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The Victorian workhouse : bastille or pauper palace? Sanders, Areta 1984

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THE VICTORIAN WORKHOUSE: BASTILLE OR PAUPER PALACE? by ARETA SANDERS B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y  of B r i t i s h  Columbia, 1980  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of H i s t o r y ,  We accept t h i s  The U n i v e r s i t y  thesis  to the required  of B r i t i s h  as conforming standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April ©  1984  Areta Sanders 1984  Columbia)  In p r e s e n t i n g  t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of  requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the  the  University  o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make it  f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference  and  study.  I  further  agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may  be  department o r by h i s o r her  granted by  the head o f  representatives.  my  It i s  understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain  s h a l l not be  allowed w i t h o u t my  permission.  Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date  DE-6  (3/81)  Columbia  written  ii  ABSTRACT  The  image o f t h e V i c t o r i a n workhouse  "bastille":  a b u i l d i n g designed  consideration true  of style,  picture?  This  beauty  i s one o f a  t o be a d e t e r r e n t or comfort.  But i s t h i s a  t h e s i s does n o t a t t e m p t  to destroy the  image o r myth, b u t t o examine i t i n an a n a l y t i c a l discover  what f a c t o r s d e t e r m i n e d  of a union  architecture Examination contexts  the design  w o r k h o u s e , and t o what e x t e n t and embodied  the s o c i a l  of the b u i l d i n g s  i s where t h i s  Work has been  t h e s i s departs  Anne Digby  has made a l o c a l  study  workhouses  in Norfolk,  thesis  H.M.  Reports.  magazine a r t i c l e s experiences  previous  Crowther  social  research.  o f workhouses.  has examined  the process  o f change  has w r i t t e n  for this  and b o o k s , t o g e t h e r  them as a  from  1834  a Ph.D.  paper were t h e  on t h e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  opinion  attendant  workhouse.  o f t h e Poor Laws, and t h e i r  Contemporary  their  o f t h e Poor Law and i t s  investigated  Commissioners  Operation  shaped t h e  h i s t o r y o f the workhouse,  r e c e n t l y Anna D i c k i n s  the sources  from  Practical Annual  from  on t h e a r c h i t e c t s and t h e u n i o n  Among Report  Margaret  and t r a c e d  1929, and most  ideology  on t h e s u b j e c t  a general  to  and c o n s t r u c t i o n  as a r c h i t e c t u r e w i t h i n  l i m i t e d , to date,  institution  way t o  purpose o f the Commissioners.  Norman Longmate has w r i t t e n  social  without  has been with  o f the a r c h i t e c t s i n v o l v e d .  and  subsequent sought  from  the opinions  Boards  and  of Guardians'  iii Minute Books, plans and s p e c i f i c a t i o n s have also been and v i s i t s  to a number of workhouses  drastically  which have not been too •  a l t e r e d , have added to the printed word, i n s i g h t ,  and a " f e e l " f o r the b u i l d i n g .  Comparisons have also  made with other i n s t i t u t i o n s and housing, using the  opinions  architecture.  may  be c r i t i c i z e d  In order to discover  r e l a t e d to e a r l i e r  how the 1834  Although the Poor Law  emerges from t h i s study.  influenced  other t h i n g s ,  t h e i r design.  were u l t i m a t e l y r e s p o n s i b l e  b u i l d i n g were moved not only  tradition.  and wished to  i t into the design of these new workhouses, t h i s  one of many ^elements that  workhouse  studied.  Commissioners f e r v e n t l y b e l i e v e d in  Boards of Guardians who  public  conclusion  have been  Bentham's p r i n c i p l e of " l e s s e l i g i b i l i t y "  only  workhouse  i n s t i t u t i o n s , contemporary surveys and  No neat and concise  was  where p o s s i b l e ,  in the context of V i c t o r i a n  pamphlets concerned with pre-1834 workhouses  incorporate  been  of contemporary a r c h i t e c t s and b u i l d e r s , in order  that the workhouse  Jeremy  studied  considerations  by ideology  institution  that occurred  for financing but by, among  of c i v i c p r i d e , economy and  Ideology, and the d e s i r e to erect an incorporating  the t e c h n o l o g i c a l  advances lent  to the Boards of Guardians, was  r e c o n c i l e d by the sharp  between  The elaborate  utilitarian of separation  and e x t e r i o r .  i n t e r i o r , which was  local  impressive  throughout the century, which in turn  interior  prestige contrast  facade b e l i e d the  planned to s a t i s f y the " p r i n c i p l e s  and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n "  laid  down by the Commissioners,  and r e f l e c t e d an a t t i t u d e toward b u i l d i n g f o r the poor which was evident workhouse  The  in other contemporary b u i l d i n g s .  We f i n d  that  design had much in common with other contemporary  1V  institutions,  housing f o r the poor, and s u r p r i s i n g l y enough,  a l i n k with country house a r c h i t e c t u r e .  Pressure from  magnates to b u i l d a e s t h e t i c a l l y pleasing  structures  vicinity  reputation,  building.  in the  of t h e i r houses also influenced the a r c h i t e c t u r e , and  was encouraged by a r c h i t e c t s who were concerned own  local  rather than being associated  to enhance t h e i r  with a " p r i s o n - l i k e "  Union workhouses were not completely new and  i n n o v a t i v e , they r e f l e c t e d a s i m i l a r ideology and t h e r e f o r e s i m i l a r p r i n c i p l e s of planning, to workhouses e s t a b l i s h e d 1834 and both aroused  critical  comment.  Consequently,  was both c o n t i n u i t y and change at work in these  and  an amalgam of d i v e r s e  p r a c t i c a l , and i t i s s i m p l i s t i c  purely  and f u l l  workhouses  i n f l u e n c e s , both i d e o l o g i c a l to assume that they were  as the " b a s t i l l e s " of popular legend.  represent  there  institutions.  We f i n d , t h e r e f o r e , that the design of union r e s u l t e d from  before  built  Instead, they  one more example of V i c t o r i a n a r c h i t e c t u r e - complex of c o n f l i c t  and  incongruity.  V  Acknowledgements  I would l i k e to thank my s u p e r v i s o r , P r o f e s s o r James Winter f o r h i s time and f o r his ever c o n s t r u c t i v e suggestions and c r i t i c i s m . I am g r a t e f u l to Dr. Anna Dickens f o r g i v i n g me the b e n e f i t of her research and helping me to make the best use of a b r i e f v i s i t to England. Finally, thanks are due to my husband, John, f o r his constant support and encouragement and c o u n t l e s s hours of b a b y s i t t i n g .  vi  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract  i i  Acknowledgements L i s t of Figures  v '  vii 1  INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1 The Intentions of the Commissioners and contemporary design ideology  3  CHAPTER 2 The Problem of A p p l i c a t i o n  15  CHAPTER 3 C i v i c Pride vs. Ideology CHAPTER 4 Inside vs. Outside  27 32  CHAPTER 5 C o n t i n u i t y or Change  40  CONCLUSION  56  Footnotes  60  Selected B i b l i o g r a p h y  68  F i gures  73  v LIST OF FIGURES  Fig.No,  Title  Page  and Source  1  Plan of a Rural Workhouse by S i r Francis Bond Head. BPP F i r s t Annual Report of the Commissioners under the Poor Law Amendment Act 1835 XXXV  73  2  Bentham's Panopticon, The Works of Jeremy Bentham.  74  3  Hexagon Plan of a Workhouse plan - Sampson Kempthorne, F i r s t Annual Report.  ground  75  Hexagon Plan of a Workhouse - one p a i r plan - Sampson Kempthorne, F i r s t Annual Report.  76  Hexagon Plan of a Workhouse - two p a i r plan - Sampson Kempthorne, F i r s t Annual Report.  77  Square Plan of a Workhouse plan - Sampson Kempthorne, F i r s t Annual Report.  78  ground  Square Plan of a Workhouse - one p a i r plan - Sampson Kempthorne, F i r s t Annual Report.  79  8  Panopticon House of Industry, Robin Evans, F a b r i c a t i o n of V i r t u e .  80  9  P lan. of Bear Wood , 81 Mark Girouard, The V i c t o r i a n Country House,  10  Dunmow Union Workhouse, David Cole, The Work of S i r GeorgeGilbert Scott.  82  11  Amersham Union Workhouse, David Cole.  82  12  Aylsham Workhouse, A r c h i t e c t u r a l History 83 1978 B l i c k l i n g H a l l , The B u i l d i n g s of England N. E'. Norfolk and Norwich, Nikolaus Pevsner.  11  V1  F i g . No.  13  Title Ely  15 16 17 18  Source  Page 84  Workhouse.  Photograph 14  and  by  Areta Sanders,  Ely Cathedral. P h o t o g r a p h by A r e t a S a n d e r s , Windsor Union Workhouse, David Cole. K e l h a m H a l 1, Mark G i r o u a r d  May  1983, 84  May  1983 85 85  The  V i c t o r i a n Country  Rye U n i o n W o r k h o u s e . P h o t o g r a p h by A r e t a S a n d e r s ,  House. 86  May  B a t t l e U n i o n Workhouse and B a t t l e Abbey. P h o t o g r a p h s by A r e t a S a n d e r s ,  1983. 87  May  1983.  19  C i t y of London Workhouse, The B u i l d e r , A u g u s t 1 1 , 1 8 4 9 .  88  20  C i t y of London Workhouse P l a n , The B u i l d e r , A u g u s t 2 5 , 1 8 4 9 .  89  21  K e n s i n g t o n Union Workhouse, T h e B u i l d e r , J a n u a r y 1, 1 8 4 8 .  90  22  B i r m i n g h a m New W o r k h o u s e , The B u i l d e r , J a n u a r y 3 1 , 1 9 5 2 .  91  23  B i r m i n g h a m New W o r k h o u s e The B u i I d e r , J a n u a r y 3 1 ,  9.2  24  Abingdon Workhouse, B r i t i s h A l m a n a c , 1835.  93  25  D i n i n g Room, M a r y l e b o n e W o r k h o u s e , P a u l T h o m p s o n and G i n a . H a r k e l 1 , The Edwardians in Photographs.  94  26  Columbia Square, John Nelson Tarn, Working in 19th Century B r i t a i n .  95  Plan, 1852.  Class  Housing  27  Industrial Tarn.  28  Southwell Workhouse, The R e v . J o h n B e c h e r , The A n t i - P a u p e r System, Goldsmith Kress L i b r a r y 28678,  Housing,  John  Nelson  96  97 1834  1 1  T i t l e and Source The Incorporated Workhouse of the Hundred of Thurgarton, The Rev. John Becher.. Contrasted Residences f o r the Poor, A. Welby Pugin, C o n t r a s t s .  1 Introduction Anti-Poor  Law  propaganda, Dore's engravings,  writings, a continual  stream of horror  s t o r i e s from  Times, a l l have c o n t r i b u t e d to form the workhouse as  "bastille":  Dickens' The  image of the V i c t o r i a n  a b u i l d i n g designed to be a d e t e r r e n t ,  without c o n s i d e r a t i o n of s t y l e , beauty or comfort. Law  Commissioners themselves were convinced  of Jeremy Bentham's " l e s s e l i g i b i l i t y " to embody i t in the design  The  of the wisdom  p r i n c i p l e and  of these i n s t i t u t i o n s .  wished  That  they b e l i e v e d they could ensure that the c o n d i t i o n s of inmates would be labourer. Sir  l e s s e l i g i b l e thannthose of the  A s s i s t a n t Commissioners  by doubt or c o n f l i c t .  is evident  that the d e t e r r e n t  a number of often c o n f l i c t i n g architecture. and  local  among other  tradition,  magnates, or simply  design,  while  ideas and  begin  to examine  institutions, i t  f a c t o r represented  j u s t one  elements expressed  in the  economic r e s t r a i n t s , notions  eccentricity.  The  the  i n f l u e n c e of  same time s a t i s f y i n g  criteria  his own  thereby enhancing his r e p u t a t i o n .  were a l s o subject to the  designs  about local  a r c h i t e c t attempted  a number of often c o n f l i c t i n g at the  of  t h i n g s , c i v i c d i g n i t y and  a e s t h e t i c s , a r c h i t e c t u r a l harmony and  to incorporate  and  Local Boards of Guardians i n f l u e n c e d the  were moved by,  prestige,  industrious  unequivocally,  Yet when we  more c l o s e l y examples of V i c t o r i a n Poor Law  way, the  l i k e Edwin Chadwick  F r a n c i s Bond Head expressed these ideas  untroubled  Poor  aesthetic  These  ideas of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  into his  and  institutions morality  2  which were incorporated and the  in other  century. w i l l , t h e r e f o r e , examine the f a c t o r s that  these c o n t r a s t s : the  ideology  conflict  between the  afforded  of the Commissioners and  circumstances that governed the  a c t u a l design  Guardians' pride  c i v i c b u i l d i n g i n c o r p o r a t i n g the and  buildings  to the t e c h n o l o g i c a l changes that appeared throughout  We  the  contemporary  and  in an  the  construction, impressive  l a t e s t t e c h n i c a l achievements,  t h e i r a t t i t u d e toward b u i l d i n g f o r the not  poor.  We  also  see that the  union workhouse was  innovative.  It owed much to e a r l i e r designs and r e f l e c t e d  contemporary b u i l d i n g ideology. did not  begin a f t e r 1834:  to c r i t i c a l the  comment.  poor, and  e a r l y workhouses were also  There had  s t a t i c throughout the century  It  always been an  t h i s represents  r a t h e r than an abrupt change.  provides  legend.  vulnerable  i n t e r e s t in  as a concern f o r the  how  condition  a c o n t i n u i t y of a t t i t u d e  But and  Poor Law  p o l i c y was  not  workhouse a r c h i t e c t u r e  the t a n g i b l e evidence of these changing a t t i t u d e s .  i s , t h e r e f o r e , s i m p l i s t i c to b e l i e v e that the  century  and  C r i t i c i s m of the workhouse  Poor Rates were spent as well  of the  completely new  will  workhouse was Instead,  built  purely  as the  the workhouse represents  of V i c t o r i a n a r c h i t e c t u r e - complex and i ncongru i t y .  nineteenth  " b a s t i l l e " of popular yet another example  full  of c o n f l i c t  and  3 Chapter 1 The i n t e n t i o n s of the Commissioners and contemporary design ideology  Following the Poor Law an  immediate b u i l d i n g  with new  of f a c t o r s which r e s u l t e d  construction.  and  and the obvious  into the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and Nassau Senior, who  Edwin Chadwick were the two  response Law  d i r e c t e d the  proposed  The  r e l i e f without that r e l i e f  distress  Commission f o r operation of investigation,  most a c t i v e members and Report;  i t was  to t h i s report that the government passed  Amendment Act.  necessary  wave of  widespread  practical  they were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the Poor Law  Commission's o b j e c t i v e was encouraging  a  agricultural  prompted the government to appoint a Royal  the Poor Laws.  was  There was  in t h i s new  Increasing poor r a t e s , the  labourers' r e v o l t s of 1830  inquiring  there  programme which s c a t t e r e d the c o u n t r y s i d e  i n s t i t u t i o n s to accommodate the poor.  combination  had  Amendment Act of 1834  pauperism.  together in  the Poor to provide  They, t h e r e f o r e ,  should be a v a i l a b l e only in the workhouse,  and that the p r i n c i p l e of " l e s s e l i g i b i l i t y " whereby the r e c i p i e n t s '  should  apply  " s i t u a t i o n on the whole should not  made r e a l l y  or apparently so e l i g i b l e  independent  labourer of the lowest c l a s s . "  be  as the s i t u a t i o n of the 2 They also re-  commended that r e l i e f a f f o r d e d to each c l a s s of pauper should "as f a r as may  be p r a c t i c a b l e be uniform throughout  the  country."  However, they b e l i e v e d that there should be a d e f i n i t e distinction treatment  between the d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s of pauper and  and they  intended that there should be not one  their large  4  institution,  but separate types f o r the aged and  infirm, for  the c h i l d r e n , f o r able-bodied women and the able-bodied  men.  4  "For the c h i l d r e n i t would provide separate schools away from the i n f l u e n c e of the depraved paupers; f o r the old and i n f i r m i n s t i t u t i o n s of the c h a r a c t e r of almshouses; f o r the s i c k , h o s p i t a l s . " 5 Despite the general condemnation of mixed workhouses found  in the Commissioners' Reports  and  both Chadwick and  Senior's personal bias in favour of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n separate b u i l d i n g s , the plans f o r the new published  in the Annual Report  c o n s o l i d a t e d workhouse.  of 1835  through  institutions  recommended  one  According to the Webbs:  "In no S p e c i a l or General Order, in no C i r c u l a r or published Minute, can we f i n d any recommendation that a board of guardians should c a r r y out the emphatic recommendations of the 1834 Report in favour of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n by institutions..." 6 and they appear to b e l i e v e that "the most e n e r g e t i c subordinate of  the C e n t r a l A u t h o r i t y " ,  by Boards- of Guardians  who  S i r F r a n c i s Bond Head, supported  7  were concerned  maintaining a s e r i e s of separate  with the expense of  i n s t i t u t i o n s , converted  their  Q  s u p e r i o r s to t h i s change in p o l i c y . We of  find  no ambiguities in the a r c h i t e c t u r a l  S i r F r a n c i s BondllHead  r e s p o n s i b l e f o r Kent. and  he expressed  purest form. ( f i g . 1 ) one  who  was  the A s s i s t a n t  His ideas were c l e a r and  the p r i n c i p a l  Commissioner doctrinaire  of " l e s s e l i g i b i l i t y "  He drew up the f i r s t for a rural  intentions  of the suggested  workhouse f o r f i v e hundred  in i t s plans, persons,  5 and  showed c l e a r l y on the plan h i s concern  that those in  r e c e i p t of aid should not be more comfortable  than  those  supporting them: "Both plans are founded on the p r i n c i p l e that in the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a Rural Workhouse, the height of the rooms, the t h i c k n e s s of the walls e t c . should not exceed the dimensions of the cottage of the honest hard working independent labourer; well b u i l t s u b s t a n t i a l rooms being a luxury as a t t r a c t i v e to the pauper as food and raiment." (fig.1) Since r u r a l  housing  dilapidated  and  f o r these  10ft.  and,  l u n a t i c and  generally  spacious  accommodation, andiihis  f o r inmates to be housed e i g h t to a room 15ft by  There was  female,  labourers was  overcrowded, Head c e r t a i n l y did not intend  t h a t paupers should enjoy plans c a l l e d  independent  to be j u s t one  t h e r e f o r e , i t was  basic d i v i s i o n obvious  between male and  that young and o l d ,  healthy must have been intended to l i v e  Head's plan did not provide f o r the s i c k , and presume that the  together.  we can only  inmates were to use the h a l l s as dayrooms  f o r work or s c h o o l i n g . It i s unfortunate that Head does not provide an e l e v a t i o n of h i s design, but from the plan there appears to be no windows on the e x t e r i o r walls of the b u i l d i n g : and, cast  iron g r a t i n g s on the  wonders how and  as he  specifies  i n t e r i o r walls f o r v e n t i l a t i o n ,  one  large the windows o v e r l o o k i n g the yards were to  whether they were capable of opening.  inmates were e f f e c t i v e l y f o r c e d to look inwards,  In any  event,  cut o f f from the o u t s i d e world and  perhaps by e x t e n s i o n ,  be,  the and  encouraging  6  them to r e f l e c t building the bow  inwardly.  The  institutional  and the p r i n c i p l e of i n s p e c t i o n was  nature of the emphasized  by  window over the gateway, which he pointed out "commands  a view of the whole establishment." Head's i n s t r u c t i o n s to the b u i l d e r r e s t r i c t e d the height of  the d o r m i t o r i e s , no doubt f o r reasons  specified  of economy; yet he  a 12ft high wall 14 inches t h i c k , r e g a r d l e s s of  c o s t , to separate the sexes  in the c o u r t y a r d .  He  was  o b v i o u s l y using b r i c k s and mortar to emphasize the idea of "less e l i g i b i l i t y " , that caused  f o r i t was  the s e p a r a t i o n of f a m i l i e s  the g r e a t e s t hardship and  acted as the strongest  d e t e r r e n t to e n t e r i n g the workhouse. The without  i n f l u e n c e of Malthus i s a l s o e v i d e n t : the f e a r that a physical  b a r r i e r the pauper would not p r a c t i c e  r e s t r a i n t , but continue to breed f u r t h e r burden on the r a t e s . c o n j e c t u r e but was  supported  This was  c h i l d r e n who  not merely  by evidence  F i r s t Annual Report, where i t was were admitted  in the workhouse and  be a  a theoretical  presented  c i t e d that two  self  in the  families  to Bulcamp house of i n d u s t r y andjiproduced were born  and  raised  in the workhouse.  At the  age of t h i r t e e n these c h i l d r e n were apprenticed by the c o r p o r a t i o n . A f t e r s e r v i n g t h e i r time, the sons married returned, with t h e i r wives, repeated  to the workhouse.  The  and  process  and there were, at the time of the r e p o r t , three  generations of these paupers in the house of i n d u s t r y .  9  was  7  Head expressed  his personal c o n v i c t i o n s in an essay  " E n g l i s h C h a r i t y " , by conducting a labourer, who and  asked  five children.  he should  interview with  be separated  from his wife  A f t e r repeating the usua1 I argument that  Members of Parliament, separated  why  a fictitious  on  s o l d i e r s and  from t h e i r f a m i l i e s , he  s a i l o r s are of n e c e s s i t y  continued:  " . . . I f you were able to provide f o r E l i z a b e t h , if you were able to provide f o r the c h i l d r e n you a 1 ready ( i n i t a l i c s ) possess, no person would have any d i s p o s i t i o n , indeed there e x i s t s nowhere any power, to separate you:..." 10 Again  in the essay  he r e i t e r a t e d the n e c e s s i t y of the d e t e r r e n t  aspect of the workhouse, s i n c e he was  skeptical  would p r a c t i c e s e l f  a strong i n c e n t i v e .  r e s t r a i n t without  that the poor  "as soon as workhouse l i f e s h a l l become per se wholesomely r e p u l s i v e , the rude amorous ploughman w i l l pause a l i t t l e before he c o n t r a c t s a marriage which must ere long make him i t s inmate;..." 11 Head c l e a r l y and  b e l i e v e d pauperism to be the r e s u l t of i d l e n e s s  vice: "Again, i f the robust, well disposed peasant does not l i k e poorhouse f a r e f o r h i m s e l f , n e i t h e r w i l l he l i k e i t f o r h i s aged Mother: and he w i l l consequently p r e f e r the pleasure of labouring f o r her support to the drunken enjoyment of Government beer shops." 12  and  i t was  t h i s opinion that i n f l u e n c e d h i s p l a n s .  concentrated  s o l e l y on the  His design  idea of " l e s s e l i g i b i l i t y "  meant to deter the i d l e , and  although  and  s e v e r a l workhouses were  13 b u i l t to t h i s plan in Kent o u t s i d e h i s Kent  i t was 14 jurisdiction.  was  not favoured  at a l l  8  The  Commissioners' o b j e c t i v e s were undoubtedly  expressed 15  most f u l l y at and  by t h e i r own  a r c h i t e c t , Sampson Kempthorne,  the same time h i s own economy a f f e c t e d  abilities  h i s designs.  and  the r e s t r a i n t s of time  His appointment as  a r c h i t e c t to the Poor Law  Commission was  patronage:  a friend  his f a t h e r was  1  of George N i c h o l l s ,  the  fi  Commissioner,  but  twenty-six and  recently  in p r a c t i c e .  set up was  official  a simple case of  Chief Poor Law  George G i l b e r t S c o t t , who  but  in 1835  Kempthorne was  only  According to  1 7  a f r i e n d , once Kempthorne  was  appointed, he r e a l i z e d h i s inexperience and " c a l l e d in the aid of h i s old master, Mr. Voysey who though a c l e v e r and ingenious p r a c t i c a l man, had not one spark of t a s t e , and took a very exaggerated view of the n e c e s s i t y of economy." It  i s , t h e r e f o r e , ambiguous whether f i n a n c i a l  imposed by the Commissioners or was  restraint  was  a personal quirk of Voysey.  The A s s i s t a n t Commissioners recommended Kempthorne's employment which meant that he had him  before his experience had  "a vast p r a c t i c e t h r u s t upon  fitted  him to conduct  i t , while  he embarked with a set of ready-made designs of the meanest 19 p o s s i b l e c h a r a c t e r , and S c o t t ' s complaint designs was  that the determining  economy where "everything had 20  the very quick". of  was  very d e f e c t i v e in other  designed  and  c o n s t r u c t i o n was  some understanding  churches  " 'cheap church' mania" in which " . . . a l l finish  f a c t o r of these been cut down to  However, he did express  the problem because he had  particulars."  during the  decency of  ground down to the very  architectural 21 dust,..."  9  It would, t h e r e f o r e , appear that what -had pure ideology was when put  complicated  seemed  like  by c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of economy  into p r a c t i c e by the Commissioners' own  architect,  Kempthorne. The  intellectual  eligibility"  was  f o r c e behind  the p r i n c i p l e of  "less  Jeremy Bentham, and the contemporary  press  made the connection between the Commissioners' recommended plans and of  1835  Bentham's Panopticon.  The A r c h i t e c t u r a l  d e s c r i b e d them as "being arranged  Magazine  more or less on  22 the panopticon of  principle..."  Yet, on c a r e f u l  both plans i t i s questionable whether a c l o s e comparison  with Bentham's design can be made. o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e was  an  i n s p e c t o r ' s lodge  could be observed specially  The  Panopticon's  i n s p e c t i o n and  a c i r c u l a r b u i l d i n g with c e l l s and  examination  central  i t s main f e a t u r e  occupying  the  circumference  in the centre from which the  not c i r c u l a r ,  but r a d i a l ,  accommodation  in a c e n t r a l  (fig.2). and  Kempthorne's plans were  although  he s i t e d  core, h i s a b i l i t y  the  Master's  to observe  l i m i t e d to the view of the yards from  his windows,  Thus, the p r i n c i p l e of i n s p e c t i o n was  recognized and  by Kempthorne to some extent, but to nothing by Bentham.  an  observe  the whole establishment" and  was  (fig.3). utilized  l i k e the degree  S i r F r a n c i s Bond Head was  by such  designed  inmates  twenty f o u r hours a day with the aid of a  invented lantern  envisaged  was  also i n f l u e n c e d  idea in planning a window over the gateway "to  the p r i n c i p a l  George G i l b e r t Scott  entrance of a number of h i s workhouses  10 to be through an arched gateway leading in order seeing  into an open court  that the Master might have "the  from his window every person who  gate by which means the conduct of the  opportunity  of  i s admitted at porter  the  i s placed  under  23 his c o n t r o l . " design is  Bentham's idea of power through a r c h i t e c t u r a l  to f a c i l i t a t e  s u r v e i l l a n c e i s c l e a r l y expressed, but i t  l i m i t e d in i t s a p p l i c a t i o n . Bentham b e l i e v e d that the  p r i n c i p l e was  Panopticon or i n s p e c t i o n house  a p p l i c a b l e to a v a r i e t y of  establishments  including  p e n i t e n t i a r y houses, poor-houses, workhouses, mad24 houses, l a z a r e t t o s , h o s p i t a l s and schools, and according to Robin Evans, i t was Bentham who emphasized the connection 25 between s o c i a l purpose and a r c h i t e c t u r a l forms. Bentham b e l i e v e d that the combination of the p h y s i c a l Panopticon system with an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e have a reforming  system or "Plan  e f f e c t on  of Management" would  i t s inmates, r e s u l t i n g in  "Morals reformed - health preserved - industry invigorated - i n s t r u c t i o n diffused - public burthens lightened - economy seated, as i t were, upon a rock - the gordian knot of the Poor Laws not cut, but untied - a l l by a simple idea in A r c h i t e c t u r e ! " 26 This was of  an a t t r a c t i v e theory  i n c r e a s i n g poor rates and  to men  is  f o r 250  less well  houses of  known.  with the  be  10 2/3  industry to accommodate 2,000 inmates  They were intended  that the average d i s t a n c e miles.  2 7  influence  However, Bentham's e x p l i c i t  to be " d i s t r i b u t e d  over the face of the country as e q u a l l y as may calculated  problems  Bentham's f r i e n d s h i p and  on Chadwick i s well documented. design  faced  Robin Evans has  be"  and  he  between each house would distilled  the essence of  11  Bentham's These  plans  in  his  institutions  framed  in  iron  'universal Mirrors  new  were  and  to  light  into  views  of  glass  panes  to  the  the  held  identical  in  up  governor's  paupers  Fabrication  glass  within  be f i x e d  was  be  sheathed  transparency'  were  book  for  around  at  work.  The  in  a network  order  the  apartments  Virtue.  "twelve  in  the  of  sake  to of  centre  and  sided  effect inspection.  to  direct  to  give  him  external  skin  of  of  iron  polygons  extra  unusual small  leadings,  mullions, 28  transoms, (fig.8)  columns It  was  an  a p r i n c i p l e and through  the  and  favour  of  "an  gothic  styles  medium  of  well  glass  as  the  of  pation  was  to  classify  to  and  the  even  intended  physical,  but  engineering  garde  as  and  poor, the  not to  of  one  separate  but  only act  to as  of  an  by  the  agent  the way.  Panopticon  was  in  the  apparent  in  a means  to  as  The  confined  to  preoccupaupers  prisoners,  house. both  improving  and  this  belief  insane,  in  tudor  in;  another.  contagion, in  enforce  behaviour 29  utilize  power  his  not  to  ignored  specific  a country  prevent  not  separation  was  included  residents  was  behaviour  group  walling."  form."  did  a workhouse,  control  of  classical,  obtaining  Bentham's  of  materials  design  accepted  c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and  contamination  even  sick  of  the  for  although  executed  modern  inch  of  f a m i l i a r and  a tool  one  architectural  and  were  not  use  avant  a r c h i t e c t u r e to  concept  prevent  or  not  in of  known  which  Nevertheless,  power  essay  Bentham's  the  was  ingenious  manipulation  However,  system  l i n t e l s , with  the  the  Classification moral lives  and of  12  those  i t a f f e c t e d , and  t h i s contemporary  ideology determined  the designs  of workhouses, l u n a t i c asylums, p r i s o n s , h o s p i t a l s  and  houses.  country  Samuel Tuke b e l i e v e d that asylums should be designed ensure complete separation of the sexes,  classification  p a t i e n t s according to t h e i r s t a t e of mind, and tendence of p a t i e n t s and  attendants  to  of  easy s u p e r i n -  by t h e i r s u p e r i o r s .  Patients  at the Retreat near York were a l s o d i v i d e d into c l a s s e s according to t h e i r property  and  each used appropriate dayrooms  30 and  courts.  In t h i s respect there  between these  c o n d i t i o n s and  those  i s a marked  of a workhouse.  Robin Evans writes of p r i s o n s that "the of p r i s o n e r s into groups and from one  another  the  similarity  classification  i s o l a t i o n of those  by means of a r c h i t e c t u r a l  commonly p r a c t i c e d in the eighteenth  groups  separation 31  century."  was  However,  the d r i v e to sub-divide p r i s o n e r s into c l a s s e s increased from the beginning  of the nineteenth  century  when there were  only four p r i s o n s c o n t a i n i n g ten or more wards; u n t i l 32 when there were f i f t y rejected was  of them.  because i t was  p r i s o n e r s from c o r r u p t i n g one disease and  S o l i t a r y confinement  inhumane and  replaced by c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  classification  was  1843  difficult  which was 33 another.  to enforce  intended "Evil  was  to  and  prevent  spread -like  the means of assuaging  the  34 epidemic." The  concern  to a r r e s t the spread  of disease was  in changing the design of h o s p i t a l s from t r a d i t i o n a l to the p a v i l i o n type which was  best  illustrated  instrumental blocks  by the  Royal  13  Naval  H o s p i t a l at Stonehouse near Plymouth, opened in 1762.  This contained  a central  b u i l d i n g which included the chapel  and was surmounted by a t u r r e t and two p a v i l i o n s on each s i d e , with a f u r t h e r s i x added symmetrically  along the main  axis at a l a t e r period - a l l of which were connected arcade. ^  5  Strict found  a t t e n t i o n to separation and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n was  in most V i c t o r i a n  country  houses.  to separate the sexes to prevent t h i s was expressed Robert  any undue temptation and  in the p r a c t i c a l  Kerr wrote an i n f l u e n t i a l  There was a concern  arrangements of the house.  book e n t i t l e d  House in which he explained the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n The  by an  primary  classification  The Gentleman's of apartments.  was that of f a m i l y and servants,  but these groups were f u r t h e r subdivided and the servants' s e c t i o n contained  nine d i f f e r e n t  areas which were grouped 36  according to male and female f u n c t i o n s . were p l a i n l y he designed special  illustrated  Kerr's  principles  in the plan of Bear Wood, the home  f o r John Walter,  with  i t s s e p a r a t i o n of f u n c t i o n s ,  womens' s t a i r c a s e , and mens' c o r r i d o r .  s l e e p i n g quarters were n a t u r a l l y  Male and female  located in d i f f e r e n t  parts of  the house and the same segregation a p p l i e d to servants and s i n g l e guests,  (fig.9)  Bear Wood lacked a f a m i l y chapel, but  these became p r e v a l e n t in country  houses in the nineteenth  37 century  and attendance  not only expected  at a r e l i g i o u s  s e r v i c e was, t h e r e f o r e ,  of the inmate of a workhouse, but a l s o of the  occupants of a country  house.  And while the workhouse was  14  intended by the Benthamite Commissioners  to reform the  morals of the pauper, the designs of country houses were intended by t h e i r a r c h i t e c t s and patrons to maintain moral standards. We have seen the i n f l u e n c e of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  on a  v a r i e t y of b u i l d i n g s which u n d e r l i n e s the point that the workhouse cannot be t r e a t e d  in i s o l a t i o n  architectural  subject to the ideology of  contemporary  form, but was building.  as a separate  15  Chapter 2 The Problem of A p p l i c a t i o n  The most i n t e r e s t i n g of union workhouses  and complex  feature  in the design  i s the dichotomy between theory and  p r a c t i c e , between e l o q u e n t l y expressed p r i n c i p l e s and and mortar. The design was  i n f l u e n c e d not only by  but by, among other t h i n g s , the i n d i v i d u a l magnates, guardians, and f i n a n c i a l the recommendations were c l e a r l y  p r i n c i p l e s were l i m i t e d  In t h e i r  architect,  considerations.  local  Although  powers to implement these  and a d i v e r s e s e r i e s of f a c t o r s  affected  application.  F i r s t Annual Report of 1835 the Poor  Commissioners of d i f f e r e n t  ideology  expressed in the Commissioners' Report  s t a t e d , the l e g a l  their practical  bricks  provided plans to the l o c a l sizes,  Law  boards f o r workhouses  ( f i g s . 3,4,5,6,7,) They did not i n s i s t  that  the plans be adopted so long as the b u i l d i n g had "the r e q u i s i t e 38  p r o v i s i o n s f o r the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  of the workhouse inmates".  The Guardians were f r e e to s e l e c t t h e i r own plans, although the Commissioners  a r c h i t e c t s and  in t h e i r Annual Report of  the f o l l o w i n g year did mention that the o f f i c i a l been found to be e f f e c t i v e  and have been very  adopted," and were s u p e r i o r  "plans  have  generally  in "cheapness and completeness of  39 arrangements." The new-act  directed  parishes to combine  and form unions  governed by Boards of Guardians and e l e c t e d by the r a t e p a y e r s . The Guardians r a i s e d the money f o r the workhouse while the  16 Commissioners only had the power to compel them to spend to a l i m i t of £50 or one-tenth  of the average  up  Poor Rate f o r  40 the past three years on new  buildings.  The  Commissioners,  t h e r e f o r e , were f o r c e d to r e l y on persuasion to get the kind of i n s t i t u t i o n s they The  plans submitted  built  favoured.  by Kempthorne, the Commissioners'  architect,; are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the " t o t a l 41  institution"  concept  The  d e s c r i b e d by Goffman in Asy1 urns.  surrendered  h i s i d e n t i t y on entry in the searching room,  then c l a s s i f i e d ,  and  to be cleansed and  sent to the a p p r o p r i a t e r e c e i v i n g  issued with the workhouse uniform,  from t h e r e , to the adjacent workroom.  Men  to work and  second  separated the yards  design, a l l v i s u a l  Commissioners and the same l i g h t  Guardians  perimeter  appeared  as a contagious  that paupers should be i s o l a t e d  arms  As with Head's  contact with the o u t s i d e world was  in t h i s case by the continuous  and  Walls  in the hexagon plan and the r a d i a l plan.  area  c l a s s - those  c l a s s - the able-bodied.  of the b u i l d i n g did so in the square  excluded,  service building.  to regard pauperism  vicious.  in t h e i r F i r s t employing  The  from  in  the i n d u s t r i o u s population  Commissioners expressed  Annual Report  The  disease and, t h e r e f o r e , b e l i e v e d  in order that the i n d u s t r i o u s should not be contaminated i d l e and  was  and women were  f u r t h e r sub-divided into areas f o r the f i r s t unable  pauper  when they  this  by the  sentiment  r e j e c t e d the idea of  paupers o u t s i d e the workhouse, since such contact  would f a m i l i a r i z e the i n d u s t r i o u s labourer with and h a b i t s . "  4 2  "pauper f e e l i n g s  17  Conditions  in Kempthorne's b u i l d i n g s were crowded, and  as Anna Dickens  p o i n t s out, the a r c h i t e c t allowed more than  twice the number of beds in a room than would be  allowed  43 under "present day  standards".  However, i t must be re-  membered that overcrowded houses were a contemporary problem, and  Lord Ashley.used  Bill  in 1851  male and  as evidence  an account  female  f o r h i s Common Lodging  by a c i t y missionary who  a d u l t s , 31 c h i l d r e n , a n d two  58 human beings breathing the contaminated room" which was  18ft by  one  rooms in the missionary's  of 270  such  10ft. This was  Kempthorne's plan was  House  reported  "27  or three dogs, making atmosphere of a c l o s e  not an i s o l a t e d case, 44  but  district.  by no means p e r f e c t and  Dickens  draws a t t e n t i o n to the unfortunate s i t i n g  of the g i r l s '  next to the  next to the boys' on  l y i n g - i n ward on one  plan and  bedroom  45 another.  Moreover, i t was  probably  r e f r a c t o r y c e l l s , which were used were s i t u a t e d  It  that t h i s was  is d i f f i c u l t  ideology or speed precedence little  and  for solitary  next to the dead house and  houses f l a n k e d the rear e x i t . were convinced  not by chance that the  How  that the two  many unfortunate  dead  paupers  the only e x i t they would ever use?  to know whether f i n a n c i a l  made necessary  restraint,  Benthamite  by the pressure of work took  governed Kempthorne's designs.  ambiguity  confinement,  But there i s  in the case of George G i l b e r t  S c o t t , who  was  p o s s i b l y the only a r c h i t e c t of note to design workhouses, and who of one  came to be "widely regarded 46 the nineteenth century". who  has  left  as the most s u c c e s s f u l a r c h i t e c t He also appears  a record of h i s experiences  to be the only  in c a r r y i n g  out  18  t h i s work, and about the  in his autobiography, he  shortcomings of his e a r l y work and  methods of o b t a i n i n g In 1834  he was  designing  frank  his motives  and  workhouse commissions. twenty three  and  when Sampson Kempthorne o f f e r e d him  two  i s disarmingly  union workhouses.  Scott  a young, a s p i r i n g a r c h i t e c t , work as an a s s i s t a n t in  stayed  months when his f a t h e r d i e d , and  with Kempthorne only  he decided  to set up in  47 practice for himself. and  he needed an  influential  income.  invited  to a s s i s t  him  describes  Moffatt  a r c h i t e c t to the  in t h i s work, and  Both steps  met  in dynamic terms: an  his f r i e n d was  B.  a very  Scott thoroughly enjoyed  exertions  arduous and  as  ;  years from  p r i c e d that there  do to r a d i c a l l y  improve the  was  and  led the  little  and  he produced over  1835. were so  an a r c h i t e c t could  plan, f o r the work would be  Guardians to expect.  Scott  "almost superhuman".  the estimate o f f e r e d g r e a t l y exceeded what the had  He  retiring  However, Scott complained that Kempthorne's plans economically  Moffatt,  e x c i t i n g business  i t ; with M o f f a t t ,  workhouses i n t h e ten  success.  aggressive,self-confident,  as opposed to the quieter,more  Moffatt's  with  they l a t e r became p a r t n e r s .  They both spent t h e i r time "union hunting"  "Union hunting"  fifty  known.  and  Union Workhouses in the  a former f e l l o w student, William  i n d u s t r i o u s young man  extolled  wealthy,  t h e r e f o r e , wrote to every  where his f a t h e r was  Scott then  Scott.  He,  not  f r i e n d of his f a t h e r begging t h e i r patronage,  a p p l i e d to become the district  Moreover, his f a m i l y was  lost i f  Commissioners  19 " A r c h i t e c t u r e and good f i n i s h or even any great improvements in arrangements, were at the time hopeless and one was d r i v e n to the wretched n e c e s s i t y of viewing one's p r o f e s s i o n as represented by one's c h i e f works, merely as a means of g e t t i n g a l i v i n g , . . . " Competition  was  the means by which improvements were  effected: " V a r i e t y became necessary, or where was the ground-work f o r competition? Thus improved arrangements began to be aimed a t . P e r s p e c t i v e views were n a t u r a l l y regarded as a t t r a c t i v e elements in a competition and to give them any i n t e r e s t there must be something to show, so that e x t e r n a l appearance began t i m i d l y to be thought of, and estimates s t e a l t h i l y to creep upwards,..." 50 Competitions  gave young and  unknown a r c h i t e c t s  l i k e Scott and  Moffatt the o p p o r t u n i t y to a d v e r t i z e t h e i r t a l e n t s and taste.  A bleak  "bastille-like"  design would not enhance t h e i r  r e p u t a t i o n and they would n a t u r a l l y Guardians  aesthetic  to give g r e a t e r p r i o r i t y  attempt  to induce the  to the e x t e r i o r d e s i g n .  According to S c o t t , the competition system  was  "open in  every sense" with the competitor being "at l i b e r t y to take step he thought worked the  good" and  he d e s c r i b e s how  any  he and M o f f a t t  system:  "On the day on which the designs were to be examined the competitors were u s u a l l y waiting in the anteroom, and were c a l l e d in one by one to give personal e x p l a n a t i o n s , and the d e c i s i o n was often announced then and there to the assembled candidates. Moffatt was most s u c c e s s f u l in t h i s kind of f i g h t i n g , having an i n s t i n c t i v e perception of which men to aim at p l e a s i n g and of how to meet t h e i r views and to address himself s u c c e s s f u l l y to t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r temperaments. The pains he took in improving the arrangements were enormous, communicating c o n s t a n t l y with the most experienced governors of the workhouses, and gathering ideas wherever he went. He was always on the move. We went every week to Peele's c o f f e e  20 house to see the country papers, and to f i n d a d v e r t i s e ments of pending competitions. Moffatt then ran down to the place to get up i n f o r m a t i o n . On his r e t u r n , we set to work, with v i o l e n c e , to make the design, and to prepare the competition drawings, often working a l l night as well as a l l day. He would then s t a r t o f f by the m a i l , t r a v e l a l l night, meet the Board of Guardians, and perhaps win the competition, and return during the next night to set to work on another design." 51 It  i s c l e a r that the  individual  a r c h i t e c t ' s powers of persuasion  i d i o s y n c r a s i e s of the Guardians had  on the choice of design. brickwork  ( f i g . 1 0 ) and  of f l i n t and  The  b r i c k , which was  demonstrate the- increased the e x t e r i o r and  provide  came into c o n f l i c t with  missions.  i n t e r e s t in the  in the  appear to hold  values  given  (by  an Pugin)  up workhouse com-  wished to succeed  a e s t h e t i c a l l y pleasing buildings.  Remarks on a design  Newton Abbot Union by Scott and general  a t t r a c t i v e n e s s of  utility.  It would seem that he simply  Explanatory  (fig.11)  examples of cases where a e s t h e t i c  s t y l e came a f t e r he had  an a r c h i t e c t , designing  patterned  Institution  p o s i t i o n ; his a r c h i t e c t u r a l conversion  to the gothic  effect  a f a v o r i t e medium f o r S c o t t ,  In his autobiography Scott does not ideologue's  the  a profound  Dunmow Workhouse of  the Amersham Poor Law  and  W.B.  as Yet  f o r a workhouse f o r the  Moffatt  they c i t e as  their  objectives: "In the arrangements of the B u i l d i n g the s t r i c t e s t regard has been paid to the most f u l l and p e r f e c t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the Paupers and ;to a f f o r d i n g to the Master and M i s t r e s s every f a c i l i t y f o r the most e f f e c t u a l s u p e r v i s i o n while on the other hand i t has been made an object to avoid g i v i n g a P r i s o n l i k e appearance to the B u i l d i n g , and to p l a c i n g unnecessary r e s t r i c t i o n s on those c l a s s e s (as the  21  s i c k and i n f i r m ) to whom the Establishment would be l e s s a place of r e s t r a i n t than an Asylum rendered necessary by misfortune." It but  i s not known whether Scott or Moffatt wrote the document in a l l p r o b a b i l i t y these were the terms of reference  which  they received from the Guardians and the A s s i s t a n t Commissioner r e s p o n s i b l e f o r Newton Abbot and we cannot be sure whether or to what extent  they r e f l e c t e d  Scott's personal  views.  However,  Scott and Moffatt  paid serious a t t e n t i o n to the need f o r " p e r f e c t  classification".  They included  separate  lying  in wards "that  respectable  women may be d i s t i n g u i s h e d from those of bad  character",  and separated  partition  s i x f e e t high.  males and females in the chapel As each c l a s s was e f f e c t i v e l y  by a separated  throughout the day and n i g h t , the a r c h i t e c t s p r e f e r r e d not to use  the chapel  as a general  d i n i n g room, but rather to f o l l o w  the p r a c t i c e of the p r i n c i p a l separate  Day Rooms as Dining  workhouses in London and use the Rooms s i n c e :  " I t w i l l be seen;from the Commissioners' r e g u l a t i o n s that out of four hours r e s t allowed to the Able bodied paupers during the day, three are occupied by t h e i r meals, and thus a f t e r a l l the shew of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and s e p a r a t i o n , the Able bodied of Both Sexes would spend three fourths ;of t h e i r unemployed time together." 52 An and  a d d i t i o n a l reason was that to combine the use of d i n i n g room chapel  made necessary a chapel  Scott was also i n f l u e n t i a l  of d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e  size.  in removing the i n f e c t i o u s wards  from workhouse b u i l d i n g s and at Newton Abbot he recommended "that the i n f e c t i o u s wards be b u i l t  in an e n t i r e l y  detached  53 situation". copied Act  by other  The separate  i n f i r m a r y adopted by Scott was  a r c h i t e c t s and in 1867 the M e t r o p o l i t a n  stated that the s i c k were to be housed  in separate  Poor pauper  22  h o s p i t a l s on s i t e s away from the workhouse. A significant  f a c t o r which  improved the design of work-  houses was the i n f l u e n c e of l o c a l magnates. their overriding  In many cases  concern was not based on questions of economy,  f u n c t i o n , or the p r i n c i p l e of " l e s s e l i g i b i l i t y " ,  but was a  conscious wish f o r beauty: they did not wish to l i v e neighbourhood of a p r i s o n - l i k e was to b u i l d  institution.  Their  in the same manner as the surrounding  in the  solution country  houses and in the Second Annual Poor Law Report an A s s i s t a n t Commissioner  d e s c r i b e s such an example:  "I g e n e r a l l y found the House of Industry a s u b s t a n t i a l l y b u i l t and sometimes a handsome s t r u c t u r e . The Stow Hundred house had so p a l a t i a l a c h a r a c t e r , that I was tempted to i n q u i r e whether any p e c u l i a r concurrence of circumstances had occasioned the e r e c t i o n of an e d i f i c e , the appearance of which seemed to me so l i t t l e in unison with the wants of the houseless and necessitous poor... My i n q u i r y soon e l i c i t e d information that the c h a r a c t e r of the s t r u c t u r e had been u s u a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to the circumstance that i t was s i t u a t e d in the immediate v i c i n i t y of the country seats of some of the d i r e c t o r s , who were n a t u r a l l y i n c l i n e d to adorn rather than to d i s f i g u r e the landscape. The f u t u r e subject of chagrin had not been a n t i c i p a t e d ; the Hundred-house e c l i p s e d some of the neighbouring mansions." 55 The s i t i n g local  of the Dunmow Union workhouse  caused c o n s i d e r a b l e  controversy because John Barnard, the Vice Chairman of the  Dunmow Board of Guardians, had bought the land opposite the proposed workhouse  for £10,000.  grounds that  He objected to the proposed s i t e on the  i t was unhealthy and because of the i n j u r y the b u i l d i n g  in that s i t u a t i o n would do to h i s property, h i s house being a quarter of a mile from the f i e l d .  The b u i l d i n g would be d i r e c t l y  opposite  his house, o b s t r u c t h i s view and he claimed that the inmates would  23 be.walking  about  his grounds and  be a nuisance to him.  c o l l e c t e d nine l e t t e r s from medical men opinion that the f i e l d  was  unhealthy,  He  who  supported his  but an  independent  a r b i t e r , Dr. Southwood Smith, overrode these o b j e c t i o n s and pronounced the s i t e healthy and  suitable for construction.  Nevertheless, Smith whose d e d i c a t i o n to the p r i n c i p l e of "less e l i g i b i l i t y " to  was  e q u a l l e d only by Chadwick's, was  compromise his i d e a l s and  prepared  recommend that as the b u i l d i n g  might " i n t e r f e r e with a f a v o r i t e prospect, i t i s but that as f a r as regards the form  right  of the b u i l d i n g , e t c . i t 56  should not be rendered  an u n s i g h t l y o b j e c t . . . "  Scott o b l i g e d  accordingly with an a t t r a c t i v e Tudor s t y l e e n t r a n c e . ( f i g . 1 0 ) The W.J.  influence of l o c a l magnates was  Donthorn designed  official  nine workhouses, although he held no  post in the counties i n v o l v e d .  a country house a r c h i t e c t  and  in 1822  Plestow, at Downham.  under the 1834  andWat1ington  patronage.  and sold the s i t e which he owned, and 57  Individual  who  in 1830 f o r  produced  of Downham,  the design f o r  His plans were u t i l i t a r i a n ,  e l e v a t i o n s were impressive and specialty.  He  in an atmosphere  He composed prayers f o r the inmates  the Swaffham workhouse.  Act.  Unlike the competitive business  atmosphere described by S c o t t , Donthorn operated of  primarily  f o r S i r WilliamB. Folkes,  became Chairman of the Gayton Union, C.B.  Donthorn was  h i s patrons turned to him when  they assumed t h e i r d u t i e s as Guardians had designed H i l l i n g t o n  c o n s i d e r a b l e and  reflected  but his  his country house  observers make d i f f e r e n t  comparisons:  24  Anne Digby  in Pauper Palaces points out that "Aylsham  Workhouse i s reminiscent of nearby B l i c k l i n g built  in the seventeenth  Hall"  (fig.12)  century, whereas Roderick  compares i t to Donthorn's own  O'Donnell  work at H i g h c l i f f e C a s t l e .  Large transomed windows running  through  a number of storeys  59 were c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Donthorn  and  a l s o appear on  c e n t r a l block of the workhouse at E l y . ( f i g . 13) here the c a s t e l l a t e d the c i t y ' s these  roof l i n e and  c a t h e d r a l , ( f i g . 14).  However,  simulated towers Comparisons may  impressive b u i l d i n g designs  the  reflect  vary  but  f o l l o w the pauper palace 60  tradition The  begun in East A n g l i a during the previous individual  stamp of an a r c h i t e c t  century.  i s hard to  suppress  and  s i m i l a r comparisons can be made between S c o t t ' s workhouses  and  his country  house designs.  the Windsor Poor Law  Institution  f a c t that Scott designed (figs.  15 and  16) and  in Surrey, b u i l t Scott's new  There i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between and  the l a t t e r  Anna Dickens  1562-68.  She  Kelham H a l l , d e s p i t e the in a h e a v i l y g o t h i c s t y l e ,  compares i t with Losely Park  a l s o makes the point that  workhouses were "with the exception of the ward  b l o c k s , domestic  in s c a l e and  non-institutional  in f e e l i n g " ,  which perhaps r e f l e c t s his personal b i a s . Not to^be  only were the e x t e r i o r s of these new  in harmony with  constructed  local  At Rye  designed  landmarks, but they were a l s o  using m a t e r i a l s t r a d i t i o n a l l y  various r e g i o n s .  workhouses  employed  in the  when Foden, the a r c h i t e c t , asked  the  25  Guardians how decided  they would l i k e the brickwork  on stucco using the  local  is a common e x t e r i o r f i n i s h the r e l a t i o n s h i p is p r i n c i p a l l y Less  in the area,  to the s i m i l a r i t y  architectural  B a t t l e Workhouse  of m a t e r i a l used. ( f i g . 1 8 )  tradition  The  Rye  altering  modate the old and  whatl.type  workhouse and  the e x i s t i n g  paupers.  some problems in  workhouse to accom-  Brede workhouse to  This expedient ft  both were f u l l  and more space was  was  workhouse and  a two  unworkable, as  3  required.  Therefore,  some c o n s i d e r a t i o n , the Commissioners sanctioned f o r a new  of b u i l d i n g  A s s i s t a n t Commissioner  Rye  i n f i r m while a l t e r i n g  house the remaining  There the  Union experienced  r a i s i n g the money f o r a new suggested  such a t t e n t i o n to  or t a s t e .  of economic r e s t r a i n t decided  would be e r e c t e d .  Parker  while at B a t t l e ,  between B a t t l e Abbey and  due  they  lime, ( f i g . 1 7 ) which 69  a f f l u e n t unions could not a f f o r d  landscape, pressures  chalk  faced,  after.  the borrowing  storey b u i l d i n g was  erected, 64  designed The  by Mr.  Foden f o r h a l f the usual  a r c h i t e c t ' s fee.  Guardians a l s o appeared to have paid c l o s e a t t e n t i o n to the  building  costs in the case of the Caxton workhouse and  that the a r c h i t e c t , W.T. proposal  Nash, j u s t i f y  which might be considered  every  insisted  f e a t u r e of his  architectural  rather than  65  strictly  utilitarian.  that Kempthorne was Although  Such examples support  the  contention  r e q u i r e d to be r i g o r o u s l y cost  conscious.  financial  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was  considered  of  paramount importance, the p r i n c i p l e of " l e s s e l i g i b i l i t y " , Head declared should  extend  to the f a b r i c  which  of the b u i l d i n g , was  26  not  always put into p r a c t i c e .  Head estimated the cost of h i s  design to be £4,300. whereas the f i r s t hundred paupers at Abingdon,and the  designed by Sampson Kempthorne,  Commissioners' recommended a r c h i t e c t , cost £8,500.  an outlay  would  S c o t t , who  had  criticized  "meanness" of Kempthorne's s p e c i f i c a t i o n added to h i s own  Explanatory Remarks  that,  "though economy would  extent be kept in view i t would f e r e with the strength but  Such  imply that the q u a l i t y of the s t r u c t u r e was f a r  s u p e r i o r to that s p e c i f i e d by Head. the  workhouse b u i l t f o r f i v e  67  W.J.  in no case be allowed to i n t e r -  and d u r a b i l i t y of the B u i l d i n g and nothing  the very best m a t e r i a l s  admitted."  of t h e i r several kinds would  and "good  sound B a l t i c timber and  English oak" be used in the c o n s t r u c t i o n  of Ely Union Workhouse ^  and by 1868, t h i s type of q u a l i t y c o n s t r u c t i o n  69 Guard i ans.  be  Donthorn, also s p e c i f i e d that the "best  q u a l i t y " b r i c k s and gravel  by the Poor Law  be to a c e r t a i n  Board in a c i r c u l a r  6  was  recommended  l e t t e r to the Boards of  27 Chapter 3 Civic  The Boards  Pride vs. Ideology  of Guardians  exerted c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e  over the type of workhouse that was doubtedly moved by c i v i c incurred  by b u i l d i n g  built  and they were un-  p r i d e and the p r e s t i g e that they  an impressive p u b l i c  institution.  From  among the e l a b o r a t e union workhouses that were c o n s t r u c t e d we will  examine the C i t y of London Union Workhouse  Kensington  (fig.19),the  Union Workhouse, ( f i g . 2 1 ) and the Birmingham  New  Workhouse ( f i g . 2 2 ) . The engravings of these workhouses d e p i c t substantial  b u i l d i n g s which in the case of the London workhouses  are r i c h l y ornamented, denying the f a c t that they are pauper institutions. There  i s an obvious c o n t r a s t between these b u i l d i n g s  f o r example, the Abingdon Workhouse ( f i g . 2 4 ) which was and earned imposing  Kempthorne such d e r i s i o n .  facades, there are s t i l l  The>:City  Romanesque s t y l e  However, d e s p i t e the  to c o n t r o l  imposing  entrance gates.  an impression of order and undoubtedly  substance  i n t i m i d a t i n g to any  the facade of the Kensington  Italian  by a w a l l , which appears  six f e e t high, (even a l l o w i n g f o r the u n r e l i a b l e together with  the behaviour of  of London Workhouse in the  i s surrounded  at l e a s t  perspective),  While t h i s would create  in a p r i v a t e house, i t was  approaching  Union  so stark  f e a t u r e s of the design which  could be seen as d e l i b e r a t e attempts the inmates.  and,  pauper.  Similarly  Workhouse i s c a r e f u l l y  28  d e t a i l e d , and  ornate, and  here open r a i l i n g s  replace the  s o l i d wall of the C i t y of London establishment,  but  nevertheless a high fence with s p i k e s , e f f e c t i v e l y  i t is controlling  access. "Those gates and l o c k s , and a l l those signs of power; I t i i s a p r i s o n with a milder name," 70 Clock towers are a f e a t u r e of the design of a l l three workhouses, and it  the C i t y of London Workhouse boasts two.  i s p o s s i b l e to c o n s i d e r them in d i f f e r e n t ways.  costly architectural and  in such  to add  substantial  p r e s t i g e and  however, there was of  a d d i t i o n s , found civic  They were  in 1arge country  houses  ;  s t r u c t u r e s as town h a l l s ,  d i g n i t y to the b u i l d i n g . the unpleasant  Again,  intended  In a workhouse,  connotation of the  discipline  time-keeping: 71 "That  large loud c l o c k which t o l l s  each dreaded  hour."  However, they could a l s o serve a u s e f u l f u n c t i o n , p r o v i d i n g a modern convenience  to the b u i l d i n g .  C i t y of London Workhouse may a water tank, was  situated The  central  tower at the  well have been b u i l t to accommodate  i f piped water was inithe  The  provided, s i n c e a steam  immediate a r e a . ( f i g . 2 0 )  a r c h i t e c t of both the C i t y of London and  Workhouses set aside the more open and  ornate  Kensington  side of the  at the f r o n t , o v e r l o o k i n g the road, f o r the aged, the  seven.  buildi  infirm  in the case of the C i t y of London b u i l d i n g , f o r c h i l d r e n age  engine  and  under  These are the c a t e g o r i e s of the deserving poor f o r  whom there was  some sympathy, whereas the Guardians  emphasized  29  the d i s c i p l i n a r y  nature of the i n s t i t u t i o n toward the able-  bodied and younger c l a s s e s by keeping  them "more  immediately  72 under the eye of the master and We  can see that there was  architectural  styles  matron." a definite  s i m i l a r i t y in the  of both workhouses and  country  there i s a prevalence of both the r u r a l - I t a l i a n and and  in l a t e r b u i l d i n g s we  s t y l e was  felt  houses: Tudor  see the gothic i n f l u e n c e .  to be t r u l y  English;  The  styles, Tudor  i t evoked the image of  generous h o s p i t a l i t y  on the part of the country gentleman, whereas  the g o t h i c s t y l e was  a s s o c i a t e d with C h r i s t i a n i t y  f o l l o w i n g the w r i t i n g s of, most notably, Pugin These sentiments old  and  sick,  able-bodied.  and  Ruskin.  c o i n c i d e with a workhouse as refuge f o r the  and  as a morally u p l i f t i n g environment f o r the  If t h i s was  there would be  and t r u t h f u l n e s s 73  little  they were d i v i d e d  the sole c r i t e r i a  of the  Guardians,  e l s e to say, but t h e i r dilemma was  that  in t h e i r d e s i r e to provide a haven f o r the  deserving, while at the same time f u r n i s h i n g  living  space that  would act as a d e t e r r e n t to the i d l e , able-bodied pauper. was  t h i s c o n f l i c t that was  facades and The  expressed  in the elegant  It  exterior  austere i n t e r i o r p l a n s .  a r c h i t e c t s of these m e t r o p o l i t a n workhouses were no  longer using the hexagon and  radial  plans produced  by  Kempthorne.  Instead, they followed much more complex designs, while retaining  certain  Poor Law  principles.  There was  a strict  system  of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , with each group i n c l u d i n g the unruly, given t h e i r own  a i r i n g ground.  In the C i t y  of London plan, ( f i g . 2 0 )  30  the a r c h i t e c t made p r o v i s i o n f o r f i v e married although  couples' rooms,  t h i s was a very small p r o p o r t i o n of the twelve  residents.  hundred  These rooms were also o b v i o u s l y intended f o r the  aged, s i n c e they were p o s i t i o n e d at the f r o n t of the b u i l d i n g next to the accommodation f o r the i n f i r m . i n s p e c t i o n was no longer apparent,  The idea of c e n t r a l  but the rooms f o r the  a s s i s t a n t master and matron overlooked the s e c t i o n f o r the unruly.  A dining hall  of impressive dimensions  and more than 50 f e e t wide, with an open timber to  accommodate 1200 persons  dining h a l l  and the i l l u s t r a t i o n  long  roof was b u i l t of a s i m i l a r  ( f i g , 2 5 ) t r a n s l a t e s these measurements into three  dimensions.  Romanesque arches  the end w a l l , echoed  provide a d e c o r a t i v e element to  in the c l e r e s t o r y windows.  f i x t u r e s are not p l a i n  but of ornamental  the p r i n c i p l e of " l e s s e l i g i b i l i t y " , still  100 f e e t  The l i g h t  wrought i r o n ,  denying  yet the atmosphere i s  b1eak. In  these London s t r u c t u r e s s i z e made r a t i o n a l  necessary  and t h i s r a t i o n a l  planning took  principle  planning into  account.  On the other hand, a r c h i t e c t s and a u t h o r i t i e s were mindful that such  imposing  s t r u c t u r e s would form  in the c a p i t a l Civic  itself  institutions  t h e i r design and f a c i l i t i e s .  in p h i l a n t h r o p y , and p h i l a n t h r o p y  i n c l u d i n g workhouses and i n f l u e n c e d The Birmingham New Workhouse was  the o b j e c t of c o n s i d e r a b l e l o c a l i n c r e a s i n g the donor's p r e s t i g e . separate chapel  landscape  city.  p r i d e expressed  helped to b u i l d  part of the urban  philanthropy, The p r i n c i p a l  undoubtedly f e a t u r e was the  in gothic s t y l e , complete with c e n t r a l  tower,  31  and  "fitted  up with  open seats  and two small  g a l l e r i e s in  74  the t r a n s e p t s  for children."  workhouse and the Contractors windows f o r the chancel two other  donated three  and a i s l e s .  stained  The c o n t r a c t o r  of the  glass presented  o n e - l i g h t windows and Mr. Minton and the a r c h i t e c t  gave e n c a u s t i c  t i l e s f o r the chancel,  perhaps, r a t h e r c y n i c a l price  The Guardians, O f f i c e r s  a i s l e s and nave.  It i s ,  to add at t h i s point that the c o n t r a c t  f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n was £29,000 e x c l u s i v e of f i x t u r e s ,  furniture  and f i t t i n g s :  to win in 1852.  certainly  i t was a handsome c o n t r a c t  Nonetheless, these donations represented  concern f o r the moral welfare  of the poor.  a  32 Chapter 4 Inside vs. Outside  The  Guardians r e c o n c i l e d t h e i r c i v i c  through the c o n t r a s t between i n s i d e and and  finish  and  pride and  ideology  o u t s i d e : between the  internal  planning  the external  t h i s way  they could take pride in c o n s t r u c t i n g a b u i l d i n g which  not only enhanced the environment but was deterrence tectural The  and  social  c o n t r o l might be embodied  Birmingham Workhouse may The  have presented  B u i l d e r p r a i s e d the  f o r p r o v i d i n g the town with  local  a "very  something the town could  by extension all  also a model f o r in the  In  how  archi-  layout.  facade and  obviously  appearance.  an a t t r a c t i v e  a r c h i t e c t J . J . Bateman  creditable structure", be proud of, something which  would enhance the r e p u t a t i o n of the Guardians  those r e s p o n s i b l e f o r i t s c o n s t r u c t i o n .  also made a point of expressing  i t s approval  But  and  the magazine  of t h e i r  priorities  "the p r i n c i p a l f e a t u r e s of the design are the i s o l a t i o n of each from the other, of the workhouse, the i n f i r m a r y , the tramp department, and the asylum f o r the c h i l d r e n , and of the p e r f e c t separation of the c l a s s e s in each department."" ( u n d e r l i n i n g by AS) 75 These are the  same p r i o r i t i e s which the A r c h i t e c t u r a l Magazine  approved of in Kempthorne's plans  in  1835:  "these plans appear to us, from a cursory i n s p e c t i o n , e x c e l l e n t l y arranged; and i t i s most g r a t i f y i n g to see the a t t e n t i o n that has been paid by .the a r c h i t e c t to the p r i n c i p l e s of separation and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , to c l e a n l i n e s s , to v e n t i l a t i o n , and to general conveniences... the wards and a l l parts of the b u i l d i n g that r e q u i r e warming are heated by hot water pipes or steam. There are baths, i n f i r m a r i e s ,  33  n u r s e r i e s f o r c h i l d r e n , schools, and in short, everything that can be required f o r h e a l t h , and f o r keeping those inmates who are able to work, c o n s t a n t l y employed." 76 There was, which had  t h e r e f o r e , a c o n t i n u a t i o n of the basic been expressed over the years.  The  values  belief  in the  n e c e s s i t y of i n s p e c t i o n also remained: "the Main b u i l d i n g , comprising the workhouse department, has an open c o r r i d o r throughout, 10 f e e t wide, and open from the second f l o o r to the roof, with iron g a l l e r i e s at each f l o o r , f o r s u p e r v i s i o n by the o f f i c e r s only. This arrangement gives great f a c i l i t y f o r e f f e c t i v e v e n t i l a t i o n , and i n s p e c t i o n . " 77 However, such an arrangement is a l s o reminiscent  of the  of a p r i s o n , and  Panopticon,  the  inspection g a l l e r i e s  c o n t r a s t s d r a m a t i c a l l y with grouping of the  the gothic  of the  s t y l e and  interior and  medieval  b u i l d i n g s which in the past expressed C h r i s t i a n  c h a r i t y , not the t h r e a t of punishment. A contemporary w r i t e r , J.M. conflict  between i n t e r i o r and  Colney Hatch Lunatic  G r a n v i l l e , described  e x t e r i o r in another  Asylum, which opened  e a r l i e r than Birmingham Workhouse. f o r a large number: one hundred  in 1851,  this  institution: a year  It a l s o provided  accommodation  thousand p a t i e n t s , as opposed to s i x t e e n  paupers.  " I t s facade, of nearly a t h i r d of a mile, i s broken at i n t e r v a l s by I t a l i a n campaniles and cupolas and the whole aspect of the e x t e r i o r leads the v i s i t o r to expect an i n t e r i o r of commensurate p r e t e n s i o n s . He no sooner crosses the t h r e s h o l d , however, than the scene changes. As he passes along the c o r r i d o r , which runs from end to end of the b u i l d i n g , he is oppressed with the gloom;... The s t a i r c a s e s s c a r c e l y equal those of a workhouse; p l a s t e r there is none, and a coat of paint or whitewash does not even conceal the rugged surface of the brickwork. In the wards, a s i m i l a r s t a t e of a f f a i r s e x i s t s : a i r y and spacious they are without a doubt, but of human i n t e r e s t they possess nothing." 78  34  The  use  of whitewash on bare brickwork presents  to the ornateness of the use  was  a stark  contrast  e x t e r i o r s of these b u i l d i n g s , and  its  un i versa 1:  "In new country workhouses the walls of these s i c k rooms are commonly of stone - not p l a s t e r e d , but c o n s t a n t l y whitewashed - and the f l o o r not seldom of stone a l s o . " 79 Such a u t i l i t a r i a n  interior  and  financial  can  enjoy with pride the  public  responsibility  institution  idea of c i v i c  in p u b l i c spending.  s i g h t of a d i g n i f i e d  knowing that p r i o r i t y  facade rather than to less  r e c o n c i l e s the  luxurious  has  The  and  pride,  taxpayer  impressive  been given  to  the  i n t e r i o r appointments f o r the  deserving. Also, whitewash provided  according  to the  V i c t o r i a n s , was  d i s o r d e r must not "In chasing positively i t conform ultimately  i n s t a n t c l e a n l i n e s s , and e s s e n t i a l l y disorder  dirt, and  be t o l e r a t e d .  d i r t , c l e a n i n g and washing we are r e - o r d e r i n g our environment, making to an idea, s e p a r a t i n g , t i d y i n g and p u r i f y i n g . " 80  This sounds remarkably c l o s e to Bentham's idea of reform through the  b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t of the environment.  the  idea that d i f f e r e n t values  the o u t s i d e interior,  of the  It a l s o r e i n f o r c e d  were at work on the  b u i l d i n g ; the e x t e r i o r being  inside  and  s t y l e and  the  sterility.  Although the bare, i t should,  i n t e r i o r walls may  have appeared c o l d  in f a i r n e s s , be added t h a t , through  a r c h i t e c t s , i t h e Guardians paid c o n s i d e r a b 1 e ^ a t t e n t i o n these i n s t i t u t i o n s with the as the d e s c r i p t i o n of the  latest  in contemporary  Birmingham workhouse  and  their to  providing  conveniences,  illustrates:  35  "From a high-pressure steam b o i l e r , placed in a c e n t r a l s i t u a t i o n , hot s u p p l i e s f o r baths, l a v a t o r i e s , h o s p i t a l s , wash-houses, d r y i n g house, k i t c h e n , s c u l l e r i e s , and f o r warming the i n f i r m wards, d i n i n g h a l l , and other parts of the b u i l d i n g are obtained... Every room w i l l be l i g h t e d by gas." 81 There was a l s o c o n s i d e r a b l e i n t e r e s t paid to o b t a i n i n g optimum ventilation, particularly  in rooms intended f o r the use of  the s i c k and the Commissioners published a l e t t e r by Sampson Kempthorne in 1835 recommending. a p a r t i c u l a r  system by Dr.  82  Arnott f o r Warming and V e n t i l a t i n g . the warming apparatus  The advantages of  were i t s exceeding  of c o n s t r u c t i o n (which  increased i t s r e l i a b i l i t y ) ,  Kempthorne had not seen the v e n t i l a t i o n was convinced and  of i t s commendabi1ity.  gas l i g h t i n g were not found  and c e r t a i n l y  utilized  system  and although  in o p e r a t i o n , he  C e n t r a l heating, hot water  in many l u x u r i o u s p r i v a t e houses  not i n the homes of the poor and the Guardians  could be j u s t i f i a b l y had  cheapness and s i m p l i c i t y  proud  of the modern technology  in the b u i l d i n g ' s c o n s t r u c t i o n .  that we have diverged a long way from  that they  It i s also evident  Head's plan with  basic amenities and i t s sole emphasis on " l e s s  i t s very  eligibility".  However, the design of b u i l d i n g s intended f o r the poor, whether i n s t i t u t i o n s or housing, to poverty.  reflected  Samuel Tuke pioneered  f o r the insane which was based  the V i c t o r i a n  a new enlightened  on s p e c i a l l y designed  attitude  treatment institutions.  Yet, in t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n of the Pauper Lunatic Asylum in Wakefield, both felt  compelled  he and the a r c h i t e c t s , Watson and P r i t c h e t t to make s p e c i a l  reference to the f a c t that t h i s  36  was an i n s t i t u t i o n  designed s p e c i f i c a l l y  f o r paupers, c l e a r l y  b e l i e v i n g that the inmates should not be indulged  with beauty  in the design of t h e i r h a b i t a t i o n . "the magistrates d i s p l a y e d the most enlightened l i b e r a l i t y and p r u d e n t i a l economy; the former by acceeding to every thing that was suggested as l i k e l y to c o n t r i b u t e to the comfort andi.cure of the p a t i e n t s , and the l a t t e r by f o r b i d d i n g go everything that appeared l i k e unnecessary ornament." and  "No attempt has been made in these e l e v a t i o n s , at architectural display. Neither the magistrates nor the a r c h i t e c t s f o r g o t that the b u i l d i n g was a Pauper ( i n i t a l i c s ) Lunatic Asylum. In the e l e v a t i o n s , t h e i r sole endeavour was to preserve s i m p l i c i t y , and to obtain as much general e f f e c t as p o s s i b l e , without s a c r i f i c i n g i n t e r n a l comfort and convenience, or u n n e c e s s a r i l y expending the p u b l i c money." 84  T h e o r e t i c a l l y , the tension make b u i l d i n g s  between the V i c t o r i a n d e s i r e to  s u i t a b l e to the environment and complementary  to the t a s t e of the sponsors, yet deterrent could  be solved  by allowing  fa^adeand  to malingerers,  i n t e r i o r to be in r a d i c a l  contrast  or c o n f l i c t .  On the other hand, the e x t e r i o r of every  building  i s a symbol and the symbol most obviously  f o r a b u i l d i n g to house indigent i f not stern  working people was s i m p l i c i t y ,  warning.  We can appreciate  the V i c t o r i a n a t t i t u d e to poverty because  i t extends to the present day, and according who discusses premise that they w i l l  appropriate  prison  and p u b l i c a r c h i t e c t u r e ,  to Robert  Sommer,  i s based on the  i f you provide good a r c h i t e c t u r e f o r p u b l i c  not appreciate  i t and i f you give mental  tenants  patients 85  anything a t t r a c t i v e they w i l l  not take care of i t .  Tuke i s conscious of "unnecessarily  While  expending the p u b l i c money"  37  Sommer writes in the twentieth century that the taxpayer does not want to b e l i e v e that people  living  in p u b l i c  housing  86 are b e t t e r o f f than he i s . p r i n c i p l e of " l e s s  It i s a modern v e r s i o n of the  eligibility".  Workhouses were monumental and symbolic whereas worker housing was not monumental, although housing f o r the poor,  "simplicity"  i t was symbolic.  In  i s the symbol which allowed  the reformer to improve but not, at the same time, " i n d u l g e " the poor. housing to  The simple, often s t a r k , clean l i n e s of the new  blocks intended f o r the poor represented the attempt  c l e a r away the d i s o r d e r of overcrowding  order, d i s c i p l i n e , nized as a s o c i a l  and moral  of  q u a r t e r - o f the  improved  T h e i r e f f o r t s were d i r e c t e d  to a l l e v i a t e  Victorian  toward  housing f o r a r t i s a n s who had a r e g u l a r of securing decent  the s t r a t a of i n d i g e n t poor remained The  was recog-  but they made small impression on the chronic lack  source of income, and the problem for  Housing  P h i l a n t h r o p i c bodies attempted  a f f o r d a b l e housing.  providing  improvement.  issue during the second  nineteenth century. the problem  and replace i t with  unsolved.  a t t i t u d e to poverty was r e f l e c t e d  s t y l e of a r c h i t e c t u r e that emerged, and these housing shared s e v e r a l housing  elements  in common with the workhouse.  blocks that Henry D a r b i s h i r e designed  Trust and Angela  housing  in the units The  f o r the Peabody  Burdett-Coutts were grim and u t i 1 i t a r i a n , ( f i g 26 )  without any p r e t e n s i o n to s t y l e or beauty, rows of new houses b u i l t  in i n d u s t r i a l  while the endless  towns were p l a i n ,  drab  and monotonous, ( f i g . 27) Yet, they were a vast improvement  38  over the s q u a l i d , overcrowded majority of the working  rooms which were the l o t of the  class population.  As with workhouses and other i n s t i t u t i o n a l planning, a r c h i t e c t s and b u i l d e r s paid s p e c i a l of s a n i t a t i o n keeping  and v e n t i l a t i o n  a t t e n t i o n to the  importance  to prevent the spread of d i s e a s e ,  in mind the cholera outbreaks of 1832  and  1848.  Internal  courtyards were a common f e a t u r e , designed to be used as safe playgrounds  f o r the c h i l d r e n  they appear  no more c h e e r f u l , being g e n e r a l l y devoid of v e g e t a t i o n ,  benches or even a modest The  but compared to the workhouse yards  swing.  Peabody B u i l d i n g s were also r a i l e d  o f f from the  surrounding s t r e e t s with gates that were locked at n i g h t . separation was apart, and  d e l i b e r a t e and  set the occupants  of these  This buildings  somewhat above the surrounding community, away from  "contamination" by the lower c l a s s e s .  There were also a number  of r e g u l a t i o n s which the tenants were o b l i g e d to f o l l o w , which gave the housing s o c i e t i e s a measure of c o n t r o l tenants, even i f i t was Inside these  of a benevolent  over t h e i r  nature.  buildings  " f i n i s h e s were spartan; a l l the walls were l e f t unplastered to minimize the r i s k of vermin and wallpaper was f o r b i d d e n . " 87 Again, t h i s  r e f l e c t s an a t t i t u d e to the poor; housing must be  designed to p r o t e c t the poor from themselves they are n a t u r a l l y appreciate  beauty.  dirty,  in the b e l i e f  and cannot or do not deserve to  that  39  However, the a t t i t u d e toward poor d i f f e r e d paupers.  designing housing  f o r the  from designing workhouse accommodation f o r  We have seen that there was often a c o n f l i c t in  workhouse design between an elegant e x t e r i o r and a spartan interior.  In housing, the e x t e r i o r and i n t e r i o r were in  harmony: the s i m p l i c i t y  of both facade and i n t e r i o r was  intended to promote the same b e n e f i t s of h e a l t h , moral  well-  being and contentment with one's l o t . Yet these new housing blocks aroused and  bastille  mixed r e a c t i o n s and were l a b e l l e d  "barracky  l i k e " with r a t h e r more j u s t i f i c a t i o n  in some  instances than the workhouse.  But the phi1anphropic  of these b u i l d i n g s doubtless prevented by c r i t i c s  on t h e i r c o n s t r u c t i o n .  f o r the poor changed  little  b u i l d i n g was not b u i l t  until  too v i r u l e n t  A t t i t u d e s toward  nature an attack building  over the y e a r s : the f i r s t 1864, t h i r t y  Poor Law Amendment Act, and t h i s  Peabody  years a f t e r the  slow e v o l u t i o n of ideas  with housing the poor was e q u a l l y apparent  in  concerned  workhouses.  40  Chapter  5  C o n t i n u i t y or Change  1834  i s often t r e a t e d as a watershed: harsh  less e l i g i b i l i t y , s t r e s s on  the t e r r o r of the well r e g u l a t e d workhouse,  institutional  with c l a s s i f i c a t i o n an instrument  attitudes,  and  treatment  inspection,  separation, belief  of reform, concern  dangers of d e n s i t y .  and  in a r c h i t e c t u r e  about "contagion" and  These f a c t o r s cannot  p r a c t i c e : the r u l e s of management compiled  by the  a c o n t i n u i t y that has often been overlooked.  was  diversity  afterward.  in form  There was  and  Commissioners demonstrate  There were  "pauper p a l a c e s " afterward; there  purpose before and  a marked s i m i l a r i t y  by S i r F r e d e r i c Eden who the  and  1834  a l l previous  are evident in many of the e a r l i e r workhouses and  before 1834  as  the  be denied, yet  does not represent a complete departure from  "bastilles"  obsession  surveyed  l a t e eighteenth century and  still  some d i v e r s i t y  in the values  expressed  the country's workhouses in  those of the Commissioners of  1834.  new,  One  f e a t u r e of the old workhouses, l a r g e l y  was  the b e l i e f that the poor could work p r o f i t a b l y to  make the workhouse s e l f  sufficient,  and t h i s  absent  i s evident in  the plans of e a r l i e r workhouses where the p r i o r i t y space  allocated  to workrooms was  in the  considerable.  given to  A number of  schemes were devised over the years whereby the poor were to be engaged  in some form of manufacturing,  accruing to the p a r i s h .  with the  benefit  However, none of these plans  was  41 successful  because i t was  average workman could f i n d  found  that when trade was  good, an  emp1oyment,and when i t was  bad, 88  there was  no market anyway f o r the goods that he produced.  Nevertheless, the b u i l d i n g s continued  to be designed  to accom-  modate workrooms. S i r F r e d e r i c Eden in his report on The published 1696,  in 1797,  described the B r i s t o l  which i l l u s t r a t e s  Poor Law  State of the Poor  workhouse, b u i l t in  t h i s type of arrangement, and A s s i s t a n t  Commissioner Captain Chapman brought t h i s  information  up to date in 1832. Chapman wrote that i t was intended "that a spacious workhouse be erected at a general charge, large enough f o r the poor to be employed t h e r e i n , and also f o r room f o r such as being unable to work, are to be r e l i e v e d by c h a r i t y . " 89 The  inmates o r i g i n a l l y  were one  to spin worsted yarn purchased manufacturer.  But  i t was  coarse work were too and  accepted  one  through  soon found  low to pay  the Corporation purchased  do f i n e work.  hundred g i r l s who  an arrangement with a  that the wage rates f o r  f o r the support  new  were taught  of the  equipment to enable  girls, them to  When t h i s became p r o f i t a b l e the workhouse hundred boys and  subsequently  of the c i t y " , whom they put to "such 90 f o r t h e i r ages and  strengths.  the "ancient  people  employment as were f i t  Although  t h i s was s u c c e s s f u l  f o r a while, Eden i d e n t i f i e s the problem, which was  the usual  downfall of such schemes: "As soon as the Poor came to do anything t o l e r a b l y w e l l , they went o f f to sea, or were apprenticed in the c i t y , and they made nothing p e r f e c t or merchantable from t h e i r work, but only s p o i l e d the m a t e r i a l s , so that instead of l e s s e n i n g the charge of maintaining the Poor they only increased i t . " 91  42  The inmates of B r i s t o l  Workhouse  were s t i l l  employed when  A s s i s t a n t Commissioner Captain Chapman made h i s report Infirm men knitting  were making  laces and p l a i t i n g  in 1832.  straw and women were  and winding worsted, but workshops f o r the purpose  were hired  in the town, while the able bodied were employed  outside the house as stone breakers. Eden also described the extensive f a c i l i t i e s the  House of Industry b u i l t  a century a f t e r B r i s t o l .  at Newport,  o f f e r e d by  I s l e of Wight, almost  It was capable of accommodating seven  hundred people and boasted workshops " f o r the manufacturers and mechanics", "a master weaver's room and spinning 18, with storerooms over i t ; . . . with a spinning  room, 96 f t . by  shoemaker's and t a i l e r s ' shops,  room, 150ft by 18, with weaving rooms and s t o r e -  92 rooms over". the  These workshops produced a p r o f i t a b l e return on  work undertaken.  However,  i t i s not known whether  was c o n s i s t e n t through the years or whether i t f e l l the  given to workshop space was s t i l l  in the new workhouse b u i l t Lymington  in 1793.  f l o o r was d i v i d e d  in the Parish of Boldre,  apparent Near  Here the plan was very simple: the ground into a workroom  on the r i g h t of the entrance,  a k i t c h e n and back kitchen on the l e f t .  which doubled as a Committee Room was "a  v i c t i m to  same problems recorded at B r i s t o l . The p r i o r i t y  and  profitability  window on one s i d e ,  on the opposite side  The Master's Room,  in the centre and had  i n s p e c t i n g the workroom; and another 93  i n s p e c t i n g the k i t c h e n " .  Here i s an  example of the a r c h i t e c t u r e being used e x p r e s s l y to carry out the  p r i n c i p l e of i n s p e c t i o n .  U p s t a i r s the s l e e p i n g  chambers  43  were separated as below, women than men r e s i d e n t  but as there were g e n e r a l l y more in the house, a sick room with a  separate s t a i r c a s e was d i v i d e d o f f from the men's room. Concern f o r the i n h a b i t a n t s ' well-being and the contemporary obsession with v e n t i l a t i o n  as a means of p r e s e r v i n g  health  were also expressed in the d e s c r i p t i o n of the s i t e as "elevated, dry  and a i r y " , and " b u i l t  of b r i c k ,  s i n g l e , t h a t the a i r may  94 have f r e e passage through i t . " This was a small workhouse which accommodated only nine or  ten men and women and between twenty  and t h i r t y  children  in May 1793, and we see from the plan that there was no p r o v i s i o n for  the separation of the sexes or the d i f f e r e n t  c l a s s e s of  poor during the day. Neither were there separate courtyards walled o f f from each other, but i n s t e a d : "the ground between the house and the road, which i s a f a l l i n g space of about s i x t y yards is d i v i d e d , f i r s t into a dry convenient play yard f o r the c h i l d r e n ; and the remainder, about h a l f an acre, running down to the road i s a garden. The l a r g e r garden, which i s about an acre, l i e s behind the house."95 Workhouses were expected to be s e l f and the garden mentioned for  sufficient  produce  was probably used to supply vegetables  the inmates. The s o l u t i o n to the alarming increase  was  in garden  in the Poor Rates  s t i 1 1 b e l i e v e d by some to be a s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t  The author of an account of workhouses f i r s t and r e p r i n t e d  workhouse.  published  in 1786 b e l i e v e d that workhouses  in  1732  44  "under a prudent and good management w i l l answer a l l the ends of C h a r i t y to the Poor, in regard to t h e i r Souls and Bodies; and yet at the same time prove e f f e c t u a l Expedients f o r encreasing our manufactures, as well as removing a heavy burden from the Nation." 96 His  p o s i t i o n c o n v e n i e n t l y salved h i s C h r i s t i a n  because " i d l e n e s s and  conscience  s l o t h are Immoralities" while at the  same time promising to ease his taxes. This b e l i e f that the workhouse could be a p r o f i t a b l e establishment was the p r i o r i t y  abandoned before 1834  consequently,  given to workshops in the workhouses we  discussed was  not repeated  workhouses d i f f e r e d of  and,  later.  We  see that these e a r l y  c o n s i d e r a b l y in t h e i r  their f a c i l i t i e s ,  and while Union  have  s i z e and the complexity  workhouses also varied in  s i z e , they were g e n e r a l l y l a r g e r because i n c o r p o r a t i o n unions meant that each  institution  into  served a wider area.  In a  small establishment l i k e Boldre, s e p a r a t i o n into c l a s s e s as well  as sex would have been unworkable; y e t , in common with  1834  workhouses, the p r i n c i p l e of i n s p e c t i o n  in a healthy environment were implemented. the past and The concern  through  There was,  and the  belief  the b e n e f i t s of v e n t i l a t i o n  t h e r e f o r e both c o n t i n u i t y  with  change at work.  belief  in the importance  for training  and c a r e f u l l y  children.  educated  and  of work was  expressed  If they could be  be taught and  in the  "religiously  accustomed to work  97 and  labour"  they could be prevented from  perpetuate the c y c l e of pauperism,  growing  up to  and, t h e r e f o r e , reduce  the  45  burden of the Poor Rate.  This p r i n c i p l e was enacted  in the  plan and o r g a n i z a t i o n of the workhouse in Bishopsgate S t r e e t , London. The and  house was d i v i d e d into two p a r t s : the Steward's side  the Keeper's s i d e .  Poor c h i l d r e n were taken  Steward's side and were employed spinning e l s e sewing or k n i t t i n g "cast accompts".  into the  wool or f l a x or  and were taught to read, write and  To prevent any contamination of the c h i l d r e n  by the d i s r e p u t a b l e poor, these inmates were housed  separately  in the keeper's s i d e . "Vagabonds, Beggars, P i l f e r e r s , lewd, i d l e and d i s o r d e r l y Persons committed by two of the Governors" were given "such r e l i e f as is proper f o r them, and are employed i n beating Hemp f o r twine spinners, Hemp d r e s s e r s , Linnen-weavers, .shoemakers, and other t r a d e s ; and a l s o wash linnen f o r the c h i l d r e n on the Steward's s i d e . " 98 In order  to accommodate these f u n c t i o n s  "the workhouse ( e x c l u s i v e of the Chapel and Prison Part) contains above 200 f e e t in length, has three rooms one over another, about 150 f e e t in length; the lowest of which i s the .Work-Room f o r Boys, the second f o r G i r l s and the t h i r d Room has two wards f o r lodging the boys. The g i r l s ward i s over the Chapel which separates the workhouse from the P r i s o n - s i d e . " 99 This arrangement not only the  belief  in the danger of contagion  necessitated deserving. using and  s t r e s s e d the importance of work, but  classifying  by a s s o c i a t i o n which  and separating  the deserving  and un-  The Bishopsgate Workhouse began operating  in 1701  these r u l e s and i l l u s t r a t e s the c o n t i n u i t y of perception  practice.  46  While workrooms were of prime importance  in a number of  workhouses, in towns l i k e C a r l i s l e ,  little  "few  or as in East Grinstead,  that can;.work w i l l  come i n "  1  0  0  work was done because  101 the men refused o u t r i g h t to do any work. p r o f i t a b l e or even s e l f before  1834, although  sufficient  The b e l i e f  i n s t i t u t i o n was abandoned  work was required of the inmates to  prevent  i d l e n e s s and was in some cases c a r r i e d  basis.  Consequently  to disappear called  simply  in a  out on a commercial  the s i z e and v a r i e t y of workrooms began  from the plans and in many cases  such  a space was  the dayroom.  Complete s e p a r a t i o n of the sexes was considered p r e f e r a b l e but f r e q u e n t l y in eighteenth century workhouses there was no separation during the day.  Often the workhouse was q u i t e s m a l l ,  as the one d e s c r i b e d in Hamsted, Middlesex  where "a large con-  venient o l d house" was h i r e d to accommodate "twenty in Family of which e i g h t or nine are c h i l d r e n " .  Here there i s no mention  of segregation and the use of the word "Family" communal atmosphere.  Obviously, without  suggests a  the intense  interest  in the p a r t i c u l a r p r i n c i p l e s of s e p a r a t i o n and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n that came in the nineteenth century, many b u i l d i n g s of d i v e r s e plan could be used as workhouses. similarity  Nevertheless, there i s a  between a large i n s t i t u t i o n  l i k e the Newport House  of Industry and the C i t y of London Workhouse, where in both institutions wives.  separate  rooms were set aside f o r married  However, in such  e a r l y workhouses as those  men and  in B r i s t o l  47  and  Bishopsgate S t r e e t , there would appear to be a greater  concern to separate from the morally  the decent, and p a r t i c u l a r l y  degenerate in order to prevent  Eden, through h i s c r i t i c i s m  segregation and  contamination.  and d e s c r i p t i o n s of various  workhouses, i n d i c a t e d the contemporary opinion workhouse and t h i s  the c h i l d r e n ,  of a well run  included the n e c e s s i t y f o r r e s t r a i n t ,  of s e x e s , c l a s s i f i c a t i o n to prevent  the need f o r i n s t i t u t i o n a l  rules.  contamination  He c r i t i c i z e d  the Oxford  workhouse because: "The boundary walls were i n s u f f i c i e n t to confine the paupers; the garden yard and o f f i c e s lay open, and in common with each other; the windows and doors of the house without proper bars or f a s t e n i n g s ; no r e g u l a r wards appropriated to the s i c k , aged or i n f i r m , nor n u r s e r i e s f o r the c h i l d r e n ; the sexes strangely intermixed in t h e i r eating and s i t t i n g rooms and a l s o in t h e i r shops and e x e r c i s e grounds; nor any separation between t h e i r wards and s l e e p i n g rooms." 102 In a d d i t i o n , the Master's and Matron's apartments were in one corner  of one of the wings "out of s i g h t and hearing  of every  part of the house where t h e i r a t t e n t i o n was more p a r t i c u l a r l y 103 demanded."  As a r e s u l t , a l t e r a t i o n s , improvements and  r e p a i r s were made to the house to make i t what a House of Industry should be: "a comfortable asylum f o r the aged and i n f i r m , a place of u s e f u l employment f o r those who are able to work and a House of C o r r e c t i o n f o r the i d l e and p r o f l i g a t e . " 104 Institutional  r u l e s were also not a new innovation  union workhouse: Eden d e s c r i b e s where new inmates surrendered  the f a c i l i t i e s  of the  at Shrewsbury  t h e i r own c l o t h e s and were washed.  48  "Adjoining the house are two ranges of b u i l d i n g s , one of which contains apartments to which the Poor are sent on t h e i r admission to be s t r i p p e d and washed and i n f e c t i o u s cases are d e a l t with t i l l cured." 105 It was  i s not  s u r p r i s i n g , t h e r e f o r e , that  generally  Eden reports that  a t e r r o r of the workhouse and  bodied entered  one  unless  forced  that few  there  able-  by adverse circumstances to  106 do  so.  "The  invention  of  t e r r o r of a well-run  a new  in the e a r l y nineteenth  harshness toward the century.  pauperism, c e r t a i n parishes  was  relief the  and  Perceiving  consequently the  He  changed the  kind or money and  sent  into the workhouse.  poor r a t e . Rev.  every a p p l i c a n t  In a d d i t i o n , "the  taken at his word, and  b e n e f i t s could He was the  only  be given  then required  increase  and  numbers  Robert Lowe  was  a l l relief  in  his family at once  a p p l i c a n t who  entered  s t a r v i n g f o r want of  t o l d that these l u x u r i e s  by the  in  p a r i s h against  and 107  work...".  to break a s p e c i f i e d number of stones in  yard. Workhouse d i s c i p l i n e was  and  an  Notable among them  system to refuse  the workhouse on the plea that he was work was  an  poor did appear  attempted to reduce the  p a r i s h of Bingham, where the  magistrate.  not  1834.  Nevertheless,  on  workhouse" was  strict  separation  upon, together regular  of man,  intended  to act as a  deterrent  wife  c h i l d r e n was  insisted  and  with workhouse uniform, no beer, tobacco or  hours and  no communication with f r i e n d s out  snuff,  of doors.  49  These were c o n d i t i o n s the  1834  that were l a t e r deplored  inhuman in  workhouses, although they demonstrate a c o n t i n u i t y  rather than a break with the The of the  as  past.  p r i n c i p l e of " l e s s e l i g i b i l i t y "  Poor Law  Commissioners and  to the f a c t that they b e l i e v e d comfortable l i f e  than the  pervades the  they were extremely s e n s i t i v e  paupers were enjoying  i n d u s t r i o u s poor.  workhouse, A s s i s t a n t Commissioner Majendie  indignant  to f i n d  placing  "there  a more  In the  Grinstead  that  East was  i s a show of some r e s t r a i n t  a p o r t e r at the f r o n t gate, which i s locked;  back of the  reports  premises is open/to the  fields,  the men  but get  by as  the  out  108 when they please." from f r i e n d s and were very  They are, t h e r e f o r e ,  r e l a t i o n s , and  comfortable.  in no way  as they refused  Majendie pointed  out  earnings  of  12s  The  man  was  f a m i l y exceeded £60  an  labourer  for  with a wife  his wife  out to work and  per week were paid to the  of keeping the industrious  sent  a l l work, they  a common abuse of  the workhouse in U c k f i e l d , where a g l a z i e r and five children lived.  and his  p a r i s h , but the  whereas out earning  of the  workhouse,  £48.2s  Such a worker would, t h e r e f o r e , f a r e harder than  inmate of the  workhouse.  calculations,  and  1  were c i t e d  to strengthen  per  the  These, however, were M a j e n d i e s  doubtless  cost  2s and q u a l i f y i n g  allowances f o r his c h i l d r e n would take home only  year.  cut o f f  own  his  argument. Perhaps the model design Sir  pre-1834 workhouse which came c l o s e s t to  of Sampson Kempthorne and  F r a n c i s Bond Head and  the  the  the  recommendations of  Commissioners was  the  Thurgaton  50  Hundred 1824.  Incorporated Workhouse which was The  plans were by The  Rev.  completed  in December  John Thomas Becher, based  on  109 the " P r i n c i p l e of C l a s s i f i c a t i o n forming  to the system adopted  and Management" 110  at Southwell.  plans ( f i g . 2 8 )  can see, there i s a simple d i v i s i o n of the  each having t h e i r own their dormitories.  day  room, with  individual  The only a n c i l l a r y  the  C e r t a i n l y the most imposing  large oval governor's  those requesting r e l i e f .  accommodation was  The  Thurgaton  f e a t u r e of the b u i l d i n g  room which would undoubtedly In a d d i t i o n , stout walls  intimidate  indicated  l i n e the walk to the entrance  occasionally  dimensions.  as a chapel and  day  c h a r a c t e r and  appears porch  i n t i m i d a t i n g ; high  and  again the Committee  This room was  to be  A strong sense of  rooms f o r each sex, one  one  in the  Priority  f o r the i d l e ,  f o r those of good  immoral and  called  l e f t wing with the governor's  was  day  no  used  classification  improvident.  r i g h t wing these were combined with the k i t c h e n and and  Southwell.  could be combined with the school  room by means of f o l d i n g doors. allowed two  It was  Workhouse i s much more complex than  Room i s of imposing  was  a principle.  From the plan, ( f i g . 2 9 ) the entrance walls  the  school  the promise of r e s t r a i n t which the workhouse o f f e r e d . architecture reinforcing  sexes,  s t a i r c a s e s to  Governor's room and o f f i c e , the k i t c h e n , pantry and room.  con-  They were,  however, more s o p h i s t i c a t e d than the Southwell where, as we  and  and  back kitchen  s e c r e t a r y ' s rooms.  longer given to workrooms and these were  rooms, even i f some menial  In the  employment was  now  carried  on  51  in these areas. self  sufficient  Any c o n v i c t i o n that the workhouse could has obviously been abandoned, d e s p i t e the  f a c t that the i n s t i t u t i o n and  be  was  designed as a model of e f f i c i e n c y  organization. There were separate s t a i r c a s e s f o r each c l a s s to t h e i r  d o r m i t o r i e s , together with a separate courtyard with privacy f o r each c l a s s .  Ancillary buildings  laundry, wards f o r persons a f f l i c t e d reception  i n c l u d i n g the washhouse, with contagious d i s e a s e s ,  rooms and strong rooms f o r punishment  in the backyard and completed Becher "the whole system  the i n s t i t u t i o n .  were s i t u a t e d According to  i s conducted upon the P r i n c i p l e s of 111  Salutary R e s t r a i n t and S t r i c t  Discipline"  was  practice.  designed to put t h i s  into  and the b u i l d i n g  When compared to Kempthorne's plan, the Thurgaton Workhouse appears to be a rather awkward d e s i g n , undoubtedly Becher was  because  an amateur a r c h i t e c t , but there i s a d e f i n i t e  l a t i o n between the two,  which  perhaps  c o n s i d e r the p r i n c i p l e s  upon which they were organized.  corre-  i s inescapable when we  The most obvious f a c t o r that emerges from these reports is the lack of u n i f o r m i t y  in both the b u i l d i n g s themselves  the management of the i n d i v i d u a l a small b u i l d i n g  workhouses.  and  They ranged from  in Skipton where eight people were maintained 112  under the charge of a Matron,  through a " t o l e r a b l y neat and  convenient" workhouse in B l a n d f o r d , Dorset where two took care of the i n s t i t u t i o n and 11 3 absence of the o v e r s e e r s ,  its thirty  paupers  s i x inmates  in the  to the l a r g e , complex House of  Industry at Newport on the I s l e ofWight capable of accommodating seven hundred  people, and the Thurgaton Workhouse conducted  52 upon the  " p r i n c i p l e s of Salutary  Discipline".  s u s t a i n i n g was  increase end  there did  in the  was  not  number of paupers and century  and  the  the  e a r l i e r experiments of the Lord  based on the  idea  Rev.  but  workshop With  the  poor rates at  poor.  clearly  that the  began with  New  p r i n c i p l e s that his f a t h e r had  the nineteenth,  However, t h i s  Robert Lowe and  Sherbrooke claimed  was  beginning of the  a harsher a t t i t u d e toward the  happen i n s t a n t l y in 1834  Becher.  and  or disappeared a l t o g e t h e r .  eighteenth  the  poor so that the workhouse  found to be u n r e a l i s t i c  diminished,  of the  Strict  a p e r c e p t i b l e change over the years:  of p r o f i t a b l y employing the  space was  and  1 1 4  There was  self  Restraint  the  Rev.  the John  Poor Law  was  established  at  11 5 Bingham  and  in p r a c t i c e i t would seem that the  Commissioners were not management.  represent  also c o n t i n u i t y in the  management because of the recommended f o r the  one  degree of c o n t i n u i t y  p r a c t i c e of workhouse  breakdown in some of the p r i n c i p l e s  administration  P r i n c i p l e of National  The  a greater  in more than  g e n e r a l l y been accepted.  There was  cherished and l o c a l  Law  in t h e i r r u l e s of  These r u l e s were in operation  pre-1834 workhouse and than has  at a l l innovative  Poor  Uniformity  of union workhouses.  which had  been one  aims of the Commissioners in 1834 was not a u t h o r i t i e s were l e f t to devise t h e i r own  system of s t r i c t  classification  of inmates was  of  The the  enforced 116 policies. also eroded  53  because  paupers  were expected to do the household work and  care f o r the sick w i t h i n each  in the i n s t i t u t i o n , with the r e s u l t  sex there was  that  an i n d i s c r i m i n a t e mixing of every  117 c l a s s of  pauper.  Another element criticism  levelled  of c o n t i n u i t y  at workhouses.  i s also evident in the Before and a f t e r  1834  workhouses were the object of p u b l i c  i n t e r e s t , and  often  disapproval.  George Crabbe,  was  The poetry of the Rev.  widely read and his poem "The  V i l l a g e " p u b l i s h e d in 1783  included a d e s c r i p t i o n of the p a r i s h Poor House: "Theirs i s yon House that holds the p a r i s h poor, Whose wall of mud scare bear the broken door; There, where the p u t r i d vapours, f l a g g i n g , play, And the d u l l wheel hums d o l e f u l through the day;-"  118  In c o n t r a s t to t h i s mean establishment he d e s c r i b e d , but with the same c r i t i c a l  tone, a f a r more imposing workhouse in  1809:  "Your Plan I love not; - with a number you Have placed your poor, your p i t i a b l e few: There, in one house, throughout t h e i r l i v e s to be, The pauper-palace which they hate to see: That giant b u i l d i n g , that high-bounding w a l l , That large loud c l o c k , which t o l l s each dreaded hour, Those gates and l o c k s , and a l l those signs of power; It i s a p r i s o n with a milder name, Which few i n h a b i t without dread or shame." 119 Horror s t o r i e s were not confined to the union workhouse, as James Neild t e s t i f i e d  in his "Remarks on Norwich  Workhouse" 120  published  in The Gentleman's Magazine,  described  a filthy,  and  insanitary.  October  s q u a l i d b u i l d i n g which  was  1805.  He  overcrowded  No dayrooms were a v a i l a b l e and the  inhabitants  54  l i v e d , a t e , as well as s l e p t on t h e i r beds. taken an unnecessary vaccinated had  toll  because inmates  and there was no attempt  c o n t r a c t e d the d i s e a s e .  inmates.  had not been  to i s o l a t e those who  C o n s i s t e n t with the i n s a n i t a r y  c o n d i t i o n of the house, deaths in every f i v e  Smallpox had  averaged  approximately one  Most shocking to N e i l d was the  s i g h t of a twelve year o l d boy who had an iron c o l l a r with four p r o j e c t i n g  prongs round  h i s neck and a strong iron  ring  fastened near h i s ankle, which was attached to a chain at the end of which was a log of wood weighing a l t o g e t h e r twenty-two pounds.  The boy's punishment was to l a s t  as a r e s u l t of h i s being " i n c o r r i g i b l e " and upon Neild e f f e c t e d The who f e l t  s i x months  investigation  his release.  new Poor compelled  Law s t i r r e d  an emotional  to write of i t s a l l e g e d  response  in many  inhumanity.  The  supreme example of t h i s type of l i t e r a t u r e was G.R. Wythen 1?1  Baxter's The Book of the B a s t i l e s was a v i r u l e n t  published in 1841.  It  c o m p i l a t i o n of horror s t o r i e s of the i l l  experienced by paupers  treatment  in union workhouses, and although many  of the a c c u s a t i o n s were found to be i n a c c u r a t e or f a l s e , added f u e l  they  to the a n t i - p o o r law campaign. 122  Mrs.  Trollope  in 1844 wrote J e s s i e P h i l l i p s ,  a sentimental  novel about  the c r u e l t y of the new Poor Law and the new union  workhouse.  Her contention was that the flaw in the 1834 measure  was lack of heart, of a t t e n t i o n to the human element.  She noted  55  that the A s s i s t a n t Commissioners and the Guardians able to o f f e r outdoor  relief  at t h e i r own  were  still  d i s c r e t i o n , but that  they were o f t e n unable to i d e n t i f y the deserving cases because the union covered  so large an area.  the i n d i g n i t y and torment  Jessie P h i l l i p s  experienced  of a combined workhouse, where no  d i s t i n c t i o n s were made between the deserving and young or o l d , sane or insane.  The  undeserving,  hardships that Mrs.  Trollope  d e s c r i b e d were not innovations of the union workhouse: they were an 1834,  intrinsic  part of l i f e  in many workhouses p r i o r to  a f a c t which she does not point out. A.W.  Pugin also b e l i e v e d that the commendable values of  the past, of c h a r i t y , benevolence, been renounced  and concern f o r beauty,  in the nineteenth century, and  published Contrasts or A P a r a l l e l of the Middle Ages and  in 1836,  had  he  between the Noble E d i f i c e s  Corresponding  B u i l d i n g s of the Present 123  Day;  shewing The  Present Decay of Taste.  both the content of the book and  Pugin's  The T i t l e e x p l a i n s bias toward  the  ages and when he c o n t r a s t e d the residences f o r the poor, o b v i o u s l y based underlining  t h i s drawing  i t s bleakness  severity,  of the new  (fig.30)  This i s a  poorhouses.  C l e a r l y there i s evidence that there was  both  continuity  and change in the design and management of workhouses the c e n t u r i e s , as well a u t h o r i t y who  he  on Kempthorne's hexagon plan,  and  mute but eloquent c r i t i c i s m  middle  throughout  as in the perceptions of those in  were i n t e r e s t e d  in the c o n d i t i o n of the  and the cost of t h e i r maintenance.  poor  56  Conclusion  The  s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Poor Law  should not be underestimated, was  difficult  Amendment Act of  because although  to enforce, i t represented  in p r a c t i c e i t  an attempt to deal  with the problem of poverty on a n a t i o n a l s c a l e . p o l i c y was  not s t a t i c throughout  but developed the s p i r i t It had this  slowly u n t i l  Poor  the remainder of the  i t came c l o s e r  of the Commissioners' Report  1834  in c e r t a i n  of  Law century,  areas to  1834.  i s true that the p r i n c i p l e of n a t i o n a l u n i f o r m i t y  failed:  "...the  Poor Law  in t h e i r Orders  Commissioners had  even with  failed  to embody  regard to able-bodied men;  and 1  had  by  1847,  However, by  wholly 1865  abandoned  i t in regard to other c l a s s e s . "  workhouses were recognized  the home of the h e l p l e s s and  innocent  as being  mainly  and  the c e n t r a l A u t h o r i t y 125 changed i t s a t t i t u d e to workhouse c o n s t r u c t i o n and regimen. According to the Medical O f f i c e r in 1867: "able-bodied people are now s c a r c e l y at a l l found in them during the greater part of the year... Those who enjoy the advantages of these i n s t i t u t i o n s are almost s o l e l y such as may f i t t i n g l y r e c e i v e them v i z the aged and i n f i r m , the d e s t i t u t e sick and c h i l d r e n . Workhouses are now asylums and i n f i r m a r i e s . " 126 Consequently, modified.  the commitment to " l e s s e l i g i b i l i t y "  In 1853  the Poor Law  should have good medical  was g r e a t l y  Board b e l i e v e d that paupers  a t t e n t i o n and  this automatically  meant that they would be b e t t e r cared f o r than would an independent  labourer who  often could not a f f o r d  any  medical  57 attendance.  The q u a l i f i c a t i o n s  of the Poor Law Medical  O f f i c e r s were "to be such  as to ensure f o r the poor a degree  of s k i l l  attendants  in t h e i r medical  equal to that which can 127  be commanded by the more f o r t u n a t e c l a s s e s of the community." The  change in a t t i t u d e on the part of the Central  Authority  resulted  in a continued  workhouse and t h i s e f f o r t to a r c h i t e c t u r a l to be arranged hygiene  was r e f l e c t e d 1 28  specifications.  in separate  Minimum  space requirements  at a r i g h t angle or an acute were given and s u f f i c i e n t  throughout  cold water was to be provided  i n f i r m a r y wards.  plastered indicating The yards  internally.  the b u i l d i n g .  in the bathrooms and  with a s u i t a b l e kitchen and s c u l l e r i e s with  Blocks were to be  f a r apart to ensure the free passage of a i r and  v e n t i l a t i o n was to be ensured and  Workhouse b u i l d i n g s were  blocks or p a v i l i o n s f o r reasons of  and were not to be connected  angle.  in a closer attention  and as a precaution against f i r e .  sufficiently light  e f f o r t to improve the  provided  sickrooms  in connection  The walls of a l l s i c k wards were to be One general d i n i n g h a l l  some r e l a x a t i o n  was  recommended,  in the p r i n c i p l e of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n .  f o r the c h i l d r e n , sick and aged were to be enclosed  with dwarf walls and p a l i s a d e s r a t h e r than with covered  high s o l i d w a l l s ,  play sheds to be provided where there were a large 129  number of c h i l d r e n .  A l l of these concessions  more humane approach toward the deserving poor. f o r the able-bodied yards were s t i l l concern  Hot  represented a Discipline  was, however, not relaxed and in 1891 t h e i r  enclosed  by walls of s i x or seven f e e t and  f o r d i s c i p l i n e was given as the reason  windows on boundary w a l l s .  1 3 0  f o r not allowing  This does sound l i k e an echo of  58  Sir  F r a n c i s Bond Head, yet there were e f f o r t s to make workhouse  i n t e r i o r s more comfortable and  varied.  and  However, these  c h e e r f u l and  food more n o u r i s h i n g  improvements were l e f t  to the  1 31 discretion 1871 by  of the six hundred Boards of Guardians.  the C e n t r a l A u t h o r i t y began to recommend  institution,  But  r e v e r t i n g to the proposals  By  classification  in the 1834  again, they were dependent on the Boards of Guardians  considered the cost p r o h i b i t i v e ; and  u l t i m a t e l y such  fication  and  had  proceeded only f o r c h i l d r e n  turned  almost  full  Since complexity, theme, no neat  and  c o n t i n u i t y and  and  ambiguity  concentrated  1834  Act and  sometimes shaped the e x t e r i o r as well as the  and  and  costly their  have been our  "Less  Southwood Smith  i n t e r i o r of b u i l d i n g s  urban ones, b u i l t  Head's o r i g i n a l  Some  e l a b o r a t e , ornamental  i n s t i t u t i o n s , t r i b u t e s to the t a s t e and  sponsors.  eligibility"  as time went on, the passion ebbed.  not simply  The  our d i s c u s s i o n has  economy, the passion of Head, Chadwick and  unions,  The wheel  in the twenty years  the v a r i e t y of workhouse designs.  but, p a r t i c u l a r l y  classi-  concise c o n c l u s i o n should be expected.  a f t e r the passing of the illustrated  the s i c k .  who  circle.  workhouse bui1ding boom was  of  Report.  estimate was  civic  pride  f o r a work-  house to cost £4,300, whereas the C i t y of London Workhouse cost at  in excess  a time  vast  of £38,000 only fourteen years  when i n f l a t i o n  i n c r e a s e , and  was  l a t e r , which  not a r e l e v a n t f a c t o r , was  demonstrates c o n f l i c t i n g  values.  a  5 9  Workhouse a r c h i t e c t u r e was not only ideas of the Poor Law Commissioners,  i n f l u e n c e d by the  but by the Guardians  and a r c h i t e c t s and evolved as a r e s u l t of contemporary practice for  in other i n s t i t u t i o n s  the poor.  as well  as b u i l d i n g s  specifically  Before we judge i t too h a r s h l y , we must remember,  as David Roberts points out in h i s a r t i c l e Victorian  design  "How Cruel was the  Poor Law", that the age was a harsh one, f u l l of  c r u e l t y and s u f f e r i n g  and the workhouse should be seen in t h i s  132 environment.  Contemporaries  b e l i e v e d that they were  guided by humanitarian p r i n c i p l e s  and were f u l f i l l i n g the  needs of the poor, as a c o n t r i b u t o r to the Penny Magazine "in of  wrote:  many respects the workhouse i s p r e f e r a b l e to the dwellings 1 33 the labouring population  workhouses were not b u i l t  in g e n e r a l . "  Certainly a l l  as prisons and they were, in many  i n s t a n c e s , f a r more a t t r a c t i v e than housing designed f o r the independent the  labourer.  architectural  and must be judged  The V i c t o r i a n workhouse formed  part of  scene, expressing a complex mix of ideas, in a nineteenth century context.  60  FOOTNOTES  1  S.E. F i n e r , The L i f e and Times of S i r Edwin (London: Methuen & Co.Ltd., 1 952 ), p.70.  Chadwick  2  B r i t i s h Parliamentary Papers, Report from H.M. Commissioners on the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d P r a c t i c a l Operation of the Poor Laws with Appendix (A) Part 1 v o l . 8 , 1834. (Shannon, I re 1 and: I r i s h U n i v e r s i t y Press, 19/0), p. 127,  3  Report from H.M.  Commissioners, p. 167.  4  Report from H.M. F i n e r , p.85.  Commissioners, p.307 as quoted in  5  The Health of Nations, p.355 as quoted in F i n e r ,  6  Sidney and B e a t r i c e Webb, E n g l i s h Poor Law P o l i c y (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1910), p. 56.  7  Webb, p.57.  8  Sidney and B e a t r i c e Webb, eds., The Break-Up of the Poor Law: Being Part One o f the M i n o r i t y Report o f " the Poor Law Commission (London: Longmans, Green and Co. , 1 909 ) , p.18.  9  B.P.P., F i r s t Annual Report of the Commissioners under the Poor Law Amendment Act, Appendix (B), 183b, XXXV p.108.  10  S i r F r a n c i s Bond Head, " E n g l i s h C h a r i t y " , in D e s c r i p t i v e Essays Contributed to the Q u a r t e r l y Review, 2 v o l s . ( London : John Murray, 1857), V, p. 84 .  11  Head, p.75.  12  Head, p.75.  13  First  14  Anna Dickens, "The A r c h i t e c t and the Workhouse", The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Review, c l x (December, 1976), 345.  15  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , according to Anna Dickens, there are no Kempthorne papers. He emigrated to New Zealand in 1841 where he p r a c t i c e d u n t i l h i s death in 1873.  p.85.  Annual Report, p.17.  61  15  Kempthorne s w r i t i n g on workhouses was l i m i t e d to a l e t t e r contained in The Second Annual Report of the Commissioners under the Poor Law Amendment" Act, Append i x (C ) "Remarks on Dr. Arnott's System of Warming and V e n t i l a t i n g as a p p l i e d to Workhouses", p.450.  16  G. G i l b e r t Scott, ed., Personal and P r o f e s s i o n a l R e c o l l e c t i o n s by the l a t e S i r George G i l b e r t S c o t t , R.A. (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & R i v i n g t o n , 1879), p.76.  17  Howard C o l v i n , A B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y of B r i t i s h A r c h i t e c t s 1600-1840 (London: John Murray, 1978), p.486.  18  Scott,  P .77.  19  Scott,  P .77.  20  Scott,  P .81.  21  Scott,  P .85.  22  " F i r s t Annual Report of the Poor Law Commissioners", The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Magazine, (November, 1835), p.512.  23  George G i l b e r t Scott and Wm. Bonython Moffatt, Exp 1anatory Remarks on a Design f o r a Workhouse f o r the Newton Abbot Union, Devon R.O. P.L.U. Newton Abbot 22.  24  John Bowring, ed., The Works of Jeremy Bentham, 11 v o l s . (New York: Russell & Russel1 Inc. , 1962), IV, 36.  25  Robin Evans, "Bentham's Panopticon: An Incident in the S o c i a l H i s t o r y of A r c h i t e c t u r e " , A r c h i t e c t u r a l A s s o c i a t i o n Q u a r t e r l y , 3 (July 1971), 21.  26  Bowring,  27  John Bowring, ed., The Works of Jeremy Bentham, 11 v o l s . (New York: R u s s e l l & R u s s e l l Inc. , 1962) , VIII, pp.369-374.  28  Robin Evans, The F a b r i c a t i o n of V i r t u e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1982) , p. 222 .  29  Evans, The F a b r i c a t i o n of V i r t u e , p.222.  30  Samuel Tuke, D e s c r i p t i o n of The Retreat: An I n s t i t u t i o n Near York f o r Insane Persons, (York: W. Alexander, 1813),  1  p.39.  (Cambridge:  62 31  Evans, The F a b r i c a t i o n  of V i r t u e , p.261.  32  Evans, The F a b r i c a t i o n  of V i r t u e ,  33  Evans, The F a b r i c a t i o n  of V i r t u e , p.265.  34  Evans, The F a b r i c a t i o n  of V i r t u e , p.266.  35  Helen Rosenau, S o c i a l Purpose in A r c h i t e c t u r e : Paris and London Compared 1760-1800 (London: Studio V i s t a , 1970), p.52.  36  Robert Kerr, The Gentleman's 1865), p.64.  37  Mark Girouard, L i f e in the E n g l i s h Country House (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1980 ), p . 271.  38  First  39  B.P.P. Second Annual Report of the Commissioners the Poor Law Amendment Act, 1836 XXIX,p.23.  40  4 & 5 William IV Sec.25. as quoted in Webb, English Poor Law P o l i c y , p.19.  41  Erving p. 7.  42  First  43  Dickens, p.347.  44  Hansard, CXV (New S e r i e s , A p r i l 1851), 1260-1 as quoted in John Nelson Tarn, Five Per Cent Phi1anthropy (Cambridge: U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1973), p.13.  45  Dickens, p.345.  46  David Cole, The Work of S i r George G i l b e r t Scott (London: The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Press, 1980 ) , p. 1 .  47  Scott,  p.78.  48  Scott,  p.78.  49  Scott,  p.81.  50  Scott,  p.82.  51  Scott,  p.82.  52  Scott,  Explanatory Remarks  p.261.  House (London: J . Murray  Annual Report, p.29.  Goffman,  Asy1 urns  (New  York: Anchor Books,  under  1961),  Annual Report, p.8.  63 53  Scott,  Explanatory Remarks.  54  Anna Dickens, " A r c h i t e c t s and the Union Workhouse of the New Poor Law" (unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Sussex, 1982)  55  Second Annual Report, p.154.  56  L e t t e r to The Poor Law Commissioners, from Dr. Southwood Smith, 27 October 1838.  57  Roderick O'Donnell, "W.J. Donthorn (1799-1859): A r c h i t e c t u r e with 'great hardness and d e c i s i o n in the edges' ", A r c h i t e c t u r a l H i s t o r y , 21 (1978), 89.  58  Anne Digby, Pauper Palaces Kegan Paul, 19/8), p.66.  59  O'Donnell, p.89.  60  Digby,  61  Dickens, " A r c h i t e c t s  62  Sussex R.O. p.293.  63  Rye Union Minutes, 10 October 1842,  p.14.  64  Rye Union Minutes, 30 January 1843,  p.151.  65  L e t t e r to the Guardians of the Poor of the Caxton and Arrington Union, from W.T. Nash, 27 June 1836. Cambridge  66  "Abingdon  67  Scott,  68  Explanatory P a r t i c u l a r s f o r the Ely Union Workhouse ( i n i t i a l l e d W.J.D.) 1837, Cambridgeshire R.O. G/E (uncata 1ogued ).  69  C i r c u l a r l e t t e r from the Poor Law Board to Boards of Guardians 15 June 1868 in T w e n t y - f i r s t Annual Report of the Poor Law Board 1868-9, Appendix, p.47.  70  Rev. George Crabbe, P o e t i c a l Works, 8 v o l s . John Murray, 1834) I I I , 287.  71  Crabbe, p.287.  72  "Kensington Union Workhouse", The B u i l d e r , 1848) p.28.  (London: Routledge &  p.66. and the Union Workhouse" p.25.  Rye Union Minutes 6.8/1a5, 3 July  Workhouse", B r i t i s h  Almanac,  1843,  1836, p.235.  Explanatory Remarks  (London:  (1 January  R.O.  64 73  Mark Girouard, The V i c t o r i a n Country House (New and London: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1979) p.37.  Haven  74  "Birmingham New 1852) p.71.  75  The B u i l d e r , (31 January 1852)  76  A r c h i t e c t u r a l Magazine,  77  The B u i l d e r , (31 January 1852)  78  J.M. G r a n v i l l e , "Lunatic Asylums", Quarterly Review 101 p.364 as quoted in Andrew T. S c u l l , Museums of Madness (London: A l l e n Lane, 1979), p.HJTH  79  Frances Power Cobbe, "Workhouse Sketches", MacMi Hans Magazine 3 ( A p r i l 1861) 456.  80  Mary Douglas, P u r i t y and Danger: An A n a l y s i s of Concepts of P o l l u t i o n and Taboo (London: P e l i c a n Books, 1970) p.12 as quoted in Leonore Davidoff "Mastered f o r L i f e : Servant and Wife in V i c t o r i a n and Edwardian England", Journal of S o c i a l H i s t o r y 7 (1973/4) 412.  81  The B u i l d e r , 31 January 1852,  82  Second Annual Report, Appendix  83  Watson and P r i t c h e t t , Plans, E l e v a t i o n s , Sections and D e s c r i p t i o n of the Pauper Lunatic Asylum l a t e l y erected at Wakefield f o r the West Riding of Y o r k s h i r e ; to which is added, a New and Enlarged E d i t i o n of Mr. Samuel Tuke's P r a c t i c a l Hints on the C o n s t r u c t i o n and Economy o f Pauper Lunatic Asylums (York: W~! Alexander, 1819)  84  Watson and P r i t c h e t t ,  85  Robert Sommer, Tight Spaces. Hard A r c h i t e c t u r e and How to Humanize i t (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J. : Prentice-Hal 1 Inc. , 1 974 ) , p.2.  86  Sommer, p.7.  87  John Nelson Tarn, Five Per Cent Philanthropy U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1973), p.46.  88  Dorothy M a r s h a l l , The E n g l i s h Poor in the Eighteenth Century (London: George Routledge & Sons L t d . , 1 926 ) , p. 127.  89  Report from H.M.  90  S i r F r e d e r i c Morton Eden, The State of the Poor, ed. by A.G.L. Rogers (New York"! E.P. Dutton and Company, 1 929) , p.51.  Workhouse", The B u i l d e r , (31 January p.71.  p.511. p.71.  p.71. (C), p.450.  p.30.  (Cambridge:  Commissioners, p.510A.  65  91  Eden,  p.51.  92  Eden, p.202.  93  W. G i l p i n and others, An Account of a New Poor House erected in the Parish of Boldre in the New Forest" Near Lymington (London: A. Strahan, 1803 ) , p.6.  94  Gilpin,  p.6.  95  Gilpin,  p.7.  96  An Account of the Workhouses in Great B r i t a i n in the Year M.DCC,XXXII, 3d., (London: W. Brown, LXXXVI)  97  An Account of the  Workhouses, p . x i i .  98  An Account of the  Workhouses, p .3.  99  An Account of the  Workhouses, p .4.  100  Eden, p.149.  101  Report from  102  Eden, p.285.  103  Eden, p.286.  104  Eden, p.287.  105  Eden, p.299.  106  Eden,  107  Report from  H. M. Commissioners,  108  Report from  H. M. Commi ss i oners, p.179a  109  In a l e t t e r toi Becher, Lowe claimed to to introduce these p r i n c i p l e s , although he allowed that Becher "extended the system over an immense t r a c t of country..." A. Patchett Martin, L i f e and L e t t e r s of the Right Honourable Robert Lowe, Viscount Sherbrooke, G.C.B.,D.C.L., Z v o l s . (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1893), p.50.  110  The Rev. John Thomas Becher, M.A., The Anti-Pauper System, (London: W. Simpkin .and R. Marshall"; 1834) , p.9.  111  Becher , p.9.  H. M. Commi ss i o n e r s , p.469.  p.94. p.612.  66  112  Eden, p.365.  113  Eden, p.176.  114  Becher, p.9.  115  Mart in , p.50.  116  Webb, E n g l i s h  Poor Law P o l i c y , p.84.  117  Webb, E n g l i s h  Poor Law P o l i c y , p.66.  118  Rev. George Crabbe, P o e t i c a l John Murray, 1834) I I , 83.  119  Crabbe,  120  James N e i l d , "Remarks on Norwich Workhouse", The Gentleman's Magazine, LXXV (October, 1805), 893  121  G.R. Wythen Baxter, The Book of the B a s t i l e s John Stephens, 1841.  122  Frances T r o l l o p e , 1844)  123  A. Welby Pugin, Contrasts or A. P a r a l l e l between the Noble E d i f i c e s of the Middle Ages and C o r r e s p o n d i n g B u i l d i n g s of the Present Day; shewing The Present Decay of Taste (London: Charles Dolman, 1841).  Works, 8 v o l s .  (London:  I I I , p.287.  Jessie  Phillips  (London:  (London: Henry Colburn,  -  124  Webb, E n g l i s h  Poor Law P o l i c y , p.83.  125  Webb, English  Poor Law P o l i c y , p.83.  126  Dr. E. Smith, Medical O f f i c e r to the Poor Law Board, in Twentieth Annual Report, 1867-8, p.43. as quoted in Webb, English Poor Law P o l i c y , p.134.  127  Mr. Baines (President of the Poor Law Board) 12 July 1853; Hansard, v o l . 129, p.138. as quoted in Webb, English Poor Law P o l i c y , p.117.  128  Webb, English  129  Twenty F i r s t  130  P e r c i v a l Gordon Smith, Hints and Suggestions as to the Planning of Poor Law B u i l d i n g s (London: Knight and Co., 1901 ) , p.66.  131  Webb, English  132  David Roberts, "How Cruel was the V i c t o r i a n Poor Law?", H i s t o r i c a l J o u r n a l , 6 (January 1963), 106.  Poor Law P o l i c y , p.134. Annual Report Appendix, pp.46-51.  Poor Law P o l i c y , p.140.  "The Economy of an English Workhouse", The Penny Magazine of the Society f o r the D i f f u s i o n of Useful Knowledge, (b July 1839) p.264.  68 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY  Government  Publications  B r i t i s h Parliamentary Papers, Report from H.M. Commissioners on the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n and P r a c t i c a l Operation of the Poor Laws. Vol.8. 1834. Shannon, I r e l a n d : I r i s h U n i v e r s i t y Press. 1970. B r i t i s h Parliamentary Papers. F i r s t Annual Report of the Commissioners under the Poor Law Amendment Act. 1835, XXXV. B r i t i s h Parliamentary Papers. Second Annual Report of the Commissioners under the Poor Law Amendment Act. 1836. XX1X. B r i t i s h Parliamentary Papers. Twenty-First Annual Report of the Poor Law Board. 1868-9, XXV111 .  Contemporary "Abingdon  Sources  Workhouse". B r i t i s h  Almanac,  (1836) pp. 234-236.  An Account of the Workhouses in Great B r i t a i n in the Year M,DCC,XXXTT: London: W. Brown, LXXXVI. Baxter, G.R. Wythen. The Book of the B a s t i l e s . John Stephens,1841.  London:  Becher, The Rev. John Thomas. The Anti-Pauper System. London: W. Simpkin and R. Marsha 1 1, 1834. Bowring, John, ed. The Works of Jeremy Bentham. 11 v o l s . New York: R u s s e l l & Russel1 Inc. , 1962. Brereton, The Rev. Charles David. An Inquiry into the Workhouse System and the Law of Maintenance in A g r i c u l t u r a l D i s t r i c t s . Norwich: J . Hatchard and Son, 1825. Cobbe, Frances Power. "Workhouse Sketches". MacMillans Magazine, 3 ( A p r i l 1861) 448-461. "The C i t y of London 1849) p.378.  Union Workhouse". The B u i l d e r ,  Crabbe, The Rev. George. P o e t i c a l John Murray, 1834.  Works. 8 v o l s .  Dunmow Union Workhouse, ( l e t t e r s on the a l l e g e d c h a r a c t e r of the s i t e ) without a t i t l e page.  (25 August  London: insanitary  69  Eden, S i r F r e d e r i c Morton. The State of the Poor. Ed. by A.G.L. Rogers. New York: E.P. Dutton and Company, 1929. "Explanatory P a r t i c u l a r s f o r the Ely Union Workhouse" ( i n i t i a l l e d WJD) 1837, Cambridgeshire R.O. G/E (uncatalogued). " F i r s t Annual Report of the Poor Law Commissioners". The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Magazine, (November 1835) pp.511-512. G i l p i n , W. and o t h e r s . An Account of a New Poor House erected in the P a r i s h of Boldre, in the New Forest, Near Lymington. London : IV. Strahan , 1803. Head, S i r F r a n c i s Bond. " E n g l i s h C h a r i t y " , D e s c r i p t i v e Essays Contributed to the Quarterly Review, 2 v o l s . London: John Murray, 1857. Kerr, Robert. The Gentleman's  House. London: J . Murray,  1865.  Nash, W.T. L e t t e r to the Guardians of the Poor of the Caxton and A r r i n g t o n Union, 27 June 1836.Nash A r c h i v e . Cambridge R.O. N e i l d , James. "Remarks on Norwich Workhouse". Magazine, LXXV (October, 1805) 891-1125.  TheGentleman's  Pugin, A. Welby. Contrasts or A P a r a l l e l between the Noble • E d i f i c e s of the Middle Ages and Corresponding B u i l d i n g s of the Present Day, shewing The Present Decay of Taste. London: Charles Dolman, 1841. S c o t t , G. G i l b e r t ed. Personal and P r o f e s s i o n a l R e c o l l e c t i o n s by the l a t e S i r George G i l b e r t S c o t t , R.A. London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & R i v i n g t o n , 1879. Smith, P e r c i v a l Gordon. Hints and Suggestions as to the Planning of Poor Law B u i l d i n g s . London: Knight and Co., 1901. Sussex R.O.  Rye Union Minutes G8/1a5  Tuke, Samuel. D e s c r i p t i o n of The Retreat: An I n s t i t u t i o n York f o r Insane Persons. York: W~! Alexander, 1813. Troll-ope, Frances.  Near  J e s s i e Phi 11 i p s . London: Henry Colburn,  1844.  Wansey, Henry. Thoughts on Poor-Houses with a view to t h e i r general reform, p a r t i c u l a r l y that of S a l i s b u r y comparing i t with more improved ones of Shrewsbury, I s l e of Wight, H u l f T Boldre, e t c . London: T. C a d e l l , j u n . and W. Davies, 1801. Watson and P r i t c h e t t . Plans, E l e v a t i o n s , Sections and D e s c r i p t i o n of the Pauper Lunatic Asylum l a t e l y erected at Wakefield for" the West Riding of Y o r k s h i r e ; to which i s added, a new and  70  enlarged E d i t i o n of Hr. Samuel Tuke's P r a c t i c a l Hints on the C o n s t r u c t i o n and Economy of Pauper Lunatic Asylums. York: W. Alexander, 1819.  Secondary Sources Anstruther, Ian. The Scandal of the Andover London: Geoffrey Bles, 1973.  Workhouse.  Baugh, D.A. "The cost of Poor R e l i e f in South-East England". The Economic H i s t o r y Review. Second S e r i e s . XXVIII (1975), 50-68. Blaug, Mark. "The Myth of the Old Poor Law and the Making of the New". The Journal of Economic H i s t o r y , XXIII (June, 1963), 151 -184": Blaug, Mark. "The Poor Law Report Reexamined." of Economic H i s t o r y , XXIX (1964), 229-245.  The Journal  Bonta, Juan Pablo. A r c h i t e c t u r e a n d i t s I n t e r p r e t a t i o n . New York: R i z z o l i I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i c a t i o n s Inc., 19/9. Brundage, Anthony. The Making of the New Poor Law. Hutchinson & Co. ( P u b l i s h e r s ) L t d . , 1978.  London:  Coats, A.W. "Economic Thought and Poor Law P o l i c y in the Eighteenth Century". The Economic H i s t o r y Review. XIII (1960), 39-51. Cole, David. The Work of S i r George G i l b e r t The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Press, 1980.  Scott.  London:  C o l v i n , Howard. A B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y of B r i t i s h A r c h i t e c t s 1600-1840. London: John Murray, 1978. C r o w t h e r , M.A. The Workhouse System 1834-1929. Batsford Academic and Educational L t d . , 1981.  London:  Dickens, Anna. "The a r c h i t e c t and the Workhouse", Review, c l x (December 1976), 345-352.  The A r c h i t e c t u r a l  Dickens, Anna. " A r c h i t e c t s and the Union Workhouse of the New Poor Law" (unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Sussex, 1982).  71  Digby, Anne. Paul, 1978.  Pauper Palaces. London: Routledge & Kegan  Dixon, Roger and Stefan Muthesius. V i c t o r i a n New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, \WhT~.  Architecture.  Dyos, H.J. and Michael Wolff. The V i c t o r i a n C i t y : Images and and R e a l i t i e s . 2 v o l s . London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973 E d s a l l , Nicholas C. The Anti-Poor Law Movement 1834-44. Manchester: U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1971. Evans, Robin. "Bentham's Panopticon: An Incident in the" S o c i a l H i s t o r y of A r c h i t e c t u r e " A r c h i t e c t u r a l A s s o c i a t i o n Quarterly 3 ( J u l y 1971), 21-37. Evans, Robin. The F a b r i c a t i o n of V i r t u e . U n i v e r s i t y Press ; 1982.  Cambridge:  -  F i n e r , S.E. The L i f e and Times of S i r Edwin London: Methuen & Co.Ltd., 1952  Chadwick.  Foucault, M i c h e l . D i s c i p l i n e and Punish. Trans, by Alan London: A l l e n Lane, Penguin Books L t d . 1977. Gauldie, Enid. Cruel H a b i t a t i o n s . Unwin L t d . , 1974"  London: George A l l e n and  Girouard, Mark. L i f e in the E n g l i s h Country House. Penguin Books, 1980. Girouard, Mark. The V i c t o r i a n Country House. New London: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1979. Goffman, E r v i n g .  Asylums. New  Sheridan.  Harmondsworth: Haven and  York: Anchor Books,  1961.  Hampson, E.M. The Treatment of Poverty in Cambridgeshire 1597-1834. Cambridge: U n i v e r s i t y Press. 1934. Henriques, U r s u l a . "How Cruel Was the V i c t o r i a n The H i s t o r i c a l J o u r n a l , x i , 2 (1968), 365-371.  Poor Law?"  I g n a t i e f f , Michael. A Just Measure of Pain. London: The Macmillan Press L t d . , 1978. King, Anthony, ed. B u i l d i n g s and S o c i e t y : Essays on the S o c i a l Developments of the B u i l t Environment. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1980. Longmate,  Norman. The Workhouse.  London: Temple Smith L t d . , 1974.  72 Martin, A. P a t c h e t t . L i f e and L e t t e r s of the Right Honourable Robert Lowe, Viscount~Sherbrooke, G. C. B . , D. C . L. , 2 v o l s . London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1893. M a r s h a l l , Dorothy. The E n g l i s h Poor in the Eighteenth Century. London: George Routledge & Sons L t d . , 1926. O'Donnell, Roderick. "W.J. Donthorn (1799-1859): a r c h i t e c t u r e with 'great hardness and d e c i s i o n in the edges' " A r c h i t e c t u r a l H i s t o r y . 21 (1978), 83-91. Owen, David. E n g l i s h Philanthropy 1600-1960. Cambridge, Mass: The Belknap Press of Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1964. Poynter, J.R. Society and Pauperism: E n g l i s h Ideas on Poor R e l i e f 1795-183"4\ London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969. Roberts, David. "How Cruel was the V i c t o r i a n H i s t o r i c a l Journal,6 No. 1 . ( 1963 ), 97- 107 .  Poor Law?"  The  Rose, Michael E. "The Allowance System under the New Poor Law". The Economic H i s t o r y Review Second S e r i e s XIX (1966), 607-620. Rosenau, Helen. S o c i a l Purpose in A r c h i t e c t u r e : Paris and London Compared 1760 - T8UTJ London: Studio V i s t a , 1970. S c u l l , Andrew T. Museums of Madness. London: A l l e n Books L t d . , 1979.  Lane Penquin  Sommer, Robert. Tight Spaces. Hard A r c h i t e c t u r e and How to Humanize i t . Englewood C l i f f s , N.J: P r e n t i c e - H a l l Inc., T974. Tarn, John Nelson. Five Per Cent P h i l a n t h r o p y . U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1973.  Cambridge:  Tarn, John Nelson. Working C1 ass Housing in Nineteenth Century B r i t a i n . London: Lund and Humphries, 1971. Webb, Sidney and B e a t r i c e . English Longmans, Green and Co., 1910.  Poor Law P o l i c y .  London:  Webb, Sidney and B e a t r i c e , eds. The Break-Up of the Poor Law, Being Part One of the M i n o r i t y Report of the Poor Law Commission. London : Longmans, Green and Co., 1909.  |-JM«TWAL  I t f O t T  OF  T H E  FOOfc  L A W  C O M M I SSIOPtDtS  1.  73  Fig-1 A J T K N M X (A) N* lO i  P L A N o r » K u t A L WORKHOUSt,  ~"  ro* \  Br  'aj  lrtt>  c -m*'  A A A mSove tu U¥*U aJ 2*low a.re> cf/yrrnj/o ne.f B C aT /p halts 77ie darrrtt/xfriej{(m aec0u.ru ofthe beds) «r* tJfkrl Oi UftgtA, dg to in. breadth-  Cool Nome  . *<' A If the six fottagcj A a he omitted tAe Suf/ding will then onlg contain -404 persons.  Se  SAr*i far tAe tn<in/i n/v Ann «u a  o  C IhmtujHall  HLAD.  4  The text* ing rrtom. JCifrhr/t., Store. • room Oot»errte>rs morn, flrrsf, fhrrtmitts*, room, are, nine fe£t in height, the rooms nhoue, are tight, feet, high Y-B. The darmitariej should. Se, nrn/j.7afssJ &g east iron- grattnge of the stje of u brirk t4> A/tlaced in the- inferior t/*u/ls. zms+tsdiats/g Se/orv the, ceilings. jAuuM  Bono  Both fUmj are /funded on the print tp/r that tn the eortxtrustijm, cf a Aural Work . house. the height of the rooms, the tAfytness of the toads kt Jte shauld not ejrts>ehTwft di.. mansions of the cottage o/'the honcJS+hard^ . working irrdependent lsL&ourrr wet/ Sue It * suhstanfra/ n»om* Setng a Itvjceery as attrar. five to rAe pauper as food si rausnent  the. lower tfarrnitorisis are, a thick, those, of the upper, as wa/£e, a firiek thick.. A*ZZJ C C the Was* house. * are eight fret tn. height.  In. the half* the exterior i&all nentilatrd in like, manner.  j  riANCil  This Workhoujt fvrJOO fb-sonj with tanks drasns. gutters &c l*c complete, eterg thing t" be of the. test muter, aJj haj Seen con trotted fvr tn J\'ertt frrthe Sum of\f4j0o. — » y s i m i l a r flan for 4*>0jbr*vns u mlso Budding if* JCtnX /or the Jum of_fJJJJ —  Those on. the ground floor, aj aZ/v they'-' * alb B B a. re seven. feme m height, those on the upper floor are eight feme in, height . of mhxch €*vo feet are, in the roof The wm&s of Brick etna, m ?uUf aZfa the partition The Dicing the Pthding mens  1  11 •  JOOrcKioNi  s  J  Jr ttsAhems*  IJ  J]  J  NB The h**m Wit*df*~ F omr fA* <**U**nmf c**—**st*d* a mese of tAe irAol* httahl*sAment  St ale  L •*f>0  if  M tAe ufper Hoiy tA*jr KasUng tmd l)*s*mg A**J7 form nn* hail  rot"  Feet  Z~  O r d e r e a b y t h e l l o u i e of C o n w n o n j t o be p r i n t e d  Z 10"Au*ujt  1 1835  jZZZXZTEZ^Zt^  A Oe/yem/  /deet,o/\i,  PENITENTIARY  PANOPTICON  -in, an,Improved,,  but asy.t.fJnnP?.^)J.<)Jj, C/t/irushes/  See Postaertpl'Re/bre-fuej/ to Pfo-n,, Elei'a.tfoet,;ktSeef/ott. foeirtp Pttrfe re/irrrd  •/// //.<••. \?  S  '?  ^11^.  EXPLANATION  B t o C . (irwtt. I).  __ C r - / /  . it. „ic/„  S/.J-/.iy/l/  r  fnfflerim-  K,  F  fny/r/itin'  Cr  e^ft4ifn7-  rl  Jfl.\ptWprs  1  f)<>mt: i>/'//is-  K  SAyLicr'/>i. /<•  L . _  Stpi;- .liat'i/i*  (itt//sr4/:\ {'tit/aits /.ptft/ff"/i(if>r/.  y>-. /trf/t  />" f/u'ir  H'il/irti f/if i'ie/i r ifff// tt//  <"rti//rti<  rot* n/J,p/<trfs Jeu  N.  Ct.rcidJdtr (tyriujuj in. d'.' (''pen f.r  O  Annn/ar H' iff/rumsfaj*to boffin n,,/br /J t  atid/ sejtantliim/.  /.'-„«. i  .\7J<.; /.<•*..  A I' I' K \ I > I /. A H E X A C O N ' P L A N or A TO  C O N T A I N  300  Nil)  WORKHOUSE. f  »Uf[^S.  A I'P  S Q U A R E : TO  KS'DIX !\; N°  P L A N  O F A W O H K M O U S L ,  C O N T A I N N  =I  lO  300  ° « . » t « <  C R O U M > f . » S  YARD.  MEN'S  TT J.J.  R O O M S  cn O Y  i  Y A R D  00  113. Panopticon House of Industry, Samuel Bentham and Samuel Bunce, 1 797.  Fig.9  F i g . 10  6 Dunmow Poor Law Institution, 1838. Entrance. A late example with Tudor details and patterned brickwork — red with blue diaper and gault quoins: a contrast to the austere Kempthorne drawing  Fig.11  8 Amersham Poor Law Institution, 1838. View. A characteristic use of flint and brick  BlickJing Hall, by Robert Lyminge, c. 1616-27  84  Fig.14 - Ely Cathedral  85  7 Windsor Poor Law Institution, 1838. View  F i g . 15  Rye Union Workhouse  87  Fig.18 B a t t l e Union Workhouse  •ir n i» i  hciinr  Fit! III] rB i li ln 1II • 11 •H J M m III • 1]  Battle  Abbey  III;NI:IIAI.  VI.AN.  in.ot'K  89  T EM A LE  FEMALEI  AlfllNQ GROUND AIRING  CROUND MALE AIRINC  Fig.20  CROUND  MALE AIRINC  DRTINC  cnouND  CROUND  City of London Workhouse Block Plan  ^fSplNlHCpv' Jlfifrr cncfi.  CLAf.T. 3.  C L A S S I,  ABLE MEN  ABLE M E N  CLASS I.  CLA5  AGLE WOMEN i  s  m  i Si 1i t  :  I "• II.  \)\  a  i K.  $ 1  I  IINtlUUY MEN  re* :f:.  ski**  UNRULY WOMEN  :-rtr  I  L.  A R L E WOMEN  *  l ' o r l r r ' n IOIIRC * u d S. C:iiil.lrrn rotnrnittfc ruotut. 'I'. ! I I . i l » T c i f l u g wnrtli. M u s l r r ' s ullivc. V . l.:mnilrj. i ('. . U.M.'i>trr'n riMMii, \ \ \ M-i..-ii„K. Matron's room. Sturrs. V . Ccn'ral A."!*!!*tnrtt m m t i ' r .  P  *  I.. M N. O. X T —  r. u. u.  A ' . t M m i t (natrons. Jul.mi nit:n. M n r r ' e i l counti's' t'lMiiriN.  A.tr;nlcn. Unruly men. A Win-bodied m e n . Slnrrn. Itiihccitn w . i n h . Aljlr-hoilifil tromcn. U n r u l y nom»*M. /'. lnlirm women. \fj.  ciii..  q  -  O l » l i f li-  St. .,.*» S.rulVrj. Kit'Mtcn. I'iiii'rr. M:il-'i.. (jrunn-J.  l'l'liin-f tin I'tvi i' nur WVUiou  0 5 10 20 30 40 50 SCM.E QF ',i ',. i t . - - r - ' -  A B C I) E  Master'* Honsc Mistress's House Dinine-liall, Sic. Chapel llovs  G H 1 K  Girl School Infants Probationary Children I n f i r m Women  IJ M Infirm M m  N O P Q R  Disorderly Men Able Women Disorderly Women Able Men Kitrhrn Court  S  Adult.' J > i i i i i i - l i n l l  T Stores, Domestic Offices, and Government Apartments U Femnle Tramps V Male Tramps W Male Probationers  X Y Z (i b  Female Probationers Court Board-Offices Lying-in Ward Kpileptic  * Sick d Dirty e Ferer jf Rpilcptie g {'luur.uiill  K  to ho  CO  ro  Al.iurtw "Worlihmwe.  94  F i g . 25  21  Columbia Square, the street elevation of one block.  9 6  F i g . 27  43  S a l t a i r e , a street o f cheaper h o u s i n g .  s Housing is an Industrial Investment  50  W o l v c r t o n , a railway t o w n , started 1849.  97  98  9 F i g . 30  M O D E R N  POOP.  H O U S E  CONTRASTS© R&SfSfW i GES FOR r«e POOR aiiTie«T  POOR  «OYS£.  

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