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Continuity & relatedness in housing areas Tejada, Alfonso Luis 1983

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CONTINUITY & RELATEDNESS IN HOUSING AREAS by ALFONSO LUIS TEJADA D i p l . A r c h . , U r i i v e r s i d a d de G u a n a j u a t o , M e x i c o , 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (S choo l o f A r c h i t e c t u r e ) We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A u g u s t , 1983 © A l f o n s o L u i s T e j a d a , 1983 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Architecture The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date DE-6 (3/81) •i-i ABSTRACT It i s the content ion of t h i s thes i s that with present changes taking place in the urban r e s i d e n t i a l environment as a r e s u l t of growth, increas ing densi ty and new trends in the l i f e s t y l es of people, new urban r e s i d e n t i a l developments are becoming, p h y s i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y , more se l f - conta ined and detached from t h e i r surrounding communities. This leads to soc ia l segregation in the community and to physical d i s -con t inu i t y o f the b u i l t form. In the 50's and 60's s i m i l a r problems were a l ready evident in publ ic housing p ro jec t s . Here a l so segregation and d i s c o n t i n u i t y from the surrounding context and between people had resu l ted from development. In both cases the consequences of t h i s d i s j u n c t i o n a f f e c t the neighborhood charac ter , the development of the urban form, and the q u a l i t y of l i f e in the c i t y . The purpose of t h i s study i s to make the case fo r con t inu i t y and re latedness as urban design o b j e c t i v e s . Cont inu i ty and re latedness are complementary concepts which def ine essent ia l physical and soc ia l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment, enhancing the q u a l i t y of l i f e in the c i t y . When t h i s i s recognized in the c reat ion of urban r e s i d e n t i a l environments at the predesign stage of new development or at the redesign stage of e x i s t i n g p r o j e c t s , a greater in tegra t ion of the project into the surrounding community can be achieved. Cont inu i ty i s def ined as the q u a l i t y which when present in the changing urban environment, maintains uni ty in bu i ld ing form and helps l i n k the characters of adjacent places in such a way that i t provides people with a sense of belonging and contact with t h e i r surroundings. As an urban design o b j e c t i v e , con t inu i t y can a lso be used to d i r e c t i i i environmental change. Relatedness concerns the in teract ion between man and his environ-ment, - the sett ing for soc ia l contact among people. As an urban design ob ject i ve , relatedness focusses on promoting a c t i v i t i e s and physical amenities which support soc ia l i n te rac t ion . This study hypothesizes that ex is t ing proven cases of physical and soc ia l d iscont inu i ty and segregation in publ ic housing projects can provide a r i c h ins ight into the malfunctioning charac te r i s t i cs of a pro ject 's cont inu i ty and relatedness with the surrounding context. Projects exh ib i t ing these negative c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are defined as m i s f i t s . It i s the contention of th i s thes is that we can learn from our mistakes by developing methods of evaluating m i s f i t s and creat ing strategies for predesign a n a l y s i s , complemented with design guidel ines which can be used by a r c h i t e c t s , planners, p o l i t i c i a n s and developers to avoid m i s f i t s . The f i r s t part of t h i s study i s devoted to establ ish ing the author's point of view. It t rys to develop a base to support the notion that physical and socia l factors inf luence man's in teract ion in the res ident ia l environment, and that there i s an impact of the man-made environment on man's behavior. Physical and socia l factors inf luencing cont inui ty and relatedness are i d e n t i f i e d and correlated with pract ica l case studies . The tota l framework i s an ana ly t i ca l search for causes of m i s f i t between project and community from a designer's point of view. Within t h i s framework two approaches are implemented, an urban design strategy for analys is and an environmental design evaluation for organizat ion. i v The research focusses on deve lop ing a framework f o r a n a l y z i n g housing p r o j e c t s and t h e i r sur rounding c o n t e x t s , i n p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l te rms, by examining th ree areas of s tudy : (a) p e o p l e ' s a t t i t u d e s ; (b) the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f open s p a c e s ; and (c) p e o p l e ' s a c t i v i t i e s and l e v e l s of i n t e r a c t i o n a t th ree l e v e l s : ( i ) the urban l e v e l ; ( i i ) the  p r o j e c t l e v e l ; and ( i i i ) the c l u s t e r l e v e l . Three p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s have been analyzed i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n -sh ips w i t h the proximate communities i n terms o f c o n t i n u i t y and r e l a t e d n e s s and a - g r e a t number of m i s f i t s found both i n . t e r m s of s o c i a l d i s j u n c t i o n and d i s c o n t i n u i t y of p laces and b u i l t forms. These m i s f i t s have lead to the development of problems between the p r o j e c t s and t h e i r sur rounding communities and cou ld e a s i l y app ly to any o ther urban r e s i d e n t i a l development. In c o n c l u s i o n , a framework has been developed f o r the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and a n a l y s i s o f m i s f i t s , p a r a l l e l e d w i t h a se t o f g u i d e l i n e s to help the d e s i g n e r of r e s i d e n t i a l environments to promote the elements of c o n t i n u i t y and r e l a t e d n e s s i n the improvement of e x i s t i n g m i s f i t s or in the des ign of new developments. The set o f g u i d e l i n e s p rov ide recommendations a t th ree l e v e l s : how to i n t e g r a t e the p r o j e c t i n t o the urban g r i d ; how to develop the gates and edges of the p r o j e c t to i n t e g r a t e the p r o j e c t w i t h i t s sur rounding community; and f i n a l l y , how to o rgan i ze the p r o j e c t ' s open space i n terms of c i r c u l a t i o n , c l u s t e r i n g and c o n t i n u i t y . TABLE OF CONTENTS •v ABSTRACT . TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES LIST OF TABLES ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Page i i v x i i x i v xv CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1, C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s a) The Urban R e s i d e n t i a l Env i r onmen t and t h e C i t y . . . . 2, O b j e c t i v e s o f t h e S t udy . 3, H y p o t h e s i s . . . . . 4 , S o u r c e s . , , 5, L i m i t a t i o n s and Scope 6, Methods and P r o c e d u r e s 4 10 11 12 12 13 I I LITERATURE SEARCH: MAN AND HIS RESIDENTIAL ENVIRONMENT . INTRODUCTION . . . . . A. THEORETICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE FOCUS OF THE SEARCH . 1. Man -Env i r onmen t R e l a t i o n s h i p , 2. M a n - B e h a v i o r a l P r o c e s s and Sys tems i n t h e B u i l t E nv i r onmen t , 3 . P e r c e p t i o n , C o g n i t i o n and S p a t i a l B e h a v i o r P r o c e s s e s , 16 16 17 17 20 29 -VI CHAPTER a) Perception . b) Cognition . c) S p a t i a l Behavior 4, S p a t i a l Behavior and the Behavioral Systems a) P h y s i o l o g i c a l System b) P e r s o n a l i t y System c) S o c i a l Group System d) C u l t u r a l System . e) Environmental System Behavioral Systems and the Physical R e s i d e n t i a l Environment B. FOCUS OF THE SEARCH , 1, L i t e r a t u r e Search: Organizing Premise 2, L i t e r a t u r e Search: T h e o r e t i c a l Frame of Reference , 3. A r c h i t e c t u r a l Determinism a) Study Case: Westgate and Westgate West (M.I.T.) b) Study Case: Westgate West (M.I.T.) c) Study Case: U n i v e r s i t y V i l l a g e , Minnesota . , , d) Study Case: Braydon Road Es t a t e s , Coverntry, England e) Study Case: I n d u s t r i a l Town, Craftown, U.S.A. f ) Study Case; Park Forest I I I (Town) 4. Homogeneity and S o c i a l Behavior Page 29 33 36 39 39 39 40 41 42 44 48 48 51 57 61 62 63 64 66 67 76 CHAPTER I I I •C. SPATIAL BEHAVIOR: REFERENCE MODEL OF SOCIAL INTERACTION IN RESIDENTIAL ENVIRONMENTS . 1, Reference Model: Concepts a) S o c i a l Class b] Status 2, Reference Model: Phases . . . . a) Phase I: Contact and I d e n t i f i c a t i o n b) Phase I I : P r o x i m i t y and S e l e c t i o n , c) Phase I I I : P h y s i c a l Patterns and So c i a l Networks . , 3, Neighboring and I n d i v i d u a l S p a t i a l Behavior a) I n d i v i d u a l S p a t i a l Behavior: Levels of I n t e r a c t i o n (Micro and Macro) . b) Phy s i c a l and S o c i a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Levels of I n t e r a c t i o n ( P r o j e c t ) . c) Phy s i c a l and S o c i a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Levels of I n t e r a c t i o n (Neighborhood) 4, P u b l i c Housing , , . D, Conclusions of the Search . RESEARCH FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY INTRODUCTION 1, Research Framework , 2, Urban Design Strategy 3, Environmental Design Evaluation .4, Research S t r u c t u r e , 5. Summary of Research Methods and Levels of Implementation . Page 83 84 84 85 85 87 87 88 90 92 93 95 99 104 108 108 108 109 110 112 115 v - m CHAPTER 6, Re sea r ch Phases , a ) Phase I : P r o x i m a t e Community Env i r onmen t and i t s Open Space . , b) Phase I I : P r o j e c t C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and Open Space O r g a n i z a t i o n , . c ) Phase I I I : M o b i l i t y and Use o f t h e Open Space d) Phase IV: P h y s i c a l S e t t i n g 7, P r o x i m a t e Community Env i r onmen t and i t s Open Space . . , a) Re sea r ch Phase I : D e s c r i p t i v e I n f o r m a t i o n o f t h e P r o j e c t s and t h e i r S u r r o u n d i n g s - -P r o x i m a t e Community Env i r onmen t and i t s Open Space R e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e Case S t u d i e s , . , , , 8 , P r o j e c t C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and Open Space O r g a n i z a t i o n : R e s e a r c h Phase I I a ) P r o j e c t ' s Gene r a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s b) R e s i d e n t s ' P r o f i l e . . . . c ) P r o j e c t S i t e A n a l y s i s d) P r o j e c t ' s Open Space O r g a n i z a t i o n e) P r o j e c t ' s Open Space and B u i l d i n g s ' H i e r a r c h y o f P r i v a c y , . , 9, M o b i l i t y and Use o f t h e Open Space ; Re s ea r c h Phase I I I . . . . . a ) A c c e s s t o t h e P r o j e c t . . b) C e n t r e s o f A c t i v i t y , c ) Zones o f I n f l u e n c e , d) S a m p l i n g o f P h y s i c a l S e t t i n g s , 10 , P h y s i c a l S e t t i n g s - : Re s ea r c h Phase IV . a ) P h y s i c a l S e t t i n g C h e c k l i s t b) C h e c k l i s t , , , , . Page 117 117 118 118 118 119 119 127 128 128 129 130 133 135 136 137 138 139 139 139 140 nx CHAPTER IV DIRECT RESEARCH AND ANALYSIS STRATEGIES INTRODUCTION . 1. S e l e c t i o n o f S t udy C a s e s : C r i t e r i a 2. L o c a t i o n o f S t udy C a s e s : McLean P a r k , Raymur P l a c e and Skeena T e r r a c e 3 . Community A t t i t u d e s a ) Community A t t i t u d e s S u r v e y : Repo r t on P u b l i c Hous i ng (1972) b) U n o r g a n i z e d O b s e r v a t i o n s o f P u b l i c Hous i ng P r o j e c t s i n t h e Sou th S e c t o r o f S t r a t h c o n a (1979) S u r v e y c ) S y n t h e s i s o f t h e 1972 S u r v e y d) S y n t h e s i s o f t h e 1979 Su r v ey e ) C o n c l u s i o n s , 4 . R e s ea r c h Phase I : L o c a l L e v e l (Community) a ) P r o x i m a t e Community Env i r onmen t and i t s Open Space R e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e S t udy Cases . • , b) Community F a b r i c . . . . c ) P h y s i c a l Frame . . . . . 5 . R e s ea r c h Phase I I : P r o j e c t a ) Open Space O r g a n i z a t i o n o f S t udy Cases 6. Re sea r ch Phase I I I : M o b i l i t y . a) M o b i l i t y and Use o f t h e Open Space i n t h e S t udy Cases . . . . 7 . Re sea r ch Phase IV: P h y s i c a l S e t t i n g s a) Summary o f S e t t i n g s w i t h C o n f l i c t s i n t h e S t udy Cases , PagA 145 145 146 149 151 151 155 161 163 164 169 169 169 178 214 216 222 222 228 228 V METHODOLOGY FOR IDENTIFICATION OF MISFITS INTRODUCTION , . , 231 231 CHAPTER VI 1. Urban Design Overall Framework 2. The Nature of the Problem 3. P r o j e c t ' s I n t e g r a t i o n Strategy a) P r o j e c t ' s Urban F i t Strategy 4. P r o j e c t ' s Urban F i t Framework . a) Phase One: I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of M i s f i t b) Phase Two: De t a i l e d A n a l y s i s of M i s f i t c) People's A c t i v i t i e s , 5, P r o j e c t ' s Urban F i t : Implementation of Framework . a) In t r o d u c t i o n b) Framework S t r u c t u r e , c) Implementation of Framework GUIDELINES FOR DESIGN INTRODUCTION . 1, Urban Level a) G r i d . 2, Local Level a) Gates , b) Edges , 3, P r o j e c t Level a) C i r c u l a t i o n b) C l u s t e r i n g c) C o n t i n u i t y Page 232 235 240 242 247 248 254 259 261 261 265 270 278 278 280 280 288 289 297 308 309 312 333 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . , . . . . . . APPENDIX . , . • . A-l Raymur Place: Phase I I : A-2 Raymur Place: Phase I I I : A-3 Raymur Place: Phase IV: ( C l u s t e r s ) . -xi Page t t • * « 343 351 P r o j e c t Level . . 351 M o b i l i t y . . . . 386 P h y s i c a l S e t t i n g s 402 •xi i L IST OF FIGURES No t e : A l l F i g u r e s , u n l e s s o t h e r w i s e n o t e d , a r e t h e a u t h o r ' s . Page CHAPTER I I 1, Man -Env i r onmen t I n t e r a c t i o n . . . . . . 21 2, A r c h i t e c t u r a l V iew o f t h e Fundamenta l Conce rns o f E n v i r o n m e n t a l P s y c h o l o g y 23 3 . A r c h i t e c t u r a l V iew o f t h e Fundamenta l Conce rns o f E n v i r o n m e n t a l P s y c h o l o g y . . . . . . . 28 4, L i t e r a t u r e S e a r c h : T h e o r e t i c a l Frame o f R e f e r e n c e . 53 5. L i t e r a t u r e S e a r c h : C o n c e p t s ' Frame o f R e f e r e n c e . . 56 6. R e f e r e n c e Model o f S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n . . . . 86 CHAPTER I I I 1. E n v i r o n m e n t a l Des i gn E v a l u a t i o n Model . . . . m 2. Components o f Re s ea r c h Framework . . . , . 113 3. Re sea r ch S t r u c t u r e P r o c e s s , . , . . , 114 4 . Re s ea r c h L e v e l s : Focus and Scope . . . . , 116 CHAPTER IV 1. C h a p t e r IV Re sea r ch O r g a n i z a t i o n . . . . . 146 2. L o c a t i o n o f S t udy Cases 150 3 . S t r a t h c o n a D i s t r i c t . . , , . . . . 1 7 0 4 . H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e D i s t r i c t . , . . . , 1 7 4 5. Land Use . . . . , , . . , . 1 7 8 .6 , Undeve loped S i t e s o f McLean Pa rk and Raymur p l a c e (.1954) , . , . . . . 182 x-i i i 7, McLean Pa rk ( F i r s t Phase) and Raymur P l a c e ( S i t e P r e p a r a t i o n ) , 1963 . . . 8, Deve l oped P r o j e c t s o f McLean Pa rk and Raymur P l a c e (1976) 9, Land Use . , • . 10 , Undeve l oped S i t e o f Skeena T e r r a c e P r o j e c t (1955) . 11 , Deve l oped P r o j e c t o f Skeena T e r r a c e P r o j e c t (1963) 12 , Skeena T e r r a c e P r o j e c t (1976) , . . . . Page 183 184 196 201 202 203 CHAPTER V 1, Urban Des i gn P r o c e s s M o d e l : F o r E n v i r o n m e n t a l Change . 233 2, The Urban De s i g n P r o c e s s W i t h i n t h e Comprehens i ve P l a n n i n g P r o c e s s 234 3, The P r o c e s s : D e s i g n i n g W i t h E n v i r o n m e n t a l A s se s smen t (Phases I 'to V) . . . . . . 235 4 , P r o j e c t - Community R e l a t e d n e s s , , . . . 239 5, L o c a t i o n o f t h e Urban F i t S t r a t e g y i n t h e Model o f E n v i r o n m e n t a l Change . . . . . . 242 6, P h y s i c a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e Open Space ( M a i n t a i n i n g C o n t i n u i t y ) , , . . . . 245 7, S o c i a l Conce rns o f t h e Open Space ( C r e a t i n g R e l a t e d n e s s ) 246 8, P e o p l e ' s A c t i v i t y I n t e r a c t i o n w i t h t h e Open Space ( D e t e r m i n i n g P r i o r i t i e s and Uses ) . . . . . 246 9, Urban F i t F ramework: I m p l e m e n t a t i o n Phases . , . 248 10 , C h e c k l i s t , 256 11 , Cases o f Doub le A s semb l y o f L o t s i n a B l o c k . , . 263 12 , Cases o f R ea l i g nmen t o f One B l o c k 264 13 , Urban. F i t : Framework S t r u c t u r e . . . . 266 14 , Framework L e v e l s o f I m p l e m e n t a t i o n and I d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f M i s f i t , . 267 LTST OF TABLES CHAPTER ry 4,1 Population and Proximate Urban Context ACKNOWLEDGEMENT xv This t h e s i s has been a long and f r u s t r a t i n g task. I t evolved both from my i n t e r e s t i n the. s u b j e c t , as well as from the encouragement and support of my mentor Dino Rapanos. His patience, t r u s t , f r i e n d s h i p and academic advice were i n v a l u a b l e . A s p e c i a l thanks to Professor Wolfgang Gerson who provided deeply appreciated i n t e r e s t , advice and d i r e c t i o n i n the t y i n g together of t h i s t h e s i s . I a l s o f e e l the deepest g r a t i t u d e to my w i f e , Susan. Without her l o y a l companionship and help i n t y p i n g , reading, and p a r t i c u l a r support i n c r u c i a l moments, t h i s t h e s i s would never have come together. Thanks a l s o to my dear f r i e n d s S h i n i c h i r o and E l i z a b e t h , as we l l as to Wojeiech and Hitoshy, who o f f e r e d t h e i r u n c o n d i t i o n a l help and support at a time when t h e i r own l i v e s were committed to other tasks. F i n a l l y , a measurement of a p p r e c i a t i o n to my ex-classmates i n the Master's Program whose ideas and serious d e d i c a t i o n to l e a r n i n g were of great encouragement. 1 CHAPTER I . . . Nowadays we b u i l d i n a l l s t y l e s and t a s t e s , and nobody has t h e i n c l i n a t i o n t o b o t h e r . a b o u t h i s n e i g h b o u r ; i t i s no l o n g e r as i t was i n t h e good o l d d a y s , when t h e m a t t e r o f a c h o i c e o f s t y l e was s t i l l u n t hough t o f , and a l l b u i l d i n g s s p o n t a n e o u s l y t u r n e d ou t t o be i n harmony w i t h each o t h e r and w i t h t h e i r g roup as a w h o l e . V i e n n a , May 7 , 1889 C. S i t t e 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n My i n i t i a l f o r m u l a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s was m o t i v a t e d by my e xpo su r e t o t h e S t r a t h c o n a commun i t y . T h i s commun i t y , l o c a t e d on t h e e a s t s i d e o f V a n c o u v e r , was t h e s u b j e c t o f a t e rm pape r f o r t h e g r a d u a t e program i n t h e S c h o o l " o f A r c h i t e c t u r e a t U .B .C . d u r i n g t h e F a l l o f 1978 and S p r i n g o f 1 9 7 9 . From t h e p o i n t o f v i e w o f an u r b a n i s t , I a n a l y z e d t h e S t r a t h c o n a c o m m u n i t y ' s s o c i o - c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r and i t s p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g . I was s t r u c k by t h e c o n t r a s t between t h e p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s and t h o s e o f t h e commun i t y . F u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n s c l a r i f i e d t h e f a c t t h a t t h e p r e s e n c e o f p u b l i c h ou s i n g i n t h e communi ty o f S t r a t h c o n a was t he b i t t e r l e g a c y o f i n t e r r u p t e d u rban r enewa l p l a n s . Even t hough p u b l i c h ou s i ng p r o j e c t s a r e no l o n g e r b u i l t as t h e y were i n t h e 50s and 6 0 s , t h e i r p h y s i c a l and and s o c i a l d i s j u n c t i o n i n c o n t r a s t w i t h t h e s u r r o u n d i n g communi ty s t i l l p e r s i s t s . My awa renes s o f t h i s d i s j u n c t i o n , i n t e rms o f s e g r a t i o n and d i s c o n t i n u i t y f r om t h e s u r r o u n d i n g commun i t y , grew f r om t h i s e x p e r i e n c e . ^ C a m i l l o S i t t e , C i t y P l a n n i n g A c c o r d i n g t o A r t i s t i c P r i n c i p l e s , T r a n s . George R. C o l l i n g s and C h r i s t i a n e Crasemann C o l l i n s ' (New Y o r k , N.Y . : Random House Book s , 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 163 . 2-I t c o n t r i b u t e d , f i r s t , t o sha rpen my p e r c e p t i o n o f t h e d e v e l o p -ments t a k i n g p l a c e i n t h e u r ban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t , where new hou s i n g p r o j e c t s emphas i z e an i n t e r n a l i z e d c h a r a c t e r w i t h l i t t l e o r no c o n c e r n f o r t h e e x i s t i n g ne i ghbou rhood c o n t e x t . S e c o n d , i t s p a r k e d my i n t e r e s t i n t h e d e s i g n and deve l opmen t o f h ou s i ng p r o t o t y p e s t h a t can be r e s p o n s i v e t o new t r e n d s i n t h e l i f e s t y l e s o f t h e i r r e s i d e n t s , and e q u a l l y r e s p o n s i v e t o t h e c o n t e x t i n wh i c h t h e y a r e l o c a t e d . T h i r d , i t h e l ped me t o f o r m u l a t e t h e c o n c e p t t h a t t h e q u a l i t y o f l i f e i n a c i t y as a who le depends no t o n l y on e x i s t i n g i s o l a t e d p a r t s and i n c r e m e n t a l a d d i t i o n s , bu t a l s o on t h e s t r e n g t h o f t h e l i n k s o f t h o s e p a r t s and a d d i t i o n s w i t h t h e e x i s t i n g u rban c o n t e x t wh i ch can c r e a t e c o n t i n u i t y and r e l a t e d n e s s w i t h i n t h e commun i t y . These o b s e r v a t i o n s , g r ow i ng o u t o f d i s j u n c t i o n , d e t e r m i n e d t h e b a s i s f o r t h e t h e s i s t e s t e d h e r e . T hu s , f r om my p o i n t o f v i e w , t h e q u a l i t y o f l i f e i n t h e u rban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t b e g i n s w i t h t h e i n t e g r a t i o n o f a p r o j e c t o r b u i l d i n g w i t h i n t h e c o n t e x t o f i t s s u r r o u n d i n g commun i ty . The d i s - :; j u n c t i o n t h a t p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s pose i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e i r s u r r o u n d i n g c o n t e x t p r o v i d e s t h e a n t i t h e s i s . F i n d i n g a way t o i n t e g r a t e t h i s m i s f i t i n t o t h e u r ban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t i s t h e m i s s i n g l i n k t h a t i s needed t o d e v e l o p t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l r e l a t e d n e s s and t he c o n t i n u i t y o f h i s l i v i n g e n v i r o n m e n t w i t h t h e l a r g e r commun i ty . 1 . C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s C o n t i n u i t y and r e l a t e d n e s s a r e p a r t o f two p a r a l l e l u r ban p r o c e s s e s t h a t a r e i n t e r c o n n e c t e d i n t h e g r ow th and deve l opmen t o f t h e c i t y . W h i l e c o n t i n u i t y i s c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e c i t y as a f o r m , r e l a t e d n e s s 3 sees t h e c i t y as a s o c i a l e n t i t y . The i n t e n t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s i s no t t o d i s c u s s C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s i n t h e i r " p r o c e s s e s and p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a t t h e u rban l e v e l . R a t h e r , i t i s t o s t u d y t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t he s e t t i n g o f a b u i l d i n g and i t s p r o x i m a t e s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l c o n t e x t s as a means o f i m p r o v i n g t he q u a l i t y o f l i f e i n t h e u rban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s i n t h e u r ban c o n t e x t , and t h e need f o r t h e i r i n c l u s i o n i n t h e r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t c o u l d be i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h e f o l l o w i n g s c e n a r i o . I f one l o o k s a t p r e s e n t t r e n d s o f change and g r ow th i n c i t i e s , pe rhaps t h e most d r a m a t i c e f f e c t on t h e i r u rban f o rm i s t h e d e n s i f i c a t i o n o f l a n d u s e . T h i s has a p e r v a s i v e impac t no t o n l y on t h e c ommer c i a l c o r e o f t h e c i t y , ' but a l s o on i t s r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t . One c anno t h e l p be i ng -st ruck by t h e f a c t t h a t much o f t h e b u i l t c ommer c i a l and r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t i n t h e c i t y c o n s i s t s o f l a r g e o r sma l l p a r c e l s o f r e a l e s t a t e o r g a n i z e d as s i n g l e e n t i t i e s wh i c h m a i n t a i n v e r y l i t t l e o r no r e l a t i o n t o t h e i r communi ty c o n t e x t . T h e i r i n t e r n a l i z e d c h a r a c t e r , on one hand , t e n d s t o be r e s p o n s i v e t o p r e s e n t changes i n t h e f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e i . a n d l i f e s t y l e p a t t e r n s o f t h e i r r e s i d e n t s , as t h e y a r e i n f l u e n c e d by s o c i a l and economic t r e n d s and t he p r e s e n t a v a i l a b i l i t y o f new t e c h n o l o g y and c y b e r n e t i c a i d s i n t h e home. On t h e o t h e r hand , t h e y t end t o b r eak away f r om t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s i n g l e d e t a c h e d p a t t e r n o f t h e r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t i n t o b l o c k s o f b u i l d i n g s . These f a c t s a r e becoming more and more common i n ou r c i t i e s . They a r e a t t h e r o o t s o f p r e s e n t r e d eve l o pmen t o f t h e r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t and r e p r e s e n t t h e b a s i s f o r 4-d e n s i f i c a t i o n i n h o u s i n g . F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e y a r e a l s o r e l a t e d to t h e u rban d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p r o c e s s e s i n t h e c i t y and t o c o n c e p t s o f p u b l i c and p r i v a t e r e a l m s . T h e i r s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l c onsequences a r e o f t e n i g n o r e d , however , o r o n l y c o n s i d e r e d i n a d v e r t e n t l y . The n e i g h b o u r -hood c h a r a c t e r , t h e p a t t e r n s o f use i n t h e r e s i d e n t i a l s t r e e t , and t h e e x p o s u r e f o r p e o p l e to d e v e l o p s o c i a l c o n t a c t i n t h e i r n e i ghbou rhood a r e h i n d e r e d by t h e i n c r e m e n t a l d eve l opmen t o f i n t e r n a l i z e d , t h a t i s , i n w a r d -l o o k i n g m u l t i - r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s . T h i s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f t h e u rban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t a f f e c t s b o t h t h e l o c a l communi ty c o n t e x t and t he u r ban c o n t e x t i n t h e i r p h y s i c a l f o r m s . In b o t h c a s e s some h o u s i n g b l o c k s s t a nd i n i s o l a t i o n o r become d i f f e r e n t i n c h a r a c t e r f r om t he r e s t o f t h e l o c a l c o n t e x t . In some c a s e s i s o l a t i o n i s d e l i b e r a t e l y imposed , w h i l e i n o t h e r c a s e s t h e hous i ng b l o c k i s t h e e x c e p t i o n r a t h e r t han t h e r u l e . The h ou s i n g b l o c k c o u l d t h e n , i n p r i n c i p l e , be c o n s i d e r e d as p o s s i b l y t a k i n g o v e r t h e e n t i r e c i t y . I t i s i n t h i s s c e n a r i o t h a t C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s r e p r e s e n t a s t r i v i n g f o r c l a r i t y and u n i t y i n t h e u rban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t . I t i s a l s o w i t h i n t h i s s c e n a r i o t h a t t h e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p r o c e s s i n t h e c i t y e x e r t s a d e t e r m i n i n g i m p a c t on t h e way change , unde r t h e e f f e c t s o f g r ow th and d e n s i f i c a t i o n , a f f e c t s t h e r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t , a ) The Urban R e s i d e n t i a l E nv i r onmen t and t h e C i t y The s h a p i n g o f t h e u rban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o nmen t under t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p r o c e s s , p r e s e n t s a c r u c i a l d u a l i t y , i n p l a n n i n g f u n c t i o n a l and s a t i s f y i n g e n v i r o n m e n t s f o r t h e commun i t y , and i n s u p p o r t i n g new r e s i d e n t i a l d eve l opmen t and r e deve l o pmen t i n t h e c i t y wh i c h promote i n d i v i d u a l i t y . T h i s new r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t i n t u r n 5, l e a d s t o w i t h d r a w a l not o n l y f r om t h e p h y s i c a l f o rm o f t h e e x i s t i n g e n v i r o n m e n t bu t a l s o f r om t h e s o c i a l l i f e o f t h e p r o x i m a t e commun i t y . In t h i s c o n t e x t t h e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p r o c e s s i s f ound i n c o n t r a d i c t i o n w i t h t h e c r e a t i o n and deve l opmen t o f t h e u rban e n v i r o n m e n t . I t i s he re where t h e o r i s t s and c r i t i c s who p o i n t t o t h e l o s s o f mean ing and i s o l a t i o n i n t h e u r ban p a t t e r n s o f t h e c i t y have f ound i n s p i r a t i o n . C o n s i d e r e d f r om t h i s p o i n t o f v i e w , t h e c i t y emerges as a c o n g l o m e r a t e o f p a r t s w i t h i n a m u l t i - s y s t e m ( s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l , e c onom i c , c u l t u r a l , e n v i r o n m e n t a l , e t c . ) , w h i c h emphas i z e s deve l opmen t e i t h e r a s (1 ) a p r o c e s s o r a s a (2 ) f o r m . The t h e o r i e s and ideas d i s c u s s e d by C h r i s t o p h e r A l e x a n d e r i n ^A 2 3 C i t y i s No t a T r e e " and No tes on t he S y n t h e s i s o f Form, t o g e t h e r w i t h 4 F r a n c i s F e r g u s o n ' s systems a p p r o a c h , can be c o n s i d e r e d as examp les o f t h e f i r s t a p p r o a c h e m p h a s i z i n g a p r o c e s s . T h e i r t e rms o f r e f e r e n c e c o n s i d e r t h a t t h e v i t a l i t y , o f t h e c i t y can be r e d i r e c t e d by s u b t l e t e c h n i q u e s o f i n t e r v e n t i o n s i m u l a t i n g t h e f e e d b a c k sys t ems o f b i o l o g y o r m a c h i n e r y . Under t h i s p r o c e s s t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n o f s o c i a l c r i t e r i a i n t h e c i t y i s c o n s i d e r e d a d e t e r m i n a n t i n t h e c r e a t i o n o f t h e u rban c o n t e x t . The second a p p r o a c h , wh i c h emphas i z e s t h e deve l opmen t o f t h e 5 6 c i t y a s a f o r m , i s r e p r e s e n t e d i n t h e works o f K e v i n L y n c h , Rob K r i e r , 2 C h r i s t o p h e r A l e x a n d e r , "A C i t y i s Not a T r e e , " A r c h i t e c t u r a l  Forum, 122 ( A p r i l - May 1 9 6 5 ) , pp,. 5 8 - 6 1 . 3 , No tes on t h e S y n e t h e s i s o f Form, ( Camb r i d ge , M a s s . : Havard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 4 ) , pp . 5 6 - 7 0 . ^ F r a n c i s F e r g u s o n , A r c h i t e c t u r e , C i t i e s and t h e Sys tems App roa ch (New Y o r k , N .Y . : George B r a z i l l e r , I n c . , 1 9 7 5 ) , pp . 1 -43 . 5 K e v i n L y n c h , The Images o f t h e C i t y ( Camb r i d ge , M a s s . : Hava rd U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 0 ) , pp, 9 1 - 9 2 . ~ ~~ Rob K r i e r , Urban Space (New Y o r k , N.Y . : R i z z o l i I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i c a t i o n s I n c . , 1 9 7 9 ) , pp.. 7 7 - 8 4 . 6-AT do R o s s i , and C o l i n Rowe and F r ed K o e t t e r . L y n c h 1 s t e rms o f r e f e r e n c e a r e l a r g e l y p s y c h o l o g i c a l and p e r c e p t u a l . Fo r K r i e r , R o s s i , and Rowe and K o e t t e r t h e c i t y i s made up o f a s e r i e s o f e x p e r i e n c e s wh i c h a l l o w f o r i t s d i v i s i o n i n t o b l o c k s w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r and d e f i n e d a e s t h e t i c . A l t h o u g h t h e y a r e c r i t i c a l o f t h e l a c k o f s t r u c t u r e i n t h e c i t y , t h e i r a p p r o a c h i s c o n c r e t e i n r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e p r e s e n t by p r e p a r i n g a l t e r n a t i v e s t r u c t u r e s based on the h i s t o r y o f t h e c i t y , o r i n t h e memor ies o f t h e p a s t t h a t g i v e mean ing and c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t y t o t h e c i t y f o r m . T h e r e f o r e , t h e c i t y , seen w i t h i n t h i s f ramework o f t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e , m a g n i f i e s t h e p rob l ems r a d i a t e d f r om t h e s i m p l e s e t t i n g o f a new ' . m u l t i - r e s i d e n t i a l b u i l d i n g i n t h e communi ty c o n t e x t . I t a l s o i l l u s t r a t e s t h e l i n e s o f t h o u g h t on t h e deve l opmen t o f t h e u rban c o n t e x t as a who l e and t h e p a r t i c u l a r emphas i s t h a t , i n t h i s t h e s i s , i s g i v e n t o C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s as s o c i a l and e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t i e s c o n t r i b u t i n g t o t h e e n r i c h m e n t o f t h e q u a l i t y o f l i f e i n t h e r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t . C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s can a l s o r e s u l t f r om a p r o f e s s i o n a l emphas i s i n t h e p l a n n i n g and d e s i g n i n g o f t h e r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o nmen t by t h e d i s c i p l i n e s o f A r c h i t e c t u r e and P l a n n i n g . W h i l e b o t h d i s c i p l i n e s have s i m i l a r a ims o f i m p r o v i n g t h e u r ban q u a l i t y o f l i f e i n t h e c i t y , t h e i r p o i n t s o f v i e w f a v o u r i n d ependen t a p p r o a c h e s . 7 A l d o R o s s i , La A r q u i t e c t u r a De La C i u d a d , t r a n s . J o s e M a r i o F e r r e r - F e r r e r and S a l v a d o r T a r r a g o C i d ( B a r c e l o n a : E d i t o r i a l Gus t avo G i l i , 1 9 7 1 ) , pp.. 1 3 8 - 1 6 1 . Q C o l i n Rowe and F r ed K o e t t e r , C o l l a g e C i t y ( Camb r i d ge , M a s s . : The M . I . T . P r e s s , 1 9 7 8 ) , pp . 5 0 - 8 3 . 7. The l a c k o f emphas i s g i v e n t o C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s seem t o be c a u s e d , i n p a r t , by t h e i n c r e a s i n g c o m p l e x i t y o f t he u rban e n v i r o n -ment . S m a l l towns and v i l l a g e s have e v o l v e d f a r beyond t h e i r o r i g i n a l s c a l e s . In t h e p a s t t h e y were c omp rehen s i v e e n t i t i e s , easy t o a n a l y z e and r e l a t i v e l y s i m p l e t o o r g a n i z e as p l a c e s f o r p e o p l e . The c o m p l e x i t y o f t h e p r e s e n t u rban env i r o nmen t has l i m i t e d t h e a b i l i t y o f t h e d i s c i p l i n e s o f A r c h i t e c t u r e and P l a n n i n g i n c r e a t i n g an u rban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t . These l i m i t a t i o n s c aused by t h e d i v e r g i n g emphases o f t h e d i s c i p l i n e s have eased w i t h t h e emergence o f u rban d e s i g n as a m u l t i - d i s c i p l i n a r i a n " l i a i s o n " between them and o t h e r r e l a t e d d i s c i p l i n e s . Urban D e s i g n , i n t h i s t h e s i s , i s c o n s i d e r e d as a s u p p o r t i n g p r o c e s s wh i c h a ims a t u n i f y i n g t h e a p p r o a c h e s o f b o t h d i s c i p l i n e s . I t engages t h e s o c i o - s p a t i a l q u a l i t i e s o f C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s to enhance t h e q u a l i t y o f l i f e i n t h e r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t and t h e b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s w h i c h t a k e p l a c e w i t h i n i t o v e r t i m e . A l s o i m p l i e d i s t h e need f o r t h e c l o s e c o l l a b o r a t i o n o f p l a n n e r s , a r c h i t e c t s , d e v e l o p e r s , p o l i t i c i a n s and laymen i n t h e c r e a t i o n o f t h e u rban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t . In s p i t e o f t h e f a c t t h a t Urban De s i g n v a r i e s i t s s cope f r om t he immed i a t e t o t h e v e r y l a r g e s c a l e e n v i r o n m e n t , t h e f o c u s o f Urban D e s i g n i n t h i s t h e s i s i s t o a s s i s t i n d e v e l o p i n g t he f ramework i n wh i c h C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s w i l l be e x p l o r e d and t h e i r q u a l i t i e s employed a t t h e l o c a l l e v e l . & Urban De s i g n c o n c e r n s a r e based on "no man ' s l a n d " , w h i c h , i n 9 f a c t , i s " e v e r y man ' s l a n d . " T h i s i s t h e space d e f i n e d by t h e p h y s i c a l r e l a t i o n between b u i l d i n g s i n t h e u rban c o n t e x t . I t i s t h e same c o n c e p t t h a t C a m i l l o S i t t e r e g a r d e d as t h e b a s i c p r i n c i p l e f o r d e s i g n i n g c.. c i t i e s , ^ t h a t o f t h e q u a l i t y o f open spa ce s u p p o r t i n g p e o p l e ' s m o b i l i t y , t r a f f i c , and t h e p i c t u r e s q u e c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f p o s i t i v e and n e g a t i v e ( b u i l t and u n b u i l t ) space i n t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e c i t y . F o r S i t t e , Urban D e s i g n i n t h e 1800s c o n s i s t e d o f an a p p e a l i n g a r r a n g e -ment o f s pa ce s i n a p i c t u r e s q u e s e q u e n c e , r a t h e r t h an t he d i v i s i o n o f t h e c i t y i n t o b l o c k s o f b u i l d i n g s s e p a r a t e d by s e r v i c i n g t r a f f i c a r t e r i a l s . S i t t e ' s i d e a s have m a i n t a i n e d a r e c u r i n g use as p a r t o f a p a r t i c u l a r mode o f v i s i o n c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to t h e f i e l d s o f a r c h i t e c t u r e and p l a n n i n g . A l t h o u g h t h e p i c t u r e s q u e and r e c r e a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r o f t h e c i t y ' s b eau t y has been l e f t b e h i n d , Urban De s i g n has come t o be 11 t r e a t e d as a " c e n t r a l d i s c i p l i n e r a t h e r t han a window d r e s s i n g . " Pe rhaps t h e m a j o r a c h i e v e m e n t o f t h i s r e t r o s p e c t i v e l o o k a t t h e e s s e n t i a l v a l u e s o f t he c i t y i s t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g " t h a t s e t t i n g r a t h e r 12 t h an o b j e c t i s more c r u c i a l t o c i t y s e n s e . " T h i s a l s o i m p l i e s an awareness and c o n t e x t u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to t h e u rban e n v i r o n m e n t f r om t h o s e i n v o l v e d i n i t s d e v e l o p m e n t , d e s i g n , p l a n n i n g and r e d e v e l o p m e n t . 9 F r e d r i c k G u t h e i m , "Urban Space and Urban D e s i g n , " i n C i t i e s and  Spa c e : The F u t u r e Use o f Urban L a n d . Lowden W ingo , J r . ( e d . ) ( B a l t i m o r e : The J ohns Hopk i n s P r e s s , 1 9 6 6 ) , pp.. 1 1 8 - 1 5 2 . 1 0 C a m i T l o S i t t e , o p . c i t . , p. 24 . ^ J a q u e l i n R o b e r t s o n , " C u r r e n t C r i s i s o f D i s o r d e r , " i n E d u c a t i o n  F o r Urban D e s i g n , Ann Fe rebee ( e d . ) ( P u r c h a s e , N .Y . : Urban De s i g n S e l e c t i o n s ; I n s t i t u t e f o r U rban D e s i g n , 1 9 8 2 ) , p. 4 8 . 1 2 I b i d . , p. 4 9 . 9 The s k i l l s and p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f anyone i n v o l v e d i n a c h i e v i n g t h e i n t e g r a t i o n o f a p r o j e c t w i t h i t s s u r r o u n d i n g c o n t e x t must t h en t a k e i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n : f i r s t , t h e deg r ee o f change a sked f o r by t h e commun i ty ; s e c o n d , whe the r o r no t t h e communi ty c h a r a c t e r w i l l be enhanced o r m a i n t a i n e d ; and t h i r d , t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f i n t e g r a t i n g a p roposed p r o j e c t as p a r t o f t he w h o l e . T h e r e a f t e r , t h e a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e s i g n c o n s i d e r a t i o n s and t h e u rban d e s i g n s t r a t e g i e s can be imp lemented t o i n t r o d u c e o r augment C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s i n t h e r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t . C o n t i n u i t y emphas i z e s t h e u n i t y o f t h e b u i l t f o r m , t h e c r e a t i o n 13 o f s u c c e s s i v e n e s s o f p l a c e , wh i c h K e v i n Lynch d e s c r i b e s as t h e t empo ra l and s p a t i a l d i m e n s i o n s o f a p l a c e and t h e i r a b i l i t y t o p r e s e n t v i s u a l e v e n t s , b u i l t f o r m s , and p e o p l e ' s a c t i v i t i e s , a n d , i n t i m e , t o l i n k t h e new w i t h t h e o l d d e ve l o pmen t . T h i s space l i n k a g e p r o v i d e s p e o p l e w i t h a sense o f b e l o n g i n g and c o n t a c t w i t h t h e i r l i v i n g e n v i r o n -ment . C o n t i n u i t y a s an Urban D e s i g n o b j e c t i v e can be used to d i r e c t e n v i r o n m e n t a l c h a n g e . R e l a t e d n e s s can be c o n s i d e r e d a t d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s o f t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . I t s ma in f u n c t i o n i n v o l v e s t h e c o n t i n u a t i o n o f c e r t a i n p a t t e r n s w h i c h e s t a b l i s h t h e s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l image o f a p l a c e . In a r c h i t e c t u r e i t i s a m a t t e r o f p a y i n g a t t e n t i o n to t h e ne i ghbou rhood .< and f i t t i n g i n t o t h e p h y s i c a l c o n t e x t . ^ R e l a t e d n e s s i n t h i s t h e s i s w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d as t h e s o c i o - b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n o f i n t e r a c t i o n 13 K e v i n L y n c h , What T ime i s T h i s P l a c e ? (Cambr i dge , M a s s . : The M . I . T . P r e s s , 1 9 7 2 ) , p. 115 . 14 Denn i s M i c h a e l R yan , "U rban De s i g n o f C o n t i n u i t y . " U m p u b l i s h e d Ph .D . D i s s e r t a t i o n i n A r c h i t e c t u r e , F a c u l t y o f t h e G r adua t e S choo l o f A r t s and S c i e n c e s , U n i v . o f P e n n s y l v a n i a , 1 9 7 6 , p. 90 . 10 between man and h i s e n v i r o n m e n t as i n f l u e n c e d by t he c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e s e t t i n g and s o c i a l c o n t a c t between p e o p l e . R e l a t e d n e s s as an Urban D e s i g n o b j e c t i v e f o c u s e s on p r omo t i n g a c t i v i t i e s and p h y s i c a l a m e n i t i e s wh i c h s u p p o r t s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . The v a l u e o f t h i s d e s i g n a p p r o a c h i s no t e x c l u s i v e l y f o r t h e c r e a t i o n o f new r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s f o r p e o p l e , r a t h e r i t a l s o has a use i n t h e r e - e v a l u a t i n g and r e - d e s i g n o f t h e r e s i d e n t i a l c o n t e x t . Such a . .des ign a p p r o a c h can a c t a s a c o n s o l i d a t i n g t o o l i n u n i f y i n g bo th p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e communi ty w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r p r o j e c t . As a p h y s i c a l d e s i g n t o o l i t i s a c c e s s i b l e to a r c h i t e c t s , p l a n n e r s and d e v e l o p e r s i n t h e c r e a t i o n and ma i n t enan ce o f u n i f i e d e n v i r o n m e n t s f o r p e o p l e . I f t h e a r c h i t e c t , p l a n n e r , d e v e l o p e r and p o l i t i c i a n s t r o n g l y s u p p o r t t h e use o f such u p g r a d i n g d e s i g n s t r a t e g y i n t h e r e - i n t e r p r e t i n g o f t h e e x i s t i n g u rban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t i n c o n f l i c t , o r i n t h e p l a n n i n g and d e s i g n i n g o f new u rban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s , t h e r e s u l t w i l l be t o improve t he l o c a l and u rban q u a l i t i e s o f l i f e i n t h e c i t y . 2. O b j e c t i v e s o f t h e S t udy The o b j e c t i v e s o f t h i s s t u d y a r e t o d e v e l o p an u rban d e s i g n s t r a t e g y f o r e v a l u a t i n g m i s f i t s and s t r a t e g i e s f o r p r e d e s i g n a n a l y s i s , c o u p l e d w i t h d e s i g n recommenda t i ons i n t h e f o rm o f g u i d e l i n e s to i n t r o d u c e C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s i n u rban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s . In o r d e r to a c h i e v e t h e s e o b j e c t i v e s , t h e p r i m a r y g o a l s must be d e f i n e d . F i r s t , t h e e s s e n t i a l components o f C o n t i n u i t y and R e l a t e d n e s s must be d e t e r m i n e d , and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p i n t h e r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t a c know l edged ; s e c o n d , t h e l e v e l s o f a n a l y s i s and t h e f o c u s o f t h e d i r e c t r e s e a r c h must be e s t a b l i s h e d . These f i n d i n g s a r e v a l u a b l e s o u r c e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n wh i c h a r e a p p l i c a b l e when d e s i g n i n g new o r r e - i n t e r p r e t i n g e x i s t i n g r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s . In o r d e r t o i d e n t i f y t h e c a u s e s o f d i s j u n c t i o n o r m i s f i t w i t h t h e p r o x i m a t e commun i t y , t h e i d e n t i f i e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w i l l be r e l a t e d t o t h e d i r e c t r e s e a r c h method and a p p l i e d i n t h r e e s t u d y c a s e s . The f i n d i n g s w i l l t h en be i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o an i n t e r p r e t a t i v e p h y s i c a l d e s i g n s t r a t e g y and a mechan ism f o r i t s i m p l e m e n t a t i o n . The v e h i c l e to r e a c h t h i s goa l i s t h e H y p o t h e s i s . 3. H y p o t h e s i s H i s t o r i c a l l y , t h e c a s e f o r p u b l i c h o u s i n g as a d v o c a t e d i n a r c h i t e c t u r e , p l a n n i n g and s o c i a l r e f o r m a imed a t p r o d u c i n g a b e t t e r q u a l i t y o f l i f e i n b l i g h t e d r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s . I n s i g h t s f r om t h e s e s o u r c e s , i n some c a s e s , i l l u m i n a t e t h e s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l c a u s e s o f s e g r e g a t i o n and d i s c o n t i n u i t y o f a r e s i d e n t i a l p r o j e c t w i t h i t s s u r r o u n d i n g commun i t y . S t u d y i n g e x i s t i n g c a s e s o f s e g r e g a t i o n and d i s c o n t i n u i t y i n  p u b l i c h ou s i ng p r o j e c t s f r om a m u l t i - d i s c i p l i n a r y p o i n t o f v i ew  i d e n t i f i e s t h e b a s i c f a c t o r s o f such d i s j u n c t i o n . A h y b r i d r e s e a r c h  f ramework can be d e v e l o p e d f r om s o c i o - b e h a v i o u r a l l i t e r a t u r e s o u r c e s t o  p r o v i d e i n f o r m a t i o n on man-env i r onmen t r e l a t i o n s h i p s and i n t e r a c t i o n s ,  u rban d e s i g n methods i n r e s e a r c h arid o r g a n i z a t i o n , and t h e d i r e c t  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and e v a l u a t i o n o f s t u d y c a s e s . 12 I t i s t h en p o s s i b l e t o d e v e l o p a r e s e a r c h f ramework t h a t  i n c o r p o r a t e s t h o s e f i n d i n g s i n t o a s e r i e s o f r e commenda t i ons wh i ch w i l l  be u s e f u l t o a r c h i t e c t s , p l a n n e r s and d e v e l o p e r s t o i d e n t i f y c a u s e s o f  d i s j u n c t i o n i n t h e d e s i g n o r r e d e s i g n o f u rban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s  t o enhance c o n t i n u i t y and r e l a t e d n e s s . 4 . S o u r c e s Beyond d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n t h e backg round i n f o r m a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s i s based on an i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f l i t e r a t u r e r e l e v a n t t o s o c i a l and e n v i r o n m e n t a l b e h a v i o u r ; u rban and communi ty p l a n n i n g , a r c h i t e c t u r e and u rban d e s i g n . These l i t e r a t u r e s o u r c e s and d i r e c t i n v e s t i g a t i o n s have been used t o f o r m u l a t e t h e t o p i c and t o d e f i n e t h e scope o f t h e hypor. t h e s i s . The r e s t a t e m e n t o f t h e p r o b l e m , i t s t e rms o f r e f e r e n c e , and t h e deve l opmen t o f a s t r a t e g y r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d needs w i l l be d e r i v e d f rom t h e d i r e c t r e s e a r c h f i n d i n g s . 5. L i m i t a t i o n s and Scope The d i r e c t r e s e a r c h s t u d y c a s e s a r e l i m i t e d t o p u b l i c h ou s i ng p r o j e c t s w i t h i n an u r ban c o n t e x t . Th r ee p u b l i c h ou s i ng p r o j e c t s were s e l e c t e d f o r t h i s s t u d y : McLean P a r k , Raymur P l a c e and Skeena T e r r a c e . They a r e a d m i n i s t e r e d by t h e B r i t i s h Co l umb i a Hous i ng Management Commiss ion and owned by t h e F e d e r a l and P r o v i n c i a l g o v e r nmen t s . The p r o j e c t s a r e l o c a t e d i n u r ban a r e a s and have p o p u l a t i o n s o f o v e r one hundred r e s i d e n t s . B u i l t between 1958 and 1962 as Urban Renewal p i l o t p r o j e c t s i n t h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , B . C . , t h e i r ma in c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e t h e i n t e r n a l i z e d p e d e s t r i a n sy s t ems wh i ch a r e d e t a c h e d f r om t h e s u r r o u n d i n g s t r e e t s i n t h e commun i t y , and t h e a l i e n a t e d c h a r a c t e r o f 13 t he . b u i l d i n g s . The t h e s i s w i l l no t d ea l w i t h e t h n i c o r r a c i a l a s p e c t s i n p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s . S i m i l a r l y , i t w i l l no t be c on c e r ned w i t h t he m a n a g e r i a l and t e n a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p . R a t h e r t h e s t u d y w i l l be ! s p e c i f i c a l l y c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e p h y s i c a l l a y o u t o f t h e p r o j e c t s ; t h e . / . -o r g a n i z a t i o n . o f open space and t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e p r o x i m a t e commun i ty ; t h e p a r t i c u l a r b e h a v i o u r a l a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e r e s i d e n t s i n t h e open s p a c e ; t h e p e d e s t r i a n f l o w t h r o u g h and f r om t h e p r o j e c t ; and t h e communi ty a t t i t u d e s t owa rd s t h e p r o j e c t r e s i d e n t s . The s t u d y a ims a t i d e n t i f y i n g , t h r o u g h d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n , i n t e r v i e w s , r e p o r t s and f l o o r p l a n s o f t h e p r o j e c t s ' l a y o u t s , t h e c au s e s o f d i s j u n c t i o n o u t l i n e d i n t h e h y p o t h e s i s . T h i s s t u d y w i l l e v a l u a t e t h e p rob l ems o f d i s j u n c t i o n i n p u b l i c h ou s i n g p r o j e c t s w i t h i n t h e commun i t y , and d e v e l o p a s t r a t e g y f o r e v a l u a t i n g m i s f i t s and p r o v i d e g u i d e l i n e s f o r p r e - d e s i g n a n a l y s i s i n u rban r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s . 6. Methods and P r o c e d u r e s T h i s t h e s i s i s o r g a n i z e d i n t o s i x c h a p t e r s . In t h i s f i r s t c h a p t e r t h e a u t h o r ' s i n t e r e s t and p a r t i c u l a r p o i n t o f v i ew on t he impac t o f t h e u rban r e s i d e n t i a l deve l opmen t on p e o p l e ' s s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and on t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e u r ban f o rm has been i n t r o d u c e d . T h i s p o i n t o f v i e w e v o l v e d f r om d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n o f p u b l i c h ou s i ng and m u l t i -r e s i d e n t i a l h ou s i n g p r o j e c t s ; r e a d i n g s on u rban t h e o r y and u rban d e s i g n ; and c i t y p l a n n i n g c o n c e r n s . 14 Chapter II is devoted to developing a socio-behavioural search for the physical and social factors which influence man's interaction in the residential environment, and the impact of the environment on man's behaviour. Literature sources are analyzed in terms of spacial behaviour. Physical and social factors influencing continuity and relatedness are identif ied and correlated with practical study cases to define the focus of the research methodology. The research methodology in Chapter III is focused on developing a framework for analyzing the connections between project and proximate community, in physical and social terms, by examining three areas: a) people's attitudes; b) the characteristics of the open space; c) people's act i v i t ies and levels of interaction at three levels : Urban (overal l ) , Project ( local ) , and Cluster. Within this framework two approaches are suggested: an Urban Design strategy for analysis, and an Environmental Design Evaluation for organization. Four research phases are defined to help identify social and physical characterist ics of both project and the community, and the impact of people's mobility and act i v i t ies in the open spaces. Three data col lect ion methods are implemented: a) s ite planning analysis, based on plans and direct research; b) documented sources (interviews) based on reports and direct research; c) direct observation of mobil ity, seasonal outdoor a c t i v i t i e s , traces, and deviating behaviour in physical settings. 15 In C h a p t e r IV t h e d i r e c t r e s e a r c h i s c a r r i e d o u t on t h r e e p u b l i c hous i ng p r o j e c t s , and a g r a p h i c summary i s d e v e l o p e d . C h a p t e r V i n c o r p o r a t e s t h e r e s e a r c h f i n d i n g s i n t o a f r amework wh i c h i d e n t i f i e s c a u s e s o f s e g r e g a t i o n and d i s c o n t i n u i t y ( m i s f i t ) between p r o j e c t and p r o x i m a t e e n v i r o n m e n t . I t a l s o e s t a b l i s h e s , w i t h i n t h e u r ban d e s i g n p r o c e s s , t h e s t a g e s o f i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f t h i s f r amework . C h a p t e r VI c o n c l u d e s t h i s t h e s i s w i t h a c o m p r e h e n s i v e s e t o f g u i d e l i n e s d e v e l o p e d f o r t h e d e s i g n o r r e d e s i g n o f r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s i n c o r p o r a t i n g c o n t i n u i t y and r e l a t e d n e s s . 16 CHAPTER I I LITERATURE SEARCH: MAN AND HIS RESIDENTIAL ENVIRONMENT Int r o d u c t i o n The e s s e n t i a l understanding o f the soci o - b e h a v i o r a l frame i n which man, as a s o c i a l e n t i t y , operates and e s t a b l i s h e s contact w i t h the environment and with other i n d i v i d u a l s i s the i n t r o d u c t o r y premise on which the f o l l o w i n g l i t e r a t u r e search w i l l be developed. Without t h i s b asic understanding of man and hi s environment the i s o l a t e d a n a l y s i s of the r e s i d e n t i a l environment may r e s u l t i n f u t i l e e x e r c i s e . A s i m i l a r f a i l u r e would be to ignore the man-environment r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h i n the d i s c i p l i n e s o f a r c h i t e c t u r e and planning. This t h e s i s seeks t o develop an urban design s t r a t e g y to introduce or maintain c o n t i n u i t y and relatedness i n the r e s i d e n t i a l urban environment. This chapter presents the t h e o r e t i c a l development o f the focus of the search. Relevant concepts are introduced from the l i t e r a t u r e sources and analyzed. Some of these concepts are r e i n f o r c e d with p r a c t i c a l s t u d i e s , the r e s u l t s o f which are a l s o presented. A reference model i s introduced to l i n k the important concepts. The t h e o r e t i c a l development o f the focus o f the search e s t a -b l i s h e s a frame of reference from which the man-environment r e l a t i o n s h i p can be analyzed. I t searches f o r the p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c i n g man's i n t e r a c t i o n i n the r e s i d e n t i a l environment and the impact of the environment on man's behavior. 17 The l i t e r a t u r e sources which view the r e l a t i o n s h i p of man-environment as a s o c i o - s p a t i a l and behavioral i n t e r a c t i o n are analyzed, w i t h a r e d e f i n i t i o n of the p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c i n g t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n , from which c o n t i n u i t y and relatedness stem. A c o r r e l a t i o n of the p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l and behavioral f a c t o r s i s developed with the p r a c t i c a l l e v e l s of environmental i n t e r a c t i o n i n the urban context and the d e f i n i t i o n o f the methodology focus. Information gathered from e x i s t i n g s t u d i e s on man and h i s r e s i -d e n t i a l environment and the behavioral process a f f e c t i n g t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n are the sources of reference f o r the l i t e r a t u r e search. Furthermore, the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l patterns of c o n t i n u i t y and relatedness both between p r o j e c t and community, and w i t h i n the p r o j e c t , w i l l be used as the parameters on which the methodology framework of Chapter I I I develops. A. T h e o r e t i c a l Development of the Focus of the Search 1. Man-Environment R e l a t i o n s h i p In order to e s t a b l i s h the l i n k a g e of a r c h i t e c t u r e and planning with the behavioral s c i e n c e s , and to understand the e f f e c t s of the designed environment on human behavior i f there i s to be any c o l l a b o r a -t i o n between them, "... there must be f i r s t a common understanding of the term 'environment' and the processes involved i n the man-environment 18. i n t e r a c t i o n . 1 , 1 The basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the environment i s that "environ-2 ment surrounds" and man i s both the centre and i n t e g r a l p a r t of h i s environment. Thus, man a f f e c t s and i s a f f e c t e d by h i s environment. W. Ross Ashby wrote: "Given an organism, i t s environment i s defined as those v a r i a b l e s whose change a f f e c t s the organism and those v a r i a b l e s 3 which are changed by the organism s behavior." "Thus, the environment i s not only a co n t a i n e r f o r human 4 a c t i v i t i e s but an i n t e g r a l part of a pattern of behavior." W i l l i a m Michelson's w r i t i n g s show the relevance o f viewing man's immediate environment as being i n f l u e n c e d by the behavior o f the i n d i v i -d u a l . He elaborates by saying t h a t even "... the more macroscopic aspects o f the environment can be considered i n terms of t h e i r relevance 5 to i n d i v i d u a l s . " According to Michel son, the environment should be conce p t u a l i z e d i n terms t h a t can be s o c i a l l y meaningful to the urban dwellers on both microscopic and macroscopic s c a l e s of the urban environment. S i m i l a r l y , combining immediate aspects of the environment Jon Lang, Charles Burnette, Walter M o l e s k i , David Vachon (eds.) i n Designing f o r Human Behavior: A r c h i t e c t u r e and the B e h a v i o r a l ' Sciences (Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania: Dowden. Hutchinson ft Rose Tnr , 1974), p. 83. W i l l i a m H. I t t e l s o n , "Perception of the Large Scale Environment, paper presented to the New York Academy of Sciences, A p r i l 13, 1970, i n Jon Lang, et a l . , I b i d . , p. 83. °W. Ross Ashby, "Design For a B r a i n : The O r i g i n of Adaptive  Behavior" (London: Chapman & H a l l , 1954), as quoted i n Lang, et a l . , I b i d . , p. 83. 4 L a n g , e t a l . , I b i d . , p. 83. 5 W i l l i a m Michel son, Man and His Environment (Toronto: Addison-Wesley P u b l i s h i n g Company, 19/U), p. 4b. 19 to man has the p o t e n t i a l to produce higher l e v e l s o f environment. Donald L. Foley argues t h a t i n the urban environment the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the impact of both micro and macro scales on the i n d i v i d u a l "... should separate the e f f e c t s of i n d i v i d u a l b u i l d i n g s from the s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s o f groups o f b u i l d i n g s when assessing the impact of environment. Regarding t h i s Michelson suggests that a l l concepts o f envi r o n -ment stem from the same p r i n c i p l e t h a t "... A l l people are separated i n space from other people and from non r e s i d e n t i a l a c t i v i t i e s . . . " 7 and t h a t the basic element from which to view man i n h i s environment i s the i n d i v i d u a l ' s home u n i t . Seen from the point of view of the microscopic l e v e l of man's environment, the d w e l l i n g u n i t becomes the basic component of the macroscopic urban environment. The separation i n space of people from other people can be viewed both as p r o t e c t i o n from v i s u a l exposure or as a deterrent f a c t o r i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , the separation i n space of people from non r e s i d e n t i a l a c t i v i t i e s can be e s t a b l i s h e d i n several dimensions according to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s socio-economic, e t h n i c - c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , as well as t h e i r preferences and a s p i r a t i o n s . Both concepts of separation a p p l i e d to people and non r e s i d e n t i a l a c t i v i t i e s i n v o l v e the concept of p h y s i c a l d i s t a n c e , which, i n the case o f people, can be implemented t o manipulate degrees of i n t e r a c t i o n or p r i v a c y . On the other hand, Donald L. Foley, "An Approach to Metropolitan S p a t i a l S t r u c -t u r e , " i n Melvin M. Webber, et a l . , E x p l o r a t i o n s i n t o S p a t i a l S t r u c t u r e ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : U n i v e r s i t y of Pennsylvania Press, 1964), p. 43. Michelson, o p . c i t . , pp. 47-49. people and non r e s i d e n t i a l a c t i v i t i e s can be used to f a c i l i t a t e access-i b i l i t y , p r o x i m i t y and r e l a t e d n e s s . Michelson summarizes these ideas by s t a t i n g t h a t "... f o c u s i n g on concepts of the c i t y from the i n d i v i d u a l ' s viewpoint does not rob us of the i n g r e d i e n t s f o r macroscopic l e v e l s of environment and, on the Q p o s i t i v e s i d e , i t gives us a basic u n i t from which to s t a r t ..." This l i t e r a t u r e search w i l l focus on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the environment ( p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l ) that b r i n g together people and p h y s i c a l l y connect both macro and micro l e v e l s of i n t e r a c t i o n . 2. Man-Behavioral Process and Systems  i n the B u i l t Environment The i n t e r a c t i o n t h a t takes place between environment and people i s represented i n the f o l l o w i n g diagram according to the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n Q of D.L. Foley. (See Figure 1.) In t h i s i n t e r a c t i n g s t r u c t u r e , behavioral patterns are e s t a -b l i s h e d enabling man to a d j u s t or transform h i s environment. Human behavior has been explained i n many ways under d i f f e r e n t d i s c i p l i n e s and i t has been assumed th a t human behavior can be a r t i c u l a t e d i n a systematic way with the p h y s i c a l e nvironment.^ S i m i l a r l y , behavior "Michelson, I b i d . , p. 50. Q Donald L. Foley, " A r c h i t e c t u r a l Research from a S o c i o l o g i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e , " i n A r c h i t e c t u r a l and Engineering News,(April ,1960), pp. 30-38. ^ J a n e t Abu-Lughod,"The C i t y i s Dead - Long L i v e the C i t y : Some Thoughts on Urbanity," i n Urbariism i n World P e r s p e c t i v e , ed. S i l v i a F. Faya (New York: ' Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1968), p. 157. 21 P h y s i c a l Environment Created by S t r u c t u r e s and Spaces o S o c i a l Environment i n which People L i v e I n d i v i d u a l s Who L i v e i n or Become Encompassed by these Environments o o Figure 1. Man-Environment I n t e r a c t i o n . has been accepted by most p s y c h o l o g i s t s as a s i g n i f i c a n t determinant, a f f e c t i n g not only a person's a c t i v i t i e s , but a l s o h i s perceptions and mental processes. There are three p s y c h o l o g i c a l processes which are p a r t i c u l a r l y important i n understanding man's behavior i n the environment. They are: P e r c e p t i o n , Cognition and S p a t i a l Behavior. P a r a l l e l e d with them are other p r o c e s s e s — M o t i v a t i o n , A f f e c t and Development—which modify the way i n which we p e r c e i v e , t h i n k about and behave i n the e n v i r o n -ment."^ Thus behavioral patterns are e s t a b l i s h e d by the u n i t y of 12 Motives, Precepts and A c t i o n s , which give freedom to the i n d i v i d u a l to s e l e c t and organize information to achieve h i s g o a l s , or to change, 13 reorganize and l e a r n new behavioral responses. Gardner Murphy, P e r s o n a l i t y : A B i d s o c i a l Approach to O r i g i n s  and Structure-(New York: Harper and Row, 1947), p. 27. 11 Lang, et a l . , o p . c i t . , p. 83. 12 I b i d . , p. 20. 22 Given the l a r g e number of v a r i a t i o n s and the permutations that can occur between p h y s i c a l environment and s o c i a l phenomena, and f o l l o w i n g the parameters o u t l i n e d by the work of Michelson and Parsons^ i t i s p o s s i b l e to e s t a b l i s h a frame of reference on which a l i t e r a t u r e search can focus. Both Michelson and Parsons depart from the s o c i a l science approach to study people and t h e i r environment. T h e i r study i s based on ;three systems: C u l t u r a l , S o c i a l and P e r s o n a l i t y . Each system can be seen as independent of the o t h e r , and as being d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to support the p a r t i c u l a r characters of the system to be emphasized. To these three systems Parsons has added two more: Behavioral Organism and the Environmental System which help determine the intersystem r e l a t i o n s h i p s of p s y c h o l o g i c a l processes, behavioral systems and the b u i l t environment. In the f o l l o w i n g Figure 2 the a r c h i t e c t u r a l view of the fundamental concerns of environmental psychology i l l u s t r a t e Parsons' 15 matrix of i n t e r - b e h a v i o r a l systems. (See Figure 2.) The relevance of t h i s i n t e r - b e h a v i o r a l system r e l i e s on the hypothesis that people are the product of a p h y s i c a l environment as 16 well as a s o c i a l environment. From Parsons' and Michelson's points of view t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p has been neglected by behavioral s c i e n t i s t s . ^ M i c h e l s o n , dp. c i t . , p. 23. See a l s o T a l c o t t Parsons, S o c i e t i e s (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1966), Chap. 2. 1 c Lang, et a l . , o p . C i t . , p. 85. ^ L a n g , et a l . , I b i d . , p. 85. Components of the Behavioral Systems TO o TO oo o o po O TO oo o o TO 3= co Functions of the B u i l t Environment PHYSIOLOGICAL SUPPORT ACTIVITY SUPPORT PSYCHOLOGICAL SUPPORT Psycho l o g i c a l Processes Figure 2. A r c h i t e c t u r a l View of the Fundamental Concerns of Environmental Psychology (by Jon Lang, et a l . i n Designing For Human Behavior: A r c h i t e c t u r e and  the Behavioral S c i e n c e s ) . (Drawing? by the Author.) 24 Edward T. H a l l , i n h i s a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l - b e h a v i o r a l s t u d i e s , adds the f o l l o w i n g comments: Everything man does i s a s s o c i a t e d with the experience of space. Nothing o c c u r s , r e a l or imagined, without s p a t i a l c o n t e x t , because space, (along with time) i s one of the p r i n c i p l e s o r g a n i z i n g systems f o r l i v i n g organisms. Proxemics deals with man's use and s t r u c t u r i n g of space, p a r t i c u l a r l y the unconscious patterns t h a t deeply i n f l u e n c e l i f e . Michelson departs from Parsons' t r i d i m e n s i o n a l matrix and focusses on the interdependence of p h y s i c a l environment and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e as i t takes place i n the man-made ph y s i c a l environment of c i t i e s , e s t a b l i s h i n g a study model based on the p o t e n t i a l congruence of intersystems. The congruence to which Michelson r e f e r s i s not of determinism or the predominance of one system over the o t h e r , but r a t h e r "... of s t a t e s of v a r i a b l e s c o e x i s t i n g b e t t e r with s t a t e s of 18 v a r i a b l e s i n other systems than with other a l t e r n a t i v e s t a t e s . " This congruence model has i t s counterpart i n incongruence and mismatches can be found i n any r e s i d e n t i a l environment. This c o n t r a s t i n congruence i s more n o t i c a b l e i n p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s where socio-economic congruence i s not s u f f i c i e n t to develop self-esteem or pride i n the environment. The same environment can be supportive of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , however, as i s the case with s i n g l e mothers who 19 can f i n d others with s i m i l a r problems. 1 /Edward T. H a l l , "Proxemics and Design," Designing and  Environment, V o l . 2 (Winter 1971), pp. 24-25, 58. 18 Michelson, o p . c i t . , p. 26. 19 ..Louis K r i e s b e r g , "Neighborhood S e t t i n g and the Re l o c a t i o n of P u b l i c Housing Tenants," Journal o f the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, V o l . 34 (1978), p. 45. 25 In t h i s intersystem congruence model Michelson defines open space as a v a r i a b l e and not as an indeterminate medium to which people give meaning. Furthermore, based on the f o l l o w i n g statement, Michelson e s t a b l i s h e s two approaches f o r research i n t h i s area: "... Man as a t h i n k i n g being, r e l a t e s to h i s s p a t i a l environment both i n mind and i n 20 hi s actual presence ...", thus e s t a b l i s h i n g mental and e x p e r i e n t i a l l e v e l s of congruence.between people and t h e i r l i v i n g environment. While both approaches (mental and e x p e r i e n t i a l congruence) are d i f f e r e n t i n focus, t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n complements each other's system. Michelson supports as fundamental the use of the e x p e r i e n t i a l congruence approach to study and i d e n t i f y the man-to-man/built environ-ment congruence, notwithstanding a "... knowledge o f mental congruence 21 to assess p u b l i c o pinion and make successful proposed phy s i c a l plans." This concept of the e x p e r i e n t i a l congruence approach w i l l be a p p l i e d l a t e r i n developing the methodology framework f o r d i r e c t research i n Chapter I I I . In the present c o n t e x t , i t should be pointed out that Michelson incorporates t h i s e x p e r i e n t i a l congruence approach i n t o h i s M u l t i g r i d system f o r C o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n and study of the Urban Ph y s i c a l environment. The m u l t i g r i d system f o r research oh man's behavior i n the urban p h y s i c a l environment i s an amalgam of the general concerns of human ecology and the t h e o r e t i c a l frame of references e s t a b l i s h e d by Michelson, o p . c i t . , p. 30. I b i d . , p. 30. 26-Parsons. "... i t a p p l i e s and at times r e d i r e c t s Parsonian concepts and theory so as to confront questions f a c i n g both policymakers and s o c i a l 22 s c i e n t i s t s . " The m u l t i g r i d system i s based on f i v e concepts which can be a r t i c u l a t e d w i t h v a r i a b l e s i n the C u l t u r a l , S o c i a l and P e r s o n a l i t y Systems, and correspond to the analyses o f S o c i a l L i f e i n response t o Urban Form. These f i v e concepts are: L i f e s t y l e , Stage i n L i f e C y c l e , S o c i a l S t a t u s , Value O r i e n t a t i o n and P e r s o n a l i t y . The combined approaches of Parsons' matrix and Michelson's m u l t i -g r i d are convincing sources of the multidimensional i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p of man and h i s environment l e a d i n g t o a comprehensive c y b e r n e t i c approach which i s beyond the i n t e n t i o n and scope of t h i s t h e s i s . However, t h e i r mention and t h i s s i m p l i f i e d d i s c u s s i o n has the purpose of d e f i n i n g the behavioral frame to which the present study belongs. S t u a r t F. Chapin suggests three areas of study which he considers e s s e n t i a l f o r designers i n understanding the man-environment r e l a t i o n -s h i p . F i r s t , he suggests the a p p r e c i a t i o n of those s i g n i f i c a n t h i s t o r i c a l values t h a t i n f l u e n c e the urban form and the growth of the c i t y ; second, the study and understanding of the urban dweller's values t h a t are i n f l u e n c e d by the environment i n which he l i v e s and the type of r e l a t i o n s h i p he maintains w i t h i t and other people; t h i r d , the e v a l u a t i o n o f perceptual features that give c h a r a c t e r and meaning to the urban environment which, i n conjunction w i t h the p r e v i o u s l y mentioned concepts, 23 develops i t s urban q u a l i t y . 2 2 M i c h e l s o n , I b i d . , p..32. 23 S t u a r t F. Chapin, "Foundations of Urban Planning," Urban L i f e  and Form, Werner Z. Hir s h (ed.) (New York: H o l t , Rinehart and Winston, Inc. 1963), p. 243. Since the main t h r u s t of t h i s t h e s i s i s to i d e n t i f y the sources of relatedness and c o n t i n u i t y that c o n t r i b u t e to improve the q u a l i t y of l i f e i n the r e s i d e n t i a l environment, i t i s w i t h i n the second area of study suggested by Chapin t h a t t h i s l i t e r a t u r e w i l l be d i r e c t e d , guided by Michel son's, man's 1ifestyle--environment study approach, and w i t h i n the behavioral parameters of hi s " e x p e r i e n t i a l congruence system." In other words, t h i s l i t e r a t u r e search i s a hybrid approach  t h a t aims a t i d e n t i f y i n g the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and q u a l i t i e s  o f the urban r e s i d e n t i a l environment c o n t r i b u t i n g to the  development of s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l relatedness i n people,  while e n r i c h i n g the q u a l i t y of l i f e i n t h e i r l i v i n g e n v i r o n - ment and maintaining u n i t y as a whole with the urban  context ( c o n t i n u i t y ) . In Parsons' behavioral matrix t h i s approach corresponds to a p a r t i c u l a r segment o f the intersystem r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n d i v i d u a l s ' s p a t i a l behavior and the environmental behavioral system, as shown i n Figure 3. Figure 3 a l s o permits the a p p r e c i a t i o n of the l i m i t a t i o n s i n scope imposed by f o l l o w i n g a u n i d i r e c t i o n a l approach. From the l i t e r a -t ure search i t i s our i n t e n t i o n to de r i v e a research methodology that can be r e l a t e d to the ph y s i c a l environment and to man's a c t i v i t i e s and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . The complementary behavioral processes of perception and c o g n i t i o n i n the o v e r a l l behavioral m a t r i x , although r e l e v a n t i n shaping man's understanding o f the b u i l t environment, w i l l not be C o m p o n e n t s o f t h e B e h a v i o r a l S y s t e m s 23, F u n c t i o n s o f t h e B u i l t E n v i r o n m e n t Figure 3. A r c h i t e c t u r a l view o f the Fundamental Concerns of Environmental Psychology (By Jon Lang, e t a l . i n Designing For Human B e h a v i o r A r c h i t e c t u r e  and the Behavioral Sciehces.) (Drawing by the author.) discussed i n t h e i r relevance to c o n t i n u i t y and relate d n e s s . T h e i r p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , r a t h e r , w i l l be g e n e r a l l y acknowledged by t h e i r f u n c t i o n s which a i d man i n i d e n t i f y i n g and for m u l a t i n g h i s con-cepts of the environment and the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r a d e s i r e d behavior w i t h i n i t , l e a v i n g s p a t i a l behavior to be considered as the expression of t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n . Yet, t h i s e x p r e s s i o n , manifested i n the s p a t i a l behavior process, w i l l be considered to be d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d by the predominant i n f l u e n c e of some of the behavioral systems (organism., p e r s o n a l i t y , s o c i a l group, c u l t u r e and environment) which the i n d i v i d u a l 24 uses to analyze what h i s behavioral p o s s i b i l i t i e s are. I t i s t h i s Lang, et a l . , o p . c i t . , p. 95. 29 l a s t interdependence between the s p a t i a l behavioral process and the in f l u e n c e o f the behavioral systems on man's i n t e r a c t i o n with h i s surrounding urban r e s i d e n t i a l environment t h a t w i l l set the focus of the f o l l o w i n g l i t e r a t u r e search. Before i n t r o d u c i n g the l i t e r a t u r e concerned with s p a t i a l behavior and the i n t e r a c t i o n of man with h i s urban r e s i d e n t i a l environ-ment, a general overview of the psy c h o l o g i c a l processes of perception and c o g n i t i o n w i l l be o u t l i n e d i n r e l a t i o n to man and h i s environment. 3. P e r c e p t i o n , Cognition and S p a t i a l  Behavior Processes The man-built environment f u n c t i o n s i n three ways: i t maintains the p h y s i o l o g i c a l s t a t e s necessary to s u s t a i n behavior; i t provides the necessary behavior s e t t i n g s ; and i t supports mental s t a t e s by the use of forms and symbols which i n f l u e n c e the ps y c h o l o g i c a l responses of man to h i s environment. In each one of these f u n c t i o n s there i s a percep-t u a l , a c o g n i t i v e and an a c t i v i t y component. The environment, i n order to s u s t a i n these f u n c t i o n s , must be perceived as being capable of supporting or f a v o r i n g a determined behavior which, at the same time, the user must perceive and understand how to use. Fu r t h e r , the envi r o n -ment must be f u l l y capable of supporting the re q u i r e d a c t i v i t y which s a t i s f i e s the behavioral mode i n f l u e n c e d by the s e t t i n g and the user's behavior. a) Perception In the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of fu n c t i o n s i n the behavioral process, Perception i s the process by which the i n d i v i d u a l r e c e i v e s o r obtains i n f o r m a t i o n from the surrounding context. The i n d i v i d u a l ' s perceptual 30 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s c o n t r i b u t e to determine the s e l e c t i o n o f that i n f o r m a t i o n . New i n s i g h t s about the process of Perception have come to l i g h t 25 26 under the i n f l u e n c e s of G e s t a l t Theory, the T r a n s a c t i o n a l i s t s c h o o l , 27 and the Information-based Perception process. According to these t h e o r i e s , perception i s no longer considered being determined e x c l u s i v e l y by e x t e r n a l s t i m u l u s . Rather, the st i m u l u s ' f u n c t i o n i s considered as a means of information which the i n d i v i d u a l uses to s e l e c t and respond to what he i s at t e n d i n g . The relevance of perceptual t h e o r i e s has been enriched with the e a r l y works of Koffka on v i s u a l perception and the conceptual framework 28 on o b j e c t perception by Santayana (1955), ; and with the i n f l u e n t i a l 29 work of Jean Piaget on perception and c o g n i t i o n (1956). Jon Lang i n 30 h i s paper (1974) "Theories of Perception and 'Formal' Design," comments 31 on the works of W i l l i a m Ittelson*(1954) to whom he acknowledges the 25 Kurt K o f f k a , P r i n c i p l e s of G e s t a l t Psychology (New York: Harcourt, 1935). 26 W i l l i a m H. I t t e l s o n and Hadley C a n t r i l , P e r c e p t i o n : Trans- a c t i o n a l Approach (Garden C i t y , New York: Doubleday, 1954). 27 James J . Gibson, The Senses Considered As Perceptual Systems (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1966). ~ 28 George Santayana, The Sense o f Beauty (New York: Dover, 1955) 29 Jean Piaget and Barbara Inhelder, The C h i l d ' s Conception of  Space (New York: Humanity Press, 1956). 30 Jon Lang, "Theories of Perception and 'Formal' Design," Jon Lang .et aT., b p;cit., p.,,45. - • J 31 I t t e l s o n & C a n t r i l , o p . c i t . 31 i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of three major c o n t r i b u t i o n s to recent perceptual : th e o r i e s which bri n g to our a t t e n t i o n some important a r c h i t e c t u r a l i s s u e s . They are: A c t i o n , Purpose, and D e f f e r e n t i a t i o n between Object and Environment. In the f i r s t case ( A c t i o n ) , the emphasis i s on the r o l e movement plays i n o b t a i n i n g information from the environment. 32 This can be i d e n t i f i e d i n the works of Gordon C u l l e n (1962) and Jon 33 Lang (1979). In the second case (Purpose), the way i n which an i n d i v i -dual 's movement depends on h i s own motivation can be followed i n the works of P h i l i p T h i e l (1964) who points out two l e v e l s of perception: 34 one as a t o u r i s t seeing the environment and the other as the "Habitue.," A s i m i l a r reference can be found i n Rapoport and Kantor's (1967) work d i s c u s s i n g the ambiguity o f the environment. They suggest that "we design environments t h a t are ambiguous—ambiguous i n the sense that they have d i f f e r e n t types o f informa t i o n and d i f f e r e n t meanings f o r the 35 a t t e n t i o n o f d i f f e r e n t users. Another source of s i m i l a r reference i s i n the well-known t h e o r e t i c a l book of Robert Venturi (1966), Complexity 37 and C o n t r a d i c t i o n i n A r c h i t e c t u r e . In the t h i r d case ( D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between obje c t and environmental p e r c e p t i o n ) , there i s a c o n t r a s t i n g 32 .Gordon C u l l e n , Townscape, (London: The A r c h i t e c t u r a l Press., 1962). 33 Jon Lang, "Theories and Perception and 'Formal' Design," o p . c i t . , p. 45. 34 P h i l i p T h i e l , "The T o u r i s t and the Habitue: Two P o l a r Modes of Environmental Experience, With Some Notes on an 'Experienced Cube'," J u l y 1964 (Mimeographed) i n Lang ' v et a l . , o p . c i t . , p. 87. 35 Amos Rapoport and Robert Kantor, "Complexity and Ambiguity i n Environmental Design," Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, V o l . 33 ( J u l y 1967), pp. 201-221. Robert V e n t u r i , Complexity and C o n t r a d i c t i o n i n A r c h i t e c t u r e (New York: Museum of Modern A r t , 1966). 32 d i f f e r e n c e between p e r c e i v i n g b u i l d i n g s and c i t i e s as ph y s i c a l objects and the open space between b u i l d i n g s d e f i n i n g c l u s t e r s of place s . The perception of the open space c o n s i s t s of a v a r i e t y o f s p e c i f i c data d i r e c t e d to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s perceptual senses which e n r i c h the e x p e r i -encing of the environment. V i s u a l perception becomes one of the s t i m u l i c o n t r i b u t i n g t o e s t a b l i s h a l e v e l of c o g n i t i o n , while the t o t a l e x p e r i -ence of the environment depends on the other senses to develop the awareness and experience of place s . This f a c t o r seems to be commonly ignored by a r c h i t e c t s . Reference to t h i s non-visual perception o f the environment can be found i n the seminal book of Steen E i l e r Rasmussen 37 Experiencing A r c h i t e c t u r e (1959), as well as i n James J . Gibson's 38 work (1966) c o n s i d e r i n g the environment as a nested set of spaces which the i n d i v i d u a l organizes and perceives through h i s perceptual 39 senses. Moreover, Kevin Lynch's work (1960), d e a l i n g w i t h the t o t a l perception of the urban environment and the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of v i s u a l i nformation to develop mental maps of the environment, c o n t r i b u t e i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the behavioral l i n k between Perception and C o g n i t i o n . I t i s important to note t h a t the o u t l i n e d research on Perception 40 presents a good departure f o r " a e s t h e t i c theory," s i n c e most of the research's focus i s on obje c t perception. S i m i l a r l y , i t provides a conceptual framework f o r research t h a t may help designers measure the J / S t e e n E i l e r Rasmussen, Experiencing A r c h i t e c t u r e (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Pr e s s , 1959),. 38 ' James J . Gibson, The Senses Considered As Perceptual Systems (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1966). 39 Kevin Lynch, The Images of the C i t y (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Pre s s , 1960). 4 0 L a n g , e t a l . ( e d s . ) , Designing f o r Human Behavior, op.cit.,p.89. 33 perceptual a t t r i b u t e s o f the p h y s i c a l environment. However, f u r t h e r research needs to be developed and "... examined a f r e s h i n i t s basic 41 p r i n c i p l e s . " b) Cognition Cognition r e f e r s to the various means of awareness of the environment and the use that an i n d i v i d u a l makes of t h i s knowledge i n adapting to the circumstances of the surrounding s o c i a l and phy s i c a l context. C o g n i t i o n r e l a t e s the environment to the mind i n terms of preferences and meaning, while i t s working process depends on the physiology of the i n d i v i d u a l as an organism and on the source of the s t i m u l i i n the environment. The working process of c o g n i t i o n depends 42 a l s o on the symbolisms of language, c u l t u r e and s o c i e t y . Much work, both past and c u r r e n t , i n t h i s area of c o g n i t i o n has been concerned with developing ways and means of e x t e r n a l l y representing what i s w i t h i n people's minds. D i f f e r e n t t h e o r e t i c a l p oints of view have produced a v a r i e t y of methods from d i f f e r e n t d i s c i p l i n e s i n o b t a i n i n g c o g n i t i v e information on the environment from the i n d i v i d u a l and representing i t i n such a 43 way t h a t i t can be analyzed. Gary T. Moore's cur r e n t research (1976) seems to be o r i e n t e d towards d e s c r i b i n g the mental content of the environment, based on p r i n c i p l e s e s t a b l i s h e d i n the t h e o r e t i c a l works 4 1 I b i d . , p. 89. 4 2 I b i d . , p. 90. 43 Gary T. Moore and Reginald G. Go!1 edge, Environmental Knowing (Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania: Dowden, Hutchinson & Ross Inc., 1976). 34: of Piaget and Inhelder ( 1 9 5 6 ) , 4 4 and Heinz Werner ( 1 9 4 8 ) 4 5 and Jerome 46 Bruner (1956). Two concepts of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n are derived from these t h e o r i e s . One concerns a symbolic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f absent r e a l i t i e s (Werner and Kaplan, 1 9 6 3 ) . 4 7 The second i s r e l a t e d to the knowledge or 48 thought t h a t people have of the environment: "mental maps" Lynch (I960); Stea and Downs ( 1 9 7 0 ) , 4 9 Hart and Moore ( 1 9 7 3 ) , 5 0 and many o t h e r s . 5 1 P a r a l l e l to t h i s development i n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , some research has been o r i e n t e d towards e x p l a i n i n g o v e r a l l f e e l i n g s and t h e i r m a n ifestations 44 Jean Piaget and Barbara Inhelder, o p . c i t . 45 Heinz Werner, Comparative Psychology of Mental Development (New York: I n t e r n a t i o n a l U n i v e r s i t i e s P r ess, 1948). 46 Jerome S. Bruner, J.S. Goodnow and G.A. A u s t i n , A Study of  Thinking (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1956). 47 H. Werner and B. Kaplan, Symbol Formation: An Organisni.ic-Developmental Approach to Languages-and the Expression of Thought (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1963). " 48 Kevin Lynch, The Images o f the C i t y , o p . c i t . , p. 25. 49 David Stea and Richard Downs, "Cognitive Representation o f Man's S p a t i a l Environment." Environment and Behavior, 2 ( 1 ) : 1970 ( e n t i r e i s s u e ) . For f u r t h e r reference see b i b l i o g r a p h y p. 419 i n Gary T. Moore and Reginald G. Galledge ( e d s . ) , Environmental Knowing (Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania: Dowden, Hutchinson & Ross Inc., 1976). 50 Richard A.. Hart and Gary T. Moore, "The Development of S p a t i a l C o g n i t i o n : A Review," i n R.M. Downs and D. Stea ( e d . ) , Image and Environment: C o g n i t i v e Mapping and S p a t i a l Behavior (Chicago, A l d i n e , 1973), pp. 246-288. 51 For b e t t e r reference see Gary T. Moore and Reginald G. Go!ledge ( e d s . ) , Environmental Knowing, o p . c i t . 52 53 (Cooper, 1975 and Hershberger, 1972 ), rat h e r than the co n t e x t , 54 s t r u c t u r e or process of c o g n i t i o n . Jon Lang and Charles Burnette i n t h e i r book, Designing 1 f o r Human Behavior, introduce present e f f o r t s at d e s c r i b i n g how the process of the mind might work, w i t h the help of psychology, l i n g u i s t i c s and computer s c i e n c e s , i n the works of Herbert 55 Simon i n computing information processing models. Undoubtedly, the d e s i r e to b e t t e r understand the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the environment and the process of thought w i l l r e c e i v e continu-ing i n t e r e s t . This area o f enquiry can be instrumental i n producing b e t t e r environmental designs. However, i t should be kept i n mind that "... the environment i n both i t s p h y s i c a l and c u l t u r a l aspects c o n s t i -t u t e the source o f information and the u l t i m a t e t e s t of i t s adaptative 56 use by the organism." With t h i s b r i e f review of the processes of Perception and Cognition and the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of t h e i r f u n c t i o n s i n shaping man's images and concepts o f h i s environment, the present l i t e r a t u r e c h a r t s the. i n t e r r e l a t i o n of man and h i s environment at the l e v e l which 52 Clare Cooper Marcus, "The House as Symbol o f the S e l f , " i n Jon Lang e t a l . ( e d s . ) , Designing f o r Human Behavior, o p . c i t . , pp. 130-145. 53 Robert Hershberger, " P r e d i c t i n g the Meaning of A r c h i t e c t u r e , 1 i n Jon Lang, e t a l . , I b i d . , pp. 147-156. 54 Lang, e t a l . , I b i d . , p. 91. 55 Herbert A. Simon, The Sciences of the A r t i f i c i a l (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1969) i n Jon Lang, et a l . , I b i d . , p. 95. 56 Lang, et a l . , I b i d . , p. 92. Michelson c a l l s "mental congruence The t h i r d component of the behavioral process as o u t l i n e d i n Parsons' Matrix (Figure 2) i s S p a t i a l Behavior. c) S p a t i a l Behavior The concept of S p a t i a l Behavior i n Michel son's t h e o r e t i c a l framework corresponds to the " E x p e r i e n t i a l Congruence System" and deals with the observation of how well the environment accommodates the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and behavior of people. The f o l l o w i n g a n a l y s i s of the s t u d i e s of the S p a t i a l Behavioral Process w i l l f o c u s , f i r s t , on e s t a -b l i s h i n g the u n i t f o r studying s p a t i a l behavior and, second, on deter-mining the i n f l u e n c e s t h a t behavioral systems e x e r t on man's a c t i v i t i e s . A r c h i t e c t u r e and planning have as one of t h e i r b a s i c o b j e c t i v e s the c r e a t i o n and s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f s p a t i a l layouts t h a t support a c t i v i t y patterns required by determined types of users. This i n v o l v e s more than a simple arrangement of a p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g i n response to movement p a t t e r n s , human dimensions, uses and character of spaces as determined by the needs of a s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l or the m u l t i p l e needs of many i n d i v i d u a l s . P h y s i c a l s e t t i n g s can be i d e n t i f i e d i n the urban env i r o n -ment on two s c a l e s : the microscale of the r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t , and the 58 macroscale of the c i t y . While the a c t i v i t y patterns are easy to e s t a b l i s h , the complex system of behavioral components determining the a c t i v i t y patterns t a k i n g place w i t h i n a p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g i s more complicated. W i l l i a m Michelson, O p . c i t . , p. 45, W i l l i a m Michelson, I b i d . , p. 50 Some a c t i v i t i e s are the r e s u l t of a process o f h a b i t u a t i o n , while others are the r e s u l t of the i n t e r a c t i o n of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s behavior with a phys i c a l s e t t i n g . I f a ph y s i c a l s e t t i n g favors or promotes a determined a c t i v i t y , the i n d i v i d u a l ' s behavior w i l l respond to i t by re c o g n i z i n g or r e o r g a n i z i n g the s e t t i n g . "Behavior i s n e i t h e r t o t a l l y determined by the phys i c a l environment nor does i t e x i s t without reference to i t s s p a t i a l context. The ph y s i c a l s e t t i n g can support 59 some behavior and discourage o t h e r s . " This r e l a t i o n s h i p between s p a t i a l behavior and p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g has been the focus o f researcher and designer, although from d i f f e r e n t points of view. Some have c a l l e d i t "behavioral s e t t i n g s " : Barker ( 1 9 6 8 ) ; 6 0 Bechtel (1977) ; 6 1 Wicker ( 1 9 7 9 ) . 6 2 Others c a l l i t "man-C O environment system": Archea and Esser (1970). Or " A c t i v i t y Systems": Ghapin ( 1 9 6 8 ) . 6 4 Or simply, "Places": Moore, A l l e n and Lyndon ( 1 9 7 4 ) 6 5 59 Lang, e t a l . , O p . c i t . , p. 92. 60 Roger G. Barker, E c o l o g i c a l Psychology: Concepts and Methods  f o r Studying the Environment of Human Behavior ( S t a n f o r d , C a l i f . : Stanford U n i v e r s i t y P r ess, 1968), p. 76. 61 Robert B. B e c h t e l , E n c l o s i n g Behavior (Stoudsburg,.Pa.: Dowden, Hutchinson & Ross, Inc., 1977), p. 22-65, 62 A l l e n W. Wicker, An In t r o d u c t i o n to E c o l o g i c a l Psychology (Monterey, C a l i f . : Brooks/Cole, 1979), p. 11-14. 63 John Archea and A r i s t i d e H. Esser, "Man-Environment Systems: A Statement of Purpose." Man-Environment Systems, 1. No. 2, January (1970), p. 51-70. 64 Stu a r t F. Chapin J r . , " A c t i v i t y Systems and.Urban S t r u c t u r e s : A Working Schema." The Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e o f Planners, V o l . 34 (1968), p. 14. 65 Charles Moore, Gerald A l l e n and Donlyn Lyndon, The Place of  Houses (New York: H o l t , Rinehart & Winston, 1974), p. 11-13. 66 and Z e i s e l (1973). However, a l l of them agree on the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of both systems. Two of the most h e l p f u l systems o u t l i n e d above i n studying human behavior i n p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g s are: the A c t i v i t y System, proposed by S t u a r t F. Chapin, J r . (1968), based on the o r g a n i z a t i o n of sequences of a c t i v i t i e s t a k i n g place i n a s e t t i n g and comprised of a r e l a t e d s e r i e s of small a c t i v i t i e s . The A c t i v i t y System c o n s i s t s of a sequence of a c t i v i t i e s having the same context i n some s p e c i f i c order and tem-poral rhythm." 6 7 Secondly, Behavioral S e t t i n g s , 6 8 developed by Roger G. Barker (1968), suggests small u n i t s of study which are considered natural u n i t s of behavior t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s perform i n t h e i r day to day l i v e s . "These behavioral s e t t i n g s have s p a t i a l and behavioral bound-69 a r i e s which ci r c u m s c r i b e a standing pattern of behavior." The extent of i n f l u e n c e t h a t the layout of the s e t t i n g has on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s behavior has not been e x a c t l y determined. 7* However, the use of Behavioral S e t t i n g s i s h e l p f u l i n i d e n t i f y i n g a c t i v i t i e s t a k i n g place i n a s e t t i n g which can then be analyzed and t e n t a t i v e l y considered i n the design process. John Z e i s e l , "Symbolic Meaning of Space and the Ph y s i c a l Dimension of S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s : A Case Study of S o c i o l o g i c a l Research as the Basis of A r c h i t e c t u r a l Planning" i n C i t i e s i n Change. J . Walton and D. Cams (eds.) (Boston: A l l y n & Bacon, 1973), p. 39. 6 7 C h a p i n , o p . c i t . , p. 41. 6 8 B a r k e r , d p . c i t . , p. 25. 69 Barker, o p . c i t . , p. 35. 7 0M a x i n e Wolfe and Harold Proshansky, "The P h y s i c a l S e t t i n g as a Factor i n Group Function and Process" i n Jon Lang, et a l . , d p . c i t . , pp. 202-209. 39 4. S p a t i a l Behavior and the Behavioral Systems The s p a t i a l behavior of an i n d i v i d u a l i s d i r e c t l y i n f l u e n c e d by the behavioral systems (physiology, p e r s o n a l i t y , s o c i a l group membership, c u l t u r e and environment) which r e q u i r e p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n and under-standing of t h e i r impact on the i n d i v i d u a l . a) P h y s i o l o g i c a l System P h y s i o l o g i c a l systems, such as Ergonomics and Antropometrics, r e l a t e the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p h y s i o l o g i c a l processes with work tasks and anatomical dimensions important i n design. b) P e r s o n a l i t y System L i t e r a t u r e r e l a t e d to p e r s o n a l i t y and s p a t i a l behavior according to Jon Lang f a l l s i n t o three c a t e g o r i e s . F i r s t , s t u d i e s r e l a t e d to the general nature of p e r s o n a l i t y and s p a t i a l behavior e x p l a i n a person's a t t i t u d e toward space by h i s p e r s o n a l i t y t r a i t s ; or by determining the c o r r e l a t i o n between p h y s i c a l environment and the development of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s p e r s o n a l i t y and a b i l i t y t o cope with change. 7 1 Second, other s t u d i e s show t h a t there i s a c o r r e l a t i o n between t e r r i t o r i a l behavior and dominance and environmental ambiguity and f e e l i n g s of 72 a n x i e t y i n s c h i z o p h r e n i c s . These two groups of s t u d i e s on p e r s o n a l i t y -environment r e l a t i o n s h i p s have mostly been developed i n p s y c h i a t r i c wards with mental or schizophrenic p a t i e n t s . Some of these concepts have been a p p l i e d i n the study of people under normal c o n d i t i o n s , such '""Michael B a l i n t , " F r i e n d l y Expanses - H o r r i d Empty Spaces," I n t e r n a t i o n a l Journal of Psychoanalysis, V o l . 36 (1955), p. 225-241. 7? S.R. Maddi, "Exploratory Behavior and V a r i a t i o n Seeking i n Man," i n D.W. Fiske and S.R. Maddi (e d s . ) , Functions of Varied  Experience (Homewood, 111.: Dorsey P r e s s , 1961), p. 11-27. 40 as i n the work of Robert Sommer with h i s concept o f personal space. T h i r d , r e f e r s to the st u d i e s determining c o r r e l a t i o n s between personal-i t y and c o g n i t i o n and the search f o r v a r i e t y , and the r e l a t i o n between 73 needs of p r i v a c y and p e r s o n a l i t y components. A l l these s t u d i e s i n p e r s o n a l i t y and s p a t i a l behavior r e q u i r e an adaptation to everyday circumstances, outside o f p s y c h i a t r i c wards. c) S o c i a l Group System Another area of study has focussed on the c o r r e l a t i o n between s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and the ph y s i c a l environment. This kind of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s based on S o c i a l R o l e s 7 ^ as defined by Altman (1970) o r , as Michelson (1970) describes them, " r o l e emphasis" determining the 75 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of l i f e s t y l e . The p a r t i c i p a n t determines the s i t u a -t i o n i n which he i s involved on the basis of past experiences. Then, he s e l e c t s a behavior and r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the environment which, l a t e r , he i n t e g r a t e s with c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the environment and himself to form a complex behavioral system. Moreover, t h i s system continues being readjusted and modified as long as the i n t e r a c t i o n c o n t i n u e s , 76 c r e a t i n g a Dynamic System. 73 Nancy M a r s h a l l , " P e r s o n a l i t y C o r r e l a t e s of O r i e n t a t i o n Toward P r i v a c y , " i n John Archea and Charles Eastman ( e d s . ) , EDRA 2 Proceedings  of the Second Annual Environmental Design Research A s s o c i a t i o n Conference, P i t t s b u r g h , Pa., October 1970. 7 4 I r v i n g Altman and E.E. L e t t , "The Ecology of Interpersonal R e l a t i o n s h i p s : A C l a s s i f i c a t i o n System and Conceptual Model." In E. McGrath ( e d . ) , S o c i a l and P s y c h o l o g i c a l Factors i n S t r e s s (New York: H o l t , 1970), p. 177-201. 75 Michelson, o p . c i t . , p. 62. 7fi Jon Lang, e t a l . , o p . c i t . , p. 94. 41 d) Cu l tura l System Cu l tura l systems have a lso been s tud ied in r e l a t i o n to t h e i r e f f e c t s on spa t i a l behavior. Edward T. Hal l (1966) and his well-known t r i l o g y 7 7 on anthropologica l and behavioral studies es tab l i shed the concept o f "proxemics," or the soc io-anthropo log ica l and c u l t u r a l dimension in which an ind iv idau l operates in r e l a t i o n to o thers , to the environment, and to t ime. S i m i l a r studies inc lude the p r o l i f i c work of 78 Amos Rapoport (1969) d iscuss ing the r e l a t i o n between cu l tu re and spa t i a l behavior ( l i v i n g p a t t e r n s ) , and the works of Marc F r ied :". / ( 1 9 6 1 ) 7 9 and Herbert J . Gans (1962) 8 ^ on the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l networks in the o l d west end of Boston based on e thno-cu l tura l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n with the environment. Another aspect of the cu l tu ra l system i s that of soc ia l o rgan izat ion and i t s s t ruc tur ing of spa t i a l behavioral pa t te rns , as noted by Jon Lang and discussed i n terms o f environmental programming fo r o f f i c e s . 7 7 Edward T. H a l l , The S i l e n t Language (Garden C i t y , N.Y.: Doubleday, 1959). • , The Hidden Dimension (Garden C i t y , N.Y. Doubleday, 1969). , Beyond Cul ture (Garden C i t y , N.Y.: Doubleday, 1976). 78 Amos Rapoport, House Form and CUlture (Englewood C l i f f s , N . J . : P r e n t i c e - H a l l 9 19697: 79 Marc F r i e d , "Grieving fo r a Lost Home'1 in Leonard J . Duhl (ed.) The Urban Condit ion (New York: Basic Books, 1963) p. 151-171. 80 Herbert J . Gans, The Levittowners (New York: Pantheon Books, 1967) p. 75-112. 42 e) Environmental System The e f f e c t s of the environmental systems on spa t i a l behavior cover a broad range, from c l i m a t i c condi t ions to the s t ruc tu r ing of the 0 1 op physical environment i t s e l f . Both Hall and Sommer in t h e i r con-cepts of "proxemics" and "personal space", r e s p e c t i v e l y , have focussed on understanding how the environment that an ind iv idua l occupies becomes i n f l u e n t i a l and part o f his behavioral responses. The p a r t i c u l a r aspects of the in ter re la t ionsh ip between physical environment and spat ia l o q 0 4 behavior , as suggested by Barker (1968)° and l e Compte (1972) are dependent on the nature of fac tors such a s , the s e t t i n g ' s c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s ; the i n d i v i d u a l ' s behavior; the spat ia l d e f i n i t i o n of the se t t ing by people and o b j e c t s ; and the kind of a c t i v i t i e s taking p lace . Jon Lang adds "Al l the components of the behavioral system -- p h y s i c a l , soc i a l c u l t u r a l and admin is t ra t ive -- def ine and are def ined by the nature of t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p ; a change in one w i l l not only a f f e c t the o t h e r s , but w i l l , in t u r n , be a f fec ted by them." Furthermore, " . . . t h e environmental and the behavioral systems are unique at any 85 given time and p l a c e , and are unique fo r each i n d i v i d u a l . " 81 Edward T. H a l l , S i l e n t Language, o p . c i t . op Robert Sommer, Personal Space: The Behavioral Basis of  Design,(Englewood C l i f f s , N . J . : P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1969). 0 0 Roger G. Barker, Eco log ica l Psychology, o p . c i t . , p. 76. 84 Wil l iam l e Compte, "Behavioral Set t ing as Data-Generating Units For the Environmental Planner and A r c h i t e c t " in Jon Lang, et a l . , o p . c i t . , p. 183-193. p c Jon Lang, et a l . , I b i d . , p. 95. 43 Since spat ia l behavior i s or iented towards s a t i s f y i n g i n d i v i -dual needs, environmental research has focussed p r imar i l y on those issues re la ted to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s needs, such as soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n , t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , p r i v a c y , and l a t e l y , de fens ib le space. However, some of the researchers , such as Gutman and Westergaard, have expressed some reservat ions in the u t i l i z a t i o n of these concepts in the design of prototype places fo r people. The i r c r i t i c i s m app l ies to the l i m i t a -t ions of so lv ing only s p e c i f i c basic needs in the c reat ion of the b u i l t environment, which they compare to gathering components without concern fo r putt ing them together - -" to prescr ibe a d i e t or to a chef 86 to prepare a menu." S i m i l a r l y , Sommers adds a comment to t h i s c r i t i c i s m . "The q u a l i t y of the physica l environment has more to do with the f i t between the whole behavioral and psychologica l program 87 than j u s t the way people r e l a t e to each other i n space." Thus, when cons ider ing the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a r c h i t e c t u r a l or planning designs and spa t i a l behavior , i t should be understood that t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not a c losed one. Rather, i t i s a dynamic one or iented to s a t i s f y i n g ind iv idua l needs which require p a r t i c u l a r con-s i d e r a t i o n at a de ta i l ed l e v e l . They a l so requ i re understanding at a general l eve l o f t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p and interdependence with the e n v i -ronment and the i n d i v i d u a l . Robert Gutman and Barbara Westergaard, "Bui ld ing Eva luat ion , User S a t i s f a c t i o n and Design", Jon Lang, et a l . ' , I b i d . , p. 95, 320-329. Robert Sommer, "Looking Back at Personal Space" in Jon Lang, et a l . , I b i d . , p. 202-209. 44 In t h i s s e c t i o n the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of the behavioral systems and the ps y c h o l o g i c a l processes have been o u t l i n e d and t h e i r relevance to man's behavior emphasized. In the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n the impact that the p h y s i c a l environment ex e r t s on man's s o c i a l and ph y s i c a l a c t i v i t i e s w i l l be discussed under two p a r t i c u l a r aspects of t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n . F i r s t , we w i l l consider the extent to which determined  p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the environment i n f l u e n c e behavior; and  second, the i n f l u e n c e of p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of behavior  on p a r t i c u l a r arrangements of the p h y s i c a l environment. 5. Behavioral Systems and the Phys i c a l R e s i d e n t i a l Environment The l i t e r a t u r e on t h i s subject represents an i n t e r e s t i n g progression i n the development of soci o - b e h a v i o r a l r e s e a r c h , which has been undertaken i n post-war r e s i d e n t i a l environments. From s o c i a l pp t h e o r i e s on "group formation," F e s t i n g e r , e t a l . (1950) and " s o c i a l 89 p r o x i m i t y , " W.H. Whyte (1957) , the l i t e r a t u r e g r a d u a l l y becomes i n t e r r e l a t e d with the study of s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n the r e s i d e n t i a l environment f a v o r i n g people's i n t e r a c t i o n . Concepts 90 such as " f r i e n d s h i p and l i n e a r housing," Caplow and Forman (1950) ; Leon F e s t i n g e r , e t a l . , " S o c i a l Pressures i n Informal Groups" i n W i l l i a m Michel son's Man and His Urban Environment, o p . c i t . , . p. 170-171. ~~ W i l l i a m H. Whyte J r . , The Organization Man (Garden C i t y , New York: Doubleday, 1957), p. 366. Theodore Caplow and Robert Forman, "Neighborhood I n t e r a c t i o n i n a Homogeneous Community," i n W i l l i a m Michelson, Man arid His Environ- ment, o p . c i t . , p. 170. 45-" f r i e n d s h i p r e l a t e d to the placement o f doors and windows," Kuper 91 (1953) ; i d e n t i f y i n g the i n f l u e n c e o f the s i t e plan on the communi-92 c a t i o n process, Gutman (1966) and i t s e f f e c t s on s o c i a l behavior as i n f l u e n c e d by " a r c h i t e c t u r a l determinism and p r o p i n q u i t y , " Broady 93 (1966) are inc l u d e d . Following are f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n s on the i n f l u e n c e of s o c i o - c u l t u r a l systems on behavioral l e v e l s of acceptance and i n t e r a c t i o n i n suburban r e s i d e n t i a l environments. For i n s t a n c e , 94 "homogeneity," Gans (1967) ; homogeneity i n pre and post r e l o c a t i o n s t u d i e s on l i f e s t y l e and group formation i n et h n i c r e s i d e n t i a l environments, Gans ( 1 9 6 2 ) 9 5 ; F r i e d ( 1 9 6 3 ) 9 6 ; homogeneity i n slum 97 areas, S u t t l e s (1968) ; and i n v e s t i g a t i o n s on users' l e v e l s o f 91 Leo Kuper, "Blue P r i n t f o r L i v i n g Together," i n Leo Kuper, et a l . , (eds.) L i v i n g i n Towns (London: The Cresset Press, 1953). 92 Robert Gutman, " S i t e Planning and S o c i a l Behavior" i n Thomas F. Saarinen, Environmental Planning: Perception and Behavior (Boston, Mass.; Hougton M i f f l i n Co., 1976), p. 71. 93 M. Broady, " S o c i a l Theory i n A r c h i t e c t u r a l Design" i n Charles Mercer, L i v i ng i n Ci t i es (London: Cox and Wyman L t d . , 1975). 94 Herbert Gans, The Le v i t t o w n e r s , o p . c i t . , p. 150-159. 95 , The Urban V i l l a g e r s (N.Y.: The Free Press of Glencoe, 19627"; " 96 Marc F r i e d , The Urban C o n d i t i o n , Op.Cit., p. 157-171. 97 Gerald S u t t l e s , The Soci a l Order of the SI urns (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1968). 46 s a t i s f a c t i o n and preference in mu l t i - f ami l y r e s i d e n t i a l environments • 98 by C lare Cooper (1971-72-76) ,. are cons idered. Apart from these l i t e r a t u r e sources there are other studies focuss ing on p a r t i c u l a r condi t ions of the p h y s i c a l environment a f f e c -t ing behavior. Some of these studies are t reated as pathologies in the urban context ( i . e . , high d e n s i t i e s , . e t h n i c ghet tos , h i g h - r i s e housing and pub l i c housing). In the fo l lowing ana lys i s of the r e s i d e n t i a l environment, one of these pathologica l cases , pub l i c housing p r o j e c t s , w i l l be d i s -cussed regarding t h e i r phys ica l and soc ia l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with the urban r e s i d e n t i a l context . Another aspect of . the r e s i d e n t i a l environment that i s important but beyond the scope of t h i s thes is i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between people and the urban context in terms of urban behavior. In t h i s l a s t a rea , the studies re la ted to Percept ion and Cognit ion have an important ro l e in c reat ing the mental image of the c i t y . The fo l lowing studies represent a general overview of some of the re levant concepts that can be helpful in understanding people 's urban behavior and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with the r e s i d e n t i a l env i ron-ment in the c i t y . Concepts covered r e l a t e to the "neighborhood C lare Cooper, "St. Francis Square: A t t i tudes of i t s Res idents ," American I n s t i t u t e of A r c h i t e c t s Journal (Dec. 1971) p. 22-25. ~ ' ' , "Residents D i s s a t i s f a c t i o n in Mul t i -Fami ly Housing," in Sam Davis (ed.) The Form of Housing (N.Y.-: Van Nostrand Reinhold C o . , 1972), p. 169. , People P laces , Berkeley: Department of Landscape Arch i tec ture (September, 1976). 47; concept," Perry ( 1 9 2 9 ) " ; "community," H i l l e r y ( 1 9 5 5 ) 1 0 0 ; " the 101 urban neighborhood," K e l l e r (1968) ; urban d w e l l e r s ' responses to in? " r e s i d e n t i a l d e s i r a b i l i t y , " Gould and White (1968, 1974) ; or t h e i r 103 "sense of l o c a l s p a t i a l i d e n t i t y , " F r i e d and G l e i c h e r (1961) ; o r i e n t a t i n g p r i n c i p l e s , "imagining the c i t y , " Lynch ( 1 9 6 0 ) ; cog-105 n i t i v e concepts, " s p a t i a l schemata," Lee (1969) ; and an observa-1 nc t i o n of "the urban l i f e i n American c i t i e s , " Jacobs (1961) . In order to coordinate a l i n e of thought i n the l i t e r a t u r e sources t h a t allows the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e l e v a n t to the development of environmental c o n t i n u i t y and s o c i a l relatedness i n r e s i d e n t i a l urban environments, the f o l l o w i n g l i t e r a t u r e search acknowledges two p a r t i c u l a r bodies of 99 Clarence P e r r y , "The Neighborhood Uni t Formula," i n W.L.C. Wheaton, et a l . , ( e d s . ) , Urban Housing (N.Y.: The Free Press, 1966). "^G.A. H i l l e r y , " D e f i n i t i o n s o f Community: Area o f Agreement" i n Charles Mercer, L i v i n g i n C i t i e s (London: Cox & Wyman L t d . , 1975) p. 151. •^Suzanne K e l l e r , The Urban Neighborhood (N.Y.: Random House, 1968). 10? P.R. Gould and R.R. White, "Mental Maps," i n Charles Mercer, L i v i n g i n C i t i e s , o p . c i t . , p. 27. 103 Marc F r i e d and Peggy G l e i c h e r , "Some Sources of R e s i d e n t i a l S a t i s f a c t i o n i n an Urban Slum," Journal o f American I n s t i t u t e of  Planners, V o l . 27, No. 4 (1961), p. 300-330. 104 Kevin Lynch, Images of the C i t y , o p . c i t . , p. 27. 105 Terence Lee, The Psychology o f S p a t i a l O r i e n t a t i o n , 1 " A r c h i t e c t u r a l A s s o c i a t i o n Q u a r t e r l y , I . p. 11-15. ^ 6 J a n e Jacobs, The L i f e and Death Of Great American C i t i e s (N.Y.: Random House, 1961). 48 knowledge t h a t have been r e l e v a n t sources and guiding references. F i r s t should be noted the works on environmental psychology by Charles M e r c e r 1 0 7 ; environmental behavior, Jon Lang, et a l . 1 0 * * , and John Z e i s e l 1 0 9 ; and environmental planning by Thomas F. S a a r i n e n . 1 1 0 S e c o n d , p a r t i c u l a r reference i s made to the works i n s o c i o l o g y of W i l l i a m 111 Michelson , whose point of view i s the basis on which t h i s l i t e r a t u r e search i s s t r u c t u r e d . B. Focus o f the Search 1. L i t e r a t u r e Search :1: Organizing Rrem.ise The urban environment can be described at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s de-pending on the s c a l e of reference i n which a determined concept needs to be understood. The complex i n t e r r e l a t i o n that takes place between man's behavioral systems and h i s r e s i d e n t i a l environment i s more than a 1 0 7 C h a r l e s Mercer, L i v i n g i n C i t i e s : Psychology and the Urban  Environment (London: Cox and Wyman L t d . , 1975). 108 Jon Lang, et a l . , Designing f o r Human Behavior, o p . c i t . 109 Jon Z e i s e l , I n q u i r y by Design: Tools f o r Environment Behavior  Research (Monterey, C a l i f . : Brooks/Cole P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1981). 1 1 0Thomas F. Saarinen, Environmental Planning: Perception and  Behavior (Boston, Mass.: Hougton' M i f f l i n Co., 1976)T " ^ W i l l i a m Michelson, Man and His Urban Environment: A Socio- l o g i c a l Approach, o p . c i t . 49 complicated task which makes the t r a n s i t i o n from so c i o - b e h a v i o r a l concepts to d e s c r i p t i v e p h y s i c a l design concepts d i f f i c u l t . Works by Charles 112 113 Mercer and W i l l i a m Michelson agree on t h i s p o i n t , and both comment on the f a c t t h a t the i n t e r a c t i o n between man and h i s environment i s not a sim-ple r e l a t i o n process. Rather i t i s a m u l t i - f a c e t e d process i n which each component has an e f f e c t on every o t h e r , modifying i n d i v i d u a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and m aintaining a continuous process of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s . Facing the complexity i m p l i c i t i n the l i t e r a t u r e sources, i t i s necessary to e s t a b l i s h a poi n t of view d i s t i n g u i s h i n g p a r t i c u l a r s o c i o -behavioral c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e l e v a n t to the impact o f the immediate e n v i r o n -ment oh the i n d i v i d u a l . This task i s made e a s i e r with the help of Michelson's concept of the ego-centered p o i n t of v i e w . * ^ His concept i s mainly o r i e n t e d to binding together p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l phenomena. I t can be considered as a reference p o i n t f o r the a n a l y s i s o f the s o c i a l s i g n i f i -cance o f b u i l d i n g s , neighborhoods and c i t i e s to man. Furthermore, i t s o b j e c t i v i t y i n determining p h y s i c a l concepts can help to b u i l d up a s o c i a l -l y r e l e v a n t p i c t u r e of the environment, both microscopic and macroscopic, p r o v i d i n g the e s s e n t i a l components f o r the s e l e c t i b i l i t y of the l i t e r a t u r e sources. The ego-centered po i n t of view suggests two premises. The f i r s t c o n c e p t u a l i z e s the environment i n terms r e l a t e d to the immediate e n v i r o n -ment th a t can a l s o be considered;with s o c i a l meaning. What t h i s premise suggests i s the c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of the environment i n meaningful terms to Mercer, o p . c i t . , p. 31'. Michelson, op. c i t . , p. 17. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ I b i d . , p. 46-47. 50' the u n i t of s o c i a l behavior (man) t h a t can be combined with other u n i t s to describe l a r g e r l e v e l s of the environment ( c i t y ) . The second premise sug-gests that concepts r e l a t e d to d e s c r i b i n g the environment should take as a fundamental t r u i s m t h a t "people are separated i n space from other people 115 and from n o n - r e s i d e n t i a l a c t i v i t i e s . " These two premises provide s u f f i c i e n t basis to organize the l i t e r a -t ure sources i n t o two main c a t e g o r i e s , that of p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l concepts. They set the s c a l e of two environmental parameters on which to focus the a n a l y s i s of these concepts at a micro or macro l e v e l . Michelson's premises complement each other and put forward the p h y s i c a l - s o c i a l concept of con-. . t a c t which i m p l i e s a separation f a c t o r or p h y s i c a l d i s tance t h a t i s . required to be overcome i n order to e s t a b l i s h s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l i n t e r a c -t i o n . In t h i s way the concept of contact i s r e l a t e d to the p h y s i c a l d i s -tance between two e n t i t i e s where both or at l e a s t one of them has to be d i s -placed to overcome the e x i s t i n g separation i n space and e s t a b l i s h c o n t a c t . The concept of distance can be considered i n d i f f e r e n t dimensions. Somers ( F u n c t i o n a l ) 1 1 6 ; H a l l ( V i s u a l , A u r a l , T e r r i t o r i a l ) 1 1 7 . Two such parameters w i l l be imposed on the l i t e r a t u r e search. We w i l l consider the e x i s t i n g p h y s i c a l d i s tance both i n i t s own p h y s i c a l terms, and i n i t s f u n c t i o n a l s o c i o - b e h a v i o r a l terms, or manipulated d i s t a n c e . 1 1 5 M i c h e l s o n , I b i d . , p. 47. 1 1 6 R o b e r t Sommer, Personal Space, op. c i t . , p.' 33. 1 1 7 E d w a r d T. H a l l , Hidden Dimension, op. c i t . , p. 14. 51 Thus, f o r the purpose of c l a r i t y , each concept, e i t h e r p h y s i c a l or s o c i a l , w i l l be considered according to i t s p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as they i n f l u e n c e s p a t i a l behavior, r a t h e r than how the perceptual and c o g n i -t i v e pmc.e;ssesn"nf1uenceTt. Although these i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s of processes are c e r t a i n l y c r u c i a l i n order to understand behavior i n p a r t i c u l a r e n v i r o n -mental s e t t i n g s , they do not r u l e out the basic r e l a t i o n s h i p s between s o c i o -behavioral systems (organism, p e r s o n a l i t y , s o c i a l group, c u l t u r e and e n v i -ronment) . In the f o l l o i w n g t a b l e , the basics of Michelson's premises as a frame of reference f o r the l i t e r a t u r e search are r e s t a t e d . P h y s i c a l - s o c i a l f a c t o r S o c i a l - p h y s i c a l Environmental to e s t a b l i s h contact dimension Scale Distance P h y s i c a l Micro Level (To Be Overcome) ( E x i s t i n g ) or Functional Macro Level (Manipulated) 2. L i t e r a t u r e Search: T h e o r e t i c a l  Frame o f Reference Further consderations e s t a b l i s h t h a t once a d i s t a n c e between two e n t i t i e s has been overcome and c o n t a c t i s e s t a b l i s h e d , there i s a degree of i n t e r a c t i o n r e q u i r i n g p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l moderation. This degree of 52 i n t e r a c t i o n i s dependent on the l e v e l s of s o c i a b i l i t y or p r i v a c y t h a t the environment f a c i l i t a t e s . At the m a c r o l e v e l , man remains the u n i t o f i n t e r -a c t i o n and the urban context becomes the moderating u n i t of man's i n t e r -a c t i o n . This leaves the degree of i n t e r a c t i o n dependent on the a c c e s s i b i l -i t y , and p r o x i m i t y e x i s t i n g i n the environment between one i n d i v i d u a l and another and n o n r e s i d e n t i a l a c t i v i t i e s such as work, shops, parks, s c h o o l s , e t c . F ollowing the above frame o f r e f e r e n c e , and c e n t e r i n g the focus o f the l i t e r a t u r e search on p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l f a c t o r s t h a t c o n t r i b u t e to the promotion o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and p h y s i c a l c o n t i n u i t y i n the r e s i d e n t i a l urban environment, the u n i t s o f i n t e r a c t i o n i n the environment w i l l be considered. I n i t i a l l y , man i s the s o c i a l u n i t o f i n t e r a c t i o n . But the environmental parameters o f h i s i n t e r a c t i o n to be considered are " P r o j e c t Layout" at the m i c r o l e v e l and "Neighborhood" at the macrolevel. These adjustments i n the frame o f reference reshape the content o f the t a b l e on:the: previous, pagejihtQ'the;;following o u t l i n e (Figure 4 ) . The f o l l o w i n g frame of reference has been valuable i n guiding the s e l e c t i o n o f most r e l e v a n t p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l f a c t o r s i n t h i s l i t e r a t u r e search. This search has mainly focussed on the s o c i o - s p a t i a l behavior of the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s i n t e r a c t i o n with others and h i s r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n -ment, which c o n t r i b u t e to promote s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and, p o t e n t i a l l y , e s t a b l i s h p h y s i c a l c o n t i n u i t y i n the c h a r a c t e r o f the r e s i d e n t i a l environment. 53 S o c i o - p h y s i c a l Environmental S o c i o - s p a t i a l S p a t i a l behavior dimension of scales dimension of i n t e r a c t i o n l e v e l contact i n t e r a c t i o n •r MACROLEVEL (Neighborhood) J I ACCESSIBILITY AND PHYSICAL DISTANCE FUNCTIONAL MICROLEVEL (Layout) PROXIMITY ( SOCIABILITY J OR I PRIVACY Between: a) People b) People & Places r SOCIAL PHYSICAL AURAL VISUAL Between: a) I n d i v i d u a l s b) I n d i v i d u a l s In a Group Figure 4. L i t e r a t u r e Search: T h e o r e t i c a l Frame of Reference. There are three concepts t h a t have been found i n the l i t e r a t u r e sources to be r e l e v a n t i n promoting s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and ph y s i c a l r e l a t e d -ness. Two of them are p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l a t e d to p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the environment, at e i t h e r the micro or macro l e v e l . They are "Pr o p i n q u i t y " and " L e g i b i l i t y " . The t h i r d concept corresponds to a group o f s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t i n f l u e n c e the i n d i v i d u a l ' s l e v e l of i n t e r a c t i o n through s o c i a l s i m i l a r i t i e s -- "Homogeneity". I m p l i c i t i n t h i s would 54' a l s o be the i n f l u e n c e s of "Heterogeneity" or s o c i a l d i s s i m i l a r i t i e s between i n d i v i d u a l s . The f o l l o w i n g o u t l i n e synthesizes the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these three s o c i o - p h y s i c a l concepts and t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n . A/ ISOLATED CONCEPTS PROPINQUITY (The i n f l u e n c e of P h y s i c a l s p a t i a l p r o x i m i t y Factor between i n d i v i d u a l s ) I n f l u e n c i n g : SOCIAL CONTACT (MICROLEVEL) LEGIBILITY (The c l a r i t y of the Ph y s i c a l environment to be Factor recognizable and a c c e s s i b l e ) I n f l u e n c i n g : RELATEDNESS (MACROLEVEL) HOMOGENEITY (The e x i s t i n g o r S o c i a l perceived s i m i l a r i t y Factor i n s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s I n f l u e n c i n g : SOCIAL CONTACT & PROXIMITY HETEROGENEITY (The opposite of S o c i a l homogeneity) Factor I n f l u e n c i n g : INDIVIDUALITY & DISPERSION Note: Homogeneity and Heterogeneity apply on both Macro and Micro s c a l e s . 55 B/ INTERRELATION OF i CONCEPTS (Micro PROPINQUITY = P h y s i c a l Factor Influences s o c i a l l e v e l ) HOMOGENEITY = S o c i a l Factor contact which FRIENDSHIP may develop i n t o (Macro LEGIBILITY = P h y s i c a l Factor F a c i l i t a t e s Level) HOMOGENEITY = S o c i a l Factor s o c i a l contact RELATEDNESS and p h y s i c a l AND pro x i m i t y CONTINUITY Note: The i n f l u e n c e of heterogeneity at the micro l e v e l does not r e s u l t d i r e c t l y i n f r i e n d s h i p , nor does i t create relatedness or c o n t i n u i t y at the macro l e v e l . Rather, i t s i n f l u e n c e promotes d i v e r s i t y and i n d i v i d u a l i t y . However, t h i s i n f l u e n c e of heterogeneity i n the s o c i a l systems of the c i t y plays an important r o l e i n the c r e a t i o n of groups with s i m i l a r a f f i n i t i e s , thus, i t becomes an opposing and promoting f a c t o r i n the development of homogeneity. S u b s t i t u t i n g the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of concepts i n the frame o f reference i n Figure 4 f o r the f a c t o r o f So c i o - P h y s i c a l Contact, or " d i s t a n c e " , on both micro and macro l e v e l s , two independent charts are created as shown i n Figure 5. 56 S o c i o - p h y s i c a l concepts of - contact -S o c i o - s p a t i a l dimension of i n t e r a c t i o n S p a t i a l behavior i n t e r a t i o n A p plied l e v e l s Micro l e v e l : P r o j e c t Layout P r o p i n q u i t y = Friendship Homogeneity or basis f o r S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s S o c i a b i l i t y P r i v a c y Group i n t e r a c t i o r Group and i n d i v i d u a l t e r r i t o r i a l i t y and d e f e n s i b l e space S o c i a l P h y s i c a l Aural V i s u a l Macro l e v e l : Neighborhood L e g i b i l i t y = Relatedness Homogeneity A c c e s s i b i l i t y & Pr o x i m i t y To people & Places S o c i a l P h y s i c a l Aural V i s u a l Figure 5. L i t e r a t u r e Search: Concepts'Frame of Reference, The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n w i l l d i s c u s s these concepts and t h e i r p a r t i c u -l a r i t i e s i n regards to s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and s p a t i a l behavior. 57 3. A r c h i t e c t u r a l Determinism Two questions i n the l i t e r a t u r e are posed i n r e l a t i o n to the e f f e c t s o f the man-made environment on man's behavior. One of these ques-t i o n s asks to what extent b u i l d i n g s and neighborhoods shape the l i v e s of people l i v i n g i n them, regardless o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s personal c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s . Can the arrangement of the ph y s i c a l space defined by b u i l d i n g s  i n f l u e n c e or determine the l e v e r of i n t e r a c t i o n among people? The second question asks whether the a r c h i t e c t and planner determining the arrangement of a s i t e p!an--can s o c i a l l y plan the grouping of people to l i v e i n a determi hed 1aydut? Both questions are r e l a t e d to a p h y s i c a l o r a r c h i t e c t u r a l determin-ism i n f l u e n c i n g behavior on a l a r g e r s c a l e r a t h e r than p a r t i c u l a r design features i n f l u e n c i n g behavior on a smaller i n t e r i o r s c a l e . T h e i r a s s o c i a -t i o n with. P r o p i n q u i t y , Homogeneity and Heterogeneity are the t o p i c s o f the f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n . A r c h i t e c t u r a l determinism most commonly ass o c i a t e d with P r o p i n q u i t y (distance between u n i t s ) has been considered, through the l i t e r a t u r e sources,.to be the basis f o r f r i e n d s h i p , s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , and community related n e s s . Charles Mercer mentions i n h i s book, L i v i n g i n C i t i e s , how the i n f l u e n c e o f p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y ( p r o p i n q u i t y ) between houses was found t o be an important determinant i n the s e l e c t i o n o f marriage patterns i n 118 s t u d i e s undertaken during the 1930's and 40's. He a l s o mentions how the 119 work o f Leon F e s t i n g e r , Schachter and Black i n the e a r l y 1950's provided 118 Richard H. Abrams,"Residential P r o p i n q u i t y as a Factor i n Marriage S e l e c t i o n " i n Charles Mercer, L i v i n g i n C i t i e s , O p . c i t . , p. 71. 119 Leon F e s t i n g e r , et al.» " S o c i a l Pressures i n Informal Groups" i n Charles Mercer, L i v i n g i i i C i t i e s , I b i d . , p. 71-73. 58' the basis f o r cons ider ing propinqui ty as a determinant of behavior, and he 120 supports what Broady (1966) c a l l s "Arch i tec tura l Determinism." Broady asserted that a r c h i t e c t u r a l design has a d i r e c t and determinative impact on the way people behave. But he denounced the use of t h i s philosophy by u n c r i t i c a l designers whom he condemned fo r "not taking the trouble and 121 worry of observing accurate ly and th ink ing c l e a r l y " about the i m p l i c a -t ions of t h e i r design on the soc ia l l i f e o f people. S i m i l a r l y , Charles 122 Mercer, in reviewing the m is in te rpre ta t ions and over -genera l i za t ions made of the work of Leon Fes t inger , et a l . , quotes Fest inger himself on the l i m i t a t i o n s of h is f ind ings on propinqui ty in developing f r i e n d s h i p s . Fest inger emphasizes the in f luence of homogeneity as a soc ia l f a c t o r . He states that i f the soc ia l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the group studied had been more heterogeneous, the r e s u l t s would poss ib ly have pointed out d i f f e r e n t patterns of a s s o c i a t i o n . There are always fo l lowers who champion causes. Perhaps Terence 123 Lee (1970's) has been the most a c t i v e proponent of A r c h i t e c t u r a l Deter-minism. He considers the in f luence of a r c h i t e c t u r a l determinism on behavior as a matter fo r the ind iv idua l to accept or r e j e c t . As long as the ind iv idua l understands that he i s motivated by the physical environment, 120 Maurice Broady, "Social Theories i n A r c h i t e c t u r a l Design" in Charles Mercer, L i v ing in C i t i e s , I b i d . , p. 70. 121 Broady, in Charles Mercer, I b i d . , p. 70.:. ..'T , 12? Mercer, I b i d . , pp. 73-75. 123 Terence Lee, "Psychology and Arch i tec tu ra l Determinism," A r c h i t e c t s ' J o u r n a l , 154, Part One (1971), pp. 253-262. 59 i t i s up to him to choose the d i r e c t i o n of his development. A r c h i t e c t u r a l Determinism, as a r e s u l t of strong support from i t s advocates, and in sp i t e of m is in te rpre ta t ions and care less assumptions made about i t s use, has become i n f l u e n t i a l enough to be considered a physica l f a c t o r which e i t h e r d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y r e l a tes to soc ia l fac tors i n f luenc ing i n d i v i d u a l s ' spa t i a l behavior ("Propinquity + Homo-geneity = F r i e n d s h i p " ) . In the d i scuss ion on A rch i tec tu ra l Determinism, there i s a group of 124 studies i n i t i a t e d by Merton (1948) and fol lowed by the i n f l u e n t i a l work of F e s t i n g e r , e t a l . ( 1 9 5 0 ) ; 1 2 5 Caplow and Forman (1950) ; 1 2 6 Kuper 127 128 (1953); and W.H. Whyte (1957) on campus res idences , small towns and suburban developments. The i r outcome, i f not t o t a l l y convincing on the s ing le in f luence of a r c h i t e c t u r a l determinism on i n d i v i d u a l ' s behavior , represent a re levant c o l l e c t i o n of phys ica l condi t ions and layout charac-t e r i s t i c s i n f l u e n c i n g , or having some degree of involvement i n , the i n d i v i -129 d u a l ' s s o c i o - s p a t i a l behavior. The c r i t i c a l reviews of these studies TO A Robert K. Merton, "The Soc ia l Psychology o f Housing," in Char les Mercer, L i v i n g in C i t i e s , O p . c i t . , p. 23. i pc Fes t inger , e t al.., i n Charles Mercer, I b i d . , p. 74. I Of. Theodore Caplow and Robert Forman, "Neighborhood Interact ion in a Homogeneous Community," in Wi l l iam Michelson, Man and His Urban Env i ron- ment j o p . c i t . , p. 176. 1 p7 Leo Kuper, "Blue P r in t For L i v ing Together," in Wi l l iam Michelson, Ibid.± p. 176. i pp Wil l iam H. Whyte J r . , The Organizat ion Man, o p . c i t ; , p. 175. 129 For fu r ther information and d e t a i l e d account of these studies see: Wi l l iam Michel son's Man and His Urban Environment, pp. 170-183, and in Charles Mercer's L i v ing in C i t i e s , pp. 74-80. Both in o p . c i t . 60 by W. Michelson and Charles Mercer, from p a r a l l e l points o f view but approached from the separate d i s c i p l i n e s of soc io logy and psychology, assess the degree and l i m i t a t i o n s of a r c h i t e c t u r a l determinism under p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s . On the one hand, the s i g n i f i c a n c e and v a l i d i t y of a r c h i t e c t u r a l determinism i s c l a r i f i e d from the soc ia l sc ience point of view as a s ing le physica l f a c t o r . On the other hand, from the psychologica l point of view, i t s interdependence with soc ia l and contextual fac tors i s emphasized. Although both points o f view agree i n p r i n c i p l e that propinqui ty as a physical f a c t o r in a r c h i t e c t u r a l determinism can be considered as the basis f o r f r i e n d s h i p , soc i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and community re la tedness , they disagree on whether i t i s the sole f a c t o r . In order to pursue the focus of t h i s l i t e r a t u r e on the i d e n t i f i c a -t i o n of soc ia l and physica l f a c t o r s that can be implemented i n the develop-ment of spa t i a l c o n t i n u i t y and soc ia l re latedness in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment, the search w i l l continue using as sources o f reference Michel son's and Mercer's points o f view on a r c h i t e c t u r a l determinism. The author w i l l t r y to i d e n t i f y the r e l a t i o n s h i p to spa t i a l behavior in terms of the phys ica l and soc ia l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and condi t ions that each one considers essent i a l o r determinant in the formulat ion of soc ia l i n te rac t ion . For t h i s purpose a synopsis of the phys ica l and soc ia l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the study cases forming the core of the d i scuss ion on a r c h i t e c t u r a l deter-minism w i l l be b r i e f l y o u t l i n e d . I t i s not the in tent ion of t h i s synopsis to review the f u l l content of the study cases . Rather i t w i l l i d e n t i f y those physica l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p r o j e c t s ' layouts that contr ibute to generate patterns f o r i n t e r a c t i o n , and t r y to e s t a b l i s h the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the s o c i o - s p a t i a l behavior which f o s t e r or impede soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n . 61 The fo l lowing study cases have been formulated with the premise that "Propinquity" i s the basis f o r f r i endsh ip and soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n in homogeneous r e s i d e n t i a l environments. a) Study Case: Westgate and Westgate West (M.I .T . ) Leon Fes t inger , et a l . (1950) C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : S ing le fami ly housing, detached, grouped in cour ts . S i t e P lan: Westgate F ind ings: (Physical Factor) i I l I J I I 1 - - ^ 3 ? Res ident ia l Type: Students; married coup les , veterans of World War I I . Research Focus: Determine the extent of environmental in f luence on the f r i endsh ip patterns and opinions o f the res iden ts . D is tance: (Phys ica l ) . Proximity between f ront doors of un i ts contr ibute to f r i e n d s h i p . . Fr iendship developed among people with in the same cour tyard . . Opinions on given issues were inbred in f r i e n d s h i p network. 62* F ind ings: (Soc ia l Factor) . Courtyard Fr iendship . Pro ject Network of Communication . People whose f ront doors looked out on the access road rather than onto the footpaths in the i n t e r i o r of the courtyard had few t i e s with those in the cour tyard . Spat ia l Influence Pat tern : b) Study Case: Westgate West (M . I .T . ) Leon Fes t inger , et a l . (1950) C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : Two-level bu id l ing ; Res ident ia l Type: Same as above. 5 un i ts per f l o o r ; access to un i ts Research Focus: Same as above, outdoors; balcony or porch; 2 sets of s ta i r cases at the ends of the b u i l d i n g . S i t e P lan: Westgate West Bu i ld ing Type: / / / / / U)tST4ATE. U)t5T tn rn m m PI 63 Findings : ( P h y s i c a l Factor) Distance: ( F u n c t i o n a l ) They are s i m i l a r to those i n the Westgate study, except that the p h y s i c a l f a c t o r of d i s t a n c e , as i n Westgate (operated i n a h o r i z o n t a l sense), d i d not f u n c t i o n i n Westgate West's b u i l d i n g s . The p a t t e r n of s o c i a b i l i t y and f r i e n d s h i p was found to be v e r t i c a l . F r i e n d s h i p was manipulated by the l o c a t i o n o f s t a i r s and the u n i t s i n t h e i r p r o x i m i t y . Separation of f r i e n d s h i p groups: few of the r e s i d e n t s on the f i r s t f l o o r were known to those on the second f l o o r . F i n d i n g s : ( S o c i a l Factors) Manipulated I n t e r a c t i o n P a t t e r n : This study and others i n d o r m i t o r i e s at Princeton U n i v e r s i t y (see Michelson i n footnote 129.(1967)) a s s e r t the i n f l u e n c e of manipulated distance by l i m i t i n g access points or c e n t r a l i z i n g f a c i l i t i e s i n p r o x i m i t y to r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t s . Thus, the p a t t e r n of s o c i a b i l i t y was determined i n terms of a h o r i z o n t a l or v e r t i c a l d i s t ance (manipulated). c) Study Case: U n i v e r s i t y V i l l a g e s , Minesota Theodore Caplow and Robert Forman (1950) C h a r a C t e r i s t i e s : S i n g l e f a m i l y R e s i d e n t i a l Type: Student; married housing; semi-detached double u n i t s - couples; veterans of World War I I . w i t h party w a l l at the c e n t r e . Research Focus: Fr i e n d s h i p p a t t e r n . Front doors on extreme ends of the u n i t s . .fl R R PI Hi mi 111 — 64 S i t e P lan: Un ive rs i t y V i l l a g e s sttatT 1 1 l 1 1 1 1 1 1 L 1 1 I 1 1 l—1—1 1 1 1 t 1—1 ^ L . I . J • — i — • tint zniunincjinl I r x J i C C ? r T 3 ? r x i . * r r j s .A . . »A <A <n o r» LX] LX: H C LXI 1 1 S-IR.UT Distance: " (Phys ica l ) . Fr iendship fol lowed the pattern given by the f ron t doors. . Fr iendship and v isua l contact was supported by the o r i e n t a t i o n of f ront doors to the sidewalk. F ind ings: (Physical Factor) F ind ings: (Soc ia l Factor) Spat ia l Influence Pattern . Sharing of sidewalk and the o r i e n t a t i o n of f ront doors towards i t promoted soc ia l contact* d) Study Case: Braydon Road Es ta tes , Coventry, England Leo Kuper (1953) C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : S ing le fami ly Res ident ia l Type: Post-war housing h o u s i n g s e m i - d e t a c h e d ; walkway (market plan) separat ing double u n i t s ; courtyards fac ing centra l cul -de -sacs ; party Research FoCus: Fr iendship pattern 65 wall between u n i t s . U n i t Type; Attached houses o r i e n t e d to each other. M i r r o r e d f l o o r plans. S i t e P l a n : Braydon Road Estates & Unit Types Fin d i n g s : ( P h y s i c a l Factor) ^ O o - o 0 o 0 0 a o ptptST wfcft 9THWTS o a I* ° *|l ty f 4 N O i S t * 4 Low E3 SA1>SFACT10MEE3 f STfcttT B o 0 E B B Hl<itt SATIS WttUN V1N11S Distance: ( P h y s i c a l ) . F r i e n d s h i p was not developed with the shared party wall neighbor; r a t h e r i t was developed with the neighbor on the opposite s i d e or across the s t r e e t . '. Friendship patterns were developed between, neighbors whose doors faced walkway. . P a r t i t i o n w a l l was source o f annoyance ( n o i s e ) . . Location o f doors and windows i n -fluenced s a t i s f a c t i o n of residents. Residents i n cul-de-sacs were l e s s i s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r housing than those who l i v e d ' i n a longer 66-s t r a i g h t l i n e f a c i n g an exte r n a l roadway. Findings: ( S o c i a l Factor) Distance: ( P h y s i c a l and Manipulated) . Lack o f p r i v a c y i n cul-de-sacs caused by placement of doors and windows f a c i n g m i r r o r e d f l o o r plan u n i t s . . S p a t i a l p r o x i m i t y brought about intense r e l a t i o n s h i p s , both p o s i t i v e and negative. e) Study Case: I n d u s t r i a l Town - Craftown, U.S.A. Robert K. Merton (1948) C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : P o p u l a t i o n , R e s i d e n t i a l Type: 4 f a m i l i e s housed 700 f a m i l i e s . per b u i l d i n g ; 175 b u i l d i n g s . S i t e Plan: Not a v a i l a b l e i n Research Focus: Fri e n d s h i p p a t t e r n , l i t e r a t u r e sources. F i n d i n g s : ( P h y s i c a l Factors) P i stance: ( P h y s i c a l ) . 19% of r e s i d e n t f r i e n d s h i p s were among people i n the same b u i l d i n g . . . 5 % of r e s i d e n t f r i e n d s h i p s were among people i n adjacent b u i l d i n g s . . Placement of doors i n the b u i l d i n g s were c l o s e to one another. . Of the f r i e n d s h i p s t h a t developed with neighbors across the s t r e e t from one another, 74% were between r e s i d e n t s w i t h doors f a c i n g the s t r e e t . Findings: ( S o c i a l Factor) Proximity: . People can be aware of each other's existence i n many ways, but there are s p e c i f i c elements, i . e . , doors, t h a t can be lo c a t e d and o r i e n t e d i n r e s i d e n t i a l accommodations to promote awareness and s o c i a l contact. 67 f ) Study Case: Park Forest I I T (Town) W i l l i a m H. Whyte, J r . (1957) C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : 25 miles south of Chicago; 17,600 d w e l l i n g u n i t s . Residents are young executives and p r o f e s s i o n a l s . S o c i a l l y mobile. S i t e Plan: Park Forest - Group A c t i v i t y Areas R e s i d e n t i a l Type: Some s i n g l e detached u n i t s and two-storey garden apartments grouped Trito c o u r t s . VALENTINE PACTl tS $ GA&1 PICNIC PAtm Pftt- D A N C E FlSttHOOSfc* COCfcTA.LS 6*1 PARTI BlWjt pAltftf) Findings: ( P h y s i c a l Factor) Distance: ( P h y s i c a l and Manipulated) Courts produce t h e i r own pattern of behavior. Placement of play areas s e l e c t e d by c h i l d r e n . 68 Placement of a stoop or d i r e c t i o n of the s t ree t es tab l i shes contact . Adjacent driveways or ad jo in ing lawns. People l i v i n g at corners tend to be more i s o l a t e d than those l i v i n g in the middle of the block. Residents in the middle of the block have more f r i ends and assume the ro le o f " l eader . " F ind ings : (Soc ia l Factors) Proximity: ( S o c i a b i l i t y ) . The soc ia l pattern of s o c i a b i l i t y and f r i endsh ip in the courts remains ac t i ve regardless of res ident turnover . . C h i l d r e n ' s need to play with other c h i l d r e n nearby creates contact between parents . . I so la t i on of res idents at the end of the block from group gatherings and lack of soc ia l pr ivacy to the res idents in the middle of the block. In concluding t h i s synopsis the fo l lowing observat ion should be made. Robert Gutman, in a short review on s i t e planning and soc ia l behavior noted that the communication process of res idents i s in f luenced by the p r o j e c t ' s l ayout . "The s i t e plan blocks o f f c e r t a i n avenues of contact between persons, while others are open, even emphasized. The 69 presence of ba r r i e r s or open paths in s p e c i f i c places in f luence the 130 p r o b a b i l i t i e s o f contact , which could lead to communication." This comment helps to emphasize the e f f e c t s that a p a r t i c u l a r layout may have on soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n which may develop into a balanced f r i endsh ip or the need f o r p r i vacy . S i m i l a r l y , the ro le o f propinquity (closeness or d istance between dwel l ing un i ts) has a lso been stressed in the promotion of soc ia l i n t e r -a c t i o n . As suggested by W.H. Whyte, " . . . in suburbia f r i endsh ip has become 131 almost p r e d i c t a b l e . " He cons iders propinqui ty a determinant of soc i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and argues that once a soc ia l pattern has been es tab l i shed in the arrangement of the dwel l ing u n i t s , a "soc ia l t r a f f i c " i s determined and remains in sp i t e of the turnover of res idents through time. In a c l e a r review of the above study cases , Wi l l iam Michelson, from a s o c i o l o g i c a l po int of view, assesses the degree to which such physical determinism can be v a l i d . He points out that propinqui ty becomes a f ac to r in f r i endsh ip under two cond i t i ons : homogeneity ( e x i s t i n g or perce ived) , and the need fo r mutual a i d . The p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f these two condi t ions w i l l be discussed l a t e r on in r e l a t i o n to t h e i r in f luence on soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n . Now, looking in to Charles Mercer's argument on propinqui ty as he reviewed these same study cases from the psychologica l point of view, "proximity" i s considered a minimal f a c t o r in soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n . Supported by a thorough research of the studies of Fes t inger , et a l . . , 130 Robert Gutman, "S i te Planning and Socia l Behavior ," o p . c i t . , pp. 509-517. 1 31 1 J i W . H . Whyte, o p . c i t . , p. 330. 70 he argues t h a t the basis on which to consider A r c h i t e c t u r a l Determinism (pr o p i n q u i t y ) as a source of f r i e n d s h i p i s o f t e n misquoted i n i t s r e a l i n t e n t i o n . Mercer considers the work of Festinger et a l . more of a piece of s o c i o - p s y c h o l o g i c a l theory, r a t h e r than an a s s e r t i o n of a r c h i t e c t u r a l determinism, which he supports with evidence quoted from the study i n i t s defined "basic t h e o r e t i c a l i n t e r e s t . " The only f i n d i n g t h a t Mercer gives c r e d i t to i n the M.I.T. study of F e s t i n g e r et a l i s , "The p h y s i c a l layout of a housing e s t a t e i s important i n f r i e n d s h i p formation of homogeneous, 132 p h y s i c a l l y c o n s t r a i n e d , t r a n s i t o r i a l p o p u l a t i o n . " In a b r i e f review of some of the study cases mentioned above ( i . e . , Caplow, Forman, Merton and Whyte), Mercer concludes that a l l these s t u d i e s "undoubtedly support the v e r a c i t y of ' A r c h i t e c t u r a l Determinism, 1 but only when s o c i a l f a c t o r s are brought so c l o s e l y together that they 133 cease t o exert a p u l l on i n d i v i d u a l s ! behavior." S i m i l a r l y , the homo-geneous c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the study cases d i r e c t Mercer's c r i t i c i s m to the f o r m u l a t i o n of f r i e n d s h i p . He considers f r i e n d s h i p as being more l i k e l y a 134 cumulative s o r t i n g of s i m i l a r i t i e s , " --homogeneous c o n d i t i o n s such as age, s t a t u s , i n t e r e s t and occupational c r i t e r i a . While these s i m i l a r i t i e s are l o c a t e d w i t h i n a framework o f " p r o p i n q u i t y , " t h e i r choice and s e l e c t i o n are constrained r a t h e r than c o n t r o l l e d by t h i s framework. Thus, from Mercer's p o i n t of view, since the b r i d g i n g c r i t e r i a f o r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s e x c l u s i v e l y based on s o c i a l s i m i l a r i t i e s , the argument that p r o p i n q u i t y 1 3 2 M e r c e r , o p . c i t . , p. 79. 1 3 3 I b i d . > p. 81. 1 3 4 I b i d ^ P- 82. 71 in f luences f r i endsh ip in homogeneous circumstances lacks s t rength . Furthermore, t h i s contention i s backed with f ind ings der ived from s i m i l a r 135 r e s i d e n t i a l environments, but under heterogeneous c ircumstances, where s o c i a l i z i n g and f r i endsh ip were found to be based on the same s i m i l a r i t i e s as mentioned above under homogeneous c o n d i t i o n s , where the physica l f a c to r (propinquity) played an unimportant r o l e . A study case , which perhaps helps to c l a r i f y Mercer's c r i t i c i s m of A r c h i t e c t u r a l Determinism in cons ider ing propinqui ty as being the basis f o r f r i endsh ip and soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n , i s the study of an i n t e r r a c i a l housing pro ject in New York (Deutsch and C o l l i n s , 1952). Th is study a lso helps to exp la in the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of p rop inqu i ty , homogeneity and heterogeneity in a r e s i d e n t i a l environment. The f ind ings of t h i s study pointed out what a phys ica l and funct iona l proximity between a heterogeneous group of people, in a r e s i d e n t i a l environment, can achieve under the pressures of the same soc ia l and managerial c o n d i t i o n s . In t h i s case , although the p a r t i c u l a r condi t ions o f the res idents were heterogeneous, the e f f e c t of the same s o c i a l , economic and managerial pressures on them created a homogeneous concern or force a f f e c t i n g t h e i r l i f e s t y l e ; thus , a un i fy ing consensus developed. The pro ject management's p o l i c y favor ing an i n t e r r a c i a l mix and the physical proximity of the r e s i -dents contr ibuted to develop a successful soc io -phys i ca l pattern of r a c i a l i n tegra t ion and soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n . 135 L Carey and R. Mapes, "The Sociology of P lann ing ," in Charles Mercer ' s , L i v i n g in C i t i e s , o p . c i t . , p. 82. - I O C Morton Deutsch and Mary Evans C o l l i n s , "Inter-Rac ia l Housing: A Psychological Evaluat ion of a Soc ia l Experiment," in Charles Mercer, I b i d . , p. 84. 72 The t h r u s t o f the Deutsch and C o l l i n s study, from Mercer's po i n t of view, i s th a t i t i s a mistake to consider the e f f e c t s of the environment on behavior as being e x c l u s i v e l y determined by a ph y s i c a l f a c t o r ( propin-q u i t y ) , i n the same way as i t i s a mistake to consider the i n t e r a c t i o n o f s o c i o - p h y s i c a l f a c t o r s independent from each o t h e r , o r one of them preponderant over the other. What Mercer suggests i s t h a t , i n understand-ing the e f f e c t s o f the environment on behavior, the interwoven p a r t i c i p a -t i o n o f s o c i a l , p h y s i c a l and contextual c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n t e r a c t i n g with the i n d i v i d u a l should be considered e q u a l l y important. Thus, f a i l i n g to understand the i n t e r a c t i o n of a l l these f a c t o r s may lead to i r r e l e v a n t con-c l u s i o n s , as would be the case when c o n s i d e r i n g A r c h i t e c t u r a l Determinism 137 i n " i t s simple-minded q u a l i t y . " However, the same does not stand true f o r W.H. Whyte. His f i n d i n g s and opinions of A r c h i t e c t u r a l Determinism consider the ph y s i c a l f a c t o r o f p r o p i n q u i t y as being the sol e p h y s i c a l determinant i n the formu-l a t i o n of f r i e n d s h i p . He considers the c i t y planner as having the power "to determine the nature of i n t e n s i t y o f people's s o c i a l l i v e s , or the 139 problems they face from r e s i s t i n g the a s c r i b e d i n t e n s i t y , " by simply e s t a b l i s h i n g the shape, l e n g t h , and spacing o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s i n a c i t y block. In l i g h t of both arguments on the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f A r c h i t e c t u r a l Determinism i n the development o f s o c i a l contact and f r i e n d s h i p , t h i s l i t e r a t u r e search gives weight to both points o f view i n terms o f the s o c i o - p h y s i c a l behavioral mechanism th a t each one i s a s c r i b i n g . 137 Mercer, I b i d . , p. 84. 138 — — . .. . W i l l i a m H. Whyte, The Organization Man, o p . c i t . , p. 76. 139 — ~ • Quoted from Michelson, Man and His Urban Environment, o p . c i t . , p. 183. 73 The disagreements stem from the emphasis given p r o p i n q u i t y as a determinant i n the formation of f r i e n s h i p , as suggested by W.H. Whyte. However, i n both arguments p r o p i n q u i t y i s considered as a p h y s i c a l f a c t o r i n f l u e n c i n g a p a r t i c u l a r aspect of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s p a t i a l behavior; e i t h e r as p a r t o f the components i n the psycho-environmental and behavioral process of the i n d i v i d u a l (Mercer's emphasis), or as a determining c o n d i -t i o n i n a s o c i o - b e h a v i o r a l p a t t e r n (as Michelson quotes Whyte's comments). Although what both arguments seem to emphasize are not separate aspects of a s o c i o - s p a t i a l behavior process, they seem to be focussed from opposite ends, and on the wrong issues a n a l y z i n g f r i e n d s h i p or c o n t a c t . A momentary pause i n t h i s d i s c u s s i o n w i l l be made i n order to analyze, i n l a y terms, what may be the sources of disagreement regarding the formation of f r i e n d s h i p and the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of p r o p i n q u i t y i n i t s development. Friendship i s commonly developed a f t e r a c e r t a i n time of i n c u b a t i o n , i n which an i n d i v i d u a l s o r t s through a number of d i s s i m i l a r i t i e s u n t i l he i d e n t i f i e s some common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s perceived i n other i n d i v i d -u a l s , g i v i n g r i s e to the development of a p o s s i b l e l a s t i n g or circumstan^" c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . In these circumstances p r o p i n q u i t y i n the development of a f r i e n d s h i p seems l i m i t e d to being one of the f a c t o r s f a v o r i n g the chances f o r f r i e n d s h i p , r a t h e r than having an e s s e n t i a l and d e t e r m i n i s t i c f u n c t i o n i n i t s development. However, from t h i s p o i n t of view, p r o p i n q u i t y does become e s s e n t i a l and, furthermore, determinant i n f a v o r i n g contact between i n d i v i d u a l s ( e i t h e r s o c i a l , p h y s i c a l , v i s u a l or a u r a l ) from which f r i e n d s h i p and any other type of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p can develop. In the main context of t h i s d i s c u s s i o n , then, p r o p i n q u i t y w i l l no longer be considered as a determinant f a c t o r i n the development of f r i e n d -74 s h i p , but r a t h e r as a determinant i n the promotion of s o c i a l contact between i n d i v i d u a l s . The focus of each argument now becomes s h i f t e d to enhance propi n -q u i t y . F i r s t , i n the behavioral process, an i n d i v i d u a l develops a p a r t i c u l a r a t t i t u d e ( s p a t i a l behavior) towards other i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r s p a t i a l arrangement ( p r o p i n q u i t y i n a p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g ) . Second, a socio-behavioral p a t t e r n ( s o c i a l contact) develops, which i s determined by the p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a p a r t i c u l a r s p a t i a l arrange-ment ( p r o p i n q u i t y ) . Guaging the l i t e r a t u r e from t h i s p o i n t of view, each argument gains a complementary dimension i n which both become 1.related to the same s p a t i a l behavioral process, enhancing the element of p r o p i n q u i t y i n the development of s o c i a l c o n t a c t . Without d i s t o r t i n g e i t h e r Mercer's or Michel son's arguments on p r o p i n q u i t y as a determinant f a c t o r i n f r i e n d s h i p , i t can be s t a t e d t h a t p r o p i n q u i t y exerts a determinant i n f l u e n c e on an i n d i v i d u a l ' s contact as a primary c o n d i t i o n from which any l e v e l of i n t e r a c t i o n ( v i s u a l , a u r a l , p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l ) can be developed, i n c l u d i n g f r i e n d s h i p . S o c i a l contact i s , perhaps, the type of i n t e r a c t i o n which can be i n f l u e n t i a l enough, supported by v i s u a l , a ural and p h y s i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n , to c o n t r i b u t e to the formation of f r i e n d s h i p . I t can a l s o be considered i n f l u e n t i a l enough to c o n t r i b u t e to the development of other c i r c u m s t a n t i a l l e v e l s of i n t e r a c t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l s . From the author's po i n t of view, however, s o c i a l contact i s not n e c e s s a r i l y the only basis f o r f r i e n d -s h i p , although i t i s d e f i n i t e l y the basis from which i t develops. Thus s o c i a l contact can be considered as "a hybrid c o n d i t i o n , " determined by the p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g ( p r o p i n q u i t y ) and 75 s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l f a c t o r s , i n which an i n d i v i d u a l explores the p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of another i n d i v i d u a l , which i n time may become i n f l u e n t i a l enough to develop a s o l i d f r i e n d s h i p or e s t a b l i s h a c i r c u m s t a n t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . At t h i s p o i n t , with the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the r o l e of p r o p i n q u i t y as a determining f a c t o r i n the development of s o c i a l c o n t a c t , t h i s l i t e r a -t ure search accomplishes one of i t s t a s k s - - t h a t of i d e n t i f y i n g an e s s e n t i a l component i n f l u e n c i n g s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i n the r e s i d e n t i a l environment which can be r e l a t e d to s p a t i a l behavior. Furthermore, the p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p r o p i n q u i t y a l l o w d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n and implementation i n d i f f e r e n t types of r e s i d e n t i a l environments and on d i f f e r e n t environmental s c a l e s , such as i n a c l u s t e r of b u i l d i n g s , i n a s i t e - p l a n l a y o u t , or at the urban l e v e l s of the neighborhood and the c i t y , thus, f a c i l i t a t i n g the understanding of the i n d i v i d u a l and group l e v e l of i n t e r a c t i o n i n the community. However, as s t a t e d above, p r o p i n q u i t y as a p h y s i c a l f a c t o r i n f l u e n c -ing an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s p a t i a l behavior i n e s t a b l i s h i n g "contact" i s l i m i t e d i n t h a t i t o n ly prepares a circumstance, "a hybrid c o n d i t i o n , " which depends on the s o c i o - b e h a v i o r a l systems to develop any meaningful type of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n of the l i t e r a t u r e search w i l l focus on i d e n t i f y i n g those p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the s o c i o - b e h a v i o r a l systems t h a t i n f l u e n c e an i n d i v i d u a l ' s "contact" and help to develop e s s e n t i a l s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s f o r community i n t e r a c t i o n . 76 4. Homogeneity and Soc ia l Behavior Once aga in , both Mercer's and Michelson's work br ing to l i g h t a common group of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which they agree are i n f l u e n t i a l enough to develop s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and convenient enough to i l l u s t r a t e a wider concept o f homogeneity, rather than the simple meaning of "cons is t ing of parts a l l o f the same kind" and i t s counterpart , "composed of d i f f e r e n t elements" i n heterogeneity . Th is sect ion of the search w i l l focus on i d e n t i f y i n g soc ia l charac-t e r i s t i c s and p a r t i c u l a r conditons in f luenc ing soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n , regards less of the emphasis given to t h e i r predominance over prop inqu i ty . Charles Mercer, c r i t i c i z i n g the v a l i d i t y o f propinqui ty as a determining in f luence on f r i e n d s h i p , es tab l i shes the l i m i t a t i o n s that a simple physica l f a c t o r has on an i n d i v i d u a l ' s l eve l o f soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n . Michelson assesses the v a l i d i t y of propinqui ty in the development of f r i e n d s h i p under two c o n d i t i o n s : "homogeneity and mutual a i d . " He points out that both of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were present in Whyte's study of Park F o r e s t s , and were a l so common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the popu lat ion , l i f e s t y l e , and s e t t l e d - i n condi t ions in the study cases . However, f o r Mercer, homogeneity in the study cases represents a group of s i m i l a r i t i e s based on age, s t a t u s , i n t e r e s t and occupational c r i t e r i a , the choice and s e l e c t i o n of which are constra ined by the frame-work of p rop inqu i ty . Although he agrees that they br ing people together , he considers that they c a n ' t be es tab l i shed as an essent i a l soc ia l pattern determining people 's homogeneity, Mercer fu r the r pursues t h i s argument by e s t a b l i s h i n g the character -i s t i c s of a populat ion that have to be in accord before i t can be c a l l e d 77 homogeneous. He searches f o r s o c i a l v a r i a b l e s that can c o r r e l a t e with other behavioral c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the i n d i v i d u a l to e s t a b l i s h s o c i a l c l a s s . His work i s supported by t h a t of Newson (1965; 1 9 6 8 ) 1 4 0 on c h i l d -r e a r i n g and s o c i a l c l a s s . Newson's study takes as a s o c i a l v a r i a b l e the f a t h e r ' s occupation, which c o r r e l a t e s with other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as income, r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a , education, e t c . Class and status are a l s o pointed out as being two of the v a r i a b l e s r e l a t e d to homogeneity which are complex. "Class i s r e f e r r e d to as an i n d i v i d u a l ' s c a p a c i t y to gain income" a n d : " s t a t u s , as the chance o f r e c e i v i n g self-esteem and l i f e ' s chances ... 141 t h a t r e s u l t from status p r e r o g a t i v e s . " Mercer, however, agrees that t r a d i t i o n a l c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s are based p r i m a r i l y on occupational d i f f e r -ences. I t could be added t h a t planners have used t h i s c r i t e r i o n as a 142 s o c i a l c l a s s i n d i c a t o r and "as a crude measure of population homogeneity. Mercer's p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n t e r e s t i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s behavioral process, i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the c o r r e l a t i o n between s o c i a l v a r i a b l e s and homogeneous so c i o - b e h a v i o r a l p a t t e r n s , i s aided by Roger Brown's work on 143 s o c i a l c l a s s (1965). Brown considers s o c i a l c l a s s e s as being "Roles" performed by the i n d i v i d u a l , r a t h e r than f u n c t i o n a l r e a l c a t e g o r i e s . Further support i s provided i n the work of J.S. Bruner, et a l . ( 1 9 5 6 ) 1 4 4 140 J . Newson and E. Newson, "Patterns of Infant Care i n an Urban Community," i n Charles Mercer's, L i v i n g i n C i t i e s , o p . c i t . , p. 87. 141 Jane Darke and Roy Darke, "Physical and S o c i a l Factors i n Neigh-borhood R e l a t i o n s , " as quoted i n Charles Mercer, I b i d . , p. 88. 14? Mercer, I b i d . , p. 90. 143 Roger Brown, " S o c i a l Psychology," i n Charles Mercer, I b i d . , p.89. 1 4 4 J . S . Bruner & J . Goodnow & G.A. A u s t i n , "Study of Thinking," i n Charles Mercer, I b i d . , p, 89. 78-on the development of " s t a t u s " as the mental process by which i n d i v i d u a l s perceive themselves to d i f f e r from one another, and i n the work of W.H. 145 Form (1955) on how homogeneous groups become s t r a t i f i e d and are then seen by the people i n them as heterogeneous. Thus, Mercer uses " c l a s s and s t a t u s " as s o c i a l v a r i a b l e s r e l a t e d to i n d i v i d u a l behavior to e s t a b l i s h the meaning of homogeneity from two d i f f e r e n t points of view. From an outside p o i n t of view the i n d i v i d u a l uses a " s o c i a l c l a s s index," while from an i n s i d e view the i n d i v i d u a l uses h i s own perception o f the other members of the group to i d e n t i f y " s t a t u s , " s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i s s i m i l a r i t i e s . Thus he e s t a b l i s h e s the concept of ext e r n a l homogeneity and i n t e r n a l homogeneity. Michelson's look at homogeneity focusses on e s t a b l i s h i n g the circumstances under which an e x i t i n g or perceived homogeneity i n f l u e n c e s the development o f ' s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n ( i n h i s view, f r i e n d s h i p r a t h e r than s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n ) . His premise on homogeneity i s that a perceived or e x i s t i n g status (accepted s o c i a l h i erarchy) among i n d i v i d u a l s creates 146 relatedness and, consequently, s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . The circumstances t h a t he i d e n t i f i e s as being sources of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n are most commonly: contact among c h i l d r e n i n r e s i d e n t i a l environments, which subsequently brings t h e i r parents i n contact wi t h one another; s i m i l a r i t y i n stage of l i f e c y c l e among young couples with c h i l d r e n ; and o r i e n t a t i o n of values 145 W.H. Form, " S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n Low and Middle-Income Housing Areas," i n Charles Mercer, I b i d . , pp. 89-90. ^ S t u d i e s on the .area of D e t r o i t , Michigan by Aida K. Tomeh c o r r o -borates t h i s , where the greater the perceived homogeniety of r e s i d e n t s i n a neighborhood, the greater was t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i t h i n t h a t neighborhood. see Aida K. Tomeh, "Empirical Considerations i n the Problem of S o c i a l I n t e g r a t i o n , " S o c i o l o g i c a l I n q u i r y , i n W. Michelson's Man and His  Environment, o p . c i t . , p. 185. 79 i n c h i l d r a i s i n g . He a l s o suggests another circumstance that could lead to s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s the strong or continued need f o r mutual a s s i s t a n c e i n new r e s i d e n t i a l environments, where everyone i s i n a s i m i l a r stage of s e t t l i n g i n . I t should be noted, however, t h a t t h i s c o n d i t i o n i s circum-s t a n t i a l . I t only c o n t r i b u t e s to s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , which may be the basis f o r a s o l i d f r i e n d s h i p , or a f r i e n d l y neighboring a t t i t u d e , or i t may, perhaps, not develop beyond the i n i t i a l c o ntact. Within the group of circumstances noted above by Michelson, there could a l s o be included some p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the s o c i o -behavioral systems (organism, p e r s o n a l i t y , c u l t u r e , s o c i a l group and environment) i n f l u e n c i n g i n d i v i d u a l s ' s o c i o - s p a t i a l behavior. C u l t u r e and s o c i a l group, could be p a r t i c u l a r l y emphasized, s i n c e both r e l a t e to Mercer's concepts of " c l a s s and s t a t u s " and to " l i f e s t y l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , " under p a r t i c u l a r circumstances, as suggested by Michelson. Furthermore, s o c i a l c l a s s and c u l t u r e are interdependent with l i f e s t y l e . Michelson 147 considers " l i f e s t y l e " as a f a c e t of " r o l e emphasis" performed i n a " p a r t i c u l a r sphere of l i f e . " This concept r e l a t e s to Brown's concept of 148 s o c i a l c l a s s , since both emphasize " r o l e performances," r a t h e r than a defined s o c i a l category. Thus, the i n f l u e n c e o f " l i f e s t y l e " o r " r o l e performance," under p a r t i c u l a r circumstances, can be considered complemen-t a r y to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and c o n d i t i o n s of homogeneity t h a t Mercer and Michelson have suggested. W. Michelson, I b i d . , p. 62. 'Roger Brown, o p . c i t , , p. 91. 80-The f o l l o w i n g are a few examples i n which l i f e s t y l e can be con-sidered w i t h i n i t s components, c u l t u r e and s o c i a l c l a s s , as a homogeneous 149 c o n d i t i o n i n f l u e n c i n g s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . Herbert Gans' study of Boston's West End i s perhaps the best known study on l i f e s t y l e of an e t h n i c group where p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the c u l t u r e ( I t a l i a n ) enforced a strong s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , mostly promoted by k i n s h i p networks and the s p a t i a l management of the urban context (high d e n s i t y , before urban renewal i n t e r v e n t i o n ) . This combination o f p r o x i m i t y and a c c e s s i -b i l i t y to r e l a t i v e s , together with the s t r e e t patterns and land uses, promoted a f a v o r a b l e c o n d i t i o n f o r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n within,a.homogenous context. Although c u l t u r a l homogeneity a s s o c i a t e d w i t h e t h n i c homogeneity cannot be considered as a general pat t e r n i n North American l i f e s t y l e , there e x i s t s v o l u n t a r y e t h n i c segregation (Kantrowitz, 1 9 6 9 ) 1 5 0 that maintains a separate image and community ( i . e . , Spanish-American, O r i e n t a l , P o l i s h , I t a l i a n , e t c . ) where p a r t i c u l a r " c u l t u r a l - e t h n i c " c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n f l u e n c e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . 151 F r i e d and G l e i c h e r (1961) suggest that d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l c l a s s e s use space d i f f e r e n t l y . S o c i a l c l a s s as a homogeneous c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n f l u e n c i n g s o c i a l contact presents d i f f e r e n t patterns of i n t e r a c t i o n . The urban middle c l a s s uses space i n a s e l e c t i v e way with boundaries between d w e l l i n g u n i t s and sharp d e f i n i t i o n with the immediate environment. i 4 ! jGans, The Urban V i l l a g e r s , o p . c i t . , pp. 75-112. 1 50 Nathan Kantrowitz, "Ethnic and R a c i a l Segregation i n New York Metropolis," i n W i l l i a m Michel son's'Man-'and His Urban Environment, o p . c i t , p.64. 1 5 1 M a r c F r i e d and Peggy G l e i c h e r , "Some Sources of R e s i d e n t i a l S a t i s f a c t i o n i n an Urban Slum," o p . c i t . , p. 305-310. 81 These b a r r i e r s are a l s o used to create s o c i a l c o n t a c t , i . e . , t a l k s over the fence, greetings from the t h r e s h o l d s , e t c . The working c l a s s t r e a t s the s t r e e t and e x t e r i o r world as a "place," not simply as a path between s i g n i f i c a n t spaces, where s o c i a l i n t e r a t i o n t h r i v e s . These f a c t o r s of s o c i a l c l a s s and l i f e s t y l e should be c a r e f u l l y considered, s i n c e the pre-v a i l i n g r u l e f o r s o c i a l c l a s s i n t e r a c t i o n i s the degree of e x i s t i n g or 152 perceived homogeneity among i n d i v i d u a l s . S i m i l a r c o n s i d e r a t i o n i s 153 suggested by Gans i n The Levitowners, where the urban midd l e - c l a s s extended f a m i l y i n t e r a c t i o n i s transformed i n t o a n u c l e a r f a m i l y , due to i t s r e l o c a t i o n i n the suburbs. In the suburbs low d e n s i t y and segregated land uses emphasize the l i f e s t y l e of nuclear f a m i l y a c t i v i t i e s and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n depends on p r o p i n q u i t y and homogeneity. Thus, what can be deduced, with the help of Mercer's and Michelson's points of view, i s t h a t homogeneity as a s o c i o - b e h a v i o r a l f a c t o r , e i t h e r e x i s t i n g or p e r c e i v e d , i n f l u e n c e s an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s p a t i a l behavior, depend-ing on one or more of the f o l l o w i n g c o n d i t i o n s and circumstances. One, the i n d i v i d u a l ' s perception of s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i s s i m i l a r i t i e s —"status"--among other i n d i v i d u a l s . Two, the i n d i v i d u a l ' s " r o l e emphasis" or " l i f e s t y l e ; " emphasized by the behavioral systems, p a r t i c u l a r l y c u l t u r e and s o c i a l c l a s s . This statement on s o c i a l c l a s s i n t e r a c t i o n s i s backed up by the works of Robert Gutman i n The Urban C o n d i t i o n ; Peter W i l l m o t t and Michael Young, Family and Class i n a London Suburb; and Suzanne K e l l e r , " S o c i a l Class i n .Physical Planning," as can be found i n W. Michelson's Man and His Environment, o p . c i t . , pp. 118-124. Herbert Gans, The LevitdWhers, o p . c i t . , p. 130. 82 Three, the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l c l a s s demographic index i n which the i n d i v i d u a l may f i t according to income, education, age group, e t c . In a d d i t i o n , the need f o r mutual a i d and s i m i l a r s t y l e s i n r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n can be considered as circumstances c o n t r i b u t i n g to perceived homogeneous c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t may promote s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . These c o n d i t i o n s and circumstances suggest the complexity of t r y i n g to e s t a b l i s h one s i n g l e concept which represents homogeneity. Therefore, homogeneity's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the development o f s o c i a l i n t e r -a c t i o n should be considered as a m u l t i - s o c i a l behavioral f a c t o r which complements the p h y s i c a l f a c t o r o f "contact" and, together as " s o c i a l c o n t a c t , " i n f l u e n c e the type o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n to be pursued by the i n d i v i d u a l . Having i d e n t i f i e d the p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l f a c t o r s considered as the e s s e n t i a l u n i t s i n the formation of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , t h i s l i t e r a t u r e search w i l l e s t a b l i s h a reference model by which s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s promoted and community relatedness developed i n the r e s i d e n t i a l environment. In a d d i t i o n , t h i s reference model w i l l p o i n t out areas i n which the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y and s o c i a l homogeneity r e q u i r e s p e c i f i c a t t e n t i o n o r extended research i n order to develop c o n t i n u i t y and s o c i a l relatedness ( u r b a n i t y ) i n the r e s i d e n t i a l environment. 83 C. Spat ia l Behavior: Reference Model o f  Soc ia l Interact ion in Res ident ia l EnVirorimerits The const ruct ion of the reference model represents , conceptua l ly , three stages of the soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n process in which e i t h e r homogeneity or p rop inqu i ty , or both, are i n f l u e n t i a l in br inging people together or into c i r cumstant ia l contac ts . Complementing t h i s , comments and references are made on some of the p a r t i c u l a r impl i ca t ions of soc i a l i n t e r a c t i o n on pr ivacy and s o c i a b i l i t y as well as the impact of the open space on soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n . The in tent ion of t h i s reference model i s to understand the process of soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n and i t s essent ia l components from which the a r c h i t e c t and planner can gain i ns igh t into the design of r e s i d e n t i a l environments and contr ibute fu r ther to maintain a meaningful u n i t y , character and relatedness in the r e s i d e n t i a l urban context . It w i l l focus on the i m p l i -cat ions of the r e s i d e n t i a l environment in the c reat ion of the urban q u a l i t y o f l i f e i n the c i t y , from the point o f view o f the u s e r ' s soc ia l i n t e r - " a c t i o n . The predesign or redesign of r e s i d e n t i a l urban environments can only gain in scope i f the a r c h i t e c t , p lanner , p o l i t i c i a n and developer extend t h e i r concerns with the s a t i s f a c t i o n s of the users ' she l te r needs to inc lude the contextual urban-soc ia l needs. If those needs are s a t i s f i e d at the loca l leve l by the p r o j e c t , keeping in mind t h e i r contextual i m p l i c a t i o n s , i t could contr ibute to an enhancement, on a large s c a l e , of the urban q u a l i t y of l i f e (Urban i ty) . Th is a lso impl ies that a r ch i tec tu ra l design should be committed not only to the c reat ion of bu i ld ings as s i t e objects in the urban context , but these bu i ld ings should be components in 84 ' the c r e a t i o n of a "Place" a t both the micro and macro l e v e l s of the c i t y ( i . e . , t h a t to which a b u i l d i n g r e l a t e s and becomes part o f ) . 1. Reference Model: Concepts The c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h i s reference model f o l l o w s W i l l i a m Michelson's concept of the "ego centered p o i n t of view." I t t r y s to bind together e s s e n t i a l p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l f a c t o r s which r e l a t e to the immediate environ-ment and to s o c i a l behavior. I t has the p o t e n t i a l to combine with other concepts and describe l a r g e r l e v e l s of the environment. The reference model of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n considers time as a f a c t o r binding the stages of development. The b a s i c components of the reference model are pr o p i n q u i t y and homogeneity. P r o p i n q u i t y should be understood as a p h y s i c a l f a c t o r promoting "contact" ( v i s u a l , a u r a l , p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l ) . I t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n the s p a t i a l behavior process are "proximity" ( p r i v a c y or s o c i a b i l i t y ) on the micro s c a l e ( l a y o u t ) and " a c c e s s i b i l i t y " on the macro s c a l e (neighborhood). Homogeneity should be understood as a m u l t i p l e s o c i a l behavioral f a c t o r which i n v o l v e s the perceptual systems of the i n d i v i d u a l i n e s t a b l i s h -ing h i s own s o c i a l i d e n t i t y as well as those with whom he chooses to i n t e r a c t . The s e l e c t i o n of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n others with whom he would l i k e to develop f u r t h e r s o c i a l l e v e l s o f i n t e r a c t i o n are based on two s o c i a l values--"Class and Status:" These values both r e l a t e to l i f e s t y l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and to a demographic index of s i m i l a r i t i e s . a) S o c i a l Class S o c i a l c l a s s i s a l a b e l u s u a l l y a p p l i e d to a group of i n d i v i d u a l s 85 whose c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are based on p a r t i c u l a r demographic i n d i c i e s such as income, education, occupation, age, e t c . In the i n d i v i d u a l , s o c i a l c l a s s i s e x t e r n a l l y perceived and i n t e r n a l l y evaluated by personal values ( l i f e s t y l e , c u l t u r e , e t c . ) . Thus, s o c i a l c l a s s 1 5 4 i s an i n t e r n a l determinant of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s perceived homogeneity or heterogeneity w i t h others i n the group. b) Status Status r e f e r s to a recognizable h i e r a r c h y of i n d i v i d u a l s i n a group, although i t i s e x t e r n a l l y i n f l u e n c e d by the i n d i v i d u a l ' s perception of s i m i l a r i t i e s with others. The "pecking order" of hierarchy i n the group depends on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n t e r n a l perception of d i s s i m i l a r i t i e s and v a l u e s , independent of the others i n the group. Thus, status i n a 1 r r homogeneous group, i s the e x t e r n a l l y accepted ( s t r a t i f i e d homogeneity) h i e r a r c h y of the i n d i v i d u a l s i n the group, which i n t e r n a l l y corresponds 156 to an i n d i v i d u a l ' s perception of heterogeneity. 2. Reference Model: Phases This reference model of the s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n process i n r e s i d e n -t i a l environments i s considered i n t h r e e , independent but i n t e r r e l a t e d , phases. Each phase emphasizes p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f i t s own, and i s s e q u e n t i a l l y dependent on the previous one to develop i t s own character-i s t i c s . The three phases considered i n the process are as f o l l o w s : 154 Jerome S. .Bruner, et a l . , "Study of Thinking," i n Charles Mercer's L i v i n g i i i C i t i e s , o p . c i t . , p. 89. 155 W.H. Form, " S t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n Low and Middle Income Housing Areas," o p . c i t . , pp. 89-90. 156 Jerome S. Bruner, et a l . , o p . c i t . , p. 89 86 Phase I - Contact and I d e n t i f i c a t i o n = S o c i a l Contact Phase I I - Proximity and S e l e c t i o n = S o c i a l Relatedness Phase I I I - Ph y s i c a l Pattern (Supporting Moderate I n t e r a c t i o n ) and S o c i a l Network ( I n d i v i d u a l and Group I n t e r a c t i o n ) = P h y s i c a l Relatedness S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n In the f o l l o w i n g diagrams the reference model i s o u t l i n e d and the p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of each phase are described. PHASE I PROPINQUITY HOMOGENEITY PHASE II PRIVACY & SOCIABILITY CONTACT & IDENTIFICATION SOCIAL CONTACT PROXIMITY & SELECTION SOCIAL RELATEDNESS NEIGHBORING & FRIENDSHIP PHASE III PHYSICAL PATTERNS & SOCIAL NETWORKS CONTINUITY PHYSICAL RELATEDNESS, SOCIAL INTERACTION RELATEDNESS TIME FACTOR Figure 6. Reference Model o f S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n . 87 a) Phase I : Contact arid I d e n t i f i c a t i on In t h i s phase the phys i c a l f a c t o r of "Prop i n q u i t y " e x i s t s as a hybrid c o n d i t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l s . The s o c i a l f a c t o r of "Homogeneity" gives c h a r a c t e r to "Pr o p i n q u i t y " by i d e n t i f y i n g s i m i l a r i t i e s between the i n d i v i d u a l s , and determines the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f i n t e r a c t i o n as S o c i a l Contact. PHASE I: PHYSICAL SOCIAL HOMOGENEITY: "CLASS" GROUPING TO IDENTIFY SIMILARITIES FACTORS: PROPINQUITY: . SOCIAL . STOOPS & WINDOWS "PROXIMITY" TO , VISUAL . DRIVEWAYS & LAWNS . PHYSICAL . DOOR ORIENTATION PROMOTE CONTACT . AURAL . STREET ORIENTATION, ETC. f EXISTING OR PERCEIVED SOCIAL CONTACT RAISING CHILDREN (X) INCOME EDUCATION OCCUPATION . MUTUAL AID INTEREST TIME LAPSE - b) Phase I I : P r o x i m i t y and S e l e c t i o n The i d e n t i f i e d s i m i l a r i t i e s of "Class," e i t h e r e x i s t i n g or perceived, promote the s e l e c t i o n o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s based on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s degree o f a f f i n i t y to o t h e r s , while the phys i c a l f a c t o r of "Proximity" r e q u i r e s moderation to avoid or promote S o c i a l Contact. The r e s u l t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the i n t e r a c t i o n o f these two f a c t o r s are: i ) The development of a f r i e n d s h i p or neighboring pattern i i ) The balanced degree of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n to promote pr i v a c y or s o c i a b i l i t y between i n d i v i d u a l s ( p r o x i m i t y ) . The r e s u l t i s a st a t e of  So c i a l Relatedness to people and places. 88 PHASE II: PHYSICAL SOCIAL j * SOCIAL \ CONTACT/' 1/ SOCIAL RELATEDNESS PROXIMITY BEING . SOCIAL PRIVACY MODERATED TO . VISUAL OR PLACE PROMOTE OR AVOID . PHYSICAL SOCIABILITY SOCIAL CONTACT . AURAL "CLASS" SELECTION OF RELATIONSHIPS NEIGHBORING PEOPLE \ BASED ON EXISTING FRIENDSHIP OR PERCEIVED AFINITY (X) TIME LAPSE < c) Phase I I I : P h y s i c a l Patterns and S o c i a l Networks Having e s t a b l i s h e d the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of S o c i a l Relatedness, and the r o l e t h a t the p h y s i c a l f a c t o r o f "Proximity" plays i n P r i v a c y or S o c i a b i l i t y , the patterns of neighboring and f r i e n d s h i p become fo r m a l i z e d under the i n f l u e n c e of s o c i a l contact and time. S i m i l a r l y , the s o c i a l f a c t o r o f " C l a s s , " having developed neighboring or f r i e n d s h i p p a t t e r n s , begins an i n t e r n a l i z e d process of i n d i v i d u a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ( s t a t u s ) . The r e s u l t of i n c o r p o r a t i n g these f a c t o r s creates two patterns which complement each other and can be considered as the basis f o r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i n a r e s i d e n t i a l context. They are: i ) P h y s i c a l p a t t e r n supporting moderate s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i i ) S o c i a l network of i n d i v i d u a l and group i n t e r a c t i o n . Both c o n t r i b u t e to the development of Phys i c a l Relatedness and So c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n i n the group or community. 89 PHASE III: PHYSICAL SOCIAL "PLACE" PRIVACY . SOCIAL . VISUAL . PHYSICAL SOCIABILITY . AURAL SETTLING THE PHYSICAL PATTERN OF THE "PLACE" . CHARACTER . FACILITIES SOCIAL \ RELATEDNESS / "PEOPLE" - i / i / 1/ i PHYSICAL RELATEDNESS SOCIAL INTERACTION "STATUS" STRATIFICATION OF THE HOMOGENEOUS GROUP SELECTED FOR SOCIAL INTERACTION NEIGHBORING & FRIENDSHIP 1 SETTLING THE SOCIAL PATTERN OF INDIVIDUAL AND GROUP INTERACTION . SHARED LIFE STYLE . MUTUAL AID . CHILD RAISING . COMMUNAL INTERESTS (X) TIME LAPSE The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Phase I I I define the patterns of So c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n supported by s o c i a l and phy s i c a l f a c t o r s which, i f they are maintained through time, r e i n f o r c e other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the r e s i d e n t i a l environment, such as neighborhood and community relate d n e s s . In summarizing the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the reference model o u t l i n e d above, the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the basic components of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n has two advantages i n t h i s l i t e r a t u r e search. I t helps to c l a r i f y the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the p h y s i c a l r e s i d e n t i a l environment i n promoting contact between i n d i v i d u a l s and points out the need f o r p r i v a c y and s o c i a b i l i t y as moderating f a c t o r s of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . I t a l s o helps to c l a r i f y the basis o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s socio-behavioral processes i n i d e n t i f y i n g and s e l e c t i n g other i n d i v i d u a l s with whom to develop neighboring patterns or f r i e n d s h i p . 90 The s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n patterns of f r i e n d s h i p and neighboring, supported by the p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l f a c t o r s of p r o p i n q u i t y and homo-gen e i t y , are the basic components of group and i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l r e l a t e d - . ness, and t h e i r i n f l u e n c e a p p l i e s at both micro and macro l e v e l s of the environment i n developing c o n t i n u i t y and r e l a t e d n e s s . Neighboring, as a socio-behavioral p a t t e r n i n the i n t e r a c t i o n process, deserves p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n due to i t s focus on group i n t e r -a c t i o n based on communal concerns. Thus, i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n neighboring w i l l be discussed i n r e l a t i o n to i n d i v i d u a l s p a t i a l behavior. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the micro and macro l e v e l s of the r e s i d e n t i a l environment supporting s p a t i a l behavior and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i n developing c o n t i n u i t y and relatedness w i l l a l s o be discussed. 3. Neighboring arid I n d i v i d u a l S p a t i a l Behavior Neighboring has a l a r g e range of i n f l u e n c e and i s able to f o s t e r relatedness on communal issues among the r e s i d e n t s of a p r o j e c t . Although the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n are general and c i r c u m s t a n t i a l , they do create consensus i n the group on communal is s u e s . F r i e n d s h i p , the other s o c i a l behavioral p a t t e r n , has l i m i t a t i o n s i n c r e a t i n g relatedness w i t h i n a s e t t i n g , since i t has a more d i v e r s i f i e d range o f i n f l u e n c e and i s not confined to one s e t t i n g and i s s e l e c t i v e l y l i m i t e d to a small number of i n d i v i d u a l s . L i f e ; s t y l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a f f e c t f r i e n d s h i p and neighboring as s o c i a l behavioral f a c t o r s i n the development of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and the c r e a t i o n of relatedness i n a group. Friendship and k i n s h i p , i n p a r t i c u l a r 157 l i f e s t y l e s i t u a t i o n s , as reported by Gans, can be considered as the 157 ~~ Gans, The Urban V i l l a g e r s , o p . c i t . , p. 75-110. '91. un i fy ing f ac to rs which create re latedness i n a group. S i m i l a r l y , e t h n i c i t y has an impact on neighboring and soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n . In c e r t a i n s i tua t ions t h i s f ac to r may tend to segregate or a l i ena te groups, thus c reat ing ghettos. Under l ess extreme heterogeneous c o n d i t i o n s , the relatedness that a phys ica l s e t t i n g may convey to i t s i nhab i tan ts , the s i m i l a r i t i e s and pressures in l i f e s t y l e that a group may share , and the enforcement of continuous soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l s , can help to develop re latedness between people and t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l environment (as commented on in the Deutsch and C o l l i n s r e p o r t ) . 1 5 8 Neighboring and f r i endsh ip share some s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , 159 p a r t i c u l a r l y that of ' s o c i a l t r a f f i c , ' as suggested by W.H. Whyte, Fr iendship i s considered as a network that once es tab l i shed develops a p h y s i c a l - s o c i a l pattern which remains through time in sp i t e o f res ident turnover . S i m i l a r l y , neighboring a f f e c t s ind iv idua l s p a t i a l behavior (mobi l i ty) and i s assoc iated with memory ( c o g n i t i o n ) , developing ' a s s o c i a -t i o n pa t te rns ' f o r behaviors in a p a r t i c u l a r s e t t i n g . The unmarked parking space that i s recognized as belonging to someone e l s e ; the d a i l y routes fol lowed by people when walking t h e i r pe ts ; or a p a r t i c u l a r s i t e used fo r c h i l d r e n ' s games, a l l create a cogn i t i ve spa t i a l pattern of neighbor ing. These ' assoc ia t ion pat terns ' ;though c l o s e l y re la ted to the perceptual and cogn i t i ve processes of the i n d i v i d u a l , are beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s . Norton Deutsch and Mary Evans C o l l i n s , "Inter-Rac ia l Housing: A Psychologica l Evaluat ion of a Soc ia l Experiment," in Charles Mercer's L i v ing in C i t i e s , O p . c i t . , p. 84. Wi l l i am.H. Whyte, The Organizat ion Man, o p . c i t . , p. 360. 92 On the other hand, the s o c i o - s p a t i a l pattern of neighboring i n terms of s p a t i a l a c t i v i t y allows f o r the establishment of " m o b i l i t y " as the p o i n t of reference between s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and i n d i v i d u a l s p a t i a l behavior, a) I n d i v i d u a l S p a t i a l Behavior: Levels o f I n t e r a c t i o n  (Micro and Macro) The i n t e r r e l a t i o n o f neighboring and m o b i l i t y as a compound s o c i o -s p a t i a l concept brings to l i g h t three f u n c t i o n s of the physical c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s of the r e s i d e n t i a l environment: on a micro l e v e l , i t i n f l u e n c e s and supports s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n ; on a macro l e v e l , i t connects the various s e t t i n g s o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n ; and i n both cases i t s u s t a i n s the a c t i v i t i e s of i n d i v i d u a l s p a t i a l behavior ( m o b i l i t y and a c t i v i t i e s ) . The phys i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the r e s i d e n t i a l environment on the micro l e v e l are determined by the r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f b u i l t features i n a s e t t i n g promoting d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of p r i v a c y and s o c i a b i l i t y . On the macro l e v e l , i t i s the r e s u l t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p of the open space between b u i l d i n g s l i n k i n g d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of i n t e r a c t i o n and strengthening s p a t i a l behavior. The micro and macro c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the r e s i d e n t i a l environment are e s s e n t i a l and interdependent on one another to create a good f i t between a p r o j e c t and i t s surrounding context. Both the open space between b u i l d i n g s and the i n d i v i d u a l s p a t i a l behavior are the phys i c a l and a c t i v i t y systems s u s t a i n i n g s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and s p a t i a l c o n t i n u i t y i n the urban context. Thus, they are the basic s p a t i a l concepts from which relatedness and c o n t i n u i t y develop i n the r e s i d e n t i a l environment. In the l i t e r a t u r e sources the r e l a t i o n s h i p between r e s i d e n t i a l environment, open space and i n d i v i d u a l s ' a c t i v i t i e s i s focussed on the micro l e v e l by e i t h e r emphasizing the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a p r o j e c t which 93 help to s a t i s f y users' needs or promoting s o c i a l and p r o j e c t relatedness. On the macro l e v e l , the focus i s on debating the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the urban context proximate to a p r o j e c t , e i t h e r as a s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l and demographic e n t i t y of people and places contained i n an urban zone of the c i t y (neighborhood), or as a mental concept s t r u c t u r i n g i n d i v i d u a l s ' present r e a l i t y with other i n d i v i d u a l s and places ( s o c i o - s p a t i a l schemata), Both focusses of the l i t e r a t u r e embody a vast amount of m a t e r i a l , o n ly some of which w i l l be discussed here. The focus of t h i s s e c t i o n i s to s e l e c t i v e l y gather f i n d i n g s that can be h e l p f u l i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the open space, and the p a r t i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s of the i n d i v i d u a l t h a t take place i n the r e s i d e n t i a l environment ( p r o j e c t and neighborhood) which s u s t a i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and s p a t i a l c o n t i n u i t y . b) P h y s i c a l and S o c i a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Levels  Of I n t e r a c t i o n ; ( P r o j e c t ) The e x i s t i n g research on the r e s i d e n t i a l environment, at the l o c a l or p r o j e c t l e v e l , i s mostly focussed on the i n s i d e , o u t side and communal spaces, and t h e i r l e v e l s of p r i v a c y , t e r r i t o r i a l i t y and s o c i a b i l i t y f a c i l i t a t e d by the p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p r o j e c t l a y o u t . The s t u d i e s of Festinger,' 1' 6 0 Kuper, 1 6 1 Caplow and Foreman, 1 6 2 Whyte, 1 6 3 164 165 Gutman, and Gans, on A r c h i t e c t u r a l Determinism, are some of these 1 6 0 F e s t i n g e r , o p x i j t ^ 1 6 1 K u p e r , o £ x i t ^ 1 6 2 C a p l o w and Foreman, o j ^ c i t ^ 1 6 3 W h y t e , p j ^ c i t ^ 1 6 4 G u t m a n , o j ^ e r U 1 6 5 G a n s , ^ c i j U 94 sources. Perhaps the most re levant to a r c h i t e c t s and planners are the studies of C lare Cooper on the eva luat ion and s a t i s f a c t i o n of user needs. Her p r o l i f i c work supports the argument that "The semi-publ ic spaces around and between bu i ld ings are often the c r u c i a l elements in the l i v a b i l i t y of 166 such neighborhoods." Other studies on the s a t i s f a c t i o n of res idents in new towns in England, by Shankland, Cox and Assoc iates (1967) and the I cp Department of the Environment in London (1972) have a lso found that the character of approaching areas and access p o i n t s , the overa l l appearance of the estate and the e x t e r i o r maintenance contr ibute to the overa l l s a t i s f a c t i o n of the r e s i d e n t s . C lare Cooper's research in C a l i f o r n i a on 169 St . Francis Square (1971) shows s i m i l a r i t i e s with the B r i t i s h s tud ies . The users ' s a t i s f a c t i o n in t h i s study case was based on: 1) moderate r e n t ; 2) l o c a t i o n in the inner c i t y ; 3) e x t e r i o r appearance; 4) landscaping; and 5) s i t e plan fea tures . Cooper concludes that the reason f o r i t s success i s the lack of "ambiguity" in the e x t e r i o r spaces of the p r o j e c t . "The s i t e layout should be designed with c l a r i t y , . . . e s t a b l i s h i n g c l e a r de l ineat ions between pr ivate outdoor space and communal outdoor space" and " . . . space belonging to the housing pro jec t and that belonging to the adjacent n e i g h b o r h o o d . " 1 7 0 She suggests that c l a r i t y should be communicated 166 C lare Cooper, "St. Francis Square: A t t i tudes of i t s Res idents ," I n s t i t u t e of A r c h i t e c t s ' J o u r n a l , o p . c i t . , p. 30. 167 Shankland, Cox and A s s o c i a t e s , c i t e d in Sam Davies ( e d . ) , The  Form of Housing (N.Y . : Van Nostrand Reinhold C o . , 1972), p. 160. 168 Department of the Environment, "The Estate Outside the Dwel l ing: Reactions of Residents to Aspects of Housing Layout ," Report c i t e d in Sam Davies, I b i d . , p. 161. 169 C lare Cooper, o p . c i t . I b i d , , p. .31. 95 i n the l o c a t i o n of areas f o r p l a y , and i n those which are not f o r p l a y , as w e l l as i n the understanding of t e r r i t o r i a l c o n t r o l between r e s i d e n t s and manager. Therefore, i t could be e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t i n a p r o j e c t the l e v e l s of i n t e r a c t i o n between people can be grouped i n terms of t e r r i t o r i e s , such as u n i t , c l u s t e r and t h a t of the p r o j e c t , i t s e l f , and that the l o c a t i o n of communal f a c i l i t i e s and amenities i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important i n developing a c t i v i t y centres i n the p r o j e c t . C i r c u l a t i o n r o u t e s , access p o i n t s , c l u s t e r i n g p o i n t s , l andscaping, and parking f a c i l i t i e s should be c l e a r l y d e f i n e d , avoiding ambiguity. Uni t type, boundaries, f r o n t and back yards should be c a r e f u l l y r e l a t e d to provide enough p r i v a c y , but without c u r t a i l -i ng s o c i a b i l i t y . c) P h y s i c a l and S o c i a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Level o f I n t e r a c t i o n : (Neighborhood) On the macro or urban l e v e l , the concept o f neighborhood i n the r e s i d e n t i a l environment has created unresolved debates on what i t d e s c r i b e s : a p h y s i c a l a r e a , or both a p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l area; and furthermore, how i s i t perceived by the i n d i v i d u a l ? I t seems t h a t , on one hand, planning approaches are focussed on c r e a t i n g community by p h y s i c a l means. While, on the other hand, s o c i o l o g i c a l approaches emphasize the r e l a t i o n s h i p of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and i n t e r a c t i o n f o r c r e a t i n g community. These variances on the focus and concept of the neighborhood, perhaps, c o n t r i b u t e to increase the problem that a r c h i t e c t s and planners have to face i n the i n t e g r a t i o n of a r e s i d e n t i a l p r o j e c t w i t h i t s proximate urban context. U s u a l l y , a p h y s i c a l f i t of forms and masses i s pursued, r a t h e r than of people, and i n many cases the f i t does not occur, e i t h e r p h y s i c a l l y or s o c i a l l y . 96 However, without becoming involved in the argument posed by the neighborhood uni t concept, but instead focuss ing on i d e n t i f y i n g , from the l i t e r a t u r e sources , the physical and s o c i o - s p a t i a l a c t i v i t i e s that help def ine the character o f the proximate urban context to a p r o j e c t , two concepts are emphasized. One i s p h y s i c a l l y and demographically o r i e n t e d ; and the second i s s o c i o - s p a t i a l l y o r i e n t e d . Clarence Per ry ' s ( 1 9 3 9 ) 1 7 1 concept f o r a p h y s i c a l l y def ined r e s i -dent ia l (uni t) area c reat ing a sense of attachment and promoting neighbor-l i n e s s and community a c t i v i t i e s (neighborhood) i l l u s t r a t e s the f i r s t concept o f phys ica l and demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Although h i s concept has been the focus of extensive debate, the conceptual c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of h is r e s i d e n t i a l un i t have been adapted, updated and implemented in many 172 cases and used in the planning and c reat ion of the new B r i t i s h towns. They are c u r r e n t l y being used in North America as w e l l . Per ry ' s r e s i d e n t i a l un i t concept i s comprised of s i x c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : S i z e . - based on elementary school popu lat ion , with a to ta l res iden-t i a l populat ion of between 3,000 and 9,600 inhab i tants . Boundaries - c rea t ing a d i s t r i c t e n t i t y and def ined by t r a f f i c a r t e r i e s . St reets - i n t e r n a l l y contained c i r c u l a t i o n routes . Open space - prov is ions f o r park f a c i l i t i e s with in the area . I n s t i t u t i o n a l bu i ld ings - p rov i s ion fo r s choo l , l i b r a r y , church and community cen t re , c e n t r a l l y l oca ted . 171 Clarence Per ry , "The Neighborhood Unit Formula," o p . c i t . 17? Dudley Report, The Design of Dwel l ings, H..M.S.0., 1944, and A lbe r t Goss' Study, "Neighborhood Units in B r i t i s h Towns," Town Planning  Review (1961), 32, 68-82. 97 Lo c a l shops;- one or two l o c a t e d on the periphery of the area. The second concept r e l a t e s to s o c i a l behavior and physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the r e s i d e n t i a l environment t h a t create i n people "the sense of l o c a l s p a t i a l i d e n t i y , i n c l u d i n g both l o c a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n -173 ships and l o c a l p l a c e s . " The s t u d i e s of F r i e d and G l e i c h e r ( 1 9 6 1 ) 1 7 4 and Herbert G a n s , 1 7 5 on the west end of Boston, discuss how the combination of b u i l d i n g type, s t r e e t p a t t e r n s , s t o r e s , and f a c i l i t i e s s c a t t e r e d w i t h i n walking distance 1 7fi allowed contact between people during d a i l y shopping outings. Terence Lee's ( 1 9 6 8 ) 1 7 7 concept of " s o c i o - s p a t i a l schemata," a p p l i e d i n the study of the neighborhood u n i t concept, b e t t e r i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s p o i n t . Lee's concept i s focussed on people's mental plan o f the "environment-person" s e t t i n g i n which t h e i r own behavior and experiences occur. His f i n d i n g s e s t a b l i s h t h a t people's concept o f neighborhood i s not l i n k e d to d e n s i t i e s , but r a t h e r to t e r r i t o r i e s and neighborhood amenities which s a t i s f y t h e i r needs. Furthermore, there e x i s t s an awareness of phy s i c a l aspects as well as of people. People's p a r t i c i p a t i o n increases with heterogeneity of population based on s o c i a l c l a s s . A s i m i l a r approach i s used by Kevin Lynch, on the urban s c a l e , i n i d e n t i f y i n g s p e c i a l features i n the c i t y s c a p e t h a t give " l e g i b i l i t y " 173 Charles Mercer, L i v i n g i n C i t i e s , o p . c i t . , p. 159. 174 F r i e d and G l e i c h e r , "Some Sources of R e s i d e n t i a l S a t i s f a c t i o n i n an Urban Slum," Journal of American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, o p . c i t . , pp. 305-310. 175 Herbert Gans, The Urban V i l l a g e r s , o p . c i t . , p. 87. 1 7 6 I b i d . , p. 176. 1 7 7 T e r e n c e Lee, o p . c i t . , pp. 253-262. 178 Kevin Lynch, Image of the C i t y , o p . c i t . , pp. 12-27. 98-to parts o f the c i t y . People use these features i n o r g a n i z i n g and o r i e n t i n g t h e i r behavior i n the urban context. From the above, i t can be deduced t h a t there are underlying d i s c r e p a n c i e s between p h y s i c a l l y o r g a n i z i n g the r e s i d e n t i a l environment i n terms of f a c i l i t i e s , d e n s i t y and geographic s i z e s , and a s o c i o -behavioral approach based on s o c i a l a c t i v i t y and s p a t i a l behavior supported by the open space. However, there are some phys i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the r e s i d e n t i a l environment r e l e v a n t to both planners and r e s i d e n t s because they are reference f o c a l p o i n t s i n the r e s i d e n t i a l context and part of the urban form. These f o c a l p o ints represent communal f a c i l i t i e s , amenities and s e r v i c e s ( i . e . , s c h o o l s , parks, shops), which are common to Perry's s i x concepts and Lee's i d e n t i f i e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n the neigh-borhood u n i t concept. S i m i l a r l y r e l e v a n t to planners and r e s i d e n t s are the systems of p edestrian and v e h i c u l a r m o b i l i t y l i n k i n g l o c a l l e v e l s of the r e s i d e n t i a l environment with the urban s t r u c t u r e of the c i t y . These m o b i l i t y systems a l s o e s t a b l i s h d i s t i n c t boundaries i n the r e s i d e n t i a l environment, de-f i n i n g l o c a l centres f o r s o c i a l and s p a t i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , bound by a t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n frame ( a r t e r i a l s ) . Summarizing the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of both l e v e l s of i n t e r a c t i o n , pro-j e c t and neighborhood, and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o open space and i n d i v i d u a l ' s a c t i v i t i e s , i t could be e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t w i t h i n the p r o j e c t layout there i s a system of places w i t h p a r t i c u l a r t e r r i t o r i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , which, i n r e l a t i o n t o the surrounding neighborhood, c o n t r i b u t e t o develop the p r o j e c t ' s t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . S i m i l a r l y , the neighborhood area and the s o c i o -s p a t i a l concept of i t , both maintain d i s t i n c t i v e boundaries defined e i t h e r 99 by t r a f f i c a r t e r i a l s or by the i n d i v i d u a l ' s mental maps of h i s own s o c i a l and s p a t i a l behavior i n the r e s i d e n t i a l environment. On both l e v e l s o f i n t e r a c t i o n there are centres of a c t i v i t y t h a t create f o c a l p o ints of reference and promote m o b i l i t y routes. Furthermore, on the p r o j e c t l e v e l , there i s a warning to avoid ambiguity i n the ph y s i c a l d e f i n i t i o n of those places where a c t i v i t i e s take place and where changes i n t e r r i t o r i a l realms occur. On the neighborhood or l o c a l l e v e l , there i s an emphasis on physic c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of community f a c i l i t i e s , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n routes and the c l a r i t y of i n t e r n a l c i r c u l a t i o n routes. 4. Pub!ic Housing The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n presents r e l e v a n t aspects o f p u b l i c housing i d e n t i f i e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e search. This s e c t i o n w i l l a l s o sharpen the focus o f the research methodology. The p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s a r e , i n some e x i s t i n g cases, examples o f s o c i a l segregation and p h y s i c a l d i s c o n t i n u i t y with t h e i r surrounding context. Several s t u d i e s have agreed t h a t prospective tenants of p u b l i c housing perceive a great d i f f e r e n c e between themselves and those already 179 i n p u b l i c housing. Hartman (1963), i n h i s research on low-income p r i v a t e housing r e s i d e n t s i n the North End of Boston, r e p o r t s t h a t the "....undesirable c h a c t e r i s t i c s of the p u b l i c housing r e s i d e n t s and a la c k of a sense of community" were the reasons f o r d i s l i k e of the p u b l i c housing r e s i d e n t s . Few o b j e c t i o n s were made regarding the i n s t i t u t i o n a l features Chester Hartman, "The L i m i t a t i o n s of P u b l i c Housing: Relocation Choice i n a Working-Class Community," Journal o f the American I n s t i t u t e o f Planners (1963): V o l . 24, p. 283-296": ~ — 1 00 of the b u i l d i n g s . S im i l a r f ind ings were reported by Young and Willmot 180 (1957) in t h e i r study of the east s ide of London, susta in ing t h i s perception of heterogeneity between community and publ i c housing r e s i -dents. In other cases the impact o f pub l i c housing on i t s r e s i d e n t s ' a t t i tudes and behavior were f a i r l y p o s i t i v e , with some reserva t ions . Cagle and 181 Deutscher (1970), i n t h e i r s tud ies of urban renewal a reas , report a general p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e of res idents towards publ i c housing environments, although the res idents voiced an awareness of some l i m i t a t i o n s and con-s t r a i n t s imposed on them by the lack of pr ivacy and managerial r u l e s . A 182 study made by Wilmer, Walker et a l . (1962) reports s i m i l a r l y favorable comments from the res iden ts . They look upon t h e i r apartment un i ts as the most acceptable feature of the p r o j e c t , although they consider pub l i c hous-ing pro jec ts as being the l e a s t favorable place to r a i s e c h i l d r e n . 183 C la re Cooper (1965), in her Richmond, C a l i f o r n i a study of Easter H i l l V i l l a g e pub l i c housing, found that more than h a l f of the res idents l i k e d l i v i n g there . Some features that contr ibuted to t h e i r 180 . Michael Young and Peter Wil.lmott, "Family,and Kinship in East London," in Wi l l iam Michelson's Man and His Urban Environment, op. c i t . , p. 188. 181 L. Cagel and I. Deutscher, "Housing Asp i ra t ions and Housing Acheivements: The Relocat ion of Poor F a m i l i e s , " in Nei l C. K a l t ' s and Sheldon S. Za lk ind ' s (eds.) Urban Problems: Psychological I n q u i r i e s , I b i d . , p. 146. 1 8 2 D . Wilmer, Walkley, R., P inkerton, T . , & Tayback, M., "The : Housing Environment, and Family L i f e , " in Nei l C. K a l t ' s and, Sheldon S. Za lk ind ' s (eds.) Urban Problems: Psychological I n q u i r i e s , I b i d . , p. 146. 183 C lare Cooper, Some Impl icat ions of House and S i te Plan Design  at Easter H i l l V i l l a g e : Un ive rs i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a I n s t i t u t e of Urban and Regional Development, 1965, p. 75. 101 s a t i s f a c t i o n were enclosed f ront porches, and f ront and back yards . Features they d i s l i k e d in the pro ject were poor c o n s t r u c t i o n ; poor mainte-nance; lack o f p r i v a c y ; and lack o f playgrounds. A general p r o f i l e of the p a r t i c u l a r a t t i tudes of people l i v i n g in low income areas that expla ins the behavior of some publ i c housing r e s i -dents i s provided in studies d i rec ted by Hartman (1963), F r ied (1963), Rainwater ( 1 9 6 6 ) , 1 8 6 and Gans ( 1 9 7 4 ) . 1 8 7 They suggest that the supported i n t e r a c t i o n between neighbors i s a determining f a c t o r in the apprec ia t ion of t h e i r neighborhood; the loss of neighbors and the r e l o c a t i o n of r e s i -dences creates a f e e l i n g of l o s t soc ia l and s p a t i a l i d e n t i t y , and t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l un i ts become s h e l t e r and freedom from the outs ide wor ld . Studies of the physica l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f pub l i c housing and t h e i r 188 r e s i d e n t s ' a t t i tudes and behavior by Yancey (1971) and Newman (1972, 189 1973) suggest tha t : the design of bu i ld ings and pro ject layout have an 184 Chester Hartman, "The L imi ta t ions of Publ ic Housing: Relocat ion Choice in a Working-Class Community," Journal df the American I n s t i t u t e of  Planners (1963): V o l . 24, p. 283-296. I pc Marc F r i e d , "Grieving For a Lost Home," in Leonard J . Duhl ( e d . ) , The Urban Condit ion (New York: Basic Books, 1963), p. 151-171. 186 Lee Rainwater, "Fear arid The House-as-Heaveri in the Lower C l a s s . " Journal o f the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners (1966): Vol 32, p. 23-31. 187 . Herbert Gans, "A Poor Man in His Poor House," in the New York  Times Magazine (1974): March 31; p. 58-60. 188 Wi l l iam Yancey, " A r c h i t e c t u r e , Interact ion and Socia l Con t ro l : The Case of a Large-Scale Publ i c Housing P r o j e c t , " Environment and  Behavior, 1971, 3, p. 7. 189 Oscar Newman, Defensib le Space (New York, MacMillan Publ ishing C o . , 1972). 102 impact on r e s i d e n t s ' sense of s e c u r i t y , i n t e r a c t i o n , and contro l of t h e i r t e r r i t o r y . Yancey's wr i t ing on Pru i t -Igoe pub l i c housing in St . L o u i s , Missouri emphasized the need in pub l i c housing for the development of i n f o r -mal networks of r e l a t i o n s h i p s and f a c i l i t i e s , maintaining soc ia l contact in the open space of the p r o j e c t s . He c a l l s i t "defens ib le space." 190 Oscar Newman (1973), a f t e r studying 165 pub l i c housing pro jects in New York C i t y , concluded that the behavior of res idents and the incidence of crime were re la ted to the p r o j e c t ' s l ayou t , and that the design of the bu i ld ings had an impact on the q u a l i t y o f l i f e in a p r o j e c t . He suggests that res idents withdraw from community l i f e because o f the undefined charac-t e r of the open space outs ide t h e i r u n i t s . Furthermore, he suggests that v io lence and petty crime can be eradicated from the pro ject by enforc ing the q u a l i t i e s o f the open space or "defens ib le space." Newman t a l k s of the c r e a t i o n o f a sense of ne ighbor! iness that f o s t e r s d i f f e r e n t types of a c t i v i t i e s and enforces s e c u r i t y and contro l in the p ro jec t . He suggests that de fens ib le space i s produced by three i n t e r a c t i n g features of des ign: One: the d e f i n i t i o n and d e l i n e a t i o n of the t e r r i t o r i e s in the p ro jec t and the percept ion , of res idents and o u t s i d e r s , o f the pub l i c open space as being part o f the r e s i d e n t s ' personal t e r r i t o r y ; the arrangement of the bu i ld ings on the s i t e s ; the use of physical and symbolic b a r r i e r s between pub l i c s t r e e t and semi-publ ic grounds of the p r o j e c t ; the use of low w a l l s , s toops, textures and entry p o r t a l s . Oscar Newman, "Defensible Space: Crime Prevention Through Urban Des ign," E k i s t i c s (1973), 36, p. 325-332. 1,03 Two: the f a c i l i t a t i n g o f natural o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r constant s u r v e i l l a n c e , from b u i l d i n g s and grounds, over the p u b l i c and semi-p r i v a t e spaces and paths by o r g a n i z i n g the p r o j e c t i n t o small recognizable c l u s t e r s ; l o c a t i n g b u i l d i n g entrances c l o s e to and f a c i n g the s t r e e t ; pro-v i d i n g good l i g h t i n g systems over paths and entrances; f a v o r i n g v i s i b i l i t y from the s t r e e t to e l e v a t o r entrances and l o b b i e s ; and o r i e n t i n g kitchen windows to b u i l d i n g entrances, p l a y areas and parking l o t s . Three: minimize r e s i d e n t s ' and o u t s i d e r s ' perception o f the i n s t i -t u t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r o f the p r o j e c t by b u i l d i n g two or t h r e e , r a t h e r than ten to twenty h i g h - r i s e b u i l d i n g s ; a v o i d i n g the use of m a t e r i a l t h a t c r e a t e s an i n s t i t u t i o n a l atmosphere, such as glazed t i l e s , mercury-vapor e x t e r i o r l i g h t i n g ; and p r o v i d i n g automobiles access to s t r e e t s w i t h i n the p r o j e c t . One more aspect o f p u b l i c housing t h a t r e l a t e d to s o c i a l and p h y s i -c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s the development of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and f r i e n d s h i p 192 between r e s i d e n t s . Deutsch and C o l l i n s (1952) reported on i n t e r r a c i a l p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s and concluded there were three c o n d i t i o n s that supported s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and f r i e n d s h i p . The ph y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p r o j e c t grounds and b u i l d i n g s provided o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n ; s i m i l a r concerns and pressures i n l i f e s t y l e s were shared (economic c o n d i t i o n s , management r u l e s , and segregation from the community); the enforced s o c i a l contact between i n d i v i d u a l s by the pr o x i m i t y o f t h e i r u n i t s was supported by the management p o l i c y o f i n t e r r a c i a l mix. Morton Deutsch and Mary Evans C o l l i n s , Op. c i t . , p. 84. 10.4 In summing up the studies on publ ic housing res idents and low income res idents of pr ivate dwe l l ings , t h e i r a t t i tudes and behavior sug-gest that community f ee l i ngs towards publ ic housing are mostly negat ive , while f o r some of the tenants , i t i s a favorable s i t u a t i o n , with some reserva t ions . These a t t i tudes vary , depending on the extent to which project and neighborhood res idents fee l t h e i r homes are s a f e , and soc ia l networks have evo lved. These f ind ings a lso ou t l i ne design recommendations that have useful app l i ca t i ons fo r e x i s t i n g and future pub l i c housing and commercial housing p r o j e c t s . The causes of f a i l u r e . o f some pub l i c housing projects seem to be the inadequate q u a l i t y of the open space with in the pro ject which a f f e c t s r e s i d e n t s ' soc ia l behavior; layout and design of bu i ld ings which produce a negative impact on the development of soc ia l networks, s a f e t y , and con-t r o l o f the t e r r i t o r i a l i t y of uni ts and grounds; and an i n s t i t u t i o n a l and d e t e r i o r a t i n g image of the whole housing p r o j e c t . D. Conclusions of -the Search As derived from the l i t e r a t u r e sources prev ious ly discussed and p a r t i c u l a r l y emphasized in pub l i c housing s t u d i e s , the in tegra t ion of a project in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment depends on more than the s a t i s f a c -t i o n o f people 's phys ica l needs. It i s the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of s o c i a l , physica l and behavioral f a c t o r s , in the c rea t ion of r e s i d e n t i a l environments, that contr ibute to enr ich the 105. i n d i v i d u a l ' s personal and communal l i f e . These sources of "relatedness" and " c o n t i n u i t y " combine with environmental f a c t o r s to i n t e g r a t e a p r o j e c t with i t s surroundings and enhance the q u a l i t y of urban l i f e . In order to focus the development of the research methodology i n Chapter I I I , i t i s necessary to define the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and i n t e r -r e l a t i o n s h i p s of the i n d i v i d u a l s ' s p a t i a l behavior and the s o c i o - s p a t i a l context upon which the d i r e c t research should be b u i l t . The l i t e r a t u r e suggest that p r o j e c t and neighborhood contexts have s i m i l a r i t i e s i n t h e i r i n t e r n a l s p a t i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , such as: the d e f i n i -t i o n of a s p a t i a l h i e r a r c h y of places and t e r r i t o r i e s ; the development of a s p a t i a l network of m o b i l i t y ; and the s p a t i a l i d e n t i t y of centres of a c t i v i t y . These s i m i l a r i t i e s are complementary and emphasize an order of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , s a f e t y , and c o n t r o l w i t h i n a p r o j e c t and between pro-j e c t and neighborhood. The l i t e r a t u r e f u r t h e r suggests t h a t w i t h i n the p r o j e c t ' s s o c i o - s p a t i a l context there i s an o r g a n i z i n g system of the p r o j e c t ' s open space, the c l u s t e r . Although some a t t e n t i o n i s given to i t s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , i t i s not considered a component alone, due to i t s being p h y s i c a l l y part of the p r o j e c t . However, the c l u s t e r , since i t has a m i c r o - s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environment of i t s own and i s e q u a l l y a f f e c t e d by i n d i v i d u a l ' s s p a t i a l behavior, could be con-sidered a s o c i o - s p a t i a l context w i t h i n the p r o j e c t . Thus, the p r o j e c t ' s s o c i o - s p a t i a l context can be consf'der.ed as being both i n t e r n a l l y defined by the c l u s t e r , and e x t e r n a l l y a f f e c t e d by the neighborhood context. The c l u s t e r i t s e l f may become a s o c i a l u n i t of i n t e r a c t i o n i n v o l v i n g small groups w i t h i n the p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g . But i f i t i s used to e s t a b l i s h the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the p r o j e c t ' s open space, i t becomes a s p a t i a l concept a f f e c t i n g the i n d i v i d u a l s ' s p a t i a l behavior and maintaining c o n t i n u i t y 106. throughout the p r o j e c t . There fore , the l e v e l s of i n t e r a c t i o n in the r e s i d e n t i a l context can be considered as being def ined by c l u s t e r , pro ject (at the l o c a l l e v e l ) , and neighborhood (at the urban l e v e l ) . S i m i l a r l y , the l i t e r a t u r e points out the l i m i t a t i o n s of cons ider ing homogeneity as soc ia l f ac to rs a lone , c reat ing or r e t r e a t i n g from soc ia l contact and re la tedness . People's a t t i tudes and behavior a r e , in many cases , in f luenced by perceived d i f f e r e n c e s , and soc ia l c l a ss i s the most i n f l u e n t i a l . However, soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n i s complementary to a physical s e t t i n g , which fos te rs i n t e r a c t i o n . Indiv idual spat ia l behavior i s considered in terms of mob i l i t y and s t a t i c a c t i v i t i e s . It i s supported p r i m a r i l y by the physica l c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s of the open space between b u i l d i n g s . It i s a lso in f luenced by the physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f that space. The i n t e r r e l a t i o n of the s o c i o - s p a t i a l and behavioral f ac to rs determines soc ia l re latedness and spa t i a l cont inu i ty between people and p laces , and between c l u s t e r s , p ro jec t ( loca l l e v e l ) and neighborhood (urban l e v e l ) . There fore , the focus of the research should bu i l d upon the theore t i ca l and p r a c t i c a l f ind ings of the l i t e r a t u r e as a funct iona l framework of reference fo r d i r e c t research . It should be or iented to i d e n t i f y i n g and e v a l u a t i n g , in the r e s i d e n t i a l context , the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the organ izat ion of the open space, i n d i -v i d u a l ' s a c t i v i t y , and soc ia l a t t i t u d e s . Furthermore, i t should i d e n t i f y the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the connections between l e v e l s of i n t e r a c t i o n and, by de ta i l ed research , e s t a b l i s h the impact of i n d i v i d u a l s ' spa t ia l behavior and soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n on those connections in order to i d e n t i f y causes of d i s c o n t i n u i t y and segregation between l e v e l s of i n t e r a c t i o n . 10.7* S i m i l a r l y , th i s framework should be access ib le to a r c h i t e c t s , p lanners , or anyone involved in the design or redesign of r e s i d e n t i a l environments and t h e i r b u i l d i n g s . It should be re la ted to the Urban Design Process in order to achieve a p r o j e c t ' s urban f i t ( cont inu i ty and re la tedness) . In c o n c l u s i o n , the l i t e r a t u r e search suggests that the in tegra t ion of a project with i t s surrounding community depends on how well both soc ia l and physica l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the pro ject harmonize and i t s res idents r e l a t e and become connected to the e x i s t i n g community. It a lso emphasizes the potent ia l f o r a c t i v i t i e s in the open, pub l i c and semi-publ ic spaces as an ac t ive l i n k between people and p l a c e s , pro ject and community. 108 CHAPTER III RESEARCH FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY Introduct ion Chapter III develops a research methodology for i d e n t i f y i n g and evaluat ing the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between project and proximate community, in soc ia l and physical terms, which lead to soc ia l segregation and spa t i a l d i s c o n t i n u i t y , and i t proposes design a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r t h e i r c o r r e c t i o n . These methods and f i n d i n g s are intended to be implemented as part of an urban design strategy to bring about the in tegra t ion of any urban r e s i d e n t i a l pro ject with i t s surrounding community context . 1. Research Framework The focus of the research in Chapter II es tab l i shed three main areas of study. One, s o c i a l , focussed on people 's a t t i t u d e s ( i . e . , between res idents of the pro ject and proximate community); two, p h y s i c a l , focussed on the open space c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the project and proximate community context ; and three , focussed on the interact ion between open space and i n d i v i d u a l s ' a c t i v i t i e s , and t h e i r funct ion of r e l a t i n g people and l i n k i n g p laces . Thus i t i s the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of these three components in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment that help to blend a pro ject with the e x i s t i n g community. These are the elements on which the research framework has been developed. In developing the framework fo r research and eva lua t ion , two approaches were combined: an Urban Design Strategy for research , and an 109 Environmental Design E v a l u a t i o n f o r o r g a n i z a t i o n . 2. Urban Design Strategy Following the p r a c t i c e of urban planning, the Urban Design Strategy was used to e s t a b l i s h the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l and p h y s i c a l framework of the urban context where the study cases were l o c a t e d . The emphasis of the urban s t r a t e g y was focussed on determining the community p r o f i l e i n planning and phy s i c a l terms, and on i d e n t i f y i n g the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the open space surrounding, the study case. In order to complement the community p r o f i l e with the a t t i t u d e s of i t s r e s i d e n t s towards the p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s , two e x i s t i n g r e p o r t s on the community perception of p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s i n the C i t y of Vancouver were u t i l i z e d . One was prepared by the S o c i a l Planning 1 2 Department of Vancouver C i t y H a l l , and the second, an unpublished paper, was prepared by the author. The reference to an urban design approach i n s e t t i n g the frame of the research was e s s e n t i a l i n developing an understanding of the community urban i s s u e s . Although urban design comprises the management of the environmental q u a l i t i e s of both form and open space, i n t h i s framework p a r t i c u l a r emphasis has been given to the open space use and d e f i n i t i o n . John 01 sen, Nancy Jackson and E l a i n e S t o r y , P u b l i c Housing i n the  Community. Report sponsored by the C i t y of Vancouver, Dept. of S o c i a l Planning and Community Development, B r i t i s h Columbia Housing Management Commission, and Vancouver Board of Parks and P u b l i c R ecreation, Vancouver, B.C.: 1972. Alfonso L. Tejada, Community Patterns i n the South Sector of  Strathcona, Unpublished paper, U.B.C., School of A r c h i t e c t u r e , A p r i l , 1979. n o While the cogn i t i ve and perceptual c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of man assoc iated with the environment are complementary to the scope of the research (they would d iscuss preferences and q u a l i t i e s of the b u i l t form), they are beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s . 3. Environmental Design Evaluat ion The use o f Environmental Design Evaluat ion was essent i a l i n f a c i l i t a t i n g the general and de ta i l ed ana lys i s of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n between people, and people and open space. In other words, Environmental Design Evaluat ion helped to conceptual ize the un i ts and l e v e l s of i n t e r a c t i o n in the environment, to analyze them and to i d e n t i f y the causes of segregation and d i s c o n t i n u i t y between them. Thus, Environmental Design Evaluat ion aided with d i r e c t observat ion in the p r o j e c t s , and helped to analyze and i d e n t i f y the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the open space as i t was used or a f fec ted by people 's a c t i v i t y and m o b i l i t y , and as i t d iver ted soc ia l contact , a c t i v i t y and m o b i l i t y . Environmental Design Evaluat ion was chosen because of the adapta-b i l i t y of i t s framework fo r research and o rgan iza t ion . The s t ructure of t h i s model i s represented in Figure 1 in a f i v e - p a r t conceptual scheme, and i s fol lowed by the desc r ip t i on of i t s content , as proposed by Friedman, Zimring and Zube 3 (1978). The combining of both approaches, the Urban Design Ana lys i s of the community and p ro jec t , and the Environmental Design Evaluat ion of the open Arnold Friedmann, Craig Zimring and Erv in Zube, Environmental  Design Evaluat ion (N.Y. : Plenum Press , 1978), p. 6. I l l SOCIAL HISTORICAL CONTEXT Figure 1 . Environmental Design Evaluation Model S o c i a l H i s t o r i c a l Context This concept r e f e r s to the l a r g e s o c i e t y i n which one must consider l a r g e - s c a l e s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i c y issues such as changes i n unemploy-ment l e v e l s and demographic p r o f i l e s . Proximate Environmental Context The ambient q u a l i t i e s , land use c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , neighborhood q u a l i t i e s that surround the s e t t i n g . The Design A c t i v i t y The a c t i v i t y of the designer i n response to r e g u l a t o r y agencies, c l i e n t s , u sers, e t c . , r e s u l t s i n the f i n a l design of the s e t t i n g . The S e t t i n g Is understood as the s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l a t t r i b u t e s of the p r o j e c t being evaluated on s i t e . The User Refers to an understanding of the background, needs and behavior of people who are involved with the s e t t i n g . 112-s p a c e ' s u se s and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , was h e l p f u l i n i d e n t i f y i n g t h e l o c a t i o n o f s e r v e r e d l i n k s o f c o n t i n u i t y and m o b i l i t y . B o t h a p p r o a c h e s were u s e f u l i n i d e n t i f y i n g t h e c a u s e s o f s o c i a l s e g r e g a t i o n w i t h i n t h e p r o j e c t s ' doma ins ( c l u s t e r s ) and between p r o j e c t s and p r o x i m a t e communi ty c o n t e x t . 4 . R e s e a r c h S t r u c t u r e In t h e f o l l o w i n g two d i a g r a m s t h e components o f t h e r e s e a r c h f r a m e -work a r e summar i zed and t h e p r o c e s s o f t h e r e s e a r c h s t r u c t u r e i s o u t l i n e d ( s ee F i g u r e s 2 and 3 ) . In F i g u r e 2 t h e U rban D e s i g n S t r a t e g y i s o u t l i n e d , w h i l e i n F i g u r e 3 t h e r e s e a r c h model i s c o n c e p t u a l i z e d i n i t s t o t a l i t y and i n t o dependen t r e s e a r c h m o d e l s . The u se o f t h e ' F i t ' t e rm w i t h i n t h i s f ramework r e f e r s t o t h e i n t e r -c o n n e c t i o n t h a t s h o u l d e x i s t between d i f f e r e n t components i n a sys tem i n o r d e r t o become p a r t o f t h e same s y s t e m . T h u s , p r o j e c t u rban f i t and p r o j e c t f i t o r g a n i z a t i o n emphas i z e t h e i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n t h a t s h o u l d be a c h i e v e d o r t h a t e x i s t s i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e communi ty and w i t h i n t h e p r o j e c t i t s e l f . P h y s i c a l s e t t i n g r e f e r s t o t h e ' i d e n t i f i e d p l a c e o f d i v e r t e d i n t e r -a c t i o n w h i c h r e q u i r e s p a r t i c u l a r s t u d y and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f i t s componen t s . 113 ACTORS, PARTICIPANTS derived from l i t e r a t u r e search PEOPLE-OPEN SPACE-BUILT ENVIRONMENT Levels of I n t e r a c t i o n : 1. Community 2. P r o j e c t 3. C l u s t e r RESEARCH MODEL FOR ENVIRONMENT DESIGN EVALUATION Socio 1 User Proximate Environmental Context X Design A c t i v i t y S e t t i n g H i s t o r i c a l Context URBAN DESIGN STRATEGY Goals 1. 2. 3. P r o j e c t Urban F i t P r o j e c t F i t Organization Patterns For Redesign. Objectives Develop an urban f i t f o r the p r o j e c t withthe neighborhood Develop an i n t e r n a l f i t f o r the p r o j e c t and i t s parts ( c l u s t e r s ) Study s p e c i f i c cases of p e r i p h e r a l and i n t e r n a l c l u s t e r s where the f u n c t i o n of the open space and the users' a c t i v i t i e s c o n f l i c t and f u r t h e r develop a s e r i e s of patt e r n s f o r improve-ment of these c l u s t e r s . 1. 2. 3. Research Focus 1. Urban i n t e g r a t i o n of the p r o j e c t 2. P r o j e c t f u n c t i o n a b i l i t y 3. Urban and p r o j e c t patterns of c o n t i n u i t y and f u n c t i o n . Areas of A n a l y s i s 1. People's A t t i t u d e s 2. People's A c t i v i t y . 3. Open Space D e f i n i t i o n . 4. Open Space C o n t i n u i t y . L e v e l s of I n t e r p r e t a t i o n 1. Community 2. P r o j e c t 3. C l u s t e r Figure 2. Components of Research Framework 114 A - ACTORS P e o p l e i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h t h e b u i l t e n v i r o nmen t a t t h r e e l e v e l s o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : Communi ty , P r o j e c t , C l u s t e r P e o p l e I n t e r a c t i o n B u i l t E nv i r onmen t Open Space S o c i a l and P h y s i c a l I n t e r -a c t i o n B u i l d i n g s and Open Space Open Space s u s t a i n i n g i n d i -v i d u a l a c t i v i t i e s RESEARCH MODEL FOR ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN EVALUATION Use r 1 1 P r o x i m a t e E n v i r o n m e n t a l C o n t e x t K Des i gn A c t i v i t y S e t t i n g S o c i o - H i s t o r i c a l C o n t e x t RESEARCH MODEL Community — P r o j e c t C l u s t e r _ v P e o p l e ^ _ ' ( U s e r ) v P r o x i m a t e E n v i r o n m e n t a l C o n t e x t ( S e t t i n g ) B u i l d i n g s & 7 0 p e n S p a c e ^ -D - RESEARCH INDEPENDENT MODELS I - P r o j e c t Urban F i t r^ > P e o p l e < Ne i ghbo rhood P r o j e c t 1^  ^ O p e n z jT Space D e s i g n A c t i v i t y I P h y s i c a l & S o c i a l I n t e r p r e t a t i o n I I - P r o j e c t F i t O r g a n i z a t i o n — > P e o p l e ^ P r o j e c t C l u s t e r J vOpen , . 7 S pa c ed I I I - P h y s i c a l S e t t i n g s ( P a t t e r n f o r R e d e s i g n ) j- 7 P e o p l e < ^ C l u s t e r Open ^_ M o b i l i t y S t a t i c A c t i v i t i e s Space F i g u r e 3 . R e s e a r c h S t r u c t u r e P r o c e s s 115 5. Summary of Research Methods and  Levels of Implementation Three research methods are implemented i n t h i s study: Community and P r o j e c t S i t e A n a l y s i s : Community planning p r o f i l e and r e s i d e n t s ' p r o f i l e , a n a l y s i s of p l a c e s , and d i r e c t observation of the open space. Documented Sources: S o c i a l planning r e p o r t and author's unpub-l i s h e d paper. D i r e c t Observation: M o b i l i t y count, seasonal use of outdoor spaces, and d e v i a t i n g a c t i v i t i e s of people. S i m i l a r l y , there are three l e v e l s of implementation i n the research framework: community, p r o j e c t and c l u s t e r . Thus, the t o t a l scope and focus of the research framework has been organized i n Figure 4. The f i r s t l e v e l of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the research i s the F i t of the P r o j e c t w i t h the Community. The second l e v e l of f i t i s the p r o j e c t ' s i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . In both cases, the main a c t o r s i n the research are People and Open Space. The types of i n t e r a c t i o n to be analysed are People's A t t i t u d e s , M o b i l i t y , and Open Space's D e f i n i t i o n and C o n t i n u i t y . The focus of the f i r s t l e v e l of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the res e a r c h , (community f i t ) i s to e s t a b l i s h a general understanding of the p r o j e c t as i t i s perceived by the community and as i t i s p h y s i c a l l y r e l a t e d to the surrounding context. The second l e v e l of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , (the p r o j e c t f i t ) describes the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the i n t e r n a l layout o f the project's.open space. I t i s at t h i s second l e v e l of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that the e f f e c t s of the i n t e r a c t i o n between people and the open space i s narrowed down to i d e n t i f y 11'6 Community F i t Focus: To Ident i f y People A t t i tudes & M o b i l i t y C o n f l i c t s Open Space D e f i n i t i o n & Cont inu i ty D i scont inu i ty Scope: To Develop. Patterns fo r Integrat ion Project F i t Organizat ion Focus: To Ident i fy People A c t i v i t i e s & M o b i l i t y C o n f ! i c t s Open Space D e f i n i t i o n & Cont inu i ty D i scont inu i ty Scope: To Develop-Se lec t ion of C lusters f o r Deta i led Ana lys i s (Physical Sett ing) Deta i led Ana lys i s of Physical Set t ings User: Resident & Outsider S e t t i n g : Selected C lus ter A c t i v i t y : M o b i l i t y & S t a t i c A c t i v i t y Proximate Context: Project & C luster Scope: To Develop Patterr f o r Redesign Figure 4. Research Leve ls : Focus and Scope 117 areas i n which t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n does not occur. Therefore, the t h i r d l e v e l of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the res e a r c h , ( p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g ) takes place a t the c l u s t e r l e v e l due to i t s s p e c i f i c character and d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s . At both the second and t h i r d l e v e l s of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n the main focus of the researched i s M o b i l i t y . At the second l e v e l , m o b i l i t y patterns determine the areas i n the p r o j e c t where c o n f l i c t s a r i s e . At the t h i r d l e v e l , m o b i l i t y patterns and the a c t i v i t i e s of people are s p e c i f i c a l l y analyzed as they a f f e c t the open space i n the P h y s i c a l S e t t i n g s . 6. Research Phases The o r g a n i z a t i o n of the research i s d i v i d e d i n t o four phases: Phase I: D e s c r i p t i v e A n a l y s i s of the Proximate Community Environ-ment- and I t s Open Space. Phase I I : D e s c r i p t i v e A n a l y s i s of P r o j e c t C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and Open Space Or g a n z i a t i o n . Phase I I I : D e s c r i p t i v e A n a l y s i s of S p a t i a l M o b i l i t y and Use of the Open Space. Phase IV: D e s c r i p t i v e A n a l y s i s of Ph y s i c a l S e t t i n g s , a) Phase I : Proximate Community Environment and I t s Open Space Phase I introduces the most r e l e v a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the surrounding s o c i a l f a b r i c i n the neighborhood and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p with the p r o j e c t . I t de s c r i b e s the morphological o r g a n i z a t i o n of the open space and i t s uses, as determined by pedestrian and v e h i c u l a r m o b i l i t y . I t describes the community a t t i t u d e s toward p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s and o u t l i n e s a general s o c i a l p r o f i l e of the p r o j e c t r e s i d e n t s . 118 b) Phase I I : Project C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and Open Space Organizat ion This phase i s focussed almost e x c l u s i v e l y on the phys ica l charac-t e r i s t i c s of the p r o j e c t ' s open space and i t s r e s i d e n t s ' p r o f i l e . It employs s i t e a n a l y s i s , open space organ izat ion and a de ta i l ed a n a l y s i s of pr ivacy and t e r r i t o r i a l i t y at the i n t e r f a c e of un i ts and open space. c) Phase I I I : M o b i l i t y and Use of the Open Space In t h i s phase a c t i v i t i e s and pedestr ian m o b i l i t y through the project are analyzed in terms of f low i n t e n s i t y and the grouping of a c t i v i t i e s in the open space. A s e l e c t i v e ana lys i s of the areas in the pro ject with representat ive c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the i n t e r a c t i o n occurr ing between people and open space i s organized into a group of physical s e t t i n g s . d) Phase IV: Physical Set t ing The s e l e c t i o n of physica l se t t ings in Phase III i s analyzed and f u r t h e r extended into a microscopic sca le of research ( c l u s t e r s ) . The a n a l y s i s of phys ica l se t t ings i s based on a c h e c k l i s t o f points organized in four ca tegor ies : - Physical C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s - C i r c u l a t i o n and M o b i l i t y - V isual Control and Spat ia l T e r r i t o r i a l i t y - Summary The above categor ies conclude with a summary and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of each se t t ing studied, C •-. * -In Chapter VI a se r i es of recommendations to be used as Urban Design Guide l ines in the r e i n t e g r a t i o n of publ ic housing pro jects to the urban context or simply to be used as design gu ide l ines to develop housing* projects that f i t with the community context and i t s res idents are presented. n-9 7. Proximate Community Environment  and i t s Open Space a) . Research Phase I: D e s c r i p t i v e Information of the P r o j e c t s and  t h e i r Surroundings—Proximate Community Environment and i t s  Open Space R e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h the Study Cases In Phase I the urban r e l a t i o n s h i p between p r o j e c t and community i s researched under three c a t e g o r i e s : - Community Fa b r i c - Community P h y s i c a l Frame - Community A t t i t u d e s i ) The community f a b r i c . This r e f e r s to the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r s shaping the urban c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the community i n which the p r o j e c t i s l o c a t e d . In order to p i n p o i n t the proximate community surrounding the p r o j e c t , the urban c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are narrowed down to a comprehensive se c t o r of the community as i t i s defined by community plan i n c i t y zoning. Thus the community f a b r i c w i l l introduce the most r e l e v a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the s e c t o r * i n which the p r o j e c t i s l o c a t e d , i . e . , p o p u l a t i o n , age, income and d e n s i t y . Here are some of the d e f i n i t i o n s employed: R e s i d e n t i a l Q u a l i t y - Housing age, stock and ownership C i t y Development Control - Zoning and land uses Community F a c i l i t i e s - Services and i n s t i t u t i o n s * Sector: A s p e c i f i c community i s g e n e r a l l y sub-divided i n t o smaller areas which have independent names and boundaries of t h e i r own, u s u a l l y r e c o g n i z a b l e by t h e i r c h a r a c t e r and image to the r e s t of the community. These small defined areas w i t h i n a community's boundaries are c a l l e d s e c t o r s . 120 The main elements of the community f a b r i c present a socio-economic c r o s s - s e c t i o n of the community populat ion and bu i ld up an image of the q u a l i t y and character of the l i v i n g environment in the neighborhood where the study cases are loca ted . Although the socio-economic p r o f i l e of the community does not represent s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s fo r each one of i t s r e s i d e n t s , the s t a t i s t i c a l f i g u r e s g ive percentages f o r age, group, income, ownership, which are representat ive of t h e i r l i f e s t y l e . By i n t e r p r e t i n g them, i t i s poss ib le to obtain an accurate understanding of the predominant groups in the community as well as t h e i r l i f e - s t y l e needs, i . e . , large groups of f a m i l i e s with ch i l d ren w i l l need more c h i l d - o r i e n t e d f a c i l i t i e s , such as schools , nu rs e r i e s , than a group of seniors or f a m i l i e s without c h i l d r e n . S i m i l a r l y , the character o f the l i v i n g environment can be es tab l i shed by the age of the housing stock, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of ownership, l o ca t ion of schoo ls , i n s t i t u t i o n s , industry and commercial f a c i l i t i e s . Zoning d e n s i t i e s and occupied dwel l ings provide enough information to evaluate the character of the community which could be low or high dens i t y , mostly owners l i v i n g in the neighborhood or mostly renters . Zoning and land use produce another piece of information that i s essent i a l in i n t e r p r e t i n g the poss ib le expansion of the present community boundaries and the growth of any s p e c i f i c land use in to the surrounding communities. For example, community land use may be a l l or p a r t i a l l y zoned as r e s i d e n t i a l while the boundaries determined fo r t h i s community may be i n d u s t r i a l , commercial or a mixture of a l l of them. However, the . c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these boundaries may be a f fec ted or re in forced by the e x i s t i n g character of the community. 121 In determining the character of a community, i t i s essent ia l to analyze the community's edges c a r e f u l l y i f they border on d i f f e r e n t zoning and land uses. The potent ia l development or i n tegra t ion of a community f a b r i c depends, among many other f a c t o r s , on the degree to which these boundaries are compatible. The comprehensive ana lys i s of the community f a b r i c i s a helpfu l tool in physica l and soc ia l p lanning. It can produce a r e a l i s t i c p r o f i l e of people 's l i f e s t y l e s , needs and l i m i t a t i o n s , serv ices and f a c i l i t i e s a v a i l a b l e in the a rea , the poss ib le d i r e c t i o n s of community growth, and land capac i ty to suta in a l i v i n g environment. i i ) The community phys ica l frame. Th is r e f e r s to the organ izat ion of open space and to the l oca t ion of a c t i v i t y nodes and t h e i r connecting systems with in the res t of the community. The community phys ica l frame descr ibes the morphological organ iza-t i o n of the open space, g r id and block, within the community context and the general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the bu i ld ing typology. The community phys ica l frame a lso presents the pedestr ian and veh icu lar m o b i l i t y outs ide and within the s e c t o r ' s boundaries and the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the open space in terms of v i sua l connectors and physical l i n k s . The community physica l frame's purpose i s to e s t a b l i s h the physical c h a r a c t e r i s i t c s of the sector where the study i s undertaken and to def ine the e x i s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s between open space and people a c t i v i t y in the community. The physica l frame re fe rs a lso to the r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t i n g between open space and the massing of b u i l d i n g s . The open space i s the product of the subd iv i s ion and assembly of land in an urban context , represented by the g r i d , while the massing of bu i ld ings i s understood as the b u i l t form on 122 the assembled land (b locks) . The community physica l frame c l a s s i f i e s the character of the systems of i n t e r a c t i o n in the sector that generates con t inu i ty and l inkage in the open space, i . e . , v i sua l c o r r i d o r s and o r i en t ing s t r e e t s , br idges , e t c . It a lso depends on various f a c t o r s shaping i t s form and character through the years . The morphological development of the urban context , the topographic nature of the a r e a , the subd iv i s ion of land and i t s uses, and the typology of bu i ld ings constructed on the subdivided land create the character of the b u i l t form in the community context . Changes a f f e c t i n g the morphological development of the urban context must f i n d ways to maintain l i n k s with the ex i s t ing character and form of the surrounding context . Thus, the open space between b u i l d i n g s , parce ls of land and channels of m o b i l i t y are the means by which the morphological characters of the community context can be traced and understood for future development. While the gr id i s the organiz ing pattern that d i r e c t s growth and c o n t i n u i t y in the urban context , the open space in the community context has d i f f e r e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s according to i t s usage. The most common are publ i c open spaces and pr ivate open spaces, such as s t r e e t s , parks and play areas ( p u b l i c ) , and f ront and back yards of res idences ( p r i v a t e ) . However, there are other types of open spaces, such as the c o n t r o l l e d publ i c space in a community f a c i l i t y , a schoo l , sports f i e l d or play a rea , and the publ ic v isua l c o r r i d o r s def ined by the edges of bu i ld ings and the topographic features of the community. These four charac te r i za t i ons of open space as p u b l i c , p r i v a t e , c o n t r o l l e d and v i sua l c o r r i d o r support a f i f t h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of open space, as a pedestr ian connector throughout the community. The conjunction of the 123 f i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of open space create the mult i-system of connectors and l i n k s in the community context and re in fo rce the character of pedestr ian networks at the points where the community gr id meet the publ ic housing p ro jec t . i i i ) The community a t t i t u d e s . The community a t t i t u d e s and percep-t ions of publ ic housing projects from the community point of view are drawn mostly from those i n d i v i d u a l s who l i v e near pub l i c housing projects and those others who work or have contact with pub l i c housing r e s i d e n t s . The community a t t i tudes toward pub l i c housing pro jec ts genera l l y focus on the p o s i t i v e or negative reac t ion that i s t r iggered by the degree of soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n between res idents of pub l i c housing and the neighborhood in the immediate proximity to those publ ic housing p r o j e c t s . Analyzing community a t t i tudes toward publ ic housing i s a very extensive area of study and a very complicated f i e l d of evaluat ion since i t invo lves a well programmed research technique and a well t ra ined soc ia l science researcher to weigh the f i nd ings and come up with unbiased con-c l u s i o n s . Consequently, in Phase I community a t t i tudes toward pub l i c housing pro jects w i l l be used as background in format ion , rather than a key source, in i d e n t i f y i n g soc ia l a t t i tudes between the community and pub l i c housing p r o j e c t s . The research on community a t t i tudes w i l l be based on two studies made between 1972 and 1979. The 1972 study i s a comprehensive report on Vancouver Publ ic Housing and the Community, prepared under the auspices of the Vancouver Soc ia l Planning Department and the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation (C .M.H.C .) . The 1979 study i s part of an unpublished 124 paper by the author on the community c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the south sector of Strathcona i n the C i t y of Vancouver where two of the p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s under study are l o c a t e d . The research i s based on a s e r i e s of open-ended in t e r v i e w s with a few people l i v i n g near the p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s and i n d i v i d u a l s whose work i n the community or i n the p r o j e c t has brought them i n contact w i t h p u b l i c housing r e s i d e n t s : community centre p e r s o n a l , s o c i a l workers, a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , c a r e t a k e r s , p o l i c e , school teachers, e t c . The 1979 research i s comprised of a s e l e c t e d group of i n t e r v i e w s r a t h e r than a systematic research and e v a l u a t i o n . Consequently, :the f i n a l weighing of the i n t e r v i e w s l a c k s a measurable s c i e n t i f i c base. The f i n d i n g s have some relevance, however, since they represent a l o n g i t u d i n a l measure of community and p r o f e s s i o n a l a t t i t u d e s toward p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s with a seven year lapse between s t u d i e s . At t h i s p o i n t i t i s important to e s t a b l i s h the r e l a t i o n s h i p that both surveys have to each other. The 1979 survey was made without know-ledge of the 1972 survey; thus, the format and scope d i f f e r between them. I t was not u n t i l the e a r l y months of 1980, when searching f o r information r e l a t e d to p u b l i c housing r e s i d e n t s , that the 1972 r e p o r t on P u b l i c Housing and the Community came to my a t t e n t i o n . My i n t e r e s t s i n the south sector of Strathcona o r i g i n a t e d w i t h two s t u d i e s I conducted i n 1977 and 1979. The f i r s t was a c h r o n o l o g i c a l study of the growth and development of Strathcona and the second a comprehensive a n a l y s i s of the community's i n t e r a c t i n g patterns with the surrounding communities. Both st u d i e s r a i s e d i n t e r e s t i n g questions and the issues r e l a t e d to the redevelopment and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of t h i s area became a strong focus of i n t e r e s t . 125 E c l i p s i n g the redevelopment issues in Strathcona was the soc ia l and c u l t u r a l homogenity of the people l i v i n g in t h i s area which was a l t e red by the soc ia l d i f f e r e n c e s between the community and the two ex i s t ing publ i c housing p r o j e c t s . Thus the in tent ion of the 1979 study was to set an informed c r i t e r i a of the major issues a f f e c t i n g the community and the publ i c housing p r o j e c t s ' r e l a t i o n s h i p . In a se r i es of open ended interv iews, I f i r s t t r i e d to i d e n t i f y the p o s i t i v e and negative a t t i tudes of the community toward the two pub l i c housing pro jec ts in the area , McLean Park and Raymur P lace . Second, I sought to i n v e s t i g a t e the degree of in f luence that the phys ica l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these two pub l i c housing pro jec ts have in shaping the community a t t i t u d e s . In the 1979 unorganized observat ions 15 i n d i v i d u a l s were interviewed whose work was re la ted to the community in terms of serv ices and f a c i l i t i e s , who l i v e d in the community, or who worked in the publ i c housing p r o j e c t s . The people interviewed were c l a s s i f i e d according to the kind of work they did or t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the community. Six groups were e s t a b l i s h e d : 1) soc ia l workers, 2) community center d i r e c t o r s , 3) pub l i c housing managers, 4) school a u t h o r i t i e s , 5) po l i ce o f f i c e r s in the area , and 6) neighborhood r e s i d e n t s . The interviews were conducted in a very casual way, each l a s t i n g between 30 minutes to over an hour. Only a few of the interv iews were recorded due to oppos i t ion from the respondents. Mostly notes were taken from which..the interviews were reconstructed . I t i s important to make note of the l i m i t a t i o n s of t h i s survey. The groups surveyed were representat ive of only a small sect ion of the community and the information gathered did not al low an evaluat ion of the respondents' op in ions . 126 The length of the interviews and the open-ended format of the top i cs d i scussed , however, allowed me to penetrate into the respondents' understanding of the community s t ructure as well as to i d e n t i f y t h e i r b iases . Once I sensed the respondent's pos i t ion I focussed on the a t t i t u d e that he/she adopted in d i scuss ing the physical and soc ia l issues that were ra ised in r e l a t i o n to the publ ic housing projects in the area . The format of the 1979 survey was unstructured while the 1972 report was methodica l ly formulated. The scope of t h i s report i s very comprehensive and analyzes , in d e t a i l , var ious a s p e c t s o f publ ic housing p r o j e c t s , such as : Project C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; Family C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; Community Re la t ions ; and Recreat ional Behavior, as they ex is ted at that time in the C i t y of Vancouver. The sect ion e n t i t l e d Community Relat ions w i l l be extracted from the 1972 report and used l a t e r to present documented data of community a t t i tudes toward publ i c housing p ro jec t s . The Community Relat ions f ind ings are based on the ana lys i s of three a t t i t u d i n a l surveys: 1) Neighborhood At t i tudes Survey; 2) Pro fess iona ls A t t i tudes Survey; and 3) Groups and Projects A t t i t u d i n a l Survey. In the Neighborhood At t i tudes Survey (1972) a to ta l of 280 households l i v i n g in four d i f f e r e n t neighborhoods near the housing.projects were -interviewed. - The. four neighborhoods chosen were those near the. L i t t l e Mountain, Orchard Park, Skeena Terrace and Collounden Court publ ic . housing p r o j e c t s . The neighborhood survey covered an area of approximately 500 house-holds with a target of 70 randomly se lected households per neighborhood. One ind iv idua l per household was interviewed with the minimum age set at 10. 127 The format of the survey was designed around 31 questions covering . var ious aspects o f publ ic housing environment, res ident needs, pro ject f a c i l i t i e s , and community i n t e r a c t i o n . In t h i s survey only 8 out of the 31 questions dea l t with the degree of i n t e r a c t i o n between publ i c housing projects and the proximate community. The survey's focus covered two aspects of the communities' a t t i t u d e s : 1) Recreational Behavior and 2) Publ ic Housing Impact on Adjacent Neighborhoods. The eva luat ion of the survey cons isted of a comparative ana lys i s of pub l i c housing res idents and those l i v i n g in t h e i r p r o x i m i t i e s . Unfortunate ly , the evaluat ing system was only used to weigh the data from 1) Recreational Behavior, leaving 2) the Community's react ion toward pub l i c housing unweighed. However, the unweighed data of the ; community react ion toward publ i c housing in the form of an a t t i t u d i n a l survey stands as a report ing document of the a t t i tudes and percept ions of those l i v i n g near pub l i c housing pro jects and, as such, the f ind ings w i l l be descr ibed in Chapter IV. S i m i l a r l y , the (Z) Profess ional A t t i tudes survey and the (3) Groups and Projects A t t i t u d i n a l survey w i l l be discussed in r e l a t i o n to the open-ended/ interviews made in 1979. 8. Project C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and Open Space Organizat ion  Research Phase II 1 The second phase of the research i s focussed on the ana lys i s of the p r o j e c t ' s general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and the interna l organ izat ion of i t s open space. 128 The research i s gathered under fiivemajor ca tegor ies : - Project General C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s - Residents ' P r o f i l e - S i t e Ana lys i s - P r o j e c t ' s Open Space Organizat ion - P r o j e c t ' s Open Space and Bu i ld ings ' Hierarchy of Pr ivacy a) P r o j e c t ' s General C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s An o v e r a l l d e s c r i p t i o n of the pro jec t i n physica l and aes thet i c terms w i l l be g iven . Its in tent ion i s to present a concrete image of the project by es tab l i sh ing the date of c o n s t r u c t i o n , to ta l area occupied, l oca t ion in the c i t y , type of p r o j e c t , populat ion and proximity to community f a c i l i t i e s . Th is d e s c r i p t i o n a lso inc ludes the p a r t i c u l a r physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that g ive form, image and character to the project and the type of amenit ies and serv i ces w i th in . The scope of t h i s sect ion i s to introduce the p r o j e c t ' s most remarkable c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s b r i e f l y before going into s p e c i f i c d e t a i l . b) Residents' P r o f i l e A s t a t i s t i c a l ana lys i s of the res ident populat ion w i l l be g iven . I t presents r e s i d e n t s ' age groups, income bases, and the f l u c t u a t i o n of res ident occupancy. The purpose in determining the res idents ' p r o f i l e i s to i d e n t i f y the l i v i n g cond i t ions of the average res ident and i d e n t i f y t h e i r needs. The l i f e s t y l e of pub l i c housing res idents i s compl icated, given the mu l t ip le va r i ab les a f f e c t i n g t h e i r goals and l i m i t a t i o n s . Since researching the l i f e s t y l e s of pub l i c housing res idents i s in i t s e l f a top ic f o r extensive research , i t w i l l not be poss ib le to explore i t here in great 12-9 depth. However, the general prototypes of the res idents have been analyzed in the Residents' P r o f i l e of the 1972 report on Publ ic Housing in Vancouver. . c) Project S i t e Ana lys is The overa l l physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the s i t e in f luenc ing the project layout w i l l be d iscussed . Four aspects of the s i t e ana lys i s requ i re spec ia l a t t e n t i o n : - Topography - Or ienta t ion - Boundaries - Layout i ) Topography. Topography deals with the natural cond i t ions of the s i t e that in f luence the l o c a t i o n and massing of b u i l d i n g s . The use of the natural f a l l of the land or the f l a t n e s s of a s i t e are topographic f ac to rs that determine the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the bu i l d ings ' layout . In some circumstances the s i t e topography i s d i r e c t l y assoc iated with the neighborhood or d i s t r i c t charac ter , f o r ins tance , Fairview Slopes in Vancouver and Lombard Street in San Franc isco . i i ) O r i e n t a t i o n . The sun exposure of a s i t e i s a determining f a c t o r in the layout of a bu i ld ing or group of bu i l d ings . The o r i e n t a t i o n of a s i t e depends on var ious circumstances such as , the shape of the land , southwest exposure and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p with the main axes of m o b i l i t y and t ranspor ta t ion in the neighborhood. i i i ) Boundaries. The boundaries of a s i t e can be physical or v i s u a l . Any phys ica l boundary i s a determining f ac to r along the edge of the s i t e . A v i sua l boundary i s a physical element that stops v isua l con-tac t with the end l i n e of a s i t e . It may be a topographic f e a t u r e , such 130 as a c l i f f , mountain, horizon l i n e , or a bu i ld ing or t r e e . There are other types of boundaries, however, which determine t e r r i t o r i a l zones. Such boundaries are recognized as soc ia l boundaries and are estab l i shed by physica l cond i t ions in the s i t e to which i n d i v i d u a l s ' respond in terms of behavior as i f they were s p a t i a l l y determined. Soc ia l boundaries w i l l be dea l t with in more d e t a i l i n the sect ion re la ted to the h i e r -archy of the Open Space l a t e r in t h i s chapter. i v ) Layout. The layout of a project commonly responds to the overa l l implementation of the p h y s i c a l , environmental and urban condi t ions in f luenc ing the potent ia l development of a s i t e . In t h i s way the layout of a project fo l lows the shape of the s i t e , the environmental condi t ions of i t s l o c a t i o n and the topographic q u a l i t i e s of the s i t e . Secondly, the layout responds to the surrounding urban i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , the s t r e e t s , s idewalks, s e r v i c e s , e t c . F i n a l l y , the layout organizes an in te rna l se r ies of c l u s t e r s through a system of c i r c u l a t i o n s axes that usua l l y l i n k the in te rna l spaces of the pro jec t with those of the surrounding community. d) P r o j e c t ' s Open Space Organizat ion P r o j e c t ' s Open Space Organizat ion r e f e r s to the comprehensive study and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the project layout by analyzing the open spaces between b u i l d i n g s . The a n a l y s i s of the open space in a pro ject genera l l y i s focussed on playgrounds, centra l c i r c u l a t i o n and green areas. However, the open space in a pro ject i s not e x c l u s i v e l y these areas , but a lso inc ludes the parking areas and t r a n s i t i o n a l areas into the un i ts and to the project i t s e l f . The r e l a t i o n s h i p s of a l l the d i f f e r e n t funct ions given to the open space in a pro ject create a system of places that respond mostly 131 to the use, funct ion and surrounding enclosure of these open spaces. In order to v i s u a l i z e the system of places created by the open space in a pro ject a comparison could be made between s o l i d and void spaces, where s o l i d forms de l ineate the shape of the void spaces producing a contrast of forms which can be read as s o l i d s and vo ids . Such i s the case with the bu i ld ings and open spaces. The relevance of v i s u a l i z i n g the contrast between bui ld ings and open spaces i s not focussed on the shape of the t r id imensional form produced by the b u i l d i n g s , ra ther , i t i s focussed on the character of the open space and i t s capac i ty of susta in ing mu l t ip le a c t i v i t i e s . The kind of a c t i v i t i e s sustained by the open space generates a system of places in a pro ject with a s i m i l a r or d i f f e r e n t character . Therefore , the understanding of how the open space i s de f ined , how the bu i ld ings in f luence the character of the open space and f i n a l l y how people r e l a t e and make use of these open spaces are the three major c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s of the system that require de ta i l ed a n a l y s i s . D e f i n i t i o n , character and use are the three va r i ab les in researching the organ izat ion of the of the open space in a p ro jec t . The D e f i n i t i o n of the open space by bu i ld ings can be categor ized according to t h e i r funct ion and according to the physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the bu i ld ings c reat ing the enc losure . They a r e : i ) Contained Open  Spaces and ii) Dispersed Open Spaces. i ) Contained open spaces. Th i s category r e f e r s to the open spaces that have a l e g i b l e spat ia l d e f i n i t i o n given by the surrounding bu i ld ings and a c l e a r l y es tab l i shed character in the p r o j e c t , i . e . , the centra l court or plaza with bu i ld ings f lank ing every s ide and the court used f o r play areas , s i t t i n g or park ing. 132 The contained open spaces category can be sub-divided into Defined Enc losures , which re fe r to those open spaces in the project that have a well def ined frame of b u i l d i n g s , where the spat ia l r e l a t i o n s h i p i s constant in terms of bu i ld ing height and character of use, i . e . , a l l bu i ld ings are three storeys in height and used for r e s i d e n t i a l f a c i l i t i e s . Another sub category i s known as C i r c u l a t i o n Areas. Th is re fe rs to the open space in the project that has been predetermined in the design layout to funct ion as a l i n k i n g co r r ido r in the in terna l organ iza-t i o n of the pro ject as well as to exterior connections with the community. The c i r c u l a t i o n areas may be t o t a l l y or p a r t i a l l y def ined by b u i l d i n g s , but the height and use of the bu i ld ing i s not re levant to t h i s category. i i ) Dispersed open spaces. This r e f e r s to those open spaces that are p a r t i a l l y def ined by bu i ld ings where a to ta l enclosure is not apparent regardless of heights and uses of the b u i l d i n g s , i . e . , a group of bu i ld ings l ined together without enclos ing any open space or a group of bu i ld ings organized in such a way that they are not able to create a to ta l enclosure on four s ides s ince two or more s ides lack d e f i n i t i o n . The category of Dispersed Open Spaces al lows more s p e c i f i c sub-c l a s s i f i c a t i o n into a) Semi-defined open spaces and b) Open areas. The f i r s t s u b - c l a s s i f i c a t i o n (semi-defined open spaces) r e f e r s to open spaces that are not t o t a l l y def ined by the surrounding bu i ld ings but with the l oca t ion of two or three b u i l d i n g s , a p a r t i a l enclosure can be def ined leaving one or two s ides undefined. However, the one or two undefined s ides in the phys ica l enclosure of the open space can be subst i tuted by an a c t i v e change in funct ion of the open space, such as in an open space def ined on three s ides by bu i ld ings leaving a four th s ide open but 133 bordering a road, s t reet or natural feature such as a row of trees which completes the enclosure of the open space. The second sub category (open areas) re fers to a l l those open spaces that e x i s t in a project without r e l a t i o n to any bu i ld ings or to a s p e c i f i c f u n c t i o n , i . e . , open spaces mostly fac ing the s t ree t at corners of the block or used as landscape screening the pro jec t frame of the s t r e e t . General ly these open spaces are not re la ted to the system of open spaces in a p ro jec t . However, they e x i s t as l e f t o v e r s of undefined open spaces and are re fer red to in t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n as Open Areas. e) P r o j e c t ' s Open Space and Bu i ld ings ' Hierarchy of Pr ivacy While the in terna l layout of a p ro jec t re ta ins the character of pr ivacy in the organ izat ion of i t s open space, there i s a secondary charac-t e r i s t i c that over laps with the pr ivacy . That i s the publ ic character of c i r c u l a t i o n routes , s t ree ts and roads connecting the p r o j e c t ' s in terna l spaces to the surrounding community. The dual c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of some areas of the open space in a project which are p r i va te and at the same time have a pub l i c use i s l i k e a double exposure. There i s the p r i va te character of the project separated from the surrounding community but onto t h i s i s imposed the second frame of the publ ic character of the community which transforms the areas through which i t c rosses , c reat ing a new hierarchy of open spaces with a t r a n s i - . . t i ona l character . The t r a n s i t i o n a l character of the open space determines the degree of pr ivacy that c l u s t e r s , bu i ld ings and un i t s have in the p ro jec t . Consequently, the open space in a project can be categor ized according to i t s character and use into Communal Open Space and Semi-Pr ivate Open Space. 134 This c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the open space i s helpful in determining degrees of pr ivacy and t e r r i t o r i a l i t y in a project which becomes important when studying the uses given to the open space. Communal open space: t h i s re fers to the largest areas of the project defined by the space between b u i l d i n g s , c reat ing c i r c u l a t i o n areas and c l u s t e r s . Also included in t h i s group are parking areas, p lay-grounds, green and landscaped areas. Separating the open spaces in a project recognized as communal from the areas i d e n t i f i e d as pr iva te are semi-pr ivate open spaces. Semi-private open spaces: these are t r a n s i t i o n a l open spaces with a more s p e c i f i c use and character connecting the communal or publ ic spaces in the project to the pr iva te character of the u n i t s . Cor-responding in t h i s group are the access porch to a u n i t , the f ron t and back yards when the un i ts are located at the ground l e v e l . In two and three storey bu i ld ings the t r a n s i t i o n a l spaces are the feeding co r r idors to the un i ts and. adopt a double character acccording to use. F i r s t they have a communal character s ince they: are c i r c u l a t i o n cor r idors , second, from the use given to the c i r c u l a t i o n c o r r i d o r , the open space in fromt of the un i ts adopt a strong semi-pr ivate character which i s determined by a sense of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y responding to the existence or lack of a t r a n s i t i o n a l space, such as a porch, step or double door. B u i l d i n g ' s typology of pr ivacy : the physica l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the bu i ld ing layout in r e l a t i o n to the open space in the pro ject are important f ac to rs determining the hierarchy of pr ivacy and t e r r i t o r i a l i t y of c l u s t e r s and u n i t s . 135 The bu i ld ing layout in r e l a t i o n to the open space of the project can be categorized according to the form and type of grouping they fo l l ow. The groups are: 1) i so la ted b u i l d i n g s , 2) composite bu i ld ings , and 3) ser ies of small bu i l d ings . - Isolated bu i l d ings : r e fe r to those bui ld ings that stand by themselves without r e l a t i n g to other bu i ld ings in scale or spat ia l organ iza-t i o n , such as towers and h ighr ises over s ix to e ight s t o r i e s . These i s o -lated bu i ld ings genera l l y are not part of a group of bu i ld ings de f in ing open space c l u s t e r s , rather they are landmarks in the open space. - Composite bu i ld ings : r e f e r to those bui ld ings that have a layout formed by a composite shape such as a "U", "L" or "T" which main-ta ins a r e l a t i o n to other bu i ld ings c reat ing c l u s t e r s with a defined enclosure. - Ser ies of small bu i ld ings : r e f e r s to bu i ld ings that are part of a c l u s t e r or e x i s t in conjunction with other bu i ld ings def in ing spaces. However, they are small in s i z e and maintain a very simple shape. Following t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of bu i ld ings in r e l a t i o n to the open spaces that help to def ine the form of t h e i r layout and the character of t h e i r t r a n s i t i o n a l spaces-, the f u l l range of the hierarchy of the p r o - . , j e c t ' s open spaces i s complete. 9. M o b i l i t y and Use o f the Open Space  Research Phase III Once i t i s de f ined , the general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p r o j e c t ' s open space and the h ie ra rch i ca l system of open spaces generated by the bu i ld ings ' enclosures form a pat tern . The fo l lowing aspect to be determined i s the use given to places def ined in the open space of a p ro jec t . 136 The uses given to an open space depend on var ious cond i t i ons . Some of them a r e : p h y s i c a l , such as a c c e s s i b i l i t y and exposure. Other condi t ions are behavioral and depend e x c l u s i v e l y on the way the ind iv idua l responds to a l l the physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of that open space. The most common uses of the open space in a project are of two types: one continuous and the other s t a t i c . The mob i l i ty of people using c i r c u l a t i o n routes in the open space of a project corresponds to the type of continuous use, while play areas and res t ing areas correspond to the second s e t t l e d type of use. M o b i l i t y through the project i s undoubtedly the most common a c t i v i t y . The m o b i l i t y of people through a project responds to the organ izat ion of the open space: one fo l lows the c i r c u l a t i o n areas through- out the pro jec t ; two, the d i r e c t access into the u n i t s ; and three, to the  l oca t ion of nodes of a c i t i v i t y ins ide and outs ide the pro jec t . a) Access to the Pro ject The determined routes into the project genera l ly are part of the layout . Sometimes they are extensions of the g r id pat tern , but not always. Vehicu lar t r a f f i c may be continuous through the project p a r a l l e l e d by pedestr ian routes , but in some instances i t may only be pedestr ian . Therefore , i t i s convenient to determine the kind of mob i l i ty taking place through the estab l i shed routes in to the p ro jec t . Vehicular m o b i l i t y , i f i t ex i s t s through the p ro jec t , tends to d i v ide the layout , but i f i t i s only u t i l i z e d as feeding connections between per ipheral t r a f f i c and veh icu lar access in to the p r o j e c t , then the veh icu lar mob i l i t y can be considered as a minor route of mob i l i t y into the pro jec t . 137 The access routes into the project u t i l i z e d by pedestr ians c o n s t i -tute the la rgest load of continuous pedestr ian m o b i l i t y . Some access routes are u t i l i z e d as bypasses to reach a des t inat ion beyond the p r o j e c t . Some access routes lead d i r e c t l y into c l u s t e r s from which access to the un i ts are a c c e s s i b l e . In a l l these access routes , i t i s very common to e s t a b l i s h shortcuts to reach a des ired point into the pro jec t . A shortcut occurs when a non-defined c i r c u l a t i o n route i s estab l ished cross ing over other uses rather than c i r c u l a t i o n routes . Such i s the case when using parking areas as shortcuts to reach a point ins ide the pro jec t or c ross ing over f ro