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UBC Theses and Dissertations

The contemporary northwest coast Indian art market Duffek, Karen Erica 1983

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THE CONTEMPORARY NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART MARKET By KAREN ERICA DUFFEK B.A., The Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1978 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l 1983 © K a r e n E r i c a Duffek, 1983 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. / Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date A p r i l 11, 1983 )E-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT In the 1960's a r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian a r t began to take place in B r i t i s h Columbia, following several decades of decline in a r t production that resulted from e f f e c t s of European contact on t r a d i t i o n a l native s o c i a l structure. By the lat e 1970's the Indian a r t market had become a several m i l l i o n d o l l a r industry, involving several hundred native a r t i s t s , and supported by a p r i m a r i l y non-Indian consumer p u b l i c . This t h e s i s examines the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t market i n terms of the role and s i g n i f i c a n c e of the a r t within i t s contemporary s o c i a l context, focusing on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the consumers and the a r t they c o l l e c t . The h i s t o r y of the Indian a r t r e v i v a l , the development of the market, changes that Northwest Coast a r t has undergone in response to i t s new purpose for production, and consumer expectations and buying preferences are discussed. This thesis shows that the r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast art has involved not only the a r t i s t s who create the contemporary work, but also the consumers, anthropologists, museums, and dealers, who have p a r t i c i p a t e d with the a r t i s t s i n a reconstruction and r e d e f i n i t i o n of "Indianness" and t r a d i t i o n , and in the development of an audience to support art production. Surveys of consumers and museum v i s i t o r s conducted for the thesis suggest that an important and valued q u a l i t y of contemporary Northwest Coast a r t i s i t s "otherness" or Indianness. Today, Northwest Coast art t r a d i t i o n s are used in a contemporary expression that re f e r s to the value of t r a d i t i o n and heritage not only to the consumers, but to native society as w e l l . The concept of acculturated arts i s used in t h i s study of Northwest Coast Indian a r t , providing a comparative context of changing a r t forms brought about by c u l t u r e c o n t a c t , and i l l u s t r a t i n g the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l elements i n t o marketable commodities f o r non-native t o u r i s t s and c o l l e c t o r s . T his t h e s i s i s a c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the l i t e r a t u r e on Northwest Coast Indian a r t i n p a r t i c u l a r , and a c c u l t u r a t e d a r t s i n ge n e r a l . - i v -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i LIST OF TABLES v i i LIST OF FIGURES i x ACKNOWLEDGEMENT x i INTRODUCTION 1 Notes 7 CHAPTER ONE - The Revival of Northwest Coast Indian A r t 8 I - ART PRODUCTION ON THE NORTHWEST COAST PRE-1920 8 Art for Sale: E a r l y C o l l e c t o r s on the Northwest Coast 10 II - ART PRODUCTION ON THE NORTHWEST COAST: 1920 to 1960 14 The T r a d i t i o n a l Context 15 The Commercial Context 17 III - THE REVIVAL OF NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART: 1960 to the Present 27 IV - THE RECONSTRUCTION AND REINVENTION OF TRADITION 37 Use of Museum C o l l e c t i o n s 39 "Books are our teachers now for a l l the old things" 46 Memories 54 V - ART AS A VEHICLE FOR CULTURAL REVIVAL 55 Notes 59 CHAPTER TWO - Art for the Marketplace 61 I - ARTS OF ACCULTURATION 61 II - NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ARTS AND CHANGING TRADITIONS 65 Use and Meaning 65 Materials and Techniques 69 Form and Subject Matter 71 III - TRADITION, INNOVATION, AND AUTHENTICITY 82 A r t i f a k e s and Archaism: " T r a d i t i o n a l " Arts i n a Contemporary Context 92 Notes 96 - v -CHAPTER THREE - The Marketing of Northwest Coast Indian Art 97 I - THE MARKET NETWORK 97 Market D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n 99 I I - MARKETING AND PROMOTION 104 Marketing at the Producer Level 105 Marketing at the R e t a i l Level 116 (i) Souvenirs 116 ( i i ) Arts and Crafts 118 ( i i i ) Fine Arts 120 (iv) Market St r a t e g i e s : P r i c e , Reputation, and S a l e a b i l i t y 124 Notes 133 CHAPTER FOUR - The Audience for Northwest Coast Indian A r t : A Museum V i s i t o r Survey 134 I - THE SURVEY 135 II - RESPONSES TO THE EXHIBIT 158 Demographic and Ownership Data 158 Words and Labels: Describing Northwest Coast Indian Arts 163 Responses to the P r i n t s 169 Responses to the Carvings 188 The Context for the A r t s : Viewer Responses 207 Summary 222 Notes 225 CHAPTER FIVE - The Consumers of Contemporary Northwest Coast Indian A r t : A Questionnaire Survey 226 I - THE QUESTIONNAIRE 226 II - RESPONSES TO THE QUESTIONNAIRE 233 Demographic Data 233 Buying Tendencies and Patterns 237 Knowledge and Perceptions of Northwest Coast Art 251 Aesthetic and Buying C r i t e r i a 256 Summary 269 Notes 274 CONCLUSION 275 - v i -BIBLIOGRAPHY 286 L i s t of Individuals Interviewed 295 APPENDIX I - A Selec t i v e Chronology of Events S i g n i f i c a n t to the Revival of Northwest Coast Indian Art and the Development of the Market 296 APPENDIX II - Vancouver and V i c t o r i a R e t a i l Shops S p e c i a l i z i n g in Northwest Coast Indian Arts 302 APPENDIX III - Question Guide for Museum V i s i t o r Survey 306 APPENDIX IV - Questionnaire for Consumer Survey 307 - v i i -LIST OF TABLES Table Page I DEMOGRAPHIC DATA 159, 160 II OWNERSHIP DATA 161, 162 III WORDS DESCRIBING PRINTS AND CARVINGS 165 IV POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE RESPONSES TO PRINTS 170 V POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF PRINTS 172 VI POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF INDIVIDUAL PRINTS 175 - 179 VII POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF CARVINGS 190 VIII POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE RESPONSES TO CARVINGS 191 IX POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF INDIVIDUAL CARVINGS 194 - 198 X DEFINITION OF "AUTHENTIC" NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART 209 XI EFFECT OF THE MARKET ON NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART 214 XII MESSAGES PRESENTED THROUGH NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART 219 XIII QUESTIONNAIRE DISTRIBUTION AND RETURN 234 XIV DEMOGRAPHIC DATA 235, 236 XV YEAR OF FIRST PURCHASE OF NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART 238 XVI AMOUNT OF MONEY SPENT ON NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART 240 XVII NUMBER OF NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART FORMS PURCHASED 241 XVIII TYPE OF STORE AND LOCATION OF PURCHASE 243 IXX REASONS FOR PURCHASE OF CARVINGS AND PRINTS 246, 247 XX PURCHASE OF CONTEMPORARY ARTS (NON-NORTHWEST COAST) 250 - v i i i -Table Page XXI MEANS OF INTRODUCTION TO NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ARTS 252 XXII WORDS ASSOCIATED WITH CONTEMPORARY NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ARTS 253 XXIII FACTORS INFLUENCING PURCHASE DECISIONS 257, 258 XXIV QUALITIES AND SUBJECT MATTER DESIRED IN CARVINGS AND PRINTS 261, 262 - i x -LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1 "Aah-See-Will, the Greedy Hunter" by Vernon Stephens, 1978. Silkscreen p r i n t . 75 2 "Salmon Fighting Upstream to Spawn" by Robert Sebastian, 1980. Silkscreen p r i n t . 75 3 " B u t t e r f l i e s " by Robert Davidson, 1977. Silkscreen p r i n t . 77 4 "Study" by Doug Cranmer, 1980. A c r y l i c on cedar. 77 5 "Ka-Ka-win-chealth" by Joe David, 1977. Silkscreen p r i n t . 79 6 "Barnacle" by Art Thompson, 1977. Silkscreen p r i n t . 81 7 "The Creation of Eve" by Roy Vi c k e r s , 1977. Silkscreen p r i n t . 81 8 "Reflections" by Robert Davidson, 1977. Silkscreen p r i n t . 126 9 "Memorial Rainbow Drum" by Joe David, 1977. Silkscreen p r i n t . 127 10 E x h i b i t of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian p r i n t s and carvings at the UBC Museum of Anthropology: l o c a t i o n for the museum v i s i t o r survey. 137 11 "Sparrow" by Glen Rabena, 1979. Silkscreen p r i n t . 143 12 "Gambler Drum" by Joe David, 1980. Silkscreen p r i n t . 143 13 "Raven in the 20th Century" by Don Yeomans, 1979. Silkscreen p r i n t . 145 14 "Bent-Box Design" by Robert Davidson, 1978. Silkscreen p r i n t . 145 15 "Thunderbird S i s i u t l " by Lloyd Wadhams, 1979. Silkscreen p r i n t . 146 16 "Welcome Canoe" by Art Thompson, 1978. Silkscreen p r i n t . 146 17 "Haida Hawk Design" by Freda Diesing, 1977. Silkscreen p r i n t . 148 18 "Spear F i s h i n g " by Vernon Stephens, 1978. Silkscreen p r i n t . 148 19 "Chilkat B l a c k f i s h " by Roy Vickers, 1978. Silkscreen p r i n t . 149 - x -Figure Page 20 "Kwakiutl Wild Woman Mask" by George M a t i l p i , 1979. "Bella Coola P o r t r a i t Mask" by Beau Dick, 1977. "Owl Man" mask by Glen Rabena, 1978. 151 21 Totem pole by Frank Hanuse, 1979. 153 22 Totem pole by B i l l Kuhnley, 1979. 153 23 "Halibut" dish by Glen Harper, 1979. 155 24 "Human/Beaver Dish" by Larry Rosso, 1979. 155 25 "Kwakiutl Sea Monster with Salmon" plaque by Bond Sound, 1979. 156 26 "Kwakiutl Salmon" plaque by George M a t i l p i , 1979. 157 27 "Salmon" l e t t e r opener by Wilf Stevenson, 1980. 157 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to thank a l l those i n d i v i d u a l s who encouraged and ass i s t e d me in the research and writing of t h i s t h e s i s ; Dr. Michael M. Ames, my advisor during my graduate school career, for o r i g i n a l l y stimulating my i n t e r e s t in the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian ar t market, for h i s supervision and advice regarding t h i s t h e s i s , and for allowing me access to data on the V i c t o r i a and Seattle Indian art markets which I c o l l e c t e d as h i s research a s s i s t a n t in 1981/82 (funded by the Uni v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia's Committee on Humanities and S o c i a l Sciences Research Grants). I also wish to thank Dr. Ames for h i s continued i n t e r e s t in my work, and for o f f e r i n g me many opportunities to develop and apply my knowledge of Northwest Coast a r t and gain a d d i t i o n a l academic and p r a c t i c a l experience re l a t e d to my career. Dr. Marjorie Halpin and Dr. E l v i Whittaker, for t h e i r suggestions and comments regarding my t h e s i s , and for t h e i r teaching and approaches to anthropology that have influenced and benefited me in my own studies. The many in d i v i d u a l s I interviewed for the purposes of t h i s thesis (see l i s t following bibliography), who contributed g r e a t l y to my understanding of the Indian a r t market. I would e s p e c i a l l y l i k e to thank Mr. David Young and Mr. G.A. (Bud) Mintz for t h e i r assistance, and for th e i r i n t e r e s t in my research. In add i t i o n , I thank the dealers and other i n d i v i d u a l s ( l i s t e d in Chapters Four and Five) who assisted me with my museum v i s i t o r survey and consumer questionnaire survey. Ms. Susan Davidson, for allowing me access to interviews which she conducted with Haida a r t i s t s in 1980. My friends and colleagues i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology and at the Museum of Anthropology. I thank Ms. Diana H a l l and Mr. Herb Watson for helping me set up my exhibit for the museum v i s i t o r survey, and Dr. N e i l Guppy for a s s i s t i n g me with questionnaire design. The Museum of Anthropology, for. allowing me to conduct my museum v i s i t o r survey there. The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, for two teaching a s s i s t a n t s h i p s , the P r o v i n c i a l Government Department of Labour for support through two Y.E.P. grants, and the Museum of Anthropology for support through museum ass i s t a n t s h i p s . My parents, Ise and Helmut Duffek, for years of support and i n t e r e s t in my studies of anthropology. My f r i e n d David S h e f f i e l d , for h i s support, ideas, c r i t i c i s m s , and for accompanying me to countless g a l l e r i e s , openings, and auctions! I wish to acknowledge that any mistakes in t h i s thesis are my own. - 1 -INTRODUCTION In the 1960's a r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian a r t began to take place, following several decades of decline in a r t production that resulted from the devastating e f f e c t s of European contact on t r a d i t i o n a l native s o c i a l structure. The a r t that i s produced today derives from centuries old a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s , although the primary purpose for i t s production i s to s e l l to a non-Indian consumer p u b l i c . This contemporary a r t has attained new meanings and takes new forms relevant to the changed s o c i a l context in which i t i s now located. The objective of t h i s study i s to examine the Northwest Coast Indian art market in terms of the role and s i g n i f i c a n c e of the a r t within i t s contemporary s o c i a l context, focusing on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the consumers and the a r t they c o l l e c t . The thesis w i l l examine the h i s t o r y and development of the market, changes that Northwest Coast a r t has undergone in response to i t s new purpose, the presentation and marketing of the a r t , and consumer expectations and buying preferences. From an analysis of these aspects of the Indian art market, i t i s hoped that a greater understanding can be reached regarding the contemporary use and meaning of Northwest Coast art within the non-native context, and the s i g n i f i c a n c e of Northwest Coast t r a d i t i o n s for the consumer as well as native s o c i e t i e s . The i n i t i a l i n s p i r a t i o n for t h i s thesis came from Nelson Graburn's studies of contemporary Inuit a r t and other arts of acculturation''' (Graburn 1969a, 1969b, 1976a, 1976b), in which he explores the forms, functions, and meanings of the arts in t h e i r changing s o c i o c u l t u r a l contexts. Because acculturated a r t s "are made for appreciation and consumption outside of the society of cr e a t i o n , contrasting with the i n t e r n a l orientations of p r i m i t i v e and f o l k arts in the past" ( i b i d . 1976:4), Graburn (1976:1,2) states that - 2 -"the study of the a r t s of the Fourth World i s d i f f e r e n t from the study of 'primitive' a r t , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of most e a r l i e r anthropological w r i t i n g s , for i t must take into account more than one symbolic and aesthetic 7: system. . . In t h i s regard, he suggests that the a r t of Fourth World peoples must be analysed in terms of i t s audience and i t s function. The consumer society i s thus as v a l i d a subject of study as the creator peoples have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been. Graburn (1976:3) a l s o comments, "That the object may have been intended for . . . external consumption i s i t s e l f an i n d i c a t i o n of the s p e c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p that e x i s t s between the art-producing peoples of the Fourth World and the t o u r i s t s and a r t consumers of the West." It i s t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p that both shapes and i s r e f l e c t e d in the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t market, and w i l l be investigated i n the following chapters. For the purposes of t h i s study I have gathered information and obtained ideas on the Northwest Coast Indian a r t market from a v a r i e t y of sources: recent studies of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t (published and unpublished books and a r t i c l e s ) ; e x h i b i t i o n reviews; personal interviews with dealers, anthropologists, and a r t i s t s (see l i s t following bibliography); an unpublished c o l l e c t i o n of interviews with contemporary Haida a r t i s t s conducted by Susan Davidson; two surveys of viewers and consumers of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t that I conducted i n 1980; and personal observations of the market that I have made through a year's part-time work at the Heritage House G a l l e r y of Indian Art (1980/81), two Youth Employment projects that involved creating a photographic and written record of native arts for sale in Vancouver (1980) and writing "A Guide to Buying Contemporary Northwest Coast Indian A r t s " (1981/82), and several years of " g a l l e r y hopping" and attending e x h i b i t - 3 -openings and museum events concerned with Northwest Coast a r t . Studies of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t that I have r e l i e d upon most heavily include books and a r t i c l e s by Ames (1981), Blackman and H a l l (1978, 1981, 1982), H a l l (1979, 1980), Halpin (1979, 1981b), Hawthorn (1961) , Macnair et a l . (1980) , Native Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia (1980) , and Reid (1981). These sources not only provided me with data on the contemporary a r t forms and the ways in which they are marketed, but equally important, they comprise some of the f i r s t i nvestigations into the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l contexts for contemporary Northwest Coast a r t production. In a d d i t i o n , studies by Graburn ( l i s t e d previously) and MacCannell (1976) have described and analysed the wider contexts for the production of acculturated a r t s , r e l a t i n g t h i s production in part to modern society's "search for a u t h e n t i c i t y " in the "otherness" of native c u l t u r e s . The l a t t e r studies have provided me with a perspective from which to examine the "otherness" of Northwest Coast Indian culture as r e f l e c t e d in consumer expectations of "Indianness" and " a u t h e n t i c i t y " . The study which follows i s presented in f i v e chapters. Chapter One, "The Revival of Northwest Coast Indian A r t " , describes the h i s t o r y of the Indian a r t r e v i v a l and the growth of the market in B r i t i s h Columbia and S e a t t l e . Beginning with a b r i e f summary of the t r a d i t i o n a l context for the a r t , the chapter goes on to discuss the e f f e c t s of European contact on the s o c i a l structure that t r a d i t i o n a l l y supported a r t production. The period from 1920 to 1960, in which there was only a l i m i t e d a r t market, i s described as a prelude to the subsequent Northwest Coast art r e v i v a l . The section describing the r e v i v a l seeks to i d e n t i f y the factors that influenced i t s evolution and stimulated non-Indian support of the a r t . The reconstruction and reinvention of Northwest Coast t r a d i t i o n i s discussed as a process c e n t r a l - 4 -to much of the r e v i v a l . The chapter concludes with a b r i e f examination of the renewed production of Northwest Coast a r t for the native context, an attendant development of the production of a r t for s a l e . Chapter Two, "Art for the Marketplace", examines the changes that Northwest Coast Indian a r t s have undergone as a response to the new s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l contexts in which they are being created. An introductory discussion of arts of accult u r a t i o n i s followed by a d e s c r i p t i o n of the changes in the use and meaning, form and subject matter, and materials and technology of the a r t . These changes are analysed p r i m a r i l y in terms of the contextual changes they r e f l e c t : the art s have had to become more accessible to a wider audience, and t h e i r sale depends upon t h e i r acceptance by the buying p u b l i c , which has i t s own d e f i n i t i o n s and expectations of Indian a r t . Changes in the art are al s o examined in terms of the influence of i n d i v i d u a l a r t i s t s ' experimentations and innovations. The f i n a l section of the chapter considers market perceptions of Northwest Coast Indian a r t , focusing on the conceptualizations of " t r a d i t i o n " , "innovation", "Indianness", and "authenticity" that form the basis of the c r i t e r i a by which the contemporary a r t s are generally judged. The section concludes with a consideration of questions concerning the "relevance" of Northwest Coast a r t and t r a d i t i o n s in the contemporary context. In Chapter Three, "The Marketing of Northwest Coast Indian A r t " , the marketing p r a c t i c e s and str a t e g i e s which mediate the production and consumption of contemporary commercial Northwest Coast a r t are examined. Pa r t i c i p a n t s i n the market network are i d e n t i f i e d , as are the separate components or d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s of the market i t s e l f . Marketing at both producer and r e t a i l l e v e l s i s discussed, with a focus on factors that a f f e c t the s a l e a b i l i t y of the a r t . Because Northwest Coast arts are presented to - 5 the consumer in the context of the a r t market, marketing s t r a t e g i e s are examined i n terms of the influence they may have on a r t production and consumption, and the ways in which they r e f l e c t consumer expectations and buying preferences. Chapters Four and Five describe and present the r e s u l t s of the two surveys which I conducted i n 1980 for the purposes of examining i n greater d e t a i l consumer demands and expectations of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t . Chapter Four discusses a survey of 100 v i s i t o r s to the UBC Museum of Anthropology. The v i s i t o r s were interviewed about t h e i r responses to a s e l e c t i o n of contemporary Northwest Coast s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s and wood carvings exhibited for the purposes of t h i s survey. The survey was an attempt to e l i c i t and define the c r i t e r i a by which the respondents judged the a r t , and to examine how t h e i r aesthetic judgements may have been contextually q u a l i f i e d by, for example, t h e i r previously formed expectations of Indian a r t . Chapter Five discusses a questionnaire survey of 143 consumers of Northwest Coast Indian a r t . This survey was designed to complement the museum v i s i t o r survey and provide data for comparison. The purpose of t h i s survey, in addition to examining aesthetic c r i t e r i a as above, was to examine ac t u a l buying p r a c t i c e s and preferences, and to i d e n t i f y the factors that influence consumers' decisions when purchasing Northwest Coast a r t . The focus of t h i s thesis - the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t market - i s one aspect of the t o t a l i t y of Northwest Coast a r t production that can be studied. There are important aspects of a r t production that are relevant to t h i s t o p i c , but beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s . For instance, while the following study emphasizes the consumer element of the market, i t only touches upon the a r t i s t i c values of the producers, and the - 6 -producers' perceptions of market demands. S i m i l a r l y , the native context for a r t production, and the impact of the r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast a r t and t r a d i t i o n s upon Indian people, are subjects needful of further study. I have chosen to address an area of research to which, u n t i l r ecently, not much anthropological i n v e s t i g a t i o n has been d i r e c t e d : that i s , the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the non-Indian consumers and the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t produced for s a l e . In t h i s regard, the two surveys constitute a f i r s t attempt to define the c r i t e r i a consumers use in t h e i r judgements and purchases of Indian a r t . This t h e s i s , therefore, i s presented as a contribution to the l i t e r a t u r e on Northwest Coast Indian a r t in p a r t i c u l a r , and acculturated arts i n general. - 7 -Notes Graburn (1969a, 1976a) uses the terms "arts of a c c u l t u r a t i o n " and "Fourth World a r t s " to describe the contemporary arts produced by a b o r i g i n a l or native peoples; these arts have undergone changes in response to culture contact, usually contact with a dominant F i r s t , Second, or Third World s o c i e t y . See Chapter Two for further d e f i n i t i o n and discussion of acculturated and Fourth World a r t s . - 8 -CHAPTER ONE - The Revival of Northwest Coast Indian Art The r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian art that began i n the 1960's has taken place within a changed s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l context. Since the f i r s t influences of contact with Europeans, many aspects of a r t production have i n turn undergone s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n response to the new context. The most important factor i n these changes has been the develop-ment of a non-Indian audience, which has almost t o t a l l y replaced native society as the primary consumer of the a r t . This chapter describes the h i s t o r y and process of the r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian a r t by focusing on the changes i n context that affected a r t production and stimulated the r e v i v a l , the development of a non-Indian consumer pub l i c , and the reconstruction and reinvention of Northwest Coast t r a d i t i o n s . I - ART PRODUCTION ON THE NORTHWEST COAST PRE-19.20 Art i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast context was an i n t e g r a l part of the culture, bound to the s o c i a l structure i n i t s expression of s o c i a l and ceremonial p r i v i l e g e s , and i n i t s manifestation of a structure of b e l i e f s about the r e l a t i o n s h i p of man and h i s universe. Much of the art was centred around the potlatch.. On the basis of e a r l y accounts of native l i f e , o r a l h i s t o r i e s , and ethnographies, anthropologists and art h i s t o r i a n s have attempted (and are attempting) to reconstruct the ideas and meanings of the t r a d i t i o n a l arts and t h e i r complex i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the culture within which they were created and used (see Boas 1955, Gunther 1966). Duff (.1967), for example, describes the art as having two main purposes: - 9 -One purpose of the art was to make the world of supernatural beings v i s i b l e and present. A carved shaman's charm was believed not only to i d e n t i f y the s p i r i t from which he received supernatural a i d , but to contain some of i t s power. A masked fig u r e i n a Kwakiutl winter dance did not simply symbolize a s p i r i t creature; i n a sense i t proved that the s p i r i t was a c t u a l l y present. How else was man to v i s u a l i z e what the s p i r i t s were l i k e ? How else could he f e e l t h e i r presence? Here art was a servant of r e l i g i o n . A second main purpose of the a r t i s t s ' representations was to make the s o c i a l system v i s i b l e by providing emblems to d i s t i n g u i s h the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l groups and to symbolize t h e i r p r i v i l e g e s . These emblems or crests could be shown on any material possession, from a totem pole to a robe. There was no b e l i e f that they contained the power of the creature depicted or symbolized i t s actual presence, they were purely s o c i a l , not r e l i g i o u s symbols . . . Here art was the servant of the s o c i a l system by providing highly v i s i b l e status symbols. Regarding the production of art i n the t r a d i t i o n a l context, Boas (1955:183) distinguishes two " s t y l e s " of a r t : the man's s t y l e expressed i n the art of wood carving and painting, and the women's s t y l e which, found expression i n weaving and basketry. Although a l l men and women were taught to be able to make use of common techniques i n the production of u t i l i t a r i a n items, MacDonald (19.77) notes that s p e c i a l i z e d a r t i s t s who served long apprenticeships under master carvers or painters were often commissioned by high ranking c h i e f s to produce masks, poles, and other items. T r a d i t i o n a l art production, and the context i n which, i t took place, was affected by the European presence on the Northwest Coast almost from the time of f i r s t contact i n the 1770's (see Appendix I ) . As discussed by Duff (1964b), Macnair et a l . (19.80), Halpin (1981b) and others, the output of Northwest Coast art fl o u r i s h e d following the f i r s t period of exploration and discovery. The fur trade, beginning i n the 1770's, brought sudden increases of wealth to the society, r e s u l t i n g i n expanded potlatch a c t i v i t y and an attendant increase i n the need f o r , and production of, - 10 -totem poles, masks, and other r i t u a l objects:. The increased a v a i l a b i l i t y of metal blades further aided t h i s f l o u r i s h i n g of the art by allowing carvers greater ease of production. According to Duff (.19.67), " t h i s a r t i s t i c growth, continued to a climax between 1850 and 1880" for northern groups, although Kwagiutl art continued to evolve " i n the period between 1890 and 1920." As the European presence on the Northwest Coast changed from trade contacts to settlement and c o l o n i z a t i o n (Duff 1964b), the production of art began to lessen. Gunther (1966:2) states that the f a c t that the art was so intimately bound up with the s o c i a l structure accounts " f o r i t s rapid decline i n the 20th century; for when the society became d i s -organized through the impact of a c c u l t u r a t i o n to white customs, the art l o s t a l l motivation." The d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l structure was brought about by forces including a decline i n the fur trade, a d r a s t i c decrease i n native population through, disease, alcohol, and warfare, and an increasing dependence of Indian people on a wage economy. Furthermore, governmental laws p r o h i b i t i n g the potlatch. i n 1884 extended a severe blow to one of the most c e n t r a l I n s t i t u t i o n s of native society (Macnair et a l . 1980:24). While some production of t r a d i t i o n a l art did continue into the 20th century, the death, of a native culture based on centuries old t r a d i t i o n s seemed a complete c e r t a i n t y . Art for Sale: Early C o l l e c t o r s on the Northwest Coast Since the f i r s t European contact 200 years ago, the a r t s of the Northwest Coast Indians have intrigued v i s i t o r s to the area. Explorers and traders expressed i n t e r e s t i n c o l l e c t i n g " a r t i f i c i a l c u r i o s i t i e s " as - 11 -souvenirs of t h e i r contact with, exotic peoples (Macnair et a l . 1980:65). C o l l -ecting a r t i f a c t s , was .-not a s p e c i f i c goal of most of the e a r l y expeditions, although Captain James Cook, for example, gathered ethnographic materials as part of h i s f a c t - f i n d i n g a c t i v i t i e s i n 1778 (Gunther 1972). By the beginning of the 19th century, however, a r t i f a c t s had become Important items of trade. I n i t i a l l y these a r t i f a c t s consisted of items o r i g i n a l l y made for native use, but by 1820 the demand for curios had created a "souvenir" industry, where a r t i s t s produced items d i r e c t l y f or sale to the Europeans (Carpenter 1975:13). A r g i l l i t e was an important component of t h i s early- art market for the Haida, i n that a r g i l l i t e carvings were perhaps the f i r s t Northwest Coast art forms produced e x c l u s i v e l y for sale to non-Indians. The develop-ment of such an art form that had no function i n t r a d i t i o n a l society was a creative response to the new context for art production that resulted from European contact. Studies of a r g i l l i t e carving have shown that changes i n subject matter were both a response to c o l l e c t o r demand and an indica t o r of changes i n t r a d i t i o n a l Haida s o c i a l organization (Kaufmann 1969). Referring to e a r l y a r g i l l i t e panel pipes, Macnair et a l . (1980:66) note that " I t i s probable that creatures depicted on commercial a r t i c l e s represent mythical episodes rather than personal c r e s t s . " The depiction of sacred and r i t u a l subjects i n the a r g i l l i t e carvings produced near the turn of the century, however, strongly r e f l e c t e d a loosening of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l structure that could allow formerly s i g n i f i c a n t images to be sold as curios. Curios i n s i l v e r and wood were also produced by the Haida and by a r t i s t s i n other t r i b a l groups. S i l y e r bracelets, produced p r i m a r i l y - 12 -by the Haida but also by the Kwagiutl and Tsimshian from coins obtained through trade, were sold d i r e c t l y to the outsiders and were used by the native people themselves. Items In wood included model totem poles and other models of larger works, r e p l i c a s of e x i s t i n g pieces that the owners were not w i l l i n g to s e l l or had long since discarded and replaced with European items, and many other objects such, as bowls and dishes. The commissioning of models and r e p l i c a s by c o l l e c t o r s adds an i n t e r e s t i n g dimension to the c o l l e c t i o n s now stored i n museums - commissioned items were usually made to the s p e c i f i c a t i o n s of the c o l l e c t o r , and tended to be more consciously t r a d i t i o n a l i n form than other items produced at that time (Carpenter 1975:16). Most of the early c o l l e c t i n g that took place on the Northwest Coast before 1870 was of minor s i g n i f i c a n c e compared to.the c o l l e c t i n g that began i n the 1870's and continued at a great rate for the next f o r t y years: (Cole 1978, 1982). C o l l e c t i n g by the 1880's had turned into more than a casual accumulation of Indian curios - serious, commissioned ethnological c o l l e c t i n g for museums and world f a i r s had begun (see Appendix I ) . This emphasis on the c o l l e c t i n g of Northwest Coast Indian a r t i f a c t s as "specimens" coincided with the beginning of the great age of museums i n the United States. Commissioned c o l l e c t o r s such, as James G. Swan (for the Smithsonian In-s t i t u t i o n ) , Johan Adrian Jacobsen (for B e r l i n ' s Royal Ethnological Museum), Lt. George Thornton Emmons, and C F . Newcombe are responsible for c o l l e c t i n g a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of the 115,000 to 125,000catalogued Northwest Coast a r t i f a c t s r e s i d i n g i n museums today (Carpenter 1975:16). Their a c t i v i t y r e f l e c t e d the museums' concerns about salvaging the l a s t vestiges of a dying Northwest Coast Indian culture to. use "as stones wherewith, to b u i l d up the - 13 -future science" of ethnology (Bastian 1883). Both t r a d i t i o n a l and new pieces made for sale were gathered up by these men in a competitive quest that eventually tapered o f f by the 1920's. Much of the a r t produced for sale before 1880 was made by a r t i s t s trained in t h e i r c l a s s i c t r i b a l s t y l e , and t h e i r work r e f l e c t s t h e i r understanding of the t r a d i t i o n a l artforms.. These a r t i s t s probably produced items for native use as well as items for sa l e . By the l a t e 1800's, however, native manufacture of goods for the c u r i o market was dominated by persons obviously not trained as a r t i s t s . Work by these people was an economic response to the s t i l l a c tive demand for native arts by outsiders (Macnair et a l . 1980:65) . While most a r t i s t s working in the nineteenth century or e a r l i e r remain anonymous, a small number of a r t i s t s achieved renown as in d i v i d u a l s through t h e i r contacts with ethnologists and museum c o l l e c t o r s . Charles Edensaw (1839-1920) and Gwaytihl (d. 1912?) are two Haida a r t i s t s who acquired i n t e r n a t i o n a l reputations. The l a t t e r i s known for his p o r t r a i t masks which were a r t i c u l a t e d and r e a l i s t i c in s t y l e , yet not made for use - they were t r u l y an a r t made for a new function outside of native t r a d i t i o n . Edensaw remains one of the most famous and s i g n i f i c a n t Haida a r t i s t s who was also recognized and used by anthropologists as an authority on native c u l t u r e . His fame "comes mainly from his work in non - t r a d i t i o n a l media: s i l v e r , gold, and a r g i l l i t e ... [and] most of his i d e n t i f i e d output was produced for sale to non-Indians. I t was in t h i s context that Edensaw established h i s reputation? (Macnair et a l . 1980:68). Edensaw was a pr o f e s s i o n a l a r t i s t who was able to devote himself f u l l time to a r t production. He l i v e d and worked between two worlds - the native and white s o c i e t i e s - carrying on - 14 -and innovating upon Haida t r a d i t i o n s while adapting them to a new context and function. In h i s r o l e as an a r t i s t whose t r a d i t i o n a l function had ceased within the native environment, Edensaw served as a l a s t l i n k between two cultures i n a time of change. Although, as noted previously, Kwagiutl art production for native use continued throughout t h i s time, Edensaw's death l e f t the remnants of northern Northwest Coast art t r a d i t i o n s reduced only to the production of t o u r i s t curios. II - ART PRODUCTION ON THE NORTHWEST COAST: 1920 to 1960 The years from 1920 to 1960 are generally considered a period of continuing decline for Northwest Coast Indian a r t . Describing t h i s period, Hawthorn (1961:69) wrote: "A few carvers work capably, even imaginatively. Museums provide a replacement for the supports given by the old system, supplying an income and an appreciative audience. Many more carvers work crudely and r e p e t i t i v e l y , t h e i r work separated from the values of t h e i r communities and s e l l i n g on a completely uninformed, external market." With the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l structures that had supported Northwest Coast Indian a r t s and given the arts meaning, most t r i b a l groups l o s t the knowledge, s k i l l s , and resources needed to sustain a v i a b l e , evolving art t r a d i t i o n . The suppression of i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the potlatch s i g n i f i c a n t l y aided the decline of the t r a d i t i o n a l a r t s for a l l t r i b a l groups. The four decades between 1920 and 1960 may be interpreted as a continuation of a period of t r a n s i t i o n that began i n the l a t e 1800's, where a new audience and consumer, and a new economic and s o c i a l support system had not yet developed to an extent where they could replace those of the past and support the same degree, of a r t - 15 -production. Two kinds of markets or contexts for Northwest Coast art production did e x i s t i n t h i s time period, although they were much more constrained i n scope than i n preceding and following decades. A small number of a r t i s t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y among the Southern Kwagiutl but also among other t r i b e s , continued to produce works for a t r a d i t i o n a l context. Possibly a larger number of arti s a n s produced for the commercial context, which, consisted p r i m a r i l y of a l i m i t e d t o u r i s t market. The T r a d i t i o n a l Context Of a l l Northwest Coast t r i b a l groups, the Southern Kwagiutl were the most successful i n continuing t h e i r a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s i n the face of potlatch p r o h i b i t i o n . It i s often stressed that, i n contrast to other t r i b a l t r a d i t i o n s , the Kwagiutl t r a d i t i o n alone has remained uninterrupted (Macnair 1977:152). However, even Kwagiutl art t r a d i t i o n s slumbered, being c a r r i e d on i n the hands of r e l a t i v e l y few p r a c t i t i o n e r s compared to e a r l i e r times. Charlie James, Mungo Martin, and W i l l i e Seaweed are Southern Kwagiutl a r t i s t s who managed to maintain a v i a b l e and c u l t u r a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t art throughout t h i s period, producing ceremonial objects for potlatch. use, as well as items for an outside market. While the maintenance of the p o t l a t c h provided employment for these and other Kwagiutl a r t i s t s , i t was not u n t i l the 19.50's that a few young people again became interested i n learning the carving s k i l l s and carrying on the work of the older men. The s i t u a t i o n was more serious among the Haida and Tsimshian, where master a r t i s t s died without passing on t h e i r knowledge to younger carvers. Among the Tsimshian, the c l a s s i c carving and painting t r a d i t i o n passed - 16 -from p r a c t i c e about 191Q, although, a few craftsmen continued to carye into the 1940's (Macnair.et a l . 1980:93). Reid (1981:4) r e c a l l s that on the Queen Charlotte Islands, "there was some adequate s l a t e carving and a few old men. John Cross, Tom Moody, John Marks, and my grandfather, Charles Gladstone, were making some quite nice bracelets." While i t i s not clear whether a r t production for the Coast S a l i s h r i t u a l context continued, t r a d i t i o n a l use of already e x i s t i n g engraved r a t t l e s and s p i r i t dancing equipment continued to some extent throughout t h i s time period (Kew 1981). Regarding Nuu-chah-nulth. (Westcoast/Nootka) a r t , there Is some disagreement as to whether or not the t r a d i t i o n died out; some sources state that the t r a d i t i o n continued i n remote areas, others declare the production of ceremonial art to have ceased altogether by 1950 (Blackman and H a l l 1978:11). Women's a r t s are often omitted from a discussion of the decline and r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian a r t s , although basketry and weaving also responded to the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l structure, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of machine-made wares, and the curio trade. For example, basket-making for native use continued only as long as i t remained a useful s k i l l within the household. On the other hand, basketry s t y l e s and forms were e a s i l y adapted for the t o u r i s t market, e s p e c i a l l y by the Salish. and the Nuu-chah-nulth. In the period 1920 to I960, the t r a d i t i o n a l context for Northwest Coast a r t s had therefore generally diminished, leaving l i m i t e d demand for ceremonial goods and a slowly developing commercial market In i t s place. - 17 -The Commercial Context The market for newly produced Northwest Coast art declined during the l a t e 1920/s and 1930's, probably at l e a s t i n part because of a d r a s t i c reduction i n active commissioned museum c o l l e c t i n g , as well as the economic depression of the 1930's. Knight (1978:43) states that by the end of the 1930's the market for Haida art had reached i t s lowest point. Barbeau (.1957:203) wrote that Andrew Brown, an experienced Haida a r g i l l i t e carver, was reduced to s e l l i n g miniature totem poles at the Prince Rupert dockside to t o u r i s t s f o r two to three d o l l a r s a piece. C o l l e c t i o n and purchase of Kwagiutl ethnographic items also declined i n the 1920's, and Kwagiutl a r t i s t s s h i f t e d more to jewellery-making and miniature wood carvings (Knight 1978:44). Although, the curio or t o u r i s t market was l i m i t e d i n si z e and scope, i t provided the primary stimulus and commercial outlet for Northwest Coast Indian a r t s produced between 1920 and 1960. Items produced during t h i s period included Cowichan k n i t t i n g , basketry, some s i l v e r j e w e l l e r y and a r g i l l i t e carving, and of course, wood carving. Some museums commissioned and purchased pieces for t h e i r c o l l e c t i o n s , but t h i s occurred on a much smaller scale than before the turn of the century. Perhaps the .most economically successful area of the Northwest Coast Indian art market was the growing Cowichan sweater k n i t t i n g industry, established by the 1880's. Although not a t r a d i t i o n a l native art form, the products were i n high demand by the non-Indian public and came to be recognized as uniquely B r i t i s h Columbian items. Kn i t t e r s i n the 1950's received from f i f t e e n to twenty d o l l a r s a sweater, and an average sweater sold on the r e t a i l market f o r twenty to t h i r t y - f i v e d o l l a r s (Hawthorn et - 18 -a l . 1958:262). Since Cowichan k n i t t i n g was an imported (non-Indigenous) c r a f t o r i g i n a l l y taught to native women by Sco t t i s h immigrant women, i t did not r e l y on knowledge of t r a d i t i o n a l forms or have to adapt i t s e l f from a t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l context to the Indian art market. In f a c t , the knitted products found a ready market among both, non-native and native people. By contrast, basketry comprised a small segment of the Northwest Coast art market, as the c r a f t was; only practised by older women and did not provide adequate f i n a n c i a l returns for the amount of labour involved. Nuu-chah-nulth, Coastal and I n t e r i o r S a l i s h baskets were the types most commonly a v a i l a b l e to the consumer. S i l v e r jewellery production during t h i s period declined greatly i n q u a l i t y and quantity, r e l a t i v e to e a r l i e r standards. Only a few artisan s attempted well-designed engraved jewellery. Others p a r t i c i p a t e d i n mass production of bracelets, where s t r i p s of s i l v e r were factory-stamped with a pattern that the native craftsman then f i n i s h e d and polished. Hawthorn et a l . (1958:263) note that "Since the p r i c e for most of these products ranges from $10 to $15 including the pri c e of the s i l v e r , they would not j u s t i f y the f u l l care of a s i l v e r s m i t h . " The returns to a r g i l l i t e carvers were also not high., despite a r e l a t i v e l y strong c o l l e c t o r demand for works i n t h i s medium. Only very few carvers continued to create such items as model poles, ashtrays, and brooches, for which, they received one d o l l a r per l i n e a l inch, i n the 1930's, and f i v e d o l l a r s per inch i n the 1950's QBarbeau 1957:9.5; Hawthorn et a l . 1958:260). Over a l l a r t i s t i c q u a l i t y of the work was extremely low. i n comparison to works created by experienced Haida carvers i n the 18.QQ's. - 19 -Souvenir model totem poles comprised the hulk of the carved wooden items a v a i l a b l e on the t o u r i s t market. Ranging i n si z e from a few inches to two feet, "most represent(ed) the i n d i v i d u a l s t y l e s of carvers of the southern coast t r i b e s who had l i t t l e or no t r a d i t i o n a l background of totem poles (Duff 19.64b:83).. Hawthorn et a l . (1958:259) wrote, It must not be assumed that the many small carved poles for sale i n shops are an index of the v i t a l i t y of t h i s c r a f t . These small totem poles have no h i s t o r i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e and have only come into existence as a r e s u l t of t o u r i s t demand for souvenirs ... for the most part they are garish and meaningless l i t t l e souvenirs, made on commission at low prices per unit or l o t . Other items of wood carved for the market included masks;, plaques, and single animal f i g u r e s , although these were not produced on as large a scale as model poles. A number of experienced native carvers who continued carving for native use also produced items for the commercial market. The better known among them are Southern Kwagiutl a r t i s t s . U n t i l the l a t e 1930's Charlie James (c. 1868 - 1938) created hundreds of model poles which he sold to v i s i t o r s to h i s native v i l l a g e . These pieces d i f f e r e d from hi s t r a d i t i o n a l works not only i n the context for which they were created, but also i n t h e i r imprecise workmanship and f i n i s h . Macnair et a l . (1980:73) note, "He i s fondly remembered by h i s own people as a t r a d i t i o n a l a r t i s t but the impression most others have of him i s that he was: a maker of curio items." Southern Kwagiutl a r t i s t s Mungo Martin and W i l l i e Seaweed also carved n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l a r t i c l e s for sale i n addition to the items they carved for ceremonial use. Charlie G. Walkus (1907 - 1974) and Charlie George J r . (b. 1910) are two Southern Kwagiutl carvers who began t h e i r - 20 -careers by carving model totem poles to s e l l to non-Indians, and who developed into recognized t r i b a l a r t i s t s . Walkus carved masks for sale i n the 1950's which d i f f e r e d from the masks he made for native use In only a few respects: a lack of r i g g i n g (meaning the mask could not be worn), and Walkus' signature inside (Macnair et a l . 1980:96). Even the market for f i n e contemporary pieces and older heirloom pieces was very l i m i t e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia. In the l a t e 19.40's, according to A. Hawthorn (1975:14), "there were no s p e c i a l i z e d dealers i n Northwest Coast art and ethnography. The occasional curio shop might buy a mask or two from an Indian, but the p r i c e s they paid were extremely u n r e a l i s t i c i n terms of the f i n e workmanship that had gone into the pieces." As w i l l be shown i n section III of t h i s chapter, i t was not u n t i l the l a t e 196Q's that antique items of Northwest Coast Indian art began to be promoted and consider as " a r t " and priced accordingly on the art market. E l l e n Neel, the granddaughter of Charlie James and carver In her own r i g h t , was one of the few native a r t i s t s who attempted to make a l i v i n g from her art i n the 1940's, at the same time keeping Kwagiutl art a l i v e and increasing public awareness of i t . Together with her husband and c h i l d r e n she created a family cottage industry, and they carved model totem poles, masks, and other items. O r i g i n a l l y , they l i v e d and worked out of a small shop on Powell Street i n Vancouver (see Appendix IIa)l, "making whatever she could s e l l " (A. Hawthorn 1979:259). The l a c k of i n t e r e s t i n native art at that time, however, meant a constant struggle to maintain sales of t h e i r work. A comment by the outspoken Neel, made at a 19_48 Conference on Native Indian A f f a i r s , provides a good i l l u s t r a t i o n of the context within - 21 -which, she and other native a r t i s t s worked: In my family carving was a means of l i v e l i h o o d . My grandfather was Charlie James, the famous Yakuglas ... Totems were our d a i l y , fare. They bought our c l o t h i n g and furnished our food. There was no problem of sale, since h i s work was eagerly sought. Now the s i t u a t i o n i s d i f f e r e n t . Curio dealers have so cheapened the art i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to s a t i s f y t h e i r desire for p r o f i t , that I doubt i f one could f i n d a single household where the a u t h e n t i c i t y of the work i s important to them. I have s t r i v e n In a l l my work to r e t a i n the authentic, but I f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to obtain even a portion of the p r i c e necessary to do a r e a l l y f i n e piece of work. This being so, I do not blame my contemporaries for t r y i n g to get enough for t h e i r work to l i v e on, even though I believe 'they are cheapening t h e i r heritage. C e r t a i n l y a great work could be performed amongst the native people i f a true appreciation of t h e i r work could be i n s t i l l e d into the general p u b l i c . Only when there i s an adequate response to our e f f o r t s to r e t a i n  the best of our a r t w i l l i t be possible to t r a i n the younger generation to appreciate t h e i r own c u l t u r a l achievements ("quoted i n Hawthorn 1948). Neel's l a t t e r comment, i n p a r t i c u l a r , points out the importance of the development of an appreciative non-Indian consumer public to ensure the s u r v i v a l of Northwest Coast a r t s . This requirement was r e i t e r a t e d by Hawthorn et a l . (1958:265), who reported that "Public information on the background of Indian cultures i s of f i r s t importance. A programme which aims at developing Indian a r t i s t i c resources must depend ultimately upon public i n t e r e s t and understanding." Since native society no longer provided the support system and "market" for the a r t s , continued art production depended upon the expansion of the commercial market. The market context between .1920 and 19.60, i n which Neel and other a r t i s t s attempted to s e l l t h e i r work, was l i m i t e d and shaped by i n t e r r e l a t e d - 22 -s o c i a l , h i s t o r i c , and economic f a c t o r s . B r i e f l y summarized, these include: - The los s of the t r a d i t i o n a l native context for art production. Native people had become Involved i n the broader i n d u s t r i a l economy of the province, had l a r g e l y yielded to C h r i s t i a n i t y , and had experienced new forms of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l organization. The potlatch p r o h i b i t i o n law was i n e f f e c t during most of t h i s period (1884-1951)., and much ceremonial paraphernalia was either confiscated (e.g. Cranmer potlatch. r a i d , 1922; see I n g l i s 1979) or sold. - The s o c i e t a l perceptions of Indians. Negative attitudes toward Indianness were communicated to Northwest Coast people through, the r e s i d e n t i a l school programs, where students were punished for using t h e i r native language and encouraged to become as "White" as. possible. These at t i t u d e s helped foster a negative self-image among Indians, including a r e j e c t i o n of the past and of a c t i v i t i e s or t r a i t s that emphasized a person's Indianness. Addressing the question of why the younger generation of native people In the 1930's to 1950's did not have an i n t e r e s t i n preserving t h e i r c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s , Barbeau (1957:212) c i t e s the words he often heard repeated: "We have been taught to be modern, progressive. We don't want to be mistaken for our uncles who wore blankets." The production of Indian a r t , which, would express a native i d e n t i t y i n the terms of the past, was not considered p o s i t i v e l y by this: younger generation, nor was i t reinforced as desirable by the wider society-. A statement by Audrey and Harry Hawthorn, quoted i n the Report of the Royal Commission on National Development i n the A r t s , Letters, and Sciences. (Massey et a l , 1951:239).., is, relevant to t h i s point: - 23 -There i s s t i l l a widespread ignorance about Indian cultures. The movies and the comics provide the only general knowledge to many people. A l l Indians are portrayed as l i v i n g In t i p i s and wearing feathers, u n t i l even some Indians have come to believe t h i s . A vast area of in d i f f e r e n c e surrounds Imputations of ignorance, l a z i n e s s or u n r e l i a b i l i t y . Erroneous b e l i e f s are coupled with the sparse facts that Indians made arrow heads ... and that the old women used to trade baskets for old clothes ... and that i s the sum t o t a l of public knowledge of these peoples. - Population decline. By 1929 the Indian population i n B r i t i s h Columbia had experienced a decline of about s i x t y percent to a low point, of 22if605 ("from an estimated 70,000 i n 1835). I t was not u n t i l 1939 that the population again began to increase i n a l l parts of the province, to a t o t a l of 40,800 i n 1963 (Duff 19.64b:45). - North American socio-economic conditions. The 1920's were a time of rapid change for B r i t i s h Columbia and North. America generally, characterized by an i n d u s t r i a l boom and trends toward urbanization. In contrast, the 1930's were economically depressed years, c u r t a i l i n g the e x i s t i n g market f or Indian a r t s . An economic boom and build-up of industry and technology followed the Second World War, however, and car r i e d through the 1950's, a time of modernization. In contrast to the more recent n o s t a l g i a for the past, the 1950's were characterized by a replacement of the old by the new. - Limited f i n a n c i a l support f o r native a r t s . Government encouragement of, and f i n a n c i a l support f o r , Northwest Coast Indian art production was generally lacking p r i o r to 1960. The fact that the potlatch p r o h i b i t i o n law was not l i f t e d u n t i l 1951 indicates governmental atti t u d e s of the time toward the continuation of such expressions of native culture and i d e n t i t y . Perhaps the most s i g n i f i c a n t instances - 24 -of f i n a n c i a l support for native arts; were several totem pole r e s t o r a -t i o n projects (see below) and a small number of museum exh i b i t i o n s . The factors mentioned above comprise elements of the wider context for native a r t , within which only a l i m i t e d non-Indian consumer public developed. Some attempts at promoting Northwest Coast Indian arts were, however, made between 19.20 and 1960, although the s o c i a l m i l i e u , i n which, such attempts would be most e f f e c t i v e did not emerge u n t i l a f t e r t h i s period. In 1939 Northwest Coast Indian art was Included i n the Golden Gate International Exposition i n San Francisco as part of one of the f i r s t e xhibitions of American Indian a r t . In the 1940's, Northwest Coast art was "discovered" by the S u r r e a l i s t a r t i s t s i n New York (Including such a r t i s t s as Max Ernst, Andre Breton, and friends such as Claude Levi-Strauss), who were attracted to the v i s u a l puns i n the masterworks they were able to c o l l e c t . The S u r r e a l i s t s arranged an e x h i b i t i o n e n t i t l e d "Northwest Coast Indian Painting" at the Betty Parsons G a l l e r y i n New York i n 1946 (Carpenter 1975:9, 10). This was a preliminary attempt at removing the objects from the anthropologists' category of " s c i e n t i f i c specimen" and r e c l a s s i f i n g them as " a r t . " Local exhibitions at the Vancouver Art Gallery In 19.56 and 1958 (see Appendix I) also served to p u b l i c i z e the a r t , although, the focus was usually on i t s t r a d i t i o n a l ethnographic context. In V i c t o r i a , a non-Indian organization c a l l e d "The Society for the Furtherance of B.C. Indian Arts and C r a f t s " ( l a t e r changed to the B.C. Indian Arts and Welfare Society) was set up i n 1939. I t s purpose was to preserve and stimulate native a r t s and c r a f t s . The organization held some ex h i b i t s of native c r a f t s (including exhibitions of George C l u t e s i ' s - 25 -paintings i n 19.44) , made a r t scholarships a v a i l a b l e to students,- and attempted to p u b l i c i z e t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast patterns and designs (Hawthorn et a l . 1958:266). Society founder, Dr. AliceVRavenhill, published a book of Northwest Coast designs e n t i t l e d "A Cornerstone of Canadian Culture" i n 1944. This was one of the few books on Northwest Coast art generally a v a i l a b l e at that time. A number of i n d i v i d u a l s , including anthropologists, dealers, and patrons, played a r o l e i n promoting the art and encouraging art production. Wilson Duff, Marius Barheau, and Audrey and Harry Hawthorn, among others, contributed as anthropologists to the recognition of Northwest Coast art through t h e i r writings, museum a c t i v i t i e s , and personal connections to native a r t i s t s . Only a few r e t a i l o u t l e t s s p e c i a l i z i n g i n Northwest Coast Indian art were established before 1960 (see Appendix I I ) , but t h e i r dealers provided a l i n k between the craftspeople and the t o u r i s t s and c o l l e c t o r s . Major patrons such, as Walter and Marianne Koerner and H.R. MacMillan c o l l e c t e d and assisted i n museum purchases of fi n e Northwest Coast pieces, and encouraged a r t i s t s and benefactors to preserve and support the art form. The support of these patrons helped museums to spark wider public i n t e r e s t i n Northwest Coast art and c o n t r i -bute to the body of material from which, young a r t i s t s could l a t e r r e l e a r n the art t r a d i t i o n s . The most s i g n i f i c a n t promotion of Northwest Coast Indian art i n the period p r i o r to 1960 was the totem pole r e s t o r a t i o n project at the UBC Museum of Anthropology. In 1949.-50. Audrey and Harry Hawthorn commissioned E l l e n Neel and Mungo Martin to restore totem poles brought to the campus years e a r l i e r . As an extension of the project i n 1950-51, - 26 -Martin carved two f o r t y - f o o t poles of His own family crests (A. Hawthorn 1979:vii). This project established Martin as a f u l l - t i m e carver and informant i n residence, f i r s t f o r two years at UBC and subsequently for ten years at the B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Museum with. Wilson Duff (Ames 1981:8). In V i c t o r i a Martin constructed a new version of h i s t r a d i t i o n a l community house, and carved and r e p l i c a t e d more than two dozen totem poles (Macnair et a l . 1980:73). Both projects attracted much, public attention, thereby serving as important s t i m u l i to the development of a larger consumer public and to the r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast " t r a d i t i o n a l " a r t . The projects also "demonstrated p u b l i c l y that an honourable l i v i n g could be made by producing high q u a l i t y carvings for white people and t h e i r museums" (Ames 1981:8). From t h i s point on, the urban centres of Vancouver, V i c t o r i a , and Seattle became the f o c a l areas for the Northwest Coast art r e v i v a l . Although much of the commercial art production was. continuing i n the more remote native communities, many a r t i s t s (Including B i l l Reid, Tony- Hunt, and l a t e r Robert Davidson, Norman T a i t , and others), were centering them-selves i n the c i t y . The non-Indian consumers, the t o u r i s t s , and i n s t i t u t i o n s such as museums were also centered i n urban areas, meaning that the major markets for Indian art would develop within the three c i t i e s . Museum commissions continued: i n 19.57 B i l l Reid and Douglas Cranmer were commissioned by the UBC Museum of Anthropology (with the aid of Canada Council grants) to create a section of a Haida v i l l a g e , which was completed i n 1962; and i n 1954 Henry Hunt was hired by the B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Museum as caryer-in-residence, a continuation of the project - 27 -that began with, the h i r i n g of Martin and which has car r i e d on to the present day. Again, such projects not only helped launch the careers of i n d i v i d u a l carvers, but attracted enough public attention to i n d i r e c t l y a f f e c t the growth of the wider commercial market for Northwest Coast Indian a r t s . I l l - THE REVIVAL OF NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART: 19.60. to the Present What i s often termed the "renaissance" (Cocking 1971, Vastokas 1975) or revival"*" of Northwest Coast Indian art began i n the 1960's and continues i n the present day. S o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r s both i n t e r n a l and external to native society contributed to a climate favouring the growth of art production, an emphasis on native t r a d i t i o n s , and the development of an appreciative art market. The l a s t two decades have witnessed continuing Indian p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , a new public i n t e r e s t i n ecology and "the people of nature", the attempted creation of a "Canadian culture and i d e n t i t y " , the implementation of government funding for the a r t s , and increased p u b l i c i t y for Northwest Coast Indian art through books and ex h i b i t i o n s . Native p o l i t i c a l movements, i n t h e i r attempts to achieve a new re l a t i o n s h i p between the Indian people and the rest of Canadian society, have contributed to a r e a l i z a t i o n of the value of heritage and traditions' for native people. A statement made by native p o l i t i c a l groups In the "Ci t i z e n s Plus" proposal of 1970 (the "Red Paper"), " c a l l e d for the acceptance of d i v e r s i t y and pluralism i n Canada's c u l t u r a l l i f e , and i n s i s t e d that c h i l d r e n learn Indian h i s t o r y and customs" (Patterson 19.72: 180). In the face of c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic pressures, an emphasis on the t r a d i t i o n a unique to native culture, has been part of the - 28 -search, for a p o s i t i v e c o l l e c t i v e Indian i d e n t i t y . The production of Northwest Coast art based on native t r a d i t i o n s i s a means of expressing t h i s i d e n t i t y for some contemporary a r t i s t s , and a new appreciative audience allows the a r t i s t to make a l i v i n g producing such art for sale. The r e v i v a l of c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s such as potlatching i s an attendant development of the contemporary art r e v i v a l that allows for an expression of native i d e n t i t y within and for the native context. Wider p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n the Western world as a whole has also played a r o l e i n the Northwest Coast art r e v i v a l . The 1960's were generally characterized by reactions against the power and authority of the dominant culture, and against technology and i t s consequences. Increasing urbanization and modernization prompted a renewed sense of the past, i n which many of the younger generation searched for " a l t e r n a t i v e l i f e s t y l e s " and a return to the "natural" values which appeared to be f a s t disappearing from North American/European l i f e . North American Indian cultures, as examples of "closeness to nature", became a source of symbols to represent adherence to the new values - long hair and beads were widely adopted by native as well as non-native youth. For the former, long hair may have a d d i t i o n a l l y served as a symbol of p o l i t i c a l pan-Indianism. In t h i s way elements of a romanticized native t r a d i t i o n were selected as an opposition to modernity and to the conformity which white American values represented. As a factor i n the r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian a r t , t h i s 1960's trend served p r i m a r i l y as a means of o r i e n t i n g some sectors of the public toward viewing native culture and t r a d i t i o n s i n a p o s i t i v e l i g h t . The response of the public i n turn seems to have been a factor encouraging native a r t i s t s ' expressions of native i d e n t i t y . The - 29 -overriding message directed at native people was beginning to change from that of e a r l i e r decades. S o c i e t a l attitudes toward t r a d i t i o n a l (though not n e c e s s a r i l y contemporary) native culture were s h i f t i n g from general disdain to acceptance, and sometimes to admiration. Such a s h i f t was v i t a l to the development of a milieu i n which, native a r t s , as expressions of native t r a d i t i o n s , could once again f l o u r i s h . The growing i n t e r e s t i n p r i m i t i v e t r a d i t i o n s that Became evident i n the 19.60's i s part of a larger phenomenon. Grana (1971:98) has written that "The destruction of l o c a l t r a d i t i o n s and the assault upon 'the past' perpetuated by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and world-wide modernization seem to make large numbers of people susceptible to an appetite for r e l i c s of p r e - i n d u s t r i a l l i f e . " In addition, MacCannell (1976) has noted modern society's "search for a u t h e n t i c i t y " i n p r i m i t i v e cultures and t r a d i t i o n s of the past. As stated previously, when a society's i d e n t i t y i s threatened, the people often turn to past customs and values In order to construct a p o s i t i v e sense of i d e n t i t y . Yet Graburn (1976a:28)_ has shown that there i s an "almost univ e r s a l p r o c l i v i t y of modern F i r s t , Second, and Third World nations to c o l l e c t and display the arts of t h e i r present and past minority peoples as symbols of t h e i r national i d e n t i t y " (emphasis mine). In Canada, the arts of the Indians and Inuit serve t h i s purpose, and represent Canada to the t o u r i s t s who take them home as souvenirs. On the Northwest Coast, i t i s evident that t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast Indian culture has become an element of the i d e n t i t y of not only the native people themselves, but also of the non-Indian people who have made the area t h e i r home. The way i n which many non-native residents of B r i t i s h 2 Columbia seem to view Northwest Coast culture as "our heritage" may - 30 -indica t e "a way [for people without 'long roots:' i n the country] of symbolically bonding to the land i n which the t r a d i t i o n s have evolved ... It i s a way of creating the meaning of the place for oneself and i n one's own experience" (Halpin 1981a: 16).. The m u l t i c u l t u r a l nature of the Canadian population implies the lack of a d e f i n i t e c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y formed out of far-reaching ancestral connections to the country. This lack has been perceived by the fede r a l government as a block i n the path, to national unity, and has resulted i n p o l i c y development that has affected the r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian a r t s . In 1949 a Royal Commission on National Development i n the Arts, Letters and Sciences was set up by the Canadian federal government. The government believed that " i t i s i n the national i n t e r e s t to give encourage-ment to i n s t i t u t i o n s which, express nation a l f e e l i n g , promote common understanding and add to the v a r i e t y and richness of Canadian l i f e " (Massey et a l . 1951:xvii). Recommendations were made i n the Commission's 1951 R.eport that a national arts and c r a f t s programme be established as an e s s e n t i a l aspect of the development of Indian s o c i a l and economic welfare. It was suggested as well that a r e v i v a l of native arts wouid promote common understanding and be a valuable contribution to Canadian culture (1951:242^3). In the I960.'s federal government funding programmes were established as a response both, to these recommendations and to a renewed searching f o r a national culture and i d e n t i t y . A c u l t u r a l development department within the Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s was formed to promote native art production; the department issued grants to native a r t i s t s , writers, etc., and. began the D.I.N.A. art c o l l e c t i o n - 31 -( H i l l 1978:35). The 'Ksan centre., established i n 19.66 i n the Hazelton area, i s an example of an economic and c u l t u r a l project that received funding from p r o v i n c i a l and federal l e v e l s of government. 'Ksan, which o f f i c i a l l y opened i n 1970, includes a museum, Interpretation, and r e c r e a t i o n a l centre, as well as the Kitanmax School of Northwest Coast Indian a r t . The centre was established with the primary goal of helping to r e v i t a l i z e the economically depressed area; the art t r a i n i n g programme was intended to provide graduates with a means of making a l i v e l i h o o d . In addition, the D.I.N.A. established the National Indian Arts and Crafts Corporation (N.I.A.C.C.) i n 1969.., which, was created to represent native a r t i s t s and craftspeople i n meetings with the D.I.N.A., to make decisions on a l l o c a t i o n s of funds among p r o v i n c i a l a r t s and c r a f t s s o c i e t i e s , and to provide a common forum for native a r t i s t s . One component of the N.I.A.C.C. was the Canadian Indian Marketing Services (C.I.M.S.), established i n the ea r l y 1970's as a ce n t r a l wholesale marketing and promotion agency 3 for Canadian native a r t s and c r a f t s . Federal p o l i c i e s on art and culture continued to be developed through the 1970's and into the 1980's (see Applebaum et a l . , Report of  the Federal C u l t u r a l P o l i c y Review Committee 1982), often haying as one of t h e i r objectives "the improvement of the capa c i t y of Canadians to see and to know themselves, to share c u l t u r a l experiences and thereby to acquire a sense of belonging" (Speaking of our Culture. Federal C u l t u r a l  P o l i c y Review Committee Discussion Guide 1980:4). Funding for native a r t s also continued; important for many native a r t i s t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia was the formation of the B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Arts and Crafts Society i n 1976, which represents almost 2000 a r t i s t s and craftspeople, - 32 -providing them with funding, materials-, and t r a i n i n g . Nineteen sixty-seven was Canada's Centennial year, celebrated i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l showcase of Expo '67. As Ostry (1978:110) states, "The whole of the Centennial project, and e s p e c i a l l y Expo '67, had proved that investment i n culture could be more than j u s t i f i e d by the national awareness ... i t generated." Indian a r t i s t s along with other Canadian a r t i s t s were commissioned and subsidized by the federal government to contribute to the formation of a n a t i o n a l culture and image. Expo '67 provided contemporary and t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast art with some much needed exposure outside of B r i t i s h Columbia, as did the subsequent e x h i b i t i o n "Man and h i s World", which, for two years exhibited a s i g n i f i c a n t part of the UBC Museum of Anthropology's c o l l e c t i o n s . Another Centennial project was the Vancouver Art Gallery e x h i b i t i o n "Arts of the Raven", organized by D o r i s Shadbolt with, the assistance of Wilson Duff, B i l l Holm, and B i l l Reid. On display was a s e l e c t i o n of f i n e pieces of Northwest Coast Indian art gathered from leading museums and p r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n s throughout North America. The intent of the e x h i b i t i o n , as stated i n the catalogue, was to make a statement contributing to "the s h i f t i n focus from ethnology to a r t " for Northwest Coast Indian art - " t h i s i s an e x h i b i t i o n of a r t , high a r t , not ethnology" (Shadbolt 1967). The e x h i b i t i o n has been regarded as; a turning point for Northwest Coast art appreciation. According to Duff (1975:13), "Arts of the Raven" was "the threshold over which Northwest Coast art had come into f u l l recognition as 'fine a r t ' as well as 'primitive a r t ' . " Parts of the e x h i b i t i o n included a g a l l e r y devoted to the work of master a r t i s t Charles Edenshaw, and another g a l l e r y focusing on contemporary - 33 -a r t s . Both of these sections of the exhibit represented new approaches to the appreciation of Northwest Coast a r t , the f i r s t by di s t i n g u i s h i n g the native a r t i s t as i n d i v i d u a l , and the second by recognizing the continuation of t r a d i t i o n a l art s t y l e s i n new and modern contexts. Regarding the l a t t e r , the catalogue states, "But now these are art s i n a d i f f e r e n t sense. Though, t r u l y enough, of Indian descent, they are now Canadian a r t , modern a r t , f i n e a r t " (Duff 1967). The contemporary works included pieces by Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s t s Doug Cranmer, B i l l Reid, Robert Davidson, Tony Hunt, and Henry Hunt ( a l l from B r i t i s h Columbia); and pieces i n the Northwest Coast s t y l e by Cherokee a r t i s t Don Lelooska Smith and white a r t i s t s B i l l Holm, Michael- Johnson., and Doris Khyber-Sruber (weaver of Chilkat blankets), the l a t t e r four from the United States. Whether the organizers' intentions f o r the e x h i b i t i o n were r e a l i z e d i s debatable, as the ar t ' s connections, to p r i m i t i v e or t o u r i s t / curio art remain dominant to the present day. This; Is r e f l e c t e d i n the general at t i t u d e s of a r t g a l l e r i e s toward c o l l e c t i n g or e x h i b i t i n g native art . Reluctant to accept i t , or assess i t , simply as contemporary a r t , they relegate i t to i t s "proper" place, the ethnology museum (see Ames 1981;7). However, "Arts of the Raven", located i n the art g a l l e r y s e t t i n g , s u c c e s s f u l l y served to d i r e c t p u b l i c attention to Northwest Coast Indian art and allowed c o l l e c t o r s and young a r t i s t s to r e a l i z e that contemporary works could be created on a par with, masterpieces of the past. Not i n s i g n i f i c a n t l y , the catalogue accompanying the e x h i b i t i o n became an accessible and r e l i a b l e source of images and information on the a r t . The catalogue includes concise descriptions of the ar t ' s context and design conventions written by experts Holm and Duff. - 34 -Since the 19.67 "Arts of the. Raven" e x h i b i t i o n , "the four major museums and g a l l e r i e s i n B r i t i s h . Columbia (BCPM, Vancouver Art Gallery, Vancouver Centennial Museum, UBC), occasionally with the assistance of th e i r g i f t shops, have produced over t h i r t y temporary exhibitions of Northwest Coast Indian art and opened two major permanent exhibitions ( P r o v i n c i a l Museum and UBC), a l l of which promoted the aesthetic merit of Northwest Coast Indian a r t , and most of which included contemporary examples" (Ames 19.81:8). (See Appendix I for a p a r t i a l l i s t i n g of Northwest Coast a r t exhibitions held i n B.C. and elsewhere.) Like "Arts of the Raven" and "Man and his World", several of these ex h i b i t i o n s had a major impact on the development of both, contemporary Northwest Coast art production and an appreciative audience for the a r t s . As c i t e d by Ames (1981), these include the 1971 "Legacy" (an e x h i b i t i o n of contemporary works only), the 1974 " B i l l Reid Retrospective", and the series of one-man shows and p r i n t e x h i b i t s i n s t i t u t e d at the UBC Museum of Anthropology i n 1977. The more recent "Legacy I I " e x h i b i t i o n could also be added to the l i s t . The opening of the new UBC Museum of Anthropology i n 1976, which, features Northwest Coast Indian art and displays i t as " f i n e a r t " , was probably the strongest proclamation to date of non-Indian recognition of the value and s i g n i f i c a n c e of t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast Indian art and cul t u r e . Almost concurrent openings of permanent Northwest Coast ethnology g a l l e r i e s at the BCPM and National Museum further r e f l e c t e d the degree to which Northwest Coast Indian culture was now considered to be worthy of aesthetic appreciation and f i n a n c i a l support. By having "the ef f e c t of le g i t i m a t i n g both, a r t i s t and a r t i f a c t i n the eyes of both, whites and Indians" (Ames. 1981:9).>'.museums and .galleries-have played a v i t a l - 35 -r o l e i n the development of the Northwest Coast Indian art market. Whites see a r t i f a c t s displayed i n museum contexts as c o l l e c t i b l e s and investments. Indians discover a new value for t h e i r own material heritage (Ames 1981:9). It i s important, at t h i s point, to emphasize the major roles played by B i l l Reid and B i l l Holm i n the r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian a r t . The s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l f a c t o rs discussed above were v i t a l i n developing a new context f o r a r t production. However, Reid and Holm's pioneering analyses and reconstructions of northern Northwest Coast design were also i n f l u e n t i a l i n aiding the r e v i v a l . Their a r t , studies, and teaching, and i n p a r t i c u l a r Holm's 1965 book Northwest Coast Indian A r t : An Analysis of Form (to be discussed below), have provided the groundwork from which many succeeding a r t i s t s have gone on to learn and create i n the 4 northern s t y l e . Contemporary a r t i s t s who wish to learn Northwest Coast design can now choose among three basic methods of t r a i n i n g : they can learn on th e i r own, using books, photographs, and museum c o l l e c t i o n s as references; they can apprentice to other a r t i s t s ; and they can learn i n a formal 5 6 t r a i n i n g s e t t i n g such as 'Ksan or Tony Hunt's workshop. ' Macnair et a l . (1980:98) note that Kwagiutl Tony Hunt i s probably the only a r t i s t i n h i s age group "to have been trained as a youngster by a master £Mungo Martin3 whose understanding of the art reaches back to when t r a d i t i o n a l culture was s t i l l dominant." For many young a r t i s t s , Reid and Holm's reconstructions of northern Northwest Coast design have become the established " t r a d i t i o n " to be passed on to current and succeeding generations of a r t i s t s . The development of a new context and audience favourable to the - 36 -production of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t s stimulated the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of more and more native a r t i s t s , craftspeople, agents, and dealers i n what had become a several m i l l i o n d o l l a r industry by the l a t e 1970's. 7 A study by the Native Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia, e n t i t l e d The Development of Native Tourism i n B r i t i s h Columbia (1980:3-12), estimates that "In 1979, there were an estimated 2,500 native Indian a r t i s t s and craftspeople i n B.C., of which 1,000 could be considered f u l l -time producers and the balance part-time and i n c i d e n t a l . " This fi g u r e encompasses the en t i r e province; of the t o t a l , Northwest Coast Indian producers make up at l e a s t 75% ( i . e . , an estimated 1875 i n d i v i d u a l s ) . In contrast to t h i s f i g u r e , Macnair et a l . (1980:85) have estimated that "Today at l e a s t two hundred Indian men and women are s e r i o u s l y p r a c t i c i n g t h e i r art i n B r i t i s h Columbia.,., This l a t t e r estimate includes only those coastal a r t i s t s who are attempting to learn the old forms of sculpture or two-dimensional design, creating items stemming from Northwest Coast t r a d i t i o n s , and s e l l i n g t h e i r work on the art market. The number of shops s p e c i a l i z i n g i n Northwest Coast Indian arts has increased along with the art r e v i v a l . In Vancouver, approximately t h i r t e e n shops were established between the years of 1918 and 1970; from 1970 on, approximately seventeen shops s p e c i a l i z i n g i n Northwest Coast art opened. Of the t o t a l , approximately seventeen closed In the course of the years, or stopped s e l l i n g native a r t s , leaving t h i r t e e n s t i l l a c t i v e l y i n business at the time of writing (see Appendix I l a ) . In V i c t o r i a , which has the second largest concentration of Northwest Coast Indian art shops i n B r i t i s h Columbia, f i v e shops were established before 1970, and - 37 -s i x opened and two closed or discontinued sales of Indian art since that date (see Appendix l i b ) . Many other r e t a i l o utlets are located elsewhere i n the province (the Reserve Management Ltd. R e t a i l Survey £1978] estimates a t o t a l of 162 i n B r i t i s h Columbia, including those located i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a ; the figure includes a l l shops s e l l i n g , but not n e c e s s a r i l y s p e c i a l i z i n g i n , native a r t s ) , and several shops were established i n Seattle during the 1970's. Through i t s questionnaire survey of B r i t i s h Columbia's r e t a i l o u t l e t s , the R e t a i l Survey (1978) found that f u l l y 82% of t o t a l r e t a i l sales of native a r t s and c r a f t s took place i n the urban centres of Vancouver and V i c t o r i a . While the marketing of Northwest Coast Indian a r t s w i l l be discussed i n d e t a i l i n Chapter Three, the figures c i t e d above give evidence of the phenomenal growth of the Northwest Coast Indian art market that has occurred since the e a r l y 1960's. Similar developments have occurred with Woodlands art i n Eastern Canada, with Inuit art (although the government-promoted market for the l a t t e r was already booming i n the 1950's), and with the a r t s of other indigenous peoples around the world (see Graburn 1976a). As a r e s u l t of unprecedented c o l l e c t o r demand, these a r t s have emerged i n a new s o c i a l context, r e f l e c t i n g the s i g n i f i c a n c e of c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s to both producer and consumer. IV - THE RECONSTRUCTION AND REINVENTION OF TRADITION The r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian arts has depended l a r g e l y on a process of reconstruction, reinvention, and r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n s that had, for most t r i b a l groups, died out or at l e a s t remained dormant for several decades. Northwest Coast Indian art s t y l e s , forms, - 38 -meanings, and even contexts were (and are being) reconstructed from a 8 number of sources: memories, c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t i e s , museum c o l l e c t i o n s , photographs, ethnographies, and books. Since the ea r l y 1970's, many of the a r t i s t s who were producing a r t i n a general Northwest Coast s t y l e (usually based on northern art) have, through t h e i r researches, reconstructed and redefined s t y l e s more p a r t i c u l a r to t h e i r own v i l l a g e or regional groups. The process of reconstruction i s an i n t e g r a l part of the a r t i s t s ' attempts at r e v i v i n g and expanding upon Northwest Coast Indian art s t y l e s . It i s also a part of the conceptualizations of " t r a d i t i o n a l " , "authentic", and "Indian" that have emerged among experts, consumers, and a r t i s t s , and by which the contemporary a r t s are often evaluated. Except for the a r t i f a c t s themselves, the sources of information on t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast Indian art have two main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n common: a l l are themselves reconstructions of t r a d i t i o n s , and a l l are by necessity s e l e c t i v e . For example, anthropologists have attempted to reconstruct the t r a d i t i o n a l culture of the Northwest Coast people by using key informants (elders and marginal i n d i v i d u a l s ) . At the time when many of these ethnographers were conducting t h e i r fieldwork, t r a d i t i o n a l lifeways had already been alt e r e d through such, factors as p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a wage economy (see Knight 1978). Certain aspects of Northwest Coast Indian culture were selected for i n c l u s i o n into the ethnographies, and other aspects were omitted. S i m i l a r l y , private and museum c o l l e c t o r s could only gather a s e l e c t i o n of the t o t a l repertory of Northwest Coast material c u l t u r e . Although t h i s s e l e c t i o n consisted of thousands of a r t i f a c t s that are primary c u l t u r a l data themselves, the extent to which. - 39 -the r e s u l t i n g museum c o l l e c t i o n s are representative of Northwest Coast material culture generally may be questioned. S e l e c t i v i t y applies as well to the t r i b a l t r a d i t i o n s that have been handed down through the generations and continue to the present day. Parts of the Southern Kwagiutl potlatch, for instance, have been al t e r e d , expanded, or l e f t out e n t i r e l y as the context and r o l e of the potlatch changed (see Holm 1977). Memories of the "old ways" have s i m i l a r l y undergone a process of s e l e c t i o n and reconstruction, and are not infrequently influenced by anthropologists' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the way things used to be. The process of the reconstruction and reinvention of Northwest Coast t r a d i t i o n through the use of museum c o l l e c t i o n s , books, and memories w i l l be examined r e s p e c t i v e l y i n the following sections. Use of Museum Co l l e c t i o n s In the 1960's when B i l l Holm of the Univ e r s i t y of Washington and the Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum was attempting to reconstruct the rules upon which northern Northwest Coast design p r i n c i p l e s were based, he found that he had only the old pieces of Northwest Coast ar t to turn to. He states (1965:vii), concerning his reconstruction, that, I d e a l l y , a study of t h i s sort should lean heavily on information from Indian a r t i s t s trained i n the t r a d i t i o n that fostered the ar t . Unfortunately, I was unable to locate a q u a l i f i e d informant from the area covered, i . e . , the coastal region from B e l l a Coola to Yakutat Bay ... (C)ontemporary work seen from the area reveals a lack of understanding by Indian craftsmen of the p r i n c i p l e s that are the subject of t h i s study. Thus Holm conducted an analysis of the a r t by r e f e r r i n g to many a r t i f a c t s i n American and Canadian museums and private c o l l e c t i o n s , coding the - 40 -c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of 392 of the pieces on Keysort cards, and recording the incidence of s p e c i f i c design c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . He also had spent many years, since the 1940's, making masks and ceremonial paraphernalia i n Northwest Coast s t y l e s , and learning from t h i s experience "the system of p r i n c i p l e s that governed c e r t a i n aspects of Northwest Coast Indian a r t " (1965:v). To t h i s end, Holm also referred to museum specimens as sources of i n s p i r a t i o n . Holm published h i s reconstruction of Northwest Coast design i n 1965. The book, Northwest Coast Indian A r t : An Analysis  of Form has since become the standard text studied by both anthropologists and Indian a r t i s t s a l i k e (Ames 1981:5). Haida a r t i s t B i l l Reid was working at the same time as Holm but independently from him i n attempting a reconstruction of Haida art t r a d i t i o n s . Commenting on his own and Holm's work, Reid (1976:34) states that, Those were the f i r s t attempts to get back to the o r i g i n s of the process. Everything else that was going on was a r e s u l t of people imitating people who were imitating other people who were im i t a t i n g the great people of the past. I t was sort of the diminishing stream. So we skipped a l l that and went back to the o r i g i n s - i n museums and books - and discovered what we thought were the basic r u l e s governing at le a s t the northern s t y l e of the a r t . Because the majority of portable a r t i f a c t s , had long ago l e f t the Queen Charlotte Islands, Reid's rediscovery of Haida art had to take place f a r from his mother's v i l l a g e of Skidegate, i n public and private c o l l e c t i o n s (Macnair et a l . 1980:87-8). Thus Reid had to study museum pieces i n order to discover and learn the p r i n c i p l e s of Haida form and composition. His learning process i s i l l u s t r a t e d by his remark that, - 41 -I b u i l t up an unrepayable debt to the l a t e Charles Edenshaw, whose creations I studied, and i n many cases shamelessly copied, and through those works I began to learn something of the underlying dynamics of Haida art which l a t e r permitted me to design more o r i g i n a l pieces while s t i l l staying within the t r a d i t i o n ( B i l l Reid - A Retrospective E x h i b i t i o n 1974). Copying or working from extant pieces was a t r a d i t i o n a l way of learning Northwest Coast design, and remains an important learning method today. Museum commissions have often provided a s i t u a t i o n for such learning - one example i s the UBC Totem Park project c a r r i e d out by B i l l Reid and Doug Cranmer. While the poles are not exact reproductions of the older pieces they nevertheless were c l o s e l y derived i n design from extant Haida poles. The B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Museum has also, since 1952, employed Indian carvers to carve i n residence, both to copy museum pieces and to experiment on t h e i r own (Ames 1981:12). Haida a r t i s t Robert Davidson began to learn d i r e c t l y from B i l l Reid i n the 1960's, and was able to use Reid's and Holm's work as a basis from which to b u i l d h i s own understanding of Haida a r t . Museum c o l l e c t i o n s were s t i l l , however, an important source of knowledge and i n s p i r a t i o n for him. Davidson (1978:10,11) acknowledges t h e i r importance i n the following statements: The Northwest Coast Indian art and a r t i f a c t s preserved i n museum c o l l e c t i o n s have made possible much of the reawakening of the a r t i s t i c part of our culture ... I became very aware of my c u l t u r a l background ... by v i s i t i n g museums and by ta l k i n g with people who had knowledge of my ancestry. The more I started learning, the more I started seeing. The time spent i n museums made me r e a l i s e that the Haida carved more than j u s t totem poles. There was, and to an extent s t i l l i s , a viewpoint shared by many a r t i s t s and other people on the coast that the c o l l e c t i o n of Indian art and a r t i f a c t s was wrong - another example of - 42 -e x p l o i t a t i o n . My f e e l i n g about that i s the opposite; i f i t wasn't for the museums and i f i t wasn't for anthropologists, I f e e l the art form would have died completely i f nothing had been c o l l e c t e d and saved. When i t comes to a r t i s t i c innovation, [contemporary] a r t i s t s must have a c e r t a i n knowledge of how things worked i n the past. Museum c o l l e c t i o n s that chart that progression can o f f e r knowledge and i n s i g h t s into innovation to the Haida a r t i s t s of today. For my own development, museums helped my c r e a t i v i t y and now, as a teacher, I am sharing my knowledge, and learning a l o t through that sharing ... The only way to understand the art i s to study the old and new Haida pieces, to t a l k about them, and to share ideas: to be t o t a l l y aware of the past and the present. Numerous other contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s t s have turned to museum c o l l e c t i o n s of old Northwest Coast Indian pieces to learn about t h e i r a rt st y l e s and to derive i n i t i a l i n s p i r a t i o n for the creation of new pieces i n a l l media. This process was p a r t i c u l a r l y important for a r t i s t s of Haida, Tsimshian, Nuu-chah-nulth, B e l l a Coola, and (recently) S a l i s h descent, since t h e i r a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s were no longer v i a b l e , nor were many older pieces being used or accessible i n native v i l l a g e s . Among the Southern Kwagiutl, as mentioned e a r l i e r , ceremonial l i f e remained r e l a t i v e l y continuous and provided an impetus for a r t i s t i c production. Nevertheless, contemporary Kwagiutl a r t i s t s have also made use of museum c o l l e c t i o n s as sources of information and i n s p i r a t i o n . The importance and influence of museum c o l l e c t i o n s on the production of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts has recently been shown i n several " a f t e r - e f f e c t s " of the S a l i s h a r t e x h i b i t i o n "Visions of Power, Symbols of Wealth: Central Coast S a l i s h Sculpture and Engraving" at the UBC Museum of Anthropology (October .1980 to A p r i l 1981). The e x h i b i t i o n made accessible to contemporary S a l i s h a r t i s t s for the f i r s t time many - 43 -t r a d i t i o n a l S a l i s h caryings that had previously been stored i n American, eastern Canadian, and European museums. The exhibit soon stimulated some r e p l i c a t i o n , and S a l i s h a r t i s t Rod Modeste was in s p i r e d to r e i n t e r p r e t the carvings on a large wooden sculpture as a s i l v e r bracelet design (Kew 1981). When considering the s i g n i f i c a n c e of Northwest Coast design reconstructions that are based on museum c o l l e c t i o n s , i t i s important to note that "the vast bulk of Northwest Coast art work e x i s t i n g i n museum c o l l e c t i o n s today was produced i n the period from 1850 to the f i r s t decade of the present century" (Holm 1965:19). The Northwest Coast a r t i f a c t s that are now referred to as " t r a d i t i o n a l " and as a standard by which contemporary Northwest Coast a r t i s t s ' work i s judged were thus generally created a f t e r contact with white man. Hawthorn (1961:70), commenting on the r o l e of museums i n determining the d i r e c t i o n s of the contemporary Kwagiutl art i n the 1960's, stated that, The outcome of many deli b e r a t i o n s was to d i r e c t the carvers to return to the s t y l e of the f i r s t phase of contact, using s t e e l tools but painting sparingly. These d i r e c t i o n s grew acceptable to the carvers, and the phase of the ar t used as the standard for the museum r e v i v a l has come to appeal to them as the peak of i t s achievement. This "standard" i s thus derived from post-contact forms of the a r t , since post-contact Northwest Coast Indian art i s the e a r l i e s t and most t r a d i t i o n a l a rt we have records and examples of i n any s i g n i f i c a n t amount. Hawthorn (1961:70) went on to point out that, A return to the pre-contact s t y l e and technique would have been i n t e r e s t i n g but much more d i f f i c u l t on many counts: slow manufacture, few models, and long separation from the surviving t r a d i t i o n s . - 44 -An issue emerges as to how t r a d i t i o n a l the art that i s exhibited i n museums and referred to by a r t i s t s and others as " t r a d i t i o n a l " a c t u a l l y i s . Much scholarly debate has been fostered by the fa c t that our knowledge of the a n t i q u i t y of Northwest Coast art extends only as f a r as the early explorers' records and archaeological finds w i l l r eveal. For instance, some scholars (e.g. Marius Barbeau 1950) have questioned whether or not totem poles were present two hundred years ago when the f i r s t European explorers a r r i v e d . However other anthropologists (see Duff 1964a) have argued that Northwest Coast art as we know i t originated and developed i n the coastal area and existed well before contact. A c a r e f u l reading of the explorers' journals and expedition a r t i s t s ' drawings has, according to Halpin (1981b:24), shown that "There i s no longer any question that the free-standing and f r o n t a l poles were observed by the f i r s t European v i s i t o r s to Haida and T l i n g i t v i l l a g e s . " Smaller a r t i f a c t s that were c o l l e c t e d by the f i r s t Europeans on the Northwest Coast also provide evidence of a c o n t i n u i t y i n a r t t r a d i t i o n s from pre-contact times. Holm (1965:3-5) mentions several examples of such pieces, including a carved wooden bowl c o l l e c t e d by Captain George Dixon on the Queen Charlotte Islands i n 1787 (the bowl i s now i n the c o l l e c t i o n of the B r i t i s h Museum) and a headdress plaque c o l l e c t e d by Captain Malaspina between 1790 and 1795 (now i n the Museo Arqueologico i n Madrid). Both pieces "are designed and carved exactly according to the conventions of c l a s s i c northern work of the mid-nineteenth century" (1965:3). Retreating even further into the past (up to 3000 years ago), some Northwest Coast stone and bone a r t i f a c t s also e x h i b i t elements of form and design suggestive of the c l a s s i c Northwest Coast styles - 45 -of the nineteenth century (see Duff 1975). Holm (1965:5) notes that the changes that took place i n Northwest Coast Indian a r t s from the l a t e eighteenth to the l a t e nineteenth century due to European contact "were of degree rather than substance"; Hawthorn (1961: 69) also notes that "The major d i r e c t i o n of the resulting, changes [ a f t e r the introduction of i r o n and the fur trade] appears to have been i n keeping with the t r a d i t i o n a l s t y l e s and occasions of the a r t . " " T r a d i t i o n a l " Northwest Coast Indian art s t y l e s and conventions thus seem to be exhibited not only by the l a t e nineteenth and e a r l y twentieth century museum pieces contemporary a r t i s t s now look to as sources of information, but also by some p r e h i s t o r i c Northwest Coast Indian a r t . The above discussion shows that despite the apparent a n t i q u i t y of c l a s s i c northern Northwest Coast design p r i n c i p l e s , the " c o n t i n u i t y of t r a d i t i o n " i s an a c t i v e , or evolving, process. The art s t y l e s did not remain s t a t i c over time, but changed through, i n d i v i d u a l a r t i s t s ' innovations and influences, as w e l l as through external influences. These changes gen-e r a l l y occurred within the framework of Northwest Coast design conventions. Southern Kwagiutl carving provides an example of the process of evolving t r a d i t i o n . Hawthorn (1961:64-5), i n discussing the work of Southern Kwagiutl carver Charlie James, states that " I t i s of i n t e r e s t that Kwakiutl massive carving was new when Yakuglas [James] began [ l a t e 1800's, early 1900's]; that he developed the d i s t i n c t i v e regional s t y l e that i s now the most widely known of the s t y l e s of massive carving on the Northwest Coast." Mungo Martin (1881-1962), who was trained by James, i n turn achieved recognition among h i s people and anthropologists a l i k e , as an outstanding Southern Kwagiutl carver. While hi s early work i s - 46 -d i f f i c u l t to d i s t i n g u i s h from James' (Macnair et al» 1980:73), he l a t e r became an innovator in Southern Kwagiutl s t y l e , and through h i s t r a i n i n g of Henry Hunt, Tony Hunt, and Doug Cranmer, has d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y influenced many contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s t s . Southern Kwagiutl sculpture evolved to what can be considered i t s c l a s s i c form in the l a t e nineteenth century (Macnair et a l . 1980:51) , and Martin played a major ro l e in further defining the Southern Kwagiutl a r t t r a d i t i o n in the twentieth century. His works remain in museum and private c o l l e c t i o n s and p u b l i c places for contemporary a r t i s t s to refer to as examples of " t r a d i t i o n a l " Southern Kwagiutl a r t . 9 "Books are our teachers- now for a l l the old things" Ethnographies and other books written by anthropologists and other writers are a second major source of information from which a r t i s t s can reconstruct Northwest Coast traditions.and derive i n s p i r a t i o n for t h e i r a r t . Where knowledge of the t r a d i t i o n s i s not part of a r t i s t s ' personal memories, ethnographic works on Northwest Coast a r t and culture serve as threads connecting the contemporary a r t i s t s to at l e a s t those aspects of t h e i r culture that have been recorded. Contemporary native a r t i s t s have co n s i s t e n t l y referred to books for recountings of myths, descriptions of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e , and discussions and i l l u s t r a t i o n s of t r a d i t i o n a l a r t s . B i l l Reid, for example, when he began to explore the structure of Haida a r t in the 1950's, referred to books that were ju s t then becoming a v a i l a b l e : A l i c e Ravenhill's "A Cornerstone of Canadian Culture" (1944) and books by Robert Inverarity and Marius Barbeau. Reid (1981:5) stat e s , "None of these publications was - 47 -a great example of scholarship, but they did provide a s u f f i c i e n t l y wide s e l e c t i o n of photographs of Northwest Coast a r t , which I and a few others could pour over by the hour, and attempt to reproduce, so that eventually we could unlock the secrets of the ovoids, formlines, etc." A number of books published before .1955 have played a p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n the contemporary r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian arts by serving as important sources of information for a r t i s t s . These books include: John R. Swanton's "Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida" ( e s p e c i a l l y Chapter X), published i n 1905; Chapter 6 of Franz Boas' Pr i m i t i v e Art (1927 {[republished 19553); Marius Barbeau's two volumes of "Totem Poles" (1950) and h i s "Haida Myths I l l u s t r a t e d i n A r g i l l i t e Carvings" (1953); and Robert Bruce Inverarity's Art of the Northwest Coast  Indians (1950). B i l l Holm's Northwest Coast Indian Art: An Analysis of  Form, which, as previously noted, has also played an important r o l e , was published i n 1965. These books can be singled out because they are the o r i g i n a l published investigations of the p r i n c i p l e s of representation and design i n Northwest Coast art and of the purposes and meanings of the art i n Northwest Coast Indian culture. Each of the books contains i l l u s t r a t i o n s and/or photographs, which have inspi r e d and been copied by contemporary a r t i s t s . Swanton's "Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida", one of few informative studies of these people, focuses p r i n c i p a l l y upon the s o c i a l organization of the Haida. A large segment of the book i s taken up by abstracts of s t o r i e s , both a Skidegate and a Masset s e r i e s . (These s t o r i e s are taken from h i s two larger c o l l e c t i o n s of texts, which were published i n 1905 and 1908, and are i n turn valuable sources of - 48 -ethnographic and l i n g u i s t i c data.) Chapter X of the book, e n t i t l e d "The Representation of the Crest and of Myth, i n Art", i s an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the manner i n which Haida s o c i a l organization was r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r a r t . The chapter includes many i l l u s t r a t i o n s and accompanying explanations of totem poles, two-dimensional screen and box designs, houses, carved spoons, tattoo designs, blanket border and hat designs, masks, and other carvings and two-dimensional designs. These designs and the myths have served as a major reference source for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s t s learning the Haida s t y l e . Concerning the myths recounted by Swanton, part-time Haida a r t i s t Michael N i c o l l (1980) states that "I've made a point [of ] learning s t o r i e s about the d i f f e r e n t c r e s t s , so when I do something, I can think about the story and the implications of the story." He goes on to say that he learns these s t o r i e s "from Swanton and r e l a t i v e s " (1980). The chapter e n t i t l e d "Art of the North P a c i f i c Coast of North America" i n Boas' Prim i t i v e A r t , ^ i s one of the f i r s t and most i n f l u e n t i a l analyses of the p r i n c i p l e s of representation i n Northwest Coast design. Boas describes s t y l i z a t i o n i n the a r t , the symbolic c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of animals, s p l i t t i n g and d i s l o c a t i o n of parts, and the design elements (e.g. "eye forms") of Northwest Coast s t y l e . The chapter also includes a large number of fi n e and de t a i l e d i l l u s t r a t i o n s ; . Helen Codere (1966:xxi), i n her introduction to Boas' Kwakiutl  Ethnography, remarked that "There seems to be no reason why thorough mastery of the d e t a i l s of Boas.' analysis, with, a r e q u i s i t e t e chnical s k i l l i n painting or carving, should not make i t possible to produce authentic new Northwest Coast a r t . Such a generative test would ... demonstrate the adequacy of the de s c r i p t i v e a n a l y s i s . " Using Boas' work In t h i s - 49 -way has, i n f a c t , become an important part of the learning process for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s t s , who have referred to the book both as a source of designs and as a source of design analysis. With regard to the importance of Boas' work, i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that he has been c r i t i c i z e d for a l a c k of knowledge about Northwest Coast a r t . Referring to Boas' analysis of a d i s t r i b u t i v e design painted on a bent bowl,^ Macnair et a l . (19.80:68) state, " I t i s evident that, while Boas was struggling to comprehend the art at i t s greatest i n t e l l e c t u a l abstraction, he was unable to e l i c i t clear information on meaning because he had not f u l l y mastered an understanding of form.!' Aspects of northern two-dimensional Northwest Coast design not adequately covered by Boas have now been redressed by Holm (1965). The two volumes of "Totem Poles" published by anthropologist Marius Barbeau i n 1950 comprise an extensive survey of Northwest Coast Indian totem poles, including many photographs and descriptions. These volumes, together with Barbeau's "Haida Myths I l l u s t r a t e d i n A r g i l l i t e Carvings", have served as sources of design ideas for Haida a r g i l l i t e carvers i n p a r t i c u l a r . The l a t t e r book contains a number of Haida myths and 300 accompanying i l l u s t r a t i o n s of works i n a r g i l l i t e carved since the turn of the century. Drew and Wilson (1980:113) quote Claude Davidson, a Masset a r g i l l i t e carver: "I got a copy of Haida Myths ... from my dad. I started looking at the designs i n that book, and started to go by i t . " Blackman and H a l l (.1982:32) note that "For Davidson and many other a r g i l l i t e carvers, old pieces c o l l e c t e d i n books represented both, the v a r i e t y of old designs and a standard for achievement. In addition, Haida Myths quickly became a standard reference catalog for a r g i l l i t e - 50 -c o l l e c t o r s who commissioned of modern [contemporary] carvers works j u s t l i k e those shown i n Barbeau." Important c r i t i c i s m s of Barbeau's in t e r p r e t a t i o n s have been made by such anthropologists as Wilson Duff (1964a), who points to a careless handling of h i s t o r i c a l material, misleading i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , and f a c i l e explanations. The inaccuracy of Barbeau's work may be more s i g n i f i c a n t when the books are used as sources of ethnographic data, but may be l e s s s i g n i f i c a n t for a r t i s t s who are using the books' photographs for design ideas. Art of the Northwest Coast Indians by R.B. Inv e r a r i t y i s the f i r s t major catalogue of Northwest Coast Indian carvings, t e x t i l e s , and other objects that presents these works as " a r t " . Inverarity discusses some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Northwest Coast design, including d i s t o r t i o n or overemphasis, o u t l i n i n g , s p l i t t i n g , "horror vacui", and the symbols by~ which totemic animals can be recognized. He describes the art i n a framework of Northwest Coast s o c i a l l i f e , material culture, and r e l i g i o n , "because the art cannot be adequately understood and appreciated without some understanding of i t s o r i g i n s " (1950:xii). Like the books mentioned thus f a r , Art of the Northwest Coast Indians contains many photographs which continue to be used as sources of information and ideas by contemporary a r t i s t s . (For example, a s i l v e r Eagle brooch made by B i l l Reid i n 1953-4 was adapted from an early blanket design featured i n Inverarity [see B i l l  Reid - A Retrospective E x h i b i t i o n 1974], and Robert Davidson produced a s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t e n t i t l e d "Sea Bear" i n 1968, adapted from a Haida dance s h i r t design pictured i n the same book [see Halpin 1979:4,53.) Art of the  Northwest Coast Indians i s a s i g n i f i c a n t book i n the r e v i v a l of Northwest - 51 -Coast art because i t was one of the few accessible and au t h o r i t a t i v e books containing photographs to appear i n the early years of the r e v i v a l . The single most i n f l u e n t i a l book on Northwest Coast Indian a r t (some a r t i s t s j o k i n g l y r e f e r to i t as "the B i b l e " ) , i s B i l l Holm's Northwest Coast Indian Art: An Analysis: of Form. Like Boas, Holm played a leading r o l e i n the c o d i f i c a t i o n of the elements or p r i n c i p l e s of Northwest Coast design (Ames 1981:4,5). Holm, however, went beyond Boas' type of analysis of two-dimensional design. He notes (1965:8) that the northern Northwest Coast a r t i s t s "had a highly developed system of art p r i n c i p l e s that guided t h e i r creative a c t i v i t y and went f a r beyond the system of conventional animal representation described i n the l i t e r a t u r e , most notably i n the works of Franz Boas." Holm's ana l y s i s , therefore, focuses on p r i n c i p l e s of composition, design organization, and form, "those s t y l i s t i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Northwest Coast Indian art which have heretofore escaped a n a l y s i s " (1965:13). A primary feature of Northwest Coast Indian A r t : An Analysis of  Form i s that Holm introduces the language or vocabulary of terms by which, the art and i t s elements have since been described. Such terms as "ovoid" and "formline", f i r s t applied by Holm, are now commonly used by a r t i s t s and others i n discussing Northwest Coast Indian a r t . Complimenting t h i s feature are many diagrams and template-like examples of design elements, v a r i a t i o n s of forms, and compositions. These can be studied and copied by a r t i s t s i n t h e i r own attempts at learning and reconstructing Northwest Coast design. Ames (198.1:4) notes that "The c o d i f i c a t i o n of design elements [_as found i n Boas' and Holm's books] has encouraged a standardization or - 52 -r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of design and technique. The consequences are comparable to those that occur when customary law i s transformed into written law: a general stereotyping of form and content." Northwest Coast Indian Art:  An Analysis of Form has been used as a textbook i n a l l Northwest Coast art tr a i n i n g programs and as a "how-to-do-it" book by many i n d i v i d u a l a r t i s t s , although, t h i s i s not what the author intended (Holm 1981) . Such use of the book has increased i t s impact on the contemporary Northwest Coast art r e v i v a l and emphasized the consequences of codifying Northwest Coast design. Furthermore, "The c o d i f i c a t i o n s produced by Boas and Holm provide the primary c r i t e r i a by which the Northwest Coast a r t i s t i s judged" (Ames 1981:6) i n the contemporary market as well as by other Northwest Coast a r t i s t s . An a d d i t i o n a l and unintended consequence of Holm's book derives from i t s focus on northern Northwest Coast design and i t s omission of an analysis of the s t y l e s of the Kwagiutl and t h e i r southern neighbours. While the l i m i t s of t h i s focus are c l e a r l y stated i n the introduction to the book, a net e f f e c t has been to set apart the northern s t y l e as "true Northwest Coast" and superior to the southern s t y l e , which i s often 12 looked upon as a les s e r d e r i v a t i o n of the former. Other books have, of course, played a r o l e i n contemporary a r t i s t s ' reconstructions of t r a d i t i o n s and i n i n s p i r i n g the creations of new works. Since the p u b l i c a t i o n of the above s i x books at le a s t three dozen books and e x h i b i t i o n catalogues dealing s p e c i f i c a l l y with Northwest Coast Indian art have been published. H i l a r y Stewart's Looking at Indian Art of the Northwest Coast (1979), f o r example, i s an introduction to Northwest Coast design elements, regional s t y l e s , and t r a d i t i o n a l motifs that i s referred to by a r t i s t s as well as c o l l e c t o r s . Moreover, chapters and - 53 -a r t i c l e s on Northwest Coast art are included i n many more books, journals, and magazines dealing generally with North American Indian art and other subjects. These books and a r t i c l e s can serve as a d d i t i o n a l sources of design ideas and ethnographic information, and t h e i r photographs of museum c o l l e c t i o n s from around the world make a greater number of Northwest Coast art works v i s u a l l y accessible to contemporary a r t i s t s . Unpublished photographs must also be mentioned as a reference source of t r a d i t i o n a l works for contemporary Northwest Coast a r t i s t s . S l i d e c o l l e c t i o n s of Northwest Coast art objects from North American and European museums are useful to a r t i s t s : who would otherwise f i n d i t impossible to see such a c o l l e c t i o n of widely dispersed works. B i l l Holm's large c o l l e c t i o n of s l i d e s i s one example of such a resource, that i s much-used by B r i t i s h Columbia and Seattle a r t i s t s . The importance of museum c o l l e c t i o n s and books i n the contemporary reconstruction and reinvention of Northwest Coast t r a d i t i o n s r e f l e c t s the changed context i n which the contemporary a r t i s t works, as compared to hi s t r a d i t i o n a l counterpart. To a large extent, these new reference source's are a major means of access to the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l context that no longer e x i s t s . The books and exhibitions provide the ethnographic background an a r t i s t may desire i n order to create a c e r t a i n piece, as well as the v i s u a l access to t r a d i t i o n a l objects that are no longer an i n t e g r a l part of the contemporary a r t i s t ' s culture. Using the s e l e c t i o n of Northwest Coast art objects v i s i b l e i n books and museum c o l l e c t i o n s as the primary sources from which to reconstruct Northwest Coast art t r a d i t i o n s has both disadvantages and advantages. As. - 54 -Blackman and H a l l (1982:36,37) point out, museum exhibitions and images i n books present pieces as works of " a r t " , emphasizing surface q u a l i t i e s and separating the objects from the a c t i v i t y and context i n which they were o r i g i n a l l y located. A mask i n a museum display case cannot be seen i n the same way that i t would be were i t used i n a dance by f i r e l i g h t , and "The photograph of a mask does not t e l l the carver of i t s thinness, of how i t f e e l s when worn i n the dance, of accommodations made on i t s inner surface for the wearer." Blackman and H a l l (1982:37,38) also note, however, that, On the other hand, contemporary a r t i s t s consulting photographs and [[museum c o l l e c t i o n s of 3 ... Northwest Coast art have an advantage over t h e i r forebearers. The eighteenth and nineteenth century Northwest Coast a r t i s t may have t r a v e l l e d widely and seen many f i n e l y carved pieces used i n public ceremonies or permanently displayed as totem poles, housefront paintings, house screens and posts, but the Haida who saw a totem pole i n Tsimshian t e r r i t o r y could only carry i t s image i n h i s mind, and p o s s i b l y return at a l a t e r date to view i t again ... Modern Northwest Coast a r t i s t s , by contrast, have at t h e i r f i n g e r t i p s v i s u a l images from a l l areas of the Northwest Coast to which they can return again and again. Thus, not only can an a r t i s t repeatedly study a p a r t i c u l a r piece, but there e x i s t s the p o s s i b i l i t y for the c r o s s - f e r t i l i z a t i o n of t r i b a l s t y l e s unparalleled i n t r a d i t i o n a l times. Memories The extent to which memories of t r a d i t i o n a l culture survive among native people today i s impossible to measure, as i s the degree to which aspects of t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast culture have remained continuous through the years. Moreover, people's knowledge of "the old ways" has often been influenced, or learnt from, the writings of anthropologists, when the information obtained from such, sources i s incorporated into t r i b a l " t r a d i t i o n " . While c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t i e s i n art and ceremony are - 55 -probably strongest among the Southern Kwagiutl, the contemporary r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast a r t has affected most t r i b a l groups by r e v i v i n g memories of "the old ways". To quote George Y e l t a t z i e (1980), a Masset a r t i s t , ... the ones that you have to please f i r s t are your people before anyone e l s e , and ... that's the hardest thing to do because everyone i s very very p a r t i c u l a r about what they see, what went on at that time, because they a l l begin to remember as the  carvings come a l i v e again ... The production of masks and other items for a revived and sometimes reinvented ceremonial context has created a source of knowledge for contemporary Northwest Coast a r t i s t s who are too young to have t h e i r own memories of t r a d i t i o n a l times. In 1969, for example, Robert Davidson carved a totem pole to r a i s e i n Masset. Halpin (.1979:4) comments, "The r i t u a l presentation of the totem pole i n 1969 c a l l e d f o r t h the songs, the speeches, the s t o r i e s , the dances, of the old culture - the formal c o l l e c t i v e memory of the past ... [Davidson] created an a r t i s t i c channel for the 'transfer of knowledge from the old people to the young.' Haida art was probably always such, a channel." The "handing down" of elders' memories has i n t h i s way re-emerged as a s i g n i f i c a n t part of the contemporary process of reconstructing t r a d i t i o n s . To quote Davidson, "The s u r v i v a l ' o f the society i s based on t h i s handing down of t r a d i t i o n ; one then has to innovate upon i t " (Appelbe 19.79:10). V - ART AS A VEHICLE FOR CULTURAL REVIVAL Robert Davidson's pole r a i s i n g i n 1969 represented a new development i n the r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian a r t . The success of producing a r t for a non-Indian consumer within the market context has led - 56 -to an i n v e s t i g a t i o n by some a r t i s t s into the t r a d i t i o n a l functions and meanings of the a r t , and i s being accompanied by a r e v i v a l of art production for the native context. Davidson's pole was the f i r s t to be raised on the Queen Charlotte Islands i n almost ninety years, and the attendant ceremony required the production of button blankets and other r e g a l i a to replace those that had long since l e f t the v i l l a g e . It also required a relearning and re-creation of the songs, dances, and ceremonial procedure that were an i n t e g r a l part of a pole r a i s i n g . Other pole r a i s i n g s and ceremonies have since taken place on the Queen Charlottes. A housefront pole was erected by B i l l Reid at the new Skidegate Band Council Administration b u i l d i n g i n 1978, and a c u l t u r a l c elebration, "A Tribute to the L i v i n g Haida", was given by Davidson i n 1980. Art has also become a v e h i c l e for c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l i n 'Ksan, and among the Nuu-chah-nulth people. In 1970-71 Kwagiutl a r t i s t s Henry and Tony Hunt carved a pole as a memorial to Mungo Martin. The pole was the f i r s t to be raised i n many years i n the A l e r t Bay graveyard, and required an attendant potlatch, which i n turn "sparked the r e v i v a l of a slumbering t r a d i t i o n " (Macnair et a l . 1980:183). Vastokas (1975:12) says that the new poles "are no longer being raised s o l e l y as r e t r i e v a l or r e s t o r a t i o n projects by government and educational i n s t i t u t i o n s , but by the native peoples themselves as symbols of t h e i r new optimism." It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note, however, that the funding for the above-mentioned events was s t i l l derived i n part from government, museums, and corporations. Davidson's 1969 pole, for example, was funded i n part by the B r i t i s h . Columbia C u l t u r a l Fund; the Hunt's pole was funded t o t a l l y by the B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Museum. In f a c t , the t a c i t - 57 -support of non-Indian society has probably played a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n encouraging such " c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l " - Davidson's 19.69 pole r a i s i n g was perhaps equally a r e f l e c t i o n of newly p o s i t i v e outside a t t i t u d e s toward native t r a d i t i o n s as atti t u d e s i n t e r n a l to native society. The B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Museum has become a c t i v e l y involved i n promoting the production of art for native c u l t u r a l use, i n e f f e c t stimulating the growth of a native market for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t s . Ethnology curator Peter Macnair has "paid h i s carvers to produce pieces for Indian potlatches, and he has loaned items from the museum's c o l l e c t i o n and donated newly carved pieces to sponsors of potlatches" (Ames 1981:12). Producing pieces for the use of native people i s seen by Macnair and such a r t i s t s as Davidson and Joe David as giving the art "meaning" and making the art "authentic". The amount of work that i s now produced for personal, s p i r i t u a l , community, and potlatch purposes, often for l i t t l e or no economic benefit, i s a t r i b u t e to the importance such production has attained for some contemporary a r t i s t s . Use of the term " c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l " perhaps exaggerates the s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of revived native t r a d i t i o n s . It i s not the en t i r e t r a d i t i o n a l culture that i s being restored to l i f e , but mostly selected elements of ceremonial t r a d i t i o n s i n which art production can play a r o l e , S i m i l a r l y , only a r e l a t i v e l y small segment of native society i s d i r e c t l y affected, and the " r e v i v a l " has not improved the conditions of l i f e for most native people. It i s worth noting that "many of the most prominent persons involved with the r e l i g i o u s and ceremonial r e v i v a l are the a r t i s t s themselves" (Warner 1980:30), and that the involvement of these a r t i s t s with other aspects of the native community i s often l i m i t e d . Some people, - 58 -such as B i l l Reid, question current e f f o r t s to "reinvent the old Indian cu l t u r e " (Iglauer 1982:13), f e e l i n g that the road to improved s o c i a l conditions for native people does not lead "through the dust-covered pathways of the past" (Reid 1981:16). On the other hand, Halpin (1982:28) states that "some native a r t i s t s are becoming c u l t u r a l leaders and expressing a new v i s i o n of what i s possible . . . fjperhaps] we are witnessing the beginnings of a c u l t u r a l movement that w i l l restore health and economic v i t a l i t y to native communities-." The contemporary r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian art should not be examined and understood only i n terms of how successful i t i s i n re-creating the past, but more importantly, i n terms of how i t i s creating a new understanding of Northwest Coast Indian culture for native and non-native people a l i k e . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between Northwest Coast a r t s and the non-Indian consumer w i l l be considered i n the following chapters. The impact of the r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast art and t r a d i t i o n s upon Indian peoples i s , however, a subject r e q u i r i n g further study. - 59 -Notes 1 Graburn's d e f i n i t i o n of " r e v i v a l " i s applicable to the Northwest Coast case: "Revival" r e f e r s to the attempted re-creation of an a r t form that has f a l l e n into disuse ... i t may involve s l i g h t modification of the form and probably does not re-create the context of the o r i g i n a l manufacture" (1976a:20). 2 See Halpin 1981a:16; also Macfarlane and Perkins 1977:46. I have a l s o noted t h i s tendency. 3 The C.I.M.S. declared bankruptcy in 1979, p r i m a r i l y because of organizational problems r e s u l t i n g from i t s too-centralized operating structure (Native Brotherhood of B.C. 1980:3-4). 4 . A r t i s t s working in the Kwagiutl, Westcoast (Nuu-chah-nulth), and S a l i s h s t y l e s have also been able to u t i l i z e Reid and Holm's work, but have had to learn or rediscover t h e i r own t r i b a l s t y l e s from other sources. ^ Tony Hunt, in h i s "Raven Art s " workshop in V i c t o r i a , i n s t r u c t s beginning and intermediate woodcarving and design. This teaching programme i s sponsored by the B.C. Indian Arts and Cr a f t s Society. 6 Several a r t i s t s have supplemented t h e i r t r a i n i n g with formal studies of Western a r t : for example, B i l l Reid studied jewellery design at the Ryerson I n s t i t u t e of Technology in Toronto, and Robert Davidson and others have taken a r t courses at the Vancouver School of Art (now the Emily Carr College of A r t ) . 7 One survey conducted in 1978 (a questionnaire and interview survey of 162 B r i t i s h Columbia r e t a i l shops known to handle native produced goods) estimates t o t a l r e t a i l sales of Indian arts in B.C. at $3.5 m i l l i o n . Approximately 70 percent of t h i s t o t a l i s derived from the sale of arts produced by B.C. a r t i s t s and a r t i s a n s . The remaining 30 percent i s derived from Indian arts imported from other provinces. Thus the t o t a l r e t a i l sales of B.C.-produced Indian arts could be estimated at $2.5 m i l l i o n (Reserve Management Ltd., R e t a i l Survey, 1978). The Native Brotherhood of B.C. (1980:3-12), using as i t s data base the above survey (1978) and the records of the B.C. Indian Arts and C r a f t s Society, c a l c u l a t e s that "Gross value of production at the producer l e v e l of native made items was estimated to l i e in the range of $4 to $6 M i l l i o n in 1978. The associated value of r e t a i l sales of goods produced by native a r t i s t s was estimated to be on the order of $7 to $10.5 M i l l i o n ... 74 percent of t o t a l r e t a i l sales are generated by B.C. producers. The balance of 26 percent was imported from [other! provinces." 3 By " c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t i e s " I refer to aspects of the culture that have remained continuous through the years: for example, cla n / c r e s t a f f i l i a t i o n , some ceremonials, or the language. - 60 -Quote by Henry White (1980) , Haida carver. The chapter (pp. 183-290) i s a revised e d i t i o n of Boas" essay, "The Decorative Art of the Indians of the North P a c i f i c Coast of America", B u l l e t i n of the American Museum of Natural History, New York, V o l . IX, 1897 (pp. 123-176). t See Boas 1955:275-277. The general emphasis on northern Northwest Coast a r t in the majority of books on Northwest Coast Indian a r t has contributed to t h i s consequence as w e l l . - 61 -CHAPTER TWO - Art for the Marketplace The changed s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l contexts for the production of Northwest Coast Indian arts have had an e f f e c t on the arts themselves. The arts have undergone s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n use, meaning, form, subject matter, materials, and technology. Whether the a r t s have been produced for native use or for sale, s i m i l a r processes of change have occurred. S t y l i s t i c and other changes are an i n e v i t a b l e aspect of the h i s t o r y of any art form, and i n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v i t y plays an important r o l e i n such changes. However, the development of a non-Indian public as the primary consumer of Northwest Coast Indian arts has probably been the single most important factor to a f f e c t native art production since the i n i t i a l e f f e c t s of white contact, that led f i r s t to a f l o u r i s h i n g and then to a near death of the t r a d i t i o n a l a r t s . This chapter includes a b r i e f look at a c c u l t u r a -ted a r t s , followed by an examination of the contemporary Northwest Coast arts produced for sale as "arts of a c c u l t u r a t i o n " r e f l e c t i n g contextual change. The l a s t section addresses questions of " a u t h e n t i c i t y " that have aris e n with regard to the re-creation of Northwest Coast Indian art t r a d i t i o n s i n the contemporary commercial context. I - ARTS OF ACCULTURATION The transformation of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l elements into marketable commodities for t o u r i s t s and c o l l e c t o r s i s a phenomenon taking place the world over. Such art production by contemporary a b o r i g i n a l peoples has been discussed i n the l i t e r a t u r e as "arts of a c c u l t u r a t i o n " or "Fourth World a r t s . " Acculturation i t s e l f has been defined by Redfield, Linton, and Herskovits (1936:149) as "those phenomena which r e s u l t from groups of - 62 -in d i v i d u a l s having d i f f e r i n g cultures coming into f i r s t - h a n d contact, with subsequent changes i n the o r i g i n a l culture of either or both groups." Graburn (1969a:457) has gone on to define the arts of accult u r a t i o n as "art production, which d i f f e r s s i g n i f i c a n t l y from, t r a d i t i o n a l expressions i n form, content, function, and often medium, which also d i f f e r s from the various forms of art production indigenous to ever-growing ' c i v i l i z a t i o n ' . " Graburn uses the a d d i t i o n a l concept of "Fourth World a r t s " to describe the contemporary ar t s of those people formerly c a l l e d " p r i m i t i v e . " The Fourth World includes " a l l a b o r i g i n a l or native peoples whose lands f a l l within the national boundaries and techno-bureaucratic administrations of the countries of the F i r s t , Second, and Third Worlds"(Graburn 1976a:1). Fourth World arts generally combine aspects of the society's own symbolic and aesthetic systems with those of the dominant society, for whom the arts are usually created. While art i s never a s t a t i c system, the kinds of changes referred to here are the d i r e c t r e s u l t of prolonged contact between a Fourth World and a F i r s t , Second, or Third World society. Northwest Coast Indian a r t s produced i n the past 150 years or so can generally be described as "arts of ac c u l t u r a t i o n " or "Fourth World a r t s " because many of the changes the arts have undergone i n that time period resulted from the influences of contact with, and producing art f o r , the dominant non-Indian society. Using the concept of acculturated arts helps us to see Northwest Coast Indian a r t s i n the broader comparative context of changing art forms brought about by culture contact. Fourth World arts can be divided into two major types, determined by the context for which they are produced: - 63 -(1) Those a r t s , termed "inwardly directed a r t s " by Graburn (I976a:4), that are made for and used by the producer's own society. These objects are made for u t i l i t a r i a n or t r a d i t i o n a l ceremonial purposes, although they may incorporate some changes i n form, s t y l e , materials, and even symbols that resulted from outside influences. On the Northwest Coast, for example, a mask produced for a winter dance, or a s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t produced as a potlatch g i f t , would constitute art produced for a " t r a d i -t i o n a l " or "native" context i n contemporary times. The " t r a d i t i o n a l context" may have changed i n format, but these changes have not completely a l t e r e d i t s t r a d i t i o n a l purpose. Since there may be an economic aspect to the production of art for native use, the market that absorbs inwardly directed arts can be termed the "native market for contemporary a r t s . " (2) Those "outwardly directed a r t s " produced for sale to consumers who are not part of the producers' cultures - p r i m a r i l y the Western art market. As Richter (1980:10) points out, however, the consumers may also include members of the producers' own culture who are not using the art i n a t r a d i t i o n a l context, but display i t i n t h e i r homes. Nevertheless, the majority of consumers of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts do not belong to the producer culture, and the arts are channeled to the con-sumers through the commercial art market. These arts can be broadly categorized according to the market sectors for which they are produced and the degree to which they incorporate outside Influences (see Graburn 19.69b:3-6; 1976a:5-7) : (a) Commercial f i n e a r t s - These are produced to s a t i s f y t h e i r creators and other members of the a r t i s t ' s society, but must also appeal - 64 -to the consumers i n the art market. Although these arts are made with, eventual sale i n mind, they r e t a i n the c u l t u r a l l y defined aesthetic and formal standards of the creator's society. Commercial f i n e a r t s may stem from t r a d i t i o n a l a r t production, or they may be new forms generated for commercial purposes. The a r t i s t s attempt to adhere to a high standard of q u a l i t y i n workmanship and design. (b) Souvenir a r t s or t o u r i s t arts - These a r t s , which, may bear l i t t l e more than a s u p e r f i c i a l r e l a t i o n to the t r a d i t i o n a l arts of the creator cul t u r e , tend to be s i m p l i f i e d , s t e r e o t y p i c a l products that do not adhere to the creator's c u l t u r a l aesthetic and formal standards. The c u l t u r a l standards and t r a d i t i o n s may be subordinated to the speed of production, quantity of output, and s a l e a b i l i t y of the inexpensive product. It i s important to note, however, that the pressure of mass production i s not necess a r i l y the only factor responsible for poor t o u r i s t a r t ; i t may also be a lack of knowledge and a r t i s t i c s k i l l on the part of the producer, a s t r i c t p r o f i t motive for production, and the existence of a market for the resultant low q u a l i t y and inexpensive work. Souvenirs may conform more c l o s e l y to the consumers' preconceptions of the producer's culture than to an accurate expression of the culture. The categorizations of contemporary Fourth. World ar t s into inwardly and outwardly directed a r t s , and the l a t t e r into commercial f i n e arts and souvenir a r t s , are not mutually exclusive i n the sense that c e r t a i n types of arts may be c l a s s i f i e d i n more than one category. For example, Northwest Coast Indian s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s , which are produced for the souvenir and f i n e a r t markets as well as for native use, could - 65 -conceivably belong to a l l these categories. Graburn (1976a:14) has pointed out that "sources of change incorporated into commercial arts come from both, without and within, according to the tastes of the buyers and the e f f o r t s of the producers." He adds that "the market i t s e l f i s the most powerful source of formal and aesthetic innovation" (1976a:15), often leading to changes i n s i z e , materials, forms, functions, and meaning. That these processes of change appear i n many d i f f e r e n t cultures i s p r i m a r i l y due to the fa c t that the production of saleable native art objects for a Western market "may be based on aesthetic c r i t e r i a , f u n c t i o n a l categories, and value-based tastes other than those deriving from the producers' c u l t u r e " (Dawson et a l . 1974 : 23). The sale of the a r t s , and thus the l i v e l i h o o d of the producer, depends upon t h e i r acceptance by the buying pu b l i c , which has i t s own preconceived expectations of acceptable native a r t s . II - NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ARTS AND CHANGING TRADITIONS Contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t s produced for the commercial market include wood carvings, s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s (serigraphs), s i l v e r and gold jewellery and other items, a r g i l l i t e carvings, basketry, and weaving. Items l e s s commonly made for sale include drums, button blankets, ivory and bone carvings, paintings, and drawings. This section w i l l examine acc u l t u r a t i v e processes of change i n r e l a t i o n to the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art forms commonly produced for sale today. Use and Meaning The most obvious changes i n Northwest Coast art that have resulted - 66 -from the new context for art production are i n the use and meaning of the art for the new consumers. The functions of art objects i n t r a d i t i o n a l native culture were outlined i n Chapter One. Today, the art that i s made for sale p r i m a r i l y to consumers outside of native society assumes a new r o l e relevant to the consumers' l i f e s t y l e , notions about " a r t " , aesthetic c r i t e r i a , and r e l a t i o n s h i p to Northwest Coast Indian culture. The uses to which contemporary Northwest Coast arts are put by the consumer may range from personal adornment (e.g. wearing a bracelet as j e w e l l e r y ) , to investment, to display as a r t . Common to these d i f f e r e n t uses i s the contemplation of the object as "art object" and the fact that these objects are now produced as "art by destination.""'' Even where d i s -putes may a r i s e as to whether a mask or a basket can be considered a work 2 of a r t , the object i s now produced for and purchased i n the art market, and i s viewed and displayed by the consumer as one would view and display " a r t " , that i s , as an object with primary v i s u a l / a e s t h e t i c use ( t h i s i s i n a d d i t i o n to i t s other uses, such as souvenir or investment). The changes i n the t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e of the a r t s i n native society, to t h e i r present r o l e as "art objects" to be displayed i n the modern l i v i n g room, r a i s e the question of whether differences e x i s t between t r a d i t i o n a l 3 native aesthetic c r i t e r i a and the c r i t e r i a applied by contemporary con-sumers to Northwest Coast a r t s . In a discussion of native aesthetic c r i t e r i a , Hawthorn (.19.61:67) notes the responses of Kwagiutl v i s i t o r s to objects i n the UBC Museum of Anthropology's c o l l e c t i o n , s t a t i n g that "the aesthetic q u a l i t i e s of the object were not always distinguished from i t s s o c i a l and economic importance." He suggests that, - 67 -Although, most [contemporary] Indian v i s i t o r s , to the Museum have separated the s o c i a l and aesthetic values, t r a d i t i o n a l society probably contained many who did not. They would have been interested p r i m a r i l y i n communication of the s o c i a l f a c t s : the v a l i d a t i n g myths, the h i s t o r i c and supernatural figures and incidents, and d i s t i n c t i o n s of rank. Other people, presumably the majority, responded also to q u a l i t i e s of o r i g i n a l i t y , forcefulness and beauty, and the carving was judged as a work of art to the degree that i t succeeded or f a i l e d i n supplying these q u a l i t i e s (1961:68). Hawthorn's statement gives an i n d i c a t i o n of how aesthetic judge-ments may be q u a l i f i e d by viewers' perceptions of the use and meaning of the object, by c u l t u r a l l y - s p e c i f i c notions of a r t i s t i c q u a l i t y , and by previously formed expectations about the object, i n addition to factors such as personal taste. This applies to contemporary non-native consumers of Northwest Coast Indian art as well as to the native viewers Hawthorn referred to. (See Chapters Four and Five for surveys and discussions of non-Indian viewer and consumer aesthetic judgements of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts.) The r e l a t i o n s h i p of the viewer to the a r t object (and to the producer's culture through the medium of the object) i s an important factor i n h i s expectations of the a r t , and of the meaning of the art to him. Since the meaning of an object i s not i n t r i n s i c to the object, but i s determined by context, the meaning of Northwest Coast Indian art to a t o u r i s t , an a r t investor, a c o l l e c t o r of f i n e a r t s , or to the a r t i s t himself could d i f f e r g r e atly according to the use each person has for the a r t . Today the Images and forms of Northwest Coast art are separated from t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l context and are recontextualized, emerging as the elements of a new system of meaning for the contemporary consumer. The t r a d i t i o n a l function of a Northwest Coast object i s no longer relevant for the consumer, but the object can assume a - 68 -new function so that i t i s regarded as useful and meaningful from the con-sumer's point of view. In t h i s way, an object may s t i l l incorporate a crest design, but i t w i l l no longer serve to i d e n t i f y the owner of the object as a member of that p a r t i c u l a r lineage - i t may be regarded simply as a decorative object, or i t may well serve as a statement of another kind of i d e n t i t y : perhaps that of B r i t i s h Columbia resident, or Northwest Coast art connoisseur. The 1969 r a i s i n g of Robert Davidson's totem pole i n Masset (mentioned i n Chapter One), provides an I l l u s t r a t i o n of the contrast between the t r a d i t i o n a l and the contemporary use and meaning of totem poles, even though Davidson's pole was produced for the native context. The primary t r a d i t i o n a l function of totem poles was to display family h i s t o r y , i d e n t i t y , and wealth through crest symbols. Totem poles were usually raised at potlatches, where the s t o r i e s behind the crests were t o l d to the people witnessing the event. While Davidson's pole also consisted of crest figures carved i n the t r a d i t i o n a l s t y l e , i t was raised p r i m a r i l y as a symbol of Haida i d e n t i t y generally, and an a f f i r m a t i o n of the continuing importance of Haida culture. The pole was raised on community ground before a church, as opposed to the t r a d i t i o n a l placement of a pole before the family's house. In addition, the contemporary pole was both, carved and sponsored by Davidson (with, the assistance of the B r i t i s h Columbia C u l t u r a l Fund), an a r t i s t who was not l i v i n g on the Queen Charlotte Islands, and who u n t i l that time had derived much of h i s knowledge away from the Queen Charlottes i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a , i n museums, books, and from personal contacts with a r t i s t s and academics. Davidson's pole, as an expression of Haida t r a d i t i o n , was an old form with, a new use and meaning r e f l e c t i n g changed s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l - 69 -contexts. Materials and Techniques The e a r l y e f f e c t s of metal tools on art production, and the incorporation of new materials such, as s i l v e r and a r g i l l i t e into Northwest Coast Indian a r t s have been noted i n Chapter One. More recent changes i n carving technique include such adaptations as the use of power tools when p r a c t i c a l . In the f i e l d of s i l v e r jewellery, B i l l Reid's formal t r a i n i n g i n European jewellery making has s i g n i f i c a n t l y influenced the work of younger a r t i s t s . As Reid (19.81:8). notes, "the techniques I had learned, p a r t i c u l a r l y for engraving, eventually d r i f t e d back to the v i l l a g e s and are now almost u n i v e r s a l l y used. The old techniques, used by Edenshaw, Cross, and my grandfather, for instance, have e n t i r e l y disappeared, and now i t ' s accepted as t r a d i t i o n a l to do things the way I used to." The most obvious change i n materials to occur i n the r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian art i s the adoption of the s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t medium (serigraphy). This change has become both a r t i s t i c a l l y and economically s i g n i f i c a n t to the production of art for the contemporary market. Not only have s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s become the medium i n which a r t i s t s are the most free to innovate, but, since the l a t e 1960's, the r e l a t i v e popularity of p r i n t s on the market has made printmaking a primary means of economic support for 4 many a r t i s t s . "In j u s t over a decade, more than 100 native Northwest Coast a r t i s t s : have created nearly 10.00 designs reproduced as s i l k screen p r i n t s " (Blackman and H a l l 1981:55). Northwest Coast serigraphy developed as a product of the commercial market for native a r t s . Blackman and H a l l (1981:55) note that.early designing on paper b_y- Northwest Coast a r t i s t s - occurred "with, turn-of-the-- 70 -century anthropologists who commissioned drawings of t r a d i t i o n a l crest and other decorative designs. Designing on paper received some l a t e r r e -inforcement i n the native r e s i d e n t i a l schools, although the a r t i s t i c r e s u l t s were often s t r i k i n g l y n o n t r a d i t i o n a l . " E l l e n Neel screened Northwest Coast designs onto scarves i n the l a t e 1940's, and i n the l a t e 1950's, to early 1960's, Tony Hunt, Doug Cranmer, and Chief Henry Speck produced some s i l k -screen designs for sale on the t o u r i s t market. In 1968 Robert Davidson began printmaking; "Davidson's designs were also r e t a i l e d i n "Vancouver and V i c t o r i a g i f t shops, but he e a r l y attracted the i n t e r e s t of c o l l e c t o r s of both Northwest Coast art and f i n e graphic art In general" (Blackman and H a l l 1978:2). Responding to growing public i n t e r e s t , more and more a r t i s t s began to produce designs for t h i s medium. Northwest Coast two-dimensional art t r a d i t i o n s were e a s i l y transferred from painted and carved designs on wood to s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s , which are f a m i l i a r to Western consumers as an " a r t " medium and suitable f or display i n the home. Early p r i n t s were considered posters, and were screened on low q u a l i t y paper i n large or unlimited e d i t i o n s . Some dealers and a r t i s t s endeavoured to bring Northwest Coast printmaking Into the larger realm of Canadian a r t , however, which necessitated l i m i t i n g e d i t i o n s , having the p r i n t s signed and numbered by the a r t i s t , and using high-quality rag papers. Most c o l l e c t o r s now frame the works with "conservation framing" or c a r e f u l l y store t h e i r "investments" i n protective f o l d e r s . Museums are c o l l e c t i n g Northwest Coast serigraphs as w e l l , and have included the works i n several recent exhibitions and one-man shows. I t should be noted, however, that contemporary s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s , l i k e other commercial a r t s , vary widely i n the q u a l i t y of t h e i r design and execution, and are s t i l l sold within the souvenir as well as the - 71 -f i n e art markets. Some Northwest Coast designs have been produced as s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s for use i n the native context. They are given out as potlatch g i f t s , and are used to mark important ceremonial or personal events. Within both the commercial and the native contexts, Northwest Coast s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s have emerged as a new medium i l l u s t r a t i n g both, continuity and change i n native t r a d i t i o n s . Form and Subject Matter The new context for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art has influenced (and continues to influence) form and subject matter i n several ways. Changes i n these aspects: of art production are c l o s e l y connected to changes i n the use and meaning of the contemporary a r t s . For Instance, changes i n form may include s t y l i s t i c changes, as well as the adaptation of Northwest Coast art to such n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l forms as wall plaques and s i l k -screen p r i n t s . Tourist a r t s , as mentioned previously, provide an obvious example of changes i n t r a d i t i o n a l form and meaning that occur as a response to t o u r i s t demand for souvenirs of another culture. Souvenir a r t s are characterized by a reduction and d i s t o r t i o n of the producer's b e l i e f and symbolic system that i s determined In part by the t o u r i s t buyers' preconceived notions of what i s representative of the producer's cul t u r e , and by the producer's perception of the t o u r i s t s ' preferences. Ben-Amos (1973:9) has observed that "Tourist art...operates as a minimal system which must make meanings as accessible as possible across v i s u a l boundary l i n e s . . . [ i t involves a] reduction i n semantic l e v e l of t r a d i t i o n a l forms, expansion of neo-t r a d i t i o n a l secular motifs, and u t i l i z a t i o n of adjunct communicative systems [ i . e . , ways of conveying the souvenir's "message", through form, colour, etc., that are u t i l i z e d and understood by producer and consumerQ." Souvenir a r t s can thus be seen as "an obvious v i s u a l c r o s s - c u l t u r a l code" (Graburn 1976a :17), conveying enough of the expected exoticism and "otherness to the consumer without being unreadable. In t h i s way successful souvenir production r e s u l t s i n a product that corresponds to the expectations of the buyers and expresses symbolically t h e i r consciousness and conceptualization of the producer culture. Model totem poles provide an example of a popular souvenir that has become a widely recognized symbol of B r i t i s h . Columbia and Northwest Coast Indians. The production of model poles was already f l o u r i s h i n g In the l a t e 1800's as a response to t o u r i s t demand for a portable souvenir of t h i s region Many contemporary model poles are made by f i n e carvers and are good examples of the art form. Others merely present a s t e r e o t y p i c a l view of totem poles; they are carved i n a s t y l e that barely resembles any t r a d i t i o n a l totem pole s t y l e on the Northwest Coast, yet they s e l l widely and serve as a representa-t i o n of Northwest Coast Indian art to the buyer. Regarding contemporary Northwest Coast Indian commercial f i n e a r t s , Halpin (1981b:30) has noted that "Both s i m p l i f i c a t i o n and realism f a c i l i t a t e c r o s s - c u l t u r a l communication... In order to communicate with the new-consumers, the a r t i s t s are creating forms which, are more n a t u r a l i s t i c , more uni v e r s a l . These forms contain fewer c u l t u r a l messages, and t h e i r appreciation i s l e s s dependent upon mastering a complex and unfamiliar s t y l e . As an example of the greater a c c e s s i b i l i t y of the contemporary forms to the wider audience, Halpin (1981b;30j notes that "the forms of contemporary sculpture are s i m p l i f i e d and more r e a l i s t i c than the old carvings. There - 73 -are more single figures now and few monstrous combinations of more than one l i f e form i n a single image." Such changes i n form generally r e f l e c t "a s h i f t i n meaning from the totemic to the mythological content of native culture. Whereas totemic forms derive meaning from t h e i r l o c a l s o c i a l context - that of clan and t r i b e - mythological themes r e f l e c t more univer s a l dimensions of human experience" (1981b:28). The forms: remain "Northwest Coast a r t " , although they are created within and for a changed c u l t u r a l context. The development of a "new" s t y l e of Northwest Coast design at 'Ksan i s a clear i l l u s t r a t i o n of changes: i n form and subject matter, and of the u t i l i z a t i o n of s i m p l i f i c a t i o n and realism. Instructors from various t r i b a l groups (Kwagiutl a r t i s t s Tony Hunt and Doug Cranmer, Haida a r t i s t Robert Davidson, and white a r t i s t Duane Pasco) were brought i n to the Kitanmax School of Northwest Coast Indian art to provide t r a i n i n g i n northern North-west Coast design ( s p e c i f i c a l l y Tsimshian). Although a l l i n s t r u c t o r s were accomplished a r t i s t s , none of them was p r o f i c i e n t i n t r a d i t i o n a l Tsimshian art forms. The i n s t r u c t o r s introduced images and forms from a number of d i f f e r e n t t r i b a l a r t t r a d i t i o n s i n t h e i r teaching of northern design, and the personal s t y l e s of Duane Pasco and one of the f i r s t graduates of the school, Vernon Stephens (who also became an i n s t r u c t o r ) , g reatly influenced the d i r e c t i o n s the 'Ksan s t y l e has since taken. The 'Ksan s t y l e can he described as u t i l i z i n g a t h i n , somewhat angular formline and resultant angular ovoids, depending heavily on templates (which, tends to make the forms i n many designs somewhat r e p e t i t i v e ) , and attempting "innovation" ( i . e . , a departure from t r a d i t i o n a l form and style) i n almost every piece. A major innovation that characterizes many 'Ksan graphics, i s - 74 -the incorporation of perspective, p o r t r a y a l of the environment, and a comparatively non-abstract or " l i t e r a l " view of the subject matter ( e.g. Stephens' "Aah-See-Will, the Greedy Hunter", figure 1) - the e f f e c t i s the l o c a l i z a t i o n of the image i n time and space, which contrasts sharply with the "timeless" po r t r a y a l and meaning of t r a d i t i o n a l northern Northwest Coast images. Stewart (1979a: 10.0) describes the means by which, t h i s e f f e c t , i s achieved i n the 'Ksan graphic s t y l e : Human figures are rendered i n l i f e l i k e appearance, often i n action or conveying some emotion, and are frequently i n t e r r e l a t e d with animals or inanimate objects. The elements of the a r t are t r a d i t i o n a l , but segments of U forms and s p l i t U forms are elongated or abbreviated to provide the a r t i s t with a d d i t i o n a l shapes to serve h i s requirements. A d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c among some of the 'Ksan a r t i s t s i s the use of these l i n e a r elements detached, or nearly so, from the main body of the design. The appearance of vigorous movement i s often enhanced by such, l i n e s , which give a f e e l i n g of vibrancy. Certain 'Ksan graphics that portray single figures i n a very n a t u r a l i s t i c , i l l u s t r a t i v e way (though s t i l l drawing upon Northwest Coast style) are most popular with consumers unfamiliar with or unresponsive to more t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast design. Such portr a y a l allows for r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e subject matter, and the use of enough. "Indian" c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s makes the design obviously "Northwest Coast" (e.g. Robert Sebastian's "Salmon Fighting Upstream to Spawn", figu r e 2). A tendency i n Northwest Coast p r i n t designs toward the creation of more n a t u r a l i s t i c forms, more single f i g u r e s , and les s combinations of more than one creature occupying a single space, means that such Northwest Coast designs become more u n i v e r s a l l y recognizable, hence more e a s i l y understandable. Most s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t images to date depict s i n g l e , representational animal forms and mythical beings l i k e the Bu-quis, and Tsonoqua (Hall et a l . 1981:561, Figure 1. "Aah-See-Will, the Greedy Hunter" by Vernon Stephens, 1978. Si l k s c r e e n p r i n t . Figure 2. "Salmon Fig h t i n g Upstream to Spawn" by Robert Sebastian, 1980. Si l k s c r e e n p r i n t . - 76 -centered i n the middle of a white f i e l d . This method of depicting a Northwest Coast design on the open design f i e l d of a sheet of paper i s a c t u a l l y a departure from the t r a d i t i o n a l a p p l i c a t i o n of a two-dimensional design, which was adapted to the shape of the object i t decorated. In the area of jewellery engraving, most designs consist of an animal f i g u r e adapted to the shape of the item, although Macnair et a l . (1980:92) also note a growing tendency among contemporary a r t i s t s to apply a sin g l e p r o f i l e design rather than the more t r a d i t i o n a l b i l a t e r a l l y symmetrical design. The Northwest Coast t r a d i t i o n of s p l i t t i n g up and abstracting a fi g u r e , so that the figure occupies the t o t a l space, Is attempted by some contemporary a r t i s t s i n s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s and carvings (e.g. Robert Davidson's p r i n t , " B u t t e r f l i e s " , f i g u r e 3). The creation of successful designs of t h i s type (see Halpin 1979:7-9) requires a greater understanding of organizing p r i n c i p l e s i n northern Northwest Coast two-dimensional design than do the more standard sin g l e representational forms. Macnair et a l . (1980:85-6) have stated that "Contemporary Indian a r t i s t s are le s s r e s t r i c t e d i n t h e i r use of material, and t h e i r exploration of subject and form, than were t h e i r precursors." Several leading contemporary a r t i s t s have undertaken to experiment with the l i m i t s of Northwest Coast design: three examples could include Southern Kwagiutl a r t i s t Doug Cranmer, Haida a r t i s t Robert Davidson, and Nuu-chah-nulth a r t i s t Joe David. While c e r t a i n l y not a l l experiments or innovations i n contemporary Northwest Coast Indian design are successful, a r t i s t s such as the three named above have influenced the d i r e c t i o n s contemporary native art has taken. Their art has influenced other a r t i s t s following them, s e t t i n g standards by which many c o l l e c t o r s and a r t i s t s view and judge Northwest Coast Indian a r t . Figure 4. "Study" by Doug Cranmer, 1980. A c r y l i c on cedar. - 78 -Experimentation i n design can involve sometimes subtly innovative uses of form, space, organizing p r i n c i p l e s , or subject matter, as well as attempts to incorporate or work i n a t r i b a l s t y l e other than the a r t i s t s ' s own. Successful experimentation depends upon the a r t i s t ' s mastery of North-west Coast design and upon a receptive market. One example of contemporary experimentation that has influenced the work of other a r t i s t s i s Doug Cramer's experimentation with form i n abstract paintings. In these designs an attempt i s made to produce a completely abstract design using the Northwest Coast design elements (figure 4), and some designs incorporate such inno-vations as the overlapping of colours and the overlapping of l i n e s to represent perspective. Robert Davidson's experiments are attempts at extending the art within the absolute l i m i t s of Haida two-dimensional design, innovating upon the use of space (figure 3), and often departing from symmetry. Serigraphy and s i l v e r jewellery are Davidson's primary media f or experimentation.- Joe David has played a leading r o l e i n the rediscovery and r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Westcoast (Nuu-chah-nulth) design, and as such has helped define the contemporary Westcoast s t y l e i n h i s work. The develop-ment of a personal s t y l e , a " f l u i d " or " l i q u i d " flowing version of the formline (e.g. "Ka-Ka-win-chealth", fig u r e 5), the use of t r a d i t i o n a l motifs, and the influence of northern two-dimensional design i n h i s p r i n t s have combined i n an innovative r e d e f i n i t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l a r t . The subject matter of Northwest Coast art ranges from the t r a d i t i o n a l to the very modern. Many carvings, jewellery items, a r g i l l i t e pieces, and serigraphs depict " t r a d i t i o n a l " subject matter, such as animal and mythical images, even though an innovative design approach or i n t e r p r e t a t i o n may be taken. H a l l et a l . (19.81:56) note that "Mythical beings l i k e the - 79 -Figure 5. "Ka-Ka-win-chealth" by Joe David, 1977. Silkscreen p r i n t . - 80 -'Bu-quis', or wild man...existed i n the past only as. masks or dances, but now they have been translated Into two-dimensional design." The t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast b e l i e f s i n the a b i l i t y of humans and animals to transform themselves from one form into another, and i n the continuity between the natural and supernatural worlds, are also represented i n contemporary si l k s c r e e n p r i n t designs (e.g. "Ka-Ka-win-chealth", figure 5, i n which. David depicts the transformation of supernatural white wolf into k i l l e r whale). Some a r t i s t s create designs to mark personal experiences, dreams, b i r t h s , and marriages (e.g. Robert Davidson's 1969 marriage announcement). Subjects native to the Northwest Coast environment but not t r a d i t i o n a l to the art are represented as we l l . For example, Art Thompson's "Barnacle" design (figure 6) and Roy Vickers' "Swans" exemplify the i l l u s t r a t i v e rather than totemic nature of many contemporary designs. At the same time the barnacle i n Thompson's p r i n t i s shown with Its; being in s i d e , a t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast means of portraying creatures and t h e i r s p i r i t s . Haida a r t i s t Don Yeomans (1980) has stated that "Deliberately I suppose I've gotten Into unconventional things simply because I'm more interested i n communicating on the universal l e v e l things that people can r e l a t e to." One of h i s 1981 p r i n t s depicts the "Phoenix", a symbol, of immortality o r i g i n a t i n g i n Egyptian mythology. Another p r i n t , "Raven i n the 20th Century" (see Chapter Four), incorporates an automobile i n the design of a raven. Vickers has incorporated images from C h r i s t i a n i t y i n many of h i s s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s (e.g. "The Creation of Eve", figu r e 7), an innovation that "has; received c r i t i c i s m both from Christians who believe a 'heathen' art form inappropriate for representations of the Saviour and from fellow native a r t i s t s who view the work as a desecration of Northwest Coast a r t " (Blackman and H a l l 1981:60). Figure 6 "Barnacle" by A r t Thompson, Figure 7. "The Creation of Eve" by 1977. S i l k s c r e e n p r i n t . Roy V i c k e r s , 1977. S i l k s c r e e n p r i n t . - 82 -Although viewer response to contemporary Northwest Coast design and subject matter w i l l be discussed i n d e t a i l i n Chapters Four and Five, i t should be noted here that contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts which, have departed ei t h e r subtly or dramatically from t r a d i t i o n a l forms have generated both p o s i t i v e and negative responses from a r t i s t s , experts, and the buying pu b l i c . I t appears, however, that the le s s obvious departures from t r a d i t i o n a l form and subject matter, or at l e a s t from viewers' expectations of Indian a r t , allow the contemporary arts to remain immediately recognizable as Northwest Coast a r t , a seemingly necessary condition from the point of view of many p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the contemporary r e v i v a l . I l l - TRADITION, INNOVATION, AND AUTHENTICITY In almost any discussion of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art the terms " t r a d i t i o n " and "innovation" are applied to the work. These terms usually r e f e r to the degree to which the ar t s s t i l l adhere to the use, meaning, materials, techniques, form, and subject matter of the " t r a d i t i o n a l " arts of the nineteenth century. Books, a r t i c l e s , and museum exhibits tend to present the contemporary a r t either as a continuation of older t r a d i t i o n s (with some modifications r e s u l t i n g from a c c u l t u r a t i o n ) , or the older t r a d i t i o n s are lumped into a single category of " t r a d i t i o n a l Indian a r t " from which, the contemporary art has grown. " T r a d i t i o n a l " culture and " t r a d i t i o n a l " art were never closed or s t a t i c systems. A general d e f i n i t i o n of " t r a d i t i o n " as "anything which i s trans-mitted or handed down from the past to the present" (S h i l s 19.81:12) implies the p o s s i b i l i t y of modification and change as part of the transmission process. As shown In the preceding section, traditions; change as the contexts to which - 83 -they r e f e r change, and as influences from both, within and without the culture are incorporated. In t h i s way, " t r a d i t i o n " i n Northwest Coast Indian art can be seen as a handing down of knowledge r e l a t i n g to the production of a r t objects, and an incorporation of change into t h i s knowledge. "Innovations" are not i s o l a t e d compartments separated from t r a d i t i o n ; rather, they innovate upon t r a d i t i o n . Innovations use the t r a d i t i o n a l as a base from which to respond to, ot r e i n t e r p r e t , the knowledge being passed down. The a r t i s t s are the agents of innovation i n art production, although the sources of change may include the consumers and other i n f l u e n t i a l f a c t o r s . As shown i n Chapter One, a process of reconstruction, reinvention, and r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast art s t y l e s has been an i n t e g r a l aspect of the contemporary r e v i v a l , and of the formation of d e f i n i t i o n s of " t r a d i t i o n a l " and "authentic" Northwest Coast Indian a r t . Today's consumer public for the a r t has i t s own d e f i n i t i o n s of genuine, authentic Northwest Coast Indian a r t , which, are constructed out of notions about what constitutes "the r e a l thing." This " r e a l thing" generally r e f e r s to the t r a d i t i o n a l a r t . Delange Fry (1971/72:96) has; observed that, What most occidentals s t i l l seem to seek i n the " p r i m i t i v e " a r t s i s a set of q u a l i t i e s that correspond to t h e i r idea of t r a d i t i o n a l " p r i m i t i v e " l i f e . The objects are considered v a l i d or authentic only i f they have served i n r e l i g i o u s , magic or even p o l i t i c a l functions, but the very notions of these functions lack roots In r e a l i t y . Any object that does not f i t the standard notions i s rejected as inauthentic. Where contemporary native art productions are evaluated i n terms of t h e i r r e-creation of the past, a departure from the t r a d i t i o n a l i s often interpreted as a degeneration of the a r t . I t can perhaps be said that the "otherness" of native culture, as presented through, the a r t s , i s manifested i n i t s . - 84 -t r a d i t i o n a l form. It i s t h i s "otherness" that i s considered authentic and imperative to preserve. A statement by General (1978:32-3) also comments on the notion of "authentic" as " t r a d i t i o n a l " : The incognizance of the a r t buying public has led to the development of preconceived ideas of what Indian art i s and should be. There i s a tendency to r e s t r i c t the Indian a r t i s t i c expression to the t r a d i -t i o n a l a rt forms which undermine the c r e d i b i l i t y of Indian a r t as contemporary art and rei n f o r c e the stigma of Indian art as curios or as an ethnographic extension of c u l t u r a l heritage. He'adds, however, that "There i s no denying that many contemporary Indian a r t i s t s have chosen to work In the t r a d i t i o n a l a rt forms" (1978:33). , While, as discussed i n Chapter One, museums and museum anthropologists have played an important r o l e i n defining and s e t t i n g the standards for Northwest Coast Indian art (and t h e i r influence has been almost t o t a l l y conservative by t h e i r emphasis on the t r a d i t i o n a l ) , i t i s also true that many contemporary a r t i s t s place an emphasis on learning and adhering to t r a d i t i o n a l form and subject matter. The structure of Northwest Coast Indian a r t , p a r t i c u l a r l y northern two-dimensional design, i s based on a system of formal design p r i n c i p l e s . Because of t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the a r t , viewers often judge design q u a l i t y on the basis of Its adherence to convention. In f a c t , experts and accomplished Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s t s c o n t i n u a l l y stress the importance of achieving a f u l l understanding of the formal p r i n c i p l e s of the art before successful innovation can occur. B i l l Reid, for example, f e e l s that "The formline i s the basis of a l l the a r t . It i s the e s s e n t i a l element that sets the art from the north coast apart from any art i n the world. I f you don't conform to I t you're doing something else [I.e., something other than - 85 -Northwest Coast Indian a r t ] " (Legacy Dialogue 1982). Robert Davidson (1978:11-12) has expressed h i s recognition of the Importance of t r a d i t i o n a l form by st a t i n g that "I became aware of the great l e v e l that the Haida a r t i s t s reached i n the 1850's, and I f e l t that once I had attained that l e v e l , I could go on to my own d i r e c t i o n s - to innovate." He has also said that "I am not content to 'recycle ideas.' I recognize the need for continued growth and now f e e l I must go beyond the accepted l i m i t s of the art set by masters of the past. I want to expand my ideas and create boundaries that are my own" (Stewart 1979b :113). Reid has remarked that "When I f e l t impelled to do something r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t I went outside the Northwest Coast f i e l d altogether" (Legacy Dialogue 1982). The emphasis placed on the t r a d i t i o n a l as process by Davidson and other a r t i s t s d i f f e r s from the emphasis on t r a d i t i o n found among some experts and consumers, that seeks to r e s t r i c t native a r t i s t i c expression to a p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c phase or s t a t i c form of that t r a d i t i o n . Consumer expectations of "authentic" and " t r a d i t i o n a l " (which w i l l be further examined i n Chapters Four and Five) are generally r e f l e c t e d i n the marketplace. Gustafson (1980:115) notes, regarding the sale of Salish. weavings, that " U n t i l recently, there has been l i t t l e market for any weaving that did not 'look Indian.' For example, the t r a d i t i o n a l P l a i n s t y l e of blanket did not appeal to most customers." Stewart (,1979b:69) r e c a l l s that a 1973 p r i n t by Davidson was o r i g i n a l l y t i t l e d "Abstract", but "evidently such a modern art term was not acceptable for a work of Haida a r t , which, i s renowned for c l a s s i c t r a d i t i o n a l i s m . " Since there were few buyers of the p r i n t , Davidson renamed i t " K i l l e r Whale F i n " and raised the p r i c e , and the e d i t i o n of 165 sold out. The r e s t r i c t i o n of contemporary art forms to s u i t - 86 -constructed models of "authentic" and " t r a d i t i o n a l " a r t s i n t h i s way appears to r e a f f i r m s i m i l a r l y constructed models of "Indianness" and authentic Indian culture, even though these models may be far from accurate. The general lack of recognition of Northwest Coast Indian a r t as " a r t " i n the Western " f i n e a r t " sense of the word has been noted i n Chapter One. As General (1978:32) states, "Despite ... £the] supportive i n t e r e s t and patronage [of non-Indian people], there s t i l l e x i s t s an ambivalent a t t i t u d e towards Indian a r t . The artworld i s more than w i l l i n g to accept art created by Indians as 'Indian a r t ' but are very reluctant to accept i t as contemporary a r t . This i s evident In the apathetic gestures of major contemporary a r t i n s t i t u t i o n s i n Canada and throughout the world." This s i t u a t i o n r e f l e c t s the apparent contradiction of two sets of a r t i s t i c values: on the one hand i s an emphasis on creating Northwest Coast a r t within t r a d i t i o n a l conventions of form and composition, and on the other i s a Western academic avant garde t r a d i t i o n . Contemporary Northwest Coast Indian f i n e a r t has emerged i n the commercial art market as a synthesis of these values - i t i s created as "art by d e s t i n a t i o n " (Maquet 1979:9) for g a l l e r i e s , museums, and p r i v a t e c o l l e c t o r s , at the same time that i t derives from and expresses centuries old native t r a d i t i o n s . That these values are viewed by some art i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n d i v i d u a l s as contradictory brings into focus the c r i t e r i a by which viewers define contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t . "Adherence to t r a d i t i o n " as a defining q u a l i t y of authentic Indian a r t i s , as shown i n the above discussion, an ambiguous c r i t e r i o n , since i t i s based on d i f f e r i n g expectations of what the " t r a d i t i o n a l " a c t u a l l y con s t i t u t e s . Two a d d i t i o n a l (and contentious) c r i t e r i a of authentic Northwest Coast Indian a r t , which, w i l l be discussed below, include the - 8 7 -e t h n i c i t y or "Indianness" of the a r t i s t , and the purpose for which the item was produced ( i . e . , for sale to non-Indians or for native use). Probably the most important and seemingly obvious c r i t e r i o n of authentic native art for many buyers, viewers, and a r t i s t s i s that the object must be created by an Indian. But there are a number of non-Indian a r t i s t s , perhaps twenty, creating and s e l l i n g Northwest Coast s t y l e work.^ Of these, several have established reputations as being among the best contemporary Northwest Coast a r t i s t s - two examples are John Livingston of V i c t o r i a , and Duane Pasco of Seattle. B i l l Holm i s not only the foremost expert on Northwest Coast art but i s also a top ranking a r t i s t . Sensitive to h i s p o s i t i o n as a non-Indian, however, he does not s e l l h i s work. While the marketing of non-Indian made Northwest Coast s t y l e art w i l l be discussed i n Chapter Three, the Issues surrounding the question of whether the a u t h e n t i c i t y of Indian art should rest on the e t h n i c i t y of the a r t i s t w i l l be discussed here. This ethnic c r i t e r i o n In turn r a i s e s two primary questions: f i r s t , how should the Indianness or a u t h e n t i c i t y of the a r t i s t himself be defined and determined; and second, what kind of Indian i s the " r i g h t " kind? With regard to the f i r s t question, who q u a l i f i e s as, a legitimate Indian a r t i s t : a status Indian, a non-status Indian, someone who i s ha l f Indian over someone who is; one-sixteenth? Other d e f i n i t i o n s may include a requirement that the a r t i s t have a good knowledge about Northwest Coast art and culture. In discussing t h i s question, one Vancouver dealer of Northwest Coast art stated that "Three-quarters of the a r t i s t s don't understand the c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s behind the a r t . John Livingston knows more about Kwagiutl culture than most Kwagiutl carvers do" (Mintz 19.82). - 88 -Duane Pasco (.1982) has stated that "Some non-Indians are more c u l t u r a l l y involved than Indians are. I f e e l more Indian than non-Indian - I'm an assimilated white." Pasco, l i k e Livingston, Steve Brown, and several other non-Indian a r t i s t s , p a r t i c i p a t e s i n dancing and other native c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y when i n v i t e d to do so. As mentioned e a r l i e r i n this; chapter, he has played a major r o l e as a teacher of Northwest Coast Indian art at 'Ksan, and he continues to teach carving and design In Seattle and Alaska. Despite such contributions, however, the expertise and experience i n Indian culture for non-native a r t i s t s i s r e s t r i c t e d p r i m a r i l y to i n t e r p r e t i n g the a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s of a culture to which, they do not have ancestral connections, and does not extend to the contemporary experience of being Indian within North American society. Some native a r t i s t s , on the other hand, may not possess the same degree of expertise i n t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast art that Pasco or Livingston have, but f e e l that the r i g h t to create Northwest Coast art should belong only to those whose heritage the a r t represents. A further issue i s raised by the second question, which, concerns the more s p e c i f i c ethnic i d e n t i t y of the a r t i s t . That the aut h e n t i c i t y of a Kwagiutl mask by Cree carver Gene Brabant or Cherokee carver Lelooska i s questioned by some experts, a r t i s t s , and c o l l e c t o r s i l l u s t r a t e s a concern as to whether the Indian person who created the piece was the " r i g h t " kind of Indian. Whether the a u t h e n t i c i t y of Indian art should r e s t on the e t h n i c i t y of the a r t i s t remains an i r r e s o l v a b l e question. Arguments tend to f a l l into two camps. The f i r s t argument, used by many a r t i s t s and consumers, c a l l s for the protection of an industry and a t r a d i t i o n that should remain - 89 -uniquely Indian. White "Imposters" are seen as "taking something of the culture away" and deriving economic benefit from an a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n that i s not t h e i r own. The second argument i s applied more s p e c i f i c a l l y to the Northwest Coast f i n e art market, and i s used by some c o l l e c t o r s , g a l l e r y owners, and a number of recognized a r t i s t s . This view holds: that people should be buying art that appeals to them a e s t h e t i c a l l y , regardless of the ethnic o r i g i n s of the a r t i s t . One Vancouver dealer adds that i t may make sense to protect the c r a f t s market ("the buyer has the r i g h t to buy for romantic or r a c i s t reasons"), but that such protection of Indian art as "Indian" only serves to r e s t r i c t the recognition of Northwest Coast art as " f i n e a r t " within the wider art market (Mintz 1982). Museums have generally shied away from the purchase of Northwest Coast art made by non-Indians. Taking into account the considerable influence museums have In defining authentic and c o l l e c t i b l e Indian a r t (Ames 1981) , there seems to be an uncertainty as to the implications of museum " l e g i t i m a t i o n " of non-Indian Northwest Coast a r t i s t s . The ethnic c r i -t e r i o n of a u t h e n t i c i t y prevalent i n the marketplace appears evident i n museum c o l l e c t i n g p r a c t i c e s as well. A recent example i s provided by the F i e l d Museum of Natural History i n Chicago. Coinciding with, the museum's opening of a new permanent exhibit i n A p r i l 1982, "Maritime Peoples of the A r c t i c and Northwest Coast", was a month-long show^and-sale of contemporary Northwest Coast and Inuit a r t , organized by and held i n the museum. The work of eighteen native a r t i s t s (including B i l l Reid, Tony Hunt, Joe David, and others), and f i v e non-Indian a r t i s t s (including Duane Pasco, John Livingston, Steve Brown, Cheryl Samuel, and Katie Pasco), was featured i n the show-and-sale. The brochure accompanying the sale stated that a l l of - 90 -the a r t i s t s were selected " i n recognition of t h e i r commitment to excellence i n t r a d i t i o n a l c o n t i n u i t y and innovative c r e a t i v i t y " ( F i e l d Museum of Natural History 1982). It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note, however, that work by Reid, Davidson, David, and other contemporary native a r t i s t s i s also included i n the permanent e x h i b i t , but the work of the non-Indian a r t i s t s was included i n the sale only, and was not purchased for permanent display. It i s evident that an important, i f not the most important, q u a l i t y of contemporary native art for many p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the Northwest Coast Indian art market, i s i t s e t h n i c i t y . Native a r t , from souvenir products to f i n e a r t , i s r a r e l y considered apart from i t s connection to native culture (usually t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e ) . For the a r t i s t and dealer, the e t h n i c i t y of the art can be i t s most saleable q u a l i t y (see Chapters Three to F i v e ) . For the t o u r i s t , a souvenir made by an Indian, that incorporates recognizably "Indian" q u a l i t i e s , provides an unmistakable connection to "place" b.y representing the unique heritage of B r i t i s h Columbia, and by serving as a marker of the t o u r i s t ' s experience there. Even the f i n e art is: souvenir-like i n the way i t i s viewed and promoted as "Indian" - the connection between the a r t and the culture of the producer remains primary. This way of viewing the art suggests that a Northwest Coast-style item created by a non-Indian a r t i s t i s considered to lack an e s s e n t i a l element of a u t h e n t i c i t y , that connects the art to the culture from which the t r a d i t i o n s stem. The purpose for Northwest Coast art production i s an a d d i t i o n a l c r i t e r i o n by which the a u t h e n t i c i t y of the contemporary art i s judged. For some viewers, the fact that most of the contemporary art i s made for sale to people outside of native culture rather than for native use makes the - 91 -a r t l e s s authentic. By i m p l i c a t i o n , the art produced for native personal and ceremonial use i s more authentic, since that i s the context for which the t r a d i t i o n a l art was created and from which i t derived i t s meaning. This p o s i t i o n r e f l e c t s ideas referred to by Delange Fry i n an e a r l i e r quote, that suggest a r e s t r i c t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n between a u t h e n t i c i t y and the t r a d i t i o n a l context for a r t production. A comment by a newspaper art c r i t i c i l l u s t r a t e s a s i m i l a r perception: ". . .the question that a r i s e s from Reid and Davidson's p r i n t s i s whether or not the soul, or the s p i r i t u a l essence of the work, s t i l l c a r r i e s into the mass-produced editions of silkscreened p r i n t s that enter an almost e x c l u s i v e l y non-native market" (Perry 19J79_:D-1)_. This notion seems to be s p e c i f i c a l l y applied to the native a r t ; the c r i t i c does not question the existence of the " s o u l " of contemporary Western a r t , which i s almost t o t a l l y produced for the commercial market. While i t i s acknowledged that the production of Northwest Coast Indian art for sale has been an important element infl u e n c i n g change i n the a r t , i t appears that such production i s i n i t s e l f often considered to lead to " c u l t u r a l l o s s " and, therefore, a l o s s of a u t h e n t i c i t y . In summary, t h i s examination of the three major c r i t e r i a by which a u t h e n t i c i t y i s defined i n the market context - adherence to t r a d i t i o n , the e t h n i c i t y of the a r t i s t , and the purpose for production - suggests that the "Indianness" of the art i s I t s defining q u a l i t y . It i s the successful presentation of t h i s Indianness, according to the c r i t e r i a of the viewer, rather than the aesthetic q u a l i t i e s of the work alone, that forms: the basis for judgements of the q u a l i t y and. a u t h e n t i c i t y of most contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t . - 92 -A r t i f a k e s and Archaism: " T r a d i t i o n a l " Arts i n a Contemporary Context A commonly held perception of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art among s p e c i a l i s t s , consumers, and c r i t i c s i s that the art functions to preserve a t r a d i t i o n a l culture that would otherwise be l o s t . In t h i s sense the art may be viewed as a mere copy or reminder of the genuine, and evaluated as ethnographic a r t . This contrasts with a perception of the art as a means of transforming the past c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n into a l i v i n g one, i n which contemporary expressions and innovations b u i l d on t r a d i t i o n s of the past, and the art may be evaluated a e s t h e t i c a l l y as f i n e art within i t s new c u l t u r a l context. In the catalogue accompanying the 1974 "Vancouver Art G a l l e r y show " B i l l Reid: A Retrospective E x h i b i t i o n " , Duff expressed the dilemma f e l t by Reid and some other a r t i s t s concerning t h e i r re-creation of old Northwest Coast forms i n a contemporary context. Duff (1974) said, regarding Reid's work, It i s f i n e a r t . It bears a fresh, imprint of l i f e . And yet...And yet...Why i s i t that B i l l won't stop t a l k i n g about " a r t i f a k e r y " ? What i s the unfinished business? Where i s the haunting doubt i n t h i s b i r t h of a new art from an old s t y l e , t h i s b i r t h of new melodies from old rhythms? ... nobody can express more eloquently than B i l l , when he turns to the medium of words, the tragedy i n the truth that the l i f e has gone out of the Haida s h e l l , and he has not been able to put i t a l l back i n . To quote Reid (19.81:11) himself, / Is i t as Wilson Duff used to say, an art form i n search of a reason for i t s own existence? A medium without a message? Is i t a l l form and freedom and very l i t t l e substance? ... I f e e l that too much, the a r t i s t s are feeding on themselves, l o s i n g touch with old forms. And on a deeper l e v e l , l o s i n g touch with the animals and monsters who inspi r e d these old forms. - 93 -C r i t i c i s m of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art as a n o s t a l g i c a r t , and as an art that has l o s t i t s o r i g i n a l " s o u l " and purpose, appears frequently i n media reviews of exhibitions (e.g. Perry 1980:D-1) and i n other discussions of current a r t production (as above). To quote Mertens (1974:6A), "In Canada, the Indian a r t i s t has been viewed - and so has come to view himself - as a c u l t u r a l enhalmer, preserving i n h i s work values that have a l t e r e d , l i f e s t y l e s that are outdated." Observers declare that the t r a d i t i o n a l native s p i r i t u a l i t y to which, many of the images o r i g i n a l l y referred i s no longer relevant to contemporary a r t i s t s , and so the art now functions only as "anthro-decoration" for "an anxious audience of speculating c o l l e c t o r s and a n t h r o - f e t i s h i s t s " (Perry 1979:D-1). At the same time, c r i t i c s comment that contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t , by perpetuating an archaic t r a d i t i o n , does not concern i t s e l f with, contemporary issues and does not serve as an expression of the current p o s i t i o n and problems of native people i n North American society. For instance, Laurence (1982:9), i n a review of "The Legacy" exhibit at the UBC Museum of Anthropology, writes that, Although an urgent native need to e s t a b l i s h s o c i a l boundaries and promote c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i o n s i s well met i n the r e v i v a l of archaic art t r a d i t i o n s , that archaism i s somewhat u n s e t t l i n g . The art of "The Legacy" i s n o s t a l g i c a r t , rendering v i s i b l e the marvellous experience of myth-age ancestors. I t s p r i n c i p a l innovations are s t y l i s t i c , not thematic. While streamlining and abstracting within formal t r a d i t i o n s , t h i s art makes no acknowledgement of the p l a s t i c , urban, a t h e i s t intrusions of our age. One t h i r d of the contemporary a r t i s t s i n the e x h i b i t i o n l i v e In Vancouver or V i c t o r i a , yet t h e i r a r t continues to be serenely otherworldly, developing images of hawk and wolf and sea o t t e r , creatures many of them may never have seen. Individual native a r t i s t s , explaining what they want to express and achieve through t h e i r a r t , show the d i f f e r e n t means by which they are "putting the l i f e back i n " the contemporary a r t . For Nuu-chah-nulth. a r t i s t - 94 -Joe David and several other a r t i s t s , to achieve an understanding of the s p i r i t u a l dimension of Northwest Coast art Is a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ; David (1978) states that " I t i s each a r t i s t ' s task to i n t e r p r e t £the] supernatural and natural laws, to t r a i n himself and s t r i v e for p e r f e c t i o n i n these i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . " Northwest Coast art for David i s a language with which he can "speak of sacred b e l i e f s " and communicate h i s understanding of "the s p i r i t u a l i t y of Indian c u l t u r e " (1978), Robert Davidson comments that "A l o t of my art doesn't represent the past. The creatures emerge from the work and then I connect them with, a legend. The figures come up through, my head. I am beginning to see Northwest Coast art as a personal expression" (Appelbe 1979:11)_. In t h i s regard, B i l l Reid states that "the future of contemporary native art l i e s i n the ever increasing improvement and expansion of technique which would assure a l i v i n g , rather than an archaic, vocabulary of expression" (Vastokas 1975:19). On a general l e v e l , the contemporary production of Northwest Coast Indian art may be considered to be "relevant" to the present i n several ways. Halpin (1982:28) states that "the past i s relevant to the extent that i t serves and enriches the present." In t h i s sense, an emphasis on native t r a d i t i o n s unique to Northwest Coast Indians i s important i n e s t a b l i s h i n g a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y for native people, that i s i n t e g r a l to much, current p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l a c t i v i t y . The favourable presentation of an Indian i d e n t i t y to non-Indian society i n a form that the l a t t e r admires -the medium of art - means that the contemporary arts may serve as a means of both, economic and c u l t u r a l communication between the two s o c i e t i e s . Reid (19.76:37), for instance, has stated that contemporary Northwest Coast art production "providers] a means of dialogue between the two communities, - 95 -the Indian and the white. That the Indians can say quite c l e a r l y and d e f i n i t e l y that we are not extinct and we have something to say and we have our own p a r t i c u l a r kind of excellence which, compares i n every way with yours and we can trade t h i s back and f o r t h . " The non-Indian can respond by n o t i c i n g , admiring, and purchasing the a r t s . The contemporary r e v i v a l of Northwest Coast Indian a r t r e f l e c t s , according to a r t i s t Ron Hamilton, "a strong desire i n the Indian people to announce to the world that we're going to t r y and get some more Indian things happening and not so much getting into t h i s white world" (Cocking 1971:18). Thus, while most of the production of Northwest Coast Indian art i s taking place for the non-Indian market, and i s stemming from revived and reconstructed t r a d i t i o n a l forms and subject matter, i t i s for many a r t i s t s a means of i n d i v i d u a l and c u l t u r a l expression, that i s serving to provide a r e d e f i n i t i o n of Indianness within the contemporary context. - 96 -Notes Maquet (1979:9) distinguishes two categories of a r t objects in contemporary s o c i e t i e s : (1) "art by destination" includes a r t objects produced as " a r t " ; (2) "art by metamorphosis" includes objects o r i g i n a l l y produced, for example, for a r i t u a l purpose, but which are l a t e r r e c l a s s i f i e d as " a r t " . 2 "Art market" as used here includes the market for c r a f t s and souvenirs, as well as f i n e a r t . 3 By "aesthetic c r i t e r i a " I refer to the c r i t e r i a by which viewers make judgements as to the q u a l i t y or appeal of an a r t object. 4 Sales of p r i n t s began to decline around 1980. Based on personal interviews with dealers i n 1981-1983 (see l i s t following bibliography), I would a t t r i b u t e t h i s decline p r i m a r i l y to the combined e f f e c t s of a flooding of the Northwest Coast serigraph market and a general economic recession. The l a t t e r contributed l a r g e l y to a downturn in the markets for other contemporary Northwest Coast a r t forms as well as non-Indian ar t (see Chapter Three). 5 Some of the better known non-Indian a r t i s t s who s e l l t h e i r work include Jim Bender, Steve Brown, Harry Calkins, Jean F e r r i e r , Dave F r a n k l i n , Jay Haavik, Barry Herem, John Livingston, Duane Pasco, Tom Speer, and Robin Wright. John Livingston p a r t i c i p a t e d with Tony Hunt and Calvin Hunt in the contruction of a r e p l i c a of a Kwagiutl house and in the painting of a dance screen for the e x h i b i t . - 97 -CHAPTER THREE - The Marketing of Northwest Coast Indian A r t Marketing pr a c t i c e s and s t r a t e g i e s , employed by a r t i s t s and dealers, but influenced by consumers, museums, and other p a r t i c i p a n t s in the a r t market, mediate the production and consumption of contemporary commercial Northwest Coast Indian a r t . The processes by which the a r t i s marketed, both on a producer l e v e l and a r e t a i l l e v e l , comprise an i n f l u e n t i a l force a f f e c t i n g the a r t i t s e l f , since producers to varying degrees must take market demands into consideration when creating t h e i r work, and market st r a t e g i e s r e f l e c t consumer expectations of the a r t . This chapter w i l l continue the examination of Northwest Coast art in i t s contemporary market context, focusing on the market network and the marketing and promotion of the a r t . Such an analysis can make cl e a r e r the r e l a t i o n s h i p between non-Indian consumers and the native a r t they c o l l e c t . I - THE MARKET NETWORK Mediating between the production and consumption of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s the a r t market, a network of r e l a t i o n s and processes involving not only the a r t i s t s and i n d i v i d u a l consumers themselves, but also dealers and d i s t r i b u t o r s , museums and academics, a r t c r i t i c s , and wr i t e r s . The dealers, d i s t r i b u t o r s , and many artists/producers are d i r e c t l y involved in the marketing of the a r t to the consumers. The other p a r t i c i p a n t s , however, are generally i n d i r e c t l y involved, creating standards of q u a l i t y and a c c e p t a b i l i t y that influence "value", promoting the a r t through e x h i b i t i o n s , books, and other writings, and influencing the ways in which the a r t i s viewed and judged. Whether t h e i r involvement with marketing i s d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t , - 98 -the p a r t i c i p a n t s are n e c e s s a r i l y dependent upon one another within the network. A r t i s t s r e l y on dealers for promotion, for carrying out the " d i r t y work" of attempting to s e l l the work and of dealing with customers, and for g i v i n g the a r t i s t feedback on consumer demands and market trends (not a l l producers use dealers, as w i l l be discussed below). A r t i s t s r e l y on the consumers for the income derived from sales of t h e i r work, for recognition and acceptance, and, in the cases of some a r t i s t s , for the development of a "following" of admiring c o l l e c t o r s . A r t i s t s r e l y on museums for the recognition and authentication that accompany museum purchases and e x h i b i t i o n s of t h e i r work, for the exposure generated by e x h i b i t openings and other museum events, and for access to t r a d i t i o n a l a r t i f a c t s held in museum c o l l e c t i o n s . S i m i l a r l y , the writings of academics, other authors, and c r i t i c s can serve both as a source of information for a r t i s t s , and as promotion of an a r t i s t and v e r i f i c a t i o n of h i s importance. Many a r t i s t s in a d d i t i o n r e l y on fellow a r t i s t s for feedback on t h e i r work, for support, and for ideas. The dealer, of course, depends on the consumer for s a l e s , and on the a r t i s t for the supply of goods whose sale provides him with an income. The dealer i s also dependent to a large extent on the promotion given to a r t i s t s by museums and w r i t e r s , since such promotion gives o f f i c i a l sanction to the dealer who represents the a r t i s t , and can thus help boost sales of the a r t . The dealer does, however, play an important tastemaker ro l e himself, as he i s the f i r s t to e x h i b i t an a r t i s t ' s work, bring i t t o the p u b l i c ' s a t t e n t i o n , and promote i t . The consumer r e l i e s on the dealer as h i s primary means of gaining access to the contemporary a r t , for information about the s p e c i f i c object and a r t i s t , and often for information - 99 -on Northwest Coast a r t generally. The consumer may also look to the dealer for buying advice, and for advice on such matters as investment. Some consumers r e l y on the museum (a non-commercial i n s t i t u t i o n ) and i t s experts for v e r i f i c a t i o n of an a r t i s t ' s c o l l e c t i b i l i t y , for in t e r p r e t a t i o n of native a r t and c u l t u r e , for the language and terms with which to speak of the a r t , and for guidelines in determining the au t h e n t i c i t y of contemporary work. Events arranged by museums, such as openings, give consumers a chance to meet a r t i s t s and other c o l l e c t o r s . Museums themselves are not dependent on elements of the Indian art market for t h e i r existence as i n s t i t u t i o n s , but as noted above and in preceding chapters, they have become irrevocably involved as i n f l u e n t i a l forces (patrons, authenticators, and tastemakers) in the marketplace. Halpin (1978:53) notes that "Although we [curators and connoisseurs] undoubtedly contribute to the i n f l a t i o n of that market, on the one hand, we have pr o f e s s i o n a l obligations to study, e x h i b i t and write about Northwest Coast a r t , on the other." F i n a l l y , i t i s necessary to note that beyond the interdependency of the p a r t i c i p a n t s in the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t market, the market as a whole i s affected by, and i t s s u r v i v a l i s dependent on, general s o c i e t a l economic conditions over which i t has no c o n t r o l . Changes in economic conditions can a f f e c t changes in market trends, broad c u l t u r a l values concerning a r t in soci e t y , governmental support, and many other elements of the wider context for the Indian a r t market. Market D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n Although the a r t i s t s , dealers, and consumers are discussed above i n - 100 -terms of broad categories, the Northwest Coast Indian a r t market i s a c t u a l l y made up of d i f f e r e n t i a t e d market segments, each characterized by p a r t i c u l a r marketing networks and kinds of a r t s . In Chapter Two, two broad c l a s s i f i c -ations of contemporary commercial a r t s were presented: commercial f i n e a r t s , and souvenir or t o u r i s t a r t s . These c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s were made on the basis of the degree to which the arts incorporated outside influences or retained the c u l t u r a l l y defined aesthetic and formal standards of the creator's s o c i e t y . For marketing purposes, contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts are often c l a s s i f i e d in terms of three types of products: souvenirs, handicrafts, and f i n e a r t . An example of the l a t t e r means of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s provided by the now defunct Canadian Indian Marketing Services, which i d e n t i f i e d three target market sectors and attached coloured tags to each product to designate i t s category: mass volume souvenirs, intermediate q u a l i t y c r a f t s , and one-of-a-kind a r t forms such as wood carvings and s i l v e r jewellery. The Native Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia's 1980 study of the B r i t i s h Columbia Indian arts and c r a f t s industry presents data c o l l e c t e d by Reserve Management Ltd., through a 1978 questionnaire and interview survey of 162 r e t a i l stores known to handle native produced goods. The data shows that; In general souvenir and handicraft items such as lower priced wood products, leatherwork and p r i n t s comprise the majority of r e t a i l inventory and are demanded p r i m a r i l y by t o u r i s t s and by domestic residents for home use. In contrast, higher priced items, including wood, l i m i t e d e d i t i o n p r i n t s , a r g e l l i t e and s i l v e r and gold carvings are sought by more serious c o l l e c t o r s , comprising the consumer a r t and investment portions of the market. The i n s t i t u t i o n a l a rt demand i s met p r i m a r i l y by well known a r t i s t s s e l l i n g either d i r e c t l y or through agents to a r t g a l l e r i e s , museums, and corporate buyers located i n the province and throughout Canada, p a r t i c u l a r l y in Ontario (Native Brotherhood of B.C. 1980:3-21). - 101 -The survey conducted by Reserve Management Ltd. (1978) a l s o shows that "The majority (45%) of r e t a i l sales in B.C. occur in a r t and hand c r a f t s stores in urban centres. A r t g a l l e r i e s , souvenir and g i f t shops, and museums al s o account for s i g n i f i c a n t percentages of sales" (14%, 15%, and 8% respe c t i v e l y ; reserve locations account for 7% of sales , and department stores for 3%). The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the d i f f e r e n t market sectors i s , therefore, achieved not only by noting the object types found in each sector, but also by examining where and how the objects are marketed, and the kinds of audiences which they are d i r e c t e d . The differences in the marketing of Northwest Coast Indian a r t s w i l l be discussed in section II below. Market d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n also occurs on a regional l e v e l . As was mentioned in Chapter One, the Reserve Management Ltd. R e t a i l Survey (1978) found that f u l l y 82% of t o t a l B r i t i s h Columbia r e t a i l sales of native arts and c r a f t s took place i n the urban centres of Vancouver and V i c t o r i a . Including figures for Hazelton and Nanaimo accounts for 90.5% of t o t a l s a l e s . Not included in the R e t a i l Survey, which covers the Northwest Coast Indian art market in B r i t i s h Columbia only, i s S e a t t l e , Washington, an a d d i t i o n a l market centre. Seattle has approximately seven r e t a i l o u t l e t s for Northwest Coast a r t , of which one i s a s p e c i a l i z e d g a l l e r y (no figures of t o t a l sales are a v a i l a b l e ) . Contemporary Northwest Coast Indian ar t i s also marketed on a more l i m i t e d basis to in d i v i d u a l s and on a wholesale or consignment basis to shops throughout Canada and the United States by several B r i t i s h Columbia dealers and d i s t r i b u t o r s . Attempts are being made to e s t a b l i s h a market for Northwest Coast a r t in Europe and - 102 -Japan. Nevertheless, as the figures c i t e d for Vancouver and V i c t o r i a i n d i c a t e , the focus of the current market remains r e g i o n a l l y l i m i t e d to the north P a c i f i c coast area. Although Vancouver, V i c t o r i a , and Seattle comprise the centre of the market for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t , each c i t y can be viewed as a market segment with c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g i t from the others.''' Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia's largest c i t y , has a s i g n i f i c a n t business and corporate sector, and a t t r a c t s many t o u r i s t s . The Indian cultures of the coast are emphasized as the heritage of the province, and th e i r a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s are displayed in outdoor sculptures, museum e x h i b i t s , advertisements, and in many g a l l e r i e s , shops, department stores, and other o u t l e t s . These factors have helped shape a market supported by t o u r i s t business, l o c a l purchases of the ar t as g i f t s or for personal use, purchases of Northwest Coast a r t ( p a r t i c u l a r l y p r ints) as investments, and i n s t i t u t i o n a l (e.g. museum) and corporate purchases. Seattle shares many of Vancouver's c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in terms of i t s business sector, large population, and t o u r i s t industry, but as noted in Chapter Two, the Northwest Coast a r t market that developed there i s supplied p r i m a r i l y by white a r t i s t s (approximately twenty), and only a small number of accomplished native a r t i s t s (approximately ten). In the words of one Seattle dealer, "There i s not enough native-produced work here in Seattle to support a g a l l e r y " (Franklin 1981b). This aspect of Seattle's Indian a r t market i s connected to several factors: Northwest Coast Indian cultures are associated p r i m a r i l y with B r i t i s h Columbia, and are not as strongly associated with Seattle; the l o c a l S a l i s h a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n has not experienced a r e v i v a l , and perhaps would not be as marketable as the - 103 -Kwagiutl, Nuu-chah-nulth, and northern s t y l e s of the Northest Coast; and the teaching of B i l l Holm and white a r t i s t Duane Pasco (both of whom have established reputations as being among the best contemporary Northwest Coast a r t i s t s ) stimulated much i n t e r e s t among p o t e n t i a l a r t i s t s (most of them non-Indian) in producing Northwest Coast a r t even before many B r i t i s h Columbia native people now producing a r t for the market became interested in reviving Northwest Coast a r t t r a d i t i o n s . The souvenir market in Seattle i s supplied p r i m a r i l y by native producers, but many of these are Plateau and Plains Indians who have s e t t l e d i n Seattle and are producing items i n t h e i r own t r i b a l s t y l e s . The market for higher q u a l i t y Northwest Coast carvings, p r i n t s , and jewellery i s supplemented by the work of Indian a r t i s t s from B r i t i s h Columbia. An a d d i t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e noted by dealers i s that the degree of investment in contemporary Northwest Coast a r t , p a r t i c u l a r l y p r i n t s , that had been reached i n Vancouver by 1980 was never reached in S e a t t l e , and p r i n t s do not a t t a i n the resale value in Seattle that they do in Vancouver. F i n a l l y , a factor that may have been s i g n i f i c a n t i n shaping the Seattle market i s the lack of museum e x h i b i t s , c o l l e c t i n g , and therefore promotion, of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t s by Seattle-area museums, as compared with the h i s t o r y of e x h i b i t s held in Vancouver and V i c t o r i a (see Chapter One and Appendix I ) . V i c t o r i a has a smaller population than Vancouver, a smaller business sector, and lacks a corporate sector, a l l factors which l i m i t the extent of the l o c a l and investment market. However, as a tourism centre of B r i t i s h Columbia, the demand for souvenirs has resulted i n a t h r i v i n g industry for items representing Northwest Coast Indian c u l t u r e s . While northern Northwest Coast ar t s and n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l S a l i s h carvings dominate - 104 -the f i n e art and souvenir sectors of the Vancouver market r e s p e c t i v e l y , V i c t o r i a ' s shops tend to s p e c i a l i z e in arts by native people of Vancouver Island: Cowichan sweaters, Kwagiutl carvings, p r i n t s , and jewellery, and Nuu-cha-nulth carvings and p r i n t s , as well as a large range of S a l i s h and non-native produced souvenir products. Business from l o c a l residents i s l i m i t e d p r i m a r i l y to g i f t buying and purchase of Cowichan sweaters for personal use. Business from t o u r i s t s , who generally d e s i r e items i n the lower p r i c e ranges (under $250), has led to a preponderance of t o u r i s t oriented shops and only a few g a l l e r i e s . The l a t t e r , however, must a l s o o r i e n t themselves at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y to the t o u r i s t market. The l o c a l B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum, containing an important permanent e x h i b i t i o n on the Indian cultures of.the Northwest Coast, i s a major t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n in V i c t o r i a . While i t may serve to stimulate greater in t e r e s t among t o u r i s t s in native c u l t u r e s , i t s presumed e f f e c t of creating more informed consumers i s not necess a r i l y evidenced in the marketplace. II - MARKETING AND PROMOTION The contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t s produced for the marketplace are moved through the network from producer to consumer by d i f f e r e n t processes, determined p r i m a r i l y by the intentions of the a r t i s t and the target market sector for the a r t . This section w i l l examine marketing at both producer and r e t a i l l e v e l s , focusing on the variables that marketing s t r a t e g i e s take into consideration. - 105 -Marketing at the Producer Level The Native Brotherhood of B.C.'s market study notes that while the amount of Indian a r t production in B r i t i s h Columbia has increased in the l a s t decade, t h i s ... has not resulted in a concurrent increase in management, marketing and production techniques. Although in the 1970's there has been improvement, the market system can s t i l l be considered as unorganized and the supply system e r r a t i c . These problems b a s i c a l l y stem from the d i f f e r e n t ways that Indian producers perceive t h e i r involvement in the industry and, indeed, what the art s and c r a f t s industry i s . Given the extreme heterogeniety of i n d i v i d u a l producers and items produced, i t i s no wonder that the industry i s s t i l l s u f f e r i n g from "growing pains", even a f t e r almost two decades of a c t i v i t y (1980:3-2,3). The study goes on to explain that " P a r t i c i p a t i o n in the industry by many persons i s i n c i d e n t a l , and i s viewed as a form of income subsidy. Only a small percentage of a l l p r a c t i s i n g craftsmen depend e n t i r e l y on the industry for t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d " (1980:3-17). This d e s c r i p t i o n shows that for many producers, the contemporary market for Indian a r t s has the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a cottage industry, in which i n d i v i d u a l s work in t h e i r homes and make use of l o c a l l y a v a i l a b l e resources, producing items whose sale provides a supplementary income. Most producers of Northwest Coast Indian a r t s , whether they are creating for d i r e c t sale to customers or for sale to shops, work on t h e i r own and use r e l a t i v e l y unsophisticated marketing techniques. The comments of a sampling of Masset Haida a r t i s t s gives an ins i g h t into t h e i r preferred methods of marketing: [ i t i s ] better to deal d i r e c t l y with c o l l e c t o r s . I enjoy meeting them and looking at t h e i r c o l l e c t i o n s . Most of them are very interested in the a r t , so i t ' s nice to t a l k to them ... There are a few honest dealers and shops, but not r e a l l y that - 106 -many; i t takes a l o t out of the a r t i s t when you work that hard and they mark i t up 100% or more (Henry White 1980). I want to meet the people that are going to buy my s t u f f . I would use an agent to handle the commercial s t u f f (e.g. p r i n t s ) , but I would rather s e l l i n d i v i d u a l pieces myself i f I can. If I need an agent to handle a l l the b u l l s h i t that's a l l I ' l l get an agent f o r , because I don't want to get into the b u l l s h i t (Jim Hart 1980). I usually s e l l my own. You always have to have some connection too. Like I sold a l o t to Bud Mintz. He helps me in s e l l i n g because he knows a l l the people, the a r t i s t s , the buyers, the c o l l e c t o r s . aAt f i r s t I didn't know anybody, but now that I know the c o l l e c t o r s myself through him, I can do without him sometimes. I [rather s e l l d i r e c t l y to my c l i e n t ] , because the middle man, he makes the money too i f you do i t that way. I t ' s nice to meet the people that buy your work, makes i t better (Earl Jones 1980). I get people dropping in from a l l over i s l a n d . I s e l l d i r e c t l y to c l i e n t s , only r a r e l y to shops and only a few to o f f - i s l a n d people ... I would use someone else to do marketing for me i f I had a mass production, l i k e p r i n t s or castings, then I would do i t but si n g l e pieces, I don't think so (Sharon Hitchcock 1980). Other a r t i s t s take a d i f f e r e n t approach to the marketing of t h e i r work, p r e f e r r i n g to associate themselves with agents or dealers. Some of t h e i r views contrast sharply with the views sampled above: When I f i r s t started carving I wasn't s a t i s f i e d with dealing with stores, and I haven't dealt with stores for a long time. It ' s the bottom of the ladder, s e l l i n g around to shops ... Most of my work i s going through an agent r i g h t now. I don't have to contact people. I t .takes- away a l o t of that running around connected with s e l l i n g . I s t i l l do p r i v a t e orders; on the other hand, I enjoy the actual contact with people. So I don't know what I'm r e a l l y s a t i s f i e d with. Both of them have advantages and disadvantages (Gerry Marks 1980). I don't l i k e to work with dealers, they don't know enough about Northwest Coast a r t . I worked with a Vancouver dealer for two years - the f i r s t year was okay, but the second year they di c t a t e d what they wanted to see. Now I market through 'Ksan, - 107 -and they d i s t r i b u t e the work (Ken Mowatt 1980). Dealing with people [customers] i s a pain. They always want you to copy some museum piece or other photo exactly, but won't give you enough information. Then you get the piece f i n i s h e d , and they're broke or moved or on holiday. You need a store or agent to do that for you. A l o t of the guys I know spend 75% of t h e i r time going from store to store t r y i n g to s e l l one bracelet (Fah Ambers 1980). The major b a t t l e i n my experience has been marketing. For years I went store to store and d i d private s a l e s . I t was very f r u s t r a t i n g dealing with the people. Sometimes i t was very good and very enriching but the majority of the times i t was people who wanted to haggle ... Generally I don't l i k e s e l l i n g myself. I don't l i k e the one-to-one basis that you have to get down to, simply because some days I can do i t and some days I can't. I t ' s bad enough having your a r t on the l i n e , but your p e r s o n a l i t y , your appearance to be evaluated by the person who's buying your Indianness, i t j u s t doesn't i n t e r e s t me (Don Yeomans 1980) . Considering both sets of viewpoints presented above, a reader might conclude that a r t i s t s seem to be able to develop marketing systems that work best for themselves and t h e i r customers. S i m i l a r l y contrasting viewpoints are evidenced i n consumer preferences: some consumers prefer d i r e c t contact with the a r t i s t whose work they are buying, sometimes be l i e v i n g that t h i s w i l l guarantee a lower p r i c e or a more "authentic" a r t object, while others prefer to purchase the a r t through a s o l i d l y established intermediary, that can give advice on q u a l i t y and investment value. However, past developments have shown that the o v e r a l l success of the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art market depends to a large extent upon the methods by which the arts are marketed, both on the producer l e v e l and the r e t a i l l e v e l . For instance, the growth of the market and i t s future expansion p o t e n t i a l has been li m i t e d by such factors as uncertain supply and uneven - 108 -q u a l i t y of work, and an uneven r e l a t i o n s h i p between p r i c i n g and q u a l i t y (Native Brotherhood of B.C. 1980). On the producer l e v e l , f a c t o r s involved i n these problems include: (1) The ready s a l e a b i l i t y of many products by v i r t u e of t h e i r being "Indian". Because they can e a s i l y s e l l t h e i r work, some producers f e e l no need to improve on i t . While some c r i t i c s may f e e l that t h i s lowers the image of contemporary Indian a r t , such a r t production i s economically important to many people in need. (2) A lack of communication of information on s e l l i n g opportunities to producers l i v i n g i n remote areas. "This r e s u l t s i n the i n d i v i d u a l producer often s e l l i n g to l o c a l o u t l e t s or to agents at lower pr i c e s than he/she would be able to r e a l i z e given a more established l i n k with r e t a i l e r s . As w e l l , costs of transportation often i n h i b i t l o c a l a r t i s t s from attempting to s e l l to r e t a i l e r s located in more d i s t a n t regions" (Native .Brotherhood of B.C. 1980:3-17). (3) Uneven access to raw materials for a r t / c r a f t production. The B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Arts and Cr a f t s Association attempts to deal with t h i s problem by supplying producers with lower cost materials. (4) Producers, with a few exceptions such as the S a l i s h Weavers Guild and the Northwest Coast Indian A r t i s t s G u i l d , have not organized r e g i o n a l l y to promote Northwest Coast Indian arts and to expand t h e i r market. The Northwest Coast Indian A r t i s t s G u i l d , formed in 1977 by eleven native a r t i s t s , made attempts to upgrade the q u a l i t y of Northwest Coast Indian p r i n t s and thereby achieve wider recognition for the a r t as " f i n e a r t " (see - 109 -Vickers 1977 and David 1978). The formation of the Guild was p r i m a r i l y a response to a market where the same design was sold in a t o u r i s t shop as w e l l as a s p e c i a l i z e d g a l l e r y , the p r i c e of a p r i n t could vary from dealer to dealer, p r i c e and q u a l i t y were often not related in such a way that a high p r i c e could mean high q u a l i t y , and e d i t i o n s i z e s were large. A v a r i e t y of methods by which a r t i s t s went about s e l l i n g t h e i r p r i n t s added to the state of the market: some a r t i s t s r e l i e d on personal contacts to s e l l t h e i r work and a few a r t i s t s sold t h e i r work through arrangements with s p e c i f i c dealers, but the majority of a r t i s t s c a r r i e d t h e i r e d i t i o n from one store to another, attempting to s e l l a number of p r i n t s to d i f f e r e n t o u t l e t s . As H a l l (1980:4,5) notes, This p r a c t i c e did not please g a l l e r y owners because g a l l e r i e s could not claim exclusiveness in terms of a p a r t i c u l a r a r t i s t or e d i t i o n , because the owners f e l t that the a r t i s t could not be trusted to r e g u l a r l y d e l i v e r p r i n t s and yet didn't want to buy whole e d i t i o n s of designs that might not s e l l w e l l , and because, for a number of reasons, the g a l l e r y owners found i t d i f f i c u l t to deal personally with the a r t i s t s . In turn, many a r t i s t s were not happy about having to spend so much time s e l l i n g t h e i r work, did not l i k e dealing personally with g a l l e r y owners because they feared r e j e c t i o n , and wanted to receive t h e i r t o t a l payment for an e d i t i o n in a lump sum. A few a r t i s t s solved these problems by acquiring agents to handle t h e i r p r i n t e d i t i o n s , others sold designs to a publisher who handled wholesaling and r e t a i l i n g , and s t i l l others attempted to create mail-order l i s t s of c o l l e c t o r s interested in t h e i r work. The Northwest Coast Indian A r t i s t s Guild marketed two s e r i e s of p r i n t s through r e t a i l o utlets in 1977 and 1978, with wholesaling conducted by the Canadian Indian Marketing Services, and although the p r i n t s were of good te c h n i c a l q u a l i t y , design q u a l i t y was not as well c o n t r o l l e d . Many p r i n t s sold w e l l , but the Guild had l i m i t e d success in achieving i t s wider aims - q u a l i t y c o n t r o l over works of a r t , education of the buying p u b l i c , and market expansion were - 110 -d i f f i c u l t to achieve even within an association organized for those purposes (see H a l l 1979). The Guild dissolved in 1979, prompted, perhaps, by the d i s s o l u t i o n of the Canadian Indian Marketing Services i n the same year. The marketing p r a c t i c e s which the Guild attempted to improve s t i l l l a r g e l y p r e v a i l , but since 1980, sales of p r i n t s have declined. This more li m i t e d p r i n t market may be a t t r i b u t e d to a combination of f a c t o r s : a general economic recession, which has affected the a r t market generally; a flooding of the p r i n t market by a r t i s t s and d i s t r i b u t o r s , which led both to a decline of previously i n f l a t e d values of many p r i n t s , and to less uninformed speculation in p r i n t s by consumers; and possibly the development of a more discr i m i n a t i n g c o l l e c t o r public through more exposure to Northwest Coast a r t (in g a l l e r i e s , museum e x h i b i t s , and books). Regarding the continuing marketing of p r i n t s , H a l l (1980:11,12) points out that, There are a number of opposing philosophies as to the best strategy for promoting recognition of Northwest Coast Indian graphic a r t . Some knowledgeable i n d i v i d u a l s ... hold that wide-spread d i s t r i b u t i o n of t e c h n i c a l l y excellent q u a l i t y designs in unlimited e d i t i o n s of inexpensive p r i n t s i s pr e r e q u i s i t e to es t a b l i s h i n g a s o l i d broad-based market for more expensive graphics. Other i n d i v i d u a l s , equally knowledgeable, believe that Northwest Coast Indian graphics must be raised to the te c h n i c a l and a r t i s t i c l e v e l of other graphics q u a l i f y i n g as f i n e a r t s so that Northwest Coast s i l k screen p r i n t s w i l l be handled by f i n e arts g a l l e r i e s and c o l l e c t e d by museums and pu b l i c / p r i v a t e a r t g a l l e r i e s . Dealers generally agree that changes in the p r e v a i l i n g market pr a c t i c e s and in the a r t i t s e l f are s t i l l required before wider appreciation of Northwest Coast a r t as " f i n e a r t " , and an expansion of the market to Eastern North America, Europe, and Japan, can occur. Some dealers interested i n the promotion of Northwest Coast a r t outside B r i t i s h Columbia emphasize the importance that an a r t i s t ' s professionalism in marketing techniques has for - I l l -many g a l l e r y owners. This view i s p a r t i c u l a r l y applicable to those a r t i s t s who wish to be considered as " a r t i s t s " in the wider a r t market, rather than being considered only within the sometimes r e s t r i c t i v e framework of "Indian a r t " . One requirement of such a r t i s t s i s for "high q u a l i t y " a r t that has the a b i l i t y to appeal to c o l l e c t o r s who may not be knowledgeable about Northwest Coast t r a d i t i o n s and are buying the art for p r i m a r i l y aesthetic rather than souvenir-like reasons ( i . e . , for i t s aesthetic value rather than i t s "Indianness" and/or association with B r i t i s h Columbia). Of seemingly equal importance i s the promotion of the a r t as " f i n e a r t " . Local dealers have also noted that market expansion i s important to the future of the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian f i n e a r t market, i f only because a larger buying p u b l i c i s needed in order to s e l l more high pr i c e d a r t pieces, and there are only a l i m i t e d number of customers for such works in B r i t i s h Columbia (Mintz 1983). In contrast to the h i s t o r y of the marketing of Northwest Coast Indian a r t , which has i n large part been associated with the t o u r i s t a r t market and with i n d i v i d u a l producers marketing th e i r own work to r e t a i l e r s or customers, the marketing of contemporary Woodlands Indian painting and p r i n t s has been more c l o s e l y associated with commercial a r t g a l l e r i e s . The s t y l e of "legend painting" that dominates Woodlands a r t was founded in 1959 by one a r t i s t , Norval Morrisseau. As i s often repeated in any promotion of Woodlands Indian a r t , Morrisseau started to paint "after he received a ' v i s i o n ' t e l l i n g him to do so. He i s the f i r s t Indian to break the t r i b a l rules of s e t t i n g down Indian legends in p i c t u r e form for the white man to see and the f i r s t Indian to a c t u a l l y draw these legends and design representative shapes to i l l u s t r a t e his f o l k l o r e " (Canadian Native - 112 -P r i n t s , n.d.). B l u n d e l l and P h i l l i p s (1982:6) have noted that, In 1960, however, Morrisseau was addressing a very d i f f e r e n t p u b l i c Ethan an a r t i s t in t r a d i t i o n a l Ojibway society would have]. The o r a l t r a d i t i o n was by then unfamiliar to most natives and i t was v i r t u a l l y unknown to the general white public who constituted the p o t e n t i a l market for the work. Morrisseau's purpose, many times stated, was d i d a c t i c . He wanted to record knowledge in danger of being forgotten and (re-establish Ojibway p r i d e ] . A more f u l l y representational and na r r a t i v e painting s t y l e was obviously adapted to t h i s purpose. In 1960 Morrisseau was "discovered" by Jack Pollock, a Toronto a r t dealer, "who brought t h i r t y - s i x of h i s paintings back to Toronto and sold them a l l within a twenty-four hour period" (Warner 1978:60). Succeeding shows were equally w e l l received by the buying p u b l i c . Morrisseau's commercial success has stimulated an e n t i r e school of Woodlands Indian p a i n t i n g , involving approximately f i f t y a r t i s t s who have developed t h e i r own s t y l e s based on Morrisseau's innovations, and whose work i s marketed p r i m a r i l y through g a l l e r i e s . The development of the g a l l e r y - o r i e n t e d method of marketing Woodlands a r t , as compared to the more diverse methods of marketing Northwest Coast Indian a r t , may be a t t r i b u t e d i n part to two f a c t o r s : (1) Morrisseau was represented by a g a l l e r y in Toronto, a metropolis which serves a wider market and whose g a l l e r i e s may receive "national" exposure (Toronto has become the market centre for the work of other Woodlands a r t i s t s as w e l l ) ; (2) Woodlands a r t , which in the form of paintings i s already a medium considered "a r t " , i s accessible to non-Indians because of i t s narrative s t y l e (as noted above by B l u n d e l l and P h i l l i p s ) that i s l a r g e l y directed toward the non-Indian f i n e arts market. The marketing of contemporary Inuit a r t through cooperatives provides - 113 -a second contrast to the methods by which Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s t s market t h e i r work on the producer l e v e l . (the S a l i s h Weavers Guild i s a cooperative organization which already e x i s t s in B r i t i s h Columbia). The Inuit carving, printmaking, and c r a f t industry has had much backing (and control) from the Federal Government, the Canadian Handicrafts G u i l d , and the Hudson's Bay Company, who have bought and shipped tens of thousands of d o l l a r s worth of products south for sale in Canada, the United States, and England (Graburn 1978:132). Graburn (1978:135) notes that the most important i n s t i t u t i o n a l change since the emergence of the arts and c r a f t s industry for the Inuit has been the development of cooperatives. Cooperatives are a means by which the Inuit population - "with immense government assistance - has broken the monopoly of the Hudson's Bay Company trading posts in t h e i r communities. Cooperatives are found in n e a r l y * a l l Inuit communities and have emerged as i n s t i t u t i o n s which the I n u i t , for the most part, f e e l are t h e i r own, under t h e i r own d i r e c t i o n , and for t h e i r own benefit ... Various [federal government] loan funds, grants, t r a i n i n g p r o j e c t s , implementation programs, and i n d i r e c t aids have ensured that these I n u i t i n s t i t u t i o n s ... survived." With regard to the differences between the marketing of Inuit and Northwest Coast Indian a r t , i t must be emphasized that the production of f i n e a r t p r i n t s , carvings, and other items for the Northwest Coast Indian art market in recent years has not come about due to an e x t e r n a l l y organized marketing system aided by the government, but rather by the individu and combined e f f o r t s of a r t i s t s , g a l l e r i e s , and c o l l e c t o r s . Native c o n t r o l over the marketing of Indian arts in the form of cooperatives or cooperative-l i k e i n s t i t u t i o n s has, however, been discussed, and attempted, on the - 114 -Northwest Coast. 'Ksan i s one such project that i s supported by f e d e r a l funds, although i t i s not incorporated as a cooperative. Another p r o j e c t , "Longhouse Productions", was a s h o r t - l i v e d development of the Vancouver Indian Centre, which was to serve as a t r a i n i n g centre for apprentice printmakers and bypass normal r e t a i l o utlets in the s e l l i n g of the p r i n t s . Production manager P h i l l i p Oppenheim emphasized the f a c t that the project would be native run, st a t i n g i n a newspaper interview, "How can I put i t without being offensive? Well, the thing i s - there's no white cats here" (Mertens 1982:L6). The p r i n t s did not a t t r a c t enough corporate and private buyers, and because of u n r e a l i s t i c planning of market strategy (including a r e f u s a l to market the p r i n t s through already established Northwest Coast ar t shops and g a l l e r i e s , a lack of promotion of the p r i n t s , and an inconvenient shop l o c a t i o n ) , the operation was forced to close within one year of opening. In 1982 the Native Brotherhood of B.C., through an on-going f e a s i b i l i t y study, began to investigate the formation of a p r o v i n c i a l coop-erati v e to enable member a r t i s t s to have d i r e c t c o n t r o l over the d i s t r i b u t i o n and sales of t h e i r arts and c r a f t s . The Brotherhood found, however, that "Although [some] native a r t i s t s agree they are exploited, most are hesitant to j o i n the co-op. Some want more information on how the co-op would be run; others say ' p o l i t i c s and art don't mix'" (Pemberton 1982:12). Haida a r t i s t Rick Adkins, who has been carving for ten years, stated h i s concern regarding the q u a l i t y of a r t i s t s allowed to j o i n the proposed co-op: "I would hate to see myself taking a pay cut for some sort of i d e a l , no matter how noble. I t s t i l l comes down to money" (Pemberton 1982:12). Another Haida a r t i s t , George Y e l t a t z i e (1980) , remarked that a cooperative - 115 -... would help to s t a b i l i z e the market, f i x p r i c e s , develop the a r t i s t s ... [ i t would be] a protection against problems with p r i c e s ... I t w i l l take a while to develop and get used to i t , because you're so used to trucking o f f any time you f e e l l i k e i t and saying, "I'm going to s e l l t h i s for whatever I want," because you're f e e l i n g comfortable at that time. When you're within the co-op you have to maintain a l e v e l with the rest of them. The a r t i s t s ' comments indicate that for some producers, a cooperative would mean improved marketing opportunities and returns on t h e i r work, while others would perceive the cooperative as imposing unnecessary r e s t r i c t i o n s or "controls" on t h e i r production and marketing p r a c t i c e s . The f e a s i b i l i t y of i n s t i t u t i n g Northwest Coast Indian a r t cooperatives i s a subject requiring further study, for which an in v e s t i g a t i o n of the di f f e r e n c e s between the s o c i a l organization and c u l t u r a l bases of contemporary a r t production on the Northwest Coast and among the Inuit may prove u s e f u l . The preceding overview of marketing at the producer l e v e l has pointed out some of the differences that e x i s t among producers, i n terms of t h e i r involvement in the market, th e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to dealers, and t h e i r preferred marketing methods. These differences are connected in part to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the d i f f e r e n t market segments (e.g. souvenir and f i n e art) for which ar t s are produced. Marketing at the producer l e v e l i s one stage in the process by which the art s move from producer to consumer. In cases of d i r e c t sales to the consumer, the further stage of marketing at the r e t a i l l e v e l ( i . e . , through a separate middleman) i s removed. The vast majority of Indian a r t sales to consumers i n the market centres of Vancouver, V i c t o r i a , and Seattle (as well as in other locations) are, however, mediated by r e t a i l e r s . The following discussion w i l l examine the marketing and promotion processes for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian - 116 -arts at the r e t a i l l e v e l . Marketing at the R e t a i l Level D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t market in t o souvenir, handicraft, and f i n e a r t segments i s c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d in the s t r a t e g i e s employed by dealers i n marketing these a r t s . Dealers recognize the q u a l i t i e s in each category of arts which appeal to p a r t i c u l a r categories of consumers, and through marketing techniques increase the s a l e a b i l i t y of the a r t s by emphasizing these q u a l i t i e s . (i) Souvenirs The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the production of souvenirs and consumer expectations of the producer's culture has been discussed in Chapter Two. As Graburn (1969:467) has shown, "souvenir arts hold t h e i r market because of t h e i r cheapness and conformity to the buyers' tastes." Souvenirs representing Northwest Coast Indian cultures include both native made and non-native manufactured items: model totem poles, wooden plaques, cast jewellery, p l a s t i c r e p l i c a s , pottery, T - s h i r t s imprinted with Northwest Coast designs, and other items. Perhaps because of t h e i r widespread d i s t r i b u t i o n i n t o u r i s t shops, a i r p o r t s , g i f t stores, department stores, and other p u b l i c areas, and because these kinds of products dominated the Indian "arts and c r a f t s " market before the 1970's, souvenir products tend to have high v i s i b i l i t y and thereby may a f f e c t consumer awareness of native a r t generally. Souvenir products have high v i s i b i l i t y i n , for example, the t o u r i s t centre of V i c t o r i a . Six Indian a r t shops situated along a short s t r e t c h of V i c t o r i a ' s Government Street carry the products as a d i r e c t response to the volume of American, Japanese, and Canadian t o u r i s t demand - 117 -for souvenirs. The ways in which the items are displayed and promoted in these shops indicate that for some consumers, the most important q u a l i t i e s of the art s are low p r i c e ($2.50 to $250), small s i z e ( i . e . , transportable in a s u i t c a s e ) , and a successful representation (from the consumer's point of view) of B r i t i s h Columbian Indian c u l t u r e . Some consumers are also concerned that the items are made by Indians and/or are handmade. With regard to the l a s t q u a l i t y , although the model totem poles and other items manufactured by such companies as Boma, P e a r l i t e , and Shamans are mass-produced of p l a s t i c materials, accompanying s t i c k e r s and lab e l s w i l l emphasize that the item has been handpainted or reproduces a handcarved o r i g i n a l . Cards on which p r i n t designs have been reproduced in a reduced s i z e are marketed by one out l e t as "signed with the a r t i s t ' s name", "li m i t e d e d i t i o n " , "handmade", and " c o l l e c t i b l e " , although the cards are signed and "hand packaged" by employees other than the a r t i s t s , and the s i z e of the "edition": i s not c l e a r . Regarding the ways in which souvenirs are presented i n shop d i s p l a y s , i t i s noticeable that as many of the products as possible are placed on the shelves. Items are not displayed s i n g l y and thereby d i f f e r e n t i a t e d - they are produced to appeal to a wide and un d i f f e r e n t i a t e d audience, and thus are marketed appropriately. One V i c t o r i a shop has somewhat s i m p l i f i e d shopping for i t s customers by grouping handcarved wooden totem poles into sections: "under $20", "under $50", and "$80 and up". Prices increase along with s i z e , elaborateness of carving, and amount of p a i n t i n g . The poles are carved i n a s t y l e that i s reminiscent of Kwagiutl poles but i s a c t u a l l y a poor q u a l i t y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n for the marketplace. T r i b a l a t t r i b u t i o n i s not an important q u a l i t y for the - 118 -consumer; as.one shop owner stated, "The customers have no preference for d i f f e r e n t t r i b a l s t y l e s , because they don't know the d i f f e r e n c e . I could t e l l them i t ' s a Kwagiutl mask or a Haida mask and they'd believe me" (Porter 1982). Items simply have to represent Northwest Coast Indians generally, as opposed to a s p e c i f i c t r i b a l group. Other aspects of souvenir products that do not appear to be of primary concern to buyers, and are not emphasized through marketing, include the q u a l i t y of craftsmanship and design, and the i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y of the producer. Such q u a l i t i e s are not important to t o u r i s t s who wish to purchase an item p r i m a r i l y for i t s a s s o c i a t i o n a l value - i t s a b i l i t y to mark the t o u r i s t i c experience. ( i i ) Arts and Cr a f t s As mentioned previously, the larges t area of the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t market i s concerned with intermediate q u a l i t y products whose market l i e s between the souvenir and f i n e a r t markets, and which are u n s a t i s f a c t o r i l y l a b e l l e d "handicrafts" or "arts and c r a f t s " . Products in t h i s broad category include wood carvings, s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s , jewellery, and a r g i l l i t e carvings, that are generally of a design q u a l i t y , l e v e l of workmanship, and p r i c e higher than souvenir products but lower than those items c l a s s i f i e d as f i n e a r t . In addition, t h i s category usually includes women's arts such as Cowichan k n i t t i n g , basketry, and weaving, although some of these may be of very high q u a l i t y . The a r t s and c r a f t s market addresses a wide audience: customers can include t o u r i s t s as well as l o c a l residents who are shopping for items more p a r t i c u l a r l y representative of the area and/or with greater concern for - 119 -the object's association with native t r a d i t i o n s . Many shops s e l l i n g these items are also outlets for souvenir products. Prices for the former can range from $35 p r i n t s to $700 masks and higher. However, overpricing of products, p a r t i c u l a r l y carvings and p r i n t s , often occurs in an attempt to elevate c e r t a i n items to the status of f i n e art for the unknowledgeable or unwary consumer. Such overpricing and overpromotion, as had occurred on a large scale for s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s by 1981, has been shown to lead to a drop in market confidence and to c r i e s for q u a l i t y and p r i c i n g c o n t r o l (Scott 1980). At the same time basketmakers, whose products are generally perceived as handicrafts, f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to command p r i c e s which are high enough to cover the costs of production. In the marketing of arts and c r a f t s c e r t a i n emphases besides p r i c e and q u a l i t y can be noted that d i f f e r e n t i a t e these products from souvenirs or f i n e a r t . Compared to souvenirs, these products are marketed with a greater emphasis on workmanship, the fa c t that they are handmade, that they may u t i l i z e authentic native materials and techniques, that they can be a t t r a c t i v e in the home, and that they may be useful (e.g., a basket for storage or a sweater for warmth). The r e l a t i v e uniqueness of i n d i v i d u a l carvings i s sometimes emphasized: while some shops continue to mass works in one medium together (items are usually not one-of-a-kind works of a r t , and when sold can often be replaced with a s i m i l a r item), other shops present i n d i v i d u a l pieces more s e l e c t i v e l y by hanging masks on walls or placing items behind glass in a display case. The l a t t e r approach again represents an attempt to elevate the status of the work to a l e v e l approaching " f i n e a r t " . To the same end, dealers may l a b e l a piece according to the subject matter i t i s portraying, and may place greater emphasis on the name of the - 120 -carver and the carver's t r i b a l group. Carvers, printmakers, and jewellers usually sign t h e i r works, but t h i s i s not possible for basket-makers and k n i t t e r s , whose name i s sometimes attached to the p r i c e tag, and sometimes not. Emphases on name and t r i b e are not made by a l l dealers in the marketing of arts and c r a f t s , since some consumers may not be buying with those c r i t e r i a in mind, but may be buying with more of an eye for aesthetic appeal and general q u a l i t i e s of Indianness. One dealer, however, i s known for her technique of suggesting to customers that they buy the a r t to support native Indians. F i n a l l y , a r t s and c r a f t s are not usually promoted as "investments", as the f i n e a r t s often are (with the exception of instances of overpromotion noted above). The p o s s i b i l i t y that the f i n e s t q u a l i t y t r a d i t i o n a l l y -s t y l e d basketry may not be produced in future years suggests, though, that the promotion of such pieces as "investments" might be j u s t i f i e d ! ( i i i ) Fine Arts The contemporary commercial f i n e arts generally "gain a market because of t h e i r uniqueness and q u a l i t y " (Graburn 1969a:467), and are produced for g a l l e r i e s , museums, and pr i v a t e and corporate c o l l e c t o r s rather than t o u r i s t s . Private c o l l e c t o r s can include i n d i v i d u a l s who are knowledgeable about Northwest Coast a r t as w e l l as i n d i v i d u a l s who are not knowledgeable but are seeking fin e q u a l i t y native a r t . The Northwest Coast Indian f i n e a r t market experienced i t s most rapid growth in the mid to l a t e 1970's, a period during which a number of a r t i s t s achieved prominence, museums exhibited and promoted contemporary Northwest Coast Indian " f i n e a r t " by " a r t i s t s " , publications about the art increased, and consumer i n t e r e s t in c o l l e c t i n g the contemporary a r t f l o u r i s h e d . One - 121 -dealer has noted that since 1977, "more f i n e a r t has been sold than ever before, more expensive p r i n t s have been produced, and more people are looking for f i n e q u a l i t y work" (Rickard 1982). Investment in Northwest Coast a r t as a hedge against i n f l a t i o n also increased, as observed in an a r t i c l e by Ashley Ford in The F i n a n c i a l Post, "Indian a r t a t t r a c t s investment i n t e r e s t " (1979:W5). Such investment, combined with the above mentioned f a c t o r s , served to stimulate demand in the marketplace and led to an increase in p r i c e s . Types of a r t sold in the f i n e a r t market today include s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s , wood carvings such as masks and bowls, a r g i l l i t e sculptures, gold and s i l v e r jewellery, and some drums and o r i g i n a l works in other media. Prices can range from $35 to $1000 for s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s ( i . e . , o r i g i n a l issue p r i c e s ) , $800 to $3000 for masks, and $2000 to $4000 for a wide gold bracelet. Art by the most " c o l l e c t i b l e " a r t i s t s , such as Robert Davidson, can enter much higher p r i c e l e v e l s - a gold b r a c e l e t , for example, can be priced as high as $18,000. Although Northwest Coast f i n e arts are usually sold through s p e c i a l i z e d g a l l e r i e s , they are also c a r r i e d by shops s e l l i n g a v a r i e t y of products. This i s a d i r e c t development of the h i s t o r y of the marketing of Northwest Coast a r t and the degree of consumer demand for souvenirs as opposed to f i n e a r t . An important condition for consumer recognition of Northwest Coast Indian a r t as f i n e a r t i s that i t i s d i s t i n c t l y marketed as such. A biography of Kwagiutl a r t i s t Doug Cranmer discusses ... probably the f i r s t serious attempt by B r i t i s h Columbia Indians to market q u a l i t y a r t through a r e t a i l o u t l e t c o n t r o l l e d and run by them. With Peter Scow, Doug Cranmer established "The Talking S t i c k " i n Vancouver [c.19643. This shop endeavoured to o f f e r B.C. Indian a r t of merit. At a l l times Cranmer's standards were high but there was not the p u b l i c response to maintain the shop as a - 122 -via b l e concern. In h i s own words, "we learned too l a t e i t was the junk that paid the rent" (Macnair, n.d.). A r t i s t John Livingston (1981) r e f l e c t s that during the mid-19.60's i n V i c t o r i a , "there was no out l e t to s e l l good work ... we were forced to do business with the junk shops on Government Street." This led to the opening of Tony Hunt's "Arts of the Raven G a l l e r y " i n 1970, an attempt to e s t a b l i s h some standards of q u a l i t y and thereby educate consumers about Northwest Coast Indian a r t . Today, the shop remains a source of f i n e q u a l i t y Kwagiutl a r t , but i t also s e l l s souvenirs: " I d e a l l y our shop t r i e s to s e l l r e a l good qu a l i t y . In V i c t o r i a , though, you are forced to d i v e r s i f y ... We get t o u r i s t s and c o l l e c t o r s [coming here], so we have to f i l l the t o u r i s t gap. If we s e l l ten T - s h i r t s a day, we've paid the rent" (Livingston 1981, 1982). The problems encountered by these shops and others l i k e them i l l u s t r a t e the importance of marketing techniques which can be used to define and protect the category of "authentic" and " f i n e " a rt and to minimize the asso c i a t i o n of "Indian a r t " with " t o u r i s t " . This i s p a r t l y accomplished through g a l l e r y presentation of the a r t . For example, the f i n e art g a l l e r y does not attempt to appeal to the widest public i n the way that souvenir o u t l e t s do; the g a l l e r y ' s public i s smaller i n membership but has larger amounts of money ava i l a b l e for the purchase of a r t . In the g a l l e r y s e t t i n g , art objects are not presented as a jumble of r e a d i l y obtainable items, rather they are is o l a t e d and displayed as unique, one—of-a-kind, valuable items. E s p e c i a l l y emphasized are not only the aesthetic and formal q u a l i t i e s of the piece, or the q u a l i t y of materials, but also selected aspects of the background of the item that can greatly a f f e c t i t s value: the name of the a r t i s t , the a r t i s t ' s h i s t o r y and associations, and the au t h e n t i c i t y of the - 123 -design and subject matter. Works are always signed and often t i t l e d , and may carry an explanation of t h e i r mythological or personal meaning. S i m i l a r l y , the biographies that are displayed with pieces or used for promotional purposes emphasize selected aspects of an a r t i s t ' s background: where he was born, which Indian t r i b e and clan he belongs to, early a r t i s t i c influences on h i s career, r e l a t i v e s who are also a r t i s t s , h i s i n t e r e s t in native t r a d i t i o n s , the a r t i s t i c media in which he works, and the p u b l i c c o l l e c t i o n s for which h i s work has been purchased. The prominence of such information in promotional s t r a t e g i e s points to the importance of the i n d i v i d u a l in the f i n e a r t market, where buyers may c o l l e c t only the work of s p e c i f i c a r t i s t s , where c e r t a i n a r t i s t s are considered to have "investment p o t e n t i a l " , and where prestige can accompany a c o l l e c t o r ' s association with the "big names",. Promotion of an a r t i s t and his background can also serve to "authenticate" an a r t i s t and h i s work by i n d i c a t i n g whether the a r t i s t i s of native ancestry and bases his contemporary a r t on a sound knowledge of t r a d i t i o n . Market emphases on the art's adherence to t r a d i t i o n , the e t h n i c i t y of the a r t i s t , and the purpose of a r t production as i n d i c a t o r s of the a u t h e n t i c i t y of Northwest Coast a r t have already been examined in Chapter Two. In t h i s regard the marketing of Northwest Coast s t y l e work by non-Indian a r t i s t s i n Seattle i s worth noting, since i t emphasizes the ethnic c r i t e r i o n of a u t h e n t i c i t y . Dealers in Seattle only make a subtle d i s t i n c t i o n between the work of Indian and non-Indian a r t i s t s i n t h e i r g a l l e r i e s , w r i t i ng "Northern s t y l e mask" on the price-tag of a mask by a non-Indian, rather than " T l i n g i t mask". Recognizing, however, that the e t h n i c i t y of the a r t i s t i s an important element of Northwest Coast a r t for - 124 -many consumers, they state that they "always l e t people know i f i t ' s made by a non-Indian" (Franklin 1981b). Other d i s t i n c t i o n s are also made. One dealer says that "The non-Indian made work that I s e l l has to be extremely high q u a l i t y . I t must be by a devoted a r t i s t who i s not j u s t in i t for the p r o f i t , and i t must be by someone who i s contributing to the art and culture" (Franklin:1981a). The same standards are not n e c e s s a r i l y applied to a r t i s t s of native ancestry, however. Another dealer r e s t r i c t s the quantity of non-native a r t c a r r i e d in her g a l l e r y , and notes that work by non-Indians i s priced less because i t i s anticipated that c o l l e c t o r s w i l l pay l e s s (Austin-McKillop 1981). Depending upon the emphases of the f i n e a r t c o l l e c t o r , therefore, whether he i s looking p r i m a r i l y for an a e s t h e t i c a l l y pleasing piece or for a u t h e n t i c i t y , the g a l l e r y can adapt i t s marketing s t r a t e g i e s to emphasize or de-emphasize such factors as the pure aesthetic q u a l i t i e s of the piece, the background of the a r t i s t and h i s e t h n i c i t y , or the degree to which the item may be considered " t r a d i t i o n a l " or "innovative". (iv) Market Strategies: P r i c e , Reputation, and S a l e a b i l i t y An examination of the s t r a t e g i e s used in the marketing of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art r a i s e s a d d i t i o n a l questions: how are p r i c e s established, and how does an a r t i s t become " c o l l e c t i b l e " ? Answers to these questions are r e l a t e d , since one element determining p r i c e i s the reputation of the a r t i s t , and since the c o l l e c t i b i l i t y of an a r t i s t i s p a r t i a l l y determined by the p r i c e s h i s work can demand. These aspects are further related to a wide range of factors which consumers consider when purchasing Northwest Coast a r t , and which therefore a f f e c t the - 125 -s a l e a b i l i t y of an item. Prices of s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s are determined p r i m a r i l y by the a r t i s t ' s standing r e l a t i v e to other a r t i s t s . An a r t i s t entering the s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t market for the f i r s t time, for example, may have his p r i n t s (in an e d i t i o n of approximately 225) sold for $35. This p r i c e r e f l e c t s h i s p o s i t i o n in the marketplace and the amount consumers are w i l l i n g to pay for a p r i n t by a r e l a t i v e l y unknown a r t i s t . The p r i c e also covers costs of materials and production. Succeeding p r i n t s may r i s e gradually in cost, by increments depending on the state of the market and the q u a l i t y of the design. When an e d i t i o n of p r i n t s s e l l s out, but the p r i n t s are s t i l l i n demand, p r i c e s r i s e to the l e v e l generated by demand. For instance, Don Yeoman's "Eagle Dancer", o r i g i n a l l y issued at $45, quickly rose in value to $250. More spectacular increases are shown in works by B i l l Reid, Robert Davidson, and Joe David. P r i n t s by Reid were ava i l a b l e in the e a r l y 1970's for $15 to $40 - today the same p r i n t s range in p r i c e from $500 to over $2000. Davidson's "Reflections" (figure 8), issued as a Northwest Coast Indian A r t i s t s Guild p r i n t in 1977 for $250, had appreciated i n value tenfold by 1980. David's popular "Memorial Rainbow Drum" (figure 9) was issued at $150 in 1977, and now s e l l s for at l e a s t $1800. Reid's l a s t p r i n t , "Haida Thunderbird" (edition of 195), was issued at $1000 in 1981, and e a s i l y sold out. This i s the highest o r i g i n a l issue p r i c e for a Northwest Coast s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t to date. Prices for wood carvings, jewellery, and a r g i l l i t e carvings that are sold in the f i n e art market are s i m i l a r l y determined by the a r t i s t ' s reputation. A d d i t i o n a l f a c t o r s , such as the time taken to carve an o r i g i n a l work, the complexity of the piece, and the materials used, can a f f e c t cost. - 126 -Figure 8. "Reflections" by Robert Davidson, 1977. Silkscreen p r i n t . - 127 -Figure 9. "Memorial Rainbow Drum" by Joe David, 1977. Silkscreen p r i n t . - 128 -With a r g i l l i t e carvings, however, an aura of s c a r c i t y surrounds the stone, leading to pr i c e s that r a r e l y bear any r e l a t i o n to q u a l i t y of design and workmanship. The resale market for works i n these three media i s not as strong as for s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s , although i t does e x i s t for pieces by high c a l i b r e a r t i s t s . But why do s p e c i f i c a r t works, such as the p r i n t s by Davidson and David mentioned above, increase i n value so spectacularly? How i s an a r t i s t ' s reputation determined? A de s c r i p t i o n by ar t c r i t i c Harold Rosenberg (1970:390-1) of the American a r t establishment i s in many respects applicable to these aspects of the Northwest Coast Indian a r t market, though on a smaller s c a l e : ... the Art Establishment i s e a s i l y swayed (as no established Establishment would be) by aggressively stated opinions, attention-getting stunts ... Praise by a c r i t i c or museum employee of an a r t i s t or a tendency i s bound to fetch some support, providing the praise i s a l l - o u t and without c r i t i c a l reservations. The claim that a work i s h i s t o r i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t i s s u f f i c i e n t to c l i n c h a s a l e , regardless of the poor condition or lack of attractiveness of the work i t s e l f , as i s a confident forecast of c a p i t a l gains. Periodic mentions i n the press, expensive catalogs and reproductions, dealer-subsidized ' c r i t i c a l ' biographies, large private and g a l l e r y p a r t i e s influence an a r t i s t ' s standing despite everyone's awareness of how these things are arranged. An a r t i s t ' s reputation and c o l l e c t i b i l i t y in the Northwest Coast Indian a r t market i s , as Rosenberg describes, determined by many factors besides the a r t i s t ' s standing r e l a t i v e to other a r t i s t s and the q u a l i t y of his work. Other factors include the a r t i s t ' s acceptance by museums and curators (as shown by the c o l l e c t i o n and/or e x h i b i t i o n of his work); whether the a r t i s t i s featured i n e x h i b i t catalogues, books, magazine a r t i c l e s , t e l e v i s i o n - 129 -programmes, or even promotional biographies; whether his work i s purchased by prominent c o l l e c t o r s ; and whether h i s work obtains high p r i c e s both in the marketplace and when sold at auction. Museum promotion of an a r t i s t can sometimes negatively influence his career, however. This occurred for Tsimshian a r t i s t Roy Vickers, whose reputation was elevated by a one-man show of h i s works at the UBC Museum of Anthropology in 1976. The q u a l i t y of Vickers' work did not manage to sustain the i n f l a t e d market values that followed the show; he was therefore forced to reduce the p r i c e l e v e l at which his work was s e l l i n g . In t h i s way, the external factors that determine an a r t i s t ' s reputation are interconnected. Regarding auction p r i c e s as an indicator of a r t i s t reputation, i t i s a common p r a c t i c e in the a r t world for a dealer who represents an a r t i s t to ensure that h i s a r t i s t ' s work w i l l s e l l for a p r i c e at auction that approaches as c l o s e l y as possible the l e v e l of r e t a i l p r i c e s in the g a l l e r y . High p r i c e s for Reid's p r i n t s were f i r s t established in t h i s manner by his p r i n t agent, and have been maintained t h i s way at auctions ever since. Nevertheless, the high p r i c e s s t i l l serve to indicate to consumers the " c o l l e c t i b i l i t y " % o f • - R e i d ' s p r i n t s . A d d i t i o n a l factors r e l a t i n g more p a r t i c u l a r l y to consumer preferences in t r i b a l s t y l e s , colours, subject matter, and many other aspects of the art combine with considerations of p r i c e and a r t i s t ' s reputation to determine the " s a l e a b i l i t y " of an item in the primary as w e l l as the resale market. In his analysis of the marketing of the Northwest Coast Indian A r t i s t s Guild 1977 graphics c o l l e c t i o n (see catalogue: MacDonald et a l . 1977), H a l l (1979:18, 23-4) notes that, - 130 -Robert Davidson's "Reflections" was the s i n g l e most popular design and ... Robert Davidson's [ " B u t t e r f l i e s " and "Raven Stealing the Moon"] and Joe David's designs £"Ka-ka-win-chealth" and "Hanu-qwatchu"] i n general were well received ... Joe David's "Eats-qwin" was f e l t by several i n d i v i d u a l s knowledgeable about Northwest Coast Indian design to be the most innovative and contemporary design i n the c o l l e c t i o n , yet i t was the l e a s t popular of h i s three and ranked seventh o v e r a l l . Ron Hamilton's designs ["Teetskin and H a y i t i l i k in the Sky", "Kwatyaht's G i f t to Teetskin", "The Whaler's Dream", and "Kwatyaht and Mamasiyik"] were considered by almost everyone to be of superior q u a l i t y , but h i s p r i n t s sold very slowly. ... a wide v a r i e t y of factors was seen by dealers as a f f e c t i n g the sale of the 1977 Guild p r i n t s . The s i n g l e most important factor appears to have been a r t i s t reputation, though p r i c e and subject matter also helped to s e l l some p r i n t s . On the negative side, paper colour and nature, p r i n t s i z e , subject matter ( s t y l e ) , and the p r i c e of some p r i n t s affected popularity and thus impeded sales ... H a l l (1979) goes on to state that the primary factor influencing the sale of Davidson's "Reflections" (figure 8) was the reputation of the a r t i s t , but that t h i s was combined with a high degree of f i n a n c i a l speculation in the p r i n t . Local Vancouver dealers a l s o f e e l that an important factor in the success of "Reflections" was the superior graphic q u a l i t y of the design (Mintz 1983). Regarding the sale of Nuu-chah-nulth (West Coast) contemporary a r t , H a l l (1979:26) states that, West Coast (Nootka) f l a t design, as exemplified by the Guild p r i n t s of Ron Hamilton and Joe David, i s r e l a t i v e l y unknown to most people. Further, recognizable figures - beaver, wolf, thunderbird, and k i l l e r whale - tend to be viewed as more t r a d i t i o n a l and s e l l more r e a d i l y than unrecognizable and/or complex figures such as featured in Joe David's "Ka-ka-win-chealth". These and s i m i l a r reasons, along with t h e i r lower p r i c e , may p a r t i a l l y explain the r e l a t i v e popularity of the [northern s t y l e ] designs by Gerry Marks and Roy Hanuse in the Guild s e r i e s . The perceived "Indianness" of a design as manifested in recognizable, " t r a d i t i o n a l " figures has also been discussed in Chapter Two as an important aspect of consumer response to contemporary Northwest Coast a r t . In terms - 131 -of recognizing Nootka designs as Northwest Coast a r t , l o c a l dealers state that " l o t s of people s t i l l perceive Nootka designs as modern and Haida designs as t r a d i t i o n a l . Sometimes they even perceive the Nootka s t y l e as modernized Haida! There i s s t i l l a view that i f i t i s n ' t Haida, i t i s n ' t r i g h t " (Young 1983). However, the market success of Joe David's "Memorial Rainbow Drum" p r i n t (figure 9) has already been noted. One dealer a t t r i b u t e s t h i s success to three f a c t o r s : the bright colours appealed to customers, the a r t i s t has a high reputation and "investment p o t e n t i a l " , and the rainbow subject matter i s appealing as w e l l . He suggests that for some viewers, the bright colours o f f e r a refreshing change from the "standard red and black" Northwest Coast designs (Mintz 1983). The s u i t a b i l i t y of art for consumers' home environments i s another primary factor a f f e c t i n g art sales to pr i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s . Dealers note that red and black p r i n t s are "apartment a r t " - they look good on white walls and in combination with modern f u r n i t u r e . They do not, however, f i t as well in more t r a d i t i o n a l upper middle cl a s s homes. Smaller p r i n t s are more popular than large ones, because they f i t more e a s i l y into the home, and they cost l e s s to frame. Susan Sparrow's S a l i s h spindle whorl design, "Raven S p i r i t " (1982) has sold well p r i m a r i l y because i t s mellow colours, white on buff, f i t e a s i l y into almost any environment. Regarding wood objects, carved panels that are stained and therefore unobtrusive v a s t l y o u t s e l l panels that are painted. S i m i l a r l y , p o r t r a i t masks that are e s p e c i a l l y subtle in form and colour, even those that are not " t r a d i t i o n a l " in terms of any t r i b a l s t y l e , are generally more saleable than Kwagiutl Hamatsa masks and other large masks that are b r i g h t l y painted and very flamboyant. The l a t t e r s e l l only to those i n d i v i d u a l s who desire a piece - 132 -that might dominate a l i v i n g space. On the other hand, large unpainted totem poles (from three to s i x feet high) are more d i f f i c u l t to s e l l than painted totem poles, even though the former may be l e s s obtrusive. This may be a t t r i b u t e d to the generally held perception that totem poles aire t r a d i t i o n a l l y painted (Mintz 1983, Young 1983). Factors a f f e c t i n g the s a l e a b i l i t y of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t are both i n t r i n s i c and external to the object, as the b r i e f sampling of such f a c t o r s above, and the e a r l i e r discussion of marketing at the producer and r e t a i l l e v e l s , has demonstrated. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the consumers and producers of Indian a r t , which i s mediated by the market, i s to a large extent expressed in the marketing st r a t e g i e s by which the ar t i s presented to d i f f e r e n t audiences and the processes by which i t becomes saleable. These st r a t e g i e s and processes r e f l e c t consumer expectations of Indian a r t , which can in turn provide ins i g h t into the s i g n i f i c a n c e of Northwest Coast a r t and t r a d i t i o n s to the consumer. The following two chapters w i l l examine these expectations further, by in v e s t i g a t i n g the s p e c i f i c ways in which viewers and consumers respond to Northwest Coast a r t s , and the bases upon which t h e i r aesthetic judgements and purchasing decisions are made. - 133 -Notes 1 Information and ideas about the Indian a r t market in Vancouver, V i c t o r i a , and Seattle have been derived in large part from personal interviews with dealers and a r t i s t s (see complete l i s t following bibliography). I appreciate having access to data which I c o l l e c t e d for a 1981/82 research project in Seattle and a 1982 research project in V i c t o r i a , both projects conducted for Dr. Michael M. Ames on grants from the Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia's Committee on Humanities and S o c i a l Sciences Research Grants. - 134 -CHAPTER FOUR - The Audience for Northwest Coast Indian A r t ;  A Museum V i s i t o r Survey Since most of the Northwest Coast a r t produced today i s intended for sale to a non-Indian consumer p u b l i c , i t i s important to examine the consumers' demands, expectations, and buying preferences i n order to better understand the nature of the appeal of t h i s a r t to the consumer, and what t h i s may r e f l e c t about the use and meaning of Northwest Coast a r t and t r a d i t i o n s within the contemporary market context. This chapter presents the data obtained through a survey of museum v i s i t o r s ' responses to contemporary Northwest Coast Indian s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s and wood carvings exhibited at the UBC Museum of Anthropology. This survey i s a f i r s t attempt to define the c r i t e r i a consumers and viewers use in t h e i r judgements and purchases of Indian a r t . Through the survey, the following assumption i s examined: that consumers' and viewers' aesthetic judgements of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts are contextually q u a l i f i e d i n terms of t h e i r expectations and preconceptions of Northwest Coast Indian a r t and c u l t u r e , and t h e i r ideas of what const i t u t e s " a r t " i n general. To t h i s end, the survey seeks to i d e n t i f y these expectations and ideas. I t also explores viewers' conceptualizations of "authenticity" and "Indianness", and t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the meaning of and context for the contemporary a r t s . The following chapter (Chapter Five) examines e s s e n t i a l l y the same assumption and conceptualizations, but for comparative purposes presents data obtained through a questionnaire survey of actual consumers of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t s . The design of the present survey was inspired by a survey conducted by Nelson Graburn in 1971 at the Un i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a t Berkeley (Graburn 1976b). Graburn"s survey, for which 172 i n d i v i d u a l s were - 135 -interviewed, was concerned with viewers' aesthetic judgements of the wooden Cree Cr a f t of the Naskapi-Cree Indians of the Canadian sub-arctic and the soapstone carvings of the Inuit of the Canadian a r c t i c . The survey was designed to investigate how aesthetic judgements are affected by or based on contextual phenomena. Results of the survey provided "massive evidence that the aesthetic judgements were made in terms of the expectations the audience had about the kind of people the creators were and the l i f e s t y l e being communicated" (1976b:68). I - THE SURVEY In order to achieve the aims of the museum v i s i t o r survey, as stated above, an ex h i b i t was set up that allowed respondents to apply t h e i r aesthetic c r i t e r i a to a s e l e c t i o n of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art objects. The e x h i b i t , made up of nine l i m i t e d e d i t i o n s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s and ten wood carvings, was set up at the entrance to Ga l l e r y Five at the Museum of Anthropology for the duration of the survey, from August 19 to September 3, 1980. Each object on e x h i b i t was selected to i l l u s t r a t e one or more of a number of contrasts within contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t productions: q u a l i t y of workmanship, q u a l i t y of design (as determined by subjective and objective c r i t e r i a ) , s i z e , colour, f i n i s h , subject matter, " t r a d i t i o n a l " versus "less t r a d i t i o n a l " designs, object types, materials, and regional s t y l e s . The intent of having such v a r i e t y was to be able to e l i c i t both p o s i t i v e and negative responses to c e r t a i n q u a l i t i e s and to derive patterns from these in l a t e r a n a l y s i s ; in add i t i o n , I wished to put together a reasonably representative s e l e c t i o n of the v a r i e t y of Northwest Coast p r i n t s and carvings a v a i l a b l e on the market at that time. The survey focused on s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s and carvings rather than including a r g i l l i t e , - 136 -s i l v e r , and other media. This decision was made for the purposes of manageability of data; p r i n t s and carvings were chosen because they are among the most popular ( i . e . , most purchased) media i n the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t market and they are av a i l a b l e in the v a r i e t y mentioned above. The pieces were borrowed for the e x h i b i t from various sources: p r i v a t e owners, a r t dealers,""" and from a c o l l e c t i o n of p r i n t s newly acquired by the Museum of Anthropology from Canadian Native P r i n t s Ltd. Each piece and the reasons for i t s s e l e c t i o n w i l l be discussed below. The e x h i b i t (see figu r e 10) was layed out so that the nine framed p r i n t s were hung along one wall and the carvings were displayed i n an e x h i b i t case. Each object had i t s own l a b e l s t a t i n g the name of the piece, the a r t i s t ' s name, and the year i n which the piece was made. An a d d i t i o n a l l a b e l i n the carving case acknowledged lenders to the e x h i b i t , but further information was not included. 2 For the purposes of the survey 100 people were interviewed i n front of the e x h i b i t . Museum v i s i t o r s were approached i n the e x h i b i t area when they stopped to view the e x h i b i t or when they passed through the area. Informant s e l e c t i o n was accomplished by a combination of random and quota sampling methods. A v i s i t o r would be approached for interviewing"subsequent to the completion of a previous interview. In a d d i t i o n , however, I made an attempt to obtain approximately equal numbers of respondents l i v i n g in the Northwest Coast area (from Seattle up the B r i t i s h Columbia coast) as respondents l i v i n g outside of t h i s Northwest Coast area. I made t h i s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of the p o s s i b i l i t y that there may e x i s t d i f f e r e n t experiences with, or expectations o f f Northwest Coast Indian a r t between the two groups of respondents. I also attempted to obtain approximately equal numbers of males as females, as well as a range of age groups. These factors thus influenced the sampling process, p a r t i c u l a r l y - 137 -Figure 10. E x h i b i t of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian p r i n t s and carvings at the UBC Museum of Anthropology: l o c a t i o n f o r the museum v i s i t o r survey. - 138 -near the end of the survey period, when I wished to ensure that a proper proportion of the above s p e c i f i e d elements of the quota had been obtained. Interviewing was c a r r i e d out over a period of twelve days at most hours the museum was open. No interviewing was done on Mondays, when the museum i s closed to the p u b l i c . The time spent interviewing per day varied from one to f i v e hours, and the average length of time spent on each interview was from ten to twenty minutes. In conducting the interviews a question guide (Appendix III) was followed, which was made up p r i m a r i l y of open-ended questions. The question guide had three separate components: (a) Questions 2, 3, and 4 dealt with aesthetic responses to pieces i n the e x h i b i t , and the reasons given by the viewers for t h e i r responses, including the c r i t e r i a they said they applied to the a r t s . An a d d i t i o n a l aspect of t h i s section of the interview was to e l i c i t and record the words and lab e l s which the respondents used to describe Northwest Coast Indian a r t . In b r i e f , the general purpose of these questions was to discover the respondents' expectations of, and c r i t e r i a for judging, Northwest Coast Indian a r t . (b) Questions 5, 6, and 7 were concerned with the context in which the viewer places contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t s . The questions were direc t e d toward the respondents' ideas concerning " a u t h e n t i c i t y " , the market s i t u a t i o n , and the purpose of the a r t . The questions were designed so that the answers could provide an i n d i c a t i o n of how the respondents' aesthetic judgements might be contextually q u a l i f i e d . (c) The t h i r d component of the question guide consisted of questions that e l i c i t e d ownership data (questions 8 and 9)* as well as demographic data (questions i , 10, 11, and 12). Questions 8 and 9 were included i n the interview i n order to discover how many respondents are owners of Northwest Coast Indian arts and/or other a r t s . Ownership of Northwest Coast Indian - 139 -arts may imply some degree of f a m i l i a r i t y with the a r t form, which may in turn have influenced responses. Question 9 served mainly i n obtaining more information about the respondents' backgrounds as a r t owners. ^ C o l l e c t i o n of demographic data was c a r r i e d out as a means of monitoring the nature of the population sample obtained and to allow the r e s u l t s of t h i s survey to be examined in r e l a t i o n to other surveys (e.g. the questionnaire survey i n Chapter F i v e , and Macfarlane and Perkins' "Museum Evaluation and Ethnography" , 1977) . Before continuing with a discussion of survey r e s u l t s , i t i s necessary to examine the variables which must be taken into account in the in t e r p r e t a t i o n of the data. A major factor that may have influenced the survey r e s u l t s i s that the e x h i b i t was set up in a museum. A r t i f a c t s contained in museums might tend to be accepted not only as "authentic" but as representative of a standard of excellence. There i s an assumption of q u a l i t y on the part of the museum v i s i t o r regarding museum objects, and t h i s may pos s i b l y have been extended toward the objects included i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r e x h i b i t . A carving, for example, that i s mass-produced and i s surrounded by others l i k e i t in a shop, may be perceived d i f f e r e n t l y by a viewer i n the shop than i f i t were singled out and exhibited i n a museum. It i s , however, d i f f i c u l t to assess the e f f e c t of t h i s "museum aura" on v i s i t o r response, as many respondents i n the survey did not hesitate to declare c e r t a i n exhibited objects "inauthentic" or " t o u r i s t y " . A second major consideration of having the e x h i b i t located in a museum, s p e c i f i c a l l y the UBC Museum of Anthropology, concerns the nature of the v i s i t i n g p u b l i c . I t has been shown (Macfarlane and Perkins 1977:40; Dixon et a l . 1974) that the vast majority of v i s i t o r s to t h i s museum as to others are highly educated urban dwellers. Demographic data from t h i s survey also indicate that the majority of respondents were either - 140 -professionals or u n i v e r s i t y students; Macfarlane and Perkins' demographic data (1977:52b) show 55% pr o f e s s i o n a l respondents. This survey was, however, undertaken with f u l l awareness of the r e s t r i c t i o n s on representative population sampling i n a museum ( i . e . , there would be l i t t l e representation of low-income, low education groups), and with the view that consumers of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t s probably a l s o tend to belong to the higher income groups (see Chapter F i v e ) . For t h i s reason and for the li m i t e d purposes of t h i s survey i t was f e l t that the museum v i s i t o r would 3 adequately represent the consumers of these a r t s . A l t e r n a t i v e locations for the exhibit/survey, such as shopping malls or the P a c i f i c National E x h i b i t i o n , were considered for t h e i r p o t e n t i a l l y wider range of population sample, but were decided against for reasons of cost, proper e x h i b i t space, inconvenience, and s e c u r i t y . A d d i t i o n a l v a r i a b l e s to be considered may be summarized as follows: (a) The time of year in which the survey was conducted. The majority of v i s i t o r s to the museum in the month of August are t o u r i s t s ( i . e . , not residing i n the Vancouver area). The quota sampling method used for respondent s e l e c t i o n in t h i s survey, however, ensured equal representation of l o c a l and non-local v i s i t o r s . '(b) The objects chosen for the e x h i b i t . The r a t i o n a l e behind the choice of objects has already been b r i e f l y discussed, and w i l l be discussed in greater d e t a i l below. As pieces were selected to represent s p e c i f i c q u a l i t i e s of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian art production, each object in the display could t h e o r e t i c a l l y have been replaced by one e x h i b i t i n g s i m i l a r q u a l i t i e s . (c) The d i s p l a y . The layout of the e x h i b i t and the p o s i t i o n i n g of objects may have affected responses; viewer comments to t h i s matter w i l l be included in the discussion of responses below. The pieces were not rearranged in the - 141 -course of the survey because of the semi-permanent mounting of the framed p r i n t s and the design of the carving d i s p l a y . A l l p r i n t s and carvings, along with t h e i r l a b e l s , were completely v i s i b l e to e x h i b i t viewers. (d) The interview. The phrasing of the questions to the respondents and the interview.situation i t s e l f may have influenced responses. The attempt was to minimize t h i s as much as possible by reducing ambiguity in the questions, by following the structured question guide when conducting interviews, and by avoiding closed-ended or multiple choice questions. For the purposes of t h i s survey open-ended questions, were more desirable; they allowed respondents more freedom in deciding what was important to say than i f they had had to s e l e c t from a set of pre-determined categories. Open-ended questions enable the respondents to structure t h e i r answers as they wish, and give a greater i n d i c a t i o n of the extent of the respondents' knowledge of a subject and t h e i r frames of reference. Of course, in some cases i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of open-ended responses can claim to be l i t t l e more than a presentation of what people say are t h e i r a t t i t u d e s or opinions. As Erving Goffman (1959) has shown, when an i n d i v i d u a l appears before others, he w i l l have many motives for t r y i n g to c o n t r o l the impression they receive of the s i t u a t i o n . This i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c and unavoidable feature of interviewing that must be taken into account when analysing responses. The technique of interviewing as an i n v e s t i g a t i v e t o o l i s nevertheless a u s e f u l means of attempting an understanding of people's values, a t t i t u d e s , and expectations through t h e i r own i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and the statements they make about them. (e) The a n a l y s i s of responses. In the analysis phase of the survey i t was necessary to devise a category system by which comments could be grouped for meaningful a n a l y s i s . This was undertaken by c l u s t e r i n g the responses on the basis of a l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between them. Both the coding and - 142 -categorization of responses took place a f t e r the survey had been completed. The nine contemporary Northwest Coast Indian l i m i t e d e d i t i o n s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t s included in the e x h i b i t and the reasons for t h e i r choice are as follows: (1) "Sparrow" by Glen Rabena, 1979 (figure 11). This p r i n t was included in the e x h i b i t as an example of the 'Ksan graphic s t y l e (discussed in Chapter Two), that incorporates perspective, p o r t r a y a l of the environment, and a comparatively non-abstract or " l i t e r a l " view of the subject matter with the basic elements and colours of northern Northwest Coast design. "Sparrow" and other s i m i l a r designs by Rabena have been noted by some Indian art dealers to appeal p a r t i c u l a r l y to people who are "new" to Northwest Coast Indian a r t , i . e . , are unfamiliar with Northwest Coast design and symbolism. An apparent reason for t h i s i s that the design i s e a s i l y understandable yet reta i n s enough Northwest Coast two-dimensional design elements to make i t recognizably Northwest Coast Indian. By including "Sparrow" in the e x h i b i t I wished to e l i c i t viewer response to these factors and be able to compare the responses with responses to p r i n t s of an ov e r t l y more " t r a d i t i o n a l " nature (e.g. Diesing's "Haida Hawk Design"). (2) "Gambler Drum" by Joe David, 1980 (figure 12). This p r i n t was chosen for three reasons. F i r s t , the design and colours, which derive from Nuu-chah-nulth a r t t r a d i t i o n s , are unique and unusual i n terms of the t r a d i t i o n a l northern Northwest Coast Indian designs that viewers are l i k e l y more f a m i l i a r with. Second, David i s a recognized contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s t , and thus his name may influence the responses of viewers who are f a m i l i a r w i t h . i t . T h i r d , i t has been noted by some dealers that t h i s p r i n t appeals to c o l l e c t o r s of Northwest Coast Indian a r t , and even Figure 11. "Sparrow" by Glen Rabena, 1979. Figure 12. "Gambler Drum" by Joe David, 1980, Silkscreen p r i n t . S i l k s c r e e n p r i n t . - 144 -then only a f t e r a period of "getting used to i t " have they made the decision to purchase. I t was hoped that viewers" responses would help i l l u s t r a t e the reasons for the p r i n t ' s more l i m i t e d appeal. (3) "Raven i n the 20th Century" by DonlYeomans, 1979 (figure 13). This p r i n t by a young Haida a r t i s t appears to be a " t y p i c a l " Northwest Coast raven design. However the design incorporates an image of an automobile. This subject matter, containing an image of modernity, was the primary reason for the s e l e c t i o n of the p r i n t ; I was interested in obtaining viewer response to t h i s aspect. In add i t i o n , Yeoman's work i s becoming incr e a s i n g l y f a m i l i a r to many c o l l e c t o r s and observers of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t , thus there was a p o s s i b i l i t y of viewers responding to the a r t i s t ' s name. (4) "Bent-Box Design" by Robert Davidson, 1978 (figure 14). This p r i n t was chosen for the ex h i b i t for two reasons. F i r s t , i t i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y Northwest Coast Indian in i t s design, subject matter, and colours, although the a r t i s t has incorporated h i s own innovations. The p r i n t would therefore contrast with, for example, the p r i n t s by David and Stephens, Davidson's representing t r a d i t i o n a l northern Northwest Coast design, the other two representing innovative and/or le s s f a m i l i a r Northwest Coast s t y l e s . Second, the design i s by one of the most renowned of the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s t s , thus the name Davidson may influence the responses of viewers who are f a m i l i a r with i t . (5) "Thunderbird S i s i u t l " by Lloyd Wadhams, 1979 (figure 15). This p r i n t was included i n the e x h i b i t as an example of Kwagiutl s t y l e and subject matter. I t i s a l s o , however, of somewhat i n f e r i o r q u a l i t y from a design and aesthetic point of view in comparison to several other p r i n t s i n the e x h i b i t , the colours are very b r i g h t , and the type of design and subject matter have been heavily reproduced i n the souvenir a r t s . These l a t t e r - 145 -Figure 14. "Bent-Box Design" by Robert Davidson, 1978. Silkscreen p r i n t . - 146 -Figure 16. "Welcome Canoe" by Art Thompson, 1978. Silkscreen p r i n t . - 147 -aspects are the primary ones that i t was hoped viewers would respond t o . (6) "Welcome Canoe" by A r t Thompson, 1978 (figure 16). As with David's "Gambler Drum", t h i s p r i n t was chosen as an example of a " d i f f e r e n t " Northwest Coast a r t s t y l e , one that would probably be less f a m i l i a r to most viewers than northern Northwest Coast Indian two-dimensional design s t y l e s . The a r t i s t has u t i l i z e d colours, subject matter, and a design concept that r e l a t e to and derive from Nuu-chah-nulth a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s , and are noticeably d i s t i n c t from northern Northwest Coast design. The primary reason for the s e l e c t i o n of t h i s p r i n t was thus to e l i c i t , reponses regarding viewers' expectations of Northwest Coast design. (7) "Haida Hawk Design" by Freda Diesing, 1977 (figure 17). This p r i n t was chosen for the ex h i b i t as an example of t r a d i t i o n a l northern Northwest Coast ( s p e c i f i c a l l y Haida) design and subject matter. In ad d i t i o n , Diesing's personal s t y l e (heavy l i n e s , blocky appearance) i s evident. As with the s e l e c t i o n of Davidson's p r i n t , "Haida Hawk Design" was chosen to contrast with p r i n t s whose s t y l e s may be less f a m i l i a r to the viewers. (8) "Spear F i s h i n g " by Vernon Stephens,11978 (figure 18). • This print-was included i n the e x h i b i t as an example of the 'Ksan i l l u s t r a t i v e s t y l e , s i m i l a r to Rabena's "Sparrow", that i s innovative within Northwest Coast design. The a r t i s t has made use of perspective and a " l i t e r a l " i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the subject matter, i n which men are shown spear f i s h i n g . The primary reason for the s e l e c t i o n of t h i s p r i n t was thus to e l i c i t responses r e f l e c t i n g viewers' expectations of Northwest Coast s t y l e and subject matter. (9) "Chilkat B l a c k f i s h " by Roy Vi c k e r s , 1978 (figure 19). This p r i n t was pr i m a r i l y chosen for the ex h i b i t because the a r t i s t has produced a p r i n t design which i s based on the t r a d i t i o n a l C h i l k a t blanket, yet i s a unique design for the p r i n t medium. In terms of colours, design forms, and Figure 17. "Haida Hawk Design" by Freda Diesing, 1977. S i l k s c r e e n p r i n t . Figure 18. "Spear F i s h i n g " by Vernon Stephens, 1978. Silkscreen p r i n t . - 149 -Figure 19. "Chilkat B l a c k f i s h " by Roy Vickers, 1978. Silkscreen p r i n t . - 150 -subject matter, probably most viewers would be unfamiliar with t h i s type of Northwest Coast Indian design. In ad d i t i o n , i t has been noted by dealers that t h i s p r i n t has had a poor sales record - thus the attempt in t h i s survey was to e l i c i t responses that may indicate reasons for the p r i n t ' s unpopularity. The ten contemporary Northwest Coast Indian carvings included i n the exh i b i t were chosen i n an attempt to represent the broad range in s t y l e s , types, and l e v e l s of q u a l i t y of carvings a v a i l a b l e on the market today. Thus examples of poles, bowls, plaques, masks, and one l e t t e r opener were exhibited. The s p e c i f i c reasons for the s e l e c t i o n of each object are as follows (1) "Kwakiutl Wild Woman Mask" by George M a t i l p i , 1979 (figure 20). This carving was chosen to contrast with the other two masks in the e x h i b i t as w e l l as with the other seven carvings. In terms of q u a l i t i e s of craftsmanship and design the mask may appear well done to the inexperienced eye; however as one f a m i l i a r with Northwest Coast a r t I f e l t that the craftsmanship and design was of lesser q u a l i t y than the other two masks, but perhaps of better q u a l i t y than several other carvings. (2) " B e l l a Coola P o r t r a i t Mask" by Beau Dick, 1977 (figure 20). This mask was selected p r i m a r i l y for i t s q u a l i t i e s of craftsmanship and for i t s bright colours. The dealer from whom i t was borrowed mentioned that i t i s highly regarded by several Indian a r t i s t s ; t h i s aspect combined with i t s f i n e workmanship and design was why I selected i t as an example of a good q u a l i t y carving. The very bright and shiny colours with which the a r t i s t painted the mask are an a d d i t i o n a l feature that I f e l t may e l i c i t negative responses from viewers. (3) "Owl Man" mask by Glen Rabena, 1978 (figure 20). As with the above - 151 -Figure 20. L e f t : "Kwakiutl Wild Woman Mask" by George M a t i l p i , 19 Centre: " B e l l a Coola P o r t r a i t Mask" by Beau Dick, 1977 Right: "Owl Man" mask by Glen Rabena, 1978. - 152 -mask by Dick, t h i s mask was selected as an example of a good q u a l i t y carving, both in terms of craftsmanship and design. The f a c i a l painting i s assymmetrical and red and black i n colour. (4) Totem pole by Frank Hanuse, 1979 (figure 21). This large model totem pole (66 cm. high) was included i n the e x h i b i t for several reasons. As an example of a model totem pole incorporating Thunderbird and Tsonoqua f i g u r e s , i t i s a type of object that has been heavily reproduced in low q u a l i t y souvenirs. Although t h i s p a r t i c u l a r pole e x h i b i t s a higher degree of craftsmanship than many souvenir poles, i t i s painted with bright colours and varnished which, combined with the subject matter and flaws in craftsmanship, make the pole reminiscent of " t o u r i s t " poles. However, I anticipated p o s i t i v e response to the pole since i t does represent the Indian a r t that many viewers would probably be f a m i l i a r with. This piece was also chosen to contrast both with other carvings in the ex h i b i t that are unpainted or painted in subdued colours, and with the following model totem pole by Kuhnley. (5) Totem pole by B i l l Kuhnley, 1979 (figure 22). This pole, le s s than ha l f the s i z e of the pole by Hanuse (29.7 cm. high) a l s o d i f f e r s from the l a t t e r i n terms of s t y l e , carving technique, subject matter, and colours. The q u a l i t i e s of design and craftsmanship are poor with regard to Northwest Coast totem pole s t y l e s and forms, though the pole exhibits r e l a t i v e l y more and deeper carving than by Hanuse. The pole i s painted with subdued, matte colours and has a dark appearance. An a d d i t i o n a l reason for which t h i s pole was included in the e x h i b i t i s that s i m i l a r poles by the carver are popular items in the dealership from which i t was borrowed. Thus an attempt in t h i s survey was to e l i c i t responses to an item that embodies the q u a l i t i e s as noted above, and i s symbolic of Northwest Coast culture yet not a good example of Northwest Coast s c u l p t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s . Figure 21. Totem pole by Frank Hanuse, 1979. Figure 22. Totem pole by B i l l Kuhnley, 1979. - 154 -(6) "Halibut" dish by Glen Harper, 1979 (figure 23). This carved object was included in the e x h i b i t as an example of a form of t r a d i t i o n a l bowl modified for the market, and to contrast in colour, f i n i s h , and q u a l i t y with Rosso's bowl (mentioned below) and the other carvings in the e x h i b i t . The carving i s of f a i r q u a l i t y , being made of lower grade wood and stained a dark brown. (7) "Human/Beaver Dish" by Larry Rosso, 1979 (figure 24). This carving was selected as an example of a good q u a l i t y carving, the q u a l i t y being p r i m a r i l y determined by the l e v e l of workmanship on the piece. I t i s made of l i g h t coloured wood and has some d e t a i l s painted in red and black. The dish was chosen as an example of a form of t r a d i t i o n a l bowl modified by the carver and, as mentioned above, to contrast in colour and f i n i s h with Harper's bowl (above) and with other carvings in the e x h i b i t . (8) "Kwakiutl Sea Monster with Salmon" plaque by Bond Sound, 1979 (figure 25). This plaque and the following two carvings were chosen to represent n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l kinds of objects made e s p e c i a l l y for the market. This carving was chosen f i r s t l y as an example of a plaque; secondly as an example of an object that i s "mass-produced" by the carver; t h i r d l y for i t s subject matter, which i s not rendered in c h a r a c t e r i s t i c Kwakiutl s t y l e (contrary to what the carving's t i t l e might suggest); and fourthly for i t s dark stained f i n i s h . I t i s a common item in Indian a r t dealerships that s e l l plaques. (9) "Kwakiutl Salmon" plaque by George M a t i l p i , 1979 (figure 26). As mentioned above, t h i s carving was chosen as an example of the kinds of wall plaques that are a common no n - t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast item in Indian a r t dealerships today. This plaque was selected for i t s " B r i t i s h Columbia" subject matter - a salmon - and for i t s l i g h t coloured wood and painted f i n i s h (to contrast with Sound's plaque). Figure 24. "Human/Beaver Dish" by Larry Rosso, 1979. - 156 -Figure 25. "Kwakiutl Sea Monster with Salmon" plaque by Bond Sound, 1979. - 157 -- 158 -(10) "Salmon" l e t t e r opener by Wilf Stevenson, 1980 (figure 27). This carving was chosen as an example of Northwest Coast design adapted to a completely n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l item, a l e t t e r opener. The opener was selected for the e x h i b i t in order to e l i c i t viewer response to i t s obviously n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l nature. 1 1 _ RESPONSES TO THE EXHIBIT The e x h i b i t of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian p r i n t s and carvings drew mixed reactions from the museum v i s i t o r s interviewed, but d e f i n i t e trends are suggested by the data. An examination of the viewers' responses reveals that there are two main kinds of reactions: (1) a e s t h e t i c , emphasizing aspects of the a r t such as q u a l i t i e s of design and form; and (2) contextual, emphasizing the degrees of "Indianness" or "authenticity" of the a r t s , and the perceived meaning or message of the a r t s . In the following analyses the aesthetic and contextual responses w i l l be examined in r e l a t i o n to each other in an attempt to a r r i v e at some indications of viewers' expectations of Northwest Coast Indian a r t s . Demographic and Ownership Data As indicated in Table l a , of the 100 i n d i v i d u a l s interviewed in the survey, 52 resided in the Northwest Coast area while 48 resided elsewhere in Canada, the United States, or other countries. S i m i l a r l y , Table l b shows that 48 out of the 100 respondents were male, 52 female. "i T a b l e s ' I c and Id present the range of age and occupation obtained in the survey. The r e s u l t s of question 8 regarding ownership of Northwest Coast Indian arts indicate that the majority of respondents (62 out of 100) did not own any such arts (see Table Ila)« Among those respondents who owned Northwest Coast a r t s , most owned p r i n t s and carvings (58% and 50% of these respondents r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . - 159 -TABLE I DEMOGRAPHIC DATA (a) Location of Residence T o t a l Respondents N % Northwest Coast area: Greater Vancouver 47 47 Seattle 4 4 Other B.C. 1 1 To t a l 52 52 Outside Northwest Coast area: Other Canada 18 18 Western U.S.A. 18 18 Eastern U.S.A. 8 8 Other countries 4 4 T o t a l 48 48 TOTAL 100 100 (b) Sex T o t a l Respondents N % male 48 48 female 52 52 To t a l 100 100 - 160 -TABLE I continued (c) Age T o t a l Respondents N % under 25 21 21 25 to 34 34 34 35 to 44 17 17 45 to 54 17 17 55 and over 11 11 T o t a l 100 100 (d) Occupation T o t a l Respondents . N % Professional 39 39 Executive 3 3 Sales 2 2 C l e r i c a l 8 8 S k i l l e d labour 9 9 Uns k i l l e d labour 1 1 Homemaker 2 2 Retired 1 1 Unemployed 2 2 Student 26 26 None 1 1 no answer 6 6 T o t a l 100 100 - 161 -TABLE II OWNERSHIP DATA (a) Ownership of Northwest Coast Indian a r t To t a l Respondents N % yes 38 38 no 62 62 T o t a l 100 100 Kinds of Northwest Coast Indian a r t owned T o t a l Respondents N % Pr i n t s 22* 58 Carvings 19 50 S i l v e r 8 21 Basketry 7 18 A r g i l l i t e 7 18 Metal 2 5 T e x t i l e s 1 3 Beadwork 1 3 Antiques 1 3 Self-made 1 3 T o t a l 69 N respondents 38 * To be read: 22 out of a t o t a l of 38 respondents (58%) who own Nor Coast Indian a r t own p r i n t s . - 162 -TABLE II continued (b) Ownership of non-Northwest Coast a r t T o t a l Respondents N % yes 68 68 no 28 28 no answer 4 4 T o t a l 100 100 Kinds of art owned To t a l Respondents N % Western 51* 74 Inuit 16 23 O r i e n t a l 7 10 Other Indian 7 10 A f r i c a n 5 7 South American/Mexican/Guatemalan 5 7 "Ethnic" 4 6 A u s t r a l i a n / F i j i a n 2 3 East Indian 2 3 Pottery 1 1 T o t a l 100 N respondents 68 * To be read: 51 out of a t o t a l of 68 respondents (74%) who own non-Northwest Coast a r t own Western a r t . - 163 -Viewers' responses to question 9 indicate that the majority of respondents (68 out of 100) did own at l e a s t one form of a r t that i s not Northwest Coast Indian (Table l i b ) . Most of these respondents stated that they owned "Western" a r t (74%), 23% of the respondents owned Inuit a r t , and smaller numbers owned other kinds of "ethnic" or indigenous a r t s from around the world. The demographic and ownership data obtained in t h i s survey serve p r i m a r i l y to i d e n t i f y some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the population sample that was surveyed. I t i s d i f f i c u l t , however, to apply the information i n any quantitative or q u a l i t a t i v e way to the primary assumptions being investigated because of the small s i z e of the sample and the uncontrolled variables mentioned previously. Words and Labels; Describing Northwest Coast Indian Arts In questions 2(a) and (b) of the interview, respondents were asked to state what words they might use to generally describe the p r i n t s and carvings in the e x h i b i t , or what words come to mind when they see these p r i n t s and carvings. The purpose of the questions was to e l i c i t responses that would indicate how the viewers v e r b a l l y categorize Northwest Coast Indian a r t s , and how they respond to the a r t as a whole. (Additional questions in the interview elaborate on these points.) An examination of the responses to the questions may lead to a better understanding of how viewers conceptualize Northwest Coast Indian a r t s , and how these conceptualizations may q u a l i f y viewers' aesthetic judgements of the a r t s . Responses to the questions f e l l i nto several categories concerned with contextual as w e l l as aesthetic aspects of the a r t s . For both p r i n t s and carvings, the majority of respondents chose descriptors that f a l l i nto the following categories: " a r t / c r a f t " (43% of the respondents for p r i n t s , 39% for - 164 -car v i n g s ) , "traditional/contemporary" (31% for p r i n t s , 21% for carvings), and "Indian" (25% for p r i n t s , 17% for carvings). A d d i t i o n a l categories of responses include "design" (16% for p r i n t s , 4% for carvings) , " a f f e c t i v e " (12% for p r i n t s , 13% for carvings), d e s c r i p t i v e (10% for p r i n t s , 16% for carvings), "meaning/symbolism" (7% for p r i n t s , 1% for carvings), and 4 "commercial" (5% for p r i n t s , 13% for carvings); see Table I I I . The f i r s t category of responses centres on the viewers' notions of what characterizes " a r t " and " c r a f t " . The p r i n t s were more r e a d i l y considered " a r t " than were the carvings (26 respondents vs. 15), and only one respondent l a b e l l e d the p r i n t s " c r a f t " while 11 applied the term to carvings. Other comments regarding the p r i n t s included " a r t i s t i c expression" (2 respondents), "graphic a r t " (1 respondent), "some are a r t , some aren't" (2 respondents), " i t i s graphics rather than a r t " (1 respondent). Three viewers f e l t that the p r i n t s are "not r e a l a r t " , for the following reasons: "they are working in a r i g i d framework" and " t h i s i s t h e i r way of t e l l i n g a story or f e e l i n g ; I look at i t as I would look at a book". I t appears from the responses that the s i l k s c r e e n p r i n t medium was more e a s i l y recognized as belonging to the Western category of " a r t " , whereas wood carvings have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been considered to belong to the category of " c r a f t " . A d d i t i o n a l comments regarding the carvings r e f l e c t t h i s notion: "they are c r a f t , not a r t , because they are not innovative" (1 respondent), " i f the a r t i s t s do i t by formula i t i s c r a f t , otherwise i t i s a r t " (1 respondent), "a few are a r t i f they have a degree of q u a l i t y ; most are t o u r i s t a r t at best" (2 respondents), " i t i s a combination of a r t and a r t i f a c t " (1 respondent), and " i t i s a r t i s t i c and a c r a f t ; the u t i l i t a r i a n things I would c a l l a c r a f t " (1 respondent). For both the p r i n t s and the I carvings, one respondent stated " i t i s a r t , but i t i s based on a t r a d i t i o n a l - 165 -TABLE III WORDS DESCRIBING PRINTS AND CARVINGS Ar t / C r a f t Indian Design A f f e c t i v e Descriptive Meaning/Symbolism Commercial Do not know no answer T o t a l N respondents PRINTS T o t a l Respondents N % 43* Traditional/Contemporary 31 25 16 12 10 7 5 0 2 151 100 43 31 25 16 12 10 7 5 0 2 F i r s t  Choice N 37** 13 23 9 6 6 2 2 0 2 100 100 CARVINGS To t a l Respondents N % 39*** 39 21 21 17 4 13 16 1 13 1 8 133 100 17 4 13 16 1 13 1 8 F i r s t  Choice N 32**** 17 17 2 8 7 1 7 1 8 100 100 * To be read: 43 out of a category "Art/C r a f t " to ** To be read: 37 out of a category "Art/Craft" to *** To be read: 39 out of a category "Art/Craft" to **** To be read: 32 out of a category "Art/C r a f t " to t o t a l of 100 respondents describe the p r i n t s . t o t a l of 100 respondents describe the p r i n t s . t o t a l of 100 respondents describe the carvings. t o t a l of 100 respondents describe the carvings. (43%) used words in the f i r s t used words in the (39%) used words in the f i r s t used words in the - 166 -concept; they don't s t a r t with complete imagination". In a second category of responses, viewers used words to describe the p r i n t s and carvings that emphasized " t r a d i t i o n a l " and "contemporary" q u a l i t i e s of the pieces. For the p r i n t s , only one respondent noted " t r a d i t i o n a l motifs" and another that "the shapes and s t y l e s are genetic", while 25 stated that " i t i s contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t using the old formlines", "some are modern, some more t r a d i t i o n a l " , "some are innovative and experimental", " i t i s a new use of forms", "20th century - they r e f l e c t the mind of modern man rather than the past", and "a modern Indian form of ancient c r a f t s " . One viewer stated that "the p r i n t s are too good, too perfect compared to the t r a d i t i o n a l " . Referring to the carvings, 4 viewers c a l l e d the pieces "contemporary" or "modern", and 2 stated that the carvings are "a more modern type of ancient Indian things". Six respondents described the carvings more negatively with regard to t h e i r modernity: "there i s a too fresh look to them, they don't have the mystique of the o l d " , "nice, but don't have that o r i g i n a l f e e l i n g about them", "they are too new, I prefer the o l d " , "they are too new to be Indian c r a f t " , and "t h e i r colouration i s too modern". Two viewers added that "the carvings are not as fresh as the p r i n t s ; they are r e p l i c a t i o n s of the old" and "there i s a fake f e e l i n g to them", and one viewer stated that "they are not as p r i m i t i v e as I would expect". Two respondents referred to the carvings as "continuing the t r a d i t i o n " , and another as "using t r a d i t i o n in a modern way". A d d i t i o n a l de s c r i p t o r s included " h i s t o r y " , " t r a d i t i o n a l " , "some are contemporary, others are t r a d i t i o n a l " , and "the carvings are more t r a d i t i o n a l than the p r i n t s " . A t h i r d category of descriptors includes responses to the "Indianness" of the p r i n t s and carvings. Words that were immediately expressed by some viewers include "Indian a r t " , "Northwest Coast Indian a r t " , and "Indian c r a f t " - 167 -(14 respondents f o r . p r i n t s , 8 for carvings); "Indian" and "B.C. Indian" (8 respondents for pri n t s ? 2 for carvings); and "native f o l k a r t " , " c u l t u r a l a r t " , and "ethnic a r t " (2 respondents for p r i n t s , 4 for carvings). Other descriptors include "art by contemporary Indians" and "modern Indian" (1 respondent for p r i n t s , 2 for ca r v i n g s ) , " u n i v e r s a l l y Indian art i s s i m i l a r " (1 respondent for prints) , and "ju s t the usual kind of Indian a r t " (1 respondent for carvings). The design q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t s and carvings featured in the responses as w e l l . For the p r i n t s , 16 respondents used such descriptors as " c o l o u r f u l " , " l i n e s " , "ovoids", " c o n t r o l l e d " , " s i m p l i c i t y " , " s t r u c t u r a l drawings", "symmetrical", "bold", and "totem pole patterns". In describing the carvings, only 4 respondents referred to design q u a l i t i e s : " c o l o u r f u l " , " d e t a i l e d " , "paint-by-number", and "not well done". 5 A f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s were referred to by 12 respondents for the p r i n t s : "love i t " , "powerful", "wow", "amazement that they can do t h i s kind of thing", " i n t e r e s t i n g " , and " h i t s me too strongly". Two respondents added "I react d i f f e r e n t l y to d i f f e r e n t ones". For the carvings, 13 respondents referred to a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s : "wood and carving a t t r a c t me", " i n c r e d i b l e " , "love i t " , " b e a u t i f u l " , "I don't l i k e them as much as the p r i n t s " , and "they make me angry because they are tacky". Respondents also used general d e s c r i p t i v e words in t h e i r responses. To describe the pri n t s ? 10 respondents used such words as " d i f f e r e n t " , "decorative", and "graphics". Sixteen respondents referred to the carvings i n t h i s way: "imaginative", " f u n c t i o n a l " , "sculpture", " s o l i d " , "elegant", "unusual" , and "expensive".. Seven respondents referred to the apparent meaning and symbolism of the p r i n t s in t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n s : "animal l i f e " , "legends and s t o r i e s " . - 168 -" r e v i v a l , s u r v i v a l " , and "symbolic". A f i n a l category of descriptors includes responses to the "commercial" aspects of the p r i n t s and carvings. For the p r i n t s , 5 viewers used such descriptors as " s l i c k and over-designed", "degraded", "overabundance in the market", "commercial", and "some are mass-produced". Thirteen viewers referred to such aspects for the carvings: "most are t o u r i s t y " , "some are souvenirs", "commercial", "many are made for sale to t o u r i s t s " , "machine made", and " s l i c k " . In summary, the words used by the respondents to describe the exhibited p r i n t s and carvings f a l l into 8 categories. These categories, l i s t e d i n Table I I I , represent the general q u a l i t i e s which, presumably, "stood out" for viewers as the primary c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the art s and d i f f e r e n t i a t e d t h i s kind of a r t from non-Indian a r t . The d i f f e r e n t categories of responses also indicated the q u a l i t i e s viewers were looking for or seeing in contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts (e.g. innovation or adherence to t r a d i t i o n a l design), and the c r i t e r i a with which they viewed and judged the art s (e.g. the degree of a f f e c t i v e appeal or commercialism). The majority of respondents referred to contextual aspects of the arts in t h e i r d e scriptions of the p r i n t s and carvings (these include a l l responses except those categorized as "design", " a f f e c t i v e " , and " d e s c r i p t i v e " , which re f e r p r i m a r i l y to aesthetic aspects of the a r t s ; see Table III for f i g u r e s ) . Thus, besides considering the arts in terms of t h e i r aesthetic appeal, respondents viewed Northwest Coast Indian arts within the contexts of a r t and c r a f t ( i . e . , as categories that include and exclude c e r t a i n kinds of a r t obj e c t s ) , native t r a d i t i o n s and culture,. Indianness, meaning/symbolism, and the commercial market. The degree of Indianness and.the c u l t u r a l connection - 169 -of Northwest Coast Indian a r t emerged as s i g n i f i c a n t aspects of the a r t in a l l of these contexts, as i l l u s t r a t e d by such descriptors as " a r t i f a c t " , " t r a d i t i o n a l " , "too new", "ethnic a r t " , "legends", and "degraded". Viewers' responses were often d i f f e r e n t for p r i n t s and carvings, and provide an i l l u s t r a t i o n of contrasting conceptualizations of Northwest Coast Indian a r t s . The p r i n t s were more often l a b e l l e d " a r t " or "contemporary" with allowance for some innovation, whereas the carvings were more often considered to be newer versions of t r a d i t i o n a l objects. A comparison of some i n d i v i d u a l s ' responses to the p r i n t s with t h e i r responses to the carvings reveals such a dichotomy: i n d i v i d u a l s referred to the p r i n t s versus carvings as "modern" vs. " t r a d i t i o n a l " , "art vs. d r a f t " , "not a copy" vs. " r e p l i c a t i o n s " , " i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c a r t " vs. "not o r i g i n a l " , and "modern" vs. "h i s t o r y " . The ways in which such conceptualizations may a f f e c t aesthetic judgements of the arts w i l l be investigated in the following discussion. Responses to the P r i n t s Responses to survey questions 3(a) and (b) indicate that of the nine p r i n t s included in the e x h i b i t , "Haida Hawk Design" by Freda Diesing, "Bent-Box Design" by Robert Davidson, and "Spear F i s h i n g " by Vernon Stephens were chosen most often by viewers as the "most l i k e d " p r i n t s (by 34%, 30%, and 24% of the respondents r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . On the other hand, Glen Rabena's "Sparrow", Roy Vickers' "Chilkat B l a c k f i s h " , Stephens' "Spear F i s h i n g " , and Joe David's "Gambler Drum" were chosen most often as the " l e a s t l i k e d " p r i n t s by 25%, 24%, 22%, and 21% of the respondents r e s p e c t i v e l y . Only one viewer did not choose any p r i n t as p a r t i c u l a r l y appealing ("I respond more strongly to the t y p i c a l Indian c r a f t " ) , while 15% did not choose any p r i n t s as unappealing, generally because they " l i k e them a l l " (see Table IV). - 170 -TABLE IV POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE RESPONSES TO PRINTS POSITIVE T o t a l F i r s t Respondents Choice N % N Freda Diesing "Haida Hawk Design 1 Robert Davidson "Bent-Box Design" Vernon Stephens "Spear F i s h i n g " 34* 34 30 30 24 24 Don Yeomans "Raven i n the 20th Century" 17 Glen Rabena "Sparrow" Art Thompson "Welcome Canoe" Joe David "Gambler Drum" Lloyd Wadhams "Thunderbird S i s i u t l " Roy Vickers "Chilkat B l a c k f i s h " None T o t a l N respondents 4 1 156 100 17 15 15 12 12 11 11 4 1 21** 24 20 3 1 100 100 NEGATIVE T o t a l F i r s t Respondents Choice N % N 3*** 3 22 22 25 25 14 14 21 21 16 16 24 15 146 100 24 15 2**** 14 15 11 18 8 12 15 100 100 * To be read: 34 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents (34%) responded po s i t i v e l y , to Freda Diesing's "Haida Hawk Design". ** To be read: 21 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents responded p o s i t i v e l y to Diesing's p r i n t f i r s t , *•** To be read: 3 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents (3%) responded negatively to Diesing's p r i n t . **** T 0 k e r e a <3; 2 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents responded negatively to Diesing's p r i n t f i r s t . - 171 -As w i l l be discussed in more d e t a i l below, what viewers pointed out as p o s i t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t s were p r i m a r i l y q u a l i t i e s of design (85% of the respondents chose such q u a l i t i e s as good forms, appealing colours, and well-balanced design) , although a second important category of p o s i t i v e q u a l i t i e s mentioned by 62% of the respondents i s concerned with the extent to which the p r i n t s were seen as " t r a d i t i o n a l " or "innovative". While some respondents commented, for example, that the p r i n t s present " t r a d i t i o n a l designs" or are "founded in the t r a d i t i o n yet are innovative", others commented p o s i t i v e l y on the "non-traditional" or "modern" q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t s . Thirty-three percent of the viewers l i s t e d a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s as p o s i t i v e aspects of the p r i n t s , for example, the "personal appeal" and the "power" of the designs. A fourth category of comments noting p o s i t i v e q u a l i t i e s r e f e r s to the subject matter or meaning of the p r i n t as perceived by the viewer (26% of the respondents). This category includes such comments as "the message i s easy to see" and " i t has a s p i r i t u a l sense of nature". In a d d i t i o n , 5% of the viewers mentioned the framing of the p r i n t as a p o s i t i v e q u a l i t y ("Miscellaneous" category of responses), and another 5% referred to the name of the a r t i s t who created the p r i n t (see Table V). The negative q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t s , as mentioned by viewers in response to the p r i n t s they d i s l i k e d or l i k e d the l e a s t , also f a l l i nto the same general categories as above (see Table V). Q u a l i t i e s of design that 72% of the viewers gave as reasons for d i s l i k i n g c e r t a i n p r i n t s include poor design and forms, the colours used, and a lack of balance. Included in the category "Tradition/Innovation" are the comments of 60% of the viewers who re f e r r e d p r i m a r i l y to departures from the " t r a d i t i o n a l " Northwest Coast Indian forms. Viewers noted that c e r t a i n p r i n t s were "not Indian enough", "not t r a d i t i o n a l enough", "too contemporary", and so on. These l a t t e r - 172 -TABLE V POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF PRINTS POSITIVE NEGATIVE T o t a l F i r s t T o t a l F i r s t Respondents Choice Respondents Choice N % N N % N Design 85* 85 46** 72*** 72 33**** Tradition/Innovation 62 62 26 60 60 30 A f f e c t i v e 33 33 19 27 27 11 Subject Matter/Meaning 26 26 6 12 12 6 Miscellaneous 5 5 1 8 8 0 The a r t i s t 5 5 1 0 0 0 None 0 0 0 15 15 15 no answer 1 1 1 0 0 0 T o t a l 217 100 194 100 N respondents 100 100 100 100 * To be read: 85 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents (85%) mentioned design q u a l i t i e s as p o s i t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t s . ** To be read: 46 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents mentioned design q u a l i t i e s f i r s t as p o s i t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t s . *** To be read: 72 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents (72%) mentioned design q u a l i t i e s as negative q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t s . **** To.be read: 38 out of'-a t o t a l of 100 respondents mentioned design q u a l i t i e s f i r s t as negative q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t s . - 173 -comments tended to be directed at the subject matter or designs of the p r i n t s as opposed to the p r i n t medium i t s e l f , which i s a no n - t r a d i t i o n a l a r t medium for Northwest Coast Indian art„ Twenty-seven percent of the viewers mentioned a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t s they d i s l i k e d , such as " i t doesn't appeal to me" and " i t ' s boring". In a fourth category of responses, 12% of the viewers referred to the subject matter or meaning of the p r i n t s (e.g. "no meaning", "no clear message"), and a f i f t h "miscellaneous" category includes comments by 8% of the viewers on the framing and the p r i n t s ' u n s u i t a b i l i t y for home d i s p l a y . F i f t e e n percent of the respondents stated that there was nothing they d i s l i k e d about the p r i n t s . The responses to the contemporary Northwest Coast Indian p r i n t s give some i n d i c a t i o n of the aesthetic c r i t e r i a the p u b l i c applies to the a r t , and the p u b l i c ' s expectations of what constitutes Northwest Coast Indian a r t . Designs considered to be in the t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast s t y l e , such as Diesing's "Haida Hawk Design" and Davidson's "Bent-Box Design", received more p o s i t i v e comments and were better l i k e d (by 34% and 30% of the respondents respectively) than those designs perceived to be no n - t r a d i t i o n a l or Westernized (e.g. David's "Gambler Drum" and Vickers' "Chilkat B l a c k f i s h " , 11% and 4% of the respondents r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . The implications of these r e s u l t s w i l l become clearer when the responses to the re s t of the interview questions are analysed. What follows i s a discussion of the responses to each p r i n t , a f t e r which the responses to the carvings w i l l be discussed. In d i v i d u a l comments, selected on the basis of t h e i r representativeness or uniqueness, w i l l be quoted i n some d e t a i l in order to r e t a i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l content. Responses to Freda Diesing's "Haida Hawk Design" were almost a l l - 174 -p o s i t i v e , with 34% of the t o t a l respondents choosing i t as a p r i n t that p a r t i c u l a r l y appeals to them, and only 3% choosing i t as a l e a s t favourite p r i n t . As shown in Table V i a , most respondents (19 out of 34) commented p o s i t i v e l y on general aspects of design i n the p r i n t . Diesing's personal s t y l e , which can be described as heavy and almost blocky, was emphasized i n comments that described the p r i n t as "bold", "powerful, dramatic", and "dynamic". Respondents also commented on the s i m p l i c i t y and abstractness of the design. The colours i n the p r i n t received such responses as "I l i k e the earthy colours", "I am prone towards red and black", " i t i s not m u l t i -coloured". Two respondents commented p o s i t i v e l y on the paper i t s e l f , that i t was beige and not white. Thirteen out of the 34 respondents commented p o s i t i v e l y on the " t r a d i t i o n a l " aspects of the design: " i t i s a clear presentation i n a p r i n t of t r a d i t i o n a l design", "back to the old standard conventions", "I l i k e the more t r a d i t i o n a l " , " i t i s what I would expect from t h i s kind of a r t form". Also, one respondent stated " i t i s founded in the t r a d i t i o n and yet i s innovative". These responses indicate that the respondents have some notion of what const i t u t e s a " t y p i c a l " or " t r a d i t i o n a l " Northwest Coast design, and that t h i s p r i n t was e a s i l y recognizable in terms of, and valued for i t s adherence t o , t h i s expectation. The comments of the 3 respondents who d i s l i k e d the p r i n t r e f l e c t the same kind of expectation, but express an opposing point of view: "I have seen too many t r a d i t i o n a l prints„ and I'm getting t i r e d of them", "no v i t a l i t y " 8 ? "there i s an overdose on cards e t c . of t h i s kind of thing". A d d i t i o n a l responses by 6 viewers emphasized a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t ("it catches my eye"); 2 viewers commented p o s i t i v e l y on the - 175 -TABLE VI POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF INDIVIDUAL PRINTS POSITIVE NEGATIVE T o t a l Respondents T o t a l Respondents N N (a) Freda Diesing "Haida Hawk Design" Design- 19* 1** Tradition/Innovation 13 3 A f f e c t i v e 6 1 Subject matter/Meaning 2 0 Miscellaneous 1 1 The a r t i s t 2 0 T o t a l 43 6 N respondents 34 3 (b) Robert Davidson "Bent-Box Design" Design 15 1 Tradition/Innovation 17 0 A f f e c t i v e 5 1 Subject matter/Meaning 3 0 Miscellaneous 4 0 The a r t i s t 1 : 0 T o t a l 45 2 N respondents 30 2 * To be read: 19 out of a t o t a l . o f 34 respondents who chose Diesing's p r i n t as appealing commented p o s i t i v e l y on design q u a l i t i e s . ** To be read: 1 out of a t o t a l of 3 respondents who chose Diesing's p r i n t as unappealing commented negatively on design q u a l i t i e s . - 176 -TABLE VI continued POSITIVE NEGATIVE T o t a l Respondents T o t a l Respondents N N (c) Vernon Stephens "Spear F i s h i n g " Design 17 13 Tradition/Innovation 8 10 A f f e c t i v e 6 4 Subject matter/Meaning 6 0 Miscellaneous 0 2 The a r t i s t 0 0 T o t a l 37 29 N respondents 24 22 (d) Don Yeomans "Raven in the 20th Century" Design 7 1 Tradition/Innovation 9 1 A f f e c t i v e 6 0 Subject matter/Meaning 4 4 Miscellaneous 0 0 The a r t i s t 1 0 T o t a l 27 6 N respondents 17 4 - 177 -TABLE VI continued POSITIVE NEGATIVE T o t a l Respondents T o t a l Respondents N N (e) Glen Rabena "Sparrow" Design Tradition/Innovation A f f e c t i v e Subject matter/Meaning Miscellaneous The a r t i s t 8 5 2 6 0 0 6 20 3 4 0 0 T o t a l N respondents 21 15 33 25 (f) Art Thompson "Welcome Canoe" Design 6 5 Tradition/Innovation 3 10 A f f e c t i v e 3 5 Subject matter/Meaning 3 0 Miscellaneous 0 1 The a r t i s t 0 0 T o t a l 15 21 N respondents 12 14 - 178 -TABLE VI continued POSITIVE NEGATIVE T o t a l Respondents T o t a l Respondents N N (g) Joe David "Gambler Drum" Design 6 12 Tradition/Innovation 3 6 A f f e c t i v e 3 6 Subject matter/Meaning 2 2 Miscellaneous 0 1 The a r t i s t 1 0 T o t a l 15 27 N respondents 11 21 (h) Lloyd Wadhams "Thunderbird S i s i u t l " Design 4 13 Tradition/Innovation 3 5 A f f e c t i v e 2 4 Subject matter/Meaning 0 0 Miscellaneous 0 1 The a r t i s t 0 0 T o t a l 9 23 N respondents 8 16 - 179 -TABLE VI continued POSITIVE NEGATIVE T o t a l Respondents T o t a l Respondents N N (i) Roy Vickers "Chilkat B l a c k f i s h " Design 3 20 Tradition/Innovation 1 5 A f f e c t i v e 0 3 Subject matter/Meaning 0 2 Miscellaneous 0 2 The a r t i s t 0 0 T o t a l 4 32 N respondents 4 24 - 180 -Raven subject matter, one on the framing, and 2 on the a r t i s t ' s name, Robert Davidson's "Bent-Box Design" was selected as a p a r t i c u l a r l y appealing p r i n t by 30%:, of the respondents, often for si m i l a r reasons as Diesing's p r i n t was chosen. Only 2 out of the 100 respondents chose i t as a lea s t appealing p r i n t . Most respondents (see Table VIb) commented p o s i t i v e l y on design aspects (15 out of the 30 respondents) and on the p r i n t ' s " t r a d i t i o n a l " or "innovative" q u a l i t i e s (17 out of the 30 respondents). Comments regarding design include "impressive design", "well balanced, well done formlines", "the use of red and black, symmetry, ovoids, and U's", and "good composition". The only negative responses expressed toward "Bent-Box Design" comment on the complexity of the design: " i t looks l i k e a t r a f f i c jam", " i t ' s too over-bearing". Regarding the " t r a d i t i o n a l " nature of the design, respondents stated that "I l i k e i t because of the way i t resembles a t r a d i t i o n a l box fr o n t " , "I've seen t h i s in housefronts as a boy", " i t r e c a l l s other Northwest Coast items seen i n the P r o v i n c i a l Museum". Viewers stated that "I favour the t r a d i t i o n a l " , " i t i s most f a i t h f u l to the Indian designs", " i t i s what I expect", " i t f i t s my idea of what North P a c i f i c Indian a r t i s " , "I have a bias toward t r a d i t i o n a l myth design". Other respondents mentioned a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t that they found appealing (5 people), the subject matter of the design (3 people), the framing of the p r i n t (4 people), and the a r t i s t ' s name (1 person). The p o s i t i v e responses to what was perceived as t r a d i t i o n a l i n Davidson's "Bent-Box Design" contrast with the p o s i t i v e responses to Vernon Stephens' "Spear F i s h i n g " , which emphasize the "innovative" or " d i f f e r e n t " - 181 -aspects of the design. This p r i n t received the most comments of any p r i n t in the e x h i b i t (a t o t a l of 46 viewers responded to i t ) , and paradoxically, i t was the t h i r d most popular p r i n t in the ex h i b i t as well as the t h i r d l e a s t l i k e d p r i n t . The features that some viewers responded p o s i t i v e l y to in the p r i n t were frequently the same features that other viewers responded negatively to. These features included p r i m a r i l y the unique s t y l e of the design with the use of perspective, and loose adherence to the established forms that characterize northern Northwest Coast Indian a r t . Regarding p o s i t i v e comments on design, 17 out of the 24 respondents commented on such aspects of the p r i n t as i t s " s i m p l i c i t y " , s t a t i n g that " i t i s l i k e c a l l i g r a p h y " , " i t looks O r i e n t a l " , and "sparing strokes depict an e n t i r e scene" (see Table V i c ) . Comments on the s i m p l i c i t y of the design accompanied an expressed appreciation on the part of s i x viewers that the design conveys a message that i s easy to understand: " i t has a lack of d e t a i l but t e l l s a l o t " , "you can t e l l the story behind i t " , "the message i s easy to see - what they're doing, t h e i r way of l i f e " . "Spear Fi s h i n g " also received a number of negative responses with regard to aspects of design from 13 out of the 22 respondents: "I d i s l i k e the p i c t o r i a l s t y l e " , " i t i s j u s t a couple of l i n e s and l o t s of big empty spaces", "too s i m p l i s t i c " , "something i s missing". Six respondents commented p o s i t i v e l y on the p r i n t ' s a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s ("exciting" amd "appealing"), while 4 commented negatively ("dull", " i t doesn't engage me"). Two viewers commented negatively about the framing and that "I wouldn't hang i t on my w a l l " . The recognition that the design d i f f e r s from t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast Indian design provoked both p o s i t i v e and negative responses (8 and 10 viewers r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . The p o s i t i v e responses favour the unique and perhaps - 182 -innovative aspects of the p r i n t : " i t i s a e s t h e t i c a l l y d e l i g h t f u l , d i f f e r e n t , unique; I am t i r e d of the usual Northwest Coast Indian a r t " and " i t i s non-t r a d i t i o n a l " . These aspects were, however, interpreted negatively by other viewers: " i t departs from the t r a d i t i o n " , " i t i s completely borrowed", " i t ' s clever but doesn't f i t with the Northwest Coast style'!, " i t looks contrived", " i t i s no more Indian than I am - i t i s t e r r i b l e , not Indian!" The l a t t e r responses to Stephens' "Spear F i s h i n g " serve as an 1 1 L i l l u s t r a t i o n of the way in which the aesthetic judgements of Northwest Coast Indian arts can be contextually q u a l i f i e d according to a preconceived or expected standard of what Indian a r t should be. Although the aesthetic aspects of the p r i n t may be deserving of c r i t i c i s m , p r i n t s of t h i s s t y l e , which are attempts at innovation and at breaking away from the constraints of the t r a d i t i o n , are often judged on the basis of the " t r a d i t i o n a l " . A comparison with the t r a d i t i o n a l , however, i s r e f l e c t e d in two opposing view-points - some viewers prefer departure from t r a d i t i o n , while others prefer correspondence to i t . -'.Raven in the 20th Century" by Don Yeomans i s a p r i n t which incorporates a symbol of modernity - the 'automobile - in i t s design. Seventeen percent of the viewers responded p o s i t i v e l y to the p r i n t , and 4% responded negatively. I t seems, however, that most of the viewers responding p o s i t i v e l y were not aware of the car in the design, since only 3 of the viewers mentioned i t . P o s i t i v e responses to the p r i n t (see Table VId) centred on aspects of design (7 out of 17 respondents: "I l i k e the design elements"^ " v i s u a l l y pleasing", "well balanced,, well done formlines") and on the p r i n t ' s " t r a d i t i o n a l " q u a l i t i e s (9 out of 17 respondents: "back to the old standard conventions", " i t i s simple, more t r a d i t i o n a l " ) . One respondent noted that "the old and new are together in t h i s p r i n t " , and another stated - 183 -that the design was "modern". Of the 4 respondents who commented p o s i t i v e l y on the subject matter, two c a l l e d the design "witty" because of the car in i t , and two commented that they l i k e d the Raven design. Six viewers commented on a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t ("it has power to i t " , " i t i s appealing"), and one stated that he owns other of the a r t i s t ' s p r i n t s . The negative responses to the p r i n t a l l focused on the car image: "I don't l i k e i t because of the car in i t " , "the car doesn't f i t - i t i s too contemporary". There was one comment that the design was "too busy". No comments were made regarding a message that the a r t i s t might have been tr y i n g to convey. Glen Rabena's "Sparrow", l i k e the p r i n t s by Yeomans and Stephens, combine elements of Western and Northwest Coast Indian imagery and design. More viewers commented negatively than p o s i t i v e l y on the p r i n t (25% vs. 15%). Both the p o s i t i v e and negative responses to "Sparrow" emphasize how " d i f f e r e n t " the design i s with i t s combination of Northwest Coast Indian and Western elements. Within the response category "Tradition/Innovation" (see Table V i e ) , 5 out of 15 respondents commented p o s i t i v e l y that " i t ' s d i f f e r e n t , but has the elements of Northwest Coast; i t ' s f r e e r " , " i t has the Indian e f f e c t plus you can see i t i s a b i r d " , " i t i s n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l , closer to being more f r e e , l e s s s t y l i z e d , l e s s t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast Indian". These aspects of the design were, however, seen negatively by 20 out of 25 viewers, as expressed in the following comments: " i t departs from the t r a d i t i o n " * "too Westernized", "awkward combination of Western a r t i s t i c conventions and Indian", "not t y p i c a l enough Northwest Coast", "not Indian", "too North American", "bastardizing Northwest Coast symbols", "doesn't f i t my idea of what North P a c i f i c Indian a r t i s " . Some of these viewers also - 184 -d i s l i k e d the " t o u r i s t y " nature of the design ("it reminds me of stationary", " t r i t e design", " i t f e e l s t o u r i s t y " ) . The comments indicate that Rabena's "Sparrow", by. departing from the t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast design in i t s use of perspective, i t s subject matter, and i t s use of forms, was perceived eit h e r as v i o l a t i n g t r a d i t i o n and a u t h e n t i c i t y or as doing something innovative. A d d i t i o n a l p o s i t i v e responses include comments by 8 viewers on general design q u a l i t i e s ("has dimension", "pretty", "more i n t e r e s t i n g from an a r t i s t i c point of view", "I l i k e the c o l o u r " ) , and by 6 viewers on the perceived meaning ("it has a s p i r i t u a l sense of nature") and the subject matter ("this i s the f i r s t time I've seen a small b i r d in Northwest Coast design"). Aspects of design that 6 viewers d i s l i k e d include the " p i c t o r i a l s t y l e " , " f l a t red colour", and generally "poor design". Four respondents commented negatively on the subject matter ("I don't l i k e b i r d p i c t u r e s " ) . The p o s i t i v e responses to Rabena's "Sparrow" indicate how p r i n t s in t h i s non-mythic, p i c t o r i a l , easy to understand s t y l e could p a r t i c u l a r l y appeal to a p u b l i c new to Northwest Coast Indian a r t . The s t y l e combines e a s i l y recognizable subject matter with Western realism and enough Northwest Coast design elements to produce an image that i s c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y very accessible -the image i s understandable and has enough of a Northwest Coast component to make i t recognizably Northwest Coast Indian. A p r i n t included in the e x h i b i t that i s perhaps not as e a s i l y recognizable as Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s A r t Thompson's "Welcome Canoe". The p r i n t received a few more negative than p o s i t i v e comments from the viewers (14% vs. 12% of the t o t a l respondents). The p o s i t i v e responses to "Welcome Canoe" (see Table V l f ) centred on aspects of design: " i t i s the most pleasing to the eye compared to many - 185 -others which are busy and confused", "nice sophisticated design", "free form", and " i t has movement in i t " (6 respondents out of 12)„ Aspects of design received negative responses as w e l l : " i t i s ju s t ugly", "not very s o p h i s t i c a t e d , not i n t r i c a t e " , and "no v i t a l i t y , no sense of form and balance" (5 respondents out of 14). Three respondents made p o s i t i v e comments regarding the t r a d i t i o n a l and innovative aspects of the p r i n t : "I l i k e i t because of the way i t resembles t r a d i t i o n a l Nootka things", " i t . i s more t r a d i t i o n a l " , and " i t i s the a r t i s t ' s own expression - i t ' s by an i n d i v i d u a l i s t conscious of h i s heritage". The negative responses i n the category of "tr a d i t i o n / i n n o v a t i o n " indicate that for 10 viewers t h i s design was not r e a d i l y recognizable as Northwest Coast Indian: " i t departs from the t r a d i t i o n " , " i t doesn't remind me of anything Northwest Coast Indian; i t i s invented", "I don't associate i t with Indian a r t " , " i t doesn't correspond to my expectations". A d d i t i o n a l comments include that the design i s " t i c k y tacky s t u f f " , " i t looks s i l l y " , " i t i s too contrived". The negative responses may to some extent r e f l e c t the respondents' general u n f a m i l i a r i t y with contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t that i s based on the Westcoast (Nuu-chah-nulth) t r a d i t i o n , since the s t y l e i s a r e l a t i v e newcomer to the Indian a r t market and i s not as well known by the consumer p u b l i c as the northern Northwest Coast s t y l e s . A f f e c t i v e responses to "Welcome Canoe" (3 p o s i t i v e and 5 negative) included comments on the appeal or lack of appeal of the design. Three respondents commented p o s i t i v e l y on the subject matter of the p r i n t (e.g. "I am interested to see representations of the way they l i v e " ) . F i n a l l y , one respondent commented negatively on the framing of the p r i n t . In contrast to some of the responses l i s t e d above for "Welcome Canoe", - 186 -one respondent considered Joe David's "Gambler Drum" to be an appealing p r i n t because " i t i s n ' t too Indian; I l i k e the colours and design". "Gambler Drum" was, however, one of the l e a s t favoured p r i n t s included in the e x h i b i t (21% of the t o t a l viewers responded negatively, 11% p o s i t i v e l y ) , and i t was also one of the most unique and unusual in terms of the kinds of Northwest Coast Indian a r t that respondents were l i k e l y more f a m i l i a r with. Six respondents out of 11 (see Table VIg) commented p o s i t i v e l y on q u a l i t i e s of design ("I l i k e the unusual choice of colours", " i t i s a t t r a c t i v e as a design", "I l i k e the geometrical"), while 12 out of 21 viewers responded negatively to these same q u a l i t i e s ("the colour combination puts me o f f " , " i t i s i n c r e d i b l y r e p e t i t i v e " , "I don't l i k e symmetrical designs"). Comments in the " t r a d i t i o n / i n n o v a t i o n " category include p o s i t i v e responses by 3 viewers: " i t i s very modern yet d e f i n i t e l y Indian", and " i t i s not very t r a d i t i o n a l " . Negative comments in the same category were made by 6 respondents, who stated that "I prefer the l i m i t a t i o n s of the t r a d i t i o n " , " i t doesn't look as authentic as the others", " i t shows nothing of the Indian", and " i t i s obviously Indian with the ovoids e t c . , but otherwise i s not". Three respondents mentioned p o s i t i v e a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t , such as " i t i s s t r i k i n g " and " i t i s i n t r i g u i n g " . Negative comments in t h i s category were made by 6 respondents: " i t doesn't appeal", " i t doesn't move me in any way". Interpreting the subject matter and meaning of "Gambler Drum", 2 viewers commented p o s i t i v e l y that i t has "esot e r i c meanings" and i s "a u n i v e r s a l symbol1', and 2 others remarked negatively that "I don't r e a l l y know what I'm looking a t , I don't know what i t i s " , and "the subject matter doesn't allow for much elaboration". F i n a l l y , one respondent said that she l i k e s the p r i n t because she l i k e s the a r t i s t ' s work generally. Despite the consideration that Lloyd Wadhams1 "Thunderbird S i s i u t l " - 187 -resembles much of the commercial Northwest Coast Indian a r t that many t o u r i s t s are perhaps more f a m i l i a r with, viewers d i d not generally consider t h i s p r i n t to be a " t y p i c a l " Northwest Coast design. O v e r a l l , i n comparison to the other p r i n t s included in the e x h i b i t , t h i s p r i n t was one of the le s s popular. Only 8% of the t o t a l respondents selected t h i s p r i n t as one they l i k e d the most, and 16% chose i t as one they l i k e d the l e a s t . P o s i t i v e responses to the p r i n t (see Table Vlh) included comments by 4 out of 8 viewers on aspects of design ("it has i n t r i c a c y " , " l o t s of d e t a i l and symmetry", "the colours are a t t r a c t i v e " ) and by 3 viewers on the design's t r a d i t i o n a l aspects ("it i s founded in the t r a d i t i o n and yet i s innovative", " i t i s more t r a d i t i o n a l " , " i t i s the most Indian of the p r i n t s here"). The negative responses included comments by 13 out of 16 respondents on aspects of design: "too perfect; an a r t school approach", "too busy", "too decorative and elaborate; i t doesn't flow or have good tension or v i t a l i t y i n i t " , "I d i s l i k e the colours". Regarding the p r i n t ' s " t r a d i t i o n a l / i n n o v a t i v e " aspects, 5 respondents stated that the p r i n t i s "doodle a r t " , "kitchy", "contrived", and "too Indian". Noting a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the p r i n t , 2 respondents referred p o s i t i v e l y to the p r i n t ' s appeal ("it catches my eye"), while 4 stated that the p r i n t was "overwhelming" and unappealing. Another respondent noted unattractive framing. Responses to Roy Vickers' "Chilkat B l a c k f i s h " design as an unusual and unfamiliar s t y l e of Northwest Coast Indian a r t were s i m i l a r to the responses to David's "Gambler Drum". Only 4% of the t o t a l respondents chose Vickers' p r i n t as an appealing design, while 24% stated that they d i s l i k e d i t . Most comments (see Table VII) centred on the colours in the design, which are bright yellow, blue, white, and black. Three of the 4 people who responded p o s i t i v e l y to the p r i n t found the colours appealing, while the 20 out of 24 - 188 -people who responded negatively to q u a l i t i e s of design commented that "I d i s l i k e i t because of the colour", "too yellow", "the colours are too b r i g h t " , and also that the p r i n t shows a "too blocky basic form" and that " i t follows a formula". Only one respondent commented p o s i t i v e l y that "Chilkat B l a c k f i s h " i s "a c l e a r presentation in a p r i n t of t r a d i t i o n a l design". Regarding the p r i n t ' s " t r a d i t i o n a l / i n n o v a t i v e " q u a l i t i e s , a respondent mentioned previously stated again that the "colours and faces" make the p r i n t "too Indian". However, 4 other people stated negatively that " i t doesn't look l i k e Indian a r t to me" and " i t ' s modern". A d d i t i o n a l negative comments about the p r i n t include 3 a f f e c t i v e responses ("I am not drawn i n t o i t " , " i t i s too overbearing", "no v i t a l i t y " ) , 2 comments on the subject matter and meaning ("I don't understand i t " and "I don't l i k e C h i l k a t blankets"), and 2 miscellaneous comments about the p r i n t ' s framing and u n s u i t a b i l i t y for the home. The unpopularity of Vickers' p r i n t , both in t h i s survey and commercially, seems to be r e l a t e d not only to i t s colours but also to i t s unreadable content. For viewers who do not judge the p r i n t by i t s aesthetic q u a l i t i e s alone, some knowledge i s needed regarding i t s ethnographic aspects and i t s r e l a t i o n to Northwest Coast design. In a d d i t i o n , C h i l k a t blanket imagery i s one of the most abstracted kinds of Northwest Coast design that many experts in the a r t f i n d d i f f i c u l t to i n t e r p r e t . "Chilkat B l a c k f i s h " thus may be considered the a n t i t h e s i s of a p r i n t such as Rabena's "Sparrow", as the l a t t e r u t i l i z e s both s i m p l i f i c a t i o n and realism to f a c i l i t a t e communication c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y (see Chapter Two). Responses to the Carvings Responses to the ten carvings included in the e x h i b i t f e l l i n t o the - 189 -same general categories as did the responses to the p r i n t s : q u a l i t i e s of design (mentioned as p o s i t i v e q u a l i t i e s by 93% of the respondents and as negative q u a l i t i e s by 55%) , a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s (52% p o s i t i v e , 43% negative) , trad i t i o n / i n n o v a t i o n (45% p o s i t i v e , 95% negative), and miscellaneous comments (12% p o s i t i v e , 8% negative). P o s i t i v e responses to the carvings tended to focus on q u a l i t i e s of design (93% of the respondents), while negative :. responses focused on t r a d i t i o n a l / i n n o v a t i v e q u a l i t i e s (95% of the responses). Two a d d i t i o n a l categories of responses, q u a l i t i e s of workmanship (32% p o s i t i v e , 29% negative) and materials (15% p o s i t i v e , 5% negative) , were applied to carvings only (see Table V I I ) . In analysing the responses i t seems that viewers tended to consider the carvings as attempts at r e p l i c a t i n g the o l d , t r a d i t i o n a l - p i e c e s , and so expected them to resemble the old as c l o s e l y as p o s s i b l e . The accusation of " t o u r i s t y " was frequently applied to the carvings that respondents d i s l i k e d , i n d i c a t i n g a negative reaction to what was perceived as a loss of the t r a d i t i o n a l design, f u n c t i o n , and meaning of the piece. On the other hand, one respondent made a comment about a l l the carvings (except the l e t t e r opener) that they are "too s t y l i z e d , too p r i m i t i v e , too s i m p l i s t i c , too primary, and too weird". She perceived the carvings as "too t y p i c a l l y Indian", while other respondents sought more "Indian" q u a l i t i e s in the pieces. One example of the kinds of q u a l i t i e s that some respondents appreciated i n the carvings i s the colour applied to the surface of the wood - carvings that were either stained a dark brown or painted i n subdued "natural" colours were seen as more c l o s e l y resembling the o l d , and were therefore considered more genuine and authentic. Of the ten carvings (see Table V I I I ) , Frank Hanuse's totem pole received the l e a s t p o s i t i v e comments (4% of the t o t a l respondents), and the - 190 -TABLE VII POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF CARVINGS POSITIVE NEGATIVE T o t a l F i r s t T o t a l F i r s t Respondents Choice Respondents Choice N % N N % N Design 93* 93 37** 55*** 55 23**** A f f e c t i v e 52 52 13 43 43 7 Tradition/Innovation 45 45 15 95 95 38 Workmanship 32 32 9 29 29 6 Materials 15 15 4 5 5 1 Miscellaneous 12 12 7 8 8 2 Subject Matter/Meaning 7 7 3 11 11 2 The a r t i s t 5 5 4 3 3 1 None 7 7 7 19 19 19 no answer 1 1 1 1 1 1 T o t a l 269 100 269 100 N respondents 100 100 100 100 * To be read: 93 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents (93%) mentioned design q u a l i t i e s as p o s i t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the carvings. ** To be read: 37 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents mentioned design ^  q u a l i t i e s f i r s t as p o s i t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the carvings. *** To be read: 55 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents (55%) mentioned design q u a l i t i e s as negative q u a l i t i e s of the carvings. **** To be read: 23 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents mentioned design q u a l i t i e s f i r s t as negative q u a l i t i e s of the carvings. - 191 -TABLE VIII POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE RESPONSES TO CARVINGS POSITIVE T o t a l F i r s t Respondents Choice N Beau Dick " B e l l a Coola P o r t r a i t Mask" 2 5 * % 2 5 N 1 1 * " Glen Rabena "Owl Man" mask 2 1 2 1 5 9 9 2 Larry Rosso "Human/Beaver Dish" 2 1 2 1 1 1 6 6 3 B i l l Kuhnley Totem pole 1 9 1 9 1 3 1 2 1 2 2 George M a t i l p i "Kwakiutl Wild Woman Mask" 1 8 1 8 1 8 8 8 5 Glen Harper "Halibut" dish 1 7 1 7 9 8 8 2 George M a t i l p i "Kwakiutl Salmon" plaque 1 4 1 4 8 1 6 1 6 5 Bond Sound "Kwakiutl Sea Monster ..." 1 2 1 2 1 0 1 4 1 4 6 Wilf Stevenson "Salmon" l e t t e r opener 6 6 4 3 3 1 Frank Hanuse Totem pole 4 4 3 5 6 5 6 4 6 None 7 7 7 1 9 1 9 1 9 no answer 1 1 1 1 1 1 T o t a l N respondents 1 6 5 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 7 0 1 0 0 * 1 0 0 1 0 0 NEGATIVE To t a l F i r s t Respondents Choice N % • N 1 8 * * * 1 8 8 * * * * To be read: 2 5 out of a t o t a l of 1 0 0 respondents ( 2 5 % ) responded p o s i t i v e l y to Beau Dick's " B e l l a Coola P o r t r a i t Mask". ** To be read: 1 1 out of a t o t a l of 1 0 0 respondents responded:positively to Dick's mask f i r s t . *** To be read: 1 8 out of a t o t a l of 1 0 0 respondents ( 1 8 % ) responded negatively to Dick's mask. * * * * T O be read: 8 out of a t o t a l of 1 0 0 respondents responded negatively to Dick's mask f i r s t . - 192 -most negative (56%). The pole was generally perceived as " t y p i c a l t o u r i s t " a r t , one of the reasons being i t s bright colours. Beau Dick's "Bella Coola P o r t r a i t Mask", however, received the most p o s i t i v e responses of a l l the carvings (25% of the viewers) in s p i t e of (or perhaps p a r t i a l l y because of) i t s bright blue and red p a i n t . The mask also received more negative responses than many of the other carvings, though (18% of the respondents). Glen Rabena's "Owl Man" mask and Larry Rosso's "Human/Beaver" dish were the second most popular carvings of the e x h i b i t (each chosen by 21% of the respondents). B i l l Kuhnley's totem pole followed in p o p u l a r i t y (chosen by 19% of the respondents). Besides Hanuse's pole and Dick's mask, the l e a s t l i k e d carvings in the e x h i b i t included the plaques by George M a t i l p i and Bond Sound (receiving negative responses from 16% and 14% of the viewers r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . The carving that received the.fewest comments was Wilf Stevenson's "Salmon" l e t t e r opener (receiving p o s i t i v e responses from 6% of the viewers and negative responses from 3%), one reason undoubtedly being that i t was a very small carving that did not stand out in r e l a t i o n to the others in the e x h i b i t . Nineteen percent of the respondents stated that they d i d not choose any carvings as p a r t i c u l a r l y unappealing; some of these respondents commented that "I wouldn't buy the masks though", "I l i k e them a l l " , "I am i n d i f f e r e n t to a l l these carvings", and "they are a l l b e a u t i f u l " . Seven percent of the respondents, on the other hand, did not choose any carvings as p a r t i c u l a r l y appealing; one person remarked that " i t i s n ' t my bag; I wouldn't buy any". F i n a l l y , one person found i t "hard to pick", adding that "my c r i t e r i a would be which are more representative of the t r a d i t i o n a l Indian a t t i t u d e s and way of l i f e " . The following i s a discussion of the responses to each carving - 193 -included in the e x h i b i t . Comments made by i n d i v i d u a l s in response to the carvings w i l l again be quoted i f they are unique or representative of other responses. As mentioned previously, Beau Dick's "Bella Coola P o r t r a i t Mask" was chosen most often as the "best l i k e d " carving (by 25% of the respondents). The p o s i t i v e comments of 13 out of 25 respondents (see Table IXa) were p r i m a r i l y concerned with q u a l i t i e s of design: " i t i s p r o f e s s i o n a l , within the s t y l e " , "I l i k e the use of colours with the carving", "I l i k e the forms of f a c i a l p a i n t i n g " , "excellence in f i n i s h and q u a l i t y " . Negative responses to design q u a l i t i e s (7 out of 18 respondents) emphasized the mask's "garish" and "harsh" colours. A f f e c t i v e l y , the mask was described as "dramatic", " l o t s of expression", "powerful", " a l i v e and energetic", and " i n t e r e s t i n g " by 10 respondents, and was negatively described as "scary", "ugly", and "don't l i k e i t " (8 respondents). The t r a d i t i o n a l / i n n o v a t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the mask were also the subject of both p o s i t i v e and negative responses. The p o s i t i v e responses by 7 viewers included " i t i s not a souvenir", " i t i s new but not j u s t copying - i t i s the expression of the a r t i s t plus t r a d i t i o n " , " i t looks l i k e an older mask, l i k e an authentic antique", " i t i s not t y p i c a l " , " i t looks Indian and was obviously created by Indians", " i t looks the most authentic in comparison to the other carvings". Seven other viewers responded negatively to t h i s aspect of the carving: " i t looks too Indian", " i t doesn't look l i k e Indian a r t , i t doesn't say anything", " i t was made f o r money; I don't l i k e the new carvings", " i t aims for a commercial audience; looks fake", and "looks too new and shines too much". Several of these comments were applied to other carvings in the e x h i b i t as w e l l , as w i l l be noted below. Other q u a l i t i e s that e l i c i t e d p o s i t i v e responses included comments - 194 -TABLE IX POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE QUALITIES OF INDIVIDUAL CARVINGS POSITIVE NEGATIVE To t a l Respondents T o t a l Respondents N N (a) Beau Dick " B e l l a Coola P o r t r a i t Mask" Design 13* T A f f e c t i v e 10 8 Tradition/Innovation 7 7 Workmanship 6 2 Materials 1 0 Miscellaneous 0 2 Subject matter/Meaning 0 1 The a r t i s t 1 0 T o t a l 38 27 N respondents 25 18 len Rabena "Owl Man" mask Design 13 2 A f f e c t i v e 11 6 Tradition/Innovation 4 4 Workmanship 6 1 Materials 1 0 Miscellaneous 1 1 Subject matter/Meaning 0 1 The a r t i s t 0 0 T o t a l 36 15 N respondents 21 9 * To be read: 13 out of a t o t a l of 25 respondents who chose Dick's mask as appealing commented p o s i t i v e l y on design q u a l i t i e s . *'* To be read: 7 out of a t o t a l of 18 respondents who chose Dick's mask as unappealing commented negatively on design q u a l i t i e s . - 195 -TABLE IX continued (c) Larry Rosso "Human/Beaver Dish" Design A f f e c t i v e Tradition/Innovation Workmanship Materials Miscellaneous Subject matter/Meaning The a r t i s t T o t a l N respondents (d) B i l l Kuhnley Totem pole Design A f f e c t i v e Tradition/Innovation Workmanship Materials Miscellaneous Subject matter/Meaning The a r t i s t POSITIVE Tot a l Respondents N 11 7 4 6 1 4 2 0 35 21 13 4 8 3 3 0 0 2 NEGATIVE To t a l Respondents N 3 4 3 1 0 0 0 0 11 6 5 5 8 2 0 0 1 0 T o t a l N respondents 33 19 21 12 - 196 -TABLE IX continued POSITIVE NEGATIVE T o t a l Respondents T o t a l Respondents N N (e) George M a t i l p i "Kwakiutl Wild Woman Mask" Design 9 3 A f f e c t i v e 8 3 Tradition/Innovation 8 5 Workmanship 5 1 Materials 0 0 Miscellaneous 1 1 Subject matter/Meaning 1 1 The a r t i s t 0 0 T o t a l 32 14 N respondents 18 8 (f) Glen Harper "Halibut" dish Design 12 2 A f f e c t i v e 3 3 Tradition/Innovation 2 5 Workmanship 2 2 Materials 4 1 Miscellaneous 3 1 Subject matter/Meaning 1 1 The a r t i s t 0 0 T o t a l 27 15 N respondents 17 8 - 197 -TABLE IX continued POSITIVE NEGATIVE To t a l Respondents To t a l Respondents N N (g) George M a t i l p i "Kwakiutl Salmon" plaque Design 7 6 A f f e c t i v e 6 3 Tradition/Innovation 3 9 Workmanship 0 7 Materials 0 2 Miscellaneous 0 1 Subject matter/Meaning 3 3 The a r t i s t 0 1 T o t a l 1 9 3 2 N respondents 14 1 6 (h) Bond Sound "Kwakiutl Sea Monster with Salmon" plaque Subject matter/Meaning The a r t i s t 8 3 Design A f f e c t i v e 2 4 Tradition/Innovation 5 11 Workmanship 4 3 Materials 4 0 Miscellaneous 1 0 0 1 0 1 T o t a l N respondents 24 12 23 14 - 198 -TABLE IX continued (i) Wilf Stevenson "Salmon" l e t t e r Design A f f e c t i v e Tradition/Innovation Workmanship Materials Miscellaneous Subject matter/Meaning The a r t i s t T o t a l N respondents (j) Frank Hanuse Totem pole Design A f f e c t i v e Tradition/Innovation Workmanship Materials Miscellaneous Subject matter/Meaning The a r t i s t POSITIVE T o t a l Respondents N opener 5 1 2 0 1 2 0 1 12 6 2 0 2 0 0 0 0 1 NEGATIVE To t a l Respondents N 0 1 3 1 0 1 0 0 6 3 24 6 40 9 2 1 2 1 T o t a l N respondents 5 4 85 56 - 199 -on the f i n e workmanship of the piece (6 respondents), the good materials used (1 respondent), and the a r t i s t ("I know the a r t i s t " ) . Other negative responses included comments on workmanship by 2 respondents ("not well done", "look machine made"), miscellaneous comments by 2 respondents ("I don't care for masks", "I wouldn't want i t " ) , and one comment on the meaning of the mask ("it doesn't say anything"). While Dick's mask was favoured by 25% of the respondents, i t also ranked second as a le a s t appealing carving in the ex h i b i t (chosen by 18% of the respondents as unappealing). The mask therefore e l i c i t e d the kinds of responses I had a n t i c i p a t e d , in that by combining q u a l i t i e s of f i n e craftsmanship and design with very bright p a i n t i n g , i t was combining appealing and les s appealing q u a l i t i e s for many viewers. The bright colours served to emphasize the newness of the piece, an undesirable q u a l i t y for those viewers seeking obviously " t r a d i t i o n a l " q u a l i t i e s in Northwest Coast Indian carvings. One of the second favoured carvings in the e x h i b i t was the "Owl Man" mask by Glen Rabena (selected by 21% of the respondents as an appealing " pi e c e ) . This carving was chosen for the ex h i b i t as a f i n e r q u a l i t y piece i n terms of workmanship and design. The p o s i t i v e comments of 13 out of 21 respondents (see Table IXb) centred on the mask's design q u a l i t i e s : " e f f e c t i v e use of colour", "uncluttered, clear d e t a i l " , and "I l i k e the f a c i a l design". The mask was a l s o described as "dramatic", "has a q u a l i t y of engagement", and " a l i v e and energetic" by the 11 respondents who commented on the mask's a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s . The p o s i t i v e comments made in response to t r a d i t i o n a l / i n n o v a t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the mask include " t r a d i t i o n a l s t y l e " , "not t y p i c a l " , "new but not j u s t copying" (4 respondents). Six respondents commented on the good - 200 -workmanship of the mask, one on the wood, and one that "I can picture i t in use". The "Owl Man" mask did not receive any negative comments directed e x c l u s i v e l y at i t , but received negative comments by 9% of the t o t a l respondents that were a l s o applied to a l l three of the masks or to other carvings in the e x h i b i t . These responses include such comments as " i t looks scary", "too p r i m i t i v e " , " i t looks fake", and "I don't care for masks in general". I n t e r e s t i n g l y , the mask was hardly commented upon in terms of a u t h e n t i c i t y (there were 4 negative comments regarding " t r a d i t i o n / i n n o v a t i o n " ) , in contrast to other carvings in the e x h i b i t . Knowledge of the f a c t that Rabena i s not a Northwest Coast Indian may have e l i c i t e d such responses, but t h i s information was not provided in the l a b e l or questions. "Human/Beaver Dish" by Larry Rosso was one of the more favoured carvings of the e x h i b i t , with 21% of the respondents choosing i t as a most appealing piece, and 6% choosing i t as a l e a s t appealing piece. P o s i t i v e comments by 11 out of 21 respondents (see Table IXc) centred on aspects of design: " i t i s simple, I l i k e the shape", " b e a u t i f u l , smooth", " i t has a nice flow". Seven respondents commented on a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s ("I have a f e e l i n g of wanting to touch i t " , " i t ' s i n t r i g u i n g " ) , and s i x commented on the f i n e workmanship ("a f i n e piece of h a n d i c r a f t " ) . The f a c t that i t i s a container appealed to 4-people as w e l l : "I l i k e containers", " i t could be u s e f u l " , "I l i k e the combination of function and the decorative aspect". Four respondents commented p o s i t i v e l y on the t r a d i t i o n a l / i n n o v a t i v e aspects of the d i s h : "within the s t y l e " , " t r a d i t i o n a l " . Two i n d i v i d u a l s made contrasting comments about the meaning of the piece: "easy to understand" and "I'd l i k e to know what i t i s about". Negative responses to "Human/Beaver Dish", such as "too p r i m i t i v e " , - 201 -"too s i m p l i s t i c " , and "not well done" were also applied to other carvings. Three respondents commented negatively on the colours used, one of them sta t i n g that " i t r e l i e s upon the t e c h n i c a l imperfections of modern paint -i t ' s gaudy". B i l l Kuhnley's totem pole received p o s i t i v e responses from 19% of the viewers, and negative responses from 12% of the viewers. Thirteen respondents commented p o s i t i v e l y on design q u a l i t i e s (see Table IXd), focusing on the colours of the paint used on the carving: "the natural colours resemble the old natural ochres and plant dyes", "matt colours", "richness of colour". Eight respondents commented p o s i t i v e l y on t r a d i t i o n a l / i n n o v a t i v e q u a l i t i e s , with some comments r e l a t i n g to the colours: " i t looks more authentic because i t looks older", " i t looks more genuine, o l d " , " i t i s further removed from white man's influence", and "the s t y l e i s n ' t as common, i t i s n ' t done by Japanese totem pole makers". Three viewers stated that the piece showed "a superb standard of carving" and admired the wood, 4 viewers commented on a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s (e.g. "there i s f e e l i n g in the carving"), and 2 stated that " i t looks l i k e the a r t i s t put a l o t i n t o i t " . Comments such as "souvenir", " d e r i v a t i v e ; t o u r i s t s t u f f " , and " i t doesn't do j u s t i c e to poles" characterize the responses of 8 out of 12 viewers who commented negatively on the t r a d i t i o n a l / i n n o v a t i v e aspects of Kuhnley's totem pole. In terms of design q u a l i t i e s , the pole was described negatively by 5 respondents as "so dark" and "I d i s l i k e the proportions and blockiness". A f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s were mentioned by 5 respondents, poor workmanship by 2, and the meaning of the carving by one viewer: " i t doesn't mean anything". The responses to t h i s carving provide another i l l u s t r a t i o n of the kinds of q u a l i t i e s that some members of the audience for Northwest Coast - 202 -Indian a r t s consider to represent a u t h e n t i c i t y : they expect genuine Indian carvings to appear o l d , somewhat roughly carved perhaps, dark, and the paints ( i f any) to be earthy and "natural" in colour. Other respondents surveyed saw these q u a l i t i e s in t h i s carving as representing " t o u r i s t y " and poor q u a l i t y work. The actual consumer pu b l i c for a carving such as Kuhnley's pole, which does not a c t u a l l y represent t r a d i t i o n a l forms, i s the t o u r i s t or the person with l i t t l e knowledge of the a r t , for whom t h i s carving f i t s a perception of Northwest Coast Indian a r t . One of two carvings by George M a t i l p i included in the exh i b i t was the "Kwakiutl Wild Woman Mask". This piece received p o s i t i v e responses from 18% of the viewers and negative responses from 8%. Po s i t i v e responses to the design q u a l i t i e s of the mask were mostly the same as those applied to the other two masks (9 out of 18 respondents;, see;.Table IXe) . A d d i t i o n a l p o s i t i v e comments included 8 responses to a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s such as "dramatic impression" and " a l i v e , energetic", 5 comments on the good workmanship, and one comment that the mask " i s i n s p i r e d " . Eight viewers commented p o s i t i v e l y on t r a d i t i o n a l / i n n o v a t i v e aspects (e.g. " p r i m i t i v e , s i m p l i s t i c " and "further removed from white man's inf l u e n c e " ) . The negative responses to M a t i l p i ' s mask were again mostly shared by the other two masks in the e x h i b i t ; in ad d i t i o n , one of the 8 viewers commented that " i t looks hollow, without expression" and another that " i t f a i l s to express Tsonoqua". The fa c t that a number of respondents chose a l l three masks together as either t h e i r favourite or least favourite carvings may have been rel a t e d to th e i r p o s i t i o n next to each other in the exh i b i t case, which perhaps emphasized q u a l i t i e s the masks had in common. A second dish included in the ex h i b i t as a contrast to Rosso's - 203 -carving and.i-.as an example of an unpainted carving was Glen Harper's "Halibut" d i s h . I t i s less of a uniquely c r a f t e d carving than Rosso's, in that i t i s produced in quantity and i s made of lower q u a l i t y wood. The "Halibut." dish received p o s i t i v e responses from 17% of the viewers, and negative responses from 8%. Most of the p o s i t i v e responses were concerned with aspects of design (12 out of 17 respondents; see Table I X f ) : "uncluttered, c l e a r d e t a i l , not flamboyant colours", "the natural colour of the substance", "nice l i n e s and shapes". Several p o s i t i v e responses to the dark, unpainted surface of the carving again r e f l e c t e d a notion that an "old" appearance makes a contemporary Northwest Coast Indian carving "more genuine". Two respondents referred to such " t r a d i t i o n a l " aspects of the piece; 2 commented on the workmanship, 4 on the a r t i s t ' s use of the wood and the q u a l i t y of the wood, and one on the halibut subject matter. The fac t that the bowl could be fun c t i o n a l was also referred to in a .positive manner by 3 respondents. Negative responses to Harper's carving consisted of comments on i t s " t o u r i s t y " nature (5 out of 8 respondents: " t o u r i s t s t u f f " , "common, you see them everywhere"), i t s poor design (2 respondents), i t s poor workmanship (2 respondents), and the poor q u a l i t y materials (1 respondent:. "I don't l i k e the cheap ugly stained wood"). The carving's lack of a f f e c t i v e appeal, poorly portrayed subject matter, and the fac t that i t i s "a fake serving dish" each received one response as w e l l . George M a t i l p i ' s "Kwakiutl Salmon" plaque, a no n - t r a d i t i o n a l item in terms of i t s design and function, received only a few more negative than p o s i t i v e responses (16% vs. 14% of the respondents). P o s i t i v e comments were concerned with aspects of design (7 out of 14 viewers; see Table IXg): - 204 -"smooth l i n e s " , "nice and c o l o u r f u l " , "I l i k e the shape, s t y l e , and colours", " s i m p l i c i t y " , and " i t shows motion i n the f i s h " . Six viewers commented on the appeal and " f e e l i n g " of the piece, 3 commented on i t s t r a d i t i o n a l / innovative q u a l i t i e s ("it looks l i k e part pf the Northwest" and " i t i s something Indian"), and 3 commented on i t s subject matter and meaning ("I l i k e the salmon design", " i t shows i t s in s i d e , i t s s o u l , and the outside"). Negative responses to the plaque included comments by 9 out of 16 respondents that the plaque i s " t o u r i s t y " , "foreign to Indian t r a d i t i o n s " , and "looks l i k e i t was made yesterday". Six respondents commented on poor design q u a l i t i e s , and 7 commented on the workmanship: " i t looks l i k e a 14 year old kid's job", " i t looks l i k e i t was cut out on a bandsaw" , "a rush job", "copied one a f t e r another". Three viewers remarked on the lack of meaning in the carving: "doesn't mean anything", " i t ' s purely decorative", and " i t i s an exact representation rather than a subtle i n t e r p r e t a t i o n " . Bond Sound's "Kwakiutl Sea Monster with Salmon" plaque was included in the e x h i b i t as an unpainted (though stained) plaque of poor design q u a l i t y , in terms of the carver's understanding and execution of Northwest Coast s t y l e . I t received s l i g h t l y more negative than p o s i t i v e comments (14% vs. 12% of the t o t a l respondents). As with the carvings by Kuhnley and Harper, most of the p o s i t i v e responses to the carving's design q u a l i t i e s (8 out of 12 viewers; see Table IXh) emphasized the dark colour of the piece, which was connected to comments on t r a d i t i o n a l / i n n o v a t i v e q u a l i t i e s (5 respondents): "looks more genuine", "looks o l d " , as well as " i t has an Indian f e e l i n g about i t ; i t i s not as commercial looking". The q u a l i t y of workmanship received p o s i t i v e comments by 4 viewers, such as "a b e a u t i f u l job" and "good use of the wood", and the wood i t s e l f was mentioned by 4 - 205 -viewers. In the miscellaneous category of responses, one viewer stated, " i t blends, i t ' s not obtrusive, i t f i t s with the decor - the others need a room of t h e i r own". Most negative comments about the plaque were remarks on i t s auth e n t i c i t y and q u a l i t y . Eleven out of 14 respondents commented on the t r a d i t i o n a l / i n n o v a t i v e aspects of the piece: " i t ' s common, you see them a l l the time, i t ' s unimaginative", " i t looks too commercial", " i t i s a stereotype of Indian a r t " , and "souvenir". Three viewers commented on poor design, and 3 others commented on the workmanship of the carving: "cut out on a bandsaw", " i t has a bad s t a i n " , " i t has a look of mass production about i t " . Four respondents commented negatively on a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s of the piece, one commented that there was "low s k i l l involved" on the part of the a r t i s t , and another remarked that the carving had no meaning and was "purely decorative". Few comments were directed toward Wilf Stevenson's small and darkly stained "Salmon" l e t t e r opener (6% p o s i t i v e respondents, 3% negative). The p o s i t i v e comments included remarks by 5 out of 6 respondents (see Table IXi) on such design q u a l i t i e s as i t s "natural colour", i t s s i m p l i c i t y , and that i t i s "not as s t y l i z e d , i t has not as much carved design" (the l a t t e r comment was made by 2 respondents who stated t h e i r d i s l i k e for Indian a r t in general). The l a t t e r respondents also commented p o s i t i v e l y on the piece because " i t i s d i f f e r e n t from t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast a r t " . The l e t t e r opener was admired by 2 other respondents because i t i s "usef u l " . The 3 respondents who commented negatively on the piece each referred to the " t o u r i s t y " nature of the piece, and that " i t i s not Indian or t r a d i t i o n a l " . One viewer stated s p e c i f i c a l l y that i t i s "the f a c t that i t i s a l e t t e r opener" that makes the piece unappealing. - 206 -F i n a l l y , the large model totem pole by Frank Hanuse was, as mentioned previously, the most frequently commented upon carving included i n the e x h i b i t . This piece received p o s i t i v e comments from only 4% of the t o t a l respondents, while 56% chose i t as a carving they p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s l i k e d . The p o s i t i v e comments of 2 out of 4 viewers (see Table IXj) referred to the d e t a i l s and colours of the pole, and 2 viewers a l s o commented that " i t i s more standard, you see them often" and " i t reminds me of what I have seen in Stanley Park". Most viewers responding negatively to the pole (40 out of 56) made comments as to the a u t h e n t i c i t y of the piece (these comments are included under the "t r a d i t i o n / i n n o v a t i o n " category of responses): "souvenir shop, made in Taiwan", "I loathe i t - i t i s a souvenir", " i t has a made yesterday look to i t " , " i t i s the stereotype of Indian a r t " , " i t i s not done in the t r a d i t i o n a l way - i t i s not authentic", " i t looks the most commercial", and " i t i s a r t i f i c i a l , for the t o u r i s t trade - i t looks fake". Many viewers a l s o responded negatively to the carving's design q u a l i t i e s (24 respondents), focusing p r i m a r i l y on the bright colours: "garish", "the colours put me o f f " , " f l a s h y " . The pole was c r i t i c i z e d for being "busy", " o v e r s i m p l i f i e d " , and "not symmetrical". The workmanship was responded to in terms of "sloppy, unproportioned ovoids", "the toes are only painted and should be carved", and "slapdash". Regarding the materials used, 2 viewers commented negatively on the use of commercial p a i n t s . In a d d i t i o n , 2 respondents stated that the pole " i s not meaningful", one said that i t looks as though the a r t i s t was an amateur, and another commented that "I'm not fond of totem poles, e s p e c i a l l y model ones". An i n t e r e s t i n g comparison can be drawn between the responses to t h i s pole and the pole by Kuhnley, in that (judged s u b j e c t i v e l y and objectively) - 207 -both were carvings of lesser q u a l i t y yet the l a t t e r , with i t s dark, subdued colours and rougher workmanship received a greater number of p o s i t i v e responses and far fewer negative responses than did the former (see Table V I I I ) . Hanuse's pole, with i t s bright colours, protruding wings, painted d e t a i l , and shiny f i n i s h was interpreted as much more obviously new and made for sale than Kuhnley's, which more e a s i l y f i t viewers' expectations of authentic Indian a r t s . The aesthetic judgements that viewers made of both p r i n t s and carvings, as discussed above, i l l u s t r a t e the various means by which a r t s generally are judged (e.g. by t h e i r a f f e c t i v e appeal or by t h e i r f u l f i l l m e n t of viewers' expectations, etc.) and how aesthetic judgements of contemporary Northwest Coast Indian arts s p e c i f i c a l l y are often contextually q u a l i f i e d . A large proportion of the responses to both p r i n t s and carvings r e f l e c t that the aesthetic judgements were made in terms of viewers' preconceptions of Indian a r t s and notions of how these a r t s are to be s u i t a b l y judged. Concepts such as " t r a d i t i o n a l " , "authentic", "contemporary", "commercial", "meaningful", and "Indian" became e s p e c i a l l y prominent in the responses and were often expressed in conjunction with comments on such aspects of design as form, colour, materials, and workmanship. The following discussion of the responses to further interview questions helps elucidate these concepts in r e l a t i o n to viewer interpretations of the context for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t s . The Context for the A r t s : Viewer Responses "Authenticity" or the degree to which contemporary native a r t s are considered to be "Indian" or " t r a d i t i o n a l " was a major concern of many respondents in t h i s survey. Viewers' responses to the p r i n t s and carvings - 208 -indicated s p e c i f i c q u a l i t i e s that were valued as authentic in Northwest Coast Indian a r t s . These included, for example, darker colours and an adherence to t r a d i t i o n a l forms and subject matter. A follow-up question, "What would you consider to be an 'authentic' piece of Northwest Coast Indian a r t ? " was asked at a l a t e r stage of the interview in an attempt to further probe the viewers' expectations of Northwest Coast Indian arts and th e i r concepts of au t h e n t i c i t y as related to the a r t s ' contemporary context. The responses to the question of au t h e n t i c i t y f e l l i n t o eight main categories depending on the focus of the d e f i n i t i o n given: the a r t i s t (63% of the respondents), c u l t u r a l / t r a d i t i o n a l q u a l i t i e s (41%), a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s (9%), meaning/subject matter (8%), workmanship/materials (4%), design q u a l i t i e s (2%) , use (2%) , and signature (2%) . Five respondents stated that they did not know, or that "authentic" i s not definable. See Table X for a summary of the response categories. The majority of respondents (63%) made reference to the a r t i s t and h i s background in t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n of authentic Northwest Coast Indian a r t . There were 38 comments that the ar t would have to be made by an Indian to be authentic: " i t i s e s s e n t i a l for i t to be Indian made - I get upset when white people get on the bandwagon", "made by an Indian - a white person couldn't capture the heritage as w e l l " , "attempts to duplicate native a r t do not succeed by non-Indians", and "made by an Indian - others might not tra n s l a t e properly". One respondent added, "I would prefer to see Indians keeping up the i r heritage rather than others". Six respondents q u a l i f i e d t h i s c r i t e r i o n further: "made by an Indian who has been studying h i s c u l t u r a l a r t " and "made by an Indian who has strong roots i n the c u l t u r e " . Sixteen respondents, on the other hand, stated that authentic Indian art would not nec e s s a r i l y have to be Indian made: " i t would have to be done by a person who knows the culture very well - Indian - 209 -TABLE X DEFINITION OF "AUTHENTIC" NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART Tot a l Respondents F i r s t Choice N % N The a r t i s t 63* 63 43** Culture/Traditions 41 41 21 A f f e c t i v e 9 9 7 Subject matter/Meaning 8 8 4 Workmanship/Materials 4 4 1 Design 2 2 2 Use 2 2 1 Signature 2 2 2 Do not know/Not definable 5 5 3 no answer 16 16 16 T o t a l 152 100 N respondents 100 100 * To be read: 63 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents (63%) referred to the a r t i s t in t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n of authentic Northwest Coast Indian a r t . ** To be read: 43 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents referred f i r s t to the a r t i s t i n t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n of authentic Northwest Coast Indian a r t . - 210 -or not", "I wouldn't be able to t e l l i f i t was made by an Indian or not", "not n e c e s s a r i l y Indian made - i f the a r t i s by somebody l i v i n g in the coast area, the ar t can s t i l l be representative of B.C.", "whether i t i s Indian made has nothing to do with i t " , and "not nec e s s a r i l y Indian made, but i t would be better i f i t was Indian made". One respondent stated that "whether i t was Indian made or not would a f f e c t my decision to buy or not". Other comments included " i t should be by a well known a r t i s t " and " i t depends who the a r t i s t i s " . Expectations that authentic Indian a r t should be obviously connected to native culture and t r a d i t i o n s a l s o featured prominently in the responses (41% of the respondents): " t r a d i t i o n a l forms and colour", "staying within the confines of the t r a d i t i o n " , "materials should be authentic, i . e . , t i e d to the old t r a d i t i o n s " , "that i t i s rooted i n t r a d i t i o n " , "done with respect for t r a d i t i o n " , "something that r e f l e c t s the t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e " . Seven viewers even s p e c i f i e d that only the old Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s authentic ("old age i s more authentic", "pre-1800 i s authentic", "I l i k e to see things used and obviously o l d " , "Indian a r t that looks l i k e an authentic antique - I don't l i k e the modern s t u f f " ) , and one person defined authentic Indian art as having a "primitive s i m p l i s t i c f e e l i n g , not touched up by today's standards". Also emphasizing the past, though perhaps in a more perceptive manner, a viewer commented that the a r t should " r e f l e c t the culture as i t a c t u a l l y was in r e a l i t y , not j u s t what we (the whites) would l i k e i t to be". The rules and conventions that govern the Northwest Coast s t y l e of design also received comments in conjunction with the notion of " t r a d i t i o n " : " i t i s a dead art being preserved, so i t would have to conform to the r u l e s " , " i t should maintain the r i g i d i t y of design that went along with the old a r t forms", and " i t would have had to be researched and express the true f e e l i n g - 211 -and s t y l e of the Northwest Coast Indians". Four respondents f e l t that there i s room for innovation in authentic Northwest Coast Indian a r t : " i t should show some conventions and some contemporary things too", "either being a close representation of t r a d i t i o n a l forms, or int e r e s t i n g innovations without trampling on t r a d i t i o n " , " i t should have a r e l a t i o n s h i p to t r a d i t i o n a l design, but adaptation i s a l s o e x c i t i n g - the contemporary are ju s t as authentic as the o l d " . S i m i l a r l y , i t was mentioned that " i t i s a contemporary expression, but i t must have some Indian aspect, otherwise j u s t c a l l i t 'Canadian' a r t " . Only one viewer s p e c i f i e d that the a r t should r e f l e c t aspects of contemporary Indian l i f e , while another stated that authentic Indian a r t cannot be "a r e p l i c a t i o n of an old thing" since r e p l i c a t i o n would not be an expression of the contemporary c u l t u r e . Fewer respondents provided other d e f i n i t i o n s of "authentic" Northwest Coast Indian a r t . Nine percent of the respondents l i s t e d a f f e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s , s t a t i n g that the personal aesthetic appeal of the object i s of primary importance. Eight percent commented that aspects of the meaning or subject matter of the a r t are s i g n i f i c a n t in determining a u t h e n t i c i t y : " i t should mean something to the creator in h i s background", " i t should have passed on meaning in i t " , " i t should have a story behind i t " , " i t should have animal symbolism"; one person commented that " i t i s authentic i f i t shows how they cope with contemporary Indian problems". Four percent of the respondents commented that authentic native a r t would show good workmanship, and 2 percent mentioned the importance of good design. That authentic Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s "something t r a d i t i o n a l l y used" was mentioned by 2 respondents, and another 2 stated that authentic art " i s signed by the a r t i s t " . The above comments, p a r t i c u l a r l y those r e l a t i n g a u t h e n t i c i t y to varying degrees of Indianness and t r a d i t i o n , emphasize two important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of - 212 -contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t discussed i n Chapter Two: i t s strong connection to a culture with roots in an ancient and admired past, and the way in which Northwest Coast Indian two-dimensional design i s based on a defined "vocabulary" of forms and conventions. In t h i s regard, some respondents emphasized that the art's connection to Northwest Coast culture i s severed i f the a r t i s t i s not Indian. Also, while some respondents stated that new d i r e c t i o n s i n the a r t may be considered authentic, the responses of most viewers seemed to suggest that the contemporary a r t must uphold the connection to native culture and expression exhibited by the t r a d i t i o n a l a r t , and r e s t r i c t evidence of modernity. The responses imply a perception of the t r a d i t i o n a l as purely authentic, and the contemporary as authentic only i f i t retains aspects of the t r a d i t i o n a l i n , for example, i t s design, use, subject matter, or meaning. This point has already been well i l l u s t r a t e d by the responses to the p r i n t s and carvings included in the e x h i b i t , e s p e c i a l l y such carvings as Kuhnley's pole, which some viewers interpreted as appearing old and therefore more authentic. As noted in Chapter Two, t h i s not only implies that the viewers have some ideas of what constitutes the " t r a d i t i o n a l " and the "authentic" to which the contemporary a r t can be compared, but that t h i s understanding helps to construct and preserve a model of Indianness to which contemporary a r t s should adhere, even though t h i s model may not a c t u a l l y be t r a d i t i o n a l . Authentic Indianness within such a model i s defined as belonging to a t r a d i t i o n a l ( i . e . , past) context and assumes q u a l i t i e s that correspond to the viewer's idea of t r a d i t i o n a l Indian c u l t u r e . In order for the contemporary a r t to be considered authentic, i t must continue to present such q u a l i t i e s . If "authentic" Indian arts symbolize a d i s t i n c t and probably vanishing t r a d i t i o n a l culture to many viewers, then i t would follow that items made - 213 -s p e c i f i c a l l y for the t o u r i s t or c o l l e c t o r ' s market have much less a u t h e n t i c i t y and symbolic appeal than items made for t r a d i t i o n a l use (that i s , i f the viewer i s aware of the commercial context for a r t production). In Chapter Two i t was suggested that the purpose for a r t production ( i . e . , whether for native use or for sale) i s a c r i t e r i o n by which the a u t h e n t i c i t y of the contemporary a r t i s judged. To explore further the viewers' notions of a u t h e n t i c i t y with regard to the commercial context for the a r t s , viewers were asked "How do you f e e l about the f a c t that most contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s made for sale to non-Indian people? Do you think i t has an e f f e c t on the a r t ? " The question was intended to e l i c i t responses that would i l l u s t r a t e how the viewers react to the market context for contemporary a r t production and how t h i s might a f f e c t t h e i r judgement of the a r t s . F i f t y two percent of the respondents f e l t that the market s i t u a t i o n does a f f e c t the a r t , either negatively or p o s i t i v e l y , while 17% of the t o t a l respondents f e l t that the market has no e f f e c t or that i t would not matter i f i t d i d , and 16% stated that the market has an e f f e c t on some a r t , but not a l l (see Table XI). Six respondents who stated that the market does have an e f f e c t on Northwest Coast Indian art f e l t that such an e f f e c t i s i n e v i t a b l e ; j u s t l i k e any other a r t i s t s , the Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s t has to make a l i v i n g at his art by s e l l i n g his work. Sixteen respondents stated that producing Indian art for sale means that the a r t i s t has to "cater to people's demands", "make the a r t more acceptable to non-Indian standards or a e s t h e t i c s " , "make the a r t saleable", and that "there i s probably an adverse e f f e c t when i t i s made for mass appeal". Several respondents used themselves as examples of what the buyers demand by pointing out t h e i r own preference for t r a d i t i o n a l designs. Nine respondents f e l t that the e f f e c t of the market i s to make the a r t "more commercial", and that " i t probably becomes a b i t more commercial than - 214 -TABLE XI EFFECT OF THE MARKET ON NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART T o t a l Respondents N % F i r s t Choice N Yes, does have an e f f e c t No e f f e c t , does not matter E f f e c t on some a r t , not a l l Do not know no answer 52* 17 16 2 13 52 17 16 2 13 52** 17 16 2 13 T o t a l N respondents 100 100 100 100 * To be read: 52 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents (52%) stated that the market has an e f f e c t on Northwest Coast Indian a r t . ** To be read: 52 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents stated f i r s t that the market has an e f f e c t on Indian a r t . - 215 -a r t i s t i c " . One viewer noted that " c e r t a i n l y the market has some e f f e c t , since probably most of the a r t wouldn't be made otherwise". Three respondents remarked that the market "degenerates the work; the Indians are t r y i n g to adapt to modern houses in most t o u r i s t a r t " , "ruins i t , takes i t away from being a r t " , and "has a long range dampening e f f e c t " . The apparent market influence prompted one respondent to express h i s concern about "how authentic any Indian a r t i s since the downfall of the c u l t u r e " . Three respondents stated that there i s a loss of meaning in the a r t created for the market: "to keep i t meaningful must be d i f f i c u l t when i t goes to people who don't understand i t " , and "some more sacred symbols are not used". One respondent said that "they won't show l i f e on the reservation because people wouldn't want to see i t or buy i t " . In contrast to most of the comments addressing the question of market influence was a comment suggesting that perhaps " i t i s not only the f a c t that i t (the art) i s made for sale" that has led to changes in the a r t , i t i s also that native c u l t u r e as a whole has changed, and t h i s in turn i s influencing current d i r e c t i o n s of native a r t . "Market influence" as referred to by most respondents thus far implies a negative e f f e c t on the a r t (even i f inevitable) , whereas 6 people interviewed f e l t that producing contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t for sale has a p o s i t i v e e f f e c t on the a r t . Respondents stated that " i t i s in a sense good because i t i s causing a r e v i v a l " , " i t i s good that they are keeping t h i s part of t h e i r c u l t u r e a l i v e " , "pride i s created", and " i t i s a means for the Indians to disseminate a d i f f e r e n t approach to the meaning of l i f e - 'Raven in the 20th Century' incorporates another culture's things in a native perspective". In another category of responses, 17% of the respondents stated that the market ei t h e r has no e f f e c t on the a r t or that any e f f e c t i t has does not - 216 -matter. Two respondents stated that "no, i t i s not crass commercialism" and "I don't think people are making Indian a r t j u s t to please the buyer". Two others commented that there i s no influence from the market since the a r t i s t s have "stuck to t r a d i t i o n a l symbolism" and are s t i l l " b a s i c a l l y using t r a d i t i o n a l designs" - but perhaps t h i s i s j u s t as much a r e s u l t of market demand and the contemporary context for the arts as i s a more obvious use of "Western" design or subject matter. Respondents who stated that market influence does not matter remarked that " i t doesn't bother me; i t i s good that they are keeping t h i s part of t h e i r culture a l i v e " , "there i s nothing wrong with i t " , and "that i s what i t should be f o r ; how else would you learn about i t ? " Sixteen percent of the viewers stated that the market has an e f f e c t on some a r t , but not a l l . Eight respondents said that market influence depends on the a r t i s t : "the market may have an e f f e c t for some a r t i s t s , beginners new to the trade, u n t i l they get established, when they can forget about the marketplace". One respondent stated that "sometimes a r t i s t s have to please the buyer, they can't always do what they want", and another said that " i t depends on the a r t i s t , whether he i s money-making or true to himself". Four respondents a l s o stated that the market influence depends on the purpose for which the a r t was created: "for some there i s a mass production for the market and they have s t r i c t l y the market in mind; the good pieces have something else besides the market aspect - personal expression". F i n a l l y , one viewer stated that the market probably has an e f f e c t to a c e r t a i n extent, but the a r t doesn't look commercial to me". In summary, the responses to t h i s question indicate that the majority of respondents were aware of the market context for contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t , and although some saw i t as a p o s i t i v e stimulus for the a r t - 217 -or even a n o n - i n f l u e n t i a l f a c t o r , most saw t h i s context as demarcating an important boundary between t r a d i t i o n a l (authentic) and contemporary (less authentic) Indian art production. The f a c t that most Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s now made for sale to non-Indian people was recognized as obvious or i n e v i t a b l e , and as one viewer stated, " i t makes those things made in the past for Indians more valuable to me; now anybody can get anything except the old things made for the Indians, which have become unavailable". Viewer responses a l s o i l l u s t r a t e an awareness of the influence of consumer demands in the marketplace, which was often seen to be stronger for t o u r i s t arts than for the f i n e arts that e x h i b i t t r a d i t i o n a l designs. Generally, however, the commercial purpose of much contemporary Indian art was considered to contribute toward a loss of a u t h e n t i c i t y or unique Indianness. Responses to e a r l i e r questions in the survey stressed the importance of the contemporary arts retai n i n g some connection to t r a d i t i o n or resembling the o l d , although only one respondent to t h i s question a c t u a l l y termed Northwest Coast a r t that i s made for sale "inauthentic". As shown previously, the knowledge that most contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t s (including a l l pieces in the exhibit) are made for sale to a non-Indian p u b l i c seemed to q u a l i f y the judgements of viewers who found a e s t h e t i c a l l y pleasing those p r i n t s and carvings which appeared less commercialized and closer to t h e i r expectations of authentic Indian a r t s . The t r a d i t i o n a l and commercial aspects of contemporary Northwest Coast arts were also mentioned in responses to the question, "Do you think that a general message i s presented through these contemporary Indian arts? If so, what do you think the message i s ? " S i x t y - s i x percent of the respondents stated that the contemporary a r t s do present a message. These messages, grouped i n t o general themes, include "native t r a d i t i o n s and i d e n t i t y " (48% of - 218 -the t o t a l respondents), "native mythology and symbolism" (11%), and " i n d i v i d u a l expression" (7%). Twenty percent of the respondents stated that the contemporary arts present l i t t l e or no message, while 14% stated that some of the a r t s do present a message, and some do not (see Table XII). Among the 48 respondents who stated that a message about native t r a d i t i o n s and i d e n t i t y i s presented through the a r t , 15 commented that the Indians are " t r y i n g to preserve t h e i r heritage", "rediscovering t h e i r own importance", "keeping Indianness a l i v e " , and "bringing back a l o s t c u l t u r e " . One viewer commented "I would hope that they are attempting to revive t h e i r heritage and taking pride in i t , not j u s t doing i t for money". Six respondents stated that the a r t i s about "a statement of t h e i r i d e n t i t y " , " t h e i r search for i d e n t i t y " , " i d e n t i t y and t r a d i t i o n s , which i s badly needed". Four others said the a r t presents "a reaffirmation of t r a d i t i o n a l values", and " i s saying something about the value of t h e i r culture and a r t " and "ancestral connections". Four viewers commented that the a r t shows the Indians' "closeness to nature" and that " i t shows the Indians to.be a very mythical race, influenced by the earthly things - earth, wind, and f i r e " . Other in t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the message include " i t i s a conscious e f f o r t at making us WASPs aware of Northwest Coast c u l t u r e " , "the Indian culture s t i l l e x i s t s " , "they can cope with a changing world", " i t i s a r e v i v a l of crest symbols for some, and a breaking away from t r a d i t i o n for others", "transforming the t r a d i t i o n to a l i v i n g one", and "synthesis of new and o l d " . One respondent stated that the a r t i s t s are "displaying a love for a dead a r t " , and 3 respondents interpreted the a r t ' s focus on native t r a d i t i o n s more negatively: "they are very oriented toward the past, which has to change - they are looking backwards rather than forwards", " i t i s more of a statement of the past than the present", and "they have nothing new to say except ' a l l we know i s our - 219 -TABLE XII MESSAGES PRESENTED THROUGH NORTHWEST COAST INDIAN ART Yes, there i s a message: Native t r a d i t i o n s , Identity Native mythology, Symbolism Individual expression L i t t l e or no message Some a r t yes, some a r t no Do not know no answer T o t a l N respondents T o t a l Respondents F i r s t Choice N % N 66* 66 55** (48) (48) (42) (11) (ID ( 9) ( 7 ) ( 7 ) ( 4 ) 20 20 17 14 14 11 5 5 5 12 12 12 117 100 100 100 * To be read: 66 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents (66%) stated that there i s a message presented through Northwest Coast Indian a r t . ** To be read: 55 out of a t o t a l of 100 respondents stated f i r s t that there i s a message presented through Northwest Coast Indian a r t . - 220 -past, don't take i t from us"'. Eleven percent of the respondents stated that a message about native mythology or the meaning of native symbols i s presented through the a r t . Their comments include "the a r t i s representative of the way they see the world, t h e i r s p i r i t s , e t c . " , "they are conveying Indian mythology to the whites", " i t presents mythology and things we don't understand", " l i k e the Eskimos, they are expressing a v i s i o n " , and " i t has symbolic meaning for the Indians that I can't understand". Seven percent of the respondents stated more generally that the a r t does present a message, but that i t i s i n d i v i d u a l rather than general: "the message would be something personal", "personal expression of t r i b a l heritage", and " i t i s i n d i v i d u a l expression i f i t i s r e a l a r t " . In contrast to the above responses, 20% of the respondents stated that l i t t l e or no message i s being put across through contemporary Indian a r t s . Seven respondents stated simply that there i s no message, while others q u a l i f i e d t h e i r statements: "there i s not much of a message", "there must be some message there, but they are not successful in putting i t across to the audience", " i t depends what people read into them", and " i t might be, but I don't know; i t i s hard to t e l l whether they are c a p i t a l i z i n g on a trend or otherwise". Four respondents commented that contemporary Northwest Coast Indian a r t i s not the kind of art that presents messages: "the p r i n t s are design oriented rather than message oriented", "the a r t i s purely decorative", and " i t i s a r t for art's sake - i t i s n ' t bent to have a p o l i t i c a l message". F i n a l l y , one respondent remarked, "the more I talk to Indians, the more I'm convinced there's nothing there". Fourteen percent of the respondents stated that while some contemporary Northwest Coast a r t does present a message, some does not: "some do, but not - 221 -many", "some more than others - most don't". Five respondents d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between "good" and "bad" or "commercial" a r t in t h e i r comments: "the good a r t has a message, the bad a r t doesn't", "the good a r t does, but l o t s of people are j u s t cashing i n " , and " i f they are doing i t j u s t for s a l e , then there i s no message". One respondent added, "a few are presenting a message, and a number are saying 'bring on the suckers'; there i s a d i f f e r e n c e between producing toys f