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Social worlds in transition : neighbourhood change in Grandview-Woodland, Vancouver Jackson, Bradley Grant 1984

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SOCIAL WORLDS IN TRANSITION: NEIGHBOURHOOD CHANGE IN GRANDVIEW-WOODLAND, VANCOUVER By BRADLEY GRANT JACKSON B . S c , The Univers i ty of B r i s t o l , 1981 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Geography We accept th is thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Apr i l 1984 © Bradley G. Jackson, 1984 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of G e o g r a p h y  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date 1 6 t h A p r i 1 , 1984 DE-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT This study takes i t s lead from a rap id ly expanding body of l i t e ra tu re which has centred on the r e l a t i v e l y recent urban phenomenon of 'Neighbourhood R e v i t a l i z a t i o n 1 ( i . e . the economic, soc ia l and cu l tu ra l regeneration of i nner -c i t y core neighbourhoods in some of the older North American and European c i t i e s ) . An extensive reading of th i s l i t e ra tu re reveals two fundamental f a i l i n g s that cur rent ly plague the research e f fo r t . F i r s t , many wr i ters have tended to overemphasize the d is t inc t i veness of the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n process with the net resu l t that i t has been treated as being conceptual ly separate from other, more establ ished processes of neighbourhood change. Second, there has also been a tendency to concentrate at tent ion on just one aspect of neighbourhood r e v i t a l i z a t i o n to the exclusion of others, and thus a f a i l u re to adequately r e f l e c t the mul t ip le s ign i f i cance of the change that i s occurr ing. In response to these f a i l i n g s , th is par t i cu la r study aims to accomplish a theoret ica l and empirical synthesis of f i r s t , the inner -c i t y r e v i t a l i z a t i o n l i t e ra tu re with the wider f i e l d of neighbourhood and community s tud ies ; and second, the various aspects of the rev i ta l i za t ion process, with special reference to the merger of the soc io -cu l tu ra l and p o l i t i c a l dimensions of neighbourhood change. The thesis i s divided into a theoret ica l and an empirical sec t ion . The pr inc ipa l concern of the former i s to construct a consistent and comprehensive approach to the empirical case-study, at three d i s t i n c t i n te l l ec tua l l e v e l s . F i r s t , a hermeneutic or 'humanist ic ' epistemology i s selected because i t has successfu l ly shown that i t can be simultaneously c r i t i c a l and i n te rp re t i ve , espec ia l l y at the micro-scale of i n te r - and i n t r a -group behaviour within a community. Second, based on these hermeneutic i i p r i nc i p l es , a theoret ica l framework i s developed which views the ana ly t ica l unit of the neighbourhood as an ever-changing 'mosaic of social wor lds ' . F i n a l l y , a mixed methodology is adopted, which r e l i e s on both convent ional ly used, quant i tat ive, data and more infrequent ly used types of qua l i ta t i ve data, derived from part ic ipant-observat ion in pa r t i cu la r . The empirical case-study focusses on Grandview-Woodland, an old working-class neighbourhood in the East End of Vancouver. For many years , the area has been a target for a succession of newly-arrived immigrant groups, who have been predominantly engaged in b lue -co l la r occupations. However, in recent years , there have been a number of ind icat ions that some parts of the area may be experiencing ' i n c i p i en t g e n t r i f i c a t i o n ' , the f i r s t stage in neighbourhood r e v i t a l i z a t i o n . A 'NewWave' of students, r a d i c a l s , femin is ts , gays, a r t i s t s , p re - , semi- and f u l l - professionals are now beginning to es tab l ish themselves in the various spheres of the Grandview-Woodland community. Along Commercial Dr ive, the loca l r e t a i l i n g s t r i p , they have been responsible for the creat ion of a d i s t i n c t i v e 'scene' that r i v a l s the comparatively longer establ ished Southern Mediterraneans as the dominant soc io -cu l tu ra l group. This dua l i t y i s also re f lec ted in the diverse streetscapes that are a strong motif of the neighbourhood's res ident ia l sec t ion . More s i gn i f i can t however, has been the impact of the New Wave, pa r t i cu la r l y the more moderate property-owning element, upon the local p o l i t i c a l arena of Grandview-Woodland. This most recent phase of ' r e v i t a l i z a t i o n ' i s s i tuated in the h i s to r i ca l context of p o l i t i c a l development in the neighbourhood, which began with the merchants' i n i t i a t i v e s in the in te r - and post-war per iods, and passed on in the 1960's to the control of professionals and student a c t i v i s t s working in the area, and u l t ima te ly , . to the local residents in the l as t decade. This study is pr imar i ly concerned i i i with th is l a t t e r stage, examining in deta i l the motives, in teract ion and impl icat ions of the involvement by various e thn ic - , tenure- and class-based soc ia l worlds in local land use planning and neighbourhood improvement issues. The study's main conclusion is that analysts must become more aware of the l im i ta t ions of applying generalized models to th is process, inc luding the stage model of sett lement, and more c r u c i a l l y , the b i -po lar model of the community's soc ia l structure ( i . e . the d i s t i n c t i o n between ' g e n t r i f i e r s ' and ' incumbents') . In fu ture, analysts of both neighbourhood r e v i t a l i z a t i o n and neighbourhood change in general , should make a concerted e f for t to look more deeply wi th in these categories and c r i t i c a l l y assess the i r u t i l i t y in understanding in te r - and intra-group behaviour in the changing community. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i L I S T OF TABLES i x L I S T OF FIGURES x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x i v CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION -\ 1.1 The S e t t i n g 1 1 . 2 T h e S t r u c t u r e o f t h e S t u d y 2 CHAPTER 2 NEIGHBOURHOOD R E V I T A L I Z A T I O N : A REVIEW OF 6 THE L ITERATURE 2 .1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 6 2 . 2 T r e n d s 8 ( a ) E x t e n t 8 ( b ) P r o c e s s . 11 2 . 3 N a t i o n a l C o n t e x t s 18 2 . 4 C a u s e s 24 2 . 5 I m p a c t s 29 ( a ) I n t e r - N e i g h b o u r h o o d : P h y s i c a l D i s p l a c e m e n t 29 ( b ) I n t r a - N e i g h b o u r h o o d : S o c i o - C u l t u r a l C o n f l i c t 34 ( c ) I n t r a - N e i g h b o u r h o o d : C o m m e r c i a l R e v i t a l i z a t i o n 39 2 . 7 P o l i c i e s and P o l i t i c k s 42 2 . 8 Summary 52 CHAPTER 3 NEIGHBOURHOOD R E V I T A L I Z A T I O N : C R I T I Q U E , . 55 REFORMULATION AND RATIONALE 3 .1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 55 v Page 3 .2 E p i s t e m o l o g i c a l O r i e n t a t i o n s : T o w a r d s a ' H u m a n i s t i c ' 56 A p p r o a c h ( a ) The P r o b l e m 56 ( b ) A H u m a n i s t i c A l t e r n a t i v e 58 ( c ) C o n c l u s i o n 63 3 . 3 T h e o r e t i c a l C o n s i d e r a t i o n s : D e v e l o p i n g an 65 A n a l y t i c a l F ramework ( a ) N e i g h b o u r h o o d as Commun i t y Change 65 ( b ) The ' P r o b l e m ' o f N e i g h b o u r h o o d and Commun i t y 67 ( c ) N e i g h b o u r h o o d as ' M o s a i c o f S o c i a l W o r l d s ' 73 3 . 4 M e t h o d o l o g y : Some T e c h n i c a l and E x p e r i e n t i a l N o t e s go ( a ) On t h e C h o i c e o f Ca se S t u d y 90 ( b ) On M o n i t o r i n g and I d e n t i f y i n g N e i g h b o u r h o o d 94 Change ( c ) On O b t a i n i n g a ' S e a t ' i n t h e L o c a l P o l i t i c a l 99 A r e n a 3 . 5 Summary 106 CHAPTER 4 THE CONTEXT: NEIGHBOURHOOD CHANGE IN GRANDVIEW- 108 WOODLAND 4.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 108 4 . 2 G e o g r a p h i c a l S e t t i n g and H i s t o r i c a l B a c k g r o u n d 109 4 . 3 P o s t - W a r D e m o g r a p h i c and S o c i o - E c o n o m i c T r e n d s 117 4 . 4 E t h n i c G roup P r e s e n c e : The I t a l i a n s i n 126 G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d 4 . 5 C o m m e r c i a l D r i v e : S o c i a l B a r o m e t e r and C u l t u r a l 139 Magnet ( a ) The I t a l i a n s Move In 139 ( b ) ' D i s c o v e r y ' 150 ( c ) C o n c l u s i o n 165 v i Page 4.6 Evolving Residential Environments: At the 166 Crossroads (a) Zoning History 166 (b) Development Trends 169 (c) The Future 174 (d) Conclusion 185 4.7 Summary 188 CHAPTER 5 NEIGHBOURHOOD CHANGE AND THE LOCAL POLITICAL i 91 ARENA IN GRANDVIEW-WOODLAND 5.1 Introduction 191 5.2 Early Act iv i ty 193 (a) The Pre-War Years: Isolation and Occasional 193 Small-Scale Mobil ization (b) The Post-War Years: Identity and Grassroots 195 Populism 5.3 A Social World Evolves: Community Action and 1 gg the Grandview-Woodland Area Council , 1964-1971 5.4 A Social World Divides: Planning the 208 Neighbourhood's Future, 1972-1983 5.5 Social Worlds Col l ide : The Rezoning Issue 222 (a) The Rezoning Issue Part 1 : 1 977 222 (b) The Rezoning Issue Part 2: 1982-1983 228 (c) Conclusion 238 5.6 Social Worlds Unite: The. ALRT Controversy, 243 1981-1984 5.7 A Social World Revives: The Grandview-Woodland 253 Area Council Today 5.8 Summary 258 v i i Page CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION 6.1 Implications of Research for the Neighbourhood 262 Revital izat ion Literature (a) Methodology 262 (b) i Consequences 264 (c) Summary . 268 6.2 Implications of Research for Other Related 269 Fields (a) A 'Revi ta l ized ' Po l i t i ca l Geography 269 (b) Neighbourhood and Community Studies 272 (c) Community Planning and Social Mix 274 BIBLIOGRAPHY 279 v i i i LIST OF TABLES Table 4.1 Summary Table of Selected Demographic Variables for Grandview-Woodland and the City of Vancouver Populations, 1961 to 1981 4.2 The Changing Age Structure of the Grandview-Woodland and the City of Vancouver Populations, 1961 to 1981 4.3 Summary Table of Selected Socio-Economic Variables for Grandview-Woodland and Vancouver Metropolitan Region Populations, 1971 to 1981 4.4 Ethnic Group Breakdown of Grandview-Woodland and Other Areas, 1961 to 1971 4.5 Ethnic Prof i le by Mother Tongue for Grandview-Woodland and i ts Sub-Areas, and the City of Vancouver, 1981 4.6 Land Use Breakdown of Grandview-Woodland Comparing Permitted with Existing Land Usage Levels 4.7 Dwelling Type and Tenure Trends in the City of Vancouver, Grandview-Woodland and Selected Sub-Areas, 1961 to 1981 ix LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1.1 Conceptual Schema Summarizing the Structure 3 and Ordering of the Study 2.1 Chart Summarizing Location and Origin of Terras 14 Used within the Inner-City Revi ta l izat ion Literature 3.1 Selected Characteristics of Social Worlds 78 3.2 A Typology of Social Worlds within a Neighbourhood 80 3.3 One Intriguing Example of a Part ial ( and 89 Compromised ) Status Passage in the Revitalized Neighbourhood of K i ts i lano, Vancouver 3.4 The Location of Grandview-Woodland in relat ion 93 to Other Vancouver Local Areas, and the Lower Mainland 3.5 Composite List of Most Commonly Used Indicators 95 of Neighbourhood Revital izat ion 4.1 The Boundaries of Grandview-Woodland within the 110 City of Vancouver, and i ts Census Sub-Divisions 4.2 A Typical Working-Man's Cottage in Early Grandview, c.1905 113 4.3 An Example of a House Belonging to a More Wealthier 114 Member of the Grandview Community, c.1905 4.4 Distr ibution of 'H is to r i c ' Buildings within 116 Grandview-Woodland 4.5 A Summary of the Main Land Uses and Redevelopment 118 Trends in each of the Census Tracts within Grandview-Woodland in 1981 4.6 Spatial Dif ferentiat ion of 'Family' Households 123 in Vancouver, 1981 4.7 The Dream: "This Could be Your House Too" 133 4.8 The Real i ty: The 'Vancouver Special ' 133 4.9 The Locations of Key I ta l ian and Portuguese 136 Formal and Informal Social Worlds within Grandview-Woodland, 1983 x Graph Depicting the Increasing Southern Mediterranean Presence along Commercial Drive One Example of an I ta l ian Specialty Store that is s t i l l 'Cul ture-Speci f ic ' One Example of an I ta l ian Specialty Store that is no longer as 'Cul ture-Speci f ic ' I ta l ian Market Day, 11/7/82 •Goals for Commercial Drive's Future The Locations of Publ ic ly Funded Community Services and Support Groups within Grandview-Woodland, 1983 The Locations of Important Formal and Informal Social Worlds of the 'New Wave' within Grandview-Woodland, 1983 A 'Public Location Leader 1: The Britannia Community Services Centre A 'Private Location Leader': The Vancouver East Cultural Centre A Sample of the Information Notice-Board at the 'Octopus Books East' Store The 'Toucan' Fashion Boutique Sandwiched by I ta l ian stores along Commercial Drive The 'East End Food Co-Operative1 Store The 'Uprising Breads' Co-Operative Bakery One Dist inct ive Social World: 'Grandview Recreations' B i l l i a r d Hall And Another: ' Joe ' s ' Coffee Bar Land Use Zoning within Grandview-Woodland, 1975 The Location and Redevelopment Trends of the Four Apartment Sub-Areas in Grandview-Woodland xi Figure 4.27 Spatial Distr ibution of Housing Capacity within Specif ic Dwelling Types for Vancouver 4.28 A Poignant I l lus t ra t ion of One of the Problems Associated with Densification through Apartment Development at 2nd/ Woodland in the Study Area 4.29 The Planning Goals and the Areal Extent of each of the Zoning Sub-Divisions of the Grandview-Victor ia Conversion Area 4.30 A Typically Diverse Streetscape in Grandview 4.31 A Comprehensively Renovated Property in Grandview's Conversion Area 4.32 One Future: A Three-Storey Apartment Block in Britannia Slopes 4.33 Another Future: The 'Tidal F la ts ' Housing Co-Operative 5.1 Diagram Summarizing Some of the Important Shifts that took place within Selected Organizations in the Period from the Mid-1 960's to the Early-1970's 5.2 The Areal Coverage of the Grandview-Woodland Area Policy Plan, Parts 1-4 5.3 The Grandview-Woodland Tenant's Association on a Protest March, 5/3/77 5.4 Another Group Takes a Walk: The Britannia Area Ci t izen 's Planning Committee Take Stock of the Neighbourhood, 30/10/82 5.5 A Summary List of Planning Goals for the Britannia Slopes Area 5.6 One Poss ib i l i t y for Renovation and Conversion in Britannia Slopes 5.7 Summary Diagram of the Rezoning Issue Part 1 : 1977 5.8 Summary Diagram of the Rezoning Issue Part 2: 1982/83 x i i Proposed Route of Elevated ALRT Line through Cedar Cottage and part of Grandview-Woodland Yet Another Walk: SONC Goes Looking for Support in the Neighbourhood, 2/11/82 Al l in Vain?: Excavation Begins along the Grandview Cut for the ALRT Line Support Pods, 1/12/83 Diagram Summarizing the Major Phases in the Po l i t i ca l Evolution of Grandview-Woodland x i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A vote of thanks is due f i r s t and foremost to David Ley and Bob Galois for bravely wading through, and providing invaluable c r i t i c a l comments and editing advice, on not just one, but several drafts of this thesis. I also wish to thank the Faculty, Staf f , Graduate and Undergraduate students of the Department of Geography at UBC for making my stay here such a pleasant and worthwhile one. In part icular , I am grateful to Richard Harris and Judy Robertson at the ear l ier stages, and Trevor Barnes, Ray Torchinsky, Gerry Prat t , Eyob Naizghi, Mike Bradshaw and Caroline Mi l l s in the closing stages of the study, for their support and co l lect ive 'voice of experience'. I am indebted to the members of the Grandview-Woodland Area Council and other groups in Grandview that I have been associated with, especial ly Mary Bosze, Dan O 'Re i l l y , Jane McCourt and Scott Plear, for making my f i e l d -work an enlightening and highly enjoyable experience. Various others have played their part too: Ronda Howard, Kari Huhtala and Rob Whitlock from the Vancouver City Planning Department; Jim Harrison and the Highland Echo; Margaret Edwards, who came to the rescue with the typing and did such a fine job; and my parents (once again) for their continued encouragement and admirable patience. F ina l ly , I now know why i t is that so many theses have been dedicated to loved ones. This one does not break with t rad i t ion ; thanks, Jacquie. xiv 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION "Your planet i s very beaut i fu l " , he said. "Has i t any oceans?" "I couldn't t e l l you", said the geographer "But you are a geographer!" "Exact ly", the geographer said. "But I am not an explorer. I haven't a single explorer on my planet. It i s not the geographer who goes out to count the towns, the r i vers , the mountains, the seas, the oceans and the deserts. The geographer is much too important to go loaf ing about. He does not leave his desk." (Antoine De St-Exupery, The L i t t l e Prince) 1.1 The Setting Since the mid-1970's, a growing wave of enthusiasm has been generated in many western c i t i es by a process which is most commonly referred to as inner-c i ty revi ta l i za t ion . Academics, po l i t i c ians , developers and home-owners, and other urban observers have direct ly or indirect ly participated in the economic, soc ia l , and cultural regeneration of the inner c i ty core and i t s surrounding neighbourhoods for various reasons. At present, this trend in many c i t i es is at an early stage, resembling a minor countercurrent in an ocean of decay, despair and obsolescence that has swept through most of the inner cores of the larger and older c i t i es in the post-war period. But, i f the rev i ta l izat ion trend should continue and strengthen as some analysts are predict ing, i t may well have far-reaching implications for the future form and structure of the c i t y . These implications w i l l not only be economic, but also of p o l i t i c a l , soc io-cu l tura l , theoret ical , and ethical s igni f icance. It is this multiple signif icance that has undoubtedly been responsible for the rapid r ise in of interest in inner-ci ty -rev i ta l izat ion and i t s present d ist inct ion as one of the leading contemporary urban issues. 2 The l i terature that has sprung up in response to this inner-city phenomenon has largely dealt with i t in two di f ferent, and in the author's opinion, unfortunate ways. F i r s t , in the rush to come to terms with the process, many writers have tended to overemphasize i t s distinctiveness with the net result that i t has been treated as conceptually separate from other, more established, processes of neighbourhood change. Second, there has also been a tendency, perhaps as a direct consequence of discipl inary spec ia l izat ion, to concentrate attention on one aspect of inner-ci ty rev i ta l i za t ion , to the point that many studies f a i l to re f lect adequately the multiple signif icance of the change that is occurring. It is from a concern with these two fundamental and somewhat inter-related fa i l ings that the present study has developed. The . study's two basic aims are to accomplish both a theoretical and empirical synthesis of: ( i ) The inner-ci ty rev i ta l iza t ion l i terature with the wider f i e l d of neighbourhood and community studies, in an endeavour to r id the phenomenon of i t s current ' f reak' status, and to f ac i l i t a te both fresh insight and a more broadly-based understanding of the processes that underlie i t . ( i i ) The various aspects of the process that have hitherto been analyt ica l ly iso lated, with part icular reference to the merger of the socio-cultural and po l i t i ca l dimensions of neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion , and neighbourhood change in general. 1.2 The Structure of the Study The conceptual schema portrayed in figure 1.1 gives some indication of -the logic running through the study. The main questions upon which each chapter is based are summarized in this diagram. The thesis is divided approximately evenly between theoretical and empirical sections, with the former being stressed in the f i r s t half . 3 Figure 1.1 Conceptual Schema Summarizing the Structure and Ordering of the THEORETICAL EMPHASIS EMPIRICAL EMPHASIS Ch.2 ( i ) ( i i ) Ch.3 (1) ( i i ) ( i i i ) Ch. 6 Conclusion Q's ( i ) What are the implications of the empirical findings for the l i terature and for the study's theoretical arguments? ( i i ) Does the study point to any potential ly useful avenues for future investigation? Neighbourhood Revi tal izat ion A Review of the Literature What have been the main themes and findings of th is part icular body of research? How far has i t progressed? Neighbouhood Revi ta l izat ion:  Cr i t ique, Reformulation and  Rationale What are the main fa i l ings ' of this l i terature to date? How should the analyst 's epistemological orientation and theoretical framework be modified in an endeavour to overcome these fa i l ings? How can these ideas be operation-all* zed within the practical context of a neighbourhood case study? Ch.5 Neighbourhood Change and the  Local Po l i t i ca l Arena of  Grandvi ew-Woodl and" Which groups have been, involved in the local po l i t i ca l arena? Why were they involved? What effect did their involvement have upon the issues raised and decisions made within the community? What was the nature of the relationships within and between the group, other groups, and the rest of the community? Q's ITT ( i i ) ( i i i ) (iv) A Ch.4 Q Ti) The Context: Neighbourhood  Change in Grandview-Woodland What have been the main trends in the neighbourhood in terms of i t s land usage, demographic and ethnic composition, and socio-cultural structure? A 4 My start ing-point is the rather heterogeneous body of l i terature dealing with the process of neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion . Much of Chapter 2 i s given over to the task of simply 'taking stock' and 'pigeon holing' much of the work that has been undertaken in this area to date. Chapter 3 takes a conceptual 'step back' from the rev i ta l izat ion l i terature in an ef fort to evaluate and reformulate the various approaches adopted thus far . The principal concern i s to construct a consistent and comprehensive approach to the empirical case-study, at three d is t inc t inte l lectual leve ls . F i r s t , the research problems with which the study as a whole is concerned are located within an appropriate epistemology. Second, a ' theoret ical scaffolding' i s bu i l t up with the aid of a diverse range of concepts, around the analyt ical unit of the neighbourhood to afford the analyst a new and improved viewpoint on the research problems. F ina l l y , attention i s directed towards the often neglected problem of projecting th is theoretical approach onto the pract ical context of the empirical case study. With the conclusion of these theoretical tasks, the writer is then in a better position to approach the empirical section of the study which focusses on the experience of one part icular neighbourhood. Grandview-Woodland has t rad i t ional ly been a f a i r l y stable working class family area in the East End of Vancouver. What change that has occurred in this neighbourhood has largely been in the ethnic composition and demographic prof i le of i t s local population, and not in i t s socio-economic s t ra t i f i ca t i on . However, in the las t decade or so, there has been some speculation and a number of indications that the neighbourhood may be experiencing rev i ta l iza t ion act iv i ty at an early stage. The main function of Chapter 4 i s to ascertain the extent and form of this ac t i v i t y , along with any other competing processes in the area, in the past and in the future. In keeping with the theoretical argument about the need to 5 situate neighbourhood rev i ta l izat ion within the broader process of neighbourhood change, an h is tor ica l perspective i s adopted which examines several inter-related elements of 'change' as i t has occurred in Grandview-Woodland. In this way a comprehensive picture appears which provides the essential context for the most important part of the empirical section contained within Chapter 5. Here too, for comparative purposes, an h is tor ica l approach is also incorporated but the chapter is primarily concerned only with change as i t has been played out within the neighbourhood's local po l i t i ca l arena. The purpose of the f inal chapter i s to bring the study fu l l c i r c l e , by providing a 'bridge' that w i l l enable the study's findings to be situated within the main body of the l i te ra ture . With this connection, the study's theoretical approach is c r i t i c a l l y evaluated and further improvements and modifications suggested where appropriate. F ina l l y , several potential ly useful avenues for future investigation are also indicated. 6 CHAPTER 2 NEIGHBOURHOOD REVITALIZATION: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Then he wondered why i t was that in a l l the great c i t i e s , and not merely or exclusively because of necessity, but because of some special inc l ina t ion , people sett led and l ived in those parts of the c i ty where there were neither parks nor fountains, but d i r t and stench and slime of a l l kinds. Then he remembered his own walks across the Haymarket and for a moment he seemed to come to. "Ridiculous", he thought, " i t s better not to think at a l l ! " (Fydor Dostoyevsky, Crime and Punishment) 2.1 Introduction This chapter i s devoted to a review of a vastly expanding body of l i terature that has been concerned, direct ly or ind i rec t ly , with neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion . This review'should serve two main functions for the study as a whole. F i r s t , by taking stock of the l i terature on neighbourhood rev i ta l izat ion undertaken to date, we may c r i t i c a l l y evaluate this work and thereby reformulate, i f appropriate, the approaches adopted by other analysts in this f i e l d . Second, the l i terature review also plays a useful 'yardst ick' ro le. With the help of guidelines deduced from other cases of neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion , the empirical investigation w i l l be provided with much needed di rect ion, and an important set of standards against which the experience of Grandview-Woodland can be judged. Though by no means exhaustive, an attempt has been made to present a representative review, ref lect ing as many of the key debates, ideas and issues as is possible within this l imited space. This attempt is part icular ly important to this study for two reasons. F i r s t , because of the recency of this f i e l d relat ive to others, the l i terature currently remains in a state of f lux and is therefore lacking an adequate systematic base. Second, this situation is 7 further confounded by the multitude of perspectives from both within and outside academia that are evident within this body of l i te ra ture . In an endeavour to overcome these problems the l i terature has been broken up into f ive main sections, each dealing with one speci f ic facet of the rev i ta l iza t ion trend. The f i r s t section includes a discussion about the history and geographical extent of neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion , followed by an examination of the key features and typical character ist ics of the process as i t has operated in individual neighbourhood si tuat ions. As much of the work in this f i e l d has tended to deal exclusively with the United States' experience, the second section is devoted to the speci f ic question of the degree of comparability between the American and Canadian national contexts, and in the process, raises the wider issue of the signif icance of the national system in influencing the type and form of neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion . The third section reviews some of the general approaches that have emerged in the l i terature to account for the recent development of neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion . Although the material presented in these three sections is viewed as being only indirect ly relevant to the study as a whole, i t does provide the essential background for the remaining sections which have direct relevance. The f i r s t of these considers the nature of the impacts that the rev i ta l iza t ion process has had upon both those members of the local population who have been displaced by i t , and those that remain. The issue of the inter-relat ionship between this la t ter group and the 'newcomers' moving into the rev i ta l i z ing neighbourhood is carried on into the the f ina l section which. In addition,the effectiveness of those pol ic ies that have been advocated and in some cases implemented by national and urban planners and po l i t ic ians in order to deal with rev i ta l izat ion is evaluated. 8 2.2 Trends (a) Extent The various arms of the communications media, especial ly in the United States, have been swift in their response to rev i ta l i za t ion . I n i t i a l l y , new public and private investment in c i t i es was enthusiast ical ly welcomed and openly encouraged in both the national and local press. Such s t i r r i ng headlines as "America Fa l ls in Love With Its Cit ies—Again" (Sutton, 1979), "The Urban Cr is i s Leaves Town and Moves to the Suburbs" (Allman, 1978), and "Nation's Ci t ies Poised for a Stunning Comeback" (Peirce, 1977), have undoubtedly played a key role in creating an image of a "back-to-the-city" movement which is far larger than the rea l i t y . The vision of economic and cultural recovery in the burnt out cores of the great metropoli not only provides good copy, but also a certain amount of re l i e f from the seemingly interminable stories and accounts of poverty, crime and c i v i l unrest that have clogged the media for some time. However, i f the rather more sober headlines such as "Revi ta l izat ion Held to Be Spotty" (New York Times, 1st June 1980) and "A City Revival?" (Alpern, 1979) are any kind of indicat ion, certain factions s t i l l remain unconvinced. After decades of pursuing unsuccessful efforts to counter disinvestment and suburban f l i g h t , local o f f i c i a l s are vigorously supporting and actively encouraging the return of f inancial investment in the downtown core as well as the preliminary i n i t i a t i ve shown by some of the middle class in locating within the inner c i t y . United States' federal po l i t ic ians have been no less enthusiastic in their backing of the trend. President Carter 's National Urban Policy was introduced in a move to apply ' po l i t i ca l bellows' to the kindling embers of f inancial recovery within the nation's urban cores, declaring that federal urban strategies, "wi l l be focussed on supporting the back-to-the-city movement now beginning to appear in many c i t i es " (U.S. Department of Housing and 9 Urban Development, 1978). President Reagan too has recognized this trend and has predictably responded in an altogether dif ferent fashion, using i t as further vindication of his la issez- fa i re arguments for urban renewal without public intervention. Academics and policy researchers, on the other hand, have been character is t ica l ly more cautious and variable in their reaction to this trend. Of the two major components of inner-ci ty revitalization--commercial and residential revitalization—most of the interest has been directed at the la t te r . As yet , apart from a number of isolated reports examining individual cases, commercial rev i ta l iza t ion has not real ly been assessed ef fect ively on a systematic basis. Several writers have pointed to the important part played by commercial rev i ta l i za t ion , especial ly when i t occurs within the central business d i s t r i c t in the overall promotion of reinvestment and regeneration of the urban core (Holcomb and Beauregard, 1981). Much of this review w i l l , in fact , be confined to neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion , but at a certain point some reference w i l l also be made to the related process of neighbourhood commercial rev i ta l i za t ion . While there are undoubtedly some s imi la r i t ies underlying a l l cases of neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion , i t must be recognized that each case does have i t s own unique qua l i t ies . These are brought about by the part icular configuration of economic, social and h is tor ica l cirmcumstances of the neighbourhood undergoing t rans i t ion. In spite of th i s , several attempts have been made in the last decade to monitor the extent and occurrences of this trend at the supra-local scale. The lack of appropriate quantitative data, further aggravated by the delay in receiving more current census material has considerably complicated this task. Consequently, researchers have been forced to u t i l i ze an often shaky mixture of quantitative surrogate and qual i tat ive anecdotal data cul led from the 10 nexus of research surveys and local media reports. One of the f i r s t landmark surveys was that undertaken by Lipton (1977) of socio-economic trends in the cores of the 20 largest SMSA's in the United States based on a comparison of 1960 and 1970 census tract data and therefore predating the start of rev i ta l iza t ion act iv i ty in many c i t i e s . Nevertheless, the study showed that family incomes and educational attainment s t a t i s t i c s , used as a surrogate for rev i ta l i za t ion , 'improved' in or near the central business d i s t r i c t s of at least half of these places. In a survey of public o f f i c i a l s and real estate o f f i c i a l s sponsored by the Urban Land Inst i tute, Black (1975) found that 48 percent of the communities with over 50,000 in population had some degree of private market, non-subsidized housing renovation underway in older deteriorated neighbourhoods. A la ter survey conducted by the same organization in 1979, based this time upon mail and telephone interviews conducted by the same organization in 1979, found that 80 percent of c i t i es over 150,000 had housing renovation ac t i v i t i es of some description (Black, 1980). In addit ion, during the 1970's housing values, home ownership, and home maintenance ac t i v i t i es were growing at a greater rate in the central c i t i e s compared to the suburbs, offering further proof of the inner c i ty rev i ta l iza t ion thesis to some writers (James, 1980). Other commentators have been more pessimistic in their evaluation of the extent and resi l ience of this trend. In placing i t within the wider national and regional economic context of the United States, Berry argues that, "some l imited private market rev i ta l iza t ion w i l l continue to be sure, but within a widening environment of disinvestment manifested geographically in the abandonment of the housing stock put into place by ear l ie r building cycles" (Berry, 1980: 28). More spec i f i ca l l y , Berry points to the inter-regional shi f ts in economic growth within the United States that have led to the prominence of n the "sun-belt" states coupled with the now almost complete absorption of the post-war 'baby boom' into the housing market, as crucial l imitat ions upon the continuation of rev i ta l iza t ion within the older, industr ial c i t i e s of the North-East and Mid-West. This view is given further support by Sternlieb and Ford (1979) who conclude from their review of inter- and intra-urban migration trends that the number of people moving out of the central c i ty is s t i l l far greater than the number moving into them. Two supporting surveys, one of commuters in New York and the other of middle class persons who were now l i v ing in the central c i t y , demonstrated that the movement into i t was highly select ive. A central c i ty residential location attracted only those suburbanites with re lat ive ly higher incomes, minimal needs for municipal services, and- l i f e patterns and le isure ac t i v i t i es that were compatible with the central c i t y . Another paper looking at the effects of inf lated energy costs on the future form of the c i ty concluded bleakly that: I t i s premature to extrapolate from isolated success stories a wide ranging 'back- to- the-c i t ies ' movement. There has been l i t t l e , i f any, abatement in the broader centrifugal forces depleting the urban arena (Sternlieb and Hughes, 1979:634). The recent appearance of a paper by Naroff and Li ro (1982) which argues, on the basis of a reinterpretation of Annual Housing Survey data, that the back-to-the-city movement can after a l l be supported nationally might suggest that the debate about the scale and geographical extent of this phenomenon has not been resolved, (b) Process Other writers have been more concerned with the process of neighbourhood rev i ta l izat ion per se. Perhaps one of the most intensive and well-respected investigations i s that by Clay (1979) who examined 105 rev i ta l ized neighbourhoods in 30 of the United States' largest central c i t i e s . On the basis 12 of th is study, Clay makes the important d is t inct ion betweeen two fundamentally dif ferent types of rev i ta l iza t ion ac t i v i t y , "incumbent upgrading" and "gent r i f i ca t ion" . The f i r s t seems to occur most often in modest income, but stable, communities that have a strong sense of identity backed up by active neighbourhood associations, often associated with a d is t inct ive ethnic character. In such areas rev i ta l i za t ion , in the form of physical improvements to properties and streets in the neighbourhood, i s accomplished mainly by the exist ing property owners who may be joined by newcomers to the area of generally the same socio-economic c lass , and are often supported by some form of government assistance. Although this process does not involve the rapid migration and dramatic landscape change associated with gentr i f icat ion, i t does have a great deal of social and po l i t i ca l s igni f icance. The groups involved are committed to maintaining their urban l i f e s t y l e , even in the face of the forces of disinvestment and decline that are widely prevalent within the c i ty core. However, the opportunities afforded by incumbent upgrading for promoting social equity are unfortunately constrained by the fact that the process has tended to occur in already better quality neighbourhoods so that the d i f ferent ia ls within the inner c i ty are often effect ively widened rather than closed by this process. Once again, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to assess with any measure of conviction the true extent of incumbent upgrading, especially as most data f a i l s to make the dist inct ion between this and gentr i f icat ion. However, data produced by the Neighbourhood Reinvestment Corporation (1980) from i t s "Neighbourhood Housing Services" programs in 92 c i t i es in the United States suggests that most of the neighbourhoods involved in this program are in c i t i es in the North-East and Central states, with populations greater than 100,000 but which are losing population overa l l . 13 The second type of neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion ac t i v i t y , gentr i f icat ion, has been most succinctly defined as "the invasion of t radi t ional ly working class areas by middle and upper income groups" (Hamnett, 1973a:252). In this case the renovation i s undertaken by outsiders of a higher socio-economic status than the established residents. Unlike incumbent upgrading this is "more the result of individual ef fort than community or organizational i n i t i a t i ve " (Clay 1979: 3). Perhaps because of i t s very overt and rapid nature, along with the fact that i t represents a major reversal of the tradi t ional established urban pattern, gentr i f icat ion has been far more prominent in both the public and professional l i te ra ture . In addit ion, the dimension of social class which is inextr icably t ied in with gentr i f icat ion has no doubt served to promote a substantial amount of interest from social sc ient is ts in par t icu lar . One of the peculiar and often confusing features of the rev i ta l izat ion l i terature in general has been the prol i ferat ion of terms used by different writers to describe a few basic processes. Figure 2.1 i s an attempt to col late and systematise some of the more frequently used terms found within the l i te ra ture . For the sake of s impl ic i ty , those terms enclosed by a box on the diagram w i l l be the ones adopted for the purposes of th is review. Some of the others may however be quoted when referr ing to speci f ic pieces of work. The term gentr i f icat ion was f i r s t coined by Glass to describe the middle class resettlement act iv i ty taking place within some parts of working class London during the 1960's. Since then, i t has become general international currency, being adopted to a l l manner of cases. As we can see from the diagram several alternatives have sprung up according to the dif ferent aspects of the process which they emphasize. Some writers have been c r i t i ca l of the continued use and cross-national application of this term. London (1980) for example is Figure 2.1 Chart Summarizing Location and Origin of Terms Used Within the Inner-City Revi tal izat ion Literature Commercial Redevelopment Inner City Revital izat ion Revital izat ion (Beauregard and Hoi comb, 1981) Central Business D is t r i c t Redevelopment/Revi t a l i zat i on Neighbourhood Commercial Redevelopment/Revi t a l i zat i or Residential Revital izat ion Incumbent Upgrading IC lay , V979T " Gentr i f icat ion (Glass, T963T 'Central City Revival" (Lipton, 1977) 'Neighbourhood Change" (Cybriwsky, 1978) 'Neighbourhood Renewal" (Clay, 1979) 'Private Urban Renewal" (Zeitz, 1979) 'Neighbourhood Reinvestment" (Weiler, 1980) 'Inner City Resurgence" (Ley, 1982) (a) 'Private Housing' 'Private Market Housing Reno-vation' (Black, 1980) 'Private Market Inner City Rehabi l i tat ion' (Berry, 1980) (b) 'Movement' 'Middle Class Resettlement' (Gale, 1979) 'Back-to-the-City (Laska and Spain, 1980) 'Urban Reinvasion' (London, 1980) (c) 'Local ' 'Chelseafication'(Capetown) 'Brownstoning'(New York) 'Trendification'(Melbourne) 'Whitepainting'(Toronto) 15 unhappy with the connotations with the landed aristocracy of yesteryear which the word gentr i f icat ion conjures up. Instead, he suggests that a term which i s not as culture speci f ic be used. While agreeing with London that the term is laden with emotional overtones which are sometimes unhelpful, i t does have important communicative advantages given i t s popular acceptance and w i l l therefore be used throughout the remainder of this review. The term 1 r ev i t a l i za t i on 1 can be interpreted to infer that the inner c i ty was 'without l i f e ' previously, and may thus likewise be considered to be problematic i f one is not made aware of the underlying bias of the term. From the numerous case studies that have appeared dealing with neighbourhoods "that have undergone some form of gentr i f icat ion some regular i t ies and, just as importantly, i r regu lar i t ies can be observed. Clay (1979) has summarily described the ' t yp i ca l ' gentr i f ied neighbourhood as being small, usually restr icted to a few blocks, but with an image and importance that often exceeds i t s true s ize . Unlike the typical neighbourhoodexperiencing incumbent upgrading, the gentrifying neighbourhood i s usually located in close proximity to the downtown core in an area of mixed land use, excluding public housing projects. Other important locational factors appear to be elevation green space, water bodies and some kind of h is tor ica l status and architectural merit ascribed to the neighbourhood and i t s buildings (Tournier, 1980). Age of neighbourhood does seem to be an important factor. For example, Clay found that 46 percent of gentr i f ied neighbourhoods compared to only 11 percent of the upgrading neighbourhoods were at least one hundred years o ld . Indeed, many writers have alluded to the irony and moral signif icance attached to the fact that many of the houses now being occupied by gentr i f iers were bu i l t several generations ago for large middle class famil ies but were since abandoned with the 'middle class f l i gh t ' to the suburbs in the 1950's and 1960's. 16 As for the gentr i f iers themselves, several case studies have revealed that contrary to the popular image of a "back-to-the-city" movement, most of the participants appear to have come from other parts of the c i ty rather than the suburbs (Gale, 1979; Harrison, 1983). In the same way that analysts have attempted to describe the typical gentr i f ied neighbourhood, so too has the average gentr i f ier been described. Perhaps the t id ies t composite picture is one which presents them as being "young, ch i ld less , white, highly educated and economically secure urbanites", (Datel, 1978: 4) . This description has been convincingly backed up by a number of surveys, including that undertaken by the National Urban Coal i t ion (1978) which indicated that in more than 80 percent of the 65 newly rejuvenated d is t r i c t s surveyed in 44 c i t i e s , professionals and white-col lar workers formed by far the largest group, compared to a figure of only 30 percent before rehabi l i ta t ion. A case study of rev i ta l ized neighbourhoods in Atlanta is typical of the many others in terms of the figures i t produces. It shows that 80 percent of adult households were between the ages of 20 and 39; 69 percent had professional, technical or managerial occupations; and 66 percent of households had no children under the age of 18. In addit ion, of the total newcomer population, 87 percent had some college background, at least 62 percent had finished college and 33 percent had taken a postgraduate course of some description (Cybriwsky, 1980: 27). I t must be noted however, that several studies have indicated that there are exceptions to this ru le. For example in a gentrifying neighbourhood in New Orleans, 62 percent of the households had children and 9 percent had four or more (Laska and Spain, 1980b). Furthermore, i t i s apparent that the socio-economic character of rev i ta l i z ing neighbourhoods varies according to how far the process has gone. In fact , this has been observed with such regularity that several writers have proposed that the rev i ta l iza t ion process can be broken up 17 into d is t inc t stages (Levy, 1980). The process is usually in i t i ta ted in the ' inc ip ient ' gentr i f icat ion stage, by the in-movement of young couples from the ar ts , design and teaching professions into older, run-down working class areas. In renovating such property these "r isk-obl iv ious pioneers" of the middle classes are able to obtain convenient access ib i l i ty to the downtown core at a reasonable pr ice. As the area improves and confidence in the neighbourhod bui lds, property values r ise sharply and large numbers of newcomers enter. At this more advanced stage of rev iva l , the newcomers tend to be more career-oriented with higher incomes, and are attracted less by the low prices than in the ear l ie r stages, but more by the new amenities and secure investment opportunities that the neighbourhood presents. The st r ik ing feature about this stage i s the speed with which the transformation is completed, especial ly when i t i s compared to the preceding period of decline which spanned whole decades. Therefore, house value appreciation i s usually large and almost instantaneous. From their study of two neighbourhoods in New Orleans, geographers O'Loughlin and Munski (1979) also refer to an interesting spatial component of the rev i ta l iza t ion process. It seems that i n i t i a l l y , the neighbourhood consisted of isolated clusters of renovated properties wedged within certain blocks. As the preservation movement gained momentum however, these clusters started to coalesce and form def ini te clumps within the neighbourhood. A simi lar 'wave-like' phenomenon has also been ident i f ied by Cybriwsky (1978) in the Fairmount area of Phi ladelphia, which, in i t s ear l ie r stages of rev i ta l i za t ion , consisted of a core of gentr i f ied households concentrated in just a few streets with several more adventurous 'pioneers' scattered around the rest of the neighbourhood. 18 2.3 National Contexts It w i l l no doubt have become apparent that most of the l i terature ci ted so far has been looking exclusively at the neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion experience in the United States, at both national and local leve ls . It would now seem appropriate to consider the potential u t i l i t y and problems associated with the transplant of findings and ideas embodied within one national context to another or others. From a perusal of the general body of l i terature dealing with inner c i ty rev i ta l i za t ion , i t i s evident and indeed unfortunate that this speci f ic issue has rarely been addressed with the thoroughness that i t so obviously deserves. Moreover, as Ley (1983) amongst others has pointed out, the neglect of what he ca l l s "national po l i t i ca l culture" can also be charged against the mainstream analysis of urban spatial structure as a whole. The longstanding concept of the "North American City" embedded most strongly in the realm of the textbook, is part icular ly pertinent to this review. In advocating the revival of the lost art of comparative geography, Mercer (1979) has l a id down an important, i f long overdue, f i r s t step towards a c r i t i c a l re-examination of this outdated and value-laden notion. Mercer concludes that although the idea of a North American c i ty should not be abandoned completely, he does urge far more caution in i t s usage and appl icat ion. To aid this process, he recommends that further research be undertaken which would attempt to delimit the differences and s im i l i a r i t i es between Canadian and American c i t i es along certain dimensions, thus rendering the concept more useful. A simi lar l ine of thinking has been adopted by Mark and Goldberg (1982) in a paper which seeks to present a previously neglected Canadian perspective upon the largely American dominated f i e l d of neighbourhood change modelling. In doing th i s , the authors feel that these models w i l l become more suitable and 19 thereby more useful to the Canadian s i tuat ion. They also contend that such an exercise would have appreciable posit ive effects upon the state of the art in the American context, in that i t would stimulate the need for a more general model which might explain the dynamics of change for neighbourhoods in both countries. In an important preliminary to this paper, Goldberg and Mercer (1979) postulate that perhaps the major difference between the urban areas of Canada and the United States is rooted in the v iab l i ty of their central c i t ies—a fact which has obvious implications for the study of inner c i ty rev i ta l i za t ion . Many of the major American central c i ty areas are largely inhabited by lower income groups, b lue-col lar workers, the unemployed, and ethnic minorit ies l i v ing in poor quality housing. The middle and upper income groups, part icular ly family households, have migrated to the suburbs spurred on by such things as the fear of crime and c i v i l unrest, increased automobile ownership, construction of urban expressways and income tax incentives. Canadian c i t i e s , on the other hand are more compact and their central c i t i es more v iable. This can be credited to the lower d i f ferent ia ls in income and occupation found within the c i t i e s , along with a group of ethnic minorit ies that do not face such extreme inst i tut ional discrimination. Addi t ional ly, a much reduced emphasis on highway construction, in tandem with greater usage of public t ransi t has contributed to the far gentler rental gradients found within the typical Canadian c i ty (Simmons et a l , 1969). An important influence on the contrasting levels of central c i ty v iab i l i t y l i e s in the different inst i tut ional structure and organization of each country. In the United States, Goldberg and Mark argue that, armed with a far greater degree of power, the federal government has been able to create a set of-"pul l ing" and "pushing" forces through i t s pol ic ies and these have had the net effect of destabi l is ing the central c i t y . Conversely, because of the 20 comparatively lower prof i le that the federal government in Canada has taken in urban a f fa i r s , the central c i t i es have been subjected to a much more fragmented, locally-based and smaller scale series of urban pol ic ies and programs which have been largely beneficial to their socio-economic base (C.M.H.C. and H.U.D., 1978). In view of these fundamental differences i t comes as l i t t l e surprise to learn that the inner c i ty areas of these respective nations have experienced markedly dif ferent trends in recent years. In one of the few sustained attempts at extending the rev i ta l iza t ion argument north of the border, Ley argues from the exist ing l i terature that the rev i ta l iza t ion experience in Canadian c i t i es is just another in a sequence of phases of redevelopment which have resulted in a steady intensi f icat ion of land use within the inner c i t y . He therefore hypothesises that, " i t i s possible to interpret the redevelopment act iv i ty of the 1970's as simply a continuation of ear l ie r trends rather than, as has more usually been the case in the United States, a dramatic arresting and reversal of neighourhood f l i gh t " (Ley, 1981: 125). This view i s reinforced by Higbee in an ear l ie r and frequently one-sided comparison of the centre of c i t i es in Canada and the United States with the comment, "a growing divergence in the l i f es ty les of Americans and Canadians is nowhere more evident than in the c i t i es where a substantial portion of the Canadian middle class remains by choice but from which in America, the white middle class feels forced to retreat" (Higbee, 1976: 145). According to Higbee, the desire to remain in the centre has been given fresh impetus by the inf lux (due to recent changes in Canadian immigration po l i c ies ) , of many more European white-col lar and professional workers who are accustomed to inner c i ty l i v i ng . Ley's pioneering analysis of the socio-economic trends from the 1971 and 1976 censuses in a l l of the 23 Canadian Metropolitan areas is revealing in two 21 respects (see also McLemore et a l , 1975 for an ear l ie r survey). F i r s t , i t highlights the heterogeneity of the inner c i ty experience across the Canadian continent, brought about by the wider structural shi f ts currently taking place within the Canadian national economy and society. More spec i f i ca l l y , he distinguishes between the service-oriented, white-col lar regional centres part icular ly those in the Western provinces, and the blue-col lar manufacturing c i t i es of Ontario and the At lant ic Provinces. It is in the former category, especial ly in the larger metropolitan centres that neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion has been most prominent. Second, Ley's survey makes i t a l l too apparent that the Canadian inner c i ty has been somewhat neglected by both researchers and policy-makers as an independent and altogether separate unit for analysis. Leaving aside the potential ly tortuous debates about the va l id i ty and relevance of the'Canadian Ci ty ' concept, i t i s clear that far more work on the inner-ci ty needs to be placed in a cross-national comparative context. This need i s made even more pressing when one compares the far greater quantity of equivalent work that has or i s currently being undertaken in the United States and Great Br i ta in . In defence, one can reiterate the oft touted explanation that the inner c i ty in Canada has not been plagued by such extreme d i f ferent ia ls and problems as those experienced in these two countries and has therefore not been generally perceived to warrant as much attention by Canadian urban analysts. One may speculate however, that i f the rev i ta l iza t ion trend currently evident in a number of metropolitan contexts deepens and spreads, and consequently the pressure for affordable housing becomes even more intense, i t may c rys ta l l i ze into a prominent po l i t i ca l and social issue and serve to reverse this situation _ somewhat. From this necessarily br ief discussion of the s im i la r i t ies and 22 differences between the Canadian and American urban conditions, i t would seem that a great deal of caution should be exercised when trans-planting the empirical findings and explanations of a body of l i terature di rect ly from one national context to another. This recommendation can be applied s t i l l further at the level of what has been commonly referred to as the 'Western C i t y ' . It is unfortunate that, due to the constraints of language, this review, l i ke many others, is bounded to those countries that are primarily anglophone. Consequently, the European experience with inner c i ty rev i ta l i za t ion remains largely unknown. At this point i t might be suggested that two factors in part icular would have a s igni f icant bearing upon the incidence of gentr i f icat ion in European c i t i e s . F i r s t , apart from being far more compact, these c i t i es tend to have much greater concentrations of the middle and upper class who have always resided within the inner core. Second, in many c i t i e s , much of the core has had to be reconstructed after the Second World War (Home, 1982). In B r i t a in , most of the rev i ta l iza t ion l i terature has focussed on the efforts made by the public sector in the las t decade to revive the a i l i ng burned-out inner c i ty areas of the older, economically depressed conurbations, making only a cursory reference to gentr i f icat ion as a minor component in future urban renewal (e.g. Gibson and Langstaff, 1982). Most of the work on private residential reinvestment has been confined to London (e.g.. Hamnett and Will iams, 1980), though I have found several instances of gentr i f icat ion in some of the medium-si zed, service-oriented c i t i es in the provinces, such as Br isto l and Nottingham. Within the anglophone countries, Logan has warned that, "despite the superf ic ial s imi lar i ty of the social and environmental patterns emerging in Austral ian, Canadian, and some Br i t i sh and American inner c i t i e s , i t would appear that there are s igni f icant differences in the underlying process of 23 change and the factors responsible for i t " (Logan, 1980: 33). Logan suggests that, in the absence of any detailed attempt to compare otherwise, the inner c i ty rev i ta l iza t ion experience of Br i ta in and the United States has probably more in common by virtue of the raprd de- industr ia l izat ion and similar racia l concentrations and segregation patterns found within many of their inner c i t i es (Peach, 1975). Austral ia and Canada have experienced a simi lar process of gentr i f icat ion in the inner suburbs of their c i t i es and i t is this which he predicts w i l l move them closer to European c i t i es in terms of their social zonation. Once again however, this process has tended to take different forms, emphasizing the upgrading and development of multiple dwellings in Canada as opposed to the private renovation of individual Victorian terraced houses and cottages in Austra l ia . Apart from the exp l i c i t recognition and tentative suggestions made by a few urban analysts, the complexities and uniqueness of each national context and the effect these have upon the type and extent of rev i ta l izat ion act iv i ty in their c i t i es has not, as yet been ef fect ively documented (an exception is Williams (forthcoming)). In the absence of a suf f ic ient ly broad based body of Canadian l i te ra ture , much of this review has been focussed upon the l i terature that has semanated from the United States in the las t decade. This has been done not so much to u t i l i ze the findings in a direct cross-national transfer, but in an attempt c r i t i c a l l y to examine some of the ideas and approaches used by the American writers and i l l us t ra te how these might be usefully modified and applied to the context of a Canadian c i t y . It i s anticipated that the foregoing discussion highlights the important economic, p o l i t i c a l , socio-cultural and histor ical speci f icat ion of the national system under consideration. 24 2.4 Causes In addition to describing and monitoring neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t i on , several writers have made i n i t i a l attempts at explaining i t . As yet , one i s not in a posit ion to draw any defini te conclusions about this trend. Instead i t can be said only that i t appears to have been stimulated by a number of factors which have combined to make the central core a more attract ive proposition than in the recent past, in both commercial and residential terms. Different writers have tended to emphasize some factors more heavily than others, couching their explanations at various levels and degrees of complexity. The famil iar boundary l ines within the social sciences as a whole are readily discernible in this l i te ra ture . London, Bradley et a l . (1980) offer perhaps the best grouping of these approaches, from which the following three categories w i l l be used to summarise some of these explanations: (1) The polit ical-economic approach can be further divided into what Guterbock (1980) c lass i f i es as "Marxian" and "P lu ra l " or "Tradit ional" perspectives. The la t te r , though by no means as formalized, take i t s lead from much of the neo-classical economic modelling work spearheaded by Alonso, Wingo and Muth in the 1960's, emphasizing the importance of competition for land and market ef f ic iency. With the increasing scarcity of suburban land and local restr ic t ions imposed upon new developments at the end of the 1960's, land prices rocketed in the suburbs to such an extent that, suburban-urban d i f ferent ia ls in housing costs and taxes evened up quite considerably. This was especial ly true for newly-built suburban housing which gradually went beyond the reach of many f i rs t - t ime home buyers. This fact , in conjunction with the increase in transportation costs brought on by the energy c r i s i s of the 1970's and the . worsening public t ransi t system which further aggravated congestion and 25 pollut ion problems, has made the inner c i ty a far more desirable residential location than previously (Downs, 1981). The Marxist perspective on the other hand, rejects this "consumer sovereignty" hypothesis and focusses alternat ively upon the role of capital in select ively generating new development and precluding older development within the context of the urban "growth machine" (Molotch, 1976). Drawing on, and somewhat ref ining the "investment-disinvestment" model f i r s t suggested by Bradford and Rubinowitz (1975) to explain the ear l ie r trend of urban decline and suburban growth, Smith and others argue that gentr i f icat ion, l i ke inner-ci ty decline before i t , i s a structural product of the land and housing markets. As a direct consequence of the widening "rent-gap" brought on by the sustained decline and depreciation of the inner c i t y , cap i ta l , in the form of developers, f inancial inst i tut ions and real tors, has begun to sh i f t away from the suburbs to the core, aided and abetted by the various arms of the state (Smith, N. 1979a). Furthermore, Smith argues that, "a broader explanation of gentr i f icat ion must therefore take account of regional, national and international capital movements, and the h is tor ica l rhythms of long waves and cycles in the cap i ta l i s t economy" (Smith, N. 1979b). He thus ident i f ies gentr i f icat ion as a speci f ic element of the wider po l i t i ca l economy (Harvey, 1975; Gordon, 1978). (2) The demographic-ecological approach can likewise be subdivided, according to the emphasis which the part icular explanation places upon each of the variables—population, social organisation, environment, and technology— that go to make up the "ecological complex" (London, 1980). The changing demographic structure of North American society is a theme which is consistently referred to, either direct ly or ind i rec t ly , as an explanatory component. The "age cohort" or "baby boom" explanation as i t might appropriately be cal led suggests that the maturation of the post-war surge in births to the age of prime 26 house-buying (ie 25-34 years old) has had a profound effect upon the housing market by swelling market demand to the point where i t i s now being par t ia l l y met by the "recycl ing" of inner-city neighbourhoods (Bourne, 1978). A related and also inf luent ia l demographic trend, is the increase in the number and proportion of non-family households, many of which are increasingly single-person or non-married. Consequently, many people are now seeking housing that is oriented solely to adult needs, such as proximity to work, cultural and social ac t iv i ty and which is less space intensive (Yezer, 1977). The other, more ecological ly-oriented perspective can be interpreted as a direct attempt to reinstate the work of Park, Burgess and McKenzie of the Chicago School of human ecology. Like this school, the explanations emphasize the importance of competition between various groups for te r r i to ry , in this case, within the inner c i t y . For example, Hudson (1980) claims that the concepts of "invasion" and "succession" which were central to ecological theory can once again be applied on a far broader basis than before, y ie lding useful insights into the process of gentr i f icat ion. (3) The socio-cultural approach focusses not upon the aggregate or structural units of the previous explanations, but on values, att i tudes, ideas, choices and bel iefs as factors determining individual human behaviour. One example of this type of explanation, which has been gathering a certain amount of momentum within the l i te ra ture , is what has often been referred to as _..the "Post-Industrial thesis" advanced by Ley amongst others (Ley, 1980). Firmly rooted within the inte l lectual tradit ions espoused by Bell (1976) and Habermas (1970), this thesis seeks to set inner c i ty rev i ta l i za t ion , among other trends, within the context of the wider North American society. As a result of the shi f ts that are becoming increasingly evident within the structure of western advanced cap i ta l i s t economies, i t i s argued there have been profound 27 modifications in culture and p o l i t i c s . These have contributed to the renewed interest in the inner-c i ty , demonstrated by members of a "new class" of professionals, technicians and white-col lar workers, as a place to work, l i v e , and play (Ginzberg, 1979: Gouldner, 1979). Specif ic factors which are said to underlie the changing urban structure include expansion of the ' le isure c l a s s ' ; increased stress upon the amenity eth ic ; and the growing importance of consumption, rather than production as a determinant of central c i ty land use decisions. An interesting paper by Al len (1980) can be viewed as a f i t t i ng embellishment to this post- industr ial thesis. Allen incorporates a hitherto neglected ideological, component that he suggests is embedded within the "social movement" of neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion . Whilst not rejecting the "matters of pract ica l i ty and preferences" already outlined in this section as important motivating factors, he is of the opinion that an inf luent ia l ideological commitment to a dense redeveloped c i ty neighbourhood is inextr icably bound up with these motives. Unlike the anti-urban ideology of the suburbanites a generation ear l ie r to which he makes an interesting connection, the emergent ideology and Utopian quest for "community" in the urban reinvasion movement i s def in i te ly pro-urban in outlook. In conjunction with these practical and preferential factors, the gentr i f iers are motivated by the desire for the diversi ty ( in both class and ethnic terms) and the density of population that they believe exists within the older and more tradi t ional neighbourhoods of the inner c i t y . It i s this quality of "Sesame Street ebullience" (Berman, 1983) which the in-mover perceives w i l l offer, him or her some re l i e f from the sub-cultural sameness and boredom that characterizes many suburban communities (in which they may have been brought up). Similar ideological threads can be traced running through much of contemporary professional planning l i terature and 28 pract ice, many of which, of course, have been sewn by that most in f luent ia l of academic "seamstresses", Jane Jacobs (1961). Having said th i s , Allen levels two major cr i t ic isms at the ideological premises upon which the new. movement is based. F i r s t l y , he argues that, contrary to the impression conveyed by the popular press and the "pop sociology" of urban'redevelopment, "the trend toward c i ty neighbourhood development does not signal a reversal of the tradit ional anti-urban bias that informed the decentralization of the American c i ty " (Al len, 1980: 419). Fusch (1978) has further elaborated upon this ideological motif, suggesting that the preservation and gentr i f icat ion movement is merely a latter-day expression of tradit ional values that have also guided past migration behaviour. He therefore concludes that gentr i f icat ion represents no radical departure from the middle class norm with i t s emphasis on economic success through home ownership; the importance of a status symbol, such as an archi tectural ly distinguished house in a prestigious neighbourhood; the exclusive search for ' r u ra l ' and 'small town1 values; the need for conformity and homogeneity; and the emphasis placed upon nostalgia and the sense of place which highlights symbol, but tends to lack somewhat in material substance. Secondly, Allen opines that many of the values, part icular ly that of "plural ism", are ambivalently held and therefore, may f a i l to y ie ld the alternative and transcendent community experience that some of the new sett lers seek. Put simply, i t i s often the case that the fami l iar i ty with the exist ing residents of a neighbourhood that many of these recent in-migrants look for i s usually only real ized in physical and not social terms. The following section w i l l seek to c la r i f y this las t statement by examining the impacts that neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion have had upon the exist ing communities in which i t has been prevalent. 29 2.5 Impacts (a) Inter-neighbourhood: Physical Displacement The most serious problem to have been associated with gentr i f icat ion is the physical displacement of the original long-time residents by the in-coming middle- and upper-income persons. Not only has the problem been well publicized by the media and attracted much attention from local o f f i c i a l s and neighbourhood organizations, i t has also been a paramount concern of much of the impact-assessment research undertaken by both policy researchers and academics. Like many prominent public and research issues however, the displacement issue has become increasingly problematic, and often controversial , for a number of reasons. F i r s t l y , i t has proven to be a very d i f f i c u l t phenomenon to define sa t i s fac to r i l y . A recent review paper by Grier and Grier (1980) has gone some way towards demystifying and defusing much of the confusion and controversy that surrounds the issue. They emphasize the complexity of the process, pointing to the need for a more comprehensive def in i t ion of displacement which, in par t icu lar , makes the key dist inct ion between 'voluntary' and ' involuntary' displacement. Their def in i t ion i s the one most often c i ted: Displacement occurs when any household is forced to move from i t s residence by conditions which affect.the dwelling or i t s immediate surroundings, and which: 1. are beyond the household's reasonable ab i l i t y to pay 2. occur despite the household's having met a l l previously imposed conditions of occupance; and 3. make continued occupancy by that household impossible, hazardous, or unaffordable. (Grier and Gr ier , 1980: 256) In adopting a def in i t ion as broad as th i s , one i s faced with a further problem in that i t becomes very d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible, to measure the 30 total phenomenon. On the other hand, any narrower def in i t ion might omit important elements of the problem and would therefore not be as useful. The measurement problem is further complicated by the often neglected necessity of setting displacement from neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion within the wider context of residential moves in general and other forms of displacement, part icular ly in such a geographically mobile society as North America. It i s hardly surprising therefore to learn that i t i s imposible to pinpoint at present the proportion of displacement moves which are due to neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion . Several attempts nonetheless, have been made to estimate this figure from a number of sources but in l ight of what has been said above, a measure of caution is advised when interpreting them. One survey of real tors, public o f f i c i a l s and c iv i c leaders in the United States' 30 largest c i t i es has concluded that s igni f icant dislocation was occurring in 82 percent of the neighbourhoods undergoing middle class renovation (Clay, 1978). A 1979 estimate by Cushing Dolbeare, a housing consultant, put the .number of residents displaced by gentr i f icat ion at approximately 100,000 per annum in a l l c i t i es of the United States (Feagin, 1982: 400). The task of obtaining a true picture of the scale and extent of displacement through gentr i f icat ion is further complicated by the po l i t i ca l influences which so obviously pepper some of the figures that have been presented. This is part icular ly conspicuous in the well-known debate between Sumka and Hartman. The former, a Deputy Director of the Division of Community Research at the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) argues that while displacement may be a serious problem in some neighbourhoods, there is l i t t l e support for the notion that a substantial trend i s occurring or that large numbers of poor households are being affected. Therefore, indiscriminate federal pol ic ies aimed at halting this displacement might slow or completely 31 erase the " t r i ck le " of middle class in-movement which he deems to be highly desirable (Sumka, 1979; 1980). However, the other commentators, of which Hartman has been the most vocal, have pointed out that HUD's own figures can be interpreted to imply that over half a mi l l ion households are displaced annually. On this basis, Hartman attacks Sumka's "reactionary posit ion" which openly sides with the gentrifying middle class and their a l l i e s , urging that the lessons learnt from the public urban revewal and highway construction projects a decade ear l ie r be applied in the form of greater public control over the process (Hartman, 1979a; 1979b). Since then, the present Reagan administration has taken a new l ine that views private market displacement as a l o c a l , and not a national problem and has therefore refused to undertake any further national displacement surveys. Although debates about the actual scale of the problem continue, there is far more agreement on the question of who the victim of displacement i s . It is clear from the numerous impact studies that racia l minor i t ies, the elder ly , and low-income people have been displaced in disporportionate numbers (National Urban Coal i t ion, 1978; Myers, 1978; Perez et a l , 1980; Spain, 1980). However, in one of the best impact studies undertaken so far , Hodge (1981) has concluded from the experience of Seattle that displacement there has affected every socio-economic and geographical group. Moreover, he is incl ined to venture that in Seattle at least , displacement was not so much caused by gentr i f icat ion spec i f i ca l l y , but instead by "a process of up- f i l te r ing caused by a previously depressed market lagging behind demand" ( ib id : 200). This las t point further underlines the problems of iso lat ing displacement through gentr i f icat ion, from other processes operating within the housing market. The causes of displacement are largely economic. As demand by re la t ive ly higher income people for housing in some inner c i ty neighbourhoods increases, 32 rents and property values r ise in response beyond the f inancial capabi l i t ies of many of the long-term residents. Renters tend to be the f i r s t to be displaced as a result of excessive rent increases or conversion of multiple occupancy apartments and houses into condominiums and single-owner residences. Of those neighbourhoods surveyed by the National Urban Coal i t ion (1978) which i n i t i a l l y had a predominance of renters, about 95 percent showed -a decrease in renters after rehabi l i ta t ion. Tax assessments for the neighbourhood are re-aligned accordingly, and many of the longer term homeowners also begin to feel the pinch. For example, a survey conducted by Clay (1978) showed that in 76 percent of the 57 gentr i f ied neighbourhoods he studied, rents rose in excess of 50 percent after revi tal izat ion and house values increased by 50 percent or more in 74 percent of these places. In addit ion, tax assessments increased in 71 percent of the neighbourhoods. In some si tuat ions, often at the margins of gentr i f icat ion ac t i v i t y , the speculator and realtor may play a powerful role in generating displacement through their land assembly a c t i v i t i e s , sometimes to the extent of whole blocks being acquired (Will iams, 1975; Smith, N. 1979b; Palm, 1979). Because of the acute d i f f i cu l t y involved in tracing those displaced, very l i t t l e is known about what happens to neighbourhood residents after they have been displaced. There is some evidence that most people move very short distances, in an endeavour perhaps to remain in close proximity to their place of employment and other fami l iar routines. Their attempts to retain the s tab i l i t y they once had are often thwarted therefore, by the continued advance of the margin of gentr i f icat ion act iv i ty (James, 1977). The costs generally associated with displacement for the individuals concerned f a l l into three categories. F i r s t , and most obviously are the f inancial costs which may involve among other things, moving expenses, increased 33 rents, new u t i l i t i e s , the problems of obtaining a new mortgage and increased t ransi t costs as a result of an increased commute to work. Secondly, there are the social costs which might include separation from fr iends, relat ives and community t ies in general, in addition to the old neighbourhood's social support system that the resident may have grown dependent upon. F ina l l y , and perhaps the most intangible and therefore, most d i f f i c u l t to measure, there are the emotional costs that may develop through the loss of a once famil iar environment and a l l i t s peculiar quirks and nuances (Fr ied, 1963). It i s apparent from this brief l i s t i ng that those groups most susceptible to these costs, would be low income, rental tenure, racia l minority and elderly in composition. Attempts to actually quantify these costs have largely been unsuccessful. In his study of Ki ts i lano in Vancouver, Ley (1981) found that for 80 percent of the displaced tenants interviewed, the residential sat isfact ion of households declined as a result of the move. This was attributed to, among other things, a s igni f icant deterioration in the rent-to-income rat io for tenants, placing some of them into an o f f i c i a l 'housing af fordabi l i ty ' problem bracket. From a study of displaced households from inner c i ty neighbourhoods in Saskatoon which adopts a u t i l i t y modelling approach, Phipps (1982) counters th is evaluation. He concludes that the majority of the 131 households potential ly displaced by modern apartment blocks or by in-moving higher status households did not perceive that the costs exceeded the benefits in the long-term, but the costs were s l ight ly more inf luent ia l at the time of the move. In one of the few real attempts to actually categorize and systematize in the most comprehensive way possible ( i f to a large extent based on intui t ion) the costs and benefits that might accrue to the various actors involved with neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion , Cicin-Sain (1980) i s led to conclude from the rather l imited evidence that for a large majority of those displaced in the United States c i t i e s , the costs exceed 34 the benefits. (b) Intra-neighbourhood: Socio-cultural Conf l ic t Most of the consideration with respect to the effects of rev i ta l iza t ion in both the popular and professional l i terature has been directed at the fate of those who have been physically displaced from the rev i ta l ized neighbourhoods. However, some writers have been more concerned with the effects of rev i ta l i za t ion within the neighbourhood as the process develops. The subtle and complex social and cultural dynamics associated with such a form of community change as th i s , are as d i f f i c u l t to define and deal with as physical displacement, i f not more so. In many ways the problem of intra-community social change presents analysts with their greatest challenge to date; but i t i s a challenge to which only a few have responded so far . The f i r s t , and perhaps the most complete investigation of a neighbourhood undergoing rev i ta l iza t ion was that undertaken by Cybriwsky (1978) in the Fairmount area of Phi ladelphia. In i t , he quite luc id ly describes the way in which a group of mostly young singles and chi ld less couples in their twenties and earning comfortable sa lar ies , introduced into this t radi t ional ly stable blue-col lar community a radical ly dif ferent l i f e s t y l e , commercial structure and social organization. In some quarters the renewal i n i t i a t i ve was welcomed, especial ly as i t was instrumental in deflecting the widely perceived "menace" of black intrusion into this predominantly white neighbourhood from surrounding areas. However, Cybriwsky concludes that eventually, "for many residents the quality of l i f e declined with the neighbourhood's physical upgrading and higher socio-economic standing" ( ib id : 33). The resultant ' loss of community' was induced as the numbers of i t s ethnic population began to dwindle, and long established social t ies were eroded. Moreover, he postulates that the internal dynamics of the community as a "defended neighbourhood" were somewhat ruptured 35 by the in-movement of these young professionals. In consequence, the neighbourhood was forced.to fo r fe i t some of i t s once cherished autonomy and isolat ion from the rest of the c i t y . The social networks of the 'newcomers' seldom extended to the host population, in spite of them having moved ' to be amongst the people'. Instead, they found themselves rejected by Fairmounters to the extent that some of their property was subjected to petty vandalism on the part of the neighbourhood's youth. In reponse, the newcomers pressed for increased pol ic ing and formed formal resident block associations which replaced the close-kni t networks and informal social controls of the 'urban v i l l age ' of pre-gentr i f icat ion Fairmount. In a la ter paper, this time written in conjunction with Levy, Cybriwsky takes some of these ideas a l i t t l e further by trying to isolate the 'hidden dimensions of culture and c lass ' that had not exp l i c i t l y been referred to previously, but which they argue, inevitably pervade the gentr i f icat ion phenomenon. Quoting evidence of several separate demonstrations by exist ing residents against gentr i f iers in a number of local contexts, they warn: far too l i t t l e thought has been devoted to the more subtle and perplexing tensions which are generated simply by mutual coexistence unless planners and policy-makers become aware of these cultural clashes, the next decade of urban resettlement may be characterised by b i t ter and occasionally vicious conf l ic ts which have been t rad i t ional ly segregated in American society" (Levy and Cybriwsky, 1980: 139). In their case study of two neighbourhoods in Philadelphia which have been recent targets for reinvestment, they examine the contrasting conceptions of the neighbourhood between the older and newer residents, looking part icular ly at the differences in attitudes towards the neighbourhood i t s e l f and what i t s ign i f ies to them, as well as the different views on the appropriate use of outdoor space, 36 spec i f i ca l ly sidewalks and streets. In both neighbourhoods, the older established residents changed in their attitude towards the newcomers, from i n i t i a l welcome of the arr ival of 'new blood' into the area, to one of displeasure, occasionally in the form of overt con f l i c t and eventually, despair. In this manner they incorporate a c r i t i c a l and neglected temporal dimension into their study. By way of i n i t i a t i ng an explanation of the source of this con f l i c t , the authors c i te the findings of Sennet and Cobb (1973) in their book The Hidden Injuries of Class. In par t icu lar , they discuss the resentment which the t rad i t iona l , b lue-col lar workers have for the rewards given to non-manual labour, and th i s , they suggest, is heightened s igni f icant ly when the two groups begin l i v ing in close proximity. Levy and Cybriwsky stress the importance of these economic factors which have repeatedly exacerbated tensions concluding: In sum, the conf l ic ts that we have described involve more than misunderstandings between dif ferent cultural groups. Rather, for long-term residents who can no longer afford their neighbourhood, an entire way of l i f e is at stake ( ib id : 149). These two papers have made an important contribution to the l i terature by alert ing researchers to the implications of gentr i f icat ion not only for those who are displaced, but for those who remain in the neighbourhood during the course of th is process, and in some instances, after i t s completion. (0n the posit ive side, i t i s apparent that incoming gentr i f iers do have an immediate effect on the neighbourhood in terms of increasing homeowners' house values, ensuring that improvements are made to i t s physical appearance and infrastructure, and thereby arresting any further downturn in i t s status. However, i t i s also apparent that this process i s not without i t s negative attr ibutes. Unlike the problem of physical displacement, the problems encountered within the community are experienced by both parties concerned, that 37 is the newcomer and the established residents. Within the context of the economic pressures acting upon the la t ter group that may ultimately lead to i t s removal from the neighbourhood, we have also made note of some of the.»problems which are essent ia l ly social in content. These have emerged as a result of the juxtaposition of groups which have been previously segregated t e r r i t o r i a l l y and appear to have two interrelated roots, one that i s 'symbolic' and another that i s 1 soc io - cu l t u ra l ' . The former revolves around the issue of control of the neighbourhood's identi ty as reflected in the imagery and sentiment attached by an individual and group to his or her local environment. This has perhaps best been summarized in the question "whose present?, whose past?" posed by Holdsworth (1981) in his study of gentr i f icat ion within the inner c i ty of Toronto. In i t , he compares the dif ferent architectural styles and streetscapes that are typ ical ly produced, on the one hand, by a group of working class Portuguese immigrants, and on the other, by a group of middle class young professionals, both of whom are currently colonizing this part of the c i t y . He concludes that these two environments are ent irely incompatible in an aesthetic and functional sense. As yet , the two groups are spat ia l ly separated, but Holdsworth does predict that complications w i l l emerge when the margins of settlement converge. Other problems emerging from the mutual coexistence in one neighbourhood of these two groups are rooted in their dif ferent types of social organization and l i f e s t y l e s . We have already seen from the Philadelphia case studies what form these problems can take, and how the socio-cultural structure of the exist ing community can be modified and re-shaped more in the image of the in-coming group. Conf l ic t between the two groups may more usually remain in.an inert form brought about by a sense of mutual d istaste, fear and suspicion. From the perspective of the incumbent group this sense is summed up neatly in the 38 l ines of a song by a contemporary black band—the 'Bus Boys', ent i t led "There Goes the Neighbourhood": The whites are moving i n / They' l l bring their next of k in / I a in ' t movin1 out for no Carol and Bob/ The inner c i ty is too close to my job/ (Roll ing Stone, 2nd September 1982: 49). However in some instances these tensions might r ise to the surface, stimulated by a part icular local dispute such as pressure for parking or sewage, result ing in overt con f l i c t . For example, in one neighbourhood after months of grumbling about ' tour is ts ' parking on their sidewalks, white ethnic residents staged a protest in which they blocked t ra f f i c and slashed automobile tyres (Levy and Cybriwsky, 1980). An even more poignant example of this type of spontaneous conf l i c t i s evinced in a recent attack on the much-publicized Dr. Henry Morgentaler, who had just opened an abortion c l i n i c in a working-class neighbourhood of Toronto, by a local Portuguese male immigrant wielding a pair of garden shears (Maclean's, 25th July 1983). It i s perhaps the case, as O'Loughlin and Munski (1979) amongst others suggest, that Cybriwsky has exaggerated this problem unduly, especial ly as he has analyzed social relations in one very well-defined conf l i c t zone. Indeed, the counter example of the preservation of the German v i l lage area in Columbus, Ohio which was perceived quite favourably in adjoining black neighbourhoods (Fusch, 1978), would lend some support to this and suggests the des i rab i l i ty of other studies being conducted in areas where the exist ing residents have not been so host i le to outsiders, part icular ly where the housing is in poorer condit ion. However large this problem real ly i s , i t i s s t i l l true that Cybriwsky and others have raised an important question that demands further-attention. Central to this discussion is the notion of 'd ivers i ty ' or 'socia l mix' . 39 From an examination of recent renovation experiences in Seatt le, Hodge (1980) i s led to question whether the diversi ty seemingly praised by the renovators in reactivating their central c i ty locational choice i s possible in the neighbourhoods they are creating. Sometimes, the very soc ia l , racial and economic diversi ty they claim they are seeking in inner-ci ty neighbourhoods is diluted and then destroyed when the neighbourhood becomes a predominantly higher-income area. On this tenet, Hodge further questions whether the 'back-to-the-ci ty ' movement is a unique opportunity to reaffirm this goal or, whether the suburbanization of the central c i ty which confirms that diversi ty as a societal goal i s a mere myth. (c) Intra-Neighbourhood: Commercial Revi tal izat ion Neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion can have a profound impact not only upon the community, but also the infrastructure that supports i t , part icular ly the neighbourhood's re ta i l ing sector. However, an extensive reading of the rev i ta l iza t ion l i terature w i l l reveal a noticeable neglect of these commercial functions. Consideration of the changing nature of commercial act iv i ty along with the possible effects i t may have in influencing and promoting social change is downplayed at the expense of an over-whelming interest in the social and demographic character ist ics of the neighbourhood's residential population. Chernoff (1980) points out that., of the few studies which have actually looked at rev i ta l ized commercial areas, none have real ly made any useful consideration of the social factors at play (e.g. Cox. W, 1969; Goldstein and Davis, 1977). Instead they have focussed upon the economic factors such as loan ava i l ab i l i t y , the dol lar volume in the market area, and the mix of goods and services (Levatino, 1978). It i s argued here however, that the relationship between the social environments of the neighbourhood's residential and commercial sectors is an improtant and inf luent ia l one, and i s thus worthy of more invest igat ion. 40 In his study of the rev i ta l iza t ion of the Ki ts i lano neighbourhood in Vancouver, Ley (1981) talks of the "embourgeoisement" of 4th Avenue, the neighbourhood's main re ta i l ing s t r i p . Local merchants along this s t r ip have adjusted themselves remarkabley rapidly to the neighbourhood's changing socio-cultural structure, and this process is reflected in the dramatically low survival rates of re ta i l stores in this area during the period of the most intensive residental redevelopment. The aggregate picture has altered l i t t l e in this time, but within i t , there has been a substantial sh i f t in re ta i l orientation towards the market power and consumption tastes of the middle-class newcomers. S imi lar ly , Cybriwsky (1978) has noted with more than a tinge of regret, the demise of the "Ma-and-Pa" type businesses in "Fashionable Fairmont", which have been replaced by among other things, a small art gal lery, an antique shop, and two stores which special ize in house plants. More often than not, the main instigators of th is re ta i l ing change have not been the established merchants, but are from a new breed of business persons who are themselves also newcomers to the neighbourhood. As one astute commentator has somewhat sourly observed: Now that the dust has set t led, the counter-culture's chief contribution to American becomes c lear. The most important influence of that assemblage of 1960's youth and i t s camp followers was not on p o l i t i c s , or philosophy, or ar t , or social organization but on re ta i l i ng . Yes, re ta i l i ng . The counter-culture came of age simutaneously with the consumer society, and what could be more f i t t i ng than that i t s participants should turn out to be shopkeepers--that the prefix "counter" should actually come to refer to the counter over which business is done? (Ar is t ides, 1975). In addition to responding to the changing social composition of the neighbourhood's residential population, several writers have also acknowledged -the active role that the local re ta i l ing sector may play in actually promoting change in the neighbourhood. For example, in his study of the rev i ta l izat ion of 41 the Capitol H i l l neighbourhood in Seatt le, Hodge (1980) contends that the single most important causal factor in i t s "renaissance" could be attributed to the opening up of a chic restaurant along i t s main thoroughfare. In close proximity to a radical-chic cinema and art gal lery, the restaurant soon became a centre of the c i t y ' s style-conscious urbane population. Its inception was quickly followed by the inf lux of a number of other higher-order establishments catering to an increasingly wealthy local c l iente le and to a larger metropolitan market, and which replaced the older, smaller neighbourhood-oriented stores. Hodge also points to the use of visual symbols in the strategy of those new establishments in dramatically reshaping the image of the Broadway thoroughfare in Capitol H i l l , with such tact ics as face l i f t i ng , advertising and name changes. One part icular ly te l l i ng example of this type of symbol manipulation act iv i ty elsewhere i s the "boutiquing" of the very same 'Cannery Row' re ta i l d i s t r i c t that was the setting of Steinbeck's novel in Monterey, Cal i forn ia (Curt is, 1981). The success of the "counter cul ture 's" re ta i l ing ventures in the las t f i f teen years of so, cannot be denied. A v i s i t to any major c i ty across North America w i l l almost def in i te ly reveal the presence of a d is t inc t ive , and instantly recognizable 'trendy' re ta i l ing str ip or section. However, l i ke the residential component of this rev i ta l iza t ion process, commercial rev i ta l izat ion has not been without i t s problems. In his study of a neighbourhood commercial d i s t r i c t in At lanta, Chernoff (1980) demonstrates the signif icance of two forms of displacement consequent on the i n f i l t r a t i on of new kinds of business into the d i s t r i c t . Those of the older group of business people who were not displaced physically due to increased rents, lost a considerable amount of neighbourhood control when they relinquished their attachments with the various associations that once formed the bases of their local power, as a direct result of this i n f i l t r a t i on . Conf l ic t between the older and mere recently arrived groups 42 within the business community eventually polarized with the planned imposition of a federally-funded redevelopment plan for the d i s t r i c t , of which the la t ter group was highly supportive. The same was true of the transi t ion in the Capitol H i l l case which was achieved only with a number of 'growing pains' in the form of clashes of an often violent nature between the older and newer merchants, and in some instances, residents. The most pressing threat for the newer businesses w i l l probably not come from the ol-der established businesses however, but from an ent i rely dif ferent source. In the Castro d i s t r i c t of San Francisco, Butler (1982) has described how several national businesses and franchises have begun to sh i f t their interest away from the suburbs where growth is slowing, to this and other gentr i f ied inner-ci ty neighbourhoods. The poss ib i l i t y of the visual appeal of the re ta i l ing s t r i p ' s current streetscape being diluted with standard designs that appear throughout the United States has prompted an angry reaction from both the local residents and merchants. But, as Butler rather impishly concludes, " their success has spawned another invasion that may push them out" ( ib id : 23). 2.6 Pol ic ies and Po l i t i c s Given the problems generated by rev i ta l izat ion act iv i ty that have been outlined in the previous section, what has been the nature of the policy response to them? The inner c i ty rev i ta l iza t ion trend undoubtedly presents both an opportunity and a dilemma for policy-makers. The emergence of the displacement issue in part icular , as a major po l i t i ca l issue, brings into focus a fundamental con f l i c t between the well-established community-held goals for the renewal of depressed c i t i es on the one hand, and social just ice ideals on the other. Revital izat ion of older neighbourhoods, as isolated as i t is at present, has given policy-makers new hope in their uphi l l batt le to patch up the « 43 ( ) crumbling economies of the inner c i ty areas. In addit ion, i t may serve as a useful prop for the heavily eroded f i sca l bases of the older c i t i es through employment generation and higher property tax revenue, part icular ly in the North-East of the United States (Alcaly et a l , 1977; Tabb, 1978). In Canada, after nearly a decade of largely unsuccessful and expensive urban renewal projects, coupled with increasing neighbourhood grass-roots opposition (Fraser, 1972), policy-makers undertook a major overhaul. Early in 1973, the Liberal government unveiled the Neighbourhood Improvement Program (NIP) as a dynamic and sensit ive approach to the rehabi l i tat ion of older, lower-income, residential neighbourhoods. Concurrent with NIP was the Residential Rehabil i tat ion Assistance Program (RRAP) which offered loans and grants varying with income to owners of residential buildings for rehabi l i tat ion purposes. .Despite the re lat ively small sums allocated by the Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC), compared to the amounts t ied up in the ear l ie r urban renewal projects, i t i s apparent that the federal government has appreciated the signif icance of this rev i ta l iza t ion trend and has, in i t s own small way, attempted to encourage i t (Gutstein, et a l , 1976). In contrast to the situation in the United States, the problem of displacement has not been widely ident i f ied as a po l i t i ca l issue in Canada. The absence of such extreme ethnic and class segregation in Canada i s obviously an important contributory factor here. Consequently, no formal pol ic ies exist with which to deal with displacement. It i s possible, as Zeitz (1979) claims, that displacement through private urban renewal may as yet be nowhere as s igni f icant as the scale of displacement induced by both federal and local public urban renewal projects, part icular ly when at their peak in the late 19601s. However, this claim might be tempered somewhat by the fact that because the former is a private sector phenomenon, i t 44 has not been deemed to be the direct responsibi l i ty of the state. Those displaced by public urban renewal on the other hand, were e l ig ib le in many cases for at least some kind of government assistance in relocation (Nager, 1980). In the United States, under the Carter administration the general tack advocated by policy-makers, though there were some notable divergences (Barry, 1980), was one which would not d i rect ly hinder the private urban renewal process, but did urge that a greater ef fort be made to monitor the extent and severity of displacement. In addit ion, where dislocation rates were found to be excessive, displacement re l ie f programs and neighbourhood organization funding should be implemented (WeiTer, 1978). Their intent was to assist the original residents to remain and renovate their homes and to help those who l e f t to relocate successful ly. Exemplary of th is approach is a paper by Houstoun and O'Connor (1980) which examines various policy options open to metropolitan governments in dealing with the displacement problem. They prescribe a "po l i t i ca l l y acceptable" intervention strategy which would aim to minimize the possible disadvantages associated with neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion for the c i ty as a whole. Whilst acknowledging that i t does undoubtedly have some desirable ramif icat ions, the two writers are at pains to warn of the dangers of implementing pol ic ies that would actively seek to encourage rev i ta l izat ion through strategic public investments, as they would eventually stimulate a s ign i f icant , and potential ly unsettl ing wave of opposition from those residents who f e l t threatened by the advance of households with the wherewithal to replace them. Despite these essential ly well-meaning intentions, embodied in such organizations as HUD and the National Commission on Neighbourhoods, several commentators have been quite c r i t i c a l of these organizations' apparent inab i l i t y to i n f l i c t any s igni f icant dents upon the steady flow of displaced households. 45 Mention has already been made of the Hartman/Sumka debate. In addit ion, Clay has argued that, "public intervention must intervene to control or compensate the private market external i t ies that displacement represents i f the interests of the entire c i ty and not just the middle class are to be protected" (Clay, 1979: 33). Cybriwsky further warns, " i f reinvestment continues to cause declines in neighbourhood heterogeneity, however, then i t s net effect i s only the substitution of one set of problems with another" (Cybriwsky, 1980: 33). On a more severe note, Smith castigates HUD for i t s "gung-ho support for gentr i f icat ion and redevelopment (which) is matched by i t s benign neglect for the displaced working class" (Smith, N. 1982:152). In part ia l defence Zeitz makes the point that while the funding for various programs is allocated by the federal government, i t s agencies neither plan nor implement the programs on a local l eve l . At this l eve l , policy i s apparently open to the fu l l influence of business and middle- and upper-class groups so that, "even i f federal intent is to provide for poor populations, th is intent must get lost between the planning and implementation stages of urban projects" (Zei tz , 1979: 87). In view of th i s , several writers have also offered some constructive advice and potential alternative policy direct ions. For example, Holcomb and Beauregard (1981) argue that far more government intervention than before is required, i f the benefits accruing from rev i ta l izat ion are to approach some kind of soc ia l ly acceptable balance with the costs. They suggest that this could be achieved in two ways. F i r s t , the benefits and costs of change should be spread across both space and social groups in a more equitable fashion, by gaining better control of developer subsidies and imposing higher prof i t taxes upon residential and commercial gentr i f icat ion. Second, mechanisms must be devised which can provide greater social control over redevelopment. The main method by which this could be,achieved would be to force developers to consult and gain 46 approval from members of the neighbourhood concerned. This la t te r recommendation impl ic i t l y requires greater and more effect ive po l i t i ca l ac t iv i ty on the part of the local working class and low income organizations. Bearing in mind the usual lag between "the f i r s t screams of neighbourhood pain and the arr ival of the federal doctor on the scene", Levy (1980: 303) contends that neighbourhoods should recognize that in the short run, they remain the best equipped to diagnose and prescribe for themselves. The seemingly total lack of concern demonstrated by the present Reagan adminstration about the problems associated with neighbourhood revi ta l i za t ion , would lend even greater weight to this argument. In order to prescribe effect ively neighbourhood residents must take account of a number of factors, and i t is to this end that Levy addresses his paper. F i r s t , there are problems faced in trying to encourage suf f ic ient mobilization against a process which often occurs subtly and slowly. Unlike the ear l ie r urban renewal pol ic ies which lent themselves quite ef fect ively to the generation of a "bat t le f ie ld consciousness" because of the well defined enemy—the government--gentrification is a far more insidious process, often affecting only one or a few households at any part icular time. By the time the resident becomes aware of the s i tuat ion, and begins to organize accordingly, the process has usually already become wel l -established, and i t is therefore often too late to challenge i t . Second, Levy urges that the groups must be aware that the residents of the ' target ' neighbourhood are often emotionally and materially divided about the process. In part icular , he refers to the dif ferent interests held by the homeowners and renters which may lead to a cr ippl ing internal d iv is ion within the po l i t i ca l groups. It follows therefore, that the organizer must str ive to be aware as much as possible of the culture and values that are speci f ic to the neighbourhood groups concerned i f anything is to.be accomplished. He or she 47 must have not only knowlege of the social composition of the neighbourhood, but also detai ls about the stage which the reinvestment process has reached. Having accounted for these factors, the neighbourhood organization i s then in a better posit ion to make a decision about which l ine of attack to fol low, and Levy suggests a variety of poss ib i l i t i es ranging from mere posturing to active lobbying and more advanced ' se l f -he lp ' strategies depending on how far the process has gone. Whilst the pr inciple of working class and low income mobil ization against reinvestment is a reasonable one, in practice i t s effectiveness has been to some degree constrained, often to the point of hopelessness, by both extra- and intra-neighbourhood interests. As an example of the former case, Zeitz (1979) reports that in Washington, D.C. the Capital East Community Organization and the Adams-Morgan Community Organization joined together to f ight gentr i f icat ion in their neighbourhoods. In an endeavour to stem the tide of what they termed "reverse blockbusting" these c i t i zen ' s groups pressured the c i ty council to pass a b i l l cal led the "Real Estate Tax" which would have restr icted the speculative buying and sel l ing of housing by imposing a s t i f f tax. Developers and speculators organized to res is t what was popularly cal led the "speculators b i l l " . Hearings on the b i l l were chaotic with opponents ca l l ing i t "socialism in our time". Real estate interests gradually organized an effective lobby, and the b i l l which was f ina l l y passed was very much weaker. This extra-neighbourhood pressure is not only confined to developer interests. In Vancouver, Ley (1981) ci tes the experience of a group cal led The West Broadway C i t i zen 's Committee which developed in response to the threat of extensive redevelopment in their Ki ts i lano neighbourhood. In i t s attempt to make potential ly useful changes to the area's zoning, the committee was thwarted by the c i ty counci l . This problem is taken up by Weiler (1980) in his 48 examination of how conf l ic t emanating from redevelopment act iv i ty can be addressed at the neighbourhood l eve l . He suggests that in order to str ike the most equitable compromise between two or more opposing interest groups, the neighbourhood organization should be incorporated in a simi lar fashion to the one set up in the Queen Vi l lage area of Phi ladelphia. Although lauding the merits of th is part icular strategy-model, he is quick to point out i t s l imi ts and weaknesses. These may arise as a result of the combination of the neighbourhood organization lacking suf f ic ient resources on the one hand, and having to face the intense and unanticipated nature of the reinvestment process on the other. In an attempt to eradicate some of the problems induced by extra-neighbourhood interests, several i n i t i a t i ves have been undertaken in a number of metropolitan centres. The most usual form which this takes is a city-wide coal i t ion of neighbourhood organizations, and, in some cases, other related groups such as labour unions and local social service agencies. Taking this pr inciple a step further, a nation-wide neighbourhood movement was set up in the United States during the 1970's to create an organization that would be more on a par with the federal agencies. It i s unfortunate that as Goering (1979) has lamented, even this i n i t i a t i ve has come up against a similar set of problems such as co-optation, goal displacement and f rustrat ion. These have emerged, he claims, as a direct consequence of the movement's need to wedge i t s way into the national arena of policy-making and program formulation. More s ign i f i cant ly , he refers to the growing conf l ic t between more conservative minded national organizations and the radical neighbourhood-based organizations. In addition to these extra-neighbourhood pressures, neighbourhood organizations have also been challenged by other pro-development residential 49 groups from within the same neighbourhood. This has been i l lus t ra ted quite ef fect ively in one of the few studies concerned ent irely with the po l i t i ca l dimension of neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion . In her study of Boston's South End neighbourhood, Auger (1979) shows how the same socio-cultural strains between the poor incumbents and the more aff luent 'newcomers' discussed in the previous section, can develop into po l i t i ca l divisions within the community as a whole. These divisions have become more apparent with the prol i ferat ion of opposing interest groups, characterized not only by dif ferent socio-economic features but also divergent philosophies. The poor incumbents conceive neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion in terms of improvement by and for the people already there; but the newcomers see i t in terms of upgrading the area's social composition as we l l . Middle-of-the-road l ibera ls argue that both the diversi ty and s tab i l i t y of the neighbourhood should be preserved, but they have been opposed from both sides. Of part icular interest and signif icance are the strategies that each group followed in an endeavour to secure i t s interests: The poor, lacking conventional po l i t i ca l resources wielded by others used protest and public c r i t i c ism of c i ty pol ic ies as means to influence public actions. The media attention their protest generated, they believed would evoke part ic ipat ion of extra-neighbourhood support groups sympathetic to their needs. Middle-class conservatives, on the other hand pursued confrontation of a less media-directed and more sophisticated form. Having superior f inancial resources and greater knowledge of the legal technical i t ies that might override the po l i t i ca l merits of a policy decision, they chose to confront local o f f i c i a l s by appealing to the higher power of the judiciary arena. But the South End's middle class l ibera ls disputed the need for confrontation strategies of either sort Their ethos of cooperative po l i t i cs found continued expression in their constant demands for pursuit of more conventional po l i t i ca l strategies of bargaining and negotiation (Auger, 1979: 520). Over the f i f teen years that the po l i t i ca l conf l i c t has developed, the middle classes, both progressive and conservative fact ions, have gained the upper hand in th is neighbourhood. They have been able to do this by virtue of 50 the resources, in terms of finance, knowledge and experience that they command, and by the strategies that they have been able to pursue with the aid of these resources. The same differences in po l i t i ca l goals and dispar i t ies in po l i t i ca l power used to achieve them have also been observed in other studies (Laska and Spain, 1980b; Fusch, 1980). To counter this imbalance in some way, Auger urges that because of i t s supra-local posi t ion, the federal government should do more to strengthen the hand of the incumbent c i ty resident in the form of rehabi l i tat ion funds and rental subsidies. At the same time she is also aware of the basic dilemma faced by the state in dealing with neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion , which "threatens to hamstring the capacity of federal o f f i c i a l s to respond to th is problem", (op c i t : 521). Evidence from another case study presents an altogether dif ferent picture of internal po l i t i ca l ac t iv i ty within a neighbourhood on the verge of rev i ta l i za t ion . In the Lower East Side, one of the poorest and most dangerous neighbourhoods in New York, a group of a r t i s ts launched the 'Ar t i s ts Home-Ownership Program' (AHOP) which, i f approved, would provide them with low-interest loans to rehabi l i tate sealed tenement buildings for co-operatively owned l i v i ng and work space. The program was l imited in scale, involving only 17 city-owned unoccupied tenements, but was nipped in the bud by the c i ty council due to the pressure exerted by an amalgam of local tenant's groups, low-income housing advocates, planners, churches, radical groups and Hispanic po l i t i ca l organizations. Against this barrage of protest, the a r t i s t ' s group, who were unable to broaden or strengthen their base of support even among other a r t i s t s , were defenceless. The opposition was extremely intense, rooted in a deep-seated sense of te r r i to ry , and further fuel led by racial hos t i l i t y against -the al l-white a r t i s t ' s group. As Berman suggests, "the proposal has struck some of the deepest f issures in our c i t i es and society today" (1983:11). 51 Interestingly enough, Berman concludes from this issue that , in many ways, the rejection of the AHOP proposals was a "pyrrhic victory" for the incumbent group. For, in al ienating the a r t i s t s , many of whom were themselves refugees from other neighbourhoods that had been fu l l y gentr i f ied (part icular ly the SoHo d i s t r i c t (Zukin, 1982)) the incumbents had lost some potential ly valuable a l l i es in the f ight to preserve the neighbourhood from further rounds of extensive redevelopment. It has already been suggested that an important f i r s t step in the prescription of appropriate and effect ive strategies to deal with the problems caused by rev i ta l i za t ion , must be a greater understanding of the various interests that, under certain circumstances, might provide the basis for destructive internal divisions within the community. However, the few studies which have dealt with the po l i t i ca l dimension of neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion have produced evidence that i s not only l imi ted, but to a certain extent, conf l i c t ing . In these circumstances, one can only echo Johnson's recommendation that: Much more attention should be given to the role of community organizations and neighbourhood groups in the neighbourhood change process, especial ly to the impact such inst i tut ions may have on the images and attitudes of individual households towards their residential environments (1983:35) In addit ion, one could also argue that any explanation of the internal structure of local po l i t i cs in a neighbourhood would not be complete i f i t did not _ endeavour f i r s t , to recognize, and second, to elucidate the inherent reciprocity between these " inst i tu t ions" and the "individual households" within the neighbourhood. Some important paral le ls have already been hinted at in this last section between the types of divisions that have appeared in the forum of local p o l i t i c s , and those that were found to exist between different 52 socio-cultural groups within the changing neighbourhood. These paral le ls w i l l become more clear ly art iculated as the study progresses. 2.7 Summary From the foregoing review and discussion of the inner c i ty rev i ta l iza t ion l i te ra ture , we may conclude that: (1) Inner c i ty rev i ta l iza t ion has been the subject of a great deal of interest for a variety of reasons. This feature has undoubtedly contributed to i t s rapid escalation as a major issue in a re lat ive ly short period of time. Much of the debate has centred around the true geographical extent and durabi l i ty , and therefore, signif icance of this trend. However, due to the absence of a common perspective on this phenomenon in addition to the paucity of appropriate data, this debate remains unresolved. (2) The inner c i ty rev i ta l iza t ion f i e l d has been deluged by an assortment of terms which have not real ly been used in any consistent or systematic manner. Despite th i s , some kind of composite, i f somewhat sketchy picture of what both the 'average' gentr i f ied neighbourhood and gentr i f ier look l i ke has been drawn from an amalgam of national surveys and local case studies. Furthermore, because of the observed communalities in the dynamics of gentr i f icat ion in a number of contexts, a generalized and crudely defined 'stage-model' has been tentatively suggested as a potential ly useful analyt ical too l . Nonetheless, the several instances that have been found to be the exception to these general rules should serve as a warning of the l imitat ions of generalizing about the gentr i f icat ion process. (3) Much of the information available is confined to the rev i ta l iza t ion experience in the United States. Therefore, this review attempted to assess the problems and possible modifications required for a.cross-national comparative 53 perspective on rev i ta l iza t ion to the Canadian situation in par t icu lar , which might prove to be a valuable and f e r t i l e area for future research. (4) On a theoretical plane, explanation of rev i ta l iza t ion is quite underdeveloped. Nevertheless, several explanatory strands have been picked out from the morass of largely informal ideas and suggestions located within this wide-ranging and re lat ive ly recent body of l i te ra ture . Already, these strands appear to be paral le l ing conventional modes of explanation within the social sciences. It i s expected that th is trend w i l l continue as analysis progresses into a more formalized theoretical realm. (5) The effects of neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion have been described and analyzed at two d is t inc t leve ls . At the inter-neighbourhood level the problem of physical displacement has proven to be a prominent and often troublesome issue. Within the neighbourhood, problems have arisen as a consequence of the juxtaposition of the previously separated incumbent and in-coming residents and merchants, in the form of tensions and often, overt con f l i c t . Perhaps because the processes at work are intangible and complex, this la t ter issue has not been pursued thoroughly. Nonetheless i t does hold some some promise for future research, and w i l l be a major concern of this present study. (6) Within the sphere of pol icy, the response to these problems has followed a variety of courses. At the national l eve l , direct intervention on the part of the state has been discouraged, thereby fac i l i t a t i ng the continued rev i ta l izat ion of the inner c i t y . Some policy-makers have endeavoured to soften the blow in the most excessive cases, by monitoring the impact of rev i ta l iza t ion and al locat ing funds for remedial purposes where i t is deemed necessary. In l ight of the perceived fa i l ings of national pol icy, some have urged for more, state intervention in conjunction with a greater reliance upon the neighbourhood i t s e l f for the i n i t i a t i v e . However, this pr inciple has been shown to be 54 weakened in practice due to the constraints imposed by extra-local pressures ( i . e . metropolitan government and business interests) and intra- local pressures ( i . e . opposition from pro-revi ta l izat ion interests from both incumbent and gentrifying groups). The argument was put forward that the la t ter area in part icular i s in need of more attention, with speci f ic reference to the nature of the l ink with the socio-cultural structure of the neighbourhood. 55 CHAPTER 3 NEIGHBOURHOOD REVITALIZATION: CRITIQUE, REFORMULATION AND RATIONALE "I'm t i red of seeing picturesque figures pass before me as a f r i eze" , the g i r l explained. "It was wonderful when we landed, but that superf ic ial glamour soon goes". Her impressions were of no interest to the Col lector; he was only concerned to give her a good time. Would she l i ke a Bridge Party? He explained to her what that was - - not the game, but a party to bridge the gulf between East and West; the expression was his own invention, and amused a l l who heard i t . (E.M. Forster, A Passage To India) 3.1 Introduction From the preceding review of neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion l i te ra ture , the following three speci f ic themes w i l l be the central concern of the remainder of this study: ( i ) The nature of interaction both^between and within the dif ferent cultural groups that are either in-coming or incumbent within the neighbourhood undergoing rev i ta l i za t ion . ( i i ) The form and signif icance of the po l i t i ca l dimension of neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion . ( i i i ) The inter-relat ionship between themes ( i ) and ( i i ) . The f i r s t two of these themes have already been addressed within the l i te ra ture , but i t i s clear that they are s t i l l deserving of more recognition and attention. The third theme has been re lat ive ly unexplored, although a few writers have alluded to i t s s igni f icance, i f only impl ic i ty (Auger, 1979: Van T i l , 1980). At the end of the las t chapter, i t was contended that,, in order to allow for any further understanding of either the socio-cultural structure of a neighbourhood (whether i t i s in a state of revi ta l izat ion or not), or i t s po l i t i ca l structure, one must endeavour to consider both of them in tandem. The remainder of this 56 study addresses this task by f i r s t , looking at the implications of this relationship on a theoretical plane; and following on from th is , by examining how i t s ramifications are played out in an empirical case study. This chapter w i l l be devoted to the former of these two tasks, laying down the important theoretical foundations and methodological guidelines upon which the ensuing empirical work can be based. Much of the l i terature ci ted in this chapter w i l l be taken from outside the rev i ta l iza t ion context. A series of academic 'excursions' w i l l be made in the hope that in drawing in fresh ideas, conceptions and theory into the discussion, some potential ly valuable new l ight may be shed on the process of neighbourhood revi ta l i za t ion . This f i r s t stage of ' theoret ical f ine tuning' w i l l be achieved in three main steps. F i r s t , the research problems with which the study as a whole is concerned are located within a more appropriate epistemology. Second, a theoretical framework w i l l be developed around the study's analytical unit ( i . e . the neighbourhood) on the basis of insights gathered from the realm of neighbourhood and community studies. The f ina l section of the chapter w i l l focus on the problem of operationalising and applying this theoretical approach and analyt ical framework to an empirical case study, by providing important methodological and technical pointers. 3.2 Epistemological Orientations: Towards a 'Humanistic' Approach, (a) The Problem It has already been concluded that the rather loosely connected body.of neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion l i terature i s , as yet , lacking a truly effective and cogent theoretical base. The p lura l i ty of perspectives and motives behind the research ef fort has generated a l i terature that is s t i l l in a state of f lux , 57 rarely r is ing above weakly formulated and generated descript ion, and largely devoid of any kind of real analyt ical incisiveness. The few attempts that have been made to present a sustained and consistent explanantion of the neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion process appear to be following the conventional modes of explanation within the social sciences. This tendency of applying ' o ld ' explanatory modes to a re lat ive ly 'new' phenomenon has meant however, that this l i terature suffers from the same two major problems that currently plague other areas of investigation within social science. F i r s t , there i s the presence of an epistemological gulf between theory and practice in academic research which has in recent years attracted much attention (e.g. Bernstein, 1976; Thompson, 1978). The inte l lectual 'middle-ground' between these two poles has not been well-trodden in the rev i ta l iza t ion l i te ra ture . Instead, the work has more usually been anecdotal or journa l is t ic in style (e.g. Gale, 1979), or e lse, very abstract and theoretical (e.g. Smith, N, 1979a). The second major problem is heavily intermeshed with the f i r s t . The exp l i c i t recognition by many contemporary writers of the import of the value judgements that inevitably pervade their work and others has resulted in an increased po l i t i c i za t ion of the social sciences which, in turn, has posed a major theoretical dilemma (Jackson, 1983). As Logan observes: To welcome the primacy of the normative elements in the social sciences i s to open them up to a complete range of philosophical approaches, methodologies, and conceptions of academic purpose; i t seems that i t may not be possible to cut short the complete po l i t i c i za t ion of the social sciences now that convergence upon the normative approach has been in i t i a ted . The new groupings w i l l be united not in the tradi t ional way by interest in a d isc ip l ine , but rather by soc io-po l i t ica l posi t ion. (Logan, 1980:16) The ideological "divergence" that such a process produces, has already been observed in the fundamental sp l i t between 'demand-led' (pos i t iv is t ) and 58 'supply- led' (st ructural is t ) explanations of neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion which, for now, i s as wide and as unbreachable as ever. A pressing task therefore i s to confront and attempt to overcome the ideological impasse that is to a certain extent holding up the progress of research in th is speci f ic area and the social sciences in general, (b) A Humanistic Alternative Within the domain of human geography the col lect ive in i ta t ive of the prematurely and perhaps inappropriately named "school" of humanistic geography has squarely applied i t s e l f to both these two causes. The school has developed largely in response to the perceived fa i lure of the previously dominant pos i t i v i s t approach to provide viable modes of understanding. In i t s place, a range of hermeneutic aproaches have been advocated based on a veri table smorgasbord of l inked philosophies of meaning that include phenomenology (Mercer and Powell, 1972), idealism (Guelke, 1974), existent ial ism (Samuels, 1978), and surrealism (Olsson, 1975); a l l of which hone in on the previously neglected relationship between the individual and his or her perceived world. The sole reliance on the objective world as the target and data source for pos i t i v i s t research is given over for an approach which recognizes the crucial interplay of the subjective world of facts and a f fa i r s , which together make up the "everyday l i fewor ld" (Buttimer, 1976). Posit ivism i t i s argued, can never hope to successfully analyse the l i feworld because i t separates the observer from the very thing he is studying, and therefore inevitably f a i l s to explain human experience. In addition to these epistemological shortcomings, Ley (1980b) i s c r i t i c a l of both positivism and another competing cr i t ique of posit ivism structural Marxism , on theoretical grounds ( i . e . by reducing man, one is devaluing the power of human consciousness and ac t i v i t y ) ; on an existent ia l plane ( ie . reductionism falsely presents questions of meaning as questions of I 59 technique); and morally ( ie . the suppresion of man in theory f i r s t ref lects then j us t i f i es the suppression of man in pract ice). It i s in this c r i t i ca l mode that humanistic geographers have proved to be most effect ive (eg. Ent r ik in , 1976; Ley and Duncan, 1982). However, on the methodological front the approach i s most c lear ly vulnerable. As Johnston has charged, "there i s much preaching and l i t t l e practise" (1979: 138). This i part icular inadequacy has provided the pos i t i v i s t counter-attack with i t s main thrust (Walmsley, 1974; Hay, 1979), and has been recognised as a serious deficiency even from within the humanistic school (Ley, 1981b). This issue w i l l be expanded upon and given the further consideration i t deserves in the last section of this chapter. The structural Marxist cr i t ique on the other hand, has moved in on two inter-related theoretical weaknesses that currently plague a humanistic approach. F i r s t , there is the danger that the humanists may have strayed too far to the other end of the social structure/human agency scale in their response to the pos i t i v i s t s ; to the extent that some of the writers (e.g. Tuan, 1976) might be gui l ty of over-emphasizing the realm of consciousness and imagery at the expense of ignoring the important constraints that are placed upon social act iv i ty within the taken-for-granted l i feworld of the actors (Gregory, 1981). Several writers from within the humanistic perspective, have also voiced their concerns about th is tendency towards excessive idealism. For example, Ley has warned "there i s a r isk of passing from the revelation of ambiguity to a celebration of ambiguity" (1978:44). Second, there is a certain amount of confusion both within and outside of the humanistic perspective over the exact nature of the l ink between understanding man's behaviour ( i . e . 'verstehen') and -explaining i t (Peet and Lyons, 1981). Again, Ley has been part icular ly cautious about the va l id i ty of inferr ing one from the other, r ea l i s t i ca l l y conceding that 60 there are in fac t , l imitat ions of the approach for future geographical research. The following statement is as useful a guideline as any for research that professes to have a humanistic bent: The uninhibited hegemony of consciousness and subjectivi ty is as misleading as any reductionism, for notions of pure consciousness are as much an abstraction from human experience as any isotropic p la in . The rea l i t i es of everyday l i v ing confirm that ideas do not run free of context, of concrete time-space relat ions. If there i s to be a geographic synthesis in the 1980's i t w i l l be a synthesis which incorporates both the symbolic and st ructura l , both the realm of meanings, where values and consciousness are seen as embedded and grounded in their contexts, and where environ-ments are treated as contingent before emerging forms of human creat iv i ty (Ley, 1980b: 20). In appl icat ion, the humanistic approach has found i t s strongest expression within the realms of landscape interpretation and the geographic imagination that have largely been the prerogative of cultural geography (Meinig, 1979) and h is tor ica l geography (Harris, 1978). More recently, i t has found favour within urban social geography, where i t has proven to be most adept in dealing with the inter-relat ionships within and between various socio-cultural groups that populate the c i ty (Ley, 1983). Indeed, the potential that such a humanistic approach has for the study of inter-group social relations within a rev i ta l i z ing neighbourhood has already been ably demonstrated by Cybriwsky's Fairmount study discussed in the previous Chapter (Cybriwsky, 1978). Unfortunately, these studies have tended to confine themselves to the realm of social and cultural ac t i v i t y , to the exclusion of act iv i ty of a more po l i t i ca l nature and intent. However, there are some interesting instances of studies within social geography which have examined forms of po l i t i ca l act iv i ty in a decidedly humanistic l i gh t , whether or not i t has been exp l i c i t l y acknowledged. For example, a col lect ion of essays edited by Ley (1974) looking at various aspects 61 of community part ic ipat ion in urban po l i t i cs a l l heavily stress the cognitive and behavioural processes that shape the forms and the ultimate success of the community groups' po l i t i ca l ac t i v i t y . In a subsequent paper, Ley and Mercer (1980) enlarge on this theme and endeavour to sharpen theoret ical ly the approach by locating i t within the locational conf l i c t theoretical framework. Eschewing the potential absorption of the locational conf l i c t perspective into Marxian theory, they instead suggest that other factors which transcend the simple dichotomous c lass i f i ca t ion of social class forwarded by the 'vulgar' Marxists, such as the values and bel iefs of the social groups concerned, should be considered i f any understanding is to be made of the motivation behind locational con f l i c t . To these studies we might also add the work of Lemon on the community movement in Toronto (Lemon, 1978); Western on the effects of the Group Area Act in Capetown (Western, 1978); and especia l ly , Hasson's research on neighbourhood organizations in Jerusalem (Hasson, 1983). The analyt ical horizon of po l i t i ca l con f l i c t must therefore be broadened^to include not only production-based con f l i c t , but also a "po l i t i cs of consumption" and a "po l i t i cs of environmental ism" (Cosgrove and Duff, 1981) as well as a "po l i t i cs of neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion" . Even within the Marxist ranks, there has been a measure of dissension stemming from the s t ruc tura l i s t ' s explanation of "urban social movements". Dunleavy (1977) i s especial ly c r i t i c a l of both the "s t ructura l is t " and "p lu ra l i s t " treatments of protest. He argues that, in addition to ignoring the conditions and individual situations that generate protest, both tend to overlook the importance and signif icance of non-protest. The ramifications of these fa i l ings are brought home when one compares Dunleavy's insightful case-study of the London Borough of Newham, with the token and rather superf ic ial efforts offered by Castel ls (1977). Pickvance (1977) has further 62 elaborated on the inadequacies of the Marxist analysis of protest and po l i t i ca l action in general. In par t icu lar , he points to the complexity of the processes, which include awareness, consciousness and a value-laden or ientat ion, that must be considered i f anything more is to be learned about the transformation of a "social base" to a "social force" on the po l i t i ca l scene. These recent more humanistic reinterpretations of urban po l i t i cs and community action have served to pave the way for a "humanistic po l i t i ca l geography", one promising form of which has been demonstrated by Logan (1980) in his doctoral d issertat ion. The u t i l i t y and appl icab i l i ty of this work to the present study is further enhanced by the fact that Logan's interpretative case study examines the gentr i f icat ion process in Melbourne, Austra l ia . What is especial ly impressive about this case study is that an effort has apparently been made to be truly ' i n te rpre t i ve ' , in that i t offers four very dif ferent accounts of essent ial ly the same events based on as many generalised soc io-po l i t i ca l perspectives--'conservative structural func t iona l is t ' ; 'socia l democratic' or 'structural conf l i c t theor is t ' ; 'marxist' or 'disruptive conf l i c t theor is t ' , and 'humanistic'. He argues that these perspectives are in ef fect , more important than the actual " facts" of gentr i f icat ion as they are the basis for the interpretat ions, and eventually, the actions made by a range of actors (e.g. planners, po l i t i c ians , academics, residents etc.) involved in the process of gentr i f icat ion. He concludes at the end of h.is study that a l l four modes of interpretation do show some valuable, i f only pa r t i a l , understanding of the social and po l i t i ca l changes that were taking place within the c i t y . Furthermore, there were many areas of overlap between each of them, which in . combination might be regarded as a "consensual world-view". However, despite the problems of po l i t i ca l ambiguity and d i f f i cu l t y in formulating policy that 63 the humanistic approach presents to the social sc ien t i s t , Logan finds i t a far more preferable approach for several reasons. F i r s t of a l l , i t i s valuable in i t s role as a "counter-balance" to the other approaches which tend to overemphasize the general at the expense of the spec i f i c . Related to th i s , Logan also stresses that power i s exerted and conf l i c t f e l t at the level of the indiv idual . In his words: Other approaches f a i l by contrast to do just ice to the complexity of the individuals who create the c i t y ; they f a i l to probe the f i l t e r that operates to define the world of action of the direct participants as well as of the social sc ient is ts as observers (1980:324). In doing this Logan advances the view that the humanistic approach can overcome the po l i t i ca l divergence of social science because i t operates on an altogether dif ferent dimension to the other approaches—in as much as i t is ref lex ive, analysing and explaining the attitudes that lead individual social sc ient is ts as well as c i ty dwellers to adopt a part icular po l i t i ca l or ientat ion. (c) Conclusion What then w i l l be the form of this humanistic approach? I would argue that such an approach must endeavour to take account of, and effect ively incorporate the following six ingredients. F i r s t , much stress has been placed on the potential that this approach has in dealing and coming to terms with the theoretical obstacles posed by both the ideological gaps and the epistemological divide that currently dog the social sciences in general, and the analysis of neighbourhood rev i ta l izat ion in par t icu lar . The crux of the humanistic approach is i t s emphasis upon understanding through interpretat ion, as opposed to pure explanation through observation and analysis. The potency of this ref lexive approach l i e s in the fact that not only does i t consider the values and images of the individuals and groups under study, but also those of the researcher. 64 Second, at the same time, the approach must also str ive to maintain a c r i t i c a l edge in the evaluation of the findings yielded from the interpretat ion. Third, whilst recognizing the prominence of struggle as well as consensus between groups in society, the humanistic approach presents a more rea l i s t i c and broader reconceptualization of power, that goes beyond the realm of class conf l i c t to other areas of con f l i c t . Fourth, in association with this reconceptualization of power, the approach should also be aware that, l i ke a l l forms of human ac t i v i t y , po l i t i cs is an esent ial ly creative force, in that i t i s both thought and made by individuals and groups, a lbei t within contexts that are both constraining and enabling. Furthermore, this act iv i ty i s not necessarily confined to the assembly hall of the United Nations or the leg is la t ive chambers of Parliament, but i s also found in the community centres, church hal ls and l i v ing rooms of the 'everyday' l i fewor ld . The general acceptance of the f l e x i b i l i t y and var iab i l i t y of scale in both social and po l i t i ca l ananlysis is the f i f t h major contribution of this approach. Of part icular signif icance to this study is the promotion of the neighbourhood as an important unit in the analysis of the "micro-pol i t ics of the c i ty" (Donnison, 1973). This brings us to the sixth and f ina l ingredient, namely that of context. A humanistic geographer must by def in i t ion, be sensit ive to the uniqueness in conjunction with the commonalities of each of the settings and circumstances within which various forms of social and po l i t i ca l act iv i ty take place. The most important element of context to the geographer, of course, is the notion of ' p lace ' . The humanistic approach has already proven i t s e l f to be most prof ic ient at coping with the exigencies of time and space and capturing the essence of place in a wide range of sett ings. It is spec i f ica l ly to this end that we now turn. 65 3.3 Theoretical Considerations: Developing an Analytical Framework (a) Neighbourhood Revital izat ion as Community Change Taken as a col lect ive body of research, the neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion l i terature has proven to be weak at two dif ferent analyt ical leve ls . On the one hand, much of the research has been too general. In chapter 2 i t was suggested that in many of the case studies, the writers had been far too ready to generalize in an endeavour to jus t i f y their findings as 'yet another instance of gen t r i f i ca t ion ' , at the expense of the spec i f ic i ty of each of the cases concerned. Too often, the studies were undertaken from a r ig id theoretical perspective, and i t i s l i ke ly that this may have served to confirm the notion of a 'unidirect ional log ic ' underlying the rev i ta l iza t ion process in the minds of the researchers. Consequently, some of the other competing trends within the neighbourhood under study may have been excluded from analysis. In an especial ly l i ve l y a r t i c l e , Winters (1979) cajoles analysts for viewing rejuvenation merely as a single economic or architectural process. He argues that they have neglected the individual identity of the neighbourhood undergoing transit ion which is brought about by the voluntary and highly self-conscious in-migration of part icular social groups over a re lat ive ly short period of time. As he points out, " in the 1970's divergent forms of sel f ident i f icat ion have been projected into urban space" (1979:8). Winters then ident i f ies and describes at least seven ' t yp i ca l ' neighbourhood types that have emerged as a result of th is t rend~"sel f-consciously heterogeneous neighbourhoods"; "chic neighbourhoods"; "gay neighbourhoods"; "a r t i s t s ' neighbourhoods"; "family neighbourhoods"; "black neighbourhoods"; and "working-class rev i ta l ized neighbourhoods". Within the dichotomous c lass i f i ca t ion already offered between -gentr i f icat ion and incumbent upgrading there is already obviously room for many more sub-divisions. 66 On the other hand, the research can also be accused of being too spec i f ic . Much of the work has tended to treat neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion as a 'special case' of neighbourhood change, perhaps because i t is contrary to the established consensus set by the ear l ie r Chicago school models. Apart from a few vain attempts to modify these models in order to incorporate th is process, much of the research has been subsequently isolated from the main body of neighbourhood research. It is contended here that, i f further progress is to be made, analysts must str ive to situate future rev i ta l iza t ion research within the mainstream of neighbourhood change and urban development in general. One essential avenue for exploration i s the connection between neighbourhood rev i ta l izat ion and other processes of neighbourhood change. Several typologies of neighbourhood change have been developed which serve to l ink residential mobi l i ty, as expressed in f i l t e r i ng mechanisms and vacancy chains, to neighbourhood change. For example, Moore (1972) has set out a four-fold typology which is intended to be " i l l us t ra t i ve rather than exhaustive" of the relationships between the mobility character ist ics of neighbourhoods and their socio-economic and demographic character is t ics. In th is schema, gentr i f icat ion would f a l l into the category of neighbourhooods experiencing both high mobility and change in selected population character is t ics. On a s l ight ly more ambitious l eve l , Bourne (1976) has attempted to l ink both physical and socio-economic changes to residential mobility with the concept of a "neighbourhood l i f e - c y c l e " . Bourne's category of "renewal"( i .e. rev i ta l izat ion)-i s the f i f t h and f ina l stage of a sequence that also includes "suburbanization", " i n f i l l i n g " , "downgrading", and "thinning out". Despite their obvious l imitat ions and uncomprehensive nature, these typologies and stage models can provide some form of a comparative descriptive framework within which the work on rev i ta l iza t ion can be i n i t i a l l y deposited. 67 However, in terms of actually gaining extra analyt ical insight into the socio-cultural dynamics of the process they offer l i t t l e additional help. As Ley has surmised, " in both the use of ecological variables and the implication of ecological processes one senses that something important has been omitted" (1983: 92). Instead, we must take a 'step back' from these typologies and examine a body of l i terature that has sought to c la r i f y and define the identity of both the 'neighbourhood' and i t s social equivalent, the 'community', in theoretical and empirical terms, (b) The 'Problem' of Neighbourhood and Community The problem of defining, identi fying and analyzing the phenomenon of community has been a dominant and often perplexing one for urban sociologists in the twentieth century. As Nisbet has observed, "the community constitutes the most fundamental and far-reaching of sociology's unit- ideas" (1966: 47). Even 25 years ago, H i l le ry (1955) unearthed over 90 def ini t ions of community in the social sciences, finding that the nearest he could come to a common agreement was the presence, in most def in i t ions, of some reference to area; common t i es ; and social interact ion. It i s pr inc ipal ly because of the emphasis on the f i r s t of these three factors, in the sense of 'common l o c a l i t y ' ; and to a lesser extent, the th i rd factor, in the sense of so l idar i t y , that the long-established and recently contended ident i f icat ion of community with neighbourhood has been sustained. In both instances, the or igin of these emphases can be traced back to the sociology department of the University of Chicago which rose to prominence at the turn of the twentieth century. The conception of community as an objective entity that i s rooted in space, otherwise referred to as a 'natural a rea ' , was integral to the f i e l d of human ecology pioneered by Park (1926) and Burgess (1975). In the second case, the tendency to compare the urban present with an i d y l l i c vision of the rural past has long been a t ra i t of sociology 68 (Tonnies, 1887; Durkheim, 1893). However, i t was Wirth, another key figure within the Chicago school, who was the f i r s t not only to examine exp l i c i t l y the nature of the relationship between the type and size of settlement with the degree of 'socia l organization' or 'disorganization' that characterized i t ; but a lso, to d i rect ly suggest that the c i ty was not conducive to the generation of 'community' (Wirth, 1938). The f i r s t serious challenge to these two dominant spatial themes l e f t behind by the Chicago school was motivated largely by a group of wr i ters, many of whom were second and third generation Chicago scholars, who consciously set out to disprove the va l id i ty of Wirth's 'disorganization' thesis by describing the tremendous range of inst i tut ions and sense of cohesion that could be found both within inner-ci ty slum areas (Whyte, 1943; Young and Wilmott, 1957) and suburban neighbourhoods (Gans, 1967). Turning away from these ethnographies and local case studies, the early 1970's witnessed the appearance of more synthetic theoretical orientations to the study of neighbourhood organization. Of these, Suttles (1972) i s perhaps the most notable. For the f i r s t time i t was appreciated that, in order to f i na l l y r id the community l i terature of i t s . Wirthian ghost, the ecological conception of community had to be rejected. The community instead should be seen as being something more complex and multi-faceted than a basic, mutually exclusive and exhaustive unit . In Sutt les' view, previous workers "seemed to rei fy the residential groups or the 'community' into a social category whose real i ty is to be forced upon the urban metropolis rather than seeing the community as a social category to be used solely for the purposes of description and analysis" (1972:3). By way of example, Suttles himself developed several alternative models including the -"defended neighbourhood", the "expanded community of l imited l i a b i l i t y " , and the "contrived community". Q> 69 Where Suttles has c r i t i c i sed the ecological base of Wirth's argument, Fischer (1976) has challenged i t with his own "sub-cultural theory". According to Fischer sub-cultures are no longer necessarily p lace-speci f ic , a fact which has been reflected most evidently in the recent decline in importance of the local community or neighbourhood in social re lat ions. The explanation for this trend l i e s in the notable absence in contemporary c i t i es of certain f ac i l i t a t i ng pre-conditions which favour local social organization: functional necessity, multiple role re lat ions, and a lack of alternatives to local interact ion. Contrary however to the drastic effects posited by the c lass ica l socio logis ts , Fischer demonstrates that there are equally viable communal bonds ( i . e . sub-cultures) that are based on alternatives to residence. The key to this issue is the nature of the relationship between physical and social distance. A vast body of l i terature has flourished that attempts to deal with the question of the real signif icance and extent of the 'neighbourhood e f fec t ' , or the role of propinquity in stimulating or retarding social interact ion. The evidence from some housing project studies seems to suggest that at the micro-level at least ( i . e . a housing project or individual block), physical proximity is an important factor in friendship patterns (Festinger et a l , 1950; Cooper, 1975). At a larger scale however, i t has been suggested by many that the constraints of distance are rapidly diminishing in the 1shrinking-world' of modern technology and mass communication. The improvements in personal mobi l i ty, combined with the increased spatial separation of home, work-place and recreational opportunities have released people from the neighbourhood t ies (Webber, 1963; Stacey, 1969; Kasarda and Janowitz, 1974). The most extreme and exp l i c i t expression of this ' l iberat ion of social interaction from space1 argument has come from Pahl: 70 It i s clear that i t i s not so much communities that are acted upon as groups and individuals at part icular places in the social structure. Any attempt to t ie part icular patterns of social relationships to speci f ic geographical mileux i s a singularly f ru i t less exercise (1968:280). In one way, th is statement could be interpreted as a rationale for the recent r ise to prominence of 'socia l network analysis ' in urban sociology. Originat ing. in the-work of Bott (1957) and the 'Manchester school' of social anthropology, the approach basical ly attempts to i l l us t ra te the structure of social interaction by treating persons as points, and relationships as connecting l ines (Granovetter, 1976). The 'network c i t y ' developed by Craven and Wellman (1973) has perhaps best demonstrated the potential u t i l i t y of social network concepts over the tradi t ional ecological concepts for urban analysts.. As Smith, among others has argued, "network analysis allows an investigation of social and spatial interaction without previously selecting a conceptual model that requires exp l i c i t geographical boundaries" (1980: 507). In his review of the progress made by this 'new order' in the social sciences, Smith concludes that both as a 'metaphor', where i t has brought to the study of social problems a more r e a l i s t i c , opt imist ic, and less biased view than was previously possible; and as a "method", where i t has gained rapidly in sophistication and range of app l i cab i l i t y , network analysis has been highly successful. However, in the realm of social theory, the approach has made comparatively l i t t l e ground. Two shortcomings are part icular ly apparent. F i r s t , social network analysts have demonstrated a marked reluctance to bui ld theory that could adequately f ac i l i t a te an interpretation of the meaning and social signif icance of the networks to the individuals and groups associated with them. In other words, though network analysis has undoubtedly proven to be strong in identi fying communites as they are 'manifested' in overt behaviour, i t 71 has also shown i t s e l f to be insensit ive to the ' la tent ' community that l i es in the minds of the individuals concerned. Unfortunately, much of the work on the perceptual domain of community has tended to be done in re lat ive isolat ion from the mainstream of neighbourhood and community studies. Within this perceptual domain, the importance of neighbourhood attachment (Wilson, 1962); the degree of commonality in values and goals (Fessler, 1962); as well as the spatial perception of name, boundaries, and size of the community (Lee, 1968) have a l l been singled out as important research areas. The second shortcoming of social network analysis i s very much inter-related with the f i r s t . Although the Wirthian determinist ghost has been f i na l l y la id to rest , i t i s clear from a number of sources that there is some concern that, with social network analysis, the pendulum may have swung too far the other way so that social relat ions have become divorced from the physical environment in which they are situated (Michelson, 1976). Whilst steering well clear of yet another form of ecological determinism, a small but inf luent ia l group of behavioural sc ient is ts (most notably H a l l , 1966 and Newman, 1972), have shown that, especial ly at a small scale, the physical environment can have a far-reaching influence upon the types and forms of social behaviour. More spec i f i ca l l y , the concepts of "pr ivacy", "personal space", " t e r r i t o r i a l i t y " and "crowding" have emerged from th is^ l i terature to become key design elements for architecture and neighbourhood planning (Altman, 1975). Two general conclusions can be drawn from this discussion. F i r s t , past experience has persuasively demonstrated the need to clear ly define and distinguish between the terms 'neighbourhood' and 'community1. For the purposes of this study, I have chosen to follow Bel l and Newby (1976) in their interact ionist def in i t ion of community, which suggests that i t i s a reference group with re lat ive ly uniform customs, taste, speech and modes of thought. The 72 degree of social coherence within the community arises on the basis of interdependence that may be local i ty-based, school-based, work-based or recreation-based. With this conception then, 'community' and 'sub-culture' as defined by Fischer and other s imi l ia r categorizations could quite conceivably be used inter-changeably. On th is basis, I would be in agreement with Wellman and Leighton (1979) that the association between neighbourhood and community, though i t may have had more relevance in the past, is no longer either a va l id one or a useful one. I would however challenge their diagnosis that the 'neighbourhood' is an analyt ica l ly obsolete term which, by virtue of i t s comparatively tangible nature, has been preserved as a convenient and easi ly ident i f iab le research and administrative unit . The term s t i l l has much analyt ical value; as Hunter has stated, the neighbourhood " i s a uniquely l inked unit of soc ia l /spat ia l organization between the forces and inst i tut ions of the larger society and the local ized routines of individuals and their everyday l i ves" (1979: 269). However, the term can only be of further use i f a more f lex ib le and comprehensive conceptualization i s adopted. The continuum of neighbourhoods offered by Blowers (1973), for example, which is determined by the extent of social interaction and common t ies is a welcome in i t i a t i ve and a promising start ing point. At one end of the continuum, there are "arbitrary neighbourhoods" which are general l oca l i t i es with def ini te names but imprecise l im i ts ; and at the other, "community neighbourhoods" which contain close-kni t groups engaged in primary social interact ion. In other words, neighbourhoods should be viewed as te r r i to r ies which are a l l essent ial ly social in content. The task of the urban analyst is to discover in what way, and in what form they are soc ia l . Second, a more effective theoretical framework for describing and analysing social and cultural change in a neighbourhood might put to good use 73 social network analysis on a methodological plane. In par t icu lar , this technique could well serve the purposes of identi fying 'on the ground' inter-personal t ies within and outside the neighbourhood. But, on a theoretical plane i t i s clear that an analyt ical framework which could adequately incorporate both the symbolic and behavioural components of social interact ion, in conjunction with the objective and subjective elements of the physical environment, would be most preferable. One framework which attempts to do just th is w i l l be discussed in the following section, (c) Neighbourhood as 'Mosaic of Social Worlds' In recent years there have been several notable attempts to re-read and re-interpret the early work of the Chicago school, especial ly Park, in a far more intensive and systematic manner. Saunders (1981) for example, has revealed the presence of an important and confusing duality that has run through human ecology since i t s inception by Park, and has never been addressed to any real effect either by subsequent practi t ioners in this f i e l d , or i t s c r i t i c s . Within the d isc ip l ine of geography, Jackson and Smith (forthcoming) make an important contribution to the humanistic approach in social geography. A central tenet of this book is that the conventional geographical interpretation of Park's sociology as an exclusively pos i t i v i s t t radi t ion that focusses on the c i t y ' s spatial ecology should be rejected. Instead, they seek to resurrect some of the other early works of the Chicago school in the conviction that they can make a s igni f icant contribution to humanistic social science because of their emphasis upon a qual i tat ive understanding of the c i t y ' s moral order. The "humanistic motif" that characterizes much of the writ ing of Park and his followers writ ing i s claimed to have sprung from a "fortuitous juxtaposit ion" of two seemingly incongruous philosophical perspectives—the pragmatism of Dewey, and the sociological formalism of Simmel—which had both been major influences on Park. 74 Of part icular signif icance and usefulness to social geography, Jackson and Smith argue, is the stress that this humanistic perspective places upon interaction and especial ly communication, in understanding society. Nowhere was th is more apparent than in what could best be described as a ' s t y le ' of academic enquiry, dubbed as "symbolic interactionism" (Blumer, 1966). Because i t has such a complex root system (credit has been given to Hegel, Dewey, James and Mead among others); and because some of i t s major proponents (eg. Park and Mead) were remarkably reluctant to commit themselves to i t s systematization in published form, symbolic interactionism remains merely an interpretative form of analysis that covers a broad spectrum of research (Rose, 1962). Broadly, the approach rests on the assumption that ' r ea l i t y ' is a social production, consisting of social objects whose meanings arise from the behaviour people direct towards them. According to Thomas, a leading protagonist of this approach, an individual does not respond direct ly to some objectively given environment. This response can only be accomplished by his or her use of symbols for most of which that person i s not responsible, but which must be implemented nonetheless in their 'def in i t ion of the s i tuat ion ' ( i . e . what the individual takes for granted). Moreover, the individual does not define the situation in i so la t ion , but as Cooley, another important theoretician in this f i e l d has argued, through an interactive process of mutual influence between the individual and the group. Knowledge of this social rea l i ty therefore, is not of a f ixed and achievable state, but instead is a continual process that is generated only through active experience of everyday social l i f e . Because symbolic interactionism was never properly codif ied into a singular coherent theory, i t has not proven to be easi ly accessible at this . l eve l . The underlying principles of this approach are instead best revealed by example, in the tangible products of the interact ionist t rad i t ion. Park's 75 influence can be clear ly seen, and is often acknowledged in many of the Chicago research monographs. Of these the most notable are Thrasher's extensive survey of Chicago gangland (1927); Wirth's comparative study of the ghetto (1928); Anderson's compelling portrai t of the hobo (1932); and Cressey's account of the taxi-dance hall (1971). A l l of these studies are st r ik ing not only for their extraordinary depth and detai l but also for the warmth and empathy that the writers show for their respective subjects. A common analyt ical construct that emerged out of these numerous ethnographies was that of the 'soc ia l wor ld ' . In his review of the contribution of the Chicago school of urban sociology, Short suggests that the social world was, "descriptive of the attempt to portray l i f e as i t i s experienced by participants in a part icular group, community or ins t i tu t ion" (1971: 37). In another re-tracing of the philosophical and theoretical steps made in social geography, Ley (1977) draws an interesting paral le l between these social worlds and the concept of 'genre de v ie ' of Yidal de la Blache. Both of these concepts were the essential "building-blocks" of their respective schools, used in the exploration of the reciprocal relationship between social groups and their respective urban and rural environments. Unfortunately, these building blocks, as r ich as they were in individual detai l and insight , were never fu l ly developed as analyt ical tools. In the case of the Chicago school, we can c i te two part icular reasons for th i s . F i r s t , i t i s quite apparent that these studies were very much caught up in the 'socia l disorganization' thesis that was in vogue in the 1920's. This is reflected not only in the bias in the choice of case study (usually confined to the slum areas of the c i ty or more marginal sections of society); but also in the conclusions drawn from these studies that might seem somewhat at variance with a contemporary intepretation. Perhaps the best i l l us t ra t ion of this is 76 Zorbaugh's penetrating study of the juxtaposition of several very different social worlds - - the rooming house d i s t r i c t , the affluent Lakeside area and L i t t l e I ta ly , on the Near North side of Chicago (Zorbaugh, 1929). Having described a cohesiveness and range of inst i tut ions within each of these social worlds that can be rarely found today, Zorbaugh, in a simi lar fashion to many of his co-workers, paradoxically judges these against the moral standards of conventional society and thus, writes them off as yet further evidence of social disorganization in the c i ty (Hannerz, 1980). The absence of an adequately developed theoretical base has also led to a second important fa i l i ng of the Chicago socio logists. That i s , taken in toto, the work merely resembles, "a series of vignettes which never added up to a coherent picture of the c i ty " (Jackson and Smith, 1983: 35). Not only does there appear to have been only a scant regard for the incorporation of a dynamic element within their studies, but also a marked reluctance to make them comparable with each other (Saunders, 1981). The nearest that the Chicago sociologists came towards suggesting some kind of overall urban perspective for these social worlds, was the recurrent theme of the c i ty being a "mosiac of social worlds" (Wirth, 1938: 154). Nevertheless, as one analyst has remarked, "had the mosaic of social worlds been systematically pieced together, they would have formed a puzzling mural" (Smith.S, 1981: 295). However, Ley amongst others has since resurrected, and subsequently strengthened the concept of social world, by u t i l i z i n g i t as a central element of.a phenomenological analysis of place: The meaning of a place systematically attracts groups with similar interests and l i f es t y l es : places are related and retained by ref lect ive decision-makers on the basis of their perceived image and stock of knowledge. The resul t is that the c i ty becomes a mosaic of social worlds each supporting a group of s imi lar intent, who in their habitual interaction reinforce the character both of their group and of their place. (Ley, 1977: 507). 77 Taking these very same pr inc ip les, we can extend this conceptualization and apply i t to the level of the neighbourhood. Following Hunter's notion of a neighbourhood as comprising dif ferent " levels of symbolic communities" (Hunter, 1974), we can summarily argue that the neighbourhood unit can, and should appropriately be viewed as being, a 'mosiac within a mosaic of social worlds' . This conception w i l l serve as a central theme of our analyt ical framework. Before i t can be put into active service however, i t i s clear that both the form and the implications of this framework need to be further elaborated upon. Among the more recent Chicago socio logists, the concept of social world has come into general use and several attempts have been made to formalise i t . For example, Shibutani has defined i t as being: A cultural area, the boundaries of which are set neither by terr i tory nor formal group membership, but by the l imi ts of effective communication. A social world i s an orderly arena which serves as a stage on which each part icipant can carve out a career (1960: 136-137). An individual can and does belong to more than one social world. However, the part icular configuration of social worlds that each individual belongs to w i l l be unique to that ind iv idual . Strauss has pointed out the signif icance of membership in part icular social worlds in the promotion of the indiv idual 's identity and urban perspective. He concludes, "the important thing then, about a social world is i t s network of communication and the shared symbols which give the world some substance and which allows people to 'belong to i t ' " (1959: 79). There i s not, as yet , any formal categorization of the types and forms of social worlds. Any such attempt to impose r ig id categories for the purposes of theoretical analysis would arguably contravene the principles of a hermeneutic approach. For in doing th is , one might l im i t the overall effectiveness of this analytical concept, by rendering i t in f lex ib le and overly-generalized. However, an attempt has been made in this study (see figure 3.1) to present some of the Figure 3.1 Selected Characterist ics of Social Worlds DIMENSION CRITERIA CHARACTERISTICS (along continuum) I. STRUCTURAL Size Composition Organization Cohesiveness Permeability I I . SPATIAL Scale Location Terri tory II I . TEMPORAL Stab i l i t y L i fe Cycle Per iodic i ty Small Large Homogeneous Hetrogeneous Informal- —Formal Strong— —Weak C l o s e d - —Open L o c a l — —Global Place- Nonplace-Specif ic— — S p e c i f i c private pub! ic S t a b l e - —Unstable Growth— —Decay Frequent— —Ir regu la r 79 more important c r i t e r i a that have been commonly invoked to describe and distinguish between various types of social worlds. This model i s by no means intended to be exhaustive or complete, nor is i t supposed to be used for explanatory purposes. It is instead offered merely as an heurist ic device, in the interests of c la r i t y and also to demonstrate the sheer range and scope of appl icabi l i ty of the concept to 'real world' s i tuat ions. Each social world is unique. For as Ley has commented, "each...has i t s own s ty le , i t s own lexicon, i t s own nuances, and r i tua ls which define an in-goup and an out-group" (1983: 262). But i t i s also apparent that some are more al ike than others and this would be reflected in their respective locations along each continuum. It is also apparent that many of these c r i t e r i a are more or less related. For example, i t i s generally postulated that social worlds tend to be more stable and cohesive i f they are composed of small-scale, homogeneous populations and are based on daily face-to-face interact ion. Having l i s ted these c r i t e r i a , we are now in a position to develop a framework for iso lat ing and analysing various social worlds that may comprise the 'mosaic' of a part icular neighbourhood (See figure 3.2). Two c r i t e r i a in part icualr have been selected here. F i r s t , the organizational cr i ter ion has been included in order to distinguish between those social worlds that are formally based, and those that remain informal. This d ist inct ion has long been a feature of community and neighbourhood studies. A key point in Wirth's determinist argument.was that while the rural dwellers largely depended on primary t ies in social interact ion, urban dwellers had increasingly been forced to belong and rely on formal associations to achieve their ends. In this vein Breton (1964) suggests that the ab i l i t y of an ethnic neighbourhood in the receiving society to attract the immigrant into i t s social boundaries is largely dependent on the degree of " inst i tu t ional completeness" of that neighbourhood. 80 Figure 3.2 A Typology of Social Worlds Within a Neighbourhood ORGANIZATIONAL CRITERIA L 0 C A T I 0 N A L C R I T E R I A 1. INFORMAL II . FORMAL Terri tory 'Pr ivate ' Space I. PLACE-SPECIFIC 'Publ ic ' Space e.g. Street-gangs 'Home' bars e.g. Ethnic Associations, The Legion, Sports Clubs e.g. Restaurants, Neighbourhood Parks e.g. Church, Community Centre, Planning Groups II . NON PLACE-SPECIFIC e.g. Gays Seniors, Ar t is ts e.g. Po l i t i ca l Par t ies , Charitable Organizations, Trade Unions s 81 The extent of th is i s , in turn, determined by how far the process of formalisation of previously informal groups has gone within the neighbourhood concerned. Yancey and Ericksen (1979) have subsequently countered this view, claiming that the presence of a strong economic and inst i tu t ional structure does not necessarily guarantee the s tab i l i t y of the neighbourhood. Whatever the true role of these types of groups in the generation and maintenance of communal t i e s , one would certainly gain by getting away from the notion that they are essent ial ly watertight cases. As Axel rod (1956) amongst others has pointed out, i t i s often the case that certain formal groups can be complementary to, and indeed mutually reinforcing for , other informal groups and vice versa. Moreover, within each of these groups, whether formally or informally based, there w i l l be important interactional elements of the other type of organization present. For example, one could argue that many people use their formal a f f i l i a t i ons to cul t ivate informal personal t i es . Membership in an organization is often valued because the association provides a re l iable place to pursue and develop friendships (Fischer, 1978). Likewise, many informal social worlds .may, in fact , be far more organized than may appear to the casual 'outside' observer. The u t i l i sa t ion of a special language, in the form of 'buzz-words', 'catch-phrases', 'nicknames' etc. as well as peculiar modes of behaviour that have evolved within the group are often an integral part of a part icular world (Liebow, 1967). This is not to say that the dist inct ion is no longer a va l id one. The conscious formalization of a previously informal social world on the part of i t s members, into a ' c l u b ' , 'assoc ia t ion ' , 'brotherhood', whatever, w i l l obviously have far-reaching implications for the form and effect of the act iv i ty conducted within i t ; and therefore warrants much more intensive -research. However, the neighbourhood analyst must be wary of examining each of these types of social world in s te r i l e i so la t ion , and should instead treat these 82 categories as being ' fuzzy' at best. The second c r i te r ion , that of locat ion, i s of fundamental importance to this geographical study. Based on the premise that, "the personality of a place and t fthe identi ty of a group mutually and cumulatively reinforce each other" (Ley, 1983: 143), a d ist inct ion has been made between those social worlds that are 'p lace-spec i f ic ' and those that are not. For the purposes of the present study, the word 'place' refers either to the neighbourhood i t s e l f or a speci f ic location within i t . This p lace-speci f ic i ty d ist inct ion allows one to separate out the speci f ic instances wherein a given location either plays an active role ( i . e . as 'p lace') or a passive role ( i . e . as 'space') in creating and defining a part icular social world. In the former case, the neighbourhood or institution-in-neighbourhood is treated as a speci f ic subject for the social world. In the la t te r , they act only as a container in which the act iv i ty takes place. Both, however, are important components of the mosaic that constitutes the neighbourhood and should therefore be given some attention by neighbourhood analysts. The rat io of place-specif ic with non place-speci f ic social worlds is a highly in f luent ia l factor in determining the identity and the cohesiveness of the neighbourhood as a d is t inct ive socio-spatial unit . The signif icance of this d ist inct ion is well i l lus t ra ted by the concepts of ' l o c a l ' and 'cosmopolitan' social worlds f i r s t devised by Merton (1977) in a study of interpersonal relations in the small town of Rovere in the North-East of the United States. His chief c r i ter ion for distinguishing the two groups of people was their orientation towards Rovere. The locals were in essence parochial, confining their interests to the local community. The cosmopolitans on the other hand, as well as having some interest in Rovere, were also s igni f icant ly oriented to the outside world, or "great society" as he cal led i t . Both Webber (1964) and Stacey (1960) have further added an interesting dimension 83 to this conception in asserting that social class is an important determinant of behavioural propensities with respect to space. In par t icu lar , they contrast the local i ty-based l i fe-space of the working class with the multi-dimensional and supra- terr i tor ia l l i fe-spaces of the middle class in te l lec tua ls . Further evidence of this tendency can be found in the remarkable differences in the levels of city-wide spatial information between one sample of middle class and another of working class people l i v ing in different sections of Vancouver, Canada. The co l lect ive image presented by the f i r s t group was far more extensive and spatial ly-balanced, but the la t ter group provided a comparatively greater amount of local spatial knowledge (Hobkirk, 1974). Hamnett has added that although the social worlds of the comsmopolitans are not rooted spat ia l ly in their social interact ion, they do tend to reside in clusters around the centres of large c i t i es where, because of the concentration of cultural f a c i l i t i e s , they can readily sat isfy their in te l lectual and informational needs. Given that these cosmopolitans or ' cen t ra l i s ts ' as he ca l l s them, "tend to be aff luent, holding professional, managerial, executive or creative jobs" (1973b:118), we can begin to notice some important para l le ls with the gentr i f iers discussed in the previous chapter. If we can envisage a gentrifying neighbourhood as being composed of at least these two social groups, then we can appreciate that although individuals may be l i v ing in a common loca l i ty and within close proximity to each other, they may belong to very dif ferent social worlds (Thielbar, 1970). • The poignancy of this part icular situation i s evocatively depicted in the following s l ight ly tongue-in-cheek description of a rev i ta l i z ing neighbourhood in South London: The newcomers who've just moved into Clapham must a l l be the same kind of young professional couples. A health food shop has opened to se l l them black beans. The bookshop has display cases of Picador books, the publications of Pluto Press, Spare Rib and God knows 84 what else besides. The entire Rive Gauchy b i t , in fact , from seedy bohemia to radical ch ic , to kids cal led Gareth and Emma playing with their Gait toys on the f loor of the bank. While at the same time—down the road, an old lady in the pub removes her teeth in order to sing 'Some of These Days' with passion and vibrancy to tumultuous applause. Even the Rastas in the front of the bar applaud. (Carter, 1977: 189) The implications of this separation of social worlds are spelled out by Shibutani when he says that, "many misunderstandings arise in our society from the fact that people who are l i v ing in the same community and even cooperating in a number of transactions are actually oriented towards dif ferent audiences" (1960: 137). It i s quite conceivable, therefore, that residents in a neighbourhood may pursue goals that are incomprehensible for their neighbours, because they are pursuing them in completely dif ferent social worlds. The problems posed by such a situation as this have already been referred to in some detail in the discussion of intra-neighbourhood socio-cultural conf l ic t engendered by rev i ta l i za t ion . We have seen from Shibutani's def in i t ion that the boundaries of social worlds are not d i rect ly set by ter r i to ry . They are instead, set by the l imi ts of effect ive communication which are demarcated by communication channels. With the present state of modern technology and the rapidly evolving social changes within urban society, location i s no longer playing such a l imi t ing role in the extent and morphology of these channels. Nevertheless, recent analysts have suggested that terr i tory may s t i l l play an important, i f indirect role in shaping and identi fying social worlds. For example, in his review of the recent work that has dealt with the concept of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , Gold concludes that, "when applied careful ly as an analogy, t e r r i t o r i a l i t y affords insight . into human spatial behaviour and provides a framework by which geographers can prof i t from a rapidly growing area of mult id iscipl inary research" (1982: 45). At the level 85 of the neighbourhood, the work of Suttles (1968) on heterogeneous minority groups in a slum area of Chicago, and Boal (1969) on the segregation of Protestant and Catholic groups in Bel fast , are commended. Gold does, however, urge that in future a much wider and more f lex ib le interpretation and application of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , especial ly the concept of defence, should be incorporated into geographical studies. Perhaps because of the association of this f i e l d with animal behaviouralists, there has been an overemphasis upon overt and primordial conf l i c t which has led to this imbalance. In an endeavour to exp l i c i t l y introduce the "previously neglected sociological dimension" of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y into the mainstream of sociology, Lyman and Scott have developed the idea of 'home ter r i tory ' which they define as, "areas where the regular participants have a re lat ive freedom of behaviour and a sense of intimacy and control over the area" (1967: 216). An integral part of the creation of a social world as a 'home away from home' is the degree to which the public space in which they are situated i s privatised by i t s members into ' the i r place' (Lofland, 1973). This place may be more usually referred to as a 'haunt' , 'hang-out', or 'scene' etc. and.can vary quite s igni f icant ly in size from an area covering several blocks to just one part of a room, down to a single table or chair . Stone and Haberman have remarked that this transformation may be so complete that people appear to 'belong' to that place. They explain that, "these appearances are demarcated by a vast number of apparent symbols and are interpreted by those-who display them and by those for whom they are displayed" (1970: 212). It i s these displays which embed persons in their social worlds. Returning to the diagram above (figure 3.2) we can see that this process -has been recognized and included within the typology as an important component of place spec i f i c i t y . At one extreme, there are some informal social worlds in 86 which space i s highly pr ivat ised. On the street, the gang occupies a piece of ' t u r f that may not be bounded physical ly, yet i t s presence is art iculated very"1 clear ly to the outsider (especially r iva l gangs) through the selective use of g ra f f i t i (Ley and Cybriwsky, 1974). On a less host i le p la in , Cavan has shown from her extensive observation of bars that: some become a kind of home ter r i to ry , a setting where patrons may stake out proprietory claims and create an order of act iv i ty indigenous to the part icular establishment, to be defended i f necessary against the invasion of others (1973: 143). Even within the realm of formal social worlds, privat ised space in the form of a speci f ic bui ld ing, such as a Masonic Lodge or Legion Hall is of central importance to the functioning of the inst i tu t ion around which the social world i s based. Conversely, other formal social worlds which f u l f i l l very dif ferent roles and functions, may deliberately attempt to 'pub l ic ize ' their spaces in an endeavour to encourage members from an array of other social worlds to u t i l i ze their services (e.g. social service agencies, planning groups and local merchants). The pr ivat isat ion of space is par t ia l ly a spatial ref lect ion of the degree of structural permeability of the social world concerned. A similar exclusionary process that is not t e r r i t o r i a l can be observed in some non place-specif ic social worlds, such as that of the 'beat generation' (Powell, 1982) and 'gays' and ' radical feminists' (Lloyd and Rowntree, 1978). Whatever the case, the process has profound implications for the study of relationships between social worlds. The juxtaposition of two or more previously segregated social worlds in close proximity w i l l engender some kind of response. Either they w i l l seek to strengthen their boundaries, both socia l ly and spat ia l ly ; or, i f they are already re lat ive ly permeable, there is a chance that they may be 'contaminated' through a variety of forms of contact and thus forced to modify their structure to the extent that may be even further weakened. L i t t l e as yet 87 is known of these inter-re lat ionships, but the issue w i l l be returned to throughout the course of this study. Before the discussion of the theoretical framework can be sat is fac tor i l y terminated, some mention must be made of how the all-important dynamic element can be bu i l t into the notion of the neighbourhood as a mosaic of social worlds. Stone and Faberman have argued that social worlds vary considerably in their permeability and are continually undergoing transformation through time. Figure 3.1 reveals that the temporal dimension of social worlds has been acknowledged to be an important and inf luent ia l character is t ic . We can argue simply from this that in any neighbourhood at any time, there are some social worlds which are becoming increasingly prominent and some that are no longer as prominent in the social and cultural fabric of the neighbourhood. In addit ion, we can also suggest that some of these are re lat ive ly more stable than others, neither declining nor expanding in any great way. We can therefore look through time, at the ever-changing mosaic of social worlds in a manner akin to a kaleidoscope. Stat ic snapshots might reveal an interesting configuration at one point in time but the real interest l i e s in the way in which these patterns evolve and the processes that underlie them. One potential ly useful analyt ical tool for doing just this has been developed by Duncan and Duncan in an ent irely different cultural context namely, residential relocation between old and new e l i tes in Hyderabad, India. The concept of 'status passage' is defined by them as being a "transformation of ident i ty , the manner in which a person becomes something other than he was before" (1976: 206). They show how these two social worlds lack a basic understanding of each other, because members of the dif ferent social worlds receive bi ts of data from the landscape and interpret them di f ferent ly . As they point out, the members see these merely as pieces of objective data which 'speak . 88 for themselves'. I t . fol lows then, that a move to another type of soc ia l ly produced landscape marks a def ini te status passage and represents therefore, a social as well as a physical move. Those who make the move 'successful ly ' and internal ise the exist ing social world's interpretation of the symbolic meaning of the two landscapes are described as having gone through a "complete status passage". Often however, the status passage is an "incomplete" one because of the d i f f i cu l t i e s involved in moving from one social world to another. Of part icular relevance to the study at hand is the idea of a "part ia l passage" wherein the in-migrants s t i l l consciously retain many elements of their old l i f es t y l e (See figure 3.3). From the evidence of inner-ci ty rev i ta l iza t ion case studies, i t is apparent that the passage of the social world of gentr i f iers is usually only a part ial one. The gentr i f iers moving into an old working class neighbourhood tend to select ively incorporate elements of the exist ing and established social world, but generally attempt to impose their own symbolic interpretation of the landscape upon other social worlds. This tendency i s demonstrated quite c lear ly in the following comment made by a true 'pioneer' of one of Brooklyn's old brown-stone neighbourhoods: When we f i r s t came here, i t was l i ke start ing a rumor that Boerum H i l l existed. But we kept working at i t , and now Boerum H i l l i s not a rumor anymore. It exists (Anderson, 1977: 140). The question of the role of the 'sentimental order' as a variable in the relationship between social contexts and place perspectives is considered by Gerson and Gerson (1976). They concur that the emotional 'tone' of a place, that is the reponse i t ca l l s out in the inhabitants, i s governed not only by what has happened there, but also by what might happen there. Taking this as our lead, we might further expect that the longer established social worlds may be more incl ined to look at their neighbourhood with some measure of nostalgia 89 THE 3 £ $ T Of &OTH UOTtLbS... - ON ONE T-SHWT Figure 3.3 One Intriguing Example of a Part ial (and Compromised)  Status Passage in the Revitalized Neighbourhood of K i ts i lano, Vancouver ( Source: Advertisement found on local notice-board. ) 90 ( i . e . "this place i s n ' t what i t used to be"), compared to the newly arrived social worlds that may be far more forward looking in their response ( ie . " th is place has got great potent ia l " ) . We may also speculate that the emotional response and vision of the la t te r group in par t icu lar , might be conditioned somewhat by their experience with another place. In the case of neighbourhood rev i ta l i za t ion , this point is well i l l us t ra ted by Bugler's comment describing the progress of gentr i f icat ion in inner London that in time, "Chelsea began to move to Isl ington" (cited in Hamnett and Will iams, 1980: 481). The extent to which ear l ie r 'success-stor ies' both within the same ci ty and elsewhere can and do act as a blueprint for successive groups of gentr i f iers in other neighbourhoods, presents an interesting and as yet unanswered research question. A persistent theme throughout this chapter so far , has been the concern of integrating theory with empirical pract ice. In the f i r s t section of this chapter, i t was argued that the ultimate test of the va l id i ty of a humanistic or hermeneutic epistemology was in i t s pract ical appl icat ion. This message was carried on into the next section where i t was suggested that, although the analyt ical framework that was developed in this section could be in i t ia ted at the theoretical l eve l , i t could only be completely art iculated through direct experience with the empirical subject. The purpose of the following section is therefore, to provide important methodological guidelines for the ensuing empirical study, and in the process, ease the transit ion from the general to the spec i f i c . 3.4 Methodology: Some Technical and Experiential Notes (a) On The Choice of Case Study It is rarely true that there is not an element of chance in the selection St 91 of a case study area. Furthermore, once selected, one's reasons for examining the area tend to be modified as more is learned about i t . Therefore, in just i fy ing one's or iginal choice there is almost inevitably more than a small amount of post-rat ional izat ion on the part of the researcher. Bearing th is point in mind, the neighbourhood of Grandview-Woodland in Vancouver has been found to have at least four d is t inct ive qual i t ies that make i t , i f not idea l , at least a worthy and relevant subject for the research questions outlined at the beginning of this chapter. F i r s t , the neighbourhood has continually been characterized by a strong identity both in the minds of i t s residents and businessmen, and also among c i ty o f f i c i a l s and outside representatives. Although 'change' is undoubtedly a hallmark of this community, i t has been since the end of the F i r s t World War, so l id ly working-class in composition. The succession of a series of newly arrived immigrant groups during this period has further served to etch out in greater detail the socio-cultural motif of the neighbourhood that is reflected in i t s social l i f e and landscape. In addit ion, i t has presented the researcher with an interesting and important ethnic dimension to the research agenda which, as was seen in the previous chapter, has been a persistent theme in many rev i ta l iza t ion studies. The second feature of Grandview-Woodland has also played a prominent role in the promotion of i t s se l f - ident i ty . For many years, the various po l i t i ca l organizations based within the area were to a certain extent the lone po l i t i ca l voice of the working class East End of the c i t y . This t radi t ion of po l i t i ca l act iv i ty has continued on into the recent era of community organization and local area planning, with the development of a compact po l i t i ca l base within the neighbourhood that is known and respected on a city-wide basis. Third, the c i ty of Vancouver i t s e l f provides the case study with a 92 suitably dynamic backdrop. Vancouver i s typical of a group of North American c i t i es that includes among others, Toronto, San Francisco and New York, which have been consistently ear-marked as l i ke l y targets for large scale c i ty core investment and development (Gale, 1979). By virtue of the rapidly expanding ter t iary and quaternary sectors of i t s labour force, Vancouver has frequently been referred to, from a number of dif ferent fronts, as a prime example of an "executive" or "global" or "post- industr ia l " c i ty (Hardwick, 1974; Ley, 1980; Vancouver Economic Advisory Commission, 1983). The c i ty has indeed already experienced a profound degree of rev i ta l iza t ion in a s igni f icant proportion of the inner core. During the 1970's, the Ki ts i lano and Fairview Slopes neighbourhoods in part icular (see figure 3.4), were the scenes of rapid gentr i f icat ion and widespread upheaval (Stobie, 1979; F u j i i , 1981). It i s quite possible that these may well act as 'models' for a further round of sustained redevelopment act iv i ty that is openly and actively anticipated to take off in the next few years by both the private and public developer community and the c i ty planning department (Vancouver City Planning Department, 1983). Though some sections of Grandview-Woodland underwent quite intensive change as a direct result of this las t investment wave, a large part of i t remained unscathed and continued much as before. In the meantime however, there have been a number of indications from a range of sources that the area may currently be experiencing some ' inc ip ient gent r i f i ca t ion ' . This so-called 'discovery' of Grandview-Woodland by an, as yet , small group of young 'professional ' and 'pre-professionaT adults, together with the l ikel ihood of yet further escalation of investment ac t i v i t y , leads the writer to suspect that Grandview may well be on the verge of quite substantial residential change in the coming years. It i s this situation of uncertainty about the future direction of the neighbourhood, that is the fourth and potential ly most 93 2. OLD SUBURBS H. Hastings-Sunrise I. West Point Grey J . Renfrew-Col 1ingwood K. Kensington-Cedar Cottage L. Riley Park M. South Cambie 1. INNER CORE N. Shaugnessy 0. Arbutus Ridge A. Grandview-Woodland P. Dunbar-Southi ands B. Strathcona Q. Ki Harney C. Mount Pleasant R. Victoria-Fraserview D. Central Business Dis t r ic t S. Sunset E. West End T. Oakridge F. Fairview Slopes U. Kerrisdale G. Ki ts i lano V. Marpole Figure 3.4 The Location of Grandview-Woodland in relat ion to Other  Vancouver Local Areas, and the Lower Mainland ( Source: Adapted from Social Trends in Vancouver. Greater Vancouver Regional D is t r ic t ) 94 interesting feature of the case study area. As was argued ear l ie r , a pre-facto perspective on neighbourhood rev i ta l izat ion as opposed to a more commonly applied post-facto perspective, may hopefully y ie ld some fresh insights into the socio-cultural and po l i t i ca l dynamics of this process at i t s ear l ies t stages. (b) On Monitoring and Identifying Neighbourhood Change We have already noted that analysts of neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion have often been too quick to generalize their findings from their case studies.-Inner-city rev i ta l iza t ion is a highly complex process which occurs in numerous forms in many dif ferent contexts and at-di f ferent rates. Consequently any attempt to monitor i t in a part icular instance, must str ive to be as exhaustive and thereby, as f lex ib le as possible under the circumstances. The analyst must be sensit ive not only to the processes operating within the neighbourhood, but also to those external forces that are operating throughout the c i ty and beyond. Therefore, the researcher must be receptive to a very wide range of data which often demand a certain amount of ingenuity in i t s u t i l i za t ion and subsequent interpretat ion. The l i s t on the next page (figure 3.5) i s an attempt to col late many of the variables that have been used at some point in other case studies to indicate rev i ta l i za t ion . It is certainly true that each individual case has i t s own unique pattern and this is reflected in the extent of change in each of these variables. Indeed, as was noted in the previous chapter, there are several instances in which the actual direction of change has been the reverse of the expected one. For now, this l i s t can be viewed as being a useful guideline or checkl ist for the selection and examination of empirical data. Within the l i s t we can subdivide the variables into four main categories. The f i r s t group encompasses the personal attributes of the local population and 95 Figure 3.5. Composite L i s t of the Most Commonly Used Indicators of Neighbourhood Revital izat ion 1. Population Characterist ics Indicator Expected Direction of Change (a) Occupation Change from 'b lue-co l lar ' to 'white-col lar '(b) Education level Increase in university-educated residents (c) Age Structure Increase in oldest and youngest sections and in young adults (d) Family Household Increase in singles and chi ld less couples; decrease in family households (e) Ethnic Composition Decrease in the number and mix of ethnic groups. (f) Origins of In-movers Change from poorer to wealthier sections of the c i ty (g) Tenure Increase in owner occupiers; decrease in renters Dwelling Characterist ics (h) Sales Act iv i ty Increase in the number of sales during t ransi t ion period. ( i ) Property Values and Tax Assessments Increase (j) Rent levels Increase (k) Housing Density Decrease multiple-occupancy and increase single-occupancy of units (but maybe overall increase in density) (1) Self-Owned Apartments (1Condomi ni urns1) Increase (m) Demolition Act iv i ty Increase and Building Permits Commercial Infrastructure (n) Retai l and Commercial Functions Increase in turnover of shops and change in the types of re ta i l outlets Other (0) Renovation Ac t iv i t ies Increase (P) Heritage/Historical Zoning Increase pressure by local groups for (q) Name of Local Area Change or increase in use of (r) School enrollments Decrease (s) Traditional Local Voluntary Insti tut ions Dec!ine 96 includes the f i r s t six variables. Here, apart from variable ( f ) , the census has often proved to be the best source of information. It was fortunate that at the time of wr i t ing, most of the results from the 1981 Canadian census were becoming avai lable. The boundaries of the local census tracts had remained unchanged since 1956, so comparative data were available for the neighbourhood for the las t twenty-five years at f ive-yearly intervals. Unfortunately though, there is a certain amount of discrepancy between the boundary of Grandview-Woodland adopted for the purposes of this study and those of the census tracts that were used (see figure 4.1) . Pr ior to 1981, when one of the census tracts was divided by the Grandview-Woodland boundary l i ne , four of the f ive census tracts had varying degrees of overlap with surrounding neighbourhoods. The Vancouver street directory was also used in order to supplement the census data with more detailed information about household f i l t e r i ng trends. Unfortunately, in the case of residential data the directory was found to be largely unsatisfactory due to the unre l iab i l i t y and inconsistency of i t s information. The second group of indicators ( (g) to (m) in figure 3.5) relate to various character ist ics of the dwellings in the neighbourhood. Once again census data proved to be quite useful for some of these but was supplemented from a variety of other sources including the Vancouver City Planning Department, CMHC Housing S ta t i s t i cs , and the Permits and Licence Department of Vancouver Ci ty . In the preceding chapter, the issue was raised of the relationship between the residential and commercial sections in a neighbourhood undergoing rev i ta l i za t ion . On the basis of the experience of the various case studies ci ted there, I would suggest that the local commercial d i s t r i c t ( indicator (n) in figure 3.5) sould be examined for these reasons. F i r s t , i t may serve as a 97 'socia l barometer' by giving cues to the analyst that may indicate change at a very early stage. Second, the d i s t r i c t may be viewed as a 'cul tural magnet' which might serve both to establish the neighbourhood's identity and to attract individuals and groups from outside the neighbourhood to v i s i t , and eventually locate, in the local area. F ina l l y , i t i s possible that the commercial d i s t r i c t may become an important zone for socio-cultural conf l ic t between various groups of merchants and residents. It i s for these reasons that the development of the commercial s t r ip of Commercial Drive that runs through the centre of Grandview-Woodland w i l l be examined. Where the problems of data ava i lab i l i t y and accuracy have been surmounted, these indicators of rev i ta l iza t ion have proven to be quite effect ive in ref lect ing the macro-trends of neighbourhood change over a suf f ic ient ly lengthy period. In some cases however, i t i s apparent that these indicators have not been sensit ive enough to the micro-trends, especial ly over re lat ive ly shorter periods of time. Nowhere is th is fa i lure more obvious and more pressing than in the early stages of rev i ta l i za t ion . At the level of the neighbourhood aggregate data may f a i l to reveal important i n i t i a l 'pioneer' in-movements of gentr i f iers that are par t ia l ly or to ta l ly obscured by other larger counter-trends that may only be temporary phenomena. Bearing in mind the rapidity of the rev i ta l iza t ion process, the inevitable lags between the events as they happen, the recording and s t i l l la te r , ava i lab i l i t y of the data are part icular ly crucial for research of this nature. A second problem that stems from the usage of these macro-level quantitative indicators, centres around the disjuncture of the objective and subjective components of the rev i ta l iza t ion process. A constant theme of the discussion so far has been the nature of the relationship between the ' r ea l i t y ' and ' idea ' of rev i ta l iza t ion in any given neighbourhood. These two facets 98 mutually reinforce one another, and again nowhere is this more s igni f icant than in the ear l ie r stages of the process**? where the scale d i f ferent ia l between the two is most marked in favour of the la t te r . The media can play a part icular ly powerful role here. Several examples from the national press referred to at an ear l ie r point in the study demonstrated how the media can serve not only to i n s t i l the basic concept of neighbourhood rev i ta l iza t ion into the national "psyche", but can also exaggerate i t s true signif icance relat ive to other urban trends. Within the context of individual c i t i e s , a r t i c les such as the one ident i f ied by Levy and Cybriwsky (1980) in a Philadelphia magazine, ent i t led "The Handicapper1s guide to the next in-neighbourhood", can s imi lar ly function for a more local ized audience. How then i s the analyst to resolve these two inter-related problems? We have already considered at some length a few poss ib i l i t i es for dealing with them on a theoretical l eve l . But, in terms of actually translat ing these ideas 'on the ground', there are few guidelines for the researcher (though Cybriwsky (1978) may act as a useful start ing point). In the following chapter, that essent ial ly sets the context for neighbourhood change, an attempt has been made to supplement wherever possible the quantitative data that has been t rad i t ional ly used by urban ecologists with a range of qual i tat ive data for both the contemporary and h is tor ica l contexts of the neighbourhood. These two types of data should not be viewed as being ent irely separate but complementary to each other, and the ho l i s t i c approach that is deemed most sui table. Much of the qual i tat ive data is anecdotal in content. In this vein the local newpapers, the long-established Highland Echo and the recently in i t ia ted East Ender have been part icular ly useful in providing the researcher with local -information and viewpoints (indicators (p) and (q)). In addit ion, the city-wide media, especial ly leisure magazines, newspaper reports and radio broadcasts have 99 occasionally served as important data sources. Primary data has also been obtained, when necessary, from a number of informal interviews with local ' f i gu res ' . Most profi table of a l l however has been the data derived from 'act ive observation' (Black and Champion, 1976) in the course of regular random walks through the neighbourhood during the period of study (variable (o) in f i g . 3.4). In par t icu lar , these forays have served as important empirical 'checks' on some of the ideas that were constantly being formulated and reformulated. Some of the photographs which were taken on these walks have been included in Chapter 4 in an ef fort to enhance the local context of change. Together with these random walks, I paid regular v i s i t s to certain 'key' places in the area (e.g. the bookstore, coffee bars and community centre), in an endeavour to ensure some kind of continuity in observation, and to monitor any changes that may have occurred. In addition to th is direct observational data, secondary data concerning local events and ac t i v i t i es were obtained from the conglomerate of posters, lea f le ts and notices that were dotted about the neighbourhood. Though re lat ive ly ephemeral in nature, compared to the 'hard' data of the census, this soft data was considered to be v i ta l for the completion of a well-rounded survey of neighbourhood change. considered to be v i ta l for the completion of a well-rounded survey of neighbourhood change. (c) On Obtaining a 'Seat' in the Local Po l i t i ca l Arena Moving away from the general concern with the context of neighbourhod change in Grandview-Woodland, the case study then (in Chapter 5) focusses on one section of the neighbourhood's mosaic of social worlds, which, for the purpose of this study w i l l be referred to as the ' loca l po l i t i ca l arena'. This widely encompassing term relates to an amalgam of voluntary groups, clubs, and societ ies based within a neighbourhood that have been formed spec i f ica l ly or 100 par t ia l ly to deal with local po l i t i ca l matters. Of these, the most pertinent to this part icular study are groups that are di rect ly relevant to the neighbourhood as a whole, such as planning and neighbourhood improvement committees. The composition of the local po l i t i ca l arena, as well as the types of operations and ac t i v i t ies that take place within i t , i s not only unique to a part icular neighbourhood but is also in a constant state of f lux. I t i s therefore impossible to deduce the composition, l e t alone analyse the local po l i t i ca l arena in an empirical set t ing, on an a prior basis. Instead, i t i s argued that the local po l i t i ca l arena can only be constructed empir ical ly, through the process of contact and the cumulative experience of the researcher with the neighbourhood. On th is basis then, a research strategy that incorporates participant-observation backed up by documentary and archival data has been deemed most appropriate for this part of the case study. The participant-observer research methodology has had a long and often distinguished career within the social sciences, part icular ly in anthropology (notably, the ' B r i t i s h ' school led by Radcliffe-Brown) and sociology (the Chicago school). Within the d isc ip l ine of geography however, i t i s evident that this research technique has been less developed. Only in recent years have a number of geographers seriously adopted th is method in response to the ca l l within the l i terature for a more humanistic approach to geographical research (e.g. Bunge, 1971; Ley, 1974b; Brookfield, 1962; Rowles, 1978). Yet, i t i s s t i l l the case that these studies are few and far between, and are largely confined to the f i e l d of urban social geography. On a general l eve l , there appears to be l i t t l e disagreement within the social sciences with the view that participant-observation i s "a conscious and -systematic sharing in so far as circumstances permit, in the l i f e ac t i v i t i es and, on occasion, in- the interests and effects of a group of persons" (Kluckohn, 101 1940). However, as McCall (1969) laments in the preface to his col lect ion of methodological essays, this sort of f i e l d technique is substantial ly lacking in any further codi f icat ion and systematization of procedures. He credits this situation to a number of inter-related features of the technique including the fact that i t i s not real ly a single method, but a character ist ic style of research; i t i s dealing primarily with qual i tat ive data; i t has been applied to a wide range of research study contexts; and most importantly, i t i s intent ional ly unstructured in i t s research design so as to maximize discovery and descript ion, rather than systematically test theory. In response to t h i s , McCall, l i ke Becker (1953), argues the case for greater formalization and systematization of the individual components of the technique such as data col lect ion and qual i ty , f i e l d re lat ions, hypothesis generation and evaluation and method comparison. Whilst in the interests of sc ien t i f i c solvency this move to in i t i a te standardization and 'ob jec t i f i ca t ion ' of method is to be commended, one i s also incl ined to agree with Jackson when he says: To some extent the ' ru les of the game' which apply to this type of f i e l d work cannot be adequately stated and the reader must judge the quality of f i e l d research and the accuracy of the conclusions from the evidence of the written record and circumstantial detai ls of how the f i e l d work was done (1980: 4) . Indeed, in terms of gaining an insight into the technique of participant observation, in addition to providing useful guidelines for undertaking research of this nature, a reading of the methodological notes that often accompany the_ ethnographic case studies themselves has proved to be far more rewarding to the writer than the colder procedural accounts that are inevitably separated from the immediate study subjects. Participant-observation i s , after a l l , a highly personalized and experiential technique. Like i t s subject, i t i s best learned 102 either through direct on-the-job experience, or at least indirect ly through the eyes of another. Whyte's pioneering study of street corner l i f e in the I tal ian 'Cornerv i l le ' slum community is a part icular ly f i t t i ng example for two reasons (Whyte, 1955). F i r s t , in presenting his study Whyte chooses an evolutionary approach which closely follows the pattern that his actual research took. The theoretical and empirical sections of the study are not isolated as is the convention, but are instead openly shown to be mutually interactive in the mind of the researcher as events unfurl in front of his eyes. A second key feature of Whyte's study that undoubtedly serves to lay down the groundwork for this ' theory-building' approach, i s his obvious emphasis upon continually laying bare the assumptions and motives that guided him throughout the course of the study. For example, in the highly informative and often entertaining appendix at the end of the book, Whyte gives an account of his eventual rejection of the more commonly u t i l i zed techniques of community studies saying, " i t was a long time before I real ized that I would explain Cornervi l le better t e l l i ng stories of those individuals and groups than I could in"any other way" (1955: 357). In a recent essay on humanistic method in contemporary social geography, Smith (1981) considers the problems of adequate val idation which have consistently been pointed to by i t s c r i t i c s as i t s principal fa i l i ngs . In the same s p i r i t as Whyte, she argues forceful ly that this process is log ica l ly contingent upon exposing the role of the analyst, and the insights of his or her research. The proviso that the d isc ip l ine which governed the observation and analysis of each of the studies concerned, be made exp l i c i t within the main body of the work w i l l , in my opinion, present a far more effect ive check on the va l id i ty of the research resul ts . Unlike the heavily elaborated set of procedures that have been proposed by some, the f l e x i b i l i t y and openness of the 103 approach, which are i t s greatest strengths, w i l l be maintained. In the case of the present study the participant-observer methodology has been adapted and operationalized within the context of a local community organization known as the Grandview-Woodland Area Council. Founded in 1964 for the expressed purposes of coordination with, and representation of, the other neighbourhood social and po l i t i ca l groups that were evolving at that time, the Area Council i s not only well established but also has an important strategic role within the community as a whole. For the past two years (1982-84) I have acted as recording-secretary on the executive of this counci l . The importance of ' ro le ' and the consciousness of ' r o l e 1 of the analyst has already been alluded to. Gold (1958) has r ight ly noted that among the dif ferent combinations of part ic ipat ion and observation, there are at least four roles which the f i e l d worker may adopt. He may attempt to be a straight 'part ic ipant ' or 'observer' (though there are several problems associated with both of these). More usually though, the researcher w i l l use some combination of these extremes: the 'participant-as-observer' or the 'observer-as-participant' ro les. These two categories, however, should not in any way be viewed as being a i r t igh t . As Janes (1961) has suggested, the participant-observer's 'community ro le ' in fact commonly goes through a series of 'phases' which in the case of his own study included: newcomer, provisional member, categorical member, personalized member with fu l l y developed rapport, and imminent migrant. It is probably nearer the truth that the researcher may f ind himself or herself actually continually switching from one of these roles to another according to an individual circumstances (e.g. even within the timespan of one community meeting). The crux here i s the degree of passivity that the researcher chooses to ascribe to his or her role within the group at any part icular time. At this stage the participant-observer must, by <=the nature of his or her work, 104 inevitably face the f i r s t of a whole series of dilemmas. On the one hand, he or she is constrained by the need to remain 'object ive' and 'd istant ' from the subject at hand in the interests of the sc ien t i f i c code of conduct. On the other hand, and on a very practical l eve l , there w i l l almost always be a certain amount of pressure upon the member of the group, be i t formal or informal, to pull his or her weight within i t . In my case, the position of recording-secretary enabled me to at least par t ia l ly meet these obl igations. But in terms of part ic ipat ing in the organization's issues, I sometimes found myself playing quite an active ro le; for example, in straightening out the organization's legal status or speaking on a ward boundary drawing issue. On other issues, I have played a far more passive ro le; for example, in the sections of a t r a f f i c policy plan that deals spec i f i ca l ly with community input. Because I am not a resident of this community (merely a 'worker') , I have endeavoured to act only in the capacity of ' technical advisor' and never as an 'act ive community vo ice ' . There has been some measure of debate amongst participant-observers in part icular (Cook, 1976; Jackson, 1983) and within social science as a whole (Barnes, 1979), about the ethical and moral questions of the relationship between the social sc ient is t and his or her subject. The invasion of privacy, and potential infringement of r ights in return for a study of often questionable u t i l i t y for the subject concerned makes for a predatory relationship that not only the participant-observer, but others that are more removed from their research subjects, must inevitably be made accountable to. Though I have made no attempt to conceal from the rest of the Area Council and other related groups my identity and motives, I have not f e l t compelled to elaborate upon them at any-great length as none of the members appeared to have considered i t as important as the issues that faced the counci l . I have refrained from using the names of k 105 the individuals involved, but have not l e f t the groups themselves anonymous. A copy of the study in i t s f ina l form w i l l also eventually be presented to the Area Council for i t s own reference. What then were the advantages of this part icular research strategy? Obviously, the most important factor was that informal data could be d i rect ly obtained from the meetings held by the Area Council. The position of recording-secretary fac i l i t a ted both the recording of the proceedings and the making of additional notes during the course of these meetings. In addit ion, several other important supplementary advantages can be discussed. F i r s t , by being a member of the Area Council I could quickly come to grips with the basic issues which, in the col lect ive mind of the Area Counci l , were facing the community at the present time, and, during occasional nostalgic moments, in the past. Second, the interaction with the present membership of the Council along with several ex-members who were sometimes present at the meetings, and the more informal interaction that was usually held afterwards in a nearby coffee bar, served quite ef fect ively not only to animate, but also to f i l l important gaps within the documentary^evidence that I had accumulated. Third, by virtue of the Area Council 's coordinating and representative functions, I was by virtue of the Area counci l 's coordinating and representative functions, I was able to build up a network of 'contacts' within the neighbourhood (I attended as a representative of the Area Council a number of meetings held by other community groups in the area); and beyond i t , as a result of frequent v i s i t s from c i ty po l i t i c ians , planners, developers and supra-local neighbourhood groups. Fourth, I was able to gain f irst-hand experience of the types of problems (and sometimes solutions) involved in community organization on a very practical day-to-day leve l . This in turn, gave me an appreciation of the 'nuts and bol ts ' that provided the backdrop for the groups' interaction as i t presently stood, and may 106 have stood in the past. Finally, as a member of the Area Council I was entrusted with a whole array of valuable documentary research material that included among other things, planning documents, minutes from past meetings, correspondence and details of membership which may in other circumstances have proved to be quite difficult to obtain. 3.5 Summary At the beginning of this chapter three inter-related research problems were specified for the study as a whole. These had emerged from the discussion of neighbourhood revitalization in the previous chapter. Before these problems could be properly examined in an empirical setting, i t was deemed necessary that the study should go through three analytical stages: (1) A humanistic approach that was i n i t i a l l y advocated by several writers, was further developed out of a critique of other competing approaches within the neighbourhood revitalization literature and social sciences in general. Though at present somewhat exploratory in format, this particular approach was argued to be the most suitable to this study because: i t endeavours to be simultaneously interpretative and c r i t i c a l ; i t encourages the analyst to work in a reflexive mode, which attempts to lay bare the underlying assumptions and values that guide him or her; i t incorporates a far broader and more meaningful conceptualization of power; i t recognizes that politics is an essentially creative process which operates at an array of geographical scales; and finally, the approach emphasizes the importance of the context in which political activity takes place. (2) With this latter point especially in mind, I then sought in the next section to construct an analytical framework that could effectively cope with the research problems. It was apparent that past analysts of neighbourhood 107 rev i ta l iza t ion had not been suf f ic ient ly attentive to the problems of defining the concepts of 'neighbourhood' and 'community' that they nevertheless used quite l i b e r a l l y . Based on a review of the neighbourhood and community studies l i te ra ture , i t was suggested that the neighbourhood unit could most prof i tably be conceptualized for the purposes of th is study, as a 'mosaic within a mosaic of social worlds' . Having sketched the roots of this conceptualization in the ethnographic t radi t ion of the Chicago school, I then endeavoured to further elaborate, and.adapt i t to the case of rev i ta l i za t ion . (3) The f ina l section of this chapter dealt with the methodological implications of applying both a humanistic approach and the chosen analyt ical framework to the empirical case-study, and thereby served as an important 'bridge' function for the study as a whole. In terms of setting out the context of neighbourhood change in the case study area, a jo in t strategy was recommended, involving conventionally used quantitative parameters in conjunction with a range of qual i tat ive data that have not been used as frequently. In the analysis of the local po l i t i ca l arena of the neighbourhood, a field-work strategy that combines participant-observation and documentary evidence was selected. Consideration was made of both the practical and ethical problems associated with the participant-oberver research technique, as well as the benefits i t can y ie ld when applied properly. 108 CHAPTER 4 THE CONTEXT: NEIGHBOURHOOD CHANGE IN GRANDVIEW-WOODLAND A v i s i to r to Vancouver was taking a t r ip up the (Burrard) In let , when, far away to the eastward of the inhabited part of the c i t y , he espied a long clearing in the woods. Like an a is le in some great cathedral church there was a c le f t in the dense forest and on enquiry what was the reason for cutting such an avenue he was told that the same represented the l ine of V ic tor ia Street which was open to 'boom' some property in the days when the c i t y ' s af fa i rs were managed chief ly in the interst of real estate speculators. (Vancouver News Advertiser, 9th January 1895) 4.1 Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to present an overview of neighbourhood change in the case study area. As has been argued in the previous chapter, this exercise should be viewed as being an important complement to the discussion of the po l i t i ca l act iv i ty in the neighbourhood that follows in the next chapter. In keeping with the theoretical argument outlined above, an attempt has been made to present a broad, but by no means an exhaustive overview. This chapter is organized around f ive major components of neighbourhood change. In the Pre-Second World War Period: ( i ) A brief description of the neighbourhood's geographical setting followed by a h is tor ica l sketch of i t s original settlement and subsequent development. In the Post-War period: ( i i ) An outl ine of some of the local population's demographic and socio-economic trends. ( i i i ) A discussion of the ethnic dimension of neighbourhood change, with part icular reference to the I ta l ian ethnic group in the area. (iv) An examination of both physical and socio-cultural change as i t has been manifested along the neighbourhood's re ta i l ing thoroughfare. 109 (v) A description and account of the development of each of the various 'housing environments' that are currently prevalent in the neighbourhood, and some observations about their respective futures. 4.2 Geographical Setting and Histor ical Background The area taken to define Grandview-Woodland for the purposes of this study is one that was suggested in 1964 by the United Community Services Organization (now known as the United Way) as part of i t s city-wide service provision and plan implementation strategy. This def in i t ion (see figure 4.1) has since been adopted by the Vancouver City Planning Department as an o f f i c i a l ' local area ' . Furthermore, i t has also been incorporated by a number of community organizations within Grandview-Woodland i t s e l f ; to the point that at a recent set of public hearings dealing with proposals for drawing c i ty ward boundaries, i t was avidly defended (Highland Echo, 11th March 1982). For these reasons, i t would appear to be the most appropriate. Grandview-Woodland is bounded by the Burrard Inlet to the north; and to the south, by Broadway the major cross-ci ty commercial and commuter route. Though re lat ively well connected to the c i t y ' s downtown core, the neighbourhood is ef fect ively cut off from the Strathcona and other Downtown-Eastside neighbourhoods by an industr ial 'buffer ' zone that impinges on Grandview's north-western and western fringes (see figure 3.4 for the locations of surrounding neighbourhoods). This manufacturing and warehouse belt spreads southwards and thereby, also serves to separate Grandview from the Mount Pleasant neighbourhood situated on the south side of False Creek which has undergone dramatic change in the las t few years. In contrast, to the east and south Grandview blends almost imperceptibly into the re lat ive ly homogeneous and stable single-family residential neighbourhoods of Hastings-Sunrise, Renfrew-Collingwood and Cedar Cottage. no Figure 4.1 The Boundaries of Grandview-Woodland within the  City of Vancouver, and i ts Census Sub-Divisions ( Source: Adapted from Grandview-Woodland: An  Information Handbook. Vancouver City Planning Department, 1975. ) Ill The area was or ig ina l ly alienated from the Crown in the 1860's. Later, land developers and speculators acquired d i s t r i c t lots and broke them down into c i ty blocks, streets and building lo t s . By the 1890's, v i r tua l ly a l l of Grandview had been sub-divided in this manner, thus establishing the present grid street network. However, these building lots did not attract residential development unti l the streetcar l ines began to fan out through Vancouver into i t s suburbs. With the extension of the 'Fairview be l t l ine ' streetcar service to Clark Drive, Grandview was honoured with the dist inct ion of being Vancouver's f i r s t suburb (Clement, 1976). Together with another streetcar extension in 1893 along Venables Street, the inter-urban e lec t r ic railway l ine from New Westminster to Vancouver running through Park Drive (Commercial), served to greatly expand the area convenient for settlement (see figure 4.4 for locations of street names). The f i r s t suburban homes were concentrated along the streetcar l ines and 'sk id roads'; often cl inging precariously to the creek beds and logging paths that were the remnants of the time when the area was referred to as "Woodland" (Grandview-Woodland Area Council, 1983). The "Grandview" prefix i s reputed to have been introduced at the turn of the century by one Professor Odium, the "Grand Old Man of Grandview", in a f i t of enthusiasm over the v ista that was afforded from certain points in the neighbourhood (Highland  Echo, 12th May 1934). In the next f i f teen years the scattered houses in the bush began to cohere into a d is t inct ive community. However, compared to the rapid settlement that was occuring elsewhere in the c i ty during the boom period between 1904 and 1912 that e f fect iv ly bu i l t Vancouver, Grandview1s growth was not only moderate but also unsteady (Macdonald, 1973; McCann, 1978). By 1912, almost half of the ~ lots s t i l l remained undeveloped, although rooming-houses and apartment blocks were springing up in some measure around the streetcar l i nes . Moreover, because 112 of the highly vo la t i le nature of the land market at that time, residential turnover was exceptionally high, and many of the residents did not yet own their homes (McCririck, 1981). In her study of the growth of the blue-col lar suburbs in Vancouver, McCririck makes the point that the decisions made by just a handful of local developers/speculators, who were largely composed of local professionals, shopkeepers or tradesmen, were extremely in f luent ia l in shaping the early settlement. In par t icu lar , they were responsible for the diversi ty of housing, in terms of s i ze , s ty le , and quality that was, and is s t i l l a d is t inct ive character ist ic of this neighbourhood. In the western hal f , small Victorian working-men's rooming-houses and cottages (figure 4.2) were bu i l t on 25 foot lots at the side of rough d i r t roads that rose steeply and abruptly off the False Creek ' f l a t s ' . By virtue of their poor quality design and materials, l i t t l e of this housing remains today, though a local enthusiast has ident i f ied a number of surviving houses that he claims have considerable h is tor ica l interest. More of the original housing stock can be found in the area to the east of V ic tor ia Drive and north of Grant Street as far as Venables Street, where blocks were commonly divided into 33 foot lots and sometimes larger. Situated on a topographically advantageous part of the neighbourhood, these houses (figure 4.3) were larger, so l id ly Edwardian in style and of a quality far superior to those found in other working class areas of the c i ty (Holdsworth, 1979). These were the homes of the wealthier sections of the community, part icular ly the land developers, many of whom had l ived in c i t i es before, and l e f t their mark loca l ly by giving their names to the streets (Vancouver Province, 25th May 1940). By 1907, commercial interests had focussed on Park Drive, lured no doubt by i t s streetcar l ine service. Industry was attracted to the north of Grandview-Woodland because of the harbour and Canadian Pac i f ic Railway l i ne . Figure 4.3 An Example of a House Belonging to a More Wealthier Member of the Grandview Community, c.1905 ( Source: Vancouver Ci ty Archives. ) 115 Industry also established i t s e l f along, and to the west of Clark Drive after 1910, as the Great Northern Railway and the Burlington Northern Railway u t i l i zed the material extracted from the Grandview Cut to bui ld their rai lyards while reclaiming False Creek land (Roy, 1980). During this period many fortunes were made from real estate in Grandview, with the net result that the neighbourhood experienced a gradual upgrading in i t s socio-economic status. After 1912 however, Grandview was superseded by other growth areas within the expanding Vancouver region. The newly emergent suburbs of K i ts i lano , Point Grey and Shaugnessy in the west side of Vancouver, became the most prestigious neighbourhoods in which to reside. In addit ion, with the amalgamations of the Hastings Townsite with Vancouver in 1911, Grandview was no longer the most easterly d i s t r i c t of the c i t y . These developments coupled with the depression of 1913 ef fect ively halted much of the development act iv i ty and severely deflated many of the future expectations held by the neighbourhood's residents and investors. Pr ior to the 1st World War, Grandview residents were primarily of English and Scottish stock. Thereafter, the I ta l ian , Chinese and Eastern European populations began to grow, with their "penchant for land and upward economic mobility being reflected in large capital expenditures in rebuilding old houses, often for extended family groups" (Hardwick, 1981: 132). Many of the ear l ie r wealthier sett lers meanwhile l e f t the area and either assumed the role of absentee landlord or sold outright (White, 1980). The early 1920's saw more lots vacant than occupied; even though most of the water, sewer, streetcar l ines and road surfaces had been insta l led ten years ea r l i e r . This trend was only interrupted momentarily by a brief but dramatic building boom of the mid-1920's that resulted in the construction of several large multiple-occupant bui ldings, but was soon curtai led and the slump resumed. Although the neighbourhood s t i l l lacks any buildings assigned with a 116 o f UAQTtNf . ' S S T buildings] I g B B I i D C 3 n-:L_ • i n TU m [ r ~ i p f c III!) \ j l i r a E ) IR^ K) • i d ( Source: Grandview-Woodland:  An Information Handbook. Vancouver City Planning Department, 1975. ) H H & I — 3 fw§si fge® ggt • L L • C L -> • 1111111 • 1111111111 • 11111111«11111111 < 111 • 1111111 M I 11 ff-OACV W 'A V '' — n r Figure 4.4 Distr ibution of 'H is tor ic ' Buildings within Grandview-Woodland 117 heritage status, i t i s these 'character' buildings in addition to some of the larger pre-F i rs t World War houses that would be the most l i ke l y candidates for this status (see figure 4.4). A large quantity of the exist ing larger houses were divided up into inexpensive suites or turned into cheap rooming-houses in order to provide much-needed extra income during the depression years. These conversions were permitted as the houses were ultimately due for demolition under the prescribed zoning and so fac i l i t a ted the maintenance of the large extended family networks preferred by the incoming immigrant groups. The neighbourhood was also in close proximity, and had good access to the port industries of the Burrard Inlet (especially the B.C. Sugar Refinery) and the numerous saw-milling operations that l ined the Inlet and False Creek at that time, a l l of which were the chief employers of these groups. Not surprisingly therefore, Grandview's status as Vancouver's point of entry for both newly arrived immigrants and displaced East End residents was confirmed in th is period (Marlatt and I t ter , 1979). 4.3 Post-War Demographic and Socio-Economic Trends When examining the various trends of a neighbourhood's population through time, two sets of comparisons are of part icular interest. F i r s t , we may wish to situate the experience of the neighbourhood within a wider context; and, in the case of the present study, the 'surrogate' areal def in i t ion of Grandview-Woodland derived from an amalgam of f ive census tracts (refer to figure 4.1) is compared with both the Municipality of Vancouver and the Vancouver Metropolitan Region. Second, we are also interested in the degree of intra-neighbourhood homogeneity or heterogeneity. Though the rationale behind the original drawing up of the present census tract boundaries in 1956 is not known, in the l igh t of f i rst-hand inspection of the areas that they enclose, 118 some measure of jus t i f i ca t ion can be ascribed to them today. A detailed discussion of the land use and zoning regulations of the neighbourhood wi l l be deferred unt i l a la ter point in th is chapter but for a br ief preliminary description of each of these census tracts is presented below: Figure 4.5 A Summary of the Main Land Uses and "Redevelopment Trends in each of the Census  Tracts within Grandview Woodland in 1981. Census Tract Generalized Description 50 Largely developed area of inexpensive apartments with some remaining single-family housing and commercial units. 51 Stable single-family homes with some duplexes and conversion sui tes. 54 Mixture of single-family homes and multiple-family duplexes, conversion sui tes, townhouses and a few apartments. 55 Ful ly developed, more expensive apartments and condominium units, plus a f a i r l y substantial stock of single-family and duplex housing 56 Combination of l ight industr ial and largely underdeveloped apartment land. Many surviving single-family and conversion homes. Table 4.1 Summary Table of Selected Demographic Variables for Grandview-Woodland and the City of Vancouver Po~p~u"lations, 1961 to 1981 Grandvi ew-Woodland Vancouver City 1961 1971 1981 1961 1971 1981 1. Population 35,665 41,725 41,061 384,522 426,270 414,281 2. Household Size (Average) 3.1 2.9 2.4 3.1 2.7 2.3 3. Marital Status ( % Singles) 25 30 38 28 34 39 4. Household Composition ( % c lass i f i ed as being 1 family ') 83 73 56 81 66 56 5. Family Structure* ( % ' family ' house-holds c lass i f i ed as ' 1 one parent') 18.9 14.2 * New Category introduced in T976 (Source: S ta t is t i cs Canada, Census 1961 - 1981) 120 In the post-war period the population of Grandview-Woodland steadily grew by almost 26 percent to i t s present total of 41,061 (see Table 4.1). This upward trend closely follows that for the c i ty but f a l l s a long way short of the 70 percent growth rate recorded for the Metropolitan region that includes the 'newer' suburbs (Hardwick, 1974). The bulk of the growth occurred in the 1960's, and only in the la t ter half of the 1970's was there any indication of a continuation of this trend. Within the neighbourhood, census tracts 50 and 55 experienced the most substantial growth from 1951 to 1981 (with rates of 80 and 39 percent respect ively), whilst the slowest growth was recorded in tracts 56 and 54 (with figures of 0.8 and 1.4 percent). This re lat ive ly modest growth rate to some extent conceals the dramatic changes that were concurrently taking place in the population's demographic p ro f i le . I t i s these changes rather than the population levels that have had a far greater impact upon the neighbourhood's socio-cultural structure. Table 4.2 portrays just one of these important changes, namely the changing age composition of the population. Once again, the Grandview experience paral le ls that of the c i ty as a whole. In the las t two decades there has been a large increase in the proportion and number of 'young adults' ( i . e . aged 20 - 34) in the population, to which many analysts have accredited the maturation of the post-war 'baby boom' age cohort (Mondor, 1983a). At the same time, the proportion of 'small chi ldren' ( i . e . 0 - 9 years) and to a lesser extent, the 'youths' ( i . e . 10 - 19) has steadily declined. The upper echelons have by comparison remained fa i r l y s ta t ic with a s l ight increase in the proportion of 'seniors' ( i . e . aged 65 and upwards). Grandview-Woodland does however d i f fer s igni f icant ly in the two main family oriented groups—the 'young adults' and 'small ch i ld ren ' , of which i t continues to a have a disproportionately higher share. Table 4.2  The Changing Age Structure of the  Grandview-Woodland and City of Vancouver Populations, 1961 to 1981 YEAR NET CHANGE 1961 1971 1981 1961-1981 AGE .GROUP % % G-W Van. % % G-W Van. % % G-W Van. % % G-W Van. 65+ years 35-64 yrs 20-34 yrs 10-14 yrs 0-9 yrs 10.9 14.4 35.3 37.2 21.3 19.3 13.4 13.8 18.6 15.8 11.1 13.5 29.7 34.8 28.2 24.3 14.6 15.0 16.4 12.3 12.2 15.3 30.9 33.4 34.0 30.0 12.4 12.3 10.6 9.0 +1.3 +0.9 -4.6 -3.8 +12.7 -10.7 -1.5 -1.5 -8.0 -6.8 (Source: S ta t is t i cs Canada, Census 1961-81). 122 An examination of the. changing characterist ics of the 'average' household sheds more l igh t on this issue. The size of households in the City of Vancouver has fa l len steadily in the las t two decades. Within Grandview-Woodland, census tracts 54 and 51 have figures that have remained considerably above the c i t y ' s average, ( in 1961, the average household size for these areas was 3.5 and in 1981 i t was 3 .0 . ) , whilst the other tracts are roughly comparable. By way of par t ia l ly accounting for th i s , we can refer to the data on marital status and private households. There has been a gradual r ise in the proportion of single people in the area, and, although previously less than the rest of the c i t y , i t is now approximately equivalent with i t . Understandably, a simi lar pattern may be discerned when observing the changing proportions of ' family ' and 'non-family' households as defined by the census. Although census tract 56 has now reached the point where family households are a minority, census tracts 51 and 54 s t i l l maintain a so l id majority of 79 percent. The signif icance of this fact is underlined when we consider that in comparison with Vancouver's other inner-city neighbourhoods (see figure 4.6); only Strathcona can claim to have a greater family presence (Mondor, 1983b). An important factor here is the presence in both Strathcona and Grandview-Woodland of re la t ive ly higher concentrations of those ethnic minority groups that have t radi t ional ly emphasized the importance of the family, such as the Chinese, I ta l ian and East Indian groups. Even within those households that contain fami l ies, there has s t i l l been a certain amount of erosion of the tradi t ional nuclear family unit . In 1981, the average proportion of famil ies that had single parents was some 4.7 percent greater than the city-wide average, with a peak value of 24.6 percent in census tract 56. Moving away from the demographic to the socio-economic characterist ics of the study area population, i t i s clear from Table 4.3 (based on the only data SOURCE GVRD Census D.ila Base Percent of Dwellings Occupied by Families with Children, 1981 (by Enumeration Area) H H B M Boundary of Study Area Figure 4.6 Spatial Differentiation of 'Family' Households in Vancouver, 1981 ( Source: Quarterly Review, October 1983. Vancouver City Planning Department ) CO 124 yet available) that Grandview-Woodland s t i l l remains an area of low socio-economic status. In 1981, the average household income for the area was only 78 percent of that for the Vancouver Metropolitan Region. This figure had however risen by 155 percent from 1971 compared to an increase of 145 percent for the whole region, and therefore represents a relat ive gain, though not considerable, in income for the neighbourhood. In this period, census tracts 54 and 51 maintained their position as the highest-income areas ($25,332 and $25,635 respect ively); whi lst census tract 50 effect ively slipped further back (to $15,823). A momentary glance at the income figures broken down into tenure groups w i l l reveal that an important corol lary to this areal d i f ferent iat ion is the greater preponderance of owner-occupier households (with an average household income of $25,914) in the former tracts over renters (with a corresponding figure of $15,168). In terms of occupational composition, we can see that Grandview-Woodland has only s l igh t ly upgraded. The area i s s t i l l under-represented in the key 'quaternary' sectors of employment (eg. Managerial, Administrative, and Professional occupations). As in the case of incomes, Grandview-Woodland has made re lat ive ly more ground in th is sector in the las t decade than the average for the Metropolitan region. But there is some discrepancy between these two, in that the census tracts of 54 and 51 are in this case the areas of lowest gain and census t ract 50, the area of greatest gain (with approximately a 270 percent increase). An almost identical scenario is found to ex is t , perhaps not surprisingly in educational attainment trends. The proportion of the population with some university experience has grown in Grandview-Woodland by almost 120 percent compared to 86 percent for the region as a whole, and much of this is confined to the same census tracts ( ie . 50, 56 and 55). Some of the growth might be attributed to the in-movement of students attending Simon Fraser 125 Table 4.3 Summary Table of Selected Socio-Economic  Variables for Grandview-Woodland and Vancouver Metropolitan Region Populations, 1971 to 1981 Grandview-Woodland 1971 1981 Vancouver Metropolitan Region 1971 1981 ( i ) Income $ (Average Household) 7,381 18,798 9,931 24,212 ( i i ) Occupation [% Workforce classed as 'Quaternary') 7.0 13.6 17.4 23.4 ( i i i ) Education [% Population aged 15& with University experience) 8.3 17.0 15.1 22.5 (Source: S ta t is t i cs Canada, Census 1971-1981) 126 University, which was established in.the mid-1960's in the Burnaby Mountain area to the east of Grandview-Woodland. In conclusion, although the neighbourhood of Grandview-Woodland has experienced modest growth in the post-war period, by far the most s igni f icant changes have occurred in the population's demographic p ro f i l e , especial ly i t s age and family structure. Reflecting city-wide and societal trends in general, Grandview1s family-rais ing function has been seriously undermined by the inf lux of young single or chi ld less couples into the area. It has not however reached the stage where family l i f e i s a thing of the past (a point which could be s igni f icant ly reinforced i f data from the many i l l ega l suits in the area, which usually house fami l ies, were collected by the census). At the same time, the area's socio-economic standing has probably moved up a few points due to the f inancial gains made in the 1970's by the blue-col lar sk i l l ed workers prevalent in the area, and the recent in-movement by university students. There is however, nothing in the census data to suggest any widespread or sustained rev i ta l iza t ion act iv i ty in this period. This impression has been further confirmed by the evidence thrown up by several in-depth street directory surveys that have been conducted in dif ferent sub-areas of the neighbourhood in which i f anything a certain amount of downfiltering has been detected. F ina l l y , i t i s clear from the wide range of trends between the various tracts that different parts of the neighbourhood have experienced these main trends to s igni f icant ly variable degrees. 4.4 Ethnic Group Presence: The I tal ians in Grandview-Woodland In the post-war period, Grandview-Woodland's entry function for newly-arrived immigrants was not only maintained but also strengthened. Between 1946 and 1950, Mackenzie King's Liberal government sponsored the entry into 127 Canada of over 120,000 immigrants displaced from Western, Southern and Eastern Europe and parts of As ia , some of whom served to bolster the number of immigrant families in Grandview. A look at Table 4.4 overleaf w i l l reveal that even when more frugal immigrant quotas were imposed, Grandview continued to receive large numbers of newly-arrived or more established immigrant fami l ies. In 1961, those of Br i t ish or ig in s t i l l predominated in the neighbourhood, but in s ign i f icant ly lower than average proportions for the rest of the c i ty and metropolitan region. The I tal ians followed with quite a large degree of overrepresentation compared to the c i t y . Throughout the 1960's, th is ethnic group's presence remained remarkably stable, but was succeeded nonetheless in 1971 by the rather broadly defined 'As ia t i c ' ethnic group that included the Chinese, Japanese and East Indians amongst others. Concurrently, the proportions of other ethnic minorit ies declined; ref lect ing no doubt, international and local migration trends as well as their progress in social and spatial assimilation into Canadian society. More recently, due to a change in the categories designated in the census i t is more d i f f i c u l t to state with the same kind of authority what the trends in the last decade have been. On the basis of 'Mother Tongue' (Table 4.5) we can see that Grandview-Woodland s t i l l has a less than average proportion of people of Anglo-Saxon or ig in . I t i s also probable that the number of I tal ians has fa l len in this period, whilst the Chinese group has continued to expand. Given that India and Pakistan are now amongst the major contributors to Canadian immigration, the va l id i ty of the surprisingly small figure for the proportion of Punjabi speakers may be brought into question. Within the neighbourhood, i t i s apparent that sub-areas 51 and 54 are the prime locales for ethnic minority residence; whi lst sub-areas 55 and 56 have los t a considerable amount from these groups. 128 Table 4.4 Ethnic Group Breakdown in Grandview-Woodland and Other Areas, 1961 to 197T ETHNIC ORIGIN Grandview-Woodlanc % % 1961 1971 Vancouver City % % 1961 1971 Vancouver Metropolitan Area % % 1961 1971 Br i t i sh 45.8 36.8 59.9 . 53.1 62.1 58.5 French 3.3 3.2 3.2 3.4 3.9 4.0 German 5.1 4.5 6.9 7.6 6.5 8.3 I tal ians 14.6 15.0 3.4 4.5 2.3 2.8 Netherlands 2.3 1.4 2.4 1.8 3.0 2.9 Scandinavian 5.3 3.3 4.9 3.6 5.7 4.8 Russian 1.6 0.4 1.3 0.7 1.1 0.8 Ukrainian 3.4 3.3 4.9 3.6 5.7 4.8 Pol ish 2.2 1.3 1.8 1.5 1.6 1.4 Asiat ic 7.7 17.7 5.2 10.2 3.3 5.4 Other and Non-stated 9.7 12.6 8.7 10.8 8.1 8.3 (Source: Sta t is t ics Canada, Census 1961—1971) 129 Table 4.5  Ethnic Prof i le by Mother Tongue  for Grandview-Woodland and i t s sub-areas, and  City of Vancouver, 1981 CENSUS TRACT Mother Tongue * 50 % 51 % 54 % 55 % 56 % Total % Van-couver* BRITISH 60.6 48.4 48.7 58.5 57.9 55.6 66.2 FRENCH 2.5 0.7 1.1 1.8 2.3 1.8 1.8 GERMAN 2.1 1.2 1.4 1.6 1.5 1.5 — ITALIAN 2.5 13.4 17.1 6.8 4.9 8.2 — CHINESE 12.1 23.7 20.1 16.5 18.2 17.4 --PUNJABI 1.4 0.4 0.5 0.4 0.5 0.7 --OTHER & NON-STATED 18.8 11.9 11.3 14.3 14.7 14.7 --TOTAL POPULATION 11,595 6,420 7,670 8,265 7,125 41,075 414,285 (* No data available for other groups) (Source: S ta t is t i cs Canada, Census 1981) 130 Although the Chinese and East Indian groups are now predominant among a l l the ethnic groups, in terms of stamping their own cultural motif upon the neighbourhood, i t i s the I tal ians who are s t i l l the most prominent. Consequently, i t i s this group that w i l l be the main subject of the ensuing discussion. In contrast to the population of the c i ty as a whole which has risen quite steadily during the course of the century, the I ta l ian population has grown at two d is t inc t stages, the more recent of which has been the most dramatic. Unlike the rest of Canada, Br i t i sh Columbia received very few Ital ians in the previous century. I t was not unt i l after the F i r s t World War that they began to arrive in any number, but even this f i r s t wave was halted f i r s t wave was halted abruptly by Mussolini in the 1930's. Most of the migrants in this period sett led in the 'Old' East End of Vancouver which today approximates the Strathcona neighbourhood. For some forty years this area had the densest concentration of I tal ians in the c i ty (Walhouse, 1960). In the period after the Second World war, the I tal ians not only came in far greater numbers but also from dif ferent parts of the homeland. Of the large number of I tal ians who entered Canada in the 1950's, only 10 percent ended up in Br i t ish Columbia. Almost half of these were concentrated in such resource towns as T r a i l , Nanaimo and Prince Rupert (Giese, 1966). In Vancouver, faced with the increasingly t ight competition for l i v ing space that existed in the established I ta l ian neighbourhood both within and between other ethnic minority groups, especial ly the Chinese, many newly-arrived immigrants sought newer pastures in the neighbourhood immediately to the east. In the las t two decades therefore, Grandview-Woodland has taken over as the area with the greatest concentration of I ta l ians, and in the process has earned i t s t i t l e as the ' L i t t l e I ta ly ' of Vancouver. For example, in 1971, census tracts 54 and 51 were the only tracts in the metropolitan region to have a greater than 20 pecent share of the total 131 I tal ian population within their confines. However, in comparison to the other large I ta l ian urban communities in Canada, Toronto and Montreal, Vancouver's I ta l ian community has always been more spat ia l ly diverse (Jansen and La Cavera, 1981). This feature has become even more apparent in the las t ten years as many Ital ians have evidenty l e f t Grandview-Woodland in search of the new suburbs of Greater Vancouver, expecially in North Burnaby (where 4.1 percent of the Provincial MLA Riding was c lass i f ied as having I ta l ian as a mother tongue in 1976, compared to a figure of 8.1 percent for the Vancouver East Riding, the tradit ional I ta l ian stronghold) and to a lesser extent, North Vancouver. The I tal ians as a col lect ive body have had a profound impact not only upon the social and cultural fabric of Grandview-Woodland, but also on the wider economy and society of the host nation (Rei tz, 1980). An important factor behind this impact is their re lat ive ly recent origin compared to other ethnic minority groups such as the German, the Dutch and Eastern Europeans. In consequence, as Norris in his survey of the plights of the multitude of ethnic groups in Br i t i sh Columbia has observed: They have been heavily concentrated in part icular age groups, in part icular occupations and in part icular l o c a l i t i e s ; and this concentration has helped to enforce their so l idar i ty as an ethnic group. Their associations, their churches, their cultural organizations and their expressions of ethnicity have a l l been stronger than those of most ethnic groups. Through the vigorous preservation of ethnici ty and the transmission of i t to the receiving society, they have made for themselves an important role in the new mass immigration in the evolution of Br i t ish Columbian society. Their greatest impact is yet to come (1971: 141). In the case of Grandview-Woodland we can distinguish three main sectors where this impact has been f e l t . The f i r s t and most immediate effect was in the realm of housing. In Grandview, even in the post-war era, property values stayed unfashionably low. Most of the homes only required a ' f a c e - l i f t ' and the 132 I ta l ians, spurred on by the desire to secure shelter and property for their fami l ies, were quick to take advantage of this opportunity. Working often in conjunction with their I ta l ian neighbours, they sought to recreate with the l ibera l use of stucco, plaster, masonry and wrought iron a 'home away from home1 that is today such a d is t inct ive feature of this and other neighbourhoods in which Ital ians reside (Ph i l l i p s , 1976). The 'Vancouver Special ' (figure 4.7 and 4.8) , as i t has rather cynical ly been dubbed, also featured highly productive gardens l a id out in a d is t inct ive s ty le , f u l l of grape-vines and tomato plants that were often 'guarded' by a pair of plaster l i ons . A simi lar architectural similar architectual form has also been popular amongst the Chinese and East Indian groups to which they have introduced their own culture speci f ic modifications. In many ways then we could perhaps forward the notion that the Ital ians were di rect ly responsible for in i ta t ing an 'incumbent upgrading' movement (discussed in Chapter 2, (Clay, 1979)) of some signif icance to the general appearance and respectabi l i ty of Grandview-Woodland. The more widely known rev i ta l iza t ion effect of the I tal ians has occurred in the re ta i l sector of the neighbourhood. However, a fu l l discussion of this effect w i l l be delayed unti l the next section. Perhaps the most fundamental and last ing impact of a l l has been fe l t in the socio-cultural structure of the neighbourhood and the c i t y . The Ital ians have always been one of the more ' i ns t i tu t iona l l y complete' of the ethnic communities in Canada and the United States (Jansen, 1978). In the f i r s t wave of I ta l ian immigration into Vancouver, the Roman Catholic 'Church of the Sacred Heart' and two benevolent soc iet ies, the 'Sons of I taly Mutual Aid Society' and the ' I ta l ian Mutual Aid Society ' , as well as the more specialised organization for immigrants from Venetia, the 'Venetian Benevolent Society ' , not only provided much needed material and spi r i tua l support for the I ta l ian immigrants 133 Figure 4.8 The Rea l i t y : The 'Vancouver Spec ia l ' ( Source: J.Mcintosh ) 134 when they f i r s t a r r i v e d and i n l a t e r years during the Depress ion, but a lso prof fered the e s s e n t i a l n u c l e i around which the a c t i v i t i e s of the more informal s o c i a l worlds based on strong fami ly and k i n s h i p t i e s could coa lesce . Other important sett lement landmarks that were a l s o l o c a t e d i n the heart of the o l d East End and once played a s i m i l a r ' h o s t ' f u n c t i o n were the Europe Hotel b u i l t In 1908-9 by Angelo C a l o r i , leader of the Venetian S o c i e t y (which i s c u r r e n t l y i n the process of major overhaul f o r co-op housing) and the S i l v e r S l i p p e r Dance H a l l b u i l t by the same soc ie ty i n the 1920's (Gale 1972). In the r e l a t i v e l y prosperous post-war p e r i o d , the e s t a b l i s h e d o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as the ' I t a l i a n Immigrants' A s s i s t a n c e Centre ' and the ' A u x i l a r y I t a l i a r t L a d i e s ' League of the Sons of I t a l y ' became l e s s concerned w i t h mutual b e n e f i t a c t i v i t i e s and more and more concerned w i t h the ways and means of i n t e g r a t i n g the new immigrants i n t o the community and p r o v i d i n g the resources f o r c u l t u r a l and l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s . At the same t i m e , a vast array of other o r g a n i z a t i o n s have emerged s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h these purposes i n mind. The ' I t a l i a n Folk Society of B r i t i s h Columbia' f o r example was set up i n 1974 a t the behest of the New Democratic Party (NDP), the P r o v i n c i a l government at that t ime, to f u n c t i o n as a r e l a y and c o - o r d i n a t o r y body f o r at l e a s t 50 other c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l s o c i e t i e s that inc luded i n Vancouver, the 'Famee F u r l a n e ' , the ' A s s o c i a z i o n e Nazionale A l p i n i Gruppo Di Vancouver' and the 'Abruzzesi C i r c l e ' among o t h e r s . In a d d i t i o n , a host of small a s s o c i a t i o n s based on past residence i n p a r t i c u l a r v i l l a g e s or parts of I t a l y have sprung up, i n c l u d i n g the 'Assoc iaz ione M o l i s a n a ' ( M o l i s e ) ; the ' F a m i g l i a Bagnolese' ( B a g n o l i ) ; and ' I Toscam" (Tuscany). In t rue I t a l i a n s t y l e , s p o r t i n g a c t i v i t i e s have a l s o spawned t h e i r own s o c i a l w o r l d s , from the f i e r c e l y compet i t ive Inter-Regional I t a l i a n Soccer Competition to the more sedate 'Tta l -Canadian Rod and Gun C l u b ' , the Grandview Bowling Lanes and the impromptu bocce tournaments he ld i n the various 135 parks o f Grandview-Woodland. A p e c u l i a r l y I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l cause has provided the r a t i o n a l e f o r the 200 p lus membership of the ' G a r i b a l d i C lub ' that 1s dedicated to b r i n g i n g s o c i a l i s m i n t o the p r o v i n c e , and i s a s o l i d supporter o f the NDP. In the same way that the sett lement landmarks o f a generation e a r l i e r served as an important basis f o r the s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y of the I t a l i a n s , so the most recent and comprehensive of these, the I t a l i a n C u l t u r a l Centre has a s i m i l a r f u n c t i o n . I n s t i g a t e d at the request of a former I t a l i a n consul i n Vancouver and subsequently b u i l t through the combined e f f o r t s o f I t a l i a n businessmen, merchants and labour 1n 1977, ' I I Centro 1 1s perhaps the most impressive o f a l l the c i t y ' s e t h n i c community c e n t r e s . I t i s a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t for two other reasons. F i r s t , i t s i g n i f i e s t h a t 1n a d d i t i o n t o a switch 1n o r i e n t a t i o n away from mutual support a c t i v i t i e s to the promotion o f c u l t u r a l and educational p u r s u i t s , the I t a l i a n formal s o c i a l worlds have s h i f t e d s p a t i a l l y to the 'new' East End of the c i t y (Vancouver Sun, 19th January 1974). A perusal of the d i r e c t o r y of e t h n o - c u l t u r a l organizat ions 1n B r i t i s h Columbia (Lozosky, 1975) w i l l show that o f the 18 or so I t a l i a n c u l t u r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , c lubs and churches l i s t e d f o r Vancouver, almost h a l f are based w i t h i n the boundaries of Grandview-Woodland. The map below ( f igure 4.9) suggests an important 'anchor ' r o l e played i n the neighbourhood by Commercial D r i v e i n p a r t i c u l a r , f o r many of these formal groups, and as we s h a l l present ly see, informal groups. I n t e r e s t i n g l y enough however, the I t a l i a n C u l t u r a l Centre I t s e l f has been b u i l t on a s i t e several blocks to the east of Grandview-Woodland and t h i s has prompted both c r i t i c i s m from l o c a l s and outs iders because 1t 1s I s o l a t e d from most o f the other a c t i v i t i e s ; and speculation<vthat t h i s was done d e l i b e r a t e l y to distance i t from a 'ghet to ' image. I t i s a l so apparent from the d i r e c t o r y that other s m a l l e r , 136 KEY  FORMAL A II. Centro Da V i n c i + COASCIT 8 Confrate l lanza Italo-Canadese E S t . Francis R.C. Church G Portuguese Club o f Vancouver ' Abruzzesi C i r c l e L L'Eco D ' I t a l i a (Newspaper) O Columbus Soccer Club O Spatacus A t h l e t i c Club x I ta lo-Canadian Rod & Gun Club 2 L u s i t a n i a Club INFORMAL C II Corsaro Restaurant o B r i t a n n i a B i l l i a r d s F Orlando's Restaurant H Chamine Restaurant J P o f i Bar K I t a l i a n Coffee Bar M V i c t o r i a Park Bocce Courts N A r r i v a l Restaurant P A n t o n i o ' s Restaurant R Bar Centrale S Gransasso Restaurant T L u i g i ' s Moka Restaurant U G a l l o D'Oro Restaurant w Mia C a l a b r i a Coffee Bar v Grandview Recreations B i l l i a r d H a l l y Grandview Bowling Lanes ][ ]C j 3 • I ^en^ble^r •••LYa rru—LI C IQDODDI 1C I O I ^ O P O L Z D E : ^q[i7^a>[i Figure 4.9 The Locations o f Key I t a l i a n and Portuguese  Formal and Informal Soc ia l Worlds withiTT Grandview-Woodland, 1983 137 more spat ia l l y diverse Mediterranean ethnic minority groups have based many of their organizations in Grandview-Woodland. For example, the 'Maltese Canadian Association of B . C . ' ; the ' S i c i l i a n Folcor is t ico del B . C . ' ; and the Portuguese 'Lusi tania Club of Vancouver* and 'Portuguese Club of Vancouver'. In the north-western corner of the area, the Native Indian Cultural Centre has been located in recognition no doubt of the increasing number of Native Indian famil ies that are finding homes in th is part of the c i t y , having been displaced from the Downtown-Eastside area by recent development pressures. I t i s unfortunate that the census does not contain a spec i f ic category for th is paricular group, as i t i s d i f f i c u l t to say with any certainty just how s ign i f icant the Native Indian presence i s within Grandview-Woodland. In sharp contrast, only a few formal associations (mainly churches) belonging to the Chinese or East Indian groups are l i s ted in Grandview-Woodland. The centres of the former group are located almost exclusively within the Chinatown/Strathcona area and the ethnic landmarks of the East Indians are concentrated primari ly in South Vancouver. The second s ign i f icant point associated with the Cultural Centre i s the effect i t has had upon the cohesion and unity of the I ta l ian community throughout Vancouver. In a recent series of surveys of the I ta l ians in Vancouver and Canada, Jansen has done us a great service in correcting the generally held conception of th is part icular group typ i f ied by Norr is ' comments above. For, as he states, "while Canadian society may categorize a l l persons from one country or culture as one ethnic group, individuals within that group may have an array of ident i t ies and loya l t ies " (Jansen, 1981: 77). This i s poignantly i l l us t ra ted in an extensive discussion of the events leading up toi the f inal ' opening up of the Centre, in which the Ital ian, community at a time when there was a great deal of consolidation between the various small 138 associat ions, was b i t te r l y divided by the two 1 umbrella' organizations—the ' I ta l ian Folk Society of B.C. ' and the Confratellanza Italo-Canadese'. The former supported the consul 's i n i t i a t i ve and as the ' t rue ' representative set about co-ordinating the ef for t to build the centre. Somewhat miffed by these assumptions the 'Confrate l !anza' , which was basical ly composed of three of the oldest societ ies in the c i t y ' refused to cooperate with this group and openly attacked the plans for the centre as an I ta l ian i n i t i a t i ve and therefore not deserving of any 'good' Canadian's attention and support. Jansen also notes that members of groups at either end of the socio-economic scale within his sample of I ta l ians , co l lec t i ve ly perceived that the I ta l ian Centre had been developed exclusively to serve the neeeds of the group at the other end. On a general l e v e l , Jansen concludes that there i s as much, i f not more, internal d i f ferent ia t ion within the I ta l ian community as there i s between i t and the wider society. He ascribes this to three sets of. immigrant character is t ics: the 'Or ig in ' character ist ics ( i . e . region of o r ig in , social posit ion at o r ig in , and tradi t ional ideological di f ferences); 'Immigration' character is t ics ( I .e. immigration policy and settlement intentions) and 'Dest inat ion' character ist ics ( i . e . regional and local area of settlement, acquired social pos i t ion, Canadian and foreign born, and attitudes to the policy of 'Mul t icu l tu ra l ism' ) . Of part icular signif icance to this study i s the notion of 'core-periphery' socio-spat ia l d i f ferent iat ion within the community which he introduces in the th i rd set of factors as an important ingredient for internal d i f ferent ia t ion. Spec i f i ca l l y , he associates the 'core' of lesser-educated, unski l led and semi-sk i l led , Italian-speakers within the I ta l ian comunity, with an area that roughly coincides with Grandview-Woodland. I t would appear that the mq,re wealthy middle-class sections of the I ta l ian community, have formed the main vanguard in the movement to the suburbs referred to ear l ie r in this 139 sect ion, whi ls t a largely working-class incumbent I ta l ian population has been ' l e f t behind' . In summary, in th is section we have br ie f l y described the changing ethnic composition of Grandview-Woodland, with par t icu lar reference to the I ta l ian ethnic group, which has had by far the greatest impact upon the neighbourhood. In the c lass i c Chicago school mould, we have observed in the post-war period, the processes of ' invas ion ' by the I ta l ians into Grandvew-Woodland from the crowded 'O ld ' East End, and eventual 'succession' by other ethnic minority groups par t icu lar ly the Chinese and East Indians, as certain sections of the I ta l ian community began to integrate both soc ia l l y and spat ia l ly into the wider Canadian society.^ Those that have moved out of the neighbourhood have le f t behind not only a legacy of improved and archi tectura l ly d is t inc t ive housing, but also a co l lec t ion of formal social worlds that remain as strongly entrenched in the neighbourhood as ever. F ina l l y , we have also learned that contrary to popular fancy, the I ta l ian community is s ign i f i cant ly di f ferent iated along several l i n e s , including locat ion, and th is has occasionally been manifested in overt tension between some of i t s constituent formal and informal social worlds. 4.5 Commercial Drive: Social Barometer and Cultural Magnet (a) The I ta l ians Move In Commercial Drive, or the 'Dr ive' as i t i s more affect ionately known loca l ly runs north-south throughout the whole length of Grandview-Woodland. It has functioned for the las t 70 years as the main shopping thoroughfare for local residents on both s ides, in conjunction with another commercial strip—Hastings Street, which serves the north-eastern sections of the neighbourhood but i s more usually associated with the adjacent Hastings-Sunrise neighbourhood. Commercial 140 Drive has also served as the main social and cul tural focus of the neighbourhood. Gale (1972) has documented, for the period from 1921 to 1961, the impact of the ' invading' I ta l ian immigrant famil ies upon the re ta i l and commercial establishments along Commercial Drive, both in terms of numbers and types, and also in terms of the changing*symbolic landscape of the Drive. He shows how both I ta l ian and non-Italian businesses and public inst i tu t ions in th is period, strove to accommodate the invading culture with such strategies as al ter ing the arrangement of the store, marketing spec i f ic types and brands of products, or placing I ta l ian language signs in their storefront windows. One part icular instance of adaptation that intersects with the remarks made ear l ie r about the renovation ac t i v i t i es of the I ta l ians , i s the fact that while in the 1950's and early 1960's the remainder of the c i t y ' s re ta i l i ng s t r ips were shi f t ing towards the luxury goods market, in Grandview a large number of hardware and home furnishing stores were set up (Stanf ie ld , 1979). Gale suggests that th is f i r s t , stage of adaptation was v i r tua l l y complete by the early 1960's with almost a l l of the local businesses ref lect ing in some way the invading cul ture 's influence. He also notes that there was a marked lag between the main body of I ta l ian resident ial settlement which he argues was 'dominant' by the mid-1950's, and the number of I ta l ian re ta i l ing units in the area which was s t i l l increasing at the end of his study period. Therefore, he concludes that in th is part icular case, resident ial invasion occurred independently of a d is t inc t ive business and cultural focus. In order to y ie ld information about more recent developments within the re ta i l ing sector, a storefront survey, akin to the one undertaken by Gale based on the street directory, was launched (.for the years 1962, 1972, 1976 and 1982. Perhaps the most fundamental of the survey's findings was that during a period 141 of general takeover by the large-scale and mass-market based corporate re ta i l ing f i rms, Commercial Drive has survived as one of a few bastions of the smal l . fami ly enterprises"remaining"in the Vancouver region. In the last twenty years, the number of businesses on the Drive has been remarkably stable at around 330. Furthermore, of the 331 businesses l i s t ed in 1982, 59 had been l i s ted in the same loca l i t y since 1962. An important contributory factor to th is s t ab i l i t y has been the presence of the I ta l ians both as local customers, and more s ign i f i can t l y , as merchants along the Drive. As early as 1964, the headline " I ta l ians Save Grandview", taken from a comment made by a c i ty alderman at a local meeting, appeared in a c i ty newspaper (The Province, 25th February 1964). This rev i ta l i za t ion stage in I ta l ian colonization has also recently been paid tr ibute to in an edi tor ia l that appeared in the local newpaper which stated, "much of the prosperity and the colour of the East End can be l a i d at the door of these good neighbours, who have spent countless mi l l ions of dol lars along Commercial Drive, in new construction and improvements in our business d i s t r i c t " (Highland Echo, 8th July 1982). The continuing growth of I ta l ian and Portuguese re ta i l i ng and recreational businesses (largely I tal ian) on the Drive i s portrayed in figure 4.10 which shows that the proportion of these re ta i l i ng businesses had increased by some 25 percent since 1962 to 34 percent of the total in 1982. Moreover, because most of these f i f t y or so businesses are clustered in the shopping core of the s t r ip that stretches six blocks from Charles Street to 3rd Avenue, an Impression is given of an even greater I ta l ian presence. Given what was learned about the settlement trends of the I ta l ian community during these two decades in the las t sect ion, i t i s clear that a (second ' l a g ' e f fect , that is both temporal and spa t i a l , i s currently operating. The staying-power of these I ta l ian inst i tu t ions i s made a l l the remarkable in % Retai l ing Insti tut ions Identi f iable as I ta l ian or Portuguese 40 _ 30 _ 20 10 _ p r\ Retailing Q C : Recreational and Cultural* 40 30 20 -10 No. Recreational and Cultural Institutions Identif iable as: I ta l ian or Portuguese 1 : 1 1 1 1962 '' 1972 1976 1982 YEAR * Includes Restaurants, Coffee Bars, Sporting Establishments, and Ethnic Associations and Societies Figure 4.10 Graph Depicting the Increasing Southern Mediterranean Presence along Commercial Drive ( Source: Vancouver Street Directory ) 143 l igh t of the fact that the I ta l ian population has been eelipsed in the Drive's immediate sphere of inf luence, by the Chinese and East Indian ethnic minority groups. Even in 1982, a combined total of only eight re ta i l ing and cul tural establishments oriented spec i f i ca l l y towards these Asian groups, were located in the study area. Most of these are corner stores run by small Chinese businessmen who cater to the 'convenience' goods market. The bulk of the la t te r 1s concentrated heavi ly, l i ke the Chinese cul tural associations, in the Chinatown area where "the high price of real estate i s helping to keep Chinatown pure" (Van Halm, 1983: 18). As has already been mentioned, the effect of spatial separation of the Chinese from thei r own cultural and re ta i l i ng hub in Chinatown i s largely offset by Grandview's close proximity to i t , and indeed th is is one of the neighbourhood's main attract ions for th is group. Apart from the opening of the Patel centre three years ago in Grandview, the East Indian re ta i l i ng and commercial focus appears to be polar iz ing along two thoroughfares in South Vancouver (Main Street and V ic to r ia Drive); the former of which has been the subject of a somewhat controversial scheme e l i c i t ed by a prominent East Indian businessman to turn i t into the o f f i c i a l 'Punjabi Market' for Vancouver. We can therefore appreciate that the I ta l ian businesses have managed to ward off competition from other ethnic minority groups; but how can we explain the apparent paradox of a decl ining local population base on the one hand, and a cu l tu ra l , re ta i l i ng and recreational Infrastructure which is strengthening, on the other? One possible explanation arises from the use of store names as ethnic ' s i g n a l s ' . There is even a poss ib i l i t y that one may have f i l t e red out in the process those I ta l ian businessmen that for one reason or another, perhaps in the interests of gaining wider acceptance, may have chosen a more Anglo-Saxon pref ix such as 'Old World' or 'Grandview'. The las t decade in Canada has witnessed a profound sh i f t in att i tudes and values, par t ia l l y stimulated and 144 Figure 4.11 One Example of an I ta l i an Spec ia l ty Store  that i s s t i l l 'Cu l t u re -Spec i f i c ' Figure 4.12 One Example of an I ta l i an Specia l ty Store  that is no longer as 'Cu l t u re -Spec i f i c ' ( Source: J.Mcintosh ) 145 reinforced by a government policy exp l i c i t l y encouraging Mult icultural ism. It is this policy which has no doubt prompted many other ethnic groups to adopt a far higher prof i le than previously within the mainstream of Canadian society (Anderson and Frideres, 1981). As we have seen, the Ital ians as a group have ra l l i ed par t icu lar ly strongly in these circumstances, being one of the most vocal both po l i t i ca l l y and symbolically, of a l l the ethnic minority groups. This 'coming-out' process is ref lected quite v iv id ly in the present day streetscape of Commercial Drive (two examples of which are portrayed in figures 4.11 and 4.12); and has reached the extent that one enterprising group of I ta l ian businessmen have proposed that Commercial Drive be renamed 'Garibaldi Way' in homage to the I ta l ian folk hero. Not surpr is ingly, this suggestion was nipped in the bud by the main body of local re ta i l e rs , the Grandview Merchants and Property Owners Association (Highland,Echo, 4th July 1983). A second factor is the loyalty which the Ital ians have demonstrated towards Commercial Drive. At no time is this loyalty more obvious than during the increasingly popular annual ' I ta l ian Market Day' (see figure 4.13) which for tu i tously, on the occasion of I ta ly 's World Cup victory in 1982, attracted a l i ve l y crowd of over 15,000 onto the street (The Province, 12th July 1982). On a more mundane l eve l , i t i s apparent from observation and conversations with local businessmen that the number of I tal ians along the Drive increases quite considerably at the weekends. Much of this increase can be attributed to those members of the I ta l ian community who regularly v i s i t the area from other parts of the c i t y , sometimes over great distances, to obtain those goods and services that cannot be found at their local shopping centres. A ' s a t e l l i t e ' I ta l ian shopping d i s t r i c t is however just beginning to develop along Hastings Street in North Burnaby, a growth area for the I ta l ian population. The hypothesis that an ethnic complex w i l l sh i f t i t s emphasis away from the more local ized daily 147 service provision, to one of a more special ized higher-order nature in response to th is consumer behaviour, is par t ia l l y borne out by the survey resul ts . The largest net gains in the number of outlets from 1962 to 1982 have been made by the 'restaurant and cafe' (from only 4 to 35) as well as the 'special ty food' (from 12 to 19) sectors, whilst the 'hardware' (e.g. supplies for housing renovation) and 'adult s ty le ' (e.g. shoe stores, fashion boutiques and hair s ty l i s ts ) sectors have fa l len back. This sh i f t in I ta l ian consumer demand orientation has been further reinforced by another much wider consumption trend. In the las t decade or so, the boundaries of the average person's tastes and preferences have widened quite s ign i f i cant ly , so that not only are more people spending more time and money in the act of consumption, but they are also drawing on a wider range of cultural goods and services in order to sat isfy those needs (The Financial Post Magazine, 1983). Consequently, the respect and regard for things 'ethnic ' has now become a strong motivating force for the consumer. Or, as one local commentator has wryly observed " i t has become fashionable to patronize (perhaps in both senses of the word) the ethnic businesses on the Drive" (Bulhozer, 1979:9). Many of the I ta l ian specialty stores and recreational establishments along Commercial Drive as well as the several importing companies based in Grandview's warehouse d i s t r i c t , have therefore maintained and improved their standing; not only as a result of extra-local I tal ians who come to ' r e - l i v e ' or 'preserve' their cultural heritage and social networks, but also from the increased custom of both local and city-wide non-Ital ians. This consumer trend is ref lected, and to a point, promoted in the 'community p ro f i l e ' and restaurant and cafe reviews that occasionally appear in the newspaper leisure sections and magazines. Ar t ic les l i ke the one ent i t led "Grandview Needs Only the Canals" (The Vancouver Sun, 16th June 1967) and the 148 most comprehensive of them a l l , a "Guidebook to Ethnic Vancouver" (Petr ie, 1982) are brimful of evocative and colourful descriptions of the I ta l ian specialty foods, fashions, customs and general conviv ia l i ty of Commercial Drive. One of Vancouver's best-known food c r i t i c s has in fac t , recently opened what promises to be a fa i r l y select restaurant along Commercial Drive. The local merchants have responded to this increased demand by f i r s t catering more spec i f i ca l ly to this section of the market. Thus, we have recently witnessed a prol i ferat ion of restaurants and cafes along Commercial Drive (plotted in figure 4... 10) on a scale that is staggering even when compared to the remainder of the c i t y . Recently, the merchants have entered a third stage in their settlement on the Drive which might best be described as symbol  ampli f icat ion. Par t ia l l y funded by funds from the Neighbourhood Improvement Program(NIP) (10 percent of the total allocated to the neighbourhood) many of the businessmen, though i n i t i a l l y reluctant, have sought to reinforce and develop the ' I t a l i an ' quality of the Drive in an endeavour to preserve their stores in the face of severe competition from larger suburban re ta i l ing out lets. Elaborating on techniques used a generation ea r l i e r , this has been achieved by the use of such devices as brightly-coloured awnings, old-fashioned street l igh t ing, tree-planting and bold Mediterranean looking signs, which a l l serve to confirm the outsider's preconceptions about the place. City planners have followed a simi lar tack in Part 2 of the Grandview-Woodland Area Policy Plan that deals spec i f i ca l ly with Commercial Drive, and was intended to overlap with the NIP planning (Vancouver City Planning Department, 1980). As can be seen from the summary l i s t of goals reproduced from the plan in figure 4.14, an important emphasis has been placed by the planners, in consultation with local merchants and community groups, upon the Drive's aesthetic qua l i t ies . The underlying assumption of the plan i s that Commercial Drive should be viewed as 149 Figure 4.14 Goals For Commercial Drive's Future. Maintain Commercial Drive as a d i s t r i c t re ta i l shopping centre -i . e . , providing goods and services for the residents of the neighbourhood. Enhance the Drive's unique social and physical character: re ta i l continuity, diversi ty of goods and services, ethnic emphasis, design character is t ics , pedestrian orientat ion. Reinforce the Charles Street to Third Avenue area as the shopping core of Commercial Drive. Provide of f -st reet parking and improved lane access. Improve the appearance of the dr ive. Reduce conf l ic ts between Commercial -uses and near-by residential areas: noise, t r a f f i c , parking. Promote the economic v i ab i l i t y of Commercial Drive's small-scale businesses. Encourage merchant part ic ipat ion through a Chamber of Commerce and on the Grandview-Woodland Area Council and/or other local groups. (Source: from The Grandview-Woodland Area Policy Plan, Part I I . Vancouver City Planning Department, 1980) 150 d is t inc t centre serving neighbourhood residents and a unique shopping area in Vancouver, attract ing shoppers from throughout the City and adjoining suburbs, (b) 'Discovery' Although the I ta l ian presence both in terms of magnitude and symbol is as strong now as ever, there are a number of indications that the Drive may once again be the scene of yet another ' invading' culture, from a very different social group. In a paper provocatively ent i t led "L i t t l e I ta ly . . .For How Long?", B i l l Bulhozer, a former local planner for the Grandview area observes that: Commercial Drive is the focus of an extremely diverse community, an urban environment that has always been in the process of becoming something else. The pressures for change have never been more unrelenting than they are today (1979: 4) . The "pressures for change" to which he refers have, in his mind, three fundamental root causes. The f i r s t relates to the large scale development of apartments that have wiped out substantial tracts of single-family housing, which w i l l be discussed in more detail in the next section. For now, i t should be pointed out that this development has profoundly altered the demographic structure of the Drive's local c l i en te le , and in the process has threatened i t s family-oriented stores. The second root cause is based on the expectation widely held expectation at that time, that Commercial Drive might become a target for decentralized off ice locat ion, attracted by the low rents and comprehensive 'C-2 ' zoning of the Drive. As yet , this has not proved to be that serious a threat; however, the proposed Advanced Light Rapid Transit (ALRT) station at the Broadway and Commercial Drive intersection w i l l undoubtedly spark some off ice development in the near future. The third and most pervasive causal factor in Bullhozer's opinion, is the -poss ib i l i t y of the neighbourhood being 'discovered' on a grand scale by a group of individuals that have been more t radi t ional ly associated with the west side 151 of the c i t y . The "new wave" or "counter-culture" as i t has frequently been referred to in the past (Roszak, 1968), is an amorphous and loosely connected group of students, radicals , feminists, gays, a r t i s t s , pre-, semi- and fu l l -profess ionals , amongst others, who have come to Grandview-Woodland either as v is i to rs or, eventually, as residents in search of cheap housing and something more besides. Their impact upon the neighbourhood has been two-fold. F i r s t , in the realm of housing; and second, in the various formal and informal inst i tut ions that they have helped to create in the area, part icular ly in and around Commercial Drive. It i s the la t ter of these two impacts that w i l l be the subject of discussion for the remainder of this section. The directory inventory suggests that the rather broadly defined category of 'Pub l ic ' inst i tut ions has been the sector of greatest growth, with a grand (but highly variable) total of 21 in 1982, compared to only 4 in 1962. Within th is category, a d ist inct ion was made between the o f f i c i a l government agencies and those projects that were either par t ia l l y or to ta l ly funded by the government in conjunction with charitable and voluntary associations. In both cases there has been a dramatic increase, part icular ly in the period from 1972 to 1976. Where there was once only the tradi t ional charitable organizations such as the Salvation Army and Saint Vincent de Paul, now one can bear witness to an impressive array of community support ac t i v i t i es that are indicative of the nation-wide prol i ferat ion of government funded services since the turn of the 1970's. The pull of the Britannia Community Services Centre (figure 4.17) that has been described by one of i t s organizers as a "supermarket of human resources", in addition to the ease of access ib i l i ty and rents that are especial ly low in this part of the Drive, have a l l contributed to make Grandview -the leading public service 'haven' of the east side of Vancouver. The impact of these factors has already been noted in an ear l ie r section of this chapter 152 KEY A Vancouver Indian Centre 8 Kiwassa Neighbourhood House g C The Lion's Den D Kettle Friendship Society f Eastside Family Place F B.C. Pensioner's Salvage Assn. G Christmas and Camping Bureau H Britannia Community Services Centre: (a) Local Area Planning Office (b) RRAP Office (c) Consumer Help Office (d) Immigrant Resources Office (e) Family Services Centre (f) Al Matison Lounge (Seniors) (g) Library, School, Pool, etc. i MOSAIC (Lingual Services) J NDP Constituency Office K REACH (Medical & Dental) i Greater Vancouver Library Foundn. M HSGW Homemaker Service N North Health Unit/ SWAT (Seniors) O Salvation Army Citadel P Eastside Senior's Act iv i ty Group Q Salvation Army Thri f t Shop R Ministry of Human Resources ] ] • • • • • ! m 3 • • 0 3 ( 1 1 3 E E C 3d 6Th][Ave] [~ ^ 1 Figure 4.15 The Locations of Publ icly Funded Community  Services and Support Groups within  Grandview-Woodland, 1983 153 KEY CULTURAL B New York Theatre 0 Vancouver East Cultural Centre £ Vancouver East Cable 10 T.V. R Grandview Oddfellows Hall U Vancouver East Cinema RETAILING C Uprising Breads Co-Op Bakery F Makara Arts & Graphics Co-Op G Metro Media 1 Octopus Books East L Changes Consignment Store M ' Futon Connection N People's Co-Op Bookstore O Beckman's Storefront Art Studio P Toucan Boutique Q CRS Co-Op Food Wholesalers S East End Food Co-Op T Wild West Organic Harvest Co-Op SOCIAL A Waldorf Hotel H Checkmate Gallery Cafe J La Quena Cafe K Joe's Coffee Bar v The Afterthought Cafe n • J IL [=) CZZDCZ . t z n r r z i i z Q D D D 3 " £S r u — L T • • I 1 ]| n tonanoDL: I^XJ IjirjaUlwajCZ Figure 4.16 The Locations of Important Formal and Informal — Social Worlds of the 'New Wave' within Grandview-Woodland, 1983" 154 which ident i f ied a remarkably high concentration of single-parent families in the area. Because of the temporary and uncertain nature of government funded projects, especial ly recently with the Provincial Government's ' res t ra in t ' program, there have been quite substantial turnover rates in this sector. Nonetheless the 'publ ic ' status of the section of the Drive that runs southward from Venables Street to Williams Street is s t i l l readily apparent (see figure 4.15). A fu l l e r account of the nature and signif icance of the processes behind this change w i l l be postponed unti l the following chapter. A second element of the general process of 'discovery' i s the set of 'Pr ivate ' inst i tut ions that have been either imported or created within the neighbourhood by this new wave subculture. These can conveniently be subdivided into three main sections: ' c u l t u r a l ' , ' r e ta i l i ng ' and ' s o c i a l ' , but they are in real i ty both mutually interactive and supportive. The locations of these various inst i tut ions are plotted in figure 4.16 and a spatial concentration in the same general v ic in i t y of the public groups is noticeable. The Vancouver East Cultural Centre (figure 4.18) has undoubtedly been the most s igni f icant and inf luent ia l of a l l of these inst i tut ions in the discovery of Grandview-Woodland. The "Cultch", as i t is more popularly known, originated in 1973 at a time when 'al ternat ive theatre' was beginning to take off throughout Canada. The main inst igator was a part icular ly dynamic director who was aided by an enthusiastic group of youth workers and government job creation funds. The s i t e , a recently deserted Methodist church, was suggested to him by the chairman of a local umbrella organization of housing and anti-poverty groups, who was anxious to bring theatre into Grandview-Woodland. Three d is t inct locational advantages were afforded by the the s i t e . F i r s t , the building i t s e l f could not only provide ideal space for theatrical and musical productions by virtue of i t s size and excellent accoustics, but also the Figure 4.17 A 'Pub l ic Location Leader ' : The Br i tannia Community Services Centre ( Source: J.Mcintosh ) 156 all-important environment, which the director has described as being "reminiscent of a miniature European opera house" (Waddell, 1981: 30). Second, although i t was true that Grandvew's blue-col lar population was hardly the ideal base for local support (a fact that was confirmed in the Neighbourhood Improvement Program committee's 'needs and p r io r i t i es survey' which found that theatre was ranked at the the bottom of a l i s t of f a c i l i t i e s most wanted in the neighbourhood); the recent connection of Venables Street with the Georgia viaduct permitted convenient access to the cultural centre for the west side audience, upon which the centre was, and i s s t i l l largely dependent, according to the present executive director. Third, the close proximity of Commercial Drive ensured that a mutually beneficial relationship could be developed between the centre and the numerous restaurants and coffee bars which could provide refreshment for these theatre-goers. In the period since i t s inception, the VECC has gone on not only to establ ish i t s e l f as one of the c i t y ' s most respected and innovative theatres, but has also gained national and international repute. Most of the effort today is directed towards the production of Canadian and foreign f i rs t - run plays, whilst the remainder of the time is a l lo t ted to c lass ica l and folk music concerts, as well as mime and dance. The centre is s t i l l however, very conscious of i t s role loca l l y , the continued success of the 'pay what you can' chi ldren's matinees and Christmas Craft Fairs in attracting local interest has encouraged the executive director in her attempt to par t ia l ly sh i f t the emphasis of the centre away from "straight theatre" to a truly "cultural centre" that would incorporate street theatre and increased local part ic ipat ion. On a more practical l e ve l , apart from the occasional problem over street parking, the centre s t i l l maintains a good relationship with i t s immediate neighbours. With regards to the role of the centre in promoting residential change, the executive director admits that since 157 she and several of the centre's workers had moved in to the area, many friends had followed on their recommendation. The VECC remained isolated in the 'cul tural desert' of the East End unt i l 1981 when i t was joined by the Vancouver East Cinema, a younger s is ter of a popular arts oriented cinema on the west side of Vancouver. The cinema is s t i l l owned by two East Indian brothers, but i s run by another person who i s responsible for the booking policy that brings in the more obscure re-runs and foreign language fi lms that purposely draw people form a l l over the Lower Mainland and not just the local neighbourhood (Georgia Straight, 23rd September 1983). Recent and important additions to the Drive's cultural repetoire, are the Oddfellows Ha l l , a regular venue for benefit concerts for a range of po l i t i ca l and social causes that feature some of the more progressive local rock bands: and the York Theatre which, l i ke the Vancouver East Cinema, was once an East Indian cinema (and a small repertory theatre before that) , but now special izes in video recording together with African beat and Reggae 'roots' concerts (b i l led "Live on the Drive"). In this vein, the new wave has also spawned i t s own media. The local cable-television stations for example holds a weekly magazine show ent i t led 'East Side Story' that gives an update on the latest po l i t i ca l issues and meetings. The East End based c i ty co-operative radio program 'Red Eye' has also devoted a whole morning held in the Britannia Community Centre Cafeteria, to the "scene" developing on Commercial Drive. F ina l l y , a quarterly resource directory for the Province's counter-culture cal led Common Ground contains many entries from a range of organizations in the East End, but in terms of sheer numbers lags considerably behind K i ts i lano , s t i l l , i t seems, the "counter-culture cap i ta l " of the Lower Mainland (for the 'discovery' of K i ts i lano see Ley, 1981a). In the re ta i l ing sector, the Octopus Books East bookstore is the key new 158 Figure 4.19 A Sample of the Information Notice-Board  at the 'Octopus Books East ' Store ( Source: J.Mcintosh ) 159 wave landmark along the Drive. Like i t s s is ter organization situated on 4th Avenue in K i ts i lano , this bookstore not only offers the latest in ' p o l i t i c a l ' and 'socia l movement' l i te ra ture , but also serves as an important gathering place, sometimes hosting poetry and l i terature reading sessions, and an information source, boasting one of the most comprehensive information boards for the c i t y ' s new wave (figure 4.19). In addit ion, there are a number of co-operatively run stores ('The East End Food Co-op', 'Uprising Breads' (figures 4.21 and 4.22), the 'People's Co-op Bookstore' and the 'CRS Workers Co-op'); storefront art studios ('Beckmans' and the 'Eastside Area Ga l l e ry ' ) , fashion stores ('Toucan' (figure 4.20), 'Changes' (second-hand clothes) and 'High L i fe Records') and various others in the neighbourhood. Each of these have individual ly contributed to the 'new wave streetscape' complete with a r t i s t i c graphics and a smattering of posters and notices, that has increasingly become a feature of Commercial Drive. On the social front, the new wave has been responsible not only for the strengthening of the exist ing coffee bar culture, but also the creation of a d is t inc t hybrid of i t , that is now integral to the social and cultural l i f e of the Drive. Much of the increase in the ' recreat ional ' sector along the Drive noted ear l ie r can be ascribed to the b i l l i a r d hal ls and coffee bars; the fact that eight of the nineteen b i l l i a r d parlors in Vancouver are located here is indicative of the relat ive importance to the neighbourhood. On the exter ior, apart from some minor design modifications, these b i l l i a r d hal ls look much a l i ke . However, on the inside i t is quite apparent, even from just casual inspection that the social worlds which they harbour are quite di f ferent. We can i n i t a l l y distinguish between those b i l l i a r d hal ls that are s t i l l the sole preserve of what Polsky (1967) has described as the "bachelor sub-culture", and those that have been the subject of either a part ial or total status passage and 1 6 0 Figure 4.22 The 'Upr is ing Breads' Co-Operative Bakery ( Source: J.Mcintosh ) 161 are now the domain of the new wave. The most extreme example of the former type along the Drive is the 'Grandview Recreations' b i l l i a r d hal l (figure 4.23). This is the haunt of the I ta l ian male, from an ethnic group which has preserved the bachelor sub-culture more successfully than most others. A typical scene within the hal l i s most succinctly described by Bulhozer thus: Inside the bar, l i t t l e groups of older men with greying hair and dark-coloured su i ts , s i t at the tables and harangue one another in tumultuous I ta l ian . More young men stand at the counter, drinking expresso and f ru i t drinks in tiny bot t les, smoking. From further back, beyond the doorway marked ' l ' ingresso in queso locale e reservato ai so l i membre', comes the occasional c l i ck of b i l l i a r d bal ls and more animated conversation. The walls of the bar are l ined with photographs of soccer teams, sports trophies and maps of the Calabria region of the south of I ta ly . (1979: 1). It i s here, and to a lesser extent at 'A lber t 's B i l l i a r d s ' , the 'Lusi tania ' and the ' P o f i ' bar, a l l in close proximity to each other, that the stranger ( i . e . non-Mediterranean) must be wary because the home terr i tory is most c lear ly marked and defended. At 'Br i tannia b i l l i a r d s ' adjacent to the community centre, a social world composed of youths from a variety of ethnic groups ( i . e . a 'nascent' bachelor sub-culture) can be found both within and outside the h a l l , generally earning their reputation as the " local nuisance", and frequently leaving their unmistakable mark upon the bus shelter across the road. The b i l l i a r d hall next door to the radical bookstore, on the other hand, has undergone a part ia l status passage which has been reflected in a change of name from the 'Toureira cafe' to ' Joe 's ' (figure 4.24). This is essent ial ly a Portuguese bar with a l l the obvious trappings ( i . e . glamour calendars and soccer teams on the wall) of a Southern European all-male haunt, but with an almost incongruous predominance of Anglo-Saxon males and more s ign i f i cant ly , females. It i s here where the academic can feel very much at home, playing alongside a few of the remaining Latino youths that frequent the place, and being served Figure 4.24 And Another: ' J o e ' s ' Coffee Bar ( Source: J.Mcintosh ) 163 f i r s t - ra te cappucinos by the genial Portuguese bar-tender. Although he acknowledges that the place has changed quite considerably, business i s as good as ever thanks to the presence of a group of assorted poets, ar t is ts (the corner on which 'Joes' stands was featured in a recent photographic exhibit ion ent i t led "Night for Day"), co-op workers, students, po l i t i ca l and feminist ac t i v i s t s , amongst others who now form a hefty portion of his patrons. The impact of this group is already most c lear ly evidenced in the modifications that have recently been made to the in ter ior decor of the coffee bar. Gone are a l l the Portuguese male memorabflia which have been replaced by a fresh coat of paint and the same posters and leaf le ts that populate the bookstore next door. As the photograph shows, ' Joe ' s ' exterior has also been the subject of a certain amount of redecoration in the form of a steadily expanding col lect ion of g r a f f i t i , the po l i t i ca l orientation of which would seem to suggest that those responsible were not a l l members of the ' local nuisance' group mentioned above. Indeed, 'Joes' (along with the 'Waldorf hotel-pub also in Grandview) was included in a sa t i r i ca l mock questionaire on Vancouver's feminist culture, as one of the options for a place to go after "the meeting" (Kinesis, March 1983). Although the male gay community in Vancouver is heavily concentrated in a few sub-distr ic ts of the West End, the female gay community by contrast, is not nearly as well-defined spat ia l l y . Within the East End, Grandview would appear to be a fa i r l y important area for this group, but to what extent i t i s d i f f i c u l t to say. In the las t year, two coffee bars, the 'Zagreb' and 'La Quena', have been opened nearby to ' Joes ' , spec i f ica l ly for this new wave c l ien te le , and have thereby in the process subjected the inst i tu t ion of the coffee bar to an almost total status passage. The la t ter of these two i s s t r i k ing , as i t i s a non-profit, non-sexist establishment set up by the Canadian-Latin America 164 Cultural Society for the expressed purposes of cultural celebration and po l i t i ca l discussions of Latin American and Labour issues in part icular . Back in the I ta l ian section of Commercial Drive, the 'Bar Centrale' and 'Mia Calabria' along with a host of fol lowers, appear to be catering to a more fashionable stratum of the new wave that may not be indigenous, in addition to their I ta l ian regulars. The la t ter has managed these two social worlds in a part icular ly intr iguing fashion, by physically separating them into two rooms, one with quite an ostentatious decor ( i . e . fountains, statues and luxurious chairs) designed presumably for the ' v i s i t o r s ' ; and another more modestly furnished room at the back, f u l l of old I ta l ian men who look suspiciously as i f they are gambling. This invading culture though actually quite small in terms of numbers ( i t is almost impossible to quantify their presence within the neighbourhood) has certainly done much in a re lat ive ly short period of time to rev i ta l i ze and diversify the local community's socio-cultural structure. Its presence does not appear to be widely perceived as a threat to the neighbourhood's status quo and there are few i f any reported instances of conf l ic t between the various fact ions. However, several commentators have expressed some concern about the implications that this group may have for the future of the neighbourhood. Bulhozer for one, draws the almost inevitable paral le ls between present day Grandview and the Ki ts i lano of the late 1960's that eventually went on to become an expensive trendy neighbourhoood, i t s Fourth Avenue craf t shops being replaced with designer boutiques and f i tness centres. In addit ion, a newspaper a r t i c le encouraging city-wide part ic ipat ion in the I ta l ian market-day, makes a sad reference at i t s conclusion to "L i t t l e I ta ly 's Fading Glory" (The Province, L5th -July 1980). F ina l l y , a hint of a lesson being well learned can be discerned in the following extract from an ar t i c le published in one of the province's glossy 165 leisure magazines: Ah, there's the rub. The word is out that neat things are happening over There...But when the hallucinatory gangs of street-roaming youths have been replaced in the popular imagination by well-dressed seekers after pleasure, Over There w i l l have become Over Here. And where w i l l we be able to go then for something special? (White, 1980: 109). (c) Conclusion In this section we have traced the colonization of Commercial Drive within Grandview-Woodland by two ent irely divergent social groups, as i t has been reflected in the inst i tut ions and streetscapes they have co l lec t ive ly produced. Certain s im i la r i t ies are apparent between the I ta l ian and new wave groups. Not only have they produced their own range of re ta i l ing outlets but also a col lect ion of supportive cultural and recreational f a c i l i t i e s which have been the scenes of d is t inct ive formal and informal social worlds—the coffee bar inst i tu t ion being the notable commonality between the two. As a resul t , they have both had a rev i ta l i z ing effect upon the local economy. Both have also created their own d is t inc t i ve , i f d iss imi la r , streetscapes and as a resul t , have visual ly enhanced their presence along the Drive. The net result of these two conditions is that their presence overall has appeared and s t i l l appears to be stronger than any of the other social groups l i v ing in the area, who by contrast, are much less well defined socia l ly and t e r r i t o r i a l l y . However, there are important differences between them. F i r s t , and most obvious, is the fact that their constituent members have very dif ferent soc ia l , cultural and economic backgrounds and orientations. Second, the process of colonization by the Ital ians has gone fu l l c i r c l e and w i l l l i ke l y decline in prominence as the I ta l ian ethnic group continues to assimilate and thereby disintegrate both soc ia l ly and spat ia l l y . Th*e new wave meanwhile is s t i l l in i t s genesis within this part icular neighbourhood and would seem s t i l l many years 166 away from the 'K i ts i lano prophecy' that was referred to at several points in the discussion. In addit ion, i t must also be recognized that the form and general circumstances in which the new wave has developed in the East End i s qua l i ta t ive ly , and moreover, consciously dif ferent from the one which was predominant in the west side of the c i ty a decade or more ago. F ina l l y , i t i s also interesting to note, that whereas in the case of the Ital ians there was a def ini te lag between the residential settlement of the neighbourhood and the establishment of a re ta i l ing and cultural focus, in the case of the new wave, i t would appear that th is lag may in fact have been reversed. It is probably true that the inst i tut ions currently set in place along Commercial Drive are to a certain extent s t i l l dependent on city-wide part ic ipat ion, whilst the local base develops. However, the degree of dependency upon external support i s at present, extremely d i f f i c u l t to quantify. 4.6 Evolving Residential Environments: At the Crossroads (a) Zoning History The foundations of land use zoning controls in the City of Vancouver were la id down by Harland Bartholomew and Associates, town planning consultants from St. Louis, Missouri , in their master plan for the newly amalgamated c i ty in 1929 (Vancouver Town Planning Commission, 1928). Adopting a concentric model of land use as their guide, the neighbourhood of Grandview-Woodland was absorbed by the rather generous wedge of 'three-storey multiple dwelling' (RM-3) zoning that enveloped the c i t y ' s commercial core and fr inging industr ial areas. In the f i r s t 30 years of i t s inception, the plan's effect on the c i ty was f e l t not so much in the realm of land use control but in the speci f ic design elements that i t considered to be appropriate for the landscape architecture of the "City Beaut i fu l " ; such as the need for visual coherence and variety, as well as the 167 image of c i v i c grandeur—though none of these elements was of course, that s ign i f icant for the re lat ive ly depressed communities of the East End (Todhunter, 1983). By 1963, i t was clear that the zoning leg is la t ion had had very l i t t l e impact on the housing stock in Grandview-Woodland, which remained largely single-family 'and duplex in form. Only 3 percent (700 suites) of the potential units under this zoning had been actually developed as apartment uni ts. Indeed, apart from the West End where this figure was as high as 41 per cent, this was the case in a l l of the other apartment areas in the c i t y . In an endeavour to respond to th is problem of underdevelopment, c i ty planners drew up in 1958, the 'Apartment Zoning Report', and then in 1964, a follow up to this report ent i t led 'Apartment Zoning and Commercial Centres' (Vancouver Technical Planning Board, 1964). The main thrusts of both of these reports were f i r s t , to examine the future needs of the c i ty for apartment zoning, so that this could be more r ea l i s t i ca l l y matched with the zoned supply, and second, to choose 10 residential d i s t r i c t s with exist ing commercial centres were chosen as suburban locations around which the dispersed apartment development from the West End could c luster . The effects of these recommendations upon Grandview, was that the area around Commercial Drive and F i rs t Avenue was targetted as a suburban commercial centre by virtue of i t s access ib i l i ty and t ransi t nodality. Second, the height l im i t for the multiple-dwelling units was l i f t ed from 3 to 10 storeys, endeavour to further encourage property development (the height l im i t for the apartment area in the north-east of the neighbourhood was in 1976 reduced to 3 storeys again). Third, the s t r ip of apartment zoning to the east of Commercial Drive (Commercial-Victoria) was rezoned with property-owners' approval to two-family and conversion zoning (RT-2); both because of the perceived surplus of apartment zoning in the area as a whole, and also to 168 z o n i n g m a p KEY RS-1: One Family RS-2: One Family plus conditional — Q — r use of Townhouses, _|L_JI I Duplexes and Conversion into Suites RT-2: Two Family RM-3: Multiple-Dwelling C-l : Local Commercial C-2 : Suburban Commercial M-l : Light Industrial M-2 :-Heavy Industrial CD-I: Comprehensive Development • O S ! i f 111 M I i i n 111 • • i • i • < • i m m 11 T ^ r i i i n r -Figure 4.25 Land Use Zoning within Grandview-Woodland, 1975 ( Source: Grandview-Woodland: An Information Handbook. Vancouver City Planning Department, 1975. ) 169 preserve the better quality housing found in this s t r i p . Since then, the zoning for the neighbourhood has remained stable (see figure 4.25). Only minor modifications and a certain amount of ar t iculat ion of the leg is la t ion within some of the zoning categories have subsequently been introduced during the course of the three parts of the Local Area Plan; and these w i l l be given due attention in the next chapter, (b) Development Trends As can be seen from Table 4.6 the actual land use breakdown di f fers considerably from that permitted by the zoning regulations. Only the second largest land user; ' I ndus t r i a l ' , appears to coincide both quantitatively and areal ly with the zoning leg is la t ion . Bearing in mind that the bulk of the residential development of the neighbourhood occurred before the Master Plan was introduced, i t comes as l i t t l e surprise to see that the 'Single-family ' category i s s igni f icant ly overrepresented in the area with much of the slack being taken from the 'Apartment' category. However, i t i s also apparent that in the las t two decades the proportion of single-family housing in relat ion to other dwelling types has fa l len quite considerably in Grandview-Woodland, and the City of Vancouver as a whole (see Table 4.7). In the las t decade this figure has now fa l len below the c i ty average. We can also appreciate, as in previous sections of this chapter, vast discrepancies between each of the sub-area's experiences—census tracts 51 and 54 remain so l id single-family areas, whilst tracts 50, 55 and to a lesser extent 56, have undergone rapid change . The f i r s t and most obvious ref lect ion of this change has been on the tenure divisions within the neighbourhood population. Since 1966, the gap between the c i t y ' s average proportion of owner-occupiers and-that for Grandview Woodland has continually widened. The home-owner group has gone from a majority to a minority group in the space of a decade. Only 170 Table 4.6 Land Use Breakdown of Grandview-Woodland  Comparing Permitted with Existing Land Usage Levels. LAND USE, TYPE ACRES (No.) TOTAL ACREAGE PERMITTED (%) TOTAL ACREAGE EXISTING (%) Single-Family 550.14 33.47 45.36 Duplex 11.14 4.84 0.95 Conversion 98.02 7.96 8.08 Apartment 74.25 17.82 6.12 Industrial 317.39 26.90 26.17 Commercial 75.61 3.90 6.23 Parks, Schools, Public Use etc. 121.17 4.14 7.07 (Source: Grandview-Woodland--An Information Handbook. Vancouver City Planning Department, July 1975) Table 4.7  Dwelling Type and Tenure trends  in the City of Vancouver, Grandview-Woodland and selected sub-areas, 1961 to 198T 1. Percentage of Total Dwelling c lass i f ied as 'S ingle-Fami ly ' . * YEAR Net Change 1961 1971 1976 1981 1961-81 AREA % % % % % Vancouver City 67 54 47 44 -23 Grandview-Woodl and 66 52 40 38 -28 Census Tract 50 55 30 15 13 -42 Census Tract 51 90 86 83 89 -1 2. Percentage of Total Dwellings class i f i ed as 'Owner-Occupier' .* YEAR Net Change 1961 1971 1976 1981 1961-81 AREA % % % % % Vancouver City 61 45 45 44 -17 Grandview-Woodl and 60 43 41 36 -24 Census Tract 55 58 82 74 75 -29 Census Tract 51 83 82 74 75 -8 : rounded to the nearest whole number (Source: S ta t is t i cs Canada, Census 1961-1981) 172 sub-areas 51 and 54 have managed to retain their owner-occupier majority. Most of these changes can be attributed to the redevelopment ac t i v i t i es that have occurred in the mult iple-unit (RM-3) zoned areas, part icular ly in the la t ter half of the 1970's. In 1969, only 27 single-family units were demolished, but in 1977 this figure reached a peak of 170 (the second largest in the c i ty at that time behind K i ts i lano) . With this upsurge in demolition ac t i v i t y , the total stock of Mult iple Dwelling units rose by 27 percent from 5,571 in 1975 to 7,111 in 1980. The condominium construction boom that swept the c i ty between the years 1970 and 1976 however, had a l imited impact in Grandview. The number of condominium units bu i l t in this period in the more salubrious K i ts i lano , Fairview and Mount Pleasant areas to the west was more than double that of the 565 bu i l t in Grandview-Woodland. Furthermore most of these units were bu i l t in the topographically advantageous north-eastern corners of the neighbourhood around Wall Street. Indeed, as can be seen from figure 4.26 th is is by far the most developed of the four apartment areas in Grandview, with 56 percent of i t s total acreage being redeveloped into apartments. On the basis of the number of development permit applications for private apartment units that have been received in the three years since 1979, i t would appear that this trend w i l l continue, and the area to the south of F i r s t Avenue w i l l considerably extend i t s redevelopment record. The Britannia Slopes area however, seems destined to follow a course that w i l l maintain i t s status as the least redeveloped apartment area, with over 80 percent of i t s total acreage remaining as houses. In recent years, only the short- l ived Federal government's 'Assisted Rental Program' (ARP) subsidies and accompanying tax shelters in 1976-77 have produced development, but only of a poor quality and inexpensive nature. During those two years, one third of a l l exist ing apartments in the area were constructed. Since then, only one private 173 z o n i n g m a p No. % DPA'S SUB- TOTAL APT. APT.. AREA ACRES 1980* 1980+** 1 50 56 233 2 • 37 32 144 3 30 20 13 4 38 19 538 * Percentage of Total Acres Redeveloped to Apartment **Number of Development Permit Applications for Private Market Apartment Units from 1980 onward Figure 4.26 The Location and Redevelopment Trends  of the Four Apartment Sub-Areas in Grandview-Woodland ( Source: Ronda Howard, Vancouver City Planning Department ) 174 market development of 13 units has been bu i l t . This i s part icular ly st r ik ing since the c i t y , including other East End apartment areas, experienced a record number of housing starts during the las t real estate boom that ended in 1981. When questioned on the reasons why the Britannia Slopes area was, and remains unattractive for private development, the local developers (who tend to be much smaller operations than those that have developed the West Side) have put forward the following reasons: the d i f f i cu l t y of assembling land (due to homeowners who are unwill ing to s e l l ) ; the predominance of small l o ts ; the higher rental vacancy, rates; and various negatively perceived features such as the lack of curbs, the adjacent industry and the existence of public housing projects (Dodds, 1982). With a re lat ive ly large amount of undeveloped land s t i l l remaining in the more preferable Wall Street Area, and the proposition of an ALRT station in close proximity to the south of F i r s t Avenue apartment area, i t seems fool ish in their opinion to develop in Britannia Slopes, (c) The Future We can see, therefore, that even now, the zoning by-law leg is la t ion has s t i l l had only a l imited influence in terms of constraining and encouraging redevelopment act iv i ty of any substance. While the remainder of the c i t y ' s apartment zoned areas have experienced intensive apartment and condominium construction throughout the las t decade, the neighbourhood of Grandview-Woodland has emerged re lat ive ly unscathed. At present, i t has an aggregate of 40 percent of i t s apartment-zoned areas underdeveloped, in contrast to comparative figures of 6 and 14 percent for the Fairview and Ki ts i lano inner-city neighbourhoods respectively, and 2 and 1 per cent in the suburban neighbourhoods of Marpole and Kerrisdale respectively. In the las t few years, the City Planning Department has become noticeably concerned with the problem of balancing, on the one hand, escalating demand for 175 housing stimulated by widely anticipated growth in the of f ice employment sector especial ly in the C.B.D. , and, on the other, a shrinking land base upon which to redevelop (McAfee, 1978). A number of studies have been undertaken spec i f i ca l ly to deal with this most pressing problem, and this work has recently culminated in the compilation of the c i t y ' s second Master Plan, ent i t led 'Coreplan' (Vancouver City Planning Department, 1983a). A key element in this plan i s the policy of 'densi f icat ion 1 of housing within the c i t y ' s boundaries to accommodate growth, in favour of the t rad i t ional ly held option of continued sprawl in the newer suburbs. Preliminary estimates indicate that 46,100 new housing units could be bu i l t within.Vancouver as shown in figure 4.27. About 10,900 of these would include single-detached dwellings and duplex conversions that would have to be demolished, leaving a new housing potential of 35,200 units (Mondor, 1981). Not surpr is ingly, a great deal of this potential l i es in and around Grandview-Woodland, which theoret ical ly has room for approximately 10,000 additional units according to these estimates. A major component of this increase would be absorbed through the construction of apartments and townhouses, which produce the highest net gain in terms of extra households in any given area. However, there are several fundamental problems associated with this 'hard' development strategy.. The f i r s t pertains to the appropriateness of the new housing mix. Townhouse and apartment development may be inconsistent with new housing demand i f new units are too small and otherwise inadequate. Planners have responded in part to this part icular problem by producing a series of design guidelines for interested developers and archi tects, that endeavour to accommodate famil ies in high-density multiple uni ts, but are not in any way binding (Vancouver City Planning Department, 1978). Second, the demolition of exist ing housing that may be affordable, family-oriented and of a sound qual i ty, 176 New Housing Potential for 35 200 Dwelling Units Dwelling Type Additions Demolitions Net Additions Single-Detached 2 000 6600 - 4600 Duplex and Conversion 9500 4300 5 200 Apartment and Townhouse 34 600 34600 Total Dwellings 46100 10 900 35 200 F i g u r e 4 . 2 7 S p a t i a l D i s t r i b u t i o n o f H o u s i n g C a p a c i t y w i t h i n  S p e c i f i c D w e l l i n g T y p e s f o r V a n c o u v e r ( S o u r c e : Q u a r t e r l y R e v i e w , J a n u a r y 1 9 8 1 , V a n c o u v e r C i t y P l a n n i n g D e p t . ) 177 might exacerbate the housing situation of the present occupiers who may not be suited to the new housing stock. An indication of this problem may be observed from figure 4.28, which portrays one of a group of single-family houses due to be demolished that is' daubed by the inscr ipt ion "Where w i l l the poor go? You can't hide the t ru th ! " . It is also recognized as being problematic for the c i t y ' s housing pol icy: Herein l i e s a conf l i c t in the role the c i ty is being asked to play in housing. The conf l i c t i s between pol ic ies to retain and maintain exist ing single-family communities vs. pressures to provide additional accommodation for newly formed households and the elderly (McAfee, 1975: 13). F ina l l y , as we have seen from the discussion of the Britannia Slopes area, i t i s possible and indeed probable, that the demand for th is type of accommodation in a part icular place just may not be su f f i c ien t . One of Vancouver's leading new wave writers has ventured, in an a r t i c le discussing the demise of the Ki ts i lano scene, the following strategy to deal with this problem: More as a gag than anything e lse , 'Don Juan' suggested to me that i t i s perfectly possible to create another K i ts i lano , i n , say Grandview-Woodland. Zone the whole area for aprtments; exist ing housing would be l e f t to deteriorate while the owners waited to make their k i l l i n g : almost instant affordable housing (Rossiter, 1981: 23). The spatial mismatch of supply and demand has prompted the c i ty planning department to suggest tentatively that some more economically viable sections of the west side of the c i ty that are currently zoned for single-family should be rezoned to multiple dwelling (Mondor, 1983c). Apart from the obvious po l i t i ca l ramifications engendered by this i n i t i a t i v e , i t i s also notable for the poss ib i l i t y that i t may serve to further preserve the status quo in Grandview-Woodland, to a certain extent by deflecting developer interest elsewhere in the next round of development. In l igh t of these problems, planners have considered a second 'sof ter ' Figure 4.28 A Poignant I l l u s t r a t i on of One of the  Problems Associated with Densi f icat ion  through Apartment Development at 2nd/  Woodland in the Study Area ( Source: J.Mcintosh ) 179 approach to densi f icat ion, in the 'Duplex and Conversion' zones of the c i t y . Of the net housing potential figure of 35,200 uni ts, some 5,200 or 14.8 percent, have been credited to this dwelling type category. A multiple conversion dwell ing, usually referred to as a 'conversion' i s an exist ing building converted from i t s original use (most often single-family) into a number of su i tes, housekeeping rooms and/or sleeping rooms. Conversions are allowed in most residential zoning d is t r i c t s other than single-family (RS-1), but most conversion buildings are^located in the inner-ci ty conversion areas (refer back to figure 4.27 for their areal def in i t ion) . In the 1960's when urban renewal was considered the solution to the problem of the older residential areas, the conversion zones were thought to be candidates for wholesale clearance and redevelopment. The 1970's, however, brought an appreciation of the value of conversion areas in sustaining the economic and social health of the c i t y : they provided a supply of moderate-cost and ground-oriented rental accomodation (suited for fami l ies) ; a diversi ty of buildings and residents; and a useful t ransi t ion area between areas of higher and lower densit ies. Conversion housing and lower densi t ies. Conversion housing also assisted moderate-income people to become property-owners because income from suites could help to pay the mortgage, part icular ly at a time when house prices and interest rates were in f la t ing rapidly. To protect these desirable aspects of the conversion areas, various plans and pol ic ies (such as ceasing to clamp down on i l l ega l suites) were set in place to encourage the retention of exist ing buildings and to ease the process of conversion. The guiding force behind these proposals was the now fami l iar notion that social diversi ty in the old inner-ci ty neighbourhoods could be preserved by preserving physical diversi ty (Hlavach, 1982). If redevelopment in these areas had proceeded at the intended modest rates, and with a l l due concern for design compatibil ity with the surrounding 180 neighbourhood, th is notion may have been borne out. Unfortunately, changes in market demand that have taken place in the course of the recent past have had some sal ient impacts upon the conversion areas, part icular ly on the west side of Vancouver. The K i ts i lano , South Granvi l le and Cambie areas have a l l been the locales of either rapid demolition of older property, replaced by new townhouse or duplex uni ts, or, on a smaller scale, for example in the area immediately east of City Ha l l , of authentic restoration work by a group of dedicated owners. Both forms of redevelopment are expensive and these costs are inevitably passed on to the new tenants or owners. But even without this ac t i v i t y , the market cost of older homes has been so high that a trend towards higher-income residents in these areas is already noticeable (Johnston, 1976). This physical change has also brought about quite s igni f icant social change and has thus threatened the social diversi ty goal. In Ki ts i lano for example, the "more cats than kids" syndrome now appears to prevail with only 5 percent of the new households having any children (Hlavach, 1983). ( The conversion area of Grandview-Woodland by contrast, has been the scene of a slow and patchy evolutionary process of redevelopment. Consequently, the local planning policy encapsulated in Part 1 of the Area Plan (see figure 4.29) that is based on the same principles as those espoused in the other conversion areas has proved to be far more res i l i en t in Grandview-Woodland. The basic aim of the plan was, "to reinforce the s tab i l i t y of exist ing land use in the area, and emphasize the retention and rehabi l i tat ion of exist ing housing and the improvement of services primarily for the exist ing residents" (Vancouver City Planning Department, 1979: 3) . The exist ing density of the 'Grandview-V ic to r ia 1 portion of the neighbourhood i s already higher than in much of the c i ty for several reasons: the lots are small; houses are large; secondary suites are allowed as a conditional use in most of the area (and where they are 181 SUMMARY OF GOALS Powell S t - i 1. Sing!e Family Area Maintain single family character. 2. Victoria-Tempieton Area Maintain predominance of single family and two-family housing. Maintain family character. 3 . Commercial-Victoria Area Maintain varied density of single family, two-family and conversion housing. Encourage continued divers i ty of building types. 4. Turner-Ferndale Area Encourage innovative small lo t single family housing, and continuous front-yard streetscape. Broadway Figure 4 . 2 9 The Planning Goals and Area! Extent of each of the  Zoning Sub-Divisions of the Grandview-Victoria Conversion Area ( Source: Adapted from Grandview-Woodland Policy Plan, Part 1 . Vancouver City Planning Department, 1979 ) 182 not, many have been created i l l e g a l l y ) ; and the 'Commercial-Victoria' (RT-2) section has a number of apartment buildings constructed prior to the 1960's when i t was rezoned from RM-3. The estimates derived by c i ty planners, however, infer that there is s t i l l room for some 1,880 additional housing units in this area, or about 20 percent of the c i t y ' s total gross estimate. This area also contains one of the most diverse col lect ions of housing stock, in terms of both size and architectural style and merit. The v isual ly ec lect ic streetscapes (one example of which is pictured in figure 4.30) bear testimony to the various waves of settlement that have been described during the course of th is chapter. Each group has either l e f t i t s mark, or is in the process of making i t s mark on the neighbourhood so that the scene described below i s by no means untypical: One careful ly maintained house with unpainted cedar panelling and enormous brass address numbers seems to have been an archi tect 's subject of attention. On the r ight side of the ch ic , professionally designed house is a house with pink stucco. Its wooden window frames have been replaced by modern aluminum frame windows. On the l e f t side is a 'Vancouver Spec ia l ' , an enormous stucco-finished duplex that covers most of the small backyard. (Vancouver Sun, 3rd January 1981). The most recent of these groups, the 'new wave' has been attracted either by the reasonable house prices (though East-West d i f ferent ia ls are beginning to level out), or the lower rents of the area depending on their tenure aspirations and incomes. Both are interested in the older un-renovated 'character' buildings which are s t i l l in p lent i fu l supply in this neighbourhood and, as one enthusiastic local resident remarked, "bear the unmistakable imprint of the hand of man" (Western L iv ing, February 1981: 37). The young professional, f i rs t - t ime, home buyers are part icular ly interested in the renovation potential and expansion opportunities afforded by these bui ldings, which may not only add 183 Figure 4.31 A Comprehensively Renovated Property in  Grandview's Conversion Area ( Source: J.Mcintosh ) 184 value to i t through 'sweat equity' but y ie ld much needed extra income from a rented suite to offset the mortgage. One scenario involving a couple who have recently moved into the neighbourhood from Ki ts i lano is worth quoting at length: When (they) decided to buy their own home they had to be r e a l i s t i c . Their combined incomes restrained any thoughts of a home in West Point Grey for instance, or Kerr isdale; they had no desire to commute from Vancouver's bedroom communities; K i ts i lano and the West End were b r i l l i a n t studies in poor urban planning as far as they were concerned. So they looked east, for an old house with a front porch, f i rep lace, bay window, stained glass and plenty of wood on the inside...what (they) found was a duplex priced well within their budget, which had a l l the 'necessar ies ' , more space than they had anticipated (they hope to take over the whole house within f ive years), a spectacular view of the North Shore and downtown, plus something they didn' t bargain f o r . . . " a sense of community" (White, 1980:108). This la t ter component has also been keenly alluded to by another ex-Kitsi lano renter, a lawyer who bought his Grandview home even after the period when a " k i l l i n g " could be made, but s t i l l paid less than the going rate on the west side. There i s a danger that even th is situation may become rare. As one community worker has lamented: This area was the best real-estate buy for years . . . not so today. We have just priced ourselves out of the working class area. People are suddenly becoming aware that this is good place to l i ve (Vancouver Sun, 19th January 1974). It i s interesting to note the increasing prominence of "handyman specials" with "old sty le" or " t rad i t iona l " architecture being advertised in the Mult iple L is t ing Service of the Real Estate Board of Greater Vancouver in this area. In addit ion, th is same organization has pointed to a 70 percent increase in housing sales in i t s Vancouver East area for the f i r s t quarter of 1983 over the figure for the previous year, making i t the leading community for sales growth in the metropolitan region (Real Estate Weekly, 15th Apri l 1983). 185 (d) Conclusion At present there i s l i t t l e to indicate that renovation and redevelopment act iv i ty in the Grandview-Victoria conversion area has reached comparable proportions to those of some other areas. A tour of the area w i l l reveal that the "ch ic , professionally designed house" (figure 4.31) is s t i l l very much the exception rather than the rule in th is community, though there are three notable concentrations of these properties in the Commercial-Victoria sub-area, especial ly along Venables, Parker, Napier and William Streets, the Britannia Slopes apartment area (especially in close proximity to Grandview Park and the Britannia Community Services Centre), and the Wall Street apartment area (within two or three blocks of Wall Street). This impression would t ie in favourably with the findings from the socio-economic data which hinted that the up-grading movement was only s l igh t . So for now, the main threat to the social and physical diversi ty of the neighbourhood appears to have come from and w i l l continue to come from apartment and condominium redevelopment which, as we have seen from the demographic data, has considerably reduced the number of famil ies in the apartment-zoned areas (figure 4.32). In contrast, the renovation act iv i tes of the 'new wave' in the neighbourhood may have actually contributed posit ively toward the promotion of i t s social and physical d ivers i ty . Not only have they served to upgrade the visual appearance of some of the neighbourhood's housing stock and thereby increase the values of surrounding properties, but they have also created further rental opportunities for a range of people with smaller and less stable incomes who may not wish to l i ve in apartment blocks. Furthermore, they have been responsible, as we saw in the las t section, for the generation and maintenance of a complex of social worlds that were previously not known to this area; and, as we w i l l shortly see, they have contributed s ign i f icant ly in the local po l i t i ca l arena of the neighbourhood. F ina l l y , i t Figure 4.32 One Future: A Three-Storey Apartment Block in Br i tannia Slopes ( Source: J.Mcintosh ) 187 might also be noted that, although the i n i t i a l effect of the inf lux of these young couples into the neighbourhood might i n i t i a l l y reduce the neighbourhood's density, given that many of them are planning to raise a family in the near future (which is often an important factor in their decision to buy a house), Grandview's ' fami ly ' status may in the end be preserved by this group. A l l these benefits notwithstanding, however, there is some concern amongst the planning community and elsewhere that, in the wake of another real estate revival in the c i t y , the neighbourhood may in fact go the way of Ki ts i lano and Fairview Slopes, now that the foundations of settlement have been set in place and the area is "known". But i t i s also true that several points may co l lec t ive ly serve to dampen the fu l l impact of the housing market rev iva l . F i r s t , several other areas of the c i ty have been earmarked as potential targets for extensive redevelopment. The Downtown-Eastside neighbourhood for example, has been singled out, by virtue of i t s proximity to the s i te of the 1986 World Exposition and the more permanent B.C. Place Development on the north shore of False Creek (Vancouver Sun, 7th March 1984). Second, the Local Area Plan may have more impact in Grandview than the others as i t has been assembled before the fact , rather than as in K i ts i lano , too late to manage the course of change. In addit ion, a document intended to tighten up the design regulations and incentives for RT-1 and RT-2 zoned areas which were previously flaunted so obviously, is being formulated with the Grandview case especially in mind (Vancouver City Planning Department, 1983b). The changes in the zoning provisions that are being proposed within the RT-2 zoned areas are intended, at the.same time to dissuade individual home-owners and small developers from replacing older houses with 'Vancouver Spec ia ls ' . Others are looking either towards the public sector or the "third-sector" housing option (Sigston, 1982), to preserve and consolidate the affordable and 188 family-oriented stock of the neighbourhood. The area continues to be a key location for public housing projects because of the re lat ive ly cheap land prices and the welfare f a c i l i t i e s of the Britannia Community Centre. It already has one of the highest concentrations in the Vancouver Metropolitan Region, much to the chagrin of some of the local population. For the same reasons, Grandview has also become a prominent target for co-operative housing projects, which complement the other local co-operatively run ac t i v i t i es mentioned ear l ie r . With the recent opening of the 'Lakewood' and 'Tidal F la ts ' co-ops (see figure 4.33) costing $4.2 mi l l ion and $2.2 mi l l ion respectively, the number of projects bu i l t by the Inner City Housing Society has reached f i ve , and another one is planned for 1984 (Highland Echo, 18th August 1983). In addit ion, a whole host of less formally based cooperatives ( ie . not funded by CMHC) have sprung up in the neighbourhood, especial ly in the conversion area whose presence i s belied by the numerous notices dotted about the neighbourhood advertising suites for "vegetarian, non-smoking, feminist, TM, po l i t i ca l l y correct, persons", that were once an exclusive feature of K i ts i lano . 4.7 Summary In th is chapter an overview of neighbourhood change in Grandview-Woodland based on a discussion of f ive aspects of this process, has been presented. When considered co l lec t i ve ly , the findings from each of the individual aspects blend together to provide us with a comprehensive picture of the socio-cultural dimension of the change process which can best be summarized into four d is t inct ive h is tor ica l stages: (1) Early Settlement. It i s in this period that the basic parameters df-the settlement pattern and much of the present housing stock was established. Two features of this development were of special note. F i r s t , because of the 189 uncertain and speculative nature of the real estate market at that time, development was both rapid and uneven. Second, and related to the above, the range of s i ze , quality and style of the housing stock reflected the social diversity of the local population which included members of the working, merchant and professional classes in i t s number. From the contemporary view-point, the importance of these two features is their contribution to the legacy of a housing stock of mixed qual i ty , that in many ways is and w i l l continue to be, a mixed blessing for the neighbourhood. (2) Inter-War Period. In th is period the neighbourhood entered into a land market slump. Consequently, there were only a few net additions to the housing stock. It was not, however, a period of stagnation as far as the composition of the local population was concerned. Many of the more wealthy sections of the predominantly Anglo-Saxon population l e f t the area and were replaced subsequently by an array of immigrant ethnic minority groups, as Grandview became an important port of entry for immigrants. In the process, the social diversi ty of the local population that was such an important feature a decade ea r l i e r , was in part, exchanged for a new-found cultural d ivers i ty . (3) Post-War Period. During this time the neighbourhood was subjected to changes of an even greater magnitude. Two developments associated with th is period are of part icular import. F i r s t , the I tal ians emerged as the dominant ethnic minority group, not only in terms of numbers (which subsequently f e l l ) , but also in terms of their respective impacts in the realms of housing improvement, re ta i l i ng , and formal and informal social ins t i tu t ions. Second, there has been a marked sh i f t away from the family household uni t , t rad i t ional ly the norm for this neighbourhood, towards more fragmented and single person units. A response to societal trends, and stimulated loca l ly by apartment and condominium construction of a modest scale, this has profoundly affected the 190 area's demographic p ro f i l e . Of lesser note, is the mild upgrading in the area's socio-economic status that was evident in this period. (4) Present and Future. It i s apparent from this chapter that much of the discussion, part icular ly toward the end is conducted in the future tense, indicating that the neighbourhood has not yet truly come out of the land marker slump. As was repeatedly stressed, the area s t i l l has the greatest potential for change under exist ing land use leg is la t ion in Vancouver. Set in the context of the c i t y ' s pressing need to accommodate continued household growth, two development options for the neighbourhood's future were ident i f ied. On the one hand, a 'hard' development option involving replacement of exist ing stock by higher density multiple dwellings would undoubtedly serve to accelerate the demise of the area's family status. On the other hand, a ' so f t ' option, involving conversion a c t i v i t i e s , would bring about a more organic approach to densif ication that would preserve and enhance much of the exist ing stock, whi lst creating additional residential opportunities. However, this option may also have an adverse effect upon the social diversi ty of the neighbourhood population as housing becomes increasingly expensive, so that, in the long run the neighbourhood may in fact turn fu l l c i r c l e . At present, the competition between these mutually exclusive options resembles a race conducted at a sna i l ' s pace (especially when i t i s compared to the rates of development that have been, or are now being witnessed in other areas of Vancouver, part icular ly in the inner core). If and when the land market i s stimulated, i t i s l i ke l y that the pace w i l l pick up and the implications of this upon the socio-cultural structure of the neighbourhood w i l l become immediately more profound. 191 CHAPTER 5 NEIGHBOURHOOD CHANGE AND THE LOCAL POLITICAL ARENA IN GRANDVIEW-WOODLAND We've been the Cinderella Community long enough. (A.C. Holmes, publisher of the Highland Echo, 1952) 5.1 Introduction " If we refer back to the three speci f ic research themes of the study that were stated at the beginning of Chapter 3, we w i l l observe that the contents of Chapter 4 have already gone some way towards attending to the f i r s t of these ( i . e . the changing socio-cultural structure of the neighbourhood under study). This accomplished, this chapter w i l l consider the second research theme l i s t e d , namely "the form and signif icance of the po l i t i ca l dimension of neighbourhood change". It i s primarily concerned with the assemblage of groups and associations that have formed in the neighbourhood spec i f ica l ly to deal with local po l i t i ca l matters. By focussing on the ' local po l i t i ca l arena' we may be able to obtain a unique insight into the processes, and perhaps the problems associated with, inter-group relat ions and behaviour in a changing neighbourhood, for several reasons. F i r s t , the local po l i t i ca l arena provides us with an interact ive context for those social groups residing in a neighbourhood that may not normally be interactive with each other in everyday social l i f e . Second, i t reveals something about the patterns and motives behind part ic ipat ion by members of these various groups in local po l i t i ca l a f fa i rs . F ina l l y , we can observe, and therefore begin to understand, how and why certain important decisions which affect the rest of the community are made by individuals within the groups concerned. 192 In the interests of continuity and fac i l i t a t i ng comparison, th is chapter is organized along similar l ines to the preceding chapter. An h is tor ica l schema has been adopted that analyt ical ly carves up po l i t i ca l act iv i ty in the neighbourhood, for the sake of convenience and c l a r i t y , into four d is t inc t time periods on the basis of archival and documentary evidence. The f i r s t two of these w i l l be outlined summarily under the heading of 'Early Act iv i ty ' in an endeavour to inform the ensuing discussion of the neighbourhood's po l i t i ca l t radi t ion and thereby provide an important backdrop to the more contemporary phases. The th i rd phase deals with the bir th of widespread community action and support services that stretched from the middle of the 1960's to the mid-1970's. This period wil be given a more detailed treatment for , as we shall see la te r , i t serves as an interesting overture for the fourth major phase of local p o l i t i c s . This las t phase w i l l be examined through four separate case studies, so that a f a i r l y comprehensive picture of the most recent developments within the local po l i t i ca l arena of Grandview-Woodland can be composed. Throughout the course of this chapter, the following questions w i l l be addressed: ( i ) Which groups have been involved in the local po l i t i ca l arena? ( i i ) Why were they involved? ( i i i ) What effect did their involvement have upon the issues raised and decisions made in the neighbourhood? (iv) What was the nature of the relationship within and between the group, other groups, and the rest of the neighbourhood? 193 5.2 Early Act iv i ty (a) The Pre-War Years: Isolation and Occasional Small-scale Mobil ization Transportation has always played a major role in Grandview-Woodland1 s residential and commercial development, and, not surprisingly therefore, i t has often been a major focus for community action and involvement. As early as 1907, several residents created the f i r s t of many bodies to speak on behalf of the community, the Grandview Progress Association, to demand that Commercial Drive be paved from Graveley Street to Clark Park, the c i ty l imi ts at that time. Under the exist ing s i tuat ion, many of the children had to walk to school along ra i l l ines and women f e l t they were v i r tua l l y imprisoned in the area because of the extremely l imited pedestrian access. Two years la te r , the f i r s t version of the Grandview Ratepayer's Association was launched by several of the area's leading residents in order to press for local improvements, but met with l i t t l e success. The small number and high turnover of the residents involved in these groups and other more social ly-or iented groups (e.g. the Grandview Lodge of the Oddfellows) was a ref lect ion of the recent and temporary nature of much of the settlement in Grandview as well as the importance attached to privacy by many of the residents of that day (McCririck, 1981). When the real estate slump h i t the neighbourhood just before the outbreak of the F i r s t World War, both of these organizations dwindled to nothing and the community entered into a re lat ive ly lengthy period of po l i t i ca l inact iv i ty at the local l eve l . In addition to i t s provisions for land use zoning controls and landscape design features, the Bartholomew Plan of 1928 also directed a considerable amount of attention towards the development of a Major Street Plan for the c i t y . Unfortunately, the Depression restr icted the public funds necessary to implement the Plan, part icular ly in the acquisit ion of properties in built-up areas. Consequently, of the f ive roads recommended for improvement and 194 widening in Grandview, only the First/Terminal Avenue viaduct connector to the downtown core was completed. Three times between 1930 and 1932, the Grandview ratepayers in loca l ly held plebescites rejected either the idea or the expense of this part icular project. F ina l l y , they were convinced, par t ia l l y by Mayor Gerry McGeer's proven s k i l l at handling the financing of large projects, and more than pa r t i a l l y , by the agreement of the Canadian National Railway to honour a 1910 promise that made them pay half of the cost of the bridge in exchange for their r ight of way. It is almost i ronic that a reporter at that time should wri te: Perhaps i t s very isolat ion from the c i ty compared with other d i s t r i c t s contributed to that local pride and def ini te indiv idual i ty which Grandview has never los t and which may be observed in many places in the loca l i t y yet . (The Province, 1st July 1938). Indeed, the opening of the bridge in July 1938 seems to have spurred some sections of the community out of thei r acquiescence. The recently rev i ta l ized Grandview Chamber of Commerce was quick to appreciate the economic spin-offs associated with the viaduct scheme, not only as a result of enhancing the neighbourhood's attraction as an area for new homes, but also for the new industries geared to the war ef for t . Thus encouraged, the group also anticipated siphoning off large volumes of " tour ist t ra f f i c " into the area through a proposed l ink with the Lougheed Highway that ran from the newer suburban d i s t r i c t s , which the group heart i ly supported. In the next two years, the Chamber of Commerce also made the f i r s t of a long series of pleas for a community house in Grandview-Woodland, that in this case would be financed through the sale of community debentures in return for l i f e membership (The Province, 12th February 1938). Community l i f e was also given a shot in the -arm with the formation of the Grandview Community Association which was part of a wider organization known as the 'Greater Vancouver Communities Council ' that 195 sought to stimulate social and cultural ac t i v i t i es throughout the region during and after the war. The hint of optimism creeping into the neighbourhood was demonstrated forceful ly at the enormously popular Grandview Fetes and Sports Days but was momentarily checked by the decision made by the B.C. E lect r ic Company to turn down the request made by 2,500 local residents for a bus service across the viaduct to downtown (The Province, 7th July 1941). During the Depression other sections of the community were active for very dif ferent po l i t i ca l ends. For example the Grandview CCF Club and Progressive CCF Club, sponsored regular social ac t i v i t i es , such as inv i t ing speakers and showing fi lms on the Spanish C iv i l War. Grandview-Woodland in part icular was an important stronghold for the 'Canadian Commonwealth Federation' party that successfully contested the c i v i c elections during the 1930's, before i t was ousted by the right-wing 'C iv ic Non-Partisan Association' (NPA) formed expressly "to keep parties and po l i t i cs out of c i ty h a l l " , in 1940 and subsequently withdrew from the municipal po l i t i ca l scene (Tennant, 1980). (b) The Post-War Years: Identity and Grassroots Populism. Once the war had passed, the local mood shifted back to those concerns that were beginning to emerge prior to i t s onset. The Grandview Chamber of Commerce was revived in 1949 and along with several fami l iar figures was bolstered by the infusion of some 'new blood' . These included a number of merchants who were eagerly anticipating future expansion in the area (The  Province, 1st March 1949). Almost immediately this group of 15 or so local merchants drew-up a l i s t of a dozen projects that included among other things, the imposition of parking restr ic t ions and the "brightening" of Commercial Drive, the renewed request for a l ibrary f a c i l i t y , and more police protection for their property. However, i t was not unt i l the appearance in the early part of 1952 of a provocative feature a r t i c le ent i t led "Grandview—Like an Island in 196 a Broad River" in the c i ty newspaper, that a po l i t i ca l movement of any great effect began to develop (The Province, 2nd February 1952). Indeed, in many ways this event can be viewed as an important turning point in the neighbourhood's po l i t i ca l career in the c i t y . Within a week of i t s publication an angry crowd of 800 or more local residents crammed the local theatre to pressure representatives from City Council , the Parks and School boards to address eight key policy issues in the f i r s t important stage of the "forgotten community" campaign in i t ia ted by the Chamber of Commerce. In addit ion, the neighbourhood's po l i t i ca l muscle was further flexed by the bir th of the second version of the Grandview Ratepayer's Association (The Province, 20th February 1952). Formed spec i f ica l ly by a few members of the Chamber of Commerce to take the lead in the campaign for improvements in the neighbourhood, this organization differed in that i t also included among i t s membership residents who were not local merchants. The ratepayers' group also act ively encouraged representation from other local groups such as the Lions, the PTAs, and the Grandview Legion in an endeavour to broaden i t s po l i t i ca l base and attracted a crowd of over one hundred to i t s f i r s t meeting. The f ive men who spearheaded the assault on City Ha l l , making numerous deputations to i t , included a metal worker, a baker and a labour lawyer. The las t of these, Harry Rankin, made his po l i t i ca l debut as President of the Ratepayer's Association before becoming one of the c i t y ' s most well-known and res i l i en t aldermen. In his autobiography, he describes how he and the group progressed po l i t i ca l l y during the 1950's, both in terms of strategy (by the early 1960's i t had joined forces with the comparatively more progressive Central Council of Ratepayers), and the scope of the issues i t took on (Rankin, 1975). In many ways, this was an important learning period for a group of local ac t iv is ts that would eventually coalesce into the Committee of Progressive Electors (COPE), the present left-wing c iv ic party of Vancouver. 197 The combined forces of the Chamber of Commerce and the Ratepayer's Association, backed by a large group of local residents that could be depended upon to pack a meeting or sign a pet i t ion, served at las t to project Grandview-Woodland on to the po l i t i ca l map of Vancouver. Almost immediately, concessions such as road surfacing, bus service and ornamental l ight ing were gained from the City Council that now included Alderman Syd Bowman, an ex-president of the Grandview Chamber of Commerce and one of only f ive aldermen to have hailed from Grandview before 1970. Though of no great note, these individual v ic tor ies served to generate an a i r of boosterism not known for many years along Commercial Drive that was reflected in the face l i f t ing and expansion ac t i v i t i es of many of i t s businesses (The Province, 30th October 1954). Concurrently, the Ratepayer's Association had launched a voluntary "clean-up" campaign around the neighbourhood. Local demands were, however, thwarted over the issue of the local branch l i b ra ry , which had been a major concern in the neighbourhood for over forty years. Anxious to preserve i t s funds for the purpose of relocating the main l ib ra ry , the Vancouver Library Board fended off pressure for the branch l ibrary from both the local groups in the form of a 3,000 signature pet i t ion and several stormy meetings, and from the City Council spurred no doubt by these partisan skirmishes. So the neighbourhood had to wait another twenty years for the f a c i l i t y (The Province, 17th May 1952). On the other hand, po l i t i ca l pressure for another local f a c i l i t y - - a community centre, did pay off more rapidly, and the f a c i l i t y was f i na l l y opened in 1964. The Ratepayer's Association insisted that the Parks Board should name the centre the "Grandview Community Centre" in recognition of the years of struggle that preceded i t (The Province, 14th May 1963). This task successfully completed, the Ratepayer's Association appears to have lost much of i t s momentum and was preserved from extinction only 198 momentarily when a Federal and Provincial public housing project was scheduled to be developed on an abandoned s i te that had long been promised by the Parks Board as a neighbourhood park for Grandview. In response, the "Plague City Hal l " campaign, including a 400-signature pet i t ion and several presentations to City Ha l l , was launched by a hard core of 35 ac t iv is ts who l ived in the v ic in i t y of the s i t e . The campaign was eventually rewarded by the opening of a temporary park, which was nevertheless developed as a public housing project only a year later (The Province, 7th July 1967). (c) Conclusion In th is period we have not only witnesssed the establishment of a d is t inct ive identi ty and po l i t i ca l t radi t ion in Grandview-Woodland, but also some fundamental changes in the type of po l i t i ca l act iv i ty that have taken place within i t . Before the war, the neighbourhood appears to have been physically and po l i t i ca l l y isolated form the rest of the c i t y . Action was undertaken intermittently on behalf of the community by a handful of local merchants and focussing almost exclusively on f ac i l i t a t i ng transportation i n , and through the neighbourhood. In the aftermath of the war, local po l i t i ca l act iv i ty not only gathered momentum, but also involved a broader cross-section of the local population that pursued for an increasingly broader range of issues. Although the concerns of merchants for the physical state and security of Commercial Drive were s t i l l paramount in the local po l i t i ca l arena, there were a number of indications that the whole neighbourhood's physical and social infrastructure was beginning to stake a place towards the centre of the local po l i t i ca l stage. Through experience, these groups appear to have gradually become more powerful, though the end results were usually not that spectacular. The Chamber of Commerce and the Ratepayer's Association however gradually became less prominent during the 1960's (ref lect ing a much wider structural change in North American 199 society) ; to be replaced by a new breed of community group which w i l l be discussed in the ensuing sections of this chapter. Apart from their involvement in the Neighbourhood Improvement Program (NIP) mentioned ear l ie r and the Advanced Light Rapid Transit (ALRT) issue, the merchants, as a d is t inct ive group, have a l l but disappeared from the local po l i t i ca l scene. The edi tor ia ls in the Highland Echo seem to be the sole remaining mouthpiece and testimony for this once vocal group. In them, Jack Burch, the newspaper's editor and an ex-stalwart of the Grandview Chamber of Commerce during the 1950's, regularly castigates both the merchants along Commercial Drive for neglecting the physical condition and appearance of their thoroughfare and the Federal and Provincial governments for their lack of support for small business. Many of the Ratepayer's Association members went on to form the nucleus of support for the f ledgl ing Committee of Progressive Electors (COPE), the municipal party that in the las t decade has gained s igni f icant power at c i ty h a l l . 5.3 A Social World Evolves: Community Action and the Grandview-Woodland  Area Counci l , 1964-T97T During the course of the 1960's and early 1970's the local po l i t i ca l arena in Grandview-Woodland took on a new and fundamentally different form and signi f icance. Mention has already been made of the 'publ ic discovery 1 of the neighbourhood as witnessed in the prol i ferat ion of public support agencies concentrated in storefronts along one stretch of Commercial Drive. It is now appropriate to examine the various po l i t i ca l processes that were responsible for this pro l i fe ra t ion. Although our focus w i l l continue to be primarily upon the developments as they are played out within the local po l i t i ca l arena, the analysis demands at least some consideration of the developments that were occurring concurrently at other leve ls . To this end the diagram below (figure 200 5.1) presents a summary of some of the important reforms introduced within a number of po l i t i ca l and non-pol i t ical bodies in Canada during this period. Because of the constraints of time and space, a fu l l discussion and explanation of each of these inst i tut ional changes is necessesarily precluded (see Hardwick and Hardwick, 1974; Nowlan, 1977; Axworthy, 1979 for general overviews). Furthermore, a fu l l - sca le attempt to explain the dynamics of the crucial interconnections within and between the various levels of the po l i t i ca l hierarchy, which served not only only to provide the imagination and create the f inancial and structural opportunities, but also in some instances to constrain the ac t i v i t i es of the local groups, is beyond the scope of the present project. The ramifications of these developments upon the local po l i t i ca l arena w i l l nonetheless be ident i f ied where applicable in the course of the following two sections. The most important group to have emerged during this period and probably throughout the whole of the neighbourhood's po l i t i ca l history was the Grandview-Woodland Area Council (GWAC). The 'Woodland Park Area Resources Counc i l ' , as i t was or ig ina l ly t i t l e d , was set up in 1964 at the inst igat ion of the United Community Services, the Lower Mainland's leading privately funded social agency. The Area Council (renamed three years la ter in order to gain wider acceptance local ly) was one of an increasingly large number of councils located throughout the region which subsequently became consolidated into one central consultative body known as the Conference of Local Area Couci ls. This ' local area approach', as i t came to be known, was based upon the pr inciple of stimulating local c i t izen self-help groups in a defined geographic community in partnership with the exist ing o f f i c i a l social agencies (Community Chest and Councils of Greater Vancouver, 1965). At the same time, a similar organizational approach was also gaining credence with some of the c i t y ' s Figure 5.1 Diagram Summarizing some of the Important Shif ts that took place within Selected  Organizations in the period from the mid-1960's to the early-1970's LEVEL RELEVANT BODY(S) SHIFT 1. Local Group: (a) Role (b) Concerns GWAC, ATTAC, Co-ordinatory—> Control Soc ia l—^Phys ica l 2. Private Social Agency: Al location ' United Community Services Centralized —> Decentralized 3. The University: Attitude REACH Dept. of Social Work, U.B.C. Academic —>• Ac t i v i s t Public Planning Agency: (a) Strategy (b) Scope City Planning Dept., Social Planning Dept., Central i zed —> Decentrali zed Physical Infrastructure—>Social Infrastructure 5. Municipal Govt: Approach 6. Provincial Govt: Policy Emphasis NPA, TEAM and COPE Social Credit, NDP Corporate —Consul ta t ive /Par t ic ipatory Economic —> Socia l / 'Pro-East End' Federal Govt: Urban Policy Ministry of Urban Affairs CMHC (RRAP) Urban Renewal—>Urban Rehabil i tat ion o 202 planning staf f . Consequently, one of the f i r s t actions of the f ledgl ing Social Planning department was to assign a planner spec i f ica l ly to deal with Grandview-Woodland and Strathcona and complement the community development worker already hired by the United Community Services (Egan, 1977). The public-private partnership of the c i t y ' s social agencies was thus forged and was to have a s igni f icant impact, par t icu lar ly , in Grandview-Woodland. The f i r s t f ive years or so of the Area Council 's existence were spent undergoing a fa i r l y extensive learning process. Precedents were few and far between and many of i t s ac t i v i t i es were in an experimental vein. At that stage, the Area Council was composed ent i rely of professional people, most of whom did not l i ve l oca l l y , but were working within Grandview-Woodland in a range of social agencies. Their main concern was that the Area Council should be geared to encouraging increased collaboration between the agencies in the area, so that more effect ive mechanisms for identi fying and providing for local needs could be developed. The f i r s t step, therefore, was the drafting of the 'Woodland Park Area Study' in the early part of 1966 which ident i f ied among other things the pressing need in the local community for nursery school and day-care f a c i l i t i e s , social adjustment and development programs, a l ib ra ry , and various recreational and cultural programs. The following year, the 'Halsey Report' named after a Salvation Army major who was then the president of GWAC, was commissioned jo in t ly by the Grandview and Strathcona Area Councils. The main recommendation of the report was that a community services centre would most ef fect iv ly deal ' with these needs and should therefore be immediately lobbied for (Committee on Redevelopment, Strathcona/Woodland Park Area Councils, 1967). This was essential ly the start ing point for an intensive campaign that culminated in T976 with the opening of one of the most comprehensive and innovatively designed community centres in North America (Vancouver Sun, 17th December 1975). The 203 Britannia Community Services Centre can be seen today as a monument to a part icular phase in the social and po l i t i ca l history of Vancouver's East End. As Michael CI ague, a local planner who went on to become the centre's f i r s t director has remarked in a retrospective look at i t s evolution: The real izat ion of Britannia i s due to a fortuitous mixture of awakening social consciousness on the part of key people within the bureaucracies and within growing community organizations, adequate funds, and effective strategies. Sheer good luck had a hand too (CIague, 1977: 58). Even after the community services centre project had been ef fect ively in i t ia ted with the approval of City Hall in 1968, the Area Council continued to play an important part in i t s development. Its various members were gradually accumulating the all-important po l i t i ca l 'know-how' from their involvement in a number of issues, including the 'Vancouver East Recreation Project' sponsored in 1967 by the Parks Board, the McSpadden adventure playground development in 1969, and in 1970, the controversial 'East-West' freeway debate (Pendakur, 1972). Through i t s involvement in the la t ter of these issues, the Area Council managed to str ike up useful a l l iances: f i r s t , with the Strathcona Property-Owner's and Tenant's Association (SPOTA) which was fast becoming Vancouver's (and arguably Canada's) most prominent and powerful community group; and second, with another Grandview organization cal led the Association to Tackle Adverse Conditions (ATTAC). Formed in 1969, ATTAC was composed mainly of students from the Britannia High School, many of whom were from I ta l ian or Asian families—a part icular ly important factor, given the indifference that had been displayed toward the Area Council by the adult sections of these ethnic groups. In addition to i t s work in educating and mobilizing local residents against the freeway proposals, ATTAC also worked with the Area Council to canvas for the Britannia Centre proposals. Indeed, much of the credit for the approval by 204 local residents of the by-law authorizing capital expenditure for c i ty funds for this project (the f i r s t time ever that East Vancouver residents had supported a money by-law), has been given to this organization. The nature and source of the Area Council 's po l i t i ca l strength on one level dif fered l i t t l e from that which was described in the previous phase of po l i t i ca l development within Grandview-Woodland: Their techniques were not so much an expression of the ideologies of social activism then prevalent, as they were of good old-fashioned po l i t i ca l wheeling and dealing. The numbers could be turned out for the mass protests while individual relationships were cult ivated concurrently with po l i t i c ians (Clague, 1977: 60). Nevertheless, the Area Council was beginning to show signs of an organizational and po l i t i ca l sophistication that had never before been evident in the neighbourhood. In addition to the long established private charitable organization such as the Vancouver East Lions, the Kiwanis, the Grandview Legion,as well as numerous local church organizations, the Area Council was instrumental in introducing into the local community an impressive range of progressive social support services that were either direct ly or indirect ly publicly funded. The most important of these, the 'Information Centre', was in i t ia ted as a demonstration project in November 1967 under the auspices of the Area Council and the United Community Services. The information centre in Grandview was run, when funds were avai lable, by community development workers (usually from the University of Br i t i sh Columbia's School"of Social Work) and staffed voluntari ly by local residents. It was one of some 25 or so centres that bloomed in this period across the Lower Mainland. The part icular configuration of services varied from centre to centre; however, each offerred easy access to current information about cu l tu ra l , soc ia l , recreational, educational, l ega l , medical and po l i t i ca l programs, events, f a c i l i t i e s , and 205 ac t i v i t i es in the area.. The Grandview-Woodland Information Centre appears to have been almost too successful judging by the continual reports of increasing pressure for space brought about by i t s ventures into new f ie lds such as mult-l ingual services (the or igin of MOSAIC), consumer help, ci t izenship advice, chi ldren's a id , the YWCA, and family help. In 1969, the Research, Education and Action on Community Health (REACH) c l i n i c was opened in another Commercial Drive storefront to provide regular family and individual health, dental and ger ia t r ic care, and nutr i t ional advice. The project was financed and staffed by professors and volunteer students from the School of Medicine at the University of Br i t i sh Columbia and was symptomatic of the change in attitude amongst some sections of the professional and academic community (Tonkin, 1969). Without doubt the most t e l l i ng confirmation of the Area Council 's po l i t i ca l maturity came in the f i r s t two years of the 1970's. Having campaigned successfully against the freeway proposals and launched the Britannia Planning Advisory Committee ( sp l i t equally between local c i t izens and representatives from the City Planning, Parks, and School Boards), the Area Council seems to have entered one of i t s now famil iar periods of introspection. The most immediate result of th is self-examination was the revising of the Area Council 's constitution at the annual general meeting of 1970, which required that the bulk of the membership should in future be local residents. A year la ter , the Area Council elected for the f i r s t time a board composed ent irely of local residents and was thus celebrated in a handbook produced for community ac t iv is ts in Vancouver as, "a real ly f ine example of the local people taking over" (Vancouver Urban Research Group, 1977: 67). This move was also backed up by a set of policy statements which suggested that the Area Council should str ive to be more than simply an information-exchange forum on social services, and endeavour to gain a formal voice both in what sevices were provided, and the manner in which 206 funds were to be allocated in the neighbourhood. Moreover, the mood of the council appears to have become far more committed in this period, with meetings being held on a more regular basis and a complex system of sub-committees being established. Whilst pressing for a measure of control in the al locat ion of the United Community Services funds and public grants to the area's agencies (eventually rewarded when the Provincial New Democratic Party (NDP) introduced the short- l ived Community Resource Boards in 1974), the Area Council for the f i r s t time also sought i t s own funds for general operating purposes and a source of support for other c i t i zen groups in the community. For example, in the consecutive summers after ' taking over ' , the Area Council received grants under the federally sponsored 'Opportunities for Youth' (OFY) program to i n i t i a te among other things: youth drop-ins; a series of a r t i c les in the local newspaper on problems in the area; community theatre and street fes t i va ls ; several attempts to revive the Grandview Chamber of Commerce; and the promotion of new public housing projects for elderly single women. As a direct result of this sh i f t in the membership of the Area Council , the Area Services Team, made up of representative workers in the community's "health and social services" sector, became the prime organ for the professional group's involvement in the area. Not surpr is ingly, a certain amount of confusion, and perhaps even resentment seems to have emanated not surprisingly from this camp, some of whom were used to c i t izens and professionals always meeting co l lec t ive ly as "one big happy family". In a report to the Area Council , Clague favoured the separation of these two groups, so that the c i t y ' s f i r s t a l l - c i t i z e n board could have time to "develop clear ly i t s own purposes". In addit ion, the div is ion of responsib i l i t ies in the area could be s igni f icant ly improved: the Area Services Team would operate the 207 social programs and formulate policy al ternat ives, whilst the Area Council would act as the main policy-deciding board (CIague, 1971). In conclusion, i t can be seen that on the basis of i t s original aims, the local area approach, pioneered by the c i t y ' s private and public social agencies, has enjoyed a considerable degree of success in the Grandview-Woodland neighbourhood. In par t icu lar , the development of the Britannia Community Services Centre offered, even to the most severe scept ics, a strong case for the u t i l i t y of a cooperatively-based partnership between professional planners and local c i t izens at the neighbourhood leve l . More s ign i f i can t ly , the Centre today not only ref lects past achievements in community act ion, but continues to rely heavily upon local c i t izen part ic ipat ion in conjunction with professional guidance on the Britannia Board of Management. To a certain extent, the concept of local c i t izen ' se l f -he lp ' advocated by the private and public planning bodies responsible for social services in the c i ty worked even better in the case of the Grandview-Woodland Area Council than perhaps was or ig ina l ly intended. During this evolutionary period, the Area Council was observed to have undergone three fundamental changes since i t s inception. F i r s t , and most obvious, was the composition of i t s membership which went from a l l non-resident professionals to a l l local c i t i zens . Second, associated with th is change, there was a marked sh i f t in the way in which the Area Council formally perceived i t s role in the community. Original ly conceived for the purposes of information-exchange and coordination, the organization became increasingly ambitious, demanding, and par t ia l l y acquiring, more power from the c i t y ' s private and public planning bodies in the policy-making realm of community act ion. F ina l l y , as a means to this goal, the Area Council began to establish i t s e l f as a po l i t i ca l force, not only within the local po l i t i ca l arena as a central advisory and decision-making body to other groups, but also on a 208 city-wide basis through the active lobbying of City Hall and the in i t i a t ion of al l iances with other community groups elsewhere in the c i t y . As far as accounting for these changes, we may for now raise several sal ient points. F i r s t , as was stressed at the beginning of this section, one cannot underestimate the importance of the changes occurring at higher levels in the po l i t i ca l hierarchy in providing a context favourable to the Area Council 's development. At that time, Prime Minister Trudeau's dream of building an "Athens on the Rideau" based on mass part ic ipat ion by Canadians across the country was s t i l l a dream and not an i l l us ion (Gwyn, 1980). Moreover, the NDP in Br i t i sh Columbia had gained power for the f i r s t time in 1972, and had many dues to pay for i t s loyal support in the East End; whi lst the municipal po l i t i ca l scene within Vancouver was being overhauled by the reform parties of the The Elector 's Action Movement (TEAM) and the Committee of Progressive Electors (COPE) (Tennant, 1980). Second, through their experience with * operating social programs and f ight ing local issues, the members of the Area Council , part icular ly i t s leaders, were able to derive not only a useful working knowledge and range of valuable contacts, but also a good deal of confidence from i t s numerous successes. F ina l l y , we might also note that several of the student and professional ac t iv is ts working with the Area Council in a number of capaci t ies, were evidently keen to introduce ideas and suggestions that undoubtedly influenced the more progressive factions of the Area Council membership. 5.4 A Social World Divides: Planning the Neighbourhood's Future, 1972-1983 Having successfully established in the neighbourhood a social service infrastructure of some effect and permanance, and having c la r i f i ed i t s function and legal status, the Area Council appears to have begun to sh i f t i t s 209 orientation into the realm of land use and physical planning. A strong motivating force behind this sh i f t stemmed from the fear of many of i t s members that the counci l 's efforts to date would be somewhat wasted i f a portion of the neighbourhood's incumbent population were unable to remain in the d i s t r i c t . In par t icu lar , they were concerned that the Britannia Community Services Centre, which had taken over forty years to acquire, might be enjoyed not by those for whom i t was lobbied for ( i . e . low-income fami l ies) , but by newcomers moving into the neighbourhood, who had been part ia l ly-at t racted to i t by the f a c i l i t y (Highland Echo, 12th September 1974). Furthermore, although the counci l , as we saw i n t h e previous section, had been involved in a number of individual isolated land use issues, i t had become increasingly apparent that a more comprehensive plan on a larger scale was necessary in order to deal ef fect ively with these issues. Thus the 'Community Planning Information Project' was sponsored by the Area Council at the beginning of 1972 with the stated goal, "to in i t i a te an integrated social and physical planning approach in order to improve the ab i l i t y of the Area Council to assess local needs, make decisions and strengthen and protect the community's future" (Grandview-Woodland Area Council , March 1973). That summer a group of students were hired with funds from the Federal OFY job creation scheme in a project ent i t led 'Venture in Community Col laborat ion ' , the main purpose of which was to lay the groundwork for a major planning ef fort in the Grandview area. Their tasks included: formulating guidelines for the relocation and compensation of residents expropriated from the Britannia Centre s i t e ; setting up an information booth.along Commercial Drive; producing easy-to-read zoning regulations for local residents; and helping the f ight to l im i t the expansion of a Safeway store parking lo t . Local Improvement Program (LIP) funds to hire four students in architecture and 210 planning part-time enabled the work to be continued on into the next year. Based on their research into development act iv i ty within the neighbourhood, the students distr ibuted a notice warning property-owners in the Britannia Slopes area (see figure 4.26) of the implications for them and their neighbours of accepting offers made by mortgage, trust or development companies whose land-holding ac t i v i t i es were beginning to accelerate in the area. In . conjunction with th is , several attempts were made to coordinate block meetings to discuss the redevelopment problem, but with the exception of the short- l ived West Grandview Neighbourhood Improvement Association, they proved to be largely unsuccessful. The Vancouver City Planning Department meanwhile was beginning to respond to the concern and protest that had been emerging from many sections of the c i ty as well as the 'reform' emphasis of the City Council (Horsman and Raynor, 1978). Originating from the recommendations made in a landmark urban renewal report published in 1970, the 'Local Area Planning' (LAP) program was defined as: an attempt to take a very close look at a community or neighbourhood, in view of i t s part icular needs and aspirat ions, and at the same s time, to examine these local ized concerns within the context of the problems, issues and goals of the c i ty as a whole (Vancouver City Planning Department, 1977:3). After an experimental test in the West End neighbourhood, the program was introduced on a city-wide basis in 1973 (Vancouver Sun, 8th June 1973). The Area Council, l i ke many other groups of i t s kind throughout Vancouver, real ized that here was an opportunity which they had awaited for some time, and so lost no time in pressuring City Hall to be included in the LAP program. To this end, -an extensive set of proposals were produced with the aid of the students on the LIP grant which argued that the Area Council was the appropriate body to 211 organize and coordinate a local area planning program in Grandview-Woodland in. view of i t s past experience in community and planning issues, and i t s representative and democratic board membership. In addit ion, the proposals requested that a fu l l - t ime planner should be supplied by the Vancouver City Planning Department, and as an important complement to the LAP program, the neighbourhood should also be put forward by the c i ty as a prime candidate for the recently launched 'Neighbourhood Improvement Program' (NIP). At a public meeting in the area attended by over 250 in September, 1975 these proposals were f ina l l y presented to the City Council . Not surpr is ingly, Grandview became the f i f t h neighbourhood to have a council-endorsed LAP. A report produced by the City Manager soon after this meeting, expressly to advise the C i ty ' s Standing Committee on Planning and Development (which would ultimately have to approve an o f f i c i a l Planning Advisory Committee made up of Grandview c i t i zens ) , is interesting in i t s comments on the general state of community organization in Grandview-Woodland at that time: A s igni f icant element of planning discussions in the community to this point has been an extreme suspicion of City Ha l l ' s intentions. The community's experience with the Grandview Terrace housing project, which was bu i l t on a park s i t e , and expropriation of homes for the Britannia Community Services Centre, together with a general feel ing of neglect by City Ha l l , forms the basis of the suspicion. The Planning Department considers that the best way to deal with th is suspicion is to proceed with a very open local area planning program, and to careful ly consult with neighbourhood residents prior to any c i v i c project or policy change affecting the area. (Manager's Report to the Standing Committee on Planning and Development on Grandview-Woodland Area Planning, 25th November 1975). It i s th is t radi t ion of suspicion, the seeds of which have already been outlined in an ear l ie r section, that has been attributed to the decision made by ~ the Interim Committee of c i t i zen volunteers struck at the public meeting, to 212 i ns i s t on a neighbourhood election process to form the Planning Committee proper. In previous cases, such as those of K i ts i lano , Fairview Slopes and Cedar Cottage, the City Council had selected i t s c i t i zen advisors from l i s t s of volunteers or nominees. The Grandview-Woodland Planning Committee (the 'Advisory' nomenclature was purposely dropped by the volunteers!) was thus composed of at least three elected representatives, with at least one property-owner and one tenant, from seven sub-neighbourhoods, in a conscious effort to guarantee suf f ic ient spatial and interest group representation from the neighbourhood as a whole (Bulhozer, 1976). Despite these provisions, the City Manager's concerns about the "social d iversi ty" and "communication gaps" within the community were confirmed, when the committee was greeted at the public hearing by a packed gallery of i rate local property-owners fearful of the poss ib i l i t y of a proposed down-zoning measure. The Planning Committee was nevertheless approved by a majority of aldermen (Vancouver Sun, 14th January 1976). The local planning ef for t in Grandview was given further impetus in the same year by the decision of City Council to al locate a grant of some $2.5 mi l l ion under the NIP program. Given the program's emphasis upon rehabi l i tat ion and renovation (discussed in Chapter 2) , coupled with the bel ief that the improvement of the apartment neighbourhoods should be l e f t to private developers, the 'Conversion' area to the east of Commercial Drive (see figure 5.2) was the obvious choice for the grant. In conjunction with NIP, the residents in this area were also made e l i g i b l e , i f they qualifed under income guidelines, for assistance under another federally-sponsored scheme, the Residential Rehabil i tat ion Assistance Program (RRAP). RRAP's objective was, "to improve the housing conditions for low and moderate income people through assist ing in the repair and conversion of exist ing residential buildings" 213 KEY PART 1: NIP/Conversion Area, 1976-79 PART 2: Commercial Drive, 1979-80 PART 3: Britannia Slopes, 1982-1983 PART 4: Broadway ALRT Stat ion, 1982+ Figure 5.2 The Areal Coverage of the Grandview-Woodland Area Policy Plan, Parts 1-4 ( Source: Adapted from "Draft Traff ic Policy Plan." Grandview-Woodland Area Council , 1983 ) 214 (Leithead, 1980: 17). However, in practice i t appears to have enjoyed l imited success. This is part icular ly true in Grandview-Woodland, one of the largest of the nine Vancouver RRAP areas, but with only the f i f t h largest sum - - $685,500 (mainly to home-owners), being spent on a mere 207 of the 1,295 housing units estimated to need repair in the conversion area. In K i ts i lano , on the other hand, the program proved to be quite successful (Ley, 1981). Despite the efforts of a local planner located at the Brit tannia Centre for more than f ive years, the response rate has evidently suffered, possibl ly because of the restr ic t ions or the presence of social gaps in passing on information and encouragement, engendered no doubt by the suspicions of public assistance, especial ly within the ethnic communities (Ph i l l i p s , 1979). The Planning Committee decided that as dif ferent boundaries were involved in the NIP scheme, a separate committee was clear ly required. Thanks largely to their endeavours in publ ic iz ing the planning effort l oca l l y , the Grandview-Woodland Neighbourhood Improvement Committee composed of twelve volunteers was quickly conceived at a public meeting held in the area. Although comparatively small in s i ze , this potential ly negative factor was more than offset f i r s t , by the log is t i c advantages i t afforded (the committee was to meet over 100 times over the three year period), and second, the web of informal project-oriented sub-committees i t began to weave during the course of i t s " t ravel l ing road show" in an endeavour to broaden i t s base. The committee has been judged to have been exceptionally representative of the community despite i t s small s i ze , with members mixed along age, income, sex, tenure, ethnic and geographical l ines (Guerrette, 1980). Moreover, as has rarely been the case in many other simi lar committees (e.g. the Ki ts i lano NIP committee was hopelessly sp l i t between a conservative ratepayer's group and more moderate and progressive elements), the social mix was made to work to the committee's advantage. As one 215 planner who, for a time, worked closely with the committee has remarked, "although non-committee members involved in various projects tended to champion only their own concerns, the actual members developed a remarkable ab i l i t y to act as co l lec t ive referees among potential ly conf l ic t ing interests" (Vancouver City Planning Department, 1983c: 70). This part icular feature i s made a l l the more remarkable given the presence in the committee of several "po l i t i ca l notables", as another local planner has described them, many of whom eventually went on to become candidates and in some cases, elected o f f i c i a l s representing COPE, the left-wing municipal po l i t i ca l c i v i c party. Their influence on the af fa i rs of the committee appear to have been somewhat dampened by a combination of factors including the sage counsel of the local planner, the rotation of chairpersons and the general acknowledgment that, as one more moderately placed committee member has since ref lected, "the neighbourhood should come before personal considerations". This pr incip le c lear ly reigns both in the inst igat ion by the committee of two separate 'socia l needs' surveys of a sample of the population, and the concept plan that stemmed from these and the numerous meetings held with other community groups and sub-committees (Grandview-Woodland NIP Committee, June 1977). Of the th i r ty - f i ve or so projects the NIP committee launched between the years 1977 and 1980, most were concerned with school and park improvements ( i . e . a clear orientation towards fami l ies) , two re lat ive ly 'conservative' areas, but important in the committee's eyes to demonstrate v is ib ly what could be done in the neighbourhood and thereby hopefully encourage further interest in improvement. Some sections of the community, however, s t i l l remained unconvinced. For example, the bocce courts which were prepared with the NIP funds especial ly for the old I ta l ian men who frequented Vic tor ia Park, were l e f t un-used because they preferred the "excitement caused by the uncertainty of natural grass" (Highland Echo, 24th May 1979). In a more 216 progressive vein, the committee also in i t ia ted the 'Vancouver East Scattered Co-Op' housing project, in a unique partnership of NIP (funds to purchase s i t es ) , RRAP (funds to renovate propert ies), LAP (zoning modified to allow i n - f i l l i n g ) , CMHC (Mortgage funding and consultation) and the Inner City Housing Society (funds and planning). I t i s somewhat i ronic that the coordination between LAP and NIP should be rendered that much more convenient when the former was subsumed by the la t ter towards the end of 1977, as much of the pressure for bringing NIP to Grandview-Woodland had emanated from the Planning Committee as a means to protect the area's single family character in the face of encroaching apartment development. Although there had been some measure of consensus in the Planning committee on a number of issues, many of i t s members were attracted by the powerful f inancial incentive of NIP funds, and the comparative refuge i t offered from the rezoning controversy that was raging in the area to the west of Commercial Drive (an extended discussion of this part icular issue w i l l be delayed unt i l the next section). In 1978, City Hall planners, themselves a l i t t l e shellshocked by the rezoning issue, carved Grandview-Woodland into four neighbourhood areas for intensive planning, with an emphasis on the production of an 'Area Policy Plan' for each sub-neighbourhood (consult figure 5.2 for their areal del ineation). Not surpr is ingly, the Conversion Area was the f i r s t sub-area selected (refer back to figure 4.29 for a summary of planning goals) in Part 1 of the Area Plan (Vancouver City Planning Department, 1979). The NIP Committee was again the chief consultative group in Part 2 of the Plan which focussed on Commercial Drive (refer back to figure 4.14 for a summary of i t s planing goals): The committee was also instrumental in launching the street beautif ication scheme along the Drive which was discussed ear l ie r (Vancouver City Planning Department, 1980). 217 During this period the Area Council appears to have floundered due to a combination of external and internal forces. Although the Council had played a crucial role in preparing the groundwork and promoting both LAP and NIP, once the Planning Committee with which the Area Council had wielded some influence had folded, the planning i n i t i a t i ve for the whole community lay firmly in the hands of the NIP Committee, which as we have just seen was proving to be quite successful. Moreover, with the creation of the Vancouver East Community Resources Board by the Provincial NDP government in 1975, a considerable degree of power over the al locat ion and distr ibut ion of social services for which the -j Council had mainly been responsible was removed, to the chagrin of many of i t s members. In par t icu lar , much of the Council 's efforts in 1975 were devoted to wrangling over control l ing interests of the Information Centre which was scheduled to relocate within the brand new Britannia Centre. Even today, a few Area Council members have blamed the demise of this f a c i l i t y on i t s incorporation within the centre. As a result of these inter-agency con f l i c t s , the Area Council was rather uncharacterist ical ly d i rect ly involved in only one issue of any consequence throughout 1975 and 1976, the assistance of local residents in protesting the improper establishment of an half-way group home in the area. Thus rel ieved of many of i t s previous obl igat ions, the Area Council appears to have entered into another transitory period of introspection which, in stark contrast to the f i r s t phase discussed in the preceding section of this chapter, was characterized by dramatic internal div is ion and dissension between i t s members. This internal s t r i f e is displayed quite v iv id ly in the minutes and correspondence of 1977 where the bulk of meetings seems to have been devoted to debating the 'proper' role and function of the Council. Only in this year do we notice instances of s p l i t votes, motions that were amended beyond recognition, 218 and frequent resignations and sometimes reinstatements by members d is i l lus ioned with the seemingly eternal in- f ight ing. The catalyst in the area counci l 's f i s s i on , and indeed the community as a whole, was the ever-prominent 'rezoning' issue which came to a head in 1977. As a result of this issue the Area Council found i t s e l f at f i r s t , caught between two opposing polar interest groups ( i . e . property-owners and tenants). These same two factionseventually penetrated inside the Area Counci l , to the point that i t was unable to function co l lec t ive ly any more. This fact was made painful ly clear when the renewal of the contract with the Department of Consumer and Corporate Affairs for the Consumer Help Of f ice, normally a f a i r l y mundane task, fa i led to be completed because of the internal bickering. An important clue to the div is ion that plagued the Area Council for much of 1977 is given in a section of a br ief presented to i t s members by one of the leading protagonists of the right-wing faction on the future of the organization: The ideological base for the continuous donnybrooks during our meetings appears to be caused by a "good-guy bad-guy" syndrome where the good-guys demand that the Area Council adopt the po l i t i ca l position of a majority of the board members upon issues of community or c i v i c concern. The bad guys