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From longhouse to townhouse : the evolution of on-reserve housing policy for Canadian Indians Perchal, Paul M. 1983

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FROM LONGKOUSE TO TOWNHOUSE: THE EVOLUTION OF ON-RESERVE HOUSING POLICY FOR CANADIAN INDIANS by PAUL M. PERCHAL B.A., University Of Manitoba, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Community And Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA F a l l 1983 © Paul M. Perchal, 1983 In presenting this thesis in p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Community And Regional Planning The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date: October 12, 1983 i i Abstract This thesis examines the federal government's po l i c y -process for on-reserve housing for Indian people in B r i t i s h Columbia. The federal government f i r s t intervened in Indian housing around 1945 and since then i t s role and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s have grown both in terms of c a p i t a l allocated for this purpose and the manpower required to administer the many housing programs that have evolved. I develop the position that housing per se i s not as great a need on Indian reserves as perceived by Indian and government o f f i c i a l s . , Rather, poor housing i s a symptom of the broader and generally depressed socio-economic situation in many Indian communities. Ingrained i n s t i t u t i o n a l behaviour in dealing with the perceived problem also contributes to i t s persistence. Despite the government's commitment to improving the l i v i n g conditions of Indian people the perceived problem has not been solved, and in fact has grown worse over the years. Indeed i t has contributed to the emergence of new and unexpected problems. In view of the seeming ineffectiveness of the government's p o l i c i e s and programs, a central focus in this study is past and present perceptions of the so c a l l e d "housing" problem. I show that the evolution of the government's policy-making conforms to hypothetical approaches or models discussed in the l i t e r a t u r e on p o l i c y - a n a l y s i s . Specific objectives of my study include: 1) to examine the h i s t o r i c a l evolution of the government's policy-making;" 2) to analyze government conceptions of the problem; 3) to discuss the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l implications of policy formulation and implementation; and 4) to discuss an alternative approach to current policy-making. To achieve these objectives I f i r s t derived a framework of three p o l i t i c a l - a n a l y t i c approaches - for examining on-reserve housing: i) the c l a s s i c a l ; i i ) the reformist; and i i i ) the c r i t i c a l . The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h i s framework were based on a review of l i t e r a t u r e pertaining to decision-making theory and the theory of community change. Information on h i s t o r i c a l events and major decisions was obtained through government and Indian documents, and interviews with government o f f i c i a l s in DIAND and CMHC at the national, regional, and d i s t r i c t l e v e l and Indian o f f i c i a l s at the regional, t r i b a l and band l e v e l . A l l of the interviewing except for national government o f f i c i a l s was undertaken in B r i t i s h Columbia. I interviewed national government o f f i c i a l s in Ottawa. The purpose of my interviews was to obtain additional information to q u a l i f y my findings about government conceptions of the problem derived in my h i s t o r i c a l analysis. My analysis indicates that the government's policy-making in the area of on-reserve housing has had c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a l l three hypothetical approaches, but elements of a reformist approach predominate, including: i) a technical d e f i n i t i o n of the problem; i i ) the perception that poor housing causes poor health; i i i ) emphasis on task goals in policy-making; and iv) a "top-down" planning strategy. The results of government policy-making in the area of on-i v reserve housing include: i) acculturation or assimilation of Indian values and b e l i e f s and the emergence of a set of welfare values; i i ) increasing individualism and competition among Indian people; i i i ) undemocratic planning processes resulting in pathologies of domination; and iv) contradictions on various leve l s between the planning actions of DIAND and the actions of Indian people. These results provide strong j u s t i f i c a t i o n for major changes to government policy-making. The evolution of policy-making more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a c r i t i c a l approach i s recommended and discussed. V Table of Contents Abstract i i L i s t of Tables v i i L i s t of Figures v i i i Acknowledgements ix Chapter I INTRODUCTION 1 1. Scope And Objectives 3 2. Background Of The Perceived Problem 4 3. Empirical Uncertainty 8 4. Administrative D i f f i c u l t i e s 12 5. The P o l i t i c s Of Economic Restraint 17 6. The Art Of Reframing : Some Assumptions 19 Chapter II METHODS 22 A. POLITICAL-ANALYTIC APPROACHES TO ON-RESERVE HOUSING ...22 1. The C l a s s i c a l Approach 26 2. The Reformist Approach 30 3. The C r i t i c a l Approach 34 Chapter III THE HISTORY OF ON-RESERVE HOUSING . 43 A. EARLY HOUSING ASSISTANCE (1954-67) 43 1. Problem Formulation 43 2. Policy 45 3. Planning Procedure 46 4. Conceptualization Of The Community 49 5. Social And P o l i t i c a l Results 50 B. THE COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT PHASE (1967-1982) 55 1. Problem Formulation 55 2. Policy 58 3. Planning Procedure 61 4. Conceptualization Of The Community 70 5. Social And P o l i t i c a l Results 72 C. CONCLUSIONS 79 Chapter IV DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS 80 A. THE CRITICAL APPROACH: STRUCTURED SOCIAL POLICY ANALYSIS 87 1. Systems Model Of The Indian Community 88 2. "Self-help" Housing 100 3. Planning As Communicative Action 103 B. THE CRITICAL APPROACH: A METHOD OF PLANNING 107 v i 1. Comprehensive Community Based Planning 108 2. Developmental Approach Toward Band Funding ..110 BIBLIOGRAPHY n 5 APPENDIX A - CHRONOLOGY OF ON-RESERVE HOUSING EVENTS 124 V I 1 L i s t of Tables Three P o l i t c a l - A n a l y t i c Approaches v i i i L i s t of F i g u r e s 1. S o c i a l Theory. Model f o r N a t i v e Communities (Weaver and Cunningham, 1982, p.10) 96 ix Acknowledgement I would l i k e to take the opportunity to thank Dr. W. Rees for his valuable guidance and patience as my f i r s t reader. I would also l i k e to thank Professor C. Weaver and Professor P. Boothroyd for their advice and inspiration at various points while I was writing my thesis. F i n a l l y I would l i k e to acknowledge Dr. B. Beck from the Department of Anthropology and Mr. J. Mooney and Mr. A. Cunningham from Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development for the knowledge they imparted to me as well as for their moral support. 1 I. INTRODUCTION This thesis examines the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l context of housing policy for native people l i v i n g on-reserve in B r i t i s h Columbia. A central focus is past and present government perceptions of the on-reserve "housing" problem. In the words of o f f i c i a l s in the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development (DIAND) the problem, on a nationwide basis, is defined in the following way: A comprehensive housing survey was undertaken and completed in 1977. The findings of th i s Housing Needs Analysis, December 31, 1977, confirmed that there existed a s i g n i f i c a n t and growing housing problem on reserves. This survey found that some 26 per cent of on reserve families obtained shelter either by doubling or t r i p l i n g up with other families or l i v i n g in a f u l l y dilapidated unit, a unit well beyond repair. In addition, there are a s i g n i f i c a n t number of families (another 25 per cent) l i v i n g in units which need to be repaired i f they are to meet minimum health and safety standards. The present on reserve housing backlog i s estimated to be 13,226 new units. In addition, there are some 11,700 ex i s t i n g units in need of major repairs. This shortage of adequate housing causes severe hardships. Funds presently available from a l l sources for on reserve housing and certain anomalies in the program's structure do not allow for a reduction in the backlog. (DIAND, 1980, Pp.9-11) The inadequacy of on-reserve housing is often perceived to be related to health. A report prepared by the Medical Services Branch in the B.C. Region of National Health and Welfare (NH&W) states: The health of a community i s unquestionably associated with housing conditions. Where these are faulty, the health of the people suffers. Where good housing 2 exists w i l l be found the healthiest, happiest, wealthiest and most progressive people. When one reviews the Indian morbidity rates contained in the 1978 annual report of P a c i f i c Region, Medical Services Branch, and then looks at the housing conditions, one can only wonder i f there i s not a dire c t relationship between the two. Whether we can actually say that these r e l a t i v e l y high morbidity rates amongst Indian people are the result of the housing in which they l i v e , is debateable. However, i t can be said that the housing conditions revealed in the surveys carried out to date by Medical Services Branch are c e r t a i n l y a major contributing factor to the rates. (NH&W, 1978, Pp.1-6) DIAND also maintains that the unusually high rate of f i r e s and f i r e deaths on-reserve are d i r e c t l y related to the lower quality of housing, use of substandard heating systems, crowded l i v i n g conditions and the scarcity of f i r e protection services (DIAND, 1980, p.33). I develop the position that "housing" per se is not a problem on Indian reserves, but more a symptom of a much larger and more complex problem. This problem i s that Indians continue to exist in a dysfunctional s o c i a l system without legitimate work roles, defined s o c i a l relations and an appropriate set of self-guiding i n s t i t u t i o n s . Housing can not resolve these over-riding s o c i e t a l problems. From this perspective inadequate housing i s more the result than the cause of the wider malaise. On the other hand, the type of housing and the way i t i s being delivered on Indian reserves may actually contribute to the already existing c o n f l i c t experienced by some Indians between t r a d i t i o n a l and welfare values, b e l i e f s and i n s t i t u t i o n s . The c o n f l i c t manifests i t s e l f in an impoverished and disposessed culture, where in some cases, the people have lost 3 the desire, w i l l and interest in providing and maintaining shelter for themselves. This does not imply that the Indian people lack the a b i l i t y to provide and maintain shelter. U n t i l t h i s c o n f l i c t i s resolved however "housing" w i l l have l i t t l e or no effect on the development of Indians and Indian communities. In fact housing policy may contribute to the so c i a l underdevelopment of the community, because i t f a i l s to address the root problem. 1. Scope And Objectives In view of the uncertainties and d i f f i c u l t i e s associated with solutions to the "housing" problem, t h i s thesis w i l l evaluate the appropriateness of the government's policy-making in dealing with housing on Indian reserves and the so c i a l and p o l i t i c a l results a r i s i n g from these e f f o r t s . My research concentrates primarily on a synthesis and analysis of problem statements and recommendations advanced by government o f f i c i a l s involved with bn-reserve housing at the d i s t r i c t , regional and national o f f i c e s of DIAND and CMHC. This information i s supplemented by researching current studies and documents prepared by DIAND, National Indian Brotherhood (NIB) and the Union of B r i t i s h Columbia^ Indian Chiefs (UBCIC) and my own personal observations based on v i s i t s to Indian reserves in the Vancouver D i s t r i c t of DIAND. The objectives of my research are as follows: 1) To examine the h i s t o r i c a l evolution of the government's policy-making to the perceived "housing"" problem. 4 2) To analyze government conceptions of the problem. 3) To discuss the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l results of this policy-mak ing. 4) To discuss an alternative approach to the perceived problem. 2. Background Of The Perceived Problem The Federal Government is responsible for the health and welfare of Canadian Indians under the B r i t i s h North America Act and as set out in the Indian Act. In meeting t h i s r e p o n s i b i l i t y the provision of assistance to Indians for obtaining adequate housing has evolved into one of the regular services administered by DIAND. Indeed, the Federal Government through various departments has been involved with housing on Indian reserves since approximately 1945. The federal government f i r s t intervened in Indian housing for s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l reasons. Housing was perceived to be the most dire c t way of improving the deplorable l i v i n g conditions on Indian reserves. These conditions had reached c r i s i s proportions by the end of World War I I . The market system f a i l e d to a l l e v i a t e the situation because lending agencies were reluctant to use reserve land, held in trust by the government, as c o l l a t e r a l for house construction. Social and p o l i t i c a l pressures made i t imperative that the government intervene for the welfare of the Indian people. The s o c i a l pressures probably came, from the same groups that were responsible for early housing reform movements in the " c i t y " , i . e . the s o c i a l reformers who viewed inadequate housing as the 5 source of many of the diseases and s o c i a l disorders which were of high incidence among underprivileged groups (Friedmann and Weaver, 1979; Heskin, 1980). The p o l i t i c a l pressures probably came from the Indian people and a concerned public, both of which f e l t the federal government was not l i v i n g up to i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to the Indian people. Government intervention in on-reserve housing has also performed an economic function, but i t has remained secondary to i t s s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l function. After World War II quantity shelter was given p r i o r i t y over quality housing for Indians. In 1962, the concept of subsidized housing was introduced. It aimed at providing Indian families with a minimum standard house. In 1965, the Federal Government announced a new policy that Indian communities should have housing of a size and quality comparable to other Canadian c i t i z e n s . In 1970 , the concept of community based planning was introduced by which physical plans would be made of a l l Indian reserves and Indians would be expected to undertake the planning of their communities. In 1977, a comprehensive housing program was undertaken which proposed the u t i l i z a t i o n of federal programs from DIAND, Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC), and the Department of Manpower and Immigration (M&I), Department of Regional Economic Expansion (DREE), and NH&W. The most recent housing survey of Canadian Indian reserves was completed in 1979. Despite previous government e f f o r t s as described t h i s survey confirmed government and Indian perceptions of a s i g n i f i c a n t "housing" problem on Indian reserves. In B r i t i s h Columbia the survey found that some 43 per .6 cent of on reserve families obtained shelter either by doubling or t r i p l i n g up with other families and that 36 per cent of the existing units were in need of major repairs or replacement (DIAND, 1979). The housing needs analysis also indicated that there would be a growing demand for houses on-reserve in the 1980's. It considered rates of net family formation which could be expected over the next f i f t e e n years based, not only on the lat e s t estimates of on reserve population l e v e l s , but also on the high Indian b i r t h rates of the mid-1960's. Due to the recent increase in family formations following the Indian "baby boom" of the late 1950's and early 1960's there i s an increasing need for new housing on-reserves. Additionally, the r i s i n g expectations of the standard of housing, increasing awareness of available funding programs and the recent trend of Indian people moving back onto the reserve would contribute to the growing demand for houses. In a recent discussion paper DIAND indicated that funds presently available from a l l sources for on-reserve housing and certain shortcomings in the program's structure and delivery prevented a reduction in the existing shortage of houses (DIAND, 1980). For example the i n f l e x i b i l i t y of the exis t i n g subsidy arrangement was sited as one shortcoming. Bands and individuals are expected to f i l l the gap between a subsidy from DIAND and the actual cost of the house through one or a combination of the following: i) loan funds from (CMHC); i i ) labour subsidies from Canada Employment and Immigration Commission (CEIC); and i i i ) 7 Indian money and e f f o r t . Those bands best able to f i l l the gap tend to be those with the best capacity to deliver programs in general and consist of band members in the higher income bracket. Therefore, the program has tended to miss the actual group of Indian people in most need of f i n a n c i a l assistance. The problem of f i l l i n g the gap between demand and supply was related to a number of factors in this discussion paper. The f i r s t was that the use of CMHC loans was considerably lower than anticipated because of a lack of understanding of how they work and the fear amongst band members that the use of a mi n i s t e r i a l guarantee would decrease band c a p i t a l or revenue. The uptake of loans varies from region to region. For example, B.C. has a considerably higher uptake of loans than other regions largely because the need for such forms of funding is so great and departmental o f f i c i a l s have informed and encouraged Indian bands to u t i l i z e CMHC sources (Interviews, 1980 -81) . A second factor discussed was the re l a t i v e ineffectiveness of CEIC funding. Funding cycles generally did not correspond to either the housing construction period on-reserves or the timing of resource a l l o c a t i o n by DIAND. F i n a l l y , a number of c r i t i c a l aspects of the program's The delivery mechanism includes two major functions: i) communications and training and i i ) technical assistance. DIAND considers that some Indians lack the necessary managerial or technical s k i l l s to implement their own housing programs. The communication and training function i s expected to eventually remedy t h i s . U n t i l such a c t i v i t i e s are completed there w i l l be a heavy demand for either dir e c t DIAND program delivery or strong delivery support for the bands from the department. This is where the technical assistance function comes i n . 8 delivery mechanism 1 which did not operate as intended were covered in DIAND's paper. Among these were that the program was not properly communicated to the Indian population and tr a i n i n g programs did not make the headway planned. As well, operational funds and departmental s t a f f required for adequate technical assistance and to support operations and maintenance a c t i v i t i e s were not made available in s u f f i c i e n t depth. 3. Empirical Uncertainty A number of uncertainties beset the policy maker and planner regarding causation given a co r r e l a t i o n between housing and other variables. If a pa r t i c u l a r factor (e.g. inadequate housing) is shown to be associated with a pathology (e.g. disease or an abnormal type of s o c i a l behaviour) the following causal relationships are possible: i) Inadequate housing leads to t h i s pathology; i i ) The pathology leads to inadequate housing; i i i ) Inadequate housing and the pathology under examination may both be caused by a t h i r d determinant; iv) Inadequate housing and the pathology have separate causes; they are not related; and v) Inadequate housing, the pathology and other factors .are i n t e r r e l a t e d . Another area of uncertainty a r i s e s when an association i s found between a pathology and many factors. In this case even i f the d i r e c t i o n of causality i s assumed to be one in which "factor causes pathology", various factors may be of equal importance or a hierarchy of importance may exist. 9 A great deal of the housing l i t e r a t u r e documents the apparent relationships 1 between housing and health (Lander, 1954; Wilner, Walkley, Pinkerton and Tayback, 1962; Schorr, 1964; Freedman, 1975; Buchanan, 1979). As recent as 1979 housing studies attempt to demonstrate that a s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p exists between housing quality and quantity and health, yet none of them have been able to prove either the dir e c t i o n and/or magnitude of causation in th i s relationship. Some recent studies, however, challenge t h i s view of the housing/health relationship by suggesting health i s interrelated to many factors and should be viewed in a very broad series of relationships rather than a single cause and effect relationship with housing. Stanislav reviews empirical evidence from many d i s c i p l i n e s to determine what i s known about the ef f e c t s of various physical parameters of housing and of the r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood on behaviour and on mental and physical health (Stanislav, 1974). Among his conclusions the following is noteworthy: 3. The li n k between parameters of housing and indices of physical health has not been well supported by the reviewed evidence, at least not in any direct sense. To be sure, certain relationships involving simple causal mechanisms -- presence of rodents and prob a b i l i t y of rodent bi t e s , presence of lead paint in old buildings and pr o b a b i l i t y of lead poisoning in young children -- do ex i s t , or are highly p l a u s i b l e . But the relationship between housing and chronic conditions and d i s a b i l i t y i s not at present supported 1 Refers to the viewpoint that by deductive reasoning, a strong rela t i o n s h i p between housing and health can be established. For example, crowding and the incidence of tuberculosis. 10 by any firm evidence, and i t would seem that any association which may be established w i l l be shown to operate v i a s o c i a l variables.(Stanislav, 1974, p.1l) This implies poor health and poor housing are both the result of depressed s o c i a l circumstances and not necessarily d i r e c t l y related to each other. From an anthropological perspective, Perin analyzes the s o c i a l meanings of various Amercian concepts associated with "housing" (Perin, 1977). These include homeownership, sprawl, mortgages, housing styles, forms of tenure, the l i f e cycle, status and l o c a l control over zoning. She feels these meanings ar i s e from American conceptions of t r a n s i t i o n , c i t i z e n s h i p , honor, marginality, success and self-esteem. She suggests these c u l t u r a l conceptions customarily are addressed i n d i r e c t l y by individuals in deciding about a place to l i v e . This is in terms of decisions r e l a t i n g to density l e v e l s , housing types, price l e v e l s , subdivision layouts and neighbourhood and community character. Perin's research deals with the b e l i e f s and values of urban, middle-class, white Americans. She does not examine the c u l t u r a l conceptions of an impoverished and isolated group of Americans, such as the Indian people. By examining the conceptions of white and middle-class Americans, however, she feels remedies for reducing discrimination and making new departures for improving both a v a i l a b i l i t y and quality of l i v i n g environments w i l l be possible. This implies that the b e l i e f s and values of urban, middle-cla s s , Caucasians, toward housing, are accepted as the norm in 11 North America and often assumed to be applicable to a l l groups in society regardless of socio-economic and c u l t u r a l background. Burns and Grebo (1977) contend that a more balanced view is required between the state of knowledge about the soc i a l costs attributed to poor housing and the use of this knowledge. They review the observed associations between housing d e f i c i e n c i e s and individual and group morbidities in an attempt to determine whether housing subsidies are j u s t i f i e d . They conclude: It seems that the doctrinaire positions that have so long characterized scholarly work and i t s use are giving way to more concilatory views. Economists and soc i o l o g i s t s recognize that the absence of rigorous proof of undesirable consequences of poor housing does not mean no such consequences e x i s t . At the same time, reformers and policymakers have come to r e a l i z e that the case for government assistance to low-income housing does not rest exclusively or even importantly on firm evidence of massive disorders caused by substandard housing. The emergence of a more balanced view means, among other things, greater consideration in public policy to alternatives to housing projects, such as income maintenance programs, more intensive job training to improve the earning potentials of the poor, special educational e f f o r t s for children of low-income people, or expanded s o c i a l services for the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of "problem fa m i l i e s " . (Burns and Grebler, 1977, Pp.136-This implies that housing per se is not necessarily a s i g n i f i c a n t contributing factor to poor health and that more direct measures for helping underprivileged groups in society are warranted. In . the case of Indian people I would also include community planning and development to the l i s t of alternatives sited in the above quotation as Indian bands tend 1 2 to have the p o l i t i c a l and so c i a l structures already in place to carry out many of the functions of a community or l o c a l i t y . 4. Administrative D i f f i c u l t i e s From a planning perspective the d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered in deliv e r i n g houses on-reserve are similar to those in delivering housing to any low-income special needs group in society, with the exception that Indian people are organized into bands with their own community structure and control, and the geographical distance of some of these bands from the rest of society. Past "housing" solutions for low-income special needs groups have t y p i c a l l y encountered similar d i f f i c u l t i e s (U.N., 1977; City of Vancouver, 1981). F i r s t , funds available for low-income housing assistance have at no time come close to matching the magnitude of need. Due to the sectoral and disaggregated nature of band funding i t is usually a case of too l i t t l e funding too l a t e . Small bands in p a r t i c u l a r find i t d i f f i c u l t to remedy their housing shortages given the present funding mechanism. This is because band funding i s undertaken on a per capita basis and i t has many separate categories for accountability (e.g. housing, education). Therefore a pa r t i c u l a r band's budget in any given year, which i s based on the number of members in the band, must be spread around to many categories of accountability (Ponting and Gibbons, 1980; DIAND, 1982; Harcourt, 1982). Second, given the costs of construction on Indian reserves i t i s d i f f i c u l t to provide suitable housing that r e f l e c t s s p e c i f i c s o c i o - c u l t u r a l needs with the DIAND subsidy and CMHC 1 3 loans. The fact that non-government lenders, such as chartered banks, are reluctant to make loans on Indian reserves makes d i f f i c u l t i e s with funding more c r i t i c a l than they would normally be off reserve. Third, given a desire to meet housing needs and the funds to effect that desire, the question of who should implement the program and manage and maintain the projects s t i l l remains. In B r i t i s h Columbia more and more Indian bands are assuming these r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , but many s t i l l lack the knowledge and s k i l l s to do so. F i n a l l y , given the r e l a t i v e l y short l i f e span of houses constructed on reserve (15 years in comparison to 35 years off reserve) and the lack of real opportunities for socio-economic development i t i s l i k e l y that that a housing problem w i l l always exist as long as Indian people remain an underprivileged group in society. Two cases of past housing solutions i l l u s t r a t e how t r a d i t i o n a l e f f o r t s have f a i l e d . Consider f i r s t the housing reform e f f o r t s in the United States. In the American experience the c i t y became the focus for s o c i a l reform when m i l l i o n s of people migrated to the c i t y and slums emerged (Burns and Grebler, 1977; Heskin,l980) . The reformer saw the slums in two dif f e r e n t ways, but each led to the same solution. One view asserted slum conditions were caused by ignorant people who could not be held responsible for their actions (Burns and Grebler,1977; Heskin,l980; Jacobs and Stevenson,1981). The re s p o n s i b i l i t y therefore f e l l to the rest of society. The logic of t h i s view was more convincing when coupled with the 1 4 perception that slums were the cause of disease, public disorder and reduced land values. The opposing view was environmentally deterministic. Instead of being the effect of i t s unfortunate occupants the slum was viewed as the cause of such moral i l l s (Burns and Grebler, 1977, p.72). The tenement was one of the outcomes of the e a r l i e s t reform e f f o r t s . Another outcome was the Tenement House Act of 1867 which prescribed minimum standards for water supply, sanitation and repair (Burns and Grebler, 1977, p.73). Theodore Roosevelt as governor of New York state worked for the passage of another major tenement house law in 1901 which came to be regarded as the nation's f i r s t modern housing code (Burns and Grebler, 1977, p.73) . The f i r s t U.S. national e f f o r t to foster low-rent housing and slum clearance was made when the Public Works Administration began granting low-interest long-term loans to limited dividend corporations (Burns and Grebler, 1977, p.73). This operation was abandoned in 1937 because of i t s ineffectiveness. It was replaced by the public housing program which has existed to the present. Under th i s program federal subsidies are made available to l o c a l housing authorities which construct, own and operate low-rent projects and contribute a modest part to the t o t a l cost. A great many of these projects f a i l e d . As a result serious questions have been raised about the U.S. government's intervention in slum clearance (Heskin,1980). Foremost of these i s why the slums continue to exist despite government assistance 1 5 (Jacobs and Stevenson,1981). It appears solutions to the problem created yet other problems such as abuses of the program and lack of maintenance of the housing projects. As well the underlying debate of slum clearance has never been resolved, i.e. whether low-income housing projects r e a l l y improve the l i v e s of the people affected by them or merely s h i f t the same old problems of these people to a d i f f e r e n t location. F i n a l l y , the upgrading or replacement of dwellings to meet higher standards entailed increasing project costs . In the absence of increased subsidies or technological breakthroughs the costs were paid by the consumer. Thus the gap between rent for an adequate house and an individual's income, one of the o r i g i n a l reasons for providing subsidized housing, was continually widened. This raises the question whether similar problems have been encountered by the Canadian government in attempting to provide adequate housing to low-income groups (e.g. Indian people). The second example concerns the squatter settlements of developing countries. Although d i f f e r e n t from the f i r s t context i t also contains some valuable insights about "housing" solutions. ';, A substantial and growing part of the urban population in developing countries l i v e in squatter settlements (Mangin,1967; Dawes,1982; Wong,1982). In these countries m i l l i o n s of families from the impoverished countryside and the c i t y slums have invaded the outskirts of major c i t i e s and set up enormous shantytowns. These settlements usually consist of minimal shelter without public services or infrastructure. 1 6 Reformers are appalled by the high incidence of underemployment, poverty, lack of medical treatment and sewage f a c i l i t i e s , and the low l e v e l of education in these settlements. E f f o r t s to clear away squatter settlements have f a i l e d They have continued to remain part of the urban landscape, resurfacing in d i f f e r e n t locations and augmented by new a r r i v a l s (Mangin, 1967; Schon, 1980). It i s beyond the means of many of these countries to provide enough low-cost housing to meet the needs of a l l the s e t t l e r s . Where housing projects are possible they are l i k e l y to f a i l because the s o c i a l and economic costs of re-location are too great for the squatters. From a d i f f e r e n t viewpoint the squatters f e e l they have a right to the land because many of them were forced to relocate for economic reasons. Their settlements represent s i t e s of s o c i a l learning (Turner, 1976). The squatters demonstrate i n i t i a t i v e and independence by constructing their own dwellings. The settlements are systems in which, with minimal investment of c a p i t a l , the poor engage in s e l f - h e l p and solve their own "housing" problem. The squatter settlements also provide important s o c i a l relationships and supports to the people inhabiting them and especially to recent a r r i v a l s to a settlement. As this counter-view has gained popularity some public agencies in these countries have launched programs of "aided s e l f - h e l p " . These programs provid access to materials, c a p i t a l and technical assistance. Later on, "si t e s and services" programs were i n i t i a t e d in which municipalities made available 1 7 chunks of land, divided into individual parcels, graded and prepared for the construction of the houses. Popko's analysis of these e f f o r t s in Columbia reveals that the "s i t e s and services" program did not produce the results planners had expected (Schon, 1980). He found s e t t l e r s -often use the projects as sources of income rather than for housing. They also by-passed si t e s and services projects altogether and went instead to unserviced private barrios, new squatter settlements which had sprung up at the edge of town, because of the s o c i a l support networks which already exist in the barrios (Schon, 1980). Popko suggests that housing planners ought to learn from these findings and rethink their target groups, their strategies for s i t e - s e l e c t i o n and lay-out and other c r i t e r i a for construction loans and s i t e selection (Schon, 1980). This example indicates how planners often do not perceive the actual e f f e c t s of their actions. In similar fashion the results of the Canadian government's involvement in on-reserve housing may be an indication of something that government o f f i c i a l s do not perceive. 5. The P o l i t i c s Of Economic Restraint There are a number of reasons why t h i s study i s of p r a c t i c a l importance and th e o r e t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . F i r s t i s to help reframe government and Indian decision-makers' conception of the on-reserve housing s i t u a t i o n . DIAND suffers to some extent the same dilemma of a l l service organizations. Services 18 often arise in response to perceived problems, but sometimes perceptions may be defined in part by the instrumental and communicative processes of the organization i t s e l f (Habermas,1975; Forester,1980). I w i l l demonstrate there has been a tendency for members of DIAND to perform a technical role in r e l a t i o n to on-reserve housing, i . e . produce results or "ends", rather than combine a technical and s o c i a l role, i . e . the promotion of so c i a l and p o l i t i c a l relations amongst c i t i z e n s through the policy-making process. Two inter r e l a t e d issues help perpetuate the solely technical role of service organizations. F i r s t , a l l s o c i a l theories pointing to causes of change are generally weak, narrow and untestable. One might expect that the nature of change and the ways of af f e c t i n g i t are c l e a r l y understood since change i s such a pervasive aspect of human existence. This, however, i s not the case despite the currency of various "myths" amongst decision-makers and i n s t i t u t i o n s seeking to understand change (Holling,1978; Thompson,1981). Second, i s that service organizations can seldom set aside resources necessary for preventative action. The following quotation explains why: It cannot be otherwise; the service ethic responding to immediate c r i s i s i s paramount: the sick cannot be turned away; the battered c h i l d cannot be neglected. Facing more demand, the organization streamlines procedures and converts a l l resources available to the service, endlessly seeking an equilibrium of supply and demand. Equilibrium seldom ( i f ever) comes. Prevention of necessity, takes a secondary role in i n s t i t u t i o n a l ethics. (Robinson & Sismondo, 1977, p.44) 19 The service organization ends up performing primarily an instrumental role with the c l i e n t relying on the agency to make technical judgements. Since 1977 many government programs have been abandoned in the face of i n f l a t i o n , r i s i n g unemployment and a tightening economy. Although the On-Reserve Housing Program has not been subject to such economic restraint to date (DIAND, 1982; DIAND, 1981; DIAND, 1980; DIAND, 1979), one can r e a l i s t i c a l l y assume that i t is only a matter of time before cutbacks in t h i s program also occur. The p r a c t i c a l importance of helping to reframe the conception of the problem i s that i t may lead to a more e f f i c i e n t a l l o c a t i o n of scarce resources. Innovative approaches are needed which enable Indian people to become independent and self-suf f ic ient. This study also i l l u s t r a t e s an approach to problem d e f i n i t i o n and resolution in one area of Indian policy-making that can be applied in other areas of Indian a f f a i r s . F i n a l l y t h i s thesis presents an alternative approach to policy-making which i s appropriate for addressing the special housing needs of Indian people l i v i n g on-reserve. 6. The Art Of Reframing : Some Assumptions The primary assumption of t h i s thesis i s that inherent in government e f f o r t s to a s s i s t Indians in obtaining houses i s a commitment to planned change. Planned change is an aspect of the more general phenomenon of s o c i a l change. Contemporary 20 theories of change emphasize that there are many sources of s o c i a l change. There is no general agreement as to one underlying or a l l encompassing theory of s o c i a l change (Manheim,1950; Bennis, 1969). The second assumption i s that while there are many dif f e r e n t and opposing theories of so c i a l change some are more appropriate than others for describing and analyzing change e f f o r t s . In the context of on-reserve housing I f e e l a theory which stresses the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between a range of socio-economic and c u l t u r a l factors and the well-being of individuals is the most appropriate. The t h i r d assumption is that conceptions of the present planning strategy for e f f e c t i n g change through "housing" e n t a i l the cooperation of a number of federal government departments and their various levels of administration and Indian organizations and individual Indian bands. This implies e f f o r t s at reframing conceptions w i l l require a r a d i c a l change of perspective in more than one actor and this i s often extremely d i f f i c u l t to achieve in the short-term. My f i n a l assumption is that the situation in B.C. is representative of the decision-making processes associated with on-reserve housing elsewhere. While differences in the administrative and operating procedures between regions and d i s t r i c t s make i t risky to extrapolate my results to the entire bureaucracy, the actual rules, regulations and budgetary cycles used in the Vancouver D i s t r i c t O f f i c e and the B.C. Regional Office are similar to those used throughout the entire 21 bureaucracy. Along with these assumptions are certain l i m i t a t i o n s r e l a t i n g to the breadth and depth of my research. Due to time and f i n a n c i a l constraints I was forced to compromise between these two aspects of research design. My information was obtained in the following ways: i) interviews of government and Indian o f f i c i a l s ; i i ) close examination of the administration and operations of the Vancouver D i s t r i c t Office in DIAND's B.C. Region; i i ) v i s i t s to Indian reserves in the Vancouver D i s t r i c t ; and i i i ) analysis of government documents and f i l e s within the B.C. Regional Headquarters of DIAND. 22 II. METHODS Inherent in the government's approach toward on-reserve housing i s : 1) the assumption that planned change in human a f f a i r s is both possible and desireable and 2) a commitment to community development 1 (DIAND, 1980, Pp.13-15). Planned change is an aspect of the more general phenomenon of s o c i a l change (Perlman and Gurin, 1972, p.47). Three levels of s o c i a l structure are concentrated on in most of the s o c i a l change l i t e r a t u r e : i) the organization; i i ) the community; and i i i ) society. Since on-reserve housing represents an e f f o r t at organizational and community change the organizational and community levels serve our purposes best for understanding government e f f o r t s in dealing with this perceived problem. A. POLITICAL-ANALYTIC APPROACHES TO ON-RESERVE HOUSING My h i s t o r i c a l examination i s based on reports, papers and memoranda pertaining to Indian housing p o l i c i e s and programs from 1960 to the present. I also analyzed government Annual Reports 1 Warren (1969) suggests the the whole idea of development in th i s term implies a process of purposive change. It is an attempt through concerted decision-making to influence change in the dire c t i o n of whatever goals may be involved. It e n t a i l s a planning process in which appropriate individuals and organizations come together to make decisions. It i s not only a question of planning to enhance so c i a l and economic well-being, but also a question of how planning takes place. 23 2 between '1940-60 and reports prepared by the (NIB) and the (UBCIC). In these documents I was looking for major h i s t o r i c a l events which r e f l e c t the assumptions, b e l i e f s and values associated with on-reserve housing p o l i c i e s and programs in the hope of reconstructing the meaning of these events (Collingwood,1946; Leff, 1969). I interpret the evolution of these events in the context of a framework of p o l i t i c a l - a n a l y t i c approaches to on-reserve housing (Collingwood,1946; Leff,1969). There are at least three major hypothetical approaches by which the evolution of policy-making can be viewed. Referring to Table 1 these include; i) the c l a s s i c a l ; i i ) the reformist; and i i i ) the c r i t i c a l . Indian housing has been the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of three separate federal departments. From 1940-50, 1950-67 and 1967 to the present i t was the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of Mines and Resources, Cit i z e n s h i p and Immigration and Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development respectively. 24 Table 1 - Three P o l i t c a l - A n a l y t i c Approaches Approach C l a s s i c a l Reformist C r i t i c a l Character-i s t i c s Problem • No problem * • Defined as the need • Defined as p o l i t i c a l d e f i n i t i o n for "X" number of inequity i n existin g ' Random causality houses s o c i a l and economic * Housing/health • One-way causality system relationship • Housing/health • Mutual causality perceived as relationship * Perceives housing and individual perceived as health i n context of re s p o n s i b i l i t y government responsi- their relationship b i l i t y to other socio-economic factors Social • No s o c i a l policy • Homogeneous policy • Heterogeneous policy Policy * Task-oriented goals treating individual allowing for f u l -• E f f i c i e n c y stressed needs the same fill m e n t of individual • E x p l i c i t , task- needs oriented goals • Process-oriented • E f f i c i e n c y and goals equity stressed • Equity, equality and eff i c i e n c y stressed Planning • No planning • Centralized planning • Decentralized planning Procedure procedure procedure ("Top-Down") procedure ("Bottom-* Individual plans * Undertaken by Up") and designs "experts" with some • Undertaken by members • Operations research c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the community along theory • Rational - empirical - with experts and normative re- • Radical theory educative theories Concept of • No view of people • People described by * People viewed as Community as a c o l l e c t i v e or demographic charac- resource of ideas and mass phenomenon t e r i s t i c s source of information • U t i l i t a r i a n aspects • U t i l i t a r i a n aspects • Appreciative and • Community as space * Community as people u t i l i t a r i a n aspects • Community as a s o c i a l system and power structure Social and * Functional i n t e - * Perpetration of • Elimination of P o l i t i c a l gration of poverty poverty Results communities • Distorted communi- • Improved communica-• Individualism cations tive processes • Assimilation • Welfare values • Economic s e l f -• Competition • Oppression sufficiency and • Modernization • Dependence p o l i t i c a l - Paternalism independence • Bigness • Cooperative and • Pluralism organized community • Modernization with structures recognition of • P a r t i c i p a t i o n c u l t u r a l attributes • Preservation of t r a d i t i o n a l culture • Appropriate technology Each approach e n t a i l s d i f f e r i n g values, b e l i e f s and assumptions about policy-making and are not representative of 25 the government's actual approach to on-reserve housing at any pa r t i c u l a r time. They are rather meant to be used as a basis for comparison and i l l u s t r a t i n g how policy formulation and implementation i n the area of on-reserve housing has evolved over time. Although a central focus in my thesis i s an analysis of the formulation stage of the policy-making process for on-reserve housing, i . e . problem d e f i n i t i o n , goal setting, conception of society and the patterns of communication within an organization and between organizations, I also consider to a lesser degree the implementation stage, i . e . the method of planning for achieving housing goals. I chose the following c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s for distinguishing between the three approaches: i) problem formulation; i i ) p o l i c y goals; i i i ) planning procedure; iv) conceptualization of the community; and v) s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e s u l t s . They are derived from other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s discussed i n the l i t e r a t u r e (Maruyama,1974; R i t t e l and Webber,1973; Von Gijch,l974; Rothman,1979; Jacobs and Stevenson,1981; Boothroyd,1982; Forester, 1980; Habermas,1975). I also used these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s for distinguishing between actual periods of p o l i c y formulation and implementation i n the history of on-reserve housing. Implicit in my analysis are my own personal c r i t e r i a as to what an "optimal" policy-making process e n t a i l s . These c r i t e r i a are based on common-sense and ideas current in the decision-making l i t e r a t u r e (Lindblom, 1959; Deutch, 1963; E t z i o n i , 1967; Olson, 1971; Friedmann, 1973; Ostrom, 1973; Haefele, 1973; 26 O'Connor, 1973; Habermas, 1973; Holling, 1978; Doern and Aucoin, 1979; Schon, 1980). They include: 1) Accountability : As i t relates to public administration accountability may be defined as the extent to which decision-makers are held responsible for t h e i r actions before voters and public servants are held reponsible for their actions before elected o f f i c i a l s . 2) Effectiveness : There i s no agreed upon d e f i n i t i o n for this term but for the purposes of t h i s analysis effectiveness i s taken to mean the extent to which goals and objectives of stated p o l i c i e s and programs are met. 3) Input/Output E f f i c i e n c y : There i s also no agreed upon d e f i n i t i o n for this term, but e f f i c i e n c y is generally said to increase with a reduction in the amount of e f f o r t , expense or waste required to produce a desired e f f e c t . 4) C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n : C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n refers to individuals taking an active role in planning, implementation, evaluation, and reformulation of policy issues concerning them. 5) Quality and "Representativeness" of Information As i t relates to public- policy-making qu a l i t y and "representativeness" of information refers to the degree that information used in decision-making i s representative- of various interests and values, and comprehensible and available to those groups affected by a decision. 6) Equity : As i t relates to public policy-making equity may be defined as the fairness in the d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods and services, rights and p r i v i l e g e s in socio-economic a f f a i r s . 1• The C l a s s i c a l Approach C l a s s i c a l economic theories (Smith, 1976; M i l l , 1965; Kenyes, 1971) support this way of viewing society. C l a s s i c a l economics i s based on the b e l i e f that the competitive market place, l e f t on i t s own, can order society the most e f f i c i e n t l y 27 (Smith, 1976). This is because " s e l f - i n t e r e s t " as a motive for an individual's actions is believed to be at the centre of a l l human a c t i v i t y (Smith, 1976). High e f f i c i e n c y i s seen as a condition in which a specified task can be performed with low inputs of resources. Government e f f o r t s are devoted to improving e f f i c i e n c y through research and innovation, thereby e n t a i l i n g a process of modernization. Under t h i s approach a "housing" problem i s defined in economic terms 1 and the goal i s to solve i t with the least amount of resource inputs. As the provision of housing i s seen to be the private r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the individual household, when government assistance i s provided i t i s viewed as temporary while the household re-organizes i t s f i n a n c i a l a f f a i r s for another assault on the market (City of Vancouver, 1980, p.2). It assumes that the poor have i t within their power to correct whatever conditions led them into poverty (City of Vancouver, 1980, p.2). Causality i s not an issue under th i s approach. Each event is viewed as independent and with i t s own p r o b a b i l i t y . The relationship between housing and health i s therefore of no concern. Health is perceived as e n t i r e l y an individual matter and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for good health as lying completely with the individual (Jacobs and Stevenson, 1981, p.108). Concerned more with the a l l o c a t i o n of scarce construction resources for the various competing uses and productivity. Resources would be devoted to housing only to the extent that they were necessary for the success of other investment a c t i v i t e s . 28 There is no e x p l i c i t search for policy goals in t h i s approach. This is because the organization of society i s based on an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c structure in which decision-making i s competitive. There is very l i t t l e consideration of the consequences or side-effects of a p a r t i c u l a r action. There i s also no s o c i a l policy since the sole purpose of planning i s to ensure that enough economic a c t i v i t y is ca r r i e d out to prevent a slump in the economy or unemployment, or to assure that the quality of l i f e keeps pace with the sheer quantity of production (Heilbroner, 1967, p.285). The planning procedure in t h i s approach i s based on the bel i e f that there is very l i t t l e need for government intervention. This i s because the free market system is assumed to act as a very e f f i c i e n t regulator of society. Every individual makes his own plan or i s the ar c h i t e c t designing his own "building". If public planning is required i t is viewed as a process of designing problem-solutions that might be i n s t a l l e d and operated cheaply. This notion has been the guiding concept of c i v i l engineering, the s c i e n t i f i c management movement and much of contemporary operations research ( R i t t e l and Webber, 197 3, p.157). In the c l a s s i c a l approach the community does not exist as a mass or c o l l e c t i v e phenomenon. Every individual is seen as self-centred and seeking to maximize his/her own happiness (Smith, 1976; M i l l , 1969; Bentham, 1970). Bentham states: 4. The interest of the community is one of the most general expressions that can occur in the phraseology of morals: no wonder that the meaning of i t i s often 29 l o s t . When i t has a meaning, i t i s t h i s . The community i s a f i c t i t i o u s body, composed of the individual persons who are considered as constituting as i t were i t s members. The interest of the community then i s , what? - the sum of the interests of the several members who compose i t . (Bentham, 1970, p.12) In the community change l i t e r a t u r e the p r i n c i p l e of u t i l i t y was adopted in the ecological approach to the' community, which views the community as an aggregation of people competing for space and scarce resources where each individual tends to add to the sum t o t a l of his/her own pleasures (Warren, 1977, p.203). This approach suggests that the shape of the community as well as i t s a c t i v i t i e s are characterized by d i f f e r e n t i a l use of space and by various processes according to which one type of people and/or type of s o c i a l function succeeds another in the ebb and flow of structural changes in a competitive situation (Warren, 1977, p.208). People are bound together not by sentiment but by u t i l i t a r i a n considerations, competing in matters of common desire (e.g. happiness) but scarce resources and at the same time inhabiting the same space through mutual interdependence created by a d i v i s i o n of labour (Bentham, 1970; Tonnies,1957; Warren,1977 ) . The c l a s s i c a l approach e n t a i l s the functional integration of Indian communities with larger society through the economic system and the i n s t i t u t i o n s of representative democracy (Boothroyd, 1982, p.1). It implies individualism, assimilation, competition and modernization (Boothroyd, 1982, p.2). 30 2. The Reformist Approach This approach defines a "housing" problem in technical terms by i d e n t i f y i n g three i n t e r r e l a t e d factors which must be confronted in formulating housing p o l i c i e s : i) housing adequacy; i i ) limited resources; and i i i ) population growth. Based on these factors forecasts of future housing needs are made and a target is set in regard to the number of new houses that have to be b u i l t and the number of existing houses requiring rennovation. The reformist approach implies no mutual caus a l i t y . Causality i s therefore perceived in terms of one-way relationships between variables. Results of actions are traced to the conditions producing them and problems are categorized. For example, the relationship between housing and health i s recognized and housing is labeled as the independent variable. Jacobs and Stevenson note: The reformist approach holds that housing does aff e c t health. Yet by seeing these two variables in a h i s t o r i c form and isola'ted from other s o c i a l and economic dynamics , i t too remains dominated by the c l a s s i c a l model of medicine and f a i l s to appreciate the interrelationships and dynamics of more fundamental causes of s o c i a l and economic phenomena. (Jacobs and Stevenson, 1981, p.108). There is a .strong b e l i e f that health can be improved by improving housing, without changing the basic s o c i a l or economic relations of society (Jacobs and Stevenson, 1981, p.108). Where poverty is believed to be an unfortunate predicament of individuals, s o c i a l programs such as housing focus on changing 31 people so they can function more e f f e c t i v e l y in society. Providing individuals with improved s o c i a l services i s deemed to be the solution to helping them compete more e f f e c t i v e l y in society (U.N., 1977, p.72). Once having obtained c e r t a i n basic needs they can presumably cast aside their poverty and achieve a higher q u a l i t y of l i f e (U.N., 1977, p.72). While these arrangements may in some circumstances lead to more prosperous communities, they do not challenge the basic power structure in a society (U.N., 1977, p.72). Social goals are e x p l i c i t l y stated in this approach. They provide the basis for understanding and evaluating the aims of s o c i a l p o l i c i e s . The search for e x p l i c i t goals was i n i t i a t e d at the beginning of the 1960's. R i t t e l and Webber note: Systems analysis, goals commissions, PPBS, soc i a l indicators, the several revolts, the poverty program, model c i t i e s , the current concerns with environmental quality and the q u a l i t i e s of urban l i f e , the search for new r e l i g i o n s among the comtemporary youth, and the increasing attractiveness of the planning idea — a l l seem to be driven by a common quest. Each in i t s p a r t i c u l a r way i s asking for a c l a r i f i c a t i o n of purposes, for a r e d e f i n i t i o n of problems, for a re-ordering of p r i o r i t i e s to match stated purposes, for the design of new kinds of goal-directed actions, for a reorientation of the professions to the outputs of professional a c t i v i t i e s rather than to the inputs into them, and then for a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the outputs of governmental programs among the competing publics. ( R i t t e l and Webber, 1973, p.156). Goals are also task-oriented and aimed at the completion of a concrete task (e.g. the construction of "n" houses) or the solution of a delimited problem pertaining to the functioning of a community s o c i a l system. Social policy is homogeneous as the organization of society 32 is based on a h i e r a r c h i c a l structure in which decision-making i s ca r r i e d out by elected representatives. As well the socio-economic environments wherein public-policy i s formulated are si m i l a r . This i s because of innovations in the sciences of economic management and i n d u s t r i a l innovation on the one hand, and the technologies of production and s o c i a l organization on the other hand (Aucoin,1979; I l i c h , l 9 7 3 ) . Ideally goals should be derived from the hopes, attitudes and aspirations of those who now, or in the future, w i l l be affected by decisions. To ide n t i f y these individual or group interests requires c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . As this is d i f f i c u l t in a h i e r a r c h i c a l structure s o c i a l policy tends to remain homogeneous. The planning procedure is based on a s o c i a l planning process undertaken solely by "experts" or professionals in a centralized bureaucracy. (Armitage, 1975; Warf, 1979; Rothman, 1979; Friedmann,1980). The dilemma facing the "experts" is to choose the most rational course of action without loss of l i b e r t y or equity (Deutch, 1963; Olson, 1965).. A growing s e n s i t i v i t y to the repercussions and value consequences of planning actions has generated a need for "experts", following this approach, to re-examine the latent values in p o l i c i e s and programs and endeavour to accomodate public p a r t i c i p a t i o n . (Ostrom, 1973; Lindblom, 1979; Braybrooke and Lindblom, 1963). Public p a r t i c i p a t i o n , however, continues to be constrained by the size and complexity of the bureaucratic process (Pross, 1975; Friedmann, 1973). It places heavy demands on the time and resources of individuals and groups that wish to have their 33 interests accounted for in planning actions. In the reformist approach the community is viewed as a mass or c o l l e c t i v e phenomenon, lacking expertise and limited in scope. It is conceptualized in terms of the demographic ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s of i t s people. The census provides data on the composition of the population broken down by age, sex, income, occupation, eduaction, race and ethnic ide n t i t y , etc. Other surveys of the population provide information about b i r t h , death, marriage, divorce, i l l n e s s , d i s a b i l i t y , delinquency and cr ime. These are very useful to the planner in a number of ways. F i r s t by looking for clusters of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and their geographic d i s t r i b u t i o n i t is possible to ide n t i f y various s o c i a l levels (e.g. community, d i s t r i c t , region or nation) and use these analyses to plan patterns of services appropriate to the several types of soc i a l areas i d e n t i f i e d (Cox, 1980, p.227). Second many sets of demographic data are available in time series revealing trends and developments. In using various forms of projection, plans may be created for developing services to meet anticipated needs in growing or declining areas, areas of increasing health problems, or whatever (Cox, 1980, p.227). The reformist approach e n t a i l s individuals becoming an extension of the bureaucracy that plans and regulates their 1 For example, the point may come when Indian bands are t o t a l l y responsible for administering their own programs according to the rules and regulations set down by DIAND. 34 l i v e s . 1 One outcome of this approach i s the Welfare State. The Welfare State is the response of a modern middle-class that is both entrenched in i t s own values and b e l i e f s and at the same time threatened by opposing values and b e l i e f s (Gouldner, 1970, p. 161). On the one hand the middle-class has a strong influence on society's norms and standards. On the other hand i t i s threatened by growing internal c r i s e s of legitimation placed on i t by the demands of dissident s o c i a l strata such as the r a c i a l l y subjugated (e.g. Indians), women, students and welfare dependents (0'Connor,1973; Habermas,1975). This approach p o t e n t i a l l y induces oppression, dependence, paternalism, bigness, pluralism, and modernization with the recognition of certain c u l t u r a l a t t r i b u t e s of groups in society (Boothroyd, 1982, p.2). 3. The C r i t i c a l Approach The c r i t i c a l approach i s less mechanical and s u p e r f i c i a l . It i s concerned with the int e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the underlying factors of so c a l l e d problems and inherent contradictions within the existing socio-economic structures between private and public interests (Levi-Strauss,1963; Habermas,1975; Forester,1980; Schon, 1980; Heskin,l980; Friedmann,1981). Schon notes: Vickers has opened up a more promising approach to p r a c t i c a l r a t i o n a l i t y with his notion of d i a l e c t i c inquiry, a notion closely linked to the idea of stance toward inquiry. He has pointed out that in the Instrumentalist view of p r a c t i c a l inquiry as technical problem-solving, the inquirer is seen as a spectator/manipulator. In the name of disinterested o b j e c t i v i t y , the spectator/manipulator places himself 35 outside the problem he seeks to solve. From t h i s distant position, and in accordance with his objectives, he t r i e s to analyze and control the s i t u a t i o n . Vickers has observed, however, that we are always _in_ the situation about which we inquire, whether or not we take cognizance of that f a c t . Constructing the r e a l i t y of our situations, acting from our constructions, changing the s i t u a t i o n through our actions, transformed by our apprehensions of the changes we have wrought, we are "agents/experient". (Schon, 1980, p.3). The notion of the inquirer as a agent/experient provides a basis for understanding the side-effects and e x t e r n a l i t i e s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of' planning. In situations that are confused, puzzling, i r r i t a t i n g and troubling problem-setting should precede problem-solving (Schon, 1980, p.4). This approach perceives problems as mutual relationships between more than two variables in which many things may cause one another and causal processes can generate and maintain patterns or may be mutually exclusive. For example, i t views housing, health and their inter-connexions within the context of a dynamic socio-economic system where the resolution of contradictions i s the source of s o c i e t a l change. Habermas asserts that the term contradiction has two d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of meaning: We can speak of the "fundamental contradiction" of a s o c i a l formation when, and only when, i t s organizational p r i n c i p l e necessitates that individuals and groups repeatedly confront one another with claims and intentions that are, in the long run, incompatible. In class s o c i e t i e s this i s the case. As long as the incompatibility of claims and intentions is not recognized by the participants, the c o n f l i c t remains latent. Such f o r c e f u l l y integrated action systems are, of course, in need of an ide o l o g i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n to conceal the asymetrical d i s t r i b u t i o n of chances for the legitimate 36 s a t i s f a c t i o n of needs (that i s , repression of needs). Communication between participants i s then systematically distorted or blocked. Under conditions of forceful integration, the contradiction cannot be i d e n t i f i e d as a contradiction between the declared intentions of h o s t i l e parties and be s e t t l e d in strategic action. Instead, i t assumes the ideological form of a contradiction between the intentions that subjects believe themselves to be carrying out and t h e i r , as we say, unconscious motives or fundamental interests. As soon as incompatibility ' becomes conscious, c o n f l i c t becomes manifest, and i r r e c o n c i l a b l e interests are recognized as antagonistic interests. (Habermas, 1975, p.27) Poverty is explained as a product of s o c i a l and economic systems ., that remain intact precisely because of the powerlessness of the poor and the dominance of wealthy power-holders and an affluent middle-class. Only as the poor acquire p o l i t i c a l power can they negotiate as peers with their wealthier counterparts and themselves change community p o l i c i e s and conditions (Habermas,1975; Forester,1980; Schon,1980; Heskin,l980; Friedmann, 1981). Social goals in the c r i t i c a l approach are more process-oriented 1 than in the previous two approaches. They are more concerned with a generalized or gross capacity of the community system to function over time. Social policy i s heterogeneous as the desired organization of society i s based on a non-1 Rothman (1979) suggests that this type of goal i s more oriented to system maintenance and capacity, with aims such as establishing cooperative working relationships among groups in the community, creating self-maintaining community problem-solving structures, improving the power base of the community, stimulating wide interest and p a r t i c i p a t i o n in community a f f a i r s , fostering collaborative* attitudes and practices and increasing indigenous leadership. 37 h i e r a r c h i c a l and i n t e r a c t i o n i s t structure in which p o l i t i c a l solutions are achieved through community consultation. Decision-making i s decentralized and aims at eliminating the hardships of every i n d i v i d u a l . The planning procedure of t h i s approach i s based on the premise that plans can be generated by members of a community and pooled together. Radical 1 planning strategies support this view. The insights of some radica l theorists (Habermas,1975; Forester,1980; Heskin,l980; Friedmann,1981) are relevant for Indian a f f a i r s since i t i s u n r e a l i s t i c to assume DIAND's role w i l l dissappear overnight, or that equality and equity can be achieved through a re-evaluation of policy goals without changes in the p o l i t i c a l process. For example, Habermas's communications theory treats s o c i a l and political-economic structures as operative communication structures. The c r i t i c a l aspect of the theory i s centred in the analysis of systematically but unnecessarily distorted communications which shape the l i v e s of c i t i z e n s in advanced i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s . Forester notes: The spinal element of Habermas' communications theory l i e s in this contradiction between the disabling communicative power of bureaucratic or c a p i t a l i s t i c , undemocratic i n s t i t u t i o n s on the one hand, and the A number of decision-making theorists d i s s a t i s f i e d with the e l i t i s t , c e n t r a l i z i n g and change resistant tendencies of modern planning approaches propose more r a d i c a l planning strategies. They are r a d i c a l in that they demand s i g n i f i c a n t changes to the present socio-economic structures. They also imply the application of power in some form, p o l i t i c a l or otherwise, to overcome change resistant tendencies. 38 c o l l e c t i v e enabling power of democratic p o l i t i c a l c r i t i c i s m , mutual understanding, and self-determined consensus on the other. By understanding a detailed analysis of the requirements of the ordinary mutual understanding which makes any shared p o l i t i c a l c r i t i c i s m or technical analysis possible, Habermas establishes a c r i t i c a l reference point, the p o s s i b i l i t y of p o l i t i c a l l y unobstructed discussion and common sense (technically, i n t e r s u b j e c t i v i t y ) , to which he can then contrast the d i s t o r t i n g communicative influences of concrete productive relations and the structure and p o l i c i e s of the state. It i s c r u c i a l to note, here, that some di s t o r t i o n s of communication (e.g., imperfect information) are inevitable, necessarily present in the structure of any political-economy; t h i s i s true of face to face communication as well. Nevertheless, many di s t o r t i o n s are not inevitable; they are a r t i f i c i a l , and thus the i l l u s i o n s they promote may be overcome. (Forester, 1980, p.276) Habermas demonstrates that the political-economic structure i s distorted in advanced i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s and suggests how existing s o c i a l and political-economic relations actually operate as di s t o r t e d communications. He does so by i d e n t i f y i n g three lev e l s of distorted communication which can occur between planning organizations and the planned for: i) face to face (e.g. ambiguity, confusion, deceit, misinformation, e t c . ) ; i i ) organizational (e.g. public exclusion by jargon, hiding of motives, unresponsiveness, withheld information, e t c . ) ; and i i i ) political-economic ( e.g. mystification, complexity, misrepresentation of the public good, po l i c y options withheld or misrepresented, e t c . ) . His three levels are based on norms of pragmatic communication (Habermas,1979). Once the norms are broken they have special importance to planning for two reasons. F i r s t , since planners have l i t t l e or no p o l i t i c a l power the effectiveness of their communication becomes very important. 39 Second, planners must face the e f f e c t s of class-based communicative actions of others. Habermas' argument suggests communication d i s t o r t i o n s are increasingly l i k e l y i f planners become more removed from a democratic planning process which f a c i l i t a t e s the c r i t i c i s m of problem d e f i n i t i o n s and the construction of new design and po l i c y proposals. He and others (Mannheim,1966; Forester,1980; Schon,1980; Heskin,l980; Friedmann,1981) suggest ways of preventing or correcting such d i s t o r t i o n s by addressing basic obstacles to open democratic p o l i t i c a l processes, thereby strengthening and and/or a l t e r i n g the s o c i a l relations entailed in these processes. Schon, for example, proposes a planning approach based on d i a l e c t i c a l processes. His concept of a d i a l e c t i c has the following features. F i r s t , they are processes by which the sit u a t i o n changes as a result of what you do. The hypothesis for action as well as the situation change in such a way as to cause a reframing of the problem. Second, the action and change should be looked at as a dialogue. Schon assumes there are thinking agents on the other end of an action who construct their own meanings of the actions. On the basis of the meaning that they construct, they behave in response to the action. F i n a l l y , going back to the Marxian sense of d i a l e c t i c , there are contradictions, c o n f l i c t s and dilemmas which surface through action (Schon,1980). 40 He c a l l s t h i s approach "conversational" 1 planning and stresses the following conditions: 1) It would be necessary to remember the sequence of events which make up the story of conversation. 2) It would be necessary to recognize that the meaning of the s i t u a t i o n , and the actions taken in i t , may vary greatly from one party to another. 3) In the context of such a search for understanding, planners would need to be aware that the planned for may be in some respects quite di f f e r e n t from and some repects quite similar to, themselves. 4) Planners would need to be attentive to changes in the context which might f a l s i f y assumptions previously v a l i d . 5) Planners would need to c u l t i v a t e a habit of attending to the ways in which their own values and purposes may c o n f l i c t with one another -- a nose for dilemmas. (Schon, 1980, Pp.10-11). Although Schon doesn't explain how conversational planning i s to be realized in the existing s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l system one assumes that he does not envision a revolutionary process. He sees the evolution of the l e v e l of awareness of planners and the planned for to the point where they are both ready to engage in a conversation and change is mutually agreed upon. In the c r i t i c a l approach the community i s conceptualized as a resource of ideas and. a source of information. ..Members of the community a r t i c u l a t e their own view. This i s essential for 1 Schon, Habermas and Friedmann contend planners may engage in a dialogue or conversation with their,planning situations in two d i f f e r e n t senses. On the one hand the planner's moves and the responses of the planned for may be seen metaphorically, as a conversation. On the other hand planners and the planned for might l i t e r a l l y talk with one another concerning the meanings they have formed for their own and the other's moves. 41 determining the relevance of the i n d i v i d u a l ' i n the community. Tonnies has been credited with id e n t i f y i n g t h i s more appreciative aspect of community l i f e . He distinguished between two concepts: i) Gemeinschaft and i i ) Gesellschaft (Tonnies,1957). Gemeinschaft has to do with sentiment in s o c i a l relationships, emphasizing common t i e s and feelings and a sense of moral interdependence and mutual obligation. By contrast, Gesellschaft has to do with the more u t i l i t a r i a n , r a t i o n a l types of relationships. The idea of l o c a l communities as e s s e n t i a l l y Gemeinschaft-l i k e in character has carried over into subsequent conceptions of the community. Two of these are p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant to an understanding of Indian communities from a c r i t i c a l perspective: i) the community as a s o c i a l system and i i ) the community as a d i s t r i b u t i o n of power. A widely held viewpoint of the community i s that i t i s an extremely open s o c i a l system, constantly receiving inputs from i t s environment, the larger society, and in turn contributing outputs to the larger society (Cox,1972; Warren,1977; Beer,1981; Weaver and Cunningham,1981). An analysis of communities as soc i a l systems serves two primary functions. F i r s t , i t permits a comparison of communities with other soc i a l systems to arrive at what i s unique about the community in contrast to other s o c i a l systems (Cox, 1972, p.227). Second, i t allows the systematic analysis of the community using concepts that have been developed and applied to other s o c i a l systems (Cox, 1972, p.228). There are a number of such concepts 42 which are useful for this purpose. F i r s t , s o c i a l systems analysis forces one to identify the boundaries of a community, geographically or conceptually, and ask how they are maintained and changed (Cox, 1972, p.228). Second, a l l systems have v e r t i c a l and horizontal interactions, that i s , relations among various subunits and between subunits within (e.g. stores, schools and families) and units outside (e.g. government, interest groups and corporations) the system (Beer,1974; Warren,1977; Weaver and Cunningham,1981). Through s o c i a l systems analysis one can examine the nature and function of such interactions. F i n a l l y , there are a number of models that have been proposed for analyzing the structure and functions of so c i a l systems at the community l e v e l (Beer,1974; Warren,1977; Weaver and Cunningham,1981). The concept of the community as a d i s t r i b u t i o n of power deals with the fact that certain individuals in the community exercise much more influence on what goes on than do others (Stanbury,1975; Warren,1977). Its development as a researchable concept has led to a much better understanding of community structure and the dynamics of community action. The c r i t i c a l approach advocates the economic s e l f -s ufficiency and p o l i t i c a l independence of individuals from the Welfare State. It implies cooperation, p a r t i c i p a t i o n , preservation of t r a d i t i o n a l culture and a form of technology that i s both s o c i a l l y and environmentally appropriate ( I l i c h , 1973; Habermas, 1975; Friedmann,1981; Boothroyd, 1982). 43 I I I . THE HISTORY OF ON-RESERVE HOUSING A chronology of the h i s t o r i c a l events associated with Indian housing p o l i c i e s and programs is presented in Appendix A. It i s possible to distinguish between between two d i s t i n c t h i s t o r i c a l periods in the evolution of these p o l i c i e s and programs. These include: i) early housing assistance (1954-67) and i i ) the community development phase (1967-82). Although government intervention in Indian housing commenced prior to 1954, actual documentation of i t does not appear in government records u n t i l that year. Based on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s discussed in the previous chapter (see Table 1) i t i s possible to analyze these events keeping in mind these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . A. EARLY HOUSING ASSISTANCE (1954-67) This period is characterized by: i) a technical d e f i n i t i o n of the housing problem based on the perception that poor housing causes i l l - h e a l t h ; i i ) a homogeneous housing policy without e x p l i c i t goals; i i i ) lack of a defined planning procedure; and iv) a conceptualization of the community as people described by their demographic characteristics- . 1. Problem Formulation In t h i s period problem formulation i s reformist in character. The housing problem is defined in technical terms as the following statement i l l u s t r a t e s : The second intensive housing survey to determine the 44 t o t a l housing problem confronting the Branch in a l l Indian communities was carried out during the year. It revealed that about 23.7 per cent of Indian families are l i v i n g in below-standard houses. P r i n c i p a l l y because of the rapid rate of family formation and changes in housing needs due to changing economic conditions, the demand for houses continues to increase and i t is becoming more d i f f i c u l t to reduce the backlog. The situ a t i o n was p a r t i c u l a r l y severe t h i s year as unfavourable economic conditions tended to discourage movement away from the reserve, while a number of families found i t necessary to return. (Dept. of Citizenship and Immigration, 1961, p.56) It represents technical problem-solving in the sense that the government focused on the in t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between housing need, available resources and population growth. Emphasis was placed on quantity shelter rather than the quality of houses being constructed in th i s period (DIAND, 1971, p.1). The housing units were an uninsulated dwelling with conventional roof, walls and windows. Measuring approximately 16'X 20' they seldom consisted of more than two rooms (DIAND, 1971, p.1). The average cost of these buildings was $2,357 (DIAND, 1971, p.1). By 1961 the backlog of need had not been decreased and in some areas overcrowding in these small dwellings contributed to new perceptions of the problem, i . e . the perception of a housing-health relationship. The 1957-58 Annual Report states: In the f i e l d of construction the Department placed increased emphasis on house building and repairs, believing improved housing contributes not only to the physical needs of the Indians, but also to their morale and economic conditions. (Dept. of Citiz e n s h i p and Immigration, 1958, p.47) Although no direct reference is made to health at t h i s time, i t is clear that housing i s perceived as a contributing factor to 45 many "Indian" conditions . This view was l i k e l y influenced by the pre v a i l i n g housing l i t e r a t u r e (Lander,1954; Wilner, Walkley, Pinkerton and Tayback,1962; Schorr,1963) which was seeking empirical evidence of the causal relationship between housing and health. It was also influenced by the development of the planning profession i t s e l f and i t s early focus on the physical development of the c i t y and the rel a t i o n s h i p between housing and health (Heskin,1980; Jacobs and Stevenson,1981). 2. Policy The f i r s t statement'of government, po l i c y on Indian housing i s found in the 1953-54 Annual Report: Departmental policy i s that the housing requirements of the sick and aged are given f i r s t consideration. Assistance also is given to the able-bodied Indians who, because of large families or inadequate incomes, are unable to assume the entire cost of building or improving their homes. In these cases the Indians contribute in accordance with th e i r a b i l i t y , either by providing materials or labour or both. (Dept. of Citiz e n s h i p and Immigration, 1954, p.50) Policy in th i s period i s reformist in character. It i s homogeneous in nature with no d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between the needs of Indian groups in d i f f e r e n t parts of the country. At th i s time policy-making in general was more concerned with e f f i c i e n c y than with equity ( R i t t e l and Webber,1973; Doern and Aucoin,1979). Policy goals are reformist in character as they are e x p l i c i t and task-oriented. Their primary aim i s to provide assistance to Indians in obtaining adequate housing. They are intended to solve only a delimited problem and imply that Indian 46 people should assume some of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for completing th i s task. The 1956-57 Annual Report states: Wherever possible Indian bands are encouraged to meet the housing needs of the reserves by community action. Band councils are given every opportunity to pa r t i c i p a t e in planning, and are requested to stipulate p r i o r i t y amongst applicants for assistance. Indians are meeting half the costs of house construction from funds available to them. (Dept. of Cit i z e n s h i p and Immigration, 1957, p.50) From a very early date the government was i m p l i c i t l y in favour of the concept of community development. There were, however, no planning actions at t h i s time to put a community planning process into action. Community development was viewed e s s e n t i a l l y as a means of enhancing the economic and s o c i a l well-being of Indian people through housing. This commitment was l i k e l y related to a more general Indian policy goal, i . e . the devolution of federal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the adiministration of Indian services to the Indian people, themselves, as well as other federal departments and the p r o v i n c i a l governments. It was believed through the community development process Indians would become more s e l f - r e l i a n t and receive services from the same sources as other Canadians, thereby reducing dependence upon the Indian A f f a i r s Branch (Weaver, 1981, p.27). 3. Planning Procedure There i s no defined planning procedure in t h i s period. The absence of a defined planning procedure is a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the c l a s s i c a l approach. Early housing assistance was provided to a l l e v i a t e a c r i s i s s i t u a t i o n as the following statement 47 suggests: Early housing was limited by depression and wartime lack of funds creating a backlog of need which, when coupled with expanding postwar expectations, reached c r i s i s proportions. (DIAND, 1971, p.2) Like many planning problems, on-reserve housing originated as a government intervention or series of interventions in response to a c r i s i s (Webber and Rittel,1973; Armitage, 1975; Heskin,1980). There are four key interventions during t h i s period. These interventions are unrelated and without d i r e c t i o n or an o v e r a l l strategy. However they have evolved to form the central components of the present on-reserve housing program. The present program i s large and extremely complex in terms of multi-objectives, wide p a r t i c i p a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t government agencies, and a broad range of funding sources. F i r s t , was the form of housing assistance provided by the government to meet housing needs. H i s t o r i c a l l y the Indian people have looked to the Federal government for help in meeting their needs and the Federal Government has attempted to respond. Indians became e l i g i b l e for s o c i a l assistance on the same basis as „non-Indians in A p r i l , 1959 (Dept. of Citizenship and Immigration,1959). This form of assistance has remained the same to the present day. The scale of assistance, however, has been revised to r e f l e c t the r i s e in the cost of l i v i n g over the years. Part of this s o c i a l assistance i s a shelter allowance. In addition to the shelter allowance Indians also became e l i g i b l e for a housing subsidy in 1962. The subsidy has also 48 been revised a number of times since 1962 to keep pace with the cost of l i v i n g (see Appendix A). The second intervention was the involvement of CMHC as a loan agency. In 1956 revisions were made to the Indian Act and the National Housing Act which enabled q u a l i f i e d Indian applicants to obtain house financing through the National Housing Act programs. Loans for houses were made possible through the Revolving Loan Fund and a m i n i s t e r i a l guarantee 1 for repayment of loans. This was the beginning of CMHC involvement in Indian housing. It can be viewed as an early attempt to explore alternative funding mechanisms apart from direct government assistance. The t h i r d intervention was the operation of sawmills in connection with house construction as a means of stimulating economic development. The 1953-54 Annual Report states: In connection with the housing program, the Indian A f f a i r s Branch operated approximately 40 sawmills during 1953-54. These were located in areas where sawn timber is not available and in those where the cost of transportation is p r o h i b i t i v e . The work was performed .-by Indians under the supervision of the l o c a l f i e l d s t a f f . (Dept. of Citizenship and Immigration, 1954, p.52) House construction i s also seen as an important source of investment and employment as the following statement If a band refuses to meet i t s commitment to repay the loan the Minister of Indian A f f a i r s i s c a l l e d upon to honour his guarantee of repayment, th i s is done by paying the amount of the loan, plus accrued interest, from the Fund and recovering this expenditure from the Indian monies of the band as these are or may become available. 49 i l l u s t r a t e s : S k i l l s acquired by the Indians through vocational t r a i n i n g and experience in building their own homes opened new job opportunities for them in house building. (Dept. of Citi z e n s h i p and Immigration, 1958, p.49) The f i n a l intervention in t h i s period i s the introduction of formal Indian housing standards. The booklet "Canadian Indian Homes" r e f l e c t s an objective to reform the physical conditions on a l l reserves. It was the f i r s t attempt to actually state f h e type of housing that would exist in Indian communities. It placed pa r t i c u l a r emphasis on the physical needs associated with housing such as f i r e protection, hygiene, sanitary f a c i l i t i e s , etc.. The following quotation explains the aim of the booklet: to help the f i e l d adminstration and Indians in selecting housing plans, determining appropriate sp e c i f i c a t i o n s and guiding community development, house grouping, sanitation, selection of s i t e , sewage disposal, etc. It is expected that the use of thi s handbook by Indian A f f a i r s s t a f f , Indian councils and individual Indians w i l l promote the orderly development of Indian communities and adequate standards of housing, hygiene and essential services. (Dept. of Citizenship and Immigration, 1960, p.55) 4. Conceptualization Of The Community The conceptualization of the community in this period i s also reformist in character. The community i s viewed as a group of people described by demographic information compiled according to geographic location. For example: 50 The Department's housing and community development programs must meet the needs of approximately 190,000 Indians in almost 600 Indian communities across Canada in every conceivable variety of circumstances. Extension of hydro-electric services to many reserves has given easier access to such amenities as tap water, indoor plumbing, r e f r i g e r a t i o n , entertainment and education through radio and t e l e v i s i o n , and has contributed considerably to reducing the gap between standards of Indian and non-Indian communities. (Dept. of Ci t i z e n s h i p and Immigration, 1962, p.33) This conceptualization was popular during the period because of the usefulness of such data in technical problem-solving. It provided information about the housing needs of Indian communities which could be u t i l i z e d in measuring progress towards solution of the problem. 5. Social And P o l i t i c a l Results There are a number of results associated with policy formulation and implementation in this period. F i r s t , housing contributed to the assimilation of Indian people. On the one hand i t was viewed as a way of moving some Indians off-reserve, thereby integrating them into the larger s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l system. The following quotation suggests this : It i s our policy to a s s i s t in the re-establishment of Indian families in off-reserve locations p a r t i c u l a r l y in cases where reserves have l i t t l e economic po t e n t i a l . . . (DIAND, 1967, p.1) On the other hand the acculturation of Indian people was occurring with the construction of new, non-traditional house and settlement forms on reservations. By acculturation I refer 51 to the process where individuals from a minority culture acquire the language, attitudes, b e l i e f s , values and s k i l l s which are held in common by members of a dominant culture. Cultural variables may be construed as one set of determinants of house and settlement form (Rapaport,1969; Sadalla, Snyder and Stea,l975). Housing therefore contributes to the acculturative process by producing a population of individuals with varying degrees of c u l t u r a l i n d e n t i f i c a t i o n to house form, ranging from the highly t r a d i t i o n a l at one extreme to the modern, non-t r a d i t i o n a l at the other (Sadalla, Snyder and Stea, 1975, p.1). Second, housing contributed to increasing individualism and competition among Indian people. T r a d i t i o n a l l y Indians provided their shelter in a cooperative, communal fashion along with other needs (Morgan,1881; Stanbury, 1975; Duff, 1980). It was common, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the northwest, for as many as one hundred people or more to l i v e and work under one roof. The new houses constructed in t h i s period were predominantly small, single-detached dwellings. Along with other changes that were occurring on Indian reserves new house form l i k e l y contributed to the breakdown of the t r a d i t i o n a l kinship system by separating families. Third was the emergence of welfare values associated with housing. Individuals now had to demonstrate their need for government assistance r e l a t i v e to other i n d i v i d u a l s . Indian bands were encouraged to stipulate p r i o r i t y amongst applications for housing assistance. The equity or fairness of this mechanism for d i s t r i b u t i n g assistance varied from band to band, 52 depending on the power structure of a p a r t i c u l a r community. It apparently s t i l l varies to the present day but l i t t l e research has been undertaken thus far to determine the fairness of the present mechanism. F i n a l l y there was the emergence of the perception of a "housing" problem and the need to do something about i t . The problem was defined in a technical fashion and instrumental results or "ends" were sought. The government payed no attention to the influence i t was having on the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l relations of knowledge, consent and trust in Indian communities. Consequently p a r t i c u l a r pathologies of domination and undemocratic p o l i t i c s could be expected to occur. If DIAND and Indian people viewed on-reserve housing from a c r i t i c a l perspective they would not understand i t as a well-formed problem, but as a problematic socio-economic s i t u a t i o n , unique to each Indian community. By approaching on-reserve housing as a process of inquiry within a larger socio-economic system, DIAND's. role would perform both technical and socio-p o l i t i c a l functions. The fashion in which i t c o l l e c t s and presents information should serve not just the "end" in view, but also contribute to the mutual learning and evolution of the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l relations of those involved in and affected by planning, i . e . Indian people. On a deep l e v e l the s o c i a l effects and behaviour patterns of some Indian people can be viewed as a response to an ideological contradiction in the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l system. The sense of confusion, p a s s i v i t y , dependence, inadequate 53 maintenance of homes and lack of confidence c h a r a c t e r i s t i c in some bands were the result of a p o l i t i c a l system that accepts economic and s o c i a l inequity. On a more direct l e v e l some of the planning actions of DIAND had subtle communicative effects on Indian people. When norms of face to face (e.g. planner with band) or organizational (e.g. DIAND with Indian people) communication are broken responsible p o l i t i c a l action i s impossible. For example, when the comprehensibility, s i n c e r i t y , and legitimacy of communication are viol a t e d mutual learning, trust and cooperation suffer. The evolution of on-reserve housing in this period can be analyzed using a c r i t i c a l approach. From th i s perspective a systematic contradiction between, on the one hand, the intentions and assumptions of the government and, on the other hand, the interpretation and responses of the Indian people can be seen to exi s t . This contradiction manifests i t s e l f in distorted communications between DIAND and the Indian people and pathologies associated with domination such as ignorance, p a s s i v i t y and dependence. There was considerable variation among B.C. Indian bands in the patterns of production, d i s t r i b u t i o n and consumption of housing, but by the end of this period almost a l l of them met their shelter requirements through some government assistance, implying a certain degree of dependence, pas s i v i t y and ignorance in dealing with their own problems. The federal government i n i t i a l l y got involved in on-reserve 54 housing because of the deplorable l i v i n g conditions on Indian reserves which was believed to be contributing to disease and a high mortality rate among Indian people. The government imposed new physical surroundings on Indian people through the design of houses and layout of settlements. Individuals were forced to adapt their norms and behaviours to the imposed surroundings. This added to the existing confusion and stress many Indians were experiencing in adjusting to the interface between modern and t r a d i t i o n a l values and b e l i e f s . The Indian people, or the planned for, responded to the imposed physical surroundings in a number of ways. F i r s t , many Indians f a i l e d to maintain the new houses (Interviews, 1980-81). It i s debateable whether the inadequate maintenance of houses was due to already existing s o c i a l problems (e.g. anomie, alcoholism) or the result of inexperience with the type of maintenance problems encountered in modern housing. There i s no empirical studies to support either view, but I contend that the already existing s o c i a l problems were the cause of inadequate maintenance. Modern housing made i t even more d i f f i c u l t for Indian people to maintain their housing because i t placed additional pressures on them for change, apart from those they were already experiencing. Second, there were cases of individuals making structural changes to the design of government assisted housing so that i t 1 There i s no documentation of these cases. The author has r e l i e d on the personal stories related to him by interviewees in DIAND and Indian communities. 55 f i t in with the existing s o c i a l norms and b e l i e f s . 1 For example, the knocking out of walls or adding on extensions to existing and new dwellings. This was t e l l i n g planners that housing designs did not accomodate the c u l t u r a l needs of some individuals and groups. B. THE COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT PHASE (1967-1982) This period d i f f e r s from the preceding one in the following ways: i) the nature of the housing policy; i i ) the type of planning procedure; and i i i ) the conceptualization of the community. Housing policy evolves from a homogeneous one stressing task goals to a heterogeneous one stressing both task and process goals. The emergence of a defined planning procedure occurs during this period. F i n a l l y , the Indian community becomes conceptualized more as a s o c i a l system with resources and ideas capable of progress through community p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i n i t i a t i v e and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . 1 . Problem Formulation The on-reserve housing problem continues to be formulated in a reformist manner. It is defined in technical terms throughout the entire period, as the following , government statements indicate: When your housing program i s complete, working together we w i l l have b u i l t at least 12,350 homes over a five year period. (DIAND, 1967, p. 1) If the on-reserve housing backlog i s to be eliminated before the end of the century, new housing starts w i l l 56 have to reach a minimum l e v e l of 3,500 per annum within the next three to four years. At the same time, the l e v e l of major repairs w i l l have to reach 5,000 per annum and be sustained at that l e v e l for a number of years. (DIAND, 1980, p.3) While housing can actually be perceived as a symptom of a deeper problem, i . e . the socio-economic conditions of Indian people, the government chose to formulate i t as a separate substantive problem. Technical problem solving deals with complex problems by breaking them down into parts which can be handled more e f f i c i e n t l y and e f f e c t i v e l y by separate sub-units of an organization. The perception of a housing problem as a housing/health relationship, in which better housing contributes to improved health, is more c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d in DIAND's p o l i c i e s in th i s period. For example in 1967 selections from speeches by the Minister of Indian A f f a i r s state: One of the major benefits w i l l be in the subsequent improvement of health standards. (DIAND, 1967, p.1) Webelieve that poor housing and poor environment are p r i n c i p a l contributors to the poor health and poverty of the Indian people. (DIAND, 1967, p.1) The 1977 Discussion Paper relates housing not only to disease and poverty but also deaths due to f i r e s on Indian reserves: The lack of housing has meant serious overcrowding of two or more families into small substandard houses which often lack basic f a c i l i t i e s . Poor housing and inadequate sanitary f a c i l i t i e s are blatant contributors to the high infant mortality rate, to the 57 respiratory diseases and to deaths by f i r e which st r i k e Indian people in numbers so highly disproportionate to those for the rest of the Canadian population. (DIAND, 1977, p.2) By 1980 DIAND also begins c i t i n g some empirical studies which suggested a dire c t relationship between housing and health. The 1980 Discussion Paper states: These housing conditions bring results which extend well beyond housing per se . A recent study undertaken by the Medical Services Branch of Health and Welfare Canada stated that on-reserve housing conditions such as overcrowding and poor v e n t i l a t i o n have been implicated in the increased frequency of ho s p i t a l i z a t i o n for infectious disease in infants and young children. Other i l l n e s s e s of high frequency such as middle ear infections , skin infections and gas t r o e n t e r i t i s were also found to be related to inadequate housing and overcrowding. Additionally, on-reserve housing conditions are d i r e c t l y related to an on-reserve f i r e death rate that is nine times the national average. In 1978, 186 homes were destroyed by f i r e and 55 deaths resulted. (DIAND, 1980, p.9) This i l l u s t r a t e s how the process of formulating the problem and of conceiving a solution or re-solution to i t are almost i d e n t i c a l . This i s because each s p e c i f i c a t i o n of the problem i s also a s p e c i f i c a t i o n of the di r e c t i o n for a planning action. Thus i f inadequate housing is perceived as the cause of i l l health than improvement of housing services becomes a sp e c i f i c a t i o n of the solution. The fact that Indian health conditions and f i r e rates associated with s o c i a l and l i v i n g conditions have not d r a s t i c a l l y improved in the la s t twenty years (DIAND, 1980) , imp-lies the solution has been directed at a false cause. 58 2. Pol icy At the beginning of th i s period Indian housing policy d i f f e r e n t i a t e s between Indians l i v i n g on and off-reserve (DIAND,1967). It does not, however, d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the needs, aspirations and loc a l conditions of various Indian bands, implying i t i s s t i l l reformist in character. As well, policy goals are s t i l l task-oriented as their primary aim i s to provide assistance to Indian people in constructing and rennovating houses (DIAND,1967). A major s h i f t in pol i c y , more ch a r a c t e r i s t i c of a c r i t i c a l approach, can be detected in the 1977 Discussion Paper. The Paper includes the following pr inc i p l e s : 1) To provide each Indian individual and family, regardless of income, with the opportunity to secure decent, safe and sanitary housing through their Band or on their own i n i t i a t i v e . 2) To create jobs for unemployed and underemployed Indians through the c a p i t a l inputs required for the construction and rennovation of housing , coordinated with Manpower and Immigration (M&I) job creation funds. 3) To develop a new delivery system responsive to Indian decision-making, supportive of the concept of Indian people managing their own a f f a i r s and f l e x i b l e in meeting a wide range of d i f f e r i n g housing needs and l o c a l conditions. 4) To place r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the design, construction and management of Band housing programs in the hands of Band Councils. 5) To u t i l i z e the programs and resources of DIAND, CMHC, M&I, DREE, and N.H.& W. to tackle the problem of Indian housing. (DIAND, 1977, Pp.2-3). The t h i r d p r i n c i p l e implies a more heterogeneous policy as 59 i t proposes a more f l e x i b l e approach for meeting a diverse number .of housing needs. The fourth p r i n c i p l e represents a process-goal because i t aims at developing an Indian capacity to deal with housing needs. This s h i f t in policy can be traced to two i n t e r r e l a t e d factors: i) Prime Minister Trudeau's determination to r a t i o n a l i z e government decision-making; and i i ) the development of mechanisms for Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n in decision-making. When Trudeau came to power in 1968 he attempted to change the policy-making procedures within the federal government. 1 These changes placed new constraints on Ministers and senior departmental o f f i c i a l s within DIAND who had to formulate poli c y . This i s evident in Indian housing policy because prior to 1970 there was no p o l i c y per se (DIAND,1967), whereas after 1970 goals are e x p l i c i t l y stated in actual policy documents (DIAND,1970; DIAND,1977; DIAND,1980; DIAND,1981). Included in Trudeau's changes was an increasing emphasis on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . From July, 1968 to June, 1969 consultation meetings were c a r r i e d out with Indian people in regard to revisions to the Indian Act. At the same time Trudeau's advisors and senior o f f i c i a l s were formulating the controversial 1 Trudeau attempted to change cabinet's operations so that p o l i c i e s would r e f l e c t p o l i t i c a l , not bureaucratic values and opinions. Trudeau distrusted the bureaucracy and hoped to streamline the policy process by c e n t r a l i z i n g i t around the cabinet and p u l l i n g i t away from the incrementalism he f e l t c i v i l servants preferred. One of his major changes was the introduction of the Planning, Programming and Budgeting System (PPBS). It was to ensure that each government department had a clear idea of i t s goals and objectives and evaluated them through the budgetary process. 60 White Paper, which proposed the termination of Indians' special r i g h t s . The Indian people f e l t betrayed by the government and the consultation process they had participated in (Cardinal,1969). As a result of the f a i l u r e of the 1969 White Paper and p o l i t i c a l pressure from national and regional Indian organizations, a new consultation process was considered by the government in the 1970's. The process entailed a two-tiered arrangement for consultation. At the top was a special committee of Ministers from the Social Policy Cabinet Committee who would occasionally meet with Indian leaders. These ministers would set policy p r i o r i t i e s , review f i n a n c i a l commitments and make recommendations to cabinet on broad policy d i r e c t i o n s . They were to be assisted in this p o licy work by a bureaucratic support group which would explore policy issues in considerable depth. C i v i l , servants and an equal number of Indian participants from Indian associations were to comprise this group. The process remained dormant u n t i l 1975 as Indian leaders were unhappy with their solely bureaucratic connection for policy-making purposes. They wanted more direc t involvement in making decisions (Pontings and Gibbons, 1980). In 1975 a new structure was developed c a l l e d the Joint Cabinet-NIB Committee. It brought together executive members of the NIB and cabinet ministers, mainly from the Social Policy Committee of Cabinet, to discuss major policy issues. Beneath this p o l i t i c a l l e v e l was a support group of staff members from NIB and the government who were to prepare in-depth analyses of 61 policy issues for the Joint Committee. This committee was shortlived. In 1978 the NIB withdrew because of the severe fru s t r a t i o n the Indian side experienced in negotiating with the di f f e r e n t l e v e l s of the committee. Before the NIB's withdrawal the committee was able to complete a technical report on the Indian housing policy and program. This report had a strong theoretical influence on subsequent p o l i c i e s and programs (DIAND,1977; DIAND,1980; DIAND, 1981). By 1981 on-reserve housing policy had evolved to the point that i t was completely heterogeneous and much more process-oriented. There are a number of reasons for t h i s . F i r s t , a heterogeneous policy and process-oriented goals coincided with the DIAND's more general program objectives. DIAND's thrust at this time was toward community-based planning and the development of Indian self-government (DIAND,p.4, 1981). The second reason was that Indian organizations continued to pressure the government to improve the housing conditions on Indian reserves (NIB,1980). F i n a l l y , the on-reserve housing problem was perceived as getting worse (DIAND,1980). 3. Planning Procedure The emergence of a defined planning procedure in this period coincides with the r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of p o l i c i e s and programs that was occurring throughout the entire government. Despite e f f o r t s on a theoretical l e v e l to move toward what I term a c r i t i c a l approach the planning procedure throughout th i s entire period was reformist in character. It attempted to implement community-based planning and decentralize the 62 administration of the programs to the regional and d i s t r i c t l evels of the organization. It intended that decisions would be more equitable as regions, d i s t r i c t s and bands became more accountable for their own planning actions, as well as increase Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the process (Ponting and Gibbons,1980; Aucoin and Doern,1979). The planning process f a i l e d , however, as major decisions as to how and for what money was spent , s t i l l resided with senior c i v i l servants in national headquarters. Decisions remained incremental throughout t h i s period e n t a i l i n g only minor changes to the existing program and focusing on ways of improving the existing f i n a n c i a l and delivery functions of the program. Decisions were based on reviews of the current program and assessments of the "housing" problem (DIAND, 1981; DIAND, 1980; DIAND, 1977). These assesments were highly technical and limited by the available data. For example, the most accurate assessment of on-reserve housing needs (DIAND,1979) makes only a rough approximation of the indicators used by CMHC and does not even attempt to measure housing a f f o r d a b i l i t y . Community-based planning was f i r s t introduced in 1966 through a five-year program for the physical development of Indian communities. This program was designed to bring Indian housing up to acceptable standards. It established four separate housing programs: i) Subsidy Housing Program; i i ) 63 Indian On-Reserve Housing Program 1 i i i ) Band Administered Housing Programs; and iv) Indian Off-Reserve Housing Program. The Band Administered Housing Programs e n t a i l community-based planning. Indian Band Councils are encouraged to assume administrative r e p o n s i b i l i t y -for their own housing programs. They are expected to develop revenue-producing housing programs and provide comprehensive information as to the manner in which the Band Council intends to conduct i t s proposed program. A Band Council resolution has to be passed in each band before proceeding with a housing program. It must include the following information: 1) Number of housing units needed at the time of request for assistance.. 2) Estimated number of new family formations during period of proposed program. 3) Estimated number of years required to eliminate existing backlog of housing requirements (including new family formations). 4) Total amount of Departmental assistance requested. 5) Amount of departmental assistance requested for each f i s c a l year of the proposed program. 6) An indication of amount to be paid from Band funds and personal contributions. 7) Outline of proposed plan of program administration indicating manner in which recovery of funds w i l l be made, i e . by sale, rental, rental-purchase, etc.. 8) A statement that the Band Council w i l l assume f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for administration of the program. 1 At this time the name of this program referred to the loans CMHC made available through the NHA. The name would later be used to refer to a l l the housing programs as one comprehensive housing program. 64 9) The name of the q u a l i f i e d auditor who w i l l assume f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for administration of the program. 10) A statement that the Band Council w i l l adopt standards for determining the size of houses, the amount of assistance and a l l o c a t i o n of p r i o r i t i e s , which are comparable with those observed in respect of the Branch Subsidy Housing Program. 11) A statement that a l l books and records related to the housing program w i l l be accessible at a l l times to the Branch or to an auditor appointed by the Branch. (DIAND, 1968, Pp.4-5) While these st i p u l a t i o n s were intended to increase the effectiveness of de l i v e r i n g Indian housing and the sense of l o c a l control over programs, they s t i l l imply a great deal of government control over the l i v e s of Indian people. This contradict ion • is a recurring theme throughout this period of on-reserve housing. DIAND continued to exercise t h i s control by holding onto the right to specify how, for what, and by whom money was spent. Many Bands were incapable of assuming greater r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the program because of i t s complexities. Others became discouraged with the length of time the whole procedure took (Mason,1980). The department continued to assume f i n a n c i a l and administrative control and di r e c t i o n over many bands despite i t s e f f o r t s in :- trying d i f f e r e n t planning strategies. Bands were prevented from defining problems and designing their own solutions. The continued absence of incentives for s e l f - r e l i a n c e further reinforced welfare dependency on the government in some cases (DIAND,1980). The increasing emphasis on community-based planning is d i r e c t l y attributable to DIAND's ov e r a l l e f f o r t s at devolving 65 and decentralizing i t s planning r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Devolution and decentralization are both aimed at decreasing departmental control over individual and Band i n i t i a t i v e . Respecting devolution, DIAND has had limited success in establishing agreements with the provinces on welfare programs for Indians because most provinces continue to argue that Indians are a federal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . It has had greater success with other federal departments and with Indian bands. In fact many of the major changes to the planning procedure are aimed at ways of improving the delivery system so that other departments' f i n a n c i a l and administrative support can be coordinated, and Indian bands' dependency on DIAND reduced. Regarding decentralization, a major change came in the mid-1970's as a result of the fr u s t r a t i o n and resentment f e l t by DIAND's regional and d i s t r i c t l e v e l s and the Indian people. Under Assistant Deputy Minister Peter Lesaux, DIAND began a process of decentralization of i t s adminstrative authority from national to regional headquarters, with the intent that i t extend to the l e v e l of the d i s t r i c t s and then the bands themselves (Ponting and Gibbons, 1980, Pp.112-113). Some major r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s such as the development of new housing programs were transferred to the Regions and Indian bands. The a l l o c a t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of funds i s d i f f e r e n t in the various regions and their respective d i s t r i c t s . In B.C. the Indian people have considerable input into decisions concerning the al l o c a t i o n of the region's c a p i t a l expenditures budget and direct input into the grants and contributions 66 budget. 1 They have less input into the d i s t r i b u t i o n of funds between d i s t r i c t s and between bands within d i s t r i c t s . By 1975 both DIAND and NIB f e l t the need for changes in policy implementation. The program objectives developed by the Joint-Cabinet Committee stressed the l o c a l needs, aspirations and conditions of Indian people but they did not suggest fundamental changes to the e x i s t i n g planning procedure except for the creation of special area/regional decision-making structures for increasing Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n (NIB/DIAND, 1976). In l i n e with these program objectives the 1977 Discussion Paper proposed a more comprehensive and complex delivery system. The emphasis in this paper was on the co-ordinated and timely deployment of federal resources from DIAND, CMHC, M&I, and DREE (DIAND, 1977, p.6). Most of the paper dealt with the integrated system of roles, structures and a c t i v i t i e s at the band , area/regional and national, levels (DIAND, 1977, p.12). There were some obvious implications of th i s proposed program for the regions. For example a memorandum from the B.C. Region stated: The Indian Reserve Housing Program w i l l generate the following needs for comprehensive planning assistance to Bands and Departmental Programs and Services: 1) Establishment and maintenance of data systems for multi-usership in the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of housing needs and p r i o r i t i e s (this t i e s in with the Regional Planners' work on comprehensive community p r o f i l e s ) . 2) F a c i l i t a t i o n of the community planning process Band _ administered housing programs come under grants and contributions as a parliamentary appropriation. 67 which a c t i v e l y involves the Band leadership and the community in evolving indigenous housing strategies, which are reponsive to needs for shelter and servicing, and other needs for socio-economic development and p o l i t i c a l advancement. 3) Preparation of community planning documents as guidelines for implementing comprehensive and inter r e l a t e d physical and a c t i v i t y programs (including planning parameters for E&A input). 4) Continuing and active promotion of implementing community plans, including through advancement of joint f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l i n i t i a t i v e s . (DIAND/B.C. Region, 1976, p.3) Increased demands for. planning staff and funding were generated by the new program . One can reasonably assume that many Indian Bands would be looking to DIAND for assistance since many of them lacked the necessary funds, s k i l l s and knowledge. The planning process for each band would also be extremely time-consuming as a result of the broad funding sources of the new program and i t s inherent complexities. As well, the decentralized nature of the program would require the Region's planning services to be met in part from the d i s t r i c t l e v e l thereby placing more demands on their time and manpower as well. By 1980 the government's expectations in t h i s program had been dashed. A comprehensive housing survey completed in 1979 confirmed the perception of a growing housing problem on Indian reserves (DIAND,p.11,1980). The i n f l e x i b i l i t y of the funding mechanism was c i t e d as one of the reasons why some of the results o r g i n a l l y intended of the program had not been achieved (DIAND, 1980, p.11). A number of c r i t i c a l aspects of the program's delivery mechanism, such as the communications 68 function and technical services, were also c i t e d as operating i n e f f e c t i v e l y (DIAND, 1980, p.11). The f i s c a l year 1980/81 was to be used as a t r a n s i t i o n year to introduce measures for improving the funding mechanism and delivery system of the program. However, the improvements offered in the 1980 Discussion Paper did not represent s i g n i f i c a n t changes from the previous p o l i c y and program. If anything they merely re f l e c t e d a growing awareness, amongst national o f f i c i a l s , of the d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered in administrating such a complex and comprehensive program at the l o c a l l e v e l . They were also beginning to understand some of the effects of Band Administered Housing Programs. The most surprising of these was that few bands had opted to assume more control over th e i r own housing. This, however, was largely due to the f a i l u r e s in funding and delivery previously discussed. The year 1980-81 was also earmarked for introducing Indian self-government. For DIAND thi s concept implies: Band governments become the focus of comprehensive community and individual development - Bands exercise powers and authorities within their own j u r i s d i c t i o n s Bands interact with other lev e l s of government and est a b l i s h their own l i n k s with regional economics Band governments responsible and accountable to their members for achievement of community goals and to government for Federal funds expended. (DIAND, 1980, P. 6) The concept "Indian self-government" does not represent a major departure from previous policy-making. It e n t a i l s a similar planning procedure except for the development of a band government structure which would allow Indian bands to assume 69 more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for l o c a l problems. This structure has not resulted in any changes to the planning procedure associated with the On-reserve Housing Program. Changes havn't been made to the funding system or the delivery mechanism. In 1982 the program's objectives included: 1) Housing is an individual/band r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and the Indian On-Reserve Housing Program i s designed to assist individuals and bands in obtaining adequate housing which meets national standards. 2) Bands should be encouraged to appoint Band Housing councils suitable for their reserves. 3) Capital subsidies provided by DIAND are i n s u f f i c i e n t by themselves to b u i l d adequate houses. The subsidies have to be used by individuals and Bands along with other sources of funds to construct housing that meets National Building Code r e s i d e n t i a l standards of construction. (DIAND, 1982, Pp.1-2) These objectives r e f l e c t a need to c l a r i f y r e s p o n s i b i l i t e s and procedures of the program and simplify the steps in the planning procedure. This program, l i k e past ones, is not l i k e l y to result in any greater s e l f - r e l i a n c e among Indian bands because i t poses the same sort of d i f f i c u l t i e s with implementation. These d i f f i c u l i t e s include inadequate communication of the various funding sources and i n s u f f i c i e n t assistance in setting up community-based planning procedures for achievment of community goals. As well there are s t i l l some inadequacies in the nature of band funding. These include: i) a band's budget is determined on a per capita basis and not on the basis of need and i i ) a band's budget is determined yearly and i s constrained by s t r i c t rules and regulations for accountability in a number of developmental categories predetermined by DIAND (Pontings and 70 Gibbons, 1980; DIAND, 1982). Consequently bands encounter great d i f f i c u l t l y when trying to undertake e f f o r t s at long-term and comprehensive development. As well smaller bands enounter d i f f i c u l t y in undertaking any type of development because of i n s u f f i c i e n t funds. 4. Conceptualization Of The Community The idea of community planning was i n i t i a t e d in DIAND between 1970 and 1977. The conceptualization of the community during these years is reformist in character. It is concerned with establishing a community planning function to deal with the physical improvement of communities d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g them in terms of their need for houses, water and sewage f a c i l i t i e s , e l e c t r i f i c a t i o n , road and bridges (DIAND, 1970, p.6). Then around 1977 DIAND began to doubt th i s conceptualization of the community. DIAND's new view of the community, as a system of i n t e r r e l a t i n g functions and as a vast resource in i t s e l f , i s more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the c r i t i c a l approach. The 1977 Discussion Paper states: The community Planning Services provided by DIAND at the time were based on the p r i n c i p l e of "planned townsites". The concept was inappropriate to Indian communities - overlooking among other things their special s o c i a l , physical and economic relationships to the regions in which they were located . More importantly, the values and goals of the Indian communities themselves were often overlooked. (DIAND, 1977, p.4) Since 1977, the view of housing as a f a c i l i t a t i n g process in community development repeatedly turns up in DIAND documents 71 (DIAND ,1980; DIAND,1981; DIAND,1982). Yet, despite t h i s view DIAND o f f i c i a l s have never followed a planning procedure that permits the application of p r i n c i p l e s associated with community development. F i r s t , consensus among Indian people has never been reached that housing would be the best course of action for community development (DIAND,1970; DIAND,1977; DIAND,1980; DIAND,1981). Second, the p r i n c i p a l emphasis in housing has been on the accomplishment of task goals such as construction of more and better houses or improvements in the funding mechanism of the program. Despite i t s th e o r e t i c a l commitment to process goals DIAND has never provided s u f f i c i e n t funds and/or assistance to help Indian communities develop improved structures for communication and decision-making and e f f e c t i v e community action (DIAND,1970; DIAND,1977; DIAND,1980; DIAND,1981). Process goals have remained secondary to the completion of houses. Third, the concerns of the community for development have never ranged over a wide spectrum of community problems and opportunities. They have rather been confined to r e l a t i v e l y substantive areas of development, i.e . housing (Pontings and Gibbon,1980). F i n a l l y , e f f o r t s have not been made at securing p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the t o t a l community. E f f o r t s have rather been confined to interested or powerful individuals and groups in the community and those with decision-making prerogatives (Interviews, 1980-81 ) . 72 5. Social And P o l i t i c a l Results As suggested above DIAND began formulating some of the elements of what I and policy-analysts term a c r i t i c a l approach, but f a i l e d to implement them. A l l of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of policy-making implemented in th i s period were reformist in character. The following results are associated with these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . DIAND maintained that housing can be defined and solved as a substantive problem. Some Indian people remained uninformed and uncertain about other policy options and consequences. Many of them actually believe housing is the problem because they rely on experts to define their problems and are removed from undertaking a c r i t i c a l review of old and new options. The result i s the appropriation of bel i e f on a number of di f f e r e n t l e v e l s . F i r s t , what the expert chooses to say, or not say, is pragmatically and p o l i t i c a l l y c r u c i a l . For example, i f the planner takes the role of the informed technocrat his analysis of a situation may lead to a d i s t o r t i o n or misrepresentation of the actual problem. This can occur as a result of bureaucratic language or an overly technical d e f i n i t i o n of the problem in face to face communication with the individuals being planned for. Second, on an ideological l e v e l DIAND is caught between the intentions that i t beleives to be carrying out for Indian people and i t s own unconscious organizational motives or fundamental interests, i.e. s u r v i v a l . On-reserve housing i s used as a means of s a t i s f y i n g the demands of Indian people and diverting attention from p o l i t i c a l inequity 73 and policy-making that addresses s o c i a l needs in a more comprehensive fashion. Another result is that many Indian people have grown cynical about their own p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the policy-making process and deferent to those with apparent expertise. Doubting their own s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l capacities for cooperative e f f o r t , they rely on the decisions of DIAND o f f i c i a l s instead. Some Indian people are p o l i t i c a l l y passive because they are removed from a planning process which encourages p o l i t i c a l debate, c r i t i c i s m of alternative problem d e f i n i t i o n s and the c o l l e c t i v e construction of new design and policy proposals. They have temporarily been immobilized or disabled from responsible p a r t i c i p a t i o n and action. A t h i r d result i s that the set of welfare values, which emerged in the preceding period, are now readily adopted by the current generation. These values are evident in. the expectations and housing standards associated with on-reserve housing. Over f i f t y years ago Indian people were l i v i n g in t r a d i t i o n a l housing. Today when one v i s i t s Indian reserves they are struck by the remarkable s i m i l a r i t i e s of house designs and si t e plans between here and other communities off-reserve. Despite the fact that more and more Indians are obtaining adequate housing, according to national standards, many remain dispossessed, alienated, unemployed and poverty stricken. In some respects DIAND's on-going involvement in on-reserve housing contributes to many of these underlying problems by perpetuating Indian dependence on the government for these services. In 74 spite of how much money i s spent on housing in any given year the expectation and need for government assistance w i l l always exist as long as Indian people believe this is one of their only viable alternatives and they can continue to obtain high standards of housing at any cost. F i n a l l y , there i s an inherent contradiction in the administration of on-reserve housing, between the disabling actions of DIAND and the enabling actions of Indian people. Insofar as Indian people are engaged in a planning process that does not foster knowledge of the alternatives and consequences; does not promote widespread p a r t i c i p a t i o n and representation that could lead to a c r i t i c a l examination of problems and solutions and; does not foster cooperative, well-organized, community-based organizations which could meet l o c a l needs, one might expect that they w i l l remain uninformed, passive and dependent. This contradiction often manifests i t s e l f as f i n a n c i a l constraint and control over the l i v e s of Indian people. Ponting and Gibbons (1980) c a l l i t " s o c i a l - f i s e a l control". On-reserve housing provides a v i v i d example, of t h i s control because i t i s one of the few programs that the department has t r i e d to give greater r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to Indian people. S o c i a l - f i s c a l control implies that the provision of money by DIAND ca r r i e s with i t the right to specify to Indian people how, for what and by whom this money w i l l be spent. It is a form of neo-paternalism as DIAND o f f i c i a l s are reluctant to turn over greater f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to Indians u n t i l they prove themselves 75 accountable. In some cases accountability places unreasonable demands on the time and resources of Indian bands. It can therefore leave many Indians in a continued state of dependency. Ponting and Gibbons also suggest that the dependency generated by lengthy periods of welfare dependency provides another example of s o c i o - f i s c a l control occuring even when not intended. Prolonged welfare is f u l l y capable of draining individuals of the i n i t i a t i v e and sense of self-esteem that are necessary for launching any challenge to the p o l i t i c a l and administrative status quo (Ponting and Gibbons , 1980, p.175). The contradiction occurs for two reasons. F i r s t , DIAND i s concerned about i t s own s u r v i v a l . The systematic organization of many bureacracies is not primarily directed to the welfare of the people i t serves but to i t s own survival (Beer,1974; Habermas,1975; Braybrooke and Lindblom,1963). Second, i t stems from a much deeper contradiction in Canadian society, i.e. the incompatibility of the claims and intentions of private accumulation and public needs (0'Connor,1975). Public services, such as housing, conceal the uneven d i s t r i b u t i o n of opportunities for the legitimate s a t i s f a c t i o n of needs. This eventually leads to a "legitimation c r i s i s " , in which the legitimating system can not maintain enough mass loyalty while assuming r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for lags in the economy (Habermas, 1975; 0'Connor,1975). At t h i s point the contradiction manifests i t s e l f in c o n f l i c t between the planning actions of the legitimized system and groups in society which are becoming more p o l i t i c a l l y aware of their options. 76 The evolution of on-reserve housing policy in this period can also be analyzed using a c r i t i c a l approach . The government responded by giving more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the planning, construction and management of housing to individuals and bands. Indians were allowed to design and plan their houses. These houses, however, had to meet a l l of the rules and regulations set down by DIAND and house designs had to meet established housing standards. This represents a c o n f l i c t because many individuals and bands were prevented from obtaining the type of housing they wanted by f i n a n c i a l constraints, as well as being frustrated with being forced to comply with DIAND's rules and regulat ions. The response by the planned-for emerged in the form of p o l i t i c a l inequity and adversary relations between bands and within bands. As more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was given to bands i t contributed to the d i v i s i o n of labour because of increasing s p e c i a l i z a t i o n in existing occupations in the band. Today an emerging band bureaucracy assumes many of these r e s p o n s i b i l i t e s through administration and management. It i s usually made up of the individuals who have the most power in the band through their s k i l l s and a b i l i t i e s . The On-reserve Housing Program also created the need for trained administrators and s k i l l e d tradesmen. A l l of t h i s helped transform the s o c i a l relations among individuals in a community as a money exchange system progressively evolves and replaces the t r a d i t i o n a l system of r e c i p r o c i t y and a more defined economic hierarchy emerges based on the status of each individual's vocation. Inequity appears 77 between r i c h and poor, or the powerful and the weak, through d i s p a r i t i e s in the a l l o c a t i o n of housing. The planned-for also responded by continuing to inadequately maintain their houses. In r e l a t i o n to this the rate of f i r e s and deaths by f i r e increased d r a s t i c a l l y . Fires may also be viewed as a response by Indian people in a similar way as maintenance. It i s debateable whether f i r e s are the result of entrenched s o c i a l problems or faulty and inadequate heating systems (e.g. insulation, furnaces and wiring). Once again there i s no empirical evidence to support either view but I contend that s o c i a l problems are l i k e l y implicated somehow. F i n a l l y , the planned-for responded by f a i l i n g to take up the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for their housing as quickly as the planners had anticipated. This was largely due to a lack of knowledge and s k i l l s required to meet the time-consuming and complex rules and regulations of DIAND, along with other federal departments which were becoming increasingly involved. This should have been t e l l i n g planners that not a l l Indian people were at the same l e v e l of development. Some bands with the necessary s k i l l s and resources were ready to assume more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y over their housing and were communicating this to the planners by d i r e c t l y pressuring o f f i c i a l s in the d i s t r i c t , regional and national o f f i c e s . However the extreme range of attitudes among Indian people toward p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , from deference to cynicism, is t e l l i n g planners that DIAND's communicative practices have a disabling effect on Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n and action in some cases. 78 Today's evidence suggests that the planners have not listened to the responses of the planned-for. F i r s t , Indian people now view housing as an inalienable right and are highly dependent on the government for assistance in obtaining adequate housing. Second, the demand or expectation of housing which meets sp e c i f i e d standards has grown incredibly fast on-reserve in order to keep pace with the accepted standards in the rest of Canada. These two facts indicate that Indian values and norms have changed over the years and this change is largely due to the government's planning actions. This i s not necessarily a bad thing for Indian communities which have consciously decided to take advantage of the developmental opportunities associated with housing. There are, however, a large number of communities which for s o c i a l , economic, p o l i t i c a l or c u l t u r a l reasons have not been able to mobilize themselves. Housing i s not a very appropriate development a c t i v i t y for such bands because i t may in t e n s i f y the lack of confidence and confusion some of these bands are experiencing in adapting new values. This l a t t e r group of communities is widespread in B.C. There i s usually a tendency of planners to ignore or f a i l to hear the responses of this group. This is because DIAND perceives Indian bands to have similar needs, values and aspirations. As well some bands have not yet developed the necessary s k i l l s to engage government bureaucrac ies . 79 C. CONCLUSIONS My analysis reveals that government policy-making in the f i e l d of on-reserve housing, in the two periods examined, contains elements of a l l three hypothetical approaches outlined in Table 1, but reformist elements predominate. The f i r s t period was characterized by both c l a s s i c a l and reformist elements while the second period was characterized by reformist and c r i t i c a l elements. This suggests that a gradual evolution in policy-making i s occurring. The reformist elements include: i) a technical d e f i n i t i o n of the housing problem; i i ) the perception that inadequate housing causes i l l - h e a l t h ; i i i ) emphasis on task-goals in policy-making; and iv) c e n t r a l i z e d planning based on a "top-down" planning strategy. The results of these policy c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s include: i) the acculturation or assimilation of Indian values and b e l i e f s and the emergence of a new set of welfare values; i i ) increasing individualism and competition among Indian people; i i i ) undemocratic planning processes re s u l t i n g in pathologies of domination; and iv) an inherent contradiction between the disabling actions of DIAND and the enabling actions of Indian people. These implications provide strong j u s t i f i c a t i o n for major changes to e x i s t i n g policy formulation and implementation. The continued evolution of policy-making to include more of the s t r u c t u r a l assumptions and analyses of a c r i t i c a l approach i s recommended. 80 IV. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS The foregoing analysis shows both the theoretical and p r a c t i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n for reformulating the on-reserve housing problem and considering an alternative approach to' the present one. The theorectical j u s t i f i c a t i o n l i e s in the fact that the Federal Government, through DIAND, has been addressing a symptom of a much more complex, underlying problem on Indian reserves, i.e. Indian people continue to coexist in an inequitable socio-economic system. I have shown that the government perceives a relationship between housing and health and uses indicators (e.g. health s t a t i s t i c s , f i r e rates, etc.) of thi s apparent relationship to j u s t i f y i t s increasing involvement in the housing sector on Indian reserves. This is despite empirical evidence which can prove the di r e c t i o n of the relationship between housing and health. As well, developmental theories suggest housing contributes only i n d i r e c t l y to human development via other s o c i a l and economic a c t i v i t i e s . For example e f f o r t s in the t h i r d world have demonstrated that housing makes the biggest contribution to human development when i t involves the entire community in the planning process (Vautherin & Cisse, 1982). The l e v e l at which the problem i s resolved depends on the organization's conceptualization of the problem and how this conceptualization i s derived. I have shown that DIAND defines the problem in highly technical terms and confines Indian involvement in the planning process to the implementation stage 81 of policy-making. However h i s t o r i c a l analysis does reveal that DIAND has endeavoured to increase Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n by increasing Indian r e s p o n s i b i l i t y over the management of their housing programs; decentralize i t s technical functions to regional and d i s t r i c t l e v e l s and; support national committees for the review and discussion of on-reserve housing p o l i c i e s and programs. The p r a c t i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n for reformulating the on-reserve housing problem l i e s in the fact that the on-reserve housing problem as defined by DIAND has not been resolved in over t h i r t y - f i v e years and is getting worse according to existing s t a t i s t i c s . As well Indian health and the f i r e rate on Indian reserves have not shown great improvement. The reason for t h i s l i e s not only in conceptual f a i l u r e but also in the planning process. Despite DIAND's commitment to increase Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the process and make Indian people more s e l f - r e l i a n t , in practice i t s effo r t s have f a i l e d on most counts. Indian people are s t i l l removed from formulating and defining t h e i r own problems with few exceptions. Those bands that are engaged in a community planning process set their planning p r i o r i t i e s within the l i m i t a t i o n s of already existing p o l i c i e s and programs. The government does not inform Indian people of policy options or encourage a c r i t i c a l review of existing options (e.g. housing versus education, t r a i n i n g , counselling, economic development, e t c . ) . Instead housing p o l i c i e s and programs are formulated by national o f f i c i a l s in Ottawa. Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n is r e s t r i c t e d to a discussion of 82 how such p o l i c i e s and programs might be improved. On-reserve p o l i c i e s and programs have therefore tended to r e f l e c t incremental policy-making. Although there has been greater Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n at the implementation stage of the On-Reserve Housing Program there have been many constraints encountered by bands at t h i s stage of the process as well. F i r s t , there has been inadequate training and information provided by DIAND, to bands, to ensure the acqu i s i t i o n of s k i l l s and knowledge by Indian people to undertake the planning, designing and managing of their own housing programs. As well, the type of information provided to Indian people and the public i s technical and ambiguous. Second, although more bands are determining their own housing needs, organizing t h e i r own funding sources and choosing their own house designs they are s t i l l s t r i c t l y monitored by DIAND o f f i c i a l s and must comply to the rules and regulations set down in the housing program at the national l e v e l . This- i s a very time-consuming and demoralizing process res u l t i n g in fru s t r a t i o n and f a i l u r e in some cases. F i n a l l y , there is no guarantee that a band, upon assuming r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for their housing projects, w i l l receive s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l for the number of houses i t had planned for. This is because despite DIAND's e f f o r t s to decentralize i t s technical functions f i n a n c i a l control over DIAND's budget s t i l l resides with the Treasury Board in Ottawa. Federal budgetary procedures a f f e c t the l i k l i h o o d that a p a r t i c u l a r band w i l l obtain the number and type of houses i t had planned for in a 83 given year. The ex i s t i n g planning process, in practice, is therefore too time-consuming, complex and fr u s t r a t i n g for many Indian bands. It allows for highly constrained Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n at the the implementation stage of the overall process. The bands that have the most success in this process are primarily the ones that already have a high degree of organizationsl s k i l l s and knowledge, a good understanding of bureaucratic procedures and a f a i r amount of communication and bargaining a b i l i t y . The picture of on-reserve housing which emerges in the eighties is a highly complicated one riddled with contradictions on a number of l e v e l s . F i r s t on a soci e t a l l e v e l on-reserve housing represents a contradiction between private and public interests. DIAND in helping Indian people obtain adequate housing i s helping the federal government f u l f i l l what some policy-analysts term the two basic and mutually exclusive functions of western democratic governments (O'Connor, 1973; Habermas, 1975). On the one hand the federal government must try to maintain or create the conditions in which p r o f i t a b l e c a p i t a l accumulation is possible. On the other i t must also try to maintain or create the conditions for so c i a l harmony. Social expenses (e.g. welfare, housing assistance, etc.) are required to maintain harmony by keeping peace among the unemployed and underprivileged. This explains why the government i s w i l l i n g to incur a great deal of so c i a l expense in the area of on-reserve housing while other classes in society are accumulating c a p i t a l and a l l the benefits associated with i t . 84 Second on an organizational l e v e l there is a contradiction among the values and b e l i e f s of o f f i c i a l s within DIAND. This i s evident in the c o n f l i c t i n g nature of the housing program's objectives. For example some o f f i c i a l s hold the view, that the department's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y over housing should be decreasing and Indian r e s p o n s i b i l i t y increasing, while some o f f i c i a l s hold the opposite view. As was previously pointed out this contradiction may be due to DIAND o f f i c i a l s ' concern for their organization's s u r v i v a l . Those in Indian and government c i r c l e s who subscribe to the value of Indian self-determination can f i n d examples of successful housing projects which represent gains in the direc t i o n of self-determination. Indian and government o f f i c i a l s , however, can not overlook the fact that Indian people s t i l l suffer in large numbers from housing shortages. These shortages are the result of long-standing socio-economic str u c t u r a l r e a l i t i e s in society which result in economic inequality and discrimination against certain minority groups in our society. It i s not a question of socio-economic descrimination in the area of native housing. By socio-economic discrimination I refer to real opportunities for c a p i t a l accumulation. As long as Indian people lack legitimate work roles, defined s o c i a l relations and an appropriate set of self-guiding i n s t i t u t i o n s they w i l l continue to rely on the government for housing assistance. As long as Indian people are removed from the soc i a l and economic means to achieve s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y there w i l l 85 always be housing shortages on reserves. What is required is a reallocation of DIAND's c a p i t a l budget so that there is the development of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y , shared c o l l e c t i v e goals and an i n s t i t u t i o n a l and economic base that w i l l enable the s o c i a l - p o l i t i c a l unit (e.g. band or group of bands) to exercise a much greater degree of s e l f -determination. This involves a transfer of meaningful powers from the federal government to the l o c a l band or t r i b a l l e v e l . The future of housing for Indians l i v i n g on Indian reserves should rely on Indian leadership more than ever. The functions and structures of DIAND in thi s sector of Indian development should s h i f t r a d i c a l l y . Over the next decade the On-reserve Housing Program should be gradually dissolved. With Indian self-determination as a short-term goal Indian bands would assume complete p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for planning, designing and managing the i r own housing projects. These projects would be based on the concept of "self-help" housing in which bands would rely more on the use of indigenous resources and appropriate technologies. If necessary f i n a n c i a l assistance should continue to be made available through CMHC. With Indian s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y as a long-term goal the c a p i t a l from the On-reserve Housing Program should be re-allocated to more direc t forms of s o c i a l and economic development. A band or a group of bands w i l l eventually be able to assume f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as well as p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for their housing i f they f i r s t have an economic base for c a p i t a l accumulation. In this way legitimate economic roles and supportive s o c i a l 86 relationships w i l l be restored to Indian communities. The present approach to on-reserve housing separates DIAND's technical functions from i t s s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l functions. The results have been distorted communications and the perpetuation of a so c a l l e d "housing" problem. If DIAND, as a planning organization, ignores the effects of technical language; pre-empts community involvement by defining the problem as overly technical or too complex for non-professionals; does not systematically search for planning alternatives through regular processes of community consultation and c r i t i c i s m ; and does not address underlying contradictions in i t s approach to Indian problems, i t w i l l continue, in some cases, to immobilize and disable responsible Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n and action. If Indian people do not c r i t i c a l l y evaluate the government's current p o l i c i e s and programs for the contribution they make to Indian self-determination and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , and place greater demands on the government for more direct forms of so c i a l and economic development than housing they w i l l continue to coexist in an inequitable p o l i t i c a l system. Bands should be pressuring the government for greater p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . This should include: analyzing their own problems, setting their own p r i o r i t i e s for development, c r e a t i v e l y searching for their own solutions, devising their own rules, regulations and standards for their programs, and monitoring and evalutating the results of the i r planning actions. This i s the only way that they w i l l be able to regain a sense of pride and confidence and 87 maintain control over the' integration of new values. Under such an approach one can envision a comprehensive planning strategy for each band, of which housing may be a component i f the band members decide, rather than one central housing strategy applicable to a l l bands. A c r i t i c a l approach to on-reserve housing o f f e r s a more structured approach to s o c i a l p o l i c y - a n a l y s i s . Based on my l i t e r a t u r e review a c r i t i c a l approach would include the following p r i n c i p l e s : i) a "systems" concept of the Indian community; i i ) "self-help" housing and; i i i ) • planning as communicative action. A c r i t i c a l approach would also result in a much more appropriate method of planning for Indian development. It would include the following important functions: i ) comprehensive community based planning and i i ) developmental band funding. Over the next ten years DIAND and Indian o f f i c i a l s should gradually implement these p r i n c i p l e s and functions so that the sectoral and "top-down" nature of the policy-process, as evident with on-reserve housing, evolves to incorporate the structures and analyses of a policy-process which i s comprehensive and "bottom-up" in nature. A. THE CRITICAL APPROACH: STRUCTURED SOCIAL POLICY ANALYSIS The c r i t i c a l approach attempts to analyze problems at a deeper l e v e l of understanding than the reformist approach. It d i f f e r s from the reformist approach in that i t stresses the inter r e l a t i o n s h i p s of a range of socio-economic factors and 88 health. It also views these interrelationships within the framework of a dynamic system. The theoretical position adopted by t h i s approach i s that the economic structure and soc i a l r e l ations of production and exchange determine the nature of relationships between man and his environment and thus determine the type of pathologies a f f l i c t i n g him. In p r a c t i c a l terms i t e n t a i l s a c r i t i c a l analysis of the s t r u c t u r a l l y and systematically distorted communications which r e s u l t around planning decisions in order to maintain legitimacy, i . e . the view held by parts of the system that, the existing d i s t r i b u t i o n of power, wealth, p r i v i l e g e s and authority is right and proper. 1. Systems Model Of The Indian Community As was previously pointed out an important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the c r i t i c a l approach is i t s concern with the inte r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the underlying factors of so-called "problems" and understanding contradictions within the socio-economic system. A systems model provides valuable information about the in t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between housing and other socio-economic factors as well as insight into the contradictions of values between an Indian community and the rest of Canadian society. My analysis shows how the quality of information r e l i e d on by DIAND, for making decisions about on-reserve housing between 1940-60, was low. DIAND tended to rely on indicators of the physical conditions of Indian people as r e f l e c t i o n of various s o c i a l pathologies experienced on Indian reserves. As I have pointed out, however, some Indian people reacted p o s i t i v e l y to 89 improvements in housing while others showed a tendency to increasing pathology. In the 70's Indian p o l i t i c a l groups' demand for a more p l u r a l i s t i c approach to s o c i a l choice resulted in DIAND granting more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to Indian people for choosing their own type of housing and managing their own housing programs. Despite this more l i b e r a l s h i f t toward community planning in the 70's and now the 80's s o c i a l pathologies s t i l l p e r s i s t on Indian reserves and a mere correlation of adequate housing with health s t a t i s t i c s and f i r e rates sheds l i t t l e l i g h t on the origins of such underlying pathologies. The dynamic nature of the in t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between socio-economic factors and housing makes i t imperative that planners and community p r a c t i t i o n e r s have an understanding of theories of s o c i a l change and frame their change e f f o r t s in some sort of model associated with existing theories. One well known systems model contributes to an understanding of the planning process by presenting the various levels of planning in a recursive framework (Beer,1974). It provides an understanding of some of the obstacles in the way of such e f f o r t s , shedding l i g h t on deeply held values and t r a d i t i o n s or the resistances of organizations to change (Perlman and Gurin, 1972, p.51). It also provides a way of analyzing and understanding the unexpected results of developmental e f f o r t s and predicting the ef f e c t s of a l t e r n a t i v e developmental e f f o r t s . In endeavouring to analyze the various s o c i a l responses of d i f f e r e n t s o c i o - c u l t u r a l groups to development many theorists 90 have begun to r e a l i z e that the use of s t a t i s t i c a l indicators in planning must be augmented by a systematic interpretative framework (Beer, 1978; Warren, 1977; Bowles, 1980; Weaver and Cunningham, 1982; Holling, 1979). Following the thinking of these theorists a more conceptual approach to understanding the impacts of developmental e f f o r t s , such as housing, on Indian people i s required. To date, with few exceptions, the s o c i a l sciences have f a i l e d to provide the conceptual underpinnings for the application of systems analysis to s o c i a l problems (Weaver and Cunningham, 1981). I would l i k e to discuss some research in the application of systems analysis to Indian development which have been undertaken in the Business Management and Planning f i e l d s . Although none of them have been applied d i r e c t l y to an analysis of on-reserve housing I f e e l they have potential for contributing to an understanding of policy-making in t h i s area of Indian A f f a i r s . Beer (1978) has formulated an a n a l y t i c a l model of the Indian community based on "cybernetics", the science of e f f e c t i v e management. The components of Beer's model include: i) central axis; i i ) "getting ahead" sub-model; and i i i ) "Indian ide n t i t y " sub-model. The model incorporates the dynamics of a dilemma that Beer contends DIAND and Indian bands face in any sort of developmental e f f o r t they undertake, i . e . getting ahead without losing Indian ide n t i t y . Beer believes the task i s to steer the system so that the dilemma does present Indian people with 91 contradictions they can't resolve. The model can ass i s t DIAND and Indian bands understand some of the ef f e c t s of their developmental e f f o r t s . The actual focus for steering in the model i s the band, not DIAND. The key features of the model are shown to be related to each other in a dynamic fashion by the use of l i n e s and arrows. The l i n e s are continually flowing in the d i r e c t i o n of the arrows. An important convention in the model is the "comparator" which i s a measure of the difference between two things (A & B). The difference between A & B, at various points throughout the model, flows away to affect something else. This effect i s c a l l e d feedback. The o r i g i n of change in the model is the central axis. DIAND i s a f a c i l i t a t o r between Canadian society and a band. Although the band is part of Canadian society i t i s separated in the model to i l l u s t r a t e the various inter-connexions and dynamics. To the right of the central axis the model examines "getting ahead". Band s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y i s taken as the c r i t e r i o n of getting ahead. To the l e f t of the cen t r a l axis the model examines "Indian i d e n t i t y " . Band eudemony is taken as the c r i t e r i o n of Indian id e n t i t y . Eudemony is a special kind of happiness, well-being or good feeling. It has l i t t l e r e l a t i o n s h i p to the white man's term "quality of l i f e " (e.g. number of houses). The entire model deals with dynamic interactions between getting ahead and Indian indentity. It is related to the c r i t i c a l approach because i t provides a means for analyzing the 92 interrelationships between housing and other socio-economic factors as well as an understanding of the value contradictions in development e f f o r t s such as housing projects. Most of the inter-connexions are informational feedbacks. Although I can't provide a detailed account of a l l the inter-connexions and feedback loops in the model I w i l l b r i e f l y discuss how the model can be used to analyze the dynamics of band development associated with on-reserve housing. S i m i l a r i l y the model could be used to analyze any band developmental e f f o r t . F i r s t a band makes demands on the structures of DIAND.for housing assistance through applications to various housing programs and annual budget forecasts for housing. DIAND in turn makes al l o c a t i o n s to a band based on the band's demands but also in consideration of budgetary constraints and s t r i c t rules and .regulations for accountability established by the Treasury Board. Demands/allocations i s therefore the f i r s t comparator and an on-going process. There i s an amplifier of actual discrepancy between demand and a l l o c a t i o n going back to the band. There is also an an amplifier of perceived discrepancy or the difference between demand and perceived a l l o c a t i o n . The difference between actual and perceived discrepancy has a very strong e f f e c t on Indian motivation, education and trainin g . For example i f DIAND gives an Indian band as much as i t s annual budget permits but i t i s not as much as the band demanded, the discrepancy w i l l a f f e c t how a band plans, designs and manages i t s own housing. This i s because i f a band does not receive what i t perceives i t deserves i t s motivation and 93 education w i l l be dampered and there w i l l be no entrepeneurial drive. The existence of entrepeneurial drive and managerial s k i l l s , obtained through t r a i n i n g , generates enterprise. In Beer's model enterprise is the key to getting ahead. From enterprise there i s a comparator of number of band members employed in housing related a c t i v i t i e s versus numbers unemployed. This provides an amplifier of the internal revenue of a p a r t i c u l a r band. A comparator of revenues/costs measures the l e v e l of s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y in a band. A large value implies a band has a high degree of s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . Beer suggests that as s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y increases there w i l l be a tendency of government support and assistance for a band to decrease. There is a feedback loop from t h i s comparator to band motivation. He contends that DIAND must be aware of this and be sensitive to any attenuating a f f e c t i t may have on band motivation. Under enterprise there are private housing projects, band housing projects and government assisted housing projects. Band and government assisted housing projects are further c l a s s i f i e d in the model as: i) heritage projects (e.g. logging); i i ) transformed heritage projects (e.g. lumber production, brick manufacturing, pulp and paper); and i i i ) foreign projects (e.g. housing construction, pre-fabrication plants). An assimilation comparator shows the discrepancy between foreign projects and heritage and transformed heritage projects. Beer contends that the value of this comparator should be low i f Indian indentity is a goal. The degree of s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and assimilation in a p a r t i c u l a r band feeds back to the l e f t side of the model and 94 aff e c t the accepted values, norms and structures of an Indian band through a c u l t u r a l modifier. DIAND also imposes values, norms and structures of modern housing, accepted by the rest of Canadian society, on bands. These values, norms and structures are imposed on DIAND through Parliament and the Treasury Board. Each band must reach some sort of a compromise between t r a d i t i o n a l and imposed values, norms and structures. Band eudemony i s a measure of a band's adjustment to imposed values, norms and structures. It i s based on the accepted value structure of the band as well as the band's s e n s i t i v i t y to land possession, hunting/fishing rights, language, community l i f e -s t y l e , band-chief elder r e l a t i o n s h i p and band l i v l i h o o d . A feedback loop from band eudemony to DIAND's structures informs DIAND o f f i c i a l s about the dilemma between getting ahead and maintaining Indian i d e n t i t y . Band eudemony should be high i f e f f o r t s at getting ahead are not resulting in a loss of Indian i d e n t i t y . There i s also a feedback loop to Indian motivation implying that i f band eudemony i s low i t w i l l also decrease band motivation. F i n a l l y a perceived values comparator measures the discrepancy between the accepted values, norms and structures of Canadian society and an Indian band. The existence of a discrepancy here w i l l amplify the l e v e l of "worthiness" that Canadian society has of Indian people and vice-versa. This is important because the perceptions of Indian housing held by Canadian society w i l l shape the values, norms and stuctures 95 imposed on Indian bands. On the other hand the perceptions of housing held by Indian people shape the demands a band w i l l place on the structures of DIAND for housing. Beer's model should be used for providing an understanding of the centralized, "top-down" and sectoral nature of the current policy-process. This was his intention in designing the model so that Indian policy-making might evolve before presenting Indian people with irreconciable c o n f l i c t s . For thi s reason I advocate the use of thi s model by government o f f i c i a l s and Indian people to help the evolution of DIAND's structures and functions. Weaver and Cunningham provide a di f f e r e n t model for analyzing change in an Indian community. They propose a general s o c i a l theory model for native communities (Weaver and Cunningham, 1982). The model, i l l u s t r a t e d in Figure 2, offers a h i s t o r i c a l and • structural approach to understanding socio-economic change in Indian communities and the impact of planning decisions associated with Indian development (e.g. on-reserve housing). 96 Figure 1 - Social Theory Model for Native Communities (Weaver and Cunningham, 1982, p.10) Organization of Economic Produc-ion. Including Predominant Own-ership Patterns and Technology (a) (b) Relationship with Physical Environment (Resource Perception S Spatial Ordering) Division of Labour (c) Distribution of Goods £ Services (f) Social Relations (d) Family Structure <e) Quality of Daily Life (1) Domin Institu (g ant tions ) '. Culture (h) Sociali-zation <j> Psychological Development and Behaviour Patterns Social Values and Norms U) Relations with Other Communities (m) - / Like Beer's model this one i s also dynamic and related to the c r i t i c a l approach because i t offers another means of analyzing the inter r e l a t i o n s h i p s between housing and other socio-economic factors as well as an understanding of the inherent contradictions between an Indian community and the rest 97 of the s o c i a l system. The lines and arrows in their model are meant to show inter-connexions and to be thought of as continually flowing. Weaver and Cunningham provide a framework for a five-stage s o c i a l impact analysis process based on their model. The process includes: i) h i s t o r i c a l analysis; i i ) description of current conditions; i i i ) evaluation of current conditions; iv) alternative scenarios and project appraisal; and v) s o c i a l impact statement. The relationship between th i s process and the model in Figure 2 i s that the model is used as a framework for analyzing change in an Indian community for each of the fiv e stages in the process (e.g. an h i s t o r i c a l description i s rendered for each "box" in the diagram, then a current description for each box, e t c . ) . The importance of t h i s process i s that i t reveals the changes in the s o c i a l and economic relations in an Indian community resulting from developmental e f f o r t s originating outside of the community. In the context of on-reserve housing this framework would apply to any band with an on-going housing project or those bands considering a housing project as a developmental a c t i v i t y . Referring to Figure 2 the h i s t o r i c a l analysis would provide descriptive information about changes that occurred in a pa r t i c u l a r band d i r e c t l y related to housing (e.g. s o c i a l r elations, family structure, dominant i n s t i t u t i o n s and the relationship with physical environment) since Europeon contact. It would also provide information about indirect changes (e.g. d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods and services, s o c i a l values and norms) and psychological development and behaviour patterns. It would also 98 include an account of l o c a l resources used in housing, the style and form of t r a d i t i o n a l housing and settlement patterns and a description of the nature and type of pathologies a f f l i c t i n g the band over time. The h i s t o r i c a l analysis not only provides the opportunity for pinpointing the emergence of band problems but i s also a consciousness r a i s i n g a c t i v i t y in i t s e l f , for a l l band members. The description of current conditions would contain an up-to-date account of various productive a c t i v i t i e s and occupations associated with housing (e.g. lumbering, prefabrication, cement manufacturing, housing planner/manager, accountant, plumber, carpenter, plow operator, painter, inspector, etc.); s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and integration mechanisms ( e.g. d i v i s i o n of labour, d e f i n i t i o n of sex roles, status based on house value, etc . ) ; l e v e l and d i s t r i b u t i o n of housing in the band (e.g. number of households, household size, household type, housing need, etc.) and; the existing i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure and dominant i n s t i t u t i o n s and values ( e.g. family, r e l i g i o n , band council, cooperation, consensus, relationship to the land, etc.) Based on the information and understanding gained in the f i r s t two stages an evaluation of community v i t a l i t y would analyze the degree to which t r a d i t i o n a l socio-economic roles (e.g. communal vs. individual provision of housing, independence vs. dependence on the government, increased d i v i s i o n of labour, cooperation vs. competition, etc.) and i n s t i t u t i o n s and values (e.g. kinship breakdown, family breakdown, dependence, passivity, confusion, competition, 99 appropriation of b e l i e f , d i s o r i e n t a t i o n , etc.) have been transformed by housing projects. The effects of housing are not separated out from the effects of other factors but viewed as interacting with these other factors. Alternative scenarios of the future, envisioning no housing projects and e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t developmental a c t i v i t i e s (e.g. education and t r a i n i n g , alcohal and drug r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , mining, tourism and recreation, hunting and trapping, forestry, f i s h i n g , etc.) would be considered at t h i s point in the process. Once a decision in p r i n c i p a l to proceed with a project was made, a project appraisal using the general s o c i a l theory model would be conducted to consider in i n t e r a t i v e l y increasing d e t a i l where and how a p a r t i c u l a r developmental proposal would impact community l i f e . As a f i n a l output of the evaluation process a written report would provide a clear summary of the considerations and judgements arrived upon. It would be made available in the working languages of a l l interested parties, and would be meant to serve as a focus of community debate and education. This model tends to encourage a decentralized, "bottom-up" and comprehensive policy-process. This i s because i t incorporates a framework of evaluation which is undertaken by community members. As well the f i r s t three steps in the framework are c a r r i e d out by the community and then in conjunction with the government a set of alternative scenarios for development are generated. F i n a l l y the framework can be used to evaluate a variety of developmental e f f o r t s (e.g. 100 s o c i a l and economic) to ensure a p a r t i c u l a r bands's development is balanced. For these reasons I recommend the use of this model by Indian bands and DIAND for analyzing their developmental e f f o r t s . Indian bands would be responsible for carrying out a l l of the steps in the process. DIAND would provide t r a i n i n g and technical assistance to bands requesting i t . 2. "Self-help" Housing The concept of user control in housing, based on the idea of s e l f - r e l i a n c e , i s the essence of Self-help Housing (Haynes, 1979, p.212). It does not deny the technological and i n d u s t r i a l i z e d components available through technological discoveries and mass production nor does i t deny the value of knowledge learned from past experience, but i t does i n s i s t that the individuals concerned be involved in a l l stages of the housing process: the design, the material selection, the assembly and the l i v i n g (Haynes, 1979, p.212). However i t does imply a scale of technology appropriate enough to ensure that the individual maintains control over their housing. As previously pointed out an outcome of the c r i t i c a l approach i s the adoption of a.scale of technology and resources which suit the l o c a l circumstances of the members of a community or t e r r i t o r y . Self-help housing can contribute to the s e l f -s ufficiency of a community of people through a consideration of the use of appropriate resources and technology in the planning and designing of houses. The scale of the housing shortage on Indian-reserves i s 101 such that DIAND can not solve i t by the d i r e c t provision of housing on a welfare basis. Even i f i t were possible such e f f o r t s would not be in the interests of self-confidence and human dignity. My analysis demonstrates that Indian people have become more dependent on the government for housing assistance. While some bands are assuming more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for planning, designing and managing their own housing programs many bands have been disabled from taking their own action by the time consuming and f r u s t r a t i n g nature of the on-reserve housing process. My analysis also indicates that DIAND o f f i c i a l s have tended to put their f a i t h in the v e r t i c a l and h i e r a r c h i c a l organization of a large-scale housing program instead of dir e c t Indian involvement and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . I have shown how in practice the large scale and centralized nature of the on-reserve housing program precludes the. limited variety and f l e x i b i l i t y of the program and prevents the resolution of housing shortages at an appropriate scale. There i s a need for clear comprehension of the unique s o c i a l , economic, p o l i t i c a l and environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a p a r t i c u l a r band and the role housing plays in meeting the self-determined needs of a band. Self-determination of needs i s very important in a band because there are c u l t u r a l and perceptual differences between policy-makers, planners and Indian people, and thus d i f f e r e n t rankings of needs. E f f o r t s in t h i r d world housing lend support to the arguement which stresses helping Indian people to help 1 02 themselves in attaining adequate housing. In the informal sectors of Third World c i t i e s l a t e r a l information and decision networks enable the poor to draw on resources that the r i c h nations and westernized bureaucrats have forgotten or underrated (Oberlander, 1982; Vautherin & Cisse, 1982). The informal sector in the Third World constitutes a labour-intensive and e f f i c i e n t means of providing goods and services and adopts readily to the changing needs of the populace. DIAND's role in housing should be to f a c i l i t a t e the functioning of the informal sector in Indian communities and promote i t s autonomous development by the injection of resources and the provision of tra i n i n g in appropriate technologies. Housing components and materials could form a l o c a l l y controlled leading sector in certain bands depending on their developmental p r i o r i t i e s . In those bands where housing i s chosen as a developmental p r i o r i t y the following p r i n i c i p l e s of self-help housing, as outlined by Turner (1976), are applicable. F i r s t , i s the necessity for self-government in l o c a l a f f a i r s for which the pr i n c i p l e of l o c a l and personal freedom to build must be maintained (Turner, 1976, p.226). Second is the necessity for using the least necessary power, weight and size of tool for the job (whether managerial or technological) (Turner, 1976, p.226). Self-help housing recognizes the reassertion of l o c a l t e r r i t o r i a l powers in order that a community or a t e r r i t o r y can achieve economic s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and formulate p o l i c i e s that are f l e x i b l e enough to provide for l o c a l needs, interests and 1 03 aspirations. These conditions may be achieved through "selective t e r r i t o r i a l closure" (Friedmann and Weaver, 1979) and a s t r i v i n g towards s e l f - r e l i a n t development. This necessitates an expression of f a i t h in the a b i l i t i e s of people to guide the forces of their own evolution. Indian people would rely less on outside aid and investment. Self-help housing also involves the whole Indian community in development, i n i t i a t e s a conscious process of s o c i a l learning between Indian people and the government, d i v e r s i f i e s indigenous production, pools indigeneous resources and leads to the adoption of "alternative" or appropriate technologies. 3. Planning As Communicative Action Another important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the c r i t i c a l approach is a deep understanding of contradictions which occur between planners and the planned-for and the provision of suitable structures and processes to prevent communications between the two from being distorted. As pointed out in my analysis DIAND o f f i c i a l s may or may not be aware of subtle d i s t o r t i o n s of communication occurring on di f f e r e n t l e v e l s (e.g. bureaucratic language, technical d e f i n i t i o n of the problem, diversion from policy options, e t c . ) . DIAND attempted to improve communication between i t s organization and Indian people by implementing mechanisms for Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n but these mechanisms have not proved to be as e f f e c t i v e as hoped. In practice DIAND has never followed a planning procedure which provides s u f f i c i e n t f i n a n c i a l support and/or technical assistance to allow Indian communities to 104 develop their inherent a b i l i t i e s for communication, decision-making, and e f f e c t i v e community action. DIAND, as an organization, not only accomplishes results keyed to the "means and ends" of a problem but also reproduces s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l relations of knowledge, consent, trust and attention (Forester,1980). The structure of i t s planning process r e f l e c t s a systematic patterning of communication that influences levels of Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n and action. By an t i c i p a t i n g the interests, needs and aspirations of Indian people DIAND can build s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l support in addition to producing technical solutions. DIAND can put a c r i t i c a l theory of communicative action into practice by f i r s t recognizing that usual planning practice is a normatively rule-structured communication process which d i s t o r t s the prospects and p o s s i b i l i t e s Indian people face (Habermas,1975; Forester,1980). A c r i t i c a l approach would require more than technical knowledge to be e f f e c t i v e , i . e . promote p r a c t i c a l organizational s k i l l s and knowledge (Forester, 1980; Heskin,l980; Friedmann,1981). By understanding the possible harm done to Indian people when those c i t i z e n s have l i t t l e democratic voice in their own organizational management, DIAND would then understand why pa r t i c u l a r pathologies of domination and undemocratic p o l i t i c s occur. F i n a l l y , DIAND needs to know how Indian people are rendered ignorant, powerless, dependent and confused by public bureaucratic organizations and how to support Indian organizations and movements that work to overcome these problems. 105 A commitment to technical problem-solving perpetuates the contradictions that are inherent in the structures of society. Current planning may ease p o l i t i c a l tensions over s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e s for a period of time. However, i f these underlying contradictions are not resolved perceived problems (e.g. housing) w i l l continue to be the focus of attention in the system. Since i t i s u n r e a l i s t i c to assume that DIAND's role w i l l change immediately the f i r s t step in resolving these contradictions i s a commitment to understanding them. This can be achieved through a process of " s o c i a l learning" (Friedmann,1973:1981; Grabow and Heskin,1973; Habermas,1975; Schon, 1980) between Indian communities and DIAND. Social learning culminates in c o l l e c t i v e action, which e n t a i l s a group held together by communication among i t s members (internal environment), as well as communication with other decision-making organizations (external environment). It involves a "bottom-up" as well as a "top-down" flow of communication between the group and decision-makers, thereby requiring the physical, presence of members from each affected group who have valuable knowledge and experience about their s i t u a t i o n . In the course of an evolving situation communication among affected groups and the decision-making organization w i l l be on-going thereby leading to appropriate adjustments in planning actions. For c o l l e c t i v e action to be successful the internal and external environments must be continuously brought into adjustment to each other. This can be accomplished through 1 06 t h r e e i n t e r r e l a t e d p r o c e s s e s of c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n . F i r s t , the t e c h n i c a l p r o c e s s of comprehensive s o c i o - e c o n o m i c , e n v i r o n m e n t a l and c u l t u r a l p l a n n i n g i n I n d i a n communities. T h i s r e q u i r e s t h a t I n d i a n people be t r a i n e d t o un d e r t a k e t h i s p r o c e s s themselves and l e a r n t o communicate i n a f a s h i o n t h a t does not e x c l u d e members of the community from the p r o c e s s . Second, a s e l f - m a n a g i n g , p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s of d e c i s i o n -making concerned w i t h c o n c e i v i n g , p l a n n i n g and r e a l i z i n g p r i o r i t i e s of community development. Most I n d i a n bands have t h i s c a p a c i t y but i t has been undermined by the p r e d o m i n a n t l y "top-down" c h a r a c t e r of the c u r r e n t p l a n n i n g s t r a t e g y . A h i g h degree of a c c o u n t a b i l i t y of band o f f i c i a l s b e f o r e t h e i r members and government o f f i c i a l s b e f o r e bands would be n e c e s s a r y . F i n a l l y , a p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l p r o c e s s of m o n i t o r i n g p r o g r e s s i n a l l phases of development, as w e l l as the s o c i e t a l a t t i t u d e s and v a l u e s c o n c e r n i n g the human q u a l i t i e s of l i f e and the development of a community. T h i s i s based on the assumption t h a t s o c i a l l e a r n i n g proceeds from p r a c t i c e i n which l e a r n i n g i s embodied i n the l e a r n e r and i n t e g r a t e d through the co u r s e of a c t i o n (Friedmann,1981). Imparted t h r o u g h d i a l o g u e and p e r s o n a l example s o c i a l l e a r n i n g i s a measure of p r o g r e s s of development. 1 07 B. THE CRITICAL APPROACH: A METHOD OF PLANNING There are few examples of an application of the c r i t i c a l approach as a method of planning in the l i t e r a t u r e . In rel a t i o n to on-reserve housing the application of thi s approach toward planning w i l l require some major changes in the structure and functions of DIAND. Some of these changes w i l l be discussed below but i t i s important to keep in mind that the theory on which the method is based demands a more fundamental change in the economic and p o l i t i c a l system i t s e l f . The application of thi s method of planning w i l l have to consider the following. F i r s t i s the preparation , tr a i n i n g and education needed by Indian people in order to undertake their own planning. What type of planning? i . e . sectoral vs. integrated. What type of preparation, t r a i n i n g and education? i . e . programs, workshops or tra i n i n g centres. How much preparation, t r a i n i n g and education w i l l be required? i . e . one year, fiv e years or ten years. Who w i l l pay for the necessary preparation, t r a i n i n g and education? i . e . the 'government, private organizations or Indian bands. Who w i l l provide the preparation, training and education? i . e . the government, private consultants or Indian bands. Second is the governing and administrative structures that would apply. What l e v e l of governing and administration w i l l preside? i . e . national, p r o v i n c i a l , d i s t r i c t , t r i b a l or band. What sort of legal and fi n a n c i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of planning r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s ? i . e . government, private organizations, band or in d i v i d u a l . F i n a l l y a consideration of the necessary l e g i s l a t i v e f i n a n c i a l and other 108 regulatory controls that are acceptable to the Indian people. Who w i l l be accountable and to whom? These are a l l important questions which w i l l have to be answered before an application of the c r i t i c a l approach is possible. It i s important to keep in mind that there is no single answer for a l l Indian bands to any one of these questions since the needs', values and aspirations of each are d i f f e r e n t . 1. Comprehensive Community Based Planning Another c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the c r i t i c a l approach is a decentralized, "bottom-up" and comprehensive planning. Comprehensive community based planning i s a strategy by which the l o c a l needs, aspirations and and interests of a p a r t i c u l a r band are taken into account by the members of the community in an integrated fashion. Members of the community are actually involved in a process of evaluating various options for development. It would be comprehensive planning in the sense that bands would be given the opportunity, through the above three planning processes, sytematically to analyse the nature of t h e i r problems and derive "whole" solutions, rather than the fragmented solutions r e s u l t i n g from current sectoral planning. Depending on a p a r t i c u l a r band's p r i o r i t i e s housing may be considered as part of a comprehensive solution to the underlying socio-economic problems. This is due more to the nature of the community-planning process i t s e l f than housing per se, since i t 1 09 e n t a i l s a high degree of community p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 1 By taking part in community-planning band members would become more aware of the opportunities and the r e s t r i c t i o n s that exist in the system encompassing them. They would also learn and work in so c i a l groups, once again, and not as isolated individuals. Planning i n i t i a t i v e s are more successful i f the intended ben e f i c i a r i e s take part in their formulation and implementation. This implies a "bottom-up" as opposed to a "top-down" planning process. Individuals sharing in the decision-making process w i l l become more s a t i s f i e d with the results because they conform to their aspirations and accustomed l i f e s t y l e s . Ideally members of the community should undertake a h i s t o r i c a l analysis, description of current community conditions and an evaluation of community v i t a l i t y before making any development decisions. Then in conjunction with DIAND p r i o r i t i e s for development and value choices should be made right in the community. Community planning helps remove the d i s t i n c t i o n between "planner" and "planned for" thereby r a i s i n g the l e v e l of awareness of people's values and b e l i e f s . It thus r e c t i f i e s planning errors by making i t possible for c l i e n t s to point out what w i l l work and what w i l l not. If i t i s genuinely mass-based community-planning builds up the self-enabling character and co-operative s p i r i t of the community. Facing common problems as a s o l i d group and finding 1 Community-planning should i d e a l l y involve a l l of the members of the community in making decisions. Depending on the existing power structure of an Indian band, however, this is not always the case in practice. 110 solutions c o l l e c t i v e l y leads to greater self-assurance and pride in the group's a b i l i t y to act productively. Consciousness of a larger whole whose welfare i s every individual's concern is more l i k e l y to re s u l t in organized p a r t i c i p a t i n g groups. Individuals and communities experiencing d i f f i c u l t i e s in meeting their housing needs should be given the opportunities and assistance to meet these needs in a manner which i s consistant with l o c a l circumstances. Indian bands should be provided with block funding to permit comprehensive analysis and planning for long-term socio-economic development undertaken at the community l e v e l . Subsequent DIAND programming should be organized primarily to meet the needs which the plans of these individual bands determine to be necessary for integrated community development. 2. Developmental Approach Toward Band Funding A developmental approach to band funding takes into consideration the following factors. F i r s t , i s that bands w i l l require lump sums of money i f they are going to undertake comprehensive planning objectives. Second, i s that bands need to aggregate available funding amongst themselves in order that the funding can go further. F i n a l l y , the use of both public and private sources of funding in order to create more innovative funding strategies. Comprehensive community planning is capable of making a s i g n i f i c a n t contribution to Indian development i f i t incorporates a composite of s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l objectives. This suggests the type of programs that w i l l 111 contribute more d i r e c t l y to an improvement in the s o c i a l and economic conditions of Indian people through a realignment of resources in both the government and the community (e.g. education and t r a i n i n g , alcohal and drug r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , hunting and trapping, farming, forestry, f i s h i n g , mining, tourism and recreation, etc . ) . It i s l i k e l y that the Indian Act w i l l not be revised for some time and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for deciding the size of the Indian A f f a i r s ' budget w i l l continue to reside with the Treasury Board.; The exercise of greater powers by bands for comprehensive community-based planning would be a p r a c t i c a l step in preparing bands for any forthcoming revisions to the Indian Act. The r e l a t i v e merits and implications of several d i f f e r e n t approaches to the a l l o c a t i o n of e x i s t i n g funds for Indian development should therefore be seriously examined. The d i f f i c u l t i e s associated with a r r i v i n g at the most appropriate funding procedures should not be underestimated. It i s l i k e l y that some Indian groups w i l l oppose any option which varies from the present approach, especially i f i t e n t a i l s cut-backs in the amount of money they have received in the past. A re-d i s t r i b u t i o n of existing funds, however, would a s s i s t poorer bands to achieve their development objectives. The transfer of program funding to Indian bands should be planned in such away that there is no increase in the t o t a l expenditure on the programs at the time of transfer. A true saving can only result i f the growth of Indian independence i s 112 accompanied by a corresponding reduction in government bureaucracy. It should also be possible for bands to re-allocate e x i s t i n g funding in more developmental ways. F i r s t there should be a greater u t i l i z a t i o n of block versus sectoral funding. Block funding refers to the transfer of funds to Indians in such a manner that the number of categories of accountability i s minimized and the discretionary a b i l i t y of Indians to choose their own developmental p r i o r i t i e s to s u i t l o c a l conditions is maximized. Second, there should be a s h i f t away from per capita funding toward greater amalgamation or aggregation of funding for programs and organizational structures by groups of bands (e.g. T r i b a l Councils, Indian Regional Committees) sharing similar developmental p r i o r i t i e s or having some sort of c u l t u r a l a f f i n i t y amongst themselves (e.g. Sto-lo Housing Society of B.C.). Third there should be more innovative approaches to band funding which: i) Establish a viable working relationship between the Credit Union-Trade Union movements, both p r o v i n c i a l l y and at l o c a l l e v e l s . i i ) Work with l o c a l community groups to solve housing problems for low and modest incomes, seniors, handicapped, single parents, natives, and others facing housing d i f f i c u l t i e s . i i i ) Blend public and private housing funding to create new housing financing approaches. (Harcourt, 1979, p.2) Once again i t is recommended that DIAND and the Indian people seriously reconsider the potential of housing for contributing to community development. The besetting l i m i t a t i o n 1 1 3 of housing as a means of s o c i a l change is that i t does not change the actual socio-economic conditions of people but serves to make these conditions a l i t t l e more tolerable. It is aimed at encouraging Indians to p a r t i c i p a t e in community a c t i v i t i e s and give them a feeling that they count and they are competent, but i t stops there. It does not e n t a i l a questioning and a radic a l re-organization of the existing s o c i a l and economic strutures which allow inequity, inequality and the perpetuation of pathologies associated with domination. Once, a band has agreed to accept i t s funding on the basis of the p r i n c i p l e of comprehensive community-based planning i t would no longer be the recipient, per se, of programs from DIAND. Instead i t would have the power to choose for i t s e l f from among the available ideas, s k i l l s and services, both within and outside government departments, what i t feels would best improve conditions in the community. Al t e r n a t i v e l y , a band could delegate the management of necessary funds to T r i b a l or Regional Indian organizations where decisions with respect to the a l l o c a t i o n of funds for development would be made c o l l e c t i v e l y among representatives from the group of bands. An extensive examination of the application of these p r i n c i p l e s , undertaken by Indian bands, Indian organizations and DIAND, i s a pre-requisite to obtaining Cabinet approval of comprehensive community-based planning and a developmental approach to band planning. As was previously pointed out the implementation of these p r i n c i p l e s also requires a close examination of: i) the preparation, training and education 114 needed by Indian people in order to undertake t h e i r own comprehensive community-based planning; i i ) the governing and administrative structures that would apply; and i i i ) the necessary l e g i s l a t i v e , f i n a n c i a l and other regulatory controls that are acceptable to the Indian people. In order to test these p r i n c i p l e s and to resolve other complex issues that could cause delays in implementation, i t i s suggested that these p r i n c i p l e s be applied on a limited basis in the B.C. Region of DIAND and the processes and results associated with their application be cl o s e l y monitored and evaluated by the Indian people themselves. 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Vancouver: The Centre for Human Settlements, U.B.C., 1982. 1 24 APPENDIX A - CHRONOLOGY OF ON-RESERVE HOUSING EVENTS 125 MAJOR DATES & EVENTS PRINCIPLES FUNDING SOURCES RESPONSIBILITY - Housing Assistance - No formal program - Operation of sawmills 1956 - Revisions In Indian Act & N.H.A. 1957-1960 - Increased emphasis on house building and repairs. - revisions to scale of r e l i e f assistance. - development of housing standards. 1957 * ORDER IN COUNCIL P.C. 1957-196^ - Amended Revolving Funds Regulation to assist Indians J l i v i n g away from the reserveJ 1959 * "Canadian Indian Homes" handboo] published. 1962 * Indian Subsidy Program 1962-1963 * Housing Survey 1965 * Circular #387 - Emphasis placed on housing requirements on reserves adjacent to v i l l a g e s , towns, i) Indians contribute i n accordance with their a b i l i t y , either by providing material or labour or both. Ii) Housing requirements of the sick and aged given f i r s t consideration. i i i ) Instruction, assistance and employment provided i n sawmills. iv) Indian bands encourages to meet housing needs by community action. i) Permit q u a l i f i e d Indian applicants to obtain house financing through N.H.A. programs. i i ) Subject to special guarantee provisions. i) Housing contributes, not only to physical needs of Indians but also to their morale and their desire to achieve better social and economic conditions. i i ) Source of continuing employment. i i i ) Place more responsibility on Indian families to manage their own a f f a i r s remove stigma of r e l i e f , maintain morale and s e l f interest. 1) F a c i l i t a t e economic and s o c i a l adjustment. 1) Help f i e l d administrators and Indians in selecting housing plans, determining appropriate and guiding community development, house grouping, sanitation, selection of sight, sewage disposal, etc, i i ) Promote orderly development of Indian communities and adequate standards of housing, hygiene and essential services. i ) Provide shelter for a l l Indian families. 11) Provide houses of a minimum standard for those capable of making a personal contribution. Welfare subsidy appropriation, Veteran's land Act Grants, band fund and personal contributioni Department of Citizenship and Immigration C.M.H.C. Subsidy, welfare approprla t ion, band funds, N.H.A. loans and personal contri-butions . 126 1965... c i t i e s and industry or on relocation to reserves adjacent to job opportunities * Winter House Building Incentive Program 1966 * Physical Community Development Program *Survey - S t a t i s t i c s for Indian housing and f a c i l i t i e s * Long Range Financial Forecast - housing requirements 1966-71 * Circular 0672 - house designs i * "Indian A f f a i r s House Designs" I I i - new brochures prepared | * Circular #665 - Subsidy housing program amended - Band Operated programs approved 1966-1967 Hawthorne Report - government commissioned national survey on Canadian Indians. Department of Labour i) Where Indian bands are s u f f i c i e n t l y advanced to manage their own a f f a i r s and indicate an interest to do so, they should be encouraged to assume most of the administrative r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s presently provided by the branch and thus achieve a larger degree of s e l f -determination. i) With the introduction of new o f f -reserve housing programs and loans to Indian families on reserves, larger house designs required. i ) By involving Indians i n the selection of their own house plan, the colour scheme, choice of heating appliance and many other details encountered i n home building, they w i l l develop a pride of ownership and w i l l keep their homes in good repair. i) Realized that the house specifications in Band Councils effect under this approval did not meet C.M.H.C. minimum standards. 11) Approval to transfer responsibility and related f i n a n c i a l resources for construction of Indian houses on reserves to Band Councils or to Housing Committee responsible to Band Council. i ) Rejected termination of special rights of Indian peoples as a policy option. i i ) Citizen plus status for Indians. i l l ) Role of advocate - ombudsman for Indian A f f a i r s Branch because many Indians lacked the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l s k i l l s of self-defence. iv) Refuted usual constitutional agreement that Indians were the exclusive respon-s i b i l i t y of the federal government, thereby leaving the way open for the provinces to deliver programs to Indians. v) Emphasized development on a broad socio-economic scale i n order to reverse Indian poverty and depending on the government. vi) Urged recognition of increasing social problems among Indians i n c i t i e s . 1967 . . . * P r i v y C o u n c i l 1967-1725 - approve I n d i a n On Reserve Housing R e g u l a t i o n s (CMHC lo a n s ) * H o u s i n g Design Study - "New P a t t e r n s f o r I n d i a n Communities" * C i r c u l a r #777 ! - I n d i a n On Reserve Housing Program - e s t a b l i s h e s f o u r b a s i c programs a) s u b s i d y h o u s i n g b) I n d i a n On-Reserve Housing c) I n d i a n O f f - R e s e r v e Housing d) Band A d m i n i s t e r e d Housing 1968 * C i r c u l a r #797 - Band A d m i n i s t e r e d Programs i extended to i n c l u d e construe; t i o n o f road, water and I sewage system. * C i r c u l a r 91 - summary of f i v e - y e a r program of p h y s i c a l development o f I n d i a n Communities j 1969 * White Paper - p r o p o s a l a g l o b a l t e r m i n a -t i o n o f a l l s p e c i a l treatment o f I n d i a n s i n c l u d i n g the I n d i a n A c t . 1970 * C i r c u l a r 048 Commun i t y Improvement Proposed P o l i c i e s and Programs 127 i ) Purpose o f b r o c h u r e i s not to l a y down new h o u s i n g d e s i g n s t a n d a r d s but r a t h e r to e x p l o r e some o f p o s s i b i l i t i e s t h a t can a r i s e when we move away from s t a n d a r d c i t y - l i k e s u b d i v i s i o n s p l a n n i n g and look a l i k e bungalow p a t t e r n s . i ) P r o v i d e s a s s i s t a n c e towards b e t t e r l i v i n g accommodation, water and s a n i t a r y | s e r v i c e s , e l e c t r i f i c a t i o n and improved roads on Ind i a n R e s e r v e s . i i ) Branch concerned r e g a r d i n g q u a l i t y o f c o n s t r u c t i o n o f h o u s i n g - program expanded i n $ o n l y - no a d d i t i o n a l s t a f f f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ! s u p e r v i s i o n and p l a n n i n g - no a d d i t i o n a l funds p e r u n i t w h i l e m a t e r i a l c o s t s and l a b o u r s p i r a l each y e a r . DIAND s u b s i d y , l o a n s , band and i n d i v i d u a l cont r i b u t i o n s DIAND, CMHC, Band C o u n c i l s i ) ' E q u a l i t y * o r " n o n - d i s c r i m i n a t i o n was the key i n g r e d i e n t i n a s o l u t i o n t o the problems o f I n d i a n s , and s p e c i a l r i g h t s a r e the major cause o f I n d i a n problems. 11) ' E q u a l i t y * was to be a c h i e v e d by t e r m i -n a t i n g the s p e c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n and bu r e a u c r a c y t h a t had de v e l o p e d o v e r t h e past c e n t u r y to d e a l w i t h the I n d i a n s . i i i ) T r a n s f e r t o the p r o v i n c e s t h e r e s p o n -s i b i l i t y f o r a d m i n i s t e r i n g s e r v i c e s to I n d i a n s . i ) I n c r e a s i n g emphasis on the d e s i r e a b i -l i t y o f Band C o u n c i l s assuming r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e i r own h o u s i n g and community improvement programs. i ) Emphasis p l a c e d on programs which s t i m u l a t e and a s s i s t bands p r o p e r l y t o manage t h e i r own programs. 128 1970... * Community Improvements Proposed, P o l i c i e s and Programs... i i ) Indians should bo encouraged to accept mo rtgage and r e n t a l payments as normal o b l i g a t i o n s of owning or r e n t i n g p r o p e r t y . i i i ) E d u c a t i o n a l program w i t h the o b j e c t i v e of i n c r e a s i n g the number of bands q u a l i f i e d to a d m i n i s t e r t h e i r own housing programs. i v ) P u b l i c housing i s a j u s t and e q u i t a b l e s o l u t i o n to many I n d i a n housing problems. v) Greater band c o n t r i b u t i o n s encouraged f o r i n t e r n a l roads, water and sewage systems and i n t e r n a l power. v i ) Need f o r community p l a n n i n g f o r a l l r e s e r v e s . v i i ) Subsidy Program d i s c o n t i n u e d and r e p l a c e d by New R e n t a l and Purchase Housing Program i n remote a r e a s . v i i i ) Arrange f o r t r a n s f e r of t h i s Department' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n the housing programs to another F e d e r a l Department o r to P r o v i n c i a l Governments as soon as p o s s i b l e . 1971 * C i r c u l a r #893 1972 * D i r e c t i v e on Band A d m i n i s t e r e d Housing Program * P r o v i n c i a l Home A c q u i s i t i o n Grant R i g h t s extended to Homes on I n d i a n Reserves. 1973 * C i r c u l a r #57 - maximum subs i d y i n c r e a s e d from $7,000 t o $10,000 per u n i t * B i l l C-133 - an act to amend the NHA 1974 * R u r a l and N a t i v e Housing P o l i c y ! i ) Right of homeowner to o b t a i n a home of h i s choosing w i t h i n the r e s t r i c t i o n of a v a i l a b l e funds. i ) E s t a b l i s h i n g aims and g u i d e l i n e s of expanded band a d m i n i s t e r e d Housing Program. a) P a r t i a l b a s i s b) Year to year b a s i s c) Long range planned b a s i s i ) S e c t i o n 15.1 - loans and c o n t r i b u t i o n s to n o n - p r o f i t o r g a n i z a t ions i i ) S e c t i o n 34.18 - loans and c o n t r i b u t i o n s to co-o p e r a t i v e s i ) C o n s t r u c t i o n or a c q u i s i t i o n of up to 50,000 d w e l l i n g s over the next 5 years f o r people i n r u r a l areas and s m a l l communities who cannot a f f o r d decent accommodat i o n . i i ) E x t e n s i o n of the NHA r e s i d e n t i a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n program beyond the l a r g e c e n t r e s . 129 1976 * J o i n t DIAND/NIB T e c h n i c a l Report * D e s i g n a t i o n o f I n d i a n Reserves as Communities * D e s i g n a t i o n o f I n d i a n Reserves as Communities 1977 * Pink C i r c u l a r //1053 - amends p i n k c i r c u l a r //1051 D i s c u s s i o n Paper - proposed h o u s i n g p o l i c y and comprehensive h o u s i n g program, "On-Reserve H o u s i n g Program" - s u b s i d y i n c r e a s e d from $10,000 to $12,000 * D i s c u s s i o n Paper - proposed i n f r a s t r u c t u r e program i ) Main t h r u s t and p r i o r i t y o f new program be towards t h e needs o f t h e "no-income" group (0-$4 , 0 0 0 / y e a r ) . i i ) DIAND s h o u l d m a i n t a i n l e a d r e s p o n s i b i -l i t y . i i i ) Bands be e n a b l e d to manage t h e i r h o using program t h r o u g h l o c a l government. i v ) Housing s u b s i d i e s and l o a n s be s c a l e d a c c o r d i n g t o the income o f i n d i v i d u a l s and Bands. v) Resources o f CMHC and o t h e r f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l a g e n c i e s be made a v a i l a b l e to Bands and i n d i v i d u a l s . v i ) S p e c i a l S t a t u s o f r e s e r v e l a n d s not be j e o p a r d i z e d t h r o u g h p r o v i s i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l and Band l o a n s f o r h o u s i n g . v i i ) A s u i t a b l e mechanism be d e v e l o p e d f o r I n d i a n p e o p l e to have d i r e c t i n p u t a t every l e v e l o f h o u s i n g p o l i c y d e v e l o p -ment and program management. i ) Q u a l i f y f o r R.R.A.P. through CMHC I) Requirements f o r band h o u s i n g p r o j e c t a u t h o r i z a t i o n i ) P r o v i d e each I n d i a n i n d i v i d u a l and f a m i l y , r e g a r d l e s s o f income, w i t h the o p p o r t u n i t y t o s e c u r e d e c e n t , s a f e and s a n i t a r y h o u s i n g through t h e i r band o r on t h e i r own i n i t i a t i v e . i i ) C r e a t e j o b s f o r unemployed and under-employed I n d i a n s through c o p i t a l i n p u t s r e q u i r e d f o r c o n s t r u c t i o n and r e n o v a t i o n o f h o u s i n g , c o - o r d i n a t e d w i t h M i l j o b c r e a t i o n programs. i l l ) D evelop a new d e l i v e r y system r e s p o n s i v e to I n d i a n d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g . i v ) P l a c e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e d e s i g n , c o n s t r u c t i o n and management o f Band h o u s i n g programs i n the hands o f Band C o u n c i l s . v) U t i l i z e programs and r e s o u r c e s o f DIAND, CMHC, M&I, DREE and N.H. & W. to t a c k l e the problem o f I n d i a n h o u s i n g . i ) P r o v i d e 25,500 new and e x i s t i n g I n d i a n homes w i t h p o t a b l e water, s a f e waste d i s p o s a l f a c i l i t i e s , e l e c t r i c i t y , f i r e p r o t e c t i o n and r o a d s . DIAND s u b s i d y , l o a n s , j o b c r e a t i o n funds, Band and i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s . B.C. M i n i s t r y o f Housing DIAND, CMHC, E.I.C., DREE, N.H.W., Band C o u n c i l s 1978 * D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f Mortgage Management i ) DIAND p o l i c y t o d e c e n t r a l i z e mortgage management o f the program t o the r e g i o n s . 130 1979 * Housing Needs A n a l y s i s - f i n a l r e p o r t * P r e s e n t and Future I n f r a -s t r u c t u r e Requi reraents - f i n a l r e p o r t * Union o f B.C. I n d i a n C h i e f s Report on Housing Programs i ) P r o v i d e an a c c u r a t e assessment of on-r e s e r v e h o u s i n g needs. 1980 * P.C. 1980-504 * B.C. R e g i o n a l R e v i s i o n P r o p o s a l f o r on Reserve H o u s i n g Program * B.C. I n n o v a t i v e Housing's N a t i v e Housing A c t i o n Programme - based on Sto-Lo H o u s i n g S o c i e t y ' s e x p e r i e n c e . D i s c u s s i o n Paper - on r e s e r v e h o u s i n g p o l i c y and program. NIB H o u s i n g Program - o u t l i n e s components c o n s i d e r e d b a s i c to a sound p o l i c y f o r h o u s i n g and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e on r e s e r v e s . i ) Adequate h o u s i n g must be p r o v i d e d by the f e d e r a l government. i i ) Housing development must be t o t a l l y i n t e g r a t e d w i t h the o v e r a l l community development s t r u c t u r e o f I n d i a n communities. i i i ) Decent r a i l z a t i on o f funds and resource; to r e s e r v e l e v e l . i ) A p p r o v a l o f annexed terms and c o n d i t i o n : f o r t h e guarantee by the M i n i s t e r o f I n d i a n A f f a i r s and N o r t h e r n Development o f l o a n s made f o r h o u s i n g purposes on I n d i a n Reserves and d e s i g n a t e d I n d i a n S e t t l e m e n t s to I n d i a n Bands. i ) N e c e s s a r y to have f r e e i s s u a n c e o f h o u s i n g s u b s i d y funds from the s c a l e o f c i r c u l a r $57. i i ) Examine a l t e r n a t i v e methods of funding i n f r a - s t r u c t u r e needs. i ) E s t a b l i s h v i a b l e w o r k i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the c r e d i t u n i o n - t r a d e u n i o n s movements both p r o v i n c i a l l y and a t l o c a l ] l e v e l s . i i ) Work w i t h l o c a l community groups to s o l v e h o u s i n g problems f o r low and modest incomes, s e n i o r s , h a n d i c a p p e d , s i n g l e p a r e n t s , n a t i v e s and o t h e r s f a c i n g h o u s i n g d i f f i c u l t i e s . i i i ) B l e n d p u b l i c and p r i v a t e h o u s i n g f u n d i n g to c r e a t e new h o u s i n g f i n a n c i n g a p p r o a h c e s . i ) To encourage I n d i a n communities t o take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r meeting t h e i r own h o u s i n g needs i n a manner c o n s i s t e n t ^ w i t h l o c a l a s p i r a t i o n s . i ) Bands s h o u l d have t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o d e s i g n , c o n t r o l and d e l i v e r programs on r e s e r v e s . i i ) Band C o u n c i l s s h o u l d be a c c o u n t a b l e t o t h e i r membership and a l s o t o the Government o f Canada f o r t h e e x p e n d i -t u r e o f funds. i i i ) The Department s h o u l d be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r e n s u r i n g t h a t h o u s i n g r e s o u r c e s become a v a i l a b l e i n a manner which s u p p o r t s band i n i t i a t i v e s . i v ) I n d i v i d u a l s and communities e x p e r i e n c i n g h o u s i n g problems s h o u l d be a b l e to d e v e l o p approaches to s o l v e these problems i n a manner c o n s i s t e n t w i t h l o c a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s . NIB Housing Program. * Indian C o n d i t i o n s : A Survey - o u t l i n e s changes i n s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s of Indian people d u r i n g l a s t 10-20 y e a r s . * Indian Housing I n f r a s t r u c t u r e Standards * Communique - sub s i d y i n c r e a s e d from $12,000 to $22,125 1981 * D i s c u s s i o n Paper - on-reserve housing p o l i c y and program v) The government resource a l l o c a t i o n process shou Id se rve as an i ncent i ve to s t i m u l a t e performance in c o n s t r u c t i o n and maintenance of Indian housing s t o c k . i ) Provides a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c r i t e r i a f o r det e r m i n i n g the l e v e l of i n f r a s t r u c t u r e that may be provided i n support of Indian housing and the c o n d i t i o n s which must be met to j u s t i f y expen-d i t u r e f o r i n f r a s t r u c t u r e systems. D i s c u s s i o n Paper... Program C i r c u l a r J t h i s and subsequent " J " c i r -c u l a r s s e t s out o p e r a t i o n a l procedures and g u i d e l i n e s f o r program d e l i v e r y . i ) Indians and t h e i r band c o u n c i l s have primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r p l a n n i n g , b u i l d i n g and managing housing s t o c k on r e s e r v e s . i i ) DLAND's On-Reserve Housing Program a s s i s t s Indians i n the development and f i n a n c i n g of housing o n - r e s e r v e s . i i i ) DIAND's S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e Program, which provides f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e on the b a s i s of need can provide a s h e l t e r allowance. Iv) Indi ans are encuu raged to make f u l l use of funds from sources o t h e r than DIAND. v) DIAND w i l l a s s i s t i n the development of Indian Housing standards and gu i d e -1 ines i ) Housing i s an i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and the Indian On-Reserve Housing Program i s designed to a s s i s t i n d i v i d u a l s and bands i n o b t a i n i n g adequate housing. i i ) Capi t a l subs i d i e s p r o v i d e d by DIAND are i n s u f f i c i e n t by themselves to b u i l d adequate houses. The s u b s i d i e s have to be used along w i t h o t h e r s o u r c e s of funding. 1982 * Program C i r c u l a r J-2 - d e s c r i b e s how bands may u t i l i z e a combination of funding sources to a c q u i r e band owned r e n t a l housing. * Program C i r c u l a r J-3 - d e s c r i b e s how band members may a c q u i r e i n d i v i d u a l l y owned housing on t h e i r reserves or s e t t l e m e n t s through the use of repayable l o a n s . * Program C i r c u l a r J-4 - d e s c r i b e s how bands or i n d i v i d u a l s can u t i l i z e the RRAP program to improve or upgrade e x i s t i n g housing b u i l t p r i o r to August, 19 77 on-r e s e r v e s . * Program C i r c u l a r J-5 - c l a r i f i e s f o r a l l p a r t i e s concerned the a c t i o n that must be taken and a l l the steps t h a t must be f o l l o w e d when payments on a housing loan are i n a r r e a r s . 

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