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Prisoner attitudes toward crime, politics, and the socioeconomic system : the politicized prisoner phenomenon Cartwright, Barry Edward 1983

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PRISONER ATTITUDES TOWARD CRIME, POLITICS, AND THE SOCIOECONOMIC SYSTEM: THE POLITICIZED PRISONER PHENOMENON By BARRY EDWARD CARTWRIGHT •A. (honours), Simon F r a s e r  U n i v e r s i t y , 1975  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f Anthropology and Sociology, U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1983 f c ^ B a r r y Edward C a r t w r i g h t , 1983  In p r e s e n t i n g  this  an a d v a n c e d  degree  the  shall  Library  I further for  agree  scholarly  in p a r t i a l  fulfilment  of  at the U n i v e r s i t y  of B r i t i s h  Columbia,  thesis  make  that  it  permission  purposes  this  written  thesis  for financial  of  i s understood gain  University  of British  14 October 1983  Columbia  copying  of  I agree  shall  that  copying  n o t be a l l o w e d  or  that  and s t u d y . this  thesis  by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t  Anthropology & Semiology  2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1WS  Date  It  f o r reference  for extensive  permission.  Department  The  available  may be g r a n t e d  by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . of  freely  for  the r e q u i r e m e n t s  or  publication  w i t h o u t my  ABSTRACT  T h i s study was prisoner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  designed to measure the degree o f i n federal prisons i n B r i t i s h  and  to measure the a s s o c i a t i o n between p r i s o n e r  and  exposure t o the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system.  o f s i x t y p r i s o n e r s was British  Columbia. The  obtained  politicization  A random sample  at three f e d e r a l p r i s o n s i n  i n t e r v i e w r e s u l t s were c o d i f i e d , analyzed  by an SPSS computer program, and the w r i t e r and  Columbia,  then reviewed e x t e n s i v e l y by  the t h e s i s s u p e r v i s o r before making a f i n a l  t e r m i n a t i o n of the degree of p r i s o n e r  de-  politicization.  Seventeen (28 p e r c e n t ) of the p r i s o n e r s were found to be e i t h e r moderately or extremely p o l i t i c i z e d . evidence of nascent p o l i t i c i z a t i o n were not  found to be  among some p r i s o n e r s  significantly politicized.  p o r t f o r the hypothesis  There a l s o  Politicization  frequency of i n c a r -  q u a l i t y of exposure (as measured by usual  of s e c u r i t y and  l e n g t h of  sentence).  as  appears t o be r e l a t e d to  both q u a n t i t y of exposure (as measured by c e r a t i o n ) and  sup-  i s related  t o exposure t o the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, although not strong as expected.  who  There was  that prisoner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  was  level  - i i i -  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Chapter 1.  INTRODUCTION  Chapter 2.  CRITICAL CRIMINOLOGY:  A. B. C. D. E. Chapter 3.  B. C. D. E.  C. D. E. F. G. H.  A. B.  Introduction Property R e l a t i o n s and Crime The New S o c i o l o g y o f Law The State and the C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e System A Brief C r i t i c a l Perspective  The P o l i t i c i z e d P r i s o n e r : A Brief History Racism and P r i s o n e r P o l i t i c i z a t i o n The Current S i t u a t i o n P o l i t i c i z a t i o n and the P r i s o n Environment Summary  CRITICAL CRIMINOLOGY AND THE POLITICIZED PRISONER  A. B.  Chapter 5.  AN OVERVIEW  THE POLITICIZED PRISONER PHENOMENON: A BRIEF SOCIO-HISTORICAL ACCOUNT  A.  Chapter 4.  1  Introduction A t t i t u d e s Toward the Socioeconomic System A t t i t u d e s Toward the C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e System A t t i t u d e s Toward Predominant C u l t u r a l Values A t t i t u d e s Toward the Power Structure A t t i t u d e s Toward the S o c i o l o g y of Law P r i s o n e r Programs f o r Change Summary  METHODOLOGY Introduction Studies on P r i s o n e r A t t i t u d e s  14 19 22 25 28  43 43 51 54 58 62  67 67 69 73 75 84 87 93 99 107 107 108  [  - iv C. D. E. F. G. H. I. Chapter 6.  The F a i r c h i l d Study Entry t o the F i e l d Sampling Procedures The Interview Schedule Interviewing Techniques I n t e r p r e t i n g the R e s u l t s Summary SURVEY FINDINGS  A. B.  The Sample P r i s o n e r P e r s p e c t i v e s on Crime, P o l i t i c s and the Socioeconomic System O v e r a l l Degree o f P o l i t i c i z a t i o n P o l i t i c i z a t i o n and Exposure t o the C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e System Summary  C. D. E. Chapter 7.  CONCLUSION  A. B.  154 154 163 181 190 197 200  C. D.  Introduction The S i g n i f i c a n c e o f the Findings The Future Impact on P r i s o n s Other Related i s s u e s  201 210 215  E.  Summary  222  BIBLIOGRAPHY Appendix A  112 118 122 129 139 143 148  200  228 -  Interview  Schedule  236  i  - v -  LIST OF TABLES Page Table  5.1  Offence C a t e g o r i e s f o r P r i s o n e r s i n the P a c i f i c Region Between the Ages of 20 and 30  127  Table  5.2  Present O f f e n c e ( s )  128  Table  5.3  Politicization  145  Table  6.1  Age  Table  6.2  Present O f f e n c e ( s )  156  Table  6.3  Length of Current Sentence  157  Table  6.4  Estimated T o t a l Time Served i n Prison  158  Table  6.5  Usual l e v e l  159  Table  6.6  Education l e v e l  Table  6.7  Prisoners  Table  6.8  Parents  Table  6.9  O v e r a l l Degree of  Table  6.10  P r i s o n e r Programs f o r S o c i a l Change  187  Table  6.11  P r i s o n e r Methods f o r A c h i e v i n g Change  188  Table  6.12  Degree of Exposure t o the C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e System  193  Table  6.13  Degree of Exposure v s . O v e r a l l Degree of P o l i t i c i z a t i o n  194  Table  6.14  Length of Sentence v s . O v e r a l l Degree of P o l i t i c i z a t i o n  195  Table  6.15  Usual I n s t i t u t i o n a l Placement vs. O v e r a l l Degree of P o l i t i c i z a t i o n  196  Indicators  155  of P r i s o n e r s  1  1  of S e c u r i t y Attained  159  Socioeconomic Status  161  Socioeconomic Status Politicization  162 182  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  I wish t o thank my t h e s i s s u p e r v i s o r , P r o f e s s o r R.S. Ratner, f o r a l l the time and energy he d e d i c a t e d t o t h i s t h e sis. Without h i s constant encouragement and c o n s t r u c t i v e i d e a s , t h i s t h e s i s would never have been completed. The other members o f my graduate committee were a l s o i n s t r u m e n t a l i n t h i s regard. P r o f e s s o r David Schweitzer i n t r o d u c e d me t o c r i t i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y , and was the f i r s t t o encourage my i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s . P r o f e s s o r J.R. 0'Conner showed a keen i n t e r e s t i n the p r o j e c t , and made many v a l u a b l e suggestions which were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the t h e s i s . It i s i m p o s s i b l e t o mention a l l the people i n the P e n i t e n t i a r y S e r v i c e (now known as the C o r r e c t i o n a l S e r v i c e o f Canada) who helped with t h i s study. The e n t i r e s e r v i c e was extremely c o o p e r a t i v e . I was given p e r m i s s i o n t o conduct the r e search, allowed t o i n t e r v i e w p r i s o n e r s i n c o n j u n c t i o n with my w o r k - r e l a t e d a c t i v i t i e s , and given time o f f with pay t o comp l e t e some o f the r e s e a r c h . I s p e c i f i c a l l y wish t o thank B r i a n Murphy, the Chairman o f the Regional Research Committee, whose advice and a s s i s t a n c e were g r e a t l y a p p r e c i a t e d . I must a l s o thank my Aunt, Ruth F i s h e r , who typed the p r e l i m i n a r y d r a f t s o f the t h e s i s , and Edda Vick, who typed the t h e s i s i n t o the word processor a t my o f f i c e . Without t h e i r a s s i s t a n c e , the t h e s i s would have been unmanageable. F i n a l l y , I must thank my wife, Rosa Cartwright, f o r a l l her p a t i e n c e , understanding, and encouragement.  -  CHAPTER 1.  1 -  INTRODUCTION  During the l a s t decade, the phenomenon o f the r a d i c a l i z a t i o n or p o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f p r i s o n e r s i n the United has  States  a t t r a c t e d the a t t e n t i o n o f an i n c r e a s i n g number o f c r i m i n -  o l o g i s t s and s o c i o l o g i s t s .  I n t e r e s t i n t h i s t o p i c has gained  impetus through the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f r e l e v a n t p u b l i c a t i o n s by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , the p u b l i c a t i o n o f the w r i t i n g s o f w e l l known " p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s " such as E l d r i d g e Cleaver and George Jackson, the f i n d i n g s o f the New York State's on A t t i c a  ( 1 ) , and the development o f l e f t - w i n g  known as the "new c r i m i n o l o g y "  Commission  criminology,  or " c r i t i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y . "  i n t e n t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s i s t o provide  The  an h i s t o r i c a l and con-  c e p t u a l review o f the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r phenomenon, and t o present assess  the f i n d i n g s o f my recent  study, which was designed t o  the degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n among a sample o f Canadian  f e d e r a l p r i s o n e r s , and t o determine t o what extent  this  polit-  i c i z a t i o n i s r e l a t e d t o r e c u r r i n g exposure t o the c r i m i n a l j u s tice  system.  My a t t e n t i o n was drawn t o t h i s s u b j e c t by E r i k a F a i r c h i l d ' s paper e n t i t l e d der."  " P o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f the C r i m i n a l  Offen-  On the b a s i s o f her d i s s e r t a t i o n r e s e a r c h i n three Wash-  ington State p r i s o n s , she found t h a t p r i s o n e r s were becoming increasingly p o l i t i c i z e d , an e x p l o i t i v e s o c i a l order  seeing themselves more as v i c t i m s o f than as d e v i a n t s ,  and t h a t t h i s p o i -  - 2 i t i c i z a t i o n r e s u l t e d l a r g e l y from the p r i s o n e r s ' exposure t o various  aspects o f the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system (2).  ings lend support to the claims made by P a l l a s and "From R i o t t o R e v o l u t i o n , " r e s t i n the United ed  States  Her  find-  Barber i n  wherein they argue t h a t p r i s o n e r  un-  i s becoming more p o l i t i c a l l y motivat-  (3).  Being a c o r r e c t i o n a l caseworker i n a Canadian maximum s e c u r i t y p r i s o n at the time of reading somewhat s u r p r i s e d by her the U.S.  prisoners  system.  My  adian p r i s o n e r s , was political, ing.  the p o l i t i c a l and  formed through extensive  same time I had  t i n g s o f the new  contact w i t h Can-  employment or my  c i z a t i o n of the c r i m i n a l o f f e n d e r . and  politi-  With f u r t h e r study of or on,  i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , the r e s e a r c h began to take shape, r e s u l t i n g i n t h i s present  wri-  at t h a t time  i n t e r e s t i n the  examination of w r i t i n g s by,  a-  suggest-  some of the  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , although t h i s was  to e i t h e r my  t i c a l criminolgy  socioeconomic  as she was  s t a r t e d reading  was of  t h a t p r i s o n e r s g e n e r a l l y tended to be  or c e r t a i n l y not as p o l i t i c i z e d  At the  unrelated  statements about the p e r c e p t i o n s  regarding  opinion,  F a i r c h i l d ' s paper, I  crit-  polit-  eventually  thesis.  It i s important to note t h a t the t h e s i s t o p i c i n volves  " p o l i t i c i z e d " p r i s o n e r s , r a t h e r than " p o l i t i c a l "  oners. There are v a r i o u s  d e f i n i t i o n s of a p o l i t i c a l  or p o l i t i c a l c r i m i n a l . Two Minor and  r e l a t i v e l y recent  the other by Schafer,  pris-  prisoner  a r t i c l e s , one  by  o f f e r some u s e f u l d e f i n i t i o n s .  Minor emphasizes t h a t a p o l i t i c a l crime must be  "motivated  by  - 3 political  i n t e n t " , and  t h a t i t must be d i r e c t e d toward  altering  e i t h e r the power r e l a t i o n s or the p u b l i c p o l i c y o f the (4).  Schafer  r e f e r s to p o l i t i c a l  c r i m i n a l s , " who itical  c r i m i n a l s as " c o n v i c t i o n a l  are convinced of the c o r r e c t n e s s  c o n v i c t i o n s , and  are w i l l i n g to transform  tions i n t o s o c i a l action, regardless terms of c r i m i n a l s a n c t i o n i n g  (5).  of t h e i r p o l those  for  personal  g a i n , and  means to a p o l i t i c a l  One crime are not  Most d e f i n i t i o n s of  i d e a l or m o r a l i t y ,  a view o f p o l i t i c a l  social  crime only as a  (6).  end  might suggest t h a t these d e f i n i t i o n s of s u f f i c i e n t l y concise.  political  In "Offences Against  a g a i n s t the S t a t e " would be q u i t e meaningless ( 7 ) . t h a t o n l y those crimes d e f i n e d by law as p o l i t i c a l  various  pionage, and  examples, i n c l u d i n g treason,  advocating  the  "crimes  He  argues  crimes or  a g a i n s t the s t a t e should be regarded as such, and  on to l i s t  The  polit-  l a c k of d e s i r e  S t a t e , " Packer p o i n t s out t h a t d e f i n i n g a l l crimes as  offences  convic-  o f the consequences i n  i c a l c r i m i n a l s i n c l u d e the elements of p u b l i c d i s s e n t , a c t i o n , appeals to a higher  society  goes  s e d i t i o n , es-  the overthrow of the government ( 8 ) .  problem with such a narrow d e f i n i t i o n i s t h a t many c r i m i n a l  acts committed f o r p u r e l y p o l i t i c a l  reasons could be  excluded  from t h i s category simply because the government chooses not recognize  them as p o l i t i c a l  In any  crimes.  event, the s u b j e c t of t h i s t h e s i s i s  i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s " r a t h e r than " p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r s " . i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r " i s one  who  to  has  "politThe  undergone r a d i c a l i z a t i o n  "polor  - 4 politicization crime.  following his incarceration for a  As F a i r c h i l d  puts i t i n her  conventional  doctoral dissertation,  have here what i s e s s e n t i a l l y the case o f the p o l i t i c i z e d oner who  d i d not commit a p o l i t i c a l crime but who  potent f o r c e because o f h i s developing (9).  B a s i c a l l y , the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  tional  offender  who,  political  has  consciousness"  process i n v o l v e s a convenprison-  p r i s o n e r s , comes to see  as a p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r , and who  b e l i e v e s t h a t he  himself  i s i n prison  because of h i s v i c t i m i z a t i o n by an e x p l o i t i v e p o l i t i c a l socioeconomic system (10).  pris-  become a  through h i s exposure to p o l i t i c a l  ers and/or a l r e a d y p o l i t i c i z e d  "we  This present  s e l f to t h i s category of p r i s o n e r , and  and  t h e s i s addresses i t -  i s concerned w i t h  the  type of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n whereby the p r i s o n e r adopts r a d i c a l i z e d a t t i t u d e s about crime, p o l i t i c s , and L a t e r chapters are aimed s p e c i f i c a l l y  the  socioeconomic system.  at reaching  prehensive d e f i n i t i o n o f a " p o l i t i c i z e d  a more com-  prisoner."  As mentioned e a r l i e r , many w r i t e r s are keenly i n t e r e s t e d i n the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r t o p i c . They are too numerous to mention, but  some of the more recent  works are those of James Jacobs, Charles S t u a r t Brody, Martin Hawkins (11). Davis  1  H a s k e l l and  Lewis Yablonsky, and  However, with a few  study which was  exceptions,  discussed  of those who  Irwin, Gordon  such as John  inmates (12),  p r e v i o u s l y , there  been a r e l a t i v e l a c k of e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h majority  prominent  Reasons, John  study on the a t t i t u d e s of 150 b l a c k  the F a i r c h i l d  and  on the t o p i c .  have an i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c i z e d  appear content e i t h e r to d i s c u s s the w r i t i n g s of  and has The  prisoners  politicized  - 5 p r i s o n e r s or to approach the s u b j e c t from a t h e o r e t i c a l p e r spective.  Given the absence of s u f f i c i e n t e m p i r i c a l work i n  t h i s area, t h i s present study seems worthwhile, c o n s i d e r i n g t h a t there i s very l i t t l e  particularly  i n f o r m a t i o n on the Cana-  d i a n experience w i t h the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r syndrome.  H o p e f u l l y the present r e s e a r c h w i l l add a new  dimen-  s i o n to the study o f p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , not o n l y because i t i s e m p i r i c a l and Canadian,  but a l s o because t h e r e are some i n -  d i c a t i o n s t h a t the phenomenon i s experienced i n t e n s e l y by  pris-  oners i n the United S t a t e s . From t h e i r experiences as teachers i n a maximum s e c u r i t y p r i s o n i n the United Kingdom, S t a n l e y Cohen and L a u r i e T a y l o r concluded t h a t the p r i s o n e r s with whom they had c o n t a c t d i d not e x h i b i t p o l i t i c i z a t i o n comparable t o t h a t of U.S. t h a t U.K.  p r i s o n e r s (13).  Mike F i t z g e r a l d l a t e r  p r i s o n e r s were becoming more p o l i t i c i z e d  there i s s t i l l  observed (14), but  no c o n c l u s i v e proof t h a t they are as  as t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s i n the United S t a t e s .  Similar  politicized observa-  t i o n s have been r e p o r t e d i n Sweden, Denmark, and I r e l a n d (15), but again, i t i s hard t o equate the experiences of those count r i e s with those of the United S t a t e s . d e a l t with more e x t e n s i v e l y i n Chapter  This subject w i l l  be  3.  There i s evidence to suggest t h a t p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n the United States i s a d i r e c t f u n c t i o n of racism, both i n the s o c i e t y and i n i t s p r i s o n s , whereby b l a c k s as a group begin to develop the consciousness of an e x p l o i t e d  class,  and whereby t h i s consciousness s p i l l s over i n t o other e t h n i c  groups  (16).  eralize  If this  from the  country's  unique the  i s true,  experiences  and  search  results contradict this  tion  i s unique to the  this  thesis. United  The  tral ed  "the  and  activities  corrections  i n the  appreciable  i m p a c t on  of  States,  U.S.  prisoner  i s that this  prisoners are  able  with  that prisoner as w i l l  when he  beginning  to  popu-  However, my  be  re-  politiciza-  seen l a t e r  will  be  phenomenon s h o u l d  t o be  (17).  their  in  As  and  prisoner  of  Reasons  rationalize  subsequent  organ-  facet  of  had  an  as w i t n e s s e d by  movements w i t h i n  syndrome may  i s of  or  see  his property  mic  redistribution"  but  the  the  concluding  and  v i c t i m " (19). chapter  offences  to regard This  perspecprovide  their  conventional as  himself  topic will  of t h i s  justify  be  "not  the  discussed  t h e s i s , when t h e  they  criminal Bro-  offender  "a p r o g r a m o f as  the  the  special i n t e r e s t to Stuart  e x p r e s s e s c o n c e r n about the  cen-  puts  a t e c h n i q u e o f n e u t r a l i z a t i o n ( 1 8 ) , whereby  This problem  in  interest-  phenomenon has  to date,  riots  be  are  a significant  This  prisons  who  unrest.  i n m a t e s and  politicized  in  reviewed  noteworthy from a c o r r e c t i o n a l i s t  to imaginatively  activities. dy,  racism.  prisoner  numerous p o l i t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d prison walls. Also  the  3.  portend  future"  gen-  that prisoner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  a t t i t u d e s and  politicization  unwise t o  to a large black  concern to c r i m i n o l o g i s t s or p e n o l o g i s t s  ization  tive  respect  notion  i n Chapter  politicized  in prisoner  it,  United  be  p r i s o n s , because o f  i s a function of racism  detail  The  i t could  problems of  suggestion  States  much g r e a t e r  then  s i t u a t i o n with  associated  -  o f U.S.  lation  the  6  econo-  agressor again  in  s i g n i f i c a n c e of  - 7 the  study's  r e s u l t s are  The the  subject  into  gists  prisoner  of the sociology  prisons  o f deviance,  well  into  and e s p e c i a l l y  o f the society.  that  criminolo-  P a l l a s and B a r -  are not only  i t s oppression  o f t h e movement t o t r a n s f o r m  fred  fits  b o t h a s a m i c r o c o s m o f s o c i e t y and a  "/American p r i s o n s  society, with  prisoners  also  i s a t e n d e n c y among r a d i c a l  f o r the c o n f l i c t s  suggest t h a t  cized  issue  or c o n f l i c t - o r i e n t e d t r a d i t i o n s within  as t h e r e  t o regard  American so  area  area,  battleground ber  politicized  the r a d i c a l  subject  evaluated.  that  a microcosm o f  and e x p l o i t a t i o n , b u t a l society"  appear t o view p r i s o n s  (20).  Politi-  i n a similar light.  H a s s a n , whose v i e w s a r e c o m p a r a b l e t o t h o s e o f o t h e r  ticized  prisoners,  says  Alpoli-  that  W h i l e p r i s o n i s u n f i t f o r human s h e l t e r and a c r u e l m o c k e r y o f t h e human c o n d i t i o n , i t n o n e t h e l e s s p r o v i d e s an i d e a l a t m o s p h e r e f o r revolutionary education. Nowhere i n t h e s o c i e t y a r e the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s o f t h e Government's s y s t e m o f j u s t i c e so g l a r i n g as t h e y are i n p r i s o n . I n p r i s o n , o p p r e s s i o n and b r u t a l i t y a r e not camouflaged by the s u b t l e t r a p p i n g s o f p o l i t i c a l d i s s e n t and s o c i a l concessions. (21)  Angela Davis  summarizes t h e f e e l i n g s o f most p o l i t i c i z e d  pris-  o n e r s and new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s when s h e s a y s t h a t t h e p r i s o n tem  may be s e e n as "a p r o m i n e n t  the  captives  of struggle,  i n s i d e and t h e masses o u t s i d e "  Radical of  terrain  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , then,  the p r i n c i p a l areas  i n which  social  sys-  both f o r  (22).  see t h e p r i s o n conflict  as one  i s worked o u t .  -  The  p o l i t i c i z e d prisoner  of deviance because he  8  -  i s o f i n t e r e s t to a r a d i c a l  i s developing  sociology  a radicalized political  awareness or c l a s s consciousness, coming to see h i m s e l f v i c t i m of socioeconomic i n e q u a l i t y and  as a  to see the c r i m i n a l j u s -  t i c e system as a c o e r c i v e apparatus i n the hands of the wealthy and  powerful.  In other words, r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s see p o l -  i t i c i z e d prisoners  as an embryonic r e v o l u t i o n a r y movement, a  f o r c e whose p o t e n t i a l i s being  developed by the  stark  of p r i s o n , where the b a t t l e l i n e s between the r i c h and are drawn more c l e a r l y .  Although my  reality the poor  f i n d i n g s i n d i c a t e an  ap-  p r e c i a b l e degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n among B r i t i s h Columbia oners, they do not  support the n o t i o n t h a t p r i s o n e r s are  t o become a powerful r e v o l u t i o n a r y  In The out t h a t  "the  Sociology  that criminology  has  o f C r i m i n a l Law,  Robert Rich  to the  "new  " C r i t i c a l criminology,"  criminology,"  has  been a  to a c e r t a i n extent  of p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , and  t h a t the new  school  that  from the  of  critical writings  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s have  been a c t i v e l y engaged i n s t i m u l a t i n g p r i s o n e r (24) .  also  developments, so i t seems important  c r i m i n o l o g i c a l thought, p a r t i c u l a r l y c o n s i d e r i n g evolved  theory  motivating  to grasp some of the e s s e n t i a l f e a t u r e s of t h i s new  has  fact  taken a r a d i c a l or c r i t i c a l t u r n i n  f o r c e behind these recent  criminology  points  i s c u r r e n t l y preoccu-  This i s probably due  b u i l d i n g s i n c e the 1960s" (23). r e f e r r e d to as the  likely  force.  s o c i o l o g y of c r i m i n a l law  p i e d with c o n f l i c t theory.  pris-  politicization  - 9 Chapter 2 o f f e r s a b r i e f overview o f c r i t i c a l c r i m i n ology, t o s e t the stage  f o r the f o l l o w i n g chapters.  As men-  t i o n e d above, i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o c o n s i d e r the p o l i t i c i z e d oner i s s u e without  r e f e r r i n g t o i t s impact on c r i t i c a l  ology, and v i c e v e r s a .  pris-  crimin-  F a i r c h i l d ' s study evolved from t h i s  r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y background, as d i d mine to a c e r t a i n extent.  C e r t a i n l y the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are more a c t i v e than  o t h e r s i n d e f i n i n g and studying t h i s t o p i c a r e a . Furthermore, some o f the comments o f the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are used i n Chapter 4 t o develop  i d e a l t y p o l o g i e s o f r a d i c a l i z e d or p o l i t i -  c i z e d responses t o the questions asked o f the p r i s o n e r s .  Chapter 3 , The P o l i t i c i z e d P r i s o n e r Phenomenon:  A  B r i e f S o c i o - H i s t o r i c a l Perspective, places t h i s subject i n a s o c i a l and h i s t o r i c a l context. account,  Apart  from a b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l  c o n s i d e r a t i o n w i l l be given t o the racism i s s u e i n the  United S t a t e s , and i n f o r m a t i o n w i l l be provided on the s i t u a t i o n i n other c o u n t r i e s , i n c l u d i n g Canada.  At the end o f the  chapter, the views o f the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s and recognized p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s on the p o l i t i c i z i n g e f f e c t o f p r i s o n s w i l l be reviewed.  Chapter 4 deals with the p e r s p e c t i v e s o f recognized p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s on a v a r i e t y o f t o p i c s , such as the e f f e c t s o f s o c i a l c l a s s on crime, the f a i r n e s s o f the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, the a c c e p t a b i l i t y o f the p o l i t i c a l  system, the  makeup o f the power s t r u c t u r e , the s o c i o l o g y o f law, and the types o f s o c i a l changes r e q u i r e d .  These p e r s p e c t i v e s then are  - 10 compared t o those o f the new  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , to e s t a b l i s h the  k i n d s o f statements one should expect from a p o l i t i c i z e d oner.  pris-  The t o p i c a l areas c o n s i d e r e d correspond t o the a t t i t u -  d i n a l areas t e s t e d i n my  study, and t h e r e f o r e p r o v i d e a y a r d -  s t i c k by which t o measure the responses of the p r i s o n e r s I i n terviewed .  In Chapter 5, an account i s g i v e n o f the methodology employed i n my  study.  60 randomly  sampled  p r i s o n e r s at t h r e e  f e d e r a l p r i s o n s i n B r i t i s h Columbia were asked a s e r i e s o f p r e pared q u e s t i o n s r e g a r d i n g t h e i r a t t i t u d e s toward crime, p o l i t i c s , and the socioeconomic system.  The data c o l l e c t e d were  analyzed by computer, and then reviewed s e v e r a l times by myself and the t h e s i s s u p e r v i s o r b e f o r e a r r i v i n g at any f i n a l d e t e r mination of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n l e v e l s .  I t w i l l be seen t h a t the  present study i s unique i n terms o f i t s s u b j e c t matter,  scope,  and n a t i o n a l o r i g i n , and t h a t i t can be r e a d i l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d from p r e v i o u s s t u d i e s on p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s or p r i s o n e r a t titudes i n general.  Chapter 6 r e p o r t s the r e s u l t s of my  study.  Signif-  i c a n t l e v e l s of p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n were found, although perhaps not s i g n i f i c a n t enough t o j u s t i f y c r i t i c a l  criminol-  ogy's e x p e c t a t i o n t h a t the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s w i l l become a revolutionary force.  The r e s u l t s a l s o supported the second  h y p o t h e s i s , t h a t p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i s r e l a t e d to exposure to the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, although c o n c l u s i o n s i n t h i s area are more t e n t a t i v e .  O v e r a l l , the f i n d i n g s are somewhat s i m i l a r t o  - 11 those o f F a i r - c h i l d ' s study,  and lend credence t o some o f the  statements o f the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s r e g a r d i n g the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r syndrome.  In Chapter 7, the s i g n i f i c a n c e and accuracy o f the f i n d i n g s , are assessed,  and t h e i r i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r c r i t i c a l  criminology considered. pared  P r i s o n e r response p a t t e r n s a r e com-  t o response p a t t e r n s o f the general p u b l i c i n a recent  study on p u b l i c a t t i t u d e s toward the law i n B r i t i s h (25).  C o n s i d e r a t i o n i s g i v e n t o other r e l a t e d i s s u e s touched  on i n my study, cial  Columbia  such as the r e l a t i o n s h i p between crime and so-  c l a s s , and crime  and s o c i a l s k i d d i n g .  F i n a l l y , areas r e -  q u i r i n g f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h are i d e n t i f i e d . FOOTNOTES 1.  Eg. E l d r i d g e Cleaver, Soul on Ice. (New York: McGrawH i l l , 1968); George Jackson, Soledad Brother: The P r i s o n L e t t e r s o f George Jackson (New York: Coward-McCann, 1970); A t t i c a : The O f f i c i a l Report o f the New York State S p e c i a l Commission on A t t i c a (New York: Bantam Books, 1972).  2.  E r i k a S. F a i r c h i l d , " P o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f the C r i m i n a l Offender: P r i s o n e r Perceptions o f Crime and P o l i t i c s , " Criminology: An I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y J o u r n a l , v o l . 15, no. 3, Nov. 77, pp. 290-311.  3.  John P a l l a s and Bob Barber, "From R i o t t o R e v o l u t i o n , " Issues i n Criminology, v o l , 7, no. 2, F a l l 72, pp. 1-16.  4.  W. W i l l i a m Minor, " P o l i t i c a l Crime, P o l i t i c a l J u s t i c e , and P o l i t i c i z e d P r i s o n e r s , " Criminology, v o l . 12, no. 4, Feb. 75, p. 390, p. 395.  5.  Stephen Schafer, "The Concept o f the P o l i t i c a l C r i m i n a l , " J o u r n a l o f C r i m i n a l Law, Criminology, and P o l i c e Science, v o l . 62, no. 3, 1971, pp. 384-5.  6.  C f . M a r s h a l l B. C l i n a r d and Richard Quinney, C r i m i n a l Beh a v i o u r Systems: A Typology (New York: H o l t , Rinehart and Winston, 1967), p. 179; Charles E. Reasons, "The P o l i t i c i z i n g o f Crime, the C r i m i n a l , and the C r i m i n o l o g i s t , " The  - 12 J o u r n a l of C r i m i n a l Law and Criminology, v o l . 64, no. 4, Dec. 73, p. 474; Richard Quinney, The S o c i a l R e a l i t y o f Crime (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Co., 1970), pp. 256-7. 7.  Herbert L. Packer, "Offences A g a i n s t the S t a t e , " The Ann a l s o f the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l S c i ence , v o l . 339, Jan. 62, p. 78.  8.  I b i d . , pp. 78-84.  9.  E r i k a S. F a i r c h i l d , "Crime and P o l i t i c s : A Study i n Three P r i s o n s , " d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f Washington, 1974, p. 51.  10.  C f . M a r t i n H a s k e l l and Lewis Yablonsky, Criminology; Crime and C r i m i n a l i t y , second e d i t i o n (Chicago: Rand McN a l l y , 1978), p. 538; a l s o c f . Reasons, op. c i t . , p. 474.  11.  James B. Jacobs, " S t r a t i f i c a t i o n and C o n f l i c t Among P r i s on Inmates," J o u r n a l o f C r i m i n a l Law and Criminology, v o l . 66, no. 4, 1976; Reasons, op. c i t . ; John Irwin, P r i s o n s i n Turmoil (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1980); S t u a r t A. Brody, "The P o l i t i c a l P r i s o n e r Syndrome: L a t e s t Problem o f the American Penal System," Crime and Delinquency, v o l . 20, no. 2, A p r i l 74; H a s k e l l and Yablonsky, op. c i t . ; Gordon Hawkins, The P r i s o n : P o l i c y and P r a c t i c e (Chicago: Uni v e r s i t y o f Chicago Press, 1976).  12.  John A. Davis, " J u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r No O b l i g a t i o n : Views of Black Males toward Crime and the C r i m i n a l Law," Issues i n Criminology, v o l . 9, no. 2, F a l l 74.  13.  S t a n l e y Cohen and L a u r i e T a y l o r , P y s c h o l o g i c a l S u r v i v a l : The Experience o f Long Term Imprisonment (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972), p. 122, p. 146.  14.  Mike F i t z g e r a l d , P r i s o n e r s i n Revolt (Harmondsworth: quin, 1977), pp. 119-20.  15.  C f . David A. Ward, "Inmate Rights and P r i s o n Reform i n Sweden and Denmark," The J o u r n a l of C r i m i n a l Law, C r i m i n ology and P o l i c e Science, v o l . 63, no. 2, 1972, pp. 24049; Tim Pat Coogan, On the B l a n k e t : The H Block S t o r y ( D u b l i n : Ward River P r e s s ) , p. 177, p. 238, p. 240.  16.  Cf. A t t i c a , op. c i t . , p. 16, p. 106, p. 141; Cohen and T a y l o r , op. c i t . , p. 145, p. 165.  17.  Reasons, op. c i t . , p. 477.  18.  C f . Gresham M. Sykes and David Matza, "Techniques o f Neutralization: A Theory of Delinquency," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, v o l . 22, no. 6, Dec. 57, p. 666-69.  19.  Brody, op. c i t . , pp. 100-01.  Pen-  - 13 -  20.  P a l l a s and Barber, op. c i t . , p. 1. C f . Barry K r i s b e r g , Crime and P r i v i l e g e : Toward a New C r i m i n o l o g y (Eng1ewood C l i f f s , N.J.: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1975), p. 24; a l s o c f . Reasons, op. c i t . , p. 475.  21.  A l f r e d Hassan, Maximum S e c u r i t y : L e t t e r s from C a l i f o r n i a ' s P r i s o n s , ed. Eve P e l l (New York: Dutton, 1972.), p.229.  22.  Angela Y. Davis, I f They Come i n the Morning: Voices o f R e s i s t a n c e , ed. Angela Y". Davis (New York: Joseph Okpaker, 1971), p. 26.  23.  Robert M. Rich, The S o c i o l o g y o f C r i m i n a l Law: E v o l u t i o n of Deviance i n Anglo-American S o c i e t y (Toronto: B u t t e r worths, 1979), p. 53.  24.  C f . Robert Mintz, "Interview w i t h Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and Jock Young," Issues i n Criminology, v o l . 9, no. 1, S p r i n g 74, pp. 35-6; K r i s b e r g , op. c i t . , p. 2.  25.  Andy Wachtel, C a r o l P i t c h e r - L a P r a i r i e , and B r i a n E. Burt c h , " P u b l i c Images o f Law i n B r i t i s h Columbia: An E x p l o r a t o r y Study o f Views on Law Touching on the Family, Juveni l e Delinquency, and L i v e l i h o o d , " unpublished.  - 14 -  CHAPTER 2. CRITICAL CRIMINOLOGY: AN OVERVIEW A.  INTRODUCTION  The goals of t h i s chapter ment of the new  criminology,.paying  are to d i s c u s s the  develop-  a t t e n t i o n to i t s r e l a t i o n -  s h i p to the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n of the c r i m i n a l o f f e n d e r , and to r e view some of i t s t e n e t s , i n order to allow f o r a l a t e r  assess-  ment of the degree to which the a t t i t u d e s of p o l i t i c i z e d oners conform to those t e n e t s . ogy  The  pris-  scope of the new c r i m i n o l -  i s wide, and t h e r e are many c o n t r i b u t o r s , so i t w i l l not  p o s s i b l e i n t h i s one  chapter  to o f f e r an exhaustive  account of  the i s s u e s , problems or disagreements w i t h i n the f i e l d . larly,  Simi-  there w i l l be no attempt to o f f e r a thorough c r i t i q u e of  critical  c r i m i n o l o g y , as others are p r e s e n t l y occupied  t h i s problematic  (1), and  such a c r i t i q u e would be of  importance to the task at hand.  The new  criminology  with limited  However, a b r i e f c r i t i c a l  s p e c t i v e w i l l be given toward the end of the  per-  chapter.  ( o f t e n r e f e r r e d t o as  c r i m i n o l o g y or r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y ) has  critical  i t s roots i n the  t i o n a l Deviancy Conference h e l d i n the United Kingdom i n i t was  be  Na1968;  there t h a t Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, Jock Young, L a u r i e  T a y l o r , Stan Cohen, and Mary Mcintosh  began t h e i r  rebellion  a g a i n s t what they p e r c e i v e d to be the c o r r e c t i o n a l i s t a t t i t u d e of orthodox c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , and began to explore  alternative  - 15 e x p l a n a t i o n s of c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y ton,  (2).  Ian T a y l o r , Paul Wal-  and Jock Young spearheaded the a t t a c k of the new c r i m i n -  o l o g y with the p u b l i c a t i o n of The New which p r o v i d e s an e x t e n s i v e review and  Criminology  (1973),  c r i t i q u e of the more  orthodox  trends i n c r i m i n o l o g y , and with the p u b l i c a t i o n of  Critical  Criminology  way  (1975), which p r e s e n t s v a r i o u s essays i n a  t h a t d e f i n e s the parameters,  critical  criminology.  o b j e c t i v e s , and p o s i t i o n o f  They have been j o i n e d i n t h e i r  efforts  by many o t h e r s , some of the more noteworthy being Richard  Quin-  ney,  Kris-  W i l l i a m Chambliss,  Steven S p i t z e r , Tony P i a t t , Barry  berg, and Charles Reasons.  To d e f i n e the o b j e c t i v e s of c r i t i c a l  criminology, i t  i s necessary to examine s e v e r a l of i t s c r i t i c i s m s of mainstream c r i m i n o l o g y t o a l l o w f o r an accurate p o r t r a y a l of i t s academic and p o l i t i c a l  stance.  To begin, the new  criminologists  unani-  mously r e j e c t p o s i t i v i s m , p o i n t i n g out t h a t p o s i t i v i s t s orthodox  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n general) concern themselves  with those i n d i v i d u a l s who  are o f f i c i a l l y  (and only  d e f i n e d by the  as being d e v i a n t ; thus the c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s of the  state  powerful  are p l a y e d down or ignored, w h i l e the c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s of the lower c l a s s e s are emphasized  (3).  P o s i t i v i s t s assume the  e x i s t e n c e of a general consensus r e g a r d i n g a c c e p t a b l e behaviour,  and then defend the a c c e p t a b i l i t y of s o c i a l  social control  aimed at ensuring adherence t o the assumed consensus ( 4 ) . s e n t i a l l y , the new  Es-  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s say t h a t p o s i t i v i s m should be  r e j e c t e d because i t does not c h a l l e n g e o f f i c i a l  d e f i n i t i o n s of  c r i m i n a l i t y , and because i t does l i t t l e more than measure the  - 16 c r i m i n a l i z a t i o n of members of the lower c l a s s e s .  Critical  c r i m i n o l o g y a l s o a s s e r t s t h a t because main-  stream c r i m i n o l o g y has  u s u a l l y accepted  d e f i n e d by the s t a t e , i t has  the goals and  f a i l e d to develop  any  policies  significant  or unique t h e o r i e s to e x p l a i n the e x i s t e n c e of deviance.  In-  stead, mainstream c r i m i n o l o g i s t s have p r e f e r r e d to a v o i d e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l or o n t o l o g i c a l q u e s t i o n s , by c o n c e n t r a t i n g on measurement and  improvement of e x i s t i n g p o l i c i e s .  In other words,  the fundamental i s s u e s and values u n d e r l y i n g the t o p i c of deviance are ignored i n favour of proposed s o l u t i o n s to problems (5).  short-term  As a r e s u l t , the more orthodox trends i n c r i m i n -  ology have adopted a c o r r e c t i o n a l i s t p o s i t i o n , l o c a t i n g d e v i ance i n i n d i v i d u a l pathology,  and  addressing the problems o f  the i n d i v i d u a l , r a t h e r than the l a r g e r problems of  social  s t r u c t u r e (6).  Above a l l ,  critical  c r i m i n o l o g y i s c r i t i c a l of main-  stream c r i m i n o l o g y ' s f a i l u r e to examine deviance torical,  socio-economic  w i t h i n an h i s -  p e r s p e c t i v e , because the importance o f  group i n t e r e s t s , economic power, and looked to a l a r g e extent  (7).  c l a s s c o n f l i c t are  The New  Criminology  over-  identifies  v a r i o u s p o s i t i v e aspects of previous approaches to c r i m i n o l o g y , but these a p p r o a c h e s — i n c l u d i n g ry, s o c i a l r e a c t i o n theory,  d i f f e r e n t i a l a s s o c i a t i o n theo-  n a t u r a l i s m , phenomenology, and  nomethodology—are a l l considered u n s a t i s f a c t o r y due omission  of an examination  d e v i a n t a c t (8).  eth-  to t h e i r  of the wider, s o c i a l o r i g i n s of the  - 17 -  In the c o n c l u s i o n o f The New Criminology, Walton, and Young o u t l i n e what they consider requirements o f a " f u l l y s o c i a l theory tially,  they r e j e c t i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c  Taylor,  t o be the formal  o f deviance."  explanations  Essen-  o f deviance  (based on b i o l o g i c a l or p s y c h o l o g i c a l explanations  o f why i n d i -  v i d u a l s d e v i a t e ) , and opt i n s t e a d f o r what they c o n s i d e r  t o be  a f u l l y s o c i a l , h i s t o r i c a l s o c i o l o g y , which i s able t o " e x p l a i n the  forms assumed by s o c i a l c o n t r o l and deviant  veloped s o c i e t i e s " ( 9 ) .  a c t i o n i n de-  T h e i r requirements i n c l u d e a " p o l i t i -  c a l economy o f crime," a " s o c i a l psychology o f crime," an a c counting transform  of the s o c i a l dynamics t h a t a l l o w the i n d i v i d u a l t o h i s b e l i e f s or d e s i r e s i n t o a c t i o n , a " s o c i a l psy-  chology o f s o c i a l r e a c t i o n , " and an understanding o f the devi a n t ' s " r e a c t i o n . . .to r e j e c t i o n or s t i g m a t i z a t i o n " (10). They modify t h i s p o s i t i o n t o a c e r t a i n extent i n o l o g y and p l a c e g r e a t e r crime, by s t a t i n g t h a t  in Critical  Crim-  emphasis on a p o l i t i c a l economy o f  " i t i s now our p o s i t i o n not o n l y  that  these processes are f u l l y s o c i a l i n nature, but a l s o t h a t they are paramountly c o n d i t i o n e d  by the f a c t s . o f m a t e r i a l  reality"  (11).  There appears t o be c o n s i d e r a b l e  agreement  the p r e r e q u i s i t e s f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c r i t i c a l B a s i c a l l y , there  regarding  criminology.  i s a requirement t o engage i n p r a x i s , a need  to be a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n a s s i s t i n g those who are r e s i s t i n g the  system "to move from r e s i s t a n c e t o l i b e r a t i o n , " and a de-  mand f o r a commitment t o the abolishment o f socioeconomic i n -  - 18 equality  (12).  A l s o important  to mention i s t h a t c r i t i c a l  c r i m i n o l o g y has become p r o g r e s s i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n the ment of a M a r x i s t theory of deviance,  employing M a r x i s t method-  ology to examine the p r o d u c t i o n o f deviance eties  (13).  develop-  in capitalist  soci-  In summary, c r i t i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y r e q u i r e s i t s mem-  bers to be committed to s o c i a l change ( p r e f e r a b l y toward a socialist  s o c i e t y ) , c r i t i c a l of a s o c i a l system which i s regarded  as c r i m i n o g e n i c , and  a c t i v e i n the c l a s s s t r u g g l e .  In Crime and new  P r i v i l e g e , K r i s b e r g p o i n t s out t h a t the  c r i m i n o l o g y i s rooted i n the w r i t i n g s o f such  p r i s o n e r s as George Jackson  and E l d r i d g e Cleaver  politicized (14).  l o r , Walton, and Young put i t , "the s h i f t i n deviancy towards a more r a d i c a l or c r i t i c a l p o s i t i o n was  As Taytheory  occasioned by a  change i n the p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n of both m i d d l e - c l a s s p r a c t i t i o n e r s and d e v i a n t s themselves"  (15).  commitment to p r a x i s , some of the new  In keeping w i t h  their  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n the  Un-  i t e d Kingdom "formed an umbrella o r g a n i z a t i o n which would g i v e a p l a t f o r m to the s q u a t t e r s , to Case-Con (the r a d i c a l workers), (16).  social  and, v e r y i m p o r t a n t l y , to PROP, the p r i s o n e r ' s union"  Working under the assumption t h a t p r i s o n s were becoming  a weak l i n k i n the apparatus c o o r d i n a t i n g and  o f s o c i a l c o n t r o l , they  started  s u p p o r t i n g p o l i t i c a l movements w i t h i n the  p r i s o n w a l l s , i n hope of exposing  the p o l i t i c a l  i a l c o n t r o l i n the Western s o c i e t i e s  Critical  nature o f soc-  (17).  c r i m i n o l o g y ' s primary i n t e r e s t i n the  i c i z a t i o n of p r i s o n e r s i s connected  polit-  to the p r i o r i t y which i t  - 19 accords t o t h e development o f consciousness. i n Sumner, the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s politically (18).  feel  According t o C o l -  "that a d e v i a t i o n  conscious a c t or a form o f p r e - p o l i t i c a l r e b e l l i o n "  Ignoring the t r a d i t i o n a l Marxian p o s i t i o n t h a t  are members o f the l u m p e n p r o l e t a r i a t to a r e v o l u t i o n a r y placed  i sa  the p r i s o n  criminals  and are o f l i t t l e  value  movement, they have, as Jacobs d e s c r i b e s i t , "at the center o f r a d i c a l p o l i t i c s " (19).  For the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , then, the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r i s an i n d i v i d u a l who i s shedding h i s " f a l s e consciousness," because o f h i s f r o n t l i n e p o s i t i o n i n the c l a s s s t r u g g l e  and h i s  growing awareness o f the e x p l o i t i v e nature o f c a p i t a l i s t s o c i ety.  I f the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s a r e c o r r e c t i n t h i s assumption,  then we should f i n d t h a t the a t t i t u d e s o f p o l i t i c i z e d  prisoners  will  correspond t o at l e a s t some degree t o the t e n e t s o f c r i t i -  cal  criminology.  B.  PROPERTY RELATIONS AND CRIME  In keeping with t h e i r s o c i o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s  s t r e s s t h a t the p r o d u c t i o n o f crime i s l o -  cated i n the socioeconomic s t r u c t u r e .  Emphasis i s p l a c e d on  a c o n f l i c t view o f crime, with the c o n f l i c t o c c u r r i n g those with p r o p e r t y and those without marizes the p o s i t i o n o f c r i t i c a l states that  (20).  criminology  between  Chambliss sums u c c i n c t l y when he  " c r i m i n a l behaviour i s . . .the i n e v i t a b l e expres-  s i o n o f c l a s s c o n f l i c t r e s u l t i n g from the i n h e r e n t l y t i v e nature o f the economic r e l a t i o n s " (21). s t r u g g l e between the p r o p e r t i e d  exploita-  In the c l a s s  and the p r o p e r t y l e s s ,  the prop-  - 20 e r t y l e s s t u r n to c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y i n order to gain  property  which i s u n a v a i l a b l e to them through l e g i t i m a t e channels, simply  or  i n order to s u r v i v e .  The  general p o s i t i o n of the new  t h a t "members of the lower c l a s s . b i l i t y of being they c i t e two  a r r e s t e d and  main reasons:  criminologists i s  . .have the g r e a t e s t proba-  convicted" firstly,  (22).  Essentially,  the p r o p e r t y l e s s members  of the lower c l a s s are more l i k e l y t o commit crimes a g a i n s t property,  and  secondly,  they are more l i k e l y to be c r i m i n a l -  i z e d , because they w i e l d l i t t l e economic or p o l i t i c a l power and t h e i r v i s i b i l i t y lends i t s e l f to t h e i r easy a r r e s t and tion.  While the new  convic-  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s s t r e s s the e x i s t e n c e of  c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y among the wealthy, they p o i n t out t h a t  the  wealthy are able to avoid p r o s e c u t i o n , because t h e i r crimes are l e s s v i s i b l e and  t h e i r economic power allows them to i n f l u e n c e  the outcome of any  c r i m i n a l proceedings  brought a g a i n s t them.  As Chambliss puts i t , "crime i s a matter of who b e l on whom, and  can p i n the l a -  u n d e r l y i n g t h i s s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l process  i s the  s t r u c t u r e of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s determined by the p o l i t i c a l omy"  econ-  (23).  From t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , p r o p e r t y crimes are a r e f l e c t i o n of the i n e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the s o c i a l wealth, and of the s t r u g g l e f o r economic s u r v i v a l by the segment of the s o c i e t y .  In C l a s s , S t a t e , and  Crime, Quinney  presents  a graph to show the r e l a t i o n s h i p between  ment and  criminal activity.  The  impoverished  impoverish-  graph i n d i c a t e s t h a t p r i s o n  - 21 admissions i n c r e a s e ployment r a t e  and decrease c o r r e l a t i v e l y with the unem-  (24).  Further  i n c a r c e r a t i o n patterns criminology increased  evidence from a recent  i n Manitoba, again  perspective,  study o f  coming from a r a d i c a l  suggests that the i n c a r c e r a t i o n r a t e  by 74 per cent between 1919 and 1939, a p p a r e n t l y  r e s u l t o f the d e p r e s s i o n  (25).  as a  Not o n l y do p r o p e r t y - r e l a t e d  crimes f a r outnumber a l l the other  c a t e g o r i e s o f crime put t o -  gether, but the goods s t o l e n i n most o f these crimes are i n d i c a t i v e o f the marginal e x i s t e n c e  According  t o t h e new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , t h e p r o p e r t y r e -  lations i n capitalist r e l a t i o n s have c r e a t e d society.  o f the p e r p e t r a t o r s ( 2 6 ) .  s o c i e t y are c r i m i n o g e n i c ,  because those  an impoverished c l a s s i n an a f f l u e n t  To f o l l o w the argument through t o i t s l o g i c a l  s i o n , the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s would say t h a t i f p r o p e r t y  concluwere  d i s t r i b u t e d on an e g a l i t a r i a n b a s i s , t h e r e would no longer be an economic need f o r involvement i n c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y . vious  answer ( i f we f o l l o w t h i s l i n e o f reasoning) i s s o c i a l -  ism, w i t h i t s promised c l a s s l e s s s o c i e t y (27). and  The ob-  Young summarize the p o s i t i o n o f c r i t i c a l  T a y l o r , Walton,  criminology  cinctly : With Marx, we have been concerned with the s o c i a l arrangements t h a t have o b s t r u c t e d , and the s o c i a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s t h a t enhance man's chances o f a c h i e v i n g f u l l s o c i a l i t y — a s t a t e o f freedom from m a t e r i a l n e c e s s i t y and ( t h e r e f o r e ) o f m a t e r i a l i n c e n t i v e , a r e l e a s e from the c o n s t r a i n t s o f f o r c e d product i o n , an a b o l i t i o n o f the f o r c e d d i v i s i o n o f labour, and a s e t o f s o c i a l arrangements, t h e r e f o r e , i n which there would be no p o l i t i c a l l y , economically, and s o c i a l l y induced need t o c r i m i n a l i z e deviance. (28)  suc-  - 22 -  C.  THE NEW SOCIOLOGY OF LAW  The  s o c i o l o g y o f law t h a t stems from c r i t i c a l c r i m i n -  ology i s opposed t o the consensus model o f law accepted by most mainstream c r i m i n o l o g i s t s .  Instead o f assuming t h a t c r i m i n a l  law i s a r e f l e c t i o n o f u n i v e r s a l morals or wishes, the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s s t r e s s the importance o f c o n f l i c t , power, and group i n t e r e s t s as e t i o l o g i c a l laws.  f a c t o r s i n the formation o f  In f a c t , the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s a s s e r t t h a t law i s a  powerful  f o r c e i n determining  a f o r c e i n determining  law.  consensus, not t h a t consensus i s As Carson  says, "the enactment and  enforcement o f c r i m i n a l law c o n t r i b u t e s s u b s t a n t i a l l y to s o c i a l order through  i t s powerful  e f f e c t upon the o p e r a t i n g consensus  of r e a l i t y i n s o c i e t y " (29).  Critical  c r i m i n o l o g y ' s main p r o b l e m a t i c with r e s p e c t  to the s o c i o l o g y o f law i s d e s c r i b e d c o n c i s e l y by T a y l o r , Walton, and Young i n The New Criminology, when they w r i t e t h a t a M a r x i s t theory o f deviance  should "develop e x p l a n a t i o n s o f the  ways i n which h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d s , c h a r a c t e r i z e d by p a r t i c u l a r s e t s o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and means o f p r o d u c t i o n , g i v e r i s e to attempts by the economically and p o l i t i c a l l y powerful  to o r -  der s o c i e t y i n p a r t i c u l a r w a y s " — i n other words, "who makes the r u l e s and why?" (30).  The s o l u t i o n t o the problematic i s con-  t a i n e d w i t h i n the above q u o t a t i o n : i f we know who makes the rules  (that i s , "the economically and p o l i t i c a l l y  then we should a l s o know why those r u l e s are made.  powerful"),  - 23  According  -  to K r i s b e r g ,  C r i m i n a l laws and systems o f law e n f o r c e ment e x i s t to promote and p r o t e c t a system based upon the conception o f property, and these laws and systems of organized v i o l e n c e or c o e r c i o n are thus l i n k e d i n t i m a t e l y with those persons who possess the most p r i v a t e property. (31)  Quinney puts i t more b l u n t l y when he  says t h a t "the  ruling  c l a s s formulates c r i m i n a l p o l i c y f o r the p r e s e r v a t i o n e s t i c order,  an order  t h a t assures the  s o c i a l and  emony of the c a p i t a l i s t system" (32). ment o f the new order  I f we  of dom-  economic heg-  f o l l o w the  argu-  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , a p i c t u r e develops o f a s o c i a l  i n which access to the  formulation  s t r i c t e d to those with the wealth and  of c r i m i n a l law  power, and  i s re-  i n which those  i n t h a t p o s i t i o n are able to formulate laws t h a t p r o t e c t own  i n t e r e s t s (those being  the ownership and  their  c o n t r o l of p r i v a t e  property).  The  new  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s have amassed a s u b s t a n t i a l a-  mount of evidence to demonstrate the e x i s t e n c e cess to the  formulation  and  Order, and  Power, Chambliss and  "one  f i f t h of the members of the United  Seidman p o i n t out States  senate are s a i d be  (33). Quinney, i n  C r i t i q u e of Legal Order, r e v e a l s t h a t the P r e s i d e n t ' s 1960s was  In  that  They go on to show t h a t judges tend to  s e l e c t e d from the ranks of the economic e l i t e  Commission i n the  ac-  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f c r i m i n a l law.  Law,  to be m i l l i o n a i r e s . "  of unequal  Crime  composed o f wealthy lawyers  and  - 24 businessmen; i n f a c t , twelve o f the nineteen members o f the crime Commission had d e f i n i t e b u s i n e s s and corporate connect i o n s , with f i f t e e n o f them being lawyers (34).  In "The Law o f Vagrancy," Chambliss  o f f e r s an i n t e r -  e s t i n g h i s t o r i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h i s s o c i o l o g y o f law. submits  t h a t vagrancy  laws developed  i n Fourteenth  Century  England due t o "changes i n other p a r t s o f the s o c i a l ture."  He  struc-  The plague had s t r u c k , causing a d e p l e t i o n i n the cheap  labour f o r c e , and t h i s c r e a t e d problems, because "the economy was h i g h l y dependent upon a ready supply o f cheap labour" (35). From h i s a n a l y s i s o f the s i t u a t i o n , he concludes t h a t the v a grancy laws "were designed labourers.  f o r one express purpose:  to force  . .to accept employment a t a low wage i n order t o  ensure the landowner an adequate supply o f labour a t a p r i c e he could a f f o r d t o pay" (36).  E.P. Thompson exposes a s i m i l a r  s i t u a t i o n i n Whigs and Hunters, by showing how the p o l i t i c a l and economic e l i t e i n E i g h t e e n t h Century  England were able t o  c r e a t e and enforce laws ( s p e c i f i c a l l y the Black Act) i n order to advance t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l c a r e e r s and t o secure r i g h t s t o p r o p e r t y (37). and  socioeconomic  law,  In both these cases, s o c i a l  their conflict  f o r c e s were f a c t o r s i n the f o r m u l a t i o n o f  and members o f the economic or p o l i t i c a l  e l i t e were able  to i n t r o d u c e and employ these laws t o p r o t e c t t h e i r own i n t e r ests .  - 25 -  D.  THE STATE AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM  Another task o f the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i s t o examine the r o l e o f the State i n p r e s e r v i n g the e x i s t i n g order.  In essence, the State i s regarded  t r a t o r o f the c l a s s s t r u g g l e , "maintaining promoting the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l order" underpinning  as the primary a r b i s o c i a l peace while  (38). By v i r t u e o f i t s  i n u n i v e r s a l s u f f e r a g e , the State appears t o be  both a product  o f s o c i e t a l consensus and an i m p a r t i a l mediator  of c l a s s c o n f l i c t in  socio-economic  (39), thereby masking i t s inherent  s e c u r i n g the hegemony o f the c a p i t a l i s t  system.  interest Generally,  the State attempts t o secure t h a t hegemony by d e p i c t i n g a s i t u a t i o n o f consensus or common s o c i a l i n t e r e s t , but when t h i s fails, to  the State p r o v i d e s the necessary  "legitimate" coercion  keep the system i n t a c t ; i t i s the S t a t e ' s implementation o f  c o e r c i o n which i s o f p a r t i c u l a r importance t o the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , and t o t h i s  study.  In " P o l i t i c a l Repression  and the L i b e r a l Democratic  S t a t e , " Wolfe p r e d i c t s t h a t "the more unequal the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the economic rewards o f the s o c i e t y , the g r e a t e r w i l l be the chance t h a t c h a l l e n g e s w i l l a r i s e , which means t h a t the use o f s t a t e v i o l e n c e w i l l be t h a t much more frequent"  (40). At a l a t -  er p o i n t i n h i s a n a l y s i s , he warns t h a t "the r u l i n g c l a s s i s armed and dangerous"  (41). This p o s i t i o n i s s i m i l a r t o Quin-  ney' s, who a s s e r t s t h a t the government, supported forces,  by i t s armed  "can now launch a f u l l - s c a l e war a g a i n s t i t s own peo-  - 26 p i e , " adding t h a t "to p r o t e c t the system from i t s own v i c t i m s , a war on crime i s being waged" (42). The sentiments o f both w r i t e r s are comparable to those o f P i a t t and Cooper i n P o l i c i n g America, wherein the authors  argue t h a t the p r i n c i p a l purposes  of the p o l i c e and the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system are t o p r o t e c t the wealth o f the c a p i t a l i s t s ,  and t o suppress any insurgency  which threatens the p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n s o f c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y (43) .  In P o l i c i n g the C r i s i s ,  S t u a r t H a l l e t . a l . argue  t h a t the S t a t e , through i t s l e g a l apparatus, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f d i s c i p l i n i n g the labour ensuring  respect f o r p r i v a t e property,  i n d u s t r i a l r e s e r v e army (44).  with  f o r c e , both by  and by c o n t r o l l i n g the  T h i s i s s i m i l a r t o S p i t z e r ' s ob-  s e r v a t i o n t h a t one of the most important is  i s charged  f u n c t i o n s o f the State  "the r e g u l a t i o n and management o f problem p o p u l a t i o n s " (45).  A group j o i n s the ranks o f the problem p o p u l a t i o n by r e f u s i n g to submit t o wage labour, the e x i s t i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n o f wealth, the r u l i n g ideology, or the s o c i a l i z a t i o n process.  By c r i m i n -  a l i z i n g labour movements, p o l i t i c a l groups, and the n o n - d i s c i p l i n e d a c t s o f the s u r p l u s labour p o o l , the State ensures the e x i s t e n c e o f c o n d i t i o n s which favour the s u r v i v a l o f c a p i t a l ism  (46) .  An argument could be advanced—based on f a i r l y stantial evidence—that  t h i s v i s i o n o f the State and i t s s o c i a l  c o n t r o l f u n c t i o n i s somewhat one-sided it  sub-  or m o n o l i t h i c , because  ignores the r o l e o f the State i n c o n t r o l l i n g the a c t i v i t i e s  - 27 of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s  (47).  However, the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s  contend t h a t while a n t i t r u s t , l a b o u r , or p o l l u t i o n laws  appear  to r e g u l a t e the a c t i v i t i e s o f the c a p i t a l i s t s , they are a c t u a l l y designed t o reproduce the necessary c o n d i t i o n s f o r the e x i s tence o f c a p i t a l i s m , by masking the g l a r i n g c o n t r a d i c t i o n s o f an i n e g a l i t a r i a n economic system, and by s t a v i n g o f f mass d i s content (48).  Furthermore, t h e new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s draw a t t e n -  t i o n t o the many l o o p h o l e s i n these laws, and the r e l a t i v e l y few p r o s e c u t i o n s .  Carson warns t h a t "the emergence o f c r i m i n a l  laws a p p a r e n t l y a n t i t h e t i c a l t o the i n t e r e s t s o f powerful groups  i s something which  should be i n t e r p r e t e d with c o n s i d e r -  able c a u t i o n " (49).  An example o f t h i s concern i s c i t e d by C l i n a r d i n The S o c i o l o g y o f Deviant Behaviour: The l o s s e s t o the p u b l i c o f one crime o f i l l e g a l p r i c e f i x i n g . . .committed by 29 l e a d ing e l e c t r i c a l companies i n 1961 i n v o l v e d hundreds o f m i l l i o n s o f d o l l a r s , a l o s s f a r g r e a t e r than the money taken i n a l l b u r g l a r i e s i n the country d u r i n g t h a t year. Yet f o r t h i s crime 7 e x e c u t i v e s a t the policymaki n g l e v e l were sentenced t o only 30 days i n j a i l ; 24 o t h e r s r e c e i v e d suspended sentences. (50)  At the other end o f s o c i e t y , however, i t i s not uncommon t h a t a lower c l a s s i n d i v i d u a l w i l l r e c e i v e a lengthy sentence f o r comm i t t i n g a crime i n v o l v i n g l e s s than two hundred  dollars.  The  b a s i c message i s that the State tends t o g l o s s over the crimes of c a p i t a l i s m  ( d e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t these crimes contravene  l e g a l s t a t u t e s ) , p r e f e r r i n g t o c o n c e n t r a t e on the c r i m i n a l a c -  - 28 t i v i t i e s of the lower c l a s s e s .  As K r i s b e r g d e s c r i b e s i t , "the  businessman i n d i c t e d f o r tax evasion or embezzlement i s l i k e l y to  be merely f i n e d , given a suspended sentence, or p l a c e d  p r o b a t i o n ; poor defendants.  . .are sent to j a i l  or p r i s o n f o r  crimes t h a t i n v o l v e c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s s o c i a l harm"  E.  on  (51).  A BRIEF CRITICAL PERSPECTIVE  As mentioned i n the I n t r o d u c t i o n to the chapter, thorough c r i t i q u e of c r i t i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y the g o a l s of t h i s t h e s i s .  i s not e s s e n t i a l to  However, a few b r i e f comments are i n  order, as c r i t i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y i s not without lems, nor have the new  criminologists failed  attempt to r e s o l v e these  a  unresolved  prob-  to recognize  and  problems.  C r i t i c s o f t e n q u e s t i o n the tendency of the new  crim-  i n o l o g i s t s to assume t h a t crime would be a b o l i s h e d or g r e a t l y reduced under a s o c i a l i s t  system.  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s seem to pay  Schichor  little  says t h a t "many  or no a t t e n t i o n t o the  sis  of s o c i a l c o n t r o l i n s o c i e t i e s which have embraced  ist  or M a r x i s t  law and  ideology"  (52).  i t s enforcement i n these  in  (53), and  deviance ing  and  the  i n c r e a s e i t s power even more than adds t h a t "the d e f i n i t i o n of  crime remains i n the hands of a s m a l l , c l o s e d  c l a s s which has  (54).  "the  regimes seem to be h e l p i n g  and  societies"  analy-  social-  He goes on to argue t h a t  r u l i n g c l a s s to maintain capitalist  new  rul-  an e x c l u s i v e grasp on the p o l i t i c a l power"  As Downes puts i t , " c r i t i c a l  w r i t e as i f i m p e r i a l i s m was  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s too o f t e n  monopolized by c a p i t a l i s t  socie-  - 29 t i e s , as i f the tanks had never r o l l e d as i f people i n c a p i t a l i s t  i n t o Prague or Budapest,  s o c i e t i e s were u t t e r l y dehumanised"  (55) .  There c e r t a i n l y i s evidence t o suggest t h a t crime exists i n s o c i a l i s t countries. Peter  In Revolutionary  Law and Order,  J u v i l e r says t h a t even i n contemporary Moscow t h i e v e s plague w e a l t h i e r r e s i d e n t s with well-planned burglaries. I t i s not uncommon f o r people l i v i n g i n an apartment house t o have keys to the e l e v a t o r , equip apartment doors with peepholes and double l o c k s , c h i p i n f o r someone t o run the e l e v a t o r and l o c k and guard the door by 1:00 A.M. (56)  Although twice as many p r o p e r t y n i t e d S t a t e s , there  still  crimes are reported  were 245,300 c o n v i c t i o n s  i n the Uf o r property  crimes i n the S o v i e t Union i n 1971 (57). S i m i l a r problems are faced i n East Germany, where c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are concerned about the  incidence of property  crimes (58). While East German  i n o l o g i s t s a t t r i b u t e t h i s t o West German " i m p e r i a l i s m " proper i n d o c t r i n a t i o n , they are f o r c e d t o admit t h a t crimes a g a i n s t p r o p e r t y ual to enrich himself cording  crim-  or imunderlying  " i s a s u b j e c t i v e d e s i r e o f the i n d i v i d -  c o n t r a r y t o the law o f d i s t r i b u t i o n ac-  to performance"  (59). Such evidence i n d i c a t e s t h a t  crime i s not unique t o c a p i t a l i s m .  In a p o s t s c r i p t t o a recent p l i e s b r i e f l y to Downes' a c c u s a t i o n  a r t i c l e , Jock Young r e -  t h a t the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s  seem unaware o f the problems i n s o c i a l i s t c o u n t r i e s .  He as-  - 30 sures Dowries t h a t new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are aware o f "the humani s t i c achievement o f Western s o c i e t i e s ('under c a p i t a l i s m ' ) " and  the problems a s s o c i a t e d  with s o c i a l i s m , and o f f e r s h i s a r t -  i c l e as p r o o f t h a t the matter i s under c o n s i d e r a t i o n s e n t i a l l y , h i s a r t i c l e r e j e c t s the n o t i o n  (60).  Es-  t h a t crime would au-  t o m a t i c a l l y disappear with the overthrow o f c a p i t a l i s m and r e commends i n s t e a d  the transcendence o f c a p i t a l i s m through a p r o -  cess which would preserve i t s humanistic achievements and other a t t r a c t i v e features his  colleagues  (61).  I t i s not c l e a r , however, whether  agree w i t h h i s p o s i t i o n (62).  Whether o r not most new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s agree with Young's p o s i t i o n , the q u e s t i o n of why crime would be  abolished  or g r e a t l y reduced under s o c i a l i s m remains moot.  discussed  e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter, the m a j o r i t y  As  o f new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s do  d i r e c t t h e i r a t t e n t i o n toward the c r i m i n o g e n i c nature o f c a p i i t a l i s m and the a n t i c i p a t e d improvements under s o c i a l i s m . information point,  i s required  from the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s on t h i s  unless they i n t e n d  t o d i s c a r d the assumption t h a t so-  cialism i s a desirable alternative. the true  countries socialist  usually associated  While they may argue t h a t  with s o c i a l i s m are e i t h e r not  s o c i e t i e s or are not f u l l y developed  does not o b v i a t e the n e c e s s i t y socialist  More  (63),  this  o f a f u l l account o f the type o f  s o c i e t y which would d r a m a t i c a l l y  reduce crime and  criminalization.  Another area open t o q u e s t i o n i s the assumption crime i s r e l a t e d to s o c i a l c l a s s  (64).  that  As seen e a r l i e r , two o f  -  -  31  of the tenets of c r i t i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y from the and  inequitable property  that law  t h i s subject,  lower c l a s s e s .  There i s a c u r r e n t debate on  i n s t i g a t e d by T i t t l e e t . a l . ' s study which con-  t h a t crime i s not r e l a t e d to s o c i a l c l a s s , or at l e a s t  not to the extent The  d i s t r i b u t i o n under c a p i t a l i s m ,  enforcement i s concerned mostly with c r i m i n a l i z i n g  members of the  cluded  are t h a t crime r e s u l t s  suggested by the new  criminologists  (65).  study showed o n l y a s l i g h t r e l a t i o n s h i p between c l a s s  and  crime, a r e l a t i o n s h i p which i s becoming p r o g r e s s i v e l y l e s s s i g n i f i c a n t through the years  (66).  While elements of t h e i r  have been c r i t i c i z e d by B r a i t h w a i t e mains  (67), the i s s u e s t i l l  re-  unresolved.  T h i s s u b j e c t w i l l be considered the concluding  more thoroughly i n  chapter of t h i s t h e s i s , but  ing at t h i s p o i n t t h a t the r e s u l t s of my c h i l d ' s study q u e s t i o n between crime and  the e x i s t e n c e  i t i s worth mention-  study and  of  Fair-  o f a strong r e l a t i o n s h i p  socioeconomic s t a t u s , although i t should  kept i n mind t h a t n e i t h e r study was test this relationship. which a l s o c h a l l e n g e (68).  study  designed s p e c i f i c a l l y  Moreover, there are other  of i t by the new  to  studies  t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y accepted assumption  I f t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p i s t o remain a cornerstone o f  c a l criminology  be  theory,  then f u r t h e r a n a l y s i s and  radi-  clarification  criminologists i s indicated.  A l s o r e l a t e d to t h i s i s s u e i s the notion t h a t the  law  enforcement system i s concerned l a r g e l y with the c r i m i n a l i z a t i o n o f the  lower c l a s s e s .  T h i s too r e q u i r e s some m o d i f i c a t i o n  - 32 i n l i g h t o f r e c e n t r e p o r t s on law enforcement a c t i o n s corporations.  against  C l i n a r d and Yeager, f o r example, r e p o r t that the  number o f p r o s e c u t i o n s  of large corporations  i s i n c r e a s i n g , and  t h a t p e n a l t i e s are becoming more severe (69). Posner p o i n t s out t h a t there were 1,162 a n t i t r u s t s u i t s f i l e d  i n 1974  alone,  whereas there were o n l y 1,874 between 1937 and 1954 (79). He a l s o shows t h a t maximum f i n e s and sentences have been i n creased, quently  and t h a t p r i s o n sentences are being  imposed more f r e -  (71) .  Snider matic i n c r e a s e  observes t h a t i n the case o f Canada, the d r a -  i n the number o f f i l e s opened under the Combines  I n v e s t i g a t i o n A c t has not r e s u l t e d i n a concomitant r i s e i n the number o f c o n v i c t i o n s  (72). However, she does concede t h a t  p e n a l t i e s are more s t r i n g e n t i n the United forcement i s becoming more r i g o r o u s (73).  S t a t e s , and t h a t en-  i n c e r t a i n areas o f Canada  C l i n a r d and Yeager c l a i m t h a t r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are  p a r t i a l l y responsible  f o r the i n c r e a s e d  g a i n s t the wealthy and powerful these o b s e r v a t i o n s  enforcement a c t i o n a-  (74). C u t t i n g through a l l o f  and c l a i m s , the evidence appears t o suggest  t h a t the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i n North America i s concerned with more than simply  c r i m i n a l i z i n g the lower c l a s s e s .  This e n t i r e issue r e l a t e s d i r e c t l y to c r i t i c a l inology's  view o f the c l a s s nature o f the law and i t s e n f o r c e -  ment agencies. law  crim-  As noted p r e v i o u s l y , the tendency i s t o see the  as a product o f c a p i t a l i s t  ideology,  and the enforcement  system as the l e g a l means t o preserve c o n d i t i o n s  favourable t o  -  capitalism.  33  -  Whether i t i s unintended or not,  a picture  of a m o n o l i t h i c l e g a l order designed to p r o t e c t ses  a t the expense o f the lower c l a s s e s .  emerges  the upper c l a s -  This p i c t u r e  tends t o  overlook the p r o s e c u t i o n s o f members o f the upper c l a s s e s , the evidence c h a l l e n g i n g  the r e l a t i o n s h i p between crime and s o c i a l  c l a s s , and the f a c t t h a t the p o l i c e spend most o f t h e i r time directing t r a f f i c , people (75).  s e t t l i n g family  quarrels,  or f i n d i n g m i s s i n g  While not a l l r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s  subscribe t o  t h i s m o n o l i t h i c p e r s p e c t i v e , many appear t o .  Beirne attempts t o d i s p e l t h i s image o f r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y i n h i s recent response t o the v a r i o u s c r i t i c s o f t h i s school. law  Beirne agrees that  some " i n s t r u m e n t a l M a r x i s t s " see  as a r e f l e c t i o n o f r u l i n g c l a s s i n t e r e s t s , but adds t h a t  the m a j o r i t y o f " s t r u c t u r a l M a r x i s t s " do not (76). i n s i s t s that  In f a c t , he  s t r u c t u r a l M a r x i s t s see the law as r e l a t i v e l y au-  tonomous o f the r u l i n g c l a s s , and are quick to admit that i s l a t i o n and law enforcement are r o u t i n e l y the  i n t e r e s t s or wishes o f c e r t a i n  He concludes  leg-  "at v a r i a n c e with  f r a c t i o n s o f c a p i t a l " (77).  that  In order t o a c q u i r e a modicum o f l e g i t i macy f o r i t s economic p o s i t i o n i n product i o n , the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s i s best served by a l e g a l system which i s c o n s t r a i n e d t o present i t s e l f as the embodiment o f the u n i v e r s a l i n t e r e s t o f the s o c i a l formation r a t h e r than o f p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s w i t h i n i t . (78)  Issac Balbus takes a s i m i l a r p o s i t i o n i n h i s a r t i c l e "Commodity Form and L e g a l Form," where he r e j e c t s  - 34  both an i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t or r e d u c t i o n i s t approach which denies t h a t the l e g a l order possesses any autonomy from the demands posed on i t by a c t o r s of the c a p i t a l i s t soc i e t y . . .and a f o r m a l i s t approach, which a s s e r t s an absolute, u n q u a l i f i e d autonomy of the l e g a l order from t h i s s o c i e t y . (79)  >  L i k e Beirne, he he  -  sees the  law  as r e l a t i v e l y autonomous (80),  goes a step f u r t h e r i n l i n k i n g the  form" (81).  He  argues t h a t both the  law  to "the  commodity  "commodity form" and  " l e g a l form" f u n c t i o n independently of "the w i l l of the j e c t s who  set i t i n motion" (82),  and  t h a t the  but  the  sub-  l e g a l form  "cre-  ates a f e t i s h i z e d r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n d i v i d u a l s and  the  Law  i n which i n d i v i d u a l s a t t r i b u t e s u b j e c t i v i t y t o the Law  and  con-  c e i v e themselves as i t s o b j e c t s  In h i s  ar-  l e g a l form preserves c a p i t a l i s m by producing and  re-  i n f o r c i n g such i l l u s i o n s as e q u a l i t y or i n d i v i d u a l i t y (84),  and  any  ap-  gument the  i n e q u a l i t y b e f o r e the  law  or c r e a t i o n s "  (83).  r e s u l t s because "the  p l i c a t i o n of an equal s c a l e to s y s t e m i c a l l y  systemic  unequal i n d i v i d u a l s  n e c e s s a r i l y tends to r e i n f o r c e systemic i n e q u a l i t i e s "  More e f f o r t s such as the Again, i t appears t h a t not  a l l new  above would be welcome. criminologists  these refinements or m o d i f i c a t i o n s . tacks B a l b u s  1  a r t i c l e by saying  of l e g a l c a t e g o r i z a t i o n " l y a r t i c u l a t e d and lated .  (86).  subscribe  to  Young, f o r example, a t -  t h a t he  works under f a l s e assumptions, and  (85).  ignores c e r t a i n f a c t s ,  " o v e r s i m p l i f i e s the  A u n i f i e d perspective  refined sociology  of law  nature on a  i s yet to be  ful-  formu-  -  Schichor's  35 -  statement t h a t the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s  "have made mainly pragmatic statements and generated substantive  e m p i r i c a l work" (87) may be p a r t i a l l y t r u e , but i t  i s a l s o somewhat u n j u s t i f i e d . critical  little  criminology  I t should be kept i n mind t h a t  was i n an embryonic stage i n 1972.  Des-  p i t e i t s r e l a t i v e newness, v a r i o u s e f f o r t s have been made w i t h i n t h i s genre t o s u b s t a n t i a t e i t s t e n e t s . on  Chambliss'  treatise  "The Law o f Vagrancy" and Thompson's Whigs and Hunters  apply  a r a d i c a l s o c i o l o g y o f law t o s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n s (88).  S i m i l a r l y , Chambliss' comparative study o f crime i n N i -  g e r i a and the United  S t a t e s , H a l l e t a l . s examination o f the  r o l e o f the media and the l e g a l apparatus i n P o l i c i n g the C r i s i s , and Kellough  et a l . ' s analysis of incarceration patterns  i n Manitoba, a l l attempt t o e m p i r i c a l l y v a l i d a t e c e r t a i n claims of c r i t i c a l  criminology  (89).  study (90) and t h i s present e f f o r t s t o evaluate  For t h a t matter,  Fairchild's  study c o u l d be seen as e m p i r i c a l  critical  criminology's  understanding o f the  p o l i t i c i z e d prisoner issue.  This b r i e f c r i t i c a l to e i t h e r c r i t i c a l  criminology  p e r s p e c t i v e does not do j u s t i c e or i t s c r i t i c s .  The i s s u e s are  more complex, and have o n l y been h i g h l i g h t e d here.  The views  presented  are a rough  i n the preceding  s e c t i o n s o f t h i s chapter  summary o f o p i n i o n s w i t h i n c r i t i c a l  criminology,  and should not  be regarded as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f a l l new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s . In f a c t , the parameters o f the f i e l d Criminology,  lack d e f i n i t i o n .  In The New  f o r example, T a y l o r , Walton, and Young exclude  - 36 Richard Quinney from the ranks o f the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s (91). In a r e c e n t a r t i c l e , Young i n c l u d e s Richard Quinney, but r e j e c t s the l e f t  i d e a l i s m o f Quinney, T a y l o r , and Walton (92).  P o s i t i o n s w i t h i n the f i e l d are e v i d e n t l y q u i t e d i v e r s e , so any c r i t i c i s m s do not n e c e s s a r i l y apply e q u a l l y t o a l l new c r i m i n ologists .  Returning to the c l a i m o f the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s t h a t they have c u l t i v a t e d some o f t h e i r ideas from the w r i t i n g s o f p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , we should then expect some n o t i c e a b l e s i m i l a r i t i e s between t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e p o s i t i o n s . an i d e a l t y p o l o g y i s developed of the w r i t i n g s o f both groups.  In Chapter 4,  through comparison and s y n t h e s i s T h i s t y p o l o g y i s then  i n a s s e s s i n g the p r i s o n e r s ' responses  utilized  i n my study.  FOOTNOTES 1.  C f . David S c h i c h o r , "The New C r i m i n o l o g y : Some C r i t i c a l Issues," The B r i t i s h J o u r n a l o f Criminology, V o l . 20, no. 2, Jan. 80. T h i s a r t i c l e reviews some o f the t e n e t s of c r i t i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y , and o f f e r s an e x c e l l e n t overview o f many o f the c r i t i c i s m s l e v e l l e d a g a i n s t c r i t i c a l c r i m inologists. The reader i s a l s o r e f e r r e d t o Deviant I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s : Problems i n C r i m i n o l o g i c a l Theory, eds. David Downes and Paul Rock (Oxford: M a r t i n Robertson, 1979). The a r t i c l e s i n t h i s t e x t p r o v i d e some e x c e l l e n t c r i t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s on the new c r i m i n o l o g y .  2.  Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and Jock Young, " C r i t i c a l Crimi n o l o g y i n B r i t a i n : Review and Prospects," C r i t i c a l Crimi n o l o g y , eds. Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and Jock Young (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975), pp. 6-7. C f . Robe r t Mintz, "Interview with Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton and Jock Young," Issues i n Criminology, v o l . 9, no. 1, Spring 74, pp. 33-4.  3.  S t u a r t H a l l , "Deviance, P o l i t i c s , and the Media,"Deviance and S o c i a l C o n t r o l , eds. Paul Rock and Mary Mcintosh (London: T a v i s t o c k , 1974), p. 262; Tony P i a t t , "Prospects f o r a R a d i c a l C r i t i c a l Criminology i n the USA," " C r i t i c a l Criminology, eds. Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and Jock Young  - 37 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975), p. 96, p. 103; Barry K r i s b e r g , Crime and S o c i a l P r i v i l e g e : Toward a New C r i m i n o l o g y (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1975), p. 13, p. 25. 4.  Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and Jock Young, The New C r i m i n ology: For a S o c i a l Theory o f Deviance (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973), pp. 31-5; Charles E. Reasons, "The P o l i t i c i z i n g of Crime, the C r i m i n a l , and the C r i m i n o l o g i s t , " The J o u r n a l o f C r i m i n a l Law and C r i m i n o l o g y , v o l . 64, No. 4, Dec. 73, p. 471; Jock Young, "Working C l a s s Criminology," C r i t i c a l C r i m i n o l o g y , eds. Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and Jock Young (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975), p. 64.  5.  S t a n l e y Cohen, "Criminology and the S o c i o l o g y o f Deviance i n B r i t a i n : A Recent H i s t o r y and a Current Report," Deviance and S o c i a l C o n t r o l , eds. Paul Rock and Mary Mcintosh (London: T a v i s t o c k , 1974), p. 35; Richard Quinney, "Crime C o n t r o l i n C a p i t a l i s t S o c i e t y : A C r i t i c a l Philosophy o f Legal Order," C r i t i c a l C r i m i n o l o g y , eds. Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and Jock Young (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975), p. 182; Anthony P i a t t and Lynn Cooper, P o l i c i n g Ame r i c a , eds. Anthony P i a t t and Lynn Cooper (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1974), p. 2; T a y l o r , Walton, and Young, The New Criminology , pp. 19-21.  6.  T a y l o r , Walton, and Young, " C r i t i c a l t a i n , " pp. 7-13.  7.  T a y l o r , Walton, and Young, The New Criminology , p. 255, p. 261; C f . Steven S p i t z e r , "Toward a Marxian Theory o f Devi a n c e , " S o c i a l Problems, v o l . 22, no. 5, June 75, pp. 6389, and W. G. Carson, "The S o c i o l o g y o f Crime and the Emergence o f C r i m i n a l Laws: A Review of Some E x c u r s i o n s i n t o the S o c i o l o g y o f Law," Deviance and S o c i a l C o n t r o l , eds. Paul Rock and Mary Mcintosh (London: T a v i s t o c k , 1974), p. 69, p. 71.  8.  T a y l o r , Walton, and Young, The New 154, 169-70, 192, 205, 208.  9.  I b i d . , pp. 268-9.  10.  I b i d , . pp. 270-76. They a l s o s t a t e that i t i s not necessary f o r a l l of these requirements t o be present f o r the theory to be f u l l y s o c i a l . (p. 277).  11.  " C r i t i c a l C r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t a i n , " p. 20.  12.  I b i d . , p. 23, 24, 28, 29. Cf. Jock Young, "Working Class Criminology," p. 86, 87, 90, 91, and Tony P i a t t , op. c i t . , p. 105.  13.  Cf. " C r i t i c a l C r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t a i n , " p. 45, pp. 47-52;  Criminology i n B r i -  Criminology , p. 130,  -  38 -  S p i t z e r , op. c i t . , p p . 641-43; R i c h a r d Q u i n n e y , C r i t i q u e o f L e g a l O r d e r : Crime C o n t r o l i n C a p i t a l i s t S o c i e t y (Bost o n ! L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1974), p . v, 15. 14.  K r i s b e r g , op. c i t • ,  p . 2.  15.  "Critical  16.  Mintz,  17.  I b i d . , p . 36. C f . " C r i t i c a l 18.  18.  C o l i n Sumner, "Marxism and D e v i a n c e T h e o r y , " The S o c i o l ogy o f C r i m e and D e l i n q u e n c y : The New C r i m i n o l o g i e s , e d . P a u l W i l e s (New Y o r k : B a r n e s & N o b l e , 1977), p . 162.  19.  James J a c o b s , " S t r a t i f i c a t i o n and C o n f l i c t Amongst P r i s o n I n m a t e s , " The J o u r n a l o f C r i m i n a l Law and C r i m i n o l o g y , V o l . 66, no. 4, 1976, p . 480.  20.  C f . " C r i t i c a l C r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t a i n , " p . 26, p . 36, and S p i t z e r , o p . c i t . , p . 639. T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e a d h e r e s q u i t e c l o s e l y t o the d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p a r t i c u l a t e d by Marx, w h e r e i n t h e c a p i t a l i s t s and t h e p r o l e t a r i a t ( t h e p r o p e r t i e d and t h e p r o p e r t y l e s s ) a r e i n v o l v e d i n an o n going s t r u g g l e over scarce r e s o u r c e s .  21.  W i l l i a m J . C h a m b l i s s , "Toward a P o l i t i c a l Economy o f C r i m e , " The S o c i o l o g y o f Law: A C o n f l i c t P e r s p e c t i v e , e d s . C h a r l e s E. Reasons and R o b e r t M. R i c h ( T o r o n t o : B u t t e r w o r t h ' s , 1 9 7 8 ) , p . 193.  22.  R i c h a r d Q u i n n e y , The S o c i a l R e a l i t y o f C r i m e ( B o s t o n : L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1970), p . 217. C f . A n t h o n y M. P i a t t , The C h i l d S a v e r s : The I n v e n t i o n o f D e l i n q u e n c y (Chicago: U. o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1969, 1 9 7 7 ) . Piatt asserts that d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e numbers o f i m p r i s o n e d y o u t h come f r o m w o r k i n g - c l a s s and m i n o r i t y b a c k g r o u n d s " (p. 1 9 0 ) .  23.  Chambliss,  24.  R i c h a r d Q u i n n e y , C l a s s , S t a t e , and C r i m e : On t h e T h e o r y and P r a c t i c e o f C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e (New Y o r k : McKay, 1977), p. 135.  25.  D.G. K e l l o u g h , S.L. B r i c k e y , and W.K. Greenaway, "The P o l i t i c s o f I n c a r c e r a t i o n : M a n i t o b a , 1918-1939," The Canad i a n J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y , v o l . 5, no. 3, Summer 1980, p . 264.  26.  C f . M a r s h a l l B. C l i n a r d , S o c i o l o g y o f D e v i a n t B e h a v i o u r (New Y o r k : H o l t , R i n e h a r t & W i n s t o n , 1974), p . 48; on t h e b a s i s o f 1971 s t a t i s t i c s on c r i m e i n t h e USA, he shows t h a t t h e r e a r e 6,768.7 p r o p e r t y - r e l a t e d o f f e n c e s p e r  Criminology  i n Britain,"  p. 18.  o p . c i t . , p . 35. Criminology  i n Britain,"  p.  op. c i t . , p . 206.  - 39  -  100,000 p e o p l e , w h i l e t h e r e a r e o n l y 419.4 o t h e r o f f e n c e s ( i n c l u d i n g r a p e , murder, o r a s s a u l t ) p e r 100,000 p e o p l e . 27.  F o r example, see R i c h a r d Q u i n n e y , C r i t i q u e o f L e g a l O r d e r : C r i m e C o n t r o l i n C a p i t a l i s t S o c i e t y , p . 16; he a s s e r t s that "only with the b u i l d i n g of a s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y w i l l t h e r e be a w o r l d w i t h o u t t h e need f o r c r i m e c o n t r o l . " C h a m b l i s s , i n "Toward a P o l i t i c a l Economy o f C r i m e , " a l s o i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e c r i m e r a t e c a n be e x p e c t e d t o be much l o w e r i n a s o c i a l i s t s o c i e t y (p. 1 9 4 ) .  28.  The New  29.  C a r s o n , op. c i t . , O r d e r , p . 154.  30.  The  31.  Krisberg,  32.  Quinney,  33.  W i l l i a m J . C h a m b l i s s and R o b e r t B. Seidman, Law, O r d e r , and Power ( R e a d i n g , Mass.: A d d i s o n - W e s l e y , 1 9 7 1 ) . p . 67, p . 96. C f . P i a t t , The C h i l d S a v e r s , p . 77, pp. 92-8. P i a t t i s able to s u b s t a n t i a t e the e l i t e backgrounds o f t h o s e who became i n v o l v e d i n t h e " c h i l d s a v i n g " movement.  34.  Critique  35.  W i l l i a m J . C h a m b l i s s , "The Law o f V a g r a n c y , " C r i m e and t h e L e g a l P r o c e s s (New Y o r k : M c G r a w - H i l l , 1969), p . 53.  36.  Ibid.,  37.  E. P. Thompson, Whigs and H u n t e r s : The O r i g i n o f t h e B l a c k A c t (Harmondsworth: P e n g u i n , 1975, 1977), pp. 261-3.  38.  Q u i n n e y , C l a s s , S t a t e , and C r i m e , p . 82. Cf. Stuart H a l l , C h a s . C r i t c h e r , Tony J e f f e r s o n , J o h n C l a r k e , and B r i a n R o b e r t s , P o l i c i n g t h e C r i s i s : Mugging, t h e S t a t e , and Law and O r d e r ( L o n d o n : M a c M i l l a n , 1 9 7 8 ) , p . 197.  39.  Hall  40.  A l a n W o l f e , " P o l i t i c a l R e p r e s s i o n and t h e L i b e r a l Democ r a t i c S t a t e , " M o n t h l y Review, v o l . 23, no. 7, Dec. 71, p . 23.  41.  Ibid.,  42.  Quinney,  43.  Piatt  C r i m i n o l o g y , p.  New  p.  71.  C r i m i n o l o g y , p.  p.  op. c i t . , Critique  p.  C f . Quinney,  Critique  of Legal  220. 13.  of Legal  Order, p.  o f L e g a l O r d e r , pp.  59.  61-6.  54.  et. al.,  p.  270.  op. c i t . ,  p.  206.  34. Critique  of Legal  and C o o p e r , op. c i t . ,  O r d e r , pp. pp.  91-2,  131-2. p.  120.  - 40 44.  H a l l e t . a l . , op. c i t . , p.  202.  45.  S p i t z e r , p. 642, p. 644. Crime, p. 131.  46.  Cf. H a l l et. a l . ,  47.  For example, see M a r s h a l l B. C l i n a r d and Peter C. Yeager, "Corporate Crime: Issues i n Research," C r i m i n o l o g y : An I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y J o u r n a l , v o l . 16, no. 2, Aug. 78; pp. 255-6. For t h e o r e t i c a l exegeses o f the s t r u c t u r a l i s t a r gument, see Nicos Poulantzas, P o l i t i c a l Power and S o c i a l C l a s s e s (London: New L e f t Books^ 1983).  48.  Cf. Chambliss and Seidman, Law, Order, and Power, p. 96; Carson, op. c i t . , pp. 73-5; Quinney, The S o c i a l R e a l i t y o f Crime, pp. 74-7.  49.  Carson, op. c i t . , p. 75. Cf. D. Laureen Snider, "Corporate Crime i n Canada: A P r e l i m i n a r y Report," Canadian J o u r n a l of C r i m i n o l o g y , v o l . 20, no. 2, A p r i l 78, p. 149.  50.  C l i n a r d , The S o c i o l o g y o f Deviant Behaviour, p. 350. Snider, op~. c i t . , pp . 156-57.  51.  K r i s b e r g , op. c i t . , p. 25. Cf. Joan Smith and W i l l i a m F r i e d , The Uses o f the American P r i s o n : P o l i t i c a l Theory and Penal P r a c t i c e (Lexington, Mass.: Heath, 1974). They s t a t e t h a t "a P r e s i d e n t i a l Commission has estimated annual l o s s e s a t more than $1.5 b i l l i o n f o r fraud and embezzlement, or f i v e times as much as i s l o s t i n c o n v e n t i o n a l r o b b e r i e s " (p. 36). In 1965, white c o l l a r crimes c o s t $1,730 m i l l i o n , whereas crimes o f the poor cost o n l y $608 m i l l i o n ; E r i k O l i n Wright, The P o l i t i c s of Punishment: A C r i t i c a l A n a l y s i s o f P r i s o n s i n America (New York: Harper & Row, 1973), p. 29.  52.  Schichor, op. c i t . , p. 10.  53.  I b i d . , p. 10.  54.  I b i d . , p. 11.  55.  David Downes, " P r a x i s Makes P e r f e c t : A C r i t i q u e o f C r i t i c a l C r i m i n o l o g y , " Deviant I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s : Problems i n C r i m i n o l o g i c a l Theory, eds. David Downes and Paul Rock (Oxford: M a r t i n Robertson, 1979), p. 9.  56.  Peter H. J u v i l e r , R e v o l u t i o n a r y Law and Order: P o l i t i c s and S o c i a l Change "in the USSR (New York: Free Press, 1976), p. 136.  5 7.  I b i d . , pp. 13 6-7.  58.  E r i c h Buchholz, Richard Hartmann, John Leckschas, and Ger-  C f . Quinney, C l a s s , S t a t e , and  op. c i t . ,  p. 224, p. 264, pp. 284-5.  Cf.  - 41 h a r d S t i l l e r , S o c i a l i s t C r i m i n o l o g y : T h e o r e t i c a l and Metho d o l o g i c a l F o u n d a t i o n s , t r a n s . Ewald O s e r s ( E n g l a n d : Saxon, 1974), p . 31, p . 159, p . 293. 59.  Ibid.,  p . 293.  60.  Downes, o p . c i t . , p . 9; J o c k Young, " L e f t I d e a l i s m , Ref o r m i s m and Beyond: From New C r i m i n o l o g y t o M a r x i s m , " Capi t a l i s m and t h e R u l e o f Law: From D e v i a n c y T h e o r y t o Marxism, e d s . Bob F i n e e t . a l . (London: H u t c h i n s o n , 1979), pT 28.  61.  Young, o p . c i t . , p . 18, p . 26., p . 28.  62.  I b i d . , p . 19, p . 26. I n f a c t , he r e j e c t s t h e " l e f t i d e a l ism p o s i t i o n , " which he a s s o c i a t e s w i t h Quinney, T a y l o r , W a l t o n , and h i m s e l f .  63.  Cf. Schichor,  64.  Ibid.,  65.  C h a r l e s R. T i t t l e , Wayne J . V i l l i m e z , and D o u g l a s A. S m i t h , "The Myth o f S o c i a l C l a s s and C r i m i n a l i t y : An Emp i r i c a l Assessment o f t h e E m p i r i c a l E v i d e n c e , " American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, v o l . 43, O c t . 78, p . 647.  66.  Ibid.,  67.  J o h n B r a i t h w a i t e , "The Myth o f S o c i a l C l a s s and C r i m i n a l i t y R e c o n s i d e r e d , " A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, v o l . 46, no. 1, F e b . 81, p p . 36-47.  68.  C f . Samuel Y o c h e l s o n and S t a n t o n E. Samenow, The C r i m i n a l P e r s o n a l i t y , V o l . 1: A P r o f i l e f o r Change (New Y o r k : A r o n son 1976), p . 16, p . 128, p . 143.  69.  Clinard  70.  R i c h a r d A. P o s n e r , A n t i t r u s t Law: An Economic P e r s p e c t i v e ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1976) , p~. 34.  71.  Ibid.,  72.  Snider,  73.  Ibid.,  74.  Clinard  75.  Cf. Clinard,  76.  P i e r s B e i r n e , " E m p i r i c i s m and t h e C r i t i q u e o f M a r x i s m on Law and C r i m e , " S o c i a l P r o b l e m s , v o l . 26, no. 4, A p r i l 79,  o p . c i t . , p p . 11-12.  p . 3.  p . 647, pp. 648-9.  and Y e a g e r , o p . c i t . , p p . 255-56.  p . 28, p p . 32-3. o p . c i t . , p p . 148-49. pp. 156-7, p . 163. and Y e a g e r , o p . c i t . , p . 259. S o c i o l o g y o f D e v i a n t B e h a v i o u r , p . 354.  p.  42 -  378.  77.  Ibid.,  P.  379.  78.  Ibid.,  p.  382-3.  79.  I s a a c D. B a l b u s , "Commodity Form and L e g a l Form: an e s s a y on t h e ' R e l a t i v e Autonomy' o f t h e Law," The S o c i o l o g y o f Law: A C o n f l i c t P e r s p e c t i v e , e d s . C h a r l e s E. Reasons and R o b e r t M. R i c h ( r o n t o : B u t t e r w o r t h ' s , 1978), p . 74.  80.  Ibid.,  P-  75,  81.  Ibid.,  P-  75.  82.  Ibid.,  P-  76.  83.  Ibid.,  P-  83.  84.  Ibid.,  P-  81.  85.  Ibid.,  P-  79.  86.  Young, op . c i t . ,  87.  Schichor,  88.  Chambliss,  89.  W i l l i a m J . C h a m b l i s s , "The P o l i t i c a l Economy o f C r i m e : A C o m p a r a t i v e S t u d y o f N i g e r i a and t h e USA," C r i t i c a l C r i m i n o l o g y ; e d s . I a n T a y l o r , P a u l W a l t o n , and J o c k Young ( L o n d o n : R o u t l e d g e & Kegan P a u l , 1975), H a l l e t . a l . , op. c i t . r K e l l o u g h e t . a l • , op. c i t .  90.  E r i k a S. F a i r c h i l d , " P o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f t h e C r i m i n a l O f f e n d e r : P r i s o n e r P e r c e p t i o n s o f C r i m e and P o l i t i c s , " C r i m i n o l o g y : An I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y J o u r n a l , v o l . 15, no. 3, Nov. 777 E r i k a S. F a i r c h i l d , "Crime and P o l i t i c s : A S t u d y i n T h r e e P r i s o n s , " d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f Washi n g t o n , 1974.  91.  Taylor,  92.  Young, op. c i t . , p . 19.  p.  25.  op. c i t . , p . op. c i t  12.  r Thompson,  e t . a l . , The New  op.  cit.  Criminology,  pp.  253-57.  - 43 -  CHAPTER 3. THE POLITICIZED PRISONER PHENOMENON: A BRIEF SOCIO-HISTORICAL ACCOUNT  T h i s chapter w i l l i n v e s t i g a t e b r i e f l y the h i s t o r y o f the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n process i n p r i s o n s , i n order t o demonstrate the r e l a t i v e  newness o f t h i s phenomenon, and to p l a c e i t w i t h i n  a socio-historical the U.S. experience  p e r s p e c t i v e . T h i s w i l l i n c l u d e an account o f and the experiences  o f other c o u n t r i e s .  In  a d d i t i o n , c o n s i d e r a t i o n w i l l be given t o the o p i n i o n s o f recogn i z e d p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s and o u t s i d e observers  r e g a r d i n g the  impact o f i n c a r c e r a t i o n on the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n process, t h i s i s d i r e c t l y concerned with the second h y p o t h e s i s  since being  t e s t e d by t h i s r e s e a r c h , t h a t p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i s r e l a t e d t o exposure to the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e  A.  THE POLITICIZED PRISONER:  system.  A BRIEF HISTORY  Observers appear to agree t h a t the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s oner syndrome and the p o l i t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d upheavals i n United States p r i s o n s are a f a i r l y recent occurrence.  While there were  p r i s o n movements i n the 1950s, p r i s o n e r s s t i l l  accepted  g i t i m a c y o f the s o c i a l order and t h e i r Muslims were a c t i v e i n r e c r u i t i n g  the l e -  i n c a r c e r a t i o n ( 1 ) . Black  members f o r t h e i r  organiza-  t i o n , but t h e i r p o l i t i c a l stance was s e p a r a t i s t and n o n v i o l e n t ; they were concerned mostly with r e l i g i o u s issues  freedoms and r a c i a l  ( 2 ) . L i k e p r i s o n movements and p r i s o n r i o t s i n the  p a s t , then, p r i s o n e r concerns continued  to be centred around  - 44 small  freedoms or b e t t e r l i v i n g  describes  conditions.  As Mike F i t z g e r a l d  i t , "an important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f p r i s o n r e v o l t s  p r i o r t o the 1970s was the focus on p r i s o n e r s ' demands on g r i e vances w i t h i n the p r i s o n system" ( 3 ) .  By the l a t e 1960s, Black leaders i n United  States  p r i s o n s became i n t e r e s t e d i n Marxism, and began t o i n t e r a c t w i t h White r a d i c a l s ; a t the same time, the Chicanos were s t a r t i n g t o develop a strong  e t h n i c i d e n t i t y (4).  This was t i e d t o  the C i v i l Rights Movement and the s o c i a l upheaval experienced i n those years ( f o r example, the student p r o t e s t s , the demons t r a t i o n s , and the Black Power Movement) ( 5 ) . I n s p i r e d by the paradigms o f r e v o l u t i o n s t a k i n g p l a c e  i n c o l l e g e s around the  world, and b o l s t e r e d by the a r r i v a l o f a l r e a d y r a d i c a l i z e d p r i s o n e r s drawn from the ranks o f war r e s i s t e r s or m i n o r i t y e t h n i c groups, the shape o f p r i s o n e r p r o t e s t began t o change (6).  The u p r i s i n g s a t San Quentin i n 1967 and at Folsom P r i s o n  i n 1970 r e f l e c t e d these changes, and are g e n e r a l l y regarded as representative  o f the new, more p o l i t i c a l l y - m o t i v a t e d p r i s o n  movements ( 7 ) .  By  1972, when The O f f i c i a l  Report o f the New York  State S p e c i a l Commission on A t t i c a was p u b l i s h e d ,  the p o l i t i -  c i z e d p r i s o n e r phenomenon was a f a c t o f l i f e i n many U.S. p r i s ons.  While the Commission concluded t h a t "the A t t i c a u p r i s i n g  was n e i t h e r a long-planned r e v o l u t i o n a r y p l o t nor a p r o l e t a r i a n r e v o l u t i o n against  the c a p i t a l i s t  system," (8) i t a l s o observed  t h a t younger p r i s o n e r s appeared t o be more p o l i t i c a l l y aware,  -  and  that many o f these p r i s o n e r s  45 -  regarded themselves as " p o l i t -  i c a l p r i s o n e r s , " as v i c t i m s r a t h e r than c r i m i n a l s words o f the Commission:  ( 9 ) . In the  "many inmates came t o b e l i e v e  that  they were ' p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r s , ' even though they had been conv i c t e d of crimes having no p o l i t i c a l motive or s i g n i f i c a n c e " (10) .  Although much a t t e n t i o n was given t o n o t o r i o u s ons  pris-  such as Folsom, A t t i c a , San Quentin, o r Soledad, the p o l i t -  i c i z e d p r i s o n e r phenomenon was experienced on a more u n i v e r s a l scale.  In " U n i o n i z a t i o n Behind Bars," C. Ronald Huff  describes  the Ohio experience i n s i m i l a r terms: The b e l i e f t h a t they are ' p o l i t i c a l p r i s oners' c h a r a c t e r i z e s the c o n c l u s i o n drawn by an i n c r e a s i n g number o f our inmates. They are aware that the a t t r i b u t e s which d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y d i s t i n g u i s h them from the f r e e c i t i z e n s o u t s i d e the w a l l s are race, income l e v e l , and s o c i a l s t a t u s — not behaviour or mens r e a (11).  Huff notes t h a t other  s t a t e s , such as Massachusetts, North Car-  o l i n a , and New England, had comparable experiences, denced by the formation  o f p r i s o n e r s ' unions (12). F a i r c h i l d ' s  paper, which was the i n s p i r a t i o n f o r t h i s present firms the e x i s t e n c e  as e v i -  study, con-  o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n three Washington  State  p r i s o n s (13).  Across the A t l a n t i c , Great B r i t a i n was w i t n e s s i n g somewhat s i m i l a r phenomenon. ( P r e s e r v a t i o n o f the Rights  a  In 1972, the o r g a n i z a t i o n PROP o f P r i s o n e r s ) , spurred  on by some  - 46 of the new  -  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , began campaigning f o r improved  oners' r i g h t s (14). On  4 August, 1972,  PROP organized  wide s t r i k e at twenty-three p r i s o n s , l a s t i n g hour p e r i o d  (15).  ically-oriented  a nation-  f o r a twenty-four  Among the p r i s o n e r demands were such p o l i t -  items as a p r i s o n e r c h a r t e r of r i g h t s  However, i t seems d o u b t f u l i c i z a t i o n i n the United  (16).  that t h i s prisoner  polit-  Kingdom ever reached the p r o p o r t i o n s  i n t e n s i t y experienced i n the United  States.  Certainly  the  or Jackson, or at l e a s t not one  same i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e c o g n i t i o n .  spent c o n s i d e r a b l e  time t e a c h i n g  who  Cohen and  has  States p r i s o n s ,  stature  received  Taylor,  who  i n an i s o l a t i o n u n i t o f a max-  imum s e c u r i t y p r i s o n i n B r i t a i n , noted t h a t u n l i k e the a t i o n i n United  or  U.K.  p r i s o n s have not produced a p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r of the of a Cleaver  pris-  "there  are  few  situa-  common i d e o l o -  g i c a l t i e s among the E-Wing type of p r i s o n e r and c e r t a i n l y nothing  l i k e a common l i t e r a t u r e to provide  a t i o n s and  justifications"  small group of Blacks  (17).  c o l l e c t i v e motiv-  They observed t h a t o n l y a  were even p a r t i a l l y p o l i t i c i z e d ,  to the extent where they f e l t t h a t sentencing ated a g a i n s t them on a r a c i a l b a s i s i n the United Soul on  States p r i s o n s had  Ice and  Cohen and  and  only  judges d i s c r i m i n -  (18). While i s o l a t i o n  units  been the breeding grounds of  Soledad Brother w e l l before  the p u b l i c a t i o n of  T a y l o r ' s book, i t seems t h a t i s o l a t i o n u n i t s i n U n i -  ted Kingdom p r i s o n s were s t i l l much l e s s a f f e c t e d by the  polit-  i c i z a t i o n phenomenon.  In Sweden, on the other hand, l e v e l s of p o l i t i c a l  a-  -  47  -  wareness and p o l i t i c a l  a c t i v i t y were higher  i n the United  According  ons  States.  i n Sweden, the p r i s o n e r s  i n some ways than  t o David Ward's study o f p r i s -  i n Osteraker p r i s o n were s u r p r i s -  ed a t the demands o f the A t t i c a p r i s o n e r s , because most o f the areas o f c o n t e n t i o n  had been r e s o l v e d  i n Sweden p r i o r t o the  A t t i c a u p r i s i n g (19). Ward e x p l a i n s t h a t i n Sweden, "reform i s kept a n a t i o n a l i s s u e by KRUM, a w e l l - o r g a n i z e d 5,000 ex-inmates, students, United  States and the United  and i n t e l l e c t u a l s " Kingdom, o u t s i d e  group o f some (20). As i n the  r a d i c a l s were  t a k i n g a l e a d i n g r o l e i n the p r i s o n movement, o f t e n using i t as a platform  from which t o c o n f r o n t  the p o l i t i c a l  system:  P r i s o n reform i s an i s s u e i n Sweden because important elements o f the l e a d e r s h i p o f the n a t i o n a l p r i s o n reform organi z a t i o n KRUM, contend t h a t improvement o f p r i s o n ' c o n d i t i o n s ' and inmate r i g h t s i s of secondary importance t o using p r i s o n reform as a means o f f o r c i n g c o n f r o n t a t i o n s with the p o l i t i c a l power s t r u c t u r e (21).  The  Danish experience i s comparable t o a c e r t a i n de-  gree t o that o f the Swedish.  L i k e t h e i r Swedish  counterparts,  the Danish p r i s o n e r s have a p r i s o n reform o r g a n i z a t i o n  called  KRIM, which a l i g n s p r i s o n e r s and o u t s i d e a g i t a t o r s a g a i n s t the power s t r u c t u r e  (22). However, KRIM's impact on the p r i s o n  s i t u a t i o n i s q u i t e marginal, because the l i b e r a l prison o f f i c i a l s  and p o l i t i c a l  attitudes of  l e a d e r s toward p r i s o n reform  tend t o defuse any p r i s o n e r unrest ( 2 3 ) .  Although the s t r e n g t h o f Scandinavian p r i s o n e r s ' unions may be i n d i c a t i v e o f some degree o f p o l i t i c a l  awareness  - 48  -  and p a r t i c i p a t i o n on the p a r t o f the p r i s o n e r s  (24), a c t u a l  evidence o f the type o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n e x h i b i t e d by  prisoners  i n the United  i n fact  dedicated  States i s m i s s i n g .  KRUM and  KRIM may  to c o n f r o n t a t i o n s with the p o l i t i c a l power s t r u c t u r e  over p r i s o n - r e l a t e d i s s u e s , but the concerns of the may  be  prisoners  not extend much past demands f o r improved or more l i b e r a l  conditions i n prisons. a few  Scandinavian  p r i s o n s appear to l a c k  of the more c r u c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p r i s o n e r  c i z a t i o n , such as r i o t s accompanied by a l i s t o r i e n t e d demands, r e a d i l y observable prisoner population, cized prisoners.  of  politi-  politically-  r a d i c a l i z a t i o n among the  or r a d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e produced by  politi-  T h i s might be a t t r i b u t a b l e to a more advanced  or s o p h i s t i c a t e d l e v e l of p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , but more s t u d i e s are r e q u i r e d before  reaching  any d e f i n i t i v e  conclu-  sions .  There are c e r t a i n s i m i l a r i t i e s between the experience  and  those of the nations d i s c u s s e d  above.  Canadian Canada  does have some o u t s i d e a g i t a t o r s , such as C l a i r e Culhane, campaign a c t i v e l y f o r p r i s o n e r s ' r i g h t s (25). Canadian p r i s o n s have had Rosie Douglas, who  a few  Furthermore,  r a d i c a l l y aware p r i s o n e r s  income f a m i l i e s and  of those i n c a r c e r a t e d come from  communities with many of the  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of n e o - c o l o n i a l underdevelopment.  standard  There i s  t h e r e f o r e a d i r e c t c o - r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l c l a s s penal  like  demonstrates h i s p o l i t i c a l l e a n i n g s by h i s  a s s e r t i o n t h a t " n i n e t y percent low  who  i n c a r c e r a t i o n " (26).  and  - 49 Canada a l s o has had t i c u l a r l y i n the P e n i t e n t i a r y , and  -  i t s share of p r i s o n r i o t s ,  1970's, when Kingston Millhaven  exploded.  e r c i s e d , however, i n equating  P e n i t e n t i a r y , the  B.C.  Caution  ex-  P r i s o n e r a c t i v i t y during the Kingston  ers,  execution  i n U.S.  others who  the main p r i s o n e r p o p u l a t i o n ) ,  the  (inform-  require segregation  from  could not be regarded as i n d i c a -  t i v e of p o l i t i c a l awareness (27).  Furthermore, my  r i o t s at the B.C.  1970s were t h a t the l i s t  prisons.  r i o t , which i n c l u d e d  of p r o t e c t i v e custody p r i s o n e r s  sexual o f f e n d e r s , and  s e r v a t i o n s during two  should be  the r i o t s i n Canadian p r i s o n s  with more p o l i t i c a l l y - m o t i v a t e d d i s t u r b a n c e s  t o r t u r e and  par-  personal  P e n i t e n t i a r y i n the  of demands submitted by the  tended to be r e l a t e d to p e r s o n a l  ob-  prisoners  comfort items such as t r a n s -  f e r s , p s y c h i a t r i c care, or drugs, r a t h e r than to such items as amnesty or p o l i t i c a l freedoms, and  t h a t the demands u s u a l l y a-  rose a f t e r the u p r i s i n g , once n e g o t i a t i o n s with p r i s o n administrators tion  were under way.  Desroches makes a s i m i l a r observa-  i n h i s a r t i c l e on p r i s o n r i o t s i n Canada, n o t i n g t h a t " i n -  mate demands a r i s e o n l y a f t e r the r i o t has f o r e not the cause of the r i o t , but leaders  j u s t i f y and maintain  begun and  are  there-  r a t h e r f u n c t i o n to h e l p  power" (28).  However, while  evi-  dence suggests t h a t the p o s t - r i o t demands of Canadian p r i s o n e r s are c o n t r i v e d , again more r e s e a r c h c o n c l u s i v e statements on the  i s necessary b e f o r e making  subject.  S i m i l a r c a u t i o n should be e x e r c i s e d i n equating ada's more famous p r i s o n e r s with recognized ers i n the United  States.  Can-  p o l i t i c i z e d prison-  Andrew Bruce, f o r example, i s a w e l l  - 50 known Canadian p r i s o n e r who  has  -  r e c e i v e d much p u b l i c i t y as a  r e s u l t of h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n several hostage-takings. er, h i s demands and  the demands of others  during  the  Howev-  negotia-  t i o n s , such as drugs, t r a n s f e r s , or improved p r i v i l e g e s , have been c l e a r l y s e l f - s e r v i n g ; these demands cannot be onstrate  any  s a i d to dem-  s u b s t a n t i a l degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  On the  oth-  er hand, p r i s o n e r demands f o r "amnesty" at A t t i c a or f o r the r i g h t to organize  unions at Folsom were c l e a r l y  politicized  (29).  Roger Caron, who prisoner/author,  i s probably Canada's most w e l l known  exemplifies  t h i s l a c k of r a d i c a l awareness i n  h i s statement: " t h a t i s why  I w r i t e l e t t e r s t o you,  i n g to win  your t r u s t , f o r you  and  your r e s p e c t and  the people are the  judge" (30).  Judge, hop-  are the  Information i n the  people, next  chapter w i l l demonstrate t h a t a p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r would a r gue  t h a t the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system represents  the i n t e r e s t s  of the r u l i n g c l a s s — n o t the i n t e r e s t s of the people. Schroeder, another Canadian p r i s o n e r / a u t h o r ,  seems more con-  cerned with d e s c r i b i n g the p r i s o n environment and him  than with a c r i t i q u e of the  Canada has  i t s impact  i t s prisons  who  were both n o t o r i o u s  While p r i s o n s the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r  i n various  and  Clea-  politicized.  c o u n t r i e s have experienced  syndrome, i t appears t h a t none have  experiences comparable t o those of the United  ers have had  on  (31).  yet to produce a George Jackson or an E l d r i d g e  ver—prisoners  had  s o c i e t y and  Andreas  prison disturbances,  States.  Oth-  o u t s i d e a g i t a t o r s , some p r i s -  -  51  -  oner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , and some p o l i t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d demands, but not on the same s c a l e as i n the United S t a t e s .  T h i s i s not t o  say t h a t p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i s unique t o the United States.  The evidence  t o the c o n t r a r y , i n c l u d i n g the r e s u l t s o f  my r e s e a r c h , i s d i f f i c u l t t o i g n o r e . simply  What t h i s means q u i t e  i s t h a t p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n Canada has not reach-  ed the same magnitude as i n the United  B.  States.  RACISM AND PRISONER POLITICIZATION  One e x p l a n a t i o n l a r g e number o f Blacks  f o r these divergences  i n c a r c e r a t e d i n U.S. p r i s o n s have d e v e l -  oped a unique p o l i t i c a l consciousness  as a consequence o f t h e i r  p e r c e i v e d e x p l o i t a t i o n by the White system. study on Scandinavian  i s t h a t the  David Ward, i n h i s  prisons., observes t h a t "charges o f racism  which prompt Blacks, Chicanos, and Indians  i n American p r i s o n s  t o contend t h a t they are ' p o l i t i c a l ' p r i s o n e r s a r e not heard i n Sweden's a l l - w h i t e p r i s o n p o p u l a t i o n "  (32). As mentioned  prev-  i o u s l y , Cohen and T a y l o r a r r i v e d a t s i m i l a r o b s e r v a t i o n s r e s p e c t i n g the p r i s o n s i n the United Kingdom, f i n d i n g t h a t only a small group o f Blacks a t E c c l e s t o n e x h i b i t e d any v e s t i g e s o f politicization  (33), although  t h i s i s p o s s i b l y changing s i n c e  the B r i x t o n r i o t s and subsequent outbursts g a i n s t ghetto  o f Black p r o t e s t a-  squalor.  According  t o the Law Enforcement A s s i s t a n c e  t r a t i o n ' s r e p o r t on l o c a l j a i l s ,  Adminis-  Blacks c o n s t i t u t e approximate-  l y forty-two per cent o f the p r i s o n e r / p o p u l a t i o n o f the United  - 52 States  (34). Regarding c a p i t a l punishment, Quinney s t a t e s t h a t  through the years, Black  f i f t y - f o u r percent  o f those executed were  (35). To say t h a t t h i s i s o v e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e  of an understatement. discrepancy  i s somewhat  In a d d i t i o n , Quinney p o i n t s out another  i n treatment: o n l y f o r t y - f o u r percent  o f Whites  were executed i n keeping with t h e i r death sentences (the r e mainder had t h e i r sentences commuted), w h i l e i n the case o f Blacks,  f u l l y sixty-two  percent  had t h e i r death sentences c a r -  r i e d out (36). These s t a t i s t i c s suggest t h a t Black i n the United  prisoners  States w e l l might have some reasons t o see them-  s e l v e s as members of an e x p l o i t e d c l a s s .  Some might argue t h a t the p l i g h t o f the Canadian Nat i v e Indian  i s s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f the American Black.  et. a l . , i n their a r t i c l e "Native  People represent  "The I n c a r c e r t e d  Native,"  Lane  assert that  the l a r g e s t s i n g l e e t h n i c m i n o r i t y i n  Canadian p r i s o n s , both p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l " (37).  Their  survey conducted i n 1977 demonstrated t h a t i n c a r c e r a t e d ( l i k e many Blacks  i n the United  States)  came from more impover-  i s h e d backgrounds than the Whites, and t h a t Natives e r a l l y l e s s l i k e l y to r e c e i v e p r o b a t i o n a r y criminal  Canadian f e d e r a l p r i s o n s  sentences" from the  were i n c a r c e r a t e d i n  (39). I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g , then, t h a t  t h i s small group of Natives  has become n e i t h e r as p o l i t i c i z e d  as p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e as the B l a c k s .  There i s a t a n g i b l e  d i f f e r e n c e between c o n s t i t u t i n g e i g h t percent forty-two  were "gen-  j u s t i c e system (38). However, they a l s o found t h a t a t  the time of the survey, only 800 Natives  nor  Natives  percent  o f the p r i s o n  population.  as opposed t o  - 53 -  John Davis, i n h i s r e s e a r c h on a t t i t u d e s of Blacks toward the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, found t h a t there was  a  h i g h e r crime r a t e among Blacks because: the h i s t o r i c a l i n j u s t i c e s i n f l i c t e d upon b l a c k s under the law i n t h i s country have produced a b l a c k consciousness which views the law as simply another instrument f o r upholding white supremacy. The law i s not seen as an instrument f o r j u s t i c e , and l i t t l e i f any stigma i s attached to law v i o l a t i o n (40).  After interviewing a s t r a t i f i e d  sample of 150 B l a c k s , he  cluded t h a t they f e l t t h a t the system was  con-  s e t up t o p r o t e c t  White r a t h e r than Black i n t e r e s t s , t h a t there was  unequal  ac-  cess to advancement, and t h a t Blacks were d i s c r i m i n a t e d a g a i n s t by the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system (41). see why  I t i s not d i f f i c u l t  Blacks have become a potent f o r c e i n s i d e the  j u s t i c e system, seeing themselves  to  criminal  as a u n i q u e l y e x p l o i t e d  class.  The  importance  of the Black i n f l u e n c e i n U.S.  prisons  cannot be overemphasized: to a p p r e c i a t e t h i s , one has o n l y t o observe t h a t v i r t u a l l y a l l w e l l known p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s ( f o r example, E l d r i d g e Cleaver, George Jackson, or John C l u c h e t t e ) are Black.  The Black Muslims, the Black Panthers,  and  the Black Power Movement were a l l c o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r s to p r i s oner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n the United S t a t e s (42).  In f a c t , i t  seems t h a t Blacks were the f i r s t p r i s o n e r s to develop a c o l l e c tive political  consciousness, and t h a t through t h e i r  interac-  - 54 t i o n with B l a c k s , other p r i s o n e r s , such as the Chicanos White r a d i c a l s , surprisingly,  began to develop along  Fairchild's  similar  lines  and  (43).  Not  r e s e a r c h on p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n three  Washington State p r i s o n s r e v e a l e d t h a t Black respondents were much more p o l i t i c i z e d than t h e i r White counterparts  This does not mean t h a t we  should  (44).  ignore the  indic-  a t i o n s of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n the p r i m a r i l y White p r i s o n populat i o n s i n Scandinavia,  the United  Kingdom, or Canada.  As  seen  e a r l i e r , they too have produced some p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s . i s a q u e s t i o n o f degree more than anything similar  else.  It  There were  f e a t u r e s , such as o u t s i d e a g i t a t o r s , p o l i t i c i z e d  de-  mands, or p r i s o n e r o r g a n i z a t i o n , but these were more pronounced i n the United  C.  THE  States.  CURRENT SITUATION  To b r i n g t h i s b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l account of the c i z e d p r i s o n e r to a c l o s e , i t seems a p p r o p r i a t e  politi-  to c o n s i d e r  c u r r e n t s t a t u s of the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n phenomenon.  T h i s i s par-  t i c u l a r l y t r u e i n l i g h t of statements by some observers ting  t h a t t h i s aspect  i n 1980,  of p r i s o n l i f e  i s disappearing.  indicaWriting  John Irwin announced t h a t p r i s o n a d m i n i s t r a t o r s  made measurable progress  i n repressing p o l i t i c a l leaders  p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , resulting ticipation  on the p a r t of U.S.  c o r d i n g to Irwin,  the  had and  i n a d e c l i n e i n p o l i t i c a l parprisoners  (45).  Currently,  ac-  " v i o l e n c e - o r i e n t e d gangs dominate many, i f  not most, l a r g e men's p r i s o n s " (46).  Both Irwin and  Jacobs  - 55 have observed t h a t p r i s o n e r s are s u b d i v i d i n g i n c r e a s i n g l y i n t o gangs, and  t h a t they are i n v o l v e d i n i n t e r - g a n g warfare  around g a i n i n g c o n t r o l of the p r i s o n economy  I f t h i s i s i n f a c t the case, the relevance are: why nothing  study.  (47).  then one The  must  obvious  more than a passing  fashion?  question  questions  examine and w r i t e about something which may  be attached Civil  of t h i s present  centred  have been  What s i g n i f i c a n c e should  to a phenomenon which emerged and was  nurtured  Rights Movement born i n the o p t i m i s t i c 1960s and  c l i n i n g i n the more p r a g m a t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d  by  now  a  de-  l a t e 1970s?  Without foreshadowing too much, I would submit t h a t the r e s u l t s of my  research  i n three Canadian p r i s o n s  confirms  the e x i s t e n c e of a s i g n i f i c a n t degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n among the  sampled p r i s o n e r s .  In my  f i n d i n g s , seventeen of the  p r i s o n e r s sampled were judged to be e i t h e r moderately or tremely  sixty ex-  p o l i t i c i z e d on the b a s i s o f t h e i r response p a t t e r n s .  I t must be admitted t h a t the Canadian p r i s o n e r s l a c k the p o l i t i c a l organizations  and  the eloquent  politicized  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n the United nonetheless,  States,  but  the apparent r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l awareness of  Canadian sample cannot be overlooked. conducted i n l a t e 1979 hasty  prisoners  and  e a r l y 1980,  Given t h a t my  the  survey  i t would seem t o be  was a  c o n c l u s i o n t h a t the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n phenomenon i s dead, at  l e a s t as f a r as Canada i s concerned.  At l e a s t two  p o s s i b i l i t i e s come to mind to e x p l a i n  -  56 -  the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f Canadian p r i s o n e r s i n the face o f the ost e n s i b l e d e c l i n e o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n the United explanation—the  type which i n my experience  States.  One  i s commonly band-  ied  about by Canadian p r i s o n e m p l o y e e s — i s t h a t Canadian p r i s -  ons  t y p i c a l l y l a g behind  U.S. p r i s o n s , both i n programs f o r  p r i s o n e r s and p r i s o n e r awareness. discounted  This e x p l a n a t i o n cannot be  t o t a l l y , as i t i s c o n c e i v a b l e t h a t the p o l i t i c i z a -  t i o n r e v e a l e d by my r e s e a r c h i s a late-blooming the e a r l i e r s i t u a t i o n i n the United S t a t e s .  by-product o f  In t h i s  scenario,  p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n Canadian p r i s o n s would be the r e s u l t o f a s p i l l o v e r from the United S t a t e s , wherein Canadian p r i s o n e r s have been a f f e c t e d by e i t h e r d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t exposure t o U. S. p r i s o n e r s , or i t would be g i v i n g expression t o s o c i e t a l f l i c t s t h a t are i n i t i a l l y and more s t r o n g l y experienced United  i n the  States.  The ble,  con-  other e x p l a n a t i o n , which I f i n d e q u a l l y p l a u s i -  i s t h a t w h i l e v i s i b l e p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s o f U.S. p r i s -  oners have now been more e f f e c t i v e l y repressed, politicized  a t t i t u d e s are s t i l l  prisoner population.  i t may be t h a t  p r e v a l e n t among elements o f the  Unless we accept the i d e a t h a t those a t -  t i t u d e s were extremely s u p e r f i c i a l , and t h e r e f o r e s u b j e c t t o r a p i d conversion, t o t a l l y erased.  i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o b e l i e v e t h a t they could be In other words, i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t a s i g n i f i -  cant p o r t i o n o f U.S. p r i s o n e r s s t i l l cized attitudes.  Of course  r e t a i n a number o f p o l i t i -  t h i s i s p u r e l y s p e c u l a t i v e , as the  l a c k o f c u r r e n t r e s e a r c h on the p o l i t i c a l opinions o f U.S. p r i s o n e r s makes i t d i f f i c u l t  t o a r r i v e a t any s u b s t a n t i v e con-  -  elusions.  57  -  I f t h i s i s the case, however, then i t e x p l a i n s  why  some Canadian p r i s o n e r s are responding to survey questions  in  a p o l i t i c i z e d manner while p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i s o s t e n s i b l y d e c l i n ing  i n U.S.  prisons.  A l s o i n a s p e c u l a t i v e v e i n , i t could be t h a t the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i s s u e may ted Kingdom, due the  be  suggested  f a r from dead i n the  Uni-  to the a c t i v i t i e s o f i n c a r c e r a t e d members o f  I r i s h Republican Army.. With IRA members demanding " p o l i t -  i c a l p r i s o n e r " s t a t u s , i t i s f e a s i b l e t h a t the  politicized  p r i s o n e r phenomenon w i l l be r e v i v e d — i f i t a c t u a l l y r e q u i r e s r e v i v a l — b y conventional  offenders  themselves as p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r s . tudes of IRA members, and mongst the general t h a t should alysis  w i l l again  come to view  I n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the  atti-  d i s p e r s i o n of those a t t i t u d e s a-  prisoner population,  not be neglected,  i s an area o f  study  p a r t i c u l a r l y s i n c e i t permits  an-  of the ways i n which p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s spread through-  out the p r i s o n . or not  any  who  IRA  Needless-to-say, o n l y time w i l l t e l l whether  demands f o r p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r  appreciable  status w i l l have  impact on the manner i n which c o n v e n t i o n a l  any  offend-  ers see t h e i r i n c a r c e r a t i o n (48) .  The  f u t u r e of the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n phenomenon, then,  seems u n c e r t a i n , t h a t i t may originated. was  nothing  e s p e c i a l l y i n view of evidence which suggests  have run i t s course i n the United It i s conceivable  t h a t the p o l i t i c i z e d  more than a product of a s o c i a l  t e r i z e d by C i v i l  Rights  S t a t e s , where i t prisoner  movement—charac-  a c t i v i t i e s , campus r e b e l l i o n s , demon-  s t r a t i o n s , and  58  -  l e f t - w i n g i d e o l o g y — w h i c h a l s o has  to a c e r t a i n extent i n the l a t e 1970s and these i n d i c a t i o n s , though, i t i s s t i l l i s s u e passe. prisoner  While 1972  was  disappeared  e a r l y 1980s.  Despite  too e a r l y to d e c l a r e  the  the year when p o l i t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d  a c t i v i t i e s were at a peak, there  i s no c o n c l u s i v e  evi-  dence that p r i s o n e r s have abandoned r a d i c a l i z e d i d e a t i o n ( i n f a c t , my there  D.  f i n d i n g s suggest t h a t the o p p o s i t e  that  i s no p o s s i b i l i t y f o r r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of the movement.  POLITICIZATION AND  The  new  THE  PRISON ENVIRONMENT  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s tend to see the p r i s o n as a  p o t e n t i a l "cauldron of r e v o l u t i o n a r y the  i s t r u e ) , or  'outside world'" (49).  i n s p i r a t i o n to those i n  As d i s c u s s e d  i n the  Introduction  to  the t h e s i s , t h i s tendency i s l i n k e d to t h e i r view o f the  prison  as a microcosm of s o c i e t y , a p l a c e where—because of the  close  quarters—the the  c l a s s c o n f l i c t s o f c a p i t a l i s m are l a i d bare f o r  e x p l o i t e d to i n s p e c t  ated p r o l e t a r i a n can cern the way protects  (50).  ( i f we  i n which the  the wealthy.  The  Once behind bars,  system c o n t r o l s the p r o l e t a r i a t and new  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s emphasize t h a t (Cleaver  f o r example) developed t h e i r r a d i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s  r e c t r e s u l t o f t h e i r experience with the p r i s o n system  L i k e the new the p r i s o n as  and  Jack-  as a d i (51).  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , F a i r c h i l d a l s o r e f e r s to  " microcosm of p o l i t i c a l  ion i s that prisoners  incarcer-  f o l l o w t h i s argument) r e a d i l y d i s -  many of the w e l l known p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s son,  the  change" (52).  Her  become p o l i t i c i z e d while i n p r i s o n  opin-  - 59  -  through s e v e r a l channels, i n c l u d i n g the  influence of  prisoners, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n educational  programs provided  the p r i s o n s , and the  exposure to or o r g a n i z a t i o n by,  Black Muslims (52).  However, w h i l e her d e s c r i p t i o n of  process seems p l a u s i b l e enough, there  some h e s i t a n c y  i n accepting  have neglected  an i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the process and  Instead,  she  conduits  the main components o f the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  process.  h i s t o r y of the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  seen t h a t the new  KRUM) were i n v o l v e d  of prison c o n f l i c t .  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s and  As  integrally  i n heightening  Irwin p o i n t s out,  e f f e c t i n convincing  inequality  (54).  The  phen-  other  rad-  as PROP  the  intensity  these groups had  conventional  they were p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r s — w a r r i o r s  offenders  against  a  that  socioeconomic  i n f l u e n c e of o u t s i d e groups, then, i s an  important p a r t of the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n not  i t s compo-  o u t s i d e groups ( f o r example, such o r g a n i z a t i o n s  significant  be  t h a t the above-mentioned  omenon, i t was  and  should  i t completely, as she appears to  and  In the preceding  ical  the  assumes t h a t p r i s o n s are the cause o f  prisoner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , are i n f a c t  by  such groups as  politicization  nents.  other  process,  yet t h i s  part i s  i n t r i n s i c to the a c t u a l p r i s o n environment; r a t h e r , i t i s  implanted i n the p r i s o n by o u t s i d e  agitators.  mean t h a t the p r i s o n environment i s incapable on i t s own,  but  r a t h e r i t suggests t h a t i t may  c o n t r i b u t o r y f a c t o r s to achieve s i g n i f i c a n t  T h i s does not of  politicization  require  l e v e l s of  other politici-  zation .  In any  event, recognized  politicized  prisoners  appear  - 60 to agree with the n o t i o n t h a t p r i s o n s are l a r g e l y r e s p o n s i b l e for t h e i r r a d i c a l i z a t i o n .  Wendall Wade, who was both a p r i s o n -  er and a member o f the Black  Panther Party,  p r i s o n s h o l d a wealth o f resources our  says t h a t "the  f o r the s t r u g g l e t o l i b e r a t e  communities; i t [ s i c ] i s the t r a i n i n g ground f o r the lum-  penproletarians"  (55).  The " t r a i n i n g ground" image i s repeated  by other p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , i n c l u d i n g George Jackson, who s t a t e s : "I met Marx, Lenin,  Trotsky,  Engels,  and Mao when I en-  t e r e d p r i s o n , " (56) and E l d r i d g e Cleaver, who d e c l a r e s t h a t " i t was not u n t i l I went t o p r i s o n t h a t I r e a l l y began to expand my perspective" Alfred  (57).  The b a s i c message i s presented  c l e a r l y by  Hassan: P r i s o n i s where my education began i n earnest, where I learned about the source o f my (our) c o n f l i c t s ; and i t i s where I began t o look a t my h i s t o r y and the h i s t o r y o f other oppressed people i n the world and how they set out t o r e s o l v e t h e i r c o n f l i c t s through the process o f r e s i s t a n t s t r u g g l e and r e v o l u t i o n a r y wars. (58)  A l s o apparent among the ranks o f the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s i s some consensus r e g a r d i n g i t i c i z a t i o n process.  the f a c t o r s i n the p o l -  One p r i s o n e r at Folsom P r i s o n w r i t e s :  P o l i t i c a l awareness pervades the very a i r here. P o l i t i c a l d i a l e c t i c s are t h e common t o p i c s o f c o n v e r s a t i o n , r e p l a c i n g pimping, robbing, and h u s t l i n g as the main i n t e r e s t . F r a n t z Faron, Mao Tse-Tung, Regis Debray and and Marx have r e p l a c e d Louis La'mour and Max Brand. (59)  Cleaver's  claims t h a t h i s r a d i c a l i z a t i o n came i n p r i s o n , "from  - 61 reading and t a l k i n g to other c o n v i c t s " the above account of the p r o c e s s .  (60), lend support t o  I t seems, t h e r e f o r e , t h a t  i n f o r m a l f a c t o r s such as reading and d a i l y i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h other p r i s o n e r s are as important as formal f a c t o r s , such as u c a t i o n or the i n f l u e n c e of e x t e r n a l groups, i n r a i s i n g political  ed-  the  consciousness of the p r i s o n e r s .  Despite minor divergences i n o p i n i o n , the view o f p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s correspond with those of the new  crimin-  o l o g i s t s r e g a r d i n g the r a d i c a l i z i n g e f f e c t s o f p r i s o n s .  As  An-  g e l a Davis e x p l a i n s i t , the p r i s o n experience i s causing the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r t o see p r i s o n s and the c r i m i n a l  justice  system i n g e n e r a l as "Key weapons i n the s t a t e ' s f i g h t to p r e serve the e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s o f c l a s s domination"  (61).  George Jackson epitomizes c r i t i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y ' s t y p o l o g y o f a p r i s o n e r r a d i c a l i z e d by the p r i s o n experience when he  says  that: very few men imprisoned f o r economic crimes of p a s s i o n a g a i n s t the oppressor f e e l that they are r e a l l y g u i l t y . Most o f today's b l a c k c o n v i c t s have come to understand t h a t they are the most abused v i c t i m s of an unrighteous o r d e r . (62)  In  the accounts, then, of both the new  p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , we  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s and  the  f i n d the i d e a t h a t i n c a r c e r a t i o n i s  l i k e l y t o make the " e x p l o i t e d " i n d i v i d u a l more conscious o f h i s or her v i c t i m i z a t i o n by an u n f a i r socioeconomic  system.  - 62 E.  -  SUMMARY  As seen i n t h i s b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l account, c i z e d p r i s o n e r phenomenon i s r e l a t i v e l y new, nonetheless.  the  politi-  but widespread  While p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i s more evident i n  the United S t a t e s , i t a l s o e x i s t s i n the United Kingdom, Sweden, Denmark, and Canada.  Reports on the s i t u a t i o n s i n coun-  t r i e s other than these are p r e s e n t l y u n a v a i l a b l e . vers now  Some obser-  t a l k about a d e c l i n e i n p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n ,  i n s u f f i c i e n t proof has been presented  In sum,  but  to l a y the i s s u e to r e s t .  the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s and the new  crimin-  o l o g i s t s seem to agree t h a t i n c a r c e r a t i o n c o n t r i b u t e s to p r i s oner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n . than the new  Although  the p r i s o n e r s are l e s s  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s to a t t r i b u t e t h e i r  likely  politicization  t o the impact of o u t s i d e groups, the a n a l y s i s o f f e r e d by l e a d i n g f i g u r e s suggest and  t h a t the r i s e of c r i t i c a l  the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r phenomenon are  their  criminology  interrelated.  FOOTNOTES 1.  Cf. Mike F i t z g e r a l d , P r i s o n e r s i n Revolt Penguin, 1977), p. 199.  (Harmondsworth:  2.  Cf. John Irwin, P r i s o n s i n Turmoil & Co., 1980) pp. 68-9.  3.  F i t z g e r a l d , op. c i t . , p.  4.  Cf. Irwin, op. c i t . , pp.  5.  Cf. Irwin, op. c i t . , p. 66, 199, p. 216, pp. 217-19.  6.  Cf. John P a l l a s and Bob Barber, "From R i o t t o R e v o l u t i o n , " Issues i n Criminology, v o l . 7, no. 2, F a l l 72, pp. 10-11.  (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown  213. 76-7. and  F i t z g e r a l d , op. c i t . , p.  - 63 -  7.  Irwin, op. c i t . , pp. 84-8, F i t z g e r a l d . 9.  op. c i t . , pp. 206-  8.  A t t i c a : The O f f i c i a l Report o f the New York State Spec i a l Commission on A t t i c a (New York: Bantam Books, 1972), p. 105.  9.  I b i d . , pp. 105-06.  10.  I b i d . , p. 117.  11.  C. Ronald Huff, " U n i o n i z a t i o n Behind v o l . 12, no. 2, Aug. 74, p. 177.  12.  I b i d . , pp. 184-5.  13.  E r i k a Schmid F a i r c h i l d , "Crime and P o l i t i c s : A Study i n Three P r i s o n s , " d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Washi n g t o n , 1974, pp. 195-8, 199, 273-82.  14.  Cf. Robert Mintz, "Interview with Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and Jock Young," Issues i n Criminology, v o l . 9, no. 1, Spring 74, p. 36, F i t z g e r a l d , op. c i t . , pp. 136-40.  15.  Mintz, op. c i t . , p. 36.  16.  F i t z g e r a l d , op. c i t . , p. 152.  17.  S t a n l e y Cohen and L a u r i e T a y l o r , P s y c h o l o g i c a l S u r v i v a l : The Experience o f Long Term Imprisonment (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972), p. 122.  18.  I b i d . , p. 146  19.  David A. Ward, "Inmate Rights and P r i s o n Reform i n Sweden and Denmark," The J o u r n a l o f C r i m i n a l Law, Criminology and P o l i c e Science, V o l . 63, no. 2, 1972, pp. 240-1.  20.  I b i d . , P- 241.  21.  I b i d . , P- 251.  22.  I b i d . , P- 249.  23.  I b i d . , P- 249.  24.  I b i d . , P- 249..  25.  C f . C l a i r e Culhane, "The B.C. Pen: A Microcosm," Makara, v o l . 2, no. 3, and C l a i r e Culhane, "The B.C. Pen: A Res p o n s i b i l i t y , " Makara, v o l . 2, no. 4.  26.  Rosie Douglas, Penal Reform, Community Development, and S o c i a l Change: Overview from a Canadian P e r s p e c t i v e (Mon-  - 64 t r e a l : Mondiale, 1975), pp. 1-2. 27.  C f . Fred Desroches, "Patterns i n P r i s o n R i o t s , " Canadian J o u r n a l o f Criminology and C o r r e c t i o n s , v o l . 16, 1974, p. 338.  28.  I b i d . , p. 344. C f . Catherine Douglas, Joan Drummond, and C.H.S. Jayewardine, " A d m i n i s t r a t i v e C o n t r i b u t i o n s t o P r i son Disturbances," Canadian J o u r n a l o f Criminology, v o l . 22, no. 2, A p r i l 80. The authors note t h a t the r i o t a t Kingston was sparked by a n o n - p o l i t i c a l i n c i d e n t , and t h a t i t occurred spontaneously, pp. 199-200.  29.  C f . F i t z g e r a l d , op. c i t . , p. 211, p. 206-09.  30.  Roger Caron, Go Boy; Memories o f a L i f e Behind Bars onto: McGraw-Hill, 1978), p. 260.  31.  Andreas Schroeder, Shaking i t Rough: A P r i s o n Memoir onto: Doubleday, 1976), p. 12, 22, 29, pp. 44-5.  32.  Ward, op. c i t . , p. 243.  33.  Cohen and T a y l o r , op. c i t . , p. 146.  34.  Law Enforcement A s s i s t a n c e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , A Survey o f I n mates o f L o c a l J a i l s 1972: Advance Report (U.S. Department of J u s t i c e , N a t i o n a l C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e Information and S t a t i s t i c s S e r v i c e , Washington, D . C ) , p. 3.  35.  Richard Quinney, The S o c i a l R e a l i t y o f Crime (Boston: t l e , Brown and Co., 1970), p. 186.  36.  I b i d . , p. 188.  37.  E. B. Lane, H. W. D a n i e l s , J . D. Blyan, and R. Royer, "The I n c a r c e r a t e d N a t i v e , " Canadian J o u r n a l o f Criminology, v o l . 20, no. 3, J u l y 78, p. 308.  38.  I b i d . , pp. 312-13.  39.  I b i d . , p. 310.  40.  John A. Davis, " J u s t i f i c a t i o n o f No O b l i g a t i o n : Views o f Black Males toward Crime and the C r i m i n a l Law," Issues i n Criminology, v o l . 9, no. 2, F a l l 74, p. 70.  41.  I b i d . , pp. 75-8.  42.  C f . F i t z g e r a l d , op. c i t . , p. 217, pp. 218-19, and Irwin, op. c i t . , p. 68, p. 76.  43.  Irwin, op. c i t . , pp. 76-9.  44.  F a i r c h i l d , op. c i t . , p. 118, 120, 123, 124, 136.  (Tor(Tor-  Lit-  - 65 -  45.  Irwin, op. c i t . , p. 147, pp. 151-2.  46.  I b i d . , p. 192.  47.  I b i d . , pp. 206-11; James B. Jacobs, " S t r a t i f i c a t i o n and C o n f l i c t Among P r i s o n Inmates," J o u r n a l o f C r i m i n a l Law Criminology, vo. 66, no. 4, 1976, p. 478.  48.  C f . Tim Pat Coogan, On the Blanket: the H Block Story ( D u b l i n : Ward River Press, 1980), p. 177, p. 238, p. 240. He i s not s p e c i f i c a l l y concerned with p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , but c e r t a i n i n f e r e n c e s may be drawn from h i s r e port. More w i l l be s a i d on t h i s i n the c o n c l u d i n g chapter .  49.  T e r r y L. Huston, " P r i s o n s : A M a r x i s t P o s i t i o n , " Monthly Review, v o l . 25, no. 6, Nov. 73, p. 33; P a l l a s and Barber, op. c i t . , p. 16.  50.  C f . P a l l a s and Barber, op. c i t . , p. 1, 16.  51.  C f . K r i s b e r g , op. c i t . , pp. 82-3, and Charles E. Reasons, "The P o l i t i c i z i n g o f Crime, the C r i m i n a l and the C r i m i n o l o g i s t , " The J o u r n a l o f C r i m i n a l Law and Criminology, v o l . 64, no. 4, Dec. 73, p. 375.  52.  F a i r c h i l d , op. c i t . ,  53.  I b i d . , pp. 273-82, p. 173-4. C f . Irwin, op. c i t . , p. 64; Irwin a l s o s t a t e s t h a t formal education i n p r i s o n had an impact on the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n p r o c e s s .  54.  Irwin, op. c i t . , p. 96.  55.  Wendall Wade, "The P o l i t i c s o f P r i s o n s , " The Black S c h o l ar, April-May 71, p. 18.  56.  George Jackson, Soledad B r o t h e r : The P r i s o n L e t t e r s o f George Jackson (New York: Coward-McCann, 1970), p~. 16.  57.  Lee Lockwood, Conversation with E l d r i d g e Cleaver (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1970), p. 79.  58.  A l f r e d Hassan, Maximum S e c u r i t y : L e t t e r s from C a l i f o r n i a ' s P r i s o n s , ed. Eve P e l l (New York: Dutton, 1972), p. 232.  59.  Comrade Robert,  60.  Lockwood, op. c i t . , p. 79.  61.  Angela Y. Davis, I f They Come i n the Morning: V o i c e s o f R e s i s t a n c e , ed. Angela Y. Davis. (New York: Joseph Okpaker, 1971), p. 25, p. 29.  p. 327.  Maximum S e c u r i t y , p. 223.  - 66 62.  George J a c k s o n , S o l e d a d B r o t h e r : The P r i s o n L e t t e r s o f George J a c k s o n (New Y o r k : Coward-McCann, 1970), p . 26.  67 -  -  CHAPTER 4 . C R I T I C A L CRIMINOLOGY AND THE P O L I T I C I Z E D PRISONER A.  INTRODUCTION  To the  assess the degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  respondents  i n my  definition  and i d e a l  accomplish  this  are  typology  i t i s necessary t o a r r i v e at a of a politicized  I h a v e examined t h e p u b l i s h e d  ognized p o l i t i c i z e d Jackson,  sample,  prisoners  e x h i b i t e d by  prisoner. writings  such as E l d r i d g e  Huey Newton, o r A n g e l a D a v i s ,  of rec-  Cleaver,  because these  To  George  writings  r e g a r d e d b y t h e new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s a s e x e m p l a r s o f t h e a t -  titudes  or opinions  o f most p o l i t i c i z e d  words, i t w o u l d be e x p e c t e d iticized  that  prisoners.  a prisoner  some o f t h e r a d i c a l  prisoners,  ologists will  who a r e r e c o g n i z e d  this  examination o f the w r i t i n g s  some e x c e r p t s  from w r i t i n g s  as  of p o l i t i -  o f t h e new  a l s o be o f f e r e d , t o compare t h e i r  crime, p o l i t i c s , should  have  politicized (1).  During cized  would  attitudes or perspectives es-  poused by those above-mentioned p r i s o n e r s being  who i s e i t h e r p o l -  o r i n t h e p r o c e s s o f becoming p o l i t i c i z e d  internalized  In other  and t h e s o c i o e c o n o m i c s y s t e m .  crimin-  perspectives This  on  approach  e n a b l e us t o e s t a b l i s h w h e t h e r o r n o t t h e a t t i t u d e s o f  politicized  prisoners  of  criminology,  critical  of prisoner  do c o i n c i d e w i t h t h e r a d i c a l and i f s o , t o what e x t e n t  r a d i c a l i z a t i o n h a s gone.  statements this  process  - 68 -  I t must again be emphasized t h a t t h i s study a l l y r e f e r s t o those p r i s o n e r s who are r a d i c a l l y  specific-  politicized.  While there may be p r i s o n e r s who are p o l i t i c a l l y aware or p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e w i t h i n more orthodox p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n s , are not the o b j e c t o f t h i s study. d i v i d u a l s who are concerned with  T h i s does not mean t h a t i n l e s s r a d i c a l p o l i t i c s are not  at a l l p o l i t i c i z e d ; there may be an a p p r e c i a b l e mitted  t o one or more p o l i t i c a l  number as com-  i d e o l o g i e s as the r a d i c a l i z e d  p r i s o n e r s who are the o b j e c t o f t h i s study. ever,  they  T h i s study, how-  i s r e s t r i c t e d t o an a n a l y s i s o f the views o f those  indi-  v i d u a l s t o whom the " r a d i c a l " l a b e l i s u s u a l l y a p p l i e d ; i e . , who have views s i m i l a r to those o f George Jackson or E l d r i d g e Cleaver.  Furthermore, s i n c e the purpose o f t h i s study i s t o  t e s t the assumptions o f the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s r e g a r d i n g t h e p o l i t i c i z a t i o n phenomenon, i t i s e s s e n t i a l t o s u b s c r i b e t o their d e f i n i t i o n of a p o l i t i c i z e d  This chapter  prisoner.  w i l l deal with the a t t i t u d e s o f p o l i t -  i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s toward the socioeconomic system, the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, the p r e v a l e n t  c u l t u r a l v a l u e s , the power s t r u c -  t u r e , the s o c i o l o g y o f law, d e s i r a b l e s o c i a l changes, and the methods f o r a c h i e v i n g  those changes.  The a t t i t u d i n a l areas un-  der c o n s i d e r a t i o n correspond t o the t o p i c a l r u b r i c s o f my r e search,  and t h e r e f o r e should  determining  serve as a u s e f u l r e f e r e n c e when  the l e v e l s o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n e x h i b i t e d by the r e -  spondents i n my sample.  The areas are t r e a t e d here i n the same  order as i n my i n t e r v i e w schedule,  and i n Chapter 6, which r e -  - 69 p o r t s the r e s u l t s o f t h i s study.  Apart from m a i n t a i n i n g con-  t i n u i t y between chapters o f t h i s t h e s i s , t h i s  arrangement  should f a c i l i t a t e the comparison o f statements made by recogn i z e d p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s and by the p r i s o n e r s i n my  B.  ATTITUDES TOWARD THE  sample.  SOCIOECONOMIC SYSTEM  As w i l l be seen i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter on  methodol-  ogy, q u e s t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the socioeconomic system were designed to evoke responses i n d i c a t i n g l e v e l s of " c l a s s consciousness" among the p r i s o n e r s i n my  sample.  The term " c l a s s c o n s c i o u s -  ness" i s d e f i n e d here as a r a d i c a l i z e d awareness o f the impact of the socioeconomic system, p a r t i c u l a r l y on the lower  classes,  who—in this radicalized perspective—are disproportionately represented i n the p r i s o n p o p u l a t i o n .  The purpose at t h i s  p o i n t i s t o i d e n t i f y the types o f responses one might  expect  from a c l a s s - c o n s c i o u s p r i s o n e r .  The p r i s o n e r ' s a b i l i t y to r e l a t e h i s p e r s o n a l s i t u a tion  (educatonal attainment or f a m i l y background,  to h i s i n c a r c e r a t i o n was  f o r example)  d e a l t with i n Part I I o f the i n t e r v i e w  schedule (see Chapter 5 f o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s on the s t r u c t u r i n g o f the i n t e r v i e w ) .  The respondent was  questioned r e g a r d i n g h i s  f e e l i n g s about h i s f u t u r e p r o s p e c t s , i n an attempt t o uncover any nascent c l a s s consciousness which might not be e v i d e n t i n responses t o l a t e r , more d e t a i l e d q u e s t i o n s ( 2 ) . Jackson o f f e r s an e x c e l l e n t example o f a p o l i t i c i z e d outlook toward  the  f u t u r e , when he says t h a t " f o r us i t i s always tomorrow; tomor-  - 70 row  we'11 have enough money t o e a t b e t t e r ; tomorrow we 11 be 1  able t o buy a necessary a r t i c l e o f c l o t h i n g , t o pay t h a t debt. Tomorrow, i t never r e a l l y gets here" ments are t h a t the p r i s o n e r  (3).  recognizes  The important e l e -  t h a t socioeconomic prob-  lems never seem t o r e s o l v e themselves, and t h a t i n l i g h t o f t h i s the f u t u r e appears b l e a k .  The  second s e t o f questions  view schedule) p e r t a i n e d ty ing  (Part I I I o f the i n t e r -  and d e a l t with the respondent's  t o l o c a t e h i s p o s i t i o n i n the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e .  abili-  In d e s c r i b -  t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e o f c a p i t a l i s m , p a r -  t i c i p a n t s i n C a l i f o r n i a ' s United  Prisoners  Union say t h a t :  We as members o f t h e c o n v i c t e d working c l a s s a r e t w i s t e d and mangled i n the v i s e o f a c r u e l system t h a t cares l i t t l e f o r human l i f e . We are the l a s t t o be h i r e d , the f i r s t t o be f i r e d . . . .In the widening c l a s s s t r u g g l e i n America, p r i s o n e r s are the lowest o f t h e low. We are wage slaves i n s i d e and out. ( 4 )  The  fundamental p o i n t s here are t h a t the p r i s o n e r s  the e x i s t e n c e  recognize  o f a c l a s s s t r u c t u r e , and t h a t they a r e able t o  i d e n t i f y t h e i r own p o s i t i o n i n t h a t s t r u c t u r e i n very emphatic terms. A c o r o l l a r y o f t h i s r e c o g n i t i o n i s t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n o f themselves as a p a r t o f a l a r g e r c l a s s s t r u g g l e .  Such  attri-  butes should be regarded as evidence o f a r a d i c a l i z e d p o l i t i c a l awareness o f the c l a s s system o f c a p i t a l i s m .  Black p r i s o n e r s  seem p a r t i c u l a r l y cognizant o f t h e i r  p o s i t i o n i n the socioeconomic h i e r a r c h y  o f the United  States.  - 71 Wendall Wade expresses the sentiments o f many when he says t h a t "the overwhelming m a j o r i t y o f the b l a c k p r i s o n e r s a r r i v e a t t h e i r p o s i t i o n because  o f the socioeconomic  which they f i n d they have been born"  situation  into  ( 5 ) . George Jackson b r i n g s  the p l i g h t o f Blacks i n t o even sharper focus by s t r e s s i n g  that  they must cope with both r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and low s o c i o economic s t a t u s : We are a c a s t e a t the bottom of a c l a s s s o c i e t y , the o n l y group t h a t has b u i l t in factors (physical characteristics) t h a t p r o h i b i t any form o f socioeconomic m o b i l i t y . We are the t o t a l l y d i s e n f r a n c h i s e d , the whipping boy, the scapegoat, the f l o o r mat o f the n a t i o n . (6)  Although one would not expect s i m i l a r responses from the p r i m a r i l y Caucasian p r i s o n p o p u l a t i o n i n Canada, these e x p r e s s i o n s of c l a s s consciousness by Black p r i s o n e r s are nonetheless symptomatic of p o l i t i c i z e d p e r s p e c t i v e s on the c l a s s  The  system.  f i n a l q u e s t i o n i n the a t t i t u d i n a l area d e a l i n g  with c l a s s consciousness s o l i c i t e d the respondent's  information pertaining to  understanding o f the l i n k between p r o p e r t y r e -  l a t i o n s and crime. In Blood i n My Eye, Jackson i l l u s t r a t e s the the type o f statement one might  expect from a p o l i t i c i z e d  pris-  oner on t h i s t o p i c i n h i s a s s e r t i o n t h a t "crime i s simply t h e r e s u l t o f a g r o s s l y d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f wealth and privilege"  (7).  T h i s i s comparable t o Davis' o p i n i o n t h a t "the  occurrence o f crime i s i n e v i t a b l e i n a s o c i e t y i n which wealth i s unequally d i s t r i b u t e d "  (8).  According t o her, "the m a j o r i t y  - 72 of c r i m i n a l o f f e n c e s bear a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p to (9).  From the above quotations  property"  i t appears t h a t p o l i t i c i z e d  p r i s o n e r s b e l i e v e t h a t crime i s caused or accentuated  by  large  d i s p a r i t i e s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth.  P e r s p e c t i v e s of p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s on the s o c i o economic system and  i t s e f f e c t on members of the working c l a s s  are e s s e n t i a l l y i d e n t i c a l to those o f the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s . In C l a s s , S t a t e , and  Crime, f o r example, Quinney announces t h a t  15 m i l l i o n people are "pauperized" adds t h a t i t i s t h i s pauperized  i n the United S t a t e s ,  and  "segment of the working c l a s s  t h a t r e a d i l y turns to crime i n the s t r u g g l e f o r s u r v i v a l " He goes on to show the v a s t d i f f e r e n c e s between the  (10).  social  c l a s s e s , and p o i n t s out t h a t while the 15 m i l l i o n are s t r u g g l i n g to s u r v i v e , "1.6 cent o f a l l corporate  percent  of the p o p u l a t i o n owns 80  stocks and  per-  government bonds" (11).  Piatt  makes a s i m i l a r o b s e r v a t i o n with r e s p e c t to j u v e n i l e d e l i n q u e n cy, saying t h a t " d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e numbers o f imprisoned come from working-class ney  summarizes one  w e l l when he  youth  and m i n o r i t y backgrounds" (12).  Quin-  f a c e t of c r i t i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y ' s p o s i t i o n  says t h a t "members of the lower c l a s s e s . . .have  the g r e a t e s t p r o b a b i l i t y o f being a r r e s t e d and  convicted"  C o n s i d e r i n g the apparent agreement between the  (13).  new  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s and p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s on t h i s t o p i c , i t seems reasonable  to expect t h a t f o r responses to questions  the socioeconomic system to be regarded  as p o l i t i c i z e d ,  on  they  should conform to an a p p r e c i a b l e extent to the above comments.  -  73  -  In other words, a p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r should be aware of impact of s o c i a l c l a s s on f u t u r e prospects tial  f o r upward m o b i l i t y , and  such as the poten-  should be able to i d e n t i f y h i s  p o s i t i o n i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e with some accuracy. r a d i c a l i z e d p r i s o n e r should l i n k e d i n some way  Unless these elements are present  i n the response p a t t e r n ,  judged to be p o l i t i c i z e d  ATTITUDES TOWARD THE  The  as  r e l a t i o n s of c a p i t a l i s m .  Jackson or Cleaver would be seen to be  C.  A truly  see h i s c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s  to the p r o p e r t y  respondent cannot be  the  the  i n the sense t h a t  politicized.  CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM  next s e r i e s of questions  (Part IV o f the  view schedule) s o l i c i t e d p r i s o n e r o p i n i o n s  on the  i m p a r t i a l i t y o f the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. The  inter-  f a i r n e s s or questions  were  designed to o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n p e r t a i n i n g to p e r c e p t i o n s  of  q u a l i t y before  per-  the law,  c e i v e d c l a s s b i a s i n the appreciable o g i s t s and  to any  j u s t i c e system. Once again, there i s  u n i f o r m i t y between the views of the new  criminol-  the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s on t h i s t o p i c .  Davis  1  p o s i t i o n on p r i s o n s and  system i s t h a t they are preserve  with p a r t i c u l a r r e f e r e n c e  e-  the o v e r a l l  justice  "key weapons i n the s t a t e ' s f i g h t  the e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s of c l a s s domination"  (14).  T h i s i s much l i k e Jackson's d e s c r i p t i o n o f the p o l i c e as l o c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the oppressors,"  to  "the  (15) or the a s s e r t i o n  of the Marion P r i s o n C o l l e c t i v e t h a t "the main f u n c t i o n of p r i s o n s i s to serve as the apex of s o c i a l c o e r c i o n w i t h i n  the  - 74 c a p i t a l i s t economy" (16). I t seems t h a t a r a d i c a l i z e d p r i s oner regards the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system as a weapon i n the hands o f the dominant c l a s s o f s o c i e t y , used t o oppress or cont r o l the dominated c l a s s e s .  This sentiment i s summarized w e l l  i n the statement: "The p i g s are not p r o t e c t i n g you, your home, and  i t s contents.  The p i g i s p r o t e c t i n g the r i g h t o f a few  p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s t o own p u b l i c p r o p e r t y l i " (17).  Apart from f e e l i n g t h a t the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i s a t o o l o f the r u l i n g c l a s s , p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s a l s o b e l i e v e t h a t members o f the lower c l a s s e s are t r e a t e d u n f a i r l y by the system. percent  t h i s when he notes t h a t  o f a l l the people ever executed i n the country.  were black others  Jackson e x e m p l i f i e s  and 100 percent  were l o w e r - c l a s s  poor"  . .  (18). L i k e  o f the Black p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , he a l s o emphasizes  t h a t Blacks  i n the United  States  are t r e a t e d more u n f a i r l y by  the law than White members o f the lower c l a s s . "Blacks  "50  who a t t a c k p r o p e r t y  yard or the p r i s o n camp"  As he puts i t ,  r e l a t i o n s are s l a t e d f o r the grave-  (19). While t h i s type o f a t t i t u d e t o -  ward the l e g a l system may stem from r a c i a l problems i n the Un i t e d S t a t e s , the f a c t remains t h a t p o l i t i c i z e d c l e a r l y recognize  prisoners  the c l a s s b i a s i n the system.  In C r i t i q u e o f Legal Order, Quinney makes s i m i l a r comments on t h i s s u b j e c t , apparatus created class"  saying  that  "the l e g a l system i s an  t o secure the i n t e r e s t s o f the dominant  (20). He r e i t e r a t e s t h i s viewpoint more b l u n t l y i n  C l a s s , State, and Crime, when he says t h a t " c a p i t a l i s t  justice  - 75 i s by the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , g a i n s t the working  class"  f o r the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , and a-  (21). While Quinney's  statement i s  perhaps more f o r c e f u l than those o f most c r i t i c a l  criminolo-  g i s t s , v i r t u a l l y a l l o f them share t h i s view t o a g r e a t e r or l e s s e r extent (22). L i k e the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , they  feel  t h a t the purpose o f the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i s t o secure and preserve the e x p l o i t a t i v e socioeconomic  system.  Chambliss, t o o , sounds much l i k e the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s when c o n s i d e r i n g the q u e s t i o n o f e q u a l i t y b e f o r e the law.  He a s s e r t s t h a t r i c h and poor a l i k e commit crimes, but  t h a t o n l y "members o f the r u l i n g c l a s s " can v i o l a t e the law with impunity (23).  As he puts i t :  I t i s i n the enforcement o f the law t h a t the lower c l a s s e s are s u b j e c t t o the e f f e c t s o f r u l i n g c l a s s domination over the l e g a l system, and which r e s u l t i n the appearance o f a c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f c r i m i n a l acts among the lower c l a s s e s i n the o f f i c i a l r e c o r d s .  Although i t could be argued t h a t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e s are somewhat more developed than those o f the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , the basic  message o f socioeconomic i n e q u a l i t y b e f o r e the law remains  the  same.  D.  ATTITUDES TOWARD PREDOMINANT CULTURAL VALUES  The t h i r d dimension o f p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  (Part  V o f the i n t e r v i e w schedule) d e a l t with o p i n i o n s r e g a r d i n g the  - 76 predominant c u l t u r a l v a l u e s .  In the c o n t e x t o f t h i s  thesis,  the  term "predominant c u l t u r a l v a l u e s " r e f e r s to components o f  the  b e l i e f system or i d e o l o g y which are attached to our type o f  society.  The q u e s t i o n s sought i n f o r m a t i o n on the degree t o  which respondents accepted concepts such as freedom, s o c i a l e q u a l i t y , and s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . was  democracy,  In other words, t h e r e  an attempt to guage the acceptance o f " a p p r o p r i a t e "  gy—the  ideolo-  extent to which the p r i s o n e r s agreed w i t h or r e j e c t e d  what some might l a b e l  "bourgeois i d e o l o g y . "  D e s c r i p t i o n s o f f e r e d by the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s r e garding the North American p o l i t i c a l n o t i o n o f democracy. saying  system p l a i n l y r e j e c t the  Cleaver d e s c r i b e s the p o l i t i c a l  system by  that: In the United S t a t e s , we have what you c a l l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e democracy, but i t ' s p r e t t y c l e a r t h a t the system i s a r i g g e d system. Even though i t i s c a l l e d 'a government o f the people and by the people,' the people are not r e a l l y i n a p o s i t i o n to determine what i s going to happen. They do not c o n t r o l the d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s . (25)  Jackson c a r r i e s t h i s r e j e c t i o n one step f u r t h e r , by comparing the American system to f a s c i s m : "the d e f i n i t i o n o f f a s c i s m i s ; a p o l i c e s t a t e wherein the p o l i t i c a l  ascendency i s  t i e d i n t o and p r o t e c t s the i n t e r e s t s o f the upper  class—char-  a c t e r i z e d by m i l i t a r i s m , racism, and i m p e r i a l i s m "  (26).  examples  Both  demonstrate the authors' f e e l i n g s t h a t the p o l i t i c a l  system i s not democratic, because i t o n l y r e p r e s e n t s the i n t e r -  ests  of a small  segment o f  Jackson's trates to  starve.  result you  The  of our  would  s e n s e and  ties  starve  to the  or  who  own  one.'  f r o m above" position limited the  any  In  equality  i n g how  are  free—  wage.  must have i t , w i t h o u t i t  You  elements"  kept  everything  (27).  have f r e e a c c e s s t o  "'freedom o f the  press  i n l i n e by  each o f t h e s e  i s for  economic  s t a t e m e n t s he think  we  He  inforthose  pressure  adopts  have are  the  either  ultimately i s controlled  by  (or i n e q u a l i t y ) i s e q u a l l y  of h i s  prisoner  existence  socioeconom-  i n s t r u c t i v e i n determin-  might t h i n k .  step-father's  of  In d i s c u s s i n g  t a x money, he  the  says t h a t i t  i s n o t b e i n g used t o h e l p you o r o t h e r s . You a r e g e t t i n g no r e t u r n on y o u r i n v e s t ment. . . i t f o l l o w s t h a t i f e v e r y o n e p a y s , everyone should get proper r e t u r n s . The s t r e e t l i g h t s s h o u l d be t h e same i n W a t t s and B e l A i r . I t seems t h a t some d e r e l i c t i o n o f d u t y has i n d e e d t a k e n p l a c e . (29)  Despite the  the  possibility  unique p o s i t i o n of  parent  that  a  elite.  a politicized  allocation  "you  illus-  s l a v e r y comes t h r o u g h as  i d e a t h a t we  as  freedom  m i g h t be:  Jackson's assessment o f the ic  of  meaning o f  freedoms w h i c h we  illusory,  economic  subject  perspective  Even t h e y a r e  that or  the  says t h a t  (28).  the  expose y o u r s e l f t o t h e  evidently dismisses m a t i o n , when he  -  society.  s t a n c e on  what a p o l i t i c i z e d  77  that h i s a t t i t u d e i s a t t r i b u t a b l e to Blacks  f o r Jackson,  i n American  society,  equality i s l i t t l e  i t is  more t h a n a  apsocial  -  78 -  prisoners  also  myth.  Politicized ial  mobility.  economic ter by  W e n d a l l Wade,  situation.  of h i s t o r i c a l  reject  f o r instance,  .keeps m i n o r i t i e s  course"  the notion  observes that "the  on t h e b o t t o m as a mat  ( 3 0 ) . He d e v e l o p s h i s p o i n t  p o s i n g what he e v i d e n t l y  considers  o f soc-  t o be r h e t o r i c a l  further ques-  tions :  What a r e we g u i l t y o f , 'economic c r i m e s ' or 'surviving?' In America they appear synonymous. What would one e x p e c t f r o m a s y s t e m t h a t p r o d u c e s so much, b u t p r o v i d e s no l e g a l way f o r so many t o o b t a i n t h e r i g h t f u l f r u i t s o f t h e i r l a b o u r ? (31)  It  seems t h a t  er  to identify  property  one r e a s o n a b l y m i g h t e x p e c t a p o l i t i c i z e d lack of mobility  a s one o f t h e p r i m a r y c a u s e s o  crime.  More e x p l i c i t prison  prison  letters  i s an e x c e r p t  from one o f J a c k s o n ' s  t o h i s m o t h e r , when he t e l l s  her that  I d o n ' t blame y o u f o r n o t t e a c h i n g me how t o g e t what I want w i t h o u t g e t t i n g p u t i n j a i l , n o r do I b l a m e m y s e l f . I was b o r n k n o w i n g n o t h i n g and am a p r o d u c t o f my t o t a l surroundings. I blame t h e c a p i t a l i s t i c dog, t h e i m p e r i a l i s t i c , c a v e - d w e l l i n g brute that kidnapped us, p u l l e d the rug f r o m u n d e r u s , made us a c a s t e w i t h i n h i s s o c i e t y w i t h no v e r t i c a l economic m o b i l i t y . (32)  Again,  i t could  be a r g u e d t h a t  social  mobility  spring  J a c k s o n ' s v i e w s on t h e t o p i c o f  from s p e c i f i c  problems connected  with  - 79 being a Black i n the United S t a t e s .  Nonetheless,  h i s statement  t h a t there i s "no v e r t i c a l economic m o b i l i t y " c l e a r l y s t r a t e s h i s awareness o f the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n r i s i n g lower i n t o the middle or upper c l a s s e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y Black i n the United S t a t e s . t h e i r c l a s s consciousness reasonable  criteria  demon-  from the for a  While not a l l p r i s o n e r s have had  heightened  as much as the Blacks, a  f o r c a t e g o r i z i n g any p r i s o n e r (White or  Black) as p o l i t i c i z e d would be t h a t they are cognizant o f the struggle involved i n achieving s o c i a l m o b i l i t y .  The views o f the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s r e g a r d i n g  ele-  ments o f the b e l i e f system a s s o c i a t e d with c a p i t a l i s m are somewhat s i m i l a r , but much more developed p o l i t i c i z e d prisoners.  than those o f the  This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s c e r n i b l e i n  t h e i r a b i l i t y t o a r t i c u l a t e the p r i s o n e r s ' more b a s i c r e j e c t i o n of the predominant c u l t u r a l v a l u e s , and t o achieve an o v e r a l l c r i t i q u e o f the r o l e o f i d e o l o g y i n m a i n t a i n i n g the e x i s t e n c e of the s o c i a l o r d e r .  (However, i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t t h i s  er concern with an understanding values i n a l l t h e i r complexity  o f b e l i e f systems or c u l t u r a l  i s t o an extent a product  r o l e expectations p l a c e d on academicians. suggested product  great-  o f the  In f a c t , i t could be  t h a t t h e i r d e t a i l e d concern with the s u b j e c t i s a  o f t h e i r awareness o f t h e i r own r o l e i n the p r o d u c t i o n  and d i s s e m i n a t i o n o f i d e o l o g y ) .  A b r i e f examination  o f a few excerpts  from the w r i t -  ings o f new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s seems i n order, to a r r i v e a t an und e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e i r views on the general r o l e o f i d e o l o g y i n  -  -  80  s o c i a l c o n t r o l b e f o r e moving on to the q u e s t i o n of t h e i r acceptance or r e j e c t i o n of such c u l t u r a l values as s o c i a l m o b i l i t y or e q u a l i t y . the  T a y l o r , Walton, and  f u n c t i o n of ideology  versions  of r i g h t and  Young o f f e r an i n s i g h t i n t o  i n t h e i r comparison o f the  opposing  l e f t wing f a c t i o n s :  C o n s e r v a t i v e s . . . w i l l t r e a t the b e l i e f i n h i e r a r c h y and dominance as a consensus, where r a d i c a l s w i l l i d e n t i f y i n t h a t moral bind the f a l s e consciousness which i s necessary to l e g i t i m a t e what i s i n r e a l i t y an i n e q u i t a b l e set of s o c i a l arrangements. (33)  Their  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f " f a l s e consciousness" as a l e g i t i m a t i n g  f o r c e i n c a p i t a l i s m resembles S p i t z e r ' s o b s e r v a t i o n  that  l a t i o n s become g e n e r a l l y  deviant  e l i g i b l e f o r management as  when they. . . c a l l i n t o q u e s t i o n . ports  the  functioning  p l e s emphasize the social  of c a p i t a l i s t  which sup-  (34).  Both exam-  i n l e g i t i m i z i n g the  order.  expands upon t h i s by  are one  ideology  society"  importance of ideology  In h i s a r t i c l e ney  . .the  "popu-  "The  Production of Criminology," Quin-  arguing t h a t c r i m i n o l o g i s t s  of the major t r a n s m i t t e r s  of "bourgeois  Our work i s i n the sphere of the i d e o l o g i c a l r e p r o d u c t i o n of c a p i t a l i s m . We are the workers i n the c o l l e g e s and the u n i v e r s i t i e s , i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e research agencies, and i n the s c h o o l s of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . The obj e c t i v e task of the c r i m i n o l o g i s t i s to t r a n s m i t bourgeois i d e o l o g y to the working c l a s s as a whole, to ensure harmonious r e l a t i o n s between the worki n g c l a s s and the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s ac-  themselves  ideology":  - 81 cording  He  to the i n t e r e s t s o f the l a t t e r . (35)  contends t h a t he and h i s c o l l e a g u e s  " l e g i t i m i z i n g the c a p i t a l i s t  "have a c h o i c e " between  system" or engaging " i n the c l a s s  s t r u g g l e f o r s o c i a l i s m " (36) l e a v i n g no doubt t h a t he favours the l a t t e r a l t e r n a t i v e (37).  His recognition of criminology's  r o l e i n t r a n s m i t t i n g bourgeois i d e o l o g y ,  and h i s r e j e c t i o n o f  t h a t r o l e , i s s h a r p l y expressed and exceeds the l e v e l s o f awareness demonstrated even by p o l i t i c i z e d  The  prisoners.  new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s concur with the p o l i t i c i z e d  p r i s o n e r s ' d i s m i s s a l o f the idea that c a p i t a l i s m i m p l i e s democracy,  a l b e i t i n a more e l a b o r a t e  fashion.  t i o n t o T a y l o r , Walton, and Young's C r i t i c a l Quinney a s s e r t s  In h i s  contribu-  Criminology,  that  Contrary t o the dominant view, the s t a t e is' c r e a t e d by t h a t c l a s s o f s o c i e t y t h a t has the power t o enforce i t s w i l l on the r e s t o f s o c i e t y . The State i s thus a r e a l , but a r t i f i c i a l , p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n c r e ated out o f f o r c e and c o e r c i o n . The State i s e s t a b l i s h e d by those who d e s i r e t o p r o t e c t t h e i r m a t e r i a l b a s i s and have the power (because o f m a t e r i a l means) t o m a i n t a i n the S t a t e . The law i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y g i v e s p o l i t i c a l r e c o g n i t i o n t o powerful p r i vate i n t e r e s t s . (38)  The  b a s i c message here i s akin t o S p i t z e r s suggestion 1  t h a t "e-  mergence o f s t a t e c a p i t a l i s m and the growing i n t e r p e n e t r a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l and economic spheres have had a number o f imp l i c a t i o n s f o r the o r g a n i z a t i o n and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f c l a s s rule"  (39).  Both quotations  emphasize the p a r t i s a n r o l e o f the  - 82 State,  describe  the system as " c a p i t a l i s m " , u n d e r l i n e  the im-  pact o f economic power on the p o l i t i c a l system, and p o r t r a y class rule. generally  These p e r s p e c t i v e s  r e j e c t the n o t i o n  show t h a t new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s  t h a t t h e r e i s an a f f i n i t y between  c a p i t a l i s m and democracy.  The  above statements a l s o i n d i c a t e c r i t i c a l  ogy's p o s i t i o n on the n o t i o n  o f freedom.  When the new c r i m i n -  o l o g i s t s t a l k about " c l a s s r u l e " or a " p o l i t i c a l created  out o f f o r c e and c o e r c i o n , "  "freedom" as being c i r c u m s c r i b e d talist  s o c i a l order.  criminol-  organization  i t suggests they see any  by the r e a l i t i e s o f the c a p i -  In f a c t , some o f the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s  would say t h a t our freedom i s l i m i t e d or shaped by i d e a trol.  con-  Cohen and Young, f o r example, s t a t e t h a t the mass media  "provide the g u i d i n g  myths which shape our conception o f the  world and serve as important instruments o f s o c i a l c o n t r o l " (40) .  Again, the s t r e s s p l a c e d  control i l l u s t r a t e s c r i t i c a l  on the importance o f s o c i a l  criminology's s k e p t i c a l a t t i t u d e  towards the s o c i a l "myth" o f freedom.  During Mintz's i n t e r v i e w  with T a y l o r ,  Walton and  Young, Walton r e j e c t s the idea o f e q u a l i t y when he the  discusses  "unequally d i s t r i b u t e d " p r o p e r t y r i g h t s under c a p i t a l i s m  (41) , and Young expands upon t h i s s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , that  "In a c a p i t a l i s t  saying  s o c i e t y , the establishment o f one man's  r i g h t s and decency w i l l u s u a l l y mean another man's d e g r e d a t i o n " (42) .  In "Toward a Marxian Theory o f Deviance," S p i t z e r goes  even f u r t h e r , a s s e r t i n g t h a t  " v i c t i m i z a t i o n i s p e r m i t t e d and  - 83  -  even encouraged, as long as the v i c t i m s are members o f an p l o i t a b l e c l a s s " (43). are unreservedly der  A l l of the above observers,  s k e p t i c a l about the e x i s t e n c e  ex-  therefore,  of e q u a l i t y  un-  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are e q u a l l y dubious about  the  capitalism.  The  new  potential for social mobility. "the r e a l value  As P i a t t and  of workers' wages has  the ranks of the unemployed and the m i l l i o n s " (44).  Takagi put i t ,  declined severely.  .  .and  under-employed have grown by  They e l a b o r a t e  upon t h i s , quoting  Marx i n  t h e i r statement t h a t With s o a r i n g unemployment r a t e s and welfare r o l l s , a p e r s i s t e n t l y high l e v e l of i n f l a t i o n and a general a t tack on the wages. . .of the working c l a s s , there can be l i t t l e doubt about the p r o p o s i t i o n t h a t the 'accumulation of wealth at one pole i s , t h e r e f o r e , at the same time accumulation of misery. . . at the opposite p o l e . ' (45)  T a y l o r , Walton, and shion:  Young comment s i m i l a r l y , i n a s u c c i n c t f a -  "More and more members o f the  ' p r o l e t a r i a t ' are  f o r c e d t o l i v e more and more on w e l f a r e "  (46).  being  None o f these  above statements o f f e r a p i c t u r e o f widespread s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . I f anything, criminology  i t seems t h a t any m o b i l i t y e n v i s i o n e d  ism.  critical  i s of the downward v a r i e t y .  In summary, the new iticized  by  prisoners  Ideas such as  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s s i d e with the p o l -  i n t h e i r d e n i a l of the  i d e o l o g y of  capital-  "democracy" or " s o c i a l e q u a l i t y " are  re-  - 84 garded by both groups as s o c i a l f i c t i o n s .  The d i f f e r e n c e be-  tween the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s and the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s i s one o f degree more than anything e l s e , w i t h the former more concerned about the r o l e o f i d e o l o g y i n reproducing c a p i t a l i s m , and t h e i r own r o l e i n producing t h a t i d e o l o g y .  Consequently,  f o r p r i s o n e r s i n my study t o be c l a s s i f i e d as p o l i t i c i z e d , should unambiguously  r e j e c t some o f the predominant  they  cultural  values.  E.  ATTITUDES TOWARD THE POWER STRUCTURE  Part VI o f the i n t e r v i e w schedule i s concerned with p r i s o n e r p e r c e p t i o n s o f the power s t r u c t u r e . was asked t o i d e n t i f y the power-wielders  The respondent  i n the s o c i e t y , and t o  c o n s i d e r h i s own p o s i t i o n i n the power s t r u c t u r e .  The purpose  was t o f i n d out whether o r not the respondent viewed the power s t r u c t u r e i n a r a d i c a l i z e d way.  For a view t o be judged as  r a d i c a l i z e d i n t h i s case, t h e r e should be r e c o g n i t i o n o f the e x i s t e n c e o f a "power e l i t e , " power e x e r c i s e d by t h a t e l i t e .  and a c o n c e p t i o n o f the degree o f In M a r x i s t terminology, p o l i t i -  c i z e d p r i s o n e r s should be aware o f a " r u l i n g  class."  Well-known p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s are d e f i n i t e l y aware of t h i s it,  "power e l i t e " or " r u l i n g c l a s s . "  As Jackson d e s c r i b e s  "The r u l i n g c l a s s i n the U.S. i s composed o f one m i l l i o n  men and t h e i r  families.  . . .  They r u l e w i t h i r o n p r e c i s i o n  through the m i l i t a r y , the C.I.A., the F.B.I., p r i v a t e t i o n s and f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s "  founda-  (47). Jackson not o n l y be-  - 85 l i e v e s t h a t there  i s a ruling class—he  a l s o has ideas  about  i t s approximate s i z e , the power i t possesses, and how i t achieves  control.  P o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s g e n e r a l l y seem t o have about how the power e l i t e e x e r c i s e s c o n t r o l . f o r example, Cleaver  ideas  In Soul on I c e ,  says t h a t "the p o l i c e department and the  armed f o r c e s a r e the two arms o f the power s t r u c t u r e , the musc l e s o f c o n t r o l and enforcement" (48).  He adds t o t h i s l i s t i n  a l a t e r i n t e r v i e w when he says t h a t "the press the  i s c o n t r o l l e d by  e x p l o i t e r s , by the r u l i n g c l a s s " (49). In the words of Ro-  s i e Douglas, a Canadian p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r , the r u l i n g  class  i s composed o f "those who c o n t r o l the means o f p r o d u c t i o n , t r i b u t i o n , exchange and the media" (50).  dis-  The word " c o n t r o l "  appears i n a l l o f the above statements.  Above a l l ,  these p r i s o n e r s remark on the i n f l u e n c e o f  the r u l i n g c l a s s i n c r e a t i n g p r i s o n s , and on how the powerful always seem able t o elude the g r i p o f the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e tem.  In "Towards the United  ments upon the r u l i n g c l a s s  1  Front,"  f o r instance,  sys-  Jackson com-  need f o r p r i s o n s :  Throughout the c e n t r a l i z i n g - a u t h o r i t a r i a n process o f American h i s t o r y , the r u l i n g c l a s s e s have found i t expedient, a c t u a l l y necessary t o i n s i n uate upon the people i n s t r u m e n t a l i t i e s designed t o discourage and punish any genuine o p p o s i t i o n t o h i e r a r c h y . (51)  John C l u c h e t t e  observes t h a t  " n i n e t y - e i g h t percent  o f a l l the  - 86  -  people i n c o n c e n t r a t i o n camps [ p r i s o n s ] are members of the pressed  c l a s s , " and  adds t h a t "you won't f i n d members o f  r u l i n g - c l i q u e i n places l i k e t h i s " shared by Jackson, who death row, that we  and  (52).  the  T h i s sentiment i s  says t h a t "there are no wealthy men  so very few  op-  on  i n the general p r i s o n p o p u l a t i o n  can d i s c o u n t them a l l together"  (53).  L i k e these p r i s o n e r s , the new  criminologists believe  i n the e x i s t e n c e o f a r u l i n g c l a s s (although v a r i o u s  qualifica-  t i o n s are i n t r o d u c e d , depending on the s p e c i f i c t h e o r e t i c a l ientation).  or-  In "Crime C o n t r o l i n C a p i t a l i s t S o c i e t y , " f o r ex-  ample, Quinney announces t h a t "the major p o r t i o n s o f the wealth and n e a r l y a l l the power i n American s o c i e t y are i n the hands of a few pon  large corporations"  (54).  concentrated He expands u-  t h i s theme i n a l a t e r p u b l i c a t i o n , s t a t i n g t h a t "1.6  cent of the p o p u l a t i o n owns 80 percent stocks and government bonds" (55). these  statements and  those  of a l l the  The  per-  corporate  resemblance between  of the p r i s o n e r s i s s t r i k i n g .  Quinney shows a s i m i l a r concern about the manner i n which the r u l i n g c l a s s uses the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system to maintain  t h e i r power.  In C r i t i q u e of Legal Order, he  "the r u l i n g c l a s s formulates  c r i m i n a l p o l i c y f o r the  t i o n of domestic order, an order t h a t assures  says t h a t preserva-  the s o c i a l  and  economic hegemony of the c a p i t a l i s t system" (56). He then l a u n ches i n t o an account of how  the powerful  the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system f o r t h e i r own  are able to e x p l o i t ends,by demonstrating  t h a t the P r e s i d e n t ' s Crime Commission i n the 1960's was  com-  - 87 posed p r i m a r i l y o f wealthy lawyers and d i r e c t o r s o f c o r p o r a t i o n s , and that many o f f i c e h o l d e r s "crime c o n t r o l b u r e a u c r a c i e s "  i n what he r e f e r s t o as the  have d e f i n i t e t i e s with the f i -  n a n c i a l e l i t e (57).  In a d d i t i o n , the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s share the p r i s o n ers  1  o p i n i o n t h a t members o f the power e l i t e can avoid  tion .  When T a y l o r , Walton, and Young argue t h a t  is institutionalized, f u l , " and t h a t occupied  "rule-breaking  r e g u l a r and widespread amongst the power-  " i t i s a given  by powerful men,"  i t y o f the p o w e r f u l .  prosecu-  r e s u l t o f the s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n  (58) they underscore the i n v i o l a b i l -  T h e i r p o i n t i s t h a t the powerful not o n l y  can but do break r u l e s on a r e g u l a r b a s i s , and t h a t , a s i d e token s a n c t i o n s ,  they are v i r t u a l l y immune t o p r o s e c u t i o n .  To be regarded as p o l i t i c i z e d , then, p r i s o n e r ses i n my study should  resemble some o f the foregoing  on the power s t r u c t u r e . and  As seen above, p o l i t i c i z e d  e r a r c h i c a l f r a c t i o n tantamount t o a " r u l i n g c l a s s . "  control.  respon-  comments  prisoners  new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s a l i k e b e l i e v e i n the e x i s t e n c e  able t o d e s c r i b e  from  o f an h i Both are  i t s composition and methods f o r e x e r c i s i n g  In a d d i t i o n , they q u i t e p r e d i c t a b l y share the same  concern about t h a t c l a s s ' a b i l i t y t o manipulate the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i n i t s own  F.  favour.  ATTITUDES TOWARD THE SOCIOLOGY OF LAW  The  l a s t a t t i t u d i n a l area used t o assess the o v e r a l l  - 88 degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  ( p a r t VII of the i n t e r v i e w schedule)  d e a l t with the s o c i o l o g y of law. d e n t i f y both the law makers and protects.  -  Respondents were asked to i those whose i n t e r e s t s the  This t o p i c i s of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t to the new  law  crimin-  o l o g i s t s , given t h e i r d i s c i p l i n a r y focus on the a n a l y s i s of l e gal  relations.  On the other hand, most p o l i t i c i z e d  prisoners  are r e l a t i v e l y s i l e n t on the s u b j e c t , p o s s i b l y because i t i s more obscure or e s o t e r i c than other i s s u e s a v a i l a b l e to t h e i r scrutiny. reason  Again,  t h i s i s not t o t a l l y s u r p r i s i n g , s i n c e  f o r s o l i c i t i n g opinions on the s o c i o l o g y of law  the i n t e r v i e w was  my  during  e x p e c t a t i o n t h a t answers would be more  d i f f i c u l t to formulate, gree of r a d i c a l i z e d  one  and  t h e r e f o r e would demand a h i g h e r  de-  insight.  C l e a v e r ' s view on the s u b j e c t i s e m p h a t i c a l l y c l e a r when he  s t a t e s t h a t "which laws get enforced  i n power. designed  depends on who  I f the c a p i t a l i s t s are i n power, they enforce t o p r o t e c t t h e i r system, t h e i r way  of l i f e .  a p a r t i c u l a r abhorrence f o r crimes a g a i n s t property" While Cleaver  is  laws  They have (59).  i s t a l k i n g about " e n f o r c i n g " r a t h e r than "making"  laws, i t i s n e v e r t h e l e s s  c l e a r from h i s statement t h a t he  be-  l i e v e s the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s to be i n de f a c t o c o n t r o l of the law,  and  t h a t laws are designed  to p r o t e c t the p r o p e r t y  rela-  t i o n s of c a p i t a l i s m .  Jackson w r i t e s e s s e n t i a l l y the same t h i n g i n Blood my  Eye;  cial  "bourgeois  law p r o t e c t s p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n s , and not  r e l a t i o n s h i p s " (60).  in so-  This i s a theme developed e a r l i e r i n  -  Soledad  89  -  Brother, when he ponders the  question:  What i s i t t h a t r e a l l y t i e s t h a t f a t r a t with a c h a i n of department s t o r e s to a uniformed pig? The f a t r a t wants the country and the world p o l i c e d , made safe f o r h i s business to expand. . .Money i s the bond I t h i n k . (61)  What he appears to recognize  i n the above statement ( i n a l e s s  d i r e c t manner than i n the previous able to ensure t h a t the country antees the continued  one)  i s t h a t the wealthy are  i s p o l i c e d i n a way  t h a t guar-  e x i s t e n c e of t h e i r economic w e l l - b e i n g .  i  Another example of a p o l i t i c i z e d p e r s p e c t i v e on law-making process  i s contained  Stanford U n i v e r s i t y .  He begins  the  i n a speech made by Cleaver  at  by n o t i n g t h a t "some very i n -  t e r e s t i n g laws are being passed," and  adds t h a t they are c r e -  ated to c o n t r o l s o c i a l d i s s e n t (62).  He continues  by a s s e r t -  ing t h a t : What they're [the power s t r u c t u r e ] saying i s t h a t they have white people i n t h i s country who are d i s s e n t i n g , and they have some black people who are d i s s e n t i n g , and t h a t these people are a t h r e a t to the game t h a t ' s being run on people, and they have t o be i s o l a t e d , exterminated, c o n f i n e d t o c o n c e n t r a t i o n camps, or have t h e i r p a r o l e s revoked. (63)  However, Cleaver  r e f e r s to such figureheads  or J . Edgar Hoover as the power-wielders,  as Hubert Humphrey  (64) whereas a more  r a d i c a l i z e d t h i n k e r would be more apt t o mention such i n d i v i d u a l s as owners of l a r g e c o r p o r a t i o n s or high l e v e l  financeers.  -  Unfortunately,  -  90  n e i t h e r Cleaver  i c u l a r l y r e v e a l i n g on the t o p i c of "who  nor Jackson are makes the laws  part-  and  why?," although both do o f f e r some i n s i g h t s i n t o t h e i r perspectives .  For t h a t m a t t e r — a s mentioned p r e v i o u s l y — m o s t  c i z e d p r i s o n e r s do not address the s u b j e c t at a l l . We to c r i t i c a l  criminology  perspective  on t h i s t o p i c .  Unlike  will  the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , the new i n t h e i r comments on the  Without needing to forage  sociology  for t h e i r opinions,  g i s t s which attempts t o d i s c u s s , d e f i n e , and i t represents  but powerful socioeconomic group. en t h a t a s o c i o l o g y of law cial  criminolo-  the  e a s i l y d i s c o v e r a growing l i t e r a t u r e by the new  making process and how  science claiming  The  must t u r n  f o r a c l e a r e r p i c t u r e of a r a d i c a l i z e d  g i s t s are q u i t e e l a b o r a t e law.  politi-  should  of  reader  criminolo-  criticize  the i n t e r e s t s of a  the  law-  small  T h i s i s not unexpected, g i v be a cornerstone f o r any  so-  "crime" as i t s o b j e c t of study.  f i r s t area to c o n s i d e r ,  then, i s who  the  new  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i d e n t i f y as having c o n t r o l over the l e g a l d e c i s i o n making process.  According  to S p i t z e r ,  If we assume t h a t c l a s s s o c i e t i e s are based on fundamental c o n f l i c t s between groups, and that harmony i s achieved through the dominance of a s p e c i f i c c l a s s , i t makes sense to argue t h a t dev i a n t s are c u l l e d from groups who c r e a t e s p e c i f i c problems f o r those who r u l e . (65)  - 91  -  In other words, S p i t z e r i s arguing  t h a t the r u l i n g c l a s s i s  able to manage s o c i a l c o n f l i c t by c o n t r o l l i n g d e f i n i t i o n s of deviance and status.  the types o f people who  Krisberg's  are s e l e c t e d f o r  t h i n k i n g on the s u b j e c t i s q u i t e s i m i l a r :  C r i m i n a l laws and systems of law e n f o r c e ment e x i s t to promote and p r o t e c t a system based on the conception ( p r i v a t e ownership) of property, and these laws and systems o f organized v i o l e n c e or c o e r c i o n are thus l i n k e d i n t i m a t e l y with those persons who possess the most p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y (66).  /  Quinney a l s o deals  e x t e n s i v e l y with t h i s t o p i c .  t h a t i n the United  States  be represented of power (67). law  deviant  i n the  He p o i n t s  "only a few groups are ever able  formulation  of law,"  due  to  to i n e q u a l i t i e s  He develops t h i s f u r t h e r , saying t h a t  "although  i s supposed to p r o t e c t a l l c i t i z e n s , i t s t a r t s as a t o o l of  the dominant c l a s s and t h a t c l a s s " (68). that  ends up by m a i n t a i n i n g  L i k e K r i s b e r g and  the dominance o f  S p i t z e r , then, he  believes  "the r u l i n g c l a s s formulates c r i m i n a l p o l i c y , " (69)  leaves no doubt t h a t he b e l i e v e s the c a p i t a l i s t s are the class  and ruling  (70).  The  new  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are e q u a l l y c l e a r on whose  i n t e r e s t s are p r o t e c t e d by the law.  K r i s b e r g says t h a t  t h a t p r o t e c t the s a n c t i t y of p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y those who The  out  have the most p r o p e r t y "  (71).  "laws  primarily benefit  Quinney's comments i n  S o c i a l R e a l i t y of Crime are comparable when he  asserts  f i r s t t h a t "the very emergence of c r i m i n a l law i s h i s t o r i c a l l y a p o l i t i c a l phenomenon.  Because of the i n t e r e s t s of p a r t i c u l a r  - 92 s o c i a l segments, c r i m i n a l law was that  created,"  "the l e g a l p r o t e c t i o n of p r o p e r t y has  (72) and  adds l a t e r  always been to the  i n t e r e s t of the p r o p e r t i e d segments of s o c i e t y " (73). sence, the new f i n e d by,  and  In es-  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s b e l i e v e t h a t c r i m i n a l law i s dei n favour o f , the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s — t h e "one  cent" whom Quinney d e s c r i b e s as the owners o f "40 percent the n a t i o n ' s wealth"  from the w r i t i n g s of p o l i t i c i z e d  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s suggest  pris-  that a p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n -  er would be of the o p i n i o n t h a t law i s formulated t a l i s t class,  of  (74).  These excerpts oners and new  per-  f o r the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s .  While the  by the  capi-  statements  o f the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s on t h i s t o p i c were l e s s c l e a r or systematic than those o f the new d i d appear to m a k e — a l b e i t tions.  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , the p r i s o n e r s  i n a cruder m a n n e r — s i m i l a r  observa-  However, given the g e n e r a l i n a b i l i t y of recognized  i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s to a r t i c u l a t e a r a d i c a l s o c i o l o g y o f  pol-  law,  e x c e s s i v e e x p e c t a t i o n s should not be p l a c e d on the respondents i n my  study when a s s e s s i n g t h e i r degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n  this attitudinal  category.  At t h i s p o i n t , we have reviewed the p e r s p e c t i v e s of recognized p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s and new  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s with  r e s p e c t to the f i v e main a t t i t u d i n a l areas t e s t e d i n my  re-  search.  percep-  B r i e f l y , those  areas were c l a s s consciousness,  t i o n s of the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, acceptance (or r e j e c t i o n ) of a p p r o p r i a t e i d e o l o g y , p e r c e p t i o n s of the power s t r u c t u r e , and  the s o c i o l o g y of law.  The  above-mentioned c a t e g o r i e s were  -  93 -  the o n l y ones i n c l u d e d i n the assessment o f the o v e r a l l degree of  politicization.  From t h i s review o f the l i t e r a t u r e ,  i t appears t h a t  recognized p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s adhere t o a r a d i c a l i z e d ogy,  and see themselves as v i c t i m s o f an e x p l o i t a t i v e  order poor.  ideol-  social  ( c a p i t a l i s m ) t h a t p r o t e c t s the r i c h a t the expense o f the I t seems a safe c o n c l u s i o n t h a t there a r e some remark-  able s i m i l a r i t i e s between the p e r s p e c t i v e s o f the p r i s o n e r s and those o f the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , although there are some d i v e r g e n c e s .  i t must be noted  that  The views o f both groups d e f i n i t e -  l y resonate with a Marxist e x p l a n a t i o n o f c r i m i n a l i t y .  O v e r a l l , by comparing and b l e n d i n g the statements o f the two groups, we should have a f a i r l y c l e a r p i c t u r e o f the types o f responses one might expect er. can  from a p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n -  In other words, there i s now a rough y a r d s t i c k by which we judge whether or not p r i s o n e r responses are indeed  c i z e d i n terms o f a p o l i t i c i z a t i o n s c a l e .  The l a s t  politi-  attitudinal  area c o n s i d e r e d i n the s t u d y — o n e not i n c l u d e d i n the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n score, but used as a cross-check  f o r each respondent's  score i n the category o f o v e r a l l degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n — i s c o n s i d e r e d below.  G.  PRISONER PROGRAMS FOR CHANGE  The  s i x t h and f i n a l a t t i t u d i n a l area addressed  i n t e r v i e w schedule  i n the  r e l a t e d t o the types o f s o c i a l change de-  -  94  -  s i r e d by the p r i s o n e r s , and the methods advocated those changes. who  The purpose was  t o determine  for achieving  i f those p r i s o n e r s  answered other questions i n a p o l i t i c i z e d manner would be  a b l e to go one  step f u r t h e r by making concrete suggestions f o r  improved s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s , and by i n d i c a t i n g how might be achieved.  As w i l l be seen i n the d i s c u s s i o n o f my  search r e s u l t s , t h i s t o p i c p r o v e d — a s was difficult  those changes re-  a n t i c i p a t e d — t o be  f o r many of the p r i s o n e r s .  R a d i c a l i z e d p r i s o n e r s have numerous s p e c i f i c propos a l s f o r s o c i a l change.  In Soul on Ice, Cleaver announces t h a t  The world c a p i t a l i s t system has come to a d e c i s i v e fork i n the road. . . The road to the l e f t i s the way o f r e c o n c i l i a t i o n with the e x p l o i t e d people of the world, the l i b e r a t i o n of a l l peoples, the d i s m a n t l i n g of a l l economi c r e l a t i o n s based upon the e x p l o i t a t i o n of man by man. (75)  At a l a t e r date, Cleaver express t h i s view more vehemently: "the United S t a t e s as i t e x i s t s has t o be t o t a l l y  obliterated  and has t o be r e b u i l t and r e - s t r u c t u r e d , and the wealth, means of p r o d u c t i o n , the e n t i r e system, has to be (76).  the  re-arranged"  E s s e n t i a l l y , he c a l l s f o r sweeping s o c i a l changes and a  socialist political  system.  Others p l a c e emphasis on the n o t i o n t h a t "the people" must g a i n c o n t r o l of the government, Jackson, serts that  f o r example, as-  - 95  -  i f a government t r u l y r e f l e c t e d the wishes of the people, i f i t t r u l y represented a f a i r c r o s s - s e c t i o n of the populace, i t would f o l l o w t h a t i f the means of p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n were p l a c e d i n the hands of the government they would be cont r o l l e d by the people. The c e n t r a l p o i n t i s t h a t the government must be t r u l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . (77)  Wendell Wade agrees t h a t " i f we determination distribution"  are ever to g a i n power and  the people must c o n t r o l not o n l y p r o d u c t i o n  self but  (78).  Recognized p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s make other  sugges-  t i o n s f o r s o c i a l change, i n c l u d i n g n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f a l l i n dustries ecology  (79) and (80).  developing  the  A l l d e s i r e d changes e n t a i l an e x p l i c i t r e j e c t i o n  of c a p i t a l i s m i n favour oners see  a more r a t i o n a l approach to  o f s o c i a l i s m . In other words, the  s o c i a l problems as a m a n i f e s t a t i o n  pris-  of c a p i t a l i s m  r a t h e r than as immutable phenomena t h a t w i l l remain  regardless  of changes i n circumstances.  This r e j e c t i o n of c a p i t a l i s m i s evidenced f u r t h e r i n the methods advocated by the p r i s o n e r s changes.  Jackson's stance on the i s s u e i s e v i d e n t  l a r a t i o n that absurd.  for achieving  "Pure non-violence as a p o l i t i c a l  P o l i t i c s i s violence"  (81).  According  there must be a l a t e n t t h r e a t of erupt i o n , a dormant p o s s i b i l i t y of sudden and v i o l e n t a c t i o n i f concessions are to be won, r e s p e c t gained, and the est a b l i s h e d order a l t e r e d . . .a look at  social  i n h i s dec-  ideal. to  him,  . .is  - 96  -  European h i s t o r y shows t h a t anything of great value t h a t ever changed hands was taken by f o r c e of arms. (82)  He  r e t u r n s t o t h i s p o i n t i n Blood i n My  Eye,  saying t h a t  o l u t i o n w i t h i n a modern i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t mean the overthrow of a l l e x i s t i n g p r o p e r t y destruction of a l l i n s t i t u t i o n s that.  "rev-  s o c i e t y can  only  r e l a t i o n s and  the  . .support e x i s t i n g p r o -  p e r t y r e l a t i o n s " (83).  His comments are comparable to C l e a v e r ' s , ces t h a t "we  who  announ-  need to develop a concept of urban geography,  cause the o n l y models of r e v o l u t i o n a r y behaviour t h a t we are those taken from r u r a l geography and and  adds t h a t  "we  be-  have  rural terrain,"  (84)  have to f i g h t a r e v o l u t i o n a r y s t r u g g l e f o r  the v i o l e n t overthrow of the United  States government and  t o t a l d e s t r u c t i o n of the r a c i s t , c a p i t a l i s t , c o l o n i a l i s t power s t r u c t u r e " (85). advocate the overthrow of the U.S.  the  i m p e r i a l i s t , neo-  In both cases,  the  authors  government through v i o l e n t  revolution.  The  Marion P r i s o n C o l l e c t i v e o f f e r s a w e l l  articu-  l a t e d d e s c r i p t i o n of t h e i r proposed r e v o l u t i o n a r y methodology i n a statement on t h e i r o b j e c t i v e s , which reads as "Primary short-term sciousness.  o b j e c t i v e : e l e v a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l  . .Method: one-on-one p o l i t i c a l  t r a t i o n and p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  resocialization"  (86).  education;  Long Range O b j e c t i v e :  of oppressed c l a s s e s o f t h i s s o c i e t y . and  follows:  Method:  L i k e Jackson and  coninfil-  Liberation  Armed  Cleaver,  struggle then,  - 97 they suggest armed s t r u g g l e means f o r changing the  -  (revolution)  as the  society.  In the p r e v i o u s chapter on c r i t i c a l was  noted t h a t the new  system as c r i m i n o g e n i c .  appropriate  criminology  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s regard the As w e l l , they g e n e r a l l y  c i a l i s m as a panacea to the  ills  of c a p i t a l i s m .  it  capitalist favour  so-  However, they  are more r e l u c t a n t than the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s  t o advocate  extreme measures f o r a c h i e v i n g  in fact,  s o c i a l change, and  pear t o be almost s i l e n t on the instances,  the  new  subject  of r e v o l u t i o n .  In most  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are concerned p r i m a r i l y with  the p r o s p e c t s f o r decreased c r i m i n a l i z a t i o n under  In C r i t i c a l Criminology, T a y l o r , submit  ap-  socialism.  Walton, and  Young  that A s o c i a l i s t conception of man would i n s i s t on the u n l i m i t e d nature o f human p o t e n t i a l i n a human s o c i e t y , and s p e c i f i c a l l y i n a s o c i e t y i n which man was f r e e d from having to engage only i n the e s s e n t i a l l y a n i m a l i s t i c p u r s u i t of m a t e r i a l prod u c t i o n i n order to feed, consume, and e x i s t . (87)  T h i s t i e s i n d i r e c t l y with t h e i r v i s i o n of a s o c i e t y wherein the m a t e r i a l  needs o f the people would be met  without some  i n d i v i d u a l s having to r e s o r t to crime as a means o f s u r v i v a l . Furthermore, the "a c r i m i n o l o g y  statement i s l i n k e d to t h e i r main o b j e c t i v e :  which i s n o r m a t i v e l y committed t o the a b o l i t i o n  of i n e q u a l i t i e s i n wealth and  power"  (88).  - 98 -  As proach.  u s u a l , Quinney i s more s t r a i g h t - f o r w a r d i n h i s ap-  He announces t h a t " c a p i t a l i s m has produced crime as we  know i t today i n America" building of a s o c i a l i s t  (89) and argues t h a t "only with the  s o c i e t y w i l l there be a world  without  the need f o r crime c o n t r o l " (90). Chambliss echoes t h i s  senti-  ment i n a more subdued manner when he p r e d i c t s t h a t there  will  be  "much lower r a t e s o f crime"  i n s o c i a l i s t nations  (91). In  both i n s t a n c e s , there i s a normative commitment t o s o c i a l i s t ideology.  We can o n l y s p e c u l a t e as t o why the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are l e s s v o c a l than the p r i s o n e r s i n s u p p o r t i n g the i d e a of v i o l e n t r e v o l u t i o n . a much g r e a t e r stake have nothing  I t may be t h a t the c r i m i n o l o g i s t s have  i n the present  s o c i e t y than p r i s o n e r s , who  t o l o s e ; as w e l l , c r i m i n o l o g i s t s are probably un-  der more p r e s s u r e  (peer group and State i n f l u e n c e , f o r example)  to conform to at l e a s t some o f the norms (such as  "democratic"  change) o f c a p i t a l i s m .  In any event, the two groups appear t o agree t h a t c a p i t a l i s m should be r e p l a c e d by s o c i a l i s m . cross-checking  Therefore, i n  the responses o f the i n t e r v i e w e d p r i s o n e r s i n  t h i s a t t i t u d i n a l area t o determine whether they are able t o c a r r y t h e i r r a d i c a l i z e d consciousness is,"  i n t o the realm  i t seems r e a l i s t i c t o expect t h a t they should  cialist  o f "prax-  favour so-  goals and r a d i c a l measures f o r a c h i e v i n g s o c i a l change.  However, i t should be kept i n mind t h a t the Canadian p r i s o n e r s ,  -  who  l a c k the  99  -  exposure to such r a d i c a l groups as the Black Pan-  t h e r s , might be  l e s s i n c l i n e d toward dramatic changes and  treme measures than t h e i r counterparts  H.  i n the United  States.  SUMMARY  In examining the  f i v e a t t i t u d i n a l areas t e s t e d i n  study to determine l e v e l s of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , p l u s the areas used as a cross-check, i t appears t h a t there able  ex-  other  are remark-  s i m i l a r i t i e s between the comments of the p o l i t i c i z e d  soners and  those o f the new  criminologists.  some minor divergences, by and  a t o o l c r e a t e d by the r i c h and e s t s ) , and ism.  call  for p o l i t i c a l  While there  priare  l a r g e they a l l blame crime  the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e of c a p i t a l i s t  my  on  s o c i e t y , view c r i m i n a l law  powerful ( i n t h e i r own  as  inter-  change from c a p i t a l i s m to  social-  E s s e n t i a l l y , each group advocates what could be l a b e l l e d  as a " r a d i c a l " or " l e f t - w i n g " p h i l o s o p h i c a l stance, accompanied by a s p e c i f i c concern w i t h the t o p i c o f crime.  At the  same time, by comparing the comments of  p o l i t i c i z e d prisoners these t o p i c s , we  to those of the new  society.  We  have seen what the  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s would expect a p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r  think,  and  on  should have a f a i r idea o f what c o n s t i t u t e s a  r a d i c a l i z e d view of crime and new  criminologists  the  what some of the more l i o n i z e d p o l i t i c i z e d  themselves t h i n k about key  As d i s c u s s e d  to prisoners  issues i n s o c i a l control.  e a r l i e r , the new  criminologists  attach  -  100  -  a p p r e c i a b l e s i g n i f i c a n c e to p r i s o n r i o t s and regard them as p o l i t i c a l l y - m o t i v a t e d events r a t h e r than as spontaneous  up-  r i s i n g s aimed at wanton d e s t r u c t i o n or p e r s o n a l g r a t i f i c a t i o n (92).  It i s clear that p o l i t i c i z e d prisoners also b e l i e v e that  t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s are p o l i t i c a l  i n nature  (93).  Newton summar-  i z e s t h e i r p o s i t i o n best when he a s s e r t s t h a t d u r i n g a l l the r e b e l l i o n s across the country, the p r i s o n e r s have i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h e i r o p p r e s s i o n i s not simply a matter o f overcrowded p r i s o n s , f i l t h y c o n d i t i o n s and guard b r u t a l i t y : but t h a t i t i s centred i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d racism and c l a s s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n o f the j u d i c i a l system i t s e l f . Behind t h e i r concrete demands f o r r e l i e f there i s a r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l consciousness. (94)  In "Prospects f o r a R a d i c a l Criminology i n the U. A.,"  S.  P i a t t w r i t e s t h a t "the most i m a g i n a t i v e c r i m i n o l o g y has  been w r i t t e n by Jackson,  ' c r i m i n a l s , ' " r e f e r r i n g to such notables as  Davis, and C l e a v e r (95).  ings of such p r i s o n e r s , we  Having  looked at the w r i t -  t h e r e f o r e have c o n s t r u c t e d a p i c t u r e  by which to guage p o l i t i c i z a t i o n . By compiling examples o f p o l liticized field  responses  f o r each of the c a t e g o r i e s examined i n the  r e s e a r c h , i t i s p o s s i b l e to develop an i d e a l  typology  which can be u t i l i z e d t o p r o v i d e a measurement o f p r i s o n e r p o l iticization .  Before c l o s i n g t h i s chapter and going on to d i s c u s s m e t h o d o l o g i c a l approaches to the study, i t seems worthwhile t u r n again t o Huey Newton f o r one cized prisoner.  to  l a s t d e f i n i t i o n of a p o l i t i -  He s t a t e s t h a t "there are two  types of p r i s -  - 101 oners.  The  -  l a r g e s t number are those who  accept the l e g i t i m a c y  of the assumptions upon which the s o c i e t y i s based" (96), and The second type of p r i s o n e r , i s the one who r e j e c t s the l e g i t i m a c y o f the assumpt i o n s upon which the s o c i e t y i s based. . . the second type of p r i s o n e r says t h a t the s o c i e t y i s c o r r u p t and must be overthrown. T h i s second type of p r i s o n e r i s the p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r . (97)  While  one might look askance at h i s use of the term  "political  p r i s o n e r , " h i s comments n e v e r t h e l e s s are most a p p l i c a b l e t o a d e f i n i t i o n of a " p o l i t i c i z e d politicized  p r i s o n e r " (98).  p r i s o n e r s , then, we  In i d e n t i f y i n g  should look f o r those who  lenge the fundamental l e g i t i m a t i n g precepts o f the  chal-  society.  FOOTNOTES 1.  C l e a r l y , most p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s would not be expected to be as a r t i c u l a t e or systematic as George Jackson or Angela Davis. Cf. Barry K r i s b e r g , Crime and P r i v i l e g e : Toward a New Criminology (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: Prenti c e - H a l l , 1975), pp. 82-3.  2.  T h i s area was not taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n determining p o l i t i c i z a t i o n l e v e l s , but was used i n s t e a d as a p r e d i c t o r of p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n . See Chapter 5 f o r f u r t h e r details .  3.  George Jackson, Soledad B r o t h e r : The P r i s o n L e t t e r s of George Jackson (New York: Coward-McCann, 1970), pp. 72-3.  4.  Frank Browning, "Organizing Behind 72, v o l . 10, no. 8, p. 44.  5.  Wendall Wade, "The P o l i t i c s of P r i s o n , " The Black Scholar, April-May 71, p. 12.  6.  Jackson, op. c i t . , p.  7.  George Jackson, Blood i n My 1972), p. 106.  Bars," Ramparts,  Feb.  184. Eye  (New  York: Random House,  - 102 8. 9.  -  Angela Y. Davis, I f They Come i n the Morning: Voices of R e s i s t a n c e , ed. Angela Y. Davis (New York: Joseph Okpaker, 1971), p. 27. I b i d . , p. 27.  10.  Richard Quinney, C l a s s , S t a t e , and Crime: On the Theory and P r a c t i c e of C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e (New York: McKay, 1977), p. 71.  11.  I b i d . , p.  12.  Anthony M. P i a t t , The C h i l d Savers: The I n v e n t i o n of Delinquency (Chicago: U. o f Chicago Press, 1969, 1977), p. 190.  13.  Richard Quinney, The S o c i a l R e a l i t y o f Crime (Boston: t l e , Brown & Co., 1970), p. 217.  14.  Davis, op. c i t . , p.  15.  Jackson,  16.  Marion P r i s o n C o l l e c t i v e , "Network B u i l d i n g : Notes o f a P r i s o n C o l l e c t i v e , " Crime and S o c i a l J u s t i c e : A J o u r n a l of R a d i c a l Criminology, Spring-Summer 76, p. 53.  17.  Jackson,  18.  I b i d . , p.  19.  Jackson, Blood i n My Eye, p. 78. Cf. Robert Chrisman, "Black P r i s o n e r s , White Law," The Black S c h o l a r , April-May 71, p. 45.  20.  Richard Quinney, C r i t i q u e o f Legal Order: Crime C o n t r o l i n C a p i t a l i s t S o c i e t y (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1974), pT 52.  21.  Quinney, C l a s s , S t a t e , and Crime, p.  22.  As seen c l e a r l y i n Chapter  23.  W i l l i a m J . Chambliss, "Toward a P o l i t i c a l Economy of Crime," The S o c i o l o g y o f Law: A C o n f l i c t P e r s p e c t i v e , eds. C h a r l e s E~. Reasons and Robert M. Rich (Toronto: B u t t e r worth's, 1978), p. 174, p. 206.  24.  I b i d . , p.  25.  Lee Lockwood, C o n v e r s a t i o n with E l d r i d g e Cleaver York: McGraw-Hill, 1970), p. 71.  26.  Jackson,  27.  I b i d . , p.  74.  Soledad  Lit-  25.  Brother, p.  Soledad Brother, p.  194.  165.  265  3.  2.  206.  Soledad 251.  Brother, p.  18.  (New  - 103 -  28.  I b i d . , p. 175.  29.  I b i d . , p. 163.  30.  Wade, op. c i t . , p. 13.  31.  I b i d . , p. 18.  32.  Jackson,  33.  Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and Jock Young, ology i n B r i t a i n : Review and Prospects," ology, eds. Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and don: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975), p.  34.  Steven S p i t z e r , "Toward a Marxian Theory o f Deviance," c i a l Problems, v o l . 22, no. 5, June 75, p. 642.  35.  Richard Quinney, "The Production o f Criminology," ology, v o l . 16, no. 4, Feb. 79, p. 450.  36.  I b i d . , p. 451.  37.  I b i d . , p. 450, p. 451, p. 453, p. 455.  38.  Richard Quinney, "Crime C o n t r o l i n C a p i t a l i s t S o c i e t y : A C r i t i c a l Philosophy o f Legal order," C r i t i c a l Criminology, eds. Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and Jock Young (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975), p. 192.  39.  Spitzer,  40.  S t a n l e y Cohen and Jock Young, The Manufacture o f News: Soc i a l Problems, Deviance and the Mass Media, eds. S t a n l e y Cohen and Jock Young (London: Constable, 1973), p.9.  41.  Robert Mintz, "Interview with Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and Jock Young," Issues i n Criminology, v o l . 9, no. 1, Spring 74, p. 50.  42.  I b i d . , p. 50.  43.  Spitzer,  44.  Tony P i a t t and Paul Takagi, " I n t e l l e c t u a l s f o r Law and Order: A C r i t i q u e o f the New R e a l i s t s , ' " Crime and S o c i a l J u s t i c e , F a l l - W i n t e r 77, p. 3.  Soledad  Brother, p. 111. " C r i t i c a l CriminC r i t i c a l CriminJock Young (Lon21. So-  Crimin-  op. c i t . , p. 647.  op. c i t . , p. 645. 1  45.  I b i d . , p. 4.  46.  Mintz, op. c i t . , p. 51.  47.  Jackson, Blood i n My Eye, pp. 169-70; C f . Jackson, Brother, p. 73.  Soledad  - 104 -  48.  E l d r i d g e Cleaver, Soul on Ice (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968), p. 128.  49.  Lockwood, op. c i t . , p. 45.  50.  Rosie Douglas, Penal Reform, Community Development, and S o c i a l Change: Overview from a Canadian P e r s p e c t i v e (Mont r e a l : Mondiale, 1975), p. T~.  51.  George Jackson, "Towards the United F r o n t , " I f They Come i n the Morning: V o i c e s o f Resistance, ed. Angela Y. Davis (New York: Joseph Okpaker, 1971), p. 141.  52.  John C l u c h e t t e , "On P r i s o n Reform," I f They Come i n the Morning: V o i c e s o f Resistance, ed. Angela Y. Davis (New York: Joseph Okpaker, 1971), pp. 138-39.  53.  Jackson, "Towards the United F r o n t , " p. 142.  54.  Quinney,  55.  Quinney, C l a s s , S t a t e , and Crime, p. 74.  56.  Quinney, C r i t i q u e o f Legal Order, p. 59.  57.  I b i d . , pp. 61-5, pp. 87-91.  58.  T a y l o r e t a l . , " C r i t i c a l C r i m i n o l o g y i n B r i t a i n , " p. 30.  59.  C l e a v e r , Soul on Ice, p. 129.  60.  Jackson, Blood i n My Eye, p. 100.  61.  Jackson, Soledad Brother, p. 31.  62.  E l d r i d g e Cleaver, P o s t - P r i s o n W r i t i n g s and Speeches, ed. Robert Scheer (New York: Random House, 1967), p. 131.  63.  I b i d . , p. 131.  64.  I b i d . , p. 131.  65.  S p i t z e r , op. c i t . , p. 640.  66.  K r i s b e r g , op. c i t . , p. 13.  67.  Quinney, C r i t i q u e o f Legal Order, p. 24.  68.  I b i d . , p. 24.  69.  I b i d . , p. 59.  70.  I b i d , p. 52, pp. 61-5, p. 139.  "Crime C o n t r o l i n C a p i t a l i s t S o c i e t y , " p. 193.  - 105 71.  K r i s b e r g , op. c i t . , p. 62.  72.  Quinney, The S o c i a l R e a l i t y o f Crime, p. 44.  73.  I b i d . , p. 73.  74.  Quinney, C r i t i q u e o f L e g a l Order, p. 52.  75.  C l e a v e r , Soul on Ice, p. 119.  76.  Lockwood, op. c i t . , p. 56.  77.  Jackson,  78.  Wade, op. c i t . , p. 17.  79.  Jackson,  80.  E r i k H. E r i k s o n and Huey P. Newton, In Search o f Common Ground (New York: Norton, 1973), p. 76.  81.  Jackson,  82.  I b i d . , p. 106.  83.  Jackson,  84.  Lockwood, op. c i t . , p. 52.  85.  I b i d . , p. 54.  86.  Marion  87.  T a y l o r , Walton, and Young, C r i t i c a l  88.  I b i d . , p. 44.  89.  Quinney, C r i t i q u e o f Legal Order, p. 168.  90.  I b i d . , p. 16.  91.  Chambliss,  92.  John P a l l a s and Bob Barber, "From R i o t t o R e v o l u t i o n , " Issues i n Criminology, v o l . 7, no. 2, F a l l 72, p. 2, p. 16.  93.  C f . Davis, op. c i t . , p. 26; C. Ronald Huff, " U n i o n i z a t i o n Behind Bars," Criminology, v o l . 12, no. 2, Aug. 74, p. 192.  94.  Huey P. Newton, " P r i s o n , Where i s Thy V i c t o r y ? , " I f They Come i n the Morning: V o i c e s o f R e s i s t a n c e , ed. Angela Y. Davis (New York: Joseph Okpaker, 1971), p. 54.  Soledad Brother, p. 169.  Soledad Brother, p. 169.  Soledad  Brother, p. 225.  Blood i n My Eye, p. 7.  P r i s o n C o l l e c t i v e , op. c i t . , p. 50. Criminology, p. 23.  op. c i t . , p. 194.  -  106  -  95.  Tony P i a t t , "Prospects f o r a R a d i c a l Criminology i n the U. S.A.," C r i t i c a l Criminology, eds. Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton and Jock Young (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975), p. 98.  96.  Newton, op. c i t . , p. 52.  97.  I b i d . , p. 52.  98.  A p r i s o n e r who " r e j e c t s the l e g i t i m a c y o f the assumptions upon which the s o c i e t y i s based" i s not n e c e s s a r i l y a "pol i t i c a l p r i s o n e r , " unless he has been c o n v i c t e d of an o f fence which was committed f o r p u r e l y p o l i t i c a l reasons.  - 107 -  CHAPTER 5. A.  METHODOLOGY  INTRODUCTION  A d i s c u s s i o n o f the methodology employed i n t h i s r e search i n c l u d e s c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f problems i n g a i n i n g e n t r y t o the f i e l d ,  sampling procedures,  survey design, i n t e r v i e w i n g  techniques, and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f data. however, we w i l l  Before doing  this,  examine some o f the forays o f other r e s e a r c h -  ers i n t o the f i e l d ,  i n an attempt  t o g a i n a p e r s p e c t i v e on what  has taken p l a c e t o date, and on the extent t o which the present research d i f f e r s  from p r e v i o u s  efforts.  In the beginning o f t h i s paper, my i n i t i a l  i n t e r e s t i n the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r t o p i c was a-  roused by F a i r c h i l d ' s a r t i c l e , Offender."  i t was mentioned t h a t  " P o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f the C r i m i n a l  While her study a l s o d e a l t with p r i s o n e r s ' a t t i -  tudes, and t h e r e f o r e c o u l d be reviewed  a t the same time as t h e  e f f o r t s o f the other r e s e a r c h e r s , i t w i l l r e c e i v e s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n i n l i g h t o f i t s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o my r e s e a r c h , both i n terms o f i n s p i r a t i o n and m e t h o d o l o g i c a l i d e a s .  The  l a s t segment o f the chapter, apart from p r o v i d i n g  a b r i e f summary o f the m e t h o d o l o g i c a l approach, the i s s u e o f whether or not the responses oners  will  address  o f the surveyed  pris-  should be regarded as r e f l e c t i v e o f " a t t i t u d e s " or simply  of "opinions."  I t a l s o w i l l o f f e r a s h o r t c r i t i q u e o f the  - 108 methodological shortcomings o f my  -  own  study, f o r few  research  designs are without problems of some d e s c r i p t i o n .  B.  STUDIES ON  The a t t i t u d e s was thesis. there has  PRISONER ATTITUDES  r e l a t i v e l a c k of e m p i r i c a l research discussed  I t was  not and  b r i e f l y i n the i s not my  on  Introduction  prisoners  1  to t h i s  i n t e n t i o n to suggest t h a t  been no s i g n i f i c a n t work on t h i s t o p i c , but  rather  to  p o i n t out t h a t i n c l u d i n g F a i r c h i l d ' s study, there have been, as f a r as can be a s c e r t a i n e d ,  only f i v e e f f o r t s i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n .  Of those f i v e , o n l y F a i r c h i l d ' s c l e a r l y addresses the of the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r .  This i s a l i t t l e  subject  surprising, in  t h a t i t suggests somewhat of an imbalance between the  small  number of s t u d i e s aimed at a c q u i r i n g f i r s t h a n d i n f o r m a t i o n  a-  bout the a t t i t u d e s of p r i s o n e r s , and  or  books about p r i s o n e r s and  the numerous a r t i c l e s  p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , most w r i t -  ten as though the authors f e l t c o n f i d e n t t h a t they were s c r i b i n g a c c u r a t e l y the thoughts and  In 1958,  Watt and  which they reported male p r i s o n e r s t h e i r own  an a r t i c l e  i n a U.S.  p e n i t e n t i a r y (1).  adult  Unfortunately,  admission they f a i l e d t o c o l l e c t any  (2).  entitled  the J u d i c i a l system," i n  the r e s u l t s of t h e i r survey of 74  mation, and were unable to a t t a c h any findings  f e e l i n g s of p r i s o n e r s .  Maher p u b l i s h e d  " P r i s o n e r s ' A t t i t u d e s Toward Home and  de-  relevant  by  infor-  s i g n i f i c a n c e to t h e i r  S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , i n 1963,  Mylonas and  l e s s conducted a s i m i l a r study aimed at measuring  Reck-  "favourable  - 109 or  unfavourable a t t i t u d e s toward  (3).  law and l e g a l  institutions"  A f t e r i n t e r v i e w i n g 300 p r i s o n e r s , a l l o f whom were prop-  e r t y o f f e n d e r s ( h a r d l y o f f e r i n g a random sample o f the p r i s o n population)  (4), they concluded t h a t Blacks were " l e s s f a v o u r -  a b l e " than Whites i n t h e i r a t t i t u d e s toward (5).  the l e g a l  system  Neither a r t i c l e i s p a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l i n c l a r i f y i n g  e i t h e r what p r i s o n e r s b e l i e v e or how t o go about plumbing the attitudes of p o l i t i c i z e d  prisoners.  Nothing was added t o the f i e l d  u n t i l 1974, when John  A. Davis researched the a t t i t u d e s o f Black p r i s o n e r s toward crime and c r i m i n a l law. his  i n t e r v i e w s with a s t r a t i f i e d  Black p r i s o n e r s f e l t interests ity  The b a s i c themes which emerged from sample o f 150 Blacks were t h a t  that the system  (6), t h a t there i s "unequal  i s s e t up t o p r o t e c t White access" t o s o c i a l m o b i l -  ( 7 ) , and that the law d i s c r i m i n a t e s a g a i n s t them ( 8 ) . He  e x p l a i n s t h a t as a r e s u l t o f these p e r c e p t i o n s Black p r i s o n e r s attach l i t t l e  s i g n i f i c a n c e t o law v i o l a t i o n , because they view  the law "as simply another instrument f o r upholding white s u premacy," r a t h e r than "as an instrument f o r j u s t i c e "  ( 9 ) , and  concludes t h a t these awarenesses could lead t o c r i m i n a l  activ-  i t y under c e r t a i n circumstances ( 1 0 ) .  In  some ways, the Davis study bears resemblance t o  the present one. ers'  There i s no doubt that i t d e a l s with p r i s o n -  views, and t h a t some o f those views which he d i s c o v e r e d  among h i s respondents were i n d i c a t i v e o f a degree o f p o l i t i cization.  However, while he d i d uncover  some i n f o r m a t i o n s i m i -  - 110 l a r to t h a t s o l i c i t e d not address h i m s e l f t i o n , and  from the p r i s o n e r s  i n my  study, he  s p e c i f i c a l l y to the t o p i c of  The most recent F a i r c h i l d ' s , was  published  radicali-  population.  article in this  f i e l d , other  than  by A l p e r t and  Hicks i n 1977.  They  t h e i r paper, " P r i s o n e r s ' A t t i t u d e s Toward Components of  the Legal  and  J u d i c i a l Systems," by n o t i n g t h a t there are a  l i m i t e d number of s t u d i e s on p r i s o n e r s ' a t t i t u d e s toward law  did  politiciza-  as a r e s u l t d i d not attempt to measure the  z a t i o n l e v e l s i n the p r i s o n e r  preface  -  (11).  They go on to d e s c r i b e  t h a t they interviewed  ministered  t h e i r methodology, r e p o r t i n g  a random sample of 241  the Washington C o r r e c t i o n s  the  negative  toward the p o l i c e , t h a t the a t t i t u d e s toward the d i s t r i b u t e d , and  they a l s o d i s c o v e r e d  than Whites to have negative  As A l p e r t and  though again  research  law and  the  L i k e other  re-  t h a t nonwhites were more l i k e l y  f e e l i n g s about the p o l i c e  i n the case of Davis,  Hicks'  attitudes  that attitudes to-  ward lawyers tended to be more p o s i t i v e (13). searchers,  ad-  l e g a l system" (12). They  of the respondents had  l e g a l system were evenly  t h a t they  at  s c a l e s , designed to t e s t a t t i t u d e s  "towards the p o l i c e , lawyers, and found t h a t 73 percent  male p r i s o n e r s  Reception Centre, and  a t e s t with three  the  i t could be  (14).  suggested t h a t  i s somewhat s i m i l a r to mine, a l -  there are some strong d i s s i m i l a r i t i e s .  They d i d  address themselves to the i s s u e of p r i s o n e r s ' a t t i t u d e s toward the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, but p a r t of my  t h i s comprised o n l y a  survey, which i n s t e a d sought i n f o r m a t i o n  small  i n several  d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d i n a l areas.  Furthermore,  designed with the i n t e n t i o n o f accumulating to  my methodology  was  enough i n f o r m a t i o n  permit some i n f e r e n c e r e g a r d i n g degrees o f r a d i c a l i z a t i o n ,  r a t h e r than simply to a r r i v e at a p i c t u r e of p r i s o n e r s ' tudes i n one a t t i t u d i n a l  One ow's  atti-  area.  might be tempted t o i n c l u d e Yochelson and Samen-  work i n t h i s synopsis of r e s e a r c h on the a t t i t u d e s o f  p r i s o n e r s , although t h e i r methodological approach had i t s r o o t s in  p s y c h i a t r y r a t h e r than i n s o c i a l s c i e n c e or c r i m i n o l o g y .  C e r t a i n l y t h e i r study was of  very ambitious, i n v o l v i n g  thousands  hours of i n t e r v i e w i n g a t a f o r e n s i c u n i t over a f o u r t e e n  year p e r i o d (15).  However, w h i l e they d i d amass unsystematic  but s u b s t a n t i a l r e c o r d s of p r i s o n e r s ' a t t i t u d e s towards many f a c e t s of l i f e  i n g e n e r a l , t h e i r main purpose was  t o develop a  p s y c h o l o g i c a l p r o f i l e of a t y p i c a l c r i m i n a l , to determine  why  people become c r i m i n a l s and t o d i s c o v e r a "cure" f o r t h a t "criminal personality."  None of the above-mentioned s t u d i e s could be s a i d to deal with the t o p i c of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n ; while the r e s e a r c h e r s may  u n i n t e n t i o n a l l y have c o l l e c t e d i n f o r m a t i o n r e l e v a n t to t h i s  s u b j e c t , they were not concerned with i d e n t i f y i n g or prisoner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n . they had l i t t l e , methodology of my served to f i l l  i f any,  measuring  In a d d i t i o n , i t i s f a i r to say t h a t impact  research.  upon e i t h e r the concept or the  However, the F a i r c h i l d  t h i s gap i n many ways.  study  - 112 C.  THE  -  FAIRCHILD STUDY  i  As mentioned at v a r i o u s itial  points  i n t h i s t h e s i s , my  i n t e r e s t i n the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r  t o p i c was  F a i r c h i l d ' s paper, " P o l i t i c i z a t i o n of the C r i m i n a l  aroused  amples of how  to  (and how  going on to examine the however, we  to) approach the  f i n d i n g s and  w i l l consider  en-  chose provided some e x c e l l e n t  not  field.  r e l a t i o n s h i p to  ex-  Before  methodology o f her  b r i e f l y her  by  Offender."  Apart from i d e n t i f y i n g an i n t e r e s t i n g area f o r s c h o l a s t i c deavour, the methodology she  in-  study,  critical  criminology.  At the beginning of her the b a s i s  f o r her  perspectives  on the  She  P a l l a s and  a l s o makes b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l  Barber.  Her  "American p r i s o n s  (18).  remarkable resemblance to the  for t h i s observation.  assertion  new  explanation  criminologists)  a l s o of  I f t h i s i s not  frequent d i s c u s s i o n s  " p o l i t i c a l model of crime"  a l i t y o f f e r e d by the  Barber's  e x p l o i t a t i o n , but  movement to t r a n s f o r m t h a t s o c i e t y "  the  the  are not o n l y a microcosm of American  c i e t y , with i t s o p p r e s s i o n and  dence enough, then her  statement t h a t  new  change" (17), which i s  merely a shortened v e r s i o n of P a l l a s and  and  her  references  r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the  seen c l e a r l y i n her  p r i s o n i s "a microcosm f o r p o l i t i c a l  (19)  as  " p o l i t i c a l model of crime" are drawn from  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s can be  that  served  a r t i c l e — s h e acknowledges t h a t many of  Quinney's work (16). t o P i a t t and  dissertation--which  (20)  so-  the evi-  of " a l i e n a t i o n " (which bears a  of crime and  crimin-  offer further  support  In many ways i t appears that  she  regards  - 113 her work as a r e s e a r c h - o r i e n t e d ets of c r i t i c a l  -  a f f i r m a t i o n of some o f the  ten-  criminology.  In her paper, " P o l i t i c i z a t i o n of the C r i m i n a l  Offend-  e r , " F a i r c h i l d announced t h a t p r i s o n e r s were developing  a radi-  c a l i z e d set of a t t i t u d e s regarding  the  socioeconomic system.  She  crime, p o l i t i c s , and  demonstrated t h a t an  appreciable  number of p r i s o n e r s i d e n t i f i e d a s m a l l , nonelected wielders  e l i t e as  of power, t h a t p r i s o n e r s were aware of the  b i a s o f the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, and  the  economic  that prisoners  powerless because they b e l i e v e d t h a t powerful, c o r r u p t  felt individ-  u a l s were governing the n a t i o n i n an a r b i t r a r y , s e l f - a g g r a n d i z i n g manner (21).  F a i r c h i l d concluded t h a t "the o f f e n d e r  j e c t i n g the n o t i o n t h a t he r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and  claims  i s s i c k or d e v i a n t  and  t h a t i t i s the  and  more on i n f e r e n c e than on  t h a t the p r i s o n experience was  the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n process  i s i n need of  s o c i e t y i t s e l f which  i n need of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n "  ondary c o n c l u s i o n — b a s e d was  i s s i c k or deviant  i s re-  (22).  A  sec-  evidence—  an important i n g r e d i e n t i n  (23).  F a i r c h i l d addressed h e r s e l f to s i x main a t t i t u d i n a l areas to determine how s o c i e t y : 1) Had  prisoners  f e l t about themselves and  they i n t e r n a l i z e d "acceptable"  logy?  2) Did they regard  3) How  d i d they p e r c e i v e  the p o l i t i c a l  the power s t r u c t u r e ?  f e e l i n g s of community?  and  the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system? (24).  ideo-  system as democratic?  competent i n d e a l i n g with the s o c i a l system? strong  political  U.S.  6) What was  4) Did they f e e l 5) Did they have t h e i r view o f  Some of these areas  sur-  - 114  -  v i v e d to a c e r t a i n extent i n the methodology employed i n my  re-  search.  On the other hand, there were some weaknesses i n her methodology which h o p e f u l l y were avoided  i n my  sample, which c o n s i s t e d of o n l y twenty-four  study.  Her  respondents,  was  s e l e c t e d by caseworkers i n three Washington State p r i s o n s , with each p r i s o n e r r e c e i v i n g $10.00 f o r p a r t i c i p a t i n g  (25).  Without  knowing the s e l e c t i o n c r i t e r i a a p p l i e d by each of the caseworke r s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine whether or not the views pressed by the sampled p r i s o n e r s were r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of of the p r i s o n e r p o p u l a t i o n .  I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t the  ex-  those  partici-  pants were chosen on the b a s i s of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s t h e i r readiness to speak f r e e l y i n an i n t e r v i e w s i t u a t i o n ,  or  or  a l t e r n a t i v e l y , because they would be more l i k e l y to express  o-  p i n i o n s c o n s i s t e n t with those of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  At the same time, one might q u e s t i o n her  inclination  to draw strong i n f e r e n c e s from such a small sample.  Her  sample  r e p r e s e n t s o n l y one percent of the p r i s o n e r s i n Washington S t a t e , whereas mine r e p r e s e n t s almost f i v e percent of the oners i n B r i t i s h Columbia. blend of her  Furthermore, although  the e t h n i c  sample appears to be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e enough i n a s -  much as there were s i x Blacks, three Indians, one f o u r t e e n Whites, with  Mexican,  four being women respondents,  be noted t h a t t h e r e was (26).  pris-  i t has  o n l y one p r i s o n e r over the age o f  C o n s i d e r i n g t h a t my  and to forty  r e s e a r c h r e v e a l e d t h a t younger p r i s -  oners tend to be more p o l i t i c i z e d ,  i t could be suggested  that  - 115 her  sample was  b i a s e d i n favour of p o l i t i c i z e d  responses.  F a i r c h i l d ' s q u e s t i o n i n g procedures a l s o are open to some c r i t i c i s m .  Rather than f o l l o w i n g a d e f i n e d  on i n t e r v i e w schedule, advance, and  some b a s i c questions  r e l i e d h e a v i l y upon follow-up  p r i s o n e r responses times,  she prepared  (27).  She  questionnaire  interviewed  in  questions based  on  each p r i s o n e r four  and d i d not f o l l o w the same format f o r every p r i s o n e r ,  so we must wonder what types of questions were asked, whether or not those  questions  could be d e s c r i b e d as " l e a d i n g . "  When she d i d f o l l o w a pre-arranged t i o n s , her approach was  still  and  p a t t e r n of ques-  somewhat d i s q u i e t i n g .  For  ex-  ample, i n s t e a d of asking the respondents i f they thought t h a t the United  States had  a democratic p o l i t i c a l system, she  first  gave a formal d e s c r i p t i o n o f an i d e a l - t y p e democracy, saying t h a t "democracy u s u a l l y means t h a t the people i n a country have the chance to h e l p decide what the government does," and asking  "do you  t h i n k t h a t we  (28).  Needless-to-say,  have a democracy i n t h i s  then  country?"  t h i s type o f q u e s t i o n i n g would make i t  p o s s i b l e f o r a l l respondents to r e j e c t the n o t i o n t h a t the ted  Uni-  S t a t e s i s a democracy, r e g a r d l e s s o f t h e i r knowledge about,  or i n t e r e s t i n , p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s .  In other words, i t would  make i t d i f f i c u l t to i d e n t i f y those p r i s o n e r s who would be unable to d i s c u s s the p o l i t i c a l  normally  system at a l l , and  t h e r e f o r e should be viewed as n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d .  Another example i s quoted i n f u l l  from F a i r c h i l d ' s  who  -  doctoral  1 1 6 -  dissertation: Each respondent was asked who had the most power and i n f l u e n c e i n making dec i s i o n s f o r the government. I f the r e spondent seemed h e s i t a n t , the suggestion was made t h a t i t might be the P r e s i d e n t , the Congress, labour unions, b i g i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , a small group o f i n f l u e n t i a l people, or the m i l i t a r y . (29)  It has t o be noted t h a t F a i r c h i l d s t a r t s with the assumption t h a t government decision-making i s i n f l u e n c e d by powerful or i n f l u e n t i a l people, and t h a t she does not o f f e r the respondent the c h o i c e o f saying t h a t "the people" or "the v o t e r s " have an impact on p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s .  Again, t h i s approach  likely  would skew the r e s u l t s o f her survey i n favour o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , g i v e n t h a t she made suggestions f o r responses t o p r i s oners who otherwise might have been unable t o formulate any response  at a l l .  T h i s does not exhaust bear c l o s e r i n s p e c t i o n . at  a l l o f the examples which might  One could look askance,  her d e c i s i o n t o ask respondents  themselves  f o r instance,  d i r e c t l y i f they b e l i e v e d  t o be p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r s (30).  Considering that  she i n t e r v i e w e d them four times, t h i s approach  c o u l d make the  respondents more aware o f the nature o f h e r survey d u r i n g the l a t e r i n t e r v i e w s , and hence more i n c l i n e d t o formulate responses  upon t h a t b a s i s .  Without  their  c i t i n g v a r i o u s other  illus-  t r a t i o n s — a s t h i s would be time-consuming and probably unproductive—it  seems t o be a f a i r c o n c l u s i o n t h a t o v e r a l l , t h e r e  are reasonable grounds upon which t o s p e c u l a t e that h e r b a s i c  - 117 i n t e r v i e w schedule and her i n t e r v i e w i n g b i a s e d her research  f i n d i n g s i n favour  techniques might have of discovering  politi-  cization .  The  r e s u l t s o f her study suggest an a p p r e c i a b l e de-  gree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n among the sampled p r i s o n e r s . t h a t many o f the p r i s o n e r s b e l i e v e d t h a t : p o l i t i c a l decision-making  She found  1) money c o n t r o l s  (31); 2) the power e l i t e i s composed  of a small group o f i n f l u e n t i a l people with money (32); 3) enough money f o r a good lawyer can buy freedom, r e g a r d l e s s o f the  seriousness  "of o p p r e s s i o n  o f the crime (33); and 4) p r i s o n e r s are v i c t i m s and r e p r e s s i o n "  t h a t the p r i s o n e r  i s seeing  (34).  From t h i s she concludes  the s o c i e t y ( r a t h e r than  himself)  as s i c k (35), t h a t he f e e l s a sense o f " p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n " and  " a l i e n a t i o n from the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system" (36), and  t h a t "the i l l e g i t i m a c y o f the p o l i t i c a l order  i s related i n  [ h i s ] mind t o h i s b e l i e f t h a t the s t a t e i s a lawless  agency"  (37).  Unfortunately,  i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o f o l l o w how she a r -  r i v e s at some o f these c o n c l u s i o n s . recurring claim that prisoners  feel  A p o i n t i n f a c t i s her "alienated"  (38),  despite  the problem t h a t j u s t one p r i s o n e r mentioned the term " a l i e n a t i o n , " and then o n l y i n the context other  o f l o n e l i n e s s (39).  An-  area o f c o n c e r n — p a r t i c u l a r l y c o n s i d e r i n g her d i r e c t  questioning described  on t h i s t o p i c — i s  himself  t h a t o n l y a s i n g l e respondent  as a " p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r "  (40).  In her a n a l -  y s i s o f the evidence, i t sometimes seems t h a t she f i n d s s i g n i f -  - 118 i c a n t examples o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n where the a c t u a l responses o f the p r i s o n e r s are not c o n s i s t e n t with those f i n d i n g s .  T h i s i s not t o suggest t h a t F a i r c h i l d ' s study i s l a c k i n g i n value foundation,  or t h a t the c o n c l u s i o n s  are t o t a l l y without  but r a t h e r t o p o i n t out some o f the more n o t i c e a b l e  weaknesses.  Her paper, " P o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f the C r i m i n a l  e r , " c e r t a i n l y had an impact on the present  research,  Offend-  both i n  terms o f i n s p i r a t i o n and o f ideas upon which t o s t r u c t u r e t h e methodology.  Indeed, o f a l l the s t u d i e s on p r i s o n e r s '  atti-  tudes, hers had t h e most t o c o n t r i b u t e t o my e f f o r t s , as we s h a l l see i n the f o l l o w i n g  D.  sections.  ENTRY TO THE FIELD  In t h e i r book e n t i t l e d F i e l d Research, Schatzman and Strauss the  p o i n t out t h a t problems i n v o l v e d i n g a i n i n g entry t o  field  are o f major concern t o s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s  (41).  Fur-  thermore, they note t h a t r e l a t i v e l y  few attempts are made t o  document s u c c e s s f u l or u n s u c c e s s f u l  s t r a t e g i e s f o r g a i n i n g en-  t r y , hence making i t d i f f i c u l t  f o r future researchers  through the experience o f others  (42).  Hopefully  of my experience w i l l o f f e r some concrete  to l e a r n  t h i s account  suggestions f o r ap-  p r o p r i a t e methods o f approaching p r i s o n a u t h o r i t i e s  regarding  research.  Fortunately, when a p p l y i n g  I was i n a r a t h e r advantageous p o s i t i o n  f o r entry, due t o my p o s i t i o n as a C l a s s i f i c a t i o n  - 119 Officer  at the Regional  Reception  Centre.  On the b a s i s o f my  t h r e e years' experience with the P e n i t e n t i a r y S e r v i c e , i t was f a i r l y easy t o convince jecting  those r e s p o n s i b l e f o r approving  r e s e a r c h a p p l i c a t i o n s t h a t my t o t a l  institutional  familiarity  or r e with  r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s would o b v i a t e the l i k e l i -  hood o f d i s r u p t i o n s t o the good order o f the i n s t i t u t i o n .  To  add t o t h i s , the nature o f my employment was such t h a t i t routinely oners.  i n v o l v e d e x t e n s i v e and i n t e n s i v e i n t e r v i e w i n g o f p r i s Needless-to-say,  i t was evident t h a t the e n v i s i o n e d  methodology would not i n v o l v e any s u b s t a n t i a l change i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l r o u t i n e , as the r e s e a r c h - o r i e n t e d i n t e r v i e w s could be conducted a t the same time as r e g u l a r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  inter-  views .  Apart  from these advantages, however, the proposed  r e s e a r c h was subjected t o the same s c r u t i n y as any other r e search p r o p o s a l . to the Regional of  I t was necessary  t o submit a formal  proposal  Research Committee, which i s a group composed  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from v a r i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s  and branches w i t h -  i n the f e d e r a l p e n i t e n t i a r y system i n B r i t i s h Columbia, ent r u s t e d with the task o f reviewing  a l l a p p l i c a t i o n s f o r permis-  s i o n t o conduct r e s e a r c h i n f e d e r a l p e n i t e n t i a r i e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  The Research Committee's requirements  f o r the propo-  s a l i n c l u d e d a statement o f the purpose o f the r e s e a r c h , an o u t l i n e o f the questions t o be asked, a d e s c r i p t i o n o f the techniques  o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , and an account o f the uses t o  which the r e s e a r c h would be put.  The main concerns o f the Com-  m i t t e e appeared t o be t h a t the r e s e a r c h should have c l e a r  goals  -  120 -  or o b j e c t i v e s , t h a t i t should be conducted i n a p r o f e s s i o n a l and  o b j e c t i v e manner, and t h a t the d e r i v a t i v e uses o f the r e -  search should be d e f i n e d  i n advance.  I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o assess the impact o f my employment p o s i t i o n on how the f i n a l d e c i s i o n was reached.  One assumes  t h a t the Committee members r e j e c t what they consider or i n a p p r o p r i a t e  research  able,  o f who the a p p l i c a n t i s .  regardless  t o be poor  and approve what they see as d e s i r There i s no doubt  t h a t the Chairman o f the Regional Research Committee was very h e l p f u l i n expediting  the p r o c e s s i n g  o f my a p p l i c a t i o n .  He  a l s o made s e v e r a l u s e f u l suggestions, which were taken i n t o consideration assistance,  i n the p r e p a r a t i o n  and the c o o p e r t i o n  of this project.  o f the other Committee members  (some o f whom knew me), the r e s e a r c h about a month.  With h i s  proposal  was approved i n  I t seems l i k e a short time, but i t i s p o s s i b l e  t h a t a l l p r o p o s a l s are d e a l t with t h i s  quickly.  Once approval was granted, the P e n i t e n t i a r y  Service  a s s i s t e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n the completion o f the r e s e a r c h . allowed i n t e r v i e w i n g prisons  during  I worked a t during  normal working hours at the two that period,  leave with pay while conducting r e s e a r c h tion.  They  and gave me two days' at another  institu-  They a l s o o f f e r e d reasonable access t o any a v a i l a b l e  f a c i l i t i e s which could be o f a s s i s t a n c e . p o s s i b l e t o f i n i s h the research  Each p r i s o n e x e r c i s e d  As a r e s u l t , i t was  with minimal  difficulties.  some degree o f c o n t r o l , i n the  -  121  -  sense t h a t they i n s i s t e d upon seeing the r e s e a r c h design as advance c o n d i t i o n of t h e i r c o o p e r a t i o n . comply with at the Regional and  Reception  T h i s proved easy to  Centre/B.C. P e n i t e n t i a r y  Mountain I n s t i t u t i o n — i n both p l a c e s my  direct  supervisor  (The Supervisor of C l a s s i f i c a t i o n ) took l e s s than two review the p r o j e c t , p o s s i b l y d i s c u s s i t with s e n i o r p o s i t i o n , and grant a p p r o v a l . ity  an  days t o  someone i n a more  At M i s s i o n Medium Secur-  I n s t i t u t i o n , on the other hand, i t was  necessary  to discuss  the r e s e a r c h with the D i r e c t o r , and then with a group of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from the Inmate Program D i v i s i o n , and the i n s t i t u t i o n a l P s y c h o l o g i s t .  A probable  finally  explanation  the more formal procedures at M i s s i o n i s t h a t I was t h e i r employees, and  relatively  accomplished more q u i c k l y than a n t i c i p a t e d .  Research Committee, and  s a l to the same s c r u t i n y by  f i n a l l y submitting  outlinof the  the propo-  s e n i o r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s at each i n -  A f t e r these o b s t a c l e s were overcome, the P e n i t e n t i -  ary S e r v i c e proved to be very h e l p f u l i n the completion r e s e a r c h , and  i n f a c t i t could be  have been most d i f f i c u l t without assistance. contacted  The  of a p r o p o s a l  ing the p r o j e c t i n d e t a i l , then o b t a i n i n g the approval  stitution.  of  t h e r e f o r e they were more c a u t i o u s .  three major o b s t a c l e s were the submission  Regional  for  not one  In summary, g a i n i n g e n t r y t o the f i e l d was easy, and  with  of  s a i d t h a t the p r o j e c t would the S e r v i c e ' s c o o p e r a t i o n  A l l of the s e n i o r p e n i t e n t i a r y o f f i c i a l s who  r e g a r d i n g my  study  the  expressed  and were  i n t e r e s t i n hearing  a-  bout the r e s u l t s , as they f e l t t h a t p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n could have a d e f i n i t e i n f l u e n c e on the smooth f u n c t i o n i n g of  - 122  -  penitentiaries.  E.  SAMPLING PROCEDURES  The cated  sample was  drawn from three f e d e r a l p r i s o n s l o -  i n the Lower Mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia.  Thirty pris-  oners were interviewed between June and J u l y o f 1979 working as a C l a s s i f i c a t i o n O f f i c e r at the Regional Centre/B.C. P e n i t e n t i a r y . ed between August and  while Reception  F o l l o w i n g t h a t , f i f t e e n were  survey-  September of the same year, d u r i n g a tour  of duty at Mountain I n s t i t u t i o n .  Finally,  f i f t e e n more were  sampled at M i s s i o n Medium S e c u r i t y I n s t i t u t i o n d u r i n g the month of January 1980.  The which has  There were s i x t y respondents i n a l l .  Regional  Reception  Centre/B.C. P e n i t e n t i a r y ,  s i n c e been permanently c l o s e d , was  c u r i t y f a c i l i t y i n New  Westminster.  New  Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, and has mately 40,000 (43).  Westminster i s near  a population of  The  p r i s o n was  commodate over 600 p r i s o n e r s , although at the time of the r e s e a r c h .  all to ole  t h a t time, the p r i s o n was new  designed  to ac-  F o r t u n a t e l y , apart,from in British  Columbia  This made i t p o s s i b l e  o b t a i n a mixed sample of f i r s t o f f e n d e r s , r e c i d i v i s t s , and  returnees  pro-  a c t i n g as a r e c e p t i o n c e n t r e f o r  a r r i v a l s i n the f e d e r a l system.  violators,  be-  there were only around  v i d i n g the o n l y maximum s e c u r i t y f a c i l i t i e s at  approxi-  Parts of the p r i s o n were i n e x i s t e n c e  f o r e the t u r n of the Century.  350  an o l d maximum se-  par-  from l e s s e r s e c u r i t y i n s t i t u t i o n s .  - 123  -  Mountain I n s t i t u t i o n i s a small medium s e c u r i t y on with a h o l d i n g c a p a c i t y of 200,  l o c a t e d on the o u t s k i r t s of  the small r u r a l town of A g a s s i z , which has  an approximate area  p o p u l a t i o n of 4,000, i n c l u d i n g the surrounding and  municipalities,  i s around 120 k i l o m e t e r s from the h e a v i l y populated  surrounding  Vancouver  (44).  minimum/medium f a c i l i t y , fence and  The p r i s o n was  as i t had  only one  area  seen by many as a relatively  low  a r e l a x e d atmosphere, although the s e c u r i t y has been  upgraded s i n c e then.  The p r i s o n was  opened i n response to the  a c t i v i t i e s o f the Doukhobors during the l a t e 1950s. hobors were a s e c t of d i s s i d e n t Russian peasants, i n B r i t i s h Columbia were approximately They opposed formal education,  The  12,000 at t h a t  taxes, and  as a r e s u l t were f r e q u e n t l y imprisoned  Douk-  whose numbers time.  land ownership laws  through p r o t e s t s i n v o l v i n g nudity, arson, and dynamiting,  (45).  pris-  and  for criminal offences  At the time of the r e s e a r c h , the p r i s o n e r s p l a c e d i n  Mountain g e n e r a l l y were those regarded  as u n l i k e l y to escape  and/or c o n s t i t u t i n g a minimal r i s k to the community. u l a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the p r i s o n were somewhat however, due  The  pop-  unusual,  to a heavy c o n c e n t r a t i o n of o l d e r p r i s o n e r s and  p r o t e c t i v e custody  p r i s o n e r s (eg. sexual o f f e n d e r s or  suspected  informers).  M i s s i o n Medium S e c u r i t y I n s t i t u t i o n i s s i t u a t e d near the town of M i s s i o n , which has a p o p u l a t i o n of around 15,000, and  i s about 80 k i l o m e t e r s from Vancouver (46).  t u t i o n i s the newest of the three p r i s o n s , and  Mission  Insti-  i s quite d i f -  f e r e n t from the others i n i t s p h y s i c a l layout and p r i s o n e r pro-  -  grams.  124  -  I t opened i n the l a t e 1970s, and operated under the  p r i n c i p l e s of the L i v i n g U n i t Program, which emphasized the r o l e of s e c u r i t y o f f i c e r s as c o u n s e l l o r s , and p l a c e d c o n s i d e r able importance  on the i d e a of program p l a n n i n g f o r p r i s o n e r s .  U n l i k e the Regional Reception Centre/B.C. housed i t s p r i s o n e r s i n two  P e n i t e n t i a r y , which  l a r g e areas (each i n a separate  c e l l ) , or Mountain I n s t i t u t i o n , where inmates were accommodated i n s e v e r a l l a r g e , shared d o r m i t o r i e s , M i s s i o n was  divided  into  s i x separate u n i t s , each with 36 c e l l s , g i v i n g i t a t o t a l  capa-  c i t y of 180.  a  I t had a work-oriented program b u i l t around  furniture-making f a c t o r y , with the expressed purpose  of t e a c h -  i n g a c c e p t a b l e work h a b i t s to p r i s o n e r s , whereas the other  two  p r i s o n s f e a t u r e d such courses as b a r b e r i n g , automobile mechani c s , c a r p e n t r y , and s i o n was  formal education.  The p o p u l a t i o n o f Mis-  composed mainly of younger o f f e n d e r s , most s e r v i n g  r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t sentences  f o r l e s s s e r i o u s crimes l i k e  f r a u d , or t r a f f i c k i n g i n s o f t  theft,  drugs.  P r i s o n e r s a t the Regional Reception Centre/B.C.  Peni-  t e n t i a r y were surveyed d u r i n g the course of r o u t i n e C l a s s i f i c a tion interviews.  The  sample was  f e l t t o be f a i r l y r e p r e s e n t a -  t i v e i n the sense t h a t cases were assigned t o C l a s s i f i c a t i o n O f f i c e r s by a C l a s s i f i c a t i o n C l e r k as the p r i s o n e r s came i n t o the system,  with each C l a s s i f i c a t i o n O f f i c e r r e c e i v i n g a d d i -  t i o n a l p r i s o n e r s commensurate with the s i z e of h i s or her  case-  load, r a t h e r than on the b a s i s of any unique c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p r i s o n e r s .  In other words, cases were assigned  impartial-  l y , with each o f f i c e r r e c e i v i n g a normal mixture, i n c l u d i n g t o -  - 125 t a l newcomers, r e c i d i v i s t s , t y o f f e n d e r s , and so f o r t h .  escapees, sexual o f f e n d e r s ,  An e f f o r t was made t o survey each  of the p r i s o n e r s on my caseload i f i c a t i o n process  proper-  as they went through the C l a s s -  ( i e . , i n i t i a l documentation, program p l a n -  ning, t r a n s f e r s t o l e s s e r s e c u r i t y i n s t i t u t i o n s , e t c . ) , a l though t h i s was not always p o s s i b l e due t o time c o n s t r a i n t s imposed by work requirements.  The research was conducted over a  p e r i o d of s l i g h t l y more than one month, because i t was done i n c o n j u n c t i o n with my employment.  The  sample at Mountain I n s t i t u t i o n was drawn from an  a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d caseload which had been assigned  t o a prev-  ious C l a s s i f i c a t i o n O f f i c e r who was no longer with the s e r v i c e . The  respondents were s e l e c t e d by going  through the caseload i n  a l p h a b e t i c a l order, u n t i l a t o t a l of 15 were i n t e r v i e w e d .  This  was accomplished i n o n l y three days, as i t was much e a s i e r t o arrange f o r i n t e r v i e w s  a t Mountain, and as the workload  was much l i g h t e r than at the Regional Penitentiary.  there  Reception Centre/B.C.  U n l i k e the r e s e a r c h a t the Regional  Reception  Centre/B.C. P e n i t e n t i a r y , which was conducted a t the same time as r e g u l a r C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n t e r v i e w s , the p r i s o n e r s sampled a t Mountain were scheduled  f o r interviews p r i m a r i l y f o r research  purposes.  The  sampling procedures were q u i t e d i f f e r e n t a t Mis-  s i o n Medium S e c u r i t y I n s t i t u t i o n , because I was not an employee there.  Instead  caseload,  o f i n t e r v i e w i n g p r i s o n e r s from an e x i s t i n g  the I n s t i t u t i o n a l P s y c h o l o g i s t provided me with a  -  list  126 -  o f p r i s o n e r s he had obtained  prison.  The l i s t  from the computer a t the  was drawn a t random by asking  the computer t o  i d e n t i f y a l l p r i s o n e r s who had a p a r t i c u l a r l e t t e r i n the s p e l l i n g o f t h e i r l a s t names. Mission  F i f t e e n p r i s o n e r s were surveyed a t  over a two day p e r i o d , as t h e i r names appeared i n num-  e r i c a l order on the l i s t ,  and s u b j e c t t o a v a i l a b i l i t y .  I t was  p o s s i b l e t o complete the work a t M i s s i o n very q u i c k l y , as there were no employment requirements t o hinder  o r delay the p r o c e s s .  Each p r i s o n e r was informed p r i o r t o the i n t e r v i e w t h a t p a r t i c i p a t i o n was s t r i c t l y v o l u n t a r y .  Only f i v e  prisoners  refused t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the s u r v e y — o n e a t the Reception Centre,  another at Mountain, and three a t M i s s i o n .  cidence  o f r e f u s a l s a t M i s s i o n probably  r e f l e c t s the f a c t t h a t  the p r i s o n e r s there were not as acquainted those a t the other p r i s o n s .  with me as were  T h i s s u b j e c t w i l l be considered i n  more d e t a i l i n a l a t e r s e c t i o n o f t h i s chapter terviewing  The higher i n -  d e a l i n g with i n -  techniques.  There a r e v a r i o u s reasons f o r regarding  this  sample  as r e l a t i v e l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f f e d e r a l p r i s o n e r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  The i n t e r v i e w s a t the Reception Centre provided a  good v a r i e t y i n terms o f age,  types o f o f f e n c e ,  and frequency  of exposure t o the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. Mountain o f f e r e d a sample composed predominantly o f o l d e r and/or p r o t e c t i v e custody p r i s o n e r s , most o f whom had a minimum or minimum-medium s e c u r i t y r a t i n g . The p r i s o n e r s a t M i s s i o n were mostly  property  o f f e n d e r s , u s u a l l y s e l e c t e d on the b a s i s o f t h e i r p o t e n t i a l f o r  rehabilitation, criminal the  justice  often having  system.  sample c o n s i s t e d  to over ing  and  50,  coming  sentences  In parable  Table  we  from d i v e r s e  the  to that o f the  Columbia.  As  5.1,  years  to  -  had  minimal  shall  of prisoners  f r o m two  fact,  127  i n the  next  ranging  i n age  from under  life  chapter,  b a c k g r o u n d s , and  for various  o f my  federal prisoner condensed  the  see  social  composition  exposure to  serv-  offences.  sample i s q u i t e population  from the  20  in  Solicitor  com-  British  General's  TABLE 5.1 OFFENCE CATEGORIES FOR PRISONERS IN THE PACIFIC REGION BETWEEN THE AGES OF 20 AND 30 ( 4 7 ) .  Type o f  Offence  Frequency  Percentage  260  53  Sexual  50  10  Drug-related  74  15  Violence-related  56  11  Murder  47  10  487  100  Property-related  TOTAL  Annual Report gories and  - 1981,  shows a breakdown o f o f f e n c e  for federal prisoners  thirty  fence  1980  in British  years  o f age.  Table  categories  f o r the  prisoners  ceptions offences,  of a s l i g h t and  5.2  twenty  shows a breakdown o f t h e i n my  d i f f e r e n c e i n the  a relatively  C o l u m b i a between  cate-  noticeable  sample.  With the  frequency of  ofex-  property  d i f f e r e n c e i n the  fre-  - 128 -  TABLE 5.2 PRESENT OFFENCES  Type o f Offence  Frequency  Percentage  Property-related  29  48  Sexual  11  18  Drug-related  8  13  Violence-related  6  10  Murder  6  10  60  100  TOTAL  quency o f sexual o f f e n c e s  (which i s a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the l a r g e  p r o t e c t i v e custody u n i t s i n Mountain I n s t i t u t i o n and the Recept i o n Centre/B.C. P e n i t e n t i a r y ) , the two t a b l e s resemble each other i n most r e p e c t s .  S i m i l a r l y , the age d i s t r i b u t i o n i s comparable.  Ap-  proximately 40 percent o f the f e d e r a l p r i s o n e r s i n B r i t i s h lumbia are between twenty and t h i r t y years o f age, 43 percent are i n t h i s age c a t e g o r y i n my 6, Table 6.1). twenty i n my  sample  Co-  (48) whereas  (see Chapter  There was o n l y one p r i s o n e r under the age o f  sample, but t h i s i s explained by the f a c t t h a t  there are o n l y twelve f e d e r a l p r i s o n e r s under the age o f twenty i n B r i t i s h Columbia (49).  Anderson and Z e l d i t i c h d e f i n e a random sample as one  - 129 "drawn i n such a way  -  t h a t each and every o b j e c t i n the popula-  t i o n has an equal chance of appearing i n the sample" (51). the parameters all  If  of the p r i s o n e r p o p u l a t i o n were set t o encompass  i n c a r c e r a t e d o f f e n d e r s , i n c l u d i n g those i n p r o v i n c i a l or  j u v e n i l e i n s t i t u t i o n s , then the sample u t i l i z e d would not conform  in this  study  to the above d e f i n i t i o n of a random sample,  as i t d i d not a l l o w f o r the p o s s i b i l i t y of i n t e r v i e w i n g o f fenders under the age of 18 or those s e r v i n g sentences o f l e s s than two y e a r s .  However, w i t h the p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n s o f a  minor o v e r - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of p r o t e c t i v e custody p r i s o n e r s due to  the l a r g e p r o t e c t i v e custody u n i t s a t the Reception Centre  and Mountain,  and the s l i g h t u n d e r - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f minimum  s e c u r i t y p r i s o n e r s owing t o the f a c t t h a t no i n t e r v i e w s were conducted at f a c i l i t i e s ity,  strictly  designated as minimum s e c u r -  i t i s f e l t t h a t the sampling procedures a f f o r d e d an equal  o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a l l types o f f e d e r a l o f f e n d e r s t o be r e p r e s e n t ed.  F.  THE  INTERVIEW SCHEDULE  The i n t e r v i e w schedule evolved over a p e r i o d o f app r o x i m a t e l y two years of study and development, with i n p u t from several sources.  A f t e r reading F a i r c h i l d ' s a r t i c l e ,  I prepared  a s e t of q u e s t i o n s designed to s o l i c i t i n f o r m a t i o n r e l a t i n g t o the a t t i t u d i n a l areas addressed i n her r e s e a r c h . viewed  twenty p r i s o n e r s from my  I then  c a s e l o a d at the Reception Cen-  tre/B.C. P e n i t e n t i a r y with the i n t e n t i o n of r e p o r t i n g the ings to a team meeting  inter-  find-  of C l a s s i f i c a t i o n O f f i c e r s , although the  r e p o r t was present  n o t made, due  research.  some i n t e r e s t i n g  with  This  initial  refinement involving  and  question  provided  the  uncover  o f an  a basis  to  appreciable  for later  dis-  leading to modifications  format.  e i g h t more r e s p o n d e n t s ,  d i d , however,  indicative  thesis supervisor  of the  reasons u n r e l a t e d  survey  response patterns  my  -  to various  degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , cussions  130  Following  another p r e - t e s t  the  interview  schedule  went f u r t h e r m i n o r r e v i s i o n s i n o r d e r  to arrive  a t the  format, a copy o f which i s i n c l u d e d  in this  and  t h e s i s as  underfinal  Appendix  A.  Earlier six  areas,  opinions  those  on  ies  the  with  strating b e a r on tence  feel  the  i n my  efforts,  political  Fairchild  system i s  f e e l i n g s o f community, system.  first  effort.  because o f the  definition  tested  ideology, democratic,  feels  politicization.  However, t h e  competent would be  categor-  area  and  my  deleted at  b e c a u s e demon-  a l i e n a t e d would not n e c e s s a r i l y feelings of  event,  responses  study  compe-  f o r much t h e  t h a t a p e r s o n does  first  con-  in arriving  ( o r does  only t a n g e n t i a l l y r e l a t e d to h i s  In any  during  difficulty  s y s t e m were d r o p p e d  i n a s m u c h as p r o v i n g  attitudes  community) was  Questions regarding  the  and  A l l s i x of these  o f a l i e n a t i o n (51),  that a prisoner  categories  that  "appropriate"  a l i e n a t i o n ( i e . , f e e l i n g s of  of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n . both  I noted  power s t r u c t u r e , f e e l i n g s o f competence i n  i n dealing with  reasons,  not  criminal justice  subsequent  a practical  chapter  acceptance of  system,  were i n c l u d e d  cerned in  o f the  with  toward the  being  whether or  perceptions dealing  in this  to questions  were so vague and  same  not) degree in confus-  ing  that  i t q u i c k l y became e v i d e n t  dubious  questions those of  that  the  categories  tioning  a d d i t i o n t o d e l e t i n g t h e s e two  i n my  s u r v e y were s t r u c t u r e d  Fairchild.  questions,  her  b a s e d on  asked,  sponses.  My  While  she  were  initial there  and  of pre-defined  way  what i n f l u e n c e  interview  schedule,  questions,  and  some  unstructured  responses  i s no  categories,  of  (52).  follow-up  The  those  was  other  followed  ques-  problem with  f a c t o r s had  the  from  preliminary  o f knowing what was  on  the  quite d i f f e r e n t l y  did prepare  approach allowed  approach i s t h a t was  -  value.  In  it  131  asked,  on  hand,  strictly  that  the  how  re-  consisted i n each i n -  terview.  A o d o l o g y was  fairly the  significant  addition of  departure  questions  from F a i r c h i l d ' s  designed  r e l a t i o n between d e g r e e o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n criminal  justice  c a r c e r a t i o n on s h i p was  system.  the  the  matter of  The in-depth  of  an  shall  consideration and  schedule  see,  prisoner  of  the  the  corthe  impact o f  the  in-  relation-  substantiating  study,  section w i l l questions  schedule.  i s included  o f my  exposure to  (53),  however,  the  this  second only  to  politicization.  s e c o n d l y w i t h an the  discussed  process  important part  balance of t h i s  weaknesses o f the  we  assessing  view schedule, and  politicization  assumed. As  r e l a t i o n s h i p was  W h i l e she  and  to t e s t  meth-  As  at the  deal  firstly  included  with  i n the  an  inter-  assessment o f the  strengths  mentioned e a r l i e r ,  a  end  of t h i s  t h e s i s as  copy Ap-  pendix  A,  so t h a t i t may  most o f t h e  questions  i n t e n t i o n here schedule  Part  sentence, ation,  in this  reasoning  choice of s p e c i f i c  I o f the  i n t e r v i e w schedule such  as p r e s e n t  institutional  placement  and  helped  iticization  and  less-to-say,  were d e s i g n e d  who  bryonic  the  correlation  exposure t o the questions  c o n v i c t i o n s , and  prisoners  to these  with  this  The  questions  who  m i g h t be  previous  latter  was  concerned  parent's  the  provided  justice  to length of periods of  The  questions  w e r e : 1) Do  for  the  f u t u r e ? 2)  toward  Do  you  such you  status  feel  and  system.  t h a t your  Need-  sentence,  to  those  politicized,  i n expressing  t h a t you  pol-  i n mind.  o f becoming  demanding  t o p i c s as t h e feel  indi-  some i n -  their  opinion  sociology of h a v e good  em-  questions.  In o t h e r words, t h e y were d i r e c t e d more t o w a r d p e r s o n a l than  A-  incarceration  I I were a d d r e s s e d  v i e w s when c o n f r o n t e d w i t h  or  income,  between t h e d e g r e e o f  i n the process  or philosophy  of  occupation.  i n f o r m a t i o n on  questions  would p o s s i b l y h a v e d i f f i c u l t y radical  with  periods of incarcer-  problematique  i n Part  interview  ( i e . , maximum, medium,  criminal  relating  the  main  items.  r e g a r d i n g the p r i s o n e r ' s socioeconomic  i n a s s e s s i n g the  previous  behind  p r i s o n e r ' s income and  p r i s o n e r , responses  formation  s e c t i o n , the  of the p r i s o n e r , e t h n i c o r i g i n ,  occupation,  Although  offence(s), length  convictions, previous  from p r o v i d i n g u s e f u l background  vidual  but  reviewed  t o more e a s i l y .  the  previous  minimum), age  part  and  b a s i c data,  usual  parent's  are  -  referred  i s t o e x p l a i n the  design  collecting  be  132  law.  prospects  f a m i l y background i s  - 133  -  one o f the causes o f your c r i m i n a l behaviour? and 3) Why get  do you  i n t o t r o u b l e w i t h the law, when most o f the people i n the  country do not?  P r i s o n e r responses allowed f o r a t e n t a t i v e  p r e d i c t i o n of p o t e n t i a l f o r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , and f o r a l a t e r examination of whether or not a respondent f a l l i n g i n t o a p o l i t i c i z a t i o n category could r e l a t e h i s r a d i c a l i z e d a t t i t u d e s t o his  own  life  situation.  Part I I I o f the i n t e r v i e w schedule again asked the p r i s o n e r to contemplate the r e l a t i o n s h i p between crime and social  c l a s s , but t h i s time with more d i r e c t r e f e r e n c e t o the  q u e s t i o n of s o c i a l c l a s s .  Again t h e r e were three q u e s t i o n s : 1)  Do you f e e l t h a t Canadian s o c i e t y has a system o f s o c i a l  clas-  ses? 2) Where do you f i t i n t o the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e ? and 3) Do you f e e l t h a t the c l a s s you belong t o has any i n f l u e n c e on your c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s ? The purpose o f these q u e s t i o n s was  to  d e t e c t what r a d i c a l s c h o l a r s might r e f e r t o as " c l a s s cons c i o u s n e s s , " which i n the context o f t h i s paper w i l l be d e f i n e d as an awareness of the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e , an a b i l i t y on the p a r t of  the respondent to i d e n t i f y h i s p o s i t i o n i n t h a t  structure,  and an a b i l i t y t o assess the impact o f t h a t s t r u c t u r e and the p o s i t i o n occupied on h i s developmental p a t t e r n s and l i f e es . the  chanc-  This a t t i t u d i n a l area has i t s roots i n the w r i t i n g s o f critical  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s and p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , both of  whom c l a i m t h a t s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y i n the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e i s one of  the primary causes of crime i n c a p i t a l i s t  In  Part IV the respondent was  society.  asked: 1) Do you t h i n k  - 134  -  that the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i s f a i r ? and t r e a t e d e q u a l l y by the law? questionnaire  was  The  2) Are  i n t e n t i o n i n t h i s part of  to assess p r i s o n e r p e r s p e c t i v e s  i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system.  a l l people  The  reader w i l l  on  the  equality  remember F a i r -  c h i l d ' s contention  t h a t p r i s o n e r s were becoming aware of an  onomic b i a s i n the  system.  Part V was  ec-  d i r e c t e d at b a s i c ideology, with the i n -  t e n t i o n of e l i c i t i n g the respondent's acceptance or r e j e c t i o n o f some of the more predominant c u l t u r a l values have a democracy, or t h a t we have freedom). asked: 1) What type of p o l i t i c a l country? 2) Do we and  (eg., t h a t  we  P r i s o n e r s were  system do we have i n t h i s  have equal r i g h t s and  equal  opportunities?  3) Is i t p o s s i b l e f o r a poor person to become r i c h , or f o r  a r i c h person t o become poor?  I t was  expected t h a t a p o l i t i -  c i z e d p r i s o n e r would lean toward r e j e c t i o n of such s o c i a l  "fic-  t i o n s " as e q u a l i t y or m o b i l i t y .  One saw  of the c o n c l u s i o n s  e a r l i e r , was  "power e l i t e . " t e r s 2 and  that prisoners On  f e e l manipulated by a  small  i n t e r e s t to c r i t i c a l The  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s and  three questions  pol-  i n Part VI  of  survey a l l d e a l t with the power s t r u c t u r e , and were as  lows: 1) Who  we  the b a s i s o f the evidence examined i n Chap-  i t i c i z e d prisoners alike.  How  study, as  4 o f t h i s t h e s i s , i t appears t h a t the power s t r u c -  t u r e i s of great  the  of the F a i r c h i l d  do you  t h i n k has  the power i n t h i s country?  fol2)  much power do you have i n r e l a t i o n to the o v e r a l l power  s t r u c t u r e ? and  3) I f you wanted t o , do you  t h i n k t h a t you  would  - 135 be able t o change the s o c i e t y t o make i t b e t t e r ?  The main  t h r u s t here was not t o e l i c i t f e e l i n g s o f powerlessness  (which  seemed t o be one of F a i r c h i l d ' s major c o n c e r n s ) , although the q u e s t i o n s evoked  t h i s type o f response t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t . I n -  stead, the purpose was to see i f the p r i s o n e r s had a r a d i c a l i z e d p e r s p e c t i v e on the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f power.  The l a s t s e c t i o n o f the i n t e r v i e w schedule used i n determining l e v e l s o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n was Part V I I . here were intended t o encourage the  Questions  the p r i s o n e r t o s p e c u l a t e about  o r i g i n s and purposes o f the law.  The p r i s o n e r was asked:  1) Who decides what w i l l be a crime and what w i l l not be a crime? and 2) Whose i n t e r e s t s do those d e c i s i o n s p r o t e c t ? seems r e a l i s t i c  It  to expect t h a t a p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r such as  Cleaver or Davis would o f f e r a c l e a r l y r a d i c a l i z e d response t o these q u e s t i o n s .  While most o f f e n d e r s would not be expected t o  be as a r t i c u l a t e or systematic as Cleaver or Davis, i t was f e l t that f o r a p r i s o n e r t o be scored as p o l i t i c i z e d  i n this  cate-  gory, he should be able t o o f f e r a rudimentary and c r i t i c a l account o f how and why laws are made.  Part V I I I , which was not u t i l i z e d  i n determining l e v -  els  o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , was addressed t o p r i s o n e r s ' suggestions  for  s o c i a l change.  changes,  The respondents were asked:  1) What  i f any, would you l i k e to see i n the s o c i e t y ? and 2)  How would you go about making those changes? questions were used f o r comparison,  Responses t o these  t o see i f those p r i s o n e r s  who answered the e a r l i e r q u e s t i o n s i n a p o l i t i c i z e d manner  - 136 would be able to make concrete s o c i a l changes, and those  changes.  -  recommendations f o r d e s i r a b l e  to o u t l i n e p o s s i b l e methods f o r a c h i e v i n g  I t was  expected t h a t doing  t h i s would be more  d i f f i c u l t than simply making r a d i c a l i z e d o b s e r v a t i o n s ious t o p i c s , but at the same time i t was  on  var-  f e l t t h a t even a mod-  e r a t e l y p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r would be able to do t h i s to some e x t en t.  Part IX i n v o l v e d two  questions which were asked t o -  ward the c l o s e of the i n t e r v i e w , but only of those  prisoners  who  The  appeared to be making p o l i t i c i z e d  q u e s t i o n was:  1) You  statements.  appear to have given a l o t o f thought to  the s u b j e c t o f economics, p o l i t i c s , and  crime.  to have p i c k e d up q u i t e a b i t of knowledge.  You  a l s o appear  Where d i d you  t h i s t h i n k i n g , and where d i d you get t h i s knowledge? cond q u e s t i o n , which was  The  do se-  asked o n l y i f the respondent d i d not  mention the p r i s o n experience,  was:  2) Is i t a r e s u l t o f being  i n p r i s o n ? The purpose of these questions was hand i n f o r m a t i o n  first  to s o l i c i t  from the p r i s o n e r s , e i t h e r supporting  j e c t i n g the second h y p o t h e s i s  first-  or r e -  t h a t p o l i t i c i z a t i o n came as a  r e s u l t of exposure to the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system.  Part X o f the i n t e r v i e w schedule  was  a s h o r t , ten  item quiz on s u b j e c t s r e l a t e d to general p o l i t i c a l The  idea came from F a i r c h i l d , who  litical  bodies,  leaders  (54).  remember important The  asked p r i s o n e r s to d e f i n e events,  and  q u i z i n v o l v e d such questions  the term SALT mean to you?, Who  awareness. po-  name p o l i t i c a l as What does  wrote Soul on Ice?, and Who  was  -  Che  Gueverra?  137  -  The p r i s o n e r s score on t h i s quiz was  compared  1  to the degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n each case, mine whether or not p r i s o n e r s f a l l i n g  firstly  to d e t e r -  into a p o l i t i c i z e d cate-  gory were a l s o p o l i t i c a l l y aware i n a more g e n e r a l sense, secondly to see i f there was  and  an a s s o c i a t i o n between general  po-  l i t i c a l awareness and degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  In g e n e r a l , there i s an advantage to the type format employed i n t h i s r e s e a r c h over t h a t used by Each respondent was  Fairchild.  r e q u i r e d to answer e x a c t l y the same ques-  t i o n s , with the exception o f those p r i s o n e r s who  were asked t o  p r o v i d e e x t r a i n f o r m a t i o n i n Part IX because of t h e i r politicization.  In the case of F a i r c h i l d ' s  way  of knowing e x a c t l y what was  was  asked.  There may  apparent  study, we have no  asked, and how  or of whom i t  be advantages to her more open-ended,  i n t e n s i v e approach, but c o n s i s t e n c y would not be one  In my  of  study,  an e f f o r t was  s t r u c t u r e to the i n t e r v i e w schedule.  of them.  made to impart a sense of I t s t a r t e d with  biograph-  i c a l questions employed with the dual purpose o f c o l l e c t i n g  the  necessary background i n f o r m a t i o n and of p u t t i n g the respondent at ease d u r i n g the i n i t i a l phases of the i n t e r v i e w , and went through a sequence o f questions  designed  i v e l y more d i f f i c u l t  Above a l l , there was  and demanding.  attempt i n the o v e r a l l  to be  then  progress-  s t r u c t u r e to avoid h i n t i n g at the  an nature  of the s u b j e c t matter of the r e s e a r c h or foreshadowing the types of questions t o come.  - 138  -  This i s not to say t h e r e are no drawbacks to s t r u c tured i n t e r v i e w s .  As Schatzman and Strauss p o i n t out i n t h e i r  argument f o r a " n a t u r a l s o c i o l o g y , " the i n t e r v i e w c r e a t e s a s i t u a t i o n of i t s own, (55).  o u t s i d e o f the s i t u a t i o n being  researched  In a d d i t i o n , there i s l i t t l e doubt t h a t i n t e r v i e w sched-  u l e c o n s t r u c t i o n can tend to exclude nuances which might o t h e r wise be n o t i c e d through  another  s e r v a t i o n and r e c o r d i n g (56).  approach such as in-depth These p o i n t s are worth  ob-  keeping  i n mind, but they apply to a l l s t u d i e s which employ a formal questionnaire.  In the present case, i t was  sen methodology was  f e l t t h a t the cho-  most a p p r o p r i a t e , since.an  alternative  methodology of o b s e r v a t i o n would have to be c a r r i e d out on a long-term  b a s i s , under extremely  d i f f i c u l t circumstances,  with  l i m i t e d p r o s p e c t s even at t h a t f o r c o l l e c t i n g s u b s t a n t i v e i n formation on p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  One  of the main concerns  with p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s u r -  veys i s t h a t the p o l i t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d questions may s i m i l a r responses.  Bishop,  Olendick, and Tuckfarber r e p o r t on  t h i s i n " E f f e c t s of Question Wording and Format on A t i t u d e Consistency,"  encourage  Political  r e v e a l i n g t h a t the i n d i c a t o r s o f p o l i t i -  c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n have continued to r i s e i n p u b l i c o p i n i o n p o l l s , without  a p p r e c i a b l e evidence  i n e d u c a t i o n a l attainment (57).  of a commensurate i n c r e a s e  or i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c a l  In the o p i n i o n of the authors, the " i n f l a t e d  affairs political  a t t i t u d e c o n s i s t e n c y " could be a t t r i b u t e d to "changes i n quest i o n wording and  format"  (58).  While the questions i n my  study  aimed a t a v o i d i n g t h i s problem as much as p o s s i b l e , there i s no,  -  way  139  -  to avoid i t completely, s h o r t of asking questions t o t a l l y  u n r e l a t e d to p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s .  Almost  a l l of the questions  were p o l i t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d , but they were not framed i n such a way  as t o induce p a r t i c u l a r expressions of p o l i t i c a l o p i n i o n .  O v e r a l l , the s t r u c t u r e of the i n t e r v i e w schedule proved to be adequate under the circumstances.  As we  shall  see  i n the next chapter, i t s o l i c i t e d the d e s i r e d i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h i n the context of r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t i n t e r v i e w s , and i t apparentl y was  o b j e c t i v e enough to encourage a wide spectrum  sponses,  ranging from n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d t o extremely  of r e -  politicized.  While a few of the q u e s t i o n s might have been m o d i f i e d or d i s carded i f the survey had been ambitious enough t o permit a l a r g e r sample f o r the p r e - t e s t , most appear to have been  fairly  w e l l designed i n r e t r o s p e c t , and should be h e l p f u l as a s t a r t ing p o i n t f o r f u t u r e s t u d i e s o f t h i s nature.  G.  INTERVIEWING TECHNIQUES  Interviews were conducted  i n a manner as s i m i l a r  p o s s i b l e to a normal C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n t e r v i e w . firstly  f o r the sake of convenience, because the  meshed w e l l with my minimize  done  procedure  activities,  secondly t o  d i s r u p t i o n of the p r i s o n r o u t i n e , and t h i r d l y t o c r e -  ate an environment prisoner.  employment-related  This was  as  which would be reasonably f a m i l i a r to the  I t c o u l d be argued  t h a t t h i s would have a n e g a t i v e  e f f e c t i n t h a t p r i s o n e r s might be l e s s candid i n a s i t u a t i o n which they a s s o c i a t e with a u t h o r i t y , but again, the wide  range  - 140 of responses ( e s p e c i a l l y those i n the extremely p o l i t i c i z e d category) are i n d i c a t i v e of the apparent openness on the of the  part  respondents.  Interviews at a l l three p r i s o n s were h e l d i n o f f i c e s used by C l a s s i f i c a t i o n O f f i c e r s f o r that purpose, and exception  of Mission  f o r research the  purposes, p r i s o n e r s were asked to p a r t i c i p a t e i n  The  completed a r e g u l a r  environment was  the desk, asking  questions  of paper, and  swers.  The  and  interviewer  recording  on one  s i d e of  answers i n longhand  the p r i s o n e r on the other,  idea of using a tape recorder  Chairman of the  Classification  almost i d e n t i c a l to t h a t of a  C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n t e r v i e w , with the  a pad  the  I n s t i t u t i o n , where they were c a l l e d s o l e l y  survey a f t e r they had  interview.  with  was  g i v i n g the  a f t e r some c o n s i d e r a t i o n because of the concern that  because i t was  the  rejected prisoners  might be more r e l u c t a n t to have t h e i r responses recorded that f a s h i o n , and  an-  suggested by  Regional Research Committee, but was  on  a departure from usual  in pro-  cedures .  As mentioned p r e v i o u s l y , p r i s o n e r s were t o l d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the survey was were advised  s t r i c t l y voluntary,  t h a t n e i t h e r punishment nor  tached t o t h e i r d e c i s i o n i n the matter.  that  and  they  reward would be  at-  They a l s o were assured  t h a t a l l responses would be t r e a t e d i n s t r i c t c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y , and  t h a t none of the i n f o r m a t i o n  institutional files.  would f i n d i t s way  Judging by the number who  onto the  did p a r t i c i -  pate, i t would appear t h a t most p r i s o n e r s e i t h e r b e l i e v e d  that  -  the  survey was u n r e l a t e d  not  care i f i t was.  141  -  t o my p r i s o n d u t i e s , or t h a t they d i d  Of the f i v e p r i s o n e r s who d i d r e f u s e t o  p a r t i c i p a t e , three were a t M i s s i o n , the p r i s o n e r p o p u l a t i o n .  The one a t Mountain was an o l d e r  p r i s o n e r who had a r e p u t a t i o n everybody, and the other  where I was not known t o  f o r being  uncooperative w i t h  a t the Reception Centre was a f i r s t -  timer who was q u i t e anxious and understandably  Needless-to-say, p r i s o n e r s  suspicious.  f r e q u e n t l y demanded t o  know what the survey was about as a p r e c o n d i t i o n ticipation.  t o t h e i r par-  They were t o l d t h a t i f they knew the s p e c i f i c pur-  pose of the study, i t would b i a s the r e s u l t s i r r e p a r a b l y . seemed s a t i s f i e d with t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n . were given very general view. vealed,  explanations  Those who p e r s i s t e d  a t the c l o s e o f the i n t e r -  At no time were the s p e c i f i c d e t a i l s o f the study r e s i n c e t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n might have a f f e c t e d the r e -  sponses o f f u t u r e i n t e r v i e w e e s . the  Most  " p r i s o n grapevine," and there  Word t r a v e l s q u i c k l y through i s no doubt t h a t once r e v e a l -  ed, the nature o f my study would be known throughout the p r i s oner p o p u l a t i o n .  However, i n t e r e s t e d p r i s o n e r s were t o l d  that  a copy o f the t h e s i s would be made a v a i l a b l e i f requested.  In "Of S o c i o l o g y  and the Interview,"  Benney and  Hughes p o i n t out t h a t p a r t i e s i n an i n t e r v i e w s i t u a t i o n at  l e a s t appear t o be equal i n s t a t u s  difficult  Of course t h i s i s  i n a p r i s o n , where s t a f f and p r i s o n e r r o l e s are  clearly distinguished. chieve  (59).  should  For t h a t matter i t i s d i f f i c u l t  e q u a l i t y i n any i n t e r v i e w  t o a-  s i t u a t i o n , i n that there are,  - 142 by d e f i n i t i o n , a t l e a s t two p a r t i e s with d i f f e r e n t r o l e s , obj e c t i v e s , and s t a t u s e s . minimize  the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a l as much as  possible. to  As e f f o r t was made i n t h i s study t o  P r i s o n e r s , f o r example, were g i v e n complete  choose whether or not t o p a r t i c i p a t e .  freedom  They a l s o were t o l d  t h a t there were no " r i g h t " or "wrong" r e s p o n s e s — t h a t a l l o p i n ions were important.  The q u e s t i o n s were posed as p o s s i b l e .  i n as noncommital a manner  Every e f f o r t was made t o adhere t o the i n t e r v i e w  schedule format, and to avoid l e a d i n g q u e s t i o n s . did  not understand  If a prisoner  a q u e s t i o n , i t was asked again, but i t was  not e x p l a i n e d t o him. There were no unscheduled  follow-up ques-  t i o n s , r e g a r d l e s s of the nature o f the responses.  The d e s i g n o f the i n t e r v i e w schedule proved i n p u t t i n g the p r i s o n e r s a t ease.  The f i r s t  helpful  s e r i e s of ques-  t i o n s d e a l i n g with b a s i c data were comparable t o those asked a t any i n i t i a l to  C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n t e r v i e w , and hence were  the respondent.  familiar  The next two p a r t s o f the schedule were  concerned with s o c i a l c l a s s and c r i m e — a  common t o p i c i n a ses-  s i o n between a p r i s o n e r and h i s C l a s s i f i c a t i o n O f f i c e r .  By the  time t h e more c h a l l e n g i n g q u e s t i o n s came up, the p r i s o n e r usu a l l y was more comfortable with the way t h i n g s were proceeding.  As mentioned p r e v i o u s l y , answers were recorded i n longhand  on w r i t i n g p a p e r — a g a i n  c a t i o n procedures.  s i m i l a r to routine C l a s s i f i -  However, o n l y r e l e v a n t comments were r e -  - 143 corded; no notes were made unless the p r i s o n e r was h i m s e l f to the t o p i c . type of i n f o r m a t i o n  This may  sought, but  addressing  have given some h i n t as t o  the  i t must be s a i d t h a t a l l per-  t i n e n t responses were noted, r e g a r d l e s s of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l or.  In any  event, i t would have been impossible  ten-  to w r i t e down  every remark, as many of the respondents t a l k e d e x t e n s i v e l y about m a r g i n a l l y  r e l e v a n t or u n r e l a t e d  subjects.  In summary, i n t e r v i e w s were conducted l i k e  routine  C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s e s s i o n s , except t h a t p r i s o n e r s were given a choice regarding  participation.  This proved to be a very work-  able format, which i s not s u r p r i s i n g c o n s i d e r i n g the stances  involved.  While i t may  have imposed c e r t a i n l i m i t a -  t i o n s , the f a c t remains t h a t the survey obtained information  and  allowed  circum-  the d e s i r e d  f o r d i v e r s e response p a t t e r n s  from n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d to extremely p o l i t i c i z e d .  ranging  Given the  percentage of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the range of responses, and o v e r a l l r e s u l t s , i t may techniques  H.  were  be concluded t h a t the  high the  interviewing  acceptable.  INTERPRETING THE  RESULTS  At the c o n c l u s i o n o f the study, there were s i x t y  sets  of responses, g i v i n g the i n t e r v i e w p r o f i l e s o f each respondent, and  these responses were then c a t e g o r i z e d  f o r coding  purposes.  C a t e g o r i z a t i o n proved r e l a t i v e l y easy i n cases where the response belonged i n a d e f i n i t e group, such as  "life  sen-  - 144 tence" or "high school graduate."  On the other hand,  responses  to questions aimed a t uncovering p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s r e q u i r e d c a r e f u l a t t e n t i o n , as they sometimes were b o r d e r l i n e and open to i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . responses  To ensure a degree o f s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n , the  were c a t e g o r i z e d once by me, then by the t h e s i s s u -  p e r v i s o r , and again by the two o f us together. conventions  The s c o r i n g  d e s c r i b e d i n Table 5.3 were followed c l o s e l y i n a s -  s e s s i n g the p r i s o n e r responses.  The few divergences  p r e t a t i o n which d i d occur were reviewed,  in inter-  l e a d i n g t o a common  scoring decision.  For each a t t i t u d i n a l area t e s t e d , the response t e r n o f every respondent  pat-  was analyzed and assigned a numerical  score a c c o r d i n g to the degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n e x h i b i t e d . I f the response was ical  showed no signs o f r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l awareness, i t  p l a c e d i n the " n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d " category and given a numerscore o f 1.  When the response  indicated  some r a d i c a l i z a -  t i o n , but not t o any s i g n i f i c a n t extent, i t was assigned a score o f 2, and p l a c e d i n the " m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d " Any  response  category.  e x h i b i t i n g an a p p r e c i a b l e degree o f r a d i c a l  i t i c i z a t i o n was c a t e g o r i z e d as "moderately scored as a 3.  G e n e r a l l y speaking,  pol-  p o l i t i c i z e d , " and  responses  falling  into  this  l a t t e r category bore some resemblance t o the comments o f the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s whose w r i t i n g s were reviewed ious  i n the prev-  chapter.  The  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f "extremely  politicized"  pris-  oners was l e f t out o f t h i s i n i t i a l process, because i t was f e l t  T A B L E 5.3  POLITICIZATION  INDICATORS  Politicization Indicators 1.  Questions  Class Consciousness  Non-politicized  3. Do y o u you b e l o n g f l u e n c e on behaviour?  Perceptions o f 1. Do y o u t h i n k t h a t t h e the C r i m i n a l c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i s J u s t i c e System f a i r ? 2. Are a l l people t r e a t e d e q u a l l y by t h e law?  III.  Acceptance of Appropriate Ideology  IV.  Perceptions t h e Power Structure  1. . What t y p e o f s y s t e m do we h a v e country?  Recognizes c l a s s system; l o c a t e s own s o c i a l c l a s s Acknowledges i n f l u e n c e o f c l a s s b a c k g r o u n d on own b e h a v i o u r .  B e l i e v e s the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i s b a s i c a l l y f a i r , but c i t e s exceptions; f e e l s that a l l p e o p l e a r e not a l ways t r e a t e d e q u a l l y by t h e law.  B e l i e v e s t h a t the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i s b a s i c a l l y u n f a i r ; a law f o r t h e r i c h and a law f o r the p o o r .  B a s i c a l l y democratic, but doesn't always f u n c t i o n as i t s h o u l d ; equal r i g h t s i f not equal opportunities; h a r d e r f o r a poor man t o become r i c h , b u t possible.  C a p i t a l i s t system f u n c t i o n i n g on b e h a l f of b i g b u s i n e s s ; unequal opportunities a basic f e a t u r e ; upward m o b i l i ty very d i f f i c u l t though not impossible.  The " p e o p l e " h a v e t h e power; a c k n o w l e d g e s some p e r s o n a l power; some i n f l u e n c e on s o c i a l process possible.  Government o f f i c i a l s and e l e c t e d representat i v e s h a v e t h e power; acknowledges minimal p e r s o n a l power, s l i g h t a b i l i t y to i n f l u e n c e social process.  Power i n t h e hands o f b i g b u s i n e s s i n t e r e s t s and government o f f i c i a l s r e p r e s e n t i n g them; no p e r s o n a l power; no a b i l i t y to change process.  The " p e o p l e " and their elected representatives; p r o t e c t s i n t e r e s t s of the " p e o p l e " .  Government o f f i c i a l s and e l e c t e d representat i v e s ; but sometimes d e c i d i n g on b a s i s o f own i n t e r e s t s .  Government o f f i c i a l s and b i g b u s i n e s s , repres e n t i n g the i n t e r e s t s of b i g b u s i n e s s .  B e l i e v e s t h a t the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i s f a i r ; f e e l s that a l l people are treated e q u a l l y by t h e law.  political in this  Democratic/Egalitarian system w i t h freedom, e q u a l r i g h t s , and' 2. Do we h a v e e q u a l r i g h t s e q u a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s ; and opportunities? upward and downward 3. Is i t p o s s i b l e f o r a mobility equally p o o r p e r s o n t o become r i c h possible. o r a r i c h p e r s o n to become poor?  o f 1. Who do y o u t h i n k has t h e power i n t h i s c o u n t r y ? 2. How much power do y o u have i n r e l a t i o n to the o v e r a l l power s t r u c t u r e ? 3. I f y o u w a n t e d t o , do y o u t h i n k y o u w o u l d be a b l e t o c h a n g e t h e s o c i e t y and make i t b e t t e r ?  B e l i e f s about the law  Moderately  Acknowledges c l a s s system; can l o c a t e own class p o s i t i o n ; denies i n f l u e n c e of c l a s s b a c k g r o u n d on own behaviour .  f e e l the c l a s s t o h a s any i n your c r i m i n a l  II.  V.  Mildly Politicized  1. Do y o u f e e l t h a t C a n a No c l a s s s y s t e m , u n a b l e d i a n s o c i e t y h a s a s y s t e m o f t o l o c a t e own social social classes? c l a s s , no a w a r e n e s s o f 2. Where do y o u f i t i n t o i n f l u e n c e of c l a s s the c l a s s system? b a c k g r o u n d on b e h a v i o u r  1. Who d e c i d e s what w i l l be a c r i m e and what w i l l n o t be a c r i m e ? 2. Whose i n t e r e s t s do these d e c i s i o n s p r o t e c t ?  Politicized  - 146 that q u a l i f i c a t i o n  -  f o r t h i s group should be based on an  overall  response p a t t e r n , r a t h e r than on responses to i n d i v i d u a l  items.  S c o r i n g assessments  f o r t h i s category took p l a c e once the c a t e -  g o r i z a t i o n of a l l the responses i n the f i v e a t t i t u d i n a l had been completed.  areas  T h i s allowed f o r a d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f the  c o n s i s t e n c y of r a d i c a l i z e d  responses.  A f t e r the responses were c a t e g o r i z e d , the f i v e dimens i o n s of p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n were i n t e g r a t e d , t o a r r i v e an o v e r a l l  measure o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  at  There were 17 p r i s o n e r s  i n the "moderately p o l i t i c i z e d " category f o l l o w i n g t h i s p r o cess, 10 of whom were judged l a t e r  to be "extremely  politi-  c i z e d " on the b a s i s of the c o n s i s t e n c y and q u a l i t y o f t h e i r r e sponses.  O v e r a l l , those regarded as "extremely p o l i t i c i z e d "  exhibited definite in  signs o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n at l e a s t  some cases a l l f i v e o f the a t t i t u d i n a l  areas.  hand, those seen as "moderately p o l i t i c i z e d " less  a b i l i t y e i t h e r to express r a d i c a l  tent i n their  On the o t h e r  showed  consis-  responses, u s u a l l y responding i n a p o l i t i c i z e d  i n both the "extremely p o l i t i c i z e d " and  the  slightly  views or t o be  manner i n t h r e e or at the most four o f the areas.  c i z e d " groups  four and  "moderately  Respondents politi-  scored the maximum 3 p o i n t s i n at l e a s t  five attitudinal  three of  areas, which d i s t i n g u i s h e d them from the  other respondents, who  d i d not.  Non-politicized prisoners give  n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d responses i n t h r e e or more c a t e g o r i e s , and mode r a t e l y p o l i t i c i z e d responses i n no more than one category. Those c a t e g o r i z e d as m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d gave moderately c i z e d responses i n l e s s  politi-  than t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s , or m i l d l y p o l i t -  - 147  -  i c i z e d responses throughout.  During the c a t e g o r i z a t i o n process the i n f o r m a t i o n was entered onto code sheets, and t r a n s f e r r e d to key punch cards which were then fed to an SPSS computer programme.  This re-  s u l t e d i n a lengthy computer p r i n t o u t , which y i e l d e d the quant i t a t i v e i n f o r m a t i o n presented i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter i n the form o f t a b l e s and s t a t i s t i c a l  The advantage  associations.  to t h i s approach was  t h a t the need t o  c a t e g o r i z e and a s s i g n scores t o responses on a r e l i a b l e  basis  ensured t h a t the data would be analyzed as " o b j e c t i v e l y " as the methods p e r m i t t e d . t i o n was  In those cases where s u b j e c t i v e  interpreta-  r e q u i r e d , such as with marginal responses or the sep-  a r a t i o n of the "extremely p o l i t i c i z e d "  from the  "moderately  p o l i t i c i z e d " p r i s o n e r s , the d e c i s i o n s were made o n l y a f t e r c a r e f u l comparison  t o other respondents, d e t a i l e d  of o v e r a l l p r o f i l e s , and comparison nized p o l i t i c i z e d prisoners  examination  t o the comments o f recog-  (see Chapter 4 ) .  Tau B and Tau C are the measures o f a s s o c i a t i o n used in this thesis.  The Tau measure o f a s s o c i a t i o n  (eg., between  p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and exposure to the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system) was s e l e c t e d f o r s e v e r a l reasons: 1.  Tau i s one o f the more w i d e l y accepted measures o f a s s o c i a t i o n i n the s o c i a l  sciences.  2.  Tau i s u n a f f e c t e d by the s i z e of the  sample.  3.  Tau C i s u n a f f e c t e d by uneven rows and columns, o f  148  -  -  which there were a number i n my Tau = . 2 or g r e a t e r was  regarded  study.  as evidence  moderate s t r e n g t h of a s s o c i a t i o n .  Although  c u t - o f f p o i n t , i t i s g e n e r a l l y considered  of a r e l a t i v e l y .2 i s an  arbitrary  acceptable by  social  scientists.  I.  SUMMARY  At the beginning  of t h i s chapter  I noted t h a t  are few other s t u d i e s on p r i s o n e r s ' a t t i t u d e s , and only  there one  d e a l i n g s p e c i f i c a l l y with the t o p i c of p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , t h a t being F a i r c h i l d ' s . the small sample and  The main problems with her study were  the a p p a r e n t l y  a n a l y s i s of the data.  The present  subjective collection  and  study attempted to avoid  those problems as much as p o s s i b l e , by sampling a g r e a t e r number of p r i s o n e r s , and by adopting to i n t e r v i e w i n g techniques  and  a more d i s c i p l i n e d  approach  the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the r e s -  ponses .  I surveyed institutions,  60 p r i s o n e r s at three d i s s i m i l a r f e d e r a l  always t r y i n g to ensure a randomized sample.  q u e s t i o n n a i r e was  prepared  i n advance, and with the  A  exception  of some minor m o d i f i c a t i o n s f o l l o w i n g the p r e - t e s t , i t was  ad-  hered to r i g i d l y .  the  The  data were i n t e r p r e t e d by myself and  research s u p e r v i s o r s e p a r a t e l y and then c o n j o i n t l y .  This i s not to suggest t h a t my flaws.  The  approach was  without  number o f respondents could have been g r e a t e r ,  and  - 149 the u n i v e r s e  somewhat l a r g e r .  -  I t would have been d e s i r a b l e to  i n c r e a s e the sample s i z e by i n t e r v i e w i n g p r i s o n e r s at a minimum s e c u r i t y i n s t i t u t i o n and  a provincial prison.  Both would have  changed the p o p u l a t i o n p r o f i l e somewhat, as the former accommodates "low  r i s k " p r i s o n e r s while  the l a t t e r accommodates those  s e r v i n g sentences of l e s s than two  years.  However, the sam-  p l i n g procedures were d i c t a t e d to an extent by and  c o m p a t i b i l i t y with my  employment; g a i n i n g e n t r y to a prov-  i n c i a l p r i s o n would have been d i f f i c u l t , cial  employee, while  arranging  interviews  f a c i l i t y would have been d i f f i c u l t for  accessibility  as I was  not a p r o v i n -  at a minimum s e c u r i t y  because of the work program  p r i s o n e r s , which o f t e n i n v o l v e s long hours away from  prison. ployed  Under the circumstances,  the  the sampling procedures  em-  seemed to be s a t i s f a c t o r y .  The  i n t e r v i e w i n g techniques  were aimed at d i s p e l l i n g  as much as p o s s i b l e the a r t i f i c i a l s i t u a t i o n always created structured interviewing.  By using the  same format as  C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n t e r v i e w s , the p r i s o n e r was familiar situation.  presented  Although s t r u c t u r e d q u e s t i o n i n g  by  routine with  a  necessar-  i l y l i m i t s the p o s s i b l e responses, the i n t e r v i e w s i t u a t i o n i t s e l f was  very  " n a t u r a l " w i t h i n the p r i s o n  context.  An important p o i n t t o c o n s i d e r before  going  amine the f i n d i n g s i s whether or not t h i s present p r o p e r l y be c a l l e d an " a t t i t u d i n a l survey."  on to  study  ex-  should  M i l t o n Rokeach  po-  s i t s t h a t "an a t t i t u d e i s a r e l a t i v e l y enduring o r g a n i z a t i o n o f b e l i e f s around an o b j e c t or s i t u a t i o n p r e d i s p o s i n g one  to r e -  - 150  -  spond i n some p r e f e r e n t i a l manner" (60). One the r e s e a r c h  described  p i n i o n survey," an expression there  might suggest t h a t  i n t h i s study i s more a c c u r a t e l y an  " o p i n i o n " being  d e f i n e d here as  of some b e l i e f , a t t i t u d e , or value"  i s uncertainty  regarding  "a v e r b a l  (61),  since  the d u r a b i l i t y o f p r i s o n e r s '  " a t t i t u d e s " on such matters as are i n v e s t i g a t e d i n t h i s search.  In response, I would p o i n t out that Watt and  Mylonas and  Reckless,  and  "o-  A l p e r t and  reviewed e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter,  re-  Maher,  Hicks, whose s t u d i e s were  a l l f e l t comfortable with  term " a t t i t u d e " when r e p o r t i n g t h e i r f i n d i n g s .  the  While t h i s i s  h a r d l y a s u f f i c i e n t r a t i o n a l e , I want to argue t h a t the o v e r a l l response p r o f i l e s which c h a r a c t e r i z e i n d i v i d u a l respondents i n terviewed i n t h i s study r e f l e c t more than i n c i d e n t a l , u n r e l a t e d "opinions," cepts  but  tap i n t e l l e c t u a l and  emotionally  l i n k e d con-  t h a t y i e l d a c o n s i s t e n t p a t t e r n more a k i n to the d i s p o s i -  t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n s s i g n i f i e d by  "attitudes."  be d i s c u s s e d  f u r t h e r i n Chapter 7, when the  f i n d i n g s are  reviewed.  This issue  will  s i g n i f i c a n c e of  the  FOOTNOTES  1.  Norman Watt and Brendan Maher, " P r i s o n e r s ' A t t i t u d e s Toward Home and the J u d i c i a l System," J o u r n a l of C r i m i n a l Law and Criminology, v o l . 49, no. 4, 1958, p. 327.  2.  I b i d . , p.  3.  A n a s t a s s i o s D. Mylonas and Walter C. Reckless, " P r i s o n e r s ' A t t i t u d e s Toward Law and Legal I n s t i t u t i o n s , " J o u r n a l o f C r i m i n a l Law, Criminology, and P o l i c e Science, v o l . 54, no. 4, Dec. 63, p. 479.  4.  I b i d . , p.  480.  5.  I b i d . , p.  481.  330.  - 151 -  6.  John A. Davis, " J u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r No O b l i g a t i o n Views o f Black Males Toward Crime and the C r i m i n a l Law," Issues i n Criminology, v o l . 9, no. 2, F a l l 74, p. 75.  7.  I b i d . , p. 76.  8.  I b i d . , p. 78.  9.  I b i d . , p. 70.  10.  I b i d . , p. 83.  11.  G e o f f r e y P. A l p e r t and Donald A. Hicks, " P r i s o n e r s ' A t t i tudes Towards Components o f the Legal and J u d i c i a l Systems," Criminology, v o l . 14, no. 4, Feb. 77, p. 461.  12.  I b i d . , pp. 462-3.  13.  I b i d . , pp. 464-6.  14.  I b i d . , p. 467.  15.  Samuel Yochelson & Stanton E. Samenow, The C r i m i n a l Pers o n a l i t y , V o l . I: A P r o f i l e f o r Change (New York: Aronson, 1976), p. 118, p. 251.  16.  E r i k a Schmid F a i r c h i l d , "Crime and P o l i t i c s : A Study i n Three P r i s o n s , " d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f Washi n g t o n , 1974, p. 25.  17.  I b i d . , 310.  18.  John P a l l a s and Bob Barber, "From R i o t t o R e v o l u t i o n , " Issues i n Criminology, v o l . 7, no. 2, F a l l 72, p. 1.  19.  F a i r c h i l d , op. c i t . , p. 250, 251, 314.  20.  I b i d . , p. 38, 50.  21.  E r i k a S. F a i r c h i l d , " P o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f the C r i m i n a l O f f e n der: P r i s o n e r P e r c e p t i o n s o f Crime and P o l i t i c s , " C r i m i n ology: An I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y J o u r n a l , v o l . 15, no. 3, Nov. 77, pp. 290-311.  22.  I b i d . , p. 311.  23.  I b i d . , pp. 303-4.  24.  I b i d . , p. 294.  25.  F a i r c h i l d , "Crime and P o l i t i c s , " pp. 66-7.  26.  I b i d . , p. 77.  - 152 27.  I b i d . , PP . 68-70.  28.  I b i d . , P-  371.  29.  I b i d . , P-  179.  30.  I b i d . , P-  195.  31.  I b i d . , PP . 178-9.  32.  I b i d . , PP . 179-81.  33.  I b i d . , P-  34.  I b i d . , PP . 195-8.  35.  I b i d . , P-  199.  36.  I b i d . , P-  176,  37.  I b i d . , P-  310.  38.  I b i d . , P-  150,  39.  I b i d . , P-  -  226.  237  176  150.  40.  I b i d . , P-  41.  Leonard Schatzman S t r a t e g i e s f o r a N a t u r a l S o c i o l o g y (Englewood N.J.: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1973), p. 19.  162. Cliffs,  42.  I b i d . , pp.  21-2.  43.  Canadian Gazatteer A t l a s , p. 129.  44.  A. L. F a r l e y , A t l a s of B r i t i s h Columbia: People, E n v i r o n ment and Use ( U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1979), p. 5.  45.  Harry B. Hawthorn, The Doukhobors of B r i t i s h Columbia , (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1955), p~. 1~, p^ 9~7 p. 16, p. 213.  46.  Canadian Gazatteer A t l a s , p.  47.  S o l i c i t o r General Canada, Annual Report 1980 - 1981 (Mini s t e r of Supply and S e r v i c e s Canada, 1981) , p~. 84. The i n f o r m a t i o n i n Table 5.1 i s condensed from a much l a r g e r t a b l e with more s u b - c a t e g o r i e s of o f f e n c e s and data f o r the e n t i r e f e d e r a l p r i s o n e r p o p u l a t i o n i n Canada. I t does not i n c l u d e a small number of p r i s o n e r s between the ages of 20 and 30, because t h e i r o f f e n c e c a t e g o r i z a t i o n was not i n c l u d e d i n my o f f e n c e c a t e g o r i e s .  Supply and  S e r v i c e s Canada  1980,  128.  - 153 48.  I b i d . , p.  84.  49.  I b i d . , p. 85.  50.  Theodore R. Anderson and M o r r i s Z e l d i t i c h J r . , A B a s i c Course i n S t a t i s t i c s : With S o c i o l o g i c a l A p p l i c a t i o n s (New York: H o l t , R i n e h a r t , and Winston, 1968), p. 195.  51.  Cf. Richard Schacht, A l i e n a t i o n (New York: Doubleday, 1971), pp. 124-5, pp. 140-7, and Joachim I s r a e l , A l i e n a t i o n : From Marx to Modern S o c i o l o g y (Boston: A l l y n and Bacon, 1971) , p~. 259. Both argue a g a i n s t the tendency o f some w r i t e r s t o use the term a l i e n a t i o n t o d e s c r i b e estrangement, powerlessness, aloneness, e t c . , as i t o f t e n renders the term so vague as t o be meaningless.  52.  Fairchild,  "Crime and P o l i t i c s , " pp. 68-70.  53.  Fairchild, 303-4.  " P o l i t i c i z a t i o n of the C r i m i n a l Offender," pp.  54.  Fairchild,  "Crime and P o l i t i c s , " pp. 369-70.  55.  Schatzman and S t r a u s s , op. c i t . , p. 6.  56.  I b i d . , p.  57.  George F. Bishop, Robert W. Olendick, and A l f r e d J . Tuchbarber, " E f f e c t s o f Question Wording and Format on P o l i t i c a l A t t i t u d e C o n s i s t e n c y , " P u b l i c Opinion Q u a r t e r l y , v o l . 42, no. 1, S p r i n g 78, pp. 81-2.  58.  I b i d . , p. 82.  59.  Mark Benney and E v e r e t t C. Hughes, "Of S o c i o l o g y and the Interview," S o c i o l o g i c a l Methods: A Source Book, ed. Norman K. Denzin (Chicago: A l d i n e , 1970), p. T95.  60.  M i l t o n Rokeach, B e l i e f s , A t t i t u d e s , and Values (San Franc i s c o : Jossey Bass , 1968 ), p~. 112 .  61.  I b i d . , p.  72.  125.  - 154  CHAPTER 6.  This chapter was  -  SURVEY FINDINGS  r e p o r t s the f i n d i n g s of my  survey, which  designed to measure p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and  mine the extent  to which p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i s r e l a t e d to  exposure to the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. chapter  to d e t e r -  The  f i r s t part of  w i l l concern i t s e l f with a d e s c r i p t i o n of the  sample, while the l a t t e r w i l l  survey  examine the response p a t t e r n s  the p r i s o n e r s , to determine the degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n . from p r o v i d i n g an assessment of the degree of e x h i b i t e d by the sample, t h i s l a t t e r  the  of  Apart  politicization  section also w i l l  offer  a c t u a l responses of the surveyed p r i s o n e r s , to f a c i l i t a t e comp a r i s o n between t h e i r views and  those of the recognized  c i z e d p r i s o n e r s whose w r i t i n g s we F i n a l l y , we  THE  One  exposure to the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system.  s i x t y p r i s o n e r s interviewed,  3 were Native  might be  Indians  4.  SAMPLE  Of the sian,  i n Chapter  w i l l examine the c o r r e l a t i o n between degree of p o l -  i t i c i z a t i o n and  A.  considered  politi-  Indian,  and  55 were Cauca-  2 were of other  ethnic o r i g i n s .  s u r p r i s e d by the r e l a t i v e l y small number of  Native  i n the sample, c o n s i d e r i n g the widely h e l d view t h a t  there i s a "heavy o v e r - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n adian p r i s o n s represent  (1).  of Native people" i n Can-  As Lane e t . a l . p o i n t out,  "Native  people  the l a r g e s t s i n g l e e t h n i c m i n o r i t y i n Canadian p r i s -  - 155 ons,  both p r o v i n c i a l and  p o r t t h a t i n 1977 ons  f e d e r a l " (2).  there were o n l y 800  i n Canada (3).  I f Native  Indians  e t h n i c m i n o r i t y " with o n l y 800 present  -  sample i s probably  However, they a l s o r e -  Natives  i n federal p r i s -  are the  "largest single  i n f e d e r a l p r i s o n s , then the  q u i t e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n terms o f the  e t h n i c o r i g i n s of p r i s o n e r s .  F o r t y - t h r e e of the 60 p r i s o n e r s f e l l to f o r t y age group. not unusual,  The  f a c t t h a t only one was  i n t o the twenty under twenty i s  c o n s i d e r i n g t h a t most y o u t h f u l o f f e n d e r s  o f t e n are e x p e r i e n c i n g t h e i r f i r s t  exposure to the c r i m i n a l  j u s t i c e system) are e i t h e r given s h o r t e r sentences, TABLE 6.1  Age  AGE  resulting  OF PRISONERS  Frequency  Under 20  (who  Percentage  1  2  20 to under  30  26  43  30 to under  40  17  28  40 to under  50  12  20  4  7  50 or over TOTAL  60  100  i n t h e i r i n c a r c e r a t i o n i n p r o v i n c i a l p r i s o n s , or are placed probation.  O v e r a l l , the age  broad, ranging  from nineteen  range of the sample was  on  fairly  to s i x t y - e i g h t years o f age.  This  approximates f a v o u r a b l y to the a c t u a l age d i s t r i b u t i o n of f e d -  - 156 e r a l p r i s o n e r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia as d e s c r i b e d  i n the S o l i c i -  t o r General s Annual Report, which was reviewed i n Chapter 5 1  (4).  Almost h a l f o f the p r i s o n e r s i n the sample were s e r v i n g sentences f o r p r o p e r t y - r e l a t e d o f f e n c e s bery, or fraud of p r o p e r t y  (see Table  offenders  u b i q u i t y o f property planations  6.2).  such as t h e f t ,  Some might c o n s i d e r  rob-  the number  t o be r e l a t i v e l y low, c o n s i d e r i n g the crime, but there are three p l a u s i b l e ex-  f o r the o f f e n c e d i s t r i b u t i o n .  F i r s t l y , the Recep-  TABLE 6.2 PRESENT OFFENCE(S)  Type o f Offence  Frequency  Percentage  Property-related  29  48  Sexual  11  18  Drug-related  8  13  Violence-related  6  10  Murder  6  10  60  100  TOTAL  t i o n Centre/B.C. P e n i t e n t i a r y and proportionate  sexual  Mountain I n s t i t u t i o n had d i s -  offender p o p u l a t i o n s ,  P r o t e c t i v e Custody U n i t s i n both p r i s o n s .  due  t o the l a r g e  Secondly, f e d e r a l  p r i s o n e r s o f t e n are c o n v i c t e d o f more s e r i o u s o f f e n c e s murder or drug t r a f f i c k i n g ,  such as  and hence sent to f e d e r a l p r i s o n s  - 157 to serve t h e i r longer sentences,  whereas p r o p e r t y  o f t e n r e c e i v e l i g h t e r sentences,  r e s u l t i n g i n t h e i r placement  in p r o v i n c i a l prisons.  i t i s an e s t a b l i s h e d f a c t t h a t  Finally,  offenders  B r i t i s h Columbia leads a l l other p r o v i n c e s i n murders, woundings, a s s a u l t s , and rapes  (5).  In any event,  the o f f e n c e  dis-  t r i b u t i o n i s s i m i l a r t o t h a t i n the f e d e r a l p r i s o n e r p o p u l a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia ( 6 ) .  sentences  Forty-one  o f the 60 p r i s o n e r s were s e r v i n g c u r r e n t  i n excess  o f f i v e years, again i n d i c a t i v e o f the f a c t  t h a t t h i s study was conducted e x c l u s i v e l y i n f e d e r a l p r i s o n s . Had  the r e s e a r c h been done i n p r o v i n c i a l p r i s o n s , almost a l l  would have been s e r v i n g sentences  o f l e s s than two y e a r s .  It  TABLE 6.3 LENGTH OF CURRENT SENTENCE  Sentence  Frequency  Percentage  Life  11  18  10 years or over  16  27  Over 5 years, l e s s than 10 years  14  23  2 years t o 5 years  19  32  TOTAL  60  100  should be c l e a r , however, t h a t the two major p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n hypotheses o f t h i s r e s e a r c h would not be n e a r l y as germane f o r p r o v i n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , where i n c a r c e r a t i o n p e r i o d s  - 158 are normally l i m i t e d t o two y e a r s .  In order to t e s t the second h y p o t h e s i s , i n f o r m a t i o n was c o l l e c t e d r e g a r d i n g each p r i s o n e r ' s degree o f exposure t o the c r i m i n a l  j u s t i c e system.  F o r t u n a t e l y , the d i s t r i b u t i o n was  f a i r l y even i n t h i s regard, making i t p o s s i b l e t o draw i n f e r e n ces about the r e l a t i o n s h i p between exposure and p o l i t i c i z a t i o n . The 9 p r i s o n e r s who claimed no p r e v i o u s exposure were those i n terviewed a t the Regional Reception Centre, who were commencing t h e i r f i r s t period of incarceration. TABLE 6.4 ESTIMATED TOTAL TIME SERVED IN PRISON  Length  o f time  Frequency  Percentage  10 years or over  11  18  Over 5 years, l e s s than 10 years  12  20  2 years t o 5 years  15  25  Less than 2 years  13  22  9  15  60  100  None TOTAL  Table 6.5 shows t h a t the m a j o r i t y o f the p r i s o n e r s u s u a l l y served the bulk o f t h e i r sentences prisons.  i n medium s e c u r i t y  T h i s i s not unexpected, as one h a l f o f the i n t e r v i e w s  were conducted  i n medium or medium-minimum  security prisons.  In any event, the a c t u a l d i s t r i b u t i o n i s s i m i l a r to t h a t i n the  - 159 f e d e r a l p r i s o n system, where the g r e a t e s t number o f the p r i s o n ers are i n medium s e c u r i t y and the fewest i n minimum. TABLE 6.5 USUAL LEVEL OF SECURITY  Type o f p r i s o n  Frequency  Percentage  Maximum  22  37  Medium  35  58  3  5  60  100  Minimum TOTAL  While s l i g h t l y more than h a l f (31) o fthe p r i s o n e r s TABLE 6.6 EDUCATION LEVEL ATTAINED  Education  Level  No formal  education  Elementary  Frequency  school  Some secondary  school  Secondary school  graduate  Some c o l l e g e or u n i v e r s i t y University  graduate  Specialized vocation TOTAL  school  Percentage  1  2  5  8  25  42  14  23  10  17  2  3  3  5  60  100  - 160 had  not completed h i g h s c h o o l , the balance had e i t h e r  from high school and/or r e c e i v e d post-secondary  graduated  education.  r e l a t i v e l y h i g h l e v e l s o f e d u c a t i o n a l attainment  The  could be ac-  counted f o r , a t l e a s t i n p a r t , by the e d u c a t i o n a l programs i n f e d e r a l p r i s o n s , which make i t p o s s i b l e f o r a p r i s o n e r t o enter the system with no formal education whatsoever, and leave with a u n i v e r s i t y education t i o n , and a b i l i t y ) .  (assuming t h a t he has the time,  In my experience,  inclina-  many f e d e r a l p r i s o n e r s  take advantage of these programs, as going t o school can be a d i s t r a c t i o n from lengthy sentences  and p r i s o n l i f e  i n general.  C e r t a i n l y the data i n Table 6.6 tend t o d i s p e l the stereotype image o f the i n a r t i c u l a t e or i l l i t e r a t e p r i s o n e r .  A n a l y s i s o f the p r i s o n e r s ' socioeconomic done on the b a s i s o f t h e i r usual occupation s c a l e which blended socioeconomic  s t a t u s was  and income, u s i n g a  elements o f the B l i s h e n and H o l l i n g s h e a d  i n d i c e s (7).  The r e s u l t s seen i n t a b l e 6.7 c h a l -  lenge the c o n v e n t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n o f crime with the lower classes.  T h i r t y - s e v e n o f the p r i s o n e r s (62 per cent o f the  sample) had incomes i n excess  o f $15,000 per annum, and u s u a l l y  were employed i n s e m i - s k i l l e d , s k i l l e d , or p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations .  Of course  i ti s difficult  p r i s o n e r s have o v e r - r e p o r t e d  t o say t o what extent the  t h e i r socioeconomic  s t a t u s as a  r e s u l t o f t h e i r p r e f e r e n c e t o be viewed as "middle c l a s s " i n a s o c i e t y which i s commonly regarded  as a "middle c l a s s s o c i e t y . "  However, i t i s worth n o t i n g t h a t I p e r s o n a l l y was aware o f the s o c i a l background o f many o f the p r i s o n e r s , and where I was not, the p r i s o n e r s would know t h a t I could access t h e i r  files.  - 161  -  T h e r e f o r e , most p r o b a b l y were not i n c l i n e d t o l i e about verifiable  easily  details.  TABLE 6.7  PRISONERS' SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS  Socioeconomic s t a t u s  Frequency  Percentage  Lower (income under $15,000 p.a.; u n s k i l l e d labour or h a b i t u a l l y unemployed).  23  38  Lower-Middle (income from $15,000-25,000 p.a.; semis k i l l e d labour, o f f i c e / clerical).  27  45  Middle (income from $25,00040,000 p.a.; s k i l l e d labour, s m a l l b u s i n e s s , semi- p r o f e s sional ) . Upper-Middle (over $40,000 p.a.; managerial, p r o f e s sional, private business).  9  15  0  0  1  1  60  100  Upper ( d i r e c t ownership o f i n d u s t r i a l firms, resources, or r e a l e s t a t e ) . TOTAL  With the e x c e p t i o n o f using a s l i g h t l y lower income index to compensate f o r the e f f e c t s o f i n f l a t i o n i n more recent years on annual e a r n i n g s , the socioeconomic s t a t u s o f the p r i s oners' parents was  c a l c u l a t e d i n the same manner.  It i s i n t e r -  e s t i n g t o note t h a t the m a j o r i t y of the p r i s o n e r s c l a i m to have come from middle or upper-middle socioeconomic backgrounds. the extent t h a t they are r e l i a b l e , these s t a t i s t i c s appear t o  To  - 162 suggest a degree of s o c i a l s k i d d i n g among the p r i s o n e r population (8).  TABLE 6.8 PARENTS' SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS  Socioeconomic Status  Frequency  Lower (under $10,000 p.a.; u n s k i l l e d labour or h a b i t u a l l y unemployed).  Percentage  6  10  Lower-middle ($10,-20,000 p.a.; s e m i - s k i l l e d labour, o f f i c e / clerical).  19  32  Middle ($20-30,000 p.a.; s k i l l e d l a b o u r , small b u s i n e s s , semi-professional, private business).  18  30  Upper-middle ($30,000 or more; managerial, p r o f e s s i o n a l , private business).  14  23  1  2  60  100  Upper ( d i r e c t ownership o f i n d u s t r i a l firms, resources, or r e a l e s t a t e ) . TOTAL  O v e r a l l , the sample appeared f a i r l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f f e d e r a l p r i s o n e r s i n Canada.  This estimate i s premised p a r t l y  on the wide ranges i n such v a r i a b l e s as age, length o f sentence, types o f o f f e n c e s , or degrees o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , and p a r t l y on the comparison made i n Chapter 5 t o the f e d e r a l  pris-  oner d i s t r i b u t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia as r e p o r t e d by the S o l i c i t o r General i n h i s Annual Report ( 9 ) .  - 163  B.  -  PRISONER PERSPECTIVES ON CRIME, POLITICS, AND SOCIOECONOMIC SYSTEM  THE  This s e c t i o n w i l l examine both the a c t u a l of the p r i s o n e r s  i n my  sample, and  present the  findings  ing t h e i r degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n each of the d i n a l areas t e s t e d i n the prisoners various  i n my  study.  five  regardattitu-  A l l verbatim responses of  sample are i n q u o t a t i o n  prisoners,  responses  marks, and  r a t h e r than from a s e l e c t few.  come from At the  of the d i s c u s s i o n of each of the a t t i t u d i n a l areas there be a b r i e f summary of the p o s i t i o n o f recognized new  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s on the  end will  politicized  prisoners  and  question,  to f a c i l i t a t e comparison between t h e i r statements  those of the p r i s o n e r s  i n my  sample.  mation on the p o s i t i o n of recognized new  the  a t t i t u d i n a l area i n and  For more d e t a i l e d i n f o r p o l i t i c i z e d prisoners  and  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s i n these a t t i t u d i n a l areas, the reader i s  r e f e r r e d to Chapter 4 of t h i s t h e s i s , where the matter  was  t r e a t e d at some l e n g t h .  The I I I of the  interview  t i v e s on the crime and you  first  dimension of p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n schedule) was  s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and  social class.  The  three  f e e l t h a t Canadian s o c i e t y has  2) Where do you  r e l a t e d to p r i s o n e r  criminal a c t i v i t i e s ?  questions asked were: 1) a system of s o c i a l  belong to has  I t was  perspec-  the r e l a t i o n s h i p between  f i t i n t o the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e ?  f e e l t h a t the c l a s s you  (Part  any  and  Do  classes?  3) Do  you  i n f l u e n c e on your  hoped t h a t any  r a d i c a l i z e d "class  consciousness" would become apparent through the  prisoners'  - 164 responses.  When asked: "Do you f e e l t h a t Canadian s o c i e t y has  a system o f s o c i a l c l a s s e s ? , " 55 s a i d yes, 3 s a i d yes with q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , and 2 s a i d no. i n the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e ,  When asked about t h e i r p o s i t i o n  24 f e l t t h a t they belonged i n the lower  or lower-middle c l a s s e s , 23 s t a t e d t h a t they were i n the middle c l a s s , and 6 i d e n t i f i e d themselves as upper-middle c l a s s . response t o the question  In  "Do you f e e l t h a t the c l a s s you belong  to has any i n f l u e n c e on your c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s ? , " 14 answered t h a t i t had d e f i n i t e i n f l u e n c e , and  12 t h a t i t had some i n f l u e n c e ,  2 d i d n ' t know; 32 i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h e i r s o c i a l c l a s s had  nothing t o do with t h e i r c r i m i n a l involvement.  On the b a s i s o f t h e i r responses i n t h i s category o f c l a s s consciousness, 18 p r i s o n e r s were c a t e g o r i z e e d ately politicized, iticized.  and 10 as non-pol-  In the p r e v i o u s chapter on methodology i t was seen  t h a t only three at f i r s t ,  32 as m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d ,  as moder-  categories  o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n were d i s t i n g u i s h e d  those being n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d , m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d , and  moderately p o l i t i c i z e d . categorized  Extremely p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s  were  afterwards, on the b a s i s o f t h e i r c o n s i s t e n c y i n  responding i n a r a d i c a l i z e d manner throughout the i n t e r v i e w .  Table 5.3 (which d e s c r i b e s  the s c o r i n g  conventions)  i n Chapter 5 shows t h a t p r i s o n e r s who s a i d there was no c l a s s system, were unable t o l o c a t e t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e , and had no awareness o f the i n f l u e n c e o f t h e i r c l a s s background on t h e i r c r i m i n a l behaviour, were c a t e g o r i z e d as non-politicized.  Those p r i s o n e r s  who acknowledged the e x i s t -  -  ence of a c l a s s system and i n the  -  165  were able to l o c a t e t h e i r p o s i t i o n  c l a s s s t r u c t u r e , but  denied the  influence  of t h e i r c l a s s  background on t h e i r c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s , were c a t e g o r i z e d  as  mildly p o l i t i c i z e d .  class  system, l o c a t e d influence  Those who  t h e i r own  immediately recognized the  s o c i a l c l a s s , and  acknowledged  of t h e i r c l a s s backgrounds on t h e i r c r i m i n a l  i t i e s , were c a t e g o r i z e d  One  prisoner  the  activ-  as moderately p o l i t i c i z e d .  l a t e r p l a c e d i n the  c i z e d category (on the b a s i s  extremely p o l i t i -  of h i s c o n s i s t e n t l y  radicalized  responses i n a l l a t t i t u d i n a l areas) s a i d t h a t we  have s o c i a l  classes,  and  that  i t is "difficult  f e l t t h a t others would see him  f o r upward p r o g r e s s i o n . "  as lower c l a s s , but  never thought of myself as lower c l a s s . myself as impoverished." a cause of crime, he sition.  When questioned about s o c i a l c l a s s  said that  " I f I had  a better  - one  childhood."  He  also  I had  the  as po-  dismal  Another extremely  p l a c e d h i m s e l f "very low  step from the bottom.  financial  at a l l , but  p o v e r t y made i t more than I could handle."  structure  "I've  . .1 have thought of  . .1 wouldn't have been t h i s way  p o l i t i c i z e d prisoner  that  He  down i n the a pretty  f e l t t h a t h i s c l a s s p o s i t i o n was  class  rough a factor  i n h i s c r i m i n a l behaviour, because h i s p r o p e r t y o f f e n c e s were "done because I wanted to eat." prisoner  described  s o c i a l c l a s s had t i e s due  h i m s e l f as  A t h i r d extremely p o l i t i c i z e d  "lower income," and  a d e f i n i t e influence  on h i s c r i m i n a l  to peer group, environment, and  f o r someone who  i s poor."  said  that activi-  "limited opportunity  - 166 Chapter 4 examined the views o f recognized cized prisoners udinal  and new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s  areas t e s t e d  i n my study.  politi-  toward the f i v e a t t i t u -  As i n d i c a t e d  i n Chapter 4, on  the dimension o f " c l a s s consciousness," a p o l i t i c i z e d  prisoner  would 1) be aware o f the impact o f s o c i a l c l a s s on upward mobility, ture, and  2) be. able t o i d e n t i f y h i s p o s i t i o n i n the c l a s s  struc-  and 3) be aware o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l c l a s s  crime.  The responses o f the three p r i s o n e r s  above meet these  considered  criteria.  On the other hand, the responses o f the p r i s o n e r s categorized  as n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d or m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d d e f i n i t e l y  d i d not meet these c r i t e r i a .  While almost a l l agreed t h a t  Can-  adian s o c i e t y has a system o f s o c i a l c l a s s e s , most p l a c e d themselves  i n the "middle c l a s s "  (regardless  of t h e i r actual  class  p o s i t i o n ) , and most f e l t t h a t t h e i r s o c i a l c l a s s had l i t t l e or no  influence  on t h e i r c r i m i n a l  was l a t e r c a t e g o r i z e d  activities.  One p r i s o n e r  as n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d on the b a s i s  who  of h i s  responses i n a l l f i v e a t t i t u d i n a l areas s a i d that  Canada has  s o c i a l classes  Another non-  politicized  "to a l i m i t e d extent, by income."  respondent s a i d t h a t  the person h i m s e l f . yourself."  . . .  s o c i a l c l a s s i s "created  The c l a s s you're i n depends upon  N e i t h e r o f these p r i s o n e r s  of the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e  by  mentioned the r i g i d i t y  or the b a r r i e r s to upward  mobility.  T y p i c a l answers t o the q u e s t i o n regarding the r e l a t i o n s h i p between crime and s o c i a l c l a s s were "I don't b e l i e v e  this  envir-  onment s t u f f " or "No. . .1 know too many people who are not i n trouble  who have the same f i n a n c i a l background and status  as I  - 167  -  do. "  As can be seen from the statements o f those p r i s o n e r s judged to be n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d or o n l y m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d , did  not express views i n d i c a t i v e of a r a d i c a l i z e d  they  " c l a s s con-  sciousness."  P r i s o n e r s i n these c a t e g o r i e s who  formulate  a r t i c u l a t e d response at a l l u s u a l l y emphasized  any  the r o l e of "the c l a s s , and cial  played  class.  notions  i n d i v i d u a l " i n determining  In other words, they subscribed  based e x p l a n a t i o n  The  second dimension of p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  The  t h i s a t t i t u d i n a l area was  of the f a i r n e s s o f  The  Do  2) Are a l l  purpose o f questions  j u s t i c e system i s f a i r  and  in  feel  on the b a s i s of s o c i a l c l a s s .  i n Chapter 5 shows t h a t p r i s o n e r s who  believed that  Tathe  f e l t t h a t a l l people are  t r e a t e d e q u a l l y by the law were c a t e g o r i z e d Those who  and  to determine whether p r i s o n e r s  t h a t the law i s administered  (Part  p r i s o n e r s were asked: 1)  people t r e a t e d e q u a l l y by the law?  criminal  cate-  tended to adopt a c l a s s -  t h i n k the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i s f a i r ?  5.3  cultural  of crime.  the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system.  ly  to the  so-  individual responsi-  IV of the schedule) r e l a t e d to p e r c e p t i o n s  ble  social  T h i s i s i n d i s t i n c t c o n t r a s t to the p r i s o n e r s  g o r i z e d as extremely p o l i t i c i z e d , who  you  h i s own  to  down the r e l a t i o n s h i p between crime and  of u n l i m i t e d s o c i a l m o b i l i t y and  bility.  were able  as n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d .  b e l i e v e d t h a t the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i s b a s i c a l -  f a i r , but  c i t e d exceptions,  and  always t r e a t e d e q u a l l y by the law,  f e l t t h a t a l l people are  not  were c a t e g o r i z e d as m i l d l y  - 168 politicized.  Those who b e l i e v e d that the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e  tem  i s b a s i c a l l y u n f a i r , and t h a t there  and  a law f o r the poor, were c a t e g o r i z e d  sys-  i s a law f o r the r i c h as moderately p o l i t i -  cized .  Seventeen of the interviewees j u s t i c e system was f a i r , uncertain.  f e l t t h a t the c r i m i n a l  40 f e l t t h a t i t was u n f a i r , and 3 were  When asked about equal treatment before  s a i d t h a t everybody was t r e a t e d e q u a l l y , were t r e a t e d unequally, d i n a l area,  53 f e l t t h a t people  and 2 were u n c e r t a i n .  33 p r i s o n e r s were c a t e g o r i z e d  the law, 5  In t h i s  as moderately  attitupoliti-  c i z e d , 21 as m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d , and o n l y 6 as n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d .  The  higher  incidence  of p o l i t i c i z e d  responses i n t h i s  a t t i t u d i n a l area was not unexpected, as p r i s o n e r s are f a m i l i a r with the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, and because o f t h e i r i n c a r c e r a t i o n , are l i k e l y t o f e e l d i s a p p o i n t e d t i o n of j u s t i c e . politicized  To be c a t e g o r i z e d  with the a d m i n i s t r a -  as moderately or extremely  i n the f i n a l d e t e r m i n a t i o n  o f o v e r a l l degree o f  p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , p r i s o n e r s were r e q u i r e d t o respond i n a c o n s i s t e n t l y p o l i t i c i z e d manner i n most or a l l f i v e o f the a t t i t u d i n a l areas. the  Only 17 o f the 60 p r i s o n e r s met t h i s requirement i n  f i n a l a n a l y s i s , so higher  incidences  of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n  i n d i v i d u a l areas e v i d e n t l y had l i m i t e d impact on the o v e r a l l findings.  A p r i s o n e r a t the B.C. P e n i t e n t i a r y s e r v i n g an i n d e terminate sentence f o r rape, gave c l e a r l y r a d i c a l i z e d answers  - 169  -  i n t h i s a t t i t u d i n a l a r e a : "I don't t h i n k i t ' s [the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system] i s f a i r . in.  That's where the c l a s s system comes  I f you're upper c l a s s , i f you have the money and the r e p -  u t a t i o n , y o u ' l l get a d i f f e r e n t type o f j u s t i c e than people on the lower end o f the s c a l e . "  This p r i s o n e r was  eventually cat-  e g o r i z e d as extremely p o l i t i c i z e d , as h i s responses t o almost a l l o f the q u e s t i o n s i n the i n t e r v i e w schedule were  comparable  to the above statement i n terms o f c l a s s awareness and ized outlook.  radical-  A s i m i l a r statement, made by an extremely p o l i -  t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s e r v i n g a t h r e e - a n d - a - h a l f year sentence f o r manslaughter,  was  t h a t "guys with the bucks  seem to draw ex-  tremely l i g h t  sentences or walk on t h e i r beefs whereas the guys  i n the lower c l a s s of s o c i e t y t h a t can't a f f o r d these b i g expensive lawyers seem to get the s h a f t . "  One politicized  respondent e v e n t u a l l y p l a c e d i n the moderately  category s a i d that there i s "law f o r the r i c h ,  f o r the poor.  . . .  pat on the back.  S t e a l a m i l l i o n d o l l a r s , you get a  law  little  I f you need t o s t e a l a l o a f o f bread, you  probably get hung."  The common theme i s encapsulated w e l l i n  the statement by another moderately p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r t h a t " I f you've got money, you can wiggle your way c o n s i d e r a b l e consensus  out."  among both the moderately and  p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s i n my  There i s extremely  survey t h a t "money i s a l l t h a t  counts."  As was  the case with p r i s o n e r responses i n the prev-  ious a t t i t u d i n a l area, the above comments are comparable  to  - 170  -  those examined i n Chapter 4 , where recognized oners and  new  politicized  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s were i n agreement t h a t the  crimin-  a l j u s t i c e system operates i n favour o f "the wealthy." primary d i f f e r e n c e between t h e i r comments and prisoners  i n my  t h a t apart  study was  t h a t the  or m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d moderately and  "the wealthy."  as n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d  extremely p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s .  "they give you  of robbery with v i o l e n c e  a fair t r i a l , "  n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d prisoner asserted  and  t h a t there  s a i d "sure" when Another  i s "nothing  purposes.  using the  system" f o r  None of these statements demonstrate r a d i -  c a l awareness of s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  of  justice.  The  t h i r d dimension of p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  V of the i n t e r v i e w  schedule),  ward the p o l i t i c a l  system, s o c i a l e q u a l i t y , and  we  wrong  system," except t h a t some of the people running i t  "are more conscious of g e t t i n g ahead and  ty.  the  For example, a  asked i f a l l people are t r e a t e d e q u a l l y by the law.  criminal  the  could r e a d i l y be d i s t i n g u i s h e d from  n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d prisoner convicted  t h e i r own  the  from t r e a t i n g "the wealthy" i n a d i f f e r e n t way,  Again, those p r i s o n e r s c a t e g o r i z e d  with our  The  former f r e q u e n t l y mentioned  system i s designed s p e c i f i c a l l y to p r o t e c t  said that  those o f  pris-  d e a l t with p r i s o n e r a t t i t u d e s t o social mobili-  P r i s o n e r s were asked: 1) What type of p o l i t i c a l  system  have i n t h i s country? 2) Do we have equal r i g h t s and  opportunities?  and  (Part  equal  3) Is i t p o s s i b l e f o r a poor person to  come r i c h , or a r i c h person to become poor?  The  do  purpose was  beto  - 171  -  encourage the respondent to i n d i c a t e acceptance or r e j e c t i o n of some of the more predominant c u l t u r a l values a democracy, or that we have freedom). conventions (see Table 5.3 t h a t we  Following  the  equal o p p o r t u n i t i e s , and  c r a t i c , but  Those who  Those who  o p p o r t u n i t i e s as a b a s i c f e a t u r e , and  have  t h a t i t i s harder  s a i d we  categor-  have a c a p i t a l -  system f u n c t i o n i n g on b e h a l f of b i g business,  extremely d i f f i c u l t ,  non-  t h a t we  to become r i c h , though p o s s i b l e , were  i z e d as m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d . ist  as  s a i d t h a t the system i s b a s i c a l l y demo-  doesn't always f u n c t i o n as i t should,  a poor man  e-  that upward and down-  equal r i g h t s i f not equal o p p o r t u n i t i e s , and for  said  system with freedom,  ward m o b i l i t y were e q u a l l y p o s s i b l e , were c a t e g o r i z e d politicized.  have  scoring  i n Chapter 5), p r i s o n e r s who  have a d e m o c r a t i c / e g a l i t a r i a n  qual r i g h t s , and  (eg., that we  with unequal  that upward m o b i l i t y i s  but not i m p o s s i b l e ,  were c a t e g o r i z e d  as  moderately p o l i t i c i z e d .  When asked what type of p o l i t i c a l t h i s country, 17 s a i d m a j o r i t y were u n c e r t a i n ,  system we  r u l e , 11 s a i d m i n o r i t y  13 d i d n ' t know, and  response which could be c a t e g o r i z e d .  have i n rule,  15  4 were unable to o f f e r a Nineteen f e l t t h a t  we  have s o c i a l e q u a l i t y , another 19 t h a t we have e q u a l i t y but ment i o n e d some q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , and e q u a l i t y ; i n t h i s case, o n l y one F o r t y - s i x subscribed  21 t h a t we  do not have s o c i a l  respondent was  uncertain.  to the n o t i o n of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , w i t h  a d d i t i o n a l 9 s u b s c r i b i n g with c e r t a i n r e s e r v a t i o n s . t h a t m o b i l i t y was  Four s a i d  only p o s s i b l e through l u c k , w h i l e one  denied the e x i s t e n c e  of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y .  an  flatly  Given t h e i r o v e r a l l  - 172 response  -  p a t t e r n s t o questions i n t h i s a t t i t u d i n a l area, o n l y 7  p r i s o n e r s were c a t e g o r i z e d as moderately  p o l i t i c i z e d , whereas  25 were c a t e g o r i z e d as m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d  and 28 as n o n - p o l i t -  icized .  G e n e r a l l y speaking, the p r i s o n e r s i n my ed the predominant c u l t u r a l v a l u e s .  The  study accept-  l a c k of r a d i c a l aware-  ness i n t h i s a t t i t u d i n a l area i s i n sharp c o n t r a s t t o t h a t i n the preceding area d e a l i n g with p e r s p e c t i v e s on the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system.  I t could be suggested  t h a t predominant c u l t u r -  a l values are one of the l a s t areas t o be penetrated by a deve l o p i n g r a d i c a l consciousness.  Many p r i s o n e r s who  have a r a d i -  c a l outlook on the more f a m i l i a r and r e a d i l y observable  aspects  of the s o c i e t y , such as the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system and  the  power s t r u c t u r e , probably have not yet begun t o c h a l l e n g e the very i d e o l o g i c a l cornerstones upon which the s o c i e t y i s premised .  Those who  d i d score h i g h l y i n t h i s a t t i t u d i n a l  were c l e a r l y r a d i c a l i z e d . i c i z e d was  One  response  area  r a t e d as h i g h l y p o l i t -  t h a t our p o l i t i c a l system i s a " b o u r g e o i s i e o l i g a r -  chy with s l i g h t overtones of democracy."  T h i s p r i s o n e r went on  to say t h a t c l a s s s t r u c t u r e a f f e c t s access t o equal o p p o r t u n i t i e s , p o i n t i n g out t h a t "someone i n the East End of Vancouver doesn't have the same o p p o r t u n i t i e s as someone who Point Grey."  A second  example of a p o l i t i c i z e d  q u e s t i o n on the p o l i t i c a l democratic.  system was  that i t i s  comes from  response  to the  "supposedly  . .but i t seems l i k e b i g b u s i n e s s runs  it—Imper-  -  173  -  i a l O i l , a few o t h e r s , can d i c t a t e what goes on." Another iticized  response on the q u e s t i o n o f whether we have s o c i a l  e q u a l i t y was t h a t "they say we do but we r e a l l y don't. Geared  pol-  ..  f o r the middle and upper c l a s s e s o f the s o c i e t y , not f o r  the lower c l a s s .  . . .These b i g b u s i n e s s e s are always t r y i n g t o  overrun s m a l l e r b u s i n e s s e s — i f we had equal r i g h t s , the government would step i n . " When asked about the p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f soc i a l m o b i l i t y , t h i s respondent s a i d that i t was p o s s i b l e by winning Loto Canada, but "no other ways u n l e s s [the person] has a r i c h f a m i l y member who d i e s . "  The above remarks a l l suggest r e j e c t i o n o f the not i o n s o f democracy, s o c i a l e q u a l i t y , and s o c i a l m o b i l i t y .  They  are a l s o v e r y s i m i l a r t o the remarks o f the r e c o g n i z e d p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s and new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s which were examined i n Chapter 4 .  The remarks o f the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s i n my  study and those examined i n Chapter 4 a l l demonstrate  radical  awareness o f the i n f l u e n c e o f the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e on access t o p o l i t i c a l power, equal r i g h t s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s , and upward social  mobility.  On the other hand, the responses o f p r i s o n e r s c a t e g o r i z e d as n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d d e f i n i t e l y demonstrated  acceptance  of the n o t i o n s o f democracy, s o c i a l e q u a l i t y , and s o c i a l mobility.  When questioned about the type o f p o l i t i c a l  system we  have, those who were a b l e t o formulate an answer a t a l l almost i n v a r i a b l y s a i d "a democracy," whereas many had no knowledge about the p o l i t i c a l  system, and t h e r e f o r e were unable t o say  - 174 anything  of r e l e v a n c e .  When asked whether we have s o c i a l  b i l i t y and s o c i a l e q u a l i t y , most gave a f l a t swer.  mo-  "yes" as an an-  One s l i g h t l y more verbose p r i s o n e r , l a t e r c a t e g o r i z e d as  n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d , s a i d the p o l i t i c a l system i s "more f o r the working c l a s s , " t h a t people have "equal  r i g h t s t o express them-  s e l v e s , " and t h a t upward m o b i l i t y " a l l depends on the man's initiative." cultural  These respondents c l e a r l y accept  the predominant  values.  The f o u r t h dimension o f p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n VI o f the schedule) r e l a t e d to p r i s o n e r p e r c e p t i o n s er s t r u c t u r e .  P r i s o n e r s were asked: 1) Who  the power i n t h i s country?  o f the pow-  do you t h i n k has  2) How much power do you have i n  r e l a t i o n to the power s t r u c t u r e ? you  (Part  and 3) I f you wanted t o , do  t h i n k t h a t you would be able t o change the s o c i e t y and make  i t better?  The purpose o f t h i s a t t i t u d i n a l area was t o see i f 1  p r i s o n e r s had r a d i c a l i z e d p e r s p e c t i v e s power.  Following  on the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f  the s c o r i n g conventions (see Table  Chapter 5), p r i s o n e r s who  s a i d t h a t "the people" have the pow-  e r , acknowledged some personal have some p e r s o n a l  power, and f e l t t h a t they could  i n f l u e n c e on s o c i a l process,  i z e d as n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d .  5.3 i n  Those who  were  categor-  s a i d t h a t government  offi-  c i a l s and e l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s have the power, acknowledged o n l y minimal p e r s o n a l  power, and f e l t t h a t they c o u l d have o n l y  a s l i g h t i n f l u e n c e on s o c i a l process, ly politicized. b i g business business  Those who  were c a t e g o r i z e d as m i l d -  s a i d t h a t power i s i n the hands o f  i n t e r e s t s and government o f f i c i a l s  representing  i n t e r e s t s , and t h a t they had no p e r s o n a l  power and no  - 175 a b i l i t y to i n f l u e n c e the moderately  -  s o c i a l process,  were c a t e g o r i z e d  as  politicized.  Responses to questions to be q u i t e r a d i c a l i z e d .  on the power s t r u c t u r e tended  T h i r t y of the p r i s o n e r s b e l i e v e d  the economic e l i t e were the primary w i e l d e r s i d e n t i f i e d the law makers or law e n f o r c e r s  of power, w h i l e  as the  Most  themselves as r e l a t i v e l y powerless: 37 s a i d t h a t they had l i m i t e d power, and  p o t e n t i a l l y u n l i m i t e d power.  no  Forty-two f e l t t h a t they had  4 were u n c e r t a i n .  With regard  25 as m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d , and  had lit-  some  to p e r c e p t i o n s  power s t r u c t u r e , 29 p r i s o n e r s were c a t e g o r i z e d politicized,  saw  j u s t 4 t h a t they  t l e or no power to change the s o c i e t y ; 14 f e l t they had power, and  27  powerful;  o n l y 3 s a i d t h a t i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n s have the power.  power, 18 t h a t they had  that  of  the  as moderately  only 6 as  non-polit-  icized .  The  high incidence  of r a d i c a l responses i n t h i s  atti-  t u d i n a l area i s probably explained by the p r i s o n e r s ' unique s i t i o n i n the power s t r u c t u r e . erless,  Prisoners  are p a r t i c u l a r l y pow-  i n t h a t they have l o s t t h e i r l i b e r t y and  tant b e n e f i t s .  the  concomi-  They have no c o n t r o l over when they wake up i n  the morning, when they go to bed  at n i g h t , or what they  eat.  They f i n d themselves sent to p r i s o n w h i l e the powerful are p a r e n t l y able to avoid transgressions. categorized all  po-  ap-  s i m i l a r punishment f o r more s e r i o u s  Again, i t should  be noted t h a t those  as moderately or extremely p o l i t i c i z e d  prisoners  i n the  over-  degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n gave c o n s i s t e n t l y r a d i c a l i z e d r e -  - 176  -  sponses over most or a l l of the f i v e a t t i t u d i n a l areas. i n c i d e n c e of p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n one  or two  d i d not a f f e c t the o v e r a l l f i n d i n g s , as evidenced  categories by the  t h a t only 17 of the 60 p r i s o n e r s were c a t e g o r i z e d as cantly  A high  fact  signifi-  politicized.  In the o p i n i o n of an armed robber g o r i z e d as extremely have the power. the wealth power."  politicized,  "three percent of the  people"  He e l a b o r a t e d , saying t h a t "ninety percent  of  i s h e l d by three percent of the people—money i s  T h i s i s a r e c u r r i n g theme among the extremely  c i z e d p r i s o n e r s i n the sample. powerful  eventually cate-  politi-  T y p i c a l comments were t h a t the  are "the people with the c a p i t a l to i n v e s t i n the  country,"  " f i n a n c e e r s — p e o p l e with the money," or "top  indus-  t r i a l i s t s — t h e y c o n t r o l your newspapers, they c o n t r o l everything."  Moderately  p o l i t i c i z e d prisoners also described  power e l i t e as "the people who  the  c o n t r o l the money flow" or  "cor-  p o r a t i o n s , p r e s i d e n t s of c o r p o r a t i o n s , f o r e i g n i n v e s t o r s , or multinationals."  Those p r i s o n e r s c a t e g o r i z e d as extremely  politicized  recognized the l i m i t a t i o n s on p e r s o n a l power, p a r t i c u l a r l y regard to changing the s o c i e t y . a c t i o n was  necessary  to achieve  Most suggested  with  that c o l l e c t i v e  s o c i a l change. When asked about  t h e i r p e r s o n a l a b i l i t y t o change the s o c i e t y , t y p i c a l r e sponses from the extremely my  p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s were "not  o w n — i t would take a very l a r g e group of people  and  on  a l o t of  d i s s e n s i o n to change the country," or "Revolution i s the o n l y  - 177 change f o r our c o u n t r y — a people's u p r i s i n g . "  The same elements which were observed i n the w r i t i n g s of  recognized p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s and new  Chapter 4 are i n evidence here.  criminologists i n  The i n t e r v i e w e d p r i s o n e r s  e g o r i z e d as moderately or extremely p o l i t i c i z e d  identified  catthe  components o f the power e l i t e i n a manner consonant with r a d i cal  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , and made a c c u r a t e a p p r a i s a l s o f t h e i r p e r -  sonal p o s i t i o n i n the o v e r a l l power s t r u c t u r e .  Some suggested  r e v o l u t i o n as the b e s t method f o r changing the power s t r u c t u r e . A s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e i n response t o these q u e s t i o n s i s t h a t the  i n t e r v i e w e d p r i s o n e r s d i d not mention the r u l e - b r e a k i n g  and  i n v i o l a b i l i t y o f the p o w e r f u l — a t o p i c of p a r t i c u l a r concern t o the  new  criminologists.  The responses o f the n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s were very d i f f e r e n t ers.  from those o f the extremely p o l i t i c i z e d  When asked who  has the power, a sexual o f f e n d e r at Moun-  t a i n I n s t i t u t i o n announced t h a t "the people have the  ones t h a t vote."  it—they're  This p r i s o n e r thought t h a t he had  much power as anyone t h a t can c a s t a b a l l o t . " sponse was  prison-  "as  A similar re-  t h a t "the government has the power," but "only i f  they're supported by the people," and t h a t p e r s o n a l power can be summarized by the phrase: "you have your vote."  These r e -  marks are e v i d e n t l y not c r i t i c a l of the s o c i a l system or the power s t r u c t u r e .  The f i f t h  and l a s t dimension o f p r i s o n e r  politiciza-  - 178 tion  (part VII o f the schedule) d e a l t with p r i s o n e r perspec-  t i v e s on the o r i g i n and purpose o f law. 1) Who decides crime?  P r i s o n e r s were asked:  what w i l l be a crime and what w i l l not be a  and 2) Whose i n t e r e s t s do those d e c i s i o n s  These questions  protect?  were designed t o see whether the p r i s o n e r s  could o f f e r a rudimentary y e t c r i t i c a l account o f how and why laws are made.  Following  the s c o r i n g conventions (see Table  5.3 i n Chapter 5), p r i s o n e r s who s a i d t h a t "the people" and t h e i r e l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s made the law, and t h a t the law p r o t e c t s the i n t e r e s t s o f "the people," were c a t e g o r i z e d as non-politicized.  Those who s a i d t h a t laws are made by gov-  ernment o f f i c i a l s and e l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , but sometimes on the b a s i s o f t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s , were c a t e g o r i z e d as m i l d l y politicized.  Those who s a i d t h a t the laws are made by gov-  ernment o f f i c i a l s and b i g b u s i n e s s , of b i g b u s i n e s s ,  representing  the i n t e r e s t s  were c a t e g o r i z e d as moderately p o l i t i c i z e d .  When asked who d e f i n e s crime, 40 s a i d t h a t crime i s d e f i n e d by p o l i t i c i a n s r e p r e s e n t i n g the e l e c t o r a t e , and 8 i d e n t i f i e d p o l i t i c i a n s representing  themselves.  Only 4 f e l t  that  crime was d e f i n e d by powerful s e l f - i n t e r e s t groups, although 7 d i d mention t h a t crime was d e f i n e d by p o l i t i c i a n s vested  interests.  those d e f i n i t i o n s ,  representing  When asked whose i n t e r e s t s were p r o t e c t e d by 39 s a i d the i n t e r e s t s o f the e l e c t o r a t e , 4  the i n t e r e s t s o f the p o l i t i c i a n s , and 13 the i n t e r e s t s o f economic groups; 4 were u n c e r t a i n .  In t h i s a t t i t u d i n a l area, 11  p r i s o n e r s were c a t e g o r i z e d as moderately p o l i t i c i z e d , m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d , and 36 as n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d .  13 as  The was  lower i n c i d e n c e of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n t h i s  predictable.  In Chapter 4,  i t was  seen t h a t most  n i z e d p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s are r e l a t i v e l y j e c t of "who was  ter  5 on methodology, i t was  eas  i n the  f i r s t two  areas,  and  lower i n two  trafficker  i n the  of the l a s t three  areas.  responded: "Ever see a Two  [the law]  interview.  categorized  This  as extremely p o l i t i c i z e d on  the  responses throughout  the  Another extremely p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r , a 45 year  old heroin t r a f f i c k e r said  stan-  i s made by a  f e w — t h e r i c h ; i t s made t o keep them i n power."  b a s i s of h i s c o n s i s t e n t l y r a d i c a l i z e d  their  . . .  law  f o r the r i c h , none f o r the poor. . . .  Supposed to be done by the people but  later  case—  higher  made f o r a poor man—you never w i l l .  p r i s o n e r was  per-  d e f i n e s crime, a 50 year o l d h e r o i n  at Mountain I n s t i t u t i o n  dards of j u s t i c e — o n e  ar  difficult.  f o u r t h area concerning  of p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n was  When asked who  tiary,  In Chap  of the power s t r u c t u r e , t h i s proved to be the  incidence  select  area  five attitudinal  to be p r o g r e s s i v e l y  of the  sub-  as i t was  f o r the p r i s o n e r s .  seen t h a t the  survey were intended  In f a c t , w i t h the exception  t h a t was  s i l e n t on the  l a s t i n the q u e s t i o n n a i r e ,  expected to pose more d i f f i c u l t i e s  the  recog-  makes the r u l e s and why?" This a t t i t u d i n a l  d e l i b e r a t e l y placed  ceptions  area  that  property  at the Reception Centre/B.C.  "big money i s making the  and  their  power."  Peniten-  laws," "to p r o t e c t  A 29 year o l d marijuana  im-  p o r t e r a l s o i n c a r c e r a t e d i n the RRC/BCP answered t h a t " i t s money" t h a t d e f i n e s crime, and  t h a t crime i s d e f i n e d  in  "mon-  - 180 ey's  i n t e r e s t s — t h e 1,000 people."  In Chapter 4, which d e a l t with a t t i t u d e s o f recogn i z e d p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s and new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s toward the areas t e s t e d i n my study, i t was decided  that a p o l i t i c i z e d  p r i s o n e r would express the o p i n i o n t h a t law i s formulated the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , and f o r the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s . comments o f the extremely p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s  by  The above  i n my survey  c l e a r l y conform t o t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n .  On the other hand, the responses o f those categorized spectrum.  as n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d were a t the other  prisoners  end o f the  The n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s g e n e r a l l y s a i d t h a t  laws were made by "those i n the government who represent the people" or " o r d i n a r y working people"; one s a i d t h a t " i n the end it  comes back t o the i n d i v i d u a l — t h e people make the laws."  They a l s o f e l t t h a t laws were made i n "the i n t e r e s t s o f s o c i ety" or the i n t e r e s t s o f "the people o f the country."  Such  statements are e v i d e n t l y not r a d i c a l i z e d .  Results  i n these f i v e a t t i t u d i n a l areas were used t o  c a l c u l a t e the o v e r a l l degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  Again, t h e  f i v e a t t i t u d i n a l areas were c l a s s consciousness, p e r c e p t i o n s o f the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, acceptance o f a p p r o p r i a t e ogy, law.  perceptions  ideol-  o f the power s t r u c t u r e , and b e l i e f s about the  Part I o f the i n t e r v i e w  schedule was designed t o c o l l e c t  basic biographical information, s e c t i o n o f t h i s chapter.  which was reported  i n the f i r s t  Part I I t e s t e d the p r i s o n e r s '  ability  - 181 to r e l a t e  their radicalized  -  p e r s p e c t i v e s to t h e i r p e r s o n a l  cir-  cumstances; Part VIII t e s t e d the c a p a c i t y of the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s to make recommendations f o r s o c i a l changes and means to achieve  those changes; Part X was  a p o l i t i c a l knowledge  q u i z , used to determine whether p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s were  po-  l i t i c a l l y aware. P a r t s , I I , V I I I , and X were intended  as  checks f o r p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , and  are r e -  ported  their results  i n the next s e c t i o n on o v e r a l l degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  Part IX e l i c i t e d i n f o r m a t i o n on the causes of p r i s o n e r cization,  and  t h i s chapter, criminal  C.  the r e s u l t s  are r e p o r t e d  politi-  i n the l a s t s e c t i o n of  which deals with the e f f e c t s o f exposure to the  justice  system.  OVERALL DEGREE OF  After the  cross-  POLITICIZATION  c a t e g o r i z i n g a l l of the responses i n each of  f i v e a t t i t u d i n a l areas i n accordance with the s c o r i n g con-  ventions  described  i n Table  assessment regarding assessment was  5.3 i n Chapter 5, there was  a  final  the o v e r a l l degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n . T h i s  made on the b a s i s of the p r i s o n e r ' s  consistency  i n responding i n a r a d i c a l i z e d manner to questions  in a l l five  of the a t t i t u d i n a l areas t e s t e d . swers were, and ized,  the higher  The  more r a d i c a l i z e d  the  an-  the more areas i n which answers were r a d i c a l the p r i s o n e r ' s placement i n the  final  analy-  sis .  The  o v e r a l l degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n was  i n a manner s i m i l a r  determined  to the i n i t i a l c a t e g o r i z a t i o n o f responses  - 182 i n the f i v e a t t i t u d i n a l  areas.  Each p r i s o n e r ' s response p a t -  t e r n was assessed f i r s t by myself, then by the t h e s i s sor,  and then t o g e t h e r .  supervi-  Those p r i s o n e r s who gave n o n - p o l i t i -  c i z e d responses i n three or more a t t i t u d i n a l  areas, and who  gave no more than one moderately p o l i t i c i z e d  response, were  p l a c e d i n the n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d category.  Those who answered i n  a m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d manner throughout the i n t e r v i e w , or who answered i n a moderately p o l i t i c i z e d manner i n l e s s than t h r e e TABLE 6.9 OVERALL DEGREE OF POLITICIZATION  Degree o f P o l i t i c i z a t i o n  Frequency  Percentage  17  28  31  52  Non-politicized  12  20  TOTAL  60  100  Moderately Mildly  politicized  politicized  of the a t t i t u d i n a l cized.  areas, were c a t e g o r i z e d as m i l d l y  Those who gave moderately p o l i t i c i z e d  three or more a t t i t u d i n a l politicized.  politi-  responses i n  areas were c a t e g o r i z e d as moderately  In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s o f the o v e r a l l degree o f  politicization,  17 were c a t e g o r i z e d as moderately  31 as m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d ,  politicized,  and 12 as n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d  (see Table  6.9) .  Of the 17 c a t e g o r i z e d as moderately p o l i t i c i z e d ,  10  - 183 were r e - c a t e g o r i z e d as extremely p o l i t i c i z e d a f t e r study.  further  Those r e - c a t e g o r i z e d as extremely p o l i t i c i z e d e i t h e r  gave moderately p o l i t i c i z e d responses i n three o f the f i v e as and m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d scored overall  are-  responses i n the o t h e r s , o r were  as moderately p o l i t i c i z e d i n four o f the areas.  Their  response p a t t e r n s were a l s o compared t o the statements  of the recognized  p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s i n Chapter 4, to ensure  that those c a t e g o r i z e d as extremely p o l i t i c i z e d met a common definition  of prisoner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  A few moderately p o l i t -  i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s who might otherwise have q u a l i f i e d  for cate-  g o r i z a t i o n as extremely p o l i t i c i z e d on the b a s i s o f t h e i r ing  i n each o f the a t t i t u d i n a l  l y p o l i t i c i z e d category  areas were l e f t  because t h e i r  i n the moderate-  answers lacked the q u a l i -  t y and c o n s i s t e n c y o f the extremely p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s . ter  re-study,  mildly politicized,  atively  7 moderately p o l i t i c i z e d , 31  and 12 n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d .  number i n the n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d group (12) was r e l -  s m a l l , because t h i s d e s i g n a t i o n was reserved  who gave c o n s i s t e n t l y n o n - r a d i c a l i z e d responses. this  Af-  then, there were four groups o f p r i s o n e r s , 10 o f  whom were extremely p o l i t i c i z e d ,  The  scor-  group s a i d  f o r those  Prisoners i n  t h a t Canada i s a middle c l a s s s o c i e t y with a  democratic government, f e a t u r i n g e q u a l i t y , s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , and justice  for a l l .  S l i g h t l y more than one-half  (31) were c a t e -  g o r i z e d as m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d , because t h i s was a broad gory which encompassed a l l those who were not c l e a r l y i t i c i z e d , but who could not be seen as r a d i c a l i z e d .  cate-  non-polSome mem-  bers o f t h i s group, gave evidence o f nascent p o l i t i c i z a t i o n ,  - 184 but were unable to apply t h e i r c o n s i s t e n t and thorough b a s i s .  -  growing  radical  awareness on a  While the number c a t e g o r i z e d as  moderately or extremely p o l i t i c i z e d  (17) was  not g r e a t , i t  nonetheless r e p r e s e n t s 28 percent of the respondents, and i s therefore i n d i c a t i v e of a s i g n i f i c a n t among the sampled p r i s o n e r s .  degree of  politicization  More w i l l be s a i d on t h i s  matter  i n the c o n c l u d i n g c h a p t e r .  As seen i n Chapter 5 on methodology, responses t o questions i n Part II of the i n t e r v i e w schedule were not used i n determining the degree of p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  The  ques-  t i o n s were: 1) Do you f e e l t h a t you have good p r o s p e c t s f o r the future?  2) Do you f e e l t h a t your f a m i l y background  the causes of your c r i m i n a l behaviour?  and 3) Why  i s one of do you get  i n t o t r o u b l e with the law, when most of the people i n the t r y do not?  The purpose o f these q u e s t i o n s was  to see whether  a p r i s o n e r c a t e g o r i z e d as moderately or extremely i n the o v e r a l l calized  degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  a t t i t u d e s t o h i s own  life  coun-  politicized  could r e l a t e h i s  radi-  situation.  Responses t o these q u e s t i o n s proved t o be an accurate p r e d i c t o r of o v e r a l l (10).  degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , with Tau B =  Of the 10 respondents c a t e g o r i z e d as extremely  c i z e d , 8 responded  own  extremely p o l i t i c i z e d in  a politicized  politi-  to the q u e s t i o n s i n Part II i n a manner  which i n d i c a t e d t h a t they were able to apply t h e i r spectives to t h e i r  .48  life  situations.  One  radical  per-  of the remaining 2  p r i s o n e r s c o u l d not be expected t o answer  manner to these q u e s t i o n s , because he had a  - 185  -  middle c l a s s f a m i l y background, a good trade, a r e s p e c t a b l e ucation,  and  was  s e r v i n g h i s f i r s t p e r i o d of i n c a r c e r a t i o n .  the other hand, 42 of the p r i s o n e r s prospects  ed-  f e l t that they had  f o r t h e i r f u t u r e , 40 f e l t t h a t f a m i l y was  tor  i n t h e i r c r i m i n a l behaviour, and  for  their criminal a c t i v i t i e s .  good  not a f a c -  32 blamed o n l y themselves  Only 9 d e f i n i t e l y  s o c i e t y or the environment as c a u s a l  On  factors.  identified  Therefore,  while  the r e s u l t s show t h a t the m a j o r i t y o f those g i v i n g p o l i t i c i z e d answers t o l a t e r questions t h e i r own  l i f e circumstances, most of the p r i s o n e r s d i d  view t h e i r l i f e  circumstances and  a r a d i c a l i z e d manner. discussed  c o u l d r e l a t e t h i s r a d i c a l outlook t o  i n the  The  final  not  their criminal a c t i v i t i e s in  implications of t h i s f i n d i n g w i l l  be  chapter.  Those whose response p a t t e r n s were i n d i c a t i v e of some degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n were unsure about t h e i r prospects the  future.  One  s a i d t h a t h i s l i f e chances were " t e n u o u s — d e -  pendent upon a l o t of f a c t o r s , " while another p l a c e d h i s pects  "on  a s c a l e of one  tended to see t h e i r  to ten, edging towards s i x . "  such t h i n g s as  "definitely.  have a f a m i l y — f i g h t i n g , d i v o r c e when I was deprived  upbringing."  a 20 year sentence r e c a l l e d the p r e s s i o n , and ing."  most people d i d not,  Most  they got  . .1  life  didn't  young, g e n e r a l l y  A heroin t r a f f i c k e r " r e l i e f l i n e s " during  concluded t h a t h i s "background had  When asked why  pros-  f a m i l y background as a f a c t o r i n t h e i r  circumstances, saying  emotionally  for  serving the  de-  q u i t e a bear-  i n t r o u b l e with the law when  respondents t y p i c a l l y mentioned  onomic i n e q u a l i t y or c o n f l i c t w i t h the goals of the  socioecsystem.  A  - 186 common o b s e r v a t i o n was  -  t h a t "everybody  has a l i t t l e b i t of l a r -  ceny i n them, but most people don't come to j a i l . " s c a l e marijuana t r a f f i c k e r s t a t e d t h a t he  A large-  "couldn't f i n d a more  r e p u t a b l e business t o be i n , " p a r t i c u l a r l y because he "couldn't stand s e l l i n g people s t u f f they d i d n ' t need or d i d n ' t want," l i k e h i s father d i d .  Another p r i s o n e r s a i d t h a t he got  into  t r o u b l e because he became t i r e d of working t h r e e j o b s ; as he put i t , he was of  "always  a f t e r t h a t mother-fucking money."  All  these comments suggest a r e j e c t i o n of the system and i t s  v a l u e s , and a tendency to a p p r e c i a t e the e f f e c t of e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s on an i n d i v i d u a l ' s development.  The answers o f those seen as n o n - p o l i t i c i z e d were at the o p p o s i t e end o f the spectrum.  When asked i f they had good  p r o s p e c t s f o r the f u t u r e , these p r i s o n e r s u s u a l l y would say simply "yes" or "most d e f i n i t e l y . " background  was  When asked i f t h e i r  t o blame, they would answer "no,  " j u s t s t u p i d i t y on my p a r t . "  family  j u s t myself" or  One went so f a r as t o say t h a t "I  don't b e l i e v e i n that c r a p . . .the home s i t u a t i o n i s not l i k e a b a l l and c h a i n . " for  their l i f e  G e n e r a l l y speaking, they blamed  s i t u a t i o n ; f o r example, one s a i d t h a t he had a  "bad hand f o r w r i t i n g cheques," was  a "high energy person" who  mediate sponse  themselves  gratification."  w h i l e another remarked t h a t he liked  " s e n s a t i o n a l i s m " and  "im-  Many were unable to formulate any r e -  at a l l to some o f these q u e s t i o n s .  Part V I I I o f the i n t e r v i e w schedule asked the p r i s o n ers  t o o u t l i n e the types of changes they would l i k e t o see i n  - 187 society,  and t o suggest means o f a c h i e v i n g those changes.  The  responses i n Part V I I I again were not used i n a s s e s s i n g the p r i s o n e r s ' o v e r a l l degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n . Instead, they were intended t o assess the degree t o which p r i s o n e r s could t r a n s late c r i t i c i s m into p r a c t i c a l  suggestions, e s p e c i a l l y  among  those p r i s o n e r s who were scored as h i g h l y p o l i t i c i z e d .  When asked what s o c i a l changes they would l i k e t o see, o n l y 10 o f the 60 p r i s o n e r s made r a d i c a l suggestions (see Table 6.10).  Similarly,  o n l y 9 s u b s c r i b e d t o r a d i c a l methods  TABLE 6.10 PRISONER PROGRAMS FOR SOCIAL CHANGE  Desired Changes  Frequency  Percentage  Concrete R a d i c a l Suggestions  10  17  Concrete Reformist Suggestions  30  50  Vague Suggestions  15  25  5  8  No Suggestions TOTAL  60  100  f o r a c h i e v i n g those changes (see Table 6.11). were unable t o r e l a t e  their radicalized  t h i n k i n g t o concrete  programs f o r r a d i c a l change, as demonstrated correlation  Most p r i s o n e r s  by the l a c k o f  between the o v e r a l l degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and  d e s i r e d changes (Tau C = .17) and between the o v e r a l l degree o f  - 188 p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and the proposed methods f o r a c h i e v i n g (Tau  change  C = .15).  On the other hand, 6 o f the 10 extremely p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s d i d o f f e r r a d i c a l i z e d answers.  One o f the members o f  TABLE 6.11 PRISONER METHODS FOR ACHIEVING CHANGE  Method o f Change  Frequency  Percentage  9  15  R a d i c a l Method Conservative or L i b e r a l Method  35  58  Combination o f Above  1  Don 1 Know  9  15  Not  6  10  1  Applicable  TOTAL  60  2  100  the extremely p o l i t i c i z e d group suggested t h a t we need "comp l e t e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the d i v i s i o n o f the wealth, t a x a t i o n o f large corporations, raent of m i n o r i t i e s . "  r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the c o u r t s , b e t t e r t r e a t He proposed t o achieve these changes  through "a worker's r e v o l u t i o n , but I don't mean with g u n s — a n economic r e v o l u t i o n . . .taking some o f the power away from the big corporations."  A second suggested t h a t "nobody should  have to n e e d — o p p o r t u n i t i e s  should  ever  be t h e r e " and f e l t t h a t the  only way to accomplish t h i s i s " t o have a t o t a l r e v o l u t i o n -  - 189 - t h e r e ' s no other way  -  you c o u l d do i t . "  A t h i r d s a i d that  he  would l i k e to "see someone l i k e Castro take the country over," and  s a i d t h a t t h i s would have to be done "with v i o l e n c e — g e t  the students behind you, change the p o l i t i c a l  In Chapter 4 we  system."  saw t h a t r e c o g n i z e d p o l i t i c i z e d  pris  oners recommended " r e s t r u c t u r i n g " of the s o c i e t y along the l i n e s of s o c i a l i s m or communism, and advocated  " r e v o l u t i o n " or  " v i o l e n c e " as the a p p r o p r i a t e means t o achieve t h e i r g o a l . There  i s l i t t l e d i f f e r e n c e between t h e i r statements  and  those  o f 6 o f the extremely p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s i n the p r e s e n t study.  While almost a l l of the moderately  and m i l d l y  polit-  i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s were unable to make r a d i c a l suggestions f o r change, most of the extremely p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s were able to apply t h e i r r a d i c a l i z e d t h i n k i n g to suggestions f o r s o c i a l change.  Part X o f the schedule was  a s h o r t , ten item q u i z on  s u b j e c t s r e l a t e d t o g e n e r a l p o l i t i c a l awareness. were used to determine moderately  The  results  whether those p r i s o n e r s c a t e g o r i z e d as  or extremely p o l i t i c i z e d  i n the assessment of the  o v e r a l l degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n were a l s o more p o l i t i c a l l y ware i n a g e n e r a l sense. c i z e d p r i s o n e r s had and 7 had  A l l but one of the extremely  politi-  scores g r e a t e r than 6 out o f a p o s s i b l e  scores of 8 or g r e a t e r .  There was  10  a reportable leve  o f a s s o c i a t i o n between o v e r a l l degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n g e n e r a l p o l i t i c a l awareness, with Tau C =  a-  .23.  and  Essentially, ized  as  icized  extremely accounts  c h a n g e s and the well the  on  the  cized  general  political  change  p r i s o n e r s who  related  life  social  (Tau  C =  schedule,  between t h e five  attitudinal  .50  i n each c a s e .  This  suggests  degree of  POLITICIZATION AND  appeared  to e x h i b i t  degree o f  You  of t h e i r  up and  and  THE  where d i d you  get  this  a  definite  i n the  of  and over  determina-  CRIMINAL J U S T I C E SYSTEM  The  You  prisoners  during  which probed first  a l o t of thought  q u i t e a b i t o f knowledge.  per-  political  a Tau  i n t e r v i e w schedule,  crime.  of  politicization.  politicization.  onomics, p o l i t i c s ,  accounts  with  signs of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  appear t o have g i v e n  sug-  politicization  general  areas,  v i e w were a s k e d a d d i t i o n a l q u e s t i o n s sources  and  reliability  EXPOSURE TO  In P a r t IX o f t h e  with  politi-  degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  s c o r i n g i n the  overall  extremely  scored  measurements i n d i c a t e a  .48)  the  of the  with  dealing with  In a d d i t i o n , t h e r e was overall  social  Similarly,  radicalized  B =  polit-  p r i s o n e r s , and  knowledge q u i z .  Tau  categor-  change c o n s o n a n t  (where o n l y t h e  (Tau  .23).  suggested  politicized  the  were  a n a l y s i s gave  situations,  f a c t o r s s u c h as  circumstances  correlation  D.  final  a s s o c i a t i o n between o v e r a l l  knowledge  tion  -  i n the  o f P a r t V I I I o f the  p r i s o n e r s scored high),  other  sonal  life  or r e c o g n i z e d  for social  definite and  politicized  means f o r a c h i e v i n g  exception  gestions  most o f t h e  of t h e i r  suggestions  190  the for  knowledge?  The  the  do  1)  subject of  a l s o appear t o have  Where d i d you  inter-  q u e s t i o n was:  to the  who  ec-  picked  this thinking,  second  question,  - 191 asked o n l y i f the respondent d i d not mention  p r i s o n as a  source, was: 2) Is i t a r e s u l t of being i n p r i s o n ? Responses t o these questions were used t o p r o v i d e p r i s o n e r o p i n i o n s on the a s s o c i a t i o n between p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  and exposure  t o the  c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, which was the second h y p o t h e s i s t e s t e d i n my study.  Twenty-five of the 60 p r i s o n e r s were asked where they had a c q u i r e d t h e i r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n . who were e v e n t u a l l y c l a s s i f i e d  T h i s i n c l u d e d a l l o f those  as extremely p o l i t i c i z e d , a l l  but one o f the moderately p o l i t i c i z e d the m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d  group.  group,  The one moderately  p r i s o n e r was not ( i n my o p i n i o n ) answering icalized  as w e l l as 8 o f politicized  questions i n a rad-  manner d u r i n g the i n t e r v i e w , and t h e r e f o r e was not  asked about the source o f h i s r a d i c a l knowledge. politicized  The 8 m i l d l y  p r i s o n e r s who were questioned about the source o f  t h e i r r a d i c a l knowledge e x h i b i t e d d e f i n i t e signs o f nascent politicization,  but were not c o n s i s t e n t enough i n t h e i r over-  a l l response p a t t e r n s t o be c a t e g o r i z e d as moderately c i z e d i n the f i n a l  politi-  analysis.  Of the 25 who were questioned, 9 s a i d t h a t they had a c q u i r e d t h e i r views i n p r i s o n , 5 mentioned  sources other than  p r i s o n , and 11 f e l t that t h e i r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n b i n a t i o n o f sources i n c l u d i n g p r i s o n . who were questioned demonstrate  The statments o f the 25  t h a t f o r them, i n c a r c e r a t i o n  has been a p o l i t i c i z i n g experience. politicized  came from a com-  A member of the moderately  group s a i d t h a t he had become r a d i c a l i z e d  through  - 192 experience  "both  i n and o u t , " b u t m o s t l y  through  dealing with  the  s y s t e m and o b s e r v i n g how p o o r p e o p l e  " g e t s h a f t e d " ; as he  put  i t , "cons come from  families with  lems ." his  justice  came e n t i r e l y  overthrowing prisoner  through  group s a i d  stated f l a t l y  Another extremely  system."  politicized experience  As one e x t r e m e l y  p r i s o n e r put i t , "Prison i s a h e l l  and  I w o u l d go i n t o t h e  t h a t he "became aware t h r o u g h  justice  that  exposure t o the c r i m -  " I f I was a young man,  o f t h e government."  the criminal  cized  politicized  prob-  s y s t e m and g r o w i n g up d u r i n g t h e D e p r e s s i o n ,  went on t o s a y t h a t  with  families,  A member o f t h e e x t r e m e l y  radicalization  inal  busted  politi-  o f an e d u c a t i o n f o r  anybody."  Essentially, icizing ing tem,  factors  imprisoned  i n incarceration. illustrates  particularly  with  f o r t u n a t e members. prison,  thinking  while  To  they  said  r e s p e c t t o t h e way i t t r e a t s  One p r i s o n e r s a i d  many a t t r i b u t e d  t o the time  Firstly,  two main  polit-  that be-  s t a r k l y the unfairness o f the sys-  t h e y h a d "thrown i t i n my  Secondly, and  the prisoners i d e n t i f i e d  their  i t s less  t h a t by p u t t i n g him i n  face—made  i t stand o u t . "  politicization  they had f o r r e a d i n g , watching,  t o t h e media, l i s t e n i n g , and  i n prison.  arrive  a t a more a c c u r a t e a s s e s s m e n t o f t h e c o r -  r e l a t i o n between degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  and e x p o s u r e t o t h e  criminal  t o estimate the  justice  l e n g t h o f time biographical  system,  i t was n e c e s s a r y  s e r v e d b y t h e p r i s o n e r s i n t h e sample,  using  i n f o r m a t i o n p r o v i d e d by t h e p r i s o n e r s i n P a r t I o f  - 193 the survey.  Many o f the p r i s o n e r s were unable t o remember ex-  a c t l y how many j a i l or p r i s o n terms they had served, or the l e n g t h of those terms, so the data presented i n Table 6.12 i s only an e s t i m a t e .  The sample was d i s t r i b u t e d q u i t e evenly i n  t h i s regard, w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f the s l i g h t l y s m a l l e r TABLE 6.12  showing  DEGREE OF EXPOSURE TO THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM  Degree of Exposure  Frequency  No p r e v i o u s exposure  Percentage  9  15  15  25  Moderate exposure (up t o four p r o v i n c i a l or two f e d e r a l terms)  17  28  Extreme exposure (more than four p r o v i n c i a l or two f e d e r a l terms)  19  32  TOTAL  60  100  Minimal exposure (up t o two p r o v i n c i a l  terms)  i n the "no p r e v i o u s exposure" group, which would be expected i n any case because of the tendency o f the j u s t i c e system t o send r e c i d i v i s t s to f e d e r a l r a t h e r than p r o v i n c i a l p r i s o n s .  It w i l l  be seen t h a t s e v e r a l of the 9 p r i s o n e r s who had no p r e v i o u s exposure t o the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system were a l s o h i g h l y  politi-  c i z e d , and t h e r e f o r e c h a l l e n g e d the v a l i d i t y o f t h i s second hypothesis .  In the i n t i a l comparison between the o v e r a l l degree  - 194 of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  and the degree o f exposure t o the c r i m i n a l  j u s t i c e system, no r e p o r t a b l e a s s o c i a t i o n was i n d i c a t e d = .02).  (Tau C  However, t h i s was due p r i m a r i l y t o the f a c t t h a t 5  of t h e 9 p r i s o n e r s w i t h no p r e v i o u s exposure were scored as moderately p o l i t i c i z e d .  Table 6.13 c l e a r l y demonstrates t h a t  with the exception o f the no p r e v i o u s exposure group, the r e s u l t s conformed  to expectations.  Most noteworthy i s t h a t o n l y  TABLE 6.13 DEGREE OF EXPOSURE VS OVERALL DEGREE OF POLITICIZATION  Degree o f exposure  Nonpoliticized  Mildly politicized  Moderately politicized  No p r e v i o u s exposure  1  3  5  M i l d exposure (up t o two p r o v i n c i a l terms)  5  9  1  Moderate exposure (up to four p r o v i n c i a l or two f e d e r a l terms)  2  11  4  Extreme exposure (more than four p r o v i n c i a l or two f e d e r a l terms)  4  8  7  one from the m i l d exposure group was c a t e g o r i z e d as moderately politicized, the  whereas 4 from the moderate  exposure and 7 from  extreme exposure groups were c a t e g o r i z e d as moderately p o l -  iticized .  - 195 A f t e r n o t i n g the l a c k o f a s i g n i f i c a n t o v e r a l l t i o n s h i p between exposure and p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , and a f t e r  relaidenti-  f y i n g the "no p r e v i o u s exposure" p r i s o n e r s as the probable cause f o r i n v a l i d a t i o n , a second a n a l y s i s was conducted  omit-  t i n g that category.  now i n -  The r e s u l t s changed s i g n i f i c a n t l y ,  d i c a t i n g a r e l a t i v e l y moderate r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and exposure t o the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system The impact o f these h i g h l y p o l i t i c i z e d  (Tau B = .23).  f i r s t o f f e n d e r s w i l l be  d i s c u s s e d i n g r e a t e r d e t a i l i n the c o n c l u d i n g c h a p t e r .  Two other f a c t o r s — r e l a t e d more t o q u a l i t y than t o q u a n t i t y o f exposure—were shown t o have impact on the o v e r a l l degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  Firstly,  the length o f the c u r r e n t  sentence appears t o be an important f a c t o r  (Tau C = .24).  i s p a r t i c u l a r l y n o t i c e a b l e with those p r i s o n e r s s e r v i n g life  sentences or sentences o f t e n years or more.  This  either  Table 6.14  TABLE 6.14 LENGTH OF SENTENCE VS OVERALL DEGREE OF POLITICIZATION  Sentence Period  Nonpoliticized  Mildly politicized  Moderately politicized  Life  3  2  6  10 years or over  2  7  7  5 t o 10 years  2  11  1  2 t o 5 years  5  11  3  - 196 shows t h a t p r i s o n e r s f a c i n g lengthy p e r i o d s o f i n c a r c e r a t i o n are  more prone t o p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  periods. iticized  than those f a c i n g much s h o r t e r  13 o f the 17 p r i s o n e r s c l a s s i f i e d i n the i n i t i a l  as moderately  pol-  a n a l y s i s were s e r v i n g sentences o f t e n  years or more; o n l y 4 o f the moderately p o l i t i c i z e d  group were  s e r v i n g l e s s than ten y e a r s .  Secondly, the u s u a l type o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l  placement  seems t o have a l i m i t e d e f f e c t on p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  Although the  Tau C o f .18 i s not regarded as a r e p o r t a b l e l e v e l  of associa-  t i o n , Table 6.15 shows t h a t over h a l f o f those f a l l i n g moderately p o l i t i c i z e d security prisons. of  exposure  i n t o the  category were u s u a l l y p l a c e d i n maximum  Again, t h i s i s r e l a t e d more t o the q u a l i t y  (eg., maximum s e c u r i t y ) than i t i s t o frequency o f  exposure. TABLE 6.15 USUAL INSTITUTION PLACEMENT VS OVERALL DEGREE OF POLITICIZATION  Institutional placement  Nonpoliticized  Mildly politicized  Moderately politicized  Maximum security  4  9  9  Medium security  7  20  8  Minimum security  1  2  0  Coming back t o the r e l a t i o n s h i p between frequency o f  - 197 exposure and p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , approached  statistical  i t must be noted t h a t while Tau B  s i g n i f i c a n c e a f t e r dropping the  "no  p r e v i o u s exposure" group from the a n a l y s i s , the degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n e x h i b i t e d by those s e r v i n g t h e i r f i r s t still  r e q u i r e s some e x p l a n a t i o n .  sentence  I f t h i s groups was r e p r e s e n -  t a t i v e of the degree o f r a d i c a l i z a t i o n i n the g e n e r a l p u b l i c , then the r a d i c a l i z a t i o n e x h i b i t e d by others i n the sample would not  seem t h a t remarkable.  However, o f the 9 who  ious exposure, 4 were s e r v i n g l i f e  had no p r e v -  sentences, 2 were s e r v i n g  sentences o f 10 y e a r s o f over, and 2 were s e r v i n g sentences o f over 5 y e a r s .  As seen above, the l e n g t h o f sentence i s an im-  portant variable  (Tau C = .24).  T h e r e f o r e , a reasonable ex-  p l a n a t i o n o f t h i s anomaly can be advanced politicizing  on the b a s i s o f the  e f f e c t o f lengthy sentences.  O v e r a l l , i t appears t h a t there i s a d i r e c t  relation-  s h i p between degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and exposure t o the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system.  This i s s u b s t a n t i a t e d both by the r e -  sponses t o q u e s t i o n s i n Part IX o f the i n t e r v i e w schedule and by the measure o f c o r r e l a t i o n o b t a i n e d f o l l o w i n g the d e l e t i o n of  the "no p r e v i o u s exposure" group.  In a d d i t i o n , i t seems  t h a t q u a l i t y o f exposure, such as l e n g t h o f sentence or usual i n s t i t u t i o n a l placement, must be accounted f o r i n q u a l i f y i n g the  f a c t o r o f frequency o f exposure.  E.  SUMMARY  The sample of 60 p r i s o n e r s was  f a i r l y well  distribu-  - 198 ted.  The  prisoners  and were s e r v i n g variety  ranged  grounds  and  from n i n e t e e n t o  s e n t e n c e s r a n g i n g from two  of offences,  trafficking,  i n age  -  etc.  including  theft,  years to l i f e  rape, a s s a u l t ,  Some c l a i m e d t o come from  o t h e r s from upper  for a  murder,  lower c l a s s  c l a s s backgrounds,  themselves  sixty-eight,  back-  although the  majority  identified  as l o w e r - m i d d l e o r m i d d l e  T h e y had  s e r v e d t i m e i n maximum, medium, and minimum  class.  security  prisons.  Of t h e 60 p r i s o n e r s , ly  politicized,  and  of  the o p i n i o n s o f f e r r e d  Again,  by t h o s e i n t h e e x t r e m e l y  non-politicized  a complete  justice  system.  t o be  somewhat.  The  as m e a s u r e d by tional  findings  It  and  o f f e n d e r s , who also  may  be  context of c r i t i c a l  t o the  showed t h a t  skewed t h e  from  quality  criminthe  results  of  usual type of  as i m p o r t a n t as q u a n t i t y o f  frequency of  i s t i m e now  exposure  s u p p o r t i s weakened b y  l e n g t h o f s e n t e n c e and  placement,  as measured by  first  4.  support f o r the h y p o t h e s i s o f a  However, t h i s  highly politicized  i n Chapter  politicized.  r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o l i t i c i z a t i o n al  politicized  range o f response p a t t e r n s ,  to extremely  There appears  Many  to those o f the recognized p o l i t i -  p r i s o n e r s whose w r i t i n g s were r e v i e w e d t h e r e was  as m o d e r a t e -  10 o f t h e s e as e x t r e m e l y p o l i t i c i z e d .  g r o u p were r o u g h l y s i m i l a r cized  17 were c a t e g o r i z e d  exposure, instituexposure,  incarceration.  to consider these findings within  criminology,  and  t o adjudge  the  the  signifi-  - 199  -  cance which should be attached to them.  FOOTNOTES 1.  Rosie Douglas, Penal Reform, Community Development, and S o c i a l Change: Overview from a Canadian P e r s p e c t i v e (Mont r e a l : Mondiale, 1975), p. 2~.  2.  E.B. Lane, H.W. D a n i e l s , J.D. Blyan, and R. Royer, "The I n c a r c e r a t e d N a t i v e , " Canadian J o u r n a l o f Criminology, v o l . 20, no. 3, J u l y 78, p. 308.  3.  I b i d . , p. 310. The Regional Research O f f i c e r a l s o advised me t h a t the m a j o r i t y o f i n c a r c e r a t e d N a t i v e Indians are found i n the P r a i r i e Provinces and O n t a r i o .  4.  S o l i c i t o r General t e r of Supply and  5.  Cf. E z z a t t Abdul F a t t a h , A Study of the D e t e r r e n t E f f e c t of C a p i t a l Punishment with S p e c i f i c Reference to the Canad i a n S i t u a t i o n (Ottawa: Information Canada, 1972), pp. 968, p. 165.  6.  See  7.  Bernard R. B l i s h e n and Hugh A. Roberts, "A Revised S o c i o economic Index f o r Occupations i n Canada," Canadian Review of S o c i o l o g y and Anthropology, v o l . 13, no. 1, 1976, pp. 71-3. August B. H o l l i n g s h e a d , Two F a c t o r Index of S o c i a l P o s i t i o n (New Haven, Conn.: Y a l e S t a t i o n 1965).  8.  While there i s not s u f f i c i e n t data to o f f e r any d e f i n i t e c o n c l u s i o n s , i t seems t h a t f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h on t h i s t o p i c i s i n d i c a t e d , as i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t some c r i m i n a l i n v o l vement i s r e l a t e d to p e r c e p t i o n s ( r e a l or imaged) of soc i a l s k i d d i n g . More w i l l be s a i d on t h i s matter i n Chapt e r 7.  9.  Cf. Chapter 5, Tables 5.1 and 5.2. General, op. c i t . , pp. 84-5.  10.  For an e x p l a n a t i o n of the Tau measurement of a s s o c i a t i o n , see Chapter 5, S e c t i o n G. Tau B = .2 i s g e n e r a l l y a c c e p t ed as a r e p o r t a b l e l e v e l of a s s o c i a t i o n .  11.  This t o p i c i s reviewed i n Chapter 7, where evidence i s presented t o suggest t h a t such r a d i c a l i z a t i o n i s not t y p i c a l i n the g e n e r a l p u b l i c .  Table 5.1  Canada, Annual Report 1980-1981 ( M i n i s S e r v i c e s Canada, 1981), pp. 84-5.  i n Chapter  5.  Also c f . S o l i c i t o r  - 200 -  CHAPTER 7. A.  INTRODUCTION  The and  CONCLUSION  i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between c r i t i c a l  criminology  the concept o f the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r has been emphasiz-  ed throughout t h i s study.  The new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s were the  f i r s t t o show s e r i o u s i n t e r e s t i n t h i s s u b j e c t ; indeed, they were a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n r a i s i n g the p o l i t i c a l of p r i s o n e r s . F a i r c h i l d ' s p i o n e e r i n g oners evolved  study on p o l i t i c i z e d  from t h i s r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y  mine to a c e r t a i n extent.  consciousness pris-  background, as d i d  There i s no doubt t h a t the present  study i s i n f l u e n c e d by c r i t i c a l  criminology,  t e r , t h a t i t would not have taken p l a c e  or f o r t h a t mat-  i f i t were not f o r the  p r e l i m i n a r y e f f o r t s o f F a i r c h i l d and others  o f the new c r i m i n -  ologist i l k .  The  r e s u l t s o f my study tend t o support the observa-  t i o n s made by F a i r c h i l d and other  researchers  from the ranks o f  the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s — t h e r e does appear t o be a s i g n i f i c a n t degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n among the respondents i n my sample. Of the 60 p r i s o n e r s  sampled, 17 were scored  extremely p o l i t i c i z e d ,  as moderately or  and o f those 17, almost a l l made s t a t e -  ments comparable t o those o f recognized  politicized  prisoners  such as George Jackson, or E l d r i d g e Cleaver.  As an a s i d e , i t  i s worth n o t i n g t h a t s e v e r a l o f the p r i s o n e r s  c a t e g o r i z e d as  m i l d l y p o l i t i c i z e d could have been scored higher  i f more l i b -  eral  201 -  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n t e c h n i q u e s h a d b e e n employed, w h i c h  have i n c r e a s e d nificantly  t h e number o f p r i s o n e r s  politicized.  As i t i s , f u l l y  s p o n d e n t s met o r e x c e e d e d ments, d e m o n s t r a t i n g ployed  as b e i n g  that  sig-  28 p e r c e n t o f t h e r e -  the s t r i n g e n t p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  clearly  i n t h i s study,  regarded  would  require-  i n terms o f t h e c r i t e r i a  they deserved  the t i t l e  of  em-  "politicized  prisoners."  The an  balance of t h i s chapter w i l l  concern  assessment o f the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f the f i n d i n g s ,  possible sons.  future  Various  impact side  search also w i l l  B.  o f the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  issues  be  and o f t h e  phenomenon on  and p o t e n t i a l a r e a s  pri-  f o r future r e -  THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FINDINGS  questions sons,  the novelty  P o l i c y and P r a c t i c e , G e o r g e Hawkins  of the r a d i c a l i z a t i o n process  and a s k s w h e t h e r o r n o t t h i s p r i s o n e r  a genuinely revolutionary  were  with  explored.  In The P r i s o n :  the  itself  movement"  a c t u a l demands o f t h e p r i s o n e r s "remarkably innocuous,"  politicization "is  ( 1 ) . He p o i n t s during  contrary  in pri-  out that  the A t t i c a uprising  t o the d e s c r i p t i o n s o f -  f e r e d b y t h e m e d i a and t h e new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s o f t h e r e v o l u tionary list ves  nature of the p r i s o n  revolt  ( 2 ) . When l o o k i n g  o f demands p r e p a r e d b y t h e p r i s o n e r s that  "most o f i t c o u l d  o f A t t i c a , he  at the obser-  e a s i l y have been c o m p i l e d by a group  of white Anglo-Saxon P r o t e s t a n t  prison  reformers" (3).  - 202  -  To some degree, Hawkins' o b s e r v a t i o n a l s o a p p l i e s t o the r e s u l t s of my  study.  While there i s d e f i n i t e evidence  of  p o l i t i c i z a t i o n among the sampled p r i s o n e r s , most were unable to  apply t h e i r r a d i c a l set of a t t i t u d e s to suggestions  cial  change.  Only 10 p r i s o n e r s made r a d i c a l suggestions  s o c i a l change, and ing  change.  f o r sofor  only 9 espoused r a d i c a l methods f o r a c h i e v -  As seen i n the p r e v i o u s chapter,  there was  no  sig-  n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n between the o v e r a l l degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and e i t h e r p r i s o n e r programs f o r change (Tau C = .17) p r i s o n e r methods f o r a c h i e v i n g change (Tau C = .15), most of the p r i s o n e r s f a l l i n g i n t o the extremely category scored h i g h i n t h i s  or  although  politiczed  area.  S i m i l a r l y , o n l y 11 p r i s o n e r s o f f e r e d r a d i c a l i z e d counts of the development and  f u n c t i o n of c r i m i n a l law.  questions on the s o c i o l o g y of law were expected  ac-  The  to present  dif-  f i c u l t i e s , because to be scored as moderately p o l i t i c i z e d ,  re-  spondents were r e q u i r e d to p r o v i d e a r a d i c a l a n a l y s i s o f a soc i a l phenomenon which i s seen by many people  as an embodiment  of  Again,  the expressed  consensus of the m a j o r i t y .  g o r i z e d as extremely  those  cate-  p o l i t i c i z e d tended to answer i n a r a d i c a l -  i z e d f a s h i o n , but the number who  were unable to do t h i s  (49)  demonstrates c l e a r l y t h a t most are a c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s t a n c e from the type of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n e x h i b i t e d by Cleaver of  The evident.  implications for c r i t i c a l  Jackson.  c r i m i n o l o g y are  self-  I f most p r i s o n e r s are i n f a c t unable to a p p r e c i a t e  the c l a s s nature of law,  or to have r a d i c a l ideas f o r s o c i a l  - 203 change, then the e x p e c t a t i o n o f some c r i t i c a l  criminologists  t h a t the p r i s o n e r movement w i l l be transformed  into a revolu-  t i o n a r y f o r c e may be o v e r l y o p t i m i s t i c .  an a p p r e c i a b l e  While  number of the sampled p r i s o n e r s showed evidence o f some nascent p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , o n l y the 10 extremely p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s answered a l l or most of the questions i n a c o n s i s t e n t l y  radi-  c a l i z e d manner.  As promised  i n the methodology chapter, we w i l l  now  r e c o n s i d e r the d u r a b i l i t y o f these p r i s o n e r " a t t i t u d e s " toward crime, p o l i t i c s , matter,  and the socioeconomic  system, and f o r t h a t  the a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s o f c a l l i n g them " a t t i t u d e s . "  Why  should these expressions of r a d i c a l i z a t i o n be seen as anything more than b i t s of shallow r h e t o r i c or products o f a fad which might disappear tomorrow?  Chapter  2 on C r i t i c a l  Criminology  and the P o l i t i c i z e d P r i s o n e r , i n c l u d e d a d i s c u s s i o n o f the i n dependent o b s e r v a t i o n s made by Irwin and Jacobs t h a t p r i s o n e r activity i s shifting intergang warfare  from r a d i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d d i s t u r b a n c e s t o  f o r c o n t r o l of the p r i s o n economy  ( 4 ) . As-  suming t h a t t h e i r o b s e r v a t i o n s are accurate, then the depth and d u r a b i l i t y of these p r i s o n e r " a t t i t u d e s " or " o p i n i o n s " must be questioned.  In B e l i e f s and Values, 1970, K a r l Schiebe "it  says t h a t  i s i n c o r r e c t t o view b e l i e f s and values as constant  al entities.  person-  When a person enters a b e h a v i o u r a l s e t t i n g ,  oper-  a t i v e b e l i e f s and values emerge which depend upon both p e r s o n a l d i s p o s i t i o n s and the s o c i a l  (public) d e f i n i t i o n of that s e t -  - 204 ting"  ( 5 ) . C e r t a i n l y the p r i s o n could be d e s c r i b e d as such a  s e t t i n g , where the environment i t s e l f could have a strong e f f e c t upon the b e l i e f s , a t t i t u d e s , or values o f the i n c a r c e r a ted.  Rokeach says much the same i n B e l i e f s , A t t i t u d e s and Values,  1968, when he s t a r t s with the assumptions t h a t b e l i e f s  vary i n importance t o the i n d i v i d u a l , and t h a t the c e n t r a l i t y of the b e l i e f determines i t s f l e x i b i l i t y  and d u r a b i l i t y ( 6 ) .  He goes on t o make v a l u a b l e d i s t i n c t i o n s between an " o p i n i o n , " which he d e s c r i b e s as "a v e r b a l expression o f some b e l i e f , a t t i t u d e , or value,"  (7) " b e l i e f s , " which are d e f i n e d as " i n f e r -  ences made by an observer  about u n d e r l y i n g s t a t e s o f expectan-  cy, " (8) an " a t t i t u d e , " d e s c r i b e d as "a r e l a t i v e l y enduring o r ganization of b e l i e f s , "  (9) and a "value," which " u n l i k e an a t -  t i t u d e , i s an imperative  t o a c t i o n , not o n l y a b e l i e f about the  preferable but a preference  f o r the p r e f e r a b l e " (10). There i s  a h i e r a r c h y i n Rokeach's d i s t i n c t i o n s , ranging which may be shallow tremely  durable.  and f l e x i b l e ,  from o p i n i o n ,  t o v a l u e s , which are ex-  As he puts i t , "an a d u l t possesses thousands  of a t t i t u d e s toward s p e c i f i c o b j e c t s and s i t u a t i o n s , b u t o n l y s e v e r a l dozens of i n s t r u m e n t a l handfuls  values and perhaps only a few  o f t e r m i n a l v a l u e s " (11).  Within  the context o f these d e f i n i t i o n s p r o v i d e d by  Shiebe and Rokeach, i t seems f a i r  t o say t h a t the remarks o f  the p r i s o n e r s may be i n d i c a t i v e o f " a t t i t u d e s " toward politics,  and the socioeconomic system.  crime,  This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y  - 205 t r u e i n the case o f those p r i s o n e r s who responded t o questions i n a c o n s i s t e n t l y r a d i c a l i z e d manner, and who made r a d i c a l gestions  f o r s o c i a l change.  That t h e i r a t t i t u d e s were  sug-  acquired  i n p r i s o n , and may change f o l l o w i n g r e l e a s e , does not d i m i n i s h the appropriateness and  of designating  them as such. Both Schiebe  Rokeach a l l o w f o r the p o s s i b i l i t y o f a t t i t u d i n a l  e s p e c i a l l y under s t r e s s f u l circumstances. would be i n a p p r o p r i a t e t o designate ues,"  change,  On the other hand, i t  these a t t i t u d e s as " v a l -  as t h i s would r e q u i r e s i g n i f i c a n t l y more s u b s t a n t i a t i o n .  Nevertheless,  i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o b e l i e v e t h a t any o f  the p r i s o n e r s c a t e g o r i z e d as extremely p o l i t i c i z e d would soon forget their r a d i c a l i z e d i n s i g h t s . p a t t e r n s , they would not unlearn  Judging by t h e i r  t h e i r perspectives  economic i n e q u a l i t y , the p o l i t i c a l  response on s o c i o -  system, the power s t r u c t u r e ,  or the s o c i o l o g y o f law. A p r i s o n e r who b e l i e v e s t h a t the power i s i n the hands o f 1000 " c a p i t a l i s t s , " or t h a t c r i m i n a l law i s a t o o l o f the " r u l i n g c l a s s " i s not l i k e l y t o suddenly change h i s mind and decide  t h a t power i s shared e q u a l l y , o r  t h a t law i s i n the i n t e r e s t s o f "the people." tremely  politicized  A l l o f the ex-  and most o f the moderately p o l i t i c i z e d  pri-  soners showed c l e a r l y t h a t t h e i r r a d i c a l i z e d p e r s p e c t i v e s were w e l l thought out,  and not s u p e r f i c i a l , during both the i n t e r -  views and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the r e s u l t s .  This b r i n g s us back t o Irwin's soners i n the United activities.  observation  that  pri-  States are s h i f t i n g away from p o l i t i c a l  While they may be l o s i n g i n t e r e s t i n a c t i v e con-  - 206 f r o n t a t i o n due  to r e p r e s s i v e measures on the p a r t of p r i s o n  a u t h o r i t i e s , t h i s does not oners of the spectives.  -  s i g n i f y t h a t the p o l i t i c i z e d  1970s have simply  forgotten t h e i r r a d i c a l i z e d per-  More l i k e l y they have r e t a i n e d t h e i r a t t i t u d e s , but  have e i t h e r become d i s i l l u s i o n e d with the f o r t s to change the system, or decided climate  ef-  prison  activity.  i s s u e i s c e n t r a l to c r i t i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y ' s  est i n the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r . any  f u t i l i t y of t h e i r  t h a t the present  i s not conducive to r e v o l u t i o n a r y  The  apply  pris-  inter-  With most p r i s o n e r s unable to  r a d i c a l a t t i t u d e s which they might have to a r a d i c a l  program f o r change, and  those with the a b i l i t y u n w i l l i n g to  promote r e v o l u t i o n a r y a c t i v i t y behind b a r s ,  c r i t i c a l criminol-  ogy 's hope f o r the development of a r e v o l u t i o n a r y f o r c e from the ranks of the p r i s o n e r s may  be thwarted.  That some p r i s o n -  ers have become more p o l i t i c a l l y aware does not s i g n i f y a continuing  growth i n r e v o l u t i o n a r y  At t h i s j u n c t u r e ,  necessarily  consciousness.  a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f whether or  not  these p r i s o n e r a t t i t u d e s might b e t t e r be d e s c r i b e d  as  niques of n e u t r a l i z a i t o n " i s e s s e n t i a l .  Matza d e f i n e  "techniques of n e u t r a l i z a t i o n " as form of j u s t i f i c a t i o n s the d e l i n q u e n t  but  Sykes and  "defenses to crimes, i n the  f o r deviance t h a t are seen as v a l i d  by  not by the l e g a l system or s o c i e t y at l a r g e "  (12). Among the examples c i t e d are  " d e n i a l of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y "  by blaming s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s , or saying t h a t p r o p e r t y acceptable  "tech-  because the r i c h can a f f o r d i t (13).  could be used to d e s c r i b e  the response p a t t e r n s  crime i s  Both examples of the  polit-  - 207 icized prisoners  i n my  -  study.  Indeed, Brody argues i n h i s a r t i c l e on  "The  Political  P r i s o n e r Syndrome" t h a t a p r i s o n e r adopts t h i s " p o l i t i c a l oner" r o l e because " i t absolves [him] dicament" (14). h i s property  According  offences  of a l l blame f o r h i s  "he  by saying  that they are  then becomes not the agressor  "a program of  but  the v i c t i m "  "those i n s i d e were the v i c t i m s and  those o u t s i d e  'the system') were the r e a l c r i m i n a l s "  on t h i s s u b j e c t .  that  (16).  s u b t i t l e to h i s a r t i c l e he  the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r phenomenon as the the American Penal System," and  way  ( s o c i e t y and  must keep i n mind Brody's own  In the  ec-  (15).  In t a l k i n g to p r i s o n e r s , he became aware o f t h e i r b e l i e f  Of course one  pre-  to Brody, the p r i s o n e r r a t i o n a l i z e s  onomic r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , " by p r o j e c t i n g the blame i n such a that  pris-  position  r e f e r s to  "Latest Problem of  i n h i s conclusions  he  attempts  to i d e n t i f y p o s s i b l e methods f o r c o n t r o l l i n g or d i f f u s i n g p r i s oner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  (17).  E v i d e n t l y he has  i s a "problem" i n need of a s o l u t i o n .  decided  this  Nowhere, however, does  he demonstrate t h a t these p r i s o n e r a t t i t u d e s are  superficial,  or t h a t p r i s o n e r s adopt them only because of t h e i r in justifying  that  advantages  deviance.  F a i r c h i l d a l s o mentions t h a t the p r i s o n e r s i n her study had a t i o n , and  adopted the p o l i t i c a l model of crime a f t e r i n c a r c e r speculates  t h a t f o r some the model was  rationale for their criminal a c t i v i t i e s  (18).  adopted as a  Again, there i s  - 208 no proof o f f e r e d  t o support t h i s assumption.  To make a proper  assessment one way or the other, i t would r e q u i r e in-depth testing  t o determine  the c e n t r a l i t y o f the p r i s o n e r s '  beliefs  and the extent t o which they used t h e i r r a d i c a l r h e t o r i c t o j u s t i f y their criminal not encompass such  activities.  F a i r c h i l d ' s methodology d i d  testing.  The present study made no attempt t e n t t o which r a d i c a l i z e d  prisoner attitudes  as techniques o f n e u t r a l i z a t i o n . offered  t o evaluate the ex-  one way or the o t h e r .  T h e r e f o r e , no evidence can be  However, i t i s noteworthy  of the 17 p r i s o n e r s c a t e g o r i z e d as moderately iticized,  might be regarded  4 d i d not blame e i t h e r  the c l a s s  that  or extremely  pol-  system or t h e i r  f a m i l y background f o r t h e i r involvement with the law, w h i l e 8 were w i l l i n g t o accept p a r t i a l p e r s o n a l blame; o n l y 5 blamed t h e i r t r o u b l e s s o l e l y on the socioeconomic accounts i n v o l v i n g  system.  Most gave  some degree o f p e r s o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , r e -  g a r d l e s s o f how tough t h e i r socioeconomic these p r i s o n e r s are adopting r a d i c a l i z e d pose o f j u s t i f y i n g t h e i r c r i m i n a l  background was. I f attitudes  f o r the pur-  a c t i v i t i e s , then i t seems  reasonable t o expect that they would r e j e c t any n o t i o n o f p e r sonal  responsibility.  Furthermore,  i t i s noteworthy  t h a t o f the 10 p r i s -  oners c a t e g o r i z e d as extremely p o l i t i c i z e d , a l l but one had scores g r e a t e r than s i x out o f a p o s s i b l e t e n on the p o l i t i c a l knowledge q u i z a t the end o f the q u e s t i o n n a i r e . scores o f e i g h t or h i g h e r .  In f a c t 7 had  There was a s i g n i f i c a n t  relation-  - 209  -  ship between o v e r a l l degree o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and g e n e r a l p o l i t i c a l awareness, with Tau C = .23.  While the quiz was  p a r t i c u l a r l y demanding, the r e s u l t s s t i l l  not  suggest t h a t the i n -  t e r e s t of the extremely p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s i n p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s goes past a simple e x p l a n a t i o n of t h e i r own p r e d i c a ment.  I t seems t h a t t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c s — b o t h a t home  and around the w o r l d — i s q u i t e keen, and t h a t they have gathered more than a l i t t l e is  i n f o r m a t i o n along the way.  not the type of behaviour  who  one might expect  Again,  this  from a p r i s o n e r  i s i n t e r e s t e d i n r a d i c a l p o l i t i c s o n l y as an excuse f o r h i s  criminal  activities.  Before going on to c o n s i d e r the impact of the c i z a t i o n phenomenon on p r i s o n s , i t i s worthwhile response  politi-  to compare the  p a t t e r n s of the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s t o those o f mem-  bers of the g e n e r a l p u b l i c .  In " P u b l i c Images of Law  in Bri-  t i s h Columbia," Wachtel e t . a l . i n t e r v i e w e d 93 people  in dif-  f e r e n t areas o f B r i t i s h Columbia r e g a r d i n g t h e i r views on the law and  j u v e n i l e delinquency  (19).  T h e i r sample was  fairly  ex-  t e n s i v e d e s p i t e r a t h e r p u r p o s i v e sampling procedures: they i n terviewed r e t i r e d people, housewives, b l u e c o l l a r workers, p a r a p r o f e s s i o n a l s , p r o f e s s i o n a l s , and managers, ranging i n age from 19 t o 76  (20).  Most respondents  delinquency on " i n d i v i d u a l (21).  f a i l i n g s " or " f a m i l y pathology"  Wachtel e t . a l . "were s u r p r i s e d at the r e f u s a l o f  [ t h e i r ] respondents problem" of  blamed f a m i l y problems or  (22).  t o see delinquency  . . . as a c l a s s - r e l a t e d  They concluded t h a t with r e s p e c t to the views  members of the general p u b l i c on laws and  juvenile  delin-  - 210 quency, " r a d i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s have not penetrated very deeply (23) .  T h i s i s i n sharp c o n t r a s t t o the response p a t t e r n s the p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s i n my study, who c l e a r l y had d e v e l oped r a d i c a l a t t i t u d e s towards the law and delinquency.  This  cannot be overlooked i n a s s e s s i n g the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f my  find  ings.  While n e i t h e r the present study nor the Wachtel study  are n e c e s s a r i l y c o n c l u s i v e , the evidence c e r t a i n l y  suggests  that some p r i s o n e r s tend to be more p o l i t i c i z e d than most mem bers o f the g e n e r a l p u b l i c , a t l e a s t with r e s p e c t t o s u b j e c t s such as the law and delinquency.  C.  THE FUTURE IMPACT ON PRISONS  As seen i n the p r e v i o u s chapter, there i s some supp o r t f o r the n o t i o n t h a t exposure system,  to the c r i m i n a l  justice  and i n c a r c e r a t i o n i n p a r t i c u l a r , has an e f f e c t upon  prisoner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  Twenty o f the 25 p r i s o n e r s who were  questioned about the development o f t h e i r r a d i c a l i z e d  con-  s c i o u s n e s s mentioned p r i s o n as e i t h e r the s o l e f a c t o r or one the major f a c t o r s .  A f t e r dropping the f i r s t - t i m e r s from the  c a l c u l a t i o n , t h e r e was s t a t i s t i c a l proof o f an a s s o c i a t i o n between p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and exposure j u s t i c e system  (Tau C = .23).  of the exposure,  as determined  t o the c r i m i n a l  A l s o important was the q u a l i t y by l e n g t h o f sentence  (Tau C  - 211 Given t h i s apparent r e l a t i o n s h i p , one might wonder about the long term impact o f the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n phenomenon on the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i n g e n e r a l , ticular.  and on p r i s o n s i n par-  While there may be some merit t o Irwin's  observation  t h a t p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i s one the d e c l i n e i n United prisons,  (24) one should  i t i c i z a t i o n i s simply  States  q u e s t i o n whether or not p r i s o n e r p o l -  submerged i n the face o f i n c r e a s i n g l y  r e p r e s s i v e measures by p r i s o n a u t h o r i t i e s .  The p o l i t i c a l a c -  t i v i t i e s may re-emerge a t some time i n the f u t u r e , given the r i g h t c o n d i t i o n s or impetus.  In any case,  the r e s u l t s o f my study c o n f i r m  that  there i s a r e p o r t a b l e l e v e l o f p o l i t i c i z a t i o n among the sample population.  In a d d i t i o n , the i n c i d e n c e o f p r i s o n e r unrest i n  B r i t i s h Columbia has remained unchanged a t the very l e a s t , i f i t has not i n c r e a s e d . t u t i o n at Abbotsford,  For example, the r i o t i n Matsqui  Insti-  B.C. i n 1982 r e s u l t e d i n extensive damage  to the l i v i n g u n i t s o f the p r i s o n — s o p r i s o n e r s were quartered  extensive,  i n fact,  i n t e n t s i n the e x e r c i s e yard  c o n s i d e r a b l e p e r i o d o f time.  that  for a  Another example i s the r i o t a t  the P r i n c e George C o r r e c t i o n a l Centre i n A p r i l 1983, which i n volved damage t o the f a c i l i t y i n excess o f $2.5 m i l l i o n .  While  there i s no proof t h a t these r i o t s were i n f l u e n c e d by " r a d i c a l " elements i n the p r i s o n e r p o p u l a t i o n s ,  i t i s nonetheless  evident  t h a t wholesale d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h i s magnitude would r e q u i r e some degree o f p r i s o n e r o r g a n i z a t i o n and commonality i n objectives.  Apparently  organized,  p r i s o n e r s have not f o r g o t t e n t h e e f f i c a c y o f  large-scale insurrection.  - 212 -  Robert Martinson, i n h i s paper on " C o l l e c t i v e Behavi o u r at A t t i c a , " d e s c r i b e s the contemporary p r i s o n d i s t u r b a n c e as an " e x p r e s s i v e mutiny," intended to make the p u b l i c aware o f the  prisoner's plight  new  form o f d i s t u r b a n c e , not merely a temporary r e f l e c t i o n o f  new  left  (26).  (25).  He goes on to say t h a t " i t i s a  i n f l u e n c e among a group of p o l i t i c i z e d b l a c k  convicts"  U r s a l a Kasperowski's assessment of the p r i s o n e r s '  rights  movement i n Canada i s much the same: " U n t i l the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t i n g to crime are p u b l i c l y acknowledged,  vio-  lence i n Canadian p r i s o n s w i l l c o n t i n u e "  find-  (27).  Given my  i n g s , and the ongoing p r i s o n e r u n r e s t i n r e c e n t y e a r s , t h e r e might be more than a l i t t l e  truth i n t h e i r predictions, at  l e a s t where Canada i s concerned.  P r i s o n a u t h o r i t i e s may oner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  experience problems w i t h p r i s -  f o r some time to come.  So too may  t i e s throughout the e n t i r e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system.  authori-  As sug-  gested p r e v i o u s l y , o f f e n d e r s are not l i k e l y to l o s e these r a d i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s once they have acquired them. dence of problems now.  There i s e v i -  With a sudden and/or s u b s t a n t i a l i n -  crease i n p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , the problems could grow t o unmanageable p r o p o r t i o n s .  This p o t e n t i a l problem area i s complicated by the f a c t t h a t exposure to the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, and espec i a l l y to the p r i s o n system, i s p o l i t i c i z i n g quency of exposure, l e n g t h o f sentence, and  in itself. institutional  Fre-  - 213 placement a l l are f a c t o r s .  In other words, the system may be  r e i n f o r c i n g or a c t u a l l y producing  prisoner r a d i c a l i z a t i o n .  complicate matters f u r t h e r , there i s evidence some o f the recent f i r s t coming t o p r i s o n (28).  to suggest  timers are a l r e a d y r a d i c a l i z e d  To  that before  These two f a c t o r s could s u s t a i n the  p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r phenomenon i n d e f i n i t e l y .  In Chapter 2, on " C r i t i c a l Criminology icized  and the P o l i t -  P r i s o n e r , " we speculated about the p o t e n t i a l o f I r i s h  p r i s o n s t o breed  a new p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r movement.  In h i s  book On the Blanket, Coogan d e s c r i b e s the I r i s h p r i s o n e r  pro-  t e s t aimed at o b t a i n i n g " p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r " s t a t u s f o r i n c a r c e r a t e d members o f the IRA (29). s p e c i a l s t a t u s recognized sonal a t t i r e ,  The p r i s o n e r s wanted  their  through r i g h t s such as wearing  per-  a b s t a i n i n g from penal labour, or a s s o c i a t i n g  f r e e l y with other p r i s o n e r s (30).  The p r o t e s t c o n s i s t e d o f nu-  d i t y , p a s s i v e r e s i s t a n c e , r e f u s i n g a l l o r d e r s , and d i r t y i n g o f c e l l s with e v e r y t h i n g imaginable,  i n c l u d i n g excrement (31).  R e t a l i a t o r y measures taken by the p r i s o n a u t h o r i t i e s a p p a r e n t l y ranged from d e n i a l o f such small p r i v i l e g e s as books and c i g a r e t t e s , t o b e a t i n g s , unnecessary gassings, and t h r e a t s a g a i n s t the p r i s o n e r s ' f a m i l i e s ( 3 2 ) .  According  t o Coogan, support  f o r the IRA has i n -  creased as a r e s u l t o f these p r o t e s t s , both of p r i s o n (33).  i n s i d e and o u t s i d e  He a l s o says t h a t because o f the problems and  p r o t e s t s , c o n v e n t i o n a l p r i s o n e r s are beginning ever-growing a l i e n a t i o n from  'the system,' from  t o f e e l "an 'their'  notion  - 214 of  'law'  and  ' t h e i r ' order"  prison disturbances  He p r e d i c t s more l a r g e - s c a l e  i n the f u t u r e as a r e s u l t of t h i s growing  p o l i t i c a l awareness (35). whereby c o n v e n t i o n a l  (34).  -  A s p i l l o v e r e f f e c t i s suggested,  offenders  with the p o l i t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d  Unfortunately,  are supporting  and i d e n t i f y i n g  r e b e l l i o n of the  IRA  prisoners.  Coogan does not address the t o p i c o f  prisoner p o l i t i c i z a t i o n d i r e c t l y , e a s i l y from h i s r e p o r t .  The  so i n f e r e n c e s  cannot be drawn  s i t u a t i o n he d e s c r i b e s , however,  bears remarkable resemblance to t h a t i n the United  States  in  the  1970s, wherein a small group of p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e p r i s o n -  ers  (the Black Panthers) were s u c c e s s f u l i n promoting  i d e a t i o n behind the p r i s o n w a l l s .  I f the  IRA  are s u c c e s s f u l i n  t h e i r endeavours, then I r i s h p r i s o n a u t h o r i t i e s may conventional  offenders  are becoming p o l i t i c i z e d .  the elements are i n p l a c e  radical  find  that  Certainly a l l  f o r the development o f a strong,  rad-  i c a l i z e d p r i s o n e r s ' movement.  The i t i c i z a t i o n may  foregoing  continue t o be a s i g n i f i c a n t  i n Canada, I r e l a n d , and not vanish  assessment i n d i c a t e s t h a t p r i s o n e r p o l -  simply  the United  States.  factor i n prisons The  phenomenon w i l l  because p r i s o n a u t h o r i t i e s , p e n o l o g i s t s ,  the more orthodox c r i m i n o l o g i s t s want i t t o .  and  Needless-to-say,  i f an i n c r e a s i n g number of c r i m i n a l s come to b e l i e v e t h a t they are the  " v i c t i m s " r a t h e r than the p r e d a t o r s ,  a potent t h r e a t to the tem.  they could become  "good order" o f the e n t i r e j u s t i c e  P r i s o n a u t h o r i t i e s and  other  representatives  of the  syscrim-  i n a l j u s t i c e system w i l l have to develop s t r a t e g i e s to cope  215  -  with  these p o l i t i c i z e d  offenders.  These p r e d i c t i o n s r e q u i r e lier in  in this  my  least one  i t was  This  a full-scale not  i n the  olutionary  olutionary  near  future.  unless  the  1960s and  late  D.  OTHER RELATED ISSUES  Four  early  criminality,  the  the  were p o l i t i c i z e d  crises  t h a n one  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s or  i s able  the  before  sponses to q u e s t i o n s  that  social  youthful  be  rev-  to rekindle that  rev-  in prisons  during  i n the  this  skidding  first  offenders  study  order  of  status  contributes  to  status  who  and  apparently  incarceration.  i t was  regarding  one  to  oth-  Those i s s u e s ,  s e e n t h a t on  as  the  socioeconomic  sampled were c a t e g o r i z e d and  at  some  r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i o e c o n o m i c and  not  of  r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i o e c o n o m i c  In C h a p t e r VI  as m i d d l e c l a s s ,  social  1970s.  possibility  politicization,  prisoners  and  secondary i s s u e s which arose during  are the  for  i s more l i k e l y  so n o t i c e a b l e  further consideration.  crime,  respondents  c r i m i n o l o g i s t s should  future  new  rights organization  the  60  The  difficulties  f e r v o u r w h i c h was  discussion,  new  a program  Ear-  r e v o l u t i o n a r y movement b e h i n d b a r s ,  activity,  er p r i s o n e r s '  and  s e e n t h a t most o f t h e  suggests t h a t the  of administrative  merit  some q u a l i f i c a t i o n .  s t u d y were u n a b l e t o a r t i c u l a t e  change. expect  chapter  -  as  upper c l a s s .  basis  status,  of 27  reof  the  lower-middle c l a s s , The  socioeconomic  9  - 216 s t a t u s o f the parents was  higher  -  yet, with 18 c a t e g o r i z e d  middle c l a s s , 14 as upper-middle c l a s s , and I t must be kept i n mind that the  one  as  as upper c l a s s .  s c a l e approximated a s o c i o -  economic index r a t h e r than a thorough a n a l y s i s of s o c i a l c l a s s , and  t h a t i n f o r m a t i o n was  of p r i s o n e r s .  gleaned s t r i c t l y from the s e l f  Nevertheless,  i t seems a p p r o p r i a t e  to make some  comments on these f i n d i n g s , p a r t i c u l a r l y c o n s i d e r i n g i c a l criminology  reports  that  crit-  emphasizes the r e l a t i o n s h i p between crime  and  social class.  F a i r c h i l d made s i m i l a r o b s e r v a t i o n s She  discovered  t h a t 15 of the  24 p r i s o n e r s  i n her  sampled came from  lower-middle to upper-middle income b r a c k e t s c i d e d t h a t the  f a m i l y backgrounds of her  support the n o t i o n that o f f e n d e r s backgrounds, and  study.  (36).  She  de-  respondents d i d  come from  poverty-stricken  concluded t h a t the composition of p r i s o n pop-  u l a t i o n s i s becoming more middle c l a s s  (37).  T i t t l e e t . a l . r a i s e t h i s i s s u e i n t h e i r paper led that  "The  Myth o f S o c i a l C l a s s and  Criminality."  "There i s good reason to question  does i n f a c t demonstrate t h a t the  whether the  evidence  s o c i a l status of i n d i v i d u a l s behaviour"  Examining what they say are the r e l a t i v e l y few  studies  able on s o c i a l c l a s s and  (39).  (38).  avail-  crime, they found t h a t "the data as a  whole show o n l y a very s l i g h t negative  -.09  cal-  They argue  i s r e l a t e d i n v e r s e l y to c r i m i n a l or d e l i n q u e n t  s o c i a l c l a s s and  not  r e l a t i o n s h i p between  crime/delinquency," with an o v e r a l l gamma of  In f a c t , they c l a i m t h a t any  r e l a t i o n s h i p t h a t once  - 217 existed i s disappearing 1950-59 to -.13  -  q u i c k l y (the gamma drops from -.31  i n 1960-69 t o -.03  i n 1970)  (40).  in  They con-  clude t h a t "numerous t h e o r i e s developed on the assumption of c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s appear to be based on f a l s e premises"  Yet i n "The considered,"  Myth of S o c i a l C l a s s and  (41).  C r i m i n a l i t y Re-  B r a i t h w i t e a t t a c k s the f i n d i n g s of T i t t l e e t . a l . ,  saying t h a t there have been 203 tween crime and e t . a l . (42).  s t u d i e s on the r e l a t i o n s h i p be- ,  s o c i a l c l a s s , not o n l y 35,  as claimed  He p o i n t s out t h a t s t u d i e s on crime i n  by  Tittle  develop-  ing c o u n t r i e s c o n s i s t e n t l y l i n k crime with the lower c l a s s e s , and  i n h i s a n a l y s i s shows t h a t an overwhelming number of  i e s on a l l types of s o c i e t i e s support tionship  the n o t i o n of t h i s  studrela-  (43) : The c o n c l u s i o n i s . . .inescapable from the voluminous. . .evidence a v a i l a b l e at t h i s time t h a t lower c l a s s people do commit those d i r e c t i n t e r p e r s o n a l types o f crime which are normally handled by the p o l i c e at a h i g h e r r a t e than middle c l a s s people. (44)  Braithwaite we  i s f o r c e d to admit, however, t h a t " i f . .  are t a l k i n g about those  l e s s i n t e r p e r s o n a l forms o f crime  which i n v o l v e the abuse of the power inherent i n o c c u p a t i o n a l roles.  . .then,  of course,  the reverse i s t r u e " (45).  Unfor-  t u n a t e l y , i t seems t h a t h i s d e f i n i t i o n o f crime e l i m i n a t e s a l l o f f e n c e groups l i k e p r i c e - f i x i n g , commercial f r a u d , or v i c t i m l e s s a c t s from the study c a l l y excludes  (46).  In other words, he  systemati-  the c a t e g o r i e s of o f f e n c e s which those people o f  -  higher  socioeconomic  prosecuted  for,  socioeconomic  It are ed  be  must  et.  and  critical assume  crime by  study  were  more  than  definite to  be  survive  analysis number  of  because  of  class,  and  be  involved  is  related  offenders  and m y s e l f  as  in  and  to  labour.  and  of  lower  were  s t i l l  are  and  intendsocial  both  Tittle con-  inverse  problems  re-  for  criminologists  crime the  class,  the  inequalities  in  being  socioeconomic  and  only  the  lower  annual  words,  one  were  criminal and  half  of  enough  lower  of  the  or  money  While  substantially the  be-  demanding  activities. a  lower-  involving  almost  than  or  up-  categorized  occupations more  in  as  earnings  employment  in  members  to  60 p r i s o n e r s  prisoners  other  sophistication,  not  methodological  new  9 of  earning  to  studies  production.  either  employed  resorting  the  gainful  In  by  some  linking  criteria and  were  socioeconomic  middle  of  these  crime  studies  of  merely  50 w e r e  the  between  poses  the  mode  of  unsubstantiated  most  that  gainfully  lacks  the  by  none  unresolved  theories  $25,000,  skills,  that  crime  45 p e r c e n t  without  here  and  noted  But  were  work  that  capitalist  unskilled  respondents  is  remaining  class.  $15,000  to  crime  review  suggest  categorized  the  mind  the  caused  support  lower-middle  tween  that  relationship  class  is  the  must  class;  middle as  it  likely  Fairchild  hand,  criminology,  In  per  the  other  between  engendered  status,  on  in  of  The p o i n t  that  finds  kept  Braithwaite  troversies. lationship  be  Those  studies On t h e  al.  then  are  -  status.  class.  my  and  definitive. to  status  218  the  greater lower-  - 219  -  middle c l a s s , these r e s u l t s do seem to challenge the c r i m i n a l as a  The  the image o f  lumpenproletarian.  l a c k of r e l a t i o n s h i p i s more pronounced when i t  comes to the s o c i a l c l a s s of the p r i s o n e r s ' parents, were c a t e g o r i z e d one  18  as middle c l a s s , 14 as upper-middle c l a s s ,  as upper c l a s s .  I t seems t h a t 55 percent  come from econmically backgrounds, as one  of the  secure f a m i l y b a c k g r o u n d s — n o t  might expect.  are f a i r l y accurate, er the m a j o r i t y  where  and  prisoners deprived  Assuming t h a t these f i n d i n g s  then i t must be agreed f i r s t l y t h a t n e i t h -  of the p r i s o n e r s nor t h e i r parents come from  s e r i o u s l y deprived  socioeconomic backgrounds, and  secondly t h a t  there i s a d e f i n i t e d i s p a r i t y between the socioeconomic of the p r i s o n e r s  and  While my  t h a t of t h e i r  study was  not  status  parents.  intended  to measure e i t h e r the  degree of s o c i a l s k i d d i n g or i t s i n f l u e n c e upon c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t e s , t h i s very n o t i c e a b l e d i s p a r i t y between the s t a t u s of the p r i s o n e r s and t h a t some s o c i a l s k i d d i n g defined mic  simply  socioeconomic  t h a t o f t h e i r parents does i n d i c a t e  i s o c c u r r i n g where s o c i a l s k i d d i n g i s  as the act o f dropping from a higher  socioecono-  status to a lower.  Apart from the above-mentioned d i s p a r i t y , s e v e r a l p r i s o n e r s answered the questions manner suggesting  crime i n a  that t h e i r c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s were a c t u a l l y  a response to a p e r c e i v e d parents owned two  on s o c i a l c l a s s and  s o c i a l skidding.  h o t e l s and had  One  p r i s o n e r , whose  an annual income of $80,000,  - 220 s a i d t h a t the h i g h him  standard  -  of l i v i n g during h i s childhood  accustomed to expensive m a t e r i a l comforts, which he  not a f f o r d on a cook's wages of $20,000 per year. he turned  to robbery, t h e f t , and  i n a l a c t i v i t i e s by saying t h a t Another p r i s o n e r , who as a bus had  fraud.  He  could  As a r e s u l t ,  explained  "nobody l i k e s to go  his  downhill."  d r i v e r , came from a f a m i l y background where h i s  $70,000.  The  crim-  earned $12,000 a year as a salesman  a s t e e l b u s i n e s s and  got  and father  y e a r l y earnings of approximately  p r i s o n e r s a i d "I'd l i k e t o t h i n k t h a t I f i t i n t o  the upper c l a s s , but  r e a l l y I f i t i n t o the lower c l a s s . " He  went on to say t h a t "I want that higher  c l a s s s t u f f , but  don't have the money, so I tend to look  f o r the easy road to  getting i t . " s k i d d i n g and  In both cases a r e l a t i o n s h i p between  social  c r i m i n a l i t y i s s t r o n g l y suggested.  Of course there i s nothing vations.  Dealing  conclusive  i n these obser-  with the i s s u e of s o c i a l s k i d d i n g  properly  would r e q u i r e s i g n i f i c a n t l y more data on socioeconomic and  a l i s t of questions  e r s ' opinions The  I  status  d i r e c t e d almost e x c l u s i v e l y at p r i s o n -  on the e f f e c t of s o c i a l s k i d d i n g upon themselves.  i s s u e i s r a i s e d here o n l y to i n d i c a t e t h a t there i s some  evidence to suggest a r e l a t i o n s h i p , and tematic  to recommend more sys-  investigation.  Another area where the p r i s o n e r s '  socioeconomic  s t a t u s appears to have an e f f e c t i s i n degree of tion.  8 of the  politiciza-  10 extremely p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s and  5 of  the  7 moderately p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s were of lower or lower-mid-  - 221 die  socioeconomic s t a t u s .  i g n a t i o n s may  Keeping i n mind t h a t the s t a t u s des-  not be t o t a l l y a c c u r a t e , and t h a t t h i s was  area s p e c i f i c a l l y examined the  i n the study, i t s t i l l  r e l a t i o n s h i p between socioeconomic s t a t u s and  t i o n deserves f u r t h e r  One  not an  seems t h a t politiciza-  investigation.  f u r t h e r i s s u e d e s e r v i n g f u r t h e r a t t e n t i o n i s the  r e l a t i o n s h i p between age and/or exposure to the c r i m i n a l t i c e system and degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  jus-  Three o f the 10 ex-  tremely p o l i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s had no p r e v i o u s exposure, and had o n l y minimal p r e v i o u s exposure; 3 o f the 4 were under years o f age.  In Chapter 6, i t was  one  30  seen t h a t these p r i s o n e r s  skewed the r e u l t s o f the cross t a b u l a t i o n o f degree o f exposure vs.  degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n .  group was  A f t e r the "no p r e v i o u s exposure"  dropped from the c a l c u l a t i o n , however, a c l e a r  t i o n s h i p between exposure and p o l i t i c i z a t i o n emerged.  rela-  While  t h i s l e n t some support to the h y p o t h e s i s t h a t exposure to the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system has an e f f e c t on p r i s o n e r  politiciza-  t i o n , i t d i d not e x p l a i n the presence o f these young fenders who  were a l r e a d y  f i r s t of-  politicized.  The p o s s i b i l i t y might be r a i s e d t h a t the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n l e v e l s of these f i r s t o f f e n d e r s r e f l e c t those o f the general p u b l i c .  E a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter, though, a b r i e f syn-  o p s i s o f the Wachtel e t . a l . study o f " P u b l i c Images o f the Law"  was  o f f e r e d , which e s s e n t i a l l y found t h a t r a d i c a l  atti-  tudes toward the law and other s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s "have not penetrated very deeply" i n t o the general p u b l i c o f B r i t i s h  Co-  -  lumbia ( 4 7 ) .  -  222  Unless these f i n d i n g s are discounted,  probable t h a t the a t t i t u d e s o f these f i r s t o f f e n d e r s  i t i s more are  not  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f those h e l d by the general p u b l i c .  It may  be t h a t l e n g t h of s e n t e n c e — q u a l i t y  s u r e — w a s a f a c t o r i n the r e l a t i v e l y h i g h degree of t i o n of t h i s age who  had  group.  no previous  The  4 extremely p o l i t i c i z e d  exposure or minimal previous  s e r v i n g sentences of three-and-a-half years, and  life.  They may  c i e t y which imprisoned  prisoners  exposure were  f i v e years,  them f o r so long, f o r what would  then i t seems t h a t any  system toward longer  politiciza-  ten  have been very b i t t e r toward  t h e i r f i r s t or second c o n v i c t i o n . cepted,  years,  o f expo-  If t h i s explanation  a sobe i s ac-  trend i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e  sentences could i n c r e a s e p r i s o n e r  politi-  cization levels perceptibly.  Other explanations cational levels, not seem to be  do not appear to apply.  f a m i l y background, and  socioeconomic s t a t u s  do  Perhaps trends would emerge i f  l a r g e r . C e r t a i n l y the apparent p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  young f i r s t o f f e n d e r s much l a r g e r sample and  requires further i n v e s t i g a t i o n , with  of  a  an i n t e r v i e w schedule aimed at o b t a i n i n g  more s p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n on the  E.  edu-  f a c t o r s , at l e a s t as f a r as t h i s small sample o f  of four p r i s o n e r s i s concerned. the sample was  The  issue.  SUMMARY  As mentioned i n the i n t r o d u c t o r y remarks t o t h i s  -  chapter,  223  -  the r e s u l t s o f my study lend support t o c r i t i c a l  inology's  a s s e r t i o n s t h a t there are s i g n i f i c a n t numbers o f p o l -  i t i c i z e d p r i s o n e r s , a t l e a s t i n the case o f B r i t i s h prisons.  crim-  On the other hand, the l i k e l i h o o d o f these  becoming the type o f r e v o l u t i o n a r y f o r c e e n v i s i o n e d the new c r i m i n o l o g i s t s appears remote.  Despite  this  Columbia prisoners by some o f qualifica-  t i o n , however, i t seems t h a t t h i s p o l i t i c i z a t i o n phenomenon i s still  a l i v e , and t h a t i t may continue t o c r e a t e problems f o r  prison  administrators.  In " P o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f the C r i m i n a l Offender," c h i l d makes r e f e r e n c e prisoners,"  and  t o the " i n c r e a s i n g p o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f  (48) and p r e d i c t s t h a t "a growing p r o p o r t i o n  day's o f f e n d e r s  Fair-  of t o -  i s l i k e l y t o f i n d a p o l i t i c a l model o f crime  punishment. . .more i n keeping with i t s p e r c e p t i o n s " (49).  While t h i s may be t r u e , she o f f e r s no evidence t o s u b s t a n t i a t e e i t h e r that p o l i t i c i z a t i o n l e v e l s are higher before,  now than they were  or t h a t they w i l l continue t o i n c r e a s e .  To e s t a b l i s h  t h a t s h e ' i s c o r r e c t , a number o f l o n g i t u d i n a l s t u d i e s would be required.  The present  study might be regarded as support f o r  the n o t i o n t h a t p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i s i n c r e a s i n g , but unfortunately, i t i s d i f f i c u l t of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  t o determine e x a c t l y what l e v e l s  she found, and t h e r e f o r e e x a c t l y how much  p o l i t i c i z a t i o n has i n c r e a s e d ,  i f i t has i n c r e a s e d  at a l l .  I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g t o r e p l i c a t e my study with a much l a r g e r sample, some r e v i s i o n s i n the i n t e r v i e w  schedule  format, and a more thorough approach t o the i s s u e s o f s o c i o e c -  - 224 onomic status and  criminality,  er p o l i t i c i z a t i o n , provide the  and  -  socioeconomic status and  the younger f i r s t o f f e n d e r s .  answers to some o f the unanswered questions  study, assess  phenomenon, and  the d u r a b i l i t y of the p o l i t i c i z e d  determine whether or not p r i s o n e r  prison-  T h i s would raised in prisoner  politiciza-  tion i s increasing.  O v e r a l l , the study accomplished i t s o b j e c t i v e s . i n i t i a l p l a n was  to t e s t the hypotheses t h a t there are  i c a n t l e v e l s of p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and  that t h i s  signifpoliti-  c i z a t i o n i s r e l a t e d to exposure to the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e T h i s was  done, although the f i n d i n g s should  to the r e l a t i v e l y small sample and  fections.  Under the circumstances,  search  i t was  system.  be regarded as  t a t i v e due  The  ten-  some minor imper-  an i n f o r m a t i v e  re-  endeavour which produced some i n s i g h t s i n t o p r i s o n e r a t -  t i t u d e s t h a t can  serve as the b a s i s f o r more d e t a i l e d and  theo-  r e t i c a l l y s p e c i f i c s t u d i e s of the p r i s o n e r p o l i t i c i z a t i o n phenomenon . FOOTNOTES 1.  Gordon Hawkins, The U of Chicago Press,  P r i s o n : P o l i c y and 1976), p. 74.  Practice  (Chicago:  2.  I b i d . , pp.  3.  I b i d . , p.  4.  John Irwin, Prisons i n Turmoil (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1980), p. 147, pp. 151-2, p. 192, pp. 206-11; James B. Jacobs, " S t r a t i f i c a t i o n and C o n f l i c t Among P r i s o n Inmates," J o u r n a l of C r i m i n a l Law and Criminology, V o l . 66, no. 4, 1976, p. 478.  5.  K a r l E. Scheibe, B e l i e f s and Values (New Rinehart and Winston, 1970 ), p~. 86.  75-6. 76.  York: H o l t ,  - 225 -  6.  M i l t o n Rokeach, B e l i e f s , A t t i t u d e s , and Values F r a n c i s c o : Jossey-Bass, 1968), p. 3^  7.  I b i d . , P-  125.  8.  I b i d . , P-  1.  9.  I b i d . , P-  112.  10.  I b i d . , P-  160.  11.  I b i d . , p.  162.  12.  Gresham M. Sykes and David Matza, "Techniques o f N e u t r a l i z a t i o n : A Theory of Delinquency," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, V o l . 22, no. 6, Dec. 75, p. 666.  13. I b i d . , p.  (San  667.  14.  S t u a r t A. 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Wright, E r i k O l i n . The P o l i t i c s o f Punishment; A C r i t i c a l Ana l y s i s o f P r i s o n s i n America. New York: Harper & Row, 1973. Yochelson, Samuel and Stanton E. Samenow. a l i t y , V o l . I: A P r o f i l e f o r Change. 1976.  The C r i m i n a l PersonNew York: Aronson,  Young, Jock. " L e f t Idealism, Reformism and Beyond: From New Criminology t o Marxism." C a p i t a l i s m and the Rule o f Law: From Deviancy Theory t o Marxism. Eds. Bob Fine e t . a l . London: Hutchinson, 1979. Young, Jock. "Working C l a s s Criminology." C r i t i c a l C r i m i n o l ogy. Eds. Ian T a y l o r , Paul Walton, and Jock Young. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975.  - 236  -  Appendix A INTERVIEW SCHEDULE 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) II.  III.  IV.  V.  VI.  Present o f f e n c e ( s ) Sentence Previous C o n v i c t i o n s (number, types) Length of sentence Usual i n s t i t u t i o n a l placement Age of p r i s o n e r Ethnic Origin Parent's income Parent's occupation P r i s o n e r ' s income P r i s o n e r ' s occupation P r i s o n e r ' s education  1)  Do you f e e l t h a t you have good prospects future?  2)  Do you f e e l t h a t your f a m i l y background i s one causes of your c r i m i n a l behaviour?  3)  Why do you get i n t o t r o u b l e w i t h the law, the people i n the country do not?  1)  Do you f e e l t h a t Canadian s o c i e t y has c i a l classes?  2)  Where do you  3)  Do you f e e l t h a t the c l a s s you belong to has f l u e n c e on your c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s ?  1)  Do you  2)  Are  1)  What type of p o l i t i c a l system do we have i n t h i s try?  2)  Do we have equal r i g h t s and  3)  Is i t p o s s i b l e f o r a poor person t o become r i c h , or a r i c h person to become poor?  1)  Who  2)  How much power do you have i n r e l a t i o n power s t r u c t u r e ?  f i t i n t o the c l a s s  a l l people t r e a t e d e q u a l l y by the  t h i n k has  of  the  when most o f  a system of  so-  structure?  t h i n k t h a t the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e  do you  f o r your  equal  any i n -  system i s f a i r ? law? coun-  opportunities?  the power i n t h i s  country? t o the  overall  - 237 -  VII.  3)  I f you wanted t o , do you t h i n k that you would be able to change s o c i e t y t o make i t b e t t e r ?  1)  Who decides what w i l l be a crime and what w i l l not be a crime?  2) VIII. . 1) 2) IX.  X.  Whose i n t e r e s t s do those d e c i s i o n s p r o t e c t ? What changes, i f any, would you l i k e t o see i n the society? How c o u l d you go about making those changes?  1)  You appear t o have g i v e n a l o t o f thought t o the subj e c t o f economics, p o l i t i c s , and crime. You a l s o appear t o have p i c k e d up q u i t e a b i t o f knowledge. Where d i d you do t h i s t h i n k i n g , and where d i d you get the knowledge?  2)  (Is i s a r e s u l t o f being i n p r i s o n ? )  1)  Who i s the Prime M i n i s t e r o f Canada?  2)  Who i s Ralph Nader?  3)  P r i o r t o the recent f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n , what was JeanJacques B l a i s ' p o s i t i o n i n the f e d e r a l government?  4)  What does the term SALT mean t o you?  5)  Who i s t h e l e a d e r o f the o f f i c i a l o p p o s i t i o n i n the f e d e r a l government i n Canada?  6)  Who wrote Soul on Ice?  7)  Who i s - t h e A y a t o l l a h Khomeini?  8)  What do you know about the s i t u a t i o n i n Uganda at t h i s time?  9)  Which p o l i t i c a l sent time?  io:  p a r t y i s i n power i n B.C. a t the p r e -  Who was Che Gueverra?  

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