Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

A northern Indian band’s mode of production and its articulation with the multinational mode Dimitrov, Peter Petkov 1984

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1984_A6_7 D54.pdf [ 6.63MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0095971.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0095971-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0095971-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0095971-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0095971-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0095971-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0095971-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0095971-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0095971.ris

Full Text

A NORTHERN INDIAN BAND'S MODE OF PRODUCTION AND ITS ARTICULATION WITH THE MULTINATIONAL MODE By PETER PETKOV DIMITROV B.A., Notre Dame Univ e r s i t y , Nelson, B.C., 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES SCHOOL OF COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1984 ® Peter Petkov Dimitrov, 1984 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d tha t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date OJ- fo. ABSTRACT Even af t e r the much heralded 1977 pub l i c a t i o n of "Northern Frontier:Northern Homeland" by J u s t i c e Thomas Berger, many i l l - c o n c e i v e d perceptions about northern Canadian indigenous peoples continue to p e r s i s t . Amongst northern p o l i c y makers, r u r a l Indian Bands are thought to be v i r t u a l l y devoid of an economy where people work and where goods of value are produced, d i s t r i b u t e d and consumed. This attitude i s not inconsequential. Because Bands tend to have low l e v e l s of wage employment, per capita income and commercial a c t i v i t y , i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i s seen by many as an e s s e n t i a l path to development. For many reasons, not the l e a s t of which i s the 'hidden' nature of Band 'underground' economies, the impacts of proposed i n d u s t r i a l developments on the e x i s t i n g nature of Indian Band socio-economy are r a r e l y taken into account. This thesis through the a p p l i c a t i o n of a mode of production approach to impact assessment and by the examination of one Indian Band economy, argues that northern Indian Bands have a v i a b l e , c u l t u r a l l y unique system of economic organization that deserves recognition and support within the Canadian m u l t i c u l t u r a l mileu. The concept of a mode of production, o r i g i n a t i n g from the h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s t t r a d i t i o n of K. Marx and F. Engels, stresses that the economy of a society can be understood by examining the character and i n t e r a c t i o n of such component 'sub-systems' as: property and resource management, production, d i s t r i b u t i o n , consumption, reproduction - i i i -and the nature of land use and i n t e r n a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . The degree to which component sub-systems of economies d i f f e r , i s a substantial factor i n d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g diverse modes of production. The thesis analyzes the Northern Indian mode of production as exemplified by the Ross River Indian Band—a group of Athapaskan Indian people r e s i d i n g i n the r u r a l part of Canada's northern Yukon T e r r i t o r y . A f t e r presenting h i s t o r i c a l information on the biophysical and post-conact human settlement aspects of the Ross River Indian people, an examination i s made of several sub-components of their economy. Contrary to government land use maps which show that northern Canada i s unpopulated and e s s e n t i a l l y a f r o n t i e r , the thesis Indian land use maps reduced from f i e l d maps complete i n 1983, indicate that in at l e a s t one case, Indian land and resource use i s s p a t i a l l y extensive and systemically complex i n i t s adaptation to regional ecology. An examination of the Ross River Indian economy indicates that i s i s not moribund. Even today the largest Band economic sector i s the bush economy, which annually produces an imputed $700,000—about 41% of a l l gross personal income. Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n wage employment provides about $600,000 annually (36%); while government transfer payments provide about $380,000 (23%) of annual gross personal incomes. Since the Ross River Indian Band i s p o t e n t i a l l y facing a series of modernizing regional economic developments whose organizational 'sub-system' components are s u b s t a n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t then that of the northern Indian mode of production, an examination i s made of the important aspects of the multinational mode of production and the possible transformation e f f e c t s on the northern Indian mode. - i v -The stresses which Indian labor experiences when working within an i n d u s t r i a l environment are presented i n the people's own voices. In part, d i f f i c u l t i e s of adaptation are due to a lack of tra i n i n g , i n t e r - r a c i a l tensions, and the misunderstanding of union and government o f f i c i a l s . Aside from these however, the most s i g n i f i c a n t i n h i b i t i n g factor that have ultimately contributed to Band members p r e f e r r i n g employment within their own Indian mode of production, over i n d u s t r i a l - r e l a t e d a c t i v i t y , are related to the d i f f e r e n t system of s o c i a l and economic r e l a t i o n s that typify a multinational mode of production, and the stresses which that system places on the v i a b l e continuance of the Indian mode. The e f f e c t s of c a p i t a l i s t commoditisation on Indian land, labor and use-value production are examined, along with an analysis of the changes that might occur to Indian r e l a t i o n s of production. As a r e s u l t of Indian a r t i c u l a t i o n with the multinational mode of production, Indian labor, lands,and resources become part of the global commodity market, and as a consequence, Indian Band control over their d i s p o s i t i o n becomes incre a s i n g l y oriented to State and corporate i n t e r e s t s . While transformation effects may be extensive, i t i s acknowledged that the changes deriving from a multinational mode of production are extremely variable within and between the many Indian Bands of the Canadian north. The uneveness of the transformation Is related not only to the inherent space and class contradictions of c a p i t a l i s t expansion and the hypermobility of c a p i t a l , but also to preservation tendencies Internal to the northern Indian mode of production. - v -F i n a l l y , this thesis examines a c r i t i c a l option whereby an Indian mode of production can protect and control i t ' s own development path. Rather than suggesting a v a r i e t y of development strategies and i n s t i t u t i o n a l 'bureaucratic' vehicles (such as land use and regional planning commissions) that might, or might not, contribute to increased Indian protection and control, this thesis stresses that the fundamental question of ownership of the means of production i s c r u c i a l to the persistance of any mode of p r o d u c t i o n — i n c l u d i n g the northern Indian mode of production. For this reason, i t i s emphasized, that AT THE VERY LEAST, Indian proprietory ownership of land and resources needed for reproduction i s e s s e n t i a l for the preservation of development options for the northern Indian mode of production. - v i -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS v i LIST OF TABLES x LIST OF FIGURES x i CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION TO THESIS 1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Dimensions of the Problem 1 1.3 Thesis Objectives 8 1.4 Methodology 9 1.5 Thesis Outline 11 CHAPTER 2: THE INTERPRETATIVE APPROACH 13 2.1 Modes of Production and H i s t o r i c a l Materialism 13 2.2 A System of Property and Resource Management 15 2.3 Economic Practice 18 2.3.1 The Productive Element 19 2.3.2 The D i s t r i b u t i v e Element 21 2.3.3 The Consumption Element 21 2.3.4 The Reproductive Element 22 2.4 Relationships. 23 2.4.1 Relationship to Biophysical Environment: the System of Land Use 23 2.4.2 Internal S o c i a l Relationships 25 2.4.3 Relationships to Other So c i e t i e s 26 - v i i -Page CHAPTER 3: THE SETTING •. 28 3.1 The Biophysical Environment 28 3.1.1 The Animals 31 3.2 The Setting: Part 2 - History of the People 35 3.2.1 The Fur Trade Era 35 3.2.2 The Canol Road Era 39 3.2.3 The Cyprus An v i l Mine Era 44 3.2.4 Recent History: 1972 - Present 50 CHAPTER 4: INDIAN LAND USE 52 4.1 The Ross River Indian Land Use Maps 52 4.1.1 Fishing 57 4.1.2 "Before" Hunting and Trapping Maps 58 4.1.3 "After" Hunting and Trapping Maps 61 4.2 The Indian System of Land Use: Post-Anvil Era 66 4.3 The Annual Seasonal Round 67 4.4 Contemporary System of Use 68 4.4.1 Spring Hunt 68 4.4.2 Indian Summer 71 4.4.3 The F a l l Hunt 71 4.4.4 Early Winter 72 4.4.5 Late Winter 73 4.5 General Aspects of System of Use 74 CHAPTER 5: THE ROSS RIVER INDIAN BAND ECONOMY 79 5.1 Introduction 79 5.2 Methodological Design 81 5.3 Ross River and Indian System of Property Rights and Resource Management 82 5.3.1 The Indian System of Property Rights 83 5.3.2 The Indian System of W i l d l i f e Management 83 - v i i i -Page 5.4 The Productive Element 85 5.4.1 Who Works?. 85 5.4.2 Country Food Production 87 5.4.3 Imputed Value of Country Food Production 91 5.4.4 Trapping and Handicraft Production........... 95 5.5 Wage and Transfer Payment Incomes 96 5.5.1 Wage Income and i t s Sources 97 5.5.2 Transfer Payments 99 5.6 Non-Quantitative Aspects of the Economy 102 5.7 The Band Economy: A Conclusion 103 CHAPTER 6: TRANSFORMATION EFFECTS OF CAPITALIST PENETRATION ON THE NORTHERN INDIAN MODE OF PRODUCTION 106 6.1 Proposed Resource Developments: Ross River Region.. 106 6.2 The Stresses of I n d u s t r i a l Labor: An Indian View... 110 6.3 A r t i c u l a t o r y Stresses Between D i f f e r i n g Modes I l l 6.3.1 The Northern Indian Mode of Production: A Summary 112 6.3.2 The Multinational Mode of Production: A Summary • 114 6.3.3 The Uneven Character of C a p i t a l i s t Penetration and Commoditisation 117 6.3.4 The E f f e c t s of C a p i t a l i s t Commoditisation.... 119 6.3.5 Changes to Indian Relations of Production.... 120 6.3.6 The I n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of Commodity Relations... 121 6.3.7 Changes to Indian D i s t r i b u t i o n Systems 123 6.3.8 Wage Labor: Entry To or E x i t from the ' T r a d i t i o n a l ' Sector 124 6.3.9 Concluding Remarks 126 CHAPTER 7: INDIAN PROPRIETORY RIGHTS: THE PRIMARY ARTICULATORY BASIS FOR PROTECTION AND PRESERVATION OF INDIAN DEVELOPMENT OPTIONS 128 7.1 The Necessity of A r t i c u l a t o r y Linkages with the Canadian State 128 7.1.1 What Must These Linkages Accomplish? 129 - ix -Page 7.2 The Necessity of Property Rights 130 7.2.1 Proprietory Rights—An Alternative to Fee Simple Property Ownership? 131 7.3 Proprietory Rights—An E s s e n t i a l Foundation of Indian Development Options?................. 134 BIBLIOGRAPHY 136 - X -LIST OF TABLES Page Table 2.1 H i s t o r i c Modes of Organizing Economic Production 16 Table 3.1 Animal Resource Species i n the Ross River Region 32 Table 5.1 Age of Trappers and Harvest Returns 87 Table 5.2 Food Weight Values Used to Calculate Ross River Indian Bush Food Harvests 89 Table 5.3 Annual Edible Meat Harvested 90 Table 5.4 R e t a i l Cash Equivalents for Country Food 93 Table 5.5 Imputed Dollar Value of Ross River Indian Annual Meat Harvest 93 Table 5.6 Total Estimated Value of the Household Sector: Ross River Indian Bank 1981/1982 96 Table 5.7 R e t a i l Costs of Harvesting Gear 98 Table 5.8 Ross River Annual Income from Transfer Payments...... 99 Table 5.9 Total Band Income: A l l Sources 100 - x i -LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 2.1 Interactive Elements of a Mode of Production 17 Figure 3.1 The Study Area 29 Figure 4.1 Ross River Indian Fishnet Before MB 53 Figure 4.2 Ross River Indian F i s h l i n e Before MB 54 Figure 4.3 Ross River Indian Fishnet After MB 55 Figure 4.4 Ross River Indian F i s h l i n e Before MB 56 Figure 4.5 Ross River Indian Hunting Before MB 59 Figure 4.6 Ross River Indian Trapping Before MB 60 Figure 4.7 Ross River Indian Hunting After MB 62 Figure 4.8 Ross River Indian Trapping After MB 63 Figure 4.9 Seasonal Harvest Cycle and Residency Pattern: Post-Anvil 69 Figure 6.1 P o t e n t i a l Mineral Development Projects 107 - 1 -CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION TO THE THESIS 1.1 The I n t r o d u c t i o n This thesis focuses on the contemporary dynamics of northern Indian economies as exemplified by the case study of the Ross River Indian Band—a group of Athapaskan Indian people r e s i d i n g 250 miles northeast of Whitehorse i n the Yukon T e r r i t o r y . The Band's economy and system of land use are analyzed by the ap p l i c a t i o n of a modes of production a n a l y t i c a l framework. The Indian mode of production cannot be understood i n i s o l a t i o n from the a r t i c u l a t i o n the Ross River Indian Band has had with regional i n d u s t r i a l developments c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a multinational mode of production. In this thesis a hist o r y of this a r t i c u l a t i o n i s presented and future p o t e n t i a l transformations to the Indian mode are analyzed by reference to both underdevelopment-dependency theory and r a d i c a l regional science. F i n a l l y , the thesis presents some recommendations to guarantee the protection of northern Indian modes of production, recommendations oriented towards the establishment of a r t i c u l a t o r y linkages with the Canadian State. 1.2 The D i m e n s i o n o f the P r o b l e m Many Canadian government policy makers regard Canadian Indian Bands as underdeveloped. This perception i s "substantiated" by reference to economic i n d i c a t o r s that are commonly u t i l i z e d throughout - 2 -most of North America. In modern Canadian society, the chief indicators of a healthy economy are considered to be such factors as labor p a r t i c i p a t i o n rates, per capita incomes, and gross national or regional products. In terms of r u r a l Yukon Indian bands underdevelopment i s thought to be p a r t i c u l a r l y severe (DIAND, 1980). Unemployment and transfer payments are, or are perceived to be, higher on a per capita basis than n a t i o n a l l y , while per capita cash incomes are below national poverty l i n e l e v e l s ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1983). Amongst northern p o l i c y makers r u r a l Indian bands are thought to be v i r t u a l l y devoid of an economy. This perception that r u r a l Indian bands are v i r t u a l l y without an economy where labor i s employed and goods of value are produced, d i s t r i b u t e d and consumed, i s not j u s t an abstract hypothesis of minimal consequence. The unstated attitude i s that because Bands tend to have low l e v e l s of wage employment, per capita income and commercial business a c t i v i t y , i n d u s t r i a l development can only be of benefit. The implications of i n d u s t r i a l development on e x i s t i n g Indian Band culture and socio-economy are infrequently analyzed. A recent p u b l i c a t i o n on "Economic Circumstances i n Yukon T e r r i t o r y " (Fournier, 1979) i s i l l u s t r a t i v e of views that denigrate r u r a l Indian Band economies. In the publication's analysis of the Yukon economy, hunting i s seen as an important part of Yukon's h i s t o r y but: Today i t i s r e l a t i v e l y less important though i t a t t r a c t s some i n d i v i d u a l income as sport and r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y - 3 -S i m i l a r l y although furs were once an important Yukon resource before the 1880's: With the Klondike gold rush and subsequent developments i n mining, many who at one time r e l i e d on the fur industry, now had an a l t e r n a t i v e source of income available to them. For future Indian hunters and trappers: I t i s generally f e l t that as socioeconomic conditions improve for the native peoples their dependence on hunting to provide meat requirements w i l l diminish. The report goes on to say: At the same time we can expect resident (sports) hunting to grow due to increased l e i s u r e time. What the above two quotes imply i s that the demand by resident sports hunters w i l l increase as Indians buy more meat from the store. In the Yukon T e r r i t o r y three quarters of the Yukon's 500-600 registered trappers are status and non-status Indians. Trapping i s regarded by Fournier as e s s e n t i a l l y an unattractive economic a c t i v i t y , but i t i s seen as 'economic" i n c o n t r a d i s t i n c t i o n with hunting. The uncertain cash income and y i e l d s plus the r e l a t i v e hardships of running a winter trapline indicate that the number of trappers w i l l continue to decline as other more a t t r a c t i v e jobs become more a t t r a c t i v e - 4 -The Northern Roads and A i r s t r i p s "North Canol I n i t i a l Environmental Evaluation" (Canada, 1982) discussion of the importance of hunting for the Ross River Indian Band u t i l i z e s some of Fournier's conclusions respecting the decline of Indian hunting i n r e l a t i o n to increased wage employment: Recreational hunting i n the MacMillan Pass by non-resident hunters provides important income to the l o c a l economy (through guiding, e t c . ) . Resident hunting to supplement (imported) Native meat supplies i s s t i l l important but dependence on this resource diminishes with improved socio-economic conditions. (Canada 1982) To this author the economic ro l e of hunting in a modern economy i s the generation of cash through sports and o u t f i t t i n g a c t i v i t i e s ; given the a v a i l a b i l i t y of wage jobs and amenities of modern l i f e , hunting w i l l no longer be a s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of Yukon Indian l i f e . I t i s true that Indian hunting has declined i n importance with increasing wage oportunities and transfer payments. In the Yukon T e r r i t o r y Indians no longer r e l y e x c l u s i v e l y on the land to get a l l their food and clo t h i n g . Hunting has c e r t a i n l y declined i n importance since fur trade days; i t has also declined i n importance since the e a r l i e r part of the twentieth century. The problem with statements by Fournier and Northern Roads and A i r s t r i p s i s what i s implied about the future and the process of economic change. I t i s assumed that the decline i s a continuous one-way process into the future and the northern Indians w i l l become occassional sports hunters l i k e their white neighbours. - 5 -Given the preceding discussion i t should not be su r p r i s i n g that the chief proposed remedies for the "underdeveloped" economy of Yukon Indian Bands are wage employment and business development with i n d u s t r i a l development projects being the stimulus. Higher per capita incomes and labor p a r t i c i p a t i o n rates would be a sign of "successful" development. At present several r u r a l Yukon Indian Bands, including the Ross River Indian Band are facing the prospect of large i n d u s t r i a l development projects i n their v i c i n i t y . These projects as "change events" w i l l have impacts on the s o c i a l and economic f a b r i c of the Bands. Adaptations w i l l have to be made. Rather than concerning i t s e l f with p o t e n t i a l impacts on economic and s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Yukon Indian bands and the capacities of Bands to adapt, the Yukon Region Department of Indian and Inuit A f f a i r s , has been concerned that impact assessments focus primarily on: 1. The Band income and wage employment m u l t i p l i e r e f f e c t s of development, both d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y . 2. The extent to which developments w i l l a f f e c t e x i s t i n g gross regional products ( i n u i t and Indian A f f a i r s , 1982). This impact assessment approach by the Yukon Region Indian and Inu i t A f f a i r s department i s not only affected by "b e l i e f systems" about modernization and ethnocentric assumptions about r u r a l Yukon Indian Band economies, i t i s also influenced by the s o c i a l accounting methodology of impact assessment with a tendency to r e l y on national (Kuznets, 1941) and regional accounting approaches (Isard, 1960; Hirsch, 1962; Bendavid, 1974). - 6 -The fundamental assumptions of s o c i a l acounting are that economic ind i c a t o r s such as per capita income and labor p a r t i c i p a t i o n rates provide an accurate measure of standard of l i v i n g , and that by c a l c u l a t i n g changes to such indicators for a group that would be affected by development, p o s i t i v e of negative impact may be determined. S o c i a l accounting has enjoyed only a li m i t e d popularity primarily due to i t s s i m p l i s t i c assumptions. For example, i t assumes that the only relevant measure of well-being are GNP, employment and income i n d i c a t o r s . Indicators of access to public services and s o c i a l amenities are not considered. More importantly, the technique of s o c i a l accounting has overlooked c u l t u r a l variances and the existence of household economies which contribute to meet basic needs v i a production a c t i v i t i e s often conventionally considered uneconomic. Cognizant of these shortcommings, some government o f f i c i a l s (Chambers, 1982) within the Yukon Regions of Indian and I n u i t A f f a i r s have acknowledged that reference to only income l e v e l s and labor p a r t i c i p a t i o n may not be s u f f i c i e n t i n assessing impact of developments on Yukon Indian Bands. I t has been suggested that impact assessment needs to q u a n t i t a t i v e l y evaluate predictable changes to Band demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as birth/death rates, education and s k i l l t r a i n i n g l e v e l s , a v a i l a b i l i t y of public services housing standards and many others. The fundamental idea behind this approach i s that by comparing a Band's baseline indicators with 'objectively' predicted changes the pros and cons of development could then be ascertained and mitigation measures could then be devised. While this constitutes an expansion - 7 -of the s o c i a l accounting approach for impact assessment there s t i l l are s i g n i f i c a n t shortcomings of this methodology. . . . the most important a t t r i b u t e of a l l the i n d i c a t o r s , whether they can be quantified or not, i s that they equate human happiness and well-being with consumption. The image i s of man the consumer. The key economic indicators are the a b i l i t y to consume, either p r i v a t e l y (personal income) or p u b l i c a l l y (public revenue), or the means to get that a b i l i t y (employment, s a l e s ) . The s o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s tend to refer to the a b i l i t y to gain employment as a means to consume (education, s k i l l s , health), or are taken as proxy indicators of the lack of the means to consume deviance, s o c i a l pathology, n o n - p a r t i c i p a t i o n ) . . . . The consumer image of man i s a fundamental part of the economic r e l i g i o n of modern i n d u s t r i a l society. (Usher: 67-68) These forms of impact assessment that view man primarily as a consumer have been the subject of c r i t i c i s m by such northern Indian organizations as the Council for Yukon Indians and Yukon Indian Bands proximate to proposed northern developments. At f i r s t their major c r i t i c i s m has been about southern Euro-Canadian ethnocentricism respecting methodological approaches. To circumvent this ethnocentricism there has been growing insistence for p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a l l phases of research design, f i e l d data c o l l e c t i o n , compilation and evaluation and report write-up. Most recently, there has been an in s i s t e n c e that impact assessment research that involves northern Yukon Indian Bands be under independent Indian c o n t r o l . Given this turn of events whereby Yukon Indian Bands now i n s i s t upon Band-controlled impact assessments i t i s timely to discuss an approach to Indian impact - 8 -assessment which i s not r e l i a n t on Euro-Canadian s o c i a l accounting and which does not view man e s s e n t i a l l y as a consumer. This approach must provide, at the l e a s t , the a n a l y t i c a l tools to understand the productive, consumptive, d i s t r i b u t i v e and land use aspects of both Indian economies and Euro-Canadian i n d u s t r i a l economies. Furthermore, i t must be capable of analyzing changes that might occur should these two e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t human systems of organizing economic a c t i v i t y , or modes of production, happen to i n t e r - r e l a t e . F i n a l l y , this approach must be able to suggest means for protecting and enhancing those components of an Indian system of economy and land use which are valued by Indian people. In l i g h t of this discussion the thesis objectives are: 1.3 Thesis Objectives 1. To formulate the components of an approach to impact assessment that i s based on an understanding of the dynamics of current northern Indian and i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t modes of production and of the possible forms this a r t i c u l a t i o n might take. 2. To apply this approach to analyzing a case study of one northern Indian Band, i t s past r e l a t i o n s h i p to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and i t s possible future. 3. To outline measures which could be taken to protect Indian control over the development of their own economies. - 9 -1.4 Methodology The conceptualization of an impact assessment approach appropriate to the Canadian north draws on two kinds of l i t e r a t u r e : documentation of indigenous economies and general l i t e r a t u r e on modes of production and underdevelopment-dependency theory. The case study chosed for a p p l i c a t i o n of the a n a l y t i c a l approach developed for northern impact assessment i s the Ross River Indian Band, a group of Athapaskan Indians r e s i d i n g i n the southeastern corner of the Yukon T e r r i t o r y . Information for this thesis was c o l l e c t e d through the author's three year association with Yukon Indian bands, p a r t i c u l a r l y from a major research endeavor carried out i n Ross River during 1983. That research project, of which the author was the resident Project D i r e c t o r , u t i l i z e d a v a r i e t y of research methods including Indian land use mapping, examination of Band and a r c h i v a l records, questionnaire administration, open-ended interviews and d a i l y p a r t i c i p a n t — observation. While the d e t a i l s of the f i e l d methodologies are given i n the chapters that discuss the r e s u l t s of their a p p l i c a t i o n a b r i e f review at this time i s appropriate. The h i s t o r y of the Ross River Indian people and t h e i r land was obtained not only through a review of e x i s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e a v a ilable v i a archives or through the Council for Yukon Indian's l i b r a r i e s but also through open-ended interviewing with key elders. To document Indian land usage resident Ross River Indians eighteen years of age and older were asked to map on a 1:250,000 map - 10 -scale their hunting, f i s h i n g , trapping and camping use of land during two recent time periods that are h i s t o r i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t for the band. These i n d i v i d u a l maps which remain c o n f i d e n t i a l , were then aggregated using an mylar overlay methodology. The overlays, whose reductions are text maps i n this thesis, represent the t o t a l i t y of Indian land use for the en t i r e Ross River Indian v i l l a g e . While the Indian maps document the fa c t u a l and s p a t i a l extent of Ross River Indian land usage only the author's open-ended interviewing and participant-observation provide an in-depth understanding of other aspects of the Indian mode of production. The author's association with Ross River Indian Band members span two years of which approximately seven months were spent a c t u a l l y l i v i n g with an extended Indian family i n Ross River. Through this close contact the opportunity was available to observe and p a r t i c i p a t e i n many aspects of Ross River Indian l i f e . On many occasions the author p a r t i c i p a t e d i n hunting, trapping and f i s h i n g expeditions; observed kinship r e l a t i o n s h i p s amongst Band members and generally was av a i l a b l e at the r i g h t place and time to gain an in-depth understanding of important areas of Band Indian l i f e . The r e s u l t s of this p a r t i c i p a n t — o b s e r v a t i o n and extended open-ended interviews allowed the author to gain an in s i g h t into the Indian 'system' of resource and land use, the concept of Indian 'property' ownership and an understanding of indigenous systems of managing regional w i l d l i f e . To gain s t a t i s t i c a l documentation of the Ross River Indian economy, both i t s bush-sector and i t s wage sector, a questionnaire was - 11 -administered to approximately 90% of a l l Band members. This questionnaire, which remains the c o n f i d e n t i a l property of the band, was designed cooperatively with Indian members of the research team and the Band Council. The questionnaire asked a l l respondants to report on their harvests and cash income for the one year period November 1981 to November 1982. Questions were asked about the harvests of animal species and about income from wage employment, family allowance, c h i l d tax c r e d i t s and unemployment insurance. Information about other incomes such as welfare and old age pensions that d i r e c t l y accrue to Indian Band members were obtained from Band Council records. Once this raw data was obtained and checked for completeness and r e l i a b i l i t y by the e n t i r e team, i t was subjected to various kinds of computer an a l y s i s . F i n a l l y , the nature of northern Indian adaptation to regional i n d u s t r i a l modernization were examined through reference to over 70 indepth interviews carried out by the author with Band members. Interview topics included Indian wage labor experiences, family l i f e , c u l t u r e , the land, animals, alcoholism, and aspirations for the future. The data co l l e c t e d from Ross River are analyzed through the categories and r e l a t i o n s h i p s that constitute the a n a l y t i c a l approach developed for northern Indian impact assessment. 1.5 Thesis Outline Chapter 2 of this thesis introduces the l i t e r a t u r e of Canadian Indian economies and on the mode of production school of thought. I t - 12 -develops the conceptual approach whereby the dynamics of an Indian mode of production and the impacts on them of a multinational c a p i t a l i s t mode of production can be assessed. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 are a case study analysis of the economy of the Ross River Indian Band, one case of the northern Indian mode of production. Chapter 3 documents the h i s t o r y of the Ross River Indian people and their a r t i c u l a t i o n to-date with regional non-Indian i n d u s t r i a l developments. Chapter 4 analyzes the system of resource and land use on which the Ross River Indian economy i s based. Along with presenting Indian land-use maps this chapter also explains the dynamic spatial-temporal resource adaptation to the region's ecosystem. Chapter 5 analyzes the current Ross River Indian mode of production which can be characterized as a 'mixed economy.' Chapter 6 u t i l i z i n g the concepts developed i n Chapter 2, analyzes some general changes that p o t e n t i a l l y could occur to northern Indian modes of production upon a r t i c u l a t i o n with multinational capitalism and the c a p i t a l i s t commoditisation process. F i n a l l y , Chapter 7 outlines the major minimum a r t i c u l a t o r y guarantee which northern Indian modes of production require from the nation state for their protection and continued development. A l e g a l contract with the Canadian state which involves the retention of t i t l e to land and resources by government and the conveyance to Indian people of proprietory rights to their t r a d i t i o n a l lands and resources e s s e n t i a l to the Indian mode of production. - 13 -CHAPTER 2 THE INTERPRETATIVE APPROACH Harris (1979) argues that ". . . facts are always un r e l i a b l e without theories that guide their c o l l e c t i o n and . . . (distlnguishment of) s u p e r f i c i a l from s i g n i f i c a n t elements. . . . " For this reason a conceptual approach to a s s i s t i n the c o l l e c t i o n of information and i t s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n for the purposes of Indian planning and impact assessment i s required. 2 . 1 Modes of Production and H i s t o r i c a l Materialism The framework used in this thesis to i n t e r p r e t the dynamics of the Ross River Indian Band economy, as an example of the northern Indian mode of production, i s based on two kinds of literature:documentations of Canadian indigenous economies and secondly, modes of production l i t e r a t u r e . Design of the impact assessment approach began by drawing on a v a r i e t y of methodologies used to document the operations of Canadian indigenous economies (Freeman, 1976; Weinstein, 1976; Berger, 1977; Bennet, 1977; Bowles, 1977; Brody, 1981; James Bay and Northern Quebec Harvesting Research Committee 1982; Geisler et a l . 1982). These studies have revealed that at l e a s t two special factors about Indian .economies must be incorporated i n northern impact assessment. F i r s t , Indian people have d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s and values from the rest of Canadian society and secondly, i t i s acknowledged that many northern - 14 -people pursue a ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' economy based on hunting, trapping and f i s h i n g , which are valued for reasons i n addition to the cash incomes which they generate. These two factors imply, that at l e a s t with respect to northern Indian Bands, impact assessment approaches must consider man not primarily as a consumer, but more importantly as a producer. Therefore the approach should focus on the impacts of non-Indian i n d u s t r i a l systems upon the v i a b i l i t y of the naural resource base of Indian economies, upon unique Indian adaptations to the regional ecosystem which comprise Indian economic space, and l a s t l y upon the a b i l i t y of Bands to maintain and control the evolution of their economic and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . The roots of the mode of production l i t e r a t u r e derive e s s e n t i a l l y from the h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s t t r a d i t i o n (Marx, 1973 e d i t i o n ; Marx, 1975 e d i t i o n ; Marx and Engels, 1979 e d i t i o n ) . As Harris (1979) explains this t r a d i t i o n , human l i f e i s seen as a response to the p r a c t i c a l problems of earthly existence. "The mode of production of material l i f e determines the general character of s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and s p i r i t u a l processes of l i f e . " The concept of "modes of production" i s based on the view that . . . i n the s o c i a l production of their l i f e men enter into d e f i n i t e r e l a t i o n s of production that are independent of their w i l l , r e l a t i o n s of production which correspond to a d e f i n i t e stage of development of their material productive forces. The sum t o t a l of these r e l a t i o n s of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the r e a l foundation on which r i s e s a l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l superstructure and to whch correspond d e f i n i t e forms of s o c i a l consciousness. . . . (Marx 1859, c i t e d i n Tucker) - 15 -Economic practices comprise ce r t a i n elements and i t i s the manner i n which these elements combine that d i s t i n g u i s h d i f f e r e n t modes of production. Weaver (1980) suggests nine major h i s t o r i c a l modes of organizing economic production (Table 2.1). These modes, ranging from "hunting and c o l l e c t i n g " to "multinational capitalism" have been d i f f e r e n t i a t e d according to general a t t r i b u t e s pertaining to property ownership patterns and technology. P r i o r to examining p a r t i c u l a r s of the northern Indian mode of production and i t s a r t i c u l a t i o n to the multinational c a p i t a l i s t mode of production we must f i r s t understand the key elements that comprise any mode of production (Figure 2.1). 2.2 A System of Property and Resource Management Basic to any mode of production i s a p a r t i c u l a r arrangement of r i g h t s and control over the use and a l i e n a t i o n over property (Marx, 1867; Franklin, 1965; Clammer, 1978; Engels, 1978 ed.; Weaver, 1981). Property refers not only to i n d i v i d u a l l y or c o l l e c t i v e l y owned goods, but more importantly to a dynamic system of recognized and enforceable rights and customs that codify who has what r i g h t s , to what they may use such r i g h t s , and how can they dispose and benefit of their r i g hts (Hardin, 1968; C a i l , 1974; MacPherson, 1978). Systems of property r i g h t s are e n t i r e l y a c u l t u r a l a r t i f a c t ( G o d i l i e r , 1977). Some so c i e t i e s and their respective modes of production may have formal written laws and regulations pertaining to property ownership and resource usage (Ince, 1976; 1977). Others may have e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t - 16 -Table 2.1 H i s t o r i c Modes of Organizing (Weaver, 1980) Economic Production Category Ownership Patterns Technology 1. Hunting and C o l l e c t i n g resources held i n common common, most tools used p r i v a t e l y . simple stone, bone, wood metal implements, f i r e . 2. Nomadic Animal Husbandry communal and/or family use of resources. simple stone, bone wood and metal implements. 3. Communalis t A g r i c u l t u r e Mixed Farming communal or family land tenure and herds, privatelyhed tools. natural and metal tools, use of lever and harnessed animal power. 4. Feudalism land and most tools owned by a few f a m i l i e s and i n d i v i d u a l s . more extensive a g r i c . crop r o t a t i o n . 5. C o l l e c t i v i s t Capitalism state ownership of land and most tools. mathematics, accounting, large scale human organization, urban development. 6. Mercantile Capitalism private ownership of secondary ownership of tools, resources and ou tput. advanced handicraft techniques, long-distance transport, accumulation of free c a p i t a l . 7. I n d u s t r i a l Capitalism private i n d i v i d u a l and corporate ownership of tools, resources and output. factory syste, derived energy, metal engineer-ing. 8. State Capitalism state ownership of tools, resources and output. i n d u s t r i a l technology, c o l l e c t i v e a g r i c . 9. M u l t i n a t i o n a l Capitalism private corporate owner-ship of tools, resources and output at i n t ' l t i o n a l scale. p l a s t i c s , e l e c t r i c a l engineering, computer technology, atomic energy. - 17 -Figure 2.1 Interactive Elements of a Mode of Production 2.2 A System of Property and Resource Management 2.3 . Economic Practice 2.3.1 The Productive Element 2.3.2 The D i s t r i b u t i v e Element 2.3.3 The Consumption Element 2.3.4 The Reproductive Element 2.4 Relationships 2.4.1 Relationships to the Biophysical Environment:System of Land Use 2.4.2 Internal Social Relations 2.4.3 Relationships to Other Societies - 18 -systems of rights and ownership based on o r a l t r a d i t i o n s , possession of c e r t a i n symbol-artifacts and genealogical relationships ( I n g l i s , 1970; Rey, 1975; P r i t c h a r d , 1977). Irrespective of how ownership and rights to property are observed i n any society or mode of production, the management and control over the a l i e n a t i o n of that property belongs e s s e n t i a l l y to the holder of those property r i g h t s . D i f f e r e n t p ractices i n the d e f i n i t i o n , use, a l i e n a t i o n and management of p r o p e r t y — i n c l u d i n g land and resources—flows from the c u l t u r a l system of rights attached to property (Duff, 1980; Young, 1981). The Canadian native claims issue i n Canada i s e s s e n t i a l l y about d i f f e r e n t systems of property rights over land resources—which system of property rights w i l l have subordination and what types of l e g a l a r b i t r a t i o n and resource management control w i l l p r e v a i l (Robin, 1971-72; CYI 1977). 2.3 Economic P r a c t i c e In addition to human designed management systems regarding the use and d i s p o s i t i o n of property, each mode of production has an economic practice comprising productive, d i s t r i b u t i v e and consumptive elements (Marx and Engels, 1979 ed., Marx, 1867; Franklin, 1965; Hindess and H i r s t , 1977; Polanyi, 1957; H a r r i s , 1979; Halperin, 1977; Weaver, 1981). To these are added three e s s e t i a l categories of human r e l a t i o n s h i p : f i r s t l y , r e l a t i o n s h i p to the natural ecology; secondly, s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s within community; and l a s t l y r elationships among other communities, their producers, consumers and their mode of production (Weaver, 1981; Bowles, 1981; Asch, 1977). Furthermore, since - 19 -a l l s o c i e t i e s must recreate themselves so as to e x i s t through time, d i f f e r i n g modes of production must reproduce themselves (Althusser, 1969; Clark, 1980). 2.3.1 The Productive Element Regardless of the mode of production, the productive element contains ". . . the worker his means of production, and the object upon which he works. For production to take place, these elements must be combined by d i f f e r e n t types of connections ( r e l a t i o n s ) . . . " (Taylor, 1979). Modes of production are distinguished from each other by the manner i n which these elements combine, the technological complexity of tools and v i a the predominant patterns of ownership of resources and tools of production. The productive element of any mode of production also includes the p a r t i c u l a r way i n which labor processes are organized, d i v i s i o n of labor f o r p a r t i c u l a r tasks are assigned, and the size and structure of the basic unit of production. Irrespective of the mode of production, the productive elements combine i n s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s by means of which the appropriation of nature takes place to produce goods and services of value. Value may be determined not only by the quanta of immediate and accumulated labor power but also by some s o c i a l valuation of the raw materials from which the product i s made. Within any mode of production, two d i s t i n c t i o n s of value can be made: use-value, or the i n t r i n s i c u t i l i t y of a human or na t u r a l l y produced good or service; and exchange value, which i s the s o c i a l valuation of a good or service as a commodity of trade by such - 20 -i n s t i t u t i o n s as a market or barter (Friedman and Weaver, 1979). Modes of production may d i f f e r not only by the r e l a t i v e proportion between use and exchange value goods and services, but also the c a p i t a l and technological innovation required to produce value may derive from d i f f e r e n t s o u r c e s — f o r example from the worker himself, or from sources that may not be owned or controlled by the worker. Another a t t r i b u t e of any mode of production pertains to surplus labor and products which are subject to d i f f e r i n g forms of appropriation. The methods by which surplus i s appropriated are lar g e l y the r e s u l t of s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s of production which determine the dominant pattern of access to ownership and control of tools, resources, and the means of production. For example, i n an i n d u s t r i a l mode of production, tools, resources and the output from production are t y p i c a l l y owned p r i v a t e l y . The c a p i t a l i s t purchases the worker's labor power i n exchange f or a monetary wage and he appropriates any value produced surplus. The modern State may also play a s i g n i f i c a n t role i n the appropriation of surplus through such means as the levying of taxes, t a r r i f f s , regulatory fees and licences (Mande, 1978; Poulantzas, 1974). D i f f e r r i n g modes of production may have varying barriers to productive entry. For instance (Orlove, 1977) argues that e c o l o g i c a l conditions present one set of conditions which may del i m i t the s p a t i a l and temporal arrangements of productive a c t i v i t i e s . Further, he contends that a producer's s o c i a l role within a society may a f f e c t his access to the means of production. Within the multinational c a p i t a l mode of production access to mobile labor power, physical resources, and - 21 -in t e r n a t i o n a l finance c a p i t a l are e s s e n t i a l requirements to production (Weaver, 1981; Poulantzas, 1974; Carney, 1980). 2.3.2 The D i s t r i b u t i o n Element Every mode of production has d i s t r i b u t i v e mechanisms which deals with the customs, i n s t i t u t i o n s , rules and regulations by which goods and services are transferred from the point of production to points of consumption (Polanyi, 1957; Breman, 1976; Neale, 1977; Halperin and Dow, 1977). The exchange-value and use-value goods and services that may be di s t r i b u t e d could be categorized as producer and consumer goods, c a p i t a l , labor power, and information. Within every mode of production there e x i s t transportation devices and i n s t i t u t i o n a l rules and customs governing exchange. In some s o c i e t i e s the main i n s t i t u t i o n which regulates d i s t r i b u t i o n i s the market mechanism, while i n other s o c i e t i e s some d i s t r i b u t i v e exchange may take e x i s t without the u t i l i z a t i o n of a market (Chaynov, 1925; Polanyi, 1957; Bradby, 1975; Smith, 1977). Today most s o c i e t i e s and modes of production are to a lesser or greater degree integrated into one dominant mode of production—a global marketing system which by v i r t u e of i t s p r i c i n g mechanism tends to value products, labor, land, and c a p i t a l according to one normative s t a n d a r d — " f a i r market monetary value." 2.3.3 The Consumption Element Another important element within any mode of production are the consumption processes and the i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to the production of goods - 22 -and services. This thesis, through the case study, w i l l focus on not only the quantitative aspects of consumption by f i n a l end users, but also on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between cycles of production, ecosystem changes and Indian c u l t u r a l styles of resource use. 2.3.4 The Reproductive Element From the modes of production perspective a l l s o c i e t i e s must recreate or reproduce themselves. Reproduction involves not only the recreation of labor power, but also, according to Clark (1980), involves the r e c o n s t i t u t i o n of the means of production, thus i m p l i c i t l y the r e l a t i o n s of production." Clark d i f f e r e n t i a t e s between simple and extended reproduction within a multinational c a p i t a l i s t mode of production. Simple reproduction occurs . . . when enterprises are replaced but no c a p i t a l accumulation occurs and workers and c a p i t a l i s t s spend a l l they earn on consumption goods (p. 230). On the other hand, extended reproduction involves c a p i t a l accumulation . . . which may involve replacement of c a p i t a l stock and/or an increase i n t o t a l c a p i t a l stock (p. 231) along with the purchase and innovation of new producer goods by either the worker or the c a p i t a l i s t . According to Althusser (1969; 1970) the main concern of the modern state i s to f a c i l i t a t e the extended reproduction of c a p i t a l and those aspects of a society necessary to ensure the preservation of the dominant c a p i t a l i s t mode of production. The State according to Althusser (1969); Mandel (1978); Poulantzas (1974) a c t i v e l y intervenes not only to a s s i s t i n the reproduction of economic and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of society, but also to a s s i s t c a p i t a l production, c i r c u l a t i o n and accumulation, and to ensure that simple and extended reproductions of the means and r e l a t i o n s of production take place. As this thesis confirms, even s o c i e t i e s that are not f u l l y part of the multinational c a p i t a l mode of production, such as northern Indian bands, have unique strategies for reproduction. 2.4 Relationships In addition to the above four elements that comprise the economic practice of a mode of production, each mode of production l i s t e d i n Table 2.1 exi s t s within a network of r e l a t i o n s h i p s . These dynamic r e l a t i o n s h i p s , whose e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s vary over time and which are dependent on the economic practice that constitute the p r e v a i l i n g mode of production, are: 1. r e l a t i o n s h i p of the mode of production to the biophysical environment; 2. s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n t e r n a l to the mode of production; 3. r e l a t i o n s h i p to other s o c i e t i e s and their p r e v a i l i n g mode of production (Weaver 1981). 2.4.1 Relationship to the Biophysical Environment: The System of Land  Use According to several authors (Asch, 1976; Berger, 1977; Halperin and Dow, 1977; Har r i s , 1979; Bowles, 1979; Hindess and H i r s t , 1977; - 24 -Knight, 1978) relationships between a s o c i a l group and i t s natural environment are highly influenced, and influence i n turn, by the manner i n which economic production i s organized, whether or not natural materials are defined as resources i s highly dependent on whether or not they are used within the production process of the p r e v a i l i n g mode of production. For instance, few hunting-gathering modes of production define non-renewable natural materials as resources for use i n the productive process. On the othe hand, the productive process of i n d u s t r i a l modes of production r e l y heavily on non-renewable resources such as petroleums, and various other minerals found beneath the earth's surface. Every mode of production has a p a r t i c u l a r 'system' of land use. The concept of land use has been used by most planners to describe s t a t i c s p a t i a l patterns of land usage such as settlement and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e patterns (Warkentin, 1968; Robinson, 1972). For instance, a map of a modern c i t y might portray the geographic s i t i n g of such r e l a t i v e l y permanent structures as roads, bridges, important buildings and homes. What such a map would not reveal i s the dynamic temporal aspects of use of these structures by in d i v i d u a l s r e s i d i n g i n the v i c i n i t y , or the reasons and the methods whereby i n d i v i d u a l s move between structures located on a c i t y land-use map. These aspects related to the dynamic process of land use and the human ra t i o n a l e behind movement, together with the physical geographic placement of permanent structures, comprise the 'system of land use.' Systems of land use are s p a t i a l and temporal s o c i a l adaptations to a region's - 25 -ecosystem or man-made environment. They are dependent not only on the resources and technologies u t i l i z e d within the productive process, but also on such factors as climate and the density, d i s p e r s a l and movement of resources. Varying modes of production may not only use d i f f e r e n t resources from the biophysical environment, and may not only have d i f f e r e n t 'systems of property rights and land use,' but d i f f e r e n t modes may compete and i n t e r f e r e with each other. This competition between modes of production may take the form of property a l i e n a t i o n where the dominant mode may have hegemonic legally-sanctioned control of land resources and i t s use. This may occur to such an extent that the economic practices of the subservient mode may be disrupted to the point were i t ' s reproduction may be adversely affected. 2.4.2 Internal S o c i a l Relations S o c i a l r e l a t i o n s within a geographic area are the patterns ". . . of intercourse among d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s and groups (and) are shaped f a i r l y d i r e c t l y by the r o l e various people play i n meeting society's economic needs (Weaver, 1981). " In every mode of production there are dominant customs and i n s t i t u t i o n s that provide a framework for intercourse amongst i t s members, and which are important for preserving the mode of production of that society. In some s o c i e t i e s access to tools necessary for production are not equally available to a l l , and as a consequence competition, and producer and consumer in e q u a l i t y are a fa c t of l i f e . - 26 -While i n every mode of production the family e x i s t s , i t s organization and functioning are generally v a r i a b l e (Engels, 1978). In some modes of production the family household exists as a productive unit, and what i s produced by each i n d i v i d u a l i s made available to a l l within the household. In other s o c i e t i e s , where labor power i s sold for wage-income and where the products of an in d i v i d u a l ' s labor are not avai l a b l e f or his appropriation, the economic well-being of a household depends on the i n t e r n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of wage-income amongst household members. 2.4.3 Relationship to Other S o c i e t i e s and Their P r e v a i l i n g Modes of  Production No mode of production exists i n a s o c i a l vacuum. In order to understand the a r t i c u l a t i o n of an Indian mode of production with the multinational mode of production i t i s necessary to sketch the economic and s o c i a l h i s t o r y of the indigenous group that i s affected by the l a t t e r . Such a h i s t o r i c a l n arrative, focusing on . . . the h i s t o r i c a l transformations of a productive economic a c t i v i t i e s and the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s which have accompanied them . . . (would provide) . . . the basis for a survey of current conditions. I t i s only through understanding how things came to the present juncture that a r e a l i s t i c evaluation of contemporary society can be made. (Weaver, 1981) Having examined various aspects of the mode of production approach l e t us now consider the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p r e v a i l i n g northern Indian mode of production as exemplified by our case study of - 27 -the Ross River Indian Band. While i t has been acknowledged that some h i s t o r i c a l information i s necessary so as to provide a baseline s e t t i n g respecting a northern Indian mode of production, the emphasis i n the case study i s placed on the current organization of the Ross River Indian band—a northern Indian mode of production—and i t s possible transformation by i n d u s t r i a l developments c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the multinational mode of production. - 28 -CHAPTER 3 THE SETTING 3.1 The Biophysical Environment The Ross River t r a d i t i o n a l lands and the present v i l l a g e of Ross River are located i n the central southeastern portion of the Yukon T e r r i t o r y . They are approximaely 250 km northeast of Whitehorse, the Yukon T e r r i t o r y ' s largest community (see Figure 3.1). The lands are quite varied topographically. They are considered part of the Intermontane Yukon Plateau Range of the Canadian C o r d i l l e r a . Major mountain ranges of the Ross River lands include the Selwyn on the north along the NWT boundary, and the P e l l y Mountains on the South. Other mountain ranges i n the area are the A n v i l Range, Campbell Range, the South Fork Range, the I t s i Range, and the Glenlyon Range. Between these mountain ranges are several wide v a l l e y s , the most extensive being the Ross River and P e l l y River v a l l e y s . There are two major plateaus: the P e l l y and MacMillan Plateau, subdivisions of the Yukon Plateau. These r o l l i n g uplands broken by occasional higher peaks are i n the 3,000 to 5,000 foot range of elevation. The P e l l y Plateau stretches from Francis Lake to the Ross River v a l l e y , while the MacMillan Plateau extends up from the Ross River v a l l e y to the MacMillan r i v e r i n the north. The Ross River lands generally f a l l within the P e l l y River drainage area, although eastern portions are drained by the Frances and Hyland Rivers which are t r i b u t a r i e s of the Liard River. Other major F i g u r e 3.1 The S t u d y A r e a . 1 K 3 - 30 -drainages include the N i s u t l i n and Big Salmon Rivers which are t r i b u t a r i e s of the Yukon River. Throughout, there are numerous lakes. The large s t are L i t t l e Salmon Lake, P e l l y Lakes, F o r t i n Lakes, Francis Lakes and the chain of Sheldon, F i e l d and Lewis Lakes to the north of the settlement of Ross River. The climate of the Ross River lands i s t y p i c a l l y a long cold winter of approximately six months duration, with a short summer. Winter days, while frequently clear and windless, can be extremely cold. I t i s not uncommon to experience temperatures i n the -30°C to -45°C range. The climate i s quite dry. Snowfall i s l i g h t i n the v a l l e y s with higher accumulations i n the plateaus and mountains. Records of annual p r e c i p i t a t i o n (Canada, 1982) indicate that p r e c i p i t a t i o n ranges between 263.6 mm i n the valleys and 367.7 mm i n the uplands. T y p i c a l l y the summer months are wettest, but on the average summer p r e c i p i t a t i o n i s only around 105.8 mm (4.2 inches). Forest covers approximately 40% of the Ross River lands (Rennie, 1977) with trees t y p i c a l l y covering v a l l e y and plateau areas. Alpine tundra occurs above t r e e l i n e at the 1,350 to 1,500 metre range above sea l e v e l . The forests of the Ross River Lands are part of Canada's boreal forests although they are not as dense and have more spaces between trees. Species of trees include the white and black spruce, l a r c h , alpine f i r , lodepole pine, aspen, balsam poplar, birch, willows and speckled alder (Hosie, 1973). Climax forests are generally white and black spruce. Pine and aspen are recolonizers after major disturbances - 31 -such as f i r e s . In the subalpine areas below the treeline, alpine f i r is dominant. 3.1.1 The Animals The animals of the Ross River lands which are the foundation of the Band's hunting, fishing and trapping economy are common throughout most of Yukon. Table 3.1 (Dimitrov and Weinstein, 1984) l i s t s the species of mammals, birds and fish that occur on the Ross River lands. Many of these animals have a part in the Ross River Indian Band's economy. The Ross River lands are particularly rich in diversity of ungulate species—notably moose, woodland caribou, mountain goat and Dall sheep. Mountain goats and sheet are not particularly abundant. They were not encountered by Rand (1945) in his survey of the Canol Road; Youngman (1975) notes only two sightings, both in the vic i n i t y of the mountains north of Francis Lake. During the summer of 1981 a Yukon Terri t o r i a l Government survey (Netti, n.d.) located 9 goats. Both the white and dark Dall's sheep are found on the Ross River lands (Banfield, 1974; Youngman, 1975), generally in the Rose-Lapie river area, and in some of the mountains to the north and south of the Pelly River. Several species of woodland caribou exist on the Ross River lands. While the exact demarcation between herds is s t i l l disputable, there are two main herds in the area; the Fortin-Finlay herd and the Redstone herd—both of which are used by the Ross River Indian people. The Redstone herd, numbering between five and ten thousand animals, range in the MacKenzie Mountains along the Yukon-NWT border during Table 3.1 Animal Resources Species In the Ross R i v e r Region. (Based p r i m a r i l y on B a n f l e l d , 1974; B e l r o s e , 1976; e l s o n , 1974; Godfrey, 1966; M c P h a l l Rand, 1975; S c o t t and Crossman, 1973; and Youngman, 1975) MAMMALS Ungulates Waterfowl - Moose A l c e s a l c e s g i g a s / a n d e r s o n i - L e s s e r Canada Goose - C a r i b o u R a n g i f e r tarandus c a r i b o u - L e s s e r Snow Goose (M) - D a l l Sheep Ovis d a l l i d a l l i / s t o n e i - White f r o n t e d Goose (M) - Mountain Goat Oreamnos americanus - S a n d h i l l Crane (M) - W h i s t l i n g Swan (M) Bears - M a l l a r d - B l a c k Bear Ursus americanus - P i n t a i l - G r i z z l y Bear U. a r c t o s - Green-winged T e a l - American Widegeon Fur Mammals - Shoeveler - Beaver C a s t o r canadensis - Canvasback - Lynx Lynx l y n x - G r e a t e r Scaup - Marten Martes americana - L e s s e r Scaup - Mink M u s t e l a v i s o n - Comrapn goldeneye - Weasel M. erminea - Barrow1s Gpldeneye - O t t e r L o n t r a canadensis - B u f f l e h e a d - W o l v e r i n e Gulp gulo - H a r l e q u i n duck - Red Fox Vulpes v u l p e s White-winged S c p o t e r - Wolf Canis lupus - S u r f Scoter - Coyote C. l a t r a n s - Common Merganser - Muskrat Ondatra s i b e t h i c u s - Red-breasted Merganser - Red S q u i r r e l T a m i a s c i u r u s hudsonicus Small Garae Mammals - Hoary Marmot (Ground Hog) Marmota c a l i g a t a - A r c t i c Ground S q u i r r e l (Gopher) sphermophilus p a r r y i i - P p r c u p i n e E r e t h i z o n dorsatum - Snowshoe Hare ( R a b b i t ) Leous americanus BIRDS Upland Game B i r d s - Blue Grouse - Spruce Grouse - Ruffed Grouse - S h a r p - t a i l e d Grouse - W i l l p w Ptarmigan - Rock Ptarmigan - W h i t e - t a i l e d Ptarmigan Dendragapus obscurus  C a n a c h i t e s canadensis  Bonasa umbellus  P e d i o e c e t e s p h a s l a n e l l u s  Lagqpus lagopus  L. mutus L. l e u c u r u s FISH - Lake Trout - Broad w h i t e f i s h - Lake w h i t e f i s h - Round w h i t e f i s h - Inconnu - G r a y l i n g - P i k e ( J a c k f l s h ) - Longnose .Sucker - White Sucker - Burbot ( L i n g Cpd) - Chinook Salmon ( K i n g Salmon) - Chum Salmon (Dog Salmon) M — f o r the most p a r t , o n l y b i r d s which breed i n the area are i n c l u d e d i n the t a b l e ( G p d f r e y , 1966). Hie e x c e p t i o n s are a few s p e c i e s of l a r g e r b i r d s which migrate through the area and which have played a r o l e i n the Ross R i v e r hun t i n g economy. Th*-se have been annota ted wi th an ' M1 i n the t a b l e . L i n d s e y , 1970; Branta c a n a d e n s i s p a r v i p e s An ser c a e r u l e s c e n s c a e r u l e s c e n s A. a l b i f r o n s Grus c a n a d e n s i s O l o r columbianus Anas p l a tyrhynchos A. a c u t a A. c a r o l i n e n s i s Mareca americana S p a t u l a C l y p e a t a Aythya v a l i s i n e r l a A. m a r i l a A^ a f f i n i s  Bucephala c l a n g u l a B. i s l a n d i c a  B. a l b e o l a H i s t r i o n i c u s h l s t r i o n i c u s  M e l a n i t t a d e g l a n d l M. p e s p i c i l l a t a  Mergus merganser M. S e r r a t o r S a l v e l i n u s namacush  Coregonus nasus  C. c l u p e a f o r m i s  Prosopium c y l l n d r a c e u m  Stenodus l e u c i c h t h y s  Thymallus a r c t i c u s  Exos l u c i u s  Catos tomus c a t o s tomus  C. Commersoni  L o t a l o t a Oncorhyncus tshawytscha 0. k e t a - 33 -spring and summer. I t moves out of the high snowfall area of the MacKenzie and Howards Pass to winter ranges i n the v i c i n i t y of the Selwyn and MacKenzie Mountains. "They return to their calving grounds, on the heights of land of the MacKenzie Mountains i n the area of the MacMlland Pass and on the headwaters of the Keele and Natla Rivers i n the N.W.T. by mid-May" ( F a r n e l l and Nette, 1981), following the corr i d o r s of the Natla, Keele, and Ekwi River Valleys (Archibald, 1974). In summer, the caribou disperse throughout the alpine regions of the boundary mountains ( F a r n e l l and Nette, 1981). The range of the F o r t i n - F i n l a y herd, estimated between two and three thousand caribou, has recently been sutdied by F a r n e l l (1982) using radio telemetry tracking. Local knowledge and the F a r n e l l survey suggest that the herd's winter range l i e s i n the lowlands of the P e l l y Mountains between Hoole River and Wolverine Lake. Peak calving time i s between mid May to eary June during which time the caribou move into the dense spruce f o r e s t i n the highlands of the P e l l y and Francis River drainages. F a r n e l l also i d e n t i f i e d two other caribou wintering groups, one near Tay Lake and the other near Lewis Lake. Other caribou range on the Ross River lands but d e t a i l s are lacking at this time. Reid Crowthers and Partners (1982a) mention a P e l l y Mountain herd numbering about 2,000 animals; F u l l e r (1956-7) mentions a MacMilland Plateau herd of 2,000 animals; and F a r n e l l and Nette (1981) mention an A n v i l and South Fork range herd which i s found to the west of the Ross River. Moose presently occur throughout most of the Ross River lands. Moose movement and habitat use are imprecisely known although the Yukon - 34 -T e r r i t o r i a l Department of Renweable Resources have studied moose d i s t r i b u t i o n s during the f a l l and l a t e winter i n the area of the P e l l y and Selwyn mountains ( F a r n e l l and Nette, 1981; Markel and Larsen, n.d.). Moose concentrations are highest near the Ross, P e l l y and MacMilland r i v e r s , and lowest i n the headwaters region. I t appears that moose, l i k e caribou, prefer winter areas of low snowfall and as a consequence during late winter can generally be found at elevations below 4,000 f e e t . Local knowledge indicates that during the spring and the calving periods moose move closer to r i v e r systems and lowland ponds to feed on young willow shoots and to protect the young from predator attacks. During summer and late f a l l , moose progressively move to willow and birc h habitats at elevations of between 4,000 and 5,000 f e e t , although some remain i n r i v e r v a l l e y and boreal forest habitat at lower elevations. Aside from Rand's 1944 survey and a recent study by Slough (1983) there appears to have been l i t t l e i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the non-ungulate mammals that inhabit the Ross River lands. Specis are similar to that of other forested regions of the Canadian sub- a r t i c with the exception of the presence of a r t i c ground s q u i r r e l s and a lack of abundance of the aquatic fur mammals beaver and muskrat. Snowshoe hares are c y c l i c a l l y abundant dependent upon their 6-13 year population cycle. According to l o c a l knowledge the carnivorous fur bearers of marten, red fox, lynx, mink are r e l a t i v e l y abundant. A p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h i n g aspect of the Ross River lands i s the presence of two species of P a c i f i c salmon—the chinook and the - 35 -chum. Both these species spawn i n the P e l l y River drainage, while chums even migrate as far as the MacMillan River. Information on P e l l y salmon spawning i s known to occur on the P e l l y , Lapie, Hoole, Ross, Woodside, MacMillan, R i d d e l l , South MacMillan, Big Salmon, North Big Salmon, N i s u t l i n , Rose, McConnell and McNeil r i v e r s and some lessor t r i b u t a r i e s . With the exception of a review by Elson (1974), b i o l o g i c a l information on other f i s h species i s very l i m i t e d . While no studies have been done on the f i s h e r i e s productivity of the numerous lakes that dot the Ross River Lands, f i s h species known include lake trout, greyling, j a c k f i s h , inconnu, l i n g cod, and several sub-species of both whitefish and suckers. Three species of grouse and ptarmigan are known to breed on the Ross River lands. While a v a r i e t y of duck species and the Canada goose also breed i n the v i c i n i t y , the area i s not part of a major migratory corrid o r (Belrose, 1976). The P e l l y River Mountains and the Frances Lake areas are part of the migratory path for s a n d h i l l cranes, while Frances Lake i s also a major staging ground for swans, geese and diving ducks (Theberge et a l . , 1980). 3.2 The Setting: P a r t 2 - The Hi s t o r y of the People 3.2.1 The Fur Trade E r a The Ross River lands are not mere landscape, w i l d l i f e species and r i v e r systems, they are also a homeland with a long h i s t o r y of Indian occupancy. The f i r s t records of human occupany commence with the Hudson Bay explorers who entered the region i n the 1840's. According to Wright - 36 -(1976), Robert Campbell was the f i r s t non-Indian to explore the headwates of the Liard r i v e r system and to cross over the height of land i n t o then unknown t e r r i t o r y . The P e l l y River Indians possessed European trade goods obtained v i a t r a d i t i o n a l trade networks between Yukon Basin Athapaskan Indians and T l i n g i t and possibly MacKenzie River Indians (Karamanski, 1983). Unfortunately Campbell's and other explorers' journals (Dawson 1888; Pike 1886) do not provide much information about Indian people on the Upper L i a r d or the P e l l y Rivers. What i s known of those days i s la r g e l y the r e s u l t of information obtained from present day Ross River Indian Elders. According to their s t o r i e s , the forefathers of the present day Ross River Indians were a hunting-gathering band society with extended family groups highly mobile throughout their t e r r i t o r y . Livelihood was dependent on moose, caribou, small game and other dispersed animal resources and as a consequence d i s p e r s a l of the human population was required to harvest resources (Denniston, 1966; Tanner, 1965). In 1842 Campbell established the f i r s t Hudson Bay Company (HBC) trading post at Frances Lake. Later, i n 1845, another trading post was established at P e l l y Banks. For unknown reasons HBC did not expand trading operations beyond P e l l y Banks but instead established Fort S e l k i r k at the confluence of the P e l l y and Yukon Rivers. The accidental f i r e at the P e l l y Banks post i n 1850, the abandonment of Fort Frances i n 1851, and the 1852 assault on Fort Selkirk by the T l i n g i t ended d i r e c t trade and sustained contact between Euro-Canadians and the Indians of the Upper P e l l y River u n t i l the twentieth century. - 37 -When Europeans returned to the Yukon their i n t e r e s t was gold and not f u r s . While the P e l l y and Ross Rivers escaped most of the onslaught that accompanied the Klondike gold rush they s t i l l experienced considerable contact with whites. According to Wright (1976), i n 1874 approximately 1500 miners were prospecting i n the Dease Lake area of northern B r i t i s h Columbia. Experiencing f a i l u r e i n their quest many expanded their search to the Liard r i v e r system. In 1881, a prospecting party discovered gold on the Big Salmon r i v e r and i n 1882 two groups had t r a v e l l e d up the P e l l y River as far as the rapids at Hoole Canyon. In 1894 Inspector Constantine of the Northwest Mounted Pol i c e reported that there were about 500 miners working the P e l l y and Stewart River systems. According to Cruikshank (1974) the gold rush had immense e f f e c t on Indian society as the miners competed for the same game resources that were the h i s t o r i c l i v e l i h o o d of Yukon Indian people. Many of the miners trapped for furs to supplement income and they r e l i e d on game for food. The greatest impact was the displacement of the fur trade and the destruction of the Indian monopoly as suppliers of furs. With the economic s h i f t of the gold rush, Indians could no longer control their own economic and s o c i a l change. As a consequence they l o s t their leverage to influence white a c t i v i t i e s (Coates, 1982). With the eridig of the gold rush, emphasis again returned to furs. In 1900 Poole F i e l d and John Lewis opened a HBC post at P e l l y Banks, which was l a t e r sold to a Whitehorse company, Taylor and Drury. At about the same time, another trading post, which was l a t e r bought by Taylor and Drury, was opened by Tom Smith (Denniston, 1966; Cruikshank, - 38 -1974) at the confluence of the P e l l y and Ross Rivers. This post was well situated to serve Indians of the Upper P e l l y , the Ross River and MacMillan River country and even hunting groups i n the Carmacks area (McDonnell, 1975). Anglican Church records indicate that by 1915 about 200 hundred Indians were trading at both posts (Cruikshank, 1974). According to MacDonnell (1975) land use patterns had s t a b i l i z e d with Indians spending most of the year i n their seasonal round of hunting, f i s h i n g and trapping, with increased emphasis on f u r s . As a r e s u l t of the d i s p e r s a l of fur animals, increased travel was required. T y p i c a l l y family groups would only come to the posts for two to four weeks p r i o r to returning to their t r a d i t i o n a l areas (Sharp, 1973). MacDonnell (1975) notes that d i f f e r e n t trading groups remained c u l t u r a l l y and economically d i s t i n c t with interchanges limited to r i t u a l competitive singing and Indian gambling. During the 1920's and 30's as a r e s u l t of good demand for f u r s , other trading posts were b u i l t . Independent buyers opened three posts on the MacMillan River, one on Sheldon Lake on the Ross River, and yet another at Francis Lake. Taylor and Drury expanded operations building a post at P e l l y Lakes and one at Rose Point (MacDonnell, 1975). With the opening of these posts Ross River no longer remained the central meeting place as dispersed family groups could now trade close to their t r a d i t i o n a l areas (MacDonnell, 1975) . This pattern of economy and land-use continued u n t i l the 1940's when the cumulative e f f e c t s of the Canol Road and P i p e l i n e , government programs, and the post-war decline i n fur prices signalled another set of change and adaptations. - 39 -In 1945 a major decline i n fur prices commenced which lasted through the 1950's and 60's, only to r i s e again i n the middle 1970's. While i t i s not clear i f white trappers were active i n the Ross River area during the 1930's, by the mid-40's Indians had become once again the exclusive fur harvesters (Rand, 1945). With the advent of World War II the Ross River region and southern Yukon became opened to a ". . . development process which has reduced the q u a l i t y of l i f e for Indian people (and which) has made them inc r e a s i n g l y marginal to the Yukon's economy and s o c i a l structure" (Cruikshank, 1977). 3.2.2 The Canol Road Era In A p r i l 1942 American so l d i e r s arrived i n Whitehorse to construct the Yukon section of the Alaska highway. The Ross River Indians were not d i r e c t l y affected by this construction, but the building of the Canadian O i l (Canol) Road and P i p e l i n e i n 1942-44 brought d i s l o c a t i o n s s i m i l a r to those experienced by Yukon Indians who l i v e d along the Alaska highway route (Cruikshank, 1977). The i n f l u x of some 3000 men and the building of the Canol road connecting to the Alaska highway, brought the Ross River Indians into sustained d i r e c t contact with the outside world (Sharp, 1973). Documentation of the impacts of the Canol project i s not as complete as with the building of the Alaska Highway, nonetheless, s t o r i e s told by Ross River Indian elders t e l l of d i f f i c u l t i e s with contagious diseases, hunting pressures, alcoholism and sexual abuse. In 1942, the Yukon T e r r i t o r i a l Government - 40 -granted special hunting p r i v i l e g e s to the American Engineering Corp (Cruikshank, 1977). This resulted i n competition for game and loss of Indian control over land resource. A d i p t h e r i a epidemic struck Ross River Indians during the winter of 1942-43 and many Indian c h i l d r e n died. During construction, the drinking patterns incorporated into Indian s o c i a l l i f e since gold rush days changed as they became exposed to construction crews (Cruikshank, 1977). From studies done elsewhere (Brody, 1981), Indian drinking was t y p i c a l l y l i m i t e d to s o c i a l events when people came out of the bush to trade furs. With the construction of the Canol, younger Indians learned that i t was acceptable to drink both excessively and frequently at ordiary s o c i a l gatherings. In contrast with other Yukon Indians who were impacted by the operation of the Alaska Highway, the Ross River Indians were only affected during the construction period of the Canol Road. By the end of the World War II the Canol Road and P i p e l i n e was shutdown, except during 1951-52 when the road was b r i e f l y opened to permit pipeline and equipment salvaging (Sharp, 1973). Subsequent to the War, many changes occurred for the Ross River Indian people. Fur prices dropped. The riverboat system up the P e l l y River was disbanded and Indian workers who had cut firewood for the boats had less money to buy food staples and necessary hunting/trapping gear. Taylor and Drury closed their P e l l y Banks and P e l l y Lakes posts by 1952 ( M i l l e r , 1972). At the same time, government made available the Family Allowance Act which provided a cash incentive to encourage Indian c h i l d r e n into schools. Welfare and pension payments became more - 41 -common. A l l of these changes served to a l t e r Indian residency patterns as i t became more necessary to stay for longer periods in the v i c i n i t y of the post o f f i c e at Ross River. These changes, coupled with the d r a s t i c decline i n fur prices and currency i n f l a t i o n at the end of the 1940's, made i t extremely d i f f i c u l t for Indian and Inuit people throughout Canada's north to depend on trapping as the major source of cash income. For the Ross River Indian people the decline i n fur prices and currency i n f l a t i o n caused severe hardship and even hunger as people had less money to purchase r i f l e s , b u l l e t s and store-bought food. With the closure of the P e l l y Lakes trading post in 1952 i t became d i f f i c u l t to get supplies. As a consequence many Indians l i v i n g near P e l l y Banks or P e l l y Lakes moved to the 'old Ross River v i l l a g e ' located on the north side of the P e l l y River where access to government assistance from the post o f f i c e was possible. These turns of events were exacerbated i n 1952 by a p o l i o epidemic that struck the v i l l a g e . The migration of Ross River Indian people from dispersed regions to the old v i l l a g e resulted i n a temporary abandonment of distant hunting and trapping areas and a land-use pattern s h i f t closer to the settlement of Ross River i t s e l f . Co-incident with this s h i f t of land use the Yukon T e r r i t o r i a l Government Department of Game and P u b l i c i t y commenced i t s operation i n 1949-50 by focussing on a wolf poison control program and trapline r e g i s t r a t i o n program. For the Ross River people the e s s e n t i a l problem with the t r a p l i n e r e g i s t r a t i o n program, aside from the ten d o l l a r fee, - 42 -was the f a c t that the maps formulated to r e g i s t e r traplines did not account for a f l e x i b l e system of r o t a t i o n a l trapping by extended f a m i l i e s . Instead, r e g i s t r a t i o n underestimated trapping areas and tended to formalize 'ownership' to i n d i v i d u a l s — u s u a l l y male, which ran counter to what was a previously matriarchial extended family system. In 1957 and 1958 fur prices dropped to the lowest l e v e l s i n one hundred years. Since the Ross River Indians did not have regular access to money or wage jobs, many could not afford the trapline r e g i s t r a t i o n fee. In an attempt to adapt to these severe economic circumstances many Ross River Indian people moved to Watson Lake, Carmacks, and even Whitehorse i n the hope of gaining wage work. During these hard times the Yukon T e r r i t o r i a l Government i n i t i a t e d a new r e g i s t r a t i o n program that required payment of fees for a f i v e year period. The regulation also s t i p u l a t e d that holders of traplines must trap their areas every year or r i s k f o r f e i t i n g their l i c e n c e . In response to these pressures, Ross River Indian trappers took the bold step of amalgamating their traplines forming Ross River Group Trapline Areas #1, #2, and #3. This c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n of the traplines implied that Ross River Indian trappers did not have to pay i n d i v i d u a l t r a p l i n e r e g i s t r y fees, but rather only a group trapline fee. This sin g l e innovative adaptation allowed the Ross River Indian band to r e t a i n control over traplines which might have otherwise been l o s t to government. While these economic changes were occurring during the 1950's, r e s i d e n t i a l schools were also having their e f f e c t . Ross River Indian - 43 -c h i l d r e n were sent by plane to Lower Post to attend school for ten months of the year. The removal of c h i l d r e n created disruptions not only for the c h i l d but for the entire family and community structure. Ross River Indian education changed from a family controlled system of education to one controlled by a white society. With English as the schooling language, communication between Elders and children deteriorated with the consequence that Elders were no longer the main guiding force. T r a d i t i o n a l s k i l l s of s u r v i v a l on the land were not taught at school. Instead of teaching t r a d i t i o n a l Indian values and cosmology new concepts emerged: . . . sharing and co-operation gave way to individualism and competition . . . the "new" B i b l i c a l teaching which claimed man's su p e r i o r i t y over animals and nature c o n f l i c t e d with the Indian b e l i e f that a l l l i f e l i v e d i n harmony. (Easterson, 1982) For the most part r e s i d e n t i a l schools taught basic s k i l l s that were i r r e l e v a n t to the Ross River Indian society to which students returned. The experience eroded t r a d i t i o n a l values, s k i l l s and structures which were a successful adaptive response to the r e a l i t i e s of l i f e as hunter-trappers i n an i s o l a t e d northern setting (Dimitrov and Weinstein, 1984). The adaptations to the fur trade era can be considered the f i r s t wave of post-contact changes for the Ross River Indian people and the Canol P i p e l i n e the s t a r t i n g point of a second set. The 1960's, with the r e l o c a t i o n of the old v i l l a g e and mineral exploration leading to the construction of the Campbell Highway and Cyprus An v i l Mine at Faro, - 44 -s i g n i f i e d yet another a x i a l point for the Ross River Indian people. 3.2.3 The Cyprus-Anvil Era A consideration of the changes and impacts to the Ross River Indian people as a r e s u l t of the Cyprus An v i l Mine development must regard the major events that accompanied the project. These i n general were: 1. an in-migration of a large Euro-Canadian labor force for both the construction and operation phases. 2. the development of economic and s o c i a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e to support the mine and the population in-migrants. 3. large scale mineral exploration throughout the region. 4. changes to Ross River community i t s e l f . The discovery and development of the A n v i l lead-zinc deposit by the j o i n t venture company of Dynasty Exploration and Cyprus Mines Ltd. l e t to massive mineral staking between 1964 and 1969. For instance, of the 15,708 claims staked i n the entire Yukon during 1966, approximately 10,000 were i n the Anvil-Ross River region (Sharp, 1977). Between 1965 and 1969 exploration companies operating out of Ross River hired Indian men because theywere "bush wise." After several seasons working as a s s i s t a n t prospectors, many Indian workers f e l t they should be making prospectors wages due to their success at f i n d i n g 'showings.' In 1970 a prospectors course was f i n a l l y offered i n Ross R i v e r and a l l of the approximately 25 Indian men that took the course passed with honors. Unfortunately 1970 marked the decline i n exploration a c t i v i t y and few could obtain work. - 45 -In a d d i t i o n a l to seasonal jobs and income, mineral exploration a c t i v i t y brought changes i n the form of an i n f l u x of outside workers and mining tote roads that opened up the Ross River Lands for vehicle and hunting access. What had once been a small predominantly Indian community gradually expanded into an e t h n i c a l l y mixed community with a white-controlled busiess service sector capable of providing many of the amenities found i n small southern towns. In 1966 actual construction of the Cyprus Anvil Mine and the Faro townsite commenced under the d i r e c t i o n of the general contractor, Parsons Ltd. Approximately 500 construction workers were employed and of these only about 15 were Ross River Indian men (Sharp, 1977). The construction workers, many of whom were single were housed on s i t e and although basic necessities were well provided they often lacked / entertainment. Some married men had arranged accommodation for t h e i r f a m i l i e s i n Ross River and at the end of their six day s h i f t s would travel the f o r t y miles to Ross River to r e j o i n their f a m i l i e s . Few of these f a m i l i e s had previous contact with Indian people and for many ". . . the structure and ambience of the older (non-Indian) community were incomprehensible (Sharp, 1977:55)." This together with their consumer demand for southern amenities changed the entire character of Ross River. The trading post was changed into a department store; a garage was b u i l t ; a bar and beer parlour were opened ( i n 1967-68). A motel, a cafe, police s t a t i o n , health c l i n i c , t e r r i t o r i a l road maintenance garage, a water system, t r a i l e r court, a number of new houses, and a school were b u i l t i n f a i r l y rapid succession. (Sharp, 1977:52) - 46 -These services, a l l established on the white side of town, situated on the west side of the Canol road, served to emphasize the i n e q u i t i e s between whites and Indians that existed throughout the A n v i l project. The community became r a c i a l l y divided. The whites into three groups: old-timers, government workers and construction workers. The Indian community, newly organized into a Band Council, into status and non-status Indians. I t seemed that as a consequence of development " . . . one thing was abundantly c l e a r : the changes . . . were not controlled nor appreciably Influenced by the Indian people (Sharp, 1977:57)." The i n f l u x of white people coupled with these changes not only brought new ideas and values i t also brought stereotypic perceptions of Indians, racism and prejudice. T y p i c a l l y , i t was at the bar where int e r - e t h n i c c o n f l i c t was most apparent. According to Sharp (1977) and M i l l e r (1972) Saturday evenings would see the a r r i v a l of several construction workers looking for "some act i o n . " This action included drinks, f i g h t s , sexual encounters with women and g i r l s , or a l l of these i f the night was p a r t i c u l a r l y eventful, as many were. . . . The Indian people were the l o s e r s , not only i n f i g h t s , but i n the whole scheme of things. The climate of drunkeness, beatings, sexual e x p l o i t a t i o n and f r u s t r a t i o n at being incapable of a l t e r i n g these conditions, led Indian people into more frequent v i o l e n t acts among themselves. (Sharp, 1977:59) In addition to such c o n f l i c t , Ross River Indian people began to have d i f f i c u l t i e s out on the land. Not only were there more white hunters and fisherman, but the actual s i t i n g of the A n v i l mine and the - 47 -Faro townsite led to land use c o n f l i c t s with several extended families of hunter/trappers. With the reopening of the South and North Canol Roads and the construction of the Robert Campbell Highway i n 1968 Ross River became situated at the crossroad of regional development. Improved road access meant not only cheaper f r e i g h t rates and easier acces to bush camps. The i n f u s i o n of money and alcohol i n the community coupled with an increase i n Indian vehicle ownnership led to an Indian death rate at l e a s t twice as high as for non-native Yukoners (Dimitrov and Weinstein 1984). In addition, increased road access resulted in greater presence i n Ross River of 'outsiders' which ". . . disrupted established s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and increased i n t e r - r a c i a l c o n f l i c t s (Sharp 1977:74)." With roads, an a i r p o r t , a new school, and radio and t e l e v i s i o n service, the p a r t i a l l y closed " t e r r i t o r i a l " (Friedmann and Weaver, 1979) socio-economy of the Ross River Indian people became open to outside government and market places influences. While there have been some benefits from regional modernization, s e l f - r e l i a n c e and control over a way of l i f e , economy and culture were quickly s l i p p i n g from Indian hand s. The improved transportation system not only provided easier access for non-local hunters, i t made possible increased i n d u s t r i a l and government a c t i v i t y i n the region. Transportation, energy and communication i n f r a s t r u c t u r e f a c i l i t a t e d increased extraction of non-renewable and renewable resources from the Ross River lands. - 48 -The commencement of Cyprus A n v i l Mine m i l l i n g operations i n Faro was not a p a r t i c u l a r l y noteworthy day for the Indian people of Ross River. Some of the white families and construction workers moved to the company town of Faro so as to take advantage of i t s ameneties. For those who resided i n Faro, the outdoor l i f e , e s p e c i a l l y hunting became the way to cut food c o s t s — d e s p i t e the many subsidies of housing and u t i l i t i e s which the workers received. For the Ross River Indian people who did not receive these subsidies and for whom hunting was e s s e n t i a l , the increased presence of non-Indian hunters meant competition for w i l d l i f e food resource. According to Sharp (1977), this " . . . meant a decline i n the number of animals taken by (Indian) people i n Ross River." This loss was i n addition to the loss experienced by several extended fa m i l i e s who had trapped/hunted i n the Faro v i c i n i t y . The mere presence of more white people on the land whether as hunters or as r e c r e a t i o n a l i s t s , constituted a 'disturbance' and often people would 'shy' away from areas they had t r a d i t i o n a l l y used. Throughout this regional modernization the Government of Canada had hoped that the Mine would r e s u l t i n national benefits and create employment for Indian people. To accomplish these ends, the Government and the Mine signed the 1967 An v i l agreement whereby the government attempted to insure that Cyprus Anvil Mine would make a bona fide e f f o r t to employ competent l o c a l residents, p a r t i c u l a r l y Indians and Eskimos, to the extent of at l e a s t 5 percent of the tota l number of employees within the f i r s t year, r i s i n g to 10 percent i n the second year, and 25 percent i n the f i f t h year after the mine comes into production. (Anvil Agreement, 1967: Section 3.2a) - 49 -From the Ross River Indian perspective, the Anv i l Agreement was a to t a l f a i l u r e . There had been minimal consultation with the Idian Band and neither government or industry were aware of the extensive cross c u l t u r a l barriers experienced i n making the t r a n s i t i o n to i n d u s t r i a l wage work. Interviews conducted during 1982-83 indicated that for the majority, employment at Anv i l was not a t t r a c t i v e or pr a c t i c a b l e . Reasons c i t e d ranged from the costs of transportation or moving an ent i r e extended family, to c u l t u r a l and l i f e s t y l e differences with a white labor force, and d i f f i c u l t i e s i n adapting to the organization and management of the i n d u s t r i a l plant. Open-ended interviews indicated that i n the perception of the Ross River Indian people the development brought few p o s i t i v e changes and generally i t had a negative e f f e c t . The developments beyond their s i g n i f i c a n t input or control was too much for successful adjustment and adaptation. From the Ross River Indian perspective the 'Anvil Agreement' was an inadequate policy tool i n providing Indian people with resources or mechanisms to adapt to the changes. According to Sharp (1977:87-88). I t appears that for the Indian people of Ross River the (Anvil) development was too much and too f a s t to allow the evolution of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l mechanism to cope with change, and to allow them the opportunity to gain, economically from the development . . . when the c l a s s i c question of development i s asked "who benefits and who pays?" i t appears that, i n this case, the interests of the mining companies have prevailed, followed by those of a few established white entrepreneurs and in-migants. The in t e r e s t s of the Indian people of Ross River were given l i t t l e consideration. - 50 -3.2.4 Recent His t o r y : 1973-Present In 1972, the Council for Yukon Indians (CYI), an association of the twelve Indian Bands of the Yukon T e r r i t o r y , presented "Together Today for Our Children Tomorrow," a statement expressing their demand for the j u s t negotiations of a land claim settlement with the Government of Canada. Since that date, the CYI has been involved i n very complex negotiations that w i l l eventually s i g n i f y a major a l t e r a t i o n of l i f e f o r Yukon Indian people. Presently an interim-agreement i n p r i n c i p l e has been almost reached between the CYI and Governments of Canada and Yukon. This agreement which includes a clause respecting extinguishment of any claims based on 'aboriginal r i g h t s ' has not been r a t i f i e d by the majority of Indian Bands that govern the Council for Yukon Indians. Several bands, including Ross River have major d i f f i c u l t i e s with some sub-agreements negotiated by the CYI. While no one i s cer t a i n what the f i n a l outcome w i l l be, the stresses on the p o l i t i c a l leadership of both the Bands and CYI are considerable. In addition to land claims, the Ross River Indian Band has been very active i n developing the v i l l a g e and improving the welfare of i t s members through housing construction, s o c i a l services, trapping development, and a few Band business to meet l o c a l demand. Many of these projects have been successful, not the l e a s t of which has been the Group Home, the Dena General Store, and the home construction program. The Trapping program has resulted i n the amalgamation of two Group Trapping areas, the building of trapping cabins at La Force lake and the establishment of a fur purchase depot at the Band o f f i c e . - 51 -While these Band-initiated accomplishments have taken place, mineral explorations have continued on t r a d i t i o n a l lands. The MacMillan Pass Task Force comprised of representatives from the Government of Yukon and Canada, as well as major corporations, have been planning, without the input of the Ross River Indian band, major developments for the region. Although the recession resulted i n the dismantlement of the Task Force and the slowed implementation of regional development plans, the Band Council and Ross River Indian people remain highly concerned about mining and hydroelectric projects ( c f . Chapter 6) proposed for their t r a d i t i o n a l homeland. - 52 -CHAPTER 4 INDIAN LAND USE To delineate land usage, resident Ross River Indian adults eighteen years of age and older were aked to map on a 1:250,000 scale map their use of the land during the time period before the A n v i l Mine and for the period after the Anvil Mine commenced operations. Out of the Band population of 141 adults a t o t a l of 106 persons, or 73.7% responded by i n d i v i d u a l l y preparing maps. To portray land usage by the entir e Band a l l the i n d i v i d u a l maps were aggregated using a transparent overlay methodology. Presently a l l i n d i v i d u a l maps and the 1:250,000 aggregate overlays which show d e t a i l s of importants hunting, f i s h i n g and trapping locations are held c o n f i d e n t i a l l y by the Ross River Indian Band. What i s p u b l i c a l l y a v ailable however, are 8.5 x 11.0 inch reductions produced photographically from the aggregate maps. These reductions of the 1:250,000 aggregates make i t possible to i d e n t i f y not only s p a t i a l extent of usage, but also some key land use areas. In addition to these reduced land-use maps, knowledge gained by interviewing and participant-observation provides information respecting the system of land usage. 4.1 The Ross River Indian Land Use Maps (Cf: Figures 4.1 to 4.8) The aggregate reduced 'before' maps represent land use of Band members pr i o r to the Anv i l Mine developments. In essence they represent - 57 -land use from the turn of the century to the l a t e 1960's. During this period the Ross River Indians l i v e d a semi-nomadic l i f e s t y l e which involved much travel throughout the region harvesting a v a r i e t y of w i l d l i f e species. I t should be noted that the land usage described by the 'before' maps i s not as complete as the contemporary period, as many of the Elders that were a l i v e during the 'before' A n v i l period are now eith e r dead or too infi r m to be r e l i a b l e map informants. The aggregate reduced 'after' maps represent land use i n the post-Anvil period from the late 1960's to the present. The l i n e s on these ' af ter' maps are more numerous as the usage by younger Band members who were either not a l i v e or too young to u t i l i z e the land during the 'before' period are shown. 4.1.1 F i s h i n g The f i s h i n g maps are of two categories. Interviewees were requested to map locations they had used for either l i n e or net f i s h i n g during each of the two time periods. Both the 'after' and 'before' maps are covered with small c i r c l e s often with several overlaps. Areas along the P e l l y and Ross River, as well as many of the lakes that had been used during the 'before' time period, continue to be used today. For example the c i r c l e s along the P e l l y and Ross River are, and have always been important locations for salmon netting. A l l the f i s h i n g locations noted on the maps are important because c o l l e c t i v e l y they represent a network of f i s h i n g spots whose value varies according to a c c e s s i b i l i t y , seasonality of f i s h i n g use, species a v a i l a b i l i t y , proximity to family - 58 -camp locati o n s , and varied other c u l t u r a l - h i s t o r i c a l reasons. Viewed t o t a l l y , the ' a f t e r ' and 'before' f i s h i n g maps present graphic evidence of not only the continuity of f i s h i n g at s p e c i f i c locations but also the importance of f i s h i n g as a component a c t i v i t y of the Ross River Indian economy. 4.1.2 'Before' Hunting And Trapping Maps Regarding the 'before' hunting and trapping maps one notes the large numbers of l i n e s c r i s s - c r o s s i n g each other over an immense area. Each of these l i n e s represent the route of a hunter/trapper carrying out his harvesting a c t i v i t y . The hunting t e r r i t o r y during the 'before' period measures about 236 miles (east-west) by 160 miles (north-south) or about 37,760 square miles. The trapping area i s about 30,784 square miles i n area. While these areas are large they do not include a l l the land used as some Elders tr a v e l l e d far into B r i t i s h Columbia and into the North-west T e r r i t o r i e s . The maps portray the Ross River peoples' travel through varied habitats during the seasonal rounds that comprised th e i r harvesting a c t i v i t i e s . This movement, as the section on the Indian system of land use w i l l a t t e s t , was a s o c i a l adaptation to the d i s p e r s a l s and concentrations of a multitude of w i l d l i f e species. In general however, the vall e y s near the Ross and P e l l y Rivers and their t r i b u t a r i e s , were important for winter-spring hunting and trapping, with upland pasturages being more important during l a t e summer and early f a l l . R O S S R I V E S INDIAN B A N D T R A P P I N G B E F O R E M B mil* ON o - 61 -4.1.3 'After' Hunting And Trapping Maps In addition to showing a d i f f e r e n t pattern of land use, the 'after' hunting and trapping maps are smaller i n areal size than the before maps. For instance, the after trapping map while i t s t i l l covers a large area of approximately 16,128 square miles, i s approximately an areal decrease of about 47% from the 'before' time era. However, i t would be in c o r r e c t to conclude that the Ross River Indian people do not consider a l l their t r a d i t i o n a l land as s t i l l important. The Indian land use maps show human usage; they do not show w i l d l i f e habitats that are important and used by w i l d l i f e species. For instance, while human harvesting i s more concentrated i n lowland areas, upland pasturages are of extreme importance to the continued productivity of moose and caribou. Thus, even i f these areas were never hunted they are s t i l l important as v i t a l components of the region's b i o l o g i c a l p roductivity. Although the economic costs of transportation to more remote harvesting regions for the average Indian hunter has increased, the Ross River Indian band has plans for improving access. The Band i s a c t i v e l y pursuing funds to improve transportation and communication i n f ras true ture. In addition to the above reasons for the reduction i n s p a t i a l size of 'after' hunting and trapping land use, i t should be noted that p r i o r to the Anvil/Faro developments approximately eight extended family groups used the mine/townsite area. However, due to i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y , the large i n f l u x of workers and the Faro f i r e — w h i c h destroyed climax forests used by many f u r b e a r e r s — t h e Anvil/Faro region i s not as frequently used. R O S S R I V F n INDIAN B A N D H U N 1 I N G A F 1 E R M B NORTHWEST TERRITORIES ROSS RIVER INDIAN B A N D TRAPPING A F T E R M B N O R T H W E S T T E R R I T O R I E S ON 9UUT I All I - 64 -A l l Ross River Indian trapping takes place within the boundaries of the Ross River Group Trapline. Traps, snares, cabins and caches are owned i n d i v i d u a l l y or by f a m i l i e s , but no one person or family retains 'ownership' rights to an i n d i v i d u a l t r a p l i n e . The Band Council assumes management rights for the entire Group Trapline and Group Trapline leaders a s s i s t i n management and a l l o c a t i o n of areas to d i f f e r e n t persons. Contemporary trappers travel mainly by skidoo although dog teams are preferred by some because of their lower cost and dependability i n the woods. Often men and/or women trap alone, sometimes journeying out from a main camp or the v i l l a g e for between one and three days. The siz e of traplines vary between 20 or 30 traps to as many as 200 traps and/or snares. The most intensive trapping areas are north and south along the P e l l y River and i t s t r i b u t a r i e s ; east and west of the Ross River; and up the North Canol Road to about 30 miles past Sheldon Lake. In the month of June beaver and muskrat hunting takes place along the P e l l y and Ross Rivers, as well as around Tay, Blind, and Orchie lakes. While trapping, hunting for caribou, moose and small game also takes place. For this reason the Trapping land use maps not only reveal the s p a t i a l extent of trapping, but also the s p a t i a l extent of winter/spring hunting. When looking at the 'after' hunting map one notes a concentration of l i n e s close to the transportation corridors of the North Canol Road and the Campbell Highway. The f a c i l e conclusion i s that the Ross River people are p r i n c i p a l l y road-hunters, and while i t i s true that game are - 65 -sometimes k i l l e d i f intercepted close to a road that i s not the only explanation for the convergence of l i n e s near roads. According to Elders v i r t u a l l y a l l the major roads were b u i l t on, or close to Indian T r a i l s along r i v e r s and through v a l l e y s . Today the roads are not only i n f r a s t r u c t u r e for resource developers they are also used by Indian people to gain access to hunting, trapping and f i s h i n g areas off the roads. For instance the l i n e s that follow the Campbell Highway are usually the r e s u l t of truck and skidoo t r a f f i c i n the winter/spring period when trapping/hunting takes place. Regarding the l i n e s up the P e l l y River these are a combination of skidoo t r a f f i c during winter and boat travel to hunting areas during the spring and summer. The trapping and hunting l i n e s along the Ketza, Lapie, Ross River and North Canol Road are the r e s u l t of use by several family groups during winter and extensive use by v i r t u a l l y everyone during the summer/fall, hunts. In the summer, when the North Canol Road opens the road i s used to tra v e l to harvesting locations which according to Elders have been used for generations. The area i n the v i c i n i t y of the Yukon-NWT border i n the MacPass region i s immensely important to the Ross River people as i t i s the primary l o c a t i o n where both moose and caribou can be hunted during summer/fall. With the migration of the Fontin-Finlay herd to the mountains bordering P e l l y River, hunting of the Redstone Herd i n the I t s i , Hess, and Selwyn mountains off the North Canol road provides the only fresh caribou meat during summer/fall. In conclusion, i t must be stated that the analysis of land use a c t i v i t i e s into such categories as hunting, trapping and f i s h i n g i s a - 66 -Euro-Canadian d i s t o r t i o n of the integrated nature of Ross River Indian land and resource use. When a Ross River Indian goes trapping this implies a whole range of a c t i v i t i e s such as camping, hunting, and f i s h i n g f a r beyond the set t i n g of traps and snares. Likewise, summertime a c t i v i t i e s are concurrently gathering, hunting, f i s h i n g , and camping. In t o t a l , the maps reveal s p a t i a l aspects of an integrated pattern of land use, and when regarded together with information about the economy and 'system' of land use, document the dynamics of a modern, household-oriented mixed economy based on cash and renewable resource harvesting. 4 . 2 The I n d i a n ' S y s t e m ' Of Land U s e : P o s t A n v i l E r a The Indian land use maps portray the s p a t i a l extent and pattern of Indian land usage on s p e c i f i c lands for a va r i e t y of renewable resource harvesting purposes. What the maps do not portray i s a complex system of human adaptation to the biophysical environment and w i l d l i f e resources. This system, which evolved over many generations, involves patterns of human movement during d i f f e r e n t seasons, s h i f t s from one kind of w i l d l i f e species harvesting to another, and an enormous knowledge about the land and w i l d l i f e resources that i s extremely d i f f i c u l t for non-Indian people to comprehend. Because of the immensity and compexity of this oral knowledge of the regions's ecosystem which regulates the 'system' of human land use adaptations by the Ross River Indian people, this thesis could not possbly do j u s t i c e to i t s richness. Nonetheless, i f the impacts and a r t i c u l a t i o n between - 67 -differing modes of production are to be understood, at least some idea of this dynamic Indian 'system' of human adaptation to the region's ecosystem and wildlife must be presented in addition to maps that portray only the spatial aspects of land use. In the view of the Ross River Indian people the Anvil development marks the begining of the distinct historical era. People had become semi-sedentary and had moved into village l i f e or bush cabins in locations near major highway systems. The Robert Campbell Highway linking Ross River to other settlements provided a convenient way not only to travel from the village to bush cabins and harvesting areas, but i t also facilitated the use of more modern technology such as skidoos and trucks. An understanding of the post-Anvil system of land use and how people adapted to the problems of being semi-sedentary and operating a renewable-resource harvesting activity from a village or fixed bush camp must begin with an examination of the Ross River Indian annual seasonal round. 4.3 The Annual Seasonal Round For Euro-Canadians the year is divided into four seasons. The Ross River Indian year is essentially of five seasons. Each of these five Indian seasons which comprise the seasonal round is characterized by a different set of resource harvesting activities and land use. Conventionally these Indian seasons are (1) the f a l l dry meat hunt; (2) early winter trapping and hunting; (3) late winter hunting and trapping; (4) spring beaver, muskrat and bear hunt; and (5) the summer slack - 68 -period. Figure 4.9 (Dimitrov and Weinstein, 1984) adds the dimension of movement and seasonal resource harvesting to the concept of an Indian seasonal year. The c i r c l e at the centre of Figure 5.1 represents the Indian v i l l a g e , the black dots represent bush log cabins, and the open c i r c l e s represent wall-tents or less permanent camps. The l i n e s show movement. Lines with double arrows indicate travel by truck out from Ross River Vilage to bush camps or hunting/fishing l o c a t i o n s . The dashed l i n e s indicate a mixture of short or long term bush a c t i v i t i e s that occur by foot, horseback, boat, skidoo, dogteam and/or snowshoe. Residency and movement patterns on the land are highly d i f f e r e n t i a t e d and r e f l e c t differences between i n d i v i d u a l s respecting time commitments to wage labor, r e s t r i c t i o n s incurred because of children being at school and differences i n locations of a family's main dwelling. For instance, people i n Ross River with a f u l l or part-time job, or those with school age c h i l d r e n tend to travel out to bush camps for day, weekend or holiday t r i p s . On the other hand, those with fewer incumberances often spend two weeks or longer at bush camps without returning to Ross River. The timing of seasonal wage work indicated on the outside of the c i r c l e usually takes place In the summer slack period of the Indian year. 4 . 4 C o n t e m p o r a r y Sys tem o f Use 4 . 4 . 1 S p r i n g Hunt In spring, harvesting s h i f t s from the winter emphasis on ungulates to small game, birds, beaver, f i s h and some gathering. During - 69 -' Figure 4.9 Seasonal Harvest Cycle And Residency Pattern: Post Anvil ,f\9R\L 0 PEKMANEVT BUSH CAS/MS • /.ESS PERrtPiUEri-r BUSH DWELL-IUGS; i£HTs; MOVEfAEtJT TO AMD FROM Ross R}VEZ /nov£M£V7" irJ SLLSH - 70 -the pre-Anvil, era reliance was placed on small game such as gophers, r a b b i t s , porcupine and grouse. Today there i s now increased purchase of store bought foods. Net f i s h i n g for whitefish and l i n e - f i s h i n g for spring runs of greyling are common on many of the lakes and creeks proximate to winter bush cabins. Migrating geese, ducks and and even cranes are hunted and sometimes their eggs are co l l e c t e d as a d e l i c a c y . "Bear-roots" which grow near r i v e r banks and such other plants as poplar buds and willow stems are also gathered. Beaver as a r i c h energy food becomes a welcome v a r i a t i o n to Spring d i e t . This s h i f t from ungulates to the hunting of dispersed small game species i s not a whimsical hunting decision but rather i s based on a knowledge of animal movements and a c u l t u r a l s e l f - r e g u l a t i o n i n the form of Elder's rules that disapprove of the hunting of ungulate cows and calves during spring. In terms of animal movements, carbou hunting which provided a mainstay of winter d i e t continues into May. This however becomes less dependable due to their unpredictable movements caused i n part by increased wolf harrassement and predation made easier as the days become warmer and a snow crust develops for wolves to trave l on (MacDonnel, 1975). By May, cows and yearlings move to their calving grounds at higher elevations which makes access by hunters more d i f f i c u l t . With respect to moose which usually move down i n spring to lowland areas so as to feed on willow patches, they too wander to higher grounds as snow melts i n May. To mark the advent of spring thaw many fam i l i e s take a f i n a l long hunting t r i p up the P e l l y River to the P e l l y Lakes area. With the melting of snow, winter trapping ends, and wage work i n the form of building construction i n Ross River i t s e l f begins. - 71 -4.4.2 Indian Summer The warm months of summer from early June to mid-July immediately following the b i r t h of young animals i s a time when hunting for big game species i s minimal. In the l o g i c of Ross River Indians, summer i s a good peiod to allow animals to "fatten-up" so that they would be i n prime condition for the f a l l dry meat hunts. Summer i s generally the time for occassional hunting mixed with wage employment, and as such, the use of the land and resources i s not as intensive as other seasons of the year. Summer d i e t consists of small game, f i s h , berries and occassional big game. Outdoor camping at favourite f i s h i n g locations along the P e l l y or Ross Rivers, or at such lakes as Seagull, Sheldon and Dragon lakes i s frequent. To supplement harvested food greater reliance i s made on store boughts, paid for i n part by wages earned while working for the Indian Band or such government agencies as Forestry, Highways or Public Works. Towards the end of summer, around mid-July, the f a l l hunt commences. 4 .4 .3 The F a l l Hunt By mid July or early August large summer f i s h camps break up. People move off i n smaller hunting groups to upland pasturages and spe c i a l locations which according to their knowledge of animal behavior, d i s t r i b u t i o n and population l e v e l s are l i k e l y to provide a successful return on hunting e f f o r t expended. The focus i s moose, caribou and sheep found i n upland areas, although small game, grouse, waterfowl and berries are also harvested. The main purpose of the f a l l hunt i s - 72 -preparation of dry meat which sees people through early winter. B u l l moose and caribou are most highly sought, although once the rut begins i n Mid-September the hunt s h i f t s to cows (MacDonnel, 1975). T y p i c a l l y once a k i l l i s made, meat would be brought back to camp where women would cut i t into thin s t r i p s for smoke drying over a f i r e . One of the most important contemporary f a l l hunting areas i s i n the headwaters of the Ross and MacMillian Rivers near the MacMillan Pass. I t i s only at this l o c a t i o n that a l l major big game species can be found and i t i s the major summer-fall source of caribou. During Indian f a l l there i s much t r a f f i c up the North Canol road between Ross River and camping spots such as Blue Mountains, Dragon Lake, Sheldon Lakes. These camping spots serve as jumping off points to hunts taking place within a day travel from camp. Other families use the road system off the Campbell Highway and South Canol, while s t i l l other boat along the P e l l y River i n search of game. F a l l i s also a time when some men are employed as guides for big-game o u t f i t t e r s . 4.4.4 E a r l y Winter By l a t e September the f a l l dry meat hunt i s usually over. Moose and caribou are In the post-rut and for the Ross River Indian poeple t h e i r meat has a disagreeable odour. People have returned to Ross River or their main winter bush camp, children are i n school and preparations are being made for the advance of winter and commencement of trapping season. Wood i s cut and hauled, traps and snares bought, skidoos f i x e d , and much discussion centres around key fur species and the prices they - 73 -w i l l fetch at the Ontario and B r i t i s h Columbia fur markets. As snow covers mountain uplands the F o r t i n - F i n l a y caribou herd decends into the lowlands of the P e l l y River where they feed on lichens and caribou moss. To supplement a d i e t of caribou, whiteflsh are netted and small game such as r a b i i t s and grouse are k i l l e d . Although the main beaver hunt takes place In spring, some winter beaver trapping takes place p r i o r to the formation of heavy i c e . However, as winter temperatures drop, trapping emphsis s h i f t s to f i n e furs such as marten, fox and mink. Food harvests consists of caribou, small game and f i s h supplemented by minimal amounts of store-foods. In terms of winter trave l patterns the Campbell Highway from Ross River to bush camps i s heavily used. From bush camps people run traplines by either skidoo or dog sled. Although the North Canol Road i s closed for winter, some truck t r a f f i c between Ross River and Tenas Creek and Marjorie Lake takes place, while trappers using skidoo go as far as Sheldon Lake. 4.4.5 Late Winter Aft e r Christmas, some of which i s spent i n Ross River s o c i a l i z i n g , and some with children and families i n remote bush camps, l i f e turns to a focus of trapping with emphasis paid on the larger fur mammals such as lynx and fox. During l a t e winter, longer periods are spent i n bush camps. When the weather turns cold, attention i s paid to skinning and stretching furs and the making of gloves and moccassins. V i r t u a l l y every male engages i n some winter trapping and hunting, while those who are not interested i n trapping or can't afford o u t f i t t i n g costs remain i n Ross River usually supported by Unemployment Insurance. - 74 -The above descriptions provide information about the s p e c i f i c manner i n which Ross River Indians have adapted their system of land use according to such variables as animal movements, c l i m a t i c patterns, and a c c e s s i b i l i t y to hunting l o c a l e s . Nevertheless, there remains some general features about Northern Athapaskan hunting/trapping economies and their r e l a t i o n s i p to resource animals that remains to be c l a r i f i e d i f we are to gain a more indepth understanding of how an i n d u s t r i a l mode of production w i l l a f f e c t the dynamic system of Indian movement and use of the land and animal resources. 4.5 General Aspects Of System Of Use Irrespective of the richness of a region's non-renewable resources, Indian people rooted to a region r e l y e s s e n t i a l l y on renewable w i l d l i f e resources. As such, they have had to adapt their system of land use and resource harvesting according to the r e l a t i v e supply of a va r i e t y of species at d i f f e r e n t times and places within their p a r t i c u l a r hunting-trapping t e r r i t o r y . Some of the adaptations have been r e l a t i v e l y easy, such as the accomodations by the Cree Indians of the James Bay Quebec region where lakes and watersheds support an abundance of beaver (La Russic, 1978) and where the system of land use during part of the annual seasonal round revolves around beaver. Other human adaptations and strategies of renewable resource harvesting are more complex and are cl o s e l y related to b i o l o g i c a l p r o d u c t i v i t y , movements, and cycles of resource animals. The boreal forests which comprise most of the Ross River Lands are noted for major changes that - 75 -occur to animal populations. Some animals such as waterfowl move i n and out seasonally. Others such as caribou and moose s h i f t locations topographically within the hunting t e r r i t o r y . To manage harvesting a c t i v i t i e s , Indian hunters must be aware of these s h i f t s and must quickly modify their harvesting to adapt to the necessities of gaining a l i v e l i h o o d from the land. Along with seasonal migrations and s h i f t s of animal populations, some animal species undergo dramatic population cycles over time. A most i n t e r s t i n g example of the c o r r e l a t i o n between the biology of resource animal species and harvesting strategies revolves around snowshoe hare populations. At the peak of their cycle population de n s i t i e s can reach as high as 3,000 hare per square mile, and at the low point can drop to 35 hare per square mile. According to Indian hunters the supply and presence of lynx, an animal trapped extensively by the Ross River Indian people, i s c l o s e l y correlated to rabbit populations. If populations are r e l a t i v e l y high a c e r t a i n type of trapping strategy w i l l occur, while on the other hand, i f populations dip, a switch to a d i f f e r e n t strategy and even another species occurs. Aside from these changes, another type of change relates to a more random and unpredictable decline or increase i n the population of some species. For instance, according to Ross River Indian Elders there have been times when populations of salmon have been higher than today, and there have been times when caribou and moose were extremely scarce. What these changes imply i s that Indian resource harvesters must be extremely f l e x i b l e i n their patterns of resource harvesting and land - 76 -use. They must be w i l l i n g to move to other areas of their hunting/trapping t e r r i t o r y as game moves, and they must be w i l l i n g to r e o r i e n t their hunting strategies to other animals as one species becomes less a v a i l a b l e . The v i a b i l i t y of a renewable resource based Indian harvesting economy to meet r e l a t i v e l y i n e l a s t i c food needs depends not only the r o t a t i o n a l use of c e r t a i n geographic areas within a t e r r i t o r y , but also on the a b i l i t y and willingness of hunters to s h i f t r e l i a n c e to a d i v e r s i t y of resource species. Another aspect of Indian land and resource use relates to the f a c t that generally Indian hunters do not pursue scarce species. For instance, i f grouse or snowshoe hare populations are low, hunters w i l l t y p i c a l l y ignore them. Instead, they w i l l focus on larger and more ava i l a b l e species such as moose or caribou, or on small game and f i s h that are easy to procure. When c a l c u l a t i n g a hunting strategy numerous factors are taken into account. Among these are the r e l a t i v e population of animal species, their concentration or d i s p e r s a l , competition or disturbance that i s l i k e l y from other non-Indian users of the land, c l i m a t i c conditions, hunting/or trapping technique used, and the amount and v a r i e t y of food and/or furs that can be harvested in r e l a t i o n to time and resources expended. In addition to these general comments, which apply to the Ross River Indian people, there are some spe c i a l features of the indigenous system of land and resource use related to management of habitat and animals. With regard to hunting, i t must be understood that the success of hunting depends on knowledge of animals and s k i l l s employed. For the - 77 -Ross River Indian people, the Elders are experts respecting the land. The transmission of their knowledge i s linked to advice and p r o h i b i t i v e sanctions that are o r a l l y explained to a younger hunter. Wastage and disrespect towards the animals and land i s not tolerated. Likewise the hunting of some animals i n spring, or the hunting of yearlings i s not sanctioned. Often I have seen occassions when animals of a particular' sex or age were not k i l l e d even though the opportunity existed to k i l l them. Elders rules about taboo animals and about not hunting rare species also serve as indigenous practices which regulate land and resource use. Likewise, the dependence on a wide v a r i e t y of w i l d l i f e species acts to d i s t r i b u t e hunting pressure away from one or two big-game species. Elders are concerned with preserving a food and fur supply from a v a r i e t y of species i n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l l y . They understand that beyond the fluctuations and u n f a m i l i a r i t y with the whitemans world the land represents a secure 'savings bank' where a l i v e l i h o o d can dependably be gained. The emphasis i s not on maximizing harvests. Needs for food are r e l a t i v e l y i n e l a s t i c and as long as needs are being met by hunting and/or r e c i p r o c a l exchange the emphasis i s placed on a conservative approach to land and resource use. With regard to trapping, the Ross River Indian Group Trapline i s one of two group-traplines hold i n the Yukon. The Group trapping area i s presently divided into two areas, each with a group trapline leader who together with the Band Council formulates p o l i c y respecting useage. Generally, c e r t a i n extended fa m i l i e s use p a r t i c u l a r areas of the Group Area, while i n other regions of the Trapline the area i s open for use by - 78 -any Band member. T y p i c a l l y , the Indian trappers of Ross River d e l i b e r a t e l y employ a r o t a t i o n a l system of trapping so as to give animals that use a s p e c i f i c area time to increase their p r oductivity. While such s e l f - r e g u a l t i o n may not serve the requirements of governments which often seek to maximize resource revenues over the short-term, i t has been a way for the Ross River Indian people to insure harvests i n t e r g e n e r a t i o n a l l y . Considering that the Ross River Lands have been home for thousands of years and that there i s l i t t l e i n c l i n a t i o n to leave, the Ross River Indian people have concerns over the longterm a b i l i t y of the land and animals to sustain themselves, not only for dietary and economic reasons, but also for s o c i a l - c u l t u r a l reasons. F i n a l y , as another chapter explores, i t i s not only the s p a t i a l aspects of Indian land and resource use that are affected by the a r t i c u l a t i o n of the northern Indian mode of production to a multinational i n d u s t r i a l mode of production, but also the dynamic subtle 'system' of human adaptations and strategies to land and animals. - 79 -CHAPTER 5 THE ROSS RIVER INDIAN BAND ECONOMY 5.1 I n t r o d u c t l o n This chapter examines the contemporary nature of the Ross River Indian economy from a mode of production pespective. The band economy i s a mixed economic base where l i v e l i h o o d s of households depend on the production of food and furs from the land i n combination with seasonal wage work. I t i s an economy where dependence on the land i s both economic and c u l t u r a l , and which has both a h i s t o r y and a future. According to Brody (1981) "conventional economic analysis by ( s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s ) systematically misrepresents the Indian economy" and as a consequence Northern Indian Bands are generally seen as without an economic base. As this chapter demonstrates, the Ross River Indian people have a unique mixed economic base which, although changing, i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y tied to renewable resource harvesting. At one time the Kaska Indian people that today comprise the Ross River Indian Band depended e n t i r e l y on the land for their existence. Within the memory of some of the oldest Elders this dependence was e n t i r e l y at the subsistence l e v e l . As a previous chapter demonstrates, this subsistence economy was p a r t i a l l y displaced by the turn of the century by a market economy. Trade with the white man comprised not only meat but also furs, and a l l were e s s e n t i a l l y dependent not only on what could produced from the land for household needs, but also on whatever surplus could be traded for imported goods. Nonetheless, - 80 -during the subsistence era Indian dependence on the land and i n p a r t i c u l a r i t s renewable resources remained e s s e n t i a l l y complete. With the advent of the early 1950's fur prices collapsed and cash inputs for Canada's Indian people from the fur trade economy reached an a l l time low. As a response, the Canadian government provided Indian people with wages, jobs, welfare, pensions, and education (Cruikshank, 1977). As a r e s u l t , the dependence on the land of Indian people, including the Ross River Indian Band, i s today no longer complete. This s h i f t i s s i g n i f i c a n t but i s not as to t a l as might appear s u p e r f i c i a l l y . Persons familar with the Ross River Indian people ( M i l l e r , 1972; MacDonnell, 1975; Rigo, 1983; Vera, 1983) suggest that up u n t i l the l a t e 1950's, despite the fur trade collapse, many were s t i l l l a r g e l y dependent on the land. With few exceptions many had boats and dog-teams, the die t was almost e x c l u s i v e l y country food, and housing was crude by normative Canadian standards. By a l l appearances, despite the collapse of the fur trade economy, Indian renewable resource harvesting p r e v a i l e d . Today ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' l i f e i s more hidden and to the casual observer the impression i s e a s i l y gained that i t i s non-existent. Dogteams are rare, skin clothing with the exception of mittens and moccassions are infrequent, and the trading posts have been displaced by a Band-owned general store. In addition, one sees modern frame housing, cars and trucks, color t e l e v i s i o n , snowmobiles and r e f r i g e r a t o r s . For the casual observer these perceptions reinforce the assumption that t r a d i t i o n a l ways are dead or ra p i d l y dying, and that with the exception - 81 -of a few older people, Indian involvement with the land w i l l cease as more younger people become involved i n a wage economy. As the examination of the Ross River Indian Band land use and economy indic a t e , these assumptions are erroneous and based on s u p e r f i c i a l appearances. 5.2 Methodological Design The methodological design of the research leading to an understanding of the Ross River Indian economy i s based not only on the conceptual framework of a modes of production school of thought, but also on the f a c t that elsewhere i n North America several studies ( F e i t , 1973; Brice-Bennett, 1977; I n u i t T a p i r i s a t of Canada 1976; Weinstein, 1976; JBNQA, 1976, 1978, 1979; Shindelka 1978; Brody, 1981) have designed methodologies to document Indian hunting, trapping and f i s h i n g economies. To gain an understanding of the Ross River Indian Band's economy information was gained not only by d a i l y p a r t i c i p a n t — o b s e r v a t i o n over a two year period, but also by the administration of a questionnaire during the spring of 1983. The c o n f i d e n t i a l questionnaire, designed i n cooperation with Band members, attempted to obtain information about harvests and cash income for the one year period, November 1981 to November 1982. Questions were asked about the harvests of various animal species and about income from employment and government programs such as family allowance, c h i l d tax credits and unemployment Insurance. Information about t o t a l Band members income from other government programs such as welfare and old age pensions were obtained d i r e c t l y from Band Council records. - 82 -The questionnaire was administered to as many Band members 18 years of age and older who were on the Council for Yukon Indian's enrollment l i s t for the Ross River Indian Band. At the time of research there were 243 people on the Band enrollment l i s t and of these 141 were 18 years of age and older. In a l l 92 questionnaires were completed by 127 of the 141 adults. For the sake of completeness, information about the harvests and income of non-adult members of a family were also obtained. In t o t a l , the questionnaire represents annual harvest and cash income information from approximately 90% of Ross River Indian people. 5.3 Ross River Indian System of 'Property* Rights and Resource  Management The Ross River Indian people have occupied and used their t r a d i t i o n a l lands since time immemorial. They have never signed any tr e a t i e s with the Government of Canada respecting their lands. Presently, comprehensive Yukon Indian Land claim negotiations are taking place with the Government of Canada. At dispute i s the aboriginal claim by Yukon Indians people for the Yukon T e r r i t o r y . Negotiations which have been progressing for over ten years have almost reached culmination in an interim-agreement i n p r i n c i p l e between the Council of Yukon Indians, representing a l l twelve Yukon Indian Bands, and the Government of Canada. The implementation of a f i n a l agreement sometime i n the future w i l l have enormous implication for a l l Yukon Indian people, including the Ross River Indian people. Two aspects of Ross River Indian l i f e that w i l l be affected pertain to the p r e v a i l i n g Indian system of 'property rights and w i l d l i f e resource management. - 83 -5.3.1 The Indian System of 'Property Rights' The Ross River Indian Band u t i l i z e s the land and resources within th e i r Group Trapline area for renewable resource harvesting. This Group Trapline area, which i s a part of the t r a d i t i o n a l lands that were h i s t o r i c a l l y used by descendants of today's Band members i s common property. A l l band members have access to i t and no one can p a r t i t i o n sections off for i n d i v i d u a l ownership. The land i s a heritage of a l l Band members by v i r t u e of their h i s t o r y , legends, s t o r i e s , naming of geographic s i t e s , and because of their occupancy and usage. While access i s guaranteed to a l l Band members by vi r t u e of being born within Band society, the r i g h t to harvest i n p a r t i c u l a r regions of the Group tr a p l i n e i s regulated. E x p l i c i t l y there exists a s o c i a l system used to promote harmony and all o c a t e w i l d l i f e resources so that a l l can benefit. For the most part, genealogical h i s t o r y i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n deciding who has pre-eminent rights to hunt, trap and f i s h i n p a r t i c u l a r locations of the Group Trapline. People are not allowed to harvest where and how they want—there are customs and rules to follow which seem to be common knowledge of a l l Band members. Although the Band Council, together with assistance from Elders and Group trapline leaders acts to resolve disputes and to propose guidelines applicable to a l l , for the most part the a l l o c a t i o n of hunting-trapping t e r r i t o r i e s i s according to family and in t e r - f a m i l y genealogy. 5.3.2 The Indian System of W i l d l i e Management In addition to these customs, which prescribe the pattern whereby i n d i v i d u a l s or fam i l i e s have pre-eminent rights of occupancy and use - 84 -within s p e c i f i c areas of the Group Trapline, there exists a set of or a l customs regarding w i l d l i f e , i t s harvesting, use and d i s t r i b u t i o n . These Band rules whose appropriateness i s affected by both Indian needs and the conditions of w i l d l i f e species have the general e f f e c t of conserving w i l d l i f e harvests and minimizing waste of country foods. The customs specify who can hunt/trap, where they can hunt/trap, what animals, what sex, what age can be hunted, which, animals are taboo, what respects are to be paid to animals and how food i s to be d i s t r i b u t e d so as to minimize spoilage. The oral rules emmanate from the Elders of the Band and are enforced by means of kin-censure by both Elders and respected senior hunters and trappers. Like anywhere, rules can occasionally be broken, but i n the authors two year experience with the Ross River Indian Band conservative and e f f i c i e n t use of animals was the norm. Along with these r u l e s , conservative Band harvesting of w i l d l i f e occurs because of the immense d i v e r s i t y of w i l d l i f e species which are harvested. While big game i s important, the Ross River Indian economy also r e l i e s on small game, f i s h and store-bought food. The presence of these s o c i a l customs regarding the a l l o c a t i o n of hunting/traping rights for s p e c i f i c areas of Band lands, and the presence of Elders customs respecting renewable resource harvesting disputes the claim by Theberge (1981) that no s e l f - r e g u l a t o r y w i l d l i f e harvesting mechanism existed amongst northern aboriginal peoples, and that hunting was s t r i c t l y a predator-prey r e l a t i o n s h i p . In terms of Ross River, the opposite i s true. The Ross River Indian people have not only occupied and used the i r t r a d i t i o n a l lands since time immemorial but they have done so - 85 -within an indigenous system that regulated who had access to what lands for harvesting, and how harvesting practices were to be carried out. 5.4 The Productive Element The Ross River Indian people r e l y on t h i r t y - f o u r w i l d l i e species for food and furs ( c f . : Table 3.1). These include six big game species, three edible fur mammals, ten non-edible fur mammals, six small game animals, two species of waterfowl and approximately seven major f i s h species. In addition to these, Band members gather six d i f f e r e n t types of berries and various roots and plants for food and medicinal pruposes. Firewood i s gathered as the primary household f u e l by approximately 98% of a l l households. 5.4.1 Who Works? In terms of use-value production (Friedman and Weaver, 1979) the ex p l o i t a t i o n of labor i s self-regulated and i s incurred to whatever l e v e l i s necessary to meet simple reproduction needs of a household. The primary unit of use-value production i s the household, defined as a main residence, or domicile, for a person or group of persons. For the Ross River Indian Band average household size was 3.9 persons, markedly less than the national Indian average of 5.6 persons (DIAND 1980). T y p i c a l l y use-value production had a sexual d i v i s i o n of labor with men assuming major r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s for running t r a p l l n e s , f i s h i n g , and hunting. Women partici p a t e d i n these a c t i v i t i e s to a lessor degree and they assumed primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n , producing - 86 -simple commodities such as handicrafts, mittens and mukluks, and butchering and preserving food harvested from the land. The res u l t s of the questionnaire (Dimitrov and Weinstein (1984) indicated that 88.0% of the sample population p a r t i c i p a t e d i n hunting and had suc c e s s f u l l y k i l l e d game during the one year period which the questionnaire surveyed. Of these, 100.0% of a l l adult men sampled indicated that they had hunted and had successfully harvested game. In terms of trapping, 57.6% of the sample population indicated that they had trapped fur mammals and of these 75.0% were men. Fishing by nets was undertaken by 23.9% of the sample population while 80.4% indicated that they fished with l i n e and hook. Active trappers- came from a l l age groups ( c f : Table 5.1). An analysis of this information indicates that the youngest age group were the most successful trappers of mink, and with the exception of lynx were the third most successful age group i n terms of o v e r a l l trapping of fur mammals. The most successful trappers were generally those In the 30-49 age class followed by those between the ages of 50 and 59. Although information i s not available regarding the comparative importance of human factors to influence trapping returns, i t i s known that the most important factors include amount of time involved i n seasonal or year-round wage employment, age, sex, the adequacy of trapping o u t f i t and s k i l l . A reference to questionnaire r e s u l t s regarding employment patterns sheds some l i g h t on the factors of sex and wage employment patterns i n r e l a t i o n to p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n trapping. According to the questionnaire r e s u l t s , sixty-one men and seventeen women reported holding jobs between November 1981 and November - 87 -1982. Of the 60 jobs held by men 62.3% were three months or less duration, 26.2% were of four to six month duration, 6.5% of seven to nine months duration and 4.9% of ten to twelve month duration. On the other hand 58.8% of women employed worked between ten and twelve months. This f a c t , that 88.5% of the men who reported working had worked only for six months or l e s s , and p r i n c i p a l l y during the spring and summer, strongly correlates with the res u l t s of both the questionnaire and p a r t i c i p a n t observation that men were the p r i n c i p a l seasonal wage workers and seasonal trappers, while women were the more frequent regular wage workers. Table 5.1 Age of Trappers and Harvest Returns Age Group Beaver Lynx Mar ten Fox Muskrat Mink 29 and under 17.3% 14.4 15.2 18.4 23.2 30.4 30-49 27.1% 48.0 29.3 41.2 19.4 24.1 50-59 40.0% 19.5 12.4 22.7 32.8 20.5 60 + 15.9% 18.2 43.0 17.8 24.6 25.0 5 .4 .2 Country Food Production The key to understanding the Indian economy of Ross River revolves around measuring the volume of country food and furs that come from the land. The questionnaire provided c o n f i d e n t i a l information - 88 -regarding numbers of species of animals harvested. As c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y was assured to a l l respondents and since the Band has not authorized the release of raw data, a method was devised to give harvest figures i n terms of quantities of edible meat per major animal species grouping. Given the a v a i l a b i l i t y of information respecting harvests, the question arose as to what proportion was available for human consumption. Converting harvest k i l l s into estimates of edible food a v a i l a b l e for human consumption i s not a simple task. While this thesis does not intend to go heavily into the exact methodology of ca l c u l a t i o n s , a short review of how edible food weight values were calculated i s e s s e n t i a l . In general, to calculate pounds of edible food available f o r human consumption three steps are required. F i r s t l y , a whole animal weight must be obtained; secondly the question of what proportion of the animal i s edible must be determined; and f i n a l l y , an estimate of the age/sex structure of the animal population harvested i s required. Table 5.2 (Dimitrov and Weinstein, 1984) provides an estimate of the edible food portion available for human consumption based on the Ross River animal resource species harvested. The problem of converting the numbers and age/sex structure of animals harvested to to t a l edible weights was circumvented by r e l y i n g heavily on the animal weight and edible proportion estimates of the James Bay Cree harvesting study (JBNAHRC 1982). The Cree Harvesting Research Committee report i s to-date the most extensive review of b i o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e respecting whole animal weights and the proportion of food available for human - 89 -Table 5.2 Food Weight Values Used to Calculate Ross River Indian Bush Food Harvests Species Food Portion (pounds) Moose 621.0 Caribou 180.0 Sheep 85.0 Beaver 18.0 Lynx 8.5* Marten 0.0 Weasel 0.0 Wolverine 0.0 Fox 0.0 Wolf 0.0 Coyote 0.0 Muskrat 0.0 S q u i r r e l 0.0 Fisher 0.0 Mink 0.0 Otter 0.0 Bears 210.0 Geese 4.0 Ducks 1.4 Rabbits 1.9 Porcupine 10.5 Gophers 1.1 Ground Hogs 9.0 Grouses 1.2 Ptarmigans 0.7 Lake Trout 1.2 Whitefishes 2.0 Salmon 21.3 Grayling 1.0 Ja c k f i s h 2.2 Suckers 1.6 Lingcod 0.9 *0nly about 1% of lynx meat i s consumed by people. We have modified our meat harvest figures to take this into account. - 90 -consumption from the harvests of sub-artic w i l d l i f e resources. According to the James Bay Cree and Northern Quebec study (1971-72 to 1978-79) food values ". . . assumed have been from the lower portio of the range of reported values. In most cases, . . . the f i n a l weights used err on the conservative side and should be treated as miniraums." For the most part the Ross River edible weight figures r e l y on the JBNQHRC ca l c u l a t i o n s with minor adjustments to account f o r d i f f e r i n g whole body weights of such species as moose, caribou and some f i s h species. According to (Dimitrov and Weinstein, 1984) the renewable harvesting sector of the,Ross River Indian Band economy produced 138,574 pounds of edible meat during the period November 1981 - November 1982 (Table 5.3). Assuming that the ten percen of the Ross River Band population that did not complete the questionnaire harvested s i m i l a r amounts of animals, the figure should be adjusted upwards ten percent to 152,431 pounds. Table 5.3 Annual Edible Meat Harvested: Ross River Indian Band Food Harvest (pounds) Big Game Animals 89,159 11,826 3,434 Small Game Animals Edible Fur Mammals Wa terf owl 736 F i s h 33,419 Total Questionnaire Results 138,574 pounds Harvest Adjusted for Total Population 152,431 pounds - 91 -Looked at this from other perspectives, these figures indicate that about 1.7 pounds of meat per capita per day comes from Ross River Indian harvesting a c t i v i t y . Considering that the average Ross River Indian household size i s 3.9 persons this implies that on the average about 6.6 pounds of meat per household per day, or 198 pounds per month, comes from renewable resource harvesting. These figures are comparable to r e s u l t s available from other areas of Canadian north. Brody (1981), reporting on the Indian economy of northeatern B r i t i s h Columbia, indicates that meat consumption averaged between one pound per capita d a i l y up to 2.24 pounds. These meat production figures underline the importance of meat for Ross River Indian households and a t t e s t to the amazing prod u c t i v i t y of the 141 adult Band members that comprised the sample population. 5.4.3 Imputed Value of Country Food Production The non-monetary figures of meat production are but one way to present the productivity of the food harvesting sector of the Ross River Indian economy. For purposes of comparing this sector with other economic a c t i v i t i e s i t i s necessary to set a d o l l a r equivalence value to meat produced from the land. This type of conversion i s not only d i f f i c u l t , but to Indian people i s a c t u a l l y misleading and repugnant. The c u l t u r a l , psychological and economic importance of hunting for Indian people cannot be valued i n d o l l a r s and cents. Hunting i s the essence of culture and a way of l i f e . Another problem i s that country food i s not replaceable either n u t r i t i o n a l l y or taste-preference wise for many Indian people. To equate pounds of meat produced to monetary - 92 -terms i s s i m p l i s t i c reductionism—and for potential non-renewable resource developers to think that the loss of hunting t e r r i t o r i e s and a way of l i f e can simply be compensated by providing the equivalent d o l l a r value i s yet another gross s i m p l i f i c a t i o n . D o l l a r equivalent values for country food are calculated only to provide information about the importance of meat within the mixed Ross River Band economy. I t i s recognized that store bought meat and country food do not have the same n u t r i t i o n a l values. Country food have s i g n i f i a n t l y higher protein than commercial meats (Berger 1977:14) and while i t i s tempting to try and calculate the d o l l a r value of country food taking into account n u t r i t i o n a l f a c t o r s , the c a l c u l a t i o n s would be extremely complex and subject to much controversy. For the sake of s i m p l i c i t y , c alculations are based on pound for pound values. As suggested by J u s t i c e Thomas Berger i n the MacKenzie Valley P i p e l i n e Inquiry (Berger 1977:14) l o c a l r e t a i l costs of commercial meat are used < to c alculate d o l l a r equivalent values for country food. In this case the r e t a i l costs of meat at the Band store are u t i l i z e d as that i s the manner i n which the overwhelming majority of Ross River Indian people would purchase meat i f country food was not l o c a l l y a v a i l a b l e . Table 5.4 (Dimitrov and Weinstein, 1984) shows the types of commercial meats and their Ross River r e t a i l prices that are used to substitute for various categories of country food. The summer 1983 prices are not for the most expensive cuts of commercial meat. - 93 -Table 5.4 R e t a i l Cash Equivalents for Country Food Commercial Meat $ Value/Pound Big game mammals Beef $3.40 Small game animals Pork $3.37 Edible fur mammals Chicken $2.29 Fi s h Whitefish $1.79 Table 5.5 (Dimitrov and Weinstein, 1984) shows the estimates of the d o l l a r equivalents for Ross River country food harvests. This fig u r e of $416,062 for the one year period November 1981 to November 1982 represents 90% of the Band population, when adjusted upwards 10 percent assuming again an equivalence of harvest, the imputed country food value comes to $457,668. Table 5.5 Imputed Dollar Value of Ross River Annual Meat Harvest Pounds of Food $ Value Big Game Animals 89,159 303 ,130.40 Small Game animals 11,826 39,853.62 Edible Fur Mammals 3,434 11 ,572.58 Waterfowl 736 1,685.44 Fi s h 33,419 59,820.01 Questionnaire Totals Adjusted t o t a l s 138,574 152,431 416,062.05 457,668.25 - 94 -Information from the authors participant-observation indicate that Ross River Indian Band households are v i r t u a l l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t i n terms of meat supply. This i s confirmed by figures from the Ross River Indian Band store for 1981/1982 which indicated that annual meat sales only amounted to $56,109. Assuming that this represents only one-half of the commercial meat purchases by Band members, with the rest coming from other r e t a i l outlets i n Faro or Whitehorse this implies that about $112,218 worth of commercial meats would have been bought by Band members. These figures indicate that approximately 80% of the Bands annual meat requirements are produced by the hunting e f f o r t s of Band members. This rate of production of country food by Ross River Indian hunters shatters the myth that the Ross River Indian labor force i s i d l e and non-productive. As reported previously 88% of the sample population of 141 persons hunted and s u c c e s s f u l l y k i l l e d game during the one year period which the questionnaire covered. This implies that 124 people were the primary country food producers. Assuming that each harvested approximately an equal amount of food this means that each Indian hunter produced approximately 1129 pounds of country food annually. In terms of imputed d o l l a r values as reported i n Figure 5.5, the 124 active hunters each produced approximately $3,690.87 worth of country food annually, or about $307.57 worth a month. These production figures for the e n t i r e Band undoubtedly vary from year to year, but i n the view of the Ross River Indian Band the one year period examined was representative of a t y p i c a l year of harvests. The production values by - 95 -i n d i v i d u a l producers are given only as annual and monthly averages, as actual l e v e l s of production by i n d i v i d u a l hunters varies not only from person to person but from season to season. At some times of the year very l i t t l e meat comes into the Band, i n addition, during some times of the year some persons hunt more i n t e n s i v e l y than others. 5.4.4 Trapping and Handicraft Production To estimate the t o t a l Band income that comes from renewable resource harvesting, or the northern Indian mode of production, monies that come from trapping and the sale of handicrafts must also be included. The questionnaire also asked questions about annual harvests for fur mammals for the one year period November 1981 to November 1982. Information about handicraft sales was received from the Band Manager. To calculate the Band's trapping income the questionnaire returns sp e c i f y i n g numbers of fur mammals trapped were mu l t i p l i e d by average Yukon fur prices for the year. A figure of $192,533 was obtained which was adjusted upwards 10% to give an estimated annual value of $211,786 from the trapping sector. Considering that 57.5% of the sample population, or 81 people reported to be active and successful trappers this implies that on the average, assuming no variances i n p r o d u c t i v i t y , that each trapper produced approximately $2,614.64 worth of f u r s . In addition to t h i s , $10,866 was reported as revenue from handicraft sales. The Ross River Indian Band's t o t a l imputed annual production from the renewable resource harvesting sector i s estimated (Table 5.6) to be $680,320 for the sample year. Discounting variances i n p r o d u c t i v i t y - 96 -l e v e l s amorist i n d i v i d u a l producers this implies that the 141 members of the sample population produced an estimated $4,824.96 worth of f u r s , food, and handicrafts during the one year sample period. In a c t u a l i t y however, the r e a l value of the household sector production exceeds these f i g u r e s . The d o l l a r value estimates for other use value products made for household use such as firewood, plant harvest for food and medicinal purposes, mitts, showshoes, coats and raukluks have not been included because of the d i f f i c u l t y i n quantifying these products and converting them to a d o l l a r value. Just c a l c u l a t i n g an imputed d o l l a r value on household production of firewood would s i g n i f i c a n t l y increase the imputed d o l l a r value as approximately 98% of a l l Ross River Indian households r e l y on wood as the primary home f u e l . Table 5.6 Total Estimate Value of the Household Sector of the Ross River Indian Economy for 1981/1982 Food Production $457,668 Fur Income 211,786 Handicraf t Income 10,866 Total Value $680,320 5.5 Wage and Transfer Payment Incomes To e f f e c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n renewable resource harvesting from the fixed locations of the v i l l a g e or a bush bash camp i t i s necessary to purchase a modern hunting, trapping, f i s h i n g o u t f i t , a cost that - 97 -might run into thousands of dolars (see Table 5.7). Therefore, i n addition to cash and income in-kind produced from renewable resource harvesting many Band members have seasonal or f u l l - t i m e wage employment and most receive some money from government transfer payments. In addition, through the Council for Yukon Land Claim negotiations, approximately 15 Elders s i x t y years of age and older receive 'elders benefits.' As a r e s u l t the Band's economy has become a mixed renewable resource harvesting and wage economy. 5.5.1 Wage Income and I t ' s Sources In terms of monetary income earned from wage employment the re s u l t s of the questionnaire indicate a before tax gross income of $548,072. Assuming once again that 10% of the people not covered by the sample earned approximately the equivalent amount, this would increase the gross wage earnings to $602,879 f or the one year period. In addition, the questionnaire also provided information about the r e l a t i v e importance of employers i n terras of providing both jobs and income to Ross River Indian people during the sample year 1981-1982. That sample year was p r i o r to the recession a f f e c t i n g the Yukon. A l l mines, including the Cyprus An v i l Amine were f u l l y operational. The r e s u l t s indicated that the Band was the most important employer for Band member providing a f u l l 50% of the 78 jobs and 50% of a l l gross income for the 90% of a l l Band members who completed the questionnaire. Government employment by both federal and t e r r i t o r i a l departments were the next important employers providing 23% of the jobs - 98 -Table 5.7 1983 R e t a i l Costs of Harvesting Gear, Ross River Sleeping bags Assorted firearms Truck Reconditioned truck motor Skidoo - new - used Skidoo toboggan New skidoo motor - si n g l e track - double track Skidoo maintenance/year 24 foot boat 20 HP boat motor G a s o l i n e / l i t r e Wall tent Tent wood stove Tarpaulins Trapping cabins Axe Knives F i s h i n g nets Traps and snares B u l l e t s and s h e l l s $ 300 $1,000 $3,000 $1,600 $1,900 $ 700 $ 50 530 1,500 7,000 1,800 1,200 300 $ 450 $1,000 $ 500 $1,200 - 2,000 $1,500 - 1,800 $ 0.62 $ 290 $ 70 $ 40 each $2,000 $ 35 $ 100 $ 60 - 150 $ 150 - 300 season various prices In a d d i t i o n there are costs for bush cloth i n g , r e n t a l costs of two way radios for extended t r i p s , and the cost of airplane charters into more remote regions of the Ross River Indian lands. - 99 -and 27.8% of the gross wage income earned. Local Indian businesses, l o c a l non-Indian businesses, the Churches, game o u t f i t t e r s , and mining companies provided about 21.0% of the jobs and 15.7% of a l l gross income. The Council for Yukon Indians provided 3% of the jobs and 6.5% of a l l gross wage income, while mining companies, the major non-Indian economic sector i n the region, provided only 3.0% of a l l jobs and 2.6% of a l l gross wage incomes. 5.5.2 Transfer Payments Table 5.8 presents income from various transfer payments. Information regarding unemployment insurance, family allowances and the Table 5.8 Ross River Annual Income from Transfer Payments Unemployment Insurance $ 80,962 Family Allowance 33,612 Chil d Tax Credit 30,939 Federal Pensions 36,000 YTG Pension 14 ,000 CYI Elders Benefits 42,408 So c i a l Assistance: Employables 42,241 So c i a l Assistance: Unemployables 75,388 S o c i a l Assistance Special Needs 6,487 Guardians Allowance 15,839 Estimated Total $378,276 - 100 -c h i l d tax c r e d i t came from the questionnaire, while incomes from federal and Yukon government pensions, Council for Yukon Indians Elders Benefits, s o c i a l assistance and guardian allowances came d i r e c t l y from the Band Council's records. As noted previously, incomes have been increased 10% to account for the part of the population not covered by the questionnaire. To estimate the Band's t o t a l annual income the contributions from the various sectors: the renewable resource harvesting sector, wage labor and transfer payments must be t o t a l l e d . As Table 5.9 indicates the estimated annual gross income from a l l sectors i s estimated at $1,661,475, with transfer payments providing about $378,276 or 22.8%, wage employment providing about $602,879 or 36.3%, and 41% or $680,320 der i v i n g from harvesting a c t i v i t i e s . Table 5.9 Total Band Income: A l l Sectors Transfer Payments $378,276 22.8% Wage Employment 602,879 36.3% Harvesting Sectors 680,320 41.0% Estimated T o t a l $1,661,475 100.0% These figures are not j u s t abstractions when considering the d a i l y r e a l i t y of earning a l i v i n g for Ross River Indian Band members. What they imply amongst other things i s that the two productive sectors of the bands economy produce an estimated income of $1,283,199 which - 101 -accounts for 77.3% of a l l gross personal annual income. Harvesting a c t i v i t i e s contribute 53% towards annual household l i v e l i h o o d s and wage employment contribute 47% of to t a l gross income. Assuming an equivalency of i n d i v i d u a l productive output, these figures imply that the 141 adult producers each produced approximately $4,275 from wage employment and approximtely $4,824.96 from the harvests of renewable resources. Looked at another way, the information about the Band economy reveals that approximately 1.7 pounds of edible meat per capita i s produced per day for consumption, and that the mixed wage and harvesting income of the Ross River Indian Band economy provided an annual per capita income equivalent of $6,837.34. Without the prod u c t i v i t y of the harvesting sector the Ross River Indian per capita income would only have been $4,037.67, considerably lower than the 1981 Yukon per capita income of $11,997.30 (pers. comm. Glen Grant, YTG Department of Economic Development and Tourism). In some ways the monetary analysis of the mixed Ross River Indian economy tends to undervalue the importance of meat harvests. The requirements of the Band's households for meat are r e l a t i v e l y i n e l a s t i c over time, whereas the needs for cash are r e l a t i v e l y e l a s t i c . Meat, unlike cash i s produced and d i s t r i b u t e d v i a a r e c i p r o c a l exchange network that insures that people have adequae l e v e l s of meat during the year. Unlike d o l l a r s , meat cannot be 'banked' and thus i s not used to accumulate wealth. Given the i n e l a s t i c requirements for meat and the f a c t that i t cannot be accumulated as cash, and given an increasing amount of jobs and accumulated wage incomes, i t might appear that over - 102 -time the proportional importance of meat harvests r e l a t i v e to other Band sectors have been d e c l i n i n g , even i f harvests remained constant. 5 .6 N o n - Q u a n t i t a t i v e A s p e c t s o f the Economy This presentation of the productive aspects of the Ross River Indian Band's economy would not be complete without mention of other non-numerical aspects of the Band economy. With regard to consumption, i t has already been mentioned that requirements for meat are r e l a t i v e l y i n e l a s t i c and are based on household needs for country food. This observation supports the conclusions of Chaynov 1925:262) who suggests that ". . . the degree of s e l f - r e g u l a t i o n i n (use value economic production systems) i s determined by a p a r t i c u l a r equilibrium between demand s a t i s f a c t i o n and the drudgery of the labor i t s e l f . As soon as equilibrium i s reached continuing to work becomes poi n t l e s s , as any further labor expenditure becomes . . . harder to endure than i s foregoing i t s economic e f f e c t s . " In addition to this s e l f - r e g u l a t i o n , meat consumption le v e l s are set by the productivity and s k i l l s of the adult producers i n r e l a t i o n to c y c l i c f l u ctuations of animal populations, and their densities over space/time. Levels of consumption are also determined by a d i s t r i b u t i o n mechanism that ensures that a l l members of extended families who require meat have access to i t v i a r e c i p r o c a l exchange. This r e c i p r o c a l kinship exchange serves as a c u l t u r a l risk-aversion mechanism that creates a safety net whereby each household, by v i r t u e of i t s i n t e r - f a m i l y connection, has adequate supplies of a basic l e v e l of country food. - 103 -Regarding cash requirements, Ross River Indians have seemingly an e l a s t i c need for cash. In most instances however, cash and involvement i n a wage or business a c t i v i t y are not ends i n themselves. Rather, they are means not only to purchase consumer items, but more importantly to obtain producer goods necessary for continued p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n renewable resource harvesting a c t i v i t i e s . 5 . 7 The Band Economy: A Conclusion In conclusion, this chapter has focused on numbers and the u t i l i t a r i a n aspects of the mixed Ross River Indian Band economy. Such an abstraction focusing simply on the economic aspects of a culture, does not accurately convey the r e a l i t y of how Ross River Indian people think about themselves and the future. From a mode of production perspective the continued capacity of any society to function and e x i s t depends on i t s a b i l i t y to recreate or reproduce the means and r e l a t i o n s of production (Clark, 1980:229). Renewable resource harvesting i s e s s e n t i a l l y what the way of l i f e i s a l l about, and cash incomes represent a means to p a r t i c i p a t e i n those a c t i v i t i e s . There are other aspects to the Indian mixed economy and the continuance of the Band's economy and culture depends not only on cash inputs and sound management of the region's bioproductivity, but also upon cer t a i n s o c i o - c u l t u r a l elements of Band society. Renewable resource harvesting that produces use-value goods for household consumption and simple commodities ( f u r s , handicrafts) for resale on the market ar not i n d i v i d u a l endeavours. They would not be - 104 -possible without a sense of h i s t o r i c a l rootedness to the land and an intimate knowledge of animals which intergenerational rootedness provides. I t would not be possible without c o l l e c t i v e contributions and d i v i s i o n s of labor within the band. The s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s amonst friends and extended families and the role of Elders are v i t a l underpinnings to Indian economy. To be a successful hunter/trapper s p e c i a l i z e d s k i l l s and information about animal behaviour and hunting/trapping must not only be acquired. One must continually maintain f r i e n d l y s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s with extended family and friends through such customs as ' r e c i p r o c i t y . ' This r e c i p r o c i t y does not j u s t involve the exchange of meat but also the sharing of s k i l l s and information about animal sightings and signs, the making of dry-meat and bush clothing by the women of the Band; the sharing of labor to transport meat out of the bush, and most importantly the Indian education and caring for of c h i l d r e n . In essence, the entire perpetuation of the Ross River Indian mixed economy i s linked to the s o c i o - c u l r u r a l f a b r i c of Band society which i s c l o s e l y interwoven with renewable resource harvesting, that i s i n turn intimately tied to changes i n the region's ecosystem i n a dynamic manner that i s beyond numerical d o l l a r value c a l c u l a t i o n s . As Chapter 6 indicates the Ross River Indian Band, l i k e other r u r a l Indian Bands throughout Canada, are p o t e n t i a l l y facing large scale i n d u s t r i a l developments on their t r a d i t i o n a l economic t e r r i t o r y . As with the fur trade, the CANOL project, and the Cyprus A n v i l regional developments, the proposed i n d u s t r i a l i z a t t i o n of the region w i l l bring - 105 -changes, a l l of which w i l l require Indian adaptations. The Ross River Indian people want to continue harvesting country food and furs and they want their close association and c u l t u r a l continuity with the land and animals to be maintained. This i s not to state that there are no requirements for cash and wage jobs, but rather that these needs are not seen as an either/or replacement of the Indian renewable resource economy and i t s supportive s o c i o - c u l t u r a l underpinnings. Seven years ago Mr. Thomas Berger made, the assertion that those who advocate large scale i n d u s t r i a l development i n the North have ". . . assumed that the native economy i s moribund and that native people should therefore be induced to enter wage employment (Berger, 1977, Vol. 1). The l a s t three chapters have presented s o l i d evidence that this assumption, s t i l l held by many Indian, government and industry decision makers, i s f a l l a c i o u s . This i s not to say however, that the Ross River people do not want wage work but rather they do not want to . . . depend exclusively on i n d u s t r i a l wage employment . . . (for) i f the production of country food for l o c a l consumption ceases . . . than the self-employed w i l l c e r t a i n l y become the unemployed. (Berger, 1977, V o l . 1) - 106 -CHAPTER 6 TRANSFORMATION EFFECTS OF CAPITALIST PENETRATION ON THE NORTHERN INDIAN MODE OF PRODUCTION The previous chapters have looked at the hi s t o r y of the Ross River Indian Band and the dynamics of i t s mode of production. In this chapter we examine future i n d u s t r i a l developments proposed for Ross River Indian lands and explore some d i f f i c u l t i e s i n northern Indian adaptation to regional i n d u s t r i a l modernization. I t i s argued that preservation of Indian development options to preserve and enhance the simple reproduction of Indian renewable resource harvesting requires an understanding not only of the general dynamics of Indian modes of production, but also of the transformation e f f e c t s thereupon by a multinational c a p i t a l i s t mode of production and the c a p i t a l i s t commoditisaion process (Asch, 1977; Brody, 1981). 6.1 Proposed Resource Developments: Ross River Region Many types of developments are being proposed for the Ross River region. These includes several mining projects (Figure 6.1), two h y d r o e l e c t r i c generating f a c i l i t i e s , a possible new townsite and improvements to regional transportation i n f r a s t r u c t e . I t i s possible that within the next ten years as many as six new mining operatings may be i n operation within 125 miles of Ross River. These would be Yukon Barite Company's barite claim at Tea; Cyprus Anvil Mining Corporation's Ross River coal leases; the development of a tungsten mine at MacTung i n -107 -FIGURE 6 - 1 P O T E N T I A L MINERAL D E V E L O P M E N T PROJECTS (FROM: Re i d C r o w t h c r & P a r t n e r , 1983b) - 108 -the MacMillan Pass by AMAX Ltd. of Canada; Hudson Bay Exploration and Development Company's lead-zinc claim at Tom; Aberford Resource's lead and zinc deposit at Jason; and several lead-zinc claims i n the Howards Pass area of the Ross River Region. Given the current economic recession and low metal p r i c e s , the l i k e l i h o o d of a l l these mines being operational by the 1990's i s not great. Nonetheless, some could be operational by that time and i t i s l i k e l y that much of the regional i n f r a s t r u e t r e w i l l be i n place to support other developments. With the exception of the Yukon Barite claim which has seen some preliminary construction and mining before economic and l e g a l problems temporarily closed i t down, the mining projects are a l l i n various phases of the planning stage. The Ross River coal project has completed v i r t u a l l y a l l necessary land use applications and with the resumption of the Cyprus An v i l Mine would be ready for rapid start-up. With respect to the MacMillan and Howards Pass developments, extensive engineering planning has been completed only for Amax's MacTung tungsten claim. According to Reid Crowthers and Partners (1982), best estimates place the construction phase of this mine between 1984 and 1986. Should the recession and low metal prices continue however, development of the MacTung mine may be l a t e r . Presently, the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development are reconstructing the North Canol Road so as to f a c i l i t a t e an all-season linkage between mining developments and po t e n t i a l markets. With the completion of this road reconstruction and an improvement i n world metal prices the basic i n f r a s t r u c t u r e w i l l have - 109 -been l a i d for the development not only of the MacTung mine but conceivably other mining claims in the Howards and MacMillan Pass area. The MacMillan Pass Task Force, an ad hoc j o i n t corporate and government regional planning body concluded that over the short term d i e s e l e l e c t r i c generators would s u f f i c e as power for the MacMillan Pass mines, but as other mines come into operation hydroelectric or thermal generating plants would be required (Reid Crowther and Partners, 1982). The Nothern Canada Power Commission (NCPC) has completed i n i t i a l engineering and environmental studies of three potential h y d r o e l e c t r i c generating s i t e s located on Ross River Indian T r a d i t i o n a l lands. According to NCPC, the Ross Canyon and the Hoole Canyon s i t e s have excellent potential should demand require their development (Reid Crowther and Partners, 1982). At this point i t i s clear that changes which the Ross River Indian Band may have to adapt to could r e s u l t not from a single project but rather from a regional modernization that could encompass several mining projects, transportation and energy i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , the periodic influxes of non-Indian corporate and government workers, and conceivably greater competition from sports hunters. P r i o r Band experience with the Canol project and the Cyprus A n v i l Mine developments have raised doubts amongst Band Members regarding the v a l i d i t y of government and corporate perceptions that Band members would only benefit from nearby i n d u s t r i a l projects because of job and business opportunities that may accompany them. - 110 -6.2 The Stresses Of I d u s t r i a l Labour: An Indian View Band members have experienced problems i n adapting to i n d u s t r i a l wage employment and commercial business. These problems are i n part due to a lack of t r a i n i n g and education, i n part due to a lack of understanding and resolve by employers and government i n a s s i s t i n g them to cope with change, and i n part due to the problems of i n t e r - r a c i a l tension and union membership. The following quotes of Ross River Indian Band members reveal aspects of their experiences i n adapting to i n d u s t r i a l wage labour. Part of the problem with working at Faro (Cyprus A n v i l ) , people weren't getting to work on time. An Indian person would s t a r t late i n the day and work into the night. A white person looks at their watch a l l the time. Because of transportation problems, or whatever, they get l a t e or miss a s h i f t , and they j u s t don't bother going back. Communication problems between the white person and the Indian person. They got d i f f e r e n t ideas, d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e . When you work for a mine you have to work at their pace. I don't l i k e the routine, I don't l i k e the change of s h i f t s , j u s t when you get used to i t they s h i f t you around. Bosses—as long as I'm doing i t , I don't l i k e them looking down my back. Day i n , day out, routine. Go to work, do your job, come home. Probably would have stayed one more year, I doubt even that. I could'nt see myself d r i v i n g truck l i k e that, production oriented, same routine. Unions are another problem, Indians get f i r e d f i r s t , hired l a s t . Problems i n advancing yourself i n a mine, you have to wait your turn to get s e n i o r i t y . - I l l -On several occassions, Ross River Indian people expressed problems in adjusting to working conditions at Cyprus Anvil: They put me In the dryer, that is when I quit. I had that mask on, s t i l l doesn't help. Is i t ever hot in there Oh God, a real hazard in the m i l l , stink, dust, noise a l l the time. My ex-husband tried to work in the mill at Anvil, didn't like the chemicals so he quit. (XX) tried working there, quit and come home; (XX) quit and come back. These perceived problems a l l exist to some degree, nonetheless one fact that this case study has demonstrated is that Indian labour i s not lazy, and the 141 active producers of Ross River have enormous s k i l l s v i t a l to the v i a b i l i t y of use-value and simple commodity prduction within their own mode of production. The above factors which inhibit Indian labour participation within industrial systems of production are perceived by many Euro-Canadian planners and policy makers as 'blockages' to Band participation in modernization, yet from the perspective of the Indian mode of production these very ' d i f f i c u l t i e s ' are what retain Indian productive labour within the Indian mode of production. 6.3 A r t i c u l a t o r s Stresses Between D l f f e r r i n g Modes of Production The most significant inhibiting factor which ultimately have contributed to the majority of Band members preferring employment within their own Band mixed economy over industrial-oriented activity are - 112 -related to the s o c i a l and economic r e l a t i o n s that t y p i f y a multinational c a p i t a l i s t mode of production and the stresses which that system places on the Indian mode of production. Rather than asking the s p e c i f i c question about the nature of factors that i n h i b i t Indian worker p a r t i c i p a t i o n within a multinational c a p i t a l i s t system of production, the question could be refocused i n two important ways so as to shed l i g h t on the problems of adaptation to i n d u s t r i a l systems of production. F i r s t , what are the factors that r e t a i n Indian labour p a r t i c i p a t i o n within the Indian mode of production, or more e x p l i c i t l y are 'conservation' (McGee, 1976; 1977; 1978) tendencies for the entire mode of Indian production. Secondly, what are the a r t i c u l a t o r y r e l a t i o n s h i p s (Obregon, 1974; Friedmann and S u l l i v a n , 1975; Breman, 1976;) between the entire Indian mode of production (of which Indian labour i s only one part) and a multinational c a p i t a l i s t mode of production that are problematical for the entire Indian mode. This thesis does not explore the f i r s t set of fa c t o r s , but the a r t i c u l a t i o n linkages between the two modes of production can be understood f i r s t by contrasting the s o c i a l and economic r e l a t i o n s of the two d i f f e r i n g modes of production. 6.3.1 The Indian Mode of Production: A Summary This case study of the Ross River Indian Band economy has demonstrated that a northern Indian mode of production has a mixed economic base that involves renewable resource harvesting, an i n t r i c a t e system of land use and a pattern of seasonal wage employment usually - 113 -under Band or i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r o l . The Indian labour force i s s k i l l e d and productive, and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and c u l t u r a l ties with the land and animals form a strong basis for supplying a v a r i e t y of needs to households. From the Indian perspective, economic organization i s r e l a t i v e l y uncomplicated, and the production of food or simple commodities (e.g. f u r s , handicrafts) i s by self-employed i n d i v i d u a l s and households, using l o c a l knowledge and resources. Disregarding the l e g a l controversy over t i t l e and ownership to land resources which are curre n t l y being negotiated i n Northern Canada as comprehensive Indian Land claims, Indian producers 'own' their means and tools of production, control and manage their own a c t i v i t y and decide to whom they w i l l b a r t e r / s e l l or r e c i p r o c a l l y share the products of their exchange or use-value labour. While there i s no doubt about the importance of wage employment to northern Indians, l i t t l e wealth i s accumulated from wages and what surplus i s generated becomes a means to purchasing productive inputs necessary for renewable resource harvesting. The evidence suggests that wage employment i s a means to land based production. This i s why there i s a preference for employment that does not require r e l o c a t i o n or several years of training away from the community, and why there i s a preference for seasonal or part-time wage employment. In h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s t terms, Indian reproduction i s e s e n t i a l l y simple and guarantees the r e c o n s t i t u t i o n of the means of production and the r e l a t i o n s of production. While the land i s accessible to a l l as a common heritage, there e x i s t Indian rules respecting who can harvest where and how animals and - 114 -harvesting a c t i v i t y should be carried out. Elected Band Councils which usually represent major extended family groupings act on behalf of Band members by a consensus decision-making process. 6.3.2 M u l t i n a t i o n a l Mode of Production: A Summary A multinational c a p i t a l i s t mode of production tied to global markets and in t e r n a t i o n a l f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s operates quite d i f f e r e n t l y than does a northern Indian Band (Brody, 1981). Many theories of the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production have been advances which analyze c a p i t a l i s t dynamics of production, c a p i t a l accumulation, extended reproduction and the role of global markets and the nation state (Frank, 1967; Myrdal, 1969; Holland, 1976; Amin, 1974; Mandel, 1978; O'Conner, 1973; Poulantzas, 1975). Within a multinational i n d u s t r i a l mode of product! on, the uni t of production i s usually a firm or state corporation whose l e g a l owners may or may not be residents of the region or the country within which production takes place. Through the intermediation of a global market, labor, land resources, c a p i t a l and technology are obtained for the production s o l e l y of exchange-value commodities. Usually a board of di r e c t o r s of the firm elected by the majority shareholders or appointed by i t s owners retains the le g a l r i g hts of management and control of a l l phases of commodity production and d i s t r i b u t i o n . These rights according to Usher (1983: 26) include: 1. the determination of what w i l l be produced, when, by whom and for whom. - 115 -2. the determination of the technical process of production, and how and when new technology and equipment w i l l be introduced. 3. the determination of what constitutes safe, healthy and desireable working conditions. 4. the organization, d i r e c t i o n , and supervision of manual and c l e r i c a l labour. The delegation of tasks within a firm usually involves the separation of the conceptualization and execution of tasks between managerial and technical personnel on one hand, and manual and c l e r i c a l personnel on the other. In exchange for wages, workers generally f o r f e i t a l l rights except those circumscribed by union contracts, state law or those delegated respecting the management of the corporation and the u t i l i z a t i o n of labor i n the production process. As i n the Indian mode of production, the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production must also reproduce i t s e l f . However, whereas the Indian mode of production requires only simple reporduction for use value and simple commodity production, the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production requires extended reproduction. According to Clark (1980: 230) extended reproduction requires c a p i t a l accumulation or p r o f i t s . This surplus may be used to replace e x i s t i n g c a p i t a l stock and/or increase tota l c a p i t a l stock v i a the purchase of addit i o n a l production goods. In order to f a c i l i t a t e the accumulation of surplus c a p i t a l the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production requires a market whose prime purpose i s to f a c i l i t a t e the assembly and commoditisation of labor, technology, finance c a p i t a l and land resources and their exchange v i a an in t e r n a t i o n a l monetary or - 116 -c r e d i t system. The market also functions to d i s t r i b u t e mass manufactured producer and consumer commodities. In order to function and f a c i l i t a t e accumulation of surplus necessary for c a p i t a l i s t extended reproduction, a market of mobile exchange-value labor must become g l o b a l l y established. As a r e s u l t , modes of production that are fundamentally n o n - c a p i t a l i s t (Scott, 1976; Chaynov, 1977; Halperin and Dow, 1977; Bromley and Gerry, 1979) and that require labor for use-value production, or that prevent labor's mobility l i k e any other commodity, must be commoditized, i n the same manner of "the great transformation" which Karl Polanyi (1957) referred to in his r e n d i t i o n of the modern h i s t o r y of Europe. Likewise, a market for land and i t s resources must be established, and pre-existing systems of land tenure that impede the free commodity exchange of land and resources must be terminated (Dimitrov, 1982). For extended c a p i t a l i s t reproduction to take place . . . people, as the embodiment of labor, must become separable from their ties to the land, and from their ties to kin and community (Usher, 1983: 27). To f a c i l i t a t e extended reproduction for the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production, the State, contrary to l i b e r a l economic or non-interventionist perspectives, must become involved, as i n d i v i d u a l corporations have no i n t e r e s t i n , and l e g a l l y are not required to . . . recreate the means and r e l a t i o n s of production for other enterprises (Clark, 1980: 229). Due to the f i s c a l c r i s e s of the State (O'Conner, 1973; Mandel, 1978; Poulantzas, 1975) i t intervenes to a s s i s t c a p i t a l accumulation through such l e g a l authority as the power to impose rents, - 117 -taxes, r o y a l t i e s and fees. Often the State also pays for socal and economic i n f r a s t r u c t u r e (Holland, 1976a, 1976b) as well as providing tax, l o c a t i o n and even labour cost subsidies. I t i s clear from the above discussion that s o c i a l and economic r e l a t i o n s of the multinational c a p i t a l i s t mode of production are far d i f f e r e n t than that of the northern Indian mode of production. Before Indian development options can be formulated i t i s necessary to understand some of the major transformations that might be expected to occur to northern Indian socio-economies upon their a r t i c u l a t i o n with a multinational c a p i t a l i s t mode of production. 6.3.3 The. Uneven Character Of C a p i t a l i s t Penetration  And Commoditisation In c l a r i f y i n g some of these major "transformations" that can be expected by northern Indian Bands due to a r t i c u l a t i o n with multinational c a p i t a l i s t modes of production and the process of c a p i t a l i s t commoditisation, i t i s important to stress that the "transformation" i s an extremely uneven process varying within and between the m u l t i p l i c i t y of r u r a l Indian bands that dot Northern Canada. The uneveness of the "transformation" i s related not only to the inherent space and class contradictions of c a p i t a l i s t expansion (Amin, 1974; Carney, et a l 1975; Emmanuel, 1972; Fox, 1978; Holland, 1976a, 1976b; Markusen, 1978, Massey, 1978) and the hypermobility of c a p i t a l (Walker, 1978), but also to conservation/dissolution tendencies (McGee, 1976; 1977; 1978) in t e r n a l to Indian modes of production. - 118 -An important possible change to the Indian mode of production revolves around the e f f e c t of the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production upon the Indian means of production, namely land and w i l d l i f e species. As Indian lands become subsumed within nation states, the laws of general a p p l i c a t i o n within the dominant society respecting property ownership and resource extraction are usually extended to apply to the Indian mode of production. When this occurs the struggle to r e t a i n " t e r r i t o r i a l " (Friedmann and Weaver, 1979) control over Indian t r a d i t i o n a l lands becomes exceedingly d i f f i c u l t . Land and resources v i a state law now become commodities for exchange within the national and global c a p i t a l i s t market. Previously e x i s t i n g Indian customs of land tenure and resource management are superseded in favour of state laws and regional developments that often accentuate "functional " i n t e g r a t i o n and "functional development" (Friedmann and Weaver, 1979; Weaver, 1980) over " t e r r i t o r i a l needs." In addition to these changes, i n d u s t r i a l developments, to varying degrees a f f e c t Indian means of production by v i r t u e of their destruction and/or modification of w i l d l i f e habitat and land forms. The modification of habitat and land forms may a f f e c t b i o l o g i c a l p r o d u c t i v i t y and the o v e r - a l l carrying capacity of Indian renewable resource harvesting lands, which i n turn may a f f e c t the r a t i o of Indian production returns to labor time expended. Also, to an unknown extent animal movement patterns may change. Indian hunting and trapping not only requires a diverse supply of w i l d l i f e within d i s c r e t e seasonal time periods, i t also requires - 119 -knowledge of animal behaviour and the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of that behaviour. Indian hunting systems r e l y on the Intactness not only of habitat, but also of information systems of animal signs and tracks, climate, sounds and even smells. Decreased hunting e f f i c i e n c y and changes to hunting/trapping strategy can occur when predictable animal movements and signs are disturbed. Such disturbance might contribute to the re t r e a t of w i l d l i f e to more remote, less accessible regions of t r a d i t i o n a l Indian t e r r i t o r y . Given the uneven degree of c a p i t a l i s t development, changes to biop r o d u c t i v i t y and established animal movements may vary. As a consequence, Indian resource use and system of land use may s h i f t , a s h i f t that may d i f f e r e n t i a l l y a f f e c t w i l d l i f e species populations, and Indian costs of suc c e s s f u l l y engaging i n renewable resource harvesting. 6.3.4 The E f f e c t s of C a p i t a l i s t Commoditization Few northern Indian Bands are unaffected by markets which commoditize their land, labor, use-value products and even their scanty supply of c a p i t a l . The differences i n the way markets a f f e c t Indian producers can be explained not only by the degree i n which markets engage the Indian mode of production, but also by the differences i n r u r a l marketing systems. Some Indian economies are only p a r t i a l l y integrated into the global market, while others may lack markets altogether, and s t i l l others may be f u l l y integrated to the global c a p i t a l i s t market. Increasingly, the question of how much Indian economies are integrated to markets i s becoming i r r e l e v a n t as most are - 120 -somewhere near the middle of a market-penetration continuum. Rather, the relevant question i s to ask how various systems of markets a f f e c t Indian economic and s o c i a l structures? As " t e r r i t o r i a l " Indian lands and resources become part of the global commodity market, and as varying types of c a p i t a l i s t market systems (Smith, 1977) improve access to these previously Indian non-commoditized resources, pressures from Indus t r i a l / r e c r e a t i o n a l land uses and sports hunters on w i l d l i f e and land commodities a f f e c t the same w i l d l i f e populations which form the basis of use-value Indian household production and Indian systems of land use. In some cases, Indian t r a d i t i o n a l lands become "alienated" not only by land ownership and state or corporate proprlatory leasing arrangements, but also by the mere presence of unpredictable Euro-Canadian i n t r u s i o n s . 6.3.5 Changes to Indian Relations of Production Other changes that might be expected should Indian modes of production a r t i c u l a t e with i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l modes of production revolve around the nature and organization of work, p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l a t i o n s of production. There w i l l be a s h i f t from f l e x i b i l i t y , e galitarianism and consensus among producers to r i g i d i t y , hierachy and dominance. Whereas the self-employed (Indian) producer can transmit his tools, s k i l l s and knowledge to the next generation of producers through apprenticeship and inheritance, under an i n d u s t r i a l system the state must assume these functions. The school becomes the i n s t i t u t i o n whereby children are trained, not for s p e c i f i c s k i l l s and occupations (germane to the Indian mode of production), but to become members of a labor f o r c e — t o compete i n the labor market. Competition replaces - 121 -s o l i d a r i t y as a v i r t u e . Cooperation i s given new meaning—no longer i s mutual aid recognized as a necessity among co-producers, but a s e l f - d e n i a l f or a purpose not one's own . . . . (Usher, 1983: 29) Further, as labour p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n i n d u s t r i a l exchange-value production increases, use-value household production as a proportion of t o t a l gross output can be expected to decline. As a consequence of this r e t r a c t i o n of use-value labour power from renewable resource harvesting, the "basic needs" material requirements for simple reproduction are eroded. Consequently, households may be compelled to obtain a greater portion of their requirements through commodity production for echange, or the sale of their power. E x p l i c i t l y , to obtain the now necessary cash, Indian labour must either s p e c i a l i z e in simple commodity production to acquire the increasingly non-indigenous consmer goods or abandon use-value labor. As the integration into the c a p i t a l i s t commodity production/cap!tal c i r c u l a t i o n c i r c u i t increases, the sale of labor power, the production of simple commodities and the commoditisation of land resources become v i r t u a l n ecessities for the mere simple reproduction of the Indian mode of production. 6.3.6 The I n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of C a p i t a l i s t Commodity Relations The degree i n which the simple reproduction of Indian modes of production i s achieved through the production and exchange of ' c a p i t a l i s t ' commodities represents the ' i n t e n s i t y ' of c a p i t a l i s t commodity r e l a t i o n s (Asch, 1977; Mandel, 1978; Dimitrov, 1981). With the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of commodity r e l a t i o n s , the a c q u i s i t i o n of money - 122 -becomes more e s s e n t i a l to Indian simple.reproduction. Those Indian workers who s p e c i a l i z e i n wage labor or commercial business become more vulnerable to s h o r t - f a l l s of country-food as their labor, time and scarce c a p i t a l resources are not available for household use-value prooduction. When food or producer-goods needs can only be s a t i s f i e d by regular c a p i t a l i s t commodity purchases, a reduction i n wage-labor, i n simple commodity production and/or income can lead to serious indebtedness and possibly even deprivation of country foods. A second consequence that might occur from i n t e n s i f i e d c a p i t a l i s t commoditisation would be the occurance of contractual 'outputing' for a facto r y . For instance, Indian women that have use-value s k i l l s i n producing clothing for household consumption might, to obtain cash, produce clothing garments such as gloves and overalls for factory usage. Such outputting, perhaps paid on a piece-basis, i s one form of Indian producer a r t i c u l a t i o n with c a p i t a l i s t modes of production that could lead to a greater dominance of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s of production over Indian r e l a t i o n s of production. As the Indian means of production are commoditized and Indian wage labor within multinational and commercial modes of production becomes more common, the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of commodity r e l a t i o n s may also lead to a more class d i f f e r n t i a t e d structure amongst northern Indian people (Marx and Engels, 1979 edi t i o n ; Frideres, 1974; Knight, 1978; Kellough, 1980). Poor, middle, and r i c h class Indians may become d i f f e r e n t i a t e d according to their l e v e l s of consumption of both use-value and c a p i t a l i s t commodities, or according to variable access to - 123 -modern tools of production. Poor Indians unable to reproduce themselves through household use-value production might resort to the sale of their labor power within a regional market. Middle class Indians would be able to simply reproduce themselves by adroit combinations of use-value and echange value production. F i n a l l y , the r i c h class of Indians in s o f a r as they might be able to increase use-value and commodity production by the cash purchase of modern tools of production and labour power, might be able to reproduce themselves in an extended fashion thereby accumulating surplus c a p i t a l . 6.3.7 Changes to Indian D i s t r i b u t i o n Systems Increased cash income, and an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of commodity r e l a t i o n s may also disrupt t r a d i t i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n networks. Meat that previously was d i s t r i b u t e d along k i n - l i n e s according to needs may become scarcer as the Indian labor force withdraws i t s use-value production and earns increasing amounts of cash. The a r t i c u l a t i o n of Indian Bands with multinational c a p i t a l i s t development w i l l compensate exchange-labor d i f f e r e n t l y than does use-value self-employment within a s o c i a l structure that emphasize cooperation and r e c i p r o c i t y . Cash incomes w i l l accure to wage laborers and Indian corporations d i f f e r e n t i a l l y , and as this occurs, d i s p a r i t i e s of income between bands, persons and households can be expected to occur, unless of course a 'r e c i p r o c a l cash sharing d i s t r i b u t i o n system' i s i n s t i t u t e d . This d i s p a r i t y of incomes w i l l shock s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and family structures and the - 124 -. . . general sense of perceived well-being based on ( t r a d i t i o n a l ) concepts of rights and obligations amongst members of . . . (Indian communities). For, and this i s a related consideration, the reward to producers accrues not s o l e l y as income i n cash or kind, but also as status and prestige within the community. (Usher, 1983: 30) 6.3.8 Wage Labor: Entry to or E x i t from the " T r a d i t i o n a l ' Sector I t i s argued by some (Hobart, 1981) that increased Indian wage employment i n i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t production w i l l provide the cash necessary f o r the continuation and modernization of the Indian renewable resource harvesting sector. While i t i s c e r t a i n l y true that cash inputs are required, i t does not necessa r i l y follow that only i n d u s t r i a l labor p a r t i c i p a t i o n or c a p i t a l i s t commodity production w i l l a c t u a l l y f u l f i l l the desired objectives of assuring the v i a b i l i t y of Indian renewable resource producers. In f a c t , as the following discussion reveals, wage employment can become a means to e x i t from, rather than p a r t i c i p a t e i n the t r a n s i t i o n a l sector. F i r s t as Indian labor derives more cash income from wage employment, t r a d i t i o n a l production and consumption styles w i l l change i n the manner described e a r l i e r . Secondly, cash from wage employment flows on a smaller, more per i o d i c , yet seemingly secure basis than the sudden i r r e g u l a r pulses of money that come from a season of good trapping. As dependency on market commodities increase, expensive producer and consumer items that previously were purchased o p p o r t u n i s t i c a l l y when money was i r r e g u l a r l y a v a i l a b l e , tend to be financed over a long terms with a debt repayment plan that requires consistent secure income flows. If alternate means to a regular supply - 125 -of cash are not a v a i l a b l e people must resort to increased wage work. This could imply that. . . . Their tax l i a b i l i t y w i l l increase (and) with the decline of s o c i a l s o l l i d a r i t y at the community l e v e l , they must avert catastrophe by investing i n pensions and insurance. A l l of these things amount to continuing f i n a n c i a l (and time) obligations on a regular basis: monthly payments on mortgages, loans, consumer items. . . (Usher, 1983: 31). A possible consequence i s that Indian renewable resource harvesting could decline even though people have higher per capita cash incomes. If the objective i s to finance renewable resource harvesting then the merits of wage labor must be weighed by comparison to other means such as the d i r e c t payment of monies to i n d i v i d u a l s or households v i a governement transfer payments such as unemployment insurance benefits, c h i l d tax c r e d i t s , or even a guaranteed income support program designed along the l i n e s of the James Bay Cree Income Security Program (La Ruusic, 1978). Other means that might not require an Indian harvester to forego any of his time to finance p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n harvesting could be the Indian receipt of taxes and rents from i n d u s t r i a l resource development (Banks, 1983) and the implementation of production subsidies or fur price support systems (Dimitrov, 1982; Ross River Indian Band). As previous chapters have presented, Indian hunting and trapping economies with their system of land and resource use are complex human-ecological systems that require the conservation of a myriad of factors for their v i a b l e operation. I t i s s i m p l i s t i c to reason that cash gained only from i n d u s t r i a l labor p a r t i c i p a t i o n or c a p i t a l i s t commodity production w i l l a s s i s t Indian household producers i n gaining - 126 -entry to, or maintaining t r a n s i t i o n a l harvesting a c t i v i t i e s . As mentioned previously, long-term wage employment may r e s u l t i n increased debt. In addition, the problem of time a l l o c a t i o n between household production and i n d u s t r i a l commodity production i s a d i f f i c u l t task. One must not only have enough time, but the ri g h t amount of time i n s p e c i f i c locations and i n t e r v a l s and in s p e c i f i c times of year so as to keep apace of land and animal changes, to keep equipment prepared and maintained, and to maintain trustworthy s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s with persons s k i l l e d i n cooperative harvesting endeavors. Otherwise one r i s k s becoming less productive and making less e f f i c i e n t use of now expensive producer goods. Being employed i n wage labor with i t s regular time commitments i s r e l a t i v e l y easy i n comparison to moving i n and out of household use-value production. As a r e s u l t of a poor hunting/trapping year due to low fur prices or animal population cycles, or personal d i s a b i l i t y , an i n d i v i d u a l because of debts may be forced to take on increased wage work, or in the wrong season, and as a consequence household use-value production may be adversely affected. For these, and the other reasons presented i n this thesis, i t i s inappropriate to view money that might accrue from Indian economic a r t i c u l a t i o n with i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t modes of production as a basis for preserving the essence of the t r a d i t i o n a l mode. 6 . 3 . 9 C o n c l u d i n g Remarks The simple reproduction c r i s i s for the Indian mode of production i s intimately related to the e f f e c t s of a r t i c u l a t i o n with c a p i t a l i s t - 127 -commoditisation and general a t r r i b u t e s of the i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t mode. In general, the a r t i c u l a t i o n s may increase 'costs' of Indian use-value production while decreasing returns to use-value labor per units of time expended. While pressures leading to this c r i s i s can be associated with the transformations heretofore mentioned, a f i n a l c ontributing factor i s the d e t e r i o r a t i n g terms of exchange r e l a t i v e to the i n f l a t e d costs of c a p i t a l i s t commodities now required for Indian use-value production. F a l l i n g prices of Indian simple commodities (e.g. f u r s , handicrafts) r e l a t i v e to i n f l a t e d c a p i t a l i s t commodities requires either a reduction i n Indian l e v e l s of consumption, an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of simple commodity production, or an increased debt load to obtain producer goods. Thus, unequal exchange (Emmanuel, 1972; Amin, 1974) between two modes of production, under the hegemony of the c a p i t a l i s t mode d i r e c t l y raises the costs of production and reduces the returns to Indian houselhold. To o f f s e t transformations form the commoditisation process northern Indian bands can no longer r e l y simply on their innate capacity to adapt to change, or the voluntary 'goodwill' of government and corporate o f f i c i a l s to consider their i n t e r e s t s . The pace and scope of Indian transformations r e s u l t i n g from multinational c a p i t a l i s t penetration i n Northern Canada are massive, the f i s c a l c r i s i s of the State and C a p i t a l i s severe (O'Conner, 1973; Mandel, 1978) and the usual adaptive Indian response of i n i t i a l l y testing the s u i t a b i l i t y of change events and then possibly moving out of range, up a d i s t a n t mountain, or further down the r i v e r i f things don't work out j u s t w i l l not s u f f i c e to protect and enhance the unique northern Indian mode of production. - 128 -CHAPTER 7 INDIAN PROPRIETORY RIGHTS: THE PRIMARY ARTICULATORY BASIS FOR PROTECTION AND PRESERVATION OF INDIAN DEVELOPMENT OPTIONS 7.1 The Necessity of A r t i c u l a t o r y Linkages with the Canadian State As the previous chapter describes, a r t i c u l a t i o n with i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t modes of production can transform and commoditise Indian modes of production to the point where simple reproduction becomes threatened. To gain a measure of control over these transformations and ease the simple reproduction c r i s i s Indian Bands must negotiate a r t i c u l a t i o n linkages with the State. Capital i s hypermobile (Holland 1976a; 1976b; P a l l o i x , 1977; Walker, 1978) and the only l e g a l authority that can p o t e n t i a l l y a s s i s t Bands in implementing se l e c t i v e t e r r i t o r i a l closure (Friedman and Waver, 1979), thereby c o n t r o l l i n g Indian band c a p i t a l i s t transformation and commoditisation, i s the State, e x p l i c i t l y the Canadian government which retains a l e g a l trust r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for Canada's indigenous peoples. The character of the linkages that must be negotiated should be based on knowledge not only of the dynamics of the Indian mode of production and i t s requirements for simple reproduction, but also of the transformation e f f e c t s of the i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t mode of production and the commoditisation process. S u r p r i s i n g l y , while Indian hunting, f i s h i n g and trapping have been of extreme importance i n i n i t i a t i n g land claim discussions in Northern Canada, the opinion of the author, a f t e r several years of active involvement i n Canadian land claims issues, i s that thorough - 129 -consideration has not yet been adequately given to the question of specifying l e g a l a r t i c u l a t i o n linkages required for e f f e c t i v e protection and enhancement of the northern Indian mode of production. This personal perception i s buttressed by Hunt's (1978) review of A u s t r a l i a n and Alaskan land claim agreements, and by La Russic's (1979) review of the James Bay and Northern Quebec Land Claim Agreement. 7.1.2 What Must These Linkages Accomplish? To protect and enhance the northern Indian mode of production Indian people must not only be involved in the formulation of natural resource management p o l i c i e s that would be applicable to their t r a d i t i o n a l l y defined lands, they must also e s t a b l i s h l e g a l l y binding a r t i c u l a t o r y linkages that serve to control the commoditisation of their land and labor and the disruptive penetration of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l into their t r a d i t i o n a l economic space. These a r t i c u l a t o r y linkages should not be of an advisory capacity such as technical land use planning boards, or administrative linkages established by government that could be abolished or superseded by regulation or Cabinet orders-in-'council. L e g a l l y binding a r t i c u l a t i o n linkages with the State that protect the Indian mode of production, their systems of land use, and their supportive s o c i o - c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s must be negotiated in the p o l i t i c a l arena. These linkages must have the express e f f e c t of e s t a b l i s h i n g " s e l e c t i v e t e r r i t o r i a l closure" of Indian modes of production i n their a r t i c u l a t i o n with State laws, regulations, and functional economic - 130 -development strategies that embrace i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t developments i n f r o n t i e r regions of Canada. E x p l i c i t l y , northern Indian Bands require a r t i c u l a t i o n linkages that allow for their t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r i e s to be non-market resources f o r their exclusive hunting/trapping use, and t e r r i t o r i e s where the presence of non-Indian hunters and i n d u s t r i a l land users can be l e g a l l y c o n t r o l l e d and managed by Indian people. In addition to t h i s , despite the erroneous claim by Theberge (1981) that Indian bands have no s e l f - r e g u l a t o r y or conservation practices respecting country food harvesting and therefore should be regulated as any other harvesting user, Indian Bands also require the rights to manage w i l d l i f e resources within that exclusive t e r r i t o r y according to their indigenous w i l d l i f e management practices (Lee and Devore, 1968; Bennet, 1976; F e i t , 1973; 1983). 7.2 The Necessity of Property Rights Indian resource harvesting and management ri g h t s and the non-commoditisation of Indian lands cannot adequately be protected except by acquiring some l e g a l property rights to land and resources. Unlike the way these rights are understood today, the r i g h t s of Indian persons to hunt, f i s h and trap should not be mere licences to enter Crown land without trespassing. Like every other northern resource user the Indian r i g h t to hunt f i s h and trap should be a proprietory r i g h t (pers. com. Usher, 1983), i f not outright t i t l e i n fee simple. Such a r i g h t would l e g a l l y guarantee resource management po l i c y control - 131 -at senior l e v e l s and i t would provide the leverage to negotiate other a r t i c u l a t i o n linkages to protect and enhance northern Indian modes of production. 7.2.1 Proprietory R i g h t s — A n A l t e r n a t i v e to Fee Simple Property  Ownership Proprietory r i g h t s are not property r i g h t s or fee-simple ownershp rights as land remains under Crown t i t l e . E s s e n t i a l l y propietory r i g h t s issued by the Crown have four c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (da Costa et a l . 1982; Hollowell, 1982; S i n c l a i r , 1982; Usher pers. comm. 1983): 1. they grant exclusive use of a p a r t i c u l a r resource within a defined t e r r i t o r y ; 2. they are rights which must l e g a l l y be compensated for i n the event of third party damage or nuisance; 3. they are ri g h t s which must be compensated for should they be expropriated. 4. they imply a l e g a l r i g h t of p r o f i t a prendre"—which i s a le g a l r i g h t to benefit from resource use. Presently proprietory r i g h t s are granted as mining claims, o i l exploration permits, grazing leases and timber l i c e n c e s . In the north a l l these r i g h t s are granted to mining corporations, o i l companies and o u t f i t t e s who want grazing permits for their animals. Only one group of people do not have their land economic resource use rights protected i n this manner—Indian people. What this implies, i s that even af t e r a land claims settlement, given the e x i s t i n g Yukon land claim harvesting - 132 -sub-agreements, Indian people w i l l only have a licence to enter unoccupied Crown land to harvest country food and trap fur mammals. That li c e n c e to hunt or trap does not place any binding conditions on parties that may be granted a proprietory l i c e n c e . Therefore when a mining proprietory licence i s granted to lands where Indian people hunt or trap, the mining company has no l e g a l obligations to Indian users unless they have damaged private property such as cabins or traps. The holders of the mineral licence or any other proprietory licence can e s s e n t i a l l y do what they please. For the protection of the Indian mode of production and to ensure management input into non-Indian resource use and i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t developments, Indian people require a proprietory r i g h t to land and/or a proprietory r i g h t to a c e r t a i n quantity of s p e c i f i c w i l d l i f e species necessary for hunting, f i s h i n g and trapping within a circumscribed area. To protect the Indian mode of protection the Crown should r e t a i n fee simple ownership rights to land but convey back to Indian people proprietory rights to land and animals. If that were to occur, Crown agencies and i n d u s t r i a l developers would be compelled to c a r e f u l l y consider and implement their plans because damages or disruptions that occur could have costs, or at le a s t replacement values attached to them. Under a system of proprietory r i g h t s , hunting and trapping compensation i s no longer a matter of voluntary goodwill, but becomes l e g a l and enforceable. Proprietory rights of hunting and trapping would also imply a l e g a l r i g h t to expect a benefit from hunting and trapping. If a - 133 -developer were to build a hydroelectric dam and destroy a fi s h e r y or muskrat and beaver lodges, Indians would have a leg a l r i g h t to expect compensation. An Indian Band may under this system not be able to stop i n d u s t r i a l developments but a third party could not simply enter the land and do what they please. A l e g a l negotiating s i t u a t i o n i s established between holders of competing proprietory r i g h t s . I f developments a f f e c t Indian r i g h t s to animals, or a cer t a i n l e v e l or harvest subject to a p r i n c i p a l of animal conservation, Indian people would have the l e g a l r i g h t to expect an equitable a r b i t r a t i o n process and compensation. While such a system of granting proprietory r i g h t s to Indian hunters, fisherman and trappers would not be a panacea for a l l the transformation and commoditisation pressures which Indian modes of production face, i t would strengthen the Indian Band position to the point where i t would no loner be a matter of s o c i a l p o l i c y , r egulation or c h a r i t y for governments and corporations to consult with Indian people respecting regional developments—it would be a l e g a l binding requirement. The compensation which Indian people could l e g a l l y expect to receive as a r e s u l t of required negotiations between competing proprietory r i g h t s holders i s the leverage required to obtain a m u l t i p l i c i t y of a r t i c u l a t i o n linkages with government and industry. These linkages could take many forms and they could be designed to preserve and protect Indian modes of production thereby allowing Indian Bands greater choice i n se l e c t i n g a development path. - 134 -7.3 Proprietory R i g h t s — A n E s s e n t i a l Foundation f o r Development  Options No longer need Indian Bands be locked, or forced into choosing a functional development paradigm centered around export base, theory (North 1955; 1975; Richardson, 1973; Perloff et. a l . 1960), polarization and growth pole theory (Friedmann, 1966; Friedmann and Alonso, 1975; Hirschman, 1958; Perroux, 1970), or the stages of growth modernization theories elaborated by (Rostow, 1971). These development approaches would imply the opening of band modes of production and the commoditisation of their land, labor and resources by Integration to global supply and demand markets—a choice which the previous chapter has indicated would lead to massive transformations and a simple reproduction c r i s i s . Instead Indian proprietory interest in land and resources would allow Bands to choose a t e r r i t o r i a l development model that emphasizes selective closure of Indian modes of production to integration with capitalist modes of production and the global commodity market. Selective closure refers to a policy of enlightened self-reliance . . . i t f l i e s straight in the face of the ideology of free trade and comparative advantage and the attempts of transnational enterprise to organize a functionally integrated world economy under its tutelage. Selective closure is a way to escape from the fetishism of growth efficiency; i t i s an expression of faith in the ab i l i t i e s of a people to guide the forces of their own evolution. It means to rely less on outside aid and investment, to involve the masses in development, to ini t i a t e a conscious process of social learning, to diversity production, and to pool resources. It means learning to say 'we' and to assert a te r r i t o r i a l interest. (Friedmann and Weaver, 1979) - 135 -This choice, strengthened by the rights of resource use and management that would flow from proprietory i n t e r e s t could allow Indian Bands to adopt a key strategies of t e r r i t o r i a l development (Stohr, 1978; Friedmann and Weaver, 1979). These strategies could be uniquely designed to meet s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l and economic requirements of the northern Indian mode of production, i t s system of land use and the threats and opportunities from i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t development and the commoditisation process. - 136 -BIBLIOGRAPHY Althusser, L. (1969). For Marx. A l l e n Lane, London. Althusser, L. and E. Ballbar. (1970). Reading C a p i t a l , New L e f t Books, New York. Amin, S. (1974). Accumulation on a World Scale: a C r i t i q u e of the Theory of Underdevelopment. 2 vo l s . Monthly Rev. Press, New York. Amin, S. (1976). Unequal Development. Monthly Rev. Press, New York. A n v i l Agreement, The. (1967). i n Northern Transitions, V ol. 2, C a r e , Ottawa, Ontario. Archibald, P.L. (1974). Some observations of Woodland Caribou Populations i n the MacKenzie Mountains, N.W.T. (MS Report Canadian W i l d l i f e Service). Asch, M. (1977). "The Dene Economy," i n M. Watkins (ed.), Dene Nationl - The Colony Within, University of Toronto Press, Toronto. Ba n f i e l d , A.W.F. (1974). The Mammals of Canada. University of Toronto Press, Toronto. Banks, N. (1983). Resource Leasing Options and the Settlement of Aboriginal Claims. CARC, Ottawa. Bendavid, A. (1974). "Income Measures and Regional Social Accounting," i n Regional Economic Analysis for Practioners. Praeger, New York. Belrose, F.C. (1976). Ducks, Geese and Swans of North America, stackpole Books, Harrisburg, P.A. Berger, T.R. (1977). Northern Frontier Northern Homeland: The Report of the MacKenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry, V ol. 1 & 2, Supply and Services Canada, Ottawa. Boothroyd, P. (1980). Impact Assessment Issues i n the United States. Alberta Environment, Edmonton. Boothroyd, P. (1982). "Overview of the Issues Raised at the International Conference on So c i a l Impact Assessment," Vancouver, Oct. 24-27, 1982. School of Community and Regional Planning, UBC (MS prepared for the proceedings). Boothroyd, P. and W. Rees. (1984). "Impact Assessment from Pseudo-Science to Planning Process: An Educational Response," forthcoming 1984 Impact Assessment B u l l e t i n . - 137 -Bowles, R.T. (1981). So c i a l Impact Assessment i n Small Communities: An Integrative Review of Selected L i t e r a t u r e . Butterworths, Toronto. Bradby, B. (1975). "The Destruction of the Natural Economy," i n Economy and Society, V o l . 4, Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd., London. Breman, J . (1976). "A D u a l i s t i c Labor system? A C r i t i q u e of the Informal Sector Concept," i n Economic and P o l i t i c a l Weekly, V o l . 48-50. Brody, H. (1981). Maps and Dreams: Indians and the B r i t i s h Columbia F r o n t i e r . Douglas and Mclntyre, Vancouver. Bromley, R. and C. Gerry. (1979). "Who are the Casual Poor?" i n Casual Work and Poverty i n Third World C i t i e s . R. Bromley and C. Gerry (eds.), John Wiley and Sons, New York. Bennet, C.B. (1977). Our Footprints are Everywhere: Inuit Land Use and Occupancy i n Labrador. Labrador Inu i t Association, Nain, Labrador. C a i l , R.E. (1974). Land, Man, and the Law. UBC Press, Vancouver, Canada (1982). North Canol Road, I n i t i a l Environmental Evaluation. Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s , Ottawa. Carney, J.R. Hudson, G. Ive, and J . Lewis. (1975). "Regional Underdeveloment i n Late Capitalism: A Study of the Northeast of England," i n Proceedings of the Conference on Urban Change and C o n f l i c t . U n i v e r s i t y of York, Centre for Environmental Studies, London. Carney, J . (1980). "Regions i n C r i s i s : Accumulation, Regional Problems and C r i s i s Formation," i n Regions i n C r i s i s (1980). J . Carney, R. Hudson and J . Lewis (eds.) Croom Helm Ltd., London. Carney, J . , R. Hudson and J . Lewis. (1980). Regions i n C r i s i s . Croom Helm Ltd., London. Carter, I. (1974). "The Highlands of Scotland as an Underdeveloped Region," i n Sociology and Development de Kadt and G. Williams (eds.) Tavistock, London. Chayanov, A.V. (1925). "On the Theory on Non-Capitalist Economic Systems," i n Peasant Livelihoods. 1977. R. Halperin and J . Dow (eds.), St. Martins Press, New York. Clammer, J . (1978). The New Economic Anthropology. MacMillan Press, London. Clark, G.L. (1980). "Capitalism and Regional Inequality," i n Annals of the Assn. of Amer. Geographers, Vol. 70. Coates, K. (1982). Furs Along the Yukon: Hudson's Bay Company—Native Trade i n the Yukon River Basin, 1830-1893, B.C. Studies, No. 55:50-78. - 138 -Corraggio, J.L. (1975). " P o l a r i z a t i o n , Development and Integration," in Regional Development and Planning: International Perspectives. S i j t h o f f International Publishing Company, Leyden. Cruikshank, J . (1974). Through the Eyes of Stangers: A Preliminary Survey of Land Use History i n the Yukon During the Late Nineteenth Century. Report to the Yukon T e r r i t o r i a l Government and the Yukon Archives, Whitehorse. Cruikshank, J . (1977). Alaska Highway Construction: A Preliminary Evaluation of Social Impacts on Indians. Univ. of Canada North (Yukon), Whitehorse. Council for Yukon Indians. (1977). Together Today for Our Children Tomorrow. Whitehorse, Yukon T e r r i t o r y . da Costa, D.M. and R.J. Balfour. (1982). Property Law. Edmond-Montgomery Press, Toronto, Ontario. Dear, M.J. and G.L. Clark. (1980). "Dimensions of Local State Autonomy" (MS Report) John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard Uni v e r s i t y , Cambridge, Mass. DIAND. (1980). Indian Conditions: A Survey. DIAND, Ottawa. DIAND. (1982). Terms and Conditions for Resource Development Impact Assessment (RDI). Unpublished MS, Whitehorse. Dimitrov, P. (1981). Towards an Understanding of a Yukon Indian Mode of Production, unpublished MS, Vancouver. Dimitrov, P. (1981). "Towards an Understanding of the E f f e c t s of C a p i t a l i s t Commoditisation on the 'Natural Economies' of Third World Peasants," unpublished MS, Vancouver. Dimitrov, P. (1982). "Development Options for the Ross River Indian Band," unpublished MS, Ross River, Yukon T e r r i t o r y . Dimitrov, P. (1982). "A Proposed Interim Agreement on Economic Development: Yukon Indian Land Claims," unpublished MS, Council f o r Yukon Indians, Whitehorse, Yukon T e r r i t o r y . Dimitrov, P. and M. Weinstein. (1984). So That the Future w i l l be Ours. Unpublished MS, Ross River, Yukon T e r r i t o r y . Dawson, G.M. (1888). Report on an Exploration i n the Yukon D i s t r i c t , N.W.T. and Adjacent Northern Portions of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1887. Geological Survey of Canada. Denniston, G.B. (1966). The Place of the Upper P e l l y River Indians i n the Network of Northern Athabaskan Groups. (MS Report on f i l e at the National Museum of Canada). - 139 -Duff, W. (1980). The Indian History of B r i t i s h Columbia, V o l . 1, B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , B.C. Easterson, M. (1982). European Influences on Indian Education, unpublished MS, Whitehorse. Elson, M. (1974). Catalogue of Fish and Stream Resources of East Central Yukon T e r r i t o r y . Environment Canada, F i s h and Marine Service NO.PACT/T-74-4. Emmanuel, A. (1972). Unequal Exchange: A Study of the Imperialism of Trade. NLB, London. Engels, F. (1978 e d i t i o n ) . The Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State. International Publishers, New York. F a i r l e y , J . (1980). "French Developments i n the Theory of State Monopoly Capitalism." i n Science and Today, Vol. x l i v , No. 3, CUNY, N.Y. F a r n e l l , R. (1982). Investigations into the Status of the Finlayson Lake Caribou Herd, March 1981 to October 1982. (MS Report, Department of Renewable Resources, Yukon T e r r i t o r i a l Government, Whitehorse). F a r n e l l , R. and R. Nette. (1981). Moose/Caribou Investigations i n the MacMill and/Howards Pass Development Area. (MS Report, Department of Renewable Resources, Yukon - T e r r i t o r i a l Government, Whitehorse. F e i t , H.A. (1982). "The Future of Hunters within Nation States: Anthropology and the James Bay Cree," i n E.B. Leacock and R.B. Lee (eds.). P o l i t i c s and History i n Band S o c i e t i e s . Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, Cambridge. F i r n , J . (1975). "External Control and Regional Development: the Case of Scotland," i n Environment and Planning. Vol. 7. Fox, K. (1978). "Uneven Regional Development i n the United States," i n Rev. of rad. Pol. Econ. Vol. 10. Fournier, R. (1979). Economic Circumstances i n Yukon T e r r i t o r y . Regional Anaysis Branch. Department of Regional Economic Expansion Western Regional Headquarters. Frank, A.G. (1967). Capitalism and Underdevelopment i n L a t i n America. Monthly Review Press, New York. Fr a n k l i n , S.H. (1965). "Systems of Production: Systems of Appropriation," i n P a c i f i c Viewpoint, V o l . 6. Freeman, M. (ed.). (1976). Inu i t Land Use and Occupancy Project: A Report. 3 Vols. Mi n i s t r y of Supply and Services, Ottawa. - 140 -F r i d e r e s , J . (1974). Canada's Indians: Contemporary C o n f l i c t s . P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Scarborough, Ontario. Friedmann, J . (1966). Regional Development P o l i c y : A Case study of Venezuela. MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass, U.S.A. Friedmann, J . (1972). "A General Theory of Polarized Development," in N. Hanson (ed.). Growth Centres i n Regional Economic Development. Free Press, New York. Friedmann, J . and W. Alonso. (1975). Regional Development and Planning: A Reader. MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. Friedmann, J . and C. Weaver. (1979). T e r r i t o r y and Function: The Evolution of Regional Planning. Edward Arnold, London. F u l l e r , W.A. (1956-57). Observations on Yukon Caribou, 1956-57. (MS Report, Canadian W i l d l i f e Service, Whitehorse. Furniss, N. (1976). "Internal Colonialism: Its U t i l i t y for Understanding the Development of Higher Education i n Scotland," i n Development and Change, Vol. 7. Geertz, C. (1963). Peddlers and Princes: S o c i a l change and Economic Modernization in Two Indonesian Town. G e i s l e r , C.C, D. Usner, R. Green and P. West (eds.) (1982). Indian SIA: The Social Assessment of Rapid Resource Development on Native Peopel. University of Michigan Natural Resources Sociology Research Laboratory, Monograph, No. 3, Ann. Arbor, Michigan. G o d i l i e r , M. (1977). Perspectives in Marxist Anthropology. Cambridge Un i v e r s i t y Press, Cambridge. Halperin, R. and J . Dow (eds.) (1977). Peasant Livelihoods, St. Martins Press, N.Y. Hardin, G. (1968). The Tragedy of the Commons. Harr i s , M. (1979). Cu l t u r a l Materialism. Random House, Toronto, Ontario. Hart, K. (1973). "Informal Income Opportunities and Urban Employment in Ghana," in the Journal of Modern Af r i c a n Studies, Vol. 2. Hector, M. (1975). Internal Colonialism: The C e l t i c Fringe i n B r i t i s h National Development, 1536-1966. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London. Hindess, B. and P.Q. H i r s t . (1977). P r e - C a p i t a l i s t Modes of Production. Routledge, London. - 141 -Hirs c h , W.Z. (1962). "Design and Use of Regional Accounts," in American Economic Review, Vol. 52. Hirschmann, A.O. (1958). The Strategy of Economic Development. Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, New Haven, Conn. Hobart, C.W. (1981). "Impacts of In d u s t r i a l Employment on Hunting and Trapping Among Canadian I n u i t , " i n M.M.R. Freeman (ed.), Proceedings, F i r s t International Symposium on Renewable Resources and the Economy of the North. Association of Canadian U n i v e r s i t i e s for Northern Studies, Ottawa. Hobart, C.W. (1982). " I n d u s t r i a l Employment of Rural Indigenes: The Case of Canada," i n Human Organization, Vol. 41(1). Holland, S. (1976a). The Regional Problem. MacMillan, London. Holland, S. (1976b). Ca p i t a l versus the Regions. MacMillan, London. Hollowell, P.G. (1980). Property and Social Relations. Heineman Press, London. Hosie, R.C. (1973). Native Trees of Canada. Canada Forest Service. Department of the Environment, Ottawa. Hunt, CD. (1978). "Approaches to Native Land Settlements and Implications for Northern Land Use and Resource Management P o l i c i e s , " i n Northern Tra n s i t i o n s , Vol. 2, Second National Workshop on People Resources and the Environment North of 60. R.F. Keith and J.B. Wtight (eds.). care, Ottawa, Ontario. Hymer, S. (1972a). "The Multinational Corporation and the Problem of Uneven Development," i n Economics and World Order (ed.) J . Bhagwati, MacMillan, New York. Ince, J . (1976). Environmental Law. Centre for Continuing Education, UBC, Vancouver. Ince, J . (1977). Land Use Law. Centre for Continuing Education, UBC, Vancouver, B.C. Indian and Inuit A f f a i r s . (1982). Resource Development Impact P o l i c y Paper. (unpublished), Whitehorse, Yukon. I n g l i s , G.B. (1970). The Canadian Indian Reserve: Community, Population, and Soci a l System. Ph.D. Thesis, unpublished, UBC, Vancouver, B.C. \ Isard, W. (1960). "Approaches to Regional Social Accounting," i n Methods of Regional Analysis. - 142 -James Bay and Northern Quebec Harvesting Research Committee (JBNQHA). (1982). The Wealth of the Land. W i l d l i f e Harvests by the James Bay Cree, 1972-73 to 1978-79. James Bay and Northern Quebec Harvesting Research Committee, Quebec City , P.Q. Jenson, H.J. (1980). "The Role of the State i n Regional Development Planning and Management," i n Dunelm Translations, Durham Un i v e r s i t y Press, Durham, England. Karamanski, T.J. (1983). Fur Trade and Exploration: Opening the Far Northwest 1821-1852. UBC Press, Vancouver. Kellough, G. (1980). "From Colonialism to Economic Imperialism: The Experience of the Canadian Indian," i n Structured Inequality i n Canada, (eds.) J . Harp and J.R. Hofley, P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Scarborough, Ontario. Knight, R. (1978). Indians at Work. New Star Books, Vancouver, B.C. Kuznets, S. (1941). National Income and Its Composition 1919-1938. National Bureau of Economic Research, New York. Lang, R. and A. Armour. (1981). The Assessment and Review of So c i a l Impacts. Fearo, Ottawa, Ontario. Lee, R. and I. Devore. (1968). Man the Hunter. Aldine, New York. L l p l e t z e , A. (1980). "The Structuration of Space, the Problem of Land and S p a t i a l P o l i c y , " i n Regions and C r i s i s (1980). J . Carney, R. Hudson and J . Lewis (eds.), Croora Helm Ltd., London. La Rusic, I. (1976). "Issues Relating to Development i n the North," DIAND, Ottawa, Ontario. La Rusic, I. (1976). The Income Security Program for Cree Hunters and Trappers. Research D i v i s i o n , P o l i c y , Planning and Evaluation Branch, DIAND, Ottawa. La Rusic, I. (1979). The Income Security Program for Cree Hunters and Trappers. McGill University Program in the Anthropology of Development, Montreal, P.Q. Lovering, J . (1978). "The Theory of the 'Internal Colony' and the P o l i t i c a l Economy of Wales," In Rev. of Rad. Pol. Econ. Vol. 10. Mandel, E. (1978). Late Capitalism. Verso Books, London. Markel, R. and D. Larsen. (N.D.) MacMillan Pass, F a l l and Winter Moose Surveys. (MS Report, Department of Renewable Resources, Yukon T e r r i t o r i a l Government, Whitehorse). - 143 -Markusen, A.R. (1978). "Class, Rent, and Sectoral C o n f l i c t : Uneven development i n Western Boomtowns," in Rev. of Rad. Pol. Econ., V o l . 10. Marx, K. (1973 e d i t i o n ) . Grundrisse. Penguin Books, London. Marx, K. (1867). C a p i t a l . Progress Publishers, Moscow, USSR. Marx, K., and F. Engels. (1979 e d i t i o n ) . P r e - C a p i t a l i s t Socio-Econoraic Formations: A C o l l e c t i o n . Progress Publishers, Moscow, USSR. Massey, D.B. (1976). "Restructuring and Regionalism: Some Spa t i a l E f f e c t s of the C r i s i s . " Paper presented to the American Regional Science Association. Centre for Environmental Studies, London. Massey, D.B. (1978). "Capital and Locational Change: The UK E l e c t r i c a l Engineering and El e c t r o n i c s Industries," i n Rev. of Rad. Pol. Econ., Vol. 10. MacPherson, C.B. (ed.) (1978). Property, Mainstream and C r i t i c a l P o s i t i o n s . University of Toronto Press, Toronto, Ont. McDonnell, R.F. (1975). K a s i n i Society: Some Aspects of the Social Organization of Athapaskan Culture Between 1900-1950. Ph.D. Thesis, UBC, Vancouver. Mathur, V.K. and H.S. Rosen. (1974). "Regional Employment M u t i p l i e r : A New Approach," i n Land Economics, Vol. 50:1. McGee, T.G. (1971). The Urbanization Process i n the Third World, B e l l , Lond on. McGee, T.G. (1976). "The Persistence of the Pr o t o - P r o l e t a r i a t , " i n Progress i n Geography, Vol. 9. McGee, T.G. (1977). "Shanty Towns i n Developing Nations." Unpublished paper prepared for the Burg Wartenstein Symposium, No. 73. McGee, T.G. (1978). "An I n v i t a t i o n to the B a l l : Dress Formal or Informal," i n Food, Shelter and Transport i n South East Asia and the P a c i f i c . A u s t r a l i a n National University Press, Canberra, A u s t r a l i a . McGee, T.G. (1979). "The Poverty Syndrome: Making Out i n a Southeast Asian C i t y , " i n Casual Work and Poverty i n Third World C i t i e s (1979). R. Bromley and C. Gerry (eds.), John Wiley and Sons Ltd., New York. Meillassoux, C. (1972). "From Reproduction to Production," i n Economy and Society, V ol. 1. M i l l e r , G.W. (1972). The Economic Acculturation of an Indian Band. Northern Sciences Research Group. Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s , Ottawa. ^ - 144 -Myrdal, G. (1957). Economic Theory and Underdeveloped Regions. Duckworth Press, London. Neale, W. (1977). "Reciprocity and Redis t r i b u t i o n i n the Indian V i l l a g e , " i n Peasant L i v e l i h o o d . Halperin and Dow (eds.), St. Martins Press, New York. North, D.C. (1955). "Location Theory and Regional Growth," i n Regional Development and Planning: A Reader. MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass. Obregon, A. (1974). "The Marginal Pole of the Economy and the Marginalized Labor Force," in Economy and Society, V ol. 13, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London. O'Conner, J. (1973). The F i s c a l C r i s i s of the State. St. Martins Press, New York. Orlove, B. (1977). "Inequality Among Peasants: The Forms and Uses of Reciprocal Exchange i n Peru," i n Peasant Live l i h o o d , (eds.) Halperin and Dow, St. Martins Press, New York. P a l l o i x , C. (1977). "The Self-Expansion of Capital on a World Scale," Rev. of Rad. Pol. Econ., V o l . 9. P e r l o f f , H.S., Dunn, E.S. J r . , Lampard, E.E.and Muth, R.F. (1960). Regions, Resources, and Economic Growth. John Hopkins U n i v e r s i t y Press, Baltimore. Perroux, F. (1970). "Note on the Concept of Growth Poles," i n Regional Economics: Theory and Pra c t i c e . D.L. McKee, et a l . (eds.), The Free Press, New York. Pers. Comm. Glen Grant, YTG Department of Economic Development and Tourism, Whitehorse, Yukon T e r r i t o r y . Pers. Comm. Fr. Rigo, Roman Catholic Parish, Faro, Yukon T e r r i t o r y . Pers. Comm. Peter Usher, Ottawa, Ontario. Pike, W. (1896). Through the Sub-Artie Forest. Arno Press, New York, N.Y. Polanyi, K. (1957). The Great Transformation. Beacon Press, Boston. Poulantzas, N. (1974). " I n t e r n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of C a p i t a l i s t Relations and the Nation State," i n Economy and Society, Vol. 3, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London. P r i t c h a r d , J.C. (1977). Economic Development and Disintegration of Tr a d i t i o n a l Culture among the H a i s l a . Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, UBC, Vancouver, B.C. - 145 -Rand, A.L. (1945). Mammal Investigations on the Canol Road, Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , 1944. National Museum of Canada, B u l l . 99, B i o l o g i c a l Series No. 28. Reid Crowther and Partners. (1982a). Appraisal of MacMillan Pass—Howard's Pas-Nahanni River Area: A Contribution to Northern Land Use Planning Program for Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development. Reid Crowthers and Partners Ltd., Calgary. Reid Crowther and Partners. (1982b). Socio-Economic Impact Study Ross River Part 11. Reid Crowther and Partners Ltd., Calgary. Rennie, P.J. (1977). "Forests, Muskeg, and Organic Terrain i n Canada," in Radford, N.W. and CO. Brawner (eds.) Muskeg and the Northern Environment i n Canada. University of Toronto Press, Toronto. Rey, P.O. (1975 Spring). "The Lineage Mode of Production," i n Crit i q u e of Anthropology, No. 3. Richardson, H.W. 91973). Regional Growth Theory. John Wiley & Sons, New York. Rostow, W.W. (1961). The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Schmid, A.A. (1978). Property, Power, and Public Choice: An Enquiry into Law and Economics. Praeger, New York. Scott, J . (1976). The Moral Economy of the Peasantry. Yale Un i v e r s i t y Press, New Haven, Conn. U.S.A. Sharp, R. (1973). Yukon Community Development. M.A. Thesis. U.B.C, Vancouver. Sharp, R. (1977). Changes i n Ross River During the Anvil Mine Development, i n Yukon Case Studies: Alaska Highway and Ross River. U n i v e r s i t y of Canada, North (Yukon), Whitehorse. S i e g e l , R.A. (1966). "The Economic Base and M u l t i p l i e r Base," i n Urban A f f a i r s Quarterly, Vol. 2. S i n c l a i r , A.M. (1982). Introduction to Real Property Law. Butterworth, Toronto. Slough, B.G. (1983). 1981-82 Furbearer Inventory, Habitat Assessment and Trapper U t i l i z a t i o n of the North Canol-MacMillan Pass Development Area. (MS Report - Department of Renewable Resources, Yukon T e r r i t o r i a l Government, Whitehorse. Smith, C A . (1977). "How Marketing Systems A f f e c t Economic Opportunity i n Agrarian S o c i e t i e s , " i n Peasant Livelihoods, (eds.) R. Halperin and J . Dow, St. Martins Press, New York. - 146 -Soja, E. and Weaver, C. (1976). "Urbanization and Underdevelopment i n East A f r i c a , " i n Urbanization and Counter-Urbanization. Sage Press Beverly H i l l s , C a l i f o r n i a . Soja, E. 91980). "The Socio-Spatial D i a l e c t i c , " i n Annals of American Geographers, Vol. 70. Stager, J.K. (1974). Old Crow, Yukon T e r r i t o r y and the Proposed Northern Gas P i p e l i n e . Information Canada, Ottawa. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. (1983). Income D i s t r i b u t i o n by Size i n Canada, 1981. Consumer and Expenditure D i v i s i o n , Ottawa, Catalogue No. 13-210. Stohr, W.B. and D.R. Taylor (eds.). (1980). Development from Above or Below? The D i a l e c t i c s of Regional Planning i n Developing Countries John Wiley and Sons, New York. Stuckey, B. (1975). "Spatial Analysis and Economic Development," i n Development and Change. Sage Press, Beverly H i l l s , C a l i f o r n i a . Sunkel, 0. (1973). Transnational Capitalism and national D i s i n t e g r a t i o n i n L a t i n America," i n Soci a l and Economic Studies, Vol. 22. Tanner, A. (1965). The Structure of Fur Trade Relations. M.A. Thesis UBC, Vancouver. Taylor, J.G. (1979). From Modernization to Modes of Production, MacMillan, London. Theberge, J.B. (1981). "Commentary: Conservation i n the North—An E c o l o g i c a l Perspective," i n A r t i c V o l . 34(4). Tucker. (1972). Youngraan, P.M. (1975). Mammals of the Yukon T e r r i t o r y . National Museum of Natural Sciences, Ottawa. Usher, P. (1978). "Renewable Resource Development i n Northern Canada, i n R.F. Keith and J.B. Wright (eds.) Northern T r a n s i t i o n s , V o l . 2, Canadian A r t i c Resources Committee, Ottawa. Usher, P. (1982a). Renewable Resources i n the Future of Northern Labrador. Labrador Inuit Association, Nain, Labrador. Usher, P. (1982b). "The North: One Land, Two Ways of L i f e , " i n L.D. McCann (ed.) A Geography of Canada, Heartland Canada, Scarborough, Ontario. Usher, P. (1983). Assessing the Impact of Industry i n the Beaufort Se Region. Prepared for the Beaufort Sea A l l i a n c e , Ottawa, Ontario. - 147 -U z z e l l , D.J. (1980). "Mixed Strategies and the Informal Sector: Three Faces of Reserve Labor," i n J . of Applied Anthropology, Vol. 39, No. 1, Washington, D.C. Walker, D.M. (1980). The Oxford Companion to Law. Oxford University Press, Oxford, England. Walker, R.A. (1978). "Two Sources of Uneven Development Under Advanced Capitalism: Spatial D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and Capital M o b i l i t y , " i n Rev. of Rad. Pol. Econ. Vol. 10. Watkins, M. (ed.) (1977). Dene Nation - The Colony Within. U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, Toronto. Weaver, C. (1978). Planning and W i l l f u l Community Action: Some Epistemological Notes. Paper presented to the Georgeville Seminar on Planning Theory, Un i v e r s i t y of Montreal, P.Q. Weaver, C. (1980). "The Limits of Economism: Towards a P o l i t i c a l Approach to Regional Development and Planning," Paper prepared for the B r i t i s h Regional Science Association Conference, London, England. Weaver, C. (1980). Notes on Social Impact Analysis and Northern Development, Unpublished MS, School of Community and Regional Planning, UBC, Vancouver, B.C. Weinstein, M.S. (1976). What the Land Provides: An Examination of the Fort George Subsistence Economy and the Possible Consequences on i t of the James Bay Hydroelectric Project. Grand Council of Crees (of Quebec), Montreal. Wright, A.A. (1976). Prelude to Bonanza: The Discovery and Exploration of the Yukon. Gray's Publishing Ltd., Sidney, B.C. Young, O.R. (1981). Natural Resources and the State. University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, Berkeley. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0095971/manifest

Comment

Related Items