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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Towards a theory of urban vitality Maas, Paul R. 1984

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TOWARDS A THEORY OF URBAN VITALITY By PAUL R. MAAS M.R.A.I.C. A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES . School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 198^ © PAUL R. MA AS 198^ a 6 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date i M o - s y DE-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT This thesis is concerned with defining urban vitality; creating an explanatory model of its processes and determinants; and using the model to explain perceived variances in vitality between four districts of Vancouver British Columbia. It derives a definition by selecting characteristics which occur frequently in descriptions of oft-quoted archetypical vital urban areas. The definition maintains that urban vitality is the synergy arising from a "variety" of somewhat "unique" commercial and entertainment opportunities, and a dense socially heterogeneous pedestrian population. The investigation into processes and determinants, begins by sub-deviding the pedestrian population into locals, hinterland visitors, and tourists. It notes that when significant numbers of all three groups regularly use an area, it attains a genius loci, a quintessential of vitality. Since large numbers of non-locals are intrinsic to the phenomenon , the investigation ponders their attraction and finds that they seek goods, services, and experiences, which are significantly "different" from those available in their own areas . Then since such commercial activities and experiential environments arise to satisfy people's needs, it follows that they occur initially, in response to the demands of groups of "unique local" residents and workers. Further, a "variety" of such facilities, must be the response to the demands of a "diversity" of groups with sufficient within-group homogeneity, size, and purchasing power to surmount the customer thresholds which ensure business profitability. The factorial ecologists have demonstrated that the processes of residential segregation which create such distributions, arise in response to both local and societal influences affecting factors such as socio-economic status, ethnicity, life-cycle stage and familism. Thus the size and segregating characteristics of the local population are held to be the determinants of vitality. After developing the model, the thesis surveys four commercial areas in Vancouver to test its explanatory power. It concludes that the amount of vitality evident in each centre, correlates to the size, and number of unique social groups within its local population. For example the European stores, chic boutiques, and local services on Robson Street are a response to several social groups past and present; the environmental attractions of Water Street, are the results of locals of yesteryear; and the limited vitality in the other two areas is due to insufficient between-group heterogeneity in one instance and an apparent incomplete invasion/succession cycle in the other. It is believed that the model represents a first step in the evolution of a theory, which warrants further testing and refinement. • • • 1 1 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE ABSTRACT ii LIST OF TABLES viii LIST OF FIGURES ix LIST OF PLATES x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  xi INTRODUCTION 1 Scope 2 Method 3 Footnotes 1 - 3 4 " 3 cont. 5 CHAPTER 1 Characteristics of Urban Vitality a a definition 6 1.1 Pedestrian density 6 1.1.1 Pedestrian heterogeneity 7 1.1.2 Pedestrian behaviour 8 1.1.3 Pedestrian continuity 10 1.2 Activities 11 1.3 Variety of opportunities 12 1.3.1 Uniqueness of opportunities 14 1.4 The environment 16 1.5 Chapter summary and conclusions 18 1.6 Definition 19 Notes 4.5. 20 CHAPTER 2 The Evolution of Urban Vitality - A Theory 21 2.1 The pedestrian population 23 2.1.1 Trip origins of pedestrian population 23 2.1.2 Size of pedestrian population 24 2.1.3 Heterogeneity of pedestrian population 27 2.2 Variety, quality and uniqueness of physical and social environment 30 2.2.1 Social environment 30 2.2.2 Physical environment 32 2.3 Number and variety of experiential opportunities 38 2.4 Genius loci 44 2.5 Amount and variety of unique goods and services 49 2.5.1 Agglomeration of commercial enterprises 51 2.6 Summary of factors in Figure 5 54 2.7 The critical role of non-locals 55 2.8 Attraction of tourists 58 2.9 Attraction of hinterland visitors 64 2.10 Number and magnetism of intervening opportunities 70 2.11 The role of the local population 74 2.11.1 The local workforce and commercial and experiential opportunities 74 2.11.2 The local residents and commercial and experiential opportunities 80 2.11.3 The role of the local residents in attracting variety 89 2.12 Local densities, purchasing power and zoning and rents 94 2.12.1 Density of locals 94 2.12.2 Aggregate purchasing power and appropriate zoning and rents 98 2.13 The Determinants 102 2.13.1 The emergence of a variety of unique homogeneous population clusters 102 2.14 The decline of vitality 110 2.15 Vitality in North American cities post 1920 111 Notes 6 - 8 116 " 9-17 117 CHAPTER 3 The model applied 119 3.1 The chosen areas 119 3.1.1 Water Street 124 3.1.2 Robson Street 132 3.1.3 Kerrisdale centre (W. 41st, Ave.) 139 3.1.4 The Indian Market (Junction of 49th, and Main) 145 3.2 The Survey objectivies 146 3.3 Survey method 149 3.4 Survey findings 155 3.4.1 The manifestation of vitality 155 3.4.2 Pedestrian density 155 3.4.3 Pedestrian heterogeneity 155 3.4.4 Experiential opportunities 155 3.4.5 Continuity 156 3.4.6 Variety of unique goods and services 156 3 .4. 7 Degree of vitality 159 3 .5 Comparison with the explanatory model 162 3 .5. 1 Robson Street and Water Street 162 3 .5. 2 Kerrisdale and the Indian Market 166 3 .6. Chapter summary and conclusion 170 CHAPTER 4 4.1 Conclusions 172 4.2. Policy recommendations 173 Suggestions for further research 177 Notes 18-20 178 " 21-24 179 BIBLIOGRAPHY 180 APPENDIX A - questionnaires 213 Pedestrian survey (form) 214 Shopkeeper survey (form) 218 Survey results - pedestrians 222 Survey results - shopkeepers 227 APPENDIX B - maps of establishments in survey areas 230 APPENDIX C - Density calculations 241 APPENDIX D - Social index maps 247 APPENDIX E - Census tracts used in "local" population calculations 253 APPENDIX F - Shopping behaviour 25^  LIST OF TABLES Table# Page 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Constructs and indicants of vitality Densities of pedestrians Ethnic characteristics of pedestrians Employment characteristics of pedestrians Age characteristics of pedestrians Available goods and services Trip purpose Trip purchases Trip orgins Residential locations of pedestrians 148 152 153 153 154 158 160 160 161 161 LIST OF FIGURES Figure # Page 1 Pedestrians and vitality 22 2 Environment and vitality 29 3 Experiences and vitality 37 4 Sense of place and vitality 43 5 Unique goods and services 48 6 Tourists and vitality 57 7 Hinterlanders and vitality 63 8 Interveing opportunities 69 9 Local population and vitality 73 10 Density and purchasing power 93 11 Residential segregation and vitality 101 12 Optimization of vitality 109 13 Map of Vancouver and survey sites 118 14 Social area map - socio-economic status 214 15 " " " ethnicity 215 16 " t i n familism 216 17 " " " mobility 217 la. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 LIST OF PLATES Water Street looking West it tt tt tt East West Robson Street looking West East " " " West " " " East Kerrisdale (W. 41st) looking East " " " West " " " East Indian Market (Main) Looking South North East \ Acknowledgements This thesis is dedicated to my wife Pat, without whose help, advice, and encouragement, it would not have been realised. Sincere thanks are also given to Professor Brahm Wiesman, for "taking a chance"; Dr George Gray for constant exhortations to "break the problem open"; and Dr. Setty Pendakur and Tom Hutton for advice and encouragement. Thanks also to the following for survey assistance: Pat Maas, Justin Maas, Ravi Pendakur, Elizabeth Coates, Tim Bird, Rob Chisholm, and Dan Mulligan. INTRODUCTION Throughout history certain places in the central areas of cities, have attracted large numbers of people, to trade, to talk, to eat, to be entertained, or simply to watch other people. Such areas seem to celebrate the quintessence of city-life, and have often been interpreted as the manifestation of the community's state of well-being. Thus cities are described as "dynamic" or "dead" dependent upon the vitality of their downtowns, and irrespective of the fact that these districts represent only a small proportion of the city's built-form (Ley 1983 :133, Rapoport 1982 :153, Porteous 1977 :117, Brambilla and Longo 1977 :25, Vance 1966 : 119, Boyce 1969 : 2 5 7 ) . In many North American cities, the magnetism of such places is perceived to have declined and large public expenditures have been directed at "revitalization". These public inducements have often stimulated the renewal of buildings and caused the escalation of land values, but they have rarely succeeded in restoring the economic viability, excitement, and social intercourse, which has historically characterized such places. It is an • assumption of this thesis that the relative failure of revitalization policies may be a consequence of inexact problem definition, and an inadequate understanding of the processes which create and sustain urban vitality. The purposes of this thesis therefore, will be to: 1) Identify the major characteristics of Urban Vitality 2) Determine the processes and major determinants of the phenomenon 3) Suggest optimum opportunities for successful public intervention. Ley (1983 :156), Toffler (1970 :221) Backerman (1983 :7), and Hardwick (1984), have drawn attention to the growing importance of "experiential opportunities" in the culture of the consumer society. Greenbie (1976), Rapoport and Kantor (1967), Smith (1974), and others, have suggested that studies of the human brain, reveal that city environments which provide a variety of areas for both stimulation and ennui, are essential for mental health. An enquiry into the processes and determinants of urban vitality with its rich experiential component, is therefore opportune, and complementary to the objective of increasing the effectiveness of publicly financed revitalization projects. SCOPE Proposals for urban revitalization have addressed a wide range of city issues including, increased employment opportunities, renewed service infrastructure, replacement of obsolete buildings, a revised social order, and many others (Rosenthal 1980, Morley et.al. 1980, Bryce 1979). It may be argued therefore, that the subject is too generalized to support meaningful research. It is suggested however, that although the term "urban vitality" can legitimately include all of the concerns described above, there is a "collective conciousness", a consensus, among people generally, that the phrase normally refers to a phenomenon epitomized by European market-places, Eastern Bazaars, and city areas offering a variety of trading, socializing and experiential opportunities."'' It is this meaning of urban vitality which this thesis will address, and the full scope will be more clearly delineated by the definition to be proposed later. METHOD 2 • Notwithstanding strict etymological interpretations of the phrase Urban Vitality, it is suggested that attempts at definition, frequently involve the naming of exemplars. Archetypes cited in this connection include the commercial areas of the West End of London, Greenwich Village New York, and the Left Bank in Paris. To define a consensual definition therefore, this thesis will begin by examining descriptions of such places, in order to determine the major invariant and intrinsic characteristics which are perceived, by writers, to distinguish them from less vital areas.^ After isolating these quintessentials, linkages and casual factors will be analysed to expose primary determinants and reveal the processes which support their evolution. This part of the investigation will be conducted by synthesizing pertinent findings from the research of sociologists, planners, geographers and others. These findings will then be woven together to create an explanatory model of urban vitality. The second part of the thesis surveys and analyzes four commercial districts in Vancouver British Columbia, to determine whether the model can explain the varying degrees of vitality exhibited by each. The final chapter will summarize the investigations, suggest areas for further study, and make recommendation for public policies aimed at increasing the vitality of urban commercial districts. NOTES 1."Although one particular place may have quite different identities for different groups, there is nevertheless some common ground of agreement about the identity of that place. This is the consensus identity of a place, in effect its lowest common denominator" (Relph 1976 p 58, see also Lynch 1960 : 46) . 2."Urban" derived from the Latin "Urbanus" relates to the characteristics of a city (Webster 1972). Thus it connotes a density and complexity of social, economic, and spatial arrangements; the exchange of goods, services, and ideas; a diversity of social and economic opportunities; heterogeneity; and the presence of many strangers (Mumford 1938, Wirth 1938) . "Vitality" also has Latin roots and connotes a manifestation of life; a process that is sustained and regenerative; the presence of essential lifeforces; animation, and spontenaity (Webster 1972) . 3. While this method is clearly not as satisfactory as a thorough content analysis, it specifies the range of factors considered, thus exposing any subjective judgements contained within the selected indicants. It therefore permits verification, of the claimed consensus. Since it is believed that the degree of urban vitality present in Western cities has generally declined, some of the older quotations may appear somewhat exaggerated under present day conditions. However since urban vitality is a relative, not absolute, condition it is argued that its determinants and processes, may be more easily identified, by examining the phenomenon in an optimum state. CHAPTER 1 CHARACTERISTICS OF URBAN VITALITY - A DEFINITION A review of the written descriptions of vital urban areas, from widely different cultures around the world, reveals extraordinary similarities. In the interests of brevity only a few of these descriptions will be quoted here, but the claim of their universality may be easily verified by reference to Lennard and Lennard (1984), Botting (1977), Bortoli (1974), Jullian (1977), Birnbaum (1979), Smedts and Scherer (1968), Cohen-Portheim (1937), Gruen (1964), and other urban commentators. The recurring elements in these descriptions may be broadly categorized under three headings: people; their which these activities occur. Each category will be reviewed briefly, in order to illustrate the degree of consensus, and to more clearly define the exact meaning of the subject of this enquiry 1.1 pedestrian density The first, and most obvious, feature of all vital urban areas, is the size and density of the pedestrian population. Describing the Bazaar in Istanbul, A popular exemplar of vitality, Jordan (1977) writes: and opportunities; and the environments within "With full light it erupted into the most chaotic vitality of any city I have known shoppers pack the tiny streets leading to the 500-year-old covered Bazaar so tightly that movement can halt. Inside the vast mall 4,000 merchants will, to a man, gladly show you their wares - over tea if you like" (p 120). This equation of pedestrian density with vitality is echoed by Brambilla and Longo (1977 :26), who suggest that streets which are "populated both day and night seem welcoming" and influence the visitors perception of the city's character. Gruen (1964) also, notes the inherence of density to the phenomenon of vitality, thus: "One of the most reliable barometers for measuring the vitality of a city heart is the number of core participants" (p 60). Alexander (1977), building on the research of Coffin in San Francisco ,pronounces, that: "At 150 square feet per person, an area is lively. If there are more than 500 square feet per person, the area begins to be dead" (p 597). Actually a moments reflection shows that the above conclusions are true by definition. Webster (1972) defines vitality as the presence of the life-forces; but since buildings and streets are inanimate, it follows that only their occupants can manifest vitality. Thus the "perception" of vitality "must" depend on the number of people visible within an environment. 1.1.1 Pedestrian heterogeneity Another recurrent feature in the descriptions of pedestrians in vital areas, is heterogeneity. Two descriptions of archetypical vital areas, one from the world's foremost post-industrial city, the other from a place almost unchanged since medieval times, illustrate the argument. Describing Greenwich Village, New York, McDarrah (1963) writes: Whether it is Spring or Summer, Autumn or Winter throngs of villagers and visitors alike converge on the square...on foot, on bicycles,on motor scooters and taxis, in baby carriages or sight seeing buses, whatever conveyance carries them, everyone gathers here, cats and babies, artists and intellectuals, bankers and beatnicks, Zen Buddhists and Swamis, shoe clerks and writers. Here can be seen part of the day to day festival that makes Greenwich Village a community apart from all others" (P 24). By comparison, Conti (1979), writing of Marrakesh, a Moroccan market centre famous for its vitality and seemingly removed in space and time from New York, states: "Foreigners blend into the crowds which already include descendents of Arabs from the Middle East, Berber tribesmen from the Atlas mountains, and black Africans from Senegal and beyond... Marrakesh is like an endlessly exuberant meeting place - "Capital of the South" - folk festival centre of North Africa, hippie mecca...in the theatre of Marrakesh, the play is perhaps even more immediately fascinating than the scenery" (pp 7 and 69). Wirth (1938 :68), and others, have argued that heterogeneity is an intrinsic characteristic of cities. It appears that this cultural mix is more clearly manifest in "vital" areas, than elsewhere in the city. 1.1.2. Pedestrian behaviour McDarrah and Contis' descriptions draw attention to the fact that while density and heterogeneity appear to be "necessary" conditions of vitality, they are not "sufficient" conditions. For example, during peak hours in almost any modern city, dense, and somewhat heterogeneous pedestrian populations, crowd the sidewalks of the central business district. However, such areas are "busy" rather than "vital", and are sterile and lifeless outside of nor ma1 business hours (Blake 1964 :39). The difference appears to be due to what Conti calls "the play", and McDarrah describes as "the day to day festival". Smedts and Scherer (1968), describing London's famous Portobello Road write: "The interest for the tourist lies in the markets themselves and in the people who go there. Many people feel as if they were at a fair" (p 124). The unique behavioural characteristics of people in such areas, has been commented upon by a number of writers. Jacobs (1961) makes an analogy with ballet; Halprin (1963) writes of choreography: and Sennett (1977) likens it to theatre. Clearly there is a sense of "performance", epitomized by a varied cast which often includes eccentric or unique-looking characters and an animation with movement-speeds which vary from adagio to allegro. Vital areas are the premier stages of the city. They are the places where the most flamboyant clothes are to be seen, the most daring exhibitionists from skateboarders to uni-cyclists, the most beautiful, the most artistic and sometimes most pathetic people are also to be found there. Itinerant street musicians, pavement-artists, sandwich-board-men, spoons-players, and card-shuffling con-men, play the crowd and, in turn, multiply its size by 4 increasing the atmosphere of participatory theatre. Lennard and Lennard (1984), who studied public life in over fifty European cities, found that in vital places: "Participants are not only fascinated spectators but may on the spur of the moment themselves become actors" (p 17). They also note that: "It is the vendors' sense of theatricality, their ability to attract an audience and stimulate conversation which perhaps more than other factors contribute to the sociable character of the market" (p 49). These observations on the showmanship of vendors, are given credence by the fact that one of the first acts introduced by television personality David Frost on his British T.V. show, was a pair of popular "barrow-boys" from the famous Petticoat Lane street market. Thus the prevailing mood in vital areas is "upbeat" and positive. Whyte (1980 :57) found that fifty per cent of the people who looked into Paley Park, a vibrant pocket-park in Manhattan, smiled, as though recalling a pleasant memory. He also commented that "itinerant street musicians, "a lively feature of all vital urban areas", have a very keen sense of place". 1.1.3 Pedestrian continuity A final theme found constantly in descriptions of pedestrians in vital areas, is continuity (Gruen 1964 :86). That is vital places do not close down. They function continuously throughout the waking hours, and "the ballet..never..repeats.. itself .. it is always replete with new improvisations (Jacobs 1961). Lennard and Lennard (1984) demonstrate all of the aforementioned qualities in their graphic description of the Piazza del Campo, Siena. "Before and after the day's work, and just before lunch, Sienna's piazza and streets are lively with clusters of people talking animatedly. By 7:30 in the evening tourists often find they have Piazza del Campo to themselves: the Sienese have gone home for dinner, and public life seems to have drawn to a close. But not so! By 9:30 or 10:00 p.m., particularly during the university term, the piazza is even more crowded than during the day. The passeggiata is in full swing around the piazza's upper level, and at the cafes the buzz of conversation rises to an occasional roar. Sienese from every walk of life, singly or together, come to the piazza to meet and make friends, and to delight in the every-changing human scene" (p 19). Vital areas can therefore always be relied upon to provide human contact, and experiences which change constantly in mood and tempo. Thus certain quintessential elements of the pedestrian population appear to distinguish vital from non vital places. The size and density of the crowd signifies the amount of attraction: the heterogeneity indicates the broadness of its appeal. The sense of theatre distinguishes its capacity for stimulation; and the continuity is a promise of endless variation. 1.2 Activities The descriptions of pedestrians in vital urban areas show them to be involved in both commerical and gratuitous activities. Commercial activities include shopping, eating and drinking, being entertained, or purchasing personal services (Blake 1974, Judge 1971, Jordan 1977, Cerruti 1972, McDowell 1984). Free activities range from political oratory at London's Speakers Corner, or feeding the pidgeons in Trafalgar Square, to simply sitting and watching others; (Porteous 1977 :45). Park and Burgess (1925) have vividly described some of the unusual activities which distinguished the vital central areas of American cities thus: "The great city, with its "bright lights", its emporiums of novelties and bargains, its palaces of amusement, its underworld of vice and crime, the risks of life and property from accident, robbery, and homicide, has become the region of the most intense degree of adventure and danger, excitement and thrill" (p 58). While the description sounds somewhat dramatic, it serves to illustrate that activities in vital areas often seem, at least to non-locals, to be larger than life, - full of mystery and potential for the unexpected (Ley 1983 :133-156, Porteous 1977 : 117, Gans 1962 :12, Lynch 1960 :37). 1 .3 Variety of opportunities What also seems to distinguish the activities which occur in vital places from other areas of the city, is the "variety" of shopping, entertainment, and dining opportunities, which are available there. Shopping opportunities vary from haute couture to second-hand clothing, eating opportunities vary from gourmet restaurants to greasy spoons, and entertainment opportunities vary from high grade opera and ballet, to amateur poetry readings and sleazy strip-tease joints. Almost any goods or services imaginable, both legal and illegal, are available at a price. In small cities a mix of retail and entertainment functions normally occur around the central square, or on the main shopping street. In larger cities, facilities disaggregate and increasingly tend to locate in discrete, specialized clusters: "The larger the community,the more specialized are the divisions of its centre and the wider the zone of patronage" (McKenzie 1968). In such instances the areas which are renowned for their vitality, are actually amalgams of interdependent, sub-districts. Each sub-district increases the variety of economic and social opportunities, and the peak density of pedestrian activity, shifts continuously between them. The interelatedness of such areas is acknowledged by the encompassing popular names, such as, The West End, The Left Bank, Downtown, Uptown, which define the complete nuclear units (Mccannell 1976 :50). The Left Bank in Paris, for example, includes the Sorbonne with its associated bookshops, cafes and clubs, together with the other restaurants, boutiques, hotels, and shops of the Latin Quarter; the remains of the artists' colony of Montparnasse; the tourists area around the Eiffel Tower; and the street market of Rue Mouffetard. All of these sub-districts contribute to the genius loci which distinguishes the area from other parts of the city. Similarly, The West End of London comprises the "popular" shopping areas of Oxford and Regent Streets; "exclusive" Bond Street; the youth mecca of Carnaby street; the residential areas of Mayfair and Soho, Berwick Street and Shepeards Markets; the theatre district of Shaftsbury Avenue and the Haymarket; the "bright lights" districts of Soho and Picadilly Circus; the bookshops of Charing Cross Road; the celebration space of Trafalgar Square; the exclusive clubs of St. James; and much more. 1.3.1 Uniqueness of opportunities However it is not simply the variety of functions which distinguish vital areas from less vital places, it is also the relative "uniqueness"^ of many of those functions. Thus Muirhead (1920) writes of Soho in London: "Not only is French a common language but the shops and small restaurants present quite a foreign air" (p 160). Likewise, Cohen - Portheim (1937) writes of the Latin Quarter in Paris: "Foreigners of every race and colour can enjoy their national dishes in the Chinese, Russian, Polish, and Mohammedan restaurants" (p 39). Each vital area is a variation on a general theme. Each has its own "special" atmosphere, as this description of an East London commercial area show: "The weeks before Christmas are the best time to go there, for it is then that the market is most fully stocked with fruit, vegtables, poultry, and toys. Here a crowd gathers round a man selling boxes of cheap crackers, and a hawker with several days growth of beard sells magic mice - white mice which run up and down his greasy sleeve. Those who buy them will find that there is nothing but a mouse of white wax inside the bag; the secret is manipulation, that is all. Farther along, a smart-aleck opens a suitcase full of small envelopes. As the crowd gathers, he puts a pound note into two or three envelopes, shuffles them up and calls out for a sportsman who will give him half a dollar on the chance of striking it rich. Eventually, someone falls and another; it is interesting to see the furtive way in which the envelopes are opened and the feeble grins at finding a mere charm, a lucky charm, of course. The crowd melts away, and so does the smart-aleck, richer by two or three quid earned in ten minutes, and so onto the next performance. Weird youths, monstrous growths of city pavements, stare listlessly into radio and jazz shops, youths with white-eyeleted shoes accompanied by their fun-molls. Each couple has horribly pointed shoes that makes me think of elves; they twitch epileptically to the sound of jazz oozing from the shop" (Fletcher 1962 :47). Ethnic eateries bizarre entertainment, specialized hobby-stores, pubs, bookstores, art shops, outdoor cafes, tatoo parlours, craft shops, and exotic food stores, can be found in vital urban areas around the world. Even the street markets carry produce difficult to find elsewhere. Jane Jacobs discovered that of the 31 different kinds of apples available in Toronto street markets, only half a dozen are exported to other cities (Johnson 1984). Lennard and Lennard's (1984) description of the Viktualienmarkt, a vital area of Munich, provides further evidence of the availability of unusual commercial opportunities in such places thus: "Every imaginable delicacy from every corner of the world is to be found there: one fruit stall carries mangoes from Java, from Mali, from Jamaica and from Kenya; there are fresh Chinese water chestnuts, and African sweet potatoes, Kumqauts from Korea and prickly pears from Guatemala; there are stalls that sell hundreds of different kinds of dried and glazed fruit, nuts and seeds; there are cheese stalls that sell cheeses imported from many European countries; and meat stalls that sell an incredible variety of hams, liver sausages, Leberkaese and dozens of other delicacies" (P 46). Often these unique establishments are managed by equally unique proprietors, as any connoisseur of antique books etc., can attest. Fletcher (1962), bemoaning the loss of one of London's markets, describes some of the more extreme characters: "I miss the quacks, for example - particularly those who sported a plastercast of a foot crippled with bunions and the medicine man who displayed testimonials from the crowned heads of Europe; it was surprising that so many people of royal blood were so grateful for corn-cures and bottles of diarrhoea mixture" (p 48). Chain stores are seldom found in these areas, unless they are the flagship of the line carrying their most prestigious products. Thus, in summary, the "activities" of people in vital urban areas, appear to be differentiated from those of other parts of cities by their variety and uniqueness. 1.4 The environment A final characteristic, described in many commentaries on vital urban areas, is the physical and atmospheric environment. Curious sights, exotic smells, and unfamiliar sounds are trade marks of such places everywhere (Lynch 1981 :132). Pedestrians dominate automobiles. Buildings are seldom higher than six stories, of varying ages and conditions of repair, and are constructed of natural rather than synthetic materials. The spaces which constitute the pedestrian environment are compatibly scaled with human dimensions, and usually include a variety of street widths, alleyways and squares. For example in London's West End, the curving elegance of Nash's crescent of shops and offices in Regent Street, contrasts with the untidy narrow alleyways and streets of Soho and the chic mews-style housing of Mayfair. The variety of styles, the inventiveness of additions made difficult by space restrictions, the portfolio of built history, the delight of fortuitious juxtapostion, the surprise of contrasts revealed through an urban corridor or archway, all add to the diversity and uniqueness which set apart the vital areas of cities. There appears to be an interdependence between unique activities and their spatial environments, and Norbery-Schulz (1979) notes that: "different actions need different environments to take place in a satisfactory way" (p 7, emphasis added). The built expression of diverse functional uses, such as retail, entertainment, residential, and employment in chaotic juxtaposition, create a complexity and ambiguity of forms which delights the eye and stimulates the senses. The importance of these features, appears to be confirmed by the fact that throughout Europe and North America, the streets which are selected for revitalization as pedestrian malls, always exhibit the spatial qualities outlined above (For examples see Brambilla and Longo 1977, Carpenter and Ferebee 1976 and 1977, Barnett 1974, and 1982, Cullen 1961, Crosby 1965). 1.5 Chapter summary and conclusions A review of the literature describing vital areas reveals certain recurrent elements: people; their activities and opportunities; and the environments in which these activities occur. Analysis of these elements suggests that the phenomenon of urban vitality may be described as being composed of social, economic, experiential, and spatial components. The social component is characterized by a dense, heterogeneous, pedestrian population, engaged in a variety of interactive pursuits both formal and informal; a generally "upbeat" atmosphere; a tolerance of deviance and innovation; continuity throughout the day and evening; and a street scene which varies in pace from adagio to allegro. The economic component includes a functional variety of shopping, eating, drinking, entertainment and cultural opportunities; a greater proportion of unique and specialty offerings than elsewhere in the city; a strong demand for goods and services, and a predominance of individual proprietorships over multiple outlets. The experiential component includes a sense of theatre; unique smells, sounds, sights, and multiple atmospheric choices . The spatial component includes accessibility to large numbers of people; relatively high land-use densities; buildings designed to be in scale with pedestrian activity; a wide variety and mix of land-uses; a diversity of building ages and conditions; a complexity of spaces; and circulation patterns which encourage human interaction. 1.6 Definition From these detailed descriptions it is possible to define, in a general manner, the phenomenon to be investigated by this thesis, thus; Urban Vitality is the synergism of a sizeable number of varied and somewhat unique, commercial and experiential opportunities, and a relatively dense and socially heterogeneous pedestrian population, which animates certain city areas, almost continuously, throughout each day and evening. Webster (1972) defines synergism as "the co-operative action of discrete agencies, such that the total effect is greater than the sum of the effects taken independently". - In the proposed definition, the residual, that is the difference between the total effect and the sum of the effects, represents the creation of the genius loci or "sense of place", which seems to characterize all truly vital urban areas. NOTES 4. The word unique used throughout this thesis is intended to be interpreted as a relative, not absolute form i.e. significantly different from the average . 5. See Gan's description of the urban villagers in Bourne 1971 (p 307); also Milgram (1974 :193) . CHAPTER 2 THE EVOLUTION OF URBAN VITALITY - A THEORY This chapter seeks to understand why certain city-areas exhibit vitality, and others do not. ^ To accomplish this, it is clearly necessary to identify the causal factors, establish the relationship between them; and determine the order and process of their evolution. Accordingly this chapter will explore the associations between the characteristics identified in the definition, and attempt to unravel their dependencies in order to discover the "prime" determinants of urban vitality. As the arguments proceed, the relationships will be diagrammed using arrows to symbolize contributory factors, and plus or minus signs to denote increasing or decreasing effects; thus Exercise^  N / High fat V ~ d i e t j 7-zLo.b.esity + The figures will be expanded with each new argument to build an explanatory model of the complete process. M / Sg = Size and heterogeneity of pedestrian population Y-. = Urban vitality. 2.1 THE PEDESTRIAN POPULATION The development of the definition argued that vitality manifests itself, by the presence of large numbers of pedestrians. The investigation will begin therefore, by determining where the pedestrian population comes from, the implications of its size and social composition, and what attracts it. Figure 1 illustrates the argument that vitality increases, in part, as a consequence of the size and heterogeneity of the pedestrian population. Before arguments are offered to substantiate this proposition, it will be useful to categorize the population according to trip origin. 2.1.1 Trip origins of pedestrian population Since a part of this investigation seeks to determine what attracts a variety of unique goods and services to vital areas; and since such establishments largely locate to serve discrete population groups, (Hardwick 1974 :72, Leigh 1965, Gill 1971), it is proposed to sub-devide the pedestrian population into "local", "hinterland" and "tourist" categories. This proceedure will permit the definition of each groups role in attracting unique goods, and services, and thus make it easier to discover which, if any, is the catalyst for vitality. Under the proposed categorization "local" would be defined as people for whom the area in question is the most "convenient" place to obtain a particular good or service. This category would include, nearby residents, and transit captives who are unable to reach facilities which are nearer to them but remote from transit routes. Also included would be people for whom the area is convenient because they regularly enter it for other purposes. For example, the "local workforce". Hinterland visitors would be non-locals who live within the city-region's trading area. Tourists would be identified as visitors from outside of the city region. This typology accords closely with one proposed by Nelson (1958) in which he categorized the average percentage of space in 20 downtown areas in the United States, devoted to local, metropolitan, and regional influences. He found that space devoted to "local" needs was increasing while that devoted to metropolitan (hinterland) uses was decreasing. This finding, has been supported by the research of others, and the causes will be explored later in this document (see for example Rasmussen 1973 :67-71). 2.1.2 Size of pedestrian population Nelson also made an important distinction between those establishments which create their own customers by reason of the uniqueness, or the essential-nature of their products, (e.g. specialist repair stores, food stores etc.,) and those businesses which live off the customers attracted by others (e.g. clothing or shoe stores etc.). The former group he called "generative" and the latter he named "suscipient". Thus Generative stores may be classified as "multipliers", since the number of suscipient establishments which are likely to locate initially in an area, depends largely on the number of pedestrians passing by to visit generative outlets (Simmons 1964 :35, Rasmussen 1973 :63-64, Berry 1967 :49). The definition of vitality includes a "variety" of commercial opportunities, which suggests that both generative and suscipient businesses are intrinsic to the phenomenon. Thus the size of the pedestrian population is both a barometer and a cause of vitality. The concept of the minimum threshold population required to attract specific goods and services, is the basis for the central place theories of Christaller (1933) and Losch (1941), and the retail gravitation theory of Reilly (1931). Its applicability and importance to vitality is demonstrated by the following quotation from Alonso (1973): "This variety and richness is possible only because there are enough things and enough people downtown to attract more things and more people. Let the size of the downtown area drop below the necessary critical mass and dissolution will follow. There will not be enough six foot girls coming downtown for there to be a shop especially for them. There will not be enough lunch-time demand to keep fine restaurants open and if there are no restaurants the theatres will suffer....life will become much duller and more homogenized" (p 64). This relationship between the variety of enterprises and the size of the potential customer-pool will be explored in more detail later. However, the notion of a "critical mass" of pedestrians has a second consequence for vitality; namely social atmosphere. Whyte (1980 :19) discovered that "what attracts people most, it would appear, is other people". He noticed that despite peoples' oft-stated objections to crowds, their actual behaviour in vital areas, suggests a desire to congregate. Deasy (1974 :32) goes so far as to suggest that gregarious behaviour "is a fundemental part of humanness", and Boughy (1972 :5) holds mingling to be one of the prime values of city living; "The denser the mingling throng the more exhilarating" he declares. Alexander's (1975 :13) survey of streets which had been pedestrianized confirmed the observations noted above. His survey discovered that shopping was the major attraction, but the second was "to see other people". In Italy also, pedestrianization has been shown to have both functional and social implications, thus: "One year after the centre of Bologna was converted into a pedestrian zone, 52 percent (of those polled) identified it as an important place for social interaction" (Brambilla and Longo 1977 p 94) . The size of the pedestrian population contributes to the ambience of an area, as well as symbolizing its attractiveness. Symonds (1980) has called the city "a place of togetherness and an island of loneliness.... a land of promise and a place of despair". Large crowds may cause human emotions to be multiplied geometrically, as the unthinking rage of a lynch-mob, or the collective joyousness of a new year celebration amply testify. Winston Churchill clearly understood the effect of crowding, when he suggested that the New House of Commons should be small enough to become crowded on special occasions, to increase the sense of urgency and importance (Deasy 1974 :6). This importance created by density is confirmed by Appleyard (1976) who found, in his surveys of Ciudad Guayana, that when respondents were asked to map their recollections of the city, areas of high use intensity "figured prominently". The disparity between peoples claimed dislike of congestion and their actual behaviour may relate to the purpose of their trip. Appleyard ( 1976 :96) discovered that the functions of buildings often affect people's evaluations of them. It seems likely therefore that the function of a trip, may influence attitude. Thus if the major objective is shopping for everyday goods, crowds may delay purchases and cause frustration. If however part of the trip purpose is experiential then gregariousness will likely be i^elcomed. 2.1.3 Heterogeneity of Pedestrian population As established in the definition, pedestrian heterogeneity is an essential feature of vital areas (Jacobs 1961 :14 8, Whyte 1980 :16, Lynch 1981 :214). Some of this human diversity is undoubtedly due to the probability of variation associated with the size of the pedestrian population (Bourne 1982 :37). However as Wirth (1938 :68), and others have observed, the statistical probability of heterogeneity inherent in large numbers, does not fully account for its high incidence in vital districts. A possible explanation, is that, as Jacobs observes in relationship to manufacturing activity,..."diversity itself permits and stimulates more diversity" (p 148 see also Milgram 1974 : 191) . Thus heterogeneity increases as a probability characteristic of large groups, and as a response to the perception of existing diversity. As with the size of the pedestrian population, heterogeneity has two important implications for vitality. Firstly, the more mixed the pool of customers, the greater the variety of goods and services drawn to serve them (Jacobs 1961 :162, Haueisen et al 1983 :121, Hardwick 1974 :68-79 , Sheth 1983 :18). Secondly, the greater the diversity of social and cultural backgrounds, the more interesting will be the available experiential opportunities. Halprin (1963 :193) who has studied the choreography of city streets, claims that rythmic movement varies according to culture and nationality. His findings are confirmed by Hall (1976) who states: "Whites do not move the way working-class blacks do or the way Puerto Ricans move or Mexicans or Pueblo or Navajo Indians, Chinese or Japanese" (p 75). He claims that one of his students has identified fifteen differences in walking behaviour, between whites, and Pueblo Indians . 9 Thus to summarise this factor, (S ), the size and heterogeneity of the pedestrian population symbolize the attractiveness and breadth of appeal, of an area, and are largely responsible for the number and variety of goods, g services, and experiences which are available there. M / Y Sg = Size and heterogeneity of pedestrian population Variety/quality/uniqueness of soc/physical environment. Y-. = Urban vitality. C 2.2 THE VARIETY, QUALITY AND UNIQUENESS OF THE PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT Figure 2 argues that the size and heterogeneity of pedestrian populations may be either encouraged, or constrained, by the presence of a conditional factor. This conditional factor involves the social "atmosphere" created by people using an area, or the spatial environment created by the buildings, their arrangement, mix of types, ages and/or conditions. 2.2.1 The social environment A number of researchers have drawn attention to the importance of safety, and its effects on both the size and the composition of pedestrian populations (Jacobs 1961, Pendakur and Pendakur 1983). As Alexander (1977 :180) points out, this is particularly critical for city night-life, since darkness exacerbates fear. Alexander's statements were confirmed by the International Downtown Executives Association (1978) survey, which found that, in Chicago, people are fearful to remain in the loop area for dinner, after attending cultural activities. Whyte (1980 :63), and others, have suggested that fear created by the presence of deviants can be overcome by "diluting" them with increased numbers of "normal" people (Lennard and Lennard 1984 :17, Brambilla and Longo 1977 :27). However Newman (1973 :79) points to the infamous Kitty Genovese affair, where a woman, was stabbed repeatedly in full view of 38 people, and argues that "effective " surveillance only occurs when onlookers have a vested interest in the safety of the area (see also Levatino 1978 :9). Moos (1974) drawing on the work of Sells (1963) and Linton (1945) suggests that: "The character of an environment is dependent on the nature of its members, and its dominant features on their typical characteristics" (p 13). Boughey (1972) supports this contention and identifies "the members", as "proprietors", "denizens", "kibitzers", and "strollers". Proprietors, he says, set the rules for the use of a space. Denizens "hang around" on a regular basis and so determine the mood or character of the area. Kibitzers circulate around the edge of the denizens' territory and observe events to determine whether they may safely participate; and strollers link appropriate "places" to form the city's pedestrian patterns. Thus the numbers of kibitzers and strollers, (non-loca1s), who feel sufficiently comfortable to participate in an area, is largely dependent on the psychological climate created by the denizens and the controllers, (locals) (See also Suttles 1968). Goffman (1963) suggests that non-locals who enter an area, and wish to participate in its activities, must comply with the public decorum established by the local group. Clues as to the appropriate behaviour are provided by the mannerisms, clothing, and attitudes, of the denizen group (Sennett 1977 :40,299, Ley 1983 :143). The perception of urban spaces varies according to social, and cultural background,"^ and failure to observe the rules of behaviour can lead to dissonance (Goffman 1963 :20, Michelson 1970 :29,154, Hall 1966, 1976, Porteous 1977 :38-69, 118, Ley 1983 :158-165). Goffman (1963) also suggests that the public decorum may be temporarily suspended for parades, festivities, and other special occasions, and classifies behavioural settings as "tight" or "loose" dependent upon the formality of the expected behaviour. Since vital areas have been defined as having an "upbeat" atmosphere, they are continuously festive and may be classified as "loose" behavioural settings, which have relaxed public decorums. This explains the wide range of tolerable behaviour; and the atmosphere which offers multiple opportunities for expression without discord, to a diversity of social and cultural groups. 2.2.2. The Physical Environment Although some architects and planners seem to suggest that physical environment can determine behaviour, (Newman 1972, Jacobs 1961, Blake 1974 : 155, McHarg 1969 :187-195), sociologists have generally disputed their claims (Timms 1971 : 12 , 253 , Gans 1968 :25-33). After reviewing both positions, Michelson ( 1970 : 193-195) concludes that while physical environments do not change human characteristics, they do act to constrain or encourage behaviour. For example, as the amount and speed of automobile traffic on a street increases, it becomes more dangerous to pedestrians and less conducive to interaction, particularly for the very old and the very young (Appleyard 1981 :16-26, Buchanan 1963 :15-23, Okamoto and Williams 1969 :26 Tetlow and Goss 1965 :69). As traffic continues to increase, it changes the value of the adjoining lands, leading to destabilization of existing activities, and replacement by new ones (Voorhees 1963 : 199 ) . Also since the type and availability of transportation affects the spread, density, and layout of a city, it can have considerable impact on both the size and heterogeneity of the pedestrian population. Thomson (1977) has demonstrated that cities with high reliance on automobiles tend to evolve "weak central areas". These are less conducive to pedestrian travel, and limit the mobility of low-income residents more than transit based "strong centres" do. The increasing reliance upon private transportation has caused central area accessibility, to decline through congestion, to a point where, in many cities, it is less convenient to travel downtown, than to suburban centres (Stegman 1969 :28, Ley 1983 :35, Thomson 1977: 21-24). This accessibility reversal has serious ramifications for central area vitality (Jonassen 1955 :90, Alexander 1975 :7,14, Okamoto and Williams 1969 :8, 17, Redstone 1976 :63-67, Richards 1966). The mix, spatial arrangement, and design of major buildings in vital areas, create settings for interesting activities, as well as being attractions in their own right (Halprin 1963 :29, Deutsch 1961 :225, Gideon 1941 :638-642, Crosby 1975 :17). Natural features such as river valleys, seashores or mountain views, or man-made structures such as "the Georgian face in the market-place", are powerful attractions for locals and non-locals alike (Schiller 1971 :107, Black 1980 :99). However, although certain physical characteristics affect the degree of vitality, it is doubtfull that aesthetics play the important role that many revitalization schemes pre-suppose. Famous vital districts such as Soho and Greenwich Village contain few architecturally significant buildings (Gruen 1964 :170, Crosby 1965 :17) and even lifestyles severely distrupted by radical changes in their physical environments seem to recover and endure (Young and Willmott 1957, Willmott 1962, Berry 1973 : 138) . As was noted in the discussion on the definition, vital commercial and entertainment areas are distinguished by relatively low, human-scaled buildings (Stevens and McNulty 1970 : xiii, Smith 1977:183). The fact that vital areas do not establish themselves among the highrise glass towers of business districts, despite their large daytime populations, suggests that human-scaled environments may be a pre-requisite for the manifestation of vitality. Smith (1974 and 1977) v/ho has studied the methods by which the human brain perceives environments, says that they are understood by reference to what is already known. He maintains that certain archetypal city structures (e.g. Italian Hill towns) are encoded within the limbic brain, and link us to the past. ^ He also notes that humans derive aesthetic satisfaction from the dialectic between complexity and order, and that they have a deep-rooted need to "belong to a unique place" (see also Fried and Gleicher 1961 :399, Lynch 1960 :4-6, Venturi 1966). These psychological needs, offer an explanation for the tendency of vital areas to locate in older more human-scaled districts. Besides appropriate scale, the building designs normally exhibit a national or regional identity, differentiating them from the ubiquitous "international style" of business districts throughout the world. Older districts, which contain buildings rich in craftsmenship and the lessons of built history, exert a special attraction of their own, and thus further increase the size and heterogeneity of the pedestrian population (Holcomb and Beauregard 1981 :41-42,53-62, Barrett 1973 :80,104). In a survey of 57 gentrifying neighborhoods in cities throughout the United States, Clay (1979) found that "90 percent of them included some distinctive heritage association or environmental amenity". The physical environment also affects the "behaviour" of the participants. Narrow sidewalks and frequent intersections compel contact (Hall 1966 :176, Jacobs 1961 :178-186, Whyte 1980 :21); niches and left-over spaces provide habitats for street performers; (Alexander 1977 :599, Whyte 1980 :99, Porteous 1977 :185); streets with en-route interest impel movement (Smith 1974 :148); partial disclosures create "mystery" and through mystery encourage involvement (Kaplan and Kaplan 1978, Cullen 1961 : 151) ; Sunlight and shade influence participation and redevelopment (Spelt 1973 :13 7, Whyte 1980); and the very act of renewal is itself a symbol of revitalization (Mumford 1938 :433, Lynch 1981:165-177). Thus to summarise this factor (C the social and physical environments affect the size, heterogeneity and behaviour, of the pedestrian population. "It is the social situation that influences peoples' behavior, but it is the physical environment that provides the cues" (Rapoport 1982 : 57) . Perhaps this is an additional reason why vitality does not germinate among the high rise office towers. Perhaps the cue which they give, says simple "no joyful activities permitted; this space to be used for business purposes only. S(Q Y^ = Urban vitality. Sg = Size and heterogeneity of pedestrian population. Cc- = Variety/quality/uniqueness of soc/physical environment S^q = Variety of experiential opportunities. 2.3 NUMBER AND VARIETY OF EXPERIENTIAL OPPORTUNITIES A second characteristic identified by the definition of urban vitality, is the opportunity to experience events not normally encountered in other parts of the city. Figure 3 therefore shows that the amount of vitality in an area, is positively influenced by the number and variety of experiential opportunities available there. Some of the more obvious experiential attractions, in such places, are the itinerant street performers who are drawn to entertain the large pedestrian population. Whyte (1973), for example, illustrates the variety of free entertainment he encountered on a stroll through Manhattan: "Steel drum player at 60th street; flutists at 59th; mime at 58th; two girl folksingers at 54th; the Krishnas at 53rd; a trio playing Bach at 49th. There are (also) acrobats, musicians, one man bands, violinists, karate groups (and) animal acts." (1973 :27) This inventory does not include "Preacher Willie", "Scruffy Alice". "Mr Magoo", or the other local characters who entertain simply by the uniqueness of their dress and behaviour. The presence of these ecclectic people is a testament to the relaxed public decorum of vital areas and it also provides what Whyte (1980 :94) calls triangulation. That is, unique people, events, or things, which provide stimulus to encourage strangers to interact by discussing them. Spates and Macionis (1982 :334) explain that cities do not create these interesting characters, they simple "provide a type of environment in which people's idiosyncrasies are more visible. Unquestionably, the probability of encountering unusual people, and participating, even as an onlooker, in some rare experience, is part of the appeal for tourists, hinterland visitors, and locals alike. Maccannell (1976) claims that some tourists feel somewhat cheated if they leave Manhattan without a chance to witness and remark on the notorious street crime. Nightingale Berry's (1977) study of the tourist's image of Vancouver, discovered that most visitors wanted to get a sense of what it would actually feel like to live there. She found that 35.4% of respondents were visiting for relaxation, but 35.9% were travelling for "intellectual development". The respondents were all people on packaged tours, and the most popular "free-time" activity areas were shopping and dining districts of Robson Street and Gastown. The "consensual" image of the former was characterized as "cosmopolitan" reflecting the heterogeneity of people and facilities, and of the latter as "historical", reflecting its distinguished old buildings. A survey by the City of Vancouver (1977:58), found that almost 50 percent of pedestrians passing through Robson Street did so because "it was the most interesting route" in the area, and despite the fact that, in many cases, it was not the most direct. These findings demonstrate that a large proportion of Robson Street's pedestrians are there to enjoy experiences, as well as to obtain goods and services. The desire of non-locals to feel a part of a select social millieu is confirmed by the findings that people dress to suit particular behavioural settings, and conduct themselves in accordance with the prevailing codes (Rapoport 1982 :86, Sennett 1977 :81). These sentiments are annually exploited in the City of Calgary, where thousands of visitors and recent arrivals become "instant cowboys", to more fully "experience" the Calgary Stampede. Districts which are most popular with tourists and hinterland visitors normally contain a full "working structure", in which the natives can be observed, (a form of vicarious participation or stimulation by association), pursuing a full range of normal activities. The bric-a-brac in Chinese trinket shops, are given authenticity by their propinquity to shops selling fresh quail eggs, lotus roots, dried lizard skins, and Chinese herbal cures. The unique sounds of Chinese music, and aromas of Chinese cooking increases the atmosphere of "genuine"foreigness. In the 1960's the desire to flirt for a day with the lifestyle of the flower children of Haight-Ashbury, was so popular that Grey Line ran special bus tours (Macccanell 1976 :41, Irwin 1977 :101-157). It seems that the greatest vacation thrill, for a western tourist, is to visit a technologically retarded village with a relatively exotic culture, and be invited to join a wedding feast, or other family celebration. In vital districts the same longing for association seems to prevail, and many cities are beginning to exploit it by creating "staged authenticity", complete with rebuilt facades and dummy craftsmen (Appleyard 1979 :15). Greenbie (1976 and 1981), has studied the relationship between social and physical environments and the human brain. 12 He and others have concluded that the limbic system which controls emotions such as fear, joy etc., requires a degree of security and familiarity from the environment; whereas the neo-cortex, with its ability for abstract reasoning, seeks challenge, stimulation, novelty, variation, incongruity and surprise (seealso Wohlwill 1974, Smith 1974, Rapoport and Kantor 1967, Chadwick 1977). Borrowing from Hall (1961), Greenbie has named culturally homogeneous districts of cities, "proxemic" and areas actively "shared by people with diverse cultural value-codes", "distemic" 13 (Greenbie 1981 :112). Synthesizing the research of Greenbie, Maccannell, and Nightingale Berry, it may therefore be argued that non-locals visit vital urban areas partly to satisfy the psychological needs of both the limbic and cortexual portions of the brain. For limbic satisfaction they seek pleasurable participation in shopping, and entertainment, and nostalgic associations with urban village lifestyles, and historic building patterns. The neo-cortex, however, seeks novelty and the promise of the unexpected. Thus the experiential opportunities available in vital areas appear to be characterized by uniqueness; a chance to participate in lifestyles and happenings outside of everyday experiences, or reminiscent of childhood activities and haunts. Their importance, to vitality, is that "the catalyst that converts...any environment...into a place, is the process of experiencing deeply" (Gussow 1971). Appleyard (1976 :205) has pointed out that we often remember parts of a city by what we did there. It is for this reason that the promise of novel experiences is an essential part of vital areas. S7 Y, S 5 = #/variety of unique goods/services. Sy = Sense of place. Sg = Size and hetero of pedestrian population. S, n = Variety of experiential opportunities. 2.4 GENIUS LOCI The development of the definition argued that vital areas represent more than the sum of the contributory individual characteristics, and that the difference represents a "sense of place". Figure 4 argues that genius loci is intimately related to the availability of a wide range of experiential opportunities. These arise from the presence of commercial (e.g. shopping and entertainment) activities, and the interaction of a socially heterogeneous pedestrian population. Relph (1976 :48) and others have described "places" as backgrounds for events; and physical appearance, activities, and meanings, as the raw material of their identities (See also Norberg-Schulz 1979 :7). Boughey (1972) maintains that: "meaningless spaces" become transformed by human activity into "places", with... unique characteristics and lives of their own" (p 2). Lynch (1981 :132) notes that "occasion and place... reinforce each other"; and that a "good place" is ameanable to all of the senses, sight, smell, sound, and touch, which collaborate to accentuate its identity. He also believes that the degree of vitality evident in a "place" is related to its "transparancy"; that is, the extent to which the underlying processes of life in the area, are visible and understandable to non-locals (1976 :35). However to create a sense of place, activities must be more than just visible, they must be joinable. Genius loci requires participation, involvement, a sense of being inside, of social and physical enclosure (Norberg-Schulz 1971 :45, Cullen 1961 :26, Relph 1976 :49). Other important attributes of "place", which appear to be contributory, though not essential, are, a consonance with and enhancement of, natural features; thematic continuity; the presence of symbolic focal points or markers, (e.g. the Campanile in St Marks Square in Venice or the neon lights of Picadilly Circus); the atmosphere created by the national and local culture, characteristics, and psyche, (e.g. St Peters, Rome) and the presence of monuments linking the present and the past (McHarg 1969 :175, Cullen 1961 :26, Deutsch 1961 :225, Milgram 1974 :199, Holcomb and Beauregard 1981 :52, Smith 1974 : 167, Burke 1976 : 112, Lynch 1960 :67, Park and Burgess 1925 :1). However genius loci is more than the mere summation of these characteristics. There is a synergy created which imbues vital places with distinctiveness and meaning, which persists even after profound changes have occurred in some of the basic components (Neumann, Mezoff and Richmond 1973 :88, Spelt 1973 :108, Johnston 1972 :15, Relph 1976, Conti 1979). The structure and meaning of a "place", is related to the activities for which it was designed or for which it has since been adapted, and the shared sentiments and values of its users (Norberg-Schulz 1965 :119, Firey 1945). Vital "places" are normally full of complexity confusion and ambiguity, since they function not only as trading areas, but also as informal meeting places for diverse groups (Norberg-Schulz 1971 :69, Berry 1967 :101, Greenbie 1976 :84). They function in this manner because they occur at what Lynch (1960 :65) calls the "seams" of socially dissimilar districts (Park and Burgess 1925 :150). A genius loci may therefore be composed of multiple realities for a plurality of users, and yet perform as a "collective territoriality" (Smith 1977 :190). In some vital places, this territory is devided spacially, different groups in different corners, in others it is devided by time, as the•following description demonstrates: "In the morning the Piazza belongs to the Capresi people who meet and talk on their way to work, church, school, or shopping. At midday the day tourists flood the square, but by late afternoon the more permanent visitors are back from the beach; this "fantastic crowd of bizarre tourists"...(Kidder Smith in Lennard and Lennard 1984 :4). The fact that vital places are shared territories, sometimes leads to competition and dissonance (Goffman 1963 :20). However Mumford (1938 :485) and others see the tension that results as "vitalizing" and intellectually stimulating (Greenbie 1976 : 111 . Lynch 1981 :362, Simmel 1950 :24). It is perhaps this "contrapuntal order" that creates the climate for the unexpected, which is such an essential part of vital areas. To determine the between-group variation in perception of an urban area, Burgess (1974) compared resident and non-resident images of Hull, England. Although there were significant differences between the two perceptions, there were also many areas of consensus. It may be argued that these areas of image-overlap distill the essence of the "place". This consensual perception likely forms a bridging image of shared sentiment, about which all of the diverse users of the space, can agree and create community (Firey 1945). Thus genius loci is a product of the physical environment and the activities which take place there over, an extended time period. However, as with the other factors thus far considered, the element of "uniqueness" pervades most descriptions, or explanations, of it. The other aspect which is common to all of these factors, is the presence of both locals and non-locals. In particular, an area may achieve some distinction by attracting hinterland residents, but a full "sense of place" is only acknowledged by the dissemination of its fame outside of the region. 7 % X ' 1 0 Urban vitality-Size and hetero of pedestian population. Variety/quality/uniqueness of soc/physical environment, Variety of experiential opportunities. Genius loci. f/variety unique goods/services. Y 1 S S 2.5 AMOUNT AND VARIETY OF UNIQUE GOODS AND SERVICES As was noted in the previous section, one of the essential elements of genius loci, is activity. In fact Meier (1968) has equated the success of the city with its ability to generate activity. In vital urban areas the major activities are those related to the provision and consumption of goods and services (Nightingale Berry 1977 :255, Lennard and Lennard 1984 :35, Holcomb and Beauregard 1981 :28, Mumford 1961 :435). However the suggested definition states that it is not only the "number" of goods and services which is significant, it is their "variety" and relative "uniqueness" (Brambilla and Longo 1977 : 111 , Vance 1966 :120) . Figure 5 therefore shows that both vitality and the sense of place are increased by the availability of a variety of "unique" goods and services. Blake (1964 :39) has suggested that variety is the most important asset of successful cities, and surveys by Jonassen (1955) and others, have tended to support his assessment (see also Alexander 1975, City of Vancouver 1976, McKeever 1968 :274). As discussed earlier, the variety of shopping, dining and entertainment functions in an area, is a function of the diversity of customers which are attracted to it. In regard to the customer-attraction of shops, Losch (1954) has written: "The location for an individual must be as advantageous as possible". However Taylor (1972) has pointed out that: "A retailer cannot function to satisfy...a particular individual; he must assume the existence of groups which are relatively homogeneous with respect to store preference. It is therefore necessary to define these groups" (p 47). A number of researchers, using both observational methods and survey questionnaires, have confirmed Taylor's findings. They have discovered that it is possible to categorize user-groups of commercial, cultural, and entertainment facilities, according to locational, socio-economic, cultural, and behavioural influences (Berry 1965 and 1963, Berkman and Gilson 1978 :185, Rich 1963, Smith 1959, Sheth 1983, Tigert 1983, Hoyt 1969, Leigh 1965, Gill 1971, Haueisen et al 1983). In Vancouver, Hardwick (1974) discovered that certain sub-sections of the downtown area, drew large proportions of their customers from specific residential areas with similar socio-economic characteristics. For example: "The Hasting Street area, while it draws from all the city, finds its greater customer concentration on the city's East Side. For Granville Street, three areas - Point Grey, The West End and West Vancouver, contribute some 50% of the customer flow while containing only 17% of the metropolitan population. In contrast the East Side of the city, North Vancouver and the outer suburbs together contribute only 22% of the Granville Street customer flow, while containing over 60% of the metropolitan population" (p 72). Also in Vancouver Gill (1971) found that nightclubs with similar kinds of clientele group together in urban space; and that there is a correlation between spatial location patterns, and clientele behaviour and appearance. The implication of these studies, is that in order to attract "unique" goods and services the pedestrian population must contain "groups" of people with specific social characteristics. People who are, in the sense of this thesis, "unique". Furthermore, in order for there to be a "variety" of "unique" goods and services, there must be a diversity of such groups. Additionally, as was noted earlier, each group must be large enough to comprise a minimum business threshold. Berry (1967 :40) has said "the number of central functions... is a fundemental measure of the attractiveness of a centre". It may be additionally stated, that the number of "functionally different" central functions is dependant upon the number of different discrete groups of an appropriate size, for whom the area is a convenient location to obtain a particular good or service. 2.5.1 Agglomeration of commercial enterprises The other factor which affects the variety of commercial goods and services in an area, is the tendency of businesses to aggregate. Several researchers have identified clusters of facilities which congregate in central districts, complementing each other and mutually attracting customers (Simmons 1964 :11, Grey et al 1970, Murphy 1966 :271, Alexander 1974 :88, Johnston and Kissling 1971, Nelson 1969). These clusters, or constellations as Burgess called them, are drawn together because the similarity of their customers profiles and thresholds, afford them similar rent-paying ability, and need for customer-exposure (Alonso 1960. The most expensive retail-zoned corners of the central area are normally occupied by the department stores. They need to attract the highest number of customers, and are thus situated at the junction of major traffic arteries, where they receive maximum exposure. Their high sales volumes, allow them to pay a high rent for location. Next to them are positioned shoe stores and high priced clothing stores, with similar needs and abilities to pay. Close to this area jewelry, drug and junior department stores can be found. Murphy, Vance, and Epstein (1955) have suggested that these core uses are surrounded by a transitional zone, part of which they call an area of "discard", and part, an area of "assimilation". The area of discard is situated close to the low-income residential areas and warehouse district, and contains pawn shops, bars, cheap restaurants, low grade movie houses, strip-joints, second-hand clothing and army surplus stores. The area of assimilation is adjacent to the high-income housing areas and contains food stores, delicatessens, candy stores, specialty shops, professional offices, and good class restaurants. Thus each of the two areas has a different socio-economic image, derived largely from the social status of the nearest resident group. A number of researchers have confirmed that the "image" of a retail area may account for up to 50% of its customers (May 1981, Prestwick 1980, Martineau 1958). Colby (1933) has theorized that centripetal and centrifugal pressures act constantly to determine the changing centroid of the area with respect to these zones. However, although goods and services undoubtedly segregate in accordance with the above image-based concepts, several researchers have discovered an intricate web of interconnecting functional relationships which also influence the location of central area uses (Nelson 1958, Toyne 1971, Goddard 1970, Code 1977, Barnett 1974 :19, 52-56, Hoover 1948 :60). In retail and entertainment agglomerations, complementarity permits customers to comparison-shop and to combine several objectives in a single trip (Daniels 1982 :16, Simmons 1964 :25). Nelson ( 1958 :66) has formulated a "rule of retail compatibility" which argues that business volume increases in accordance with the customer exchange between two stores, and in proportion to the revenue-attraction of each. In regard to customer - attraction Nevin and Houston (1980) found that: "Consumers are obviously drawn to a particular centre because of the existence of a "special" store that appeals to them. The importance of the special store variable reinforces the notion that some consumers may view the choice of shopping areas as a secondary choice that may depend on the choice of a particularly attractive store" (p 93). This finding supports Nelson's contention that certain "generative" stores attract customers, which provide a ready-made base for smaller suscipient businesses. It also confirms that the customer-attraction of generative stores or "magnets", is both direct, through its own appeal, and indirect by increasing the variety of available opportunities, through its effects on suscipient outlets. The importance of the foregoing discussion, on the correlation between customers and business location decisions in relationship to "the variety of unique goods and services", becomes apparent when combined with research on the growth of multiple outlets. This research shows that the superior merchandise selection and lower prices of multiple outlets, yield higher profits and greater rent-paying abilities than independents. The price of centrally located land is then inflated through competition, driving out small retailers and reducing the amount of functional variety (Shaw 1978, Davies 1978) . Thus agglomeration appears to be a two edged sword. On the one hand it increases the attractiveness of the total complex and thus draws more facilities. On the other hand it may become a catalyst for a process which increases the attraction for multiples, and subsequently decreases functional variety. Since the image of a vital area, its genius loci, is a powerful attraction; and since Appleyard has found that even a small change in the number of unique elements, affects the "perception" of diversity, then a loss of only a few independents, may be extremely damaging to the vitality of an area (Appleyard 1976 :30). 2.6 SUMMARY OF FACTORS IN FIGURE 5 This examination of the factors in diagram 5 has revealed that a large portion of the pedestrian population (the barometer of urban vitality), is attracted by the sense of place which promises experiential opportunities. These experiential opportunities, in turn, arise from the activities of people initially attracted by a variety of unique goods and services . The question which is unresolved is, what attracts unique goods and services to one district rather than another? In order to answer this question, and realizing that retail and entertainment enterprises locate in response to perceived demand, it is necessary to study their customers and their purchasing motives. In this thesis, customers have been sub-devided into three groups, tourists, hinterland visitors, and local residents and workers. Accordingly, each will be reviewed, in turn, to determine the source of their attraction to vital areas. 2.7. THE CRITICAL ROLE OF NON-LOCALS Central-place theory argues that on an unbounded, featureless plain, where residential densities are uniformly distributed, and travel is unrestricted in any direction, activity centres, will evolve in a uniform pattern of distribution. Within this pattern, centres are organized hierarchially, with each ascending level offering a greater range of goods and services than the level below (Christaller 1933). Berry (1965 : 102 and 1967) has convincingly demonstrated the applicability of the theory to mid-west areas of the United States, and argued that the total number of retail and service establishments in a centre, is largely a function of the size and purchasing power of the market population for whom the centre is the most convenient location to obtain the particular good or service. Berry also applied the theory to activity areas within the city, and found that the hierarchy was maintained, with the distribution being affected by accessibility and rent-paying capability. He also argues that there are minimal differences across hierarchies, "because the levels of the central-place hierarchy are the results of the common behaviour of consumers with respect to goods and services of the same order" (p 18). However when the "vitality" of urban areas is considered, there is often "considerable" difference across the levels of hierarchy. Large cities may be considered as conglomerations of interdependent villages, each with its own commercial centre. One centre can only be perceived a being more vital than another, at the same level in the hierarchy, if it increases the customer-base provided by its own "local" population by attracting substantial numbers of "non-locals". That is, one centre can only increase its vitality by attracting more than its fair share (according to the uniform distribution of central-place theory) of customers. This review will therefore begin by examining the reasons why non-locals, i.e. tourists and hinterland visitors are attracted to some areas, and not to others. Sf <?s ss. \ Y^ = Urban vitality. Sg = Size and heterogeneity of pedestrian population. C^ = Variety/quality/uniqueness of soc/physical environment ^10 = V a r i e t y experiential opportunities. S^ = Genius loci. S^ = #/variety of unique goods/services. S n = Attraction for tourists. 2.8 ATTRACTION OF TOURISTS CUSTOMERS Figure 6 argues that tourists are attracted by the genuis loci of an area which they, in turn, add to. They are also drawn by the size and heterogeneity of the pedestrian population, which they also, in turn, increase. The very nature of tourism, (travelling for recreation) suggests that even when goods or services are required, they are more likely to be sought in an area of the city offering psychological stimulus than in a standard shopping mall indistinguishable from one in the visitor's home town. It has thus been suggested earlier that tourists are drawn more for experiential opportunities and a genius loci, than goods and 14 services . The following description of the immensely popular revitalized Faneuil Hall area of Boston illustrates the argument: "The markets form a lively public place, though now the shops are more an entertainment than a vital source of either food or income... Here as in the more affluent shopping centres, the experience of shopping, complete with jugglers, musicians, banners, and flowers, has become street theatre of the most engaging sort. Buying our daily bread has become a circus" (Lyndon 1984 :83). However, "tourists like to shop, and be entertained in the evenings. Souvenir stands, antique shops, and other stores therefore cluster around the hotels and set pieces. Nightclubs and entertainment as well as cultural activities are supported by their presence" (Appleyard 1979 :14, see also Brambilla and Longo 1977 :111,117). Reference to the attractions "listed" in the many guide books, sold in their thousands each year, confirm that tourists are attracted to areas containing entertainment, culture, historic monuments, shopping, and pedestrian activities. ^ However a closer examination reveals that not "all" shopping , dining, and entertainment facilities are listed. Only those districts offering "unique" people, places, or things, become tourist attractions (Maccannell 1976 :168, Relph 1976 :61, Smith 1974 :97). Gruen (1964) says that tourists are attracted by "atmosphere", which is created by diversity and small grain variety. He says that in Greeenwich Village, for example, tourists seek: "The admixture of buildings old and new, small and large; the potpourri of nationalities, races and economic groups; the intermingling of shops, stores, restaurants, bars, institutions of learning and theatres with residences of all types" (p 170, See also Jacobs 1961 :245). As an alternative rational Maccannell (1976) suggested that tourism is a: "Collective striving for a transcendence of the modern totality, a way of attempting to overcome the discontinuity of modernity, of incorporating its fragments into unified experience" (p 13). This concept of tourism as a search for an holistic understanding of the world, coincides with Nightingale Berry's discovery that many people travel for intellectual development. Both descriptions also confirm the Robson street finding that tourists visit crowded commercial areas for experiences as much as for functional reasons. Thus the variety of unusual things to do, to see, and to participate in is the key to tourist attraction, and the establishment of "place" advertises their existence. As argued earlier the character of "a place" is formed from the consensus of overlapping images of locals and non-locals. Relph (1976 :58) sub-devides this consensual image into a "public identity" and a "mass identity". The former develops out of free opinions and experiences. The latter is an identity which is created, often from superficial characteristics, by "opinion-makers". In recent years a number of cities have used this concept of mass identity in order to exploit particular features of a city, to attract tourists. When pursued to excess, this practice can disturb the heterogeneity of the pedestrian population, and consequently affect the variety of goods and services attracted to the area. The result, ironically, is increased homogenization and loss of true vitality (Appleyard 1979 :14, Maccannell 1976 :102, Rasmussen 1959 :16). Gans and others, have argued that this homogenization occurs because tourists participate only on a superficial level. They seek variety and stimulation from foreign cultures, but are unwilling to devote sufficient time to develop understanding. "Consequently the slum that is odiferous at home may become exotic abroad, and backward agricultural practices are seen as culturally valuable expressions of tradition and the simple life" (Gans 1968 :148). Another recent development has seen attempts to create vitality through what Appleyard has called "staged authenticity". In these projects the commercial manifestations of vitality, markets, cafes, street entertainers etc., are provided and the advertising media is then employed to attract the large pedestrian population required to ensure profitability (Greenbie 1981 :42). Thus the normal process is reversed and the effects precede the cause. The following critique of Harborplace in Baltimore, which attracted more visitors than Disneyland in its first year of operation, illustrates the argument. "There is a sense that the environment is controlled, very controlled. This in the end, is the real problem with places such as this. Harborplace takes conventional aspects of the urban experience, the little cafes and the energetic markets overflowing with produce, and turns them into something tame. It makes them easier than they are in the real world, more contained more measured. Harborplace asserts that it is about spontaneity and variety, as real cities are; it is, in fact, about order and conformity" (Goldberger 1981 :al8). Without the "vitalizing force of dissonance" evolving slowly from the diverse demands of dissimilar groups, it appears that such places can never be vital in the sense of this thesis. Ultimately, unless the conditions are present which would have eventually spawned vitality, they are doomed, like the tenth visit to Disneyland, to become tedious. A sort of sanitized vitality. Undoubtedly, as has been shown in the discussion on genius loci, tourists play an important role in the creation of vitality. For example Witherspoon et al (1976 :74) found "a marked synergy between hotel facilities and retail and entertainment demand"; and Leigh (1965) found clusters of high order retail and cultural enterprises located close to hotel areas. Some storekeepers suggested that as much as 30% of their revenues were derived from tourists. Thus tourists are clearly "attracted" by the attributes descibed in the definition of urban vitality. However if the maximum percentage of revenue which they create amounts to only 30%, then obviously tourists alone, are insufficient to be the locational "determinants" of vitalizing facilities. Also the stores , restaurants etc., in vital areas, do not close down when the tourist season is over, and tourists, due to their lack of familiarity with a strange city, only seek out places that are already well-known (Vance 1966 : 119)-Thus tourists do not create genius loci, they only add to it. The prime determinants of vitality must therefore be sought elsewhere . + ? — > S 7 + 4 % X 10 S, Urban vitality. Size and hetero of pedestrian population. Variety/quality/uniqueness of soc/physical environment Variety of experiential opportunities. Genius loci. # and variety of unique goods/servies. Attraction for tourists. Attraction for hinterlanders. 2.9 ATTRACTION OF HINTERLAND VISITORS Since tourists have been shown not to be the catalyst for vitality, perhaps the more frequent patronage of hinterlanders may offer a better explanation for it. This section will therefore attempt to determine what attracts hinterland visitors to vital areas. Figure 7 argues that as the variety of goods and services, and the size and heterogeneity of the pedestrian population grows, so too does the number of hinterland visitors. Increases in the latter, in turn, attract more goods and services and and swell the size and heterogeneity of the pedestrian population. The Figure next argues a key hypothesis. As the number of locals, hinterlanders, and unique goods and services increase, a genius loci is established and developed, providing an attraction for tourists. Tourists, in turn, further increase the sense of place, the number and variety of experiential opportunities, the pedestrian population, and the market for unique goods and services. Thus it is argued that the key element in the attraction of non-locals is the variety of goods, services, and experiences. However, as with the attraction of tourists, the appeal of these facilities is not merely their "variety" it is also their "uniqueness". For example, McDarrah (1963) says that "significantly, New Yorkers find Greenwich Village the one attraction in the city to visit as tourists" (See also Milgram et al 1972 :8). He says that they go there to "immerse" themselves in the "sensuousness" of its European atmosphere; sample its exotic foods; browse in its bookshops ; ogle its art; listen to its jazz; mingle in its markets; and purchase its unique goods, such as hand made dresses and craft objects. The attractions are almost identical in Cerruti's (1972) description of Chelsea in London, except that instead of unique foreign groups, there are unique socio-economic groups. The "dolly birds in their mini-skirts, and the lesser aristocracy, take the place of the Polish, Jewish and Italian residents. Both areas attract bohemians and other non-conformists. Both areas attract hinterlanders to shop for unusual clothes food etc., to eat and drink in trendy pubs and cafes, and to see and be seen. In vital districts in Toronto, Vancouver, San Francisco, Boston and elsewhere, hinterlanders are drawn in search of the same attractions. An atmosphere made different from the city norm, by the presence of significantly sized groups with unique social, cultural, or ethnic characteristics; and a wide variety of goods and services whose quality, selection, or uniqueness, distinguishes them from those available in the rest of the city (Spelt 1973 :108, Hardwick 1974 :70, Appleyard 1981 :120, Greenbie 1981 :142). Kelly (1955 :204) says that "shopping and specialty goods stores are the magnets which draw customers from the entire metropolitan area to shop downtown". Jacobs (1961 : 15 3) says that hinterlanders are just looking for a change from their own district. Both of these views are confirmed by Alexander's (1975) survey of downtown malls and the Vancouver (1976) survey of Robson Street, which found that people go mainly for the "wide variety of shops and services"; to "see other people", and to "enjoy the atmosphere". Reviewing a trip which he made from Naples to Florence, Gruen (1964 :27) remarks that hinterlanders from rural areas, were drawn to the cities by the "unique quality" which each city strove to develop. "The specialty might be some food or candy, local ceramics, handicraft, certain types of pastry or distinctive wine" (p 28). Smith (1977 :50) suggests that such "uniqueness" was a principle of great significance to bygone urban designers, and it responded to the "deep-rooted need" within people "to belong to unique and only places". Non-locals also seek specialty goods and services, which symbolically confirm status or to give pleasure, aesthetically or intellectually ^ (Seeley et al 1956 :7). Hirshman (1981) has argued that these goods are part of "popular culture", which is becoming increasing homogenized by the oligopolization of the retail sector. Sheth's (1983 :16) studies confirm that people acquire goods for psychological as well as functional reasons, and he argues that "nonfunctional wants" have "associations with certain social, emotional, and epistemic values". Thus, he say's people: "often shop for novelty, to satisfy their curiosity, to reduce boredom, "or to" keep up with new trends and events" (p 16). The research of Darden and Perreault (1983) on "outshoppers" (their name for hinterlanders), reveals similar findings. "It is likely that some outshopper types find that outshopping is a pleasant way to spend their time", they state, (p 425) Also they say, "outshoppers demonstrate greater patronage innovative behaviour", and are more fashion conscious. Synthesizing the research of Hirschman, Sheth, and Darden, it appears that non-locals outshop to relieve boredom, and to seek novelty, and unique status-reinforcing items. The picture is further confirmed by Haueisen et al (1983) who segments outshoppers into a five-sectioned typology, and finds that fully 50% avoid mass merchandisers, whenever possible. "The challenge for the merchant in this decade", they write, "is to create a unique appeal that differentiates him from all other retailers", (p 116) Thus hinterlanders clearly, provide "a demand" for a variety of unique goods, services, and experiences; but are they the catalysts which determine the location decisions of these businesses? Logically the answer must be no, for if hinterland visitors were the creators of vitality, they would not have to go "outshopping" to find it. The suburbs of great cities would offer a greater variety of commercial, and experiential opportunities, than the central areas. They do not however. "Visitors sniff out where something vigorous exits already, and come to share it, thereby further supporting it" (Jacobs 1961 : 149). Thus by a process of elimination, the "local" population must be catalyst which activates the process of vitality. However before examining this hypothesis, since hinterlanders clearly "increase" vitality, it is necessary to look at a factor which "conditions" their choice of outshopping location. Y-^  = Urban vitality. Sg = Size and hetero of pedestrian population. C,. = Variety/quality/uniqueness of soc/physical environment ^10 = Variety of experiental opportunities. Sy = Genius loci. S,- = # and variety of unique goods/services. Sg = Attraction for tourists. S^ = Attraction for hinterlanders. 6 C^ = # and magnetism of intervening opportunities. 2.10 NUMBER AND MAGNETISM OF INTERVENING OPPORTUNITIES Figure 8 argues that attraction of hinterlanders in search of goods and services, is conditioned by the number and magnetism of intervening opportunities. To support this proposition it is necessary to review the available evidence on shopping motives. Central-place theory indicates that available merchandise selection becomes increasingly important with the rise in the value-order of goods, and the infrequency with which they are purchased. Berry (1967) demonstrates that people buy low-order goods close to home, and are prepared to travel further to increase the selection of high-order goods. (Jonassen 1955 :89) The operative word here however is, "prepared". Since several studies have shown that convenience is normally the first consideration of a shopping trip, and "merchandise selection" is the second, it may be concluded that, people will outshop only if items are unavailable locally- (Barrett 1973 :101, McKeever 1968 :274, Tigert 1983). "Non-locals" in one area are after all, dissatisfied "locals" from another. "A shopping centre cannot generate new business or create new buying power; it can only attract customers from existing businesses". (McKeever 1977 : 24 ) Several researchers have recognized the importance of "attraction" in determining a centre's viability. Reilly (1933) devised a "law of retail gravitation" using the size of centres and the distance between them to determine trading areas. Huff (1963) modified the model to account for differences in purchasing power and the probability that people undoubtedly visit non-local centres, if only out of curiosity. Nelson (1958 :183) has defined attraction as the force exerted by "merchandise availability, price advantage, physical comfort, and convenience". More recent gravitational models have included merchandise selection, buying behaviour, retail centre image, and the number of competing centres, in their criteria (Martin 1983, Nevin and Houston 1983). However Stanley and Sewall's (1976) study, argues that distance of driving time is still, as Huff demonstrated, the major factor in retail choice; and Voorhees (1963) agrees that once inside a car, people are more concerned about the service at the other end, than whether the trip is two miles or four. Since transportation studies suggest that most people are willing to walk a maximum  of 200-400 metres, before they need transportation, only those within this radius may truly be considered "captive consumers" (Dickey 1975 :373, Carter et al 1978 :22, Richards 1976 :53, Pushkarev and Zupan 1977 :113). Studies by Vance (1958 :234) and others suggest that approximately 60 per cent of the customers in a "local" shopping district originate their trip within 2 miles. For a regional shopping centre the radius increases to almost 4 miles, for the same proportion of customers. This suggests that the trade off between convenience and merchandise selection could be assumed to begin to occur between 1 1/2 - 2 miles for regularly required goods and 3-4 miles for irregularly required goods. These findings accord closely with the market areas of "convenience" and "shopping" goods, used normally in the design of shopping centres (McKeever 1977 : 25) . A number of recent surveys indicate that approximately 50 per cent of Americans regard shopping as a leisure-time activity (Poettcker 1983). It is therefore argued that, in light of the increasing homogenization of merchandise selection referred to earlier, and if "convenience" is assumed to be the major shopping motive for customers living up to 1 1/2 miles from a centre, approximately 50 percent might be considered footloose and willing to trade convenience for "experiential" opportunities. Thus consideration of the magnetism of intervening centres should include not only the selection of goods and services, but also the atmosphere in which they are available. It might be argued that outshoppers travel for "entertainment," one aspect of which is "shopping". Y^ = Urban vitality. S^ = # and variety of unique goods/services. Sg = Attraction for tourists. S, = Attraction for hinterlanders. 6 C^ = # and magnetism of intervening opportunities. S^ = # of unique goods and services. Sg = # of locals with similar unique characteristics, S Q = # of "local" groups. 2.11 THE ROLE OF THE "LOCAL" POPULATION This thesis has argued, by a process of elimination, that although non-locals contribute to the success of commercial enterprises, only customers who create consistent demand on a frequent and regular basis provide the impetus to affect the locational decisions of the generative businesses which precede vitality. Since it has also been argued that suscipient operations derive much of their business from clientele attracted initially to generative enterprises, it follows that the latter must locate in an area before the former. Thus the critical question is to what extent does the local population create demand for generative businesses? Figure 9 argues that the "variety" of unique goods, and services and experiences, is a function of the special (mostly generative) goods required by unique groups in the local population, and the number of such groups living or working in. the area. 2.11.1 The local workforce and commercial and experiential opportunities Much of the planning literature accepts as axiomatic the premise that the daytime workforce is a significant contributor to retail trade. For example Hardwick (1974) states: "Downtown workers and tourists are important to C.B.D. retailing and many retail firms relate their services to the demand found in these C.B.D. population" (p 72, see also Richardson 1973 :32). Simmons (1964 :13) and others have also commented on the importance of the retail/workforce dependency, including estimates that it accounts for 35 per cent of central area retail trade (City of Seattle, 1977 :31, Jackson 1973, Nelson 1958 :24, International downtown executives assoc. 1978 :24, Daniels 1982 :7). However most studies link the workforce demand to specialty (suscipient) goods and services, rather than unique generative needs. For example Murphy (1966) has drawn attention to the linkages between central area offices and restaurants, and Meyer, Kain and Wohl (1965) also state: "offices are one of the prime sources of demand for restaurant and hotels". This later relationship is confirmed by the City of Boston (1979) which claims that the "downtown service-oriented economy is a major factor in the 30% increase (1968-78) in the city's hotel stock"; that business visitors account for one half of Boston's hotel uses, "and have significantly contributed to the retail recovery" (p 43). Alexander (174 :88), and others, have noted that the growth of service-economy jobs in central city areas, has resulted in them being "dominated by stores catering to women's needs"; and Rich (1963) has found that "women who work downtown are loyal downtown shoppers, regardless of where they live" (p 274, see also Porteous 1977 :122). Grey et al's (1970) study of central Seattle showed a strong relationship between lunchtime activities of office workers and certain department stores. With limited time available at lunchtime, office workers shop in stores adjacent to their workplace rather than comparison shop in rival department stores further away. Thus each department store has its cluster of captive clients. Grey's study also showed that commuting workers who return downtown at weekends, make selective use of specific facilities such as restaurants, shops etc., and contribute little to entertainment facilities or street-life. This accords with Goddard's (1970) study of taxi linkages in central London, which indicates surprisingly few ties between the financial office centre of the city, and the "bright lights" of Soho or the retail areas of Oxford and Regent streets. Lack of worker support for night-time activities is also confirmed by the International Downtown Executive Association (1978 :30) study of Chicago and other United State's cities. Black (1980), and others, have demonstrated that in many American cities there has been both a relative and absolute decline in the number of central city jobs, but, perhaps more importantly, there has been a decline in the variety of those jobs which remain (Gottman 1982 :8, Kain 1968, Bradbury et al 1982 :64, Pushkarev and Zupan 1977 :27). As was noted earlier, the variety, of goods, services, and experiences, is largely dependent on the presence of a variety of diverse social groups each with sufficient numbers of people to attain a business threshold population. Thus a decline in the types of employment in an area, will likely affect the variety of its commercial enterprises. This relationship is illustrated by the following description of events in the City of London: "The most striking sight is the men in black jackets, pin striped trousers and bowler hats, with umbrellas on their arms. Usually they are tall figures. They work in the banks and at the Stock Exchange, and keep up the old traditions of the City.... During the lunch-hour they go to their clubs in Pall Mall" (Smedts and Scherer 1968 :90, see also Goddard 1970 :429). The gentlemen's clubs in Pall Mall and Picadilly are an eclectic throw-back to Victorian times, they add to the variety of unique opportunities in the city, and would cease to exist, in their present form at least, without the patronage of the employees of London's financial community. The working population of East London creates a totally different, though equally interesting atmosphere, and attracts its own variety of opportunities. Fletcher (1962) describes it thus: "Large policemen are a feature of Leadenhall market, and cockney women, authentic Gerts and Daisies, are to be found rubbing shoulders with city gents taking the air at lunch-time. There are modern versions of Young Smallweed, old, old men with years of smoking behind them and the butchers whose bald heads shine under the electric lights.... Snack bars are an essential item in and around LeadenHall market, and the market men and van drivers are on easy terms with the waitresses and proprietors who supply inexhaustible quantities of tea" (p 68). The city gents, butchers, market-men, and policemen of Leadenhall form unique "social" groups, but the other groups which through their uniqueness, attract, or add to commercial variety, are "ethnic" groups. Several commentators have remarked on the fact that, particularly in blue-collar occupations, the division of labour often falls along ethnic lines (Ward 1968 :295, Dorfman 1976 :38, McKenzie 1968 :173). Rasmussen (1934 :63) has shown that skills of the French hatters, Flemish brewers, Dutch printers and foreign weavers, who immigrated to London in the 16th, century, added immeasurably to the diversity of that city. Thus unique groups of local workers add to the diversity of goods and services in two ways. Firstly by consumption, and secondly by import substitution and invention (Jacobs 1969 :156). However between group heterogeneity is a critical aspect of this diversity. Wolforth's (1965) study showed that occupational income and residential segregation are closely linked. Thus if the mix of jobs in a vital area, such as downtown, is homogenized, then the social and ethnic working population in the area will be similarly homogenized, and the "variety" of goods and services will decline. Also if the downtown workforce is composed mainly of residents from suburban areas whose demographics approach the city-norm, it follows that eventually the variety of goods and services will be indistinguishable from the suburban centres around which they live. All of the studies, referred to previously, demonstrate that the local workforce plays an essential role in supporting the range of goods and services in vital areas. However Pendakur (1972) McAfee (1967) and others, have shown that, in Vancouver, between 50 percent and 80 percent of the employed residents of the central area, also work there (see also Urban Life Consultants 1978, Murphy 1966 :171). Thus it is difficult to determine whether the workforce causes generative businesses to locate in an area, or merely supports them once they have been established. The availabe data seems to suggest that the latter is more likely than the former. In a number of cities whose local resident population has declined and whose downtown workforce has increased substantially, retail employment and variety has often decreased (Pushkarev and Zupan 1977). For example in Dallas between 1958 and 1972, C.B.D. retail space declined from 22% of the city whole to 7%. This was despite the building of 20 million square feet of office space. The relative and absolute decline of retail space was attributed to the absence of new housing "to generate patronage of C.B.D. stores, restaurants, cultural and entertainment facilities" (International Downtown Executives Association 1978 :57). Also, where new retail centres are built there is usually "a significant increase in the number of specialist chain shops, but shops which offer a rather standardized range of products" (Davies 1978 :147). A final comment on the relative contribution of local residents and workers, to the establishment of generative uses, is made by Barnett (1974 :121). When discussing a new development proposal for a downtown Brooklyn shopping district, he was told by a number of department stores that, "one resident family was worth ten office workers as far as they were concerned". Thus it appears that the "major" catalyst for the attraction of generative goods and services, is the local "resident" population. 2.11.2 Local residents and commercial and experiential opportunities Since Reilly (1931) Berry (1967) and others have shown that the number, type and variety of goods in a low-order (generative) centre are a response to the needs of the local population, it follows, that at least initially, in order to attract goods and services which are different from the city norm, their clientele, i.e. the local population, must differ in some significant characteristics from the normal city population, Specialized sub-groups, living in homogeneous clusters, close to the action, are a recurring feature of vital areas. Boston has its Italians and high status socialites, Toronto has it Italians, Portugese and Eastern Europeans, San-Francisco has its gays and artists, Vancouver, Chicago, New York, London, Paris, all have clusters of residents whose social or cultural characteristics deviate from the city norm, living in or adjacent to their vital districts (Firey 1945, Gans 1962, Spelt 1973 :108, Irwin 1977 :101, Ley 1983 :157, Hardwick 1974 :70 Berry 1967 :53, Muirhead 1920 :160, Cohen-Portheim 1937 :39, McDarrah 1963 :4). It seems that when sufficient numbers of a unique group form a critical mass of residents, they provide a market which attracts unique (mostly generative) goods and services. The area then assumes a certain ambience which is sympathetic to other unique items which appeal to a similar clientele. They therefore play an important multiplier role far exceeding their actual numbers or purchasing power. Generative goods and services do not merely cater to local needs, but often draw clients from across a broad cross-section of the city community. For example, Terkel's (1972) hooker, (clearly a member of a unique group), attracted clients from the full spectrum of the community: "As a callgirl, some of my tricks were upper echelon cops, not patrolmen, priests, financiers, garment industry folks, big timers. On the street, they ranged from junior executive types, blue-collar workers, upwardly striving postal workers, college kids, suburban white collars who were in the city for the big night, restaurant workers..."(p 99). The factorial ecologists, such as Timms (1971) and Murdie (1969), have demonstrated that, in large cities, people tend to segregate themselves residentially according to certain social or cultural characteristics. They thus form homogeneous groups, which attract goods and services specific to their needs, and give identity to their neighbourhoods by their presence and cultural symbols (Rapoport 1982 :41, Greenbie 1981 :4). Commonality between the individuals who comprise a group may be due to ethnicity, class, lifestyle, familism, age, sexual preferences or other causes (Robson 1975 :21-31). McDarrah (1963 :44), for example, suggests that the stores around the village square in Greenwich Village, remain open all night due to "a good percentage of night people, jazz musicians, artists, writers and others who keep unbusinesslike hours". Similarly Fletcher (1962) writes of Whitechapel in London; an area with a large Jewish population: "This is the place to study the Jewish butchers and poulterers, often established in crazy old shops. With these go the small one-man tailoring businesses and barbers, nearly all with foreign names above the door. Small, close-smelling shops sell Jewish candelsticks, Old Testaments, The Talmud, the Psalms of David and Songs of Zion. An entire alley opposite the Whitechapel Bell Foundry supports itself by the sale of Hebrew Lucky charms and cheap gaudy jewellery. This part of Whitechapel abounds with shops for the sale of oily fish and crummy little eating places" (p 91). Vance (1958 :226,234) studied 150 shopping areas of various sizes in San Francisco, and concluded: "The fact that half the customers, on the average, come from within three miles of a centre supports the contention that the socio-economic character of this immediately adjacent area must be directly reflected in the centre, and even more significantly, that within such a limited trading area all possible patronage must be secured" (p 234). Vance's finding that the atmosphere and character of a commercial centre is derived from the social attributes of the "local" resident population, is supported by many others (Berry 1965 :102, 1967 :53, McKenzie 1968 :276, Clark 1966 :90, Appleyard 1981 :119, Taylor 1972: Booth 1967 :105, Suttles 1968 :106, Ley 1983 :143, Jonassen 1955 :92, Spelt 1973 :104) . For example Goodall (1972) has related the effect that the income of residential areas have on local retail and service districts. He draws attention to the fact that: "the fashionable shopping areas of London, such as the Oxford Street - Regent Street or West End areas and the outliers at Knightsbridge and Kensington, cater for the middle and upper-income groups who were most numerous in the South and West, whilst the East End, associated with lower income groups, did not develop fashionable shopping areas (p 137). Clearly these studies, show that both the ambience of a district and the type of facilities which choose to locate there, are very largely influenced by the social characteristics of the locals who live or work in the area (see also Ley 1983 :143). One is no more likely to be able to obtain caviar in the East-End of London, than one is to obtain jellied eels in the West End; and the atmosphere of the working-class Petticoat Lane street market is world's removed from the ambience of the more chic Portobello Road on the other side of the city. As stated earlier, as well as attracting unique goods and services, unique residents, endow an area with a special ambience, which, to non-locals, promises unique experiences. In Toronto, Spelt (1973 :137) says that the infusion of ethnic stores has revived neighborhood retailing. He describes the unique neighborhood character which various groups have created. "Certain parts of the city, once staunchly British in character, have become differentiated because of ethnic concentrations. The language spoken in the streets, the style of clothing, the store signs, and the displays of foreign goods are reminiscent of towns and cities in continental Europe. Residential areas have acquired ethnic trim: pale blue and green paints and lace window curtains characterize many houses in Slavic areas; the Italians tend to use masonry and stonework as well as wrought iron railings and verandah supports; around Kensington, the Portugese like to paint their houses in brilliant colours of red, green, blue or pink and fill their small gardens with petunias, asters, and other brightly coloured plants. European immigrants, especially those from Mediterranean countries, tend to live more publicly, talking back and forth across front verandahs, strolling along sidewalks, picnicking in city parks" (p 107). In North America, Chinatowns are ubiquitous examples of the special goods, services, and experiences, which are created by the presence of a sufficiently large homogeneous groups of unique residents. The attraction that such areas hold for locals and non-locals alike, is demonstrated by the fact that the City of Vancouver's (1976 :54) survey of Robson Street, (which contains a number of German, French, and other European stores and restaurants), found that 28 percent of those questioned liked the street because of its "special ethnic stores"; 29 percent for its "specialized merchandise"; and 16 percent because of the "variety of restaurants" It is not however only "ethnic groupings" which create these "special environments". In Boston, Firey (1945 :123) found that shared values and sentiments, united a group of upper-class residents in resisting real estate and development interests, to preserve the unique character of their area. In San Francisco, Hippies and Gays have established and marked their unique districts with their aesthetic and cultural symbols (Irwin 1977:101); and in Vancouver and other cities, blue collar and white collar residential districts support different sectors of the central commercial area In Vancouver, Leigh (1965) in his survey of specialty retailing ^found that "customer attraction depends on the store image as much as the store location " (p 90, see also Peterson and Kerin 1983, Nevin and Houston 1983). Store image however was as argued earlier largely derived from the quality of the local residential area. One store owner stated that "several non-central locations were considered, and Kerrisdale chosen because it was an upper income area, it was thought to provide the right "background" against which to build a customer-attractive image of quality" (p 46). In the West Point Grey area another "merchant sought a non-central location which would provide both a local demand and also would "complement" the goods offered in such a way as to attract more distant customers" (p 54). Leigh's study showed that merchants direct their promotions towards particular social groups and are well aware that such groups are residentially segregated within the city. Their locational choice depended on good access to the majority of these groups and in most cases proximity to one of them in order to establish "image" and a minimal base of local customers. Leigh argues that high order goods normally locate in central areas: "not because they are purchased so infrequently that they demand a large population to generate a sustaining demand, but rather because only in large populations do the minority taste demands occur which support high order businesses" (p 24). Thus if the "image" of a "centre" attracts a specific segment of city's population which is sought by a particular retailer, it becomes a positive factor in his locational decision Leigh concludes his study by stating that merchants often chose : "A location in an area which "complements" the goods offered for sale - the "cultural" atmosphere of Point Grey, the "young" atmosphere of West Vancouver, or the "old-established wealth" of Kerrisdale" (p 63). Leigh's findings were confirmed by Schiller's (1971) studies, which concluded that "a major factor in determining the location of specialist services is the intrinsic attractiveness of the area itself" (p 107). However this thesis has argued earlier, that the attractiveness of an area is largely a result of the density and characteristics of the local population. Thus "they" are, in fact, the "major" location factors. Gill (1971), in his interesting study of nightclub clientele and locations in Vancouver, also provides evidence that supports the concept that unique local populations attract unique goods, and create environments which influence business location decisions. His study suggests that "nightclubs with similar clientele group together in urban space...to permit something akin to comparative shopping" (p 145). The individuality of the club and the district of location were found to attract discrete customer groups, and Gill concluded "that there is a definite relationship between the "quality" of the district and type of entertainment" (p 148). Thus "respectable dance and floor show" clubs were found in the commercial and financial districts, close to the hotels. Those offering nude entertainment located in Chinatown, Skid Row, or Uptown. Also in Vancouver, Pendakur and Pendakurs' (1983) review of the Granville Mall beautification project, supported the view of the catalytic role of the local resident group. Their study asserts that the proliferation of "cheap restaurants, headshops, and pawnshops" cater, initially at least, to the 2500 people who inhabit the 19 cheap hotels in the immediate vicinity. Appleyard's (1981) San Francisco studies provide additional support for the proposition thus: "Sacramento is "a street in transition, but the major change here is not so much a change in racial composition and social class as one of increasing orientation to a "hip" and style concious population....Many of the shops are part of the major change in character here . . . storefronts have been converted into chic stores...Many shops sell handmade wares, spices, coffees, antiques or specialized types of clothing. These places attract a body of outsiders to the street...and form a contrast to the predominantly local pedestrian use of the other streets in the vicinity" (pp 119-120). Appleyard's description demonstrates an "increase" in vitality as the social characteristics of an area change, Berry (1967 :122-123) has chronicled the "decrease" in retail vitality which has taken place in the downtown cores of many U.S. cities, as affluent whites have fled, and been replaced by low-income blacks. Each group "imprints" an area according to its characteristics, thus "physical uniqueness may be created by one group and be exploited by another, who finds it empathetic to their lifestyle. When an area has been strongly imprinted by a resident group,' some of its uniqueness remains long after the original inhabitants have left. Such imprinting may be in the style or layout of the buildings, the naming of streets, or even the customs and mannerisms of the people. Suttles (1968 :106) comments that in the Adams area of Chicago the Italians maintain a rich ceremonial life of parades, dances, picnics, carnivals, and festivals, despite the fact that the memories of the mother country must be dimmed  by time, and in the case of the youngsters, non-existent. Greenbie (1981) believes that: "Most really interesting cosmopolitan public places, while distemic in function, express the proxemic cultures of the societies which initially brought them into being as well as those of the people that most strongly influence decisions in the present" ( 115). Years after the original group has left, such areas often attract other unique groups who alter and diversify their spatial structures, increasing their uniqueness and updating the built-history (Holcomb and Beauregard 1981 :40, Greenbie 1981 :115, Anderson 1971 :35, Fletcher 1962 :92, Suttles 1968 : 27 ) . The shops, cafes, clubs and pubs in an area, act not only as retail outlets, but also as information exchanges and social venues. Pubs are places "where locals can meet strangers in an atmosphere made cordial by drink" (Alexander 1977 :445). They also serve to identify "surrounding neighborhood as belonging to Bohemians, Italians, or Jews" etc., and give important non-verbal clues as to the social ambience of the district (Rapoport 1982 : 173, Appleyard 1979 :135, Goldston 1969 :121) . However, in many urban villages, admissions to night clubs is limited to locals and friends; shopkeepers are unfriendly towards strangers; and products bear no prices and store signs no indication of the products sold (Suttles 1968 :47,87). Thus vitality does not occur in the centre of urban villages, but as will be shown later, at their seams or boundaries. 2.11.3 The role of local residents in attracting "variety" The heterogeneity found on the main commercial streets of vital districts has been deduced, by some urbanists, as the consequence of fine-grained residential mix, in the adjacent areas. Gans (1968) has demonstrated the fallacy of this thinking, and has explained that the residential districts are comparatively homogeneous, and that the heterogeneity seen on commercial streets is caused by the attraction of non-locals, thus: "Ethnic neighborhoods like the North End,or the Italian and Irish sections of Greenwich Village, are not diverse, but quite homogeneous in population as well as in building type. The street life of these areas stems not so much from their physical character as from the working-class culture of their inhabitants. In this culture, the home is reserved for the family, so that much social life takes place outdoors. If such districts are near the downtown area, they may attract intellectuals, artists, and Bohemian types, who also tend to spend a good deal of time outside their apartments contributing further to the street life. The street life, the small stores that traditionally serve ethnic groups and other cultural minorities, and the area's exotic flavor then draw visitors and tourists, whose presence helps to make the district livelier. The resulting blend of unusual culture makes for a highly visible kind of vitality" (p 28). Gans then, argues that "one" resident blue-collar ethnic group can be the catalyst which starts the evolutionary process which results in vitality. While agreeing that such groups do create "uniqueness", it is the position of this thesis that "variety", an intrinsic quality of vitality, will not occur unless "more than one" unique group is present in any area. Most cities contain ethnic residential clusters. They are definitely not all vital, in the sense of this thesis (Suttles 1968 :122, Morill 1965 :244). Thus it is the position of this thesis that vitality, occurs only when several groups have established "turf" or the rights to use an area jointly. This turf may be on a geographic basis where two different groups reside in adjacent sub-districts or on a time-cycle basis, where for example a white collar workforce "invades" a blue collar area during the day, or tourists enter during the summer season. Greenbie (1981) supports this premise when he writes: "When a diversity of cultures share a space environmental forms that unite them create a larger sense of place. This most often evolves slowly over time through the actions of many people and thus comes to express both individual and collective meanings" (p 218). Hardwick's (1974) findings in Vancouver also support the concept that "several" resident ethnic groups, attract not only "unique" goods and services, but "a variety" of "unique goods and services". He found that: "because of the proximity of several ethnic groups to the downtown area, a variety of goods and services not available in the suburbs are found in the core. Some of these are quite exotic and augment the regional, national, and even international dimensions of the Vancouver area" (p 70). As reported earlier, Hardwick's findings were further supported by the city's 1976 survey of Robson Street (see also McDarrah 1963 :20, Mumford 1938 :486, Gruen 1964 :170, Park and Burgess 1925 :55-59, Holcomb and Beauregard 1981 :42). Like Greenbie, Smith (1977 :143) finds that "some of the most interesting cities are to be found on the interface between national cultures". In North America cities like Montreal attest to this observation. The variety which arises in response to socially diverse resident groups, provides the regions of stimulation and ennui which Smith (1977), Greenbie (1976), and others,argue is essential to mental health (see also Porter 1965 :73, Lindsay and Norman 1972 :622, Taylor 1979, Gregory 1966). Such regions include not only beauty, culture and togetherness, but also colour, vulgarity, glitter and loneliness. Many of the latter qualities are enabled or caused by the presence of low-income "locals" residential areas. There has been a tendency in the past, for planners, to view these low income residential areas (slums) in only a negative light (Howard 1902, Mumford 1961, Ward 1976). Recent surveys of buying behaviour however suggest that patterns and values of consumer preference differ between socio-economic groups (Berkman and Gilson 1978 :184-187). The work of Fried and Gleicher and others, suggests that many slums are stable and a source of satisfaction to their residents. Such people live in slums by choice, and merely chose to spend their income differently from middle-class expectations (See also Gans 1962, Suttles 1968, Young and Willmott 1957). Lynch (1976) for example, comments: "Societies with few resources will spend a surprising proportion of them on symbolic sensory features: celebrations, cathedrals, fireworks, flowers, colours" (p 69). Firey (1945 :127) says that "the slum is more than an area of minimal choice" and Seeley (1959 :109) argues that it is a "social necessity for some sizable segment of the elite". In explanation of this radical-sounding statement he points to the elite volunteers who practise their good works in the slum, and suggests that: "Many of the services provided by the slum are not within the monetary reach of slum people: the bulk of the bootlegging, the call girl services, a great part of what some feel able to call "vice", the greater part of the gambling, and the whole set of connections that connect the underworld with the overworld serve the latter rather than the former, and are as much a response to effective (that is, money-backed) demand as is the price of a share of A.T.& T. or General Motors" (pl09). Booth (1967 :167), and McKenzie (1968 :30) also suggest that there is an "interdependence" between rich and poor, in vital areas. The purpose of this thesis is not to address moral or political issues but to investigate the evolution of vitality. In this regard it may be simply stated that the variety of goods, services, and experiences is increased when an area contains a diversity of homogeneous residential areas which include various cultures and income groups. S^ = #/variety of unique goods/services. Sg = Attraction for tourists. Sg = Attraction for hinterlanders. C^ = # and magnetism of intervening opportunities, S^ = # of unique goods and services. S^ = # of locals with similar characteristics. S2 = # of "local" groups. Cg = Appropriate zoning and rents. C2 = Aggregate purchasing power. C, = Density of "locals". 2.12 LOCAL DENSITIES, PURCHASING POWER, AND ZONING AND RENTS Three conditional factors impinge upon the foregoing arguments on the role of locals in the creation of a variety of unique goods, services and experiences. Figure 10 argues that unique homogeneous population groups can only attract unique goods if they have sufficient purchasing power; a diversity of groups can only open commercial enterprises if zoning and rents create a range of price-entry levels; and aggregate purchasing power, genius loci, and the size of the pedestrian population, are all influenced positively by the density of "locals" in the area. 2.12.1 Density of locals A basic tenet of this thesis, is the somewhat axiomatic premise, that the number and variety of goods and services in an area, is dependent upon the size and heterogeneity of the population for whom the location is convenient (Hoyt 1969 :8, Berry 1967 :35, Black 1980 :119, Alexander 1974 :34, Rasmussen 1973 :70, Wright and Mansell 1978 :30). In Central place theory and the concentric zone and sector theories of Burgess (1925), and Hoyt (1939), all assume that growth of the total city population confers automatic benefits on the commercial facilities in the central area. While this was undoubtedly true at the time that these theories were conceived, demographic and lifestyle changes, greater personal mobility, and the ubiquity of suburban shopping centres offering goods and services comparable to those in the C.B.D, have distorted the explanatory power of the models (Hoyt 1964 :96, Berry 1967 :124) . Thus the range of most goods and services have shrunk considerably, and are much more dependent upon people living in their immediate vicinity than they were previously (Johnston and Kissling 1971, Vance 1966 :119, Gruen 1964 :88). "The central area not only provides specialist services for the general urban population but also functions as the normal shopping centre for adjacent residential areas from which it is readily accessible. Obviously a decline in this population and its purchasing power will be detrimental to the central area" (Barrett 1973 :95). This is particularly critical for the unique, generative, single proprietor businesses intrinsic to vital areas, since, unlike multiples, they cannot afford large scale advertising, to attract non-locals (Jacobs 1961 :147, Vance 1966 : 117) . The Urban Land Institute suggests that 2,500 - 40,000 people are required to support a neighborhood shopping centre, with one drugstore or supermarket; 40,000 -150,000 people are required to sustain a community shopping centre containing a variety or junior department store; and 150,000 or more potential customers form the market for a regional centre with one or more major department stores (McKeever 1977 :7). In central-city areas, the amount of land devoted to residential uses is normally quite small. For example in Vancouver it amounts to approximately 3 percent (City of Vancouver 1981 :5). Thus assuming that 60 percent of a commercial areas customers comes from a one and one half mile radius, it can be seen that residential densities must be high to support even a mid-sized neighborhood centre. A number of researchers have noted that historically, as city-populations grow in absolute terms, the densities in their central areas tend to decrease (Doxiades 1968, Pushkarev 1977, Vining 1982). Newling also argued that there is a "critical density" threshold, below which densities of the central area tend to increase, and above which they begin to decrease. This threshold he finds, by convergence in several studies, to be in the region of 30,000 persons per square mile. Studies by Ratcliff (1955), Kivell (1971) and Schaeffer (1975), have all produced evidence to confirm that decentralization of both retail facilities and population were occurring before suburban shopping malls had been conceived, and prior to the arrival of the automobile, which is often wrongly identified as the cause rather than a facilitator of decentralization. In fact Shaw (1978), found changes occurring in the City of Kingston upon Hull, Britain, as long ago as 1890. He shows that between 1881 and 1901 net residential densities in the central area declined from approximately 250, to approximately 53 persons per acre. During this same time period, the population of the entire city grew from approximately 162,000 to approximately 278,000. The effect on retailing was that small independent retailers, particularly food shops were driven out of the central area, and were replaced by multiple outlet firms. Most of the independents were driven out of business, but a few changed ownership to survive a little longer. The multiples, with a greater selection of merchandise and more competitive prices, appear to have been able to attract customers from a geographically larger area, to compensate for the declining local densities. The study also found : "evidence that the growth of multiples was a factor in the development of the commercial land-value market in Kingston Upon Hull after 1880. This was due to the emphasis given by the retailers to the locational variable as a competitive parameter" (Shaw 1978 p 97). This factor follows naturally from bid rent theory (Alonso, 1964, Wingo 1961, Muth 1960) and central place studies such as those conducted by Berry and Garrison (1958). Relatively high densities are thus a necessary condition to ensure a large pedestrian population and for the attraction of sufficient goods and services to ensure vitality. Density alone however, is no guarantee of vitality, it may in fact seriously deter it (Mumford 1961 :465). When huge tracts of high density multi-storied buildings are inhabitated by people with socio-economic problems, crime and other social pathologies can result (Michelson 1970 : 195, Newman 1972 :195). In such instances the area's "image" is not conducive to vitality and its commercial centre becomes: a people place of a different kind" (Pendakur and Pendakur 1983 :51). 2.12.2 Aggregate purchasing power and appropriate zoning and rents The variety of unique goods and services which are attracted to an area, is affected by two other conditional factors. The first, which has been alluded to earlier, argues that the aggregate purchasing power of the district must be sufficient to make it profitable for a variety of businesses to locate there. This is largely self-evident in a market economy. It is also supported by the research of Berry (1967 :122), Schiller (1971 :107), Simmons (1964 :13), McKeever (1977 :27-29), and others. The second conditional factor, the existence of appropriate zoning and rents, affects both the diversity of businesses and customers. In order for there to be a wide variety of businesses in an area, there must be a similar variety of shop rentals to accomodate the different rent-paying abilities of the various uses. For example a cultural use, such as a theatre or ballet company, which is open only at night, is unlikely to have the same rent paying ability as a department store or clothes shop. Enterprises which are just starting, or serve mainly a local neighborhood population, also require low rent premises. Spelt (1973), and others, have recognised the important incubator roles played by so-called "transitional areas" thus: "For small newly formed enterprises, the downtown area has the function of an incubator. A firm beginning on a small scale, with limited financial resources, can find any desired amount of relatively cheap space in one of the old buildings. At first sight, this industrial area appears to be old and declining, but behind a decaying facade there may exist an unexpectedly strong growth of young and vigorous firms" (p 133). Noting that high order goods outbid low order goods Alexander (1974 :160) suggests that differential plot ratios could be used to preserve sufficient "seed-bed locations" to ensure variety. Jacobs (1961 :194) draws attention to the fact that an area which contains commercial premises of varying ages and conditions, benefits from the visual delights of ingeneous building adaptions, as well as a variety of goods and services. Sennett (1977) shows that the absence of rental properties appropriate to small proprietorships, has important experiential consequences as well as its effects on diversity. "Haggling and its attendant rituals are the most ordinary instances of everyday theatre in the city....The stylized interplay weaves the buyer and the seller together socially" (p 142). Sennett then explains, that haggling can only occur between a customer and the store owner. Thus large stores with many assistants, who cannot be trusted with bargaining authority, destroy this age-old ritual. It only survives in street markets, perhaps accounting, in part, for their popularity. In the 1920's and 1930's when most North American inner-city areas were at their peak of vitality, zoning and building codes were less restrictive. Thus immigrants eager to participate in "The American Dream" often crowded together, opened businesses in their parlours, and co-opted all family members, at slave wage rates until the enterprise was firmly established (Suttles 1968 :84, Jacobs 1961 :286, Terkel 1972 :541-551). Park and Burgess (1925 :59) have noted that the opportunity to rise from the ghettoes, what they call "mobility" - "is perhaps the best index of the state of metabolism of the city". The "area of deterioration" they say: "while essentially one of decay, of stationary or declining population, is also one of regeneration, as witness the settlement, the artists' colony radical centres - all obsessed with the vision of a new and better world" (p 56). Thus to increase vitality and allow diversity to spawn and multiply, zoning must flexible and tailored to specific situations, and commercial areas must contain a range of building rentals. 55 = 56 -C4 " S4 -s 3 -So = C„ = c, = s, = X, = x„ = #/variety of unique goods/services. Attraction for hinterlanders. # and magnetism of intervening opportunities. # of unique goods/services. # of locals with similar unique characteristics, # of local groups. Appropriate zoning and rents. Aggregate purchasing power. Density of locals. Residential segregation. Amount of soc/cultural differentiation. # of different soc/cultural groups. 2.13 RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION - THE DETERMINANTS Figures 9 and 10 have argued that in order for unique goods and services to be initially attracted to an area, there must be a large enough homogeneous local group, with sufficient purchasing power, which has need of such goods and services; further, in order for there to be a "variety" of unique goods and services in an area, there must necessarily be "several" homogeneous local groups, which differ from each other. That is there must be within group homogeneity and between group heterogeneity. Figure 11 argues that within group homogeneity is an outcome of residential segregation. This is, in turn, a function of the amount of social and cultural differentiation recognised as significant by a society; whereas between group heterogeneity in an area is a function of the number of groups represented within the total population. It is also noted that residential segregation tends to increase with higher densities. The model therefore argues that the determinants of urban vitality are density and local and societal segregating factors 2.13.1 The emergence of a variety of unique homogeneous population clusters This thesis has argued that the catalyst which activates the process of urban vitality, is the presence, in the area, of several unique residential groups displaying within group homogeneity and between group heterogeneity. If however unique groups within the local population are indeed catalysts for urban vitality, the question arises as to how such spatially concentrated groups are formed? Charles Booth (1967) was one of the earliest to recognize the fact that people tend to segregate themselves, (or be segregated) residentially, according to certain social characteristics. This concept was made explicit and developed more fully by Park,(1925) and his pupils Burgess and McKenzie. These Chicago based sociologists developed the concept that the city is a mosaic of "natural areas", each area tending towards homogeneity according to certain social characteristics. They argued that the city is a unit in which "the changing spatial relationships of human beings are an interplay of a number of forces". These forces, classified generally as geographic, economic, cultural, technical, political, and administrative, are either positive or negative; they either attract or repel (McKenzie 1968 :23). Acting in concert, they cause the city to be differentiated as a "mosaic of minor communities" of slums, immigrant ghettos, Bohemias, and Hobohemias: "These are the so-called" natural areas" of the city" (Park 1952 :196). "A region is called a natural area" because it comes into existence without design, and performs a function, although the function, as in the case of the slum, may be contrary to anybody's desire" (Park 1952 :79). Following the work of the "Chicago School", a number of micro studies of cities, have supported the concept of natural areas, and the contribution of the actions of invasion and succession to the ongoing process of intra-city change and adaption (Suttles 1974, Young and Willmott 1957, Seeley et at 1956, Gans 1962, 1962a,). However these "ecological models", which were mainly descriptive have been criticised for a dependence on too few variables to support the major theses, and for having weak theoretical bases. Shevky and Bell (1955) sought to overcome these shortcomings with their concept of "social area analysis". Working from three postulates which reflected city life in industrialized societies, they evolved constructs concerning economic status, family status, and ethnic status. Using indicants of each construct, they quantified and analysed them statistically, to create indexes. "each census tract was then given three scores, one for each of the indexes of the factors; and then the tract populations with similar configurations of scores on the three indexes, were grouped together into larger areas called social areas" (Shevky and Bell 1955 :145). In 1961 Anderson and Egeland postulated that the spatial distribution of Chevky's three variables coincided with the classic theories of urban structure of Burgess (1925), Hoyt (1939) and Harris and Ullman (1945). Using factor analysis, Murdie (1969) found that in Toronto, six major variables accounted for three-quarters of the total variance explaining the overlaying of social space upon physical form. "In particular, three basic dimensions displayed strength and persistence through time, differentiating the population by economic status, family status and zones of recent growth, additionally, there were similar configurations of the population by ethnic status over the time period of the study" (Murdie 1969 :167). Economic status was distributed in a sectorial pattern with growth spreading outwards from the centre in a manner similar to Hoyt's model. Family status was distributed radially with growth occurring in concentric rings as suggested by Burgess's model, ethnicity was distributed in irregular clumps, in the manner of Harris and Ullman's multi-nuclei model (Murdie 1969 :8). In Vancouver, Patterson (1974) also using factor analysis, found that familism, socio-economic status, housing type, and ethnic status accounted for forty percent of the explained variance. Factor analysis has been described by Ley (1983) as the aggressive offspring of social area analysis", and a number of studies employing it, although uncovering other contributory variables, have tended to support the primacy of indicants used most frequently in social area analysis (Anderson and Egeland 1961, Rees 1970, Timms 1971 :150, Tryon 1955, Greer 1956, Patterson 1974). The weight of evidence, from the early observational studies and the later statistical analyses, is now overwhelming. There can be little doubt that urban populations are spatially segregated according to social characteristics; and within politically defined boundaries several socially defined groups may exist contiguously but separately (Gans 1962,Suttles 1968, Neumann et al 1973). Segregation appears to occur both voluntarily and through discrimination, and in North America the major segregating influences are: 1) Socio-economic status 2) Stage in the family life cycle 3) Ethnicity 4) Mobility Recent evidence suggests that contrary to popular opinion, ethnic segregation is not always economically determined and that there is a remarkable persistence to ethnic loyalties, continuing well past the third generation of immigrants (Kalback 1980, Reitz 1980 Kantrowitz 1969). There is also, apparently little difference in segregation patterns whether under the Canadian ideology of the "cultural mosaic", or the U.S. model of the "melting pot" (Glazer and Moynihan 1963). In both countries evidence suggests that ethnic groups (some more than others) retain some degree of cultural association even after economic barriers to integration are removed (Reitz 1980 :232). Historically, groupings of foreign immigrants who settled in or close to downtown areas, have increased urban variety and commercial vitality by introducing new ideas, skills, and demands for goods and services. "The ethnic neighbourhood acted as a port of entry, a halfway house between the new land and the old country, permitting a gradual readjustment for immigrants through the maintenance of religious and dietary customs and by sheilding them from more extreme forms of culture-shock and the handicap of a foreign mother tongue" (Ley 1983 :58). Breton (1975) has identified five bases to explain voluntary ethnic segregation. One of these, a need to express the identify of the group, is a powerful force in the creation of ethnic business, and social and religious institutions. Rapoport (1982) states that the presence of a social or ethnic group's "churches, clubs, bakeries, groceries, butcher shops, and restaurants" led to the "identification of the surrounding neighborhood as belonging to Bohemians, Italians or Jews -even if they constituted a minority in that area...These settings did more than fulfill the needs of people; they stood for the nature of the area - they communicated its meaning" (p 173). As stated earlier socio-economic status, or social class,is also a powerful segregating force (Wolforth 1965 :76, Reitz 1980, Gordon 1978 :257, Keller 1968). In fact, Bottomore (1965) argues that the social class system (at least at the upper levels), "Operates largely through the inheritance of property, to ensure that each individual maintains a certain social position,determined by birth and irrespective of his particular abilities" (p 16, see also Marx and Engles 1968 :47). Socio-economic status is somewhat related to lifestyle or familism. Robson (1975 :7) suggests that a family chooses a housing area so as to give spatial expression to its image of its own social standing. The gay area of San Francisco, the hippies of 1960's Berkeley, and the "fun areas" of New York, Boston, and San Francisco all attest to the influence of lifestyle as a segregator (Robson 1975, Irwin 1977 :101, Holcomb and Beauregard 1981 :42, Bryce 1979 :95). Several surveys also suggest that lifestyle is a more potent segregating influence than race or socio-economic status (Leven and Mark 1977 :158, Sarkissian and Heine 1978). The movement of families to the suburbs, and the creation of wealthy retirement ghettoes such as Sun City Arizona, further illustrate the potency of familism, or stage in the family life cycle, as a segregating influence (Seeley et al 1956, Robson 1975 :26). Since segregation is related to identity aspirations, and since residential satisfaction, is strongly influenced by a sense of belonging; (Fried and Gleicher) it follows that the larger, denser, more specialized, and impersonal cities and society become, the more people will segregate themselves into groups with perceived similarities (Suttles 1968, Toennies 1887, Simmel 1950,Wirth 1938, Durkhiem 1897, Shevky and Bell 1955, Timms 1971 :251). Studies also show that the length of residence in a country, the perceived social distance from the dominant native group, and the size, socio-economic status, and institutional completeness of the immigrant group all affect the degree of spatial segregation to be expected (Duncan and Lieberson 1959, Balakrishnan 1979,McGahan 1982 :214). 12 1-3 Urban vitality. Size/heterogeneity of pedestrian population, # of local groups. Appropriate zoning and rents. Density of locals. Residential segregation. Amount of soc/cultural differentiation. # of different social/cultural groups. Land values. Incompatible profit maximizing land uses. 2.14. THE DECLINE OF VITALITY The dotted feed-back loop in Figure 12 indicates the process which occurs when the equilibrium of the contrapuntal order which maintains vitality, is significantly disturbed. McHarg (1969) has argued that the so-called free market economy creates a society where: "Neither love nor compassion health nor beauty, dignity nor freedom, grace nor delight are important unless they can be priced" (p 25). In such a society, the work of art is sold, not to the art-lover, but to the investor who can pay the highest price. When areas become vital the same is true. Hotels and offices outbid other uses and build skyscrapers to destroy the human-scale and scenic views which attracted them (Appleyard 1979 :14, Relph 1976 :93, Alexander 1974 :145, Timms 1971 :28, Jacobs 1961 :243). Wealthy middle-class newcomers bid-up the price of housing, and displace lower socio-economic residents, disturbing the district's heterogeneity (Jacobs 1961 :70, Holcomb and Beauregard 1981 :42, Appleyard 1981 :169). High order commercial activities with greater rent-paying ability, colonize and displace low order, single proprietor shops and services, and replace them with multiples (Davies 1978 :151, Daniels 1982 :12) . The results are threefold. Firstly a loss of unique retail and entertainment uses. Secondly a diminution of the variety of the same. Thirdly a destruction of the unique physical and social environments. This occurs by the replacement of historic buildings and their attendant "meanings", (usually by buildings of inferior and universally-styled designs). By the destruction of human-scale and complexity. By the attraction of more automobile traffic to threaten the safety and environment of the pedestrian. When the environment loses its uniqueness, it no longer appeals to tourists, and when it also loses its variety it no longer attracts hinterlanders. When its vitality is sapped, the wealthy residents forsake it for new stimulation and only the "trapped", "transient" and "dissadvantaged" are left (Timms 1971 :28, Boughey 1972 :34, Gruen 1964 :88, Black 1980 s119). Without the homogeneous groups of unique residents and their purchasing power; without the unique physical and social environment, it stagnates. However, if enough of its unique form is preserved, price escalation, in other areas of the city, population growth, or transportation rerouting etc., often cause other unique groups to "rediscover" it, and the process to begin again (Clay 1979). 2.15 VITALITY IN NORTH AMERICAN CITIES POST 1920 As a final confirmation of the proposed model, it may be instructive to review the reasons for the decline of vital areas in North America. The causes of decline should correlate inversely with the model's generators of vitality. Although the classic urban structure models of Burgess and Hoyt,Christaller and Losch did not specifically address vitality, it is argued that they did, in essence, contain an "implied" theory of urban vitality. Essentially this theory maintained that cities would continue to grow, as part of a hierarchal system of cities, and that this growth would ensure the continued dominance and vitality of downtown areas. Such a theory also assumes that many of the features that created vitality in central areas of cities would endure. These features included: 1) Accessibility through centrality. 2) The near-monopoly of specialty and unique goods. 3) Central area immigrant ghettos. 4) A mix of blue collar and white collar employment opportunities. 5) Population growth through large scale foreign immigration. 6) The highest residential densities in the city. An examination of the post 1920's situation in regard to each of these features reveals: 1) The growth of regional shopping centres offering specialty goods, and their often superior accessibility for a largely auto-owning clientele, has broken the near monopoly of specialty retailing previously enjoyed by the downtown (McKeever 1977 :17, Daniels 1982 :30, Vance 1958 ). 2) The outward movement of the maximum  residential densities, has resulted in the downtown area as being the "most convenient" place to obtain a good or service for fewer and fewer people (Berry 1967 :120, Ley 1983 :31, Vance 1958 : 216). 3) The reduced foreign immigration, and the high Socio-economic status of new immigrants have caused a decline in the growth and renewal of central city ethnic residential areas, which provided unique demands,unique skills and contributed unique experiential areas. Much of the economic vitality which was provided by this population, many of whom were intent on upward mobility, has disappeared (McGahan 1982 : 135-150). 4) The reduced purchasing power, caused by the middle class residential flight; the reduced number of "local" residential and hinterland customers, and the reduced variety of the workforce have combined to significantly decrease the variety of goods and service which can be supported in the central area (Black 1980 :99, Berry 1967 :122). 5) Surveys show that in North American cities the major customer demand now comes from office employees working in the downtown area. Without the solid base of local residential customers, tremendous peak hour demands are generated at lunch-times which cannot be balanced throughout the day. Such demand peaks cause severe operating inefficiencies for facilities needing high customer/staff ratios and encourage their replacement by multiples (Daniels 1982 :31, Urban Life Consultants 1978). 6) Loss of the local residentially based demand has resulted in fewer pedestrians on central area streets after 6 pm. This combined with a deterioration of the pedestrian environment due to increased automobile traffic, narrowed sidewalks, and superscaled high rise building enclosures has resulted in streets which become unsafe for pedestrians, even in some cases, during daylight hours. 7) The change in the transportation mode have caused the access advantage of centrality to be replaced by the access disadvantages of congestion and parking limitations and costs (Stegman 1969). 8) The access advantage has passed to the regional shopping centres, located adjacent to super highways, and many are now adding to their strong local customer base by drawing decentralizing offices, civic services, and entertainment uses, whose employees together with hinterland shoppers formerly used downtown facilities. 9) It has been demonstrated that one of the motives for using the facilities of an area is familiarity. As the regional centres capture increasing numbers of services previously provided by the central areas, the familiarity of the former will increase and the latter decrease (Porteous 1977 :122). Thus the conditions which originally created vitality in North American cities have changed significantly. In most instances they are indeed the inverse correlates of conditions suggested by the model as being essential for urban vitality. Much of the retail theory in recent years has focussed on the conditions necessary to create regional shopping centres. If most U.S. downtowns were viewed hypothetically as potential regional shopping centre locations, they would fail to meet the criteria presently used to evaluate successful investment opportunities (see for example McKeever 1977 : 7-47). The other interesting aspect of this line of reasoning, is that developers have recently begun to discover the important roles that experiential opportunities play in vital commercial areas. Some have begun to incorporate such features into regional shopping centres. Holcomb and Beauregard (1981 :61), for example reviewed a number of redevelopment schemes in the United States and found that Quincy Market in Boston, Attracted one million visitors per week in 1980, and Harborplace in Baltimore, dre\f more visitors than Disneyland, both are carefully "managed" urban "experiences". In Canada the suburban West Edmonton Mall has been designed to artificially recreate the sense of theatre, which springs from a dense heterogenous population, unique facilities, and a sympathetic environment, by incorporating a variety of staged entertainment. "It has an indoor amusement park which it calls Fantasyland, and an NHL - sized skating rink on which the Edmonton Oilers practise regularly. Last year the consumer mecca drew at least 7000 shoppers on special pre-christmas tours from Yellowknife , Vancouver and Saskatoon. Indeed, the mall has a full-time "tourism director" (Macleans 23.4.84. p53). The Mall attracts 1.2 million visitors per year and has plans to add a lake with artificial waves, a suntanning beach, and a marineland with whales and dolphins. Retail sales are twice the national average. The fascinating aspect of the West Edmonton Mall is that the developers are attempting to sanitize and market some of the features, which come free in vital places, (Urban vitality) in a climate controlled, year round facility. A portent of the future?. Golberger's (1981) criticism of such schemes strikes right at the raison d'etre of this thesis. It is believed that urban vitality springs naturally from the propinquity of several diverse homogeneous social groups, its equilibrium is through contrapuntal order. It cannot be artificially created, and its advantage over the West Edmonton Malls is that because real street theatre is spontaneous and unmanaged, it has the excitement of the "unpredictable everyday". NOTES 6. Vitality occurs not only in the normally identified central-city areas, but also in urban villages, e.g. (in London) Islington, Chelsea, Whitechapel etc. (Fletcher 1962). 7. See for example Jonassen 1955 :90, Appleyard 1981 :53. 8. The perception of both population size and heterogeneity is related to the size of the area under consideration. Thus 20 people may be a crowd in a small village and insignificant in a large city. Similarly, two deviants may be threatening in the former, and unnoticeable in the latter (Jacobs 1961 131). 9. For a more complete description see Millgram 1974 :192. 10. For example the street is an extension of the home in working-class cultures, whereas it is merely an outdoor corridor to the middle classes (Porteous 1977, Michelson 1970). 11. This psychological need accords with Dahrendorf's (1979) theory on the need for "ligatures" or stabilizing bonds, in order to survive the disorientation caused by the multipe offerings of modern society. 12. Greenbie, following Paul Macleans nomenclature of the triune brain, explains that "limbic" is an expression which includes both the reptilian and neo-mammalian  brains. 13. Under this definition, vital urban areas are distemic, although as Greenbie points out, they may also be proxemic for homogeneous social groups living within the boundary. 14. "The Greater London Council estimates that on occasions tourist buses have brought 8000 people to see the changing of the guard in Whitehall on a Sunday morning" (Appleyard 1979 :14). 15. See for example Canadian Automobile Association tour books 1984, Fodor's Modern Guides, Birnbaum 1979, Davis 1973, etc. 16. Ley (1983) draws attention to the rise of a new consumer elite with considerable discretionary purchasing power, constantly seeking new aquisitions in order to sustain their addictive habit, and confirm their societal status. He calls it the Morocan bird cage mentality. 17. Leigh's description of "specialty", accords with the description of "unique" goods and services used throughout this thesis. URSKS 'mSfS'i'A "tvESK* P&g of vancouver and survey si tes CHAPTER 3 THE MODEL APPLIED This chapter applies the model of urban vitality developed in the previous chapters to four areas within the City of Vancouver. The commercial districts chosen exhibit differing degrees of vitality, and the model will be used to seek an explanation of the variances. 3.1 The chosen areas The districts chosen include two commercial streets in the central area, and two in what Hardwick (1974) has called the "old suburbs". "Robson street" was selected because it is generally regarded as the most "cosmopolitan" and lively street in the central area. "Water street", also downtown, was "revitalized" as a part of Vancouver's "historic" Gastown, but it continues to draw criticism from Vancouverites for its lack of variety and its minimal street life (Nightingale Berry 1977 :255, Kluckner 1981 :89). In the old suburbs, "Kerrisdale" has one of the city's most crowded commercial sub-districts and "the Indian Market" at 49th and Main is distinguished by the recent aquisition of many of the shops by the East Indian community living nearby. The perception of this writer prior to carrying out the surveys, was that in terms of commercial activities Water Street had the most unique physical environment but only a limited variety of land uses; The Indian market offered unique goods but had the most undistinguished physical environment; Kerrisdale offered some unique goods in a pleasant environment, and Robson 18 Street offered both uniqueness and variety. It was therefore felt that the choice of these A districts covered the full 19 spectrum of situations discussed in the model. It was also felt that since the two downtown districts were older than the other districts, and since they grew when centrality was more significant than at present, they might represent fully developed versions of the model. Conversely the others might illustrate various stages in the evolutionary process. Note quality of built environment, scale, material etc., and contrast with the new downtown area in background. Note historic building texture, complexity, and attention to detail. Contrast storefronts with Robson Street. Note quality of landscape detailing, clothing styles, width of sidewalk. 3.1.1 Water street Gassy Jack Deighton, figuring that the sawmill workers of Gastown would be a thirsty crew, built his saloon at the corner of Water Street and Carrall in 1867. A second saloon and grocery store followed, and as people were attracted more shops established in the area. The area remained the centre of Vancouver until the early 1900's when the town's fulcrum shifted westward to Granville street. By 1910 many of the hotels and fine stores had been replaced by warehouses, and by the depression of the 1930's Gastown including Water street, had become Vancouvers "skid road" (Davis 1976 :344-47, Gutstein 1975 :63-67). The abandonment of the streetcar system in the 1950's, the spread of the private automobile, and the building of regional shopping centres north and south of the area, stalled any hope of revival. In the 1960's the community arts council conducted a series of walking tours of the historic district, and several young businessmen seeing the potential of the place, began to buy and renovate some of the small shops in the area. It became the centre for the hippie counterculture and arts and crafts movement. The resurgent popularity, attracted larger redevelopment schemes, and the provincial and city governments co-operated to "beautify" and "revitalize" the area with trees, brick paviors and ornate street furniture (City of Vancouver 1975). "The money helped create a delightful turn-of-the-century streetscene, but the rents drove away most of the small merchants whose marginal enterprises, restaurants and galleries had made the area so attractive...What remains is a pretty depressing collection of boutiques and tourist traps in what is still an attractive, quaint setting" (Kluckner 1981 :89). 20 The residential population living within one mile of Water street is approximately 15,500. However nearly 6,000 of these are Chinese, and likely to use the adjacent "Chinatown" area, and approximately A,300 are equidistant from Robson Street and Water Street. Thus the "local" residential trading area is probably closer to 7,000 people. Of these less than 33 percent are female, and the average family income is 48 percent less than the city average. The area population is also extremely heterogeneous with a high proportion of elderly residents, and a low level of education (City of Vancouver 1979, 1981 Census of Canada). The physical environment of Water street has been well rehabilitated and the large infill redevelopments have been fairly successfully integrated into the historic warehouse design theme. Wide brick sidewalks and trees contrast with the strong brick buildings providing one of the most unique architectural environments in the city. No less than 18 buildings on Water street are identified as landmarks in a tour book sponsored by the Architectural Institute of B.C. (Kalman 1974). The one sour environmental note is the effects of automobiles on the ambience of the street. The one way system lends itself to speed and this combined with high volumes of large truck traffic disturbs the aesthetic and historic atmosphere, and influences cross-street pedestrian patterns. Note restored steam driven clock and types of pedestrians and their clothing styles. Note high density residential in background; size and scale of shops. Contrast dress styles and apparent socio-economic status of pedestrians with those on Water Street. JjunTZ. Jen Room Restaurant LLOWArSi Note types and ages of pedestrians, size of stores and window displays. Note ages and dress styles of pedestrians; types of stores. 3.1.2 Robson Street Robson street is a major shopping street on the edge of the central area's high density residential district, the West End. Tram lines were installed on Robson Street in 1900, and soon afterwards stores began replacing houses in what was then the most elite residential area in Vancouver (Davis 1976 :111). In 1908, 86 percent of all the families listed in the elite directory lived in the West End. By 1959 the proportioned had declined to 5% (McAfee 1967 :50). The invasion of the tram lines, stores, and working class residents, and the opening of the new suburb of Shaughnessy on the other side of False Creek encouraged many wealthy families to abandon the West End (Gray et al 1976 :27). Their gracious mansions were sub-divided into rooming houses and many small residences were built for the new working-class immigrants moving into the area (Gutstein 1975 :99). By the 1950's many apartment buildings had been built in the area, which had changed from a predominantly upper income family area, to a less economically advantaged, relatively childless district. (Gray et al 1976 :38) Also by the early 1950's, central area retail facilities were suffering from the competition with the new regional shopping centres built in the suburban areas. In 1956 in an attempt to increase the "local" shopping population, and ensure housing close to downtown workplaces, Vancouver City Council substantially increased the permitted residential zoning in the West End (Gutstein 1975 :98). Developers responded by redeveloping almost the entire area into one of the highest residential densities in North America. This residential population provides a strong customer base for the support of retail and restaurant facilities on Denman and Robson Streets. As has been mentioned earlier, surveys have shown that a significant proportion of the downtown shopping and workforce live in the West End. (Gutstein 1975 :98, Hardwick 1974 :70, McAfee 1967, Pendakur 1972) The population of the West End has, since its inception, been composed of people with largely Northern European ancestry. The predominant proportion come from British stock, but significant numbers are from Germany, France, Holland, and the Scandinavian countries. This homogeneous cluster no doubt accounts for the existence of the variety of shops and restaurants catering to Germans, French, and other European tastes (Davis 1973 :97, 1976 :111) . "This slice of old Vancouver has remained lively and popular without resorting to the sleazy, trinkets and gimmicks of Gastown and Granville Mall. Robsonstrasse is a quaint area of little storefronts selling good coffee, pastries, fashions and quality imported gift items for its neighborhood - the surrounding apartment people plus those who come from all over town" (Kluckner 1981 :99). As reported earlier, Nightingale Berry's (1977 :255) survey of "packaged tour visitors", found that the consensual definition for Robson Street was "Cosmopolitan". The residential population living within a one mile radius is approximately 39,000 of which approximately 5,000 are equidistant from either Water Street or Chinatown. The average family income in the south west part of the neighborhood is higher than the city average. However the low-income areas east of Burrard street, reduce the average for the area, to approximately 11 percent less than the mean family income for the whole city. Given the high prices and quality of goods on Robson street, it is doubtful whether many residents from the east downtown shop there. The theory promulgated by the model would suggest that these people are more likely to shop on Hasting street or in Gastown. Women account for 46 percent of the population, which is predominantly adult, northern European and has a slightly high than average educational attainment (1981 Census of Canada, City of Vancouver 1979). There is also a larger than average "gay population". While no official estimates of sexual preference exist, a review of the personal advertisements placed in two community newpapers , show 36 percent seeking homosexual or bi-sexual liasons in the "West Ender" compared with 15 percent in the "East Ender". The popularity of Robson street makes it a prime target for redevelopment proposals. Unfortunately the proposals have been grossly overscaled and if realized, would destroy the very attributes which make it attractive (see for example Davis 1973 :97, and Vancouver Sun June 11 & 16, 1981, and January 1, 1982). Linda Hossie, a resident of the area and newspaper journalist, paints a vivid picture of the "local" perception of the street: "I stroll along those crucial three blocks of Robson all the time, between my street which is Jervis and Burrard there are four convenience grocery stores, one of which specializes in fresh produce; there is a hardware store, a shoe repair shop, a tailor, a cheese shop, a coffee and tea shop, a spice shop a news and magazine shop, two butchers, and a fish store. I small the spicy sausages, as I walk, and the fresh coffee beans, the cheeses, and the faint aroma of cappucino from the coffee bar. My neighbor buys fresh croissants every day on Robson street. When my alarm clock broke, I took five minutes to walk down Robson street and buy another one. When my shoes need repairing I drop them off on my way to the dry cleaners and the bakery around the corner. Its so inconvenient I don't know what to do but gnash my teeth at the planning department's failure to understand the importance of critical mass. Those clods" (Vancouver Sun June 18, 1981). The sarcasm of the last two sentences is directed at the development team who were attempting to convince council that Robson street was dying and needed a huge increase in commercial density to revive it. Note building scale and variety, quality of design detailing. kerrisdale(w.41st)  looking east plate 13 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 kerrisdale(w.41st)  look ing east plate 14 Note age, status and clothing styles of pedestrians. Note apartment buildings in background; school group in forground; types of stores. 3.1.3 Kerrisdale centre (West 41st, Avenue) Although first settled in 1862, Kerrisdale had only 66 registered voters when it joined the municipality of Point Grey in 1908. At that time it boasted one general store, one hardware store, a post office and a real estate office. The introduction of a street car system in 1912 and its extension in 1920 to downtown Vancouver increased the accessibility of the area, and fueled a slow but steady growth of people and commercial facilities (Davis 1976 :85). Today, Kerrisdale has more than one hundred stores with a degree of specialization in boutiques, salons and fashion shops (Hardwick 1974 :124). Kluckner (1981 :84) says that high fashion shoppers "with conservative taste would be inclined to look in Kerrisdale, and people with avant-garde tastes would shop Robson street". Approximately 22,000 people live within one mile of the Kerrisdale centre, of which 56 percent are women. The population is generally composed of mature families with one or two teenage or post-teen children. The high rise areas close to the centre however, show significant proportions of 25-35 year olds and elderly people. The ethnic background is 88-90 percent British (the mean for the whole city is 77 percent). Average family incomes are 70% higher than the mean for the whole city, and educational attainment is one of the highest in Vancouver. (1981 Census of Canada, City of Vancouver 1979) A portion of Shaughnessgy falls within the one mile radius and this area is inhabited by the so-called "old elite" of Vancouver. For example, Hardwick (1974 :114), reports that 80% of those sampled in Shaughnessey had attended private schools. Hardwick (1974 :124) says that some pedestrian oriented local stores exist in symbiosis with local residents and occur for cultural as well as economic reasons. Such an area, it seems, is Kerrisdale. Mayhew (1967) drew attention to the large number of shops which used the word "Kerrisdale" on their namesigns. There is clearly a strong affinity between the retail centre and the neighborhood, and judging from the large numbers of Saturday shoppers, non-locals are being attracted, and a genius loci is in the embryonic stages of creation. Environmentally, Kerrisdale is fairly successful. It has a pleasant street scale created by a combination of small shops, low buildings, brick paviors, coloured awnings and trees. The high rise apartments visible behind the commercial street define the area as a nodal point and reinforce its importance. Sidewalks vary in width; narrow enough, in some places to create propinquity and chummyness without inconvenience, in others wide enough to permit neighbours to stop and gossip. Although 41st Avenue is a major arterial, lane widths are narrow and make speeding difficult. This, together with several pedestrian operated traffic-lights, prevents traffic from overwhelming the pedestrian atmosphere. Note ethnicity of pedestrians; interaction of auto occupants and pedestrians; food spilling onto sidewalk. main] saree1 centre Compare quality of built environment with Kerrisdale, ethnic homogeneity. /ARff/6 DRAPfDY, indian marke t (main) look ing nor th plate 19 Note remaining Italian and German business; quality of environment. PricesQown Note colourful window displays; bilingual signs; and pedestrian dress styles. 3.1.4 The Indian Market (Junction of 49th and Main street) Although the North arm of the Fraser River, between Fraser and Main was settled in the early 1860's, as late as 1912 people still lived temporarily in tents in the district. This was the "boom period" for South Vancouver, when the North arm had been dredged to open it to industrial traffic, and factories, workshops, and mills located there in response to the improved access. Street cars followed linking the area to central Vancouver, and working-class immigrants moved into the area to join the Chinese farmers already established on the fertile banks of the river (Davis 1976 :104-106, Hardwick 1974 :106). The area within a one mile radius of 49th and Main street is now home to approximately 30,000 people, of which 52 percent are women. The population includes a high percentage of young families with two of three young children, and the average family income is slightly higher than the city mean. This average is distorted however by two high income census tracts in the north west area. If these two tracts are discounted, the average family income falls to 89 percent of the city mean. Educationally, high school completion matches the city average, but the number of people completing post-secondary education is well below the city mean (81 census of Canada, City of Vancouver 1979). The largest ethnic group claims British as their mother tongue, but 18 percent have Chinese origins, 8 percent German, and 6 percent East Indian. The city average for these three groups is 5.2 percent, 3.3 percent and 1.4 percent respectively. There have been a number of racial incidents in the district in recent years and some of the shopkeepers have claimed that the East Indian merchants are: "Forcing the white men and Chinese out" (Vancouver Sun September 10th, and 16th 1982). This area is aesthetically very unattractive, being bisected by Main street, a wide major thoroughfare, and 49th Avenue. However, the turbanned Sikhs, their wives in bright eye-catching sarees, and the food stores spilling out onto the sidewalk, identify the centre, despite its poor spatial quality, as a special place in the sprawling monotony that is South Vancouver. 3.2 The survey objectives The prior perception of the four chosen areas was that Robson Street was vital, as was Kerrisdale but at a more local level; Water street had a unique environment but lacked vitality, and the Indian Market had unique goods, services, and pedestrians but was only vaguely known to most city residents (Knightingale Berry 1977, Klucker 1981, Davis 1976). The definition of urban vitality evolved in chapter one states that vital areas are distinguished by three major features. 1) A relatively dense and heterogeneous pedestrian population, which is present throughout the day and evening. 2) A variety of somewhat unique commercial and experiential opportunities. 1 3) A sense of place. Thus the first objective of the survey, was to judge each area on the basis of these three features. Having determined the relative "amount" of vitality, the second objective was to determine whether the model offered a plausable explanation for the variation between areas. CONSTRUCT INDICANT 1. A significant proportion of pedestrians will be "local" residents. # respondents residing within 1 mile of interview location. 2. Many "locals" will form identifiable unique groups (social or cultural). Ethnicity, social class, stage in family cycle of respondents. 3* Clusters will display within group homogeneity; between group heterogeneity. Number of identifiable sub-groups within resident population. Each cluster will attract unique goods and services to the local commercial area. # establishments with unique goods/services attributable to local groups. 5. Hinterland visitors will be attracted by these goods and services, and resultant pedestrian density, and physical and social environments, will begin to create a genius loci. Number of hinterland visitors and reasons for visiting area. 6. This genius loci, attracts tourists. Number of tourists, reasons for visit; Special atmosphere from physical environment, clothing styles, behaviour, sounds, smells, informal entertainment etc. -PT CO TABLE 1 3.3 SURVEY METHOD The comparison of each area with the parameters contained within the definition was carried out as follows: 21 1) The number of pedestrians in each area was counted and devided by the area of sidewalk to determine densities. 2) Each area was "observed" at various times during the day 21 to roughly determine its continuity 3) A survey questionnaire was used to determine heterogeneity (See Appendix A). 4) The number of unique commercial establishments and small proprietorships in each area, was recorded (See Appendix B). 5) The presence of impromptu events, street performers, 22 interesting sights, smells, sounds, etc. was noted. 6) The numbers of tourists, and people who were in the area "just looking", was used as an indication of an area's genius loci, together with observations from items one to five above. In order to apply the explanatory model, a number of constructs and their appropriate measurable indicants, were derived, (see Table 1) These indicants were then incorporated into questionnaires, which were administered to both pedestrians and shopkeepers in chosen areas. Indexes of ethnic diversity, stage in the family life cycle, and socio-economic status (using blue collar/white collar differentiation), were calculated for each "local" area using 1981 census data. These were then mapped and are included in Appendix D. The sampling frame was established by selecting approximately equal lengths of shopping frontage in each of the four commercial districts. The area selected in each case, was the portion perceived to be the most vital. To avoid bias from locating interviewers next to highly generative uses,or their subjectively selecting interviewers, the sidewalk was stratified and numbered, and interview locations were selected from random tables (for survey maps see Appendix B). The surveys were carried out in May and June, so as to include tourist effects, but to avoid their overemphasis, as might have occurred in a July or August survey. Each location was surveyed on one weekday and one Saturday. This procedure allowed for judgements to be made later, as to the direct effects of the local workforce. It also accounted for the fact that greater numbers of hinterland visitors were expected at weekends. All four areas were surveyed simultaneously, and Saturday surveys were carried out when the weather and other conditions were comparable to the weekdays. The four interviewers rotated between areas, in order to reduce the effects of any subjective perceptions. The interview periods were selected to capture a complete cycle of users and activities. Prior to the start of the survey,observations at various time periods throughout the day, indicated that little activity occurred after 6 pm in any of the areas except Robson street. At the latter location restaurants and "local" stores selling food and flowers etc., maintained a degree of street life until approximately 10 p.m. In the other three districts, apart from the occasional use of restaurants the drug store, or movement to and from bus stops,street-life was negligible. Further explanations of the methods used precede each of the appendices. TABLE 2 DENSITIES OF PEDESTRIANS day time location sq/f t person Thursday 10-11 a.m. Robson Street 210 u 12- 1 p.m. it it 104 it 2- 3 p.m. ti ii 98 t  10-11 a.m. Water Street 1850 tt. 12- 1 p.m. tt it 437 tt 2- 3 p.m. it tt 370 it 12.30-2.10 p .m . Kerrisdale 185 t  n tt I. Market N.E. 905 tt t  ii " S.E. 610 tt it n S.W. 563 Saturday t  tt Robson Street 74 tt tt t  Water Street 276 tt it tt Kerrisdale 135 tt tt tt I. Market N.E. 1207 « ti tt " S.E. 159 it it tt S.W. 188 \ TABLE 3 ETHNIC CHARACTERISTICS OF PEDESTRIANS # respondents Robson (109) Water (104) Ker •dale (87) I. Market (73) # ethnics 33% (36) 25% (26) 31% (27) 55% (40) # ethnic groups (17) (12) (11) (09) TABLE 4 EMPLOYMENT CHARACTERISTICS OF PEDESTRIANS # respondents Robson (109) Water (104) Ker 'dale (87) I. Market (73) Blue collar workers 18% (20) 29% (30) 15% (13) 34% (25) White collar workers 62% (68) 50% (52) 44% (38) 30% (22) Unemployed 8% (09) 7% (07) 7% (06) 15% (11) Retired 4% (04) 4% (04) 20% (17) 10% (07) Students 7% (08) 11% (11) 15% (13) 11% (08) Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% In some instances the percentages do not add to 100% due to rounding errors. TABLE 5 AGE CHARACTERISTICS OF PEDESTRIANS # respondents Robson (109) Water (104) Ker 'dale (87) I. Market (73) = 24 yrs. 14% (15) 26% (27) 26% (23) 26% (19) 25-34 yrs. 42% (46) 39% (41) 28% (24) 38% (28) 35-54 yrs. 30% (33) 26% (27) 21% (18) 23% (17) 55= yrs. 13% (14) 8% (08) 25% (22) 12% (09) Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% In some instances the percentages do not add to 100% due to rounding errors. 3.4 SURVEY FINDINGS 3.4.1 The manifestation of vitality The model has suggested several indicants for guaging the vitality of an area. The size and density of the pedestrian population measures its attractiveness; the heterogeneity of the population indicates the breadth of its appeal; the sense of theatre distinguishes its capacity for stimulation; and its continuity identifies the likelihood of experiential opportunities. The definition also states that vital areas contain a sizeable number of varied and somewhat unique commercial opportunities. 3.4.2 Pedestrian density As Table 2 shows, the highest densities were recorded on Robson Street, followed by Kerrisdale, the Indian Market and Water Street. 3.4.3 Pedestrian heterogeneity The largest number of ethnic groups was found on Robson Street, and the greatest homogeneity occurred in the Indian Market (Table 3). As Tables 4 and 5 show, all areas drew pedestrians from across the socio-economic and age spectrums, although local variations were apparent. 3.4.4 Experiential opportunities With regard to experiential opportunities,each area offered what, Boughey (1972) has called kibitzers, the chance to observe relatively unique social or cultural groups engaging in commercial activities. Also during the course of the surveys, chance meetings between friends were frequently observed on all streets except Water Street. Clearly these areas function as social spaces as well as commercial centres. For people-watchers the fascination of ordinary everyday happenings, is heightened by the occasional itinerant artist. During the survey periods however, only Robson Street and Water Street attracted street performers, and only those on Robson Street were unusual enough to attract sizable crowds. One such event was a man dressed as a tailor's dummy, who stood motionless while onlookers attempted to disturb his trance; The other was a pair of dancers performing in a shop window. Both events occured just east of the actual survey area. People wearing bizzare clothes, having unusual coloured hair, or exhibiting abnormal behaviour were noted on both central-area streets. 3.4.5 Continuity As was stated earlier, although no actual counts were made, by observation, only Robson Street remained fairly lively in the evening. This appeared to be in large part, due to people visiting the varied selection of unique restaurants in the area, and people shopping in late-opening convenience stores or simply strolling. The interviews also showed strolling to be popular as an evening pastime in Kerrisdale. 3.4.6 Variety of unique goods and services The definition argues that one of the major components of vital areas is a variety of somewhat unique goods and services. Vance (1958:223) suggested that a division between mass appeal and limited appeal goods would yield better explanations of retail locational choice, than the more normally used convenience and shopping goods differentiations. Table 6 employs both typologies. "Shopping" and "convenience" are used to distinguish the degree to which the need for "comparison" of goods influences shopping decisions. "Limited" and "Mass" are used to distinguish the degree of "uniqueness" of goods and services. Table 6 lists the number of units of each type, and the functional variety of establishments. It then sub-devides the total units into mass appeal and limited appeal (unique) businesses. As table 6 shows, Robson Street exhibits the greatest amount of functional variety and the second largest number of unique establishments. The greatest proportion of unique businesses are exhibited by the Indian Market. However it is important to stress that in that particular district almost all of its businesses were included in the survey, whereas elsewhere only a portion of each commercial area was included (see maps in Appendix B). In view of this fact, the number of types of business in the area is probably low. For example of the 56 businesses within the survey area, 13 sell sarees. TABLE 6 AVAILABLE GOODS AND SERVICES Robson Water Ker'dale I..Market CONVENIENCE GOODS # of shops 18 2 16 14 # types of shops 9 1 7 6 Lim appeal 56% (10) 100% (02) 56% (09) 79% (11) Mass appeal 44% (08) - - 44% (07) 21% (03) Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% SHOPPING GOODS # of shops 47 30 17 31 # types of shops 10 6 6 6 Lim appeal 60% (28) 53% (16) 47% (08) 84% (26) Mass appeal 40% (19) 47% (14) 53% (09) 16% (05) Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% SERVICES # of shops 5 2 7 9 # types of shops 4 2 4 3 Lim appeal - 50% (01) - -Mass appeal 100% (05) 50% (01) 100% (07) 100% (09) Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% 3.4.7 Degree of vitality Thus of the four areas, although each adds to its local population by attracting non-locals, only Robson Street fulfills all of the conditions of the model. A wide range of somewhat unique goods, services, and experiences are available there, and pedestrians are both numerous and socially heterogeneous. If Alexander's (1977 :597) theory, that spaces are lively at 150 and dead at 500 square feet per person is applied, only Robson Street (and Kerrisdale on Saturday) qualifies as being vital. Of the other three districts only Water Street with its unique historic environment, has sufficient genius loci to attract tourists, but its densities are low, the variety of goods and services is extremely limited, and its heterogeneity is low. This is particularly surprising given its downtown location and its function as a destination point for commercial tour buses. Kerrisdale has high pedestrian densities, but attracts almost no tourists and has a limited "variety" of unique shopping goods, within the survey area. The Indian Market area, includes a number of unique goods, but has low pedestrian densities, a poor spatial environment, a limited "variety" of goods and services, and low heterogeneity. TABLE 7 TRIP PURPOSE # respondents Robson (109) Water (104) Ker' dale (87) I. Market (73) Shopping 46% (50) 39% (40) 63% (55) 49% (36) Eating out 22% (24) 26% (27) 5% (04) 11% (08) Just looking 39% (43) 57% (59) 20% (17) 17% (15) Passing through 27% (29) 19% (20) 15% (13) 15% (11) Services 12% (13) - 15% (13) 8% (06) Others 6% (07) 7% (07) 13% (11) 14% (10) TABLE 8 TRIP PURCHASES # respondents Robson (109) Water (104) Ker' dale (87) I. Market (73) Purchased 50% (54) 38% (40) 48% (42) 38% (28) Type of purchase Convenience 11% (12) 4% (04) 22% (19) 32% (23) Shopping 16% (17) 17% (18) 21% (18) 6% (04) Services 5% (05) - - - - 1% (01) Restaurant food 15% (16) 23% (24) 3% (03) 7% (05) Sundries 17% (19) 6% (06) 20% (17) 6% (04) Percentages show the number of respondents travelling or purchasing. They do not total 100% because multiple purpose and purchases occur. TABLE 9 TRIP ORIGINS Robson Water Ker' dale I. Market # respondents (109) (104) (87) (73) Home 53% (58) 47% (49) 72% (62) 70% (51) Work 17% (19) 14% (15) 13% (11) 15% (11) Hotel 17% (18) 21% (22) - - - -Other 13% (14) 17% (18) 16% (14) 15% (11) Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% TABLE 10 RESIDENTIAL LOCATIONS OF PEDESTRIANS Robson Water Ker 'dale I. Market # respondents (109) (104) (87) (73) Local 40% (44) 9% (09) 59% (51) 48% (35) Hinter 39% (43) 56% (58) 38% (33) 48% (35) Tourists 20% (22) 36% (37) 3% (03) 4% (03) Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% In some instances the percentages do not add to 100% due to rounding errors. 3.5 COMPARISON WITH THE EXPLANATORY MODEL Having established the degree of vitality,exhibited by each area,they will next be compared with the model to determine whether if offers an explanation for the variation between them. 3.5.1 Robson Street and Water Street The model has argued that non-locals are largely attracted to an area in search of uniqueness. This uniqueness may be in the spatial environment, the people who use it, or in the variety of available goods, services and experiences. Apart from the distruption caused by the amount and speed of automobile traffic, most people would agree that the built environment of Water Street is more aesthetically pleasing than Robson Street. The spatial environment with its associated meanings, (a response to the locals of yesteryear) is obviously the prime attraction of Gastown. However although no tests were carried out, observation suggests that few visitors tarry in the area after they have dutifully ticked it off in their guidebooks. By contrast people were observed browsing and retracing their steps several times on Robson Street. Part of the reason for this difference is undoubtably due to the fact that Robson has more than twice the number of businesses, and three times the functional variety of Water Street, within a slightly smaller frontage (Appendix B and Table 6). In particular Water Street lacks convenience goods and services such as banks, laundries, beauty parlours etc. The effects can be seen in table 7 which lists the activities of respondents in each area, and table 8 which lists the goods actually purchased. The model has argued that commercial variety arises in response to the numbers of unique groups using the area, and in particular the between group heterogeneity of homogeneous clusters within the "local" workforce and resident population. Looking first at the local workforce, Water Street has a sizeable working population in the 4-6 story buildings above the ground floor retail uses. However as table 9 shows, a smaller proportion of its pedestrians originate their trips from their workplace, than on Robson Street, which has few offices actually "on the street". Apart from the restaurants, there appear to be few commercial uses which cater to the needs of the workforce on Water Street. The model has argued that suscipient goods build on the customer base created by generative businesses. However although restaurants such as The Old Spaghetti Factory and shops such as "High as a Kite" are "generative", their clientele do not visit on a regular enough basis to act as a reliable base for suscipient uses. It is argued that only those generative businesses which attract "regular" customers provide such a base. In Kerrisdale and the Indian Market for example, pedestrians carrying food purchases were several times observed pausing to look in the windows of clothes shops. On occasion passing food shoppers were attracted into these stores, on an impulse, by seductive window displays. Locals passing suscipient outlets on a regular basis become familiar with both the variety and quality of goods offered, as well as bargains arising through price reduction. The generative uses on Water Street do not provide this type of customer base to assist suscipient uses. The model suggests (see Figure 9) that these important generative uses locate in response to the needs of a "critical mass" of "unique" local residents. As Table 10 shows 40.4 percent of respondents on Robson Street lived within one mile of the survey location, as compared with only 8.7 percent on Water Street. In fact, if the "local" boundaries of Robson Street had been increased slightly to include what the City of Vancouver defines as the "core" area, the figure would exceed the 47 percent found in the city's (1976 :49) study. For many years the West End has had a significant, though not large, population of German, French, Scandinavian, Dutch, and British ethnics. More latterly it has also attracted Gays, and youngish fairly affluent adults. The businesses on Robson Street include French restaurants and bookshops, German restaurants, delicatessens, newsagents, and toy shops, and European pastry shops. It also includes several chic clothes stores and shops which carry items marketed especially for Gays. The data in Table 3-5 shows some correlation between the socio-economic and age characteristics of pedestrian respondents, and specific social groups identifiable within the local populations (see also pp 124-146 and Appendix D). For example a high proportion of childless white-collar respondents were found on Robson Street, together with a significant number of Northern Europeans among those who perceived themselves to belong to a particular ethnic group (see Tables 4,5 and Appendix A). Also, although the Chinese form the city's (and Gastown's) second largest ethnic group, few were identified. Their absence suggests support for the notions of "intervening opportunities", and a relationship between unique social groups and unique commercial districts. The apparent focus of Water Street business towards tourists attracted by the historic environment, is confirmed by the shopkeeper survey. This survey determined that 75 percent of Water Street businesses advertise, and of these 40 percent do so in tourist magazines. In fact 19 percent advertise only outside of the Vancouver region. By contrast only 50 percent of Robson Street's business respondents advertise, and none do so in tourist magazines. Although exposure to both tourists and Vancouverites was the prime reason given by shopkeepers for choosing a location, tourists exposure was a greater influence on Water Street, and local West End residents was more important on Robson. Thus, as predicted by the model, Robson Street's vitality appears to be largely determined by the high residential densities of the adjacent West End, and the presence there of several unique social groups. Conversely the absence of a critical mass of such groups with a dependancy on Water Street, appears to account for its lack of vitality. The pedestrian population in the area is composed largely of tourists and hinterlanders, who are absent early in the morning, late in the evening, and in the winter months. It should be noted that although many shopkeeper respondents acknowledged the influence played by the local population on their decision to locate in the area, none identified a particular social or cultural group as having specific importance to that decision. 3.5.2 Kerridale and the Indian Market Although no specific link between unique groups and the locational decisions of unique businesses could be found in the central area, this was not the case in the old suburbs. In Kerrisdale 30 percent of the shopkeepers interviewed, specifically tied their choice of location to the "type" of pedestrian, such as "elderly" and "wealthy" within, the local population. In the Indian Market area, the figure was 73 percent (see Appendix A). As stated earlier, the resident Kerrisdale population includes clusters of well-educated, wealthy elderly citizens, and young adults many of whom live in the apartment buildings around the central area. The district also includes a large proportion of mature high income families with children and a high British ethnic concentration. The data in Tables 3-5 and Appendix A shows that most of these groups were revealed, among the pedestrians interviewed. This population has attracted a number of businesses selling convenience and shopping goods. However the functional variety of "unique" shopping goods outlets is limited when compared with the other three areas. Part of the reason for this is that the survey area chosen was the smallest of the four, but enlarging the boundaries appears unlikely to significantly change the situation. The Kerrisdale shopkeepers survey, revealed the highest number of chain retail operations and it is thought that this might provide an explanation for the limited variety of unique shopping goods. As discussed earlier, such outlets tend to serve highly homogenized customers groups, and product variances between competing retailers tend to be largely superficial. (Hirschman 1981 :81) It appears that although there is plenty of purchasing power, a pleasant shopping environment, and life-cycle variation between groups, the differences are insufficient to attract a "functional" variety of goods and services. Life-"styles" between the various age groups appear to be similar, and the lack of ethnic or socio-economic variation or a contrasting work-force population, provides a well-defined target population for superficially different multiple outlets. The result is a pleasant, popular, but somewhat, conservative, commercial area, which lacks the infusion of competing socio-economic or ethnic groups in order to establish a genius loci sufficient to attract tourists and full vitality. The Indian Market is an interesting study since it appears, that according to the model, it is in danger of reducing the existing degree of vitality through the strivings of one group to establish its identity. As discussed earlier both the Chinese and the German ethnic resident groups are considerably larger than the East Indian population within the immediate area. However it appears that the latter group is establishing commercial dominance in the area resulting in a probable loss of functional variety in goods and services. The powerful attractions of Chinatown for the Chinese, and Robsonstrasse and Fraser Street for the Germans constitute 23 intervening opportunities which challenge the need for a strong local presence. By contrast the nearby Sikh Temple, and the accessibility to hinterland East Indians living in Surrey and Richmond makes the area attractive as a focus for the East Indian presence in Vancouver. The result is the emergence of a unique identity and a number of outlets for specialised goods and services. However observations suggest that the few remaining non East-Indian businesses in the North East area, appear to be poorly patronized and their probable demise or relocation would result in a considerable loss of functional variety. The large number of East Indian respondents and the small number of Chinese and German pedestrians supports this contention. In the Indian Market area, the interviewer reported many instances of respondents, clearly of East Indian origin, who did not so identify themselves. Their preponderance among pedestrians in the area is thus considerably greater than the data suggests. The increasing homogenization of commercial opportunities appealing mainly to a narrow segment of Vancouver's population, undoubtedly accounts for the low pedestrian densities. Clearly many of the 30,000 people living within one mile of the centre are going elsewhere for their needs. The other key factor in this regard is clearly the effects of the poor quality of the aesthetic physical environment. The sub-division of the centre by two wide major arterial roads and the volume and speed of traffic mitigates against a physical sense of place. The scale of adjoining buildings is too small to dominate the traffic; impulse shopping is prevented and the pedestrian is reduce to visual insignificance. Johnston and Kissling (1971) have shown that traffic barriers of this magnitude tend to sub-devide districts into independent units, with each unit replicating the facilities in the other segments. Thus the functional variety shown in table 8 is largely illusionary. On-site observations appear to confirm this to be true at the Indian Market, particularly in regard to a north/south seperation. 3.6 CHAPTER SUMMARY  AND CONCLUSION Urban vitality is a complex and enigmatic phenomenon. To offer more conclusive explanations of the varying degrees of vitality between the four districts, would involve a larger and more complete survey than was possible in this instance. However within these limitations, it is believed that the model offers plausible explanations for the varying degrees of vitality encountered within the four areas, and suggests directions to increase liveliness, if it is desired. The vitality of Water Street for example could be significantly increased by encouraging large numbers of new residences in the area. Ideally these would be targetted at socio-economic groups that are different from the major users of the other two successful downtown commercial areas. (Chinatown and Robson Street) The two or three groups targetted should be compatible, able to stake out clearly defined territories,and be of sufficient size and have enough purchasing power to attract commercial facilities. In Kerrisdale the local businessman might increase the genius loci by linking their area experientially, by some unique transportation mode, (horse-drawn carriages?) to one of the city's tourist areas. The introduction of tourists would increase the "variety" of experiential opportunities and draw a greater diversity of suscipient businesses. In the Indian Market area, the Sikh busisnessmen could improve vitality by encouraging the German and Chinese groups to remain and develop north of 49th. With territories thus clearly delineated, each group could develop a special character, the combined effect of which would be most interesting. The physical environment poses a daunting challenge to this area. Without major modifications to the traffic pattern it will be difficult to establish a sense of place. However some improvements are possible by increasing the scale of buildings to counteract the scale of the arterial road, and establishing visual boundaries to more clearly define the area. CHAPTER 4 4.1 Conclusions This thesis has demonstrated that the vitality of lively urban areas is derived from uniqueness. This uniqueness may be a consequence of geographic location or the spatial arrangement and/or design of buildings, but above all it must include a number of unique resident population groups, exhibiting within group homogeneity, and between group heterogeneity. This coarse-grained population-mix is essential to attract the variety of unique goods, services and experiences which draw non-locals and create a genius loci. Additionally, the density, size, and purchasing power of these resident population groups must be sufficent to meet the customer thresholds required to support a diversity of businesses. There must also be mix of commercial and entertainment land-use types to ensure the continuity of activity, and a range of building rents to enable new as well as established businesses to locate in the area. Finally, the physical environment must be empathetic to human scale, and the social environment must be free from fear and danger. Many current revitalization programs demolish dilapidated structures in areas which often contain the seeds of renewal. Before revitalization can begin it is necessary to understand the social conditions and processes which exist in the renewal area. Many well-meant redevelopments retard renewal and acheive little except new buildings, and short-term profits for land-owners, architects and developers. Sometimes the unintended consequences of such actions, alter the social fabric of an area, and displace the very groups which they sought to assist. For example Appleyard (1981 :169) describes how sincere attempts to publicly "improve" a working class area of London, so changed its meaning that the disgruntled residents moved out, and were later replaced by the middle-classes. This thesis argues that vitality cannot be "willed" by architects' drawings of outdoor cafes and crowded markets. Demand for such facilities must precede construction, or they are doomed to fail. Spatial and commercial environments are the reflections and manifestations of the socio-economic climate of the local resident population. People living in or moving into an area are the determinants of equilibrium or the catalysts for change. Thus any proposals for revitalization, must recognize and address the social structure before the physical structure. 4. 2 Policy recommendations Social equilibrium depends in large part on the maintenance of a contrapuntal order between the various competing population groups in an area. In order for this to occur, each group must be able to establish its identity, delineate is "turf", and participate fully as respected and valuable members of the collective community. Thus it is suggested that any very large projects or proposals for revitalisation should be preceded by a full analysis of the existing social and economic structure of the district, and estimate as to the probable consequences for change. Such analyses should include: 1) The identification of social and cultural groups within the area. 2) Their spatial disposition and social, cultural, and economic linkages. 3) Their employment patterns, specializations, housing choices, purchasing power, and social mobility. 4) The number and types of retail, entertainment cultural, or community facilities patronized and partially supported by each group. 5) Any special contribution, of each group, to the social life of the district, for example parades, festivals, displays etc. 6) Any special contribution of each group to the physical environment; for example, distinctive building design, layouts, landscaping etc. 7) An inventory of the structure, land-uses, rents, services and linkages in the existing commercial areas. 8) A prognosis of the probable consequences of the redevelopment, on all of the above items. Social impact analyses are standard requirements for development in wilderness areas close rural communities. They are equally required in urban areas, which provide housing, employment, and commercial opportunities for millions of people and represent the symbolic embodiment of the community's collective values and beliefs. Once a complete understanding of an areas underlying structure has been gained, it is possible for a city, using the model developed here, to evaluate the contribution of existing groups to vitality, and to reinforce or supplement them. The former can be acheived by using existing government programs to increase housing and/or support and community facilities for particular groups. In a similar manner, new groups could be encouraged to settle in an area by encouraging industry, through incentives, to build housing and other facilities appropriate to a groups needs. For example in Vancouver: "In the immediate postwar years, urban renewal dislocated the East Indian community and dispersed its members from the area along False Creek near Fourth and Burrard Street, away from their community facilities, including the first Sikh Temple" (Hardwick 1974 :115). Subsequently the city assisted the Sikh's to build a new temple in South Vancouver, near the Indian Market. Approximately 32 percent of the Punjabi speaking population of the Greater Vancouver Region have located within a two mile radius of the temple, and if the clusters of Sikhs in nearby Richmond and Surrey are included, the figure rises to approximately 61 percent. In Calgary, Alberta clusters of elderly residents have been rehoused in government assisted apartments close to the downtown area, and in Vancouver's Chinatown, parks, housing, and other facilities have been used to maintain and reinforce the Chinese presence. These examples demonstrate the ability of governments to direct or encourage development for particular social groups in specific areas of cities. In order to use these tools to create vitality however they must be part of a social plan based on an understanding of the existing structure. Suttles (1968 :122) has noted that densely occupied dwellings, in-home-businesses operated by family sweat labour, and mixed building uses, are intrinsic to new immigrant areas. They are in many cases the keys to upward social mobility, and the epitome of the "American dream". Michelson (1970 :154) and others, have demonstrated that the perception of residential density is affected by cultural background. Family crowding for example, is often accepted by immigrants as a temporary expedient to hasten upward economic movement (Ley 1983 :146). Uncrowding occurs naturally with improved economic circumstances (Jacobs 1961 :280-285). In light of these findings, it is here suggested that cities should be more flexible in many of their planning regulations, allowing community groups more control over such items where health or the concerns of the larger community are not adversely affected. Besides acheiving more local control, and appropriate environments, such policies could emphasize and express the delightful social and culture mosaic of the modern city. Other existing zoning regulations with serious consequences for urban vitality are those which allow large blocks of inner-city land to be used for on grade parking, and those permitting several square blocks to be used solely for offices. It is not however the purpose of this thesis to address these issues, their deleterious consequences are therefore merely noted. Finally, since this thesis has suggested that tourism and experiential experiences are important elements in the creation of vitality, it is suggested that many cities could exploit and capitalize on their unique sub-districts by linking them experientially. Walt Disney recognised the powerful appeal of "fun transportation," and the monorails, horse-drawn carriages, river boats, submarines, and ski-lifts in his amusement parks provide both accessibility and entertainment experiences. In the same manner San Francisco's cable cars link the city areas both functionally and experientially. A similar concept in cities such as Vancouver, could introduce tourists to interesting sub-districts, outside of the central area, increasing their profitability and enhancing their variety and consequent vitality. Suggestions for further research The scope of this thesis has limited the testing of the explanatory model. Further research is required not only to verify its usefulness by applying it to more areas,(both inter and intra cities) but also to attempt to make it more specific. For example what are the threshold populations required to attract specific unique facilities? What mix of activities provide the greatest amount of day-long continuity? What specific types of activities contribute most to the establishment of genius loci? How many different social or cultural groups can and need to exist contiguously to create the necessary variety that regularly attracts non-locals? Which social groups assist vitality the most? What kinds of social group boundaries can create security and yet allow interaction with the larger community? The answers to these and other questions could refine and improve the usefulness of the model. What has been presented here is an embryo. It is hoped that others will criticise, comment upon, and develop the theory so that a vehicle may be developed to guide revitalization expenditures, and improve the social and physical environments of cities. NOTES 18. It must be remembered that the perception of vitality is a relative phenomenon. Many people consider Water Street to be vital. However this thesis argues that compared with Robson Street for example, it is moribund. 19. Very little commercial entertainment was available on any of these streets since Vancouver is large enough to have dissaggregated its special uses. Robson Street appears to work with Theatre Row on nearby Granville street but the scope of this research did not allow its consideration. 20. Since Vance (1958 :231), and McKeever (1977 : 2 5) have demonstrated that the majority of convenience goods customers live within 1 1/2 miles, it would seem safe to assume that those living within 1 mile would be virtually captive customers 21. Available funds and time did not permit full day and evening counts, as specified in the definition. However observations were made of each area at different times of the day and evening to determine the degree of pedestrian activity and its approximate time spans. Then, since vitality is a relative phenomenon, counts were taken at Robson and Water Streets at periods between 10 a.m. and 3 p.m. to identify the periods of maximum  activity. This proved to occur between 12.30 p.m. and 2.30 p.m., and thus on the second observation counts were made only during this period 22. The definition notes state that there is a difference in pedestrian behaviour between vital and non-vital areas. Although time and funding constraints prevented testing this hypothesis scientifically, "observations" were carried out in each area. A comparisson test between Robson Street and the Pacific Centre underground shopping-mall, was also carried out. 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This section includes copies of both the pedestrian and shopkeeper questionnaires, and a compilation of the survey results, (raw data only) Pedestrian surveys were simultaneously carried out at the four survey locations on Saturday May 12, 1984. They were also executed on Wednesday May 23, 1984. Weather on both days was sunny with intermittent cloudy periods. Interviewers were rotated to reduce biasfrom subjective judgements. The survey crew reported finding some people who responded negatively to question #13, who clearly were recent arrivals to Canada. The crew were thus asked on the Wednesday survey to "estimate" ethnicity, in such instances where possible. This information is given seperately. Evening surveys were carried out on Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays, when weather conditions were similar. PEDESTRIAN SURVEY LOCATION DATE TIME WEATHER Good morning I'm a student at U.B.C. we are conducting a survey to discover what attracts people to this area. I wonder if you would be kind enough to help us by answering a few simple questions please. They shouldn't take more than 3 minutes, and you can, of course, terminate the interview at any time. r l) First, where did you come from today? Your home Workplace Hotel Other local shopping area Other (specify) 2) What is the nearest major road intersection to your home/ hotel? (so that we can get some idea of the area of the city from which people are coming). and 3) What are you doing here today? (tick as many as apply) Shopping CJ Eating out Just looking Passing through Services (Hairdresser, Post office etc.) Q Other (specify) 4) Have you purchased anything in this area today? - Yes |CH No • 5) What? (tick as many as apply) Groceries | | Clothing/shoes CH Gifts • Household items I I Books • Sundries (Newspaper etc.) | | Sweets to take out | | Restaurant food | | Other (specify) 6) Are you at the present time. Married  G Z 3 Not married | | Divorced | | 7) Do you have children living with you? ~ Yes E H No • / 8) How many? 1 • 2 • 3 • ^ 4 • 9) Would you mind telling which of the following age groups you fit intlo? • • ^ 24 25-3^ 35-44 45-54 55 • N/A 10) What is your occupation/job? ( ,if unemployedwhat do None N/A (specify) — they normally do? ) 1 11) What is your wife's /husband's occupation/job. (if unemployed - what do they normally do?) None N/A ( specify) i : I 12) What is the nearest major road intersection to your workplace? and 13) Do you consider yourself to belong to any particular ethnic group? Yes No • > 14) Which? British • Chinese • ] French • German • Greek • Indian • Italian • Polish • Other (specify) Thank you very much for your help. SHOPKEEPER SURVEY DATE ADDRESS WEATHER TIME SHOP TYPE Good morning I'm a student at U.B.C. we are conducting a survey-to discover what attracts people to this area. I wonder if you would be kind enough to help us by answering a few simple questions please. They shouldn't take more than 3 minutes, confidentiality will be maintained, and you can, of course, terminate the interview at any time. 1) When did you open your business here? 19 2) Do you I Own | | Rent HH 3) What goods do you sell? (if specialized) (tick as many as apply) Groceries n — • Household items QJ " | | Drugs • • Tobacco/newspapers 1 j •Restaurant food • — • •Restaurant takeout • • 3.cont. out sweets • • •Candy b • •Flowers p • •Clothes 1— i— = •Shoes i — •Jewellry c — • •Toys • • •Bicycles • p Other (specify) 1 4) Ifaspecialized (• Can you tell me from your credit card accounts or delivery orders, which areas of the city the majority of your customers come from? ) 5) Has this changed much since you opened your business? Yes No • • 6) How. 7) Do you advertise? Yes EH No • y/ /8) What forms of advertisement do you use? ^ — Radio CD T.V. EH City newspapers (The Sain, Province) Community newspapers. (West Ender, etc). | | Magazines Flyers • • 9) What areas of the city are covered by your adverts? 10) Why did you decide to locate here rather than ( (tick as many as apply) Cheaper rents More pedestrians | Type of pedestrians Q]] Similar shops | [ Good exposure Other (specify) 11) Are you part of a chain operation? Yes • No • 12) Do other members of your family work in the store? Yes • No • 13) Which ones? ^ J Thank you very much for your help. 9 Survey Results - Pedestrians Saturday Wednesday Q 1 . A B C D E W. 25 1 8 R. 25 3 10 3 9 K. 35 4 1 3 IM, 19 1 4 W. 24 14 14 4 10 R. 33 16 8 1 1 27 IM 32 10 10 K 1 7 4 6 Q 2. Local 4 15 23 H'land 22 20 19 Tourist 12 15 1 8 15 2 5 36 25 29 23 7 28 14 2 27 20 1 Q 3. A B C D E F 20 6 24 2 35 19 30 10 36 9 4 3 17 3 9 1 1 5 21 22 35 18 15 5 13 19 13 19 4 8 9 4 10 19 5 6 10 5 5 4 3 1 Q 4. A B 11 27 23 20 9 16 29 37 27 32 19 25 19 29 Q 5. A B C D E F G H I 1 3 3 7 1 6 3 10 3 7 5 7 2 4 4 18 4 1 13 6 6 6 5 1 1 7 2 3 12 1 1 3 2 4 2 Q 6. A B C 15 18 5 21 22 7 18 23 2 12 10 3 26 37 3 20 36 3 19 19 6 25 22 1 Q 7. A B N/A 16 22 17 33 10 32 1 9 16 19 47 11 48 12 32 18 29 Q 8. A B C D 7 5 4 6 2 2 1 3 3 3 4 10 3 2 7 3 1 5 5 1 1 5 7 3 2 Q 9. A 11 8 12 6 16 7 11 13 B 13 21 13 9 28 25 11 19 C 6 6 5 4 12 11 5 6 D 4 8 4 2 5 8 4 5 E 4 6 9 4 4 8 13 5 N/A — 1 — - 1 — - — Q 10 & 11 W/Collar 18 27 20 5 34 41 18 17 B/Collar 13 12 8 9 18 8 5 16 Retired 2 2 7 2 2 2 11 5 Student 4 7 6 2 6 1 6 6 Unemployed 1 2 2 7 6 7 4 4 Q 12. Local 6 16 9 3 16 19 10 5 Non-local 32 34 34 22 41 31 34 43 Q 13. A 6 14 13 11 17 16 14 25 B 32 36 29 14 40 41 29 22 X 3 6 N/A _ _ 1 — — 2 - — Q 14.British 1 3 Chinese 1 2 French - -German - 1 Greek - -East Indian Italian - 1 Polish Ukranian 1 Hungarian 1 -Jewish 1 1 American - 1 **Canadian - 4 F/Canadian Dutch Austrian - 2 Yugoslavian - 1 Japanese - 1 Czech'n -Bulgarian - -Korean Others 1 N = 38 50 1 3 1 2 2 2 2 1 3 2 1 1 43 25 57 59 2 44 4 2 1 13 48 4 8 7 7 1 8 1 3 2 1 1 1 Notes: 6c= Includes widowed or seperated. 5g= Desserts in Indian Market, Confectionary elsewhere * = Several people volunteered information that they were shopping for ethnic goods or specialty/ethnic groceries. * * = Answered no to Q 13. but Canadian to Q 14. Survey Results - Shopkeepers Q 1. A B C D W. 2 8 4 R. 4 2 2 8 K. 2 3 5 5 IM, 5 1 6 3 Q 2. A B N/A 5 11 1 13 2 2 10 3 8 7 Q 3. Mass appeal 2 Limt'd appeal 9 M.A. Restaurant 3 L.A. Restaurant 2 M.A. Services -L.A. Services -6 6 1 3 1 12 2 1 Q 4. Local only - 1 Local & non-local 12 13 Non-Local only 4 1 N/A - 1 9 6 4 11 Q 5. A B N/A 1 14 1 2 12 1 Q 7. A B N/A 15 1 5 10 1 11 3 1 14 2 A 3 2 4 7 B 1 - 3 3 C 6 3 4 1 D 7 1 10 12 E 5 3 7 -F 1 _ 4 1 Other N/A Q 9. Local only Non loc.S local 11 Non loc. only 3 N/A 1 5 7 5 Q 10. A B C D E F N/A 1 9 3 12 5 1 4 4 2 11 11 1 1 2 Q 11. A B 3 13 2 14 3 12 2 13 Q 12. A B N/A 10 6 7 6 1 14 1 N = 16 16 15 15 Notes: Q 6. Omitted since answers too varied and worthless Appendix B Maps of Establishments in Survey Areas Maps 2-5 show the establishments included in each survey area. The sidewalk in front of each business was sub-devided by a line drawn parallel to the building face to create near-side and far-side sidewalk positions. It was reasoned that shoppers and browsers were most likely to occupy nearside positions and those passing through would avoid congestion by seeking far-side routes. Sidewalk squares were numbered as shown, and interview locations for each stretch of uninterupted facade were chosen from random number tables. Repeat numbers were discarded in order to ensure a balanced distribution. Interviewers were instructed to survey the first person entering the appropriate square, in the sequence shown. Those businesses marked with an asterisk identify establishments, judged by an experienced homemaker, to offer relatively unique goods or services. 1. Brothers Restaurant 1 37 Water Street (north side) Conduct * 2. Punchlines Comedy Theatre 2 38 3. Contract Design Centre 3 39 4. Old Spaghetti Factory 4 40 5. Import Bazaar 5 41 interviews in following manner. *6. The Windsor Tea Shop-Cafe 6 42 *7. Inform - Furniture 7 43 ABBOTT STREET 8. Shoe Factory 8 44 9. Cost Plus Imports 9 45 10. Thriftys - Clothes 10 45 41. Classic Glass - Gifts 11 47 '12. House of McLaren-Gifts 12 48 13. Pizza Patio Restaurant 13 49 14. High as a Kite 14 50 15. Maharaja - Restaurant 15 51 16. Creative Metal - Gifts 16 52 17. Frances Hill-Clothes 17 53 18. The Games People 18 54 Square # 4 , 19,26,57,68, 5,17,23,56, 64,1,11,32, 48.69,2,14, 33,53,67, If time remains repeat sequence but add 3 to each number . e.g. 4 becomes 7,19 becomes 22 19. Hills Indian Crafts 19 55 20. Vacant Shop 20 56 21. Mexi Corner 21 57 CAMBIE STREET 22. Seas Imports 22 58 23. Petit Lane 23 59 *24. Vacant (formally Rascals) 24 60 *25. Umberto A1 Forto 25 61 * 2 6 . Canadian Impressions 26 62 * 2 7 . Suraj Fashions 27 63 28. Majorie Hamilton 28 64 *29. Inuit Gallery - Art 29 65 30. Neto - Clothes 30 66 31. Dairy Queen 31 67 *32. Blanche Mcdonald Modelling 32 68 33. Vacant 33 69 *34. Federal Gallery 34 70 * 3 5 . Burns Rock and Gem 35 71 36. Jones the Jeweller 36 72 = Relatively unique goods/services 1. Bouquineur 1 72 Robson Street (S, side) Conduct 2 . Cote D'azur 2 73 3. Daily Food Store 3 74 4. Dun-Rite Cleaners 4 75 5. Robson Food Market 5 76 BUTE STREET interviews in following order 6. Robson Deli 6 77 Square #10,37, 66,97,124,4, 7. Faza Restaurant 7 78 8. Robson Meats 8 79 32,67,93,142, 9. Panda Clothes 9 80 20,45,57,80, 10. Patameli Restaurant 10 81 131 ,3,28,55, 11. Archies Hardware 11 82 91,139. 12. Le Weekend - Clothes 12 83 13. Pepitas Restaurant 13 84 If time 14. The Creators Gallery 14 85 remains repeat 15. Heidelberg House 15 86 sequence but 16. Shoppers Drug Store 16 87 add 3 to each 17. Topkapi Restaurant 17 88 number. 18. Melissa's Records and Tapes 18 89 19. Daisy Espresso Bar 19 90 e.g.10 becomes 20. Clutter Bucks 20 91 13, 37 becomes 21. Top Toy Centre 21 92 22. Tusk - Gifts 22 93 IX) 23. Angel - Clothes 23 94 24. European News 24 95 25. Hansen's Art Supplies 25 96 26. Ollies Childrens Boutique 26 97 27. Totem Jewelry 27 98 28. Suns Place Gifts 28 99 29. Mutual Restaurant 29 100 30. Mary's Coiffures 30 101 31. Fabiola Textiles 31 102 32. Custom Colour Photo Lab 32 103 33. Robson Shoe Repair 33 104 34. The Beancake house 34 105 35. The Swiss Watch Maker 35 106 36. Macks Jade and Souvenirs 36 107 :37. House of Clogs 37 108 38. Busy Bee Florist 38 109 THURLOW STREET =39. Monte Cristo 39 110 =40. Olympia Fish Market :41. Great Things Boutique ;42. Continental Espresso Bar 43. Vacant :44. Galloways Specialty Foods *45. Oriental Handloom Bazaar =46. Phonicia Restaurant 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 47. California Gift Co. 47 118 48. Danish Tea Room 48 119 49. International Village Jewelry 49 120 50. City Shoes 50 121 51. The Cheese Place 51 122 52. Le Papillon - Clothes 52 123 53. Robson Jellwers 53 124 54. Bo Browne Hairdresser 54 125 55. 1052 - Grocer 55 126 56. The Kettle Creek Canvas Co. 56 127 57. California Restaurant 57 128 58. Welch's Candies 58 129 59. Gemini Womens Clothes 59 130 60. Vancouver Jewelry Mart 60 131 61. Vincent Deli 61 132 62. Silversum Jade and Jewelry 62 133 63. Robson Florists 63 134 :64. Windsor Jewels 64 135 =65. Prinz Deli 65 136 =66. Gin Mein Restaurant 66 137 '67. Trelivings Gifts Gallery 67 138 68. Lillian Jewelry 68 139 '69. Cher Ton-Ton-Chinese Res. 69 140 '70. What Nots 70 141 71. Toronto Dominion Bank 71 142 BURRARD STREET 1. Strathcona Davies Flowershop 1 41 2. Avenue Boutique Gifts 2 42 3. Joans Fashions 3 43 4. Franks Hairstyling 4 44 5. Sara's Teas and Coffees 5 45 6. Dior Fashions 6 46 7. Neue in Fad 7 47 8. Molly's Homemade Fudge 8 48 9. Joyce Dayton Children Clothes 9 49 10. The Legh Shop - Glassware 10 50 11. Hair Affair 11 51 12. See and Save - Optical 12 52 13. Domenico Barber Shop 13 53 14. Mode Fabrics 14 54 15. Brussels Chocolates 15 55 16. Taste Bud - Deli 16 56 17. Can. Imperial Bank of Comm. 17 57 18. Kerrisdale Scottish Bakery 18 58 19. Bill Chow Jewellers 19 . 59 20. Shaughnessy Fine Meats 20 60 21. Macfarlanes Fish Mkt. 21 61 22. Shoppers Drug Mart 22 62 MAP 4 Kerrisdale 41st Ave . • (N. side) Conduct interviews in the following order . Square #10,37, 8,44,63,15,23, 32,59,69,19, 26,40,49,80 5, 33 ,1,50,64. If time remains repeat sequence but add 3 to each number. e.g.10 becomes 13, 37 becomes 40 YEW STREET 23. Vanity - Womens Clothes 23 63 *24. Purdy1s/Ice Cream/Chocolate 24 64 25. Felix Market - Flowers/Grocer 25 65 26. Peterson's Shoes 26 66 27. Marlin Travel 27 67 28. Cordays - Womens Clothes 28 68 29. J.B. Hoy Produce/Greengrocer 29 69 30. Finns of Kerrisdale - Clothes 30 70 31. Petersons Shoes 31 71 *32. The Cookie Jar 32 72 33. Svensons - Ice Cream 33 73 34. Buchans Kerrisdale Stationary 34 74 35. Kerrisdale Book-Store 35 75 36. Superior Produce-Greengrocer 36 76 37. Thomas Hobbs - Florist 37 77 *38. Hills - clothes 38 78 *39. Currans - Womens Clothes 39 79 40. Toronto-Dominion Bank 40 80 * = Relatively unique goods/servies 51st, Avenue MAP 5 1. Snow Garden Restaurant 1 57 2. 6684 - Grocer 2 58 3. Raj Trading - Sarees 3 59 4. Kanwal - Music and Gifts 4 60 5. 6672 Income Tax 5 61 6. Kartar Photo Studio 6 62 7. Auto Plan - Insurance 7 63 8. Bhindi Makaji - Jeweller 8 64 9. Toor Fabrics 9 65 10. All India Food Centre 10 66 11. Gaba Travels 11 67 12. Bargain centre (Warehouse) 12 68 13. Shanti Jewellers 13 69 14. Johnstons Driving School 14 70 50th Avenue 15. Globe Foods - Grocer 15 71 16. Sadhna Saree House 16 72 17. Shaki Gifts Jewellers (vac.) 17 73 18. Ganesh Jewellers 18 74 19. Ranjeet International Travel 19 75 20. Bombay Sweets - Restaurant 20 76 21. Delhi Fashions 21 77 22. Soni and Sons Jewellers 22 78 Indian Market Conduct interviews in the following order . Square #33,18, 54,69,97,11, 38,47,94,101, 1,29,44,73, 110,8,22,50, 89,106. If time remains repeat sequence but add 3 to each number. e . g . 33 becomes 36, 18 becomes 21 . 23. 6526 (Hall) 23 79 24. Bharti art jewellers 24 80 | 25. Shingaar emporium - clothes 25 81 26. Mann Photo studios 26 82 27. A.J. Convenience - Grocer 27 83 49th Avenue i 28. Pabla Cloth House 28 84 29. Phillipp Hair Stylist 29 85 30. Natashas Videosonic 30 86 31. Shirley's Bakery 31 87 32. Mario's Place - Restaurant 32 88 33. Raja Moti Mahal - Restaurant 33 89 34. India surpermarket 34 90 35. Mount Everest Restaurant 35 91 36. Lutters Delicatessen 36 92 37. Highlander Coin Laundry 37 93 38. Good Morning Panwalla 38 94 39. On Hour Martinizing 39 95 49th Avenue i 40. Carsons Midnite Drugs 40 96 *41. Guru Bazaar - Fabrics 41 97 *42. Shan Sarees and Drapery 42 98 43. R.K. Food 43 99 ;44. Raman Cloth House 44 100 ;45. Beefway meats 45 101 546 . Himalaya - East Indian Food 46 102 50th Avenue 7. J.& B. Foods 47 103 48. Ashoka Sarees 48 104 49. Anarkli Indian Restaurant 49 105 50. Flying Fashions - Sarees 50 106 51. Speed Queen Coin op. Laundry 51 107 52. East West Sarees 52 108 53. Main Saree Centre 53 109 54. Mitachi Radio etc. 54 110 55. Main Food Centre 55 111 56. Frontier Cloth House 56 112 51 Avenue * = Relatively unique goods/services Appendix C Density Calculations The number of pedestrians within the survey areas of Water Street and Robson were counted on Thursday May 10, 1984. Since it soon became apparent that maximum pedestrian populations occurred between 12.30 and 2.15 p.m., this time period was selected for the remaining surveys. Counts were taken at 20 minute intervals by walking the length of the survey area, at normal walking speed, and including each person passed. It was reasoned that this proceedure was more accurate than the normal static observer count, since it equalized density peaks and valleys caused by popular and unpopular attractions. Weather conditions were held constant for selected days. Population Count Robson Street May 10/84 Time #P Time #P Time •#P Thursday 10.10 - 63 12.10 - 162 2.10 - 143 10.30 - 81 12 .30 - 133 2.30 - 191 10.50 - 87 12.50 - 170 2.50 - 158 Average 77 155 164 June 2/84 12 .30 - 182 Saturday 12.50 - 237 1.10 - 230 1 .30 - 200 1 .50 - 215 2.10 - 251 Average 219 Water Street May 10/84 ' 10.10 - 20 12 .10 - 73 2 .10 - 109 Thursday 10.30 7 12 .30 - 62 2.30 - 76 10.50 - 23 12 .50 - 80 2 .50 - 71 Average 17 72 85 June 2/84 12.30 - 103 Saturday 12.50 - 70 1 .10 - 148 1 .30 - 91 1 .50 - 130 i Average Kerrisdale May 24/84 Thursday Average May 26/84 Saturday Average 2.10 - 141 114 12.30 - 72 12.50 - 54 1.10- 58 1.30 - 62 1.50 - 72 2.10- 54 62 12.30 - 66 12.50 - 84 1.10- 80 1 .30 - 82 1.50 - 88 2 . 1 0 - 111 85 Indian Market May 24/84 Thursday Time #P #P #P S.E N.E. S.W. 12.30 - 11 2 14 12.50 8 2 11 1.10 - 21 6 9 Average May 26/84 Saturday Average 1.30 - 16 1.50 - 6 2 . 1 0 - 10 12 12.30 - 36 12.50 - 49 1.10- 42 1.30 - 27 1.50 - 70 2.10- 51 46 3 17 3 10 7 16 4 13 5 22 1 34 0 44 3 35 5 40 4 57 3 39 Areas of Sidewalk Robson Street W - Bute 157' * 11'6" .= 1811 Bute - Thurlow 721'* 10'6" = 7576 Thurlow - Burrard 642'.10" *10'6 = 6750 16, 138 Water Street Sears - Cambie 557'.7" * 21'= 11,710 Cambie - Abbot 583'.10" *18'= 10,509 Abbott - 2 Bros. 419'.10" *22'= 9,236 31 ,455 Kerrisdale W.Bvd. - Yew 498'.6"*8'.3" = 4,113 Yew - Vine 508'.5"*13'.2"= 6,670 + 68'.10"*10' = 689 11,472 Indian Market N.E. sec 314'. 10"* 11'.6" = 3,621 Total 3,621 S.E. " 314 ' .10" *11 ' .6" =3,621 " " 321' * 11 ' .6" = 3,697 Total 7,318 S.W. " 321' *11 ' .6" =3,697 " " 314'.10"* 11 ' .6" = 3,621 Total 7,318 Densities Robson Street Wednesday 111 16,138*100 155 164 .48 per/sq. or 210/Per .96 " " 104/ " = 1 .02 98/ " Saturday 219 = 1.36 74/ " Water Street Wednesday Saturday 17 /31,455 *100 = 7 2 " " = 85 " " = 114 " " = .05 per sq. or 1850/p .23 " .27 " .36 " 437 " 370/" 276/" Kerrisdale Wednesday Saturday 62 / 11,472* 100 = .54 per sq. or 185/per 85 " = .74 135 Indian Market Wednesday N.E. Section S.E. S.W. Saturday N.E. Section S.E. S.W. 4/3621*100= .11 per sq. or 905/per 12/7318 " = .16 " 13/7318 " = .18 " 3/3621* " = .08 " 46/7318* " = .63 " 39/7318* " = .53 " " " 610/ " " " 563/ " " " 1207/ " „ 159/ .  " " 188/ " ?t n social area map ethnicity I N P & X O F E M M I C C I V E T S I T T P E P u C E N T SJHGlXZB^/vMLY P V E L U N G S social area map mobility 2.5 0 80-0-10.0 Go- 0-79-9 SKSSifc' 40O-59-2> I i 20-0-53 0 -193 . Appendix D Social Index Maps As mentioned in the text, natural areas occur as a consequence of residential segregation which is influenced by the factors of socio-economic status, ethnicity, life cycle stage, and familism. While a thorough factor analysis was beyond the scope of this research, four commonly-used indicants were selected and mapped in order to identify, albiet approximately, the segregation of social groups in the selected areas. Socio-economic status is approximated in.cfig" l^which plots percent blue/white collar, using occupations normally considered to belong to each category. The index of ethnic diversity is represented in Fig 15 which uses mother tongue as its indicant. The life-cycle index is plotted in Fig'1& The index is based on the correlated age groups found by Statistics Canada to comprise young families, middle stage families, mature families, and older households. "The mobility'-• index is represented by percent single family dwellings and is plotted in _Fig 17 The maps show many of the social characteristics in the survey areas, identified in Chapter 3. The ethnic diversity of the Indian Market, the mature households and apartment complexes of Kerrisdale, and the white collar/blue collar areas of downtown are all clearly identified. o Notes: Formula for ethnic diversity = 1 - 2 p^ where p = proportion of census tracts population in the ^th ethnic group. Formula for family life-cycle index = = 100 P.+ 106.15P0 +115.65Po+132.75P,-100 1 I 3 4 where P^ =(pop aged 0-4 + pop aged 25 -34) (pop total - pop aged 20-24) P2 =(pop aged 5-14 + pop aged 35-44) (pop total - pop aged 20-24) P3 =(pop aged 15-19 + pop aged 45-54) (pop total - pop aged 20-24) P4 =(P°P a § e d 5 5 + ) (pop total - pop aged 20-24) Formulas taken from Ray (1976) vol 2 pp 32,114. Appendix E Census Tracts used in "Local" population calculations As mentioned in the text, a number of factors must be assessed to accurately calculate retail trading areas. An arbitrary, but undoubtedly conservative, measure of residents living within a one mile radius was considered in Chapter 3. The aggregate population counts were derived by adding data from the census tracts or portions of census tracts below. Water Street Tract #s 66,57,58,59,01. Robson Street Tract #s 59,01,60,61,62,63,64,65,66,67. Kerrisdale Tract #s 22; 2/3 of 23; 9; 1/4 of 8; 1/2 of 27; 3/8 of 7; 1/2 of 21; 1/4 of 20; 1/8 of 10 Indian Market Tract #s 11;12;1/2 of 13.01; 1/2 of 13.02; 1/4 of 3; 3/4 of 4; 1/4 of 10; 1/10 of 20; 19; 1/4 of 18.02 Appendix F Shopping Behaviour As a partial test of the proposition that people in vital areas behave differently from those in less vital areas, a survey, on 7 June 1984 at 11-11.30 a.m. compared behaviour on Robson Street and Pacific Centre Underground Mall. The comparison measured walking speeds over 48 feet distances at two locations in each centre. It also measured the number of glances into display windows by passers-by. As can be seen people walk more slowly and pay more attention to displays on Robson Street. The survey was extremely minimal, but it does support the proposition, and appears worthy of further study. Time in seconds to walk 48 feet. Robson Street (outside Gin Mein restaurant) 18,13,110,13,14,9,13,61,12,13,15,20,8,14,14,30. = 377 seconds / 16 people = 23.6 seconds, average = 48 feet / 23.6 = 2 ft./seconds . Robson (outside Oriental handloom bazaar) 47,12,31,55,9,13,10,11,14,13,12,62,19, 14,49,11,9,21,21,18,14,12,12,17,11.= 517 seconds / 25 people = 20.68 seconds average = 48 feet / 20.68 = 2.3 ft/second Pacific Centre (outside The card Shop) 12,12,15,12,19,12,13,10,10,12,9,10,22,12 ,10,10,10,13,12,10.= 245 seconds / 20 people ;-= 12.25 seconds verage = 48 feet / 12.25 = 3.92 ft/second Pacific Centre (outside The Picture Store) 7,9,8,7,10,11,10,8,10,11,14,6,8, 9,14,9,9,9,10,16,18,9,11,9,6,16,11. = 275 seconds / 27 people = 10.19 seconds average = 48 feet / 10.19 = 4.71 ft/second # of glances Robson Street location 1 1,2,3,3,2,2,2,3,3,1,3,3,3,3,3 = 3 7 / 1 6 people = 2.3 glances/person Robson Street location 2 59 / 25 people = 2.36 glances/person Pacific Centre location 1 3,1,0,1,2,0,0,1,2,2,2,0,2,0, 2,0,2,1,1,1 = 2 3 / 2 0 people = 1.15 glances/person Pacific Centre location 2 2,0,0,0,2,2,3,3,1,0,0,1,1,1,2, 1,1,0,1,0,2,1,2,1,1,1,0 = 29 /27 = 1.07 glance/person 

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