resident needs, real and perceived.  As the process of exposure to higher densities or crowding  evolves, observable or measureable behavioral outcomes develop from the i n t e r n a l process.  These outcomes might take the form of i n d i v i d u a l  a t t i t u d e s , verbal statements, or r e a l actions related  to their response  to their housing environments. Behavioral outcomes from the crowding experience might f a l l two d i f f e r e n t categories. " i n e f f e c t i v e " outcomes.  into  These w i l l be defined as " e f f e c t i v e " and C l a s s i f i c a t i o n into each sub-group would depend  upon s p e c i f i c c r i t e r i a , which w i l l be described.  An i n i t i a l  criteria  might be; does the behavioral outcome maintain the i n t e g r i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l user ( i . e . meet one's p h y s i c a l , emotional or s o c i a l needs). Here the researcher would i d e n t i f y an e f f e c t i v e outcome by questioning whether the outcome r e s u l t i n g from the housing environment meets such needs of the user group as a whole. Another c r i t e r i a for determining c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of outcomes might be to determine i f the e f f e c t of the stimulus on the use group i s desirable or not. stimulus. the  the case of environmental noise as a  A possible outcome would be f o r a resident to a c t u a l l y leave  neighbourhood because of the noise l e v e l created by higher  densities. not  Take for example  like  Another outcome might be that the resident states he does  the noise but has adjusted to i t .  This l a t t e r case i s an  a p p l i c a t i o n of a psychological adaptation model which w i l l be expanded here. Many other c r i t e r i a of this nature could be developed to further define whether  the housing resident's behavioral outcome i s " e f f e c t i v e "  - 158 -  or " i n e f f e c t i v e " such as:  the cost of these outcomes, the o v e r a l l  benefit to the community, whether i t i n f r i n g e s on others r i g h t s , e t c . . These suggestions are only a cursory look at possible c r i t e r i a which lends i t s e l f to considerable further research and  determination.  The a p p l i c a t i o n of density and crowding knowledge might best be explained through i t s a p p l i c a t i o n to a f i e l d research example. illustration,  to i l l u s t r a t e the p o t e n t i a l a p p l i c a t i o n  the Conceptual Framework For Incorporating Density Measures With  Crowding Considerations proposed i n Chapter The environmental  V.  structure for this example i s a mature single  family neighbourhood i n which a d e n s i f i c a t i o n or housing i n f i l l is  ^  a case example of noise levels a f f e c t i n g a mature  neighbourhood w i l l be developed of  For  taking place.  process  Once a quiet area, the residents are now reporting  problems of increased noise levels which they believe are r e s u l t i n g from the nearby generated  noise of higher density development construction.  More people, more t r a f f i c and u l t i m a t e l y more noise i s present.  Also  very important i n this process i s the residents' i n t e r n a l factors which greatly influence what impact  the s t i m u l i w i l l a c t u a l l y have.  In this  example, the residents resented the changes i n their neighbourhood, f e l t they weren't consulted and spent more time i n their homes exposed to the noise.  Age,  sex and e t h n i c i t y are also examples of user group personal  characteristics. therefore response and changing  Such factors also influence their perception and to the noise stimulus as a r e s u l t of higher densities  perceptions of crowding.  The environmental act  stimulus combined with the i n t e r n a l factors  on user attitudes and actions.  Examples of major user needs i n this  - 159 -  l i v i n g e n v i r o n m e n t a r e a v e r y low i n t e r n a l l i v i n g u n i t n o i s e l e v e l i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l s o u r c e s , moderate e x t e r n a l n o i s e s t r o n g sense of " n e i g h b o u r h o o d "  with resistance  from  t o l e r a n c e , and a  to change.  In  response  to the s t i m u l u s and i t s i m p a c t on t h e i r needs, some i n t e r n a l a d a p t a t i o n o r a d j u s t m e n t may o c c u r , such as a c t i v a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l response  or g e n e r a l d e t e r i o r a t i o n i n h e a l t h .  Essentially  The  can patterns  these are i n t e r n a l responses  density.  The p l a n n e r must be s e n s i t i v e  its  such as d i s r u p t e d s l e e p  w h i c h , as p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d , a r e c r o w d i n g  w h i c h can occur a t h i g h  u s e r group as  response.  to h i g h e r n o i s e l e v e l s w h i c h c r e a t e d s t r e s s  f u r t h e r l e a d to p h y s i o l o g i c a l changes,  human r e s p o n s e s  the s t r e s s  to the b e h a v i o r a l outcomes of  the  they a t t e m p t to adapt or a d j u s t to the n o i s e s t i m u l i and  e f f e c t on t h e i r needs.  Through  t e c h n i q u e s of o b s e r v a t i o n ,  site  i n s p e c t i o n and i n t e r v i e w s , the p l a n n e r can d e t e r m i n e what a c t i o n s  some  i n d i v i d u a l u s e r s had taken w i t h i n t h e i r l i v i n g e n v i r o n m e n t to adapt to the n o i s e problem and encourage crowding-related Here, outcomes. external  to m i n i m i z e  problems.  the p l a n n e r m i g h t d i s c o v e r an a r r a y of b e h a v i o r a l  F o r example, on the macro, or neighbourhood to the u s e r ' s immediate l i v i n g e n v i r o n m e n t ,  be l o b b y i n g  density  to reduce h i g h e r d e n s i t y  noise i n t h e i r neighbourhood.  the u s e r group may  traffic  generated  T h i s , however, would o n l y p a r t i a l l y  the o v e r a l l n o i s e l e v e l as human a c t i v i t y i n c r e a s e d i n  environment.  level  the c i v i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to i n c o r p o r a t e p o l i c e e n f o r c e m e n t  or t r a f f i c c o n t r o l d e v i c e s  decrease  these on an a r e a - w i d e s c a l e  The r e s e a r c h e r might f i n d t h a t r e s i d e n t s were  their  taking  - 160 -  action more immediate to their l i v i n g unit by planting trees and vegetation between the noise source and noise.  their homes to defuse  the  Others might be building berras or constructing fences to d e f l e c t  the noise away from their l i v i n g environment.  Some users might be  incorporating noise i n s u l a t i o n into affected walls or replacing single with double pane windows.  As well, bedrooms might have been moved to  the rear of the dwelling farther away from the noise source.  Also there  might be a higher than usual turnover i n neighbourhood residents i n d i c a t i n g that users were moving away from the noise.  A l l of these  examples are measures residents might take to reduce crowding-related stressors at high density. Again using the case of noise l e v e l s , the planner must f i r s t recognize and define the environmental l e v e l s or he may  do the step i n reverse by f i r s t observing p a r t i c u l a r  resident behaviors and stimuli.  stimulus as being high noise  then assessing their main causative factors or  Next, the planner must undertake to study the behavioral  outcomes of the noise stimulus.  This takes the form of the data  c o l l e c t i o n and analysis phase of the planning process.  The  planner  i d e n t i f i e s each r e s u l t i n g behavior as " e f f e c t i v e " or " i n e f f e c t i v e " based on the suggested  pre-determined  criteria.  these outcomes to the environmental resident behavior.  He  then must analyze and  s t i m u l i causing or r e i n f o r c i n g  link the  For example, i s the affected resident a c t u a l l y  planting trees or building berms as noise abatement, or i s he merely landscaping with no real intention of noise reduction? Having made the l i n k between the environmental  stimulus and  behavioral outcome, the planner must develop a plan implementation  the to  - 161 -  deal with the high density neighbourhood noise problem.  In this  instance, the action takes the form of an intervention against the environmental  stimulus and i s achieved  through the manipulation  of the  noise stimulus. Generally interventions can be of either a " p o s i t i v e " or "negative" nature.  In a case such as a noise problem, f o r instance, i t  may not be r e a l i s t i c f o r the planner  to either take-away or reduce the  stimulus (a negative approach as i t c o n s t r i c t s action) through the enforcement or expansion  of density controls alone.  might intervene through implementation  Further the planner  of regulations other than density  controls which would confine the stimulus, such as reducing operating hours of the major noise-making a c t i v i t i e s within the neighbourhood. This could serve noise stimulus  to a l t e r the impacts of the high density  generated  through c o n t r o l l i n g for stressors i n the environment.  An a l t e r n a t i v e approach, as an example of a positive approach which promotes a c t i o n , could offer an opportunity for the planner  to focus on  maintaining or promoting those resident behaviors which suggest  their  adaptation to the environment. Also the planner must take into account the p o s s i b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l undergoing some l e v e l of i n t e r n a l adaptation  to the stimulus of high noise l e v e l s experienced  at higher  density, where no action, either p o s i t i v e or negative need be taken. The  f i n a l step In the planning process which must be  incorporated i s some form of evaluation of the intervention schedule which questions which are taken.  the costs, benefits and e f f e c t i v e n e s s of any actions Here the planner must question: was the o r i g i n a l  - 162 -  assessment correct?; were the goals r e a l i s t i c ? ; and was  the intervention  appropriate or adequate to the s i t u a t i o n ? . F l e x i b l e use of the Conceptual Framework For Incorporating Density Measures With Crowding Considerations allows the planner to apply relevant knowledge to a s p e c i f i c urban problem, such as noise. The planner can either apply a l l the v a r i a b l e s of the framework i n a comprehensive manner, or focus on one component such as done here with the example of noise.  The planner must remain aware however, that  "crowding" occurs because of d i f f e r e n t environmental  stressors which  may  be somewhat controlled by the various density measures described i n Chapter  III.  Also the planner must continually determine the o r i g i n a l  cause of the environmental  s t i m u l i ( i . e . i s the noise from an increased  density or from another factor, such as poor building design and construction?). f a c t o r s and  In seeking solutions, the i n f l u e n c i n g q u a l i t a t i v e  the personal history of both i n d i v i d u a l s and groups of  i n d i v i d u a l s should be considered when analyzing the crowding-related s t r e s s which r e s u l t s from the environment's d i s r u p t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p h y s i o l o g i c a l , s o c i a l / c u l t u r a l and psychological needs. This necessary a p p l i c a t i o n of crowding knowledge may place at the implementation  stage of the planning process.  crowding considerations can take several forms:  best take Controls f o r  1) the planner  implement controls which themselves become environmental order to correct some other negative stimulus; 2) new  may  stimulus i n  regulations can be  applied which change the o r i g i n a l stimulus thereby decreasing i t s e f f e c t ; 3) regulations can also be designed presence  to encourage or maintain  the  of a p o s i t i v e stimulus; and 4) trade-offs, as described l a t e r ,  - 163  -  could be implemented i n the face of a stimulus  that cannot be changed  realistically.  This l a t t e r crowding i n i t i a t i v e i s perhaps the most  important.  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of trade-offs and  The  e f f e c t i v e l y influence the resident's perceptions i n a p o s i t i v e manner.  For example, given  their use  may  of density and  crowding  that no r e a l i s t i c solution can  be found for the increasing noise l e v e l s from d e n s i f i c a t i o n i n a maturing neighbourhood, the planner might consider amenities  which could  be offered to the e x i s t i n g residents which would improve their environment i n some other way. noise l e v e l s but i t may crowding-stress  This approach w i l l not a c t u a l l y reduce  modify the resident's response to i t so that  can be minimized.  There are rewards that could be given  to the residents to aid i n their adaptation as; decreased property  higher density.  to higher d e n s i t i e s , such  tax l e v e l s , subsidized noi^se i n s u l a t i o n measures  to reduce s t r e s s , public education i n d i v i d u a l may  living  on density and  crowding and how  protect themselves from possible negative Affected residents may  the  e f f e c t s at  be offered a range of c o r r e c t i v e  measures as a part of a program to develop and  test innovative measures  s e n s i t i v e to human needs i n high density r e s i d e n t i a l development.  By  way  of summary, the knowledge generated by this framework promises many  new  aspects  of research which might y i e l d innovative approaches to  c o n t r o l crowding considerations at high density. required on how  e x i s t i n g density and  Much more research i s  crowding knowledge can be applied \  i n planning development controls for high density housing. The process planning.  as previously described has many implications to  I t appears that a conceptual  framework based on density  and  - 164 -  crowding knowledge could become an important  tool for the planner's use  i n the assessment of many aspects of human environments and behavior. The conceptual framework for example might be operationalized through the planning processes shown i n Figure XI below, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the steps within the box.  Figure XI: The Framework's Role In The Planning Process  GOALS  -TfT-  fotittes IT  1  II  II ii Ii  mU THiogzeS  Plaster  "6£ST  m  PtAAf  TRUO*  fk(>6LgMS  •The g r e a t e s t p o t e n t i a l f o r the Model's a p p l i c a t i o n i a r e p r e s e n t e d by the d o u b l e - d o t t e d {.-) box.  The Use of T r a d e - O f f s  in  the P l a n n i n g P r o c e s s  Inherent i n the previous discussion are the notions of f l e x i b i l i t y and a d a p t a b i l i t y .  This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true when one i s  - 165 -  attempting  to e s t a b l i s h the optimal l e v e l of high r e s i d e n t i a l density or  b u i l d i n g design.  Borukhov summarizes this idea s u c c i n t l y when writes:  "A. r e s i d e n t i a l neighborhood has many c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Usually people trade off one c h a r a c t e r i s t i c against another. For instance: people can trade off density against cost or a c c e s s i b i l i t y against space. The aim of good planning i s to find the combination of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that w i l l give maximum l e v e l of s a t i s f a c t i o n to the residents of a neighbourhood subject to the l i m i t a t i o n s of their budgets. Density standards should, therefore, be adapted to the preferences of the p o t e n t i a l residents and their preferred compromise between the various a t t r i b u t e s of their environment." 1  Burukhov further contends that people tend influenced more by factors other  than density such as views, open space  and noise, and i t i s important to analyze the benefits of i t s residents.  to be negatively  and modify these factors to  For example, at high d e n s i t i e s "ground  o r i e n t a t i o n " may be traded for private open space i n the form of a garden patio/balcony.  Or the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n / i n f r a s t r u c t u r e cost  savings  at high density may be applied to improved i n t e r n a l b u i l d i n g conditions such as e f f e c t i v e sound-proofing which may dramatically improve the liveability  of the dwelling.  On a broader scale, decisions should  be made regarding the  amount and mix of densities to implement i n a given area.  Here  trade-offs also occur so that at higher densities an increased choice of public and private services can be accessible at a convenient distance. This i n turn reduces the noise, a i r p o l l u t i o n and safety hazards of automobile t r a f f i c  that are less necessary i n a more compact  E. Borukov, "The Trade-off Between Density and Other Objectives: A Re-examination of Planning Norms", Geojournal Vol. 2.1 (1978): 71.  -  environment.  166  -  However i n p o o r l y planned h i g h d e n s i t y  environments  the r e v e r s e can be the c a s e . To a i d the p l a n n e r i n i d e n t i f y i n g the p r e f e r e n c e s of so  t h a t s a t i s f a c t o r y t r a d e - o f f s may be made, Borukhov  different 1.  cites  residents three  methods: Analysis  of b e h a v i o r shows p r e f e r e n c e s based on what p e o p l e  do r a t h e r than what they say. through  the t h r e e approaches  analysis  This data i s c o l l e c t e d of o n - s i t e  observation,  of s t a t i s t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g r e l o c a t i o n or  c r i m e r a t e s , and m u l t i p l e r e g r e s s i o n  analysis  of house  prices. 2.  D i r e c t q u e s t i o n i n g of the r e s i d e n t s  on t h e i r a t t i t u d e s , how  t h e i r n e i g h b o u r h o o d / d w e l l i n g meets t h e i r needs, and how residents' designs 3.  s a t i s f a c t i o n s i n d i f f e r e n t types of d e n s i t i e s  compares.  T r a d e - o f f games w h i c h d e v e l o p s i m u l a t i o n s of a c t u a l situations  Further discussion  and h o u s i n g  trade-offs.  of these methods w i l l n o t be i n c l u d e d h e r e ,  they have been p r e s e n t e d to p r o v i d e a u n d e r s t a n d i n g  a p p r o p r i a t e planning approaches.  The i s s u e  and s t r a t e g i e s  of of  m i g h t be c o n s i d e r e d when a p p l y i n g the c o n c e p t u a l framework as  Borukov  p.  housing  i n f i n a n c i a l c o n s t r a i n t s and demonstrate  neighbourhood  however  and  73.  I b i d , pp. 7 5 - 7 6 .  trade-offs proposed  - 167 -  i n Chapter  V.  I t i s not the intention to indicate that the use of trade-offs meets every residents' preference or requirement, impossibility.  However, decision-makers  are c a l l e d upon to make such  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s to the best of their a b i l i t y . prioritize  for this i s an  They must therefore  the many factors and decide which trade-off w i l l r e s u l t i n  s l i g h t l y more or s l i g h t l y less s a t i s f a c t i o n and come to the most desirable compromise among the various v a r i a b l e s . around the process as well as the end product.  Planning then centers  I t i s i n this  spirit  that the conceptual framework of this study has been developed.  This  framework i s not meant to be a concrete formula, but rather a f l e x i b l e tool that may  systematically guide decision-makers  i n addressing q u a l i t y  of l i f e considerations at high r e s i d e n t i a l density and how  they may  be  best assured. Much more refinement of the framework i s necessary. i s suggested  However, i t  by this analysis that i t has potential as a planning  tool.  As can be seen from the noise l e v e l case, research findings on " e f f e c t i v e " behavioral outcomes might r e a d i l y be applied to neighbourhood plans which would be implemented  to control noise l e v e l s .  The knowledge outlined by this research might also form the basis of high density control guidelines or other policy which could be applied to either new  r e s i d e n t i a l areas or to neighbourhoods soon to be faced  with higher r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s and p o t e n t i a l undesirable crowding effects. In conclusion, i t might be suggested  that the Conceptual  Framework For Incorporating Density Measures With Crowding  - 168 -  further development, w i l l prove v i a b l e for use i n problem a n a l y s i s , research design, policy-making density and crowding knowledge. implemented  and conceptual organization of e x i s t i n g These four tasks may be r e a d i l y  through the use of this framework, and prove to be a useful  addition to the f i e l d of high density planning.  - 169 -  APPENDIX II  -  170  -  FIGURE X I I - MATRIX OF DENSITY MEASURES  Qualities of Space I denominator) Duelling Space-  Land Space-  E. £ Cultural  Ethnic: Background: Education Level  Economic  Employment Status Income Level Occupation Home Owner Tenant Car Owner  Afte  Aged. School Age Preschool Age  Social  Individual Persons Families Female Heads of Households Residents Transients Present Only in Day Present Only at Night Migrants "  Qualities of Person), (numeratorj  Maurice D. Urban A n a l y s i s  K i l b e r i d g e , Robert P.  (Boston, Mass.:  'c  0'Block and  c C£ C  Paul V.  Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press,  !C  SJ.  * ^ a:  Teplitz,  1970), p.  47.  

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0096272/manifest

Comment

Related Items