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Culture and change in the Northwest Territories : implications for community infrastructure planning Cameron, James J. 1985

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CULTURE AND CHANGE IN THE NORTHWEST TERRITORIES: IMPLICATIONS FOR COMMUNITY INFRASTRUCTURE PLANNING by J A M E S J O S E P H C A M E R O N B . S c , Queens University, 1973 M . S c , University of Alaska, 1975 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R S O F S C I E N C E in THE FACULTY OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY O F BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1985 © James Joseph Cameron ,1965 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. School of Community and Regional Planning The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, B.C., Canada V6T 1Y3 October 8, 1985 ABSTRACT Water and sa n i t a t i o n services play an important role i n protecting public health and f a c i l i t a t i n g community growth. However, the choice of technology has s i g n i f i c a n t implications for the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l development and autonomy of the community. The purpose of this thesis i s to analyse the objectives, process and content of planning water and s a n i t a t i o n services i n communities i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s (N.W.T.). Relationships, issues and the decision making process are examined at the regional, l o c a l and in f r a s t r u c t u r e l e v e l s . Objectives for water and sa n i t a t i o n services are investigated to evaluate the l i n k between knowledge and actions. Technical, economic and planning considerations are examined i n the . evaluation of p o l i c i e s and systems. Examination of objectives reveals that knowledge of re l a t i o n s h i p s i s i n s u f f i c i e n t to o b j e c t i v e l y e s t a b l i s h a l e v e l of service p o l i c y or to select technology. Examination of water and sanitation planning i n Native communities indicates that the N.W.T. Government establishes the objectives and c r i t e r i a , conducts the planning studies, and i s ultimately responsible for s e l e c t i n g , i n s t a l l i n g and operating the systems. Infrastructure planning i s narrowly focused on the technical and economic considerations i n the s e l e c t i o n of technology. The values and perceptions of the Native people which the systems are meant to serve are neglected or downgraded. - i i i - 4-Exaraination of water and san i t a t i o n alternatives indicates that major factors i n the evaluation of technology are water consumption, housing type, population, l o c a l employment opportunities, and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . Trucked water del i v e r y and sewage pumpout systems are an intermediate technology between rudimentary s e l f - h a u l and sophisticated piped systems. Trucked systems provide high levels of service, f l e x i b i l i t y and l o c a l employment and they f a c i l i t a t e l o c a l administrative, f i n a n c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and physical control over community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . This thesis recommends that the N.W.T. Government devolve the resources, r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and authority for planning and managing water and sanitation services to the community l e v e l . The community should be the c o n t r o l l e r and the c l i e n t i n a planning process which emphasizes s o c i a l learning and community development. The primary role of the N.W.T. Government should be to a s s i s t the people i n assessing the conditions of th e i r l i v e s and community so that they can plan and a l t e r these conditions for the better. - i v -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT. '. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i v LIST OF FIGURES , v i i LIST OF TABLES v i i i 1. INTRODUCTION 1 2. REGIONAL LEVEL—NORTHWEST TERRITORIES 12 2.1 Physical Environment 12 2.1.1 Climate 13 2.1.2 P r e c i p i t a t i o n 13 2.1.3 Permafrost 15 2.2 B i o l o g i c a l Environment 18 •2.3 S o c i a l Environment 19 2.3.1 Pre-contact period 19 2.3.2 Contact and e x p l o i t a t i o n of resources 20 2.4 Northern Development 23 2.5 P o l i t i c a l Development 28 2.6 Economic Development 31 2.7 Contemporary Issues: Future Directions 40 3. LOCAL LEVEL—COMMUNITY 44 3.1 Development of Settlements 44 3.2 Development of Local Government 50 3.3 Contemporary Community Demographics 56 3.4 Community Types 59 3.5 Community Planning Considerations....; 60 3.5.1 H i s t o r i c development 61 3.5.2 Physical conditions 62 3.5.3 Housing 62 3.5.4 Uncertainty 67 3.5.5 Culture l i f e s t y l e and perceptions 69 3.5.6 Planning process, d e c i s i o n making and community development 76 - v -Page 4. INFRASTRUCTURE LEVEL - WATER AND SANITATION SERVICES 83 4.1 Water and Sanitation Systems 84 4.1.1 Water supply 84 4.1.2 D i s t r i b u t i o n and c o l l e c t i o n 84 4.1.3 Wastewater treatment and disposal 86 4.1.4 S o l i d waste management 86 4.2 Development of Water and Sanitation Services and P o l i c i e s 87 4.2.1 H i s t o r i c a l development of settlements and u t i l i t i e s 87 4.2.2 Contemporary water and s a n i t a t i o n p o l i c i e s . . . 90 4.2.3 R e s p o n s i b i l i t y and financing 94 4.2.4 Current status and issues 97 4.3 Objectives 102 4.3.1 Health 104 4.3.2 Environmental protection 129 4.3.3 Socio-economic development 136 4.3.4 F i r e protection 138 4.3.5 Convenience and aesthetics 140 4.3.6 Equity 143 4.4 Technical Considerations 145 4.4.1 Constraints . 146 4.4.2 Types of systems 147 4.4.3 Design approaches and concepts 153 4.4.4 Why do systems f a i l ? 157 4.5 Economic Considerations 161 4.5.1 Program l e v e l 161 4.5.2 Project l e v e l 166 4.5.3 Economic considerations i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s 167 4.5.3 Role of economic analysis 169 4.6 Planning Considerations 169 4.6.1 Objectives of planning 170 4.6.2 Planning process 171 4.6.3 Evaluation of options 176 4.6.4 Comparison of systems 179 - v i -Page 5. IMPLICATIONS TO PLANNING 191 5.1 Conclusions 191 5.1.1 Regional level...' 191 5.1.2 Local level 192 5.1.3 Infrastructure level 194 5.2 Issues 201 5.2.1 Control 201 5.2.2 Values and perceptions 202 5.2.3 Role of knowledge and experts 203 5.2.4 Role of planning 204 5.3 Recommendations 205 5.3.1 Procedural 205 5.3.2 Content 205 REFERENCES 210 - v i i -LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1.1 P o l i t i c a l Regions of Canada 2 1.2 Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s 3 1.3 Academic Level of Resolution of Issues 7 1.4 Levels of Recursion of Issues and A c t i v i t i e s 8 2.1 Mean Tot a l Annual P r e c i p i t a t i o n 14 2.2 Permafrost Region i n Canada 16 2.3 Permafrost D i s t r i b u t i o n and Thickness 16 3.1 Community and Population D i s t r i b u t i o n 58 3.2 Using Buildings to Create a Micro-Climate, Resolute, N.W.T 65 3.3 Soc i a l Grouping of Houses, C h i s a s i b i , Quebec 66 3.4 Location Map of Rae and Edzo, N.W.T 70 3.5 Model of the Community Development Process 79 4.1 Water and Sanitation System Component Schematic 83 4.2 E c o l o g i c a l Model of Health Relationships I l l 4.3 E f f e c t of Water Consumption on Disease Attack Rates.. 115 4.4 Major Causes of Death 119 4.5 Infant M o r t a l i t y Rate 120 4.6 Rates of Selected Communicable Diseases 121 5.1 Comparison of Trucked and Piped Systems with Water Consumption, Housing Density and Community Population i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s 200 - v i i i -LIST OF TABLES Table Page 2.1 Demographics of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s 22 2.2 Phases of H i s t o r i a l Development 24 3.1 Founding Date of Communities in the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and Yukon 45 3.2- Municipal Status and Population of Communities 53 4.1 Levels of Service Under the 1974 Water and Sanitation P o l i c y -. 92 4.2 Water and Sanitation Services Expenditures by Government of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , 1980-81 96 4.3 Status of Community Water and Sanitation Services.... 99 4.4 F i n a n c i a l Status of Water and Sanitation Services.... 100 4.5 Survey of Water Supply Objectives 103 4.6 C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of I n f e c t i v e Diseases i n Relation to Water Supplies 109 4.7 C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Water-Related Diseases 109 4.8 Household Water Use for Various Community and Household Water Systems 151 4.9 Comparison of Water and Sanitation Systems with Objectives 180 4.10 Comparison of Water and Sanitation Systems with C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s 181 4.11 Costs f o r Trucked and Piped Systems 185 4.12 Cost and Employment with Piped and Trucked Systems fo r Fort McPherson, N.W.T 186 4.13 E f f e c t s of Housing Density and Water Demand on Household Service Costs i n Fort McPherson 188 4.14 E f f e c t of Housing Type and Household Plumbing on Selection of System i n Fort McPherson, N.W.T 189 - 1 -1. INTRODUCTION S u f f i c i e n t quantity of safe water and the sanitary management of wastes are e s s e n t i a l to public health and community development. Over the past three decades, m i l l i o n s of d o l l a r s have been provided by the federal government and the Government of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s (G.N.W.T.) to i n s t a l l and operate water and sa n i t a t i o n services i n communities i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s (N.W.T.) (Figure 1.1 and 1.2). The objectives and performance of the G.N.W.T. Water and Sanitation P o l i c y , the planning process, and the technology have not been evaluated to date. The purpose of th i s thesis i s to analyse the objectives, process and content of planning i n f r a s t r u c t u r e i n communities i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s (N.W.T.). The focus of the thesis i s on water and sani t a t i o n services i n communities predominantly occupied by Native* people. In t h i s thesis the h i s t o r i c a l , s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic development of the N.W.T. and i t s communities are examined to uncover contemporary r e l a t i o n s h i p s and issues and to indicate p o t e n t i a l future d i r e c t i o n s . The h i s t o r i c a l development of water and sa n i t a t i o n AThe term 'Native' i n this thesis refers to the indigenous peoples of the N.W.T. This includes the Athapaskan-speaking people (the Dene) and the Inuit-speaking people (the I n u i t ) . Other names i n use, such as Dogrib, Indian and Eskimo, were given by foreign peoples. The term 'Whites' refers p r i m a r i l y to non-indigenous people, i . e . non-Native, pri m a r i l y Caucasian Canadians or Europeans who are part of the i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t economy and soc i e t y . FIGURE 1.1 POLITICAL REGIONS OF CANADA (from: Gerein, 1980) FIGURE 1.2 NORTHWEST TERRITORIES (from: EPEC Consulting Western Ltd., 1981) - 4 -s e r v i c e s , technology and p o l i c i e s i n the N.W.T. are examined to provide an understanding of the context for contemporary r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , issues and a l t e r n a t i v e s . Relationships between objectives and water and sanit a t i o n l e v e l s of service and types of sytems are investigated to examine the basis for the G.N.W.T. p o l i c i e s and to provide a basis for the evaluation of a l t e r n a t i v e s . Technical, economical and planning considerations are examined i n the evaluation of p o l i c i e s and systems. Rather than adopting a t r a d i t i o n a l s c i e n t i f i c hypothesis testing approach i n which a s p e c i f i c predetermined singular dimensional hypothesis i s tested, an empirico-inductive approach was used i n t h i s public p o l i c y analysis (Majchrazak, 1 9 8 4 ) . General concepts and causal theories of the multidimensional topic and problems were induced from observations and analysis as the study progressed. Case studies of community planning and water and sa n i t a t i o n planning are examined to uncover a pattern of issues and rela t i o n s h i p s and to indicate d i r e c t i o n for improvements and changes. The development and operation of water supply, sewage c o l l e c t i o n and waste management services and systems i n N.W.T. communities i s complex and challenging. Planning water and sa n i t a t i o n services i s important but d i f f i c u l t because of: 1. The c r i t i c a l support function of u t i l i t y systems and the severe physical and s o c i a l consequences of f a i l u r e 2. The high cost of construction and operation, t y p i c a l l y 2 to 5 times higher than i n southern communities, because of high energy and transportation costs and technical constraints - 5 -3. The technical constraints imposed by environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s including low temperature, low p r e c i p i t a t i o n , permafrost, and i s o l a t i o n 4. The important role of water and s a n i t a t i o n services i n the p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l development of communities and residents 5. The varying cultures, values, l i f e s t y l e s , experience, and aspirations within the communities and the region 6. The short h i s t o r y and li m i t e d experience with developing communities and u t i l i t i e s i n northern regions 7. The l i m i t e d knowledge of the impacts of p o l l u t i o n and community development on the northern environment. Water and s a n i t a t i o n services are more s i g n i f i c a n t i n community planning i n the N.W.T. than i n southern Canada because of th e i r high p r i o r i t y and cost. U t i l i t y system requirements have dominated the physical planning of northern communities. The need for water and s a n i t a t i o n systems i n permanent communities appears obvious. Subsidies and assistance to ensure that water and s a n i t a t i o n services a v a i l a b l e are i n t u i t i v e l y j u s t i f i e d by benefits, e g a l i t a r i a n i s m or g u i l t . However, the establishment of subsidy programs and the s e l e c t i o n of technology ra i s e issues of e f f i c i e n c y , e f f e c t i v e n e s s , l i b e r t y and f a i r n e s s . The r e l a t i o n s h i p s between water and s a n i t a t i o n services and objectives such as health, environment protection, socio-economic development, f i r e p rotection, convenience and aesthetics, and equity are complex. Taking into account the perceptions - 6 -and knowledge of the users and the decision-makers i s important in achieving objectives, s e l e c t i n g a l t e r n a t i v e s and designing systems. Subsidies and assistance can impede l o c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and authority. A l l technologies imply c e r t a i n l i f e s t y l e , values and r e l a t i o n s h i p s between man and technology. There i s a danger that assistance and technology, which seemingly provide immediate and obvious material and physical benefits, contain long term cumulative detrimental s o c i a l e f f e c t s . The appropriateness of subsidies and technology cannot be separated from questions of: who chooses? and how are choices made? Water and s a n i t a t i o n services are part of the community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . Infrastructure i s one aspect of a community system and communities are part of the regional government. The i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , l o c a l and regional l e v e l s of systems are i n t e r r e l a t e d . S o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , economic and technical issues within and between each l e v e l are also i n t e r r e l a t e d . Changes i n one l e v e l reverberate often unpredictably throughout the other l e v e l s . E f f e c t i v e changes i n one l e v e l require concomitant changes to occur at other l e v e l s . Moreover, since no condition and no event can be seen as i s o l a t e d , every problem i s but a symptom of some deeper problem imbedded i n the next larger subsystem; and that perception compels of a depth of humility guaranteed to turn the most evangelical reformer into a cautious planner. (Webber, 1978, p.155) Planners may become not only cautious but also frustrated mute prisoners of the discovery that everything a f f e c t s everything e l s e . - 7 -Upon persistent probing and questioning, technical and planning issues deepen into philosophical issues of values, b e l i e f and truth and philosophical issues can not be resolved, they can only be resolved over and over again. Figure i.3 i l l u s t r a t e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between phi l o s o p h i c a l , planning and technical l e v e l s of academic r e s o l u t i o n . Jantsch's (1980) m u l t i l e v e l planning concept s i m i l a r l y spans the l e v e l of t a c t i c a l or operational planning, the s t r a t e g i c l e v e l , the p o l i c y l e v e l , and the l e v e l of values "which i s no more subject to r a t i o n a l elaboration but always plays a decisive and guiding r o l e , whether i m p l i c i t l y or e x p l i c i t l y . " (Jantsch, 1980, p. 266). Analysis must be CONCERNED WITH GOALS - values, belief, truth, ethics OBJECTIVES - process CRITERIA - action, knowledge ACTIVITY PHILOSOPHICAL PLANNING TECHNICAL FIGURE 1.3 ACADEMIC LEVEL OF RESOLUTION OF ISSUES - 8 -of s u f f i c i e n t depth, breadth and d e t a i l to uncover issues and re l a t i o n s h i p s . Figure 1.4 i l l u s t r a t e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the le v e l s of recursion of issues and a c t i v i t i e s . WATER AND SANITATION SYSTEMS INFRASTRUCTURE COMMUNITY REGION NATION BREADTH DEPTH FIGURE 1.4 LEVELS OF RECURSION OF ISSUES AND ACTIVITIES As Langdon Winner advised, planning must "seek simultaneously to avoid depths without d i r e c t i o n and d e t a i l without meaning" (Winner, 1978, p. 134). This thesis attempts to provide d e t a i l i n both breadth and depth, and attempts to l i n k values and b e l i e f with knowledge and actions. It i s a d i f f i c u t task which uncovers more questions than answers. The attempt does not imply a promise of understanding, a promise of ri g h t answers, or a promise of c o n t r o l . Planning increases - 9 -complexity and uncertainty because r e a l i t y i s complex (Jantsch, 1980). There should be no " i l l u s i o n that the future can be tamed or made innocuous" (Freidmann, 1979, p. 166). However, planning must not "retreat to the day to day mechanics, of t r i v i a r o u t i n e l y done and routi n e l y conceived, i n order to avoid the necessity of d i r e c t i o n . " ( S t e r n l i e b , 1978, p. x i i - x i i i ) . Examination of water and san i t a t i o n planning i n this thesis reveals that i n Native communities the G.N.W.T.: i n i t i a t e s , finances and controls planning studies; s p e c i f i e s the problems, objectives, scope, procedure, methodology and agenda of the studies; and ultimately i s responsible for s e l e c t i n g , i n s t a l l i n g and operating the systems. Planning i s done by engineers for the G.N.W.T., not by the residents for the community. Technical and economic e f f i c i e n c y considerations i n the planning of water and san i t a t i o n systems are emphasized while s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l considerations are neglected. Examination of why systems f a i l reveals that the causes are based i n values, perceptions and decision-making. F a i l u r e s are related to the technological optimism and bias of engineers, to the authority given technocrats and bureaucrats, and to the concomitant neglect or downgrading of the values and perceptions of the Native people—the people the water and sa n i t a t i o n systems are meant to serve. Examination of water and san i t a t i o n systems indicates that the important factors which should be considered i n the evaluation of technology are community population, water consumption, housing density, employment opportunities, and s e l f - r e l i a n c e where s e l f - r e l i a n c e i s the - 10 -p o t e n t i a l a b i l i t y of the residents and the community to have te c h n i c a l , f i n a n c i a l , administrative and p o l i t i c a l control over the planning, management and operation of water and sa n i t a t i o n s e r v i c e s . In prac t i c e , the economic evaluation of a l t e r n a t i v e systsems may be reduced to a choice between the type of t o i l e t and the type of house. Piped water and sewer systems are found to be generally economical and appropriate for multi-family housing; whereas, trucked water and sewage services are generally economical and appropriate for single family houses which u t i l i z e water conserving f i x t u r e s and appliances. Trucked water de l i v e r y and sewage pumpout systems are an intermediate technology and service between rudimentary s e l f - h a u l and sophisticated piped systems which f a c i l i t a t e l o c a l employment and community f i n a n c i a l and physical c o n t r o l . In t h i s thesis the common issues at the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , l o c a l and regional systems l e v e l s are found to be co n t r o l , values, the role of knowledge, and experts, and the role of planning. The thesis recommends that the G.N.W.T. devolve to the community l e v e l the resources, r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and authority f or community planning and development and for planning and managing water and s a n i t a t i o n s e r v i c e s . The community must be the c o n t r o l l e r s and the c l i e n t s i n a planning process which emphasizes s o c i a l learning and community development. The primary role of the regional government should be to a s s i s t the people i n assessing the conditions of t h e i r l i v e s and t h e i r community so they can plan and act to change these conditions for the better. - 11 -Water and sa n i t a t i o n services and systems that are not understood, appreciated, financed and operated by the community w i l l not be f u l l y e f f e c t i v e and they can impede s e l f - r e l i a n c e . Technology for water and sa n i t a t i o n services should enhance s o c i a l learning and community s e l f - r e l i a n c e . - 12 -2. REGIONAL LEVEL - NORTHWEST TERRITORIES Contemporary issues, r e l a t i o n s h i p s and decision making process at the regional l e v e l are conditioned by the environment and the past. In t h i s chapter, the physical, b i o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l environments and the h i s t o r i c a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic development of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s are examined. Environmental, s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic rel a t i o n s h i p s and issues at the regional l e v e l are examined i n order to e s t a b l i s h the h i s t o r i c a l and contemporary context for planning at the re g i o n a l , l o c a l and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e l e v e l s . 2.1 Physical Environment The Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s contains approximately 3,400,000 square kilometers and comprises approximately one-third of Canada's land area. Within t h i s immense area are various geologic and t e r r a i n types. There are two major geographical regions. The Precambrian or Canadian Shield consists of rugged barren granite h i l l s which extend from Great Slave Lake i n the west to B a f f i n Island i n the east. The other major region, the I n t e r i o r P l a i n , l i e s between the Shield and the mountainous C o r d i l l e r a region of the Yukon border i n the west. The landform of the N.W.T. has been greatly altered by advancing and re t r e a t i n g g l a c i e r s which p e r i o d i c a l l y covered the region. G l a c i a t i o n exposed and smoothed the Shield bedrock, shaped the elongated drainage pattern, removed the vegetation and t o p s o i l and deposited sand and gravel i n long eskers. The region i s s t i l l emerging from the l a s t period of g l a c i a t i o n which was 10,000 years ago, a very short period i n geological time. - 13 -The major water system i n the N.W.T. i s the Mackenzie Basin. The Mackenzie River i s the eleventh largest r i v e r i n the world. It has i t s headwaters in Alberta and B r i t i s h Columbia and i s navigable for i t s ent i r e 2,250 kilometer length to the expansive delta where i t empties into the Beaufort Sea. Great Bear Lake, Great Slave Lake and the L i a r d and Peel Rivers are part of the Mackenzie Basin. Other r i v e r s i n the N.W.T. are much smaller and generally unnavigable. 2.1.1 Climate The climate of the North i s the net r e s u l t of i n s o l a t i o n , topography and global weather patterns. Winters are long, cold and dark; summers are short and cool with long hours of daylight. The large seasonal v a r i a t i o n and low annual solar r a d i a t i o n i n the polar regions i s a re s u l t of the t i l t i n g and rotation of the earth. The i n t e r i o r of the N.W.T. experiences a northern continental climate. The annual temperature fluctuates from -50°C to 30°C. Along the coast of the A r c t i c Ocean and Hudson Bay the temperatures are moderated by the sea and the mean annual temperatures are lower. The extreme low temperatures commonly associated with the North are no more severe than i n Edmonton, Winnipeg or North Bay. The s i g n i f i c a n t c l i m a t i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the North i s the long duration of winter and conversely the short growing season of summer. In most of the N.W.T., freezing temperatures can occur i n any month of the year. 2.1.2 P r e c i p i t a t i o n Much of the N.W.T. i s c l a s s i f i e d as a r i d , i . e . , p r e c i p i t a t i o n i s - 14 -less than 25 centimeters annually (Figure 2.1). Generally, p r e c i p i t a t i o n decreases as one moves northward. The lowest p r e c i p i t a t i o n i n Canada, 0.6 centimetres, i s recorded at Eureka, the most northerly settlement i n Canada. FIGURE 2.1 MEAN ANNUAL PRECIPITATION (cm) (from: Gerein, 1980). The low p r e c i p i t a t i o n l i m i t s vegetation and animals and r e s t r a i n s i n d u s t r i a l and domestic water supply. Rice (1980) warned that water a v a i l a b i l i t y w i l l ultimately be a l i m i t i n g factor of northern development but many northern communities already have severe water supply problems. When viewed from the a i r , many areas of the N.W.T. appear to have - 15 -more water surface than land area'. Water i s seemingly abundant and one half of Canada's fresh water resources are located north of the 60th p a r a l l e l (Jones, 1972). The numerous water bodies creates the i l l u s i o n that there i s an abundance of water i n the North. In f a c t , most of these lakes are very shallow and for most of the year the water i s frozen. 2.1.3 Permafrost Most of the ground of the N.W.T. remains frozen a l l year. Permanently frozen ground i s conveniently shortened to the term "permafrost." Permafrost describes the thermal condition of earth materials, such as rock or s o i l , whose temperature remains below freezing (0° C) f o r a number of years. D i s t r i b u t i o n and thickness of permafrost i s determined by the thermal balance of climate, t e r r a i n , vegetation, and s o i l . The extent of permafrost i n Canada i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 2.2. Permafrost i n the High A r c t i c can be hundreds of meters thick but only a few centimeters of the surface "active layer" thaws during the short summer period. Further south where mean annual temperatures are warmer and permafrost becomes thinner and discontinuous (Figure 2.3). Permafrost i s a s i g n i f i c a n t factor i n the northern ecosystem. The frozen ground prevents r a i n and snowmelt from percolating into the ground, prevents root penetration, locks up s o i l n u t r ients, and l i m i t s the habitat for ground-burrowing animals. These factors have d i r e c t and i n t e r r e l a t e d e f f e c t s on vegetation, animals and man. In turn the - 16 -FIGURE 2.2 PERMAFROST REGION IN CANADA (from: Johnston, 1981) FIGURE 2.3 PERMAFROST DISTRIBUTION AND THICKNESS (from: Johnston, 1981) - 17 -vegetation and the a c t i v i t i e s of animals and man have an influence on the permafrost (Brown, 1970). Ice within permafrost can be troublesome. Ice occurs i n lenses and veins from millimeters to meters i n thickness or i n massive i c e formations. If the permafrost thaws, the ice melts and the s o i l l i t e r a l l y turns to mush with l i t t l e bearing strength. Disturbances to the surface conditions w i l l a l t e r the thermal balance and cause deeper thawing of the active layer and possibly the complete thawing of the underlying permafrost. Destruction or damage to the surface vegetation or organic s o i l by nature or by man can have serious consequences. The most dramatic consequencs occur on slopes where the permafrost has a high i c e content and where the permafrost temperature i s close to freezing. Under these conditions the erosion, slumping and flows of s o i l produce a "thermokarst" topography. Permafrost thawing can also be caused by heat input from building foundations or by burled water, sewage and heating pipes. Thawing of the permafrost can lead to settlement and f a i l u r e of the structure. Permafrost influences many aspects of community and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e development. Because permafrost i s impermeable, snowmelt and r a i n f a l l remains on the ground surface. Consequently surface drainage i s important i n community layout and landscaping and i n the design of f a c i l i t i e s . Groundewater i s not a p r a c t i c a l water source i n permafrost regions. Subsurface wastewater disposal systems, such as an outhouse or a septic f i e l d , are not f e a s i b l e i f the ground i s permanently frozen. Excavation of permafrost for foundations, buried u t i l i t y l i n e s , or - 18 -borrow material i s d i f f i c u l t and expensive and i s often impractical. 2.2 Biological Environment Environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in the North include: low temperatures, short growing season, large v a r i a t i o n i n seasonal solar i n f l u x , low p r e c i p i t a t i o n , low nutrients, and poor s o i l development ( P r u i t t , 1970). These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e s u l t i n a low primary productivity which ultimately l i m i t s the productivity of higher trophic l e v e l s (Weber, 1974). The northern b i o t i c environment i s characterized by a slow growth rate, a low number of species, a simple food web, and large population o s c i l l a t i o n s . People have concerns for impacts from community p o l l u t i o n , i n d u s t r i a l land use a c t i v i t i e s , and commercial uses of the non-renewable resources because of the low d i v e r s i t y and low carrying capacity c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the northern environment. However, these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s have been interpreted d i f f e r e n t l y by researchers (e.g., B l i s s , 1970; Dunbar 1973; Livingston, 1981). The root of this disagreement i s the lack of functional knowledge of the northern ecosystem. In assessing the impact of man's a c t i v i t i e s , i t i s i n s u f f i c i e n t "merely to characterize the north as s e n s i t i v e , vulnerable or even f r a g i l e . " (Berger, 1977, p. 4). The r e a l v u l n e r a b i l i t y of the plants and animals l i e s not i n t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to deal with the age old c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the North: " I t i s in t h e i r probable i n a b i l i t y to t o l e r a t e a d d i t i o n a l stress with which they are not b u i l t to cope" - 19 -(Livingston, 1981, p. 65). Livingston (1981) warns that much of the alleged " f r a g i l i t y " and " s i m p l i c i t y " of the North results from the use of inappropriate c r i t e r i a and ecosystem models which have been developed from and for other ecosystems. "The e c o l o g i c a l pronouncements that a r i s e from quite d i f f e r e n t and thus incompatible regions of the world simply do not apply where they did not o r i g i n a t e " (Livingston, 1981, p. 64). 2.3 Social Environment 2.3.1 Pre—contact period The North has been occupied by man since the l a s t ice age for at least 10,000 years and perhaps more than 27,000 years (McGhee, 1974). The o r i g i n a l Mongolian inhabitants, apparently crossed to Alaska over the land bridge created during periods of g l a c i a t i o n . Two d i s t i n c t cultures developed. The Inuit occupied the tundra and the Indians occupied the treed area. Various sub-cultures and l i f e s t y l e s based on the l o c a l natural resources developed. The Native people's l i f e s t y l e , technology and culture evolved with the northern environment, not i n spite of i t . Their l i f e s t y l e , technology and culture were appropriate to the l o c a l conditions: " I t was geared to the cycles, rhythms and o s c i l l a t i o n s which although not always predictable were anticipated" (Livingston, 1981, p. 66). The Native people took what was necessary for s u r v i v a l and imported l i t t l e . In this closed dynamic system everything was returned but they had a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on the ecosystem. During the - 20 -i n i t i a l "invasion" of man the environmental impact was very s i g n i f i c a n t (Martin, 1974) u n t i l a new s t a b i l i t y developed. The environmental factors that conditioned and l i m i t e d the occupation of the North included cold climate, seasonal s c a r c i t y of food, l i m i t e d number of prey species, and l i m i t e d supply of fu e l and raw materials (McGee, 1974). These environmental factors dictated a l i f e s t y l e based on hunting and f i s h i n g . A c t i v i t i e s were governed by the climate and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of prey species. Of necessity, the population was nomadic, sparse and t h i n l y d i s t r i b u t e d . Travel in family units or i n small groups was governed by the seasonal progression of the harvest. Groups came together for short periods at favourable hunting and f i s h i n g locations or for trading. Kinship formed the basis of most personal i n t e r a c t i o n . In most bands there was no formal leader. Community organization was democratic and decisions were made by consensus.* 2*3.2 Contact and exploitation of resources Europeans discovered the Canadian North some 400 years ago while searching for a shorter route between Europe and the Far East. Since then, the northern environment and the Native people have been subject to waves of aspirants who searched for and exploited the resources. Early whalers were followed by fur traders who established trading ^Feeney (1977) examines the decision making patterns and the c o n f l i c t s of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l planning e f f o r t s between Native and Whites i n contemporary N.W.T. - 21 -posts. The Church, Royal Canadian Mounted Police and mineral exploration groups l a t e r established themselves at the trading posts. The post-World War II years saw st r a t e g i c m i l i t a r y operations and a number of mines brought into production. During the 50's a concern for sovereignty, northern development and the welfare of the aboriginal people brought an increased l e v e l of federal government i n t e r e s t and involvement' i n the North. Since the l a t e 60's there has been major exploration and development a c t i v i t i e s related to petrochemicals. Each wave of a c t i v i t y has increased the presence of Europeans and Euro-Canadians i n the North and increased the l i n k s between the economy and the culture of the North and the rest of Canada and the world. Western technology and values have scarcely changed the environment of the North but they have profoundly changed the aboriginal peoples (Robertson, 1966). Among the changes are the introduction of the. concept of private land and resource ownership, development of a cash economy, permanent settlements, formal laws, and government. The advent of Europeans introduced a p l u r a l i t y of s o c i a l and development goals, relationships among men, and rela t i o n s h i p s between man and the environment. The demographics of the N.W.T. have changed s i g n i f i c a n t l y . The Native proportion of t o t a l population declined to approximately 79% by 1941 and to 52% by 1979 (Table 2.1). The average population growth rate i n the N.W.T. this century has been 3% per annum but the growth rate has been sporadic. The increase i n Native population i s predominantly natural while the White population - 22 -TABLE 2.1 DEMOGRAPHICS OF THE NORTHWEST TERRITORIES (from: G.N.W.T., 1978; Outcrop, 1984) Population Year Population 1911 6,507 1921 8,143 1931 9,316 1941 12,028 1951 16,004 1961 22,998 1971 34,807 1981 45,741 Age Distribution (1979) Number Percent of Tot a l 5,664 12 10,691 23 28,470 62 1,238 3 46,063 100 Ethnicity (1979) Number Percent of Total Indian 8,433 18 Inuit 15,489 34 Metis (approx.) 4,500 10 Other 17,641 38 Total - A l l Groups in N.W.T. 46,063 100 I Pre-school (0-4) School age (5-14) Working age (15-64 E l d e r l y (65+) Total - A l l Ages i n N.W.T. i - 23 -increase i s mainly due to in-migration. Although the b i r t h rate among the Native people has decreased since the early seventies, i t i s s t i l l twice the national average. In 1979 the median age of the Native and non-Native populations was 16 and 22.5 years r e s p e c t i v e l y . The t o t a l population of the N.W.T. i s low i n number and the people are unevenly d i s t r i b u t e d among scattered communities. The smaller communities are predominantly Dene or I n u i t . In 1979, 9,918 persons or 22% of the 46,063 N.W.T. residents l i v e d i n the community of Yellowknife. 2.4 Northern Development The developmental hi s t o r y of the N.W.T.2 a f t e r European exploration can be divided into three major phases as i l l u s t r a t e d i n Table 2.2. The time and duration of a c t i v i t i e s within these phases varied from region to region but the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are s i m i l a r . 4 2The h i s t o r i c a l development of the North i s interpreted i n a number of works in c l u d i n g : Usher, Peter J . (1982); Armstrong, Rogers and Rowley (1978); Brody, Hugh (1975); Wonders W.C (ed) (1972); Zaslow, Morris (1971); Rea, K.J. (1968); and Jenness, Diamond (1964). ^Other breakdowns have been advanced to interpret the h i s t o r i c a l development of the N.W.T., the most common being the periods preceeding and following World War I I . 4The Mackenzie Valley area led i n development. The pattern of l i f e of the Inuit i n the Eastern A r c t i c remained v i r t u a l l y unchanged u n t i l World War I I . - 24 -TABLE 2.2 PHASES OF HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT Phase I - Discovery and Commercial Penetration Pre-World War II Phase II - Administrative Colonialism and the Welfare State Post World War II Phase III - T r a n s i t i o n towards an I n d u s t r i a l Mode of Production The Contemporary North The f i r s t phase, i n i t i a l discovery and commercial penetration, was spurred by the fur trade south of the tree l i n e . In the A r c t i c Islands and along the A r c t i c Coast i t was pr e c i p i t a t e d by the search for the northwest passage and whaling. By the early 1900's the extension of commercial and church influences was complete. Precious metal deposits of gold and radium were discovered and developed. I n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s were f a c i l i t a t e d by improved communication and transportation systems. The Native people adopted items of Euro-American technology, dress, food, and r e l i g i o n . However the Dene and Inuit continued to hunt, to f i s h and to trap for subsistance and for exchange although many t r a d i t i o n a l s k i l l s and practices atrophied. In some areas the t r a d i t i o n a l mode of production was supplemented with u n s k i l l e d seasonal wage labour. During this phase there were few non-Natives residing i n the N.W.T. The North was a f r o n t i e r for exploration rather than for - 25 -settlement. Government a c t i v i t i e s and concerns were low key or non-existant. The primary government agent i n the N.W.T. was the Royal Canadian Mounted P o l i c e . World War II marked the second phase of development. It was characterized by a s i g n i f i c a n t increase i n the pace of development and in federal government i n t e r e s t and a c t i v i t i e s i n the North. During the War a number of projects brought a c t i v i t y and i n t e r e s t to the North. The Port Radium mine supplied radium for the f i r s t atomic bomb, the o i l f i e l d s and refiner y at Norman Wells were developed to supply Alaska through the Canol P i p e l i n e , and a i r f i e l d s were constructed i n the Eastern A r c t i c . World War II and the ensuing cold war brought a new appreciation for the s t r a t e g i c s i g n i f i c a n c e of the North and heightened the issue of sovereignty. The United States constructed and controlled the Distant Earth Warning (DEW) continental radar defense system. The DEW Line s i t e s provided l i m i t e d employment and a focus for government a c t i v i t i e s s i m i l a r to the trading posts of e a r l i e r years. The projects i n this phase of development demonstrated that modern technology could conquer the northern environment.'-' A decline i n fur prices which began i n the 30's culminated i n the v i r t u a l collapse of the fur trade i n the post-War period. The collapse brought much hardship to the Native people who had become dependent on the fur trade economy and l i f e s t y l e . By the early 50's n u t r i t i o n , health, and shelter conditons i n the N.W.T. had become appalling. The The Alcan Highway i s one of the seven wonders of the modern world. - 26 -p u b l i c i t y surrounding the s u f f e r i n g and starvation among the Keewatin Inuit furthered the growing awareness of the conditions i n the North by southern Canadians. Pressure for government action mounted. The federal government could no longer maintain a l a i s s e z - f a i r e approach to the North and i t s inhabitants. Capitalism had suddenly f a i l e d Native people, and i n the context of a dawning welfare state, the government was widely seen as having no a l t e r n a t i v e but to step i n . (Usher, 1982, p. 429) Government assistance i n the North began with the extension of family allowance and old age be n e f i t s . During the 50's and 60's, schools, nursing stations and hospitals were constructed. During the 60's and 70's public housing and community inf r a s t u c t u r e were provided. There was a concomittant i n f l u x of teachers, nurses and c i v i l servants into the communities. The major consequence of these changes for the Native people was a s h i f t from temporary camps to permanent settlements and a concomittent change i n l i f e s t y l e and assault on the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e . The unquestioned assumption was that Native people must forsake the dying t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e and prepare for wage employment and the imminent i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of the North. But most of the jobs and benefits went to non-Native entrepreneurs, government employees and s k i l l e d workers imported from the South. The t r a d i t i o n a l economy declined and the Native people became dependent on the government for shel t e r , services and transfer payments. The t h i r d phase, the t r a n s i t i o n to an i n d u s t r i a l mode of production, began i n the 50's. I t i s characterized by the complete i - 27 -in t e g r a t i o n of the region into the Canadian economy and the increase i n corporate a c t i v i t i e s i n large scale resource exploration and development projects. The increased world demand for resources i n the post-War growth period heralded numerous projects to extract non-renewable resources from the N.W.T. These projects were encouraged by government as there was no c o n f l i c t of i n t e r e s t s between the government p o l i c y makers and the commercial i n t e r e s t s i n northern development (Rae, 1976). The most s i g n i f i c a n t contemporary i n d u s t r i a l developments have been related to hydrocarbon exploration and development i n the Mackenzie Delta, Norman Wells, Beaufort Sea and the A r c t i c Islands. The proposed hydrocarbon development and transportation projects require enormous c a p i t a l , highly s k i l l e d labour and innovative advanced technology. The harsh environment, the lack of knowledge and inexperience i n working in the North, and the distance from markets are deterrents to northern resource development. These conditions translate into high cost and high r i s k s . Only the Norman Wells o i l f i e l d development project and pipeline to Alberta are proceeding. Other projects await the discovery of commercial quantities of hydrocarbons, financing, increased demand or increased p r i c e s . Exploration a c t i v i t i e s continue spurred on by federal government tax incentives and d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n under the "need to know" and energy s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y p o l i c i e s i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of future demand for f r o n t i e r o i l and gas. - 28 -The exploration and planning phases of these developments have already brought s i g n i f i c a n t investments and changes to the region and have pr e c i p i t a t e d much debate about the s o c i a l and environmental impacts of these projects and about the i n d u s t r i a l mode of production i n general. The most notable public debate was the Mackenzie Valley P i p e l i n e Inquiry by J u s t i c e Thomas Berger. He recommended a ten year moratorium to s e t t l e Native claims and to es t a b l i s h new i n s t i t u t i o n s and programs that would form the basis f o r Native self-determination and prevent the advancing i n d u s t r i a l system from predetermining the course of events (Berger, 1977). Integral to this recommendation would be the development of the renewable resource economy which would strengthen the t r a d i t i o n a l Native economy and enable the N.W.T. and the Native people to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the i n d u s t r i a l economy without becoming completely dependent on i t . 2.5 Political Development6 The dominant p o l i t i c a l feature of the N.W.T. i s i t s status as a t e r r i t o r y i n Canada. The federal government retains d i r e c t ownership of the lands and resources i n the N.W.T. and i s the dominant actor and ultimate authority i n p o l i t i c a l development. A Commissioner i s appointed by the federal government to head the ^The p o l i t i c a l development of the North has been chronicled and analyzed by a number of authors. Rea (1976) provides a h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s , Dosman (1975) covers the period from 1968 to 1975, and Dacks (19^81) provides an update to 1981. The p o l i t i c a l structure and administration framework of the G.N.W.T. i s outlined by Hamelin (1978), Drury (1979) and Gerein (1980). - 29 -t e r r i t o r i a l Council and the government bureaucracy. In 1967, as a result of the Carrothers Commission Report (Carrothers, 1966), the Government of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s (G.N.W.T.) was made d i s t i n c t from the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development (D.I.A.N.D.) and the t e r r i t o r i a l government moved from Ottawa to Yellowknife. The t e r r i t o r i a l Council has been f u l l y elected since 1975. The G.N.W.T. c a r r i e s out 'housekeeping' r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . It has progressively taken on added r e p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n l o c a l govenment, s o c i a l development, public works, and renewable resources. However, the decisions of the G.N.W.T. are subject to federal disallowance and i t s f i n a n c i a l plans require approval from Ottawa v i a the Treasury Board. The major source of funding for the G.N.W.T. i s the federal government. For example, i n 1976-77 only 7% of the G.N.W.T. budget, of $206 m i l l i o n came from revenue raised i n the N.W.T. (Zariwny, 1977). The lack of statutory and economic power of the G.N.W.T has been further undermined by the question of i t s legitimacy which i s raised by the Native people. To the Native people, the t e r r i t o r i a l government i n s t i t u t i o n s embody unfamiliar and even h o s t i l e values and pr a c t i c e s . The growth of Native organizations during the 70's overshadowed other p o l i t i c a l developments i n the N.W.T. Their i n i t i a l shunning of the t e r r i t o r i a l government i n favour of independent actions has waned. By the 80*s the majority of the t e r r i t o r i a l Councillors were Natives. Many of them had matured p o l i t i c a l l y with t h e i r work i n the Native organizations. Non-Natives no longer monopolize or control the p o l i t i c a l process within the N.W.T. Representative legitimacy allows - 30 -the T e r r i t o r i a l Council to deal more a u t h o r i t a t i v e l y with p o l i t i c a l development and with the t e r r i t o r i e s ' r e l a t i o n s h i p to the South but i t also highlights the s o c i a l d i v i s i o n s i n the N.W.T. The s o c i a l d i v i s i o n s i n the N.W.T. are complex. They are characterized by the contrasting goals, interpretations of s o c i a l change, and approaches to p o l i t i c s between the Natives and non-Natives (Dacks, 1 9 8 1 ) . The aspirations are as many as there are ethnic groups. Regional d i v i s i o n s are also apparent. The predominantly Inuit Eastern A r c t i c i s leading the proposal to divide the N.W.T. They contend that d i v i s i o n w i l l provide more responsible government because i t i s closer to the people and because they would be working with a stronger consensus than e x i s t s within the N.W.T. as a whole. The G.N.W.T. has taken on added r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and matured s u b s t a n t i a l l y i n the past decade; however, there are obstacles to p o l i t i c a l development. Dacks contends that an important obstacle i s the co l o n i a l p o l i t i c a l culture which has developed i n the N.W.T. This has led to: The creation of unreasonable expectations by northerners and p a r t i c u l a r l y the native northerners. Because they had not u n t i l recently had the opportunity to exercise a meaningful degree of p o l i t i c a l power, northerners have not had to learn that p o l i t i c a l structures have l i m i t a t i o n s , that budgets are f i n i t e , and that p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y must be approached in a d i s c i p l i n e d fashion. . . . Many times, communities i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s have had the experience of having t h e i r wish for a new dock, generator, or schoolhouse granted immediately on or very soon af t e r t h e i r request to the Commissioner. They take such experiences as a standard of what i s possible, even though the - 31 -decisions were made in a process that had passed from the northern scene. When communities seek something from Yellowknife now and find that i t is delayed, denied, or requires more j u s t i f i c a t i o n from them, they f e e l cheated out of what they have come to expect i s r i g h t f u l l y t h e i r s . In this sense, they have been spoiled l i k e c h i l d r e n , making It more d i f f i c u l t for the elected p o l i t i c i a n s i n Yellowknife to command the public support they need to press the i r case for more autonomy from Ottawa. (Dacks, 1981, p. 95) 2.6 Economic Development H i s t o r i c a l l y the north has displayed a tendency towards 'growth' without 'development.' More recently i t has displayed a tendency to develop l i k e a ' p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l ' region, having skipped the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n stage. (Rea, 1976, p. 25) "Economic growth" refers to an increase i n the productive capacity of the economy. "Economic development" refers to change i n the structure of the economy from reliance on primary extractive a c t i v i t i e s towards secondary manufacturing and processing. C l a s s i c a l economic development theory has become complicated by the increasing importance of the t e r t i a r y or service sector i n modern i n d u s t r i a l economies. The t e r t i a r y sector i s s i g n i f i c a n t within Canada (Burke, 1975) and within the N.W.T. today. The primary resources of the North have h i s t o r i c a l l y been exploited to serve the needs of distant markets in western Europe and North America. Rea notes that "one of the most remarkable things about the economic his t o r y of northern Canada i s how l i t t l e i t s e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s have changed i n three centuries" (Rea, 1976, p. 30). Consequently economic growth i n the N.W.T. has been determined by external forces. - 32 -The northern economy i s characterized by i t s c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with southern Canada, tension between the t r a d i t i o n a l ^ and the I n d u s t r i a l modes of production, and a v o l a t i l i t y and uncertainty which results i n a boom and bust, 'get i t while you can' economy and mentality. Since World War I I , state intervention has been a major factor i n northern development (Hamelin, 1976). Because of the deliberate, d i s c r e t i o n a r y manipulation of economic forces by government, Rea (1976) contends that economic growth and development in the North are better approached from a p o l i t i c a l economy rather than a market economy perspective. In t r a d i t i o n a l economic terms, the economy of the N.W.T. i s neither balanced nor mature. It lacks d i v e r s i t y within and between the primary, secondary and service sectors. Secondary sector a c t i v i t i e s , i . e . , processing and manufacturing, are l i m i t e d by the small population as well as the modern transportation and communication system which f a c i l i t a t e s importing thereby making i t d i f f i c u l t for l o c a l enterprises to compete with outside sources of goods and services. There are few i n t e r n a l economic l i n k s and the northern economy receives l i t t l e of the economic spin-off benefits of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y from short term, large scale, high technology, non-renewable resource development projects. The Native people continue to be ' T r a d i t i o n a l economy, sometimes referred to as the 'Native economy,' r e f e r s primarily to hunting, f i s h i n g and trapping for personal use and for trade, but may include making clothing, artworks and t r a d i t i o n a l implements for sale. 'Subsistence economy' r e f e r s to the provision of necessities of l i v i n g and not the production of a surplus for the market. - 33 -by-passed by the mainstream of economic a c t i v i t y (Department of Regional Economic Expansion, 1979). Stabler and O l f e r t (1980) o u t l i n e a number of unique problems encountered by planners because of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the northern economy. The small regional economy of the N.W.T. i s highly dependent on external demand and developments which are controlled by decisions made outside the region. The predominance of government makes the region highly dependent on deliberate p o l i c y decisions rather than market r e l a t i o n s h i p s . These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and the inadequate data base and inappropriateness of conventional economic impact analysis tools and models make economic forecasting and planning i n the North d i f f i c u l t . The northern economy has two sides: the modern, c a p i t a l i s t i n d u s t r i a l economy and the t r a d i t i o n a l , domestic Native economy. The former i s concerned with non-renewable resources, the l a t t e r with renewable resources. The two modes of production i n t h i s 'dual economy' d i f f e r as well i n the resources and the technology of production and in the s o c i a l organization and i d e o l o g i c a l system which combine the factors of production ( i . e . , land, labour, resources, technology and c a p i t a l ) into a functioning productive system that provides f o r material, s o c i a l and s p i r i t u a l needs (Usher, 1982). There are differences of opinion regarding which economy and philosophy should dominate i n the N.W.T. The o v e r a l l economy of the N.W.T. i s very narrowly based. In 1974, 47 percent of the wages and sa l a r i e s i n the N.W.T. originated d i r e c t l y - 34 -from government and an additi o n a l 10 percent from government operated enterprises. Most of the remaining income came from mineral a c t i v i t i e s including o i l and gas. Minerals accounted for 88 percent of the exports from the N.W.T. while the t r a d i t i o n a l sector, i . e . , furs, f i s h and miscellaneous c r a f t s , accounted for less than f i v e percent of exports (Department of Regional Economic Expansion, 1979). The economy of the Native communities i s dependent on government a c t i v i t i e s and transfer payments (Stabler and O l f e r t , 1980). England (1979) contends that without a r e l a t i v e l y high degree of economic independence the Native communities w i l l remain i n a semi-feudal state. Witty (1979) points out the uncertain markets and f i n i t e expansion l i m i t s of areas considered t r a d i t i o n a l to the Native economy. He c a l l s for a d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of the economy to maintain the v i a b i l i t y of northern communities. F u l l e r (1979).concurs that the projected populations of Native people cannot be supported through t r a d i t i o n a l renewable resource a c t i v i t i e s alone. The pr e v a i l i n g view among governments has been that the i n d u s t r i a l economy i s the primary way i n which the N.W.T. w i l l contribute to the Canadian economy and i n d u s t r i a l developments o f f e r the only serious economic option to the Native people (Usher, 1978). I n d u s t r i a l developments i n the N.W.T. have been atomistic, seldom developing l i n k s among themselves and separate from the Native economy (Rea, 1980). Contemporary i n d u s t r i a l operations are independent of the s o c i a l and bio-physical environment of the N.W.T. Because of the high cost and large scale of i n d u s t r i a l developments, they are c a p i t a l - 35 -intensive, technologically sophisticated and highly automated. Uncertainty i n supply and demand encourage short term, high return a c t i v i t i e s . Because of the l i f e s t y l e and s k i l l requirements, the i n d u s t r i a l economy has provided limited opportunities, limited benefits and l i m i t e d i n t e r e s t for Native people. The p o t e n t i a l resources i n the North have captured the imagination and enthusiasm of i n d i v i d u a l s , corporations and government. In 1973 Jean Cretien, then Minister of the Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s , declared that: "The po t e n t i a l of the North i s surely l i m i t l e s s " (quoted i n : Brody, 1975, p. 217). Industry and government were confident the North was on the verge of massive i n d u s t r i a l development, but others were concerned about the negative e f f e c t s of such development arid believed that the A r c t i c was ser i o u s l y oversold (North, 1973). The physical quantity of non-renewable resources i s uncertain. The economical resources are complicated by market demands, price s , the cost of production, and government subsidies. However the inherent uncertainty i n non-renewable resource development i s often not e x p l i c i t l y recognized and considered, i n part due to the "momentum to ideas of economic development that make them unresponsive to discouraging f a c t s " (Brody, 1975, p. 225). Advocates of a renewable resource based economy for the N.W.T. must apparently argue against a non-renewable resource base. A working group report on renewable resource development concluded that: - 36 -Over the long term - that i s , a period i n excess of f o r t y to f i f t y years - the value of food, f i b r e , power and other uses of renewable resources far exceeds that of mineral or non-renewable resource development. (Keith and Wright, 1978, p. 152) Usher (1978) and others contend that the r e a l economic benefits of the country food harvest to Native people i s underestimated by conventional economic analyses. At the Berger Inquiry, Usher contended that the t r a d i t i o n a l ecoraomy, i . e . , food and fur i n the Western A r c t i c accounts for approximately 50 percent of Native income, whereas, studies prepared for A r c t i c Gas calculated that the t r a d i t i o n a l sector accounted for only f i v e percent of Native income (Berger, 1977). The difference i n r e s u l t s and conclusions i s due to d i f f e r e n t assumptions about the nature of trapping, the informal economy, and the value of country food. These differences are both methodological and p h i l o s o p h i c a l . The renewable resource economy i s seen as compatible with the t r a d i t i o n a l Native l i f e s t y l e and culture and with the northern environment. Renewable resource a c t i v i t i e s reinforce the sense of community and communal l i f e which i s ce n t r a l to the Native culture (Dacks, 1981). The s o c i a l , community, economic and e c o l o g i c a l systems are i n t e r r e l a t e d . If the land and i t s resources provide the economic basis of native society, the small communities and outpost camps provide the s o c i a l basis of i t , and indeed each i s the pre-condition of the other. The small communities and camps are the heart of native society; and economic development, i f i t i s to benefit native people, must therefore be consistent with the v i a b i l i t y and health of small community l i f e . (Usher, 1978, p. 155) - 37 -The renewable resource economy incorporates relationships and feedback so that economic a c t i v i t i e s which change the ecosystem also have an impact on the economic and l i f e s t y l e a c t i v i t i e s of the i n d i v i d u a l s and the communities. The most important s t r u c t u r a l change i n the northern economy since World War II has been the r i s e of the t e r t i a r y sector: defence, health, education and welfare services (Rea, 1976). T e r t i a r y sector a c t i v i t i e s produced s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n the economy and demographics of the N.W.T. Many communities r e l y primarily on the t e r t i a r y service sector economy. And when the service sector becomes the largest part of the economy, as measured i n terms of employment and income, and the chief source of new employment and income opportunities, as has become the case i n the Canadian north today, most economic issues become p o l i t i c a l issues. (Rea, 1976, p. 137) England (1979) contends that many l o c a l service requirements could be supplied l o c a l l y . While i t may not be possible to l i v e s o l e l y by 'everyone taking i n everyone else's laundry' i f more services were provided with l o c a l labour and resources, the leakage and m u l t i p l i e r e f f e c t s within the settlement economy would be greatly improved. Energy, s h e l t e r , food, c l o t h i n g , health, education and government services could be provided l o c a l l y . Trucked water d e l i v e r y and garbage c o l l e c t i o n services provide l o c a l employment. The use of l o c a l resources and services increases the residents' and communities' independence from external economic and p o l i t i c a l influences. - 38 -Many economic a c t i v i t i e s and settlement economies are based on both renewable and non-renewable resources. Native people in t r a d i t i o n a l settlements often p a r t i c i p a t e in both economies depending on the time of year, opportunities, and personal preferences. Most native people p a r t i c i p a t e in both wage employment and t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s , and they apparently want this duel option to continue. The issue i s therefore not jobs or hunting; i t i s jobs and hunting. The question i s -what and where those jobs are to be, who controls and benefits from them, and how they f i t into native peoples aspirations for themselves and t h e i r communities. (Usher, 1978, p. 155) The dual economy concept i s a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n that can be misleading i f i t i s reduced to s t r i c t ethnic, resource or technology based sectors. Native people have incorporated technical and economic aspects of the i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t economy. They do not consider the a b o r i g i n a l pre-contact past as the ' t r a d i t i o n a l 1 l i f e s t y l e . Their own concepts of t r a d i t i o n a l economic a c t i v i t y do not correspond to a dual economy concept. Berger (1977) i d e n t i f i e s four sectors i n the northern economy: subsistence, trading of renewable resource produce, l o c a l wage employment, and i n d u s t r i a l wage employment. The breakdown recognizes the spectrum of options and the overlapping mixed economy i n d i c t i v e of contemporary N.W.T. A mixed economy provides pathways and opportunities for economic and i n d i v i d u a l development. D i v e r s i t y increases the f l e x i b i l i t y and r e s i l i e n c e of the economy. An economic development strategy which f a c i l i t a t e s the use of wage income to upgrade the p o t e n t i a l of t r a d i t i o n a l economies could accomodate and benefit from both economies - 39 -(Bowles, 1981). However, because of the short-term, e x p l o i t i v e nature and uncertainty of the non-renewable i n d u s t r i a l economy, i t can p o t e n t i a l l y impede the physical and s o c i a l v i a b i l i t y of the renewable resource based economy. In contrast, Berger (1977) warns that absorption Into the i n d u s t r i a l economy w i l l tend to undermine the mixed economic l i f e the Native people have evolved. Thus, "the continued v i a b i l i t y of the Native economy should be an objective of northern development, not i t s p r i c e " (Berger, 1977, p. 122). Neither the contemporary Native economy nor the i n d u s t r i a l wage economy resolve the issue of dependence on external agencies and forces. Wage employment i s insecure throughout Canada. The s p e c i f i c concern i n the N.W.T. i s that non-renewable resource developments are uncertain and f i n i t e i n t h e i r duration. When the resource i s depleted, when a cheaper source i s developed, or when world prices decline, corporations and government, l i k e the whalers and fur traders before them, w i l l p u l l out. There i s a danger that the economy of the Native people may become dependent upon the uncertain i n d u s t r i a l sector. Should a collapse occur i t would be too late to recover the t r a d i t i o n a l economic way of l i f e (Asch, 1977). Dr. Ian McTaggart-Cowan expressed the same challenging questions of economic development philosophy as the Native people: Is the only way to improve the l o t of a country's c i t i z e n s the way of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , whether i t be the western way or the forced march of the U.S.S.R. . . . Almost i n e v i t a b l y , d i v e r s i t y i s s a c r i f i c e d to a spurious e f f i c i e n c y . The loss of d i v e r s i t y i s not merely a matter for sentimental regret. It i s a d i r e c t reduction i n the number of opportunities open to future generations. (Quoted i n Berger, 1977, p. 199) i - 40 -2.7 Contemporary Issues: Future Directions Contemporary issues i n the N.W.T. are h i s t o r i c a l l y rooted. Recently these issues have been acutely focused by the tremendous rate of change i n a l l facets of l i f e as a r e s u l t of s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic developments. External pressures are taxing the r e s i l i e n c e of the people and the environment. The basic c o n f l i c t s i n northern p o l i c i e s rest on two issues: the c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between the N.W.T. and Canada; and the mixed views that constitutes progress and development.^ In essence the basic c o n f l i c t s are about control and values. The heart and soul of the long hi s t o r y of c o n f l i c t between the dominant culture and then Native culture i s the use and control of land. These basic c o n f l i c t s are manifested i n a number of important substantive contemporary issues which include: Native claims, p r o v i n c i a l status, d i v i d i n g the N.W.T., and t r a d i t i o n a l versus i n d u s t r i a l economy. These issues are means to an end — s e l f -determination and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . But " s e l f - r e l i a n c e requires s e l f -°There are a multitude of d e f i n i t i o n s f o r 'development,' each derived from d i f f e r e n t values, views of the world (paradigms within which one operates) and goals. Development has often been viewed as synonymous with economic development. Having established a single dimension of development the problem of poor regions i s thus reduced to the task of 'modernization.' Broader views of development emphasize personal and s o c i a l development and the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l nature and objectives of development. In this context, modernization i s not necessarily development. "A society which i s merely modernized without development w i l l continue — even i f i t takes over minimal delegated powers of decision — to depend on the outside country. This i s the fate of any dependent society, as long as i t remains dependent" ( F r e i r e , 1983, p. 160). - 41 -finance, and sel f - f i n a n c e requires self-government" (Friedmann and Weaver, 1979, p. 203). The goal of self-determination i n the N.W.T. i s thwarted at every l e v e l . Residents of the N.W.T. are pressing for the means to achieve s e l f - r e l i a n c e . However, Dacks (1981) pragmatically concludes that i t i s u n r e a l i s t i c to expect the government of Canada to r e l i n q u i s h any powers that might impair i t s a b i l i t y to r e a l i z e i t s national goals i n the North. "The f r u s t r a t i o n of c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c s , while diminished, w i l l p e r s i s t — an apparent permanent feature of the northern p o l i t i c a l landscape" (Dacks, 1981, p. 203). It i s apparent that p o l i t i c a l and economic control w i l l be the subject of continual negotiations between Yellowknife and Ottawa and within the N.W.T. between regions, ethnic groups, and between the T e r r i t o r i a l and l o c a l governments. Self-government and s e l f - r e l i a n c e are r e l a t i v e concepts i n an interdependent society and global v i l l a g e . The issue i s e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n decision making and control over l o c a l issues, not i l l u s i o n a r y absolute c o n t r o l . C o n f l i c t s over control are evident i n the debate over economic development. Native people r a i s e the issue of the e f f e c t of i n d u s t r i a l development on thei r culture, l i f e s t y l e and l i v e l i h o o d , and th e i r a b i l i t y to survive as a people. Response to this concern has forced Canadians into a moral and e t h i c a l debate and s e l f - a n a l y s i s . The clash of cultures and of values that have occurred i n Canada between the dominant society and the native people has forced a reconsideration by Canadians of the assumptions by which we l i v e and of the means by which we hope to prosper i n the future. (Berger, 1981, p. 2) - 42 -Concurrently, the environmental movement has spearheaded the demand to consider ' e x t e r n a l i t i e s , ' secondary and subsequent impacts i n evaluating projects and p o l i c i e s . The changes brought about by science and technology are no longer considered t o t a l l y benign. Development i s no longer seen as i t s own j u s t i f i c a t i o n . Environmentalists and others are increasingly c r i t i c a l and s c e p t i c a l of the thin s c i e n t i f i c basis for environmental management. The problem i s not simply incomplete information and inadequate models. Can we r e l y on western based s c i e n t i f i c methods and concepts, which are assumed to be neutral and objective, when the most serious danger to the northern ecosystem i s posed by i n d u s t r i a l culture, technology and developments (Lonner, 1984)? The epistomalogical c r i t i q u e based on how we know should be deepened to the ont o l o g i c a l questioning of what we can know. Western p o s i t i v i s t s c i e n t i f i c philosophy has assumed that we can discover the e c o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s hips and with this knowledge man can control the environment. Thus the root question of objectives and philosophy of human conduct i s revealed. Why develop the North at a l l ? This fundamental question has been overshadowed and overlooked by the growth o r i e n t a t i o n of the dominant culture (Rae, 1976). Today, questions of "who benefits?" "who pays and how?" " i s growth and development desirable?" and " i s continued growth possible?" are being raised i n the N.W.T., and i n many other regions. There are growing questions concerning the objectives and values of i n d u s t r i a l society, the ethics of c u l t u r a l chauvinism, the l i m i t s to - 43 -growth and s a t i s f a c t i o n , and the appropriateness of m a t e r i a l i s t i c growth based ideologies i n our l i v e s and in the "environment. To answer these questions we may benefit from the Native people's values. There i s much i n the t r a d i t i o n a l sharing ways of the Indians and Inuit that i s of basic value and relevance i n a world faced with shortages and environmental hazards. Canadians are today being challenged to forge a society i n which material progress and technological development are compatible with the s e n s i t i v i t y and respect for the land that underlies Canadian native philosophy. (Ministry of State for Urban A f f a i r s , 1976, p. 71) i - 44 -3. LOCAL LEVEL - COMMUNITY In this chapter planning at the l o c a l l e v e l i n the N.W.T. i s examined. The h i s t o r i c a l development of settlements and l o c a l government are investigated to provide the context for contemporary demographics, community c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , planning considerations, and planning pocess. Case studies are u t i l i z e d to indicate the problems and issues i n community planning and the re l a t i o n s h i p of l o c a l l e v e l planning to regional and in f r a s t r u c t u r e l e v e l planning. 3.1 Development of Settlements* The pattern of settlements i n the N.W.T. was established as a by-product of the waves of explorers and entrepreneur who searched for and exploited the resources of the North. The fur traders established the i n i t i a l communication and settlement pattern. The widely scattered resources and Native populations produced the 'oasis pattern' of settlements which i s s t i l l evident today (Lloyd, 1975). The missionaries and the R.C.M.P were attracted to the established trading posts. In other cases the mission or R.C.M.P. station were established f i r s t and they became the focus of the settlement. Mineral e x p l o i t a t i o n and m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t i e s also i n i t i a t e d some settlements. Most of the present communities were founded before World War I I ^Damas (1966) i d e n t i f i e s three phases i n the development of Native settlements: a b o r i g i n a l , c o n t a c t - t r a d i t i o n a l and c e n t r a l i z e d . Wonder (1970) distinguishes two phases of community development, the 'camp' phase and the 'planned community' phase which rel a t e primarily to resource communities. - 45 -(Table 3 . 1 ) . Native people did not l i v e i n the early settlements but the settlements were the focus of their t r a v e l and contact. Populations, housing and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e were unorganized. TABLE 3 .1 FOUNDING YEAR OF COMMUNITIES IN THE NORTHWEST TERRITORIES AND YUKON (from Frackowiak, 1979) E a r l i e r than 1874 9 1875 - 1901 5 1902 - 1939 24 1940 - 1955 15 Later than 1956 J_6 69 In the e a r l y 1 9 5 0 's a major program by the federal government to provide education, medical, and welfare services for northern peoples was pr e c i p i t a t e d by a slump i n the fur market, a sharp decline i n the numbers of caribou, and increased resource and m i l i t a r y i n t e r e s t s i n the North. These services were provided at centra l i z e d locations because th i s was administratively convenient and more economical. The towns were a t t r a c t i v e to the Native people because of the opportunity to be near children i n school, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of medical f a c i l i t i e s , the lure of welfare payments and the promise of jobs (Honigmann, 1 9 7 5 ) . Informal pressure was exerted on the Native people to move into the - 46 -settlements (Brody, 1975). Families which had previously r e l i e d upon f l e x i b i l i t y of movement i n response to changing environmental and w i l d l i f e conditions were now permanently fixed by the services, buildings, and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e provided by government. The permanent populations of the e x i s t i n g settlements dramatically increased and new settlements were developed. A need emerged for housing and community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . As a r e s u l t of the medical and welfare ser v i c e s , l i f e expectancey increased and infant m o r tality decreased. Thus community population and demand for services were even further increased. H i s t o r i c settlements have been transformed and a number of new settlements have been developed since World War I I . New towns included administrative centres such as Inuvik, resource towns such as Pine Point, and new towns meant to replace e x i s t i n g communities such as Edzo. The t r a d i t i o n a l cash economy which was based on trapping was undermined by the movement to settlements because the lands i n the v i c i n i t y of the settlements could not support the continuous and concentrated harvest. Some settlements were located i n areas with low p r o d u c t i v i t y or poor access to w i l d l i f e . These factors increased the dependence of the people and the communities on government assistance. L i f e i n the settlements was r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from l i f e on the land. Urbanization was a s i g n i f i c a n t step towards the dominant cult u r e , the wage economy, and the dependence on White government administrators. Assimilation has not been a smooth or happy process. Once the process had begun, i t s e f f e c t s accumulated and forced further changes (Gibson, 1976). The rapid and r a d i c a l change i n l i f e s t y l e and - 47 -living environment resulted in social pathologies. The development of Repulse Bay, as described by Miiller-Wille, is typical of many of the Eastern Arctic settlements: The settlement plan and housing program were clearly aimed at economical feasibility and material convenience overcoming urgent immediate needs among people who had been through times of distress and famine. That aim was successfully achieved, naturally with the restrictions inherent in an overall dependence on supplies from the south. But the social dimensions and requirements were not much taken into account in such a situation of transition. The consequences are seen in the problems of adaptation and adjustment of the younger generation, pulled between old and new standards which seemingly cannot well be united. (Miiller-Wille, 1977, p. 131) Native people are new to the urban environment; Euro-Canadians are new to the northern environment. Both groups have experienced high incidents of physical disease, mental illness, alcoholism, and family breakdown. Smith takes an environmental deterministic approach in asserting that "A substantial part of these health problems seem to be directly or indirectly influenced by the quality of habitats" (Smith, 1972, p. 55). He notes that northern buildings and settlements are poor habitats because they are copies of temperate region designs and the designers are preoccupied with engineering considerations. The synergistic effects of urbanization, cultural assimilation, and change in economic structure have resulted in psychological discomfort and social disintegration of the Native people (Berry, 1976). The change from isolated kinship-based residential groups in the - 48 -hunting-trapping economy to the heterogenous permanent communities with a wage and welfare economy i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t (Sampath, 1976). The move to settlements entailed changes i n l i f e s t y l e and s o c i a l structure. These changes disrupted the t r a d i t i o n a l basis of authority and respect (Brody, 1975). -The lack of family t i e s i n modern urban l i v i n g i s the root of s o c i a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n i n Native s o c i e t y . In modern society i n d i v i d u a l s or state i n t e r e s t s i n f r i n g e upon and displace family p r i o r i t i e s i n an extreme manner. When this l i f e - s t y l e i s suddenly transferred and imposed on a people s t i l l accustomed to the protective pluralism of the extended family, the i n d i v i d u a l i s l e f t insecure, lonely, d i r e c t i o n l e s s , and meaningless. (Schaefer and Metayer, 1976, p. 470) Community s o c i a l l i f e and physical conditions are well i l l u s t r a t e d and emotionally depicted i n non-scholarly l i t e r a t u r e . 2 In a review of the northern Canadian l i t e r a t u r e , Mitchan concludes: Canadian writers on northern themes are indignant about the p l i g h t of native people confined to ugly towns, imprisoned i n i n s t i t u t i o n s not of t h e i r making, weaned away from t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e on the land. (Mitchan, 1983, p. 49) Writers portray the relationships between the impatient, short tempered Whites, p a r t i c u l a r l y the bureaucrats, and the Natives as doomed. Contemporary Canadian writers emphasize the contrast and c o n f l i c t ^Although the non-scholarly l i t e r a t u r e may not pass the test of s c i e n t i f i c analysis and v e r i f i c a t i o n , i t often conveys f e e l i n g and provides understanding worth a thousand graphs. Such works, p a r t i c u l a r l y f i c t i o n , are open to personal bias and romanticism. between northern townscape and the landscape. The beauty and harmony of the land i s held i n stark contrast to the ugliness of the a r t i f i c i a l structures man imposed on the land. Picture books of the North c a r e f u l l y avoid the settlements. The d i s t a s t e f u l s o c i a l and physical conditions i n settlements are usually blamed on modern Western c i v i l i z a t i o n . It seems p a r t i c u l a r l y sad that the Eskimo, who was noted f o r his aesthetic s e n s i b i l i t i e s , should f i n d himself surrounded by so much ugliness. In the past his own settlements were, by a l l accounts, often untidy, but without the soul and health destroying squalor which modern c i v i l i z a t i o n has brought North. (Mitchan, 1983, p. 48) The following d e s c r i p t i o n by Schultz-Lorentzen i n A r c t i c i s t y p i c a l of the contrast between environment and settlements depicted by writers. Daylight had come to stay. For two months not even a s l i v e r of the Great Warmer would dip below the horizon. Goslings, cygnets, cubs and leverets would feed, sleep and grow. Heather would spread; saxifrage, green-tufted whiplash, yellow poppies, purplish bluebells come to bloom; cranberry, blueberry, blackberry ripen into succulence. This was the tundra white men c a l l e d The Barrens. In the settlement, the advent of spring painted a d i f f e r e n t p i c t ure. Winter's waste, bared by the sun, l i t t e r e d the ground. With the clean rug of snow removed, the small community revealed i t s e l f as one vast dump. There were c a n s — p l a s t i c , t i n , aluminum, any var i e t y ; sodden cardboard boxes; empty o i l drums, crushed, flattened; bones, some s t i l l joined by half-chewed f l e s h ; rags, papers of a l l sorts; the occasional dog, s t i l l i n i t s f u r , fangs bared i n death. And amidst - 50 -this general refuse, scattered i n highly v i s i b l e desecration, discarded l i k e packsacks on a f i e l d of ba t t l e , bulked pemphigous p l a s t i c bags, their loads of human faeces i l l contained behind loosely twisted t i e s . (Schultz-Lorentzen, 1976, p. 372-373) Shultz-Lorentzen's d i s t a s t e f u l view of the physical conditions represents an outsider's perception. Native residents may have a di f f e r e n t perception of thei r community. Roth (1982), then Head of Town Planning and Lands, G.N.W.T., recounts a conversation with an Inuk community leader. Roth mentioned the offensive physical conditions i n the community, implying the animal carcasses, honeybags, old snowmobiles, and paraphernalia scattered throughout the community. The Inuk agreed the mess should be cleaned up but he was r e f e r r i n g to the government stockpile of housing material which had f a l l e n over and scattered. Each person had a d i f f e r e n t aesthetic value and a d i f f e r e n t perception regarding what was out of place, what was a resource, and what was junk. 3.2 Development of Local Government-* In southern Canada, the development of l o c a l government was a grass 3 The Federal Government carri e s out functions i n the N.W.T. which are outlined i n the B r i t i s h North America Act with respect to Federal/Provincial r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . It i s responsible for the o v e r a l l development of the North through two federal statutes: the Department  of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development Act sets out the duties, powers, functions, and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the Minister of the department; the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s Act provides for the Government of the N.W.T. Under the authority of the l a t t e r act the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly of the N.W.T. passed the Municipal Ordinance which provides for the creation of incorporated l o c a l governments. The Municipal Ordinance originated with the establishment of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s i n 1880 (G.N.W.T., 1983). - 51 -roots phenomenon which evolved from B r i t i s h t r a d i t i o n s . In the N.W.T., l o c a l government was i n i t i a t e d by senior government: As a means, to f a c i l i t a t e development i n the broadest sense of the meaning, circumscribed by a l i b e r a l s o c i a l theory of l o c a l government, and underwritten by broad Canadian national goals. (Zariwny, 1973, p. 86-87) The f i r s t form of l o c a l government i n the N.W.T. was i n i t i a t e d by the federal government. It was an administrative arrangement i n which l o c a l people played no formal role (Dacks, 1981). Minimal Native p a r t i c i p a t i o n resulted from the federal government's p a t e r n a l i s t i c and cen t r a l i z e d approach and by the appointment of outside White p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t i e s into the communities. (Brody, .. 1975) The federal government chose the l o c a l government model used by mun i c i p a l i t i e s i n southern Canada. The goal of education and ass i m i l a t i o n of northerners into the p o l i t i c a l and administrative aspects of responsible and representative democratic government and community development was i m p l i c i t . Thus a: r i g i d h i e r a r c h i c a l and bureaucratic structure (which) although not very complex, was introduced to communities where i n i t i a l l y t r a d i t i o n a l methods of f l e x i b i l i t y , s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l organization and consensus had governed the structure of the decision—making process. (Zariwny, 1973, p. 87-88) In 1967, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for l o c a l government was transferred from the federal government to the newly formed t e r r i t o r i a l government. - 52 -The " t e r r i t o r i a l approach" provided for an elected Settlement Council i n the community and i n s t i t u t e d a process of p o l i t i c a l maturation with increasing l o c a l control (Zariwny, 1973). The community's population or i t s taxable assessment were the primary c r i t e r i a for e f f e c t i v e l o c a l decision making authority. The goal i n the p o l i t i c a l maturation process was for communities to a t t a i n the status of a tax-based incorporated municipality with an elected council and s u f f i c i e n t tax base and population to finance and operate i t s own community programs and services (G.N.W.T., 1983). To some, this was evidence of a new form of l o c a l government and a new a t t i t u d e . While there should be no pretense that the T e r r i t o r i e s are 'self-governing' i n the sense accepted i n southern Canada, there i s no doubt that at the l o c a l l e v e l where decisions a f f e c t i n g the i n d i v i d u a l most c l o s e l y are reached, the form of government i s moving ra p i d l y away from the old highly c e n t r a l i z e d p a t e r n a l i s t i c administration by often remote government o f f i c i a l s . (Lloyd, 1976, p. 42) Others see the l o c a l government model of the t e r r i t o r i a l government as a i continuation of the past. The p o l i t i c a l and administrative basis for l o c a l government was the same southern, i n d u s t r i a l urban model which i s inappropriate for Native culture, l i f e s t y l e and communities. The model chosen by the t e r r i t o r i a l administration was e f f e c t i v e l y a southern municipal c o u n c i l . The process and content of such a structure contradicts the more t r a d i t i o n a l decision-making patterns of the Dene. Instead of a consensus method, a parliamentary procedure of majority rule was chosen. Instead of community involvement, p a r t i c i p a t i o n was a c t i v e l y discouraged in favour of a s t r i c t p r i n c i p l e of representative leadership . . . - 53 -The o v e r - a l l nature of the settlement council can be seen to be based i n southern cul t u r e . It i s bound to a culture which has an e l i t i s t decision-making pattern and does not expect or encourage broad involvement of i t s c i t i z e n r y . It assumes the need for quick, business-like decisions without allowing time for reaching concensus.- The area of r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the council i s based on an assumption of an evolving tax base suited to a culture which has an ethic of private property and ownership. The coun c i l , i n e f f e c t , becomes a forum for working out the i n t e r e s t s a r i s i n g out of the ownership of private property. (Bean, 1977, p. 134) There are six l e v e l s of l o c a l government i n the N.W.T. (Gerein, 1980). The number of communities and thei r population within each muncipal status are shown i n Table 3.2. TABLE 3.2 MUNICIPAL STATUS AND POPULATION OF COMMUNITIES (1979) Municipal Status Number of Communities Population T o t a l Mean % T B Ci t y A A Town X S V i l l a g e E D 1 5 7 1 Sub-total 9,918 12,572 1,001 23,491 9,918 2,514 1,001 3,354 22 28 52 2. N T B Hamlet 0 A A Settlement N X S Unorganized E D 26 18 55 11 Sub-total 15,126 5,453 1,266 21,845 582 303 115 397 33 12 48 3 TOTAL 62 45,336 100% C i t i e s and towns must have a viable tax base and must have over 5,000 and 1,000 persons r e s p e c t i v e l y . They set t h e i r own budgets and finance c a p i t a l projects without G.N.W.T. approval. The c i t i e s and - 54 -towns provide l o c a l servics but they are assisted by a complex and generous grant structure from the G.N.W.T. V i l l a g e s must have 500 persons and must raise or be about to raise property taxes to meet community operation and maintenance requirements. The G.N.W.T. provides substantial economic and technical assistance to the v i l l a g e s . Although they have no tax base, hamlets have an elected Council and Mayor and are incorporated. Hamlets are responsible for the administration and deli v e r y of muncipal services; however, almost a l l hamlet finance comes from G.N.W.T. grants. The G.N.W.T. i s d i r e c t l y responsible for i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and c a p i t a l equipment i n hamlets and settlements. Settlements have an elected Council that i s advisory, although some have authority to award service contracts for muncipal s e r v i c e s . Unorganized communities and outpost camps are seasonally occupied by persons who wish to pursue a t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e . There i s no formal l o c a l government and G.N.W.T. support i s minimal. In the settlement hierarchy, l o c a l autonomy has developed community by community i n accordance with p o l i t i c a l maturity, willingness to accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for l o c a l a f f a i r s and services, and the economic base (Hunter, 1976). The Native communities have l i t t l e or no p o l i t i c a l or f i s c a l independence because they do not have a viable economic base, private property or property taxes. Since 1967, there has been a steady t r a n s i t i o n from c e n t r a l i z e d to decentralized government but the pace and scale of de c e n t r a l i z a t i o n has led to f r u s t r a t i o n . The development of l o c a l autonomy has been hindered by bureaucratic Indifference and i n s e n s i t i v i t y , f e e l i n g s of i l l e g i t i m a c y of the imposed form of government, and lack of l o c a l - 55 -control over funds and programs (G.N.W.T., 1975). A resident of Inuvik noted that "there seems to be a fear of allowing people to make mistakes. The f e e l i n g of power i s given, but not the actual power." (G.N.W.T., 1975, p. 31). Residents contend that they have v i r t u a l l y no control over the matters which a f f e c t them most. Residents want control of the resources which the community depends on (Dacks, 1981-). Reviewing the Dene experience, Bean i s p a r t i c u l a r l y c r i t i c a l of the "colonialism i n the communities" and noted that: The range of r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s delegated to the council - roads, a i r s t r i p s , s t r e e t l i g h t s , water, sewage and garbage - are prime topics of community discussion only i n a private propertied, tax-based culture . . . On the one hand, people eagerly acknowledged that they wished to run the i r own a f f a i r s . . . On the other hand, the emphasis on parliamentary procedure, on s t i c k i n g to the issues of garbage, sewage and water confused and frus t r a t e d people to the point where they wondered what a l l this had to do with running t h e i r own a f f a i r s . (Bean, 1977, p. 134, 135, 136) Bean (1977) advocates a developmental role for l o c a l government which i s primarily concerned with the process of developing p o l i t i c a l awareness, rather than an administrative role which i s based on the development of administrative structures. Bean does not supply an arrangement for the es s e n t i a l administrative functions of urban l i f e . I nfrastructure i s necessary regardless of property ownership or tax-base. Local p o l i t i c a l autonomy i s p i v o t a l upon the f i n a n c i a l resource issue. Hunter argues that a viable economic base i s necessary for the - 56 -development of l o c a l government: Local decisions made without f i n a n c i a l backing cannot be e f f e c t i v e l y implemented and f i n a n c i a l support i n the form of conditional grants can create many constraints to l o c a l p o l i t i c a l autonomy. A healthy l o c a l f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n makes i t possible to rest greater r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and accounta b i l i t y with the l o c a l council and to thereby generate a greater i n t e r e s t i n the development of decision-making at the l o c a l l e v e l . (Hunter, 1976, p. 87) Goals and p r i o r i t i e s are ultimately determined by those who pay the b i l l s . Community development i n the N.W.T. i s i n e x t r i c a b l y tied to the federal government. The common problems with colonialism at the l o c a l and t e r r i t o r i a l (regional) l e v e l s i s summarized by a resident of Tuktoyaktuk: Right now the Hamlet gets a budget every year from the government, this i s l i k e getting welfare. We cannot do anything with the budget except spend i t on things we are told to spend i t on . . . The t e r r i t o r i a l government i s i n a si m i l a r p o s i t i o n with respect to the federal government: unless i t can get some economic independence i t w i l l always be a puppet government. (G.N.W.T., 1975, p. 26) 3.3 Contemporary Community Demographics Hamelin (1976) contends that we abuse the term 'urban' i n reference to the Canadian North. Table 3.3 indicates the predominance of small communities i n the N.W.T. Yellowknife with approximately 10,000 persons i s the largest of the 66 communities. There are only nine communities with over 1,000 persons. These nine communities represent 55% of the t o t a l population but only 15% of the t o t a l number of communities. There are 57 communities with under 1,000 persons. The average community i i - 57 -population i n the N.W.T. i s 695 but the median size i s only 358 persons. Most of the larger communities are located i n the Mackenzie Valley area. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of communities and populations i n the N.W.T. are i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 3.1. TABLE 3.3 COMMUNITY POPULATION DATA (1980) 1 Population Range Total i n Range Cumulative Number Population Number Population < 100 13 766 13 766 100 - 500 28 8,269 41 9,035 500 - 1,000 16 11,761 57 20,796 1,000 - 2,000 4 4,762 61 25,558 2,000 - 4,000 4 10,774 65 36,336 4,000 - 10,000 1 9,550 66 45,882 Calculated from: Government of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s (1981). The l a r g e s t Native community i s Rae-Edzo with 1384 persons i n 1980; however, most of the Native communities have under 500 persons. Most of the non-Natives l i v e i n the resource towns or i n the f i v e communities which have over 2,000 residents. Whether or not a further scattering of small settlements should be encouraged i s a question which i s p e r i o d i c a l l y raised (Hamelin, 1976). Environmentalists argue that because of the low b i o l o g i c a l p r o d u c t i v i t y of the North the number of settlements i n the N.W.T. i s too low. Some FIGURE 3.1 COMMUNITY AND POPULATION DISTRIBUTION (from: Gerein, 1980) - 59 -argue that dispersed settlements exerts a strong p o l i t i c a l presence i n the North which ensures Canadian sovereignity. Arguments to reduce the number of settlements are based on economics. A dispersed pattern of settlements necessitates expensive infrastucture at a large number of s i t e s . M i l l i o n s of d o l l a r s have been spent on these communities which can not survive on th e i r own. Despite economic arguments, the government i s dedicated to maintaining the e x i s t i n g settlements (England, 1979). Page (1979) however contends that i t may not be necessary to e s t a b l i s h any more new permanent communities i n the N.W.T. 3.4 Community Types The communities i n the N.W.T. can be characterized by th e i r function and economic base. Communities can be placed into one of three categories: regional centres, single enterprise i n d u s t r i a l communities, or t r a d i t i o n a l communities.^ Regional centres have a diverse economic base with a large government sector, high income l e v e l s , mixed but mostly non-Native population, and well developed transportation and communication l i n k s to southern Canada. Single enterprise i n d u s t r i a l communities have a single 4 0 t h e r categories have been proposed for d i f f e r e n t purposes and with d i f f e r e n t bias. Gerein (1980) c l a s s i f i e s the N.W.T. communities as: regional growth centres, l o c a l growth centres and small communities and, he describes them as d i v e r s i f i e d , single industry, and t r a d i t i o n a l r e s p e c t i v e l y . Usher (1982) combines the f i r s t two of these categories which r e s u l t i n i n d u s t r i a l and t r a d i t i o n a l communities that emphasises the ethnic composition of the communities. Frackowiak (1979) i d e n t i f i e s and analyses eleven key planning variables to categorize communities which include: date of founding, population, community form, housing, and economic base. - 60 -economy which i s usually based on mining. These communities have a high wage rate, very few Native residents, and v a r i a b l e population. T r a d i t i o n a l communities have a renewable resource based hunting/trapping economy, lim i t e d wage employment opportunities, and predominantly Native residents. The l e v e l of t e r r i t o r i a l government f i n a n c i a l , technical, and administrative support and control varies with the economic base of the community. I n d u s t r i a l resource communities are s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t i n terms of finances; the t r a d i t i o n a l communities are s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t i n terms of subsistance. The t r a d i t i o n a l communities depend on governmental f i s c a l support for i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . Without government a c t i v i t i e s and transfer payments the t r a d i t i o n a l economy can not sustain the current standard of l i v i n g including the current l e v e l and type of services (Stabler and O l f e r t , 1980). Conversely, the economic base and the high wages in the i n d u s t r i a l resource towns land i n the regional centres can support the high cost of southern s t y l e amenities, ser v i c e s , houses, i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , and urban form. 3.5 Community Planning Considerations Factors that influence community planning elsewhere i n the world are present i n the North but with varying s i g n i f i c a n c e . The h i s t o r i c a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic development of the N.W.T. and of the communities provides the context for community planning. The physical environment and the economic base constrain public works and s o c i a l services. The d i f f e r i n g culture and l i f e s t y l e of the Native people and the i - 61 -Euro-Canadian immigrants provide d i f f e r i n g and sometimes c o n f l i c t i n g perceptions and goals that must be accomodated in the community planning process and the urban form. 3.5.1 Historical development Planning and community development i n southern Canada occur within a development context that predates Canada. In southern Canada s o c i a l values, p o l i t i c a l process, and physical form have evolved slowly. A temporal and s p a c i a l linkage and continuity has been maintained. In contrast, a b r i e f period has elapsed since permanent northern communities were established. Permanent housing, urban form, i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and municipal government are new and unprecedented i n the area and to the indigenous residents. There was a dearth of experience i n defining and meeting the community housing and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e requirements. Rapidly changing s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l conditions altered the nature and scale of many communities. Consequently the perceptions of community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e needs were i n f l u x . Permanent communities were located and developed without concern for or a n t i c i p a t i o n of t h e i r present population and function. The f i r s t pattern of permanent community form was a spontaneous c l u s t e r i n g of buildings around a church or trading post. The i n i t i a l lack of planning combined with the recent rapid growth has contributed to current s o c i a l problems and to the d i f f i c u l t y and the high cost of accomodating growth and providing muncipal services (Gerein, 1980; - 62 -Grainge and Shaw, 1971). 3.5.2 Physical conditions Location, demographics, and environment of communities i n the N.W.T. make planning there unique. Remoteness and i s o l a t i o n cause transportation and communication costs to be high. The small numbers of people i n the communities influences the range of planning options and the economies of scale. Communities with small populations have limited services, equipment and expertise. The impact of small absolute changes i n population and physical developments are s i g n i f i c a n t i n small communities. The environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the North which influence physical planning include: long dark winters, snow d r i f t s , lack of sand and gravel, and permafrost. These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s present constraints and challenges. While they are usually t e c h n i c a l l y surmountable, they do place constraints on planning and physical community development. Gerein (1980) states that the two fundamental p r i n c i p l e s of community planning i n the North should be compactness and i n t e n s i t y of use. These p r i n c i p l e s are based on techn i c a l , environmental, and economic considerations not the s o c i a l and physical needs and the values of the residents. 3.5.3 Housing S i g n i f i c a n t considerations i n community planning are housing st y l e and density. The pote n t i a l for reduced building and - 63 -in f r a s t r u c t u r e costs make multi-family housing and multi-use buildings a t t r a c t i v e . A major impetus for compact towns and multi-family housing has been the desire to f a c i l i t a t e p r a c t i c a l and economical piped water and sewer systems. For example, the resource town b u i l t at Fermont, Quebec reduced the right-of-way lengths by 65% by using a compact layout and multi-family housing (Royle, 1970).^ Central heating systems are p r a c t i c a l only i n compact towns. Multi-family row housing and small apartment buildings are common in the larger communities i n the N.W.T., however, there i s limited experience with multi-family housing i n the Native communities. Gerein (1980) questions whether single family housing and low density are preferred by the Native people as a res u l t of t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e practices or as a res u l t of t h e i r contemporary experience i n permanent settlements. There has been l i t t l e research into multi-family housing In Native communities i n Canada. In Greenland multi-family housing i s common. Large apartment buildings, three to si x stories high and up to 200 m long, were constructed during the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n period of the 60's. The size and design of these apartment buildings has been unanimously condemned. Dr. Lynge blames the epidemic r i s e i n the suicide rate on rapid urbanization with i t s associated stresses. The residents of the large ^Fermont which was planned for 5,000 persons, boasts a 2,000 foot long, f i v e story windscreen building to shelter the 297 bungalows, 194 semi-detached and 144 town houses. In th i s 'fourth generation' a r c t i c community design, 35% of the residents need never venture outdoors. A number of other new towns i n the North that emphasize protection from the elements and multi-use buildings are reviewed by van Ginkel (1976). - 64 -apartment blocks have limited access and contact with nature. At f i r s t the people from the small outports welcomed the luxury of modern amenities such as running water and flu s h t o i l e t s , but they soon showed signs of mental disturbance. "The huge apartment blocks may have appeared to be a wonderful solution to sanitary engineers, but they c e r t a i n l y did not contribute to mental hygiene i n Greenland" (Schaefer, 1980, p. 46). Most of the Greenlanders prefer to l i v e i n scattered, single family houses. In retrospect, the Head of the Greenland Technical Organization which was responsible for housing and in f r a s t r u c t u r e conceded that: O r i g i n a l l y i t was thought that the Greenlandic town ought to be compact and protect i t s inhabitants -with the magnificient country outside. This was a t y p i c a l European way of thinking. But Greenlanders prefer open c i t i e s and a good view, even i f i t be a l i t t l e wind swept. . . . Observations i n Alaska, Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , Greenland and S i b e r i a suggest that the indigenous populations i n a r c t i c areas want to l i v e with and not i n defiance of nature. It i s important to respect this when planning towns, even i f i t i s cheaper and easier to supply high density town areas with community water and wastewater services, than i t would be i n scattered houses which the population prefers." (Rosendahl, 1981, p. 20-21) These same issues of housing and community design are highlighted in the new town of Resolute Bay i n the N.W.T. In 1973 the G.N.W.T. began to plan a new town i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of increased resource exploration i n the region. The ex i s t i n g Inuit and Ministry of Transport settlements were to be moved to the new townsite. The plan by Sweden-based a r c t i c a r c h i t e c t Ralph Erskine stressed consideration of the - 65 -physical environment. He proposed a ring structure containing a town centre, h o t e l , apartments and row housing which would provide a protected micro-climate (Figure 3.2). The plan was widely heralded as the model a r c t i c town plan (Dear and Clark, 1978). FIGURE 3.2 USING BUILDINGS TO CREATE A MICROCLIMATE, RESOLUTE BAY, N.W.T (from: Gerein, 1980) In 1978 the project was abruptly halted because of reduced exploration a c t i v i t i e s . At that time, 10 row houses which were the f i r s t stage of the ring structure and the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e were in place. The town was planned for 1,000 persons but i n 1980 the population was only 130. Several houses including f i v e rowhouses were empty. Pederson et a l . (1980) reported that the Scandanavian st y l e rowhouses were a high standard design and construction, however, they were not popular with - 66 -the residents who preferred the t r a d i t i o n a l bungalow. Protection from the natural environment i s a lower p r i o r i t y with the residents than with the planners. The p r i o r i t y given to the physical environment at Resolute Bay i s i n contrast to the new town constructed i n 1978 at C h i s a s i b i , Quebec. Chi s a s i b i r e f l e c t s the s o c i a l p r i o r i t i e s , a s p i r a t i o n and future needs of the l o c a l Cree Indians (Goldman, 1981). The town has a compact centre with multi-purpose f a c i l i t i e s . The houses are arranged i n groups or clus t e r s based on the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of extended families and the c l o s e l y linked r e l a t i o n s h i p s of the population (Figure 3.3). The new town was planned and b u i l t by the Cree community. House sty l e and FIGURE 3.3 SOCIAL GROUPING OF HOUSES, CHISASIBI, QUEBEC (From Goldman, 1981) - 67 -community layout r e f l e c t the preferences of the residents. The e s s e n t i a l elements for e f f e c t i v e l o c a l decision-making were control of the funds and of the process. Both extremes of a domed town, omni-building or of a r u r a l acreage development are impractical i n the N.W.T. for s o c i a l and economic reasons. The choice i s either the s o c i a l l y and psychologically desirable single family house or the cheaper compact multi-family house. Residents in t r a d i t i o n a l Native communities and resource towns (Roberts, 1982) have indicated t h e i r preference for detached single family housing. A p u b l i c l y funded housing p o l i c y faces the p o l i t i c a l problem of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between desire and need. Although multi-family housing in the North may be appropriate for single people and for people i n the wage economy, i t appears to be incompatible with the Native culture and t r a d i t i o n a l hunting/trapping l i f e s t y l e . In the Native communities detached housing i s i n demand. 3.5.4 Uncertainty Economic, s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and environmental uncertainty i s pervasive throughout the North. There i s economic uncertainty i n the community's economic base. There i s s o c i a l uncertainty i n the needs, values, and demographics of the residents. There i s p o l i t i c a l uncertainty in the power and decision making structure. These types of uncertainty are not unique to the North but they are accentuated by the rapid rate of change. - 68 -The s o c i a l , i n s t i t u t i o n a l , and f i n a n c i a l ecosystem of the north, l i k e the b i o l o g i c a l ecosystem i s a low-energy system, highly stressed and vulnerable to rather rapid changes caused by external influences — sometimes without recovery. (Roots, 1981, p. 3) Uncertainty i s prevalent i n non-renewable resource based communities because they have an indeterminate l i f e . To deal with uncertainty Cameron et a l . (1983) advocated abandoning the prevalent approach to planning which stresses physical solutions and i s oriented to growth and end state. This deterministic approach renders planning inadequate to deal with decline or uncertainty. An adaptive planning approach which e x p l i c i t l y recognized uncertainty and emphasized process, i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s , feedback and h e u r i s i t c s was proposed. The Resolute Bay experience indicates that f l e x i b i l i t y i s an important consideration i n physical community planning i n the face of uncertainty. In that case anticipated resource development and population growth did not occur. The r e s u l t was an expensive i n f r a s t r u c t u r e b u i l t i n excess of demand. The physical community plan was based on a continuous ring of b u i l d i n g to provide an environment protected from p r e v a i l i n g winds. The concept was rendered i n e f f e c t i v e because the ring b u i l d i n g was not f u l l y constructed. The whole complex, including unoccupied apartments, must be heated because the ' e f f i c i e n t ' c e n t r a l heating system does not allow heating of i n d i v i d u a l u n i t s . There was i n s u f f i c i e n t f l e x i b i l i t y because the physical design did not allow for incremental growth. The town of Inuvik was s i m i l a r l y saddled with large unoccupied f u l l y serviced sub-divisions that were b u i l t i n - 69 -a n t i c i p a t i o n of o i l and gas a c t i v i t i e s over which the community has no co n t r o l . The r e s u l t s of overbuilding are i l l u s t r a t e d i n the Resolute Bay and Inuvik examples. There are also many examples of expensive rebuilding of houses and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e which were required because of unanticipated growth. Rebuilding has been prevalent i n the Native communities because of the dramatic increase since the 50's i n the community populations and the standard of l i v i n g . Changes i n technology, economic goals and community function pre c i p i t a t e d changes i n urban form and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . 3.5.5 Culture, lifestyle and perceptions Settlements must provide acceptable and appropriate conditions for current work, l i f e and l e i s u r e while at the same time they must provide a basis for progressive adaptation and c u l t u r a l change (Stanovnik, 1980). In the N.W.T., the differences i n the culture and l i f e s t y l e s of the Native peoples and of the Euro-Canadians must be considered i n community planning because these differences are the root of c o n f l i c t s i n preferences and as p i r a t i o n s . Native people's t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e and s o c i a l values derive from the land. Ownership of land i s contrary to their culture so they often do not understand the planner's desire to subdivide land into l o t s , to zone land, or to produce formal community plans. Native people value access to land and proximity to water i n order to pursue a t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e . - 70 -Fai l u r e of the new town of Edzo i l l u s t r a t e s c o n f l i c t s i n culture, l i f e s t y l e and perception. Edzo was constructed i n 1970 by the G.N.W.T. to a l l e v i a t e the serious health problems that had plagued the Native community of Rae located on the shore of Marian Lake (Figure 3.4).^ FIGURE 3.4 LOCATION MAP OF RAE AND EDZO, N.W.T. Poor public health, epidemics and infant deaths in Rae were att r i b u t e d to the polluted lake water and to the poor s a n i t a t i o n , drainage and housing i n Rae (Grainge, 1977). The rudimentary i n f r a s t r u c t u r e of Rae °Fort Rae was established by fur trading companies i n the early 1900's at a point where t r a d i t i o n a l hunting areas and transportation routes converged. The settlement i s located on a rocky outcrop on Marion Lake, 100 kilometers west of Yellowknife. A 10 kilometer access road connects Rae to the MacKenzie Highway. - 71 -became inadequate as i t s population increased during the 50's and 60's to approximately 1,000 persons. Water from Marian Lake was treated and delivered by truck. However many residents continued to obtain t h e i r own drinking water d i r e c t l y from the lake, p r e f e r r i n g the taste of the unchlorinated lake water. Honeybags containing human waste which were placed by residents along the roadside often broke before they were c o l l e c t e d . Washwater from houses was discharged on the ground, c o l l e c t e d i n pools and ran into the lake. Raw wastewater from the pipe serviced buildings was discharged into a slough i n the middle of the community. A sewage treatment plant i n s t a l l e d by the federal government never worked. Rock outcrops, shallow lake and the haphazard layout of the houses presented apparently insurmountable problems to good public health. The Regional Engineer for the Department of Health and Welfare concluded: No proposal short of piped water and sewage service can a l l e v i a t e the i n s a n i t a r y conditions s a t i s f a c t o r i l y , and i t i s impossible to design p r a c t i c a l piped water and sewer systems in t h i s s i t e [Rae]. (Grainge, 1977, p. 23) Health o f f i c i a l s , engineers and community planners advised the federal and t e r r i t o r i a l governments to constuct a new towns!te. Edzo, the selected s i t e was named aft e r a famous Dene Chief. It was located on high ground and had good sandy s o i l suited to buried water and sewer pipes. The s i t e i s located on the MacKenzie Highway about 24 kilometers by road from Rae. Public o f f i c i a l s saw a simple and d e f i n i t i v e s o l u t i o n to both the public health and the economic development issues. - 72 -Chief Bruneau, the community Council and the residents of Rae were far from enthusiastic about moving to the new s i t e although they welcomed the prospect of construction jobs and a new school. At numerous meetings they pointed out their need to stay near the lake for transportation and f i s h i n g but the closest r e l i a b l e water access to the proposed town of Edzo was approximately 5 kilometers away. V i t a l Thomas of Rae remarked that Edzo was a mistake from the beginning because "we are l i k e seagulls, we follow the shore. You can't put us inland . " (Quoted i n : O'Malley, 1976, p. 246). After many meetings and much pressure the Chief indicated that i t was the governments money and the government could b u i l d the new town i f i t wanted, but he doubted that the people from Rae would move.^ Local endorsement of the project was assumed by the government o f f i c i a l s . Roads, a piped water and sewer system, houses v a f i r e h a l l , a ho s p i t a l , and a large modern school were quickly constructed at Edzo. Few Native people moved despite the amenities offered i n Edzo and despite a development freeze placed on Rae. Today the residents of Edzo are mostly government s t a f f . Many commute to work i n Rae. In 1976 the G.N.W.T. abandoned the hope to move Rae and l i f t e d the development freeze on Rae. Since then there have been s i g n i f i c a n t expenditures i n new housing and in f r a s t r u c t u r e i n Rae despite continued warnings from the Chief Medical O f f i c e r for the N.W.T. of inherently ^There are various versions of the consent given to the proposed new townsite (e.g. Grainge, 1977; Gamble, 1982). Consent was not spontaneous nor e n t h u s i a s t i c . - 73 -poor sanitary conditions (Grainge, 1977). Rae i s growing whereas Edzo has declined i n population. The f a i l u r e of Edzo demonstrates common features i n northern community planning: the role of technocrats i n planning, the f a i l u r e i n communication between the Native residents and government o f f i c i a l s and the d i f f e r i n g goals of development between the Natives and others. Don Gamble, the resident engineer on the Edzo construction project, i s now c r i t i c a l of the role of engineers and the misuse of engineering information i n the planning of Edzo: Engineers provided a neat, s i m p l i s t i c technological sol u t i o n to a complex human problem . . . because the solut i o n looked so clean, so d e f i n i t e - as engineers tend to colour many issues - the decision-makers embraced i t . (Gamble, 1982, p. 5) The problem was the simple minded, reducti o n i s t way engineers attacked an e s s e n t i a l l y s o c i a l problem. The applied science approach which ignores the human condition was a large part of the problem (Gamble, 1984). Furthermore, engineers "seem reluctant to accept the role for which they have been well trained - that of technological servants to those who have a broad appreciation of the problems faced by society" (Gamble, 1982, p. 5). The Edzo experience demonstrates the techno-cultural chauvinism of the government bureaucrats and planners who shared and reinforced the engineer's perceptions and recommendations. " I t i s easier to dream of new northern c i t i e s than i t i s to deal with the r e a l i t y of messy northern towns" (Lotz, 1970, p. 257). - 74 -There was a lack of e f f e c t i v e communication between the Native residents of Rae and the southern, White government s t a f f and consultants. Different languages make the communication of ideas and concepts d i f f i c u l t but cu l t u r e , l i f e s t y l e , education and experience are more formidable b a r r i e r s . The values, perceptions and knowledge of the Native people are quite d i f f e r e n t from those of the southern bureaucrats and technocrats. These differences impede ready understanding by the l a t t e r of community values and aspirations and the subsequent formulation of appropriate advice. In northern s o c i e t i e s , i n places l i k e Edzo, we are confronted with a large proportion of the population who do not share our world view. There i s , of course, nothing right or wrong with t h i s difference i n world views as long as i t i s recognized, accepted, and respected. But when i t i s ignored, denied, or downgraded, i t creates problems. (Gamble, 1984, p. 9) Questions of professionalism, communication and perceptions have been raised i n r e l a t i o n to northern community planners. The problem i s that the differences i n world view between southern planners and northern unsophisti-cated communities i n planning matters makes i t impossible to bridge the gap between those two e n t i t i e s i n a r e l a t i v e l y short time. It i s my opinion that to t r a i n a professional planner i n the north takes at least 6 months. (Roth, 1981, p. 21) o Although time and experience are necessary to develop technical knowledge and competence, they are not s u f f i c i e n t to develop °A study of White residents of Inuvik indicated that a newcomer arri v e s 'uncontaminated' by stereotyped images but the longer they remain i n the North, the more l i k e l y they are to subscribe to ethnic stereotypes, i n conformity with the perceptions and attitudes of t h e i r associates (Parsons, 1970). - 75 -interpersonal s k i l l s , to s e n s i t i z e one to the s e n s i b i l i t i e s of another culture and world view, or to understand one's own bias and values. The desire to l i s t e n i s a prerequisite to e f f e c t i v e communication. But community planning can not r e l y on the humility, broad awareness and sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l . The i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework and the planning process must systematically incorporate the knowledge of both the technocrat and the persons affected i n order to ensure dialogue and an exchange of views. Community l e v e l decision making power must be vested l o c a l l y i n order to ensure that l o c a l views and perceptions are e f f e c t i v e l y considered. The Rae/Edzo experience indicates the difference i n aspirations and p r i o r i t i e s which are part of the d i f f e r i n g culture and l i f e s t y l e between the Native people on the one hand and the government s t a f f and t h e i r consultants on the other hand. The l a t t e r placed a high p r i o r i t y and f a i t h i n the prospect of good health, southern standard of l i v i n g , and po t e n t i a l wage employment at Edzo. They were convinced that these 'necessities' were not possible at Rae. The proposed move to Edzo required a fundamental change i n l i f e s t y l e for the Native people because the inland l o c a t i o n would have made t r a d i t i o n a l pursuits very d i f f i c u l t i f not i m p r a t i c a l . The Chief and many of the Native people were not convinced of the health r i s k associated with the polluted lake at Rae. They did not covet the conveniences or amenities offered i n the new town which were considered luxuries not n e c e s s i t i e s . The d i f f e r e n t concepts of development and progress i s fundamental. In the Rae/Edzo case, two expensive towns at two undesirable locations i s the re s u l t of a "co l o s s a l engineering error and f i n a n c i a l - 76 -boondoggle" (Gamble, 1982, p. 5). Geographic l o c a t i o n makes Edzo s o c i a l l y unacceptable. Physical environment makes Rae t e c h n i c a l l y undesirable. T r a g i c a l l y , an excellent p o t e n t i a l townsite on Russell Lake a few kilometers north of Rae that was proposed by the Band Council i n 1965 was not pursued by either the government or the community. It was an option neither party was looking f o r . The community was not enthusiastic about moving anyway and the government s e r i o u s l y considered only locations on the highway. It i s i r o n i c that the gravel esker on the shore of Russell Lake i s now providing the massive quantities of gravel required to develop Rae—the mountain i s being moved to Mohammed. 3 . 5 . 6 P l a n n i n g process, decision making, a n d community development Decision making and the decision making process are fundamental to planning. Aspects of decision making important i n community planning include: process, p a r t i c i p a t i o n and co n t r o l . Decision making i n the N.W.T. i s complicated by the number of interested parties who influence community planning. Senior government has been a c t i v e l y involved i n providing community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e because of the l i m i t e d economic base of the communities and the high cost of i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . The expenditure of public funds requires c l e a r l y defined community development objectives. There are c o n f l i c t s i n the developmental objectives held by the communities, the G.N.W.T. and the 'outside'. In northern communities i t i s d i f f i c u l t to find a solution among what i s l o c a l l y necessary, l o c a l l y desirable, economically p r a c t i c a l and te c h n i c a l l y - 77 -f e a s i b l e . D i f f i c u l t i e s i n decision making are evident i n community planning and i n planning community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . Community planning process and urban form i n the North has r e f l e c t e d the current trends and practice in southern Canada (Frackowlak, 1979; McCann, 1978). In the northern community planning l i t e r a t u r e reference to theory of planning i s conspicuously absent while references to theory i n planning are l i m i t e d . Government planning reports are r e s t r i c t e d to an explanation of responses to growth, developmental proposals and to administrative process, e.g., Gerein, (1980). Academic papers on community planning and the planning process are primarily concerned with physical planning. For example, Zrudlo (1983) proposed an 'integrative approach' to consider the major influences on physical planning. Zrudlo i d e n t i f i e d and arranged these factors into four l e v e l s : 1. g e o l o g i c a l and hydrological 2. technical and s o c i o - i n s t i t u t i o n a l services i n f r a s t r u c t u r e 3. climate 4. culture Optimized plans for each l e v e l are i n d i v i d u a l l y prepared then sequentially compared i n pairs to d i a l e c t i c a l l y form a synthesis i n a McHargian fashion ( i . e . 1 + 2 = 1,2 then 1,2 + 3 = 1,2,3 e t c . ) . The cumulation leads to a f i n a l plan but u n t i l the human element i n l e v e l 4 i s included, the optimum plan w i l l i n v a r i a b l y be a single b u i l d i n g . Zrudlo's r a t i o n a l comprehensive model erroneously assumes that the sum of the unconstrained optimized parts w i l l lead to an optimum f i n a l i - 78 -plan. The numerous optimized sub-plans would require an overwhelming amount of information and the multitude of combinations would overload the 'bounded r a t i o n a l i t y 1 (Simon, 1957) of decision-makers. While analysis can be objective, synthesis i s subjective because the r e l a t i v e importance of the impacts to the whole plan must be assessed ( M c A l l i s t e r , 1980). Zrundlo's model i s based on manipulating f a c t s . Issues of p o l i t i c a l and economic power are neglected. Mechanistic planning models that do not e x p l i c i t l y consider goals and p o l i t i c a l control w i l l flounder i n d e t a i l without d i r e c t i o n . The control of community planning and community development are more important than the methodology and physical development. The stated goals of Zrudlo's model are to "remove the usual engineering or technical bias that normally dominates the planning process" (Zrudlo, 1982, p. 10) and to f a c i l i t a t e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the residents so they understand the trade-offs, for example, between single and multi-family housing. However, an understanding of planning i s more l i k e l y to be achieved i f addressed d i r e c t l y . Educating the community about planning i s now emphasized by the Department of Local Government, G.N.W.T. Our f i r s t goal i s to bring the notion and understanding of planning to community residents so that i n the near future they may have enough of the elements to decide for themselves how their community should develop or grow. (Roth, 1981, p. 17-18) In practice the education goal i s narrowly focused on understanding the - 79 -G.N.W.T.'s administration and the process of physical community planning. Community planning i n the N.W.T. has not involved to any s i g n i f i c a n t extent a community development or s o c i a l learning o r i e n t a t i o n . Roberts provides a c y c l i c model of community development which may be appropriate i n Native communities (Figure 3.5). Learning Knowledge of -self - group - environment Skills in - communication - group discussion Attitudes toward -self - others - things Tension (i.e., problem, goal) Objectives Learning Skills in - organization - planning - administration FIGURE 3.5 MODEL OF COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT PROCESS (from Roberts, 1979) The cycle consists of: Achieving an objective; r e a l i z i n g new tensions; further learning; forming new objectives; devising new courses of action; evaluating the action and so on. (Roberts, 1979, p. 169) There i s no start or end in this model. The primary objective i s to prepare the in d i v i d u a l s and the community to deal with future tensions, not to produce a plan or to decide on a s p e c i f i c course of action. - 80 -Community development i s a p o l i t i c a l process i n which s o c i a l learning i s necessary to achieve the goals of a community. The basis of Robert's approach i s that people affected are more capable than outsiders of perceiving and assessing the conditions of th e i r l i v e s and with appropriate i n s p i r a t i o n and guidance they can plan and act to change these conditions for the better. So c i a l learning and s o c i e t a l guidance ( E t z i o n i , 1968; Dunn, 1971) have been interpreted i n community planning by Friedmann's (1973) transactive s t y l e of planning. He prescribes dialogue to integrate the personal knowledge of the c l i e n t and the processed knowledge of the planner i n order to transform knowledge into a c t i o n . To ensure meaningful dialogue, the r e c i p i e n t s of planner's advice should be the c l i e n t . In the N.W.T. the c l i e n t i s the G.N.W.T. not the community. Consequently the G.N.W.T., not the community, controls the planning process and the planners. Community i n t e r e s t , community p a r t i c i p a t i o n and community learning are thus impeded. The lack of community learning i n the decision making process i s exemplified i n the construction of the new town of Edzo. The planning process was p a t e r n a l i s t i c . The government attempted to solve the community's health and developmental problems but th e i r s o l u t i o n was doomed without the i n t e r e s t and active p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the community. The issue i s not of ri g h t or wrong, i t i s how the decisions were made. The l a s t i n g f a i l u r e of the planning process i s the loss of opportunity for the residents to learn about t h e i r urban problems and how to deal with them. - 81 -The i n i t i a t i v e to plan does not originate from the communities even today. In the non-tax base communities the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , the municipal operating budgets and most of the housing units are funded and provided by government agencies. These agencies have greater i n t e r e s t i n planning the community than do the residents (Roycroft, 1980). The communities are responding to outside pressures to plan. The lack of i n t e r e s t i n planning i s not because of lack of knowledge or experience. Feeney (1977) presents a number of reasons why the l e v e l of Native involvement i n the community decision making process i s lower than the White administrators have hope i t would be: a) For many Native people, English i s a second language, at best. This makes i t very d i f f i c u l t to comprehend complex correspondence that comes from regional o f f i c e s and the c a p i t a l concerning municipal a f f a i r s . b) Native people coninue to depend on White advisors to i n t e r p r e t complex procedural rules with which they are unfamiliar. c) Many of the matters that most concern Native people—such as land use, the education system, alcohol laws—remain outside the j u r i s d i c t i o n of community co u n c i l s . d) At best, i n d i v i d u a l s are given an oportunity for " p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n " decision making, as opposed to " p a r t i c i p a t o r y decision making" which Native people are accustomed to, and i n which they have r e a l decision making authority. e) The White's aggressive, adversary s t y l e of debate seems to contradict t h e i r stated intentions of attempting to cooperate i n decision making. Assertive behaviour, to Natives seems not only d i s t a s t e f u l , but also counterproductive to finding solutions acceptable to a l l . (Feeney, 1977, p. 62) i - 82 -The above-mentioned ba r r i e r s to e f f e c t i v e communication and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l goverment are not often recognized. No wonder that Whites continue to be ba f f l e d by signs of apathy or f r u s t r a t i o n among Natives towards opportunities to p a r t i c i p a t e i n municipal a f f a i r s . Lack of control by Natives over th e i r l i v e s and their community produces the lack of i n t e r e s t and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning. Some Native people are not waiting for government to solve the problems they f e e l are important. A resident of Cambridge Bay who spearheaded meetings to address the community's problems said residents must stand on t h e i r own because the t e r r i t o r i a l government w i l l not always be there "to b a i l us out" (News/North, 1984). Lack of control over community decision making stems i n part from the lack of s e l f - f i n a n c e . Without l o c a l finance the community i s forced to r e l y on c o n d i t i o n a l government f i n a n c i a l assistance which erodes l o c a l autonomy and l o c a l decision making. Community development must address the broader issues of s o c i a l and economic development of the i n d i v i d u a l s and of the community. Community development should be aimed at reducing the conditions which create the need for welfare support systems. - 83 -4. INFRASTRUCTURE LEVEL - WATER AND SANITATION SYSTEMS The development and operation of r e l i a b l e , simple and economical water supply, sewage and s o l i d waste systems i n the North i s complex and challenging. Technology and methodology u t i l i z e d i n the N.W.T. ranges from rudimentary to luxurious, from simple bucket to sophisticated piped systems. Systems have developed and evolved in response to physical and economic constraints and changing s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l objectives. The framework and r e l a t i o n s h i p of the basic components i n community water and s a n i t a t i o n systems are i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 4.1. SOURCE DISPOSAL TREATMENT I I TREATMENT STORAGE I DISTRIBUTION/COLLECTION COMMUNITY HOUSE CONSUMPTION WATER SEWERAGE SOLID WASTE FIGURE 4.1 WATER AND SANITATION SYSTEM COMPONENT SCHEMATIC ( a f t e r : Gamble and Jansen, 1974) - 84 -A b r i e f outline of the water supply, d i s t r i b u t i o n and c o l l e c t i o n , wastewater treatment and dispo s a l , and s o l i d waste management aspects of u t i l i t y systems follows. This provides a background f o r the discussion i n t h i s chapter of the development of water and sa n i t a t i o n systems and p o l i c i e s , objectives, t e c h n i c a l , economic and planning considerations, and the evaluation of options. 4.1 Water and Sanitation Systems 4.1.1 Water supply C o l l e c t i n g rainwater i n the N.W.T. i s usually f u t i l e because of the low p r e c i p i t a t i o n . Snow and ice are t r a d i t i o n a l sources of drinking water s t i l l used by some Native people but the high cost of harvesting and melting snow and ice make them impractical for community water supply. Where permafrost i s present, groundwater i s either absent or i s very deep and highly mineralized. Surface waters appear abundant; however, water i s unavailable i n the many small r i v e r s and lakes because they freeze to the bottom during winter. "Away from large lakes and r i v e r s , surface water may be available i n summer only" (Rice and A l t e r , 1974, p. 10). Nine communites i n the N.W.T. must annually r e f i l l constructed water reservoirs to assure a source of water throughout the year (Smith, Shevkenek and Milburn, 1984). Rivers have seasonally high sediment loads which necessitates water treatment before use. A l l water treatment processes are impeded by the low temperature of the water. 4.1.2 Distribution and collection Delivery of water to houses and the removal of waste may be either - 85 -an i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y or a community operation using trucked or piped systems. Trucked services are present i n the largest c i t i e s and towns and are the most common method of water d e l i v e r y and sewage c o l l e c t i o n i n the smaller, Native communities. Trucked water service i s usually provided twice per week using wheeled 4500 l i t r e v e h i c l e s . Trucked sewage service i s either by honeybag or sewage pumpout and depends on the household t o i l e t and plumbing f a c i l i t i e s . For houses with a chemical t o i l e t , the honeybag (a p l a s t i c bag l i n e r inside a container used as a t o i l e t ) or bucket i s placed outside for c o l l e c t i o n , d a i l y or several times per week. Washwater from the kitchen, laundry and bathroom i s discharged onto the ground. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , a sewage holding tank can be i n s t a l l e d to accept a l l household wastewater. These tanks are usually evacuated weekly. Piped water and sewer systems which provide the same function and service as southern systems have been constructed i n the North but the design must be modified to prevent freezing. In the South, water and sewer pipes are buried below the maximum depth of f r o s t to prevent freezing but i n permafrost areas the ground i s permanently frozen except for a shallow active l a y e r . Methods used to prevent freezing of water and sewer pipes include i n s u l a t i n g , heating, r e c i r c u l a t i o n , and water wasting. Where permafrost i s ice r i c h , thermally s e n s i t i v e , and unstable when thawed, i t may be necessary to i n s t a l l water and sewer pipes above ground on p i l e s or on a berm to prevent thawing the permafrost. Above ground pipes are often placed i n a common enclosure c a l l e d a u t i l i d o r . - 86 -4.1.3 Wastewater treatment and disposal Individual building wastewater disposal systems such as an outhouse or septic f i e l d are not fea s i b l e i n areas of continuous permafrost because degradation and i n f i l t r a t i o n of the wastewater do not occur i n frozen ground. Community wastewater treatment and disposal systems are related to the type of water d i s t r i b u t i o n and sewage c o l l e c t i o n system. Separate p i t s are replacing the garbage s i t e as an area for honeybag dis p o s a l . Lagoons are the most common method of wastewater treatment in the North. They are simple and robust and have low operating requirements and cost. Mechanical treatment plants have been used i n i n d u s t r i a l camps because they are compact and portable. They have not been used in communities because they are complex and expensive to operate. Direct discharge of wastewater into r i v e r s , lakes and oceans i s usually avoided i n favour of i n d i r e c t discharge into swamps, or on land or into creeks. This practice provides a d d i t i o n a l treatment and eliminates the need for piped o u t f a l l s . 4.1.4 Solid waste management In small communities household s o l i d waste i s placed i n used 45 gallon drums. Garbage i s c o l l e c t e d weekly using an open truck or small packer truck. In larger communities the practice and the equipment are the same as with southern urban systems. An open dump i s the most common disposal method. Sanitary land f i l l can not be practiced i n most locations because cover material i s - 87 -not re a d i l y a v a i l a b l e during winter. Low temperature and dryness do not allow b i o l o g i c a l degradation of garbage to occur; rather, the garbage i s frozen i n storage. Incineration, shredding, baling and other forms of treatment have found limited a p p l i c a t i o n because of th e i r high cost and complexity. 4.2 Development of Water and Sanita t i o n Services and P o l i c i e s The development of settlements, the evolution of water and san i t a t i o n service p o l i c i e s and developments i n technology have a l l influenced water and s a n i t a t i o n services i n the N.W.T. 4.2.1 H i s t o r i c a l development of settlements and u t i l i t i e s Before contact, Native people obtained water from surface waters, snow and i c e . The small volume of water consumed for cooking and drinking was r e l a t i v e l y easy to obtain. Defecation on the t r a i l or in temporary camps was governed by the desire for privacy and comfort. The temporary nature of the Native people's t r a d i t i o n a l shelter lacked plumbing and s a n i t a t i o n , but allowed them to relocate e a s i l y and avoid the i n e v i t a b l e wastewater at the doorstep (Magid, 1983). The nomadic l i f e s t y l e negated most public health and aesthetic problems. In the e a r l i e s t times i n d i v i d u a l s e l f reliance and c a p a b i l i t y , to the utmost degree, grew out of the harsh s e t t i n g . Although i n d i v i d u a l strength and excellence were emphasized, these values were nurtured within a framework of group purpose. The group purpose was to meet the basic needs for s u r v i v a l i n a harsh environment. The i n d i v i d u a l comfort and s a t i s f a c t i o n that affluence might have - 88 -promised was not of over-riding importance to group and community needs. Without these constraints, water could be delivered when i t was needed and wastes could be taken away when necessary. People could move from the waste to a new community or home when the promises of better subsistance loomed elsewhere. Harsh environment cooperated by retaining otherwise hazardous wastes locked i n dormant frozen state for months at a time. ( A l t e r , 1977, p. 20,21) The s i t u a t i o n changed with the advent of permanent buildings and with the rapid increase i n community populations. The residents can no longer move to cleaner surroundings when accumulated waste becomes evident. Most of the permanent settlements were very small u n t i l World War I I . Water and sanitation was an i n d i v i d u a l concern and systems were simple. There were some exceptions. As early as 1899 a buried wood stave piped water and sewer system was i n s t a l l e d to service 10,000 persons l i v i n g i n Dawson C i t y , Yukon. This h i s t o r i c system was not f u l l y replaced u n t i l 1980 ( S h i l l i n g t o n et a l . , 1981). A rapid increase i n settlement populations occured during the 50's when the federal government extended welfare, medical and education services to the N.W.T. Native people moved off the land into the settlements. Housing programs and water and s a n i t a t i o n services were i n i t i a t e d to improve the health of the Native people i n order to reduce the cost of medical services. When the people abandoned nomadic l i f e for s e t t l e d l i f e , i l l n e s s s t a t i s t i c s began to r i s e quickly. Li v i n g i n constant contact with each other, compounded by the problems of waste disposal and a clean water supply, caused epidemics of enteric and res p i r a t o r y diseases to attack the settlements. Government medical o f f i c i a l s concluded that f a i l u r e - 89 -to b u i l d immunity was only partly to blame; the shacks, tents and snow houses in which people were l i v i n g were another cause. They decided that i n the long run i t would be cheaper and better to provide properly serviced 'low cost' housing than to spend large amounts on medical and hospital f a c i l i t i e s to treat sicknesses. (Grainge and Royle, 1974, p. 40) But u t i l i t y systems were i n s t a l l e d to service primarily government buildings, schools, nursing stations and s t a f f houses. It was considered necessary to provide 'southern' s t y l e amenities which included standard housing, f u l l plumbing, and piped water and sewer systems to a t t r a c t government s t a f f from the South. A small number of white c i v i l servants benefited from the u t i l i t y systems while the larger Native population had rudimentary service, i f any. There was not a community authority to coordinate u t i l i t y s e r v i c e s . Various government agencies i n s t a l l e d and operated independent systems often in.the same community. Types of service varied from i n d i v i d u a l haulage to sophisticated piped systems. Service standards depended on the economic base and the extent of government a c t i v i t i e s i n the community. By 1960 the lack of coordination and deficiency i n services to the Native people had created i n t o l e r a b l e conditions. The vast majority of the communities i n the T e r r i t o r i e s were serviced by the most rudimentary and i n e f f e c t i v e community water and s a n i t a t i o n systems. As a r e s u l t , h e p a t i t i s , g a s t r o e n t e r i t i s , typhoid, dysentry and other diseases related to unsanitary conditions were rampant and impossible to c o n t r o l . It was c l e a r l y obvious that government asssistance was required to improve the l e v e l of water and s a n i t a t i o n services i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s . (Christensen, 1980, p. 9,10) - 90 -4.2.2 Contemporary water and sanitation policies In 1962 the. federal government acknowledged that a healthy population was a basic element for s o c i a l and economic development. They embarked on a program to improve conditions i n the non-tax based Native communities. A formal p o l i c y recognized that most small communities i n southern Canada could solve their water and s a n i t a t i o n problems simply and cheaply by tapping groundwater and by u t i l i z i n g outhouses or septic f i e l d s . This was not the case i n northern regions. Permafrost and cold climate dictated unique and expensive systems. The 1962 P o l i c y provided for 50% of the c a p i t a l and operating costs of community water and sa n i t a t i o n systems. The 1962 P o l i c y proved inoperative because of the diverse communities and the n e g l i g i b l e cash income of many residents. The p o l i c y was revised i n 1967. The free 'water point' system by which a water source was provided for the residents to c o l l e c t water was continued. In addition, a trucked water d e l i v e r y and a l i q u i d sewage c o l l e c t i o n system was proposed to service those who could afford and wanted better service. However, few Native houses had plumbing, and few Native people were able or w i l l i n g to pay the cost of these services. A review of the 1967 P o l i c y concluded: It has become increasingly evident that the previously established minimum s a n i t a t i o n services are no longer s a t i s f a c t o r y for the majority of N.W.T. commnities. This applies p a r t i c u l a r l y to the discharge of waste water from dwellings d i r e c t l y on the ground adjacent to the building and to the common mishandling of bagged sewage by depositing the bags on the ground outside the dwelling to await the - 91 -c o l l e c t i o n vehicle . . . th i s often r e s u l t s i n break-age and serious contamination of the ground around the homes. This s i t u a t i o n i s undoubtedly producing public health problems. (G.N.W.T., 1973, p. 6) The N.W.T. became infamous for h e p a t i t i s epidemics and dysentry outbreaks. Pressure to improve the sanitary conditions of the Native people arose from the r a c i a l overtones of discrimination i n housing and serv i c e s . Racism has a l o t to do with plumbing. If you are a native l i v i n g i n a house without running water and your white neighbour has a f u l l y equiped bathroom and kitchen sink, you may have two reactions. You may fe e l apathetic and i n f e r i o r - you don't expect running water - or you may be angry. Generally there i s r a c i a l tension between the white who has and the native who hasn't. (Gemini North Ltd. quoted i n : Edmonton Journal, 1974) Disease and charges of racism brought pressure to improve services. The explosion i n o i l and gas a c t i v i t i e s during the 70's brought national attention to the North and to these problems. The government's r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n for providing water and san i t a t i o n services was based on inf e r r e d improvements i n health. 'Common knowledge' and studies i n developing countries indicated p o s i t i v e benefit cost r a t i o s for such services (e.g., Pyatt and Rogers, 1962). Extensive studies done i n developing regions throughout the world confirm that improvements i n basic water and sa n i t a t i o n systems r e s u l t i n s i g n i f i c a n t reduction i n disease. These same improvements form the base for economic and s o c i a l development. . . . It i s also evident that most Northerners cannot finance even the most rudimentary system due to high construction and operating costs - 92 -i n the north and the depressed economic conditions existin g at the present time. Therefore, the provision of improved services reduces to the question: AT WHAT LEVEL OF SERVICE IS THE GOVERNMENT PREPARED TO SUPPORT EACH COMMUNITY? (Associated Engineering Services Ltd., 1973, p.i) In 1974 a new Water and Sanitation P o l i c y (G.N.W.T., 1973) i n i t i a t e d by the G.N.W.T. was approved by Treasury Board. Minimum le v e l s of service were defined and consumer charges i n non-tax-based communities were formulated to r e f l e c t what residents could a f f o r d . Levels of service under the new 1974 po l i c y from no service to f u l l y piped systems were suggested using community population as the basic factor (Table 4.1). The 1974 Po l i c y was predicted to cost the government $109 m i l l i o n ($ 1973) over the 11 years to implement (Associated Engineering Services Ltd., 1973). TABLE 4.1 LEVELS OF SERVICE UNDER THE 1974 WATER AND SANITATION POLICY Level Community Population Description of Service 1 Less than 50 No service provided. 2 50 - 150 Tractor or wagon d e l i v e r y of water and c o l l e c t i o n of sewage bags. 3 150 - 700 P a r t i a l piped system with d e l i v e r y to and from central f a c i l i t y by v e h i c l e . Homes to be equipped with pumpout tanks. 4 Over 700 Completely piped water and sewer. - 93 -In non-tax based communities an equalized service rate for residences was established: 1. Vehicle Water Delivery: $5.00 per month for 800 gallons of water per household per month; $5.00 for every a d d i t i o n a l 400 gallons of water up to a t o t a l of 1200 gallons; and the economic rate ( i . e . , the actual t o t a l cost) for any excess water demand. 2. Vehicle Sewage Pumpout Service: same rate as above 3. Piped Water and Sewage Service: $15.00 per month for 40 gallons of water per person per day; and the economic rate for any excess water demand 4. Garbage and Wet-Bag Sewage: free The G.N.W.T. would pay the t o t a l c a p i t a l cost as well as a l l operating losses net of service charges c o l l e c t e d . In tax-based communities the G.N.W.T. would pay the t o t a l c a p i t a l cost of piped water and sewage systems except l a t e r a l service l i n e s and build i n g service connections. The tax-based communities had to recover operating costs, except for a p a r t i a l subsidy of trucked water service, through customer charges. In 1976, a Water and Sanitation Section within the Department of Local Government was established to implement the 1974 P o l i c y . The program received substantial funding, e.g., $20.2 m i l l i o n i n 1980-81. Changes to the policy are ongoing but to date they have been e s s e n t i a l l y "fine tuning" (Christensen, 1980). E f f o r t s to encourage non-tax-based communities to operate and maintain t h e i r own water and sa n i t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s were discontinued - 94 -with the 1974 P o l i c y . According to Christensen (1980), the problems of consistently poor f a c i l i t y maintenance and recurring system f a i l u r e s i n the non-tax-based communities were conceded to be too great to be overcome without G.N.W.T. help. Consequently in the non-tax-based communities the government undertook r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for a l l aspects of community water and s a n i t a t i o n services: p o l i c y , planning, finance, design, construction, and operation. The 1974 P o l i c y suggested s p e c i f i c systems and l e v e l s of service for various sizes of communities (Table 4.1). In e s t a b l i s h i n g the 1974 p o l i c y a rudimentary computer model was p a r t i a l l y developed to estimate the cost of a l t e r n a t i v e l e v e l s of service on a community s p e c i f i c basis (Gamble and Janssen, 1974). During the l a t e 1970's, the Water and Sanitation Section placed increased emphasis on the economic analysis of a l t e r n a t i v e s . Much of this e f f o r t focused on the costs of trucked versus piped services. A computer model was developed to a s s i s t i n engineering, management and p o l i c y analysis of water and s a n i t a t i o n services and systems (Cameron, 1979). The computer model provided the basic framework and analysis f o r 'pre-design' studies of community water and s a n i t a t i o n a l t e r n a t i v e s (Cameron, 1980). 4.2.3 Responsibility and financing In tax-based c i t i e s , towns and v i l l a g e s the municipal services are provided by the community. An analysis of municipal finances and services done i n 1974 indicated that the largest municipal expenditure was for public works and water and sewer services were a large item i - 95 -within the public works budget. However, the t o t a l net municipal expenditures and the customer charges were lower than for many p r o v i n c i a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s because of the t e r r i t o r i a l government's generous c a p i t a l assistance program. The 1974 study warned: Further high l e v e l s of assistance to muni c i p a l i t i e s may suppress widely-based municipal i n i t i a t i v e and the development of a sense of belonging to the community. Such commodities tend to be i n short supply i n the N.W.T. m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . High le v e l s of assistance can also breed i n e f f i c i e n c y i n the management of finances i n addition to promoting possibly wasteful a l l o c a t i o n of f i n a n c i a l resources. (Boreal I n s t i t u t e for Northern Studies, 1974, p. 5-392) In the non-tax based communities, the G.N.W.T. has the primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for water and sani t a t i o n s e r v i c e s . Hamlets administer trucked water, sewage and garbage services for the G.N.W.T. Some hamlets hire private contractors to provide trucked services while others do the work themselves. The G.N.W.T. reimburses the hamlet for t o t a l costs net of revenues that are c o l l e c t e d from customers. In settlements the G.N.W.T. i s responsible for a l l aspects of water and sanitation s e r v i c e s . Trucked services are often contracted out l o c a l l y . Four departments and agencies of the G.N.W.T. are d i r e c t l y Involved i n the provision or financing of community water and sa n i t a t i o n s e r v i c e s . These agencies are involved as a provider of funds for water and s a n i t a t i o n systems and/or as a consumer of servi c e s . Table 4.2 summarizes the expenditures by the G.N.W.T. during 1980-81. The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of these agencies i s outlined below: TABLE 4.2 WATER AND SANITATION SERVICES EXPENDITURES BY GOVERNMENT OF THE NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, 1980-81 (from: Water and Sanitation Section, 1981) G.N.W.T. as Provider of Funds Local Government Public Works $ 4,604,000 5,316,000 $ 9,920,000 G.N.W.T. as Consumer of Services Local Government Public Works N.W.T. Housing Corporation Soc i a l Services $ 83,500 1,306,000 836,000 43,500 $ 2,269,000 G.N.W.T. Operations and Maintenance Expenditure G.N.W.T. Capit a l Expenditures $11,974,000 $ 8,200,000 Total G.N.W.T. Expenditures ( C a p i t a l plus 0 & M) $20,174,000 1. Department of Local Goverment - a s s i s t s c i t i e s , towns and v i l l a g e s with grants for inf r a s t r u c t u r e and trucked water d e l i v e r y - funds trucked water and san i t a t i o n services i n hamlets and settlements 2. Department of Public Works - maintains a l l mechanical water and san i t a t i o n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e i n hamlets and settlements and maintains water and san i t a t i o n vehicles and associated garages i n settlements - provides consulting and project management services to Department of Local Government - pays for water and san i t a t i o n services to G.N.W.T. buildings and s t a f f houses - 97 -3. N.W.T. Housing Corporation - provides Local Housing Associations with necessary funds to pay for water and sa n i t a t i o n services to a l l 'Rental Units,' i . e . , a l l G.N.W.T. subsidized housing - recovers for 'Public Housing Units' (which make up about 55% of a l l subsidized 'Rental U n i t s ' ) , half of the water and sani t a t i o n charges from Central Mortgage and Housing and half from G.N.W.T. Treasury 4. Department of So c i a l Services - provides f i n a n c i a l assistance to needy persons for basic water and sa n i t a t i o n services ( c u r r e n t l y only necessary within tax-based communities). 4.2.4 Current status and issues The l e v e l of community water and sa n i t a t i o n services i n the N.W.T. has improved considerably as a r e s u l t of the 1974 Po l i c y . ^ However i n 1982, Vern Christensen, Head of the Water and Sanitation Section, noted that " i n many instances water and sa n i t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s are s t i l l 1Several reports have recorded the status and evolution of water and s a n i t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s and services i n the N.W.T. communities. Heinke (1973) documented the services i n most communities as they were i n 1970 and 1971. A background report for the Water and Sanitation P o l i c y prepared by Associated Engineering Services Ltd. (1973) provided a service status summary for a l l communities. In 1981 an inventory report was published which provided a comprehensive d e s c r i p t i o n of water and s a n i t a t i o n services i n a l l N.W.T. communities (EPEC Consulting Western Ltd, 1981). The inventory report was updated and expanded with more technical information f o r each region of the N.W.T. i n 1982 and 1983 (Cameron, Dusseault and E l k i n , 1982). There are also academic, engineering and planning reports on s p e c i f i c communities that contain information on water and sa n i t a t i o n services. - 98 -considerably i n f e r i o r to those enjoyed by communities elsewhere i n Canada" (Christensen 1982, p. 7). Table 4.3 indicates there are public health d e f i c i e n c i e s i n 36 of the 62 communities. These d e f i c i e n c i e s are related t y p i c a l l y to honeybag sewage c o l l e c t i o n and s o l i d waste management. There are environmental d e f i c i e n c i e s i n 20 of the communities and 11 communities have unacceptable water d i s t r i b u t i o n f a c i l i t i e s . Christensen (1982) reported that considerable a d d i t i o n a l expenditure i s required to achieve an 'acceptable' equivalent to piped, l e v e l of service i n a l l communities (Table 4.4). The ad d i t i o n a l expenditures required i n the N.W.T. communities i s $70.5 m i l l i o n ($1981) i n c a p i t a l and $10.6 m i l l i o n i n annual operations and maintenance costs. The average annual t o t a l cost for 'acceptable' water and sani t a t i o n service i s $700 per year i n the tax based communities and $1,500 per year i n the smaller non-taxed-based communities. This i s equivalent to $50 m i l l i o n per year for the whole N.W.T. This cost i s a staggering expense for the residents and for the G.N.W.T. who have t r a d i t i o n a l l y heavily subsidized the cost of water and sa n i t a t i o n s e r v i c e s . Recently the G.N.W.T. has proposed to move towards the user paying for services. The document "Local Government Directions for the 80's," approved by the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly of the N.W.T. i n 1979, emphasized strengthening l o c a l government and increasing concomittently l o c a l f i s c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Among the recommendations were the following: i TABLE 4.3 STATUS OF COMMUNITY WATER AND SANITATION SERVICES (from: Christensen, 1982) F A C I L I T I E S W A T E R S U P P L Y A N D T R E A T M E N T W A T E R D I S T R I -B U T I O N S E W A G E C O L L E C T I O N S E W A G E T R E A T M E N T / D I S P O S A L S O L I D W A S T E D I S P O S A L F A C I L I T I E S P U B L I C H E A L T H P U B L I C H E A L T H P U B L I C H E A L T H P U B L I C H E A L T H P U 5 L I C H E A L T H E N V S E R V I C E S T A T U S D E S I G N G O A L S B A C T C H E M E S T H E N V . A C C E P T A B L E C O M M U N I T I E S P O P U L A T I O N P E R C E N T A G E 3 7 5 9 5 6 3 9 1 9 1 4 3 4 7 9 4 2 7 5 0 8 6 . 5 9 5 . 9 9 4 . 3 51 4 4 1 4 4 9 7 . 3 14 2 3 9 5 5 5 2 . 8 3 5 3 5 8 7 7 7 9 . 1 2 0 2 6 5 1 9 5 8 . 5 2 6 4 2 2 9 3 4 5 3 5 7 5 7 6 4 . 7 7 8 . 9 * G E N E R A L L Y A C C E P T A B L E C O M M U N I T I E S P O P U L A T I O N P E R C E N T A G E 3 2 1 9 3 0 2 4 2 . 6 . C O M M U N I T I E S 2 5 3 6 11 16 2 7 4 2 3 6 2 0 • U N A C C E P T A B L E P O P U L A T I O N 6 1 4 5 1 8 5 7 2 5 8 6 1 2 2 2 2 0 7 9 9 4 5 9 1 8 8 1 7 1 5 9 9 1 9 5 7 9 P E R C E N T A G E 1 3 . 5 4 . 1 5 . 7 2 . 7 4 . 6 2 0 . 9 4 1 . 5 3 5 . 3 2 1 . 1 - 100 -TABLE 4.4 FINANCIAL STATUS OF WATER AND SANITATION SERVICES ($ 1981 x IO 6) (Christensen, 1982) Tax Based C i t i e s , Towns, V i l l a g e s Primarily Non-Tax Based Hamlets, and Settlements Capital Cost of Acceptable^ Services Cost to Replace E x i s t i n g F a c i l i t i e s 129.7 117.7 121.5 68.5 Incremental (Capital) Cost 12.8 57.7 Annual Operations and Maintenance Cost of Acceptable Service E x i s t i n g 0 & M 3.3 3.7 20.8 9.8 Incremental 0 & M Cost (0.4) 11.0 1"Acceptable" service i s defined as piped water and sewer service or equivalent l e v e l of water supply and sewage pumpout service with r e s i d e n t i a l water use of 90 l i t r e s per person per day. - 101 -1. To develop among l o c a l government bodies and the people greater r e s p o n s i b i l i t y (economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l ) f o r the e f f i c i e n t management of th e i r communities and del i v e r y of th e i r program and services. 2. To r e l a t e more c l o s e l y the l e v e l of programs and services i n a community to l o c a l willingness to contribute towards the cost of those ser v i c e s . (G.N.W.T., 1979, p. 3) Throughout the document there i s heavy emphasis on increasing community f i n a n c i a l contributions to services and programs. Yet the only suggestion to provide a l o c a l source of revenue i n the non-tax-based communities i s by a "property users tax" based on property assessment. The tax would be payable by a l l occupants; even by those who do not own the property. The problems of low cash income and high cost for services i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Native communities i s not addressed. The G.N.W.T. indicated i t s i n t e n t i o n of de c e n t r a l i z i n g government operations to the regional o f f i c e s at Fort Smith, Inuvik, Cambridge Bay, Rankin I n l e t , and Frobisher Bay. The most aggressive d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n program has been that of the Department of Local Government. In 1984 r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for a l l c a p i t a l programs management was transferred to the regions. This sudden transfer of r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s was c r i t i c i z e d because program management s t a f f had not been hired or trained i n a l l the regions (McCallum, 1983). Problems were evident i n the water and s a n i t a t i o n program (Wray, 1984). It was not u n t i l October 1984 that a l l - 102 -the regional o f f i c e s were f u l l y staffed with a t o t a l of 13 community planners and municipal engineers (Sibbeston, 1984). Decentralization of Local Government program management has occured but the ultimate p o l i c y and budget control remains i n Yellowknife. The administration, not the po l i c y authority i s being decentralized. 4.3 Objectives In the l i t e r a t u r e and i n government p o l i c i e s , c l e a r statements of objectives f o r water and s a n i t a t i o n services are l a c k i n g . Objectives are often i m p l i c i t , vague or general. The objectives of government water s a n i t a t i o n p o l i c i e s are sometimes confused with the objectives of water and san i t a t i o n services. Means are confused with ends. The question of "why?" i s l o s t i n the determination of "how?" For example, A l t e r (1973) conducted a survey of water and san i t a t i o n objectives among 25 Alaskan representatives of governmental agencies, consulting engineers, reseachers and others concerned with community water and s a n i t a t i o n s e r v i c e s . Table 4.5 presents the survey r e s u l t s for water supply objectives. The usefulness of the r e s u l t s i s decreased because the stated objectives do not d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the means and ends (e.g., "provide water for domestic use," "prevent spread of disease"), and the role of government agencies (e.g., " e s t a b l i s h service standards"). Moreover, the objectives of the communities and the customers were not s o l i c i t e d i n Alte r ' s survey. Governments require clear objectives to j u s t i f y the expenditure of public funds and to f a c i l i t a t e the evaluation of programs. Objectives - 103 -i i ! i i , i : i : i i i ' ' i ; 1 i I ! 1 ! 1 ; • 1 Work i 1 i i 1 A d v o c a t e ' i • 1 ! i ! | Thawed & A v a i l a b l e : 1 i i i dual i f v f n r Prniprf": 1 1 i i | O p e r a t e S e r v i c e i i i • i Domes t i c - F i r e - I n d u s t r y 1 ; i F i n a n c e S e r v i c e i 1 R e q u l a t e S e r v i c e 1 i ! 1 i j IPromote S e r v i t e : ! ! 1 1 , l A c c e D t a b i l i t v j : 1 i i i K o n i t o r S e r v i c e ' : i ! 1 i I P r o v : W a t e r Under P r e s s u r e 1 F a d l i t a t e S e r v i c e • i Low C o s t S e r v i c e ; - | i l l ' S i m D l i c i t v ! 1 : : i i ! i Construct F a c i l i t i e s • • ' "1 Consumer S a t i s f a c t i o n : ; ll'eet Dom.X Fi r e f low Needs ' I R e g u l a t e Qual. of S e r v i c e . l E s t . S t a n d a r d s f o r S e r v i c e ! ! E n v i r o n m e n t a l E x c e l l e n c e E f f i c i e n t S e r v i c e • ' ' 1 1 R e l i a b i 1 i t v i • i • • 1 < I P r o v i d e Water f o r D o m e s t i c Use1 1 i \ P r e v e n t S p r e a d o f D i s e a s e i • • 1 ! CNJ V> 01 C M ' C M <JJ 8 2 co , ZD O S 2 § o a: o o o o QC UJ t o a o t C M t/> o s: O C M * tO 0 0 O C M M o s t « s ^ MAGNITUDE OF IMPORTANCE t o G O O C M tO r— C M C M C M C M •Least TABLE 4.5 SURVEY OF WATER SUPPLY OBJECTIVES (from: A l t e r , 1974) are the basis for e s t a b l i s h i n g the l e v e l of service that the G.N.W.T. w i l l subsidize and/or provide i n the communities. Native people are the target of government water and sa n i t a t i o n programs but the objectives of the Native people have not been e x p l i c i t l y surveyed. The following objectives f o r water and san i t a t i o n services are found i n the l i t e r a t u r e and in G.N.W.T. p o l i c i e s : 1. To improve the qua l i t y of l i f e which includes health, comfort, convenience and aesthetics 2. To protect the environment 3. To f a c i l i t a t e socio-economic development of the residents and the community 4. To provide an equitable service among a l l residents 5. To provide f i r e p rotection. - 104 -Sp e c i f i c objectives or requirements for water and sani t a t i o n services are provided i n l e g i s l a t i o n . These are meant to protect public health and the environment. For example, the Public Health Ordinance of the N.W.T. s p e c i f i e s drinking water q u a l i t y standards and the Northern Inland Waters Act establishes standards for municipal waste discharges to the environment. 4.3.1 Health It i s accepted u n i v e r s a l l y that an adequate arid convenient supply of safe water and the sanitary management of waste are e s s e n t i a l to public health and well-being. The improvement of public health i s the most common argument and rationa l e provided to j u s t i f y public expenditures on water and san i t a t i o n services i n the N.W.T. communities. The occurrance of so-called f i l t h - b o r n e diseases i s well documented i n the North (Grainge and Shaw, 1971; A l t e r , 1972). It i s apparent that low temperature and permafrost do not suppress the occurrance of these diseases. Low temperature favours the s u r v i v a l , although not the growth, of bact e r i a . Pathogens survive longer at low temperatures and may remain viable i n d e f i n i t e l y when frozen (Heinke and Prasad, 1976; White and Spence, 1976; Davenport et a l . 1976; Dahling and Safferman, 1979). Permafrost and extended period of seasonal f r o s t i n t e r f e r e with and retard the as s i m i l a t i o n capacity of organic material and pathogens (Mirzoev, 1968). The pote n t i a l public health hazard from wastewater discharges i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n the North. On the basis of anticipated health improvements, m i l l i o n s of - 105 -d o l l a r s have been spent during the past two decades to improve water and s a n i t a t i o n services i n the N.W.T. communities. Only recently have the e f f e c t s of water and s a n i t a t i o n services on health been researched (Heinke, 1984; Michael, 1984). According to McGarry et a l . (1978), an understanding of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between health and water s a n i t a t i o n services has been lacking and t h i s impedes e f f e c t i v e p o l i c i e s and projects to improve health. Identifying the solutions to a problem implies a good understanding of just what the problem i s . Low l e v e l s of public health are by far the most frequent reason given for investing i n water supply and s a n i t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s , yet the sanitary engineer seldom, i f ever, has a complete grasp of what health problem he i s trying to a l l e v i a t e . Health oriented interventions must respond to s p e c i f i c problem diseases, t h e i r l i k e l y transmission routes, e x i s t i n g hygiene p r a c t i c e s , and the socio-economic norms of the community. (McGarry et a l . , 1980, p. 122) 4.3.1.1 Relationship between health and water and sanitation. A r e l a t i o n s h i p between health and water and s a n i t a t i o n has been recognized since the time of Hippocrates. Most cultures have views that discriminate in the choice and use of water and i n the disposal of excreta. Snow (1855) was the f i r s t to show a precise cause/effect r e l a t i o n s h i p of a disease to water i n his c l a s s i c study of cholera. Soon a f t e r t h i s , William Budd demonstrated the spread of tyhpoid through water supplies (Roueche, 1963). Both conclusions were reached before the pathogenicity of bacteria was recognized. Subsequent reductions i n disease r e s u l t e d , not through medicine, but from improvements i n water supply, community s a n i t a t i o n , personal hygiene, and l i v i n g conditions. - 106 -Changes i n attitude were concoramittent with these changes i n personal and community l i f e s t y l e . 'Cleanliness i s next to Godliness' i s a nineteenth century western" maxim that has been responsible for a reduction i n communicable diseases. However, this f e c a l phobia has also resulted i n a preoccupation with water q u a l i t y and the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of excrement as 'waste.' Only recently have epidemiological studies attempted to c l a r i f y and quantify the r e l a t i o n s h i p s among health and water and s a n i t a t i o n . The purpose of these studies was to provide a s c i e n t i f i c rationale for the control and prevention of disease and for the evaluation of expenditures of public funds. Epidemiological studies have been directed p r i m a r i l y towards the developing countries. One review of 28 empirical studies provided evidence to reinforce the i n t u i t i v e b e l i e f that "more and better water and better sanitary f a c i l i t i e s are associated with better health" (Saunders and Warford, 1976, p. 195). However, the authors concluded that the epidemiological studies provided l i t t l e help i n determining the l e v e l of health improvement that can be expected from s p e c i f i c improvment i n water and s a n i t a t i o n s e r v i c e s . An extensive study conducted for the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between disease and s o l i d and human f e c a l waste was unable to uncover e x p l i c i t causation and linkages. The authors conceded that " g u i l t by association" did not provide the s c i e n t i f i c foundation upon which confident actions can be planned. However, they noted that: " I t i s fortunate that persons concerned with public health have acted to control disease without - 107 -waiting for the discovery of ultimate s c i e n t i f i c truth" (Hanks, 1967, p. 1). Reviewing health hazards associated with waste discharges to the aquatic environment B e l l (1975) noted the d i f f i c u l t y i n assessing the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between water-borne diseases and health. He highlighted the lack of knowledge i n regard to the dissemination of pathogenic organisms into the environment and to the s p e c i f i c routes and cycles of many pathogenic organisms. B e l l warned that water treatment practices and immunizations procedures which led to the control of most water-borne diseases " l u l l e d Western c i v i l i z a t i o n into a somewhat fa l s e sense of s e c u r i t y regarding the r e l a t i v e safety of our water supplies" ( B e l l , 1975, p. 2). White and Seviour (1974) reviewed the e f f e c t s of r u r a l water supply and s a n i t a t i o n i n less-developed countries. They documented a pronounced s h i f t i n perception of the l i n k between r u r a l water supplies and s a n i t a t i o n . There has been a pronounced s h i f t i n thinking about r u r a l water supplies and s a n i t a t i o n during the past 20 years, from a rather s i m p l i s t i c view which held that disease was a major constraint i n developing countries, and i f i t were lessened, increased economic development would i n e v i t a b l y follow. A more complicated view followed, which saw the s o c i a l system i n which the water system took shape as a very important factor i n any planning. A more recent s h i f t has been toward the view that the people being served are the ones who are most capable, with assistance, of choosing what l e v e l of improvement they can best use. Systems involving choices by the users themselves and an analysis of the r i s k s they are w i l l i n g to take, weighed against the benefits they f e e l they w i l l receive are more l i k e l y to bring them l a s t i n g b enefits. (White and Seviour, 1974, p. 6) - 108 -The studies referred to above attest to the complex r e l a t i o n s h i p between health on the one hand and water and s a n i t a t i o n services on the other. S c i e n t i f i c cause/effect relationships are e l u s i v e . Bradley's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n 2 of water-related diseases into categories which relate i n f e c t i o u s diseases d i r e c t l y to water supplies i s an important advance i n understanding the r e l a t i o n s h i p . Table 4.6 l i s t s the water related transmission mechanisms and l i n k s them to appropriate preventative s t r a t e g i e s . This c l a s s i f i c a t i o n has the f a e c a l - o r a l diseases assigned to both water-borne and water-washed categories. Feachem, et a l . (1978) proposed the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n Table 4.7 i n which water-related diseases can be assigned to only one category. These state-of-the-art c l a s s i f i c a t i o n systems indi c a t e the re l a t i o n s h i p s however they have not yet been s p e c i f i c a l l y adapted to the diseases and conditions i n the N.W.T. Empirical studies, epidemiological analyses and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n 2There are many d i f f e r e n t i n f e c t i v e diseases that may be affected by changes i n water and s a n i t a t i o n services. Diseases are usually c l a s s i f i e d by the microbe causing them: v i r a l , b a c t e r i a l , protozoal and heminthic diseases. This c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s not very h e l p f u l i n evaluating improvements i n water and s a n i t a t i o n and non-medical oriented c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are desi r a b l e . Bradley's o r i g i n a l 1971 c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of four mechanisms for water-related disease transmission have been modified over time to a r r i v e at Table 4.5 (Bradley, 1977). The structure of t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s discussed i n d e t a i l i n Bradley (1974) and White, Bradley and White (1972) as well as i n a number of other reviews of health aspects of water supplies and s a n i t a t i o n . Other c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s have been proposed with d i f f e r e n t objectives or conditions i n mind. Feachem, et a l . (1981) provide a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n that i s most relevent to the e f f e c t s of excreta disposal and i t i s he l p f u l i n considering the impact of changing excreta disposal f a c i l i t i e s and technologies. - 109 -TABLE 4.6 CLASSIFICATION OF INFECTIVE DISEASES IN RELATION TO WATER SUPPLIES (Bradley, 1977) Category Examples Relevant Water Improvements I Water-borne inf e c t i o n s (a) C l a s s i c a l (b) Non-classical II Water-washed inf e c t i o n s (a) Skin and eyes (b) Diarrhoeal diseases III Water-based inf e c t i o n s (a) Penetrating skin (b) Ingested IV Infections with water-related insect vectors (a) B i t i n g near water (b) Breeding near water V Infections primarily of defective s a n i t a t i o n Typhoid, Cholera In f e c t i v e h e p a t i t i s Scabies, trachoma B a c i l l a r y dysentery Schistosomiasis Guinea worm Sleeping sickness Yellow fever Hookworm Mi c r o b i o l o g i c a l s t e r i l i t y M i c r o b i o l o g i c a l improvement Greater volume available Greater volume available Protection of user Protection of source Water piped from source Water piped to s i t e of user Sanitary faecal disposal TABLE 4.7 CLASSIFICATION OF WATER-RELATED DISEASES (Feachem, 1977) Category Example 1. Faecal-oral (water-borne or water-washed (a) low i n f e c t i v e dose (b) high i n f e c t i v e dose Cholera B a c i l l a r y dysentery 2. Water-washed (a) skin and eye in f e c t i o n s (b) other Trachoma, scabies Louse-borne fever 3. Water-based (a) penetrating skin (b) ingested Schistosomiasis Guinea worm 4. Water-related insect vectors (a) b i t i n g near water (b) breeding i n water Sleeping sickness Malaria - 110 -systems indicate the numerous transmission routes of excreted diseases. These diseases can be affected by the following: 1. q u a l i t y of water provided 2. quantity of water a v a i l a b l e 3. a v a i l a b i l i t y , convenience and r e l i a b i l i t y of water supply 4. c o l l e c t i o n , treatment and disposal practices for excreta, washwater and s o l i d waste 5. vector control Individual users and the s o c i a l context are equally important. Factors which Influence the use of a water and s a n i t a t i o n system include: 1. acceptance of water q u a l i t y 2. water use practices for personal hygiene 3. perceptions of the causes of i l l n e s s and the benefits of water and s a n i t a t i o n 4. confidence in the service and system. Concomittant community programs that must be integrated into an e f f e c t i v e public health improvement program include: 1. n u t r i t i o n 2. housing and household plumbing 3. public health education 4. medical services. The f u l l p o tential health benefits of improved water and s a n i t a t i o n services w i l l not be r e a l i z e d unless a l l these facets of the u t i l i t y system, the user and the community are considered. The provision of - I l l -water and s a n i t a t i o n services and systems are necessary but not s u f f i c i e n t conditions for public health improvement. The complex epidemiological r e l a t i o n s h i p between health and water and sanitation i s made even more complex when placed i n a c u l t u r a l and environmental context. The e f f o r t s of medical anthropologists are useful in analysing the broader system (e.g., McElroy and Townsend, 1979). Figure 4.2 outlines an e c o l o g i c a l model of health r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n which the p h y s i c a l , b i o l o g i c a l , and c u l t u r a l components of the environment impinge on a human population. Armelagos, et a l . (1978) outlined an e c o l o g i c a l perspective of disease which suggests that the FIGURE 4.2 ECOLOGICAL MODEL OF HEALTH RELATIONSHIPS (McElroy and Townsend, 1979) i i - 112 -host, the pathogen and the environment are equally important i n the epidemiology of any population (May, 1960). Disease i s defined as a phase i n the response to an " i n s u l t " i n which the a b i l i t y to cope i s lowered. An i n s u l t may be a p h y s i c a l , chemical, i n f e c t i o u s , psychological, or s o c i a l s t i m u l i which adversely a f f e c t s the i n d i v i d u a l ' s or the population's adjustment to the environment. Conversely, health represents the continuing a b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l to r a l l y from i n s u l t s . The e c o l o g i c a l perspective of health recognizes a wider v a r i e t y of s t i m u l i than i s possible i n the Western model of disease which has "the doctrine of s p e c i f i c etiology "(Dubos, 1959) as i t s basic tenet and the 'germ theory' as the foundation of medical and public health p r a c t i c e . Control and prevention are not l i m i t e d to technological means i n an e c o l o g i c a l perspective. So c i a l and i d e o l o g i c a l responses to disease are also considered. Perception of disease i n an e c o l o g i c a l model i s a r e f l e c t i o n of s o c i a l and h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s . In a world sample of 139 s o c i e t i e s , i n f e c t i o n or germ theory of i l l n e s s was dominant i n only one society, the western i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y (Murdock, 1980). The way i n which a group defines disease can shape the response. An e c o l o g i c a l perspective of disease i s r e f l e c t e d i n the remarks of John Coombs, Chief Medical Consultant of the National Indian Brotherhood Health Program. The so c a l l e d 'germ theory' of disease i s b a s i c a l l y a medical HALF TRUTH that has for decades conveniently allowed p o l i t i c i a n s and physicians to side step more cont r o v e r s i a l issues i n health and disease. As long - 113 -as the 'enemy' i s a mere germ one can wage war against disease using vaccines and drugs as to o l s , and never r e a l l y have to change the p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic i n j u s t i c e s that i n fact are the underlying cause of disease. . . . In other words, disease i s ultimately caused, not by germs, but by the way i n which we l i v e , and our environment. . . . Behind the obvious signs of human disease l i e many more fundamental issues not t r a d i t i o n a l l y considered part of 'health care': p o l i t i c a l self-determination, d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth and natural resources, food production, q u a l i t y of education. A l l of these d i r e c t l y a f f e c t health. . . . Problems as broad as health cannot be compartmentalized into neat l i t t l e packages with pat so l u t i o n s . However, only by keeping these broader and more fundamental issues i n mind w i l l people achieve a more equitable form of health care for Indian communities. (Coombs, 1979) 4.3.1.2 Public health effects of water and sanitation services in the Northwest Territories. A s t a t i s t i c a l study was recently conducted on the e f f e c t s of water and san i t a t i o n services on public health i n the N.W.T. (Heinke, 1984; Michael, 1984). The study had three components: a study of N.W.T. health data, a f i e l d study of households i n three communities (Fort McPherson, Tuktoyaktuk and Fort Good Hope), and a detail e d patient study i n Rae. The most s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t s were related to the type of system and to water consumption. A comparison of groups of communities with d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of water d i s t r i b u t i o n and sewage c o l l e c t i o n services showed that the attack rates of water-related diseases varied according to the following: - Both piped water and sewer systems and trucked water and pump-out sewer systems are better than a trucked water and honey bag system. This i s es p e c i a l l y noticeable i n communities where surface drainage and s o l i d waste management i s inadequate. - 114 -- L i t t l e difference i n attack rates could be determined between communities with piped services and those with trucked services. This does not say that there are no public health benefits to a piped water and sewer d i s t r i b u t i o n system but rather that at this stage of development of northern communities, other factors are more s i g n i f i c a n t . - The e f f e c t s of adequate surface drainage and s o l i d waste management show marginal benefits i n public health. (Heinke, 1984, p. 5) The analysis of watet consumption i n truck serviced houses appears to indicate that the quantity of water consumed i s a s i g n i f i c a n t factor i n the control of disease (Figure 4.3). That i s , the incidences of c e r t a i n diseases i s lower within households with a higher water consumption. However, water consumption i s influenced by or i s an ind i c a t o r of plumbing, s a n i t a t i o n system, water tank s i z e , household s i z e , personal water use habits and personal hygiene. These factors are i n t e r r e l a t e d therefore improving selected factors may not produce a substantial increase i n either water consumption or public health. Some fac t o r s , such as household s i z e , are not e a s i l y changed therefore household plumbing appears to be the key malleable f a c t o r . Houses which have a t o i l e t , pressure water system, and sewage pumpout tank were shown to have a lower occurrence rate of disease than houses with a honeybag system. The researchers contend th e i r r e s u l t s lend support to the N.W.T. Water and Sanitation P o l i c y for a minimum d e l i v e r y capacity of 50 to 60 l i t r e s per person per day. However, the aggregate s t a t i s t i c s i n Figure 4.3 do not provide an adequate s c i e n t i f i c basis for e s t a b l i s h i n g a minimum l e v e l of water consumption p o l i c y . Instead, the data suggest that improvements i n public health should not be expected when water consumption i s over 60 l i t r e s per person per day. - 115 -FIGURE 4.3 EFFECT OF WATER CONSUMPTION ON DISEASE ATTACK RATE (from Heinke, 1984) Water consumption per se i s not the d i r e c t means by which public health i s aff e c t e d . The c r i t i c a l factor i s how water i s used, not how much water i s used. Replacing a honeybag t o i l e t with a conventional f l u s h tank-type t o i l e t w i l l s i g n i f i c a n t l y increase water consumption and probably improve public health; however, there are t o i l e t s a v a ilable that use very l i t t l e or no water that would be just as e f f e c t i v e i n - 116 -improving public health conditions. Water use was the basis of the 1974 Water and Sanitation assistance p o l i c y . McGarry, et a l . , (1980) question the e f f i c a c y of e s t a b l i s h i n g water consumption as a basis for public health improvement programs. Apart from e s t a b l i s h i n g absolute minimum l e v e l s for basic needs (2-3 gallons/person-day), defining minimums for health i s not only i r r e l e v a n t — i t may also be misleading and counterproductive. Health l e v e l s r e l a t e not only to the amount of water consumed but also the way i n which water i s used. Water use practices are culture s p e c i f i c . An Indian community i s far more e f f i c i e n t i n using a gallon of water for hygiene purposes than i t s counterpart i n the South. The amount of water and hygienic practice required to reduce i n f e c t i o n l e v e l s also depend on the disease. The assumption that health w i l l be improved by simply providing a set of minimum quantity of water i s , therefore, misleading. (McGarry, et a l . , 1980, p. 124) The water consumption r e s u l t s in the community study were not confirmed i n the d e t a i l e d patient study i n Rae. There was no obvious c o r r e l a t i o n found between disease attack rate and water consumption. Heinke speculated on the reasons for this unexpected r e s u l t but concluded: This d e t a i l e d study of Fort Rae i l l u s t r a t e s the problems encountered i n assuming that public health i s a simple matter of providing piped water and sewer s e r v i c e s . It i s i n t u i t i v e l y obvious that s u f f i c i e n t quantities of reasonable q u a l i t y water must be a v a i l a b l e for consumption and personal hygiene i f a standard of public.health i s to be achieved. However, as the study at Rae has shown, there must be concomittant improvements i n other areas i n order to r e a l i z e the p o t e n t i a l health benefits of an improved water and s a n i t a t i o n system. (Heinke, 1984, p. 43) - 117 -This study demonstrated the d i f f i c u l t y i n establishing functional knowledge about the r e l a t i o n s h i p between public health and water and s a n i t a t i o n services. The lack of conclusive r e s u l t s indicates the d i f f i c u l t y , and perhaps the f u t i l i t y , i n attempting to e s t a b l i s h i n g s c i e n t i f i c cause-effect r e l a t i o n s h i p . It i s nevertheless worth in v e s t i g a t i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between health and water and s a n i t a t i o n services since "the process of try i n g w i l l i n e v i t a b l y lead to new in s i g h t and i n t u i t i v e understanding." (Cairncross, et a l . , 1980, p. 77). For example, emperical studies of diarrhoeal diseases, e.g., b a c i l l a r y dysentery ( s h i g e l l o s i s ) , indicate the main transmission appears to be person-to-person even though these diseases are p o t e n t i a l l y spread through polluted water. Therefore the appropriate strategy to reduce di a r r h o e l diseases i s to improve the a v a i l a b i l i t y of water and the quantity of water for personal domestic hygiene. The t y p i c a l Western focus on water q u a l i t y would be misdirected. The study was r e s t r i c t e d to the physical factors that might a f f e c t public health and the r e s u l t s were not conclusive. In general these preliminary findings bear out the i n t u i t i v e understanding that improvements i n public services lead to improvements i n public health. However, i t also shows that such improvements are not s u f f i c i e n t by themselves. The proper operation and e s p e c i a l l y the u t i l i z a t i o n of these services i n a systematic manner i s more important than the mere existance of water and sewer pipes. (Heinke, 1984, p. 5) A broader perspective of health and health r e l a t i o n s h i p appears - 118 -necessary. Future research e f f o r t s should e x p l i c i t l y consider the objectives, perceptions, water use habits, and personal hygiene of the residents. The researchers indicate that i n s u f f i c i e n t data impeded drawing conclusive r e s u l t s . However the res u l t s of s i m i l a r attempts to correlate health with municipal services indicate that the problem may not be i n s u f f i c i e n t data or inappropriate methodology. The basic d i f f i c u l t y in this kind of research l i e s i n the epistomological and onto l o g i c a l isssues of how we know and what we can know. The answers we find are r e s t r i c t e d by the questions we ask. 4.3.1.3 Health in the Northwest Territories. Most observers agree that i n h i s t o r i c a l times the abori g i n a l people of the North were healthy. The greatest dangers to i n d i v i d u a l s and public welfare were natural events and accidents. L i f e was precarious but not unhealthy. There i s no evidence of great epidemics before the a r r i v a l of Euro-Americans (Reinhard, 1976). Native people had no immunity to communicable diseases introduced by Euro-Amerleans. After contact, epidemics of smallpox, measles, inf l u e n z a , gonorrhoea, and s y p h i l i s decimated the Native population. M o r t a l i t y from these epidemics decreased as the population acquired immunity to these diseases and as medicines were introduced, however communicable diseases such as tuberculosis were exacerbated by urbanization. - 119 -During the 50's and 60's the main causes of death among the Native people were disease processes such as pneumonia, g a s t r o e n t e r i t i s and diseases of infancy. Since 1967 the leading catagory of mortality has been 1 Injuries-Poisoning-Violence 1 which includes accidents, s u i c i d e , murder, f i r e and drownings (B r e t t , 1971). Figure 4.4 indicates that 35% of Native people but only 5% of a l l Canadians die from ' I n j u r i e s -Poisoning-Violence.' Current health issues in the N.W.T. are related to d i s a b i l i t y rather than death, to q u a l i t y of l i f e rather than extension of l i f e , and to psycho-social problems and accidents rather than disease. fnjurtj and Poisoning FIGURE 4.4 MAJOR CASES OF DEATH (PERCENT DISTRIBUTION 1979) (from: Martin, 1982) - 120 -10 9 8 7 6 S INFANT MORTALITY RATE (per 1000 persons) -Ygar_ N.W.T. Canada •1931 :1941 :1951 •1961 J971 • 1981 114 209 108 111 49 22 86 61 39 27 18 10 INFANT MORTALITY RATE 3 yr. moving averages (In the three year moving average each point on the graph represents the average of the previous three years. Its effect is to widen the population data base (three-fold) and to reduce wild swings which characterise rates derived from small numbers. It enables one to identify more clearly long term trends.) I I I I I I I I I _ J I I I 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 FIGURE 4.5 INFANT MORTALITY RATE (adapted from: Health and Welfare Canada, 1981) - 121 -1 9 7 4 1 9 7 3 1 9 7 6 1 9 7 7 1 9 7 8 Year In Canada and the Northwest Territories c o *3 a 3 a o a. o o a o" o « a o a: Q 1 9 7 4 1 9 7 5 1 9 7 7 1 9 7 S FIGURE 4.6 RATES OF SELECTED COMMUNICABLE DISEASES (from: Heinke, 1984) - 122 -Although the morbidity and mortality rates in the N.W.T. have shown a downward trend, the rates are s t i l l higher than those"in southern Canada. It is the Inuit and Dene not the White residents who have had higher rates of infant mortality and most other diseases (Brett, et al., 1976) (Figure 4.5). Figure 4.6 indicates the relatively high incidence of water related diseases and communicable diseases in the N.W.T. as compared to Canada. The contemporary medical situation was summarized in the preface to the Proceedings of the Circumpolar Health symposium held in Yellowknife in 1976: Much remains to be discovered about the medical problems of arctic l i f e . Morbidity and mortality remain far higher than in the south. Problems of a rugged physical environment are compounded by makeshift housing and sanitation, ignorance of the principles of hygiene, sometimes poor nutrition, and often the stress of rapid cultural change. Diseases such as tuberculosis and rheumatic fever, long controlled in the south, are s t i l l a problem in many parts of the north. Otitis media is widespread. Epidemics of hepatitis, brucellosis, botulism, and encephalitis and a high incidence of intestinal parasitic infections testify to the problems of hygiene. Nor is "civilization" an unmixed blessing for the indigenous peoples. The psychologist's indices of acculturative stress have their parallel in an alarming toll of alcoholism, suicides, and venereal diseases. Dental health is steadily deteriorating as store food replaces the traditional diet. Mercury and other pollutants of our industrial .society force us to caution the native against eating his normal foods. The rifle and the snowmobile deplete game reserves and leave the hunter with a permanent defect of hearing. (Shephard and Itoh, 1976, p. xv) In 1981 a workshop on environmental health problems in the North - 123 -sponsored by the World Health Organization concluded that preventative health measures, which included public health education, are required to reduce the incidents of environmentally related diseases. Environmentally related diseases i n the A r c t i c and Subarctic, such as tuberculosis, h e p a t i t i s , b a c i l l a r y dysentry, y e r s i n i o s i s , impetigo and a l l e r g i e s , generally show a downward trend with certain exceptions. However, the levels of medication are usually higher than i n more southerly l o c a t i o n s . A n t i b i o t i c s and immunization have helped to promote the downward trend i n diseases, but the primary reduction has been due to improved sa n i t a t i o n f a c i l i t e s and housing. Future reductions i n the diseases w i l l be due primarily to a d d i t i o n a l preventive health measures, with emphasis on health education. Among indigenous peoples there i s a general lack of knowledge of the causes of communicable disease transmission. This often contributes to the epidemic proportions i n which diseases spread. Community awareness of methods of preventing the spread of communicable diseases must be promoted. (Word Health Organization, 1982, p. 4) The workshop further noted that: It i s d i f f i c u l t to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the health improvement e f f e c t s of s a n i t a t i o n , health education, innoculation, improved housing, e t c . This type of information would be valuable when i t comes to deciding where best to spend the l i m i t e d funds a v a i l a b l e for preventive health measures. (World Health Organization, 1982, p. 4) Such knowledge would be useful but extensive studies which examined the r e l a t i o n s h i p of health to water and sanitation indicated that a cause/effect and quantitative r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not forthcoming i n part because of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s of these f a c t o r s . However, an examination of the incidents of various diseases does provide some insight s into appropriate disease prevention s t r a t e g i e s . - 124 -A review of infe c t i o u s diseases by Dr. Eaton of the Northern Medical Research Unit, National Health and Welfare concluded: Outbreaks of inf e c t i o u s diseases i n the N.W.T. are seldom, i f ever, caused by contaminated water supplies. The p r i n c i p a l transmission route i s by person-to-person contact. The poor public health record i n the N.W.T. i s caused by poor l i v i n g conditions, lack of personal hygiene and lack of water to make personal hygiene possible. (James F. MacLaren Ltd., 1980, p. 54) The "lack of water" i n Native homes i s because of a lack of plumbing, not because of d e f i c i e n t community water supply systems. Even when the quantity of water delivered to the house i s not l i m i t e d , water use i s very low i n houses that do not have plumbing, appliances or running water. Appropriate strategies to improve health are i d e n t i f i e d i n Dr. Martin's analysis of the incidence of b a c i l l a r y dysentery and infe c t i o u s h e p a t i t i s : With the marked improvement i n san i t a t i o n i n many of the communities across the T e r r i t o r i e s , one would expect the incidence of b a c i l l a r y dysentery to have improved remarkably. This i s , however, not the case. The large number of cases reported i n 1975 occurred i n a series of epidemics of greater or lesser severity i n many of the smaller settlements with inadequate water supplies. The pattern of each epidemic was studied and in no case could spread of the disease be ascribed to contamination of the water supply. The problem seemed rather to be a low a v a i l a b i l i t y of water with consequent low water usage for purposes of personal hygiene, with the resultant spread of f e c a l contaminants on a person-to-person, "hand-to-hand" basi s . Undoubtedly, improved housing and plumbing services would contribute greatly to an improvment i n this s i t u a t i o n . . . - 125 -Poor personal hygiene has been referred to as a contributing cause to these outbreaks [of h e p a t i t i s ] . Also, i n some communities native people continue to use water from polluted water sources i n spite of repeated warnings against this habit. The explanation often given, p a r t i c u l a r l y by e l d e r l y people, i s that they do not l i k e the taste of chlorinated water which i n t e r f e r e s very much with the flavor of tea. Also, a lack of knowledge of the causes of communicable disease transmission contributes to the spread of such diseases, and hopefully with a concerted attempt to improve health education i n the communities, community awareness w i l l improve. (Martin, 1982, pp. 206, 209) Dr. Martin's analysis suggests that the key factor i s in-house plumbing which makes water conveniently a v a i l a b l e , not the community u t i l i t y system per se. Dr. Martin suggests that improvements i n health w i l l depend on the user's actions and perception of health and disease. O'Neil's (1981) anthropological study of t r a d i t i o n a l Inuit l i f e provides insights into t h e i r b e l i e f s and practices related to i l l n e s s . H i s t o r i c a l l y i l l n e s s among the Inuit was primarily a psycho-social rather than a physical or b i o l o g i c a l occurance. They believed physical and mental disorders were ultimately caused by personal behavioural deviations from the accepted s o c i a l e t i q u e t t e . Following Euro-American contact, the b e l i e f emerged that some diseases were caused by White people. In recent years a t h i r d component to Inuit disease theory has developed based on the d i r t and smell i n town. Garbage, waste and soot from furnaces etc. are viewed as the cause of the greater frequency of i l l n e s s i n town than i n camp. Informants stated that the reason the camp was healthier was i t s cleanliness as opposed to the d i r t , overcrowding, hot houses, and t r a v e l l i n g Whites associated with settlement l i f e . In summary, current Inuit disease theory a t t r i b u t e s the cause of i l l n e s s to s o c i a l transgressions, v i s i t i n g Whites and poor public health standards i n town. (O'Neil, 1981, p. 127) - 126 -O'Neil found that the importance of each component of disease theory varied with the i n d i v i d u a l . T r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s were less s i g n i f i c a n t to the younger I n u i t . The difference i n perceptions of i l l n e s s between the Native people and the medical a u t h o r i t i e s , planners, and engineers r e s u l t s i n misunderstanding and c o n f l i c t . In the community O'Neil studied, c o n f l i c t s arose because Council members placed lower p r i o r i t y than did l o c a l nurses on the water del i v e r y and waste c o l l e c t i o n systems. C o n f l i c t arose during planning to improve the community water supply. The community preferred the taste of the tea made from water from a more distant lake although the present water source was tested and declared adequate for drinking. A c c e p t a b i l i t y of water q u a l i t y i s a common issue i n Native communities. Avenues must be explored to resolve taste issues.3 Tester (1976) reported attitudes and perceptions of waste management of Inuit residents of Resolute, N.W.T. A high percentage of JSims (1982) reports a case study of Lake Harbour where the 'perceived' d i f f e r e n c e i n the q u a l i t y of water i n two lakes was resolved by a 'coke-pepsi challenge'. The res u l t s of the blind test indicated that the l o c a l Inuit residents preferred one lake water for drinking water but the other lake water for making tea. Tea taste i s very important to the Inuit people and they f e l t the res u l t s of the test supported t h e i r previously indicated preference. The test did not resolve the problem of j u s t i f y i n g the extra cost to obtain water from the further preferred lake but at least the taste preference was acknowledged. The s p l i t i n preference for drinking water and for tea also suggests a l t e r n a t i v e s to s a t i s f y taste and economic objectives. For example, l i m i t e d quantities of water from the further lake could be made ava i l a b l e at a cent r a l l o c a t i o n within the town whereas delivered water would be obtained from the closer lake. - 127 -the Inuit indicated that a clean community (78%) and a clean home (88%) were important to personal health. However, there was considerable confusion p a r t i c u l a r l y among the Inuit males, as to why a clean community and home were important. The nurse had told them cleanliness was important but many residents did not understand why. Without understanding why, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to see how technical improvements i n water and sanitation services can be e f f e c t i v e . Well-organized health care de l i v e r y systems, advanced technology, and thoughtful planning of northern communities w i l l not i n themselves solve the waste management and public health problems of i s o l a t e d settlements i n the Canadian A r c t i c . Well-designed systems only function e f f e c t i v e l y when they are understood by, and receive enthusiastic support from their users. Willingness of the i n d i v i d u a l to solve a p a r t i c u l a r problem depends upon his understanding of the problem. There i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the i n t e n s i t y of attitudes towards an environmental problem and willingness to act. A more complete understanding of the attitudes and perception that northern people have of waste management problems i s thus e s s e n t i a l . (Tester, 1976, p. 635) In order to i d e n t i f y e f f e c t i v e and e f f i c i e n t methods to f a c i l i t a t e good health, health must be viewed i n a s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l context. Reinhard (1976) observed that current health problems among Native people i n Alaska are now s i m i l a r to those prevalent among disadvantaged people i n densely populated temperate zones. Health problems among Native people remain more severe than among the non-Natives i n the same regions and communities. Health problems are not merely a host versus parasite issue: - 128 -Socio-economic disadvantagement seems a prime cause of the continuing problems; therefore, the attainment of good general health depends on the establishment of s o c i a l p arity and a sound economic base of support. (Reinhard, 1976, p. 627) Dr. Young, the Medical Director in the Sioux Lookout Zone of Health and Welfare Canada, expressed a s i m i l a r view i n his analysis of the analogy between the Canadian North and the Third World. He noted that unlike the less developed countries the major hurdles to health i n the Canadian North are not i n f e c t i o n s ; rather, they are the consequences of violence and s o c i a l d i s r u p t i o n . Dr. Young concluded that: More h o s p i t a l beds, more physician v i s i t s , 100% immunization, piped water and flush t o i l e t s i n every home w i l l contribute only minimally towards reduction of present mortality and morbidity. While i t i s e s s e n t i a l to maintain the l e v e l of personal health services and public health a c t i v i t i e s to prevent a reversion to a Third World-type epidemiology, the continuing pursuit of p a r i t y i n health services with southern Canada needs to be re-examined. Further reduction i n mortality and morbidity among Native groups i n the North w i l l come only from concurrent socioeconomic and p o l i t i c a l development, a task which involves not only health professionals but also Native communities and other s o c i a l agencies. (Young, 1982, p. 9) The idea that professional s o c i a l services per se can solve s o c i a l problems misconstrues the r e a l nature and cause of the s o c i a l problems. The high rates of s o c i a l and personal breakdown i n the North are, i n good measure, the response of i n d i v i d u a l s and families who have suffered the loss of meaning i n t h e i r l i v e s and control over t h e i r destiny. . . . These problems are beyond the competence of s o c i a l workers, p r i e s t s and p s y c h i a t r i s t s . They can not be counselled away. (Berger, 1977, p. 194) - 129 -Si m i l a r l y , the provision of water and sani t a t i o n services without regard for the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l causes of poor health does not address the ind i v i d u a l ' s and the community's a b i l i t y to r a l l y from i n s u l t and w i l l be inadequate. James Wah-Shee, past-president of the N.W.T. Indian Brotherhood pointed out the li m i t e d and d e b i l i t a t i n g consequences of development based s o l e l y on improved material standards. He stated that the degree of decision making the Native people are engaged i n , not the physical b e n e f i t s , i s the true c r i t e r i o n of development. Any action which does not increase the people's say i n determining th e i r own a f f a i r s or running t h e i r own l i v e s i s not development and retards them, even i f the action brings them a l i t t l e better health and a l i t t l e more bread. Indians i n the N.W.T. and possibly many other Canadians on the economic fr i n g e , have been subject to a development philosophy which may have raised t h e i r material standards i n some respects, but which, above a l l , has taken t h e i r independence i n return. (Quoted i n : Schuurman, 1977, p. 76). 4.3.2 Environmental protection The Production of waste and p o l l u t i o n of the environment are the ine v i t a b l e consequences of consumption and urbanization. The impacts of community residual discharges into the environment can be reduced but neither the residuals nor the impact can be eliminated. The objectives of managing community wastewater discharges are related to the health, economic and aesthetic benefits to man and to a lesser extent to the protection of the environment. The major problems i n managing community i i - 130 -wastewater discharges i n the N.W.T. are related to knowledge of impacts and to decision making. The northern ecosystems i s characterized by low b i o l o g i c a l a c t i v i t y and low species d i v e r s i t y . Environmental conditions include low temperature, low nutrient l e v e l s , short growing season, and a large season v a r i a t i o n i n energy input. Water bodies i n the N.W.T. have low nutrient l e v e l s , low temperature, low dissolved oxygen l e v e l s during the ice-covered period, and large seasonal v a r i a t i o n i n water q u a l i t y and quantity. Indigenous f i s h and other aquatic organisms are adapted to these conditions; however, the tolerance l e v e l s to either natural or man-induced stress are not well understood or defined. The few studies of the a s s i m i l a t i v e capacity of northern waters indicate that each receiving water and each wastewater discharge has unique c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which prevents the extrapolation of findings (Gordon, 1970; Schallock, et a l . , 1970; B o u t h i l l i e r and Simpson, 1972). E s t a b l i s h i n g s c i e n t i f i c a l l y supported water q u a l i t y objectives for the N.W.T. i s d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible (Working Group on Water Quality Objectives, 1977). The a s s i m i l a t i v e capacity of the waters and land i n the N.W.T. are lower, perhaps much lower, than in temperate regions. However, the common water p o l l u t i o n problems of developed urban areas i n the South are not evident i n the N.W.T. because of the low leve l s of a g r i c u l t u r a l and i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s and the wide d i s t r i b u t i o n of populations. A background study on municipal wastewater discharges i n the N.W.T. concluded: - 131 -Examination of the nature and size of communities and their r e l a t i o n s h i p to receiving waters i n the N.W.T. provided l i t t l e evidence to support that the N.W.T. i s experiencing the same sort of problems as southern Canada where municipal wastes have been one of the major contributors to p o l l u t i o n of receiving waters. (James F. MacLaren Ltd., 1980, p. 15) Si g n i f i c a n t environmental impacts are li m i t e d to wastewater discharges to small r i v e r s and lakes and to l o c a l e f f e c t s within the mixing zone. The timing, method and point of wastewater discharge are more environmentally important i n most locations than the l e v e l of wastewater treatment. Northern waters are most sens i t i v e to wastewater discharges during the ice-covered period when reoxygenation i s impeded and flows are low. Therefore, r e s t r i c t i n g sewage discharges during the winter i s often the most environmentally sound method of p o l l u t i o n c o n t r o l . Where p r a c t i c a l , wastewater should be discharged into swamplands instead of d i r e c t l y into r i v e r s or lakes. There has been no 'use' made of domestic wastewater i n the N.W.T. The pot e n t i a l health hazard i s the primary concern regarding domestic wastewater discharges. Indicator and pathogenic organisms have a r e l a t i v e l y long s u r v i v a l time i n cold waters (Davenport, et a l . , 1976; Dahling and Safferman, 1979). Fear of disease has prompted c a l l s for high l e v e l s of wastewater treatment. However, the protection of casual users of surface waters can not be assured through wastewater treatment alone. Treatment can reduce the r i s k , i t can not eliminate the r i s k . Runoff and animals can pollute waters with pathogens harmful to man. Public health r i s k s from community water supplies are usually due - 132 -to s e l f - p o l l u t i o n . Interaction of wastewaters between communities i n the N.W.T. i s possible only along the Mackenzie River; however, even there raw sewage discharges from the e x i s t i n g communities would probably not render the b a c t e r i o l o g i c a l q u a l i t y of the r i v e r unacceptable for public water supply of any downstream community (Associated Engineering Services Ltd., 1978). Aesthetic and psychological concerns to maintain 'the p r i s t i n e northern environment are underlying objectives of demands for high l e v e l s of sewage treatment i n the N.W.T. The N.W.T Water Board regulates the use of water and the discharge of wastewater. The Water Board acts under the authority of the Northern Inland Waters Act and Regulation and the administration of the Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s (Indian and Northern A f f a i r s , 1977). In 1981, the Water Board promulgated guidelines for municipal wastewater discharges which are modelled on the e f f l u e n t q u a l i t y standards approach used i n southern Canada (Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s Water Board, 1981). The natural regenerative process, the natural b i o t i c and a b i o t i c cycles, and the constraints of the northern receiving environments are not d i r e c t l y considered. Comprehensive and ec o l o g i c a l l y based wastewater management guidelines are neglected i n favour of administratively simply wastewater e f f l u e n t standards. The concern about p o t e n t i a l health hazards, the uncertainty of ec o l o g i c a l impacts, and the desire to maintain the aesthetic q u a l i t y of northern waters were used to promulgate environmental protection requirements. However the lack of knowledge of environmental impacts from municipal - 133 -wastewater discharges and the uncertainty of future developments accentuates the need for a responsive, r e v e r s i b l e strategy rather than a r i g i d conservative strategy. Furthermore, the narrow focus may divert funds to less appropriate methods of protecting the environment and -protecting public health. The approaches to community wastewater management by the G.N.W.T. and by the Water Board are in c o n f l i c t . The G.N.W.T. has a broad mandate which includes p o l i t i c a l and f i s c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s for both public health and community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . The pol i c y of the G.N.W.T. r e f l e c t s a u t i l i t a r i a n approach to wastewater discharges. The government of the N.W.T. undertakes to provide the minimum l e v e l of sewage treatment necessary to safeguard health and prevent any s i g n i f i c a n t damaging e f f e c t s on the environment. F u l l recognition i s made of the a s s i m i l a t i v e capacity of the receiving environment. (Christensen, 1982, p. 6) As a regulatory body, the Water Board's mandate i s r e s t r i c t e d to environmental protection. The Water Board's wastewater discharge requirements are based on a general policy of non-degradation of receiving waters and the elimination of raw domestic wastewater discharges. The c o n f l i c t i n g philosophies and p o l i c i e s were highlighted at the public water lic e n s e hearings i n November, 1982 for the hamlet of Norman Wells. In d i r e c t contravention to the Water Board regulations, the G.N.W.T., on behalf of the hamlet, argued for raw discharge of the community wastewater into the Mackenzie r i v e r . - 134 -Pr i o r to the public hearings, the G.N.W.T. had conducted an overview study of the pot e n t i a l e f f e c t s of municipal wastewater discharge from communities i n the Mackenzie River drainage area (Associated Engineering Services Ltd., 1978) and supported research by the U n i v e r s i t y of Alberta to model wastewater mixing and microorganism s u r v i v a l i n northern r i v e r s (Smith and Gerard, 1981; Putz, et a l . , 1982). The G.N.W.T. had recognized the public health hazard of the exi s t i n g shoreline discharge of raw sewage at Norman Wells. In 1979 they constructed a $1.2 m i l l i o n o u t f a l l into the midstream of the Mackenzie River a f t e r analysing various wastewater treatment and disposal options. The G.N.W.T. considered that the shoreline discharge posed an unacceptable r i s k , regardless of any treatment, and an o u t f a l l with continued raw discharge was the best use of limited resources. At the water license public hearings i n 1982 the G.N.W.T. argued that an o u t f a l l was the best option (Milburn, 1982). They presented the re s u l t s of f i e l d work, modelling studies, and economic and technical analyses to support the case that the l o c a t i o n of wastewater discharge was the most s i g n i f i c a n t factor i n protecting public health and the environment. Predictably, the Water Board rejected the G.N.W.T. proposal and i n s i s t e d that raw sewage must not be discharged. The members of the Water Board were not swayed by G.N.W.T.'s arguments or s c i e n t i f i c information. They did not dispute the G.N.W.T.'s findings; rather, they were opposed p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y to the idea of raw sewage discharge. The question of l e v e l of treatment i s not the important point i n - 1 3 5 -t h i s case. The basis for decision making i s more important than the decisio n . The G.N.W.T.'s approach was based on r a t i o n a l s c i e n t i f i c a n a l y s i s . The members of the Water Board based th e i r decision on values, perceptions and public concern. The information provided by the extensive environmental engineeering research sponsored by the G.N.W.T. was seen by the Water Board as necessary but not s u f f i c i e n t for decision making. The s c i e n t i f i c approach and information did not address the concerns of the decision makers. The objective p o s i t i v i s t approach of the G.N.W.T. neglected the p o l i t i c a l nature of environmental protection and the value basis of decision making. The Norman Wells case indicates the inappropriateness of the approach of both the G.N.W.T. and the Water Board to environmental p o l l u t i o n c o n t r o l . The environmental and demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the N.W.T. are not considered by the Water Board and the lack of knowledge about public health and ec o l o g i c a l impacts of residual discharges are not e x p l i c i t l y considered by the G.N.W.T. The G.N.W.T.'s po l i c y to make f u l l use of the a s s i m i l a t i v e capacity of the receiving environment assumes that through s c i e n t i f i c i n v e s t i g a t i o n the a s s i m i l i t a t i v e capacity can be known and that i t i s s t a t i c , without cumulative or sy n e r g i s t i c e f f e c t s . In contrast, the Water Board's approach to the lack of knowledge about catastrophic and i r r e v e r s i b l e e c o l o g i c a l consequences i s a 'conservative' p o l i c y based on absolutes. However, such an approach i s not appropriate i n the face of uncertainty and ignorance. - 136 -An appropriate p o l l u t i o n management strategy for the N.W.T. should be based on the recognition of: ignorance of the ecosystem, uncertainty of future development, and u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of the impacts of development; and u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of the impacts of development on the ecosystem. In pra c t i c e , such a strategy should emphasize: s i t e s p e c i f i c analysis rather than universal standards; management of t o t a l systems rather than structuring controls s o l e l y on treatment technology or effluent standards; and monitoring and feedback rather than s t a t i c regulations (Cameron, 1982). The process and c o n f l i c t s i n environmental p o l l u t i o n management r e f l e c t the p a t e r n a l i s t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between the federal and t e r r i t o r i a l and l o c a l governments. Don Gamble, a member of the Water Board appointed by the G.N.W.T. asked: Is i t not absurd, for example, that a federal agency, mandated by a Department to a Minister who i s three thousand miles from here, i s running around and talk i n g about a municipal sewage disposal system i n places l i k e Inuvik? (News/North, 1982, p. A5) 4.3.3 Socio-economic development Water and sani t a t i o n services are considered as an investment i n 's o c i a l overhead c a p i t a l ' which i s necessary for community and - 137 -i n d i v i d u a l socio-economic development (Hirschman, 1958). There would be poor health i n a community without basic water and sa n i t a t i o n services and there i s l i t t l e prospect of socio-economic development without good health. Sick or incapacitated people can not f u l l y contribute to or p a r t i c i p a t e i n family, community, education or employment a c t i v i t i e s . A d i r e c t l i n k between health and economic output may seem obvious but i t i s d i f f i c u l t to demonstrate e m p i r i c a l l y at the project or community l e v e l (Saunders and Warford, 1976). The presence of water and sa n i t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s alone are u n l i k e l y to a t t r a c t industry. Studies i n developing countries indicate that water and sa n i t a t i o n services "may be a necessary condition for s i g n i f i c a n t economic development but they are not s u f f i c i e n t — even as a c a t a l y s t — to achieve t h i s objective" (Saunders and Warford, 1976, p. 194). It i s commonly perceived that southern-style amenities, such as piped water and sewer services are necessary to a t t r a c t southern workers to the North (Lawrence, 1970). Residents, employers and industry i n urban growth centres and resource communities are able to sustain the high cost of such ser v i c e s . In contrast, small Native communities with a t r a d i t i o n a l or mixed economy can not afford southern-type services or a high l e v e l of service, nor are they necessa r i l y appropriate. Water and s a n i t a t i o n services should not be i n s t a l l e d on the assumption that - 138 -industrial development will follow and that such developments are desired by the community. Water and sanitation services should match the socio-economic development potential and obj ectives of the community. Water and sanitation services were among the first urban issues that N.W.T. communities had to deal with. The planning for utility services, the planning of utility systems, and the operation of community facilities can be a vehicle for developing individual and community experience in decision making. It also develops skills which would assist the community in dealing with community planning and development issues. In the past this potential has been impeded because of the low level of local participation in decision making. The direct economic benefits from water and sanitation services through employment and training are important considerations in the selection and design of systems. Although both trucked and piped systems provide opportunities for employment, there are significantly more local, permanent jobs associated with trucked services. Skilled technicians must be imported into the communities to operate piped systems. 4.3.4 Fire protection The annual fire death rates in the N.W.T. are approximately five times higher than in southern Canada (Heinke and Bowering, 1982). Fire protection is an important consideration in the selection and design of water systems. How much relative fire protection is provided by trucked - 139 -systems compared to piped water systems and whether piped systems should be designed for f u l l f i r e flow are important issues i n the evaluation and design of systems. Piped systems i n N.W.T. communities have been p a r t i a l l y j u s t i f i e d i n the past because of t h e i r presumed higher f i r e protection p o t e n t i a l and b e n e f i t s . But the concept of designing for f i r e flows and the need for piped services are questionable (Gamble, 1977). A study of f i r e protection and prevention i n the North analysed the incidence of f i r e s i n various communities and how to reduce f i r e deaths: In the small, t r a d i t i o n a l , native v i l l a g e s , the number of f i r e s reported each year per person i s quite small. In the larger northern towns with large transient populations and aless t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e - s t y l e , there are a large number of f i r e s per person. In the c i t i e s , however, numbers of f i r e s per person are only s l i g h t l y above average for s i m i l a r southern communities. (Heinke and Bowering, 1982, p. 230) F i r e death rates i n the northern regions do not seem to be related to the l e v e l of f i r e protection inputs as to environmental and s o c i a l condition f a c t o r s . The largest decrease r e s u l t s more through s o c i a l programs such as public education for f i r e prevention a c t i v i t i e s than anything e l s e . (Heinke and Bowering, 1982, p. 240) The study r e s u l t s indicate that f i r e protection objectives, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n small t r a d i t i o n a l Native communities, should not play a de c i s i v e role i n the s e l e c t i o n and design of water systems. Saving l i v e s and property from damages caused by f i r e s are the primary objectives of f i r e protection systems and these objectives can be accomplished best through prevention, early detection, and early f i r e suppression. - 140 -4.3.5 Convenience and aesthetics To evaluate government aid i n community water and s a n i t a t i o n services i t i s necessary to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the need for s u r v i v a l and health and the desire for convenience and aesthetics. Basic needs for s u r v i v a l are j u s t i f i e d on humanitarian grounds and le v e l s of service which f a c i l i t a t e good health are q u a l i t a t i v e l y accepted as reducing medical costs. However, users are usually expected to pay for higher l e v e l s of service which provide personal convenience and aesthetic values. D i s t i n c t i v e northern housing and u t i l i t i e s have not been developed because they have not been a c t i v e l y pursued. Engineers and planners have concentrated instead on modifying conventional southern practices and technology to maintain the l e v e l of convenience they are accustomed to. In contrast, A l t e r has emphasized using basic needs as the objective and c r i t e r i a for northern u t i l i t y systems: The harshest, perhaps the ultimate, measure of success for any communication system [water, sewer, e l e c t r i c i t y , etc.] i s the degree to which i t meets basic needs, i n contrast with f r i v o l o u s or passing need, on a continuing basis. ( A l t e r , 1977, p. 65) D i f f i c u l t i e s a r i s e i n d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between "basic need" and "passing or f r i v o l o u s need." Convenience and aesthetics are c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c and they are not s t a t i c . The issue of basic needs versus convenience and aesthetics arises i n questions of: how much water? what kind of t o i l e t ? and what kind of system? Piped water and sewer systems are designed primarily for - 141 -convenience and aesthetics. In the i n d u s t r i a l Western countries; the standard s o l u t i o n for the sanitary disposal of human excreta i s waterborne sewage. The f l u s h t o i l e t i s regarded as the ultimate ingredient to an adequate sol u t i o n to our waste disposal problems. L i t t l e thought i s given to the fact that this method i s designed not to maximize health benefits but to provide user convenience and environmental protection; two very important objectives i n developing countries but with l i m i t e d constituencies i n LDC's [less developed cou n t r i e s ] . (Kalbermatten and J u l i u s , 1979, p. 124) The extension of i n d u s t r i a l western based perceptions of need i s evident i n both the 1974 N.W.T. Water and Sanitation P o l i c y and the recommendations of the engineers and planners who were influencing decision making. The following quote from a prominent consulting engineer i s t y p i c a l : To i n s t i l l a q u a l i t y of drive and energy into a community, the problems of s u r v i v a l must be eliminated and the basic symbols of modern l i v i n g should be r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e . Piped water i n large q u a n t i t i e s , and the f l u s h t o i l e t sewer are the status symbols of the A r c t i c . These should be available to a l l l e v e l s of residents. (Lawrence, 1970, p. 7) Who perceives the flush t o i l e t as a necessary status symbol? Pressure for piped services and fl u s h t o i l e t s has come from White residents i n the communities and from southern engineers, planners, and t o u r i s t s , not from the Native people. It i s asserted that the Native people w i l l desire the same l e v e l of convenience, however i t i s not c e r t a i n that t h i s i s true. Nor i s i t c e r t a i n that a southern perspective of convenience and aesthetics i s desirable or appropriate i n northern - 142 -communites, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Native communities. However, once introduced, n i c e t i e s tend to become nece s s i t i e s and the prophecy becomes s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g . Within the i n d u s t r i a l Western countries there i s growing evidence and concern that there may be i n s u f f i c i e n t material and energy resources to support current l e v e l s of consumption, much less the higher le v e l s of consumption to which many aspire to (Ophuls, 1977). I n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s have confused affluence, waste and standard of l i v i n g with q u a l i t y of l i f e . In the search for a l t e r n a t i v e s some propose 'appropriate technology.' Others concentrate on p o l i t i c a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l responses while others see the basic problems and solutions within values, l i f e s t y l e and behaviour. The Native people have u n t i l recently l i v e d within the constraints of nature. Over consumption and waste were not a part of th e i r c u l t u r e . Today the i n d u s t r i a l Western culture and l i f e s t y l e has i n f i l t r a t e d the Native culture with commodities which promise a more s a t i s f y i n g , convenient and l e i s u r e l y l i f e . These commodities also bring dependance and values. A culture accustomed to doing thing with human energy i s bombarded with labour-saving and convenience oriented technology, but to what end (Campbell, 1980). The basis for es t a b l i s h i n g convenience and aesthetic objectives of water and s a n i t a t i o n services and systems should be e x p l i c i t so that they can be evaluated. Convenience and aesthetic objectives should consider the values, perceptions and l i f e s t y l e of the users rather than being dictated by southern urban p r a c t i c e : - 143 -4 . 3 . 6 Equity The s o c i a l objectives of providing an equitable q u a l i t y of l i f e for northern Canadians, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Native people, i s i m p l i c i t i n national objectives of northern development, regional objectives of the G.N.W.T., and the community development objectives of the Water and Sanitation P o l i c y . Equity objectives i n government assistance programs for water and san i t a t i o n services are d i f f i c u l t to d i s t i n g u i s h from p o l i t i c a l , health and economic objectives. Water and san i t a t i o n services are not usually an e x p l i c i t s o c i a l p o l i c y objectives with universal rights such as health, education and law. Rather, they are a means to achieving s o c i a l objectives under the broad term 'quality of l i f e . ' Equity as an objective i n water and san i t a t i o n services e l i c i t s d i f f e r e n t issues when considered within a single community, between communities i n the N.W.T., or between the N.W.T. and the rest of Canada. Common issues are the d e f i n i t i o n of equitable services and the c o n f l i c t between equity and dependence. The federal government programs i n i t i a t e d during the 1950's to provide education, medical and welfare services to the previously neglected northern people were established to provide them with the same services a v a i l a b l e i n the rest of Canada. Basic Canadian rights were extended to the North. Water and san i t a t i o n were concommittent services not e x p l i c i t l y recognized i n national public p o l i c y . An obvious d i s p a r i t y i n services between Natives and Whites and between communities developed. Concern about racism and inequity were powerful forces behind the 1974 Water and Sanitation P o l i c y . The 1974 Pol i c y - 144 -established a minimum l e v e l of service for each community and equalized u t i l i t y rates throughout the N.W.T. Provision of both piped and trucked services i n the same community was discouraged. The services provided to the Native people has improved considerably since then. Most have applauded this e f f o r t and achievement. However, Glover (1976) suggested that because the double standard was caused by the " l a v i s h " houses provided to government employees, the problem i s best solved by down-grading the s t a f f housing to sensible northern standards rather than by attempting to upgrade a l l accomodation and services to southern standards of comfort. Water, food, shelter and di g n i t y of work are considered to be normative or universal basic needs. In the Canadian North basic needs are defined r e l a t i v e to the Canadian conditions and q u a l i t y of l i f e . A proposed r e v i s i o n of the N.W.T. Water and Sanitation P o l i c y would e x p l i c i t l y "assure a l e v e l of water and sa n i t a t i o n services consistent with that enjoyed by Canadians i n other regions of the country and at reasonable cost" (Department of Local Government, 1981, p. 14). Equivalent l e v e l s of services seem to be equitable and desirable; ^Thls proposal i s s i m i l a r to the Indian and Northern A f f a i r s p o l i c y on i n f r a s t r u c t u r e on Indian Reserves which has a general aim of enabling "Indian communities to acquire i n f r a s t r u c t u r e equivalent to that enjoyed by s i m i l a r non-Indian communities i n the same geographic area" (Indian and Northern A f f a i r s , 1980, p. 1). Levels of service are not l i m i t e d by geography but this equity objective i s limited i n practice by a maximum grant per house. ^Levels of water and san i t a t i o n services and senior government aid for community systems In the N.W.T. are s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than i n some other regions i n Canada, e s p e c i a l l y Labrador (Hiscock, 1983) and northern Quebec (Government of Quebec, 1979). The p u b l i c i t y afforded the N.W.T. and the i n f l u x of White southerners have contributed to the c a l l for equitable services and the a b i l i t y to procure funds to provide equitable s e r v i c e s . - 145 -however, there i s a danger that equal services and s p e c i f i c technology are established as c r i t e r i a rather than the underlying objectives of health and equity. Types of services used i n southern Canada may not be appropriate and cost e f f e c t i v e i n the North. Needs vary with l i f e s t y l e and values as well as with geography. Furthermore, i f equity means that a southern l e v e l and type of service i s provided by senior government to the Native communities, the r e s u l t w i l l be dependence on-government. Loss of l o c a l control should not be the price of equity. Equity i n water and s a n i t a t i o n services should be l o c a l l y based, not based on the standards, l i f e s t y l e or values of other regions. Equity objectives i n providing water and s a n i t a t i o n services may be motivated by e g a l i t a r i a n i s m or g u i l t . In e i t h e r case the actions are often p a t e r n a l i s t i c . The residents themselves are i n the best p o s i t i o n to define t h e i r needs and decide what form of equity as they want. 4.4 Technical Considerations In this section the technical constraints i n the planning, design, construction and operation of water and s a n i t a t i o n systems i n the N.W.T. are examined. Constraints include l o c a l environmental and community physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as well as r a p i d l y changing technology and s o c i a l objectives. In response to technical constraints a v a r i e t y of tools and methodology have been developed and used for i n d i v i d u a l household systems and for community trucked and piped systems. In t h i s section the engineering approach, the engineer's conception - 146 -of problems, and the r e l a t i v e importance of technical constraints and c r i t e r i a are investigated. An examination of why systems f a i l suggests causes and remedies. 4.4.1 Constraints Many technical constraints i n developing water and sa n i t a t i o n systems i n the N.W.T. are unique to cold regions but are considered 'normal' i n northern engineering p r a c t i c e . Constraints include climate, permafrost, remoteness, demographics, community layout, materials, and experience. These factors are a l l i n t e r r e l a t e d but not a l l are s i g n i f i c a n t throughout the N.W.T. For example, communities are not equally i s o l a t e d and not a l l communities are underlain with permafrost. A long period of low temperature i s a common constraint. A l l aspects of water and sa n i t a t i o n systems must be a c t i v e l y designed to prevent freezing. Piped systems must be heated, insulated and continuously flowing; water tanks on trucks are insulated and heated; and even a water bucket can not be l e f t outside very long without fre e z i n g . Snow d r i f t i n g and severe storms can prevent trucked water de l i v e r y and waste c o l l e c t i o n for many days. In communities where reservoirs contain the annual community water supply, the unit cost of water i s high and the li m i t e d volume may impose constraints on water use, plumbing and the u t i l i t y system. Climatic conditions a f f e c t the comfort and e f f i c i e n c y of people constructing and operating u t i l i t y systems. Permafrost i s a unique technical constraint to developing u t i l i t i e s i - 147 -i n the North. In permafrost areas ground water and subsurface sewage disposal are either not p r a c t i c a l or not f e a s i b l e . Water and sewer pipes many have to be placed above ground to prevent thawing and subsidence of high i c e content, thermally s e n s i t i v e permafrost. Above ground u t i l i t i e s are undesirable because they i n t e r f e r e with drainage and pedestrian and vehicular t r a f f i c . They are subject to vandalism, weather and high heat loss and they can be an eyesore and impose constraints on building design. Recent advances i n materials and engineering f a c i l i t a t e underground pipes i n conditions not previously thought possible (James, 1979; Cameron, 1977). Buried u t i l i t i e s i n s t a l l e d at Barrow, Alaska i n high i c e content permafrost showed that such systems are t e c h n i c a l l y possible ( Z i r j a c k s and Hwang, 1983). However, at an estimated cost of $25,000 per metre, such systems are not economically p r a c t i c a l . Remoteness causes high transportation costs and l o g i s t i c s problems and contributes to the high cost of energy. Materials such as gravel and wood are not always r e a d i l y available l o c a l l y and must be imported. I s o l a t i o n accentuates the need for simple and r e l i a b l e technology and systems that can be operated and repaired with l o c a l resources and manpower. Small Native communities do not presently contain the s k i l l e d manpower or equipment necessary to construct or operate complex f a c i l i t i e s . Most settlements were established without foresight for current populations and water and s a n i t a t i o n requirements. The i n i t i a l l o c a t i o n and subsequent haphazard development presents problems today. - 148 -Redevelopment or relo c a t i o n may be prerequisites to p r a c t i c a l piped water and sewer services (Grainge and Shaw, 1971). Housing type and density have a s i g n i f i c a n t influence on the e f f i c i e n c y and cost of piped ser v i c e s . Household plumbing, e s p e c i a l l y the t o i l e t , d i c t a t e s the types of water and sewage services that are required or are appropriate. Although new public housing units b u i l t by the G.N.W.T. are equipped with plumbing and sewage pumpout tanks, many older houses i n Native communities do not have plumbing and require honeybag c o l l e c t i o n s e r v i c e . Communities and u t i l i t i e s i n the N.W.T. are developing and changing r a p i d l y . New materials, innovative designs, and applied research, as well as changing s o c i a l objectives and conditions, a l l re s u l t i n extensive experimenting. The objectives and problems are not s t a t i c ; the technical solutions are not standard or 'off the s h e l f . Most water and sa n i t a t i o n projects i n the N.W.T. have incorporated new technology or new concepts which have required extensive engineering. 4.4.2 Types of systems A v a r i e t y of water and sa n i t a t i o n systems have been used i n cold regions. These systems can be separated into i n d i v i d u a l , c e n t r a l f a c i l i t y , and community trucked or piped systems. In most communities more than one system i s u t i l i z e d . Individual household r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for water supply and wastewater disposal i s not p r a c t i c a l i n permafrost areas where wells, outhouses and septic f i e l d s can not be used. Community management of excreta i s - 149 -required i n a l l permanent settlements. On-site systems and i n t e r n a l plumbing for i s o l a t e d buildings or complexes i n cold regions are reviewed by Reed, et a l . (1984). They found that self-contained housing with reuse of wastewater i s a t t r a c t i v e but these systems tend to be complex and c o s t l y , e s p e c i a l l y i f wastewater renovation to drinking water qu a l i t y and 'zero' discharge are provided. Reuse of household washwater i s more expensive and complex' than water conservation a l t e r n a t i v e s (Cameron and Armstrong, 1980). Central f a c i l i t i e s provide a l o c a t i o n within a community for safe water, waste disposal, sauna, laundry, bathing, or a combination of these se r v i c e s . Many central f a c i l i t i e s have been i n s t a l l e d i n small Alaskan communities. The i n i t i a l demonstration projects incorporated complex treatment, reuse and i n c i n e r a t i o n disposal systems (Reid, 1977) but subsequent f a c i l i t i e s were either a simple water point or a laundry/shower f a c i l i t y . In the N.W.T., a few community laundry f a c i l i t i e s were i n s t a l l e d i n the 60's but they were not u t i l i z e d . It i s not c e r t a i n i f they were not used because the f a c i l i t i e s were often broken or i f there was l i t t l e demand. Central f a c i l i t i e s have been bypassed i n favour of government assisted houses with i n d i v i d u a l laundry and bathing f a c i l i t i e s and community water d e l i v e r y and sewage c o l l e c t i o n systems. In contrast, the U.S. Indian Health Service i n Alaska provides c a p i t a l for community water and s a n i t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s but the community must operate them without subsidies. The communities with low f i n a n c i a l resources pragmatically select central f a c i l i t i e s . Trucked services have usually been considered an interim and - 150 -second-class system. They have been neglected i n the planning and technical l i t e r a t u r e i n favour of piped systems. For example, i n the three conferences on u t i l i t i e s d e l i v e r y i n cold regions, held i n 1977, 1979, and 1982 i n Edmonton, Alberta, there have not been any papers devoted to trucked services. This neglect i s p a r t i a l l y because trucked systems have been associated with a low l e v e l of service and p o t e n t i a l contamination of water r e s u l t i n g from the use of slow tracked v e c h i c l e s , frequent handling of water, minimum water use i n houses without plumbing, and excreta c o l l e c t i o n s e r v i c e . Present trucked systems have s i g n i f i c a n t l y improved the e f f i c i e n c y and sanitary operation with 4,500 l i t r e or larger wheeled v e h i c l e s , automatic hose r e e l s , and vacuum sewage pumpout tanks. Vehicle and manpower requirements and the cost of trucked services can be calculated using 'time and motion' equations and the equipment and community c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n a computer model of the operation (Gamble and Janssen, 1974; Cameron, 1979). The most s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a b l e i n the economics of trucked operations i s the quantity of water use. Water use varies with household plumbing, type of t o i l e t , number of occupants, and water tank s i z e (Cameron, 1984). Table 4.8 indicates t y p i c a l wate use values i n housholds with various household and community water systems. Water use i n houses with f u l l conventional plumbing, including a conventional four gallon f l u s h tank type t o i l e t , and f i v e occupants Is t y p i c a l l y 90 l i t r e s per person per day", which i s approximately half the water use i n s i m i l a r pipe serviced houses (Cameron, 1984). However, with water conserving f i x t u r e s and appliances, including a low flow shower, front - 151 -TABLE 4.8 HOUSEHOLD WATER USE FOR VARIOUS COMMUNITY AND HOUSEHOLD WATER SYSTEMS Water System and Household Plumbing Water Use* ( l i t r e s per person per day) Average Range 1. Self-haul 10 5-15 2. Trucked System to Houses with: (a) No Plumbing-water b a r r e l , 10 5-15 honeybag t o i l e t (b) Limited Plumbing-Central 15 10-30 F a c i l i t y for laundry and bathing • (c) Limited Plumbing-pressure 35 10-50 water tank, t o i l e t , sewage tank (d) F u l l Water Conservation 50 40-80 Plumbing (e) F u l l Conventional Plumbing 90 80-150 3. Piped Systems (a) Conventional Gravity Sewer 200 100-400 (b) Bleeding (water wasting) 500 200-5000 (e) Vacuum or Pressure Sewer 100 50-150 with water conservation devices 4. Individual Well and Septic 150 80-250 F i e l d Estimated at 5 persons per household. - 152 -load laundry machine, and a non-flush tank type t o i l e t (e.g., a r e c i r c u l a t i n g or mechanical seal t o i l e t ) , water use could be reduced to 50 l i t r e s per person per day while maintaining the same f i x t u r e usage rate which i s t y p i c a l of North American households (Cameron and Armstrong, 1979). Household water use below 50 l i t r e s per person per day i s possible; however, convenience i s a f f e c t e d . At Galena, Alaska, where a community laundry and shower f a c i l i t i e s are available and houses are equiped with rec r e a t i o n a l vehicle type plumbing and t o i l e t , water use i s only 10-15 l i t r e s per person per day (Reed, et a l . , 1984). Household water and sewage tanks are protectd from freezing by enclosing them within the building and/or by i n s u l a t i n g them. Water and sewage tanks i n houses with f u l l plumbing and pressure water systems are t y p i c a l l y 1,150 to 2,700 l i t r e s and 1,350 to 5,500 l i t r e s i n capacity r e s p e c t i v e l y . Water tanks i n houses without plumbing are t y p i c a l l y 200 to 450 l i t r e s i n capacity. Trucked services can provide f l e x i b l e service to match customer and community requirements. However, trucked operations can be impaired by severe weather, poor access to buildings, poor roads, and mechanical breakdowns. Piped systems provide the same function and service as conventional southern systems however the design and operation must be modified to prevent f r e e z i n g . This i s done by replacing and reducing heat l o s s . Heat can be added at point sources or by continuous e l e c t r i c or pipe heat t r a c i n g . Heat loss can be reduced by i n s u l a t i n g pipes and by l o c a t i n g pipes below ground and i n favourable l o c a t i o n s . In addition, buried piped systems in ice r i c h permafrost must be designed to prevent - 153 -thawing and subsidence of the foundation. Geotherraal models have been used to analyse buried piped systems i n permafrost (Cameron, 1977; Kent and Hwang, 1980). A number of piping systems have been used i n cold regions to keep water i n pipes flowing i n order to d i s t r i b u t e heat and prevent fre e z i n g . Bleeding water from taps has been used but water and energy are wasted. The most common piped system i n use today i s a single-pipe r e c i r c u l a t i n g system. A l l the water l i n e s are looped without dead ends so water can be continuously r e c i r c u l a t e d from a cent r a l pumphouse where heat can be added i f necessary. Small diameter water mains have been u t i l i z e d i n Alaska and Greenland but systems i n the N.W.T. have usually used 150 millimeter diameter pipes to provide f u l l f i r e p r o t e c t i o n . Conventional g r a v i t y sewer systems with insulated pipes and manholes are usually used. Vacuum and pressure sewer systems have been used In Alaska where s o i l and topographic conditions favour them. In piped systems, the building service connections are the most vulnerable to feezing and require s p e c i a l consideration. 4.4.3 Design approaches and concepts Technical considerations have dominated the planning, design and operation of water and sa n i t a t i o n systems i n the N.W.T. However, technology and systems do not follow d e t e r m i n i s t i c a l l y from technical considerations. Designs and systems are produced within an approach and concept which incorporates the d e f i n i t i o n of the problem and the r e l a t i v e importance given to c r i t e r i a such as s i m p l i c i t y , r e l i a b i l i t y - 154 -and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . The approach to design depends on the presonality of the i n d i v i d u a l engineer and the engineering approach. Substandard water and s a n i t a t i o n systems and a high f a i l u r e rate prompted Gamble (1977) to wonder i f Monty Python was not the patron saint of northern municipal engineers. However, Christensen i s sympathetic towards the engineers caught i n a pioneer era. In the early years, . . . engineers had very l i t t l e experience with s e r v i c i n g communities i n the North. Given the harsh climate and unfamiliar s o i l conditions i n the north, the design of water/sewer systems was often reduced to a t r i a l and error procedure r e s u l t i n g i n d e f i c i e n t systems and a very short useful l i f e . . . This was a pioneering era i n water and s a n i t a t i o n systems. (Christensen, 1980, p. 16-17) Gamble (1977) i d e n t i f i e d the problem as a "lack of d i l i g e n t engineering" and c a l l e d for a more r i g i d a n a l y s i s . However, A l t e r (1972) contends that f a i l u r e s and problems can be traced d i r e c t l y to inadequate approach and concepts. He groups the tools and systems used i n northern u t i l i t i e s into three approaches: 'Bulldozer', 'Space-Age' and 'Sympathetic'. The Bulldozer approach Is characterized by an e x p l o i t i v e stance i s which the ends j u s t i f y the means and l o c a l needs and conditions are ignored. The Space-Age approach has succeeded i n maintaining conventional l i f e s t y l e s i n the most severe a r c t i c conditions using sophisticated technology maintained by extensive energy, finance and manpower resources. Expendiency, necessity and a sincere desire to make the North t r u l y hospitable have motivated frequent and extensive use of Space-Age concepts. The sympathetic approach with tools and systems compatible with northern s i t e s and needs has not been developed. - 155 -Most authors, i f not a l l , h i g hlight the problems caused by designing water and s a n i t a t i o n systems based on concepts and standards of conventional southern technology, systems and p r a c t i c e . People have generally 'evaded' rather than 'solved' a r c t i c water problems. In some cases we have simply enclosed our treatment systems and kept pipes warm so that we face only the f a m i l i a r problems of warmer climates. (Rice and A l t e r , 1974, By evading the problems, technical constraints can become exacerbated or self-imposed. Cold becomes a problem when fr o s t - s u s c e p t i b l e warm climate technology i s proposed. Water supply becomes a problem when l a v i s h southern water use practice i s encouraged. Remoteness becomes a problem when materials are imported. Obtaining s k i l l e d personnel becomes a problem when systems are complex. Finance becomes a problem when systems are expensive. The needs, objectives and r e a l i t i e s of the l o c a l conditions should be the basis of design rather than mechanistically adopting or adapting any system. The problem i s i n the d e f i n i t i o n of the problem. S i m p l i c i t y i s a common theme i n northern water and s a n i t a t i o n system design c r i t e r i a . KISS (Keep I t Simple Stupid) i s the creed of operators, but, design practice indicates a s i m p l i c i t y bounded by engineering and engineers. Attempts to make systems simple and r e l i a b l e which r e l y on more engineering and technology often r e s u l t s i n sophisticated, automated systems with concomitant higher v u l n e r a b i l i t y when f a i l u r e occurs. S i m p l i c i t y within a concept i s inherently l i m i t e d by the concept i t s e l f . The o v e r a l l approach and concept must be p. 17) - 156 -sc r u t i n i z e d for s i m p l i c i t y before the design can be e f f e c t i v e l y s i m p l i f i e d . For example, A l t e r asks: Each time a po t e n t i a l user has need for water, i s i t e s s e n t i a l that when a faucet i s opened, a complex extensive network be activated to produce service from a cen t r a l source? Is i t necessary that many miles of complex sewerage be put into service for a moment ju s t because a person at the far end of the system flushes a t o i l e t ? ( A l t e r , 1977, p. 64) Si m p l i c i t y i s i n part an attempt to achieve r e l i a b i l i t y . Other approaches to improving r e l i a b i l i t y include using conservative, design c r i t e r i a , i n s t a l l i n g backup systems, providing redundancy, and ensuring operator t r a i n i n g . But these approaches are i n s u f f i c i e n t . The more complex the service f a c i l i t y the more l i k e l i h o o d for malfunction. Only i n a l i m i t e d way have we reached a point where f a i l - s a f e operation and dependability may be better assured by use of more complex and sophisticated methodology. ( A l t e r , 1977, p. 62) Failures do not occur under 'normal\ operating conditions. "The thing that gets you i s the exception" (Sargent, 1977, p. 241). Seasoned northern engineers have learned, often from b i t t e r experience, that i t i s impossible to design f a i l - s a f e systems. The prudent engineer w i l l consider the consequence of f a i l u r e and adopt a s a f e - f a i l u r e approach to design. The approach to design and the f i n a l design are not a mechanistic a p p l i c a t i o n of the accumulated knowledge and experience of municipal engineers. They are a product of the engineer's personality, t r a i n i n g , knowledge and wisdom. Engineers are trained to solve problems and they are uniquely capable of accomplishing s p e c i a l i z e d tasks. They become - 157 -i n f l u e n t i a l i n determining how to solve problems, which problems to solve, and what the problems are. This r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and authority encourages a s e l f importance tainted with e l i t i s t arrogance which can blind engineers to the i r professional s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and blin d them to the l i m i t s of t h e i r personal knowledge, understanding and wisdom. In an address to northern municipal engineers, Rice warns of the myopic s e l f destructiveness of high water use technology and the t o t a l dependence on modernity inherent i n the approach of most engineers. We designers of f a c i l i t i e s , we engineers, have a great deal of pride i n our work, and we have an arrogance of our own. If someone says "You know, i t s awfully d i f f i c u l t to provide running water and sewers for a place where the ground i s frozen a l l the time, and i f melted, i t turns to mud," we s a y — "Yes I know i t s tough, but the tough takes a l i t t l e longer—we can do i t . " We are p r i d e f u l about that, and so we do things that perhaps we might not have done, had we been wiser. (Rice, 1979, p. 2-3) 4.4.4 Why do systems f a i l ? An inordinate and alarming number of northern water and sa n i t a t i o n systems have f a i l e d or have been prematurely abandoned. The immediate causes of f a i l u r e s may be att r i b u t e d to f a u l t y design, materials or equipment or to incompetent operators or designers. However, these types of explanations answer only how f a i l u r e s p h y s i c a l l y occur. Why f a i l u r e s occur i s rooted In values and perceptions and i n the decision making process. Once the question why? i s asked: "The f u l l answer can no longer be sought i n the external world, because motives, a t t i t u d e s , preferences and prejudices must be examined as well as works and deeds" - 158 -(Prince, 1971, p. 24). The following analysis of water d i s t r i b u t i o n i n Rae and the water supply pipelines i n Broughton Island and Pond In l e t i l l u s t r a t e how and why f a i l u r e s occur and how f a i l u r e s can be prevented. Health o f f i c i a l s have often linked g a s t r o - i n t e s t i n a l disease i n Rae with the persistant practice of obtaining drinking water d i r e c t l y from the polluted lake. In 1980, a water pipeline with water taps at i n t e r v a l s along i t was constructed around the community. The concept was to provide treated water close to the houses i n order to discourage the use of the nearby lake. Dr. C o l v i l l had pointed out that people i n Rae prefered the taste of the lake water; however, the water p i p e l i n e was constructed anyway. •Although fresh water i s trucked r e g u l a r l y into the community, a number of families claim to d i s l i k e the taste of chlorinated water and prefer to obtain t h e i r drinking water supply d i r e c t l y from the-lake. So even the establishment of a fresh water p i p e l i n e into the community would not n e c e s s a r i l y eliminate the problem. (News of the North, 1976) The issue was preference not convenience. The people continued to use the lake water. The expensive water tap system i s s t i l l not used. The pipeline has frozen a number of times i n part because there i s l i t t l e incentive to ensure the system works. The f a i l u r e of the system i s not i n the design or operation of the system as i t i s with the concept and approach. The water point system at Rae was proposed, planned, constructed and operated by the G.N.W.T. rather than by the community. An engineering s o l u t i o n was provided to a s o c i a l issue. The s o l u t i o n was based on the engineer's narrow and biased perception of the problem which neglected the perceptions and objectives of the people the system - 159 -was b u i l t to serve. Furthermore, the water pipeline was redundent since a viable trucked system was already operating. In the communities of Broughton Island and Pond I n l e t , water supply pi p e l i n e s were constructed between the water source and the community. The Broughton Island system froze i n 1981 a f t e r one and one half years of operation and the Pond Inlet system froze i n 1980 a f t e r only a few months of operation. 6 Neither system i s presently i n use. In both communities the two pipe r e c i r c u l a t i n g 'pipe-in-a-pipe' design consisted of a small diameter return pipe placed inside the 150 millimetre water supply p i p e l i n e . To prevent freezing, heated water was pumped into the return l i n e at a pumphouse located i n the community. The systems were i n s t a l l e d without a method of heating or thawing the pipe. Trucks delivered water from the pumphouse to buildings i n the community. Independent engineering reports on how the f a i l u r e s occurred revealed inherent inadequacy i n the design. The Broughton Island system provided only a "marginal safety factor against freezing" (Arsenault, Garneau, Villeneuve Inc., 1982). In the longer Pond Inlet system freezing was i n e v i t a b l e (Lalonde, Girouard, Letendre and Associates Ltd., 1982). In both f a i l u r e s , a leak i n the pipeline and operator i n a c t i o n were ci t e d as contributing f a c t o r s . On the surface, the f a i l u r e s may be attributed to a f a u l t y design concept which resulted from a lack of rigorous thermal analysis of the system. More fundamentally, the f a i l u r e s were due to the design ^Both water supply systems were designed by a consulting engineering firm for the Department of Public Works, Government of the N.W.T. Res p o n s i b i l i t y for the design and the f a i l u r e s were the subject of l i t i g a t i o n . - 160 -approach and to the s e l e c t i o n of the system i t s e l f . The approach was based on achieving a f a i l - s a f e design which depended on the presence and the right decisions by the operator. However the system was complex and not understood by the operator and at Broughton Island the regular operator was apparently away at the time the p i p e l i n e froze. Furthermore, thawing the pipelines cost $110,000 and $150,000 respe c t i v e l y because there was no provision made to thaw them. The water supply pipelines reduced the l o c a l labour requirements for the trucked water de l i v e r y systems and consequently the pipeline systems were not supported by the communities. "The people of Broughton Island . . . were quite happy when the p i p e l i n e froze up and they had to truck water from the resevoir" ( B r i t t o n , 1982). Subsequent detailed economic analysis indicated that i n both communities trucking water from the water source to the community was cheaper than a p i p e l i n e . The question remains: why did the G.N.W.T. i n s t a l l an uneconomical system with a f a u l t y design concept which required s k i l l e d a ttentive operation and was not supported by the community? The answers appears to be i n the technological optimism and bias of the engineer? and i n the decision making authority they were given. The above cases i l l u s t r a t e that f a i l u r e s can be attributed to a combination of t e c h n i c a l , personal and i n s t i t u t i o n a l reasons. Failures r e s u l t i n g from f a u l t y material, equipment or design can be corrected ^Technological optimism and bias are not unique to the consultants and government engineers involved with the o r i g i n a l design. Subsequent detai l e d engineering reports on the water supply pipeline f a i l u r e s i n Broughton Island and Pond In l e t recommended constructing new redesigned water supply pipelines despite the fact that i n the studies trucked service was i d e n t i f i e d as being more r e l i a b l e , simpler and cheaper. - 161 -through competent engineering. Failures owing to incompetent engineering may be prevented by professional p o l i c i n g , training and technology transfer. However, when f a i l u r e s are rooted i n the values and perceptions of i n d i v i d u a l s , i n the t r a i n i n g and approach of engineers, and in the s e l e c t i o n of systems, r e s o l u t i o n l i e s i n the format, the forum and the control of decision-making. 4.5 Economic Considerations This section examines the economic considerations i n public p o l i c y evaluation of water and s a n i t a t i o n programs and projects.^ Economic planning deals with the planned as opposed to the market d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods and services (Burchell and Hughes, 1981). The primary concerns are the economic evaluation of subsidy and p r i c i n g p o l i c i e s and how to rank options. Issues and methodologies are examined and used to c r i t i q u e contemporary economic analysis i n the N.W.T. i n order to suggest improvements and to i d e n t i f y the role of econmic a n a l y s i s . 4.5.1 Program level The major public p o l i c y issue i n economic philosophy and s o c i a l welfare i s the c o n f l i c t between e f f i c i e n c y and equity. Economic ^Economic considerations i n evaluating water and s a n i t a t i o n p o l i c y and projects are presented by Saunders and Warford (1976) and Kalbermaten, et a l . (1980). Both reports are concerned with developing countries however the considerations are s i m i l a r to those i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s . - 162 -theories of j u s t i c e and fairness f a l l short of providing a comprehensive d i r e c t i o n for i n d i v i d u a l s and public p o l i c y makers. Z i r j a c reviewed fairnes s and e f f i c i e n c y i n public u t i l i t y p r i c i n g and concluded: "the p o l i c y maker may well be advised to follow his i n s t i n c t s , and not expect help from experts on how the public w i l l react to economic j u s t i c e questions." ( Z i r j a c , 1978, p. 69). Economists have avoided the complex t o t a l s o c i a l welfare approach when evaluating programs and instead they rely on less conceptual but more manageable approaches to economic a n a l y s i s . Economic concerns and issues at the program l e v e l of water and s a n i t a t i o n services are related to the evaluation of subsidy and p r i c i n g p o l i c i e s . Willingness to pay for water and s a n i t a t i o n services should not be r e l i e d upon to guide government investment arid subsidy p o l i c y because willingness to pay does not take into, consideration external benefits, consumer knowledge, or the a b i l i t y to pay. An i n d i v i d u a l ' s willingness to pay does not consider external health benefits which accrue to other i n d i v i d u a l s , the community, the region, or the nation as a whole. Residents may not understand or appreciate the r e a l or p o t e n t i a l health benefits from improved water and s a n i t a t i o n services; therefore, t h e i r expressed willingness to pay w i l l undervalue the t o t a l benefits (Cairncross et a l . , 1980). In households too poor to pay for services, willingness to pay must be ruled out as a guide for government subsidies. Government subsidy i s therefore j u s t i f i e d to achieve the s o c i a l benefits of water and s a n i t a t i o n services which are greater than the i n d i v i d u a l ' s willingnessto pay. However, Saunders and Warford warn - 163 -that: In those circumstances i n which the willingness-to-pay c r i t e r i o n has to be rejected, there i s currently no s c i e n t i f i c procedure for making investment decisions, including those about project ranking. (Saunders and Warford, 1976, p. 202) P o l i c y analysis of subsidies i s concerned with the trade-off between program costs and program ben e f i t s . To r a t i o n a l l y a l l o c a t e resources to water and s a n i t a t i o n services, the government should i d e a l l y have a means of q u a n t i t a t i v e l y comparing the expected program benefits with program costs. However, i n practice the economic j u s t i f i c a t i o n of government subsidies for water and s a n i t a t i o n services i s often assumed. The following quote i s an example: My considered opinion i s that regardless of the r a t i o n a l e s — s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , organizational, and administrative—which may well be used to include within t h e i r scope, provision of adequate sewerage and water supply services to Indian reserve communities, the economic j u s t i f i c a t i o n should be used as the main v e h i c l e . (Gavin, 1982, p. 223) The problems with attempting economic analysis of water and s a n i t a t i o n services are i l l u s t r a t e d i n a cost-benefit analysis for the northern Albertan community of Wabasca-Desmarais (Associated Engineering Services Ltd., 1974). The study estimated a 62% return on investment a r i s i n g from improved health, increased l i f e expectancy, and reduced health care costs. However the analysis made a number of s i g n i f i c a n t questionable assumptions i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s and methodology. The study assumed a cause-effect r e l a t i o n s h i p between s p e c i f i c water and - 164 -sa n i t a t i o n services and health. The analysis estimated values for the loss of l i f e and the increase i n l i f e expectancy based on the residents discounted average annual earnings. Mishan (1972) points out that i n ordinary circumstances no sura of money can compensate for loss of l i f e and the loss of pot e n t i a l earnings can not be r a t i o n a l i z e d . Furthermore, the loss of po t e n t i a l future earnings i s not "consistent with the basic rationale of the economic calculus used i n cost-benefit analysis" (Mishan, 1972, p. 159). The Wabasca-Desmarais study r e f l e c t s the s i m i l a r problems that have been experienced i n the extensive and intensive economic analysis of water and s a n i t a t i o n services subsidies i n developing countries (e.g., Saunders and Warford, 1976). There are four l e v e l s of d i f f i c u l t y i n the economic evaluation of water and san i t a t i o n programs with respect to improved health. F i r s t , epidemiological evidence of the cause-effect r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not precise or c e r t a i n . Second, functional knowledge of health improvement r e l a t i v e to s p e c i f i c l e v e l s of service and/or types of systems i s not established. Third, t r a n s l a t i o n of health benefits into monetary value i s fraught with t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s . And f i n a l l y , the economic analysis methodology i s laden with conceptual and p r a c t i c a l problems. Each of these d i f f i c u l t i e s must be considered i n a cost-benefit a n a l y s i s . Together, these four l e v e l s of d i f f i c u l t y make i t i m p r a c t i c a l , i f not impossible, to conduct a meaningful cost-benefit a n a l y s i s . Economists are usually anxious that consumers r e a l i z e the re a l cost of services from which they benefit. The t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l welfare - 165 -function leads to marginal cost p r i c i n g which i s one of the cornerstones of economic e f f i c i e n c y (Crew and Kl e i n d o r f e r , 1979). To r e a l i z e external benefits and achieve s o c i a l welfare objectives, government provides subsidies. However a l l subsidies d i s t o r t the market. An extreme example of this d i s t o r t i o n i s i n non-tax based communities i n the N.W.T. where the regional government i s responsible for community water and sa n i t a t i o n services and rates. The cost of f a c i l i t i e s and services are not meaningfully r e f l e c t e d i n the charges to the customer or the community. There i s no incentive for the customers or the community to make economic trade-offs between water and san i t a t i o n and other services or among water system a l t e r n a t i v e s . Consequently the government must make the economic trade-offs and decisions. This leads to paternalism and confrontations between the regional and l o c a l governments. Removing economic ba r r i e r s to a 'basic' l e v e l of service may be equitable and e f f i c i e n t . However, services above an 'adequate' l e v e l provide personal convenience and preference without tangible economic benefit to society as a whole. Economists argue that for e f f i c i e n c y reasons consumers should be charged the f u l l marginal cost for such serv i c e s . Economic analyses of subsidy and p r i c i n g p o l i c y which are r e s t r i c t e d to e f f i c i e n c y considerations may be of l i m i t e d value i n public p o l i c y a n a l y s i s . The a n a l y t i c a l process may be the most useful part of economic a n a l y s i s . To r a t i o n a l i z e e f f i c i e n c y versus equity and to compare costs and benefits, the analyst must c l a r i f y the program - 166 -objectives, i d e n t i f y parties affected, assemble relevent economic data, and i d e n t i f y tangible and intangible e f f e c t s . 4.5.2 Project level At the project l e v e l the primary economic concern i s the ranking of options. Economic methods of ranking options include cost-benefit, cost-effectiveness and cost-minimization techniques. S t r i c t l y defined, cost-benefit analysis i s employed only when both inputs and outputs can be evaluated i n terms of market-value. Cost benefit analysis has conceptual and p r a c t i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s that make i t impossible to use i n the evaluation of water and s a n i t a t i o n projects. Cost-effectivness analysis i s commonly employed because benefits need not be converted to monetary value (Good, 1971). Cost-effectiveness analysis avoids the problem of uncertain r e l a t i o n s h i p s between projects and benefits; however, eit h e r quantifiable objectives or maximum investment must be s p e c i f i e d . S t r i c t l y defined, cost-effectiveness analysis indicates the a l l o c a t i o n of a fixed budget and cost-minimization analysis indicates the least cost way of achieving s p e c i f i e d benefits or performance. These are two s p e c i a l cases of cost-benefit a n a l y s i s . They do not resolve the problems inherent i n cost-benefit a n a l y s i s . Cost-effectiveness analysis assumes no alternate use of funds i s practicable while cost-minimization analysis assumes the least cost option i s worth undertaking ( L i c h f i e l d , K e t t l e and Whitbread, 1975). Issues comon to a l l project economic analysis techniques include the time value of money, i n f l a t i o n , and shadow p r i c i n g of unemployed - 167 -labour. The federal Treasury Board (1976) provided guidelines for handling these issues. There is no agreement on the basis or the value of the discount rate that should be used in the economic analysis of public projects. Therefore the sensitivity of the economic analysis to the discount rate should be assessed. The discount rate should be net of anticipated inflation or deflation because "price level movements represent strictlypecuniary effects; they do not indicate what impact a project will have on total real output or consumption in the economy." (Treasury Board, 1976, p. 17) Ordinarily, unemployment is not considered in comparing project costs. However, a shadow price may be assigned to project labour costs if the area suffers from chronic unemployment and otherwise unemployed labour would be utilized (Treasury Board, 1976). The determination of appropriate shadow price is conceptually difficult (Mishan, 1971) therefore i t is more practical to identify the labour component of projects, rather than automatically excluding labour costs from total project costs. 4.5.3 Economic considerations l n the Northwest Territories The expenditure of public funds on the water and sanitation subsidy program in the N.W.T. has been justified on the assumption of health and other benefits. A positive cost-benefit ratio was explicity assumed in establishing the 1974 Water and Sanitation Policy (Associated Engineering Services Ltd., 1973). Prior to 1974 i t was generally assumed that piped services should be and would be installed in a l l communities. - 168 -Implementation of the 1974 P o l i c y recognized that the optimum l e v e l of service could not be determined by cost-benefit analysis and that piped services should not be provided u n t i l i t seemed clear that a piped system would be the most economical se r v i c i n g a l t e r n a t i v e (Christensen and Reid, 1977). Economic analysis of trucked and piped options became the primary function of water and s a n i t a t i o n planning studies. Cost-effectiveness analysis was s p e c i f i e d so that s o c i a l d e s i r a b i l i t y and benefits from water and s a n i t a t i o n systems could be excluded from community studies. To allow the comparison of options, the G.N.W.T. spe c i f i e d that economic analysis of trucked services were to be conducted at a water consumption value of 90 l i t r e s per person per day. This quantity of water was assumed to imply a l e v e l of service equivalent to that of piped systems. Under these assumptions, a cost-minimization analysis could be conducted to optimize piped and trucked a l t e r n a t i v e s and to rank the a l t e r n a t i v e s . The c o s t - e f f e c t i v e approach f a c i l i t a t e s a rigorous, r a t i o n a l technical and economic analysis but masks underlying assumptions and uncertainty. For example, only water and s a n i t a t i o n systems which can be made equivalent-to-piped-service are considered. Individual systems, cen t r a l f a c i l i t e s and trucked services which provide a lower than piped l e v e l of service are neglected i n the a n a l y s i s . The c o s t - e f f e c t i v e approach assumes financing i s j u s t i f i e d and a v a i l a b l e . No consideration i s given to budget l i m i t a t i o n s or to the customer's and community's willingness-to-pay. The analysis provides government with the information i t needs to r a t i o n a l i z e public investment but the analysis - 169 -does not provide the economic information necessary f o r the government or the customers to make the trade-off between basic need and convenience or between desires and resources. 4 . 5 . 4 Role of economic analysis Economic considerations i n water and s a n i t a t i o n services present problems and challenges i n public p o l i c y at the program and project l e v e l s . The f i r s t task i s to understand the issues. This means not only gathering the facts and analysing the interconnections that constitute the economic considerations of the issues, but also becoming aware of the values and the clash of in t e r e s t s that i s at the p o l i t i c a l core of issues. Economic questions are fundamentally p o l i t i c a l questions and p o l i t i c a l questions are ulti m a t e l y moral questions (Heilbroner and Thurow, 1981). The broader task therefore of economic analysis should be not only to r a t i o n a l i z e the a l l o c a t i o n of resources but also to uncover the moral basis and implications of public p o l i c y - who controls, the scope of con t r o l , and the legitimacy of co n t r o l . 4 . 6 Planning Considerations Planning involves bringing r a t i o n a l i t y to bear on future actions; l i n k i n g knowledge to actions. Planning theory Is concerned with the process of evaluating a l t e r n a t i v e s and decision-making. Planning implies a r e l a t i o n s h i p between planners and people. In th i s section the objectives and the process of planning, the evaluation of options, and - 170 -the comparison of water and sani t a t i o n systems i n the N.W.T. are examined and c r i t i q u e d i n order to suggest improvements and changes i n the process and content of planning. 4.6.1 Objectives of planning The Cold Climate U t i l i t i e s Delivery Design Manual r e f e r s to the objective of planning u t i l i t i e s i n terms of e f f i c i e n c y , i . e . , reducing costs: The objectives of planning are to reduce the cost of construction and operation and maintenance (0 & M) of u t i l i t y systems, while at the same time, providing a healthy f u n c t i o n a l , covenient, usable, a t t r a c t i v e community or s i t e . (Smith, et a l . , 1979, p. 21) This economic p r i o r i t y for planning r e s u l t s from the technical perspectives of the authors. In contrast, a community planner with the G.N.W.T., suggested reversing the p r i o r i t y i n planning objectives by placing s o c i a l objectives before economic objectives ( B o u t i l i e r , 1983). The c o n f l i c t i n es t a b l i s h i n g the objectives of planning arises from two d i s t i n c t aspects of water and sanitation services planning: 1. Planning for U t i l i t y Services - This involves the i n t e g r a t i o n of u t i l i t y services with the physical, s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l development objectives of the community and residents and the coordination of u t i l i t y services with other community, regional, and national programs such as health, education and welfare. Planning for u t i l i t y services i s primarily concerned with e f f e c t i v e n e s s , that i s , d e f i n i n g and meeting goals. Planning for u t i l i t y services i n the G.N.W.T. i s conducted by the Department of Local Government. - 171 -2. Planning _of U t i l i t y Systems - This involves the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and sel e c t i o n of options, the design, construction, operation and maintenance of u t i l i t y systems, and the coordination of u t i l i t y system with other community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e components. Planning of u t i l i t y systems i s primarily concerned with e f f i c i e n c y , that i s , minimizing resources required to meet s p e c i f i e d goals. Planning of u t i l i t y systems i n the G.N.W.T. i s conducted by the Department of Public Works. Both aspects of planning must be considered to ensure that water and sanitations services are e f f e c t i v e and e f f i c i e n t . However, the planning of water and sani t a t i o n services has dominated l i t e r a t u r e and pra c t i c e . Technical considerations and engineers have dominated the f i e l d . Planning for water and sani t a t i o n services has received i n s u f f i c i e n t attention although e f f i c i e n c y i s meaningless without ef f e c t i v e n e s s . Planning should be concerned with i d e n t i f y i n g objectives and needs and matching them with p r a c t i c a l and r e l i a b l e solutions that are both e f f e c t i v e and e f f i c i e n t . 4 .6.2 Planning process The G.N.W.T. i s responsible for planning, constructing and operating water and sa n i t a t i o n services i n the non-tax based communities. In 1977, the 'pre-design' process was i n i t i a t e d to implement the 1974 Water and Sanitation P o l i c y and to r a t i o n a l i z e the long term water and sa n i t a t i o n system for each community. Under the pre-design program many studies have been conducted by consulting - 172 -engineering firms for the Department of Public Works or, more recently, d i r e c t l y for the Department of Local Government.^ Standard terms of reference were provided to ensure consistent procedure, methodology and assumptions (Department of Local Government, 1982). A community pre-design study was scheduled to take three years to complete. In the f i r s t staga the cost-effectiveness of a l l f e a s i b l e options i s determined. After the community and the G.N.W.T. select a preferred system, a det a i l e d planning, implementation and budgeting report i s prepared. The current planning process for community water and s a n i t a t i o n systems i s i n i t i a t e d , funded and controlled by the G.N.W.T. The purpose and process r e f l e c t s the objectives and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the G.N.W.T. The methodology, c r i t e r i a and assumptions r e f l e c t , often i m p l i c i t l y , the values and perceptions of government bureaucrats, technocrats and consultants. Community p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s l i m i t e d . C o n f l i c t s a r i s e because of the narrow focus, problems i n communication, differences i n values and p r i o r i t i e s , and unmatched r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and authority. The issues i n the planning process are analysed below and solutions are presented. The planning process for water and san i t a t i o n services i n the N.W.T. i s means oriented, the purpose being to select a system. The ends ^Recently the t i t l e for water and sani t a t i o n studies was changed from 'pre-design' to 'planning' studies and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the studies was transferred to the regional o f f i c e s of the Department of Local Government. - 173 -are assumed i n statements of government objectives, p o l i c i e s and programs. problem solving should star t with defining the problem. Pre-design studies define the problem i n terms of i d e n t i f y i n g technical and economical considerations to provide a piped equivalent l e v e l of service and to meet public health and environmental regulations. The problem i s defined by the Water and Sanitation Policy as improving health. But poor health i n i t s e l f i s not j u s t a problem, i t i s a cond i t i o n . Providing water and san i t a t i o n systems does not nece s s a r i l y a f f e c t the conditions which r e s u l t i n poor health. Problems, and thus s o l u t i o n s , can only be revealed as the people can be brought, or can bring themselves, to think about the causes of th e i r poor health and to understand how the problem can be addressed (Roberts y 1979). The f a i l u r e to a s s i s t the community i n i d e n t i f y i n g t h e i r problems, the f a i l u r e to investigate causes not just conditions, the f a i l u r e to consider an e c o l o g i c a l view of health r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and the focus on means instead of ends, ultimately aggravates the root problems and impedes the process of i d e n t i f y i n g and implementing e f f e c t i v e s o l u t i o n s . Residents of the non-tax based communities i n the N.W.T. are provided opportunities to partici p a t e i n the planning process but e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s impeded because the purpose, problems, and process of planning are predetermined by the G.N.W.T. The objectives, perceptions and values of the community are only i m p l i c i t l y s o l i c i t e d by the i r reactions. Residents are usually interested i n improving services but they are often perplexed and frustrated by the long planning process and the d e t a i l e d technical and economic evaluations conducted to - 174 -r a t i o n a l i z e the simple improvements that they d e s i r e . Their i n t e r e s t and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning i s understandably cool and guarded because the G.N.W.T, not the community, i s ultimately responsible for the choice of system and the construction and operation of the system. The G.N.W.T. i n i t i a t e s the planning process to r a t i o n a l i z e and r e a l i z e i t s objectives and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n the i n t e r e s t of the community but the communities' concerns are subservient. Limited and i n e f f e c t i v e community p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the planning process i s evident by the frequency of c o n f l i c t s during and aft e r planning studies. In Repulse Bay, at the ' f i n a l ' meeting of a four year planning process the community Council objected to the water source proposed by the consultants and G.N.W.T. In Baker Lake, the community disregarded the planning study report and developed t h e i r own l o c a t i o n for sewage and s o l i d waste. Also i n Baker Lake, the community's long standing objection to the water source halted implementation of the 'approved' plan. In Tuktoyaktuk a water resevoir remained empty for three years because the issue of water source had not been resolved before construction. In these examples, the v a l i d i t y and the r a t i o n a l i t y of the c o n f l i c t s i s less important than the fact that the c o n f l i c t s were not resolved i n the planning process. The communities' concerns were either unknown or disregarded as i n v a l i d or i r r a t i o n a l . The problems behind therse c o n f l i c t s are communication and c o n t r o l . Engineers and Native people l i t e r a l l y and f i g u r a t i v e l y do not speak the same language. Differences i n language, knowledge, culture and b e l i e f s impede e f f e c t i v e communication. There must be a mutual need, - 175 -desire and benefit for dialogue to be open and u s e f u l . The knowledge and values of both the engineers and the residents must be mutually respected before communication can be e f f e c t i v e . The engineer's a n a l y t i c a l and reduct i o n i s t approach when combined with arrogant e l i t i s m which ignores, denies or downgrades the views of the Native residents precludes e f f e c t i v e communication. Training in communication s k i l l s and c r o s s - c u l t u r a l i n t e r a c t i o n s and personal humility and tolerance could improve communication but the planning process should not r e l y on personality or p e r s o n a l i t i e s . To ensure dialogue between experts and the community, the community must be the c l i e n t . The present planning process i s p a t e r n a l i s t i c . The regional government sets the agenda, controls the process and u l t i m a t e l y makes the decisions. Community i n t e r e s t , p a r t i c i p a t i o n and control are impeded no matter how well intentioned, r a t i o n a l , or ' r i g h t ' the engineers and government may be. C o n f l i c t s i n d e c i s i o n making, i n e f f e c t i v e solutions, and f a i l u r e s result from the lack of l o c a l control over the planning process and the community water and s a n i t a t i o n systems. This lack of community control and s e l f - r e l i a n c e stems from a lack of s e l f - f i n a n c e . Without adequate l o c a l f i n a n c i a l resources to meet the government standards, the community i s forced to r e l y on government to plan and to provide. Either standads are too high or cash income i s too low to allow l o c a l f i n a n c i a l c o n t r o l . The current planning process reinforces central control and impedes community control of both the process and content of planning The planning process should be based on community control and - 176 -community learning. Problems and solutions should r e f l e c t l o c a l perceptions and objectives. The philosophical basis of the planning process should be s o c i a l learning. The primary purpose should not be to selec t a technology, rather i t should be to a s s i s t and prepare the community to i d e n t i f y problems and to deal with them. H e u r i s t i c planning must be controlled by the users. The G.N.W.T. has regional r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , i s responsible for i n f r a s t r u c t u r e i n non-tax based communities, and desires to r e a l i z e the external or unappreciated benefits of community water and s a n t i t a t i o n s e r v i c e s . These legitimate regional i n t e r e s t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s should be incorporated into community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e planning without the G.N.W.T. assuming primary c o n t r o l . The G.N.W.T. should provide f i n a n c i a l , technical and adminstrative assistance and perhaps should spec i f y minimum terms of reference; however, the primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for water and santation planning studies should reside with the community. The community should control and specify the process. 4.6.3 Evaluation of options Evaluation i n the planning process consists of generating, screening and analysing options. The purpose of evaluation i s to improve the q u a l i t y of decision-making by improving the appropriateness of options and by generating information about the consequences of options i n order to f a c i l i t a t e informed debate and r a t i o n a l choice ( L i c h f i e l d , Kettle and Whitbread, 1975) Evaluation should i d e a l l y be ra t i o n a l and comprehensive and the re s u l t s must be comprehensible to be - 177 -us e f u l . Evaluation i s undertaken within a framework of objectives and preferences; therefore, evaluation can only proceed a f t e r a process of defining problems and needs and establishing goals, preferences and p r i o r i t i e s . The f i r s t task i s to find out what the people affected want to know or what information would be important to decision-makers (Majchrzak, 1984). The purpose of evaluation i n the G.N.W.T. pre-design process i s to generate options and to assess t h e i r compliance with I m p l i c i t G.N.W.T. objectives using a s p e c i f i e d methodology and assumptions. The studies are primarily concerned with technical and economic considerations. S o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and administrative considerations and the r e l a t i o n s h i p of options to objectives are not considered i n community l e v e l studies. Planning studies are r e s t r i c t e d to water and sa n i t a t i o n systems. Other community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , such as roads and power, and community physical development, such as land development and housing, are not included. The narrow focus r e f l e c t s the i n s t i t u t i o n a l fragmentation of r e s p o n s i b i l i t e s , the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of knowledge, and the t r a i n i n g of engineers who conduct the planning studies. The choice of c r i t e r i a i s an important step i n the planning process because c r i t e r i a provide the basis for comparing options. Simple, quan t i f i a b l e c r i t e r i a for evaluating water and sa n i t a t i o n options are desirable but i l l u s i v e . C r i t e r i a can be developed to evaluate effectiveness or e f f i c i e n c y of options. Effectiveness c r i t e r i a l i n k options with objectives such as health, environmental protection, convenience and equity. These l i n k s are d i f f i c u l t or impossible to - 178 -quantify therefore surrogate criteria such as water use are often used or criteria are qualitatively analysed. Efficiency criteria link options with resources and include technical and economic considerations such as feasibility, reliability, employment requirements, and cost. Health and environmental regulations and engineering design guidelines provide functional criteria. Criteria such as smallness (Schumacher, 1974), conviviality (Illich, 1973), decentralization, self-reliance, and appropriateness tend to be vague philosophical prescriptions based on concerns with modern technology and modern technological society. They often conceal root issues of anti-modernism, humanism, development theory and political ideology (Cameron, 1983). It is not desirable or possible to lay down precise objective criteria to evaluate water and sanitation options. This is because of the complexity and interrelationship between criteria and because of the value basis of criteria. Criteria are indicators of a value system. The selection of criteria should be developed by the participants. As planning and evaluation attempts to be comprehensive and as more and more seemingly relevant factors and their relationships are included in planning, the methodology for evaluation concomitantly becomes more and more complex, abstract, and open to debate, often detracting from the process of decision-making. Formal analytical evaluation methodologies are limited by inadequate understanding of cause-effect relationships between water and sanitation services and objectives. Methodologies such as cost-effectiveness analysis can be useful in highlighting economic considerations and focusing attention on - 179 -issues. When there is uncertainty, a sensitivity analysis should be provided so that decision makers can judge the effects of various assumptions. Assumptions should be explicit; however, the value basis for many assumptions is often not conscious or is assumed to be common knowledge or uncontentious. Public review of evaluation methodology as well as the evaluation results is required. Evaluation methodology should not attempt to establish a moral guide for deciding correct public actions (McAllister, 1980). The ranking of options using technical or economic criteria provides a necessary but incomplete evaluation. While analysis can be objective, synthesis is subjective because the relative importance of the criteria and impacts to the whole must be assessed (McAllister 1980). There is no short cut to the time consuming task of reviewing the many consequences of options until a holistic impression of their significance forms (McAllister, 1980). No one method is satisfactory. A matrix of options versus effects provides a simple descriptive summary which highlights advantages, disadvantages and limitations so that the participants can engage in informed debate. A checklist or matrix only comes to life when people are given the opportunity to develop i t and to discuss i t . 4.6.4 Comparison of systems In this section, Individual, central facility, trucked and piped water and sanitation systems are compared with respect to objectives and various characteristics. Tables 4.9 and 4.10 summarizes the results. TABLE 4.9 COMPARISON OF WATER AND SANITATION SYSTEMS WITH OBJECTIVES Type of System P u b l i c H e a l t h E n v i ronmental P r o t e c t i o n Socio-Econoraic Development F i r e P r o t e c t i o n Convenience and A e s t h e t i c s E q u i t y P o t e n t i a l Water Contamination Water A v a i l a b i l i t y and Consumption Sewage Con t a m i n a t i o n 1. I n d i v i d u a l VARIES. VARIES. VARIES. VARIKS. VARIES. Kay impede development. VERY LOW. VARIES VARIES. I n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . 2. C e n t r a l F a c i l i t y HIGH. P o t e n t i a l f o r contamina-t i o n i n s e l f -h a u l and i n -house s t o r a g e . VERY LOW. S e l f h a u l and l i m i t e d in-house plumbing. VERY HIGH. P o t e n t i a l f o r e x c r e t a c o n t a m i n a t i o n d u r i n g t r a n s -p o r t . Contamin-a t i o n of ground around b u i l d i n g s by washuater. HIGH. P o t e n t i a l problems d i s p o s i n g of co n c e n t r a t e d e x c r e t a and p l a s t i c bags. LOU. P o t e n t i a l t o Impede development. VERY LOW. VERY LOU. P r o v i d e s b a s i c s e r v i c e o n l y . VERY LOW. L e v e l of s e r v i c e below N.W.T. and Canadian s t a n d a r d s . 3. Trucked a. Water D e l i v e r y ; E x c r e t a C o l l e c t i o n b. Water D e l i v e r y ; Sewage Pumpout LOW. P o t e n t i a l i n t r a n s p o r t ; moderate i n in-house s t o r a g e . LOW. L i m i t e d plumbing. HIGH. P o t e n t i a l f o r e x c r e t a contaminat i o n d u r i n g c o l l e c t -i o n . Contamin-a t i n g of ground around b u i l d i n g s by uashwater. HIGH. As above. LOW. As above. MODERATE. Can use water t r u c k and/or f i r e v e h i c l e . Need s t o r a g e tank. LOW. P r o v i d e s b a s i c needs o n l y . LOW. L e v e l of s e r v i c e below Canadian s t a n d -a r d s . LOU. P o t e n t i a l i n t r a n s p o r t and in-house s t o r g e . HIGH. V a r i e s w i t h plumbing. LOW. P o t e n t i a l c o n t a m i n a t i o n f rom leakage d u r i n g pumpout and t r a n s p o r t . MODERATE. R e l a t i v e l y d i l u t e waste-water s u i t a b l e f o r lagoon. MODERATE. Can impede high water use I n d u s t r y . MODERATE. As Above. HIGH. V a r i e s wi t h in-house plumbing and tank s i z e . L i m i t e d water a v a i l a b l e . HIGH. L e v e l of s e r v i c e p o t e n t -i a l l y e q u i t a b l e to s o u t h e r n Canadian. 4. Piped Water and Sewer VERY LOW. No ha n d l i n g r e q u i r e d . VERY HIGH. VERY LOW. P o t e n t i a l c o n t a m i n a t i o n d u r i n g f a i l u r e s . MODERATE. Wastewater very d i l u t e and l a r g e volume. HIGH. F a c i l i t a t e s i n d u s t r i a l development. VARIES. U s u a l l y h i g h . Depending on pipe s i z e and d e s i g n . Need s t o r a g e , f i r e v e h i c l e . VERY HIGH. No l i m i t a t i o n s on customer. VERY HIGH. S e r v i c e e q u a l to sou t h e r n Canadian. TABLE 4.10 COMPARISON OF WATER AND SANITATION SYSTEMS WITH CHARACTERISTICS Type of System System and B u i l d i n g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s F e a s i b i l i t y S i m p l i c i t y , R e l i a b i l i t y V u l n e r a b i 1 i ty F l e x i b i l i t y -S e r v i c e F l e x i b i l i t y -P h y s i c a l Economic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s Employment Requirements S e l f - R e l l a n c e Water System Sewage System Plumbing In-House 1. I n d i v i d u a l S e l f - h a u l , w e l l . Outhouse, S e p t i c f i e l d VARIES. Very low to f u l l . Not f e a s i b l e where perma-f r o s t . V i a b l e f o r i s o l a t e d b u l I d i n g . V i a b l e i n s m a l l communities. Require roads and access to b u i l d i n g s . VARIES, VAR I F.S . Usua I l y v e r y s i m p l e f a c i l i t y . I n -house s i m p l e . VERY LOW. Independent of o t h e r b u i l d -i n g s . HIGH. Low to h i g h s e r v i c e . MODERATE. S e r v i c e to low d e n s i t y h o u s i n g . VARIES. N/A VERY HIGH. Houses are Independent. 2. C e n t r a l F a c i l i t y S e l f - h a u l from f a c i l i t y . S e l f - h a u l of e x c r e t a to f a c i l i t y . Washwater to ground. VERY LOW. No p r e s s u r e , l a u n d r y or b a t h i n g . VERY LOW. C e n t r a l i z e d f a c i l i t y v u l n e r a b l e . A l t e r n a t e s e r v i ce p o s s i b l e . VERY LOW. Low l e v e l of s e r v i c e o n l y . MODERATE. S e r v i c e to detached houses. LOW. C a p i t a l and 0 & M. LOW. Semi-s k i l l e d o p e r a t o r . VERY HIGH. P o t e n t i a l f o r l o c a l t e c h -n i c a l , f i n a n -c i a l and adm i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l . 3. Trucked a. Water D e l i v e r y ; E x c r e t a C o l l e c t i o n b. Water D e l i v e r y ; Sewage Pumpout V e h i c l e d e l i v e r y to in-house water b a r r e l . V e h i c l e c o l l e c -t i o n of e x c r e t a i n honeybag or bu c k e t . Wash water to ground. LOW. No p r e s s u r e . MODERATE. Simple techno-l o g y . E a s i l y r e p l a c e d or r e p a i r e d . LOW. B u i l d i n g systems independent. A l t e r n a t e s e r v i c e p o s s i b l e . LOW. L i m i t e d response to improved s e r v i c e (water demand). MODERATE. Very r e s p o n s i v e to changes i n l a y o u t . S e r v i c e to detached houses. LOW f i x e d c a p i t a l c o s t s , HIGH v a r i a b l e 0 & M c o s t s . HIGH. Cont inuous requirement f o r s e m i - s k i l l e d d r i v e r s , u n s k i l l e d h e l p e r s , and s k i l l e d v e h i c l e mechanics. HIGH. As above. V e h i c l e d e l i v e r y to in-house water tank. V e h i c l e c o l l e c t i o n of a l l wastewater from in-house pumpout tank. VARIES. Low to f u l 1 plumbing, p r e s s u r e water. As above. MODERATE, As above• MODERATE. V u l n e r a b l e to prolonged s e r v i c e d i s r u p t i o n . HIGH. Match household plumbing and demand. L i m i t e d response to water demand. MODERATE. As above. LOW. As above. Key v a r i a b l e i s water demand. HIGH. As above. MODERATE. As above. High l e v e l s of s e r v i c e s nay r e q u i r e subs i d y . 4. Piped Water and Sewer Pi p e d d e l i v e r y . Piped c o l l e c t i o n . HIGH. F u l l p lumbing, p r e s s u r e water, f l u s h t o i l e t . Requi r e s f r e e z e p r o t e c -t i o n . Above-ground where h i g h - i c e c o n t e n t , therm-a l l y s e n s i t i v e p e r m a f r o s t . LOW. Complex, s o p h i s t i c a t e d t e c h n o l o g y . U s u a l l y r e l i a b l e but d i f f i c u l t t o r e p a i r or r e p l a c e . HIGH. B u i l d i n g s h i g h l y v u l n e r -a b l e to s e r v i c e I n t e r r u p t ions and consequen-ces of f a i l u r e p o t e n t i a l l y h i g h l y d i s r u p t i v e . MODERATE, P r o v i d e s h i g h l e v e l of s e r v i c e . Hi gh response to water demand. MODERATE. Unresponsive to change i n l a y o u t . S e r v i c e to detached hous-i n g or high d e n s i t y . HIGH f i x e d c a p i t a l c o s t s • LOW v a r i a b l e 0 & M c o s t s . Key v a r i a b l e i s housing d e n s i t y . LOW. Continuous requirement f o r h i g h l y s k i l l e d p e r s o n n e l to const r u c t , o p e r a t e and m a i n t a i n system. LOW. R e q u i r e t e c h n i c a l and f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . - 182 -These matrices provide a d e s c r i p t i v e summary and guide to evaluating options by i l l u m i n a t i n g the differences among the basic systems. Combinations of the basic systems i n the same community are possible and these combinations further complicate evaluation In p r a c t i c e . For example, a central f a c i l i t y with laundry and bathing could be combined with trucked service, or water may be piped to the community but delivered by truck, or high density areas of a community may be piped serviced while low water use low density buildings are serviced by truck. Individual systems imply a high l e v e l of independence. However, i n d i v i d u a l systems are not f e a s i b l e in most of the N.W.T. because of permafrost and i n d i v i d u a l systems are further l i m i t e d to i s o l a t e d buildings or to very low density development. Central f a c i l i t i e s are low cost systems but they provide a low l e v e l of s e r v i c e . Self-haul systems can impede personal hygiene and r e s u l t i n washwater and excreta contaminate the ground around the b u i l d i n g s . Trucked water d e l i v e r y and excreta c o l l e c t i o n service to houses without plumbing increases the l e v e l of convenience but personal hygiene i s impeded and in-house and community contamination are s t i l l possible. Trucked service to houses with plumbing, running water, and sewage pumpout tanks can be as healthy and convenient as piped service. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of trucked and piped service with respect to l e v e l of technology, f l e x i b i l i t y , s e l f - r e l i a n c e , and economics are compared below. Results of a water and s a n i t a t i o n planning study for Fort McPherson (Cameron, 1982; Associated Engineering Services Ltd., - 183 -1983) are used to I l l u s t r a t e the e f f e c t s of the key v a r i a b l e s : p o p u l a t i o n , type of housing, water use, and employment requirements. Trucked s e r v i c e i s a r e l a t i v e l y simple l e v e l of technology that can be managed and operated using l o c a l labour; whereas piped systems are complex and s o p h i s t i c a t e d and require h i g h l y s k i l l e d and s p e c i a l i z e d personnel to operate them. Trucked systems are r e l i a b l e because they are l e s s vulnerable to mishaps such as f i r e , freeze ups or power outages. B u i l d i n g s r e q u i r e only p e r i o d i c s e r v i c e and a l t e r n a t e means of pro v i d i n g s e r v i c e can be implemented i f necessary. Piped systems are u s u a l l y r e l i a b l e ; however, pi p e - s e r v i c e d b u i l d i n g s are h i g h l y vulnerable i n that they r e q u i r e uninterrupted s e r v i c e . The consequences of mishap or f a i l u r e of pipe system are very d i s r u p t i v e to s e r v i c e and f a i l u r e s are d i f f i c u l t and expensive to r e p a i r . In some cases r e p a i r s must await warm summer weather. Trucked sytems can provide a continuum from basic s e r v i c e to e q u i v a l e n t - t o - p i p e - s e r v i c e that can match the household plumbing, water demand, and customers' preferences and a b i l i t i e s to pay. Trucked s e r v i c e and systems can be e a s i l y incremented and adapted to match changes i n l e v e l of s e r v i c e , p o p u l a t i o n , or community p h y s i c a l development. Because of the low f i x e d c a p i t a l investment, trucked systems can be abandoned w i t h l i t t l e l o s t c o s t . Conversely, piped systems provide only one l e v e l of s e r v i c e and, once planned and i n s t a l l e d , piped systems tend to d i c t a t e the future p h y s i c a l development or redevelopment of the community. S e l f - r e l i a n c e , that i s the householders and communities p h y s i c a l - 184 -independence and their t e c h n i c a l , f i n a n c i a l and administrative control of water and s a n i t a t i o n services, i s enhanced with trucked systems because of th e i r inherent low l e v e l of technology and f l e x i b i l i t y i n type and l e v e l of s e r v i c e . Conversely, piped systems can not be constructed, operated or financed by the Native non-tax based communities i n the N.W.T. without substantial government f i n a n c i a l and technical assistance. Currently i n non-tax-based communities, a l l piped systems are operated by the Department of Public Works whereas trucked systems are operated by the community. Economic comparison between piped and trucked systems i s a c l a s s i c economic choice between a high c a p i t a l and low annual cost a l t e r n a t i v e and a low c a p i t a l and high annual cost a l t e r n a t i v e . The t y p i c a l cost breakdown for trucked and piped systems i s presented i n Table 4.11. Trucked systems annual variable costs accounts for approximately 60% of the t o t a l system cost. Conversely, the fixed costs for piped service account for approximately 70% of the t o t a l system cost. The labour portion of the t o t a l cost for trucked systems for d r i v e r s , helpers, mechanics and f a c i l i t y operators amounts to approximately 44% of the t o t a l cost. The labour portion of t o t a l cost for piped systems for f a c i l i t y operators, maintenance and construction amounts to approximately 14% of the t o t a l cost. The cost and employment c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s for piped and trucked systems for Fort McPherson are provided i n Table 4.12. The t o t a l present value cost for the options are r e l a t i v e l y close, ranging from $10.3 to $12.6 m i l l i o n ; however, the labour portion varies considerably. Trucked services would provide 10 to 16 f u l l time jobs - 185 -TABLE 4.11 COSTS FOR TRUCKED AND PIPED SYSTEMS (from: Cameron, 1982) System and Cost Items Capital 1 0 & M2 Total 3 (%) (%) (%) Trucked Stysterns Garages 3.5 2.1 5.6 Trucks 8.9 17.0 25.9 Building Containers 14.5 2.5 17.0 Fixed Facilities 13.2 5.4 18.6 Labour (Drivers) - 32.9 32.9 Total 40.1% 59.9% 100.0% Piped Systems Building Service Connections 15.5 10.1 25.6 Fixed Facilities 19.8 11.4 31.2 Water and Sewer Mains 34.3 8.9 43.2 Total 69.9% 30.4% 100.0% ^Capital costs are the equivalent uniform annual cost of capital expenditures amortized at 8% over a twenty year period. 20 & M is the annual operations and maintenance cost. Total cost is the equivalent annual capital cost plus annual 0 & M cost. - 186 -TABLE 4.12 COST AND EMPLOYMENT WITH PIPED AND TRUCKED SYSTEMS FOR FORT MCPHERSON, N.W.T.1 System Description Total C o s t 2 ($ 1000) Labour C o s t 2 ($ 1000) Number of Jobs 1(a) Trucked: 3 f u l l y , water d e l i v e r y and sewage pumpout service 10,936 4,812 16 1(b) Trucked: with water supply pipeline and sewer o u t f a l l 11,133 3,674 11 1(c) Trucked: 1(b) with pipe service to school and laundry 10,268 3,388 10 2(a) Piped: 4 with nominal f i r e protection 12,657 1,772 4 2(b) Piped: with no f i r e protection 10,554 1,478 4 3. P a r t i a l : core multi-family area piped, single family houses turcked 10,691 - -Based on population of 890 persons i n 1984 and annual growth rate of 2%. Present value at 8% amortized over a 20 year period. Based on water consumption of 90 l i t r e s per person per day. Based on single family housing. - 187 -with a value of $3.4 to $4.8 million whereas piped services would require an average of 3 to 4 staff at a cost of $1.5 to $1.8 million. The results in Table 4.12 are for Fort McPherson with a population of 890 in 1984 and increasing to 1333 persons in 2004. As community population increases, the economy of scale tends to favour piped systems. The 1974 Water and Sanitation Policy indicated that communities of over 700 persons would generally be economically pipe-serviced. Subsequent analysis indicated that piped services were not cost-effective until population was over 1000 persons (Cameron, Christensen and Gamble, 1977). These simplistic 'rules of thumb' mask important technical, economic and planning assumptions with respect to the key variables of water use and housing density which significantly influence trucked and piped system costs respectively. Trucked system costs are relatively unaffected by community layout and housing type but they are very sensitive to water demand. Conversely pipe system costs are relatively insensitive to water demand but they very sensitive to the length of water and sewer main required per person. Table 4.13 presents household unit costs calculated for various housing types and water demand in Fort McPherson. In Table 4.14 these unit costs are used to establish the cost-effective alternative between trucked and piped systems for various housing types and household plumbing in Fort McPherson. The calculations indicate that single family houses are more economically truck-serviced and multi-family units are more economically pipe-serviced, unless water consumption can be significantly reduced. - 188 -TABLE 4.13 EFFECT OF HOUSING DENSITY AND WATER DEMAND ON HOUSEHOLD SERVICE COSTS IN FORT MCPHERSON, N.W.T. Service Total Annual Unit Cost Per Household * Piped Service 1. Detached Housing - Existing Layout - Redeveloped Layout 2. Row Housing - Duplex - Quadplex 3. Apartment building - Varies Minimum = 4,343 - LD0% 3,970 - 91% 3,200 - 74% 2,610 - 60% 1,300 - 30% Trucked Service Household Water Use (litres per person per day) 90 - 100% 67.5 - 75% 60 - 67% 50 - 56% 45 - 50% 30 - 33% 3,830 - 100% 3,140 - 82% 2,890 - 75% 2,560 - 67% 2,400 - 63% 1,920 - 50% Assumes five persons per household. - 189 -TABLE 4.14 EFFECT OF HOUSING TYPE AND HOUSEHOLD PLUMBING ON SELECTION OF SYSTEM IN FORT MCPHERSON, N.W.T. Plumbing Type and Water Use Housing Type Single Duplex Quadplex Apartment Conventional (90 Ipcd) Trucked Piped Piped Piped Low Water Use (60 lpcd) Trucked Trucked Piped Piped Housing type, density and layout significantly influence the household unit cost of piped service. The largest savings are realized if multi-family attached row housing or apartment buildings are used with the potential reduction in pipe service costs compared to single family housing being approximately 30% to 70%. Trucked system costs are significantly reduced if water use is lowered. Water use of 90 litres per person per day is typical of houses with full conventional plumbing and appliances including a flush tank type toilet. If water conserving plumbing and appliances, including a low water use non-flush tank type toilet are used, water requirements may be reduced to 50 litres per person per day. In typical N.W.T. conditions, i t is cheaper to truck-service single family housing when community populations are less than 1225 and 1850 persons when residential water use is 90 and 50 litres per person per day respectively. If water use is less than approximately 40 litres per person per day trucked service is more economical regardless of - 190 -community population. These re s u l t s indicate that i f multi-family housing i s b u i l t , piped service i s appropriate and economical; however, i f single family housing i s b u i l t , water conserving f i x t u r e s and appliances and trucked services are appropriate and economical. The economic choice between trucked and piped systems for a given community population i s reduced to a choice between type of t o i l e t and type of house. Once the t o i l e t and the housing s t y l e are selected, the r e l a t i v e cost of trucked and piped water and s a n i t a t i o n systems are e s s e n t i a l l y determined. Both the choice of t o i l e t and the choice of housing r e l a t e to community and i n d i v i d u a l needs, preferences, and perceptions which are rooted i n values, c u l t u r e , l i f e s t y l e , experience and knowledge. Evaluation and the comparison of options can illuminate the implications of various options but the f i n a l choice i s a value judgement. - 191 -5. IMPLICATIONS TO PLANNING Water and san i t a t i o n services i n the N.W.T., which on the surface appear to be a technical function and a technical issue, are discussed i n this thesis as a microcosm of planning and phil o s o p h i c a l issues which are i n e x t r i c a b l y related to community and regional development issues. In this chapter, the fundamental issues and the arguments of the thesis related to the regional, community and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e l e v e l s of planning are summarized. Implications for the process and the content of planning water and sanitation services are presented. 5.1 Conclusions 5.1.1 Regional level 1. C o n f l i c t s at the regional l e v e l rest on two issues: the c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between the N.W.T. and Canada and the mixed views of what constitute progress and development. These c o n f l i c t s are i n control and values. 2. The basis for s c i e n t i f i c management of the northern economy and the environment are weak and are based on southern models. 3. C o n f l i c t s at the regional l e v e l raise the broader and deeper issues of: the goals and values of i n d u s t r i a l society, the ethics of c u l t u r a l chauvinism, the l i m i t s to growth and s a t i s f a c t i o n , and the appropriateness of m a t e r i a l i s t i c , growth based ideologies and development theory for the N.W.T. - 192 -1 . 2 Local l e v e l Settlements i n the N.W.T. are r e l a t i v e l y new. Federal government programs during the early 50's that provided education, medical and welfare services precipitated a major s h i f t i n native population from the land to permanent settlements. Urbanization, c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n and changes i n s o c i a l and economic structure have led to dependence on government, s o c i a l d i s r u p t i o n , and physical and mental i l l n e s s . Local government was i n i t i a t e d and developed by the federal and t e r r i t o r i a l governments and was based on a southern municipal model of administration and decision-making. Local c o n t r o l varies with the community's economic base. Native communities have low cash income, li m i t e d commercial and i n d u s t r i a l base, and no tax-base. Therefore, they must r e l y on the G.N.W.T. for f i n a n c i a l and technical assistance. The Native communities have v i r t u a l l y no control over the matters which a f f e c t them most. Without f i n a n c i a l resources, l o c a l p o l i t i c a l authority, r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and autonomy are impeded. Community planning i s influenced by the h i s t o r i c a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic development of the N.W.T. and the communities. The physical environment constrains planning and physical community development. Housing st y l e and density considerations emphasize the choice between compact multi-family housing and the preferred single family housing. Much of the pressure to bu i l d compact communities with multi-family housing i s based on the assumption of the need, - 193 -desire and lower cost for piped water and sewer systems. Pervasive uncertainty i n community planning emphasizes the need for an adaptive planning approach and f l e x i b i l i t y i n physical layout and in f r a s t r u c t u r e . Community planning for Rae-Edzo demonstrates the c o n f l i c t s i n culture, l i f e s t y l e and perceptions between the natives and whites, between residents and experts, and between l o c a l and regional governments. The case study reveals issues of c o n t r o l , values and the role of experts (processed knowledge). Construction of the new town by the regional government was based on the perceptions and values of the white engineers and planners who saw piped water and sewer services and the p o t e n t i a l highway commercial development as more important than the native resident's desire to pursue a t r a d i t i o n a l economy from the e x i s t i n g lakeside l o c a t i o n . Engineers provided a simple, clean technical s o l u t i o n that was embraced by the regional government de c i s i o n makers to what was fundamentally a s o c i a l problem. The human condition and the perceptions and values of the native residents were ignored or downgraded. The fundamental problem that this case reveals i s not the c o n f l i c t s i n values and problems i n communication, rather i t i s the control of community planning and development by the technocrats and the regional government instead of by the residents and the l o c a l government. The G.N.W.T., not the community, controls community development and planning i n the native, non-tax based settlements. The G.N.W.T., - 194 -not the community, has the resources, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and in many cases the i n t e r e s t to develop and to plan the communities. The control of community development by regional government and the p a t e r n a l i s t i c e l i t i s m of southern white engineers and planners denies the community residents the opportunity and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to learn and deal with t h e i r urban problems. 1.3 Infrastructure level Water and sa n i t a t i o n services and systems i n non-tax based communities have been provided by the G.N.W.T. because of: the high cost of technology and concomitant low cash income of residents; the i n a b i l i t y of communities to construct, operate and administer services and systems; and the external and l o c a l l y unperceived health, s o c i a l and economic benefits of community water and sani t a t i o n s e r v i c e s . The water and sa n i t a t i o n objectives of the Native people are not e x p l i c i t l y s o l i c i t e d or considered i n the G.N.W.T. water and sani t a t i o n p o l i c y or planning. Examination of the objectives from G.N.W.T. p o l i c y and the l i t e r a t u r e on water and san i t a t i o n services indicates that functional knowledge i s inadequate to allow a s c i e n t i f i c , objective determination of the best l e v e l of service and type of system for a given community. The objectives are revealed to be based fundamentally on values and perceptions. Furthermore, the values and perceptions of the Native people are either not considered or - 195 -are not considered important or v a l i d . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between health and water and s a n i t a t i o n services i s very complex and the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s impossible to f u l l y understand and to quantify. Improving health i s not simply a matter of providing services and technology. An e c o l o g i c a l perspective of health i s required. The perceptions of health and the personal habits and hygiene of the people are c r i t i c a l . Water and s a n i t a t i o n services are a necessary but not s u f f i c i e n t condition to maintain a healthy environment and good health. Furthermore, water and s a n i t a t i o n services and technology that neglects the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l causes of poor health w i l l be inadequate at best and u l t i m a t e l y hinder the i n d i v i d u a l ' s and community's a b i l i t y to r a l l y from ' i n s u l t ' . Despite the complexity of r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the lack of functional knowledge, and the value basis of objectives, the G.N.W.T.'s interventions and assistance have assumed be n e f i t s , emphasized technical solutions, and i n s t a l l e d systems i m p l i c i t y based on the southern, i n d u s t r i a l l i f e s t y l e . 3. Technical considerations and engineers have dominated the s e l e c t i o n of water and s a n i t a t i o n systems because of the unique environmental conditions i n the North and the high cost of constructing and operating systems. Planning o£_ water and s a n i t a t i o n systems and concern for e f f i c i e n c y has dominated planning for water and s a n i t a t i o n services and concern for e f f e c t i v e n e s s . The i n v e s t i g a t i o n of constraints and types of systems reveals that the design and s e l e c t i o n of systems depends on the engineering - 196 -approach, the engineer's conception of the problem, and the r e l a t i v e importance given to c r i t e r i a such as s i m p l i c i t y , r e l i a b i l i t y and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . The analysis, design and s e l e c t i o n of technology does not follow d e t e r r a i n i s t i c a l l y from technical considerations and objectives. Rather, the approach and concept depends on the personality, t r a i n i n g , knowledge, and wisdom of the engineer. The challenge Of the problem and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and authority given to engineers has often blinded them to the narrowness of t h e i r knowledge, the s u b j e c t i v i t y and value basis of t h e i r planning recommendations, and the reliance on technology and modernity i m p l i c i t i n t h e i r designs. An examination of why systems f a i l , not j u s t how systems f a i l , reveals that the causes of f a i l u r e s are rooted i n values, perceptions and the decision-making process. F a i l u r e s are re l a t e d to: the technological optimism and bias of engineers; the authority and respect given to t h e i r advice; and the concomitant neglect or downgrading of the values and perceptions of the people the water and s a n i t a t i o n systems are supposed to serve. 4. There i s no objective economic analysis methodology to evaluate the G.N.W.T. water and s a n i t a t i o n subsidy p o l i c y or to rank a l t e r n a t i v e s . There are four l e v e l s of impediment to a mechanistic economic evaluation of water and s a n i t a t i o n programs: a. Cause-effect relationships are not precise or c e r t a i n . b. Functional knowledge of improvements related to s p e c i f i c l e v e l s of service and types of systems i s not established. - 197 -c. Translation of benefits into monetary value i s fraught with t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s . d. Economic analysis methodology i s laden with conceptual and p r a c t i c a l problems. Recognizing that the optimum l e v e l of service can not be determined by cost-benefit analysis, the G.N.W.T. u t i l i z e s a cost-effectiveness analysis to rank a l t e r n a t i v e s . This technique f a c i l i t a t e s a rigorous, r a t i o n a l technical and economic analysis but i t masks underlying assumptions and uncertainty. Only water and sani t a t i o n systems that are equivalent-to-piped-service are considered. Financing of services i s assumed to be j u s t i f i e d and av a i l a b l e . Willingness-to-pay i s not considered so there i s no incentive for the customers i n non-tax based communities to make economic t r a d e - o f f s . Consequently the G.N.W.T. makes the economic trade-offs for the residents and the communities and thi s leads to paternalism and confrontations. 5. The planning of water and sanitation services and systems i n non-tax based Native communities i s controlled by the G.N.W.T., not the communities. The regional government i n i t i a t e s , finances and controls planning studies; s p e c i f i e s the problems, objectives, scope proceedure, methodology, and agenda of the studies; and ult i m a t e l y makes the s e l e c t i o n , i n s t a l l s and operates the systems. The present planning process i s means oriented, narrowly focused, and p a t e r n a l i s t i c . The process i s oriented to system maintenance not system design, to planning of systems not to planning for se r v i c e s . - 198 -The planning process, content and r e s u l t s r e f l e c t , often " i m p l i c i t l y , the values and perceptions of the regional government bureaucrats and technocrats and t h e i r consultants. Planning i s done by engineers for the regional government, not by the residents for the community. C o n f l i c t s a r i s e because of problems i n communication and lack of desire to communicate, unmatched r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and authority, and differences i n values and perceptions. Community i n t e r e s t and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s l i m i t e d and s o c i a l learning i s impeded. The f i r s t task i n evaluation should be to e l i c i t what the people affected and the decision-makers want to know and what information would f a c i l i t a t e informed debate and r a t i o n a l choice. The present G.N.W.T. evaluation of options i s narrowly focused on water and s a n i t a t i o n systems. It neglects the causes of conditions such as poor health and the in t e g r a t i o n of water and s a n i t a t i o n services with housing, other i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and community physical and socio-economic development. The narrow focus r e f l e c t s the i n s t i t u t i o n a l fragmentation of r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n bureaucracies, the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of knowledge i n modern society, and the t r a i n i n g and bias of engineers who conduct the studies. There are no evaluation methodologies or c r i t e r i a that allow an objective evaluation of options. Synthesis i s ultimately subjective because the r e l a t i v e importance of c r i t e r i a and e f f e c t s to the whole must be assessed. 6. Comparison of water and s a n i t a t i o n systems with objectives and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s indicates that s e l f - h a u l , central f a c i l i t i e s , and - 199 -trucked water delivery and excreta c o l l e c t i o n service tend to be less c o s t l y and f a c i l i t a t e s e l f - r e l i a n c e . However, these systems provide a r e l a t i v e l y low l e v e l of convenience and potential public health r i s k because of: the lack of household plumbing which impedes personal hygiene; the p o t e n t i a l contamination of water supplies during transport and in-house storage; and the contamination of the ground around the buildings from discharged washwater and s p i l l e d excreta. Trucked services to houses with f u l l plumbing, running water, and sewage pumpout tanks can be as sanitary and convenient as piped se r v i c e s . The economic comparison of trucked and piped systems are the primary content of planning studies and evaluations conducted for the G.N.W.T. Trucked systems are r e l a t i v e l y simple, r e l i a b l e , f l e x i b l e technology that can be managed by the community and operated using l o c a l labour. Trucked service can e a s i l y be adapted or incremented to match household l e v e l of service requirements and water demand and trucked service can e a s i l y respond to changes i n community population and physical development. Conversely, piped systems are complex, sophisticated technology requiring s k i l l e d operating personnel who are usually imported to the community. Piped systems are vulnerable to mishap and once planned and i n s t a l l e d they are fixed and tend to d i c t a t e the future development of the community. The labour portion of the t o t a l cost for trucked and piped systems are 44% and 14% r e s p e c t i v e l y . The important variables i n the economic comparison of trucked - 200 -and piped systems are community population, water consumption, and housing type. Trucked system costs are very s e n s i t i v e to water consumption; whereas, piped systems costs are very s e n s i t i v e to the length of water and sewer pipes required, i . e . , the housing type and density. Figure 5.1 represents the economic comparison of trucked and piped services i n r e l a t i o n to community population, water consumption and housing density. Piped systems become more ui o. Q z < CO z UJ Q CJ z CO 13 o X Low Single Family Multi-family Apartment High Line above which trucked systems are more economical for a given population Low 3 Low Water ( Use Plumbing -Conventional Plumbing 1 High WATER CONSUMPTION AND HOUSEHOLD PLUMBING Notes: With full conventional plumbing, typical household water use for truck serviced houses with five occupants is 90 litres per person per day. With full plumbing but low water use fixtures and appliances and the same fixture usage rate typical of North American households, water use need not exceed 60 litres per person per day. Water use below this may impede convenience and hygiene. Approximately 30 to 40 litres per person per day. FIGURE 5.1 COMPARISON OF TRUCKED AND PIPED SERVICES WITH WATER CONSUMPTION, HOUSING DENSITY AND COMMUNITY POPULATION IN THE NORTHWEST TERRITORIES. - 201 -economical r e l a t i v e to trucked systems at higher density, water use and population. Conversely, trucked systems become more economical r e l a t i v e to piped systems at lower density, water use and population. However, i f water use i s below a c e r t a i n quantity (approximately 30 to 40 l i t r e s per person per day) trucked service i s generally more economical regardless of the community population and housing density. For a given community l o c a t i o n and population, the economic evaluation of the a l t e r a n t i v e s can be reduced to a choice between type of t o i l e t and type of house. Piped systems are generally economical and appropriate for multi-family housing; whereas, trucked systems are generally economical and appropriate for si n g l e family houses which u t i l i z e water conserving f i x t u r e s and -appliances, such as a non-flush tank type t o i l e t . The choice of housing, the choice of t o i l e t , and the r e l a t i v e importance of providing l o c a l jobs each rel a t e to i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l needs, preferences, l i f e s t y l e and knowledge which are fundamentally based on values and perceptions of what constitutes progress and development. 5.2 Issues 5.2.1 Control The senior l e v e l s of government have a c o l o n i a l , p a t e r n a l i s t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p with the regional and l o c a l l e v e l s of government i n the N.W.T. Neither the l o c a l nor the regional governments have the economic resources or p o l i t i c a l authority to control development or planning at i - 202 -the l e v e l of government which they represent. Questions of control that a r i s e include: what should the federal government be doing i n the N.W.T.? and what should the G.N.W.T. be doing i n the communities? A cause of cen t r a l i z e d control i s that the Native communities do not have adequate f i n a n c i a l resources. However, the G.N.W.T. procures finances on behalf of the c i t i z e n s and communities. Not to d i s t r i b u t e the funds, or to make funding c o n d i t i o n a l , i s an infringement of thei r autonomy. Concerns with control are evident at the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e l e v e l . Direct concerns include e s t a b l i s h i n g a l e v e l of service p o l i c y , planning water and sa n i t a t i o n services, and managing water and sa n i t a t i o n systems. Indirect or i m p l i c i t concerns include are the f i n a n c i a l , physical and s p i r i t u a l control of technology. Must the price of convenient, safe water supply and a healthy community environment be the loss s e l f - r e l i a n c e , i . e . , the p o t e n t i a l for the community to physical, administratively, economically and p o l i t i c a l l y control the community inf r a s t r u c t u r e ? 5 . 2 . 2 V a l u e s a n d P e r c e p t i o n s Much of the debate over control r e s u l t s from c o n f l i c t s i n values and perceptions as a re s u l t of differences i n c u l t u r e , l i f e s t y l e and knowledge between natives and whites, northerners and southerners, experts and laymen. The c o n f l i c t s are manifested i n d i f f e r e n t views of progress and development, i . e . , the desirable future. C o n f l i c t s i n values and perceptions are evident, although often i m p l i c i t , i n the debates over d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , t r a d i t i o n versus i n d u s t r i a l economy, and - 203 -trucked versus piped water and s a n i t a t i o n systems. Different values and world views are expected and desirable i n a p l u r a l i s t dynamic society; however, c o n f l i c t s and problems arise when the values and perceptions of the native people are ignored, denied or downgraded by p a t e r n a l i s t i c e l i t i s m , or c u l t u r a l chauvinism or techno-chauvinism. The issue i s how to e x p l i c i t l y deal with value and perception c o n f l i c t s , regardless of who ultimately controls and decides. 5 . 2 . 3 R o l e o f k n o w l e d g e a n d e x p e r t s Development and planning at the regional, l o c a l and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e l e v e l s i n the N.W.T. have emphasized r a t i o n a l , objective knowledge and decision-making by experts — by bureaucrats who represent the 'public i n t e r e s t ' and by technocrats who solve technical and economic problems. Solutions have tended to be t e c h n i c a l l y and means oriented, i m p l i c i t l y assuming sourthern, western values and development model. Much of the development and planning have suffered from the i l l u s i o n of absolute knowledge and o b j e c t i v i t y . However, o b j e c t i v i t y i n applied science does not e x i s t and methodology and technology are not value f r e e . The danger i s i n not recognizing our ignorance of complex systems, i n denying that our views of the world influence our work, advice and actions, and i n believing that experts' values and pronouncements about what value ends should be sought are any more v a l i d than anyone el s e s . C o n f l i c t s a r i s e from the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s of knowledge and a c t i v i t i e s , the education of experts, and the unquestioned authority and - 204 -respect given to the advice of experts i n modern technocratic and bureaucratic society. These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s lead to: b a r r i e r s i n communication between experts and with c l i e n t s ; narrowness of perception of problems and solutions; loss of insight into the complexity of r e a l world problems and actions; improving conditions without solving underlying causes; and neglecting the value basis of analysis and advice. However, the knowledge and experience of experts are necessary to a s s i s t i n the r a t i o n a l analysis of problems and to provide e f f i c i e n t s o l u t i o n s . The issue i s how to combine complementary personal and processed knowledge, man of reason and man of piety/reverence, and functional and substantiative r a t i o n a l i t y i n order to improve decision-making. 5.2.4 Role of Planning Community and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e planning i n the native communities rests on the underlying assumption that the residents do not have the resources, i n t e r e s t , and/or competence to conduct planning and implement sol u t i o n s . The planning process concomitantly presupposes that the values, perceptions, knowledge, development model, and technology of the dominant culture are appropriate. .<•-The present planning form i s a l l o c a t i v e and i s based on a p o s i t i v i s t philosophy. It i s concerned with system maintenance and e f f i c i e n c y . Issues are fragmented and planning i s removed from the socio-economic context and surrounded with an aura of s c i e n t i f i c o b j e c t i v i t y . By focusing on technical and economic considerations - 205 -attention i s diverted from s t r u c t u r a l and humanistic considerations, from system design, and from root issues. By focusing on methodological p r e c i s i o n and functional r a t i o n a l i t y , the present planning process reinforces the technocratic, objective, r a t i o n a l image of decision-making while obscuring the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l e f f e c t s and the value basis of fundamental assumptions. By c o n t r o l l i n g and conducting planning for the communities, the t e r r i t o r i a l government i s denying the communities the right to be responsible for the i r own actions. The t e r r i t o r i a l governments type of assistance fosters dependence and mitigates against self-confidence and s o c i a l learning. The res u l t i s not e f f e c t i v e , e f f i c i e n c t or f a i r . The procedural issues i n planning are related to the appropriate s t y l e and form of planning: who should control? how to deal with value c o n f l i c t s ? and how to combine personal and processed knowledge? For the planner, these issues reduce to: who i s the c l i e n t ? 5.3 Recommendations 5.3.1 Procedural We must not confuse the pattern of the regulatory model with i t s s p e c i f i c content. It i s enough to a t t a i n r e q u i s i t e v a r i e t y by specifying the pattern. To specify the content i s too much. Yet this i s what endlessly happens, and I have noted that i t usually happens—in those well-intentioned i n s t i t u t i o n s , i n good c o n s c i o u s — f o r one fundamental reason. This i s c a l l e d " f a i r n e s s . " But I believe this kind of fairness to be an excuse for avoiding r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . (Beer, 1984, p. 74) Freedom i s the f i r s t condition of growth. The idea that we can make or help others grow, that we can d i r e c t or guide them while always retaining for - 206 -ourselves the right to decide i s nonsense, a dangerous l i e that has retarded the growth of mi l l i o n s of human beings thoughout h i s t o r y . But i t seems that we have not yet learned that lesson from h i s t o r y so we repeat i t continually, but with the greatest of goodwill under the nearest i m i t a t i o n of " p a r t i c i p a t i o n . " (Gamble, 1982, p. 18) The s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l environment i n the N.W.T. i s not yet entrenched i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l t r a d i t i o n and structure (Rees, 1982). Innovative mechanisms and structures should be investigated and implemented to delineate and mediate r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , authority and rel a t i o n s h i p s among the l o c a l , regional and federal governments which are s p e c i f i c a l l y designed for the environmental and s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s of the N.W.T. The moral and e t h i c a l questions inherent i n the current p a t e r n a l i s t i c c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between federal and regional government, between regional and l o c a l government, and between Euro-Canadian society and Native people must be cent r a l to such investigations and experiments. Local development, services and planning should be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the community. The G.N.W.T. should p o l i t i c a l l y decentralize control over water and sani t a t i o n services to the community l e v e l . The current program to p h y s i c a l l y decentralize the t e r r i t o r i a l government bureaucracy may hinder p o l i t i c a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and impede the s t r u c t u r a l innovation and system design necessary to achieve v i a b l e l o c a l governments. Assistance from the t e r r i t o r i a l government should not impede l o c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , self-determination and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . A s s i s t i n g mechanisms such as block funding, unconditional grants, and community - 207 -control over t e r r i t o r i a l government expenditures and a c t i v i t i e s within the respective community should be investigated. As a f i r s t step towards l o c a l control and learning, Native communities should be given the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , resources and assistance to conduct community and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e planning. Water and s a n i t a t i o n .planning and community planning should be based on s o c i a l learning and community development. Planning should be viewed as a process which emphasizes evolving systems and h e u r i s t i c s with self-determination as the c e n t r a l focus (Jantsch, 1980). Planning should reinforce s e l f - r e l i a n c e i n process and content. The planning process should i n s p i r e , guide and a s s i s t the affected people to become aware of problems and conditions of their l i v e s and to plan and to act to change adverse conditions for the better. Planning and planners should improve the q u a l i t y of problem solving by providing both a forum and information to f a c i l i t a t e informed debate and r a t i o n a l choice. Community development theory which l i n k s learning and action should recognize that the people affected are more capable than outsiders to perceive and assess both the conditions of t h e i r l i v e s and the appropriate actions (Roberts, 1979). Planning which l i n k s knowledge and action should emphasize dialogue and sharing of expertise between planner and c l i e n t (Freidmann, 1973). The community residents should be the c l i e n t and c o n t r o l l e r s of water and s a n i t a t i o n planning and community planning. t Planning should not r e l y on i n d i v i d u a l s ; however, the importance of personality, experience and values must be recognized. Technocrats and bureaucrats involved i n community development i n the N.W.T. should be - 208 -educated i n c r o s s - c u l t u r a l communication and Native culture and decision-making process. Ultimately the education of society should emphasize humanity and broader awareness. 5.3.2 Content Appropriate technology reminds us that before we choose our tools and techniques we must choose our dreams and values, for some technologies serve them while others make them unobtainable. (Tom Bender, quoted i n Cameron, 1983) Water and s a n i t a t i o n services and systems that are not desired, understood or appreciated by the community residents w i l l not be f u l l y e f f e c t i v e . Water and s a n i t a t i o n services and systems that are beyond the means and a b i l i t y of the community to finance and operate can impede s e l f - r e l i a n c e . This does not imply that Native people be abandoned and condemned to substandard services and poor health. Rather, i t recognizes the importance of personal knowledge and s e l f - r e l i a n c e and implies that the regional government's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s to a s s i s t the community i n a l l e v i a t i n g those conditions which impede understanding, appreciation, means, and a b i l i t y . This can be achieved through public health education, d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of authority, r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and resources for water and s a n i t a t i o n services, and developing systems which are sympathetic to the environmental and s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s of the North and the s o c i a l objectives of the people. Knowledge of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between objectives and water and s a n i t a t i o n services and systems i s inadequate and imprecise. However, the major factors i n the s e l e c t i o n of water and s a n i t a t i o n systems are - 209 -shown to be community population, housing type, water consumption, employment opportunities, and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . The importance of housing type to the cost of piped systems and to community development j u s t i f i e s the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of s o c i a l and economic implications of multi-family housing. The s i g n i f i c a n t reduction i n cost and the consequent economic attractiveness of trucked services for single family housing which would r e s u l t from a modest reduction i n water use j u s t i f i e s the i n v e s t i g a t i o n and demonstration of water conserving f i x t u r e s and appliances. High standard of service and low cost are incompatible c r i t e r i a i f we r e l y on conventional temperate climate concepts and technology based on southern urban i n d u s t r i a l l i f e s t y l e and needs. However, trucked water del i v e r y and sewage pumpout systems are an intermediate technology between rudimentary s e l f - h a u l and sophisticated piped sytems which are appropriate to the northern environmental, s o c i a l and community conditions. Trucked systems can provide a safe, convenient, f l e x i b l e , r e l i a b l e and economical service which f a c i l i t a t e l o c a l employment and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . As the l a t e Eb Rice said, "I don't recommend against modernity, only against t o t a l dependence on i t " (Rice, 1979, p. 6). Epilogue As planners and engineers, as bureaucrats and technocrats, we must ask: Does th i s decision making process and does t h i s technology foster s o c i a l learning and control? If not—don't change the world, change your mind. - 210 -BIBLIOGRAPHY A l t e r , Amos J . 1972. " A r c t i c Environmental Health Problems," CRC  C r i t i c a l Reviews i n Environmental Control, January 1972, pp. 459-515. 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Tilsworth, eds., Inst, of Water Resources, Univ. of Alaska, Fairbanks, Alaska, IWR Report 62, pp. 357-389, 1975. 4. Associated Engineering Services Ltd., "Tuktoyaktuk Water Supply and Waste Disposal", Report to: Dept. of Local Government, Government of the N.W.T., Yellowknife, N.W.T., 1974. 5. Cameron, J . J . , "Preliminary Analysis of the Benefits of Water and Sanitation Installations", Brief presented to: House of Commons Standing Committee on Indian Affairs for National Indian Brotherhood, 1974. 6. Cameron, J . J . , "Buried Utilities in Permafrost Regions", Special report to: Program of Environmental Quality Engineering, Universityof Alaska, Fairbanks, Alaska, 1975. 7. Cameron, J . J . , "Shallow Buried Utilities in Cold Regions -Preliminary Report on the Faro, Y.T. Utility Extension Study Site", Technology Branch, Northwest Region, Environmental Protection Service, Environment Canada, Edmonton, Alberta, 1975. 8. Grainge, J.W. and Cameron, J . J . , "Sewage Lagoons in Northern Regions", Presented at: Technology Transfer Seminar, Environmental Protection Agency, Anchorage, Alaska, A p r i l 7-10, 1975. 9. Cameron, J . J . , "Waste Impounding Embankments in Permafrost Regions: The Sewage Lagoon Embankment, Inuvik, N.W.T.", In: Some Problems i n Liquid Waste Disposal in the Northern  Environment, J.W. Slupsky, ed., Environment Canada, Environmental Protection Service, Northwest Region, Edmonton, Albeta, Technology Development Report, EPS 4-NW-76-2, pp. 141-230, 1976. 10. Cameron, J . J . and Smith, D.W., "Annotated Bibliography on Northern Environmental Engineering 1974-75", Environment Canada, Environmental Protection Service, Ottawa, Economic and Technical Review Report EPS 3-WP-77-6, 1977. 11. Cameron, J . J . , Christensen, V., and Gamble, D.J., "Northern Technology Today and Tomorrow", Presented at: Western Canada Water and Sewage Conference, Edmonton, Alberta, 1977. 12. Cameron, J . J . , Christensen, V. and Gamble, D.J., "Water and Sanitation in the Northwest Territories: An Overview of the Setting, Policies and Technology", The Northern Engineer, 9(4): 4-14, 1977. 13. Armstrong, B.C. and Cameron, J . J . , "Water and Sanitation Project Costs: A Consolidation of Historic Cost Information", Prepared for: Department of Local Government, Government of the N.W.T., Yellowknife, N.W.T., 1977. 14. Cameron, J . J . and Armstrong, B.C., "Annotated Bibliography on Northern Environmental Engineering 1976-77", Environmental Protection Service, Environment Canada, Ottawa, Economic and Technical Review Report EPS 3-WP-79-1, 1979. 15. Cameron, J . J . and Armstrong, B.C., "Water and Energy Conservation Alternatives for the North", Northern Technology Unit, Environmental Protection Service, Environment Canada, Edmonton, Alberta and Department of Local Government, Government of the N.W.T., Yellowknife, N.W.T., 1979. 16. Cameron, J . J . , "Water and Sanitation Systems Analysis Computer Program - The Cost-Effective Approach", Northern Technology Unit, Environmental Protection Service, Environment Canada, Edmonton, Alberta and Department of Local Government, Government of the N.W.T., Yellowknife, N.W.T., 1979. 17. Smith, D.W., Reed, S., Cameron, J . J . , Heinke, G.W., James, F., Reid, B., Ryan, W.L. and Scribner, J . , "Cold Climates Utilities Delivery Design Manual", Environment Canada, Environmental Protection Service, Ottawa, Economic and Technical Review Report EPS-3-WP-79-2, 1979. 18. Cameron, J . J . and Armstrong, B.C., "Water Conservation Alternatives for the North", Environment Canada, Environmental Protection Service, Ottawa, Economic and Technical Review Report EPS 3-WP-80-2, 1980. 19. Christensen, V. and Cameron, J . J . , "The Northwest Territories Water and Sanitation Systems Analysis Computer Program - An Overview", Presented at: International Association of Water Pollution Researchers 10th International Conference, Post Conference Seminar on "Design of Water and Wastewater Services for Cold Climate Communities", University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, June 28-29, 1980. 20. Grainge, J.W., Schaefer, Dr. O., Cameron, J . J . et a l . , "Environmental Engineering in West Greenland", Shaw, J.W. (ed.), Associated Engineering Services Ltd., Edmonton, Alberta, 1980. 21. Cameron, J . J . , "Guidelines for the Preparation and Administration of Municipal Water and Sanitation Trucked Service Contracts", Dept. of Local Government, Government of the N.W.T., Yellowknife, N.W.T., 1981. 22. Cameron, J . J . "Estimating Water and Sewage Service Economic Rates for Northwest Territories Communities", Dept. of Local Government, Government of the N.W.T., Yellowknife, N.W.T., 1981. 23. Cameron, J . J . , "Economic Analysis of Water and Sanitation Alternatives for Communities in Northern Canada", Presented at "Utilities Delivery in Cold Regions Symposium", 25-26 May 1982, Edmonton, Alberta, 1982. 24. Cameron, J . J . , Dussault, J . and El k i n , B. "Community Water and Sanitation Services 1982 - Northwest Territories", Dept. of Local Government, Government of the N.W.T., Yellowknife, N.W.T., 1982. 25. Reed, S.C, Ryan, W.L., Cameron, J . J . and Bouzoun J.R. "Utility Services for Remote Military Facilities", Cold Regions Research and Engineering Laboratory, Hanover, N.H., Special Report 84-14, 1984. 26. Cameron, J . J . , "Analysis of Water Use in Trucked Serviced Residences in the Northwest Territories", Dept. of Local Government, Government of the N.W.T., 1984. 

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