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Community resistance, land use and wage labour in Paulatuk, N.W.T. McDonnell, Sheila Margaret 1983

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COMMUNITY RESISTANCE LAND USE AND WAGE LABOUR IN PAULATUK, N.W.T. by SHEILA MARGARET MCDONNELL B.A. Honours, M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y , 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Geography) We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l 1983 G) S h e i l a M a rgaret M c D o n n e l l , 1983 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I agree t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by t h e head o f my department o r by h i s o r h e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 DE-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT This paper discusses community resistance to the imposition of an external i n d u s t r i a l socio-economic system and the destruction of a d i s t i n c t i v e land-based way of l i f e . It shows how h i s t o r i c a l l y Inuvialuit independence has been eroded by contact with the external economic system and the a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t p o l i c i e s of the government. In spite of these pressures, however, the Inuvialuit have struggled to retain their culture and their land-based economy. This thesis shows that hunting and trapping continue to be viable and to contribute s i g n i f i c a n t income, both cash and income-in-kind to the community. This "hidden" economic r e a l i t y underlies the preference of community residents for hunting over wage labour. The thesis also discusses how hunting and trapping are more compatible with community values and independence and how Paulatuk people have fought to maintain their land-based id e n t i t y ; "land i s the c r i t i c a l element of the past and the cornerstone of the future." It shows how Paulatuk people have struggled to adjust the outside system's rules, in order to enjoy some of i t s benefits, while retaining important economic and c u l t u r a l elements of the community way of l i f e . TABLE OF CONTENTS T i t l e Page Authorization Abstract i i Table of Contents i i i L i s t of Tables v L i s t of Maps v i Acknowledgments v i i INTRODUCTION 1 Notes 5 1. TWO SYSTEMS IN CONFLICT AND ACCOMODATION 8 Theoretical Considerations: 9 Underdevelopment and Development 9 Acculturation 14 Resistance/Selective Adaptation: A Native Way of L i f e 18 Notes 28 2. THE EROSION OF A WAY OF LIFE The Western A r c t i c : 34 Exploration and Early Contact 35 Whaling 40 The Fur Trade 45 Trapping as a Way of L i f e 49 The Declining Fur Trade 51 The DEWline 53 Ongoing Employment and Acculturation 55 Paulatuk's Establishment: Renaissance and Retreat 60 The DEWline at Cape Parry 68 Paulatuk's Renaissance 71 Notes 74 i i i 3. MATERIAL RESOURCES: P a u l a t u k P e o p l e Making a L i v i n g 79 S u b s i s t e n c e P r o d u c t i o n 81 Summary o f S u b s i s t e n c e 89 Commercial P r o d u c t i o n 94 Income from Wage Employment 111 T r a n s f e r Payments and Unearned Income 117 Summary of Income i n P a u l a t u k 120 Notes 126 4. TRADITIONAL WAYS IN CONFLICT WITH WHITE WAYS: A t t i t u d e s and Be h a v i o u r a t Work 136 Worktime/Routine 13 8 A t t i t u d e s t o Wage Labour 141 On the Job; I n u i t B e h a v i o u r 145 Task Orientation/Commitment 148 A t t i t u d e s toward A u t h o r i t y 155 Wage Work and the F a m i l y 157 Work and S e l f - e s t e e m 160 Wage Work and the Community 165 Notes 169 5. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT FOR WHOM?: Community P r i o r i t i e s 173 P o l i c i e s i n Socio-economic Development 174 Economic Development i n P a u l a t u k 183 Economic Development Do's and Dont's 192 D i r e c t i o n s f o r Economic Development That Works 196 C o n c l u s i o n s The Land C l a i m s P r o c e s s 204 P a u l a t u k - Community R e s i s t a n c e 207 Notes 209 APPENDICES 212 BIBLIOGRAPHY 217 iv L I S T OF T A B L E S T A B L E p a g e 3 - 1 . I m p u t e d v a l u e o f c a r i b o u h a r v e s t 83 3 - 2 . B i r d H a r v e s t f r o m 1968 t o 1978 86 3 - 3 . I m p u t e d V a l u e o f S u b s i s t e n c e H a r v e s t i n g 89 3 - 4 . F u r E x p o r t D a t a 95 3 - 5 . F u r E x p o r t s by S p e c i e s a n d V a l u e 96 3 - 6 . F o x T r a p p e d i n 1979 98 3 - 7 . C o m m e r c i a l F i s h H a r v e s t 101 3 - 8 . S e a l S k i n S a l e s 104 3 - 9 . P o l a r B e a r S k i n S a l e s 106 3 - 1 0 . L a b o u r F o r c e : M a i n o c c u p a t i o n 112 3 - 1 1 . I ncome f r o m B e a u f o r t S e a E m p l o y m e n t 114 3 - 1 2 . E a r n e d I n c o m e - Wages & S a l a r i e s 116 3 - 1 3 . C o m p a r i s o n o f T r a n s f e r P a y m e n t s 1 9 6 2 , 1 9 7 9 118 3 - 1 4 . S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e T r a n s f e r s t o P a u l a t u k R e s i d e n t s 119 3 - 1 5 . C o m m u n i t y I n c o m e Summary 197 9 120 3 - 1 6 . C o m p a r i s o n o f E a r n e d a n d I m p u t e d I ncome 123 3 - 1 7 . C h a n g e s i n C a s h I ncome 124 5 - 1 . N o r t h e r n L a b o u r F o r c e D a t a 176 v LIST OF MAPS page Map 1. Map o f Western Canada showing P a u l a t u k 6 Map 2. Map of t h e Western A r c t i c 7 Map 3. P r e - c o n t a c t Mackenzie Eskimo S e t t l e m e n t 36 Map 4. Fur Trade P o s t s i n t h e Western A r c t i c 47 Map 5. Fur Trade P o s t s i n the P a u l a t u k R e g i o n , 60 1915 - p r e s e n t Map 6. Main H u n t i n g Camps i n the P a u l a t u k R e g i o n , 61 1930's - 1960's Map 7. H u n t i n g : P a u l a t u k R e g i o n pre-1959) 65 Map 8. T r a p p i n g : P a u l a t u k Region (pre-1959) 66 Map 9. H u n t i n g : P a u l a t u k Region (1959-74) 91 Map 10. T r a p p i n g : P a u l a t u k Region (1959-74) 92 Map 11. E x t e n t of H u n t i n g , P a u l a t u k , 1979-80 93 Map 12. Commercial & S u b s i s t e n c e F i s h i n g i n P a u l a t u k 100 v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to thank the people of Paulatuk - Nora, Rosemary, Mabel, Bertha, and a l l the others - for welcoming in their community and in their homes, for allowing me to share t h e i r way of l i f e , for t h e i r warmth and for many lessons about tolerance and patience. I have gained so much from them. Research for thi s thesis was made possible by funding from the Northern Social Research Divi s i o n , Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Hull, P.Q. I have appreciated the support, encouragement and patience of my advisors, T.G. McGee and J.K. Stager. I would also l i k e to thank the many colleagues who have supplied advice, d i r e c t i o n and motivation in the writing of thi s thesis - Bob Galois, George Wenzel, Gertrude Rosenberg, and many others. x Without the love and support of my family and friends, I could never have completed t h i s thesis. To a l l the people in my l i f e , I would l i k e to express my g r a t i t u d e for your caring and enduring. F i n a l l y , t h i s thesis was written with the remembrance of James Thrasher, who f i r s t showed me the s p i r i t and wealth of the land. May Paulatuk people win the freedom and the future he looked f o r . v i i Introduction Paulatuk, the s i t e of t h i s study, i s a small In u v i a l u i t ^ settlement in the Canadian Western A r c t i c - one hundred and si x t y people, a scattering of houses, a school, church, nursing station, store and settlement o f f i c e . It i s an is o l a t e d community, located at the south end of Darnley Bay about two hundred and f i f t y miles east of Inuvik, connected to the outside world by the annual resupply s e a l i f t , i r regular a i r t r a f f i c from Inuvik and satellite-telephone. While far from the centres of population, economic a c t i v i t y and p o l i t i c a l power in Canada, Paulatuk i s nevertheless affected by what happens 'outside'. At the turn of t h i s century, the Inuvialuit l i v e d without any contact with the wider world; they were s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . Since then, they have been incorporated, at an ever-accelerating pace, into a global system. Now, Paulatuk people depend on an external economy. Tradition remains important however. People l i v e in Paulatuk i n order to continue their t r a d i t i o n a l resource harvesting. Hunting, f i s h i n g and trapping provide most of the food and income of the community d i r e c t l y from the land and sea. But hunting and trapping are more than economic a c t i v i t i e s : they are a way of l i f e for Paulatuk people. This l i f e s t y l e - freedom from routine, enjoyment of the land, t r a d i t i o n a l values and close community bonds - i s highly valued because i t provides security and respect, independence and well-being. In t h i s thesis, I examine the socio-economic history and development of Paulatuk in terms of the peoples' struggle to resolve problems that arise from a confrontation between the community culture and economy and the c a p i t a l i s t economic system.2 This confrontation i s a process of d i s s o l v i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l society that began for Paulatuk at the turn of the century with contact with whalers and furtraders. The community i s s t i l l struggling with the problems encountered in their integration into the c a p i t a l i s t system. Examination of the confrontation and the process of change i s a major theme in t h i s thesis. The complementary theme i s the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the resistance shown by Paulatuk residents to the destruction of their chosen way of l i f e . C o n f l i c t , as E.P. Thompson says, may be c l e a r l y structured and a r t i c u l a t e d or i t may be acted out "in ways that are less a r t i c u l a t e , although often very s p e c i f i c , d i r e c t and turbulent". The observer's role, which I attempted to f i l l , must be "to supply the a r t i c u l a t i o n , in part by decoding the evidence of behaviour"^ 2 In Paulatuk, I i d e n t i f i e d the community's struggle for independence i n three main areas: a) a struggle to continue to use subsistence food and independent commodity production, over which the people s t i l l exercise a s i g n i f i c a n t degree of di r e c t control; b) a desire to l i m i t involvement in wage labour and to r e s i s t subordination to the routine, hierarchy and compartmentalization that wage labour requires; c) a struggle to ensure that the delivery of s o c i a l services and economic development are compatible with community goals of increasing their independence, strengthening the land-based l i f e s t y l e of the community and obtaining more s a t i s f a c t i o n in d a i l y l i f e . In each of these areas, c o n f l i c t between value-systems i s experienced on a da i l y basis. The struggle to defend t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l values in the family and community occurs informally in everyday l i f e . Paulatuk people act in ways that they f e e l w i l l maintain their independence and stop the intrusions of 'outsiders'. Their resistance takes a more e x p l i c i t form in the development of the l o c a l council, the regional p o l i t i c a l organization and the land claims negotiations. In these, the c o n f l i c t i s gaining coherency and expression in 'native consciousness'. The Committee for Original Peoples Entitlement (COPE)'s claims, in fact, confront a broader range of issues than compensation for land. They include guarantees of continued land-use, the basis for Paulatuk's way of l i f e , p o l i t i c a l s e l f -determination and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for comprehensive s o c i a l and economic development. This thesis i s based on empirical data collected during f i e l d work i n Paulatuk, N.W.T. in the summer of 1979 and the winter of 1980. The discussion w i l l proceed as follows: The f i r s t chapter gives a b r i e f description of basic concepts and premises that provide a framework for analyzing the processes of c o n f l i c t and resistance to the destruction of Paulatuk's s o c i a l and economic way of l i f e . Chapter Two describes the h i s t o r i c a l development of the community. Data on the economic a c t i v i t y of the settlement, both the 'native' and 'in d u s t r i a l ' sectors are presented i n Chapter Three. Patterns of economic behaviour, the persistence of land-use and attitudes toward wage labour are interpreted in Chapter Four. This i s postulated mainly in terms of the so c i a l context of work and the r o l e of hunting and trapping i n the struggle for individual and community independence. Chapter Five reviews e f f o r t s to defend the community's way of l i f e with reference to the implications of the struggle for development of p o l i c i e s and programs for socio-economic development in Paulatuk and s i m i l a r communities. 4 Notes: I n t r o d u c t i o n 1. I n u v i a l u i t i s t h e name us e d by t h e I n u i t o f t h e W e s t e r n A r c t i c t o d e s c r i b e t h e m s e l v e s . I n u v i a l u i t c o m m u n i t i e s i n c l u d e A k l a v i k , I n u v i k , and Tu k t o y a k t u k , d e l t a c o m m u n i t i e s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by l a r g e r , mixed p o p u l a t i o n s and g r e a t e r c o n t a c t economic development, and Sachs Harbour, P a u l a t u k , the "Rim" s e t t l e m e n t t y p i f i e d by i s o l a t i o n , l a c k of s e r v i c e s , l i t t l e i n d u s t r i a l economic a c t i v i t y and g r e a t e r dependence on the l a n d and sea. There a re about t w e n t y - f i v e hundred I n u v i a l u i t i n the com m u n i t i e s . These and Holman I s l a n d a re r e p r e s e n t e d i n l a n d c l a i m s n e g o t i a t i o n s by t h e Committee f o r O r i g i n a l P e o p l e s E n t i t l e m e n t (COPE). An A g r e e m e n t - i n - P r i n c i p l e between COPE and t h e Canadian Government t o s e t t l e the c l a i m s was s i g n e d i n 1978, but the f i n a l agreement i s not y e t co n c l u d e d . 2. I n v e r y g e n e r a l t e r m s , ' c a p i t a l i s t economic system' means an economic system t h a t i s based on the p r i n c i p l e s o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , p r o d u c t i o n of p r o f i t r a t h e r than i mmediate consumption and a c c u m u l a t i o n f o r i t s own sake. The c a p i t a l i s t system i n c l u d e s both market-exchange and a d i s t i n c t i v e p r o c e s s of p r o d u c t i o n , whereby the means of p r o d u c t i o n — i e . , l a n d , m a c h i n e r y , raw m a t e r i a l s — a re c o n t r o l l e d by a c l a s s of owners, or c a p i t a l i s t s , and t h e p r o d u c t i o n i s done by a c l a s s o f wo r k e r s . The w o r k e r s , because they do not c o n t r o l the means of p r o d u c t i o n , must s e l l t h e i r 'labour-power' i n ord e r t o p r o v i d e a l i v i n g f o r th e m s e l v e s . By p a y i n g the w o r k e r s l e s s f o r a p r o d u c t than i t can be s o l d f o r , the owners can ' e x p l o i t ' t he workers' s u r p l u s l a b o u r . C a p i t a l i s m i m p l i e s an ongoing p r o c e s s of unequal a c c u m u l a t i o n o f w e a l t h and power and a p o l a r i z a t i o n and c o n f l i c t o f i n t e r e s t s between c l a s s e s . In c o n t r a s t t o n o n - c a p i t a l i s t economic systems ( i . e . peasant) w h i c h tend t o o p e r a t e i n e q u i l i b r i u m , the c a p i t a l i s t system must c o n t i n u a l l y expand b o t h p r o d u c t i o n and exchange. T h i s i m p e r a t i v e has been the b a s i s f o r c o l o n i a l and i m p e r i a l a c t i v i t i e s i n the T h i r d World. 3. E.P. Thompson, " E i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y E n g l i s h S o c i e t y : c l a s s s t r u g g l e w i t h o u t c l a s s " S o c i a l H i s t o r y 3(May) 1978, p.150 For i n s t a n c e , Thompson i n The Making of the E n g l i s h Working C l a s s (Harmondswork: Penguin Books 1972) t r a c e d the development of 'coherency i n p r o t e s t 1 as the m o r a l o p p o s i t i o n of farm l a b o u r e r s and c r a f t s m e n t o the f o r c e s p u l l i n g them i n t o d i s c i p l i n e d i n d u s t r i a l l a b o u r d u r i n g the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n changed from mob a c t i o n t o c o n s c i o u s " c l a s s " p r o t e s t . 5 7 Chapter One Two systems in C o n f l i c t and Accomodation A d i s t i n c t i v e native culture p e r s i s t s in northern Canada today, in spite of the erosion and p a r t i a l destruction of aboriginal t r a d i t i o n s that are the legacy of c o l o n i a l expansion. Although Canadians generally recognize the h i s t o r i c existence of separate native socie t i e s or nations, few appreciate the extent to which they p e r s i s t today. Over twenty years ago, for instance, Jenness claimed that "they are Eskimos no longer"^ a phrase that i s repeated frequently by southerners who see the Inuit using skidoos, t e l e v i s i o n s and the other trappings of modern i n d u s t r i a l society.2 There i s evidence, however, that i f documented and decoded, shows that a native society p e r s i s t s both in the v i t a l i t y of land-based eonomic a c t i v i t y and in the culture. This enduring system of t r a d i t i o n a l values and practices blended with new elements c o n f l i c t s both philosophically and p r a c t i c a l l y with the values and i n s t i t u t i o n s of the i n d u s t r i a l system imposed on the northern scene: We can no longer ignore the very s i g n i f i c a n t fact that the native peoples' attachment to and dependence in the land does not appear to have decreased in that time. Today the North i s indeed at the doorstep of i n d u s t r i a l development but native people have been remarkably reluctant to 8 cross the threshold. Indeed, the overwhelming response by native people to recent large-scale non-renewable resource development proposals has been to assert the importance of their t r a d i t i o n a l land and l i f e . . . . Most native people participate in both wage employment and t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s , and they want th i s dual option to continue. The issue i s not jobs or hunting; i t i s jobs and hunting. The question i s what and where those jobs are to be, who controls and benefits from them, and how they f i t into native peoples' aspiration for themselves and their communities.3 Theoretical considerations  Underdevelopment with development Paulatuk's history and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s suggest that i s can be considered as a 'classic' case of what i s commonly ca l l e d "underdevelopment"^ Underdevelopment i s a term used when regions or groups of people are disadvantaged r e l a t i v e to others. Access to power, material wealth and information are concentrated within society; those who are marginalized experience high lev e l s of poverty, unemployment, and other forms of socio-economic inequality. Underedevlopment often takes a s p a t i a l quality, although i t r e a l l y represents d i s p a r i t i e s i n power and prosperity between people with d i f f e r e n t interests. Countries in A f r i c a , Asia and Central and South America that were once colonies of Europe are commonly considered underdeveloped, but we also have groups within Canada that can be described in thi s way. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of soc i e t i e s that we c a l l underdeveloped are c e r t a i n l y present in most native communities in Canada. Industrial society has brought the 9 I n u i t i n touch w i t h g r e a t e r m a t e r i a l comfort and complexity than t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l hunting system provided. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h i s consumer s o c i e t y has removed the t h r e a t of s t a r v a t i o n and d e s t i t u t i o n t h a t p e r i o d i c a l l y v i s i t e d the I n u i t i n former days. But the I n u i t have not achieved the standard of l i v i n g of most working or m i d d l e - c l a s s Canadians. They remain among Canadians s u f f e r i n g unequally i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of income, goods, s e r v i c e s , o p p o r t u n i t y and p o l i t i c a l power.5 Underdevelopment i s not a c o n d i t i o n i n h e r e n t to s o c i e t i e s ; i t a r i s e s "as an i n t r i n s i c process of western c a p i t a l i s t expansion" 6. The i n c r e a s i n g economic p r o s p e r i t y of advanced i n d u s t r i a l n a t i o n s and growth c e n t r e s w i t h i n them i s based at l e a s t i n p a r t on the expansion of t h e i r c o n t r o l over n o n - i n d u s t r i a l i z e d groups. Through c o l o n i a l expansion and economic i m p e r i a l i s m , they are able to g a i n economic and p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l of peoples' labour, l a n d and r e s o u r c e s and use these to t h e i r own advantage. northern Canada, we can i d e n t i f y two socio-eonomic i n c o n t a c t and c o n f l i c t : The n orthern economy c o n s i s t s of two d i s t i n c t but s t r u c t u r a l l y r e l a t e d components. One i s the modern or i n d u s t r i a l economy, motivated by the search f o r s t a p l e resource exports by l a r g e m e t r o p o l i t a n i n t e r e s t s , o rganized by c o r p o r a t e e n t e r p r i s e , h e a v i l y r e l i a n t on e x t e r n a l support systems and p r o d u c t i o n f a c t o r s and i n which income i s unevenly d i s t r i b u t e d i n the form of wages, s a l a r i e s and p r o f i t s , i n t e r e s t s and rents... In systems 10 The other i s the t r a d i t i o n a l or native economy, exploiting a combination of readily available resources and economic opportunities, organized p r i m a r i l y at the l e v e l of household units of production, relying on small-scale, l o c a l l y available factors of production and in which income i s d i s t r i b u t e d in more or less e g a l i t a r i a n fashion in the form of domestically consumed produce... Viewed over time we see that these two components are not only unequal, but that the development of the former necessarily involves the degradation and absorption of the latter... 7 For native people, the f i r s t sector i s part of a system that comprises, among other things, wage labour, a d i s c i p l i n e d work routine and their separation from their land, their hunting and their community values. It implies the complexity of townlife and a loss of personal freedom. Hunting and trapping make up the second economic sector and are part of a way of l i f e l i n k i n g economic and s o c i a l elements: If the land and i t s resources provide the economic basis of native society, the small communities and outpost camps provide the s o c i a l basis of i t , and indeed each i s the precondition of the other. The small communities and camps are the hearth of native society. . . 3 The two systems compete i n the north f o r use of the land, water, resources and labour-power. The result has generally been the degradation of the native economy and society. The more powerful, i n d u s t r i a l system has expanded into the north, destroyed t r a d i t i o n a l , land-based s e l f -s u f f i c i e n c y , transformed hunters into workers and welfare cases, and caused the loss of native c u l t u r a l i n t e g r i t y . 11 The f i r s t e f fect of the expansion of the c a p i t a l i s t system i s the destruction of the native economic system. For native people, the land i s their source of l i v e l i h o o d and the means of reproduction and survival for their society. Taking control of the land and resources that an independent people use to provide their own subsistence i s the main way that capitalism i s able to subordinate them and support i t s own growth:g The producers, i n t h i s case the native people of Canada, were separated from the means of production, embodied e s s e n t i a l l y in the land and the products of the land. The means of production became concentrated and monopolized in the hands of a single s o c i a l class, and natives became a class owning no possessions, and ultimately having no exchangeable commodity other than labour. Even t h i s 'typical' model of c a p i t a l i s t development was surpassed by natives becoming a permanent underemployed class subsisting on s o c i a l assistance, IQ While th i s complete separation was the case in southern Canada, where native people were forced off vast t r a c t s of land onto reserves by a g r i c u l t u r a l and i n d u s t r i a l development, the native people in the north have retained more access to the land because u n t i l recently the state and industry were not very interested in economic opportunities there. Now, with increasing interest in p r o f i t a b l e non-renewable resource extraction, the Inuvialuit are facing immediate threats to their land, too. Land, as the means of production, o f f e r s s i g n i f i c a n t freedom to a society - freedom from the need to s e l l i t s labour power and from the f i n a l acceptance of subordination 12 to o u t s i d e powers. Those people who remain d i r e c t l y l i n k e d to the land are, to some degree, l e s s s u s c e p t i b l e to the i m p e r a t i v e s of i n d u s t r i a l r o u t i n e and the a u t h o r i t y of the s t a t e . T h i s element l i e s beneath the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of n a t i v e people to m a i n t a i n t h e i r ownership of the land and t h e i r enjoyment of the way of l i f e t h a t the land supports. E f f o r t s to separate n a t i v e people from t h e i r land-based economy are u s u a l l y pursued i n the context of b r i n g i n g progress and p r o s p e r i t y to groups whose l e v e l s of consumption and m a t e r i a l w e l l b e i n g are inadequate. I t i s assumed t h a t s o c i e t i e s w i t h simple t e c h n o l o g i e s and l i m i t e d accumulation of m a t e r i a l goods a r e i n need of t h e b e n e f i t s of the i n d u s t r i a l economy: Since the 'old way' had f a i l e d , the Eskimos were e v i d e n t l y i n need of the new; the t r a p p e r s had to be g i v e n access to the wage labour o p t i o n ; the r o u t e to the bottom rung of the s o u t h e r n c l a s s s t r u c t u r e was begun, - Q Native people, however, f e e l t h a t t h e i r w e l l b e i n g i s threatened by s o - c a l l e d economic 'development'. I t i s q u e s t i o n a b l e whether a s h i f t from a mixed economy dominated by s u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n to a wage economy does r e s u l t i n e i t h e r an improved standard of l i v i n g or a b e t t e r q u a l i t y of l i f e : Here we c o n f r o n t the paradox t h a t i s fundamental to a l l understanding of t h i s kind of economy. L i v i n g o f f the land i n g e n e r a l , or by hunting , t r a p p i n g and f i s h i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r , i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h poverty; but a s h i f t away from such h a r v e s t i n g c r e a t e s the c o n d i t i o n s of p o v e r t y . . . 13 Houses do not have much f u r n i t u r e , and they a r e not i n good r e p a i r . The peopl e do not own many c a r s or consumer goods. B u t t o r e g a r d ( n a t i v e ) homes as poor and d e s t i t u t e i s o f t e n t o f a i l t o t a k e i n t o a c c o u n t the hidden economy... There i s a g r e a t d i f f e r e n c e between a poor household t h a t has a r e l i a b l e and l a r g e s u p p l y of meat and a household t h a t e x p e r i e n c e s t h e r e m o r s e l e s s and d e b i l i t a t i n g e f f e c t s of urban p o v e r t y . A c c u l t u r a t i o n S o c i e t i e s p o s s e s s not o n l y c e r t a i n economic forms of p r o d u c t i o n and consumption, but a l s o d i s t i n c t i v e , complementary v a l u e s and p r a c t i c e s , r a n g i n g from p a t t e r n s of work and o w n e r s h i p , forms of p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s , t o a b s t r a c t l e g a l and r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s and forms of c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of 'time', 'nature', and 'duty' f o r example. The c a p i t a l i s t system goes beyond d e s t r u c t i o n of economic p a t t e r n s t o b r i n g change i n the s e s o c i a l , f a m i l i a l and p e r s o n a l spheres:-^ T h e r e i s no a r e a o f human e x i s t e n c e w h i c h i s n o t i n f l u e n c e d . . . The f a m i l y becomes s m a l l e r , r e l i g i o n l o s e s i t s i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n , new s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s emerge, new power and ' c l a s s ' p a t t e r n s c h a r a c t e r i z e the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and b e h a v i o u r p a t t e r n s a r e changed. As t h e i n d u s t r i a l economy expands i n t o n o r t h e r n Canada, n a t i v e p e o p l e have found t h a t t h e i r s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , f a m i l y p r a c t i c e s and v a l u e s - s y s t e m s a r e under t h r e a t as w e l l as t h e i r economic a c t i v i t i e s . They e x p e r i e n c e p r e s s u r e t o adopt the b e l i e f s and b e h a v i o u r s of s o u t h e r n e r s , a l t h o u g h t h e s e may c o n t r a d i c t the h i g h l y - v a l u e d 'moral' economy of n a t i v e communities.-^ Western i d e o l o g i c a l t e n e t s such as 14 materialism, individualism, competitiveness, hierarchy and the work ethic intrude into the s o c i a l relations of t r a d i t i o n a l society. Inuit have had to adapt not only to changes a r i s i n g spontaneously from contact with trade and industry, but also to the pressure of government p o l i c i e s designed i n t e n t i o n a l l y to induce acculturation and ass i m i l a t i o n of the Inuit into mainstream Canadian society. Government programs in education, housing, s o c i a l and economic development have been based on the assumption that Inuit prosperity l i e s in complete s o c i a l and economic change: Today their A r c t i c has changed, and for most of the natives in Canada's north t h i s sector has ceased to provide l i f e ' s necessities. Everywhere their l o c a l resources have diminished, and the white man i s absorbing them into his money economy without of f e r i n g them enough work to feed and clothe themselves and their f a m i l i e s . Small wonder that they are bewildered and unhappy. The dole which the government issues them and i t s schoolbooks and hymn books ... cannot make real men of them again, men of d i g n i t y and sturdy independence. Only steady wage employment can restore their l o s t independence and rescue them from the slough of despond into which they have f a l l e n , and because only white men can provide that employment, they must acquire the white man's speech and the white man's education... The society which i s engulfing them i s dedicated to free enterprise and free enterprise compels even s k i l l e d workers to struggle against one another in their p a r t i c u l a r trades and professions, while i t mercilessly pushes the unskilled and the hal f -s k i l l e d into the bottomless p i t of the unemployed. Since there i s no employment in the north, Eskimos should leave their homes and emigrate to wherever employment beckons; and i t i s the government's duty to help them pack t h e i r bags and move to that employment. It i s doubtful that i n d u s t r i a l employment, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the north where i t i s based on cap i t a l - i n t e n s i v e resource 15 extraction t y p i f i e d by 'boom and bust' scenarios and with l i m i t e d demand for semi-skilled and unskilled manual workers, i n fact, presents the prospects for solving chronic poverty outlined above: To suggest that the monopoly capitalism of the current energy era w i l l adequately replace subsistence hunting f l i e s in the face of the demonstrated preference of northerners and the fact that the promises of previous i n d u s t r i a l intrusions to this e f f e c t have never been realized.^7 More s i g n i f i c a n t l y , t h i s route has had negative impacts on native society, experienced by people as an acute loss of human relations and practices that gave meaning to l i f e , even though they may actually have enjoyed some improvement i n economic factors:-^ Nowadays everything i s so d i f f e r e n t from when we used to be kids. We were f r e e i n a c e r t a i n way. We didn't have alcohol and drugs to contend with or watch our loved ones dragged down by these a f f l i c t i o n s . . . L i f e at times was hard, but i t was peaceful because f a m i l i e s were close. They did everything together, and since there were not too many d i s t r a c t i o n s , l i k e T.V., movies and so on, we had a chance to l i s t e n to our parents and elders.2 9 The extreme ef f e c t s of the destruction of the land-based economic system, the loss of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l values and the increasing authority of the government can be the t o t a l s e p a r a t i o n of a group of people from t h e i r land, from t h e i r way of earning a l i v i n g , from their f a m i l i e s and community values, and ultimately from any personal "sense of mattering or of humanity". Observers of t h i s process, at the Grassy 16 Narrows Indian Reserve in northern Ontario, suggested that without these basic conditions that are the basis for an indivdual's sense of self-esteem and worth, community l i f e cannot be supported; the people and the settlement become "unravelled"»2Q In extending i t s reach beyond economic a f f a i r s into the realm of c u l t u r a l and moral values, the government's p o l i c i e s of acculturation were defined in terms of the prevalent s o c i a l philosophy of southern Canadians: Canadians stress that individual and personal s a t i s f a c t i o n i s based on material attainments; the group and the g r a t i f i c a t i o n s of intangible relationships within i t are less important... Ottawa's southern values led i t to interpret the native l i f e s t y l e as so unrewarding as to be dead... While t h i s p o l i c y was a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t and highly judgemental, i t was not necessarily m a l i c i o u s i n i t s i n t e n t , for i t was based on the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c and m a t e r i a l i s t i c view that no al t e r n a t i v e to "poverty" existed for northern n a t i v e s . 2 1 But native people have not been so sure that no al t e r n a t i v e exists. If the intention of the bureaucracy has been to assimilate and to plant within native poeple themselves the white value-system, native people have not responded by accepting t h i s 'moral economy' wholeheartedly. Acceptance of the i n d u s t r i a l economy and value-system have resulted only from protracted struggle and compromise: Few s o c i e t i e s have gracefully acquiesed to their own o b l i t e r a t i o n . Resistance i s the normal response. 2 2 17 Resistance and Selective Adaptation A Native Way of L i f e The "alternatives in adapatation" available to s o c i e t i e s that face changing circumstances from outside, are described by McElroy as a continuum from Rejection through Bi c u l t u r a t i o n to Assimilation.2 3 Along the continuum, options for individuals and groups include withdrawal, denial of dependency, maintenance of the land-based economy, kinship s o l i d a r i t y , i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of foreign elements as part of t r a d i t i o n a l culture, joking about dependency, f l e x i b i l i t y , s e l e c t i v i t y and the a s s i m i l a t i o n of a l l the new ways. Few Inuit adopt the option of assimilating the values and patterns of bahaviour of the i n d u s t r i a l system completely. Although many Inuit function successfully according to white codes when they must, very few t o t a l l y reject their t r a d i t i o n a l ways and become "qabloonamuit".24 By and large, they do not pursue the option of t o t a l a s s i m i l a t i o n and are not prepared to see the destruction of a native way of l i f e . They question the assumption that acculturation and a s s i m i l a t i o n must accompany economic and technological change: Modernization i s f e a s i b l e and desirable, but they do not condone the f u l l a s s i m i l a t i o n of European behaviour and values. The major goal of the concentrated e f f o r t of European s o c i a l i z i n g agents in educating, t r a i n i n g and providing medical services for Inuit i s to enable them to manage their own a f f a i r s in time. Inuit share t h i s goal, but they are uncertain that loss of a d i s t i n c t i v e sense of i d e n t i t y i s a prerequisite for meeting thi s goal.25 18 On the other hand, many tangible benefits come from contact with white society, so withdrawal may not be expedient. It may also not be seen as necessary, because the changes may have few negative side effects; they may not be "intolerable abuses" as Thompson c a l l s the changes that are at the roots of resistance.26 F o r instance, the contact with whalers l e f t Inuit s o c i a l organization r e l a t i v e l y intact and the missionaries exerted pressure on s o c i a l and r i t u a l practices but not on subsistence and land use patterns. Only since mid-century have the increased control and surveillance of a more far-reaching bureaucracy and the pace of technological and economic innovation created s t r e s s f u l pressures on the Inuit to change their l i f e s t y l e and assimilate completely.27 The Inuit have had to make many adjustments i n attitude and behaviour i n order to resolve the c o n f l i c t i n g demands of wage labour and the cash economy with t r a d i t i o n a l economic pursuit and c u l t u r a l practices. At some point however, the changes mean s a c r i f i c e s of existing c u l t u r a l and economic values that are not worth the benefits accrued in exchange. The Inuit try to avoid such s a c r i f i c e s , by a c t i v e l y adapting and integrating elements on their own terms, in order to maintain a po s i t i v e rather than passive relationship with the larger society. Their adjustments are selective - what McElroy c a l l s B i c u l t u r a t i o n - seeking to create compromises and use strategies that w i l l increase the compatibility 19 between the two systems: No culture has ever incorporated everything offered to i t or adopted a l l i t took over i n the precise way i t was taught. S e l e c t i v i t y , which inevitably conceals resistance, helps preserve coherence in values and compatibility between behaviours i n d i f f e r e n t areas of life...28 S e l e c t i v i t y , the adoption of some new technological, s o c i a l and economic elements, the rejection of others and the reaffirmation of t r a d i t i o n a l ways are responses that are often misunderstood by outsiders. The use of skidoos and the purchase of video-televisions are taken as signs that the Inuit have become acculturated and are "Eskimos no longer". On the other hand, native references to t r a d i t i o n s are c r i t i c i z e d as sentimental and u n r e a l i s t i c attempts to revert to a past that cannot be revived. Because native people cannot and do not want to avoid a l l contact with i n d u s t r i a l society, i t i s claimed that a l l t r a d i t i o n a l practices are obsolete and that there are no options but to accept the new system - lock, stock and barrel. Inuit frequently refer to strengthening t r a d i t i o n a l ways when they speak of their rights to determine their way of l i f e : Contemporary Eskimos are quite sure that they do exist. They are, moreover, almost as sure that their t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e i s presently threatened and older people seek in every way possible to guarantee the survival i f not the dominance of their ways. A sense of outside threat and insecurity about the future turn people's a t t e n t i o n to t r a d i t i o n . . . 2 9 20 The promotion and r e v i v a l of t r a d i t i o n a l customs and values are o f t e n at the core of s t r u g g l e s to maintain a d i s t i n c t i v e , independent way of l i f e . 3 0 C r i t i c s often take thi s to mean that native people are sentimentally and u n r e a l i s t i c a l l y trying to revert to a past that cannot be revived. Furthermore, i t i s noted that things which are often c a l l e d ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' by a group may in fact be elements recently incorporated from the outside. For instance, trapping i t s e l f and the clothing, music, boats, etc. that seem to be t y p i c a l l y Inuit are r e a l l y introductions from the commercial whaling days. But t h i s i s not to say that the Inuit should therefore adopt a l l the mores and practices of i n d u s t r i a l society. Our society tends to view the material benefits and values of modern capitalism as a single package, and as unquestionably TRUE and GOOD. We have assumed that native people, because their l i f e s t y l e was always materially simple, had no culture u n t i l we provided i t . We have taken 't r a d i t i o n a l ' to mean s t a t i c and unchanging, and have concluded that native people have nothing to lose by throwing away the old, unrewarding ways; the evidence, as we see i t , i s that they have already discarded much in exchange for our bright new package: However, natives' t r a d i t i o n a l values are no more s t a t i c and unchanging than non-natives' t r a d i t i o n a l values are: a culture applies i t s time-tested ideas and forms of s o c i a l organization to new situations. In t h i s way the culture evolves new forms, yet retains a coherence because the old forms are adapted to the new.3! 21 Native peoples* strategies have been to continue their hunting and trapping, integrating those new elements that make t h i s community-oriented l i f e s t y l e more e f f e c t i v e and more rewarding: The s o c i a l and economic system within which such t r a i t s have their place i s not, however, that of a semi-nomadic subsistence hunter. The inumarruk's-^ s k i l l s include those of the trapper... None of these s k i l l s are t r a d i t i o n a l in the sense of c u l t u r a l anthropologists, but they are - to the contemporary Eskimo - among the s k i l l s that give a sense of d i s t i n c t i v e identity... Most recently, many men who are regarded by their fellows as inummaruit are users of snowmobiles and the most modern high-powered r i f l e s . For many Eskimos, many modern elements of economy and technology are perf e c t l y reconcilable with being a genuine exponent of a l l that i s today regarded as the e s s e n t i a l l y Eskimo t r a d i t i o n . It follows that when Eskimos worry about the loss of their t r a d i t i o n , they are thinking of the passing of the furtrade way of l i f e . They are concerned with ensuring that further modernization of an already transformed economy w i l l not result in complete separation of the Eskimos from land-based a c t i v i t i e s . Many are anxious about the possible eclipse of their t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e ; but none are interested in returning to subsistence hunting. Indeed, very few can remember such a l i f e . 3 3 Native people do sometimes use strategies of rejection in dealing with the infringement of i n d u s t r i a l society upon their l i v e s . Because of economic and technolocigal dependency, however, self-segregating behaviour cannot often be very e f f e c t i v e or powerful economically; i t i s often manifested i n sabotage, h o s t i l i t y and deviancy: I was depressed when I saw the disorder, apathy and psychological paralysis of most reserves. There seemed no evidence of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y besides the pursuit of handouts from the government, and i t was several months before I realized that here, right before everyone's eyes, 22 i n a l l the chaos and withdrawal, was the r e a l Indian resistance. Indian l i v e s are a study in passive resistance. Other forms of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y l i k e band councils, were tokens to throw people off track. Reserve society i s i n s t i n c t i v e l y geared to alienating white people, whether by frightening them by drunkenness, begging and threats, intimidating them by silence or retreating from them through feigned stupidity and fake psychosis. Indians have i n s t i n c t i v e l y patterned their l i v e s to prevent whites from r e a l l y knowing what i s going on among the Indians^ Examples of t h i s response were evident i n Paulatuk; for example in the withdrawal and non-involvement in education, settlement council, co-op and health care and i n the e f f e c t i v e sabotage of government meetings and projects. However, while t h i s response may hinder and i r r i t a t e outsiders, i t may not r e a l l y be s u c c e s s f u l i n h a l t i n g the process of acculturation. As a strategy i t seems to be adopted when there do not appear to be any more e f f e c t i v e alternatives and people need to protect themselves from outside threats in any way they can. To some extent, there i s s a t i s f a c t i o n to be gained, when outsiders 'hold the winning hand1 in being able to s p o i l the victory, but these t a c t i c s rarely enable one to steal the game. On the other hand, passive resistance may indeed provide diversions and screens to protect and support the formulation of more ac t i v e l y organized resistance. Most of us l i v i n g i n modern, i n d u s t r i a l society seem to f i n d i t hard to b e l i e v e that n a t i v e people may adopt some elements of our system to improve their l i v e s according to 23 their d e f i n i t i o n s of what i s good, without taking them a l l . We do not accept that a 'primitive' culture can accept high technology and big business and yet maintain i t s identity, remaining d i s t i n c t i v e l y native. But this i s what the Invuialuit and other native people are doing. They are looking, as one Paulatuk person put i t , for the best of both worlds, and they intend to keep i t . They are saying, "Yes, I l i k e t h i s but not that... and I'm not w i l l i n g to pay the price for the whole t h i n g . " 3 5 Many Inuvialuit want education i n technical s k i l l s , but they also want the option to transmit t r a d i t i o n a l knowledge and s o c i a l i z a t i o n . They want to f i n d a l t e r n a t i v e forms that adopt advantageous t r a i t s from white society, but preserve important Inuvialuit values, to obtain the best results for their communities: What Eskimos want i s the p o s s i b i l i t y for at least a mixed economy where some flow of cash (either in the form of wages or earnings from foxskins) guarantees use of the land, foodstuffs, personal and interpersonal relationships, which are said to be those of the inummarik... a large majority of the Eskimos (in the areas with which I am familiar) emphatically do want to continue to l i v e in close rel a t i o n s h i p with the land, and by doing so maintain t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e as they understand i t 3 g The continued use of renewable resource harvesting i s the basis for the socio-eonomic l i f e s t y l e native people envision for themselves. This thesis w i l l look at the v i t a l i t y and v i a b i l i t y of t h i s sector in the case of Paulatuk. The selection and adaptation of forms of employment and economic development that are compatible with the land-based a c t i v i t i e s and community values are also 24 c r i t i c a l , as examination of attitudes toward trapping and hunting as opposed to wage labour w i l l show. Community development must r e f l e c t the struggle to have a s e l f -determined, Inuvialuit way of l i f e . In pursuing their goals of running their own a f f a i r s and enjoying economic prosperity on their own terms, native people do not necessarily accept the need for the values and business ethics of whites, such as competitiveness, individualism and accumulation, or their s t y l e of p o l i t i c s and management; non-consensus, adversarial, h i e r a r c h i c a l and aggressive: It i s questionable whether Inuit parents share the goal of a s s i m i l a t i o n for their children or themselves. F l e x i b l e , w i l l i n g to experiment and free of romantic nostalgia for the aboriginal past, Inuit have made many behavioural changes in adapting to town l i f e . Yet only a minority believe that Qallunaatitut, the white man's way of acting and thinking, i s superior to their own way. The Eurocanadian system provides valuable resources, such as medicine, airplanes, e l e c t r i c i t y and warm houses. It provides exciting and pleasurable novelties - t e l e v i s i o n , movies, liquor and bingo. Yet Inuit are surprised that Qallunaat, who l i v e so comfortably and have so much power, seem to be a discontented and anxiously competitive people.37 The I n u v i a l u i t have accepted that changes must occur in their way of l i f e , but they question the nature of those changes. As McElroy says, "they don't want their children to b e l i e v e that the only way to achieve a sense of competence and self-esteem i s to act l i k e a Qallunaat 1^g. Inuvialuit people wish to demonstrate that their culture has ways that are as v a l i d and legitimate as white ways. They are therefore, 25 claiming guarantees for the economic a c t i v i t i e s that are the bases of those ways, and j u r i s d i c t i o n over the d i r e c t i o n of changes i n their l i f e s t y l e . Both at a regional and national l e v e l , and i n the communities, native people are struggling to preserve valuable aspects of their socio-economic system and to exercise their rights to choose. In their land claims, they are seeking control of the land upon which their l i f e s t y l e i s based. But, because they also want employment and the goods and services of i n d u s t r i a l society - on their own terms -, they are also claiming the right to control the way these things are delivered to them, to modify them to s u i t their needs and to reject and divert those parts that are undesirable and c o n f l i c t with their goals. As McElroy notes, given the pluralism of Canadian society, the goal of self-determination i s "neither m i l i t a n t nor s e p a r a t i s t ' ^ - T o southerners used to a u n i l i n e a l model of development, the fusion of s e l e c t i v e t r a i t s to provide the Inuit with both security and autonomy, modernization and t r a d i t i o n a l i d e n t i t y i s hardly conceivable. Even those who are genuinely committed to improving the material conditions of native l i f e sometimes cannot see the advantages to building a l i f e s t y l e that o f f e r s a wide range of choices, yet builds on the t r a d i t i o n a l , overlooked richness of native l i f e : The concept of a new northern c u l t u r e , a way of l i f e which integrates both European and Inuit elements has occurred to only a few agents of change. Perhaps i t i s a threatening concept.39 26 As we w i l l see, people i n Paulatuk have s t r u g g l e d to make that concept r e a l , to maintain the v i t a l i t y of the land and to structure economic development and s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l relationships with outside i n s t i t u t i o n s in ways that are compatible and supportive of the community-based way of l i f e . 27 Notes; Chapter One 1. Diamond J e n n e s s , "The Economic S i t u a t i o n of the Eskimo" i n Eskimo o f the Canadian A r c t i c , (eds.) V.F. V a l e n t i n e & F.G. V a l l e e (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d & S t e w a r t 1968) p.128 2. F o l l o w i n g Usher and o t h e r s , the terms n a t i v e and t r a d i t i o n a l ; and modern, w e s t e r n , i n d u s t r i a l and s o u t h e r n a r e used more or l e s s i n t e r c h a n g e a b l y , a l t h o u g h "these terms are c l e a r l y i n a d e q u a t e and i n c o m p l e t e i n the d e s c r i p t i o n s t hey i m p l y " 3. P e t e r J . Usher, "Renewable Resource Development i n N o r t h e r n Canada" i n N o r t h e r n T r a n s i t i o n s , (eds.) R.F. K e i t h & J.B. W r i g h t ( O t t a w a : C a n a d i a n A r c t i c R esources Committee 1980) pp.154, 155 4. An e x t e n s i v e r e v i e w of the t h e o r e t i c a l and e m p i r i c a l t r a d i t i o n s w i t h i n w h i c h t h i s t h e s i s i s based i s beyond i t s scope. B r i e f l y , the approach b e g i n s w i t h the c r i t i q u e by Frank and o t h e r s of c o n v e n t i o n a l m o d e r n i z a t i o n economics and t h e i r a n a l y s e s of c o l o n i a l e x p e r i e n c e s : H. B e r n s t e i n , " M o d e r n i z a t i o n t h e o r y and t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l s tudy of development", J o u r n a l of  Development S t u d i e s 7 ( 2 ) 1971, p.141-160 F.G. Cardoso, "Dependency and development i n L a t i n A m e r i c a " , New L e f t Review 74, 1972, pp.83-95 A.G. Frank, L a t i n A m e r i c a . Underdevelopment or  R e v o l u t i o n (New York: M o n t h l y Review Books 1969) Dependency t h e o r y and s t a p l e s t h e o r y have been used i n Canada t o e x p l a i n r e g i o n a l i n e q u a l i t i e s and underdevelopment. Models of unequal r e l a t i o n s between ' m e t r o p o l i s ' and ' h i n t e r l a n d ' have been a v i d l y a p p l i e d t o Canadian problems, g i v i n g a p o s s i b l y m i s l e a d i n g s p a t i a l emphasis t o development problems: Cy G o n i c k , " M e t r o p o l i s - h i n t e r l a n d themes", Canadian  D i m e n s i o n 8(6) 1972, pp.24-28 P e t e r J . Usher, "The c l a s s - s y s t e m , m e t r o p o l i t a n d o m i n a t i o n and n o r t h e r n development i n Canada", A n t i p o d e 8(3) 1976 pp.28-32 28 In the l a s t decade, s o c i o l o g i s t s , e c o n o m i s t s and h i s t o r i a n s i n the n e o - m a r x i s t t r a d i t i o n have added r e f i n e m e n t and s o p h i s t i c a t i o n and expanded e m p i r i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n t o dependency t h e o r y . Many of the c o n c e p t s t h a t have been u s e f u l i n t h e framework of t h i s t h e s i s a re b a s i c t o a n a l y s i s w i t h i n t h i s t r a d i t i o n . The t h e o r y of the a r t i c u l a t i o n of modes of p r o d u c t i o n d v e l o p e d by s t u c t u r a l i s t m a r x i s t s b e g i n s w i t h Marx* i d e a s on the i n t e r n a l l o g i c of c a p i t a l i s m and t h e p r o c e s s e s of p r o d u c i n g s u r p l u s v a l u e . I t has been a p p l i e d t o b o t h the t r a n s i t i o n w i t h i n Europe from f e u d a l i s m t o c a p i t a l i s m and the impact of expanding c a p i t a l i s m on ' p r i m i t i v e 1 , n o n - c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s i n A f r i c a and t h e New World. These c o n c e p t s have h e l p e d u n d e r s t a n d the s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p of I n u i t s o c i e t y w i t h t h e modern system and i n f o c u s i n g a t t e n t i o n on the p r o c e s s of a r t i c u l a t i o n , the way a ' n a t u r a l ' economy i s eroded, d e s t r o y e d , a s s i m i l a t e d or c o n s e r v e d : B a r b a r a Bradby, "The d e s t r u c t i o n of the n a t u r a l economy", Economy &. S o c i e t y 4(2) 1975, pp.127-161 A. F o s t e r - C a r t e r , "Neo-marxist approaches t o development and underdevelopment" i n S o c i o l o g y and  Development, (eds.) E. de Kadt & G. W i l l i a m s (London: T a v i s t o c k P u b l . 1974), pp.67-105 Ron H o r v a t h & K.D. Jensen, " C a p i t a l and the Eskimo; The o r i g i n s of Underdevelopment i n the Canadian A r c t i c " (unpubl) 1980 John P r a t t i s , "The s t r u c t u r e of r e s o u r c e development i n the Canadian N o r t h " (Ottawa: C a r l e t o n U n i v e r s i t y ) (unpubl) The s t r u c t u r a l i s t approach has been c r i t i c i z e d by o t h e r s w i t h i n the m a r x i s t t r a d i t i o n f o r i t s tendency t o e x c e s s i v e a b s t r a c t i o n and dogmatism, overemphasis on t h e 'economic' and d i s r e g a r d f o r human concerns. W i t h o u t i n v a l i d a t i n g t h e s t r u c t u r a l e l e m e n t s h i g h l i g h t e d by t h i s t h e o r y , t h i s o t h e r s t r e a m has o f f e r e d a b a l a n c i n g h u m a n i s t i c f o c u s : E.P. Thompson, The P o v e r t y o f Theory (London: M o n t h l y Review Books 1978 The approaches of r e s e a r c h e r s documenting l a n d use and occupancy have a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d t o the framework and g o a l s of t h i s work. D e s c r i p t i o n of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , h u n t i n g p a t t e r n s and p a s t and c u r r e n t h a r v e s t i n g l e v e l s have g i v e n us r e m a r k a b l e i n s i g h t s i n t o t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s , t h e i r v i t a l i t y and the i m p a c t s of the development p r o c e s s . C u l t u r a l - e c o l o g i c a l models have i l l u m i n a t e d s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y i n terms of s y s t e m s , r e s o u r c e o p t i o n s , r o l e s and s t r a t e g i e s . We have been 29 g i v e n new d e f i n i t i o n s of p r o g r e s s and development. Most of t h i s work has been done from a p r i m a r i l y e m p i r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , w i t h o u t the e x p l i c i t t h e o r e t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the o t h e r approaches. In c o m b i n a t i o n , they are the academic e x p r e s s i o n of the n a t i v e p e o p l e s ' l a n d c l a i m s and t h e i r s t r u g g l e f o r s e l f -d e t e r m i n a t i o n and t h e i r way of l i f e : Hugh Brody, Maps and Dreams (Vancouver: Douglas & M c l n t y r e 1982) M.M.R. Freeman, (ed.) I n u i t Land Use &. Occupancy Study 3 v o l s . , (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development, 1976) W.B. Kemp "The H a r v e s t P o t e n t i a l of I n u i t camps" unpubl.1976) I g n a t i u s E. L a R u s i c , " I s s u e s R e l a t i n g t o Employment i n the North"(unpubl) 1976 Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western A r c t i c " 5. The f o l l o w i n g s t a t i s t i c s g i v e some i d e a of the problems and the m i s h a n d l i n g of n a t i v e a f f a i r s under government programs: N a t i v e drop-out r a t e : 90%; n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e : l l % Unemployment: e s t i m a t e d 90% Housing: 11,000 u n i t s needed n a t i o n a l l y N a t i v e p r i s o n p o p u l a t i o n : 9% ; n a t i v e s a r e o n l y 3% of t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i n Canada V i o l e n t d e a t h s : f i v e t i m e s the n a t i o n a l average S u i c i d e s ( r e p o r t e d ) : t h r e e t i m e s the n a t i o n a l average S o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e : 60% of n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n i n 1979 L i f e e x p e c t a n c y : 10 y e a r s l e s s than n a t i o n a l average (George Manual, a d d r e s s t o the N a t i v e Land R i g h t s C o n f e r e n c e , Vancouver, F e b r u a r y 1983) 6. B e r n s t e i n , " M o d e r n i z a t i o n t h e o r y " , p.152 7. Usher, "Renewable Resource Development", p.155 8. i b i d . 9. I n m a r x i s t t h e o r y , t h i s p r o c e s s i s c a l l e d " p r i m i t i v e a c c u m u l a t i o n " , the p r o c e s s of e x p r o p r i a t i n g the means of p r o d u c t i o n from th e a c t u a l producer's (peasant) c o n t r o l . T h i s i s the most fu n d a m e n t a l r e q u i r e m e n t f o r the c a p i t a l i s t system of p r o d u c t i o n , because c a p i t a l i s m cannot d e v e l o p and expand w h i l e the major p a r t of the w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n a r e independent p r o d u c i n g t o meet immediate consumption needs. C a p i t a l i s m can o n l y f u e l i t s a c c u m u l a t i o n when i t has a c c e s s t o t h e s u r p l u s - v a l u e produced by w o r k e r s who are d i s p o s s e s s e d from t h e i r l a n d and so f o r c e d t o work f o r wages f o r t h e i r l i v i n g . 30 10. P. E l i a s , M e t r o p o l i s - H i n t e r l a n d i n N o r t h e r n  M a n i t o b a f q u o t e d i n Mel W a t k i n s , "From underdevelopment t o development" i n The Dene N a t i o n : The Colony W i t h i n , (ed.) Mel W a t k i n s (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto P r e s s 1976) p.93 11. Hugh Brody, "Ecology, P o l i t i c s and Change: The case of the Eskimo", Development &. Change, v o l . 9 1978, p.28 12. Brody, Maps and Dreams, p.101 Thompson examined the argument t h a t the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n brought improved c o n d i t i o n s t o f a rm l a b o u r e r s and c r a f t s p e o p l e absorbed i n t o the f a c t o r i e s and mines. He argued t h a t f o r the masses, the few p e n n i e s i n c r e a s e i n the average wage l e f t them h u n g r i e r and more d e s t i t u t e . C l e a r e d o f f the f arms where they had been s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t i n d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t i o n , they were f o r c e d t o e m i g r a t e , seek the poorhouse, or s t a r v e on w o r k e r s ' wages. The Making of the E n g l i s h Working C l a s s , (Harmondswork: Penguin Books 1968) 13. There i s a s u b s t a n t i a l l i t e r a t u r e d e a l i n g w i t h the c o n f l i c t between i n d u s t r i a l and 'moral' economy (peasant) and t h e c r e a t i o n o f a new v a l u e s y s t e m t o meet t h e needs of c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n . E.P. Thompson, Gutman, Braverman and o t h e r s have d e a l t w i t h t h i s p r o c e s s h i s t o r i c a l l y , i l l u m i n a t i n g t h e s t u g g l e between i n d u s t r i a l i n t e r e s t s and p e a s a n t s and the development of new c a p i t a l i s t i d e o l o g i e s , r e l i g i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s . S o c i o l o g i s t s and p h i l o s o p h e r s such as Habermas, Sennet, Giddens and I l l i c h examine the c o n t i n u i n g dynamics of s o c i a l change w i t h i n modern s o c i e t y . 14. T.G. McGee, "Malays i n K u a l a Lumpur C i t y : a g e o g r a p h i c a l s t u d y of the p r o c e s s o f u r b a n i z a t i o n " , ( u n p u b l i s h e d Phd. t h e s i s , W e l l i n g t o n : V i c t o r i a U n i v e r s i t y of W e l l i n g t o n 1969) 15. The I n u i t i d e o l o g y , v a l u e - s y s t e m and c u l t u r a l t r a i t s a r e d i s c u s s e d i n : J ean B r i g g s , Never i n Anger: P o r t r a i t o f an Eskimo F a m i l y (Cambridge: H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s 1970) R.G. W i l l i a m s o n , The B o o t h i a P e n i n s u l a P e o p l e :  S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n i n Spence Bay. N.W.T.. P o l a r Gas P r o j e c t , 1977 I n u i t Land Use and Occupancy Study, v a r i o u s of the s u p p o r t i n g s t u d i e s i n Vol.2. 31 16. Diamond J e n n e s s , Eskimo A d m i n i s t r a t i o n : IV ( M o n t r e a l : A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of N o r t h A m e r i c a 1968) pp.54-56 17. J . O ' N e i l l & Grahame Beakhust, "Land Tenure: S o c i o -economic Impact: A case s t u d y of the Canadian N o r t h " (Toronto: York U n i v e r s i t y , ( u n p u b l ) p.27 18. S t a t i s t i c s i n d i c a t i n g r i s i n g wages and consumption a r e f r e q u e n t l y used t o e v a l u a t e q u a l i t a t i v e a s p e c t s of l i f e . However, m a t e r i a l improvements may be f e l t as d e g r a d a t i o n s of c o n d i t i o n s : I t i s p o s s i b l e f o r s t a t i s t i c a l averages and human e x p e r i e n c e s t o run i n o p p o s i t e d i r e c t i o n s . A per c a p i t a i n c r e a s e i n q u a n t i t a t i v e f a c t o r s may t a k e p l a c e a t t h e same t i m e as a g r e a t q u a l i t a t i v e d i s t u r b a n c e i n a p e o p l e s ' way of l i f e , t r a d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and s a n c t i o n s . P e o p l e may consume more goods and become l e s s happy or l e s s f r e e a t t h e same time... Thus i t i s p e r f e c t l y p o s s i b l e t o m a i n t a i n two p r o p o s i t i o n s , w h i c h , on c a s u a l v i e w , appear t o be c o n t r a d i c t o r y . Over the p e r i o d 1790-1840, t h e r e was a s l i g h t improvement i n average m a t e r i a l s t a n d a r d s . Over the same p e r i o d , t h e r e was an i n t e n s i f i e d e x p l o i t a t i o n , g r e a t e r i n s e c u r i t y and i n c r e a s i n g human m i s e r y . By 1840, most p e o p l e were ' b e t t e r o f f than t h e i r f o r e r u n n e r s had been f i f t y y e a r s b e f o r e , but they had s u f f e r e d and c o n t i n u e d t o s u f f e r t h i s s l i g h t improvement as a c a t a s t r o p h i c e x p e r i e n c e . " Thompson, The Making of the E n g l i s h Working  C l a s s , p.231 19 Mary W i l s o n , Dene N a t i o n N e w s l e t t e r , F e b r u a r y 1982, p.5 20. T r a n s c r i p t o f 'Grassy Narrows" Ideas, Canadian B r o a d c a s t i n g C o r p o r a t i o n , F e b r u a r y 1, 1983 21. G u r s t o n Dacks, A C h o i c e of F u t u r e s : P o l i t i c s i n the  Canadian N o r t h (Toronto: Methuen 1981) p.29 22. P e t e r J . Usher, " E v a l u a t i n g Change:the case of the Mackenzie V a l l e y P i p e l i n e " , Symposium on E v a l u a t i n g  Change (Edmonton: S o c i a l S c i e n c e Research C o u n c i l of Canada, Committee on the Human Environment, June 1975) p.20 23. Ann M c E l r o y , A l t e r n a t i v e s i n M o d e r n i z a t i o n : S t y l e s and  S t r a t e g i e s i n the A c c u l t u r a t i v e B e h a v i o u r i n B a f f i n  I s l a n d I n u i t f 3 v o l s . (New Haven: Human R e l a t i o n s Area F i l e s , HRAFlex Books 1977) p.375 32 S i m i l a r i d e a s are e x p r e s s e d by John B e r r y i n h i s s t u d i e s of A c c u l t u r a t i o n i n P a i n t H i l l s and F o r t George as d e s c r i b e d i n Boyce R i c h a r d s o n , S t r a n g e r s Devour the Land (Toronto: M a c M i l l a n 1975) p.153 24. "Qabloona" or "Kabloona" i s an Eskimo term f o r w h i t e person. "Qabloonamuit" are I n u i t p e o p l e who behave l i k e w h i t e s . 25. M c E l r o y , A l t e r n a t i v e s i n M o d e r n i z a t i o n , p.377 26. Thompson, The P o v e r t y o f Theory, p.292 27. M c E l r o y , A l t e r n a t i v e s i n M o d e r n i z a t i o n , p. 376 28. John J . Honigman & Irma Honigman, A r c t i c Townsmen (Ottawa: Canadian R e s e a r c h C e n t r e of A n t h r o p o l o g y , S a i n t P a u l U n i v e r s i t y 1965) p.160 29. Brody, " E c o l o g y , P o l i t i c s and Change", p.28 30. E.P.Thompson, " E i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y E n g l i s h S o c i e t y : c l a s s s t r u g g l e w i t h o u t c l a s s " , S o c i a l H i s t o r y 3(May) 1978, p.150-154 31. Dacks p.38 32. An "inumarruk" i s an Inuk (Eskimo) who behaves l i k e a " r e a l Inuk", or t r a d i t i o n a l Inuk. 33. Brody, " E c o l o g y , P o l i t i c s and Change", pp.29-30 34. Heather R o b e r t s o n , Reserves a r e f o r I n d i a n s (Toronto: L e w i s & Samuel, 1970) p.8 35. T r a n s c r i p t s , "Grassy Narrows", F e b r u a r y 8, 1983 36. Brody, " E c o l o g y , P o l i t i c s and Change", p.30-31 37. M c E l r o y , A l t e r n a t i v e s i n M o d e r n i z a t i o n , p.379 38. i b i d . , p.391 39. i b i d . , p.389 33 Chapter Two The Erosion of a Way of L i f e : the Western A r c t i c There may no longer be a Far West, but there i s a Far North with the same nebulous and glamourous future within which sh a l l r i s e stately c i t i e s and empires of productivity ± The expansion of European exploration and commerce into the Canadian Western A r c t i c in the nineteenth century began a process eroding the s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and independence of the existing native society. Contact with the whalers and f u r -traders resulted in the loss of many elements of the aboriginal culture and their replacement with new technology, values and practices. The peoples' adaptation to changing circumstances resulted in the restructuring and reformation of a d i s t i n c t i v e , I n u v i a l u i t way of l i f e . This l i f e s t y l e , now considered t r a d i t i o n a l by the inhabitants, incorporated . elements of pre-contact subsistence a c t i v i t y and s o c i a l organization with market-oriented fur-trapping and western technology. The history of the Western A r c t i c shows the struggle of the Inuvialuit to come to terms with their deepening dependency on cash and southern technology, and their enduring commitment to the land and to their chosen way of l i f e . 34 E x p l o r a t i o n and e a r l y c o n t a c t P r i o r t o c o n t a c t w i t h w h i t e s , t h e Western A r c t i c r e g i o n was o c c u p i e d by a people known c o l l e c t i v e l y as the Mackenzie Eskimo. C o n f l i c t i n g e s t i m a t e s p l a c e t h e i r number between 2,000 and 4,000 i n d i v i d u a l s . 2 S e v e r a l sub-groups have been i d e n t i f i e d w i t h i n t h e c u l t u r e a r e a , w h i c h extended from west o f t h e M a c k e n z i e D e l t a t o t h e e a s t e r n r i m o f t h e B e a u f o r t Sea. The d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s of the Mackenzie a d a p t a t i o n r e l a t e d t o the communal h a r v e s t of bowhead and b e l u g a w hales; s u b t e r r a n e a n sodhouses, and t h e s e a s o n a l c o n c e n t r a t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n i n semi-permanent v i l l a g e s such as K i t t i g a z u i t 3 f 4 No permanent c o n t a c t r e s u l t e d from e a r l y e x p l o r a t i o n by Al e x a n d e r M a c k e n z i e , R i c h a r d s o n and o t h e r s . 5 The e a r l y f u r -t r a d e , f o l l o w i n g the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of t h e f i r s t f a r n o r t h e r n p o s t on the P e e l R i v e r i n 1840, r e p r e s e n t e d the r e a l b e g i n n i n g of I n u v i a l u i t i n v o l v e m e n t i n c o m m e r c i a l p r o d u c t i o n and dependency on manu f a c t u r e d goods. A l t h o u g h the im p a c t of t r a d e was l i m i t e d i n i t s e a r l y s t a g e s , i t i n i t i a t e d t h e breakdown of s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and the e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g European presence t h a t l a t e r produced s e v e r e d i s r u p t i o n and the " r a p i d and mas s i v e change", i f not d e s t r u c t i o n , of the Mackenzie p o p u l a t i o n . I n i t i a l l y , c o n t a c t w i t h w h i t e s was e x p e r i e n c e d by t h e I n u v i a l u i t p o p u l a t i o n a t second-hand. They engaged i n t r a d e w i t h the K u t c h i n I n d i a n s who v i s i t e d t h e Hudson Bay 3 5 M a p . 3 Pre-contact M a c k e n z i e E s k i m o Settlement. (Source: R. McGhee, Inuit Land Use & Occupancy Study vol. 2 (Ottawa 1976), p. 147.) 36 Company (HBC) post on the Peel River and with Inupiatg who were in contact with Russian traders toward the Bering Sea. Although the Hudson Bay Company trade with the Indians was expanding, i t s progress to the coastal Inuvialuit was tempered by t r a d i t i o n a l Indian-Inuit enmity and the Inuvialuit's reputation for bloodthirstiness, earned by the violence of early contacts with explorers.7 In the second half of the nineteenth century, contact became more dir e c t . Spurred by the p o t e n t i a l l y l u c r a t i v e returns, the Hudson Bay Company made special e f f o r t s to engage the Inuvialuit i n trade. Over time, they managed to dis p e l most of the Inuvialuit's d i s t r u s t for the outsiders and to s e t t l e the h o s t i l i t y between the Indians and Inuit. The Inuvialuit had to be taught and encouraged to take on the role of fur producer; to the Hudson Bay Company's consternation, the Inuvialuit persisted for some time in demanding g i f t s from the post without bringing furs to exchange. The Hudson Bay Company encouraged their desire to trade and become indebted by offering goods of special interest to the coastal Inuit, such as wolverine skins and metal seal-harpoon points.Q The spread of th i s trade with the Inuvialuit was slow, in spite of such incentives; in 1861 a post was established on the Anderson River especially for I n u v i a l u i t trade, but i t c l o s e d i n 1866 due to the low volume of trade.9 The impact of trade was minimal in the i n i t i a l stages. The Inuvialuit recognized the advantages of metal tools, traps, harpoons and knives, but adopted these items for use in pursuit of t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . Although the coast In u v i a l u i t began to include a short, late-summer t r i p to the Peel River post in their seasonal land-use cycle, hunting for subsistence remained the basic economic strategy. The trading of surplus furs was a s i d e l i n e : The annual v i s i t s to the f o r t had now (1871) become well established and were incorporated into the yearly cycle of most fam i l i e s . After the spring f i s h i n g and the v i s i t to Fort MacPherson to trade, the Eskimos returned to the coast to hunt s e a l , some sea o t t e r and walrus, the meat of which they cached u n t i l the following winter. Whales and caribou were also hunted along the coast during the summer months and f i s h nets were set on the rivers for whitefish, inconnu and ja c k f i s h , while muskrat were taken by the Eskimos as they passed through the Delta on their way to the f o r t . Though some fox and bear skins and some whale o i l were traded for tobacco and iron pots and kettles, the Mackenzie Eskimos were by no means strongly dependent upon trade at thi s time.^n The Inuvialuit appear to have been i n d i f f e r e n t to the larger potential for trade and expended l i t t l e e f f o r t on trapping in i t s own right: Although 117 Eskimos v i s i t e d the post that year, they brought few furs, and apparently hunted only enough to exchange for a winter's supply of obacco, which had now taken the place of wolverines as the trade item most desired.-Q The impact was moderated i n part by the nature of trading operations. The existing transportation system, by water and over land thousands of miles from the east, l i m i t e d the capacity of the posts to supply goods and ship out furs. 38 The HBC a l s o enjoyed a de f a c t o monopoly and d i d not have to compete for trade by offering larger quantities of goods.-±2 Furthermore, i t was in Company interest to have the Inuvialuit continue their t r a d i t i o n a l land use, s l i g h t l y modified by surplus fur-trapping, instead of integrating f u l l y into white society. The more time the natives spent away from the posts, the more surplus they were l i k e l y to produce and the more they supported themselves. Inuvialuit who lingered at the posts wasted time and Company food supplies. Missionaries, who encouraged the I n u v i a l u i t to give up their subsistence pursuits, were considered a d i s t r a c t i o n and hazardous to HBC i n t e r e s t s . ^ 3 The most serious impact from t h i s early contact came from the introduction of diseases that swept through the unprotected native population. Scarlet fever epidemics among the Anderson River group in 1865 and 1867, in addition to the closing of the post, induced the survivors to j o i n the main Mackenzie population i n the coastal delta area. The area beyond Cape Dalhousie was l e f t unpopulated. Influenza struck the Mackenzie Eskimo i n 1868, small pox broke out at Peel River i n 1871 and two years of hunger followed the f a i l u r e of whaling in 1870 and 1871, further weakening and reducing the population.^ 39 Whaling The w h a l i n g i n d u s t r y , moving i n t o the B e a u f o r t Sea i n the 1870's, brought more d i s e a s e and g r e a t e r d i s r u p t i o n t o the n a t i v e economy. Commercial w h a l i n g was based on the s l a u g h t e r of the bowhead whale (Balaena mystecetus) f o r o i l r e n d e r e d from the b l u b b e r ( f a t ) and f o r b a l e e n , t h e boney p l a t e s i n t h e w h a l e ' s mouth u s e d t o f i l t e r f o o d f r o m t h e w a t e r . The bowhead was an i d e a l t a r g e t f o r w h a l i n g ; l a r g e and s l o w , i t p r o v e d r e l a t i v e l y e a s y t o k i l l by h a r p o o n f r o m open b o a t s . The c a r c a s e f l o a t s w e l l , i t has the l a r g e s t , most numerous b a l e e n , and r e n d e r s the most o i l of any whale s p e c i e s . The b a l e e n and o i l from a s i n g l e bowhead c o u l d b r i n g as much as $20,000 i n w h a l i n g t i m e s . W h a l i n g was conducted from schooners o u t f i t t e d i n San F r a n s c i s o or S e a t t l e and sent n o r t h each s p r i n g t h r o u g h the B e r i n g S t r a i t t o the A r c t i c Ocean. Based a t P o i n t Barrow, A l a s k a , w h a l e r s had been a c t i v e a l o n g the A l a s k a c o a s t s i n c e the 1850's. S t e a m s h i p s , i n t r o d u c e d i n 1883 by t h e P a c i f i c Steam W h a l i n g Co., were q u i c k l y adopted by o t h e r companies. Steampower a l l o w e d t h e w h a l e r s t o t r a v e l more r a p i d l y t o B a r r o w and t o e x t e n d b o t h t h e l e n g t h o f t h e s e a s o n and t h e i r range i n t h e n o r t h e r n w a t e r s . These 'schooners' c o u l d c r u i s e f u r t h e r a f i e l d , f o l l o w i n g the whale m i g r a t i o n t o i t s e a s t e r n l i m i t s and s e e k i n g s t o c k s i n Canadian seas as the A l a s k a n pods were d e p l e t e d . By 1886, steam w h a l e r s reached B a r t e r I s l a n d and by 1889, H e r s c h e l I s l a n d and the Mackenzie D e l t a . 40 Most of these whaling boats over-wintered. This practice allowed two extended seasons of whaling between t r i p s south and resulted in intensive contact between Inuit and whites. Within a few years, as many as f i f t y ships and over eight hundred men wintered at Herschel Island, a l i v e l y boomtown described as "the world's l a s t jumping off place...where no law existed". 1 7 In winter, the idled whalers engaged in some hunting and trapping, organized sports, t h e a t r i c a l s and musicals and passed much time gambling and drinking. The whaling boom did not l a s t long. Stocks were quickly depleted and harvests declined. Today, the bowhead numbers only a few thousand animals and i s considered an endangered species. It was probably saved from extinction by a decline in the demand for baleen and o i l as cheaper substitutes were developed. Prices for baleen, for example, f e l l rapidly i n 1906-7 from a high of $5.00/pound to less than f i f t y cents per pound. In the course of a single year, whaling a c t i v i t y ceased.-^g Even before the whaling reached the Canadian Beaufort Sea, the restructuring of the native economy and society along the Alaskan coast showed the results of contact with commercial whaling. The Alaskan natives were quickly introduced to cash, to material goods and to wage-labour as navigators, crew and hunters for the whalers. They were encouraged to l i v e at whaling stations and missions. This 41 c o n c e n t r a t i o n , combined w i t h the demand f o r meat and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of f i r e a r m s , had a d e v a s t a t i n g e f f e c t on c a r i b o u , musk-ox, w a l r u s and o t h e r w i l d l i f e i n the v i c i n i t y of any s e t t l e m e n t . Most of the o r i g i n a l c o a s t a l A l a s k a n s were k i l l e d by d i s e a s e and were r e p l a c e d by p e o p l e f l o c k i n g from the i n t e r i o r t o p a r t a k e of new o p p o r t u n i t i e s . The I n u p i a t were encouraged t o t r a d e t h e i r warm f u r - c l o t h i n g f o r woolens, t r i n k e t s and a l c o h o l . C o n v e r t e d by m i s s i o n a r i e s t o s e d e n t a r y l i v i n g , n a t i v e s u b s i s t e n c e p r a c t i c e s were g i v e n up. The impact on the Mackenzie I n u v i a l u i t was e q u a l l y , i f not more severe and r a p i d . The w h a l i n g f l e e t a r r i v e d s u d d e n l y a t t h e i r v i l l a g e s i n 1889, and: by 1896 the breakdown of the Eskimo s o c i a l l i f e w h i c h had accompanied th e coming of the w h a l e r s had reached major p r o p o r t i o n s . McGhee e s t i m a t e s t h a t the t r u e a b o r i g i n a l M a ckenzie c u l t u r e ( i f not the p o p u l a t i o n as w e l l ) had changed so much t h a t i t c o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d t o have been e x t i n c t by 1900.20 The n a t i v e p e o p l e were swept up i n t o the economic boom and exposed t o a v a s t a r r a y of consumer goods: The s h i p s b r o u g h t , t o o , an abundance of p r o v i s i o n s . At f i r s t the Eskimos would have n o t h i n g t o do w i t h any of t h e s e ; but i n the c o u r s e of a few y e a r s , they l e a r n e d the use of f l o u r , m o l a s s e s , sugar, e t c . , w h i c h became f i r s t l u x u r i e s and then n e c e s s i t i e s . 2 1 42 Whaling's production and p r o f i t structure was d i f f e r e n t from the fur-trade; t h i s contributed to i t s greater impact. Commodities transported by sea were cheaper and of better quali t y , quantity and variety. Trading was conducted as a s i d e l i n e and diversion rather than a main profit-making a c t i v i t y , so whalers could afford to be generous with much-demanded items. Sexual favours were often the motivation for exchanges of goods. The sheer volume of goods and interactions also contributed to a l i b e r a l i t y and comprehensiveness i n trade that contrasted to the Hudson Bay Company's more restrained introduction of western technology. Economic gain also prompted the whalers to disrupt the aboriginal culture, as they t r i e d to strengthen their control of native labour: It was important for whaling ships to get plenty of fresh meat to keep their crews from scurvy and they employed p r a c t i c a l l y the whole population in the pursuit of caribou, f i s h and ptarmigan. Such things as f l o u r , hard bread, sugar, tinned meats and vegetables, butter, etc., they gave with a free hand to the Eskimos, urging their use in order to save the fresh meat.22 The changes brought about affected not merely economic patterns and material a r t i f a c t s , but also l o c a l culture and s o c i a l l i f e . The native peoples' confidence in their way of l i f e was shaken by exposure to the whites' superior technological base: ...Their s p i r i t u a l equilibrium had been profoundly shaken when the world of their ancestors crumbled under the impact of white c i v i l i z a t i o n . 2 3 43 The f u r t h e r p h y s i c a l d e c i m a t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n a l s o weakened l o c a l c u l t u r e . D i s e a s e s had been t r a n s m i t t e d i n the 1860's and 70's from A l a s k a n I n u i t i n c o n t a c t w i t h w h a l e r s f u r t h e r west. M e a s l e s e p i d e m i c s h i t i n 1900 and 1902, and by 1920, o n l y a h a n d f u l of the o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n remained.2 4 A c c u l t u r a t i o n was speeded by c o n t a c t w i t h the A l a s k a n p o p u l a t i o n who i m m i g r a t e d i n t o the Mackenzie c o a s t a r e a as the o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e d : Shocked by the m a t e r i a l l y r e w a r d i n g i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h the A m e r i c a n w h a l i n g s h i p s , the M a c k e n z i e Eskimo c u l t u r e was s u s c e p t i b l e t o w h o l e s a l e a d o p t i o n of the c u l t u r a l t r a i t s of the A m e r i c a n -o r i e n t e d A l a s k a n Eskimo. 0 c Acculturation was hastened, too, by l i a i s o n s between Inuv i a l u i t women and whalers, some of whom established long-term relationships and remained i n the north long after the whaling industry died. Children from these marriages, raised in part in both languages and customs, often represented a blend and bridging of the two cultures. As a r e s u l t of contact with whaling, a new way of l i f e took shape among the native population i n the Mackenzie delta region: Nov/ men, women and children a l i k e were in close contact with American whalers, as well as acculturated Alaskan Eskimos for extended periods. They worked with them, traded with them, s o c i a l i z e d with them, even intermarried with them; they learned their language, their customs, their technology and the value systems and economic goals. They did not adopt a l l of them to be sure, but they d i d become aware of them as alternatives26 44 Wage employment and trapping became acceptable ways to earn a l i v i n g along with hunting. People became accustomed to money, to western food and c l o t h i n g and to l i v i n g i n permanent, wooden houses. These things were added to the repertoire of their l i f e s t y l e . The Inuvialuit l i v i n g in the western a r c t i c at the end of the f i r s t decade of t h i s century were f a m i l i a r with consumer goods, enjoyed using them and had become dependent on some of them. Their basic needs for guns and traps to survive created conditions of c r i s i s when the whaling industry collapsed: The whalers ... had unconcernedly decimated the Eskimo inhabitants ... and had destroyed their independence by replacing with manufactured goods the tools and weapons, the stone cooking vessels and the s k i n boats that they could make with t h e i r own hands. Now at the century's end, having shattered the aboriginal economy, the whalers were departing and the Eskimos, no longer possessing their ancient s k i l l s or food resources had to build their economy on a new base or perish.27 The Fur Trade The Inuvialuit's new economic base turned out to be the r e v i t a l i z e d fur trade. The trade in muskrat, fox, marten and other pelts that had been o r i g i n a l l y conducted as a s i d e l i n e , became a "profitable enterprise in i t s own right. " 2 8 I n t n e hiatus following the collapse of the whaling industry, many whalers seemed reluctant to leave the north. Although the large f l e e t no longer ventured north, several captains converted their schooners to 'floating trading posts'. They 45 t r a v e l l e d the B e a u f o r t Sea and e x p l o r e d i t s e a s t e r n f r i n g e s . S t e f a n s s o n ' s s c i e n t i f i c e x p e d i t i o n i n 1908 and 1911 a l s o g e n e r a t e d i n t e r e s t i n t h e unknown t e r r i t o r y t o w a r d C o r o n a t i o n G u l f . I n d i v i d u a l members of h i s p a r t i e s , as w e l l as f o r m e r w h a l i n g c r e w s , s e t up s m a l l o u t p o s t s throughout t h e r e g i o n from w h i c h they o p e r a t e d as b o t h independent t r a d e r s and f u r t r a p p e r s . D u r i n g the second decade of t h i s c e n t u r y , f u r p r i c e s began t o c l i m b , r i s i n g s t e a d i l y a t f i r s t and s k y r o c k e t i n g a f t e r W orld War I. New f a s h i o n s and t e c h n i q u e s f o r d y e i n g and s t y l i n g f o x s t i m u l a t e d demand; w h i t e f o x p e l t s r o s e i n v a l u e from $2.50 i n 1915 t o $50.00 i n 1 9 1 9 . 2 9 W i t h the c o m b i n a t i o n of a booming market f o r f u r s and i n c r e a s e d awareness of the r e g i o n ' s p o t e n t i a l , the f u r -t r a p p i n g f r o n t i e r was pushed e a s t w a r d a l o n g the a r c t i c c o a s t and s o u t h i n t o the d e l t a . The f o r m e r w h a l e r s were j o i n e d i n i n t e n s e and c o m p e t i t i v e a c t i v i t y by independent t r a p p e r s and t r a d e r s and the e s t a b l i s h e d f u r companies, C a n a l a s k a , N o r t h e r n T r a d e r s and the Hudson Bay Company. The Bay opened n o r t h e r n p o s t s i n A k l a v i k and K i t t i g a z u i t i n 1912, H e r s c h e l I s l a n d i n 1915, and the B a i l l i e I s l a n d s i n 1916. W i t h i n the decade, they had e s t a b l i s h e d a s t r i n g of o u t p o s t s over 600 k i l o m e t r e s o f c o a s t as f a r e a s t as K i n g W i l l i a m I s l a n d . 3 0 S m a l l t r a p p i n g c a b i n s and t r a d i n g p o s t s p r o l i f e r a t e d a l o n g the i n t e r v e n i n g c o a s t ; by 1926, as many as 15 n o n - n a t i v e t r a p p e r s were a c t i v e around Cape P a r r y a l o n e ^ ^ 46 V i r t u a l l y a l l protected harbours along the coast were used for winter trapping and trading si t e s . 3 2 Inuit were among those v/ho pushed the f r o n t i e r east from the mouth of the Mackenzie delta. The migration east was in response to expanding fur-trapping opportunities that offered to supply the material goods withdrawn by the decline of the whaling industry: With the withdrawal of the whalers, i t was no longer in the interests of the captains of the vessels to have the coastal Eskimos congregate in a few locations as they had during the whaling days, but rather to disperse along the coast, where they could more e f f i c i e n t l y trap white fox. Thus Eskimo f a m i l i e s now tended to break into small groups and dispersed along the coast as far to the east as Pearce Point. Those that did congregate at one point waiting the whalers suffered considerable hardship i f the ships did not arrive, so great was their dependence upon them.33 The Inuvialuit were recruited by white traders to work as cooks, navigators, engineers and crew on trading boats and to trap for them in a quasi-employee role. The depleted stocks of caribou, f i s h and musk-ox around the Mackenzie and Tuktoyaktuk peninsula also stimulated the migration to areas better endowed with game. By spreading out, the Inuvialuit could obtain their basic subsistence. Returns from trapping provided the c a p i t a l for r i f l e s and ammunition. Boats were used to extend t h e i r range and to a s s i s t i n making the t r a n s i t i o n from whaling to a hunting-trapping l i f e s t y l e . New t e r r i t o r y also offered an escape from the crowded and complex conditions created by the whites and Alaskan natives moving into the western a r c t i c . 3 4 47 AMUNDSEN GULF M a p 4. F u r T r a d e Posts in the W e s t e r n Arctic. (Source: P .J . Usher, Inuit Land Use & Occupancy Study vol. 2 (Ottawa 1976).) T r a p p i n g as a Way o f L i f e The t r a p p i n g l i f e s t y l e e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h e 1920's s e t a p a t t e r n t h a t p e r s i s t s , somewhat m o d i f i e d , as the b a s i s of community r o u t i n e today. The s e a s o n a l c y c l e of economic a c t i v i t y f o c u s e d on t r a p p i n g , of c o u r s e . The t r a p - l i n e s were checked by t h e men, who took a s e r i e s of t r i p s , each l a s t i n g two t o t h r e e weeks away from the f a m i l y ' s w i n t e r base. The season l a s t e d f rom about November t o A p r i l , b roken by C h r i s t m a s f e s t i v i t i e s t h a t drew f a m i l i e s t o g e t h e r from t h e i r camps t o t h e m i s s i o n or p o s t f o r c e l e b r a t i o n s . In s p r i n g , the t r a p p e r v i s i t e d the l o c a l p o s t t o t r a d e . S e a l i n g and g e e s e h u n t i n g p r o v i d e d a change of a c t i v i t y and d i e t . E a s t e r c e l e b r a t i o n s h i g h l i g h t e d t h i s r e l a x e d , s o c i a l p e r i o d . In summer, the p e o p l e f i s h e d , hunted s e a l or t r a v e l l e d i n l a n d w i t h dogs t o hunt c a r i b o u . Much of t h i s h a r v e s t was cached f o r the coming w i n t e r . The t r a p p e r and h i s f a m i l y o f t e n t r a v e l l e d by b o a t t o t r a d e a t t h e B a i l l i e I s l a n d s or A k l a v i k a f t e r i c e break-up. C h i l d r e n a t t e n d i n g s c h o o l a t A k l a v i k m i g h t even be t a k e n home f o r a b r i e f h o l i d a y . F a l l b rought a v i s i t t o t h e p o s t f o r o u t f i t t i n g , c a r i b o u h u n t i n g and f i s h i n g ,and f i n a l l y the s t a r t of t r a p p i n g once a g a i n . T r a p p i n g was p a r t of a t i g h t l y i n t e g r a t e d f a m i l y l i f e . Men were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t r a p p i n g and h u n t i n g b i g game. Women a s s i s t e d i n t h e household economy by housekeeping, making c l o t h i n g , c l e a n i n g f u r s and f e e d i n g the dogs. They 49 and the c h i l d r e n a l s o p i t c h e d i n f o r f i s h i n g , h u n t i n g s m a l l a n i m a l s and b i r d s , and b e r r y p i c k i n g . Young boys began t o hunt ground s q u i r r e l and p t a r m i g a n and run s h o r t 'day-l i n e s ' (a few t r a p s s e t around camp) a t around t h e age of t w e l v e . By s i x t e e n , they were o p e r a t i n g t h e i r own teams and t r a p l i n e s . G i r l s were o f t e n m a r r i e d and s t a r t i n g f a m i l i e s of t h e i r own by t h a t age. A l t h o u g h t r a p p i n g was undoubtedly a hard l i f e , t he d a i l y and s e a s o n a l r o u t i n e of f a m i l y l i f e p r o v i d e d p e r s o n a l and s o c i a l s a t i s f a c t i o n s . F u r - t r a p p i n g was a l s o f i n a n c i a l l y r e w a r d i n g w i t h h i g h p r i c e s p a i d i n the 1920's and 30's. A l t h o u g h i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o r e c o n s t r u c t the a c t u a l incomes of I n u v i a l u i t t r a p p e r s a t t h i s t i m e , the e v i d e n c e i n d i c a t e s r e l a t i v e a f f l u e n c e : T r a p p e r s a t t a i n e d unprecedented p r o s p e r i t y ; i n d e e d many had f a r g r e a t e r income than the Canadian average a t the t i m e , A l t h o u g h much of t h e i r money was d i s s i p a t e d on ephemeral l u x u r i e s , the Eskimos began t o i n v e s t c o n s i d e r a b l e sums i n c a p i t a l equipment. Gas-powered w h a l e b o a t s and schooners were the most p o p u l a r i t e m s . I n 1924, the Eskimo f l e e t a t A k l a v i k c o n s i s t e d of 34 schooners(19 of w h i c h had a u x i l i a r y power), 28 w h a l e b o a t s and two o t h e r v e s s e l s . T h i s was e s t i m a t e d t o have r e p r e s e n t e d an i n v e s t m e n t of $128,000 w h i c h had a l l been made i n the p r e v i o u s 5 y e a r s . 3 5 A p a r t from t h e i n v e s t m e n t i n b o a t s , r i f l e s and o t h e r t o o l s needed t o o b t a i n f o o d and f u r s , s u r p l u s income from t r a p p i n g went toward a broad range of "ephemeral l u x u r i e s " : N a t u r a l l y t h e r e were motors i n n e a r l y a l l t h e s e s c h o o n e r s ; i n f a c t , m a chinery had been t a k e n i n t o use wherever p o s s i b l e . Whereas the e x p e d i t i o n up to t h i s s t a g e of i t s j o u r n e y had had c o n s t a n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r a d m i r i n g the g r e a t s k i l l of the women a t s e w i n g s k i n s , i t was f o u n d h e r e t h a t t h e 50 sewing machine was in use almost universally; many of the men had typewriters, though their correspsondence was, of course, very small. Machine h a i r - c l i p p e r s and safety razors too were looked upon as necessities, and people going about armed with cameras were quite common. The houses were illuminated with gasoline, or at a pinch, petroleum lamps, the ancient blubber lamps being regarded as a n t i q u i t i e s and sold as such to to u r i s t s for up to t h i r t y d o l l a r s each.35 For a l l that i t represents a deepening dependence on external markets and technology and an adjustment to new values and i n s t i t u t i o n s , t h i s period was also a time of re l a t i v e affluence and personal autonomy. It was the foundation of the way of l i f e people s t i l l seek, even as they adopt modern techniques: When native people today n o s t a l g i c a l l y refer to the 'old Eskimo way of l i f e ' , they do not mean the pre-contact aboriginal culture, but rather the •good o l d days' of the furtrade... The fur trade represents to many a so r t of golden age i n which there was r e l a t i v e affluence, a measure of personal economic and s o c i a l independence, a measure of security and an age in which personal s k i l l s seemed more consistently valued than they are today.37 The Declining Fur Trade After a burst of expansion and intense a c t i v i t y , the fur trade began to weaken. Boom conditions had prompted a series of l e g i s l a t i v e acts which r e s t r i c t e d non-native trapping and foreign trading. The measures, beginning with the N.W.T. Game Act in 1917 were intended to conserve w i l d l i f e , protect the native population, demonstrate Canadian sovereignty, raise tax revenues, ensure that incoming white traders did 51 not f a l l d e s t i t u t e and burden t h e government or n a t i v e s , and i n c i d e n t a l l y p r o t e c t the i n t e r e s t s of the l a r g e Canadian f u r companies, p r i m a r i l y the Hudson Bay Company. I n 1918, V i c t o r i a I s l a n d , and s u b s e q u e n t l y a l l the A r c t i c A r c h i p e l a g o and most of t h e c e n t r a l m a i n l a n d , were s e t a s i d e f o r n a t i v e t r a p p i n g . F o r e i g n t r a d i n g was c u r t a i l e d i n 1924. A f t e r 1926, l i c e n s e s were i s s u e d o n l y t o p o s t s w i t h f i x e d l o c a t i o n s , b r i n g i n g an end t o f l o a t i n g p o s t s . T h i s a l s o ended the p r a c t i c e o f ' t r i p p i n g ' , whereby t r a d e r s purchased f u r s a t camps b e f o r e the I n u v i a l u i t made t r i p s t o the l a r g e r p o s t s . T h i s l e g i s l a t i o n , f i n i s h i n g o f f t h e independent t r a d e r s , a l s o reduced the independence of the t r a p p e r s by e x t e n d i n g the c o n t r o l of the t r a d i n g p o s t s . The I n u v i a l u i t c o u l d no l o n g e r p l a y one d e a l e r o f f a g a i n s t another f o r b e t t e r p r i c e s o r a v o i d t h e p o s t s a t w h i c h t h e y had s u b s t a n t i a l debts.3 3 I n the e a r l y 1930's the e f f e c t s of the d e p r e s s i o n were f e l t g r a d u a l l y i n the n o r t h ; t h i s h i g h l i g h t s the l i n k s by w h i c h " t h i s r e g i o n was now i n e x t r i c a b l y bound t o the w o r l d economy".39 M u s k r a t p r i c e s f e l l by s e v e n t y - f i v e p e r c e n t a t the s t a r t of the d e p r e s s i o n , c a u s i n g g r e a t h a r d s h i p s f o r the D e l t a t r a p p e r s . Fox p r i c e s f e l l more g r a d u a l l y , but w i t h s i m i l a r e f f e c t s a l o n g the c o a s t . Independent p o s t s c l o s e d . Pederson, the Hudson Bay's c h i e f c o m p e t i t o r , s o l d out t o them i n 1938. The Bay i t s e l f , s u f f e r e d f i n a n c i a l l y and began t o r a t i o n a l i z e i t s o p e r a t i o n s , c l o s i n g many of the l e s s 52 p r o f i t a b l e o u t p o s t s . As a r e s u l t , f o r the I n u v i a l u i t of t h e Western A r c t i c , and i n d e e d a c r o s s the n o r t h , the 1940's and 50's were a p e r i o d of l o s i n g ground: A l t h o u g h the war y e a r s brought h i g h e r p r i c e s and b r e a t h e d new l i f e i n t o the t r a p p i n g economy, i t s days were now numbered. White f o x p r i c e s i n t h e N.W.T. f e l l f r o m a h i g h o f $36.00 i n 1945 t o $6.50 i n 1950. Coupled w i t h the sharp postwar i n c r e a s e s i n the c o s t of l i v i n g , t h i s caused s e v e r e h a r d s h i p a l l a c r o s s the A r c t i c . As economic p r e s s u r e s r e s u l t e d i n a l o s s of m a t e r i a l a f f l u e n c e and independence, the I n u v i a l u i t f a c e d s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of t h e i r l i f e s t y l e , a r e t u r n t o g r e a t e r s u b s i s t e n c e - o r i e n t a t i o n , and a g r e a t e r d e s i r e f o r s e c u r i t y . The Dewline The n e x t t r a n f o r m a t i o n of I n u v i a l u i t s o c i e t y was prompted by e v e n t s of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l s t a g e , the C o l d War, and c o n s t r u c t i o n of a system of r a d a r s t a t i o n s a c r o s s t h e n o r t h ( D i s t a n t E a r l y Warning L i n e , or D e w l i n e ) . C o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e D e w l i n e began i n 1955. I n u v i a l u i t were employed as c a s u a l l a b o u r e r s i n c a r p e n t r y , road and a i r s t r i p c o n s t r u c t i o n , machine o p e r a t i o n , maintenance and o t h e r manual work. They were p a i d about $1.50/hour; w o r k i n g s h i f t s o f 12 h o u r s , s i x d a y s p e r week w i t h o v e r t i m e , t h e y c o u l d earn $400-600 per month. Income was a l s o earned h a u l i n g w a t e r , f i s h i n g and h u n t i n g , s e l l i n g h a n d c r a f t s and f u r s and h i r i n g out dogteams. F o l l o w i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n , 53 permanent employment was available for one or two men at each s i t e . Inuit across the north found Dewline employment at t r a c t i v e , to a point. It offered solutions to the insecurity and low standard of l i v i n g that existed n the c r i s i s conditions of the 1940's and 50's. Wages provided the c a p i t a l for equipment to hunt and trap e f f e c t i v e l y , and for food staples and luxuries. During construction, workers were housed in bunkhouses, but many Inuit moved to semi-permanent native v i l l a g e s a few kilometres from the s i t e s . This marked the beginning of sedentarism; camps were "abandonned i n favour of s e t t l e d l i f e i n one c o m m u n i t y . U n i n s u l a t e d , one-room shacks were b u i l t of Dewline scraps and people began to accumulate non-essential material goods available at the s i t e . The material security of wage labour was evidently a major motivation for moving near the Dewline stations, but access to health-care, a i r s t r i p s , radio and telephone service, recreation and consumer goods was an important drawing card as well. In fact, patterns of employment suggest that the secondary advantages of the Dewline were more important than the opportunities for wage employment. 4 2 Cash income was c e r t a i n l y welcome and was directed toward subsidizing hunting a c t i v i t y . Ferguson reported very high rates of turnover and absenteeism among Inuvialuit workers, indicating a lack of 54 commitment to wage labour and the on-going importance of subsistence production. Household heads spent about one-third of their time meeting family needs for country-food; as a result, Dewline employers were obliged to allow men to take time o f f every two or three weeks, i n order to a t t r a c t and retain Inuvialuit employees.43 Inuvialuit workers were unwilling to undertake even seasonal work away from their f a m i l i e s , a fact which encouraged the relocation of fam i l i e s to the Dewline s i t e s . Even so, most employees were single men who worked on a short-term basis; in the course of the three years of construction, employees worked on average six months, and married men much less.4 4 Labour d i s c i p l i n e and location were disincentives to Dewline work: A man's time i s no longer h i s own and he may no longer t r a v e l where and when he pleases. Not only i s h i s movement r e s t r i c t e d , but the r e s t of h i s l i f e i s very d i f f e r e n t . These Eskimos are now lo c a t e d c l o s e to a Dewline s i t e which i s not necessarily suitable for hunting and trapping.45 Ongoing Employment and Acculturation Completion of Dewline construction eliminated much of the casual employment opportunities, but not the need for income. Many Inuvialuit moved from the small Dewline stations to larger settlements where other jobs were available on an on-going basis. The larger Dewline Station, Cambridge Bay, Frobisher Bay and Tuktoyaktuk, were also 55 burgeoning regional administrative centres win a range of opportunities in the growing government services sector. At t h i s time, the government was beginning to take a more active role in 'improving' the standard of l i v i n g i n the north, partly i n response to cases of starvation and d e s t i t u t i o n that occured i n the central a r c t i c at that time. The government adopted a policy of settlement concentration and acculturation intended: to offer better f a c i l i t i e s for the education of children, p o s s i b i l i t i e s for a l i t t l e wage employment and resources of f i s h and game within a reasonable distance. This i s a temporary measure foreshadowing a move to the south.^ Government employment was expanded and welfare made available to take up the slack i n the n a t i v e economy a f t e r the f u r t r a d e collapse and the Dewline construction boom ended. The d i s s o l u t i o n of small settlements and the concentration of the population i n large centres was encouraged. Compulsory schooling and the h o s p i t a l i z a t i o n of much of the population for tuberculosis made l i f e i n the larger settlements where the schools and hospitals were located more appealing to f a m i l i e s wanting to stay together. The concentration of the population and the adoption of wage labour resulted in new problems. Although cash from employment helped purchase guns, ammunition and other supplies for hunting, r e s t r i c t e d time and mobility l i m i t e d the effectiveness of subsistence a c t i v i t i e s . 56 C e n t r a l i z a t i o n : had t h e e f f e c t o f c u t t i n g p e o p l e o f f f r o m much o f t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l h u n t i n g and t r a p p i n g t e r r i t o r y , f o r t h e y c o u l d n o t r e a c h a l l t h e a r e a s by dogteam t h a t they had from s c a t t e r e d camps. E s p e c i a l l y t h o s e who got any k i n d of wage employment had not enough t i m e t o t r a v e l g r e a t d i s t a n c e s . I t was a common enough o b s e r v a t i o n from the mid-50's t o the mid-60's t h a t the n a t i v e people seemed t o be o v e r h a r v e s t i n g the a r e a s c l o s e t o the c o m m u n i t i e s w h i l e the more d i s t a n t h i n t e r l a n d s went u n d e r u t i l i z e d . There were s h o r t a g e s of f o o d as w e l l as of furs. 4 7 As s u b s i s t e n c e h a r v e s t i n g d e c l i n e d the consumption of s t o r e b o u g h t f o o d i n c r e a s e d . S m i t h s t u d i e d the e f f e c t s on the s t a n d a r d of l i v i n g and n u t r i t i o n , f i n d i n g i m p o v e r i s h m e n t and u ndernourishment among n a t i v e s l i v i n g i n town w i t h o u t c o n t i n u o u s employment. L i v i n g f o r days on t e a and bannock, too weak t o h o l d j o b s , they were l i t e r a l l y s t a r v i n g t o death.^g Wage employment a l s o d i s t u r b e d t h e s o c i a l f a b r i c of I n u v i a l u i t f a m i l i e s , b r e a k i n g down the t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e r d e p e d e n c e and s o l i d a r i t y : The c o m m u n i t i e s have been s p l i t i n two; the men w o r k i n g (at the D e w l i n e s i t e ) , t h e women and c h i l d r e n t r y i n g t o m a i n t a i n a t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e i n an economy i n w h i c h they have no part... The men are s e p a r a t e d from the f a m i l i e s f o r the major p a r t o f t h e day... Work i s i n no d i r e c t way r e l a t e d t o the s u b s i s t e n c e of the f a m i l y . The head of the f a m i l y does not p r o v i d e s u b s i s t e n c e f o r h i s f a m i l y d i r e c t l y , he does so i n d i r e c t l y t h r o u g h employment, money and a c o m m e r c i a l s u p p l y of food. The women's work has been s h a r p l y c u r t a i l e d and d i v o r c e d from t h a t of t h e men. The c h i l d r e n no l o n g e r spend a good p a r t of the day i n j o i n t a c t i v i t y w i t h mother and father. 4 0 , O b s e r v e r s have r e a s s e s s e d the government's p o l i c y of 57 c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and a s s i m i l a t i o n and the assumptions on which i t was based. It appears that the adoption of wage employment, welfare and a sedentary form of l i f e were responses to the c r i s e s facing the Inuvialuit, rather than free choices: Although l i t t l e recognized by outsiders at the time, there i s good reason to think that few native people saw welfare and casual labour as alternatives to such l i v i n g (land-based). If many chose welfare instead of wage labour, i t was more l i k e l y because the former l e f t more time for hunting than the l a t t e r , rather than because of laziness, or a poorly developed "work ethic". Under these circumstances, I think we must look back on the declining use of the land a decade or so ago as a r e s u l t of the economic c r i s i s i n the fur trade, an involuntary, unwanted and demoralizing retreat rather than a preference for settlement l i v i n g and steady employment.50 The Inuvialuit adopted elements of the modern system partly under duress and partly out of desire to enjoy s p e c i f i c amenities. As much as possible, they have t r i e d to incorporate these elements on their own terms, and to combine them with the more t r a d i t i o n a l , land-oriented way of l i f e that they choose to hold onto: The s h i f t to townlife i s popularly interpreted as an expression by the Eskimo people of their desire to get off the land. Yet many people have deli b e r a t e l y chosen not to move to the larger settlements, or even to move away from them and v i r t u a l l y none have chosen to move permanently to another geographic environment. There i s apparently a powerful commitment to the a r c t i c environment and community as a homeland despite changing ideas about how to l i v e i n it.51 That powerful commitment i s evident in Paulatuk's settlement, from i t s beginning, a place that people move back to. 58 P a u l a t u k ' s E s t a b l i s h m e n t . R e t r e a t and R e n a i s s a n c e The r e g i o n around the s i t e of p r e s e n t - d a y P a u l a t u k was e s s e n t i a l l y u n o ccupied p r i o r t o the f u r t r a d e e x p a n s i o n of the 1910-20's. Some e v i d e n c e i n d i c a t e s t h a t the p r e - c o n t a c t w h a l i n g a d a p t a t i o n of the Mackenzie Eskimos extended as f a r e a s t as Cape Lyon and p o s s i b l y f u r t h e r , t o w a r d the C o r o n a t i o n G u l f . 5 i The P a r r y P e n i n s u l a was on the f r i n g e of t h i s s e t t l e m e n t : E a s t o f the B a i l l i e I s l a n d s were s e v e r a l v i l l a g e s between t h a t and Langton bay, w h i c h was known as Nuuyak from the s a n d s p i t on w h i c h the v i l l a g e was l o c a t e d . . . 5 2 C i r c a 1850, the s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n was d i s t u r b e d as t h e p e o p l e s h i f t e d toward the d e l t a r e g i o n and the a r e a around P a u l a t u k was abandoned: ...Many p e o p l e around Langton Bay d i e d , the f i r s t t i m e o f s t a r v a t i o n , t h e s e c o n d t i m e o f an epidemic... A f t e r t h i s , the p e o p l e , because they had become so f e w , d i v i d e d and went i n t h r e e d i r e c t i o n s . . . 5 3 D u r i n g t h e w h a l i n g e r a , no I n u v i a l u i t l i v e d i n t h e a r e a on a permanent b a s i s , a l t h o u g h s m a l l groups d i d v i s i t Langton Bay and Cape P a r r y f r o m t i m e t o t i m e . L a n g t o n Bay was t h e base of S t e f a n s s o n ' s e x p l o r a t i o n s i n 1908-9 t o Coppermine and G r e a t Bear Lake. The b e g i n n i n g s of P a u l a t u k , however, came when the r e g i o n was r e o c c u p i e d as the f u r t r a d e f r o n t i e r was pushed e a s t . The c o r e of the p r e s e n t p o p u l a t i o n i s descended from among the p i o n e e r s who s e t t l e d the a r e a i n the 1920's. 54 59 M a p 5. F u r T r a d e Posts in the Paulatuk R e g i o n , 1915 -present. . (Source: P.J. Usher, Inuit Land Use <& Occupancy Study vol. 2 (Ottawa 1976).) M a p 6. M a i n C a m p s in the Paulatuk R e g i o n , 1 9 3 0 s - 1 9 6 0 s Their l i f e s t y l e , based on trapping, followed the pattern described e a r l i e r . L i f e at the family camps in the Paulatuk region was propserous: These easterners were already the best white fox trappers - i n a good winter, some got 200 or 300 foxes, perhaps more. Trapping was no longer a s i d e l i n e ; i t was t h e i r way of l i f e , to which a l l other a c t i v i t i e s were adjusted. 5 5 Paulatuk old-timers r e c a l l earning annual incomes of $4,000 or more and spending l a r g e amounts of cash on t h e i r boats and equipment to be properly f i t t e d out for the season. Schooners such as the Roger or T i k t a l i k gave the trappers mobility, to seek better prices and indulge in the cosmopolitan pleasures of the B a i l l i e Islands or Aklavik. Paulatuk adults remember the v i s i t s they made to Aklavik as children - the boats moored offshore, the l i g h t s of town, the excitement of going ashore to the dances. People throughout the western a r c t i c came together to trade and v i s i t , to renew friendships and family t i e s and to make new ones during a few weeks each summer. The Paulatuk people remember singing popular songs to the accompaniment of the gramophone. Photographs of the period captured the elegant clothing -suit s , s t i f f c o l l a r s , t i e s and bowler hats - worn by the men at Christmas celebrations. A l l too soon, however, t h i s era faded. Overharvesting and environmental changes resulted in poor harvests. The prominence of the B a i l l i e Islands passed as the whale carcases, upon which the abundance of fox had flourished, 62 were consumed. Local stocks were trapped out.^g independent trappers and traders withdrew from the Bathurst Peninsula and Cape Parry regions. The depression, with the resulting r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of Hudson Bay operations had a severe impact. The closure of the Pearce Point post (1935), also an R.C.M.P. post, eliminated trading a c t i v i t y between Cape Parry and Coppermine. The Letty Harbour post closed in 1937 and the B a i l l i e Islands post, transfered to Maitland Point i n 1939, was closed e n t i r e l y in 1942. Economic a c t i v i t y again became concentrated around the delta at Aklavik and Tuyktoyaktuk. As the decline continued into the 1940's and 1950's, uncertainty about the future of any settlement grew. Alternative income sources were in short supply in the hinterlands. Many f a m i l i e s moved from the eastern Beaufort to the delta, following the lead of white commercial interests. Some sought new ways to i n t e n s i f y their trapping and set out to colonize Banks Island.^-j Others, evidently finding the connection with the land and the l i f e s t y l e i t supported rewarding i n spite of material discomforts, turned to greater subsistence-orientation. Four or f i v e family groups, about sixty people in a l l , continued to occupy the t e r r i t o r y around Darnley Bay and the Parry Peninsula. Another seventy or so Inuvialuit were camped in the region around the mission at Stanton.53 The missions at Stanton and Paulatuk were the only trading outlets i n the region after the Hudson Bay Company 63 c l o s e d i n 1942. They began t o s u p p l y t r a p s , guns and ammunition, s t a p l e foods and household s u p p l i e s . They a l s o purchased f u r s from the t r a p p e r s , a c c o r d i n g t o the p r i c e s r e l a y e d over the r a d i o from t h e HBC a u c t i o n s i n Edmonton. P r i c e s and c a t c h e s were l o w , however, and the m i s s i o n s o f t e n l o s t money when the f u r s were a u c t i o n e d . Moreover, as t h e o n l y s o u r c e o f much needed goods, they f e l t o b l i g e d t o s u p p l y n e c e s s i t i e s , even when t h e I n u v i a l u i t c o u l d not pay f o r them. As the p r i e s t a t P a u l a t u k r e c a l l s : "when they came w i t h o u t any f u r s a t a l l , how c o u l d we r e f u s e them when t h e y had no fo o d or no s h e l l s ? " A s t u d y 5 g of P a u l a t u k i n t h e mid-50's shows b o t h the p o v e r t y and the on-going commitment of the pe o p l e t o t h e i r way of l i f e i n the r e g i o n . D e t e r m i n e d e f f o r t s were made t o make the most of r e s o u r c e s ; t r a p p i n g was pursued as v i t a l l y as e v e r and a t t e m p t s w e r e made t o e x t e n d t h e r a n g e s o u t h t o ar e a s of more v a l u a b l e f u r s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , most t r a p p e r s l a c k e d t h e c a p i t a l and equipment t o o p e r a t e on a s u c c e s s f u l s c a l e . A l t h o u g h they m a i n t a i n e d t h e i r h a r v e s t l e v e l s , f a l l i n g p r i c e s and r i s i n g c o s t s combined t o f o r c e the p e o p l e t o r e t r e n c h , t o l i v e s i m p l e r and l e s s w i d e - r a n g i n g l i v e s . F a m i l y incomes were "no more than $1,000 t o 3,000. F r e q u e n t l y the f i g u r e i s l e s s " . g o A n a m P l e d i e t of c o u n t r y f o o d was o b t a i n e d by hard w o r k g l , but the income t o p r o v i d e h u n t i n g equipment and sup p l e m e n t a r y f o o d s t a p l e s o f t e n had t o come from r e l i e f , as w e l l as from c a s u a l wage-labour and t r a p p i n g . 64 I ' 2 6 " | 120" M a p 7. H u n t i n g : Paulatuk R e g i o n (pre-1959) (Source: Inuit Land Use & Occupancy Study vol. 3 (Ottawa 1976), map 14.) (Legend.* Appendix IV) 126" 120' 1 2 6 ° 7 0 C Statute Miles 0 5 10 20 30 40 50 20 40 60 80 Kilometres 6 9 ° 1 2 0 ° M a p 8. T r a p p i n g : Paulatuk R e g i o n (pre-1959) (Source: Inuit Land Use & Occupancy Study vol . 3 (Ottawa 1976), map 13.) (Legend: Appendix IV) In 1954, the church decided to cease trading operations. Not only was i t f e l t that trading was incompatible with the mission's r e l i g i o u s role, the church could not continue to subsidize many trappers as i t had been doing. This decision marked the end of settlement in the Bathurst Peninsula area around Stanton. The mission closed and the population, with few exceptions, moved to Tuktoyaktuk. Paulatuk area residents, i n spite of the advantages of a s i m i l a r move, demonstrated a stubborn determination to remain on the land. The Hudson Bay Company was induced, with government intervention, to re-open their Letty Harbour post, and the population continued to hunt and trap i n the region. This was a d i f f i c u l t period for the people. By choosing to remain i n the hinterland, they had cut themselves off from opportunities for wage work. Accepting welfare meant also accepting the rules of authorities. Residents remember the interference of church, government and R.C.M.P. agents i n their economic and moral l i v e s ; for instance, the withholding of welfare from unwed mothers. One of the greatest hardships was that c h i l d r e n sent to school i n A k l a v i k were not sent home for h o l i d a y s , so they o f t e n were not seen again f o r four or f i v e years. Some no longer recognized their parents and several died of i l l n e s s or accidents at school. Both parents and children s t i l l bear emotional scars from th i s separation from home, language and way of l i f e . 67 The d e v a s t a t i n g e f f e c t s of i l l n e s s a l s o eroded the independence of the p e o p l e : There a r e u s u a l l y p e r i o d s e v e r y year when the f o o d s u p p l y i s l o w and p e o p l e may be weakened by m a l n u t r i t i o n and become more s u s c e p t i b l e t o d i s e a s e . In s p r i n g o f 1955, f o u r p e o p l e d i e d , t h i s f i g u r e r e p r e s e n t i n g about 7% of the e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n . 5 2 In subsequent y e a r s more peopl e d i e d . A f l u e p i d e m i c c l a i m e d n e a r l y the whole of one f a m i l y . Among those l o s t were the s e n i o r members of the commmunity, as as a r e s u l t , t h e c o r e and the l e a d e r s h i p of the s e t t l e m e n t was d e a l t a s e v e r e blow. Remaining w i t h the t r a d i t i o n a l c a m p - l i f e a l s o c o s t P a u l a t u k p e o p l e a good d e a l i n terms of m a t e r i a l goods and a m e n i t i e s . Over t i m e , a l l t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s eroded th e independence and endurance of p e o p l e and c r e a t e d a g r e a t e r need f o r s e c u r i t y among them. The Dewline a t Cape P a r r y Of the D e w l i n e s i t e s i n t h e Western A r c t i c , Cape P a r r y , or P i n Main, was and r emains one of the l a r g e r s t a t i o n s . When D e w l i n e c o n s t r u c t i o n began, most of the p e o p l e were l i v i n g on the west s i d e of the P a r r y P e n i n s u l a a t A r v a l u k , where a l a r g e whale c a r c a s e p r o v i d e d f o o d f o r the dogs. The p o t e n t i a l employment and o t h e r s e r v i c e s , e s p e c i a l l y m e d i c a l c a r e , a t t h e D e w l i n e s i t e s t i m u l a t e d a g r a d u a l move t o Cape P a r r y . By 1957, most of the r e g i o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n was l i v i n g more or l e s s p e r m a n e n t l y i n the n a t i v e v i l l a g e a d j a c e n t t o the s i t e . Only two f a m i l i e s remained a t P a u l a t u k and Brock 68 R i v e r camps f o r s i g n i f i c a n t amounts of time.5 3 The m i s s i o n r e l o c a t e d t o Cape P a r r y i n 1957 and the HBC i n 1958, s e r v i n g t h e two h u n d r e d or so w h i t e s a t t h e i n s t a l l a t i o n as w e l l as the I n u v i a l u i t . D u r i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n , many men took advantage of c a s u a l l a b o u r o p p o r t u n i t i e s , but they d i d not commit t h e m s e l v e s t o st e a d y employment. As Ferguson found a c r o s s the n o r t h , many t r i e d employment b r i e f l y and then r e t u r n e d t o t r a p p i n g and h u n t i n g . Others worked i n t e r m i t t e n t l y when they needed c a s h . A few men d i d t a k e up D e w l i n e work on a s t e a d y b a s i s and, when c o n s t r u c t i o n ended a t Cape P a r r y , moved t o o t h e r s e t t l e m e n t s t o c o n t i n u e work. In a l l , about 50% of the p o t e n t i a l w o r k f o r c e worked a t Cape P a r r y t o some e x t e n t , h a l f of the s e on a stead y b a s i s . A f t e r the c o n s t r u c t i o n phase ended a t Cape P a r r y , o n l y two f u l l t i m e I n u v i a l u i t employees were h i r e d t h e r e . I n s p i t e o f l i m i t e d income o p p o r t u n i t i e s , about s i x t y o t h e r p e o p l e c o n t i n u e d t o l i v e t h e r e as w e l l . A study 54 of the economic s i t u a t i o n a t Cape P a r r y i n 1962 showed t h a t f u l l t i m e employment p r o v i d e d 34% of the cash income, but was earned by o n l y two men employed a t t h e D e w l i n e . Each earned about $4,000/year. A f u r t h e r 13% of the ca s h income was earned i n c a s u a l work, 23% came from t r a p p i n g , 5% from h a n d c r a f t s and a t o t a l of 23% came from t r a n s f e r s such as f a m i l y a l l o w a n c e , p e n s i o n s and s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . 69 I t was found that 23% of income was spent at the Hudson Bay Company post i n trapping and hunting equipment and 26% on. men's clothing and yard-goods: This i s what one would expect in a community where nearly every a d u l t male i s out on the t r a p l i n e i n a country that provides l i t t l e shelter from continuous wind - There was no money to spend on luxury items such as cameras or radios.gg The importance of subsistence hunting to the people l i v i n g at Cape Parry i s indicated also by the r e l a t i v e l y small amounts of money spent on store-bought food. In 1962, Cape Parry people spent only 9% of t h e i r incomes at the HBC on food, compared to 55% spent by Tuktoyaktuk people in 1956, six years earlier.gg The study found conditions of poverty and marginality however, that were of concern to the Inuvialuit and government al i k e . Substandard housing and deteriorating health were pointed out as c r i t i c a l problems, as well as the lack of fu e l and game and the decline of land-use: Without the Dewline s i t e , the Eskimo v i l l a g e of Cape Parry would probably not exist. The l o c a l i t y i s poor i n food and f u e l , neither good f i s h nor caribou are found within a day's journey by dogteamg7 Wage income was i n s u f f i c i e n t to bring the standard of l i v i n g up to an adequate l e v e l ; the annual cash income per c a p i t a was under $450. As fur p r i c e s were s t i l l low and the Inuvialuit were poorly equipped, trapping did not offer much of a way to increase their incomes. However, although the Inuvialuit could not support themselves with the economic 70 resources available, Cape Parry offered other advantages that held them at the s i t e : ...a ready market for handcrafts and raw furs, medical f a c i l i t i e s , transportation and communication, entertainment in the way of dances and theatre shows and a l l the resources to be mined from a r i c h garbage dump.gg Generally, the federal government exercised a p o l i c y of encouraging people in such a s i t u a t i o n to move en masse to larger settlements. As the study revealed, however, the people desired e x p l i c i t l y to remain in the area and to continue hunting and trapping. They resisted the idea of relocating to Tuktoyaktuk; instead they wished to r e v i t a l i z e their land-use in conjunction with the new patterns of i n d u s t r i a l society. Quite simply, the p r i e s t r e c a l l s : "the people always to stay." Recognizing the peoples' wish to l i v e as they chose, the report's recommendations included suggestions that steps be taken to support the v i a b i l i t y of renewable resource harvesting and the settlement in t h i s region. Paulatuk's Renaissance Paulatuk i s l o c a t e d on a small peninula at the base of Darnley Bay (69°49'N, 123°59'W). The settlement owes i t s location to a protected harbour and i t s proximity to natural resources, including coal, from which the name Paulatuk i s derived. Coal was used to provide fuel for camps and the Catholic mission which served as a centre during the semi-nomadic era. 71 Paulatuk i s a small settlement by any standards. Its status r e l a t i v e to other Inuit communities in the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s i s shown in Appendix I. With the exception of unorganizaed and unserviced outpost camps, Paulatuk i s smaller than a l l except Grise Fiord, on the remote northern t i p of Ellesmere Island. Paulatuk i s a l s o one of the most I n u i t of a l l settlements, as shown i n Appendix II. In addition to the permanent population which i s 100% Inuit, white residents there i n 1979-80 included the p r i e s t , who had been i n the area for forty years, the school p r i n c i p a l , his wife and c h i l d and a second teacher. From time to time other whites such as a co-op manager, c r a f t o f f i c e r , writer, the author, etc. have l i v e d for extended periods of time in the tov/n. The r e l a t i v e lack of whites, p a r t i c u l a r l y those connected with the bureaucracy i s s i g n i f i c a n t . It r e f l e c t s Paulatuk's lack of access to services, due both to i t s smallness and the absence of white-oriented f a c i l i t i e s . Along with the community's strong reliance on the land, these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s impart a t r a d i t i o n a l "inuvialuitness". In spite of i t s smallness and i s o l a t i o n , Paulatuk has experienced signifcant growth, showing the highest percentage of growth of Inuit communities between 1970-74. This increase was due to the movement of fa m i l i e s back to Paulatuk, spurred on by construction of the school, new housing and the i n s t a l l a t i o n of e l e c t r i c i t y . This trend was 72 c i t e d by Palmer i n regard to the assumptions on which the government policy of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n was based: There i s no evidence that the Inuit are leaving the smaller, more land-based communities for the larger, more wage and salary oriented communities.gg Instead, the case of Paulatuk and other settlements showed the d e s i r e of people to get back to the s m a l l e r centres where hunting and trapping were s t i l l viable options. Faced with such determination, the government did elect to support Paulatuk (and other small communities) with expenditures on community infrastructure and services. As a way of bringing the population closer to game, low-cost subsidized housing was constructed at Paulatuk i t s e l f , beginning with six units adjacent to the mission in 1966. A Co-op store was opened i n 1967 with the help of a loan from the Eskimo Loan Fund. These steps were the beginning of the community at Paulatuk, of the government's commitment to the settlement and of the peoples' ongoing struggle to improve community l i f e . The housing and the Co-op were v i c t o r i e s i n their campaign to "hang-tough" and l i v e on their own terms. This assistance was also a recognition by outsiders of the legitimacy of Paulatuk's way of l i f e . After a period of •demoralizing retreat', the beginning of the settlement at Paulatuk represents e x p l i c i t determination to maintain the autonomy, i n t e g r i t y and s a t i s f a c t i o n that come from these peoples' connections with the land and with each other. Notes: Chapter Two 1. V i l h a l m u r S t e f a n s s o n , The F r i e n d l y A r c t i c (New York: M a c M i l l a n Co. 1922) p.670 2. R. McGhee, The B e l u g a Hunters (St. John's: M e m o r i a l U n i v e r s i t y of Newfoundland 1974) "The N i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Mackenzie D e l t a I n u i t " i n I n u i t L and Use &. O c c u p a n c y S t u d y , v o l . 2 , (ed.) M.M.R. Freeman (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1976) pp.141-152 P e t e r J . Usher, The B a n k s l a n d e r s : Economy and E c o l o g y of a F r o n t i e r T r a p p i n g Community, v o l . 1 , (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1970) 3. K i t t i g a z u i t was t h e f o r e r u n n e r of T u k t o y a k t u k , the s e t t l e m e n t a t the mouth of the MacKenzie t h a t was a c e n t r e f o r w h a l i n g , f u r t r a d i n g , the D e w l i n e , and now, o i l e x p l o r a t i o n . 4. The s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s , s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and l a n d u s e of t h i s c u l t u r e a r e examined i n d e t a i l i n McGhee, The B e l u g a Hunters 5. T h i s e x p l o r a t i o n i s d e s c r i b e d i n John W o l f o r t h , The  E v o l u t i o n and Economy of t h e D e l t a Community. (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1971) p.16-17. 6. I n u p i a t i s t h e name us e d by A l a s k a n I n u i t t o d e s c r i b e t h e m s e l v e s . 7. W o l f o r t h , The E v o l u t i o n and Economy of the D e l t a  Community, pp.26-27,17 8. i b i d . , p.27 9. J.K. S t a g e r , "The Anderson R i v e r P o s t , t h e f i r s t t r a d i n g p o s t i n the w e s t e r n a r c t i c " , G e o g r a p h i c a l B u l l e t i n , 1967 . 10. Bompas, E. 1871 i n W o l f o r t h , The E v o l u t i o n and Economy  of the D e l t a Community, p.35 11. McGhee, "The N i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Mackenzie D e l t a I n u i t " , p.142 74 12. W o l f o r t h , The E v o l u t i o n and Economy of t h e D e l t a  Community, p.29 13. i b i d . , p.32 14. Stager,"The Anderson R i v e r P o s t " , p.56 15. W o l f o r t h , The E v o l u t i o n and Economy of t h e D e l t a Community, p.39 16. D.A.Blood, B i r d s and M a r i n e Mammals: The B e a u f o r t Sea  and t h e S e a r c h f o r O i l (Ottawa: Department of F i s h e r i e s and the Envir o n m e n t l 9 7 7 ) For more d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of the w h a l i n g i n d u s t r y , the r e a d e r i s r e f e r e d t o : J . A l l e n , A Whaler and Trader i n the A r c t i c ( F a i r b a n k s : A l a s k a N o r t h w e s t 1978) D.O. Fo o t e , "Whaling i n t h e B e a u f o r t Sea", CBC t r a n s c r i p t , J a n u a r y 1968 Diamond Jenness, Eskimo A d m i n i s t r a t i o n : I I ( M o n t r e a l : A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of N o r t h A m e r i c a 1964) Usher, The B a n k s l a n d e r s 17. Whittaker,1937;25 i n W o l f o r t h , The E v o l u t i o n and Economy  of the D e l t a Community, p.36 18. W o l f o r t h , The E v o l u t i o n and Economy o f the D e l t a  Community, p.40 19. i b i d . , p.36 20. McGhee, "The N i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Mackenzie D e l t a I n u i t " , p.144 21. S t e f a n s s o n , The F r i e n d l y A r c t i c , p.13 22. i b i d . , p.2 23. J e n n e s s , Eskimo A d m i n i s t r a t i o n : I I , p.25 24. i b i d . , p.25 25. McGhee, "The N i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Mackenzie D e l t a I n u i t " , p.5 26. Usher, The B a n k s l a n d e r s . p.25 27. J e n n e s s , Eskimo A d m i n i s t r a t i o n : I I , p.14 28. Usher, The B a n k s l a n d e r s . p.101 75 29. W o l f o r t h , The E v o l u t i o n and Economy of t h e D e l t a Community, p. 43 30. Usher, The B a n k s l a n d e r s . p.27 31. i b i d . 32. P e t e r J . Usher, " I n u i t Land Use i n t h e Western A r c t i c " i n I n u i t Land Use and Occupancy Study, v o l . 2 , (ed.) M.M.R. Freeman (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1976) p.160 33. W o l f o r t h , The E v o l u t i o n and Economy of the D e l t a  Community, p.54 34. Usher, The B a n k s l a n d e r s . p.30 35. i b i d . , p.28 36. Knud Rasmussen, The F i f t h T hule E x p e d i t i o n . 1921-24 Vol.10, no.2,(Copenhagen: G l y n d a l s k e B o g h a l d e i n ) p.52 37. D.G. S m i t h . N a t i v e s and O u t s i d e r s : P l u r a l i s m i n the  Mackenzie R i v e r D e l t a . N o r t h e r n S o c i a l R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1975) 38. Usher, The B a n k s l a n d e r s . p.29 39. ' W o l f o r t h , The E v o l u t i o n and Economy of t h e D e l t a Community, p.57 40. Usher, The B a n k s l a n d e r s . p.40 41. P e t e r J . Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western A r c t i c " . E v i d e n c e p r e s e n t e d t o the B e r g e r I n q u i r y on b e h a l f of COPE ( Y e l l o w k n i f e , 1 9 7 6 ) p.28 42. J.D. Ferguson, A Study o f t h e E f f e c t s o f t h e D e w l i n e on  Eskimos of the Western A r c t i c (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1957) 43. i b i d . , p.29 44. i b i d . 45. i b i d . , p.3 46. Diamond J e n n e s s , Eskimo A d m i n i s t r a t i o n : IV ( M o n t r e a l : A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of N o r t h A m e r i c a 1968) p.63 76 47. Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western A r c t i c " , p. 23 48. D.G. S m i t h , The Mackenzie D e l t a - The Dom e s t i c Economy of  the N a t i v e P e o p l e s (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1965) p.36 49. Ferguson, A Study o f t h e E f f e c t s of t h e D e w l i n e . p.20 50. Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western A r c t i c " , p.23 51. i b i d . , p.20 51. McGhee, "The N i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Mackenzie D e l t a I n u i t " ; and S t e f a n s s o n , The F r i e n d l y A r c t i c , p.25 52. S t e f a n s s o n , The F r i e n d l y A r c t i c , p.25 53. i b i d . , p.308 54. The p i o n e e r s i n c l u d e d : - B i l l y T h r a s h e r , t h e son o f an I n u i t woman and a wh a l e r . Named a f t e r a w h a l i n g boat, B i l l y T h rasher was t h e s k i p p e r of t h e C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n boat. He suggested l o c a t i n g t h e m i s s i o n a t L e t t y Harbour t o s e r v e t h e P a r r y P e n i n s u l a . O r i g i n a l l y , t h e m i s s i o n had been i n t e n d e d f o r K i n g W i l l i a m I s l a n d . - "qupelaq" and " h u l e r a q " - A l a s k a n i m m i g r a n t s whom Rasmussen encountered i n the camp of a t r a d e r a t the base of D a r n l e y Bay, the s i t e of P a u l a t u k i n 1924: "7. A t Crawford's p l a c e . Immigrants From P o i n t Hope: q u p e l r a q ( ? ) , h i s w i f e h u l e r a q ( t h e w h i p - l a s h ) , the g i r l n a u j a q ( t h e g u l l ) and t h e boy Sam" (Rasmussen, The F i f t h T hule E x p e d i t i o n , p.42) H u l e r a q , a l s o known as J e s s i e Green, d i e d i n P a u l a t u k i n 1976 a t t h e age o f 100. - A n i k Ruben and h i s w i f e S a d i e and f a m i l y ; "the p a t r i a r c h of the p e o p l e " "14. A t P o i n t C l a r e n c e : a n i k ( t h e b i g one, h i s w i f e s u g h a j a l a q ( ? ) , t h r e e boys and two g i r l s " (Rasmussen, The F i f t h Thule E x p e d i t i o n , p.44). A l t h o u g h many of the o t h e r p i o n e e r s l e f t t he P a u l a t u k r e g i o n l a t e r , t he T h r a s h e r s , Greens and Rubens s t i l l make t h e ar e a t h e i r home. 77 55. Usher, The B a n k s l a n d e r s , p.33 56. J . Ross MacKay. The Anderson R i v e r Map A r e a . Memoir 5 (Ottawa: Department of Mines 1957) p.120 57. Usher, The B a n k s l a n d e r s . pp.39-40 58. MacKay, The Anderson R i v e r Map A r e a , p.112 59. i b i d . 60. i b i d . , p.120 61. i b i d . , pp.107-108 and 113-114 62. i b i d . , p.109 63. Gunther Abrahamson, T u k t o y a k t u k - Cape P a r r y a r e a  economic s u r v e y (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1963) p.25 64. i b i d . 65. i b i d . , p.49 66. i b i d ., p.25 67. i b i d . 68. i b i d . 69. John Palmer, S o c i a l A c c o u nts f o r the N o r t h : I n t e r i m  Paper #3: The Measurement o f Income i n t h e Yukon and t h e  N.W.T., Economic S t a f f Group (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1973) p.103 78 Chapter Three Material Resources:  Paulatuk People Making a Living Among material resources, the greatest, unquestionably, i s the land. Study how a s o c i e t y uses i t s land and you come to pretty r e l i a b l e conclusions as to what i t s future w i l l be.^ Paulatuk i s one of the Inuit communities s t i l l c l o s e l y oriented to the land«2 In 1969, Paulatuk ranked highly among N.W.T. communities i n terms of cash and income-in-kind earned from the land.3 Residents have continually, stressed their dependence on the land: A l l our l i v e s we depend on the land, on our land... From boyhood we depend on the lakes where they got f i s h , we depend on the r i v e r where i t s got f i s h , we depend on the land where we got caribous.. . 4 In 1979, Paulatuk people s t i l l defined themselves as hunters and trappers, a self-image confirmed by the l o c a l W i l d l i f e O f f i c e r who described the town as "ninety percent hunting and trapping". At the same time, in Paulatuk as elsewhere, hunting production tends to be dismissed by government and industry o f f i c i a l s as being of minimal, residual and declining importance. Inasmuch as wage labour had increased i n the 79 l a s t decade, i t i s commonly assumed that there has been a simultaneous decline in the value of production from the land. This a t t i t i d e has been expressed toward Paulatuk; the community has been accused of no longer using the land and of l i v i n g o ff welfare instead. To a large extent, t h i s attitude exists because the native land-based economy i s a "hidden" one. Production from the land and sea, consumed d i r e c t l y by fa m i l i e s , i s largel y unobserved and unquantified: Conventional methods of cal c u l a t i n g the (native) economy reinforce t h i s notion. Wage employment and transfer payments are recognized as income, earnings from the bush are not. Fulltime hunters are, therefore, o f f i c i a l l y c l a s s i f i e d as unemployed. Their earnings from the hunt, and even from.trapping, are taken to be minimal or n i l or unavailable. Conventional economic analysis thus systematically misrepresents the (native) economy.5 If t h i s production of income-in-kind i s not taken into account, the cash and wage labour sector presents a misleading impression of dominance: The f a i l u r e of previous investigators to appreciate the f u l l value of country food has led to serious underestimates of the contribution of t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t y to the t o t a l regional economy, and hence, to conclusions that some native communities at least are without a viable economic basis.g The research compiled i n t h i s chapter describes and documents the various types of production and sources of income, translating the value of hunting into "terms to permit comparisons with the returns of other economic a c t i v i t i e s " . 7 80 S u b s i s t e n c e P r o d u c t i o n  C a r i b o u C a r i b o u i s the most i m p o r t a n t s p e c i e s h a r v e s t e d f o r d o m e s t i c consumption i n P a u l a t u k and, of a l l the I n u v i a l u i t c o m m u n i t i e s , P a u l a t u k r e l i e s most h e a v i l y on c a r i b o u f o r meat. In summer, h u n t e r s t r a v e l by boat a l o n g the c o a s t , c o n c e n t r a t i n g on t h o s e a n i m a l s t h a t have come c l o s e t o shore t o escape the heat and i n s e c t s . K i l l s c l o s e t o shore e l i m i n a t e the arduous work of p a c k i n g meat over rough t e r r a i n . Hunters u s u a l l y take one or two c a r i b o u i n the c o u r s e of a h u n t i n g t r i p , the number b e i n g r e s t r i c t e d by t h e d i s p e r s e d n a t u r e of the herd i n summer and the problems of t r a n s p o r t i n g meat back t o town b e f o r e i t s p o i l s . The h u n t i n g r e g i o n i s e x t e n d e d i n t h e f a l l and w i n t e r by f r e e z e - u p and snow-cover t h a t p e r m i t t r a v e l by s k i d o o and s l e d . Most men make a s p e c i a l e f f o r t b e f o r e t h e s t a r t o f t h e t r a p p i n g season t o o b t a i n a meat s u p p l y t h a t w i l l l a s t s e v e r a l months. The community as a whole h a r v e s t e d about one hundred c a r i b o u i n a three-week p e r i o d i n October/November 1979. Meat s t o r a g e i s l e s s d i f f i c u l t i n w i n t e r ; h u n t e r s can s t a y away l o n g e r w i t h f r o z e n c a r c a s e s and meat can be s t o r e d on the r o o f t o p s when f r e e z e r s a r e f u l l . T h i s i s a l s o the t i m e of y e a r when c a r i b o u p e l t s a r e i n peak c o n d i t i o n . In w i n t e r , t r a p p e r s w i l l s t o p t o h a r v e s t one or two c a r i b o u v / h i l e r e t u r n i n g from t h e i r t r a p l i n e s . C a r i b o u a r e a l s o t a k e n i n s p r i n g when the main Bluenose herdg m i g r a t e s i n l a r g e 81 numbers past the town, a few miles inland. Most of the caribou are harvested from a sub-herd of the Bluenose herd that grazes at the base of the Parry Peninsula. This herd i s the basis of a strategy to secure a food supply that supports intensive trapping a c t i v i t y : With caribou now more abundant and much closer at hand, the hunters no longer need to travel far inland, hence a reduction in the area of the caribou hunting range has occurred. The Paulatuk people f e e l that there should be as l i t t l e disturbance of the new Parry Peninsula herd as possible; their practice i s to make br i e f t r i p s to the edge of t h i s herd, o b t a i n a few animals and leave, thus avoiding prolonged a c t i v i t y in and around the herd.9 The average family requires a supply of about three or four caribou per month. Nearly a l l the caribou, including the head, heart, l i v v e r and bone marrow i s consumed. The meat i s eaten frozen or cooked, as steaks, stews, soup or hamburger. Some meat i s dried, p a r t i c u l a r l y in summer when spoilage i s a problem. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , dried meat was s l i c e d t h i n l y and hung to dry in the sun. Now i t i s also made in the oven, flavoured with commercial 'jerky-cure' mix. Estimates based on observations made in the f i e l d i n 1979-80 indicate a harvest of over three hundred and f i f t y caribou per year for subsistence use. This would provide an estimated 35,000 pounds of edible meat, available for consumption in Paulatuk. A small amount, probably under 5% of that, i s sent to re l a t i v e s i n Inuvik or Tuktoyaktuk. Using a figure of $6.00/pound (protein equivalent replacement value)-^, the income-in-kind for the community from caribou harvesting 82 w o u l d a m o u n t t o $ 1 5 0 , 0 0 0 t o $ 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 o r a p p r o x i m a t e l y $ 1 , 0 0 0 p e r c a p i t a p e r y e a r . T a b l e 1^1 I m p u t e d v a l u e o f C a r i b o u h a r v e s t 1 9 6 8 - 6 9 1 9 7 9 - 8 0 C a r i b o u h a r v e s t e d 200 350 E d i b l e w e i g h t ( l b s ) 2 0 , 0 0 0 3 5 , 0 0 0 P o p u l a t i o n o f P a u l a t u k 60 150 E d i b l e w e i g h t ( l b s / c a p i t a ) 333 233 E d i b l e w e i g h t ( l b s / c a p i t a / d a y ) 1 . 2 5 . 6 6 P r i c e p e r l b . $0 .80 1 . $ 2 . 0 0 2 . $ 3 . 0 0 3 . $ 6 . 0 0 T o t a l v a l u e $ 1 6 , 0 0 0 1 . $ 7 0 , 0 0 0 2 . $ 1 0 5 , 0 0 0 3 . $ 2 1 0 , 0 0 0 S o u r c e s ; 1 9 6 8 - 6 9 - P a l m e r , 1973 1 9 7 9 - 8 0 - e s t i m a t e s b a s e d o n f i e l d d a t a and c u r r e n t p r i c e s 1 . C u r r e n t m a r k e t e x c h a n g e v a l u e , I n u v i k 1979 2 . R e p l a c e m e n t c o s t p e r u n i t o f v o l u m e 3 . R e p l a c e m e n t c o s t a t n u t r i t i o n a l e q u i v a l e n t F i s h F i s h a r e t h e n e x t m o s t i m p o r t a n t c o u n t r y - f o o d r e s o u r c e i n P a u l a t u k . T h e v a l u e o f t h e a n n u a l h a r v e s t o f c h a r a n d w h i t e f i s h was e s t i m a t e d t o be a p p r o x i m a t e l y 4 , 5 0 0 p o u n d s w i t h a n i m p u t e d m o n e t a r y v a l u e o f b e t w e e n $ 7 , 0 0 0 a n d $ 9 , 0 0 0 . 1 2 83 Not only are s i g n i f i c a n t quantities of food obtained at r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e cost, f i s h i n g has an i n t r i n s i c s a t i s f a c t i o n that leads people to spend time, summer and winter, setting their nets: Fishing, for example, i s done because i t i s an enjoyable diversion and brings welcome v a r i a t i o n to the diet.13 In winter, nets are set under the ice at the river or on the lakes of the Parry Peninsula; the amounts of the harvest are r e l a t i v e l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t . In summer, char, whitefish, trout and cod are caught i n lakes or offshore. Generally, less than twenty-five percent of the annual harvest i s taken during the summer, on the b a s i s of catches observed i n the f i e l d . The August char run on the Hornaday River i s the main source of domestic f i s h harvesting. 14 The char i s an anadromous species, spending the summer in the sea and returning i n f a l l to spawn and winter in freshwater upstream. The char run was discovered i n the 1960's when two residents t r a v e l l i n g overland after freeze-up stopped for water, noticed the large f i s h beneath the ice, and as they said, "forgot a l l about their t h i r s t " . In mid-August, Paulatuk f a m i l i e s set up camp at Fishcamp, a loosely designated area on the east side of the Hornaday Delta, and begin to set their nets in the shallow, s h i f t i n g channels of the ri v e r mouth. Whitefish are caught as well as char, es p e c i a l l y at the start of the run. Nets 84 a r e u s u a l l y checked t w i c e d a i l y ; a t the peak, f i f t y or more char may be t a k e n i n a net a t any check. About t h i r t y men and t h e i r f a m i l i e s p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the f i s h i n g i n 1979. W h i l e the main f o c u s of the f i s h i n g p r i o r to f r e e z e - u p i s c o m m e r c i a l , a s u b s t a n t i a l s u b s i s t e n c e h a r v e s t i s a l s o o b t a i n e d , some o f w h i c h i s d r i e d on r a c k s and some f r o z e n . A l l the f i s h e r m e n h a r v e s t e d f o r s u b s i s t e n c e as w e l l as t h e m a r k e t , s i x t o e i g h t men f i s h e d o n l y f o r t h e i r own use. D o mestic f i s h i n g c o n t i n u e s a f t e r the c o m m e r c i a l quota i s f i l l e d . A f t e r f r e e z e - u p . f i s h a r e caught by j i g g i n g or by s e t t i n g n e t s under t h e i c e a t deep p l a c e s i n t h e r i v e r a few m i l e s u p r i v e r from Fishcamp. Many f a m i l i e s t a k e t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o camp out or make d a y - t r i p s . The men a l s o s e t n e t s f u r t h e r up a t C o a l m i n e , as p a r t of t h e i r e f f o r t s t o i n s u r e an ample foo d s u p p l y b e f o r e t r a p p i n g b e g i n s . Other A n i m a l s A s m a l l number of Muskox have been h a r v e s t e d a n n u a l l y f o r s u b s i s t e n c e i n r e c e n t y e a r s . No f i g u r e s a r e a v a i l a b l e from G e n e r a l H u n t i n g L i c e n s e d a t a , but i t i s r e p o r t e d t h a t s i x or seven a r e u s u a l l y h a r v e s t e d . At $6.00/pound, the r e p l a c e m e n t v a l u e of the muskox would be i n t h e range of $12,600 f o r j u s t over 2,000 pounds of m e a t 1 5 . Muskox meat i s not as t e n d e r as c a r i b o u and has a s t r o n g e r f l a v o u r . I t seems t o be e a t e n when c a r i b o u i s i n s h o r t s u p p l y or f o r a change of pace. 85 Several bear are shot annually when they constitute a danger to people near the community. Hunters are required to not i f y the W i l d l i f e O f f i c e r of any bears shot, but they are oft e n allowed to keep the meat. The amount of bear eaten i s not known, but seems r e l a t i v e l y small. Migratory birds are intensively harvested on a seasonal basis, spring and f a l l . It i s d i f f i c u l t to determine the amount, edible weight and imputed value of t h i s h a r v e s t . A very rough estimate would put the 1979 harvest at minimum of 600 to 800 geese and ducks. This would contribute, about $10,000 in imputed income-in-kind to the l o c a l economy.-^ -j Table 3-2 Bird Harvests from 1968 to 1978 1968-69 1973-74 1974-75 1975-76 1977-78 Geese 53 27 8 215 60 600 Ducks 116 237 107 20 Ptarmigan - 397 230 300 Sources: 1968-69 - Palmer, 1973 1973- 74 - Usher, 1976 - (includes ducks and ptarmigan converted to geese by weight.) 1974- 78 - General Hunting Licence returns, G.N.W.T. (1977 representing 1 out of 30 licences issued.) Ptarmigan, the other species of b i r d important as a food source, i s harvested year round. The harvest averages about three hundred a year. At just under one pound of edible meat each, their imputed value i s about $1,000. 86 In contrast to many Inuit communities, Paulatuk does not rely much upon seal. In 1968, eight hundred and ten seal were recorded taken. 1 8 since then, the harvest declined, due to a slump in prices(related to the anti-sealing campaign directed againsst the Newfoundland seal industry) and the demise of dog-traction. Seal harvesting i s now concentrated i n the summer, during open water, rather than year-round; in la t e August the pelts are in good condition and r e t r i e v a l rates higher due to the bouyancy of the summer-fattened seals. Many are shot for their skins only. Conservatively, at least twenty-five are used for human consumption. Averaging f o r t y - f i v e pounds edible weight each, t h i s would contribute about $4,500 worth of meat to the community's tables. Oksok, or rendered seal o i l , i s a regular part of the diet and major end-use of seal. Meat and f i s h are dipped i n t o t h i s o i l , which has a f l a v o u r something akin to bluecheese. There i s no estimate of the seal blubber used annually for oksok, nor i s there any equivalent substitute with which to compare i t s value. Furs and skins Hunting also provides furs and skins that are used domestically for clothing and bedding. The value of thi s producion i s uncertain. Usher placed the value of subsistence use for clothing and bedding at less than ten percent of the country-food production, noting that "although (these uses) may be only a small component of the t r a d i t i o n a l sector, 87 they are, i n some cases, completely irreplaceable. " 1 9 In Paulatuk, caribou skins are used for mukluks. sleeping mats and occasionally parkas. To give an idea of the value l o c a l l y , mukluks were s o l d to v i s i t o r s f o r $60 to $80 a p a i r . Mukluks and m i t t s were also made of s e a l and muskox skins. Mocassins, mitts and the soles of mukluks are generally made of moosehide which i s available commerially for $300- $400 per hide. Moose are rarely taken by Paulatuk hunters, so their contribution to the economy i s high when they are harvested. The labour involved i n preparing hides and clothing i s considerable and should be kept i n mind when considering their value. Furs are primarily harvested for commercial purposes, but many do not reach the market. Wolf and wolverine are used for parka t r i m and m i t t s . In s p i t e of market p r i c e s of $150 and $300 per pelt respectively, few i f any are exported for sale. In 1979, the value of new, locally-produced parka-trim was around $1,500. Fox trim i s also used; conservatively, around $2^500 to $3,000 worth each year. 88 Summary o f s u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n ; I n c o m e - i n - k i n d W i t h r e s e r v a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g t h e a c c u r a c y o f e s t i m a t e s , i t a p p e a r s t h a t a g r o s s i n c o m e - i n - k i n d o f a p p r o x i m a t e l y $ 2 3 6 , 0 0 0 was. p r o d u c e d f r o m s u b s i s t e n c e h u n t i n g i n P a u l a t u k i n 1 9 7 9 . ( $ 1 2 3 , 4 3 1 i n c o n s t a n t d o l l a r s , 1971=100) T a b l e 3 - 3 I m p u t e d v a l u e o f S u b s i s t e n c e h a r v e s t i n g 1 9 6 9 - 7 0 1 9 7 0 - 7 1 1 9 7 3 - 7 4 1 9 7 9 - 8 0 C a r i b o u $ 1 6 , 0 0 0 1 6 , 0 2 2 1 1 2 , 5 0 0 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 c $ 1 6 , 1 7 8 1 6 , 0 2 2 9 0 , 0 0 0 9 4 , 9 6 7 M u s k - o x $ - - - 1 2 , 0 0 0 c $ - - - 5 , 6 9 8 B i r d s $ - 3 , 1 7 3 6 , 0 0 0 1 1 , 0 0 0 c $ - 3 , 1 7 3 4 , 8 0 0 5 , 2 2 3 S e a l $ - - - 4 , 5 0 0 c$ - - - 2 , 1 3 7 F i s h $ 9 , 0 0 0 - 1 6 , 0 0 0 7 , 0 0 0 c $ 9 , 2 5 9 - 1 2 , 8 0 0 3 , 3 2 4 F u r s $ - 965 - 2 , 0 0 0 c $ - 965 - 950 T o t a l : $ 4 5 , 0 2 3 1 9 , 3 6 1 1 3 4 , 5 0 0 2 3 6 , 5 0 0 c $ 4 6 , 3 2 0 1 9 , 3 6 1 1 0 7 , 6 0 0 1 2 3 , 6 9 2 S o u r c e s : 1 9 6 9 - 70 - P a l m e r , 1973 1 9 7 0 - 71 - G o u r d e a u , MVP I m p a c t R e p o r t t a b l e 3 & 4 1 9 7 3 - 7 4 - U s h e r , 1976 1 9 7 9 - 8 0 - f i e l d w o r k , P a u l a t u k N o t e : ' c $ ' i n d i c a t e s c o n s t a n t d o l l a r s u s i n g 1 9 7 0 - 7 1 = 1 0 0 , 89 T a b l e 3-3 compares d a t a f o r the imputed v a l u e s of c o u n t r y food and c l o t h i n g over the l a s t decade. I t shows the c o n t i n u e d g r o w t h of t h i s s e c t o r and a t t e s t s to the v i t a l i t y and i m p o r t a n c e of s u b s i s t e n c e h a r v e s t i n g from a monetary p e r s p e c t i v e . T h i s e s t i m a t e was c o n f i r m e d by i n f o r m a n t s who e s t i m a t e d t h a t t h e y , as heads of h o u s e h o l d s , would need c a s h incomes of more t h a n $10,000 p e r y e a r i f t h e y were o b l i g e d t o p u r c h a s e a l l t h e i r f o o d from the s t o r e . 90 M a p 9. H u n t i n g : Paulatuk R e g i o n (1959-74) (Source: Inuit Land Use & Occupancy Study vol. 3 (Ottawa 1976), map 16 (Legend: Appendix IV) 91 M a p 11. Extent of H u n t i n g , Paulatuk, 1 9 7 9 - 8 0 Commercial Production  Trapping Trapping i s the most important of the a c t i v i t i e s that generate cash income through the commercial sale of renewable resources harvested from the land, not only i n terms of the large amounts of income earned, but also because i t sets the tone of the economic and s o c i a l l i f e of Paulatuk. Trapping i s seen as a tough but rewarding occupation of considerable excitement and prestige. It has been the focus of community l i f e since the beginning of settlement in the region, and current trapping a c t i v i t y i s as intensive and extensive i n area as i t was during the peak of trapping during the 'good old days', (see Map 10, i l l u s t r a t i n g the extent of trapping during the period 1959 to 1974. Cf. Chapter Two, Map 8) The main species trapped are white fox and coloured fox which has black, red and cross phases; the white and blue fox are found along the coast and the Parry Peninsula, the range of coloured fox overlaps around the settlement and goes further inland. Wolf and wolverine are trapped and hunted througout the area; marten are found to the south, below the tree l i n e . Maps 9 and 11 show the areas i n which v a r i o u s animals are hunted as e s t a b l i s h e d by the Land Use and Occupancy Study. 94 Table 3-4 Fur Export Data 1973-74 1974-75 1975-76 1976-77 1977-78 1978-79 1979-80 Number of Trappers 30 24 26 29 17 34 34 Total Sales $ 44,424 28,237 17,643 42,423 7,603 60,952 51,14? c$ 41,517 22,590 12,693 28,491 4,728 34,790 26,779 Number of Trappers over $400. 24 13 19 18 5 29 25 Highest income $ 10,842 2,493 2,951 4,300 1,288 6,504 6,574 Sources: 1973-74,1974-75 - Land Use Information Series, 1977 1975-76 - 1979-80 - Trapper Incentive Program s t a t i s t i c s , G.N.W.T. Fish & W i l d l i f e Service. (Constant Dollars, 1971= 100) Note: Trappers Record Summaries show: 1973-74 $ 78,360 1974- 75 $ 13,067 1975- 76 $ 19,789 (c$ 72, 981) (c$ 10,454) (c$ 14,288) Table 3-5 Fur Exports by species and value 1973-74 1974-75 1975-76 1976-77 1977-78 1978-79 1979-80 White fox 55,961 11,780 10,492 28,560 703 19,107 22,172 Other fox 2,375 667 12,814 6,488 1,350 48,229 21,408 Wolf 840 720 1,310 600 1,806 2,615 1,980 Wolverine 20 0 Seal 2,179 1,574 2,130 3,774 3,997 Polar Bear 13,900 . 4,605 12, 230 750 Other 169 43 50 145 110 Total Income '$ 78,360 13,067 19,789 42,423 7,603 60,952 51,147 c$ 72,981 10,454 14,288 28,491 4,728 34,790 26,779 Sources: 1973-74 to 1977-78- Trappers Record Summaries, G.N.W.T. (Constant d o l l a r s c$- 1971= 100) T r a p p i n g i s not a r e l i c of f r o n t i e r days i n P a u l a t u k ; n e a r l y every a b l e - b o d i e d man i n the community t r a p s . A c c o r d i n g t o the 1978 ccommunity census, seventeen men were d e s c r i b e d as t r a p p e r s by o c c u p a t i o n . N e a r l y a l l of tho s e l i s t e d as f u l l t i m e employees a l s o t r a p p e d f u l l t i m e d u r i n g the season. In 1979-80, e i g h t e e n men o p e r a t e d l o n g - l i n e s (a s e r i e s of t r a p s s e t a t some d i s t a n c e from town and r e q u i r i n g s e v e r a l days t r a v e l t o c h e c k ) . 2 2 S i x men ran d a y - l i n e s i n t h e v i c i n i t y of the community, c h e c k i n g them b e f o r e or a f t e r work. One d a y - l i n e was p r i m a r i l y o p e r a t e d by a woman and her son. In a d d i t i o n , a number of the young men d i d some t r a p p i n g on an i n f o r m a l b a s i s , s e t t i n g a few t r a p s or c a t c h i n g f o x by c h a s i n g them on s k i d o o and s h o o t i n g them. T h e i r e f f o r t s depended on b o r r o w i n g a r e l a t i v e ' s s k i d o o . The c o n t r i b u t i o n of t r a p p i n g t o the community's income i s q u i t e h i g h 2 3 , a l t h o u g h i t i s not n e a r l y as s i g n i f i c a n t as i n Sachs Harbour w h i c h e n j o y s the r e p u t a t i o n of b e i n g a s e t t l e m e n t of ' s u p e r - t r a p p e r s ' . T r a p p i n g r e p r e s e n t s a source of income t h a t , f o r many of the t r a p p e r s who do not engage i n wage employment, may be the major p o r t i o n of the cash needed t o su p p o r t s u b s i s t e n c e h u n t i n g . T r a p p i n g income v a r i e s from y e a r t o y e a r and between i n d i v i d u a l s . In 1978-79, t r a p p i n g g e n e r a t e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y $61,000 f o r t h i r t y - f o u r p e o p l e , a c c o r d i n g t o the T r a p p e r s ' Record Summaries. Over $6,000 was earned by 97 t h e t o p t r a p p e r a n d t h e a v e r a g e w a s $1 ,7 9 2 . D u r i n g t h e f i r s t p a r t o f t h e 1 9 7 9 - 8 0 s e a s o n , t h e h a r v e s t w a s o b s e r v e d b y t h e a u t h o r . The f u r s r e c o r d e d b e t w e e n N o v e m b e r a n d J a n u a r y w e r e : T a b l e 3_^£ F o x t r a p p e d i n 1 9 7 9 : V a r i e t y Number A v e r a g e p r i c e E x p e c t e d i n c o m e W h i t e f o x 232 $ 3 0 - 6 0 $ 1 1 , 6 0 0 C r o s s f o x 35 165 5 , 7 3 0 R e d f o x 4 100 400 S i l v e r f o x 4 200 800 T o t a l I ncome $ 2 7 , 5 3 0 P r o b a b l y a n o t h e r e i g h t y o r s o f o x w e r e t r a p p e d b u t n o t r e p o r t e d t o t h e r e s e a r c h e r . T h i s e a r l y h a r v e s t o f a n a n t i c i p a t e d $ 3 0 , 0 0 0 p r o m i s e d a g o o d y e a r f o r P a u l a t u k t r a p p e r s i n 1 9 8 0 , a l t h o u g h t h e s t a r t w a s p o o r d u e t o w a r m , f o g g y w e a t h e r . O v e r t e n p e r c e n t o f t h e w h i t e f o x a n d t h i r t y p e r c e n t o f o t h e r p h a s e s w e r e t r a p p e d i n d a y - l i n e s n e a r t h e s e t t l e m e n t ; n e a r l y t h i r t y p e r c e n t o f t h e w h i t e f o x w e r e t a k e n b y a s i n g l e f a m i l y l i v i n g a t C a p e P a r r y . T h e p r o m i s e o f t h e s e a s o n w a s f u l f i l l e d , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e T r a p p e r s ' R e c o r d s . T r a p p i n g g e n e r a t e d a n i n c o m e o f $ 5 1 , 1 5 0 i n 1 9 7 9 - 8 0 . The t o p t r a p p e r e a r n e d $ 6 , 5 7 0 w i t h a n a v e r a g e o f j u s t o v e r $ 1 , 5 0 0 . P r i c e s a t t h e C o - o p , b a s e d on q u o t e s f r o m t h e H u d s o n B a y A u c t i o n i n E d m o n t o n w e r e l o w c o m p a r e d w i t h o u t f i t t e r s i n I n u v i k , s o many t r a p p e r s t o o k t h e i r f u r s t o I n u v i k on p r e - C h r i s t m a s j a u n t s . The i n c o m e was 98 spent on r e p l a c i n g worn-out equipment or on consumer goods, c l o t h i n g , a p p l i a n c e s and g i f t s . A l a r g e chunk of the money was used by one f a m i l y t o purchase the community's second v i d e o - t e l e v i s i o n s e t . Commercial H u n t i n g  C a r i b o u The T e r r i t o r i a l W i l d l i f e B ranch i s s u e s t a g s p e r m i t t i n g a q u o t a of c o m m e r c i a l c a r i b o u k i l l s ; i n 1979, P a u l a t u k had a q uota of s e v e n t y - f i v e t a g s . V i r t u a l l y a l l the h a r v e s t was s o l d t o the I n u v i a l u i t Development C o r p o r a t i o n (COPE) i n I n u v i k . The h u n t e r s were p a i d $1.50 per pound i n 1979, p r o d u c i n g about $12,000 income. COPE s o l d the meat f o r $2.00 per pound i n I n u v i k . C o m m e rcial c a r i b o u h u n t i n g i s u n d e r t a k e n i n t h e same way and o f t e n a t the same t i m e as s u b s i s t e n c e h u n t i n g ; h u n t e r s w i l l keep some meat and s e l l the s u r p l u s . In the s p r i n g , however, i t appears t h a t some h u n t i n g i s done w i t h c o m m e r c i a l s a l e s s p e c i f i c a l l y i n mind.24 F i s h As noted e a r l i e r , the f a l l c har run on t h e Hornaday R i v e r i s the b a s i s of c o m m e r c i a l p r o d u c t i o n t h a t i s a r e l i a b l e s o u r c e of income f o r P a u l a t u k r e s i d e n t s . C o m m ercial o p e r a t i o n s began i n 1968 w i t h a q u o t a of 5,000 pounds. The c u r r e n t q u o t a i s 15,000 pounds of w h i c h 10% i s deducted from a l l o w a b l e s a l e s as a waste a l l o w a n c e . 99 Fish Quotas (LUIS 1977) kg lb. M a p 12. C o m m e r c i a l & S u b s i s t e n c e F i s h i n g in Paulatuk (Source: Land Use Information Series (Ottawa 1977), map sheets 97C, D, F.) 100 T a b l e 3-7 Commercial Fish Harvest S a l e s Number of P r i c e T o t a l Average Year l b s p a r t i c i p a n t s per l b . earned earned ($) ($ ) ( ? ) 1968 4,000 — .50 2,000 — 1969 4,000 - .50 2,000 -1970 4,000 - .50 2,000 -1971 4,000 - .50 2,000 -1972 4,000 - .50 2,000 -1973 8,000 - .50 4,000 -1974 5,000 17 .50 2,500 -1975 8,912 11 .85 7,575 699 1976 9,000 11 1.00 9,000 800 1977 9,000 11 1.00 9,000 800 1978 13,500 15 1.25 16,875 1 ,125 197 9 13,500 15 1.35 18,225 1 ,215 Sources • 1968- •75 - B r a c k e l , 1977, pp27 -28 1976- •7 9 - Quota l e s s 10% e q u a l s e s t i m a t e d s a l e s F i s h i n g i s done by i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l y u n i t s who s e t n e t s , t a k e i n t h e f i s h and t r a n s p o r t them t o town f o r f r e e z i n g and s a l e . A l l members of the community p a r t i c i p a t e i n c l u d i n g t hose men w i t h f u l l t i m e j o b s . Women and c h i l d r e n can p a r t i c i p a t e more f u l l y i n f i s h i n g than i n o t h e r h u n t i n g a c t i v i t y ; they h e l p w i t h n e t s , c l e a n f i s h and t a k e them t o town, as w e l l as h e l p out around t h e c a m p s i t e . The c h a r a r e s o l d by f i s h e r m e n t o t h e Co-op w h i c h i n t u r n m a rkets them t o the I n v u i a l u i t Development C o r p o r a t i o n (COPE). I n 1979, t h e Co-op and COPE p a i d $1.35 and $1.65 per pound, r e s p e c t i v e l y . About f i f t e e n f a m i l i e s p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the c o m m e r c i a l f i s h i n g , e a r n i n g an average income of about $1,215. 101 The Co-op s h o u l d have earned a p p r o x i m a t e l y $22,000 from s a l e s w i t h a g r o s s income of $4,000 a f t e r f i s h e r m e n had been p a i d . The c o s t s of s h i p p i n g the f i s h t o I n u v i k by c h a r t e r , however, p r o b a b l y amounted t o more than $4,000, and i t i s p o s s i b l e , i n d e e d l i k e l y , t h a t the Co-op l o s t money on t h e d e a l . The Co-op was o b l i g e d t o pay $1.35 per pound f o r f i s h , w h i c h was f e l t t o be f a i r or t o o l o w a p r i c e by f i s h e r m e n ; because of f r e e z i n g and p a c k a g i n g p r o b l e m s , COPE would not pay more than $1.65, so Co-op o p e r a t i o n s took t h e l o s s . The income from f i s h i n g can be c r i t i c a l , e s p e c i a l l y t o f a m i l i e s w i t h few o t h e r s o u r c e s of cash. F i s h i n g income i s u s u a l l y d i r e c t e d t o o u t f i t t i n g f o r t r a p p i n g . Lucky i n d i v i d u a l s were a b l e t o i n c r e a s e t h e i r incomes t h r o u g h s k i l l f u l g a m b l i n g w i t h f i s h i n g e a r n i n g s a t t h i s t i m e . The e x p a n s i o n of the c o m m e r c i a l f i s h i n g o p e r a t i o n i s l i m i t e d by s e v e r a l f a c t o r s . F r e e z e r f a c i l i t i e s have been i n a d e q u a t e , r e s u l t i n g i n the s u s p e n s i o n of f i s h i n g when c a p a c i t y i s reached. P r i c e s would have been h i g h e r i f p r o c e s s i n g , such as t h e speed of f r e e z i n g ( a f f e c t e d by space) were improved. The i n s t a l l a t i o n of a new community f r e e z e r may s o l v e t h i s . There i s some d i s c u s s i o n about r a i s i n g the q u o t a f o r the Hornaday R i v e r as the b a s i s f o r expanded c o m m e r c i a l s a l e s , but t h e r e i s a l s o c oncern about p o t e n t i a l d e t e r i o r a t i o n of f i s h s t o c k . In 1979, s e v e r a l p e o p l e e x p r e s s e d c o n c e r n t h a t the 'big f i s h ' were not so p l e n t i f u l . 102 Government a u t h o r i t i e s c l a i m t h a t p e o p l e exceed the quota a l r e a d y by as much as t h e y can g e t away w i t h and t h a t t h e y t a k e f i s h t h a t a r e too s m a l l . R e s i d e n t s respond t h a t they do not o v e r f i s h , b e i n g the ones w i t h the g r e a t e s t s t a k e i n m a i n t a i n i n g a s u s t a i n e d y i e l d . In f a c t , s e v e r a l p e o p l e stopped f i s h i n g c o m m e r c i a l l y p a r t way t h r o u g h the run, i n o r d e r t o g i v e o t h e r p e o p l e a c h a n c e t o e a r n i n c o m e w i t h i n t h e o v e r a l l quota. T h e r e a r e c h a r r u n s on o t h e r r i v e r s and l a k e s w i t h c o m m e r c i a l h a r v e s t q uotas t o t a l l i n g 89,300 pounds i n 1977.25 T r a n s p o r t i n g the f i s h t o P a u l a t u k q u i c k l y and c o s t e f f i c i e n t l y enough p r e s e n t s a major problem. G i v e n the l o w -p r o d u c t i v i t y o f a r c t i c l a k e s and the slow growth of f i s h s t o c k s , i t i s a l s o d o u b t f u l t h a t y i e l d s would be s u s t a i n e d f o r l o n g . C u r r e n t l y , the h a r v e s t may be s o l d o n l y i n t h e N.W.T. In o r d e r t o meet government s t a n d a r d s f o r e x p o r t , a f r e e z i n g and p a c k a g i n g p l a n t r e q u i r i n g a l a r g e c a p i t a l e x p e n d i t u r e and a volume of over 50,000 pounds, would be needed. A c o - o r d i n a t e d m a r k e t i n g scheme and t h e use of a i r c r a f t t o b r i n g f i s h from o t h e r r i v e r s would be e s s e n t i a l . At p r e s e n t , t h e expense, e f f o r t and o r g a n i z a t i o n and management s k i l l s r e q u i r e d t o i n c r e a s e the income earned from c o m m e r c i a l f i s h i n g are not j u s t i f i e d by t h e need f o r cash. 103 S e a l The e x p o r t o f s e a l s k i n s b r i n g s some i n c o m e i n t o t h e c o m m u n i t y . T h e r e w a s a d e c l i n e i n s e a l e x p o r t s d u r i n g t h e 1 9 7 0 * s , a s n o t e d a b o v e , when p r i c e s w e r e a s l o w a s $8 .00 a p e l t . G i v e n t h e s m a l l d e m a n d f o r s e a l a s human f o o d , w i t h o u t t h e n e e d t o g e t d o g - f o o d t h e c o s t s o f a m m u n i t i o n g a s a n d l a b o u r e x c e e d e d t h e m o n e t a r y r e t u r n f r o m s e a l s k i n s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h r o u g h o u t t h e 1 9 7 0 ' s , s e a l i n g h a s b r o u g h t some i n c o m e t o t h e l o c a l e c o n o m y . T a b l e 3 - 8 S e a l S k i n s a l e s A v e r a g e T o t a l Y e a r Number p r i c e e a r n e d ($) ($ ) 1 9 7 1 - 7 2 179 9 . 8 1 1 , 7 5 6 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 1 1 5 . 1 0 15 1 9 7 3 - 7 4 146 1 7 . 3 6 2 , 1 7 9 197 4 - 7 5 - 23 . 6 5 -1 9 7 5 - 7 6 61 1 6 . 9 9 1 , 5 7 4 1 9 7 6 - 7 7 72 1 1 . 9 4 2 , 1 3 0 1 9 7 7 - 7 8 92 13 . 3 3 3 , 7 7 4 197 8 - 7 9 - - -1 9 7 9 - 8 0 154 26 . 6 0 3 , 9 9 7 S o u r c e s : 1 9 7 1 - 7 5 - L a n d U s e I n f o r m a t i o n S e r i e s , 1977 1 9 7 5 - 8 0 - F u r E x p o r t T a x R e c o r d s , I n d i v i d u a l T r a p p i n g s u m m a r i e s , G . N . W . T . P r i c e s f r o m NWT A v e r a g e P r i c e T a b l e s , e x c e p t 1 9 7 9 - 8 0 P r i c e s b e g a n t o r i s e i n t h e s u m m e r o f 1 9 7 9 a n d i n t e r e s t i n s e a l i n g w a s r e n e w e d . I n l a t e A u g u s t , s e a l i n g w a s u n d e r t a k e n q u i t e i n t e n s i v e l y a n d s u c c e s s f u l l y . The G .N .W.T . T r a p p i n g S u m m a r i e s show t h a t o n e h u n d r e d a n d f i f t y - f o u r s k i n s 104 were e x p o r t e d from P a u l a t u k , f o r about $4,000. Others were s o l d or t r a d e d l o c a l l y . Many were used f o r c r a f t p r o d u c t i o n , a c o m m e r c i a l use t h a t had been i n d e c l i n e w h i l e the community C r a f t s h o p was closed.26 P o l a r Bear P o l a r bear h u n t i n g c o n t i n u e s t o be of economic s i g n i f i c a n c e i n P a u l a t u k . P o l a r bear a r e p r o t e c t e d by government qu o t a ; i n 1979 a t o t a l o f seventeen t a g s were i s s u e d t o the community Hunters and T r a p p e r s A s s o c i a t i o n , w h i c h d i s t r i b u t e s t h e t a g s t o e n s u r e a f a i r c h a n c e f o r a l l h u n t e r s . P o l a r bear a r e hunted i n s p r i n g a t Cape P a r r y or Cape Lyon, o f t e n i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h t r a p p i n g and s e a l i n g . In 1979, w i t h p r i c e s a t about one hundred d o l l a r s per f o o t , s k i n s f e t c h e d between $900 and $1,200 each. E i g h t s k i n s were r e c o r d e d as f u r s a l e s i n 1978-79 f o r an i n c o m e o f a b o u t $12,000. As a l l t h e t a g s were used, t h e o t h e r s may have been s o l d p r i v a t e l y r a t h e r than by a u c t i o n , f o r an e s t i m a t e d a d d i t i o n a l $9,000 i n earnings.27 105 T a b l e 3 - 9 Polar Bear skin sales Average Total Year Number price earned ($) ($) 1 9 6 9 - 7 0 2 222 444 1 9 7 0 - 7 1 8 214 1 , 7 1 3 1 9 7 1 - 7 2 11 340 3 , 7 3 7 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 10 600 5 , 9 9 4 1 9 7 3 - 7 4 13 1 , 0 7 4 1 3 , 9 0 8 1 9 7 4 - 7 5 22 640 1 4 , 9 8 4 1 9 7 5 - 7 6 4 450 -1 9 7 6 - 7 7 10 600 4 , 6 0 5 1 9 7 7 - 7 8 1 7 1 8 -1 9 7 8 - 7 9 8 1 , 0 9 0 1 2 , 3 2 0 1 9 7 9 - 8 0 1 750 750 S o u r c e s : 1 9 6 9 - 70 - B r a c k e l , 1 9 7 7 , t a b l e C - 2 p 6 8 1 9 7 0 - 75 - L a n d U s e I n f o r m a t i o n S e r i e s , 1977 1 9 7 5 - 7 9 - G e n e r a l H u n t i n g L i c e n c e R e t u r n s a n d F u r E x p o r t T a x R e t u r n s , G . N . W . T . 1 9 7 9 - 8 0 - T r a d e r s F u r R e c o r d S u m m a r y , G . N . W . T . P r i c e s : 1 9 6 9 - 7 2 - B r a c k e l , 1 9 7 7 , t a b l e C - l p65 1 9 7 2 - 7 9 - A v e r a g e F u r P r i c e T a b l e s , G . N . W . T . N o t e : 1 9 7 9 - 8 0 R e t u r n i n c o m p l e t e . Handicrafts and Tourism Paulatuk people are very talented and creative producers of items for domestic and commercial use.28 Homemade clothing worn l o c a l l y includes mukluks, mitts, mocassins and down and du f f l e parkas. Sleeping bags, sleds, ulus and knives, fishhooks and c r i b boards are also made for l o c a l use. 106 H a n d i c r a f t s produced f o r s a l e i n c l u d e s e a l s k i n p i l l o w s , m i t t s and s l i p p e r s and d u f f l e t a p e s t r i e s a p p l i q u e d w i t h d e s i g n s of l o c a l w i l d l i f e and h u n t i n g a c t i v i t i e s . P a r k as a r e not made c o m m e r c i a l l y due t o the c o s t of m a t e r i a l s and l a b o u r and l i m i t e d a c c e s s t o mar k e t s , but mukluks a r e sometimes made t o o r d e r . Most of thes e i t e m s a r e s o l d t h r o u g h the C r a f t s h o p i n town and i t s markets i n I n u v i k and Y e l l o w k n i f e . I n d i v i d u a l s a l s o s e l l p r i v a t e l y t o t o u r i s t s i n P a u l a t u k or s e l l t h e i r own work when they v i s i t I n u v i k . C a r i b o u s k i n s , r a n g i n g from $40 t o $100 and muskox s k i n s and h o r n s a r e a l s o s o l d f r o m t i m e t o ti m e . There i s a p o t e n t i a l market f o r ' q i v i u t ' the f i n e muskox wool t h a t s e l l s f o r over $20 per ounce i n t h e south. The combined income from c r a f t s a l e s was a p p r o x i m a t e l y $10,000 i n 1979. Income p o t e n t i a l i s l i m i t e d by t h e h i g h c o s t of m a t e r i a l s such as d u f f l e and moosehide, the l a b o u r r e q u i r e d and poor a c c e s s t o markets. The C r a f t s h o p , begun as a government-run make-work p r o j e c t , was shut f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s . A f t e r r e - o p e n i n g t e m p o r a r i l y under l o c a l o w n e r s h i p i n 1979, i t was s h u t a g a i n when t h e owner moved and t h e n s o l d t o a woman, f o r m e r l y of P a u l a t u k but now l i v i n g i n I n u v i k . When t h e shop i s c l o s e d , t h e r e i s no s o u r c e o f m a t e r i a l s o r m a r k e t i n town. Many of t h e men a r e e x c e l l e n t c a r v e r s i n soapstone, whalebone and a n t l e r . C a r v i n g i s done on a s m a l l s c a l e , w i t h o u t a r e g u l a r s t u d i o , v e n t i l a t i o n equipment, and w i t h few 107 tools and materials. The market i s also undeveloped, as carving from the western a r c t i c i s not as well known as that of B a f f i n Island. For Paulatuk carvers, however, sales may bring i n several thousand do l l a r s to supplement subsistence and trapping income. Paulatuk has considerable potential for tourism, with abundant w i l d l i f e , features such as the LaRonciere F a l l s , the Smoking H i l l s and Cape Parry and opportunities for sports such as canoeing, photography, f i s h i n g and hunting. The opportunities are not exploited much and the contribution of tourism to the l o c a l economy has been small in recent years. A t o u r i s t camp for sport f i s h i n g was operated for several years by the Hunters and Trappers Association at a s i t e s l i g h t l y upstream from the Hornaday Delta, but the project was abandoned. At present, sportsmen are sometimes flown to the area for d a y - t r i p s from lodges on Great Bear Lake or C o l v i l l e Lake, or from Inuvik. Beyond a possible v i s i t to the Craftshop, Paulatuk does not benefit from these t o u r i s t s . From the days of early exploration by Stefansson, Rasmussen and others, Paulatuk has been the stop-off point for adventurers canoeing down nearby rivers or crossing the a r c t i c by dog-team. In 1979, as in other years, the occasional j o u r n a l i s t , photographer, researcher and t o u r i s t arrived i n town, arranging to v i s i t the area with any hunter w i l l i n g to act as a guide. There i s no public accomodation 108 so v i s i t o r s must s t a y w i t h f a m i l i e s , p r o v i d i n g space i s a v a i l a b l e . S p o r t H u n t i n g Programs, t h r o u g h w h i c h t o u r i s t s pay s u b s t a n t i a l amounts of money f o r the chance t o hunt b i g game w i t h l o c a l g u i d e s , appears t o o f f e r income o p p o r t u n i t i e s . From 1972 t o 1977, the Hunters and T r a p p e r s A s s o c i a t i o n s e t a s i d e a number of p o l a r b e a r t a g s f o r s p o r t s h u n t e r s , who p a i d s e v e r a l thousand d o l l a r s each f o r a two-week b o o k i n g and the chance t o shoot one bear. The Hunters and T r a p p e r s A s s o c i a t i o n a r r a n g e d f o r g u i d e s and the dogteams r e q u i r e d f o r s p o r t s h u n t i n g a c c o r d i n g t o an I n t e r n a t i o n a l Agreement on t h e c o n s e r v a t i o n of p o l a r bear. I n i t i a t e d w i t h government a s s i s t a n c e , the program was a s u c c e s s and expanded from two h u n t e r s t o s i x i n subsequent y e a r s . However, the p r o j e c t was not c o n t i n u e d , a l t h o u g h i n 1979, the package would have c o s t s p o r t h u n t e r s over $6,000 each. The program f a i l e d f o r a number of r e a s o n s , i n c l u d i n g t h e l a c k of dogteams i n town, s e v e r a l y e a r s of u n s u i t a b l e i c e c o n d i t i o n s , and t h e r e f o r e d i s s a t i s f i e d c l i e n t s , and f r i c t i o n between the g u i d e s and p a t r o n s . In 1980, the government a u t h o r i z e d s p o r t s h u n t i n g of muskox, w h i c h have s u f f i c i e n t l y r e c o v e r e d i n numbers from n e a r e x t i n c t i o n a t t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y t o p e r m i t a l i m i t e d h a r v e s t . The muskox hunt i s o r g a n i z e d on the b a s i s of a t h r e e - d a y e x c u r s i o n , u s i n g s k i d o o s f o r w h i c h t o u r i s t s p a i d about $4,500 i n 1979. E i g h t t a g s were a l l o w e d f o r 109 t h i s , f o u r of w h i c h were f o r f e m a l e s . Guides were p a i d about $1,500 each f o r a few days work. A f t e r d e d u c t i n g c o s t s of a i r f a r e , f o o d s h e l t e r and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n from the f e e s , the a n t i c i p a t e d income t o the community as a whole was about $15,000. The f i r s t hunt o c c u r e d i n March 1980, a f t e r f i e l d w o r k was c o m p l e t e d ; i t was r e p o r t e d l y a g r e a t s u c c e s s . 2 g 110 Income from Wage Labour There has been a s i g n i f i c a n t increase in the amount of income coming from employment over the l a s t decade. In the early years of settlement, wage opportunities were l i m i t e d to work as p i l o t s , guides and other forms of casual labour. The construction of the Dewline introduced residents to routine i n d u s t r i a l labour. When construction ended, many men l e f t the area, taking t h e i r f a m i l i e s with them, to seek jobs i n the larger centres such a Tuktoyaktuk, Frobisher Bay and Cambridge Bay. Several of the younger, single men t r a v e l l e d further a f i e l d , working on the Slave Lake Railway i n Alberta, for the T e r r i t o r i a l government in Fort Smith or Yellowknife, or joining the army. Job opportunities in Paulatuk i t s e l f were very l i m i t e d during the la t e 1960*s and early 1970's . A break-down of the employment data shows that only one man and one woman were employed f u l l t i m e , year-round. Most of the people l i s t e d as employed worked for less than a month.30 in 1974, the Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Study maintained that: There i s no l o c a l wage employment, so the community i s e n t i r e l y dependent on trapping and hunting for i t s wellbeing . 3 1 Since 1975, however, opportunities have increased. The i n s t a l l a t i o n of e l e c t r i c i t y and a two-room school opened up jobs with the Department of Public Works, Northern Canada Power Commission and Department of Education for maintenance workers and the school janitor. Additional housing construction led to a housing maintenance position. A part-time lay-dispenser at the nursing station, Housing secretary and Settlement secretary were also required as the town grew and l o c a l services and administration passed increasingly into community control. The Settlement Council took over delivery of municipal services such as water and f u e l delivery and garbage pickup on a contract basis with the government. This led to the formalization of municipal service jobs that had previously been done by residents themselves without pay. Table 3-10 Labour Force: Main Occupations Male Female 1978 1978 Occupation # % # % Wage-labour fu l l t i m e casual Hunting and Trapping Unemployed Student Housewife Other Total 31 Source: 1978 Community census for ages 18-65 a. Unemployed refers to individuals a c t u a l l y e l i g i b l e for unemployment insurance benefits, having been previously employed i n insurable occupations. b. Other refers p r i m a r i l y to unmarried women not i n school, and men under 65 years unable to work due to i l l n e s s . 9 3 17 2 39 55 6 1 4 19 15 6 58 23 112 Currently, there are about twenty f u l l t i m e jobs people could take up i n Paulatuk, three-quarters of which were f u l l t i m e . Of these, eleven f u l l t i m e and two part-time jobs were f i l l e d , and two f u l l t i m e positions were f i l l e d part of the year. Of the labour force in Paulatuk, about forty percent of the men and twenty percent of the women were employed on a regular f u l l t i m e or casual basis. Most of the job opportunities are related to the delivery of services in the community. These include the Department of Public Works supervisor, the weatherman hired by the Ministry of Transport; the Settlement Secretary and municipal workers paid by the Department of Local Government grants; Department of Education school janitor and teacher's aide; the Housing maintenance person and secretary; the laydispenser . 3 2 Potential jobs that are not f i l l e d include the Northern Power Commission position and the Northwest Telephone repairperson. Other jobs include the manager and assistant at the Co-op store; and a community member employed f u l l t i m e at the Dewline s i t e at Cape Parry, about eighty miles away. COPE, the I n u v i a l u i t organization for dealing with land claims, employs residents of Paulatuk from time to time as fieldworkers, delegates and negotiators. Canmar and Dome Petroleum offer, in a sense, unlimited job opportunities for people w i l l i n g to go outside the community. Workers may work during the f u l l summer d r i l l i n g 113 season on r o t a t i o n from the base i n T u k t o y a k t u k , f o r f o u r -week on/two-week o f f s h i f t s on board t h e d r i l l s h i p s . Canmar a l s o h i r e s men t o work on o p e r a t i o n s b a s e d a t W i s e Bay, Cape P a r r y . T h i s deep harbour, near P a u l a t u k , i s used as an o v e r w i n t e r i n g and r e f u e l i n g s i t e f o r d r i l l s h i p s , s u p p l y s h i p s and i c e b r e a k e r s . P e o p l e were h i r e d t o work i n s p r i n g and summer on two-week r o t a t i o n s , f l o w n t o and from P a u l a t u k by Canmar p l a n e s . M o s t o f t h e t e n or so p e o p l e who w o r k e d on t h i s o p e r a t i o n i n 1979 were young s t u d e n t s employed d u r i n g t h e i r h o l i d a y s . T a b l e 3-11 i Income from B e a u f o r t Sea Employment Number P e r c e n t Income Year employees i n c r e a s e ($) 1976 3 8,688 1977 8 167 % 35,984 1978 11 38 % 69,377 1979 11 - 28,352 Source: Dome P e t r o l e u m , B e n e f i t s t o the Canadian Economy. B e a u f o r t Sea D r i l l i n g Program ( F e b r u a r y 1980) In 1979, the average e a r n i n g s of Canmar w o r k e r s from P a u l a t u k were $2,568 compared w i t h the o v e r a l l average e a r n i n g s of employees, n a t i v e and w h i t e of $ 9 , 3 5 6 . 3 3 Canmar employment does not seem t o be p a r t i c u l a r l y p o p u l a r . Many of the y o u t h s h i r e d a t Wise Bay q u i t a f t e r a few d a y s t i m e and r e t u r n e d home. One man who had w o r k e d on the B e a u f o r t d r i l l s h i p s remarked t h a t he found the work wet and u n c o m f o r t a b l e and t h a t the good foo d and wages were no compensation f o r the i s o l a t i o n and f a t i g u e . 114 I n 1979, f i v e new h o u s e s w e r e b u i l t i n P a u l a t u k under a c o n t r a c t o r from Holman I s l a n d who brought s e v e r a l workmen w i t h him. Only two P a u l a t u k r e s i d e n t s worked f o r him, a l t h o u g h the p o t e n t i a l f o r more work was a v a i l a b l e , a t wages of a p p r o x i m a t e l y $8.00 per hour. A l o c a l woman was h i r e d t o cook f o r the crew. I n a l l , employment from t h i s p r o j e c t brought about $10,000 t o t h e s e t t l e m e n t i n wages. Other employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s a r i s e from t i m e t o t i m e . These i n c l u d e a c t i v i t i e s such as p r e p a r i n g the g r a v e l pads f o r the new h o u s i n g , u n l o a d i n g the annual s u p p l y barge, managing t h e f u e l d i s t r i b u t i o n , g u i d i n g t o u r i s t s and r e p l a c i n g m u n i c i p a l w o r k e r s who a r e away. Young women o f t e n e arn money by c l e a n i n g f u r s , b a k i n g b r e a d , h o u s e c l e a n i n g or b a b y s i t t i n g . T a b l e 3-12 shows the income earned by P a u l a t u k p e o p l e from wage employment i n 1979-80, compared v / i t h income from a decade e a r l i e r . 115 T a b l e 3-12 E a r n e d I ncome f r o m Wages S a l a r i e s  1 . By I n d u s t r y 1 9 6 8 - 6 9 1979 $ c $ $ c $ M i n i n g - -E x p l o r a t i o n 350 372 28 , 2 5 0 1 4 , 7 7 5 O t h e r P r i m a r y 3 , 0 0 0 3 , 1 8 8 - -M a n u f a c t u r i n g 400 425 - -C o n s t r u c t i o n - - 16 , 0 0 0 8 , 3 6 8 T r a n s p o r t a t i o n - - 21 , 0 0 0 1 0 , 9 8 3 C o m m u n i c a t i o n - - 22 , 5 0 0 1 1 , 7 6 8 U t i l i t i e s - - - -T r a d e - - 32 , 5 0 0 1 6 , 9 9 8 C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s 1920 2 , 0 4 0 107 , 0 0 0 5 5 , 9 6 3 O t h e r S e r v i c e s - - - -A d m i n i s t r a t i o n 4 , 8 0 0 5 , 1 0 1 15 , 0 0 0 7 , 8 4 5 U n s p e c i f i e d 1 , 6 0 7 1 , 7 0 8 10 , 0 0 0 5 , 2 3 0 T o t a l : 12 , 0 7 7 12 , 8 3 4 252 , 0 0 0 1 3 1 , 9 3 0 2 . By S o u r c e 1 9 6 8 - 6 9 1 9 7 9 $ c $ $ c $ P r i v a t e B u s i n e s s 350 372 44 , 5 0 0 23 , 1 4 3 C r o w n C o r p o r a t i o n - - 45 , 0 0 0 23 , 5 3 6 N o n - p r o f i t - - 10 , 0 0 0 5 , 2 3 0 M u n i c i p a l G o v ' t 22 , 5 0 0 11 , 7 6 8 F e d e r a l G o v ' t 1 , 9 2 0 2 , 0 4 0 48 , 0 0 0 25 , 1 0 5 U n s p e c i f i e d , g o v ' t - - - -T e r r i t o r i a l G o v ' t 4800 5 , 1 0 1 50 , 0 0 0 26 , 1 5 0 C o - o p 3 , 6 0 0 3 , 1 8 8 32 , 5 0 0 16 , 9 9 8 T o t a l : 12 , 0 7 7 12 , 8 3 4 252 , 0 0 0 131 , 9 0 0 S o u r c e s : 1 9 6 8 - 6 9 , P a l m e r , S o c i a l A c c o u n t s f o r t h e N o r t h . A p p e n d i x 3 , p . 8 9 , A p p e n d i x 4 , p . 9 8 1 9 7 9 , f i e l d w o r k N o t e : c $ i n d i c a t e s c o n s t a n t d o l l a r s , 1971=100 116 In 1979-80, the t o t a l income was $252,250 (C$131,930) or about $1681 (C$879)per c a p i t a . T h i s was a f o u r f o l d i n c r e a s e i n r e a l income over 1968 l e v e l s . The e x p a n s i o n of wage l a b o u r does not r e p r e s e n t the development of an i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r i n t h e community. Most employment i s i n the s e r v i c e s e c t o r r a t h e r than p r i m a r y or secondary p r o d u c t i o n . Over s i x t y - f i v e p e r c e n t comes d i r e c t l y from government employment ( i n c l u d i n g D e w l i n e ) . Of the seventeen and a h a l f per c e n t of income from p r i v a t e b u s i n e s s , c o n t r a c t s f o r h o u s i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n , funded by the government, accounted f o r a f u r t h e r s i x p e r c e n t . Income from Co-op employment a l s o r e p r e s e n t s income coming i n d i r e c t l y from government(and o t h e r c o - o p e r a t i v e s i n the F e d e r a t i o n ) , g i v e n the Co-op's l o s s e s . The p r i v a t e i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r c u r r e n t l y o f f e r s a v e r y s m a l l p r o p o r t i o n of employment income. T r a n s f e r payments and unearned income In c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the p e n e t r a t i o n of the s t a t e and i n d u s t r y i n t o t r a d i t i o n a l community l i f e , t h e r e a re a number of forms of "unearned" income c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the l o c a l economy. These are m o s t l y government t r a n s f e r payments t h a t can be s i g n i f i c a n t components of n o r t h e r n , n a t i v e communities. 117 T a b l e 3-13 Comparison of T r a n s f e r Payments 1962 1979 $ $ F a m i l y A l l o w a n c e P e n s i o n s S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e 2,700 1,980 1,969 11 7 7 35,200 4,600 17,800 8.5 1.1 4.5 6,649 (Const a n t $) 8,772 25 57,600 30,126 14 S o u r c e s : 1962 - Abrahamson, Tuktoyaktuk-Cape P a r r y a r e a economic  s u r v e y (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n D e v e l o p m e n t 1968), p. 46 1979 - Income Maintenance, Department of S o c i a l S e r v i c e s , Government of the N o r t h w e s t T e r r i t o r i e s . P e n s i o n s and c h i l d a l l o w a n c e s a r e ' u n i v e r s a l ' t r a n s f e r s , a v a i l a b l e t o a l l e l i g i b l e p e r s o n s i n Canada, r e g a r d l e s s of economic need. In 1979, t h e s e programs brought abour $35,000 to the community, $3,000 of t h a t i n p e n s i o n s . E i g h t y c h i l d r e n were e l i g i b l e f o r the f a m i l y a l l o w a n c e and c h i l d t a x c r e d i t of $200. In some f a m i l i e s , t h i s c r e d i t r e p r e s e n t e d a major s o u r c e of c a s h income.34 Unemployment I n s u r a n c e B e n e f i t s a r e p a i d t o a l l w o r k e r s who are unemployed but a v a i l a b l e t o work and who have worked a minimum q u a l i f y i n g p e r i o d . A l t h o u g h many p e o p l e worked i n t e r m i t t e n t l y i n 1979, none of the 'unemployed' q u a l i f i e d f o r b e n e f i t s . S o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e i s d i s t r i b u t e d by t h e Department of S o c i a l S e r v i c e s t o h e l p s u p p o r t i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s i n s p e c i f i c c a ses of need and economic d i s t r e s s . In 1978-79, 118 twenty-one peo p l e r e c e i v e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y $17,500 or $110 per c a p i t a i n the community. R e c i p i e n t s i n c l u d e d two cases of i l l n e s s and f o u r t e e n women , s i n g l e mothers, w i t h dependents, who r e c e i v e d an average of $1,000. The d a t a show a r e d u c t i o n i n payments over the p r e v i o u s y e a r s , due i n p a r t t o improved t r a p p i n g , changing government p e r s o n n e l and t h e movement of s e v e r a l women w i t h c h i l d r e n t o o t h e r c o m m u n i t i e s . T a b l e 3-14 S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e T r a n s f e r s t o P a u l a t u k R e s i d e n t s 1977-78 1978-79 1979-80* $ $ $ H e a l t h 2,902 2,234 1,869 Dependent C h i l d r e n 17,805 14,239 1,959 Unemployment 1,951 377 237 Eco n o m i c ( o t h e r ) - 270 654 Supplement - 4 9 9 4 2 9 Undetermined - 173 182 22,934 17,792 5,330 Source: Income Maintenance, Department of S o c i a l S e r v i c e s , Government of the No r t h w e s t T e r r i t o r i e s * Note: 1979-80 i s f o r f i r s t e i g h t months o n l y . In summary, 'unearned' income r e c e i v e d by the community through t h e s e t r a n s f e r payments t o t a l l e d about $57,600; t h i s i s $3 84 per c a p i t a or about 9% of t o t a l income. Of t h i s amount, n e a r l y t h r e e - q u a r t e r s came from p e n s i o n s and f a m i l y a l l o w a n c e s . A l t h o u g h P a u l a t u k had been accused of b e i n g s u b s i d i z e d by w e l f a r e , e v i d e n c e d e m o n s t r a t e s t h a t t h i s i s not the case. W e l f a r e income has d e c l i n e d as a p e r c e n t a g e of t o t a l income from 7% i n 1962 to 3%. 3 5 ^ 3 5 119 Summary of Income i n Paulatuk In 1979, the community generated an income of about $652,000 including earned income from wages, trapping and other commercial production, unearned income from transfers and the imputed value or 'income-in-kind' from subsistence harvesting. These data are detailed in Table 3-15. Table 3-15 Community Income Summary Total percent Income income of t o t a l per capita $ % $ Wage employment: Fulltime: 170,000 Casual: 82,250 252,250 39 1,681 Transfers: Pension: 4,600 Family allowance: 35,200 Social assistance: 17,800 57,600 9 384 Settlement based cash 309.850 48 2 r065 Trapping: 61,000 Commercial hunting 15,000 Commercial f i s h i n g : 18,000 Handicrafts 10,000 Other 2,000 Land based cash: 106 .000 16 707 Total Cash 415 .850 61 2 f772 Subsistence Food 234,000 Subsistence Clothing 2,000 Total Imputed 236.000 3_6_ 1,573 Total Land-based. Cash and Imputed 342,000 52 2,280 Total Income 651 .850 1 M 4,345 120 Of the t o t a l income, wage employment c o n t r i b u t e d about 39% or $310,000, a p p r o x i m a t e l y $1,680 per c a p i t a . T r a n s f e r payments c o n t r i b u t e d $57,600, l e s s than 10% of t h e t o t a l income. Together these s e t t l e m e n t - o r i e n t e d income s o u r c e s accounted f o r about 48% of the t o t a l . The d a t a show v e r y c l e a r l y the c o n t i n u i n g i m p o r t a n c e of the t r a d i t i o n a l , l a n d - b a s e d s e c t o r i n P a u l a t u k . S u b s i s t e n c e and c o m m e r c i a l h u n t i n g and f i s h i n g , and t r a p p i n g s u p p l i e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y $342,000; over 52% of the t o t a l income, earned and imputed, came d i r e c t l y from renewable r e s o u r c e h a r v e s t i n g of the l a n d and sea. T r a p p i n g and s a l e s of meat, f i s h and h a n d i c r a f t s c o n t r i b u t e d about 16% of the t o t a l , and 30% of t h e l a n d - b a s e d s e c t o r a l o n e . The c o n t r i b u t i o n of t h i s c o m m e r c i a l p r o d u c t i o n v a r i e s from year t o y e a r , depending on the s u c c e s s of the t r a p p i n g season. Per c a p i t a income from t h e s e s o u r c e s was o n l y $707 i n 1979. L a R u s i c n o t e s t h a t Canada's w i l d f u r h a r v e s t i s n o t o f g r e a t v a l u e and has l i m i t e d p o t e n t i a l i n p r o v i d i n g an adequate income on i t s own.3-7 The cash income earned, however, i s an i m p o r t a n t a d j u n c t t o s u b s i s t e n c e h a r v e s t i n g and the l a n d - b a s e d l i f e s t y l e of w h i c h t r a p p i n g i s a p a r t . S u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n a l o n e was e s t i m a t e d t o have an imputed monetary v a l u e of a p p r o x i m a t e l y $236,000. T h i s was 36% o f the t o t a l community income, s l i g h t l y l e s s than $1,600 per c a p i t a . 3 8 S u b s i s t e n c e h u n t i n g c o n t r i b u t e s a l m o s t as much 121 income as wage employment and i s more e v e n l y d i s t r i b u t e d w i t h i n the community. The income d e r i v e d from wage-employment i s earned by o n l y h a l f the men, but everyone p a r t i c i p a t e s i n p r o d u c i n g f o r t h e i r own f a m i l y consumption. Earned and imputed income f o r P a u l a t u k i n 1969 and 1979 are compared i n T a b l e 3-16. 3 9 The d a t a show c l e a r l y t h e i n c r e a s e i n wage-employment as a s o u r c e of income, Earned income, as opposed t o i n c o m e - i n - k i n d , i n c r e a s e d from 3 9% t o 60%, due t o a f o u r - f o l d i n c r e a s e i n income from wages w h i c h rose from 16% t o 40% over t h e decade. Because of the r a p i d e x p a n s i o n of employment income, income from T r a p p i n g d e c l i n e d f r o m 23% t o 17.5% o f t h e t o t a l i n c o m e and f r o m o v e r h a l f earned income t o l e s s than t w e n t y p e r c e n t . T h i s r e l a t i v e d e c l i n e , however, does not i n d i c a t e an a c t u a l d e c l i n e i n t r a p p i n g a c t i v i t y or i n the a b s o l u t e v a l u e s of income from t r a p p i n g . A l t h o u g h the r e l a t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n of s u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n f e l l f r o m 61% t o 40% o f t o t a l i n c o m e , t h e p r o d u c t i v i t y of d o m e s t i c h a r v e s t i n g kept pace w i t h a g r o w i n g community. T o t a l s u b s i s t e n c e income i n c r e a s e d from $47,846 to C$123,431(constant d o l l a r s ) , and per c a p i t a , i n c r e a s e d m o d e s t l y from $797 t o $823 over the p e r i o d . T h i s r e f u t e s arguments t h a t h u n t i n g f o r c o u n t r y food has d e c l i n e d t o a mere r e s i d u e or s e n t i m e n t a l p a s t i m e . The 'hidden' n a t i v e economy c o n t i n u e s t o p r o v i d e a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n of income and i t s p e r s i s t e n c e s h o u l d not be i g n o r e d . 122 Table 3-16 Comparison of Earned & Imputed Income 1968-69 1979 Earned Income: Wages: Fulltime casual Income $ c$ Income/ capita Income 170,000 82,250 c$ 88-912 43,018 Income/ capita Commercial: Adjustments: Total Earned: Imputed Income: Total Income: 12,077 12,834 201 214 16 14,824 15,753 247 262 2, 000 2, 125 34 36 23 252,250 131,930 1,681 879 42.5 106,000 55,439 707 370 17.5 28,901 30,712 482 512 39 45,023 47,846 750 797 61 358,250 187,369 2,388 1,249 60.0 236,000 123,431 1,573 40.0 73,924 78,558 1232 1309 100 594,250 310,800 3,962 2,072 100 ^excluding Transfers) Percent of Earned & Imputed Income from Land-based A c t i v i t i e s : Constant d o l l a r s c$ 1971= 100 81% 58% Percent of Earned Income from Land-based a c t i v i t i e s 51% 18% Sources: 1968-69 - Palmer So c i a l Accounts for the North, 1973, Appendix III,IV 1979- F i e l d work The r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y of trapping and commercial hunting as income sources i s demonstrated by comparison of 1962 and 1979 cash incomes as i n Table 3-17. Cash income includes wages, trapping receipts, handicraft sales and transfers. Income from wages increased from 47% to 60% of t o t a l income within the cash economy. The growth of income from jobs, however, has not occurred at the expense of trapping income, which remained at about 23%. Instead, the proportion of income derived from pensions, family allowances and s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e has d e c l i n e d from 25% to 14% of the t o t a l cash income. Table 3-17 Changes i n Cash Income $ 1962 c$ Q . '6 $ 1979 c$ % Employment: f u l l 8,800 11,609 34 170,000 88,921 40.5 casual 3,325 4,386 13 82,250 43 ,018 20.0 47 60.0 Trapping 6,018 7,93 9 23 96,000 50,209 23 .0 Handicrafts 1,200 1,583 5 10,000 5,230 2.5 28 25.5 Family allowance 2,700 3,562 11 35,200 18,410 8.5 Pensions 1,980 2,612 7 4,600 2,406 1.1 Social assistance 1,969 2,598 7 17,800 9,310 4.5 25,992 34,290 100 415,850 217,495 100.0 Sources: 1962 - Abrahamson, Tuktoyaktuk - Cape Parry area economic  survey (Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s & Northern Development 1963) 124 This chapter has shown the extent to which hunting and trapping are s t i l l pursued, and the value of th i s productivity in the l o c a l economy. If, as one resident put i t , "when you got meat, that's reason enough for a celebration", l i f e in Paulatuk continues to be one of feasting. The data collected i n Paulatuk and presented here show the importance of subsistence productivity v i s a v i s the wage/cash sector. They show that, for Paulatuk, the struggle to preserve a v/ay of l i f e based on renewable resource harvesting i s not merely a sentimental attachment to the past, but i s rooted strongly in current economic r e a l i t i e s . As examinations of the "hidden economy" have shown elsewhere, the data: conclusively contradict any attempt to dismiss harvesting of renewable resources as of past or passing economic importance; and they i n v i t e skepticism about the kinds of material benefits that i n d u s t r i a l development i s supposed to bring to (native) communities. The figures show the scale of what the (native people) stand to lose.40 125 Notes: Chapter Three 1. E.F. Schumacher, S m a l l i s B e a u t i f u l ( L o n d o n : Abacus 1975) p.84 2. P a u l a t u k p e o p l e a c t i v e l y e x p l o i t a r e g i o n of a p p r o x i m a t e l y 64,000 km^ around the s e t t l e m e n t i t s e l f , e x t e n d i n g from the B a t h u r s t P e n i n s u l a t o Cape Lyon and f r o m t h e s e a - i c e n o r t h o f Cape P a r r y t o t h e i n t e r i o r P l a t e a u as f a r s o u t h as the t r e e l i n e . I t encompasses F r a n k l i n and D a r n l e y Bays, the l a k e s and tu n d r a of the P a r r y P e n i n s u l a and M e l v i l l e H i l l s and th e Hornaday, Horton and Brock R i v e r s . R e s i d e n t s a l s o have an i n t e r e s t i n t h e B e a u f o r t Sea, w h i c h s u p p o r t s f i s h , s e a l and p o l a r bear caught i n the r e g i o n , and the i n t e r i o r range of c a r i b o u and muskox, a l t h o u g h they do not d i r e c t l y use th e s e a r e a s . P a r t i c u l a r l y c r i t i c a l t o P a u l a t u k a r e the Hornaday D e l t a , c o m b i n i n g f i s h and w i l d f o w l r e s o u r c e s , and the P a r r y P e n i n s u l a ' f l a t s ' where c a r i b o u , w i l d f o w l , f i s h and f o x abound. For a more comprehensive d i s c u s s i o n of the p h y s i c a l geography o f the r e g i o n , the reader i s r e f e r e d t o J . Ross MacKay, The Anderson R i v e r Map Area . N.W.T.. Memoir 5, (Ottawa: Department of Mines 1958). The I n i t i a l  E n v i r o n m e n t a l E v a l u a t i o n p r e p a r e d f o r Canmar, June 1979 i n c l u d e s a d e t a i l e d r e v i e w of the n o r t h e r n P a r r y P e n i n s u l a . A N a t u r a l Resource Survey of the H o r t o n - A n d e r s o n R i v e r A r e a f N.W.T.. S.C. Z o l t a i , (Edmonton: Canadian F o r s t r y S e r v i c e , 1980) and the Land  Use I n f o r m a t i o n S e r i e s Maps (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1977) a r e i n f o r m a t i v e and i n t e r e s t i n g r e f e r e n c e s . 3. See Appendix I I I 4. G a r r e t t Ruben, " T r a n s c r i p t s " Mackenzie V a l l e y P i p e l i n e  E n q u i r y , v o l . 4 6 , 1976, p.4426 5. Hugh Brody, Maps and Dreams (Vancouver:Douglas & M c l n t y r e 1982) p.200 6. P e t e r J . Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western A r c t i c " . E v i d e n c e p r e s e n t e d t o the B e r g e r I n q u i r y on b e h a l f of COPE ( Y e l l o w k n i f e 1976) p.9 7. John P a l m e r , S o c i a l A c c o u n t s f o r the N o r t h : I n t e r i m  R e p o r t i 3_i The M e a s u r e m e n t o f Incomes i n t h e Yukon &. the N.W.T. (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & No r t h e r n Development 1973) 126 8. The c a r i b o u ( r a n g i f e r tarandus) hunted i n the P a u l a t u k a r e a are p a r t of the Bluenose herd, e s t i m a t e d t o number between 60,000 and 90,000 a n i m a l s . T h i s herd o c c u p i e s a v a s t a r e a between the Mackenzie and Coppermine R i v e r s . The main w i n t e r range i s south of the t r e e l i n e i n t h e v i c i n i t y of C o l v i l e Lake. C a l v i n g i s c e n t r e d around -Bluenose Lake i n the n o r t h - e a s t . The M e l v i l l e H i l l s s o u t h of P a u l a t u k l i e w i t h i n the summer range and m i g r a t i o n r o u t e . 9. Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western A r c t i c " , p.28 10. Imputed V a l u e of f o o d produced f o r s u b s i s t e n c e : Only a s m a l l p e r c e n t a g e of the renewable r e s o u r c e s h a r v e s t e d by P a u l a t u k r e s i d e n t s r e a c h the market economy, a l t h o u g h they c o n t r i b u t e s i g n i f i c a n t l y t o the s t a n d a r d of l i v i n g . I t i s n e c e s s a r y t o a s s i g n a monetary v a l u e t o t h i s p r o d u c t i o n i n o r d e r t o e v a l u a t e the r e l a t i v e p r o d u c t i v i t y of l a n d - u s e . T h i s i s done by r e c o r d i n g the numbers of a n i m a l s h a r v e s t e d , d e t e r m i n i n g the e d i b l e w e i g h t i n pounds of the h a r v e s t and a s s i g n i n g or ' i m p u t i n g ' a cash v a l u e . Measurement of the d o m e s t i c h a r v e s t may range from e x a c t c a l o r i c count t o rough e s t i m a t e . Techniques f o r a s s i g n i n g the monetary v a l u e are not s o p h i s t i c a t e d , but a r e g e n e r a l l y agreed upon. For comprehensive d i s c u s s i o n of the approach, see U s h e r . T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western A r c t i c , pp.7-11; Thomas R. B e r g e r , R e p o r t of the Mackenzie V a l l e y  P i p e l i n e I n q u i r y , vol.2 (Ottawa 1976) pp.7-43; Brody.Maps and Dreams, pp.200-213. Replacement V a l u e has been used i n t h i s t h e s i s t o c a l c u l a t e the monetary v a l u e of d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t i o n . Even when a l o c a l exchange-value can be d e t e r m i n e d on the b a s i s of c o m m e r c i a l s a l e s w i t h i n the community, the amount of cash r e q u i r e d t o buy an i m p o r t e d s u b s t i t u t e has been used; i f s u p p l i e s were not a v a i l a b l e f o r d o m e s t i c use, the c o m m e r c i a l s o u r c e s would a l s o be u n a v a i l a b l e . F u r t h e r m o r e , as the q u a l i t y and p r o t e i n c o n t e n t of c o u n t r y f o o d i s one t o two t i m e s h i g h e r than c o m m e r c i a l p r o d u c t s such as beef, pork and c h i c k e n , the r e p l a c e m e n t c o s t has been a d j u s t e d by a f a c t o r t o t a k e i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the c o s t s of r e p l a c i n g c o u n t r y food w i t h s u p e r m arket f o o d of e q u a l n u t r i t i o n a l v a l u e . (Appendix I I I . 2 ) 127 R e s e a r c h e r s who a t t e m p t t o c a l c u l a t e the economic v a l u e of s u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n s t r e s s the l i m i t a t i o n s of the approach. As Palmer s a y s , t h e e f f o r t t o f i n d t h e " c o r r e c t p r i c e i s i l l u s o r y " , not o n l y because the e m p i r i c a l d a t a base i s l i k e l y t o be i n a c c u r a t e . More i m p o r t a n t l y , t h e r e are s u b j e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s by consumers a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h no s t o r e - b o u g h t s u b s i t i t u t e s , no m a t t e r what p r i c e or n u t r i t i o n a l c o n t e n t , can ever r e p l a c e c o u n t r y food s a t i s f a c t o r i l y . Documenting the v a l u e of h u n t i n g s h o u l d not be t a k e n t o i m p l y t h a t h a r v e s t i n g r e t u r n s can be "understood and compensated f o r i n terms of d o l l a r s and c e n t s " , ( B r o d y , Maps and Dreams. p.202. Cash e q u i v a l e n t v a l u e s : "do not and cannot i n d i c a t e the v a l u e of h u n t i n g as a s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y or as a way o f l i f e . They do not and cannot i n d i c a t e the v a l u e to the n a t i v e h u n t e r of the environment w h i c h p r o v i d e s t h e s e resources... There i s no way one c a n e v a l u a t e a way o f l i f e , and t h e r e i s no way t o compensate f o r i t s l o s s . Modern i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y commonly f a i l s t o d i s t i n g u i s h between p e o p l e s ' l i v e l i h o o d and t h e i r ways of l i f e . I t i s too o f t e n supposed t h a t compensation f o r the l o s s o f t h e f o r m e r i s s u f f i c i e n t f o r t h e l o s s o f t h e l a t t e r as w e l l . " Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western A r c t i c " , p.11 N e v e t h e l e s s , i n c o n s i d e r i n g the v i a b i l i t y of the n a t i v e economy i t i s " b e t t e r t o a p p r o x i m a t e th e s e v a l u e s and a p p r e c i a t e t h e i r l i m i t a t i o n s than t o i g n o r e them e n t i r e l y " ( i b i d ) and so d i s r e g a r d t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n of l a n d - b a s e d p r o d u c t i o n . S t a g e r t a k e s a d i f f e r e n t approach, a r g u i n g t h a t n a t i v e p e o p l e a r e u n l i k e l y t o r e p l a c e e v e r y pound of c a r i b o u meat w i t h two pounds of s t o r e - b o u g h t meat, even i f they had the cash r e q u i r e d . In e v a l u a t i n g the s i g n i f i c a n c e of s u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n , he s u g g e s t s d e t e r m i n i n g the amount of s u b s i s t e n c e h a r v e s t i n g needed i f t h e community were t o meet i t s n u t r i t i o n a l needs and a c h i e v e an ' i d e a l s t a t e of p l e n t y ' e n t i r e l y from the l a n d and compare t h a t t o the a c t u a l p r o p o r t i o n of d i e t a r y needs s a t i s f i e d by the community. O l d Crow,  Y.T.. and t h e Proposed Gas P i p e l i n e , E n v i r o n m e n t a l -S o c i a l program, N o r t h e r n P i p e l i n e s , T a s k f o r c e on N o r t h e r n O i l Development # 74-21 (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1974) The v a l u e of $6.00 per pound has been used as a r e a s o n a b l e r e p l a c e m e n t c o s t f o r 1979-80. T h i s i s based on t h e c u r r e n t market p r i c e s f o r a s u b s t i t u t e meat, 128 a d j u s t e d t o r e f l e c t the h i g h e r p r o t e i n v a l u e of w i l d meat. T h i s compares w i t h Usher's suggested r e p l a c e m e n t c o s t of $4.50per pound i n 1974, based on c o m m e r c i a l c o s t s o f $2.50 t o $3.00. In 1979, p r i c e s f o r beef i n I n u v i k ranged between $2.50 and $4.50 per pound, depending on the c u t . P a u l a t u k has no r e g u l a r l y a v a i l a b l e s u p p l y of s t o r e b o u g h t s u b s t i t u t e s f o r c a r i b o u . F r e i g h t adds s u b s t a n t i a l l y t o the c o s t s of meat t a k e n t o P a u l a t u k by i n d i v i d u a l s or t h e Co-op. For e x a m p l e , t h e c o s t of b a c o n i n t h e co-op i n 1980 was $7.00 p e r pound. 11. Data d e r i v e d from the G e n e r a l H u n t i n g L i c e n s e s r e t u r n e d by h u n t e r s t o the government are u n r e l i a b l e . K i l l s a r e not r e c o r d e d a c c u r a t e l y and many l i c e n c e s a r e not r e t u r n e d . For example, C a r i b o u : 1974-75 267 1975- 76 104 1976- 77 50 The l a t t e r r e p r e s e n t s o n l y one out of t h i r t y l i c e n s e s i s s u e d . I f we assume t h a t t h i s hunter d i d h a r v e s t f i f t y c a r i b o u and was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the o t h e r t w e n t y - n i n e , 1500 c a r i b o u must have been h a r v e s t e d . 12. B r a c k e l r e p o r t e d a s h i f t i n d o m e s t i c consumption from char t o l e s s d e s i r a b l e s p e c i e s such as w h i t e f i s h and t h e r e s e r v a t i o n of char f o r c o m m e r c i a l s a l e s . T h i s , he c l a i m e d : " c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d t h e monetary i n t e r e s t of P a u l a t u k f i s h e r m e n and the i m p o r t a n c e of f i s h i n g income" The S o c i o - e c o n o m i c Importance of M a r i n e W i l d l i f e  U t i l i z a t i o n , B e a u f o r t Sea P r o j e c t ( V i c t o r i a : Department of F i s h e r i e s & t h e Environment 1977) p.28 T h i s s h i f t d i d not seem c l e a r i n o b s e r v a t i o n s made i n 1979. Char were eaten r e g u l a r l y , even t o e x c e s s ; o t h e r s p e c i e s were sometimes chosen as a change from the r i c h e r c har. I f i t i s t h e case the s u b s i s t e n c e use of char had i n d e e d d e c l i n e d , t h i s may have been r e l a t e d t o the d e c l i n e i n amounts f e e d t o dogteams, w h i c h had competed w i t h l o c a l human use and c o m m e r c i a l s a l e s . 13. P e t e r J . Usher, The B a n k s l a n d e r s . 3.vols. (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1971) p.116 14. See page 99 f o r d e s c r i p t i o n of c o m m e r c i a l f i s h h a r v e s t i n g . 15. Muskox e d i b l e w e i g h t s , see Appendix I I I . l 129 16. M i g r a t o r y w i l d f o w l i n c l u d e w h i s t l i n g swans, w h i t e -f r o n t e d , Canada and snow geese and many duck s p e c i e s . Every s p r i n g , these s p e c i e s m i g r a t e a l o n g the Mackenzie f l y w a y t o the d e l t a arid t h e n e a s t a l o n g t h e c o a s t . A p o l y n i a , or a r e a of open w a t e r i n the B e a u f o r t i c e pack, p r o v i d e s an e a r l y s t a r t on f e e d i n g and b r e e d i n g . The r i v e r d e l t a s and the s h o r e s of bays, ponds and l a k e s a r e n e s t i n g , b r e e d i n g and s t a g i n g a r e a s f o r t h e s e b i r d p o p u l a t i o n s . Other b i r d s p e c i e s i n c l u d e , p t a r m i g a n , l o o n s , p l o v e r s , g u l l s and o t h e r s h o r e b i r d s , p r e d a t o r y b i r d s such as j a e g e r s , snowy o w l s , g o l d e n e a g l e s and p e r e g r i n e f a l c o n s , and the o n l y b r e e d i n g c o l o n y o f t h i c k - b i l l e d murres i n the w e s t e r n a r c t i c a t Cape P a r r y , w h i c h i s a m i g r a t o r y b i r d s a n c t u a r y 17. No o b s e r v a t i o n s were made i n t h e f i e l d i n 1979 o f g e e s e and duck h u n t i n g . L i m i t s s e t by the W i l d l i f e O rdinance and game r e g u l a t i o n s t e n d t o be d i s r e g a r d e d by h u n t e r s , so t h a t any a t t e m p t t o o b t a i n a c c u r a t e c o u n t s o f t h e h a r v e s t would have been u n t a c t f u l , t o say the l e a s t . Data from the G e n e r a l H u n t i n g L i c e n s e r e t u r n s a r e u n r e l i a b l e . In 1974, Usher e s t i m a t e d a h a r v e s t of s i x hundred geese and ducks, or 2,400 of e d i b l e p r o d u c t . That amounted t o an i n c o m e - i n - k i n d of about $6,000. I t seems r e a s o n a b l e t o assume the s e l e v e l s have been m a i n t a i n e d ; they a r e l i k e l y t o be c o n s e r v a t i v e . W i t h r e f e r e n c e t o the game l i m i t s , the r e s i d e n t s f e l t t h a t by and l a r g e t h e r e a r e enough b i r d s t o p e r m i t h a r v e s t s as l a r g e as they need w i t h o u t c a u s i n g any s t r a i n t o w i l d f o w l p o p u l a t i o n s . They were aware t h a t the v a s t p r o p o r t i o n of the annual h a r v e s t o c c u r s i n s o u t h e r n Canada and the U n i t e d S t a t e s f o r s p o r t r a t h e r than d o m e s t i c consumption, and t h a t damage t o h a b i t a t i n the s o u t h poses a s e r i o u s t h r e a t t o w i l d f o w l . Moreover, they d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y a c c e p t the government's a u t h o r i t y t o r e g u l a t e t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s w h i c h are seen as a n a t i v e p r e r o g a t i v e . 18. Both r i n g e d s e a l (phoca h i s p i d a ) and the l a r g e r bearded s e a l ( e r i g n a t h u s barbatus) a r e common i n the w a t e r s of D a r n l e y Bay and F r a n k l i n Bay. Ringed s e a l s weigh about f i f t y pounds(110kg). Areas of sea i c e w i t h p r e s s u r e r i d g e s , such as are found west of Cape P a r r y are i d e a l h a b i t a t f o r r i n g e d s e a l pupping; p o l a r bear a r e a t t r a c t e d t o Cape p a r r y i n s p r i n g by the b i r t h l a i r s . I n summer th e y a r e found a l l around the p e n i n s u l a , a l t h o u g h t h e s h a l l o w a r e a a t t h e s o u t h end o f D a r n l e y Bay seems e s p e c i a l l y f a v o u r a b l e . The l e s s common bearded s e a l weighs up t o seven hundred and f i f t y pounds(1500kg). They den i n a r e a s of moving i c e , n o r t h of t h e Tuktoyaktuk p e n i n s u l a ; t h i s may account f o r t h e i r denser d i s t r i b u t i o n i n F r a n k l i n Bay i n summer. 130 The number of s e a l h a r v e s t e d and consumed d o m e s t i c a l l y i s d i f f i c u l t t o d e t e r m i n e . S t a t i s t i c s a v a i l a b l e r e f e r t o t h e number of p e l t s e x p o r t e d f o r s a l e , n o t t h e amount o f s e a l eaten. 19. Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy o f the Western A r c t i c " , p.6 20. Two main s o u r c e s a r e used f o r t r a p p i n g income d a t a . The most r e l i a b l e appears t o be the G.N.W.T. I n d i v i d u a l  Trapper's Record upon w h i c h the G.N.W.T. Trapper's I n c e n t i v e Program i s based. These f i g u r e s s h o u l d i n c l u d e a l l f u r s t r a d e d by r e s i d e n t s of P a u l a t u k whether a t the Co-op i n P a u l a t u k or through d e a l e r s e l s e w h e r e . D a t a f r o m t h e F u r E x p o r t Tax R e c o r d a r e a v a i l a b l e f o r a l o n g e r p e r i o d , but a r e l i k e l y t o be more i n a c c u r a t e , r e p r e s e n t i n g e x p o r t s t h r o u g h the P a u l a t u k Co-op o n l y (or Hudson Bay Co. f o r e a r l y y e a r s ) . The Land Use  I n f o r m a t i o n S e r i e s d a t a a r e d e r i v e d from t h e s e r e c o r d s . The i n a c c u r a c y of thes e d a t a may be due t o l o s t , n e g l e c t e d or d e l a y e d f i l i n g s , t h e c o m b i n a t i o n of more than one season, the i n c l u s i o n of non-Paulatuk t r a p p e r s , e t c . Other d i s c r e p a n c i e s a r e r e l a t e d t o the f a c t t h a t f u r s a r e not a l w a y s e x p o r t e d by the p e r s o n who t r a p p e d them. F u r s a r e exchanged p r i o r t o s a l e by g a m b l i n g , as payment f o r c a s u a l l a b o u r , b a r t e r f o r consumer goods or as g i f t s . Where t h e r e a r e d i s c r e p a n c i e s i n d a t a , t h e most r e l i a b l e and r e a l i s t i c f i g u r e s have been used, i n d i c a t i n g as w e l l c o n f l i c t i n g d a t a f o r c o m p a r i s o n where a p p r o p r i a t e . 21. I n 1973-74, the l o w e r f i g u r e s (Fur E x p o r t Tax r e t u r n s ) would appear t o have been based on a p a r t i a l r e t u r n . The T r a p p e r s Records c o r r e s p o n d c l o s e l y w i t h Usher's e s t i m a t e (1976) of $82,250. In 1974-75, the r e v e r s e i s t r u e ; t h e Fur E x p o r t Tax R e t u r n s i n c l u d e a h a r v e s t of twe n t y two p o l a r bear f o r a t o t a l of $28,237. T h i s f i g u r e , upon w h i c h the Trapper's I n c e n t i v e s t o P a u l a t u k were based i s t w i c e t h a t i n d i c a t e d i n the T r a p p e r s Records. 1977-78 p r e s e n t s some i n t e r e s t i n g problems. The ye a r was r e p o r t e d t o have been poor w i t h a t o t a l i n c o m e o f o n l y $7,603. The Fur E x p o r t Tax R e t u r n s , however, i n d i c a t e t h a t over two hundred and n i n e w h i t e f o x were s o l d ; t h e T r a p p e r s Records show o n l y t w e n t y and o t h e r s p e c i e s a r e a l s o l o w e r . On the b a s i s of average p r i c e s t h a t y e a r , t h e F u r E x p o r t Tax R e t u r n s w e r e v a l u e d a t two t i m e s the T r a p p e r s Summaries and the amount used f o r i n c e n t i v e payments. 131 1974-75 t o 1977-78 were t h e y e a r s a P o l a r B e a r S p o r t H u n t i n g Program was o p e r a t e d . A number of tag s were s e t a s i d e f o r t o u r i s t - h u n t e r s ; income from f u r s a l e s i s t h e r e f o r e l o w e r . 1977 i s remembered as a p a r t i c l a u r l y poor y e a r , when i c e c o n d i t i o n s made bea r s i n a c c e s s i b l e t o h u n t e r and t o u r i s t a l i k e . The d a t a a v a i l a b l e f o r the 1979-80 r e t u r n a r e o b v i o u s l y i n c o m p l e t e . Assuming the q u o t a was f i l l e d , an income o f $18,000 was p r o b a b l y earned. 22. For a more complete d e s c r i p t i o n of t r a p p i n g t e c h n i q u e s , see MacKay, The Anderson R i v e r Map Ar e a , pp.119-120; or Usher, The B a n k s l a n d e r s 23. P e l l y Bay, f o r example, has t w i c e the p o p u l a t i o n P a u l a t u k does but the same t r a p p i n g income i n 1980. NWT Data Book 1981. (ed.) M. Devine ( Y e l l o w k n i f e : Outcrop 1981), pp.113-114 24. A d i s t i n c t i o n i s u s u a l l y made between the modern wage-l a b o u r / c a s h s e c t o r and the renewable r e s o u r c e h a r v e s t i n g / s u b s i s t e n c e s e c t o r i n the n o r t h e r n economy. T r a p p i n g , c o m m e r c i a l meat and f i s h p r o d u c t i o n and t o u r i s m a r e p a r t of t h e market economy, as they produce c o m m o d i t i e s f o r exchange. As such, they might be c l a s s i f i e d as p a r t of the i n d u s t r i a l cash economy. However, i t has seemed more a p p r o p r i a t e t o combine c o m m e r c i a l and s u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n and c o n s i d e r them t o g e t h e r as p a r t s of a l a n d - b a s e d , n a t i v e economy. T h i s i s p a r t l y j u s t i f i e d by s i m i l a r i t y i n the typ e s of r e s o u r c e s and t e c h n o l o g i e s used, the p a t t e r n s of ow n e r s h i p and c o n t r o l and t h e l a b o u r p r o c e s s . Both show f e a t u r e s t h a t a r e : " c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the v i a b i l i t y and h e a l t h of s m a l l community l i f e . . . e x p l o i t i n g a c o m b i n a t i o n of r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e r e s o u r c e s and economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s , o r g a n i z e d p r i m a r i l y a t the l e v e l of hous e h o l d u n i t s of p r o d u c t i o n , r e l y i n g on s m a l l -s c a l e , l o c a l l y a v a i l a b l e p r o d u c t i o n f a c t o r s and i n w h i c h most income i s d i s t r i b u t e d i n more or l e s s e g a l i a t r i a n f a s h i o n i n the form of d o m e s t i c a l l y consumed resources... renewable r e s o u r c e s a r e seen t o p r o v i d e the f o u n d a t i o n f o r community-based and c o m m u n i t y - c o n t r o l l e d development", P e t e r J . Usher, "Renewable Resource Development i n N o r t h e r n Canada" i n N o r t h e r n T r a n s i t i o n s , (eds.) R.F. K e i t h & J.B. W r i g h t (Ottawa:Canadian A r c t i c Resources Committee 1980) p.155 132 It i s d i f f i c u l t to separate subsistence and commercial production, i n terms of personnel, time and income. Most men are simultaneously hunters supplying country food to the family and trappers, fishermen and hunters producing things for sale. Often, the ultimate end-use of the product i s not known when i t i s harvested. If there i s meat to eat the surplus w i l l be s o l d ; i f the f a m i l y i s short of country food, they may decide not to s e l l char o r i g i n a l l y caught with the intention of s e l l i n g . The inextricable combination of trapping and subsistence hunting i n a s i n g l e way of l i f e should be kept i n mind, even when d i s t i n c t i o n s are made in cal c u l a t i n g income. 25. Land Use Information Series, map sheets 97C, 97D, 97F 26. A detailed survey of sealing would be interesting, but i s beyond the scope of t h i s thesis. Beyond a basic number harvested for food and clothing, the harvest depends very much on prices. Not a l l hunters engage in sealing; those men who are employed, i n p a r t i c u l a r , did not seem to f i n d i t worthwhile. 27. Although hunters count on receiving about $1,000 per skin, t h i s anticipated 'top-dollar' i s not always obtained when the skins are auctionned. Several years ago, the Co-op paid 'top-dollar' for skins that were not good enough qual i t y and l o s t quite a sum at the auction, a loss eventually passed back to the community co-op members. 28. Two former residents of Paulatuk, Angik Ruben and David Piktoukun are carvers of international reputation, now l i v i n g i n Vancouver, B.C. The women of Paulatuk received special mention at the Northern Games, Invuik 1979, for the excellent q u a l i t y of their tapestries. 29. Female muskox do not have the l a r g e horns of the males and so were not i n demand by big-game hunters as trophies. Only half the income anticipated through the Sport Hunting Program could be obtained as a result. 30. Palmer, Social Accounts for the North 31. Peter J. Usher, "Inuit Land Use in the Western A r c t i c " Inuit Land Use & Occupancy Study, (ed.)M.M.R. Freeman (Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s & Northern Development 1976) p.28 133 32. The p o s i t i o n s o f t h e two t e a c h e r s a r e n o t i n c l u d e d i n f i g u r e s of community employment and income. These are two more j o b s t h a t might be f i l l e d by l o c a l I n u v i a l u i t p e o p l e , as they have been i n the p a s t . 33. Dome P e t r o l e u m B e n e f i t s t o the Canadian Economy. B e a u f o r t Sea D r i l l i n g Program, 1980 T a b l e 6.2.1. 34. The Tax C r e d i t program r e q u i r e d t h a t a l l women o b t a i n S o c i a l I n s u r a n c e Numbers and f i l e income t a x r e t u r n s t o c l a i m the g r a n t . 35. In 1962, the v a l u e of w e l f a r e payments, seven p e r c e n t of t o t a l c a s h income per c a p i t a , e q u a l e d S13.50 per y e a r , w h i c h , " c o n s i d e r i n g the p o v e r t y , the r e l i e f b i l l i s r e m a r k a b l y low"(Gunther Abrahamson, Tuktoyaktuk-Cape  P a r r y a r e a economic s u r v e y (Ottawa:Department of N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s & N a t u r a l Resources 1968) p.45-46 36. In a d d i t i o n t o s u b s i d i e s t o p e r s o n a l income, o t h e r government e x p e n d i t u r e s a r e sometimes i n c l u d e d as s u b s i d i e s when e v a l u a t i n g income i n n a t i v e c o m m u n i t i e s . P u b l i c , s u b s i d i z e d h o u s i n g , i n p a r t i c u l a r i s o f t e n i n c l u d e d i n d a t a as unearned income. S i m i l a r l y , funds p r o v i d e d f o r m u n i c i p a l s e r v i c e s , h e a l t h and e d u c a t i o n have been c i t e d as forms of i n d i r e c t s u b s i d i z a t i o n t h a t s h o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d p a r t of n a t i v e income. S u b s i d i e s o f t h i s s o r t a r e not i n c l u d e d here and a r e not c o n s i d e r e d a p p r o p r i a t e as p a r t s of p e r s o n a l income. As Palmer n o t e s , " a l l government e x p e n d i t u r e s i n v o l v e some s o r t of s e r v i c e r e n d e r e d t o i n d i v i d u a l s who do not d i r e c t l y pay f o r them.(1968) S e r v i c e s such as e d u c a t i o n , h e a l t h and h o u s i n g are p r o v i d e d by the g o v e r n m e n t t o a l l C a n a d i a n s i n some f o r m ; i t i s o n l y i n the case of i s o l a t e d , r u r a l and n o r t h e r n c o m m u n i t i e s t h a t s p e c i f i c and b l o c k e x p e n d i t u r e s can be i d e n t i f i e d and a s s e s s e d a g a i n s t the p e o p l e r e c e i v i n g the b e n e f i t s . The f a c t t h a t , per c a p i t a , such e x p e n d i t u r e s may be h i g h i n n a t i v e c o m m u n i t i e s due t o i s o l a t i o n , s m a l l n e s s (no economies of s c a l e ) and t h a t l i t t l e c o n t r i b u t i o n i s made by i n d i v i d u a l s t o the t a x base i s not r e l e v a n t . In commenting on the i n c l u s i o n of a l l sums p a i d by the government f o r h e a l t h c a r e , economic development, a d m i n s t r a t i o n and road maintenance i n t h e p e r s o n a l incomes of the James Bay Cree, R i c h a r d s o n s a i d : "Why s h o u l d such c a l c u l a t i o n s be made t o a p p l y t o the Cree I n d i a n s and Eskimo p o p u l a t i o n when such a c a l c u l a t i o n has never t o my knowledge been made w i t h r e s p e c t t o the revenue of any o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l i n Canada?", S t r a n g e r s Devour the Land (Toronto: M a c M i l l a n 1975) p.298 134 37. I g n a t i u s E. L a R u s i c , " I s s u e s R e l a t i n g t o Employment i n the N o r t h " , (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development (unpubl)1976) p.9 38. T h i s i s e q u a l t o $125 per c a p i t a per month. The average c o s t o f f o o d r e q u i r e d t o p r o v i d e an adequate d i e t i s e s t i m a t e d by S t a t i s t i c s Canada t o be a p p r o x i m a t e l y $80 t o $85 p e r f a m i l y o f f o u r p e r week, v a r y i n g w i t h t h e l o c a t i o n i n Canada. 39. These f i g u r e s do not i n c l u d e unearned income such as p e n s i o n s , w e l f a r e and f a m i l y a l l o w a n c e s . 40. Brody, Maps and Dreams, p.211 135 Chapter Four T r a d i t i o n a l Ways in C o n f l i c t with White Ways.  Attitudes and Behaviour at Work Only work, steady rewarding work, can bring prosperity to a land and contentment to i t s inhabitants^ In the l a s t chapter, we showed that Paulatuk people have good economic reasons for choosing to continue hunting and trapping. These a c t i v i t i e s provide s i g n i f i c a n t amounts of income. More importantly, the country food produced for domestic consumption represents a n u t r i t i o n a l value that i t would be d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible, to replace from commercial sources. There are other reasons why people there continue to hunt - apparently in preference to working for wages; some of these w i l l be examined here. For many Inuit, much of the c o n f l i c t between the community value systems and the white world i s encountered at work. Adapting to wage labour involves more than a change i n physical location from t r a p - l i n e to o f f i c e , garage or d r i l l -r i g . On the land and i n their homes, Paulatuk people may l i v e according to their personal b e l i e f s and values. On the job, however, even i n casual work undertaken to supplement hunting income, they must conform to other forms of 136 expectation and evaluation. Jobs e n t a i l , to varying degrees, supervision and c r i t i c i s m from bosses, routine, regularity, adherence to rules and standards of performance set by others and, o v e r a l l , loss of autonomy. A l l these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s create c o n f l i c t s with the patterns of the t r a d i t i o n a l native way of l i f e : A l l these jobs set goals f o r the Eskimos that contrast, sometimes sharply, with the demands exercised by such t r a d i t i o n a l roles as hunter as housewife. Weather no longer controls his a c t i v i t i e s as i t does on the land... His job s t a r t s at a given time and be there he must, even i f he stayed up l a t e the previous night. An Eskimo hunter himself writes that "one of the most d i f f i c u l t tasks for an Eskimo hunter (is) getting adjusted to the simple routine of the hourly basis" (Okpik,1960). Being mostly r e p e t i t i v e , jobs require a certain tolerance for monotony. They also tend to interlock; one man must complete his task i n order that another may s t a r t , but some men and women show real concern to maintain schedules and manage to meet them fait h f u l l y . . . . We did not expect that so many men, who had been away from hunting less than twenty years, would assume the d i s c i p l i n e of and ra t i o n a l organization of wage labour as well as they did, to the point of putting i n overtime regularly. Of course, not a l l do accept such routines. Employers report absenteeism to be high, though when we sought to test t h i s assertion we could f i n d no sa t i s f a c t o r y measure. Employees oversleep, come la t e to work, or stay away a l l day. Younger men resented being ordered around and scolded for errors and omissions.2 The process of replacing t r a d i t i o n a l work patterns with an i n d u s t r i a l routine has been i n e f f e c t for a r e l a t i v e l y short time i n the A r c t i c , a matter of a few decades i n many regions of the north. As the pace of i n d u s t r i a l development picks up, more and more Inuit face the c o n f l i c t i n g 137 a l t e r n a t i v e s i t c r e a t e s : wages a r e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a c t i v i t i e s t h a t make l i t t l e sense t o the average Inuk, but the t r a d i t i o n a l l y h i g h l y - v a l u e d l i f e or the h u n t e r p r o v i d e s l i t t l e or no cash income. The o p t i o n of c o m p l e t e l y r e j e c t i n g the i n d u s t r i a l system i s gone f o r the I n u i t ; even tho s e who have c l u n g most s t e a d f a s t l y t o the c a m p - l i f e have been touched by the cash economy. I t i s n e c e s s a r y t o work, a t l e a s t p a r t - t i m e , f o r wages t o supplement income and s u b s i d i z e l i f e on the l a n d . As e x a m i n a t i o n of employment i n P a u l a t u k shows, however, t h a t p e o p l e approach wage l a b o u r and the changes i n l i f e s t y l e i t sometimes r e q u i r e s r e l u c t a n t l y . O b s e r v a t i o n s , made i n 1958 when P a u l a t u k p e o p l e were f i r s t e n c o u n t e r i n g wage-employment on a s u b s t a n t i a l s c a l e , s t i l l h e l d i n 1980 : "Many o f t h o s e who a r e a c c u s t o m e d t o an u n r e s t r i c t e d l i f e do not e a s i l y f i t i n t o the r o u t i n e of p a i d work" .3 Work Time/ Community R o u t i n e Community l i f e i n P a u l a t u k s t i l l f o l l o w s a n a t u r a l rhythm c l o s e l y a l l i e d w i t h the s e a s o n a l c y c l e s of r e s o u r c e s , w i n d , t i d e , l i g h t and t e m p e r a t u r e , and the demands of h u n t i n g . The tempo i s one of c o n t r a s t i n g pace; p e r i o d s o f h a r d , i n t e n s e l a b o u r a l t e r n a t e w i t h s p e l l s of c o m p l e t e r e l a x a t i o n . D a y l e n g t h v a r i a t i o n s make the u s u a l n i n e t o f i v e workday m e a n i n g l e s s . P e o p l e go f i s h i n g when the t i d e i s r i g h t , h u n t i n g when the heat b r i n g a n i m a l s t o s h o r e , t r a v e l l i n g i n w i n t e r when the moon i s b r i g h t , and may be 138 housebound for days because of stormy winter weather. They may 'go to work' at midnight and to sleep at noon. People work steadily for t h i r t y hours, u n t i l a job i s done, and then sleep for eighteen hours straight. This contrasts sharply with the western model of "work" and the conventional di v i s i o n s of the work week and the clock. According to the model by which work i s valued and rewarded i n the i n d u s t r i a l system, "work" i s an a c t i v i t y that occurs at a sustained, moderate pace for regular i n t e r v a l s of time, such as the 8-hour day. Work occurs at sp e c i f i e d times and i n special workplaces, for rewards that are connected with the length of time worked. Without t h i s routine, "work" isn't l e g i t i m a t e . To outsiders used to regular routines, there often does not seem to be any l o g i c or d i s c i p l i n e i n work done w i t h i n a less r i g i d l y structured labour-process. There may not even seem to be any rec o g n i z a b l e work as such; the a c t u a l production may be overlooked completely and people judged to be 'lazy' or 'irresponsible' because they are not perceived as working. Most t r a d i t i o n a l productive a c t i v i t y i s not conspicuous; there i s no set 'workplace'. In town, hunters may seem i d l e ; they relax after t r i p s , wait out delays caused by weather, i l l n e s s or breakdowns, repair equipment, prepare skins and plan the next t r i p . Some outsiders, unable to see any work as they defined i t , make complaints such as: 139 "Paulatuk people aren't into working, they just s i t around and get away with i t because welfare i s so easy to get." But most of the work of hunting or trapping i s inconspicuous; i t occurs on the land or water, beyond the l i m i t s of the settlement. The various tasks i n the settlement that are part of the job, such as maintenance, meat preparation etc., are also " i n v i s i b l e " . They are intermittent tasks that do not have to be performed at s p e c i f i c times. This sort of work i s scheduled to s u i t i n d i v i d u a l i n c l i n a t i o n , but i t i s work nonetheless and i t i s not uncommon to fi n d people at work i n the privacy of their homes, la t e into the night. Another large segment of work i n the community that i s larg e l y unseen and unrecognized i s the household work and craft-production done by women in the home. Sewing, cooking, baking bread, childcare, nursing, preparing skins and other such tasks are productive, but generally overlooked, a c t i v i t i e s that do not follow the accepted model of 'work routine'.4 Outsiders used to more regular habits than the Paulatuk rhythm are sometimes indignant because few people get up before noon. Certainly, i t i s true that people sleep in lat e . School i s scheduled to s t a r t after 10 a.m. i n part to accomodate t h i s habit. People also stay up l a t e , often playing cards t i l l four or f i v e in the morning. But although they do not get up at 8 a.m. to v i s i b l y exert themselves for a set period of time i n a workplace on a 'job 1, they do work 140 for their l i v e l i h o o d . The necessary tasks are done, resources are harvested when they are available. People produce a l i v i n g , and they integrate 'earning a l i v i n g ' with l i v i n g i t s e l f . To Paulatuk residents, the rhythm of community l i f e i s n a t u r a l , and they t r y to make wage labour f i t t h i s pattern. Attitudes to Wage Labour Native people face the paradox that, although western ways are not superior to l i v i n g o f f the land, they may be "the only available supports to such l i v i n g " ^ in order to put meat on the table, cash and equipment are needed - an inescapable l i n k to the i n d u s t r i a l technological and economic system. Country produce, such as a leg of caribou, cannot be used d i r e c t l y to produce another caribou. Income from trapping and other commercial land-based a c t i v i t i e s often f a l l s short of production costs. Native people are thus forced not only onto the market, but also into wage labour: This d i f f e r e n t i a l (between income and production coasts) does, however, highlight the need for cash from other sectors to support the v i a b i l i t y of the t r a d i t i o n a l sector as i t now exists, and i t demonstrates why so many people who id e n t i f y themselves as trappers also work, indeed have to work, for wages.g Wage labour i s generally undertaken on Paulatuk in t h i s way - as a support for hunting rather than as a preferred career. Taking a job and making the necessary adjustments are done on a temporary, short-term basis, with the ultimate 141 g o a l of p r e s e r v i n g t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n s of community l i f e . Work i s s c h e d u l e d t o cause as l i t t l e d i s r u p t i o n as p o s s i b l e t o h u n t i n g and t r a p p i n g . As a r e s u l t , c a s u a l l a b o u r p r e d o m i n a t e s . T h i s work i s u s u a l l y of a s e a s o n a l n a t u r e and tends t o be t a k e n i n s l a c k p e r i o d s v i s a v i s t h e renewable r e s o u r c e c y c l e . D u r i n g the summer, f o r i n s t a n c e , j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s on the B e a u f o r t Sea d r i l l - r i g s , h o u s i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n and o t h e r p r o j e c t s c o i n c i d e c o n v e n i e n t l y w i t h a break i n h u n t i n g and t r a p p i n g . When wage work i s o f f e r e d a t t i m e s of w i l d l i f e abundance and a c c e s s i b i l i t y , few peopl e a r e w i l l i n g t o do i t . I n summer of 1979, f o r i n s t a n c e , a d e l a y i n t h e s h i p p i n g season meant t h a t work u n l o a d i n g the annual s e a l i f t r e s u p p l y , p r e p a r i n g t h e g r a v e l pads f o r t h e new hous i n g and s t a r t - u p work on the c o n s t r u c t i o n c o n f l i c t e d w i t h c o m m e r c i a l and s u b s i s t e n c e f i s h i n g . P e o p l e put the f i s h i n g f i r s t , as i t p r o v i d e d i m p o r t a n t income and f o o d and was more e n j o y a b l e . Most o f t h e o t h e r work was done by t e e n a g e b o y s and a few men who d i d not own b o a t s . When h o u s i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n g o t under way, p e o p l e showed f u r t h e r r e l u c t a n c e t o ta k e r e g u l a r j o b s . A l t h o u g h s k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d w o r k e r s were p a i d about $8.00 per hour, o n l y two l o c a l men worked on a r e g u l a r , f u l l t i m e b a s i s . The t i m i n g o f the p r o j e c t c o i n c i d e d w i t h f a l l f i s h i n g and h u n t i n g and w i t h the t r a p p i n g season. I n s t e a d of h i r i n g l o c a l l y , the c o n t r a c t o r brought f i v e men w i t h him from Holman I s l a n d . 142 The reluctance of people i n Paulatuk and other communities to work f u l l t i m e has caused employers to implement programs such as 'worker-rotation' to a t t r a c t workers. 'Worker-rotation' involves f l y i n g workers from their communities to worksites on schedules such as: two week in/two week o f f or four week i n / three week o f f . This system i s used by Dome Petroleum and Canmar in the Beaufort Sea d r i l l i n g operations. This adaptation to community routines allows them to a t t r a c t workers who would otherwise be unwilling to hire themselves out. Even with two-week breaks spent i n the settlement, however, in Paulatuk the program had only been able to a t t r a c t young men with no family r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . 7 C o n f l i c t with land-use a c t i v i t i e s i s not the only reason for the 'happy-go-lucky' attitude of Paulatuk people towards regular work. In part, i t r e f l e c t s a fundamental difference i n values. In the i n d u s t r i a l society, most people have accepted an economic rationale as the basis of l i f e ; a healthy respect for the value of a d o l l a r and the measurement of success i n terms of a steady job, good income and m a t e r i a l possessions. To the Inuvialuit, however, making money i s not a good thing in i t s e l f : Trappers are w i l l i n g to forgo maximum economic returns or even engage i n unprofitable a c t i v i t i e s for the sake of convenience, l e i s u r e or enjoyment.3 143 The community does not want to see the s o c i a l aspects of economic a c t i v i t y reduced to a cash nexus; they show: a strong d e s i r e to r e t a i n as much as p o s s i b l e of e a r l i e r s o c i a l forms. Northerners are concerned to maintain as much as possible their r e l i a b l e subsistence relationship with the land. They are neither economically nor s p i r i t u a l l y able or w i l l i n g to see thi s superceded by p r o f i t -motivation based on the exploitation and destruction of their land.9 Paulatuk people have also found that regular work and cash income have disadvantages, too. As one hunter put i t : I always wanted a regular job, but then I found out what i t meant - house, phone b i l l s , etc. .. You end up with your head spinning. Casual labour i s also common because many of the workers have s p e c i f i c purchases in mind when they accept wage work. People who are working to earn enough money fo r a r i f l e or skidoo to use hunting w i l l naturally quit and go hunting when they have enough money. When they don't need anything, they w i l l pass up job opportunities. One Paulatuk resident, for instance, spent the summer v i s i t i n g r e l a t i v e s i n Tuktoyaktuk and Sachs Harbour. Although he l a t e r needed money when his skidoo broke early i n the trapping season, at the time he had f e l t no incentive to work. There are a number of men with s k i l l s in mechanics, maintenance and construction, welding and euipment operation whom the government agencies would hire as f u l l t i m e employees in Paulatuk, i f the l o c a l men demonstrated any willingness, r e l i a b i l i t y and commitment to regular work. Instead, many jobs are done on an ad hoc basis by casual workers, or by 144 personnel flown i n from Inuvik. Paulatuk people show their preference for self-employment by passing up opportunities for 'good-paying steady jobs', by choosing casual, short-term work and by q u i t t i n g work when they please. On-the-job; In u v i a l u i t Behaviour^], There are a number of people i n Paulatuk who do hold permanent f u l l - t i m e or part-time jobs that require accepting a cer t a i n degree of labour d i s c i p l i n e . The settlement secretary, weatherperson, housing maintenance-person and municipal workers are expected to v/ork 8 hours per day, f i v e days per week. The school janitor's r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s include a nightly cleaning. The housing secretary i s supposed to c o l l e c t rent, complete payroll and other records and report on a monthly basis. A l l these workers are under supervision from Inuvik. The Co-op manager and assistant are employed t h e o r e t i c a l l y by the members and Board of Directors in Paulatuk. The Canadian A r c t i c Federation of Co-operatives (CACFL) management in Yellowknife, however, also play a supervisory role and expect the s t a f f to operate on a regular 40 hour/week b a s i s and to have the store open on a regular schedule. j_2 In most cases, the routine established i n job descriptions i s only roughly adhered to i n practice. Workers attempt to make their jobs as f l e x i b l e and as part-time as possible, adjusting to the community rhythm by what might be c a l l e d self-managed 'flex-time*. For instance, observations showed t h a t the m u n i c i p a l w o r k e r s r a r e l y began t h e i r day b e f o r e t e n i n t h e morning. They took l o n g c o f f e e b r e a k s and f r e q u e n t d a y s - o f f , l o n g weekends and extended h o l i d a y s . These men a r e a l s o t r a p p e r s and p r o v i d e d meat f o r t h e i r f a m i l i e s . When the f a m i l y was low on c o u n t r y f o o d , t h e s e men t o o k t i m e o f f work t o h u n t , w h e t h e r f i n e w e a t h e r f e l l on a work day or on t h e 'weekend'. P r o c r a s t i n a t i o n i s a common p r a c t i c e i n P a u l a t u k , where a p a t t e r n of d e l a y and i n a c t i o n f o l l o w e d by b u r s t s of i n t e n s e a c t i v i t y seems more n a t u r a l than t h e s u s t a i n e d , moderate pace of i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . Manual w o r k e r s i n P a u l a t u k o f t e n d e l a y e d d e l i v e r i n g w ater u n t i l everyone i n town had run out. J u s t p r i o r t o i n s p e c t i o n s from I n u v i k , w o r k e r s s t a y e d up a l l n i g h t t o c l e a n and r e p a i r equipment the r o u t i n e maintenance of w h i c h had been n e g l e c t e d f o r months. O c c a s i o n a l l y , the s c h o o l c l e a n u p was done j u s t b e f o r e c l a s s s t a r t e d . C l e r i c a l work i s e s p e c i a l l y prone t o d e l a y i n g t a c t i c s . Manual j o b s i n c l u d e some e n j o y a b l e a s p e c t s such as d r i v i n g around i n the t r u c k or h a n d l i n g the snowplough. There i s near-unanimous agreement, however, t h a t c l e r i c a l work i s a " p a i n - i n - t h e - n e c k " and t h a t such j o b s a r e not w o r t h the pay, whatever i t i s . Paperwork i s c o n s i d e r e d b o r i n g a l m o s t u n i v e r s a l l y ; f o r p e o p l e w i t h l i t t l e f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n , i t i s a l s o c o n f u s i n g . B e i n g unable t o see the c o n c r e t e r e s u l t s i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s t u r b i n g a s p e c t of such work. I n P a u l a t u k , any c l e r i c a l work was p u t o f f f o r as l o n g as p o s s i b l e , i f n o t 146 forever. Unopened mail lay i n p i l e s i n the Settlement and Co-op o f f i c e s ; government o f f i c i a l s despaired of receiving reports, and l o c a l employees dreaded the work demanded of them. In several cases observed in fieldwork, paperwork was completed only when the supervisor made a t r i p to Paulatuk and did i t her/himself, or the employee took a l l the relevant material to Inuvik to be taken care of there. Jobs at which procrastination and f l e x i b i l i t y are not possible are considered deadening and undesirable. After only a few weeks on the job, the person employed to take regular weather-conditions readings admitted that the job was "getting him down". The monitoring took only f i v e to ten minutes at hourly int e r v a l s . Other r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s included twice-daily reports to Inuvik and answering information requests from the Inuvik airport. Although he had nothing to do i n between these tasks, the job e f f e c t i v e l y t i e d him to the o f f i c e for eight hours a day. If he attempted to work on projects such as carving, he was interrupted. Worse, he could not manipulate h i s schedule to take time o f f on f i n e days and do a l l the work - the readings - during poor weather. Although intending to be conscientious and aware of Inuit workers' reputations with government agencies for "botching good, responsible jobs", the tediousness of the job rapidly outweighed the benefits of wage work.23 147 Task Orientation/Commitment There i s a d i s t i n c t preference among Paulatuk residents for a c t i v i t i e s that have clearly-defined purposes, benefits and time-frames. Work based on 'observed necessity 1, as i s prevalent in non-industrial s o c i e t i e s , seems to be "more humanely comprehensible in i t s aims":-]^ A l o t of native people don't understand the importance of going to work nine to f i v e where you're not doing something you can see from s t a r t to f i n i s h . For instance, i t ' s something l i k e paperwork - there doesn't seem to be any end or benefit because again you can't see the end results, but i f the native people went out and got a muskrat, skinned i t and dried i t and then take i t to the store and gets something for i t , you see something there and i t s a t o t a l evolution. You are i n v o l v e d i n the whole process and t h i s i s what people know and f e e l secure in. They know that th i s i s the t r a d i t i o n a l l i v e l i h o o d s k i l l passed down from their great grandparents and i t s their history and they value that history because i t gives them the b a s i s of being somebody, or f e e l pride in i t themselves. Once you s t r i p that and take i t away and a l s o everything e l s e that a man knows away... you break down society... ^5 In Paulatuk, there i s a strong co r r e l a t i o n between sa t i s f a c t i o n s gained, willingness to work and the perceived s o c i a l u t i l i t y of the job. Both the s o c i a l goals and the tangible rewards of hunting and trapping are more clear to people that the abstract and i n d i r e c t value of wage employment. Some of the jobs in Paulatuk are government service-oriented jobs providing d i r e c t and v i s i b l e services to their community. Others, however bear l i t t l e r e l a t i o n to the needs of the community and never seem to have a f i n i s h e d product. 148 For these reasons i t was d i f f i c u l t for the weather person to ra t i o n a l i z e the time and energy spent c o l l e c t i n g weather data. He took much greater pleasure and was more w i l l i n g to do the actual a i r s t r i p clearing and maintenance/ where the results of his work could be seen. The settlement and housing secretaries also had l i t t l e i n c l i n a t i o n to carry out tasks that are c l e a r l y designed to sui t the needs of the f i l i n g system in Inuvik and Yelloknife. Resistance to thi s purposeless work i s evident i n i t s overt neglect. It i s common practice in Paulatuk to f i t work a c t i v i t y to s p e c i f i c needs. In 1979, thi s was clear in the operations of the Co-op store. Hours at the store were irre g u l a r and unpredictable. For instance, i t was open and busy i n summer when f a i r weather stimulated groups to set out camping. In winter, the hours were long when there was trading and o u t f i t t i n g to be done and when Christmas treats arrived. During the in t e r v a l s when the men were out trapping, however, the s t o r e was o f t e n c l o s e d for four or f i v e days i n a row, partly because the manager was a f u l l t i m e trapper. Sometimes, the store only opened at the personal request of shoppers. The i r r e g u l a r i t y of thi s patterns of trading continually raised the concern and f r u s t r a t i o n of Co-op Federation o f f i c i a l s - often beyond what was j u s t i f i e d by actual inconvenience to shoppers. Residents were sometimes frustrated with service, but much of the indignation was a 149 r e l a t e d to the l a c k of c o n f o r m i t y to standard r o u t i n e s . I t was something of a community joke when bureaucrats and t o u r i s t s found, to t h e i r dismay, that they could not drop i n at the s t o r e f o r a pack of c i g a r e t t e s . T a s k - o r i e n t e d work g e n e r a l l y r e s u l t s i n the v a r i a t i o n of the work-periods a c c o r d i n g to task. A hunter, f o r i n s t a n c e , w i l l w a i t as l o n g as n e c e s s a r y to g e t the a n i m a l s he needs, but w i l l not prolong a hunting t r i p once s u c c e s s f u l , simply to put i n an 'eight-hour' day. People a l s o t r y to vary the work day u n o f f i c i a l l y w i t h i n the settlement's wage system whenever they are not too c l o s e l y s u p e r v i s e d . Such a system appears, however,"wasteful and l a c k i n g i n urgency to those who f o l l o w the c l o c k " . ^ 6 A case h i g h l i g h t i n g the i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y of o f f i c i a l a t t i t u d e s to work regimes and the p a t t e r n s s u i t a b l e to the community arose over the i s s u e of m u n i c i p a l s e r v i c e s d e l i v e r y . A number of government o f f i c i a l s i n Inuvik began to press f o r s t r i c t e r , more s y s t e m a t i c s u p e r v i s i o n of employees and equipment i n Paulatuk, c l a i m i n g that the Government was being shortchanged by unproductive employees and by unauthorized use of government property. I t was true t h a t garbage pickup, water and f u e l d e l i v e r y were i r r e g u l a r and haphazard at times, o c c a s i o n a l l y reaching c r i s i s c o n d i t i o n s . On s e v e r a l o c c a s i o n s , n e a r l y every house i n town had been out of water f o r days b e f o r e a d e l i v e r y was made. I t was a l s o c l e a r t h a t few w o r k e r s ever put i n a r e g u l a r 150 eight hour day, f i v e days i n a row as required by their job descriptions. However, i t was also clear that the expectations of regular work for f i x e d periods d i d not f i t with the needs of providing the community with services. If a l l houses were supplied with water, there was l i t t l e point in making a scheduled c i r c u i t . Workers did not see the point of staying on the job u n t i l f i v e i f the day's tasks had been completed e a r l i e r . And residents would have complained b i t t e r l y i f their sleep had been disturbed every morning by workers who were on the job promptly at eight. In general, the actual work requirements of the community rarely f i t into the o f f i c i a l work week. Although v/orkers take unauthorized time off, they also put in many hours of unscheduled work beyond the terms of their contracts. There i s no 'night-shift' or emergency crew to take over when the regular dayshift i s done. Workers frequently are c a l l e d out at midnight to repair the generator, or are obliged to work twelve hours straight to clear the a i r s t r i p for an emergency f l i g h t after a storm. The conditions for which regular labour regimes are designed do not e x i s t i n Paulatuk and the system needs to be f l e x i b l e to meet the exigencies of environment and i s o l a t i o n . Problems i n the delivery of services also are caused by weather. Workers cannot be faulted for delays in delivery i f a three-day b l i z z a r d interupts the delivery schedule. Other 151 delays and idleness may be caused by equipment breakdowns, lack of tools or the competing demands by several tasks for the same piece of equipment. At the time of the c r i s i s with Inuvik, these problems were also aggravated by the structuring of h i r i n g and employment. To meet the regulations governing public service h i r i n g , p a y r o l l and benefits, jobs were assigned to s p e c i f i c individuals who had to work a minimum of hours per month to retain their jobs. Services therefore were sometimes not provided f o r over a week of any of the regular f u l l t i m e employees were i l l or away from town. There was no procedure for h i r i n g replacements on a temporary basis or for job-sharing. People were a f r a i d of i n f r i n g i n g on another's job by stepping in. Only after community consensus was reached regarding the urgeny of a p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n would i t be taken over by someone else on a temporary basis. Tensions naturally resulted between the f l e x i b i l i t y and regimentation of work sought by the workers and the government respectively. In the middle were residents whose needs were not being met, e s p e c i a l l y as the workers responded to pressures to conform by becoming even less reliable.^7 Interestingly, the community directed i t s d i s a t i s f a c t i o n against the workers i n i t i a l l y . The model of i n d u s t r i a l wage labour had established i t s e l f very strongly as the only possible form of organizing work. If services were not being given, then i t was because workers were not working hard 152 enough. People apparently accepted that jobs should be done along s t r i c t routines idealized i n the work ethic, no matter how inappropriate or uncongenial. Many people expressed the desire to enforce a sur p r i s i n g l y r i g i d d i s c i p l i n e upon their peers. Claiming that "those two are lazy, they don't know how to work", one person vowed that he'd l i k e to be boss for a while and teach them to show up at nine sharp. These, demands for regular performance were ones against which the c r i t i c s themselves would have rebelled. When complaints and actions were discussed at a settlement council meeting i n 1980, the enforcement of s t r i c t e r rules was c a l l e d for. Noone was w i l l i n g to take over the jobs, however. One i n d i v i d u a l , offered the job instead of the incumbent, refused i t on the grounds that i t didn't pay well enough to have to cut back his hunting and trapping. Although other members of the community themselves appreciate and prefer the f l e x i b i l i t y and freedom the workers were seeking i n their work conditions, the d i s c i p l i n e was seen as n a t u r a l to wage work. The community d i d not look at once for innovative adaptations and alternatives that would be more compatible with Inuvialuit values and work patterns. Eventually, however, in the context of a council meeting, the community began to consider the p o s s i b i l i t y of developing a structure that would meet the needs and workers and of services i n the community, although not necessarily the goals of government supervisors. The community began to 153 seek a compromise, f l e x i b l e system whereby workers could accomplish their designated tasks and s t i l l have time off to hunt. I t was decided to draw up a l i s t of men w i l l i n g to work part-time, with a clear procedure for c a l l i n g on them. 1 8 The conclusion of the debate was interesting. A l e t t e r had been received from the Dapartment of Public Works complaining of unauthorized use of vehicles i n the community and the laxness of workers. The community united i n opposition to thi s interference although many of the points were c r i t i c i s m s they had made themselves. The people resented the attempt to regulate community a f f a i r s and the lack of sympathy for the d i f f i c u l t i e s of l i v i n g in a town without private vehicles for unloading planes, etc. The government was considered s e l f i s h to keep vehicles locked up when there was a use f o r them. Furthermore, i t was stat e d that delays in d e l i v e r i e s were due not to worker laziness or negligence, but to equipment breakdowns. The discussion, which began with their own concerns about services, culminated in a c r i t i c i s m of the government for refusing to budget another truck. After the meeting, work routines continued much as before. 154 Attitudes toward Authority The emphasis placed on independence and autonomy and the reluctance to accept orders and take d i r e c t i o n are strong disincentives to employment. Trapping i s highly valued, on the other hand, because i t means 'not having to work for anybody 1: T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the Eskimo has enjoyed a high degree of autonomy i n his relations with peers, which he must surrender when he confronts the co-ordination and subordination that wage labour imposes. When an Eskimo heard that a construction company had discharged several men on account of absenteeism, he exclaimed: "Just l i k e the Eskimos. They don't l i k e to take orders." He admitted that i t had been hard f o r him too, but 'I've had to l e a r n the hard way". He c r e d i t e d family r e s p o n s i b i l i t e s with driving him to accept a measure of external and int e r n a l d i s c i p l i n e stronger than he had been accustomed to...-^9 Living i n Paulatuk implies, for trapper and worker al i k e , a r e l a t i v e absence of authority, which i s usually vested i n whites. Simply by being i n Paulatuk, people are less frequently confronted with supervision or c r i t i c i s m of their behaviour. This was one of the reasons behind expansion into the f r o n t i e r region in the 1920's - to be in a les s crowded area where one could run one's own l i f e without interference from outside i n s t i t u t i o n s . D i s l i k e for supervision was the major reason for leaving Dewline or other employment and returning to Paulatuk in the early 1970's. The evident d i s i n c l i n a t i o n to work on housing construction i n 1979 was related to the contractor's reputation as a tough 155 supervisor, a "real bastard". For those people who do work in Paulatuk, the r e l a t i v e lack of supervision i s a s i g n i f i c a n t factor i n making jobs a t t r a c t i v e and acceptable. Supervision i s s u f f i c i e n t l y remote that workers can arrange their own schedules and complete their work beyond the eye of authority. Paulatuk's i s o l a t i o n gives them greater control over their workplaces. The threat of increased supervision, for instance, demands for regular reporting, may cause anxiety and opposition, sometimes even the worker's resignation. It was apparent, i n 1979 fieldwork, that the man i n charge of government equipment and other property suffered from c o n f l i c t i n g demands made on him by supervisors and community members. He was directed by superiors to prohibit the use of vehicles, tools and space, but was under pressure from l o c a l people for access to these scarce and necessary resources. His job required the juggling of obligations and the placating of c o n f l i c t i n g claims for his l o y a l t y , one through wages and the other through relationship. For some time, he balanced these demands because of the distance and leniency of supervision. S t r i c t e r p o l i c i e s and supervision, however, resulted i n a performance evaluation that found him too easy-going. He was directed to take a course in supervision and to be more s t r i c t with government property, which brought him into c o n f l i c t with the rest of the community; Inuvik's vice i s a v i r t u e in Paulatuk. 156 Being a supervisor and having r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the actions of other workers i s also something that may make work unattractive. Workers are placed in d i f f i c u l t positions when expected to give orders and d i s c i p l i n e other Inuvialuit; t h i s c o n f l i c t s sharply with the high values placed on autonomy and respect of individuals i n Inuvialuit culture. As one man put i t , he t r i e d subtle persuasion and leadership by example, but "what can you do i f they don't listen ? . " As a Dewline worker he had been caught i n t h i s dilemma when he was promoted to a supervisory position. His solution to the c o n f l i c t between h i s values and h i s job demands was to q u i t and go back to Paulatuk to trap. Wage Work and the Family Some of the aspects of wage labour that have been f i e r c e l y resisted have been i t s d i v i s i v e and disruptive effects on family obligations and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . 2 u To Eskimo males f i r s t entering the wage-earning sit u a t i o n , the d i s t i n c t i o n between the place of work and home i s strange and uncomfortable. For the trapper-hunter, the tent or house i s simultaneously a place of work and home. Si m i l a r l y , the immediate geographical area i s home and place of work. Again the sharp d i s t i n c t i o n between work and play in i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s i s much more blurred i n trapping-hunting s o c i e t i e s such as the Eskimo^ F a m i l i e s i n Paulatuk are c l o s e and tend to spend a l o t of time doing things together. Couples spend most of their days together and children accompany the parents everywhere. For southerners who are used to being away from their 157 partners f o r most of the day, i t may be hard to a p p r e c i a t e the s t r a i n of separation. For many people in Paulatuk, however, wage labour, even a job i n the settlement i t s e l f , i s avoided because of t h i s aspect. An employee who l e f t his job with the construction project after a week, for instance, s a i d that the work l e f t him with no time to see h i s f a m i l y and take care of their needs. This i s a l s o a reason that few people are w i l l i n g to accept training or employment outside the community, even on a temporary basis. Men l i k e to take their f a m i l i e s with them when they go out to work or f o r t r a i n i n g i n Inuvik or F o r t Smith, just as the family try to go along with family members sent to hospital i n Inuvik or Yellowknife. Finding accomodation for their f a m i l i e s i s a problem that stops many men from pursuing work. The expense of maintaining two homes and concern for the family's well-being, on the other hand, makes the men unwilling to leave the family behind: It has to be understood that in order to have that family unit strong, you can't take someone av/ay for a long period of time. Just recently I was i n that s i t u a t i o n . My husband phoned to see i f he could stay another week so he could meet h i s paycheque. I said he'd better get home or he wouldn't see his 29th anniversary.22 The influence of family concerns was s i g n i f i c a n t from the beginning of wage employment in the north, for instance during the Dewline poject. When men were housed in bunkhouses at s i t e s some distance from the rest of the population, there was a very high turnover rate. This was 158 p a r t i c u l a r l y true of married men who were "much less steady" and quit frequently to return home and take care of family r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . In order to keep men as permanent employees, the Dewline had to recognize the role of family bonds: Families and not just workers w i l l have to be provided f o r i f the men are going to be kept at their jobs. Even then i t w i l l be d i f f i c u l t to prevent them from harnessing their dog-teams and going off to one of the permanent settlements to v i s i t r e l a t i v e s or for the t r a d i t i o n a l gatherings at Christmas and Easter. These customs are so much a part of Eskimo l i f e that they should not be expected to change simply because of a change of occupation. There i s the p o s s i b i l i t y that some fa m i l i e s not employed at a s i t e may decide to make their winter quarters there ... This may create welfare problems since the majority of s i t e s are not r e a l l y suitable for hunting or trapping. It w i l l ensure, however, that a community of more than two fa m i l i e s i s established at these iso l a t e d locations. It w i l l probably prove to be of more value i n holding Eskimo men to their employment than any other factor. The women, having no s o c i a l contact beyond the Eskimo community, w i l l c e r t a i n l y be happier to have r e l a t i v e s and friends nearby.23 Although peoples' reluctance to take advantage of training or job opportunities may r e f l e c t the best solutions to their problems and p r i o r i t i e s , outsiders sometimes interpret i t as laziness, lack of ambition or an undesirable pursuit of the 'easy l i f e ' on welfare. This can have negative impact on community members who have few options and resources for earning their l i v i n g . The strategy of s o c i a l service personnel i n 1979, for instance, was to encourage unemployed residents, p a r t i c u l a r l y single mothers, to move to 159 Inuvik, Yellowknife or Fort Smith for training and work. It was said that welfare encouraged them to have babies, that their cheques just went to the fathers or brothers whose houses they shared and that the money was probably spent on drinking. These people, however, often f i l l e d important roles i n the community by caring for foster children, sick and el d e r l y r e l a t i v e s who would otherwise have been forced out of the community into i n s t i t u t i o n s . Their own c h i l d -bearing and child-rearing i s an essential, i f unrecognized, part of the community's continuity. They also contributed i n v i s i b l e domestic production to the community and their households by baking, cooking, cleaning furs, etc. Their welfare cheques, i f any, brought to the household budget some of the cash needed for ammunition and f u e l . In return, they and their children were fed country food, provided with shelter and, most importantly, enjoyed the security and warmth of their family. Nevetheless, they were encouraged to move to Inuvik where they could f i n d work. Unfortunately, by following t h i s strategy, they also l o s t in well-being; paying rent, buying store food with the associated deterioration of diet, h i r i n g babysitters and becoming lonely and isolated, with their children, from community ways of l i f e . Work and Self-esteem In part, land-based work and the incentive for continuing i t comes from the security derived from knowing and c o n t r o l l i n g the work process. 2 4 Most of the wage employment 160 for Paulatuk residents i s semi-skilled or unskilled in nature and workers are neither required nor permitted to have specialized knowledge, c r e a t i v i t y or control at their jobs. Men who have experience, s k i l l s and ideas that they would l i k e to contribute to solving problems and improving systems at their work are frustrated by the d i v i s i o n of labour; they are paid to do s p e c i f i c routine jobs according to procedures established by managers and planners. There i s some resentment toward o f f i c i a l s who t e l l them how to do jobs i n Paulatuk the 'right way'. People f e e l that they are the real experts about l i v i n g there, and are best able to determine when and how to do things needed i n t h e i r own settlement. In addition to not appreciating s k i l l s people do have, many jobs, e s p e c i a l l y in the i n d u s t r i a l non-renewable resource sector, require s k i l l s that are beyond current tr a i n i n g and experience. People are aware that in either case their propsects for more creative, challenging work are t l i m i t e d and that they have l i t t l e control over their work conditions: You try to get into technical development where you have anxiety a l l the time because you know inwardly that i t s going to disappear eventually because i t can't keep going. That's the experience the native people have gone through-short term development. Even though i t s nice to have that money, i t also puts native people in an insecure position because they know i t s not going to be there for a long p e r i o d of time - and i t can't. Normally that kind of development works into very technical s k i l l e d employment.25 161 This i s not the case with work people do on the land. Whereas on the job, the worker feels he i s paid "not to think", simply to take orders and follow routines that seem to have l i t t l e rhyme or reason, on the land the hunter or trapper i s f u l l y in command of his labours and i s committed to the outcome of his work. People had a deep awareness of resources around Paulatuk and co-ordinated that information with personal s k i l l s and experience to earn their l i v i n g s . Successfully putting to work both mental and physical energy and seeing the results in the country food on the table gave a "sense of competence and security".26 Attitudes to the adoption of wage work r e f l e c t t h i s : I won't go someplace else and get a better job. When I get h i r e d , I turn them down because I l i k e t h i s land. I know where I can go in t h i s part just l i k e anybody e l s e . 2 7 Resentment at having knowledge and c a p a b i l i t i e s denied surfaced in the case of the Sports Hunting Programs. Although many factors contributed to the f a i l u r e of the Polar Bear Hunting Program, d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n at the relationship between guide and sport hunter was at the base of many individuals' decisions to reject this type of employment. They f e l t uncomfortable subordinated to sports hunters in situations i n which their expertise and knowledge of the region should have given them leadership and authority: "They're b a s i c a l l y joe-boys and they know i t " . 162 Recognition of personal s k i l l s i s one factor that makes some jobs acceptable and compatible with community values. For instance, the Inuvialuit who pioneered in the fur trapping f r o n t i e r of the 1920's and 1930's worked for wages as p i l o t s and crews on mission or trading boats or as trappers at some of the small posts. They were highly regarded by employers because of their knowledge of the region and their talents on the land and they developed long-standing personal relationships with in d i v i d u a l government agents and employers. Employment continued to be on t h i s personal, although perhaps p a t e r n a l i s t i c , scale throughout the 1940's and 1950's, and to the present day i n some cases. Many of the older men s t i l l i d e n t i f y with their employer and job. Northern administration and economic development has become increasingly large-scale, impersonal and bureaucratic, however. Employers do not develop the same contact and appreciation of Paulatuk workers and relationships of mutual trust and lo y a l t y do not form as easi l y . Resistance to wage labour i s now often traceable to the worker's perception that s/he i s just another cog i n the wheel with no pa r t i c u l a r relationship to the employer and no special a t t r i b u t e for which s/he i s valued. Several of the men who have been steady wage workers since the 1950's take pr i d e i n having put i n twenty or more years at the Dewline. That attitude i s conspicuously absent among the young men who work int e r m i t t e n t l y for Dome Petroleum or the government. 163 The importance of personal respect and esteem was i l l u s t r a t e d by a man who had worked for many years f o r the Dewline, achieving s e n i o r i t y and being made a supervisor. He f e l t that as a r e l i a b l e , longterm employee, he should have been getting more respect and p r i v i l e g e s . Instead, he found the job becoming harder to take; for example he and other natives were denied entrance to the bar and other f a c i l i t i e s used by whites. Although the native community was about three miles from the Dewline i n s t a l l a t i o n , the native workers were not allowed the use of Dewline vehicles, even in severe weather. A l l i n a l l , there were "more rules and no respect as a person". Eventually, he went to v i s i t Paulatuk and never went back to the Dewline, exchanging a substantial s a l a r y and a secure job f o r part-time work, one quarter the pay and "the freedom to come and go, whenever".2% Service to the community was one way that workers are able to f i n d meaning and take pride i n their jobs. The people who do settlement administration and organizing work, for instance are also hunters and trappers who tend to prefer to make their l i v i n g s e n t i r e l y from the land. They are aware, however, that certain services and opportunities for socio-economic development are needed by community members and they f e e l that t h i s work should be done by community people rather than by white outsiders. They are w i l l i n g to s a c r i f i c e some of their personal interests and preferences to do work needed in the community that noone else i s w i l l i n g 164 or able to do. In some cases, i t appeared as though the settlement as a whole had decided which person was most appropriate for a certain job, choosing the one who had more work experience or no family r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and so would be leas t distressed by the necessary adjustments °to wage labour. Wage Work and the Community Individuals in Paulatuk frequently must deal with the contradictions created by either the overlapping or the c o n f l i c t i n g of goals, roles and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s demanded by two d i f f e r e n t value-systems. Workers are faced with the dilemmas of whether to meet the expectations of supervisors or family; whether to place p r i o r i t y on wage-earning or hunting; whether to follow the schedule imposed by the weather or the clock. In many cases, the values, a c t i v i t i e s and resources of each sector are mutually exclusive and people are forced to make decisions between alternatives that may be d i f f i c u l t to reverse l a t e r . Education and training for wage labour, for instance, has prevented many young Paulatuk men from operating e a s i l y on the land. If they choose to adopt trapping as an ocupation after many years of formal schooling, they must t r a i n as trappers almost from scratch. Men who have worked for wages for several years and l e t their trapping o u t f i t s deteriorate may fin d i t d i f f i c u l t to save enough cash for new skidoos, traps and equipment should they decide to go back to trapping. 165 People are also placed in positions in which they risk f a i l u r e and d i s a p p r o v a l from one group i f they t r y to l i v e up to the standards of the other. For instance, hunters leaving for a weekend camping t r i p r e a l i z e that they might be delayed by weather or boat trouble and have to face d i s c i p l i n a r y action for missing work on Monday. On the other hand, playing i t safe in order to please the employer would expose them as poor providers who can be pushed around by bosses. In several cases, a lack of respect and very subtle contempt was observed in the attitude of the community toward members who t r i e d to l i v e up to the r o u t i n e and measures of success of their jobs.29 Several people expressed their s e l f -c r i t i c i s m and low esteem for their own dependency or weakness in working at a steady job. Community and i n d i v i d u a l attitudes, however, are ambivalent and contradictory i n t h i s matter. Although hunting and trapping are valued highly and employment i s denigrated, people have also been influenced by the outside ideology and have p a r t i a l l y i n ternalized the measurement of success and prestige in terms of submissiveness, r e l i a b i l i t y and material property. Because few Inuvialuit ever get the kinds of jobs that they are told w i l l provide success, they are continually exposed,to pressures of f a i l u r e according to norms propounded by the outside, but now p a r t i a l l y absorbed by the I n u v i a l u i t themselves. Those that do f i n d f u l l t i m e , s k i l l e d jobs face the impossible task of t r y i n g to perform to both sets of 166 standards, expectations set not just by others but by themselves as well. Many workers in Paulatuk c r i t i c i z e and b e l i t t l e themselves for not being 'good workers' and sometimes f e e l g u i l t y or inadequate for not f u l f i l l i n g that r o l e . At the same time, they worry whether they can s t i l l keep their independence and dignity and be good providers of country food.30 The community i s able to exercise considerable influence on the indidivual's strategy toward wage employment. As the main rewards of wage employment are economic, the community can prevent wage employment from being too a t t r a c t i v e and prestigious by i n t e r f e r i n g with workers' a b i l i t y to enjoy their p o t e n t i a l l y greater incomes. Community pressures and obligations to share with kin are used by those not employed to make sure the income for wage work i s diverted toward support of the subsistence sector. People who work are expected to contribute cash to buy skidoos, etc. and to share whatever material goods, equipment and consumer goods they accumulate with their income. They may fin d that, with r e l a t i v e s and neighbours l i t e r a l l y eating up the p r o f i t s of their labour, i t s hardly worth working. Because work i s not a route to enjoying greater p r i v i l e g e and comfort oneself, there i s l i t t l e incentive to 'get ahead' at work and individuals are kept from 'getting ahead' of others in the community. In t h i s way, hunting and trapping remain equal i n prestige and i n opportunity to enjoy the f r u i t s of labour. 167 Summary Paulatuk residents are now irrevocably linked to the modern, i n d u s t r i a l system. However, although they have taken jobs and made adjustments in their behaviour to the demands of wage work, they have made only a p a r t i a l and temporary commitment to that way of l i f e . They do not want to see the destruction of the hunting and trapping way of l i f e and the "transformation of useful and enjoyable work into forms of t o i l that are ... burdensome and superfluous".32 Attitudes and behaviour in Paulatuk toward hunting and trapping on the one hand and employment on the other show determination to make the forces of change, such as new working conditions, conform as much as possible to the rhythm and p r i o r i t i e s of the community's customary ways. As people make adjustments, they also seek concessions and compromise with the authority imposed from outside in order to make employment and economic development opportunities more compatible with t r a d i t i o n a l values. 168 Notes:Chapter Four 1. Diamond Jenness, Eskimo Administration: IV (Montreal: A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of North America 1968) p.52 2 . John J. Honigman & Irma Honigman, A r c t i c Townsmen (Ottawa: Canadian Research Centre for Anthropology, Saint Paul University 1965) pp.69-70 3 . J. Ross Mackay, The Anderson River Map Area. Memoir #5, (Ottawa: Department of Mines 1958) p.123 4 . Few men, and these days few women, can appreciate the labour involved i n baking a l l the bread everyday for a family of ten or f i f t e e n , or washing diapers for several s m a l l c h i l d r e n with no hot, running water, or even by hand i f the wringer-washer breaks and the nearest repair i s two hundred and f i f t y miles av/ay. 5 . Peter J. Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western Arc t i c " . Evidence presented to the Berger Inquiry on behalf of COPE, (Yellowknife 1976) p.23 6 . Thomas R. Berger, Report of the Mackenzie Valley  Pipeline Inquiry, vol . 2 (Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s & Northern Development 1976) p.38 7 . J.K.Stager (personal communication) points out that rotation may be an 'insidious process*- the employer's foot i n the door. People have a chance to earn surplus income, which encourages l a v i s h spending and the need for more cash. He had observed that workers on rotation to the L i t t l e Cornwallis mine were bored with four week stays at home. Rotation may be a means of f a s t conversion to continuous wage work, i f the jobs are there in the long term, and to d i s a t i s f a c t i o n i f they are not. 8 . Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western A r c t i c " , p.26 9 . J. O'Neill & Grahame Beakhust, "Land Tenure: Socio-economic Impact: A case study of the Canadian North" (Toronto: York University 1977(unpubl)) p.26 The reduction of s o c i a l l i f e to economic and monetary relations i s almost always resisted by non-industrial s o c i e t i e s : "It took two hundred years of c o n f l i c t to subdue working people to the d i s c i p l i n e of d i r e c t economic s t i m u l i and the subjugation has never been more than p a r t i a l " E.P.Thompson, The Poverty of Theory (London: Monthly Review Books 1978) p.292 169 10. In i t s r e p o r t on the season's employment, Canmar e x p r e s s e d m y s t i f i c a t i o n a t a worker who q u i t one week b e f o r e the end of the season, f o r f e i t i n g a §3,000. bonus f o r c o m p l e t i n g the f u l l term. Dome Petro l e u m .C a n a d i a n  B e n e f i t s of B e a u f o r t Sea Development. ( B e a u f o r t Sea D r i l l i n g Program, F e b r u a r y 1980) 11. T h i s s e c t i o n i s based on o b s e r v a t i o n s i n 1979-80; 12. The C o - o p e r a t i v e was c l o s e d i n 1981.(see Chapter F i v e ) 13. T h i s w o r k e r d i d q u i t t h i s j o b i n t h e f a l l o f 1979 and moved t e m p o r a r i l y t o another community. 14. E.P. Thompson, "Time, Work D i s c i p l i n e and I n d u s t r i a l C a p i t a l i s m " P a s t and P r e s e n t 58 December 1967, p.65 15. B e r t h a A l l e n , speech i n P r o c e e d i n g s of the E i g h t h N a t i o n a l N o r t h e r n Development Co n f e r e n c e , (Edmonton 1970) p.81 16. Thompson, "Time, Work D i s c i p l i n e and I n d u s t r i a l C a p i t a l i s m " , p. 65 17. T h i s response i s a n a t u r a l one f o r most w o r k e r s around the w o r l d . I t i s a l w a y s i n the workers' i n t e r e s t s to r e d u c e t h e amount o f work t h e y do f o r a g i v e n amount o f f pay: "No worker ever known t o h i s t o r i a n had s u r p l u s v a l u e t a k e n out of h i s h i d e w i t h o u t f i n d i n g some way of f i g h t i n g back ( t h e r e a r e p l e n t y of ways of g o i n g s l o w ) . Thompson, The P o v e r t y of Theory, pp.153-154 18. These i d e a s a r e s t a r t i n g t o f i n d g r e a t e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n government p o l i c y , t o o , i n d i c a t i n g the p r e s s u r e community r o u t i n e s have e x e r t e d on the b u r e a u c r a c y : "Moreover, c o n s i d e r a t i o n s h o u l d be g i v e n t o the use o f t e c h n i q u e s such as j o b - s h a r i n g , f l e x i b l e hours and a d j u s t m e n t s i n the w o r k i n g week i n o r d e r t o open employment i n t h e G.,N.W.T. a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o , those n o r t h e r n e r s who w i s h t o m a i n t a i n a t r a d i t i o n a l n o r t h e r n l i f e s t y l e " . CM. D r u r y , C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Development i n t h e N o r t h w e s t  T e r r i t o r i e s : r e p o r t of the S p e c i a l R e p r e s e n t a t i v e (Ottawa: Supply & S e r v i c e s 1980) p.51 19. Honigman & Honigman, A r c t i c Townsmen p. 70 170 20. The i m p o s i t i o n of f a c t o r y d i s c i p l i n e d u r i n g the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n was opposed by handweavers f o r the d i s r u p t i v e e f f e c t s on f a m i l y l i f e : "They r e s e n t e d , f i r s t , t h e d i s c i p l i n e . . . t o ' s t a n d at t h e i r command'-this was the most d e e p l y r e s e n t e d i n d i g n i t y . Next, they r e s e n t e d the e f f e c t s upon f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s . . . Weaving o f f e r e d employment to t he whole f a m i l y . . . THe f a m i l y was t o g e t h e r , and however, poor meals were, a t l e a s t they c o u l d s i t down a c h o s e n t i m e . A w h o l e p a t t e r n o f a m i l y and community l i f e had grown up around the loom-shops; work d i d not p r e v e n t c o n v e r s a t i o n or s i n g i n g . " E.P.Thompson The Making o f the E n g l i s h Working C l a s s (Harmondswork: Penguin Books 1968) pp.338-339 21. D. Stevenson, Problems o f Eskimos R e l o c a t i o n f o r  I n d u s t r i a l Employment (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1968) 22. A l l e n , P r o c e e d i n g s , p.82 23. J . D. Ferguson, A s t u d y o f the E f f e c t s of the D e w l i n e on  Eskimos o f the Western A r c t i c (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1957) p.45 24. A l l e n , P r o c e e d i n g s , p.81, quoted above. 25. i b i d . 26. Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western A r c t i c " , p.21 27. G. Ruben, t r a n s c r i p t s of the Mackenzie V a l l e y P i p e l i n e E n q u i r y , 1976 p.4427 28. see a l s o U l l i S t e l t z e r , I n u i t . The N o r t h i n T r a n s i t i o n (Vancouver: Douglas & M c l n t y r e 1982) p.58 29. M c E l r o y s u g g e s t s t h a t I n u i t women f r e q u e n t l y a d j u s t to wage l a b o u r more e a s i l y than do men because they f i l l s i m i l a r s u p p o r t i v e r o l e s i n bo t h European and I n u i t systems. They are used t o t a k i n g o r d e r s from I n u i t men and a c c e p t the s u b o r d i n a t e a s p e c t s of wage work w i t h o u t s u f f e r i n g a sense o f l o s s of autonomy. I n u i t men s u f f e r from a g r e a t e r d i s j u n c t i o n i n i d e a l s of b e h a v i o u r ; used to making d e c i s i o n s and a c t i n g i n d e p e n d e n t l y , they cannot as e a s i l y a c c e p t c r i t i c i s m and d i s c i p l i n e w i t h o u t some i d e n t i t y c r i s i s . A l t e r n a t i v e s i n  M o d e r n i z a t i o n : S t y l e s and S t r a t e g i e s i n t h e  A c c u l t u r a t i v e B e h a v i o u r of the B a f f i n I s l a n d I n u i t . (New Haven: Human Area R e l a t i o n s F i l e s , HRAFlex Books,1977) p.336 171 30. The c o n t r a d i c t i o n s between work and community l i f e may c r e a t e problems of p y s c h o l o g i c a l s t r e s s , c o n f u s i o n , h o s t i l i t y , w i t h d r a w l and low s e l f - e s t e e m . S t r e s s e s caused by dependency a t work may be compensated f o r elsewhere,; f o r i n s t a n c e , some i n c i d e n t s of e x c e s s i v e d r i n k i n g and d o m e s t i c v i o l e n c e r e f l e c t the e x e r c i s i n g of g r e a t e r a u t h o r i t y i n d a i l y home l i f e . J.M. L u b a r t Psychodynamic Problems of A d a p t a t i o n - Mackenzie D e l t a  Eskimo, (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1969) pp.12-16 31. The e f f e c t of s a n c t i o n s of the community a g a i n s t a c c u m u l a t i o n by i n d i v i d u a l s does not seem t o be a p p r e c i a t e d by o u t s i d e b u r e a u c r a t s who a t t e m p t t o f o s t e r wage employment and p r i v a t e s m a l l b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e i n the s e t t l e m e n t . 32. George Woodcock (ed.) , The A n a r c h i s t Reader ( A t l a n t i c H i g h l a n d s , N.J.: H u m a n i s t i c P r e s s 1977) p.80 172 Chapter Five Economic Development. For Whom?  Community P r i o r i t i e s True Affluence i s not needing anything^ For Paulatuk, i t i s c l e a r l y untrue that the land-based sector has ceased "to provide l i f e ' s n e c e s s i t i e s " ^ Hunting and trapping continue to make a s i g n i f i c a n t contribution to the community economy. The discussion here has borne out Usher's comment that the north i s perhaps the "only place where a poor man's table i s laden with meat"3. But 'Progress' has also come to the north, bringing with i t new forms of economic a c t i v i t y , material goods, technology and services. Many changes have come on the i n i t i a t i v e of the native people themselves who have been eager to benefit from material goods and services such as medical care. Change has also come from government agencies, intending to solve what they perceive to be problems i n the native standard of l i v i n g and way of l i f e and to provide: a higher standard of l i v i n g , equality of l i f e and equality of opportunity, for native people by methods which are compatible with their own preferences and aspirations4 Government p o l i c i e s , however, are often based on a poor appreciation of the native economy and an ethnocentric 173 promotion of non-native values and behaviour, and therefore do not lead to the kinds of solutions and socio-economic development that meet community needs. This chapter w i l l look at issues related to the effectiveness and appropriateness of s o c i a l and economic development. P o l i c i e s in Socio-economic Development Government administrators have been involved in northern l i f e from the e a r l i e s t contact, but the increasing role of the bureaucracy i n di r e c t i n g change i n native society through encouraging wage employment, fostering economic development, and delivering services i n part intended to advance acculturation began in the late 1950's. This came at a time when hardship i n both subsistence and fur trapping gave the impression that the land-sector was indeed dead. As Usher has stated, however, this has proved to have been only a period of retreat while the Inuit made technological adjustments to maintain renewable resource harvesting as a v i a b l e economic base. I t was al s o a time at which i t was assumed that wage employment could offer longterm economic prospects to the Inuit. Conventional wisdom that 'primitive' peoples should be brought the enlightenment and benefits of white c i v i l i z a t i o n - language, education, mores and values, patterns of consumption - was unquestionned. The portrayal of nonindustrial peoples as 'lacking the material and c u l t u r a l bases for ameliorating their poverty': 174 ... i s the most persistent influence on s o c i a l agencies and economic planners who concern themselves with the (Indians) wellbeing ... The implication i s that without the dreamers' plans and p r o j e c t s ^ the (native) w i l l remain i n a state of modern savagery.r Programs were therefore i n t e n t i o n a l l y designed to replace hunting with wage labour and "tutor" the Inuit toward assimi l a t i o n : For some years, i t has been i m p l i c i t i n the p o l i c y of the Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s that native populations be weaned away from t h i s l i f e s t y l e and evolve an economy based on wage and sala r i e d labour.-/ The bases for thi s policy have been the assumptions that wage labour could indeed provide the jobs and income needed to improve the material standard of l i v i n g , and that the native economy had no future at a l l . Both these have been proven wrong. With unemployment over ten percent in Canada, and much higher i n certa i n regions of the country, wage employment i s c l e a r l y not the solution i t was once thought. In the ru r a l , r e l a t i v e l y remote regions that depend on resource extraction - forestry, mining, f i s h i n g - unemployment may be well over f i f t y percent; the jobs are simply not there, even when the workers are w i l l i n g and have no alternatives. S i m i l a r l y , i n the north, wage employment has l i m i t e d potential. Outside of major 'growth centres', the i n d u s t r i a l economy has the capacity to provide only a small percentage of the native labour force with job opportunities.g 175 T a b l e 5-1 B a s i c Data on Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s P o p u l a t i o n 45,500 P e r c e n t of n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n ( a p p r o x ) 50% Number of s e t t l e m e n t s 63 A d m i n i s t r a t i v e C e n t r e s P o p u l a t i o n Y e l l o w k n i f e 9,000 I n u v i k 4,150 F r o b i s h e r Bay 2,500 Ra n k i n I n l e t 630 F o r t Smith 2,800 Cambridge Bay 800 R e l a t i o n o f S e t t l e m e n t S i z e & P o p u l a t i o n S e t t l e m e n t T o t a l No. of S i z e Popn % S e t t l e m e n t % Under 300 5,400 12 31 49 300-500 4,250 9 11 17 500-600 - - - — 600-1000 10,050 22 13 21 1000-1500 3,800 8 3 5 Over 1500 22.000 48 5_ 8 Labour f o r c e o u t s i d e "Growth C e n t r e s " Approximate t o t a l n a t i v e l a b o u r f o r c e 6,000 Approximate t o t a l j o b s a v a i l a b l e 2,100 Approximate t o t a l n a t i v e s w i t h j o b s 1,100 9 Even i f n a t i v e p e o p l e h e l d a l l the p o s s i b l e j o b s , about s i x t y p e r c e n t of the l a b o u r f o r c e would be unemployed. As i t i s , n a t i v e s do not f i l l a l l the j o b s ; many a r e f i l l e d and w i l l c o n t i n u e t o be f i l l e d by w h i t e s , who have t h e s k i l l s and advanced e d u c a t i o n r e q u i r e d by most of the employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n t h e n o r t h . Most j o b s a r e e i t h e r i n t h e government b u r e a u c r a c y - a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , d o c t o r s , n u r s e s and t e a c h e r s -, or i n t h e l a r g e - s c a l e , c a p i t a l - i n t e n s i v e , h i g h t e c h n o l o g y r e s o u r c e e x t r a c t i o n p r o j e c t s t y p i c a l of n o r t h e r n 176 i n d u s t r i a l development. Labour plays a very small role i n the economics of northern mega-projects; employment opportunities are usually short-term or highly s k i l l e d . The opportunities for long-term, processing or service-o r i e n t e d work i n the communities, such as they are, do not necessarily solve unemployment problems in any case. For instance, new employment openings i n Paulatuk i n the mid-seventies were not f i l l e d by 'unemployed' members of the existing Paulatuk labour force. These jobs, by and large, were f i l l e d by workers who already had jobs in other communities who moved back to Paulatuk; the number of 'unemployed' remained the same. In summary, then, wage employment i s not capable to providing the necessary economic base. People know their s k i l l s are not the type required by most wage opportunities, and they have experienced boom-and-bust cycles of i n d u s t r i a l development: "(Q) So, r e a l l y for the f u t u r e , you're not l o o k i n g to a l o t of wage work around here, you want to make sure that the land i s ... (A) Yes, because anything else we try to do, jobs, always inished, nothing to do, you're doing nothing. And t h i s , now, the way we're looking at i t now, i t s a sure thing, you know, trapping. Its a sure th i n g you can do..."jo On the other hand, the assumption that native people who are 'unemployed' are unproductive and a l i f e s t y l e based on resource harvesting i s unviable has been questionned. 177 Realizing LaRusic asked: that wage employment was of l i m i t e d potential, If about one in six of the native population has a job and most of the others have only p a r t t i m e or seasonal work, what do people do to f i l l t h e i r days? It seemed unlikely that people s i t t i n g around c o l l e c t i n g welfare to buy food while waiting for a job... Even i f one assumes that a considerable number are on unemployment insurance or welfare i n t h i s period, i t i s l i k e l y that there i s considerable continuing subsistence activity...±± Research among the Cree and Inuit in northern Quebec demonstrated the productivity of the native economy: ...my early impressions were that, on the surface, there appeared to be a l o t of people unemployed, seemingly hanging around doing nothing. However, more careful scrutiny revealed that t h i s population was highly productive most of the time - though not i n the i n d u s t r i a l work force. They were making s i g n i f i c a n t contributions to the l o c a l economy through their subsistence a c t i v i t i e s . ^ Research on the value of subsistence harvesting in northern Quebec has produced evidence s i m i l a r to that found in Paulatuk, that the productivity of the land-based sector i s c r i t i c a l to the native economy. There i s also evidence, as LaRusic noted with concern, that jobs are often f i l l e d by people who are also the best hunters and therefore the major contributors of country food to the community: One can deduce that the s h i f t of these people from ha r v e s t i n g to wages can have a r e a l impact on the t o t a l community food production... Since they are the ones who produce most of the food i n the community, one can see that t o t a l community gain from wages can e a s i l y be o f f s e t by l o s s e s i n the subsistence sector of the economy. Thus job generation programmes can end up making no s i g n i f i c a n t gain i n providing income for the 178 "poor" sector of the community while prejudicing the t o t a l community product. Certainly, i f there i s any s i g n i f i c a n t l o c a l productivity by these people v/hile they are 'unemployed' - i n the Department of Manpower's sense of the word - i t would be wise to assure that any remedial programmes designed to put people i n the workforce did not have the ef f e c t of reducing that productivity.13^14 The message of th i s evidence i s surely that economic development should be based on strengthening and expanding the land-based sector. The subsistence and commercial harvesting economy i s not moribund; i t can be the viable basis for providing a l i v e l i h o o d and i t i s of c r i t i c a l , irreplaceable economic and n u t r i t i o n a l value. The opportunities of the wage labour sector, on the other hand, are l i m i t e d and the e f f e c t s i t may have on country food production and diet are generally negative. This message contradicts the d i r e c t i o n of government p o l i c i e s : the underlying thrust of t h i s bureaucracy, which i s to get the (native) people off the land and keep them busy in v i l l a g e s f i l l i n g the i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l jobs of any small town. Indian A f f a i r s i s w i l l i n g to provide three jobs even when one would be s u f f i c i e n t i f the r e s u l t i s to transform three hunters to three janitors.^5 Programs to encourage wage employment are part of general p o l i c i e s of acculturation that assume the native culture, as well as the economy, i s backward, unrewarding or obsolete. These p o l i c i e s f a i l to recognize the v i t a l i t y and sign i f i c a n c e to wellbeing of community routines and community values. Social programs have introduced new c r i t e r i a for evaluating success and building self-esteem. They have taken 179 native people from contexts i n which they gained security and meaning and placed them in situations in which their confidence and self-worth are challenged. As was noted in Chapter One, the effects of exposure to white values and practices have been in part the profound disruption of native society and id e n t i t y , symptomized by 'pathological' behaviour such as alcohol abuse, family breakdown, violence and attempted suicide. The p o l i c i e s and programs are also based on the assumption that acculturation w i l l provide the ti c k e t to improved material and s o c i a l circumstances. S h i f t s in diet from country to store food that a negative impact on n u t r i t i o n a l well-being have been encouraged by private business and government media images of the 'modern' l i f e , a s w e l l as by wage employment patterns. As we have seen, the work orientation of s o c i a l service personnel i n Paulatuk has had a disruptive e f f e c t on the l i v e s of single women. The system that i s supposed to educate native people to the l e v e l that they w i l l have equal opportunities for success in mainstream society has f a i l e d i n this aim. Although native children often end their educational experience with l i t t l e competence i n the land-based a c t i v i t i e s , many are also very poorly equipped to cope with employment and the complexities of town-life. ALthough education was held out^to native people as their passport to success, i t has done l i t t l e to provide the appropriate Eurocanadian s k i l l s , beyond the 180 basics i n reading, writing and accepting authority, that would allow them to manipulate our s o c i a l and economic system to their advantage. They are given l i t t l e understanding of the i n t r i c a c i e s of economics, technology and law that give people power and influence i n Canada. The s k i l l s Inuit are taught are useful in enabling them to: 1) get along with whites; 2 ) l i s t e n to English radio; 3) work for the HBC; 4) work for the Government (janitor/clerk usually ); 5) get a job': "not exactly an orderly plan for Eskimo development". ^ g S i m i l a r l y , the programs of Local Government are intended to teach people the s k i l l s needed in order to one day govern their own a f f a i r s . The settlement councils and special inte r e s t committees such as housing or education, however, are r e s t r i c t e d by the design of their programs to administrative rather than policy-making roles and to dealing with "hard" municipal services rather than the "soft servies, namely s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l matters, education and land management" that are of c r i t i c a l importance to them.17 Instead of fostering l o c a l autonomy, these programs actually: r e f l e c t the p r i o r i t i e s and structures of the government, not the needs of the community. The committees are unable to i n s t i t u t e change at the community l e v e l . As far as the s o c i a l programs are concerned, they are designed externally to the community, to meet needs perceived from o u t s i d e r s The responses of native people to programs of s o c i a l and economic development that do not r e f l e c t their interests, values and aspirations are varied, including h o s t i l i t y , 181 sabotage and apathy. In Paulatuk, for instance, government o f f i c i a l s complained that residents were less than enthusiastic about p a r t i c i p a t i o n in committee meetings, saying that they seemed unwilling to "do their jobs. The only reason they have meetings i s to c o l l e c t the stipend". In other cases, people sabotaged meetings planned by government agents by going out of town or having p a r t i e s when the government had spent several thousand do l l a r s to f l y the bureaucrats into Paulatuk for a few hours. Bureaucrats are also frustrated by the pa s s i v i t y of Paulatuk people and their lack of energy i n following up proposals and projects i n i t i a t e d by government departments. The roots of these forms of behaviour can be traced to the lack of t a n g i b l e or intangible s a t i s f a c t i o n from the programs. P a r t i c i p a t i o n does not result i n the types of housing, education, medical care or community f a c i l i t i e s they want.^g Moreover, i t does not give the sense of power and accomplishment that influencing and dir e c t i n g the programs to meet community p r i o r i t i e s would provide. They do not want to waste time on matters that do not i n t e r e s t them and they do not wish to have f u t i l e expectations raised and then disappointed. Just as the v i t a l i t y of native land-use and the f a i l i n g s of the wage sector must be recognized i n the designing of s o c i a l services and economic development projects, the strengths and legitimacy of t r a d i t i o n a l community values and the f a i l u r e of existing programs of acculturation must be 182 considered. Socio-economic development must take into consideration community routines and values. It must be compatible with and supportive of native c u l t u r a l practices and the l i f e s t y l e people are struggling to maintain. Economic Development in Paulatuk Review of the projects related to economic development in Paulatuk brings some c r i t i c a l elements to l i g h t . Almost a l l of them appear to meet two essential c r i t e r i a : they are based on renewable resource harvesting, use of the land-based sector; and they stress, to some degree, community pa r t i c i p a t i o n . In theory, renewable resource projects are inherently suitable for appropriate, successful community development. They have been promoted by those government agents who recognize the l i m i t a t i o n s of wage employment in the non-renewable sector, but who s t i l l wish to encourage Inuit p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the market economy. Projects across the a r c t i c have ranged from shrimp and char f i s h e r i e s to reindeer and musk-ox herding. The f a i l u r e of so many of these indicates that renewable resources per se are not the answer. The p r i n c i p l e s of community p a r t i c i p a t i o n , too, have been considered i n economic development ventures. Experience has shown that successful community p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s complicated, involving far more than the nominal creation of co-operatives, advisory committees, or even l o c a l entrepreneurship. 183 The P a u l a t u k C o - o p e r a t i v e The e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a c o - o p s t o r e i n 1967 p l a y e d an i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n the s u r v i v a l of the community i n the r e g i o n . The HBC was not w i l l i n g t o m a i n t a i n a s t o r e a t P a u l a t u k and the Co-op p r o v i d e d a way f o r p e o p l e t o combine f o r c e s t o meet economic needs both as a s o u r c e f o r consumer goods and a market f o r f u r s and o t h e r produce. I n i t i a l l y p e o p l e were p r o u d of t h e s t o r e and t h e i r r o l e i n b u i l d i n g i t from s c r a p b r o u g h t from a b u i l d i n g i n Tuktoyaktuk. In 1980, however, the Co-op had d e v e l o p e d i n t o a major problem f o r b o t h government and consumers. Over the y e a r s , t h e s t o r e had c o n s i s t e n t l y o p e r a t e d a t a l o s s and had a c c u m u l a t e d a debt of $80,000. Government s u b s i d i e s had t o be p r o v i d e d a n n u a l l y , d r a i n i n g funds from o t h e r co-ops. CACFL peop l e i n Y e l l o w k n i f e c o m p l a i n e d t h a t t h e s t o r e was n e v e r open, t h e b o o k s and r e c o r d s w e r e n o t k e p t up t o d a t e , the p r i c e s were not s e t p r o p e r l y t o break even, t h a t t o o much c r e d i t was g i v e n o u t and t h a t c h a r t e r s f o r p r i v a t e purposes were b i l l e d t o the Co-op. They c o m p l a i n e d t h a t t h e manager d i d n o t do t h e j o b he was p a i d f o r , t h a t the Board was i n e f f e c t i v e , t h a t t h e i r a d v i c e was not f o l l o w e d and t h a t no e f f o r t s were b e i n g made t o r e p a y t h e i r d e b t and c o r r e c t s t o r e o p e r a t i o n s . The community had as many c o m p l a i n t s about the Y e l l o w k n i f e o f f i c e and the Co-op. The g e n e r a l a t t i t u d e t o the Co-op was t h a t i t was run by p e o p l e from Y e l l o w k n i f e , who 184 took an unfair p r o f i t from i t . People did not f e e l that they had any c o n t r o l and of t e n p r e f e r e d to deal with the Bay i n Inuvik. On the other hand, they jealously rejected or sabotaged any plans proposed by CACFL and protected their own rights to control the store. There were a number of reasons why, over a period of years, the Coop had gotten into serious f i n a n c i a l problems. They included the lack of management s k i l l s of the manager-who had a formal Grade Four education and six months tra i n i n g i n Saskatoon to s t a r t , the lack of c l e a r systems for him to follow and lack of support for him in learning f i n a n c i a l s k i l l s needed. The lack of Board Training and support and consumer/ owner education was also s i g n i f i c a n t . Noone in the community had any degree of experience in reading or using f i n a n c i a l statements, in planning or implementing projects, in managing cash-flow, etc. When the Co-op got into debt, community members could not understand where the money was going. To most of them, the only l o g i c a l thing they knew was that they had never received a dividend from the store. From their perspective, the Co-op was a government project, not a community-owned and controlled store. Although I n u i v i a l u i t were t r a d i t i o n a l l y co-operative rather than competitive, the p r i n c i p l e s and practices of co-operative business were new. The success of any co-operative depends very greatly on the support of membership and the degree to which they are 185 m o t i v a t e d to use i t s s e r v i c e s and p a r t i c i p a t e i n p o l i c y -making. I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o b u i l d the sense of o w n e r s h i p and l o y a l t y r e q u i r e d ; membership e d u c a t i o n and i n c r e a s e d d e m o c r a t i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n were p r i o r i t i e s ( a f t e r economic v i a b i l i t y ) f o r d e l e g a t e of the c o - o p e r a t i v e movement i n Canada t o the C o - o p e r a t i v e F u t u r e D i r e c t i o n s Conference i n Ottawa, June 1982. A l t h o u g h c a l l e d a c o - o p e r a t i v e , t h i s a s p e c t had not been dev e l o p e d , a f a c t o r t h a t p r e v e n t e d P a u l a t u k p e o p l e and CACFL p e r s o n n e l from w o r k i n g t o g e t h e r t o s o l v e a common problem. Low p r i c e s , s l i p p a g e , extended c r e d i t and l o s s e s i n r e t a i l and f u r o p e r a t i o n s were among the o p e r a t i o n a l problems from a b u s i n e s s p e r s p e c t i v e . The manager, as a community member, was under p r e s s u r e t o p r o v i d e f o o d as c h e a p l y as p o s s i b l e , w i t h as much c r e d i t as p o s s i b l e . The i n t e r e s t s o f community members as i n d i v i d u a l s i n the s h o r t -term, c o n f l i c t e d w i t h sound b u s i n e s s p r a c t i c e s . Mismanagement a t the o t h e r end a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d . The Co-op had a c o n t r a c t to purchase o i l from the government's P e t r o l e u m , O i l and L u b r i c a n t s d i v i s i o n , but POL never b i l l e d them on a r e g u l a r b a s i s . P a u l a t u k and o t h e r c o m m u n i t i e s a c r o s s the N.W.T. sud d e n l y found t h e m s e l v e s f a c e d w i t h l a r g e d e b t s . Lack of c a r e f u l t r u s t and c o n f i d e n c e b u i l d i n g w i t h the community on the p a r t of CAFCL a u t h o r i t i e s was another problem. They p r o v i d e d t r a i n i n g and a d v i c e , but i n such a f a s h i o n as t o p r e v e n t c o - o p e r a t i o n . One a d v i s o r , f o r 186 instance, described how he had gone in and torn out the old shelving and counters to make more room and hadn't gotten any help. From the peoples' perspective, however, he highhandedly wrecked the store they were f a m i l i a r with, without asking for their input. Although i t may have seemed an improvement to him, he never did any shopping there; i f he had, he might have realized that community shopping patterns had suited the old way. Without the counters he had thrown out, people had nowhere to put their shopping but on the flo o r . His impatience and aggressiveness were t y p i c a l of the behaviour Inuit shun. Many attempts were made by CACFL to solve the problems of the co-op as they saw them. They sent a manager-trainee to a s s i s t in clearing up past bookkeeping problems, est a b l i s h systems and t r a i n the s t a f f . They provided r e t a i l advisors, they arranged to forgive the POL debt and they arranged for further loans from the Cooperative Federation. These ef f o r t s were met with resistance from the community which saw them as i n t e r f e r e n c e and as a takeover of the store at t h e i r expense. Decisions on pr i c i n g , funding and resupply were being made i n Inuvik or Yellowknife by strangers who charged them a 7% administrative charge. Residents refused to co-operate with the manager-trainee and other advisors and to manage the store in l i n e with standards CACFL considered c r i t i c a l . After several years of f i n a n c i a l c r i s e s and much discussion, the government and Federation authorities decided not to renew 187 funding to Paulatuk Cco-op, and i t was closed. It i s impossible to say whether solutions could have been found to the Co-op's problems. A number of things might have made a difference; d i f f e r e n t s t a f f , more board tr a i n i n g , more consultration, more sypathetic CACFL personnel who were able to animate a more co-operative planning and management program. It i s clear, however, that most of the problems r e l a t e d to the f e e l i n g that the Co-op was not c o n t r o l l e d by the community. The v/ay Yellowknife operated contributed to th i s , as did the l e v e l of s k i l l s and comprehension of co-operative p r i n c i p l e s i n the community. In the end, people prefered to deal with the Bay, having to f l y to Inuvik to shop. Theoretically, the co-operative store should have acted as a vehicle to meet community needs and contribute to community prosperity more e f f e c t i v e l y than a c a p i t a l i s t enterprise could. But the Co-op's history has shown c l e a r l y that any development presumably operating i n community interests and under the name of community ownership must include in i t s formula both the perception and the r e a l i t y of community control. The Craft Shop For several years, the government operated a c r a f t shop in Paulatuk which provided materials, employment and a market for women in the community. Like many government projects, i t was not designed to lead to an economically sound, self-supporting business. The project was not based 188 on a long-range b u s i n e s s s development plan w i t h p r o v i s i o n s f o r t r a i n i n g , g e n e r a t i n g c a p i t a l and phased i n community ownership and management. Instead, i t was b a s i c a l l y a s u b s i d i z e d make-work p r o j e c t . A f t e r o p e r a t i n g at a l o s s f o r s e v e r a l years, the p r o j e c t was shut down. Sometime l a t e r , the equipment and s u p p l i e s were s o l d to a l o c a l man who reopened the shop. H i s g o a l was t o p r o v i d e income f o r the community and make a modest income h i m s e l f i n r e t u r n f o r h i s management e f f o r t s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , h i s s k i l l s i n business were l i m i t e d and he had problems f i n d i n g markets, encouraging the women's p a r t i p a t i o n , and handling bookkeeping and f i n a n c e s on top of the job t h a t provided income to him i n the n o r m a l l y u n p r o f i t a b l e s t a r t - u p phase. He was unable to get adequate support from government people i n these areas. He a l s o had problems g e t t i n g support from the community. Some of the women p r e f e r e d to s e l l t h e i r h a n d c r a f t s p r i v a t e l y , through d e a l e r s i n Inuvik. They s a i d he charged too much f o r m a t e r i a l s , that he i n t e r f e r e d w i t h t h e i r ideas and t h a t he took too b i g a p r o f i t . The r e s t of the community were very w a t c h f u l of h i s o p e r a t i o n s and i n v a r i o u s ways c o n s p i r e d to prevent him from being too s u c c e s s f u l . Although the p r o j e c t was i n the community's i n t e r e s t s i n many ways, i t l a c k e d some e s s e n t i a l i n g r e d i e n t to make i t compatible w i t h community dynamics. 189 Sport f i s h i n g A sport f i s h i n g project was started in the mid-seventies with the support of Fish and W i l d l i f e o f f i c e r s . Funds were provided for frame tents and supplies to operate a camp for to u r i s t s at the ri v e r . The project foundered for some of the same reasons as the Craftshop - lack of f i n a n c i a l and management s k i l l s and longterm planning. Major problems were the c o n f l i c t i n g demands of commercial and subsistence f i s h i n g for the few boats available i n town; commercial char f i s h i n g i s more amenable to the community as an economic project because i t does not exclude subsistence f i s h i n g ; both can be pursued simultaneously. Another factor was the same attitude from the community to those i n charge of the p r o j e c t . Although the t o u r i s t f i s h i n g was sponsored by the Paulatuk Hunters and Trappers Association and revenue, after expenses and paying the men in v o l v e d as guides, would have come to the community as a whole, there was a degree of resentment on the part of men not d i r e c t l y involved. The attitude that some people were benefiting u n f a i r l y led to potential and actual c o n f l i c t that contributed to the f a i l u r e of the scheme. There was also resentment toward the men who were in charge of co-ordinating the project, who were, in effect, the bosses. This i s another reason why the commercial f i s h i n g i s more popular; although the marketing outside the community was c o l l e c t i v e , the actual production process i s organized by family units and people can work or themselves. 190 In 1979-80, there was some discussion, with the support of some regional development o f f i c e r s , of starting the to u r i s t camp up again, under individual ownership. The settlement council and trappers association talked about the p o s s i b l i t y of the camp being a good business f o r an indi v i d u a l . A loan could have been arranged. No-one i n the community was s u f i c i e n t l y enthusiastic to take i t on, hov/ever. It was f e l t that the river didn't have f i s h early in the season, so the government plan of a f u l l season operation was unfeasible. People wondered i f there were enough f i s h for t o u r i s t f i s h i n g and the commercial/domestic harvest. No-one had the s k i l l or experience in running such a business, and the technical and managerial support needed i s generally not provided under any of the government programs. Moreover, the same problem of community support would be encountered. People recognized the d i f f i c u l t y of getting others to work as their employees; no-one wanted to undertake the unpleasant business of making decisions and exercising authority over anyone else. And f i n a l l y , although some people said that private entrepreneurs should be encouraged to st a r t businesses as long as they considered the community, too, i t was f e l t that any attempts to develop a business independently would be blocked by obligations to share with, support and tolerate o-ther community members. 191 Sport Hunting The polar bear sports hunting program suffered from the problem created by a c o n f l i c t between d i f f e r e n t uses of a single renewable resource opportunity. People had to chose between the use of tags for t o u r i s t development or hunting them for fur sales: Sports hunting appears more pr o f i t a b l e than hunting solely for fur. Sports hunters are w i l l i n g to pay $4,000 for a guided hunt, whereas polar bear skins draw only about $1,000 in the fur market. But t h i s difference does not appear to be s u f f i c i e n t l y a t t r a c t i v e to offset the value of p o lar bears to I n u i t hunters, who view the k i l l i n g of this animal as a status symbol.20 Another major f a i l i n g of t h i s project was that i t required people to act as servants to white t o u r i s t s , a position they were unwilling to accept. Operating a project at the l e v e l of international big game hunting required, moreover, a f i n a n c i a l and managerial sophistication few community people possess. Economic Development: Do's and Don'ts Pr i n c i p l e s that must be included in economic development projects that "are capable of making d i r e c t and ongoing contributions to northern residents" were outline i n a government proposal for research into Renewable Resource Development. These inc l u d e d : 2 i 1) That the primary purpose of the p r o j e c t i s to support a l i f e - s t y l e (people-oriented) rather than supply an outside market, exploit a resource or generate profits(money-oriented), and that the lang-term objective i s s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and an end to the perpetual dependence on government funds; 192 2) That the type of development be chosen so as to maximize the l o c a l m u l t i p l i e r e f f e c t of income; 3) That the organization of the projects be consistent with the management s k i l l s and a b i l i t i e s of l o c a l people and that these s k i l l s and a b i l i t i e s should be developed along with the enterprise; 4) That the technology employed in the enterprise should be consistent with the technical s k i l l s and a b i l i t i e s of l o c a l people and that i t be s e l e c t e d with a view to the maximization of l o c a l employment, learning and income effects rather than simple productivity. Moreover, the p r o j e c t should be based on or be an easy t r a n s i t i o n from t r a d i t i o n a l s k i l l s ; 5) That there be l o c a l control of the projects with respect to c a p i t a l i z a t i o n , labour and resource u t i l i z a t i o n , and marketing. A l l of these are essential and sensible elements in successful economic development, and a l l of them have had bearing on past projects in Paulatuk. One of the reasons that the government emphasized the development potential of f i s h i n g , both t o u r i s t and char production, and the sport hunting was that these are renewable resource-based projects. Renewable resources are seen as the most l i k e l y way to promote successful community-based economic development. It i s c e r t a i n l y true that renewable resources have greater potential to provide sustained economic opportunity than do the capi t a l - i n t e n s i v e , short-term non-renewable extraction projects undertaken in the north. But the evidence shows c l e a r l y that the renewable resource factor i s not enough and that not a l l renewable resource opportunities can or should be developed. 193 Regional development s t a f f in Inuvik expressed their f r u s t r a t i o n at Paulatuk's unwillingness to take advantage of the community's economic opportunities. Careful consideration must be given, however, to whether these are indeed 'real' opportunities. Many things that appeared to be opportunities did not, in fact, serve community needs. In some cases, these opportunities c o n f l i c t e d with other a c t i v i t i e s that were of greater contribution to the l o c a l economy. Apparent business opportunities sometimes had a low net return of income to the community; only a small part of the sport hunter's fees, for instance, was spent in the community. The program appeared more geared to providing a wilderness experience for the t o u r i s t s than to f i l l i n g economic vacuums in the Paulatuk economy. Economic development must be successful both from a s o c i a l community standpoint and as businesses. We have already suggested that many necessary business management s k i l l s are currently lacking i n Paulatuk. These s k i l l have to be developed in l o c a l people before renewable resource opportunities can be pursued. Many of the government o f f i c i a l s who promote projects are not themselves s k i l l e d in business planning and they often i n i t i a t e enterprises that, given the management problems and distance from markets cannot hope to compete successfully with established white-owned businesses. Unfortunately, f a i l u r e s of such ventures add to the obstacles against future success. 194 Other economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s may not be r e a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s because they s t r a i n community r e l a t i o n s . Development must be s o c i a l l y a p p r o p r i a t e . C e r t a i n forms of e n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p are c o n f l i c t - g e n e r a t i n g . There i s o f t e n o p p o s i t i o n t o any p r o j e c t t h a t w i l l l e a d t o the a c u m u l a t i o n of w e a l t h by i n d i v i d u a l s i n the community. The maintenance of p e r s o n a l independence as p r o d u c e r s i s a l s o c r i t i c a l t o the a c c e p t a b i l i t y and s u c c e s s of economic development v e n t u r e s . Many p r o j e c t s r e q u i r e b e h a v i o u r t h a t c l a s h e s w i t h I n u i t autonomy, d i g n i t y and s e l f - r e s p e c t . P r o j e c t s must be s c h e d u l e d so as not t o c o n f l i c t w i t h o t h e r a c t i v i t i e s t h a t c o n t r i b u t e t h rough s u b s i s t e n c e or c o m m e r c i a l income to the l o c a l economy or t h a t a r e s o u r c e s of p e r s o n a l and s o c i a l s a t i s f a c t i o n s . I n a l m o s t e v e r y case of economic development p r o j e c t s begun i n the community, c r i t i c a l e l e m e n t s were the l a c k of a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s , a n a l y s i s and p l a n n i n g , and management. N e a r l y every one i n v o l v e d c r e a t i n g some c o n f l i c t between the a c t i v i t y and o t h e r s o u r c e s of income. I n many cases p e o p l e l o s t money or t i m e t h a t c o u l d have brought i n d o m e s t i c a l l y consumed f o o d of unknown v a l u e . The l a c k of c a r e f u l a n a l y s i s and p l a n n i n g i n s t a r t i n g t h e s e p r o j e c t s r e s u l t e d i n o v e r l o o k i n g f a c t o r s t h a t s h o u l d have been c o n s i d e r e d . The r e g i o n a l development p e o p l e i n t e r e s t e d i n s t a r t i n g a r e i n d e e r h e r d , f o r i n s t a n c e , o v e r l o o k the f a c t s t h a t community r e s i d e n t s aren't i n t e r e s t e d , t h a t they c u r r e n t l y hunt c a r i b o u 195 i n that area, that no-one l o c a l has the s k i l l s to manage a herd and supervise herding s t a f f , that i n a b i l i t y of indidivuals in the community to enjoy the rewards of additional work remove much of the incentive normally motivating entrepreneurship and that i t took over twenty years and massive government subsidies of advisors, marketing assistance, f i n a n c i a l planning and management, and funds to make a success of the herd i n Tuktoyaktuk. Directions for Economic Development that Works Paulatuk's experiences with economic development have i l l u s t r a t e d a number of the p r i n c i p l e s on which economic development that i s successful in both business and s o c i a l terms can be based as w e l l as some of the p i t f a l l s . Despite the reservation that renewable resources per se may not be appropriate vehicles for community development, such projects do offer the basis for viable economic enhancement in Paulatuk and s i m i l a r communities. By and large these are projects that d i r e c t l y support and contribute to the l i f e s t y l e and values of the community. They are compatible with existing s k i l l s and aspirations, and are either t r a d i t i o n a l or 'easy transitions' from t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . There are several types of economic development programs that contribute d i r e c t l y to supporting ongoing subsistence or commercial resource harvesting, by providing cash income needed. We noted e a r l i e r that wage work i s often sought i n 196 order to be able to keep hunting, and that t h i s often results in a loss of income and production. The funds granted to Paulatuk residents to establish an Outpost Camp about 100 miles south of Paulatuk allowed the recipients to increase their e f f i c i e n c y and productivity in both income-in-kind (country food) and cash income from trapping. The i n i t i a l c a p i t a l i z a t i o n at a l e v e l s u f f i c i e n t for p r o f i t a b l e operations i s conducive to developing s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . It also provided the basis for the reaffirmation of the t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e and escape from alcohol and other stresses encountered in the community. A much larger program that recognizes the economic value of subsistence production and attempts to support i t s continuation i s the Cree Income Security Program established in the James Bay Area of Quebec. The program provides a guaranteed cash income to f u l l t i m e hunters on the basis of the number of days they spend in land-based a c t i v i t i e s and the number of dependents supported. The cash provides the equipment and other aspects of the technological support required for subsistence production, in recognition of the fact that these d i r e c t monetary payments cost less i n the long run than providing welfare and unemployment benefits because of the production they f a c i l i t a t e . The program i s also designed to provide support for specified hunters who produce country food for dependent members of the community, such as the d i s a b l e d , e l d e r l y or widowed, who do not 197 otherwise have access to i t . The project thus contributes to the enhancement of l o c a l economic production and general community wellbeing. Renewable resource projects, however, are not the only forms of economic development that are appropriate. As cases in Paulatuk have shown, renewable resource projects must also contain elements of community control, compatibility with s k i l l s , resources and interests, and with other a c t i v i t i e s , longterm planning and development and general benefits to the community. Co-operatives and Community Development Corporations can be vehicles for achieving these. In reviewing government socio-economic programs for native people i n Saskatchewan, i t was found that "self-help and l o c a l control are considered to be the most important components of economic and s o c i a l development."22 Native communities need a developmental process which i s sensitive to the needs of people and which i s capable of pacing i t s e l f to the progress of the group... The development strategies must encourage and a c t i v e l y involve people in formulating the goals and objectives of economic and s o c i a l i n i t i a t i v e s . . . we looked at the existing programs and services, from a l l l e v e l s of government, for economic and s o c i a l development for Native people. We found that programs have more emphasis on providing services to or for Native people rather than helping people to develop a capacity to provide their on services... The co-operative model with i t s emphasis on local/member control, democratic decision-making, and board/ member/management education and tra i n i n g i s i d e a l l y suited to the stated c r i t e r i a for economic and s o c i a l development... to Native and Indian groups wishing to have greater input and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f f o r their own destinies23 198 Although the experience of Paulatuk's co-operative was not p a r t i c u l a r l y promising, co-operatives have been able to combine community resources and meet c o l l e c t i v e needs. The Co-operative movement in northern Quebec has been very e f f e c t i v e in providing tools for community economic and s o c i a l development. The Community Development Corporation model i s also a s i g n i f i c a n t tool for appropriate s o c i a l and economic development. CDC's are l i k e co-ops in that they combine s o c i a l and economic development, but they are able, as non-profit organizations, to carry on a variety of projects that co-operatives cannot. CDC's "attempt to develop a strong business d i v i s i o n which i s put to the service of s o c i a l goals" : 2 4 the non-profit organization sponsors profit-making ventures that in turn subsidize, support and complement s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l departments. Business projects are intended to be operated e f f i c i e n t l y and to generate revenue, according to standard business techniques. They are not make-work projects. These businesses are linked, however, by the CDC umbrella to provide comprehensive solutions to community needs. Community Development Corporations have been established by many native organizations. They have been very e f f e c t i v e i n Alaska, in turning the proceeds of the Land Claims Settlement to community advantage. The Inuvialuit (COPE), the Inuit T a p i r i s a t and the Dene Nation have a l l established native Development Corporations. 199 One interesting example of a successful native development corporation i s the Nicola Valley Indian Administration in B r i t i s h Columbia which: co-ordinates a multitude of a c t i v i t i e s , a l l of which are ultimately directed at the eventual s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y of the f i v e Nicola Bands and the personal economic development of their membership. The process i s oriented toward long-term benefits rather than short-term p r o f i t s by placing emphasis upon resource management, planning, t r a i n i n g and the creation of opportunities for employment and commercial investment. The Bands have been guided by a simple philosophy that the s o c i a l problems and general well-being of the communities would resolve themselves as a matter of course i f the resources available to the Bands were directed to socio-economic development on a broad base. In pursuing t h i s basic goal, two common themes per s i s t throughout the recent history of the Nicola Valley Indian Administration: i) Local Control of Band A f f a i r s without DIA management or "advisory services" - r e s u l t i n g i n a t r a n s f e r of jobs from DIA employees to band members and the l o c a l Native community generally. i i ) Community-Initiated Economic  Development i n i t s broadest sense - resulting from the co-ordinated use of funds from a l l programs(Education, Welfare, Housing, etc)to a s s i s t with the financing of community-supported projects and a c t i v i t i e s managed by community members to provide the goods, services and accomodation needed by the community at large, and thereby providing employment, vocational training, etc. to members."25 The program of the Nicola Valley Indian Administration sets out some interesting points about community development. One i s the link between s o c i a l , community problems and economic strength; "community development requires an economic dimension." 2g Another i s that the personal economic development of i n d i v i d u a l members i s compatible with the o v e r a l l goals. The NVIA provides various forms of assistance 2 0 0 to privately-owned native businesses. This answers one Inuvialuit concern expressed by a COPE o f f i c i a l that co-operatives and community projects were 'government socialism' not the t r a d i t i o n a l I n u v i a l u i t way. Thirdly, the NVIA program stresses l o c a l control without government "advisory services". The NVIA use whatever sources of government funding are avialbale, but they reject any funding that has strings attached. For instance, " i f they say, we'll give you houses, but you have to use the Indian A f f a i r s architect, we say no thanks." This has meant that many more jobs in community administration are available, and i t means that programs are designed and implemented by the people most concerned according to their own p r i o r i t i e s . F i n a l l y , the NVIA base their projects on the co-ordinated use of funding. One of the major problems with economic development projects has always been the lack of co-ordination and comprehensiveness. This i s commonly in the form of funding for operations without budgeting for t r a i n i n g and technical support, or the provision of training without any avenues to obtain c a p i t a l for businesses that w i l l use the t r a i n i n g . The NVIA have been able to ensure that money i s not spent in one area unless funds are also available to provide whatever support i s needed to get the desired results. The operations of the NVIA include Reserves and Trusts Administration(Registry); Co-ordinated Resource Management; Business Development and Advisory Services; 201 Nicola Valley Construction: N.V. Sand and Gravel; NVIA Developments Ltd(real estate): NVIA Services Assn.(owns o f f i c e building, property for truck-stop cafe and service station development and f i s h i n g access); Valley Business Computer Services (data processing and accounting for Bands and members' businesses); two c a t t l e companies; Nicola Native Lodge Society (intermediate care for seniors); NVIA Development Corporation (venture c a p i t a l ) ; Northwest Native Communications Corp (publishing and broadcasting); Training; Housing Co-ordination; Loan Fund: Youth Programs. A l l of these combine to provide and obtain servies from each other and keep money in the community. Nearly a l l community development projects stress the importance of community control and block-funding: A major point of agreement i s that government should support such corporations on a block-funding basis rather than a programme basis. The former allows the l o c a l group to set p r i o r i t i e s and to be responsible for their own judgements while the l a t t e r transfers more of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the government agency. A l l agree that block-funding allows much more f l e x i b i l i t y . 2 7 There i s also agreement that socio-eonomic development for native communities should be controlled by native people. The fact that by and large, the people currently holding authority for setting p o l i c i e s and designing and implementing programs are not native, not l o c a l and often not northerners at a l l , means that the services and i n s t i t u t i o n s they provide are not always desirable or acceptable to native communities 202 and are not appropriate or compatible with native needs, goals and aspirations. Like the c r i t e r i o n of renewable resource based, th i s fundamental p r i n c i p l e for community-based economic development i s not the answer per se, but i t goes very far in the right d i r e c t i o n s : Native-run bureaucracies are l i k e l y to demonstrate some of the same tendencies as white-run bureaucracies, such as organizational and professional s e l f - i n t e r e s t dominating over the needs of c l i e n t s . But Native organizations are far more l i k e l y than white-run bureaucracies to be responsive to Native constituencies. Natives very positions as leaders in Native organizations depend on support from their ethnic constituency. Moreover, as leaders and members of an oppressed group, they are l i k e l y to be more sensitive and responsive than non-natives to the needs of their people. F i n a l l y , Native-run organizations also have potential for solving some of the very problems that bring Natives into c l i e n t status in the f i r s t place. The problems associated with Natives' status as dispossessed people l i v i n g on the fringes of society can only be ameliorated by increasing Natives' control over some of the resources of the society. Such control has the potential for developing pride and self-confidence and also for furnishing models of success to native youth whose educational, s o c i a l and psychological problems can be traced, in part, to the dearth of Native r o l e models i n t h e i r experience.28 Native control over the delivery of s o c i a l and economic development programs i s an essential part of the Inuvialuit's Land Claim. Their proposal includes the establishment of a Western A r c t i c Regional Municipality with a regional, native-controlled administration d i r e c t i n g p o l i c i e s and programs for Education, Game Management, and Socio-economic Development. 203 The Land Claims Process This thesis has attempted to discuss processes of c o n f l i c t and accomodation between a d i s t i n c t i v e I n u v i a l u i t way of l i f e and the systems of i n d u s t r i a l society in Paulatuk. It has looked at the struggle i n i t s h i s t o r i c a l context and i n the ongoing confrontation between the land-based hunting and trapping l i f e s t y l e and the wage employment/ cash economy. Paulatuk people have fought to maintain their land-based id e n t i t y ; "land i s the c r i t i c a l element of the past and the cornerstone of the future " 2 9 They have t r i e d to adopt the benefits of outside society s e l e c t i v e l y , while retaining important c u l t u r a l elements of the community way of l i f e . Much of the struggle that has been described i s related to the mundane, domestic issues of work routine and d i s c i p l i n e . These issues, however, are deeper than the s p e c i f i c elements of work: Typi c a l l y , Europeans think of time as f i n i t e and substantive. Inuit do not, but are aware that the Europeans do. They are also aware that disregard for the importance of time i s considered by Europeans to be t y p i c a l Eskimo behaviour, and furthermore that too great or too frequent a disregard for time may lead to having one's pay docked or even dismissal. Thus choosing to follow the Inuktitut concept of time can deprive one of certain resources... The underlying issue i s that of power. Individuals who don't follow the rules are denied access to resources. Following the rules i s problematic because the basic transaction i s not about concepts of time per se but rather about autonomy of the Inuit individual and the degree of legitimacy of the white man's rules 3 0 204 The k i n d s o f r e s i s t a n c e t h a t P a u l a t u k p e o p l e put up t o the a u t h o r i t y and the l e g i t i m a c y of w h i t e man's r u l e s , such as t h e i r i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o w a r d wage employment, has earned i t the r e p u t a t i o n of b e i n g d i f f i c u l t t o d e a l w i t h . As one government o f f i c i a l put i t , they took a "hands o f f approach" t o P a u l a t u k . T h i s has meant t h a t u n l e s s a c t i v e l y pursued by t h e p e o p l e , t h e r e i s n o t a l o t o f g o v e r n m e n t i n v o l v e m e n t i n s o c i o - e c o n o m i c development. P a u l a t u k p e o p l e have kept out v a r i o u s a s p e c t s of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and economic development, u n t i l they have been s u f f i c i e n t l y o r g a n i z e d and committed t o o b t a i n and t o manage them on t h e i r own t e r m s . P a u l a t u k a l o n e , however, does not have the s t r e n g t h to w i n t h e powers of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n t h a t a re needed. Government programs o f f e r c o n s u l t a t i o n and c o n c e s s i o n s w i t h o u t a l t e r i n g the e x t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s a t the r o o t s of the problem. R e a l s o l u t i o n s r e q u i r e r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the arrangements t h a t p e r p e t u a t e i n e q u i t a b l e a c c e s s t o r e s o u r c e s and power. P a u l a t u k ' s s t r u g g l e s i n d a i l y l i f e t o p r e s e r v e the community's way of l i f e a r e complemented by t h e more f o r m a l p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z i n g done by COPE i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the l a n d c l a i m s p r o c e s s : As a m i n o r i t y group i n t h i s c o u n t r y , even though a m a j o r i t y i n our own r e g i o n , we have never been a b l e t o depend on t h e word o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t or ot h e r o u t s i d e a g e n c i e s . T h e i r p o l i c i e s change too o f t e n because of f a c t o r s t h a t have n o t h i n g t o do w i t h us. For us, g e t t i n g power t o run our own l i v e s means g e t t i n g economic independence. That i s why our o r g a n i z a t i o n has a l w a y s worked f o r e s t a b l i s h m e n t of n a t i v e r i g h t s and f o r a pro p e r l a n d s e t t l e m e n t . 3 i 205 Two elements are inseparably combined i n the Inuvialuit claim. One i s the demand for native p o l i t i c a l rights. Paulatuk people cannot be guaranteed the survival of their way of l i f e without p o l i t i c a l authority and control of policy and decision-making on issues related to the use and management of that land. The Inuvialuit currently face a multitude of threats to the basis of their l i f e s t y l e from the non-renwable resource developments occuring i n their region. They do not have control over decision-making although these projects p o t e n t i a l l y have great impact on their l i v e s ; COPE's claims demand that control: Is t h i s society to be allowed to develop according to i t s own dynamic or steamrollered by somebody el s e s ? If i t i s to develop according to i t s own dynamic and i f i t s people are to i n f l u e n c e the development of their own society, then they must have a substantial measure of autonomy and control. 3 2 The other point i s that Inuvialuit development must be based on ownership of the land. P o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l autonomy are not of value without guaranteed ownership and ongoing p a r t i c i p a t i o n in a native land-based economy. The maintenance of Inuvialuit community values and their dependency on the land i s part of the Paulatuk peoples' day-to -day resistance and the c o l l e c t i v e struggle of the Inuvialuit land claims: We must have lands so that we w i l l have the means to bridge i n t o the new s o c i e t y . We must be owners and managers. We must be able to p a r t i c i p a t e , to learn by our experience through managing what i s r i g h t f u l l y ours.33 206 Paulatuk; Community Resistance Many of the planes that f l y i n t o Paulatuk during the year bring government employees who spend some time, a few hours or a couple of days at most, "straightening things out" in the community. These outsiders take a look around, ask a few questions, give advice or directions, and go back to Inuvik to develop plans, design programs, set p o l i c i e s and make decisions concerning community a f f a i r s . One day, as we watched a group of economic development o f f i c e r s return to their plane following a meeting, one of the women commented that there was "no need for whites coming in and t e l l i n g us what to do." It was a l l right for whites to come and help do a job for the community, she sa i d , but not to run things and do things in their (the whites') own way: "People don't l i k e being pushed around." According to her, i n Paulatuk whites weren't allowed to control the way things happened in the community. She claimed that the people were strong enough to make the whites do things i n "the settlement's way." This woman expressed the resentment many people f e e l about the presence of white bureaucrats i n the community. Most are resigned to the f a c t that as long as the government controls the delivery of services in the settlement, strangers must be tolerated in order to receive medical attention, education, housing, and other socio-economic programs. Experiences show, however, that, no matter how 207 well intentioned, these outsiders rarely do "straighten things out" to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the community. There i s a high-turnover of personnel, they do not stay long enough, they do not r e a l l y l i s t e n to people. Most government employees have their own agendas and other interests to serve. The programs they administer are half-measures, not going far enough to solve problems or adequately meet needs. People are used to broken promises, and to experts who think they know what's best for Paulatuk better than the people who l i v e there. Just because l o c a l people are used to i t , however, doesn't mean they l i k e i t . The woman's claim that Paulatuk ran i t s own a f f a i r s was, of course, wishful thinking. But i s i s an expression of their aspirations, their v i s i o n for the future and their determination. 208 Notes: Chapter Five 1. Gary Snyder, Turtle Island (New York: New Directions 1974) p.97 2. Diamond Jenness, Eskimo Administration: IV (Montreal: A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of North America 1964) pp.54-56 3. Peter J. Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western Arctic". Evidence presented to the Berger Inquiry on behalf of COPE (Yellowknife 1976) p.12 4. Northern Canada in the Seventies - statement to the Standing Committee on Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Ottawa 1970 quoted in Gurston Dacks, E Choice of Futures: P o l i t i c s i n the Canadian North (Toronto: Methuen 1981) p.29 5. Hugh Brody, Maps and Dreams (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre 1981) p.61 The dreamers refered to are private resource extraction project personel, planning, pipelines and mines and logging, etc. on native land. 6. Ignatius E. La Rusic, "Issues Relating to Employment i n the North" (Ottawa 1976 (unpubl)) p.l 7. i b i d . , p.2 8. interview notes, Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Study. Public Archives, Ottawa 9. LaRusic, "Issues Relating to Employment", p.6 10. i b i d . , p.7 11. i b i d . Although i n some cases (such as a move to a l a r g e settlement, or the destruction of resources, i.e. by mercury, adopting wage labour means the t o t a l cessation of subsistence production and a switch to storebought food ("which to a Cree i s to have the family eat poorly", LaRusic.From Hunter to Proletarian, 1969 p.36), the reliance on subsistence i s often so great that native people make a special e f f o r t to maintain hunting a c t i v i t y as well as holding regular jobs. Fulltime hunters i n Fort George were able, by focusing on small game available near town and by scheduling holidays to coincide with seasonal game-runs, to produce a s i g n i f i c a n t family food supply. Paulatuk workers, too, 209 have t a k e n advantage of r e s o u r c e a v a i l a b i l i t y ( m o r e than i n T uktoyaktuk or I n u v i k ) and r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n from s u p e r v i s i o n of t h e i r t i m e t o keep up h a r v e s t i n g . Many f u l l t i m e employees p a r t i c i p a t e d a l m o s t as f u l l y i n f i s h i n g and h u n t i n g as t h o s e whose p r i m a r y o c c u p a t i o n was l a n d - b a s e d . Some kep t f a m i l i e s of up t o f i f t e e n p e o p l e f e d on c o u n t r y food as weekend, s p a r e t i m e h u n t e r s . 12. Boyce R i c h a r d s o n , S t r a n g e r s Devour the Land (Toronto: M a c M i l l a n 1975) p.260 13. D.L. Guemple, "The Eskimo & I n t e r m e d i a t e A d a p t a t i o n i n the Canadian A r c t i c " i n (ed.) M.M.R. Freeman I n t e r m e d i a t e A d a p t a t i o n i n Newfoundland & the A r c t i c , I n s t i t u t e o f S o c i a l and Economic Research, St. John's: M e m o r i a l U n i v e r s i t y of Newfoundland 1969 14. CM. D r u r y , C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Development i n t h e N o r t h w e s t  T e r r i t o r i e s : r e p o r t of the S p e c i a l R e p r e s e n t a t i v e (Ottawa:Supply & S e r v i c e s 1981) p.34,37 15. i b i d . , p.36 16. For i n s t a n c e , i t took over f o u r y e a r s t o c o m p l e t e a p r o j e c t t o b u i l d a much-needed community c e n t r e i n P a u l a t u k . A p r o j e c t t o b u i l d a s i m p l e c e n t r e was underway when the then-Commisioner p r o m i s e d a l a r g e r f a c i l i t y w i t h space f o r o f f i c e s , e t c . P l a n n i n g f o r t h i s p r o j e c t was begun w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e i n p u t from community r e s i d e n t s i n t h e ' p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s ' , but f u n d i n g was not made a v a i l a b l e f o r the more e l a b o r a t e d e s i g n . A f t e r s e v e r a l y e a r s , i n c l u d i n g an e f f o r t by a s y m p a t h e t i c o f f i c i a l t o d i v e r t funds from another program, the c e n t r e was c o m p l e t e d under a s i m p l i f i e d p l a n much the l i k e o r i g i n a l p r o p o s a l . 17. See Diamond Jenness, "The economic s i t u t a t i o n of the Eskimo" i n Eskimo of t h e Canadian A r c t i c , (eds.) V . F . V a l e n t i n e & F.G. V a l l e e , T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d & S t e w a r t 1968) p.127-248 18. B. F r i e s e n & J . N e l s o n , "An o v e r v i e w of the economic p o t e n t i a l of w i l d l i f e and f i s h r e s o u r c e s i n the Canadian A r c t i c " i n N o r t h e r n T r a n s i t i o n s , (eds.) R.F. K e i t h & J.B. W r i g h t (Ottawa:Canadian A r c t i c Resources Committee 1978) p.166 19. " S o c i a l R e s e a r c h i n Support of Renewable Resource Development i n the North", r e s e a r c h p r o p o s a l , N o r t h e r n S o c i a l R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development, 1978) 210 20. I g n a t i u s E.LaRusic, "The Income S e c u r i t y Program f o r Cree Hunters and Tra p p e r s " , P o l i c y , P l a n n i n g and E v a l u a t i o n Branch, (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development, Ottawa 1978) 21. N a t i v e C o - o p e r a t i v e Development. P o l i c y , P l a n n i n g and Program C o - o r d i n a t i o n Branch, Department of C o - o p e r a t i o n and C o - o p e r a t i v e Development, Government of Saskatchewan, f o r the C o - o p e r a t i v e F u t u r e D i r e c t i o n s Congress, (Ottawa June 1982) p . l 22. i b i d . , p.1-2 23. George MacLeod, "Community Development C o r p o r a t i o n s " p i 83-186. 24. N i c o l a V a l l e y I n d i a n A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , "Socio-eonomic Development", 1983 ( u n p u b l ) , p . l 25. MacLeod, "Community Development C o r p o r a t i o n s " , p . l 8 7 26. i b i d . 27. Dorothy J o n e s , The Urban N a t i v e E n c o u n t e r s the S o c i a l  S e r v i c e System, I n s t i t u t e o f S o c i a l , Economic and Government R e s e a r c h ( F a i r b a n k s : U n i v e r s i t y of A l a s k a 1974) p.63 28. COPE, " I n u v i a l u i t Land C l a i m s " , i n f o r m a t i o n sheet ( I n u v i k 1979) 29. Ann M c E l r o y , A l t e r n a t i v e s i n M o d e r n i z a t i o n : S t y l e s and  S t r a t e g i e s i n the A c c u l t u r a t i v e B e h a v i o u r o f B a f f i n  I s l a n d I n u i t (New Haven: Human A r e a R e l a t i o n s F i l e s , HRAFLexBooks 1977) p.10 30. Sam R a d d i , COPE news r e l e a s e ( I n u v i k , August 1973) 31. P e t e r J . Usher, " E v a l u a t i n g Change, the case of the Mackenzie V a l l e y P i p e l i n e " , Symposium on E v a l u a t i n g  Change. Committee on the Human Environment, S o c i a l S c i e n c e R e s e a r c h C o u n c i l (Edmonton June 1975) p.13 32. COPE, " I n u v i a l u i t Land C l a i m s " 33. E. Ruben, i n U l l i S t e l t z e r , I n u i t . The N o r t h i n  T r a n s i t i o n . (Vancouver: Douglas & M c l n t y r e 1982) p.48 211 Appendix J Population of Inuit Communities Inuit Indian Other Community Population °± 1 3L Inuvik 2 ,938 17. 4 6 .7 76 • Frobisher Bay 2 ,693 58 .4 0 .0 41 .6 Baker Lake 1 ,007 86 .4 1 .1 12 .5 Rankin Inlet 97 8 72 .3 0 .0 27 .7 Eskimo Point 960 93 .9 0 .0 6 .1 Pangnirtung 87 8 89 .9 0 .0 10 .1 Cambridge Bay 853 76 .8 1 .0 22 .2 Coppermine 803 91 .7 0 .0 8 .3 Aklavik 763 45 .3 43 .6 11 .1 Tuktoyaktuk 760 86 .4 2 .2 11 .4 Igloolik 753 95 .0 0 .0 5 .0 Cape Dorset 6 93 93 .8 0 .0 6 .2 Pond Inlet 649 91 .8 0 .0 8 .2 Gjoa Haven 464 92 .9 0 .0 7 .0 Spence Bay 454 93 .0 0 .0 7 .0 Coral Harbour 414 86 .7 0 .0 13 .3 Clyde River 411 92 .9 0 .0 7 .1 A r c t i c Bay 403 95 .0 0 .0 5 .0 Hall Beach 396 95 .7 0 .0 4 .3 Broughton Island 329 95 .1 0 .0 4 .9 Holman Island 328 88 .4 0 .0 11 .6 Sanikiluaq 326 96 .9 0 .0 3 .1 Lake Harbour 301 92 .7 0 .0 7 .3 Repulse 295 91 .5 0 .0 8 .5 Chesterfield Inlet 291 90 .7 0 .0 9 .3 Pelly Bay 287 93 .0 0 .0 7 .0 Whale Cove 201 92 .0 0 .0 8 .0 Sachs Harbour 177 85 .9 2 .3 11 .8 Resolute 167 89 .2 0 .0 10 .8 Paulatuk 163 100 .0 0 .0 0 .0 Grise Fiord 99 91 .9 0 .0 8 .1 Source: CM. Drury, Constitutional Development i n the  Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s : Report of the Special Representative. (Ottawa: Supply & Services 1979) Appendix H 212 A p p e n d i x I I  P o p u l a t i o n G r o w t h R a t e s P o p u l a t i o n I n c r e a s e ( % ) C o m m u n i t y 1 9 7 0 1974 1978 1 9 7 0 - 7 4 1974-78 I n u v i k 2 , 7 0 0 4 , 1 5 0 3 , 0 6 5 53 .7 - 2 6 .1 F r o b i s h e r B a y 1 ,6 80 2 , 3 6 0 2 , 6 2 6 40 . 5 11 . 2 B a k e r L a k e 710 860 1 , 0 2 1 22 .1 18 .7 C a m b r i d g e B a y 670 809 859 20 .7 6 . 2 A k l a v i k 650 761 797 17 . 0 4 .7 P a n g n i r t u n g 640 906 872 41 .6 - 3 . 8 T u k t o y a k t u k 610 5 85 746 - 4 .1 27 . 5 C a p e D o r s e t 6 0 0 690 684 15 . 0 - . 8 7 E s k i m o P o i n t 570 681 891 19 . 5 30 . 0 C o p p e r m i n e 550 727 801 32 . 2 10 . 2 R a n k i n I n l e t 525 645 987 22 . 9 53 . 0 I g l o o l i k 500 611 737 22 . 2 20 .6 P o n d I n l e t 415 550 620 32 . 5 12 .7 B r o u g h t o n I s l a n d 330 390 3 4 8 18 . 2 - 1 0 . 8 C o r a l H a r b o u r 330 404 4 23 22 .4 4 .7 H a l l B e a c h 300 315 349 5 . 0 10 . 8 C l y d e R i v e r 290 357 412 23 .1 15 . 4 A r c t i c B a y 250 311 414 25 .4 33 .1 G j o a H a v e n 250 370 454 48 . 0 22 .7 S p e n c e B a y 250 406 464 62 .4 14 . 3 C h e s t e r f i e l d 230 94 256 27 . 8 - 1 2 . 9 H o l m a n I s l a n d 220 241 306 9 . 5 26 . 9 W h a l e C o v e 190 243 182 27 . 9 - 2 5 .1 L a k e H a r b o u r 180 260 2 6 8 44 .4 3 .1 R e s o l u t e 175 121 181 - 3 0 . 9 49 .6 P o r t B u r w e l l 1 6 0 209 320 30 .6 53 .1 P e l l y B a y 150 245 258 63 . 3 5 . 3 S a c h s H a r b o u r 130 142 173 10 . 0 20 . 9 G r i s e F i o r d 100 100 95 0 . 0 - . 5 P a u l a t u k 6_1 112 160 83 . 6 42 , 9 B a t h u r s t I n l e t 50 56 28 1 2 . 0 - 5 0 i.O S o u r c e s : N . W . T . G o v e r n m e n t S u r v e y 1 9 7 0 N . W . T . C o m m u n i t y D a t a Book 1974 " L o c a l G o v e r n m e n t i n t h e N . W . T . " , O f f i c e o f t h e S p e c i a l R e p r e s e n t a t i v e , ( O t t a w a : D e p a r t m e n t o f I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t e h r n D e v e l o p m e n t 1 9 7 8 ) 213 Appendix I I I C a l c u l a t i n g Imputed V a l u e E d i b l e Weight o f game s p e c i e s S p e c i e s E d i b l e Weight (pounds) C a r i b o u Musk ox Brown Bear Geese Ducks Ptarmigan Ringed S e a l meat b l u b b e r Bearded S e a l 100 300 250 3.5 2.5 0.9 30 8 312. S o u r c e s : CM. Lu, E s t i m a t i o n o f Net Imputed V a l u e of E d i b l e  S u b s i s t e n c e P r o d u c t i o n i n t h e N.W.T (Ottawa: Department I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Developmeht 1974) (These v a l u e s a re based on d a t a i n The B a n k s l a n d e r s . Pet J . Usher) T.R. B e r g e r , R e p o r t o f the Mackenzie V a l l e y P i p e l i n e . v o l . 2 , (Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1976), p.25 214 P r o t e i n & F a t Content of W i l d Se Domestic Meats (grams per 100 grams : of e d i b l e p o r t i o n , uncooked, wet) Item P r o t e i n F a t Item P r o t e i n F a t B e e f s t e a k 16 25 C a r i b o u 26 . 1.4 Hamburger 16 28 Moose 25 1.1 Pork 12 45 Whale 27 0.8 Lamb 16 28 Ptar m i g a n 27 1.8 C h i c k e n 20 13 Snow Goose 24 6.1 Wieners 14 21 W h i t e f i s h 24 3.9 T r o u t 23 2.1 Source: P.J. Usher, "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western A r c t i c " . E v i d e n c e p r e s e n t e d t o the B e r g e r I n q u i r y on b e h a l f o f COPE, ( Y e l l o w k n i f e 1976), T a b l e 6 Replacement C o s t s f o r Cou n t r y Food Item S u b s t i t u t e P r o t e i n Imputed P r i c e / Pound 1979 1975 B i g Game beef 1.6 6.00 4.00 ( C a r i b o u , muskox) Marine Mammals(seal) pork 1.8 6.00 4.50 B i r d s c h i c k e n 1.3 4.00 1.95 F i s h f i s h 1.0 2.00 2.00 215 APPENDIX IV L e g e n d • o o o o <J o o o » ° O o ° ° o O ~ o a o B o o seal fish whale walrus polar bear wildfowl caribou moose musk ox grizzly bear •I'I'I'I-0,0 ° o 00; mm wolverine fox, red lynx marten beaver muskrat Arctic hare ground squirrel sheep traplines (almost exclusively fox) fox trapping areas on trapping maps 216 B i b l i o g r a p h y Abrahamson, Gunther, Tuktoyaktuk-Cape P a r r y a r e a economic  s u r v e y 1962 Ottawa: Department of N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s & N a t u r a l Resources 1963 A l q u i l i n a , A., Y e s t e r d a y and Beyond N o r t h Vancouver: Hancock House 1981 A l l e n , A.J., A Whaler and Trader i n the A r c t i c 1895-1944: My  L i f e w i t h the Bowhead Anchorage: A l a s k a N o r t h w e s t 1978 B a l i c k i , Asen, "Two A t t e m p t s a t Community O r g a n i z a t i o n among the e a s t e r n Hudson Bay Eskimo" i n Eskimo o f t h e Canadian  A r c t i c , (eds.) 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The Eskimo's J o u r n e y i n t o  Our Time New York: Doubleday 1966 ( r e i s s u e d as I n u i t  J o u r n e y Vancouver: D o u l g a s - M c l n t y r e 1979 I n u v i a l u i t Land R i g h t s S e t t l e m e n t : A g r e e m e n t - i n - P r i n c i p l e between the Commitee f o r O r i g i n a l P e o p l e s E n t i t l e m e n t and the Government of Canada, October 31,1978 Jenness, Diamond, Eskimo A d m i n i s t r a t i o n : IV M o n t r e a l : A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of N o r t h A m e r i c a 1968 Eskimo A d m i n i s t r a t i o n : I I M o n t r e a l : A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of N o r t h A m e r i c a 1964 "The Economic S i t u a t i o n of t h e Eskimo" i n Eskimo of t h e C a n a d i a n A r c t i c , (eds.) V.F. V a l e n t i n e & F.G. 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W r i g h t ( e d s . ) , N o r t h e r n T r a n s i t i o n s v o l . 2 , Second N a t i o n a l Workshop on P e o p l e , Resources and the Environment N o r t h of 60, Ottawa: Canadian A r c t i c R esources Committee 1978 Kemp, W.B., "The f l o w of energy i n a H u n t i n g S o c i e t y " S c i e n t i f i c A m e r i c a n (September 1971) p.105-112 222 "The h a r v e s t p o t e n t i a l of I n u i t camps", Ottav/a: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development (unpubl) K o s t e r , D i t t e , F r o b i s h e r Bay: A m b i g u i t y and G o s s i p i n a C o l o n i a l S i t u a t i o n St. John's: M e m o r i a l U n i v e r s i t y of Newfoundland 1972 L a c l a u , E., " F e u d a l i s m and c a p i t a l i s m i n L a t i n A m e r i c a " New. L e f t Review 67, 1971, pp.19-3 8 Land Use I n f o r m a t i o n S e r i e s . A r c t i c Land Use R e s e a r c h Program, N o r t h e r n N a t u r a l Resources & Environment Branch, Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development/ Land E v a l u a t i o n Mapping'Branch, Land D i r e c t o r a t e , Department of F i s h e r i e s & t h e Environment 1977 Map s h e e t s : 97C, 97D, 97F L a R u s i c , I g n a t i u s E., From Hunter t o P r o l e t a r i a n . The Involvement of Cree I n d i a n s i n the w h i t e wage economy of  C e n t r a l Quebec. M o n t r e a l : M c G i l l Cree P r o j e c t 1968. 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The N o r t h i n T r a n s i t i o n Vancouver: Douglas & M c l n t y r e 1982 Stevenson, D., Problems of Eskimo R e l o c a t i o n f o r I n d u s t r i a l  Employment N o r t h e r n S c i e n c e R e s e a r c h Group, Ottawa: Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s & N o r t h e r n Development 1968 227 Terkel, L., Working. People talk about what they do a l l day  and how they f e e l about what they do, New York: Pantheon Books 1972 Thomas, D.K. & CT. Thompson, Eskimo Housing as Planned  Culture Change. Social Science Notes 4, Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s & Northern Development 1972 Thompson, E.P., Poverty of Theory and other Essays London: Monthly Review Books 197 8 "Eighteenth-century English Society: Class struggle without Class" Social History 3 (May 197 8) The Making of the English Working Class Harmondswork: Penguin Books 1968 "Time, Work D i s c i p l i n e and Industrial Capitalism" Past and P r e s e n t #58 December 1967 ,pp.56-97 William Morris: romantic to revolutionary London: Lawrence & Wishart 1955 Usher, Peter J., "Renewable Resource Development in Northern Canada" i n North T r a n s i t i o n , (eds.) R.F. Ke i t h & J.B. Wright, Ottawa: Canadian A r c t i c Resources Committee 1980, pp.154-162 Status Report f o r F i s h and Game Harvest Data i n the Yukon Northern Pipelines Branch, Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s & Northern Development 1979 "Inuit Land Use i n the Western Canadian A r c t i c " i n Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Study (ed.) PI.M.R.Freeman, Ottav/a: Department of Indian A f f a i r s & Northern Development 1976, vol.1 pp. "The T r a d i t i o n a l Economy of the Western Arctic". Evidence presented to the Berger Inquiry on behalf of COPE, Yellowknife, June 1976 "The class system, metropolitan dominance and northern development in Canada" Antipode 8(3) 1976,pp.28-32 H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s Approximating Fur. Fish and Game Harvests within Inuit Lands of the NWT and the Yukon  1915-1974, with text Renewable Resources Project, Ottawa: Inuit T a p i r i s a t of Canada 1975 228 " E v a l u a t i n g Change: The Case of the MacKenzie V a l l e y Gas P i p e l i n e " i n Symposium on E v a l u a t i n g Change. 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