Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Taman kampung kuantan, a study of Malay urban participation in West Malaysia Dizon, Jesus A. N. 1982

You don't seem to have a PDF reader installed, try download the pdf

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1983_A1 D59.pdf [ 17.71MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0095852.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0095852-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0095852-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0095852-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0095852-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0095852-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0095852-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0095852-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0095852.ris

Full Text

TAMAN KAMPUNG KUANTAN, A  STUDY  OF  MALAY URBAN P A R T I C I P A T I O N IN WEST MALAYSIA by J E S U S A. N. DIZON, J R . M.A., A t e n e o de M a n i l a U n i v e r s i t y , 1971 A D I S S E R T A T I O N SUBMITTED IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE F A C U L T Y OF GRADUATE S T U D I E S DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY UNIVERSITY OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA We a c c e p t t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n a s c o n f o r m i n g to the required standard  THE U N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA  (c)  J e s u s A. N. D i z o n , J r . 1982  In presenting  this thesis in partial  fulfilment of the requirements for  an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference  and study.  I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives.  It is understood that copying or publication  of this thesis f o r financial gain shall not be allowed without my written  permission.  Department of  Anthropology and Sociology  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075  Wesbrook  Vancouver,  V6T  Date  Place  Canada  1W5  12-21-82  ABSTRACT T h i s s t u d y i s an a n a l y s i s o f M a l a y u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n one locality.  I t i n c l u d e s a d i s c u s s i o n o f u r b a n i z a t i o n , e t h n i c i t y , and  g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y i n a M a l a y c o n t e x t . The s t u d y d i s c u s s e s s o c i a l c o h e s i o n and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n a M a l a y l o c a l i t y and how t h e y i n f l u e n c e the urban p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f t h e group s t u d i e d . The d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e u r b a n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s i n t h e Malay p e n i n s u l a shows t h a t t h e M a l a y s a r e l a t e - c o m e r s i n u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t . result of their colonial  history.  This i s a  I m m i g r a n t C h i n e s e and I n d i a n s d e v e l o p e d  t h e t o w n s on t h e w e s t c o a s t o f t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a u n d e r B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l administration.  I t was o n l y a f t e r t h e S e c o n d W o r l d War t h a t r u r a l  Malays  i n c r e a s e d t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n u r b a n a c t i v i t i e s by m i g r a t i n g t o u r b a n areas.  The M a l a y s i a n government i s e n c o u r a g i n g t h e i n c r e a s e d p a r t i c i p a -  t i o n o f Malays i n urban a c t i v i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the commercial industrial  and  sectors.  T h i s s t u d y shows t h a t t h e M a l a y s i n t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d a r e u n l i k e the c l a s s i c r u r a l to urban m i g r a n t s . migrants.  T h e Taman M a l a y s a r e u r b a n t o u r b a n  T h e y h a v e b r o u g h t w i t h them o t h e r u r b a n e x p e r i e n c e s and  In s p i t e o f t h i s , h o w e v e r , t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n s a r e s t i l l  skills.  similar to the  t y p e o f o c c u p a t i o n s Malays have f i l l e d d u r i n g t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d i n urban a r e a s , i . e . t h e y a r e m o s t l y t e a c h e r s , c l e r k s , p o l i c e m e n , and l a b o r e r s . This i s attributed  t o t h e l i m i t e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s and s t r u c t u r a l  f a c e d by M a l a y s i n u r b a n a r e a s . ii  constraints  T h e s t u d y shows t h a t M a l a y s u t i l i z e e t h n i c i n s t i t u t i o n s and g o v e r n ment s u p p o r t i n g a i n i n g a f o o t h o l d i n t h e i r u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t .  Malays  a r e a m i n o r i t y i n west c o a s t towns i n terms o f p o p u l a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n , s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n , and e c o n o m i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  T h e kampung i s t h e  t e r r i t o r i a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f Malay presence i n towns.  Handicapped  by  t h e p r e s e n c e o f a m a j o r i t y o f n o n - M a l a y s i n u r b a n a r e a s , t h e M a l a y s do not f i n d i t easy p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n urban a c t i v i t i e s .  T h e y d e p e n d on g o v e r n -  ment s u p p o r t f o r h o u s i n g , j o b s , b u s i n e s s p r e m i s e s , a n d l o a n s f o r t h e i r economic  development.  E t h n i c i n s t i t u t i o n s are the primary i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework f o r the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f Taman M a l a y s . found i n the l o c a l i t y .  T h i s i s shown by t h e t y p e s o f a s s o c i a t i o n s  The a s s o c i a t i o n s s e r v e t o m o b i l i z e e t h n i c  a n d u n i f y t h e Taman r e s i d e n t s .  interests  The a s s o c i a t i o n s s e r v e a s l i n k s between  t h e kampung a n d t h e r e s t o f t h e u r b a n c o m m u n i t y , a s w e l l a s b e t w e e n t h e kampung r e s i d e n t s and t h e g o v e r n m e n t .  The need f o r e x p r e s s i v e s o c i a l  i n t e r a c t i o n through a s s o c i a t i o n s i s viewed i n t h i s s t u d y as a r e s u l t o f t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s p o s e d by t h e m u l t i - e t h n i c , e c o n o m i c , and p o l i t i c a l  struc-  t u r e o f u r b a n a r e a s on t h e w e s t c o a s t . T h e u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f Taman M a l a y s i s d e s c r i b e d a s i n c o r p o r a t i n g both t r a d i t i o n a l and n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n s o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . i s shown by t h e a n a l y s i s o f t h e i r s o c i a l n e t w o r k s .  This  Networks w i t h i n the  l o c a l i t y reinforce participation in thei'traditional social order, while t h o s e which e x t e n d beyond t h e l o c a l i t y o r e t h n i c group f a c i l i t a t e and  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the l a r g e r urban system. i i i  The d i f f e r e n t i a l  change involve-r  ment o f t h e Taman M a l a y s was i n f l u e n c e d by s u c h f a c t o r s a s g e o g r a p h i c m o b i l i t y , ownership o r r e n t a l o f houses i n t h e l o c a l i t y , and s o c i a l status.  T h e f r i e n d s h i p p a t t e r n a n d s o c i a l n e t w o r k s o f t h e Taman M a l a y s  shows t h e d e c l i n i n g s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e n e i g h b o r h o o d i n t h e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f urban Malays.  T h e k i n s h i p p a t t e r n s o f t h e Taman M a l a y s  show t h e t r a d i t i o n a l p r e f e r e n c e  f o r t h e nuclear f a m i l y type o f house-  h o l d , b u t c o n d i t i o n s o f u r b a n l i v i n g have l i m i t e d t h e i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h e x t e n d e d k i n . H o u s e h o l d r e l a t i o n s h i p s a r e a l s o b e i n g i n f l u e n c e d by urban c o n d i t i o n s where t h e husband and w i f e a r e both w o r k i n g ,  greater  s h a r i n g o f d e c i s i o n making about t h e household and c h i l d c a r e i s e v i d e n t among t h e Taman M a l a y s . The Taman M a l a y s a r e u n i f i e d by e t h n i c i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d i n t e r e s t s . They a r e v e r t i c a l l y organized a s s o c i a t i o n a l mechanisms.  t o t h e government  S t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s among t h e Taman  r e s i d e n t s have n o t d i s r u p t e d t h e e t h n i c u n i t y Malay urban  t h r o u g h community and  neighborhoods.  iv  which has c h a r a c t e r i z e d  CONTENTS ABSTRACT  i i  L I S T OF T A B L E S  ix.  L I S T OF MAPS  xi ,  L I S T OF I L L U S T R A T I O N S  x i i .  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  xi i i  CHAPTER I.  INTRODUCTION  1  The Problem  1  Malay Urban P a r t i c i p a t i o n Background Analytical  II.  .  7  Framework  14  S i t e S e l e c t i o n and F i e l d Study  19  MALAYS AND URBANIZATION  25  Urbanization o f Malays  26  The C o l o n i a l  30  Background  Malay Nationalism  39  M u l t i - e t h n i c P o l i t i c s a n d Communal I s s u e s  44  M a l a y P a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d t h e New E c o n o m i c P o l i c y Conclusion  . .  49 57  v  III.  POPULATION AND ETHNIC PATTERNS IN KELANG  59  K e l a n g Town  59  S o c i a l and A d m i n i s t r a t i v e H i s t o r y  63  E t h n i c and P o p u l a t i o n P a t t e r n s  IV.  V.  ....  72  E t h n i c and Economic P a t t e r n s . . . .  76  Malay Reservation  81  Housing Patterns  83  Conclusion  87  MIGRATION AND HOUSING IN KAMPUNG KUANTAN  89  T e r r i t o r y a n d P o p u l a t i o n o f Kampung K u a n t a n  90  Taman Kampung K u a n t a n  96  O r i g i n s o f t h e Taman Kampung K u a n t a n R e s i d e n t s  101  R e a s o n s f o r M o v i n g i n t o t h e Taman  106  Concl u s i o n  108  OCCUPATIONS AND ECONOMIC P A R T I C I P A T I O N  I l l  O c c u p a t i o n s and Employment S t a t u s Income a n d S o c i o - e c o n o m i c S t a t u s  112 .  120  E d u c a t i o n and S o c i a l M o b i l i t y  124  Part-time Entrepreneurial A c t i v i t i e s  130  Concl u s i o n  140  vi  VI.  VII.  NEIGHBORHOOD COHESION AND D I F F E R E N T I A T I O N  142  Common E t h n i c I d e n t i t y  143  Neighborhood D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  149  Taman G r o u p i n g s  155  .  Social Differentiation  163  Conclusion  175  ASSOCIATIONS AND P A R T I C I P A T I O N  177  R e l i g i o u s and Welfare A s s o c i a t i o n  179  Political Organizations  185  Security Organization  190  Women's O r g a n i z a t i o n  194  "Participation i n Associations  199  Conclusion  202  V I I I . K I N S H I P , F R I E N D S H I P , SOCIAL NETWORKS AND URBANIZATION Taman F a m i l y a n d K i n s h i p  205  Household  207  Composition  Male and Female Household Extra-household  Roles  210  Kin Relations  218  Friendship Patterns  221  Composition  225  o f S o c i a l Networks  D e n s i t y o f Network  232  I n t e r a c t i o n a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f S o c i a l Networks  IX.  203  . . .  248  Conclusion  252  CONCLUSION  255 vi i  BIBLIOGRAPHY  2 6 9  GLOSSARY  291  APPENDIX  2 9  PHOTOGRAPHS  2 9 7  vi i i  *  L I S T OF T A B L E S I.  R a c i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f urban p o p u l a t i o n i n p e n i n s u l a r M a l a y s i a , 1 947 - 1 9 7 0  28  II.  K e l a n g ' s p o p u l a t i o n and e t h n i c d i s t r i b u t i o n  .....  74  III.  O c c u p a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n i n K e l a n g by e t h n i c g r o u p  IV.  O c c u p a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n i n p e n i n s u l a r M a l a y s i a by e t h n i c  . .  group  78  78  V.  Moves made by r e s p o n d e n t s b e f o r e t r a n s f e r t o t h e Taman  103  VI.  Reasons g i v e n f o r moving  107  VII.  O c c u p a t i o n o f m a l e h o u s e h o l d h e a d s i n Taman Kampung  i n t o t h e Taman  Kuantan  117  V I I I . Category o f informants working i n each household  ...  IX.  O c c u p a t i o n o f f e m a l e h o u s e h o l d heads  X.  M o n t h l y i n c o m e o f m a l e h o u s e h o l d h e a d s i n Taman Kampung Kuantan: I  119  123  XI.  E d u c a t i o n o f Taman Kampung K u a n t a n  XII.  Male household heads' f a t h e r ' s o c c u p a t i o n  informants .....  X I I I . M a l e i n f o r m a n t s c l a s s i f i e d by t h e i r f u l l t i m e o c c u p a t i o n and by t y p e o f p a r t - t i m e b u s i n e s s XIV. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f m a l e a n d f e m a l e i n f o r m a n t s a c c o r d i n g t o membership i n a s s o c i a t i o n s XV.  119  D i s t r i b u t i o n o f h o u s e h o l d t y p e s among o w n e r s a n d r e n t e r s  D i s t r i b u t i o n o f h o u s e h o l d t y p e s among Taman s a m p l e ( 1 9 7 6 ) and D j a m o u r ' s S i n g a p o r e M a l a y s s a m p l e ( 1 9 5 9 ) . . . XVII. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f male informants with a v a i l a b l e k i n . . ix  126 129 132 199 216  XVI.  217 222  XVIII. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s friends XIX.  and d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h r e e c l o s e  ^ 228  D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Taman and network a n a l y s i s samples by selected c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  234  XX.  Network composition and d e n s i t y  240  XXI.  Network s e c t o r s and d e n s i t y  243  XXII.  Average number o f s e c t o r members and average density  XXIII. Network s e c t o r and i n t e r a c t i o n  x  sector 246 250  L I S T OF MAPS 1.  K e l a n g Town C o u n c i l A r e a s  62  2.  Kampung K u a n t a n  91  xi  L I S T OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  1.  MARA c o m m e r c i a l p r e m i s e s f o r M a l a y s  2S7  2.  T r a d i t i o n a l Malay house  297  3.  P r o v i s i o n s h o p i n t h e Taman  298  4.  G o v e r n m e n t b u i l t h o u s i n g p r o j e c t i n t h e kampung  298  5.  Community  299  6.  Kampung l e a d e r s i n a c h i l d r e n ' s p r o g r a m  299/  7.  Prayer  300  8.  Religion class f o r children  9.  Women's I n s t i t u t e m e e t i n g  301  10.  C o o k i n g c l a s s e s f o r kampung women  301  11.  Kor'an reading  12.  A ritual feast  302  13.  M a l a y s h o p s i n town  303  14.  M a l a y f o o d v e n d o r i n town  303  h a l l and indoor badminton c o u r t .  h o u s e i n s i d e t h e Taman  sessions  .  xi i  .  ,  c  .  .o...  ;  30,0  302  CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The P r o b l em U r b a n i z a t i o n s t u d i e s o f d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s d e s c r i b e urban borhoods  neigh-  as r e f l e c t i n g t h e r u r a l s o c i a l o r d e r or as the l o c a l e s where mi-  g r a n t s make t h e i r t r a n s i t i o n t o u r b a n l i f e .  S i n c e many o f t h e s e s t u d i e s  a r e among l o w i n c o m e o r w o r k i n g c l a s s g r o u p s t h e p h y s i c a l d e t e r i o r a t i o n , p o v e r t y , and p r e s e n c e o f d e v i a n t b e h a v i o r i n t h e s e s e t t l e m e n t s h a v e e a r n e d them t h e r e p u t a t i o n o f b e i n g "marginal 1972,  Leeds 1970).  neighborhoods  settlements" i n the c i t y ( E p s t e i n  E f f o r t s to r e f u t e the negative s t e r e o t y p e s about  these  h a v e shown how o r g a n i z e d and c o h e s i v e t h e s e g r o u p s a r e i n  the s o l u t i o n o f t h e i r problems  ( L a q u i a n 1970, M a n g i n 1970,  P e a t t i e 1968).  I t i s o f t e n a s s u m e d t h a t a common c u l t u r e i s t h e b a s i s f o r s o c i a l i d e n t i t y and s o c i a l c o h e s i o n i n a n e i g h b o r h o o d . or t r a d i t i o n a l cohesion.  The p e r s i s t e n c e o f r u r a l  i n s t i t u t i o n s i s a l s o assumed t o h e l p m a i n t a i n  The s t u d y o f e t h n i c e n c l a v e s i n p a r t i c u l a r  neighborhoods  a s an u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d w h o l e a s s u m i n g  urban environment  shows g r e a t e r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  T h i s view o f the  be c o n t r a s t e d w i t h t h e v i e w  ( G r i l l o 1974). 1  has d e p i c t e d s u c h  equal impact o f the  on a l l t h e members ( S n y d e r 1 9 7 3 : 2 ) .  h o m o g e n e i t y i n an e t h n i c e n c l a v e may  social  which  According to this l a t t e r  2 v i e w , a common c u l t u r e o f o r i g i n i s n o t a l w a y s a b a s i c s o u r c e o f i d e n t i t y a n d i t s s a l i e n c y f o r i n d i v i d u a l s m u s t be e m p i r i c a l l y v a l i d a t e d . T h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f e t h n i c i t y can vary from i n d i v i d u a l t o i n d i v i d u a l .  Mem-  bers o f an e t h n i c group c a n have o t h e r s e t s o f i d e n t i t i e s d e r i v e d from p r i n c i p l e s o f r a n k i n g o r s t r a t i f i c a t i o n t h a t o p e r a t e i n t h e community ( G r i l l o 1974:161).  W i t h i n t h e e t h n i c community an i n d i v i d u a l ' s rank  may a l s o be d e t e r m i n e d  by r e f e r e n c e t o o c c u p a t i o n , i n c o m e , o r o t h e r  f a c t o r s which i n d i c a t e r e l a t i v e s t a t u s .  D i s t i n c t i v e l i f e - s t y l e s may  be f o u n d among members o f a n e t h n i c g r o u p .  These can have  important  i m p l i c a t i o n s i n t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f t h e members w i t h i n t h e c o m m u n i t y a s well as i n t h e i r i n t e g r a t i o n i n t h e wider s o c i e t y . T h i s study o f a m i d d l e - c l a s s Malay urban neighborhood ment s u p p o r t e d h o u s i n g e s t a t e t r i e s t o d i s c o v e r  i n a govern-  some o f t h e s e i m p l i c a t i o n s  t h r o u g h a n e x a m i n a t i o n o f how s o c i a l c o h e s i o n a n d d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n f l u e n c e t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f Malays upon t h e r o l e o f e t h n i c i t y i n p r o m o t i n g  i n urban l i f e .  The study focuses  social cohesion.  It i s postulated  t h a t t h e i n t e r n a l c o h e s i o n o f t h e Malays stems p a r a d o x i c a l l y from  both  t h e i r m i n o r i t y s t a t u s i n urban a r e a s and t h e i r m a j o r i t y s t a t u s on t h e national level.  E t h n i c d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h e M a l a y s i a n p o p u l a t i o n i n 1970  i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s p a r a d o x i c a l s i t u a t i o n . I n 1970 t h e M a l a y s made up 4 6 . 7 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n w h i l e t h e C h i n e s e c o m p o s e d 34.1 p e r c e n t a n d t h e I n d i a n s 9.0 p e r c e n t .  A t t h e same t i m e o n l y 1 4 . 9 p e r c e n t o f t h e  t o t a l Malay p o p u l a t i o n r e s i d e d i n urban a r e a s , compared w i t h 47.4 p e r c e n t o f a l l t h e C h i n e s e a n d 34.7 p e r c e n t o f t h e I n d i a n s ( C h a n d e r  1972:3).  Most s t u d i e s o f e t h n i c e n c l a v e s i n urban areas a r e about m i n o r i t i e s  3 who a r e u s u a l l y d e p r i v e d o f m a t e r i a l a n d s o c i a l s u p p o r t .  In t h e case o f  t h e M a l a y s we a r e n o t d e a l i n g w i t h a c l a s s i c m i n o r i t y s i t u a t i o n i n w h i c h the urban m i n o r i t y i s t r y i n g t o s t r u g g l e a l o n e i n t h e m i d s t o f a powerful majority.  R a t h e r we have a n u r b a n e t h n i c m i n o r i t y w i t h a p o w e r f u l p o l i -  t i c a l e l i t e s u p p o r t i n g i t s group's s t r u g g l e to develop i n urban a r e a s . This s i t u a t i o n i s a r e s u l t o f h i s t o r i c a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s w h i c h , on t h e o n e h a n d , kept t h e m a j o r i t y o f Malays i n r u r a l a r e a s d u r i n g t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , and on t h e o t h e r h a n d , g a v e t h e M a l a y e l i t e s power a t t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l w i t h independence.  D u r i n g t h e B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l r e g i m e , common M a l a y s w e r e c h a n -  nelled into the rural agricultural  s e c t o r w h i l e t h e C h i n e s e were l e f t t o  develop t h e urban a r e a s . With independence from t h e B r i t i s h a  "COnStitU-  ^s  t i o n a l b a r g a i n " was made b e t w e e n t h e M a l a y s a n d n o n - M a l a y s ( M i l n e 1 9 8 0 : 3 8 ) . In t h i s b a r g a i n t h e n o n - M a l a y s w e r e g i v e n f u l l c i t i z e n s h i p i n t h e new n a t i o n , i n exchange f o r t h e p e r p e t u a t i o n o f Malay t r a d i t i o n s i n government and s p e c i a l  p r i v i l e g e s w h i c h k e p t p o l i t i c a l power i n M a l a y h a n d s .  In t h i s c o n t e x t , o n e o f t h e a i m s o f t h i s s t u d y i s t o l o o k a t how t h e e t h n i c community a c t s as t h e p r i m a r y i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework f o r t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f Malays i n urban a r e a s . l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d may  still  I examine whether t h e Malay  be t i g h t l y o r g a n i z e d v e r t i c a l l y by a s e r i e s  o f g o v e r n m e n t a n d c o m m u n i t y i n s t i t u t i o n s w h i c h had p e r s i s t e d f r o m t h e colonial period.  Among t h e s e a r e l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t s l i k e t h e  v i l l a g e development committee, and l o c a l branches o f n a t i o n a l such as p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s . may be t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t s t r u c t u r a l the c i t y .  organizations  These i n s t i t u t i o n s  elements r e i n f o r c i n g Malay u n i t y i n  I f Malays expect t h e government t o help improve t h e i r  situation  4  in the c i t y , i t i s important with the government operate framework which prevents  to examine whether the i n s t i t u t i o n a l connections to encapsulate  the Malays w i t h i n a p r o t e c t i v e  t h e i r displacement  by t h e c o m p e t i t i v e  and  econo-  m i c a l l y dominant non-Malay groups w i t h i n the c i t y . In a M a l a y c o m m u n i t y t h e r e a r e a s s o c i a t i o n s w h i c h s e r v e as  organizers  o f a c t i v i t i e s i n the l o c a l i t y . I examine the a c t i v i t i e s o f these  associa-  t i o n s to f i n d out t h e i r functions i n the l o c a l i t y studied.  Studies  v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s by L i t t l e ( 1 9 6 5 ) s u g g e s t  associations  that these  of  p r o v i d e a b r i d g e i n t h e t r a n s i t i o n o f m i g r a n t s f r o m a r u r a l t o an u r b a n of l i f e .  T h i s f u n c t i o n a l view of voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n emphasizes the  f i l l m e n t of u t i l i t a r i a n or instrumental r a t e t h i s v i e w may  needs of migrants.  leaves further questions  these a s s o c i a t i o n s o u t s i d e the community.  However a c c u -  regarding the r o l e of  Douglas and P e d e r s e n ' s  (1973)  macro study o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n M a l a y s i a deemphasizes the tal aspects of voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n s .  They suggest  Expressive  needs r e f e r to non-tangible  a c t i o n and s t a t u s p r e s e r v a t i o n . instrumental  mediating  In my s t u d y  or expressive needs.  instrumen-  t h a t the main f u n c t i o n  o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s a r i s e s from e x p r e s s i v e r a t h e r than  fulfill  instrumental  n e e d s s u c h as s o c i a l i n t e r I ask whether a s s o c i a t i o n s  I a l s o examine t h e i r r o l e i n  between the l o c a l i t y and o u t s i d e g r o u p s and i n s t i t u t i o n s .  In a d d i t i o n t o e x a m i n i n g t h e r o l e o f e t h n i c i t y i n p r o m o t i n g s o c i a l cohesion  w i t h i n the Malay l o c a l i t y , I a l s o ask the q u e s t i o n  w h a t f a c t o r s may ethnicity.  ful-  be i n d e s c r i b i n g t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f m i g r a n t s i n t h e i r  community, i t nonetheless  needs.  way  of  c o n f l i c t with the claimed m o n o l i t h i c u n i t y of Malay  G i v e n t h e p e c u l i a r s i t u a t i o n o f e t h n i c and s o c i a l  heteroge-  5 n e i t y o f urban areas i n M a l a y s i a , t h e r e i s the q u e s t i o n o f whether o r s t a t u s systems are d e t e r m i n i n g the l i f e - s t y l e o f i n d i v i d u a l  class  Malays.  H e r e I am i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e p r o b l e m o f w h e t h e r t h e e t h n i c v a r i a b l e i s j u s t as i m p o r t a n t o r n o t a s i m p o r t a n t as o t h e r s o c i o - e c o n o m i c v a r i a b l e s i n d e t e r m i n i n g t h e a d j u s t m e n t o f Malays t o t h e s o c i a l and economic  struc-  ture of the c i t y . U s i n g community study methods I examine t h e s o u r c e s o f d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d and a n a l y z e t h e e f f e c t o f g e o g r a p h i c  mobi-  l i t y , o c c u p a t i o n s , o w n e r s h i p o r r e n t a l o f houses, and s o c i a l s t a t u s i n t h e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f t h e r e s i d e n t s . The s o c i a l examined  relationships  i n c l u d e k i n s h i p , f r i e n d s h i p , and s o c i a l networks.  The q u e s t i o n  o f t h e v a r y i n g i m p o r t a n c e o f k i n as o p p o s e d t o n o n - k i n i n t h e a d a p t a t i o n o f m i g r a n t s t o u r b a n s e t t i n g s has p r e o c c u p i e d t h e w o r k o f a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s l i k e F i r t h ( 1 9 5 6 ) , Adams ( 1 9 6 8 ) , B r u n e r ( 1 9 7 0 ) , a n d M a n g i n  (1970). T h e i r  studies demonstrate the p e r s i s t e n c e of c e r t a i n types o f k i n s h i p r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n urban a r e a s , and oppose the o f t e n h y p o t h e s i z e d d e c l i n e o f k i n s h i p w i t h u r b a n i z a t i o n . What t h e s e s t u d i e s show i s t h a t k i n s h i p o r g a n i z a t i o n i s f l e x i b l e e n o u g h t o be a d j u s t e d t o t h e n e e d s o f u r b a n l i f e .  It remains,  h o w e v e r , t o be shown what t h e s e a d j u s t m e n t s a r e , and w h a t f a c t o r s  account  f o r them. The r e l a t i v e i m p o r t a n c e o f k i n as o p p o s e d t o n o n - k i n c a n be a n a l y z e d by c o m p a r i n g k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h o t h e r k i n d s o f s o c i a l t i e s , s u c h as t h o s e i n v o l v i n g work, ;Teisure;Kand f r i e n d s h i p .  I analyze the d i f f e r e n t i a l  involvement o f the r e s i d e n t s i n the l o c a l i t y studied according to the simil a r i t i e s o r d i f f e r e n c e s t h e y s h a r e i n terms o f the above mentioned variables.  With t h e a i d o f s o c i a l network a n a l y s i s I examine  social  the d i f f e r e n t  l/  6  and v a r y i n g  social linkages  o f a sample o f m i g r a n t s .  With t h i s a n a l y s i s  I  examine f u r t h e r the q u e s t i o n o f whether t h e Malays a r e e n c a p s u l a t e d i n t h e i r neighborhood.  I t may be t h a t t h e u r b a n kampung i s b u t t h e r e s i d e n t i a l  f o c u s o f t h e m i g r a n t s whose o t h e r i n t e r e s t s a n d t i e s a r e r a m i f i e d  more  extensively. In summary, t h e m a i n g o a l o f t h i s s t u d y i s t o e x a m i n e how s o c i a l cohesion and s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n f l u e n c e * t h e urban of Malays.  participation  Some o f t h e q u e s t i o n s a s k e d a r e : I s t h e e t h n i c  community  the primary i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework f o r t h e urban p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f t h e Malays studied?  What a r e some o f t h e f a c t o r s w h i c h c o n f l i c t w i t h t h e  claimed monolithic  unity o f Malay e t h n i c i t y ?  Are migrant Malays  e n c a p s u l a t e d i n t h e i r n e i g h b o r h o o d o r do t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s outside  extend  t h e l o c a l i t y where they l i v e ?  S i n c e e t h n i c i t y and urban p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e c e n t r a l c o n c e p t s used in this study, i t i s necessary to define  them i n i t i a l l y a s t h e y a r e  used i n t h e study.  The word " e t h n i c "  p e o p l e by r e f e r e n c e  t o i d e a s o f common o r i g i n , a n c e s t r y , a n d c u l t u r a l  heritage.  refers to the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of  An e t h n i c g r o u p c a n t h u s be d e f i n e d  as a c o l l e c t i v i t y o f  p e o p l e who s h a r e t h e same p a t t e r n s o f n o r m a t i v e b e h a v i o r , a n d a n e t h n i c c o m m u n i t y r e f e r s t o a c o l l e c t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s who i d e n t i f y w i t h a n e t h n i c c a t e g o r y (Cohen 1974: i x , S c h i l d k r o u t used t o r e f e r t o a l l matters p e r t a i n i n g t h e same o r d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c  1974: 1 9 1 ) . E t h n i c i t y i s  t o r e l a t i o n s between t h o s e w i t h  identities living i n a poly-ethnic  system  ( G r i l l o 1974: 1 5 9 ) . This study deals mainly with t h e Malay ethnic group.  The q u e s t i o n  7 o f who  i s a Malay i s a d i f f i c u l t and c o m p l i c a t e d i s s u e . As Nagata  (1974a)  shows, i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o draw t h e b o u n d a r i e s o f t h e Malay p e o p l e .  In t h i s  s t u d y , however, Malays i n c l u d e p e o p l e o f t h e Malay r a c e and f o l l o w v a r i o u s a s p e c t s o f Malay c u l t u r e and s o c i a l  life.  When I d i s c u s s t h e u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f M a l a y s  I am r e f e r r i n g t o  t h e i r a c c e s s t o m a t e r i a l and n o n - m a t e r i a l elements o f urban l i f e such as h o u s i n g , employment, e d u c a t i o n a l and commercial  o p p o r t u n i t i e s . As I  i n d i c a t e i n l a t e r c h a p t e r s , M a l a y s a r e b e i n g g i v e n ; a s s i s t a n c e by t h e government t o o b t a i n t h e s e n e c e s s i t i e s o f urban l i f e , as p a r t o f t h e p r o g r a m s u n d e r t h e New  Economic P o l i c y .  Malay Urban P a r t i c i p a t i o n  Background  The p r o b l e m s e l e c t e d f o r t h i s s t u d y may be b e t t e r u n d e r s t o o d i n the c o n t e x t o f s u b s t a n t i v e and t h e o r e t i c a l s t u d i e s d e a l i n g with e t h n i c and i n t r a - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f M a l a y s i n M a l a y s i a .  interWhile  t h i s p a r t i c u l a r study i s p r i m a r i l y concerned with intra-Malay r e l a t i o n s h i p s , an i n i t i a l d i s c u s s i o n o f i n t e r - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s c a n p r o v i d e some c o n t e x t f o r t h e s t u d y .  Most attempts t o understand  the  urban p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f Malays take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the c o n t e x t o f a m u l t i - e t h n i c s o c i e t y (McGee 1972, P r o v e n c h e r 1 9 7 2 , N a g a t a 1974b, 1974c).  1974a,  M a l a y s , C h i n e s e and I n d i a n s a r e t h e t h r e e main e t h n i c  groups i n M a l a y s i a .  E a c h e t h n i c g r o u p i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d by r a c e ,  custom, language, and r e l i g i o n .  The s e p a r a t e n e s s o f the t h r e e e t h n i c  g r o u p s has been d e s c r i b e d by F r e e d m a n ( 1 9 6 0 ) i n t e r m s o f t h e " p l u r a l s o c i e t y " c o n c e p t f o r m u l a t e d by F u r n i v a l l  (1939).  8  The o r i g i n o f t h e p l u r a l s o c i e t y  i n Malaysia  c o l o n i a l p e r i o d when i m m i g r a n t s f r o m C h i n a , the population o f t h e Malay peninsula. early nineteenth nineteenth  has been t r a c e d t o t h e  India, and Indonesia  increased  I m m i g r a n t s f r o m C h i n a came i n t h e  c e n t u r y a n d i m m i g r a n t s f r o m I n d i a came i n t h e l a t e  century.  Indonesian  i m m i g r a n t s came t o t h e p e n i n s u l a a t  various times before and during t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d .  Ethnic  differences  brought about e t h n i c segmentation. B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l p o l i c i e s and a t t i t u d e s r e i n f o r c e d t h i s segmentation which l e d t o a d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r based on e t h n i c l i n e s , e . g . C h i n e s e i n commerce, Indians i n p l a n t a t i o n s , a n d Malays in subsistence  agriculture.  T h e s e f a c t s a r e s i g n i f i c a n t i n a s much a s t h e y g i v e a n h i s t o r i c a l account o f c e r t a i n trends which a r e s t i l l found i n Malaysian today.  society  Aside from p o i n t i n g t o t h e e t h n i c segmentation i n t h e p l u r a l  s o c i e t y , Freedman's d e s c r i p t i o n i s u s e f u l i n n o t i n g c e r t a i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l mechanisms t h a t had t h e i r o r i g i n s i n t h e c o l o n i a l p a s t b u t s t i l l continue to influence inter-ethnic relationships a t the societal l e v e l . Among t h e s e a r e t h e s p e c i a l r i g h t s o f t h e M a l a y s c o n n e c t e d w i t h reservations, quotas i n education study  and employment i n government.  land In t h i s  I take these i n s t i t u t i o n a l legacies o f t h e c o l o n i a l period into  c o n s i d e r a t i o n when I e x a m i n e t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l f r a m e w o r k f o r t h e s o c i a l and economic a d j u s t m e n t o f t h e Malays i n t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d . Some a s p e c t s o f t h e d i f f e r e n c e s among t h e t h r e e e t h n i c g r o u p s by F r e e d m a n a r e s i m i l a r t o t h o s e f o u n d i n c o n t e m p o r a r y M a l a y s i a n  noted  society.  Two t y p e s o f d i f f e r e n c e s t h a t h a v e r e c e i v e d much a t t e n t i o n i n t h e l i t e r ature-are the imbalances i n geographical  l o c a t i o n and economic p o s i t i o n  9 o f M a l a y s , C h i n e s e , and I n d i a n s .  Studies of ethnic patterns of urbani-  z a t i o n show t h e w i d e gap i n t h e u r b a n i z a t i o n o f M a l a y s a n d  non-Malays  (McGee 1972, N a g a t a 1 9 7 4 b , N a r a y a n a n 1975, P r y o r 1 9 7 5 , H i r s c h m a n  1979a).  These s t u d i e s note the v a r y i n g r a t e s o f i n c r e a s e i n urban areas f o r e a c h e t h n i c g r o u p f r o m 1947 t o 1 9 7 0 .  Rural to urban m i g r a t i o n i s o f t e n c i t e d  a s one c a u s e f o r t h e i n c r e a s e i n t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f M a l a y s o r C h i n e s e i n u r b a n a r e a s f r o m 1947 t o 1970.  Among t h e t h r e e e t h n i c g r o u p s i t was t h e  C h i n e s e who e x h i b i t e d t h e h i g h e s t r a t e o f i n c r e a s e i n u r b a n a r e a s a t t h i s time.  T h i s i s a t t r i b u t e d t o the Chinese r e s e t t l e m e n t program from r u r a l  t o urban a r e a s d u r i n g the anti-communist campaign a f t e r independence. A f t e r 1957 t h e M a l a y s showed a h i g h e r r a t e o f i n c r e a s e i n u r b a n a r e a s .  The  i n i t i a l overwhelming dominance o f the C h i n e s e i n urban a r e a s , however, kept the Malays from matching the p r o p o r t i o n o f Chinese i n urban areas. Studies o f u r b a n i z a t i o n i n M a l a y s i a emphasize the r o l e o f r u r a l t o migration i s a s i g n i f i c a n t p a t t e r n which accounts f o r the presence o f Malays i n most urban a r e a s , i t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t s t e p - m i g r a t i o n from r u r a l t o a s m a l l u r b a n a r e a t o a l a r g e town may be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f migrant Malays.  I e x a m i n e t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y f o r my a n a l y s i s o f t h e o r i g i n s  of the Malays i n the l o c a l i t y I studied. Next t o e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s i n g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c a t i o n t h e most c o n t r o v e r s i a l a s p e c t o f M a l a y s i a ' s m u l t i - e t h n i c s o c i e t y i s the economic q u a l i t y among t h e e t h n i c g r o u p s .  ine-  Hirschman (1975, 1979a) and S n o d g r a s s  ( 1 9 8 0 ) g i v e two o f t h e m o s t c o m p r e h e n s i v e d i s c u s s i o n s o f t h i s i s s u e . According to these authors the basic i n e q u a l i t i e s are those concerning income, employment, and ownership and c o n t r o l o f w e a l t h .  Snodgrass  10 ( 1 9 8 0 : 8 2 ) shows t h a t t h e i n c o m e o f t h e a v e r a g e n o n - M a l a y h o u s e h o l d o r o f t h e a v e r a g e C h i n e s e h o u s e h o l d has b e e n c o n s i s t e n t l y more t h a n t w i c e t h a t o f the a v e r a g e Malay h o u s e h o l d i n the 1957-1970 p e r i o d .  Since  household  s i z e s v a r y and t h e number o f i n c o m e e a r n e r s p e r h o u s e h o l d a l s o  vary,  S n o d g r a s s c a l c u l a t e d t h a t t h e same r a t i o h o l d s i n t h e c o m p a r i s o n o f i n c o m e s among h o u s e h o l d h e a d s on a p e r c a p i t a b a s i s . The e m p l o y m e n t i m b a l a n c e s i n c e i n d e p e n d e n c e shows t h a t M a l a y s h a v e been u n d e r - r e p r e s e n t e d  i n t h e more modern forms o f p r o d u c t i o n  a g r i c u l t u r e , t h e s e r v i c e s e c t o r , and i n d u s t r y .  in  T h u s i n 1957,  Malays  c o m p r i s e d 40 % o f t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l a n d t e c h n i c a l j o b s , a l t h o u g h  most o f  t h e s e w e r e t e a c h e r s , b u t o n l y 16 p e r c e n t o f t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e ,  executive  and m a n a g e r i a l  1967  p o s i t i o n s (Snodgrass 1980:90).  M a l a y p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n w h i t e c o l l a r w o r k was  B e t w e e n 1957  and  skimpy, except i n the  g o v e r n m e n t s e c t o r , as w e l l as i n t h e i n d u s t r i a l b l u e c o l l a r work S n o d g r a s s 1980:91).  A f t e r 1967  ment i n m o s t s e c t o r s .  t h e r e was an i n c r e a s e i n t h e M a l a y s h a r e o f e m p l o y This i s a t t r i b u t e d to the government's attempts  to a c c e l e r a t e employment, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r Malays. o w n e r s h i p and c o n t r o l o f w e a l t h i n M a l a y s i a the general  The f a c t s  concerning  a r e n o t as c l e a r l y d e f i n e d  view i s t h a t wealth i s unevenly d i s t r i b u t e d .  but  One s i g n i f i c a n t  a s p e c t o f t h i s i m b a l a n c e i s t h a t as much as 61 p e r c e n t o f m o d e r n a g r i c u l t u r e , i n d u s t r y a n d c o m m e r c e was Among M a l a y s i a n by t h e C h i n e s e .  owned b u s i n e s s e s ,  f o r e i g n owned i n 1970  (Snodgrass 1980:100).  t h e m a j o r i t y w e r e owned and c o n t r o l l e d  These trends i n the economic i n e q u a l i t i e s between Malays  and n o n - M a l a y s a r e e x a m i n e d i n t h i s s t u d y f o r t h e t o w n , w h e r e t h e hood s t u d i e d i s l o c a t e d .  neighbor-,  11 .  S i n c e M a l a y s s u f f e r some h a n d i c a p t i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r e t h n i c g r o u p s  i n M a l a y s i a , v a r i o u s t h e o r i e s have been s u g g e s t e d t o e x p l a i n t h e i n e q u a l i t i e s w h i c h e x i s t among t h e e t h n i c g r o u p s S i l c o c k 1965, A z i z 1964, F i s k 1962).  ( P a r k i n s o n 1967, F i r t h 1966,  Hirschman  (1979b) and  (1980) have compared and a n a l y z e d t h e s e t h e o r i e s . t h e s e t h e o r i e s i n t o two b a s i c t y p e s :  Snodgrass  Snodgrass classifies  the c u l t u r a l hypothesis and the  structural or discrimination hypothesis.  The c u l t u r a l h y p o t h e s i s c l a i m s  t h a t i n e q u a l i t y i s a r e s u l t o f d i f f e r e n t i a l value o r i e n t a t i o n toward achievement  t h a t i s p a r t o f t h e c u l t u r e o f each e t h n i c group.  Thus t h e  lower economic success o f Malays i s a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e i r l e s s m a t e r i a l i s t i c a s p i r a t i o n s while the b e t t e r economic success o f the Chinese i s a t t r i b u t e d to t h e i r t h r i f t and business sense.  In c o n t r a s t t o t h i s e m p h a s i s on c u l -  tural values, the s t r u c t u r a l hypothsis suggest t h a t d i f f e r e n c e s i n o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r each e t h n i c group a r e t h e r o o t cause o f i n e q u a l i t y . Among t h o s e who s u b s c r i b e t o t h e s t r u c t u r a l h y p o t h e s i s , A z i z ( 1 9 6 4 ) and F i s k ( 1 9 6 2 ) e x p l a i n t h e l o w p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f M a l a y s  i n commerce a n d  i n d u s t r y t o t h e low and s t a g n a n t income l e v e l i n r u r a l a r e a s .  This situ-  a t i o n l e a d s t o low s a v i n g s a n d i n a b i l i t y t o p a y t h e c o s t o f e d u c a t i o n o r o f m i g r a t i o n , t h e two b a s i c means o f s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . A l t h o u g h t h e c u l t u r a l h y p o t h e s i s may be m o r e p o p u l a r among some s c h o l a r s l i k e P a r k i n s o n ( 1 9 6 7 ) , some c o n t e m p o r a r y  s t u d i e s h a v e shown e v i d e n c e t h a t  t h e r e i s l i t t l e e m p i r i c a l support f o r t h e t h e s i s t h a t t h e Malay are uninterested i n socio-economic  peasantry  change and t h a t Malay s t u d e n t s  have  higher educational and occupational expectations than the Chinese (Hirschman  1979b:25-26).  I n my s t u d y I o p t f o r t h e s t r u c t u r a l h y p o t h e s i s  12 as a p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h e m a t e r i a l I f o u n d r e g a r d i n g M a l a y u r b a n participation.  The s t r u c t u r a l hypothesis  problem o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l connections  i s e x a m i n e d when I d i s c u s s t h e  with t h e government as frameworks  f o r t h e adjustment o f urban Malays. E a c h o f t h e two h y p o t h e s e s e x p l a i n i n g e t h n i c i n e q u a l i t y i n M a l a y s i a have p o l i c y i m p l i c a t i o n s .  T h o s e who s u b s c r i b e t t b t h e c u l t u r a l  hypothesis  w o u l d r a t h e r t r y t o c h a n g e i n d i v i d u a l t a s t e s a n d a b i l i t i e s o r work i n d i r e c t l y through to manipulate  i n c r e a s i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r a l l e t h n i c groups, c e r t a i n o p p o r t u n i t i e s which b e n e f i t Malays  The a d h e r e n t s  o f the s t r u c t u r a l hypothesis advocate  than t r y  alone. p o l i c i e s which w i l l  widen Malay o p p o r t u n i t i e s , such as p r e f e r e n t i a l e d u c a t i o n a l and employment q u o t a s o r c r e d i t a n d m a r k e t i n g  f a c i l i t i e s f o r Malays, since the  M a l a y s a r e p e r c e i v e d t o be t h e u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d g r o u p .  Hirschman (1975:81)  suggests t h a t i t i s p o s s i b l e t o combine t h e d e s i r e d outcome o f each o p i n i o n i n t o a* p o l i c y w h i c h w o u l d r e d u c e e t h n i c i t y r e l a t e d i n c o m e i n e q u a l i t y by a l t e r i n g the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f wealth, a b i l i t i e s , and o p p o r t u n i t i e s . type o f compromise i s d i f f i c u l t t o a c h i e v e . example o f t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered  This  T h e New E c o n o m i c P o l i c y i s a n  i n attempting  t o implement such a  compromise. The New E c o n o m i c P o l i c y was i n t r o d u c e d a f t e r t h e p o l i t i c a l o f May 1 9 6 9 w h i c h was t r i g g e r e d by e t h n i c r i v a l r i e s ( M i l n e 1 9 7 6 ) .  disturbance This  p o l i c y t r i e s t o e l i m i n a t e poverty and a l s o c o r r e c t t h e economic d i s p a r i t i e s among t h e e t h n i c g r o u p s . of Malaysian  The s o l u t i o n o f f e r e d i s a " r e - s t r u c t u r i n g "  s o c i e t y , which i s f o r t h e most p a r t geared a t income r e d i s -  t r i b u t i o n so t h a t Malays have g r e a t e r o w n e r s h i p o f w e a l t h .  Part o f this  13 r e - s t r u c t u r i n g goal i s to r e d i s t r i b u t e the  population  so t h a t more M a l a y s  l i v e i n u r b a n a r e a s , and p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e c o m m e r c i a l and i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s of the The s u c c e s s of the p o l i c y . g o a l s may  cities. o r f a i l u r e o f t h e p o l i c y h i n g e s on t h e r e - s t r u c t u r i n g  C r i t i c s o f the p o l i c y contend that the  re-structuring  n o t be f u l f i l l e d on t h e g r o u n d s t h a t t h e y w i l l n o t be a b l e  solve the broad problems of poverty or that i t i s a c c e l e r a t i n g the r i z a t i o n of Malay society. amelioration  goals  Peacock (1979:388) doubts t h a t the  to pola-  poverty  p r o g r a m w i l l s u c c e e d s i n c e i t d o e s n o t make any r e a l a t t e m p t  to r e l a t e the e f f e c t s o f the o v e r a l l a n t i - p o v e r t y  strategy to the s p e c i f i c  focus o f the p o l i c y , Peacock a s s e r t s that e f f o r t s to increase the wealth a n d i n c o m e o f M a l a y s as a g r o u p w i l l n o t a f f e c t p o o r M a l a y s , s i n c e a t t e m p t s t o r e d i s t r i b u t e i n c o m e among M a l a y s has so f a r o n l y income i n e q u a l i t y w i t h i n the Malay community w i t h o u t having m a r k e d e f f e c t on p o v e r t y  (1979:391).  increased had  any  Stenson (1976:49) t h i n k s t h a t  p o l i c y ' s goal o f r e - s t r u c t u r i n g Malaysian  the  s o c i e t y w i l l f a i l because i t does  not s t r i k e a t the r o o t s o f c u r r e n t intrar-Malay c o n f l i c t s , e.g. the by y o u t h f u l  the  challenge  working c l a s s leaders a g a i n s t the t r a d i t i o n a l - a r i s t o c r a t i c -  administrative  elites.  T h e s e c r i t i c i s m s o f t h e New  Economic P o l i c y point to another,  variable  w h i c h i s j u s t a s s i g n i f i c a n t as e t h n i c i t y i n s o l v i n g p r o b l e m s o f i n e q u a l i t y . That variable is s t r a t i f i c a t i o n .  Most a u t h o r s c o n c e n t r a t e  on  inter-ethnic  d i f f e r e n c e s but have not p a i d enough a t t e n t i o n to " i n t r a - e t h n i c d i v i s i o n s . One e x c e p t i o n  t o t h i s i s t h e w o r k o f E v e r s ( 1 9 7 2 , 1 9 7 8 a ) on  Asian urbanization.  E v e r s a r g u e s t h a t a b a s i c s t r u c t u r a l and  Southeast ecological  14 re-arrangement i s taking place i n the c i t i e s o f Southeast d i s s o l u t i o n o f e t h n i c s e g r e g a t i o n a n d an class.  groups.  i n c r e a s e o f s e g r e g a t i o n by s o c i a l  In h i s v i e w t h e p r o g r e s s o f e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t  positions not t r a d i t i o n a l l y defined  A s i a , t h e slow  o p e n e d up  a n d a r e now u s u a l l y o p e n t o a l l e t h n i c  The g r o w t h o f urban areas has spawned t h e c r e a t i o n o f e x e c u t i v e and  working c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l areas.  In t i m e he e n v i s i o n s a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f  r e s i d e n t i a l areas i n t o upper c l a s s , c i v i l s e r v i c e , p r o f e s s i o n a l  quarters,  lower middle-income housing e s t a t e s , and squatter settlements.  The outcome  o f t h e s e c h a n g e s i s s e e n by E v e r s i n t e r m s o f a n i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f u r b a n c o n f l i c t , n o t based on e t h n i c l i n e s as i n t h e p a s t , b u t based on c l a s s l i n e s . T h i s p r o g n o s i s may o r may n o t come t r u e d e p e n d i n g o n w h e t h e r t h e i n t r a - M a l a y ;  p o l a r i z a t i o n noted by Stenson  (1976) i n t e n s i f i e s , , o r i f c o m p e t i t i o n i n  urban areas continue along r a c i a l l i n e s . A n a l y t i c a l - Framework Much a t t e n t i o n h a s b e e n g i v e n t o M a l a y s i a ' s m u l t i - e t h n i c s o c i e t y , e t h n i c d i v i s i o n s , t h e i r causes and consequences.  The focus on e t h n i c  c o n t r a s t s , as Hirschman (1979:16) p o i n t s o u t , o f t e n b l i n d s t h e i n v e s tigator to within-ethnic-group  heterogeneity which i s c o n s i d e r a b l e .  One  c o r r e c t i o n t o t h i s o v e r s i g h t i s t h e study o f i n t r a - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s , among M a l a y s .  T h i s i s t h e main concern  i n t h i s present study.  I have  c h o s e n t o f o c u s o n i n t r a - M a l a y r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n my s t u d y o f M a l a y u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n because t h e r e were few i n t e r - e t h n i c c o n t a c t s i n t h e l o c a l i t y I studied.  T h e s e a r e , h o w e v e r , n o t e d when t h e y w e r e  observed.  Some s t u d i e s o f M a l a y s i n u r b a n a r e a s f o c u s o n M a l a y e t h n i c as w e l l a s , account  f o r v a r i a t i o n s i n b e h a v i o r among t h i s g r o u p .  patterns, Proven-  15 c h e r (1972) has used r u r a l - u r b a n c o m p a r i s o n s t o a c c o u n t f o r t h e p e r s i s tence of traditional behavior patterns.  He shows how M a l a y s h a v e o f t e n  r e t a i n e d s u b s t a n t i a l c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y even a f t e r t h e i r r u r a l t o urban m i g r a t i o n b r i n g i n g w i t h them m o s t o f t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l  patterns.  In h i s c o m p a r i s o n o f r u r a l a n d u r b a n M a l a y s he f o u n d t h e u r b a n M a l a y s t o be more t r a d i t i o n a l i n c e r t a i n a s p e c t s o f b e h a v i o r . He e x p l a i n s t h e more t r a d i t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r o f i n t e r p e r s o n a l behavior o f urban Malays i n terms o f c e r t a i n demographic i m p e r a t i v e s i n urban areas - economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , s o c i a l and g e o g r a p h i c m o b i l i t y , age and sex d i s t r i b u t i o n .  In  my s t u d y . r e e x a m i n e how t h e M a l a y s i n t h e n e i g h b o r h o o d s t u d i e d c o m p a r e in terms o f t h e i r maintenance o f t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n s o f b e h a v i o r . A n o t h e r s t u d y o f u r b a n M a l a y s by N a g a t a ( 1 9 7 4 ) i n v e s t i g a t e s t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e m a n i f e s t a i o n o f M a l a y e t h n i c i t y i n two t o w n s . explains  She  J U * the d i f f e r e n c e i n terms o f the e f f e c t s o f immigration,  c o l o n i a l and c u r r e n t government p o l i c i e s , and e t h n i c demographic s t r u c t u r e . My s t u d y a l s o t a k e s i n t o a c c o u n t t h e s e same v a r i a b l e s w h i c h N a g a t a i n v e s t i g a t e d , i n a n a l y z i n g t h e urban p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i n s i d e and o u t s i d e t h e l o c a l i t y , o f the Malays studied. C l a r k e ' s ( 1 9 7 6 ) s t u d y o f M a l a y u r b a n i s m on t h e e a s t c o a s t o f M a l a y s i a f o c u s e s on t h e r o l e o f l a n d o w n e r s h i p i n t h e a s s o c i a t i o n a l t i e s o f M a l a y s . He f o u n d t h a t o w n e r s h i p o f l a n d i s t h e b a s i s f o r l a s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s which would o t h e r w i s e n o t p e r s i s t as a r e s u l t o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l differences.  When M a l a y s e s t a b l i s h t h e m s e l v e s i n a n o t h e r u r b a n a r e a  they recreate customary patterns, thus presenting c h a r a c t e r i s t i c to Malay urbanism.  an i n v o l u t i o n a l  Clarke disagrees with Provencher's  16 a s s e r t i o n t h a t Malay urban i n t e r a c t i o n a l f i c a t i o n of rural patterns. patterns  p a t t e r n s a r e only an i n t e n s i -  He a r g u e s t h a t s o l i d a r i t y f o u n d i n r u r a l  i s based on s i m i l a r i t i e s o f i n d i v i d u a l s , while t h e s o l i d a r i t y  found i n urban patterns  i s b a s e d o n d i f f e r e n c e s among i n d i v i d u a l s .  My  study i s aimed a t f i n d i n g o u t t h e degree t o which t h e Malays i n t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d c o n f o r m o r do n o t c o n f o r m t o t h e p a t t e r n s described  by t h e s e p r e v i o u s  already  studies.  The p r o b l e m c h o s e n f o r t h i s s t u d y i s t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f e t h n i c p a t t e r n s a n d t h e i r v a r i a t i o n s by f o c u s i n g o n t i a t i o n w i t h i n a Malay urban neighborhood. f o l l o w the approach o f urban anthropologists  s o c i a l cohesion  and d i f f e r e n -  To i n v e s t i g a t e t h i s p r o b l e m , I i n t h e study o f urban  borhoods. This involves ethnographic d e s c r i p t i o n with a h o l i s t i c The o b j e c t i v e i n t h i s h o l i s t i c p e r s p e c t i v e tutions, reference  neighperspective.  i s t o s e e how l a r g e s c a l e  insti-.  groups, p o l i t i c a l goals, and other f a c t o r s a f f e c t l o c a l  s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e (Weaver and White 1972:118).'-With t h i s s t r a t e g y , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o r e l a t e t h e neighborhood s t u d i e d t o i t s l a r g e r urban and a v o i d t h e e r r o r o f s t u d y i n g  context  t h e l o c a l i t y i n i s o l a t i o n (Leeds 1968).  One s p e c i f i c t o o l f o r i n v e s t i g a t i n g t h e i n t e g r a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s and groups t o t h e l a r g e r urban s e t t i n g i s t h e c o n c e p t o f t h e s o c i a l network (Gutkind  1965).  The network c o n c e p t has been used t o i n d i c a t e  t h e ways b y w h i c h r e l a t i o n s h i p s c r o s s - c u t s o c i a l t i e s b a s e d o n t e r r i t o r y , e t h n i c i t y , k i n s h i p , o r f r i e n d s h i p ( M i t c h e l l 1969).  Underlying  t h e network  concept i s t h e assumption t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s i n complex urban s o c i a l systems are faced with a large range o f p o t e n t i a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The. i n d i v i d u a l s e l e c t s from t h i s p o t e n t i a l range o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s those  with  17 whom he o r she w i l l e s t a b l i s h s o c i a l t i e s . contexts  which are basic sources  kinsmen, neighbors,  There are various s o c i a l  o f n e t w o r k members.  Among t h e s e  are  f e l l o w w o r k e r s , f o r m e r school mates and people  from  the-same e t h n i c group.. T h e r e a r e two b a s i c o r i e n t a t i o n s t o t h e use o f s o c i a l n e t w o r k analysis. Mitchell  Bott (1957), Barnes;(1969), Epstein (1961), Gutkind  (1965), and  (1969) f o u n d i t u s e f u l i n d e s c r i b i n g s t r u c t u r a l l i n k s between  individuals. perspective  These anthropologists  have f o l l o w e d a s t r i c t l y s t r u c t u r a l i s t  ( M i t c h e l l 1 9 7 4 : 2 8 4 ) by e m p h a s i z i n g t h e m o r p h o l o g i c a l  i n t h e i r a n a l y s i s , e . g . s i z e , d e n s i t y , and c o m p o s i t i o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , A r o n s o n ( 1 9 7 9 ) , Van V e l s e n  aspects  of networks.  On  (1967), W h i t t e n (1970) have used  s o c i a l network a n a l y s i s to understand the o p t a t i v e elements i n s o c i a l processes.  These anthropologists  have f o l l o w e d a t r a n s a c t i o n a l  p e c t i v e by e x a m i n i n g c h o i c e - m a k i n g p r o c e s s e s One  pers-  in social relationships.  can choose e i t h e r the s t r u c t u r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e o r t r a n s a c t i o n a l  p e r s p e c t i v e , d e p e n d i n g on o n e ' s t h e o r e t i c a l p r o b l e m .  From t h e s t r u c t u -  r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e , s o c i a l n e t w o r k s a r e v i e w e d as an i n d e p e n d e n t v a r i a b l e t h a t can i n f l u e n c e b e h a v i o r .  For example, B o t t (1977) h y p o t h e s i z e d  that  t h e k i n d o f n e t w o r k an i n d i v i d u a l i s i n v o l v e d i n a f f e c t s t h e d e g r e e o f segregation  i n the r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s  between husbands and w i v e s .  In t h e  t r a n s a c t i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e , s o c i a l n e t w o r k s a r e t r e a t e d as d e p e n d e n t v a r i a b l e s t h a t are the r e s u l t s of s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s . example, Parkin  ( 1 9 6 9 : 1 4 5 ) n o t e s how d i f f e r e n c e s i n n e t w o r k f o r m a r e  r e s u l t s of general people  For  c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s between "Migrant"  i n South A f r i c a .  and  H i s s t u d y shows t h a t t h e " M i g r a n t s "  "Host" h a v e an  the  18 i d e o l o g y o f b r o t h e r h o o d w h i c h p r o m o t e s an e f f e c t i v e b r o t h e r h o o d i n both r u r a l and urban a r e a s .  In c o n t r a s t , t h e "Host" p e o p l e  network have  e x t e n s i v e b u t i n e f f e c t i v e n e t w o r k s b e c a u s e t h e y do n o t h a v e an i d e o l o g y of brotherhood. G i v e n my i n t e r e s t s , I h a v e c h o s e n t o a p p l y t h e s t r u c t u r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e i n my u s e o f s o c i a l n e t w o r k a n a l y s i s .  I want t o d e s c r i b e t h e c a t e -  gories o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s with which the migrants are i n v o l v e d i n the urban system and t h e e x t e n t o f t h e i r i n v o l v e m e n t i n each c a t e g o r y o f relationship.  I t i s p o s s i b l e through the use o f m o r p h o l o g i c a l c h a r a c -  t e r i s t i c s l i k e s i z e , c o m p o s i t i o n , and d e n s i t y o f networks t o d e s c r i b e the s o c i a l networks o f the m i g r a n t s and determine t h e r e l a t i v e  importance  o f v a r i o u s s o c i a l t i e s i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f Malays i n town.  It is  a l s o p o s s i b l e to f i n d out i f the migrants a r e e n c a p s u l a t e d i n forms o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s b a s e d on l o c a l i t y a n d k i n s h i p , o r w h e t h e r t h e i r s o c i a l networks are extended to o t h e r types o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s found i n the urban system.  I f i n d t h e s t r u c t u r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e more u s e f u l f o r  t h e s e t y p e s o f concerns because i t s methods a r e geared towards  descri-  bing the l i n k s t h a t bind i n d i i d u a l s to each other. Before d e s c r i b i n g the s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the s o c i a l networks i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o d e s c r i b e the v a r i o u s sources o f  network  members.  the  To do t h i s I f o l l o w C h r i s m a n ' s m e t h o d o f e x a m i n i n g  i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework o f network f o r m a t i o n (Chrisman 1970).  This  i n v o l v e s an e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d g r o u p s i n w h i c h an i n d i v i d u a l i s l i k e l y t o be i n v o l v e d . T h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c l u d e k i n s h i p , r e s i d e n c e , n e i g h b o r h o o d , o c c u p a t i o n , and v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s .  A l l of  19 an i n d i v i d u a l ' s p o t e n t i a l n e t w o r k r e l a t i o n s come f r o m t h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n a l settings.  A f t e r a n a l y z i n g t h e r e c r u i t m e n t o f n e t w o r k members f r o m t h e s e  i n s t i t u t i o n s , Chrisman suggests a n a l y z i n g t h e types o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s , among t h e n e t w o r k members by d e s c r i b i n g t h e s i t u a t i o n s i n w h i c h  interaction  takes p l a c e and t h e nature o f t h e i n t e r a c t i o n . Chrisman's  method o f examining t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework o f network  f o r m a t i o n i s an i m p o r t a n t t o o l f o r t h e " d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e completeness o f a p e r s o n ' s c o m m i t m e n t t o h i s own c o m m u n i t y " ( 1 9 7 0 : 2 4 9 ) . p r o p e r t i e s o f t h e network  g i v e some i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the wider s o c i e t y . networks  The s t r u c t u r a l migrant's  I t i s my c o n t e n t i o n t h a t t h e s e s o c i a l  have s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g Malay urban p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n  a p l u r a l i s t i c environment where e t h n i c s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s a major c o n d i t i o n . The S i t e S e l e c t i o n a n d F i e l d  Study  The a c c o u n t i n t h i s s t u d y i s b a s e d o n f i e l d w o r k i n M a l a y s i a f r o m O c t o b e r 1976 u n t i l t h e e n d o f September 1977.  The f i r s t f o u r months were  s p e n t g a t h e r i n g m a t e r i a l about t h e towns i n S e l a n g o r s t a t e a n d t h e s e l e c tion o f the l o c a l i t y f o r the study.  E i g h t months were used g a t h e r i n g  e t h n o g r a p h i c m a t e r i a l i n Taman Kampung K u a n t a n , t h e s i t e s e l e c t e d f o r the study. D u r i n g t h e i n i t i a l p e r i o d o f r e s e a r c h , I g a t h e r e d some m i g r a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s and h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l , as w e l l as r e p o r t s a b o u t programs i n t h e s t a t e o f Selangor. Department  development:,  These were o b t a i n e d from t h e S t a t i s t i c s  o f t h e government and t h e N a t i o n a l A r c h i v e s i n K u a l a Lumpur.  The S t a t e D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n o f S e l a n g o r (PKNS) p r o v i d e d me w i t h m a t e r i a l about c u r r e n t development  programs i n t h e s t a t e , p a r t i c u l a r l y  20 those found i n the Kelang V a l l e y .  H i s t o r i c a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , and  s t a t i s t i c a l d a t a a b o u t t h e town o f K e l a n g w e r e o b t a i n e d , t o t h e e x t e n t t h a t t h e y w e r e a v a i l a b l e , f r o m t h e K e l a n g Town C o u n c i l . C o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h o f f i c a l s a n d a d m i n i s t r a t o r s o f t h e Town C o u n c i l f a c i l i t a t e d g a t h e r i n g t h i s m a t e r i a l . T h e y made a v a i l a b l e c u r r e n t d o c u m e n t s a b o u t p o p u l a t i o n a n d p r o p e r t y d i s t r i b u t i o n s t a t i s t i c s a n d m i n u t e s o f p a s t Town C o u n c i l meetings. I c h o s e t h e l o c a l i t y o f Taman Kampung K u a n t a n  because  I was i n i t i a l l y  i n t e r e s t e d i n a l o c a l i t y w i t h m i g r a n t r e s i d e n t s . Taman Kampung  Kuantan  i s a l o w c o s t g o v e r n m e n t b u i l t h o u s i n g p r o j e c t i n s i d e Kampung K u a n t a n , a M a l a y r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a i n t h e town o f K e l a n g , i n t h e s t a t e o f S e l a n g o r . T h e Taman i s p o p u l a t e d m a i n l y by m i g r a n t  Malays.  S e l a n g o r i s t h e s t a t e on t h e west c o a s t o f t h e Malay p e n i n s u l a w i t h t h e h i g h e s t r a t e o f i n - m i g r a t i o n . Among t h e ' t o w n s i n S e l a n g o r , K e l a n g h a s t h e l a r g e s t c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f M a l a y s , w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f K u a l a Lumpur. B e i n g c l o s e t o K u a l a L u m p u r , i t h a s become o n e o f t h e r e c i p i e n t s o f m i g r a n t s coming t o t h e s t a t e . e l a b o r a t e on t h e s e and  I n 1970 K e l a n g h a d a 21 p e r c e n t M a l a y p o p u l a t i o n .  I  o t h e r p o p u l a t i o n a s p e c t s o f t h e town i n C h a p t e r I I I .  T h e c h o i c e o f t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d was made a f t e r a g e n e r a l  survey,  w h i c h f o c u s e d o n t h e v a r i o u s s e c t i o n s a n d l a n d u s e p a t t e r n s o f t h e town of Kelang.  F i v e a r e a s o f t h e town w e r e f o u n d t o h a v e a m a j o r i t y o f M a l a y  residents:  B u k i t K u d a , Kampung K u a n t a n , Kampung S u n g a i P i n a n g , Kampung  J a w a , a n d Kampung R a j a U d a .  A f t e r o b s e r v i n g and comparing  t h e f i v e a r e a s , I c h o s e Kampung K u a n t a n . kampungs i n many r e s p e c t s .  conditions i n  It i s similar to the other  I t i s l o c a t e d o n t h e p e r i p h e r y o f t h e town  four  21 c e n t e r , was f o r m e r l y a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d , a n d has a c o m b i n a t i o n t r a d i t i o n a l and m o d e r n h o u s i n g . Malays.  In 1970,  82.1  The r e s i d e n t s o f t h e kampung w e r e m o s t l y  p e r c e n t o f t h e kampung p o p u l a t i o n w e r e M a l a y s ,  p e r c e n t w e r e C h i n e s e , a n d 9.3 p e r c e n t w e r e  8.6  Indians.  In t h e o t h e r f o u r kampungs t h e r e a p p e a r e d  t o be more n o n - M a l a y s .  S t a t i s t i c s , however, were not a v a i l a b l e to c o n f i r m t h i s . l i v e d on t h e p e r i p h e r y o f t h e kampung l a n d . are almost surrounded  of  These non-Malays  The M a l a y s i n t h e kampungs  by n o n - M a l a y r e s i d e n t s o f t h e t o w n .  Kampung K u a n t a n  i s d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e o t h e r f o u r kampungs by t h e p r e s e n c e o f a f a i r l y l a r g e g o v e r n m e n t b u i l t h o u s i n g d e v e l o p m e n t , Taman Kampung K u a n t a n . T h i s s t u d y f o c u s e s on t h e M a l a y s o f Taman Kampung K u a n t a n . In o r d e r t o s t u d y t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f t h e Taman a n d i t s r e s i d e n t s t o t h e r e s t o f the town, I examined the r o l e o f the e t h n i c community i n the adjustment  o f u r b a n M a l a y s t o t h e u r b a n s e t t i n g . To do t h i s , two  kinds  o f data were c o l l e c t e d : s t a t i s t i c a l and s o c i o - o u ! t u r a l . S t a t i s t i c a l  data  p r o v i d e d m a t e r i a l on t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e M a l a y c o m m u n i t y i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r e t h n i c groups i n the town.  F o r e x a m p l e , d a t a on e t h n i c d i s t r i b u t i o n  o f e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y i n K e l a n g p r o v i d e d o n e t y p e o f i n f o r m a t i o n on t h e M a l a y s were s i t u a t e d i n terms o f t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . .  how  Ethnographic:  m a t e r i a l was c o l l e c t e d f r o m day t o d a y o b s e r v a t i o n o f e v e n t s i n t h e Taman a n d t h e kampung.  I n s i d e t h e kampung I was o n l y a b l e t o o b s e r v e  i n t e r a c t i o n with f e l l o w Malays. a n d n o n - M a l a y s i n t h e kampung. and non-Malays took p l a c e i n the marketplace  T h e r e was m i n i m a l  Malay  c o n t a c t between Malays  Most o f the i n t e r a c t i o n s between Malays s e t t i n g s o u t s i d e t h e kampung s u c h as i n  and formal p u b l i c g a t h e r i n g s .  Thus the c o n t e n t o f t h i s  22  study deals l a r g e l y with intra-Malay r e l a t i o n s h i p s . D u r i n g t h e i n t e n s i v e p a r t o f t h e r e s e a r c h , my w i f e a n d I l i v e d i n Taman Kampung K u a n t a n f o r e i g h t m o n t h s . We g a i n e d i n t r o d u c t i o n i n t o t h e kampung t h r o u g h t h e v i l l a g e h e a d man o r k e t u a kampung .  He i n  t u r n r e c o m m e n d e d t h a t we t a l k t o t h e o t h e r l o c a l l e a d e r s , s u c h a s t h e l o c a l U n i t e d M a l a y N a t i o n a l O r g a n i z a t i o n o r UMNO h e a d , a n d s c h o o l  teachers.  One o f t h e s e was t h e p r e s i d e n t o f t h e l o c a l Women's I n s t i t u t e who  helped  us f i n d h o u s i n g i n Taman Kampung K u a n t a n . O n c e we h a d s e t t l e d i n t h e T a m a n , o b s e r v a t i o n a l d a t a w e r e o b t a i n e d d u r i n g o u r day t o day i n t e r a c t i o n with n e i g h b o r s .  Aside from t h e usual  d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s , e.g. walking around t h e neighborhood duced t o neighbors, meeting  and g e t t i n g . i n t r o -  people i n stores and v i s i t i n g ,  we a l s o a t t e n -  ded p u b l i c g a t h e r i n g s , e . g . weddings and r i t u a l f e a s t s . , committee m e e t i n g s o f kampung o r g a n i z a t i o n s , a n d r e l i g i o u s m e e t i n g s a t t h e mosque a n d p r a y e r houses.  B e i n g a F i l i p i n o by o r i g i n , I was w e l l a c c e p t e d by t h e M a l a y s  i n t h e Taman a n d was o f t e n m i s t a k e n know me p e r s o n a l l y .  The language  f o r a Malay i f t h e person d i d n o t we u s e d m o s t o f he t i m e was M a l a y ,  w h i c h we l e a r n e d b e f o r e g o i n g t o M a l a y s i a . o f t h e r e s i d e n t s o f t h e Taman. educated  T h i s was a p p r e c i a t e d by m o s t  Some s c h o o l t e a c h e r s a n d u n i v e r s i t y  r e s i d e n t s p r e f e r r e d t o u s e E n g l i s h when t a l k i n g t o u s .  O u r e i g h t m o n t h s r e s i d e n c e i n t h e Taman g a v e us a n o p p o r t u n i t y n o t o n l y t o o b s e r v e l i f e i n t h e l o c a l i t y b u t a l s o t o o b t a i n some b a s i c d a t a a b o u t t h e Taman r e s i d e n t s . material about household  I conducted  composiion,  a survey designed t o gather  birthplace, education,  previous residence, kinship r e l a t i o n s , friendship,  occupation,  and a s s o c i a t i o n  23 membership and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . shown i n A p p e n d i x  A copy o f the q u e s t i o n n a i r e used i s  I.  T h e r e w e r e a b o u t 600 h o u s e h o l d s i n t h e w h o l e kampung a n d a b o u t h a l f o f t h e s e w e r e i n t h e Taman. kampung p r o p e r a n d t h e T a m a n .  one  The s u r v e y a t t e m p t e d t o c o v e r both t h e  T h i s , h o w e v e r , was n o t a c c o m p l i s h e d due t o  l i m i t a t i o n s o f t i m e , p e r s o n n e l , and  primary emphasis o f the study.  Since  my p r i m a r y i n t e r e s t was i n t h e m i g r a n t s o f t h e kampung I c o n c e n t r a t e d my e f f o r t s i n o b t a i n i n g m a t e r i a l a b o u t t h e Taman r e s i d e n t s . F u r t h e r m o r e , l i v e d i n t h e Taman, a s d i d m o s t o f t h e m i g r a n t s i n t h e kampung, and  we  we  came t o know t h e r e s i d e n t s o f t h e Taman m o r e i n t i m a t e l y . A t o t a l o f 157 h o u s e h o l d s f r o m t h e Taman w e r e s u r v e y e d .  T h i s was a c c o m p l i s h e d by  i n t e r v i e w i n g e v e r y o t h e r house i n the Taman's  294 u n i t s .  I initially  i n t e r v i e w e d 140 h o u s e h o l d s among t h e 147 i n t e n d e d h o u s e d h o l d s .  Seven o f  the i n t e n d e d houses f o r the s u r v e y were e i t h e r v a c a n t a t the time o f the i n i t i a l survey or the occupants r e f u s e d to p a r t i c i p a t e .  In. t h e p r o c e s s o f  o b t a i n i n g s u b s t i t u t e s f o r t h e r e f u s a l s / v a c a n c i e s , 7 o t h e r - h o u s e h o l d s were i n t e r v i e w e d a n d 10 more h o u s e h o l d s v o l u n t e e r e d t o be i n c l u d e d i n t h e s u r v e y . Two s u b - s a m p l e s  w e r e u s e d f r o m t h e i n i t i a l 157 h o u s e h o l d s f o r f u r t h e r  d a t a g a t h e r i n g . A f t e r each s u r v e y o f a household t h e i n f o r m a n t s were a s k e d i f t h e y w o u l d a g r e e t o c o o p e r a t e f u r t h e r i n t h e s t u d y ; 72 a g r e e d to p a r t i c i p a t e a g a i n .  Informal i n t e r v i e w s were c o n d u c t e d  with these  households through v i s i t s and d i s c u s s i o n about l i f e i n the l o c a l i t y ,  their  p e r c e p t i o n o f t h e i r n e i g h b o r h o o d , h o u s e h o l d management, a s p i r a t i o n s f o r c h i l d r e n , and government p o l i c y towards Malays.  F r o m t h e s e 72  a s e c o n d s u b - s a m p l e o f 24 men was d r a w n f o r a s t u d y o f s o c i a l  households networks.  24  The s o c i a l n e t w o r k m a t e r i a l i s d i s c u s s e d i n d e t a i l i n C h a p t e r V I I I . T h e d a t a g a t h e r e d f o r t h i s s t u d y f o c u s e d o n t h e Taman r e s i d e n t s , supplemented  b y g e n e r a l d a t a a b o u t t h e kampung.  came t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c m a t e r i a l f o r t h i s s t u d y .  From t h e s e men a n d women I t i s analyzed and  discussed i n the context o f m a t e r i a l gathered about Malays i n Kelang, m i g r a t i o n , u r b a n g r o w t h , a n d g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y i n o r d e r t o make g e n e r a l statements about t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n  o f a group o f Malays i n an urban a r e a . .  CHAPTER I I MALAYS AND  URBANIZATION  O n l y s i n c e t h e S e c o n d W o r l d War h a v e M a l a y s b e g u n t o f u l l y p a t e i n t h e u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t on t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a .  partici-  Whereas, Malays  lagged behind the non-Malay groups i n urban p a r t i c i p a t i o n d u r i n g the c o l o nial period.,.the decades f o l l o w i n g independence from the B r i t i s h  gave  Malays a chance to reassert t h e i r role i n t h e i r country. This process g a i n e d some momentum i n r e c e n t y e a r s when t h e g o v e r n m e n t f o r m u l a t e d i t s New E c o n o m i c P o l i c y ( N E P ) , w h i c h p r o m o t e s M a l a y u r b a n i z a t i o n .  The urban-  i z a t i o n o f t h e Malay p o p u l a t i o n w i t h government s u p p o r t i s one i m p o r t a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f r e c e n t u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t on t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a .  In  t h i s c h a p t e r , I d i s c u s s t h e u r b a n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s on t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a to p r o v i d e the c o n t e x t f o r the d i s c u s s i o n o f Malay p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the urban s e c t o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y as i t c o n c e r n s - t h e r e s i d e n t s o f t h e  locality  I studied. F i v e t h i n g s a r e germane t o a d i s c u s s i o n r e l a t e d t o t h e c u r r e n t u r b a n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s i n t h e Malay p e n i n s u l a : (1) t h e demographic a s p e c t s o f u r b a n i z a t i o n , ( 2 ) t h e c o l o n i a l b a c k g r o u n d , (3) t h e g r o w t h o f M a l a y n a t i o n a l i s m , (4) p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e p o l i t i c a l dilemmas, and (5) government influencing urbanization.  policy  These w i l l p r o v i d e the background f o r understand-  ing t h e g e n e r a l framework o f Malay u r b a n i z a t i o n and i t s r e l e v a n c e t o t h e locality  studied. 25  26 Urbanization o f Malays B e f o r e W o r l d War I I , t h e I n d i a n a n d C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t ted t h e urban scene.  groups domina-  In 1 9 3 1 , f o r e x a m p l e , M a l a y s c o n s t i t u t e d o n l y 21  p e r c e n t o f t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n , w h i l e 57 p e r c e n t w e r e C h i n e s e 1962:21). areas.  (Hamzah  In t h e d e c a d e f o l l o w i n g t h e w a r , m o r e M a l a y s moved t o t h e u r b a n  T h e i r u r b a n p r o p o r t i o n i n c r e a s e d by 1 1 9 . 6 p e r c e n t , c o m p a r e d t o  the 109.8 p e r c e n t i n c r e a s e o f  the Chinese  (Hamzah 1 9 6 5 : 8 9 ) .  Although  t h e i n c r e a s e d i d n o t h a v e much i m p a c t o n t h e p r e v i o u s r a t i o o f M a l a y . t o n o n - M a l a y g r o u p s i n u r b a n a r e a s , t h e t r e n d was t h e r e ; a n d i t i s u s u a l l y a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e m i g r a t i o n o f Malays from r u r a l t o urban a r e a s , r a t h e r than t o  t h e n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e o f Malays i n urban a r e a s .  M a l a y s made up o n e q u a r t e r o f t h e r u r a l t o u r b a n  I t i s estimated  that  m i g r a t i o n stream i n  t h e d e c a d e a f t e r W o r l d War I I ( C a l d w e l l 1 9 6 3 ) . E t h n i c p a t t e r n s o f u r b a n i z a t i o n i n M a l a y s i a s i n c e 1947 h a v e b e e n s t u d i e d by many s c h o l a r s ( S a n d h u 1 9 6 4 , C a l d w e l l 1 9 6 3 , Hamzah 1 9 6 2 , N a r a yanan 1975, P r y o r 1975, Hirschman 1979).  Most a u t h o r s agree t h a t t h e r e  was a s i g n i f i c a n t r i s e i n u r b a n i z a t i o n b e t w e e n 1947 a n d 1 9 5 7 .  During  this  p e r i o d t h e r e was a m a r k e d p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e i n l a r g e t o w n s , b u t m o r e d r a m a t i c was t h e v i r t u a l d o u b l i n g o f p o p u l a t i o n i n s m a l l a n d medium s i z e d towns. the c o l o n i a l  T h i s i s u s u a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to t h e r e s e t t l e m e n t program o f g o v e r n m e n t w h i c h t r a n s f e r r e d r u r a l C h i n e s e t o "new  during the anti-communist  villages"  c a m p a i g n . T h e s e "new v i l l a g e s " became p a r t o f  s m a l l a n d medium s i z e d t o w n s .  27 The r e s e t t l e m e n t p r o g r a m was p r i m a r i l y d i r e c t e d a t t h e C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y , t h u s t h e p a c e o f u r b a n i z a t i o n f r o m 1947 t o 1957  significantly  w i d e n e d t h e u r b a n - r u r a l gap b e t w e e n t h e C h i n e s e a n d t h e r e s t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y the Malays.  Hirschman  ( 1 9 7 9 : 7 ) n o t e s t h a t i n 1947  27 p e r c e n t o f t h e C h i n e s e l i v e d i n l a r g e c i t i e s ( a b o v e 25,000; p o p u l a t i o n ) compared  t o 22 p e r c e n t I n d i a n s , a n d o n l y 6 p e r c e n t M a l a y s .  37 p e r c e n t o f t h e C h i n e s e l i v e d i n l a r g e t o w n s , c o m p a r e d I n d i a n s and o n l y 9 p e r c e n t o f Malays (Hirschman  about  t o 27 p e r c e n t o f  1979:8).  A l t h o u g h Malays i n urban a r e a s were s t i l l outnumbered (see T a b l e I ) , t h e i r growth i n t h i s s e c t o r i s apparent. rayanan  By 1957  by  non-Malays  A c c o r d i n g t o Na-  (1975:155), the i n c r e a s e i n the p r o p o r t i o n o f Malays i n urban  a r e a s i s n o t a b l e b e t w e e n 1957 a n d 1970.  By 1970, i t was t h e M a l a y compo-  n e n t o f the p o p u l a t i o n t h a t expanded most r a p i d l y i n towns o f v a r i o u s sizes.  F o r e v e r y t e n Malay m i g r a n t s i n 1 9 5 7 , t h e r e were seven C h i n e s e and  t h r e e I n d i a n s ; i n 1970, t h e r e w e r e t e n m i g r a n t M a l a y s f o r e v e r y s i x C h i n e s e a n d two I n d i a n m i g r a n t s ( N a r a y a n a n 1 9 7 5 : 6 9 ) . i z a t i o n was  The pace o f u r b a n -  s l o w e r i n t h e 1957 t o 1970 p e r i o d . T h e g e n e r a l p a t t e r n o f  e t h n i c d i s t r i b u t i o n showed a w i d e n i n g gap b e t e e n t h e C h i n e s e a n d n o n Chinese.  T h u s , f o r c i t i e s a b o v e 2 5 , 0 0 0 i n 1947 t h e C h i n e s e - M a l a y  gap  o f 27 p e r c e n t t o 6 p e r c e n t i n c r e a s e d t o 41 p e r c e n t a n d 12 p e r c e n t i n 1970 (Hirschman  1979:9).  Selangor  state  was t h e m a i n d e s t i n a t i o n o f u r b a n i n - m i g r a t i o n ,  w h i c h was c o n c e n t r a t e d w i t h i n t h e m e t r o p o l i.tan t o w n s o f K u a l a L u m p u r , P e t a l i n g J a y a , and K e l a n g .  A b o u t 41 p e r c e n t o f t h e u r b a n m i g r a n t s i n  1970 came f r o m w i t h i n S e l a n g o r , a n d t h e r e s t w e r e f r o m o t h e r s t a t e s .  28 Comparing e t h n i c groups, Narayanan  ( 1 9 7 5 ) f o u n d t h a t a b o u t 60 p e r c e n t o f  M a l a y s , 47 p e r c e n t o f C h i n e s e , and 40 p e r c e n t o f I n d i a n s i n S e l a n g o r were i n t e r - s t a t e m i g r a n t s .  M o r e t h a n two t h i r d s o f t h e s e came f r o m p r e -  d o m i n a n t l y u r b a n d i s t r i c t s , a l t h o u g h movement f r o m r u r a l t o u r b a n d i s t r i c t s was more common among M a l a y s t h a n o t h e r e t h n i c g r o u p s .  One  interesting  a s p e c t o f t h i s m i g r a t i o n t r e n d i s t h a t t h e m i g r a n t s "were d r a w n l a r g e l y f r o m among t h o s e who e i t h e r r e s i d e d i n t o w n s . o r w e r e a t l e a s t urban i n f l u e n c e and e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s " (Narayanan  open.to  1975:119).  T h i s s u g g e s t s t h a t , f o r t h e r e c e n t p e r i o d , t h e phenomenon o f " f i l l i n g i n m i g r a t i o n , " m i g r a t i o n from t h e c o u n t r y - s i d e t o s m a l l towns and f r o m t h e s m a l l towns t o t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a s i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f M a l a y s i a .  TABLE I. —  Race  R a c i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f urban p o p u l a t i o n i n P e n i n s u l a r M a l a y s i a , 1947-1970.  •' '':  •/' . ; 1947  (%) " 1 9 5 7  {%)  1970  Mai a y s  19.0  21.0  27.6  Chinese  69.1  62.6  58.5  Indian  14.7  12.8  12.8  Others  3.2  3.6  1.1  (%)  S o u r c e : C h u a 1974:5 One a t t r a c t i o n o f u r b a n i n - m i g r a t i o n was t h a t i t o f f e r e d an o p p o r t u n i t y to p a r t i c i p a t e in occupations other than those connected with Two a v e n u e s w e r e o p e n t o M a l a y s i n t h e t o w n s : g o v e r n m e n t  agriculture.  employment and  29 commercial o r i n d u s t r i a l employment.  The i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r expanded  s l i g h t l y ' i n t h e d e c a d e f o l l o w i n g W o r l d War I I .  only'  Many r u r a l m i g r a n t s ,  i n c l u d i n g M a l a y s , c o u l d n o t be a b s o r b e d by t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g s e c t o r .  Most  of them were u n s k i l l e d and l a c k e d t h e n e c e s s a r y q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r i n d u s t r i a l employment.  More Malays e n t e r e d government  s e r v i c e t h a n commerce.  T h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e l a t t e r was s l o w b e c a u s e t h e C h i n e s e a n d I n d i a n s were a l r e a d y w e l l e n t r e n c h e d i n urban areas and p r o v i d e d s t i f f c o m p e t i t i o n in the commercial  sector.  With t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l and a d m i n i s -  t r a t i v e c o n t r o l a f t e r independence,  h o w e v e r , more o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n g o v e r n -  ment s e r v i c e were opened t o Malays i n urban a r e a s .  It i s estimated that  b e t w e e n 1947 a n d 1957 t h e r e was a n i n c r e a s e f r o m 2 0 , 0 0 0 t o 1 1 6 , 0 0 0 M a l a y s in government  departments  (McGee 1 9 7 2 : 1 1 6 ) .  L a r g e numbers o f M a l a y s w e r e  a l s o r e c r u i t e d i n t o t h e m i l i t a r y as a r e s u l t o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s a g a i n s t the communists  fight  d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d known as t h e " E m e r g e n c y . "  One e f f e c t o f u r b a n i n - m i g r a t i o n i s t h a t t h e m i g r a n t s c o m p e t e w i t h residents f o r the jobs t h a t are a v a i l a b l e .  A s t u d y by N a r a y a n a n  (1977)  f o u n d t h a t i n S e l a n g o r t h e r e w e r e more m i g r a n t s i n t h e l a b o r f o r c e t h a n e s t a b l i s h e d r e s i d e n t s . Unemployment r a t e s were h i g h e r f o r m i g r a n t s i n t h e l a b o r f o r c e t h a n e s t a b l i s h e d r e s i d e n t s . Among t h e u n e m p l o y e d , c o n s t i t u t e d the l a r g e s t e t h n i c group.  F o r e v e r y t e n unemployed  Malays t h e r e were seven C h i n e s e and f o u r I n d i a n m i g r a n t s  Malays  migrant  unemployed.  In t e r m s o f t h e t y p e s o f o c c u p a t i o n s o b t a i n e d , m i g r a n t s d i d n o t s u c c e e d in e n t e r i n g the m a n u f a c t u r i n g s e c t o r i n l a r g e numbers. mostly,.absorbed into the s e r v i c e s e c t o r : r e p o r t e d as  R a t h e r they were  26.8 p e r c e n t o f t h e m i g r a n t s w e r e  p r o d u c t i o n r e l a t e d w o r k e r s , a n d 48.7 p e r c e n t w e r e r e p o r t e d  30 in the s e r v i c e sector.  A g r e a t p r o p o r t i o n o f Malay m i g r a n t s were i n  s e r v i c e o c c u p a t i o n s t h a n t h e o t h e r two  e t h n i c groups:  30 p e r c e n t o f  M a l a y s , 20 p e r c e n t o f I n d i a n s , a n d 18 p e r c e n t o f Chinese-.-,  Thus, a l a r g e  p r o p o r t i o n o f m i g r a n t s , n o t a b l y M a l a y s , were f o u n d i n low p r o d u c t i v i t y a n d low i n c o m e o c c u p a t i o n s . The C o l o n i a l  Background  One way t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e p r o b l e m o f M a l a y u r b a n i z a t i o n i s t o l o o k a t the c o l o n i a l background  of this process.  t h e u r b a n a r e a s i n t h e p o s t W o r l d War  The movement o f M a l a y s  I I p e r i o d was p a r t o f a  t r e n d o f Malay p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c o u n t r y ' s development.  toward  growing  T h i s change  c a n be a t t r i b u t e d t o two f a c t o r s : t h e r i s e o f M a l a y n a t i o n a l i s m a n d Malays' d e s i r e to share i n t h e i r country's;economic m i n o r i t y p o s i t i o n o f Malays i n the economic  the The  development.  development p r o c e s s can  be  t r a c e d b a c k t o t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d w h i c h has d e t e r m i n e d t h e p o s i t i o n o f m o s t Malays i n r e l a t i o n to o t h e r e t h n i c groups. The p o l y e t h n i c c o m p o s i t i o n o f M a l a y s i a ' s p o p u l a t i o n i s t h e r e s u l t o f l a r g e - s c a l e immigration i n the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h centuries.  T h i s was p r i m a r i l y i n r e s p o n s e t o B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l e n t e r p r i s e  i n t h e Malay a r c h i p e l a g o and, l a t e r , on t h e p e n i n s u l a . D u r i n g t h e e a r l y nineteenth century, the B r i t i s h e s t a b l i s h e d themselves and S i n g a p o r e  i n Penang, Malacca,  (the S t r a i t s Settlements) to maintain c o n t r o l of  a c t i v i t y in the r e g i o n .  commercial  Among t h e s e s e t t l e m e n t s , S i n g a p o r e became t h e  m a i n t r a d i n g p o r t , r e p l a c i n g M a l a c c a , w h i c h had b e e n d o m i n a n t b e f o r e t h e B r i t i s h took over.  The s e t t l e m e n t s became t h e e n t r e p o t f o r t r a d i n g s i l k ,  c o t t o n , r i c e , pepper, g o l d d u s t , and most i m p o r t a n t l y t i n .  31 Before the B r i t i s h intervened  i n t h e a f f a i r s o f t h e Malay  t r a d i t i o n a l M a l a y s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e was b a s i c a l l y d i v i d e d c l a s s and a subject  class.  royal family and divided the Sultan, class.  E a c h M a l a y s t a t e was r u l e d by a member o f a  i n t o d i s t r i c t s r u l e d by c h i e f s .  Together with  Below t h e r u l e r and h i s o f f i c i a l s were t h e f r e e p e a s a n t s , debtRelationships  on l a n d o w n e r s h i p a n d u s u f r u c t the subject  between r u l e r and s u b j e c t s  rights.  were based  In o r d e r t o g e t c u l t i v a t i o n  rights,  had t o p l e d g e l o y a l t y and g i v e s e r v i c e and t r i b u t e s o f r i c e .  In t h e v i l l a g e , t h e s u b j e c t s religious leader.  w e r e r u l e d by a:headman a n d t h e imam o r M u s l i m  The Malays f o l l o w e d  a s i m p l e s u b s i s t e n c e economy based  on r i c e c u l t i v a t i o n , s u p p l e m e n t e d by f i s h i n g . a r i s t o c r a t s , merchants, and r e l i g i o u s leaders. t h i s general pattern  T r a d i n g was l i m i t e d t o a f e w A l l t h e Malay  of social organization,  Negri S e m b i l a n , which had a m a t r i l i n e a l The  into a ruling  o r head o f s t a t e , t h e c h i e f s and t h e i r f a m i l i e s formed a r u l i n g  bondsmen, and s l a v e s .  followed  states,  states  with the exception o f  social structure  ( G u l l i c k 1958).  i n f l u x o f Chinese and Indian immigrants i n t o t h e Malay penin-  s u l a came w i t h t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e S t r a i t s S e t t l e m e n t s . British established Indians there.  Before the  a b a s e i n P e n a n g i n 1 7 8 6 , t h e r e w e r e no C h i n e s e o r  O n l y a few C h i n e s e c u l t i v a t o r s w e r e i n S i n g a p o r e when  the B r i t i s h founded a t r a d i n g  s t a t i o n t h e r e i n 1819; but i t d i d n o t t a k e  long f o r the Chinese and Indians t o follow t h e B r i t i s h into these O n l y M a l a c c a had a s i z a b l e C h i n e s e a n d I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n  islands.  before the  B r i t i s h took i t o v e r from t h e Dutch i n 1825. The C h i n e s e and Indians h a v e h a d c o n t a c t w i t h M a l a c c a s i n c e t h e f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y , when t h e S u l t a n a t e o f M a l a c c a was a t i t s p e a k .  The I n d i a n s , however, were n e v e r as  32 numerous as the Chinese o r Malays i n M a l a c c a .  For example, out o f a t o t a l  p o p u l a t i o n o f 2 5 , 0 0 0 i n M a l a c c a i n 1826, t h e r e w e r e 2,300 I n d i a n s a n d 4,100  C h i n e s e ( O o i 1963: The C h i n e s e engaged  197). i n a v a r i e t y o f o c c u p a t i o n s , p r i m a r i l y as t r a d e r s  a n d s h o p k e e p e r s , some became l a b o r e r s . O t h e r s u n d e r t o o k  traditional  o c c u p a t i o n s : f a r m i n g c a s h c r o p s l i k e v e g e t a b l e s , c l o v e s , nutmeg, and pepper.  gambier,  T h e f a i l u r e o f s p i c e c u l t i v a t i o n i n S i n g a p o r e s e n t some C h i n e s e  t o J o h o r e , w h e r e t h e y c u l t i v a t e d p e p p e r and g a m b i e r .  Increased immigration  o f t h e C h i n e s e g r o u p s t o t h e p e n i n s u l a , h o w e v e r , was c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e development  of t i n mining.  T i n had been m i n e d on t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a f o r  c e n t u r i e s a n d was e x p o r t e d by M a l a y s f r o m M a l a c c a .  When l a r g e d e p o s i t s  o f t i n were d i s c o v e r e d i n P e r a k , S e l a n g o r , and N e g r i Sembilan i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , g r e a t numbers o f C h i n e s e f l o c k e d t o t h e M a l a y s t a t e s f r o m M a l a c c a , as w e l l a s f r o m C h i n a . With the help o f Chinese and European c a p i t a l , m a i n l y from M a l a c c a , t i n m i n i n g grew i n L a r u t , L u k u t , S u n g a i U j o n g , and Ampang i n t h e m i d d l e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y (Khoo 1 9 7 2 a ) .  The Malay c h i e f s l e a s e d l a n d t o  C h i n e s e m i n e r s o r employed C h i n e s e m i n e r s t o work t h e mines.  In t h e  e a r l y phase o f the m i n i n g v e n t u r e s , t h e Malay a r i s t o c r a c y c o n t r o l l e d the tin trade.  A l l p r o d u c e r s had t o s e l l t h e i r t i n t o t h e c h i e f s , who i n  turn sold i t to the S t r a i t s Settlement merchants.  L a t e r - , S t r a i t s mer-  c h a n t s from Penang and M a l a c c a d e a l t d i r e c t l y w i t h the m i n e r s , and c h i e f s j u s t c o l l e c t e d a t a x on t h e t i n e x p o r t e d f r o m t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s . pore merchants  Singa-  bought t i n from Penang and M a l a c c a and e x p o r t e d i t t o  C h i n a , G r e a t B r i t a i n , and I n d i a .  33  The t i n m i n i n g i n d u s t r y n o t o n l y b r o u g h t s t a t e s , i t a l s o brought t r o u b l e .  As more  revenue i n t o the Malay  C h i n e s e came t o t h e p e n i n s u l a  t h e y brought the t r a d i t i o n o f f o r m i n g r i v a l s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s w i t h them ( B l y t h e 1 9 6 9 ) . F a c t i o n s o f C h i n e s e q u a r r e l l e d 'and f o u g h t e a c h o t h e r - f o r control of mining land.  A t a b o u t t h e same t i m e , t h e r e w e r e s u c c e s s i o n  d i s p u t e s o v e r the t h r o n e s o f t h e c e n t r a l and s o u t h e r n Malay s t a t e s . E v e n t u a l l y , t h e c o n f l i c t o f one e t h n i c g r o u p became m e r g e d w i t h t h a t o f the other.  As Khoo ( 1 9 7 2 a : 1 1 0 ) d e s c r i b e s i t ,  " a l l p a r t i e s i n v o l v e d were f i g h t i n g f o r c o n t r o l o f economic r e s o u r c e s . F o r t h e M a l a y c h i e f s , p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l was t h e p r e r e q u i s i t e to the a c q u i s i t i o n o f s u b s t a n t i a l revenue. For t h e C h i n e s e m i n e r s , who w e r e d e p e n d e n t on M a l a y c h i e f s f o r t h e l e g a l r i g h t t o work t i n p r o d u c i n g l a n d s , i t was i m p o r t a n t t h a t t h e v i c t o r i o u s M a l a y f a c t i o n s h o u l d be t h e one f a v o r a b l e t o t h e i r i n t e r e s t . T h e same may be s a i d o f t h e S t r a i t s m e r c h a n t s . " The t u r b u l e n t c o n d i t i o n s t h a t e n s u e d i n t h e M a l a y s t a t e s c a u s e d a s l u m p in the t i n t r a d e , which threatened the investments Chinese merchants in the S t r a i t s Settlements.  o f the European and  P r e s s u r e was  brought  upon the B r i t i s h t o i n t e r v e n e i n o r d e r to p r o t e c t t h e i r commercial  and  political interests. B r i t i s h i n t e r v e n t i o n i n t h e M a l a y s t a t e s b e g a n i n 1974 w i t h d i c t a t i o n o f a s e t t l e m e n t between the r i v a l Chinese f a c t i o n s i n  the Perak  a n d t h e s e t t l i n g o f a s u c c e s s i o n d i s p u t e among t h e P e r a k M a l a y c h i e f s . A B r i t i s h R e s i d e n t was a s s i g n e d t o " a d v i s e " t h e S u l t a n and h i s c h i e f s on t h e e c o n o m i c a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a f f a i r s o f t h e s t a t e o f P e r a k .  Simi-  l a r steps were taken i n o t h e r s t a t e s , c u l m i n a t i n g i n t h e T r e a t y o f Feder a t i o n among t h e f o u r s t a t e s o f P e r a k , S e l a n g o r , N e g r i S e m b i l a n , Pahang.  and  By t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , t h e o t h e r f o u r n o r -  t h e r n s t a t e s o f Kedah, P e r l i s , K e l a n t a n , and T r e n g g a n u , and t h e  southern  34  state of Johore also accepted B r i t i s h advisors, while retaining independent s t a t u s as t h e U n f e d e r a t e d Malay s t a t e s under B r i t i s h  their protection.  Under t h e B r i t i s h , t h e p e n i n s u l a went t h r o u g h a p o l i t i c a l - s o c i a l economic transformation.  F i r s t , colonial rule modified the traditional  s y s t e m ' o f g o v e r n m e n t by b u r e a u c r a t i z n g t h e r u l e r s a n d t h e c h i e f s ( F r e e d m a n 1960:161 ) . T h e S u l t a r f s v b e e a m e . c o n s t i t u t i o n a l m o n a r c h ! a n d t h e c h i e f s w e r e p e n s i o n e d o f f o r made i n t o a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o f f i c e r s . C o n t r a r y t o e a r l y B r i t i s h a s s u r a n c e s , t h e r o l e o f t h e M a l a y s i n t h e new a d m i n i s t r a t i o n d e c r e a s e d . O n l y m a t t e r s r e l a t i n g t o custom and r e l i g i o n were l e f t t o them.  S t a t e C o u n c i l s w e r e s e t up i n e a c h s t a t e , w h e r e  M a l a y r o y a l t y , a l o n g w i t h t h e C h i n e s e , met t o l i s t e n t o B r i t i s h d i r e c t i v e s on p o l i c i e s a n d l e g i s l a t i o n . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e M a l a y s t a t e s u n d e r t h e B r i t i s h had two c o n s e q u e n c e s : t h e growth o f a c o l o n i a l economy and an i n c r e a s e o f t h e i m m i g r a n t p o p u l a t i o n . T i n e x p o r t s i n c r e a s e d .. - d u r i n g t h e f i r s t two :  decades o f B r i t i s h r u l e .  T h e p a c i f i c a t i o n o f t h e West c o a s t M a l a y  states l e d to f u r t h e r increase i n the Chinese p o p u l a t i o n the t i n mines.  The  1  who w o r k e d  d e v e l o p m e t o f c o m m e r c i a l a g r i c u l t u r e was a s i g n i f i c a n t  a s p e c t o f t h e p l a n f o r m u l a t e d by t h e B r i t i s h f o r t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l development  program.  They f o l l o w e d a dual p o l i c y o f a g r i c u l t u r a l development i n t h e Malay states:  t h e development o f l a r g e - s c a l e commercial a g r i c u l t u r e and the  development o f peasant a g r i c u l t u r e . .  .,  In t h e f o r m e r , t h e g o a l was t o  convert the vast f o r e s t s o f the Malay states into p l a n t a t i o n s f o r t r o p i c a l a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s , e.g. sugar, c o f f e e , tobacco, coconuts, and rubber. T h e l a t t e r p o l i c y was i n s t i t u t o n a l i z e d i n t h e h o p e o f i n d u c i n g p e a s a n t a g r i c u l t u r i s t s t o grow f o o d t o f e e d w o r k e r s o n t h e  plantations.  35 An i m p o r t a n t p r o g r a m was populated time.  requirement of the B r i t i s h a g r i c u l t u r a l development  s u f f i c i e n t labor.  The M a l a y s t a t e s , h o w e v e r , w e r e s p a r s e l y  compared to the S t r a i t s Settlements  or Java or Ceylon  at that  Jo supply t h e i r l a b o r needs, B r i t i s h a u t h o r i t i e s encouraged f u r -  ther immigration  i n t o the p e n i n s u l a .  The C h i n e s e c o u l d n o t be  prevailed  u p o n t o do p l a n t a t i o n w o r k s i n c e t h e y p r e f e r r e d t o w o r k t h e t i n m i n e s o r p r e f e r r e d t o w o r k f o r t h e i r own  people.  The M a l a y s w e r e s a t i s f i e d  s u b s i s t e n c e c u l t i v a t i o n a n d had no g r e a t d e s i r e t o w o r k on Consequently, both indentured  with  plantations.  and f r e e l a b o r i m m i g r a n t s were b r o u g h t  i n t o t h e M a l a y s t a t e s f r o m I n d i a by t h e B r i t i s h a u t h o r i t i e s d u r i n g late nineteenth  and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h  c e n t u r y to work with the  The r i s e o f t h e I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n  the  plantations.  i n the Malay s t a t e s i s u s u a l l y  a s s o c i a t e d with the development of the rubber industry i n the e a r l y twentieth  century.  L i k e t h e C h i n e s e who  Indian l a b o r m i g r a n t s were r e c r u i t e d . were i n d e n t u r e d ,  indentured  recruitment,  The f i r s t wave o f I n d i a n  laborers  i . e . b o u n d by c o n t r a c t t o w o r k f o r a s p e c i f i c p e r i o d i n  t h e s e r v i c e o f t h e e m p l o y e r who In 1914,  worked the t i n mines, the e a r l y  paid t h e i r passage to the Malay  peninsula.  l a b o r m i g r a t i o n was a b o l i s h e d a n d r e p l a c e d by " f r e e "  w h e r e b y t h e m i g r a n t was  f r e e t o c h o o s e and c h a n g e h i s e m p l o y -  ment. Not a l l I n d i a n i m m i g r a n t s t o t h e M a l a y s t a t e s d u r i n g t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h number o f n o n - l a b o r labor migration  cenury were l a b o r e r s .  migration  T h e r e was a l a r g e  f r o m I n d i a , 35 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l  stream (Sandhu 1969:117).  With the establishment  Indian of  B r i t i s h r u l e i n t h e M a l a y s t a t e s , E n g l i s h became t h e l a n g u a g e s p o k e n i n  36 government  s e r v i c e and commercial  p r o f e s s i o n a l , and c l e r i c a l they found clerical  work  circles.  work, and t e a c h i n g .  medicine men, and  In  road and r a i l w a y  addition  t h e r e were commercial  construction,  immigrants:  traders,  shopkeepers,  vendors.  i t c h a n n e l l e d the d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c groups  ture.  where  to these s k i l l e d and educated  Two t h i n g s may be s a i d about the B r i t i s h  agricultural  speaking,,skilled,  Indians immigrated to the Malay s t a t e s ,  . " i n the m i l i t a r y ,  Indian immigrants,  English  activity;  agricultural  policy.  First,  i n t o ' d i f f e r e n t s e c t o r s "of  Second, i t was b i a s e d towards  commercial  agricul-  U n l i k e the Europeans and C h i n e s e , who were encouraged to develop  large-scale  commercial  a g r i c u l t u r e , the B r i t i s h  discouraged  Malays  producing cash c r o p s . There were o n l y c e r t a i n crops t h a t the colonial  government  o f coconuts and  from  British  approved f o r Malay c u l t i v a t i o n , m a i n l y the  production  rice.  Even though the B r i t i s h encouraged f o o d p r o d u c t i o n among the M a l a y s , they were not too s u p p o r t i v e o f peasant a g r i c u l t u r e .  For example,  Department o f A g r i c u l t u r e t h a t was  set  than with peasants  With the e x c e p t i o n o f the Krian  gation  (Lim 1977:88).  scheme f o r padi  supported.  up had more l i n k s  c u l t i v a t i o n , no o t h e r a g r i c u l t u r a l  When the peasants  but p l a n t a t i o n  peasants owners  c o u l d not apply f o r p e r m i s s i o n c o u l d ; l a n d use was  c e d i t was not made a v a i l a b l e for increasing  to p e a s a n t s ,  food p r o d u c t i o n .  plantations  projects  t r i e d to venture i n t o r a i s i n g  rubber f o r c a s h , p o l i c i e s were adopted to prevent t h i s For example,  with  from  the  irriwere  coffee or spreading.  to c u l t i v a t e  rubber  s p e c i f i e d f o r land t i t l e s ; as  i t was to p l a n t a t i o n  and  owners,  37 As a r e s u l t o f t h e s e p o l i c i e s , peasant a g r i c u l t u r e d i d n o t It remained  improve.  on a s u b s i s t e n c e b a s i s ; a n d i t d i d n o t r i s e b e y o n d t h i s l e v e l  d u r i n g t h e B r i t i s h p e r i o d , b e c a u s e t h e r e was no i n c e n t i v e . i s a case in point.  Although  Rice  production  t h e demand f o r r i c e i n c r e a s e d , t h e p r i c e o f  l o c a l r i c e f a i l e d to r i s e to a l e v e l that would encourage peasants increase i t s production. rice.  to  T h i s was due t o t h e c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m c h e a p  imported  T h u s t h e p r i c e o f r i c e was n o t h i g h e n o u g h t o make i t s e x t e n s i v e  c u l t i v a t i o n remunerative  (Lim 1977:22).  The unequal  and b i a s e d t r e a t m e n t  of  the B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l government thus ensured the stagnant c o n d i t i o n s o f rural Malays.  This c o n d i t i o n i s a l s o r e f l e c t e d i n the development o f the  t o w n s , a s I w i l l show b e l o w . The r a p i d g r o w t h o f u r b a n s e t t l e m e n t s i n t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a b e g a n during the c o l o n i a l period.  Before t h i s , t h e r e were mostly r i v e r and  c o a s t a l s e t t l e m e n t s , w h i c h had b e e n o c c u p i e d by M a l a y s p r i o r t o t h e f i f t e e n t h century.  With the development o f Malacca from a f i s h i n g v i l l a g e i n t o a  center o f trade i n the e a r l y  f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t o w n s b e g a n t o e m e r g e on  t h e p e n i n s u l a (Hamzah 1 9 6 5 ) .  T h e r e i s a c l a i m , h o w e v e r , t h a t no t r a d i t i o n a l  u r b a n s y s t e m e x i s t e d on t h e p e n i n s u l a b e f o r e t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d . ( 1 9 7 5 ) c l a i m s t h a t i t was t h e " c o l o n i a l - i m m i g r a n t c o m p l e x " t h a t t h e p r e s e n t day s y s t e m o f t o w n s .  Lim produced,,  The a r r i v a l o f n o n - M a l a y i m m i g r a n t  groups  o f t r a d e r s a n d m i n e r s , as w e l l as n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y c o l o n i a l p o w e r s , spurred the development of inland settlements  i n t o urban c e n t e r s .  Thus,  t o w n s l i k e T a i p i n g , I p o h , K u a l a L u m p u r a n d S e r e m b a n came i n t o b e i n g . T h e y grew w i t h t i n m i n i n g .  O t h e r t o w n s came i n t o b e i n g i n t h e e a r l y t w e n -  t i e t h c e n t u r y w i t h t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e r u b b e r i n d u s t r y on t h e w e s t c o a s t .  38  These towns s e r v i c e d t h e r u b b e r i n d u s t r y but l a t e r assumed p u r c h a s i n g and d i s t r i b u t i n g r o l e s as t h e r a i l w a y and r o a d network d e v e l o p e d . developments  were t y p i c a l o f the west c o a s t .  These  On t h e e a s t c o a s t t o w n s  may  have d e v e l o p e d e a r l i e r as a r e s u l t o f t r a d e c o n t a c t s w i t h o t h e r A s i a n kingdoms.  T h i s , h o w e v e r , s t i l l r e m a i n s t o be d o c u m e n t e d .  E x c e p t on t h e e a s t c o a s t w h e r e t h e M a l a y s w e r e i n t h e m a j o r i t y , t o w n s on t h e p e n i n s u l a w e r e d o m i n a t e d by t h e n o n - M a l a y  immigrant groups.  (1975) c l a i m s t h a t t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e s e i m m i g r a n t groups  Lim  "stiffled"  the p o s s i b i l i t y of t r a d i t i o n a l , indigenous settlements transforming into urban c e n t e r s .  He s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e c o m m e r c i a l  f u n c t i o n s on t h e p e n i n s u l a  w e r e t a k e n o v e r by t h e i m m i g r a n t C h i n e s e , a n d t h e i n d i g e n o u s M a l a y  settle-  m e n t s d i d n o t d e v e l o p i n t o t r a d i n g c e n t e r s a f t e r t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d had started. A s i m i l a r i d e a i s o f f e r e d by Goodman ( 1 9 7 6 ) i n h i s " f r a g m e n t t h e s i s " o f urban l i f e i n Southeast A s i a .  hypo-  According to his thesis, urbani-  z a t i o n i n S o u t h e a s t A s i a i s a r e s u l t o f t h e p r e s e n c e o f two f r a g m e n t s : a C h i n e s e fragment and a f o l k f r a g m e n t .  T h e C h i n e s e f r a g m e n t grew d u r i n g  the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d and monopolized t h e m i d d l e - c l a s s s e c t o r o f s o c i e t y , based l a r g e l y i n towns.  F a c e d w i t h t h e p r e s e n c e o f a l a r g e number o f  C h i n e s e i n t h e u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t , t h e t r a d i t i o n a l n a t i v e s o c i e t y was  not  a b l e t o t r a n s f o r m i n t o a m o d e r n one s i n c e t h e C h i n e s e p o s e d a c h a l l e n g e to the n a t i v e s o c i e t y . This r e s u l t e d i n the c o n t i n u a t i o n of v i l l a g e t r a d i t i o n s a n d p a t t e r n s o f b e h a v i o r i n u r b a n a r e a s a c c o r d i n g t o Goodman, p r o d u c i n g w h a t he c a l l s t h e " f o l k f r a g m e n t " i n u r b a n a r e a s o f S o u t h e a s t Asia.  T h i s h y p o t h e s i s may be v a l i d t o t h e e x t e n t t h a t t h e s o - c a l l e d f o l k  39 fragment  remains  i s o l a t e d and s e g r e g a t e d i n the urban environment.  In  t h e c a s e o f t h e M a l a y s t h i s i s n o t e n t i r e l y t r u e , as t h e f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n will  show. Malay N a t i o n a l ism By t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , M a l a y s o c i e t y had  t h e e f f e c t s o f B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l p r e s e n c e and o f t h e non-Malay groups.  felt  immigrant  B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had r e d u c e d t h e p o w e r s o f t h e M a l a y r u l e r s  a n d c h i e f s , as w e l l as t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f M a l a y s of the western  states.  in the administration  The a v a i l a b i l i t y o f C h i n e s e a n d I n d i a n l a b o r had  a l l o w e d t h e B r i t i s h t o e x p l o i t t h e m i n e r a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l  resources  of the Malay s t a t e s , l e a v i n g the Malays to t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e c u l t i v a t i o n . It i s i n t h i s c o n t e x t t h a t the r o o t s o f Malay n a t i o n a l i s m are found. The o r i g i n o f M a l a y n a t i o n a l i s m has b e e n t r a c e d by R o f f ( 1 9 6 7 ) t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h r e e new e l i t e g r o u p s i n M a l a y s o c i e t y :  the r e l i g i o u s  r e f o r m e r s , t h e c i v i l s e r v a n t s , and t h e i n t e l l i g e n t s i a made up o f t e a c h e r s and j o u r n a l i s t s .  S o e n a r n o ( 1 9 6 0 ) has d i v i d e d t h e p r o c e s s o f M a l a y  into three stages: r e l i g i o u s , socio-economic,  and p o l i t i c a l .  awakening  The w o r k o f  t h e s e two s c h o l a r s g i v e some i d e a s on t h e p r o c e s s e s by w h i c h M a l a y s  became  a w a r e o f t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n t h e c o l o n i a l o r d e r a n d how a new g r o u p o f l e a d e r s r o s e among t h e m . S i n c e a B r i t i s h s y s t e m o f c i v i l and c r i m i n a l law was  introduced to  r e g u l a t e a l l a s p e c t s o f l i f e e x c e p t those c o n c e r n i n g Malay r e l i g i o n  and  c u s t o m , a more f o r m a l s y s t e m o f I s l a m i c law a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was  estab-  l i s h e d by t h e M a l a y a u t h o r i t i e s . As a r e s u l t , t h e e l i t e , o r t h o d o x  reli-  g i o u s h i e r a r c h y became, f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d .  I t s members- wjare h e a v i l y ;  40 i n f l u e n c e d by r e l i g i o n and de-emphasized m a t e r i a l g a i n .  T h e l a t t e r empha-  s i s has o f t e n been c i t e d as t h e source o f Malay backwardness ( M a h a t h i r  1970).  The f i r s t s t i r r i n g s o f M a l a y n a t i o n a l i s m came a s a c h a l l e n g e by y o u n g r e l i g i o u s reformers hajis  t o the o l d , orthodox  religious elite.  Students  and  who h a d r e t u r n e d f r o m C a i r o w e r e g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d b y t h e I s l a m i c  r e f o r m movement a n d t h e n a t i o n a l i s t i d e o l o g i e s o f E g y p t a n d T u r k e y .  The  I s l a m i c r e f o r m movement s t r e s s e d a n e v a n g e l i c a l r e t u r n t o t h e K o r a n a n d a d e s i r e t o b r i n g Islam i n l i n e with modern s c i e n t i f i c , economic, and p o l i tical conditions.  The reformers  pointed t o ignorance o f the true tenets o f  Islam as t h e cause o f Malay backwardness.  One r e s u l t o f t h e i r e n d e a v o r s  was t h e i n c r e a s e o f c l u b s , r e l i g i o u s s c h o o l s , a n d I s l a m i c l i t e r a t u r e . T h e religious zeal o f the reformers, hierarchy.  h o w e v e r , was o p p o s e d b y t h e t r a d i t i o n a l  S i n c e t h e reformers were a small m i n o r i t y o f t h e Malay popu-  l a t i o n a t t h e t i m e , t h e i r i d e a l s d i d n o t a r o u s e much s u p p o r t f r o m t h e majority o f Malays. During the f i r s t quarter o f the twentieth century, the B r i t i s h  took  steps t o increase the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f Malays i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the western s t a t e s .  T h e y o p e n e d two t y p e s o f s c h o o l s f o r t h e i r e d u c a t i o n :  the Malay C o l l e g e , aimed a t p r e p a r i n g young Malay a r i s t o c r a t s f o r administ r a t i v e posts i n government s e r v i c e , and t h e government E n g l i s h schools f o r commoners t o p r o d u c e c l e r k s f o r g o v e r n m e n t o f f i c e s . B e f o r e t h i s , t h e M a l a y s were mainly educated schools.  through  the Arabic  and r e l i g i o u s schools o r the Malay  The Malay t e a c h e r s o b t a i n e d f u r t h e r t r a i n i n g a t t h e S u l t a n I d r i s  T e a c h e r T r a i n i n g C o l l e g e , w h i c h was e s t a b l i s h e d by t h e B r i t i s h . r e s u l t o f t h e s e e d u c a t i o n a l avenues opened t o M a l a y s , more Malay  As a teachers,  41 c i v i l s e r v a n t s , r e l i g i o u s t e a c h e r s , a n d w r i t e r s became a w a r e o f t h e i r s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l  situation.  By t h e s e c o n d q u a r t e r o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , a new p h a s e i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f M a l a y n a t i o n a l i s m came i n t o b e i n g . T h i s was m a r k e d by t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f the f i r s t Malay p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n , the Singapore Malay U n i o n , whose o b j e c t i v e s w e r e t o e n c o u r a g e M a l a y p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n g o v e r n m e n t , a n d p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c , and e d u c a t i o n a l f i e l d s .  This association,  l e d by a member o f t h e S t r a i t s S e t t l e m e n t s L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l , was  signifi-  c a n t i n i t s avowed goal o f communicating Malay w i s h e s t o t h e government. T h r o u g h i t , M a l a y s e x p r e s s e d t h e i r i n c r e a s i n g a w a r e n e s s o f t h e i r own and p o l i t i c a l backwardness compared t o t h a t o f non-Malays.  economic  I t was i n  S i n g a p o r e t h a t t h e M a l a y s f e l t t h e y w e r e m o s t o p p r e s e d by t h e a l i e n r a c e s . T h i s may a c c o u n t f o r t h e i n i t i a l s t i r r i n g s o f p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y among M a l a y s there, r a t h e r than i n the peninsula. A t a b o u t t h e same t i m e a s t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f t h e S i n g a p o r e M a l a y U n i o n , t h e C h i n e s e b e g a n t o demand e q u a l r i g h t s a n d p r i v i l e g e s .  The S t r a i t  born  C h i n e s e w e r e p a r t i c u l a r l y a n x i o u s f o r r e c o g n i t i o n as c i t i z e n s o f M a l a y a . T h i s was i n f l u e n c e d by t h e s p l i t b e t w e e n t h e C h i n e s e C o m m u n i s t K o u m i n t a n g i n C h i n a i n 1926. was t h e i r c o u n t r y . A t t h e to this claim.  The  The S t r a i t  P a r t y and the  born Chinese c l a i m e d t h a t Malaya  t i m e , the B r i t i s h w r i t e r A . J . Toynbee gave s u p p o r t  Malays p r o t e s t e d and denounced t h e s e c l a i m s i n t h e  S t a t e C o u n c i l s , as w e l l as i n t h e p r e s s .  C h i n e s e c l a i m s f o r r i g h t s and  p r i v i l e g e s equal w i t h those o f the Malays determined the c o u r s e o f Malay political attitudes in  subsequent decades.  In t h e i r own a n a l y s e s o f t h e c a u s e s o f t h e i r p r o b l e m s , t h e M a l a y s w e r e divided in their opinions.  A pan-Indonesian r a d i c a l group vented i t s  42  g r i e v a n c e s a g a i n s t t h e Malay R u l e r s , t h e B r i t i s h , and t h e non-Malay groups. T h e C a i r o - e d u c a t e d M a l a y s a l s o saw t h e M a l a y r u l e r s a s t h e c a u s e o f t h e i r t r o u b l e s , a c c u s i n g them o f i n a c t i v i t y a n d welfare.  neglect of their subjects'  Most o f t h e M a l a y s , however, s u p p o r t e d t h e i r R u l e r s and e x h o r t e d  t h e B r i t i s h t h r o u g h newspapers a n d magazines t o p r o t e c t them f r o m t h e greed o f t h e non-Malay immigrants. Two i m p o r t a n t e v e n t s o c c u r e d as t h e s e a r g u m e n t s w e r e t a k i n g p l a c e . Malay a d m i n i s t r a t o r s i n the C o u n c i l s openly c r i t i c i z e d t h e B r i t i s h f o r g i v i n g f a v o r e d treatment t o European o f f i c i a l s over t h e i r Malay c o u n t e r p a r t s and Malay c i v i l s e r v a n t s p r e s s u r e d B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s f o r f u r t h e r e d u c a t i o n and f u r t h e r advancement.  The second event t h a t caught t h e a t t e n t i o n o f  M a l a y s a n d C h i n e s e was t h e p l a n f o r a p a n - M a l a y a n f e d e r a t i o n w h i c h w o u l d have r e d i s t r i b u t e d t h e p o w e r o f t h e f e d e r a l s e c r e t a r i a t i n K u a l a L u m p u r to the State Councils.  The Malays had mixed f e e l i n g s about t h e p l a n , w h i l e  t h e C h i n e s e w e r e o p p o s e d t o t h e s c h e m e , f e a r i n g some i n j u r y t o t h e i r commercial interest.  I t d i d not take long f o r the Malays t o react t o the Chinese  r e s p o n s e by a c c u s i n g them o f h a v i n g a l l e g i a n c e o n l y t o t h e i r s e l f - i n t e r e s t s and n o t f o r t h e c o u n t r y as a whole. T h e s e two e v e n t s w e r e i m p o r t a n t i n d i c a t o r s o f M a l a y f e e l i n g s t o w a r d t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n t h e c o l o n i a l o r d e r , a s w e l l as t h e i r a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d the non-Malay immigrants, p a r t i c u l a r l y the C h i n e s e .  In s p i t e o f s i g n i f i c a n t  g r o w t h o f a w a r e n e s s among t h e M a l a y s c o n c e r n i n g t h e i r p o s i t i o n , t h e r e was s t i l l an a b s e n c e o f s i g n i f i c a n t M a l a y l e a d e r s h i p t o b r i n g c o h e r e n c e t o teir sentiments. T h e r e was o n l y o n e p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n among t h e M a l a y s i n 1 9 3 7 , t h e  43 Singapore Malay Union, and i t f u n c t i o n e d f o r t h e Malays i n S i n g a p o r e . B e t w e e n 1937 a n d 1 9 3 9 , h o w e v e r , t h e r e was a s u r g e o f o r g a n i z a t i o n a l  activ-  i t y among t h e M a l a y s , b e c a u s e o f t h e i n f l u e n c e o f s u c h e x t e r n a l e v e n t s a s t h e n a t i o n a l i s t movements i n I n d i a a n d I n d o n e s i a , which i n s p i r e d Malay n a t i o n a l s e n t i m e n t s , a n d t h e o u t b r e a k o f t h e S i n o - J a p a n e s e War w h i c h e n g e n d e r e d f e a r of a n o t h e r war i n Europe. in other states.  Branches o f t h e S i n g a p o r e Malay Union were formed  T h e r a d i c a l U n i o n o f M a l a y Y o u t h (KMM) was f o r m e d i n 1 9 3 7 .  L i t e r a r y b o d i e s and a s s o c i a t i o n s a l s o s p r a n g up.  Perhaps t h e most n o t a b l e  w e r e t h e p o l i t i c a l g r o u p s t h a t c l e a r e d t h e way f o r a p a n - M a l a y a n o r g a n i zation.  T h e i r o b j e c t i v e s were s i m i l a r :  t h e p u r s u i t and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f  M a l a y i n t e r e s t i n g o v e r n m e n t , e d u c a t i o n , a s w e l l as n a t i o n a l u n i t y .  The  c u l m i n a t i o n o f a l l t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y came w i t h t h e f i r s t -  ,i  Pan-Malayan C o n f e r e n c e i n 1939, a meeting o f a l l e x i s t i n g Malay a s s o ciations.  T h i s a n d a s e c o n d s i m i l a r c o n f e r e n c e \ i n 1 9 4 0 w e r e t h e f i r s t moves  toward Malay national unity. ted  the initial  T h e o u t b r e a k o f W o r l d War I I , h o w e v e r , d i s r u p -  impetus f o r Malay p o l i t i c a l  organization.  J a p a n e s e o c c u p a t i o n o f M a l a y a was s i g n i f i c a n t i n a t l e a s t o n e s e n s e : i t encouraged l o c a l n a t i o n a l i s m ; although, l i k e the B r i t i s h , the Japanese f o l l o w e d r a c i a l p o l i c i e s t o m o b i l i z e c e r t a i n segments o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n i n their favor.  Malay c i v i l s e r v a n t s were, however, g i v e n h i g h e r p o s t s than  t h e y had e n j o y e d under t h e B r i t i s h , and t h e r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l KMM, was a l l o w e d t o o p e r a t e .  association,  I n i t s a c t i v i t i e s t h e KMM c o l l a b o r a t e d w i t h  Indonesian n a t i o n a l i s t l e a d e r s f o r t h e j o i n t Malayan and Indonesian independ e n c e a t t h e e n d o f W o r l d War I I . T h i s p l a n d i d n o t , i n f a c t m a t e r i a l i z e when t h e J a p a n e s e w e r e d e f e a t e d a n d t h e B r i t i s h r e t u r n e d t o t h e p e n i n s u l a .  44. Malay national ism found i t s ; f u l l expression a f t e r World war ll.  When  the B r i t i s h returned, they proposed to e s t a b l i s h a new;type of gqvernment whereby the nine Malay states and the S t r a i t s Settlements, except Singapore were to be merged into a Malayan Union.  Under t h i s scheme, government was;  to be c a r r i e d out tn the name of the .British: cie^ were to lose t h e i r sovereignty.  Furthermore, the same c i t i z e n s h i p p r o v i -  sions were to apply to Chinese, Indians, and Malays. Reactions from on and o f f the peninsula followed the implementation of the p l a n . administrators denounced the plan.  Former B r i t i s h ,  The Malays as- Milne (1967:30.) put i t ,  "were shaken out of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l apathy and t h e i r s t a t e p a r t i c u l a r i s m . " Malay reaction was quick.  With.in weeks of the implementation of tfte.  :  new government, another Malay o r g a n i z a t i o n , the United Mai ays"National Organization (UMNO), was formed among a number of l o c a l p o l i t i c a l t i o n s to oppose the new government. and the Malay Rulers also protested.  associa-  UMNO members demonstrated in p r o t e s t , UMNO disagreed with, the new c o n s t i -  t u t i o n imposed by the B r i t i s h since i t downgraded the sovereignty of the Malay Rulers and the p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n of the Malays.  As a r e s u l t of  Malay o p p o s i t i o n , the Malayan Union was replaced two years; l a t e r by the Federation of Malaya, which was s i m i l a r to the pre-war government But included the S t r a i t s Settlements w i t h i n the f e d e r a t i o n . M u l t i - e t h n i c P o l i t i c s and Communal Issues In 1957 Malaya received her long .delayed British.  independence from the  Even t h i s was a slow process and had to be worked out with,  the B r i t i s h and among the component ethnic groups on the peninsula. desire f o r independence, however, was strong.  Malay  45 A c o m m u n i s t u p r i s i n g i n 1948 s t a l l e d t h e momentum g a i n e d by t h e M a l a y n a t i o n a l i s t movement o f 1946. M a l a y a n Communist  D u r i n g t h e S e c o n d W o r l d War, t h e  P a r t y had b e e n a c t i v e i n f i g h t i n g t h e J a p a n e s e , t h o u g h  i t d i s b a n d e d a f t e r t h e war.  In 1 9 4 8 , t h e C h i n e s e c o m m u n i s t s  armed v i o l e n c e i n t h e i r s t r u g g l e i n M a l a y a . at combating  the communists  resorted to  B r i t i s h e f f o r t s were d i r e c t e d  d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d known as t h e  "emergency."  T h e M a l a y s u s e d t h e e m e r g e n c y a s an a r g u m e n t i n f a v o r o f i n d e p e n d e n c e , c l a i m i n g t h a t i f i n d e p e n d e n c e was g r a n t e d , t h e c o m m u n i s t were f i g h t i n g i m p e r i a l i s m would l o s e i t s f o r c e .  charge that they  Even a f t e r the  emergency  was p r a c t i c a l l y o v e r i n 1 9 5 5 , t h e B r i t i s h w e r e r e l u c t a n t t o g r a n t i n d e p e n d e n c e w i t h o u t a s t r o n g p o l i t i c a l p a r t y t o hand." p o w e r o v e r t o .  They were  a f r a i d t h a t l e f t t o themselves, the v a r i o u s e t h n i c groups would not get a l o n g , a n d t h e new i n d e p e n d e n t n a t i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t w o u l d s o o n c o l l a p s e because o f d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e s e g r o u p s . T h e s o l u t i o n was f o u n d i n an a l l i a n c e b e t w e e n t h e m a j o r communal  poli-  t i c a l p a r t i e s on t h e p e n i n s u l a . E a c h e t h n i c g r o u p was r e p r e s e n t e d UMNO f o r t h e M a l a y s , MCA o r M a l a y a n C h i n e s e A s s o c i a t i o n f o r t h e C h i n e s e , a n d MIC o r M a l a y a n I n d i a n C o n g r e s s f o r t h e I n d i a n s . T h i s A l l i a n c e won t h e n a t i o n a l e l e c t i o n s o f 1955, showing t h a t a v i a b l e m u l t i - r a c i a l was f e a s i b l e i n t h e f e d e r a t i o n .  government  Representatives of the A l l i a n c e ,  by M a l a y s , i r o n e d o u t i n d e p e n d e n c e n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h t h e B r i t i s h .  headed Indepen-  d e n c e was g r a n t e d i n 1957. One o f t h e r e s u l t s o f t h e n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h t h e B r i t i s h f o r . i n d e p e n d e n c e was a p o l i t i c a l b a r g a i n , w h i c h became p a r t o f t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n , b e t w e e n M a l a y s a n d t h e n o n - M a l a y s on t h e p e n i n s u l a ( M i l n e 1 9 8 0 : 3 6 ) .  In  46  exchange f o r c i t i z e n s h i p f o r non-Malays, Malays were given c e r t a i n s o c i a l and economic p r i v i l e g e s which included the recognition of the Malay Rulers use of Malay as the national language, s e l e c t i o n of Islam as the national r e l i g i o n , and r e t e n t i o n of Malay special p r i v i l e g e s such as the e s t a b l i s h ment of Malay reservation land and granting scholarships to Malays to u n i v e r s i t i e s and other t r a i n i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s . This s o - c a l l e d bargain was rooted i n attempts to obtain a balance i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Malays and non-Malays in the new independent n a t i o n . Before independence, p o l i t i c a l power was vested in the Malays, while economic power rested with the non-Malays. power was s t i l l  With independence, p o l i t i c a l  in the hands of the Malays, although c i t i z e n s h i p and part-  nership in government were given to non-Malays.  Malay p r i v i l e g e s were  supposed to help balance the economic i n e q u a l i t i e s between Malays and non-Malays. For more than a decade the A l l i a n c e was able to maintain i t s hold on government.  Apposition  since i t s establishment.  to  A l l i a n c e r u l e , however, has been present  This comes mainly from the opposition p o l i t i c a l  p a r t i e s that were not part of the A l l i a n c e . Some of the opposition p a r t i e s are m u l t i - r a c i a l , but most of them represent communal or r a c i a l i n t e r e s t s . Among the l a t t e r i s the Pan Malayan Islamic Party (PMIP) f o r the Malays, and the Democratic Action Party (DAP) f o r the Chinese.  Since these opposition  p a r t i e s were communal i n t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , the A l l i a n c e claimed that i t alone could reserve r a c i a l unity i n the nation through i t s non-communal stand on o f f i c i a l p o l i c i e s . The opposition p a r t i e s played on the A l l i a n c e ' s shortcomings to  47 support t h e i r causes.  The PMIP, f o r example, claims that the A l l i a n c e  sold out Malay i n t e r e s t s to the Chinese and has allowed the gradual erosion of Malay p o l i t i c a l power.  The DAP claims t h a t , w i t h i n the A l l i a n c e , the  MCA has also sold out Chinese r i g h t s t o UMNO, that because of the Malay special r i g h t s , the Chinese were being treated as second class c i t i z e n s . The tensions a r i s i n g from the m u l t i - e t h n i c p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n broke out i n violence on May 13, 1969. Malays and Chinese occurred.  On that day, bloody r a c i a l r i o t s between  The immediate cause of the r i o t s has been  a t t r i b u t e d to an emotional response to the r e s u l t s of the e l e c t i o n held a few days before.  In the May 1969 e l e c t i o n s , i t seemed that the A l l i a n c e  had l o s t some of i t s popular support to the DAP.  As McGee (1969:568)  suggests, the e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s of May 1969 were a set-back f o r the A l l i a n c e compared to i t s 1964 performance. The government reacted q u i c k l y to the disturbance.  A state of emer-  gency was declared by the k i n g , Yang d i Pertuan Agung, on the advise of the A l l i a n c e government.  Parliament was suspended, and a National  Operations Council (NOC) was created to restore order and take the helm of the government during the emergency.  The NOC was composed of the  A l l i a n c e d i r e c t o r a t e under the Deputy Prime M i n i s t e r .  A broadly based  National Consultative Council was l a t e r c a l l e d up, composed of l o c a l leaders, professors, and j o u r n a l i s t s , which advised the NOC. For more than a year and a h a l f , u n t i l the r e s t o r a t i o n of parliament i n e a r l y 1971, the NOC governed Malaysia.  During t h i s period i t took steps  to restore the p o l i t i c a l system established in 1957, which had been disturbed by the May 13 v i o l e n c e .  In the process, the NOC revised i t s approach to  48 democratic p o l i t i c s .  As Von Vorys (1975) observes, i n i t s new r o l e , the  NOC made c e r t a i n i d e o l o g i c a l , c o n s t i t u t i o n a l , s o c i a l and economic reformulations f o r Malaysian s o c i e t y , r e i t e r a t i n g the p o l i t i c a l reached between Malays and non-Malays  bargain  before independence as the basis  f o r the r e s t o r a t i o n of democratic p o l i t i c s . The f i r s t task of the NOC was r e s t o r i n g national u n i t y .  A national  ideology, Rukunegara, was formulated to serve as the guideline f o r a l l Malaysians.  It embodied c e r t a i n p r i n c i p l e s to f o s t e r unity among the  c i t i z e n s - b e l i e f i n God, l o y a l t y to king and country, upholding the c o n s t i t u t i o n , r u l e by law, and good behavior and m o r a l i t y .  These p r i n -  c i p l e s r e i n f o r c e d the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l provisions containing the p o l i t i c a l bargain.  For example, l o y a l t y to king and country was a r e f l e c t i o n of  the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  a r t i c l e s that recognized the Yang d i Pertuan Agong  as head of s t a t e .  To prevent any questioning of these p r o v i s i o n s , the  NOC suggested  amendments to the C o n s t i t u t i o n that would p r o h i b i t p u b l i c  or parliamentary questioning of the a r t i c l e s of the c o n s t i t u t i o n containing these p r o v i s i o n s . convened.  These amendments were l a t e r passed when parliament  The NOC took these steps to prevent occasions that would i n v i t e  communal tensions and v i o l e n c e . Under the NOC the "new educational p o l i c y " and the "new economic p o l i c y " were f i r s t formulated. government.  Later they were put i n t o e f f e c t by the  The new educational p o l i c y suggested that Malay be the  language of i n s t r u c t i o n at the primary and secondary l e v e l s of education by 1978.  Before 1969, the government made slow and h a l t i n g progress i n using  Malay as the national language, even though passage of the National  49 Language B i l l i n 1967 made Malay the o f f i c i a l language.; There ms much opposition to using Malay in the educational system.  Under the NOC, - */-  however, p o s i t i v e steps were taken to make Malay the language of i n s t r u c t i o n in schools, de-emphasizing English and other languages previously used. The "New Economic p o l i c y " was formulated i n response to the need to reduce the income gap between Malays and non-Malays.  The NOC f e l t that  one b a r r i e r standing i n the way of national unity was the wide gap between Malays and non-Malays  in terms of income and employment, the Malays  having l e s s than non-Malays.  The s o l u t i o n forged was a government e f f o r t  to provide access f o r Malays to the modern sectors of the economy. for  Plans  the implementation of t h i s p o l i c y were l a t e r enunciated i n the Second  and Third Malaysia Plans, the blueprints f o r Malaysia's development e f f o r t s in the 1970's.  Although the new economic p o l i c y seemed more pro-Malay,  the NOC saw the p o l i c y as an implemntation, i n economic terms, of the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l bargain between Malays and non-Malays.  By reducing econo-  mic imbalances, the NOC sought to achieve national u n i t y . Malay P a r t i c i p a t i o n and the New Economic Pol i c y Malay nationalism took a s i g n i f i c a n t turn from the p o l i t i c a l to what may be c a l l e d economic nationalism a f t e r achieving independence from the British.  This was influenced by the desire among Malay leaders to solve  the problem of Malay poverty and to increase t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the economic development of the country during the f i r s t two decades a f t e r independence.  The f u l f i l l m e n t of Malay a s p i r a t i o n s were guided by the  new p o l i t i c a l and bureaucratic e l i t e whose ideals and s t r a t e g i e s gained support i n the government (Tham 1977). Malay opposition to the Malayan Union gave b i r t h to UMNO, the f i r s t  50  Malay national p o l i t i c a l organization.  Through t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , a new  breed of Malay p o l i t i c a l and bureaucratic e l i t e came into being . formulated the new economic p o l i c y (Chandra 1977).  The lack of  They signifi-  cant Malay leadership during the c o l o n i a l period allowed the B r i t i s h and non-Malay immigrant groups to by-pass the Malays in the economic development of the peninsula.  Through the e f f o r t s of the new leadership, Malay e n t r e -  preneurial a c t i v i t y was stimulated.  As discussed below, t h e i r attempts at  i n f l u e n c i n g the modernization of Malays have been concentrated on using p o l i t i c s and l e g i s l a t i o n to remove hindrances to Malay p a r t i c i p a t i o n , as well as to preserve Malay r i g h t s i n c e r t a i n economic sectors. Two phases may be abstracted from the government's e f f o r t s to u p l i f t the conditions of the Malays: f i r s t , the development of the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector, and second, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the modern i n d u s t r i a l sector.  After  the establishment of the federation in 1948, Malay leaders began to voice t h e i r demands f o r development i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector.  The B r i t i s h had  previously concentrated e f f o r t s on t h e p l a n t a t i o n , mining and:commercial sectors which were mainly i n the hands of the Europeans and Chinese.  Since  Malays were found mostly in the r u r a l , small-holding, a g r i c u l t u r a l sector, Malay leaders clamored f o r the development of t h i s sector. B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s and Malay leaders d i f f e r e d i n t h e i r perception of the causes of Malay poverty.  The former saw i t as a r e s u l t of d e f i c i e n -  c i e s i n organization and a dysfunctional value system, i . e . , Malay custom and lack of achievement o r i e n t a t i o n .  Malay leaders countered that the  d e f i c i e n c i e s were due to the e x p l o i t a t i o n of r u r a l Malays by Chinese and Indian moneylenders, while the dysfunctional value system was a  51 r e s u l t of  the breakdown of v i l l a g e l i f e brought about by the paternalism  of c o l o n i a l r u l e (Aziz 1964, Mahathir 1970). As a r e s u l t of Malay i n s i s t e n c e , the B r i t i s h government's economic development program i n the 1950 s concentrated on r u r a l areas. 1  This was  marked by the establishment of two government organizations to deal with rural development, the  Rural and I n d u s t r i a l Development Authority  (RIDA) and the Federal Land Development Authority (FLDA).  The former was  organized to provide p h y s i c a l , t e c h n i c a l , and f i n a n c i a l support to r u r a l areas, while the l a t t e r was formed to open new a g r i c u l t u r a l areas f o r r e s e t t l i n g the landless (Ness 1967).  At the same time, community deve-  lopment programs were i n s t i t u t e d so Malays could organize and improve themselves.  The establishment of v i l l a g e development committees was one  r e s u l t of t h i s program. The second phase of the Malay l e a d e r s ' e f f o r t s to u p l i f t the conditions of the Malays was aimed at Malay p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the modern indust r i a l sector.  Two economic congresses f o r Malays were held i n 1965 and  1968 wherein government leaders i d e n t f i e d areas of economic p a r t i c i p a t i o n v i t a l to Malays. Resolutions were formulated f o r t h e i r goals. In the f i r s t congress, the term bumjputra, or sons of the s o i l , was f i r s t suggested to r e f e r to Malays and other indigenous peoples in the federation.  This was a step in symbolizing the i n t e r e s t s of the Malays as  separate and apart from those of the non-Malays. Six areas of economic a c t i v i t y were i d e n t i f i e d to help the bumiputras. These were the provision of c a p i t a l , p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n trade and commerce, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the service sector, entrepreneurial t r a i n i n g , provision of marketing f a c i l i t i e s , and land reform.  I n s t i t u t i o n a l support was pro-  52  vided to f u l f i l l  these goals b.y the ;establ i shmeiit of  a government  bank, Bank Bumiputra, which was to provide c a p i t a l f o r Malays, and by the reconstruction of RIDA i n t o the M a j l i s Amanah Rakyat (MARA) or Council of the People's Trust, which was  to help i n entrepreneurial development.  The second congress adopted more resolutions to urge the government to provide more c a p i t a l resources and f a c i l i t i e s to Malay entrepreneurs, as well as to have the government patronize bumiputra business e n t e r p r i s e . The new Malay economic nationalism d i d not go unnoticed by the other ethnic groups, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Chinese.  Some Chinese groups resented the  increase i n favorable treatment of the Malays.  Malays, the Chinese s a i d ,  were not the only poverty s t r i c k e n group on the peninsula.  The May 13,  1969 r a c i a l c o n f l i c t was one r e s u l t of t h i s resentment. As mentioned above, the strong p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n of the Malays and the increased economic f a v o r i t i s m of the government towards the Malays was a r e s u l t of the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l bargain between Malays and non-Malays. In exchange f o r f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and c i t i z e n s h i p , the Chinese gave in to c o n s t i t u t i o n a l provisions f o r the " s p e c i a l p o s i t i o n of the Malays," p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the c i v i l s e r v i c e , scholarships f o r education, and c e r t a i n permits or licenses to operate businesses.  An unstated part of the bargain  was that the dominant r o l e of the Chinese i n business w i l l continue, f r e e from persecution and hindrances; Malay economic nationalism, however, was seen as an infringement on Chinese dominance i n commerce and business. Malay p o l i t i c a l strength p r e v a i l e d , however, and an even stronger p o l i c y i n economic l i f e was formulated i n the government's mic p o l i c y a f t e r 1969.  pro-Malay  new econo-  53 The New Economic P o l i c y (NEP) was f i r s t announced p u b l i c l y i n the Second Malaysia Plan, 1971-1975.  It had two main o b j e c t i v e s :  F i r s t , the  e r a d i c a t i o n of poverty f o r a l l Malaysians, i r r e s p e c t i v e of race; second, the r e - s t r u c t u r i n g of Malaysian society to c o r r e c t imbalances to e l i m i nate the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of race with economic f u n c t i o n .  It i s the NEP's  second o b j e c t i v e that has guided the pro-Malay p o l i c y of the government. There are f i v e goals i n the Plan containing measures that i n d i c a t e a proMalay p o l i c y :  (1) to increase the Malay share in the country's c a p i t a l  wealth to 30 percent by 1990; (2) to produce Malay managers and other professi o n a l s ; (3) to increase Malay employment on a l l l e v e l s to r e f l e c t the r a c i a l composition of the country; (4) to increase the proportion of Malays  pursuing  higher education i n f i e l d s l i k e science and technology, economics, and business a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ; and, (5) to increase Malay urbanization by encouraging  Malays to move to towns and help them get i n t o business.  Various means have been used to implement the goals selected f o r r e - s t r u c t u r i n g Malaysian s o c i e t y .  In a d d i t i o n to already e x i s t i n g govern-  ment i n s t i t u t i o n s , such as Bank Bumiputra and MARA which served to t r a i n and a s s i s t Malay businessmen, several other organizations were created to help bumiputras  increase t h e i r economic p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  Among these were  the Urban Development Authority (UDA), which f a c i l i t a t e d the provision of o f f i c e s and commercial premises f o r Malays in urban areas; the National Corporation or Perbadanan Nasional  (PERNAS), which engaged i n a wide v a r i e t y  of business operations l i k e insurance and c o n s t r u c t i o n ; and State and Economic Development Corporations (SEDC), which planned and c o n t r o l l e d state level economic developments (Milne 1976).  54  These organizations are regarded as stand-ins f o r Malay i n t e r e s t s . Their function i s to s t a r t business with the eventual aim of handing them over to i n d i v i d u a l Malay entrepreneurs.  The r a t i o n a l f o r using these new  large government organizations i s the b e l i e f that since there are s t i l l few q u a l i f i e d Malays who can operate large businesses without i n s t i t u t i o n a l backing, t h i s ethnic group remains at a competitive disadvantage with nonMalays (Milne 1976). This method of increasing Malay ownership by government i n s t i t u t i o n s as proxys is considered by Peacock (1979:392) as an odd exercise in development.  In his view the e f f e c t of government buying i n t o p r i v a t e compa-  nies i s to d i v e r t funds f o r anti-poverty programs into e q u i t y - p a r t i c i p a t i o n programs i n the private companies.  Purchase of e x i s t i n g equity w i l l  merely change ownership, not expand a company's c a p i t a l nor increase productive opportunities or provide new jobs.  Although the method may be  presently harmless, i t may do some harm to Malaysia's a t t r a c t i n g foreign c a p i t a l !  future prospects of  If the purchase of equity through government  i n s t i t u t i o n s such as PERNAS i s i n t e r p r e t e d as government interference or as an i n i t i a l stage to n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , the foreign investors may d i r e c t t h e i r funds elsewhere. Response to the NEP from the three main ethnic groups has been mixed although most of them have come to accept i t .  Non-Malays have previously  resented p r o - M a l a y ' p o l i c i e s , but because the NEP came a f t e r the 1969 i n c i d e n t , when t h e i r influence i n the government was diminished, they have acquiesced.  For example, the Chinese response has mainly been v i g i l a n c e  toward the implementation of the NEP, rather than o u t r i g h t opposition to  55 the p o l i c y .  Their complaints have usually touched on administrative con-  t r o l s , such as the issuance of licenses to manufacturing firms that followed the NEP g u i d e l i n e s .  At the same time, Chinese businessmen have resigned  themselves to re-organizing t h e i r operations i n the face of government machinery helping the bumiputras corporations.  and competition from large m u l t i - n a t i o n a l  The Indian response has also been one of acceptance . They  have only c a l l e d a t t e n t i o n to the proportionate share of Indians in various sectors such land settlement and u n i v e r s i t y  admission.  Malay reaction to the NEP and i t s implementation has produced more i n t e r e s t i n g comments and c r i t i c i s m s .  In s p i t e of the f a c t that the NEP  was formulated to benefit Malays, there i s s t i l l the f e a r that the shortrun benefits of such government programs would go to non-Malays.  For  example, i n b u i l d i n g commercial premises f o r Malays, i t i s the Chinese contractors who usually get the business.  Malay i n t e l l e c t u a l s have c r i t i -  cized t h e government's'attempt at creating a Hal ay.entrepreneurial commun i t y in towns (Chandra 1977).  According to t h e i r view, the implementation  of the NEP and creation of Malay businesses and i n d u s t r i e s has only benef i t e d a few Malays.  They doubt that the t r a n s f e r of Malay businesses  from the hands of the government to i n d i v i d u a l Malays w i l l be r e a l i z e d ; they fear that they w i l l only stay under the control of the new p o l i t i c a l and bureaucratic e l i t e s .  Furthermore, they emphasize that the c r e a t i o n  of a group of Malay entrepreneurs w i l l not be conducive to national u n i t y , since i t does not solve the problem of poverty among a l l the ethnic groups; r a t h e r , the r e s u l t may be more ethnic c o n f l i c t s l i k e those o f May 1969. Government leaders have denied that they desire to create an e l i t e group of Malay entrepreneurs, arguing that they intended to create a middle-  56 c l a s s Malay group.  This i s to be accomplished by implementing the  goals of the NEP, e r a d i c a t i n g poverty, and r e - s t r u c t u r i n g Malaysian s o c i e t y . Implementation of the NEP under the Second Malaysia Plan emphasized improving conditions f o r Malays by giving more a t t e n t i o n to the r e s t r u c t u r i n g goals.  Government leaders have become aware of the shortcomings of t h i s  approach to Malay programs and national u n i t y . In the Third Malaysia Plan, 1976-1980, more a t t e n t i o n is given to the problem of e r a d i c a t i n g poverty as set f o r t h in the NEP, u t i l i z i n g a more balanced approach that includes a l l three ethnic groups in the specific targets.  Poverty s t r i c k e n groups were targetted i n the develop-  ment e f f o r t s , e.g. fishermen, estate workers, and urban workers.  The  Chinese were also a l l o t t e d more p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e , u t i l i t i e s , and s e r v i c e s ; and Indians were given a bigger r o l e i n manufacturing, commerce and s e r v i c e s .  Thus, on a p o l i c y l e v e l , c r i t i c i s m s of the pro-Malay bias  of the government i s being r e c t i f i e d through the Third Malaysia Plan. E f f o r t s of the p o l i t i c a l and bureaucratic e l i t e s i n the development of Malay business and entrepreneurial i n t e r e s t s have been s u b s t a n t i a l .  Their  involvement in the economic l i f e of Malays has provided leadership in the newly established government sponsored i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r Malays, l i k e MARA, UDA, and PERNAS.  Through these i n s t i t u t i o n s , they have provided basic  f a c i l i t i e s f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the economy, as well as improvements in r u r a l income and standard of l i v n g (Tham 1977:254).  S p e c i f i c accomp-  lishments f o r Malay p a r t i c i p a t i o n are: a v a i l a b i l i t y of c a p i t a l through loans, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the commerce and service sectors through education and the provision of marketing f a c i l i t i e s .  Through these a c t i v i t i e s , Malays  57 have obtained some measure of p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the development of t h e i r s o c i e t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the urban sector.  These general trends w i l l be  examined in the l i g h t of the material gathered f o r the residents of Taman Kampung Kuantan. Conclusion The urbanization of Malays began: slowly," but has a c c e l e r a t e d . i n t h e ^ past two.decades.  As a r e s u l t of c o l o n i a l and other h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s ,  non-Malays outnumber Malays in urban areas of Malaysia.  During the c o l o -  n i a l p e r i o d , the B r i t i s h p o l i c y of channelling ethnic groups into c e r t a i n sectors of economic a c t i v i t y helped contain Malays mainly in the r u r a l areas.  Malays were l i m i t e d to subsistence a g r i c u l t u r e , while the Chinese  and Indians were l e f t to develop commerce or were employed in t i n mines or on rubber e s t a t e s .  It was also the immigrant Chinese and Indians who  developed the towns with t h e i r commerce and accompanying service i n d u s t r i e s . This pattern i s r e f l e c t e d i n the development of the town of Kelang, which i s discussed in more d e t a i l in the next chapter.  Traditionally  known as a Malay settlement, Kelang has grown into a v i r t u a l l y Chinese town.  The majority of i t s population i s now Chinese, and the economic  and commercial l i f e of the town i s also p r i m a r i l y in the hands of the Chinese. Since World War II, Malays have moved to urban areas  in increasing  numbers as part of the reassertion of Malay p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the development of t h e i r country.  Malay nationalism,, i n s p i r e d by r e l i g i o u s and p o l i -  I t i c a l l e a d e r s , provided the i n i t i a l f o l l o w i n g the c o l o n i a l regime.  impetus f o r the Malay awakening  Educated abroad or in English schools on  58 the Malay peninsula, r e l i g i o u s leaders an d c i v i l servants became aware of the backwardness of Malays compared to other ethnic groups.  With  independence, a new p o l i t i c a l leadership developed among Malays which t r i e d to d i r e c t . t h e development of Malays w i t h i n the context of a m u l t i - e t h n i c society.  Malay fear of economic dominance by non-Malays influenced:the  promotion of pro-Malay p o l i c i e s i n Malaysia.  For example, the expulsion  of Singapore, with i t s large Chinese population, from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965 took a substantial segment of non-Malays out of the federation. The p o l i t c a l strength of the Malays confronted the economic dominat i o n of non-Malays, r e s u l t i n g in the New Economic P o l i c y , which sought to obtain some balance i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p among the three main ethnic groups in the country.  With i t s pro-Malay bias, however, the NEP i s  a s s e r t i n g Malay leadership i n the development of Malaysia. In urban areas Malays tend to concentrate in.the service sector, and. unski,lled_- low income occupations.  Upon t h e i r a r r i v a l i n urban  areas, they f i n d themselves unable to p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n the i n d u s t r i a l and commercial l i f e of the town due to lack of s k i l l s , education, or s o c i a l connections.  Many obtain occupations l i k e c l e r k s , policemen,  teachers, or u n s k i l l e d l a b o r e r s .  The NEP is t r y i n g to r e c t i f y t h i s  s i t u a t i o n by providing more opportunities f o r Malay p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n urban areas.  It is providing incentives f o r i n d u s t r i a l development,  i n s t i t u t i o n a l support, physical i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , and f i n a n c i a l aid to Malays.  The r e s u l t s of t h i s p o l i c y and i t s e f f e c t s on Malays s t i l l  remain to be seen. e f f e c t s of  In the next chapters I descr.ibeia  urbanization on i t s Malay r e s i d e n t s .  l o c a l i t y and the  CHAPTER  III  POPULATION AND ETHNIC PATTERNS IN KELANG In t h i s chapter a b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l review of the town of Kelang and i t s development i s given i n order to provide some perspective f o r the discussion of the l o c a l i t y studied.  The development of Kelang r e f l e c t s  the general pattern of the development of towns on the west coast described in the preceding chapter.  Some aspects of the patterns of ethnic d i s t r i -  bution i n the town w i l l also be discussed to show the p o s i t i o n of Malays v i s - a - v i s the other ethnic groups i n the town. Kelang Town A b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of the town's physical lay out  provides  perspective on the physical context of the l o c a l i t y studied.  . some  The town of  Kelang may be reached from Kuala Lumpur by t r a v e l l i n g about 20 miles southwest on the Federal Highway.  It is on the southern t i p of a 30 mile  development in the Kelang V a l l e y that stretches from Kuala Lumpur to the Port of Kelang on the shore of the S t r a i t s of Malacca.  Along the way, one  passes the new towns of P e t a l i n g Jaya and Shah Alam, which are separated from Kelang and each other by green b e l t s of f o r e s t , palm o i l , or rubber estates.  Unlike Kelang, these two towns are a l i v e with i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y .  Factories are l i n e d up side by s i d e .  New housing developments are also  apparent in Petaling Jaya and Shah Alam. 59  60 Approaching Kelang from the northeast, the housing developments are the f i r s t buildings to catch one's eye.  On both sides of the highway are  two-story concrete row houses, sometimes looking monotonously a l i k e .  The  new Hokkien Association b u i l d i n g towers near the highway, perhaps a symbol of the numerical supremacy of the town's Chinese population.  Cars, buses,  and trucks c r u i s e i n t o town along the main roads, which are marked at the i n t e r s e c t i o n s by roundabouts.  Stores with signs i n d i c a t i n g that they are  Chinese-owned face the s t r e e t s in the town c e n t e r ' s commercial d i s t r i c t . Just as one enters the main commercial section of the town, the Kelang River looms ahead. town.  Across the west bridge, i s the southern part of  The Town Council b u i l d i n g and D i s t r i c t O f f i c e buildings s i t atop  h i l l s close to the r i v e r . also t h r i v e s .  Past these b u i l d i n g s , a small commercial area  Then a f i v e mile s t r e t c h of road leads to the port.  both sides of t h i s road are housing developments.  There are also a Hindu  temple, some vacant l a n d , and a new, l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l area, which i s being developed.  Along  still  In f r o n t of the f a c t o r i e s i s a small squatter settlement  side by side with blocks of concrete two-story row houses.  Along the busy  s t r e e t leading to the port are commercial establishments, again mostly Chinese. At the entrance to the p o r t , r a i l r o a d tracks run p a r a l l e l to the o l d port which i s not very busy since most of the a c t i v i t y has been t r a n s f e r r e d to the new port on the North Kelang S t r a i t s area, about f i v e miles northwest of the old s i t e .  Around the o l d port are government quarters f o r workers,  and a t h r i v i n g commercial s e c t i o n .  There are also new housing developments  i n the area, i n c l u d i n g high r i s e s f o r low income groups and row houses and  61  bungalows  f o r the more a f f l u e n t .  A c c o r d i n g t o g e o g r a p h i c a l and l a n d use c r i t e r i a , Kelang may be d i v i d e d i n t o t h r e e s e c t i o n s : Kelang N o r t h , Kelang S o u t h , and t h e P o r t . R i v e r s e p a r a t e s ;Kelang North and Kelang South. Kelang South by a f i v e m i l e s t r e t c h o f r o a d .  The Kelang  The p o r t i s s e p a r a t e d from Residents  o f the town see  Kelang N o r t h as t h e commercial and e n t e r t a i n m e n t s e c t i o n o f the town, w h i l e Kelang South i s i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e hub. gate o f the town, as w e l l as o f S e l a n g o r  The p o r t i s t h e e x p o r t / i m p o r t (See Map 2).  Kelang North has outpaced Kelang South i n r e c e n t development.  The main  m a r k e t , commercial b u i l d i n g s , bus and t a x i t e r m i n a l a r e o n l y some o f t h e main improvements i n t h i s a r e a .  People from a l l o v e r the d i s t r i c t go t o  Kelang North t o shop i f they do not w i s h t o go t o Kuala Lumpur. t o the moviehouses,  They f l o c k  r e s t a u r a n t s , and e v e n i n g m a r k e t s , o r p a s a r malam, on  Saturday n i g h t f o r amusement.  L i g h t i n d u s t r i a l f i r m s engaged i n making  machine p a r t s and l e a t h e r and r u b b e r goods have a l s o been e s t a b l i s h e d i n Kelang N o r t h . Kelang South i s l i n k e d t o Kelang North by two b r i d g e s .  The west b r i d g e  l e a d s d i r e c t l y t o t h e b u i l d i n g s t h a t house t h e Town C o u n c i l and the D i s t r i c t Office.  The new e a s t b r i d g e l i n k s Kelang North t o t h e o l d commercial c e n t e r  and the h o s p i t a l .  East o f the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e a r e o t h e r n a t i o n a l  u n i t s , such as the P o l i c e , the Kelang's  R a i l r o a d , and R e l i g i o u s  government  Departments.  r e p u t a t i o n as a r o y a l town comes from the presence o f t h e  S u l t a n ' s o l d p a l a c e i n Kelang S o u t h .  The p a l a c e was f i r s t c o n s t r u c t e d a t  t h e t u r n o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y and was r e b u i l t a f t e r the Second World War.  Members o f the r o y a l f a m i l y o f S e l a n g o r a l s o have t h e i r r e s i d e n c e s  in  63 t h i s part of town.  Kelang's reputation as a royal town may not l a s t long,  since the Sultan has b u i l t a new palace and established his o f f i c i a l in Shah Alam.  residence  Near the S u l t a n ' s palace in Kelang i s the state mosque b u i l t  by Sultan Suleiman i n the 1930 s. 1  As the head of the Muslim f a i t h in the  state of Selangor, the Sultans have been a c t i v e i n suporting r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s l i k e College Islam, which i s also located near the state mosque. The Port of Kelang i s the o u t l e t f o r exporting t i n , rubber, and palm o i l which are produced in Selangor. f o r foreign goods to Malaysia.  I t i s also one of the main entry points  Since independence,..the government's develop-  ment e f f o r t s have p r i m a r i l y focused on the port of Kelang.  The r e s t of the  town has grown more from p r i v a t e investments, mainly Chinese. "The port i s the only part of Kelang that has maintained i t s s t r a t e g i c s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the town.  I n d u s t r i a l growth i n the state has concentrated i n Kuala Lumpur  and the new towns, while the r e s t of Kelang has become an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , ; commercial and r e s i d e n t i a l complement of the port. Social and Administrative History The socio-economic and ethnic c h a r a c t e r s t i c s of Kelang are very much a product of i t s s o c i a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e h i s t o r y .  The h i s t o r y of Kelang  has been traced back some 2,000 years to the Dong Son c u l t u r e of  Indo-China.  Parts of bronze b e l l s and drums s i m i l a r to the Dong Son a r t i f a c t s excavated in Kelang suggest human habitation in the ".a rea at that time.  Iron age  implements, l o c a l l y c a l l e d tulang mawas o r bone of,.the orang-utag, have also been discovered.  Who brought these implements is not yet c e r t a i n , however,  i t has been suggested that Malays from Indo-China c a r r i e d these items with them to the Malay peninsula (Wheatley 1964).  64 The f i r s t h i s t o r i c a l reference to Kelang dates back to the time of the Majapahit kingdom of Java.  According to Majapahit accounts, a place  c a l l e d Kelang was under t h e i r control i n the fourteenth century.  The next  h i s t o r i c a l mention of Kelang i s in connection with the Sultanate of Malacca which c o n t r o l l e d Kelang in the f i f t e e n t h century.  When Malacca f e l l to  the Portuguese in 1521, the control of Kelang was t r a n s f e r r e d to Johore, where the Malacca Sultanate was r e - e s t a b l i s h e d (Haji Buyong 1971). The Kelang area mentioned in e a r l y accounts probably r e f e r r e d to settlements on the banks of the Kelang River in Selangor which was sparsely populated u n t i l the nineteenth century.  Apart from the aboriginal i n h a b i t a n t s ,  the e a r l i e s t s e t t l e r s were Malays from Malacca and Sumatra. s e t t l e d on the banks of the r i v e r s or sungai, l i k e  The Malays  Sungai Bernam, Sungai  Selangor, Sungai Kelang, Sungai Langat, and Sungai Lukut.  Malay settlement  of these areas probably drove the aboriginal population f u r t h e r i n t o the i n t e r i o r of the peninsula.  One reason Malays preferred l i v i n g near the  r i v e r s was that these were main l i n e s of communication. f o r e s t s separated the r i v e r v a l l e y s .  Thick jungles and  The r i v e r s led to the S t r a i t s of  Malacca, the main water way to other regions. The e a r l y Malay inhabitants of Selangor were mostly padi c u l t i v a t o r s , gatherers of f o r e s t products, and fishermen.  In the seventeenth century,  Bugis s e t t l e r s from Sulawesi came to Selangor and s e t t l e d mainly and Kuala Selangor.  i n Kelang  Unlike the Malacca and Sumatra Malays, the Bugis  preferred the sea coast to the r i v e r banks. t r a d e r s , as well as famous w a r r i o r s .  They were good s a i l o r s and  It d i d not take long before the west  coast of Selangor became a Bugis stronghold.  In 1756, the Sultanate of  65 Selangor was founded by the Bugis rajas or royal persons (Haji Buyong 1971). From the foundation of the Selangor Sultanate u n t i l the nineteenth century, the development of Selangor revolved around the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of the state or negeri and the growth of the t i n trade.  External influences  on the a f f a i r s of the Sultanate came from the r i v a l r y between the Dutch and the B r i t i s h f o r control of the S t r a i t s of Malacca.  Selangor had close  economic t i e s with Malacca in the eighteenth and nineteenth century. the Dutch were driven out of Malacca by the B r i t i s h ,  After  Selangor-.channelled  i t s then small production of t i n through the port of Malacca.  It was not  u n t i l the nineteenth century,"When the Chinese began providing c a p i t a l and labor to the Malay c h i e f s , that large q u a n t i t i e s of t i n came from Selangor. Each of the Selangor r i v e r settlements was c o n t r o l l e d by a t e r r i t o r i a l c h i e f who was usually r e l a t e d to the S u l t a n . The c h i e f s held considerable power, exacting t r i b u t e f o r the S u l t a n , and c o l l e c t i n g taxes on the trade that passed along the r i v e r s of t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s . Among the r i v e r settlements of Selangor, Kelang was the most populated and productive u n t i l the nineteenth century.  Mohammad (1972), Haji Buyong  (1971) and Khoo (1972b) provide some d e s c r i p t i v e accounts of nineteenth century Selangor.  In 1820, Kelang had an estimated population of  1,500  while the other settlements had from 200 to 700 people (Mohammad 1972:4). Most of the population was involved i n a g r i c u l t u r e , but some Malays were involved in mining which was managed by the t e r r i t o r i a l c h i e f .  As t i n  production increased, labor was i n c r e a s i n g l y provided by the Chinese who flocked to the mines as they were opened.  Together with Kuala  Langat, and Lukut, the t o t a l output i n the 1830's was per year (Mohammad 1972:5).  Selangor,  3,600 p i c u l s of t i n  66 Selangor's t i n trade g r e a t l y expanded i n the mid-nineteenth century, as a r e s u l t of the e f f o r t s of a t e r r i t o r i a l c h i e f of Kelang, Raja Abdullah, who opened up mines up the Kelang River in Ampang in 1857.  He was supported  in t h i s venture by labor and c a p i t a l provided by Chinese f i n a n c i e r s in Malacca.  The t i n mining in Ampang a t t r a c t e d Chinese miners from the neigh-  boring areas of Lukut, Langat, and Sungai Ujong where the t i n mines were not as productive. River.  By 1859, t i n from Ampang was exported through the Kelang  In 1866, f o r example, 21,000 p i c u l s of t i n came from the Kelang  district.  I t was a r e s u l t of the t i n mining in Ampang that the town of  Kuala Lumpur was born. Khoo (1972) describes the e f f e c t of the t i n trade on the d i f f e r e n t ethnic groups in Selangor.  The boom in t i n mining increased the Kelang  d i s t r i c t ' s Chinese population. t i o n among the Chinese.  One consequence of t h i s was the competi-  Chinese f a c t i o n s , grouped into " s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s "  competed with each other f o r control of commercial and other goods.  Fre-  quent c o n f l i c t among these factions hindered normal commercial a c t i v i t i e s and a Chinese headman had to be appointed to bring order among them. Another e f f e c t of the t i n trade was the change among Malays. that some Malays neglected padi p l a n t i n g . engage i n the buying and s e l l i n g of goods. by the expansion of t i n mining.  I t i s said  They preferred instead to The chiefs were also affected  T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the c h i e f bought a l l the  t i n produced i n his area and exported i t himself.  With the increase in the  number of miners and buyers of t i n , miners were allowed to engage in t h e i r own exporting, while the c h i e f s c o l l e c t e d a twenty percent duty on the t i n . The boom i n the t i n mining industry was disrupted i n the middle of the nineteenth century by the Kelang War and l a t e r by c i v i l war on the  67 west coast which led to the B r i t i s h intervention in the a f f a i r s of the Malay s t a t e s .  Khoo (1972a) describes the Kelang War as a c o n f l i c t based  on i n t e r - e t h n i c r i v a l r y between the Mandalings, o r i g i n a l l y from Sumatra, and the Bugis.  While the Mandalings came to Kelang in the fourteenth  century, the Bugis a r r i v e d  during the seventeenth and  eighteenth c e n t u r i e s .  H o s t i l i t y between the two groups o r i g i n a t e d i n the seventeenth century, when the Sumatrans t r i e d  unsuccessfully to wrest control of the Kelang r i v e r  v a l l e y from the Bugis.  The r i v a l r y culminated i n the Kelang War which was  p r e c i p i t a t e d by the c o n f l i c t between two r a j a s , Raja Mahdi who supported the Mandalings, and Raja Abdullah who was with the Bu§is_, f o r the control of Kelang.  A f t e r the establishment of B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l r u l e in 1874, the B r i t i s h began a p o l i c y of a g r i c u l t u r a l development in the four Malay states of Perak, Pahang, Selangor, and Negri Sembilan, c o l l e c t i v e l y known as the Federated Malay States.  Jackson (1965) describes the changes in the econo-  mic programs of the B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l administration at that time as a turning point i n the development of Selangor and other Malay s t a t e s .  He  says that the f i r s t two decades of c o l o n i a l r u l e were marked by r e l i a n c e upon t i n export and not commercial a g r i c u l t u r e because of the absence of a major, v i a b l e , commercial a g r i c u l t u r a l product. In Selangor, t a p i o c a , gambier, and pepper were the f i r s t crops to be c u l t i v a t e d on a commercial basis.  Chinese planters were among the f i r s t  to venture i n t o commercial a g r i c u l t u r e .  Chinese planters were already  c u l t i v a t i n g tapioca i n Selangor before the B r i t i s h i n t e r v e n t i o n .  In the  68 1880 s t h i s crop was superseded by pepper and gambier c u l t i v a t i o n . 1  pean estates were opened i n Kelang to plant pepper.  Euro-  Coffee was also  produced on the European plantations i n the l a t e 1880's, and the Kelang d i s t r i c t was found to be the most s u i t a b l e l o c a t i o n f o r t h i s .  By 1895,  Kelang was the most important coffee planting d i s t r i c t in the state of Selangor. The successful c u l t i v a t i o n of coffee as a commercial product encouraged the European planters to open up more land, employing Malays and Chinese to clear forests.  Lim (1977) gives an account of peasant p a r t i c i p a t i o n in  commercial a g r i c u l t u r e .  In Kelang, l o c a l Malays, mostly Javanese, began  planting c o f f e e , which provided them with a remunerative crop. the kampung residents experience in commercial export  This gave  production.  Their  products were sold to the Chinese or European exporters, giving them cash in r e t u r n .  In 1893, f o r example, the Annual Report of the State of  Selangor  estimated that Malays had only about 150 acres planted with padi, while there were 1,985 acres of Malay land under c u l t i v a t i o n f o r c o f f e e . The coffee planting period l a s t e d from 1881 to 1906.  By 1894,  world coffee prices f e l l , s t a r t i n g the end of the coffee boom.  however,  On the  peninsula, the coffee production peaked when coffee prices were at t h e i r lowest.  Pest problems i n the 1890 s f u r t h e r aggravated the s i t u a t i o n . 1  F i n a l l y , many Malay coffee c u l t i v a t o r s abandoned t h e i r holdings and migrated el sew he re. Jackson (1965) suggests that the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the rubber tree by the B r i t i s h contributed to the demise of coffee production i n the Malay states.  In the e a r l y planting period (1897-1901), rubber was interplanted  with c o f f e e .  Further expansion of rubber planting occurred at the turn of  the century, as coffee prices continued to f a l l .  Land devoted to coffee  declined annually, and more rubber trees were planted instead. Rubber planting was considered p r i m a r i l y a European a c t i v i t y by the B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l government.  They disapproved l o c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n  commercial a g r i c u l t u r e , as noted in the previous chapter.  The Malay  peasants sought work on short term c o n t r a c t s , during the i n a c t i v e period of the r i c e a g r i c u l t u r a l c y c l e , to f e l l trees and remove timber.  This  was approved by the B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l government, which saw i t i n terms of future p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r peasant labor on rubber p l a n t a t i o n s ; however, t h i s did not occur because Malay peasants placed a higher p r i o r i t y on t h e i r agricultural  life.  The growth in commercial a g r i c u l t u r e was p a r a l l e l e d by an increase in Selangor's Chinese and Indian population, as noted in the previous chapter. Increase of the Chinese population was a r e s u l t of migration-from South China, which was plagued by  poverty and other problems.  They came to the  Malay peninsula in the hope of making t h e i r fortune and then returning to t h e i r homeland. the p l a n t a t i o n s .  The Indians came p r i m a r i l y as indentured laborers f o r From 1901 to 1911 the Chinese- of Selangor increased from  9*089 to 21,820, while the Indians increased from 5,720 to 57,329.  While  most of the Chinese became employed i n the t i n mining industry, the Indians were mostly employed to work on the coffee and rubber p l a n t a t i o n s . The growth of the Chinese and Indian population at t h i s time was the beginning of an ethnic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n pattern which prevailed u n t i l the Malaysian government decided to take steps to change i t :  the Malays in the  rural peasant sector, the Chinese i n t i n mining and commercial sectors, and  70 the Indians in the p l a n t a t i o n s . The growth of the Kelang d i s t r i c t , t h e r e f o r e , began with the development of t i n mining and commercial a g r i c u l t u r e i n Selangor. was Selangor's  major export o u t l e t .  By the 1890's, Kelang  The growth in exports was followed by  an expansion of communication networks.  Roads to Kuala Lumpur were opened,  and the r a i l r o a d was extended from Kuala Lumpur to the coast. Before the turn of the century, the port of Kelang was located about twelve miles up r i v e r from the coast.  By 1901, that port was closed and a  coastal port with a r a i l r o a d terminus was opened.  I n i t i a l l y c a l l e d Port  Swettenham a f t e r the f i r s t B r i t i s h adviser to the Sultan of Selangor, i t was l a t e r renamed Port Kelang.  A new settlement grew around the port.  This,  settlement became an i n t e g r a l part of the town when i t was placed under the same a d m i n i s t r a t i v e body. Kelang's o f f i c i a l h i s t o r y began in 1895 when i t s boundaries were d e l i n eated;-^ In 1904, Kelang  and the port were administered by separate Sanitary  Boards under the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e .  The land i n the Kelang D i s t r i c t was  swampy, and-'diseases;;such' as malaria were rampant.  Sanitation and disease  control were of prime concern at that time, thus the existence of Sanitary Boards. Board.  In 1926, Kelang and the port were placed under the same Sanitary Before World War II,  Kelang was known as one of the d i r t i e s t towns  on the peninsula because of i t s poor s a n i t a t i o n , large numbers of squatters, and poor housing c o n d i t i o n s . At the beginning of World War II, Japanese r u l e .  the Malay peninsula came under  L i t t l e change was made i n the administration of the  peninsula except that the Japanese rather than the B r i t i s h were in c o n t r o l .  71 The Japanese allowed the Malays more p a r t i c i p a t i o n in l o c a l e s t a b l i s h i n g l o c a l councils i n each d i s t r i c t .  government,  A l l the council members  were Malays, with h a l f the members appointed by the Japanese and the other half nominated by the v i l l a g e headmen. The Japanese who had a h i s t o r y of h o s t i l i t y towards the Chinese persecuted them on the Malay peninsula.  Enmity  between the Malays and the Chinese was aroused because of the d i f f e r e n t i a l treatment accorded each by the Japanese.  As a r e s u l t , the Malays cooperated  with the Japanese, while the Chinese r e s i s t e d and formed g u e r i l l a units against the Japanese.  Chinese armed resistance against the Japanese was led  by the Chinese communist party on the peninsula, which l a t e r c a r r i e d out insurgent a c t i v i t i e s against the government during the period known as the "emergency" following World War  II.  The Kelang Town Board came into existence i n 1945 a f t e r the B r i t i s h M i l i t a r y Administration assumed control over the Malay peninsula.  The  Board consisted of a chairman and members who were appointed by the state government.  With the establishment of the  a trend toward e l e c t i v e o f f i c e began.  Federation of Malaya in 1948,  In 1950, e l e c t e d council members  and f i n a n c i a l autonomy f o r l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s were f i r s t introduced i n the Federation.  The Kelang Town Council came i n t o existence i n 1954 as a r e s u l t  of these two innovations.  A p a r t i a l l y elected and p a r t i a l l y appointed  C o u n c i l , representing Malays, Chinese, and Indians, and with the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r presiding as chairman, administered the a f f a i r s of the town. As a r e s u l t of the i n i t i a l i n t r o d u c t i o n of democratic processes  in  l o c a l government, attempts were made by the Kelang Town Council to have a f u l l y e l e c t e d , instead of a p a r t i a l l y e l e c t e d , C o u n c i l .  This plan, however,  72 d i d not m a t e r i a l i z e ,  In 1966 l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s throughout the peninsula  were suspended and replaced by f u l l y appointed c o u n c i l s . Attempts were also made to have Kelang elevated to the status of a municipality.  This was achieved i n 1977 when Kelang became a f u l l - f l e d g e d  m u n i c i p a l i t y , with i t s own Chairman and appointed c o u n c i l l o r s .  As an  autonomous administrative u n i t , Kelang m u n i c i p a l i t y administers the a f f a i r s of the areas w i t h i n the town, providing services such as s t r e e t l i g h t s , roads, garbage c o l l e c t i o n , and drainage. however, which are s t i l l  There are some roads i n town,  under the management of the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e .  This  i s because some services or f a c i l i t i e s i n s t a l l e d by the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e , in parts of the town's incorporated area, are under the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e ' s control.  This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true of f a c i l i t i e s found i n kampung areas  on the periphery of the town. The D i s t r i c t O f f i c e , which has i t s main o f f i c e in Kelang Town, was o r i g i n a l l y responsible f o r land matters i n the d i s t r i c t , including those in the town area.  Now that Kelang has become a m u n i c i p a l i t y , the D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e ' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s only f o r areas outside the town.  I t has,  however, some authority in kampung areas w i t h i n the town boundaries. Ethnic and Population Patterns Kelang i s t y p i c a l of west coast Malaysian towns i n i t s m u l t i - e t h n i c character.  The population of Kelang d i s t r i c t was estimated by the D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e a t about 78,000 i n 1931 — about 46 percent Indian, 29 percent Chinese, and 23 percent Malay.  At that time, Kelang town was p r a c t i c a l l y  h a l f Chinese, and had approximately equal numbers of Malays and.Indians. Kelang i s a f a s t growing town.  In 1947 i t had a population of 44,806  73 (Malaya 1947 Census).  This increased to 75,649 i n 1957 and by 1970 was  113,528 according to the 1957 and 1970 Censuses.  This represents an  increase of about 250 percent i n the population of the town between 1947 and 1970.  As a r e s u l t of t h i s growth, the population of Kelang i s second  only to Kuala Lumpur i n s i z e w i t h i n the state of Selangor. Since the nineteenth century, migration has been a major f a c t o r i n the population growth of Kelang.  Tin mining and p l a n t a t i o n a g r i c u l t u r e  encouraged Chinese and Indian immigration to Selangor.  Kelang also grew  as a r e s u l t of export trade and the expansion of the supply and marketing needs of the r u r a l population i n the mining and p l a n t a t i o n areas.  After  the Second World War, r u r a l to urban migration increased the pace of urban growth. This was i n i t i a t e d by large scale resettlement of r u r a l f a m i l i e s i n t o "new  v i l l a g e s " and towns between 1947 and 1957 during the "emergency"  f i g h t against the communists.  The area known as Pandamaran near the port  was o r i g i n a l l y a resettlement area f o r Chinese and r u r a l f a m i l i e s who were moved there as a r e s u l t of "emergency" measures. Government expansion and to some extent the development of facturing  manu-  /and processing i n d u s t r i e s , also influenced the movement of  people from r u r a l to urban areas at t h i s time.  In Kelang the development  of port f a c i l i t i e s , which have expanded from 1947 onwards, was an important f a c t o r i n population growth. The port i s now the l a r g e s t s i n g l e employer in the d i s t r i c t . The growth of the three main ethnic groups' population since 1947 may be gauged from Table II.  Among the three ethnic groups, i t i s the Malays  who have e x h i b i t e d a steady increase in population, while the proportion  74  TABLE II.  — Kelang's population and ethnic d i s t r i b u t i o n , 1947-1970.  Ethnic group  1947  Malay  1957  1970  7,226 (16.1%)  12,377 (16.4%)  23,680 (20.8%)  Chinese  24,654 (55.0%)  45,969 (60.8%)  65,990 (58.1%)  Indian  10,608 (23.7%)  14,958 (19.7%)  23,299 (20.5%)  2,318 ( 5.2%)  2,345 ( 3.1%)  638 ( 0.6%)  Other Total  •• 44,806 (100% ) Source:  75,649 (100% )  1947, 1957, 1970 Census.  113,607 (100% )  FIGURE 1.  Age-sex pyramid of Kelang's three main ethnic groups, 1970  Age  30  20  10  0  Malay Source:  10  20  30  30  20 10  0  10  Indian  Constructed from 1970 Census data.  20  30  20  10 0  10  Chinese  20  30  76 of Chinese and Indians has f l u c t u a t e d between 1947 and 1970.  As in the  r e s t of the country, the Malay population of Kelang also e x h i b i t e d the l a r g e s t increase since 1947. tion.  This growth i s a t t r i b u t e d to urban in-migra-  In 1970, out of the t o t a l Malay population i n Kelang, about 48  percent were not born i n the town, compared to 31 percent of the Chinese and 45 percent of the Indians.  In s p i t e of t h i s ,  Kelang s t i l l  remains a  predominantly Chinese town with about 58 percent Chinese, 21 percent Malay, and 21 percent Indian in 1970. Another demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the three main ethnic groups that may be compared i s age s t r u c t u r e .  In Figure 1. the 1970 age pyramids  f o r the three main ethnic groups show;, s u r p r i s i n g l y s l i g h t d i f f e r e n c e s . They a l l have a narrow base among the very young which expands suddenly at age f i v e , then begins to narrow gradually by the working age of 15 and above.  A s l i g h t d i f f e r e n c e i s found among the Indians, where the 45 and  over age group i s much smaller than that of the Malays or Chinese.  This  may be explained by the f a c t that the Indians were the l a t e s t addition to the peninsula's population, and thus, have not yet increased t h e i r population of older people as much as the other two ethnic groups. Ethnic and Economic Patterns Of Kelang's t o t a l working population i n 1970, about 45% were engaged i n production r e l a t e d work, such as metal processing, wood preparation, mining, brick l a y i n g , equipment operation, and dock work.  By ethnic c a t e -  gory, the Chinese (46% of t h e i r t o t a l ) were ahead of the Indians (44%) and Malays (39%) in production work involvement.  Most jobs were located i n the  port and neighboring towns of Shah Alam, P e t a l i n g Jaya, and Kuala Lumpur.  77 Next to production work the other common occupations among Kelang r e s i dents in 1970 were in s a l e s , service j o b s , and c l e r i c a l work.  By ethnic  category, the Chinese were more numerous in sales than the Indians or Malays, c l e r i c a l work was more common than service jobs. for the Indians as w e l l .  This was true  Few Kelang residents were engaged in the profes-  sional or managerial p o s i t i o n s .  Comparing the three ethnic groups, Malays  and Indians have s l i g h t l y higher proportions of professionals than the Chinese; Indians have a higher proportion of managers than Malays or Chinese. Table  The occupation d i s t r i b u t i o n by ethnic group i s summarized in  III. This d i s t r i b u t i o n of occupations among the three ethnic groups in  Kelang  town may be compared with the 1970 national d i s t r i b u t i o n shown in  Table IV.  Among the various categories of occupations the Chinese have a  greater share over Malays in most of the categories, p a r t i c u l a r l y in production, s a l e s , and service occupations. in a g r i c u l t u r a l occupations.  Malays have a majority only  The Chinese and Indians have approximately  s i m i l a r proportions in the service occupations. The ethnic d i s t r i b u t i o n of Kelang's economy can be seen further in the d i s t r i b u t i o n of employment at the port of Kelang, l i c e n s i n g of public market s t a l l s and commercial establishments, and property valuations in Kelang.  As indicated previously, the port i s the l a r g e s t single employer  in Kelang, with over 7,500 employees in 1977.  Sine 1947, i t has expanded  considerably; from the old south port, f a c i l i t i e s have grown to include a new North port in 1964.  As a r e s u l t of t h i s physical expansion, a  commensurate increase in s t a f f has been necessary.  In 1964, there were  78  TABLE I I I .  - - Occupation d i s t r i b u t i o n in Kelang by ethnic group, 1970.  Occupation  Malay (%)  Production Service Sal es Clerical Professional/Technical Administrative/managerial Agriculture Other Total Source:  Chinese  (%)  Indian (%)  39 15 2 19 8 1 2 15  46 9 18 11 6 2 1 7  44 11 10 15 8 2 2 9  100%  100%  100%  1 970 Census.  TABLE IV. •— Occupation d i s t r i b u t i o n in peninsular Malaysia by ethnic group, 1970.  Occupation Production Service Sal es Clerical Professional/Technical Administrative/managerial Agriculture Total Source:  (%)  Indian (%)  7.8 13.8 5.2 3.3 4.3 0.4 65.2  20.6 19.1 19.8 6.9 4.7 1 .5 27.4  10.4 20.9 11 .7 6.7 5.5 0.6 44.2  100%  100%  100%  Malay (%)  Chinese  Adapted from Table 9-7, Malaysia 1976:182.  79 1,336 employees; t h i s increased by 1,097 in 1973.  The dramatic increase  in 1973 was a r e s u l t of the take-over by the Port Authority of stevedoring services from private companies in Kelang.  Out of the p o r t ' s t o t a l number  of employees i n 1977, about 59 percent were Malays, 21 percent were Chinese, and 19 percent Indian.  In a l l l e v e l s , from a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , engineering,  t r a f f i c , s e c u r i t y , down to cargo handling and stevedoring, the Malays were in the m a j o r i t y . Kelang has s i x p u b l i c markets to service the d a i l y needs of town residents.  These are located i n the s i x main r e s i d e n t i a l sections of town.  Most of the s t a l l s in these markets s e l l general provisions l i k e r i c e , onions, sugar, s a l t and pepper, while others s e l l food items l i k e meat, vegetables, f i s h , p o u l t r y , and f r u i t s .  In 1976, there were 937 market s t a l l s i n Kelang.  According to the l i s t of licenses issued by the Town C o u n c i l , a t o t a l of 914 s t a l l s were rented out in 1976, with the f o l l o w i n g ethnic d i s t r i b u t i o n : 9.9 percent Malay, 78.8 percent Chinese, and 11.1 percent Indian.  As can  be seen from the above f i g u r e s , the Chinese had most of the market s t a l l s . Malays had s t a l l s mainly f o r general provisions or kedai r u n c i t , e.g. beef, chicken, f r u i t and vegetable s t a l l s .  The Chinese had s t a l l s f o r these same  food items and monopolized the sale of pork.  Indians had s t a l l s mainly f o r  vegetables, general provisions, lamb or goat meat, and spices. The l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l and commercial establishments i n Kelang provide the major source of employment f o r many residents.  Among the l i g h t indus-  t r i a l companies are those that manufacture i c e , soap, peanut and coconut o i l , f i s h nets, f i s h paste, boxes, p l a s t i c and rubber goods, plywood, i c e cream, and catsup.  The commercial establishments include restaurants, h o t e l s ,  80; movie houses, small c l i n i c s , laundry, hardware s t o r e s , warehouses, coffee shops, radio and t e l e v i s i o n r e p a i r , t a i l o r s , and general provision stores. Based on 1977 l i c e n s i n g data from the Town C o u n c i l , there were a t o t a l of 2,878 firms and shops i n Kelang.  Of these, 80.5 percent of the e s t a b l i s h -  ments were owned by Chinese, 10.9 percent by Indians, and 3.9 percent by Malays.  In a d d i t i o n , 4.7 percent of the firms were partnerships between  two or more persons from d i f f e r e n t ethnic groups. As in the proprietorship of market s t a l l s , more types of were owned by the Chinese than by Malays or Indians.  businesses  The Malays owned  such establishments as restaurants and coffee shops, radio and t e l e v i s i o n 1  r e p a i r shops, general provision shops, and b a r b e r . s h p p s . ;  Indians had  s i m i l a r businesses as well as owning more t e x t i l e , goldsmith, and t a i l o r shops, and bookstores.  Partnerships between persons of d i f f e r e n t ethnic  groups included such businesses as warehouses, shoe s t o r e s , school and o f f i c e canteens, and fuel o i l and diesel storage f a c i l i t i e s .  There are  other establishments in the town that are not yet covered by l i c e n s e s from the Town C o u n c i l , such as doctors and d e n t i s t s , land brokers, lawyers, and banks and insurance f i r m s .  These are mostly operated by Chinese and  Indians. It i s apparent from the above d i s t r i b u t i o n that the Chinese predominate not only i n the population but also i n most of the categories o f ownership. The property d i s t r i b u t i o n in Kelang i s another i n d i c a t i o n of Chinese control of the town's economy.  According to a survey made by the Urban  Development Authority i n 1973, out of a l l the developed p r o p e r t i e s , i . e . land with buildings and other improvements, 66.8 percent belonged to the  81 Chinese, 15.2 percent was owned by Indians, and 14.2 percent by Malays. -Undeveloped p r o p e r t i e s , or empty l a n d , however, was not as evenly d i s t r i b u t e d , but was s t i l l held in the majority by Chinese (34.2%), while Malays (26.4%) and Indians (24.2%) had about the same holdings. Malay Reservations In s p i t e of Chinese predominance i n the economy of Kelang, there i s one aspect of Malaysian s o c i e t y that has sought to balance and i n some ways prot e c t Malay i n t e r e s t s .  Since the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , p o l i c i e s have been  promulgated and reserves set aside by the government to protect the i n t e r e s t s of Malays.  The Malay Reservation Enactment of 1913, f o r example, was passed  to keep Malay land under Malay ownership.  Land was a t a premium during the  coffee boom and the r i s e ^ o f the rubber industry in the e a r l y twentieth century.  Malay peasants sold t h e i r land holdings to the Chinese and to  foreign planters. 1,584  In Selangor, for example, i t was estimated that about  Malay holdings t o t a l l i n g 7,564 acres were t r a n s f e r r e d to non-Malays  by Malays by 1910 (Lim 1977:114).  This alarmed the B r i t i s h a u t h o r i t i e s  who feared that a dispossed peasantry would s p o i l t h e i r plans f o r developing peasant a g r i c u l t u r e to support t h e i r plantation w orkers. The Malay Reservation Enactment declared that the B r i t i s h Resident could designate any land w i t h i n the state as Malay reservation l a n d , and that Malay reservation land was not to be sold or otherwise disposed of to nonMalays.  This process of reservation was slow.  In Selangor, i t was made  p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t by the presence of a large non-Malay population.  In  Kelang, f o r example, there were only four reservations t o t a l l i n g 7,642 acres out of the d i s t r i c t ' s t o t a l 140,800 acres in 1917 (Lim 1977:132).  Further-  82 more, there were instances when the provisions of the law were evaded.  Non-  Malays continued to occupy Malay land claiming that they leased the land from the Malay owner. The Malay Reservation law i s s t i l l enforced today.  According to the  Kelang Land O f f i c e r , whenever a Malay Reservation is set aside, an equal area of land i s opened f o r occupation by a l l ethnic groups.  There are c u r r e n t l y  fourteen Malay reservation areas in Kelang d i s t r i c t t o t a l l i n g 21,505 acres. Within the town boundaries of Kelang there are f i v e Malay reservation areas, which are mainly r e s i d e n t i a l . In Kelang's commercial f a c i l i t i e s c e r t a i n areas are reserved f o r Malays, i n c l u d i n g some market s t a l l s .  The p o l i c y of reserving a c e r t a i n  number of shop s t a l l s f o r Malays dates back to the Bri tish c o l o n i a l administration.  When the B r i t i s h saw that more Chinese were involved in commerce,  and that the Malays were not as successful as the Chinese in r e t a i n i n g t h e i r s t a l l s in the market, a c e r t a i n number of shop s t a l l s were set aside f o r Malays to help them stay in business.  Although these market s t a l l s were not  intended to be rented to non-Malays, i t often happened that they f e l l non-Malay hands by f i a t . long enough,  into  The p o l i c y being' i f Malays d i d not hold on to them  they had to be rented out to others.  Aside from market s t a l l s there are two other buildings i n the market area of North Kelang s t r i c t l y f o r Malay commerce: the Pasar Jawa or Javanese market b u i l d i n g .  the MARA b u i l d i n g and  The MARA b u i l d i n g consists  of s t a l l s f o r s t o r e s , t a i l o r s , barbers, other service establishments, and o f f i c e space.  Alongside i s a row of coffee shops and restaurants which  are also f o r Malays only.  The Pasar Jawa i s a s i n g l e s t o r y . b u i l d i n g  83  housing 50 s t a l l s .  It i s mainly a vegetable, f r u i t , and meat market.  The  shop owners are said to be mainly from the Meru area of Kelang d i s t r i c t , which i s populated by descendants of Javanese immigrants. Housing Patterns In a d d i t i o n to i t s commercial and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f u n c t i o n s , Kelang i s a growing town because of i t s r e s i d e n t i a l f a c i l i t i e s .  Unlike Kuala Lumpur  and P e t a l i n g Jaya, where the cost of buyng or renting a house is high, Kelang i s considered to have lower housing costs.  People who work in  Kuala Lumpur or Petaling Jaya have moved to Kelang because of the cheaper housing cost in Kelang. Various types of housing are to be found in town.  P r i v a t e developers  as well as government agencies have b u i l t r e s i d e n t i a l estates and low cost housing projects to meet the r i s i n g demand f o r houses in Kelang.  There  are also e n t e r p r i s i n g i n d i v i d u a l s who have cashed i n on the housing demand by b u i l d i n g additional residences on t h e i r l o t s or by b u i l d i n g extensions to t h e i r houses to rent out as f l a t s . In 1970, there were about 18,300 dwelling places in Kelang according to the Census.  The types of dwelling places ranged from houses, to f l a t s  in shophouses, labor l i n e s , or makeshift s t r u c t ires.  About 70 percent of  these were houses- - - bungalows, semi-detached houses, and row houses. Among these, the most numerous are row houses, which are usually three bedroom houses l i n k e d together i n a s i n g l e block.  One reason f o r the  p o p u l a r i t y of these houses i s t h e i r low construction costs compared to s i n g l e or semi-detached houses.  Flats are usually found i n m u l t i - s t o r y  structures or as extensions to single houses, f o r example, government low  84 cost housing near the port.  There are also the Chinese shophouses i n  commercial sections of Kelang. A l l the mass housing p r o j e c t s , except the high r i s e s , are r e f e r r e d to as gardens or taman.  As one enters the town, one sees the l o o k - a l i k e  houses o f Berkeley Garden and Eng An Garden.  Within these "gardens" are  bungalows, duplexes, and s i n g l e story row houses.  Garden houses are  u s u a l l y of a mixed v a r i e t y and never of a single type of house.  Government  p o l i c y has encouraged mixing various classes of houses in every development to avoid the formation of c l a s s enclaves. f o r e , various income  In each development, there-  groups can f i n d housing they can a f f o r d to buy or r e n t .  Next to the government and p r i v a t e developer b u i l t mass housing p r o j e c t s , the most numerous dwellings are government quarters. Since c o l o n i a l times, the p r a c t i c e o f providing Malaysia. workers. the port.  housing f o r c i v i l servants has been followed i n  This has been extended to lower l e v e l employees such as dock In Kelang, government quarters are found i n South Kelang and near These quarters are e i t h e r m u l t i p l e story row houses f o r port  workers, or bungalows f o r higher o f f i c i a l s l i k e D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r s or managers at the port. The settlement pattern of Kelang i s a mixture of economic, e t h n i c , and other special c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  For example, Berkeley Garden in North Kelang  has big bungalows as well as single story row houses.  While i t i s reputed  to be mainly a Chinese r e s i d e n t i a l area, i t does have Indian and Malay residents.  Taman Datuk Abdul Hamid in South Kelang i s a government quarter  f o r Port Authority o f f i c i a l s ; i t i s side by side with Palmgrove Garden, a middle-class housing area comprised of a l l ethnic groups.  Kampung Raja Uda  85  i s an a l l - M a l a y r e s i d e n t i a l area near the port, while Pandamaran Jaya i s an e t h n i c a l l y mixed government b u i l t low cost housing area near the port. Among the various c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the r e s i d e n t i a l areas of Kelang, the ethnic f a c t o r stands out as the most s i g n i f i c a n t in describing the town's settlement p a t t e r n .  There i s some measure of ethnic segregation i n  the r e s i d e n t i a l pattern of Kelang which i s expressed in terms of a l l - M a l a y and mixed r e s i d e n t i a l areas.  People in the town recognize which are a l l -  Malay areas and which are mixed. asks.  They can p i n - p o i n t these to  anyone who  Malay kampungs tend to be e x c l u s i v e l y Malay in composition and can  be found in f i v e areas of Kelang: Kampung Sungai Pinang, Bukit Kuda, Kampung Kuantan, Kampung Jawa, and Kampung Raja Uda.  Among the Chinese only the  lower c l a s s settlements tend to be homogeneous, and these are usually squatter areas.  Middle class and upper c l a s s Chinese l i v e in e t h n i c a l l y mixed r e s i -  d e n t i a l areas.  The same holds true f o r Indians.  Malay kampungs in Kelang are s i t u a t e d on the periphery of the town 7  center.  The f i v e kampungs mentioned above are located on former a g r i c u l t u r a l  land near the r i v e r .  In physical appearance they resemble each other,  except f o r Kampung Raja Uda and Kampung Kuantan.  Remnants of coconut,  rubber, and f r u i t trees which previously dotted the kampung land are s t i l l found i n . parts of  the-'kampung.  T r a d i t i o n a l kampung houses are numerous,  although modern, plank-wood houses have also been b u i l t . Kampung Raja Uda and Kampung Kuantan are d i f f e r e n t from the other three kampungs by the presence of government" b u i l t houses.  Kampung Raja  Uda i s a government housing project f o r Malay port workers, the f i r s t p u b l i c housing project b u i l t i n Kelang f o r a p a r t i c u l a r ethnic group.  86 Kampung K u a n t a n i s d i f f e r e n t - b y t h e p r e s e n c e o f a g o v e r n m e n t p r o j e c t f o r M a l a y s , Taman Kampung K u a n t a n .  b u i l t housing  T h i s l a t t e r government  built  h o u s i n g p r o j e c t may be t h e l a s t t o be c o n s t r u c t e d f o r M a l a y s i n K e l a n g . I d i s c u s s t h e Taman i n m o r e d e t a i l i n t h e n e x t c h a p t e r . Modern h o u s i n g i n Kelang i s u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h C h i n e s e  owners.  H o u s e s r a n g e d ' -in, c o s t f r o m M$20,000 f o r a s i n g l e s t o r y row h o u s e , M$35,000 f o r a d o u b l e s t o r y row h o u s e , M$40,000 f o r a d o u b l e s t o r y s e m i - d e t a c h e d h o u s e , t o M$60,000 f o r a b u n g a l o w i n 1 9 7 6 .  Few M a l a y s c a n a f f o r d t o buy  m o r e t h a n a d o u b l e s t o r y row h o u s e , t h o s e who c a n a r e u s u a l l y b u s i n e s m e n and p r o f e s s i o n a l s . helped  The government  p o l i c y o f b u i l d i n g low c o s t h o u s i n g has  many M a l a y s a n d o t h e r l o w i n c o m e g r o u p s t o own m o d e r n h o u s e s .  Private  d e v e l o p e r s h a v e been a s k e d t o b u i l d l o w c o s t h o u s i n g a s p a r t o f t h e i r mass r e s i d e n t i a l p r o j e c t s ; b u t because o f t h e low p r o f i t margin i n v o l v e d , t h e d e v e l o p e r s t e n d t o b u i l d more e x p e n s i v e houses. can a f f o r d these types o f houses.  More C h i n e s e than  Malays  Thus, most Malays choose t o l i v e i n  kampung h o u s e s w h i c h a r e c h e a p e r ; o r l i k e o t h e r low i n c o m e g r o u p s t h e y sometimes  s e t t l e f o r s q u a t t e r houses.  S q u a t t e r s a r e p e o p l e who i l l e g a l l y o c c u p y l a n d .  They u s u a l T y 1 i v e i n  p o o r l y c o n s t r u c t e d p l a n k h o u s e s w i t h z i n c o r t h a t c h r o o f i n g . In K e l a n g , s q u a t t e r a r e a s a r e p r e d o m i n a n t l y found i n P o r t Kelang. The c e n t r a l p a r t o f K e l a n g has been c l e a r e d o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s .  In P o r t K e l a n g , s q u a t t e r  areas a r e c o n c e n t r a t e d i n t h e o l d p o r t a r e a , and a r e h i g h l y v i s i b l e .  In  1 9 7 3 / 1 9 7 4 , i t was e s t i m a t e d t h a t a b o u t 4.2 p e r c e n t o f K e l a n g ' s p o p u l a t i o n c o n s i s t e d o f s q u a t t e r r e s i d e n t s (Wegelin 1978:96). Kuala,Lumpur  with  T h i s may be c o m p a r e d  to  ;. 30 . p e r c e n t o f i t s p o p u l a t i o n l i v i n g i n s q u a t t e r a r e a s .  87  Conclusion The h i s t o r i c a l development of Kelang has been discussed in t h i s chapter to provide some background to the ethnic and population patterns found i n the town.  The development of Kelang from the o r i g i n a l r i v e r i n e settlements  to i t s present status as part of a metropolitan region has been shown to f o l l o w the development pattern of the western Malay states since the c o l o n i a l period.,; Its growth!.is r e l a t e d to the development of t i n mining and large scale commercial a g r i c u l t u r e . The establishment of the Port of Kelang i s one important r e s u l t of the development of commerce and trade in the area. In the development of the state of Selangor, the town of Kelang has been bypassed i n the i n d u s t r i a l development of the Kelang Valley area, except f o r the port.  T h i s , however, has not detracted from the growth of Kelang  into a m u n i c i p a l i t y . since World War II,  The population of Kelang has increased tremendously r e c e i v i n g migrants from other states on the peninsula.  Two things can be seen  in the population d i s t r i b u t i o n and ethnic  patterns that p r e v a i l in Kelang.  F i r s t , the Malays are i n the m i n o r i t y ,  although Kelang was o r i g i n a l l y a Malay settlement.  When the t i n trade  and rubber plantations developed during the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , Malays were outnumbered by the i n f l u x of non-Malay immigrants. bution continues today. p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Malays,  This numerical d i s t r i -  Being a minority has been detrimental to the s o c i a l as well as t h e i r part in the economy.  Second,-  c e r t a i n land reservation p o l i c i e s have been i n s t i t u t e d to protect the i n t e r e s t s of Malays i n town. period.  This i s a legacy from the B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l  S i m i l a r pro-Malay programs are being followed today.  Land reserves  and special t r a d i n g areas f o r Malays are twa examples of how these p o l i c i e s  88  are being c a r r i e d out. The demographic, e t h n i c , economic, and housing patterns of Kelang have been discussed i n order to provide the background f o r the succeeding discussion of Malay urban p a r t i c i p a t i o n among residents of the l o c a l i t y studied.  Like many west coast Malaysian towns, Kelang i s a m u l t i - e t h n i c  town, dominated by the Chinese.  Recent trends in population growth  i n d i c a t e an increasing proportion of Malays in town.  In t h e i r move to  towns l i k e Kelang, the Malays' struggle to p a r t i c i p a t e in urban a c t i v i t i e s has involved them i n various s t r a t e g i e s . f o i l owing chapters.  These are discussed i n the  CHAPTER IV MIGRATION AND HOUSING IN TAMAN KAMPUNG KUANTAN In t h i s chapter I discuss the o r i g i n s of the residents of Taman Kampung Kuantan, the establishment of the Taman, and the growth of the kampung population.  As the Malay population in urban centers increase,  f i n d i n g land and housing becomes a serious problem.  Many Malays have  d i f f i c u l t y f i n d i n g s u i t a b l e housing i n towns, as evidenced by the growth of squatter settlements in Kuala Lumpur and i t s v i c i n i t y (A.li 1971). have the resources to enable them to choose where to l i v e .  Few  Reservation  areas l i k e Kampung Kuantan have provided one of the few a l t e r n a t i v e s for many migrant Malays. A kampung has special status since the land w i t h i n i t i s u s u a l l y Malay reservation land.  In the Malaysian context t h i s means that only Malays can  own and l i v e on kampung land. government has upheld J  By keeping the kampung in Malay hands the  i t s p o l i c i e s of helping e s t a b l i s h Malays in urban  areas, and t r e a t i n g the Malays as a special group.  This p r a c t i c e has r e i n -  forced the persistence of ethnic segregation in r e s i d e n t i a l areas.  McTaggart  and McEachern (1972:126) have noted that in urban areas of Malaysia, "Residential patterns among Malays may r e f l e c t , f i r s t of a l l , admini s t r a t i v e p o l i c y , and the constraints which circumstances have placed on.administrative a c t i o n , and only then i n d i v i d u a l preference and capabilities." The material from Taman Kampung Kuantan supports t h i s view and suggests that 89  90 without government aid Malay urbanization would pose more d i f f i c u l t i e s f o r the country as a whole. T e r r i t o r y and Population of Kampung Kuantan L i k e the t r a d i t i o n a l Malay settlement, Kampung Kuantan i s s i t u a t e d on the banks of a r i v e r .  I t i s bordered on three sides by the Kelang  R i v e r , i t s fourth side connecting i t to the r e s t of the town. at the entrance i n d i c a t e s the name of the kampung.  A sign  Jalan Bukit Kuda, the  road which leads i n t o the kampung from the town center, runs r i g h t i n t o lithe middle of the kampung. (See Map/) The entrance to the kampung i s l i n e d with Chinese shops and houses, because some Chinese occupied sections c l o s e s t to the town's commercial d i s t r i c t s before the kampung became a Malay reservation area.  Some kampung  residents said i n the past, Chinese who d i d favors f o r the Sultan were given land i n the kampung area as a reward.  The f a m i l i e s of these Chinese  have continued occupying these land grants, t h i s accounts f o r the presence of Chinese on the periphery of the kampung.  Some "of these Chinese have sold  t h e i r land to other Chinese, who i n turn have b u i l t shop-houses along the road at the entrance to the kampung. Further i n t o the kampung, the Chinese shops and houses are no longer present; i n s t e a d , coconut trees l i n e both sides of Jalan Bukit Kuda. T r a d i t i o n a l Malay kampung houses with t h e i r atap or thatched roof are seen beneath coconut t r e e s . with p r o t e c t i v e o i l .  Some are b r i g h t l y painted, others are j u s t stained The major landmarks i n s i d e the kampung are the mosque,  three surau or prayer houses, a community h a l l , provision shops along Jalan Bukit Kuda, a sepak raga or Malay b a l l game c o u r t , and an indoor badminton  Taman Kampung Kuantan •t  Kampung houses  c9  Mosque  B  Surau  f~~~ U  Taman Bukit Kuda  S c a l e : 1 I n c h = 500 f e e t  92 court. first  Two major housing is  developments a r e found i n s i d e the kampung.  Taman Kampung Kuantan, a government b u i l t , l o w c o s t  which i s d i s c u s s e d  in greater detail  below.  residents  this  opment was s t i l l The o r i g i n s  During  latter devel-  had moved i n t o i t  A c c o r d i n g to some o l d e r r e s i d e n t s , the name of the kampung on the e a s t c o a s t .  naming a s e t t l e m e n t a f t e r the r e s i d e n t s ' ngor, where the m a j o r i t y o f r e s i d e n t s the r i v e r from Kampung  It  is  s a i d t h a t the  Kuantan i s  place of o r i g i n  are migrants.  The p r a c t i c e of is  common i n  Kampung Jawa,  have s e t t l e d t h e r e . Some<kampung people r e c a l l  of Selangor,  whose son, Raja Hassan,  is  t h a t the  s a i d to have f i r s t  road i n t o the kampung, with the help of Javanese Migrants from Malacca  people o f M a l a c c a .  kampung  house s t y l e .  houses  They are s t i l l  The Malacca  i n Kampung  The Malacca  Sultan  labor.  s e t t l e d i n the kampung i n the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h  areas of Kelang and then bought the kampung  across  b u i l t the o l d  Many r e s i d e n t s of the kampung are d i r e c t descendants  f i r s t Malacca m i g r a n t s .  Sela-  named a f t e r J a v a , s i n c e many Javanese  was f o r m e r l y a d m i n i s t e r e d by Raja A b d u l l a h , a r e l a t i v e o f a former  century.  yet.  o f the kampung are now o n l y vaguely remembered by the  f a m i l y to l i v e i n the kampung came from t h a t town.  migrants  Bukit  A c c o r d i n g to some kampung  the f i e l d w o r k p e r i o d , t h i s  being f i n i s h e d and no r e s i d e n t s  d e r i v e s from Kuantan i n Pahang first  area,  l a t t e r development p r o j e c t i s a p a r t n e r s h i p between Malay land  owners and Chinese b u i l d e r s .  residents.  housing  The second i s Taman  Kuda, a Chinese-owned p r i v a t e housing development.  The  o f the  r e f e r r e d to as orang Malacca  traders f i r s t  or  s e t t l e d i n the commercial  land i n the kampung.  It  is  said  that  Kuantan are p a t t e r n e d a f t e r the Malacca  people i n the kampung are c o n c e n t r a t e d on the  93 western section of the kampung, while migrants from Selangor and other states are found on the eastern section of the kampung. The kampung was sparsely populated i n the e a r l y twentieth century since most of the o r i g i n a l settlements in Kelang were vacated in the l a t e nineteenth century, perhaps as a r e s u l t of the disorder created by the Kelang war.  By the e a r l y twentieth century Kampung Kuantan was mainly forested  or planted with coconut and f r u i t trees l i k e rambutan.  Being close to  the r i v e r , parts of the kampung were inundated at high t i d e .  Some e l d e r l y  people r e c a l l seeing crocodiles come up from the r i v e r , but now, p o l l u t i o n from upstream sources has p r a c t i c a l l y k i l l e d o f f a l l animal l i f e i n the river.  Some rubber trees were planted by kampung f o l k s i n small sections  of the kampung a f t e r the rubber boom had spread i n the state,,but a coconut p l a n t a t i o n was the main source of l i v e l i h o o d f o r those who worked i n the kampung. Members ofthe royal family of Selangor owned the coconut p l a n t a t i o n as well as most of the land in the kampung.  Kampung people made a l i v i n g  by producing sugar from coconut palm shoots or earned wages i n the town as laborers.  A portion of each week's produce from the coconut trees was  given to the r a j a as payment f o r the r i g h t to-extractJfpom:the coconut t r e e s . The r e s t of the sugar was sold i n town.  The coconut p l a n t a t i o n i s now gone.  It was subdivided by the c h i l d r e n of the rajas and sold to migrant f a m i l i e s in i n d i v i d u a l l o t s .  The l a s t parcel of the plantation was cut down i n  1967 to make way f o r the construction of Taman Kampung Kuantan. P r a c t i c a l l y the whole kampung i s located on Malay reservation l a n d , but there are a few l o t s which are not.  As mentioned above, some Chinese had  94 obtained land i n the kampung before i t became a r e s e r v a t i o n . owned parcels were not included i n the reservation a c t .  The Chinese  The l o c a l  Malays  i n the kampung r e f e r to reservation land as gran merah or red grant, and to non-reservation land as gran puteh or white grant, using the c o l o n i a l reference to these types of land.  Only Malays can own gran merah land,  while gran puteh land may be owned by anybody. According to the 1970 Census, of the 1,561 residents of the kampung 82.1 percent were Malay, 8.6 percent were Chinese, and 9.3 percent were Indians.  The Chinese are less v i s i b l e than the Indians in the kampung, since  they work i n town, being i n the kampung only during the evening.  Indians  operate three provision shops on Jalan Bukit Kuda, and are well accepted by the Malays, since they are also Muslims.  They are r e f e r r e d to as mamak  by the kampung Malays. As a Malay kampung and part of the m u n i c i p a l i t y , Kampung Kuantan i s l i n k e d to two Council.  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e bodies, the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e and the Town  The former is the d i s t r i c t administrative body, and the l a t t e r i s  the town a d m i n i s t r a t i v e body.  The d i s t r i c t i s divided i n t o mukirns and the  mukim consists of several kampungs.  O f f i c i a l s of the d i s t r i c t , such as  the penghulu who heads each mukim or s u b - d i s t r i c t , and the ketua kampung or v i l l a g e headman, are the main l i n k s between the kampung and the D i s t r i c t Office.  These o f f i c i a l s inform the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e of the needs of t h e i r  respective areas.  The D i s t r i c t O f f c e , f o r example, has provided assistance  to the kampung i n the construction of mosques, community h a l l s , and water supply, :  ••' ';  The development of the kampung area i s the d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of  95 the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e .  Through the v i l l a g e headman and the V i l l a g e Develop-  ment Committee or Jawatankuasa Kemajuan Kampung, the kampungs get a s s i s tance from the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e .  The v i l l a g e development committees were  organized in every kampung as part of the government's plan to mobilize popular p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n i t s r u r a l development program throughout the peninsula.  Urban kampungs have been included in t h i s program.  The function  of the v i l l a g e development committee i s to look a f t e r the welfare of the kampung as a whole.  In the past the a c t i v i t i e s of the v i l l a g e development  committee included the construction of a community h a l l , the establishment of a kindergarten school, and the establishment of a neighborhood security o r g a n i z a t i o n , Rukun Tetangga,  in the kampung.  Members of the v i l l a g e  development committee have acted as spokesmen f o r the kampung in asking f o r assistance from the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e and sometimes from the State Assembly representative f o r i t s various p r o j e c t s . In the Kelang D i s t r i c t , the Kampung Kuantan v i l l a g e development committee i s known to be one of the most a c t i v e committees, due to the strong leadership of i t s members.  In 1977 there were twelve members in the commit-  tee, i n c l u d i n g the v i l l a g e headman.  The members were chosen among the  residents of the kampung: eight Malays, two Chinese , and one Indian. The Chinese and Indian members of the v i l l a g e development committee were included to r e f l e c t the m u l t i - e t h n i c composition of the kampung.  As the  minority representatives in the kampung, however, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the Chinese and Indians in the committee i s minimal.  Most projects undertaken  by the v i l l a g e development committee in Kampung Kuantan concerned the Malays in the kampung.  Attendance of the Chinese and Indian committee members  96  was evident only  'on  formal gatherings held by the committee.  Meetings of the v i l l a g e development committee are always attended by the penghulu, the head of the mukim , to keep abreast of the kampung developments and to give advice.  Whenever the kampung faced a p a r t i c u l a r problem  the v i l l a g e development committee usually t r i e d to i n v i t e persons with special knowledge or authority concerning the problem.  For example, in  discussing reported drug abuse in the kampung, a representative from the p o l i c e was asked to attend a meeting of the v i l l a g e development committee to v e r i f y reports and give advice on handling the s i t u a t i o n .  In t h i s p a r t i -  c u l a r case, the report was p u b l i c l y mentioned by the Sultan during one of his v i s i t s to the kampung mosque.  A special meeting of the v i l l a g e develop-  ment committee was c a l l e d to discuss the problem because the kampung people were alarmed and wanted to c l e a r the kampung's r e p u t a t i o n . The kampung is l i n k e d to the Town Council through a c o u n c i l l o r who represents the kampung in the town a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  The kampung has a  resident c o u n c i l l o r appointed by the state a u t h o r i t i e s to represent the kampung in the Town C o u n c i l .  The kampung's f i r s t c o u n c i l l o r was appointed  when the Town Board was established a f t e r the Second World War.  He founded  the l o c a l UMNO branch of the kampung and became the Speaker of the State Assembly before his untimely death. man.  He was a dynamic and well respected  The current c o u n c i l l o r f o r the kampung was a close associate of the  f i r s t c o u n c i l l o r and i s also the head of the l o c a l kampung UMNO. Taman Kampung Kuantan Taman Kampung Kuantan i s a housing project that was b u i l t by the government f o r Malays i n s i d e Kampung Kuantan.  It i s located on the  97 souteastern part of the .kampung (see Map % ) .  The o r i g i n s of Taman Kampung  Kuantan go back to 1967, when the owners of the land on which i t was b u i l t decided to b u i l d a housing development.  The owners, f i v e Malay brothers,  had formed a corporation with a Chinese contractor to b u i l d the housing development on t h e i r property.  Their land consisted of 30 hectares planted  with coconut t r e e s , c l a s s i f i e d as Malay reservation land. did not intend to b u i l d a low cost housing development.  The corporation To make money  they wanted to construct more bungalows and double story row houses. t r u c t i o n of the Taman started i n 1967, i t was not f i n i s h e d u n t i l  Cons-  1971.  During t h i s p e r i o d , a c r i s i s developed regarding the d i s p o s i t i o n of the Taman houses, i . e . , whether or not to allow non-Malays to buy houses in the new development. Buyers were s o l i c i t e d from the town r e s i d e n t s , and houses were cont r a c t e d to be b u i l t .  Most of the i n i t i a l buyers favored the s i n g l e - s t o r y  row house s t y l e , since t h i s was the cheapest model, and most Malays could only a f f o r d to buy t h i s type of house.  The contractor accepted deposits  from  The coconut trees were cut down,  applicants to s t a r t development.  and a temporary bund • was constructed to prevent the r i v e r waters from entering the development. initially.  Three rows of single story row houses were b u i l t  According to some informants, the contractor then claimed that  he was running out of c a p i t a l and asked f o r more payments from the a p p l i c a n t s . The applicants claimed that they could not a f f o r d to give more than what they had agreed to pay.  Some residents claim that the contractor even t r i e d  to cheat house buyers by a l t e r i n g the plans f o r the houses to save money. The land owners and the contractor devised a plan to save t h e i r d e v e l -  98  opment.  They decided to open the housing development to a l l races instead  of j u s t l i m i t i n g the development to Malays.  To do t h i s , they f i r s t had to  have the land d e c l a s s i f i e d from a Malay reservation land and r e c l a s s i f i e d as open land.  An a p p l i c a t i o n was submitted to the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e ' s land  o f f i c e to i n i t i a t e the process of d e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n .  When the kampung  people found out about the plan from the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e , they objected to the idea of t h e i r kampung being s e t t l e d f u r t h e r by non-Malays.  They f e l t  that the Taman should be kept s t r i c t l y Malay since there were already some non-Malays r e s i d i n g in the kampung. increase the number of non-Malays  The a r r i v a l of more non-Malays would  and jeopardize the exclusiveness that the  Malays wanted in t h e i r kampung. The events that followed are an example of the struggle of Malays to obtain housing f a c i l i t i e s in town as well as of the a t t i t u d e s of Malays concerning t h e i r kampung.  A meeting of the kampung residents was held  to discuss the proposed plan of the development owners to open the new housing area to a l l races.  The v i l l a g e development committee formed a group  headed by the kampung UMNO leaders to protest the plan.  F i r s t , the group  went to the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e to voice t h e i r d i s a p p r o v a l ; then they went to one of the owners of the land to l e t him know t h e i r views and ask him not to open the development to a l l races.  The owner i n s i s t e d that i t was his land and  that he had the r i g h t to do with i t as he pleased dismissing the appeal of the  kampung people. The kampung committee then drew up a p e t i t i o n and obtained signatures  from the kampung people to oppose the development plan.  A meeting was  arranged with the state government Secretary to seek help i n the matter.  99 One proposal f o r stopping the developers from opening the new housing area to a l l races was f o r the state development corporation (PKNS) to take over the development.  Then the state would insure that the development  was l i m i t e d to Malays.  The state development corporation considered the  kampung committee's proposals while two years of negotiations with the land owners dragged on.  F i n a l l y , PKNS decided to buy the development i n 1969.  Before PKNS took over the development there were several factors that were considered by the government.  PKNS had to buy the development from  i t s owners; but the p r i c e quoted by the owners was high, and PKNS would lose money i f i t bought the development and continued the p r o j e c t .  Politi-  cal considerations, however, were r a i s e d by the kampung committee.  Through  the UMNO leaders, the kampung committee convinced the state development corporation that i t would be wise to take over the development and keep i t in Malay hands rather than leave i t open to a l l races.  By keeping the  development in Malay hands, argued the kampung committee, the government could obtain more Malay votes i n the town.  ; It would also be in conform-  i t y with the government's p o l i c y of urbanizing Malays by providing, more opportunities f o r them to stay in town. The chairman of the PKNS at that time was also the head of the UMNO state o r g a n i z a t i o n .  He l i s t e n e d to the reasoning of the kampung UMNO  l e a d e r s ; and as one kampung UMNO leader put i t , "pressure p o l i t i c s convinced PKNS to take over the development."  PKNS, however, saw the move as a way  to help the Malay buyers in the development who were bound by contract to the developers.  It was a f i n a n c i a l loss f o r PKNS, but a p o l i t i c a l v i c t o r y  f o r the Kampung Kuantan Malays.  100 The PKNS take over of the development of Taman Kampung Kuantan was guaranteed to benefit Malays.  Since the development was on Malay reservation  land, non-Malays could not buy i n t o i t .  Only one type of house was construc-  ted to accomodate the f i n a n c i a l a b i l i t i e s of the Malays.  Thus Taman Kampung  Kuantan became a low cost housing development f o r Malays as a r e s u l t of the government take over. The primary a t t r a c t i o n of the Taman to the buyers was that i t was a low cost housing p r o j e c t .  Compared to other mass housing projects in the  Kelang Valley area, the p r i c e of a Taman house-.was low.' houses in the Taman were worth M$7,000.00. pay a deposit of M$700.00.  In 1969, the plank  Each a p p l i c a n t was asked to  Upon occupation of the house, each owner paid a  monthly installment of M$70.00; t h i s monthly i n s t a l l m e n t was l a t e r reduced to M$45.00 a f t e r residents p e t i t i o n e d PKNS f o r a reduction.  P r i v a t e develop-  er b u i l t mass housing projects f o r s i m i l a r units cost an average of M$20,000 in 1970, and the terms of payment were s t i f f e r than those made by the Taman buyers. F u l l occupation of the Taman d i d not occur u n t i l 1972, since some of the houses were not occupied once they were f i n i s h e d . Some were l e f t empty f o r one or two years.  Some owners did not even occupy the houses they  bought, instead they rented them out to other Malays. reasons f o r the slow occupation of the Taman houses.  There were many The main reasons were:  f i r s t , the unsatisfactory q u a l i t y of some of the houses; second, the lack of proper i n f r a s t r u c t u r e at the beginning l i k e paved roads, water supply, and e l e c t r i c i t y . Since many of the Taman buyers did not choose to occupy the houses they bought, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of rental units i n Kampung Kuantan increased.  101 Although the Taman houses were supposed to be occupied by t h e i r owners, the renting of houses became a common p r a c t i c e in the Taman.  As in the  case of house ownership i n the Taman, the rents in the Taman were reasonable compared to other areas.  This made the Taman a t t r a c t i v e to Malays  who could not a f f o r d more expensive types of housing.  During the f i r s t  two years of the Taman's e x i s t e n c e , rent ranged from M$50.00 to M$70.00 per month.  This was enough to cover the owner's monthly i n s t a l l m e n t to  PKNS, i f the house was not yet f u l l y pai:d f o r . By 1976 the range of the rent had gone up from M$90.00 to M$l20.00 per month f o r the three bedroom plank house.  This may be compared with rates in Petaling Jaya which s t a r t -  ed at about M$200.00 per month f o r a s i m i l a r house. Origins of the Taman Kampung Kuantan Residents The current residents of Taman Kampung Kuantan c o n s i s t of owners and renters.  Before they moved i n t o the Taman they came from various parts of  the peninsula.  The o r i g i n s of the residents were studied through a survey  conducted i n the Taman.  A l l of the household heads surveyed have had some  urban experience p r i o r to t h e i r move i n t o the Taman.  Although a majority  (64%) of owners and renters had l i v e d i n Kelang before they t r a n s f e r r e d to the Taman, most of them were not born in Kelang. The Taman residents came from various parts of the peninsula.  About  71.3 percent of the men and women household heads were born outside Kelang, and most (53.7%) were born outside Selangor.  There was no s i g n i f i c a n t  d i f f e r e n c e in b i r t h p l a c e between owners and r e n t e r s , nor between husbands and wives. To f i n d out more about the geographic m o b i l i t y of the Taman residents  102 I asked survey respondents about where they l i v e d from the time that they were married u n t i l t h e i r l a s t move p r i o r to s e t t l i n g down in the Taman. patterns of movement are summarized in Table V.  The  Since most of the informants  had moved more than once before they s e t t l e d i n the Taman, information in Table V includes the two previous moves of the informants p r i o r to t h e i r t r a n s f e r to the Taman. It i s apparent from Table V that 120 or 76 , percent:'of the-informants ?  households were not o r i g i n a l l y residents of Kelang; however, the l a s t move p r i o r to t r a n s f e r r i n g to the Taman found 101 or 64 percent of the households l i v i n g there.  Five types of moves can be generalized from the two moves  made previously by the households. Kelang town.  F i r s t , there is the movement w i t h i n  About 20% of the sample households had moved within the town.  Many f a m i l i e s i n t h i s category had household heads who were born i n Kelang. The areas i n Kelang where they formerly l i v e d were a l l Malay  neighborhoods,  l i k e Kampung Jawa, Kampung Bukit Kuda, and Kampung Sungai Pinang. there i s movement to Kelang from out of Kelang.  Second,  Here there are three points  of o r i g i n : Kuala Lumpur, other Selangor towns, and other s t a t e s .  About 41  percent of the households followed t h i s pattern of movement before s e t t l i n g into the Taman. or other s t a t e s .  Most of them (86%) came from smaller towns in Selangor Third,  there i s movement to Kuala Lumpur from Kelang,  other Selangor towns, and other s t a t e s . made these moves. came  About 20 percent o f the households  As in the previous p a t t e r n , most of these households  from other Selangor towns or from other s t a t e s .  Only three house-  holds from t h i s category, 9 percent, moved from Kelang to Kuala Lumpur. Fourth i s the movement to smaller towns of Selangor from Kuala Lumpur,  103  TABLE V. - - Moves made by informants before t r a n s f e r to the Taman.  Moves made  Owners  Renters  24  7  8  1  Moved to Kelang from other Selangor towns  19  4  Moved to Kelang from other states  25  8  Moved to Kuala Lumpur from other states  4  13  Moved to Kuala Lumpur from other Selangor towns  7  :  Moved to Kuala Lumpur from Kelang  2  1  Moved to other Selangor towns from Kuala Lumpur  3  0  Moved to other Selangor towns from other Selangor towns  4  1  Moved to other Selangor towns from other states  5  0  Moved to another state from other states  0  10  Moved to other states from Kelang  3  0  Moved to other states from Kuala Lumpur  1  2  105  52  Moved within Kelang Moved to Kelang from Kuala Lumpur  Total  5  104 other towns of Selangor, and other s t a t e s . holds made these moves.  Only 8 percent of the house-  F i n a l l y there i s the movement outside the state  of Selangor from Kelang, Kuala Lumpur, and other s t a t e s .  About 10 percent  of the households made moves outside the state of Selangor before s e t t l i n g in the Taman. Among the informants  31 ( or 20%) of the households moved within  Kelang twice before t r a n s f e r r i n g to the Taman.  Movement between Malay  reservation areas was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of 61 percent of these  households.  The others moved from kampung areas to r a c i a l l y mixed r e s i d e n t i a l areas, or vice-versa.  Housing near the port of Kelang was the most common choice  f o r many of those who l i v e d in r a c i a l l y mixed r e s i d e n t i a l areas because of the a v a i l a b i l i t y of low-cost housing there.  This was more t y p i c a l of p o l i c e -  men and c l e r k s at the port who were e l i g i b l e f o r government quarters when they were a v a i l a b l e . A f t e r the Taman was completed, there were two types of residents who came to l i v e in the Taman, owners and renters. Taman, only 12 percent of the owner households  Before moving into the had previously owned t h e i r  house, while the other 88 percent had rented houses.  Among the renters  in the survey, only 17 percent had owned houses previously; the other 83 percent had also rented t h e i r former residence. from rented houses  The pattern of movement  ? to owned houses i s a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r that i n f l u -  enced the d e c i s i o n s : of some households to l i v e in the Taman.  Many house-  holds wanted to own a house rather than rent. A few cases may be c i t e d to i l l u s t r a t e the pattern of movement of the informants.  Internal movement w i t h i n Kelang i s i l l u s t r a t e d by Mohammed,  105 a truck d r i v e r at the port.  He was born in Malacca, but he was r a i s e d in  Kelang by his migrant parents.  His wife i s from Kelang.  he and his wife i n i t i a l l y stayed with his parents.  A f t e r marrying  Mohammed had odd jobs  u n t i l he obtained his present job with a broker f i r m at the port.  When  his family increased to t h r e e , he and his wife decided to l i v e in t h e i r own house.  They rented a kampung house in Telok Gadong near the port.  was a small house, not very s u i t a b l e f o r a growing f a m i l y .  It  When the Town  Council completed the low cost f l a t s in Pandamaran near the p o r t , Mohammed applied to rent a u n i t . years.  The family l i v e d i n a rented f l a t there f o r f i v e  When they heard about the construction of Taman Kampung Kuantan,  he applied to buy a u n i t .  Because he had a regular job at the port, he  could a f f o r d to pay f o r the house on an i n s t a l l m e n t basis.  He and his  family were among the f i r s t few f a m i l i e s to occupy the houses in the Taman. Cikgu B a s r i , a primary school teacher from Ulu Langat, Selangor, moved to Kelang from a small town i n Selangor.  His wife i s from Kelang.  After  they were married, Cikgu Basri got a teaching assignment in Pualu Lumut, an i s l a n d near the port, where he taught f o r f i v e years. t e a c h e r ' s quarter there.  They l i v e d in the  Then he was t r a n s f e r r e d to Kelang.  The family  rented a kampung house in Bukit Kuda, where they l i v e d f o r eleven years. L i v i n g close to Kampung Kuantan, they found out about the construction of the Taman and applied f o r a u n i t , thinking that Cikgu would not be t r a n s ferred again. Another example of a migrant from out of Kelang is I s m a i l , a laboratory technician at the I n s t i t u t Teknologi Mara in Shah Alam.  He was born in  Kelantan and worked there with the P u b l i c Works Department u n t i l  1970.  106 Finding no future in his p o s i t i o n as a t e c h n i c i a n , he migrated to Selangor. Through the newspapers he found an opening at the U n i v e r s i t y of Malaya.  While  working there, he and his wife shared a rented house with a r e l a t i v e in Peta1ing Jaya.  A f t e r two years, he was informed of a better paying p o s i t i o n  as a laboratory technician at the I n s t i t u t Teknologi Mara by a f r i e n d working there.  He applied and was accepted.  Jaya proved to be a s t r a i n f o r him.  Commuting between Shah Alam and P e t a l i n g A f r i e n d at the i n s t i t u t e who was renting  in the Taman informed him of a vacancy there.  He and his wife moved to the  Taman from Petaling Jaya and have l i v e d there f o r three years. Reasons f o r moving i n t o the Taman Migration i s greatly influenced by personal choice.  Among the Taman  Malays, personal choice f a c t o r s , such as the desire to f i n d better economic opportunities or the chance to l i v e where housing i s cheaper, influenced the decision to l i v e i n the Taman.  Informants in the survey gave f i v e main  reasons f o r t h e i r t r a n s f e r to the Taman from t h e i r previous residence. are  These  1.) ' to obtain t h e i r own house; 2) to l i v e i n a Malay area; 3) to l i v e  near the place of work; 4) to pay lower r e n t ; 5) to be near town amenities. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of these reasons are given i n Table VI. The desire to own a house i n a Malay area was the most important reason given by  most informants f o r v o l u n t a r i l y moving i n t o the Taman.  House ownership was one aspect of t h i s reason. was the other.  Although some informants  L i v i n g in a Malay area  mentioned them together and  others mentioned them separately, I have combined them in t h i s  discussion  because they are i n t e r r e l a t e d . Those who mentioned ownership of a house and l i v i n g in a Malay area together emphasized one or the other, and thus  107 they were coded f o r the table into one or the other category depending on the informant's order of preference.  As mentioned above, because of  f i n a n c i a l considerations i t i s e a s i e r f o r Malays to obtain a house, f o r t h e i r own or rented,  i n a Malay area than i n a non-Malay area.  In terms  of personal preference, such as the desire to l i v e among f e l l o w Malays, l i v i n g i n a Malay area was an important c o n s i d e r a t i o n . TABLE VI. - - Reasons given f o r moving into the Taman  Reasons f o r move  Owners  Renters  House ownership  48 (45.7%)  0  Malay area  50 (47.6%)  26 (50.0%)  Near work  4 ( 3.8%)  2 ( 3.8%)  Low rent  0  Near town  2 ( 1.9%)  Total  19 (36.5%)  105 (100%)  5 ( 9.6%) 52 (100%)  Among-those who c u r r e n t l y own t h e i r houses in the Taman, about 90 percent rented t h e i r previous residence; and t h e i r present house i s the f i r s t house they have ever owned.  Many of the owner informants were in the age  group where owning a permanent residence was d e s i r a b l e .  The owner male  household heads had a median age of 44.6 years, while the renter male household heads had a median age of 33.8 years.  House ownership was more d i f f i -  c u l t than renting a house because of the s c a r c i t y of affordable housing. Renting, however, was also a r i s k y s i t u a t i o n .  Some informants have had bad  108 experiences with l a n d l o r d s , e.g. they were asked to leave before they were ready to move, or the type of house they could a f f o r d was too s m a l l .  The  sense of belonging was not as deeply f e l t by some informants while they were renting.  Ownership of a house was seen as a sign of permanence in the com-  munity, while renting was associated with transience. Many of the informants, both owners (47.6%) and renters (50.0%),  said  that they chose to l i v e in the Taman p r i m a r i l y because i t is a Malay area. Out of the 101 households who l i v e d i n Kelang j u s t before moving into the Taman, about 59 percent l i v e d in Malay reservation areas such as Kampung Jawa, Kampung Sungai Pinang, and Kampung Bukit Kuda. l i v e among f e l l o w Malays f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons.  Most Malays p r e f e r to They want to l i v e with  those who share the same customs, sama adat, p r a c t i c e the Muslim r e l i g i o n , berugama Islam; and they do not want to mix with other races, tak senang bergaul dengan l a i n kaum.  A few informants noted that the Taman was the  l a s t Malay housing project b u i l t by the Selangor state government. a special neighborhood in t h i s sense.  It i s  As one informant said i t ,  "In Selangor there are few kampungs l i k e t h i s . Most kampungs are now mixed. This i s one of a few that i s not mixed. Kampung Raja Uda was b u i l t 20 years ago, Kampung Bahru in K.L. was b u i l t many years ago. Ten years ago t h i s was the only kampung where one community kept up to i t s standards. We don't want to s e l l the land to others, i t is reservation l a n d . We must mix with those top o f f i c i a l s , with p o l i t i c i a n s , j o i n r e l i g i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n s , at l e a s t have connections. Only then can we keep i t separate. It i s not meant f o r others, we don't want to quarrel with o u t s i d e r s , we want only peace within our own community." Conclusion Two aspects of the urbanization of Malays, migration and the problem of housing, have been described i n t h i s chapter using the example of Kampung Kuantan as a case study.  This kampung has grown from a coconut  109 plantation into a r e s i d e n t i a l section ofthe town of Kelang, mostly f o r Malays.  The population of the kampung grew with the a r r i v a l of successive  groups of Malay migrants from Malacca, from other parts of Selangor, and from other states on the peninsula; as well as the coming of non-Malays u n t i l the land was declared as Malay reservation land. Kampung Kuantan i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y a Malay a r e a , previously owned by members of the royal family of Selangor. the r e s i d e n t s .  Malays make up the majority of  Chinese and Indian residents s e t t l e d i n the kampung  during the e a r l y years of the kampung.  More non-Malays could have l i v e d  in Kampung Kuantan i f Taman Kampung Kuantan was opened  to a l l races.  The government take over of the development, influenced by the opposition of the kampung people to opening the development to non-Malays,  prevented  this. The opposition of the kampung Malays to opening Taman Kampung Kuantan to other races expresses some of the a t t i t u d e s of the Malays toward t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l preference.  They prefer to remain e x c l u s i v e and do  not want other races i n t h e i r community.  This was expressed by the Taman  informants surveyed, when they gave t h e i r reasons f o r moving into Taman Kampung Kuantan: They want to l i v e in a Malay area.  To f u l f i l l ' t h i s ' d e s i r e  of l i v i n g in an e x c l u s i v e area, the kampung Malays used t h e i r p o l i t i c a l connections to influence the state government's decision to take over the development and l i m i t occupation to Malays only. The case of Taman Kampung Kuantan demonstrates some of the demographic economic, and p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of Malay u r b a n i z a t i o n . Malays are moving into urban areas i n greater numbers.  The data from the Taman  no suggests that movement between urban areas i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of migrant Malays, u n l i k e the often c i t e d rural to urban  rfgrati6n-in.:previous  studies.  This f i n d i n g i s s i m i l a r to P r y o r ' s (1975) study of migration i n Selangor which suggests that step migration from r u r a l area to a small urban area and f i n a l l y to a large urban area i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of recent trends. When Malays s e t t l e in town, they need access to housing;.  Malays,  however, have l i m i t e d housing opportunities because they can not a f f o r d most of -those offered on the market.  They usually f i n d housing i n the  kampung areas or i n low-cost housing projects l i k e Taman Kampung Kuantan. Since Malays have d i f f i c u l t y f i n d i n g s u i t a b l e housing in town, they are dependent on government assistance f o r t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l needs.  In  many government b u i l t low-cost housing projects b u i l t f o r a l l races, the Malays have to compete with non-Malays.  When the government builds low  cost housing f o r Malays only i n kampung areas, i t is favoring the Malays. By reserving land and housing units f o r Malays, the government i s protecting Malay i n t e r e s t s .  The dilemma i s whether or not t h i s approach i s working  towards achieving the r e - s t r u c t u r i n g goals of the government.  CHAPTER V OCCUPATIONS AND ECONOMIC PARTICIPATION In t h i s chapter I discuss the economic p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Taman Malays i n terms of t h e i r occupations and other economic a c t i v i t i e s . v a r i e t y of occupations found among the residents of the Taman.  There i s a Although  wage labor i s the predominant economic a c t i v i t y of the r e s i d e n t s , a few were engaged i n running t h e i r own business e n t e r p r i s e s .  The types of  occupations and economic a c t i v i t y of the residents have important i m p l i c a tions f o r understanding the urbanization of Malays. terms of t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the urban economy.  One i m p l i c a t i o n i s i n Their p a r t i c i p a t i o n  depends on the opportunities open to them i n the new urban environment. Studies of migrants i n Selangor i n d i c a t e that migrants found jobs not only because they had the necessary q u a l i f i c a t i o n s but also because they were w i l l i n g to take jobs which the o l d e r residents d i d not l i k e (Chander and Singh 1977, Narayanan 1977). who come from r u r a l areas.  The Taman Malays are unlike most migrants As I indicated i n the previous chapter, they  are mostly from other urban areas and have brought with them urban occupat i o n s and s k i l l s .  Their occupations, however, are s i m i l a r to those which  Malays have generally held i n urban areas, i . e . , government jobs and small scale t r a d i n g .  With the exception of  . the professionals and factory  workers there i s some c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t y i n the types of occupations which the Taman Malays hold from the c o l o n i a l period. Ill  112 Occupations and Employment Status Studies of migration in Selangor have found that many of the recent migrants to t h i s state have modern sector occupations upon t h e i r a r r i v a l such as c i v i l  servants, t e c h n i c i a n s , and some professions (Narayanan  1977).  In t h i s sense they are u n l i k e the stereotype of migrants in developing c o u n t r i e s , i . e . , u n s k i l l e d r u r a l f o l k from a g r i c u l t u r a l backgrouns.  Among  the Taman informants, there were teachers, c l e r k s , and policemen, as well as s k i l l e d technicians and f a c t o r y workers. Among the Taman informants, a l l the male household heads were working except for six men who were r e t i r e d and were on a pension. In a d d i t i o n to the male household head, wives and other household members were also employed.  About 56 percent of the households had the wife and/or other  member of the household working in a d d i t i o n to the husband.  The "other"  working members of households were unmarried s i b l i n g s , or c h i l d r e n of the informants.  About 33 percent of the households had only the male house-  hold head working. TabTfe VIII gives the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the households according to the type(s) of persons working i n each.  I will f i r s t  discuss  the occupations of the male household heads, followed by a d e s c r i p t i o n of the female household heads' work.  Data for the other working household  members are incomplete and are thus not included im the d e s c r i p t i o n . Teachers make-up the l a r g e s t occupational group in the Taman.  This  i s due to the f a c t that when the Taman was opened to buyers, teachers were among those who had a regular source of income to pay for the deposit and monthly i n s t a l l m e n t s , and among government employees teachers are able to obtain loans to buy houses.  Government employees, l i k e school teachers,  113 were also given more chances to buy houses in the Taman because i t was a government b u i l t p r o j e c t . Taman.  In 1971 there were 50 teachers l i v i n g in the  Since then t h i s number has decreased to 40 at the time of the f i e l d  work because a few teachers have moved out of the Taman.  Among the  teachers there are r e l i g i o u s teachers or ustaz, as well as regular element a r y and secondary school teachers who are referred to as Cikgu. Technical workers l i v i n g in the Taman mostly work in Petaling Jaya, Subang A i r p o r t , or Shah Alam. sian A i r l i n e System (MAS).  About one t h i r d are employed by the Malay-  Many were former employees of the Malaysian  Singapore A i r l i n e System (MSAS) in Singapore.  When that company s p l i t  into two companies, with the separation of Singapore from the Malaysian Federation in 1965, these men joined MAS and moved back to Malaysia. Some of the technical workers l i v i n g i n the Taman were formerly with the B r i t i s h Army in Singapore.  They obtained t h e i r technical t r a i n i n g there, and a  few were even sent to England for t r a i n i n g .  A f t e r they l e f t the B r i t i s h  Army, they found jobs in the new i n d u s t r i e s in Shah Alam and Petaling Jaya. A few of the technicians are employed i n f a c t o r i e s on the periphery of Kelang and at the I n s t i t u t Teknologi Mara i n Shah Alam. The next most numerous group among the male informants are c l e r k s . There are two kinds of c l e r k s l i v i n g i n the Taman, those working for the government and those working for the private sector.  They work for the  Port A u t h o r i t y , the Town C o u n c i l , the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e , and the Religious Department of Selangor.  There are also c l e r k s who work in various govern-  ment departments in Kuala Lumpur and Petaling Jaya, e.g. Customs Department  114  Motor Vehicle Department.  Clerks in private firms l i v i n g i n the Taman  work either near the port or in P e t a l i n g Jaya and Shah Alam. Policemen are also well represented i n the Taman.  A l l the policemen  l i v i n g in the Taman work in Kelang, except for one man who works in Kuala Lumpur.  They a l l belong to the regular p o l i c e f o r c e , except for the one  who works in Kuala Lumpur; he i s assigned to the F i e l d Force.  Those  assigned to the regular force have to l i v e within two kilometers of t h e i r port, according to one informant.  Most policemen l i v e in p o l i c e quarters.  There are p o l i c e posts both in Kelang North and near the port.  Those who  can not be accomodated or who prefer to l i v e outside the p o l i c e quarters are given housing allowances.  Those policemen l i v i n g in the Taman are  among those who prefer to l i v e outside the police quarters. Teachers and policemen are subject to periodic t r a n s f e r s in t h e i r work. They are assigned to one area for two to four years, and then are given other assignments.  A f t e r f i f t e e n or twenty years in the s e r v i c e , however,  they are no longer subject to t r a n s f e r s and are more or less permanent in one assignment u n t i l retirement.  A few of the Taman residents who are  policemen or teachers are in t h i s p o s i t i o n and have chosen to s e t t l e down in the Taman.  Some, however, may s t i l l  be subject td t r a n s f e r s .  Factory workers in the Taman include machine operators, truck d r i v e r s , dock workers, and other common l a b o r e r s .  They work in Kelang or Shah Alam.  Unlike the teachers, policemen, or technical workers, i t i s these men who resemble the u n s k i l l e d migrants to the town or c i t y .  They learned t h e i r  s k i l l s in the places where they work and they do not require much education  115 or t r a i n i n g f o r t h e i r work. t h e y a r e s t e a d i l y employed The b u s i n e s s m e n their  businesses  assistants.  goods l i k e who s e l l dors  i n t h e f i r m s t h e y work  i n t h e Taman a r e m o s t l y  and w o r k i n g  Their  prepared foods,  One i m p o r t a n t a s p e c t o f t h e i r w o r k  business  plastic  by t h e m s e l v e s operations  housewares,  of nasi  lemak  have  cafeterias.  rants  in town,  where t h e y s e l l  involved  in this  cloth during Kelang,  is  business  f r i e n d s and a c q u a i n t a n c e s .  u s u a l l y worn f o r  gold  special  In  of  occasions  like  living  semi-government  u n l i k e m o s t o f t h e Taman r e s i d e n t s have a t t a i n e d p r o f e s s i o n a l  Taman r e s i d e n t s ,  it  is  restau-  A popular  One o f them hawked  his c l o t h  t h e c l o t h he s o l d was  busi-  were his  including through  kain  songket which  is  weddings. i n t h e Taman.  of firms  in  corporations  They  include  P e t a l i n g J a y a , and like  MARA.  in t h e i r work.  t h e s e men who c o u l d a f f o r d t o  four six  T h e s e men a r e  b e c a u s e t h e y have u n i v e r s i t y  levels  ven-  conces-  embroidered c l o t h from t h e e a s t c o a s t  i n s t r u c t o r s , t h r e e managers  administrators  and  case  in  i n d i f f e r e n t towns  those  restaurant  O n l y two i n f o r m a n t s  time basis.  dry  and  i n town, or  i n the morning.  of  Among  The  r e n t space  The o t h e r man s o l d  his  There a r e few p r o f e s s i o n a l s college  lemak v e n d o r s  batik c l o t h .  Lumpur a n d K a j a n g .  and e x p e n s i v e  provisions.  eaten in the morning.  t h e i r food  on a f u l l  owning  o r c o f f e e shop o w n e r s ,  t h e p a s a r malam o r n i g h t m a r k e t  Kuala  a special  The n a s i  the sale of  sales,  o r w i t h t h e h e l p o f a few  s t a l l s a t t h e MARA b u i l d i n g  in school  i n t h e Taman  in  b a t i k and o t h e r t y p e s o f c l o t h ,  are the restaurant  sions  ness  involved  are s m a l l , i n v o l v i n g the sale  , a Malay r i c e d i s h  o r c o f f e e shop owners  that  for.  f e z z e s and p r a y e r m a t e r i a l s , and g e n e r a l  prepared foods  is  degrees  More t h a n a n y o f buy h o u s i n g  the  elsewhere  116 but they preferred to l i v e in a kampung area. The r e t i r e d men l i v i n g i n the Taman include former policemen, teachers and government employees.  Their income comes from t h e i r pensions, supple-  mented by t h e i r working c h i l d r e n ' s wages.  Some have part time  businesses  such as d r i v i n g c h i l d r e n to school, running general provision shops, or s e l l i n g cakes made by t h e i r wives. The other categories of occupation include an assortment of t a x i and beca or ,' t r i eye 1 e d r i v e r s , mechanics, carpenters, baggage handlers and a bus conductor.  Unlike the f a c t o r y workers these men did not have steady  employment, rather t h e i r work depends on the intermitent need for t h e i r services.  Table VII  gives the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the male Taman informants  by t h e i r occupations. The occupational pattern of the Taman residents i s s i m i l a r to that described by Provencher (1 971:63) for Kampung Bahru Malays in Kuala Lumpur. In his study the most numerous categories of work were o f f i c e workers, sales and business, p o l i c e and m i l i t a r y , and t e c h n i c i a n s .  One d i f f e r e n c e between  the Malays in Provencher's study and those of Taman Kampung Kuantan i s that in the Taman teachers, t e c h n i c i a n s , and c l e r k s are the most numerous, while in Kampung Bahru the c l e r k s , sales and business, and p o l i c e and m i l i t a r y were the most numerous. One important feature of the current employment s i t u a t i o n among/ the Taman residents i s work for women.  Malay women have t r a d i t i o n a l l y worked  in such occupations as making and s e l l i n g cakes and other prepared foods, s e l l i n g vegetables and f i s h , harvesting padi for wages, and making clothes  117  TABLE VII.  - - Occupation of male household heads i n Taman Kampung Kuantan.  Occupation Teacher  Owners  Renters  Total  20  4  24 (15.3%)  7  15  22 (14.0%)  Clerk  10  10  20 (12.7%)  Pol ice  14  3  17 (10.8%)  Factory worker  12  5  17 (10.8%)  Small business  11  0  11 (  7.0%)  Managers  2  4  6 (  3.8%)  Retired  5  1  6 (  3.8%)  Driver  3  2  5 (  3.2%)  College l e c t u r e r  3  1  4 ( 2.5%)  Accountant  2  2  4 (  2.5%)  Carpenter  2  0  2 (  1.3%)  Baggage handler  1  1  2 (  1.3%)  Bus conductor  1  1  2 (  1.3%)  12  3  15 ( 9.6%)  105  52  157 (99.9%)  Technician  No male household head Total  118 i n the r u r a l a r e a s . i n t h e households  In the Taman t h e r e were 56 wives and 38 daughters  surveyed who.worked.  Among the wives who worked were  t e a c h e r s , c l e r k s and s e c r e t a r i e s , f a c t o r y w o r k e r s , nurses and m i d w i v e s , t r a d e r s o r businesswomen. household  T a b l e IX shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h e female  heads a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n s .  As I mentioned above, t h e  d a t a f o r o t h e r household members i s i n c o m p l e t e and t h e o c c u p a t i o n s o t h e r female members i s not i n c l u d e d i n the  of  discussion.  A c c o r d i n g t o some i n f o r m a n t s , women have r e c e n t l y found more work i n t h e f a c t o r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y younger women. heads o f households  i n t e r v i e w e d worked i n f a c t o r i e s .  o p e r a t o r s o r as p r o c e s s o r s secretaries.  In t h e s u r v e y , o n l y f i v e female They work as machine  on the p r o d u c t i o n l i n e s , and as c l e r k s and  Some i n f o r m a n t s s a i d t h a t women were p r e f e r r e d over men f o r  work which r e q u i r e d l i t t l e t r a i n i n g i n t h e new f a c t o r i e s .  Men w i t h o u t  s k i l l s , t h u s , f i n d i t harder t o get work than women i n some c a s e s . More wives i n the Taman were i n v o l v e d i n t r a d i n g than any o t h e r o c c u pation.  The type o f t r a d i n g t h e y pursued i n c l u d e d making and s e l l i n g cakes  o r o t h e r prepared f o o d s ; s e l l i n g b a t i k and o t h e r t y p e s o f c l o t h ; Pyrex wares and j e w e l r y ; r u n n i n g general known as main kutu which I d i s c u s s  selling  p r o v i s i o n shops; and t h e t r a d e  i n more d e t a i l  below.  More women were  engaged  i n t r a d i n g because u n l i k e wage l a b o r , the former does not r e q u i r e  special  s k i l l s o r formal e d u a t i o n .  an e l e m e n t a r y school e d u c a t i o n .  Most o f the women do not have more than  T r a d i t i o n a l l y women's work, t r a d i n g i s a  more f a m i l i a r a c t i v i t y f o r Malay women than working i n a f a c t o r y o r e s p e c i a l l y f o r o l d e r women.  firm,  Most women i n t h e Taman work to supplement t h e  119 TABLE V I I I . — Category of informants working in each household.  Working people  Owners  Renters  Total  Husband only  30  21  51 (33 %)  Husband and wife  31  18  49 (31 %)  Husband and others  29  10  39 (25 %)  Wife only  6  1  4(4%)  Others only  9  2  11 ( 7 %)  105  52  157 (100%)  Total  TABLE XX. «  Occupation of the female household heads.  Occupation  Owners  Renters  Housewife  67  30  97 (63 %)  Teacher  9  2  11 ( 7 %)  Clerk/secretary  6  12  18 (12 %)  15  1  16 (11 %)  Nurse/midwife  4  2  6(4%)  Factory worker  2  3  5(3%)  No female household head  2  2  4  105  52  157  Trading  Total  *  Total*  The t o t a l used f o r c a l c u l a t i n g percentage was 153, which excludes households with no female household heads.  120 income of t h e i r husbands, or to support t h e i r households i f they are unmarried.  Some women work because they are pursuing t h e i r professions,  e . g . , teachers and midwives. The employment s i t u a t i o n of Taman women may be better understood in the context of the national labor force p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Malay women described by Manderson (1 979).  According to Manderson (1 979:255) the p r o  r  portion of Malay women in occupations other than those associated with housework had r i s e n from 20 percent in 1947 to nearly 38 percent in 1968. These women were employed p r i m a r i l y as teachers, nurses and midwives; some worked as t y p i s t s , stenographers and s e c r e t a r i e s .  The Taman women r e f l e c t  t h i s national employment picture for Malay women described by Manderson, except for the greater proportion of Taman women involved i n trading and those involved in factory work.  Employment of women in f a c t o r i e s i s a  recent development which may increase the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Malay women in the labor f o r c e . Income and Socio-economic Status In describing t h e i r socio-economic status, most of the informants from the Taman referred to themselves as makan g a j i or wage earners. trasted t h i s with working for oneself or kerja s e n d i r i . are two types of people who work for farmer.  They con-  In t h e i r view there  themselves: the businessman and the  They say that unlike the businessman, the farmer i s rural based.  The informants thought of the d i f f e r e n c e between rural and urban in terms of working for oneself and working for other people.  In the a g r i c u l t u r a l  sector, people work for themselves while in the urban sector people work  121 for others.  The majority of informants were wage earners, only a few had  t h e i r own small business.  Business a c t i v i t i e s pursued by the informants  are discussed i n d e t a i l in the next s e c t i o n . When asked to choose between working for wages and working for ones e l f , the majority of those who gave an opinion thought that i t was p r e f e r able to work for oneself.  Some said that for Malays i t was much easier to  work for oneself i n the rural areas than in the urban areas.  In the urban  areas Malays u s u a l l y work for wages, compared to the Chinese who are u s u a l l y businessmen.  They said that i t is hard to compete with the Chinese.  main a t t r a c t i o n of the urban areas was money. to make money.  The  People l i v e i n urban areas  To make money, however, Malays have to work for other people.  Some informants said that to work for oneself i n the urban areas, one had to have money, unlike the Chinese who have money to invest in  business.  In working for wages, some informants distinguished between working for the government, kerajaan, and working for private f i r m s , suasta. About one half of the male informants worked for the government.  According to  some informants, working for the government was preferable because i t was more secure compared to the private s e c t o r .  In private f i r m s , employees  could be f i r e d , while i n the government t h i s was hardly p o s s i b l e .  A few  informants said that the government had a guaranteed pension, while p r i v a t e firms do not.  Some informants who had formerly worked for p r i v a t e firms  changed t h e i r jobs and entered government service because of these c o n s i derations. The question of pay and other benefits are two other considerations  122 which the informants discussed in comparing government with p r i v a t e sector employment.  S t a r t i n g s a l a r i e s in the government are said to be comparable  with those in private f i r m s .  In the private sector, however, there i s a  f a s t e r increment in s a l a r i e s because wage increases mance than on tenure.  depend more on p e r f o r -  Some informants noted that i n c e r t a i n government  departments there i s a f a s t e r promotion rate because of expansion in government machinery.  Government employees can also obtain car loans and  housing loans at low, 4 percent, i n t e r e s t r a t e s , which private firms do not give to t h e i r employees. The monthly income of the Taman informants give further i n d i c a t i o n s of t h e i r socio-economic status.  Elementary school teachers earn about M$400  to M$800 depending whether they have an LCE, MCE, or HSC education; univers i t y graduates s t a r t earning about M$800 to M$l,500 depending on whether they have a pass or honors degree in 1976; industry workers receive from M$l50 to M$600 depending on t h e i r type of work and tenure.  The monthly  income of Taman male household heads ranged from M$150 to M$l,500. X gives the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the informants' monthly income.  Table  A median  monthly income of M'$680 for male household heads was computed from t h i s distribution.  This f i g u r e does not represent the monthly household income  since the data for female and other working household members were not complete.  I f these other data were included the median monthly income per  household would be higher. To gain some perspective on the context of these income f i g u r e s , some estimates of Malaysian household income may provide the context for i n t e r -  123  TABLE X. — Monthly income of male household heads in Taman Kampung Kuantan, 1976.  Income  M$  Owners  Renters  150 - 350  12  2  14 (10 %)  351 - 550  25  13  38 (28 %)  551 - 750  11  12  23 (17 *)  751 - 950  31  5  36 (27 %)  951 - 1150  5  10  15 (11 %)  1151 - 1350  3  3  6(4%)  1351 - 1 550  1  3  4 ( 3 %)  12  3  15  5  T  6  105  52  157  No male household head Retired Total  Total  124 pretation.  The national estimates for 1970 i n d i c a t e that the mean monthly  household income for Malays was M$172; t h i s may be compared with M$264 for the whole nation as a whole, M$428 for the urban average monthly household income (Malaysia 1 976:179).  Snodgrass (1980:81 ) estimates that a  " m i d d l e - c l a s s " Malaysian household earned between M$750 and M$3,000 per month in 1970.  In c o n t r a s t , the d e f i n i t i o n of the poverty l i n e for 1975  was M$300 or less per household (Wegelin 1978:102). In the context of the above f i g u r e s , the Taman households may be c l a s s i f i e d as lower to middle class households based on the income of the male household heads only.  I f the income of the other working household  members were included, the Taman households would d e f i n i t e l y f a l l  into  the middle-class category. Education and Social M o b i l i t y The Malays in the Taman have described themselves as wage earners or makan g a j i .  Their occupations are t y p i c a l of the jobs which Malays have  f i l l e d as a r e s u l t of the growth of modern administration in such areas as civil  service and the p o l i c e .  However, they do not occupy the higher  positions a v a i l a b l e to the Malay e l i t e . They think t h a t t h e i r m o b i l i t y .'.'was hampered by the lack of appropriate q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and t h e i r educational background .  Two aspects of the  informants' educational experience have l i m i t e d t h e i r occupational choices. F i r s t , most of them were educated i n the Malay language.  The lack of  fluency in English was considered a handicap by many of the informants. A b i l i t y to communicate  in English would have  enabled them to pursue  other  Only a few informants  were able to learn  opportunities.  125 English i n the "Special Malay Class" type of education.  In this, system  students are t r a n s f e r r e d from the Malay classes to English classes a f t e r t h e i r fourth year of elementary education.  language Since most of  the informants were educated during the B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , they were educated i n a system that treated t h e i r education i n terms of i t s "welfare r o l e " , i . e . education tempered by a desire to avoid promoting s o c i a l m o b i l i t y ( I n g l i s 1979:212). Second, unlike many Malays today, most of the Informants did not have an opportunity to obtain higher education because there were no unlvers.it i e s in the peninsula u n t i l 1959.  Only the c h i l d r e n of the wealthy were  able to go abroad f o r u n i v e r s i t y education.  Younger informants had the  chance to go to u n i v e r s i t i e s , but some were unable to go because of f i n a n c i a l problems. The informants had an average education of s i x years; of elementary school.  About 51.4% of the male household heads had at l e a s t an elementary  education, while 66.6% of the female household heads had a s i m i l a r educational attainment.  Some male household heads were able to receive secondary  education (41.6%); completing t h e i r Lower C e r t i f i c a t e of Education (LCE), Malaysian C e r t i f i c a t e of Education (MCE), or Higher School C e r t i f i c a t e (HSC). Those who eventually became teachers went to teacher t r a i n i n g colleges; d i r e c t l y from t h e i r elementary education, or a f t e r t h e i r secondary education, depending on the period when they obtained t h e i r teacher t r a i n i n g . A few informants went to technical schools to t r a i n as mechanics and e l e c tricians.  Only eleven males and females, among the informants, had u n i v e r s i t y  education. Table XI gives the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the informants according to  126 t h e i r educational attainment. TABLE XI. — Education of Taman Kampung Kuantan informants.  Education  Males  Some elementary  21  (14.8%)  36  (23.5%)  Complete elementary  52  (36.6%)  66  (43.1%)  Lower Secondary  24  (16.9%)  20  (13.1%)  Upper Secondary  35  (24.6%)  12  (10.5%)  University  10  ( 7.0%)  1  ( 0.7%)  0  14  ( 9.1%)  15  4  Did not go to school No male/female household head Total  157  -Females  (99.9%)  157  (100 %)  Note: Those with no male/female household heads >;ar-e not included in percentage c a l c u l a t i o n . Education has become an important c r i t e r i o n f o r employment and advancement.  Before independence, an elementary education was a l l that  one needed to get a j o b , according to some informants. an LCE i s necessary to get work. must have at l e a s t an MCE.  Today at l e a s t  In order to j o i n government service one  Some school teachers who only had an LCE when  they became teachers, had to pass the MCE q u a l i f y i n g examination in order to receive salary increases.  Those with MCE's had to pass the HSC  examination to advance t h e i r career.  A fm  teachers  have, taken leaves, of  absence to pursue t h e i r special course i n education or other r e l a t e d f i e l d s -  127 in order to improve t h e i r q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . A few examples may i l l u s t r a t e the occupational experiences and m o b i l i t y of the informants.  They show how the informants were channelled i n t o t h e i r  present occupations e i t h e r by l i m i t e d education or by a d d i t i o n a l t r a i n i n g . The f i r s t example i s Cikgu Mokhtar.  He f i n i s h e d his secondary education  with an HSC i n 1955, two years before independence. f u r t h e r but he could not a f f o r d to go abroad. teacher since teachers were i n demand. teachers.  He had wanted to study  He then decided to become a  A few of his friends also became  A f t e r a few years of teaching, he and his f r i e n d s applied f o r  government scholarships to study abroad. obtain a scholarship. Today he s t i l l  Cikgu Mokhtar, however, did not  His f r i e n d s got the scholarships and were sent abroad.  laments his bad luck f o r not being able to obtain higher  education and improve his p o s i t i o n i n l i f e . A second example i s Abu Bakar, a government c l e r k .  He f i n i s h e d his  MCE before he started working f o r the accounting section ,of a construction f i r m . The company wanted to send him to school to study f u r t h e r , but he was an only c h i l d and had to support his widowed mother.  He resigned his job with  the p r i v a t e f i r m and applied to work with the government as a c l e r k . has been working with the government f o r the l a s t four years.  He  He said that  he decided to j o i n government service because i t was more secure, and i t provided a pension upon retirement.  In his view, he could not a f f o r d to  obtain f u r t h e r t r a i n i n g because he had his mother and family to support. The t h i r d example i s Hashim, presently a personnel manager f o r a private firm.  His f i r s t job was with the P o l i c e Force because he only had  an elementary school education.  While in p o l i c e t r a i n i n g his  superiors  128 saw some promise i n him and recommended that he study English to improve his s k i l l s .  During his work with the p o l i c e , he was also able to study f o r  his Cambridge c e r t i f i c a t e , a school c e r t i f i c a t e i n the pre-World War period analogous to the current HSC. he reached the rank of inspector. at the age of 45.  II  Gradually he was promoted u n t i l  A f t e r 25 years in the servie he r e t i r e d  Because of his experience as a p o l i c e inspector he got  a job as a personnel manager i n a p r i v a t e f i r m upon his retirement from the P o l i c e Force.  He has joined another f i r m i n Petaling Jaya since  the f i r s t job as a personnel manager i n Malacca.  His experience i n the  P o l i c e Force and c u r r e n t l y as a personnel manager has enabled him to f i n d better paying jobs in the p r i v a t e sector. Compared to t h e i r f a t h e r ' s time, most of the male informants thought that there are c u r r e n t l y more opportunities f o r Malays. both education and work f o r Malays were l i m i t e d .  Before independence  Six years of education  was the most that ordinary Malays could obtain during the c o l o n i a l period. Only the c h i l d r e n of the a r i s t o c r a c y and the wealthy were able to get f u r t h e r education abroad or at special schools.  Some older informants  f e l t that during the c o l o n i a l period a six year education could only guarantee work as teachers, the p o l i c e f o r c e , or the army.  Those who knew  some English were able to get c l e r i c a l work n the government or i n some foreign f i r m s . Comparing the occupation of male household heads with that of t h e i r fathers gives some i n d i c a t i o n of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y .  About one half of the  male informants' fathers (49.3%) were involved i n r u r a l - a g r i c u l t u r a l occupations such as r i c e farming, rubber tapping, and f i s h i n g , occupations generally r e f e r r e d to by the informants as kerja kampung or v i l l a g e work.  129 Less than one half (43.7%) of the informants' fathers were urban wage earners l i k e themselves.  These f a t h e r s ' urban occupations d i d  s i g n i f i c a n t l y from some of the informants' occupations.  not vary  Urban f a t h e r s '  occupation included c l e r k s , d r i v e r s , teachers, policemen, p u b l i c u t i l i t i e s employees, and customs o f f i c e r s .  A few had professional occupations l i k e  ship c a p t a i n , government economist, and a g r i c u l t u r a l o f f i c e r .  Only seven  percent of the informants' fathers were involved i n sales or business. Among those with businesses, the businesses were s m a l l , dealing with the sale of general p r o v i s i o n s , c l o t h i n g , land, and rubber. Table XII  shows  the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the informants' f a t h e r ' s occupations.  TABLE XII.  - - Male household heads' f a t h e r ' s occupation.  Owners  Renters  Urban wage earner  40  22  .62 (43.7%)  Rural/agriculture  46  24  70 (49.3%)  7  3  10 ( 7.0%)  12  3  15  105  52  157  Father's occupation  Sales/business No male household head Total  *  Total  Percentage c a l c u l a t i o n s do not include households without male household heads.  By comparing the occupations of male informants and t h e i r f a t h e r s ' i t may be concluded that about one half of the male informants are s o c i a l l y mobile, while the other half are not.  The s o c i a l l y mobile are those whose  130  fathers had occupations i n the r u r a l a g r i c u l t u r a l sectors.  These men  had r u r a l a g r i c u l t u r a l o r i g i n s with urban experiences only in the l a t t e r part of t h e i r l i f e .  Their s o c i a l m o b i l i t y is indicated by t h e i r t r a n s f e r  from the r u r a l based a g r i c u l t u r e sector to the modern and urban sector. The s o c i a l l y stable are those whose f a t h e r s ' occupations were in the modern urban sector.  These men are not too d i f f e r e n t from t h e i r f a t h e r s , i n terms  of t h e i r occupational experience. urban sector through t h e i r f a t h e r s .  They had an e a r l i e r exposure to the It might be expected that the s o c i a l l y  stable would have a better adjustment to the modern and urban sector of the economy^ but because of the economic opportunity structure for Malays i n Malaysian s o c i e t y , the s o c i a l l y stable and s o c i a l l y mobile are found i n s i m i l a r economic s i t u a t i o n s . Part-time Entrepreneurial A c t i v i t i e s In addition to t h e i r f u l l - t i m e occupations, some of the informants from the Taman had part-time businesses.  Those who were engaged i n b u s i -  ness, e i t h e r part-time or f u l l time, are r e f e r r e d to as orang berniaga or trader in the l o c a l i t y .  As mentioned above, t h i s type of occupation i s  categorized under kerja s e n d i r i or self-employed, i n contrast to makan g a j i or wage earner.  The men and women who are engaged i n these businesses  may be considered as entrepreneurs, i n the sense that they have ventured to pursue a d d i t i o n a l enterprises and have invested t h e i r time and money to improve t h e i r economic status.  Their entrepreneurial i n c l i n a t i o n s ;  d i s t i n g u i s h these informants from others.  These part-time businesses are  c a l l e d by the informants kerja sambilan or side l i n e work.  These a c t i v i t i e s  are part of the economic p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the Malays studied.  131 Before  I discuss these  enumerate the types  of  Among t h e i n f o r m a n t s , ness a c t i v i t i e s , i n pation.  pursuing  were i n v o l v e d  husbands were t e a c h e r s , two were c l e r k s , manager.  Six  These  included teachers  of  goods and s e r v i c e s By t y p e o f  of prepared foods,  goods,and s a l e  nesses  involving  services  business  or  given  houses,  income. activi-  twenty-two  were  by t h e i n f o r m a n t s  workers,  working.  varied  i n v o l v e d , and a c c o r d i n g  batik cloth,  provisions.  the informants  involved  Those w i t h  accordorganin and  busi-  electrical  Table XIII  with part-time  engaged.  t o the  jewelry, carpets,  and t r a n s p o r t .  i n which they were  for  secretaries.  included the r e p a i r of appliances,  construction of  occu'f."'  a n d one was a  t h e t w e n t y two c o u p l e s  of general  the d i s t r i b u t i o n of  and t h e t y p e o f  the  goods, there, were t h o s e  t r a d i n g of  household  of  among  a c t i v i t i e s pursued  other  a summary  the f a m i l y ' s  Ten o u t o f  busi-  part-time  The m a i n r e a s o n  one was an a c c o u n t a n t ,  and t h r e e c l e r k s  the a c t i v i t y .  installations,  i n the sample.  of the wives  them.  time  t h r e e were p o l i c e m e n , t h r e e were t e c h n i c a l  The e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l ing to the types  in  in these part time entrepreneurial  two w e r e l a b o r e r s ,  sales  full  e i g h t o t h e r women who w e r e p u r s u i n g involved.  first  who had p a r t - t i m e  a d d i t i o n to the husband and/or w i f e ' s  than o t h e r male i n f o r m a n t s  the sale  have a n d who a r e i n v o l v e d  b u s i n e s s a c t i v i t i e s was t o s u p p l e m e n t  teachers  i z a t i o n of  activities, I will  t h e r e were t w e n t y two c o u p l e s  b u t whose h u s b a n d s w e r e n o t  these  More ties  businesses they  T h e r e were a l s o  businesses  part-time trading  provides  businesses  132 TABLE  X I I I . - - Male informants c l a s s i f i e d by t h e i r f u l l time occupation and by type of part time business.  Wares  Services  Other  0  4  1  1  1  1  0  0  0  1  o;  0  0  1  0  Technician  0  0  0  0  3  0  Laborer  1  0  1  1  0  0  Other  0  2  0  0  0  0  Provisions  Batik  Teacher  3  1  Pol i c e  1  Clerk  Occupation  Food  By types of organization of business a c t i v i t i e s , there were those involved i n family e n t e r p r i s e s , licensed stores and shops, and partnerships.  Examples of the the f i r s t type of organization are those who s e l l  prepared foods, batik c l o t h , or household goods.  Examples of licensed  businesses are the general provision shops and appliance r e p a i r shops. Most of these part-time businesses are family e n t e r p r i s e s , except f o r f i v e informants who were involved i n partnerships which did not include r e l a t i v e s . Two of these were partners in an appliance r e p a i r shop i n the Taman, one was a co-owner of a construction f i r m , one was a partner i n an e l e c t r i c a l and one was a partner i n a transport  shop,  business.  There i s one explanation f o r the predominance of teachers among those with part time businesses.  Teachers have more time to engage in part time  businesses than other wage earners since school teachers i n Malaysia work only h a l f a day.  They teach e i t h e r i n the morning or i n the afternoon most  133 of the week.  Only one school day of the week i s given f u l l time to teaching  and extra c u r r i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s i n school. h a l f days.  The other four working days are  Another f a c t o r c o n t r i b u t i n g to the a b i l i t y of teachers to pursue  part time businesses i s that they are able to obtain loans from t h e i r coope r a t i v e s f o r t h e i r c a p i t a l requirements.  They can borrow as much as 80  percent of t h e i r contributions to the cooperative to which they belong. Operating a general provision shop was one of the simple enterprises pursued by the informants.  Among the provision shop owners, four had stores  in town while two had stores at the back of t h e i r houses.  A l l these small  stores have l i c e n s e s , since a l l commercial operations are required to have licenses in Kelang.  Most of the informants said that they began by opening  a store in t h e i r house and s e l l i n g goods to neighbors.  This i n i t i a l  venture  was considered a learning experience, or as some informants put i t , mainmain sahaja, j u s t playing or t r y i n g and not r e a l l y serious.  According to  some informants, i t was the w i f e ' s idea to open up a store in t h e i r house. Gradually t h e i r ventures and experience grew.  Then they set out to open  stores i in towo. In one case, three school teachers pooled t h e i r money together to open a store in one of the shops in the Taman.  A f t e r a year or so, the venture  folded because they were not making enough p r o f i t . t h e i r separate ways.  Each of the traders went  Only one remained to continue operating the store in  the Taman; one opened a store i n his house; and the t h i r d went i n t o another l i n e of trading c a l l e d serba nika which I w i l l describe below. One of the well known methods of trading on an i n s t a l l m e n t basis i s the system r e f e r r e d to as main kutu  or play kutu.  The word kutu  i s of  134 Tamil o r i g i n t h a t means an a s s o c i a t i o n .  In the c o n t e x t o f t r a d i n g  r e f e r s to a group o f people who u n i t e f o r the purpose o f o b t a i n i n g goods on i n s t a l l m e n t .  The system i s  areas among households o r i n d i v i d u a l s groups.  Some informants  it certain  a p p a r e n t l y an i n v e n t i o n i n the urban belonging t o lower o r middle income  s a i d t h a t they d i d not know o f the system u n t i l  they came to l i v e i n town. There are u s u a l l y additional kutu.  ten members i n a k u t u .  One o f the members o r an  person can serve as the head of the group known as the kepala  The members agree to buy a c e r t a i n item or items f o r group member.  A dealer or t r a d e r i s  found who can p r o v i d e the goods.  members c o n t r i b u t e toward the  payment o f the goods.  Each month a l l  the  E i t h e r they a l l  get  the goods at once, o r they each take t u r n s o b t a i n i n g the d e s i r e d item each month.  The t o t a l monthly c o n t r i b u t i o n s from the members c o v e r . t h e p r i c e  o f one i t e m . item l o t s kutu i s  In  the case where i n d i v i d u a l s  take t u r n s o b t a i n i n g the d e s i r e d  are drawn to determine the o r d e r o f the r e c i p i e n t s .  The kepala  r e s p o n s i b l e f o r forming the k u t u , f o r c o l l e c t i n g the c o n t r i b u t i o n s  o r k u t i p a n from each member, and f o r o b t a i n i n g the goods from a t r a d e r o r store.  For h i s e f f o r t s , he gets a commission, an item s i m i l a r to t h a t which  the kutu members bought, from the t r a d e r . The o t h e r method o f t r a d i n g through i n s t a l l m e n t s n i k a , which means goods o f v a r i o u s trader s e l l s  to i n d i v i d u a l s  c a l l e d serba n i k a  kinds.  In t h i s  is  known as  serba  form of t r a d i n g  r a t h e r than to groups l i k e the k u t u .  the It  is  because the t r a d e r p r o v i d e s d i f f e r e n t kinds o f goods  to the buyers.  Payment i s made over a p e r i o d o f ten months.  Usually,  t r a d e r operates  by h o l d i n g a serba n i k a p a r t y i n the house o f an  the  "agent"  135 who c a l l s together i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s . and the customers give t h e i r orders.  The trader then displays his wares It i s patterned a f t e r the method used  by pyrex dealers i n the Taman, which I describe i n Chapter VI. takes the orders and gives them to the t r a d e r .  The agent  He i s also responsible f o r  d i s t r i b u t i n g the goods to the customers, and f o r c o l l e c t i n g the monthly payments from those who made the orders.  A f t e r the trader has become  acquainted with a customer, the customer does not have to go through the agent f o r his next order.  The agent gets a ten percent commission, in k i n d ,  from the t r a d e r . In e i t h e r method, kutu or serba n i k a , the trader acts as a c a p i t a l i s t to obtain the goods which the customers, or pelanggan, want. trader acts as the kepala kutu.  Sometimes the  Two informants said that they got started  in t h e i r trading business by forming kutus.  They eventually saved enough  from the p r o f i t s , the mark-up on the p r i c e of the goods bought through kutus over the store p r i c e which range from ten percent to as much as f o r t y percent, to finance t h e i r c a p i t a l needs. There are many i n d i v i d u a l s i n the Taman who have engaged i n the kutu or serba nika business at one time or another.  Four well known traders i n  the Taman who are involved i n t h i s type of business are teachers.  The  other l e s s e r known traders include other teachers, a c l e r k , and a t e c h n i c i a n . How they got started varied from one i n d i v i d u a l to another.  In a few cases  the wife started the business by s e l l i n g door to door to people whom they knew.  Batik was usually the i n i t i a l product s o l d , payment received in  installments.  When the business grew, the husband got involved, usually  handling the f i n a n c i a l aspects of the trade and f i n d i n g stores where they  136  u s u a l l y buy ...goods, while the wife concentrated on f i n d i n g customers. In one case, the trader s t a r t e d by forming a kutu himself and becoming i t s kepala kutu, gradually accumulating c a p i t a l through these types of transactions.  His customers were f r i e n d s or acquaintances.  One trader got  started when his wife was asked by one of her co-workers to form a kutu among her co-workers.  Most of his customers have come from his w i f e ' s place of  work, a c i g a r e t t e f a c t o r y .  In another case, the trader began by forming  kutus in his school and then gradually expanded his business to include other customers. The customers f o r the kutu and serba nika are u s u a l l y people known to the t r a d e r , his w i f e , or to the kepala kutu and agent of the trader. One trader said that he had about 40 agents or kepala kutus who got customers f o r him.  Some informants said that most of the customers in the kutu and  serba nika are women.  When asked why t h i s was the case, the informants said  that women are more l i k e l y to pay than men and that they are considered to be more honest or l e b i h j u j u r .  Once a trader i s known to be in the kutu or  serba nika business the customers usually come to him or her, according to one informant.  He or she does not have d i f f i c u l t y f i n d i n g customers.  People  l i k e the kutu or serba nika method of buying because payment i s by i n s t a l l m e n t rather than than cash.  They do not mind the higher prices because they pay  a l i t t l e b i t at a time rather than in lump sums as in stores. The goods which the trader gets f o r the customers are obtained from stores i n Kelang, Kuala Lumpur, Kelantan and Singapore.  Kelantan i s a  major source of b a t i k , while Singapore i s a major source of imported household wares l i k e pyrex.  Kelang and Kuala Lumpur stores provide l o c a l l y  137 manufactured goods such as thermos b o t t l e s and carpets.  The stores are owned  mostly by Chinese, some by Indians, and a few by Malays.  Each trader usually  buys his goods from stores where he has become a regular customer.  The store  owners know that the traders are i n the kutu or serba nika business.  The  traders obtain goods at a discount or wholesale p r i c e from these stores because they buy in quantity.  Sometimes c r e d i t r e l a t i o n s h i p s are established  with the stores and the trader can obtain goods w i t h i n the l i m i t of the c r e d i t he i s allowed, e.g. from M$3,000 to M$10,000. The store owners started out by s e l l i n g small items l i k e batik c l o t h and jewelry before obtaining enough c a p i t a l to open a s t o r e . and one policeman started out t h i s way.  One teacher  Later they decided to pool t h e i r  c a p i t a l in order to open a store i n town.  They are s t i l l  running the s t o r e ,  with each one, or t h e i r wives, taking turns watching the s t o r e . Only two informants had side businesses dealing with food. policeman whose wife began by s e l l i n g snacks in a school.  One was a  They have  expanded t h e i r business by obtaining the r i g h t s to serve lunches at the I n s t i t u t Teknologi Mara in Shah Alam.  The other one i s a t r a c t o r d r i v e r who  works for the state development corporation (PKNS) in Shah Alam. his wife started out by s e l l i n g nasi lemak in the workers in Shah Alam.  He and  morning to the f a c t o r y  A f t e r a few months they opened a s t a l l , along with  other food vendors, i n one of the s t r a t e g i c  areas  and included hot lunches, makan n a s i , i n t h e i r menu.  near the f a c t o r i e s In each of these cases,  the husband helped the wife carry the food and other equipment to the place of business e a r l y i n the morning and then went to work at his regular j o b . One of them, the t r a c t o r d r i v e r , helped his wife at noon when the business  138  was a t i t s p e a k . T r a d i n g i n b a t i k c l o t h and o t h e r h o u s e h o l d g o o d s s u c h as p l a t e s , thermos  b o t t l e s , a n d c a r p e t s was a p o p u l a r p a r t t i m e e n t e r p r i s e .  There  was no s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n t h e t y p e o f g o o d s s o l d , e x c e p t f o r one t e a c h e r , who was n o t i n t h e s t u d y s a m p l e b e c a u s e he was t o o b u s y , who was w e l l known for his carpet business.  Each t r a d e r s o l d a combination o f goods,  f r o m h i s h o u s e , a n d had n e i t h e r a s t o r e n o r a l i c e n s e .  Customers  o b t a i n e d m a i n l y on t h e b a s i s o f p e r s o n a l c o n t a c t s , i n t h e i r  operated were  neighborhoods,  a t t h e i r p l a c e s o f w o r k , o r t h r o u g h f r i e n d s . T h e r e a r e two ways o f t r a d i n g among t h e s e men  and women: s e l l i n g on a c a s h b a s i s , wang t u n a i ; a n d  on an i n s t a l l m e n t b a s i s , a n s u r a n .  Some c o m b i n e d  selling  both o f t h e s e methods i n  their trading activities. I c o n s i d e r t h e s e p a r t - t i m e b u s i n e s s e s as e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t i e s among t h e r e s i d e n t s o f t h e Taman.  It is part of t h e i r adjustment i n  response to the economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n t h e i r urban environment.  Since  m o s t o f t h e m a r e wage e a r n e r s w i t h l i m i t e d e d u c a t i o n , t h e y h a v e few means of improving t h e i r economic income.  p o s i t i o n , d e p e n d i n g as t h e y do on a f i x e d  One o f t h e ways t h e y a u g m e n t t h e i r i n c o m e i s t h r o u g h  businesses.  part-time  A l t h o u g h t h e y o p e r a t e o u t s i d e the f i r m - c e n t e r e d type o f economy,  t h e y do p e r f o r m c e r t a i n e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l f u n c t i o n s l i k e r i s k t a k i n g a n d i n n o v a t i o n (Belshaw 1965). maximizing t h e i r  In a d d i t i o n , t h e i n f o r m a n t s w e r e a l l i n t e r e s t e d i n  investments.  The kutu o r s e r b a n i k a t r a d e s , f o r example, a r e r i s k y v e n t u r e s .  Each  t r a d e r i n v e s t s money i n t h e t r a d e and has t o w a i t f o r p a y m e n t s e a c h m o n t h , u n l i k e s t o r e o w n e r s who d e a l w i t h c a s h t r a n s a c t i o n s . T h e r e i s a l w a y s  the  139 danger of customers not paying f o r the goods.  Some informants have l o s t  money i n t h e i r trading because customers t r a n s f e r r e d residence without completing t h e i r payments. The c a p i t a l formation f o r these small ventures  shows how the informants  have managed on t h e i r own to set up part-time businesses.  The i n i t i a l  c a p i t a l needed f o r trading was obtained from i n d i v i d u a l savings.  Some  informants began with about M$1,000 c a p i t a l , others with M$2,000. managed to increase t h i s to as much as M$5,000 in a few years.  They  Later as  the need f o r more c a p i t a l arose, they took out loans ranging from M$3,000 to M$5,000 from cooperatives or banks.  Some of the informants had busines-  ses within the range of M$10,000 to M$l5,000.  The traders claim that t h e i r  c a p i t a l is always r o l l i n g , f o r i t i s usually t i e d up in goods or debts.  The  demand f o r goods i s usually greater than the a v i a l a b i l i t y of money or c r e d i t f o r the trader to buy the goods. Most of the t r a d e r s , as I mentioned above, started out s e l l i n g only an item or two on a t r i a l  basis.  others have d i v e r s i f i e d .  Some have stuck to t h e i r i n i t i a l type of goods,  Because of the type of operation and goods they  deal w i t h , there i s a l i m i t to t h e i r expansion. l i m i t t h e i r operations.  Time, personnel, and c a p i t a l  There i s also the element of competition.  Some  informants said that kutu and serba nika trade have become so popular that many i n d i v i d u a l s are now engaged in i t . out to rural areas.  This type of trading has also spread  One of the informants, a c l e r k , r e g u l a r l y went to  rubber and o i l palm p l a n t a t i o n settlements taking his business there.  In his  case, he has found a new o u t l e t f o r his part time business instead of concent r a t i n g in town.  140  These part-time businesses are innovative and also demonstrate that Malays can p a r t i c i p a t e in business a c t i v i t i e s in town.  It  is  usually the Chinese who are a t t r i b u t e d with the commercial functions in \ towns.  Part of the Malay dilemma has been t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to p a r t i c i p a t e  f u l l y in the economic l i f e of towns (Mahathir 1970).  Various government  attempts have been made to help Malays to engage i n business but these have been with large businesses and not with i n d i v i d u a l s who wish to set up small businesses.  Bank loans and business permits in towns are usually given to  experienced businessmen.  Small ventures l i k e those described from the Taman  r e l y on i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e and resources. Conclusion In t h i s chapter I have discussed some aspects of the economic status of the Malays in Taman Kampung Kuantan to i l l u s t r a t e t h e i r economic p a r t i c i pation-.  I have shown that the occupations of the informants are t y p i c a l of  the occupations Malays have in urban areas.  There i s c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t y in  the predominance of teachers, p o l i c e , and c l e r k s among the male informants. The occupations and other economic a c t i v i t i e s of the Taman residents r e f l e c t the types of economic opportunities usually open to Malays with l i m i t e d education and s k i l l s in urban areas.  Their lack of education  l i m i t s t h e i r a b i l i t y to obtain b e t t e r occupations or higher p o s i t i o n s . informants were in the p r o f e s s i o n a l , managerial or business  Few  occupations.  One trend evident among the Taman Malays i s the increasing p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in the labor f o r c e .  Although most of the women informants were  involved in the, stereotyped areas of Malay female employment l i k e teachers, c l e r k s , and midwives, there are those who are f i n d i n g more work i n f a c t o r i e s .  141  The minor p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the Taman Malays in the urban commercial sector i s shown by the small business ventures which some of the informants have entered e i t h e r on a f u l l time or part-time basis.  These  business  ventures were i n i t i a t e d by the informants themselves and were developed through t h e i r own e f f o r t s and resources.  In a few cases, assistance was  obtained through bank loans and government b u i l t shops.  These small scale  businesses, although l i m i t e d in prospects, help the Malays increase t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the urban economic s t r u c t u r e , which i s dominated by nonMalays. Part-time businesses provide one way of augmenting f i x e d wage income among the Taman residents. for social mobility.  It is one way of improving t h e i r opportunities  Increased income enables the Taman residents to  give t h e i r c h i l d r e n the kind of education which they d i d not o b t a i n .  This  i s one way which the Taman Malays can sustain a stable middle-class status.  CHAPTER VI NEIGHBORHOOD COHESION AND DIFFERENTIATION When migrants move into an established neighborhood they have to adjust to the p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l conditions i n the area.  The  t r a n s i t i o n period f o r migrants i s expected to be smoother i f they share the same s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and values as the r e s i d e n t s .  This view  i s derived from the concept of the "natural community" (Park et a l . 1967) that says that r e s i d e n t i a l s o l i d a r i t y i s a product of shared s o c i a l chara c t e r i s t i c s and valuesi  I t i s also possible that i n s p i t e of sharing  a common c u l t u r e and r e s i d e n t i a l area, r e s i d e n t i a l s o l i d a r i t y i s not developed between the migrants and r e s i d e n t s . Suttles'  This view i s found in  (1972:35) concept of the "defended neighborhood" i n which the  cohesion of a neighborhood i s said to come not from sentimental t i e s , but from s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s l i k e sharing a common boundary and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the reputation of a neighborhood. A f t e r the migrants moved into the Taman, the Taman became i d e n t i f i e d as a d i s t i n c t neighborhood i n Kampung Kuantan.  As dicussed i n the previous  chapter, the Taman i s distinguished from the r e s t of the kampung by i t s housing s t y l e and the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the r e s i d e n t s .  The houses i n the  Taman are low cost government row houses, while most of those i n the r e s t of the kampung are made, of i n d i v i d u a l , plankhouses contemporary design.  in t r a d i t i o n a l or  Most of the Taman residents are recent migrants to  142  143  Kelang while most of the kampung residents are from Kelang. In a d d i t i o n to t h e i r having to adjust to the s o c i a l order of the kampung, the residents of the Taman had to adjust to each other i n t h e i r new neighborhood.  The Taman migrants came from d i f f e r e n t parts of the penin-  sula and were d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from each other by occupation, ownership or rental of houses and r e l a t i v e s o c i a l s t a t u s .  The s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  found among the Taman residents influenced t h e i r d i f f e r e n t i a l -involvement in the neighborhood.  I suggest that the involvement or lack of i n v o l v e -  ment of the Malays in the Taman are i n d i c a t o r s of t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the urban kampung where they have s e t t l e d . The discussion i n t h i s chapter focuses on the s o c i a l adjustment of the Taman residents in t h e i r new residence.  I describe the bases of common  i d e n t i t y among the kampung and Taman r e s i d e n t s , and examine the factors i n f l u e n c i n g the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the Taman from the kamupung, as well as the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n found among the Taman migrants.  The s o c i a l adjustment  of the Taman residents in t h e i r new neighborhood i n d i c a t e s that i n s p i t e of sharing a common c u l t u r e , r e s i d e n t i a l s o l i d a r i t y i s not evenly developed with the rest of the kampung r e s i d e n t s , and that there i s a d i f f e r e n t i a l involvement i n neighborhood r e l a t i o n s h i p s among the Taman residents as a r e s u l t of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among them. Common ethnic i d e n t i t y The Malays think of themselves as one ethnic group, or bangsa. This term i s also used to r e f e r to types of things and d i f f e r e n t sub-ethnic categories.  In the former usage, f o r example, they say bangsa kain when  r e f e r r i n g to types of c l o t h .  When r e f e r r i n g to e t h n i c i t y , Malays do not  144  think so much i n terms of physical t r a i t s as they do i n c u l t u r a l terms. Anyone who h a b i t u a l l y speaks Malay, p r a c t i c e s Islam, and follows Malay custom i s considered a Malay.  In Kampung Kuantan, f o r example, there are  people of Chinese descent who have become Malay, or sudah masuk Melayu. Many of these are females who were adopted as c h i l d r e n , anak angkat, by Malays, raised as Malays, and have married Malays. Sub-ethnic d i f f e r e n c e s are also recognized by Malays. ences are usually traced to the place of o r i g i n .  These d i f f e r -  In Kampung Kuantan, f o r  example, there are migrants from various parts of the peninsula as well as from Indonesia.  People who o r i g i n a l l y came from Java are referred to as  orang Jawa or Javanese people, those o r i g i n a l l y from Kelantan are r e f e r r e d to as orang Kelantan.  The descent of p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l s i s expressed  by the word keturunan, meaning descent or o r i g i n . For example, those of Bugis descent are said to be keturunan Bugis or of Bugis o r i g i n , and those of Minangkabau descent are keturunan Minangkabau or Minangkabau o r i g i n . Local o r i g i n and descent are thus two main sources of sub-ethnic referents among Malays in the kampung. Sub-ethnic differences are also noted by the Taman and kampung people in terms of ways of speaking, s t y l e of dress, and p e r s o n a l i t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s or i n d i v i d u a l t a s t e s . language from the Sumatrans.  For example, the Javanese speak a d i f f e r e n t The kampung people regard Bahasa  Indonesia  as halus or r e f i n e d , compared to everyday spoken Malay which i s considered kasar or unrefined.  Since there are many migrants i n the kampung, bahasa  daerah or d i a l e c t s are recognized by d i f f e r e n t accents and vocabulary.  In  terms of dress, Javanese women wear t h e i r s k i r t s i n a d i f f e r e n t fashion from Malay women, and t h e - s c a r f i s worn d i f f e r e n t l y . Each'ethnic group i s  145  also stereotyped by p e r s o n a l i t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  For example, the Javanese  are said to be r a j i n or industrious compared to the Malays who are malas or lazy.  Sumatrans are said to be sombong or arrogant, while the Javanese are  not as s e l f - a s s e r t i v e or arrogant. Sub-ethni;cVdifferehces: among Malays are not,:.; however, played up in the kampung or the Taman.  Usually i t i s only in j e s t or in p r i v a t e that  these are ever mentioned.  For most of the migrants, each group t r i e s to  conform to Selangor adat or customs once they have l i v e d there f o r some time.  Malays in general are proud of the f a c t that as a group they share  the same customs, although these i n f a c t vary from state to s t a t e . One of the most common adat mentioned i s the Malay concept of coopera t i o n , of being helpful to f e l l o w Malays.  This i s expressed by terms l i k e  gotong-royong or mutual s e l f - h e l p , tolong-menolong or being h e l p f u l , and kerjasama or working together.  In Kampung Kuantan, gotong-royong  i s under-  stood as cooperation on a community l e v e l , while tolong-menolong i s help on a r e c i p r o c a l basis between two or more i n d i v i d u a l s .  For example,  c o n t r i b u t i n g towards the construction of a surau i s more gotong-royong  than  tolong-menolong, while helping a neighbor cook f o r a feast or kenduri i s tolong-menolong. Gotong-royong a c t i v i t i e s are frequently organized around r e l i g i o u s activities.  A l l Malays are by d e f i n i t i o n followers of Islam.  Feelings of  s o l i d a r i t y are aroused p r i m a r i l y as a r e s u l t of the common r e l i g i o n .  Reli-  gious r i t u a l s performed i n the community, e.g. c i r c u m c i s i o n s , weddings, and c e l e b r a t i n g the Prophet Mohammed's birthday, require a kenduri or feast which i s a cooperative venture.  Kampung people pride themselves  146 i n not having to h i r e cooks o r go to r e s t a u r a n t s  for a feast.  c o o p e r a t i v e ventures which was undertaken i n t h i s  r e g a r d was the purchase  o f p l a t e s and g l a s s e s f o r use i n kenduris f o r the kampung. i n the surau o r p r a y e r house.  Whenever t h e r e i s  house, they can r e n t these p l a t e s is  and g l a s s e s .  One o f the  These are kept  * kenduri a t  somebddy's  The money from the r e n t a l  used to r e p l a c e broken p l a t e s o r purchase a d d i t i o n a l  pieces.  Malay Muslims b e l i e v e . i n f i v e a r t i c l e s o f f a i t h : b e l i e f i n the one God, p r a y e r s , f a s t i n g , Prayer i s  payment o f t i t h e s , and the p i l g r i m a g e  the most common r e l i g i o u s  a c t i v i t y o f the kampung p e o p l e .  are supposed to pray f i v e times a day: at dawn (subuh), l a t e afternoon  ( a s a r ) , sunset  (makhrib),  and a t n i g h t  Prayers  l e a d s and the mother  On F r i d a y s they have the main  surau  worship  Only men go t b . t h e mosque f o r t h e F r i d a y w o r s h i p , -  women a r e not allowed i n the mosque.  Since most men i n the kampung  the surau i s more o f t e n used i n the evening and n i g h t p r a y e r s . usually  They  (zuhur),  Sometimes the men go t o the mosque or, to the  f o r p r a y e r on o r d i n a r y days. s e r v i c e a t the mosque.  afternoon  (ishak).  are s a i d more o f t e n a t home where the f a t h e r sometimes and c h i l d r e n f o l l o w .  o f Mecca.  the o l d e r men who go f r e q u e n t l y to the surau f o r  It  work, is  prayers.  The mosque and the surau are the two most important i n s t i t u t i o n s the kampung.  They are the c e n t e r o f the community.  i n the kampung and t h r e e s u r a u s .  There i s one mosque  The mosque was b u i l t i n the kampung  the Second World War, on land donated by a Malacca m i g r a n t . personnel  i n c l u d e an imam o r r e l i g i o u s  and a s e c r e t a r y .  They are a l l  before  The mosque  head, an a s s i s t a n t imam, a t r e a s u r e r ,  a p p o i n t e d by the S u l t a n  of appointment o r t a u l i a h from him.  in  and r e c e i v e l e t t e r s  In a d d i t i o n to these men t h e r e i s  a  147  b i l a l who summons people to prayer, and another b i l a l who prepares corpses for burial.  A mosque committee made up of representatives from the kampung  residents helps the imam and other mosque personnel make decisions concerning the running of the mosque. State Religious Department.  Mosque personnel are appointed by the  Maintenance of the mosque i s a community a f f a i r .  Contributions from the kampung people are usually sought f o r repairs and improvements.  Whenever the cost i s too high, i t i s obtained from higher  a u t h o r i t i e s such as the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e or the State Assembly representative f o r the area.  During the f i e l d work p e r i o d , part of the mosque caught f i r e  j u s t before the f a s t i n g month.  Repairs  amounting to M$5,000 were r e q u i r e d .  E f f o r t s were made by the mosque committee to obtain the money from the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r and the State Assembly representative.  Fortunately, they  were successful and able to r e p a i r the damage before the big c e l e b r a t i o n ending the f a s t i n g month, Hari Raya Puasa. There are three suraus i n the kampung: Surau Tinggi or t a l l Surau Haji S a i l eh, and Surau Taman Kampung Kuantan.  Before the mosque  was b u i l t there was only one surau i n the kampung, Surau T i n g g i . surau is now used as a prayer house f o r women in the kampung. end of World War II,  surau,  This  Around the  Surau Haji Salleh was constructed on land contributed  by the ketua kampung, on the east side of the kampung.  The most recent  addition to the kampung i s the surau inside the Taman. Unlike the mosque, the organization of the surau i s quite i n f o r m a l .  The  surau imam and other personnel are appointed by consensus of the residents who use the surau .  Suraus are used  p r i m a r i l y as prayer houses.  a l s o used f o r other r e l i g i o u s functions in the l o c a l area.  They are  For example,  148  t a h l i l meetings where p a r t i c i p a n t s r e c i t e praises to A l l a h and the Prophet, and tarawih meetings where special prayers are said during the f a s t i n g month, are done in the surau.  Instructions in the reading of the Kor'an  are also held i n the surau. Some kampung residents have been worried that having too many suraus would create d i v i s i o n s i n the kampung. to have suraus  Others f e l t that i t was convenient  f o r p a r t i c u l a r sections of the kampung, instead of having  to walk f a r to the mosque. Taman was proposed.  These issues came up when the surau i n s i d e the  This i s discussed in more d e t a i l below.  I t i s impor-  tant to note, in b r i e f , that the suraus are extensions of the mosque as a center of Islamic r e l i g i o n and c u l t u r e at the l o c a l  level.  The r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l s in the kampung are the primary source of neighborly cooperation in the kampung. month or bulan puasa.  This i s best manifested during the f a s t i n g  During the f a s t i n g month a l l Muslims r e f r a i n from  food and d r i n k , as well as smoking, and some informants added sex or e v i l thoughts, from dawn t i l l  sunset.  Even before the f a s t i n g month comes, people  already a n t i c i p a t e the " f a s t ; . By f a s t i n g , each Muslim, according to ustaz informants, i s feels.  supposed to feel how a person deprived of basic n e c e s s i t i e s  This common experience i s shared by a l l , r i c h and poor.  are t r a i n e d to f a s t from age f i v e or s i x years.  Children  A l l persons who have reached  puberty are required to f a s t . Everybody expects a l l others to f a s t . kids taunt t h e i r playmates who do not f a s t .  Even  The exceptions are women who  are menstruating or have j u s t given b i r t h , and persons who are t r a v e l l i n g long distances, t h e o r e t i c a l l y 72 miles or more. Special r i t u a l s are held i n the kampung during the f a s t i n g month.  Each  149 f a s t i n g day begins by the bang or the c a l l to prayer and ends by the wail of a s i r e n at sunset.  A f t e r breaking the f a s t and a f t e r the f i f t h prayer,  at ishak, there i s a special prayer session c a l l e d tarawih. coffee or tea are served a f t e r the tarawih. by the women of the kampung.  Cakes and  These are made and contributed  Both men and women p a r t i c i p a t e in the tarawih.  Usually most of the p a r t i c i p a n t s go home a f t e r the tarawih and refreshments. Some stay behind f o r the tadarus, a session in which men take turns r e c i t i n g from the Kor'an and t h e i r mistakes are c o r r e c t e d .  A complete reading of the  Kor'an during the f a s t i n g month i s marked by a kenduri to celebrate the event known as Khatam Kor'an or  completion of a f u l l reading of the Kor'an.  Again  the food f o r the kenduri is cooked by the women and given to the p a r t i c i p a n t s and guests. Neighborhood D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n Kampung Kuantan i s one a d m i n i s t r a t i v e unit i n the town of Kelang. the Malays in the kampung share common ethnic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  All  Neighbor-  hood s o l i d a r i t y , however, does not come p r i m a r i l y as a r e s u l t of sharing these common ethnic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  Within the kampung there are two  d i s t i n c t neighborhoods, the kampung proper and the Taman.  These two  separate neighborhoods came i n t o being when the Taman was b u i l t inside the kampung, and new residents s e t t l e d i n t o the Taman, as described i n Chapter IV. As a government housing development the physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Taman are d i f f e r e n t from the kampung.  The g r i d - p a t t e r n of i t s paved  s t r e e t s contrasts with the footpaths found i n the r e s t of the kampung. Unlike the well spaced i n d i v i d u a l houses of the kampung proper, the almost  150 i d e n t i c a l row houses of the Taman are grouped i n blocks of ten to f i f t e e n houses. pied.  The i d e n t i t y of the Taman was ascribed even before i t was occuIt had a pre-established name and i t s boundaries were c l e a r l y marked.  The Taman residents have f u r t h e r developed t h i s i d e n t i t y by e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e i r own neighborhood committees and b u i l d i n g t h e i r own surau i n s i d e the Taman. In the beginning the Taman residents showed much a c t i v i t y in organizing themselves.  One of the reasons f o r t h i s a c t i v i t y was the incomplete .state'  of the Taman when the residents began to occupy, the houses.  Many problems  regarding the amenities i n t h e i r neighborhood faced the f i r s t Taman residents in 1969.  E l e c t r i c i t y and water had yet to be i n s t a l l e d , r i v e r  water sometimes overflowed from the dyke into the Taman d r a i n s , and garbage c o l l e c t i o n was non-existent.  To solve these problems an ad hoc committee,  Jawatankuasa Bertindak, was formed.  This committee went to the Town Council  and PKNS, the state development c o r p o r a t i o n , which b u i l t the Taman, requesting help f o r t h e i r problems.  It functioned f o r one year u n t i l i t was  replaced in 1971 by another committee f o r administering the a f f a i r s of the Taman r e s i d e n t s .  Some of the i n i t i a l problems were solved by t h i s committee.  The ad_hoc committee was replaced by the Taman Kampung Kuantan Committee or Jawatankuasa Taman Kampung Kuantan (JTKK). This committee l a s t e d u n t i l the end of 1973, when i t was eventually merged with the kampung v i l l a g e committee.  The JTKK was the f i r s t committee which organized the Taman i n t o a  u n i f i e d group of r e s i d e n t s .  Just l i k e the previous committee, i t took the  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of acting as spokesman f o r the needs of the Taman, as well as guiding the development of the Taman.  151 The structure of the JTKK consisted of one main committee and several sub-committees.  Its o f f i c e r s and members were chosen from among the a c t i v e  and respected residents of the Taman. represented i n the  JTKK.  sub-committees were formed.  Each,street i n the Taman was ...  To carry out the d i f f e r e n t functions of the JTKK, There were four sub-committees:  Seksi Ugama f o r  r e l i g i o n , Seksi. B e l i a dan Sokan f o r youth and sports, Seksi Wanita f o r women, the Seksi Kebajikan Am f o r general welfare. Each of these sub-committees had t h e i r complement of o f f i c e r s and members j u s t l i k e the JTKK main committee. In i t s two years of administering the a f f a i r s of the Taman, various benefits were obtained by the JTKK f o r the Taman r e s i d e n t s .  Since the  Taman was part of the Town Council area and taxes were l e v i e d on the r e s i dents' properties,the JTKK  made sure that services such as garbage  c o l l e c t i o n , grass c u t t i n g , mosquito spraying, and drain cleaning were given to the Taman.  A p e t i t i o n was a l s o made to the Town Council to lower the  monthly service charges from the Town C o u n c i l , as well as to lower the annual taxes on the houses.  The reasons given by the Taman residents were  that the Taman was a low cost housing development, that a l l of the r e s i dents were Malays with low income, and that they were s t i l l paying f o r t h e i r houses to the PKNS.  Lower rates were given to the Taman residents by  the Town Council as a r e s u l t of the request made by the JTKK. improvements were also made i n the Taman.  Other  Street l i g h t i n g was obtained,  the dyke p r o t e c t i n g the Taman from the r i v e r waters was strengthened to prevent the r i v e r from overflowing i n t o the Taman, and playground equipment f o r c h i l d r e n was obtained from the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e .  A post o f f i c e  branch was also i n s t a l l e d i n one of the stores in the Taman.  152  Among t h e v a r i o u s sub-committees w i t h i n the JTKK, the most a c t i v e was the r e l i g i o n sub-committee.  T h i s sub-committee arranged f o r Taman  c e l e b r a t i o n s o f r e l i g i o u s h o l i d a y s l i k e t h e P r o p h e t ' s b i r t h d a y (Nabi  Maulud),  and the end o f the f a s t i n g month ( H a r i Raya Puasa) and a l s o sponsored  guest  l e c t u r e r s on r e l i g i o u s m a t t e r s .  The most i m p o r t a n t accomplishment o f t h i s  sub-committee was p l a n n i n g and b u i l d i n g a surau i n s i d e the Taman.  Although  t h e r e was a surau j u s t o u t s i d e the Taman and a mosque i n the. kampung, the Taman r e s i d e n t s f e l t t h a t a surau i n s i d e the Taman was n e c e s s a r y .  Since  1972,  r e l i g i o u s c l a s s e s f o r c h i l d r e n and a d u l t s had been h e l d i n the houses o f s e v e r a l t e a c h e r s and u s t a z because t h e r e were no o t h e r a v a i l a b l e p l a c e s .  As  newcomers t o t h e kampung, the Taman r e s i d e n t s were r e l u c t a n t t o use the community h a l l  and nearby surau e x c e p t f o r b i g g a t h e r i n g s .  Guest l e c t u r e r s  were p e r i o d i c a l l y i n v i t e d t o speak t o the Taman r e s i d e n t s on r e l i g i o u s subjects.  R e l i g i o u s l e a d e r s f e l t t h a t a surau i n s i d e t h e Taman would  f a c i l i t a t e m e e t i n g s , l e c t u r e s , and r e l i g i o u s  classes.  Before the surau was b u i l t t h e r e was some o p p o s i t i o n i n the Taman. Some r e s i d e n t s thought t h a t the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a surau i n s i d e t h e Taman would l e a d t o s u b - d i v i s i o n s  i n the kampung, b e r p e c a h - b e l a h kampung,  groupings would form around each s u r a u .  since  Those who were f o r b u i l d i n g the  Taman surau emphasized the need f o r such a b u i l d i n g , and a l s o i t s cance f o r the Taman as a Malay neighborhood.  signifi-  In most Malay communities  t h e mosque o r surau i s the symbol o f t h e community's u n i t y and r e l i g i o u s identity.  When v i s i t o r s came t o the kampung and have no p l a c e t o s t a y , the  surau o r mosque i s o f f e r e d t o house the v i s i t o r s .  Some r e s i d e n t s o f  the Taman f e l t t h a t b u i l d i n g a surau i n t h e Taman would be an i n s u l t t o  153 the ketua kampung who had a l r e a d y b u i l t a: surau j u s t many y e a r s ago.  ' o u t s i d e the Taman  Furthermore, t h e r e were a l r e a d y two suraus i n the kampung,  why b u i l d a t h i r d one? Those who were f o r b u i l d i n g the Taman s u r a u , of c o u r s e , won.  Discus-  s i o n s on the pros and cons of b u i l d i n g the Taman surau d i d cause some t e n s i o n w i t h i n the kampung.  The main concern was whether the Taman r e s i -  dents would be regarded as p a r t o f the kampung o r as a s e p a r a t e hood because o f t h e i r d e s i r e to b u i l d t h e i r own s u r a u .  The i n i t i a l  t i e s o f the Taman r e s i d e n t s a l r e a d y i n d i c a t e d a s e p a r a t i s t organizing fare.  neighbor-  tendency, by  separate committees, i n t h e i r concern f o r the r e s i d e n t s '  The b u i l d i n g o f the surau i n s i d e the Taman confirmed t h i s  o f the kampung proper r e s i d e n t s .  activi-  wel-  suspicion  Thus, the r e p u t a t i o n o f the Taman as a  separate neighborhood i n the kampung was r e i n f o r c e d . The r e l i g i o u s  committee o f the Taman acted on the need f o r a surau.  In a meeting of the Taman r e s i d e n t s , they proposed a plan t o b u i l d a surau i n s i d e the Taman.  T h i s plan was accepted by the JTKK.  surau r e q u i r e d two t h i n g s , money and approval o f Selangor.  A special  Construction of a  o f the R e l i g i o u s  Department  committee was a p p o i n t e d to take c a r e o f these  m a t t e r s , the Surau b u i l d i n g committee or Jawatankuasa Seven members were s e l e c t e d to be the committee. i n the Taman was r e p r e s e n t e d on the committee.  pembinaan s u r a u .  As i n the JTKK, each s t r e e t These members were r e s p o n s i -  ble f o r c o l l e c t i n g c o n t r i b u t i o n s from t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e a r e a s .  An i n i t i a l  c o n t r i b u t i o n from each member o f the committee was made to p r i n t the r e c e i p t books f o r the fund d r i v e to b u i l d the s u r a u .  Each household i n the Taman  was asked to c o n t r i b u t e M$20, payable in M$2 monthly i n s t a l l m e n t s .  Before  154 ,  the c o l l e c t i o n began, a l e t t e r was c i r c u l a t e d to the Taman residents to inform them of the r e l i g i o n committee's proposals and d e c i s i o n s . The surau b u i l d i n g committee sent a l e t t e r of a p p l i c a t i o n to b u i l d a surau in the Taman to the Rel.igious Department, as well as a request f o r funds f o r t h i s purpose.  They also asked PKNS to provide a vacant l o t in  the Taman, formerly used as a badminton court, on which to b u i l d the surau. The requests from the Religious Department and from PKNS were a l l granted a f t e r representatives of the Taman went to these i n s t i t u t i o n s to convince them about t h e i r plan.  Additional money was also requested from the  t r i c t O f f i c e to b u i l d the surau.  Dis-  A t o t a l of M$5,500 was i n i t i a l l y c o l l e c t e d  from the Taman r e s i d e n t s , and M$20,000 was obtained from the D i s t r i c t Office.  Another M$3,000 was l a t e r contributed by the Taman residents f o r  the i n s t a l l a t i o n of e l e c t r i c i t y , water supply, a p u b l i c address system, and e l e c t r i c fans in the surau.  Construction of the surau building was begun  in 1975 and completed in 1977. The other sub-committees of the JTKK had t h e i r separate functions w i t h in the Taman. JTKK.  Each had i t s own tasks assigned by the main committee of the  The youth and sports committee, f o r example, was d i r e c t e d to perform  c h a r i t a b l e works or kerja amal, as well as to arrange f o r t r a d i t i o n a l dances songs, and sports in the Taman.  Its accomplishments, however, only included  gotong-royong a c t i v i t i e s such as cleaning up the Taman and kampung area of l i t t e r and garbage, a s s i s t i n g at wedding preparations i n the Taman, and helping prepare f o r public gatherings l i k e the c e l e b r a t i o n of the Prophet Mohammed's birthday.  Like the youth and sports committee, the welfare  committee was also given the task of a s s i s t i n g the Taman residents with the  155/  upkeep of the Taman area, as well as organizing b u r i a l preparations when there was a death i n the Taman.  It was the l a t t e r a c t i v i t y which became the  the main concern of the welfare committee.  The women's committee was given  the task of organizing a c t i v i t i e s f o r women i n the Taman such as cooking c l a s s e s , and making t r a d i t i o n a l ornaments f o r weddings.  The organizational  impetus f o r the women i n the Taman was influenced by a national women's o r g a n i z a t i o n , the Women's I n s t i t u t e (WI), which established a branch in the Taman.  This and other organizations i n the Taman are discussed f u r t h e r i n  the next chapter. These committees became the core f o r the l a t e r development of formal associations in the Taman a f t e r the main committee of the JTKK ceased to function in 1974.  Each of them became a s p e c i a l i z e d a s s o c i a t i o n , while the  administration of the Taman came under the kampung v i l l a g e development committee.  Taman representatives were assigned to the kampung v i l l a g e devel-^.  opment committee beginning with the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the JTKK president i n the v i l l a g e development committee in 1973.  Later more representatives from  the Taman were appointed to the kampung v i l l a g e development committee. Taman Groupings The Taman r e s i d e n t s , f o r p r a c t i c a l and other considerations, have l i v e d , separate from the kampung residents.  Their t e r r i t o r i a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s i n  the kampung has set them i n i t i a l l y apart.  The kampung people saw the Taman  as a special l o c a l i t y i n the kampung, not r e a l l y the same as the r e s t of the kampung.  They have come to l i v e with t h i s separate i d e n t i t y .  Patterns of  neighborhood a c t i v i t y have developed and c e r t a i n groupings among the Taman residents have formed as time passed.  156 Among the Taman r e s i d e n t s , the ideal neighbor was thought of as one who was f r i e n d l y and cooperative.  As one informant put i t , j i r a n tetangga  i n i macam sahabat, neighbors are l i k e close f r i e n d s . F r i e n d l i n e s s here means being amiable and, i t s c o r r e l a t e , avoiding c o n f l i c t .  -  Neighborly  cooperation i s bekerjasama, part of adat resam, the commonly accepted body of customs and manners.  I t is a custom which o r i g i n a t e s from the r u r a l  t r a d i t i o n of gotong-royong or mutual s e l f - h e l p .  Whenever there i s a f e a s t ,  a wedding, or a b u r i a l the neighbors are expected to help each other.  No  outsiders are c a l l e d to help on these occasions, tidak panggil orang jauh. Only Taman residents help each other during these occasions and i t i s rare that outsiders-' come to help. Cooperation in the preparation and attendance at feasts i s the major expression of neighbor!iness i n the Taman. in a kenduri.  There are many tasks to perform  Food has to be prepared and cooked, u t e n s i l s have to be  borrowed and cleaned, chairs and tables have to be arranged. space is needed to do a l l the preparations.  In a d d i t i o n ,  Next door neighbors are asked  to lend t h e i r kitchens f o r the occasion, since the Taman houses are not very b i g .  The most reputed cooks in the Taman are asked to help cook.  ing food i s also a cooperative venture. while men carry i t to the t a b l e s .  Serv-  Women usually dish out the food  In a wedding feast where guests come and  go s u c c e s s i v e l y , clean space and u t e n s i l s as well as food have to be p r o v i ded.  A l l the guests are treated the same way.  As one informant put i t ,  there i s no consideration of status at a kenduri; a l l guests are welcome. A f t e r a feast there i s more work to be done, cleaning and putting away u t e n s i l s , as well tables and c h a i r s .  It i s usually the youth of the Taman  157 who are p a r t i c u l a r l y c a l l e d upon to help clean up a f t e r a kenduri. door neighbors are also asked to help out at t h i s time.  Next  When i t . i s t h e i r  turn to hold kenduri they can expect t h e i r neighbors to reciprocate t h i s help. Aside from these custom defined occasions f o r cooperative tasks among neighbors, there are other occasions i n the Taman which bring together to i n t e r a c t with one another.  neighbors  These r e s u l t in what may be termed  groupings, i n the sense that they are a type of gathering which bring people together without necessarily endowing them with formal group o r g a n i z a t i o n . Among these are the l o c a l a c t i v i t i e s connected with r e l i g i o n , instrumental a c t i v i t i e s , associations connected a c t i v i t i e s , and l e i s u r e time groupings. Religious groupings are formed at the prayer meetings and r e l i g i o u s l e c t u r e s of the Taman surau. d a i l y prayers.  Men and women congregate at the surau f o r  It i s usually the evening and night prayers which are better  attended, with about 30 to 40 people p a r t i c i p a t i n g .  Not everybody attends  these prayer meetings f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons; some people prefer to say t h e i r prayers at home, some attend the prayer meetings at the other surau in the kampung, s t i l l others work on s h i f t duty at n i g h t , and thus can not r e g u l a r l y attend these prayer meetings.Prayer meetings, l i k e kenduris, at the surau are also behavior patterns.  R e l i g i o s i t y , unlike status d i f f e r e n t i a l s i s not a f a c t o r  which divides people.  People in the Taman do not gossip about the r e l i g i o u s  behavior of other people. matter.  .customary  Piety i s accepted as an i n d i v i d u a l and personal  P a r t i c i p a t i o n at the surau meetings i s not mandatory.  People in  the Taman know who are regular p a r t i c i p a n t s a t the surau prayers.  They say  153  that i t i s good when people attend surau prayer meetings: they gain more merits or pahala that way.  Most people accept the f a c t that preoccupation  with r e l i g i o n increases, with age.  Fewer young people attend surau prayer  meetings; older people say that the younger people w i l l  become more r e l i -  gious as they grow o l d e r . The Taman surau prayer group i s a respected group in the Taman, although i t i s not acknowledged to be a formal group.  It i s composed of  some 20 regular p a r t i c i p a n t s , i n c l u d i n g men and women of d i f f e r e n t ages. It i s distinguished from the prayer grouping at Haji S a l l e h ' s surau in the kampung.  There are men and women from the Taman who r e g u l a r l y attend prayer  meetings t h e r e , instead of the surau in the Taman, because i t i s c l o s e r to t h e i r houses.  The composition of t h i s prayer group i s mostly of older men  and women, as compared to the r e l a t i v e l y younger men and women who r e g u l a r l y attend the Taman surau prayer meetings. always i n v i t e d to kenduris.  The surau prayer groupings  are  Whenever there i s a special f e a s t , e.g. a f e a s t  honoring a dead person, the surau prayer p a r t i c i p a n t s are i n v a r i a b l y among the f i r s t to be i n v i t e d . Twice a week there are r e l i g i o u s lectures and discussions  held in the  Taman surau f o r the Taman residents a f t e r the evening prayers;  These l e c -  tures are organized by the ustaz or r e l i g i o u s teachers l i v i n g in the Taman. The ustaz take turns l e c t u r i n g about the Kor'an and Islam.  Sometimes guest  l e c t u r e r s are i n v i t e d , e s p e c i a l l y during the month preceding the f a s t i n g month or on r e l i g i o u s holidays. These r e l i g i o u s meetings are important sources of neighborhood groupings in the Taman, providing occasions f o r neighbors to meet and to get to  159 know one another.  Before and a f t e r the meetings there are small c l u s t e r s  of men who c a s u a l l y converse with one another.  Some informants said that i t  was in t h i s way that they met and got to know more residents of the Taman. In the Taman there are small c l u s t e r s of i n d i v i d u a l s who have formed groupings f o r p a r t i c u l a r tasks which are instrumental i n nature.  These  groupings are formed f o r s p e c i f i c purposes l i k e car pools, cooperative shopping, kutu groups, and pyrex p a r t i e s . existence of these groupings vary.  The r e g u l a r i t y and period of  Some, l i k e the cooperative shopping  or car pools, l a s t f o r a long time and meet r e g u l a r l y , while others l i k e the kutu and pyrex p a r t i e s are of short durat ion and meet only once as a group. Since many of the Taman residents work outside Kelang, in Kuala Lumpur or Petaling Jaya, some of them have formed car pools to get to and from work.  These car pools take two forms: one man provides the r i d e with his  car f o r the r e s t of the pool, or i f there i s more than one car among the p a r t i c i p a n t s they take turns each month giving rides to the other persons. It i s usually the former arrangement which i s common, among the Taman residents.  Each month the r i d e r s pay the -car owner M$25 to M$30 f o r the  d a i l y rides to and from work.  By j o i n i n g car pools the Taman residents  save some money, e i t h e r by reducing t h e i r bus f a r e or by obtaining e x t r a cash from the contributions in the car pool.  At the same time, the car  pool provides a regular and frequent occasion f o r i n t e r a c t i o n among the participants. Cooperative shopping i s another instrumental a c t i v i t y which provides a source of grouping among the Taman residents.  Here a group of four or  160 f i v e households  agrees t o shop i n common f o r b a s i c f o o d s t u f f l i k e  s u g a r , and f l o u r . participants.  rice,  The goods a r e bought i n bulk and d i v i d e d among the  Goods a r e o b t a i n e d more c h e a p l y i n t h i s manner than i f the  i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a n t s had bought them s e p a r a t e l y . group members i s a s s i g n e d  Each month one o f t h e  the t a s k o f shopping f o r the goods w i t h money  c o n t r i b u t e d by the p a r t i c i p a n t s .  Then the p a r t i c i p a n t s a r e c a l l e d t o g e t h e r  t o d i v i d e the f o o d s t u f f .  These groupings  a r e d i f f e r e n t from the c a r p o o l ,  o r surau p r a y e r groupings  i n the sense t h a t p a r t i c i p a n t s u s u a l l y know each .  o t h e r b e f o r e they d e c i d e t o group t o g e t h e r f o r The kutu groupings  shopping.  are s i m i l a r t o the c o o p e r a t i v e shopping  groupings  s i n c e t h e i r goal i s t o o b t a i n c e r t a i n goods f o r the p a r t i c i p a n t s .  In  this  system o f g r o u p i n g , however, the r e l a t i o n s h i p among the p a r t i c i p a n t s u s u a l l y begins and ends w i t h the k u t u , u n l e s s the p a r t i c i p a n t s have  ar  p r e v i o u s r e l a t i o n s h i p ^ s e p a r a t e from t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the k u t u . As  I  have mentioned b e f o r e , the kutu i s formed by a k e p a l a kutu o r kutu l e a d e r ; the method o f payment f o r the goods i s by i n s t a l l m e n t ; and the p a r t i c i p a n t s t a k e t u r n s o b t a i n i n g t h e d e s i r e d i t e m each month o r whenever c o n t r i b u t i o n s are made by p a r t i c i p a n t s .  The k e p a l a - k u t u has t h e t a s k o f f i n d i n g the goods.  He e i t h e r gets them from a s t o r e o r from a kutu t r a d e r .  I f he i s working f o r  a kutu t r a d e r then he gets a commission f o r h i s t a s k o f o r g a n i z i n g the k u t u . The kutu p a r t i c i p a n t s may o r may not know each o t h e r b e f o r e t h e kutu formed.  is  A f t e r t h e payments have been completed and a l l t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s have  o b t a i n e d the d e s i r e d i t e m , t h e y may o r may not group t o g e t h e r a g a i n  into  a n o t h e r kutu a t some f u t u r e t i m e . Pyrex p a r t i e s a r e a f r e q u e n t o c c u r r e n c e i n the Taman.  At l e a s t one  161 sales  party i s  Taman.  h e l d each month, o r g a n i z e d and a t t e n d e d by women i n the  Pyrex items are very p o p u l a r among the kampung p e o p l e , and women  c o l l e c t them f o r home use as well as f o r d i s p l a y , i n the l i v i n g are not s o l d sells  room along with o t h e r ornamental  pieces.  T h i s a l s o makes the pyrex wares more v a l u -  a b l e to the women, as they are not r e a d i l y Pyrex p a r t i e s  available.  are o r g a n i z e d by hostesses  with a pyrex d e a l e r .  There are a t l e a s t  i n the Taman.  They do not a l l  a p a r t y the d e a l e r demonstrates  i n the Taman in c o o p e r a t i o n  f i v e pyrex d e a l e r s and one manager operate s o l e l y  the wares - p l a t e s ,  bowls,  At  etc.  the women o f the  date.  A "game"  follows  the submission  given a number and t h r e e persons receive g i f t s  from the d e a l e r .  next pyrex p a r t y ; they w i s h . a gift  i n the kampung.  saucers,  The d e a l e r then takes o r d e r s f o r the wares and informs delivery  Since pyrex wares  in s t o r e s , they have t o be o b t a i n e d through a d e a l e r who  them a t pyrex p a r t i e s .  who l i v e s  u s u a l l y e x h i b i t i n g them  of orders.  are chosen by l o t s .  the o t h e r two " w i n n e r s " may a l s o  from the d e a l e r , as well  G i f t s and commissions  from the orders  also  if gets  obtained.  are pyrex wares.  P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n pyrex p a r t i e s network o f the h o s t e s s .  offending her.  the  g i v e pyrex p a r t i e s  the p a r t y , the hostess  as a commission  is  The t h r e e women a l l  The number one person g e t s to g i v e  For her e f f o r t i n o r g a n i z i n g  These f r i e n d s  Each person p r e s e n t  The hostess  varies  depending on the  usually  invites  are o b l i g e d t o a t t e n d t h e i r f r i e n d ' s Some women, however, do not a t t e n d .  s a i d t h a t most women a t t e n d these p a r t i e s  friendship  her c l o s e  friends.  pyrex party o r One woman  risk  informant  out o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r  their  162  f r i e n d s , and they buy pyrex wares which they don't even need.  There i s  an i m p l i c i t understanding that a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s give purchase orders during a pyrex party.  Another woman said that she never attended these pyrex  p a r t i e s , because i f she attended one party of a f r i e n d , then she would have to attend the party of other friends where she w i l l have to buy pyrex wares she does not need. favorites.  Her s o l u t i o n was to refuse them a l l rather than play  For most other women, however, the pyrex p a r t i e s are l i v e l y  a f f a i r s which give them a chance to s o c i a l i z e . c h i l d r e n to these p a r t i e s .  Housewives bring t h e i r young  Much t a l k i n g about themselves and the neighbor-  hood goes on during the proceedings, aside from the business of ordering pyrex wares. In a d d i t i o n to the instrumental groupings l i k e cooperative shopping and pyrex p a r t i e s , there are a c t i v i t i e s organized by the various a s s o c i a tions in the Taman which i n v i t e p a r t i c i p a t i o n from among the kampung and Taman r e s i d e n t s .  These a c t i v i t i e s are part of the community services  performed by the a s s o c i a t i o n s .  They are also one of the means f o r popular-  i z i n g associations-, r e c r u i t i n g new members, and provide occasions f o r kampung residents to i n t e r a c t with one another.  These a c t i v i t i e s include sports,  cooking c l a s s e s , movies and even excursions.  The UMNO members in the kampung  r e g u l a r l y organize badminton games i n the kampung. holds weekly cooking classes in the Taman.  The Women's I n s t i t u t e  The national organization f o r the  Mecca pilgrimage, l o c a l l y known as Tabung Haji or P i l g r i m Fund, showed a f i l m which described the steps involved in the pilgrimage to acquaint the kampung people with the procedures f o r a h a j i .  I discuss the a c t i v i t i e s of  these associations in more d e t a i l i n the next chapter.  163 Social D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n As i n many other Malay l o c a l i t i e s , the residents of Taman Kampung Kuantan are homogeneous only i n terms of ethnic composition. other respects.  They vary in  There is s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n based on area of o r i g i n ,  d i a l e c t , and ownership or r e n t a l of houses.  At the same time there i s a  system of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n based on s o c i a l status and r e l a t i v e wealth.  These  are the same v a r i a b l e s other authors have noted to d i f f e r e n t i a t e Malays in t h e i r studies of rural and urban kampungs.  For example, Swift (1965)  described two s o c i a l classes among the v i l l a g e r s of J e l e b u , the lower c l a s s and the upper c l a s s , as well as the status differences among i n d i v i d u a l s according to the performance of c e r t a i n r o l e s .  Husin A l i (1964) also  described two " c l a s s e s " of people in a r u r a l v i l l a g e , those who make t h e i r l i v i n g in a g r i c u l t u r e and those who do not.  Provencher (1971) describes  how the residents of the r u r a l and urban kampungs he studied were d i s t i n guished i n t o aggregates depending on ownership or rental of land or houses, sub-ethnic and regional i d e n t i t y , and occupations.  A l l three authors  note that these s o c i a l differences have consequences f o r kampung r e s i d e n t s ' perception and behavior toward each other. Provencher (1971:69) suggests that the occupational d i v e r s i t y i n Kampung Bahru influences the physical and s o c i a l separation of neighbors during  working hours and the assignment of d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of prestige to  d i f f e r e n t neighbors depending on t h e i r , occupations.  The same observation  can be made about the Taman Malays as f a r as t h e i r occupational differences are concerned.  In a d d i t i o n to t h i s , i t can be shown that social  differ-  ences among Taman residents account f o r the d i f f e r e n t i a l commitment and  164  p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the Malays i n t h e i r l o c a l i t y . One of the most basic d i s t i n c t i o n s among the Taman residents i s that between owners and renters.  As I mentioned in Chapter IV, among the o r i g i n -  al buyers of Taman houses, many decided not to l i v e in the houses and rented them out.  About 30 percent of the Taman households  surveyed were renters.  This proportion may be compared with the higher proportion-bf ..renters  ( 6 4 . 9 ? - )  among Kampung Bahru residents studied by Provencher (1971:35). The owner/renter, or pemilek/penyewa, d i s t i n c t i o n is notable not only in terms of t h e i r proportion in the l o c a l i t y , but also i n terms of other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which d i f f e r e n t i a t e renters and owners from each other. Among these are differences i n occupation and age.  In Table VII of Chapter  V, i t i s shown that there are p r o p o r t i o n a l l y more teachers, policemen, and factory workers among owners than r e n t e r s ; there are p r o p o r t i o n a l l y more t e c h n i c i a n s , c l e r k s , and professionals among renters than owners.  The  renters have a higher average income (M$773) than owners  There  (M$662).  i s no large d i f f e r e n c e i n the educational attainment of owners and r e n t e r s . By age, the renters tend to be much younger than owners; about 69.3 percent of the renter male household heads were between 20 and 39 years o l d , while only 23 per cent of the owners were in the same age range. The renters are considered t r a n s i e n t s and owners feel that renters are not as committed to the Taman community as they are. Owners see themselves as more permanently rooted i n the kampung and thus more s o c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . .Although some renters have l i v e d i n the Taman f o r as long as some owners, they s t i l l do not consider themselves as committed to the Taman as the owners. The r e l a t i v e youth o f the renters also contributed to t h e i r t r a n s i e n t image in  165 the Taman.  Some of the renter households were composed of bachelors.  Many  of these were young workers i n the f a c t o r i e s o f P e t a l i n g Jaya and Shah Alam. The Taman i s more l i k e a dormitory f o r them rather than a home. frequently  Owners  commented that they hardly knew t h e i r renter neighbors  because  the renters were away most of the time, e i t h e r at work or v i s i t i n g friends and r e l a t i v e s  over the weekend.  Because of t h i s perceived lack of  permanence, renters are not as involved in the community's a c t i v i t i e s as the owners. Another important basis of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the Taman i s social status.  Indicators of status differences are occupation, education,  i n h e r i t e d and achieved t i t l e s .  People of higher status are r e f e r r e d to as  orang berpangkat, or people with rank.  These usually include those with  achieved status l i k e cikgu or teacher, ustaz or r e l i g i o u s teacher, h a j i or someone who has made the pilgrimage to Mecca, and datuk or policeman of rank.  Among the policemen, those who are sergeants and inspectors have  high s t a t u s .  Other persons considered as orang berpangkat but who are not  given p a r t i c u l a r h o n o r i f i c s are the ketua kerani or c h i e f c l e r k s , and managers or executives in p r i v a t e f i r m s .  The l a t t e r are usually people  with some higher education, e.g. HSC or u n i v e r s i t y degree.  Some t r a d e r s ,  f u l l time or part time, are addressed as tawkeh or p r o p r i e t o r . t  This i s  s i g n i f i c a n t in the sense that i t i s the Chinese businessmen who are usually addressed with t h i s term.  Among the Taman Malays the use of tawkeh i s  often in j e s t rather than as an h o n o r i f i c .  Then there are i n d i v i d u a l s  with i n h e r i t e d t i t l e s such as Wan or Raja i n d i c a t i n g descent from n o b i l i t y . Among the Taman residents these men and women keep a low p r o f i l e because  166 t h e y are not w e a l t h y , u n l i k e some o f the n o b i l i t y one i s  o n l y a mechanic, and a n o t h e r i s  a school  People o f lower s t a t u s i n c l u d e l a b o r e r s dock w o r k e r s , and lower r a n k i n g p o l i c e m e n . r e s i d e n t s , they do not f e e l Some l a b o r e r s  i n town.  For example,  teacher.  in f a c t o r i e s , ordinary  clerks,  A c c o r d i n g to some lower s t a t u s  i n c l i n e d t o mix with those o f h i g h e r  status.  s a i d t h a t they do not mix too much w i t h t h e i r neighbors  .  because they can not compare with t h e i r higher s t a t u s n e i g h b o r s ,  tidak  persaingan.  in the  A few p o r t workers  s a i d t h a t t h e r e are some r e n t e r s  Taman o f h i g h e r s t a t u s who have taken advantage Taman even though they can a f f o r d to l i v e  ada  o f the lower r e n t in the  i n P e t a l i n g J a y a , and thus  d e p r i v e o t h e r low income Malays o f the o p p o r t u n i t y to f i n d housing  they  in the  Taman.  A t h i r d source o f s o c i a l standard o f l i v i n g . sederhana, living  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among the Taman r e s i d e n t s  The r e s i d e n t s  describe t h e i r l i v i n g  standard  as  o r moderate, t h e i r r e f e r e n c e t o a middle class, s t y l e , o f  in Malaysia.  Many s a i d t h a t they l i k e d l i v i n g  . %•  i n the Taman because  they wanted to l i v e a middle c l a s s l i f e - s t y l e , mahu hidup  sederhana.  Compared t o Kuala Lumpur o r P e t a l i n g J a y a , they c l a i m t h a t the c o s t o f i n the kampung i s living.  low, and a t the same time  Some r e s i d e n t s  is  living  have the same a m e n i t i e s o f town  s a i d t h a t they moved from P e t a l i n g Jaya because  t h e y c o u l d not a f f o r d the h i g h e r c o s t o f l i v i n g t h e r e . have found a more moderate l i f e - s t y l e and c o s t o f  In the Taman they  living.  Although the Malays i n the Taman d e s c r i b e t h e i r l i v i n g  standard  as  sederhana, t h e r e are d i f f e r e n c e s i n l i f e  s t y l e among t h e r e s i d e n t s .  These  are i n d i c a t e d by the houses and m a t e r i a l  p o s s e s s i o n s o f the r e s i d e n t s .  All  167  the houses i n the Taman are b a s i c a l l y from the same model: a three bedroom house with a l i v i n g room i n the f r o n t f o r r e c e i v i n g guests, a k i t c h e n - d i n i n g area, and a bathroom.  About 80 percent of the houses are made mostly of  wood, the remaining 20 percent are a l l concrete.  The l a t t e r were made i n  the l a s t phase of the development and were more expensive. wooden houses have remained as they were b u i l t .  Most of the  Some of them have begun  to d e t e r i o r a t e due to use, weather, and termite i n f e s t a t i o n . however, have been renovated by t h e i r owners.  Other houses,  People,who own concrete  houses and those who have renovated t h e i r houses d i s p l a y higher standards of 1 i v i n g . Examples of renovations of Taman houses include the f o l l o w i n g : f e n c i n g , concrete w a l l s , and extensions of the houses.  When the residents moved into  the Taman, there were only wire mesh fences in f r o n t of the houses.  Since  then many residents have i n s t a l l e d iron gates and car ports i n f r o n t of t h e i r houses.  Some residents f e l t that t h e i r l i v i n g rooms were too s m a l l , so  they knocked down the walls separating the f i r s t bedroom from the l i v i n g room thereby enlarged t h e i r f r o n t room and have equipped i t with more f u r n i ture.  Other residents have enlarged t h e i r houses by extending t h e i r kitchen  area up to the back s t r e e t .  A few have gone so f a r as to replace wooden  w a l l s with concrete blocks. V a r i a t i o n s i n household furnishings and ownership of cars are other i n d i c a t o r s of d i f f e r e n c e s i n material wealth of r e s i d e n t s .  A l l houses  are furnished with basic household items l i k e f r o n t room s i t t i n g s e t s , dining t a b l e and c h a i r s , beds, and cabinets f o r storage.  The q u a l i t y of  these furnishings varies from one household to another, depending on the  168 t a s t e and f i n a n c i a l c a p a b i l i t y of the r e s i d e n t .  A f a v o r i t e f r o n t room  f u r n i s h i n g i s a d i s p l a y cabinet f i l l e d with pyrex wares, brass and/or s i l v e r w a r e , and phonograph records or cassettes. shings include t e l e v i s i o n sets or r a d i o s . equipment. the most  Other f r o n t room f u r n i -  Some residents have fancy stereo  Not a l l houses, however, have these l a t t e r f u r n i s h i n g s . wanted item among these i s the t e l e v i s i o n set.  of the houses have a s e t , e i t h e r rented or owned.  Perhaps  About 90 percent  Refrigerators are s t i l l  an uncommon appliance in t h e i r homes. One item that i s becoming popular among Taman residents i s the automobile.  Only 50 percent of the Taman households surveyed have a c a r .  Most of them are Japanese made, although there are some B r i t i s h , German or I t a l i a n makes.  Cars act as status markers in the l o c a l i t y . Taman residents  sometimes remember t h e i r neighbors by the make and plate number of t h e i r c a r s , rather than by t h e i r names. every four or f i v e years.  Some residents are said to change cars  As in the case of ownership of c e r t a i n household  f u r n i s h i n g s , ownership of a car i s an i n d i c a t o r of l i f e s t y l e among Taman residents.  It i s perhaps second only to house ownership on the l i s t of  p r i o r i t i e s f o r material goods.  L i k e t h e i r Kuala Lumpur or Petaling Jaya  conterparts, car ownership i s perceived to be part of the middle-class l i v i n g standard which they d e s i r e . Differences in the standard of l i v i n g of the Taman r e s i d e n t s , as indicated by t h e i r material possessions, d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among them.  i s thus part of the system of s o c i a l  Although the Taman residents c l a s s i f y them-  selves in general as orang makan g a j i or wage earners, with a sederhana or moderate l i v i n g standard, there are perceived as well as o b j e c t i v e d i f f e r - , ences among them.  These differences have not yet been expressed in terms  169 of aggregates or categories of people, or i n terms of a s p e c i f i c class system.  Taman residents perceive themselves and t h e i r neighborhood as a  f a i r l y homogeneous group and l o c a l i t y , in comparison with other l o c a l i t i e s . For example, they do not see themselves as poor people or orang mi s k i n , nor do they see themselves as r i c h people or orang kaya. In s p i t e of the i d e a l i z e d uniformity perceived by the Taman r e s i d e n t s , there are differences among themselves which are expressed i n terms of c e r t a i n a t t i t u d e s and patterns of behavior.  One source of a t t i t u d e s toward  social differences i s the differences in material possessions.  Material  possessions can be a source of envy, i r i h a t i , among neighbors.  Some  informants said that Malays e a s i l y get envious of t h e i r f e l l o w Malays, and they t r y to b e t t e r one another.  Neighbors are always curious about new  things which other neighbors have bought.  For example, when a neighbor  buys an e l e c t r i c blender, then other neighbors who do not have that appliance w i l l also want one. Some informants said that they avoided being too f a m i l i a r with t h e i r neighbors in order to avoid envy and c o n f l i c t .  A kind of s o c i a l distance  or formal avoidance e x i s t s among some neighbors when t h i s occurs.  One  informant expressed i t i n the f o l l o w i n g manner, saying, i f one i s too close to neighbors and sees them very o f t e n , one day some i n c i d e n t may happen to create misunderstanding.  Another informant said that he did not  want his wife to mix too f r e e l y with other wives in the neighborhood,, because whenever one of the other housewives bought an item f o r the house, she would t e l l the..wife to ask the husband to buy the same item.  These  suggestions from neighbors became a source of arguments between him and his  170  wife.  He claimed that he was in no p o s i t i o n to compete m a t e r i a l l y with  his neighbors because he was only a l a b o r e r . According to one informant, his neighbors acquire goods not only f o r t h e i r u t i l i t y but also to show them o f f to other neighbors. they acquire things which they do not need.  As a r e s u l t  For example, women buy pyrex  wares not because they need heat proof ovenware, but in order to d i s p l a y them in t h e i r l i v i n g room cabinets.  Parents buy t h e i r c h i l d r e n bicycles because  the next door neighbors buy them f b r . t h e i r c h i l d r e n .  One informant  said  that many people are in debt because they buy things which they don't need.  really  Each month they have to pay the installments f o r the new appliances,  the c a r , or some other luxury item.  In the meantime, they buy food at the  neighborhood store on c r e d i t because t h e i r income i s t i e d up in monthly payments. The p o s s i b i l i t y of envy keeps the neighbors from being too f a m i l i a r with each other.  A Malay proverb r e f l e c t s t h i s a t t i t u d e :  Rambut sama hitam  t e t a p i hati b e r l a i n - l a i n , we a l l have black h a i r but our d i s p o s i t i o n s are different.  The recognition of differences in status or d i s p o s i t i o n s i s a  source f o r c a u t i o n .  One can not be too close to neighbors.  There i s also  the p o s s i b i l i t y of being a f f l i c t e d by the magic of jealous neighbors.  An  informant's wife got s i c k and her husband brought her to a bomoh or Malay medicine man f o r a cure.  When asked why he d i d t h i s , he said that a neigh-  bor had been envious of his w i f e ' s success in trading and had asked a bomoh to cast a s p e l l on his w i f e .  Instead of bringing his wife to a doctor he  went to another bomoh to counter the s p e l l .  Envy a r i s i n g from material  possessions o r the lack of i t have thus influenced  the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s  171  of some Malays in the Taman. Leadership Patterns The d i s t i n c t i o n between higher status and lower status people in the Taman is manifested in the attainment of leadership p o s i t i o n s .  It i s people  of higher status in the Taman who are also leaders in the Taman.  Two types  of leaders e x i s t i n the Taman: r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l .  In the opinion of  most Taman r e s i d e n t s , r e l i g i o n and p o l i t i c s do not mix.  Each i s a d i f f e r e n t  sphere of a c t i v i t y , and the leaders of each sphere have t h e i r special and separate competency.  For example, whereas p o l i t i c a l leaders are considered  to be berpangaroh or i n f l u e n t i a l , r e l i g i o u s leaders are said to be kuat dalam ugama  or strong i n r e l i g i o n .  t h e i r p i e t y and r e l i g i o u s  Religious leaders are respected f o r  knowledge.  Before the Taman was b u i l t a l l the leaders in the kampung were e l d e r l y men such as the ketua kampung, the hajis and the ketua or head of UMNO. These men were respected f o r t h e i r age and experience.  T r a d i t i o n a l l y the  leader of the kampung was the ketua kampung. In Kampung Kuantan the f i r s t ketua kampung was appointed a f t e r the Second World War.  Since then only one  other person, a h a j i , has held the p o s i t i o n of ketua kampung.  Before the  appointment of a ketua kampung the administration of Kampung Kuantan was the penghulu's  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . In the current government of l o c a l areasj the  ketua kampung , unlike the penghulu, i s not in the c i v i l s e r v i c e .  He receives  no s a l a r y , although he gets a small annual allowance from the s t a t e .  His  p o s i t i o n i s considered honorary, and his r o l e i s l i m i t e d to dealing with a f f a i r s w i t h i n the kampung.  For example, he presides a t the v i l l a g e develop-  ment committee meetings and i s always present at important kampung functions.  172 He i s in charge of knowing a l l the residents in the kampung.  During e l e c t i o n  time he takes care of r e g i s t e r i n g voters in the kampung. When i t comes to matters concerning the kampung and outside a u t h o r i t i e s or groups, the men who have provided the leadership and d i r e c t i o n i n the kampung are the p o l i t i c a l leaders and r e l i g i o u s leaders. only p o l i t i c a l party represented in the kampung.  UMNO i s the  As mentioned above, the  head of the l o c a l UMNO branch i s also the kampung representative on the Town Council.  He i s a member of the v i l l a g e development committee, together with  the secretary of the l o c a l UMNO branch.  The respect he has gained from the  kampung people has also earned him the reference term of bapak or father of the kampung.  His experience as an o f f i c i a l of the Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka  a government i n s t i t u t i o n f o r p u b l i c a t i o n s and textbooks, and involvement in sports, as well as his a c t i v e p o l i t i c a l and c i v i c l i f e has earned him three honorary t i t l e s from the Sultan of Selangor.  As a higher status person in  the l o c a l i t y he is always consulted on various matters.  He i s also commonly  r e f e r r e d to as a penasihat or adviser in the kampung. In the  r e l i g i o u s sphere the leaders of the kampung are the imam, h a j i ,  ustaz, and l a b a i .  The function of the r e l i g i o u s leader i s to provide  Islamic  teachings and guidance in the performance of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s and r i t u a l s . There are two kinds of imam or r e l i g i o u s leader, one f o r the mosque and the other f o r the surau.  As discussed e a r l i e r , the former i s an o f f i c i a l with an  appointment from the Religious Department, while the l a t t e r i s a leader chosen by consensus among the surau members.  The imam i s usually the leader during  prayers in the mosque, surau, and other r e l i g i o u s Next to the imam, perhaps  gatherings.  the most respected r e l i g i o u s functionary i s  173  the ustaz or r e l i g i o u s teacher. Like the mosque imam he has an o f f i c i a l appointment from the Religious Department.  Both males and females can become  r e l i g i o u s teachers, unlike the mosque imam who can only be a male. teach r e l i g i o n i n school.  Ustaz  There i s a f u l l time r e l i g i o u s school i n the  kampung apart from the regular p u b l i c schools.  Aside from the ustaz there  are other persons i n the kampung who teach c h i l d r e n to read the Kor'an.  These  are the l a b a i or pious men who v o l u n t a r i l y hold i n s t r u c t i o n a l sessions f o r children. Persons who have gone to Mecca f o r the pilgrimage use the t i t l e o f Haji.  An imam is usually an h a j i .  In the kampung most of the h a j i s are  middle aged or e l d e r l y men and women.  As I mentioned above, the Malays  in the Taman belreve that r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t y increases with age and the pilgrimage to Mecca i s one of the high points of one's r e l i g i o u s l i f e , i t i s also an expensive journey which can only be made a f t e r years of saving. Hajis are therefore well respected i n d i v i d u a l s .  Whenever there i s a kenduri  and other meetings somebody is always asked to say the doa selamat blessing f o r the gathering.  It i s usually an imam, h a j i , or ustaz who i s chosen to  do t h i s . Thus, there are two types of leaders in the kampung: r e l i g i o u s and political.  Before the  Taman was b u i l t a l l the leaders in the kampung were  older men such as the ketua kampung, h a j i s , and ketua of UMNO. With the opening of the Taman and the i n f l u x of new migrants, younger leaders came to the kampung.  These new leaders or pemimpin bahru, were mostly school  teachers, c i k g u , and r e l i g i o u s teachers, ustaz.  They have become a c t i v e in  UMNO as well as i n the r e l i g i o u s a f f a i r s of the Taman, along with the  174  established elders of the kampung. Some of the younger p o l i t i c a l leaders in the Taman r e f e r to themselves as pemimpin k e c h i l or small leaders because they have not yet become establ i s h e d l i k e the older... men of the kampung, the ketuas. a c t i v e members of UMNO i n the kampung.  They a r e , however,  They have positions in the party  branch, . e . g . , secretary, youth chairman, e t c .  It is they who have the work  of mixing with the people in the kampung and communicating the ideas and a c t i v i t i e s of UMNO.  Although some of them have l i v e d as renters in the  kampung.'before the construction of the Taman, and are now owners in the Taman,  they are s t i l l  uncertain about t h e i r c a p a b i l i t y to influence the  kampung people.  Some of them feel that they have a hard task leading the  kampung people.  Malays, they say, are wary of those who are not in estab-  lished positions.  Some people think that new leaders are a c t i v e because  they only want the p o s i t i o n and honor of being a leader, can' nama sahaja or seeking status only. The r e l i g i o u s leaders are not as f u l l of misgivings about t h e i r r o l e compared to the new p o l i t i c a l leaders from the Taman.  Their a c t i v i t i e s ,  they t h i n k , are of a d i f f e r e n t nature, and there i s no r i v a l r y , l i k e in the p o l i t i c a l scene.  The d i s t i n c t i o n between p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and r e l i g i o u s  a c t i v i t y i s c l e a r l y recognized by the Taman residents and leaders.  If there  is a mixture of the two, i t is usually the p o l i t i c i a n s who i n s e r t r e l i g i o u s matters into t h e i r work.  This could account f o r the apparent lack of p o l i -  t i c a l a c t i v i t y of ABIM, which is described in the next chapter, an otherwise i n f l u e n t i a l organization on the national scene, i n the kampung.  It is UMNO  the p o l i t i c a l party of the Malays, which mixes p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s  175 elements in i t s pronouncements i n the kampung.  As the main p o l i t i c a l  party  of Malays, the promotion of Islamic i n t e r e s t s i s also part of i t s p r a c t i c e . The new leaders, p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s , are noted f o r t h e i r a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n in committee work of various Taman associations. are the formal expression of task groups in the Taman.  Committees  Whenever there is  a major a c t i v i t y , e.g. b u i l d i n g a surau, a committee i s usually formed to accomplish the task.  The more a c t i v e leaders are generally members of  some committee or other, sometimes involved in most of them. propose these persons to be in the committees.  Members . .  As I mentioned above, these  leaders are higher status persons in the Taman, e.g. teachers, ustaz, and college i n s t r u c t o r s .  An examination of the membership l i s t of various  committees during the past f i v e years of the Taman's existence, showed about twenty f i v e men and women who were c o n s i s t e n t l y on these l i s t s . Conclusion The s o c i a l structure and organization of Kuantan are based on ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n s .  the Malays in Taman Kampung  I have shown that ethnic i n s t i -  t u t i o n s such as the t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e customs of neighborhood cooperation r e l i g i o u s organization and p r a c t i c e s , and leadership patterns are the basis f o r s o c i a l cohesion in the l o c a l i t y .  I have also shown that in s p i t e of  sharing a common c u l t u r e and r e s i d e n t i a l area, community unity is not evenly developed in Kampung Kuantan.  Within Kampung Kuantan there are two  d i s t i n c t neighborhoods, the kampung proper and the Taman. area; ' i s  The  Taman •  the neighborhood of the new migrants to the kampung.  The s o c i a l  cohesion and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n found w i t h i n Kampung Kuantan  i s a r e s u l t of a combination of t e r r i t o r i a l and s o c i a l f a c t o r s .  The  separ-  176  a t i o n of the Taman from the rest of the kampung is a t e r r i t o r i a l  phenomenon.  When the Taman was b u i l t , i t s physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i t from the r e s t of the kampung.  The newcomer status of most of the Taman  residents also added to the reputation of the Taman as a d i s t i n c t l o c a l i t y . As newcomers to the kampung, the Taman migrants f e l t constrained to organize t h e i r own committees to protect and c u l t i v a t e t h e i r i n t e r e s t s in the  ...  locality. The adjustment and organization of the Taman residents i n t h e i r new l o c a l i t y i s characterized by a combination of t r a d i t i o n a l patterns of behav i o r found in the v i l l a g e system and contemporary patterns of urban c u l t u r e . Among the t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e patterns is-• the emphasis on neighborhood cooperation and the strong r o l e of r e l i g i o n i n the organization and promot i o n of community cohesion.  These are manifested in community a c t i v i t i e s  l i k e holding of f e a s t s , r e l i g i o u s meetings, and community development projects.  In contrast to the i d e a l i z e d pattern of neighborhood cooperation  there are the d i f f e r e n t i a l s o c i a l status and wealth found among the Taman residents that encourage s o c i a l d i s t a n c e .  Most Taman residents consider,  themselves to be makan g a j i or wage earners.  Their wages have given them  access to c e r t a i n material possessions l i k e household appliances and cars which have caused envy and avoidance patterns among neighbors.  This  is  working against the i d e a l i z e d neighborhood s o l i d a r i t y and cooperation. Other f a c t o r s l i k e owner/renter status and occupational differences also serve to d i f f e r e n t i a t e Taman residents from each other and influence t h e i r commitment and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community a c t i v i t i e s . f u r t h e r in the next chapter.  These are explored  CHAPTER VII ASSOCIATIONS AND PARTICIPATION When migrants s e t t l e i n urban areas, i n t e r a c t i o n s may be organized through the formation and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n various types of a s s o c i a t i o n s . A functional view of associations in  urban areas of developing nations  sees them as important l i n k s between the t r a d i t i o n a l and urban ways of l i f e ( L i t t l e 1965).  As adaptive mechanisms, associations are said to provide  the r u r a l migrant with a bridge i n the t r a n s i t i o n from r u r a l to urban l i f e styles.  On the one hand, they emphasize t r a d i t i o n a l or r u r a l norms and  o b l i g a t i o n s ; on the other hand, they also t r y to f o s t e r the  adoption of  modern a t t i t u d e s and s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s . Studies in A f r i c a by Banton (1957), Epstein (1961), L i t t l e  (1967),  and Parkin (1969) have shown the adaptive function of e t h n i c , r e g i o n a l , r e l i g i o u s , and occupation based a s s o c i a t i o n s .  For example, these a s s o c i -  ations cater to the material needs of the urban migrants through the p r o v i sion of r o t a t i n g c r e d i t , accident b e n e f i t s , and decent b u r i a l f o r members. They are also said to provide s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s l i k e the performance of t r a d i t i o n a l music and dances, r e l i g i o u s t a l k s and discussions, excursions and p i c n i c s . These observations may be true f o r r u r a l to urban migrants i n the areas studied by the authors c i t e d . 177  For ; s i t u a t i o n s • >. which do not involve !  178 r u r a l to urban migrants, the function of voluntary associations may be different.  I have noted i n Chapter V that the migrants in Taman Kampung  Kuantan are mostly urban to urban migrants. In t h e i r case, the adaptive function of voluntary associations described by L i t t l e i s not completely valid.  Although the associations  in the Taman provide some material and  s o c i a l b e n e f i t s , t h e i r most important function i s the provision of mediating r o l e s f o r the members of the community.  Expressive rather than instrumental  a c t i v i t i e s are more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the a s s o c i a t i o n s .  In the c u l t u r a l l y  and s t r u c t u r a l l y heterogeneous urban environment, p o t e n t i a l r i v a l r y and c o n f l i c t with other groups e x i s t .  Migrants and t h e i r l o c a l i t y have to contend  with many outside groups and i n s t i t i t u t i o n s .  One function of l o c a l asso-  c i a t i o n s i s to mediate with these outside groups and i n s t i t u t i o n s .  The  leaders of these a s s o c i a t i o n s , who are usually high status persons in the l o c a l i t y and have economic or p o l i t i c a l t i e s outside the l o c a l i t y , engage in p o l i t i c s in order to maintain or promote the i n t e r e s t s of t h e i r group v i s - a - v i s other groups. In Taman Kampung Kuantan there were six associations which were important sources of formal and informal groupings among the Taman and kampung proper r e s i d e n t s .  These s i x associations were: the Surau Committee, the  Welfare A s s o c i a t i o n , the Rukun Tetangga, the Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia, the United Malay National Organization, and the Women's I n s t i t u t e . s i x associations performed three main f u n c t i o n s .  These  F i r s t , they provided the  organization and expression of s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s i n the l o c a l i t y .  Second,  they served as the communication l i n k between the Taman and the wider society on issues of concern to the p a r t i c u l a r a s s o c i a t i o n , as well as, on  179  issues of s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t to the l o c a l i t y .  Third they provided the  arena f o r recognizing i n d i v i d u a l s with leadership q u a l i t i e s i n the l o c a l i t y . The f o l l o w i n g discussion focuses on organizational a c t i v i t i e s , and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the a s s o c i a t i o n s . Religious and Weifare-Organi z a t i o n In a Malay l o c a l i t y , r e l i g i o n and p o l i t i c s are well organized.  Religion  i s the concern of a l l residents since a l l Malays are Muslim by d e f i n i t i o n . Organization of r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s , however, i s l i m i t e d to a small segment of the population, e.g. the imam, ustaz, and h a j i s .  They lead and encourage  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n prayer meetings, r e l i g i o u s c l a s s e s , l e c t u r e s , and d i s c u s sions.  Three associatons which were a c t i v e i n these a c t i v i t i e s were the  Surau Committee, the Welfare A s s o c i a t i o n , and Angkatan B e l i a Islam Malaysia. I w i l l discuss the goals and a c t i v i t i e s of each in l i n e with the functions enumerated above. In the Taman, the Surau Committee or Jawatankuasa Surau i s the main body which looks a f t e r the r e l i g i o u s a f f a i r s of the community.  This committee  was formed when the Taman residents decided to b u i l d t h e i r own surau, as described i n the previous chapter.  The r e l i g i o u s matters which the Surau  Committee undertook in the Taman included holding the d a i l y prayers in the afternoon and evening, c h i l d r e n ' s r e l i g i o u s education, and other r e l i g i o u s gatherings l i k e the c e l e b r a t i o n of the Prophet's birthday in the Taman, as discussed i n the previous chapter. In addition to the r e l i g i o u s a f f a i r s of the Taman, the general welfare of the residents was part of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the Surau Committee. Whenever representation was required from the Taman at kampung gatherings,  180 there were representatives from the Taman Surau Committee at the meeting. A sub-committee of the Surau Committee took charge of monitoring the general welfare of the needs of the Taman, e.g. c l e a n l i n e s s of the l o c a l i t y . Out of t h i s sub-committee a new association came into being among the Taman r e s i d e n t s , the Welfare Association of Taman Kampung Kuantan, Badan Kebajikan Taman Kampung Kuantan. This new group was l i m i t e d i n i t s f u n c t i o n s .  In keeping with i t s  o r i g i n a l task of a s s i s t i n g i n the general welfare of the Taman residents through the Surau Committee, the new Welfare Association confined i t s a c t i v i t i e s to a s s i s t i n g members when death occurred i n t h e i r households. e f f e c t i t became a b u r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n , khairat kematian.  In  Since b u r i a l i s a  r e l i g i o u s matter f o r Muslims, i t also f e l l w i t h i n the concerns of the Surau Committee.  Most o f f i c e r s of the Welfare Association were also members of  the Surau Committee. The Welfare Association took care of administering the mechanics of b u r i a l s f o r the Taman residents.  Whenever a death occurred in the Taman,  residents u t i l i z e d the services of the kampung b i l a l , who prepared the corpse, the mosque imam who o f f i c i a t e d at the b u r i a l , and the kampung cemetery f o r the s i t e of the b u r i a l . There i s another b u r i a l association i n the kampung headed by the ketua kampung.  Taman r e s i d e n t s , however, were r e l u c t a n t to j o i n i n the kampung's  burial association.  One of the reasons f o r s e t t i n g up a separate b u r i a l  a s s o c i a t i o n i n the Taman was that the residents i n i t i a l l y d i d not feel imposing on the kampung b u r i a l association when a death occurred.  like  In the  kampung b u r i a l association a c o l l e c t i o n f o r the bereaved family was taken  181 from members whenever a death occurred.  When the Taman burial a s s o c i a -  t i o n was formed, i t s members decided to vary t h e i r method of c o l l e c t i n g c o n t r i b u t i o n s and a s s i s t i n g the bereaved household.  Another reason f o r  forming a separate b u r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n i n the Taman was that b u r i a l s are u s u a l l y managed by the mosque or surau committee.; The Taman residents f e l t that they should have t h e i r own b u r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n because they had a surau of t h e i r own. When the Taman set up i t s own b u r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n , the ketua kampung was d i s p l e a s e d , since he f e l t that t h i s was a sign of d i v i s i o n w i t h i n his kampung.  He considered preventing b u r i a l s by Taman residents in the kampung  cemetery.  Fortunately, he did not pursue t h i s i n t e n t , and the ketua kampung  accepted the existence of a separate burial association i n the kampung. The Welfare Association of the Taman had 97 members in 1976. one member per household was a l l that was required.  Usually  The exception was i f a  household included working c h i l d r e n , then, i n addition to a parent, they also became members. individual.  An i n i t i a l  membership fee of M$5 was made by every  Money from the members was used to help bereaved f a m i l i e s when  a death occurred.  A c o n t r i b u t i o n of M$200 was given to the family i f the  dead person was a member of the a s s o c i a t i o n , M$100 was given i f the dead person was part of the member's f a m i l y , l i v i n g i n the household, e . g . , w i f e , parent, c h i l d , or w i f e ' s parent.  This money was used to pay b u r i a l expenses.  Aside from f i n a n c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s , the Welfare Association also helped in the preparation of the b u r i a l .  Members were assigned d i f f e r e n t tasks in  case of a death, e.g. r e g i s t r a t i o n of the death, informing the mosque imam and bi1al who o f f i c i a t e at the b u r i a l , buying the b u r i a l plank and c l o t h ,  182 and preparing the grave.  It i s not only members of the association but also  non-members i n the Taman who receive t h i s kind of help from the a s s o c i a t i o n . The only d i f f e r e n c e i s that monetary assistance i s given only to association members. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Taman Welfare Association was more common among owner r e s i d e n t s .  Only f i v e of the 97 members in 1976 were r e n t e r s .  Few  renters were members of the a s s o c i a t i o n since they considered themselves to be t r a n s i e n t s in the Taman and expected to be buried i n t h e i r home kampung when they d i e .  Only owner residents i n the Taman expected to be  buried in the kampung cemetery.  For example, a r e n t e r ' s c h i l d was k i l l e d  in an accident while watching a car race near Petaling Jaya.  The c h i l d ' s  body was sent back to the parent's kampung rather than to the Taman f o r b u r i a l a f t e r the accident.  In another case, the son of an owner resident  was k i l l e d i n a motorcycle and bus c o l l i s i o n .  His b u r i a l took place in the  kampung cemetery. Although Malays are Muslims, there i s s t i l l some concern that not a l l Malays have complete understanding of Islam and therefore do not f a i t h f u l l y f o l l o w i t s tenets.  There i s a strong movement w i t h i n the country to  encourage Islamic studies among Malays.  An organization involved i n t h i s  movement i s c a l l e d Angkatan B e l i a Islam Malaysia (ABIM), and i t i s represented in the Taman. Angkatan means an a s s o c i a t i o n of people with a common purpose, or a movement.  ABIM i s , thus, more than j u s t an ordinary a s s o c i a t i o n .  Its main  o b j e c t i v e , according to l o c a l informants, i s summed up by the word dakwah which refers to the mission of propagating the Muslim f a i t h .  As a movement  183 f o r the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of Islam i n Malaysia, one of i t s goals i s to strengthen the f a i t h of the followers of Islam, berpegang^teguhdengan  Islam, through  knowledge of the real teachings of Islam and the fervent p r a c t i c e of Islam as a way of l i f e , cara hidup Islam.  On the national l e v e l , ABIM i s becoming  one of the strong organizations which i s i n f l u e n c i n g the impact of Islam on national p o l i c i e s ; a possible p o l i t i c a l force i n the f u t u r e , as some informants noted.  For the moment, however, r e l i g i o u s r e v i t a l i z a t i o n i s the  main function of ABIM in the. Taman and the kampung. As part of the movement's name declares, ABIM i s f o r the younger generation.  B e l i a means youth.  ABIM's members are supposedly the young people,  i . e . , those who are not of the o l d e r generation or kaum t u a . The Taman branch of ABIM was started in the kampung by an ustaz. residents of the Taman have j o i n e d .  So f a r , only  According to the secretary of the asso-  c i a t i o n branch i n the Taman there i s no a c t i v e d r i v e to get members, since p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s voluntary or sukarela.  People j u s t learn about ABIM and  then j o i n at t h e i r own i n i t i a t i v e . The Taman ABIM i s part of the Kelang ABIM unit known as an usrah, l i t e r a l l y meaning a f a m i l y . ustaz informant. the f i e l d w o r k .  An usrah has at l e a s t seven members, according to an  In the Kelang usrah there were 120 members, at the time of Two groups make up the Kelang usrah, the Kelang North group  and the Kelang South group.  The Taman group which included 50 members was  part of Kelang North. The Kelang usrah meets twice a week.  Once a week members meet at the  Taman surau to hold T a f s i r Kor'an meetings, i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Kor'an. On another night of the week each group of the usrah meets separately at.a  184 house of a member and the same type of meeting,is held. i n d i v i d u a l members' houses are on a r o t a t i o n basis. usual a c t i v i t y of the ABIM members of the Taman. ended with a prayer.  Meetings at the  These meetings are the  Each meeting i s begun and  A snack usually follows the meeting.  meeting, members take turns reading assigned  During the  passages from the Kor'an.  A f t e r each reading, which i s i n A r a b i c , a t r a n s l a t i o n and commentary from another sources,-is also read.  A discussion: among the members f o l l o w s . It  i s usually the ustaz in the group who give comments and discuss the readings. It i s they who are more knowledgeable about r e l i g i o u s matters.  Most Malays  know how read the Kor'an but they d o n ' t always understand the meaning of what they read i n A r a b i c .  ABIM members get to know the meaning of the  passages during these sessions. In i t s work in the Taman, ABIM has brought in guest l e c t u r e r s to give sharahan or r e l i g i o u s t a l k s .  The l e c t u r e r s are usually u n i v e r s i t y  i n s t r u c t o r s or professors in Islamic s t u d i e s , or o f f i c e r s of the Religious Department.  The purpose of these lectures i s to give the kampung residents  a chance to hear current views of Islamic teachings.  Religious teachers  are very much concerned about the understanding of Islamic teachings by the ordinary people.  They do not want them swayed by f a l s e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s .  One example of a possible m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Islamic teachings mentioned by an ustaz informant, i s the meaning of the dakwah concept.  There  are c u r r e n t l y various i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the pursuit of dakwah in Malaysia. One version i n t e r p r e t s i t i n a very a n t i - m a t e r i a l i s t i c sense.  For example,  reports appeared i n the newspapers that c e r t a i n dakwah groups preached that t e l e v i s i o n was e v i l and they exhorted Muslims to throw t h e i r t e l e v i s i o n sets  185 i n t o the river.-• This was not condoned by the Religious Department.  To  prevent such m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of dakwah, the Religious Department has been t r y i n g to control missionary a c t i v i t y and preaching.  ABIM as a  proponent of dakwah has the sanction of the Religious Department of Selangor.  It i s working to convince people not to heed preachers who are  not authorized by the Religious Department. The ustaz in the Taman are the a c t i v e members of ABIM.  They usually  represent the Taman branch in the meetings at the upper l e v e l s of the organization.  Common members learn i n d i r e c t l y about the r e s u l t s and  decisions of these meetings.  A newsletter i s also d i s t r i b u t e d among the  members so that they can learn about other usrahs and the a c t i v i t i e s of the parent o r g a n i z a t i o n .  As r e l i g i o u s leaders, the ustaz see themselves as  guardians of the r e l i g i o u s a f f a i r s of the Taman.  They are acknowledged in  t h i s r o l e by being chosen to lead i n the associations l i k e the Surau Committee. P o l i t i c a l Organization Malay welfare and p o l i t i c s are organized in the kampung and the Taman by the lone p o l i t i c a l party represented t h e r e , the United Malay National Organization (UMNO).  Although the organization i s s t r i c t l y p o l i t i c a l i n i t s  o b j e c t i v e s , i t s a c t i v i t i e s include more than p o l i t i c s . i z a t i o n which oversees the welfare of the Malays. Malay i n t e r e s t s .  UMNO i s an organ-,  UMNO i s i d e n t i f i e d with  As one kampung UMNO leader put i t , UMNO  i t u Melayu dan Melayu i t u UMNO,  UMNO i s Malay and Malay i s UMNO.  The progress of Malays i s associated with the s t a b i l i t y and strength of UMNO.  This i s emphasized by the UMNO ketua or leaders whenever they speak  186 to t h e i r members.  Taman and kampung people are aware of Malay minority  status i n town, and they believe that UMNO protects the i n t e r e s t s of the Malays. " I f Malays were not well represented and t h e i r needs not heard, then they would be unhappy, hati tak senang.  The ethnic and p o l i t i c a l  s i t u a t i o n i n town requires that the various ethnic groups are well represented or there would be i n s t a b i l i t y i n the administration of the town. The kampung UMNO i s a branch of the Shah Alam d i v i s i o n of the state UMNO organization and i s perhaps the o l d e s t organization in the kampung.  It  was started i n the kampung i n 1960 by a former town c o u n c i l l o r f o r the kampung.  Although i t was organized as a r e s u l t of outside i n f l u e n c e , there  i s a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n among the kampung people and i t i s functioning w e l l . A f t e r the Taman was s e t t l e d , there were some residents who became members of the kampung UMNO.  The government projects which have been accomplished  in the kampung were a r e s u l t of UMNO pressure, h a s i l d a r i desakan UMNO.  The  reservation of the Taman s o l e l y f o r Malays i s one example of UMNO achievements that b e n e f i t i t h e Taman. There are two sub-groups, or wings of the party, in the kampung UMNO. The pemuda or youth group i s made up of men who are 40 years o l d or younger. The wanita or women's group i s the female counterpart of the men's group and has no age r e s t r i c t i o n s . pergerakan or movements. tion. level.  The two sub-groups are formally c a l l e d  Each has a separate committee w i t h i n the organiz -  I t i s the committees which organize UMNO a c t i v i t i e s at the l o c a l  187 UMNO a c t i v i t i e s include p o l i t i c a l and educational meetings f o r members, as well as a c t i v i t i e s f o r area residents who are not party members.  Poli-  t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s include courses, seminars, and dialogues with prominent p o l i t i c a l f i g u r e s , as well as with members of the other branches of UMNO. These are held i n the kampung, or on special occasions they are conducted outside the kampung.  In a d d i t i o n to these, there are p e r i o d i c l e c t u r e s which  are conducted to.keep the members informed on various topics such as the discussion  o f cooperatives, ceramah koperasi, or discussion of national  s e c u r i t y , ceramah keselamatan negara. dakwah, are r e g u l a r l y given.  Religious l e c t u r e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y about  V i s i t s to p u b