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Missionary analogues : the descriptive analysis of a development aid program in Fiji Peck, Pamela J. 1982

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MISSIONARY ANALOGUES: THE DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF A DEVELOPMENT AID PROGRAM IN F I J I by PAMELA J . PECK B.A., Mount A l l i s o n U n i v e r s i t y , 1965 B.S.W., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1966 M.S.W., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the re q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1982 © Pamela J . Peck, 1982 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of Anthropology & S o c i o l o g y The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date September 2 0 , 1982 DE-6 (3/81) - i i -ABSTRACT The t h e s i s provides a d e s c r i p t i v e a n a l y s i s of a development ai d program i n F i j i . There are two dimensions to the i n q u i r y . F i r s t , the r u r a l development scheme i s acknowledged to be about F i j i a n s , about what they take to be t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e and about t h e i r response to a program of planned s o c i a l change. At the same time, the a i d program i s set w i t h i n the framework of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y agency. Hence, the study i s a l s o about Europeans and t h e i r c u l t u r e and about t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a program of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l development a i d . Moreover, the problem i s viewed i n h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e and from that vantage p o i n t the cur r e n t phase of i n t e r n a t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y development i s seen as a s e c u l a r i z e d v e r s i o n of the m i s s i o n i -z a t i o n of F i j i more than a century ago. The t h e s i s t r a c e s the p a r a l l e l i s m between C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n and world development as a c e n t r a l theme. The t h e s i s c o n s i s t s of three major P a r t s : the Phenomenology of T r a d i t i o n , the Phenomenology of Development and the Phenomenology of Change. Within each of these c a t e g o r i e s , the a n a l y s i s progresses from a d i s c u s s i o n of the epiphenomena to the phenomena to phenomenology. These three Parts of the t h e s i s are preceded by two chapters i n Part I which provide a d e s c r i p t i o n of the problem and the method and of the people and the s e t t i n g and are concluded by a s i n g l e chapter i n Part V which summarizes the argument and c o n c l u s i o n s . - i i i -In Part I I of the study, I explore the F i j i a n rendering of na i tovo v a k a v i t i ("the F i j i a n way of l i f e " ) as a framework w i t h i n which t o examine the m i s s i o n a r y input on the one hand and the i n t e r n a t i o n a l development program on the other. Through an a n a l y s i s of a c t i v i t i e s and ideas r e l a t i n g to one's duty to k i n , one's duty to c h i e f and one's duty to God, I determine t h a t there are two sets of i n t e r r e l a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s e x i s t i n g w i t h i n the c u r r e n t i tovo v a k a v i t i . I argue that one set of i n s t i t u t i o n s r e f e r s to a pre-contact F i j i a n c u l t u r e while the second set belongs to a post-contact F i j i . When these l a t t e r s t r u c t u r e s are placed i n h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , they are seen to r e f e r to the m i s s i o n i z a t i o n of F i j i and i t s c o l o n i z a t i o n by the c u l t u r e which the m i s s i o n a r i e s represented. Taking the a n a l y s i s to a f u r t h e r l e v e l of a b s t r a c t i o n , i t i s argued t h a t the model of the moral man p r e d i c a t e d on the m i ssionary goal i s i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h that of the pre-contact i tovo v a k a v i t i . In the areas of economy, p o l i t y and r e l i g i o n , the m i ssionary emerges as a transformer of the t r a d i t i o n a l F i j i a n c u l t u r e . Part I I I of the study i s concerned with a d e s c r i p t i v e a n a l y s i s of the r u r a l development scheme. A f t e r examining i t s major program o b j e c t i v e s of encouraging commercial a g r i c u l t u r e , the development of l e a d e r s h i p p o t e n t i a l , and "enhancing the q u a l i t y of l i f e " , I proceed to an a n a l y s i s of the u n d e r l y i n g s t r u c t u r e s . And t h a t i n v e s t i g a t i o n , t a k i n g an h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , once again lends i t s e l f to an i n q u i r y i n t o two sets of i n t e r r e l a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s . The f i r s t set p e r t a i n s to C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n while the l a t t e r r e f e r s to world development. While - i v -the former i s seen as precursor to the l a t t e r , both sets are shown to share common s t r u c t u r a l f e a t u r e s , namely, u n r e s t r i c t e d exchange, p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n d i v i d u a l i t y . Continuing the a n a l y s i s at a t h i r d l e v e l of a b s t r a c t i o n , I provide a model o f the moral man c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the m i s s i o n i z a t i o n and development go a l . L i k e his m i s s i o n a r y predecessor, then, the European development agent emerges as a transformer of the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e . In Part IV of the study, the emphasis i s on the implementation of the YMCA r u r a l work program as a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the i n t e r n a t i o n a l ' . f development agency and the r e c i p i e n t community through the r u r a l worker as n a t i v e agent. I n v e s t i g a t i o n of two community development schemes w i t h i n the program re v e a l s t h a t what at f i r s t glance appear to be d i s s i m i l a r approaches a r e , at the same time, a response to the same un d e r l y i n g phenomena. Both the r u r a l worker who appears to be i n agreement with the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e and the one who appears to be i n o p p o s i t i o n to i t a r e , i n f a c t , s i m i l a r l y c a l l e d upon to stand beyond c u l t u r e and to change i t . The n a t i v e agent, l i k e the missionary and the development agent, emerges as a transformer of c u l t u r e . Hence, i n the areas of economy, p o l i t y and r e l i g i o n , the development a i d program i s seen as analogous t o the m i s s i o n i z a t i o n of F i j i . - V -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS v LIST OF TABLES x LIST OF FIGURES x i i A NOTE ON ORTHOGRAPHY xi i i GLOSSARY OF FIJIAN TERMS . .' x i v A NOTE ON FIJIAN TRANSLATIONS . . . x v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS '. . . x i x PART I. INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter 1. The Problem and the Method 3 Chapter 2. The People and the S e t t i n g 23 PART I I . THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF TRADITION . . 52 Chapter 3. T r a d i t i o n as Epiphenomenon 54 Chapter 4. T r a d i t i o n as Phenomenon 102 Chapter 5. T r a d i t i o n as Phenomenology 158 PART I I I . THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENT 179 Chapter 6. Development as Epiphenomenon 181 Chapter 7. Development as Phenomenon 214 Chapter 8. Development as Phenomenology 260 PART IV. THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF CHANGE 274 Chapter 9. Change as Epiphenomenon 276 Chapter 10. Change as Phenomenon 316 Chapter 11. Change as Phenomenology 360 - v i -PART V. CONCLUSION 370 Chapter 12. Mi s s i o n a r y Analogues 372 BIBLIOGRAPHY 376 APPENDICES 383 1 YMCA Rural Work Budget, 1979 384 2 CIDA F i n a n c i a l Statement, F i j i Development Program: 1978-82 386 3 A Note About Fieldwork • • • • 387 - v i i -TABLE OF CONTENTS (Expanded) PART I. INTRODUCTION Chapter 1. The Problem and the Method The Problem. The Argument. T r a d i t i o n , Development and Change Defined. A T h e o r e t i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e . Epiphenomenon, Phenomenon and Phenomenology Defined. The Methodology. O u t l i n e of the Study. Chapter 2. The People and the S e t t i n g I n t r o d u c t i o n . H i s t o r i c a l Background of the Development Aid Program. Scope of the Program w i t h i n F i j i . D e s c r i p t i o n of Two Rural Areas w i t h i n F i j i . The YMCA Rural Worker as Native Agent. PART I I . THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF TRADITION Chapter 3. T r a d i t i o n as Epiphenomenon I n t r o d u c t i o n . One's Duty to Kin: Yam Gardening and Kerekere; Rep a i r i n g the Bure; P r o v i s i o n f o r Educating the Young; A Summary Statement. One's Duty to Chief: The Chie f ' s Yam Garden; House-building on the School Compound; A Summary Statement. One's Duty to God: Na Lotu Wesele; The Kalou; A Summary Statement. T r a d i t i o n as-Epiphenomenon: A Concluding Statement. Chapter 4. T r a d i t i o n as Phenomenon I n t r o d u c t i o n . Yavusa ( F e d e r a t i o n ) ; U n i t of Kinship O r g a n i z a t i o n . Vanua (Confederation): U n i t of T e r r i t o r i a l A s s o c i a t i o n . Kalou (God): D e i f i e d P a t r i a r c h a l Ancestor. Lotu ( C h r i s t i a n i t y ) : From External God-Figure to I n t e r n a l C h r i s t - F i g u r e . Matanitu (Government): From P a t r i a r c h a l A u t h o r i t y to P a r t i c i p a t o r y Democracy. Koro ( V i l l a g e ) : From L o c a l i t y to U n i t of Local O r g a n i z a t i o n . T r a d i t i o n as Phenomenon: A Concluding Statement. - v i i i -Chapter 5. T r a d i t i o n as Phenomenology I n t r o d u c t i o n . Phenomenology of the S o c i a l World: Economic Man; P o l i t i c a l Man. Phenomenology of the S e l f : R e l i g i o u s Man; I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d P e r s o n a l i t y . T r a d i t i o n as Phenomenology: A Concluding Statement. PART I I I . THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENT Chapter 6. Development as Epiphenomenon I n t r o d u c t i o n . The Development of Commercial A g r i c u l t u r e . The Development of Leadership P o t e n t i a l . Enhancing the Q u a l i t y of L i f e . The Rural Worker as Agent and R e c i p i e n t . Development as Epiphenomenon: A Concluding Statement. Chapter 7. Development as Phenomenon I n t r o d u c t i o n . U n r e s t r i c t e d Exchange: C h r i s t i a n C h a r i t y ; Foreign A i d . P a r t i c i p a t o r y Democracy: The C h r i s t i a n M i s s i o n ; The Development Agency. I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d I n d i v i d u a l i t y : The C h r i s t i a n Goal of Conversion; The Development Goal of I n d i v i d u a t i o n . Development as Phenomenon: A Concluding Statement. Chapter 8. Development as Phenomenology I n t r o d u c t i o n . Phenomenology of the S o c i a l World: Economic Man; P o l i t i c a l Man. Phenomenology of the S e l f : R e l i g i o u s Man; I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d I n d i v i d u a l i t y . Development as Phenomenology: A Concluding Statement. PART IV. THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF CHANGE Chapter 9. Change as Epiphenomenon I n t r o d u c t i o n . The Development of Commercial A g r i c u l t u r e : Reinvestment through V e i l a l a v i i n Gau; Reinvestment through G a l a l a i n Ra. The Development of Leadership P o t e n t i a l : Status Quo w i t h i n P a r t i c i p a t o r y Democracy i n Gau; "Unstatusing the Quo" through P a r t i c i p a t o r y Democracy i n Ra. Enhancing the Q u a l i t y of L i f e : I n d i v i d u a l i t y through Worship i n Gau; De-s a c r a l i z i n g the Church i n Ra. Change as Epiphenomenon: A Concluding Statement. - i x -Chapter 10. Chapter 11. PART V. CONCLUSION Chapter 12. Change as Phenomenon I n t r o d u c t i o n . Yavusa versus Koro: R e i n s t a t i n g Kinship i n Gau; Re-defining V i l l a g e i n Ra. Vanua versus Matanitu: R e i n s t a t i n g C h i e f t a i n s h i p i n Gau; Re-defining Leadership i n Ra. Kalou versus Lotu: R e i n s t a t i n g God i n Gau; Re-defining Church i n Ra. Change as Phenomenon: A Concluding Statement. Change as Phenomenology I n t r o d u c t i o n . Phenomenology of the S o c i a l World: Economic Man; P o l i t i c a l Man. Phenomenology of the S e l f : R e l i g i o u s Man; S e l f w i t h i n a Theology of Development. Change as Phenomenology: A Concluding Statement. M i s s i o n a r y Analogues The Problem Re-stated. Mi s s i o n a r y Analogues. Epilogue. - X -LIST OF TABLES Table Page I YMCA of F i j i , Rural Work Budget: 1974 25 II Rural Work Program S t a t i s t i c s , 1979 28 I I I Population of Gau I s l a n d 33 IV Population of Lovu V i l l a g e by Age, Sex and Mataqal i 36 V Population of Ra V i l l a g e s : T o t a l , F i j i a n , Sex and Household D i v i s i o n s 41 VI Population of F i j i by Race: 1966 and 1976 Comparison . . . 41 VII Number of G a l a l a from Three Ra V i l l a g e s , 1979 41 V I I I P o p u l a t i o n , Land Use and Sources of Income by Mataqal i , Mataso 44 IX Secondary School Fees Raised i n a Gau V i l l a g e , 1979 71 X Copra Sales by Month f o r 1979 i n a Gau V i l l a g e 71 XI Annual Income from A l l Sources f o r 14 Households i n a Gau V i l l a g e , 1979 72 XII Monthly Budget f o r One Gau Household,. 1979. . . . 74 X I I I T r a d i t i o n a l S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e of Lovu V i l l a g e . . . 112 XIV Vanua Leadership o f the People of Lovu V i l l a g e . 118 XV Land Tenure i n Lovu V i l l a g e 147 XVI Indigenous and Emergent I n s t i t u t i o n s of Na i Tovo V a k a v i t i 151 XVII I n s t i t u t i o n s o f C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n and World Development 215 - x i -XVIII Lovu Methodist Church: Finances, 1979 219 XIX Contributed Income through Choir Competition: Methodist Church of F i j i 16th Annual Conference 220 XX. Proposed Sources f o r Operating Expenses: YMCA of F i j i .225 XXI Ten Year Revenue Replacement Plan: YMCA of F i j i 226 XXII Methodist Church and YMCA Expenditure Categories 227 XXIII Annual Bazaar C o n t r i b u t i o n s : YMCA of F i j i , 1981 228 XXIV Roles and Functions w i t h i n the Methodist Church o f F i j i .230 XXV YMCA of Gau A g r i c u l t u r e Committee Targets f o r Root Crops, 1977-1979 . . . . . . . . . 280 XXVI Comparison i n S i z e of YMCA Club Garden and I n d i v i d u a l Member Garden f o r a Five Year Period .281 - x i i -LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 2-1 Map of F i j i 30 2-2 Map of Gau Is l a n d . . . . 32 2-3 T r a d i t i o n a l and Mod i f i e d F i j i a n Bure on Gau Is l a n d 35 2-4 Map of Vi t i Levu 40 2- 5 P r i n c i p a l Figures i n the YMCA Rural Work Program 47 3- 1 R e p a i r i n g the Bure 68 6- 1 The Cycle of Learning 200 7- 1 O r g a n i z a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e of the Gau Isl a n d Church C i r c u i t 231 7-2 Or g a n i z a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e of the YMCA of F i j i , 1971 . . 235 7-3 Organization o f a YMCA V i l l a g e Club: Suggested S t r u c t u r e 236 7-4 Or g a n i z a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e of the YMCA Of Lovu 237 9-1 Layout of the Farm of G a l a l a Marika 285 9-2 The Solevu 295 9-3 The New Church B u i l d i n g 308 10-1 Program of Evangelism i n a Gau V i l l a g e 345 - x i i i -A NOTE ON ORTHOGRAPHY For n a t i v e terms the standard F i j i a n orthography i s used. Thus, b i s pronounced l i k e rmb i n timber £ i s pronounced 1 i k e th_ i n though d i s pronounced l i k e nd_ i n handy £ i s pronounced l i k e n£ i n s i n g e r 1 i s pronounced l i k e ng i n f i n g e r For example: Cakobau i s pronounced Thakombau  mataqali i s pronounced matangali In quoted t e x t s where F i j i a n terms were t r a n s c r i b e d by the author to correspond w i t h E n g l i s h p r o n u n c i a t i o n , I have reverted to F i j i a n orthography f o r c l a r i t y and c o n s i s t e n c y . - x i v -GLOSSARY OF FIJIAN TERMS b a t i h i s t o r i c a l l y , the subject of a matanitu and e s p e c i a l l y a w a r r i o r bete the p r i e s t of a god b u l i the n a t i v e o f f i c e r i n charge of a d i s t r i c t bure t r a d i t i o n a l F i j i a n t h a t ch house bure-kalou temple ( a l s o bure ni kalou) c o l a c o l a a burden c a r r i e d on the shoulder g a l a l a independent farmer ibe a mat, woven from the leaves of the pandanus p l a n t kai person of kakase g o s s i p , b a c k - b i t i n g , slander kalou god, "ghost" Kalou god of C h r i s t i a n i t y ( a l s o Na Kalou) kalou-vu root-god, r e f e r r i n g to a d e i f i e d ancestor kamunaga r i c h e s , p r o p e r t y , u s u a l l y a t e c h n i c a l word used i n formal exchange ceremonies k a t i l o t t e r y kerekere a system of g a i n i n g things by begging f o r them from a member of one's own group koro ' v i l l a g e kumuniyau wealth g a t h e r i n g 1ala the order of a c h i e f r e q u i r i n g work to be done leqa problem, t r o u b l e lewa r u l e , command, a u t h o r i t y , judgement - XV -l o l o m a l o t u m a g i t i m a t a n i t u m a t a n i v a n u a m a t a q a l i masumasu q a s e q e l e r a t u r o k o s a u s a u r a r a s a u t u s e v u s e v u s o l e v u s o l i s u l u t a b u a t a l a t a l a l o v e , p i t y , m e r c y , g r a c e t h e c h u r c h , C h r i s t i a n i t y , t o be a C h r i s t i a n a f e a s t o r b a n q u e t p r e s e n t e d t o o t h e r s a p o l i t i c a l f e d e r a t i o n o f v a n u a ; i n m o d e r n u s e , a k i n g d o m , i n d e p e n d e n t c o u n t r y , g o v e r n m e n t a c h i e f ' s o f f i c i a l h e r a l d t h e p r i m a r y l o c a l d i v i s i o n o f F i j i a n s o c i e t y p r a y e r , s u p p l i c a t i o n e l d e r e a r t h , s o i l h o n o r i f i c p a r t i c l e a n d t i t l e o f r a n k , b e f o r e names o f m a l e s who a r e c h i e f s a t i t l e o f h o n o u r , l a t e r a n a t i v e o f f i c e r i n c h a r g e o f a d i s t r i c t c h i e f l y p o w e r : b y e x t e n s i o n , t h e commandment o r p r o h i b i t i o n o f a h i g h c h i e f o p p r e s s i o n p e a c e a n d p l e n t y , a s t a t e o f w e l l - b e i n g i n t h e l a n d a c e r e m o n y c o n s i s t i n g o f t h e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e y a q o n a r o o t w h i c h i s a c c e p t e d i n t h e c u s t o m a r y way a l a r g e g a t h e r i n g o f p e o p l e f o r t h e c e r e m o n i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f g o o d s g i f t , o f f e r i n g a p i e c e o f c l o t h w r a p p e d r o u n d t h e l o i n s ; i n m o d e r n u s e , c l o t h a n d c l o t h i n g i n g e n e r a l w h a l e ' s t o o t h m i s s i o n a r y ; i n m o d e r n u s a g e , an o r d a i n e d m i n i s t e r - x v i -taukei t i k i n a tokatoka tovo t u i turaga t u r a g a - n i - k o r o uvi vakadrauni kau vakasama vakatawa vakaturaga vakavanua v a k a v i t i vakavuvuli v a l e vanua veiganeni vei v e i q a r a v i veisau 1alavi t a l i a vakatorocaketaki vei vei veiwekani owner, n a t i v e d i s t r i c t an extended f a m i l y u n i t , l a r g e r than the vuvale and s m a l l e r than the mataqali custom, manner, hab i t a king or sovereign a c h i e f , master a v i l l a g e headman yam s o r c e r y , d e v i l worship a n a l y s i s , common sense l o c a l church leader at the vanua or d i s t r i c t l e v e l c h i e f l y , i n a c h i e f l y manner customary F i j i a n (adj.) l o c a l church leader at the v i l l a g e l e v e l a house l a n d , r e g i o n , but e s p e c i a l l y the p o l i t i c a l t e r r i t o r y under the l e a d e r s h i p of a c h i e f the b r o t h e r - s i s t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p i n a c l a s s i f i c a t o r y sense communal work worship, s e r v i c e change one's own w i l l and pleasure development k i n s h i p - x v i i -Vi t i F i j i v o i v o i leaves of the pandanus p l a n t , used i n the weaving of mats vu r o o t , source vuvale a household, a f a m i l y y a l o s p i r i t yaqona kava, the r o o t of the P i p e r methysticum yavu the foundation of a house, a n c e s t r a l s i t e yavusa the l a r g e s t k i n s h i p and s o c i a l d i v i s i o n of F i j i a n s o c i e t y , c o n s i s t i n g of the descendants of one o r i g i n a t o r (vu) yau goods, wealth, r i c h e s , possessions - x v i i i -A NOTE ON FIJIAN TRANSLATIONS Most of the data c o l l e c t e d i n F i j i f o r the present study were f i r s t recorded i n F i j i a n (Bauan d i a l e c t ) and subsequently t r a n s l a t e d i n t o E n g l i s h . My p r i n c i p a l t r a n s l a t o r and research a s s i s t a n t was Semisi Loco of Gau Is l a n d who possesses not only a fl u e n c y i n E n g l i s h but a remarkable i n t u i t i o n f o r l i n g u i s t i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . To a s s i s t us i n the task of t r a n s l a t i o n as wel l as f o r formal d e f i n i t i o n o f F i j i a n terms, we made reference to the New F i j i a n D i c t i o n a r y (Government of F i j i , 1941) compiled by A. C a p e l l . T h i s work i s a r e v i s i o n o f the f i r s t d i c t i o n a r y of the F i j i a n language compiled by the Rev. David Hazelwood and published i n 1850. In a d d i t i o n , we were a s s i s t e d i n the task by G.B. M i l n e r ' s F i j i a n Grammar ( F i j i Government Press, 1972). M i l n e r , an a n t h r o p o l o g i s t by t r a i n i n g , s p e c i a l i z e d i n l i n g u i s t i c s and devoted much of h i s career to the study o f Oceanic languages. His F i j i a n Grammar i s based on f i e l d w o r k i n and near Bau on the i s l a n d o f V i t i Levu; the Bauan d i a l e c t i s spoken by the people of Gau and understood i f not always spoken by the people of Ra. - x i x -ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS "My successes are not my own", wrote Thomas Merton; "The way to them was prepared by oth e r s " . I wish here to acknowledge those who have prepared the way f o r me. F i r s t , I want to thank those who allowed me to study them: Dennis O l i v e r , Semisi Loco, E l o n i G o n e y a l i , the people from the v i l l a g e s o f Gau and Ra in c l u d e d i n t h i s study, others from the YMCA of F i j i , people i n the YMCA of Vancouver and i n the Canadian I n t e r n a t i o n a l Development Agency. I would e s p e c i a l l y thank the people o f Lovu v i l l a g e on Gau i s l a n d who b u i l t a house f o r me and cared f o r me wh i l e I d i d my f i e l d w o r k there. And I thank E l o n i f o r h i s a s s i s t a n c e i n B u r e n itu and the Chi e f o f Mataso and h i s f a m i l y f o r l o o k i n g a f t e r me wh i l e I worked t h e r e ; I want e s p e c i a l l y to mention Josevata, the Chief's son, who a s s i s t e d me g r e a t l y w i t h my research i n Ra. At the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h ' Columbia, I thank Profes s o r C.S. Belshaw who served both as Chairman of my Ph.D. Committee and Thesis A d v i s o r f o r the d u r a t i o n of my program, P r o f e s s o r K.O.L. Burridge whose i n t e l l e c t u a l i n f l u e n c e has been very g r e a t , and Pr o f e s s o r T. Fernando whose c r i t i c a l mind I app r e c i a t e . I would a l s o mention P r o f e s s o r E. Whittaker who had the courage to teach graduate students phenomenology as a l e g i t i m a t e and promising method of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l enquiry; her i n f l u e n c e , l i k e t h a t o f Pr o f e s s o r B u r r i d g e , i s s e l f - e v i d e n t . Funding f o r the f i e l d research was provided by the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Development Research Centre, Ottawa, and I am extremely g r a t e f u l f o r t h e i r generous and f l e x i b l e support. I am a l s o g r a t e f u l to the Government of F i j i f o r g r a n t i n g me permission to c a r r y out my research i n that country. - xx -In the p r e p a r a t i o n of the manuscript, I thank Ms. S y l v i a Chan f o r t y p i n g and Mr. Tom Coombes f o r maps and drawings; the drawings are based on photographs taken f o r me by Randy Ormston during my p e r i o d o f f i e l d w o r k i n F i j i . Two persons I would e s p e c i a l l y thank. The f i r s t i s Semisi Loco, my p r i n c i p a l t r a n s l a t o r and research a s s i s t a n t . I t was a lengthy and d i f f i c u l t assignment I r e q u i r e d o f him and he executed i t exceedingly w e l l . He remained w i t h the task not o n l y when i t was i n t e r e s t i n g and easy but a l s o when i t was r o u t i n e and d i f f i c u l t . I acknowledge h i s courage i n undertaking the unusual assignment of working under the d i r e c t i o n o f a European woman w h i l e l i v i n g i n a t r a d i t i o n a l F i j i a n s o c i e t y . I hope t h a t any d i f f i c u l t y t h i s might have caused him would be more than o f f s e t by a l a s t i n g f r i e n d s h i p and an opp o r t u n i t y f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l growth and personal development. The other s p e c i a l person i s my husband, Randy Ormston, who stayed w i t h me when he could and supported me i n every p o s s i b l e way when he could not. He perhaps best knows the heights and depths o f experience t h a t accompanied the producing of t h i s d o c t o r a l t h e s i s . In t h a t I remain indebted to many people and cannot discharge the debt d i r e c t l y , I o f f e r the f r u i t o f my labour i n the hope that i t might prepare the way f o r the achievements of oth e r s . - 1 -PART I. INTRODUCTION - 2 -The q u e s t i o n r a i s e d i s , t h e r e f o r e , not What i s development? but What i s i t s cause, i t s r a i s o n d'etre and i t s goal i n God's judgement? I f we c a l l to mind the various d e f i n i t i o n s of development i n general as 'the autonomous a c t i v i t y o f man to achieve a higher standard o f d i g n i t y and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y ' , or 'the t o t a l i t y o f processes by which i n d i v i d u a l human beings and human s o c i e t i e s seek c o n s t a n t l y to r e a l i z e t h e i r p o t e n t i a l i t i e s ' , then we are given a p o s i t i v e s t a r t i n g - p o i n t f o r qrasping the t h e o l o g i c a l meaning o f t h i s phenomenon i n God.~ - N.A. N i s s i o t i s , i n I n t r o d u c t i o n to  A C h r i s t o l o g i c a l Phenomenology of  Development - 3 -CHAPTER 1. THE PROBLEM AND THE METHOD. The Problem The present study i s a d e s c r i p t i v e a n a l y s i s of a r u r a l development scheme which began i n F i j i i n the e a r l y 1970's and continues i n t o the present. The f i e l d research upon which much of the a n a l y s i s i s based was conducted i n F i j i throughout the year 1979. However, I have documented the program from i t s i n c e p t i o n i n 1972 through to the end o f t h a t decade, i n c l u d i n g , where the a n a l y s i s warrants, follow-up data from the years 1980 and 1981. Hence, the study i s about F i j i a n s , about what they take to be t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e , and about t h e i r response to a program of planned s o c i a l change. The above framework, however, provides the s e t t i n g f o r a broader i n q u i r y , a study w i t h i n a study, as i t were. For the r u r a l development scheme i s part of a f o r e i g n a i d program, organized and managed through the channel of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y agency. The p r i n c i p a l n o n - F i j i a n p a r t i c i p a n t s are members of the YMCA's of Canada and New Zealand and personnel from the Canadian I n t e r n a t i o n a l Development Agency, the o f f i c i a l a i d - g r a n t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n of the Government o f Canada. Hence, the study i s a l s o about Europeans and t h e i r c u l t u r e , and about t h e i r involvement i n a process of cross-c u l t u r a l development a i d . - 4 -The d i s s e r t a t i o n , then, as i t s s u b - t i t l e suggests, i s the d e s c r i p t i v e a n a l y s i s o f a development a i d program i n F i j i . But the t i t l e i t s e l f f e a t u r e s the word 'missionary' and something needs to be s a i d about the prominence given to t h i s category i n the present context. Those from the i n t e r n a t i o n a l community i n v o l v e d i n the a i d venture would not, I t h i n k , see themselves as m i s s i o n a r i e s i n the common usage of the term. And, given the ambience o f o p i n i o n about what m i s s i o n a r i e s di d (and s t i l l do i n some p l a c e s ) , they would perhaps not want others to regard them as such. However, t h i s i s to ca s t both the ( p r i n c i p a l l y ) h i s t o r i c a l missionary endeavor and present-day development programs of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y agencies i n too narrow a frame. In my o p i n i o n , there i s a fundamental r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two. I w i l l f i r s t s t a t e my p o s i t i o n i n general terms and then i n d i c a t e how the present study i s organized. The Argument My argument i s , b r i e f l y , t h a t there i s an unmistakeable p a r a l l e l between m i s s i o n a r i e s and t h e i r preaching and development agents and t h e i r "speeching". Those e a r l y p r o f e s s i o n a l C h r i s t i a n s who moved out o f the home environment f o r the mission f i e l d s o f A s i a , A f r i c a and the P a c i f i c f i r m l y intended and expected to replace what they considered to be a pagan r e l i g i o n w i t h a C h r i s t i a n one. The mission compounds, C h r i s t i a n c o l o n i e s , and an array of C h r i s t i a n s c h o o l s , c o l l e g e s and h o s p i t a l s were to serve as the groundplan f o r - 5 -t h a t u n i v e r s a l Christendom. But i f they were not always to r e a l i z e a s i z e a b l e and vigorous C h r i s t i a n d i s c i p l e s h i p i n these faraway p l a c e s , t h e i r s was a c o n t r i b u t i o n of a much more fundamental and determinant c h a r a c t e r . For, p r e c i s e l y because of what i n t h e i r teaching and p r a c t i c e i s p e c u l i a r to C h r i s t i a n i t y , m i s s i o n a r i e s were the agents of s e c u l a r i z a t i o n even i f they were not aware of i t . The words " r e l i g i o u s " and " s e c u l a r " are u s u a l l y taken to be o p p o s i t e s , and C h r i s t i a n i t y has been t r a d i t i o n a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d as belonging to the sphere of r e l i g i o n . And r e l i g i o n i t i s , of course, i n i t s r i t u a l i s t i c , p h i l o s o p h i c a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l aspects. But when we examine more c l o s e l y i t s h i s t o r i c a l roots and t h e o l o g i c a l t h r u s t , we d i s c o v e r t h a t the C h r i s t i a n Gospel advocates and s p e l l s an end to r e l i g i o n at the same time. As pointed out by theologians l i k e Rudolf Bultmann, D i e t r i c h Bonhoeffer and Paul T i l l i c h , there i s s u f f i c i e n t t h e o l o g i c a l ground f o r an a t t a c k on " r e l i g i o n " i n the name of the G o s p e l J The B i b l e , t r e a t e d as an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l monograph (which i t i s i n any c a s e ) , provides an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of human h i s t o r y as a whole, beginning w i t h a s t o r y of c r e a t i o n and c u l m i n a t i n g i n a v i s i o n of the g a t h e r i n g together o f a l l peoples and the f u l f i l l i n g o f God's purpose f o r mankind. Juxtaposed w i t h the books of the Old Testament, t h a t c o l l e c t i o n o f poetry, p r a y e r s , l e g i s l a t i o n and genealogies recording the h i s t o r y and the 'law' of a chosen people, i s the New Testament at the heart o f which i s an i n v i t a t i o n to a l l men to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the h i s t o r i c a l drama through r e s p o n s i b l e sonship to God, the Father, as e x e m p l i f i e d i n the f i g u r e o f Jesus C h r i s t . - 6 -This Gospel message i s fundamental to the H e b r a i c - C h r i s t i a n understanding o f man and h i s place i n the na t u r a l world. For, on the one hand, i t i s an i n v i t a t i o n to deal b o l d l y and c o n f i d e n t l y w i t h the cr e a t e d world and a l l i t s powers. And on the other hand, i t i s a d e l i v e r a n c e from the f e a r o f the mysterious powers of the cosmos. As S t . Paul wrote i n one of h i s l e t t e r s to the e a r l y churches i n A s i a Minor: During our m i n o r i t y , we were slaves to the elemental s p i r i t s o f the universe. But when the term was completed, God sent His own Son, born of a woman, born under the law, to purchase freedom f o r the s u b j e c t s o f the law, i n order t h a t we might a t t a i n the s t a t u s o f sons ( G a l a t i a n s 4:3-5). The C h r i s t i a n Gospel i s a d e s a c r a l i z i n g of the n a t u r a l world which sets men f r e e from the 'law' to i n v e s t i g a t e , to a l t e r and to c o n t r o l . In the process, i t erodes the c y c l i c a l p a t t e r n o f t h i n k i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f s o - c a l l e d t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s and s u b s t i t u t e s i n i t s p lace a l i n e a r one, a way o f t h i n k i n g about the s e l f and the world which accepts change as normal, demands a f a r - r e a c h i n g s h i f t of a l l e g i a n c e , and looks f o r s a t i s f a c t i o n i n t h i s - w o r l d l y g o a l s . I t s e f f e c t i s to put an end to the o n t o c r a t i c p a t t e r n of s o c i e t y , that s o c i e t a l form which r e p l i c a t e s the s o c i a l order from the cosmic one. Men no longer suppose they need to b u i l d a tower whose top w i l l reach to Heaven. - 7 -The words o f St. Paul have l i t t l e or no meaning today to the m a j o r i t y o f people who.deal b o l d l y and c o n f i d e n t l y w i t h d e s a c r a l i z e d nature through the modern methods of i n q u i r y i n the p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l s c i e n c e s . Nor do they l i e c l o s e to the su r f a c e i n the minds o f those who, through a host o f predominantly s e c u l a r i n t e r n a t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y agencies, disseminate the b e l i e f t h a t the c o n d i t i o n s o f human l i f e can be r a d i c a l l y b e t t e r e d . Programs of human we l f a r e are r a r e l y defended on t h e o l o g i c a l grounds today. Indeed, t h a t process o f s e c u l a r i z a t i o n which the C h r i s t i a n Gospel so success-f u l l y b o l s t e r e d withdraws such areas o f thought from the c o n t r o l of what are b e l i e v e d by some to be revealed r e l i g i o u s t r u t h s . s But the legacy i s t h e r e , the i n t e r n a t i o n a l development agency and f o r e i g n a i d program d e s c r i b e d i n t h i s study an exemplar o f t h a t s u r v i v a l . The p o i n t i s , then, t h a t the m i s s i o n a r i e s have not l e f t the scene. They are a c t i v e s t i l l , a c h i e v i n g , to greater or l e s s e r e x t e n t s , through the 'development' of the s o - c a l l e d t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s what t h e i r predecessors accomplished through the C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n o f the s o - c a l l e d heathen ones. In both cases, the goal i s fundamentally the same: a transcendence o f the t r a d i t i o n a l environment through an on-going process o f i n d i v i d u a l and community development i n order to change the s o c i a l order and, i n t u r n , be changed by i t . T r a d i t i o n , development, change: these are the key concepts. And because they f e a t u r e so prominently i n the t h e s i s , I want to c l a r i f y how they are to be understood. - 8 -T r a d i t i o n , Development and Change Defined Webster's d i c t i o n a r y o f f e r s the f o l l o w i n g d e f i n i t i o n (among others) of ' t r a d i t i o n ' . I t i s "a c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t y embodied i n a massive complex of e v o l v i n g s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s , b e l i e f s , conventions and i n s t i t u t i o n s rooted i n the experience of the past and e x e r t i n g an o r i e n t a t i n g and normative i n f l u e n c e on the present" (Webster's T h i r d  New I n t e r n a t i o n a l D i c t i o n a r y 1966:2422). The d e f i n i t i o n r e f l e c t s an emic approach and t h a t i s the c r i t i c a l f e a t u r e i n the present context. What i s to be considered ' F i j i a n t r a d i t i o n ' here w i l l be t h a t which those F i j i a n s engaged i n the r u r a l development scheme take to be t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e . Hence, t r a d i t i o n r e f e r s here n e i t h e r to a s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l period (such as pre-contact F i j i ) ( c f . f o r example, Brewster 1937; Deane 1921; Thomson 1908; Water-house 1866; Williams 1860; the Hakluyt S o c i e t y 1925) nor to any p a r t i c u l a r ethnographic d e s c r i p t i o n of F i j i a n s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n or "the F i j i a n way of l i f e " ( c f . Belshaw 1964; Hocart 1952; Nayacakalou 1975, 1978; Roth 1953; S a h l i n s 1962; Watters 1969; and o t h e r s ) . Rather, i t r e f e r s to what i s s i g n i f i c a n t , meaningful, ' r e a l ' , or otherwise considered a p p r o p r i a t e by the a c t o r s who are the p a r t i c i p a n t s of the present ethnographic study. Development, l i k e the notion of t r a d i t i o n , i s fraught with ambiguity i n part because so much and v a r i e d a c t i v i t y i s admitted under i t s r u b r i c . But i n the present c o n t e x t , as i n the case of t r a d i t i o n , emic c o n s i d e r a t i o n s p r e v a i l . Hence, what i s taken to be the meaning of development i n the c u r r e n t study i s confined to t h a t understanding - 9 -of i t and expression given to i t by those w i t h i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y agency whose task i t i s to formulate, administer and fund the r u r a l development scheme. And, f i n a l l y , what are we to understand by 'change'? For i t can be r i g h t l y s a i d t h a t people and t h e i r c u l t u r e s are changing a l l the time. Among Webster's d e f i n i t i o n s i s t h i s one: change i s "the a c t i o n o f making something d i f f e r e n t i n form, q u a l i t y or s t a t e " (1966:374). I t i s the above understanding t h a t a p p l i e s i n the present context. Hence, change here r e f e r s to those a c t i o n s and ideas which i n d i c a t e a c a l c u l a t e d and d e l i b e r a t e departure from the e s t a b l i s h e d ways of doing and t h i n k i n g about t h i n g s . A T h e o r e t i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e In p r e s e n t i n g my a n a l y s i s of a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l development a i d program, I have departed somewhat from the more t r a d i t i o n a l approaches to the study of development i n F i j i . I r e f e r here to works such as Belshaw (1964), F i s k (1970), Hayden (1954), Spate (1959), Ward (1971) and Watters (1969). In these s t u d i e s , the authors, f o r the most p a r t , concern themselves w i t h the expressed need f o r development i n F i j i and suggest means and p o l i c y o r i e n t a t i o n s which might expedite the process. For example, Watters f o l l o w s Spate i n recommending " i n d i v i d u a l i s m " and a community of independent farmers. Ward f o l l o w s Belshaw i n proposing changes i n land p o l i c y . Hayden suggests the need f o r t r a i n i n g i n d i v i d u a l s p e c i a l i s t s to be part of community development - 10 -t e a m s . A n d F i s k r e c o m m e n d s , among o t h e r t h i n g s , t h a t some r u r a l F i j i a n s be e n c o u r a g e d t o move o u t o f t h e v i l l a g e s a n d t a k e up p o s i t i o n s i n s e c o n d a r y a n d t e r t i a r y i n d u s t r y . My p u r p o s e i s n o t t o d e b a t e s u c h p o l i c y r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s - a l t h o u g h I do t a k e i s s u e w i t h some o f t h e m - b u t t o come t o an a p p r e c i a t i o n o f w h a t d e v e l o p m e n t means i n t h e l i v e s o f a n o t h e r a n d d i f f e r e n t p e o p l e . M o r e o v e r , t h e r e a r e no p o l i c y r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s i n t h e c u r r e n t s t u d y b e c a u s e I f e l t no n e e d t o make t h e m . I d i s c o v e r e d , i n t h e c o u r s e o f my a n a l y s i s , t h a t t h e r u r a l F i j i a n s a r e g r a n d p o l i c y - m a k e r s i n t h e i r own r i g h t . A n d some o f t h e d e c i s i o n s t h e y h a v e made a n d p r o g r a m s u n d e r t a k e n may w e l l c o n f o u n d t h e a c a d e m i c s . T h e y c e r t a i n l y c h a l l e n g e t h e a r g u m e n t t h a t t h e F i j i a n i s h i n d e r e d by t h e s o - c a l l e d "communal s y s t e m " . I n p u r s u i n g my g o a l , t h e n , I l o o k e d f o r a t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e a n d a m e t h o d o l o g y w h i c h v a l u e s t h e r e a l i t y o f t h e i n n e r e x p e r i e n c e . I t was f o r t h i s p u r p o s e t h a t I t u r n e d t o t h e p h i l o s o p h y a n d m e t h o d o l o g y o f p h e n o m e n o l o g y . T h e g o a l o f p h e n o m e n o l o g y a s a m e t h o d i s t o d e s c r i b e s t r u c t u r e s o f s u b j e c t i v e o r i e n t a t i o n t o t h e w o r l d . T h e a b o v e g o a l c o n t r a s t s t o o n e w h i c h s e e k s t o e x p l a i n f e a t u r e s o f t h e o b j e c t i v e w o r l d . A n d , a s L u c k m a n p o i n t s o u t i n t h e s t a t e m e n t b e l o w , t h e m e t h o d o f p h e n o m e n o l o g y i n v o l v e s a p r o c e d u r e q u i t e d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e i n d u c t i v e o r i e n t a t i o n o f e m p i r i c a l s c i e n c e " . Despite the s c i e n t i f i c r i g o u r of i t s method and the vast programme of phenomenological research inaugurated by Husserl and continued by the f o l l o w i n g generations of phenomenologists, phenomenology i s not a science i n the common understanding of the word. I t s p e r s p e c t i v e i s ' e g o l o g i c a l ' ( i . e . , t a k i n g the i n d i v i d u a l human being as the centre of a system of coordinates on which the experience of the world i s mapped) and ' r e f l e x i v e ' : i t r e i n s t a t e s human experience i n i t s place as the primary datum about the world and i t describes t h i s experience by t u r n i n g and r e t u r n i n g to the i n t e n t i o n a l f e a t u r e s of ex-perience. The p e r s p e c t i v e of egomism s c i e n c e , f o r e x c e l l e n t h i s t o r i c a l reasons, i s n e i t h e r based on, nor i s i t r e f l e x i v e as, a mode of knowledge. Furthermore, the phenomenological method of a t t e n d i n g to experiences p r e c i s e l y as they present themselves, i . e . , as a s t r u c t u r e of many-layered i n t e n t i o n s , i s not and cannot be one of the conventional methods o f s o c i a l s c i e n c e . The phenomenological method i s more r a d i c a l l y d e s c r i p t i v e than any method of an e m p i r i c a l science could conceivably be - or even want to become (1978:7-8). Phenomenology, then, i s not concerned with objects or events as such but r a t h e r with the meaning of those o b j e c t s and events as they are c o n s t i t u t e d i n the a c t i v i t i e s of the mind. To apply i t s methodology, we begin w i t h those s o c i a l l y , c u l t u r a l l y and h i s t o r i c a l l y concrete f e a t u r e s o f everyday l i f e and move toward an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the u n d e r l y i n g s t r u c t u r e s of those experiences. In the present c o n t e x t , we begin w i t h a d e s c r i p t i o n o f the a c t i v i t i e s and ideas which c o n s t i t u t e the "events" i n each of the three p r i n c i p a l areas of i n q u i r y , namely, t r a d i t i o n , development and change. From there we move to an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the u n d e r l y i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s or " s t r u c t u r e s " to which the above data r e f e r . And f i n a l l y , through the c o n s t r u c t i o n of exchange models to - 12 -represent the i n t e r a c t i o n s between person and i n s t i t u t i o n we s t r i v e f o r a d e s c r i p t i o n o f the s u b j e c t i v e f e a t u r e s of the ( c u l t u r a l ) experience. These stages or l e v e l s o f a n a l y s i s , as i t were, correspond to the c a t e g o r i e s of epiphenomenon, phenomenon and phenomenology. Taken together, they are intended to provide a d e s c r i p t i v e a n a l y s i s o f t r a d i t i o n , development and change i n the present ethnographic context. D e f i n i t i o n and c l a r i f i c a t i o n of these three methodological c a t e g o r i e s f o l l o w . Epiphenomenon, Phenomenon, and Phenomenology Defined The departure p o i n t f o r the above exegesis i s at the l e v e l o f epiphenomenon. An epiphenomenon, by d e f i n i t i o n , i s "a secondary phenomenon accompanying another phenomenon and thought of as caused by i t " (Webster T h i r d New I n t e r n a t i o n a l D i c t i o n a r y 1966:764). Here I r e f e r to Barth's t r a n s a c t i o n a l model (1966) which views i n d i v i d u a l s e x e r c i s i n g choice w h i l e i n f l u e n c e d by c e r t a i n c o n s t r a i n t s and i n c e n t i v e s , the r e s u l t s o f which over time produce s t a t i s t i c a l r e g u l a r i t i e s i n s o c i a l l i f e w i t h i n a community of persons. Elsewhere, Barth w r i t e s : What we see as a s o c i a l form i s , c o n c r e t e l y , a p a t t e r n o f d i s t r i b u t i o n o f behavior by d i f f e r e n t persons and on d i f f e r e n t occasions. I would argue t h a t i t i s not usefu l to assume t h a t t h i s e m p i r i c a l p a t t e r n i s a sought-for c o n d i t i o n , which a l l members of the community e q u a l l y value and w i l l f u l l y maintain. Rather, i t must be regarded as an epiphenomenon of a great v a r i e t y of processes i n combination (1967:662). - 13 -In other words, what we observe as r e g u l a r patterns of s o c i a l a c t i o n are epiphenomena o f a l l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n s or t r a n s a c t i o n s . At the second l e v e l of i n q u i r y , we move to an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the phenomena to which the r e g u l a r patterns of s o c i a l a c t i o n r e f e r . In my usage o f the term 'phenomenon', I r e f e r to S a r t r e ' s d e f i n i t i o n . Sarte's notion of phenomenon i s phenomenological; t h a t i s , i t pre-supposes f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h a s u b j e c t . This i s i n order t h a t S a r t r e ' s phenomenology have an o n t o l o g i c a l foundation. To S a r t r e , the phenomenon i s the " r e l a t i v e - a b s o l u t e " ( c f . S a r t r e i n Hartmann 1966:04). In other words, the phenomenon has to appear to someone but, at the same time, i t e x i s t s i n i t s own r i g h t . A p plying S a r t r e ' s n o t i o n i n the present c o n t e x t , the phenomena r e f e r to those s t r u c t u r e s as apprehended by the a c t o r s themselves. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s u b j e c t and the phenomenon i s the basis of S a r t r e ' s phenomenology ( c f . Hartmann 1966:8-15). In the phenomenological t r a d i t i o n , the ways i n which the world "presents" i t s e l f ( i . e . , the ways i n which one p e r c e i v e s , understands and i n t e r p r e t s h i s world) i n f l u e n c e the ways i n which one "re-presents" the world to h i m s e l f and, hence, operates w i t h i n i t . The task of phenomenology, then, becomes an attempt to i n t e r p r e t s t r u c t u r a l forms through what the German philosopher Husserl c a l l e d Lebenswelt ( l i f e - w o r l d ) , that t o t a l i t y formed by the t h i n k i n g ego and the surrounding world i n which i t i s a c t i v e l y engaged ( c f . Ricoeur 1967). The notion of " s t r u c t u r e " here employed i n c l u d e s t h a t system of s t r u c t u r e as comprehended by the researcher. Taking S a r t r e ' s p o s i t i o n as a s t a r t i n g - p o i n t , we r e t u r n to the methodology of phenomenology. - 14 -The Methodology In determining how to express the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a su b j e c t and the phenomena, I began with Schwimmer's exchange model i n h i s study o f Exchange i n the S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e ' o f the Orokaiva (1973). The a t t r a c t i v e n e s s o f Schwimmer's model i n the present context i s h i s i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f a phenomenological p e r s p e c t i v e . In Schwimmer's framework, we are able to view an exchange as beginning w i t h ego's experience o f a s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . In other words, ego experiences a l t e r ' s world as transcendent. An important i m p l i c a t i o n o f the above p e r s p e c t i v e i s that any o b j e c t of exchange can be i d e n t i f i e d from one viewpoint w i t h the g i v e r and from another viewpoint w i t h the r e c e i v e r . To i n c o r p o r a t e the i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s dimension a n a l y t i c a l l y , we can t h i n k i n terms of an exchange c y c l e which con t a i n s three p a i r s of elements: (1) the exchange partners (ego and a l t e r ) ; (2) the concepts and understandings which enter i n t o the t r a n s a c t i o n on e i t h e r s i d e ; and (3) the acts and o b j e c t s (resources) which mediate the movement o f the concepts and understandings between the two p a r t i e s ( c f . Schwimmer 1973: 56-61). Schwimmer, of course, was t h i n k i n g i n terms of a c t u a l exchange partners whereas I am concerned w i t h ego's s o c i a l world at the l e v e l o f phenomenology. In other words, the c y c l e o f exchange i n the present context e x i s t s between a subject and the i n s t i t u t i o n s or apprehended s t r u c t u r e s of h i s l i f e - w o r l d . The model of exchange can be s c h e m a t i c a l l y represented as below. - 15 -A c t i v i t e s and Ideas (Mediating Elements) Subject Concepts and Concepts and Phenomenon (Ego) Understandings Understandings ( A l t e r ) \ \ A c t i v i t i e s and Ideas (Mediating Elements) The above model i s a continuous one and r e f e r s to what I designate throughout the study as a " p o s i t i v e " exchange c y c l e . A discontinuous model i s represented by a broken c i r c l e and I i n d i c a t e these models to be "negative" ones. In other words, " p o s i t i v e " and "negative" r e f e r to the subject's p e r c e p t i o n of h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the i n s t i t u t i o n a l world. When the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t attempts to understand and record a s u b j e c t i v e meaning s t r u c t u r e , a second subject i s added to the phenomenological dyad. How t o deal w i t h persons o u t s i d e the o r i g i n a l ego, persons termed "monads" by H u s s e r l , i s a d i f f i c u l t y f o r phenomenological philosophy and methodology. For w h i l e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s u b j e c t and h i s p e r c e i v e d r e a l i t y i s a transcendental and hence meaningful one, the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a second sub j e c t observing the transcendental r e l a t i o n s h i p of the f i r s t , o b j e c t i f i e s i t . The phenomenological a n t h r o p o l o g i s t i s i n t e r e s t e d i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p as i t i s c o n s t i t u t e d i n the mind of the o r i g i n a l s u b j e c t . The knowledge - 16 -he hopes to gain i s what the phenomenologist Schutz termed "genuine i n t e r s u b j e c t i v e understanding" (Schutz 1953 i n Natanson 1963). Therefore, he must attempt to d u p l i c a t e t h i s c o n s t i t u t i o n i n h i s own mind. How i s t h i s to be achieved? To r e s t a t e , the p r i n c i p a l aim of the phenomenologist i s to de r i v e a method which w i l l a l l o w him to deal i n an o b j e c t i v e way w i t h the s u b j e c t i v e meaning of human a c t i o n . Therefore, the l o g i c a l c o n s t r u c t ( i . e . , the thought o b j e c t s of the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t ) must be c o n s i s t e n t w i t h those thought o b j e c t s formed by men i n everyday l i f e i n order to deal w i t h t h e i r s o c i a l r e a l i t y . F ollowing Schutz (1953), the model c o n s t r u c t , i n order to meet the above requirement, must be i n accordance w i t h the f o l l o w i n g p o s t u l a t e s . F i r s t , i t must be l o g i c a l l y c o n s i s t e n t , t h a t s t r i c t l y l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r being an important f e a t u r e by which s c i e n t i f i c thought o b j e c t s are d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the thought o b j e c t s c o n s t r u c t e d by common sense t h i n k i n g of men i n t h e i r d a i l y l i f e . Secondly, i t must be s u b j e c t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The s c i e n t i s t has to determine what model of an i n d i v i d u a l mind can be constr u c t e d and what t y p i c a l contents can be a t t r i b u t e d to i t i n order to e x p l a i n the observed f a c t s which are the r e s u l t s o f the a c t i v i t y o f t h a t mind i n an understandable s o c i a l r e l a t i o n . And t h i r d l y , the s c i e n t i f i c model o f human a c t i o n must be constructed i n such a way th a t an a c t i o n performed by a person i n hi s common sense world would be understandable f o r the a c t o r h i m s e l f as wel l as f o r h i s f e l l o w men i n terms of common sense i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of everyday l i f e . - 17 -The above p o s t u l a t e s imply an important d i s t i n c t i o n , namely t h a t d i f f e r e n c e between r a t i o n a l c o n s t r u c t s of models of human a c t i o n on the one hand and c o n s t r u c t s of models o f r a t i o n a l human a c t i o n on the other. The s c i e n t i f i c c o n s t r u c t s are models of r a t i o n a l a c t i o n but they are not c o n s t r u c t s of a c t i o n s performed by l i v i n g beings i n s i t u a t i o n s d e f i n e d by them. The s c i e n t i f i c c o n s t r u c t i s a model of a model, as i t were - a f i c t i t i o u s consciousness operating w i t h i n the a r t i f i c i a l environment created by.the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t . This i s important because when we r e t u r n to the r i c h complexity of s o c i a l l i f e d e s c r i b e d i n the present study, i t becomes apparent t h a t the model c o n s t r u c t s do not completely conform to s i t u a t i o n s defined i n reference to t r a d i t i o n , development or change. The c o n s t r u c t s , however, allow us to d e s c r i b e p a t t e r n s of thought processes and to approximate c u l t u r a l being w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l s e t t i n g , w i t h i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y agency and as a product o f t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n . I have adopted Schutz 1 model (above) i n order to describe the phenomenological fe a t u r e s of the s o c i a l world. The s o c i a l world i s t h a t everyday i n t e r s u b j e c t i v e world of c u l t u r e , " i n t e r s u b j e c t i v e because we l i v e i n i t as men among other men, bound to them through common i n f l u e n c e and work, understanding others and being an obje c t of understanding f o r o t h e r s " (Schutz 1940 i n Luckman (Ed.) 1978:135). I t i s the shared world of economic and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s , the s o c i a l world as apprehended by the a c t o r . - 18 -There i s one f u r t h e r dimension of the Lebenswelt ( l i f e -world) which i s y e t to be inc l u d e d and t h a t i s the world o f mind or s p i r i t ( G e i s t ) , contained w i t h i n which are r e l i g i o u s meanings and u l t i m a t e l y the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the conscious ego and the s e l f . The n o t i o n of s e l f , i n t h i s c o n t e x t , i s to be understood as a q u a n t i t y which i s superordinate to the ego. In other words, i t embraces not o n l y t h a t which i s conscious and r e l a t e d t o i n t e n t i o n a l o b j e c t s but the whole of the c o l l e c t i v e " p s y c h e which has as i t s r e f e r e n t a l l that we c a l l ' c u l t u r e 1 . The s e l f , t h e r e f o r e , i s the c u l t u r a l l y determined p e r s o n a l i t y which an i n d i v i d u a l a l s o i s . I r e f e r to the above dimension i n the present study through reference to a phenomenology of the s e l f . I might j u s t as c o r r e c t l y have designated i t i n terms of a phenomenology 3 of s p i r i t as does Hegel i n h i s c l a s s i c work ( c f . Hyppolite 1974). The phenomenology o f the s o c i a l world and the phenomenology of the s e l f are not so much d i s t i n c t c a t e g o r i e s as c a t e g o r i e s which r e f e r to each other. Indeed, one a r r i v e s a t a phenomenology of the s e l f through examining b e l i e f s t r u c t u r e s i n r e l a t i o n to those elements which make up the s o c i a l world. Through the above process, the phenomenologist determines what model of a c u l t u r a l mind can be co n s t r u c t e d ( i . e . , what t y p i c a l contents can be a t t r i b u t e d t o i t ) . In other words, the a n a l y s i s proceeds from a d e s c r i p t i o n of the b e l i e f s t r u c t u r e as apprehended by the a c t o r to a model c o n s t r u c t of the s e l f as comprehended by the researcher. In developing a phenomenology of the s e l f , I acknowledge, i n a d d i t i o n to Hegel (above) the work of the German-born p s y c h i a t r i s t Binswanger ( c f . Spiegelberg 1972:193-232) who used the phenomenological - 19 -method i n order to b e t t e r understand and t r e a t h i s p s y c h i a t r i c p a t i e n t s . Binswanger constructed a phenomenological anthropology on Heideggerian foundations. S p e c i f i c a l l y , he adopted Heidegger's conception o f Dasein (Being). To Heidegger, Dasein was not to be thought o f as 'being' i n a passi v e sense. Dasein was Being-in-the-World, moving w i t h i n one's e n t i r e surroundings r a t h e r than merely responding to a world of i n t e n t i o n a l o b j e c t s . The world and the i n d i v i d u a l c o u l d be thought of as c o r r e l a t i v e s i n symbiosis. Perhaps the most important c o n t r i b u t i o n of Binswanger's Daseinsanalyse ( a n a l y s i s of Being-in-the-World) to a phenomenological anthropology was h i s c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of love as a primary r e l a t i o n s h i p between an I and a Thou. One w i l l note the i n f l u e n c e of Buber's ontology here ( c f . Buber, t r a n s l a t i o n by Kaufmann 1970) and we l e a r n from Spiegelberg (1972:196) t h a t Buber was a frequent v i s i t o r to the sanatorium at Kreuzlingen where Binswanger worked. The I and the Thou f o r Binswanger (as f o r Buber) form a We r e l a t i o n s h i p , r e s u l t i n g i n a s o l i d a r i t y and a r e l a t e d n e s s , a sense of We-hood, as i t were. Dasein, i n t h i s understanding, i s not so much what each man i s f o r himself but r a t h e r what the We-ourselves i s . Binswanger b e l i e v e d t h a t f o r a r e a l understanding o f the person one has to study him i n s i d e t h i s We r e l a t i o n s h i p . O u t l i n e of the Study The f o l l o w i n g d e s c r i p t i v e a n a l y s i s of a development a i d program, then, c o n s i s t s o f three major P a r t s : The Phenomenology of T r a d i t i o n , - 20 -The Phenomenol&gy of Development and the Phenomenology of Change. Within each of the above three c a t e g o r i e s , the a n a l y s i s progresses from a d i s c u s s i o n of the epiphenomena to the phenomena to phenomenology. Within the l a t t e r category we are concerned both with a phenomenology o f the s o c i a l world and a phenomenology of the s e l f . The above a n a l y s i s i s preceded by a second chapter i n Part I which provides a d e s c r i p t i o n o f the place and the people and i s concluded by a s i n g l e chapter i n Part V which summarizes the conclusions a r r i v e d at through the above d e s c r i p t i v e a n a l y s i s . - 21 -Footnotes I make reference to these w r i t e r s as below. Bultmann (b. 1884), German t h e o l o g i a n and New Testament s c h o l a r , advocated a demythologizing o f the New Testament. He was a pioneer of form c r i t i c i s m , the study of the o r i g i n and development of the o r a l t r a d i t i o n u n d erlying the Gospels. Bultmann made a case f o r demythologizing not only the V i r g i n B i r t h and the Empty Tomb but a l s o the I n c a r n a t i o n , R e s u r r e c t i o n , Ascension and Second Coming. He argued t h a t these phenomena d e r i v e from the mythology of Jewish a p o c a l y p t i c and H e l l e n i s t i c Gnosticism. For Bultmann, the Gospels are the products o f a b e l i e v i n g community. The o b j e c t of f a i t h i s not the h i s t o r i c a l Jesus but C h r i s t preached as God's redemptive a c t . In t h i s regard, h i s t o r i c a l s k e p t i c i s m does not undermine f a i t h . Bonhoeffer (b. 1906) was a German Lutheran pastor who taught a theology of a "church f o r the world". His r e v o l u t i o n a r y thought can be d i v i d e d i n t o three main phases or p e r i o d s : (1) h i s work about e c c l e s i o l o g y , the study of the d o c t r i n e of the church, e s p e c i a l l y the n o t i o n o f C h r i s t e x i s t i n g as the Church; (2) h i s work on C h r i s t o l o g y where he i n t e r p r e t e d f a i t h as d i s c i p l e s h i p ; and (3) h i s development of the n o t i o n of d i s c i p l e s h i p i n t o a theology of s o l i d a r i t y w i t h C h r i s t i a n s and non-Christians i n s e c u l a r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Bonhoeffer wrote about the " n o n - r e l i g i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Gospel i n a world come of age" and of " n o n - r e l i g i o u s C h r i s t i a n i t y " . T i l l i c h (b. 1886), German-U.S. philosopher and t h e o l o g i a n , developed an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the task of C h r i s t i a n theology by viewing C h r i s t i a n f a i t h i n r e l a t i o n to the questions r a i s e d by c l a s s i c a l and modern philosophy. T i l l i c h a l l i g n e d h i m s e l f w i t h a group of German i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n the R e l i g i o u s S o c i a l i s t movement which sought to bring together a new s p i r i t u a l outlook and e f f e c t i v e power i n order to renew and shape the p o l i t i c a l order. For an i n q u i r y i n t o the theology of these t h i n k e r s , I r e f e r the reader to the f o l l o w i n g : Bultmann's Kerygma and Mythos, 5 volumes, 1948-55; Bonhoeffer's L e t t e r s and Papers from P r i s o n and C h r i s t o l o g y ; and T i l l i c h ' s R e l i g i o u s R e a l i z a t i o n , The  R e l i g i o u s S i t u a t i o n , Systematic Theology and The Courage  To Be. This i s not to p r e c l u d e , of course, the phenomenological treatment I give to 'development' i n the course o f the study. - 22 -3 Hegel's c l a s s i c work i s sometimes r e f e r r e d to as "Phenomenology of Mind" and sometimes as "Phenomenology of S p i r i t " . The d i f f i c u l t y comes i n the t r a n s l a t i o n of the word G e i s t . I take the n o t i o n of G e i s t t o mean something which i n c l u d e s both the idea of 'mind' and of ' s p i r i t ' , a kind o f s p i r i t u a l s e l f , as i t were. And phenomenology, as a d e s c r i p t i o n o f consciousness, r e f e r s to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the ' s e l f and the 'other'. Paraphrasing Hegel's phenomenology, Hyp p o l i t e w r i t e s , "Consciousness i s taken as i t o f f e r s i t s e l f , and i t o f f e r s i t s e l f as a r e l a t i o n to the other - o b j e c t , w o r l d , or nature. I t i s q u i t e t r u e t h a t t h i s knowledge of the other i s a self-knowledge. But i t i s no l e s s true t h a t t h i s self-knowledge i s a knowledge of the oth e r , a knowledge o f the world. Thus, we d i s c o v e r i n the various o b j e c t s of consciousness what consciousness i s i t s e l f : 'The world i s a m i r r o r i n which we r e d i s c o v e r o u r s e l v e s ' . " (1974:20). - 23 -CHAPTER 2. THE PEOPLE AND THE SETTING. I n t r o d u c t i o n The purpose of t h i s chapter i s t o acquaint the reader w i t h the places and the people featured i n the present study. I begin w i t h an h i s t o r i c a l sketch of the development a i d program i n order t h a t i t s i n t e r n a t i o n a l and c r o s s - c u l t u r a l dimensions may be e s t a b l i s h e d . I then i n c l u d e a s h o r t s e c t i o n i n d i c a t i n g the scope of the program w i t h i n F i j i . F o l l o w i n g , I move to a d e s c r i p t i o n of two r u r a l areas i n F i j i whose community development programs are analysed i n the present study. And f i n a l l y , I i n d i c a t e how the people i n those same areas came to be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the development a i d scheme. H i s t o r i c a l Background of the Development Aid Program E a r l y i n 1971, the Trust Board of the Suva Youth Centre, a v o l u n t a r y youth o r g a n i z a t i o n i n Suva, the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c a p i t a l of F i j i , extended an i n v i t a t i o n to the YMCA of New Zealand t o e s t a b l i s h programs f o r youth i n F i j i . In May of t h a t y e a r , the YMCA of New Zealand responded, sending Mr. Dennis O l i v e r , one of t h e i r experienced S e c r e t a r i e s , to t h a t country. Within a few weeks of h i s a r r i v a l , meetings were held w i t h community leaders i n Suva to determine the problem areas which should r e c e i v e concentrated e f f o r t . The p r i n c i p a l - 24 -concerns were determined to be the f o l l o w i n g : high l e v e l s of unemployment, p a r t i c u l a r l y among young people; an a c c e l e r a t i n g r a t e o f mi g r a t i o n from r u r a l communities to the urban c e n t r e ; a high l e v e l o f e a r l y school l e a v i n g ; s u b s t a n t i a l l y d i f f e r i n g per c a p i t a incomes between urban people and t h e i r r u r a l c o u n t e r p a r t s ; and a d e c l i n e i n l o c a l food production accompanied by an increase i n the import of f o r e i g n f o o d s t u f f s . A Food and A g r i c u l t u r e Organization (FAO). survey being completed at the same time "to i d e n t i f y , study and evaluate various systems and approaches to educating and t r a i n i n g r u r a l youth f o r a vo c a t i o n i n farming" ( O l i v e r 1976:38) r e i n f o r c e d the concerns. By mid-1971, Mr. O l i v e r , now the new General Secretary of what would e v e n t u a l l y become an independent YMCA of F i j i , had prepared a d r a f t development plan to guide the new agency's work f o r a one-year p e r i o d . A management committee o f the indigenous a s s o c i a t i o n was formed, composed o f youth l e a d e r s and persons w i t h s k i l l s and/or a t t i t u d e s deemed ap p r o p r i a t e . The new committee i n F i j i and the New Zealand National Executive Committee approved the d r a f t development plan. And a YMCA r u r a l work program, with i t s own Rural Work Committee, came i n t o e x i s t e n c e . In order t h a t the new r u r a l work program could be implemented, a budget was needed. The a l l o c a t e d sum a v a i l a b l e f o r i t s f i r s t year of operation was a mere F$250.0oJ A l e t t e r w r i t t e n by the new General Secretary to a M i n i s t r y i n the Government of F i j i l e d to the p r o v i s i o n of a grant to employ a YMCA r u r a l worker beginning i n 1972. In the - 25 -f o l l o w i n g y e a r , through the e f f o r t s of Mr. O l i v e r , the program a t t r a c t e d the support o f Canadian U n i v e r s i t y S e r v i c e s Overseas (CUSO) who agreed to provide f o r e i g n a i d to the amount of F$ll,500.00 to be spent over 1974, 1975 and 1976 on the employment and support of thr e e a d d i t i o n a l r u r a l workers. E a r l y i n 1974, a member of the Board of Governors of the Vancouver YMCA, f o l l o w i n g a v i s i t to F i j i , i n d i c a t e d an i n t e r e s t by the YMCA's of B r i t i s h Columbia i n assessing the needs of the YMCA of F i j i w i t h a view to support, and an i n i t i a l grant of F$500.00 was given. The same y e a r , a p r i v a t e company operating i n F i j i ( c f . Table I) agreed to support the development of the program through a grant o f F$4,903.00 each year f o r 1974, 1975 and 1976 f o r the employment of a f u r t h e r three r u r a l workers. The Rural Work Committee was now able to draw up i t s f i r s t budget of s i g n i f i c a n c e as i n Table I below. TABLE I. YMCA of F i j i : Rural Work Budget - 1974. Income Expenditures CUSO $4,230 S a l a r i e s (7 workers) $6,804 Emperor T r u s t 4,903 Provident Fund 330 M i n i s t r y of Youth 1,044 Housing 1,750 Vancouver YMCA 500 Transport 600 Club Fees 200 A d m i n i s t r a t i o n 460 Movies 100 Sprayers Subsidy 138 P u b l i c R e l a t i o n s 100 T r a i n i n g 355 Seeds 150 Research 100 Sundry 190 $10,977 $10,977 - 26 -Also i n 1974, the Council of O r g a n i z a t i o n f o r R e l i e f S e r v i c e s Overseas (CORSO) of New Zealand granted F$5,000.00 per year f o r 1974, 1975 and 1976 f o r the employment of an a d d i t i o n a l four r u r a l workers. And f o l l o w i n g an i n s p e c t i o n of the program i n e a r l y 1974 by a member o f the Vancouver YMCA, an a p p l i c a t i o n was made to the B r i t i s h Columbia A g r i c u l t u r a l A i d Fund and to the Canadian I n t e r n a t i o n a l Development Agency (CIDA) - Non-Governmental Organizations D i v i s i o n f o r support o f the F i j i Rural Work Program. The p r o v i n c i a l Government of B r i t i s h Columbia approved a grant of C$32,000.00 f o r use during 1975, 1976 and 1977, and l a t e r the same year (1974), CIDA approved a request f o r C$90,300.00 to be shared between r u r a l work and v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g programs f o r the same three-year p e r i o d . The procurement of these funds enabled the income of the r u r a l work program to r i s e to F$25,894.00 i n 1975 and to F$40,000.00 i n 1976. Steady i n c r e a s e s continued and by 1979, the year of the present r e s e a r c h , the r u r a l work budget had r e c e i p t s of F$l12,842.00 and expenditures of j u s t over F$100,000.00. (Budget d e t a i l s f o r the year ending December 31, 1977 appear i n Appendix A.) In May of 1977, the YMCA of F i j i became an independent a s s o c i a t i o n , g a i n i n g d i r e c t a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h the World A l l i a n c e of YMCA's. The New Zealand s t a f f member withdrew and today, a l l p o s t s , i n c l u d i n g the top executive p o s i t i o n of General S e c r e t a r y , are f i l l e d by indigenous personnel. P r i o r to these events, CIDA, through the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l channel of the YMCA of Vancouver, had c o n t r i b u t e d i t s C$90,300.00 to the F i j i v o l u n t a r y agency as Phase I of the F i j i - 27 -Development Program. These funds, disbursed i n 1975-76 i n the amount of C$50,300.00 and i n 1976-77 to the sum of C$40,000.00, were used, among other t h i n g s , to pay the s a l a r i e s of s i x t e e n f i e l d workers whose YMCA clu b s i n approximately one hundred v i l l a g e s r e g i s t e r e d an o v e r a l l membership o f 3,019 persons. The t o t a l number of persons reached through the r u r a l work program was estimated to be 10,900 i n c l u d i n g c h i l d r e n . At present, CIDA i s c o n t r i b u t i n g to Phase I I of i t s F i j i Development Program, again through the channel of the YMCA of Vancouver. The agency's disbursed or p r o j e c t e d payments are as f o l l o w s : 1978-79 - C$57,410.00; 1979-80 - C$53,305.00; 1980-81 -C$42,870.00 and 1981-82 - C$5,000.00 f o r a t o t a l a i d grant of C$158,585.00 ( c f . Appendix 2). Scope o f the Program w i t h i n F i j i During the research y e a r , 1979, the YMCA r u r a l work program, w i t h s u p p o r t i n g v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g programs, was operating i n 80-100 v i l l a g e s i n v a r i o u s p a r t s o f F i j i . According t o the q u a r t e r l y r e p o r t s submitted by the maximum twenty f i e l d workers - (a minimum of eighteen YMCA r u r a l workers were a c t i v e during the p e r i o d of the research) -the f o l l o w i n g f i g u r e s represent the extent of the r u r a l work program. (These f i g u r e s are drawn from the 1979 Annual Report of the YMCA of F i j i and would appear to be rough estimates.) - 28 -TABLE I I . Rural Work Program S t a t i s t i c s , 1979: YMCA of F i j i . P e riod V i l l a g e s Members Program Users January - A p r i l 100 5,300 10,000 May - August 80 5,000 10,000 September - December 80 . 5,000 10,000 Hence, i n eighteen to twenty areas w i t h i n F i j i , a s i n g l e r u r a l , worker implements a community development program i n an average o f f i v e v i l l a g e s . I t i s the membership of these v i l l a g e s , i n c l u d i n g those r e c r u i t e d from t h e i r ranks to be the agents of the change process, who are the r e c i p i e n t s o f development a i d . Of the maximum twenty areas w i t h i n F i j i where the r u r a l work program i s being implemented, we are concerned i n t h i s study w i t h two. The f i r s t i s Gau, an i s l a n d i n the L o m a i v i t i c h a i n , and the second i s Ra, a province on the main i s l a n d of V i t i Levu. The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n d e s c r i b e s these two areas. D e s c r i p t i o n o f Two Rural Areas w i t h i n F i j i The 320 i s l a n d s which make up the F i j i a r c h i p e l a g o spread between l a t i t u d e s 15 degrees and 22 degrees south of the equator, and s t r a d d l e the 180th meridian of l o n g i t u d e e s t a b l i s h e d as the i n t e r n a t i o n a l \ - 29 -d a t e l i n e (Cf. map of F i j i p. 30 ). Extending over some hundreds of thousands of square miles of the southeast P a c i f i c Ocean, F i j i covers the r e l a t i v e l y small land area of 7,055 square m i l e s , ranging from the l a r g e s t i s l a n d of V i t i Levu ( l i t e r a l l y , "Big F i g i " ) w i t h i t s 4,011 square mil e s t o t i n y a t o l l s and i s l e t s o n l y yards i n circumference. Of the 320 i s l a n d s , only 105 are i n h a b i t e d . Gau i s the l a r g e s t i s l a n d i n the L o m a i v i t i group and i s the f o u r t h l a r g e s t i s l a n d i n F i j i . I t l i e s approximately 60 m i l e s east of V i t i Levu and can be reached by boat and more r e c e n t l y by a i r c r a f t . C h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the i s l a n d s of L o m a i v i t i , Gau i s a v o l c a n i c high i s l a n d w i t h r o l l i n g and h i l l y r e l i e f and a lower c o a s t a l f r i n g e . The s o i l i s described as t a l a s i g a ("sunburnt", "desert", "barren"). C l i m a t i c c o n d i t i o n i s moderately dry w i t h r a i n f a l l measuring 200-250 cm. (80-100 i n c h e s ) . Apart from the lower slopes near the coast, the land has very low a g r i c u l t u r a l value although f o r e s t r y i s becoming a use and w i t h f e r t i l i z a t i o n the growing of s p e c i a l i z e d cash crops such as pineapple i s p o s s i b l e . Along the c o a s t , framing the r i d g e of arable land where farming i s done, coconut p l a n t a t i o n s t h r i v e and the sea, accented i n beauty by an o f f s h o r e r e e f , y i e l d s an abundance of f i s h and seafood. Gau I s l a n d has s i x t e e n v i l l a g e s i n a l l , w i t h a t o t a l p opulation i n the l a t e s t Census (1976) of 2,226 persons. The map of Gau on p. 32 shows the p o s i t i o n s of the v i l l a g e s on the i s l a n d , and Table I I I on p.33 i n d i c a t e s t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n , F i j i a n p o p u l a t i o n , sex and household numbers f o r each of the v i l l a g e s . - 31 -The v i l l a g e s of Gau are qu a s i - s u b s i s t e n c e communities w i t h an i n c r e a s i n g cash income. Subsistence a c t i v i t i e s c e n tre on farming and f i s h i n g ; cash income i s d e r i v e d p r i n c i p a l l y from copra and more r e c e n t l y from government labour on roads and other p u b l i c f a c i l i t i e s . In day-to-day food p r o d u c t i o n , men are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the roo t crops w h i l e women, f o r the most p a r t , procure f i s h which i s the p r i n c i p a l p r o t e i n . A g r i c u l t u r a l production i s c a r r i e d out f i r s t and foremost w i t h the doka (d i g g i n g s t i c k ) , used f o r dalo ( t a r o ) and uvi (yam) p l a n t i n g . For weeding and c u t t i n g i n the bush, the t o o l i s the s e l e (long-blade k n i f e ) . More r e c e n t l y , the motaiva (digging f o r k ) and the s i v i (spade) have entered i n t o a g r i c u l t u r a l production. Women f i s h both w i t h l i n e s (siwa) and with nets ( q o l i ) . The former task i s an i n d i v i d u a l one wh i l e the l a t t e r c a l l s f o r a communal e f f o r t . For magiti ( f e a s t ) or s i m i l a r occasions where a l a r g e and quick supply of f i s h i s r e q u i r e d , men go to the reef w i t h spears, mostly the s a i s a i , l o c a l l y c r a f t e d from a s t e e l rod f i t t e d w i t h a piece of rubber. For surface s p e a r i n g , they use the moto which c o n s i s t s of a long wood handle w i t h about s i x short s t e e l rods a f f i x e d . Spearguns are making t h e i r appearance as are nylon f i s h i n g nets to replace s t r i n g ones, and lead weights to replace the t r a d i t i o n a l sea s h e l l s . Coconut husks and cork are both used to keep f i s h i n g nets a f l o a t . T r a d i t i o n a l basketry i s s t i l l i n evidence on the i s l a n d . While f i s h i n g , women wear the noke, a basket woven from coconut leaves and strapped to the back. Baskets c a l l e d su s e i , a l s o woven from l e a v e s , are used f o r c a r r y i n g r o o t crops. - 32 -Figure 2-2. Map of Gau I s l a n d . - 33 -TABLE I I I . Population o f Gau I s l a n d . (Source: 1976 Census, Government of F i j i ) V i l l a g e T o tal F i j i a n Male Female Housi Lamiti 223 223 98 125 35 Lekanai 61 61 26 35 13 Levuka 133 133 63 70 23 Lovu 143 143 71 72 27 Malawai 143 143 79 64 24 Nacavanadi 154 154 72 82 28 Navukelagi 123 123 61 • 62 18 Nukuloa 89 89 39 50 15 Qarani 147 145 71 76 23 Sawaieke 155 155 84 71 27 Somosomo 131 131 67 64 19 Vadravadra 172 170 82 90 27 Vanuaso 166 166 90 76 27 Vione 145 144 66 79 20 Yadua 56 56 30 26 6 - 34 -The t r a d i t i o n a l house i n Gau, as i n a l l of F i j i , i s the bure, a t h a t c h c o n s t r u c t i o n i d e a l l y s u i t e d to c l i m a t e and a v a i l a b l e n a t u r a l resources. In recent y e a r s , the bure, which r e q u i r e s communal labour to b u i l d and m a i n t a i n , i s f a s t d i s a p p e a r i n g , being r e p l a c e d most o f t e n by a wood frame c o n s t r u c t i o n , o r , where wealth a l l o w s , the cement block house. In intermediary cases, the F i j i a n bure undergoes m o d i f i c a t i o n , perhaps having thatch w a l l s and t i n r o o f i n g (Cf. F i g ure 2-3). In the v i l l a g e o f Lovu, the p r i n c i p a l f i e l d l o c a t i o n i n the study, f o r example, out of a t o t a l o f 28 households, only s i x were l i v i n g i n the F i j i a n bure, nine had modified F i j i a n bure, one f a m i l y l i v e d i n a home made of t i n r o o f i n g i r o n supported on wood beams, and the remaining twelve houses were of wood c o n s t r u c t i o n . During the 1979 research year, I witnessed the appearance of the f i r s t cement block house i n the v i l l a g e , and a second block c o n s t r u c t i o n was begun. P r i o r t o 1953, there were no wood houses or modified F i j i a n bure i n the v i l l a g e . Two f u r t h e r v i l l a g e s i n the Gau study, named Vadravadra and Yadua, are undergoing s i m i l a r changes i n housing p a t t e r n s . Together the three v i l l a g e s of Lovu, Vadravadra and Yadua make 2 up a c o n f e d e r a t i o n o f v i l l a g e s known as a vanua under the l e a d e r s h i p of a paramount c h i e f . Within each v i l l a g e , the p o p u l a t i o n i s d i v i d e d i n t o matagali ("clan", i n a sense, but more p r o p e r l y , a land-holding u n i t whose members a r e , f o r the most p a r t , a p a t r i l i n e a l descent group) . The 28 household u n i t s i n Lovu v i l l a g e represent four d i s t i n c t m a t agali. Table IV on p. 36 shows the t o t a l v i l l a g e p o p u l a t i o n of 173 persons i n r e l a t i o n to age, sex and m a t a g a l i . The v i l l a g e of Yadua, s i t u a t e d F i g u r e 2-3. T r a d i t i o n a l ( u p p e r ) and M o d i f i e d ( l o w e r ) F i j i a n B u r e o n Gau I s l a n d . - 36 -TABLE IV. Population of Lovu V i l l a g e by Age, Sex and M a t a q a l i . Lewenisau Ratu Tui Lovu Waravi M F M F M F M F Total 0-4 7 7 4 3 2 3 1 0 27 5-9 6 1 4 4 2 1 0 0 18 10-14 8 2 3 7 4 0 0 0 24 15-19 6 5 2 4 2 1 0 0 20 20-24 2 2 4 5 3 1 2 1 20 25-29 1 1 3 1 1 3 0 1 11 30-34 3 4 1 1 1 1 0 0 11 35-39 2 1 1 3 1 1 1 o • „ 10 40-44 2 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 6 45-49 3 1 1 4 1 0 0 0 10 50-54 0 1 2 0 1 2 0 0 6 55-59 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 3 60-64 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Over 64 2 2 2 1 0 0 0 0 7 Subtotal 43 30 29 33 19 13 4 2 Total 73 62 32 6 173 - 37 -approximately f i v e miles northeast of Lovu along the coast of the i s l a n d ( c f . map p. 32 ), c o n s i s t s of e i g h t households, w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n of 53 persons d i v i d e d i n t o two m a t a q a l i . Vadravadra, the l a r g e s t v i l l a g e of the t h r e e , l y i n g almost midway between Lovu and Yadua and a l s o s i t u a t e d on the c o a s t , has a p o p u l a t i o n of 210 persons, r e p r e s e n t i n g f o u r mataqali and 28 households. The Gau v i l l a g e s i n the study f o l l o w a somewhat t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n of layout w i t h the v a l e ni moce ( s l e e p i n g houses) surrounding an open green space known as the r a r a . Behind the s l e e p i n g houses are the v a l e ni koro (cooking houses) and the v a l e l a i l a i ( t o i l e t s ) . The most prominent c o n s t r u c t i o n i n a l l three v i l l a g e s i s the v a l e ni l o t u (church b u i l d i n g ) and each of the three v i l l a g e s now has a community centre. One primary s c h o o l , s i t u a t e d near Lovu, serves the three v i l l a g e s , o f f e r i n g grades one through e i g h t . There i s a j u n i o r secondary school on the i s l a n d and kindergarten programs have r e c e n t l y been e s t a b l i s h e d i n each of the three v i l l a g e s . The p r i n c i p a l d i e t i n Gau, c o n s i s t i n g of root crops - dalo ( t a r o ) , uvi (yam) and t a v i o k a (cassava) - and f i s h , i s r e a d i l y supplemented w i t h mago (mango), vudi and j a i n a (two v a r i e t i e s o f banana), balawa ( p i n e a p p l e ) , uto ( b r e a d f r u i t ) and kumala (a v a r i e t y of sweet pot a t o ) . In a d d i t i o n , there are l e a f y foods such as rourou, the l e a f of the t a r o p l a n t , b e l e , a s p i n a c h - l i k e l e a f and cabbage. Besides the v a r i e t y of f i s h and sea animals, pork, beef and chicken are common, e s p e c i a l l y f o r m a g i t i ( f e a s t ) when foods are u s u a l l y baked i n the lovo (earth-oven). F i s h and other foods are o f t e n cooked w i t h coconut m i l k ( l o l o ) , p r o v i d i n g o i l i n the F i j i a n d i e t . And supplementing the l o c a l food - 38 -supply are imported items such as b i s c u i t s , t e a , r i c e , f l o u r , sugar, tinn e d f i s h and corned beef. I t would be easy to r o m a n t i c i z e v i l l a g e l i f e i n Gau. The s e t t i n g i s m a g n i f i c e n t , the c l i m a t e t r o p i c a l w i t h some seasonal v a r i a t i o n and there i s an abundant food supply. But d e s p i t e the f a v o u r a b l e s e t t i n g and abundance o f t r o p i c a l f o o d , the p i c t u r e of a South Seas paradise where goals are e a s i l y s a t i s f i e d does not adequately d e s c r i b e the way of l i f e i n Gau. I t i s t r u e t h a t the resources necessary f o r a comfortable m a t e r i a l l i f e are a v a i l a b l e , but they demand c o n s i d e r a b l e e f f o r t to u t i l i z e . V i l l a g e r s work hard i n the production o f d a i l y food, the b u i l d i n g and m a i n t a i n i n g of s h e l t e r s , educating and c a r i n g f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n , and s a t i s f y i n g the requirements of ceremonial l i f e . I t i s e q u a l l y m i s l e a d i n g , however, to assume t h a t i n a p r i m a r i l y s ubsistence economy a l l of one's e f f o r t s are absorbed i n maintaining a minimum standard of l i v i n g . For i n a d d i t i o n to meeting the e x i g e n c i e s of d a i l y l i f e , there i s time f o r yaqona (kava) d r i n k i n g , talanoa ( s t o r y - t e l l i n g ) , s i n g i n g , worshipping, v i s i t i n g , g o s s i p i n g and r e s t i n g . V i l l a g e l i f e on Gau i s a many-faceted experience, to be sure. The province of Ra i s l o c a t e d on the north s i d e of V i t i Levu, the main i s l a n d i n the F i j i group. Measuring at i t s g r e a t e s t dimension 40 m i l e s by 24 m i l e s , Ra covers a land mass of more than 500 square m i l e s . The commercial f o c a l p o i n t o f the province i s R a k i r a k i , some 99 mi l e s from Suva, the c a p i t a l o f F i j i . Ra province i s reached by t r a v e l l i n g from Suva along the Kings Road, a g r a v e l - t o p highway running along the - 39 -north coast of V i t i Levu. Past R a k i r a k i , f u r t h e r west along the Kings Road, are the towns of Tavua, Ba, Lautoka and Nadi. Running o f f the Kings Road w i t h i n the province are a number of feeder roads by which many of the v i l l a g e s i n Ra are reached. The map on p. 40 shows the p o s i t i o n of Ra province and the major commercial centres 4 on V i t i Levu. The v i l l a g e s of Ra i n c l u d e d i n the study are Burenitu i n Nalawa D i s t r i c t and the combined v i l l a g e s o f Narikoso and Nakorovou, more commonly r e f e r r e d to as Mataso, i n Nakorotubu D i s t r i c t . Table V on p. 41 i n d i c a t e s p o p u l a t i o n ( t o t a l and F i j i a n ) , sex and household s t a t i s t i c s f o r the three v i l l a g e s . Much of what I have d e s c r i b e d about the v i l l a g e s i n Gau a l s o a p p l i e s to Ra. However, Ra province i s a commercial cane-growing area and the e f f e c t s of a cash economy are more r e a d i l y f e l t here. Moreover, while L o m a i v i t i province i s i n h a b i t e d almost e x c l u s i v e l y by Melanesian F i j i a n s known as i Taukei ("owners") ( c f . Table I I I , p. 33 ) Ra province i s s e t t l e d both by i Taukei and Indians, the l a t t e r having been brought to F i j i from India as indentured labourers under the B r i t i s h C o l o n i a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Hence, Ra p r o v i n c e , sharing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f e a t u r e s of the i s l a n d of V i t i Levu, r e f l e c t s the e t h n i c breakdown of F i j i as a whole whereas Gau and L o m a i v i t i do not. Table VI on p. 41 shows the p o p u l a t i o n of F i j i by race. While the Melanesian F i j i a n s i n Ra c o n t i n u e , f o r the most p a r t , to be concentrated i n v i l l a g e s , the Indian p o p u l a t i o n , by c o n t r a s t , i s d i s p e r s e d , s i t u a t e d mostly along main roads c r e a t i n g a r i b b o n - l i k e - 40 -F i g u r e 2 - 4 . Map o f V i t i L e v u . (The i l l u s t r a t i o n s h o w s r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n o f Ra p r o v i n c e t o m a j o r c o m m e r c i a l c e n t r e s . ) - 41 -TABLE V. Population of Ra V i l l a g e s : T o t a l , F i j i a n , Sex and Household D i v i s i o n s . (Source: 1976 Census, Government of F i j i ) V i l l a g e Total F i j i a n Male Female Households Burenitu 188 186 94 94 33 Narikoso 139 139 75 64 24 Nakorovou 85 85 42 43 13 TABLE VI. Population o f F i j i by Race: 1966 and 1976 Comparison. (Source: 1976 Census, Government of F i j i ) Race 1966 1976 F i j i a n s 202,176 259,932 Indians 240,960 292,896 Part-Europeans 9,687 10,276 Europeans 6,590 4,929 Rotumans 5,797 6,822 Chinese 5,149 4,652 Other P a c i f i c I s landers 6,095 7,291 Others 273 1,270 Total 476,727 588,068 TABLE V I I . Number of G a l a l a From Three Ra V i l l a q e s , 1979. (Source: Rural Worker, Ra) Total Mataqali Households G a l a l a Burenitu 210 6 28 15 Nari koso 100 6 14 8 Nakorovou 52 2 8 4 - 42 -p a t t e r n , w i t h no f o c a l p o i n t other than perhaps a v i l l a g e s t o r e . In t h a t Indians outnumber the Melanesians i n the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n and are concentrated i n commercial centres and cane-growing areas, t h e i r e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t i e s present a very r e a l t h r e a t to the F i j i a n v i l l a g e system i n places l i k e Ra. For i t i s d i f f i c u l t f o r the F i j i a n to compete with h i s Indian counterpart i n commercial a g r i c u l t u r e w h i l e he maintains communal o b l i g a t i o n s i n t e g r a l to "the F i j i a n way of l i f e " . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g , then, t h a t a movement known as g a l a l a (independent farmer) has met w i t h some success i n Ra. Fr a s e r , who completed a study of p o p u l a t i o n and land use i n Ra i n 1969 ( i . e . , during F i j i ' s c o l o n i a l e r a ) , suggests t h a t the g r e a t e s t l o c a l Q challenge to the v i l l a g e system i s the g a l a l a , he w r i t e s : In 1959 there were some 180 g a l a l a i n Ra, r e p r e s e n t i n g almost 14% of the F i j i a n males a c t u a l l y engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r e . These were men who wished to be f r e e d from communal tasks a t the behest of the Turaga-ni-koro ( v i l l a g e headman), to be allowed to work t h e i r own l a n d commercially, and to s h i f t t h e i r residence away from the v i l l a g e i f they so wished. To become a g a l a l a a man had to make formal a p p l i c a t i o n through the o f f i c i a l d i s t r i c t headman ( B u i i ) to the p r o v i n c i a l headman (Roko), g i v i n g evidence o f his a b i l i t y to support h i m s e l f and h i s f a m i l y . . . and pay a y e a r l y r a t e to compensate the v i l l a g e f o r l o s s o f h i s s e r v i c e s ( i n B r o o k f i e l d 1973:88-9). Since F i j i gained independence from B r i t a i n i n 1970, the above r u l e s f o r becoming g a l a l a no longer hold. However, the moral issue concerning communal duties w i t h i n the v i l l a g e (as opposed to formal - 43 -s t a t u t e s regarding same) remains. And w h i l e commercial a c t i v i t i e s do not n e c e s s i t a t e e i t h e r l e a v i n g the v i l l a g e or withdrawing from p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n customary a c t i v i t i e s , some farmers do leave and some a l t e r t h e i r l i f e T s t y l e s c o n s i d e r a b l y . Table VII on p. 41 i n d i c a t e s the number of g a l a l a i n r e l a t i o n to o v e r a l l p o p u l a t i o n and k i n s h i p c a t e g o r i e s i n the three v i l l a g e s i n cluded i n the study. And Table V I I I on p. 44 summarizes p o p u l a t i o n , land use and sources of income by mataqali f o r the two v i l l a g e s making up Mataso. The Rural Worker as Change Agent The v i l l a g e s of Gau and Ra described above seem f a r removed from the i n t e r n a t i o n a l c l i m a t e surrounding the new v o l u n t a r y agency i n Suva. I want now, then, to r e l a t e how the people of these two r u r a l areas came to be r e c i p i e n t s of the development a i d program. E a r l y i n 1972, w h i l e a candidate f o r the Methodist m i n i s t r y at the P a c i f i c T h e o l o g i c a l College i n Suva, a young man from Ra named E l o n i Goneyali was assigned a f i e l d w o r k placement w i t h Dennis O l i v e r i n the new YMCA of F i j i . In E l o n i 1 s words, One of the very powerful i n f l u e n c i n g people who came i n t o my l i f e t h a t year was Dennis. A f t e r two or three weeks of being there w i t h him, and he e x p l a i n e d and e x p l a i n e d and e x p l a i n e d , I got what he was t r y i n g to say, and I s t a r t e d to get i n t o a c t i o n . Then I asked him, "Well, Dennis, what i s the p o s s i b i l i t y of my doing t h i s work i n Ra?" TABLE VIII. Population, Land Use and Sources of Income by Mataqali, Mataso. Mataqali Population Households Galala Land (acres) Cane Comment Other Cash Sources Navutu Sarava Vaturua Navuvulo Maqamulagi Nadraukawa Nakorotabu Namulau Narau 103 29 43 40 20 34 28 21 48 13 149 1000 1500 1100 150 0 1500 1000 1600 No No No Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes Land far away; no road to i t . Cane labour. Land not suitable. Land not suitable. Cane labour; catt le grazing. Cane labour. Two men planting 25 acres each. Cane labour. Land suitable but no road to i t . Cane labour. Leasing 150 acres from another Cattle grazing. mataqali of which part used for cane growing. Planting cane on own land. Cattle grazing. One man planting on 100 acres; Cane labour, other land not suitable. A l l men plant cane on own land. Lease of 100 acres to Indians. - 45 -He s a i d , "Why E l o n i ? " I s a i d , "Because I would l i k e to do i t . " "No, you're a t a l a t a l a ( " m i n i s t e r " ) . " I s a i d , "No, I've not made up my mind y e t . Besides, t h i s i s the t a l a t a l a ' s r o l e , d e a l i n g w i t h the people." So he s a i d , " I t ' s up to you. You can do i t i f you want t o . " So I went to the p r i n c i p a l o f P.T.C. and I t o l d him t h a t I was going to do something d i f f e r e n t a f t e r t r a i n i n g t h e r e . And he s a i d , "Oh, boy, you put me i n t o t r o u b l e . You put t h i s c o l l e g e i n t o t r o u b l e . " I s a i d , "Why?" "Because the Methodists sent you here on a S c h o l a r s h i p so you c o u l d go back and serve the church. I f you p i c k a d i f f e r e n t route now, the people w i l l suspect t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n of t r a i n i n g r a d i c a l m i n i s t e r s . People are going to turn away from the church." I s a i d , "Oh, I don't worry about what the Methodists say; I worry about what my f a i t h says." He laughed, "Oh, E l o n i . " I s a i d , " I f I go back to a normal m i n i s t e r i a l r o l e i n the c i r c u i t now, I w i l l d i e . I w i l l d i e s h o r t . I don't want that type of l i f e . A f u l l -time p a r i s h m i n i s t e r - t h a t ' s no l i f e ; i t ' s mere r e p e t i t i o n . " "Oh, a l r i g h t " , he s a i d , "Pray hard and l i s t e n to God. And t a l k to your other profe s s o r s here at the Co l l e g e . At the end, i f you s t i l l hold on to that t h i n g , r i g h t , go. I ' l l be pleased w i t h you. That's qui te a new t h i n g . " E l o n i d i d "hold on to t h a t t h i n g " , and when he completed h i s t h e o l o g i c a l t r a i n i n g , he returned to h i s n a t i v e Ra as a r u r a l worker with the YMCA. The people i n Gau got the YMCA message i n a d i f f e r e n t way. They f i r s t heard about the r u r a l work program on the r a d i o . A young man from the v i l l a g e o f Lovu e x p l a i n s : - 46 -We heard the r a d i o broadcast. That was back i n 1973 during our grog party ( i . e . , yaqona d r i n k i n g ) here one ni g h t . I t was an i n t e r v i e w w i t h Dennis O l i v e r and Elo n i Goneyali. They were e x p l a i n i n g about the YMCA and what i t i s t r y i n g to do. They t a l k e d about the youth, urban d r i f t , community development, r u r a l development, the problems i n the government programs, so many t h i n g s . The people l i s t e n e d and they were very i n t e r e s t e d . So they s t a r t e d t a l k i n g about i t , and a f t e r they discussed i t a w h i l e , they decided we needed more i n f o r m a t i o n . So Jone ( i . e . , one of the v i l l a g e r s ) was going to Suva and somebody s a i d , "Why don't we send a l e t t e r w i t h Jone?" So a l l these young men wrote a l e t t e r ; they s a i d , "We need more i n f o r m a t i o n . Please come and e x p l a i n i t to us." So Jone went to Suva and he came back, and he t o l d us t h a t they s a i d they would come. That they themselves would come and e x p l a i n i t to us. But they t o l d Jone some things about i t and he was r e a l l y e x c i t e d and, you know, when we were d r i n k i n g grog or going out to the gardens, he would t e l l us about i t . So they came here, Dennis and T a n i e l a ( i . e . , an indigenous man h i r e d by the YMCA). They came by boat and they stayed two days here. We had our meeting i n the Rate's ( i . e . , c h i e f ' s ) house. Dennis t a l k e d i n E n g l i s h and T a n i e l a t r a n s l a t e d . The people got more i n t e r e s t e d from l i s t e n i n g to what he s a i d -about what the YMCA b e l i e v e s , about what the YMCA does. So a f t e r the meeting they t o l d us i t was f o r the community to decide. . I f the community decides i t wants to j o i n the YMCA, we can w r i t e a l e t t e r back to the o f f i c e . Or i f we decide r i g h t now, we can l e t them know r i g h t away. So we decided r i g h t then to j o i n the YMCA. The f o l l o w i n g day, a young man named J o v e l i s i Cavuka was s e l e c t e d by the v i l l a g e to be the YMCA r u r a l worker. He t r a v e l l e d to Suva f o r a six-week t r a i n i n g program at the YMCA o f f i c e and returned to do r u r a l development on Gau. In 1976, J o v e l i s i was promoted to the p o s t i n g o f Rural Work D i r e c t o r f o r the YMCA of F i j i and another young man from the same v i l l a g e , named Semisi Loco, was appointed the new 9 r u r a l worker f o r Gau. - 47 -Figure 2-5. Principal Figures in the YMCA Rural Work Program - 48 -Given the above d e s c r i p t i o n of the people and the s e t t i n g , we proceed now to a ' d e s c r i p t i o n and a n a l y s i s o f t r a d i t i o n a l F i j i a n v i l l a g e l i f e . - 49 -Footnotes Rural work expenditures expressed i n F i j i a n d o l l a r s are c a l c u l a t e d at the exchange r a t e of F$l.00 = C$1.28. The phenomenon of vanua i s discussed i n d e t a i l i n Chapter 4. The concept o f mataqali i s explained i n Chapter 4. For a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of the p h y s i c a l geography and re g i o n a l d i v i s i o n o f Ra pr o v i n c e , I r e f e r the reader to the work o f R.M. Frazer who completed a d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n on Land Use and Population i n Ra Province, F i j i ( A u s t r a l i a n National U n i v e r s i t y , 1961). In the present c o n t e x t , see a l s o and e s p e c i a l l y h i s a r t i c l e s "A S o c i a l and Economic H i s t o r y of Ra Province" i n Tra n s a c t i o n s of the F i j i S o c i e t y , 1962-3, V o l . 9 (1968) and "The F i j i a n V i l l a g e and the Independent Farmer" i n B r o o k f i e l d (Ed.), The P a c i f i c i n T r a n s i t i o n , Edward A r n o l d , London, 1973. The n o t i o n of i ta u k e i ("owner") does not appear i n the l i t e r a t u r e on pre-contact or e a r l y contact F i j i . I t would seem to be a name which came to be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the Melanesian F i j i a n s as a response to the i n f l u x o f the Indian migrants as per footnote 6 below. However, i t i s not c l e a r t o me whether i taukei i s a name the F i j i a n s of Melanesian stock gave to themselves or one which was a t t r i b u t e d to them i n view o f the development of land tenure p o l i c y . The lan d p o l i c y i s s u e i s taken up i n Chapter 4. P r i o r to the ceding o f F i j i to B r i t a i n , the need f o r outside labour i n F i j i had been met by men r e f e r r e d to as 'Polynesian' although they were p r i m a r i l y from the Melanesian areas o f the New Hebrides and Solomon Islands (as w e l l as the G i l b e r t s and o t h e r i s l a n d groups). S i r Arthur Gordon, the f i r s t Governor o f the new colony, decided on a p o l i c y to use indentured labour from I n d i a . Writes Burns, "In view of the present a t t i t u d e o f the F i j i a n s to t h e i r Indian f e l l o w -c i t i z e n s , i t i s important to r e c a l l t h a t i t was S i r Arthur Gordon, one of the g r e a t e s t champions of the F i j i a n people, who f i r s t proposed the immigration of Indians. He had p r e v i o u s l y been Governor of M a u r i t i u s , where Indian indentured labour had been introduced as e a r l y as 1834. Nothing was done f o r a w h i l e but as 'Polynesian' labour became s c a r c e r ( p a r t l y because o f competition from - 50 -Queensland) and the F i j i a n s , depleted i n numbers by the measles epidemic, were unable or u n w i l l i n g to perform r e g u l a r work, Gordon r e v i v e d the proposal i n 1877. A f t e r long n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h the Government of India a scheme f o r indentured labour was agreed upon. "The p r i n c i p a l f e a t u r e s of the scheme were t h a t v o l u n t e e r s were r e c r u i t e d by agents i n India and a f t e r s i g n i n g c o n t r a c t s were t r a n s p o r t e d to F i j i at the expense of the employers to whom they were l a t e r assigned. The c o n t r a c t i n each case was with the F i j i Government and the lab o u r e r bound h i m s e l f to work where he was d i r e c t e d f o r a term of f i v e years i n r e t u r n f o r agreed wages and accommodation. He could then work f o r another f i v e years f o r whom he pleased and was a f t e r t h i s e n t i t l e d to f r e e passages back to India f o r himself and his f a m i l y . I t was s t i p u l a t e d t h a t f o r t y women should be brought to F i j i f o r every one hundred men. "The f i r s t immigrant ship a r r i v e d from India i n May 1879, wit h 481 labourers on board. Between that date and 1916, when the indenture system was a b o l i s h e d , some 62,000 Indians were brought to F i j i under indenture and of these only about o n e - t h i r d e x e r c i s e d t h e i r r i g h t to r e p a t r i a t i o n ; some even of these subsequently decided to come back to F i j i . There were a l s o a few immigrants who came from India at t h e i r own expense, but the g r e a t e r p a r t o f the present Indian p o p u l a t i o n i n F i j i (205,068 at the end of 1961) are the descendants of indentured l a b o u r e r s . I t i s estimated that over 92 per cent o f the Indians now i n F i j i were born i n the colony" (1963:110-11). For a more complete account of the Indian c u l t u r e i n F i j i , c f . , f o r example, J.W. C o u l t e r , F i j i : L i t t l e India of the P a c i f i c (1942); K.L. G i l l i o n , The F i j i Indians: Challenge to European Dominance: 1920-1946 (1977); A.C. Mayer, Peasants i n the P a c i f i c : A Study of F i j i  Indian Rural S o c i e t y (1961) and by the same author, Indians i n F i j i (1963). A d i s c u s s i o n o f communal o b l i g a t i o n s i n t e g r a l to "the F i j i a n way o f l i f e " i s taken up i n d e t a i l i n Part II of the study. The YMCA r u r a l work program i n Ra centres on the issu e of g a l a l a and i s discussed i n d e t a i l i n Part IV of the study. I n i t i a l l y , s e l e c t i o n of YMCA r u r a l workers was undertaken by p l a c i n g advertisements i n the newspaper, then sh o r t -l i s t i n g and i n t e r v i e w i n g respondents, the f i n a l s e l e c t i o n being made by the Rural Work Committee. Hence, as i n c r e a s i n g funds were secured f o r the program, advertisements were placed and the Rural Work Committee decided the suc c e s s f u l - 51 -candidates. At the same time, there were u s u a l l y several requests by v i l l a g e s f o r the YMCA s e r v i c e , and s e l e c t i o n of the v i l l a g e or area to be served d i d not u s u a l l y precede s e l e c t i o n o f the r u r a l worker. As a r e s u l t , t h e re were cases where there was no matching of a r u r a l worker to a s p e c i f i c area of work. In other words, the Rural Work Committee was making a d e c i s i o n to appoint a man to an unknown area without c o n s u l t i n g the people of t h a t area. E v e n t u a l l y i t was found that sometimes people would say they approved of a p a r t i c u l a r worker so as not to offend the YMCA but then d i d not work w i t h the o u t s i d e r once he got s e t t l e d i n the community. As a r e s u l t of these d i f f i c u l t i e s , a p o l i c y of having the v i l l a g e s e l e c t i t s own candidate i n c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h the Rural Work Committee was decided upon. This procedure seems to be working w e l l . Hence, i n r e l a t i o n to the present study, the appointment of Semisi Loco as the r u r a l worker i n Gau represents the cu r r e n t p o l i c y w h i l e t h a t of E l o n i Goneyali -i n Ra i s somewhat of a s p e c i a l case. - 52 -PART I I . THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF TRADITION - 53 -And how do we keep our balance? Tradit ion! You may ask me how our tradit ion got started. I don't know, but I ' l l te l l you th is : because of t rad i t ion , each one of us knows who he is and what God expects him to do. Without our t rad i t ion , our l ives would be as shaky as a f iddler on the roof. - Tevia, in Fiddler on the Roof - 54 -CHAPTER 3. TRADITION AS EPIPHENOMENON. Introduction Fi j ians have a way of referring to their ' t r a d i t i o n 1 . They cal l i t na. i tovo vakavit i . It translates "the Fi j ian way of l i f e " and is taken to mean that d is t inct ly F i j ian way of doing things. Today, when Fi j ians in Gau (and in Ra) make reference to that way of l i f e , they art iculate indigenous culture in terms of three inst i tut ional arenas: vakavanua (customary respons ib i l i t ies ) , vakamatanitu (governmental responsib i l i t ies) and vakalotu (religious func t ions ) J The above categories refer , respectively, to socio-economic, po l i t i ca l and rel igious spheres of l i f e . And given that these three spheres go together to make up part of what we cal l ' cu l tu re ' , we should expect to find an interconsistency or inter-relatedness among the parts. In the. present-day situation of Fi j ians on Gau, however, the above is not the case. Na i tovo vakaviti does not there refer to a d is t inct l y F i j ian way of l i f e but rather to an uneasy partnership of indigenous and European inst i tu t ions , creating an ambience where the F i j ian is caught in the current of change, prodded on the one side by allegiance to foreign inst i tut ions he ca l l s his own and on the other by an a f f in i t y to a no longer viable cultural past. This current state of cultural pluralism, as i t were, seems to elude detection as Fi j ians continue to speak as though na i tovo vakaviti were a tradit ional way of l i f e juxtaposed with the poss ib i l i ty of a new - 55 -and d i f f e r e n t one. Note, f o r example, the f o l l o w i n g statement by Nayacakalou, A F i j i a n a n t h r o p o l o g i s t w r i t i n g about h i s own c u l t u r e . But the i r o n y of the s i t u a t i o n i s t h a t w h i l e people are i n the middle of a p e r i o d of a c c e l e r a t e d s o c i a l change, there i s s t i l l d i s c u s s i o n as to whether or not to change t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e . On the one hand there are expressions of disappointment t h a t they are not being helped enough to enter the modern world of competitive economic e n t e r p r i s e , w h i l e on the o t h e r , there i s an emphatic demand t h a t they must not a l t e r t h e i r way o f l i f e . The c o n f l i c t i s eased p a r t l y by the b e l i e f t h a t one can compete w i t h i n the framework of the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e , and p a r t l y by r e -i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e . The f i r s t b e l i e f i s s t r o n g l y l i n k e d w i t h published views on government p o l i c y , and the second with the i n f l u e n c e of those who, e i t h e r through s e l f -i n t e r e s t o r u n c e r t a i n t y about the outcome of change, b e l i e v e t h a t the o l d order i s worth preserving f o r i t s own sake (1975:03). Nayacakalou i s c o r r e c t about the predicament. Many F i j i a n s are a l l o w i n g f o r a choice which does not i n r e a l i t y e x i s t . For not only does the F i j i a n no longer have the o p t i o n of . "preserving the o l d order f o r i t s own sake"; he has not had the option at a l l . The "old order" f e l l more than a century ago, f i r s t through the persuasion of the m i s s i o n a r i e s and l a t e r through c o l o n i z a t i o n . The f o l l o w i n g three chapters which make up Part II of the t h e s i s expand the above p o s i t i o n on F i j i a n ' t r a d i t i o n 1 ; that i s , what those F i j i a n s ( p r i n c i p a l l y ) i n Gau take to be t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e . The purpose of the d e s c r i p t i o n i s two-fold. F i r s t , I want to e s t a b l i s h , through the a n a l y s i s of events and i d e a s , the essence of the ' t r a d i t i o n ' which informs the F i j i a n as to "who he i s and what God - 56 -expects him to do". The goal here i s to provide a d e s c r i p t i o n of " F i j i a n t r a d i t i o n " which w i l l lend i t s e l f to comparison w i t h my a n a l y s i s of development i n P a r t I I I of the study. Secondly, I want to i n d i c a t e , w i t h i n the above d e s c r i p t i o n , which elements r e f e r to a pre-contact c u l t u r e and which r e f l e c t the i n c l u s i o n o f e x t e r n a l elements, s p e c i f i c a l l y Europeanization. The purpose here i s to provide a framework w i t h i n which to consider the data of the present-day development a i d program i n r e l a t i o n to i t s h i s t o r i c a l m i s s i o n i z a t i o n c o u n t e r p a r t , a l s o i n Part I I I . I enter the e x p l o r a t i o n o f F i j i a n ' t r a d i t i o n ' at the l e v e l of epiphenomenon. Much of what I w i l l i n c l u d e i n the present chapter might w e l l d e s c r i b e dimensions o f socio-economic, p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s l i f e i n various parts of F i j i . However, the goal here i s not to s t r i v e f o r a g e n e r a l i z e d d e s c r i p t i o n o f F i j i a n c u l t u r e . The purpose i s i n s t e a d to present data from Gau at a f i r s t order of a b s t r a c t i o n and to make some p r e l i m i n a r y statements about t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e . How these data r e f e r to the more general p i c t u r e and how they compare w i t h e x i s t i n g ethnographies w i l l be taken up i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter. The data which are included s a t i s f y two c r i t e r i a : (1) they represent t y p i c a l , on-going a c t i v i t i e s and ideas w i t h i n each of the three i n s t i t u t i o n a l arenas, and (2) they correspond to those same spheres of a c t i v i t y which are i n t e g r a l to the development a i d program ( o u t l i n e d i n the f i r s t chapter of Part I I I ) . In the socio-economic sphere, I am f o c u s s i n g on a c t i v i t i e s and ideas a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the p r o v i s i o n o f food ( s p e c i f i c a l l y yams), s h e l t e r and education, and these are discussed i n r e l a t i o n to one's duty to k i n which, i n Gau at l e a s t , i s expressed i n terms of v e i l a l a v i as communal work - 57 -on b e h a l f o f the community. In the p o l i t i c a l realm, I w i l l d e s cribe two events which, taken together, i l l u s t r a t e one's duty to c h i e f w i t h reference to the notion o f vakatulewa vakaturaga as a system of c h i e f l y command. The t h i r d area focusses on r e l i g i o u s meanings and one's duty to God through the concept o f v e i g a r a v i (worship) and the data i n c l u d e events and ideas o c c u r r i n g both w i t h i n and ou t s i d e the formal church program. Unless otherwise s p e c i f i e d , a l l of the above data are taken from Gau, the p r i n c i p a l f i e l d l o c a t i o n i n the study. The Ra data are reserved f o r Pa r t IV where the Ra r u r a l development program described there provides a f i t t i n g c o n t r a s t t o t h a t o f Gau i n keeping w i t h the d i f f e r e n c e s emphasized i n Chapter 2 between the Gau and Ra areas o f F i j i . VEILALAVI: 2 ONE'S DUTY TO KIN. Yam Gardening and Kerekere As subsistence c u l t i v a t o r s w i t h some cash income, Gau Islanders spend a s i g n i f i c a n t percentage of t h e i r working hours i n t h e i r gardens. Each man maintains h i s own garden on mataqali ( c l a n , i n a sense, but more p r o p e r l y a la n d - h o l d i n g u n i t ) land. Two p r i n c i p a l root crops - ta v i o k a (cassava) and dalo ( t a r o ) - are planted i n d i v i d u a l l y w h i l e a t h i r d root c r o p , uvi (yam), i s planted communally. Yam i s a seasonal crop and has long storage p o t e n t i a l . I t i s , t h e r e f o r e , a c r u c i a l food item - (cassava and t a r o are not storage crops) - and l i k e t a r o , f eatures prominently i n ceremonial exchanges. In Gau, when yam season - August through October - approaches, each man's garden i n t u r n i s planted by the community - 58 -of a d u l t males. J In exchange, the host gardener provides the noon-day meal and the evening's yaqona (kava) d r i n k i n g f o r t h a t p l a n t i n g day. The yam garden represents something of s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the p a r t of Gau where I worked. In c o n t r a s t to t a r o patches and cassava p l a n t a t i o n s , the occasion of a young man's f i r s t yam garden c a l l s f o r a r i t u a l observance known as the rova. This event i n v o l v e s the g i v i n g away of t r a d i t i o n a l wealth and a communal f e a s t i n g upon completion of the p l a n t i n g o f the new garden. The preparations f o r the rova are made by the female a d u l t s o f the youth's matagali. When the women see t h a t the p l a n t i n g i s completed, one of them blows the davui (the trumpet s h e l l known as the t r i t o n ) to a l e r t the men that the rova i s ready. Upon hearing the d a v u i , the men leave t h e i r digging s t i c k s and race f o r the rova. He who gets there f i r s t w i l l win a tabua (whale's t o o t h , the most va l u a b l e form of t r a d i t i o n a l wealth). The runner-up w i l l l i k e l y r e c e i v e a t r a d i t i o n a l s u l u (piece of c l o t h ) or masi (tapa c l o t h ) , and the remaining wealth - kerosene, v o i v o i (the sheaths of the pandanus p l a n t , d r i e d and prepared f o r the making of mats), perhaps some candies and soap, and the l i k e - w i l l be shared by the remainder o f those t a k i n g p a r t i n the p l a n t i n g . Then they f e a s t together. In t h a t no s i m i l a r a c t i v i t y accompanies the i n i t i a t i o n of a young man's cassava p l a n t a t i o n or taro patch, and, whereas yam, as opposed to cassava and t a r o , i s communally pl a n t e d , the rova seems to me to be symbolic of the young man's admission i n t o the community of a d u l t males i n the 4 context of r e c i p r o c a l r i g h t s and d u t i e s regarding communal labour. - 59 -Recent o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r cash employment, p r i n c i p a l l y the b u i l d i n g o f a government road around the i s l a n d , and the completion of a l o c a l a i r s t r i p and t e r m i n a l , have placed considerable s t r a i n on the t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n of communal p l a n t i n g . For w h i l e a man who takes on a temporary or permanent wage-earning p o s i t i o n can continue to p l a n t cassava or t a r o i n h i s spare time, his p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the communal e f f o r t a s s o c i a t e d w i t h yam production i s no longer p o s s i b l e . The question a r i s e s as to whether the remaining v i l l a g e males, almost a l l o f whom are k i n - r e l a t e d , w i l l continue to p l a n t the yam garden of a wage-earning member. C l e a r l y , t h i s c o n f l i c t of i n t e r e s t i n v o l v e s a moral dilemma and challenges the ideology of t r a d i t i o n a l exchange. During the 1979 research y e a r , a d e c i s i o n was made i n a v i l l a g e meeting i n Gau t h a t the yam gardens of those undertaking labour f o r cash would no longer be communally planted. The genesis of the above d e c i s i o n was a sentiment expressed during yam p l a n t i n g where the c o n v e r s a t i o n l e d to the s o l u t i o n t h a t , i f those v i l l a g e r s who are earning cash income want a yam garden, they should c o n t r i b u t e money to the community. When cash-earning members were informed of the d e c i s i o n , t h e i r responses were v a r i o u s . One r e p l i e d , " I f t h a t ' s the p l a n , I don't want to take part i n any more v i l l a g e f u n d - r a i s i n g , and when there's a s o l i ( o f f e r i n g ) , I won't c o n t r i b u t e . " Another went to some kinsmen i n a neighbouring v i l l a g e and, presenting a tabua (whale's tooth) i n the 5 t r a d i t i o n a l way, requested t h a t they p l a n t h i s garden f o r him; they d i d . A t h i r d went q u i e t l y and planted h i s yam garden by himself. - 60 -The production of yam i s one element i n the moral equation. A second dimension i s d i s t r i b u t i o n . Here a g a i n , the t e n s i o n between the t r a d i t i o n a l and the emergent becomes evident. For one has, i d e a l l y a t l e a s t , a c h o i c e : he can dispose of h i s yam surplus - f o r a yam garden y i e l d s a d d i t i o n a l to one's household consumption needs - by s e l l i n g h i s yams or by g i v i n g them away. I f he does the l a t t e r , one i s responding to a t r a d i t i o n a l system of delayed r e c i p r o c i t y known as kerekere whereby one can "borrow" from k i n i n time of need, thereby p l a c i n g himself under o b l i g a t i o n to respond to a s i m i l a r request on some f u t u r e occasion. Kerekere i s d e f i n e d i n the New F i j i a n D i c t i o n a r y (1973) as "a system of g a i n i n g t h i n g s by begging f o r them from a member of one's own group - a recognized system i n F i j i a n s o c i e t y " (95). However, as Sahli n s (1962) p o i n t s out, kerekere i s not simply "borrowing" and i s c e r t a i n l y not "begging" as we g e n e r a l l y understand these p r a c t i c e s . Kerekere deri v e s from the verb kerea which means "to request" and the request might be a good or a s e r v i c e or the permission of a c h i e f or so f o r t h . In other words, kerekere i s not r e s t r i c t e d t o economic t r a n s a c t i o n s i n the narrow sense o f the word. Indeed, i t has no p r e c i s e analogue i n European economic t h i n k i n g because one of the c r i t i c a l f e a t u r e s o f kerekere i s k i n s h i p . S a h l i n s w r i t e s : Kinship between donor and r e c i p i e n t i s an i n d i c a t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of kerekere. Most requests are made to kinsmen w i t h i n the home community, but i n any case the person p u t t i n g the request and the p o t e n t i a l donor should be kinsmen. This does not i n f a c t r e s t r i c t the sphere of kerekere i n any way because k i n s h i p can always be w i d e l y extended through c l a s s i f i c a t o r y - 61 -d e v i c e s , or i f necessary through the idea t h a t a l l F i j i a n s - or a l l humanity - have a common o r i g i n . The avenues of kerekere open to j u s t about anyone a person meets. The s i g n i f i c a n c e o f k i n s h i p f o r kerekere i s t h a t k i n e t h i c s , the o b l i g a t i o n to give support, a i d , and comfort, dominate the t r a n s a c t i o n . The economic or the u t i l i t a r i a n element o f the t r a n s a c t i o n i s once again subordinated t o the s o c i a l , k i n s h i p element (1962:203-4). The f o l l o w i n g datum c o l l e c t e d by S a h l i n s on the neighbouring (to Gau) i s l a n d of Moala perhaps best i l l u s t r a t e s the above p r i n c i p a l . E a r l y i n my i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f kerekere I asked a man the f o l l o w i n g very naive q u e s t i o n : "Suppose two men, one a r e l a t i v e o f yours and one not, had something t h a t you needed, which would you go t o ( f o r kerekere)?" The r e p l y was to t h i s e f f e c t : "I would go to my r e l a t i v e , o f course. I f he d i d n ' t give i t to me, and the other man d i d I would know th a t the other man was r e a l l y my r e l a t i v e . " (1962:204). Another important f e a t u r e o f kerekere i s t h a t any such request should r e f e r t o a l e g i t i m a t e need or 1eqa ("problem"). Hence, S a h l i n s disagrees (as do I) w i t h Roth's (1953) perception of kerekere where " i f a person admired something belonging to another, i t was handed over as i f the act o f admiration had been a request to pa r t with i t " (36). Writes S a h l i n s , "Perhaps t h i s i s tr u e among F i j i a n s l i v i n g i n European c e n t r e s , but i t i s not the t r a d i t i o n a l form of kerekere" (1962:441).^ As p r a c t i s e d on Gau, kerekere may r e f e r to the casual "borrowing" o f some f o o d s t u f f s , soap or kerosene f o r immediate needs, or represent a more formal and c o s t l y request as i n the example below. - 62 -On t h i s o c c a s i o n , which took place during 1979, a d e l e g a t i o n of men have a r r i v e d from a neighbouring v i l l a g e on the same i s l a n d . Ceremonially p r e s e n t i n g two tabua to the v i l l a g e c h i e f and the assembled males, they make t h e i r request. We have s e t t l e d on a piece of land which belongs to the Vunivalu ( i . e . , the paramount c h i e f ) . 7 So t h i s year we want t o take a sevu ( " f i r s t - f r u i t s " ) o f the land we are using to the V u n i v a l u . We have been l o o k i n g around to see what we've got; i t doesn't s u i t our need. We don't have enough to take. So t h a t i s why we have come here t h i s evening. We want to take something t o the landowner on whose land we are s e t t l i n g . The kamunaga ( r e f e r r i n g t o the c e r e m o n i a l l y presented tabua) i s not enough; i t i s too s m a l l . I f i t i s ugly, we hope t h a t you w i l l see i t as good-looking; i f i t i s s m a l l , we hope th a t you w i l l see i t as a big t h i n g . We put the i c o l a c o l a ("burden to the shoulder") on you now and we hope th a t we won't go back empty. We are sure that we are going to r e c e i v e help from you. The words of the kamunaga ( i . e . , the speech accompanying the p r e s e n t a t i o n of the tabua) are long which are presented up t o the Chief Ratu ( i . e . , a formal t i t l e s i g n i f y i n g c h i e f l y s t a t u s ) and others under him. The p r e s e n t a t i o n r e c e i v e s the f o l l o w i n g r e p l y , spoken by a v i l l a g e e l d e r r e p r e s e n t i n g the Chief Ratu. I'm touching the kamunaga ( i . e . , he has taken the tabua i n h i s hands), the kamunaga vakaturaga (the c h i e f l y presented t r a d i t i o n a l w e a l t h ) , the kamunaga o f l i f e , the kamunaga of firmness. Our blood s h a l l be t h i c k , ( i . e . , our k i n s h i p s h a l l be s t r o n g ) . May you get what you need. - 63 -He hands the tabua to h i s matanivanua ( l i t e r a l l y , "face of the l a n d " , r e f e r r i n g to the spokesman f o r the c h i e f ) . The matanivanua now speaks. I'm untying ( i . e . , r e c e i v i n g ) the kamunaga from the hands of the C h i e f Ratu, the kamunaga which i s presented from the Chief Tui £. ( i . e . , the highest ranking c h i e f from the r e q u e s t i n g v i l l a g e . ) We r e c e i v e the kamunaga wi t h a high f e e l i n g . What you have come f o r s h a l l be done because we have r e c e i v e d the kamunaga f o r the purpose i t was presented. We s h a l l do our duty very w e l l . Our blood s h a l l be t h i c k and the lewa ( r u l e , command) of the vanua ("land", r e f e r r i n g s p e c i f i c a l l y to a t e r r i t o r y under the l e a d e r s h i p of a c h i e f ) s h a l l be f i r m . Then, f o l l o w i n g t r a d i t i o n a l custom, a p r e s e n t a t i o n of yaqona (kava) i s made as a sevusevu ( o f f e r i n g o f f i r s t - f r u i t s ) i n r e t u r n f o r the presented wealth of two tabua. The matanivanua f o r the c h i e f of the host v i l l a g e i s speaking: To the C h i e f Tui Q. Here i s a small yaqona, the sevusevu of the kamunaga which has already been presented As you know, we were not prepared f o r your coming, so y o u ' l l see t h a t the yaqona i s not enough f o r t h i s occasion. We already accept the purpose of the p r e s e n t a t i o n you have made. We w i l l s u r e l y do i t because i t i s our custom, the custom which the F i j i a n i s w e l l -known f o r by other races i n F i j i . You are not f o r e i g n e r s to t h i s p l a c e ; you know th a t very w e l l We'll s u r e l y do i t because i t i s our custom... And a spokesman f o r the d e l e g a t i o n from the requesting v i l l a g e r e c e i v e s the yaqona. - 64 -I'm l i f t i n g the sevusevu, the sevusevu o f the vanua ("land", r e f e r r i n g t o a t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l t e r r i t o r y ) , the sevusevu vakaturaga (the c h i e f l y presented yaqona), the sevusevu which i s presented by my vanua from the Chief Ratu to the Chi ef Tui Q_. Na_ vosa kaci na ba kei Bau! ( l i t e r a l l y , "Shout the w a l l s o f Bau", Bau being the c h i e f l y i s l a n d o f F i j i ) . This p r e s e n t a t i o n g l o r i f i e s the F i j i a n custom! Our c h i l d r e n s h a l l be w e l l educated. This vanua s h a l l have peaceful l i v i n g . Let's have na kalougata n i loloma ("the b l e s s i n g o f lo v e " ) t h i s year. Two weeks l a t e r , a d e l e g a t i o n of men from the donor v i l l a g e journeyed to the requesting v i l l a g e to d e l i v e r the kerekere of yams. Ceremonially presented and r e c e i v e d , the yams mediated speeches r e i t e r a t i n g the importance o f k i n s h i p , a hope that the t r a d i t i o n a l system o f l e a d e r s h i p would remain f i r m , and a concern t h a t the people of the two v i l l a g e s , many of whom are r e l a t e d through blood and marriage, would continue to see to each other's needs. In the c l o s i n g speech of the v a k a t a l e , a ceremony g r a n t i n g permission f o r the de l e g a t i o n to le a v e , the host v i l l a g e reminds them: Today we s t a r t up a new way of r e l a t i o n s h i p between you and us. W e l l , I might be wrong i f I c a l l i t a new t h i n g ; i t ' s j u s t an o l d t h i n g . I t has t o be kept a l i v e . The door i s open to a l l of you. You can always come i n and go out. Ask f o r water i f you l i k e , a l s o f o r food Through events such as the kerekere uvi o u t l i n e d above, the s t r e n g t h o f the t r a d i t i o n a l custom of borrowing and g i v i n g i s te s t e d and - 65 -r e a f f i r m e d . The donor v i l l a g e p a r t s w i t h 18 baskets (approximately 400 pounds) of yam i n order t h a t the r e c i p i e n t s may i n turn give them away. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g , i n the statement quoted above, that the speaker f i r s t suggests t h a t a new kind of r e l a t i o n s h i p has been e s t a b l i s h e d . That he then c o r r e c t s h i s assessment and r e a f f i r m s an age-old custom speaks t o the present-day confusion regarding the ideology o f t r a d i t i o n a l exchange. Should one continue to respond to kerekere o f yams at a time when i n c r e a s i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r cash income mean t h a t one might s e l l h i s surplus yams r a t h e r than give them away? The s i t u a t i o n poses a moral dilemma as the f o l l o w i n g datum r e v e a l s . The speaker i s the YMCA r u r a l worker f o r Gau and he i s t e l l i n g me about a co n v e r s a t i o n he had with a young farmer on the i s l a n d e a r l y i n 1979. I had a d i s c u s s i o n w i t h A. a few days ago and he s a i d he has a l o t of yams t h i s year. So I threw a joke t o him, "W e l l , you might end up w i t h a l o t o f kerekere at the end of the year". He s a i d , "No, t h a t was l a s t year! But i f I end up w i t h kerekere, i t doesn't matter. Already the people are s t a r t i n g to come to me . w i t h kerekere". So I s a i d , " Better t r y to stop i t " . He s a i d , "No, i t ' s not my way. I ' l l j u s t give them away. That's a F i j i a n man; th a t ' s my way". I s a i d , "Well, i f you stop i t , they won't come again and kerekere. But i f you keep g i v i n g , t h e y ' l l keep coming and y o u ' l l have nothing l e f t . Why don't you stop i t and t r y to s e l l your yams?" He s a i d , "You want to put me i n t o another k i n d of l i f e , the l i f e of buying t h i n g s ! " In the t r a d i t i o n a l ways, i t doesn't look r i g h t to s e l l t h i n g s to others. I t ' s a l i t t l e b i t c o l d to the F i j i a n . I t ' s r e a l l y a gainst t h e i r way of l i f e . The sense of buying t h i n g s , they say i t i s the Indian way. I t i s not good. The F i j i a n way i s good. - 66 -R e p a i r i n g the Bure The bas i c household u n i t i n Gau i s composed of a man, his wi f e and c h i l d r e n and perhaps some dependent r e l a t i v e s . He maintains h i s compound on a s p e c i f i e d p i e c e of v i l l a g e land belonging to h i s m a t a g a l i , t h a t compound c o n s i s t i n g , i n most cases, o f a s l e e p i n g house (va l e n i moce), a cooking house (vale n i kuro) and a t o i l e t (vale l a i l a i ) . The b u i l d i n g and maintenance of these s t r u c t u r e s f o l l o w s a p a t t e r n s i m i l a r to t h a t o f yam production. Each man i s e n t i t l e d to communal labour f o r h i s p r o v i s i o n of s h e l t e r and he, i n t u r n , has communal g o b l i g a t i o n f o r the p r o v i s i o n of the bure ( F i j i a n house) f o r o t h e r s . And, as i n yam p r o d u c t i o n , the host i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the mid-day meal and the evening's yagona d r i n k i n g f o r those days he i s the benefactor of the communal e f f o r t . (Cf. i l l u s t r a t i o n i n Figure 3-1). Apart from the f a c t t h a t the t r a d i t i o n a l bure i s f a s t being replaced by wood and block c o n s t r u c t i o n s , the communal p r a c t i c e of b u i l d i n g and mai n t a i n i n g the bure i s coming under pressure from incoming o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r cash labour. As i n the case of the yam garden, some s e r i o u s d i s c u s s i o n s i n the v i l l a g e concern whether or not to b u i l d and maintain the s h e l t e r s o f those f a m i l i e s whose a d u l t males, because of paid l a b o u r , are no longer a v a i l a b l e to take p a r t i n the communal a c t i v i t y . On t h i s o c c a s i o n , the matter has been brought up at a v i l l a g e meeting. 9 9 T. : About R. As we know, he i s working f o r paid labour now. But he t o l d me h i s sl e e p i n g house needs r e p a i r and he t o l d me to ask t h i s c o u n c i l i f the v i l l a g e can b u i l d his house. I t o l d him t h a t the v i l l a g e already made a d e c i s i o n t h a t f o r those r e c e i v i n g paid labour, b e t t e r i f they give some money f o r t h i s kind of t h i n g . But I commented to him, 'Surely the v i l l a g e w i l l see to - 67 -t h i s ; i t ' s t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to b u i l d a sl e e p i n g house f o r any v i l l a g e r ' . But I t o l d him I would l i s t e n to the voice of t h i s c o u n c i l . I would l i k e t o give a comment about what T. has s a i d . He has already given h i s judgement to R. So what's the use of b r i n g i n g i t up again at a v i l l a g e meeting? I'd l i k e to ask a l l o f us not to make a mistake l i k e that again. Because i f you want the v i l l a g e to make a judgement about i t , then don't say anything to t h a t man. You already t o l d him i t ' s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the v i l l a g e to b u i l d i t . So i f you want the v i l l a g e to make a d e c i s i o n on i t , then don't say anything to t h a t f e l l o w . I f you want to judge i t , then j u s t t e l l him the v i l l a g e should b u i l d the house without him paying f o r i t . I f you don't want to judge i t , then say nothing to him about i t . T e l l him y o u ' l l take the matter t o the v i l l a g e meeting and l e t them make a d e c i s i o n on i t . Because i f we already make an agreement with that person, then come here and change the judgement a g a i n , i t w i l l be f r u s t r a t i n g to him. I was j u s t t h i n k i n g about the plan we alr e a d y have f o r the yam p l a n t i n g ( i . e . , not to pl a n t the gardens o f those working f o r cash income). So t h a t ' s why I brought i t up i n the v i l l a g e meeting to hear the vo i c e o f the c o u n c i l . W e l l , we mustn't f r u s t r a t e them so much. Jus t speak out s t r a i g h t what you t h i n k . I t h i n k you have some power to make d e c i s i o n s on matters l i k e t h a t . (Chairman of the c o u n c i l ) W e l l , what do you people t h i n k of t h a t d e c i s i o n ? I t h i n k i t ' s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the v i l l a g e to b u i l d h i s s l e e p i n g house. I'd l i k e to give another comment about the d i s c u s s i o n going on. As we are v i l l a g e r s , a l s o the o r g a n i z a t i o n ( i . e . , the YMCA) we are i n , you know we always want to keep the r e l a t i o n s h i p good, the way we r e l a t e to each other. I t h i n k t h a t i f we are going to use money, i t w i l l take away the good r e l a t i o n s h i p t h a t i s already here. I t i s not p o s s i b l e f o r us to have a good r e l a t i o n -s h i p i f we don't take hands together. Like house-b u i l d i n g , we must do i t f a i r l y to everybody. - 68 -F i g u r e 3-1. R e p a i r i n g t h e B u r e . - 69 -Three weeks l a t e r , the s l e e p i n g house was r e p a i r e d . And s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , the b e n e f i c i a r y gave the sermon at the r e g u l a r Sunday morning church s e r v i c e . He chose as h i s S c r i p t u r a l reading Luke, chapter 10, verse 29: "But he, w i l l i n g to j u s t i f y h i m s e l f , s a i d unto Jesus, 'And who i s my neighbour?'" F o l l o w i n g i s a summary of h i s sermon. T h i s i s the question asked by a preacher of the law, or we can say, a great r e l i g i o u s man. To me, the question t h a t he asked, he already knew the answer. He j u s t wanted to t e s t Jesus. What happened i n t h a t s t o r y i s what o f t e n happens to us today, or to many r e l i g i o u s men and women today. We dodge the problems of other people; we dodge our duty. Two months ago, I was very upset about the r e s u l t s of a meeting held then. Those who are paid labour, t h e i r yam gardens mustn't be p l a n t e d . I would say t h a t t h i s i s not a good Samaritan. A good Samaritan loves everybody. But my upset was changed again l a s t week when my s l e e p i n g house was r e p a i r e d . We must t r y to loloma ("love") everybody. P r o v i s i o n f o r Educating the Young Secondary schools i n F i j i , both p r i v a t e and government, operate a fee schedule f o r attendance. The source of payment f o r school fees i n Gau i s d e r i v e d , i n l a r g e p a r t , from the s a l e of copra. Each man maintains a copra p l a n t a t i o n on h i s mataqali land and when cash income i s needed, he has ready access to coconuts and to t h e i r sale to the government cooperative through v i l l a g e - o p e r a t e d cooperative s t o r e s . Cash payment i s immediate. However, w h i l e the income from copra i s - 70 -i n d i v i d u a l l y earned - the income a man earns from copra i s considered h i s p r i v a t e income - r a t h e r than pay the school fees f o r h i s c h i l d r e n d i r e c t l y from these e a r n i n g s , he takes p a r t i n a v i l l a g e f u n d - r a i s i n g , the income from which i s used f o r the secondary education of a l l the e l i g i b l e school c h i l d r e n i n the v i l l a g e . Hence, the parents of each secondary school c h i l d i n t u r n host a k a t i ( l o t t e r y ) or perhaps a s o l i ( o f f e r i n g ) before the school year commences. A l l members of the v i l l a g e are expected to attend and p a r t i c i p a t e , the men probably having cut copra e a r l i e r the same day. The c o s t o f secondary school fees i n the Gau J u n i o r Secondary School i n 1979 was recorded at $76.00 per term, there being three terms to a school year. A p r i v a t e secondary school on the main i s l a n d of V i t i Levu, attended by some Gau secondary students, charged a t o t a l of $96.00 i n school fees f o r the three terms plus an a d d i t i o n a l $10.00 f o r textbooks. Accommodation and food were not i n c l u d e d i n t h i s sum; students boarded w i t h r e l a t i v e s i n or around Suva, t h e i r parents f r e q u e n t l y sending food t o the household to defray the c o s t . Table IX below of the f u n d - r a i s i n g r e s u l t s i n one Gau v i l l a g e i n d i c a t e s the amount c o n t r i b u t e d through communal e f f o r t i n r e l a t i o n to the above o v e r a l l cost. The t a b l e shows f i g u r e s f o r 1978 and 1979. A b r i e f glance at Table IX i n d i c a t e s that the amount of money r a i s e d through the k a t i i s not s u f f i c i e n t to cover the costs of secondary school education. Moreover, i f we examine the records of cash income from copra s a l e s o f the two c o o p e r a t i v e s t o r e s i n the v i l l a g e , i t i s e q u a l l y apparent t h a t , apart from a n a t u r a l d i s a s t e r which damages the copra p l a n t a t i o n - (note, f o r example, i n Table X (p. 71), a sharp - 71 -TABLE IX. Secondary School Fees Raised i n a Gau V i l l a g e , 1978 and 1979. Student 1978 1979 1 $71.15 $75.33 2 71.14 58.07 3 75.10 4 63.28 51.34 5 62.95 6 64.03 7 62.83 52.41 8 49.58 36.13 9 38.40 10 46.12 49.11 11 38.82 12 36.63 13 30.63 14 92.01 TABLE X. Copra Sales by Month f o r 1979 i n a Gau V i l l a g e . Cooperative 1 Cooperative 2 Total January February March A p r i l May June J u l y August September October November December $629.18 355.65 540.25 1,157.94 538.34 334.58 91.35 85.45 95.44 37.30 39.26 72.73 $394.77 402.06 283.27 279.71 601.72 234.65 224.47 279.22 155.39 161.66 178.55 248.60 $1,023.95 757.71 823.52 1 ,437.65 1,140.06 569.23 315.82 364.67 250.83 198.96 217.81 321.33 Total $3,977.47 $3,444.07 $7,421.54 - 72 -increase f o l l o w e d by a sudden decrease i n copra s a l e s r e s u l t i n g from the damage caused by Hurricane Meli i n March of 1979) - copra i s a good source of income f o r meeting education costs and the l i k e . Table X shows copra s a l e s f o r each month o f 1979 i n one v i l l a g e of Gau. At the same time, by examining the annual income f i g u r e s of heads of households i n the v i l l a g e , i t i s a l s o apparent t h a t , i n most cases, household income c o u l d be s u f f i c i e n t to cover the cost of secondary school education f o r one's own c h i l d ( r e n ) . In Table XI below, the annual incomes of a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e sample ( i n t h i s case 14 out of 28 households i n the v i l l a g e ) are gi v e n ; households w i t h a c h i l d or c h i l d r e n i n secondary school attendance are marked w i t h an a s t e r i s k . TABLE XI. Annual Incomes from A l l Sources f o r 14 Households, Gau. 1979. Household Copra Government Other Total 1 $105. 58 $ $261. .00 $ 326. 58 2 5. 07 2,340. 00 100, .00 2,845. 07 3* 121. 73 200. .00 321. 73 4* 441. 08 255. .00 696. 08 5 238. 73 155. ,00 393. 73 6 168. 84 200. 00 368. 84 7 117. 31 840. 00 50. ,00 1,007. 31 8* 339. 35 185. ,00 524. 35 9 625. 16 80. ,00 732. 16 10* 167. 92 840. 00 15. 00 1,022. 92 11 348. 05 360. 00 10. 00 718. 05 12 129. 99 480. 00 70. 00 679. 99 13* 109. 16 3,120. 00 100. 00 3,329. 16 14 587. 97 880. 00 50. 00 1,517. 97 - 73 -The question a r i s e s as to why, i n view of r e l a t i v e household s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y i n terms of cash a v a i l a b i l i t y (as w e l l as easy access to borrowing from extended f a m i l y members i n s p e c i a l cases such as payment of school f e e s ) , p r o v i s i o n f o r educating the young operates w i t h i n the system of v e i l a l a v i . The answer would seem to be t h a t , d e s p i t e the movement toward a cash economy, i t i s the ideology of the sub s i s t e n c e one, e s t a b l i s h e d and r e i n f o r c e d by k i n s h i p , t h a t p r e v a i l s . And, as K.O.L. Burridge w r i t e s , Subsistence economies are consumption economies i n which notions o f c y c l i c a l r a t h e r than l i n e a r time predominate or are d e c i s i v e . The seasons, crop c y c l e s , s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , being born, l e a r n i n g the tasks a p p r o p r i a t e to one's sex, marrying, reproducing, working, f e a s t i n g , exchanging, engaging i n r i t u a l s , and g a i n i n g s t a t u s repeat themselves through the generations. Apart from some a r t i c l e s of stone or s h e l l , which are regarded as valuables and of symbolic v a l u e , a l l the products of work are consumed w i t h i n a generation. Food i s eaten, a r t i f a c t s wear out and break, houses r o t and f a l l down. The standard of l i v i n g o s c i l l a t e s about a mean, may f a l l , but because wealth cannot be conserved i s i n capable of ongoing improvement (1979:95). Hence, w h i l e there i s a cash basis - copra, government labour and some p r i v a t e small business, the idea of f i n a n c i a l budgeting i s not part of the general e x p e c t a t i o n . Money comes and goes, with l i t t l e or no reckoning. Indeed, my most d i f f i c u l t d a t a - c o l l e c t i n g task was the a c q u i s i t i o n of monthly budgets. None had p r e v i o u s l y been kept, the concept was l i t t l e understood, and the i n t e r e s t was l a c k i n g . V i l l a g e r s c ould not a r t i c u l a t e how much income they earned or how i t was a l l o c a t e d . A concerted e f f o r t produced the budget recorded i n Table XII by one v i l l a g e household f o r the month of June, 1979. The budget r e v e a l s how casual - 74 -TABLE X I I . Monthly Budget f o r one Gau Household, 1979. VULA: June LAVO CURU MAI LAVO LAKO TANI " T^Month") ("Money Coming IN") ("Money Going Out") 1.6.79 Copra $3.25 Tinned F i s h $1.00 2.6.79 Copra 4.50 F l o u r Sugar D r i p p i n g Tinned F i s h 2.13 Church 0.80 4.6.79 Copra 4.00 Kerekere Tinned F i s h B i s c u i t s Sugar 4.60 9.6.79 Copra 4.10 Tinned Beef Sugar S a l t 2.30 13.6.79 Copra 5.40 B i s c u i t s Tinned F i s h F l o u r Sugar Church 3.74 16.6.79 Copra 3.95 Rice Sugar Tea Church 4.60 18.6.79 Copra 3.00 Butter F l o u r Tinned F i s h Rice Sugar Soap 4.20 22.6.79 Copra 2.75 Transport Flour Sugar 2.89 23.6.79 Copra 7.75 Church Fl o u r Tinned F i s h Sugar Tea Dri p p i ng Soap Church 4.54 - 75 -income i s a l l o c a t e d f o r day-to-day food items and church o f f e r i n g s . I t i s f i t t i n g , perhaps, t h a t no t o t a l s were inc l u d e d . We might expect t h a t , as one moves f u r t h e r toward a wage-earning l i f e s t y l e , there would be a corresponding d e c l i n e i n both p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n and support f o r t r a d i t i o n a l exchange o b l i g a t i o n s . Yet t h i s does not seem t o be the case. The n o t i o n of conserving one's own w e a l t h . i n order to achieve s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y n e i t h e r e x c i t e s ambition nor commands r e s p e c t . For example, the f o l l o w i n g speech i s from the ceremonial p r e s e n t a t i o n of a tabua by a cash labourer commanding the highest income i n the v i l l a g e . He i s thanking the members of the v i l l a g e f o r r a i s i n g school fees f o r h i s son. As we know, we have r a i s e d a b i g amount of money t o n i g h t . This tabua i s the u l i v a k i (tabua used to g i v e thanks) f o r the money. You've put i n t h i s money w i t h a poor standard o f l i v i n g . But because o f our k i n s h i p , t h a t i s why we can r a i s e so much money. This f u n d - r a i s i n g has been going on f o r some time now. Our hope i s i n these c h i l d r e n , to make use of t h i s f u n d - r a i s i n g to give something back to the community when we need help. But i f the c h i l d never gives anything back, i t must be because of the system of change which i s coming i n now; people are j u s t t h i n k i n g more of themselves. The s t r i n g ( i . e . , the s t r i n g attached to the tabua at both ends making i t l i k e a necklace) which I am ho l d i n g now i s the s t r i n g to t i e our veiwekani ( k i n s h i p ) together. But the vatu ("stone", r e f e r r i n g to the tooth i t s e l f ) which i s at the bottom of t h i s s t r i n g i s the stone which took away the i wau (war c l u b ) from our qase ( f o r e f a t h e r s ) , the stone which l e t them l i v e t o g e t h e r , the stone which they used to vosota ( f o r g i v e ) t h e i r meca (enemies). But now i t i s being used f o r the development of our c h i l d r e n . - 76 -B u t t o t h o s e who d o n ' t l i k e t o t a k e p a r t i n t h i s f u n d - r a i s i n g , j u s t b e c a u s e t h e y a r e t h i n k i n g i n t e r m s o f t h e m s e l v e s , w h a t I c a n s a y t o n i g h t i s t h a t t h e y w i l l h a v e n o t h i n g g o o d a t a l l i n t h i s l i f e . I n c l u d e d i n t h a t , t h e y w i l l j u s t be p o o r . A l s o , t h e y ' l l be a s h a m e d . The a c c e p t a n c e o f t h e kamunaga r e f l e c t s t h e same a t t i t u d e . C h i e f : I ' m t o u c h i n g t h e k a m u n a g a , t h e t h a n k s f o r t h e m o n e y . May y o u r m a t a g a l i h a v e a g o o d l i v i n g , . a l s o t h e c h i l d . We w i l l p l a y o u r r o l e . May t h e c h i l d r e n g e t o n w e l l i n s c h o o l a n d be u s e f u l t o t h i s p l a c e i n t h e f u t u r e . M a t a n i v a n u a : I ' m u n t y i n g ( i . e . , r e c e i v i n g ) t h e k a m u n a g a w h i c h was p r e s e n t e d t o t h e C h i e f R a t u . . . . I ' m t o u c h i n g t h e kamunaga w i t h a s p i r i t u a l r e s p e c t , t h e kamunaga t o be t h e kamunaga o f r i g h t , s o t h a t we c a n be t o g e t h e r now a n d i n t h e f u t u r e , a l s o s o t h a t we c a n k a u w a i ( c a r e ) a b o u t w h a t we do t o g e t h e r . T h e kamunaga i s t o make o u r t i m e l a g i l a g i ( g l o r i o u s ! " ! May t h e c h i e f ' s h o u s e be h i g h . May we h a v e a n i c e t i m e a n d t h e c h i l d r e n a c h i e v e t h e i r g o a l i n s c h o o l . A l 1 : Mana e d i n a ( " L e t i t be s o . " , l i t e r a l l y , " s u p e r n a t u r a l p o w e r i s t r u e " ) . V e i l a l a v i : A Summary S t a t e m e n t As s u b s i s t e n c e c u l t i v a t o r s w i t h an i n c r e a s i n g c a s h i n c o m e , v i l l a g e r s c o n t i n u e t o l i v e t h a t c l o s e l y - k n i t t e d l i f e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e s u b s i s t e n c e e c o n o m y . M o s t l y k i n r e l a t e d , e i t h e r t h r o u g h d e s c e n t o r a f f i n i t y , t h e g e n e r a l p a t t e r n o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s c a l l s f o r a c o o p e r a t i v e e f f o r t i n p r o d u c t i o n a n d an e g u i v a l e n c e i n e x c h a n g e . And a p a r t f r o m t h e k i n s h i p i d i o m w i t h i n w h i c h i n t e r a c t i o n s a r e c o n t a i n e d , • t h e r e i s a r e c o g n i z e d p r a c t i c a l a d v a n t a g e t o c o o p e r a t i o n . N o t e , f o r - 77 -example, the f o l l o w i n g statement by a member of the v i l l a g e . K inship i s most important i n community l i f e . You have to show them how much you appreciate i t . I f you want to j u s t s i t and t a l k and do n o t h i n g , t h i n g s w i l l s t a r t to go bad. Because i n the F i j i a n r u r a l way of l i f e , even the c h i e f , he's not going to j u s t s i t there and w a i t f o r t h i n g s t o come. I t ' s l i k e a t r a d e . You show the importance of k i n s h i p by communal work. The more you give them, the more y o u ' l l r e c e i v e . I f you don't g i v e , y o u ' l l be s o r r y ; you won't r e c e i v e anything. So i f you want to show them the importance of k i n s h i p , you t r y to be ahead of them a l l the time. Like i f they g i v e something to me, I ' l l t r y to do something back t h a t i s bigger than what they d i d . VAKATULEWA VAKATURAGA: ONE'S DUTY TO CHIEF In the preceding s e c t i o n on v e i l a l a v i , I described events which i l l u s t r a t e t r a d i t i o n a l k i n s h i p modes of production and d i s t r i b u t i o n on the one hand and the tensions on those patterns through the i n c r e a s i n g use o f money on the other. I want now to move from a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of one's duty to k i n to t h a t of one's duty to c h i e f . In the present case, I am i n c l u d i n g two events which, taken together, i l l u s t r a t e the tensions between t r a d i t i o n a l patterns of a u t h o r i t y and emergent p o l i t i c a l processes. My purpose i s to p o i n t out the e s s e n t i a l dynamics i n r u r a l l e a d e r s h i p and to reveal the predominant ideology i n p r e p a r a t i o n f o r deeper analyses i n the f o l l o w i n g two chapters. However, a p r e l i m i n a r y statement of a n a l y s i s i s i n c l u d e d at the end of the present s e c t i o n . - 78 -The C h i e f ' s Yam Garden A Ratu (name d e s i g n a t i n g c h i e f l y s t a t u s ) i s soon to be appointed paramount c h i e f of the i s l a n d of Gau ( i . e . , Takala i Gau). In t h a t c a p a c i t y , he comes from a v i l l a g e some twenty m i l e s north of the v i l l a g e s of Narocake, the name o f the vanua made up of the three v i l l a g e s i n c l u d e d i n the Gau study. The Ratu has heard about the success of the Narocake men i n p l a n t i n g yams and, on one o c c a s i o n , came to one of these v i l l a g e s and, f o l l o w i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l custom of p r e s e n t i n g a tabua, requested t h a t the v i l l a g e men there p l a n t him a yam garden. Because of the manner i n which the request was made and, above a l l , because the Ratu i s i n a superordinate p o s i t i o n to them, the p l a n t i n g o f a yam garden f o r the c h i e f c o n s t i t u t e s a bona f i d e l a l a , "the order o f a c h i e f , r e q u i r i n g work to be done" (New F i j i a n D i c t i o n a r y 1973:111 ) . ^ The men of the v i l l a g e o b l i g e . They f i t the p l a n t i n g of the yam garden i n t o t h e i r work schedule, and now the garden i s nearing maturation. On t h i s o c c a s i o n , t h e i r soon-to-be paramount c h i e f has come to the v i l l a g e t o see how h i s garden i s growing. As i s customary on e n t e r i n g a v i l l a g e other than one's own, the t r a d i t i o n a l ceremonies are c a r r i e d out. With one tabua, f i v e drums of kerosene and 28 bars of washing soap, a p r e s e n t a t i o n i s made to the l o c a l v i l l a g e c h i e f , r e q u e s t i n g permission to see the yam garden. The Ratu himself i s speaking. To the Chief Ratu ( i . e . , the Ratu of the host v i l l a g e ) , and the r e s t of the c h i e f s of t h i s v i l l a g e ( r e f e r r i n g to the heads of each matagali who a l s o command c h i e f l y s t a t u s i n F i j i a n s o c i a l - 79 -o r g a n i z a t i o n ) . This i s a small b a t i n a ("tooth", r e f e r r i n g to the tabua), and there a l i t t l e b i t of o i l f o r your lamps and a l i t t l e b i t of washing soap f o r your working c l o t h e s . Last year I came here w i t h a request; i t was about my yam garden. W e l l , about t h i s garden, i t i s j u s t f o r noda vuvale ("our f a m i l y " , using the i n c l u s i v e form of possessive pronoun; i n other words, the people o f t h i s v i l l a g e and h i s own people are as one f a m i l y ) . I have heard the s t o r y about my yam garden over here. I t i s so n i c e . I t i s one of the sweet-smelling s a l u s a l u (a necklace of f r a g r a n t f l o w e r s ) o f the F i j i a n custom, the way we l i s t e n to each other and to our t r a d i t i o n a l ways. I t should be passed on to our c h i l d r e n because I am sure i t i s the good foundation o f our F i j i a n l i f e and i t w i l l s u r e l y always keep us together and make our s o c i e t y taucoko ("complete", "whole"). I f we pass t h i s on to our c h i l d r e n , there w i l l be no problem. But we must not l e t our c h i l d r e n blame us f o r not teaching them these kinds of t h i n g s . Because i f we do our duty i n t h i s way, we are a l s o doing our duty to God. This small t o o t h , I hope i t w i l l t e l l you that I s t i l l doka ( r e s p e c t ) you. I a l s o remind you w i t h t h i s tabua about the work of our vanua (vanua here r e f e r s t o the p o l i t i c a l t e r r i t o r y under the l e a d e r s h i p of the paramount c h i e f of Gau) which i s s t i l l undone. I ask you to remember to do i t . And as I alr e a d y s a i d , the d e l e g a t i o n which has a r r i v e d , here today, t h i s matter concerns j u s t our own f a m i l y . The presented wealth i s r e c e i v e d by the v i l l a g e c h i e f . I am touching the kamunaga, the kamunaga of veiwekani ( k i n s h i p ) , the kamunaga which i s to come and see the garden over here. I t i s a good kamunaga; i t j u s t f o l l o w s the way o f k i n s h i p . May you be h e a l t h y , and may we be healthy too. Wa ni veiwekani tadre ("May the s t r i n g of k i n s h i p be s t r e t c h e d " ) . Our road of k i n s h i p s h a l l be f i r m . Together we s h a l l have the love o f God and the p o s i t i o n of l e a d e r s h i p w i l l be high. May God be our leader i n a l l our time. - 80 -And he passes the tabua to h i s matanivanua who now speaks. I am lewata ("untying") the s t r i n g o f the kamunaga from the hand of the Ratu ( i . e . , the v i l l a g e c h i e f ) , the kamunaga which i s tausere ("unfolded", i . e . , presented) from the Takala i Gau ( i . e . , the formal t i t l e o f the paramount c h i e f o f the i s l a n d ) , the kamunaga which i s cake ( r i s i n g up) to the C h i e f Ratu, the C h i e f T., the Chief L. and the C h i e f N. ( i . e . , the names o f the heads of matagali i n the v i l l a g e ) and a l l others which are not announced ( i . e . , those h o l d i n g some t r a d i t i o n a l post worthy of mention), the kamunaga which i s the showing of the i yau ("wealth") of the v i s i t i n g of the yam garden, and a l s o to come and v i s i t your gase ("elders", i . e . , those from t h i s v i l l a g e who, i n the t r a d i t i o n a l system, are i n an a d v i s o r y c a p a c i t y to the paramount c h i e f ) i n t h i s p l a c e . I r e c e i v e the kamunaga with y a l o doka ( " s p i r i t u a l r e s p e c t " ) . I t i s the kamunaga of l i f e , the kamunaga of dei ("firmness 7 7")^ The kamunaga i s t o make the lewa ( " r u l e " , " a u t h o r i t y " , "command") f i r m . May the lewa of t h i s place be f i r m . The wealth from the soon-to-be paramount c h i e f duly presented and accepted, and the yam garden v i s i t e d as reguested, i t i s now time f o r the host v i l l a g e t o make a p r e s e n t a t i o n of thanks. The c h i e f of the v i l l a g e , f o l l o w i n g t r a d i t i o n a l custom, c e r e m o n i a l l y presents one tabua, i n response to the g i f t s . You have now done what you came here to do and your gase ( e l d e r s ) have seen i t . They respect i t , and they are happy about the way you remember them. This i s the thanks f o r the big wealth you presented to the v i l l a g e . As you know, the wealth i s the wealth of the vanua ( r e f e r r i n g here to the vanua of the C h i e f of Gau), and the s t r i n g which i s t i e d t o t h i s tabua i s the s t r i n g o f veiwekani ( k i n s h i p ) . Now t h a t you are ready t o go a g a i n , do remember the people o f t h i s p lace. I f they enter i n t o your v i l l a g e , - 81 -please remember to give them bulag i ("stale food", r e f e r r i n g to food t h a t i s l e f t o v e r ) , give them water, and give them some n i c e words so tha t our k i n s h i p w i l l be j u s t good, now and a l s o i n the f u t u r e . We hope a l s o t h a t t h i s s t r i n g (of the tabua) i s the s t r i n g which can bind us together. When the time comes t h a t you are going to lead t h i s place ( i . e . , Gau I s l a n d ) , don't f o r g e t the people from t h i s p lace. The work which i s to be done, we w i l l do i t together. I hope t h a t you w i l l look on t h i s kamunaga w i t h a n i c e f e e l i n g . I t i s l a i l a i ( " l i t t l e " ) but I don't t h i n k i t i s l a i l a i ("small", i . e . , of l i t t l e consequence, s y m b o l i c a l l y s m a l l ) . I t should be b i g to you ( i . e . , because o f what i t symbolizes). The words of the kamunaga are l o n g , the thanks of the wealth t h a t has been c h i e f l y presented here t o n i g h t . Sosoraki k i na dawa vua na Turaga, Takala i _ Gau, kei na  kena i _ muri. ("May the Chief Takala j _ Gjm always have a w i l l i n g f o l l o w i n g " ) . The Ratu who w i l l soon o f f i c i a l l y be the Takala i Gau r e p l i e s . I'm touching the kamunaga; I'm touching i t to be a good kamunaga. I t should be seen from the bulu ("grave", but a l s o and e s p e c i a l l y "the place of departed s p i r i t s " ) . I face i t up to Heaven so tha t they ( i . e . , the departed s p i r i t s ) can pour out t h e i r b l e s s i n g . We should do our duty and play our r o l e very w e l l so our 1akolako ("journey", as i n the journey o f l i f e ) w i l l be r i g h t . We have C h r i s t as our l e a d e r . May the church i n c r e a s e . A f t e r the ceremonies are completed, the paramount c h i e f , w i t h h i s d e l e g a t i o n , r e t u r n s to h i s v i l l a g e and h i s d u t i e s . When the yams mature, the Narocake men harvest and d e l i v e r them to t h e i r c h i e f . And so the system o f t r a d i t i o n a l l e a d e r s h i p , embedded i n k i n s h i p , i s strengthened and r e a f f i r m e d . - 82 -H o u s e - B u i l d i n g o n t h e S c h o o l Compound T h e f o l l o w i n g e v e n t a l s o c o n c e r n s t h e p a r a m o u n t c h i e f o f t h e i s l a n d . H o w e v e r , i n t h e p r e s e n t c a s e , t h e o c c a s i o n i s an i s l a n d c o u n c i l m e e t i n g . T h e Gau I s l a n d C o u n c i l i s an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e b o d y o p e r a t i n g u n d e r t h e p o l i t i c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t h e F i j i a n A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , a b u r e a u c r a t i c l e a d e r s h i p s t r u c t u r e w i t h i n t h e o v e r a l l G o v e r n m e n t o f F i j i . T h r o u g h t h e I s l a n d C o u n c i l , Gau I s l a n d e r s , by d e m o c r a t i c r e -p r e s e n t a t i o n , s p e a k t o t h e i r G o v e r n m e n t a n d make t h e i r n e e d s k n o w n . A n d i n t h e s p i r i t o f p a r t i c i p a t o r y d e m o c r a c y , t h e y , i n t u r n , a r e a s s u m e d t o t a k e i n i t i a t i v e i n t h e d i r e c t i o n a n d f u l f i l l m e n t o f G o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y . T h e p a r a m o u n t c h i e f o f t h e i s l a n d , i n h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c a p a c i t y , i s C h a i r m a n o f t h e S c h o o l C o m m i t t e e . The I s l a n d C o u n c i l m e e t i n g b e g i n s w i t h t h e t r a d i t i o n a l c e r e m o n y o f i_ s e v u s e v u , t h e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f y a q o n a w h e r e p r o p e r r e c o g n i t i o n i s g i v e n t o t h o s e o f c h i e f l y c a p a c i t y who a r e i n a t t e n d a n c e . T h e n t h e g a t h e r i n g a d d r e s s e s i t s e l f t o m a t t e r s o f b u s i n e s s . One s u c h o r d e r o f b u s i n e s s c o n c e r n s f a c i l i t i e s a t t h e Gau J u n i o r S e c o n d a r y S c h o o l . T h e p a r a m o u n t c h i e f ( i . e . , t h e C h a i r m a n o f t h e S c h o o l C o m m i t t e e ) b e g i n s t h e d i s c o u r s e . I f y o u n o t i c e t h e c o n d i t i o n o f t h i s s c h o o l , i t i s v e r y p o o r c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e p r i m a r y s c h o o l s . I do r e s p e c t t h e t e a c h e r s a t t h e s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l f o r b e i n g p a t i e n t a b o u t t h e i r h o u s i n g a n d t h e f a c i l i t i e s . I ' m t a l k i n g a b o u t t h e p o o r s t a n d a r d o f h o u s i n g f o r t h e o n e s who a r e t e a c h i n g . - 83 -Even the D i s t r i c t Commissioner, Eastern ( i . e . , an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d i s t r i c t w i t h i n F i j i w i t h i n which the i s l a n d of Gau i s incl u d e d ) was p o i n t i n g t h i s out to me. I don't know. What do you t h i n k about t h i s ? Who do you t h i n k should come and b u i l d the houses? Do you w a i t f o r people from other places to come and do i t f o r you? I want to t e l l you today t h a t i t i s you your s e l v e s who have to do it...Remember, you are a kai-Gau ("a person o f Gau"); you should be madua ("ashamed", "embarrassed") because of t h i s . I repeat i t ; i f you are a kai-Gau, you should be madua  The second t h i n g about the school f a c i l i t i e s : an education i n s p e c t o r v i s i t e d the Secondary l a s t year. He wrote back a l e t t e r to me from Suva e x p l a i n i n g a few th i n g s about h i s v i s i t . One t h i n g was t h i s : that we should buy some more ve i k a ("things") to help the c h i l d r e n doing vakadidike ("research") because t h i s kind of t h i n g w i l l b r i n g up the standard of education i n the scho o l . So i f you want to be happy about the work your c h i l d r e n are doing, then t r y to do something. See to the f u t u r e of your s c h o o l . Chairman (Roko, an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o s t i n g a t the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l ) : Anyone l i k e to say anything about t h i s matter? Some d i s c u s s i o n ensues concerning which v i l l a g e s d i d what i n the past. Then a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e from Narocake speaks. What about those houses now that are supposed to be b u i l t ? Is there any program set by the School Committee about who i s supposed to b u i l d them? Takala i Gau: I have no idea now. W e l l , what I know i s that some of the v i l l a g e s s t i l l have not done what they were supposed to do l a s t year. Roko (Chairman): Can't you b u i l d those houses from the copra money which i s cut back from each ton? Takala i Gau: W e l l , we don't have enough balance i n th a t account to do i t . - 84 -A d i s c u s s i o n t a k e s p l a c e a b o u t u s i n g c o p r a money t o s u p p o r t t h e b u i l d i n g a n d m a i n t e n a n c e o f t h e s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l . The m a j o r i t y o f v i l l a g e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s i n d i c a t e t h e y no l o n g e r w a n t c o p r a f u n d s t o be u s e d i n t h i s w a y . H o w e v e r , t h e i r v o t e d d e c i s i o n i s n u l l i f i e d l a t e r i n t h e m e e t i n g a s a r e s u l t o f an a p p e a l by p e r s o n s w h o , i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s y s t e m , a r e s u p e r i o r t o t h e m i n r a n k . A s t h e m e e t i n g p r o g r e s s e s , o n e v i l l a g e a g r e e s t o b u i l d o n e o f t h r e e h o u s e s n e c e s s a r y . T h e d i s c u s s i o n t h e n g o e s b a c k t o t h e c o p r a f u n d w h e r e c o n c e r n s a b o u t t h e u n f a i r n e s s o f t h e s c h e m e a n d t h e l a c k o f a c c o u n t a b i l i t y o f f u n d s a r e e x p r e s s e d . B u t t h e q u e s t i o n o f t h e two r e m a i n i n g h o u s e s i s l e f t u n s e t t l e d . A number o f m o n t h s go b y . Some i m p r o v e m e n t s h a v e b e e n made t o t h e s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l b u t t h e f a c i l i t i e s a r e s t i l l j u d g e d t o be i n a d e q u a t e . On t h i s o c c a s i o n , t h e p a r a m o u n t c h i e f ( i . e . , t h e C h a i r m a n o f t h e S c h o o l C o m m i t t e e ) has come t o a v i l l a g e i n N a r o c a k e t o r e m i n d •, v i l l a g e r s o f t h e i r d u t y t o t h e v a n u a . He w a n t s t h e m t o c o n t r i b u t e f r e e l a b o u r a t t h e s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l . The p e o p l e a s s e m b l e d , he makes h i s s p e e c h . I ' m t h i n k i n g o f a s a y i n g , 'Na_ n o q u K a l o u ; na n o q u  v a n u a ' ("My G o d , my l a n d " ) . I ' m c a l l i n g t h i s v e i v o s a k i v a k a v a n u a ( t r a d i t i o n a l c o n v e r s a t i o n ) t o d a y b e c a u s e I ' v e s e e n some p r o b l e m s . B u t e v e n b e f o r e n o w , I knew t h a t t i m e i s t a k i n g u s . Our c h i e f s a r e l o s t . O u r a n c e s t o r s a l w a y s f o u g h t f o r o u r v a n u a ; we a r e t h e i r r e p l a c e m e n t s . We s u c k e d t h e m i l k f r o m t h e i r b r e a s t s ; - w e h a v e t h e i r b l o o d . O u r c h i e f s a r e l o s t ; t h e i r g o v e r n i n g i s f i n i s h e d . T h e i r t i m e i s f i n i s h e d a l s o . K e d a na vo n i m a t e ("We a r e t h e r e s t o f t h e d e a d " ) . We a r e f a c i n g a new t i m e n o w . We s h o u l d a l s o h a v e a new m a t a n i t u ( " g o v e r n m e n t " ) - 85 -This i s the f i r s t time f o r me s i n c e I have been i n t h i s post ( i . e . , he has been o f f i c i a l l y i n s t a t e d as the Takala i Gau) to come over here and c a l l a meeting i n noda ("our", i n c l u s i v e form) v i l l a g e . I know t h a t I w i l l be questioned about a l l the weaknesses o f the vanua. I f i t i s good, I w i l l be g l o r i f i e d f o r i t ; i f i t i s bad, I am the one who w i l l be madua ("ashamed") about i t We should know ou r s e l v e s very w e l l . I f we don't know o u r s e l v e s , we w i l l always miss our way and be l o s t . I f we do know o u r s e l v e s , our journey w i l l be s t r a i g h t and no one w i l l make demands on us. A l s o , we should not be mixed up about the l i f e o f the vanua Information should be passed on to our youngsters, what i s t h e i r r o l e to the vanua, what they should do and what they should not do. When I say t h a t we should know ourselves very w e l l , I mean t h a t you should ask y o u r s e l f , 'Where am I from?' and the answer should be 'I am kai-Sawaieke' (kai meaning "person o f " , so kai-Sawaieke, a person of o r belonging to Sawaieke, the vanua covering the southern h a l f of the i s l a n d of Gau w i t h i n which the sma l l e r vanua of Narocake i s i n c l u d e d ) . As you know, Sawaieke (vanua) i s known a l l over F i j i . Our f o r e f a t h e r s were able to do t h e i r duty to the vanua. So now we are sucking t h e i r breasts and t h e i r blood i s a l l over us. Why shouldn't we be able to do i t too? Who i s to blame f o r t h i s ? To you o l d e r men and women, my advice to you i s to t r a n s l a t e t h i s very w e l l to our youngsters. They have to know that i n every v i l l a g e , the setup i s l i k e our f i n g e r s . We are not a l l i n the same c l a s s ; the f i n g e r s a l s o are not a l l the same. There i s a long one and others under t h a t . I t i s a l s o l i k e t h a t i n every v i l l a g e . I hope th a t they w i l l l i s t e n and p l a y t h e i r r o l e and do t h e i r duty. In t h a t way, Sawaieke (vanua) w i l l be a l i v e again I hope t h a t those o f you who are here w i l l t r a n s l a t e my words very w e l l to those who are absent. That's the important t h i n g , because i f you don't t r a n s l a t e i t very w e l l , God w i l l ask you about i t . And what w i l l you say? I t i s b e t t e r to t e l l now what you are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r and t e l l the f a c t to the young people r a t h e r than be questioned by God. I know you w i l l understand what I mean. I t i s about how important i s your duty. The l a l a (order o f a c h i e f , r e q u i r i n g work - 86 -to be done) i s an important t h i n g . As we know, Gau i s one vanua (vanua i s a r e l a t i v e concept) and we have one c o u n c i l ( i . e . , the Gau Is l a n d C o u n c i l ) . When some t h i n g i s decided from the Council f o r us to take p a r t i n and we are not able to do i t , i t ' s very embarrassing - not only f o r you but i t i s I who am touched badly by i t . I n o t i c e t h a t some of the 1ala which were put out from the bose ni vanua ( c o u n c i l meeting), t h i s v i l l a g e d i d n ' t do i t . I want to l e t you know t h a t I was r e a l l y embarrassed about i t As I already s a i d , 'My God, my vanua'. I t w i l l be use l e s s i f you keep saying t h a t motto but never do i t . That's the t h i n g t h a t I want you to vakota ( " n a i l " ) very w e l l to your b r a i n s There was a vanua meeting ( r e f e r r i n g to an Island Council meeting) a few weeks ago which t h i s v i l l a g e never p a r t i c i p a t e d i n . And there were some c o l a c o l a ("burden to the shoulder", r e f e r r i n g to l a l a ) sent out from t h a t meeting. Some of the work that you were supposed to do, you d i d n ' t do i t . You know, I don't want the kai-Sawaieke to be weak i n one t h i n g . I t ' s not the behavior o f the kai-Sawaieke to surrender so e a s i l y . I f someone speaks a g a i n s t the l a l a (order of a c h i e f r e q u i r i n g work to be done), maybe i t i s because he doesn't know hi m s e l f very w e l l . I want you to t h i n k about t h i s very s e r i o u s l y and know what to do about i t . When I was a c h i l d , my Ratu ( i . e . , f a t h e r , s i n c e the c h i e f t a i n s h i p i s h e r e d i t a r y ) t o l d me t h a t when we make a request to t h i s p l a c e , these people always do i t . I t doesn't matter i f i t r a i n s or storms, or even i f i t i s Sunday. He t o l d me t h i s motto: ' I t i s p o s s i b l e to cancel Sunday r a t h e r than cancel a request from the Takala i Gau'. I f those people could do i t then, why can't you people do i t now?. S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , the men of the v i l l a g e c o n t r i b u t e d one week of f r e e labour at the Gau J u n i o r Secondary School. What the Chairman of the School Committee was unable to achieve i n h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c a p a c i t y , he accomplished through the vakatulewa vakaturaga, the t r a d i t i o n a l system of l e a d e r s h i p . - 87 -Vakatulewa Vakaturaga: A Summary Statement ) I have presented a d e s c r i p t i o n of the vakatulewa vakaturaga ( t r a d i t i o n a l system of l e a d e r s h i p ) i n r e l a t i o n to two separate and d i f f e r e n t kinds of events. The f i r s t , the p l a n t i n g of the c h i e f ' s yam garden, r e f e r s to a personal request by the c h i e f , expressed as a matter concerning j u s t noda vuvale ("our f a m i l y " ) . The second, the p r o v i s i o n o f s h e l t e r a t the government-operated secondary s c h o o l , r e f e r s to an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o r d e r , channelled through the bureaucracy from the D i s t r i c t Commissioner, Eastern D i v i s i o n . In the case of the yam garden, the v i l l a g e r e c e i v e d , i n exchange f o r i t s labour, tabua, kerosene, washing soap and the l i k e , these a r t i c l e s mediating an ideology a p p r o p r i a t e to the subsistence economy. Through the event, t i e s o f k i n s h i p were strengthened and r e a f f i r m e d , and the m o r a l i t y o f delayed r e c i p r o c i t y recognized and o b s e r v e d . ^ In the case o f the school compound, the v i l l a g e r s r e a l i z e a balance i n exchange only i f they choose to send t h e i r c h i l d r e n to the secondary s c h o o l . And o f the ten secondary school c h i l d r e n from t h a t v i l l a g e , only one was i n attendance at the Gau J u n i o r Secondary School i n 1979, the remaining nine e n r o l l e d i n p r i v a t e schools on the main i s l a n d . Hence, i n t h i s l a t t e r case, i t i s the paramount c h i e f as well as those above him i n the bureaucracy, such as the D i s t r i c t Commissioner, who, through t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l i n k s , gain i n power and p r e s t i g e through the exchange. - 88 -Despite the d i f f e r e n c e s i n the two events, both were accomplished through the t r a d i t i o n a l system of l e a d e r s h i p . In each case, the l a l a from the paramount c h i e f was presented through an appeal to the cu r r e n t m o r a l i t y where t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e s , statuses and pr e s c r i b e d ways o f doing things d e f i n e the general e x p e c t a t i o n . The question a r i s e s as to how long the appeal to a c u r r e n t e t h i c can muster the l o c a l e f f o r t and keep i n power the guardians o f the m o r a l i t i e s i n s i t u a t i o n s where new i n s t i t u t i o n a l f o r c e s come i n t o p l a y . For, as K.O.L. Burridge w r i t e s i n Someone, No One, h i s essay on i n d i v i d u a l i t y : Under s t a b l e c o n d i t i o n s , guardians are aut h e n t i c to a c u l t u r e , r e a l i z e a l o c a l u n i v e r s a l , preserve the good. They are admired and respected, sometimes envied and feared. Under c o n d i t i o n s of change, p a r t i c u l a r l y when a t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e i s changing, f a d i n g guardians are to others w i t h i n the community a u t h e n t i c only to the past: f i g u r e s o f fun as new guardians take t h e i r places (1979:172). VEIQARAVI: ONE'S DUTY TO GOD Na Lotu Wesele The predominant f o r m a l i z e d expression of r e l i g i o u s l i f e i n Gau i s Na Lotu Wesele, the Methodist Church. For example, of the s i x t y -f our households i n the Gau sample, only one f a m i l y , of Seventh Day A d v e n t i s t p e r s u a s i o n , did not subscribe to the Wesleyan f a i t h . The - 89 -formal church program i n each v i l l a g e i s organized by a vakavuvuli ( l o c a l church l e a d e r ) under the s u p e r v i s i o n of a vakatawa at the next vanua l e v e l who i n t u r n i s d i r e c t e d by an ordained m i n i s t e r c a l l e d t a l a t a l a ("missionary") of which there i s one f o r the i s l a n d of Gau. The program of Na Lotu Wesele i s an ambitious one. Sunday, c a l l e d Siga Tabu i n F i j i a n ( l i t e r a l l y , "taboo day"), s e t a s i d e as the day of worship, begins w i t h a 7:00 a.m. masumasu (prayer s e r v i c e ) . A f t e r b r e a k f a s t , there i s Sunday s c h o o l , followed at 10:00 a.m. by the p r i n c i p a l church s e r v i c e . In the e a r l y a f t e r n o o n , there w i l l l i k e l y be c h o i r p r a c t i c e and a t 4:00 p.m. a second church s e r v i c e i s held. Throughout the week, Na Lotu Wesele i s a l s o a t work. On Wednesdays there i s an evening masumasu, and on Saturdays an e a r l y morning masumasu. In a d d i t i o n , there i s the Methodist Youth F e l l o w s h i p , meeting v a r i o u s l y on Monday n i g h t s , s p e c i a l s e r v i c e s f o r women o n l y , s i m i l a r s e r v i c e s f o r men o n l y , and, once a month, a combined s e r v i c e f o r a l l three v i l l a g e s i n the vanua. The purpose and goal of the church program i s v e i q a r a v i (worship). As the vakavuvuli p o i n t s out, "The B i b l e says i t i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of a l l men to worship God". The f o l l o w i n g excerpt i s taken from the same i n t e r v i e w . Q. What can happen to a person i f he doesn't get i n v o l v e d i n the church and worship God? - 90 -A. We can e a s i l y f i n d t h i s kind of person. They have so many problems i n t h i s l i f e ; they f i n d l i f e hard. Even w i t h t h e i r m a t e r i a l l i f e , i t ' s d i f f i c u l t . We haven't seen t h e i r s p i r i t u a l l i f e , but even from t h e i r m a t e r i a l l i f e , we can prove from t h a t . Because those who worship, you see these people f i n d happiness i n t h i s world and don't have so many kinds of problems. This notion o f worship i n exchange f o r p r o t e c t i o n and a happy l i f e was s i m i l a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d by the p a r i s h i o n e r s . The f o l l o w i n g i n t e r v i e w w i t h a middle-aged man i s t y p i c a l . Q. What i s man's duty to God? A. God created man; man i n r e t u r n should worship God. Q. How? A. W e l l , i n my p o i n t o f view, I f u l l y b e l i e v e that i f I do worship God, I ' l l s u r e l y have a very good l i f e . Q. What should a man do to worship God? A. I f you t r u l y g i ve your time and your soul to God, without any doubt, then he w i l l s u r e l y take care of you. I f u l l y b e l i e v e t h a t . God created me; I should give a l l my l i f e to God. Q. You're b u i l d i n g the church now. What about those who don't come to take part i n the church b u i l d i n g ? Do you say that they are not worshipping God? A. Yes, I b e l i e v e t h a t i f he doesn't put his f a i t h i n t o work, i t i s meaningless. Q. What about those who don't go to church very often? A. W e l l , t h a t shows t h a t they don't b e l i e v e i n God. Q. I f one goes t o church o f t e n , and always takes p a r t i n the church program, what w i l l God do i n return? A. God w i l l give him everything that he has. - 91 -Q. And i f a person doesn't worship God, what w i l l happen to him? A. He w i l l be f a c i n g d i f f i c u l t y a l l the time. Also he w i l l never achieve any good t h i n g i n t h i s l i f e . While v i l l a g e r s a r t i c u l a t e the above, there i s a sense i n which the c r e d i b i l i t y o f the v e i q a r a v i - p r o t e c t i o n c o r r e l a t i o n i s unconvincing. For church attendance i s down, a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the formal church program p r o g r e s s i v e l y weakening. The seriousness of the matter i s beginning to alarm church and v i l l a g e l e a d e r s , and they c a l l a meeting a t the end of a Sunday morning church s e r v i c e . The man who i s speaking i s i n charge of church f i n a n c e s . This year I would say i s one of the unlucky years f o r the church i n t h i s v i l l a g e . I'm basing i t on the church attendance; i t i s very poor, e s p e c i a l l y the masumasu. To compare t h i s w i t h the church l a s t y e a r , i t was r e a l l y running w e l l . Now, even the 10:00 morning s e r v i c e , only a few people are a t t e n d i n g i t - and people are a r r i v i n g l a t e . I remember t h a t w i t h i n the past few days a request went up to the malo ( t i t l e d e l d e r s i n the v i l l a g e ) ; they were asked to g i v e a speech about church attendance, to encourage the people to t r y to see t h i s t h i n g . As we know, the church and the vanua, they are j u s t together. And one of the s t r o n g e s t powers i s on the hand of the c h i e f s . I've n o t i c e d t h a t we are becoming more i n t e r e s t e d i n m a t e r i a l r a t h e r than s p i r i t u a l t h i n g s . As we know, j u s t l a s t week we went through a very rough time i n t h i s v i l l a g e . There was a storm which s t r u c k t h i s v i l l a g e . I f we compare the damage of the storm on the whole i s l a n d o f Gau, we can see t h a t t h i s v i l l a g e was the one a f f e c t e d most badly. We know t h a t the same f o r c e of wind s t r u c k the whole i s l a n d , y et i t s t r u c k us so_ badly. The huge waves were coming i n t o the v i l l a g e . I would say that i t might be good i f we t r y to look back and t h i n k what was happening. We should t r y to look back to our church. - 92 -Some of the church o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n t h i s v i l l a g e are weak. This i s the kind of t h i n g we should l e a r n from. Because we should be very s e n s i t i v e about t h i s - look back i n t o our f a m i l i e s , i n t o the church - wherever our weaknesses are - to t r y to f i n d out what causes the weaknesses. As I a l r e a d y s a i d , I'm j u s t t a l k i n g about the church attendance. We see the c h o i r not doing t h e i r duty very w e l l ; we can j u s t t r y to b r i n g i t up a b i t . Otherwise, something worse might be coming to us next year. I j u s t want us to r e a l i z e what can happen to us i f we are not i n t e r e s t e d i n the church - there can be no food, there can be drought. We should be careful'. Some weeks and then months pass, and the s i t u a t i o n does not improve. On the f o l l o w i n g o c c a s i o n , the vakavuvuli speaks from the p u l p i t a t a r e g u l a r Sunday morning s e r v i c e . Before I g i v e a sermon today, I would l i k e to make a short comment about our journey f o r the l a s t s i x months. On the s i d e of the church, i t i s one of the worst times f o r the church i n my time. I f you t h i n k about Hurricane M e l i ( i . e . , the March, 1979 hurricane i n F i j i which claimed more than 50 l i v e s and d i d e x t e n s i v e damage throughout the c o u n t r y ) , t h i s v i l l a g e was the v i l l a g e i n Gau a f f e c t e d most badly. I t h i n k we should t h i n k twice about what i s happening. Remember the storm t h a t already happened; we should t r y to l e a r n from i t . Remember th a t God i s always b e t t e r to those He l o v e s . Indeed, the l o c a l church leaders regard the hurricane as an ominous s i g n from God. Here i s a statement from an i n t e r v i e w w i t h one of them. To me, i t ' s l i k e Hurricane M e l i i s p o i n t i n g out some of the ways l o s t from us, some of the things t h a t we never see t h a t we are s t a r t i n g to lose which we should l e a r n to t r y to get back again. - 93 -To those who were badly a f f e c t e d , what we heard about t h e i r l i f e i s t h a t they are not worshipping God. They are going i n wrong ways: they never f o l l o w the r i g h t way to worship Him. God wants us to see where our weaknesses are. He a l s o wants to show His s t r e n g t h to those who do not b e l i e v e i n Him. Because those people who were badly a f f e c t e d , I t h i n k they were s t a r t i n g to turn t h e i r backs on God; they were s t a r t i n g t o t u r n away from Him. They are f o r g e t t i n g the church; they d i s l i k e the church work. This i s my o p i n i o n about Hurricane M e l i . The Kalou In the statement quoted above, the church leader makes ref e r e n c e t o two i n t e r r e l a t e d phenomena: (1) the t u r n i n g away from former ways where fe a r e d and respected s p i r i t u a l powers were s u c c e s s f u l l y s u p p l i c a t e d through c u l t u r a l l y p r e s c r i b e d r i t u a l s , and (2) a d e f i a n t challenge to the e f f i c a c y o f worship as c r i t i c a l to the management and c o n t r o l o f n a t u r a l f o r c e s . To understand these phenomena i n present-day F i j i a n r u r a l l i f e , i t i s necessary to i n c l u d e data which r e f e r t o a pre-contact r e l i g i o n . F o l l o w i n g are two events which q u a l i f y as r e l i g i o u s phenomena but which occurred q u i t e o u t s i d e Na_ Lotu Wesele. The f i r s t i n c i d e n t concerns the b u i l d i n g o f a road through a piece o f l a n d belonging to a matagali i n order to gain access to a p i n e - p l a n t i n g area f o r a major development p r o j e c t . On t h i s o c c a s i o n , the c a t e r p i l l a r has broken down and a member of the P u b l i c Works Department team has t r i e d to r e p a i r i t . There i s a near a c c i d e n t , c r e a t i n g alarm. Then a l l work i s stopped. The workmen decide t h a t the breakdown o f the machine and the near a c c i d e n t are the doings of the - 94 -kalou-vu ( l i t e r a l l y , "root-god", r e f e r r i n g to the a n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s ) o f the mataqali who own the l a n d . They b r i n g one-half pound of yaqona and present i t to the owners of the land. The p r e s e n t a t i o n i n c l u d e s the f o l l o w i n g speech. You are the owners o f the l a n d . Would you please a l l o w us to work on your land. This i s v e i v a k a t o r o -c a k e t a k i ("development"); we come because of development. There was a problem here t h i s morning, so we t h i n k t h a t the kalou-vu of t h i s land are not happy w i t h what we've come to do. We know th a t your f o r e f a t h e r s ( i . e . , the kalou-vu) don't accept what we b r i n g because of the problem w i t h the machine. So we present t h i s yaqona to ask your permission to l e t us work i n t h i s p l a c e . The yaqona i s accepted by the s e n i o r ranking member of the mataqali. present. I r e c e i v e t h i s yaqona w i t h good w i l l and I hope t h a t there w i l l be no more problem. We are happy th a t you people s t i l l respect our o l d way of l i v i n g and our f o r e f a t h e r s ( r e f e r r i n g t o the kalou-vu) w i l l never f o r g e t what you have come and done. They w i l l say 'yes' to t h i s yaqona p r e s e n t a t i o n , and from now on e v e r y t h i n g w i l l be a l r i g h t . The second event i s a chainsaw t r a i n i n g program where young men are taught to c u t and s t r i p timbers f o r l o c a l house-building i n keeping w i t h the s h i f t from F i j i a n bure to wood c o n s t r u c t i o n s h e l t e r s . As i n the previous case, the t r a i n i n g p a r t i c i p a n t s are working on a piece o f land belonging to a m a t a q a l i . And, as i n the former case, - 95 -the machine breaks down. An important p a r t of the chainsaw t r a i n i n g program i s r e p a i r and maintenance of the machine. In t h i s case, they determine there i s something wrong w i t h the c a r b u r e t o r . However, before t h i n k i n g i n terms of what the chainsaw needs, the p a r t i c i p a n t s decide t h a t the kalou-vu of the land do not approve of having the t r e e s c u t . A yaqona ceremony once again s e t t l e s the matter. A p r e s e n t a t i o n i s made to the s e n i o r member of the matagali on whose land they are working, e x p l a i n i n g the purpose of the program and r e g u e s t i n g permission f o r i t t o proceed. The ceremony completed, they a d j u s t the c a r b u r e t o r and get on w i t h the task. V e i g a r a v i : A Summary Statement — e — : — I f one b e l i e v e s i n the kalou-vu and has experienced the p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n between r i t u a l i z e d a t t e n t i o n and favourable outcome as i n the two phenomena described above, then i t i s expected and o r d i n a r y t h a t the God of Na Lotu Wesele should operate on the same p r i n c i p l e . However, i f the experience of r e g u l a r church attendance and p r e s c r i b e d worship i s not matched by a p r o t e c t i o n s u p e r i o r to that of those who do not make the r i t u a l investment, there would not seem to e x i s t the foundation f o r a strong and e n t h u s i a s t i c church program. And i f the very r e a l i t y o f the kalou-vu i s c a l l e d i n t o guestion by the predominance o f a t h e i s t i c f a i t h , the p o s s i b i l i t y of a new kind of r e l a t i o n s h i p between man and God, and between man and man, i s born. The f o l l o w i n g excerpt from a v i l l a g e i n t e r v i e w does not represent the norm; r a t h e r , i t suggests an emergent one. - 96 -Q. What i s t h e d u t y o f man t o G o d ? A . I n t h e same way t h a t we r e s p e c t o u r t r a d i t i o n a l c u s t o m s a n d o u r v a n u a a n d o u r c h i e f s , t h e same way we a r e s u p p o s e d n o w a d a y s t o be i n r e l a t i o n w i t h G o d . T h e same w a y , t o r e s p e c t Him i n e v e r y w a y . B e c a u s e n o w a d a y s , s i n c e God came i n , we know t h a t God i s t h e o n l y One a b o v e a l l . B e f o r e , we t h o u g h t o u r s p i r i t , t h e k a l o u - v u , was up i n H e a v e n . B u t now we know t h e r e ' s no o t h e r k a l o u - v u up i n H e a v e n , o n l y G o d . So t h e o n l y t h i n g , I t h i n k , i s t h a t we h a v e t o r e s p e c t Him i n e v e r y w a y . Q. How do y o u show r e s p e c t ? A . To m e , t o show t h a t I am r e s p e c t i n g G o d , i t ' s n o t o n l y g o i n g t o c h u r c h a n d b a c k a g a i n , a n d t o c h u r c h a n d b a c k a g a i n , . N o , I d o n ' t a g r e e w i t h t h a t . I t i s t o do w h a t God w a n t s - t o r e s p e c t e v e r y o n e , t o be k i n d t o e v e r y o n e . J u s t do n o t t h i n k o f y o u r s e l f o n l y . T r y t o be a f r i e n d t o a l l , t o e v e r y b o d y i n t h e c o m m u n i t y . To r e s p e c t God i s j u s t t o do w h a t e v e r y o u t h i n k i s r i g h t . I f y o u go t o c h u r c h o f t e n , s a y t h r e e t i m e s a d a y , a n d y o u d o n ' t t r e a t p e o p l e r i g h t , I d o n ' t t h i n k i t w i l l come i n h a n d y . Does n o t m a t t e r i f y o u s i n g i n t h e c h o i r , p r e a c h t h e G o s p e l o r p r a y ; t h e t h i n g t h a t m u s t come f i r s t i s t o show y o u r g o o d d e e d s t o e v e r y o n e . I t h i n k t h e o n l y t h i n g t h a t God r e a l l y w a n t s i s t h a t y o u r e a l l y t r y t o h e l p e v e r y o n e . No c o l o u r b a r , no d i f f e r e n c e . I f y o u c a n do t h i s , i t d o e s n o t m a t t e r how o f t e n y o u go t o c h u r c h , r e a d t h e B i b l e , s i n g hymns a n d a l l t h a t . I t d o e s n ' t m a t t e r a t a l l , u n l e s s y o u do w h a t y o u t h i n k i s r i g h t . T r a d i t i o n a s E p i p h e n o m e n o n : A C o n c l u d i n g S t a t e m e n t I n t h e p r e s e n t c h a p t e r , I h a v e d e s c r i b e d a v a r i e t y o f a c t i v i t i e s a n d i d e a s r e l a t i n g t o o n e ' s d u t y t o k i n , o n e ' s d u t y t o c h i e f a n d o n e ' s d u t y t o G o d . I n e a c h c a s e , t h e d i s c u s s i o n f o c u s s e d o n a s i n g l e - 97 -concept, r e s p e c t i v e l y , v e i l a l a v i (communal work), vakatulewa vakaturaga (the system of c h i e f l y command), and v e i g a r a v i (worship). In each o f the three arenas, I have i n d i c a t e d f i r s t the normative expression and, secondly, the pressures on and/or d e v i a t i o n s from t h a t norm. From an a n a l y s i s o f the above a c t i v i t i e s and l o c a l e x p l a n a t i o n s about them, i t can be seen t h a t there i s a c o n f l i c t between •t r a d i t i o n a l , i n s t i t u t i o n s and emergent ones. On the one hand, d u t i e s , r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s f i n d e xpression w i t h i n the k i n s h i p idiom, the t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n of l e a d e r s h i p and a p r e - C h r i s t i a n (though not pre-13 J u d a i c ) conception of God. And on the other hand, new a c t i v i t i e s and ideas r e f e r to f e l l o w - v i l l a g e r , government and the C h r i s t i a n church. Through the above op e r a t i o n o f c o - e x i s t i n g norms and i n s t i t u t i o n s , the F i j i a n i s caught i n the c u r r e n t o f change. Indeed, as we s h a l l see, the YMCA d i d not come to br i n g the change but r a t h e r to help the F i j i a n cope w i t h i t . The f o l l o w i n g i n t e r v i e w i s w i t h the indigenous change agent. Q. What was the problem? 14 A. When the YMCA came i n , the new system was already i n the heads o f the government and they already changed so many things from the o l d system to the new system. So a l l these things are coming i n to i n f l u e n c e us. I t ' s l i k e a poison i n the people's mind. And these k i n d s o f ideas are s t a r t i n g to shake the t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i v i n g . The people are caught i n the middle of t h i s , and they don't know what to do. - 98 -Q. Can t h e y f i g u r e o u t t h e p r o b l e m - t h a t t h e y a r e c a u g h t ? A . N o , b e c a u s e i t ' s c o m i n g i n v e r y s l o w l y . T h e y f e e l t h a t t h e y a r e j u s t s t a n d i n g o n t h e r o o f o f t h e h o u s e , h o l d i n g n o w h e r e , h o l d i n g n o t h i n g a t a l l . A n d t h e y s h a k e ! - 99 -Footnotes 1 I t seems t h a t one can g e n e r a l i z e beyond the areas of Gau and Ra w i t h regard to these three i n s t i t u t i o n a l arenas, however. Note, f o r example, how Nayacakalou r e f e r s to these i n s t i t u t i o n s i n Leadership i n F i j i (1975) i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n of the r e s p e c t i v e p o s i t i o n s of c h i e f and turaga-ni-koro ( v i l l a g e headman). He w r i t e s , "In t h e o r y , each p o s i t i o n had i t s own j u r i s d i c t i o n through a d i v i s i o n o f v i l l a g e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n t o .vakavanua (customary), vakamatanitu (governmental) and v a k a l o t u ( r e l i g i o u s ) f u n c t i o n s , and each s e t had i t s own procedures and mechanisms f o r d e c i s i o n making" (85). In the above statement, Nayacakalou i s making reference to F i j i a n c u l t u r e as a whole. 2 The a c t i v i t i e s of v e i l a l a v i , as w i l l be demonstrated, mediate the concept of a l 1 i a n c e w i t h i n the c u l t u r a l context of yavusa ( k i n s h i p grouping). However, I provide a general t r a n s l a t i o n of v e i l a l a v i as "communal work" i n the present chapter s i n c e t h a t i s how the Gau I s l a n d e r s r e f e r t o i t . At the same time, I take v e i l a l a v i to mean not only or n e c e s s a r i l y "communal work" and I t i t l e the present subsection of the chapter " V e i l a l a v i : One's Duty to K i n " i n order t h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p between economic a c t i v i t y and k i n s h i p w i l l become c l e a r i n the course of the p r e s e n t a t i o n . To a n t i c i p a t e the reader's c o n f u s i o n , however, l e t me provide an example of how the F i j i a n c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of "communal work" may be i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h European thoughtways. The F i j i a n s on Gau ( i n the v i l l a g e s included i n my study) i n c l u d e i n t h e i r rendering of " l i v i n g i n the communal way" a program of a g r i c u l t u r e whereby v i l l a g e men designate c e r t a i n hours of the week and/or c e r t a i n weeks of the month f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l production i n t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l gardens. In other words, the men together go to t h e i r gardens and, f o r the most p a r t , r e t u r n at the same time. Sometimes they a s s i s t each other (as i n the case of yam p l a n t i n g ) ; sometimes (as i n t a r o and cassava production) they do not. However, there i s agreement as to which times are to be a l l o c a t e d f o r gardening and which times are to be set a s i d e f o r other f u n c t i o n s (such as the b u i l d i n g and r e p a i r of the bure, ceremonial, even yaqona d r i n k i n g ) . I remember when a p a r t i c u l a r farmer began s t a y i n g behind i n h i s garden a f t e r the other men would r e t u r n to the v i l l a g e i n the - 100 -l a t e afternoon. As f a r as I could determine, he was i n t e r e s t e d i n i n c r e a s i n g h i s a g r i c u l t u r a l production and he had planted a number of very n i c e papaya and banana t r e e s . However, v i l l a g e r s soon began to kakase (m a l i c i o u s g o s s i p ) , accusing the man of s t a y i n g behind i n the garden t o p r a c t i s e vakadraunikau ( s o r c e r y ) . As a r e s u l t , the farmer i n question had e i t h e r to conform to the "communal" p a t t e r n or s u f f e r the consequences. Hence, the important t h i n g here to bear i n mind i s that " l i v i n g i n the communal way" must be understood i n the F i j i a n context and not the European one. This c e n t r a l theme of "the communal way of l i f e " appears throughout the study and i n Chapter 10 the phenomena of kakase ( m a l i c i o u s gossip) and vakadraunikau (sorcery) are t r e a t e d i n some depth. I. r e f e r here to the v i l l a g e s i n c l u d e d i n the Gau study. And at t h i s p o i n t I am not concerned whether the p r a c t i c e of communal yam p l a n t i n g i s a pre-contact or post-contact a c t i v i t y . Rather I want to i n d i c a t e t h a t the F i j i a n s i n t h i s part of Gau a t l e a s t view the communal a c t i v i t y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h yam p l a n t i n g as i n t e g r a l to "the F i j i a n way o f l i f e " . I w r i t e " i t seems to me to be s y m b o l i c . . . " s i n c e there were no speeches accompanying the rova which I observed from which I c o u l d check out whether the p a r t i c i p a n t s a r t i c u l a t e the a c t i v i t y i n these terms. This p r a c t i c e of engaging kinsmen beyond the boundaries of one's own v i l l a g e w i l l become c l e a r i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter where I d i s t i n g u i s h between yavusa as a u n i t of k i n s h i p o r g a n i z a t i o n and koro as a u n i t of l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . To a n t i c i p a t e the argument, the important theme i s t h a t one has r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s beyond the boundaries of the l o c a l v i l l a g e through r e a l or designated k i n s h i p networks. S a h l i n s goes on to say t h a t " i f a person d i d , i n token of a f f e c t i o n , g i ve away something admired by a f r i e n d or r e l a t i v e . - or even a stranger - i t would not be considered kerekere by Moalans, but simply loloma, a ' g i f t ' " (1962:441-2). I subscribe to the same d i s t i n c t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to my f i e l d w o r k experience on neighbouring Gau. The word v u n i v a l u means l i t e r a l l y "root of war" and r e f e r r e d t r a d i t i o n a l l y to the c h i e f next i n rank to the paramount c h i e f or Roko Tui ("Sacred Lord"). The Vunivalu was, i n a sense, the Commander-in-Chief. In the present c o n t e x t , Vunivalu r e f e r s to the Governor-General o f F i j i . - 101 -Cf. footnote 2 above. The notions of "communal labour" and "communal o b l i g a t i o n " are a part of what i s t r e a t e d i n the present study under the r u b r i c of v e i l a l a v i . To designate i n d i v i d u a l a c t o r s or speakers, I have used a system of i n i t i a l s as an a l t e r n a t i v e to d e v i s i n g a s e r i e s of pseudonymns. I n i t i a l s used, however, do not correspond t o a c t u a l names. The F i j i a n c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s of l a l a ( f o r l a l a , as w i l l be demonstrated, r e f e r s to more than one i n s t i t u t i o n ) are discussed i n some d e t a i l i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter. By "the m o r a l i t y of delayed r e c i p r o c i t y " I r e f e r to the idea of s o c i a l a l l i a n c e s as r e l a t e d to o b l i g a t i o n s to r e c i p r o c a t e m a t e r i a l (and non-material) values. In other words, w i t h i n a m o r a l i t y o f delayed r e c i p r o c i t y , one acknowledges o b l i g a t i o n to g i v e deference or m a t e r i a l value i n r e t u r n f o r ^ y a l u e r e c e i v e d . This theme reappears throughout the t h e s i s i n r e l a t i o n to t r a d i t i o n a l F i j i a n l i f e . The F i j i a n phenomenon of kalou-vu i s discussed i n some d e t a i l i n Chapter 4. The d i s t i n c t i o n I make between a C h r i s t i a n concept of God and the J u d a i c one i s important i n the present study. This theme i s taken up i n some d e t a i l i n Chapter 4 and reappears throughout the course of the study. Cf. Chapter 2. p. 45-6 regarding the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the YMCA r u r a l work program on the i s l a n d of Gau. - 102 -CHAPTER 4. TRADITION AS PHENOMENON. I n t r o d u c t i o n In the previous chapter, I discussed a s e r i e s of a c t i v i t i e s and ideas r e l a t i n g to na i tovo v a k a v i t i ("the F i j i a n way of l i f e " ) i n Gau. I emphasized t h a t i n each of three i n s t i t u t i o n a l arenas, s p e c i f i c a l l y , socio-economic, p o l i t i c a l , and r e l i g i o u s , there e x i s t s a t e n s i o n between " t r a d i t i o n a l " norms and emergent ones. I want now, i n the present chapter, to take the above a n a l y s i s to a f u r t h e r l e v e l o f a b s t r a c t i o n i n order to i n v e s t i g a t e the s t r u c t u r e s (both e m p i r i c a l and l o g i c a l ) t o which the a c t i v i t i e s and ideas i n the previous chapter r e f e r . T h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n , a t the l e v e l of phenomenon, w i l l i n t u r n provide the framework f o r a n a l y s i s a t a t h i r d l e v e l o f a b s t r a c t i o n i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter. My argument, b r i e f l y , i n the present chapter, i s that there c o - e x i s t s w i t h i n the c u r r e n t i tovo v a k a v i t i i n Gau, two sets of i n t e r r e l a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s , t h a t same co-existence c o n t r i b u t i n g to the tens i o n s o u t l i n e d i n the previous chapter. The f i r s t set of i n s t i t u t i o n s , I want to argue, r e f e r s to a pre-contact F i j i a n " t r a d i t i o n " and corresponds to the k i n s h i p idiom, c h i e f t a i n s h i p and a p a t r i a r c h a l and ex t e r n a l g o d - f i g u r e . For reasons I w i l l o u t l i n e i n the ensuing d i s c u s s i o n , I am g l o s s i n g these phenomena as yavusa, vanua and kalou r e s p e c t i v e l y . The second set of s t r u c t u r e s corresponds to v i l l a g e as - 103 -a u n i t o f l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , t o g o v e r n m e n t a s p a r t i c i p a t o r y d e m o c r a c y a n d t o t h e C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h . T h e s e p h e n o m e n a I am g l o s s i n g , a g a i n f o r r e a s o n s w h i c h w i l l be e x p l a i n e d , a s k o r o , m a t a n i t u a n d l o t u . I n t h e f o l l o w i n g d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e a b o v e t w o s e t s o f i n t e r r e l a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s , I am u t i l i z i n g a n h i s t o r i c a l a p p r o a c h a s a p a r t i a l f r a m e w o r k f o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e p r e s e n t - d a y s y s t e m . A n d w h i l e I w i l l now make r e f e r e n c e t o o t h e r e t h n o g r a p h i c s o u r c e s , t h e m a j o r i t y o f d a t a c o n t i n u e t o be t a k e n f r o m t h e v i l l a g e o f L o v u o n G a u , t h e p r i n c i p a l f i e l d l o c a t i o n i n t h e c u r r e n t s t u d y . Y a v u s a ( F e d e r a t i o n ) : U n i t o f K i n s h i p O r g a n i z a t i o n I n t h e p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r , I d e s c r i b e d a s e r i e s o f e v e n t s r e f e r r i n g t o o n e ' s d u t y t o k i n i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e c o n c e p t o f v e i l a l a v i (communal w o r k ) . T h e p u r p o s e now i s t o s i t u a t e t h e a b o v e d a t a w i t h i n t h e s t r u c t u r a l f r a m e w o r k o f k i n s h i p . We b e g i n w i t h an h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . A r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e e a r l y s c e n e i n F i j i m u s t r e m a i n i n p a r t a s p e c u l a t i v e a c c o u n t s i n c e t h e o r i g i n s o f t h e F i j i a n p e o p l e c o n t i n u e t o be a n e n i g m a . Some o f t h e m l i n k t h e i r a n c e s t r y t o t h e name o f L u t u n a s o b a s o b a , t h e c h i e f l y v o y a g e r who l e d h i s p e o p l e i n t o t h e P a c i f i c f r o m a l a n d f a r t o t h e w e s t ( p e r h a p s i n c o n t i n e n t a l A f r i c a ) i n t h e g r e a t c a n o e c a l l e d K a u n i t o n i ( c f . , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e a c c o u n t i n F r a n c e 1 9 6 9 ) . H o w e v e r , a s F r a n c e a n d o t h e r s (Thomson 1 9 0 8 , D e r r i c k 1 9 4 6 , B u r n s 1 9 6 3 , f o r e x a m p l e ) p o i n t o u t , a d e f i n i t i v e s t a t e m e n t o f o r i g i n i s d i f f i c u l t t o v a l i d a t e i n t h e F i j i a n c a s e ; t h e F i j i a n s t h e m s e l v e s l e f t - 104 -no w r i t t e n record of the event(s) and much of t h e i r o r a l legend i s of q u e s t i o n a b l e a n t i q u i t y . Some a u t h o r i t a t i v e accounts, however, do g i v e credence to the idea t h a t the F i j i a n s came to the P a c i f i c through the Indonesian a r c h i p e l a g o i n successive waves of m i g r a t i o n . Writes Burns, They probably came i n t h e i r canoes from the westward i n small groups, independent of and h o s t i l e to each o t h e r , without 'high' c h i e f s or t r i b a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , and e s t a b l i s h e d themselves i n various p a r t s of F i j i (1963:25). Thomson (1908), who compiled one of the e a r l y non-missionary accounts of F i j i a n custom, seems to agree. He suggests t h a t "the i s l a n d s of the P a c i f i c were probably peopled by s i n g l e f a m i l i e s " (58). And with regard to settlement w i t h i n F i j i , he w r i t e s , The F i j i a n s had no t e r r i t o r i a l r o o t s . I t i s not too much to say t h a t no t r i b e now occupies the land held by i t s f a t h e r s two c e n t u r i e s ago. They are u n i t e d by c o n s a n g u i n i t y , not by the j o i n t ownership of the s o i l . But the longer they stay upon the l a n d , the stronger becomes t h e i r connection w i t h i t , u n t i l at l a s t i t becomes the ba s i s of brotherhood, and the adoption of a stranger confers n e a r l y the same p r i v i l e g e s as those enjoyed by f u l l - b o r n members of the t r i b e (355). What Thomson i s saying i s important to an understanding of F i j i a n t r a d i t i o n . For he a s s e r t s the primacy of k i n s h i p over t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . And th a t same primacy i s c r i t i c a l to an understanding of the F i j i a n v i l l a g e concept. I r e f e r again to Thomson's account. - 105 -The nucleus of every F i j i a n v i l l a g e has been at no very remote date a s i n g l e f a m i l y , i n h a b i t i n g a s i n g l e house. As F i j i a n s from the parent stock m u l t i p l i e d , houses were b u i l t round the s i t e of the house of the common ancestor. Each son when he married and s e t t l e d down, chose f o r himse l f a s i t e f o r h i s house, w i t h i n the l i m i t s of the f o r t i f i c a t i o n In the course of y e a r s , or the v i c i s s i t u d e s of war, the v i l l a g e was removed, but when t h i s was done, the new settlement was b u i l t as n e a r l y as p o s s i b l e upon the exact plan of the o l d one. I have watched the process. When the s i t e was decided upon the c h i e f went w i t h his people, and s e l e c t e d a s i t e f o r h i s own house and the c h i e f p i t c h e d h i s temporary s h e l t e r i n a p o s i t i o n t h a t corresponded w i t h the s i t e o f h i s house i n the v i l l a g e he had abandoned. Then h i s nearest neighbours marked out the s i t e s of t h e i r houses. T h e i r neighbours f o l l o w e d , and so on u n t i l the new v i l l a g e corresponded e x a c t l y w i t h the o l d , as f a r as the nature of the ground permitted... These house s i t e s descended by the o r d i n a r y law of i n h e r i t a n c e to the e l d e s t b r o t h e r , or i n d e f a u l t of a b r o t h e r , to the e l d e s t son. One man, i f he were a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f a decaying f a m i l y , might own s e v e r a l . For years no house might have been b u i l t upon them, and y e t , unless he f o r m a l l y conveyed them to another, the r i g h t o f him s e l f and h i s h e i r s was never disputed (358). The F i j i a n word f o r the house-building s i t e to which Thomson makes refe r e n c e above i s yavu. In other words, a yavu i s the name given to the s i t e upon which an a n c e s t r a l house has been constructed. I was t o l d t h a t on Gau, i n former days, when a leader o f a f a m i l y d i e d , he was c u s t o m a r i l y buried beneath the mats i n h i s bure ( F i j i a n house ) J With time, the bure f a l l s and r o t s away, r e v e a l i n g the s i t e as a b u r i a l ground. In the meantime, the descendant's of the a n c e s t r a l f a m i l y , i n c r e a s i n g i n numbers, have e s t a b l i s h e d separate households. The yavu - 106 -( s i t e of the o r i g i n a l house) becomes (and i n Gau remains today) a sacred space, reminding the community of i t s common ancestry and i t s members o f the r e s p e c t i v e d u t i e s , r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s a p p r o p r i a t e to t h e i r k i n - r e l a t e d n e s s . Yavu i s the root o f the word yavusa, the term used to designate the l a r g e s t recognized k i n s h i p grouping w i t h i n the l e x i c o n of F i j i a n k i n s h i p terminology. A yavusa i s a very l a r g e f a m i l y , or more s p e c i f i c a l l y , a maximal l i n e a g e . However, as we have seen above, h i s t o r i c a l circumstances and a somewhat generous c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of " k i n s h i p " confound the d i s t i n c t i o n between the l o g i c a l and the e m p i r i c a l . Hence, the present-day F i j i a n v i l l a g e i s l i k e l y to be composed not only or n e c e s s a r i l y of persons belonging to a s i n g l e yavusa. One w r i t e r expresses the process t h i s way: The members o f an o r i g i n a l yavusa i n i t s i n t e g r i t y were unite d by the t i e o f common blood and common worship, but i n the i n e v i t a b l e wars and d i s s e n s i o n s which took place subsequently c o m p l i c a t i o n s arose by which yavusa became broken and s c a t t e r e d , and others became strengthened by the admission o f other p a r t i e s . There are cases i n which a matagali or even a small s e c t i o n o f people, having e i t h e r by choice or n e c e s s i t y , become separated from i t s o r i g i n a l yavusa and discarded i t s own 'god' i n favour o f the 'god' of i t s adoption, has continued to l i v e w i t h t h a t yavusa and has been a l l o t t e d d e f i n i t e p o r t i o n s o f land. In some cases the leader of the new a r r i v a l s , presumably when possessing e x t r a o r d i n a r y personal g u a l i t i e s , was accepted by the adopting yavusa as i t s c h i e f and the p o s i t i o n has been held by the f a m i l y ever s i n c e (Maxwell i n Nayacakalou 1975:11). - 107 -I n o t h e r w o r d s , a y a v u s a i s f i r s t a n d f o r e m o s t a u n i t o f k i n s h i p o r g a n i z a t i o n . I t may o r may n o t b e c o n f i n e d t o o n e l o c a l i t y ( i . e . , v i l l a g e - s i t e ) . M o r e o v e r , t h o s e s h a r i n g a l o c a l i t y may come t o be c o n s i d e r e d a s y a v u s a m e m b e r s e v e n t h o u g h g e n e a l o g i e s do n o t s t r i c t l y c o n f o r m . A y a v u s a i s , t h e n , a f e d e r a t i o n o f p e r s o n s who r e c o g n i z e r e a l o r i m a g i n e d common t i e s o f k i n s h i p . I now r e t u r n t o t h e p r i n c i p a l f i e l d l o c a t i o n f o r t h e p r e s e n t s t u d y . T h e v i l l a g e o f L o v u , w i t h i t s p o p u l a t i o n o f 173 p e r s o n s , i s c o n s i d e r e d by i t s members t o b e o n e y a v u s a . I n o t h e r w o r d s , t h e k a i - L o v u ( " p e o p l e o f L o v u " ) t r a c e t h e i r d e s c e n t t o a common a n c e s t o r . B u t , f o l l o w i n g t h e h i s t o r i c a l p a t t e r n , n o t a l l i n h a b i t a n t s o f t h e v i l l a g e a r e i n f a c t k i n - r e l a t e d . H o w e v e r , a c c o r d i n g t o g e n e a l o g i c a l c h a r t s I was a b l e t o r e c o n s t r u c t , t h e m a j o r i t y a r e members o f o n e p a t r i l i n e a l d e s c e n t g r o u p . B u t t h e m o r e i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e f o r o u r p u r p o s e i s t h a t t h e p e o p l e o f L o v u c o n s i d e r t h e m s e l v e s t o b e l o n g t o a s i n g l e y a v u s a . M o r e o v e r , t h e y s i m i l a r l y i n c l u d e c a t e g o r i e s o f p e r s o n s r e s i d i n g o u t s i d e t h e v i l l a g e - s i t e a s members o f n o d a v u v a l e ( " o u r f a m i l y " ) ( c f . p . 7 9 ) . T h e p r i m a r y s o c i a l d i v i s i o n w i t h i n a y a v u s a i s r e f e r r e d t o a s a m a t a g a l i . A m a t a g a l i i s a c l a n , i n a s e n s e , l a r g e r t h a n t h e i t o k a t o k a ( e x t e n d e d f a m i l y ) a n d s m a l l e r t h a n t h e y a v u s a . T o d a y , m a t a g a l i c a n p e r h a p s m o r e p r o p e r l y be t h o u g h t o f ( f o r r e a s o n s I s h a l l e x p l o r e l a t e r ) a s a l a n d - h o l d i n g u n i t . H o w e v e r , w h e r e c o n s i d e r e d a s s u c h , i t s a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h k i n s h i p c o n t i n u e s t o be r e c o g n i z e d . N o t e , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e f o l l o w i n g : - 108 -The d i r e c t descendants o f the legendary founder of a f a m i l y form a yavusa, which i n c l u d e s a number of m a t a q a l i , descended from the s e n i o r male r e l a t i v e s o f the ancestor. The mataqali i s a recognized l a n d - h o l d i n g u n i t and some mataqali h o l d l a r g e areas w h i l e others hold very l i t t l e (Burns 1963:208). The mataqali i s exogamous, and has a symbolic name. I t i s the o f f i c i a l l y recognized land-holding u n i t . A l l members of a mataqali r e f e r to each other by r e l a t i o n s h i p terms based on the r e a l i t i e s o f k i n s h i p , even though s t r i c t genealogies cannot be remembered (Belshaw 1964:27). The p o i n t I want to emphasize, then, i s that m a t a q a l i , l i k e the yavusa of which i t i s a p a r t , i s f i r s t and foremost a k i n s h i p p r i n c i p l e . Moreover, i n i t s o r i g i n a l meaning, i t would seem th a t mataqali a l s o r e f e r r e d to a h e r e d i t a r y r o l e d i v i s i o n w i t h i n the yavusa. In support of the above i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , I want to begin w i t h an a n a l y s i s of the word i t s e l f . Mataqali i s composed of the two words mata and g a l i . Mata means (among other t h i n g s ) "one s k i l l e d i n a t h i n g ; a group p r a c t i s i n g a given a r t " (New F i j i a n D i c t i o n a r y , 1 4 1 ) . Q a l i t r a n s l a t e s "to t w i s t t o g e t h e r , to r o l l together as i n making s t r i n g " (New F i j i a n 2 D i c t i o n a r y , 1 6 0 ) . Taken to g e t h e r , the two words suggest various persons or groups s k i l l e d i n p a r t i c u l a r c r a f t s "strung together" i n t o a l a r g e r u n i t . I t w i l l be remembered t h a t , i n my d i s c u s s i o n of v e i l a l a v i i n the previous chapter, I i n c l u d e d a speech where the s t r i n g t y i n g the two ends o f the tabua (whale's tooth) was r e f e r r e d to s y m b o l i c a l l y as "the s t r i n g to t i e our k i n s h i p together" ( c f . p. 75 ). - 109 -We now see the idea of matagali " t i e d together" through complementary r o l e tasks w i t h i n a yavusa. Indeed, i f we look at a more complete d e f i n i t i o n o f m a t a g a l i , we l e a r n the f o l l o w i n g regarding i t s emergence: I t appears to have sprung from the s u b d i v i s i o n s of n a t u r a l l y i n c r e a s i n g f a m i l i e s , the sons of the o r i g i n a l ancestor being the heads of the r e s u l t i n g m a t a g a l i . The matagali-turaga was the matagali of the e l d e s t son; matagali b a t i , the w a r r i o r s ; matagali bete, the p r i e s t s ; ° matagali matanivanua, the h e r a l d s . These f u n c t i o n s are thus h e r e d i t a r y amongst men of a m a t a g a l i , and the various m a t a g a l i , making up a yavusa, are grouped under one of these heads. The matagali of a person may be known by (1) the food t h a t i s forbidden him; (2) h i s war-cry, and (3) the animal o'r f i s h he must prepare f o r the c h i e f o f a c e r t a i n p l a c e , and may not partake of h i m s e l f i n the presence of t h a t c h i e f (New F i j i a n  D i c t i o n a r y , 142). One need not r e l y s o l e l y on l i t e r a l or formal d e f i n i t i o n i n support of the above i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . There can be found reference to c l a n labour i n the e a r l y l i t e r a t u r e as w e l l . Note, f o r example, the f o l l o w i n g statement i n a m i s s i o n a r y account. We now pass to the i n n e r l i f e of the matagali. A l l l a r g e r works are c a r r i e d out by c l a n - l a b o u r . There was no such t h i n g i n the e a r l y days as an i n d i v i d u a l trade. D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n took p l a c e , indeed, to the extent t h a t there were evolved both a fishermen-clan and a c a r p e n t e r - c l a n . These two p h r a t r i e s had great p r e s t i g e owing to the s e c r e t knowledge and s k i l l , which, as a body of men, they undoubtedly possessed The carpenter and f i s h e r c l a s s e s were g u i l d s or corporate bodies, a b s o l u t e l y e x c l u s i v e , having t h e i r own gods and r e -l i g i o u s usages. T h e i r knowledge was a common possession amongst them, and i t was taboo to reveal i t to o u t s i d e r s . Hence, the statement remains good, even i n respect of them, t h a t a l l l a r g e r works were c a r r i e d out by c l a n - l a b o u r (Deane 1921:101). - n o -Within the yavusa of Lovu, there are f o u r d i s t i n c t m a t a q a l i . The f o l l o w i n g e x p l a n a t i o n about the present-day r o l e s of the v a r i o u s mataqali was provided by a member of the v i l l a g e i n response to my question about the duty of a man to his community. Take t h i s v i l l a g e w i t h four m a t a q a l i . The f i r s t mataqali i s the Ratu's ( i . e . , c h i e f 1 s ) . Another m a t a q a l i , Lewenisau, they are the fishermen f o r the c h i e f . I f the c h i e f wants some f i s h , j u s t g i v e them out some yaqona and say, "I want some f i s h " . They ought to go out and get i t . That's i n the r e a l t r a d i t i o n a l ways. But nowadays, when the c h i e f wants some, f i s h , "No, we're busy". Th i s i s s o r t of a r e f u s a l . Another m a t a q a l i , they are the ones who have the s p e c i a l duty that when the Ratu wants someone to go to the v i l l a g e of the paramount c h i e f of the i s l a n d to see t h a t c h i e f , he sends the head of t h i s m a t a q a l i . Nobody e l s e i n t h i s v i l l a g e can go, only the head of t h a t m a t a q a l i . And i f the message comes down from the v i l l a g e o f t h a t paramount c h i e f , i t goes f i r s t t o t h a t mataqali before i t goes to the Ratu. They f o l l o w t h i s today, they s t i l l r e s pect i t . The statement above i l l u s t r a t e s the gap between the more t r a d i t i o n a l performance of h e r e d i t a r y r o l e tasks and the present-day r e a l i t y . In pursuing that d i s t i n c t i o n , the d i s c u s s i o n l e d to the idea t h a t the mataqali Lewenisau ( l i t e r a l l y , " f l e s h of power") mentioned above, who are today i n an a d v i s o r y c a p a c i t y to the mataqali Ratu ( i . e . , the c h i e f ' s m a t a q a l i ) , were most probably, i n former times, the mataqali bete. For i t was the bete ( p r i e s t s ) who, through t h e i r r i t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the kalou-vu ( a n c e s t r a l gods) i n whose domain the source of power (sau) was thought to l i e , became themselves a " f l e s h - in -of power". Today, the matagali Lewenisau are the matanivanua (spokesmen) f o r the c h i e f , t h a t r o l e most l i k e l y d e rived from t h e i r former p r i e s t l y , hence i n f l u e n t i a l , s t a t u s . This r o l e of matanivanua i s not to be confused, however, w i t h the matagali matanivanua, a t h i r d matagali i n Lovu as i n d i c a t e d i n the above i n t e r v i e w . In t h i s l a t t e r case, the h e r e d i t a r y r o l e i s t h a t o f messenger and a p p l i e s only i n communications w i t h the v i l l a g e o f the paramount c h i e f o f the i s l a n d . F u r t h e r , w h i l e the matagali bete are the kai wai ("people of the water", hence, fishermen), the two remaining matagali ( e x c l u d i n g , that i s , the matagal i turaga or c h i e f ' s matagali) are the matagali b a t i ( w a r r i o r s ) and the kai-vanua ("people of the l a n d " , hence, farmers). In a d d i t i o n to t h e i r r i t u a l and p h y s i c a l p r o t e c t i o n o f the c h i e f , the three matagali were together r e s p o n s i b l e f o r producing the food supply f o r the yavusa. Moreover, i n t h a t a matagali c o u l d not partake i n the presence o f the c h i e f o f t h a t food he prepared, a flow upward and a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n downward o f the a v a i l a b l e food supply was assured. From an e l d e r l y informant i n Lovu, "In those days, the kai-wai could not eat f i s h i n f r o n t o f the kai-vanua, and the two groups could not eat v a k a l o l o (a d i s h made with t a r o ) together". We can now t a b l e the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of Lovu v i l l a g e i n terms of h e r e d i t a r y r o l e s and d u t i e s as i n Table X I I I . We now r e t u r n to the concept o f v e i l a l a v i which I introduced i n the previous chapter and which, i n Gau at l e a s t , has come to mean "communal work". V e i l a l a v i t r a n s l a t e s l i t e r a l l y as "the act of doing the l a l a " . The 1 a l a i s "the order o f a c h i e f , r e g u i r i n g work to be - 112 -TABLE X I I I . T r a d i t i o n a l S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e of Lovu V i l l a g e . Yavusa Lovu Mataqali Ratu Lewenisau Waravi Tui Lovu Membership 62 73 6 32 He r e d i t a r y Role D i v i s i o n m a t a q a l i -turaga. ( c h i e f s ) m a t a q a l i -bete ( p r i e s t s ) ; matani-vanua (spokesmen) mat a q a l i -matani-vanua (messengers) m a t a q a l i -b a t i ( w a r r i o r s ) mataqali-b a t i ( w a r r i o r s ) H e r e d i t a r y Duty kai-wai (fishermen) kai-vanua (farmers) kai-vanua (farmers) done" (New F i j i a n D i c t i o n a r y , 111). And v e i l a l a v i , by formal d e f i n i t i o n , i s "work done by only a few people when the c h i e f i s under o b l i g a t i o n to feed them" ( i b i d ) . V e i l a l a v i , then, may have o r i g i n a l l y r e f e r r e d to work r e q u i r e d o f an a p p r o p r i a t e s e c t o r of the yavusa ( i . e . , by a h e r e d i t a r y r o l e d i v i s i o n ) on behalf of the yavusa as a whole. Today i n Lovu, a l l f o u r mataqali farm on the land and f i s h i n the sea. However, h e r e d i t a r y r o l e d i v i s i o n s and d u t i e s are s t i l l observed i n s i t u a t i o n s defined as " t r a d i t i o n a l " , confusing the adjustment to newer ways of doing t h i n g s . At the same time, the a d u l t males of a l l four mataqali p a r t i c i p a t e i n the p l a n t i n g o f each o t h e r s ' yam gardens, the b u i l d i n g and r e p a i r i n g o f each others' bure ( F i j i a n house) and i n p r o v i s i o n f o r the educating o f each others' c h i l d r e n . I f t h i s l a t t e r understanding of - 113 -v e i l a l a v i as "communal work" r e f e r s not to i t s o r i g i n a l meaning but to a p o s t - c o n t a c t f o r m u l a t i o n of the F i j i a n Regulations under the B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n (discussed l a t e r i n the c h a p t e r ) , communal work would nevertheless seem to have i t s d e r i v a t i o n i n a pre-contact F i j i where k i n s h i p c o n s i d e r a t i o n s predominate i n socio-economic r e l a t i o n s . As Thomson w r i t e s , In i t s communal aspect 1ala i s the a x i s of the p r i m i t i v e commonwealth. A n a t i v e cannot by h i m s e l f b u i l d h i s house, or d i g h i s p l a n t a t i o n , and he has no money w i t h which to pay others f o r doing so. A c c o r d i n g l y , he a p p l i e s to the c h i e f , who, a c t i n g as the mouthpiece f o r the commune, summons a l l the able-bodied men to come to h i s a s s i s t a n c e . In r e t u r n he must provide food f o r them, and he must take h i s turn i n h e l p i n g each of them whenever his s e r v i c e s are r e q u i r e d (1908:67). Or expressed by a v i l l a g e r a f t e r a f u n d - r a i s i n g f o r the education of h i s son ( c f . p. 75 ): You've put i n t h i s money w i t h a poor standard o f l i v i n g . But because of our k i n s h i p , t h a t i s why we can r a i s e so much money. This f u n d - r a i s i n g has been going on f o r some time now. Our hope i s i n these c h i l d r e n , to make use of t h i s f u n d - r a i s i n g to g i v e something back to the community when we need help. But i f the c h i l d never gives anything back, i t must be because of the system of change which i s coming i n now; people are j u s t t h i n k i n g more of themselves. - 114 -Vanua (Conf e d e r a t i o n ) : Unit o f T e r r i t o r i a l A s s o c i a t i o n In the previous chapter, I described some a c t i v i t i e s and ideas i n r e l a t i o n to the vakatulewa vakaturaga, the system of c h i e f l y command. The f i r s t example I i n c l u d e d was t h a t o f p l a n t i n g a yam garden f o r the paramount c h i e f o f the i s l a n d o f Gau. I want now to s i t u a t e t h a t event w i t h i n the s t r u c t u r a l framework of vanua as a t e r r i t o r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n . The New F i j i a n D i c t i o n a r y rendering o f the word vanua i s " l a n d , r e g i o n , p l a c e , spot" (255). However, the word f o r land meaning eart h o r s o i l i s qe l e . Vanua, by c o n t r a s t , contains much more than the n o t i o n o f p h y s i c a l space. I t i s more p r o p e r l y understood as a t e r r i t o r y under the l e a d e r s h i p of a powerful c h i e f : " P o l i t i c a l l y , vanua, a c o n f e d e r a t i o n , a land or yavusa under a strong c h i e f " ( i b i d ) . Hence, w h i l e k i n s h i p i s p r i o r to t e r r i t o r i a l i t y w i t h i n the s t r u c t u r a l meaning of yavusa ( f e d e r a t i o n ) , i n the case o f the vanua (confederation) t h a t same t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i s the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e . For through conquest or v o l i t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n , weaker t r i b e s came under the p o l i t i c a l persuasion of the more powerful c h i e f s . The more or l e s s c o n t i n u o u s l y a d j u s t i n g boundaries of these t e r r i t o r i e s r e f l e c t e d the r i s e and f a l l of i n f l u e n t i a l f a m i l i e s and the vanua emerged as a p o l i t i c o - t e r r i t o r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n . I want now, then, to d i s t i n g u i s h between the v e i l a l a v i of the yavusa and the vakatulewa vakaturaga of the vanua. In my treatment of yavusa as a f e d e r a t i o n , I discussed the notion of v e i l a l a v i as meaning - 115 -( i n Gau at l e a s t ) "communal work". V e i l a l a v i contains the word