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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Taman kampung kuantan, a study of Malay urban participation in West Malaysia Dizon, Jesus A. N. 1982

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TAMAN KAMPUNG KUANTAN, A STUDY OF MALAY URBAN PARTICIPATION IN WEST MALAYSIA by J E S U S A. N. DIZON, JR. M.A., A t e n e o de M a n i l a U n i v e r s i t y , 1971 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA We a c c e p t t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n a s c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA ( c ) J e s u s A. N. D i z o n , J r . 1982 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of British Columbia 2 0 7 5 W e s b r o o k P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a V6T 1W5 Date 1 2 - 2 1 - 8 2 ABSTRACT T h i s s t u d y i s an a n a l y s i s o f M a l a y u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n one l o c a l i t y . I t i n c l u d e s a d i s c u s s i o n o f u r b a n i z a t i o n , e t h n i c i t y , and g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y i n a M a l a y c o n t e x t . The s t u d y d i s c u s s e s s o c i a l c o h e s i o n and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n a M a l a y l o c a l i t y and how t h e y i n f l u e n c e t h e u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f t h e g r o u p s t u d i e d . T h e d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e u r b a n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s i n t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a shows t h a t t h e M a l a y s a r e l a t e - c o m e r s i n u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t . T h i s i s a r e s u l t o f t h e i r c o l o n i a l h i s t o r y . I m m i g r a n t C h i n e s e and I n d i a n s d e v e l o p e d t h e towns on t h e w e s t c o a s t o f t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a u n d e r B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . I t was o n l y a f t e r t h e S e c o n d W o r l d War t h a t r u r a l M a l a y s i n c r e a s e d t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n u r b a n a c t i v i t i e s by m i g r a t i n g t o u r b a n a r e a s . The M a l a y s i a n g o v e r n m e n t i s e n c o u r a g i n g t h e i n c r e a s e d p a r t i c i p a -t i o n o f M a l a y s i n u r b a n a c t i v i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e c o m m e r c i a l and i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r s . T h i s s t u d y shows t h a t t h e M a l a y s i n t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d a r e u n l i k e t h e c l a s s i c r u r a l t o u r b a n m i g r a n t s . The Taman M a l a y s a r e u r b a n t o u r b a n m i g r a n t s . T h e y have b r o u g h t w i t h them o t h e r u r b a n e x p e r i e n c e s and s k i l l s . In s p i t e o f t h i s , h o w e v e r , t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n s a r e s t i l l s i m i l a r t o t h e t y p e o f o c c u p a t i o n s M a l a y s have f i l l e d d u r i n g t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d i n u r b a n a r e a s , i . e . t h e y a r e m o s t l y t e a c h e r s , c l e r k s , p o l i c e m e n , and l a b o r e r s . T h i s i s a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e l i m i t e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s and s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s f a c e d by M a l a y s i n u r b a n a r e a s . i i T h e s t u d y shows t h a t M a l a y s u t i l i z e e t h n i c i n s t i t u t i o n s and g o v e r n -ment s u p p o r t i n g a i n i n g a f o o t h o l d i n t h e i r u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t . M a l a y s a r e a m i n o r i t y i n w e s t c o a s t t o wns i n t e r m s o f p o p u l a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n , s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n , and e c o n o m i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The kampung i s t h e t e r r i t o r i a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f M a l a y p r e s e n c e i n t o w n s . H a n d i c a p p e d by t h e p r e s e n c e o f a m a j o r i t y o f n o n - M a l a y s i n u r b a n a r e a s , t h e M a l a y s do n o t f i n d i t e a s y p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n u r b a n a c t i v i t i e s . T h e y d e p e n d on g o v e r n -ment s u p p o r t f o r h o u s i n g , j o b s , b u s i n e s s p r e m i s e s , and l o a n s f o r t h e i r e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t . E t h n i c i n s t i t u t i o n s a r e t h e p r i m a r y i n s t i t u t i o n a l f r a m e w o r k f o r t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f Taman M a l a y s . T h i s i s shown by t h e t y p e s o f a s s o c i a t i o n s f o u n d i n t h e l o c a l i t y . The a s s o c i a t i o n s s e r v e t o m o b i l i z e e t h n i c i n t e r e s t s a n d u n i f y t h e Taman r e s i d e n t s . T h e a s s o c i a t i o n s s e r v e a s l i n k s b e t w e e n t h e kampung and t h e r e s t o f t h e u r b a n c o m m u n i t y , a s w e l l a s between t h e kampung r e s i d e n t s and t h e g o v e r n m e n t . The need f o r e x p r e s s i v e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n t h r o u g h a s s o c i a t i o n s i s v i e w e d i n t h i s s t u d y a s a r e s u l t o f t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s p o s e d by t h e m u l t i - e t h n i c , e c o n o m i c , and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c -t u r e o f u r b a n a r e a s on t h e w e s t c o a s t . The u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f Taman M a l a y s i s d e s c r i b e d a s i n c o r p o r a t i n g b o t h t r a d i t i o n a l a nd n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n s o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . T h i s i s shown by t h e a n a l y s i s o f t h e i r s o c i a l n e t w o r k s . N e t w o r k s w i t h i n t h e l o c a l i t y r e i n f o r c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e i ' t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l o r d e r , w h i l e t h o s e w h i c h e x t e n d b e y o n d t h e l o c a l i t y o r e t h n i c g r o u p f a c i l i t a t e c h a n g e and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e l a r g e r u r b a n s y s t e m . The d i f f e r e n t i a l i n v o l v e - r i i i ment o f t h e Taman M a l a y s was i n f l u e n c e d by s u c h f a c t o r s a s g e o g r a p h i c m o b i l i t y , o w n e r s h i p o r r e n t a l o f h o u s e s i n t h e l o c a l i t y , and s o c i a l s t a t u s . The f r i e n d s h i p p a t t e r n and s o c i a l n e t w o r k s o f t h e Taman M a l a y s shows t h e d e c l i n i n g s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e n e i g h b o r h o o d i n t h e s o c i a l r e l a -t i o n s h i p s o f u r b a n M a l a y s . The k i n s h i p p a t t e r n s o f t h e Taman M a l a y s show t h e t r a d i t i o n a l p r e f e r e n c e f o r t h e n u c l e a r f a m i l y t y p e o f h o u s e -h o l d , b u t c o n d i t i o n s o f u r b a n l i v i n g have l i m i t e d t h e i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h e x t e n d e d k i n . H o u s e h o l d r e l a t i o n s h i p s a r e a l s o b e i n g i n f l u e n c e d by u r b a n c o n d i t i o n s where t h e h u s b a n d a n d w i f e a r e b o t h w o r k i n g , g r e a t e r s h a r i n g o f d e c i s i o n m a k i n g a b o u t t h e h o u s e h o l d a nd c h i l d c a r e i s e v i -d e n t among t h e Taman M a l a y s . The Taman M a l a y s a r e u n i f i e d by e t h n i c i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n t e r e s t s . T h e y a r e v e r t i c a l l y o r g a n i z e d t o t h e g o v e r n m e n t t h r o u g h c o m m u n i t y and a s s o c i a t i o n a l m e c h a n i s m s . S t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s among t h e Taman r e s i d e n t s have n o t d i s r u p t e d t h e e t h n i c u n i t y w h i c h has c h a r a c t e r i z e d M a l a y u r b a n n e i g h b o r h o o d s . i v CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i L I S T OF TABLES ix. L I S T OF MAPS x i , L I S T OF ILLUSTRATIONS x i i . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x i i i CHAPTER I . INTRODUCTION 1 The P r o b l e m 1 M a l a y U r b a n P a r t i c i p a t i o n B a c k g r o u n d . 7 A n a l y t i c a l Framework 14 S i t e S e l e c t i o n and F i e l d S t u d y 19 I I . MALAYS AND URBANIZATION 25 U r b a n i z a t i o n o f M a l a y s 26 The C o l o n i a l B a c k g r o u n d 30 M a l a y N a t i o n a l i s m 39 M u l t i - e t h n i c P o l i t i c s and Communal I s s u e s 44 M a l a y P a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d t h e New E c o n o m i c P o l i c y . . 49 C o n c l u s i o n 57 v I I I . POPULATION AND ETHNIC PATTERNS IN KELANG 59 K e l a n g Town 59 S o c i a l a n d A d m i n i s t r a t i v e H i s t o r y 63 E t h n i c and P o p u l a t i o n P a t t e r n s . . . . 72 E t h n i c a n d E c o n o m i c P a t t e r n s . . . . 76 M a l a y R e s e r v a t i o n 81 H o u s i n g P a t t e r n s 83 C o n c l u s i o n 87 IV. MIGRATION AND HOUSING IN KAMPUNG KUANTAN 89 T e r r i t o r y a n d P o p u l a t i o n o f Kampung K u a n t a n 90 Taman Kampung K u a n t a n 96 O r i g i n s o f t h e Taman Kampung K u a n t a n R e s i d e n t s 101 R e a s o n s f o r M o v i n g i n t o t h e Taman 106 C o n c l u s i o n 108 V. OCCUPATIONS AND ECONOMIC PARTICIPATION I l l O c c u p a t i o n s and Employment S t a t u s 112 Income and S o c i o - e c o n o m i c S t a t u s . 120 E d u c a t i o n and S o c i a l M o b i l i t y 124 P a r t - t i m e E n t r e p r e n e u r i a l A c t i v i t i e s 130 C o n c l u s i o n 140 v i V I . NEIGHBORHOOD COHESION AND DIFFERENTIATION 142 Common E t h n i c I d e n t i t y 143 N e i g h b o r h o o d D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n 149 Taman G r o u p i n g s . 155 S o c i a l D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n 163 C o n c l u s i o n 175 V I I . ASSOCIATIONS AND PARTICIPATION 177 R e l i g i o u s and W e l f a r e A s s o c i a t i o n 179 P o l i t i c a l O r g a n i z a t i o n s 185 S e c u r i t y O r g a n i z a t i o n 190 Women's O r g a n i z a t i o n 194 " P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n A s s o c i a t i o n s 199 C o n c l u s i o n 202 V I I I . KINSHIP, FRIENDSHIP, SOCIAL NETWORKS AND URBANIZATION 203 Taman F a m i l y and K i n s h i p 205 H o u s e h o l d C o m p o s i t i o n 207 M a l e and F e m a l e H o u s e h o l d R o l e s 210 E x t r a - h o u s e h o l d K i n R e l a t i o n s 218 F r i e n d s h i p P a t t e r n s 221 C o m p o s i t i o n o f S o c i a l N e t w o r k s 225 D e n s i t y o f N e t w o r k 232 I n t e r a c t i o n a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f S o c i a l N e t w o r k s . . . 248 C o n c l u s i o n 252 IX. CONCLUSION 255 v i i BIBLIOGRAPHY 2 6 9 GLOSSARY 291 APPENDIX 2 9* PHOTOGRAPHS 2 9 7 v i i i L I S T OF TABLES I . R a c i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n i n p e n i n s u l a r M a l a y s i a , 1 947 - 1970 28 I I . K e l a n g ' s p o p u l a t i o n and e t h n i c d i s t r i b u t i o n . . . . . 74 I I I . O c c u p a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n i n K e l a n g by e t h n i c g r o u p . . 78 IV. O c c u p a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n i n p e n i n s u l a r M a l a y s i a by e t h n i c g r o u p 78 V. Moves made by r e s p o n d e n t s b e f o r e t r a n s f e r t o t h e Taman 103 V I . R e a s o n s g i v e n f o r m o v i n g i n t o t h e Taman 107 V I I . O c c u p a t i o n o f m a l e h o u s e h o l d heads i n Taman Kampung K u a n t a n 117 V I I I . C a t e g o r y o f i n f o r m a n t s w o r k i n g i n e a c h h o u s e h o l d . . . 119 IX. O c c u p a t i o n o f f e m a l e h o u s e h o l d heads 119 X. M o n t h l y i n c o m e o f m a l e h o u s e h o l d heads i n Taman Kampung Kuantan: I 123 X I . E d u c a t i o n o f Taman Kampung K u a n t a n i n f o r m a n t s . . . . . 126 X I I . M a l e h o u s e h o l d h e a d s ' f a t h e r ' s o c c u p a t i o n 1 29 X I I I . M a l e i n f o r m a n t s c l a s s i f i e d by t h e i r f u l l t i m e o c c u p a t i o n and by t y p e o f p a r t - t i m e b u s i n e s s 132 XIV. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f m a l e and f e m a l e i n f o r m a n t s a c c o r d i n g t o m e m b e r s h i p i n a s s o c i a t i o n s 199 XV. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f h o u s e h o l d t y p e s among o w n e r s and r e n t e r s 216 XV I . D i s t r i b u t i o n o f h o u s e h o l d t y p e s among Taman s a m p l e (1976) and D j a m o u r ' s S i n g a p o r e M a l a y s s a m p l e (1959) . . . 217 X V I I . D i s t r i b u t i o n o f m a l e i n f o r m a n t s w i t h a v a i l a b l e k i n . . 222 i x XVIII. Cha rac te r i s t i c s and d i s t r i b u t i o n of three c lose ^ f r iends 228 XIX. D i s t r i bu t i on o f Taman and network ana lys i s samples by selected c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s 234 XX. Network composition and dens i ty 240 XXI. Network sectors and dens i ty 243 XXII. Average number o f sector members and average sector dens i ty 246 XXIII. Network sector and in te rac t i on 250 x L I S T OF MAPS 1. K e l a n g Town C o u n c i l A r e a s 62 2. Kampung K u a n t a n 91 x i L I S T OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. MARA c o m m e r c i a l p r e m i s e s f o r M a l a y s 2S7 2. T r a d i t i o n a l M a l a y h o u s e 297 3. P r o v i s i o n s h o p i n t h e Taman 298 4. G o v e r n m e n t b u i l t h o u s i n g p r o j e c t i n t h e kampung 298 5. Community h a l l a n d i n d o o r b a d m i n t o n c o u r t . 299 6. Kampung l e a d e r s i n a c h i l d r e n ' s p r o g r a m 299/ 7. P r a y e r h o u s e i n s i d e t h e Taman 300 ; 8. R e l i g i o n c l a s s f o r c h i l d r e n . 30,0 9. Women's I n s t i t u t e m e e t i n g 301 10. C o o k i n g c l a s s e s f o r kampung women 301 11. K o r ' a n r e a d i n g s e s s i o n s . , c . . o . . . 302 12. A r i t u a l f e a s t 302 13. M a l a y s h o p s i n town 303 14. M a l a y f o o d v e n d o r i n town 303 x i i CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The P r o b l em U r b a n i z a t i o n s t u d i e s o f d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s d e s c r i b e u r b a n n e i g h -b o r h o o d s a s r e f l e c t i n g t h e r u r a l s o c i a l o r d e r o r a s t h e l o c a l e s where m i -g r a n t s make t h e i r t r a n s i t i o n t o u r b a n l i f e . S i n c e many o f t h e s e s t u d i e s a r e among l o w i n c o m e o r w o r k i n g c l a s s g r o u p s t h e p h y s i c a l d e t e r i o r a t i o n , p o v e r t y , and p r e s e n c e o f d e v i a n t b e h a v i o r i n t h e s e s e t t l e m e n t s have e a r n e d them t h e r e p u t a t i o n o f b e i n g " m a r g i n a l s e t t l e m e n t s " i n t h e c i t y ( E p s t e i n 1972, L e e d s 1 9 7 0 ) . E f f o r t s t o r e f u t e t h e n e g a t i v e s t e r e o t y p e s a b o u t t h e s e n e i g h b o r h o o d s have shown how o r g a n i z e d and c o h e s i v e t h e s e g r o u p s a r e i n t h e s o l u t i o n o f t h e i r p r o b l e m s ( L a q u i a n 1970, M a n g i n 1970, P e a t t i e 1 9 6 8 ) . I t i s o f t e n assumed t h a t a common c u l t u r e i s t h e b a s i s f o r s o c i a l i d e n t i t y a nd s o c i a l c o h e s i o n i n a n e i g h b o r h o o d . The p e r s i s t e n c e o f r u r a l o r t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i s a l s o assumed t o h e l p m a i n t a i n s o c i a l c o h e s i o n . The s t u d y o f e t h n i c e n c l a v e s i n p a r t i c u l a r has d e p i c t e d s u c h n e i g h b o r h o o d s a s an u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d w h o l e a s s u m i n g e q u a l i m p a c t o f t h e u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t on a l l t h e members ( S n y d e r 1 9 7 3 : 2 ) . T h i s v i e w o f t h e h o m o g e n e i t y i n an e t h n i c e n c l a v e may be c o n t r a s t e d w i t h t h e v i e w w h i c h shows g r e a t e r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ( G r i l l o 1 9 7 4 ) . A c c o r d i n g t o t h i s l a t t e r 1 2 v i e w , a common c u l t u r e o f o r i g i n i s n o t a l w a y s a b a s i c s o u r c e o f i d e n t i t y a n d i t s s a l i e n c y f o r i n d i v i d u a l s m u s t be e m p i r i c a l l y v a l i d a t e d . T h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f e t h n i c i t y c a n v a r y f r o m i n d i v i d u a l t o i n d i v i d u a l . Mem-b e r s o f an e t h n i c g r o u p c a n h a v e o t h e r s e t s o f i d e n t i t i e s d e r i v e d f r o m p r i n c i p l e s o f r a n k i n g o r s t r a t i f i c a t i o n t h a t o p e r a t e i n t h e c o m m u n i t y ( G r i l l o 1 9 7 4 : 1 6 1 ) . W i t h i n t h e e t h n i c community an i n d i v i d u a l ' s r a n k may a l s o be d e t e r m i n e d by r e f e r e n c e t o o c c u p a t i o n , i n c o m e , o r o t h e r f a c t o r s w h i c h i n d i c a t e r e l a t i v e s t a t u s . D i s t i n c t i v e l i f e - s t y l e s may be f o u n d among members o f an e t h n i c g r o u p . T h e s e c a n h a v e i m p o r t a n t i m p l i c a t i o n s i n t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f t h e members w i t h i n t h e co m m u n i t y as w e l l a s i n t h e i r i n t e g r a t i o n i n t h e w i d e r s o c i e t y . T h i s s t u d y o f a m i d d l e - c l a s s M a l a y u r b a n n e i g h b o r h o o d i n a g o v e r n -ment s u p p o r t e d h o u s i n g e s t a t e t r i e s t o d i s c o v e r some o f t h e s e i m p l i c a t i o n s t h r o u g h a n e x a m i n a t i o n o f how s o c i a l c o h e s i o n a n d d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n f l u e n c e t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f M a l a y s i n u r b a n l i f e . T he s t u d y f o c u s e s upon t h e r o l e o f e t h n i c i t y i n p r o m o t i n g s o c i a l c o h e s i o n . I t i s p o s t u l a t e d t h a t t h e i n t e r n a l c o h e s i o n o f t h e M a l a y s s t e m s p a r a d o x i c a l l y f r o m b o t h t h e i r m i n o r i t y s t a t u s i n u r b a n a r e a s a n d t h e i r m a j o r i t y s t a t u s on t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l . E t h n i c d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h e M a l a y s i a n p o p u l a t i o n i n 1970 i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s p a r a d o x i c a l s i t u a t i o n . In 1970 t h e M a l a y s made up 46.7 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n w h i l e t h e C h i n e s e c o m p o s e d 34.1 p e r c e n t a n d t h e I n d i a n s 9.0 p e r c e n t . A t t h e same t i m e o n l y 14.9 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l M a l a y p o p u l a t i o n r e s i d e d i n u r b a n a r e a s , c o m p a r e d w i t h 47.4 p e r c e n t o f a l l t h e C h i n e s e a n d 34.7 p e r c e n t o f t h e I n d i a n s ( C h a n d e r 1 9 7 2 : 3 ) . M o s t s t u d i e s o f e t h n i c e n c l a v e s i n u r b a n a r e a s a r e a b o u t m i n o r i t i e s 3 who a r e u s u a l l y d e p r i v e d o f m a t e r i a l and s o c i a l s u p p o r t . I n t h e c a s e o f t h e M a l a y s we a r e n o t d e a l i n g w i t h a c l a s s i c m i n o r i t y s i t u a t i o n i n w h i c h t h e u r b a n m i n o r i t y i s t r y i n g t o s t r u g g l e a l o n e i n t h e m i d s t o f a p o w e r f u l m a j o r i t y . R a t h e r we have an u r b a n e t h n i c m i n o r i t y w i t h a p o w e r f u l p o l i -t i c a l e l i t e s u p p o r t i n g i t s g r o u p ' s s t r u g g l e t o d e v e l o p i n u r b a n a r e a s . T h i s s i t u a t i o n i s a r e s u l t o f h i s t o r i c a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s w h i c h , on t h e one h a n d , k e p t t h e m a j o r i t y o f M a l a y s i n r u r a l a r e a s d u r i n g t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , and on t h e o t h e r h a n d , g a v e t h e M a l a y e l i t e s power a t t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l w i t h i n d e p e n d e n c e . D u r i n g t h e B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l r e g i m e , common M a l a y s were c h a n -n e l l e d i n t o t h e r u r a l a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r w h i l e t h e C h i n e s e were l e f t t o d e v e l o p t h e u r b a n a r e a s . W i t h i n d e p e n d e n c e f r o m t h e B r i t i s h a " C O n S t i t U -s^ t i o n a l b a r g a i n " was made between t h e M a l a y s and n o n - M a l a y s ( M i l n e 1 9 8 0 : 3 8 ) . In t h i s b a r g a i n t h e n o n - M a l a y s were g i v e n f u l l c i t i z e n s h i p i n t h e new n a t i o n , i n e x c h a n g e f o r t h e p e r p e t u a t i o n o f M a l a y t r a d i t i o n s i n g o v e r n m e n t and s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s w h i c h k e p t p o l i t i c a l power i n M a l a y h a n d s . In t h i s c o n t e x t , one o f t h e a i m s o f t h i s s t u d y i s t o l o o k a t how t h e e t h n i c c o m m u n i t y a c t s a s t h e p r i m a r y i n s t i t u t i o n a l f r a m e w o r k f o r t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f M a l a y s i n u r b a n a r e a s . I e x a m i n e w h e t h e r t h e M a l a y l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d may s t i l l be t i g h t l y o r g a n i z e d v e r t i c a l l y by a s e r i e s o f g o v e r n m e n t a nd c o m m u n i t y i n s t i t u t i o n s w h i c h had p e r s i s t e d f r o m t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d . Among t h e s e a r e l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t s l i k e t h e v i l l a g e d e v e l o p m e n t c o m m i t t e e , and l o c a l b r a n c h e s o f n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s s u c h a s p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s a n d r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s . T h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n s may be t h e most i m p o r t a n t s t r u c t u r a l e l e m e n t s r e i n f o r c i n g M a l a y u n i t y i n t h e c i t y . I f M a l a y s e x p e c t t h e g o v e r n m e n t t o h e l p i m p r o v e t h e i r s i t u a t i o n 4 i n t h e c i t y , i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o e x a m i n e w h e t h e r t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h t h e g o v e r n m e n t o p e r a t e t o e n c a p s u l a t e t h e M a l a y s w i t h i n a p r o t e c t i v e f r a m e w o r k w h i c h p r e v e n t s t h e i r d i s p l a c e m e n t by t h e c o m p e t i t i v e a n d e c o n o -m i c a l l y d o m i n a n t n o n - M a l a y g r o u p s w i t h i n t h e c i t y . In a M a l a y c o m m u n i t y t h e r e a r e a s s o c i a t i o n s w h i c h s e r v e as o r g a n i z e r s o f a c t i v i t i e s i n t h e l o c a l i t y . I e x a m i n e t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e s e a s s o c i a -t i o n s t o f i n d o u t t h e i r f u n c t i o n s i n t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d . S t u d i e s o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s by L i t t l e ( 1 9 6 5 ) s u g g e s t t h a t t h e s e a s s o c i a t i o n s p r o v i d e a b r i d g e i n t h e t r a n s i t i o n o f m i g r a n t s f r o m a r u r a l t o an u r b a n way o f l i f e . T h i s f u n c t i o n a l v i e w o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n e m p h a s i z e s t h e f u l -f i l l m e n t o f u t i l i t a r i a n o r i n s t r u m e n t a l n e e d s o f m i g r a n t s . However a c c u -r a t e t h i s v i e w may be i n d e s c r i b i n g t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f m i g r a n t s i n t h e i r c o m m u n i t y , i t n o n e t h e l e s s l e a v e s f u r t h e r q u e s t i o n s r e g a r d i n g t h e r o l e o f t h e s e a s s o c i a t i o n s o u t s i d e t h e c o m m u n i t y . D o u g l a s a n d P e d e r s e n ' s ( 1 9 7 3 ) m a c r o s t u d y o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n M a l a y s i a d e e m p h a s i z e s t h e i n s t r u m e n -t a l a s p e c t s o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s . T h e y s u g g e s t t h a t t h e m a i n f u n c t i o n o f v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s a r i s e s f r o m e x p r e s s i v e r a t h e r t h a n i n s t r u m e n t a l n e e d s . E x p r e s s i v e n e e d s r e f e r t o n o n - t a n g i b l e n e e d s s u c h a s s o c i a l i n t e r -a c t i o n and s t a t u s p r e s e r v a t i o n . In my s t u d y I a s k w h e t h e r a s s o c i a t i o n s f u l f i l l i n s t r u m e n t a l o r e x p r e s s i v e n e e d s . I a l s o e x a m i n e t h e i r r o l e i n m e d i a t i n g b e t w e e n t h e l o c a l i t y a n d o u t s i d e g r o u p s a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n t o e x a m i n i n g t h e r o l e o f e t h n i c i t y i n p r o m o t i n g s o c i a l c o h e s i o n w i t h i n t h e M a l a y l o c a l i t y , I a l s o a s k t h e q u e s t i o n o f what f a c t o r s may c o n f l i c t w i t h t h e c l a i m e d m o n o l i t h i c u n i t y o f M a l a y e t h n i c i t y . G i v e n t h e p e c u l i a r s i t u a t i o n o f e t h n i c a n d s o c i a l h e t e r o g e -5 n e i t y o f u r b a n a r e a s i n M a l a y s i a , t h e r e i s t h e q u e s t i o n o f w h e t h e r c l a s s o r s t a t u s s y s t e m s a r e d e t e r m i n i n g t h e l i f e - s t y l e o f i n d i v i d u a l M a l a y s . H e r e I am i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e p r o b l e m o f w h e t h e r t h e e t h n i c v a r i a b l e i s j u s t as i m p o r t a n t o r n o t a s i m p o r t a n t as o t h e r s o c i o - e c o n o m i c v a r i a b l e s i n d e t e r m i n i n g t h e a d j u s t m e n t o f M a l a y s t o t h e s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c s t r u c -t u r e o f t h e c i t y . U s i n g c o m m u n i t y s t u d y m e thods I e x a m i n e t h e s o u r c e s o f d i f f e r e n t i a -t i o n i n t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d a n d a n a l y z e t h e e f f e c t o f g e o g r a p h i c m o b i -l i t y , o c c u p a t i o n s , o w n e r s h i p o r r e n t a l o f h o u s e s , a n d s o c i a l s t a t u s i n t h e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f t h e r e s i d e n t s . T h e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s e x a m i n e d i n c l u d e k i n s h i p , f r i e n d s h i p , a n d s o c i a l n e t w o r k s . T h e q u e s t i o n o f t h e v a r y i n g i m p o r t a n c e o f k i n as o p p o s e d t o n o n - k i n i n t h e a d a p t a t i o n o f m i g r a n t s t o u r b a n s e t t i n g s has p r e o c c u p i e d t h e work o f a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s l i k e F i r t h ( 1 9 5 6 ) , Adams ( 1 9 6 8 ) , B r u n e r ( 1 9 7 0 ) , a n d M a n g i n ( 1 9 7 0 ) . T h e i r s t u d i e s d e m o n s t r a t e t h e p e r s i s t e n c e o f c e r t a i n t y p e s o f k i n s h i p r e l a t i o n -s h i p s i n u r b a n a r e a s , a n d o p p o s e t h e o f t e n h y p o t h e s i z e d d e c l i n e o f k i n s h i p w i t h u r b a n i z a t i o n . What t h e s e s t u d i e s show i s t h a t k i n s h i p o r g a n i z a t i o n i s f l e x i b l e e n o u g h t o be a d j u s t e d t o t h e n e e d s o f u r b a n l i f e . I t r e m a i n s , h o w e v e r , t o be shown what t h e s e a d j u s t m e n t s a r e , and what f a c t o r s a c c o u n t f o r t hem. The r e l a t i v e i m p o r t a n c e o f k i n as o p p o s e d t o n o n - k i n c a n be a n a l y z e d by c o m p a r i n g k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h o t h e r k i n d s o f s o c i a l t i e s , s u c h as t h o s e i n v o l v i n g work, ; T e i s u r e ; K a n d f r i e n d s h i p . I a n a l y z e t h e d i f f e r e n t i a l i n v o l v e m e n t o f t h e r e s i d e n t s i n t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e s i m i -l a r i t i e s o r d i f f e r e n c e s t h e y s h a r e i n t e r m s o f t h e a b o v e m e n t i o n e d s o c i a l v a r i a b l e s . W i t h t h e a i d o f s o c i a l n e t w o r k a n a l y s i s I e x a m i n e t h e d i f f e r e n t l/ 6 a n d v a r y i n g s o c i a l l i n k a g e s o f a s a m p l e o f m i g r a n t s . W i t h t h i s a n a l y s i s I e x a m i n e f u r t h e r t h e q u e s t i o n o f w h e t h e r t h e M a l a y s a r e e n c a p s u l a t e d i n t h e i r n e i g h b o r h o o d . I t may be t h a t t h e u r b a n kampung i s b u t t h e r e s i d e n t i a l f o c u s o f t h e m i g r a n t s whose o t h e r i n t e r e s t s a n d t i e s a r e r a m i f i e d more e x t e n s i v e l y . In summary, t h e m a i n g o a l o f t h i s s t u d y i s t o e x a m i n e how s o c i a l c o h e s i o n a n d s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n f l u e n c e * t h e u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f M a l a y s . Some o f t h e q u e s t i o n s a s k e d a r e : I s t h e e t h n i c c o mmunity t h e p r i m a r y i n s t i t u t i o n a l f r a m e w o r k f o r t h e u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f t h e M a l a y s s t u d i e d ? What a r e some o f t h e f a c t o r s w h i c h c o n f l i c t w i t h t h e c l a i m e d m o n o l i t h i c u n i t y o f M a l a y e t h n i c i t y ? A r e m i g r a n t M a l a y s e n c a p s u l a t e d i n t h e i r n e i g h b o r h o o d o r do t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s e x t e n d o u t s i d e t h e l o c a l i t y w h e r e t h e y l i v e ? S i n c e e t h n i c i t y a n d u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e c e n t r a l c o n c e p t s u s e d i n t h i s s t u d y , i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o d e f i n e them i n i t i a l l y a s t h e y a r e u s e d i n t h e s t u d y . T h e w o r d " e t h n i c " r e f e r s t o t h e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f p e o p l e by r e f e r e n c e t o i d e a s o f common o r i g i n , a n c e s t r y , a n d c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e . An e t h n i c g r o u p c a n t h u s be d e f i n e d as a c o l l e c t i v i t y o f p e o p l e who s h a r e t h e same p a t t e r n s o f n o r m a t i v e b e h a v i o r , a n d an e t h n i c c ommunity r e f e r s t o a c o l l e c t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s who i d e n t i f y w i t h an e t h n i c c a t e g o r y (Cohen 1974: i x , S c h i l d k r o u t 1974: 1 9 1 ) . E t h n i c i t y i s u s e d t o r e f e r t o a l l m a t t e r s p e r t a i n i n g t o r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n t h o s e w i t h t h e same o r d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c i d e n t i t i e s l i v i n g i n a p o l y - e t h n i c s y s t e m ( G r i l l o 1974: 1 5 9 ) . T h i s s t u d y d e a l s m a i n l y w i t h t h e M a l a y e t h n i c g r o u p . T h e q u e s t i o n 7 o f who i s a M a l a y i s a d i f f i c u l t a n d c o m p l i c a t e d i s s u e . A s N a g a t a ( 1 9 7 4 a ) s h o w s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o draw t h e b o u n d a r i e s o f t h e M a l a y p e o p l e . In t h i s s t u d y , h o w e v e r , M a l a y s i n c l u d e p e o p l e o f t h e M a l a y r a c e a n d f o l l o w v a r i o u s a s p e c t s o f M a l a y c u l t u r e a n d s o c i a l l i f e . When I d i s c u s s t h e u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f M a l a y s I am r e f e r r i n g t o t h e i r a c c e s s t o m a t e r i a l a n d n o n - m a t e r i a l e l e m e n t s o f u r b a n l i f e s u c h a s h o u s i n g , e m p l o y m e n t , e d u c a t i o n a l a n d c o m m e r c i a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s . A s I i n d i c a t e i n l a t e r c h a p t e r s , M a l a y s a r e b e i n g g i v e n ; a s s i s t a n c e by t h e g o v e r n m e n t t o o b t a i n t h e s e n e c e s s i t i e s o f u r b a n l i f e , a s p a r t o f t h e p r o g r a m s u n d e r t h e New E c o n o m i c P o l i c y . M a l a y U r b a n P a r t i c i p a t i o n B a c k g r o u n d The p r o b l e m s e l e c t e d f o r t h i s s t u d y may be b e t t e r u n d e r s t o o d i n t h e c o n t e x t o f s u b s t a n t i v e a n d t h e o r e t i c a l s t u d i e s d e a l i n g w i t h i n t e r -e t h n i c and i n t r a - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f M a l a y s i n M a l a y s i a . W h i l e t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s t u d y i s p r i m a r i l y c o n c e r n e d w i t h i n t r a - M a l a y r e l a -t i o n s h i p s , an i n i t i a l d i s c u s s i o n o f i n t e r - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s c a n p r o v i d e some c o n t e x t f o r t h e s t u d y . M o s t a t t e m p t s t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f M a l a y s t a k e i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h e c o n t e x t o f a m u l t i - e t h n i c s o c i e t y (McGee 197 2 , P r o v e n c h e r 1 9 7 2 , N a g a t a 1 9 7 4 a , 1974b, 1 9 7 4 c ) . M a l a y s , C h i n e s e a n d I n d i a n s a r e t h e t h r e e m a i n e t h n i c g r o u p s i n M a l a y s i a . E a c h e t h n i c g r o u p i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d by r a c e , c u s t o m , l a n g u a g e , a n d r e l i g i o n . T h e s e p a r a t e n e s s o f t h e t h r e e e t h n i c g r o u p s has been d e s c r i b e d by Freedman ( 1 9 6 0 ) i n t e r m s o f t h e " p l u r a l s o c i e t y " c o n c e p t f o r m u l a t e d by F u r n i v a l l ( 1 9 3 9 ) . 8 T h e o r i g i n o f t h e p l u r a l s o c i e t y i n M a l a y s i a has been t r a c e d t o t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d when i m m i g r a n t s f r o m C h i n a , I n d i a , a n d I n d o n e s i a i n c r e a s e d t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a . I m m i g r a n t s f r o m C h i n a came i n t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d i m m i g r a n t s f r o m I n d i a came i n t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . I n d o n e s i a n i m m i g r a n t s came t o t h e p e n i n s u l a a t v a r i o u s t i m e s b e f o r e a n d d u r i n g t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d . E t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s b r o u g h t a b o u t e t h n i c s e g m e n t a t i o n . B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l p o l i c i e s a n d a t t i t u d e s r e i n f o r c e d t h i s s e g m e n t a t i o n w h i c h l e d t o a d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r b a s e d on e t h n i c l i n e s , e . g . C h i n e s e i n commerce, I n d i a n s i n p l a n t a t i o n s , a n d M a l a y s i n s u b s i s t e n c e a g r i c u l t u r e . T h e s e f a c t s a r e s i g n i f i c a n t i n a s much as t h e y g i v e an h i s t o r i c a l a c c o u n t o f c e r t a i n t r e n d s w h i c h a r e s t i l l f o u n d i n M a l a y s i a n s o c i e t y t o d a y . A s i d e f r o m p o i n t i n g t o t h e e t h n i c s e g m e n t a t i o n i n t h e p l u r a l s o c i e t y , F r e e d m a n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n i s u s e f u l i n n o t i n g c e r t a i n i n s t i t u -t i o n a l m e c h a n i s m s t h a t had t h e i r o r i g i n s i n t h e c o l o n i a l p a s t b u t s t i l l c o n t i n u e t o i n f l u e n c e i n t e r - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s a t t h e s o c i e t a l l e v e l . Among t h e s e a r e t h e s p e c i a l r i g h t s o f t h e M a l a y s c o n n e c t e d w i t h l a n d r e s e r v a t i o n s , q u o t a s i n e d u c a t i o n a n d e m p l o y m e n t i n g o v e r n m e n t . In t h i s s t u d y I t a k e t h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e g a c i e s o f t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n when I e x a m i n e t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l f r a m e w o r k f o r t h e s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c a d j u s t m e n t o f t h e M a l a y s i n t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d . Some a s p e c t s o f t h e d i f f e r e n c e s among t h e t h r e e e t h n i c g r o u p s n o t e d by F reedman a r e s i m i l a r t o t h o s e f o u n d i n c o n t e m p o r a r y M a l a y s i a n s o c i e t y . Two t y p e s o f d i f f e r e n c e s t h a t h a v e r e c e i v e d much a t t e n t i o n i n t h e l i t e r -a t u r e - a r e t h e i m b a l a n c e s i n g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c a t i o n a n d e c o n o m i c p o s i t i o n 9 o f M a l a y s , C h i n e s e , a n d I n d i a n s . S t u d i e s o f e t h n i c p a t t e r n s o f u r b a n i -z a t i o n show t h e w i d e gap i n t h e u r b a n i z a t i o n o f M a l a y s a n d n o n - M a l a y s (McGee 1972, N a g a t a 1974b, N a r a y a n a n 1975, P r y o r 1975, H i r s c h m a n 1 9 7 9 a ) . T h e s e s t u d i e s n o t e t h e v a r y i n g r a t e s o f i n c r e a s e i n u r b a n a r e a s f o r e a c h e t h n i c g r o u p f r o m 1947 t o 1970. R u r a l t o u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i s o f t e n c i t e d a s one c a u s e f o r t h e i n c r e a s e i n t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f M a l a y s o r C h i n e s e i n u r b a n a r e a s f r o m 1947 t o 1970. Among t h e t h r e e e t h n i c g r o u p s i t was t h e C h i n e s e who e x h i b i t e d t h e h i g h e s t r a t e o f i n c r e a s e i n u r b a n a r e a s a t t h i s t i m e . T h i s i s a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e C h i n e s e r e s e t t l e m e n t p r o g r a m f r o m r u r a l t o u r b a n a r e a s d u r i n g t h e a n t i - c o m m u n i s t c a m p a i g n a f t e r i n d e p e n d e n c e . A f t e r 1957 t h e M a l a y s showed a h i g h e r r a t e o f i n c r e a s e i n u r b a n a r e a s . T h e i n i t i a l o v e r w h e l m i n g d o m i n a n c e o f t h e C h i n e s e i n u r b a n a r e a s , h o w e v e r , k e p t t h e M a l a y s f r o m m a t c h i n g t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f C h i n e s e i n u r b a n a r e a s . S t u d i e s o f u r b a n i z a t i o n i n M a l a y s i a e m p h a s i z e t h e r o l e o f r u r a l t o m i g r a t i o n i s a s i g n i f i c a n t p a t t e r n w h i c h a c c o u n t s f o r t h e p r e s e n c e o f M a l a y s i n m o s t u r b a n a r e a s , i t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t h a t s t e p - m i g r a t i o n f r o m r u r a l t o a s m a l l u r b a n a r e a t o a l a r g e town may be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f m i g r a n t M a l a y s . I e x a m i n e t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y f o r my a n a l y s i s o f t h e o r i g i n s o f t h e M a l a y s i n t h e l o c a l i t y I s t u d i e d . N e x t t o e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s i n g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c a t i o n t h e most c o n t r o -v e r s i a l a s p e c t o f M a l a y s i a ' s m u l t i - e t h n i c s o c i e t y i s t h e e c o n o m i c i n e -q u a l i t y among t h e e t h n i c g r o u p s . H i r s c h m a n ( 1 9 7 5 , 1979a) and S n o d g r a s s ( 1 9 8 0 ) g i v e two o f t h e m o s t c o m p r e h e n s i v e d i s c u s s i o n s o f t h i s i s s u e . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e s e a u t h o r s t h e b a s i c i n e q u a l i t i e s a r e t h o s e c o n c e r n i n g i n c o m e , e m p l o y m e n t , a n d o w n e r s h i p a n d c o n t r o l o f w e a l t h . S n o d g r a s s 10 ( 1 9 8 0 : 8 2 ) shows t h a t t h e i n c o m e o f t h e a v e r a g e n o n - M a l a y h o u s e h o l d o r o f t h e a v e r a g e C h i n e s e h o u s e h o l d has been c o n s i s t e n t l y more t h a n t w i c e t h a t o f t h e a v e r a g e M a l a y h o u s e h o l d i n t h e 1957-1970 p e r i o d . S i n c e h o u s e h o l d s i z e s v a r y a n d t h e number o f i n c o m e e a r n e r s p e r h o u s e h o l d a l s o v a r y , S n o d g r a s s c a l c u l a t e d t h a t t h e same r a t i o h o l d s i n t h e c o m p a r i s o n o f i n c o m e s among h o u s e h o l d h e a d s on a p e r c a p i t a b a s i s . The e m p l o y m e n t i m b a l a n c e s i n c e i n d e p e n d e n c e shows t h a t M a l a y s h a v e been u n d e r - r e p r e s e n t e d i n t h e more modern f o r m s o f p r o d u c t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e , t h e s e r v i c e s e c t o r , a n d i n d u s t r y . T h u s i n 1 9 5 7 , M a l a y s c o m p r i s e d 40 % o f t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l a n d t e c h n i c a l j o b s , a l t h o u g h m o s t o f t h e s e were t e a c h e r s , b u t o n l y 16 p e r c e n t o f t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , e x e c u t i v e a n d m a n a g e r i a l p o s i t i o n s ( S n o d g r a s s 1 9 8 0 : 9 0 ) . Between 1957 a n d 1967 M a l a y p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n w h i t e c o l l a r work was s k i m p y , e x c e p t i n t h e g o v e r n m e n t s e c t o r , as w e l l as i n t h e i n d u s t r i a l b l u e c o l l a r work S n o d g r a s s 1 9 8 0 : 9 1 ) . A f t e r 1967 t h e r e was an i n c r e a s e i n t h e M a l a y s h a r e o f e m p l o y -ment i n most s e c t o r s . T h i s i s a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s a t t e m p t s t o a c c e l e r a t e e m p l o y m e n t , p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r M a l a y s . T h e f a c t s c o n c e r n i n g o w n e r s h i p and c o n t r o l o f w e a l t h i n M a l a y s i a a r e n o t as c l e a r l y d e f i n e d b u t t h e g e n e r a l v i e w i s t h a t w e a l t h i s u n e v e n l y d i s t r i b u t e d . One s i g n i f i c a n t a s p e c t o f t h i s i m b a l a n c e i s t h a t as much a s 61 p e r c e n t o f modern a g r i c u l -t u r e , i n d u s t r y a n d commerce was f o r e i g n owned i n 1970 ( S n o d g r a s s 1 9 8 0 : 1 0 0 ) . Among M a l a y s i a n owned b u s i n e s s e s , t h e m a j o r i t y w e r e owned a n d c o n t r o l l e d by t h e C h i n e s e . T h e s e t r e n d s i n t h e e c o n o m i c i n e q u a l i t i e s b e t w e e n M a l a y s a n d n o n - M a l a y s a r e e x a m i n e d i n t h i s s t u d y f o r t h e t o w n , where t h e n e i g h b o r - , hood s t u d i e d i s l o c a t e d . 11 . S i n c e M a l a y s s u f f e r some h a n d i c a p t i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r e t h n i c g r o u p s i n M a l a y s i a , v a r i o u s t h e o r i e s have b e e n s u g g e s t e d t o e x p l a i n t h e i n e q u a -l i t i e s w h i c h e x i s t among t h e e t h n i c g r o u p s ( P a r k i n s o n 1 9 6 7, F i r t h 1 966, S i l c o c k 1965, A z i z 1 9 6 4 , F i s k 1 9 6 2 ) . H i r s c h m a n ( 1 9 7 9 b ) a n d S n o d g r a s s ( 1 9 8 0 ) h a v e c o m p a r e d a n d a n a l y z e d t h e s e t h e o r i e s . S n o d g r a s s c l a s s i f i e s t h e s e t h e o r i e s i n t o two b a s i c t y p e s : t h e c u l t u r a l h y p o t h e s i s a n d t h e s t r u c t u r a l o r d i s c r i m i n a t i o n h y p o t h e s i s . The c u l t u r a l h y p o t h e s i s c l a i m s t h a t i n e q u a l i t y i s a r e s u l t o f d i f f e r e n t i a l v a l u e o r i e n t a t i o n t o w a r d a c h i e v e m e n t t h a t i s p a r t o f t h e c u l t u r e o f e a c h e t h n i c g r o u p . T h u s t h e l o w e r e c o n o m i c s u c c e s s o f M a l a y s i s a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e i r l e s s m a t e r i a l i s t i c a s p i r a t i o n s w h i l e t h e b e t t e r e c o n o m i c s u c c e s s o f t h e C h i n e s e i s a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e i r t h r i f t a n d b u s i n e s s s e n s e . In c o n t r a s t t o t h i s e m p h a s i s on c u l -t u r a l v a l u e s , t h e s t r u c t u r a l h y p o t h s i s s u g g e s t t h a t d i f f e r e n c e s i n o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r e a c h e t h n i c g r o u p a r e t h e r o o t c a u s e o f i n e q u a l i t y . Among t h o s e who s u b s c r i b e t o t h e s t r u c t u r a l h y p o t h e s i s , A z i z ( 1 9 6 4 ) and F i s k ( 1 9 6 2 ) e x p l a i n t h e low p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f M a l a y s i n commerce a n d i n d u s t r y t o t h e low a n d s t a g n a n t i n c o m e l e v e l i n r u r a l a r e a s . T h i s s i t u -a t i o n l e a d s t o low s a v i n g s a n d i n a b i l i t y t o pay t h e c o s t o f e d u c a t i o n o r o f m i g r a t i o n , t h e two b a s i c means o f s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . A l t h o u g h t h e c u l t u r a l h y p o t h e s i s may be more p o p u l a r among some s c h o l a r s l i k e P a r k i n s o n ( 1 9 6 7 ) , some c o n t e m p o r a r y s t u d i e s h a v e shown e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e r e i s l i t t l e e m p i r i c a l s u p p o r t f o r t h e t h e s i s t h a t t h e M a l a y p e a s a n t r y a r e u n i n t e r e s t e d i n s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c h a n g e a n d t h a t M a l a y s t u d e n t s h a v e h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n a l a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l e x p e c t a t i o n s t h a n t h e C h i n e s e ( H i r s c h m a n 1 9 7 9 b : 2 5 - 2 6 ) . In my s t u d y I o p t f o r t h e s t r u c t u r a l h y p o t h e s i s 12 as a p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h e m a t e r i a l I f o u n d r e g a r d i n g M a l a y u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . T h e s t r u c t u r a l h y p o t h e s i s i s e x a m i n e d when I d i s c u s s t h e p r o b l e m o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h t h e g o v e r n m e n t as f r a m e w o r k s f o r t h e a d j u s t m e n t o f u r b a n M a l a y s . E a c h o f t h e two h y p o t h e s e s e x p l a i n i n g e t h n i c i n e q u a l i t y i n M a l a y s i a h ave p o l i c y i m p l i c a t i o n s . T h o s e who s u b s c r i b e t t b t h e c u l t u r a l h y p o t h e s i s w o u l d r a t h e r t r y t o c h a n g e i n d i v i d u a l t a s t e s a n d a b i l i t i e s o r work i n d i -r e c t l y t h r o u g h i n c r e a s i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r a l l e t h n i c g r o u p s , t h a n t r y t o m a n i p u l a t e c e r t a i n o p p o r t u n i t i e s w h i c h b e n e f i t M a l a y s a l o n e . T h e a d h e r e n t s o f t h e s t r u c t u r a l h y p o t h e s i s a d v o c a t e p o l i c i e s w h i c h w i l l w i d e n M a l a y o p p o r t u n i t i e s , s u c h a s p r e f e r e n t i a l e d u c a t i o n a l a n d e m p l o y -ment q u o t a s o r c r e d i t a n d m a r k e t i n g f a c i l i t i e s f o r M a l a y s , s i n c e t h e M a l a y s a r e p e r c e i v e d t o be t h e u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d g r o u p . H i r s c h m a n ( 1 9 7 5 : 8 1 ) s u g g e s t s t h a t i t i s p o s s i b l e t o c o m b i n e t h e d e s i r e d o u t c o m e o f e a c h o p i n i o n i n t o a* p o l i c y w h i c h w o u l d r e d u c e e t h n i c i t y r e l a t e d i n c o m e i n e q u a l i t y by a l t e r i n g t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f w e a l t h , a b i l i t i e s , a n d o p p o r t u n i t i e s . T h i s t y p e o f c o m p r o m i s e i s d i f f i c u l t t o a c h i e v e . The New E c o n o m i c P o l i c y i s an e x a m p l e o f t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s e n c o u n t e r e d i n a t t e m p t i n g t o i m p l e m e n t s u c h a c o m p r o m i s e . The New E c o n o m i c P o l i c y was i n t r o d u c e d a f t e r t h e p o l i t i c a l d i s t u r b a n c e o f May 1969 w h i c h was t r i g g e r e d by e t h n i c r i v a l r i e s ( M i l n e 1 9 7 6 ) . T h i s p o l i c y t r i e s t o e l i m i n a t e p o v e r t y a n d a l s o c o r r e c t t h e e c o n o m i c d i s p a r i -t i e s among t h e e t h n i c g r o u p s . The s o l u t i o n o f f e r e d i s a " r e - s t r u c t u r i n g " o f M a l a y s i a n s o c i e t y , w h i c h i s f o r t h e m o s t p a r t g e a r e d a t i n c o m e r e d i s -t r i b u t i o n so t h a t M a l a y s h a v e g r e a t e r o w n e r s h i p o f w e a l t h . P a r t o f t h i s 13 r e - s t r u c t u r i n g g o a l i s t o r e d i s t r i b u t e t h e p o p u l a t i o n s o t h a t more M a l a y s l i v e i n u r b a n a r e a s , and p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e c o m m e r c i a l a n d i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e c i t i e s . The s u c c e s s o r f a i l u r e o f t h e p o l i c y h i n g e s o n t h e r e - s t r u c t u r i n g g o a l s o f t h e p o l i c y . C r i t i c s o f t h e p o l i c y c o n t e n d t h a t t h e r e - s t r u c t u r i n g g o a l s may n o t be f u l f i l l e d on t h e g r o u n d s t h a t t h e y w i l l n o t be a b l e t o s o l v e t h e b r o a d p r o b l e m s o f p o v e r t y o r t h a t i t i s a c c e l e r a t i n g t h e p o l a -r i z a t i o n o f M a l a y s o c i e t y . P e a c o c k ( 1 9 7 9 : 3 8 8 ) d o u b t s t h a t t h e p o v e r t y a m e l i o r a t i o n p r o g r a m w i l l s u c c e e d s i n c e i t d o e s n o t make any r e a l a t t e m p t t o r e l a t e t h e e f f e c t s o f t h e o v e r a l l a n t i - p o v e r t y s t r a t e g y t o t h e s p e c i f i c f o c u s o f t h e p o l i c y , P e a c o c k a s s e r t s t h a t e f f o r t s t o i n c r e a s e t h e w e a l t h a n d i n c o m e o f M a l a y s a s a g r o u p w i l l n o t a f f e c t p o o r M a l a y s , s i n c e t h e a t t e m p t s t o r e d i s t r i b u t e i n c o m e among M a l a y s has so f a r o n l y i n c r e a s e d i n c o m e i n e q u a l i t y w i t h i n t h e M a l a y c o m m u n i t y w i t h o u t h a v i n g had a n y m a r k e d e f f e c t on p o v e r t y ( 1 9 7 9 : 3 9 1 ) . S t e n s o n ( 1 9 7 6 : 4 9 ) t h i n k s t h a t t h e p o l i c y ' s g o a l o f r e - s t r u c t u r i n g M a l a y s i a n s o c i e t y w i l l f a i l b e c a u s e i t d o e s n o t s t r i k e a t t h e r o o t s o f c u r r e n t i n t r a r - M a l a y c o n f l i c t s , e . g . t h e c h a l l e n g e by y o u t h f u l w o r k i n g c l a s s l e a d e r s a g a i n s t t h e t r a d i t i o n a l - a r i s t o c r a t i c -a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e l i t e s . T h e s e c r i t i c i s m s o f t h e New E c o n o m i c P o l i c y p o i n t t o a n o t h e r , v a r i a b l e w h i c h i s j u s t a s s i g n i f i c a n t as e t h n i c i t y i n s o l v i n g p r o b l e m s o f i n e q u a l i t y . T h a t v a r i a b l e i s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . M o s t a u t h o r s c o n c e n t r a t e on i n t e r - e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s b u t have n o t p a i d e n o u g h a t t e n t i o n t o " i n t r a - e t h n i c d i v i s i o n s . One e x c e p t i o n t o t h i s i s t h e work o f E v e r s ( 1 9 7 2 , 1 9 7 8 a ) on S o u t h e a s t A s i a n u r b a n i z a t i o n . E v e r s a r g u e s t h a t a b a s i c s t r u c t u r a l a n d e c o l o g i c a l 14 r e - a r r a n g e m e n t i s t a k i n g p l a c e i n t h e c i t i e s o f S o u t h e a s t A s i a , t h e s l o w d i s s o l u t i o n o f e t h n i c s e g r e g a t i o n a n d an i n c r e a s e o f s e g r e g a t i o n by s o c i a l c l a s s . In h i s v i e w t h e p r o g r e s s o f e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t o p e n e d up p o s i t i o n s n o t t r a d i t i o n a l l y d e f i n e d and a r e now u s u a l l y o p e n t o a l l e t h n i c g r o u p s . The g r o w t h o f u r b a n a r e a s h as spawned t h e c r e a t i o n o f e x e c u t i v e a n d w o r k i n g c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s . In t i m e he e n v i s i o n s a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s i n t o u p p e r c l a s s , c i v i l s e r v i c e , p r o f e s s i o n a l q u a r t e r s , l o w e r m i d d l e - i n c o m e h o u s i n g e s t a t e s , a n d s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . T h e o u t c o m e o f t h e s e c h a n g e s i s s e e n by E v e r s i n t e r m s o f an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f u r b a n c o n f l i c t , n o t b a s e d on e t h n i c l i n e s as i n t h e p a s t , b u t b a s e d on c l a s s l i n e s . T h i s p r o g n o s i s may o r may n o t come t r u e d e p e n d i n g o n ; w h e t h e r t h e i n t r a - M a l a y p o l a r i z a t i o n n o t e d by S t e n s o n ( 1 9 7 6 ) i n t e n s i f i e s , , o r i f c o m p e t i t i o n i n u r b a n a r e a s c o n t i n u e a l o n g r a c i a l l i n e s . A n a l y t i c a l - Framework Much a t t e n t i o n has been g i v e n t o M a l a y s i a ' s m u l t i - e t h n i c s o c i e t y , e t h n i c d i v i s i o n s , t h e i r c a u s e s a n d c o n s e q u e n c e s . T h e f o c u s o n e t h n i c c o n t r a s t s , as H i r s c h m a n ( 1 9 7 9 : 1 6 ) p o i n t s o u t , o f t e n b l i n d s t h e i n v e s -t i g a t o r t o w i t h i n - e t h n i c - g r o u p h e t e r o g e n e i t y w h i c h i s c o n s i d e r a b l e . One c o r r e c t i o n t o t h i s o v e r s i g h t i s t h e s t u d y o f i n t r a - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s , among M a l a y s . T h i s i s t h e m a i n c o n c e r n i n t h i s p r e s e n t s t u d y . I have c h o s e n t o f o c u s on i n t r a - M a l a y r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n my s t u d y o f M a l a y u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n b e c a u s e t h e r e were f e w i n t e r - e t h n i c c o n t a c t s i n t h e l o c a l i t y I s t u d i e d . T h e s e a r e , h o w e v e r , n o t e d when t h e y were o b s e r v e d . Some s t u d i e s o f M a l a y s i n u r b a n a r e a s f o c u s on M a l a y e t h n i c p a t t e r n s , a s w e l l a s , a c c o u n t f o r v a r i a t i o n s i n b e h a v i o r among t h i s g r o u p . P r o v e n -15 c h e r ( 1 9 7 2 ) has u s e d r u r a l - u r b a n c o m p a r i s o n s t o a c c o u n t f o r t h e p e r s i s -t e n c e o f t r a d i t i o n a l b e h a v i o r p a t t e r n s . He shows how M a l a y s have o f t e n r e t a i n e d s u b s t a n t i a l c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y e v e n a f t e r t h e i r r u r a l t o u r b a n m i g r a t i o n b r i n g i n g w i t h them most o f t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s . In h i s c o m p a r i s o n o f r u r a l a n d u r b a n M a l a y s he f o u n d t h e u r b a n M a l a y s t o be more t r a d i t i o n a l i n c e r t a i n a s p e c t s o f b e h a v i o r . He e x p l a i n s t h e more t r a d i t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r o f i n t e r p e r s o n a l b e h a v i o r o f u r b a n M a l a y s i n t e r m s o f c e r t a i n d e m o g r a p h i c i m p e r a t i v e s i n u r b a n a r e a s - e c o n o m i c d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n , s o c i a l a n d g e o g r a p h i c m o b i l i t y , age a n d s e x d i s t r i b u t i o n . In my s t u d y . r e e x a m i n e how t h e M a l a y s i n t h e n e i g h b o r h o o d s t u d i e d c o m p a r e i n t e r m s o f t h e i r m a i n t e n a n c e o f t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n s o f b e h a v i o r . A n o t h e r s t u d y o f u r b a n M a l a y s by N a g a t a ( 1 9 7 4 ) i n v e s t i g a t e s t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e m a n i f e s t a i o n o f M a l a y e t h n i c i t y i n two t o w n s . She e x p l a i n s J U * t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n t e r m s o f t h e e f f e c t s o f i m m i g r a t i o n , c o l o n i a l a n d c u r r e n t g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c i e s , a n d e t h n i c d e m o g r a p h i c s t r u c t u r e . My s t u d y a l s o t a k e s i n t o a c c o u n t t h e s e same v a r i a b l e s w h i c h N a g a t a i n v e s t i g a t e d , i n a n a l y z i n g t h e u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i n s i d e a n d o u t s i d e t h e l o c a l i t y , o f t h e M a l a y s s t u d i e d . C l a r k e ' s ( 1 9 7 6 ) s t u d y o f M a l a y u r b a n i s m on t h e e a s t c o a s t o f M a l a y s i a f o c u s e s on t h e r o l e o f l a n d o w n e r s h i p i n t h e a s s o c i a t i o n a l t i e s o f M a l a y s . He f o u n d t h a t o w n e r s h i p o f l a n d i s t h e b a s i s f o r l a s t i n g r e l a t i o n -s h i p s w h i c h w o u l d o t h e r w i s e n o t p e r s i s t as a r e s u l t o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s . When M a l a y s e s t a b l i s h t h e m s e l v e s i n a n o t h e r u r b a n a r e a t h e y r e c r e a t e c u s t o m a r y p a t t e r n s , t h u s p r e s e n t i n g an i n v o l u t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c t o M a l a y u r b a n i s m . C l a r k e d i s a g r e e s w i t h P r o v e n c h e r ' s 16 a s s e r t i o n t h a t M a l a y u r b a n i n t e r a c t i o n a l p a t t e r n s a r e o n l y a n i n t e n s i -f i c a t i o n o f r u r a l p a t t e r n s . He a r g u e s t h a t s o l i d a r i t y f o u n d i n r u r a l p a t t e r n s i s b a s e d o n s i m i l a r i t i e s o f i n d i v i d u a l s , w h i l e t h e s o l i d a r i t y f o u n d i n u r b a n p a t t e r n s i s b a s e d o n d i f f e r e n c e s among i n d i v i d u a l s . My s t u d y i s a i m e d a t f i n d i n g o u t t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h t h e M a l a y s i n t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d c o n f o r m o r do n o t c o n f o r m t o t h e p a t t e r n s a l r e a d y d e s c r i b e d by t h e s e p r e v i o u s s t u d i e s . The p r o b l e m c h o s e n f o r t h i s s t u d y i s t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f e t h n i c p a t t e r n s a n d t h e i r v a r i a t i o n s by f o c u s i n g on s o c i a l c o h e s i o n a n d d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n w i t h i n a M a l a y u r b a n n e i g h b o r h o o d . To i n v e s t i g a t e t h i s p r o b l e m , I f o l l o w t h e a p p r o a c h o f u r b a n a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s i n t h e s t u d y o f u r b a n n e i g h -b o r h o o d s . T h i s i n v o l v e s e t h n o g r a p h i c d e s c r i p t i o n w i t h a h o l i s t i c p e r s p e c t i v e . T h e o b j e c t i v e i n t h i s h o l i s t i c p e r s p e c t i v e i s t o s e e how l a r g e s c a l e i n s t i - . t u t i o n s , r e f e r e n c e g r o u p s , p o l i t i c a l g o a l s , a n d o t h e r f a c t o r s a f f e c t l o c a l s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e ( W eaver and W h i t e 1972:118).'-With t h i s s t r a t e g y , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o r e l a t e t h e n e i g h b o r h o o d s t u d i e d t o i t s l a r g e r u r b a n c o n t e x t a n d a v o i d t h e e r r o r o f s t u d y i n g t h e l o c a l i t y i n i s o l a t i o n ( L e e d s 1 9 6 8 ) . One s p e c i f i c t o o l f o r i n v e s t i g a t i n g t h e i n t e g r a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s a n d g r o u p s t o t h e l a r g e r u r b a n s e t t i n g i s t h e c o n c e p t o f t h e s o c i a l n e t w o r k ( G u t k i n d 1 9 6 5 ) . T h e n e t w o r k c o n c e p t has b e e n u s e d t o i n d i c a t e t h e ways by w h i c h r e l a t i o n s h i p s c r o s s - c u t s o c i a l t i e s b a s e d o n t e r r i t o r y , e t h n i c i t y , k i n s h i p , o r f r i e n d s h i p ( M i t c h e l l 1 9 6 9 ) . U n d e r l y i n g t h e n e t w o r k c o n c e p t i s t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s i n c o m p l e x u r b a n s o c i a l s y s t e m s a r e f a c e d w i t h a l a r g e r a n g e o f p o t e n t i a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . T h e . i n d i v i d u a l s e l e c t s f r o m t h i s p o t e n t i a l r a n g e o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s t h o s e w i t h 17 whom he o r s h e w i l l e s t a b l i s h s o c i a l t i e s . T h e r e a r e v a r i o u s s o c i a l c o n t e x t s w h i c h a r e b a s i c s o u r c e s o f n e t w o r k members. Among t h e s e a r e k i n s m e n , n e i g h b o r s , f e l l o w w o r k e r s , f o r m e r s c h o o l mates a n d p e o p l e f r o m t h e - s a m e e t h n i c g r o u p . . T h e r e a r e two b a s i c o r i e n t a t i o n s t o t h e u s e o f s o c i a l n e t w o r k a n a l y s i s . B o t t ( 1 9 5 7 ) , B a r n e s ; ( 1 9 6 9 ) , E p s t e i n ( 1 9 6 1 ) , G u t k i n d ( 1 9 6 5 ) , a n d M i t c h e l l ( 1 9 6 9 ) f o u n d i t u s e f u l i n d e s c r i b i n g s t r u c t u r a l l i n k s b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s . T h e s e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s h a v e f o l l o w e d a s t r i c t l y s t r u c t u r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e ( M i t c h e l l 1974:284) by e m p h a s i z i n g t h e m o r p h o l o g i c a l a s p e c t s i n t h e i r a n a l y s i s , e . g . s i z e , d e n s i t y , a n d c o m p o s i t i o n o f n e t w o r k s . On t h e o t h e r h a n d , A r o n s o n ( 1 9 7 9 ) , Van V e l s e n ( 1 9 6 7 ) , W h i t t e n ( 1 9 7 0 ) have u s e d s o c i a l n e t w o r k a n a l y s i s t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e o p t a t i v e e l e m e n t s i n s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s . T h e s e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s h a v e f o l l o w e d a t r a n s a c t i o n a l p e r s -p e c t i v e by e x a m i n i n g c h o i c e - m a k i n g p r o c e s s e s i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . One c a n c h o o s e e i t h e r t h e s t r u c t u r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e o r t r a n s a c t i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e , d e p e n d i n g on o n e ' s t h e o r e t i c a l p r o b l e m . From t h e s t r u c t u -r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e , s o c i a l n e t w o r k s a r e v i e w e d as an i n d e p e n d e n t v a r i a b l e t h a t c a n i n f l u e n c e b e h a v i o r . F o r e x a m p l e , B o t t ( 1 9 7 7 ) h y p o t h e s i z e d t h a t t h e k i n d o f n e t w o r k an i n d i v i d u a l i s i n v o l v e d i n a f f e c t s t h e d e g r e e o f s e g r e g a t i o n i n t h e r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n h u s b a n d s a n d w i v e s . In t h e t r a n s a c t i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e , s o c i a l n e t w o r k s a r e t r e a t e d a s d e p e n d e n t v a r i a b l e s t h a t a r e t h e r e s u l t s o f s o c i a l o r c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s . F o r e x a m p l e , P a r k i n ( 1 9 6 9 : 1 4 5 ) n o t e s how d i f f e r e n c e s i n n e t w o r k f o r m a r e t h e r e s u l t s o f g e n e r a l c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n " M i g r a n t " a n d " H o s t " p e o p l e i n S o u t h A f r i c a . H i s s t u d y shows t h a t t h e " M i g r a n t s " have an 18 i d e o l o g y o f b r o t h e r h o o d w h i c h p r o m o t e s an e f f e c t i v e b r o t h e r h o o d n e t w o r k i n b o t h r u r a l a n d u r b a n a r e a s . I n c o n t r a s t , t h e " H o s t " p e o p l e h a v e e x t e n s i v e b u t i n e f f e c t i v e n e t w o r k s b e c a u s e t h e y do n o t h a v e an i d e o l o g y o f b r o t h e r h o o d . G i v e n my i n t e r e s t s , I h a v e c h o s e n t o a p p l y t h e s t r u c t u r a l i s t p e r s p e c -t i v e i n my u s e o f s o c i a l n e t w o r k a n a l y s i s . I want t o d e s c r i b e t h e c a t e -g o r i e s o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h w h i c h t h e m i g r a n t s a r e i n v o l v e d i n t h e u r b a n s y s t e m a n d t h e e x t e n t o f t h e i r i n v o l v e m e n t i n e a c h c a t e g o r y o f r e l a t i o n s h i p . I t i s p o s s i b l e t h r o u g h t h e u s e o f m o r p h o l o g i c a l c h a r a c -t e r i s t i c s l i k e s i z e , c o m p o s i t i o n , a n d d e n s i t y o f n e t w o r k s t o d e s c r i b e t h e s o c i a l n e t w o r k s o f t h e m i g r a n t s a n d d e t e r m i n e t h e r e l a t i v e i m p o r t a n c e o f v a r i o u s s o c i a l t i e s i n t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f M a l a y s i n t o w n . I t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e t o f i n d o u t i f t h e m i g r a n t s a r e e n c a p s u l a t e d i n f o r m s o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s b a s e d on l o c a l i t y a n d k i n s h i p , o r w h e t h e r t h e i r s o c i a l n e t w o r k s a r e e x t e n d e d t o o t h e r t y p e s o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s f o u n d i n t h e u r b a n s y s t e m . I f i n d t h e s t r u c t u r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e more u s e f u l f o r t h e s e t y p e s o f c o n c e r n s b e c a u s e i t s m e t h o d s a r e g e a r e d t o w a r d s d e s c r i -b i n g t h e l i n k s t h a t b i n d i n d i i d u a l s t o e a c h o t h e r . B e f o r e d e s c r i b i n g t h e s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e s o c i a l n e t w o r k s i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o d e s c r i b e t h e v a r i o u s s o u r c e s o f n e t w o r k members. To do t h i s I f o l l o w C h r i s m a n ' s method o f e x a m i n i n g t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l f r a m e w o r k o f n e t w o r k f o r m a t i o n ( C h r i s m a n 1 9 7 0 ) . T h i s i n v o l v e s an e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d g r o u p s i n w h i c h an i n d i v i d u a l i s l i k e l y t o be i n v o l v e d . T h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c l u d e k i n s h i p , r e s i d e n c e , n e i g h b o r h o o d , o c c u p a t i o n , and v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s . A l l o f 19 an i n d i v i d u a l ' s p o t e n t i a l n e t w o r k r e l a t i o n s come f r o m t h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e t t i n g s . A f t e r a n a l y z i n g t h e r e c r u i t m e n t o f n e t w o r k members f r o m t h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n s , C h r i s m a n s u g g e s t s a n a l y z i n g t h e t y p e s o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s , among t h e n e t w o r k members by d e s c r i b i n g t h e s i t u a t i o n s i n w h i c h i n t e r a c t i o n t a k e s p l a c e a n d t h e n a t u r e o f t h e i n t e r a c t i o n . C h r i s m a n ' s m e t h o d o f e x a m i n i n g t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l f r a m e w o r k o f n e t w o r k f o r m a t i o n i s an i m p o r t a n t t o o l f o r t h e " d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e c o m p l e t e n e s s o f a p e r s o n ' s commitment t o h i s own commun i t y " ( 1 9 7 0 : 2 4 9 ) . The s t r u c t u r a l p r o p e r t i e s o f t h e n e t w o r k g i v e some i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l m i g r a n t ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e w i d e r s o c i e t y . I t i s my c o n t e n t i o n t h a t t h e s e s o c i a l n e t w o r k s h a v e s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g M a l a y u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a p l u r a l i s t i c e n v i r o n m e n t where e t h n i c s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s a m a j o r c o n d i t i o n . The S i t e S e l e c t i o n and F i e l d S t u d y The a c c o u n t i n t h i s s t u d y i s b a s e d o n f i e l d w o r k i n M a l a y s i a f r o m O c t o b e r 1976 u n t i l t h e e n d o f S e p t e m b e r 1977. The f i r s t f o u r months w e r e s p e n t g a t h e r i n g m a t e r i a l a b o u t t h e towns i n S e l a n g o r s t a t e a n d t h e s e l e c -t i o n o f t h e l o c a l i t y f o r t h e s t u d y . E i g h t months w e r e u s e d g a t h e r i n g e t h n o g r a p h i c m a t e r i a l i n Taman Kampung K u a n t a n , t h e s i t e s e l e c t e d f o r t h e s t u d y . D u r i n g t h e i n i t i a l p e r i o d o f r e s e a r c h , I g a t h e r e d some m i g r a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s a n d h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l , a s w e l l as r e p o r t s a b o u t development:, p r o g r a m s i n t h e s t a t e o f S e l a n g o r . T h e s e were o b t a i n e d f r o m t h e S t a t i s t i c s D e p a r t m e n t o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t a n d t h e N a t i o n a l A r c h i v e s i n K u a l a Lumpur. The S t a t e D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n o f S e l a n g o r (PKNS) p r o v i d e d me w i t h m a t e r i a l a b o u t c u r r e n t d e v e l o p m e n t p r o g r a m s i n t h e s t a t e , p a r t i c u l a r l y 20 t h o s e f o u n d i n t h e K e l a n g V a l l e y . H i s t o r i c a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , a n d s t a t i s t i c a l d a t a a b o u t t h e town o f K e l a n g were o b t a i n e d , t o t h e e x t e n t t h a t t h e y w e r e a v a i l a b l e , f r o m t h e K e l a n g Town C o u n c i l . C o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h o f f i c a l s a n d a d m i n i s t r a t o r s o f t h e Town C o u n c i l f a c i l i t a t e d g a t h e r -i n g t h i s m a t e r i a l . T h e y made a v a i l a b l e c u r r e n t d o c u m e n t s a b o u t p o p u l a t i o n a n d p r o p e r t y d i s t r i b u t i o n s t a t i s t i c s a n d m i n u t e s o f p a s t Town C o u n c i l m e e t i n g s . I c h o s e t h e l o c a l i t y o f Taman Kampung K u a n t a n b e c a u s e I was i n i t i a l l y i n t e r e s t e d i n a l o c a l i t y w i t h m i g r a n t r e s i d e n t s . Taman Kampung K u a n t a n i s a low c o s t g o v e r n m e n t b u i l t h o u s i n g p r o j e c t i n s i d e Kampung K u a n t a n , a M a l a y r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a i n t h e town o f K e l a n g , i n t h e s t a t e o f S e l a n g o r . T h e Taman i s p o p u l a t e d m a i n l y by m i g r a n t M a l a y s . S e l a n g o r i s t h e s t a t e on t h e w e s t c o a s t o f t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a w i t h t h e h i g h e s t r a t e o f i n - m i g r a t i o n . Among t h e ' t o w n s i n S e l a n g o r , K e l a n g has t h e l a r g e s t c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f M a l a y s , w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f K u a l a Lumpur. B e i n g c l o s e t o K u a l a Lumpur, i t has become o n e o f t h e r e c i p i e n t s o f m i g r a n t s c o m i n g t o t h e s t a t e . In 1970 K e l a n g had a 21 p e r c e n t M a l a y p o p u l a t i o n . I e l a b o r a t e on t h e s e a nd o t h e r p o p u l a t i o n a s p e c t s o f t h e town i n C h a p t e r I I I . T h e c h o i c e o f t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d was made a f t e r a g e n e r a l s u r v e y , w h i c h f o c u s e d on t h e v a r i o u s s e c t i o n s a n d l a n d u s e p a t t e r n s o f t h e town o f K e l a n g . F i v e a r e a s o f t h e town were f o u n d t o have a m a j o r i t y o f M a l a y r e s i d e n t s : B u k i t K u d a , Kampung K u a n t a n , Kampung S u n g a i P i n a n g , Kampung J a w a , a n d Kampung R a j a Uda. A f t e r o b s e r v i n g a n d c o m p a r i n g c o n d i t i o n s i n t h e f i v e a r e a s , I c h o s e Kampung K u a n t a n . I t i s s i m i l a r t o t h e o t h e r f o u r kampungs i n many r e s p e c t s . I t i s l o c a t e d on t h e p e r i p h e r y o f t h e town 21 c e n t e r , was f o r m e r l y a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d , a n d has a c o m b i n a t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n a l a nd m odern h o u s i n g . The r e s i d e n t s o f t h e kampung were m o s t l y M a l a y s . In 1970, 82.1 p e r c e n t o f t h e kampung p o p u l a t i o n were M a l a y s , 8.6 p e r c e n t were C h i n e s e , a n d 9.3 p e r c e n t were I n d i a n s . In t h e o t h e r f o u r kampungs t h e r e a p p e a r e d t o be more n o n - M a l a y s . S t a t i s t i c s , h o w e v e r , were n o t a v a i l a b l e t o c o n f i r m t h i s . T h e s e n o n - M a l a y s l i v e d on t h e p e r i p h e r y o f t h e kampung l a n d . The M a l a y s i n t h e kampungs a r e a l m o s t s u r r o u n d e d by n o n - M a l a y r e s i d e n t s o f t h e t o w n . Kampung K u a n t a n i s d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e o t h e r f o u r kampungs by t h e p r e s e n c e o f a f a i r l y l a r g e g o v e r n m e n t b u i l t h o u s i n g d e v e l o p m e n t , Taman Kampung K u a n t a n . T h i s s t u d y f o c u s e s on t h e M a l a y s o f Taman Kampung K u a n t a n . In o r d e r t o s t u d y t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f t h e Taman a n d i t s r e s i d e n t s t o t h e r e s t o f t h e t o w n , I e x a m i n e d t h e r o l e o f t h e e t h n i c c o m m u n i t y i n t h e a d j u s t m e n t o f u r b a n M a l a y s t o t h e u r b a n s e t t i n g . To do t h i s , two k i n d s o f d a t a were c o l l e c t e d : s t a t i s t i c a l a n d s o c i o - o u ! t u r a l . S t a t i s t i c a l d a t a p r o v i d e d m a t e r i a l on t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e M a l a y c o m m u n i t y i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r e t h n i c g r o u p s i n t h e t o w n . F o r e x a m p l e , d a t a on e t h n i c d i s t r i b u t i o n o f e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y i n K e l a n g p r o v i d e d o n e t y p e o f i n f o r m a t i o n on how t h e M a l a y s were s i t u a t e d i n t e r m s o f t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . . E t h n o g r a p h i c : m a t e r i a l was c o l l e c t e d f r o m day t o d a y o b s e r v a t i o n o f e v e n t s i n t h e Taman an d t h e kampung. I n s i d e t h e kampung I was o n l y a b l e t o o b s e r v e M a l a y i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h f e l l o w M a l a y s . T h e r e was m i n i m a l c o n t a c t b e t w e e n M a l a y s a n d n o n - M a l a y s i n t h e kampung. Most o f t h e i n t e r a c t i o n s between M a l a y s a n d n o n - M a l a y s t o o k p l a c e i n s e t t i n g s o u t s i d e t h e kampung s u c h as i n t h e m a r k e t p l a c e a n d f o r m a l p u b l i c g a t h e r i n g s . T h u s t h e c o n t e n t o f t h i s 22 s t u d y d e a l s l a r g e l y w i t h i n t r a - M a l a y r e l a t i o n s h i p s . D u r i n g t h e i n t e n s i v e p a r t o f t h e r e s e a r c h , my w i f e a n d I l i v e d i n Taman Kampung K u a n t a n f o r e i g h t m o n t h s . We g a i n e d i n t r o d u c t i o n i n t o t h e kampung t h r o u g h t h e v i l l a g e h e a d man o r k e t u a kampung . He i n t u r n recommended t h a t we t a l k t o t h e o t h e r l o c a l l e a d e r s , s u c h as t h e l o c a l U n i t e d M a l a y N a t i o n a l O r g a n i z a t i o n o r UMNO h e a d , a n d s c h o o l t e a c h e r s . One o f t h e s e was t h e p r e s i d e n t o f t h e l o c a l Women's I n s t i t u t e who h e l p e d us f i n d h o u s i n g i n Taman Kampung K u a n t a n . O nce we had s e t t l e d i n t h e Taman, o b s e r v a t i o n a l d a t a were o b t a i n e d d u r i n g o u r d a y t o day i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h n e i g h b o r s . A s i d e f r o m t h e u s u a l d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s , e . g . w a l k i n g a r o u n d t h e n e i g h b o r h o o d a n d g e t t i n g . i n t r o -d u c e d t o n e i g h b o r s , m e e t i n g p e o p l e i n s t o r e s a n d v i s i t i n g , we a l s o a t t e n -d e d p u b l i c g a t h e r i n g s , e . g . w e d d i n g s a n d r i t u a l f e a s t s . , c o m m i t t e e m e e t i n g s o f kampung o r g a n i z a t i o n s , a n d r e l i g i o u s m e e t i n g s a t t h e mosque a n d p r a y e r h o u s e s . B e i n g a F i l i p i n o by o r i g i n , I was w e l l a c c e p t e d by t h e M a l a y s i n t h e Taman a n d was o f t e n m i s t a k e n f o r a M a l a y i f t h e p e r s o n d i d n o t know me p e r s o n a l l y . The l a n g u a g e we u s e d m o s t o f he t i m e was M a l a y , w h i c h we l e a r n e d b e f o r e g o i n g t o M a l a y s i a . T h i s was a p p r e c i a t e d by most o f t h e r e s i d e n t s o f t h e Taman. Some s c h o o l t e a c h e r s a n d u n i v e r s i t y e d u c a t e d r e s i d e n t s p r e f e r r e d t o u s e E n g l i s h when t a l k i n g t o u s . Ou r e i g h t m onths r e s i d e n c e i n t h e Taman g a v e us an o p p o r t u n i t y n o t o n l y t o o b s e r v e l i f e i n t h e l o c a l i t y b u t a l s o t o o b t a i n some b a s i c d a t a a b o u t t h e Taman r e s i d e n t s . I c o n d u c t e d a s u r v e y d e s i g n e d t o g a t h e r m a t e r i a l a b o u t h o u s e h o l d c o m p o s i i o n , b i r t h p l a c e , e d u c a t i o n , o c c u p a t i o n , p r e v i o u s r e s i d e n c e , k i n s h i p r e l a t i o n s , f r i e n d s h i p , a n d a s s o c i a t i o n 23 m e m b e r s h i p a n d p a r t i c i p a t i o n . A c o p y o f t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e u s e d i s shown i n A p p e n d i x I . T h e r e were a b o u t 600 h o u s e h o l d s i n t h e w h o l e kampung a n d a b o u t o n e h a l f o f t h e s e were i n t h e Taman. T h e s u r v e y a t t e m p t e d t o c o v e r b o t h t h e kampung p r o p e r a n d t h e Taman. T h i s , h o w e v e r , was n o t a c c o m p l i s h e d due t o l i m i t a t i o n s o f t i m e , p e r s o n n e l , a n d p r i m a r y e m p h a s i s o f t h e s t u d y . S i n c e my p r i m a r y i n t e r e s t was i n t h e m i g r a n t s o f t h e kampung I c o n c e n t r a t e d my e f f o r t s i n o b t a i n i n g m a t e r i a l a b o u t t h e Taman r e s i d e n t s . F u r t h e r m o r e , we l i v e d i n t h e Taman, a s d i d most o f t h e m i g r a n t s i n t h e kampung, and we came t o know t h e r e s i d e n t s o f t h e Taman more i n t i m a t e l y . A t o t a l o f 157 h o u s e h o l d s f r o m t h e Taman were s u r v e y e d . T h i s was a c c o m p l i s h e d by i n t e r v i e w i n g e v e r y o t h e r h o u s e i n t h e T a m a n ' s 294 u n i t s . I i n i t i a l l y i n t e r v i e w e d 140 h o u s e h o l d s among t h e 147 i n t e n d e d h o u s e d h o l d s . S e v e n o f t h e i n t e n d e d h o u s e s f o r t h e s u r v e y were e i t h e r v a c a n t a t t h e t i m e o f t h e i n i t i a l s u r v e y o r t h e o c c u p a n t s r e f u s e d t o p a r t i c i p a t e . In. t h e p r o c e s s o f o b t a i n i n g s u b s t i t u t e s f o r t h e r e f u s a l s / v a c a n c i e s , 7 o t h e r - h o u s e h o l d s were i n t e r v i e w e d a n d 10 more h o u s e h o l d s v o l u n t e e r e d t o be i n c l u d e d i n t h e s u r v e y . Two s u b - s a m p l e s were u s e d f r o m t h e i n i t i a l 157 h o u s e h o l d s f o r f u r t h e r d a t a g a t h e r i n g . A f t e r e a c h s u r v e y o f a h o u s e h o l d t h e i n f o r m a n t s were a s k e d i f t h e y w o u l d a g r e e t o c o o p e r a t e f u r t h e r i n t h e s t u d y ; 72 a g r e e d t o p a r t i c i p a t e a g a i n . I n f o r m a l i n t e r v i e w s were c o n d u c t e d w i t h t h e s e h o u s e h o l d s t h r o u g h v i s i t s a n d d i s c u s s i o n a b o u t l i f e i n t h e l o c a l i t y , t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n o f t h e i r n e i g h b o r h o o d , h o u s e h o l d management, a s p i r a t i o n s f o r c h i l d r e n , a n d g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y t o w a r d s M a l a y s . From t h e s e 72 h o u s e h o l d s a s e c o n d s u b - s a m p l e o f 24 men was drawn f o r a s t u d y o f s o c i a l n e t w o r k s . 24 The s o c i a l n e t w o r k m a t e r i a l i s d i s c u s s e d i n d e t a i l i n C h a p t e r V I I I . T h e d a t a g a t h e r e d f o r t h i s s t u d y f o c u s e d o n t h e Taman r e s i d e n t s , s u p p l e m e n t e d by g e n e r a l d a t a a b o u t t h e kampung. From t h e s e men a n d women came t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c m a t e r i a l f o r t h i s s t u d y . I t i s a n a l y z e d a n d d i s c u s s e d i n t h e c o n t e x t o f m a t e r i a l g a t h e r e d a b o u t M a l a y s i n K e l a n g , m i g r a t i o n , u r b a n g r o w t h , a n d g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y i n o r d e r t o make g e n e r a l s t a t e m e n t s a b o u t t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f a g r o u p o f M a l a y s i n an u r b a n a r e a . . CHAPTER I I MALAYS AND URBANIZATION O n l y s i n c e t h e S e c o n d W o r l d War have M a l a y s begun t o f u l l y p a r t i c i -p a t e i n t h e u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t on t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a . W h e r e a s , M a l a y s l a g g e d b e h i n d t h e n o n - M a l a y g r o u p s i n u r b a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n d u r i n g t h e c o l o -n i a l p e r i o d . , . t h e d e c a d e s f o l l o w i n g i n d e p e n d e n c e f r o m t h e B r i t i s h g a v e M a l a y s a c h a n c e t o r e a s s e r t t h e i r r o l e i n t h e i r c o u n t r y . T h i s p r o c e s s g a i n e d some momentum i n r e c e n t y e a r s when t h e g o v e r n m e n t f o r m u l a t e d i t s New E c o n o m i c P o l i c y ( N E P ) , w h i c h p r o m o t e s M a l a y u r b a n i z a t i o n . The u r b a n -i z a t i o n o f t h e M a l a y p o p u l a t i o n w i t h g o v e r n m e n t s u p p o r t i s one i m p o r t a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f r e c e n t u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t on t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a . In t h i s c h a p t e r , I d i s c u s s t h e u r b a n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s on t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a t o p r o v i d e t h e c o n t e x t f o r t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f M a l a y p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e u r b a n s e c t o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y a s i t c o n c e r n s - t h e r e s i d e n t s o f t h e l o c a l i t y I s t u d i e d . F i v e t h i n g s a r e germane t o a d i s c u s s i o n r e l a t e d t o t h e c u r r e n t u r b a n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s i n t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a : (1) t h e d e m o g r a p h i c a s p e c t s o f u r b a n i z a t i o n , ( 2 ) t h e c o l o n i a l b a c k g r o u n d , (3) t h e g r o w t h o f M a l a y n a t i o n -a l i s m , (4) p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c e p o l i t i c a l d i l e m m a s , a n d (5) g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y i n f l u e n c i n g u r b a n i z a t i o n . T h e s e w i l l p r o v i d e t h e b a c k g r o u n d f o r u n d e r s t a n d -i n g t h e g e n e r a l f r a m e w o r k o f M a l a y u r b a n i z a t i o n a n d i t s r e l e v a n c e t o t h e l o c a l i t y s t u d i e d . 25 26 U r b a n i z a t i o n o f M a l a y s B e f o r e W o r l d War I I , t h e I n d i a n a n d C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t g r o u p s d o m i n a -t e d t h e u r b a n s c e n e . In 1 9 3 1 , f o r e x a m p l e , M a l a y s c o n s t i t u t e d o n l y 21 p e r c e n t o f t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n , w h i l e 57 p e r c e n t were C h i n e s e (Hamzah 1 9 6 2 : 2 1 ) . In t h e d e c a d e f o l l o w i n g t h e war, more M a l a y s moved t o t h e u r b a n a r e a s . T h e i r u r b a n p r o p o r t i o n i n c r e a s e d by 119.6 p e r c e n t , c o m p a r e d t o t h e 109.8 p e r c e n t i n c r e a s e o f t h e C h i n e s e (Hamzah 1 9 6 5 : 8 9 ) . A l t h o u g h t h e i n c r e a s e d i d n o t h a v e much i m p a c t on t h e p r e v i o u s r a t i o o f M a l a y . t o n o n - M a l a y g r o u p s i n u r b a n a r e a s , t h e t r e n d was t h e r e ; a n d i t i s u s u a l l y a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e m i g r a t i o n o f M a l a y s f r o m r u r a l t o u r b a n a r e a s , r a t h e r t h a n t o t h e n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e o f M a l a y s i n u r b a n a r e a s . I t i s e s t i m a t e d t h a t M a l a y s made up o n e q u a r t e r o f t h e r u r a l t o u r b a n m i g r a t i o n s t r e a m i n t h e d e c a d e a f t e r W o r l d War I I ( C a l d w e l l 1 9 6 3 ) . E t h n i c p a t t e r n s o f u r b a n i z a t i o n i n M a l a y s i a s i n c e 1947 h a v e been s t u d i e d by many s c h o l a r s ( S a n d h u 1964, C a l d w e l l 1963, Hamzah 1962, N a r a -y a n a n 1 9 75, P r y o r 1 9 7 5 , H i r s c h m a n 1 9 7 9 ) . Most a u t h o r s a g r e e t h a t t h e r e was a s i g n i f i c a n t r i s e i n u r b a n i z a t i o n between 1947 and 1957. D u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d t h e r e was a m a r k e d p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e i n l a r g e t o w n s , b u t more d r a m a t i c was t h e v i r t u a l d o u b l i n g o f p o p u l a t i o n i n s m a l l a n d medium s i z e d t o w n s . T h i s i s u s u a l l y a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e r e s e t t l e m e n t p r o g r a m o f t h e c o l o n i a l g o v e r n m e n t w h i c h t r a n s f e r r e d r u r a l C h i n e s e t o "new v i l l a g e s " d u r i n g t h e a n t i - c o m m u n i s t c a m p a i g n . T h e s e "new v i l l a g e s " became p a r t o f s m a l l a n d medium s i z e d t o w n s . 27 The r e s e t t l e m e n t p r o g r a m was p r i m a r i l y d i r e c t e d a t t h e C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y , t h u s t h e p a c e o f u r b a n i z a t i o n f r o m 1947 t o 1957 s i g n i f i c a n t l y w i d e n e d t h e u r b a n - r u r a l gap b e t w e e n t h e C h i n e s e a n d t h e r e s t o f t h e p o p u -l a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e M a l a y s . H i r s c h m a n ( 1 9 7 9 : 7 ) n o t e s t h a t i n 1947 27 p e r c e n t o f t h e C h i n e s e l i v e d i n l a r g e c i t i e s ( a b o v e 25,000; p o p u l a t i o n ) c o m p a r e d t o 22 p e r c e n t I n d i a n s , a n d o n l y 6 p e r c e n t M a l a y s . By 1957 a b o u t 37 p e r c e n t o f t h e C h i n e s e l i v e d i n l a r g e t o w n s , c o m p a r e d t o 27 p e r c e n t o f I n d i a n s a n d o n l y 9 p e r c e n t o f M a l a y s ( H i r s c h m a n 1 9 7 9 : 8 ) . A l t h o u g h M a l a y s i n u r b a n a r e a s were s t i l l o u t n u m b e r e d by n o n - M a l a y s ( s e e T a b l e I ) , t h e i r g r o w t h i n t h i s s e c t o r i s a p p a r e n t . A c c o r d i n g t o Na-r a y a n a n ( 1 9 7 5 : 1 5 5 ) , t h e i n c r e a s e i n t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f M a l a y s i n u r b a n a r e a s i s n o t a b l e b e t w e e n 1957 and 1970. By 1970, i t was t h e M a l a y compo-n e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n t h a t e x p a n d e d most r a p i d l y i n towns o f v a r i o u s s i z e s . F o r e v e r y t e n M a l a y m i g r a n t s i n 1 9 5 7 , t h e r e were s e v e n C h i n e s e and t h r e e I n d i a n s ; i n 1970, t h e r e w e r e t e n m i g r a n t M a l a y s f o r e v e r y s i x C h i n e s e a n d two I n d i a n m i g r a n t s ( N a r a y a n a n 1 9 7 5 : 6 9 ) . T h e p a c e o f u r b a n -i z a t i o n was s l o w e r i n t h e 1957 t o 1970 p e r i o d . T h e g e n e r a l p a t t e r n o f e t h n i c d i s t r i b u t i o n showed a w i d e n i n g gap b e t e e n t h e C h i n e s e a n d n o n -C h i n e s e . T h u s , f o r c i t i e s a b o v e 25,000 i n 1947 t h e C h i n e s e - M a l a y gap o f 27 p e r c e n t t o 6 p e r c e n t i n c r e a s e d t o 41 p e r c e n t and 12 p e r c e n t i n 1970 ( H i r s c h m a n 1 9 7 9 : 9 ) . Selangor state was t h e m a i n d e s t i n a t i o n o f u r b a n i n - m i g r a t i o n , w h i c h was c o n c e n t r a t e d w i t h i n t h e m e t r o p o l i.tan towns o f K u a l a Lumpur, P e t a l i n g J a y a , a n d K e l a n g . A b o u t 41 p e r c e n t o f t h e u r b a n m i g r a n t s i n 1970 came f r o m w i t h i n S e l a n g o r , and t h e r e s t were f r o m o t h e r s t a t e s . 28 C o m p a r i n g e t h n i c g r o u p s , N a r a y a n a n ( 1 9 7 5 ) f o u n d t h a t a b o u t 60 p e r c e n t o f M a l a y s , 47 p e r c e n t o f C h i n e s e , and 40 p e r c e n t o f I n d i a n s i n S e l a n g o r were i n t e r - s t a t e m i g r a n t s . More t h a n two t h i r d s o f t h e s e came f r o m p r e -d o m i n a n t l y u r b a n d i s t r i c t s , a l t h o u g h movement f r o m r u r a l t o u r b a n d i s t r i c t s was more common among M a l a y s t h a n o t h e r e t h n i c g r o u p s . One i n t e r e s t i n g a s p e c t o f t h i s m i g r a t i o n t r e n d i s t h a t t h e m i g r a n t s "were drawn l a r g e l y f r o m among t h o s e who e i t h e r r e s i d e d i n t o w n s . o r were a t l e a s t o p e n . t o u r b a n i n f l u e n c e a n d e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s " ( N a r a y a n a n 1 9 7 5 : 1 1 9 ) . T h i s s u g g e s t s t h a t , f o r t h e r e c e n t p e r i o d , t h e phenomenon o f " f i l l i n g -i n m i g r a t i o n , " m i g r a t i o n f r o m t h e c o u n t r y - s i d e t o s m a l l towns a n d f r o m t h e s m a l l towns t o t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a s i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f M a l a y s i a . T A B L E I . — R a c i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n i n P e n i n s u l a r M a l a y s i a , 1 9 4 7 - 1 9 7 0 . R a c e •' '': •/' . ; 1947 (%) " 1 9 5 7 {%) 1970 (%) Mai a y s 19.0 21.0 27.6 C h i n e s e 69.1 62.6 58.5 I n d i a n 14.7 12.8 12.8 O t h e r s 3.2 3.6 1.1 S o u r c e : Chua 1974:5 One a t t r a c t i o n o f u r b a n i n - m i g r a t i o n was t h a t i t o f f e r e d an o p p o r t u n i t y t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n o c c u p a t i o n s o t h e r t h a n t h o s e c o n n e c t e d w i t h a g r i c u l t u r e . Two a v e n u e s were o p e n t o M a l a y s i n t h e t o w n s : g o v e r n m e n t e m p l o y m e n t a n d 29 c o m m e r c i a l o r i n d u s t r i a l e m p l o y m e n t . T h e i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r e x p a n d e d o n l y ' s l i g h t l y ' i n t h e d e c a d e f o l l o w i n g W o r l d War I I . Many r u r a l m i g r a n t s , i n c l u d i n g M a l a y s , c o u l d n o t be a b s o r b e d by t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g s e c t o r . M o s t o f them w e r e u n s k i l l e d a n d l a c k e d t h e n e c e s s a r y q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r i n d u s -t r i a l e m p l o y m e n t . More M a l a y s e n t e r e d g o v e r n m e n t s e r v i c e t h a n commerce. T h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e l a t t e r was s l o w b e c a u s e t h e C h i n e s e a n d I n d i a n s w ere a l r e a d y w e l l e n t r e n c h e d i n u r b a n a r e a s a n d p r o v i d e d s t i f f c o m p e t i t i o n i n t h e c o m m e r c i a l s e c t o r . W i t h t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l a n d a d m i n i s -t r a t i v e c o n t r o l a f t e r i n d e p e n d e n c e , h o w e v e r , more o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n g o v e r n -ment s e r v i c e w e r e o p e n e d t o M a l a y s i n u r b a n a r e a s . I t i s e s t i m a t e d t h a t b etween 1947 a n d 1957 t h e r e was a n i n c r e a s e f r o m 20,000 t o 116,000 M a l a y s i n g o v e r n m e n t d e p a r t m e n t s (McGee 1 9 7 2 : 1 1 6 ) . L a r g e numbers o f M a l a y s were a l s o r e c r u i t e d i n t o t h e m i l i t a r y as a r e s u l t o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s f i g h t a g a i n s t t h e c o m m u n i s t s d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d known as t h e " E m e r g e n c y . " One e f f e c t o f u r b a n i n - m i g r a t i o n i s t h a t t h e m i g r a n t s compete w i t h r e s i d e n t s f o r t h e j o b s t h a t a r e a v a i l a b l e . A s t u d y by N a r a y a n a n ( 1 9 7 7 ) f o u n d t h a t i n S e l a n g o r t h e r e were more m i g r a n t s i n t h e l a b o r f o r c e t h a n e s t a b l i s h e d r e s i d e n t s . Unemployment r a t e s were h i g h e r f o r m i g r a n t s i n t h e l a b o r f o r c e t h a n e s t a b l i s h e d r e s i d e n t s . Among t h e u n e m p l o y e d , M a l a y s c o n s t i t u t e d t h e l a r g e s t e t h n i c g r o u p . F o r e v e r y t e n u n e m p l o y e d m i g r a n t M a l a y s t h e r e were s e v e n C h i n e s e a n d f o u r I n d i a n m i g r a n t s u n e m p l o y e d . In t e r m s o f t h e t y p e s o f o c c u p a t i o n s o b t a i n e d , m i g r a n t s d i d n o t s u c c e e d i n e n t e r i n g t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g s e c t o r i n l a r g e n u mbers. R a t h e r t h e y were m o s t l y , . a b s o r b e d i n t o t h e s e r v i c e s e c t o r : 26.8 p e r c e n t o f t h e m i g r a n t s were r e p o r t e d as p r o d u c t i o n r e l a t e d w o r k e r s , a n d 48.7 p e r c e n t were r e p o r t e d 30 i n t h e s e r v i c e s e c t o r . A g r e a t p r o p o r t i o n o f M a l a y m i g r a n t s were i n s e r v i c e o c c u p a t i o n s t h a n t h e o t h e r two e t h n i c g r o u p s : 30 p e r c e n t o f M a l a y s , 20 p e r c e n t o f I n d i a n s , a n d 18 p e r c e n t o f Chinese-.-, T h u s , a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f m i g r a n t s , n o t a b l y M a l a y s , were f o u n d i n l o w p r o d u c t i v i t y a n d low i n c o m e o c c u p a t i o n s . T h e C o l o n i a l B a c k g r o u n d One way t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e p r o b l e m o f M a l a y u r b a n i z a t i o n i s t o l o o k a t t h e c o l o n i a l b a c k g r o u n d o f t h i s p r o c e s s . T h e movement o f M a l a y s t o w a r d t h e u r b a n a r e a s i n t h e p o s t W o r l d War I I p e r i o d was p a r t o f a g r o w i n g t r e n d o f M a l a y p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e c o u n t r y ' s d e v e l o p m e n t . T h i s c h a n g e c a n be a t t r i b u t e d t o two f a c t o r s : t h e r i s e o f M a l a y n a t i o n a l i s m a n d t h e M a l a y s ' d e s i r e t o s h a r e i n t h e i r c o u n t r y ' s ; e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t . The m i n o r i t y p o s i t i o n o f M a l a y s i n t h e e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t p r o c e s s c a n be t r a c e d b a c k t o t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d w h i c h has d e t e r m i n e d t h e p o s i t i o n o f most M a l a y s i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r e t h n i c g r o u p s . T h e p o l y e t h n i c c o m p o s i t i o n o f M a l a y s i a ' s p o p u l a t i o n i s t h e r e s u l t o f l a r g e - s c a l e i m m i g r a t i o n i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s . T h i s was p r i m a r i l y i n r e s p o n s e t o B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l e n t e r p r i s e i n t h e M a l a y a r c h i p e l a g o a n d , l a t e r , o n t h e p e n i n s u l a . D u r i n g t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e B r i t i s h e s t a b l i s h e d t h e m s e l v e s i n P e n a n g , M a l a c c a , a n d S i n g a p o r e ( t h e S t r a i t s S e t t l e m e n t s ) t o m a i n t a i n c o n t r o l o f c o m m e r c i a l a c t i v i t y i n t h e r e g i o n . Among t h e s e s e t t l e m e n t s , S i n g a p o r e became t h e m a i n t r a d i n g p o r t , r e p l a c i n g M a l a c c a , w h i c h had been d o m i n a n t b e f o r e t h e B r i t i s h t o o k o v e r . T h e s e t t l e m e n t s became t h e e n t r e p o t f o r t r a d i n g s i l k , c o t t o n , r i c e , p e p p e r , g o l d d u s t , a n d m o s t i m p o r t a n t l y t i n . 31 B e f o r e t h e B r i t i s h i n t e r v e n e d i n t h e a f f a i r s o f t h e M a l a y s t a t e s , t r a d i t i o n a l M a l a y s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e was b a s i c a l l y d i v i d e d i n t o a r u l i n g c l a s s a n d a s u b j e c t c l a s s . E a c h M a l a y s t a t e was r u l e d by a member o f a r o y a l f a m i l y a n d d i v i d e d i n t o d i s t r i c t s r u l e d by c h i e f s . T o g e t h e r w i t h t h e S u l t a n , o r h e a d o f s t a t e , t h e c h i e f s a n d t h e i r f a m i l i e s f o r m e d a r u l i n g c l a s s . B e low t h e r u l e r a n d h i s o f f i c i a l s were t h e f r e e p e a s a n t s , d e b t -bondsmen, a n d s l a v e s . R e l a t i o n s h i p s b etween r u l e r a n d s u b j e c t s w ere b a s e d on l a n d o w n e r s h i p a n d u s u f r u c t r i g h t s . In o r d e r t o g e t c u l t i v a t i o n r i g h t s , t h e s u b j e c t had t o p l e d g e l o y a l t y a n d g i v e s e r v i c e a n d t r i b u t e s o f r i c e . In t h e v i l l a g e , t h e s u b j e c t s w ere r u l e d by a:headman a n d t h e imam o r M u s l i m r e l i g i o u s l e a d e r . T he M a l a y s f o l l o w e d a s i m p l e s u b s i s t e n c e economy b a s e d on r i c e c u l t i v a t i o n , s u p p l e m e n t e d by f i s h i n g . T r a d i n g was l i m i t e d t o a few a r i s t o c r a t s , m e r c h a n t s , a n d r e l i g i o u s l e a d e r s . A l l t h e M a l a y s t a t e s f o l l o w e d t h i s g e n e r a l p a t t e r n o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f N e g r i S e m b i l a n , w h i c h had a m a t r i l i n e a l s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e ( G u l l i c k 1 9 5 8 ) . The i n f l u x o f C h i n e s e a n d I n d i a n i m m i g r a n t s i n t o t h e M a l a y p e n i n -s u l a came w i t h t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e S t r a i t s S e t t l e m e n t s . B e f o r e t h e B r i t i s h e s t a b l i s h e d a b a s e i n P e n a n g i n 1786, t h e r e w e r e no C h i n e s e o r I n d i a n s t h e r e . O n l y a few C h i n e s e c u l t i v a t o r s were i n S i n g a p o r e when t h e B r i t i s h f o u n d e d a t r a d i n g s t a t i o n t h e r e i n 1819; b u t i t d i d n o t t a k e l o n g f o r t h e C h i n e s e a n d I n d i a n s t o f o l l o w t h e B r i t i s h i n t o t h e s e i s l a n d s . O n l y M a l a c c a had a s i z a b l e C h i n e s e a n d I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n b e f o r e t h e B r i t i s h t o o k i t o v e r f r o m t h e D u t c h i n 1825. The C h i n e s e a n d I n d i a n s h a v e had c o n t a c t w i t h M a l a c c a s i n c e t h e f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y , when t h e S u l t a n a t e o f M a l a c c a was a t i t s p e a k . The I n d i a n s , h o w e v e r , were n e v e r as 32 n u merous a s t h e C h i n e s e o r M a l a y s i n M a l a c c a . F o r e x a m p l e , o u t o f a t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n o f 25,000 i n M a l a c c a i n 1826, t h e r e were 2,300 I n d i a n s a n d 4,100 C h i n e s e ( O o i 1963: 1 9 7 ) . T h e C h i n e s e e n g a g e d i n a v a r i e t y o f o c c u p a t i o n s , p r i m a r i l y as t r a d e r s a n d s h o p k e e p e r s , some became l a b o r e r s . O t h e r s u n d e r t o o k t r a d i t i o n a l o c c u p a t i o n s : f a r m i n g c a s h c r o p s l i k e v e g e t a b l e s , c l o v e s , nutmeg, g a m b i e r , a n d p e p p e r . T h e f a i l u r e o f s p i c e c u l t i v a t i o n i n S i n g a p o r e s e n t some C h i n e s e t o J o h o r e , where t h e y c u l t i v a t e d p e p p e r and g a m b i e r . I n c r e a s e d i m m i g r a t i o n o f t h e C h i n e s e g r o u p s t o t h e p e n i n s u l a , h o w e v e r , was c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t i n m i n i n g . T i n had been m i n e d on t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a f o r c e n t u r i e s a n d was e x p o r t e d by M a l a y s f r o m M a l a c c a . When l a r g e d e p o s i t s o f t i n were d i s c o v e r e d i n P e r a k , S e l a n g o r , a n d N e g r i S e m b i l a n i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , g r e a t numbers o f C h i n e s e f l o c k e d t o t h e M a l a y s t a t e s f r o m M a l a c c a , as w e l l a s f r o m C h i n a . W i t h t h e h e l p o f C h i n e s e a n d E u r o p e a n c a p i t a l , m a i n l y f r o m M a l a c c a , t i n m i n i n g grew i n L a r u t , L u k u t , S u n g a i U j o n g , and Ampang i n t h e m i d d l e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y (Khoo 1 9 7 2 a ) . T h e M a l a y c h i e f s l e a s e d l a n d t o C h i n e s e m i n e r s o r e m p l o y e d C h i n e s e m i n e r s t o work t h e m i n e s . In t h e e a r l y p h a s e o f t h e m i n i n g v e n t u r e s , t h e M a l a y a r i s t o c r a c y c o n t r o l l e d t h e t i n t r a d e . A l l p r o d u c e r s had t o s e l l t h e i r t i n t o t h e c h i e f s , who i n t u r n s o l d i t t o t h e S t r a i t s S e t t l e m e n t m e r c h a n t s . L a t e r - , S t r a i t s mer-c h a n t s f r o m P e nang a n d M a l a c c a d e a l t d i r e c t l y w i t h t h e m i n e r s , a n d c h i e f s j u s t c o l l e c t e d a t a x on t h e t i n e x p o r t e d f r o m t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s . S i n g a -p o r e m e r c h a n t s b o u g h t t i n f r o m Penang a n d M a l a c c a a n d e x p o r t e d i t t o C h i n a , G r e a t B r i t a i n , a n d I n d i a . 33 The t i n m i n i n g i n d u s t r y n o t o n l y b r o u g h t r e v e n u e i n t o t h e M a l a y s t a t e s , i t a l s o b r o u g h t t r o u b l e . A s more C h i n e s e came t o t h e p e n i n s u l a t h e y b r o u g h t t h e t r a d i t i o n o f f o r m i n g r i v a l s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s w i t h them ( B l y t h e 1 9 6 9 ) . F a c t i o n s o f C h i n e s e q u a r r e l l e d 'and f o u g h t e a c h o t h e r - f o r c o n t r o l o f m i n i n g l a n d . A t a b o u t t h e same t i m e , t h e r e were s u c c e s s i o n d i s p u t e s o v e r t h e t h r o n e s o f t h e c e n t r a l a n d s o u t h e r n M a l a y s t a t e s . E v e n t u a l l y , t h e c o n f l i c t o f o n e e t h n i c g r o u p became m e r g e d w i t h t h a t o f t h e o t h e r . As Khoo ( 1 9 7 2 a : 1 1 0 ) d e s c r i b e s i t , " a l l p a r t i e s i n v o l v e d were f i g h t i n g f o r c o n t r o l o f e c o n o m i c r e s o u r c e s . F o r t h e M a l a y c h i e f s , p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l was t h e p r e r e q u i s i t e t o t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f s u b s t a n t i a l r e v e n u e . F o r t h e C h i n e s e m i n e r s , who were d e p e n d e n t on M a l a y c h i e f s f o r t h e l e g a l r i g h t t o work t i n p r o d u c i n g l a n d s , i t was i m p o r t a n t t h a t t h e v i c t o r i o u s M a l a y f a c t i o n s h o u l d be t h e o n e f a v o r a b l e t o t h e i r i n t e r e s t . T h e same may be s a i d o f t h e S t r a i t s m e r c h a n t s . " Th e t u r b u l e n t c o n d i t i o n s t h a t e n s u e d i n t h e M a l a y s t a t e s c a u s e d a slump i n t h e t i n t r a d e , w h i c h t h r e a t e n e d t h e i n v e s t m e n t s o f t h e E u r o p e a n a n d C h i n e s e m e r c h a n t s i n t h e S t r a i t s S e t t l e m e n t s . P r e s s u r e was b r o u g h t upon t h e B r i t i s h t o i n t e r v e n e i n o r d e r t o p r o t e c t t h e i r c o m m e r c i a l a n d p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s . B r i t i s h i n t e r v e n t i o n i n t h e M a l a y s t a t e s began i n 1974 w i t h t h e d i c t a t i o n o f a s e t t l e m e n t b e t w e e n t h e r i v a l C h i n e s e f a c t i o n s i n P e r a k a n d t h e s e t t l i n g o f a s u c c e s s i o n d i s p u t e among t h e P e r a k M a l a y c h i e f s . A B r i t i s h R e s i d e n t was a s s i g n e d t o " a d v i s e " t h e S u l t a n and h i s c h i e f s on t h e e c o n o m i c a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a f f a i r s o f t h e s t a t e o f P e r a k . S i m i -l a r s t e p s were t a k e n i n o t h e r s t a t e s , c u l m i n a t i n g i n t h e T r e a t y o f F e d e -r a t i o n among t h e f o u r s t a t e s o f P e r a k , S e l a n g o r , N e g r i S e m b i l a n , a n d P a h a n g . By t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , t h e o t h e r f o u r n o r -t h e r n s t a t e s o f K e d a h , P e r l i s , K e l a n t a n , a n d T r e n g g a n u , a n d t h e s o u t h e r n 34 s t a t e o f J o h o r e a l s o a c c e p t e d B r i t i s h a d v i s o r s , w h i l e r e t a i n i n g t h e i r i n d e p e n d e n t s t a t u s a s t h e U n f e d e r a t e d M a l a y s t a t e s u n d e r B r i t i s h p r o t e c t i o n . U n d e r t h e B r i t i s h , t h e p e n i n s u l a went t h r o u g h a p o l i t i c a l - s o c i a l -e c o n o m i c t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . F i r s t , c o l o n i a l r u l e m o d i f i e d t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s y s t e m ' o f g o v e r n m e n t by b u r e a u c r a t i z n g t h e r u l e r s a n d t h e c h i e f s ( F r e e d m a n 1960:161 ) . T h e S u l t a r f s v b e e a m e . c o n s t i t u t i o n a l m o n a r c h ! and t h e c h i e f s were p e n s i o n e d o f f o r made i n t o a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o f f i c e r s . C o n t r a r y t o e a r l y B r i t i s h a s s u r a n c e s , t h e r o l e o f t h e M a l a y s i n t h e new a d m i n i s t r a t i o n d e c r e a s e d . O n l y m a t t e r s r e l a t i n g t o c u s t o m and r e l i g i o n w e r e l e f t t o them. S t a t e C o u n c i l s were s e t up i n e a c h s t a t e , where M a l a y r o y a l t y , a l o n g w i t h t h e C h i n e s e , met t o l i s t e n t o B r i t i s h d i r e c t i v e s on p o l i c i e s a n d l e g i s l a t i o n . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e M a l a y s t a t e s u n d e r t h e B r i t i s h had two c o n s e q u e n c e s : t h e g r o w t h o f a c o l o n i a l economy a n d an i n c r e a s e o f t h e i m m i g r a n t p o p u l a t i o n . T i n e x p o r t s i n c r e a s e d :.. - d u r i n g t h e f i r s t two d e c a d e s o f B r i t i s h r u l e . The p a c i f i c a t i o n o f t h e West c o a s t M a l a y s t a t e s l e d t o f u r t h e r i n c r e a s e i n t h e C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n 1 who w o r k e d t h e t i n m i n e s . The d e v e l o p m e t o f c o m m e r c i a l a g r i c u l t u r e was a s i g n i f i c a n t a s p e c t o f t h e p l a n f o r m u l a t e d by t h e B r i t i s h f o r t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t p r o g r a m . T h e y f o l l o w e d a d u a l p o l i c y o f a g r i c u l t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t i n t h e M a l a y s t a t e s : t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f l a r g e - s c a l e c o m m e r c i a l a g r i c u l t u r e a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f p e a s a n t a g r i c u l t u r e . . ., In t h e f o r m e r , t h e g o a l was t o c o n v e r t t h e v a s t f o r e s t s o f t h e M a l a y s t a t e s i n t o p l a n t a t i o n s f o r t r o p i c a l a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s , e . g . s u g a r , c o f f e e , t o b a c c o , c o c o n u t s , a n d r u b b e r . T h e l a t t e r p o l i c y was i n s t i t u t o n a l i z e d i n t h e hope o f i n d u c i n g p e a s a n t a g r i c u l t u r i s t s t o grow f o o d t o f e e d w o r k e r s on t h e p l a n t a t i o n s . 35 An i m p o r t a n t r e q u i r e m e n t o f t h e B r i t i s h a g r i c u l t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t p r o g r a m was s u f f i c i e n t l a b o r . The M a l a y s t a t e s , h o w e v e r , were s p a r s e l y p o p u l a t e d c o m p a r e d t o t h e S t r a i t s S e t t l e m e n t s o r J a v a o r C e y l o n a t t h a t t i m e . J o s u p p l y t h e i r l a b o r n e e d s , B r i t i s h a u t h o r i t i e s e n c o u r a g e d f u r -t h e r i m m i g r a t i o n i n t o t h e p e n i n s u l a . T h e C h i n e s e c o u l d n o t be p r e v a i l e d upon t o do p l a n t a t i o n work s i n c e t h e y p r e f e r r e d t o work t h e t i n m i n e s o r p r e f e r r e d t o work f o r t h e i r own p e o p l e . T h e M a l a y s were s a t i s f i e d w i t h s u b s i s t e n c e c u l t i v a t i o n a n d had no g r e a t d e s i r e t o work on p l a n t a t i o n s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , b o t h i n d e n t u r e d a n d f r e e l a b o r i m m i g r a n t s were b r o u g h t i n t o t h e M a l a y s t a t e s f r o m I n d i a by t h e B r i t i s h a u t h o r i t i e s d u r i n g t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h a n d e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y t o work w i t h t h e p l a n t a t i o n s . The r i s e o f t h e I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n i n t h e M a l a y s t a t e s i s u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e r u b b e r i n d u s t r y i n t h e e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . L i k e t h e C h i n e s e who w o r k e d t h e t i n m i n e s , t h e e a r l y I n d i a n l a b o r m i g r a n t s were r e c r u i t e d . T h e f i r s t wave o f I n d i a n l a b o r e r s were i n d e n t u r e d , i . e . bound by c o n t r a c t t o work f o r a s p e c i f i c p e r i o d i n t h e s e r v i c e o f t h e e m p l o y e r who p a i d t h e i r p a s s a g e t o t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a . In 1914, i n d e n t u r e d l a b o r m i g r a t i o n was a b o l i s h e d a n d r e p l a c e d by " f r e e " r e c r u i t m e n t , w h e r e b y t h e m i g r a n t was f r e e t o c h o o s e a n d c h a n g e h i s e m p l o y -ment. Not a l l I n d i a n i m m i g r a n t s t o t h e M a l a y s t a t e s d u r i n g t h e l a t e n i n e -t e e n t h a n d e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n u r y were l a b o r e r s . T h e r e was a l a r g e number o f n o n - l a b o r m i g r a t i o n f r o m I n d i a , 35 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l I n d i a n l a b o r m i g r a t i o n s t r e a m ( S a n d h u 1 9 6 9 : 1 1 7 ) . W i t h t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f B r i t i s h r u l e i n t h e M a l a y s t a t e s , E n g l i s h became t h e l a n g u a g e s p o k e n i n 36 government serv ice and commercial c i r c l e s . Engl i sh s p e a k i n g , , s k i l l e d , p r o f e s s i o n a l , and c l e r i c a l Indians immigrated to the Malay s t a te s , where they found work . " i n the m i l i t a r y , road and rai lway cons t ruc t ion , c l e r i c a l work, and teaching. In add i t ion to these s k i l l e d and educated Indian immigrants, there were commercial immigrants: t r ader s , shopkeepers, medicine men, and vendors. Two things may be sa id about the B r i t i s h a g r i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y . F i r s t , i t channelled the d i f f e r e n t ethnic groups i n t o ' d i f f e r e n t sectors "of a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y ; Second, i t was biased towards commercial a g r i c u l -tu re . Unl ike the Europeans and Chinese, who were encouraged to develop l a r ge - s ca le commercial a g r i c u l t u r e , the B r i t i s h discouraged Malays from producing cash crops. There were only ce r t a in crops that the B r i t i s h co lon ia l government approved f o r Malay c u l t i v a t i o n , mainly the production of coconuts and r i c e . Even though the B r i t i s h encouraged food production among the Malays, they were not too supportive of peasant a g r i c u l t u r e . For example, the Department of Ag r i cu l tu re that was set up had more l i nk s with p lantat ions than with peasants (Lim 1977:88). With the exception o f the Krian i r r i -gation scheme fo r padi c u l t i v a t i o n , no other a g r i c u l t u r a l projects were supported. When the peasants t r i e d to venture into r a i s i n g cof fee or rubber f o r cash, p o l i c i e s were adopted to prevent th i s from spreading. For example, peasants could not apply f o r permission to c u l t i v a t e rubber but p lantat ion owners cou ld; land use was s pec i f i ed f o r land t i t l e s ; and ced i t was not made ava i l ab le to peasants, as i t was to p lantat ion owners, f o r increas ing food product ion. 37 A s a r e s u l t o f t h e s e p o l i c i e s , p e a s a n t a g r i c u l t u r e d i d n o t i m p r o v e . I t r e m a i n e d on a s u b s i s t e n c e b a s i s ; a n d i t d i d n o t r i s e b e y o n d t h i s l e v e l d u r i n g t h e B r i t i s h p e r i o d , b e c a u s e t h e r e was no i n c e n t i v e . R i c e p r o d u c t i o n i s a c a s e i n p o i n t . A l t h o u g h t h e demand f o r r i c e i n c r e a s e d , t h e p r i c e o f l o c a l r i c e f a i l e d t o r i s e t o a l e v e l t h a t w o u l d e n c o u r a g e p e a s a n t s t o i n c r e a s e i t s p r o d u c t i o n . T h i s was due t o t h e c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m c h e a p i m p o r t e d r i c e . T h u s t h e p r i c e o f r i c e was n o t h i g h e n o u g h t o make i t s e x t e n s i v e c u l t i v a t i o n r e m u n e r a t i v e ( L i m 1 9 7 7 : 2 2 ) . T h e u n e q u a l a n d b i a s e d t r e a t m e n t o f t h e B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l g o v e r n m e n t t h u s e n s u r e d t h e s t a g n a n t c o n d i t i o n s o f r u r a l M a l a y s . T h i s c o n d i t i o n i s a l s o r e f l e c t e d i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e t o w n s , a s I w i l l show b e l o w . Th e r a p i d g r o w t h o f u r b a n s e t t l e m e n t s i n t h e M a l a y p e n i n s u l a b e g a n d u r i n g t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d . B e f o r e t h i s , t h e r e w e r e m o s t l y r i v e r a n d c o a s t a l s e t t l e m e n t s , w h i c h had been o c c u p i e d by M a l a y s p r i o r t o t h e f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y . W i t h t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f M a l a c c a f r o m a f i s h i n g v i l l a g e i n t o a c e n t e r o f t r a d e i n t h e e a r l y f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y , towns b e g a n t o emerge on t h e p e n i n s u l a (Hamzah 1 9 6 5 ) . T h e r e i s a c l a i m , h o w e v e r , t h a t no t r a d i t i o n a l u r b a n s y s t e m e x i s t e d on t h e p e n i n s u l a b e f o r e t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d . L i m ( 1 9 7 5 ) c l a i m s t h a t i t was t h e " c o l o n i a l - i m m i g r a n t c o m p l e x " t h a t produced,, t h e p r e s e n t day s y s t e m o f t o w n s . The a r r i v a l o f n o n - M a l a y i m m i g r a n t g r o u p s o f t r a d e r s a n d m i n e r s , as w e l l as n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y c o l o n i a l p o w e r s , s p u r r e d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f i n l a n d s e t t l e m e n t s i n t o u r b a n c e n t e r s . T h u s , towns l i k e T a i p i n g , I p o h , K u a l a Lumpur a n d Seremban came i n t o b e i n g . T h e y grew w i t h t i n m i n i n g . O t h e r t o w ns came i n t o b e i n g i n t h e e a r l y t w e n -t i e t h c e n t u r y w i t h t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e r u b b e r i n d u s t r y on t h e w e s t c o a s t . 38 T h e s e t o w ns s e r v i c e d t h e r u b b e r i n d u s t r y b u t l a t e r a s s u m e d p u r c h a s i n g a n d d i s t r i b u t i n g r o l e s a s t h e r a i l w a y a n d r o a d n e t w o r k d e v e l o p e d . T h e s e d e v e l o p m e n t s were t y p i c a l o f t h e w e s t c o a s t . On t h e e a s t c o a s t towns may have d e v e l o p e d e a r l i e r as a r e s u l t o f t r a d e c o n t a c t s w i t h o t h e r A s i a n k i n g d o m s . T h i s , h o w e v e r , s t i l l r e m a i n s t o be d o c u m e n t e d . E x c e p t on t h e e a s t c o a s t where t h e M a l a y s w e r e i n t h e m a j o r i t y , towns on t h e p e n i n s u l a were d o m i n a t e d by t h e n o n - M a l a y i m m i g r a n t g r o u p s . L i m ( 1 9 7 5 ) c l a i m s t h a t t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e s e i m m i g r a n t g r o u p s " s t i f f l e d " t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f t r a d i t i o n a l , i n d i g e n o u s s e t t l e m e n t s t r a n s f o r m i n g i n t o u r b a n c e n t e r s . He s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e c o m m e r c i a l f u n c t i o n s on t h e p e n i n s u l a w ere t a k e n o v e r by t h e i m m i g r a n t C h i n e s e , a n d t h e i n d i g e n o u s M a l a y s e t t l e -ments d i d n o t d e v e l o p i n t o t r a d i n g c e n t e r s a f t e r t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d had s t a r t e d . A s i m i l a r i d e a i s o f f e r e d by Goodman ( 1 9 7 6 ) i n h i s " f r a g m e n t hypo-t h e s i s " o f u r b a n l i f e i n S o u t h e a s t A s i a . A c c o r d i n g t o h i s t h e s i s , u r b a n i -z a t i o n i n S o u t h e a s t A s i a i s a r e s u l t o f t h e p r e s e n c e o f two f r a g m e n t s : a C h i n e s e f r a g m e n t a n d a f o l k f r a g m e n t . T h e C h i n e s e f r a g m e n t grew d u r i n g t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d a n d m o n o p o l i z e d t h e m i d d l e - c l a s s s e c t o r o f s o c i e t y , b a s e d l a r g e l y i n t o w n s . F a c e d w i t h t h e p r e s e n c e o f a l a r g e number o f C h i n e s e i n t h e u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t , t h e t r a d i t i o n a l n a t i v e s o c i e t y was n o t a b l e t o t r a n s f o r m i n t o a modern one s i n c e t h e C h i n e s e p o s e d a c h a l l e n g e t o t h e n a t i v e s o c i e t y . T h i s r e s u l t e d i n t h e c o n t i n u a t i o n o f v i l l a g e t r a d i t i o n s a n d p a t t e r n s o f b e h a v i o r i n u r b a n a r e a s a c c o r d i n g t o Goodman, p r o d u c i n g what he c a l l s t h e " f o l k f r a g m e n t " i n u r b a n a r e a s o f S o u t h e a s t A s i a . T h i s h y p o t h e s i s may be v a l i d t o t h e e x t e n t t h a t t h e s o - c a l l e d f o l k 39 f r a g m e n t r e m a i n s i s o l a t e d a n d s e g r e g a t e d i n t h e u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t . In t h e c a s e o f t h e M a l a y s t h i s i s n o t e n t i r e l y t r u e , as t h e f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n w i l l show. M a l a y N a t i o n a l i s m By t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , M a l a y s o c i e t y had f e l t t h e e f f e c t s o f B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l p r e s e n c e a n d o f t h e n o n - M a l a y i m m i g r a n t g r o u p s . B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had r e d u c e d t h e p owers o f t h e M a l a y r u l e r s a n d c h i e f s , as w e l l as t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f M a l a y s i n t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e w e s t e r n s t a t e s . T h e a v a i l a b i l i t y o f C h i n e s e a n d I n d i a n l a b o r had a l l o w e d t h e B r i t i s h t o e x p l o i t t h e m i n e r a l a n d a g r i c u l t u r a l r e s o u r c e s o f t h e M a l a y s t a t e s , l e a v i n g t h e M a l a y s t o t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e c u l t i v a t i o n . I t i s i n t h i s c o n t e x t t h a t t h e r o o t s o f M a l a y n a t i o n a l i s m a r e f o u n d . The o r i g i n o f M a l a y n a t i o n a l i s m has been t r a c e d by R o f f ( 1 9 6 7) t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h r e e new e l i t e g r o u p s i n M a l a y s o c i e t y : t h e r e l i g i o u s r e f o r m e r s , t h e c i v i l s e r v a n t s , and t h e i n t e l l i g e n t s i a made up o f t e a c h e r s a n d j o u r n a l i s t s . S o e n a r n o (1960) has d i v i d e d t h e p r o c e s s o f M a l a y a w a k e n i n g i n t o t h r e e s t a g e s : r e l i g i o u s , s o c i o - e c o n o m i c , a n d p o l i t i c a l . The work o f t h e s e two s c h o l a r s g i v e some i d e a s on t h e p r o c e s s e s by w h i c h M a l a y s became aware o f t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n t h e c o l o n i a l o r d e r a n d how a new g r o u p o f l e a d e r s r o s e among them. S i n c e a B r i t i s h s y s t e m o f c i v i l and c r i m i n a l law was i n t r o d u c e d t o r e g u l a t e a l l a s p e c t s o f l i f e e x c e p t t h o s e c o n c e r n i n g M a l a y r e l i g i o n a n d c u s t o m , a more f o r m a l s y s t e m o f I s l a m i c law a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was e s t a b -l i s h e d by t h e M a l a y a u t h o r i t i e s . As a r e s u l t , t h e e l i t e , o r t h o d o x r e l i -g i o u s h i e r a r c h y became, f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d . I t s ; members- wjare h e a v i l y -40 i n f l u e n c e d by r e l i g i o n a n d d e - e m p h a s i z e d m a t e r i a l g a i n . T h e l a t t e r empha-s i s has o f t e n been c i t e d as t h e s o u r c e o f M a l a y b a c k w a r d n e s s ( M a h a t h i r 1 9 7 0 ) . The f i r s t s t i r r i n g s o f M a l a y n a t i o n a l i s m came as a c h a l l e n g e by y o u n g r e l i g i o u s r e f o r m e r s t o t h e o l d , o r t h o d o x r e l i g i o u s e l i t e . S t u d e n t s a n d h a j i s who had r e t u r n e d f r o m C a i r o w e r e g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d by t h e I s l a m i c r e f o r m movement a n d t h e n a t i o n a l i s t i d e o l o g i e s o f E g y p t a n d T u r k e y . T h e I s l a m i c r e f o r m movement s t r e s s e d an e v a n g e l i c a l r e t u r n t o t h e K o r a n a nd a d e s i r e t o b r i n g I s l a m i n l i n e w i t h modern s c i e n t i f i c , e c o n o m i c , a n d p o l i -t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s . The r e f o r m e r s p o i n t e d t o i g n o r a n c e o f t h e t r u e t e n e t s o f I s l a m a s t h e c a u s e o f M a l a y b a c k w a r d n e s s . One r e s u l t o f t h e i r e n d e a v o r s was t h e i n c r e a s e o f c l u b s , r e l i g i o u s s c h o o l s , a n d I s l a m i c l i t e r a t u r e . T h e r e l i g i o u s z e a l o f t h e r e f o r m e r s , h o w e v e r , was o p p o s e d by t h e t r a d i t i o n a l h i e r a r c h y . S i n c e t h e r e f o r m e r s w e r e a s m a l l m i n o r i t y o f t h e M a l a y p o p u -l a t i o n a t t h e t i m e , t h e i r i d e a l s d i d n o t a r o u s e much s u p p o r t f r o m t h e m a j o r i t y o f M a l a y s . D u r i n g t h e f i r s t q u a r t e r o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , t h e B r i t i s h t o o k s t e p s t o i n c r e a s e t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f M a l a y s i n t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e w e s t e r n s t a t e s . T h e y o p e n e d two t y p e s o f s c h o o l s f o r t h e i r e d u c a t i o n : t h e M a l a y C o l l e g e , a i m e d a t p r e p a r i n g y o u n g M a l a y a r i s t o c r a t s f o r a d m i n i s -t r a t i v e p o s t s i n g o v e r n m e n t s e r v i c e , a n d t h e g o v e r n m e n t E n g l i s h s c h o o l s f o r commoners t o p r o d u c e c l e r k s f o r g o v e r n m e n t o f f i c e s . B e f o r e t h i s , t h e M a l a y s were m a i n l y e d u c a t e d t h r o u g h t h e A r a b i c a n d r e l i g i o u s s c h o o l s o r t h e M a l a y s c h o o l s . The M a l a y t e a c h e r s o b t a i n e d f u r t h e r t r a i n i n g a t t h e S u l t a n I d r i s T e a c h e r T r a i n i n g C o l l e g e , w h i c h was e s t a b l i s h e d by t h e B r i t i s h . As a r e s u l t o f t h e s e e d u c a t i o n a l a v e n u e s o p e n e d t o M a l a y s , more M a l a y t e a c h e r s , 41 c i v i l s e r v a n t s , r e l i g i o u s t e a c h e r s , a n d w r i t e r s became aware o f t h e i r s o c i a l a n d p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n . By t h e s e c o n d q u a r t e r o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , a new p h a s e i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f M a l a y n a t i o n a l i s m came i n t o b e i n g . T h i s was m a r k e d by t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f t h e f i r s t M a l a y p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n , t h e S i n g a p o r e M a l a y U n i o n , whose o b j e c t i v e s were t o e n c o u r a g e M a l a y p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n g o v e r n m e n t , a n d p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c , and e d u c a t i o n a l f i e l d s . T h i s a s s o c i a t i o n , l e d by a member o f t h e S t r a i t s S e t t l e m e n t s L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l , was s i g n i f i -c a n t i n i t s avowed g o a l o f c o m m u n i c a t i n g M a l a y w i s h e s t o t h e g o v e r n m e n t . T h r o u g h i t , M a l a y s e x p r e s s e d t h e i r i n c r e a s i n g a w a r e n e s s o f t h e i r own e c o n o m i c and p o l i t i c a l b a c k w a r d n e s s c o m p a r e d t o t h a t o f n o n - M a l a y s . I t was i n S i n g a p o r e t h a t t h e M a l a y s f e l t t h e y w e r e m o s t o p p r e s e d by t h e a l i e n r a c e s . T h i s may a c c o u n t f o r t h e i n i t i a l s t i r r i n g s o f p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y among M a l a y s t h e r e , r a t h e r t h a n i n t h e p e n i n s u l a . A t a b o u t t h e same t i m e as t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f t h e S i n g a p o r e M a l a y U n i o n , t h e C h i n e s e began t o demand e q u a l r i g h t s a n d p r i v i l e g e s . T h e S t r a i t b o r n C h i n e s e were p a r t i c u l a r l y a n x i o u s f o r r e c o g n i t i o n as c i t i z e n s o f M a l a y a . T h i s was i n f l u e n c e d by t h e s p l i t b e t w e e n t h e C h i n e s e Communist P a r t y a n d t h e K o u m i n t a n g i n C h i n a i n 1926. T h e S t r a i t b o r n C h i n e s e c l a i m e d t h a t M a l a y a was t h e i r c o u n t r y . A t t h e t i m e , t h e B r i t i s h w r i t e r A . J . T o y n b e e g a v e s u p p o r t t o t h i s c l a i m . The M a l a y s p r o t e s t e d a nd d e n o u n c e d t h e s e c l a i m s i n t h e S t a t e C o u n c i l s , a s w e l l as i n t h e p r e s s . C h i n e s e c l a i m s f o r r i g h t s a n d p r i v i l e g e s e q u a l w i t h t h o s e o f t h e M a l a y s d e t e r m i n e d t h e c o u r s e o f M a l a y p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s i n s u b s e q u e n t d e c a d e s . In t h e i r own a n a l y s e s o f t h e c a u s e s o f t h e i r p r o b l e m s , t h e M a l a y s were d i v i d e d i n t h e i r o p i n i o n s . A p a n - I n d o n e s i a n r a d i c a l g r o u p v e n t e d i t s 42 g r i e v a n c e s a g a i n s t t h e M a l a y R u l e r s , t h e B r i t i s h , a n d t h e n o n - M a l a y g r o u p s . The C a i r o - e d u c a t e d M a l a y s a l s o saw t h e M a l a y r u l e r s a s t h e c a u s e o f t h e i r t r o u b l e s , a c c u s i n g them o f i n a c t i v i t y a n d n e g l e c t o f t h e i r s u b j e c t s ' w e l f a r e . M o s t o f t h e M a l a y s , h o w e v e r , s u p p o r t e d t h e i r R u l e r s a n d e x h o r t e d t h e B r i t i s h t h r o u g h n e w s p a p e r s a n d m a g a z i n e s t o p r o t e c t them f r o m t h e g r e e d o f t h e n o n - M a l a y i m m i g r a n t s . Two i m p o r t a n t e v e n t s o c c u r e d as t h e s e a r g u m e n t s were t a k i n g p l a c e . M a l a y a d m i n i s t r a t o r s i n t h e C o u n c i l s o p e n l y c r i t i c i z e d t h e B r i t i s h f o r g i v i n g f a v o r e d t r e a t m e n t t o E u r o p e a n o f f i c i a l s o v e r t h e i r M a l a y c o u n t e r p a r t s a n d M a l a y c i v i l s e r v a n t s p r e s s u r e d B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s f o r f u r t h e r e d u c a t i o n and f u r t h e r a d v a n c e m e n t . T h e s e c o n d e v e n t t h a t c a u g h t t h e a t t e n t i o n o f M a l a y s a n d C h i n e s e was t h e p l a n f o r a p a n - M a l a y a n f e d e r a t i o n w h i c h w o u l d have r e d i s t r i b u t e d t h e power o f t h e f e d e r a l s e c r e t a r i a t i n K u a l a Lumpur t o t h e S t a t e C o u n c i l s . The M a l a y s had m i x e d f e e l i n g s a b o u t t h e p l a n , w h i l e t h e C h i n e s e were o p p o s e d t o t h e scheme, f e a r i n g some i n j u r y t o t h e i r commer-c i a l i n t e r e s t . I t d i d n o t t a k e l o n g f o r t h e M a l a y s t o r e a c t t o t h e C h i n e s e r e s p o n s e by a c c u s i n g them o f h a v i n g a l l e g i a n c e o n l y t o t h e i r s e l f - i n t e r e s t s a n d n o t f o r t h e c o u n t r y a s a w h o l e . T h e s e two e v e n t s were i m p o r t a n t i n d i c a t o r s o f M a l a y f e e l i n g s t o w a r d t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n t h e c o l o n i a l o r d e r , as w e l l as t h e i r a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d t h e n o n - M a l a y i m m i g r a n t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e C h i n e s e . In s p i t e o f s i g n i f i c a n t g r o w t h o f a w a r e n e s s among t h e M a l a y s c o n c e r n i n g t h e i r p o s i t i o n , t h e r e was s t i l l an a b s e n c e o f s i g n i f i c a n t M a l a y l e a d e r s h i p t o b r i n g c o h e r e n c e t o t e i r s e n t i m e n t s . T h e r e was o n l y o n e p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n among t h e M a l a y s i n 1937, t h e 43 S i n g a p o r e M a l a y U n i o n , a nd i t f u n c t i o n e d f o r t h e M a l a y s i n S i n g a p o r e . Between 1937 a n d 1939, h o w e v e r , t h e r e was a s u r g e o f o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a c t i v -i t y among t h e M a l a y s , b e c a u s e o f t h e i n f l u e n c e o f s u c h e x t e r n a l e v e n t s as t h e n a t i o n a l i s t movements i n I n d i a a n d I n d o n e s i a , w h i c h i n s p i r e d M a l a y n a t i o n a l s e n t i m e n t s , a n d t h e o u t b r e a k o f t h e S i n o - J a p a n e s e War w h i c h e n g e n d e r e d f e a r o f a n o t h e r war i n E u r o p e . B r a n c h e s o f t h e S i n g a p o r e M a l a y U n i o n were f o r m e d i n o t h e r s t a t e s . The r a d i c a l U n i o n o f M a l a y Y o u t h (KMM) was f o r m e d i n 1 9 3 7 . L i t e r a r y b o d i e s a n d a s s o c i a t i o n s a l s o s p r a n g up. P e r h a p s t h e most n o t a b l e were t h e p o l i t i c a l g r o u p s t h a t c l e a r e d t h e way f o r a p a n - M a l a y a n o r g a n i -z a t i o n . T h e i r o b j e c t i v e s were s i m i l a r : t h e p u r s u i t a n d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f M a l a y i n t e r e s t i n g o v e r n m e n t , e d u c a t i o n , a s w e l l as n a t i o n a l u n i t y . The c u l m i n a t i o n o f a l l t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y came w i t h t h e f i r s t - , i P a n - M a l a y a n C o n f e r e n c e i n 1939, a m e e t i n g o f a l l e x i s t i n g M a l a y a s s o -c i a t i o n s . T h i s a nd a s e c o n d s i m i l a r c o n f e r e n c e \ i n 1940 were t h e f i r s t moves t o w a r d M a l a y n a t i o n a l u n i t y . The o u t b r e a k o f W o r l d War I I , howe v e r , d i s r u p -t e d t h e i n i t i a l i m p e t u s f o r M a l a y p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . J a p a n e s e o c c u p a t i o n o f M a l a y a was s i g n i f i c a n t i n a t l e a s t one s e n s e : i t e n c o u r a g e d l o c a l n a t i o n a l i s m ; a l t h o u g h , l i k e t h e B r i t i s h , t h e J a p a n e s e f o l l o w e d r a c i a l p o l i c i e s t o m o b i l i z e c e r t a i n s e g m e n t s o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n i n t h e i r f a v o r . M a l a y c i v i l s e r v a n t s w e r e , h o w e v e r , g i v e n h i g h e r p o s t s t h a n t h e y had e n j o y e d u n d e r t h e B r i t i s h , a n d t h e r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n , KMM, was a l l o w e d t o o p e r a t e . In i t s a c t i v i t i e s t h e KMM c o l l a b o r a t e d w i t h I n d o n e s i a n n a t i o n a l i s t l e a d e r s f o r t h e j o i n t M a l a y a n a n d I n d o n e s i a n i n d e p e n -d e n c e a t t h e e n d o f W o r l d War I I . T h i s p l a n d i d n o t , i n f a c t m a t e r i a l i z e when t h e J a p a n e s e were d e f e a t e d a n d t h e B r i t i s h r e t u r n e d t o t h e p e n i n s u l a . 44. Malay national ism found i ts ; f u l l expression a f te r World war ll. When the B r i t i s h returned, they proposed to establ i sh a new;type of gqvernment whereby the nine Malay states and the S t r a i t s Settlements, except Singapore were to be merged into a Malayan Union. Under th i s scheme, government was; to be carr ied out tn the name of the .British: cie^ were to lose t he i r sovereignty. Furthermore, the same c i t i zensh ip p r o v i -sions were to apply to Chinese, Indians, and Malays. Reactions from on and o f f the peninsula followed the implementation of the plan. Former Br i t i sh, administrators denounced the plan. The Malays as- Milne (1967:30.) put i t , "were shaken out of t he i r p o l i t i c a l apathy and t he i r state par t i cu la r i sm. " Malay reaction was quick. With.in weeks of the implementation of tfte.: new government, another Malay organization, the United Mai ays"National Organization (UMNO), was formed among a number of loca l p o l i t i c a l associa-t ions to oppose the new government. UMNO members demonstrated in protest, and the Malay Rulers also protested. UMNO disagreed with, the new con s t i -tut ion imposed by the B r i t i s h since i t downgraded the sovereignty of the Malay Rulers and the pr iv i leged pos it ion of the Malays. As a re su l t of Malay opposit ion, the Malayan Union was replaced two years; l a te r by the Federation of Malaya, which was s imi la r to the pre-war government But included the St ra i t s Settlements within the federation. Mult i -ethn ic P o l i t i c s and Communal Issues In 1957 Malaya received her long .delayed independence from the B r i t i s h . Even this was a slow process and had to be worked out with, the B r i t i s h and among the component ethnic groups on the peninsula. Malay desire for independence, however, was strong. 45 A c o m m u n i s t u p r i s i n g i n 1948 s t a l l e d t h e momentum g a i n e d by t h e M a l a y n a t i o n a l i s t movement o f 1946. D u r i n g t h e S e c o n d W o r l d War, t h e M a l a y a n Communist P a r t y had been a c t i v e i n f i g h t i n g t h e J a p a n e s e , t h o u g h i t d i s b a n d e d a f t e r t h e war. In 1948, t h e C h i n e s e c o m m u n i s t s r e s o r t e d t o armed v i o l e n c e i n t h e i r s t r u g g l e i n M a l a y a . B r i t i s h e f f o r t s were d i r e c t e d a t c o m b a t i n g t h e c o m m u n i s t s d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d known as t h e " e m e r g e n c y . " The M a l a y s u s e d t h e e m e r g e n c y a s an a r g u m e n t i n f a v o r o f i n d e p e n d e n c e , c l a i m i n g t h a t i f i n d e p e n d e n c e was g r a n t e d , t h e c o m m u n i s t c h a r g e t h a t t h e y were f i g h t i n g i m p e r i a l i s m w o u l d l o s e i t s f o r c e . E v e n a f t e r t h e e m e r g e n c y was p r a c t i c a l l y o v e r i n 1955, t h e B r i t i s h w e r e r e l u c t a n t t o g r a n t i n d e p e n -d e n c e w i t h o u t a s t r o n g p o l i t i c a l p a r t y t o hand." power o v e r t o . T h e y were a f r a i d t h a t l e f t t o t h e m s e l v e s , t h e v a r i o u s e t h n i c g r o u p s w o u l d n o t g e t a l o n g , and t h e new i n d e p e n d e n t n a t i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t w o u l d s o o n c o l l a p s e b e c a u s e o f d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n t h e s e g r o u p s . T h e s o l u t i o n was f o u n d i n an a l l i a n c e b e t w e e n t h e m a j o r communal p o l i -t i c a l p a r t i e s on t h e p e n i n s u l a . E a c h e t h n i c g r o u p was r e p r e s e n t e d -UMNO f o r t h e M a l a y s , MCA o r M a l a y a n C h i n e s e A s s o c i a t i o n f o r t h e C h i n e s e , a n d MIC o r M a l a y a n I n d i a n C o n g r e s s f o r t h e I n d i a n s . T h i s A l l i a n c e won t h e n a t i o n a l e l e c t i o n s o f 1 9 5 5 , s h o w i n g t h a t a v i a b l e m u l t i - r a c i a l g o v e r n m e n t was f e a s i b l e i n t h e f e d e r a t i o n . R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e A l l i a n c e , h e a d e d by M a l a y s , i r o n e d o u t i n d e p e n d e n c e n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h t h e B r i t i s h . I n d e p e n -d e n c e was g r a n t e d i n 1957. One o f t h e r e s u l t s o f t h e n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h t h e B r i t i s h f o r . i n d e p e n -d e n c e was a p o l i t i c a l b a r g a i n , w h i c h became p a r t o f t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n , b e t w e e n M a l a y s a n d t h e n o n - M a l a y s on t h e p e n i n s u l a ( M i l n e 1 9 8 0 : 3 6 ) . In 46 exchange for c i t i zensh ip for non-Malays, Malays were given certa in social and economic pr iv i leges which included the recognition of the Malay Rulers use of Malay as the national language, select ion of Islam as the national r e l i g i o n , and retention of Malay special pr iv i leges such as the e s tab l i sh -ment of Malay reservation land and granting scholarships to Malays to un iver s i t ie s and other t ra in ing i n s t i t u t i on s . This so-cal led bargain was rooted in attempts to obtain a balance i n the re lat ionsh ip between Malays and non-Malays in the new independent nation. Before independence, p o l i t i c a l power was vested in the Malays, while eco-nomic power rested with the non-Malays. With independence, p o l i t i c a l power was s t i l l in the hands of the Malays, although c i t i zensh ip and part-nership in government were given to non-Malays. Malay pr iv i leges were supposed to help balance the economic inequal i t ies between Malays and non-Malays. For more than a decade the A l l i ance was able to maintain i t s hold on government. Apposition to A l l i ance ru l e , however, has been present since i t s establishment. This comes mainly from the opposition p o l i t i c a l part ies that were not part of the A l l i ance . Some of the opposition part ies are m u l t i - r a c i a l , but most of them represent communal or r ac i a l in teres t s . Among the l a t t e r i s the Pan Malayan Islamic Party (PMIP) fo r the Malays, and the Democratic Action Party (DAP) for the Chinese. Since these opposition part ies were communal in t he i r i n te res t s , the A l l i ance claimed that i t alone could reserve rac i a l unity in the nation through i t s non-communal stand on o f f i c i a l p o l i c i e s . The opposition part ies played on the A l l i ance ' s shortcomings to 47 support the i r causes. The PMIP, for example, claims that the A l l i ance sold out Malay interests to the Chinese and has allowed the gradual erosion of Malay p o l i t i c a l power. The DAP claims that , within the A l l i ance , the MCA has also sold out Chinese r ights to UMNO, that because of the Malay special r i gh t s , the Chinese were being treated as second class c i t i z e n s . The tensions a r i s i ng from the mult i -ethnic p o l i t i c a l s i tuat ion broke out in violence on May 13, 1969. On that day, bloody r ac i a l r i o t s between Malays and Chinese occurred. The immediate cause of the r i o t s has been att r ibuted to an emotional response to the resu lts of the e lect ion held a few days before. In the May 1969 e lect ions , i t seemed that the A l l i ance had l o s t some of i t s popular support to the DAP. As McGee (1969:568) suggests, the e lect ion resu l t s of May 1969 were a set-back for the A l l i ance compared to i t s 1964 performance. The government reacted quickly to the disturbance. A state of emer-gency was declared by the king, Yang di Pertuan Agung, on the advise of the A l l i ance government. Parliament was suspended, and a National Operations Council (NOC) was created to restore order and take the helm of the government during the emergency. The NOC was composed of the A l l iance d irectorate under the Deputy Prime Minister. A broadly based National Consultative Council was l a te r ca l led up, composed of local leaders, professors, and j ou rna l i s t s , which advised the NOC. For more than a year and a ha l f , unt i l the restorat ion of parliament in ear ly 1971, the NOC governed Malaysia. During th i s period i t took steps to restore the p o l i t i c a l system established in 1957, which had been disturbed by the May 13 violence. In the process, the NOC revised i t s approach to 48 democratic p o l i t i c s . As Von Vorys (1975) observes, i n i t s new r o l e , the NOC made certa in i deo log i ca l , cons t i tu t i ona l , socia l and economic reformulations for Malaysian society, re i te ra t i ng the p o l i t i c a l bargain reached between Malays and non-Malays before independence as the basis fo r the restorat ion of democratic p o l i t i c s . The f i r s t task of the NOC was restor ing national unity. A national ideology, Rukunegara, was formulated to serve as the guideline for a l l Malaysians. It embodied certa in pr inc ip les to foster unity among the c i t i zens - be l i e f in God, loya l ty to king and country, upholding the cons t i tu t ion , rule by law, and good behavior and moral i ty. These p r i n -c ip les reinforced the const i tut ional provisions containing the p o l i t i c a l bargain. For example, loya l ty to king and country was a r e f l ec t i on of the const i tut iona l a r t i c l e s that recognized the Yang di Pertuan Agong as head of state. To prevent any questioning of these provis ions, the NOC suggested amendments to the Constitution that would proh ib i t publ ic or parliamentary questioning of the a r t i c l e s of the const i tut ion containing these provis ions. These amendments were l a t e r passed when parliament convened. The NOC took these steps to prevent occasions that would i nv i te communal tensions and violence. Under the NOC the "new educational po l i cy " and the "new economic po l i cy " were f i r s t formulated. Later they were put into e f fec t by the government. The new educational po l icy suggested that Malay be the language of ins t ruct ion at the primary and secondary levels of education by 1978. Before 1969, the government made slow and halt ing progress in using Malay as the national language, even though passage of the National 49 Language B i l l in 1967 made Malay the o f f i c i a l language.; There ms much opposition to using Malay in the educational system. Under the NOC, - */-however, pos i t ive steps were taken to make Malay the language of ins t ruct ion in schools, de-emphasizing English and other languages previously used. The "New Economic p o l i c y " was formulated in response to the need to reduce the income gap between Malays and non-Malays. The NOC f e l t that one barr ier standing in the way of national unity was the wide gap between Malays and non-Malays in terms of income and employment, the Malays having less than non-Malays. The solut ion forged was a government e f f o r t to provide access for Malays to the modern sectors of the economy. Plans for the implementation of th i s po l icy were l a t e r enunciated in the Second and Third Malaysia Plans, the blueprints for Malaysia 's development e f fo r t s in the 1970's. Although the new economic pol icy seemed more pro-Malay, the NOC saw the pol icy as an implemntation, in economic terms, of the const i tut ional bargain between Malays and non-Malays. By reducing econo-mic imbalances, the NOC sought to achieve national unity. Malay Par t i c ipat ion and the New Economic Pol i cy Malay nationalism took a s i gn i f i can t turn from the p o l i t i c a l to what may be ca l led economic nationalism a f te r achieving independence from the B r i t i s h . This was influenced by the desire among Malay leaders to solve the problem of Malay poverty and to increase t he i r par t i c ipat ion in the economic development of the country during the f i r s t two decades a f te r independence. The f u l f i l l m e n t of Malay aspirations were guided by the new p o l i t i c a l and bureaucratic e l i t e whose ideals and strategies gained support in the government (Tham 1977). Malay opposition to the Malayan Union gave b i r th to UMNO, the f i r s t 50 Malay national p o l i t i c a l organization. Through th i s organization, a new breed of Malay p o l i t i c a l and bureaucratic e l i t e came into being . They formulated the new economic po l icy (Chandra 1977). The lack of s i g n i f i -cant Malay leadership during the colonia l period allowed the B r i t i s h and non-Malay immigrant groups to by-pass the Malays in the economic development of the peninsula. Through the e f fo r t s of the new leadership, Malay entre-preneurial a c t i v i t y was stimulated. As discussed below, t he i r attempts at inf luencing the modernization of Malays have been concentrated on using p o l i t i c s and l e g i s l a t i on to remove hindrances to Malay pa r t i c i pa t i on , as well as to preserve Malay r ights in certa in economic sectors. Two phases may be abstracted from the government's e f fo r t s to u p l i f t the conditions of the Malays: f i r s t , the development of the agr icu l tura l sector, and second, par t i c ipat ion in the modern indus t r i a l sector. Af ter the establishment of the federation in 1948, Malay leaders began to voice the i r demands for development in the agr icu l tura l sector. The B r i t i s h had previously concentrated ef for t s on t h e p l a n t a t i o n , mining and:commercial sectors which were mainly in the hands of the Europeans and Chinese. Since Malays were found mostly in the r u r a l , small-holding, agr icu l tura l sector, Malay leaders clamored for the development of th i s sector. B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s and Malay leaders d i f fe red in t he i r perception of the causes of Malay poverty. The former saw i t as a re su l t of de f i c i en -cies in organization and a dysfunctional value system, i . e . , Malay custom and lack of achievement o r ientat ion . Malay leaders countered that the def ic ienc ies were due to the exp lo i tat ion of rural Malays by Chinese and Indian moneylenders, while the dysfunctional value system was a 51 resu l t of the breakdown of v i l l a ge l i f e brought about by the paternalism of co lonia l ru le (Aziz 1964, Mahathir 1970). As a re su l t of Malay ins i s tence, the B r i t i s h government's economic development program in the 19501s concentrated on rura l areas. This was marked by the establishment of two government organizations to deal with rural development, the Rural and Industr ial Development Authority (RIDA) and the Federal Land Development Authority (FLDA). The former was organized to provide phys ica l , techn ica l , and f inanc ia l support to rura l areas, while the l a t t e r was formed to open new agr i cu l tu ra l areas for re se t t l i ng the landless (Ness 1967). At the same time, community deve-lopment programs were i n s t i tu ted so Malays could organize and improve themselves. The establishment of v i l l age development committees was one resu l t of th i s program. The second phase of the Malay leaders ' e f for t s to u p l i f t the condi-tions of the Malays was aimed at Malay par t i c ipat ion in the modern indus-t r i a l sector. Two economic congresses for Malays were held in 1965 and 1968 wherein government leaders identf ied areas of economic par t i c ipat ion v i t a l to Malays. Resolutions were formulated for t he i r goals. In the f i r s t congress, the term bumjputra, or sons of the s o i l , was f i r s t suggested to refer to Malays and other indigenous peoples in the federa-t i on . This was a step in symbolizing the interests of the Malays as separate and apart from those of the non-Malays. Six areas of economic a c t i v i t y were i den t i f i ed to help the bumiputras. These were the provis ion of c a p i t a l , par t i c ipat ion in trade and commerce, par t i c ipat ion in the service sector, entrepreneurial t r a i n i ng , provis ion of marketing f a c i l i t i e s , and land reform. In s t i tu t iona l support was pro-52 vided to f u l f i l l these goals b.y the ;establ i shmeiit of a government bank, Bank Bumiputra, which was to provide cap i ta l fo r Malays, and by the reconstruction of RIDA into the Maj l i s Amanah Rakyat (MARA) or Council of the People's Trust, which was to help in entrepreneurial development. The second congress adopted more resolutions to urge the government to provide more cap i ta l resources and f a c i l i t i e s to Malay entrepreneurs, as well as to have the government patronize bumiputra business enterpr ise. The new Malay economic nationalism did not go unnoticed by the other ethnic groups, pa r t i cu l a r l y the Chinese. Some Chinese groups resented the increase in favorable treatment of the Malays. Malays, the Chinese sa id, were not the only poverty str icken group on the peninsula. The May 13, 1969 r ac i a l c o n f l i c t was one resu l t of th i s resentment. As mentioned above, the strong p o l i t i c a l pos it ion of the Malays and the increased economic favor i t i sm of the government towards the Malays was a resu l t of the const i tut iona l bargain between Malays and non-Malays. In exchange for f u l l pa r t i c ipat ion and c i t i z en sh i p , the Chinese gave in to const i tut iona l provisions for the "specia l pos it ion of the Malays," p a r t i c u l a r l y in the c i v i l serv ice, scholarships fo r education, and certa in permits or l icenses to operate businesses. An unstated part of the bargain was that the dominant ro le of the Chinese in business w i l l continue, free from persecution and hindrances; Malay economic nationalism, however, was seen as an infringement on Chinese dominance in commerce and business. Malay p o l i t i c a l strength prevai led, however, and an even stronger pro-Malay pol icy in economic l i f e was formulated in the government's new econo-mic pol icy a f te r 1969. 53 The New Economic Po l icy (NEP) was f i r s t announced pub l ic ly in the Second Malaysia Plan, 1971-1975. It had two main object ives: F i r s t , the eradication of poverty for a l l Malaysians, i r respect ive of race; second, the re-st ructur ing of Malaysian society to correct imbalances to e l i m i -nate the i den t i f i c a t i o n of race with economic funct ion. It i s the NEP's second objective that has guided the pro-Malay pol icy of the government. There are f i ve goals in the Plan containing measures that indicate a pro-Malay po l i cy : (1) to increase the Malay share in the country 's cap i ta l wealth to 30 percent by 1990; (2) to produce Malay managers and other profess-iona l s ; (3) to increase Malay employment on a l l levels to r e f l e c t the rac ia l composition of the country; (4) to increase the proportion of Malays pursuing higher education in f i e l d s l i k e science and technology, economics, and business administrat ion; and, (5) to increase Malay urbanization by encouraging Malays to move to towns and help them get into business. Various means have been used to implement the goals selected for re-structur ing Malaysian society. In addit ion to already ex i s t ing govern-ment i n s t i t u t i o n s , such as Bank Bumiputra and MARA which served to t r a i n and as s i s t Malay businessmen, several other organizations were created to help bumiputras increase t he i r economic pa r t i c i pa t i on . Among these were the Urban Development Authority (UDA), which f a c i l i t a t e d the provision of o f f i ce s and commercial premises for Malays in urban areas; the National Corporation or Perbadanan Nasional (PERNAS), which engaged in a wide var iety of business operations l i k e insurance and construction; and State and Economic Development Corporations (SEDC), which planned and control led state level economic developments (Milne 1976). 54 These organizations are regarded as stand-ins for Malay interest s . Their function i s to s ta r t business with the eventual aim of handing them over to indiv idual Malay entrepreneurs. The rat ional for using these new large government organizations i s the be l i e f that since there are s t i l l few qua l i f i ed Malays who can operate large businesses without i n s t i t u t i ona l backing, th i s ethnic group remains at a competitive disadvantage with non-Malays (Milne 1976). This method of increasing Malay ownership by government i n s t i tu t i ons as proxys is considered by Peacock (1979:392) as an odd exercise in deve-lopment. In his view the e f fect of government buying into pr ivate compa-nies i s to d ivert funds for anti-poverty programs into equ i ty -par t i c ipa -t ion programs in the private companies. Purchase of ex i s t ing equity w i l l merely change ownership, not expand a company's cap i ta l nor increase productive opportunities or provide new jobs. Although the method may be presently harmless, i t may do some harm to Malaysia 's future prospects of a t t ract ing foreign c a p i t a l ! If the purchase of equity through government i n s t i tu t i ons such as PERNAS i s interpreted as government interference or as an i n i t i a l stage to na t iona l i za t ion , the foreign investors may d i rec t t he i r funds elsewhere. Response to the NEP from the three main ethnic groups has been mixed although most of them have come to accept i t . Non-Malays have previously resented pro-Malay 'po l ic ies , but because the NEP came a f t e r the 1969 inc ident, when the i r influence in the government was diminished, they have acquiesced. For example, the Chinese response has mainly been v ig i lance toward the implementation of the NEP, rather than outr ight opposition to 55 the po l i cy . Their complaints have usually touched on administrative con-t r o l s , such as the issuance of l icenses to manufacturing firms that followed the NEP guidel ines. At the same time, Chinese businessmen have resigned themselves to re-organizing t he i r operations in the face of government machinery helping the bumiputras and competition from large mult i -nat ional corporations. The Indian response has also been one of acceptance . They have only ca l l ed attention to the proportionate share of Indians in various sectors such land settlement and univers i ty admission. Malay reaction to the NEP and i t s implementation has produced more interest ing comments and c r i t i c i sms . In spite of the fact that the NEP was formulated to benefit Malays, there i s s t i l l the fear that the short-run benefits of such government programs would go to non-Malays. For example, in bui ld ing commercial premises fo r Malays, i t i s the Chinese contractors who usually get the business. Malay i n te l l e c tua l s have c r i t i -c ized the government's'attempt at creating a Hal ay.entrepreneurial commu-n i t y in towns (Chandra 1977). According to the i r view, the implementation of the NEP and creation of Malay businesses and industr ies has only bene-f i t e d a few Malays. They doubt that the transfer of Malay businesses from the hands of the government to indiv idual Malays w i l l be rea l i zed ; they fear that they w i l l only stay under the control of the new p o l i t i c a l and bureaucratic e l i t e s . Furthermore, they emphasize that the creation of a group of Malay entrepreneurs w i l l not be conducive to national unity, since i t does not solve the problem of poverty among a l l the ethnic groups; rather, the re su l t may be more ethnic con f l i c t s l i k e those of May 1969. Government leaders have denied that they desire to create an e l i t e group of Malay entrepreneurs, arguing that they intended to create a middle-56 class Malay group. This i s to be accomplished by implementing the goals of the NEP, eradicating poverty, and re-structur ing Malaysian society. Implementation of the NEP under the Second Malaysia Plan emphasized improv-ing conditions for Malays by giving more attention to the restructur ing goals. Government leaders have become aware of the shortcomings of th i s approach to Malay programs and national unity. In the Third Malaysia Plan, 1976-1980, more attention is given to the problem of eradicating poverty as set forth in the NEP, u t i l i z i n g a more balanced approach that includes a l l three ethnic groups in the spec i f i c targets. Poverty str icken groups were targetted in the develop-ment e f f o r t s , e.g. fishermen, estate workers, and urban workers. The Chinese were also a l l o t t ed more par t i c ipat ion in agr icu l ture, u t i l i t i e s , and services; and Indians were given a bigger role in manufacturing, commerce and services. Thus, on a po l i cy l e v e l , c r i t i c i sms of the pro-Malay bias of the government i s being r e c t i f i e d through the Third Malaysia Plan. Efforts of the p o l i t i c a l and bureaucratic e l i t e s in the development of Malay business and entrepreneurial interests have been substant ia l . Their involvement in the economic l i f e of Malays has provided leadership in the newly established government sponsored in s t i tu t ions f o r Malays, l i k e MARA, UDA, and PERNAS. Through these i n s t i t u t i o n s , they have provided basic f a c i l i t i e s fo r par t i c ipat ion in the economy, as well as improvements in rura l income and standard of l i vng (Tham 1977:254). Spec i f ic accomp-lishments for Malay par t i c ipat ion are: a v a i l a b i l i t y of cap i ta l through loans, par t i c ipat ion in the commerce and service sectors through education and the provision of marketing f a c i l i t i e s . Through these a c t i v i t i e s , Malays 57 have obtained some measure of par t i c ipat ion in the development of t he i r soc iety, pa r t i c u l a r l y in the urban sector. These general trends w i l l be examined in the l i gh t of the material gathered for the residents of Taman Kampung Kuantan. Conclusion The urbanization of Malays began: slowly," but has accelerated.in the^ past two.decades. As a resu l t of co lon ia l and other h i s to r i ca l factors , non-Malays outnumber Malays in urban areas of Malaysia. During the co lo -nial period, the B r i t i s h pol icy of channelling ethnic groups into certa in sectors of economic a c t i v i t y helped contain Malays mainly in the rural areas. Malays were l im i ted to subsistence ag r i cu l tu re , while the Chinese and Indians were l e f t to develop commerce or were employed in t i n mines or on rubber estates. It was also the immigrant Chinese and Indians who developed the towns with t he i r commerce and accompanying service industr ies . This pattern i s re f lected in the development of the town of Kelang, which i s discussed in more deta i l in the next chapter. T rad i t i ona l l y known as a Malay settlement, Kelang has grown into a v i r t u a l l y Chinese town. The majority of i t s population i s now Chinese, and the economic and commercial l i f e of the town i s also pr imar i ly in the hands of the Chinese. Since World War I I, Malays have moved to urban areas in increasing numbers as part of the reassertion of Malay par t i c ipat ion in the develop-ment of t he i r country. Malay nationalism,, inspired by re l i g ious and p o l i -I t i c a l leaders, provided the i n i t i a l impetus for the Malay awakening fol lowing the colonia l regime. Educated abroad or in English schools on 58 the Malay peninsula, re l i g ious leaders an d c i v i l servants became aware of the backwardness of Malays compared to other ethnic groups. With independence, a new p o l i t i c a l leadership developed among Malays which t r i e d to d i rect . the development of Malays within the context of a mult i -ethnic society. Malay fear of economic dominance by non-Malays influenced:the promotion of pro-Malay po l i c i e s in Malaysia. For example, the expulsion of Singapore, with i t s large Chinese population, from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965 took a substantial segment of non-Malays out of the federation. The po l i t c a l strength of the Malays confronted the economic domina-t ion of non-Malays, resu l t ing in the New Economic Po l i cy , which sought to obtain some balance in the re lat ionship among the three main ethnic groups in the country. With i t s pro-Malay bias, however, the NEP is assert ing Malay leadership in the development of Malaysia. In urban areas Malays tend to concentrate in.the service sector, and. unski,lled_- low income occupations. Upon t he i r a r r i va l in urban areas, they f ind themselves unable to part ic ipate f u l l y in the indus t r i a l and commercial l i f e of the town due to lack of s k i l l s , education, or social connections. Many obtain occupations l i k e c le rk s , policemen, teachers, or unsk i l led laborers. The NEP is t ry ing to r e c t i f y th i s s i tuat ion by providing more opportunities for Malay par t i c ipat ion in urban areas. It is providing incentives for indust r ia l development, i n s t i t u t i ona l support, physical i n f ra s t ructure , and f inanc ia l aid to Malays. The results of th i s pol icy and i t s effects on Malays s t i l l remain to be seen. In the next chapters I descr.ibeia l o c a l i t y and the ef fects of urbanization on i t s Malay residents. CHAPTER III POPULATION AND ETHNIC PATTERNS IN KELANG In th i s chapter a b r ie f h i s t o r i ca l review of the town of Kelang and i t s development i s given in order to provide some perspective fo r the discussion of the l o c a l i t y studied. The development of Kelang r e f l e c t s the general pattern of the development of towns on the west coast described in the preceding chapter. Some aspects of the patterns of ethnic d i s t r i -bution in the town w i l l also be discussed to show the pos it ion of Malays v i s -a -v i s the other ethnic groups in the town. Kelang Town A b r ie f descr ipt ion of the town's physical lay out provides . some perspective on the physical context of the l o c a l i t y studied. The town of Kelang may be reached from Kuala Lumpur by t r a ve l l i n g about 20 miles southwest on the Federal Highway. It is on the southern t i p of a 30 mile development in the Kelang Val ley that stretches from Kuala Lumpur to the Port of Kelang on the shore of the S t ra i t s of Malacca. Along the way, one passes the new towns of Petal ing Jaya and Shah Alam, which are separated from Kelang and each other by green belts of forest , palm o i l , or rubber estates. Unlike Kelang, these two towns are a l i ve with indus t r ia l a c t i v i t y . Factories are l ined up side by s ide. New housing developments are also apparent in Petaling Jaya and Shah Alam. 59 60 Approaching Kelang from the northeast, the housing developments are the f i r s t buildings to catch one's eye. On both sides of the highway are two-story concrete row houses, sometimes looking monotonously a l i k e . The new Hokkien Association bui lding towers near the highway, perhaps a symbol of the numerical supremacy of the town's Chinese population. Cars, buses, and trucks cruise into town along the main roads, which are marked at the intersect ions by roundabouts. Stores with signs ind icat ing that they are Chinese-owned face the streets in the town center ' s commercial d i s t r i c t . Just as one enters the main commercial section of the town, the Kelang River looms ahead. Across the west bridge, i s the southern part of town. The Town Council bui lding and D i s t r i c t Off ice buildings s i t atop h i l l s close to the r i v e r . Past these bui ld ings, a small commercial area also th r i ves . Then a f i v e mile stretch of road leads to the port. Along both sides of th i s road are housing developments. There are also a Hindu temple, some vacant land, and a new, l i g h t indust r ia l area, which i s s t i l l being developed. In front of the factor ies i s a small squatter settlement side by side with blocks of concrete two-story row houses. Along the busy street leading to the port are commercial establishments, again mostly Chinese. At the entrance to the port, ra i l road tracks run pa ra l l e l to the o ld port which is not very busy since most of the a c t i v i t y has been transferred to the new port on the North Kelang S t ra i t s area, about f i v e miles northwest of the old s i t e . Around the o ld port are government quarters fo r workers, and a thr i v ing commercial sect ion. There are also new housing developments in the area, including high r i ses for low income groups and row houses and 61 bungalows f o r the more a f f l u e n t . Accord ing to geographica l and land use c r i t e r i a , Kelang may be d i v i d e d i n t o three s e c t i o n s : Kelang Nor th , Kelang South, and the Po r t . The Kelang R i v e r separates ;Kelang North and Kelang South. The por t i s separated from Kelang South by a f i v e m i l e s t r e t c h o f road. Residents o f the town see Kelang North as the commercial and enterta inment s ec t i on o f the town, wh i l e Kelang South i s i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e hub. The port i s the export/ import gate o f the town, as we l l as o f Selangor (See Map 2). Kelang North has outpaced Kelang South i n recent development. The main market, commercial b u i l d i n g s , bus and t a x i te rmina l are on ly some of the main improvements i n t h i s a r ea . People from a l l over the d i s t r i c t go to Kelang North to shop i f they do not wish to go to Kuala Lumpur. They f l o c k to the moviehouses, r e s t a u r a n t s , and evening markets, o r pasar malam, on Saturday n ight f o r amusement. L i g h t i n d u s t r i a l f i rms engaged i n making machine par t s and l e a t h e r and rubber goods have a l s o been e s t a b l i s h e d i n Kelang North. Kelang South i s l i n k e d to Kelang North by two b r i dge s . The west br idge leads d i r e c t l y to the bu i l d i n g s tha t house the Town Counc i l and the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e . The new east br idge l i n k s Kelang North to the o l d commercial center and the h o s p i t a l . East o f the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e are o t he r n a t i ona l government u n i t s , such as the P o l i c e , the R a i l r o a d , and Re l i g i ou s Departments. Ke lang ' s r epu ta t i on as a roya l town comes from the presence o f the S u l t a n ' s o l d pa lace i n Kelang South. The palace was f i r s t con s t ruc ted a t the tu rn o f the twent ie th century and was r e b u i l t a f t e r the Second World War. Members of the roya l f a m i l y o f Selangor a l s o have t h e i r res idences i n 63 th i s part of town. Kelang's reputation as a royal town may not l a s t long, since the Sultan has bu i l t a new palace and established his o f f i c i a l residence in Shah Alam. Near the Sultan 's palace in Kelang is the state mosque bu i l t by Sultan Suleiman in the 1930 1s. As the head of the Muslim f a i t h in the state of Selangor, the Sultans have been active in suporting re l ig ious i n s t i t u t i on s l i k e College Islam, which is also located near the state mosque. The Port of Kelang is the out let for exporting t i n , rubber, and palm o i l which are produced in Selangor. I t i s also one of the main entry points for foreign goods to Malaysia. Since independence,..the government's develop-ment e f fo r t s have pr imar i ly focused on the port of Kelang. The rest of the town has grown more from private investments, mainly Chinese. "The port is the only part of Kelang that has maintained i t s s t rateg ic s ign i f icance for the town. Industr ia l growth in the state has concentrated in Kuala Lumpur and the new towns, while the rest of Kelang has become an administrat ive, ; commercial and res ident ia l complement of the port. Social and Administrative History The socio-economic and ethnic characterst ics of Kelang are very much a product of i t s social and administrative history. The history of Kelang has been traced back some 2,000 years to the Dong Son culture of Indo-China. Parts of bronze be l l s and drums s im i la r to the Dong Son a r t i f a c t s excavated in Kelang suggest human habitation in the ".a rea at that time. Iron age implements, l o c a l l y ca l led tulang mawas o r bone of,.the orang-utag, have also been discovered. Who brought these implements is not yet ce r ta i n , however, i t has been suggested that Malays from Indo-China carr ied these items with them to the Malay peninsula (Wheatley 1964). 64 The f i r s t h i s t o r i c a l reference to Kelang dates back to the time of the Majapahit kingdom of Java. According to Majapahit accounts, a place ca l l ed Kelang was under the i r control in the fourteenth century. The next h i s to r i ca l mention of Kelang is in connection with the Sultanate of Malacca which contro l led Kelang in the f i f t een th century. When Malacca f e l l to the Portuguese in 1521, the control of Kelang was transferred to Johore, where the Malacca Sultanate was re-establ ished (Haji Buyong 1971). The Kelang area mentioned in early accounts probably referred to settlements on the banks of the Kelang River in Selangor which was sparsely populated un t i l the nineteenth century. Apart from the aboriginal inhabitants, the ea r l i e s t se t t l e r s were Malays from Malacca and Sumatra. The Malays set t led on the banks of the r ivers or sungai, l i k e Sungai Bernam, Sungai Selangor, Sungai Kelang, Sungai Langat, and Sungai Lukut. Malay settlement of these areas probably drove the aboriginal population further into the i n t e r i o r of the peninsula. One reason Malays preferred l i v i n g near the r ivers was that these were main l i ne s of communication. Thick jungles and forests separated the r i v e r va l leys . The r i ver s led to the St ra i t s of Malacca, the main water way to other regions. The early Malay inhabitants of Selangor were mostly padi cu l t i v a to r s , gatherers of forest products, and fishermen. In the seventeenth century, Bugis se t t le r s from Sulawesi came to Selangor and set t led mainly in Kelang and Kuala Selangor. Unlike the Malacca and Sumatra Malays, the Bugis preferred the sea coast to the r i ve r banks. They were good sa i lo r s and traders, as well as famous warr iors. It did not take long before the west coast of Selangor became a Bugis stronghold. In 1756, the Sultanate of 65 Selangor was founded by the Bugis rajas or royal persons (Haji Buyong 1971). From the foundation of the Selangor Sultanate unt i l the nineteenth century, the development of Selangor revolved around the consol idation of the state or negeri and the growth of the t i n trade. External influences on the a f f a i r s of the Sultanate came from the r i v a l r y between the Dutch and the B r i t i s h for control of the S t ra i t s of Malacca. Selangor had close economic t i e s with Malacca in the eighteenth and nineteenth century. Af ter the Dutch were driven out of Malacca by the B r i t i s h , Selangor-.channelled i t s then small production of t i n through the port of Malacca. It was not un t i l the nineteenth century,"When the Chinese began providing capital and labor to the Malay ch ie f s , that large quantit ies of t i n came from Selangor. Each of the Selangor r i v e r settlements was contro l led by a t e r r i t o r i a l chief who was usually related to the Sultan. The chiefs held considerable power, exacting t r ibute for the Sultan, and co l l ec t i ng taxes on the trade that passed along the r ivers of t he i r t e r r i t o r i e s . Among the r i v e r settlements of Selangor, Kelang was the most populated and productive unt i l the nineteenth century. Mohammad (1972), Haji Buyong (1971) and Khoo (1972b) provide some descr ipt ive accounts of nineteenth century Selangor. In 1820, Kelang had an estimated population of 1,500 while the other settlements had from 200 to 700 people (Mohammad 1972:4). Most of the population was involved in agr icu l ture, but some Malays were involved in mining which was managed by the t e r r i t o r i a l ch ief . As t i n production increased, labor was increasingly provided by the Chinese who flocked to the mines as they were opened. Together with Kuala Selangor, Langat, and Lukut, the to ta l output in the 1830's was 3,600 piculs of t i n per year (Mohammad 1972:5). 66 Selangor's t i n trade greatly expanded in the mid-nineteenth century, as a resu l t of the e f fo r t s of a t e r r i t o r i a l ch ief of Kelang, Raja Abdullah, who opened up mines up the Kelang River in Ampang in 1857. He was supported in th i s venture by labor and cap i ta l provided by Chinese f inanciers in Malacca. The t i n mining in Ampang attracted Chinese miners from the neigh-boring areas of Lukut, Langat, and Sungai Ujong where the t i n mines were not as productive. By 1859, t i n from Ampang was exported through the Kelang River. In 1866, for example, 21,000 piculs of t i n came from the Kelang d i s t r i c t . I t was a resu l t of the t i n mining in Ampang that the town of Kuala Lumpur was born. Khoo (1972) describes the e f fect of the t i n trade on the d i f fe rent ethnic groups in Selangor. The boom in t i n mining increased the Kelang d i s t r i c t ' s Chinese population. One consequence of th i s was the competi-t ion among the Chinese. Chinese fact ions , grouped into "secret soc iet ies " competed with each other for control of commercial and other goods. Fre-quent c o n f l i c t among these factions hindered normal commercial a c t i v i t i e s and a Chinese headman had to be appointed to bring order among them. Another e f fect of the t i n trade was the change among Malays. I t i s said that some Malays neglected padi p lant ing. They preferred instead to engage in the buying and s e l l i n g of goods. The chiefs were also affected by the expansion of t i n mining. T rad i t i ona l l y , the ch ief bought a l l the t i n produced in his area and exported i t himself. With the increase in the number of miners and buyers of t i n , miners were allowed to engage in t he i r own exporting, while the chiefs co l lected a twenty percent duty on the t i n . The boom in the t i n mining industry was disrupted in the middle of the nineteenth century by the Kelang War and l a t e r by c i v i l war on the 67 west coast which led to the B r i t i s h intervention in the a f f a i r s of the Malay states. Khoo (1972a) describes the Kelang War as a c o n f l i c t based on inter -ethn ic r i v a l r y between the Mandalings, o r i g i n a l l y from Sumatra, and the Bugis. While the Mandalings came to Kelang in the fourteenth century, the Bugis arr ived during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. H o s t i l i t y between the two groups or ig inated in the seventeenth century, when the Sumatrans t r i e d unsuccessfully to wrest control of the Kelang r i v e r va l ley from the Bugis. The r i v a l r y culminated in the Kelang War which was precip itated by the c o n f l i c t between two rajas , Raja Mahdi who supported the Mandalings, and Raja Abdullah who was with the Bu§is_, for the control of Kelang. After the establishment of B r i t i s h colonia l ru le in 1874, the B r i t i s h began a po l icy of ag r i cu l tu ra l development in the four Malay states of Perak, Pahang, Selangor, and Negri Sembilan, c o l l e c t i v e l y known as the Federated Malay States. Jackson (1965) describes the changes in the econo-mic programs of the B r i t i s h colonia l administration at that time as a turning point in the development of Selangor and other Malay states. He says that the f i r s t two decades of co lon ia l rule were marked by rel iance upon t i n export and not commercial agr iculture because of the absence of a major, v i ab le , commercial ag r i cu l tu ra l product. In Selangor, tapioca, gambier, and pepper were the f i r s t crops to be cu l t i vated on a commercial basis. Chinese planters were among the f i r s t to venture into commercial ag r i cu l tu re . Chinese planters were already cu l t i v a t i n g tapioca in Selangor before the B r i t i s h intervent ion. In the 68 18801s th i s crop was superseded by pepper and gambier c u l t i v a t i o n . Euro-pean estates were opened in Kelang to plant pepper. Coffee was also produced on the European plantations in the l a te 1880's, and the Kelang d i s t r i c t was found to be the most suitable locat ion f o r t h i s . By 1895, Kelang was the most important coffee planting d i s t r i c t in the state of Selangor. The successful cu l t i v a t i on of coffee as a commercial product encouraged the European planters to open up more land, employing Malays and Chinese to c lear forests . Lim (1977) gives an account of peasant par t i c ipat ion in commercial agr icu l ture. In Kelang, loca l Malays, mostly Javanese, began planting coffee, which provided them with a remunerative crop. This gave the kampung residents experience in commercial export production. Their products were sold to the Chinese or European exporters, giving them cash in return. In 1893, fo r example, the Annual Report of the State of Selangor estimated that Malays had only about 150 acres planted with padi, while there were 1,985 acres of Malay land under cu l t i v a t i on for coffee. The coffee planting period lasted from 1881 to 1906. By 1894, however, world coffee prices f e l l , s tar t ing the end of the coffee boom. On the peninsula, the coffee production peaked when coffee prices were at t he i r lowest. Pest problems in the 18901s further aggravated the s i tua t ion . F i n a l l y , many Malay coffee cu l t i vators abandoned the i r holdings and migrated el sew he re. Jackson (1965) suggests that the introduction of the rubber tree by the B r i t i s h contributed to the demise of coffee production in the Malay states. In the ear ly planting period (1897-1901), rubber was interplanted with coffee. Further expansion of rubber planting occurred at the turn of the century, as coffee prices continued to f a l l . Land devoted to coffee declined annually, and more rubber trees were planted instead. Rubber planting was considered pr imari ly a European a c t i v i t y by the B r i t i s h colonia l government. They disapproved loca l par t i c ipat ion in commercial agr icu l ture, as noted in the previous chapter. The Malay peasants sought work on short term contracts, during the inact ive period of the r i c e ag r i cu l tu ra l cyc le , to f e l l trees and remove timber. This was approved by the B r i t i s h co lon ia l government, which saw i t in terms of future p o s s i b i l i t i e s for peasant labor on rubber p lantat ions; however, th i s did not occur because Malay peasants placed a higher p r i o r i t y on the i r agr i cu l tura l l i f e . The growth in commercial agr icu l ture was para l le led by an increase in Selangor's Chinese and Indian population, as noted in the previous chapter. Increase of the Chinese population was a resu l t of migration-from South China, which was plagued by poverty and other problems. They came to the Malay peninsula in the hope of making t he i r fortune and then returning to t he i r homeland. The Indians came pr imar i ly as indentured laborers for the plantat ions. From 1901 to 1911 the Chinese- of Selangor increased from 9*089 to 21,820, while the Indians increased from 5,720 to 57,329. While most of the Chinese became employed in the t i n mining industry, the Indians were mostly employed to work on the coffee and rubber plantations. The growth of the Chinese and Indian population at th i s time was the beginning of an ethnic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n pattern which prevailed un t i l the Malaysian government decided to take steps to change i t : the Malays in the rural peasant sector, the Chinese in t i n mining and commercial sectors, and 70 the Indians in the plantat ions. The growth of the Kelang d i s t r i c t , therefore, began with the development of t i n mining and commercial agr icu l ture in Selangor. By the 1890's, Kelang was Selangor's major export ou t le t . The growth in exports was followed by an expansion of communication networks. Roads to Kuala Lumpur were opened, and the ra i l road was extended from Kuala Lumpur to the coast. Before the turn of the century, the port of Kelang was located about twelve miles up r i v e r from the coast. By 1901, that port was closed and a coastal port with a ra i l road terminus was opened. I n i t i a l l y ca l l ed Port Swettenham a f te r the f i r s t B r i t i s h adviser to the Sultan of Selangor, i t was l a t e r renamed Port Kelang. A new settlement grew around the port. This, settlement became an integral part of the town when i t was placed under the same administrative body. Kelang's o f f i c i a l history began in 1895 when i t s boundaries were d e l i n -eated;-^ In 1904, Kelang and the port were administered by separate Sanitary Boards under the D i s t r i c t O f f i ce . The land in the Kelang D i s t r i c t was swampy, and-'diseases;;such' as malaria were rampant. Sanitation and disease control were of prime concern at that time, thus the existence of Sanitary Boards. In 1926, Kelang and the port were placed under the same Sanitary Board. Before World War II, Kelang was known as one of the d i r t i e s t towns on the peninsula because of i t s poor san i ta t ion, large numbers of squatters, and poor housing condit ions. At the beginning of World War II, the Malay peninsula came under Japanese ru le . L i t t l e change was made in the administration of the peninsula except that the Japanese rather than the B r i t i s h were in contro l . 71 The Japanese allowed the Malays more par t i c ipat ion in local government, establ i sh ing local councils in each d i s t r i c t . A l l the council members were Malays, with half the members appointed by the Japanese and the other half nominated by the v i l l a ge headmen. The Japanese who had a history of h o s t i l i t y towards the Chinese persecuted them on the Malay peninsula. Enmity between the Malays and the Chinese was aroused because of the d i f f e r e n t i a l treatment accorded each by the Japanese. As a r e su l t , the Malays cooperated with the Japanese, while the Chinese res i s ted and formed gue r i l l a units against the Japanese. Chinese armed resistance against the Japanese was led by the Chinese communist party on the peninsula, which l a t e r carr ied out insurgent a c t i v i t i e s against the government during the period known as the "emergency" fol lowing World War II. The Kelang Town Board came into existence in 1945 a f te r the B r i t i s h M i l i t a r y Administration assumed control over the Malay peninsula. The Board consisted of a chairman and members who were appointed by the state government. With the establishment of the Federation of Malaya in 1948, a trend toward e lec t i ve o f f i c e began. In 1950, elected council members and f inanc ia l autonomy for loca l author it ies were f i r s t introduced in the Federation. The Kelang Town Council came into existence in 1954 as a resu l t of these two innovations. A p a r t i a l l y elected and p a r t i a l l y appointed Counci l , representing Malays, Chinese, and Indians, and with the D i s t r i c t O f f i ce r presiding as chairman, administered the a f f a i r s of the town. As a resu l t of the i n i t i a l introduction of democratic processes in loca l government, attempts were made by the Kelang Town Council to have a f u l l y e lected, instead of a p a r t i a l l y e lected, Counci l . This plan, however, 72 did not mater ia l i ze , In 1966 loca l author i t ies throughout the peninsula were suspended and replaced by f u l l y appointed counci l s . Attempts were also made to have Kelang elevated to the status of a munic ipal i ty. This was achieved in 1977 when Kelang became a f u l l - f l edged munic ipa l i ty , with i t s own Chairman and appointed counc i l l o r s . As an autonomous administrative un i t , Kelang municipal ity administers the a f f a i r s of the areas within the town, providing services such as street l i g h t s , roads, garbage c o l l e c t i o n , and drainage. There are some roads in town, however, which are s t i l l under the management of the D i s t r i c t O f f i ce . This i s because some services or f a c i l i t i e s i n s t a l l ed by the D i s t r i c t O f f i ce , in parts of the town's incorporated area, are under the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e ' s cont ro l . This i s pa r t i cu l a r l y true of f a c i l i t i e s found in kampung areas on the periphery of the town. The D i s t r i c t O f f i ce , which has i t s main o f f i c e in Kelang Town, was o r i g i n a l l y responsible for land matters in the d i s t r i c t , including those in the town area. Now that Kelang has become a munic ipa l i ty , the D i s t r i c t O f f i ce ' s re spons ib i l i t y i s only f o r areas outside the town. It has, however, some authority in kampung areas within the town boundaries. Ethnic and Population Patterns Kelang i s typ ica l of west coast Malaysian towns in i t s mult i -ethnic character. The population of Kelang d i s t r i c t was estimated by the D i s t r i c t Off ice at about 78,000 in 1931 — about 46 percent Indian, 29 percent Chinese, and 23 percent Malay. At that time, Kelang town was p r a c t i c a l l y half Chinese, and had approximately equal numbers of Malays and.Indians. Kelang i s a fa s t growing town. In 1947 i t had a population of 44,806 73 (Malaya 1947 Census). This increased to 75,649 in 1957 and by 1970 was 113,528 according to the 1957 and 1970 Censuses. This represents an increase of about 250 percent in the population of the town between 1947 and 1970. As a resu l t of th i s growth, the population of Kelang i s second only to Kuala Lumpur in s ize within the state of Selangor. Since the nineteenth century, migration has been a major factor in the population growth of Kelang. Tin mining and plantation agr iculture encouraged Chinese and Indian immigration to Selangor. Kelang also grew as a re su l t of export trade and the expansion of the supply and marketing needs of the rural population in the mining and plantation areas. After the Second World War, rural to urban migration increased the pace of urban growth. This was i n i t i a t e d by large scale resettlement of rural fami l ies into "new v i l l a ge s " and towns between 1947 and 1957 during the "emergency" f i gh t against the communists. The area known as Pandamaran near the port was o r i g i n a l l y a resettlement area f o r Chinese and rural fami l ies who were moved there as a resu l t of "emergency" measures. Government expansion and to some extent the development of manu-factur ing /and processing industr ies , also influenced the movement of people from rura l to urban areas at th i s time. In Kelang the development of port f a c i l i t i e s , which have expanded from 1947 onwards, was an important factor in population growth. The port i s now the largest s ingle employer in the d i s t r i c t . The growth of the three main ethnic groups' population since 1947 may be gauged from Table II. Among the three ethnic groups, i t i s the Malays who have exhibited a steady increase in population, while the proportion 74 TABLE II. — Kelang's population and ethnic d i s t r i b u t i o n , 1947-1970. Ethnic group 1947 1957 1970 Malay 7,226 (16.1%) 12,377 (16.4%) 23,680 (20.8%) Chinese 24,654 (55.0%) 45,969 (60.8%) 65,990 (58.1%) Indian 10,608 (23.7%) 14,958 (19.7%) 23,299 (20.5%) Other 2,318 ( 5.2%) 2,345 ( 3.1%) 638 ( 0.6%) Total •  44,806 (100% ) 75,649 (100% ) 113,607 (100% ) Source: 1947, 1957, 1970 Census. FIGURE 1. Age-sex pyramid of Kelang's three main ethnic groups, 1970 Age 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 Malay 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 Indian Chinese Source: Constructed from 1970 Census data. 76 of Chinese and Indians has f luctuated between 1947 and 1970. As in the rest of the country, the Malay population of Kelang also exhibited the largest increase since 1947. This growth i s at t r ibuted to urban in-migra-t i o n . In 1970, out of the to ta l Malay population in Kelang, about 48 percent were not born in the town, compared to 31 percent of the Chinese and 45 percent of the Indians. In spite of t h i s , Kelang s t i l l remains a predominantly Chinese town with about 58 percent Chinese, 21 percent Malay, and 21 percent Indian in 1970. Another demographic cha rac te r i s t i c of the three main ethnic groups that may be compared i s age structure. In Figure 1. the 1970 age pyramids fo r the three main ethnic groups show;, surpr i s ing ly s l i gh t d i f ferences. They a l l have a narrow base among the very young which expands suddenly at age f i v e , then begins to narrow gradually by the working age of 15 and above. A s l i gh t difference i s found among the Indians, where the 45 and over age group i s much smaller than that of the Malays or Chinese. This may be explained by the fact that the Indians were the l a te s t addition to the peninsula 's population, and thus, have not yet increased the i r population of older people as much as the other two ethnic groups. Ethnic and Economic Patterns Of Kelang's to ta l working population in 1970, about 45% were engaged in production re lated work, such as metal processing, wood preparation, mining, brick l ay ing , equipment operation, and dock work. By ethnic cate-gory, the Chinese (46% of t he i r t o t a l ) were ahead of the Indians (44%) and Malays (39%) in production work involvement. Most jobs were located in the port and neighboring towns of Shah Alam, Petal ing Jaya, and Kuala Lumpur. 77 Next to production work the other common occupations among Kelang r e s i -dents in 1970 were in sales, service jobs, and c l e r i c a l work. By ethnic category, the Chinese were more numerous in sales than the Indians or Malays, c l e r i c a l work was more common than service jobs. This was true for the Indians as we l l . Few Kelang residents were engaged in the profes-sional or managerial pos it ions. Comparing the three ethnic groups, Malays and Indians have s l i g h t l y higher proportions of professionals than the Chinese; Indians have a higher proportion of managers than Malays or Chinese. The occupation d i s t r i bu t i on by ethnic group i s summarized in Table I I I. This d i s t r i bu t i on of occupations among the three ethnic groups in Kelang town may be compared with the 1970 national d i s t r i bu t i on shown in Table IV. Among the various categories of occupations the Chinese have a greater share over Malays in most of the categories, pa r t i cu l a r l y in production, sales, and service occupations. Malays have a majority only in agr i cu l tura l occupations. The Chinese and Indians have approximately s imi lar proportions in the service occupations. The ethnic d i s t r i bu t i on of Kelang's economy can be seen further in the d i s t r i bu t i on of employment at the port of Kelang, l i cens ing of public market s t a l l s and commercial establishments, and property valuations in Kelang. As indicated previously, the port i s the largest single employer in Kelang, with over 7,500 employees in 1977. Sine 1947, i t has expanded considerably; from the old south port, f a c i l i t i e s have grown to include a new North port in 1964. As a resu l t of th i s physical expansion, a commensurate increase in s ta f f has been necessary. In 1964, there were 78 TABLE I I I . - - Occupation d i s t r i bu t i on in Kelang by ethnic group, 1970. Occupation Malay (%) Chinese (%) Indian (%) Production 39 46 44 Service 15 9 11 Sal es 2 18 10 C le r i ca l 19 11 15 Professional/Technical 8 6 8 Administrative/managerial 1 2 2 Agr iculture 2 1 2 Other 15 7 9 Total 100% 100% 100% Source: 1 970 Census. TABLE IV. •— Occupation d i s t r i bu t i on in peninsular Malaysia by ethnic group, 1970. Occupation Malay (%) Chinese (%) Indian (%) Production 7.8 20.6 10.4 Service 13.8 19.1 20.9 Sal es 5.2 19.8 11 .7 C le r i ca l 3.3 6.9 6.7 Professional/Technical 4.3 4.7 5.5 Administrative/managerial 0.4 1 .5 0.6 Agr iculture 65.2 27.4 44.2 Total 100% 100% 100% Source: Adapted from Table 9-7, Malaysia 1976:182. 79 1,336 employees; th i s increased by 1,097 in 1973. The dramatic increase in 1973 was a re su l t of the take-over by the Port Authority of stevedoring services from private companies in Kelang. Out of the port ' s tota l number of employees in 1977, about 59 percent were Malays, 21 percent were Chinese, and 19 percent Indian. In a l l l e ve l s , from administrat ion, engineering, t r a f f i c , secur i ty , down to cargo handling and stevedoring, the Malays were in the majority. Kelang has s ix publ ic markets to service the da i ly needs of town res idents. These are located in the s ix main res ident ia l sections of town. Most of the s t a l l s in these markets s e l l general provisions l i k e r i c e , onions, sugar, s a l t and pepper, while others se l l food items l i k e meat, vegetables, f i s h , poultry, and f r u i t s . In 1976, there were 937 market s t a l l s in Kelang. According to the l i s t of l icenses issued by the Town Counci l , a tota l of 914 s t a l l s were rented out in 1976, with the fol lowing ethnic d i s t r i bu t i on : 9.9 percent Malay, 78.8 percent Chinese, and 11.1 percent Indian. As can be seen from the above f igures, the Chinese had most of the market s t a l l s . Malays had s t a l l s mainly for general provisions or kedai runc i t , e.g. beef, chicken, f r u i t and vegetable s t a l l s . The Chinese had s t a l l s for these same food items and monopolized the sale of pork. Indians had s t a l l s mainly for vegetables, general provisions, lamb or goat meat, and spices. The l i g h t indus t r ia l and commercial establishments in Kelang provide the major source of employment for many residents. Among the l i g h t indus-t r i a l companies are those that manufacture i c e , soap, peanut and coconut o i l , f i s h nets, f i s h paste, boxes, p l a s t i c and rubber goods, plywood, ice cream, and catsup. The commercial establishments include restaurants, hotels, 80; movie houses, small c l i n i c s , laundry, hardware stores, warehouses, coffee shops, radio and te lev i s i on repa i r , t a i l o r s , and general provision stores. Based on 1977 l i cens ing data from the Town Counci l , there were a to ta l of 2,878 firms and shops in Kelang. Of these, 80.5 percent of the e s tab l i sh -ments were owned by Chinese, 10.9 percent by Indians, and 3.9 percent by Malays. In add i t ion, 4.7 percent of the firms were partnerships between two or more persons from d i f fe rent ethnic groups. As in the proprietorship of market s t a l l s , more types of businesses were owned by the Chinese than by Malays or Indians. The Malays owned such establishments as 1 restaurants and coffee shops, radio and te lev i s i on repai r shops, general provision shops, and barber ; . shpps . Indians had s imi la r businesses as well as owning more t e x t i l e , goldsmith, and t a i l o r shops, and bookstores. Partnerships between persons of d i f fe rent ethnic groups included such businesses as warehouses, shoe stores, school and o f f i c e canteens, and fuel o i l and diesel storage f a c i l i t i e s . There are other establishments in the town that are not yet covered by l icenses from the Town Counci l , such as doctors and dent i s t s , land brokers, lawyers, and banks and insurance f irms. These are mostly operated by Chinese and Indians. It i s apparent from the above d i s t r i bu t i on that the Chinese predominate not only in the population but also in most of the categories of ownership. The property d i s t r i bu t i on in Kelang i s another ind icat ion of Chinese control of the town's economy. According to a survey made by the Urban Development Authority in 1973, out of a l l the developed propert ies, i . e . land with buildings and other improvements, 66.8 percent belonged to the 81 Chinese, 15.2 percent was owned by Indians, and 14.2 percent by Malays. -Undeveloped propert ies, or empty land, however, was not as evenly d i s t r i b u -ted, but was s t i l l held in the majority by Chinese (34.2%), while Malays (26.4%) and Indians (24.2%) had about the same holdings. Malay Reservations In spite of Chinese predominance in the economy of Kelang, there i s one aspect of Malaysian society that has sought to balance and in some ways pro-tect Malay in teres t s . Since the co lon ia l period, po l i c i e s have been promulgated and reserves set aside by the government to protect the interests of Malays. The Malay Reservation Enactment of 1913, for example, was passed to keep Malay land under Malay ownership. Land was at a premium during the coffee boom and the r i se^of the rubber industry in the early twentieth century. Malay peasants sold the i r land holdings to the Chinese and to foreign planters. In Selangor, for example, i t was estimated that about 1,584 Malay holdings t o t a l l i n g 7,564 acres were transferred to non-Malays by Malays by 1910 (Lim 1977:114). This alarmed the B r i t i s h author i t ies who feared that a dispossed peasantry would spoil t he i r plans for developing peasant agr icu l ture to support t he i r plantation w orkers. The Malay Reservation Enactment declared that the B r i t i s h Resident could designate any land within the state as Malay reservation land, and that Malay reservation land was not to be sold or otherwise disposed of to non-Malays. This process of reservation was slow. In Selangor, i t was made pa r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t by the presence of a large non-Malay population. In Kelang, for example, there were only four reservations t o t a l l i n g 7,642 acres out of the d i s t r i c t ' s to ta l 140,800 acres in 1917 (Lim 1977:132). Further-82 more, there were instances when the provisions of the law were evaded. Non-Malays continued to occupy Malay land claiming that they leased the land from the Malay owner. The Malay Reservation law is s t i l l enforced today. According to the Kelang Land O f f i ce r , whenever a Malay Reservation is set aside, an equal area of land i s opened for occupation by a l l ethnic groups. There are currently fourteen Malay reservation areas in Kelang d i s t r i c t t o t a l l i n g 21,505 acres. Within the town boundaries of Kelang there are f i ve Malay reservation areas, which are mainly r e s i den t i a l . In Kelang's commercial f a c i l i t i e s certa in areas are reserved for Malays, including some market s t a l l s . The pol icy of reserving a certain number of shop s t a l l s for Malays dates back to the Bri tish colonia l adminis-t r a t i o n . When the B r i t i s h saw that more Chinese were involved in commerce, and that the Malays were not as successful as the Chinese in retain ing the i r s t a l l s in the market, a certa in number of shop s t a l l s were set aside for Malays to help them stay in business. Although these market s t a l l s were not intended to be rented to non-Malays, i t often happened that they f e l l into non-Malay hands by f i a t . The pol icy being' i f Malays d id not hold on to them long enough, they had to be rented out to others. Aside from market s t a l l s there are two other buildings in the market area of North Kelang s t r i c t l y fo r Malay commerce: the MARA bui lding and the Pasar Jawa or Javanese market bu i ld ing. The MARA building consists of s t a l l s fo r stores, t a i l o r s , barbers, other service establishments, and o f f i c e space. Alongside is a row of coffee shops and restaurants which are also for Malays only. The Pasar Jawa i s a s ingle story.bui ld ing 83 housing 50 s t a l l s . It i s mainly a vegetable, f r u i t , and meat market. The shop owners are said to be mainly from the Meru area of Kelang d i s t r i c t , which i s populated by descendants of Javanese immigrants. Housing Patterns In addit ion to i t s commercial and administrative functions, Kelang i s a growing town because of i t s res ident ia l f a c i l i t i e s . Unlike Kuala Lumpur and Petal ing Jaya, where the cost of buyng or renting a house is high, Kelang i s considered to have lower housing costs. People who work in Kuala Lumpur or Petal ing Jaya have moved to Kelang because of the cheaper housing cost in Kelang. Various types of housing are to be found in town. Private developers as well as government agencies have bu i l t re s ident ia l estates and low cost housing projects to meet the r i s i n g demand for houses in Kelang. There are also enterpr is ing ind iv iduals who have cashed in on the housing demand by bui lding additional residences on t he i r lo t s or by bui lding extensions to t he i r houses to rent out as f l a t s . In 1970, there were about 18,300 dwelling places in Kelang according to the Census. The types of dwelling places ranged from houses, to f l a t s in shophouses, labor l i n e s , or makeshift struct ires. About 70 percent of these were houses- - - bungalows, semi-detached houses, and row houses. Among these, the most numerous are row houses, which are usually three bedroom houses l inked together in a s ingle block. One reason fo r the popularity of these houses is t he i r low construction costs compared to s ingle or semi-detached houses. Flats are usually found in mult i - s tory structures or as extensions to s ingle houses, for example, government low 84 cost housing near the port. There are also the Chinese shophouses in commercial sections of Kelang. A l l the mass housing projects, except the high r i s e s , are referred to as gardens or taman. As one enters the town, one sees the look-a l i ke houses of Berkeley Garden and Eng An Garden. Within these "gardens" are bungalows, duplexes, and s ingle story row houses. Garden houses are usual ly of a mixed variety and never of a s ingle type of house. Government pol icy has encouraged mixing various classes of houses in every develop-ment to avoid the formation of class enclaves. In each development, there-fore, various income groups can f ind housing they can afford to buy or rent. Next to the government and pr ivate developer b u i l t mass housing projects, the most numerous dwellings are government quarters. Since co lon ia l times, the pract ice of providing housing for c i v i l servants has been followed in Malaysia. This has been extended to lower level employees such as dock workers. In Kelang, government quarters are found in South Kelang and near the port. These quarters are e i ther mult ip le story row houses for port workers, or bungalows for higher o f f i c i a l s l i k e D i s t r i c t Off icers or managers at the port. The settlement pattern of Kelang i s a mixture of economic, ethnic, and other special cha rac te r i s t i c s . For example, Berkeley Garden in North Kelang has big bungalows as well as s ingle story row houses. While i t i s reputed to be mainly a Chinese res ident ia l area, i t does have Indian and Malay residents. Taman Datuk Abdul Hamid in South Kelang i s a government quarter fo r Port Authority o f f i c i a l s ; i t i s side by side with Palmgrove Garden, a middle-class housing area comprised of a l l ethnic groups. Kampung Raja Uda 85 i s an a l l -Malay res ident ia l area near the port, while Pandamaran Jaya i s an e thn i ca l l y mixed government bu i l t low cost housing area near the port. Among the various character i s t i c s of the res ident ia l areas of Kelang, the ethnic factor stands out as the most s i gn i f i cant in describing the town's settlement pattern. There i s some measure of ethnic segregation in the res ident ia l pattern of Kelang which i s expressed in terms of a l l -Malay and mixed res ident ia l areas. People in the town recognize which are a l l -Malay areas and which are mixed. They can pin-point these to anyone who asks. Malay kampungs tend to be exclus ive ly Malay in composition and can be found in f i v e areas of Kelang: Kampung Sungai Pinang, Bukit Kuda, Kampung Kuantan, Kampung Jawa, and Kampung Raja Uda. Among the Chinese only the lower class settlements tend to be homogeneous, and these are usually squatter areas. Middle class and upper c lass Chinese l i v e in e thn i ca l l y mixed r e s i -dent ia l areas. The same holds true for Indians. Malay kampungs7in Kelang are s ituated on the periphery of the town center. The f i v e kampungs mentioned above are located on former agr icu l tura l land near the r i v e r . In physical appearance they resemble each other, except for Kampung Raja Uda and Kampung Kuantan. Remnants of coconut, rubber, and f r u i t trees which previously dotted the kampung land are s t i l l found in. parts of the-'kampung. Tradit ional kampung houses are numerous, although modern, plank-wood houses have also been b u i l t . Kampung Raja Uda and Kampung Kuantan are d i f fe rent from the other three kampungs by the presence of government" b u i l t houses. Kampung Raja Uda i s a government housing project for Malay port workers, the f i r s t publ ic housing project bu i l t in Kelang for a pa r t i cu la r ethnic group. 86 Kampung K u a n t a n i s d i f f e r e n t - b y t h e p r e s e n c e o f a g o v e r n m e n t b u i l t h o u s i n g p r o j e c t f o r M a l a y s , Taman Kampung K u a n t a n . T h i s l a t t e r g o v e r n m e n t b u i l t h o u s i n g p r o j e c t may be t h e l a s t t o be c o n s t r u c t e d f o r M a l a y s i n K e l a n g . I d i s c u s s t h e Taman i n more d e t a i l i n t h e n e x t c h a p t e r . Modern h o u s i n g i n K e l a n g i s u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h C h i n e s e o w n e r s . H o u s e s r a n g e d ' -in, c o s t f r o m M$20,000 f o r a s i n g l e s t o r y row h o u s e , M$35,000 f o r a d o u b l e s t o r y row h o u s e , M$40,000 f o r a d o u b l e s t o r y s e m i - d e t a c h e d h o u s e , t o M$60,000 f o r a bu n g a l o w i n 1 9 7 6 . Few M a l a y s c a n a f f o r d t o buy more t h a n a d o u b l e s t o r y row h o u s e , t h o s e who c a n a r e u s u a l l y b u s i n e s m e n a n d p r o f e s s i o n a l s . T h e g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y o f b u i l d i n g l o w c o s t h o u s i n g has h e l p e d many M a l a y s a nd o t h e r l o w i n c o m e g r o u p s t o own modern h o u s e s . P r i v a t e d e v e l o p e r s h a v e been a s k e d t o b u i l d l ow c o s t h o u s i n g as p a r t o f t h e i r mass r e s i d e n t i a l p r o j e c t s ; b u t b e c a u s e o f t h e low p r o f i t m a r g i n i n v o l v e d , t h e d e v e l o p e r s t e n d t o b u i l d more e x p e n s i v e h o u s e s . More C h i n e s e t h a n M a l a y s c a n a f f o r d t h e s e t y p e s o f h o u s e s . T h u s , most M a l a y s c h o o s e t o l i v e i n kampung h o u s e s w h i c h a r e c h e a p e r ; o r l i k e o t h e r low i n c o m e g r o u p s t h e y s o m e t i m e s s e t t l e f o r s q u a t t e r h o u s e s . S q u a t t e r s a r e p e o p l e who i l l e g a l l y o c c u p y l a n d . They u s u a l T y 1 i v e i n p o o r l y c o n s t r u c t e d p l a n k h o u s e s w i t h z i n c o r t h a t c h r o o f i n g . In K e l a n g , s q u a t t e r a r e a s a r e p r e d o m i n a n t l y f o u n d i n P o r t K e l a n g . The c e n t r a l p a r t o f K e l a n g has been c l e a r e d o f s q u a t t e r s e t t l e m e n t s . In P o r t K e l a n g , s q u a t t e r a r e a s a r e c o n c e n t r a t e d i n t h e o l d p o r t a r e a , a n d a r e h i g h l y v i s i b l e . In 1 9 7 3 / 1 9 7 4 , i t was e s t i m a t e d t h a t a b o u t 4.2 p e r c e n t o f K e l a n g ' s p o p u l a t i o n c o n s i s t e d o f s q u a t t e r r e s i d e n t s ( W e g e l i n 1 9 7 8 : 9 6 ) . T h i s may be c o m p a r e d t o K u a l a , L u m p u r w i t h ;. 30 . p e r c e n t o f i t s p o p u l a t i o n l i v i n g i n s q u a t t e r a r e a s . 87 Conclusion The h i s t o r i ca l development of Kelang has been discussed in th i s chapter to provide some background to the ethnic and population patterns found in the town. The development of Kelang from the o r i g ina l r i ve r ine settlements to i t s present status as part of a metropolitan region has been shown to fol low the development pattern of the western Malay states since the co lo -n ia l period.,; Its growth!.is related to the development of t i n mining and large scale commercial ag r i cu l tu re . The establishment of the Port of Kelang i s one important resu l t of the development of commerce and trade in the area. In the development of the state of Selangor, the town of Kelang has been bypassed in the indust r ia l development of the Kelang Valley area, except for the port. This, however, has not detracted from the growth of Kelang into a munic ipa l i ty . The population of Kelang has increased tremendously since World War II, receiving migrants from other states on the peninsula. Two things can be seen in the population d i s t r i bu t i on and ethnic patterns that prevai l in Kelang. F i r s t , the Malays are in the minority, although Kelang was o r i g i n a l l y a Malay settlement. When the t i n trade and rubber plantations developed during the colonia l period, Malays were outnumbered by the in f lux of non-Malay immigrants. This numerical d i s t r i -bution continues today. Being a minority has been detrimental to the socia l par t i c ipat ion of Malays, as well as the i r part in the economy. Second,-certa in land reservation po l i c ie s have been i n s t i tu ted to protect the interests of Malays in town. This i s a legacy from the B r i t i s h colonial period. S imi lar pro-Malay programs are being followed today. Land reserves and special trading areas for Malays are twa examples of how these po l i c ies 88 are being carr ied out. The demographic, ethnic, economic, and housing patterns of Kelang have been discussed in order to provide the background for the succeeding discussion of Malay urban par t ic ipat ion among residents of the l o c a l i t y studied. Like many west coast Malaysian towns, Kelang is a mult i -ethnic town, dominated by the Chinese. Recent trends in population growth indicate an increasing proportion of Malays in town. In the i r move to towns l i k e Kelang, the Malays' struggle to part ic ipate in urban a c t i v i t i e s has involved them in various s t rateg ies. These are discussed in the f o i l owing chapters. CHAPTER IV MIGRATION AND HOUSING IN TAMAN KAMPUNG KUANTAN In th i s chapter I discuss the or ig ins of the residents of Taman Kampung Kuantan, the establishment of the Taman, and the growth of the kampung population. As the Malay population in urban centers increase, f inding land and housing becomes a serious problem. Many Malays have d i f f i c u l t y f inding suitable housing in towns, as evidenced by the growth of squatter settlements in Kuala Lumpur and i t s v i c i n i t y (A.li 1971). Few have the resources to enable them to choose where to l i v e . Reservation areas l i k e Kampung Kuantan have provided one of the few a l ternat ives for many migrant Malays. A kampung has special status since the land within i t i s usually Malay reservation land. In the Malaysian context th i s means that only Malays can own and l i v e on kampung land. By keeping the kampung in Malay hands the government has upheld J i t s po l i c ie s of helping establ i sh Malays in urban areas, and t reat ing the Malays as a special group. This practice has r e i n -forced the persistence of ethnic segregation in res ident ia l areas. McTaggart and McEachern (1972:126) have noted that in urban areas of Malaysia, "Residential patterns among Malays may r e f l e c t , f i r s t of a l l , admin-i s t r a t i v e po l i cy , and the constraints which circumstances have placed on.administrative act ion , and only then individual preference and c a p a b i l i t i e s . " The material from Taman Kampung Kuantan supports th i s view and suggests that 89 90 without government aid Malay urbanization would pose more d i f f i c u l t i e s for the country as a whole. Ter r i tory and Population of Kampung Kuantan Like the t r ad i t i ona l Malay settlement, Kampung Kuantan i s s ituated on the banks of a r i v e r . I t i s bordered on three sides by the Kelang River, i t s fourth side connecting i t to the rest of the town. A sign at the entrance indicates the name of the kampung. Jalan Bukit Kuda, the road which leads into the kampung from the town center, runs r ight into l i -the middle of the kampung. (See Map/) The entrance to the kampung i s l ined with Chinese shops and houses, because some Chinese occupied sections closest to the town's commercial d i s t r i c t s before the kampung became a Malay reservation area. Some kampung residents said in the past, Chinese who did favors for the Sultan were given land in the kampung area as a reward. The fami l ies of these Chinese have continued occupying these land grants, th i s accounts fo r the presence of Chinese on the periphery of the kampung. Some "of these Chinese have sold the i r land to other Chinese, who in turn have b u i l t shop-houses along the road at the entrance to the kampung. Further into the kampung, the Chinese shops and houses are no longer present; instead, coconut trees l i ne both sides of Jalan Bukit Kuda. Tradit ional Malay kampung houses with t he i r atap or thatched roof are seen beneath coconut trees. Some are br ight ly painted, others are jus t stained with protective o i l . The major landmarks inside the kampung are the mosque, three surau or prayer houses, a community h a l l , provision shops along Jalan Bukit Kuda, a sepak raga or Malay ba l l game court, and an indoor badminton Taman Kampung Kuantan • t Kampung houses c 9 Mosque B Surau f~~~ Taman Bukit U Kuda S ca l e : 1 Inch = 500 f e e t 92 cour t . Two major housing developments are found in s ide the kampung. The f i r s t i s Taman Kampung Kuantan, a government bu i l t , l ow cost housing area, which i s discussed in greater de ta i l below. The second is Taman Bukit Kuda, a Chinese-owned pr ivate housing development. According to some kampung res idents t h i s l a t t e r development pro ject i s a partnership between Malay land owners and Chinese bu i l de r s . During the f ie ldwork per iod , t h i s l a t t e r deve l -opment was s t i l l being f i n i s hed and no res idents had moved into i t ye t . The o r i g in s of the kampung are now only vaguely remembered by the res ident s . According to some o lder re s ident s , the name of the kampung derives from Kuantan in Pahang on the east coast. It i s said that the f i r s t fami ly to l i v e in the kampung came from that town. The prac t i ce of naming a settlement a f t e r the re s i den t s ' p lace of o r i g i n i s common in Se la -ngor, where the major i ty of res idents are migrants. Kampung Jawa, across the r i v e r from Kampung Kuantan i s named a f t e r Java, s ince many Javanese migrants have se t t l ed there. Some<kampung people r e c a l l that the kampung was formerly administered by Raja Abdul lah, a r e l a t i v e of a former Sultan of Selangor, whose son, Raja Hassan, i s sa id to have f i r s t b u i l t the o ld road into the kampung, with the help of Javanese labor . Migrants from Malacca se t t l ed i n the kampung in the ear ly twentieth century. Many res idents of the kampung are d i r e c t descendants of the f i r s t Malacca migrants. They are s t i l l re fe r red to as orang Malacca or people of Malacca. The Malacca traders f i r s t s e t t l ed in the commercial areas of Kelang and then bought land in the kampung. It i s said that the kampung houses in Kampung Kuantan are patterned a f t e r the Malacca house s t y l e . The Malacca people in the kampung are concentrated on the 93 western section of the kampung, while migrants from Selangor and other states are found on the eastern section of the kampung. The kampung was sparsely populated in the early twentieth century since most of the or ig ina l settlements in Kelang were vacated in the late nine-teenth century, perhaps as a re su l t of the disorder created by the Kelang war. By the ear ly twentieth century Kampung Kuantan was mainly forested or planted with coconut and f r u i t trees l i k e rambutan. Being close to the r i v e r , parts of the kampung were inundated at high t i d e . Some e lder l y people reca l l seeing crocodiles come up from the r i v e r , but now, po l lu t ion from upstream sources has p r a c t i c a l l y k i l l e d o f f a l l animal l i f e in the r i v e r . Some rubber trees were planted by kampung fo lks in small sections of the kampung a f te r the rubber boom had spread in the state,,but a coconut plantat ion was the main source of l i ve l i hood for those who worked in the kampung. Members ofthe royal family of Selangor owned the coconut plantation as well as most of the land in the kampung. Kampung people made a l i v i n g by producing sugar from coconut palm shoots or earned wages in the town as laborers. A portion of each week's produce from the coconut trees was given to the raja as payment for the r ight to-extractJfpom:the coconut trees. The rest of the sugar was sold in town. The coconut plantation i s now gone. It was subdivided by the chi ldren of the rajas and sold to migrant fami l ies in indiv idual l o t s . The l a s t parcel of the plantation was cut down in 1967 to make way for the construction of Taman Kampung Kuantan. P r a c t i c a l l y the whole kampung i s located on Malay reservation land, but there are a few lots which are not. As mentioned above, some Chinese had 94 obtained land in the kampung before i t became a reservation. The Chinese owned parcels were not included in the reservation act. The loca l Malays in the kampung re fer to reservation land as gran merah or red grant, and to non-reservation land as gran puteh or white grant, using the colonia l reference to these types of land. Only Malays can own gran merah land, while gran puteh land may be owned by anybody. According to the 1970 Census, of the 1,561 residents of the kampung 82.1 percent were Malay, 8.6 percent were Chinese, and 9.3 percent were Indians. The Chinese are less v i s i b l e than the Indians in the kampung, since they work in town, being in the kampung only during the evening. Indians operate three provis ion shops on Jalan Bukit Kuda, and are well accepted by the Malays, since they are also Muslims. They are referred to as mamak by the kampung Malays. As a Malay kampung and part of the munic ipa l i ty , Kampung Kuantan i s l inked to two administrative bodies, the D i s t r i c t Off ice and the Town Counci l. The former is the d i s t r i c t administrative body, and the l a t t e r i s the town administrative body. The d i s t r i c t i s divided into mukirns and the mukim consists of several kampungs. O f f i c i a l s of the d i s t r i c t , such as the penghulu who heads each mukim or s ub -d i s t r i c t , and the ketua kampung or v i l l a ge headman, are the main l i nks between the kampung and the D i s t r i c t O f f i ce . These o f f i c i a l s inform the D i s t r i c t Of f i ce of the needs of t he i r respective areas. The D i s t r i c t Offce, for example, has provided assistance to the kampung in the construction of mosques, community ha l l s , and water supply, : •'• ' ; The development of the kampung area i s the d i rec t re spons ib i l i t y of 95 the D i s t r i c t O f f i ce . Through the v i l l a ge headman and the V i l l age Develop-ment Committee or Jawatankuasa Kemajuan Kampung, the kampungs get ass i s -tance from the D i s t r i c t O f f i ce . The v i l l a ge development committees were organized in every kampung as part of the government's plan to mobil ize popular par t i c ipat ion in i t s rural development program throughout the peninsula. Urban kampungs have been included in th i s program. The function of the v i l l a ge development committee i s to look a f te r the welfare of the kampung as a whole. In the past the a c t i v i t i e s of the v i l l age development committee included the construction of a community h a l l , the establishment of a kindergarten school, and the establishment of a neighborhood security organization, Rukun Tetangga, in the kampung. Members of the v i l l a ge development committee have acted as spokesmen for the kampung in asking for assistance from the D i s t r i c t Of f i ce and sometimes from the State Assembly representative for i t s various projects. In the Kelang D i s t r i c t , the Kampung Kuantan v i l l a ge development commit-tee is known to be one of the most act ive committees, due to the strong leadership of i t s members. In 1977 there were twelve members in the commit-tee, including the v i l l a ge headman. The members were chosen among the residents of the kampung: eight Malays, two Chinese , and one Indian. The Chinese and Indian members of the v i l l a ge development committee were included to r e f l e c t the mult i -ethnic composition of the kampung. As the minority representatives in the kampung, however, the par t i c ipat ion of the Chinese and Indians in the committee i s minimal. Most projects undertaken by the v i l l a ge development committee in Kampung Kuantan concerned the Malays in the kampung. Attendance of the Chinese and Indian committee members 96 was evident only 'on formal gatherings held by the committee. Meetings of the v i l l a ge development committee are always attended by the penghulu, the head of the mukim , to keep abreast of the kampung develop-ments and to give advice. Whenever the kampung faced a pa r t i cu la r problem the v i l l a ge development committee usually t r i e d to i n v i t e persons with special knowledge or authority concerning the problem. For example, in discussing reported drug abuse in the kampung, a representative from the pol ice was asked to attend a meeting of the v i l l age development committee to ve r i f y reports and give advice on handling the s i tua t i on . In th i s p a r t i -cu lar case, the report was publ ic ly mentioned by the Sultan during one of his v i s i t s to the kampung mosque. A special meeting of the v i l l a ge develop-ment committee was ca l led to discuss the problem because the kampung people were alarmed and wanted to c lear the kampung's reputat ion. The kampung is l inked to the Town Council through a counc i l lo r who represents the kampung in the town administrat ion. The kampung has a resident counc i l lo r appointed by the state author it ies to represent the kampung in the Town Counci l. The kampung's f i r s t counc i l l o r was appointed when the Town Board was established a f te r the Second World War. He founded the loca l UMNO branch of the kampung and became the Speaker of the State Assembly before his untimely death. He was a dynamic and well respected man. The current counc i l lo r for the kampung was a close associate of the f i r s t counc i l lo r and i s also the head of the local kampung UMNO. Taman Kampung Kuantan Taman Kampung Kuantan is a housing project that was b u i l t by the government for Malays ins ide Kampung Kuantan. It i s located on the 97 souteastern part of the .kampung (see Map % ) . The or ig ins of Taman Kampung Kuantan go back to 1967, when the owners of the land on which i t was bu i l t decided to bui ld a housing development. The owners, f i v e Malay brothers, had formed a corporation with a Chinese contractor to bu i ld the housing development on the i r property. Their land consisted of 30 hectares planted with coconut trees, c l a s s i f i e d as Malay reservation land. The corporation did not intend to bui ld a low cost housing development. To make money they wanted to construct more bungalows and double story row houses. Cons-t ruct ion of the Taman started in 1967, i t was not f in ished un t i l 1971. During th i s period, a c r i s i s developed regarding the d i spos i t ion of the Taman houses, i . e . , whether or not to allow non-Malays to buy houses in the new development. Buyers were s o l i c i t e d from the town residents, and houses were con-tracted to be b u i l t . Most of the i n i t i a l buyers favored the s ingle-story row house s t y l e , since th i s was the cheapest model, and most Malays could only afford to buy th i s type of house. The contractor accepted deposits from applicants to s tar t development. The coconut trees were cut down, and a temporary bund • was constructed to prevent the r i v e r waters from entering the development. Three rows of s ingle story row houses were b u i l t i n i t i a l l y . According to some informants, the contractor then claimed that he was running out of cap i ta l and asked for more payments from the appl icants. The applicants claimed that they could not afford to give more than what they had agreed to pay. Some residents claim that the contractor even t r i ed to cheat house buyers by a l te r i ng the plans fo r the houses to save money. The land owners and the contractor devised a plan to save t he i r devel-98 opment. They decided to open the housing development to a l l races instead of jus t l i m i t i n g the development to Malays. To do t h i s , they f i r s t had to have the land dec las s i f ied from a Malay reservation land and r e c l a s s i f i ed as open land. An appl icat ion was submitted to the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e ' s land o f f i c e to i n i t i a t e the process of dec l a s s i f i c a t i on . When the kampung people found out about the plan from the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e , they objected to the idea of the i r kampung being sett led further by non-Malays. They f e l t that the Taman should be kept s t r i c t l y Malay since there were already some non-Malays res iding in the kampung. The a r r i v a l of more non-Malays would increase the number of non-Malays and jeopardize the exclusiveness that the Malays wanted in the i r kampung. The events that followed are an example of the struggle of Malays to obtain housing f a c i l i t i e s in town as well as of the att itudes of Malays concerning the i r kampung. A meeting of the kampung residents was held to discuss the proposed plan of the development owners to open the new housing area to a l l races. The v i l l a ge development committee formed a group headed by the kampung UMNO leaders to protest the plan. F i r s t , the group went to the D i s t r i c t Of f ice to voice t he i r disapproval; then they went to one of the owners of the land to l e t him know t he i r views and ask him not to open the development to a l l races. The owner in s i s ted that i t was his land and that he had the r i ght to do with i t as he pleased dismissing the appeal of the kampung people. The kampung committee then drew up a pet i t ion and obtained signatures from the kampung people to oppose the development plan. A meeting was arranged with the state government Secretary to seek help in the matter. 99 One proposal for stopping the developers from opening the new housing area to a l l races was for the state development corporation (PKNS) to take over the development. Then the state would insure that the development was l im i ted to Malays. The state development corporation considered the kampung committee's proposals while two years of negotiations with the land owners dragged on. F i n a l l y , PKNS decided to buy the development in 1969. Before PKNS took over the development there were several factors that were considered by the government. PKNS had to buy the development from i t s owners; but the pr ice quoted by the owners was high, and PKNS would lose money i f i t bought the development and continued the project. P o l i t i -cal considerations, however, were raised by the kampung committee. Through the UMNO leaders, the kampung committee convinced the state development corporation that i t would be wise to take over the development and keep i t in Malay hands rather than leave i t open to a l l races. By keeping the development in Malay hands, argued the kampung committee, the government could obtain more Malay votes in the town. ; It would also be in conform-i t y with the government's pol icy of urbanizing Malays by providing, more opportunities for them to stay in town. The chairman of the PKNS at that time was also the head of the UMNO state organization. He l i s tened to the reasoning of the kampung UMNO leaders; and as one kampung UMNO leader put i t , "pressure p o l i t i c s convinced PKNS to take over the development." PKNS, however, saw the move as a way to help the Malay buyers in the development who were bound by contract to the developers. It was a f inanc ia l loss fo r PKNS, but a p o l i t i c a l v ictory for the Kampung Kuantan Malays. 100 The PKNS take over of the development of Taman Kampung Kuantan was guaranteed to benefit Malays. Since the development was on Malay reservation land, non-Malays could not buy into i t . Only one type of house was construc-ted to accomodate the f inanc ia l a b i l i t i e s of the Malays. Thus Taman Kampung Kuantan became a low cost housing development for Malays as a resu l t of the government take over. The primary a t t ract ion of the Taman to the buyers was that i t was a low cost housing project. Compared to other mass housing projects in the Kelang Valley area, the pr ice of a Taman house-.was low.' In 1969, the plank houses in the Taman were worth M$7,000.00. Each applicant was asked to pay a deposit of M$700.00. Upon occupation of the house, each owner paid a monthly installment of M$70.00; th i s monthly instal lment was l a t e r reduced to M$45.00 a f te r residents pet it ioned PKNS for a reduction. Private develop-er bu i l t mass housing projects for s im i l a r units cost an average of M$20,000 in 1970, and the terms of payment were s t i f f e r than those made by the Taman buyers. Fu l l occupation of the Taman did not occur un t i l 1972, since some of the houses were not occupied once they were f in i shed. Some were l e f t empty f o r one or two years. Some owners did not even occupy the houses they bought, instead they rented them out to other Malays. There were many reasons for the slow occupation of the Taman houses. The main reasons were: f i r s t , the unsatisfactory qua l i ty of some of the houses; second, the lack of proper infrastructure at the beginning l i k e paved roads, water supply, and e l e c t r i c i t y . Since many of the Taman buyers did not choose to occupy the houses they bought, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of rental units in Kampung Kuantan increased. 101 Although the Taman houses were supposed to be occupied by t he i r owners, the renting of houses became a common pract ice in the Taman. As in the case of house ownership in the Taman, the rents in the Taman were reason-able compared to other areas. This made the Taman a t t r ac t i ve to Malays who could not af ford more expensive types of housing. During the f i r s t two years of the Taman's existence, rent ranged from M$50.00 to M$70.00 per month. This was enough to cover the owner's monthly instal lment to PKNS, i f the house was not yet f u l l y pai:d for . By 1976 the range of the rent had gone up from M$90.00 to M$l20.00 per month for the three bedroom plank house. This may be compared with rates in Petal ing Jaya which s t a r t -ed at about M$200.00 per month for a s imi la r house. Origins of the Taman Kampung Kuantan Residents The current residents of Taman Kampung Kuantan consist of owners and renters. Before they moved into the Taman they came from various parts of the peninsula. The or ig ins of the residents were studied through a survey conducted in the Taman. A l l of the household heads surveyed have had some urban experience p r io r to t he i r move into the Taman. Although a majority (64%) of owners and renters had l i v ed in Kelang before they transferred to the Taman, most of them were not born in Kelang. The Taman residents came from various parts of the peninsula. About 71.3 percent of the men and women household heads were born outside Kelang, and most (53.7%) were born outside Selangor. There was no s i gn i f i can t difference in b irthplace between owners and renters, nor between husbands and wives. To f ind out more about the geographic mobi l i ty of the Taman residents 102 I asked survey respondents about where they l i ved from the time that they were married unt i l t he i r l a s t move p r i o r to s e t t l i n g down in the Taman. The patterns of movement are summarized in Table V. Since most of the informants had moved more than once before they set t led in the Taman, information in Table V includes the two previous moves of the informants p r io r to the i r t ransfer to the Taman. It i s apparent from Table V that 120 or 76 ?, percent:'of the-informants households were not o r i g i n a l l y residents of Kelang; however, the l a s t move pr ior to t ransferr ing to the Taman found 101 or 64 percent of the households l i v i n g there. Five types of moves can be generalized from the two moves made previously by the households. F i r s t , there is the movement within Kelang town. About 20% of the sample households had moved within the town. Many fami l ies in th i s category had household heads who were born in Kelang. The areas in Kelang where they formerly l i ved were a l l Malay neighborhoods, l i k e Kampung Jawa, Kampung Bukit Kuda, and Kampung Sungai Pinang. Second, there is movement to Kelang from out of Kelang. Here there are three points of o r i g i n : Kuala Lumpur, other Selangor towns, and other states. About 41 percent of the households followed th i s pattern of movement before se t t l i ng into the Taman. Most of them (86%) came from smaller towns in Selangor or other states. Th i rd, there i s movement to Kuala Lumpur from Kelang, other Selangor towns, and other states. About 20 percent o f the households made these moves. As in the previous pattern, most of these households came from other Selangor towns or from other states. Only three house-holds from th i s category, 9 percent, moved from Kelang to Kuala Lumpur. Fourth i s the movement to smaller towns of Selangor from Kuala Lumpur, 103 TABLE V. - - Moves made by informants before transfer to the Taman. Moves made Owners Renters Moved within Kelang 24 7 Moved to Kelang from Kuala Lumpur 8 1 Moved to Kelang from other Selangor towns 19 4 Moved to Kelang from other states 25 8 Moved to Kuala Lumpur from other states 4 13 Moved to Kuala Lumpur from other Selangor towns 7 : 5 Moved to Kuala Lumpur from Kelang 2 1 Moved to other Selangor towns from Kuala Lumpur 3 0 Moved to other Selangor towns from other Selangor towns 4 1 Moved to other Selangor towns from other states 5 0 Moved to another state from other states 0 10 Moved to other states from Kelang 3 0 Moved to other states from Kuala Lumpur 1 2 Total 105 52 104 other towns of Selangor, and other states. Only 8 percent of the house-holds made these moves. F ina l l y there i s the movement outside the state of Selangor from Kelang, Kuala Lumpur, and other states. About 10 percent of the households made moves outside the state of Selangor before s e t t l i n g in the Taman. Among the informants 31 ( or 20%) of the households moved within Kelang twice before t ransferr ing to the Taman. Movement between Malay reservation areas was charac te r i s t i c of 61 percent of these households. The others moved from kampung areas to r a c i a l l y mixed res ident ia l areas, or v ice-versa. Housing near the port of Kelang was the most common choice for many of those who l i ved in r a c i a l l y mixed res ident ia l areas because of the a v a i l a b i l i t y of low-cost housing there. This was more typ ica l of po l i ce -men and clerks at the port who were e l i g i b l e fo r government quarters when they were ava i lab le . After the Taman was completed, there were two types of residents who came to l i v e in the Taman, owners and renters. Before moving into the Taman, only 12 percent of the owner households had previously owned the i r house, while the other 88 percent had rented houses. Among the renters in the survey, only 17 percent had owned houses previously; the other 83 percent had also rented the i r former residence. The pattern of movement from rented houses ? to owned houses i s a s i gn i f i cant factor that i n f l u -enced the decis ions: of some households to l i v e in the Taman. Many house-holds wanted to own a house rather than rent. A few cases may be c i ted to i l l u s t r a t e the pattern of movement of the informants. Internal movement within Kelang i s i l l u s t r a t e d by Mohammed, 105 a truck dr i ver at the port. He was born in Malacca, but he was ra ised in Kelang by his migrant parents. His wife i s from Kelang. After marrying he and his wife i n i t i a l l y stayed with his parents. Mohammed had odd jobs un t i l he obtained his present job with a broker f i rm at the port. When his family increased to three, he and his wife decided to l i v e in t he i r own house. They rented a kampung house in Telok Gadong near the port. It was a small house, not very suitable fo r a growing fami ly. When the Town Council completed the low cost f l a t s in Pandamaran near the port, Mohammed applied to rent a unit . The family l i v ed in a rented f l a t there for f i ve years. When they heard about the construction of Taman Kampung Kuantan, he applied to buy a unit . Because he had a regular job at the port, he could afford to pay for the house on an instal lment basis. He and his family were among the f i r s t few famil ies to occupy the houses in the Taman. Cikgu Basr i , a primary school teacher from Ulu Langat, Selangor, moved to Kelang from a small town in Selangor. His wife is from Kelang. A f ter they were married, Cikgu Basri got a teaching assignment in Pualu Lumut, an i s land near the port, where he taught for f i v e years. They l i ved in the teacher 's quarter there. Then he was transferred to Kelang. The family rented a kampung house in Bukit Kuda, where they l i ved for eleven years. L iv ing close to Kampung Kuantan, they found out about the construction of the Taman and applied for a un i t , thinking that Cikgu would not be trans-ferred again. Another example of a migrant from out of Kelang is Ismail, a laboratory technician at the I n s t i tu t Teknologi Mara in Shah Alam. He was born in Kelantan and worked there with the Publ ic Works Department unt i l 1970. 106 Finding no future in his posit ion as a technic ian, he migrated to Selangor. Through the newspapers he found an opening at the University of Malaya. While working there, he and his wife shared a rented house with a r e l a t i ve in Peta-1ing Jaya. A f te r two years, he was informed of a better paying pos it ion as a laboratory technician at the I n s t i tu t Teknologi Mara by a f r iend working there. He applied and was accepted. Commuting between Shah Alam and Petal ing Jaya proved to be a s t ra in for him. A f r iend at the i n s t i t u t e who was renting in the Taman informed him of a vacancy there. He and his wife moved to the Taman from Petaling Jaya and have l i ved there for three years. Reasons for moving into the Taman Migration i s greatly influenced by personal choice. Among the Taman Malays, personal choice factors , such as the desire to f ind better economic opportunities or the chance to l i v e where housing i s cheaper, influenced the decision to l i v e in the Taman. Informants in the survey gave f i ve main reasons for the i r transfer to the Taman from the i r previous residence. These are 1.) ' to obtain t he i r own house; 2) to l i v e in a Malay area; 3) to l i v e near the place of work; 4) to pay lower rent; 5) to be near town amenities. The d i s t r i bu t i on of these reasons are given in Table VI. The desire to own a house in a Malay area was the most important reason given by most informants for vo luntar i l y moving into the Taman. House ownership was one aspect of th i s reason. L iv ing in a Malay area was the other. Although some informants mentioned them together and others mentioned them separately, I have combined them in th i s discussion because they are i n te r re la ted . Those who mentioned ownership of a house and l i v i n g in a Malay area together emphasized one or the other, and thus 107 they were coded for the table into one or the other category depending on the informant's order of preference. As mentioned above, because of f i nanc ia l considerations i t i s eas ier for Malays to obtain a house, for t he i r own or rented, in a Malay area than in a non-Malay area. In terms of personal preference, such as the desire to l i v e among fel low Malays, l i v i n g in a Malay area was an important consideration. TABLE VI. - - Reasons given for moving into the Taman Reasons for move Owners Renters House ownership 48 (45.7%) 0 Malay area 50 (47.6%) 26 (50.0%) Near work 4 ( 3.8%) 2 ( 3.8%) Low rent 0 19 (36.5%) Near town 2 ( 1.9%) 5 ( 9.6%) Total 105 (100%) 52 (100%) Among-those who current ly own t he i r houses in the Taman, about 90 per-cent rented t he i r previous residence; and t he i r present house i s the f i r s t house they have ever owned. Many of the owner informants were in the age group where owning a permanent residence was des i rable. The owner male household heads had a median age of 44.6 years, while the renter male house-hold heads had a median age of 33.8 years. House ownership was more d i f f i -cu l t than renting a house because of the scarc i ty of affordable housing. Renting, however, was also a r i sky s i tua t i on . Some informants have had bad 108 experiences with landlords, e.g. they were asked to leave before they were ready to move, or the type of house they could afford was too small. The sense of belonging was not as deeply f e l t by some informants while they were rent ing. Ownership of a house was seen as a sign of permanence in the com-munity, while renting was associated with transience. Many of the informants, both owners (47.6%) and renters (50.0%), said that they chose to l i v e in the Taman pr imar i ly because i t is a Malay area. Out of the 101 households who l i ved in Kelang ju s t before moving into the Taman, about 59 percent l i ved in Malay reservation areas such as Kampung Jawa, Kampung Sungai Pinang, and Kampung Bukit Kuda. Most Malays prefer to l i v e among fel low Malays for a var iety of reasons. They want to l i v e with those who share the same customs, sama adat, pract ice the Muslim r e l i g i o n , berugama Islam; and they do not want to mix with other races, tak senang  bergaul dengan l a i n kaum. A few informants noted that the Taman was the las t Malay housing project bu i l t by the Selangor state government. It i s a special neighborhood in th i s sense. As one informant said i t , "In Selangor there are few kampungs l i k e t h i s . Most kampungs are now mixed. This i s one of a few that i s not mixed. Kampung Raja Uda was bu i l t 20 years ago, Kampung Bahru in K.L. was bu i l t many years ago. Ten years ago th i s was the only kampung where one community kept up to i t s standards. We don't want to se l l the land to others, i t is reservation land. We must mix with those top o f f i c i a l s , with p o l i t i -c ians, j o i n re l ig ious associat ions, at least have connections. Only then can we keep i t separate. It i s not meant for others, we don't want to quarrel with outs iders, we want only peace within our own community." Conclusion Two aspects of the urbanization of Malays, migration and the problem of housing, have been described in th is chapter using the example of Kampung Kuantan as a case study. This kampung has grown from a coconut 109 plantation into a res ident ia l section ofthe town of Kelang, mostly fo r Malays. The population of the kampung grew with the a r r i v a l of successive groups of Malay migrants from Malacca, from other parts of Selangor, and from other states on the peninsula; as well as the coming of non-Malays un t i l the land was declared as Malay reservation land. Kampung Kuantan is t r a d i t i o n a l l y a Malay area, previously owned by members of the royal family of Selangor. Malays make up the majority of the res idents. Chinese and Indian residents set t led in the kampung during the early years of the kampung. More non-Malays could have l i v ed in Kampung Kuantan i f Taman Kampung Kuantan was opened to a l l races. The government take over of the development, influenced by the opposition of the kampung people to opening the development to non-Malays, prevented t h i s . The opposition of the kampung Malays to opening Taman Kampung Kuantan to other races expresses some of the attitudes of the Malays toward t he i r res ident ia l preference. They prefer to remain exclusive and do not want other races in the i r community. This was expressed by the Taman informants surveyed, when they gave t he i r reasons for moving into Taman Kampung Kuantan: They want to l i v e in a Malay area. To f u l f i l l ' t h i s ' d e s i r e of l i v i n g in an exclusive area, the kampung Malays used the i r p o l i t i c a l connections to influence the state government's decision to take over the development and l i m i t occupation to Malays only. The case of Taman Kampung Kuantan demonstrates some of the demographic economic, and p o l i t i c a l implications of Malay urbanization. Malays are moving into urban areas in greater numbers. The data from the Taman no suggests that movement between urban areas is character i s t i c of migrant Malays, unl ike the often c i t ed rural to urban rfgrati6n-in.:previous studies. This f inding i s s im i l a r to Pryor ' s (1975) study of migration in Selangor which suggests that step migration from rural area to a small urban area and f i n a l l y to a large urban area i s cha rac te r i s t i c of recent trends. When Malays se t t le in town, they need access to housing;. Malays, however, have l imi ted housing opportunities because they can not afford most of -those offered on the market. They usually f i nd housing in the kampung areas or in low-cost housing projects l i k e Taman Kampung Kuantan. Since Malays have d i f f i c u l t y f ind ing suitable housing in town, they are dependent on government assistance for t he i r res ident ia l needs. In many government bu i l t low-cost housing projects b u i l t fo r a l l races, the Malays have to compete with non-Malays. When the government builds low cost housing f o r Malays only in kampung areas, i t is favoring the Malays. By reserving land and housing units for Malays, the government is protecting Malay in teres t s . The dilemma is whether or not th i s approach i s working towards achieving the re-st ructur ing goals of the government. CHAPTER V OCCUPATIONS AND ECONOMIC PARTICIPATION In th i s chapter I discuss the economic par t i c ipat ion of Taman Malays in terms of t he i r occupations and other economic a c t i v i t i e s . There i s a var iety of occupations found among the residents of the Taman. Although wage labor i s the predominant economic a c t i v i t y of the res idents, a few were engaged in running the i r own business enterprises. The types of occupations and economic a c t i v i t y of the residents have important impl ica-tions fo r understanding the urbanization of Malays. One impl icat ion i s in terms of the i r pa r t i c ipa t ion in the urban economy. Their pa r t i c ipat ion depends on the opportunities open to them in the new urban environment. Studies of migrants in Selangor indicate that migrants found jobs not only because they had the necessary qua l i f i ca t ions but also because they were w i l l i n g to take jobs which the older residents d id not l i k e (Chander and Singh 1977, Narayanan 1977). The Taman Malays are unlike most migrants who come from rural areas. As I indicated in the previous chapter, they are mostly from other urban areas and have brought with them urban occupa-tions and s k i l l s . Their occupations, however, are s im i la r to those which Malays have generally held in urban areas, i . e . , government jobs and small scale trading. With the exception of . the professionals and factory workers there i s some cu l tura l cont inuity in the types of occupations which the Taman Malays hold from the co lon ia l period. I l l 112 Occupations and Employment Status Studies of migration in Selangor have found that many of the recent migrants to th i s state have modern sector occupations upon the i r a r r i va l such as c i v i l servants, technicians, and some professions (Narayanan 1977). In th i s sense they are unl ike the stereotype of migrants in developing countr ies, i . e . , unsk i l led rural fo lk from agr icu l tura l backgrouns. Among the Taman informants, there were teachers, c le rk s , and policemen, as well as s k i l l e d technicians and factory workers. Among the Taman informants, a l l the male household heads were working except for s ix men who were ret i red and were on a pension. In addit ion to the male household head, wives and other household members were also employed. About 56 percent of the households had the wife and/or other member of the household working in addit ion to the husband. The "other" working members of households were unmarried s i b l i ng s , or chi ldren of the informants. About 33 percent of the households had only the male house-hold head working. TabTfe VIII gives the d i s t r i bu t i on of the households according to the type(s) of persons working in each. I w i l l f i r s t discuss the occupations of the male household heads, followed by a descr ipt ion of the female household heads' work. Data for the other working household members are incomplete and are thus not included im the descr ipt ion. Teachers make-up the largest occupational group in the Taman. This i s due to the fact that when the Taman was opened to buyers, teachers were among those who had a regular source of income to pay for the deposit and monthly instal lments, and among government employees teachers are able to obtain loans to buy houses. Government employees, l i k e school teachers, 113 were also given more chances to buy houses in the Taman because i t was a government bu i l t project. In 1971 there were 50 teachers l i v i n g in the Taman. Since then th i s number has decreased to 40 at the time of the f i e l d work because a few teachers have moved out of the Taman. Among the teachers there are re l i g ious teachers or ustaz, as well as regular elemen-tary and secondary school teachers who are referred to as Cikgu. Technical workers l i v i n g in the Taman mostly work in Petaling Jaya, Subang A i rpor t , or Shah Alam. About one th i rd are employed by the Malay-sian A i r l i n e System (MAS). Many were former employees of the Malaysian Singapore A i r l i n e System (MSAS) in Singapore. When that company s p l i t into two companies, with the separation of Singapore from the Malaysian Federation in 1965, these men joined MAS and moved back to Malaysia. Some of the technical workers l i v i n g in the Taman were formerly with the B r i t i s h Army in Singapore. They obtained the i r technical t ra in ing there, and a few were even sent to England for t r a i n i ng . After they l e f t the B r i t i s h Army, they found jobs in the new industr ies in Shah Alam and Petaling Jaya. A few of the technicians are employed in factor ies on the periphery of Kelang and at the In s t i tu t Teknologi Mara in Shah Alam. The next most numerous group among the male informants are c le rk s . There are two kinds of c lerks l i v i n g in the Taman, those working for the government and those working for the private sector. They work for the Port Author ity, the Town Counci l, the D i s t r i c t O f f i ce , and the Religious Department of Selangor. There are also c lerks who work in various govern-ment departments in Kuala Lumpur and Petaling Jaya, e.g. Customs Department 114 Motor Vehicle Department. Clerks in private firms l i v i n g in the Taman work either near the port or in Petal ing Jaya and Shah Alam. Policemen are also well represented in the Taman. A l l the policemen l i v i n g in the Taman work in Kelang, except for one man who works in Kuala Lumpur. They a l l belong to the regular pol ice force, except for the one who works in Kuala Lumpur; he is assigned to the Field Force. Those assigned to the regular force have to l i v e within two kilometers of the i r port, according to one informant. Most policemen l i v e in pol ice quarters. There are pol ice posts both in Kelang North and near the port. Those who can not be accomodated or who prefer to l i v e outside the pol ice quarters are given housing allowances. Those policemen l i v i n g in the Taman are among those who prefer to l i v e outside the police quarters. Teachers and policemen are subject to periodic transfers in the i r work. They are assigned to one area for two to four years, and then are given other assignments. After f i f t een or twenty years in the serv ice, however, they are no longer subject to transfers and are more or less permanent in one assignment un t i l retirement. A few of the Taman residents who are policemen or teachers are in th i s posit ion and have chosen to se t t le down in the Taman. Some, however, may s t i l l be subject td transfers. Factory workers in the Taman include machine operators, truck d r i ve r s , dock workers, and other common laborers. They work in Kelang or Shah Alam. Unlike the teachers, policemen, or technical workers, i t i s these men who resemble the unsk i l led migrants to the town or c i t y . They learned the i r s k i l l s in the places where they work and they do not require much education 115 o r t r a i n i n g f o r t h e i r wo rk . One i m p o r t a n t a s p e c t o f t h e i r work i s t h a t t h e y a r e s t e a d i l y employed i n t h e f i r m s t h e y work f o r . The bus ines smen i n t h e Taman a r e m o s t l y i n v o l v e d i n s a l e s , owning t h e i r b u s i n e s s e s and w o r k i n g by t h e m s e l v e s o r w i t h t h e h e l p o f a few a s s i s t a n t s . T h e i r b u s i n e s s o p e r a t i o n s a r e s m a l l , i n v o l v i n g t h e s a l e o f p r e p a r e d f o o d s , p l a s t i c hou seware s , b a t i k and o t h e r t y p e s o f c l o t h , d r y goods l i k e f e z z e s and p r a y e r m a t e r i a l s , and g e n e r a l p r o v i s i o n s . Among t h o s e who s e l l p r e p a r e d f o o d s a r e t h e r e s t a u r a n t o r c o f f e e shop o w n e r s , and v e n -d o r s o f n a s i lemak , a Ma l ay r i c e d i s h e a t e n i n t h e m o r n i n g . The r e s t a u r a n t o r c o f f e e shop owners have s t a l l s a t t h e MARA b u i l d i n g i n t o w n , o r c o n c e s -s i o n s i n s c h o o l c a f e t e r i a s . The n a s i lemak vendo r s r e n t space i n r e s t a u -r a n t s i n t o w n , where t h e y s e l l t h e i r f ood i n t h e m o r n i n g . A p o p u l a r b u s i -ness i n t h e Taman i s t h e s a l e o f b a t i k c l o t h . On l y two i n f o r m a n t s were i n v o l v e d i n t h i s b u s i n e s s on a f u l l t i m e b a s i s . One o f them hawked h i s c l o t h d u r i n g t h e pa sa r malam o r n i g h t ma rke t i n d i f f e r e n t towns i n c l u d i n g K e l a n g , K u a l a Lumpur and K a j a n g . The o t h e r man s o l d h i s c l o t h t h r o u g h f r i e n d s and a c q u a i n t a n c e s . In h i s c a s e t h e c l o t h he s o l d was k a i n s ongke t a s p e c i a l and e x p e n s i v e g o l d e m b r o i d e r e d c l o t h f rom t h e e a s t c o a s t wh i ch i s u s u a l l y worn f o r s p e c i a l o c c a s i o n s l i k e wedd i ng s . There a r e few p r o f e s s i o n a l s l i v i n g i n t h e Taman. They i n c l u d e f o u r c o l l e g e i n s t r u c t o r s , t h r e e managers o f f i r m s i n P e t a l i n g J a y a , and s i x a d m i n i s t r a t o r s o f s emi - gove rnment c o r p o r a t i o n s l i k e MARA. These men a r e u n l i k e most o f t h e Taman r e s i d e n t s because t h e y have u n i v e r s i t y d e g r e e s and have a t t a i n e d p r o f e s s i o n a l l e v e l s i n t h e i r wo rk . More t h a n any o f t h e Taman r e s i d e n t s , i t i s t h e s e men who c o u l d a f f o r d t o buy h o u s i n g e l s e w h e r e 116 but they preferred to l i v e in a kampung area. The ret i red men l i v i n g in the Taman include former policemen, teachers and government employees. Their income comes from the i r pensions, supple-mented by the i r working ch i l d ren ' s wages. Some have part time businesses such as dr iv ing chi ldren to school, running general provision shops, or s e l l i n g cakes made by the i r wives. The other categories of occupation include an assortment of t ax i and beca or ', t r i eye 1 e d r i ve r s , mechanics, carpenters, baggage handlers and a bus conductor. Unlike the factory workers these men did not have steady employment, rather the i r work depends on the intermitent need for the i r services. Table VII gives the d i s t r i bu t i on of the male Taman informants by the i r occupations. The occupational pattern of the Taman residents i s s imi lar to that described by Provencher (1 971:63) for Kampung Bahru Malays in Kuala Lumpur. In his study the most numerous categories of work were o f f i c e workers, sales and business, pol ice and m i l i t a r y , and technicians. One difference between the Malays in Provencher's study and those of Taman Kampung Kuantan i s that in the Taman teachers, technicians, and clerks are the most numerous, while in Kampung Bahru the c l e r k s , sales and business, and pol ice and m i l i t a r y were the most numerous. One important feature of the current employment s i tuat ion among/ the Taman residents i s work for women. Malay women have t r a d i t i o n a l l y worked in such occupations as making and s e l l i n g cakes and other prepared foods, s e l l i n g vegetables and f i s h , harvesting padi for wages, and making clothes 117 TABLE VII. - - Occupation of male household heads in Taman Kampung Kuantan. Occupation Owners Renters Total Teacher 20 4 24 (15.3%) Technician 7 15 22 (14.0%) Clerk 10 10 20 (12.7%) Pol ice 14 3 17 (10.8%) Factory worker 12 5 17 (10.8%) Small business 11 0 11 ( 7.0%) Managers 2 4 6 ( 3.8%) Retired 5 1 6 ( 3.8%) Driver 3 2 5 ( 3.2%) College lecturer 3 1 4 ( 2.5%) Accountant 2 2 4 ( 2.5%) Carpenter 2 0 2 ( 1.3%) Baggage handler 1 1 2 ( 1.3%) Bus conductor 1 1 2 ( 1.3%) No male household head 12 3 15 ( 9.6%) Total 105 52 157 (99.9%) 118 i n the r u r a l a reas . In the Taman there were 56 wives and 38 daughters i n the households surveyed who.worked. Among the wives who worked were t eache r s , c l e r k s and s e c r e t a r i e s , f a c t o r y workers, nurses and midwives, t r ade r s or businesswomen. Table IX shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the female household heads accord ing to t h e i r occupat ions . As I mentioned above, the data f o r o ther household members i s incomplete and the occupat ions o f other female members i s not inc luded in the d i s c u s s i o n . Accord ing to some in formants , women have r e c e n t l y found more work i n the f a c t o r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y younger women. In the survey, on l y f i v e female heads o f households in terv iewed worked i n f a c t o r i e s . They work as machine operator s or as processors on the product ion l i n e s , and as c l e r k s and s e c r e t a r i e s . Some informants sa id tha t women were p re fe r red over men f o r work which requ i red l i t t l e t r a i n i n g i n the new f a c t o r i e s . Men without s k i l l s , thus , f i n d i t harder to get work than women in some cases . More wives i n the Taman were invo lved i n t r a d i n g than any other o ccu -p a t i o n . The type o f t r ad i n g they pursued inc luded making and s e l l i n g cakes or other prepared foods; s e l l i n g ba t i k and other types o f c l o t h ; s e l l i n g Pyrex wares and j e w e l r y ; running general p r o v i s i o n shops; and the t rade known as main kutu which I d i scus s i n more d e t a i l below. More women were engaged i n t r a d i n g because u n l i k e wage l a b o r , the former does not r equ i r e spec i a l s k i l l s or formal eduat ion . Most o f the women do not have more than an elementary school educat i on . T r a d i t i o n a l l y women's work, t r ad i n g i s a more f a m i l i a r a c t i v i t y f o r Malay women than working i n a f a c t o r y or f i r m , e s p e c i a l l y f o r o l de r women. Most women i n the Taman work to supplement the 119 TABLE VII I.— Category of informants working in each household. Working people Owners Renters Total Husband only 30 21 51 (33 %) Husband and wife 31 18 49 (31 %) Husband and others 29 10 39 (25 %) Wife only 6 1 4 ( 4 % ) Others only 9 2 11 ( 7 %) Total 105 52 157 (100%) TABLE XX. « Occupation of the female household heads. Occupation Owners Renters To ta l * Housewife 67 30 97 (63 %) Teacher 9 2 11 ( 7 %) Clerk/secretary 6 12 18 (12 %) Trading 15 1 16 (11 %) Nurse/midwife 4 2 6 ( 4 % ) Factory worker 2 3 5 ( 3 % ) No female household head 2 2 4 Total 105 52 157 * The tota l used for ca lcu lat ing percentage was 153, which excludes households with no female household heads. 120 income of the i r husbands, or to support the i r households i f they are unmarried. Some women work because they are pursuing the i r professions, e.g., teachers and midwives. The employment s i tuat ion of Taman women may be better understood in the context of the national labor force par t ic ipat ion of Malay women described by Manderson (1 979). According to Manderson (1 979:255) the pro r portion of Malay women in occupations other than those associated with housework had r i sen from 20 percent in 1947 to nearly 38 percent in 1968. These women were employed pr imar i ly as teachers, nurses and midwives; some worked as t y p i s t s , stenographers and secretar ies. The Taman women re f l e c t th i s national employment picture for Malay women described by Manderson, except for the greater proportion of Taman women involved in trading and those involved in factory work. Employment of women in factor ies is a recent development which may increase the par t ic ipat ion of Malay women in the labor force. Income and Socio-economic Status In describing the i r socio-economic status, most of the informants from the Taman referred to themselves as makan gaj i or wage earners. They con-trasted th i s with working for oneself or kerja send i r i . In the i r view there are two types of people who work for themselves: the businessman and the farmer. They say that unl ike the businessman, the farmer i s rural based. The informants thought of the difference between rural and urban in terms of working for oneself and working for other people. In the agr icu l tura l sector, people work for themselves while in the urban sector people work 121 for others. The majority of informants were wage earners, only a few had the i r own small business. Business a c t i v i t i e s pursued by the informants are discussed in deta i l in the next sect ion. When asked to choose between working for wages and working for one-se l f , the majority of those who gave an opinion thought that i t was prefer-able to work for oneself. Some said that for Malays i t was much easier to work for oneself in the rural areas than in the urban areas. In the urban areas Malays usual ly work for wages, compared to the Chinese who are usual ly businessmen. They said that i t is hard to compete with the Chinese. The main a t t ract ion of the urban areas was money. People l i v e in urban areas to make money. To make money, however, Malays have to work for other people. Some informants said that to work for oneself in the urban areas, one had to have money, unl ike the Chinese who have money to invest in business. In working for wages, some informants distinguished between working for the government, kerajaan, and working for private f i rms, suasta. About one half of the male informants worked for the government. According to some informants, working for the government was preferable because i t was more secure compared to the private sector. In private f i rms, employees could be f i r e d , while in the government th i s was hardly possible. A few informants said that the government had a guaranteed pension, while private firms do not. Some informants who had formerly worked for private firms changed the i r jobs and entered government service because of these cons i -derations. The question of pay and other benefits are two other considerations 122 which the informants discussed in comparing government with private sector employment. Start ing sa lar ies in the government are said to be comparable with those in private f i rms. In the private sector, however, there i s a faster increment in sa lar ies because wage increases depend more on perfor-mance than on tenure. Some informants noted that in certa in government departments there i s a faster promotion rate because of expansion in government machinery. Government employees can also obtain car loans and housing loans at low, 4 percent, interest rates, which private firms do not give to the i r employees. The monthly income of the Taman informants give further indicat ions of the i r socio-economic status. Elementary school teachers earn about M$400 to M$800 depending whether they have an LCE, MCE, or HSC education; univer-s i t y graduates start earning about M$800 to M$l,500 depending on whether they have a pass or honors degree in 1976; industry workers receive from M$l50 to M$600 depending on the i r type of work and tenure. The monthly income of Taman male household heads ranged from M$150 to M$l,500. Table X gives the d i s t r i bu t i on of the informants' monthly income. A median monthly income of M'$680 for male household heads was computed from th i s d i s t r i bu t i on . This f igure does not represent the monthly household income since the data for female and other working household members were not complete. I f these other data were included the median monthly income per household would be higher. To gain some perspective on the context of these income f igures, some estimates of Malaysian household income may provide the context for i n te r -123 TABLE X. — Monthly income of male household heads in Taman Kampung Kuantan, 1976. Income Owners Renters Total M$ 150 - 350 12 2 14 (10 %) 351 - 550 25 13 38 (28 %) 551 - 750 11 12 23 (17 *) 751 - 950 31 5 36 (27 %) 951 - 1150 5 10 15 (11 %) 1151 - 1350 3 3 6 ( 4 % ) 1351 - 1 550 1 3 4 ( 3 %) No male household head 12 3 15 Retired 5 T 6 Total 105 52 157 124 pretat ion. The national estimates for 1970 indicate that the mean monthly household income for Malays was M$172; th i s may be compared with M$264 for the whole nation as a whole, M$428 for the urban average monthly house-hold income (Malaysia 1 976:179). Snodgrass (1980:81 ) estimates that a "middle-class" Malaysian household earned between M$750 and M$3,000 per month in 1970. In contrast, the de f i n i t i on of the poverty l i ne for 1975 was M$300 or less per household (Wegelin 1978:102). In the context of the above f igures, the Taman households may be c l a s s i f i e d as lower to middle class households based on the income of the male household heads only. I f the income of the other working household members were included, the Taman households would d e f i n i t e l y f a l l into the middle-class category. Education and Social Mobi l i ty The Malays in the Taman have described themselves as wage earners or makan g a j i . Their occupations are typ ica l of the jobs which Malays have f i l l e d as a resu l t of the growth of modern administration in such areas as c i v i l service and the po l ice. However, they do not occupy the higher positions ava i lab le to the Malay e l i t e . They think that t h e i r mob i l i ty .'.'was hampered by the lack of appropriate qua l i f i ca t ions and the i r educational background . Two aspects of the informants' educational experience have l imited the i r occupational choices. F i r s t , most of them were educated in the Malay language. The lack of fluency in English was considered a handicap by many of the informants. A b i l i t y to communicate in English would have enabled them to pursue other opportunit ies. Only a few informants were able to learn 125 English in the "Special Malay Class" type of education. In this, system students are transferred from the Malay classes to English language classes a f te r the i r fourth year of elementary education. Since most of the informants were educated during the B r i t i s h co lon ia l period, they were educated in a system that treated the i r education i n terms of i t s "welfare r o l e " , i . e . education tempered by a desire to avoid promoting social mobi l i ty ( Ingl is 1979:212). Second, unl ike many Malays today, most of the Informants did not have an opportunity to obtain higher education because there were no unlvers.i-t ies in the peninsula un t i l 1959. Only the chi ldren of the wealthy were able to go abroad for univers i ty education. Younger informants had the chance to go to un i ve r s i t i e s , but some were unable to go because of f inan-c i a l problems. The informants had an average education of s ix years; of elementary school. About 51.4% of the male household heads had at least an elementary education, while 66.6% of the female household heads had a s im i l a r education-al attainment. Some male household heads were able to receive secondary education (41.6%); completing t he i r Lower Ce r t i f i c a t e of Education (LCE), Malaysian Ce r t i f i c a te of Education (MCE), or Higher School Ce r t i f i c a te (HSC). Those who eventually became teachers went to teacher t ra in ing colleges; d i r e c t l y from the i r elementary education, or a f te r the i r secondary education, depending on the period when they obtained the i r teacher t r a i n i ng . A few informants went to technical schools to t r a i n as mechanics and e lec -t r i c i a n s . Only eleven males and females, among the informants, had univers i ty education. Table XI gives the d i s t r i bu t i on of the informants according to 126 the i r educational attainment. TABLE XI. — Education of Taman Kampung Kuantan informants. Education Males -Females Some elementary 21 (14.8%) 36 (23.5%) Complete elementary 52 (36.6%) 66 (43.1%) Lower Secondary 24 (16.9%) 20 (13.1%) Upper Secondary 35 (24.6%) 12 (10.5%) University 10 ( 7.0%) 1 ( 0.7%) Did not go to school 0 14 ( 9.1%) No male/female household head 15 4 Total 157 (99.9%) 157 (100 %) Note: Those with no male/female household heads >;ar-e not included in percentage ca l cu la t i on . Education has become an important c r i t e r i on for employment and advancement. Before independence, an elementary education was a l l that one needed to get a job, according to some informants. Today at least an LCE i s necessary to get work. In order to j o i n government service one must have at least an MCE. Some school teachers who only had an LCE when they became teachers, had to pass the MCE qual i fy ing examination in order to receive salary increases. Those with MCE's had to pass the HSC examination to advance the i r career. A fm teachers have, taken leaves, of absence to pursue the i r special course in education or other related f ie lds -127 in order to improve the i r qua l i f i c a t i on s . A few examples may i l l u s t r a t e the occupational experiences and mobi l i ty of the informants. They show how the informants were channelled into t he i r present occupations e i ther by l imi ted education or by addit ional t r a in ing . The f i r s t example i s Cikgu Mokhtar. He f in i shed his secondary education with an HSC in 1955, two years before independence. He had wanted to study further but he could not afford to go abroad. He then decided to become a teacher since teachers were in demand. A few of his fr iends also became teachers. Af ter a few years of teaching, he and his fr iends applied for government scholarships to study abroad. Cikgu Mokhtar, however, did not obtain a scholarship. His fr iends got the scholarships and were sent abroad. Today he s t i l l laments his bad luck for not being able to obtain higher education and improve his pos it ion in l i f e . A second example i s Abu Bakar, a government c le rk . He f in i shed his MCE before he started working for the accounting section ,of a construction f i rm. The company wanted to send him to school to study fur ther , but he was an only ch i l d and had to support his widowed mother. He resigned his job with the private f i rm and applied to work with the government as a c le rk . He has been working with the government for the la s t four years. He said that he decided to j o i n government service because i t was more secure, and i t provided a pension upon retirement. In his view, he could not afford to obtain further t ra in ing because he had his mother and family to support. The t h i r d example i s Hashim, presently a personnel manager for a pr ivate f i rm. His f i r s t job was with the Pol ice Force because he only had an elementary school education. While in pol ice t ra in ing his superiors 128 saw some promise in him and recommended that he study English to improve his s k i l l s . During his work with the po l i ce , he was also able to study fo r his Cambridge c e r t i f i c a t e , a school c e r t i f i c a t e in the pre-World War II period analogous to the current HSC. Gradually he was promoted un t i l he reached the rank of inspector. Af ter 25 years in the servie he re t i r ed at the age of 45. Because of his experience as a pol ice inspector he got a job as a personnel manager in a private f i rm upon his retirement from the Pol ice Force. He has joined another f i rm in Petal ing Jaya since the f i r s t job as a personnel manager in Malacca. His experience in the Pol ice Force and currently as a personnel manager has enabled him to f ind better paying jobs in the private sector. Compared to the i r f a ther ' s time, most of the male informants thought that there are currently more opportunities for Malays. Before independence both education and work for Malays were l im i ted . Six years of education was the most that ordinary Malays could obtain during the colonia l period. Only the chi ldren of the ar istocracy and the wealthy were able to get further education abroad or at special schools. Some older informants f e l t that during the colonia l period a six year education could only guarantee work as teachers, the pol ice force, or the army. Those who knew some English were able to get c l e r i c a l work n the government or in some foreign f i rms. Comparing the occupation of male household heads with that of the i r fathers gives some ind icat ion of socia l mobi l i ty . About one half of the male informants' fathers (49.3%) were involved in ru ra l - ag r i cu l tu ra l occupations such as r i c e farming, rubber tapping, and f i s h i ng , occupations generally referred to by the informants as kerja kampung or v i l l a ge work. 129 Less than one half (43.7%) of the informants' fathers were urban wage earners l i k e themselves. These fathers ' urban occupations did not vary s i g n i f i c an t l y from some of the informants' occupations. Urban fathers ' occupation included c le rk s , d r i ve r s , teachers, policemen, publ ic u t i l i t i e s employees, and customs o f f i c e r s . A few had professional occupations l i k e ship captain, government economist, and agr icu l tura l o f f i c e r . Only seven percent of the informants' fathers were involved in sales or business. Among those with businesses, the businesses were small, dealing with the sale of general provis ions, c lo th ing , land, and rubber. Table XII shows the d i s t r i bu t i on of the informants' f a ther ' s occupations. TABLE XII. - - Male household heads' f a ther ' s occupation. Father 's occupation Owners Renters Total Urban wage earner 40 22 .62 (43.7%) Rural/agriculture 46 24 70 (49.3%) Sales/business 7 3 10 ( 7.0%) No male household head 12 3 15 Total 105 52 157 * Percentage ca lculat ions do not include households without male household heads. By comparing the occupations of male informants and the i r fathers ' i t may be concluded that about one half of the male informants are s oc i a l l y mobile, while the other half are not. The soc i a l l y mobile are those whose 130 fathers had occupations in the rural agr icu l tura l sectors. These men had rural agr icu l tura l or ig ins with urban experiences only in the l a t t e r part of t he i r l i f e . Their social mobi l i ty is indicated by the i r t ransfer from the rural based agr iculture sector to the modern and urban sector. The s o c i a l l y stable are those whose fathers ' occupations were in the modern urban sector. These men are not too d i f fe rent from the i r fathers, in terms of t he i r occupational experience. They had an e a r l i e r exposure to the urban sector through the i r fathers. It might be expected that the s oc i a l l y stable would have a better adjustment to the modern and urban sector of the economy^ but because of the economic opportunity structure for Malays in Malaysian society, the s oc i a l l y stable and s oc i a l l y mobile are found in s im i la r economic s i tuat ions . Part-time Entrepreneurial A c t i v i t i e s In addition to the i r f u l l - t ime occupations, some of the informants from the Taman had part-time businesses. Those who were engaged in bus i -ness, e i ther part-time or f u l l time, are referred to as orang berniaga or trader in the l o c a l i t y . As mentioned above, th i s type of occupation i s categorized under kerja sendir i or self-employed, in contrast to makan  gaj i or wage earner. The men and women who are engaged in these businesses may be considered as entrepreneurs, in the sense that they have ventured to pursue addit ional enterprises and have invested t he i r time and money to improve the i r economic status. Their entrepreneurial i nc l i na t i on s ; d i s t inguish these informants from others. These part-time businesses are ca l l ed by the informants kerja sambilan or side l i n e work. These a c t i v i t i e s are part of the economic par t i c ipat ion of the Malays studied. 131 B e f o r e I d i s c u s s t h e s e p a r t - t i m e t r a d i n g a c t i v i t i e s , I w i l l f i r s t enumerate t h e t y p e s o f b u s i n e s s e s t h e y have and who a r e i n v o l v e d i n them. Among t h e i n f o r m a n t s , t h e r e were t w e n t y two c o u p l e s who had p a r t - t i m e b u s i -nes s a c t i v i t i e s , i n a d d i t i o n t o t h e husband and/o r w i f e ' s f u l l t i m e o c c u ' f . " ' p a t i o n . T h e r e were a l s o e i g h t o t h e r women who were p u r s u i n g p a r t - t i m e b u s i n e s s e s but whose husbands were n o t i n v o l v e d . The main r e a s o n g i v e n f o r p u r s u i n g t h e s e b u s i n e s s a c t i v i t i e s was t o s upp lement t h e f a m i l y ' s i n come. More t e a c h e r s were i n v o l v e d i n t h e s e p a r t t i m e e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i -t i e s t h a n o t h e r male i n f o r m a n t s i n t h e s a m p l e . Ten o u t o f t h e t w e n t y - t w o husbands were t e a c h e r s , t h r e e were p o l i c e m e n , t h r e e were t e c h n i c a l w o r k e r s , two were c l e r k s , two were l a b o r e r s , one was an a c c o u n t a n t , and one was a s a l e s manager . S i x o f t he w i v e s among t h e twen t y two c o u p l e s were w o r k i n g . These i n c l u d e d t e a c h e r s and t h r e e c l e r k s o r s e c r e t a r i e s . The e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t i e s pu r s ued by t h e i n f o r m a n t s v a r i e d a c c o r d -i n g t o t h e t y p e s o f goods and s e r v i c e s i n v o l v e d , and a c c o r d i n g t o t he o r g a n -i z a t i o n o f t h e a c t i v i t y . By t y p e o f good s , the re , were t h o s e i n v o l v e d i n t h e s a l e o f p r e p a r e d f o o d s , t r a d i n g o f b a t i k c l o t h , j e w e l r y , c a r p e t s , and o t h e r h o u s e h o l d good s , and s a l e o f g e n e r a l p r o v i s i o n s . Those w i t h b u s i -n e s s e s i n v o l v i n g s e r v i c e s i n c l u d e d t h e r e p a i r o f a p p l i a n c e s , e l e c t r i c a l i n s t a l l a t i o n s , c o n s t r u c t i o n o f hou se s , and t r a n s p o r t . T a b l e X I I I p r o v i d e s a summary o f t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h e i n f o r m a n t s w i t h p a r t - t i m e b u s i n e s s e s and t h e t y p e o f b u s i n e s s i n wh i ch t h e y were engaged . 132 TABLE XIII. - - Male informants c l a s s i f i e d by the i r f u l l time occupation and by type of part time business. Occupation Provisions Batik Food Wares Services Other Teacher 3 1 0 4 1 1 Pol ice 1 1 1 0 0 0 Clerk 1 o; 0 0 1 0 Technician 0 0 0 0 3 0 Laborer 1 0 1 1 0 0 Other 0 2 0 0 0 0 By types of organization of business a c t i v i t i e s , there were those involved in family enterpr ises, l icensed stores and shops, and partner-ships. Examples of the the f i r s t type of organization are those who s e l l prepared foods, batik c l o t h , or household goods. Examples of l icensed businesses are the general provis ion shops and appliance repai r shops. Most of these part-time businesses are family enterpr ises, except for f i ve informants who were involved in partnerships which did not include r e l a t i ve s . Two of these were partners in an appliance repai r shop in the Taman, one was a co-owner of a construction f i rm, one was a partner in an e l e c t r i c a l shop, and one was a partner in a transport business. There i s one explanation for the predominance of teachers among those with part time businesses. Teachers have more time to engage in part time businesses than other wage earners since school teachers in Malaysia work only half a day. They teach e i ther in the morning or in the afternoon most 133 of the week. Only one school day of the week i s given f u l l time to teaching and extra cu r r i cu l a r a c t i v i t i e s in school. The other four working days are half days. Another factor contributing to the a b i l i t y of teachers to pursue part time businesses i s that they are able to obtain loans from the i r coop-e r a t i v e s for t he i r cap i ta l requirements. They can borrow as much as 80 percent of t he i r contributions to the cooperative to which they belong. Operating a general provision shop was one of the simple enterprises pursued by the informants. Among the provision shop owners, four had stores in town while two had stores at the back of the i r houses. A l l these small stores have l i censes, since a l l commercial operations are required to have l icenses in Kelang. Most of the informants said that they began by opening a store in t he i r house and s e l l i n g goods to neighbors. This i n i t i a l venture was considered a learning experience, or as some informants put i t , main- main sahaja, ju s t playing or t ry ing and not rea l l y serious. According to some informants, i t was the wi fe ' s idea to open up a store in the i r house. Gradually the i r ventures and experience grew. Then they set out to open stores i in towo. In one case, three school teachers pooled t he i r money together to open a store in one of the shops in the Taman. Af ter a year or so, the venture folded because they were not making enough p r o f i t . Each of the traders went t he i r separate ways. Only one remained to continue operating the store in the Taman; one opened a store in his house; and the t h i r d went into another l i ne of trading ca l led serba nika which I w i l l describe below. One of the well known methods of trading on an instal lment basis i s the system referred to as main kutu or play kutu. The word kutu is of 134 Tamil o r i g i n that means an a s soc i a t i on . In the context of t rading i t r e fe r s to a group of people who unite f o r the purpose of obtaining c e r t a i n goods on ins ta l lment . The system i s apparently an invent ion in the urban areas among households or ind iv idua l s belonging to lower or middle income groups. Some informants sa id that they d id not know of the system un t i l they came to l i v e in town. There are usual ly ten members in a kutu. One of the members or an add i t iona l person can serve as the head of the group known as the kepala  kutu. The members agree to buy a ce r t a i n item or items f o r group member. A dealer or t rader i s found who can provide the goods. Each month a l l the members contr ibute toward the payment of the goods. E i ther they a l l get the goods at once, or they each take turns obta in ing the des i red item each month. The t o t a l monthly contr ibut ions from the members cover.the p r i ce of one i tem. In the case where i nd i v idua l s take turns obta in ing the des i red item lo t s are drawn to determine the order of the r e c i p i e n t s . The kepala  kutu i s respons ib le fo r forming the kutu, fo r c o l l e c t i n g the contr ibut ions or kutipan from each member, and f o r obta in ing the goods from a t rader or s to re . For his e f f o r t s , he gets a commission, an item s im i l a r to that which the kutu members bought, from the t rader . The other method of t rading through insta l lments is known as serba  n ika , which means goods of various k inds. In th i s form of t rading the t rader s e l l s to i nd i v idua l s rather than to groups l i k e the kutu. It is c a l l e d serba nika because the t rader provides d i f f e r e n t kinds of goods to the buyers. Payment i s made over a per iod of ten months. Usua l ly , the trader operates by holding a serba nika party in the house of an "agent" 135 who c a l l s together interested par t ie s . The trader then displays his wares and the customers give t he i r orders. It i s patterned a f te r the method used by pyrex dealers in the Taman, which I describe in Chapter VI. The agent takes the orders and gives them to the trader. He is also responsible for d i s t r i bu t i ng the goods to the customers, and for co l l e c t i ng the monthly payments from those who made the orders. A f te r the trader has become acquainted with a customer, the customer does not have to go through the agent for his next order. The agent gets a ten percent commission, in k ind, from the trader. In e i ther method, kutu or serba n ika, the trader acts as a c a p i t a l i s t to obtain the goods which the customers, or pelanggan, want. Sometimes the trader acts as the kepala kutu. Two informants said that they got started in t he i r trading business by forming kutus. They eventually saved enough from the p r o f i t s , the mark-up on the pr ice of the goods bought through kutus over the store pr ice which range from ten percent to as much as for ty percent, to finance t he i r cap i ta l needs. There are many indiv iduals in the Taman who have engaged in the kutu or serba nika business at one time or another. Four well known traders in the Taman who are involved in th i s type of business are teachers. The other lesser known traders include other teachers, a c le rk , and a technic ian. How they got started varied from one indiv idual to another. In a few cases the wife started the business by s e l l i n g door to door to people whom they knew. Batik was usually the i n i t i a l product so ld, payment received in instal lments. When the business grew, the husband got involved, usually handling the f i nanc ia l aspects of the trade and f inding stores where they 136 usual ly buy ...goods, while the wife concentrated on f inding customers. In one case, the trader started by forming a kutu himself and becoming i t s kepala kutu, gradually accumulating cap i ta l through these types of transactions. His customers were fr iends or acquaintances. One trader got started when his wife was asked by one of her co-workers to form a kutu among her co-workers. Most of his customers have come from his w i fe ' s place of work, a c igarette factory. In another case, the trader began by forming kutus in his school and then gradually expanded his business to include other customers. The customers for the kutu and serba nika are usually people known to the trader, his wife, or to the kepala kutu and agent of the trader. One trader said that he had about 40 agents or kepala kutus who got customers for him. Some informants said that most of the customers in the kutu and serba nika are women. When asked why th i s was the case, the informants said that women are more l i k e l y to pay than men and that they are considered to be more honest or lebih j u j u r . Once a trader i s known to be in the kutu or serba nika business the customers usually come to him or her, according to one informant. He or she does not have d i f f i c u l t y f inding customers. People l i k e the kutu or serba nika method of buying because payment i s by instal lment rather than than cash. They do not mind the higher prices because they pay a l i t t l e b i t at a time rather than in lump sums as in stores. The goods which the trader gets for the customers are obtained from stores in Kelang, Kuala Lumpur, Kelantan and Singapore. Kelantan i s a major source of bat ik, while Singapore i s a major source of imported house-hold wares l i k e pyrex. Kelang and Kuala Lumpur stores provide l o ca l l y 137 manufactured goods such as thermos bottles and carpets. The stores are owned mostly by Chinese, some by Indians, and a few by Malays. Each trader usually buys his goods from stores where he has become a regular customer. The store owners know that the traders are in the kutu or serba nika business. The traders obtain goods at a discount or wholesale price from these stores because they buy in quantity. Sometimes c red i t re lat ionships are established with the stores and the trader can obtain goods within the l i m i t of the cred i t he i s allowed, e.g. from M$3,000 to M$10,000. The store owners started out by s e l l i n g small items l i k e batik c loth and jewelry before obtaining enough cap i ta l to open a store. One teacher and one policeman started out th i s way. Later they decided to pool the i r cap i ta l in order to open a store in town. They are s t i l l running the store, with each one, or the i r wives, taking turns watching the store. Only two informants had side businesses dealing with food. One was a policeman whose wife began by s e l l i n g snacks in a school. They have expanded the i r business by obtaining the r ights to serve lunches at the In s t i tut Teknologi Mara in Shah Alam. The other one is a t ractor dr iver who works for the state development corporation (PKNS) in Shah Alam. He and his wife started out by s e l l i n g nasi lemak in the morning to the factory workers in Shah Alam. After a few months they opened a s t a l l , along with other food vendors, in one of the strategic areas near the factor ies and included hot lunches, makan nas i , in the i r menu. In each of these cases, the husband helped the wife carry the food and other equipment to the place of business ear ly in the morning and then went to work at his regular job. One of them, the t ractor d r i ver , helped his wife at noon when the business 138 was a t i t s p e a k . T r a d i n g i n b a t i k c l o t h a nd o t h e r h o u s e h o l d g o o d s s u c h as p l a t e s , t h e r m o s b o t t l e s , a n d c a r p e t s was a p o p u l a r p a r t t i m e e n t e r p r i s e . T h e r e was no s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n t h e t y p e o f g o o d s s o l d , e x c e p t f o r one t e a c h e r , who was n o t i n t h e s t u d y s a m p l e b e c a u s e he was t o o b u s y , who was w e l l known f o r h i s c a r p e t b u s i n e s s . E a c h t r a d e r s o l d a c o m b i n a t i o n o f g o o d s , o p e r a t e d f r o m h i s h o u s e , a n d had n e i t h e r a s t o r e n o r a l i c e n s e . C u s t o m e r s were o b t a i n e d m a i n l y on t h e b a s i s o f p e r s o n a l c o n t a c t s , i n t h e i r n e i g h b o r h o o d s , a t t h e i r p l a c e s o f work, o r t h r o u g h f r i e n d s . T h e r e a r e two ways o f t r a d i n g among t h e s e men and women: s e l l i n g on a c a s h b a s i s , wang t u n a i ; a n d s e l l i n g on an i n s t a l l m e n t b a s i s , a n s u r a n . Some c o m b i n e d b o t h o f t h e s e m e thods i n t h e i r t r a d i n g a c t i v i t i e s . I c o n s i d e r t h e s e p a r t - t i m e b u s i n e s s e s as e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t i e s among t h e r e s i d e n t s o f t h e Taman. I t i s p a r t o f t h e i r a d j u s t m e n t i n r e s p o n s e t o t h e e c o n o m i c o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n t h e i r u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t . S i n c e m ost o f them a r e wage e a r n e r s w i t h l i m i t e d e d u c a t i o n , t h e y have few means o f i m p r o v i n g t h e i r e c o n o m i c p o s i t i o n , d e p e n d i n g as t h e y do on a f i x e d i n c o m e . One o f t h e ways t h e y augment t h e i r i n come i s t h r o u g h p a r t - t i m e b u s i n e s s e s . A l t h o u g h t h e y o p e r a t e o u t s i d e t h e f i r m - c e n t e r e d t y p e o f economy, t h e y do p e r f o r m c e r t a i n e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l f u n c t i o n s l i k e r i s k t a k i n g a n d i n n o -v a t i o n ( B e l s h a w 1 9 6 5 ) . In a d d i t i o n , t h e i n f o r m a n t s w e r e a l l i n t e r e s t e d i n m a x i m i z i n g t h e i r i n v e s t m e n t s . T h e k u t u o r s e r b a n i k a t r a d e s , f o r e x a m p l e , a r e r i s k y v e n t u r e s . E a c h t r a d e r i n v e s t s money i n t h e t r a d e and has t o w a i t f o r payments e a c h month, u n l i k e s t o r e o w n e r s who d e a l w i t h c a s h t r a n s a c t i o n s . T h e r e i s a l w a y s t h e 139 danger of customers not paying for the goods. Some informants have lo s t money in t he i r trading because customers transferred residence without completing t he i r payments. The cap i ta l formation for these small ventures shows how the informants have managed on t he i r own to set up part-time businesses. The i n i t i a l cap i ta l needed fo r trading was obtained from indiv idual savings. Some informants began with about M$1,000 c a p i t a l , others with M$2,000. They managed to increase th i s to as much as M$5,000 in a few years. Later as the need for more cap i ta l arose, they took out loans ranging from M$3,000 to M$5,000 from cooperatives or banks. Some of the informants had busines-ses within the range of M$10,000 to M$l5,000. The traders claim that the i r cap i ta l is always r o l l i n g , for i t i s usually t i ed up in goods or debts. The demand for goods is usually greater than the a v i a l a b i l i t y of money or c red i t fo r the trader to buy the goods. Most of the traders, as I mentioned above, started out s e l l i n g only an item or two on a t r i a l basis. Some have stuck to the i r i n i t i a l type of goods, others have d i v e r s i f i e d . Because of the type of operation and goods they deal wi th, there i s a l i m i t to the i r expansion. Time, personnel, and cap i ta l l i m i t t he i r operations. There i s also the element of competition. Some informants said that kutu and serba nika trade have become so popular that many indiv iduals are now engaged in i t . This type of trading has also spread out to rural areas. One of the informants, a c le rk , regular ly went to rubber and o i l palm plantation settlements taking his business there. In his case, he has found a new out let for his part time business instead of concen-t ra t i ng in town. 140 These part-time businesses are innovative and also demonstrate that Malays can part ic ipate in business a c t i v i t i e s in town. It i s usually the Chinese who are att r ibuted with the commercial functions in \ towns. Part of the Malay dilemma has been t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to part ic ipate f u l l y in the economic l i f e of towns (Mahathir 1970). Various government attempts have been made to help Malays to engage in business but these have been with large businesses and not with indiv iduals who wish to set up small businesses. Bank loans and business permits in towns are usually given to experienced businessmen. Small ventures l i k e those described from the Taman re ly on indiv idual i n i t i a t i v e and resources. Conclusion In th i s chapter I have discussed some aspects of the economic status of the Malays in Taman Kampung Kuantan to i l l u s t r a t e t h e i r economic p a r t i c i -pation-. I have shown that the occupations of the informants are typ ica l of the occupations Malays have in urban areas. There i s cu l tura l continuity in the predominance of teachers, po l i ce , and clerks among the male informants. The occupations and other economic a c t i v i t i e s of the Taman residents r e f l e c t the types of economic opportunities usually open to Malays with l im i ted education and s k i l l s in urban areas. Their lack of education l i m i t s t he i r a b i l i t y to obtain better occupations or higher pos it ions. Few informants were in the profess ional , managerial or business occupations. One trend evident among the Taman Malays is the increasing par t i c ipat ion of women in the labor force. Although most of the women informants were involved in the, stereotyped areas of Malay female employment l i k e teachers, c l e r k s , and midwives, there are those who are f inding more work in f ac to r ie s . 141 The minor par t i c ipat ion of the Taman Malays in the urban commercial sector i s shown by the small business ventures which some of the informants have entered e i ther on a f u l l time or part-time basis. These business ventures were i n i t i a t e d by the informants themselves and were developed through the i r own ef for t s and resources. In a few cases, assistance was obtained through bank loans and government b u i l t shops. These small scale businesses, although l im i ted in prospects, help the Malays increase the i r par t i c ipat ion in the urban economic structure, which i s dominated by non-Malays. Part-time businesses provide one way of augmenting f ixed wage income among the Taman residents. It is one way of improving t he i r opportunities for social mob i l i t y . Increased income enables the Taman residents to give t he i r chi ldren the kind of education which they did not obtain. This i s one way which the Taman Malays can sustain a stable middle-class status. CHAPTER VI NEIGHBORHOOD COHESION AND DIFFERENTIATION When migrants move into an established neighborhood they have to adjust to the prevai l ing social and cu l tura l conditions i n the area. The t rans i t i on period f o r migrants i s expected to be smoother i f they share the same soc ia l character i s t i c s and values as the residents. This view is derived from the concept of the "natural community" (Park et a l . 1967) that says that res ident ia l s o l i d a r i t y is a product of shared social char-a c t e r i s t i c s and valuesi I t i s also possible that i n spite of sharing a common culture and res ident ia l area, res ident ia l s o l i d a r i t y is not developed between the migrants and res idents. This view i s found in Sut t le s ' (1972:35) concept of the "defended neighborhood" in which the cohesion of a neighborhood i s said to come not from sentimental t i e s , but from structura l character i s t i c s l i k e sharing a common boundary and i d e n t i -f i c a t i o n with the reputation of a neighborhood. After the migrants moved into the Taman, the Taman became i den t i f i ed as a d i s t i n c t neighborhood in Kampung Kuantan. As dicussed in the previous chapter, the Taman is distinguished from the rest of the kampung by i t s housing s ty le and the character i s t ics of the res idents. The houses in the Taman are low cost government row houses, while most of those in the rest of the kampung are made, of i nd i v i dua l , plankhouses in t r ad i t i ona l or contemporary design. Most of the Taman residents are recent migrants to 142 143 Kelang while most of the kampung residents are from Kelang. In addit ion to the i r having to adjust to the socia l order of the kampung, the residents of the Taman had to adjust to each other in t h e i r new neighborhood. The Taman migrants came from d i f fe rent parts of the penin-sula and were d i f fe rent ia ted from each other by occupation, ownership or rental of houses and r e l a t i ve social status. The social d i f f e ren t i a t i on found among the Taman residents influenced the i r d i f f e r e n t i a l -involvement in the neighborhood. I suggest that the involvement or lack of involve-ment of the Malays in the Taman are indicators of t he i r pa r t i c ipa t ion in the urban kampung where they have se t t l ed . The discussion in th i s chapter focuses on the socia l adjustment of the Taman residents in t he i r new residence. I describe the bases of common ident i t y among the kampung and Taman res idents, and examine the factors inf luencing the d i f f e ren t i a t i on of the Taman from the kamupung, as well as the d i f f e ren t i a t i on found among the Taman migrants. The socia l adjustment of the Taman residents in the i r new neighborhood indicates that in spite of sharing a common cu l ture, res ident ia l s o l i d a r i t y i s not evenly developed with the rest of the kampung res idents, and that there i s a d i f f e r e n t i a l involvement in neighborhood relat ionships among the Taman residents as a resu l t of social d i f f e ren t i a t i on among them. Common ethnic i dent i t y The Malays think of themselves as one ethnic group, or bangsa. This term i s also used to refer to types of things and d i f fe rent sub-ethnic categories. In the former usage, for example, they say bangsa kain when re fer r ing to types of c l o th . When referr ing to e thn i c i t y , Malays do not 144 think so much in terms of physical t r a i t s as they do in cu l tu ra l terms. Anyone who habitual ly speaks Malay, practices Islam, and follows Malay custom is considered a Malay. In Kampung Kuantan, for example, there are people of Chinese descent who have become Malay, or sudah masuk Melayu. Many of these are females who were adopted as ch i ld ren, anak angkat, by Malays, raised as Malays, and have married Malays. Sub-ethnic differences are also recognized by Malays. These d i f f e r -ences are usually traced to the place of o r i g i n . In Kampung Kuantan, f o r example, there are migrants from various parts of the peninsula as well as from Indonesia. People who o r i g i n a l l y came from Java are referred to as orang Jawa or Javanese people, those o r i g i na l l y from Kelantan are referred to as orang Kelantan. The descent of par t i cu la r indiv iduals i s expressed by the word keturunan, meaning descent or o r i g i n . For example, those of Bugis descent are said to be keturunan Bugis or of Bugis o r i g i n , and those of Minangkabau descent are keturunan Minangkabau or Minangkabau o r i g i n . Local o r ig in and descent are thus two main sources of sub-ethnic referents among Malays in the kampung. Sub-ethnic differences are also noted by the Taman and kampung people in terms of ways of speaking, s ty le of dress, and personality character i s -t i c s or indiv idual tastes. For example, the Javanese speak a d i f fe rent language from the Sumatrans. The kampung people regard Bahasa Indonesia as halus or re f ined, compared to everyday spoken Malay which is considered kasar or unrefined. Since there are many migrants in the kampung, bahasa  daerah or d ia lects are recognized by d i f fe rent accents and vocabulary. In terms of dress, Javanese women wear the i r s k i r t s in a d i f fe rent fashion from Malay women, and the-scarf i s worn d i f f e ren t l y . Each'ethnic group i s 145 also stereotyped by personal ity cha rac te r i s t i c s . For example, the Javanese are said to be r a j i n or industrious compared to the Malays who are malas or lazy. Sumatrans are said to be sombong or arrogant, while the Javanese are not as se l f -a s se r t i ve or arrogant. Sub-ethni;cVdifferehces: among Malays are not,:.; however, played up in the kampung or the Taman. Usually i t i s only in j e s t or in private that these are ever mentioned. For most of the migrants, each group t r i e s to conform to Selangor adat or customs once they have l i v ed there for some time. Malays in general are proud of the fact that as a group they share the same customs, although these in fact vary from state to state. One of the most common adat mentioned i s the Malay concept of cooper-at ion, of being helpful to fel low Malays. This i s expressed by terms l i k e gotong-royong or mutual se l f -he lp , tolong-menolong or being he lp fu l , and kerjasama or working together. In Kampung Kuantan, gotong-royong i s under-stood as cooperation on a community l e v e l , while tolong-menolong i s help on a reciprocal basis between two or more ind iv idua l s . For example, contributing towards the construction of a surau is more gotong-royong than tolong-menolong, while helping a neighbor cook for a feast or kenduri i s tolong-menolong. Gotong-royong a c t i v i t i e s are frequently organized around re l ig ious a c t i v i t i e s . A l l Malays are by de f i n i t i on followers of Islam. Feelings of s o l i d a r i t y are aroused pr imar i ly as a resu l t of the common r e l i g i o n . R e l i -gious r i t u a l s performed in the community, e.g. circumcis ions, weddings, and celebrating the Prophet Mohammed's birthday, require a kenduri or feast which i s a cooperative venture. Kampung people pride themselves 146 in not having to h i re cooks or go to restaurants f o r a fea s t . One of the cooperative ventures which was undertaken in th i s regard was the purchase of p lates and glasses fo r use in kenduris fo r the kampung. These are kept in the surau or prayer house. Whenever there i s * kenduri at somebddy's house, they can rent these p lates and g lasses. The money from the renta l i s used to replace broken plates or purchase add i t iona l p ieces . Malay Muslims b e l i e v e . i n f i v e a r t i c l e s of f a i t h : b e l i e f in the one God, prayers, f a s t i n g , payment of t i t h e s , and the pi lgrimage of Mecca. Prayer i s the most common r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t y of the kampung people. They are supposed to pray f i v e times a day: at dawn (subuh), afternoon (zuhur), l a te afternoon (asar ) , sunset (makhrib), and at night ( i shak). Prayers are sa id more often at home where the fa ther sometimes leads and the mother and ch i ld ren fo l low. Sometimes the men go to the mosque or, to the surau f o r prayer on ordinary days. On Fridays they have the main worship serv ice at the mosque. Only men go tb.the mosque f o r - t h e Fr iday worship, women are not allowed in the mosque. Since most men in the kampung work, the surau i s more of ten used in the evening and night prayers. It i s usua l ly the o lder men who go f requent ly to the surau f o r prayers. The mosque and the surau are the two most important i n s t i t u t i o n s in the kampung. They are the center of the community. There is one mosque in the kampung and three suraus. The mosque was b u i l t in the kampung before the Second World War, on land donated by a Malacca migrant. The mosque personnel inc lude an imam or r e l i g i o u s head, an a s s i s t an t imam, a t rea surer , and a secretary. They are a l l appointed by the Sultan and rece ive l e t t e r s of appointment or t au l i ah from him. In add i t ion to these men there i s a 147 b i l a l who summons people to prayer, and another b i l a l who prepares corpses for bu r i a l . A mosque committee made up of representatives from the kampung residents helps the imam and other mosque personnel make decisions concern-ing the running of the mosque. Mosque personnel are appointed by the State Religious Department. Maintenance of the mosque i s a community a f f a i r . Contributions from the kampung people are usually sought fo r repairs and improvements. Whenever the cost i s too high, i t i s obtained from higher author i t ies such as the D i s t r i c t Of f i ce or the State Assembly representative for the area. During the f i e l d work period, part of the mosque caught f i r e jus t before the fast ing month. Repairs amounting to M$5,000 were required. Efforts were made by the mosque committee to obtain the money from the D i s t r i c t O f f i ce r and the State Assembly representative. Fortunately, they were successful and able to repair the damage before the big celebration ending the fast ing month, Hari Raya Puasa. There are three suraus in the kampung: Surau Tinggi or t a l l surau, Surau Haji Sa i l eh, and Surau Taman Kampung Kuantan. Before the mosque was b u i l t there was only one surau in the kampung, Surau Tinggi. This surau is now used as a prayer house for women in the kampung. Around the end of World War II, Surau Haji Salleh was constructed on land contributed by the ketua kampung, on the east side of the kampung. The most recent addit ion to the kampung i s the surau inside the Taman. Unlike the mosque, the organization of the surau i s quite informal. The surau imam and other personnel are appointed by consensus of the residents who use the surau . Suraus are used pr imar i ly as prayer houses. They are also used for other re l ig ious functions in the loca l area. For example, 148 t a h l i l meetings where part ic ipants rec i te praises to Al lah and the Prophet, and tarawih meetings where special prayers are said during the fast ing month, are done in the surau. Instructions in the reading of the Kor'an are also held in the surau. Some kampung residents have been worried that having too many suraus would create d iv i s ions in the kampung. Others f e l t that i t was convenient to have suraus for par t i cu la r sections of the kampung, instead of having to walk far to the mosque. These issues came up when the surau inside the Taman was proposed. This i s discussed in more deta i l below. It i s impor-tant to note, in b r i e f , that the suraus are extensions of the mosque as a center of Islamic r e l i g i on and culture at the local l e v e l . The re l i g ious r i t u a l s in the kampung are the primary source of neigh-borly cooperation in the kampung. This i s best manifested during the fast ing month or bulan puasa. During the fast ing month a l l Muslims re f ra in from food and dr ink, as well as smoking, and some informants added sex or e v i l thoughts, from dawn t i l l sunset. Even before the fast ing month comes, people already ant ic ipate the " fast ; . By fa s t i ng , each Muslim, according to ustaz informants, i s supposed to feel how a person deprived of basic necess it ies f ee l s . This common experience i s shared by a l l , r i c h and poor. Children are trained to fast from age f i ve or s ix years. A l l persons who have reached puberty are required to fa s t . Everybody expects a l l others to f a s t . Even kids taunt t he i r playmates who do not f a s t . The exceptions are women who are menstruating or have ju s t given b i r t h , and persons who are t r a ve l l i n g long distances, theo re t i ca l l y 72 miles or more. Special r i t u a l s are held in the kampung during the fast ing month. Each 149 fast ing day begins by the bang or the c a l l to prayer and ends by the wail of a s i ren at sunset. Af ter breaking the fast and a f te r the f i f t h prayer, at ishak, there i s a special prayer session ca l l ed tarawih. Cakes and coffee or tea are served a f te r the tarawih. These are made and contributed by the women of the kampung. Both men and women part ic ipate in the tarawih. Usually most of the part ic ipants go home a f te r the tarawih and refreshments. Some stay behind for the tadarus, a session in which men take turns r e c i t i n g from the Kor'an and t he i r mistakes are corrected. A complete reading of the Kor'an during the fast ing month i s marked by a kenduri to celebrate the event known as Khatam Kor'an or completion of a f u l l reading of the Kor 'an. Again the food for the kenduri is cooked by the women and given to the part ic ipants and guests. Neighborhood D i f fe rent ia t i on Kampung Kuantan is one administrative unit in the town of Kelang. A l l the Malays in the kampung share common ethnic cha rac te r i s t i c s . Neighbor-hood s o l i d a r i t y , however, does not come pr imar i ly as a resu l t of sharing these common ethnic charac te r i s t i c s . Within the kampung there are two d i s t i n c t neighborhoods, the kampung proper and the Taman. These two separate neighborhoods came into being when the Taman was bu i l t inside the kampung, and new residents set t led into the Taman, as described in Chapter IV. As a government housing development the physical character i s t i c s of the Taman are d i f f e ren t from the kampung. The gr id-pattern of i t s paved streets contrasts with the footpaths found in the rest of the kampung. Unlike the well spaced indiv idual houses of the kampung proper, the almost 150 ident ica l row houses of the Taman are grouped i n blocks of ten to f i f t een houses. The ident i t y of the Taman was ascribed even before i t was occu-pied. It had a pre-established name and i t s boundaries were c l ea r l y marked. The Taman residents have further developed th i s i dent i t y by establ i sh ing t he i r own neighborhood committees and bui lding t he i r own surau ins ide the Taman. In the beginning the Taman residents showed much a c t i v i t y in organizing themselves. One of the reasons f o r th is a c t i v i t y was the incomplete .state ' of the Taman when the residents began to occupy, the houses. Many problems regarding the amenities in the i r neighborhood faced the f i r s t Taman residents in 1969. E l e c t r i c i t y and water had yet to be i n s t a l l e d , r i v e r water sometimes overflowed from the dyke into the Taman drains, and garbage co l l e c t i on was non-existent. To solve these problems an ad hoc committee, Jawatankuasa Bertindak, was formed. This committee went to the Town Council and PKNS, the state development corporation, which b u i l t the Taman, requesting help for t he i r problems. It functioned for one year unt i l i t was replaced in 1971 by another committee for administering the a f f a i r s of the Taman residents. Some of the i n i t i a l problems were solved by th i s committee. The ad_hoc committee was replaced by the Taman Kampung Kuantan Committee or Jawatankuasa Taman Kampung Kuantan (JTKK). This committee lasted un t i l the end of 1973, when i t was eventually merged with the kampung v i l l age commit-tee. The JTKK was the f i r s t committee which organized the Taman into a un i f ied group of residents. Just l i k e the previous committee, i t took the re spons ib i l i t y of acting as spokesman for the needs of the Taman, as well as guiding the development of the Taman. 151 The structure of the JTKK consisted of one main committee and several sub-committees. Its o f f i ce r s and members were chosen from among the active and respected residents of the Taman. Each,street i n the Taman was ... represented in the JTKK. To carry out the d i f fe rent functions of the JTKK, sub-committees were formed. There were four sub-committees: Seksi Ugama fo r r e l i g i o n , Seksi. Bel ia dan Sokan for youth and sports, Seksi Wanita for women, the Seksi Kebajikan Am for general welfare. Each of these sub-committees had the i r complement of o f f i ce r s and members ju s t l i k e the JTKK main committee. In i t s two years of administering the a f f a i r s of the Taman, various benefits were obtained by the JTKK for the Taman res idents. Since the Taman was part of the Town Council area and taxes were lev ied on the r e s i -dents ' properties,the JTKK made sure that services such as garbage c o l l e c t i o n , grass cut t ing , mosquito spraying, and drain cleaning were given to the Taman. A pet i t i on was also made to the Town Council to lower the monthly service charges from the Town Counci l , as well as to lower the annual taxes on the houses. The reasons given by the Taman residents were that the Taman was a low cost housing development, that a l l of the r e s i -dents were Malays with low income, and that they were s t i l l paying for t he i r houses to the PKNS. Lower rates were given to the Taman residents by the Town Council as a resu l t of the request made by the JTKK. Other improvements were also made in the Taman. Street l i gh t i ng was obtained, the dyke protecting the Taman from the r i v e r waters was strengthened to prevent the r i v e r from overflowing into the Taman, and playground equip-ment for chi ldren was obtained from the D i s t r i c t O f f i ce . A post o f f i ce branch was also i n s t a l l ed in one of the stores in the Taman. 152 Among the var ious sub-committees w i t h i n the JTKK, the most a c t i v e was the r e l i g i o n sub-committee. Th i s sub-committee arranged f o r Taman c e l e b r a t i o n s o f r e l i g i o u s ho l idays l i k e the P rophet ' s b i r thday (Nabi Maulud), and the end o f the f a s t i n g month (Hari Raya Puasa) and a l s o sponsored guest l e c t u r e r s on r e l i g i o u s mat te r s . The most important accomplishment o f t h i s sub-committee was p lann ing and b u i l d i n g a surau i n s i d e the Taman. Although there was a surau j u s t ou t s i de the Taman and a mosque i n the. kampung, the Taman r e s i den t s f e l t t ha t a surau i n s i d e the Taman was necessary. S ince 1972, r e l i g i o u s c l a s s e s f o r c h i l d r e n and adu l t s had been he ld i n the houses of severa l teachers and ustaz because there were no o the r a v a i l a b l e p l a ce s . As newcomers to the kampung, the Taman r e s i den t s were r e l u c t a n t to use the community h a l l and nearby surau except f o r b ig ga the r i ng s . Guest l e c t u r e r s were p e r i o d i c a l l y i n v i t e d to speak to the Taman r e s i den t s on r e l i g i o u s s ub j e c t s . Re l i g i o u s leader s f e l t t ha t a surau i n s i d e the Taman would f a c i l i t a t e meetings, l e c t u r e s , and r e l i g i o u s c l a s s e s . Before the surau was b u i l t there was some oppo s i t i on i n the Taman. Some r e s i den t s thought t ha t the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a surau i n s i d e the Taman would lead to s u b - d i v i s i o n s i n the kampung, berpecah-belah kampung, s i nce groupings would form around each surau. Those who were f o r b u i l d i n g the Taman surau emphasized the need f o r such a b u i l d i n g , and a l so i t s s i g n i f i -cance f o r the Taman as a Malay neighborhood. In most Malay communities the mosque o r surau i s the symbol o f the community's un i t y and r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y . When v i s i t o r s came to the kampung and have no p lace t o s t a y , the surau o r mosque i s o f f e r e d to house the v i s i t o r s . Some r e s i den t s of the Taman f e l t t ha t b u i l d i n g a surau i n the Taman would be an i n s u l t to 153 the ketua kampung who had already b u i l t a: surau j u s t 'outs ide the Taman many years ago. Furthermore, there were already two suraus in the kampung, why bu i ld a t h i r d one? Those who were fo r bu i ld ing the Taman surau, of course, won. Discus-sions on the pros and cons of bu i ld ing the Taman surau d id cause some tension within the kampung. The main concern was whether the Taman r e s i -dents would be regarded as part of the kampung or as a separate neighbor-hood because of t h e i r des i re to bu i ld t h e i r own surau. The i n i t i a l a c t i v i -t i e s of the Taman res idents already ind icated a separat i s t tendency, by organiz ing separate committees, in t h e i r concern f o r the re s ident s ' wel-f a re . The bu i l d ing of the surau ins ide the Taman confirmed th i s suspic ion of the kampung proper re s ident s . Thus, the reputat ion of the Taman as a separate neighborhood in the kampung was re in fo rced . The re l i g i ou s committee of the Taman acted on the need f o r a surau. In a meeting of the Taman re s iden t s , they proposed a plan to bu i l d a surau ins ide the Taman. This plan was accepted by the JTKK. Construct ion of a surau required two th ings , money and approval of the Rel ig ious Department of Selangor. A specia l committee was appointed to take care of these matters, the Surau bu i ld ing committee or Jawatankuasa pembinaan surau. Seven members were se lected to be the committee. As in the JTKK, each s t reet in the Taman was represented on the committee. These members were respons i -ble f o r c o l l e c t i n g contr ibut ions from t h e i r respect ive areas. An i n i t i a l cont r ibut ion from each member of the committee was made to p r i n t the rece ip t books fo r the fund dr ive to bu i ld the surau. Each household in the Taman was asked to contr ibute M$20, payable in M$2 monthly ins ta l lments . Before 154 , the co l l e c t i on began, a l e t t e r was c i rcu lated to the Taman residents to inform them of the r e l i g i on committee's proposals and decis ions. The surau bui lding committee sent a l e t t e r of appl icat ion to bui ld a surau in the Taman to the Rel.igious Department, as well as a request for funds for th i s purpose. They also asked PKNS to provide a vacant l o t in the Taman, formerly used as a badminton court, on which to bui ld the surau. The requests from the Religious Department and from PKNS were a l l granted af ter representatives of the Taman went to these i n s t i tu t i ons to convince them about the i r plan. Additional money was also requested from the Dis-t r i c t Off ice to bui ld the surau. A tota l of M$5,500 was i n i t i a l l y co l lected from the Taman res idents, and M$20,000 was obtained from the D i s t r i c t Of f i ce . Another M$3,000 was l a te r contributed by the Taman residents for the i n s t a l l a t i o n of e l e c t r i c i t y , water supply, a publ ic address system, and e l e c t r i c fans in the surau. Construction of the surau building was begun in 1975 and completed in 1977. The other sub-committees of the JTKK had the i r separate functions wi th-in the Taman. Each had i t s own tasks assigned by the main committee of the JTKK. The youth and sports committee, fo r example, was directed to perform char itable works or kerja amal, as well as to arrange for t r ad i t i ona l dances songs, and sports in the Taman. Its accomplishments, however, only included gotong-royong a c t i v i t i e s such as cleaning up the Taman and kampung area of l i t t e r and garbage, ass i s t ing at wedding preparations in the Taman, and helping prepare for public gatherings l i k e the celebration of the Prophet Mohammed's birthday. Like the youth and sports committee, the welfare committee was also given the task of as s i s t ing the Taman residents with the 155/ upkeep of the Taman area, as well as organizing bur ia l preparations when there was a death in the Taman. It was the l a t t e r a c t i v i t y which became the the main concern of the welfare committee. The women's committee was given the task of organizing a c t i v i t i e s for women in the Taman such as cooking classes, and making t rad i t i ona l ornaments for weddings. The organizational impetus for the women in the Taman was influenced by a national women's organizat ion, the Women's Inst i tute (WI), which established a branch in the Taman. This and other organizations in the Taman are discussed further in the next chapter. These committees became the core fo r the l a t e r development of formal associations in the Taman a f te r the main committee of the JTKK ceased to function in 1974. Each of them became a specia l ized associat ion, while the administration of the Taman came under the kampung v i l l age development committee. Taman representatives were assigned to the kampung v i l l age devel-^. opment committee beginning with the par t i c ipat ion of the JTKK president in the v i l l a ge development committee in 1973. Later more representatives from the Taman were appointed to the kampung v i l l a ge development committee. Taman Groupings The Taman residents, for p ract ica l and other considerations, have l i ved , separate from the kampung residents. Their t e r r i t o r i a l d i s t inct iveness in the kampung has set them i n i t i a l l y apart. The kampung people saw the Taman as a special l o c a l i t y in the kampung, not r ea l l y the same as the rest of the kampung. They have come to l i v e with th i s separate i den t i t y . Patterns of neighborhood a c t i v i t y have developed and certa in groupings among the Taman residents have formed as time passed. 156 Among the Taman res idents, the ideal neighbor was thought of as one who was f r i end l y and cooperative. As one informant put i t , j i r a n tetangga  i n i macam sahabat, neighbors are l i k e close f r iends. Fr iendl iness here -means being amiable and, i t s co r re la te , avoiding c o n f l i c t . Neighborly cooperation i s bekerjasama, part of adat resam, the commonly accepted body of customs and manners. I t is a custom which or ig inates from the rura l t r ad i t i on of gotong-royong or mutual se l f -he lp . Whenever there i s a feas t , a wedding, or a bur ia l the neighbors are expected to help each other. No outsiders are ca l led to help on these occasions, tidak panggil orang jauh. Only Taman residents help each other during these occasions and i t i s rare that outsiders-' come to help. Cooperation in the preparation and attendance at feasts i s the major expression of neighbor!iness in the Taman. There are many tasks to perform in a kenduri. Food has to be prepared and cooked, utensi ls have to be borrowed and cleaned, chairs and tables have to be arranged. In add i t ion, space is needed to do a l l the preparations. Next door neighbors are asked to lend t he i r kitchens for the occasion, since the Taman houses are not very b ig. The most reputed cooks in the Taman are asked to help cook. Serv-ing food i s also a cooperative venture. Women usually dish out the food while men carry i t to the tables. In a wedding feast where guests come and go successively, clean space and utensi ls as well as food have to be prov i -ded. A l l the guests are treated the same way. As one informant put i t , there i s no consideration of status at a kenduri; a l l guests are welcome. A f te r a feast there i s more work to be done, cleaning and putting away u tens i l s , as well tables and chairs. It i s usually the youth of the Taman 157 who are pa r t i cu l a r l y ca l led upon to help clean up a f te r a kenduri. Next door neighbors are also asked to help out at th i s time. When i t . i s the i r turn to hold kenduri they can expect t he i r neighbors to reciprocate th i s help. Aside from these custom defined occasions for cooperative tasks among neighbors, there are other occasions in the Taman which bring neighbors together to interact with one another. These resu l t in what may be termed groupings, in the sense that they are a type of gathering which bring people together without necessari ly endowing them with formal group organization. Among these are the loca l a c t i v i t i e s connected with r e l i g i o n , instrumental a c t i v i t i e s , associations connected a c t i v i t i e s , and le i sure time groupings. Religious groupings are formed at the prayer meetings and re l i g ious lectures of the Taman surau. Men and women congregate at the surau for da i l y prayers. It i s usually the evening and night prayers which are better attended, with about 30 to 40 people pa r t i c i pa t i ng . Not everybody attends these prayer meetings for a var iety of reasons; some people prefer to say t he i r prayers at home, some attend the prayer meetings at the other surau in the kampung, s t i l l others work on s h i f t duty at night, and thus can not regular ly attend these prayer meetings.-Prayer meetings, l i k e kenduris, at the surau are also .customary behavior patterns. Re l i g i o s i t y , unlike status d i f f e r en t i a l s i s not a factor which divides people. People in the Taman do not gossip about the re l i g ious behavior of other people. Piety is accepted as an indiv idual and personal matter. Par t i c ipat ion at the surau meetings i s not mandatory. People in the Taman know who are regular part ic ipants at the surau prayers. They say 153 that i t i s good when people attend surau prayer meetings: they gain more merits or pahala that way. Most people accept the fact that preoccupation with r e l i g i on increases, with age. Fewer young people attend surau prayer meetings; older people say that the younger people w i l l become more r e l i -gious as they grow older. The Taman surau prayer group i s a respected group in the Taman, although i t i s not acknowledged to be a formal group. It i s composed of some 20 regular par t i c ipants , including men and women of d i f fe rent ages. It i s distinguished from the prayer grouping at Haji Sa l leh ' s surau in the kampung. There are men and women from the Taman who regularly attend prayer meetings there, instead of the surau in the Taman, because i t i s c loser to the i r houses. The composition of th i s prayer group i s mostly of older men and women, as compared to the r e l a t i v e l y younger men and women who regular ly attend the Taman surau prayer meetings. The surau prayer groupings are always inv i ted to kenduris. Whenever there i s a special feas t , e.g. a feast honoring a dead person, the surau prayer part ic ipants are invar iably among the f i r s t to be i nv i ted . Twice a week there are re l i g ious lectures and discussions held in the Taman surau for the Taman residents a f te r the evening prayers; These l e c -tures are organized by the ustaz or re l ig ious teachers l i v i n g in the Taman. The ustaz take turns lectur ing about the Kor'an and Islam. Sometimes guest lecturers are i n v i t ed , especia l ly during the month preceding the fast ing month or on re l i g ious holidays. These re l i g ious meetings are important sources of neighborhood group-ings in the Taman, providing occasions for neighbors to meet and to get to 159 know one another. Before and a f t e r the meetings there are small c lusters of men who casual ly converse with one another. Some informants said that i t was in th i s way that they met and got to know more residents of the Taman. In the Taman there are small c lusters of indiv iduals who have formed groupings for pa r t i cu la r tasks which are instrumental i n nature. These groupings are formed for spec i f i c purposes l i k e car pools, cooperative shopping, kutu groups, and pyrex part ies . The regu lar i ty and period of existence of these groupings vary. Some, l i k e the cooperative shopping or car pools, l a s t for a long time and meet regular ly , while others l i k e the kutu and pyrex part ies are of short durat ion and meet only once as a group. Since many of the Taman residents work outside Kelang, in Kuala Lumpur or Petal ing Jaya, some of them have formed car pools to get to and from work. These car pools take two forms: one man provides the r ide with his car for the rest of the pool, or i f there i s more than one car among the part ic ipants they take turns each month giving rides to the other persons. It i s usually the former arrangement which i s common, among the Taman res idents. Each month the r iders pay the -car owner M$25 to M$30 for the da i l y rides to and from work. By jo in ing car pools the Taman residents save some money, e i ther by reducing the i r bus fare or by obtaining extra cash from the contributions in the car pool. At the same time, the car pool provides a regular and frequent occasion for interact ion among the part ic ipants . Cooperative shopping i s another instrumental a c t i v i t y which provides a source of grouping among the Taman residents. Here a group of four or 160 f i v e households agrees to shop i n common f o r bas i c f o o d s t u f f l i k e r i c e , sugar, and f l o u r . The goods are bought i n bulk and d i v i d e d among the p a r t i c i p a n t s . Goods are obta ined more cheaply i n t h i s manner than i f the i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a n t s had bought them sepa ra te l y . Each month one of the group members i s ass igned the task o f shopping f o r the goods w i th money c o n t r i b u t e d by the p a r t i c i p a n t s . Then the p a r t i c i p a n t s are c a l l e d together to d i v i d e the f o o d s t u f f . These groupings are d i f f e r e n t from the car p o o l , or surau prayer groupings i n the sense t ha t p a r t i c i p a n t s u sua l l y know each . o ther before they dec ide to group together f o r shopping. The kutu groupings are s i m i l a r to the cooperat i ve shopping groupings s i nce t h e i r goal i s to ob ta in c e r t a i n goods f o r the p a r t i c i p a n t s . In t h i s system of grouping, however, the r e l a t i o n s h i p among the p a r t i c i p a n t s u s u a l l y begins and ends w i th the kutu , unless the p a r t i c i p a n t s have a r previous r e l a t i o n s h i p ^ separate from t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the kutu. As I have mentioned be fo re , the kutu i s formed by a kepala kutu o r kutu l e ade r ; the method of payment f o r the goods i s by i n s t a l l m e n t ; and the p a r t i c i p a n t s take turns ob t a i n i n g the de s i r ed item each month o r whenever c o n t r i b u t i o n s are made by p a r t i c i p a n t s . The kepa la -kutu has the task of f i n d i n g the goods. He e i t h e r gets them from a s to re o r from a kutu t r a d e r . I f he i s working f o r a kutu t r a d e r then he gets a commission f o r h i s task o f o r gan i z i ng the kutu . The kutu p a r t i c i p a n t s may o r may not know each o the r before the kutu i s formed. A f t e r the payments have been completed and a l l the p a r t i c i p a n t s have obta ined the de s i r ed i tem, they may o r may not group together again i n t o another kutu a t some fu tu re t ime. Pyrex p a r t i e s are a f requent occurrence i n the Taman. At l e a s t one 161 sales party i s held each month, organized and attended by women in the Taman. Pyrex items are very popular among the kampung people, and women c o l l e c t them for home use as well as f o r d i sp lay , usua l ly exh ib i t i n g them in the l i v i n g room along with other ornamental p ieces . Since pyrex wares are not sold in s to res , they have to be obtained through a dealer who s e l l s them at pyrex p a r t i e s . This also makes the pyrex wares more va lu -able to the women, as they are not r ead i l y a v a i l a b l e . Pyrex part ies are organized by hostesses in the Taman in cooperation with a pyrex dea ler . There are at l eas t f i v e pyrex dealers and one manager who l i v e s in the Taman. They do not a l l operate so le ly in the kampung. At a party the dealer demonstrates the wares - p l a te s , saucers, bowls, e t c . The dealer then takes orders f o r the wares and informs the women of the de l i ve ry date. A "game" fol lows the submission of orders . Each person present is given a number and three persons are chosen by l o t s . The three women a l l receive g i f t s from the dea ler . The number one person gets to give the next pyrex party; the other two "winners" may a lso give pyrex part ies i f they wish. For her e f f o r t in organizing the par ty , the hostess also gets a g i f t from the dea ler , as well as a commission from the orders obtained. G i f t s and commissions are pyrex wares. P a r t i c i p a t i o n in pyrex part ies var ies depending on the f r iendsh ip network of the hostess. The hostess usua l ly i nv i t e s her c lose f r i e n d s . These f r iends are obl iged to attend t h e i r f r i e n d ' s pyrex party or r i sk of fending her. Some women, however, do not attend. One woman informant sa id that most women attend these part ies out of cons iderat ion f o r t h e i r 162 f r iends, and they buy pyrex wares which they don't even need. There is an i m p l i c i t understanding that a l l part ic ipants give purchase orders during a pyrex party. Another woman said that she never attended these pyrex par t ie s , because i f she attended one party of a f r i end , then she would have to attend the party of other fr iends where she w i l l have to buy pyrex wares she does not need. Her solut ion was to refuse them a l l rather than play favor i tes . For most other women, however, the pyrex parties are l i v e l y a f f a i r s which give them a chance to s o c i a l i z e . Housewives bring t he i r young chi ldren to these par t ie s . Much ta lk ing about themselves and the neighbor-hood goes on during the proceedings, aside from the business of ordering pyrex wares. In addit ion to the instrumental groupings l i k e cooperative shopping and pyrex par t ie s , there are a c t i v i t i e s organized by the various associa-tions in the Taman which i nv i te par t i c ipat ion from among the kampung and Taman residents. These a c t i v i t i e s are part of the community services performed by the associat ions. They are also one of the means for popular-i z ing associations-, rec ru i t ing new members, and provide occasions fo r kampung residents to interact with one another. These a c t i v i t i e s include sports, cooking classes, movies and even excursions. The UMNO members in the kampung regular ly organize badminton games in the kampung. The Women's Inst i tute holds weekly cooking classes in the Taman. The national organization for the Mecca pilgrimage, l o c a l l y known as Tabung Haji or P i lgr im Fund, showed a f i lm which described the steps involved in the pilgrimage to acquaint the kampung people with the procedures for a h a j i . I discuss the a c t i v i t i e s of these associations in more deta i l in the next chapter. 163 Social D i f fe rent ia t i on As in many other Malay l o c a l i t i e s , the residents of Taman Kampung Kuantan are homogeneous only in terms of ethnic composition. They vary in other respects. There is social d i f f e ren t i a t i on based on area of o r i g i n , d i a l e c t , and ownership or rental of houses. At the same time there i s a system of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n based on socia l status and re l a t i ve wealth. These are the same variables other authors have noted to d i f f e ren t i a te Malays in t he i r studies of rural and urban kampungs. For example, Swift (1965) described two social classes among the v i l l age r s of Je lebu, the lower class and the upper c la s s , as well as the status differences among indiv iduals according to the performance of certa in ro les. Husin A l i (1964) also described two "c lasses" of people in a rural v i l l a g e , those who make the i r l i v i n g in agr icu l ture and those who do not. Provencher (1971) describes how the residents of the rural and urban kampungs he studied were d i s t i n -guished into aggregates depending on ownership or rental of land or houses, sub-ethnic and regional i den t i t y , and occupations. A l l three authors note that these social differences have consequences for kampung res idents ' perception and behavior toward each other. Provencher (1971:69) suggests that the occupational d i ver s i t y in Kampung Bahru influences the physical and soc ia l separation of neighbors during working hours and the assignment of d i f fe rent levels of prestige to d i f fe rent neighbors depending on the i r , occupations. The same observation can be made about the Taman Malays as f a r as t he i r occupational differences are concerned. In addit ion to t h i s , i t can be shown that social d i f f e r -ences among Taman residents account for the d i f f e r e n t i a l commitment and 164 par t i c ipat ion of the Malays in t he i r l o c a l i t y . One of the most basic d i s t inct ions among the Taman residents i s that between owners and renters. As I mentioned in Chapter IV, among the o r i g i n -al buyers of Taman houses, many decided not to l i v e in the houses and rented them out. About 30 percent of the Taman households surveyed were renters. This proportion may be compared with the higher proportion-bf ..renters ( 6 4 . 9 ? - ) among Kampung Bahru residents studied by Provencher (1971:35). The owner/renter, or pemilek/penyewa, d i s t i n c t i on is notable not only in terms of t he i r proportion in the l o c a l i t y , but also in terms of other character i s t i c s which d i f f e ren t i a te renters and owners from each other. Among these are differences in occupation and age. In Table VII of Chapter V, i t i s shown that there are proport ional ly more teachers, policemen, and factory workers among owners than renters; there are proportional ly more technic ians, c l e r k s , and professionals among renters than owners. The renters have a higher average income (M$773) than owners (M$662). There i s no large difference in the educational attainment of owners and renters. By age, the renters tend to be much younger than owners; about 69.3 percent of the renter male household heads were between 20 and 39 years o l d , while only 23 per cent of the owners were in the same age range. The renters are considered transients and owners feel that renters are not as committed to the Taman community as they are. Owners see themselves as more permanently rooted in the kampung and thus more s oc i a l l y s i gn i f i c an t . .Although some renters have l i v ed in the Taman fo r as long as some owners, they s t i l l do not consider themselves as committed to the Taman as the owners. The re l a t i ve youth of the renters also contributed to t he i r transient image in 165 the Taman. Some of the renter households were composed of bachelors. Many of these were young workers in the factor ies ofPetal ing Jaya and Shah Alam. The Taman i s more l i k e a dormitory for them rather than a home. Owners frequently commented that they hardly knew the i r renter neighbors because the renters were away most of the time, e i ther at work or v i s i t i n g friends and re la t i ves over the weekend. Because of th i s perceived lack of permanence, renters are not as involved in the community's a c t i v i t i e s as the owners. Another important basis of socia l d i f f e ren t i a t i on in the Taman i s social status. Indicators of status differences are occupation, education, inher ited and achieved t i t l e s . People of higher status are referred to as orang berpangkat, or people with rank. These usually include those with achieved status l i k e cikgu or teacher, ustaz or re l ig ious teacher, haj i or someone who has made the pilgrimage to Mecca, and datuk or policeman of rank. Among the policemen, those who are sergeants and inspectors have high status. Other persons considered as orang berpangkat but who are not given pa r t i cu la r honorif ics are the ketua kerani or ch ie f c l e rk s , and managers or executives in private f i rms. The l a t t e r are usually people with some higher education, e.g. HSC or univers i ty degree. Some traders, f u l l time or part time, are addressed as tawkeht or propr ietor. This i s s i gn i f i can t in the sense that i t i s the Chinese businessmen who are usually addressed with th i s term. Among the Taman Malays the use of tawkeh i s often in j e s t rather than as an honor i f i c . Then there are indiv iduals with inher ited t i t l e s such as Wan or Raja ind icat ing descent from n o b i l i t y . Among the Taman residents these men and women keep a low p ro f i l e because 166 they are not wealthy, unl ike some of the n o b i l i t y in town. For example, one i s only a mechanic, and another i s a school teacher. People o f lower status inc lude laborers in f a c t o r i e s , ord inary c l e r k s , dock workers, and lower ranking policemen. According to some lower status re s i den t s , they do not fee l i n c l i n e d to mix with those of higher s ta tus . Some laborers sa id that they do not mix too much with t h e i r neighbors . because they can not compare with t h e i r higher status neighbors, t idak ada  persaingan. A few port workers sa id that there are some renters in the Taman of higher status who have taken advantage o f the lower rent in the Taman even though they can a f fo rd to l i v e in Petal ing Jaya, and thus they deprive other low income Malays of the opportunity to f i n d housing in the Taman. A t h i r d source of soc ia l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among the Taman res idents i s standard of l i v i n g . The res idents descr ibe t h e i r l i v i n g standard as sederhana, or moderate, t h e i r reference to a middle class, s ty le, o f . %• l i v i n g in Malays ia. Many sa id that they l i k e d l i v i n g in the Taman because they wanted to l i v e a middle c l a s s l i f e - s t y l e , mahu hidup sederhana. Compared to Kuala Lumpur or Peta l ing Jaya, they c la im that the cost of l i v i n g in the kampung i s low, and at the same time have the same amenities o f town l i v i n g . Some res idents sa id that they moved from Peta l ing Jaya because they could not a f f o rd the higher cost of l i v i n g there. In the Taman they have found a more moderate l i f e - s t y l e and cost of l i v i n g . Although the Malays in the Taman descr ibe t h e i r l i v i n g standard as sederhana, there are d i f ferences in l i f e s t y l e among the res ident s . These are ind icated by the houses and material possessions of the re s ident s . A l l 167 the houses in the Taman are bas ica l l y from the same model: a three bedroom house with a l i v i n g room in the front for receiving guests, a kitchen-dining area, and a bathroom. About 80 percent of the houses are made mostly of wood, the remaining 20 percent are a l l concrete. The l a t t e r were made in the l a s t phase of the development and were more expensive. Most of the wooden houses have remained as they were b u i l t . Some of them have begun to deteriorate due to use, weather, and termite in fes ta t ion . Other houses, however, have been renovated by the i r owners. People,who own concrete houses and those who have renovated t he i r houses display higher standards of 1 iv ing. Examples of renovations of Taman houses include the fo l lowing: fencing, concrete wa l l s , and extensions of the houses. When the residents moved into the Taman, there were only wire mesh fences in front of the houses. Since then many residents have i n s t a l l ed iron gates and car ports in front of t he i r houses. Some residents f e l t that the i r l i v i n g rooms were too small, so they knocked down the walls separating the f i r s t bedroom from the l i v i n g room thereby enlarged t he i r front room and have equipped i t with more f u r n i -ture. Other residents have enlarged the i r houses by extending the i r kitchen area up to the back s t reet. A few have gone so f a r as to replace wooden walls with concrete blocks. Variat ions in household furnishings and ownership of cars are other indicators of differences in material wealth of residents. A l l houses are furnished with basic household items l i k e f ront room s i t t i n g sets, dining table and cha i r s , beds, and cabinets for storage. The qual i ty of these furnishings varies from one household to another, depending on the 168 taste and f inanc ia l capab i l i t y of the resident. A favor i te front room furnishing i s a display cabinet f i l l e d with pyrex wares, brass and/or s i lverware, and phonograph records or cassettes. Other front room f u r n i -shings include te lev i s i on sets or radios. Some residents have fancy stereo equipment. Not a l l houses, however, have these l a t t e r furnishings. Perhaps the most wanted item among these i s the te lev i s i on set. About 90 percent of the houses have a set, e i ther rented or owned. Refrigerators are s t i l l an uncommon appliance in t he i r homes. One item that i s becoming popular among Taman residents i s the automobile. Only 50 percent of the Taman households surveyed have a car. Most of them are Japanese made, although there are some B r i t i s h , German or I ta l i an makes. Cars act as status markers in the l o c a l i t y . Taman residents sometimes remember t he i r neighbors by the make and plate number of the i r cars , rather than by t he i r names. Some residents are said to change cars every four or f i ve years. As in the case of ownership of certa in household furnishings, ownership of a car i s an ind icator of l i f e s ty le among Taman residents. It i s perhaps second only to house ownership on the l i s t of p r i o r i t i e s for material goods. Like t he i r Kuala Lumpur or Petal ing Jaya conterparts, car ownership is perceived to be part of the middle-class l i v i n g standard which they des i re. Differences in the standard of l i v i n g of the Taman res idents, as indicated by the i r material possessions, i s thus part of the system of social d i f f e r en t i a t i on among them. Although the Taman residents c l a s s i f y them-selves in general as orang makan gaj i or wage earners, with a sederhana or moderate l i v i n g standard, there are perceived as well as objective d i f f e r - , ences among them. These differences have not yet been expressed in terms 169 of aggregates or categories of people, or in terms of a spec i f i c class system. Taman residents perceive themselves and t he i r neighborhood as a f a i r l y homogeneous group and l o c a l i t y , in comparison with other l o c a l i t i e s . For example, they do not see themselves as poor people or orang mi sk in , nor do they see themselves as r i ch people or orang kaya. In spite of the ideal ized uniformity perceived by the Taman residents, there are differences among themselves which are expressed in terms of certa in att itudes and patterns of behavior. One source of att i tudes toward social differences is the differences in material possessions. Material possessions can be a source of envy, i r i h a t i , among neighbors. Some informants said that Malays eas i l y get envious of the i r fel low Malays, and they try to better one another. Neighbors are always curious about new things which other neighbors have bought. For example, when a neighbor buys an e l e c t r i c blender, then other neighbors who do not have that appliance w i l l also want one. Some informants said that they avoided being too f ami l i a r with the i r neighbors in order to avoid envy and c o n f l i c t . A kind of socia l distance or formal avoidance ex i s ts among some neighbors when th i s occurs. One informant expressed i t in the fol lowing manner, saying, i f one i s too close to neighbors and sees them very o f ten, one day some incident may happen to create misunderstanding. Another informant said that he did not want his wife to mix too f ree ly with other wives in the neighborhood,, because whenever one of the other housewives bought an item for the house, she would t e l l the..wife to ask the husband to buy the same item. These suggestions from neighbors became a source of arguments between him and his 170 wife. He claimed that he was in no posit ion to compete mater ia l ly with his neighbors because he was only a laborer. According to one informant, his neighbors acquire goods not only f o r t he i r u t i l i t y but also to show them o f f to other neighbors. As a resu l t they acquire things which they do not need. For example, women buy pyrex wares not because they need heat proof ovenware, but in order to display them in t h e i r l i v i n g room cabinets. Parents buy t he i r chi ldren bicycles because the next door neighbors buy them fb r . t he i r ch i ld ren. One informant said that many people are in debt because they buy things which they don't r e a l l y need. Each month they have to pay the installments fo r the new appliances, the car, or some other luxury item. In the meantime, they buy food at the neighborhood store on c red i t because t he i r income i s t i ed up in monthly payments. The p o s s i b i l i t y of envy keeps the neighbors from being too f am i l i a r with each other. A Malay proverb re f l ec t s th i s a t t i tude : Rambut sama hitam  tetapi hati b e r l a i n - l a i n , we a l l have black ha i r but our disposit ions are d i f f e ren t . The recognition of differences in status or disposit ions is a source for caution. One can not be too close to neighbors. There i s also the p o s s i b i l i t y of being a f f l i c t e d by the magic of jealous neighbors. An informant's wife got s ick and her husband brought her to a bomoh or Malay medicine man fo r a cure. When asked why he did t h i s , he said that a neigh-bor had been envious of his w i fe ' s success in trading and had asked a bomoh to cast a spel l on his wife. Instead of bringing his wife to a doctor he went to another bomoh to counter the s p e l l . Envy a r i s i ng from material possessions or the lack of i t have thus influenced the soc ia l re lat ionships 171 of some Malays in the Taman. Leadership Patterns The d i s t i n c t i on between higher status and lower status people in the Taman is manifested in the attainment of leadership pos i t ions. It i s people of higher status in the Taman who are also leaders in the Taman. Two types of leaders ex i s t in the Taman: re l i g ious and p o l i t i c a l . In the opinion of most Taman res idents, r e l i g i on and p o l i t i c s do not mix. Each is a d i f fe rent sphere of a c t i v i t y , and the leaders of each sphere have t h e i r special and separate competency. For example, whereas p o l i t i c a l leaders are considered to be berpangaroh or i n f l u e n t i a l , re l ig ious leaders are said to be kuat  dalam ugama or strong in r e l i g i o n . Religious leaders are respected fo r t h e i r piety and re l i g ious knowledge. Before the Taman was bu i l t a l l the leaders in the kampung were e lder ly men such as the ketua kampung, the hajis and the ketua or head of UMNO. These men were respected for t he i r age and experience. T rad i t i ona l l y the leader of the kampung was the ketua kampung. In Kampung Kuantan the f i r s t ketua kampung was appointed a f te r the Second World War. Since then only one other person, a haj i , has held the pos it ion of ketua kampung. Before the appointment of a ketua kampung the administration of Kampung Kuantan was the penghulu's r e spons ib i l i t y . In the current government of loca l areasj the ketua kampung , unlike the penghulu, i s not in the c i v i l serv ice. He receives no sa lary, although he gets a small annual allowance from the s tate. His pos it ion i s considered honorary, and his role is l im i ted to dealing with a f f a i r s within the kampung. For example, he presides at the v i l l a ge develop-ment committee meetings and i s always present at important kampung functions. 172 He i s in charge of knowing a l l the residents in the kampung. During e lect ion time he takes care of reg i s ter ing voters in the kampung. When i t comes to matters concerning the kampung and outside author i t ies or groups, the men who have provided the leadership and d i rect ion in the kampung are the p o l i t i c a l leaders and re l ig ious leaders. UMNO is the only p o l i t i c a l party represented in the kampung. As mentioned above, the head of the local UMNO branch is also the kampung representative on the Town Counci l . He i s a member of the v i l l a ge development committee, together with the secretary of the loca l UMNO branch. The respect he has gained from the kampung people has also earned him the reference term of bapak or father of the kampung. His experience as an o f f i c i a l of the Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka a government i n s t i t u t i o n for publications and textbooks, and involvement in sports, as well as his act ive p o l i t i c a l and c i v i c l i f e has earned him three honorary t i t l e s from the Sultan of Selangor. As a higher status person in the l o c a l i t y he is always consulted on various matters. He i s also commonly referred to as a penasihat or adviser in the kampung. In the re l i g ious sphere the leaders of the kampung are the imam, h a j i , ustaz, and l a b a i . The function of the re l i g ious leader i s to provide Islamic teachings and guidance in the performance of re l i g ious bel iefs and r i t u a l s . There are two kinds of imam or re l i g ious leader, one fo r the mosque and the other fo r the surau. As discussed e a r l i e r , the former i s an o f f i c i a l with an appointment from the Religious Department, while the l a t t e r i s a leader chosen by consensus among the surau members. The imam is usually the leader during prayers in the mosque, surau, and other re l ig ious gatherings. Next to the imam, perhaps the most respected re l ig ious functionary is 173 the ustaz or re l ig ious teacher. Like the mosque imam he has an o f f i c i a l appointment from the Religious Department. Both males and females can become re l i g ious teachers, unlike the mosque imam who can only be a male. Ustaz teach re l i g i on in school. There i s a f u l l time re l i g ious school in the kampung apart from the regular publ ic schools. Aside from the ustaz there are other persons in the kampung who teach chi ldren to read the Kor 'an. These are the labai or pious men who vo luntar i l y hold inst ruct iona l sessions fo r ch i ld ren. Persons who have gone to Mecca f o r the pilgrimage use the t i t l e of Ha j i . An imam is usually an h a j i . In the kampung most of the haj is are middle aged or e lder ly men and women. As I mentioned above, the Malays in the Taman belreve that re l ig ious a c t i v i t y increases with age and the pilgrimage to Mecca i s one of the high points of one's re l i g ious l i f e , i t i s also an expensive journey which can only be made a f te r years of saving. Hajis are therefore well respected ind iv idua l s . Whenever there i s a kenduri and other meetings somebody is always asked to say the doa selamat blessing for the gathering. It i s usually an imam, h a j i , or ustaz who i s chosen to do t h i s . Thus, there are two types of leaders in the kampung: re l ig ious and p o l i t i c a l . Before the Taman was bu i l t a l l the leaders in the kampung were older men such as the ketua kampung, ha j i s , and ketua of UMNO. With the opening of the Taman and the i n f l ux of new migrants, younger leaders came to the kampung. These new leaders or pemimpin bahru, were mostly school teachers, c ikgu, and re l i g ious teachers, ustaz. They have become act ive in UMNO as well as in the re l ig ious a f f a i r s of the Taman, along with the 174 established elders of the kampung. Some of the younger p o l i t i c a l leaders in the Taman refer to themselves as pemimpin kechi l or small leaders because they have not yet become estab-l i shed l i k e the older... men of the kampung, the ketuas. They are, however, act ive members of UMNO in the kampung. They have positions in the party branch, .e.g. , secretary, youth chairman, etc . It is they who have the work of mixing with the people in the kampung and communicating the ideas and a c t i v i t i e s of UMNO. Although some of them have l i v ed as renters in the kampung.'before the construction of the Taman, and are now owners in the Taman, they are s t i l l uncertain about t he i r capab i l i t y to influence the kampung people. Some of them feel that they have a hard task leading the kampung people. Malays, they say, are wary of those who are not in estab-l i shed pos it ions. Some people think that new leaders are act ive because they only want the posit ion and honor of being a leader, can' nama sahaja or seeking status only. The re l i g ious leaders are not as f u l l of misgivings about t he i r ro le compared to the new p o l i t i c a l leaders from the Taman. Their a c t i v i t i e s , they think, are of a d i f fe rent nature, and there is no r i v a l r y , l i k e in the p o l i t i c a l scene. The d i s t i n c t i on between p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and re l i g ious a c t i v i t y i s c l ea r l y recognized by the Taman residents and leaders. If there is a mixture of the two, i t is usually the po l i t i c i an s who insert re l ig ious matters into t he i r work. This could account for the apparent lack of p o l i -t i c a l a c t i v i t y of ABIM, which is described in the next chapter, an otherwise i n f l uen t i a l organization on the national scene, in the kampung. It is UMNO the p o l i t i c a l party of the Malays, which mixes p o l i t i c a l and re l ig ious 175 elements in i t s pronouncements in the kampung. As the main p o l i t i c a l party of Malays, the promotion of Islamic interests i s also part of i t s p ract ice. The new leaders, p o l i t i c a l and re l i g i ou s , are noted for t he i r act ive par t i c ipat ion in committee work of various Taman associations. Committees are the formal expression of task groups in the Taman. Whenever there is a major a c t i v i t y , e.g. bui lding a surau, a committee is usually formed to accomplish the task. The more act ive leaders are generally members of some committee or other, sometimes involved in most of them. Members . . propose these persons to be in the committees. As I mentioned above, these leaders are higher status persons in the Taman, e.g. teachers, ustaz, and college in s t ructor s . An examination of the membership l i s t of various committees during the past f i v e years of the Taman's existence, showed about twenty f i ve men and women who were consistently on these l i s t s . Conclusion The social structure and organization of the Malays in Taman Kampung Kuantan are based on ethnic i n s t i t u t i on s . I have shown that ethnic i n s t i -tut ions such as the t r ad i t i ona l v i l l a ge customs of neighborhood cooperation re l i g ious organization and pract ices, and leadership patterns are the basis for social cohesion in the l o c a l i t y . I have also shown that in sp i te of sharing a common culture and res ident ia l area, community unity is not evenly developed in Kampung Kuantan. Within Kampung Kuantan there are two d i s t i n c t neighborhoods, the kampung proper and the Taman. The Taman • area; ' i s the neighborhood of the new migrants to the kampung. The social cohesion and d i f f e ren t i a t i on found within Kampung Kuantan i s a resu l t of a combination of t e r r i t o r i a l and social factors . The separ-176 ation of the Taman from the rest of the kampung is a t e r r i t o r i a l phenomenon. When the Taman was b u i l t , i t s physical character i s t ic s d i f fe rent ia ted i t from the rest of the kampung. The newcomer status of most of the Taman residents also added to the reputation of the Taman as a d i s t i n c t l o c a l i t y . As newcomers to the kampung, the Taman migrants f e l t constrained to organize the i r own committees to protect and cu l t i va te the i r interests in the ... l o c a l i t y . The adjustment and organization of the Taman residents in t he i r new l o c a l i t y i s characterized by a combination of t rad i t i ona l patterns of beha-v ior found in the v i l l a ge system and contemporary patterns of urban cu l ture. Among the t r ad i t i ona l v i l l age patterns is-• the emphasis on neighborhood cooperation and the strong role of r e l i g i on in the organization and promo-t ion of community cohesion. These are manifested in community a c t i v i t i e s l i k e holding of feasts , re l i g ious meetings, and community development projects. In contrast to the idea l ized pattern of neighborhood cooperation there are the d i f f e r e n t i a l socia l status and wealth found among the Taman residents that encourage socia l distance. Most Taman residents consider, themselves to be makan gaj i or wage earners. Their wages have given them access to certa in material possessions l i k e household appliances and cars which have caused envy and avoidance patterns among neighbors. This is working against the idea l ized neighborhood s o l i d a r i t y and cooperation. Other factors l i k e owner/renter status and occupational differences also serve to d i f f e ren t i a te Taman residents from each other and influence the i r commitment and par t i c ipat ion in community a c t i v i t i e s . These are explored further in the next chapter. CHAPTER VII ASSOCIATIONS AND PARTICIPATION When migrants s e t t l e in urban areas, interact ions may be organized through the formation and par t i c ipat ion in various types of associat ions. A functional view of associations in urban areas of developing nations sees them as important l inks between the t r ad i t i ona l and urban ways of l i f e ( L i t t l e 1965). As adaptive mechanisms, associations are said to provide the rura l migrant with a bridge in the t rans i t i on from rural to urban l i f e s ty les . On the one hand, they emphasize t r ad i t i ona l or rura l norms and ob l igat ions; on the other hand, they also t ry to foster the adoption of modern att i tudes and social pract ices . Studies in A f r i ca by Banton (1957), Epstein (1961), L i t t l e (1967), and Parkin (1969) have shown the adaptive function of ethnic, reg ional , r e l i g i ou s , and occupation based associations. For example, these assoc i -ations cater to the material needs of the urban migrants through the prov i -sion of rotat ing c red i t , accident benef its, and decent burial fo r members. They are also said to provide social and cu l tu ra l a c t i v i t i e s l i k e the per-formance of t rad i t i ona l music and dances, re l i g ious ta lks and discussions, excursions and p icn ic s . These observations may be true for rural to urban migrants in the areas studied by the authors c i t e d . For ;s i tuat ions • !>. which do not involve 1 7 7 178 rural to urban migrants, the function of voluntary associations may be d i f f e ren t . I have noted in Chapter V that the migrants in Taman Kampung Kuantan are mostly urban to urban migrants. In the i r case, the adaptive function of voluntary associations described by L i t t l e is not completely v a l i d . Although the associations in the Taman provide some material and social benef i ts , t he i r most important function i s the provis ion of mediating roles for the members of the community. Expressive rather than instrumental a c t i v i t i e s are more character i s t i c of the associations. In the cu l t u r a l l y and s t ruc tu ra l l y heterogeneous urban environment, potential r i v a l r y and c o n f l i c t with other groups ex i s t . Migrants and the i r l o c a l i t y have to contend with many outside groups and i n s t i t i t u t i o n s . One function of loca l asso-c iat ions i s to mediate with these outside groups and i n s t i t u t i on s . The leaders of these associat ions, who are usually high status persons in the l o c a l i t y and have economic or p o l i t i c a l t ie s outside the l o c a l i t y , engage in p o l i t i c s in order to maintain or promote the interests of the i r group v i s -a -v i s other groups. In Taman Kampung Kuantan there were six associations which were import-ant sources of formal and informal groupings among the Taman and kampung proper residents. These s ix associations were: the Surau Committee, the Welfare Associat ion, the Rukun Tetangga, the Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia, the United Malay National Organization, and the Women's In s t i tu te . These s ix associations performed three main functions. F i r s t , they provided the organization and expression of spec i f i c interests in the l o c a l i t y . Second, they served as the communication l i nk between the Taman and the wider society on issues of concern to the pa r t i cu la r assoc iat ion, as well as, on 179 issues of spec i f i c in teres t to the l o c a l i t y . Third they provided the arena for recognizing ind iv iduals with leadership qua l i t i e s in the l o c a l i t y . The fol lowing discussion focuses on organizational a c t i v i t i e s , and par t i c ipat ion in the associat ions. Religious and Weifare-Organi zation In a Malay l o c a l i t y , r e l i g i on and p o l i t i c s are well organized. Religion is the concern of a l l residents since a l l Malays are Muslim by d e f i n i t i o n . Organization of re l i g ious a c t i v i t i e s , however, i s l imi ted to a small segment of the population, e.g. the imam, ustaz, and ha j i s . They lead and encourage par t i c ipa t ion in prayer meetings, re l ig ious c lasses, lectures , and discus-sions. Three associatons which were act ive in these a c t i v i t i e s were the Surau Committee, the Welfare Associat ion, and Angkatan Bel ia Islam Malaysia. I w i l l discuss the goals and a c t i v i t i e s of each in l i ne with the functions enumerated above. In the Taman, the Surau Committee or Jawatankuasa Surau i s the main body which looks a f te r the re l i g ious a f f a i r s of the community. This committee was formed when the Taman residents decided to bui ld t he i r own surau, as described in the previous chapter. The re l i g ious matters which the Surau Committee undertook in the Taman included holding the da i ly prayers in the afternoon and evening, ch i ld ren ' s re l i g ious education, and other re l i g ious gatherings l i k e the celebration of the Prophet's birthday in the Taman, as discussed in the previous chapter. In addition to the re l i g ious a f f a i r s of the Taman, the general welfare of the residents was part of the r e spon s i b i l i t i e s of the Surau Committee. Whenever representation was required from the Taman at kampung gatherings, 180 there were representatives from the Taman Surau Committee at the meeting. A sub-committee of the Surau Committee took charge of monitoring the general welfare of the needs of the Taman, e.g. cleanl iness of the l o c a l i t y . Out of th i s sub-committee a new association came into being among the Taman residents, the Welfare Association of Taman Kampung Kuantan, Badan Kebajikan  Taman Kampung Kuantan. This new group was l imited in i t s functions. In keeping with i t s o r i g ina l task of ass i s t ing in the general welfare of the Taman residents through the Surau Committee, the new Welfare Association confined i t s a c t i v i t i e s to as s i s t ing members when death occurred i n t he i r households. In e f fect i t became a bur ia l assoc iat ion, khairat kematian. Since burial i s a re l i g ious matter fo r Muslims, i t also f e l l within the concerns of the Surau Committee. Most o f f i c e r s of the Welfare Association were also members of the Surau Committee. The Welfare Association took care of administering the mechanics of bur ia l s for the Taman residents. Whenever a death occurred in the Taman, residents u t i l i z e d the services of the kampung b i l a l , who prepared the corpse, the mosque imam who o f f i c i a t e d at the b u r i a l , and the kampung cemetery for the s i t e of the b u r i a l . There i s another bur ia l association i n the kampung headed by the ketua  kampung. Taman residents, however, were reluctant to j o i n in the kampung's burial associat ion. One of the reasons fo r sett ing up a separate bur ia l association in the Taman was that the residents i n i t i a l l y did not feel l i k e imposing on the kampung burial association when a death occurred. In the kampung bur ia l association a co l l e c t i on for the bereaved family was taken 181 from members whenever a death occurred. When the Taman burial associa-t ion was formed, i t s members decided to vary t he i r method of co l l e c t i ng contributions and ass i s t ing the bereaved household. Another reason for forming a separate bur ia l association in the Taman was that burials are usually managed by the mosque or surau committee.; The Taman residents f e l t that they should have t he i r own bur ia l associat ion because they had a surau of the i r own. When the Taman set up i t s own burial assoc iat ion, the ketua kampung was displeased, since he f e l t that th i s was a sign of d i v i s i on within his kampung. He considered preventing bur ia ls by Taman residents in the kampung cemetery. Fortunately, he did not pursue th i s in tent , and the ketua kampung accepted the existence of a separate burial association in the kampung. The Welfare Association of the Taman had 97 members in 1976. Usually one member per household was a l l that was required. The exception was i f a household included working ch i ld ren, then, i n addition to a parent, they also became members. An i n i t i a l membership fee of M$5 was made by every i nd i v i dua l . Money from the members was used to help bereaved fami l ies when a death occurred. A contr ibution of M$200 was given to the family i f the dead person was a member of the assoc iat ion, M$100 was given i f the dead person was part of the member's fami ly, l i v i n g in the household, e.g., wi fe, parent, c h i l d , or w i fe ' s parent. This money was used to pay burial expenses. Aside from f inanc ia l contr ibut ions, the Welfare Association also helped in the preparation of the bu r i a l . Members were assigned d i f fe rent tasks in case of a death, e.g. reg i s t ra t ion of the death, informing the mosque imam and bi1al who o f f i c i a t e at the b u r i a l , buying the bur ia l plank and c l o th , 182 and preparing the grave. It i s not only members of the association but also non-members in the Taman who receive th i s kind of help from the associat ion. The only difference is that monetary assistance is given only to association members. Part ic ipat ion in the Taman Welfare Association was more common among owner residents. Only f i ve of the 97 members in 1976 were renters. Few renters were members of the associat ion since they considered themselves to be transients in the Taman and expected to be buried in t he i r home kampung when they d ie . Only owner residents in the Taman expected to be buried in the kampung cemetery. For example, a renter ' s c h i l d was k i l l e d in an accident while watching a car race near Petal ing Jaya. The c h i l d ' s body was sent back to the parent's kampung rather than to the Taman fo r burial a f ter the accident. In another case, the son of an owner resident was k i l l e d in a motorcycle and bus c o l l i s i o n . His bur ia l took place in the kampung cemetery. Although Malays are Muslims, there i s s t i l l some concern that not a l l Malays have complete understanding of Islam and therefore do not f a i t h f u l l y fol low i t s tenets. There i s a strong movement within the country to encourage Islamic studies among Malays. An organization involved in th i s movement i s ca l led Angkatan Bel ia Islam Malaysia (ABIM), and i t i s represented in the Taman. Angkatan means an association of people with a common purpose, or a movement. ABIM i s , thus, more than ju s t an ordinary associat ion. Its main object ive, according to loca l informants, i s summed up by the word dakwah which refers to the mission of propagating the Muslim f a i t h . As a movement 183 for the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of Islam in Malaysia, one of i t s goals i s to strength-en the f a i t h of the followers of Islam, berpegang^teguhdengan Islam, through knowledge of the real teachings of Islam and the fervent pract ice of Islam as a way of l i f e , cara hidup Islam. On the national l e v e l , ABIM i s becoming one of the strong organizations which i s inf luencing the impact of Islam on national p o l i c i e s ; a possible p o l i t i c a l force in the future, as some informants noted. For the moment, however, re l i g ious r e v i t a l i z a t i o n i s the main function of ABIM in the. Taman and the kampung. As part of the movement's name declares, ABIM is fo r the younger gener-at ion. Bel ia means youth. ABIM's members are supposedly the young people, i . e . , those who are not of the older generation or kaum tua. The Taman branch of ABIM was started in the kampung by an ustaz. So f a r , only residents of the Taman have jo ined. According to the secretary of the asso-c i a t i on branch in the Taman there i s no act ive drive to get members, since par t i c ipat ion i s voluntary or sukarela. People j u s t learn about ABIM and then j o i n at t he i r own i n i t i a t i v e . The Taman ABIM i s part of the Kelang ABIM unit known as an usrah, l i t e r -a l l y meaning a family. An usrah has at least seven members, according to an ustaz informant. In the Kelang usrah there were 120 members, at the time of the f ieldwork. Two groups make up the Kelang usrah, the Kelang North group and the Kelang South group. The Taman group which included 50 members was part of Kelang North. The Kelang usrah meets twice a week. Once a week members meet at the Taman surau to hold Ta f s i r Kor'an meetings, interpretat ion of the Kor 'an. On another night of the week each group of the usrah meets separately at.a 184 house of a member and the same type of meeting,is held. Meetings at the indiv idual members' houses are on a rotat ion basis. These meetings are the usual a c t i v i t y of the ABIM members of the Taman. Each meeting i s begun and ended with a prayer. A snack usually follows the meeting. During the meeting, members take turns reading assigned passages from the Kor'an. A f te r each reading, which i s in Arabic, a t rans lat ion and commentary from another sources,-is also read. A discussion: among the members fo l lows. It i s usually the ustaz in the group who give comments and discuss the readings. It i s they who are more knowledgeable about re l i g ious matters. Most Malays know how read the Kor'an but they don 't always understand the meaning of what they read in Arabic. ABIM members get to know the meaning of the passages during these sessions. In i t s work in the Taman, ABIM has brought in guest lecturers to give sharahan or re l i g ious t a l k s . The lecturers are usually univers i ty instructors or professors in Islamic studies, or o f f i c e r s of the Religious Department. The purpose of these lectures is to give the kampung residents a chance to hear current views of Islamic teachings. Religious teachers are very much concerned about the understanding of Islamic teachings by the ordinary people. They do not want them swayed by fa l se interpretat ions. One example of a possible mis interpretat ion of Islamic teachings mentioned by an ustaz informant, is the meaning of the dakwah concept. There are current ly various interpretat ions of the pursuit of dakwah in Malaysia. One version interprets i t i n a very a n t i - m a t e r i a l i s t i c sense. For example, reports appeared in the newspapers that certa in dakwah groups preached that te lev i s i on was e v i l and they exhorted Muslims to throw t h e i r te lev i s i on sets 185 i n t o the river.-• This was not condoned by the Religious Department. To prevent such misinterpretations of dakwah, the Religious Department has been t ry ing to control missionary a c t i v i t y and preaching. ABIM as a proponent of dakwah has the sanction of the Religious Department of Selangor. It i s working to convince people not to heed preachers who are not authorized by the Religious Department. The ustaz in the Taman are the act ive members of ABIM. They usually represent the Taman branch in the meetings at the upper levels of the organizat ion. Common members learn i nd i r e c t l y about the results and decisions of these meetings. A newsletter i s also d i s t r ibuted among the members so that they can learn about other usrahs and the a c t i v i t i e s of the parent organization. As re l ig ious leaders, the ustaz see themselves as guardians of the re l i g ious a f f a i r s of the Taman. They are acknowledged in th i s role by being chosen to lead in the associations l i k e the Surau Committee. P o l i t i c a l Organization Malay welfare and p o l i t i c s are organized in the kampung and the Taman by the lone p o l i t i c a l party represented there, the United Malay National Organization (UMNO). Although the organization i s s t r i c t l y p o l i t i c a l in i t s object ives, i t s a c t i v i t i e s include more than p o l i t i c s . UMNO i s an organ-, i za t i on which oversees the welfare of the Malays. UMNO i s i den t i f i ed with Malay in teres t s . As one kampung UMNO leader put i t , UMNO i t u Melayu dan Melayu i t u UMNO, UMNO i s Malay and Malay i s UMNO. The progress of Malays i s associated with the s t a b i l i t y and strength of UMNO. This i s emphasized by the UMNO ketua or leaders whenever they speak 186 to the i r members. Taman and kampung people are aware of Malay minority status in town, and they believe that UMNO protects the interests of the Malays. " I f Malays were not well represented and t he i r needs not heard, then they would be unhappy, hati tak senang. The ethnic and p o l i t i c a l s i tuat ion in town requires that the various ethnic groups are well represented or there would be i n s t a b i l i t y in the administration of the town. The kampung UMNO i s a branch of the Shah Alam d iv i s i on of the state UMNO organization and i s perhaps the oldest organization in the kampung. It was started i n the kampung i n 1960 by a former town counc i l l o r for the kampung. Although i t was organized as a resu l t of outside inf luence, there i s act ive pa r t i c ipa t ion among the kampung people and i t i s functioning we l l . A f te r the Taman was se t t l ed , there were some residents who became members of the kampung UMNO. The government projects which have been accomplished in the kampung were a resu l t of UMNO pressure, has i l dari desakan UMNO. The reservation of the Taman so le ly for Malays i s one example of UMNO achieve-ments that benef i t i the Taman. There are two sub-groups, or wings of the party, in the kampung UMNO. The pemuda or youth group is made up of men who are 40 years o ld or younger. The wanita or women's group is the female counterpart of the men's group and has no age r e s t r i c t i o n s . The two sub-groups are formally ca l l ed pergerakan or movements. Each has a separate committee within the organiz -t i o n . I t i s the committees which organize UMNO a c t i v i t i e s at the loca l l e v e l . 187 UMNO a c t i v i t i e s include p o l i t i c a l and educational meetings fo r members, as well as a c t i v i t i e s for area residents who are not party members. P o l i -t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s include courses, seminars, and dialogues with prominent p o l i t i c a l f i gures , as well as with members of the other branches of UMNO. These are held in the kampung, or on special occasions they are conducted outside the kampung. In addit ion to these, there are periodic lectures which are conducted to.keep the members informed on various topics such as the discussion of cooperatives, ceramah koperasi, or discussion of national secur i ty, ceramah keselamatan negara. Religious lectures, pa r t i cu la r l y about dakwah, are regular ly given. V i s i t s to publ ic places, rombongan, and to the houses of state representatives, lawatan, are also part of the social and educational a c t i v i t i e s of the members. UMNO is c lose ly involved in community a f f a i r s , and there is a close contact and cooperation between UMNO and the v i l l age development committee. In the kampung i t might be said that UMNO is the guardian of the v i l l age development committee. The head, secretary, and some committee members of the kampung UMNO are also members of the v i l l a ge development committee. It i s through UMNO that various government projects have been accomplished in the kampung, because UMNO leaders work for f i nanc ia l and other support necessary for kampung projects l i k e , bui lding a community ha l l : and a re l i g ious school, or the repair of the mosque. The pemuda and wanita groups of UMNO have also contributed respectively to the kampung's welfare. Pemuda members give special classes, kelas  bimbingan, for Standard Five students in the kampung to help them prepare f o r the national examinations. Many members of UMNO are school teachers 188 and are able to give instruct ion i n mathematics, science, English and Bahasa Malaysia to students in the kampung. An anti-drug campaign was also launched by the pemuda and wanita groups of UMNO. This consisted of lectures and exhib i ts in the kampung showing the e v i l s of drug abuse. The problem of drug addiction was considered a threat to national security by UMNO, and thus the loca l branch/sponsored th i s a c t i v i t y . The p o l i t i c a l or ientat ion of the wanita group of UMNO in the kampung d ist inguish i t from t§e;jpth€ir women's assoc iat ion, the Women's I n s t i tu te , which I discuss below>. Although the wanita group is subordinate to the male dominated UMNO branch committee, i t supports .the goals and resolutions promulgated by the main committee. It follows the p o l i t i c a l d i rect ives of the main committee and uses the pa r t i cu l a r influence of i t s members as women in the kampung to e f fect the p o l i t i c a l aims of UMNO. The membership of the two women's groups often overlap. Their a c t i v i t i e s also are s im i l a r . For example, the wanita group has accumulated a stock of plates and glasses, pinggan mangkuk, for use in kenduris, j u s t l i k e the Women's In s t i tu te . They rent these out to indiv idual households fo r large part ies and feasts . Both groups hold excursions to publ ic places for members and t he i r fami l i e s . The UMNO wanita i s more act ive in the organi-zation of sports events l i k e badminton and sepak takro, Malay f o o t b a l l , which are held weekly in the kampung. These sports events are pa r t i cu l a r l y useful in at t ract ing new members as well as a good means of involving members in the a c t i v i t i e s of UMNO. The kampung UMNO i s strong because of i t s leaders. The ketua or head of the kampung UMNO is also the current counc i l l o r fo r the kampung on the 189 Town Counci l , as well as the number two man in the Shah Alam d i v i s i on of UMNO. The secretary of the organization i s also the secretary of the Shah Alam d iv i s i on and the conf ident ia l secretary for the Shah Alam member of parliament. These two men are highly regarded fo r t he i r p o l i t i c a l ?_ . a c t i v i t i e s . They have been awarded t i t l e s by the Sultan of Selangor in recognition of t he i r community leadership a b i l i t i e s and a c t i v i t i e s . The ketua has three t i t l e s , while the secretary, so f a r , has one. These t i t l e s are signs of higher status in the Malay community, as well as among other ethnic groups. Chinese and Indians have also obtained honorable t i t l e s . Other committee members of the kampung UMNO have also contributed to the strength of the kampung UMNO. Some have been chosen to represent the UMNO d iv i s i on in state level meetings. Some have obtained higher education which i s considered a great asset for the organizat ion. It is through these leaders that the kampung UMNO obtains information and other communications concerning the party. National issues are brought to the attention of members in general and committee meetings. For example, two important issues which came up during the f i e l d work period were the case of Datuk Harun and the i n f i l t r a t i o n of communists in the government. Datuk Harun was accused and l a t e r convicted of corruption, forgery and cr iminal breach of t ru s t . As a currents' v ice-president of UMNO and former Mentri Besar y of Selangor, his case was important for the kampung Malays. Issues l i k e these were used as r a l l y i n g points fo r the members of the organization. Resolutions are usually passed at general meetings concerning these issues and they are communicated to the higher o f f i c i a l s of the organizat ion. 190 The UMNO leaders in the kampung are important l inks between the l o c a l i t y , the town, and the rest of the state. They represent the interests of the kampung to outside groups and.agencies. For example, the town council repre-sentative in the kampung is also the kampung UMNO ketua. His influence is thus not l im i ted to the town counc i l , but also reaches to the state level agencies l i k e the state development corporation (PKNS) which bu i l t the Taman. Security Organization The security interests of the Taman are covered by the kampung security organization, the Rukun Tetangga. The Rukun Tetangga i s a program ins t i tued by the federal government to promote neighborhood peace and order, as well as c loser re lat ionships among local residents. I t i s a program which a neigh-borhood may or may not choose to imp! ement,!.but once establ i shed, a l l males from age 18 through 55 are required to pa r t i c ipa te . The women of the neighborhood are not included in the program. In Kampung Kuantan the Rukun Tetangga was established in 1975, prompted by an increase in reported thefts and drug abuse. A committee was set up by the v i l l a ge development committee to establ i sh a Rukun Tetangga sector i n the kampung. The D i s t r i c t Of f i ce provided the instruct ions on the structure and operation of a Rukun  Tetangga sector. Unfortunately no f i nanc ia l or material assistance was given. It was l e f t to the pa r t i cu la r neighborhood to supply the money and materials needed. The overal l administrative monitoring of Rukun Tetangga sectors was under the D i s t r i c t Of f ice which also provided t ra in ing seminars for Rukun Tetangga organizations. During the f i r s t year of the Rukun Tetannga, i t was able to manage the organization of the kampung sector. The kampung was divided into f i ve zones. 191 One of these zones was the Taman. Each zone was to be patro l led by separate groups of ten men, twice each night. One group kept watch from 9:00 p.m. to 1:00 a.m.; then another group took over from 1:00 a.m. to 5:00 a.m. The kampung community hal l was used as the headquarters and base of the Rukun  Tetangga. Donations were asked from businessmen in the kampung's area. Most of these contributors were Chinese. With the money co l l ec ted , the sector was able to buy f l a s h l i g h t s , guard s t i c k s , and i den t i f i c a t i o n tags for the organizat ion. As a resu l t of establ i sh ing a Rukun Tetangga, there was a decrease in reported thefts and drug abuse in the kampung, and kampung residents f e l t safer in t he i r homes. During the Rukun Tetangga's second year of existence in the kampung, the associat ion began to encounter problems. The f i r s t problem was money. There was a shortage of funds to cover equipment expenses, and fo r paying for the e l e c t r i c i t y used at the community hal l headquarters. Committee mem-bers, were thinking of asking for more donations from the kampung business-men, but some committee members f e l t that the organization could not keep on asking from the same people year a f te r year. They also d id not want to co l l e c t from the kampung residents, who were already burdened with giving t he i r time for patrols each month. It was decided that un t i l some regular means of f inancing the organization was obtained, the committee members would each contribute toward the upkeep of the kampung Rukun.Tetangga • Aside from monetary d i f f i c u l t i e s , other problems began to plague the organization. There w r e grumbl ing si-from': tlse men-.about >thei r grpup assi gn-ments, as well as the time of the i r patro l s . Each group was composed of men from various parts of the kampung. No group was composed of men from 192 the same area of the kampung. This was to encourage neighbors to know one another better, one of the aims of the Rukun Tetangga program. But some men did not get along with others. Although the time assigned to each was never the same as the previous assignment, the day of the month when they were assigned to watch created some problems. As a resu l t of these d i f f i c u l t i e s some members started complaining about the indiv iduals who organized the groupings. The committee organizers were not able to respond to these requests, since accomodation of one request would mean accomodating other requests as w e l l . Reports of i d l e behavior among those who were supposed to be on patrol were heard, e.g. instead of p a t r o l l i n g , some men just sat around and talked at the headquarters or some street corner. Gossip about tardiness and non-attendance on night patrols spread in the kampung. There are legal sanctions for non-compliance with the requirements of the Rukun Tetangga. The government can prosecute and j a i l men who refuse to par t i c ipate i n . t h e i r neighborhood Rukun Tetangga organization. In the kampung, the committee did not report those who f a i l e d to attend once in a while or those who were late for duty. They thought that they would only report to higher author it ies the cases where the indiv idual d id not wish to par t i c ipate in the organization. In i t s t h i r d year of operation the Rukun Tetangga of Kampung Kuantan transferred i t s headquarters from the community hal l to a vacated o f f i ce donated by the developers of a new housing p ro jec t ' i n the. kampung which was not yet complete. Reasons for the t ransfer stemmed from complaints about the use of the community hal l by the patro l s . According to some committee members, the community hal l was usually found untidy fol lowing the 1 9 3 n ight ' s use by the patro l s , e.g. c igarette butts l i t t e r e d the f l o o r , and the tables were often in disarray. Since the community hal l was also used as a classroom fo r the re l i g ious school in the kampung during the day, i t was f e l t that the unsightly condition of the community ha l l in the mornings was detrimental to the ch i ld ren ' s education. Another reason fo r the transfer was that the new base was too small f o r sleeping and would discourage l a z i -ness among the patro l s . Leadership and par t i c ipat ion in the Rukun Tetangga became a problem in the organization because of the above d i f f i c u l t i e s . Some committee members l e f t the committee because of disagreements with other members about the problems of the organizat ion, e.g. they advocated co l l ec t i ng money from the kampung res idents, instead of contr ibuting from t h e i r own pockets, or they advocated returning the headquarters of the sector to the community h a l l , since a new re l i g ious school was going to be b u i l t in the kampung. Ordinary members did not always attend to t he i r duties in the patro l s . Some said that those on patrols sometimes did not report fel low members whom they saw or knew to be drug users. In spite of these d i f f i c u l t i e s , however, the Rukun Tetangga has become a focal point of interact ion for the kampung and Taman residents. Through the organization the kampung and Taman residents were brought together in pursuing a common goal, neighborhood secur i ty. The patrols have created a s i tuat ion whereby men who would otherwise not usually be in contact with each other, were able to meet and in teract . This i s espec ia l ly true fo r the Chinese and Indian residents of the kampung who also part ic ipated in the patro l s . Aside from the v i l l a ge development committee inter -ethn ic par t i c ipat ion in an organization in the kampung was- only evident in the 1 94 Rukun Tetangga. The Rukun Tetangga committee was composed of men who were concerned about local a f f a i r s . Their a b i l i t i e s in ac t i ve l y pursuing community interests were recognized by area residents when they were chosen to be members of the committee. The earnestness of the committee in t ry ing to solve the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the organization gained sympathy among the kampung and Taman res idents, and most of the men in the kampung cooperated in i t s a c t i v i t i e s . Just l i k e the Surau Committee and other committees in the l o c a l i t y , membership in the Rukun Tetangga committee i s a measure of an i nd i v i dua l ' s prestige in the l o c a l i t y , const i tut ing a sign of recognition and leadership among the kampung and Taman res idents. Women's Organizations Women's interests in the kampung are represented by two organizations in the kampung: the UMNO Wanita mentioned above, and the Women's Ins t i tute of Taman Kampung Kuantan (WI). Unlike the previously mentioned organizations which have specia l ized in te res t s , p o l i t i c s or r e l i g i o n , the WI i s a general association for women with no p o l i t i c a l or re l i g ious bias. The Taman WI i n i t i a l l y got i t s s tar t in 1971 along with' the organization of various Taman committees. The Seksi Wanita, as i t was then known, took care of the interests and a c t i v i t i e s of women in the Taman. When the Taman Committee ceased to funct ion, the women's committee was transformed into the Women's Inst i tute of Taman Kampung Kuantan, Pertubuhan Perkumpulan Perempuan Taman  Kampung Kuantan, through the connections of some Taman women with the national organization of the Women's I n s t i tu te . Thus the Taman WI became a branch of a national organization. The national Women's Ins t i tute had 1 9 5 i t s foundation in Malaysia during the co lon ia l period when i t was started by the B r i t i s h (Manderson 1979:250). The organization has evolved from a rural poly-ethnic organization into an almost, exc lus ive ly Malay organizat ion. The Taman WI i s structured in the same manner as other associations in the kampung. It i s a branch of a national organizat ion, has s i x o f f i c e r s and several committee members. The number of committee members was not f i xed ; rather i t depended on the act ive par t i c ipat ion of i t s members. Each street in the Taman had at least one representative, sometimes two, i f both were very act ive members l i v i n g on the same s t reet . When the Taman WI was founded, the UMNO Wanita group was already establ ished.™ the kampung. Since the UMNO Wanita was a p o l i t i c a l organizat ion, not a l l the women in the kampung were interested in i t . With the foundation of the Taman WI, the women in the kampung had another women's association to j o i n . Although the Taman WI has members from the Taman and kampung proper, i t i s pr imar i ly i den t i f i ed with the Taman. With about 200 members in 1976, the Taman WI had the largest membership among the 23 WI branches in the d i s t r i c t . Among the various associations in the Taman, the WI is perhaps the most act ive group. Every week there was always some meeting or gathering of i t s members. A sample of t he i r a c t i v i t i e s included weekly cooking classes, catering food for meetings, publ ic lectures for i t s members, re l i g ious lectures , v i s i t s to other WI groups, receiving v i s i t s from other WI groups, lessons in making t r ad i t i ona l bethrothal g i f t s , gardening, and neighborhood gotong-royong or cooperative a c t i v i t i e s . A l l these were occasions for l i v e l y interact ion among i t s members. WI a c t i v i t i e s were not l im i ted to the Taman. As part of a national 196 organization with d i s t r i c t and state leve l organization the. Taman WI pe r i od i ca l l y sent representatives to the meetings organized at d i f fe rent l eve l s . At these meetings there are usually contests held among the various branches. For example, there are competitions fo r membership drives for baking native cakes, and for sewing t r ad i t i ona l bethrothal g i f t s . During these meetings; d i s t r i c t and national issues are communicated to the WI representatives. For example, the anti-drug abuse campaign, and the plan to bu i ld the state WI headquarters in Kelangwere some of the issues which the Taman WI representatives brought back from a meeting of Kelang d i s t r i c t WI presidents. The general meetings of the Taman WI are always a l i v e l y a f f a i r , held in the Taman surau and are usually well attended. Each meeting is started by judgement of entries to the various contests among the members, e.g. cooking, sewing, flower arrangement. This i s followed by the a r r i va l of the honored guest and o f f i ce r s of the WI. Every meeting has a special guest who opens the meeting and addresses the gathering, as well as awards prizes to the contest winners. A f ter the speeches, a prayer or doa selamat, is said by an ustaz or an h a j i . This i s followed by a jamuan or small feast of cakes and tea or coffee. The business meeting i s held a f te r the guests have l e f t . These meetings are notable in several ways. F i r s t , they fol low a standard procedure s im i la r to that used in other kampung organizations. They are very ordered gatherings, where language and behavior is formal. For example, speeches are in bahasa kebangsaan or national language and not bahasa kebiasaan or co l loqu ia l everyday language. Speakers are formally 197 introduced, although they are known to the audience. Second, the guests who are inv i ted give prestige to the organization. Usually these are the UMNO leaders and ketua kampung, and a special speaker. The president of the WI once commented that in the year she became president, she was able to i nv i te the state and parliamentary representatives, who were Chinese, to the meeting. This was not done by previous WI presidents. As a resu l t of t h i s , -partic.ipation in the organization improved and the president was re-e lected. As a women's organization in the kampung and Taman, the WI's involve-ment in kampung a f f a i r s has been l im i ted to a c t i v i t i e s t r a d i t i o n a l l y ascribed to women. These are mostly related to the home and family, For example, the WI i s usually the organization which i s asked to prepare refreshments for kampung gatherings. The group's main source of income i s from catering to the various meetings, including Rukun Tetangga meetings, seminars at College Islam in Kelang, and surau meetings in the Taman. Just l i k e the UMNO wanita group, a stock of cooking and serving utens i l s have been accumulated by the Taman WI which are kept in the Taman surau's storage room. The Taman WI uses these fo r catering and when there i s a kenduri they rent them out. Income from these services has been used by the WI to give scholarships to chi ldren in the kampung, as well as to contribute fo r the upkeep of the Taman surau. Like the UMNO Wandta, the Taman WI has shown to the kampung the v i t a l ro le of women have to play in the l i f e of the community. Most of the associations in the kampung are male or iented. The Taman WI has given the women in the Taman an organization of t he i r own which serves as a focus for the i r a c t i v i t i e s and a source for c u l t i v a t i n g further re lat ionships with -1 98 t h e i r n e i g h b o r s . In kampung c e l e b r a t i o n s l i k e t h e t h e P r o p h e t ' s b i r t h d a y , e a c h o f t h e kampung o r g a n i z a t i o n s c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e f e s t i v i t i e s . T h e Taman WI's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a l w a y s a c k n o w l e d g e d p u b l c l y by o r g a n i z e r s o f t h e f e s t i v i t i e s . T he Taman WI has a l s o s e r v e d a s a f o r u m where women w i t h l e a d e r s h i p q u a l i t i e s g a i n r e c o g n i t i o n i n t h e kampung. T h e WI i s n o t a p o l i t i c a l o r r e l i g i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n . S i n c e i t i s i n a M a l a y a r e a , h o w e v e r , i t r e f l e c t s M a l a y women's i n t e r e s t s i n i t s m e m b e r s h i p a n d a c t i v i t i e s . As i n o t h e r o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n t h e kampung, t h e r e a r e p o s i t i o n s o f l e a d e r s h i p w h i c h mem-b e r s c a n a s p i r e t o a n d w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e a s o u r c e o f p r e s t i g e w i t h i n t h e l o c a l i t y . C a p a b l e women, l i k e t h e p r e s i d e n t m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , g e t recog-,. . n i t i o n by b e i n g e l e c t e d t o t h e s e p o s i t i o n s . T h e r e i s a l s o some r i v a l r y b e t w e e n t h e Taman WI a n d UMNO W a n i t a f o r r e c o g n i t i o n a s t h e l e a d e r o f women's i n t e r e s t , kaum i b u , o r women's g r o u p i n t h e kampung. A s I m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , t h e s t r i c t l y p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n o f t h e UMNO W a n i t a l i m i t s i t s i d e n t i t y , w h i l e t h e Taman WI w i t h i t s w i d e c o v e r a g e o f i n t e r e s t s has an op e n i m a g e . T h e r e i s an o v e r l a p i n t h e mem-b e r s h i p o f t h e two women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s . T h i s t e n d s t o dampen t h e r i v a l r y b e t w e e n them. The l e a d e r s h i p o f t h e two o r g a n i z a t i o n s , h o w e v e r , i s q u i t e d i s t i n c t , r e f l e c t i n g a d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e l e a d e r s h i p q u a l i t i e s a c k n o w l e d g e d i n t h e r e s p e c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . T h e UMNO W a n i t a l e a d e r s a r e r e c o g n i z e d f o r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l b e n t a n d a b i l i t i e s , w h i l e t h e Taman WI l e a d e r s a r e r e c o g n i z e d f o r t h e i r a b i l i t y t o o r g a n i z e f e l l o w women a n d t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . 19'9 Par t i c ipat ion in Associations,-To gain some perspective on par t i c ipat ion in the associations which I have described above, as well as par t i c ipat ion in other associations out-side the l o c a l i t y of the res idents, I w i l l now discuss membership in these associations. Table XIV summarizes the membership of the Taman informants. TABLE XIV. — D i s t r ibut ion of male and female informants according to membership in associat ions. Owners Renters 'Associations Males Females Males Females UMNO only 12 10 4 4 UMNO and ABIM 5 0 3 0 Outside associations 20 0 17 0 UMNO and outside associations 24 0 6 0 Welfare association 11 0 0 0 Not member of any association 21 32 19 29 No male/female h.h. head 12- 2 3 2 Taman WI only 0 29 0 10 Taman WI and UMNO 0 32 0 7 Total 105 105 52 52 From the table I have calculated that husbands had a higher proportion (71.8%) of membership in various associations than wives (60.4%) both ins ide and outside the kampung. Renters had a lower proportion of member-200 ship than owners f o r both males (61.2% of renters and 85.7% of owners) and females (46% of renters and 70.9% of owners). Comparing the membership according to the types of associations which the informants had jo ined, i t i s apparent that male informants had joined more types of associations than the females. Among male informants, UMNO attracted more members than ABIM, and more than the Welfare Associat ion. UMNO was second to the WI in obtaining mem-bers among the women. Almost one half of the male informants were also members of associations based outside the kampung. These were mostly organ-izat ions connected with the male informants' work. For example, they joined labor unions, teacher 's or pol ice cooperatives, and the i r company's sports teams. Many informants claimed only nominal membership, ah l i sahaja, rather than act ive par t i c ipat ion in the associat ions. This was apparent in the attendance of association meetings in the Taman. The annual general meetings were the only well attended gatherings. At other times about 15 to 20 members attended the a c t i v i t i e s of each assoc iat ion. If there was some a c t i v i t y of interest to the ind iv idua l s , then they attended. Other-wise, nominal membership was a l l that the members contributed to the associat ion. One factor which influenced act ive par t i c ipat ion in the Taman was the type of a c t i v i t y held by the associat ion. I have categorized three types of a c t i v i t i e s among the various associations. These are organizat ional , instrumental, and expressive a c t i v i t i e s . A l l of the associations described performed these types of a c t i v i t i e s . Depending on the inc l inat ions of the members, a c t i v i t i e s were e i ther well attended or had mediocre pa r t i c i pa t i on . 201 Organizat ional a c t i v i t i e s r e f e r to those mainly concerned with the in terna l s t ruc ture and organizat ion o f the a s soc i a t i on . For example, there are meetings f o r e l e c t i o n of o f f i c e r s and committee meetings; Meetings f o r the e l e c t i o n of o f f i c e r s co inc ide with the annual general meetings which are usual ly well attended. Committee meetings are held to discuss s p e c i f i c projects l i k e the upcoming d i s t r i c t leve l meeting of the WI or assigning i nd i v idua l s to d i s t r i b u t e announcements to the Taman res ident s . Instrumental a c t i v i t i e s are those whose object ives a f f e c t mainly the members of the as soc ia t ion and provide immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n f o r the members. For example, there are cooking c lasses f o r the Taman WI, excursions organized by UMNO f o r i t s members, sports events are held among the pemuda and wanita groups of UMNO. These a c t i v i t i e s provide fe l lowship among the members. Some provide useful information l i k e learn ing how to p lant a mini-garden, or f i nd ing out where to get bargains for ce r t a i n foods tu f f . Expressive a c t i v i t i e s have object ives which a f f e c t not only members but non-members as w e l l , and do not neces sa r i l y provide immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n f o r the membership. Community or iented a c t i v i t i e s f a l l under th i s type of a c t i v i t y . For example, UMNO pemuda organized a gotong-royong a c t i v i t y to clean up the kampung, the Surau Committee took up c o l l e c t i o n s from the Taman res idents f o r the repa i r of the mosque, and UMNO leaders pe t i t i oned the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e and Town Council to improve the kampung s t ree t l i g h t i n g . In most of these a c t i v i t i e s the i n i t i a t i v e came from the leaders of the respect ive organ izat ions . It is they who create the ideas f o r the a c t i v i t i e s or i n i t i a t e the a c t i v i t y by c a l l i n g on members to ac t . 202- ••• To a great extent i t i s the organizational and expressive a c t i v i t i e s that are the most v i s i b l e aspects of the associat ions ' existence in the kampung. Instrumental a c t i v i t i e s do not have as big a ro le in the funct ion-ing of the associations in the Taman. Most of the act ive members in the associations take part in committee work. The committees perform most of the organizational and expressive a c t i v i t i e s of the associat ions. The Taman residents r e l y on t he i r leaders f o r i n i t i a t i n g a c t i v i t i e s and p a r t i c i -pate only; when manpower i s required. The leaders a r t i cu l a te for the members, and most members accept the decisions of the leaders. Conclusion In th i s chapter I have discussed the ro le of associations in the adjustment of Taman Kampung Kuantan Malays. I have suggested that these associations perform three main functions: expressive, mediating, and leadership. These functions do not completely agree with the functional ro le of voluntary organizations suggested by L i t t l e (1965), .According to the functional view, voluntary associations are adaptive mechanisms f o r the t rans i t i on of migrants from the rura l to the urban way of l i f e . It emphasizes the instumental function of associations in as s i s t ing the migrants in urban areas. The material from Taman Kampung Kuantan suggest that the Malays in the l o c a l i t y make use of the associations not so much for t he i r indiv idual or pa r t i cu l a r needs but for the needs of the commu-n i ty as a whole. I suggest that the associations do not have as much s igni f icance f o r indiv idual Taman residents as they have for the l o c a l i t y as a whole. Associations provide a c t i v i t i e s and support interests which are not i n d i -'203' vidua! but community or iented. These community oriented a c t i v i t i e s are the most v i s i b l e manifestation of associational a c t i v i t y in the l o c a l i t y . The most common a c t i v i t i e s were organizational and expressive a c t i v i t i e s rather than instrumental a c t i v i t i e s . T-hese -ac t i v i t i e s were more benef ic ia l for the l o c a l i t y as a whole since they provide mediating functions between the l o c a l i t y and outside i n s t i t u t i on s . A l l the associations in the l o c a l i t y , except the Welfare Associat ion, are local branches of national organizations ;and as such they serve as mediators between the loca l residents and national organizations. The structural organization of these associations provide e f f i c i e n t means of communication from the parent organizations which act as the main source of information, organizational support, and issues to tack le . The'associations are vehicles for recognizing act ive and superior indiv iduals in the l o c a l i t y . At the same time they provide an arena where the leaders can gain added prestige and influence l o c a l l y as well as out-side the area. Potential leaders in:the l o c a l i t y are recognized by being chosen as the heads of the associations or committee members. From these posit ions they are able to exercise the i r leadership qua l i t i e s in the l o c a l i t y . One study of voluntary associations in Malaysia has, concluded that the preponderance of new associations among various ethnic groups; i s a re su l t of expressive needs (Douglas and Pedersen 1973:96): "This need for expressive socia l interact ion may aris.e out of the anxiety experienced by ind iv iduals when they are confronted with, socioeconomic changes or the decline of t r a d i t i o n a l structures; which, served th i s need, or most l i k e l y , out of both." The primary factor behind the expressive socia l interact ion of Malays in the Taman i s not the decline of t r ad i t i ona l structures but the changes they experience in urban areas. This i s espec ia l ly true fo r towns l i k e Kelang that have mult i -ethnic populations. The heterogeneous population can pose problems for the f u l f i l l m e n t of the Malay community's needs. Malays look upon these associations for leadership in t he i r community, and'." these associations f u l f i l l the functions of organizing, mediating, and providing leadership in the pursuit of ethnic and loca l i n te res t s . CHAPTER VIII KINSHIP, FRIENDSHIP, SOCIAL NETWORKS, AND URBANIZATION In the urban system, ind iv idua l s can par t i c ipate in various kinds of social re lat ionsh ips. Urban Malays have socia l re lat ionships based on kinship, ethn ic, neighborhood, work, and le i sure t i e s . An i nd i v i dua l ' s soc ia l re lat ionships are t y p i c a l l y a composite of these categories of re lat ionsh ips . Some re lat ionsh ips , however, may be more important than others. At one extreme are ind iv iduals who encapsulate themselves in certa in l im i ted t rad i t i ona l re lat ionships based on l o c a l i t y and kinship. On the other hand, there are ind iv iduals whose social re lat ionships include a l l types of relat ionships found in the urban system. In th i s chapter I describe the kinship and fr iendship patterns of Taman Malays and analyze the social networks of a sample of Taman residents. I discuss these elements of Taman res idents ' soc ia l relat ionships to compare t he i r varied social linkages in the l o c a l i t y as well as outside. This i s one ind icat ion of the soc ia l par t i c ipat ion in the urban environment of the group studied. Kinship is one of the t r ad i t i ona l bases of Malay socia l organization in rura l areas. It is one of the primary sources of socia l cohesion there. In the rural areas, most of the kin group l i v e nearby and th i s f a c i l i t a t e s s o l i d a r i t y among residents of a l o c a l i t y . In urban areas, where the kin group i s not l i k e l y to be found in one l o c a l i t y , one can ask whether they 205 206 are as important in an i nd i v i d