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Accommodation and cultural persistence : the case of the Sikhs and the Portuguese in the Okanagan Valley.. Joy, Annamma 1982

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ACCOMMODATION AND CULTURAL PERSISTENCE: THE CASE OF THE SIKHS AND THE PORTUGUESE IN THE OKANAGAN VALLEY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA  by ANNAMMA -JOY M.A.  U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1975  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of A n t h r o p o l o g y / S o c i o l o g y  We accept t h i s  t h e s i s as  to the r e q u i r e d  conforming  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (c") Annamma Joy, 1982  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s  thesis  an advanced degree at  further  agree  fulfilment  of  the  requirements  the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I  the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t I  in p a r t i a l  freely  available  for  agree,that  r e f e r e n c e and study.  t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s  thesis  f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . of  this  thesis for  It  financial  of  gain s h a l l not  ANTHROPOLOGY & SOCIOLOGY  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5  D  a  t  e  30.7.'82.  or  i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  written permission.  Department  for  be allowed without my  ABSTRACT  T h e r e a r e two themes t h a t a r e e x p l o r e d i n t h i s thesis.  The f i r s t  acculturation, skills is  i s an e x a m i n i a t i o n o f t h e p r o c e s s o f  d e f i n e d h e r e as t h e p r o c e s s o f l e a r n i n g  and s t r a t e g i e s n a t i v e  t o another group.  c o m p a r a t i v e and e x a m i n e s t h e c a u s e s  success that  acculturative  The dimensions  stress  a r e comparable  and so o n .  The s p h e r e s t h a t  spillover family,  of public  come under  wherein a c c u l t u r a t i o n establishment  i n which  While  from  of the  and p r a c t i c e s .  i n t h e community  institution  is a  enclave  f o r newcomers, i t a l s o  others.  The  Secondly, the  t h e f o r m a t i o n o f an e t h n i c  s e p a r a t e s them  as important they l i v e .  i s a central  i s imperative.  of individuals  i n given  and e x p e r i e n c e s a r e t h e  I argue,  serve as a support system and  appropriately  s c r u t i n y as a r e s u l t  activities  workplace,  several  knowledge o f  and t h e s p h e r e o f r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s  The  factor.  along  I have i d e n t i f i e d  and t h e community  spheres that  identified.  L e a r n i n g t o be e f f e c t i v e i n  Canada means u n d e r s t a n d i n g and a c t i n g  other  be  s u c h a s age, e d u c a t i o n , s k i l l s ,  are the workplace  t o accommodate  By t h e same t o k e n t h e s o u r c e s o f  f o r the Sikhs w i l l  two g r o u p s  E n g l i s h on a r r i v a l  contexts.  f o r the r e l a t i v e  the Portuguese had i n l e a r n i n g  and be a c c e p t e d i n C a n a d a .  The s e c o n d  crucial might  isolates  iii The  Sikh d e f i n i t i o n of i d e n t i t y i s h i e r a r c h i c a l ,  with r e l i g i o n p r o v i d i n g an anchorage f o r a l l other  spheres  such as the f a m i l y , c a s t e , v i l l a g e , and o c c u p a t i o n .  In  s o r t , i n d i v i d u a l s d i d not experience l i f e a c t i v i t i e s  as  d i f f e r e n t i a t e d or u n r e l a t e d .  Given the contexts of  ambivalence and h o s t i l i t y they p e r c e i v e d and/or i n Canada, the a c q u i s i t i o n of new  experienced  forms of thought  were  n e i t h e r seen as a c h a l l e n g e nor a n e c e s s i t y ; but as a t h r e a t to t h e i r  identity.  The Portuguese model, on the other hand, r e c o g n i z e s the d i s t i n c t i o n between p u b l i c and p r i v a t e l i v e s . being  "Portuguese"  matters.  To them  and/or " C a t h o l i c " are p r i m a r i l y p r i v a t e  A l s o , by and  l a r g e they gave importance to  i n d i v i d u a l achievement over c o r p o r a t e i d e n t i t y .  To them,  a c c u l t u r a t i o n and e t h n i c i d e n t i t y were complementary modes f o r the d e f i n i t i o n of themselves w i t h i n the Canadian context.  iv TABLE OF CONTENTS  PAGE Abstract  i i  Table o f Contents List  of Tables  List  of Figures  List  o f Maps  iv x x i i xiii  Acknowledgements CHAPTER 1:  xiv  TOWARDS A THEORETICAL  FRAMEWORK  Acculturation CHAPTER 2:  4  DIMENSIONS OF THE REGIONAL MODEL  General I n t r o d u c t i o n The E a r l y Y e a r s from 1850-1900 Northern  a n d C e n t r a l Okanagan  Vernon The R u t l a n d  1  21 24 30 30 32  District  S o u t h e r n Okanagan Fairview The Coming o f t h e C h i n e s e Sentiment  20  33 33 and A n t i - C h i n e s e 34  Summary  36  1900-1950  37  N o r t h e r n and C e n t r a l Okanagan Vernon  38 38  S o u t h e r n Okanagan Oliver District A B r i e f H i s t o r y o f the F r u i t Summary  45 45 49 52  1950-1962  Industry  54  V  PAGE N o r t h e r n and C e n t r a l Okanagan Vernon Rutland D i s t r i c t  61 61 63  S o u t h e r n Okanagan Oliver D i s t r i c t Summary  63 63 66  1962-1975  67  N o r t h e r n and C e n t r a l Okanagan The Lumber I n d u s t r y Tree F r u i t Industry Inter-Ethnic Relations  71 71 72 76  S o u t h e r n Okanagan Inter-Ethnic Relations Summary  77 78 82  CHAPTER 3:  TOWARDS AN UNDERSTANDING CANADIAN CULTURAL MODEL  OF THE  A Historical Perspective P r e f e r r e d a n d N o n - P r e f e r r e d Groups I n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d Racism Changes i n Post-War I m m i g r a t i o n P o l i c i e s CHAPTER 4:  IN THE F I E L D : A PROFILE OF SIKH AND PORTUGUESE IMMIGRANTS  88 88 91 93 96  105  Some M e t h o d o l o g i c a l C o n s i d e r a t i o n s :  112  Motives The The  119 119 121  to Migrate Sikhs Portuguese  Pre-Migrant  Characteristics  12 3  Rural-Urban Background The S i k h s The P o r t u g u e s e  12 3 123 124  F a m i l y Background The S i k h s The P o r t u g u e s e  124 124 125  vi PAGE Job  Aspirations The S i k h s The P o r t u g u e s e  127 127 128  Age  on A r r i v a l The S i k h s The P o r t u g u e s e  12 9 129 130  Knowledge o f E n g l i s h on A r r i v a l The S i k h s The P o r t u g u e s e  130 131 133  E d u c a t i o n and S k i l l s The S i k h s The P o r t u g u e s e  133 133 13 5  F i r s t Jobs and M o b i l i t y The S i k h s The P o r t u g u e s e  13 7 13 7 140  Conclusions  140  CHAPTER 5:  THE MEANING OF WORK  The P i o n e e r S i k h s Case Study 1 - F i r s t G e n e r a t i o n P i o n e e r s Second G e n e r a t i o n Third Generation The P i o n e e r P o r t u g u e s e Case Study 2 Second G e n e r a t i o n The L a t e r S e t t l e r s ( S i k h s ) The S a w m i l l S e t t i n g The L o c a l S a w m i l l C o n f l i c t i n g S i t u a t i o n (Sikhs) Semantics o f t h e Workplace Group 1 Group 2 C o n f l i c t i n g S i t u a t i o n s (Portuguese) W o r k i n g Women ( S i k h s ) W o r k i n g Women ( P o r t u g u e s e ) Vicarious Ritualization Conclusions CHAPTER 6:  THE MEANING OF LAND AND PROPERTY OWNERSHIP  Sikh Perspectives Portuguese P e r s p e c t i v e s  143 148 149 150 151 153 153 154 155 156 157 161 161 168 169 170 173 175 177 179 183 190 191  vii PAGE L a n d and P r o p e r t y O w n e r s h i p ( P o r t u g u e s e ) Small Farmers M e d i u m - s i z e d Farms C a t e g o r y A (5-10 A c r e s ) C a t e g o r y B (10-20 A c r e s ) Large Farmers Home O w n e r s h i p i n C i t i e s and Towns Sikh Perspectives Single Family Homes/Multi-Residential Units Low D e n s i t y A r e a s / H i g h D e n s i t y A r e a s Portuguese Perspectives Conclusions CHAPTER 7:  THE  FAMILY  192 193 195 196 197 200 200 202 203 207 208 211 216  A S i k h P i o n e e r F a m i l y - Case Study 1 F i r s t Generation Second G e n e r a t i o n Third Generation Discussion  219 219 219 220 220  The  22 5 230 230  Portuguese Family Case Study 2 Second G e n e r a t i o n  The Newcomers The  (Sikhs)  Extended Household Case Study 3 Discussion Case Study 4  231 232 232 233 235  The P o r t u g u e s e Case Study 5 Second G e n e r a t i o n  236 236 237  C e l e b r a t i o n of L i f e - c y c l e Ceremonies The S i k h s The Naming Ceremony The P o r t u g u e s e M a r r i a g e Ceremony Case Study 6 Weddings i n Canada Discussion M a r r i a g e Ceremony - The P o r t u g u e s e A C a n a d i a n - P o r t u g u e s e Wedding Case Study 7  238 238 239 239 240 240 241 241 242 243 243  viii PAGE Discussion A T y p i c a l P o r t u g u e s e Wedding Case S t u d y 8 Dicussion  244 245 245 246  D e a t h Ceremony The S i k h s The P o r t u g u e s e C h i l d Rearing (Sikhs) F r i e n d s h i p and F a m i l y T i e s w i t h O t h e r S i k h s C h i l d Rearing (Portuguese) K i n and F r i e n d s h i p Networks ( P o r t u g u e s e ) Summary  247 248 248 249 250 250 2 51  CHAPTER 8:  257  BELIEFS  AND RITUALS  Issues R e l a t i n g t o Sikh I d e n t i t y Section 1 A. The M a i n t e n a n c e o f K e s h a s , B. The K i r p a n , o r Sword Summary o f C a s e s A and B  o r Long H a i r  Issues R e l a t i n g t o Portuguese I d e n t i t y Section 1 A. The M a i n t e n a n c e o f t h e P o r t u g u e s e P r i e s t B. The M a i n t e n a n c e and Upkeep o f t h e C h u r c h Summary o f C a s e s A and B  261 261 2 61 267 270 2 72 272 272 276 279  Section 2 C. The Rehat Maryada D. The Gurudwara o r t h e Temple Summary o f C a s e s C and D  279 2 79 283 286  Section 2 C. The M a i n t e n a n c e Summary o f C a s e C  287 287 288  o f Portuguese L i t u r g y and R i t u a l  Section 3 E. The L a n g a r , o r t h e " F r e e K i t c h e n " F. I n t e r - R e l i g i o u s M a r r i a g e s Summary o f C a s e s E and F  289 289 291 292  Section 3 D. I n t e r - D e n o m i n a t i o n a l M a r r i a g e s Summary o f C a s e D  292 292 294  Section 4 Case F  294 294  i x PAGE Section 4 E. The F e a s t o f F a t i m a The Legend o f F a t i m a Summary o f C a s e E Conclusions CHAPTER  9:  THE MEANING OF "COMMUNITY"  S o u t h e r n Okanagan The N o r t h e r n P e r s p e c t i v e Conclusions CHAPTER  10:  CONCLUSION  BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX  1:  295 295 299 303 2304 307 308 325 332 334 345  TABLE XXXI  360  X  L I S T OF  TABLES  TABLE  PAGE  I  Ethnic Population i n 1921  i n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y  39  II  Ethnic  Population  i n t h e C i t y o f Kelowna  40  III  Ethnic Population i n 1931  i n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y  41  IV  Ethnic Population i n 1941  i n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y  42  V  Ethnic Population i n 1951  i n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y  57  VI  Ethnic  i n Penticton  58  VII  Ethnic Population i n 1961  VIII  E t h n i c P o p u l a t i o n i n t h e C i t y o f Kelowna, P e n t i c t o n , and V e r n o n i n 1961  60  IX  Ethnic Population i n 1971  69  X  E t h n i c Population i n the C i t i e s P e n t i c t o n and V e r n o n i n 1971  XI  C o m p a r a t i v e V a l u e o f Land  XII  C o m p a r a t i v e L i s t o f C a n a d i a n and P o r t u g u e s e G r o w e r s and t h e Land T h e y Own  XIII  Number o f S i k h s , P o r t u g u e s e and C a n a d i a n s Who Were Interviewed  113  XIV  Factors Contributing Migration  122  XV  Familial Punjab  XVI  Knowledge o f E n g l i s h on A r r i v a l Sikhs  Population  i n 1951  i n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y  i n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y  o f Kelowna,  i n t h e Okanagan  to Sikh  and P o r t u g u e s e  Landholdings of the Sikhs  i n the  Among  the  59  70 74 75  12 6 132  XI  PAGE  TABLE Knowledge o f E n g l i s h on A r r i v a l the P o r t u g u e s e  XVIII  Educational  Background  of the Sikhs  136  XIX  Educational  Background  o f the Portuguese  138  XX  L a n d Use C l a s s i f i c a t i o n  XXI  L a n d and P r o p e r t y O w n e r s h i p Portuguese i n the V a l l e y  XXII  Property  XXIII  P r o p e r t y Ownership Rutland  XXIV  Baptisms Recorded f o r the Years 1959- 1977 ( O l i v e r C a t h o l i c C h u r c h )  254  XXV  C o n f i r m a t i o n s Recorded  256  1960- 1975  Ownership  Among  134  XVII  In the V a l l e y  Among  Among t h e  Sikhs  i n Vernon  of Sikhs i n  f o r the Years  (Oliver Catholic to Ethnic  185 194  205 206  Church) Identity  260  XXVI  Issues Relating  XXVII XXVIII  L i s t of Canadians Interviewed S o u t h e r n Okanagan P e r s p e c t i v e s on "Community"  XXIX  L i s t o f I n s t i t u t i o n s i n O l i v e r and Rate o f P o r t u g u e s e P a r t i c i p a t i o n  322  XXX  List of Institutions Parti cipation  329  XXXI  Description of the Various Contact Si t u a t i o n s  and Rate o f S i k h  309 319  360  xii L I S T OF  FIGURES  FIGURE 1  PAGE Responses o f S i k h s w i t h Respect t o the I s s u e o f Removing t h e T u r b a n  167  L I S T OF MAPS  PAGE Map 1  Map o f  t h e Okanagan V a l l e y  23  xiv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  Crossing  n a t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l b o u n d a r i e s  difficult  and p a i n f u l p r o c e s s .  adventure  often clouds  with  t h e new c o n t e x t .  have been easy  The i n i t i a l  the d i f f i c u l t i e s However,  without  such  the support  i s often a  excitement  i n coming t o t e r m s  a t r a n s i t i o n would n o t  and g u i d a n c e  Professor  B r e n d a Beck p r o v i d e d me f r o m t h e v e r y b e g i n n i n g . really  concerned  besides  w i t h my p h y s i c a l and e m o t i o n a l  She was well  t h e o b l i g a t o r y academic and i n t e l l e c t u a l  Mere words a r e n o t a d e q u a t e t o e x p r e s s her  and Dave E l k i n s  and  being  training.  my f e e l i n g s  towards  f o r a l l t h e y h a v e done.  My c o m m i t t e e members h a v e a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d i n no s m a l l measure t o t h e c l a r i t y have.  Especially  and c o n s i s t e n c y t h i s  P r o f e s s o r s Cohn and F e r n a n d o h a v e  read previous d r a f t s of t h i s critical  thesis,  i n p u t and e n c o u r a g e m e n t .  h a v e a l s o g i v e n me t h e i r during  the i n i t i a l  share  stages.  Baba f o r t h e many h o u r s  Writing  thesis  Without the support U.B.C. and C o n c o r d i a  patiently  and g i v e n me t h e n e e d e d  P r o f e s s o r s Powell  o f time  and a d v i c e  and Wood  especially  I a l s o w i s h t o t h a n k my h u s b a n d ,  spent  a thesis  may  i n stimulating discussions.  i s a l o n g and l o n e l y  process.  o f my f r i e n d s and c o l l e g u e s b o t h a t U n i v e r s i t y , i t would have been  difficult.  XV  S p e c i a l thanks are due t o Mrs. Guay who  I met  by  a c c i d e n t i n Montreal and who had grown up i n the Okanagan Valley.  She typed the t h e s i s and the seemingly endless  modifications to i t .  I hope that t h i s t h e s i s meant more t o  her than j u s t another assignment.  She r e a l l y stood by  me  through a l l the changes i n the manuscript.  To the f a m i l i e s and f r i e n d s i n the Okanagan V a l l e y who  must remain anonymous I can o n l y say - without  c o o p e r a t i o n there would have been no d i s s e r t a t i o n . to members of my own my accomplishments,  f a m i l y who  their Finally,  love me no more or l e s s f o r  I wish t o say - thank you f o r b e i n g t h e r e .  -1CHAPTER 1 TOWARDS A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK  This understand  thesis  the nature,  change b r o u g h t lier  about  t h e p r o c e s s and t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s  by c o n t a c t w i t h o t h e r c u l t u r e s .  studies of inter-cultural  focussed p r i m a r i l y domination migrants  tunity  less  like  this  a t both  thesis  industrialized  encounters the l e v e l  press  i n terms o f t h e i r coverage  However,  areas of the world t o important  oppor-  o f new modes o f t h o u g h t and - t h e S i k h s and t h e P o r t u have l i v e d  i n Canada  ( L a i : 1976, A n d e r s o n  appearance,  t h e y have r e c e i v e d  of discrimination  Buchignani:  1977).  In  t o the evaluation,  but also over  a g a i n s t them  group, n o t  i n terms o f t h e  t h e y e a r s and t h e (Mehta:  1973,  I n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y  more r e c e n t , h a v i n g b e e n a t t r a c t e d  since  and H i g g s :  The S i k h s h a v e b e e n a more n o t i c e a b l e  history 1976,  be p a i d  f o r two g r o u p s  the turn o f the century  only  and g r o u p s .  o f i d e a s and o f a c t i o n s .  Members o f b o t h g r o u p s  1976).  and e c o n o m i c  c a n g e n e r a t e many forms o f  and a c c e p t a n c e  consequences  guese.  of individuals  attention will  interpretation  Ear-  change.  Cultural responses  of p o l i t i c a l  Canada p r o v i d e a n e q u a l l y  t o study  of  c o n t a c t s and m o d e r n i z a t i o n  on t h e i m p a c t  i n the l i v e s  from  societies  its  i s a s t u d y o f change - an a t t e m p t t o  Lai:  they a r e  t o j o b s i n t h e lumber  -2-  industry, in  while  t h e P o r t u g u e s e have b e e n a t t r a c t e d  the orchards.  According guese s e t t l e m e n t s  t o A n d e r s o n and H i g g s  born  seeking  themselves here  to establish  children  context,  and b r o u g h t  Now  n o t as f o r e i g n e r s or as  o f f o r e i g n e r s , b u t as c i t i z e n s .  i s an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f t h e h i s t o r y  same i s a p p l i c a b l e t o t h e S i k h s a s w e l l .  p e r f o r m s one s t e p  i n this  Migration  there i s  up i n Canada, who a r e  Within  the documentation of the c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y  Portuguese The  (1976: 187) " P o r t u -  i n Canada h a v e come o f a g e . "  a second g e n e r a t i o n ,  the  t o jobs  this  of the  o f Canada. This  thesis  process.  to a technologically  advanced  country  where j o b s were a v a i l a b l e was an a t t r a c t i v e p r o p o s i t i o n t o members o f b o t h  groups.  However,  i n the i n i t i a l  was o n l y a t e m p o r a r y measure f o r b o t h  stages  this  t h e S i k h and t h e  Portuguese pioneer.  They thought  sojourners  w o r k e r s who h o p e d t o r e t u r n t o t h e i r  - migrant  o f themselves as m e r e l y  h o m e l a n d w i t h i n a few y e a r s  (Buchignani:  A n d e r s o n and H i g g s :  I t was o n l y l a t e r  1976).  decided  to stay.  various  institutional  property, building course  o f time  substantial  1977, L a i : 1976, that  they  T h i s i d e a o f permanent s e t t l e m e n t forms s u c h  as f a m i l y r e u n i o n s ,  a temple or a church  these  institutions  alterations.  and s o o n .  themselves  They b o t h  deviated  took buying In the  underwent' from, and  -3swerved  towards,  varying  permutations  both the  the Sikhs struggle  ction  the  thoughts,  thesis  their would  t h e major  deals with  accommodating  taneously, stress  f o r the  as a  often  deals with  starting  about  currency  ters  i n sociological  In value,  and  this  from  success  creating  coherence  of  t o  More  i n this  of the Portuguese  i n Canada.  Simul-  acculturative  relations  by colonization,  1964).  always  which  very  migration  The terms  the nature  have  annexation,  labour and voluntary  i n discussing  that  of cultural  and a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  literature  have  had  encounare  "acculturation".  study,  as i tassumes  continuum  these  t o document.  the contact situation  1970, Gordon:  wide  "assimilation"  dire-  of  and  i s pursued  of inter-ethnic  point  contractual  (Schermerhorn:  sense  a t making  sources  up i n  and g i v i n g  make  I hope  accepted  then  Sikhs.  i s brought  invasion,  sense  provide a meaningful  and being  i talso  past  question that  known i n  and a r e caught  they  efforts  the comparative  Explanations used  I t i s how  In this  were  of their  settlement experience that  specifically,  in  sense  future.  which  they had once  and combinations.  o f making  categories  their  forms  and the Portuguese  to their  conflicting  the cultural  the term  that  "assimilation"  individuals  the unassimilated  entry  move  along  point  i s of a  to the  l i t t l e  bi-polar assimi-  -4lated point. ed  Thus  l o s s o f i d e n t i t y o f newcomers i s d i s c u s s -  a s an i n e v i t a b l e outcome.  a c c o u n t g i v e n by Gordon understanding  primary  (1964)  the r e a c t i o n s  and g r o u p s t o t h e h o s t  E v e n t h e most  systematic  i s not s u f f i c i e n t i n  and p r e f e r e n c e s o f  culture.  Besides,  individuals  entering  g r o u p s and n e t w o r k s does n o t n e c e s s i t a t e  into  nor  imply  loss of c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y .  Acculturation  The is  concept of " a c c u l t u r a t i o n " ,  more u s e f u l  accommodation literature process. research  and comes c l o s e s t  own  and c u l t u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e .  i s replete  with discussions  The d e f i n i t i o n t h a t i s g i v e n by K i e f e r  Americans.  t o my  on t h e o t h e r  According  I find  (1974)  to Kiefer  hand,  explanation  of  Anthropological of the  most  acculturative  applicable  to  my  i n her study of Japanese  (1974:  86)  " a c c u l t u r a t i o n i s t h e p r o c e s s o f l e a r n i n g by members o f one c u l t u r a l g r o u p o f s k i l l s and v a l u e s n a t i v e t o a n o t h e r g r o u p . ' To w h i c h I w o u l d add "Such t h a t  the  following:  t h e i m m i g r a n t i s e f f e c t i v e i n t h e new  context."  Such a d e f i n i t i o n a l l o w s us t o make d i s t i n c t i o n s between a d o p t i o n o f new identity. in  practices  the  and t h e m a i n t e n a n c e o f c u l t u r a l  T h a t i s , i n d i v i d u a l s c a n become c u l t u r a l l y a d e p t  t h e i r new  context without a loss of  "self".  -5But earlier, the  the fundamental  d i f f e r e n t i a l  being  accepted  explores sons  success  i n a  new  does  country.  us b r i e f l y  The  10).  examine  f i r s t  acculturation (1938:  I enter  was  into  given  According  by to  groups  mentioned deals  with  i n adapting  this  study  a discussion of  rea-  over  the  of the above,  "acculturation".  explanation  Redfield,  and  both  and i d e n t i f i e s the  of the Portuguese  the concept  systematic  As  i s raised  Thus,  process  success  here.  that  of immigrant  the acculturative  But before  not stop  question  f o r the comparative  Sikhs. let  the inquiry  of the  Linton  and  term Herskovits  them:  " A c c u l t u r a t i o n comprehends t h o s e phenomena w h i c h r e s u l t when g r o u p s o f i n d i v i d u a l s h a v i n g d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s come i n t o f i r s t hand contact, with subsequent changes i n t h e o r i g i n a l cultural patterns of either or both groups."  Several (1953) ing  c r i t i c i s m s of the d e f i n i t i o n are offered highlights  the major  problems  i n terms  What  i s meant by  2.  What  i s the relation of acculturation  culture What  continuous  f i r s t  hand  follow-  contact? to the concept  change?  i s the relationship  between  acculturation  assimilation? 4.  of the  Beals  questions:  1.  3.  and  Is acculturation  a process  or a  condition?  and  of  -6In Americas" other  his  introduction  Herskovits  (1967:  i n t e r e s t i n g and  to  "Acculturation  56)  useful  draws  facets  in  attention  of  the  to  some  acculturation.  He  says,  "that acculturation rarely results in either complete acceptance of the c u l t u r a l elements newly e x p e r i e n c e d nor d o e s c o n t a c t f a i l t o l e a v e i t s mark on a r e c i p i e n t culture even when t h e r e i s marked h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d innovations whether imposed or f r e e l y a c c e s s i b l e . I n some c a s e s of contact accelerated c h a n g e s o c c u r , and may r e s u l t i n unsuspected resistances that take the form of n a t i v i s t i c or n a t i o n a l i s t i c movements which appear decades a f t e r apathy and a c q u i e s a n c e has seemed an e s t a b l i s h e d fact. In situa t i o n s w h e r e c h a n g e i s a c c e p t e d , r e v i s i o n s a r e made w i t h i n t h e o l d scheme, and where change i s forced, v a l u e s and b e l i e f s may be k e p t s e c r e t l y u n t i l s u c h t i m e when t h e r e i s an o p p o r t u n i t y to b r i n g i t to the open."  Such to  our  a  description  understanding  situation.  For points  ation  take  in  old  different  themes,  meanings  to  or  also  raises  According that  old  the  to  suggests  within  forms new  symbols  information  of  as  be  into  and  Nelson  that  the  process  (1974)  same  contact group,  of  and  be  infused  at  accultur-  retention might  relevant  adopted with  to  new  action.  new  dominance  Teske  the  process  might  of  of  the  symbols  addition  questions  the  such  individuals  the  in  consequences  even  Further  mobilise  Similarly,  rich  i t s history,  re-interpretation. f i t  the  instance,  different may  of  is  s k i l l s and  there  and  values  directionality. i s  ample  i s bi-directional.  evidence However,  i n s i t u a t i o n s of c o l o n i z a t i o n and m i s s i o n a r y a c t i v i t y , the l i t e r a t u r e suggests that q u i t e o f t e n s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s r e l a t e d t o e t h n i c i t y and thereby a f f e c t s the nature and d i r e c t i o n of a c c u l t u r a t i o n .  The term that has been  to r e f e r t o t h i s process i n i t s extreme acculturation"  applied  form i s " f o r c e d  (Teske & Nelson: 1974).  The use of the term " f o r c e d a c c u l t u r a t i o n "  itself  suggests a change i n v a l u e s o f the incoming group toward that of the r e c e i v i n g group.  However, as L i n t o n  (1940)  p o i n t s out, though the acceptance of c u l t u r a l elements i s a c c e l e r a t e d , there need not be an accompanying values.  change i n  F u r t h e r , from the p e r s p e c t i v e of the incoming  group, they might: one, choose d e f e n s i v e i s o l a t i o n ; two, adopt new means without a c o r r e s p o n d i n g adoption of the r e l e v a n t g o a l s ; three, choose t o adopt the new means i n order t o support e x i s t i n g g o a l s sometimes f o r the s p e c i f i c purpose of r e s i s t i n g the compulsory adoption of the goals of the l e n d i n g group; and f i n a l l y , themselves from the dominant  four, choose t o d i s s o c i a t e  cultural  forms.  What i s more,  l e a r n i n g new ways and s k i l l s need not a f f e c t a l l aspects of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s  life.  More recent s t u d i e s i n e t h n i c i t y echo the same concerns i n understanding the r e t e n t i o n of c u l t u r a l the p r o c e s s o f c u l t u r a l c o n t a c t and change.  forms i n  Cohen (1978)  -8speculates be  due  to a  "tribe"  with  that  between  deals  with  model  contact  people  issue  studies,  Barth  has not merely  values  and norms  same  argues,  does  study  i s placed  The  upon  a  on  sources  an easy  process,  a  Whether  i t be  a  of the  Kiefer's  f o r one's  well  an a d d i t i o n study  of  (1974)  the old.  On  new  action,  being,  new  of  i n San F r a n c i s c o of a  three  supports  set of rules,  the contrary, As  a n d when  t o act appropriately.  one  o f i n e q u a l i t y and the i n d i v i d u a l experiences  she  they  the individuals  particularly  In  non-linear  always  of  India  of identity.  not  deal  i n  i n a displacement  introduction  their  of  of the  i s crucial  specific  correlate  of castes  to the existing repertoire.  demands  way  d i f f e r -  t h e outcome  Americans  not displace  an a d d i t i o n  draw  that  and s t r a t e g i e s .  theme.  situation  resulted  likewise  and maintenance  o f t h e management  o f t h e o l d and/or  of Japanese  (1969)  might  of  i n the cultural  (1975)  emphasis  this  the concept  not i n any simple  Berramen's  t h e same  generations  are  group".  i n the organization  a modification  the  does  from  of i n e q u a l i t y or otherwise,  techniques  ed  "ethnic  literature  o f i n t e r a c t i o n and a c c u l t u r a t i o n .  situation  older  theorists  drastic reduction  identity.  of these  but  a  among  of  a breakdown  ethnic  a l l  i n the anthropological  shift  t o that  suggests ences  that  a  involv-  This  i s  i f the s i t u a t i o n i s a  great  stress.  I  find  this  definition  of acculturation  useful  to  -9this for  study  because  human  ations. number  f l e x i b i l i t y I t also  explore well.  of  these  this  acculturation involves  ways,  attempt  as  study, a  us  evito  persistence  assimiliation  the out-group's  the use of such  t o become  ways  by  bi-cultural  as i s  acceptance  not always  depend  which  problem  articulation  an  extended What  does  One  this  sectors  becoming  likewise i s placed  a  on  i t might  from or  i n  others  process.  appropriate or the  not necessarily lead  has been as more  important  o f an  i n c l u d e , however,  1969).  being ethnic  i s a  to  timei s by  f o r  executive  simultaneously  the leader  and  curtailed  (see Barth  on  cultural  o f knowledge  successful business  individual household  the host's  of the effective  of l i f e  than  non-linear  knowledge  identity.  cultural  preclude  about  the acquisition  certain  instance,  t h e emphasis  knowledge  defining  tion.  the  i t allows  while  multi-dimensional,  Further,  of ethnic  tested  an  the  are available to  a c c u l t u r a t i o n does  not only  but also  contexts.  loss  on  situ-  t o understand  of cultural  earlier,  allows  factors.  In  It  and  f o r or observing  suggestive saw  I t  to different  borrowing,  and dependent  the individuals,  that  of asking  a s we  uni-directional,  linearity.  to explore  of cultural  the evidence Further,  us  alternatives  Instead  suggestive  n o t assume  and a d a p t a b i l i t y  allows  of cultural  individuals. dence  i t does  For does  not  the head organiza-  re-interpreta-  of  -10tion  of the traditional  with  h i s o r h e r work  this  occurs  there  acculturates ingly is  ently time  spent  only  c i t y  transformations i t  pose  be  applied  t h e new  when  public  1)  perceptions  2)  by  t o such  learning  real  resorted  Perceptions  may  us  examine  a r i s e due  not  one  t o a  of  a c t i v i t i e s .  business  The  s u f f i c i -  managers I f such  context,  same  why  question  does can  well.  question,  retarded  loss  apart  from  a  fear  of  by  and i d e n t i t y ;  and  discrimination.  these loss  two  factors  or threat  the sources  differences  are  strategies.  variety of reasons.  can identify  adaptation  reduction  and  i n the Indian  as  increas-  such  lives  that  i n Canada?  of cultural  of cultural  may  the vast  be  or perceived  Let  duties  have  or she  i s a  that  an i n d i v i d u a l  Further  there  argues  to this  that  i s ,he  role.  family  t o the Portuguese  new,  that  not interfere  t o the extent  t o suggest  f o r instance,  answer  i t does  and p r i v a t e  are possible  the  that  course,  a n d when  special problems  In  in  with  i n traditional  (1968),  Madras  Of  i s evidence  compartmentalized  Singer in  l i f e .  such  to acculturation;  identifies  possible  role  between  more c a r e f u l l y .  to ethnic  identity  B u t more o f t e n  of stress  as being  the immigrant  and  than  located host  -11cultural shock the is  models  that  (Breton,  follows  identification experienced.  process  i n Canada  from  Canadians,  real  members  thought  based  such  In other  and behaviour  words,  that  identity  Although acculturation are  seen  s a r i l y  back  o f some  ethnic  of  then, mode f o r  certain conditions.  modate  i s Canada,  the conditions the Canadian  groups,  i t i s not always  c a n and do become c o m p a t i b l e  the report  of  and use o f ethnic  the Sikhs and Portuguese  constitution,  and  of acculturation.  i n the history  o f f i c i a l  by  conditions  as a pertinent  which  While  under  modes  I t i s not surprising,  within  s e t by  themselves  i s "known"  the traditional  under  those  and  differences.  on what  organization  are  that  i ti s not unusual f o r  and t h e development  They  hastens  s i t u a t i o n i s compounded  as mutually exclusive,  so.  The  the void  t o separate  these  i s emphasized  the forces  instances  to f i l l  are re-inforced  and a l i e n a t i o n .  counteracting  a  to f a l l  ambivalence ethnic  on  1980).  as the Hutterites  discrimination,  of the group  "familiar".  such  a c t i v e l y seek  when  or perceived  i n some  a s a means  Communities  Further,  and Valentine:  the encounters  Doukhabors other  Reitz  wherein  cultural  government  modes  Since have  or  identity necesof  the context  had t o  they  have  accomt o act  model.  documents  such  on m u l t i - c u l t u r a l i s m ,  as the  newspapers,  -12b o o k s and  a r t i c l e s o u t l i n e some g e n e r a l  f e a t u r e s of  the  c o n t r o v e r s i a l Canadian c u l t u r a l model, i t i s d u b i o u s whether it  i s a monolithic, identifiable  (1979) I s a j u i r  e n t i t y or u n i t .  Elliot  (1978) among o t h e r s h a v e r a i s e d t h e  issue  of  the problems a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the term "Canadian c u l t u r e " . I s i t one in?  As  n a t i o n o r two?  f a r as  this  study  Where do  i s concerned, the  c u l t u r a l model" i n c o r p o r a t e s the the c u l t u r a l order  the other  i n Canada.  their  Needless t o say  at a c c u l t u r a t i o n .  a t t r i b u t e s of t h i s model  1)  most  t o measure  significant  p r i v a t e spheres  of  and  t h e e m p h a s i s on corporate  i t represents  are,  t h e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f p u b l i c and activity;  2)  The  i n d i v i d u a l a c h i e v e m e n t and  forms of a p r i v a t e n a t u r e  r e l i g i o n and  ethnicity.  s t a t u s over  s u c h as  family,  Further, domestic l i f e ,  and  r e l i g i o n a r e d e f i n e d as p r i m a r i l y p r i v a t e a s p e c t s a r e e n c o u r a g e d t o r e m a i n as  To  of  their interpreta-  However, i t i s the y a r d s t i c k t h e y use success  "Canadian  immigrants perceptions  a s m a l l g r o u p o f i n d i v i d u a l s s t u d i e d and tion.  cultures f i t  such.  the e x t e n d t h a t t h i s model emphasizes  importance of the  individual,  r a t i o n a l purposive  i d e a s and  spheres of a c t i v i t y ,  the  i n a s o c i e t y governed a c t i o n and  by  the s e p a r a t i o n  i t comes c l o s e t o B e r g e r ' s  e x p l a n a t i o n of the consciousness  and  associated with  of  (1973) "modernity".  -13If  native  i m m i g r a n t m o d e l s do  compartmentalization, discriminated  or  against,  not  i f immigrants f e e l  they w i l l  not  This  i s what h a s  such  isolated  and  resort to learning  ways o r d e f i n i n g t h e m s e l v e s a p p r o p r i a t e l y texts.  recognize  happened t o the  i n t h e new Sikhs.  new  con-  They  saw  a c c u l t u r a t i o n p r i m a r i l y as a t h r e a t t o t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n s o f "self"  and  identity.  reacted The  to such pressures  P o r t u g u e s e , on  t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n of lives,  and  t o the  Sikhs  maintain  " s e l f " by  and  replaced  of l i f e ,  i t was  this  r o l e and  political  and  n a t i v e model. r i g h t of  a desire  to  identification;  f e a s i b l e to pursue  I argue t h a t the  a  a  The  Sikh  r e l i g i o n occupying  i n t e g r a t i n g a l l other  s p h e r e s o f an  a  indivi-  c e n t r a l i t y of r e l i g i o u s symbols i n s o c i o -  economic o r g a n i z a t i o n Even the  Indian  i n d i v i d u a l Sikhs  sacred  and  i s the  core of  their  c o n s t i t u t i o n recognizes  t o c a r r y a sword i n p u b l i c .  i d e n t i t y thus spans both the combines the  Thus,  i s the argument I d e v e l o p i n each  chapters i n this t h e s i s .  life.  private  identity.  c u l t u r a l model i s h i e r a r c h i c a l , w i t h  dual's  maintained  i . e . , a p r i v a t e P o r t u g u e s e i d e n t i t y and  Basically,  pivotal  by  i n t e n s i f y the process of e t h n i c  identity,  the  hand,  ethnic  i n the p u b l i c sphere.  " a c c u l t u r a t i o n " was  p u b l i c Canadian  of  other  r e s o r t i n g to  c o n f i n i n g i t to t h e i r  acting appropriately  t o t h e P o r t u g u e s e way dual  the  by  s p i r i t u a l and  secular  temporal,  spheres such that a  the Sikh and  "true  -14Sikh"  sees h i s  articulation  or her  and  the  autonomous u n i t o f  of  i n India  "common good" o r  Izmirlian:  on  family,  village  that  the  contribution  an  and  concept of the  found  high  occupation. "segmented  Canadian model.  t h i s study is  to  the  i n d i v i d u a l s to the  family,  status  (see  the  rather  also  ethnic  as  a composite of s u c h as  i d e n t i t y " which I t i s not  o f a m b i v a l e n c e and  and  private  e x h i b i t i n g low  sharply  is  the  surprising, hostility,  t o u n d e r s t a n d and  draw t h e  lives,  and  In a g e n e r a l  the  caste,  It also contrasts  definitions'of "self".  described  then,  the distinc-  develop sense  c u l t u r a l awareness  they but  loyalty.  The recognizes  s u c h as  individual's l i f e ,  it difficult  appropriate be  of  arti-  discussion  A l l I wish to h i g h l i g h t  t i o n s between t h e i r p u b l i c  can  further  scope of  i d e n t i t y emerges as  under c o n d i t i o n s  Sikhs  the  1979).  aspects of  essence of  for c u l t u r a l  i n d i v i d u a l as  for a  i n d i v i d u a l ' s achievement or  various  the  stage  h i g h l y developed or  the  corporate units  Thus S i k h  with  a  the  Dumont 1965  its validity.  an  i s not  I t i s beyond  importance placed  t h a n on  e m p h a s i s on  action  (see  t h i s theme).  establish  as  definition.  Further,  culated  entire l i f e  native  the  P o r t u g u e s e model, on  the  d i s t i n c t i o n between t h e s e two  other  hand,  s p h e r e s and,  to  -15a  lesser  city.  extent,  Only  as  publically  or  selves  arise.  in  study  h i s  him,  the  and  Portuguese behaviour study, a  what  of  the of  lives. take  both  the  to  the  d i d the as  i n the  i n Montreal.  he  measures  public  to  and  between  the  religion as  a  the  act  themsame  their  point  define  private  i s emphasized  to  theme to  Portuguese  between  makes  how  ethni-  According  (i.e.,  distinction  and  for defining  e l a b o r a t e s on  "community"  Indeed,  religion  question of  c r i t e r i a  (1979)  this  several  context  between  Portuguese  separation  "public"  use  Fernandez  mediates  private  separation  foreigners,  concept  community)  the  public  that  the  appropriate  spheres.  and  In  ethnicity  dilemma  for  my  own  within  many  participants.  The their as  c r i t i c a l  assignment  land  and  of  aspect  work  of  and  was  these  spheres  f l i c t  free.  as Yet  we  shall  this  see no  not  threat  to  own  perceptions of  discrimination  the  development  ethnic  then,  they  turation minimal.  identified  was  of  certain  within  loyalty. of  l i f e  necessary,  and  o t h e r s where  Acculturation  and  ethnic  simultaneously.  effective  experience of  areas  (such  cultural  easy  their  ed  i s  wherein  always  As  retarded  their  was  model  a c t i v i t i e s  spheres  L e a r n i n g t o be  posed  passed  as  "self". their  time  minimal.  Portuguese  neighbourhood  property ownership)  articulation  the  or  definition  tolerance and In  general,  wherein  were  of  reduc-  thereby  penetration  identity  con-  acculwas  pursued  -16The less  to  say,  increased ties  consequences  of  varied  discriminated the  elsewhere  contact  attempts have  The measure & is  of  Higgs: a  the  1976;  the  same  eventually stream  of  The comes  the  response  to  baggage  set  of  cultural  meanwhile,  &  and  description yardstick  of  Sikhs  and  found  a  have and  of  larger  elsewhere  Canadian  express  descendants  w i l l  merge  (Anderson  i n turn,  appreciation  values  and  strategies.  also  of  Columbia  the  1981:276);  r e s p e c t and  low  communication  have  valley  DaRosa:  the  of  at  least  l i f e .  fear  within  there  At  that  the  main-  l i f e .  native  models  based  on  earlier  assumptions.  assimilation  this,  confrontation  i n the  of  i n B r i t i s h  as  problematic i f i t i s defined  cultural static  use  residing  they  Canadian  p o s s i b i l i -  i n  however,  their  the  ranked  institutions  time,  reduced  and  Alphaao  amount  instances i t  ( B u c h i g n a n i : 1977)  chosen  and  need-  been  increase  acceptance  and  many  groups,  Sikhs have  Portuguese,  certain  some o f  to  In  both  the  In  By  of  large  Canadians  i n Canada.  and  conflict  cohesion.  against  opinions of  rejected  considerably.  inter-ethnic  societal  f o r members  literature  a  starting  i n terms studies  Indeed, suggests  one  or  of  that  of  an  features  should not  f o r measuring  cultural  retention  be-  traditional  seen  the  cultural  point  as  a  lessons  from  idealized be  or  used  as  a  assimilation.  -17To  avoid  these p i t f a l l s  I r e l y p r i m a r i l y on t h e  i n f o r m a t i o n given by respondents, although graphic  data  on t h e S i k h s  a v a i l a b l e ethno-  and t h e P o r t u g u e s e was u s e f u l i n  d r a w i n g some c o n c l u s i o n s .  Elements o f t h e model f u r t h e r  became a p p a r e n t i n t h e i n t e r a c t i v e a n d c o n f l i c t i n g ations. and  The f o r m a t i o n  evaluations  suggestive ference  o f f a c t i o n s and t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s  o f n a t i v e a n d new m o d e l s e n c o u n t e r e d i s a l s o  of the extent  o f c u l t u r a l awareness and t h e p r e -  that i n d i v i d u a l s e x h i b i t i n the r e s o l u t i o n of  conflict.  Likewise  my d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e C a n a d i a n m o d e l i s  b a s e d on d i s c u s s i o n s , s h o r t accounts. thesis  i n t e r v i e w s and h i s t o r i c a l  Although i t i s sparse,  i t provides  To  given  t h e scope o f t h i s  some v a l i d a t i o n o f t h e p r i n c i p l e s i d e n -  t i f i e d by t h e immigrants  themselves.  s u m m a r i z e , t h e m a j o r f e a t u r e s o f my  for t h i s study  1)  situ-  framework  a r e as f o l l o w s :  Acculturation i s a non-linear  p r o c e s s and does n o t  necessarily lead to loss of ethnic identity. under c o n d i t i o n s o f h o s t i l i t y  I t i s only  t h a t e t h n i c i t y becomes  paramount.  2)  Greater  c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between  immigrant  m o d e l s and t h e h o s t s o c i e t y p r o d u c e s g r e a t e r inter-ethnic contact  and a c c u l t u r a t i o n .  problems i n  -18Th e Chapters  2  and  perspective national  ence  Chapter are to  4  with  Chapter models the  5,  by  the  the and  examined adopted  examined  the  the  work  world  beliefs  of  these  a  w i l l  The  be  the  incongrumodels.  of  immigrants  My  purpose  of  In new  from  the  and  ideas are and  i s  the  various outlines owner-  between 7  that  In  property  Chapter  other  6  In  here  between  Chapter  pluralization  practices  the  cultural  differences  which  deline-  characteristics.  land  of  the  these family  i s  tested,  separation a c t i v i t i e s  of i s  8.  Chapters  opinions of  and  and  dimensions  differences  i s examined.  within  i n Chapter  model  alterations  to housing,  and  model  and  definitions.  forum  major  outlined. and  the  "insiders"  characteristics  collisions  both  for discussing  are  process.  h i s t o r i c a l  at  immigrant  s i m i l a r i t i e s  rejected.  cultural  v a i l i d i t y  and  study  attached  a  If dian  stage  and  immigrants,  as  religious  define  cultural  society  Canadian  or  Canadians  to  this  provide a  respect to pre-migrant  i n the  models  9  the  meanings  ship  the  this  to  of  and  documents  discussions  aspects to  establish  level  set  host  relevant  groups  concerns  regional  w i l l  the  thesis  attempts  these  and  between  the  are  the  From  This  of  local  national  ated.  3  on  and  "aliens". the  rest  2  and  based few  3 on  are  attempts  h i s t o r i c a l  Canadians  dimensions.  are  to  define  records, i n  sought  Questions  to  test  pertaining  a  Cana-  Chapter the to  -19community and good c i t i z e n s h i p a l l go t o show that  identity  i n Canada i s segmented.  Chapter 10 t i e s a l l these themes together and p r e sents a summary of the major  findings.  -20CHAPTER 2 DIMENSIONS OF THE REGIONAL MODEL  To cultural  understand  p e r s i s t e n c e among t h e S i k h s and t h e P o r t u g u e s e i n  t h e Okanagan V a l l e y , the h i s t o r y valley.  t h e p r o c e s s o f accommodation and  one h a s t o h a v e some u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f  and n a t u r e o f i n t e r - e t h n i c  That  relations  i s , how d i d newcomers ( i n t h i s  g r a n t s ) n e g o t i a t e group s t a t u s w i t h i n t h i s ting?  An u n d e r s t a n d i n g  individuals us  of this  process  case  i n the immi-  regional  set-  of incorporation of  and g r o u p s w i t h i n r e g i o n a l b o u n d a r i e s  will  allow  t o examine t h e c o n t e x t s w i t h i n w h i c h t h e S i k h s and t h e  Portuguese  acted.  chronological reevaluated not merely  i n t h e new c o n t e x t s .  chapter  were t h e e a r l y  that  settlers?  Europe?  I t i s hoped  the foreground.  t o the h i s t o r y  of the  c o n c e r n me a r e :  How d i d t h e y e s t a b l i s h How d i d t h e y t r e a t  what were t h e i r  and s o u t h e r n  relate  The q u e s t i o n s t h a t  and e c o n o m i c a l l y ?  Particularly,  years?  sense h i s t o r y i s  i s n o t b y any means c o m p r e h e n s i v e i n  of incidents  r e g i o n as a whole.  Asia  In t h i s  background but very o f t e n occupies  coverage  socially  o f t h e p a s t a r e then n o t j u s t  i n c i d e n t s b u t a r e c o n s t a n t l y r e i n t r o d u c e d and  This its  Events  Who  themselves  newcomers?  r e a c t i o n s t o immigrants  from  What c h a n g e s o c c u r r e d o v e r t h e  t h a t answers t o these q u e s t i o n s w i l l s e t  -21the stage f o r understanding e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s i n the v a l l e y at p r e s e n t .  The purpose here i s not o n l y to i d e n t i f y the  r e g i o n a l contexts f o r i n t e r - c u l t u r a l encounters, but a l s o t o s p e c i f y the dimensions of the l o c a l c u l t u r a l model.  There are d i f f i c u l t i e s  i n p r e s e n t i n g such  ideas.  S e v e r a l frameworks have t o be o v e r l a i d one upon another, such as the temporal, the g e o g r a p h i c a l , the economic, the communal and e t h n i c .  While each of these f a c t o r s are  s i g n i f i c a n t and r e l a t e to the o t h e r s , i n t h i s chapter, I wish t o convey  the l i n k s between community and  ethnicity  w i t h i n the socio-economic context of the Okanagan V a l l e y . For these puposes,  I w i l l examine four times p e r i o d s as  follows:  1850-1900, 1900-1950, 1950-1962, 1962  sent.  sources are h i s t o r i c a l r e p o r t s of the v a l l e y ,  My  to the pre-  newspaper a r t i c l e s , n o v e l s and a few i n t e r v i e w s with o l d timers.  While each of these data bases produce problems f o r  the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t , what the community was l i k e t o see.  they are i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of l i k e , what i t i s , and what they would  They are, then, documents that p e r t a i n t o the  search f o r both i n d i v i d u a l and group  identity.  General I n t r o d u c t i o n  The Okanagan r e g i o n extends  from the i n t e r n a t i o n a l  -22boundary an  area  from  of  to  or  3.2%  lation  of  of  to  some  east  area,  ment  north  the  185  miles  west. of  the  the  valley  or  6%  of  Columbia:  valley as  i n  of  water  of  for  amount  of  irrigation, r a i l  and  spatial  o r g a n i z a t i o n of  tions low  of  to  the  This  i s  mountains  Pacific  so  rain  before  the  The  that  the  i t reaches  northward  smaller  back  a  popu-  (Govern-  to  into  also  the  land,  along  extensions  area,  always  outward  exist.  founding  the  the  This  of  the  a v a i l a b i l i t y  for  the  of  by  present  been  the  major  attrac-  i s generally characterized warm  to by  a i r masses  moisture  the  total  land  region.  area  the  of  i s concentrated  and  f u r t h e r enhanced alter  miles  miles  -  foundations  precipitation,  coastal  much  the  135  t r a n s p o r t a t i o n networks  climate have  valley.  moderate  winters.  a l l set  and  I  river,  the  and  19).  Simalkameen  and  encompasses  contained  provincial  cultivable  steamer  Land  1966  i n  Map  dates  south  and  However,  establishment  The  to  square  population  and  region  11,406  1971:  Okanagan  Shuswap.  The  north  the  See  the  Coldstream  of  valley.  the  the  the  pattern  bulk  of  from  province  -  The  lake.  I t covers  112,850,  B r i t i s h  Shuswap  valley.  hot the  summers  mild  topography.  that  i s reduced In  and  other  flow in  The  from the  words,  by  the  form the  of  valley  i s i n the rain  shadow  region.  The w a t e r  likewise  moderates t h e temperature and t h e s u r r o u n d i n g a i r . vapour  represents a latent  released to  when c l o u d s a r e f o r m e d .  retard  heat  (Williston:  It attracted of  loss  from  the earth  energy acts  on c l e a r  which i s  as a b l a n k e t  cold  nights  1957).  i s little  wonder,  then, that  possibilities  of agriculture  ing  was o f c o n s i d e r a b l e  the v a l l e y has  s e t t l e r s from a l l p a r t s  To t h e s e s e t t l e r s , a t l e a s t  the  i n the early  and e s p e c i a l l y  years,  fruit  farm-  importance."*"  While agriculture  tries  I t also  and c o n t i n u e s t o a t t r a c t  Canada.  sources  source of heat  Water  and f r u i t  farming are important  o f i n c o m e t o many o f t h e s e t t l e r s , o t h e r i n d u s -  such as f o r e s t r y ,  attracting  mining and t e r t i a r y i n d u s t r i e s a r e  more employment.  We w i l l  come t o t h i s a t a l a t e r  point.  The E a r l y  Years  From  1850-1900  The Okanagan V a l l e y , Columbia,  to  group.  other parts  was s e t t l e r c o u n t r y a n d t h e r e f o r e  t h e s e new s e t t l e r s w e r e the  like  The s p i r i t  intimately of adventure  of  British  the fortunes of  t i e d t o the fortunes of that had a t t r a c t e d  t h e v a l l e y was t e m p e r e d b y t h e r o u g h  conditions  they  them  encountered  and t h e n e c e s s i t i e s o f group l i v i n g .  t r y i n g circumstances and  what was e x p e c t e d  what was most r e q u i r e d was t h e i r  understanding  o f each o t h e r .  o f o n e ' s own k i n d r e d u c e d behaviour an  and was  important  pioneers  of these  Under  such  settlers,  c o o p e r a t i o n and an  I n t h i s c o n t e x t , t o h a v e more  the u n c e r t a i n t i e s of s o c i a l  i n d e e d a minimum  theme t h a t r u n s  asset.  through  This i s i n fact  t h e m e m o i r s o f many  i n the v a l l e y .  In order lationships  to understand  the f a b r i c of s o c i a l r e -  i n t h e v a l l e y one h a s t o know t h e g e n e r a l  c h a r a c t e r o f t h e c o u n t r y and t h e p r o v i n c e a s w e l l . were c o n s i d e r e d  important  p r o v i n c e w e r e a l s o deemed saw e a r l i e r ,  social  What  i s s u e s i n other p a r t s of the significant  one e x c e l l e n t s o u r c e  i n the valley.  o f such  As  information  we  lies  i n t h e i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s o f t h e C a n a d i a n g o v e r n m e n t and its provincial variations.  These l e g a l  s t r u c t u r e s grew o u t  o f t h e f e a r s a n d d e s i r e s o f t h e d o m i n a n t i n d i v i d u a l s and groups i n the c o u n t r y .  S i n c e C a n a d a was a B r i t i s h  t h e o n l y way o f r e s t r i c t i n g  the flow o f immigrants  o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e w o r l d and t o p r e s e r v e these  " p r e f e r r e d " s e t t l e r s was t h r o u g h  legal policies.  colony,  I n t u r n , those  from  the country f o r  the imposition of  immigrants  who were  deemed  d e s i r a b l e o r t o l e r a b l e a t t h e n a t i o n a l and p r o v i n c i a l were a l s o d e s i r a b l e a t t h e r e g i o n a l and s e t t l e m e n t T h o s e who d i d n o t f i t t h e s e c r i t e r i a o f s e l e c t i o n  levels  levels. were  -26likewise They  u n s u i t a b l e and excluded  were  social  thus  classified  and p o l i t i c a l  a c t i v i t i e s  and the settlement.  selection  had significant  Okanagan  following  1811, came the many  David  i t was into  Stuart  the valley.  discovery of gold settlers, a  i s reported 1948).  we  the  process  of  f o r the province shall  of entry  turn  and  to i n the  house  The  famous  pioneers  around  and  Price  Ellison,  made  other  t o Osoyoos;  lived  1976).  settlers  came  which  feed  modest  south  attracted  Theodore  The  beginnings which  was  border,  few homes.  were  Kruger;  Judge Tom  Cornelius  i n the Vernon  the  end o f t h e  Osoyoos,  to a  from  and water  of the  of the time  of land  move  i n the north  P e n t i c t o n and Keremeos; who  mission i n  of the border.  i n the south, from  i n the  white  region,  i n addition  large pre-emptions  (Ormsby:  F u r Company  t o rest,  had such  f o r those  custom  lived  south  of Vernon,  t o have  t o set foot  f o r this  i n the Cariboo  of a  appointed  man  1850 t h a t  impetus  Likewise  who  2  The  the city  was  c a t t l e  before  place  who  them  this  Pacific  convenient  In fact  point  on a  from  horses.  (Holliday:  white  especially  was  boasted  That  i s what  the f i r s t  n o t much  Okanagan  the  of the country,  pages.  was  valley,  interaction.  t o the economic,  implications  i n particular  Although valley  social  as marginal  province,  the  from  d i s t r i c t .  a n d owned many  Haynes E l l i s , O'Keefe; A l l of head  of  -27Despite credit is  r e f e r e n c e s t o these  o f opening  attributed  up t h e v a l l e y  ated within the c i t y  in  i n the i n t e r i o r limits  as p i o n e e r  1878 a r e s t i l l  (Willston:  o f Kelowna.  said  t o be f l o u r i s h i n g  i t be thought  in particular,  adjacent  that ranching  for settlers  came i n from  operations. mining  l e t me In the  town o f  operations  i n the  e a r l y d a y s was b y pack and I t was n o t u n t i l  from Kelowna a n d Kamloops.  1896 t h a t a  T h o s e who  from P r i n c e t o n o r Hope h a d t o make new  the v a l l e y .  From r e c o r d s i s not hard  i n those  and c a n o e s .  t h e west  t o enter  citizens  and a g r i c u l t u r e  S i m a l k a m e e n V a l l e y between Keremeos a n d P r i n c e t o n .  or by boats  Isles.  trees planted  i n the v a l l e y ,  T h e r e were a l s o s e v e r a l o t h e r  was c o m p l e t e d  trails  i s now i n c o r p o r -  i n the area  t h e r e was t h e l i t t l e  Transportation saddle  order  T h e y were a l s o  t h a t t h e r e were a l s o s e v e r a l m i n i n g  Fairview.  road  which  o r c h a r d i s t s whose a p p l e  were t h e o n l y a t t r a c t i o n s  south,  settlement  1957).  Lest  add  for large scale  to the C a t h o l i c fathers of the Oblate  who f o u n d e d a m i s s i o n  recognized  e a r l y s e t t l e r s , the  of the e a r l y  settlers  or pioneers i t  t o s e e t h a t many o f them were from t h e B r i t i s h  From t h e b e g i n n i n g , from E n g l a n d ,  the t r a d i t i o n  Scotland,  of having  good  I r e l a n d o r Wales was  -28emphasized sprung  up  and  made i t s mark on  i n t h e v a l l e y was  many h a r d s h i p s  that the  of  and  trials  several years  (Ormsby: 1976:  difficult  s e t t l e r s had  of her  and  t h e r e were  t o overcome.  t r o u b l e s of everyday  t h e memoirs o f S u s a n A l l i s o n , spent  that  (Aiken e t a l : 1959).  Life  such  the v a r i o u s s e t t l e m e n t s  life  glimpse  i s recorded  the wife of a pioneer  life  A  i n the v a l l e y .  She  in  who writes,  43)  "We had moved i n t o Christmas Eve. It drawback was w a t e r b a n d p a c k e d from a m e l t e d snow and i t  o u r new home (1874) i n December on was v e r y warm and c o m f o r t a b l e . The o n l y - t h e c o o k i n g and d r i n k i n g w a t e r my h u s d i s t a n c e . The w a s h i n g w a t e r h a d t o be was h a r d work t o m e l t enough."  She  t h a t the n e a r e s t neighbours  goes on  t o say  were a t l e a s t the  45  m i l e s away.  f r i e n d s h i p and  on b o t h  sides  However, d e s p i t e t h e d i s t a n c e ,  c o o p e r a t i o n between them must h a v e b e e n  t r e m e n d o u s b e c a u s e Mrs.  A l l i s o n writes,  " T h a t w i n t e r t h e l a k e f r o z e o v e r and we s e n t o u r teams o v e r t o t h e m i s s i o n f o r o a t s and f l o u r . I t got so c o l d t h a t w i n t e r , t h a t the mercury f r o z e i n the thermometers. We f o r t u n a t e l y had l o t s o f s h e d and s h e l t e r f o r t h e c a t t l e . T h a t c o u n t e d as much as e x t r a f e e d b u t E l i (a n e i g h b o u r ) who h a d no s h e l t e r f o r h i s c a t t l e on one o r two e x c e s s i v e l y c o l d n i g h t s had men on h o r s e b a c k armed w i t h whips d r i v i n g them a r o u n d and a r o u n d i n h i s c o r r a l . We o n l y l o s t a b o u t 50 h e a d of c a t t l e t h a t w i n t e r i n s p i t e o f t h e c o l d b u t we were d e c i d e d l y s h o r t o f f l o u r , r i c e , s u g a r , s a l t , and many o t h e r things." (Ormsby: 1976: 4 6 ) .  -29If  Mrs.  A l l i s o n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n sheds l i g h t  economic problems t h a t another pioneer, poignantly inner  faced,  H a r d y , as  e x p r e s s e s the  strength  create  Mr.  they  t h a t was  the  by  l o n e l i n e s s , the  a meaningful existence.  She  the  d e s c r i p t i o n of  recorded  needed w i t h i n  on  Mrs.  Gellately  s t r u g g l e s and  the  the  i n d i v i d u a l to  writes  (1958:  14)  "As he t a l k e d , one c o u l d v i s i o n i t a l l , t h e e x i l e l o n e l y a t t h i s s e a s o n ( C h r i s t m a s ) t h o u g h he w o u l d s c o r n t o a d m i t i t a t any o t h e r t i m e . T h e n s e e k i n g t h e s o l i t u d e o f the c a b i n , w i t h hands t h a t t r e m b l e w i t h e x c i t e m e n t he o p e n s l e t t e r s and p e r h a p s p a r c e l s from home. T i d i n g s o f l o v e d ones f a r away of joy, of sorrow. Then h i s hope o f r e t u r n i n g home when he s t r i k e s i t r i c h ( w h i c h he s u r e l y must do a t some n o t so d i s t a n t d a t e ) d i e s as he v i s i o n s a h e a r t h more d e s o l a t e t h a n h i s own. F o r d e a t h h a s e n t e r e d and l e f t a v o i d t h a t w i l l n e v e r m o r e be f i l l e d . P r e s e n t l y w i t h a s i g h he g a t h e r s up t h e s c a t t e r e d p a g e s , f o l d s them away and w i t h them t h e dreams o f home... But what o f t h o s e who l o o k l o n g i n g l y f o r m a i l t h a t n e v e r comes? No m a i l l Nothing! Have t h e y f o r g o t t e n so s o o n ? Has h i s p l a c e b e e n f i l l e d so e a s i l y ? S i l e n t l y he t u r n s away and s e e k s t h e s o l i t u d e o f t h e h i l l s which never change. T h e r e he c o n q u e r s t h e o v e r w h e l m i n g l o n e l i n e s s , t h e b i t t e r n e s s t h a t i s worse t h a n d e a t h - t o r e t u r n anon and t a k e up o n c e more t h e t a n g l e d t h r e a d s o f h i s existence."  Whether Mrs. represented as  the  important  tions  to  as  them.  life the  G e l l a t e l y ' s account of  In p a r t i c u l a r ,  and  existence  i s evocative life.  i n d i v i d u a l s she  p r o b l e m s she  provides,  pioneer  the  the  struggle of  in  identifies  the  solace  for imparting the  trials  and  actuality records  is  and  solu-  the  the  not  landscape  meaning  to  tribulations  of  -30From t h e s e d e s c r i p t i o n s , b a s e d on t h e l e t t e r s o r diaries and  of these  early  settlers,  one c a n p i c t u r e t h e s o c i a l  economic c o n d i t i o n s f o r e x i s t e n c e .  a living, their  coupled  with  own, were b o t h  guided  and i n s t r u c t e d  a d e s i r e t o tame t h e l a n d and make i t  reflections  of a particular  the establishment  Having d e s c r i b e d b r i e f l y pioneer  life  discussion is and  The s t r u g g l e t o make  i n the valley,  of these  the t r i a l s  I will  ethos  briefly  settlements.  and p r o b l e m s o f  enter  into a  o f t h e g r o w t h o f towns a n d s e t t l e m e n t s .  Since i t  not f e a s i b l e or relevant t o describe a l l the l i t t l e settlements,  basic districts Okanagan.  I have chosen t o d i v i d e t h e v a l l e y - Northern/Central  I n each o f these  the h i s t o r y o f those attracted relevant shall  Okanagan a n d  districts  settlements  I will  study.  towns  i n t o two  Southern  only refer to  and towns t h a t h a v e  t h e P o r t u g u e s e and t h e S i k h s , to this  that  It i s to this  these  as t h e y a r e  d i s c u s s i o n t h a t we  now t u r n .  Northern  a n d C e n t r a l Okanagan  Vernon  The befits  town o f V e r n o n was i n c o r p o r a t e d i n 1892 and, a s  a growing settlement,  h o u s e were b u i l t . 1893.  Until  then  s t o r e s , h o t e l s and a new c o u r t  T h e r e was e v e n a f i r e b r i g a d e s c h o o l had been h e l d  s e t up i n  in a little  school  -31house, but s e r v e d as  a new  predicted  T h e r e was  same p e r i o d an  included  active  store,  a  the  Okanagan  industry  and  far  the  firm  the that  city.  Like-  a bank,  factory.  a  T h e r e was  i n 1891.  For  was  In  many y e a r s  largest  a  short,  it  was  settlement  in  Valley.  From a v a i l a b l e publications, p i o n e e r s and  and  the  others, the  In  any  event,  we  can  say  from  that  Isles.  sources,  short  the  1892,  plausible  was  first  the  even  subsequent y e a r s u n t i l  1890,  the  fair  year  British  amount o f  was  Isles.  confidence,  settlers primarily that  Lord Aberdeen  from Vernon F o r b e s ,  commercial  i n t o l o t s and  by  that  with a  to  recalled  say  Vernon a t t r a c t e d This  centennial  h i s t o r y o f V e r n o n as  i m m i g r a n t s were f r o m t h e  Coldstream ranch the  s u c h as  i t is fairly  1860's, and  number o f  subdivided  by  the  store,  came i n t o o p e r a t i o n  of  established  jewelry door  during  insurance  a drug  center  the  and  town.  also  town w h i c h  were e s t a b l i s h e d  even a s a s h and  house  1971).  development of  the  over  (Theresa:  a r e a l estate  a self-sufficient  British  the  i n the  brewery that  largest  of  role  home and  e a r l y as  school  b e f o r e c h u r c h e s were  even a s e c t i o n  V e r n o n was  as  The  services  i n s t i t u t i o n s that  w i s e t h e r e was  spring  constructed.  t o become " C h i n a t o w n "  The  funeral  was  a venue f o r c h u r c h  constructed.  played  one  fruit  farm.  sold mostly to  from  the  took  and The  land  was  s e t t l e r s from  -32Ireland,  England,  Scotland.  S c o t l a n d and  Holliday  Wales, e s p e c i a l l y  from  (1948: 189-190) o b s e r v e s ,  " S o c i a l l i f e i n V e r n o n up t o t h i s t i m e h a s b e e n v e r y f r e e and e a s y and u n s p o i l e d b y any s e n s e o f c l a s s b u t as E n g l i s h p e o p l e from t h e so c a l l e d upper c l a s s e s b e g a n t o come i n w i t h t h e i r f a m i l i e s , many o f them seemed u n a b l e o r u n w i l l i n g t o shed t h e i r p r e j u d i c e s : t h e y formed a d i s t i n c t i v e e x c l u s i v e s o c i a l s e t among t h e m s e l v e s , p e o p l e who f o r some obs c u r e r e a s o n t h o u g h t t h e y were s u p e r i o r t o t h e c o l o n i a l s . . . And i t ' s a c u r i o u s t h i n g t h a t o t h e r towns i n t h e v a l l e y were almost f r e e of t h i s s o r t of t h i n g . . . Many o f t h e s e p e o p l e b o u g h t l a n d on t h e C o l d s t r e a m r a n c h p a r t o f w h i c h h a d b e e n s u b d i v i d e d i n t o 20 a c r e l o t s f o r f r u i t g r o w i n g and on t h e s e t h e y b u i l t l i t t l e b u n g a l o w s , p l a n t e d f r u i t t r e e s and t h e n p r o c e e d e d t o e n j o y l i f e w i t h t e n n i s , s h o o t i n g and f i s h i n g , and a l l t h e s o c i a l f r i v o l t i e s o f V e r n o n m i s t a k e n l y i m a g i n i n g t h e y w o u l d c a r r y on t h u s i n d e f i n i t e l y and t h a t t h e f r u i t t r e e s would t a k e c a r e o f t h e m s e l v e s . Some o f them h a d p r i v a t e incomes and managed a l r i g h t . O t h e r s waded i n and worked l i k e good o n e s , and e v e n t u a l l y most o f them t o o k h o l d and became r e a l w o r k i n g f r u i t g r o w e r s . And i t was c e r t a i n l y a more h e a l t h y and s a t i s f a c t o r y l i f e t h a n t h e y w o u l d h a v e p r o b a b l y had i n t h e o l d c o u n t r y . "  Although as who  Holliday's  impressionistic, observed  it still  o t h e r s who  account  is journalistic  i s w r i t t e n by an  as  well  Englishman,  came i n l a r g e numbers l a t e r  than  he  did.  The  Rutland  In valley,  District  1869,  when t h e O b l a t e  t h e y camped n e a r  Duck L a k e ,  land, before they e s t a b l i s h e d Okanagan M i s s i o n .  In the  fathers  came i n t o  which i s c l o s e  themselves  further  following year,  d i a n s a r e d e s c r i b e d as h a v i n g r e c o r d e d 160  two  the t o Rut-  i n the  French  Cana-  acres of l a n d .  -33In set  1871,  the  up by  1971).  In  addition  Idaho.  expanded and  several  that  R u t l a n d had  the border.  families  from  Committee:  Southern  Fairview  There  a  who  fair  district.  churches.  settlers  are mentioned,  as  However,  other  the B r i t i s h  i t must  share of immigrants  were a l s o c i t i z e n s  s e t t l e d here.  Okanagan:  that  In a d d i t i o n Isles.  from  be south  o f Swedish backt h e r e were  Rutland,  several  therefore,  had  (Rutland Centennial  Fairview  much i s r e p o r t e d o f t h e l i t t l e existed  prior  essentially built  activities  two  stables  1971).  Not  it  along  livery  i n the Rutland  more o f an e t h n i c melange t h a n V e r n o n  was  land  arrived  i n the v a l l e y d i d .  grounds t h a t  It  settlers  stores,  attracted  Among t h e s e t t l e r s  of  o f new  They preempted  were e s t a b l i s h e d  was  (Rutland Centennial  t h e r e were s c h o o l h o u s e s and  Rutland never  noted  f o r the e n t i r e d i s t r i c t  a group  L i k e Vernon,  a post o f f i c e  cities  mill  I n 1893,  c o v e r e d wagons from  M i s s i o n Creek. and  grist  a German, F r e d e r i c k B r e n t  Committee: by  first  ceased,  town o f  t o the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of  around  t h e town s i t e  must h a v e b e e n a t h r i v i n g  mining  mining, was  little  and  once  these  a l s o abandoned. community  d e c a d e s o f t h e 1 9 t h c e n t u r y c a n be  seen  i n the  from  Oliver.  the  That last exis-  -34tence of the s t o r e s , livery  s t a b l e s and  the s c h o o l ,  even  a grand  t h e government h o u s e , hotel.  L i k e o t h e r towns i n t h e v a l l e y , Americans numbers  and  settlers  (Oliver  and  from the B r i t i s h  District  the  t h e r e were b o t h Isles  in large  C e n t e n n i a l Committee:  1971:  7-8) .  The  Coming o f t h e C h i n e s e and A n t i - C h i n e s e S e n t i m e n t  In t h e s e e a r l y y e a r s o f s e t t l e m e n t l i t t l e is  made o f t h e p r e s e n c e o r c o n t r i b u t i o n  t h e Okanagan V a l l e y . Chinese o r i g i n references i n which their  did  1976). an  Other  instance, 108)  seen  from  sections  i n mining a c t i v i t i e s .  finished  a settler  buildings  Allison's  the Chinese  w i t h i t (Ormsby:  t h e C h i n e s e were r e g a r d e d by  was  of  the p a s s i n g  I n Mrs.  a c c o u n t s of p i o n e e r s or s e t t l e r s  N i c h o l s o n (Okanagan H i s t o r i c a l who  to  o f t h e town, o r  of the type of mining  the white s e t t l e r s had  i d e a o f how  1962:  in particular  there i s mention  after  c a n be  to the presence of Chinese l a u n d r i e s ,  involvement  records  of the Chinese  T h a t t h e r e must have b e e n f a m i l i e s  i n the i n t e r i o r  they l i v e d  mention  also give  them.  Society  Thus,  us for  Report:  writes,  "With t h e d e p a r t u r e from t h e Simalkameen o f w h i t e m i n e r s t h e y were r e p l a c e d b y t h e i r f a i t h f u l f o l l o w e r s , J o h n C h i n a man who h a s mined on t h e s o u t h f o r k and on t h e T u l a m e e n a l m o s t c o n t i n u o u s l y t o t h e p r e s e n t day."  -35Nicholson's account refers But  t o as  when one  o f t h e ways o f t h e C h i n e s e  "John Chinaman" i s v e r y d e p r e c a t o r y compares  this  i n other p a r t s of B r i t i s h Victoria,  this  Columbia,  comes as no  Holliday  (1948: 179)  concerning  the death  classifies  as  gained.  fiction  in  t o the r e f e r e n c e s t o the particularly  style. Chinese  in  surprise.  I n a book r e c a l l i n g author  whom he  e a r l y days  i n the  d i s c u s s e s the  of a Chinese or not,  following  resident.  at l e a s t  valley, incident  Whether i t  some i n s i g h t  can  be  He w r i t e s ,  "One t h i n g t h a t no one seemed t o h a v e t h o u g h t a b o u t was a cemetery: we were s u d d e n l y f a c e d w i t h t h i s l a c k when an unknown Chinaman d i e s on u s . Nobody w o u l d be p u b l i c s p i r i t ed enough t o a l l o w t h e c o r p s e t o be b u r i e d on t h e i r p r e m i s e s and t h e government a g e n t was i n a q u a n d r y : he w r o t e t o V i c t o r i a f o r i n s t r u c t i o n s as t o what s h o u l d be done a b o u t i t , b u t i n t h e meantime t h e Chinaman d i d n o t improve by keeping. Nobody knew a n y t h i n g a b o u t embalming c o r p s e s and f i n a l l y he j u s t had t o be b u r i e d , and t h e government a g e n t stowed him away i n h i s b a c k g a r d e n . " The  year  was  In another Vernon,  1889.  account  the author  ( T h e r e s a 1971:  42)  o f the h i s t o r y  of  notes,  "As e a r l y as 1892 i t was p r e d i c t e d t h a t t h e C h i n e s e s e c t i o n o f t h e town where b u i l d i n g s and b u s i n e s s were b e i n g e r e c t e d w o u l d become known as C h i n a t o w n . Many o f t h e s e b u i l d i n g s h a v e s t o o d s i n c e t h e 1890's and t a k e t h e i r p l a c e among t h e landmarks of Vernon."  -36A l t h o u g h t h e above s t a t e m e n t does n o t throw on how t h e C h i n e s e w e r e v i e w e d , a s u b s e q u e n t from a Vernon  remark t a k e n  newspaper and r e p o r t e d b y T h e r e s a  i s somewhat r e v e a l i n g .  light  (1971: 42)  She o b s e r v e s ,  "An a m u s i n g n o t e i n a n i s s u e o f t h e V e r n o n News o f 1893 p o i n t e d o u t t h a t a new C h i n e s e l a u n d r y h a d j u s t b e e n o p e n e d a n d was r u n b y A h s a y ! a n d L o o k t h e r e ! " A l t h o u g h s t a t e m e n t s s u c h as t h e above a r e few and f a r between, i n o r d e r t o d i s c u s s t h e t r e a t m e n t o f t h e Chinese  i n the v a l l e y at least u n t i l  1900, i t c a n be s a i d  t h a t t h e y p r o b a b l y r e c e i v e d t h e same t r e a t m e n t a s o t h e r Chinese elsewhere  i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  T h e y were d i s e n -  f r a n c h i s e d i n 1 8 7 5 , a n d i n 1878 t h e y w e r e b a r r e d f r o m participating  i n p u b l i c works.  When t h e r a i l w a y was  c o m p l e t e d , a t t e m p t s were made n o t o n l y t o r e s t r i c t  entry,  b u t t o g e t r i d o f t h o s e who were a l r e a d y t h e r e (Ward:  As  f o r t h e Japanese  a n d S i k h s who w e r e a l s o  ed i n t h e c a t e g o r y o f " O r i e n t a l s " , valley until  1973).  includ-  t h e r e were none i n t h e  the turn of the century.  Summary  What emerges f r o m t h i s p e r i o d i s t h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h o s e who b e l o n g t o t h e c o m m u n i t y a n d t h o s e who d o  -37not.  I t i s indeed  c l e a r that the former i n c l u d e d those  who  were " d e s i r a b l e " or p r e f e r r e d immigrants from Northern and Western Europe, while from A s i a .  the l a t t e r  i n c l u d e d those  particularly  These two groups c o - e x i s t e d , although  a great  d e a l of a n t i p a t h y and h o s t i l i t y was meted out t o the A s i a n s .  Within  the "core community" i t s e l f ,  there was a  great d e a l of v a r i a t i o n i n customs and t r a d i t i o n s .  However,  the r i g o u r s of e s t a b l i s h i n g a "community" and of domesticating  the l a n d promoted a sense of "we-feeling" and  cooperation.  There was a g r e a t d e a l of o v e r l a p p i n g  networks, and "community" was not o n l y d e f i n e d i n terms of " a c t i o n " but i n terms of f e e l i n g s as w e l l .  Those who  fell  o u t s i d e these parameters were the " o u t s i d e r s " , some of whom would o b t a i n acceptance.  They were known as a l i e n s and were  r e l e g a t e d t o the o u t s k i r t s of the s e t t l e m e n t s . important  groups t o remain as o u t s i d e r s were the  "Orientals". life  The most  Thus e a r l y on i n the development of community  i n the v a l l e y , an emphasis was p l a c e d on  l o c a l - r e s i d e n t i a l i d e n t i t y over and above e t h n i c group loyalty.  However, i t was a l s o c l e a r t h a t some groups were  p r e f e r r e d over o t h e r s .  Colour  and race were the measures by  which c u l t u r e s were s t r a t i f i e d .  1900-1950  The  t u r n of the century ushered i n a new phase o f  -3 8development all  parts  i n t h e v a l l e y , a n d a number  of the B r i t i s h  trickling  i n .  This  portation  networks,  was  Isles,  farming  agents  who  the completion  valley.  We  the p o s s i b i l i t y  will,  developments  as i n t h e e a r l i e r  i n the north,  trans-  and the  The p r o s p e c t s  i n a number of a land  from  were  of the railway,  i n the v a l l e y .  l i k e w i s e brought  saw  E u r o p e and A s i a  p a r t l y because of the better  improvement o f t h e roads fruit  of immigrants  of real  of  estate  boom i n t h e  section, discuss  c e n t r a l and the south  the  end o f t h e  valley.  Northern  and C e n t r a l  Okanagan  Vernon  Since information for  1921, t h e Canadian  on p o p u l a t i o n  Division 3  (includes  Okanagan and Shuswap  figures  Penticton  they s t i l l ethnic  provide  area,  -  often  framework  group settlements  see  categorized  and s u b d i v i s i o n  and Vernon. a  provides by e t h n i c i t y  t h e s u b d i v i s i o n 3A, w h i c h  Simalkameen area) and q u i t e Kelowna,  census  3B, w h i c h  f o r the larger  While  they  are  for discussing  i n the v a l l e y .  Tables I,  II,  III,  i s the  IV -  i s the  cities  like  incomplete, the h i s t o r y of  -39TABLE I E t h n i c P o p u l a t i o n i n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y i n 1921  OKANAGAN TOTAL 13,621  SIMILKAMEEN TOTAL 7,45 7  BRITISH English Irish Scot Others  6, 534 1,488 2,632 166  3, 794 934 1,467 114  438 66 56 129 47 313 2  152 43 6 68 11 142 8 4 92 20 32 258 2 75  EUROPEAN French Austrian Belgian Dutch Finnish German Greek Hebrew Italian Polish Russian Scandinavian Ukranian Others  —  162 46 161 348 10 175  ASIATIC Chinese & Japanese Others Indians Black Unspecified Source:  1921 C a n a d i a n  Census  786 11  203  23 3 25  2 2 28  -  -40TABLE I I *Ethnic P o p u l a t i o n i n the C i t y  o f Kelowna  KELOWNA - TOTAL 2,520  POPULATION E n g l i sh  MALE  FEMALE  1,105  541  564  Irish  413  199  214  Scot  562  288  274  -  -  -  37  66  10  5  5  Belgian  7  2  5  Chinese  114  114  0  D a n i sh  1  0  1  Dutch  3  0  3  German  22  10  12  Hungarian  69  37  32  Italian  47  28  19  7  4  3  11  7  4  Polish  4  2  2  Russian  8  3  5'  Swedish  27  12  15  7  3  4  Others French  103  Austrian  Japanese Norwegian  Swiss  *Information  Source:  for  only c i t y  1921 C a n a d i a n  o f Kelowna was  Census  available.  -41TABLE I I I Ethnic  P o p u l a t i o n i n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y  SUBDIVISION 3A (OKANAGAN & UPPER SHUSWAP) TOTAL 24,662  i n 1931  SUBDIVISION 3B (SIMILKAMEEN RIVER) TOTAL 11,059  BRITISH English Irish Scot Others  9,589 2,471 4,015 376  4,469 1,248 2,253 230  656 326 70 125 285 24 1,834 4 128 321 229 86 348 664 408 60  216 72 4 85 114 17 399 2 53 181 41 11 228 554 11 316  1,696* 78  214 1  EUROPEAN French Austrian Belgian Czech/Slovak Dutch Finnish German Hebrew Hungarian Italian Polish Roumanian Russian Scandinavian Ukranian Others ASIATIC Chinese & Japanese Other I n d i a n & Eskimo Unspecified  841  317  28  23  * The A s i a t i c p o p u l a t i o n ( C h i n e s e and J a p a n e s e ) h a d more t h a n d o u b l e d i n s u b d i v i s i o n 3A by 1931. Source:  1931 C a n a d i a n  Census  -42TABLE Ethnic Population  in  IV  t h e Okanagan V a l l e y  i n 1941  3A  3B  Kelowna  Vernon  11,246 2,754 4,478 406  6,280 1,698 2,632 327  2,070 484 895 112  2, 507 425 742 26  3, 205 581 918 62  937 333 127 143 31 2,480 347 374 15 569 716 205 902 914 1,085 115  404 120 26 180 33 929 186 264  162 68 31 18 2 278 40 11 12 872 208 26 132 135 171 12  134 18 15 3 2 173 38 66  364 136 37 276 794 1,131 380  179 30 14 13 5 383 119 137 1 82 58 44 156 146 52 28  Chinese Japanese Other  524 721 32  146 30 7  71 25 2  112 1 1  41 14  I n d i a n & Eskimo O t h e r & Not Stated  604  388  _  2  3  248  90  12  5  7  30,306  15,040  5 ,118  5.209  5.777  Penticti  BRITISH English I r i sh Scot Others EUROPEAN French Austrian Belgian Czech/Slovak Finnish German Hungarian Italian Jewish Dutch Polish Roumanian Russian Scandinavian Ukranian Other  -  —  112 30 6 85 202 5 57  ASIATIC*  TOTAL  Note: cities *No  P o p u l a t i o n breakdown by e t h n i c groups were a v a i l a b l e i n t h e 1941 c e n s u s .  major  Source:  alterations 1941  Canadian  i n s i z e of A s i a t i c Census  i n the  population.  -  major  -43At activity city,  the turn of the century,  i n Vernon.  I n 1902 a h i g h  one o f two s c h o o l s  a t t r a c t e d many s e t t l e r s Asia.  Chinese.  The 1911  s c h o o l was b u i l t  i n the i n t e r i o r .  Germans, The S i k h s  first  and worked  arrived  The v a l l e y  from o t h e r p a r t s o f Europe,  and e v e n  Italians,  i n a d d i t i o n t o Japanese  are not i d e n t i f i e d  i n the sawmill.  L a t e r a few o t h e r  in fishing.  They took  ese  f a m i l y t o own l a n d take  associations  Like  first  i n Rutland  an a c t i v e p a r t  d i d s o i n 1923.  i n the f r u i t  Japan-  T h e y were  and v e g e t a b l e  i n the v a l l e y .  the Japanese i n Vernon,  that they had hard  ment o f t h e J a p a n e s e U n i t e d  times  there  during  i s reason t o  t h e two w a r s .  The  the e s t a b l i s h -  C h u r c h and t h e J a p a n e s e  Buddhist  Most o f t h e f a m i l i e s who came i n t o t h e i n t e r i o r  were B u d d h i s t s , escape  The f i r s t  three decades o f t h e century witnessed  Church.  families  t o w o r k i n g on t h e farms  e v e n t u a l l y were a b l e t o b u y p r o p e r t y .  believe  category.  J a p a n e s e t o come i n t o t h e a r e a d i d s o i n  and  later  as a  ( i n 1915 and 1916) f r o m t h e c o a s t where t h e y h a d  b e e n employed  to  i n the  Thus t h e r e was a s i z e a b l e g r o u p o f B r i t i s h ,  Scandinavians, and  t h e r e was g r e a t e r  censure.  many o f whom c o n v e r t e d  to Christianity to  -44-  I t was a l s o d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d t h a t t h e f i r s t settled  i n the v a l l e y .  According  t o the h i s t o r i c a l  ( 1 9 7 1 ) t h r e e S i k h s came t o R u t l a n d others f i l t e r e d  Sikh s e t t l e r s  n o t r e c e i v e d any a t t e n t i o n except  the h i s t o r i c a l  reports.  report  I n 1913 s e v e r a l  i n , b u t they formed o n l y a s m a l l  The e a r l y l i f e o f t h e s e has  i n 1909.  Sikhs  nucleus.  i n the v a l l e y  a passing mention i n  S i n c e I had the o p p o r t u n i t y t o  i n t e r v i e w a t l e a s t some o f t h e o l d e r f a m i l i e s i n t h e a r e a , d e s c r i p t i v e account  of l i f e  f o r the Sikhs i n the f i r s t  y e a r s o f t h e c e n t u r y was p o s s i b l e .  According  a  fifty  t o one o f them,  " C a n a d i a n s d i d n o t want us a s n e i g h b o u r s o r t o b u y orchards. We w e r e s u p p o s e d t o l i v e away f r o m t h e m a i n r e s i d e n t i a l areas. P e o p l e l o o k e d a t o u r t u r b a n s and t h e t r a d i t i o n a l o u t f i t s t h a t o u r women w o r e , w i t h d i s g u s t and suspicion. We k e p t m a i n l y t o o u r s e l v e s . " I t became c l e a r very d i f f e r e n t in  British  In  t h a t t h e l i v e s o f t h e s e s e t t l e r s were n o t from the f a t e o f t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s  elsewhere  Columbia.  the years  t h a t f o l l o w e d , t h e number  of Sikhs  e n t e r i n g C a n a d a was v e r y s m a l l i n c o m p a r i s o n t o o t h e r European immigrants.  Thus, a c c o r d i n g t o Mehta  (1972),  b e t w e e n 1921-22 t h e r e w e r e 13, and i n 1925-26 t h i s had  o n l y i n c r e a s e d t o 60.  this situation  altered.  I t was n o t u n t i l  number  the f i f t i e s  that  -45A c c e p t a n c e i n t h e c o m m u n i t y o f R u t l a n d was difficult  i n the e a r l y y e a r s , d e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t there  were o n l y a h a n d f u l of S i k h s h e r e . had  very  Some o f t h e E n g l i s h  who  some c o n t a c t s w i t h I n d i a n s i n t h e army w e r e f r i e n d l y  helped  them g e t  I t a l i a n s and groups had amicable  jobs.  T h e r e w e r e , h o w e v e r , a number o f  Germans i n R u t l a n d , and  the f a c t t h a t these  r e s i d e n t i a l centers i n Rutland.  second comprised  t o one  the N a z i  o f my  western  of  the  E u r o p e , and  informants, the  Germans  This s i t u a t i o n did  I t a l i a n s was  w e r e a l l o w e d t o come i n t o t h e c o u n t r y  Okanagan - O l i v e r  not the  removed and  (Hawkins:  they  1972).  District  When t h e m i n e i n F a i r v i e w was  c l o s e d down, i t  seemed t h a t t h e town a l s o r e c e i v e d i t s d e a t h k n e l l . o n l y o t h e r n e a r b y s e t t l e m e n t was not  until  established.  1921  i n Osoyoos, i n the  t h a t t h e town o f O l i v e r  A f t e r W o r l d War  I the government of  south.  British  the Honourable John  was  rehabilitating  a b o u t s e t t l i n g and  The  was  Columbia, under the then Premier concerned  the  East  t h e 1950's when t h e c l a u s e r e g a r d i n g  r e s t r i c t i o n o f Germans and  I t was  two  f l a g , much t o t h e c h a g r i n o f a l l t h e  o t h e r members o f t h e c o m m u n i t y . improve u n t i l  comprised  o f t h e J a p a n e s e , t h e I t a l i a n s and  According  even r a i s e d  T h e r e were i n f a c t  One  p r e f e r r e d g r o u p s f r o m n o r t h e r n and  Southern  two  t o f a c e t o u g h t i m e s a s w e l l , made them more  towards the East I n d i a n s .  Indians.  and  Oliver,  i t s war  -46veterans. for  The a r e a s o u t h o f P e n t i c t o n was f o u n d  these purposes  and t h e government purchased  t h e S o u t h O k a n a g a n L a n d Company.  They c a l l e d  suitable land  from  t h i s t h e South  Okanagan l a n d p r o j e c t , a n d t h e i r p l a n was t o l a y o u t t h e i r r i g a b l e a r e a i n t o 10 a c r e l o t s w i t h p r o p e r w a t e r The  t e r m s o f t h e c o n t r a c t were t h a t l a n d c o u l d b e  supply. purchased  w i t h a down payment o f 1 0 % a n d w i t h 20 y e a r s r e m a i n i n g t o pay  the balance  ( O l i v e r and D i s t r i c t C e n t e n n i a l C o m m i t t e e :  1971).  When t h e y f o u n d B r i t i s h Columbia others.  t h a t t h e r e w e r e n o t e n o u g h men  t o purchase  t h e l a n d , t h e y opened i t t o  By 1 9 2 1 , l i k e a l l o t h e r s e t t l e m e n t s i n t h e v a l l e y ,  O l i v e r h a d i t s own s t o r e , g r o c e r s , b u t c h e r s , p l u m b e r s , estate agents, workers.  from  s h o e r e p a i r e r s , g a r a g e m e c h a n i c s and l u m b e r  I n t h e 1930's O l i v e r e v e n h a d i t s own  For the f i r s t ized d i s t r i c t .  real  25 y e a r s O l i v e r r e m a i n e d  I t was i n c o r p o r a t e d a s a v i l l a g e  airport.  an unorgani n 1946,  and b y 1 9 6 6 , t h e O l i v e r r u r a l a r e a came u n d e r t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Regional d i s t r i c t  o f Okanagan-Simalkameen.  L i k e o t h e r s e t t l e m e n t s , O l i v e r h a d i t s own s c h o o l s and  churches.  Among t h e c h u r c h e s  t h a t were e s t a b l i s h e d i n  t h e e a r l y y e a r s were t h e U n i t e d c h u r c h , t h e A n g l i c a n c h u r c h , the P e n t a c o s t a l c h u r c h , t h e L u t h e r a n c h u r c h and t h e C a t h o l i c church.  -47During of  settlers  Europe.  The  started. clause  the  e a r l y years  were from t h e  i n O l i v e r the  British  I s l e s and  German community was  With the  limiting  became d i f f i c u l t  northern  welcome u n t i l  i n t r o d u c t i o n of a s p e c i a l  the  numbers o f Germans and  ( O l i v e r and  l a r g e s t groups  District  the  war  immigration  Italians,  Centennial  things  Committee:  1971) .  The the  other  C h i n e s e and  East  Indians  in  itself.  in  the  few into  south  groups  t h a t h a v e had  the Japanese.  in Oliver until T h e r e were n o t end  of  the  the  fact  1960 s 1  that  times  there  is quite  were  valley, either.  v a l l e y t o c l e a r the  o f town.  As  e a r l y as  T h e y had  are no  revealing  many r e s i d e n t J a p a n e s e o r  C h i n e s e were d r i v e n o u t the  The  difficult  Chinese 1906,  a  been brought  land.  "A w e l l a t t e n d e d m e e t i n g o f the v i g i l a n t e c o m m i t t e e t h r e a t e n e d t o b o y c o t t m e r c h a n t s who w o u l d n o t s i g n a p e t i t i o n a g a i n s t the i n t r u s i o n of the C h i n e s e . M a t t e r s got o u t o f hand, and a g r o u p o f w h i t e s c h a s e d t h e C h i n e s e o u t o f town. F i v e r e s i d e n t s were f o u n d g u i l t y and f i n e d $25 o r 30 days i n j a i l . One p a i d t h e f i n e , b u t t h e r e m a i n i n g f o u r r e f u s e d t o do s o . As t h e y l e f t the c o u r t h o u s e , t h e y were c h e e r e d by a crowd o f c i t i z e n s and a c o l l e c t i o n o f $55 was q u i c k l y g a t h e r e d t o w a r d p a r t i a l payment o f the f i n e s , b u t the four r e f u s e d t o accept i t , p r e f e r r i n g t o martyr themselves i n the v i l l a g e j a i l . " ( M o r t o n : 1922: 199).  As reported Oliver  late  i n the  as  1941  local  there  was  newspaper.  another I t was  s a i d that  Board of Trade f o r m a l l y r e - a f f i r m e d  O r i e n t a l s be  allowed  in this  district.  incident that  was  the  i t s stand  that  no  -48Another Chronicle:  report  i n the  same n e w s p a p e r n o t e d ,  (Oliver  1941)  " E a r l y s e t t l e r s were not h e s i t a n t i n r u n n i n g O r i e n t a l s out of the area. Back i n the 1930's a n g r y growers i n the d i s t r i c t chased out a Chinese from town because they f e a r e d t h a t he w o u l d u n d e r c u t t h e wage s t r u c t u r e i n t h e a r e a . " This there it  situation  were more J a p a n e s e and  is interesting  few  families  In  of  there  a  slight  very  decline  Chinese  that  there  J a p a n e s e and  C h i n e s e and  i n c r e a s e by  1931  population  there  of  were o n l y  i n the  i n the are  1960's  area.  However,  at present  East  Indian  according  to  Japanese.  the  1941  by  Chinese  and  Japanese. of  a  1921  T h e r e was  and  individuals  only  origins.  (214)  55  when  only  there  was  a  In  Japanese  and  origin.  In British steady  Chinese  Similkameen area,  w e r e 203  i n the  Penticton,  to note  Chinese,  the  census  a l l the  origin  three  continued  increase of  origin. the  began t o a l t e r  those  census' t o be of  Ukraine.  largest  taken,  made o f  those  group w i t h  German, D u t c h and  M e n t i o n must a l s o be  ethnic population mainly  the  t h a t were  of  a  Scandinavian  the  steady  increase  from Poland,  Russia  and  the  in  -49A B r i e f H i s t o r y of  What we h i s t o r y of the saw,  most o f  fruit  have d i s c u s s e d  t h e s e t o w n s and w h i c h was  to the  The t o our  Industry  the  valley.  As  h i s t o r y of the  fruit  was  of c o o p e r a t i o n .  the q u e s t i o n  industry  of the  i s then  individuals.  This  came i n s i n c e  they d i d not  p r o b l e m was  e s t a b l i s h e d norms and  The  critical  t h a t we  t a l k about the  can  f u n c t i o n i n g of  The  the  a group r a t h e r  I t i s with  changes i n the  was  than  the a good  rules this  of  i n mind,  structure  and  industry  from the  e a r l y decades of  earlier,  the p l a n t i n g of apple t r e e s  the  century.  As Mission  we  saw  d i s t r i c t by  b e g i n n i n g of however, t h a t  s u c h an the  the  O b l a t e F a t h e r s was  enterprise.  I t was  v a l l e y became t h e  not  center  of  as  settlers  Portuguese are  t o l e a r n the  selling.  see,  struggle  n e c e s s a r i l y agree to  s u c h g r o u p t h a t had  m a r k e t i n g and  greatest  the  shall  compounded when new  patterns.  cooperative  twentieth  c e n t r a l i s s u e s , as we  f a r m e r s t o a g r e e t o a c t as  e x a m p l e o f one  the  valley.  u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f where t h e P o r t u g u e s e f i t i n  the  we  m a i n a t t r a c t i o n f o r most  One  the  i n the  v i l l a g e s centered around  larger picture.  to get  thus f a r i s j u s t a b r i e f  growth of settlements  industry,  settlers  the F r u i t  the  in  very  until  1908,  the  industry  -50in  B r i t i s h  Okanagan  Columbia.  Fruit  The a l l by  these the  nor  marketing  non-profit,  u n t i l  hoped  not  to  concept In the  was  for  the  1,000  total  of  an  to  the  Despite  however,  Okanagan  United  a  the  and  had  lived.  a  market  i n  not  readily  growers This  agency  result, up  the  the  made  non-stock,  and  Prairie  Following  efforts  Growers.  signed the  during  the  distributing As  faced  was  cooperative,  government.  expanding  industry  cooperation  c o n t r o l over  f i r s t  experiment  n a t i o n a l and  i t was  at  least  had  market.  war  the  west,  but  i n cooperation  had  and  quite to  international  clear  ensure  a  that market  the  But farmers  this  was  the  marketing  i n  The  of  the  Products  least  strove  with  to by  However  keep  respect some  issuing the  to  the  v a l i d i t y  of  this  fruit  the  setting act  was  and  number a  was of  to  get  their Act  fruit of  minimum  later  By  stabilize  Marketing  vegetable  c o n t r o l over  l i c e n c e s and  to  the  a l l growers Natural  way  failed  pressures.  for  of  passing  market  only  cooperation  fruit  that  be.  prices  at  same y e a r  1913,  growers  short  the  marketing.  selling  by  about  Their  1927  of  form  in  that  o r g a n i z a t i o n was  success  owing  to  almost  had  one  central  1923,  problem  the  i n part  obtained this  was  also  founded.  accepted.  united  supported  was  greatest  directors,  f i n a l l y new  Union  years  understood  I t was  the f r u i t .  (in  1934),  industry,  shippers price.  challenged  i n  of  -511941  on  taken  the  over  grounds some  jurisdiction. cooperative  of  that the  Thus  selling  The  the  provincial  duties  of  the  legislature  federal  i t seems  that  had  again  failed.  were  terrible  once  depression years  the  had  field  of  made  at  attempt  years  for  the  4 growers.  In  governments Act".  As  Board  as  Tree  Fruit  supervise  product  1940  the  marketing order  of  In  culls drew  selling  provide  which  had  legal  price  the  War  the  given complete  present was  juice.  well  from as  The the  the  set prices  external for the check  licences  on  to  market  Rype  use  lower  B r i t i s h  grades  Columbia Acts  taking  into  conditions,  prohibited with  of  the  or  through  an  1976).  Limited of  Fruit  and  Board  by  the  main  account  of  more  to  was  fruit  I t s  fruit,  i n  the  both  to designate  movements one  of  passed  government.  to  only  (Lee:  Products  marketing  marketing  f o r growers  government  Sun  after  authority  I t was  Act  Fruit  B r i t i s h  control  Measures  federal  Columbia  the  setting.  under  to  to  up  federal  agency  inspectors  and  set  provincial Marketing  B r i t i s h  they  the  as  and  1936  and  Products  the  by  i t s authority  internal  passed  Limited,  flow  federal  "Natural  apples  1946  were  was  the  was  to produce  duties  the  In  I t s function  provincial  this  Board  i n council  formed.  this  organized.  that  to  established soon  was  Columbia  response  a  employ  fruit, acres  of  to tree  -52fruits  and t o r e g u l a t e  fruits  i n the area  The  marketing agency  f o r t h e B o a r d was an  the B r i t i s h  Columbia Tree  industry  Fruit  I n 1946 t h e Sun Rype p r o d u c t s was e s t a b l i s h e d  p r o c e s s e d wastes,  culls,  another  subsidiary,  Limited  was e s t a b l i s h e d  providing  and low g r a d e f r u i t .  the B r i t i s h  t o augment  storage  This  of f r u i t  Storage  f a c i l i t i e s by areas  o f c o u r s e e n s u r e d t h e market o f a a f t e r the harvest  that  I n 1970  Columbia Tree Fresh  some c o n t r o l l e d a t m o s p h e r e s t o r a g e  industry. supply  of a l l  (Lee: 1976).  owned company c a l l e d Limited.  and c o n t r o l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n  f o r the regular  ( L e e : 1976).  Summary  The settlers great  war y e a r s p r o v e d t o be a d i f f i c u l t  i n the v a l l e y .  deal  cooperation  of uncertainty  which  farmers its this  t h e income t h a t  to diversify,  in itself  Hedley  about t h e i r  faced  livelihood.  they would r e c e i v e .  and f o u g h t  t o remain  was n o t an u n u s u a l r e s p o n s e .  a  While  was e s s e n t i a l and p r o m o t e d , no g u a r a n t e e s  made r e g a r d i n g them s o u g h t  E s p e c i a l l y the farmers  period for  were  Many o f  independent, According  to  (1979) s i m i l a r e x p e r i e n c e s were e n c o u n t e r e d b y i n central Alberta.  economic o r g a n i z a t i o n , capitalist  Since  Canada  i s capitalist in  i t i s through r e l a t i o n s h i p s with  organization  that  farmers dispose  of their  goods and o b t a i n g o o d s i n e x c h a n g e . in  t h e Okanagan, c o o p e r a t i o n was  as a means o f c o n t r o l l i n g exchange.  However, w i t h  In c e n t r a l Alberta,  seen  a s an a l t e r n a t i v e and  or a f f e c t i n g failures  t h e outcome o f  i n the use o f such  methods, t h e c o s t - p r i c e p r e s s u r e s f o r c e d change t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f p r o d u c t i o n . together  farmers They  to alter  Fruit  Growers A s s o c i a t i o n .  they e s t a b l i s h e d  their  own  It  company,  rallied  immigrants  to  the v a l l e y .  Subsequently  t o market t h e i r  was a l s o d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d t h a t  of  large  numbers  There  were a number o f i m m i g r a n t s At f i r s t  t h e community b o u n d a r i e s . r e c e i v e much s o c i a l  they  acceptance,  although  within  i t was d u r i n g  that  well.  I n a l l o t h e r ways t h e y were m a r g i n a l  this  t h e y were a l l o w e d t o own p r o p e r t y and t o v o t e a s  Within this  latter  were most d e s i r a b l e  the f i r s t  world  intensely.  began t o a l t e r . socially  were  The A s i a n s , however, d i d n o t  period  disliked  way  from t h e  segregated, but g r a d u a l l y they obtained acceptance  community".  products.  were e n t e r i n g t h e c o u n t r y and making t h e i r  e a s t e r n and s o u t h e r n p a r t s o f E u r o p e .  During  or  as a g r o u p i n t h e Okanagan and e s t a b l i s h e d t h e  B r i t i s h Columbia  t h o s e who  as  war  group i t s e l f  t h e Germans and I t a l i a n s  were b o t h  d o m i n a n t were s e t t l e r s  some p a r t s o f N o r t h e r n  t h e r e were  and t h o s e who were n o t .  I t was n o t u n t i l  T h o s e who  t o the "core  Europe.  from  were  t h e 1950's t h a t  this  e c o n o m i c a l l y and the B r i t i s h  The o t h e r  I s l e s or  Europeans,  -54although economically The  s u c c e s s f u l , were s o c i a l l y  r e s t were b o t h e c o n o m i c a l l y  In t h i s period,  and s o c i a l l y  as i n e a r l i e r  peripheral,  peripheral.  times,  t h o s e who  at the core i n t e r a c t e d i n t e n s e l y w i t h each other. defined This  They  c o m m u n i t y i n t e r m s o f b o t h f e e l i n g s and a c t i o n .  psychological  s a t i s f a c t i o n was n o t m e r e l y c o n f i n e d  them, b u t a l s o t o o t h e r only  were  p e r i p h e r a l g r o u p s who e x t e n d e d i t  t o t h o s e who w e r e members.  marginal to the r e s t of the  As i n e a r l i e r  to  times,  But they a l w a y s  remained  settlement.  race  and c o l o u r  continued  be t h e b a s i s on w h i c h c u l t u r e s w e r e s t r a t i f i e d .  to  Finally,  c o m m i t t m e n t t o t h e l o c a l - r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t o v e r and a b o v e cultural  l o y a l t y was c e n t r a l i n c o o r d i n a t i n g  community  life.  1950-1962  After  t h e w a r s , c h a n g e s w e r e made i n t h e i m m i g r a -  t i o n p o l i c i e s o f the Canadian government. tially  What was  essen-  an e x c l u s i o n i s t p o l i c y began t o l o s e i t s s p e c i f i c  character.  For instance,  the clause  o f Germans a n d I t a l i a n s was l i f t e d were g i v e n  a much b e t t e r r e c e p t i o n .  p r o h i b i t i n g the entry  ( H a w k i n s : 1972) and t h e y Likewise,  i n the case  of d i s p l a c e d p e r s o n s from Hungary a f t e r t h e r e v o l u t i o n i n 1956,  C a n a d a was much more o p e n i n h e r r e c e p t i o n  and  -55settlement  of  these  attitudes  towards  committed  to  alterations" immigration 117)  the i n  the goal  the  laws  a  the  land.  Asians  remained  of  making  not  character  as  one  were  creating  concentric  the  and  core  better  idea  enjoyed  whole  of  the  trade  the  most  or  of  the  "any  the  were  levels  lastly,  Asians.  Canadian 1960's  their  the  Yet  the  same.  Canada  was  fundamental  country  relaxed  Canada.  The  with  the  although  (Hawkins:  The  1972:  on  well  the  for  of  the  country that  group  no  limited.  can the  were  in  a  core  with  their  were had  taken  that  u n t i l  the  also  during  to  and  allowed  from  began  gain  preferred,  they then  at  regardless  along  I t was  immigrants  at  members  wonder coming  one  admitted  f a m i l i e s once  increased  data  were  countries  I t was  the  Those  as  nationals  peripheries,  They  into  laws  preferred  sitution.  Portuguese  census  information  the  latter  were  immigration  most  immigrants  numbers those  at  the The  of  countries  that  of  with  immediate  number  f i f t i e s  as  came  citizenship.  preferred  along  rings  Canadian  Then  sponsor  think  privileges.  s k i l l  the  to  undesirables  relatives.  to  on  .  If  of  newcomers  the  least the  enter  substantially in  the  1960's  Sikhs.  for  1951  ethnic  groups  for  major  c i t i e s  i n  and  1961,  division the  provides 3  valley.  as Of  a  us  whole special  with as  -56importance  to note  i s the continued  of  origins  with  British  Italian,  Dutch,  origins. those  Polish,  Particularly  of British  In  with  before us  take  we  enter  origins  a look  into  and  were n u m e r i c a l l y t h e  changes i n p a t t e r n s  continued Ukranians  Ukranian  - see Tables  V,  largest.  emerged.  and S c a n d i n a v i a n s .  sub-areas  them work and  clearly  t o be n u m e r i c a l l y  a discussion of these  a t the three  t h a t were t o p r o v i d e  Scandinavian  o f German,  i n 1951, i n P e n t i c t o n c i t y ,  origins  t h e Germans,  increase of those  Russian,  1961, no major  Those o f B r i t i s h along  steady  increase i n population  strong, But  two groups, l e t  i n the Okanagan V a l l e y  shelter.  VI, VII, VIII  -  -57TABLE V E t h n i c P o p u l a t i o n i n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y  i n 1951  B.C. DIVISION 3*  POPULATION  MALE  FEMALE  42,592  21,320  21,272  2,473  1, 236  1, 237  Austrian  940  475  483  Czech/Slovak  671  363  308  F i n n i sh  139  72  67  9,074  4,587  4,487  758  381  377  1,008  553  455  25  13  12  Dutch  2,168  1,114  1,054  Polish  1, 289  637  652  Russian  4,423  2, 224  2, 199  Scandinavian  3,380  1,793  1,587  Ukranian  2, 787  1,422  1, 365  Other  1,124  593  531  443  406  37  2, 188  1,178  1,010  82  43  39  N a t i v e I n d i a n & Eskimo  1,031  538  493  Other  1,091  591  500  77.686  39,521  38,165  British French  German Hungarian Italian Jewish  Chinese Japanese Other & Not  Stated  TOTAL  * Information for population  only d i v i s i o n  figures  (The  f o r s u b d i v i s i o n s i n A and B were n o t  available.) Source:  3 was a v a i l a b l e .  1951 C a n a d i a n C e n s u s  -58TABLE V I E t h n i c P o p u l a t i o n i n P e n t i c t o n i n 1951  PENTICTON*  POPULATION  MALE  FEMALE  7,605  3, 691  3,914  290  141  149  Austrian  42  13  29  Czech/Slovak  50  25  25  F i n n i sh  11  5  6  653  301  352  75  36  39  131  62  69  2  1  1  Dutch  247  121  126  Polish  116  53  63  Russian  247  124  123  Scandinavian  554  270  284  Ukranian  121  50  71  Other  156  94  62  Chinese  33  31  2  Japanese  55  30  25  6  4  2  6  4  2  148  75  73  10.548  5, 131  5.417  British French  German Hungarian Italian Jewi sh  Other Native Other  I n d i a n & Eskimo & Not S t a t e d  TOTAL * Population  b r e a k d o w n b y e t h n i c i t y was a v a i l a b l e o n l y f o r  Penticton. Source:  1951 C a n a d i a n  Census  TABLE V I I E t h n i c P o p u l a t i o n i n the  Okanagan V a l l e y i n 1961  3A  3B  Oliver*  30,884  16,305  892  430  French  2,134  972  88  18  German  8,403  3, 298  334  240  28  8  British  Italian  937  469  Osoyoo:  7  5  -  —  Dutch  2,282  1,040  104  23  Polish  1, 245  282  18  14  Russian  1,342  670  85  15  Scandinavian  2,589  1,458  72  56  Other  3,262  2,054  108  158  1, 546  130  3  -  884  337  5  5  632  330  11  12  58.692  27.843  1,774  1.022  J ewish  European  Asiatic Native Other  & Eskimo & Not S t a t e d  TOTAL  * D a t a was a v a i l a b l e Source:  1961  for Oliver  C a n a d i a n Census  and O s o y o o s a s  well.  TABLE V I I I Ethnic Population  i n t h e C i t y o f Kelowna, P e n t i c t o n , a n d V e r n o n i n 1961  KELOWNA Male Population  Female  141  64  77  6,796  7.063  10.250  4.984  5.266  184  6,004  13.859  13,188  6,384  1961 C a n a d i a n Census  93  93  72  Source:  91  -  214 91 156 276 158 78 19 37 ' 25 0  TOTAL  -  2,889 190 100 19 19 695 34 55 1 144 168 73 207 428 74 39 39 0 14 1  -  213 74 155. 262 112 99 43 61 23 1  -  -  Female  2,618 168 98 16 12 619 32 63 0 150 185 93 221 407 72 106 48 2 10 0  4,632 250 66 46 7 581 91 104 1 208 82 166 429 137 141 4 13 2 10  3,805 240 152 31 7 1,205 61 153  VERNON Population Male 5,507 358 198 35 31 1,314 66 118 1 294 353 166 428 835 146 145 87 2 24 1  4,488 228 80 43 5 563 105 105 0 188 63 142 363 134 149 23 17 0 9  3,563 218 121 20 13 1,121 57 156  -  Female  9,120 478 146 89 12 1,144 196 209 1 396 145 308 792 271 290 27 30 2 19  British 7,368 458 French Austrian 273 Czech/Slovak 51 20 Finnish 2,326 German 118 Hungarian 309 Italian Jewish 427 Dutch 168 Polish 311 Russian 538 Scandinavian 270 Ukranian 177 Other 62 Chinese 98 Japanese 48 Other 1 Native/Eskimo Black Other & 165 Not S t a t e d  -  PENTICTON Population Male  -61Northern  and C e n t r a l Okanagan  Vernon  Since  1941 t h e p o p u l a t i o n  i n the northern  end o f t h e  v a l l e y had g r a d u a l l y i n c r e a s e d .  The  growth  i n p o p u l a t i o n was l i k e w i s e matched b y a  growth i n a g r i c u l t u r e . included poultry  tree fruits,  I t had d i v e r s i f i e d vegetable  seed,  approximately  8,000 a c r e s  irrigated  by t h e Vernon I r r i g a t i o n  in  Likewise,  1920.  dairying,  o f l a n d were  District,  despite setbacks,  which  tree f r u i t  expanded  production  improved.  Lumber was a l s o a major district. logging In  grain,  and l i v e s t o c k .  Further,  had  t r e m e n d o u s l y and  According  i n the area  the l a t e  source  t o an E c o n o m i c d i d not begin  1940's and e a r l y  o f income i n t h e  Study  until  (1973),  after  extensive  W o r l d War I I .  1950's t h e r e was a boom w h i c h  was f o l l o w e d b y a p e r i o d o f c o n s o l i d a t i o n , a s t h e most accessible  timber  The  was e x h a u s t e d .  d a i r y i n d u s t r y was a c h a l l e n g e  t u r e and l o g g i n g . was t h e l a r g e s t  The d a i r y b e l t  i n the i n t e r i o r  t o both  i n the northern  of the province.  agricul-  Okanagan The  -62tourist was  industry  s t i l l  doing  What  i s also  increase  Vernon  as an  important  i n population  ideal  implications  retirement  f o r the rest  trend  expanded  and during  this  period  so.  steady  growing  had also  q u a l i t y of l i f e ,  made  for  retirement.  the  i n d u s t r i e s would have  Plans  owing  i s that  This  o f t h e community, The m i l d  t h e Okanagan  f o r future  this  had  was  a  important  and marked  climate,  a  coupled  an a t t r a c t i v e  expansion  t o take  there  to the a t t r a c t i o n of  centre.  i n the region.  the  t o note  place  o f t h e towns  feature  with  or  into  consideration.  Finally, witnessed tions. the  the f i f t i e s  the introduction of radio Modern  f i f t i e s  telephone  (Theresa:  During  this  As  i n the rest  citizens nucleus families  were  of Sikh that  respect  allowed  were  the Asians  also  sta-  introduced  were  given  t o t h e number o f e n t r a n t s o f Canada,  t o sponsor  settlers  came  and t e l e v i s i o n  f a c i l i t i e s  period  with  true  sixties  i n  1971).  concessions was  and the e a r l y  was  very  those  their  were  families.  small,  t o t h e v a l l e y was  who  also  some allowed. Canadian Since  t h e number o f very  small.  the  -63Rutland  District  U n l i k e Vernon, however, R u t l a n d d i d n o t e x p e r i e n c e the r a p i d pace o f growth. was  no g r o w t h a t a l l .  establishment Brigade,  But t h i s  i s not t o say that  Among o t h e r v e n t u r e s ,  there  such as t h e  o f t h e Board o f T r a d e and t h e R u t l a n d  Fire  t h e R u t l a n d W a t e r Works D i s t r i c t was a l s o f o r m e d  ( R u t l a n d C e n t e n n i a l Committee: 1971). for domestic  T h i s was t o p r o v i d e  w a t e r o n l y , s i n c e t h e number o f s u b d i v i s i o n s o f  land had s u b s t a n t i a l l y system t o a growing  increased.  The v a l u e o f such  town s i t e c a n h a r d l y b e o v e r l o o k e d  ( R u t l a n d C e n t e n n i a l Committee:  1971).  Among t h e g r o u p s t h a t came t o R u t l a n d p e r i o d were t h e S i k h s .  A s we n o t e d  earlier,  i n this  t h e n o r t h end  o f t h e v a l l e y h a d a l w a y s a t t r a c t e d them, e s p e c i a l l y of the s m a l l nucleus of the century.  a  because  of Sikhs located there since the turn  T h i s i n c r e a s e was l a r g e l y d u e t o t h e  s p o n s o r s h i p programme o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t .  I t was a l s o d u r i n g  t h i s p e r i o d t h a t many o f t h e o l d e r f a m i l i e s b e g a n t o b u y l a n d and p r o p e r t y .  Southern  Okanagan - O l i v e r  District  I n 1 9 4 6 , O l i v e r was made i n t o a m u n i c i p a l i t y . I t had  also diversified  i n terms o f i t s i n d u s t r i e s ,  although  -64agriculture portion  of  and  particularly  i t s income.  labour  shortages.  labour  prompted  encourage  fifties  entirely and  suggests t o push  the l i k e .  labour  in  major  reliable to  Portuguese  1955.  report  that  on  and  Portuguese  t h e movement  factors,  C a n a d a was  from P o r t u g a l  The  a  t h e r e were  the government  from s o u t h e r n Europe.  following  due  constituted  D u r i n g t h e same p e r i o d  t h e move t a k e n b y  came t o t h e v a l l e y  the  fruits  This dearth i n the supply of  labourers  The  tree  such  as  from P o r t u g a l  as economic  actively Italy  immigration i n  recruiting  was  not  disasters, unskilled  well.  " F o r t h e 1954 p r o g r a m m e a t t h e r e q u e s t o f t h e P o r t u g u e s e g o v e r n m e n t t h e P o r t u g u e s e movement c o m p r i s e d 200 r a i l w a y t r a c k w o r k e r s f o r t h e R.F. W e l s h C o . , 7 0 0 a g r i c u l t u r a l w o r k e r s f o r m i x e d f a r m s , a n d u p t o 50 t r a d e s m e n w i t h a l l s e l e c t i o n s t o be c o n d u c t e d i n t h e A z o r e s . I n 1955 t h e a p p r o v e d m o v e m e n t c o n s i s t e d o f 9 0 0 f a r m l a b o u r e r s a n d 50 t r a d e s m e n t o be s e l e c t e d from t h e P o r t u g u e s e m a i n l a n d . In 1 9 5 6 a s i m i l a r p r o g r a m m e was a p p r o v e d b u t w i t h s e l e c t i o n from the A z o r e s . F o r t h e 1957 i m m i g r a t i o n p r o g r a m m e , i n l i n e w i t h t h e g e n e r a l e x p a n s i o n o f a c t i v i t i e s , t h e programme i n c l u d e d 2,000 f a r m l a b o u r e r s (1,000 f r o m t h e A z o r e s and 1,000 f r o m t h e m a i n l a n d ) a s w e l l a s 50 t r a d e s m e n . Subseq u e n t l y a 1,000 t r a c k w o r k e r s f r o m t h e A z o r e s f o r t h e R.F. W e l s h C o . was a l s o a u t h o r i z e d i n 1 9 5 7 . " (Hawkins: 1972: 5 0 ) .  About  t h e same t i m e  the a s s i m i l a t i o n 1972). the  serious  of the Portuguese  These u n s k i l l e d  workers  doubts  i n Canada  were a l s o  s p o n s o r e d movement o f more u n s k i l l e d  parts.  I n the Okanagan,  the coming  of  were h e l d  as  to  (Hawkins:  contributing labour from  the Portuguese  to  these was  -65viewed as a mixed b l e s s i n g .  While the farmers  i n the  d i s t r i c t were very g l a d f o r the r e l i a b l e h e l p , non-farmers were concerned  about the numbers of u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r e r s and  t h e i r r e l a t i v e s moving i n t o the small s e t t l e m e n t s . them came t o P e n t i c t o n , Naramata, O l i v e r and  Most of  Osoyoos.  L a t e r , o t h e r s moved i n t o the c e n t r a l and n o r t h e r n end of the valley.  I t i s a l s o r e p o r t e d t h a t on o c c a s i o n ,  domestic  h e l p e r s were t r e a t e d with contempt, e s p e c i a l l y i n the Naramata a r e a .  In O l i v e r i t s e l f ,  t h e r e were o c c a s i o n a l  o u t b u r s t s of resentment from l o c a l s when the Portuguese formed l i t t l e groups on the s t r e e t c o r n e r s and  spoke i n  t h e i r mother tongue. 5 However, the records of the Rotary e s p e c i a l l y i n the 1950's, suggest e f f o r t by the l o c a l s to enable  the new  t h a t there was  a concerted  the Portuguese and  newcomers i n the area to s e t t l e . Club hosted  Club,  other  For these purposes the  Canadian n i g h t .  What i s p e r t i n e n t to  note i s the use of the term " a s s i m i l a t i o n " with r e s p e c t to the new  Canadians.  The  Night l a s t e d u n t i l 1960,  c e l e b r a t i o n of the New although  i t was  o n l y i n the  r e p o r t that the Portuguese were mentioned. t h a t t h e r e were not many of them, and  Canadian  I t was  from what my  1957  clear infor-  -66mants have s a i d ,  t h e r e w e r e o n l y 10-15 f a m i l i e s  i n a l lof  O l i v e r and Osoyoos.  Summary  T h e r e were two i m p o r t a n t period.  Firstly,  factors during  this  t h a t t h e v a l l e y b e g a n t o a t t r a c t a new  group o f s e t t l e r s ,  t h e aged.  The c l i m a t e a n d t h e l i f e s t y l e  a t t r a c t e d people  from a l l p a r t s o f Canada t o spend  retirement years  i n the valley.  Secondly,  their  i t was d u r i n g  t h i s p e r i o d t h a t i m m i g r a t i o n l a w s came u n d e r r e v i s i o n , a n d A s i a n s a l o n g w i t h o t h e r groups were a l l o w e d t o sponsor immediate r e l a t i v e s .  The a c u t e  labour shortage  v a l l e y was p a r t i a l l y r e m e d i e d b y e n c o u r a g i n g workers t o immigrate  i nthe  Portuguese  t o Canada.  T h e s e new i m m i g r a n t s  remained p e r i p h e r a l t o the  c o r e c o m m u n i t y , w h i c h was q u i t e d i v e r s e i n c o m p o s i t i o n . c o m m u n i t i e s h a d s i z a b l e numbers o f f a r m e r s  and n o n - a g r i c u l -  t u r a l workers a l i k e .  M o r e o v e r , t h e r e was a g r o w i n g  o f o l d age p e n s i o n e r s  o r t h o s e who w i s h e d  In t h i s sense then,  to retire  number early.  t h e r e were s e v e r a l c o r e s .  Despite the l i f t i n g  o f t h e ban on i m m i g r a t i o n  A s i a , r a c e and c o l o u r c o n t i n u e d as dominant f a c t o r s life  The  of the v a r i o u s communities.  Finally,  from  i n the  t h e emphasis on  -67local-residential  1962 U n t i l  t o h o l d sway.  the Present  During ed  i d e n t i t y continued  t h i s p e r i o d many more c h a n g e s w e r e i n t r o d u c -  i n t o the v a l l e y .  I n 1965, p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n  was  introduced f o r the purposes of i n c o r p o r a t i n g areas w i t h i n t h e p r o v i n c e t o be known a s R e g i o n a l D i s t r i c t . three i n the v a l l e y , Northern, Regional D i s t r i c t s .  T h e r e were  C e n t r a l and S o u t h e r n  Okanagan  The p r i m e p u r p o s e was t o t a k e  joint  a c t i o n i n p r o v i d i n g s e r v i c e s t h a t c o u l d be b e t t e r h a n d l e d i n a c o o p e r a t i v e manner w e l l as t o extend areas.  Rutland  than by each of the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ,  these s e r v i c e s t o the unincorporated  t h u s came u n d e r t h e C e n t r a l Okanagan  D i s t r i c t , V e r n o n r e m a i n e d i n t h e n o r t h and O l i v e r to the Southern  as  Okanagan R e g i o n a l D i s t r i c t  C e n t e n n i a l Committee: 1971).  belonged  (Rutland  I t was a l s o d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d  t h a t i m m i g r a t i o n l a w s w e r e r e d e f i n e d and w h i c h r e s u l t e d i n t h e u n p r e c e d e n t e d i n c r e a s e i n t h e number o f S i k h s a n d Portuguese  as w e l l as o t h e r groups i n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y .  We w i l l b e g i n w i t h t h e N o r t h e r n  a n d C e n t r a l Okanagan  Districts.  What i s c u r i o u s t o n o t e of the Sikhs or the Portuguese  i s t h a t t h e r e i s no m e n t i o n  even a t t h i s  stage.  The  f o l l o w i n g t a b l e p r o v i d e s t h e b r e a k d o w n and numbers o f e t h n i c  -6 8populations  i n t h e C e n t r a l Okanagan,  (previously  Division  districts.  The c o n t i n u e d p r e d o m i n a n c e o f t h o s e o f  3A) and  the  the Northern  Okanagan-Similkameen  German, D u t c h , S c a n d i n a v i a n and U k r a n i a n to  Okanagan  note.  - s e e T a b l e s IX, X -  origin  British,  i s important  TABLE IX Ethnic Population  CENTRAL OKANAGAN P o p u l a t i o n Male Female British 26,300 French 2,240 Austrian 420 Chinese 120 Czech 130 Finnish 100 German 9,720 Hungarian 575 Italian 840 Japanese 575 Jewish 15 Native Indian 430 Black 10 Dutch 1,670 Polish 880 Ru s s i an 775 Scandinavian 2,045 Slovak 45 Ukranian 1,820 West I n d i a n O t h e r & Unknown 1,470  12,950 13,350 1,120 1,120 205 215 65 60 70 65 35 70 4,890 4,825 295 285 465 370 320 255 10 5 220 210 5 5 885 790 415 460 390 390 1,035 1,010 30 15 905 915  TOTAL Source:  50,180  i n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y  i n 1971  NORTH OKANAGAN Population Male Female 17,800 1,440 145 165 220 100 5,010 265 160 390 30 700 5 1,155 810 390 1,760 70 2,620  8,775 740 70 85 125 55 2,555 155 85 230 10 380 5 580 415 175 905 30 1,325  9,025 695 75 85 90 45 2,455 115 75 160 20 325 0 575 400 215 855 35 1,300  720  810  405  25,055 25,125  34,040  -  755  1971 C a n a d i a n Census  -  -  OKANAGAN-SIMILKAMEEN Population Male Female  410  25,015 1,695 260 70 225 65 5,085 785 635 110 30 700 10 1,360 555 530 2,210 35 1,175 15 2,180  12,514 12,505 895 800 145 115 45 25 120 105 40 25 2,475 2,615 425 360 345 285 55 50 15 10 395 305 0 10 710 650 270 285 235 300 1,180 1,035 15 20 565 615 5 10 1,155 1,030  17.095 16,945  42,750  21,600 21,150  -  —  -70TABLE Ethnic  Population  Kelowna,  Penticton  TOTAL  *  Oliver census  Source:  i n the  North  Okanagan  Okanagan  Kelowna  Vernon  19.425  and Osoyoos division.  6,905 520 55 105 70 65 1,950 130 70 160 25 60 —  415 350 180 660  -  1, 2 8 0  -  i n 1971  Okanagan-Similkameen Penticton  01iver*  11,345 700 120 20 130 10 1,910 215 275 15 10 55 5 525 240 280 1,030 25 625  1,665 75  —  —  —  —  20 130 2.695  —  _  —  360 30 5  310 115 20 — —  — —  20  5  _  _  55 50 30 55  20 25 20 60  —  _  40  30  615  13,280  18,150  2. 5 2 0  Census  1,365 575 _ — —  275  in  Osoyoo:  — —  5 130  are included  1971 C a n a d i a n  C i t i e s of  and Vernon  Central  B r i t i s h 10,530 French 965 Austrian 125 Chinese 80 Czech 70 Finni sh 20 German 3,615 Hungarian 270 Italian 390 Japanese 120 Jewish 5 Native Indian 75 Black 5 Dutch 485 Polish 340 Russian 265 Scandinavian 675 Slovak 10 Ukranian 755 West Indian Asian Other & Unknown 620  X  O k a n a g a n- S i m i l k a m e e n  -71Northern and The  Lumber  C e n t r a l Okanagan Industry  P a r t of the a t t r a c t i o n of the v a l l e y t o the was  the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r employment i n the f o r e s t  try.  In 1969,  portable m i l l s 1971). operated  there were 40 s t a t i o n a r y m i l l s and i n the r e g i o n  Of these m i l l s ,  Sikhs  indus108  (Okanagan Economic Study:  s i n c e many of the smaller  ones  i n t e r m i t t e n t l y , 7% accounted f o r approximately  of the t o t a l c a p a c i t y and more than h a l f of the production  (Okanagan Economic Study: 1971).  45%  total  The  current  t r e n d i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s away from the smaller bush m i l l s , both p o r t a b l e and l o c a t e d on r a i l not  to say  s t a t i o n a r y , to l a r g e complexes  (Okanagan Economic Study: 1971:  74).  This i s  that the smaller p o r t a b l e m i l l s are to be phased  out, but t h a t with  the l i m i t p l a c e d on a r a b l e land t h a t  be used f o r a g r i c u l t u r e , and  can  thereby a r e s t r i c t i o n on f o r e s t  land, a r e d u c t i o n i n the number of farmer-operated m i l l s  can  be expected over time.  Crown Z e l l e r b a c h Canada L i m i t e d f i r s t Okanagan f o r e s t i n d u s t r i e s i n 1965  entered  the  with the purchase of  S.M.  Simpson L i m i t e d of Kelowna, which i n t u r n owned Lumby Timber Company and 1969  the Trautman Garraway L i m i t e d a t Peachland.  the company purchased Armstrong Sawmills L i m i t e d  m i l l s at Armstrong, Enderby and  F a l k l a n d , and  i n 1970  In  with Pondosa  -72P i n e Company a t Monte L a k e was  a l s o purchased.  Shortly  thereafter,  l a r g e s c a l e o p e r a t i o n s were p l a n n e d  future,  the s m a l l e r p l a n t s t h a t have always been p a r t o f  the  and  Okanagan  landscape  were t o be p h a s e d o u t .  I n a d d i t i o n , i n 1957, established  i n Kelowna b y S.M.  Zellerbach). Armstrong  I n 1969 a n o t h e r  the f i r s t Simpson  f a c t o r y was  t h a t employed a p p r o x i m a t e l y  t i o n s d e a l i n g w i t h wood p r o d u c t s f u t u r e o f the f o r e s t  Tree-Fruit  100  saw  earlier,  built  near  people.  other  other  a l l forecasted the  cooperative  f e a t u r e o f t h e Okanagan  According  t o the r e p o r t  selling  tree-fruit  (Hudson: 1973)  t o t h e Okanagan  h e a l t h o f t h e i n d u s t r y was to the continued  Since  1960  region's  organizaprosper-  an  industry. industry  c o n t r i b u t i o n of  economy.  o f paramount  was  the f r u i t  t h e e c o n o m i c b a s e f o r an a n n u a l  $50 m i l l i o n  The  over  economic  importance i n  growth of the a r e a .  t h e r e had been a s t e a d y  values of land planted to orchard. estimate  Crown  i n d u s t r y i n the v a l l e y .  important  relation  f a c t o r y was  Industry  As we  provided  plywood  (now  In a d d i t i o n t o the p u l p m i l l ,  ous  f o r the  i n c r e a s e i n the  T a b l e X I p r o v i d e s us a n  g i v e n by t h e Farm C r e d i t C o r p o r a t i o n .  P a r t of the  differences activity. by  i n p r i c e s c a n be e x p l a i n e d  by the s u b d i v i s i o n  S i n c e 1972, h o w e v e r , a l a n d  which a g r i c u l t u r a l land  could  freeze  was  introduced  n o t be s o l d f o r h o u s i n g  subdivisions.  S i n c e t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f t h e government o p e r a t e d assistance the  programme,  y o u n g e r and new  obtaining  fruit  g r o w i n g h a s h a d more a p p e a l t o  farmers.  T h o s e g r o w e r s who w e r e n o t  e c o n o m i c y i e l d s a n d whose r e t u r n s  p e r pound were  l o w e r due t o i n f e r i o r  q u a l i t y were t o r e c e i v e  monetary a s s i s t a n c e .  Likewise  t e c h n i c a l and  t h e c r o p i n s u r a n c e and p r i c e  s t a b i l i z a t i o n schemes w e r e v e r y i m p o r t a n t programmes f o r maintaining  the v i a b i l i t y  of the f r u i t  A c c o r d i n g t o t h e 1976-77 l i s t Columbia F r u i t Growers A s s o c i a t i o n growers i n the v a l l e y .  industry  i n the v a l l e y  of the B r i t i s h  there  were a t o t a l  The f o l l o w i n g t a b l e ,  i n c o m p l e t e , b r e a k s t h i s down f u r t h e r .  - see T a b l e X I I -  although  2,194  -74TABLE X I C o m p a r a t i v e V a l u e o f Land  AREA  i n t h e Okanagan  VALUE OF LAND PLANTED TO ORCHARD (PER  S  ACRE)  $  $  1960  1970  1973  Simalkameen  1,000  2,200  2,800  Oliver-Osoyoos  1,600  2,800  3, 200  Penticton-Naramata  1,500  2,500  3,000  Summerland-Westbank  1,000  2, 500  3,000  Kelowna  1,200  3,800  ^3,500  800  3,000  3,000  Winfield-Oyama  Source: Fruit  H u d s o n : 1973:9.  Industry i n B r i t i s h  An E c o n o m i c Columbia.  Study of the Tree  -75TABLE X I I Comparative  List  and  of Canadian  and Portuguese  t h e L a n d T h e y Own  Number o f Portuguese Growers  Locals  Growers  (1976-1977)  Number o f Acres Owned b y Portuguese  Total Number o f Okanagan Growers  Total Acreage of A l l Okanagan Growers  Kamloops  0  0  5  45  Salmon Arm  0  0  24  275  Vernon-Coldstream  0  0  110  1,682  Oyama  0  0  100  974  2  19 .5  152  1,915  5  134.5  62  1, 224  K e l o w n a Se M i s s i o n  3  31.8  172  3,367  Westbank-Peachland  0  115  1, 238  Rutland-Ellison  3  36  140  2, 880  Summerland  5  74.2  246  2,104  14  194.7  201  1,530  5  66.9  85  880  44  449  WinfieldOkanagan  Centre  Glenmore South  & East  Penticton Naramata  0  KaledonOkanagan  Falls  0  0  2  22.0  118  1,860  Oliver  55  689.2  327  3,330  Osoyoos  62  903.3  194  2, 316  Creston  0  99  1,015  2,194  27,084  Keremeos-Cawston  156  0 2,170.8  Note: T h i s t a b l e was c o m p i l e d f r o m d a t a g i v e n t o me b y t h e B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a F r u i t Growers A s s o c i a t i o n . I c r o s s -checked t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h the l i s t s p r o v i d e d by r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from t h e d i f f e r e n t l o c a l c h a p t e r s a s w e l l a s t h e l i s t s provided by the d i r e c t o r s o f the various cooperatives.  -76Between 1962 ern  and  I n d u s t r i a l Incentive  tourist  alone,  industry  w h i c h had  the p o p u l a t i o n  and  Study:  1971:  been a  steady growth  here.  Figures  they are  a  151).  city's  Penticton,  f o r the  I n 1971,  other  of  increased  (Okanagan E c o n o m i c  same p e r i o d ,  instance,  the  Vernon  10,250 i n 1961,  reckoned with  of  expansion  9).  c i t y of Vernon alone  for  population and  this  north-  a result  there  i n t h e number o f p e o p l e who  f o r c e t o be  programmes.  of  i n the  the  1973:  t o 13,285 i n 1971  During  as  Programme and  (Plan - Vernon:  a population  t o 11,423 i n 1966  the  1976  c e n t r a l Okanagan V a l l e y i n c r e a s e d  Federal the  and  had  retired  suggests  i n a l l the  towns h a v e s i m i l a r l y  that  planned  they comprised  ( P l a n - V e r n o n : 1973:  also  10).  19.8%  of  Kelowna,  attracted  retired  Smitheram  (1976) o f  ethnic  v a l l e y i t was  noted  people.  Inter-ethnic  Relations  In a r e p o r t tensions  of  Kelowna,  there  groups.  According  w r i t t e n by  localities was  no  i n the evident  that  discrimination against  t o Smitheram  in  ethnic  (1976:8),  " T h e r e i s a d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n u n d e s i r a b l e s and respectable p e o p l e , b u t t h e r e i s no d e f i n i t i o n o f t h e same. The c i t y c o u n c i l h a s b o t h C h i n e s e and J a p a n e s e s e r v i n g as A l d e r m a n . " In the Vernon d i s t r i c t , "there i s a l i t t l e e v i d e n c e of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n although East Indians c l a i m that t h e i r members h a v e b e e n b e a t e n b y w h i t e men f o r no a p p a r e n t r e a son. They a r e a f r a i d t o t a k e p a r t i n p u b l i c e v e n t s because  -77of bad experiences and some are r e l u c t a n t t o take p a r t i n recent f o l k f e s t i v a l s . Chinese and Japanese seem t o be accepted w e l l i n the c i t y , although t h i s has not always been so. There i s a l s o some open c o n f l i c t between two f a c t i o n s of Ukranian people." any  In P e n t i c t o n , e t h n i c group.  there  i s no d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t  These r e p o r t s , although q u e s t i o n a b l e  i n terms of  i n d i c e s of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n used, suggest that there are some t e n s i o n s between the groups c i t e d and the r e s t of the population.  At present,  a t l e a s t , the media from time t o  time r e p o r t on the p o s i t i v e aspects of m u l t i - c u l t u r a l i s m (Kelowna C o u r i e r  1977).  Southern Okanagan  In 1969, there were four packing houses and one cannery i n the d i s t r i c t .  I n d u s t r i e s of a manufacturing  nature that were l i n k e d t o the orchard  industry  also  existed.  There was one mining company that was i n v o l v e d i n  obtaining  silica  i n the area  ( O l i v e r and D i s t r i c t  Centennial  CommitVee: 1971).  Although a g r i c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r i e s a r e the most important, the f o r e s t i n d u s t r i e s have a l s o been a t t r a c t i n g employees i n the d i s t r i c t .  Thus, f o r i n s t a n c e ,  the branch  of the Northwood m i l l s that was e s t a b l i s h e d a t Okanagan F a l l s drew many people from O l i v e r . at t h i s s i t e ,  i n a d d i t i o n to the jobs  I t provided  90 new  i n the woods.  jobs  -78Likewise erected  a  new  sawmill  destroyed  by  Greenwood  Forest  southern forest the  fire.  The  company,  had timber  (Okanagan  (Okanagan  terms  of the fruit  occurred.  of the various  consequently  two major  Oliver-Osoyoos  to  d i s t r i c t .  the other  was  the figures provided  Growers  t o both  (22.45%)  Portuguese.  do  by  Association there  belonged  fruit  t h e Haynes  cooperatives.  cultivation.  not belong  Association  Inter-ethnic  As  a  They  owned  However,  to the B r i t i s h  a n d who  prefer  was  felt,  one o f them  impor-  and  was  Association, According Fruit  o f 521 growers these  there  acres  a r e many  Columbia  end o f  established i n the  Columbia  1,592.5  t o work  many  cooperative.  Among  Thus  1971).  Growers  total  there  1971).  a need f o r  were  the B r i t i s h were  i n the  itself,  houses  house  one  subsidiary of  Study:  industry  Cooperative  called  a  Limited  the southern  Appropriately,  the Oliver-Osoyoos  smaller  Study:  Economic  packing  Sawmills  licences  from  packing  a  was  In the sixties,  amalgamation  and  Economic  as w e l l  changes  Lake  which  industries attracted labour  In  named  Yellow  i n 1969 t o r e p l a c e  Products,  Okanagan  valley  tant  i n Penticton,  Fruit  who  were  of land  orchardists  117 under who  Growers  privately.  Relations  late  as 1962, t h e O l i v e r C h r o n i c l e  (September  2 7 : 6 2 ) r e p o r t e d t h e c a s e o f a m o t e l owner who r e f u s e d t o make r e s e r v a t i o n s f o r a J a p a n e s e Oliver.  Canadian  The f o l l o w i n g week a n a r t i c l e  column appeared,  i n the v i l l a g e of  i n the e d i t o r i a l  d i s c u s s i n g the a t t i t u d e s of the people of  O l i v e r towards O r i e n t a l s , e s p e c i a l l y around century. hiring  the turn of the  A c c o r d i n g t o t h e a r t i c l e , t h e r e was a f e a r o f  a C h i n e s e cook  village.  and s e l l i n g Chinese food i n t h e  One o t h e r e d i t o r i a l  t h a t same y e a r a n n o u n c e d a  s o l u t i o n t o t h e Doukhabor p r o b l e m  i n Canada.  B e t w e e n 1962  and 1965 t h e r e w e r e n o t many i n s t a n c e s r e l a t e d t o inter-ethnic relations 1966,  that appeared  t h e r e were a r t i c l e s about  i n the papers.  But i n  "new r e s i d e n t s a n d new  ci tizens".  I t was i n t h e same y e a r a n i s o l a t e d  i n c i d e n t was  made o f a " P o r t u g u e s e " r e s i d e n t o f t h e a r e a who, a l o n g w i t h o t h e r s , was f i n e d f o r i n t o x i c a t e d d r i v i n g a n d f o r f a i l i n g t o have h i s h e a d l i g h t s on h i s c a r ( O l i v e r C h r o n i c l e :  1966).  H o w e v e r , t h e m a t t e r was b r o u g h t up i n t h e i n t e r v i e w s other Canadians.  Mention of t h i s  with  incident v i s a v i s the  e n t i r e P o r t u g u e s e c o m m u n i t y was a l s o made.  From 1967 o n w a r d s , a t l e a s t w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e P o r t u g u e s e c o m m u n i t y , r e f e r e n c e s w e r e o f a more p o s i t i v e nature.  I t was a l s o i n t h e same y e a r t h a t ,  t i m e , a P o r t u g u e s e f i l m was shown i n O l i v e r .  f o r the f i r s t Among t h e  -80local  concerts  contribution Portuguese feast  feast.  on  given,  mention  From  of the  1967 onwards t h e  tradition  of celebrating the  page  along  i n 1 9 7 0 , when was made  flag  during  What  i s clear  an account  of the  a description of the feast  of the use of the Portuguese  and  the feast.  from  these  of the Portuguese  clashes  with  reports,  i s the p o s i t i v e  i n the valley.  between Canadians  and other  Nonetheless, ethnic  groups  not cease.  motel same  year  there  here".  Indian  there  was  an a r t i c l e  Columbia.  were  very  The t i t l e  "Archie  status  who  immigrants  of the a r t i c l e  In the  expressed The  was  was  felt  an  year towards  i n B r i t i s h  " A s s i m i l a t i o n i st h e  An e x c e r p t  (Oliver Chronicle:  East  reactions  of the feelings  that  lives  o f an  I n the following  an account  a  Bunker  that  i n the d i s t r i c t .  Racial Prejudice".  reported:  Indians.  was r e l a t e d was  negative.  from  and Chinese  t o Avoiding  a r t i c l e  that  property  was a n e x c e r p t Indian  c h i e f ^ charged  entitled  of semi-professional  i n buying  received  Indian  of discriminating against  The s t o r y  couple  interest they  1973, t h e Inkameep  i n Oliver  right  Key  was made  I n 1968 a p i c t u r e o f t h e c e l e b r a t i o n was  a note  In  East  mention  s e t up a  the front  made  cultural did  i n Oliver  Further,  Canadian  annually,  of the Portuguese.  o f Fatima.  presented  was  held  1974).  from t h e  -81"A c o n s e r v a t i v e m e m b e r o f p a r l i a m e n t h a s f i n a l l y s a i d w h a t a l o t o f us h a v e b e e n r e l u c t a n t l y t h i n k i n g f o r a l o n g t i m e , but have not had the courage to say. A heavy stream of A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s i s i m p o s i n g a g r e a t s o c i a l b u r d e n on this c o u n t r y and t h e i r a d m i t t a n c e t o Canada cannot be i n any way be e x p e c t e d t o s o l v e t h e p o p u l a t i o n p r o b l e m s i n the count r i e s f r o m where t h e y come. R o n H u n t i n g t o n , MP f o r C a p i l a n o h e a t e d l y d e n i e d he i s r a c i s t and c a l l e d f o r t i g h t e r immigration laws. ' C h i n e s e a n d E a s t I n d i a n s who cannot be properly a b s o r b e d i n t o t h e c o u n t r y a n d who cannot f i n d jobs s u i t a b l e t o them a r e b e i n g a d m i t t e d under the I m m i g r a t i o n A c t . These people are coming i n so r a p i d l y that they are not f i t t i n g i n properly with the f a b r i c of society. They are l o c a t i n g i n ghettos, dozens to a house. T h e y come i n p l a n e l o a d s 300 at a t i m e a n d t h e r e i s j u s t no way t o a s s i m i l a t e t h e m . . . Are w e t o b e s o s t u p i d t h a t we c a n n o t l e a r n f r o m t h e problems caused i n England by the u n r e s t r i c t e d e n t r y of several m i l l i o n c o l o u r e d p e o p l e and A s i a n s from the commonwealth countries? Even the sanctimonius E n g l i s h so proud of their long h i s t o r y of acceptance of f o r e i g n e r s had t o bury their p r i d e and t i g h t e n i m m i g r a t i o n laws t o a v e r t r a c i a l catastrophe. The w o r s t t h i n g w h i c h e v e r hapened i n N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d was t h e i m m i g r a t i o n o f S c o t s h u n d r e d s of years ago, a n d we a l l k n o w t h e p r o b l e m . They are a l l white. They h a p p e n when r a c e s f o r one r e a s o n o r a n o t h e r c a n n o t assimilate."  The  feelings  this  report  From  1973  citizens one  of  Chinese  can  on to  the  toward  Canada, oldest  couple  of  many  of  were  later  the  crimination particularly with  and  the  the  favour.  cover  f i r s t  and  not East  valley the  was  family  of  expressed as  to  number  bought  suggest at  Although common,  least acts Asian  I n d i a n s , were  of  In  live  by  new  1976, a  i n the  a  i n  well.  Portuguese.  articles  Portuguese.  Chinese  the  featuring  attitudes  are  Asians  i n Oliver  newspaper  prejudice  other  whom w e r e  restaurants  who  toward  to  articles  i n p e r c e p t i o n s and  Oliver  upon  S i k h s and  extended  t h e r e were  These change  be  the  town.  positive  the of  people dis-  groups, not  looked  -82Summary  T h e r e was occurred  i n the  population portant  no  doubt  that  v a l l e y during  a l o n e was  this period.  tremendous.  factor, construction,  personal  services  employees.  As  agricultural  The  T h e r e were o l d t i m e r s and  f a r m e r s and  non-agriculturists.  not  o v e r t l y used  p e o p l e who  immigrants.  similar  imperative. that  an  local to  the  unit,  the  national the  contributing the  The  the  unit,  To  also  T h e r e were  colour  were  preference  i t was  quite  clear  community  same p r i n c i p l e  for  use  the the  was  from the  provincial unit image o f  at  the  was  to  the  and  then  concentric  c o r e was  s c a l e of  that  implied  identify himself/herself  regional  to s o c i e t y  increased.  established  W h i l e r a c e and  of  i n d i v i d u a l who  nation.  T h e r e were  changes,  extension  unit.  the  newcomers.  l o c a l - r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t or  i n d i v i d u a l could  circles,  to  to the  of  continued.  Despite a l l these committment  and  c o r e community  i n t h e s e d i s t i n c t i o n s , the  looked  in  im-  community  workers had  continued.  an  l a r g e s t number  the  had  increase  d i s t i n c t i o n between  non-agricultural  new  The  manufacturing,  differentiations within  C a n a d i a n s and  changes  W h i l e lumber was  were a t t r a c t i n g t h e  a r e s u l t , the  and  far reaching  seen  a small  as  locality  -83Finally, national  i n the r e g i o n a l ,  model, community above c u l t u r a l or sub-group  l o y a l t y and i n d i v i d u a l recognized. public  c u l t u r a l model, as i n the  i d e n t i t y over c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y  were  In both i n s t a n c e s , the d i s t i n c t i o n between  community a c t i v i t i e s and p r i v a t e  a c t i v i t i e s was a l s o  maintained.  e t h n i c or c u l t u r a l  -84CHAPTER  2  FOOTNOTES  Indeed  i t i s said  developers, (Naramata,  o f one o f t h e e a r l y  and founder Peachland  of three  land  settlements  and Summerland)  that:  "As h e s a t o n t h e v e r a n d a h o f h i s S u m m e r l a n d home, h e was o f t e n b e g u i l e d b y a panorama s p r e a d a l o n g t h e o p p o s i t e s h o r e , a c r o s s a s t r e t c h o f some t h r e e m i l e s o f water. He g a z e d w i t h l o n g i n g e y e s a t t h e b e a u t i f u l 'nine mile p o i n t ' and he could v i s u a l i z e a l o v e l y l i t t l e town w i t h p e r f e c t b e a c h e s and b e a u t i f u l homes w i t h a matchless view o v e r l o o k i n g Lake Okanagan." ( A i k e n , C. et a l : 1967).  For  instance,  consider  (1844-1918). B r i t i s h  He  left  Columbia.  McFarland,  opened  Penticton.  By  a  have  increased  In ing  B r i t i s h in  over  15 m i l e s  heads  the business  numbers  from  land  of cattle.  Columbia  store  great  t o  Osoyoos.  As  one o f t h e p a r t n e r s  cattle  pasturing  them  described  as  ownof the  i n 1893, he  and sheep near  t o  h i s estate  i s also  of importing  of  said  he  founded  at  amount  Lake,  that  of Penticton  C a t t l e Company,  Oregon,  a  to  one  and general  I t i s said,  north  t o s a i l  and a partner,  end o f t h e Okanagan time.  E l l i s  f o r Southampton  trading post  a d d i t i o n t o owning many  o f Thomas  1865, he had acquired  i n the southern  from  Dublin  I n 1866 he  land  extended  the case  was  i n large  Princeton,  and  -85driving the  them o v e r t h e Hope t r a i l  I n 1905,  S o u t h Okanagan L a n d and D e v e l o p m e n t Company  p u r c h a s e d h i s l a n d and c a t t l e The s y n d i c a t e l a i d 1909 t h e d i s t r i c t 1976:  f o r t h e sum o f $ 4 0 0 , 0 0 0 .  out a townsite  i n P e n t i c t o n , and b y  o f P e n t i c t o n was  incorporated  (Ormsby:  166)  T. C. Haynes and  to the coast.  ( 1 8 3 1 - 1 8 8 8 ) , l i k e w i s e , was b o r n i n I r e l a n d ,  as a y o u n g man  moved t o C a n a d a .  I n 1862 he  was  appointed  t o Osoyoos as c o n s t a b l e ,  c l e r k and r e v e n u e  officer.  I n 1864 he was a p p o i n t e d  j u s t i c e of the peace  i n t h e Osoyoos and Kootenay d i s t r i c t . land  i n the area  a f t e r h i s death,  His purchases of  i s r e c k o n e d a t 22,000 a c r e s .  I n 1895,  h i s t r u s t e e s conveyed t o the B r i t i s h  C o l u m b i a L a n d and I n v e s t m e n t Company 20,776 a c r e s o f l a n d a t O s o y o o s f o r $65,000  However, a s one o f my northern  (Ormsby: 1 9 7 6 : 1 6 7 ) .  informants  pointed o u t , i n the  Okanagan, e s p e c i a l l y a r o u n d R u t l a n d ,  there  l e s s a n t i p a t h y towards the Japanese, u n l i k e the end  of the v a l l e y .  He was h a p p y t o b e a l l o w e d  was  southern  to play  -86on  the various sports  recalls play.  The to  During  However,  acted  accordingly.  the early  not  w i l l i n g  been  able  5)  this  as  process.  and they  Club  Canadian  this  s i x t i e s ,  practice  Night". ended  f o r instance,  organized several  example,  international  Local set  an  I n d i a n bands  l i v i n g  they  Portuguese  had  were  always  d i d see at f i r s t Only  later  the  were  they  areas.  o r g a n i z e d what  However, t h e same  the  this  was  d i dnot  year.  In the  Parent-Teacher  programs  such  as, f o r  smorgasboard.  contribute  important precedent  distinct  They  i n Oliver  Association an  prob-  concept.  known  "New  i n the  that  the  never  settlement as owners  of cooperative farming.  1959 t h e R o t a r y  early  this  farmers  Until  that  f o r instance,  of their  were  i n i t i a l  the case  of the  a t him.  years  of these  to  some  to the valley  not always  Thus,  to Oliver  obscenities  i n these  made a w a r e  to accept  to accept  mean  6)  years  independent  advantages  shouted  A l lnewcomers  i twas  went  and he  to h i s chagrin,  of the farmers  p e r i o d s were  lems.  much  of the audience  forgotten.  later  in  t h e game,  struggles be  i n the d i s t r i c t ,  a n o c c a s i o n when h i s team  members  4)  teams  to this  regional  f o r separate,  Various  model  and  ethnically  I n d i a n bands  hold  large  -87amounts of a g r i c u l t u r a l ,  i n d u s t r i a l , r e c r e a t i o n a l , as  w e l l as r e s i d e n t i a l land i n the v a l l e y , some of l a n d has been l e a s e d and i s on r e s e r v e  land.  even the game farm i n P e n t i c t o n  More r e c e n t l y the Indians had  to c u l t i v a t e s i g n i f i c a n t acreages of crops grapes.  The  this  begun  such as  trend i n recent years has been toward more  l o c a l band c o n t r o l i n the use of r e s e r v e  land.  -88CHAPTER 3 TOWARDS AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE CANADIAN CULTURAL MODEL  A  Historical  My brief  Perspective  purpose here  i s two-fold.  First,  to provide  h i s t o r i c a l background o f immigration p o l i c i e s i n  Canada and then t o h i g h l i g h t t h e dominant n a t i o n a l that  a  contribute  model.  concerns  t o an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e C a n a d i a n  Historical  references  cultural  a t t h e n a t i o n a l and r e g i o n a l  level will  be u s e d a s m e a s u r e s o f t h e c h a n g i n g c o n t e x t s o f  tolerance,  e n c o u r a g e m e n t and h o s t i l i t y  t o newcomers.  will  begin with  lead  i n t o a d i s c u s s i o n o f some o f t h e more s a l i e n t  of  the o r i g i n s of immigration  the Canadian c u l t u r a l  The there  term  i s indeed  identifiable.  " C a n a d i a n C u l t u r a l m o d e l " assumes  a t l e a s t three  1)  Canada  factor.  features  that  that i s  i t i s not possible to  According  to Elliot  (1979)  there  positions that are voiced.  i s a nation-state,  officially  tradition  However, i n Canada,  are  c o n t r o l and t h e n  model.  a monolithic  speak o f a n y s u c h  We  bilingual  a political  a t the federal  e n t i t y that i s  level.  -892)  S e c o n d l y , t h a t C a n a d a i s composed o f two n a t i o n s - i . e . , t h e F r e n c h and E n g l i s h . between  t h e s e two g r o u p s w h e r e v e r  composed o f t h e s e two  3)  I t s t r e s s e s the p a r t n e r s h i p there are  communities  groups.  G e n e r a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with the Parti-Quebecois,  this  view  c o n s i d e r s Quebec as a F r e n c h n a t i o n i n C a n a d a .  As complicate  i f t h e s e d i v i s i o n s were n o t enough, t o the d i s c u s s i o n of the Canadian c u l t u r a l model,  we  h a v e t o c o n t e n d w i t h t h e i n d u s t r i a l and t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n a d d i t i o n to other  According  components o f t h i s  model.  t o I s a j i w (1978:31)  there are at  least  seven l a y e r s i n contemporary Canadian c u l t u r e .  1)  the t e c h n o l o g i c a l c u l t u r e , i . e . , a c u l t u r e which i s common t o a l l modern i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s , and w h i c h p u t s a p r e m i u m on s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n and h o m o g e n i e t y .  2)  the A n g l o - C e l t i c c u l t u r e , which i s rooted i n P r o t e s t a n t i s m a n d t h e B r i t i s h h i s t o r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e and w h i c h h a s i m p r i n t e d i t s e l f on C a n a d i a n n a t i o n a l institutions.  3)  t h e Quebec F r e n c h c u l t u r e .  4)  other  5)  r e g i o n a l s u b - c u l t u r e s which represent the A n g l o - C e l t i c c u l t u r e .  6)  p o p u l a r s u b - c u l t u r e , i . e . , the c u r r e n t i n - p a t t e r n s of r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t d u r a t i o n which a r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d by s u c c e s s i v e change.  ethnic  sub-cultures. m o d i f i c a t i o n s of  -907)  and c o u n t e r - c u l t u r e , i . e . , p a t t e r n s d e v e l o p i n g as a r e s u l t of r e b e l l i o n a g a i n s t a l l other l a y e r s of c u l t u r e , and c e n t e r i n g a r o u n d t h e use o f s o c i a l l y f o r b i d d e n d r u g s , r a d i c a l l y p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l i d e a l s , r e l i g i o n s i d e a l s t a k e n from o t h e r r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s and t h e 1 ike. The  e m p h a s i s he  t h a t most i m m i g r a n t s  In t h i s perceptions concept  of  i n order  salient  contexts  the  had  the  to i n t e r p r e t  and  Most i m p o r t a n t  restrictions  i n the  flow of  on  e a r l y years  immigrants,  ( s u c h as  I n d i a n s ) , but other  "immigrant  model".  T h e y use  this  a c t a p p r o p r i a t e l y i n the  of a l l ,  the  recognition of  and  regional  therein.  immigration, of  the  Prior  the C a n a d i a n government had  origins  i s on  immigrants experiences  s e v e r a l attempts not  was  the emphasis  a number o f a n t e c e d e n t s .  1910,  accept.  Policies  The operation  chapter,  technological culture  f e a t u r e s depend on p r o v i n c i a l  and  Immigration  readily  i s on  the Canadian c u l t u r a l  given contexts. the  places  only  to bar  the Chinese,  have  to the  Act  people  remarkable about  the  Immigration  people  T h e r e were  of d i f f e r e n t  t h e J a p a n e s e and  the  racial  East  t o deny a d m i s s i o n  of European o r i g i n s .  Immigration  of  measures t o r e g u l a t e  i n t h e West.  t h e r e were a l s o a t t e m p t s  non-preferred  into  twentieth century,  taken  particularly  brought  Act  of  1910  Indeed, was  its  to what  -91exclusionary nature reserved  the  (Green:  1976;  r i g h t s to r e s t r i c t  14).  or  Accordingly,  regulate entry  Canada  to  " t h o s e deemed u n d e s i r a b l e b e c a u s e o f c l i m a t i c , i n d u s t r i a l , s o c i a l e d u c a t i o n a l , l a b o u r , or other requirements, or those deemed u n d e s i r a b l e b e c a u s e o f t h e i r c u s t o m s , h a b i t s , modes o f l i f e , and methods o f h o l d i n g p r o p e r t y and t h e i r p r o b a b l e a b i l i t y t o become a s s i m i l a t e d . " (Mehta: 1973, H a w k i n s : 1972).  The  stipulations  was  p r e f e r r e d by b o t h  least As  i n the  Ward  this  initial  One  Much o f t h e  suggested t h a t the  p e o p l e and  p h a s e s , was out,  the  obstacle  t h e r e was  work o f c l e a r i n g t h e t o do the  the  t h i s new  economic needs of  social policies group.  and  One  of  the  of  anglo-conformity.  a tremendous  at  concern  One  land.  of  the  of  t o be  be  out  society. done,  job.  Thus i t c a n  and  P e o p l e were seen  that  s o c i e t y matched n e i t h e r  stipulation  Non-Preferred  outcome o f  l a n d had  t h e ways t h i s  categories  of keeping  in a settler  government nor  through the  "non-preferred"  Preferred  government,  t h i s demeaning  a l s o needed t o s e t t l e  r e s o l v e d was  that  the  to the p r o c e s s  demands f o r l a b o u r  many were w i l l i n g  dominant  one  model  "British".  major  " a l i e n s " was  Act  the  (1973) p o i n t e d  t o k e e p Canada  not  of  the  wishes of i t s  discrepancy of  the  was  "preferred"  and  immigrants.  Groups  above r e s o l u t i o n r e s u l t e d i n  the  -92definition red.  o f t h o s e a r e a s from which  These  States, too  areas included  the B r i t i s h  N o r t h e r n and W e s t e r n  different  Following Europe,  f r o m Canada  this  and  immigrants  Europe,  i n terms  Isles,  of language  not p r e f e r r e d .  a r e a s were f o r c e d  was  part the  (see  i t was  Brazil,  visa  "preferred"  identified  as  menace, b u t many o f them a l s o came i n  - to i s o l a t e  (1907-8).  to relocate  the Portuguese have had F r a n c e and o t h e r p a r t s  This preferential  long  Canadians opted f o r the  them from m a i n s t r e a m  the  not  t h e s e unwanted  f o r more d e t a i l s ) .  w i t h some m i n o r  I t was  i n a subordinate position.  i n B r i t i s h Honduras,  come t o Canada u n t i l  fifties,  t h o s e from  Sikhs i n p a r t i c u l a r  T h e y were n o t o n l y  not p o s s i b l e  B u c h i g n a n i 1977  although  not  problem.  they found themselves  alternative  A l l other  t o c a r r y a p a s s p o r t and  midst of a severe d e p r e s s i o n  foreigners  customs.  Central  Moreover,  S o u t h A s i a n s i n g e n e r a l and  of the O r i e n t a l  Since  were n o t  exempt.  a major  before  prefer-  United  and  t h o s e from S o u t h e r n E u r o p e .  were c l e a r l y  For it  the  a l l of which  t h a t were i s s u e d a b r o a d , w h i l e t h o s e f r o m t h e a r e a s were  were  g r o u p were t h o s e f r o m E a s t e r n and  finally  these l a t t e r  immigrants  On  Canadian  life  t h e o t h e r hand,  a h i s t o r y of immigration to  of Europe  most o f them d i d  fifties.  treatment l a s t e d  almost t i l l  modifications during  the  war  the  -93y e a r s.  Even  t h e a p p r a i s a l o f t h e e x i s t i n g p o l i c i e s made i n  t h e f o r t i e s o u t l i n e d i n t h e s p e e c h made b y P r i m e McKenzie other  Minister  K i n g , d i d n o t i n c l u d e any major r e v i s i o n s .  Among  f a c t o r s i n t h e r e g u l a t i o n o f i m m i g r a n t s t o Canada, he  e n u n c i a t e d t h e need  f o rensuring the r a c i a l  Canadian p o p u l a t i o n  ( G r e e n : 1976; 14, M e h t a :  As a r e s u l t , grants  1973).  t h e advantages which a c c r u e d t o immi-  f r o m t h e most p r e f e r r e d c o u n t r i e s w e r e many.  were a d m i t t e d r e g a r d l e s s o f s k i l l s ground.  character of the  Even w i t h t h e r e v i s i o n s  or occupational  They back-  incorporated i n the  I m m i g r a t i o n A c t o f 1953, ( B u c h i g n a n i :  1977, M e h t a : 1973)  A s i a n s were t h e l e a s t p r e f e r r e d g r o u p , and t h e n o n l y  depen-  d e n t s a n d c l o s e r e l a t i v e s o f t h o s e who w e r e C a n a d i a n  citi-  zens were e l i g i b l e  Institutionalized  f o r admission.  Racism  I n k e e p i n g w i t h t h e r a c i a l p r e f e r e n c e s o f t h e domin a n t A n g l o - C a n a d i a n g r o u p , l a w s were p a s s e d t o r e g u l a t e , a n d t o r e s t r i c t and s e g r e g a t e i m m i g r a n t s .  Thus,  f o r example,  t h e C h i n e s e were d e a l t w i t h s e p a r a t e l y b y t h e p a s s i n g o f t h e C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t o f 1885 (Ward: t i o n o f a head  1973).  The i m p o s i -  t a x o f $ 5 0 , w h i c h i n 1903 was r a i s e d t o $500  p l a y e d an i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n e f f e c t i v e l y c u r t a i l i n g of immigrants i n t o the country.  the flow  A l t h o u g h an a c t p a s s e d i n  -941923 ( M e h t a : 1973) was t o remove t h e h e a d s u r e s were a d o p t e d t o c u r b t h e growth in council Asiatics bers.  t h a t came i n t o e f f e c t  i n numbers.  The o r d e r  i n 1930 f i r m l y e x c l u d e d a l l  f r o m e n t e r i n g Canada e x c e p t i m m e d i a t e  f a m i l y mem-  And t h e d i s e n f r a n c h i s e m e n t o f t h o s e who w e r e a l r e a d y  here d e a l t the f i n a l blow. barred  t a x , o t h e r mea-  They were t h u s  effectively  from s o c i o - e c o n o m i c and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n  the s o c i e t y .  I n t h e c a s e o f t h e J a p a n e s e , many o f t h e  r e s t r i c t i o n s p l a c e d on t h e C h i n e s e w e r e a l s o a p p l i c a b l e t o them.  E a s t I n d i a n s were a l s o t o r e c e i v e t r e a t m e n t a t t h e hands o f t h e dominant of t h e i r  arrival.  group  from t h e t i m e  They were c h a r g e d a head t a x i n a d d i t i o n  t o b e i n g b a r r e d from v o t i n g . clause"  differential  The  "continuous journey  ( B u c h i g n a n i : 1977) was a l s o a p p l i e d t o them.  were e v e n a t t e m p t s t o r e s e t t l e ( B u c h i g n a n i : 1977).  There  them i n t h e B r i t i s h H o n d u r a s  F i n a l l y t h e Order  i n C o u n c i l o f 1930  e f f e c t i v e l y p u t a n end t o t h e number o f i m m i g r a n t s t h a t w e r e eligible  t o come i n t o t h e c o u n t r y .  One s t r i k i n g o u t c o m e o f t h e s e i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s was a n i n c r e a s e i n t h e number o f i m m i g r a n t s f r o m  Europe.  The B r i t i s h h a d managed t o m a i n t a i n t h e i r n u m e r i c a l d o m i n a n c e up t o t h i s p o i n t , y e t t h e F r e n c h h a d a l s o succeeded  i n b e i n g t h e l a r g e s t homogenous r e g i o n a l  group.  -95The  group o f i m m i g r a n t s t h a t were t o r e m a i n w i t h o u t  substantial  increase  Their proportion  in their  i n the p o p u l a t i o n  c o m p a r e d t o N o r t h e r n and Kalbach:  1978:  s t r e n g t h and factor  numbers were t h e  86-87).  remained r e l a t i v e l y  Needless t o say,  the  small  (see  numerical  immigrant groups i s a major  i n t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n and  maintenance of  W h i l e the above s t e p s character  Asians.  Western European groups  d i s t r i b u t i o n of  any  power.  were t a k e n t o e n s u r e  of the Canadian p o p u l a t i o n ,  the  i n t e r n a t i o n a l problems  i n Europe were a l s o g o i n g  t o h a v e an  i m p a c t on p o l i c y d u r i n g  t h e same p e r i o d .  the o r d e r s  i n c o u n c i l t h a t were  issued refused  I n 1939  a d m i s s i o n p r i m a r i l y t o n a t i o n a l s o f German o r  I t a l i a n o r i g i n s , although  other  n a t i o n a l s who  were  c o u n t r i e s under the A x i s powers were a l s o r e f u s e d ( G r e e n : 1976;  entry  14).  In effect,  then,  the Canadian government,  i t s use  o f s t i p u l a t i o n s o f p r e f e r r e d and  gories,  i t s p o l i c i e s dealing with  and  from  i t s institutionalized  racism,  through  non-preferred  cate-  i n t e r n a t i o n a ls i t u a t i o n s , had  succeeded i n  maintain-  i n g the dominant f e a t u r e s of White Anglo-Saxon s o c i e t y . " a l i e n s " who cipating all  were a l r e a d y h e r e , were s e g r e g a t e d  i n the main stream of Canadian l i f e .  definitions  status.  (Wirth:  1965)  relegated  They were not o n l y h e l d i n low  from  parti-  They were  to a minority esteem, but  The  by  group  socially  -96i s o l a t e d and  i n some i n s t a n c e s p h y s i c a l l y s e g r e g a t e d .  were a l s o g i v e n u n e q u a l  a c c e s s t o e d u c a t i o n a l and  t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s and advancement. important dimensions racial  category.  i n the Canadian  c u l t u r a l m o d e l was  incapable of  Policies  i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the changes i n p o l i c i e s f o r  immigrants, e s p e c i a l l y i n the post-war numerous.  the  c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the w e l f a r e of Canada.  Changes i n Post-War I m m i g r a t i o n  The  occupa-  T h u s , one o f t h e most  N o n - w h i t e s w e r e deemed t o be  p a r t i c i p a t i n g and  They  As e a r l y a s t h e f i f t i e s  c i t i z e n s were a l l o w e d t o sponsor n u m e r i c a l l y s p e a k i n g , t h e r e was  p e r i o d , have been  A s i a n s who  their  had  become  close k i n .  no major  Although,  advance over  the  p r e v i o u s d e c a d e , t i e s w i t h t h e h o m e l a n d w e r e r e n e w e d and q u a l i t y of l i f e  of the v a r i o u s groups  A t t h e same t i m e p o l i c i e s came u n d e r some r e v i s i o n s . Hungarian  I n 1956,  refugees  soon a f t e r  also  the  the a b s o r p t i o n of t h e s e refugees took p l a c e  w i t h l e s s m i s g i v i n g s (Hawkins: I t a l i a n s who  1972).  The  Germans and  the  h a d b e e n p r e v e n t e d f r o m e n t e r i n g Canada i n t h e  t h i r t i e s w e r e now  policy  towards  improved.  R e v o l u t i o n , more h u m a n i t a r i a n g e s t u r e s were made  b y C a n a d a , and  first  was  the  move t o w a r d s t h a t was  allowed entry.  A l l i n a l l , t h i s was  the implementation of a l e s s  t o come  later.  1  a  restrictive  -97The  r e g u l a t i o n s passed i n 1962  wiped out a l l c l a u s e s  that were e x c l u s i o n a r y  e i t h e r r a c i a l or c u l t u r a l backgrounds. e n t r y i n t o the country was education  and  The  as  They  i n terms of criteria  for  based on a p o i n t system with  s k i l l s r e c e i v i n g top p r i o r i t y .  g o r i e s were i n t r o d u c e d groups and  were r a d i c a l .  follows:  Three  cate-  independents, sponsored  nominated groups.  One  obvious outcome of t h i s r e s o l u t i o n was  Canada a t t r a c t e d l a r g e numbers of h i g h l y educated s k i l l e d labour.  that and  Although the consequences of such  were to l a t e r become an  i n t e r n a t i o n a l issue  " b r a i n d r a i n " Hawkins: 1972)  i t was  migration  ( e s p e c i a l l y the  generally f e l t that i n  keeping with the demands of a t e c h n o l o g i c a l s o c i e t y , Canada p r e f e r r e d to have s k i l l e d and  While t h i s new over the p r e v i o u s age  p o l i c y was  racist policies,  immigrants from o u t s i d e  B r i t a i n , Northern and  of the  Between 1967  immigrants.  a tremendous improvement i t did l i t t l e "preferred  Western Europe continued  immigrants w i t h t h e i r higher skills.  educated  and  education  1973,  and  to encour-  areas". to send  occupational  the r u l e s were r e l a x e d ,  the p r i v i l e g e s of v i s i t o r s t o Canada g r e a t l y a l t e r e d . was  during  It  t h i s p e r i o d , t h a t they were allowed to change  t h e i r s t a t u s as v i s i t o r s and increase  and  i n number of Asians,  apply  f o r immigration.  The  and  Southern Europeans  de-  -98serves  s p e c i a l mention.  In 1973,  v i s i t o r s were c u r t a i l e d , and  however, the p r i v i l e g e s of  i n the  f o l l o w i n g years more  s t r i n g e n t measures r e l a t i n g to employment needs of Canada were i n t r o d u c e d . immigrants was  From 1977  no longer  This period  on,  in  the nominated category of  use.  i s of p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e i n that  i t witnessed an unprecedented growth i n the number of r a c i a l l y d i f f e r e n t groups. c o n t r o l l e d and swelled  numerically  i n i t s ranks.  What were e s s e n t i a l l y t i g h t l y weak groups i n Canada suddenly  I t i s perhaps needless to add  that  the p r o f i l e s of these p a r t i c u l a r communities have a l t e r e d considerably  and have s e r i o u s i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the  future  d i r e c t i o n s of the r e s p e c t i v e groups.  Although post-war immigration p o l i c i e s do not cognize r a c i a l c a t e g o r i e s , be denied.  Both the 1973  the importance of c o l o u r and  1977  re-  cannot  r e s t r i c t i o n s made i t  c l e a r that r a p i d growth of those v i s i b l e e t h n i c groups a l ready here was The  best  that the government f e l t  groups was life.  not p o s s i b l e , at l e a s t through immigration. i t c o u l d do  f o r these  to i n t e g r a t e them i n t o the mainstream of Canadian  O f f i c i a l l y s i n c e 1971  Canada has been committed to a  p o l i c y of m u l t i - c u l t u r a l i s m w i t h i n a b i l i n g u a l Although the o f f i c i a l other  languages are E n g l i s h and  framework. French,  c u l t u r a l groups are encouraged to develop and  their ethnic i d e n t i t y .  maintain  -99Despite for  many  the definition  gage"  t o be  remains ethnic  set  against  and use o f c u l t u r e as  options  groups  times  are available  t o work  to define  with  Thus  has given  way  the government  "traditional  and places,  t o members  t h e government  and achieve  f o r themselves.  conformity  lodged  displayed at certain  that  minorities  protests  some  of  i t s t i l l  various  and other  of the goals  the original  model  t o the concept  of  bag-  ethnic they  have  anglo-  of the Canadian  mosaic.  Essentially, is  t o make  to  ease  i t  i s quasi-pluralistic.  assure help  members  them  cipate  In important  such  that  encouraging  but also  ethnicity  subordinated  of  Thus  would  t o  p a r t i -  1973).  as  although  ethnicity,  i s t o  institutions  (Burnet:  t o the concerns  an communal  o f a l l Canaalthough  a p r i v a t e matter  i n the course  sense  symbols  them  i s identified  i s primarily  to interfere  they  educational  of national identity,  acknowledged,  policy  In that  and maintenance  while  or the public at large.  not expected  t o immigrants  groups,  of the country  a model  component  i s t o be  publically is  ethnic  heritage  l i f e  multi-cultural  m i n o r i t y groups.  i n the workforce,  i n the social  dians  attractive  i n the articulation to their  of a  The aim o f the government  of various  actively  loyalty  not only  the l o t of v i s i b l e  peculiar  and  Canada  the intent  of public  and l i f e .  -100Th i s d o e s n o t , however, mean t h a t activities  a r e n o t t o be d i s p l a y e d  "ethnic"  c e l e b r a t i o n s or  publically.  T h e r e a r e many p r o b l e m s a s s o c i a t e d conceptualization instance, defined ethnic in  and i m p l e m e n t a t i o n  what d o e s t h e t e r m  from a p r a c t i c a l  order  issues  t o be p a r t  relating  of this  o f view.  Further,  this  o f the Canadian mosaic.  to prejudice  framework  For  what do  up and what do t h e y h a v e t o l e a r n In addition,  and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a s w e l l a s  e c o n o m i c and power d i f f e r e n c e s h a v e h a r d l y within  policy.  " c u l t u r e " mean and how i s i t  point  groups have t o g i v e  with the  (Burnet:  1973).  been  The major  examined attempt  made i n t h e m u l t i - c u l t u r a l and t h e new i m m i g r a t i o n  policies  was t o r e d u c e t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f c o l o u r  i n the  constitution  of Canadian  Despite general place  understand,  such a  seems t o b e h o w e v e r , a  notions  of anglo-conformity or assimila-  t o a d d , t h e ways i n w h i c h  evaluate,  immigrants  i n t e r p r e t a n d a c t upon t h i s p o l i c y i s  f o r i t s success.  This  thesis  i s a modest a t t e m p t i n  process.  Further, will  there  p u s h t o w a r d a h y p h e n a t e d model o f i d e n t i t y t o r e -  Needless  crucial  society.  such problems,  the e a r l i e r  tion.  and c r e e d  be c l e a r o n l y  t h e importance o f a hyphenated i d e n t i t y i n conjunction  with  the r e c o g n i t i o n o f  -101the  constitutional  c o l o u r and c r e e d  rights  of individuals  regardless of  ( C a n a d i a n Human R i g h t s A c t : 1 9 7 8 ) .  freedom o f speech and w o r s h i p f u r t h e r differentiations  testify  the Canadian c u l t u r a l  dimensions that a r e s i g n i f i c a n t  model.  The  t o t h i s s t u d y a r e as  1.  The d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n p u b l i c a n d p r i v a t e  2.  The e m p h a s i s p l a c e d o n i n d i v i d u a l  3.  t othe  made b e t w e e n t h e v a r i o u s s p h e r e s o f  activities within  identity  a c h i e v e m e n t a n d work  over and above e t h n i c group  identity  follows:  spheres.  loyalty.  The d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n n a t i o n a l a n d o r l o c a l tial  The  a n d communal o r e t h n i c  residen-  loyalty. 2  4.  The d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n r e l i g i o u s  5.  And f i n a l l y t h e confinement o f r e l i g i o n and e t h n i c i t y t o the  private  For  and e t h n i c  identity.  sphere.  b o t h S i k h s and Portuguese c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g t h e  C a n a d i a n model i n v o l v e s t h e use o f opposed c a t e g o r i e s as  work a n d non-work  spheres, i n d i v i d u a l ethnicity at  (or leisure)  r e l i g i o n and  These c a t e g o r i e s a r e l a r g e l y  t h e l e v e l i d e a s and o f a c t i o n .  comes c l o s e r  p u b l i c and p r i v a t e  and group i d e n t i t y ,  and so on.  The P o r t u g u e s e  t o the Canadian c u l t u r a l  comparative perspective.  separate model  model from a  The S i k h m o d e l on t h e o t h e r h a n d  involves category blends or continuous hierarchies. work b l e n d s i n t o  such  other a c t i v i t i e s ,  and r a t i o n a l  Their  purposive  -102-  work  i s encompassed by  "good S i k h " identity is  spiritual  i s to empahsize the  i n a l l spheres of  or  primordial  life.  t h e o r e t i c a l l y inseparable  moral values. nature  E t h n i c i t y or  into public  and  To  be  a  of  Sikh  identi  private  identity.  To  summarize, w h i l e t h e  g o v e r n m e n t r e f l e c t e d the t h e r e were c l e a r  c h a n g e s made w i t h  i s a r e f l e c t i o n of  such a l t e r a t i o n s .  However,  judice  and  toward c o l o u r e d  different  groups  i s not  discrimination  outmoded. that  plays  newcomers.  the  Indeed,  term  respect  itself  discrimination  of  anglo-conformity,  and  of  use  the  colour  turation  The  p o l i c i e s of  endorsement o f  i n d i c a t i o n s of  creed.  earlier  "multi-culturalism"  or  i t i s r e a l or  a significant role  pre-  perceived  i n the  accul-  -103CHAPTER  3  FOOTNOTES  1.  During c i l  the depression years  came  into  admittance to  farm  point  of  effect  government  t h e scheme  a means  the  basic  industries,  favourable  agreement  farm  by  case  after  i n Holland during  excess  of rural  saw  demands on  to transfer  them  i n  the the war.  immigration  f o r labour i n  farms.  workers,  means  Canadian  workers"  s t i l l  coun-  sufficient  the  especially  had an excess  having  i n  clauses the  proposed  Canada  of satisfying  other  Another  farms  (1976)  among  1976; 1 4 ) .  "Dutch  of several  t o Green  as  Holland  be  (Green:  t o settle  destruction According  stipulating  "agriculturist(s)"  i n Canada  would  ( i n1929) an order  a  Since mutually  t o Canada  could  be  reached.  In  the post-war  people s t i l l gins and  with a  technical  large  a l t h o u g h p r e f e r e n c e was  s k i l l s  n u m b e r who educated.  i t i s their  sponsored  later.  sponsored as a  have  Hawkins been  result  under-developed,  unskilled,  Many were relatives  (1972)  drawn  from  of the influx rural  and education,  were  and p o o r l y  numbers  i l y  period,  parts  notes  was  of rural  came  region  on,  i n large  Europe,  of immigrants  o r i -  early  the majority  Southern  of this  there  admitted that  given to  of the  primar-  from i n the  early  -104post-war years, areas,  As  and  the strong  the economic  a p o s t s c r i p t to this  family relationships  pressures to emigrate  s e c t i o n , the c l a u s e of  b a c k g r o u n d must a l s o be a d d e d .  I t was  i n those  from t h e r e .  racial  made q u i t e  clear,  t h a t i n t h e c a s e o f t h o s e o f A s i a t i c o r i g i n , none o f normal procedures would apply  (Green:  1976;  the  14, L a i :  1976) .  2.  T h i s argument i s c o g e n t l y d e v e l o p e d  by  i n h i s paper "Canadian Ideology  Public Policy:  I m p a c t on V a n c o u v e r  " S i k h " and  and  Dusenbery  (1979) The  "Religions" adaptation.  -105CHAPTER 4 IN THE F I E L D ; A PROFILE OF S I K H AND PORTUGUESE  My i n t e r e s t  i n doing  fieldwork  IMMIGRANTS  i n t h e Okanagan  b e g a n i n t h e summer o f 1 9 7 5 , when I d i d a n e x p l o r a t o r y study  o f a s m a l l community i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a .  was my c h o i c e school  of location  f o r several reasons.  for leadership training  students assured  of a place  to stay.  a n d I was  the south  and n o r t h  ends o f t h e  N a r a m a t a was a good e x a m p l e o f a s e t t l e m e n t  b e c o m i n g an a d j u n c t  sufficient.  understanding situation.  orchard  life  I t was, t h e r e  i t was an i d e a l  t h a t I r e c e i v e d my f u l l I t was a l s o t h e r e  c o n s t a n t l y heard about labour  city  s i n c e my i n t e r e s t was i n  and e x p e r i e n c e s ,  i n t o s m a l l community l i f e .  that  T h a t i s , i t was  o f P e n t i c t o n w h i c h was a l a r g e r  a b o u t 10 m i l e s w e s t o f i t . F u r t h e r  than  which  S e c o n d l y , i t was n o t on t h e  was s l o w l y b e c o m i n g l e s s s e l f  and  T h e r e was a  from a l l over B r i t i s h Columbia a t t e n d e d ,  main highway c o n n e c t i n g valley.  i n the v i l l a g e ,  Naramata  initiation  that I  shortages f o r p i c k i n g  how some i m m i g r a n t s made more r e l i a b l e o r c h a r d  fruit workers  others.  The provided  little  seasonal  Kootenay r e g i o n .  packing  jobs  f o r s e v e r a l Doukhabors from t h e  They l i v e d  t h a t t h e y were h i r e d .  h o u s e o n t h e edge o f t h e l a k e  in little  cabins  f o r the period  One e v e n i n g i n l a t e summer, when t h e  c h u r c h was h o l d i n g a l i t t l e  fete,  I became a w a r e o f t o t h e  -106f e e l i n g s t h a t many o f t h e f a m i l i e s them.  H o l d i n g a h i g h t e a was  i n Naramata had  towards  p a r t o f t h i s c u s t o m and  little  t a b l e s w i t h a t t r a c t i v e t a b l e c l o t h s were s e t o u t a l o n g c a n d l e s , and  silver  t h e h a l l was  a l o n g t a b l e , t h a t had  n e i t h e r c a n d l e s nor  cutlery.  However, n e a r the e n t r a n c e  silverware.  o r g a n i s e r o f t h e t e a , as t o why r a t h e r q u i c k l y and  a paper t a b l e c l o t h ,  I was  another  p u z z l e d and  t h i s was  so.  reserved  immigrants  as  the In  East  I n d i a n s o r S i k h s because t h e s e were the l o c a l terms used t o them.  T h e r e w e r e o n l y two  N a r a m a t a t h a t summer. visited  families living  S i n c e many f r i e n d s  N a r a m a t a s a i d t o me  early  One  to  in  from P e n t i c t o n  them, h o w e v e r , i t a l w a y s seemed t h a t t h e r e was  great deal of a c t i v i t y .  for  house.  p r e v a i l i n g a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d s S o u t h A s i a n s as w e l l .  refer  the  told  o c c a s i o n , I became f a m i l i a r w i t h  f u t u r e pages I s h a l l r e f e r t o these  of with  asked  I was  s u m m a r i l y t h a t t h e t a b l e was  t h e Doukhabor w o r k e r s from t h e p a c k i n g  On  with  a  o f t h e o l d e s t members o f  on:  "The E a s t I n d i a n s i n N a r a m a t a c r e a t e p r o b l e m s . T h e y go f r o m h o u s e t o h o u s e h a g g l i n g f o r h i g h e r wages. Some o r c h a r d i s t s d i s l i k e them s o much t h a t t h e y c h a s e them away. Some o f them f a l l f o r t h e r u s e and h i r e them. However t h e y h a v e n o t a l l been r e l i a b l e o r good w o r k e r s . T h e r e i s no g u a r a n t e e t h a t t h e y w o u l d show up i n y o u r o r c h a r d t o c o m p l e t e t h e i r work t h e n e x t d a y . I f t h e y g e t h i g h e r wages, t h e y go t o t h a t o r c h a r d i n s t e a d w i t h o u t l e t t i n g y o u know. T h e y a l s o e v a d e t a x e s . The f i r s t $250 a w o r k e r g e t s i s exempt f r o m taxes. So when t h e t i m e comes t h e y a s k t o be p a i d $249 and t h e n a s k t h e r e s t t o be p a i d t o t h e i r w i v e s o r c h i l d r e n .  -10 7T h a t way t h e i r r e c o r d s a r e s t r a i g h t a n d t h e y do n o t h a v e t o p a y t a x e s l i k e t h e r e s t o f u s . S e v e r a l y e a r s a g o t h e Doukh a b o r s d i d t h e same t h i n g . As f o r t h e P o r t u g u e s e s i n c e t h e r e a r e n o t v e r y many h e r e , t h e y do n o t c o n g r e g a t e t o gether. They a r e v e r y h o n e s t a n d h a r d w o r k i n g . In Oliver, h o w e v e r t h e r e h a v e b e e n some p r o b l e m s b e c a u s e o f t h e l a r g e number o f P o r t u g u e s e l i v i n g t h e r e . On t h e w h o l e , h o w e v e r , t h e y w e r e more d e s i r a b l e t h a n o t h e r i m m i g r a n t s . " In the  valley.  the f a l l  o f 1 9 7 6 , I was r e a d y t o do f i e l d w o r k i n  I had proposed  t o study the Sikhs (East I n -  d i a n s ) and P o r t u g u e s e i n terms o f t h e i r Canadian the  life.  I chose  adjustment t o  t h e s e two g r o u p s p a r t l y b e c a u s e o f  v e r b a l a t t i t u d e s e x p r e s s e d t o w a r d them b y o t h e r com-  m u n i t y members. begun t o a r r i v e  F u r t h e r t h e members o f b o t h g r o u p s h a d i n t h e v a l l e y i n t h e 1950's a n d 1 9 6 0 ' s .  So  i n terms o f t h e i r l e n g t h o f s t a y i n Canada, t h e two were more o r l e s s c o m p a r a b l e . around valley. the  The P o r t u g u e s e s e t t l e d  O l i v e r , a n d O s o y o o s , t h e f r u i t o r c h a r d end o f t h e The E a s t I n d i a n s o r S i k h s seemed t o h a v e  n o r t h e r n Okanagan a r o u n d V e r n o n  because  mostly  of the sawmills.  preferred  and R u t l a n d , m a i n l y  T h e r e w e r e members o f b o t h  s c a t t e r e d e l s e w h e r e , b u t one c o u l d d e t e c t a d e f i n i t e i n t h e s o u t h a n d t h e n o r t h end o f t h e v a l l e y  T h i s was a l r i g h t b e c a u s e ing  I was k e e n o n u n d e r s t a n d Also,  I h a d a l r e a d y s p e n t some t i m e i n N a r a m a t a , a s m a l l  town o f f t h e m a i n h i g h w a y , the  nucleus  respectively.  t h e r e g i o n a l dimension o f group a d a p t a t i o n .  because  groups  larger settlements.  I was now r e a d y t o l i v e  i n one o f  Hence, I e v e n t u a l l y spent c l o s e t o  -108-  s e v e n m o n t h s i n O l i v e r and O s o y o o s , and a s i m i l a r amount o f t i m e i n R u t l a n d and V e r n o n . under  S i n c e R u t l a n d t e c h n i c a l l y comes  the j u r i s d i c t i o n of Kelowna c i t y ,  I a l s o spent  c o l l e c t i n g d a t a from v a r i o u s ^ m a j o r b u s i n e s s groups Kelowna. living  i n a l l o f t h e s e v a r i o u s t o w n s and v i l l a g e s and  In  Oliver,  As a r e s u l t ,  was  in  T h u s I h a v e h a d some f i r s t h a n d e x p e r i e n c e o f  e x p e r i e n c e d a f l a v o u r o f t h e v a l l e y as a  speak  time  t o me  I was  whole.  t a k e n t o be a G o a n e s e P o r t u g u e s e .  s e v e r a l of the Portuguese after  have  f a m i l i e s came t o  t h e P o r t u g u e s e mass.  v e r y c o r d i a l and c o o p e r a t i v e .  The p r i e s t h i m s e l f  S i n c e t h e r e were  two  p r i e s t s , a n E n g l i s h C a t h o l i c a n d a P o r t u g u e s e , I was  able to  g e t answers  f r o m b o t h o f them on many o f t h e same q u e s -  tions.  P o r t u g u e s e p r i e s t had a l i s t  The  members w h i c h he was  willing  of a l l h i s p a r i s h  t o s h a r e w i t h me.  n o r m a l l y a t t e n d e d E n g l i s h mass w e r e l i s t e d  Others  i n the  who  English  registry.  I  a l s o s p e n t a few weeks m e e t i n g p e o p l e a n d  r o u g h e s t i m a t e s on t h e number o f P o r t u g u e s e l i v i n g s o u t h end o f t h e v a l l e y . all  these f a m i l i e s l o c a t e d  B a s e d on t h i s  i n the  Eventually I compiled a l i s t  of  i n the O l i v e r / Osoyoos a r e a .  i n f o r m a t i o n I was  a b l e t o sample a  number o f f a m i l i e s t h a t I w i s h e d t o i n t e r v i e w . c o n c e r n s I had  getting  i n c h o o s i n g i n f o r m a n t s was  large One  of  t h e number o f  the  - 109year s they had spent i n Canada. speak t o some f a m i l i e s who  I was  f o r t u n a t e enough to  were o l d t i m e r s or p i o n e e r s .  L i k e w i s e a l i s t o b t a i n e d from the o r c h a r d i s t s and the Water Board was  valuable i n i d e n t i f y i n g  f a m i l i e s on s m a l l  medium s i z e d farms and l a r g e farms.  Most of my  farms,  Portuguese  informants were farmers, although I managed to t a l k to a young Portuguese  sawmill and c o n s t r u c t i o n workers whose  f a t h e r s owned orchards. Portuguese  few  families.  In t o t a l I was  a b l e to i n t e r v i e w 39  By t h i s I mean I spent time with a l l  the members of each such household. and sometimes days to complete  one  I t took s e v e r a l interview.  hours  Most people  i n v i t e d me  to stay f o r a meal which made i t e a s i e r to get to  know them.  U s u a l l y I helped out with the p r e p a r a t i o n of the  meal or took care of the c h i l d r e n while the mother cooked.  Since I was fectly bilingual  t r y i n g to l e a r n Portuguese  from a p e r -  f r i e n d , I became q u i t e popular with both  a d u l t s and c h i l d r e n . found q u i t e funny.  I would say t h i n g s that a l l of them In most cases I found that the men  l e s s f a c i l e with E n g l i s h than the women and c h i l d r e n . many of the women had worked with other Canadians  were Since  i n the  c o o p e r a t i v e , i n the c r e d i t union, or i n a bank they had l e a r n e d the language w e l l .  The men,  on the other hand, had  spent most of t h e i r time alone i n the o r c h a r d or with P o r t u guese f r i e n d s . Canadians  They d i d not come i n t o c o n t a c t with other  on a r e g u l a r b a s i s u n l e s s i t was  f o r a meeting  of  -110t h e c o o p e r a t i v e o r o f p a c k i n g h o u s e members. ed P o r t u g u e s e  In harder  mass o n a r e g u l a r b a s i s .  R u t l a n d , a s t h e r e was n o S i k h t e m p l e ,  t o get the necessary  dents.  compile  These p e o p l e  a list  contacts. Vernon.  I g o t t o know a few  were g r a c i o u s e n o u g h t o h e l p  me  T h r o u g h them I a l s o made s i m i l a r c o n t a c t s i n I n a l l I i n t e r v i e w e d 40 S i k h  in the valley, the S i k h s .  families.  t h e r e i s some l i t e r a t u r e o n t h e P o r t u g u e s e  I h a v e n o t come a c r o s s a n y t h i n g w r i t t e n a b o u t  I c a n t h e r e f o r e make o n l y a p p r o x i m a t i o n s  t h e number o f f a m i l i e s s e t t l e d there are approximately live  resi-  a n d t h e n h e l p e d me make t h e n e c e s s a r y  Although  few  i t was  i n f o r m a t i o n about S i k h  However b e i n g a n A s i a n m y s e l f ,  families.  I also attend-  i n this region.  600 S i k h f a m i l i e s  as t o  Altogether  i n the v a l l e y .  i n P e n t i c t o n , N a r a m a t a , Summer l a n d , P e a c h l a n d a n d  Westbank.  A l l the others are located i n Rutland,  and V e r n o n .  The P o r t u g u e s e  Kelowna  p o p u l a t i o n i n t h e Okanagan  Valley  i s a b i t l a r g e r , 4,500 p e r o n s i n a l l ( A n d e r s o n &  Higgs:  1 9 7 6 : 1 0 3 ) . T h i s w o u l d mean a b o u t 1,000 p e r s o n s i n  and  A  around O l i v e r  I  asked  alone.  my i n f o r m a n t s  about t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s o f  their history  i n Canada, about t h e i r a t t i t u d e s t o o t h e r  groups,  ethnic a f f i l i a t i o n s ,  their  their  work h i s t o r i e s a n d  -Illattitudes, their  land and p r o p e r t y ownership, t h e i r  and  about changes i n t h e i r own  r i t u a l s , and  tions.  I a l s o obtained  beliefs  family  i n f o r m a t i o n on i n d i v i d u a l  tradipartici-  p a t i o n i n c l u b s , v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s , churches, temples, f r i e n d s h i p networks, v i s i t i n g p a t t e r n s , t r a v e l i n the  valley  and o u t s i d e of i t , and  to  so on.  My  primary concern was  understand the complex p a t t e r n of c u l t u r a l change c u l t u r a l p e r s i s t e n c e which has become manifest institutions in this  and  in particular  area.  I t i s important  to mention t h a t I a l s o i n t e r v i e w e d  a number of s e t t l e r s of other e t h n i c backgrounds who r e s i d e n t i n these same communities. knowing how these  two  I was  were  interested in  other members of the Canadian p o p u l a t i o n viewed  groups of newcomers.  Since I knew i t would be  unwieldy to draw a sample from the g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n , decided  to choose key  individuals instead.  I  I spoke to  t e a c h e r s , businessmen, p r i e s t s , c l u b p r e s i d e n t s ,  immigration  officers,  i t became  labour managers and  p o s s i b l e f o r me  so on.  In t h i s way  to get a h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e on  v a l l e y as w e l l as to g a i n some understanding expectations words these  and hopes concerning  the  of the  community l i f e .  i n t e r v i e w s threw l i g h t on the nature  i n c o r p o r a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the Sikh and  general In other  of Portuguese  subgroups i n each of these communities, as viewed by  -112others.  By  t h e end  of other  backgrounds.  Finally,  o f my  s t a y I had  in Oliver  I was  given free access  c o m m u n i t y r e c o r d s and n e w s p a p e r s . was  allowed p a r t i a l access.  to  p a r a l l e l a l l my  In  a l l , h o w e v e r , my  subsequent v i s i t s ,  i n t e r v i e w e d 42  persons  to a l l  I n R u t l a n d and V e r n o n ,  I  I r e g r e t not h a v i n g been a b l e  research techniques  i n these  two  areas.  15 month s t a y i n t h e v a l l e y , p l u s w e r e e n o u g h t o g i v e me  i n f o r m a t i o n to complete t h i s b r e a k d o w n b y e t h n i c g r o u p s on  study.  my  sufficient  Table X I I I provides  t h e number o f  a  people  interviewed.  Some M e t h o d o l o g i c a l  As to  i n a l l ethnographic  the r e l i a b i l i t y  have had  Considerations  and  t o r e l y on  accounts,  v a l i d i t y of data.  "key  problems e x i s t Anthropologists  informants" - people  who  they  a s s e s s as b e i n g k n o w l e d g e a b l e about the c u l t u r e .  This  t i m e a s d o e s e s t a b l i s h i n g r a p p o r t w i t h t h e members o f community.  A minimum p e r i o d o f a y e a r  of course,  will  depend on,  researcher's a b i l i t y and  1980).  The  takes the  i s thus u s u a l l y con-  s i d e r e d e s s e n t i a l t o t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f d a t a and o f an e t h n o g r a p h y ( R o s s i :  as  the  q u a l i t y of the  writing data,  among o t h e r t h i n g s , t h e  t o d i s t i n g u i s h between p r e s e n t a t i o n a l  o p e r a t i o n a l data; understanding  the meanings  attributed  -113TABLE X I I I Number o f S i k h s , P o r t u g u e s e a n d C a n a d i a n s Who Were  Sikh  Interviewed  Portuguese  Canadian  Total  Oliver  0  34  17  51  Osoyoos  0  5  5  10  Rutland  20  0  10  30  Vernon  20  0  10  30  TOTALS  40  39  42  121  (Source:  interviews)  -114to  b o t h t y p e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n and t h e i n t e r n a l c o n s i s t e n c y o f  the data t h a t i s presented. to  In addition,  be s e n s i t i v e a n d a t t e n t i v e t o w a r d  assumptions,  and o t h e r  The  the researcher has  the taken-for-granted  forms o f s o c i a l l y d e s i r a b l e r e s p o n s e s .  sample t h a t I i n t e r v i e w e d were f a i r l y  represen-  t a t i v e o f t h e two g r o u p s w i t h r e s p e c t t o g e o g r a p h i c a l tion,  time  Although  spent  i n Canada, age, e d u c a t i o n and o c c u p a t i o n .  the i n i t i a l  list  b y a few k e y i n d i v i d u a l s , secondary  sources  was c o m p i l e d  f r o m t h e names g i v e n  I sought i n f o r m a t i o n from o t h e r  as w e l l .  T h i s way, I a v o i d e d  merely  o b t a i n i n g t h e names o f t h e f r i e n d s o r a c q u a i n t a n c e s key  individuals.  extensive,  I  asked  Although  I tried  as w e l l as f a c t  of the  the i n t e r v i e w s themselves  t o go b a c k t o t h e f a m i l y o n o t h e r  finding missions.  them q u e s t i o n s  against mis-information texts  loca-  f o r the interviews).  social  A l s o , whenever p o s s i b l e ,  t h a t were r e - p h r a s e d (Appendix  were  1 will  I realize  so as t o guard  c l a r i f y t h e con-  the problems of  o b t a i n i n g r e l i a b l e d a t a , e s p e c i a l l y when i t i n v o l v e s recollecting nature.  f a c t s o f a q u a n t i t a t i v e and/or a p r i v a t e  To a v o i d s u c h  an e m b a r r a s s i n g  situation,  I usually  gave them a s h e e t o f p a p e r w i t h q u e s t i o n s p e r t a i n i n g t o income, o w n e r s h i p o f l a n d by t h e i n d i v i d u a l o r t h e f a m i l y i n the c o u n t r y o f o r i g i n and o t h e r demographic d a t a . after  t h e i n t e r v i e w was o v e r  Usually,  one o f t h e s p o u s e s a n s w e r e d  t h e s e q u e s t i o n s w h i l e t h e o t h e r t o o k me a r o u n d t h e o r c h a r d ,  -115or  showed  me  information useful  t h e home  or garden.  i s , of course,  at least  The  accuracy  questionable.  t o broadly  categorize  of  such  However,  them  along  i t was certain  dimensions.  Establishing consuming  matter,  rapport  especially  u n t i l  dusk.  short  circuit  chard  and helped  meant  that  I had to climb  could  hold  a t least  10 p o u n d s  laden  with  fruit,  found  questions I  learnt  This this  very  since  either  wasting  tion  was  that  I was  better.  "outsider". accepted  were I  by others  community  was which  a t ease that  Over  as an observer  events.  a bag  the branches  both  t o ask time,  t h e most  practical  I could or  To  that  fruit.  and  dawn  often  and p i c k  In way  n o t have  interviews.  reserve  around,  from  A t t h e same  the quality  interested  gets  very  and d i d not f e e l  the i n i t i a l  time-  to the o r -  with  easy  questionnaires  an acceptable, word  this  l i f e ,  felt  With  Since  This  of f r u i t . i t was  work  them  ladders  to assess  that  through  time,  foot  that  how  orchard  the farmers  14  I could.  a  i n the winter.  t o get the answers.  I realize  were  other  as  only  who  I accompanied  whatever  quickly  understanding  obtained  I  farmers  i s broken  process,  with  as well  retrospect, of  routine  with  i s , and was,  that  of the broken,  Also, they  informaI  found  trustworthy  I was  also  at cooperative  more  readily  meetings  or  -116-  In the Sikh s i t u a t i o n , seen as one of them.  I had an advantage, as I was  T h i s had disadvantages as w e l l ,  although f a m i l i a r i t y with the c u l t u r e saved me a great d e a l of time.  After  they were s a t i s f i e d that I was p u r s u i n g a  d o c t o r a l degree i n Anthropology, I was ed.  more r e a d i l y a c c e p t -  However, i t took a great d e a l of t a c t and understanding  to be a t ease and o b t a i n the n e c e s s a r y i n f o r m a t i o n l y from the men.  As i n the Portuguese s i t u a t i o n ,  especialI t r i e d to  r e c i p r o c a t e as much as p o s s i b l e by b a b y s i t t i n g , h e l p i n g with the household chores, t r a n s l a t i n g , g e t t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n about matters that they d i d not have the time to e x p l o r e and so on.  They were a l s o proud to show me o f f as a d o c t o r a l  student because i t h e l p e d improve community.  In a d d i t i o n , i n t r o d u c i n g me t o t h e i r  bosses and f r i e n d s was  hard hat.  Consequently, i t gave them a  achievement.  E n t r y i n t o lumber formal.  co-workers,  a p u b l i c d i s p l a y of t h e i r knowledge  of the ways of the community. sense of  t h e i r g e n e r a l image i n the  m i l l s was more d i f f i c u l t and more  I t n e c e s s i t a t e d making appointments and wearing a However, a f t e r the i n t r o d u c t i o n s were over I  taken i n t o the c e n t r e of the m i l l .  was  Although I c o u l d not  s t a y and r e c o r d s i g n s , u t t e r a n c e s or c o n v e r s a t i o n s , I was allowed i n t o the c o f f e e room d u r i n g breaks.  On such  o c c a s i o n s , I was a c u t e l y aware of the advantages of knowing o t h e r Canadian workers  ( i . e . , non-Sikhs).  In the minds of  -117these  workers,  group, have  was or  and therefore  I could  been  possible.  I  also  very  was  a t many  events.  culture  I was  also  A l l i n a l l ,  I tried  ethnic might  not  affairs,  and  and p o l i t i c a l  t o speak  a t the Rotary  one  that  i n community  religious  asked  i n classrooms,  so on.  active  social,  representing  ask questions  otherwise  present  and  I was n o t m e r e l y  about Club,  India  and  Women's  to reciprocate  meetings Indian  Groups  a s much  as  through  the  possible.  Finally, use Even  of case  studies  though,  description" captured  i s not unusual  i n ethnographic  i s problematic,  that  offers  i s provided  understanding  human  with  (1962:  values nature. 368)  writing.  the "thick  insights not usually  the use of questionnaires.  emotions,  Berraman  of the data  generalizability  through  attitudes,  the presentation  and meanings  I feel  that  are essential i n  In the final  analysis,  I  that  "ethnographers, l i k e a l l social scientists, are faced t h e d i l e m m a o f how t o b e o b j e c t i v e a b o u t a s u b j e c t i v e research s i t u a t i o n : how t o b e s c i e n t i f i c a n d ( n o t o r ) humanistic."  Having  discussed  situation,  I now  wish  Portuguese  immigrants.  the problems  to provide My  agree  of the  a profile  purpose  i n this  with  research  of the Sikh section  and  i s to  -118d e s c r i b e a n d c o m p a r e t h e two g r o u p s a l o n g s e l e c t e d d i m e n sions.  In both  cases,  I make t h e d i s t i n c t i o n s b e t w e e n  p i o n e e r s a n d newcomers.  This contrast i s p a r t i c u l a r l y  r e l e v a n t t o t h e d i s c u s s i o n on t h e S i k h s , s i n c e t h e r e was a gap o f a t l e a s t 30 y e a r s b e t w e e n t h e e a r l y p i o n e e r s and t h e later  immigrants  who came i n t h e f i f t i e s  and s i x t i e s .  f a m i l i e s o f t h e s e p i o n e e r s , who h a d b e e n i n s u l a t e d  from  P u n j a b i c u l t u r e w e r e t o some e x t e n t more b i - c u l t u r a l t h o s e who came l a t e r .  For the Portuguese  The  than  i n the v a l l e y  t h e r e was o n l y a d i f f e r e n c e o f 5-8 y e a r s b e t w e e n t h e p i o n e e r s and t h e l a t e r  immigrants.  appropriate t o d i s c u s s Portuguese  As a r e s u l t , acculturation  i t i s more i n terms o f  t h o s e who came w i t h g r o w n c h i l d r e n a n d t h o s e who d i d n o t . It  i s important  t o note  that despite s i m i l a r i t i e s  knowledge o f E n g l i s h , and e d u c a t i o n and s k i l l s ,  i n age,  t h e two  groups d i f f e r e d p r i m a r i l y on i s s u e s r e l a t i n g t o t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f t h e f a m i l y , a n d i n d i v i d u a l a c h i e v e m e n t and s t a t u s . We w i l l  discuss this  i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s .  The S i k h s h a v e b e e n i n C a n a d a s i n c e t h e t u r n of the century, w i t h a very s m a l l nucleus Valley. and  I n t h e s i x t i e s , h o w e v e r , t h e number grew  b y 1969, t h e r e w e r e 39,972 i m m i g r a n t s  Subsequently estimated those  i n t h e Okanagan  i n Canada.  t h e numbers i n c r e a s e d a n d a t p r e s e n t  t h a t t h e r e a r e a b o u t 200,000 i n C a n a d a  from P a k i s t a n , F i j i ,  rapidly  i t is (including  U n i t e d Kingdom, C a r i b b e a n ,  South  -119East  Asia  located  and  East  and  i n Ontario.  Of  Columbia  (Wood:  1979;  relating  to  number  the  communities available loops,  of  Central this  B r i t i s h  Prince  B r i t i s h  ments  Columbia,  i n eastern  established  that  B r i t i s h  Columbia.  located  around  Higgs:  1976).  worked  on  the  at  those  Motives  earliest  Statistics various  In  25,500 are  Kam-  attracted  large i t  settlewas  Portuguese about  Penticton came  background  information  i n  4,500  (Anderson  immigrants  not  Kelowna.  been  1973,  was  i n  and  other  there  and  B r i t i s h  communities  Canada.  Osoyoos  are  than Vancouver  are  least  i n  i n the  Portuguese have  at  whom  1976).  Rutland, Vernon  In particular,  i n 1955  &  and  farms.  who  this  were  to Migrate -  i n the  the  were  Oliver,  The Canada  other  of  live  immigrants  sizeable  central  there  The  60,000  although there  and  With look  are  half  Campbell:  Sikh  George,  Likewise, to  &  Columbia  although there  Merrit,  about  Froese of  Africa)  hope  part  The  five of  heard  of  the  other  35  came b e c a u s e  as  of  of  study.  Sikhs  pioneers i n this  making  advantages  this  l e t us  of  a  better  working  both  the  and  s t u d y came  living. living  perceived  They  to had  abroad.  advantages  The of  -120e a r n i n g a l i v i n g and the networks of f r i e n d s and k i n who r e s i d e d here.  Thus they had access t o i n f o r m a t i o n about  employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s , and Canadian  life  i n general.  Among those who came i n the 1960's, the m a j o r i t y had been encouraged  by f r i e n d s or r e l a t i v e s to immigrate  t o Canada.  Many o f my respondents a l s o noted that they had observed the e f f e c t s of money earned abroad, or " f o r e i g n money" as they called i t ,  i n the towns and v i l l a g e s where they came from.  Very o f t e n , they would d e s c r i b e the type o f houses b u i l t by i n d i v i d u a l s who had l i v e d and earned abroad.  There was, o f  course, a marked d i f f e r e n c e between the newly c o n s t r u c t e d cement and b r i c k houses and the o l d e r thatched row houses (see a l s o Singh: 1959).  However, a c a u t i o n a r y note must  a l s o be i n t r o d u c e d , because Canada, when immigrants experiences h e r e .  d e s p i t e a l l the h a r d s h i p s i n  r e t u r n they tend t o g l o r i f y  their  A l s o , when d o l l a r s are converted i n t o  rupees, the amount of money earned i n Canada appears  t o be  much l a r g e r than what they and o t h e r s have known i n the villages.  Although t o those i n t e r v i e w e d i t had become i n c r e a s i n g l y c l e a r that working abroad would serve t o a l l e v i a t e the s i t u a t i o n a t home, t h e i r Canada had not y e t taken shape.  images of t h e i r l i v e s i n  Those who had no r e l a t i v e s  envisaged a work span of f i v e y e a r s , i n which time they hoped t o make s u f f i c i e n t money and r e t u r n .  But f o r o t h e r s  -121who  had relatives,  the prospect  o f r e t u r n i n g was  not so  well  defined.  The  Portuguese  In initiated  by  the case  the interest  towards  attracting  1976).  This  grants  felt  returning with had l e f t  f i f t i e s we  a distinction  was  shall  special  between  that  they  f e l t  with  on m i g r a t i o n  (Anderson  and  Higgs:  the Portuguese  immi-  the Sikhs,  the  could  earn  more  they  Many  t o buy property  The Canadian situation  l i f e  government  like  of Portugal.  money  was  just  on  than  o f them i n the  labour  that  s e e , i th a d i t s e f f e c t s  Portuguese details  a  behind.  labour  However,  d i d i n the villages  about they  also  migration  shown i n t h e C a n a d i a n  agricultural  and the Sikhs.  Portuguese ever  was  o f the Portuguese,  talked  villages  shortage  promoted  this  of the need.  the satisfaction  i n the valley.  f o r t h e two groups  As  the  The q u a n t i t a t i v e can be  seen  i n  Table  IV.  Having migration, factors the  Canada. ground,  l e tus b r i e f l y  that,  lives  looked  consider  of the causes f o r  some  i n a d d i t i o n t o t h e above,  of individuals Among  a t some  those  language  of the  significantly  o f t h e two e t h n i c  discussed  and education,  pre-migration  groups i n  are the rural-urban occupation,  affect  and  back-  s k i l l s .  -122TABLE X I V F a c t o r s C o n t r i b u t i n g t o S i k h and P o r t u g u e s e M i g r a t i o n  Sikhs 1.  2.  Newcomers  N = 35  Information  from f r i e n d s i n Canada  :  28  Information  from r e l a t i v e s  :  7  Pioneers  i n Canada  N = 5  H e a r d a b o u t Canada  5 40  Total = 3.  (Source:  Portuguese  N = 39  I n f o r m a t i o n from customs o f f i c i a l s and g o v e r n m e n t a i d e d programmes  :  5  Information  from r e l a t i v e s  :  30  Information  from f r i e n d s i n Canada Total =  Interviews)  i n Canada  4 39  -123Pre-Migrant  Characteristics  Rural-Urban  Background:  stipulations  i n immigration  reducing  t h e number  cularly,  post-war  suit  the needs  pattern 19th  that  and  grants rural  were  has  modern  l i t t l e  20th  In  from  immigration a  preference  has  have  rural been  had  changing  an  effect  settings.  greatly  semblance Most  unskilled u n t i l  t o what of  tailored  but  the  for agricultural  there  workers  i s a  immi-  from  was  or  to  i n the  earlier  predominantly  f i f t i e s  This  happened  those  on  Parti-  technological society.  century.  fact,  at present,  policies  of people  not only  areas.  (Hawkins:  The  of  early  definite  I n Canada,  the  a  farmers  1972).  Sikhs  The villages.  majority of Of  t h e 40  from  villages  from  Hoshiarpur,  Amritsar.  i n my  four on  of  who  had  university  experiences, Almost years  75% i n a  emigration  or  there  of  city.  So  them  the Sikhs  from  of  and  the Punjab. had  despite  have  were  had  22  from  families  the Punjab, the rest  J u l l u n d e r and  education  c i t i e s .  many  of  i n t e r v i e w e d were  Kapurthala  the whole,  centres  towns  sample,  from  the  nearby  I  i n the Jullunder d i s t r i c t  Thus,  any  the Sikhs  were  from  Hoshiarpur  were  However,  received extensive  some  urban  interviewed had  spent  nine  those  i t i n the rural exposure. at  least  three  -124The  Portuguese  Th e P o r t u g u e s e w e r e m o s t l y f r o m t h e m a i n l a n d a n d t h e Azores.  In particular,  t h o s e f r o m t h e m a i n l a n d were  t h e n o r t h and c e n t r a l p a r t s o f P o r t u g a l .  Among t h o s e  t h e A z o r e s , many were f r o m t h e i s l a n d s o f F a y a l , and T e r c e i r a .  from from  San M i g u e l  I n t h e case o f t h e Portuguese, however, o n l y  13% h a d a minimum  urban exposure  of three years.  The e f f e c t  t h i s v a r i a b l e h a d o n t h e a c c u l t u r a t i o n o f t h e s e two g r o u p s suggests that urban exposure of  i s n o t an i m p o r t a n t p r e d i c t o r  acculturation.  F a m i l y Background  - The S i k h s  As n o t e d e a r l i e r , l a g e s where t h e i r owned  t h e S i k h s were m o s t l y from  f a m i l i e s owned l a n d .  vil-  The amount o f l a n d  i n t h e v i l l a g e s c a n be used as a rough measure o f t h e  i m p o r t a n c e and s t a t u s o f t h e f a m i l y i n t h e P u n j a b as i s t r u e in other parts of India.  Likewise,  t h e Punjab has been  i d e n t i f i e d as a p r o v i n c e wherein a t l e a s t t h e m i d d l e p e a s a n t r y have earned h i g h e r incomes the r e s t o f I n d i a . the v i l l a g e s , irrigation,  Also,  (Mandelbaum: 1970) t h a n  i t must b e n o t e d t h a t i n many o f  l a n d has been brought under tube  a n d many f a r m e r s now own t r a c t o r s .  classification  i n terms o f t h e i r  well Further  family's landholdings  r e v e a l s t h e r e w e r e n i n e who w e r e s m a l l f a r m e r s  (less  than  -12 5f i v e a c r e s ) ; 14 f a m i l i e s who owned b e t w e e n 5-20 a c r e s o f l a n d ; s i x o t h e r s w i t h f a m i l y h o l d i n g s o f t h e o r d e r o f 30 a c r e s ; and f i n a l l y , farmers,  s i x c o u l d be c l a s s i f i e d  as c a p i t a l i s t  w i t h more t h a n 30 a c r e s , p a r t i a l l y m e c h a n i z e d ,  could afford education.  who  t o send t h e i r sons t o urban c e n t e r s f o r a good F a r m i n g was a f a m i l y v e n t u r e  and d e s p i t e t h e  changes implemented s i n c e I n d i a n independence, the f a m i l y operated  as a c o r p o r a t e u n i t .  I n f o r m a t i o n on f a m i l i a l  h o l d i n g s o f t h e S i k h s c a n be o b t a i n e d  from T a b l e  T h e i r dependency on each o t h e r took Each s i b l i n g h e l p e d tion, took  the others both  to help the parents  XV.  several  forms.  t o have a b a s i c educa-  a n d t o c a r r y on t h e f a m i l y o c c u p a t i o n . jobs outside the v i l l a g e ,  E v e n when  f a m i l y r e m i t t a n c e s were  and s i b l i n g s .  land  they sent  The f a m i l y , t h u s , h a d t o  work a s a c o r p o r a t e u n i t .  P e r f o r m a n c e o f d u t i e s and a s e n s e  o f o b l i g a t i o n was f o r e m o s t  i n their  prising,  then,  n o t i o n over  The  that the people  and over  minds; i t i s n o t s u r -  I interviewed stressed  this  again.  Portuguese  As interested  was t r u e f o r t h e S i k h s , t h e P o r t u g u e s e i n improving  their  were  f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n a t home.  -126TABLE XV F a m i l i a l Land H o l d i n g s o f the S i k h s i n the (Recollections of  1.  Newcomers  Informants)  Number o f  Less than 5 acres  =  9  B e t w e e n 6-20  =  14  B e t w e e n 20-30 a c r e s  =  6  More t h a n 30 a c r e s  =  6  acres  35 2.  Pioneers Less than 5 acres  =  _5 5  TOTAL  (Source:  Interviews)  Punjab  =  40  Acres  -127Most  hoped  years,  that  make  29 were  households  (i.e.,  with  work,  speaking,  to leave.  l i t t l e  knew  of migrant France,  families station  had been  course,  Canada  is  also  important  nuclear  families.  a  with  i n their  Aspirations  Once what  they  A s we  that  they  had  had  here.  They  Germany,  i n the remaining labourers,  money  could  and although  was  see, this  them, I t  basically  their  there  the emphasis  To  be made.  from  left  10  gas  force.  h a d come  children  shall  income  Portugal  California,  workers,  that  farmers  parental  were  strong  on t h e  feature  was  acculturation.  - The  again,  specific  was  and conditions  where  were  i n t h e towns,  Since  i n the police  own,  Most  not as d i f f i c u l t f o r  misgiving  of origin,  of procreation.  important  i t was  At marriage,  the family  poor.  T h e men  land  t o note  to establish their  family  to  was  odd jobs  3-4  t h e 39  Additional  i n Brazil,  or worked  Of  of land).  construction  attendants  return.  of  as small  o f Canada  b u t n o t Canada.  span  classified  were  only  conditions  short  backgrounds.  or doing  they  Their  knowledge  of  Job  be  farm  very  ties  would  h i s t o r y of emigration,  men  homes  farming  through  relatively  and  from  f o r a  and then  5 acres  but  the  money  than  made  long  that  work  less  was  a  would  sufficient  interviewed, from  they  jobs  Sikhs  there  was  a  great  the Sikhs'would  deal do  of ambiguity  i n Canada.  Some  as  -128-  heard  from t h e i r r e l a t i v e s that jobs i n the lumber i n d u s t r y  were l u c r a t i v e and hoped t o be employed t h e r e . heard  Others had  t h a t s i n c e Sikhs had problems i n sawmills,  were not so easy t o come by. work i n d i f f e r e n t o c c u p a t i o n s .  Others,  these  jobs  then, were w i l l i n g t o  There were y e t o t h e r s who  were w i l l i n g t o do anything, as long as they were here i n Canada.  Since most d i d n o t see themselves as permanent  r e s i d e n t s , the type of job, and s t a t u s attached t o the job, was not an immediate  concern.  What i s most i n t e r e s t i n g i s t h a t , r e g a r d l e s s of what the Sikhs saw as t h e i r  future occupation,  they were  very e x p l i c i t about how much they would earn and what they would do w i t h t h e i r e a r n i n g s .  Instead o f t a l k i n g about  working with complicated machinery or what i t would be l i k e to be i n Canada, those who were i n t e r v i e w e d t a l k e d about owning a c a r , d r i v i n g t o work, wearing good c l o t h e s , and owning t e l e v i s i o n s and r a d i o s .  I argue that i t i s t h i s  theme o f consumption, i n c o n j u n c t i o n with t h e i r obligations,  familial  that p r o v i d e d an anchor around which the Sikhs  o r i e n t e d themselves,  and made the s e p a r a t i o n from home and  country p o s s i b l e .  The  Portuguese  In terms of the jobs they hoped t o have, the P o r t u -  -12 9guese were q u i t e s u r e o f w o r k i n g as farm hands. p a r t i c u l a r l y due t o t h e f a c t farm workers. was,  T h i s was  t h a t Canada h a d a d v e r t i s e d f o r  O t h e r s h o p e d t o work o n t h e r a i l r o a d .  t h e r e f o r e , l e s s a m b i g u i t y i n t h e i r m i n d s a s t o what  t h e y w o u l d do o n c e t h e y a r r i v e d h e r e . o f w o r k i n g on t h e l a n d u n t i l  Besides, the security  t h e y h a d f o u n d t h e i r own way i n  t h i s s t r a n g e c o u n t r y was a v e r y c o m f o r t i n g t h o u g h t o f them.  Finally,  far better provided  them w i t h a n a n c h o r  The  life  around  which  they  oriented  - The S i k h s  age o f t h e immigrant  important v a r i a b l e  had  t h a t was  a n d p r o m p t e d them t o l e a v e home a n d n a t i o n .  on A r r i v a l  1973).  the prospect of earning a l i v i n g  t o many  than they c o u l d ever have hoped f o r i n P o r t u g a l  themselves,  Age  There  has o f t e n been c i t e d as an  i n the adaptation process  (Richmond:  I t w o u l d seem, t h e r e f o r e , t h a t y o u n g e r  the p o t e n t i a l  immigrants  f o r making t h e n e c e s s a r y adjustments t o  i n Canada.  K i e f e r ' s study  (1974) a l s o s u p p o r t s t h e n o t i o n t h a t  there a r e d i f f e r e n c e s based  o n age t h a t h a v e a n i m p a c t o n  the a c c u l t u r a t i o n p r o c e s s .  T h i r t y o u t o f my 35 i n f o r m a n t s  were between t h e ages o f 25-35; t h e o t h e r f i v e were 35.  over  T h e i r r e s p e c t i v e w i v e s were u s u a l l y f i v e y e a r s y o u n g e r .  -130The  Portuguese  In  this  s t u d y , 70% o f t h o s e i n t e r v i e w e d  b e t w e e n t h e ages direction. Their  were  o f 30-40 w i t h a few e x c e p t i o n s i n e i t h e r  Many o f them were m a r r i e d and h a d f a m i l i e s .  w i v e s were u s u a l l y  much d i f f e r e n c e  2-3 y e a r s y o u n g e r .  T h e r e was n o t  i n age b e t w e e n t h e two g r o u p s .  Knowledge o f E n g l i s h on A r r i v a l  Language h a s always been  an important i s s u e  Canadian context o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n . since  the report  on B i l i n g u a l i s m stipulates  i n the l a t e  This  sixties  and B i c u l t u r a l i s m ,  i s e s p e c i a l l y so  of the Royal  (1967:  i n the  Commission  137) w h i c h  that  "when an i m m i g r a n t a r r i v e s i n Canada he h a s one o f two f u n d a m e n t a l c h o i c e s t o make. Whether a p e r s o n c h o o s e s t o l i v e i n F r e n c h o r E n g l i s h Canada he i s f o r c e d t o a d a p t t o the e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h he w i l l l i v e . "  In  Quebec, t h e p a s s a g e  quite  clear  of the c o n t r o v e r s i a l  t h a t knowledge o f t h e F r e n c h language  before a r r i v a l  i s essential  and t h a t  immigrants w i t h e x c e p t i o n s would schools  Bill  (Hawkins:  1972).  the c h i l d r e n  63 made i t on o r of these  a t t e n d F r e n c h medium  The r e c e n t  Bill  101 h a s l i k e w i s e  s p a r k e d a g r e a t d e a l o f c o n c e r n among t h e n o n - E n g l i s h and non-French  population  i n Quebec.  With  the point  system i n  -131-  operation, French  i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t knowledge o f e i t h e r E n g l i s h o r  i s a p r e - c o n d i t i o n t o understand  t h e norms a n d mores  o f C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y , and t o be e f f e c t i v e w i t h i n such system.  The  a  D e t a i l s on t h i s c a n b e s e e n f r o m T a b l e X V I .  Sikhs  Despite their  e d u c a t i o n , many o f t h e S i k h s w e r e n o t  c o m p l e t e l y a t ease w i t h E n g l i s h . i n a p p l i c a t i o n forms, described  Although  a n d make t h e m s e l v e s  t h a t i t was h a r d a t l e a s t  they c o u l d understood,  i n the i n i t i a l  fill they  stages.  T h e r e w e r e o n l y s i x S i k h s who c o u l d b e c l a s s i f i e d a s bilingual; effective. understood  seventeen  o t h e r s c o u l d be c l a s s i f i e d  A l l o t h e r s h a d t o h a v e h e l p t o make  functionally themselves  and t o g e t j o b s .  C o u p l e d t o g e t h e r , an I n d i a n e d u c a t i o n and a working  minimal  k n o w l e d g e o f E n g l i s h c r e a t e d l i m i t a t i o n s on t h e i r  chances t o o b t a i n j o b s .  This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y  b e c a u s e i t made them r e a l i z e  significant  t h a t t h e r e were r e a l l y  c e r t a i n o p t i o n s a v a i l a b l e t o them a t l e a s t  only  i n the f i r s t  g e n e r a t i o n , a n d t h a t t h e y w e r e l u c k y i f t h e y c o u l d manage t o get  employment.  -132TABLE XVI Knowledge o f E n g l i s h on A r r i v a l Among t h e S k i h s  1.  Newcomers  N = 35  Good r e a d i n g , and s p e a k i n g Functionally Poor  2.  Men  Women  =  6  -  =  17  25  =  12  10  35  35  5  5  40  40  writing effective  Pioneers Poor TOTAL  (Source:  Interviews)  =  -133The  Portuguese  Apart high  from a s m a l l number o f P o r t u g u e s e  s c h o o l e d u c a t i o n , a l l the other Portuguese  speak E n g l i s h and  on a r r i v a l .  They h a d t o l e a r n  a s t h e y d i d n o t go i n t o  industrial  was n o t c o n s i d e r e d a p r o b l e m . and  learning  farming s k i l l s  ledge o f E n g l i s h . picking,  with  t o the wives  study.  Portuguese  Details  In a d d i t i o n  and c h i l d r e n  entry c r i t e r i a . most i m p o r t a n t  so-called  a basic  Once t h e f a r m e r s  the farmer's w i f e of those  situation exists  farm,  know-  were  immigrants. f o r the Sikhs i n  XVII.  - The S i k h s  t o the language  In f a c t , criteria  o f such  taught  on k n o w l e d g e o f E n g l i s h among t h e  e d u c a t i o n and t e c h n i c a l  One e f f e c t  f a m i l y worked on a  c a n be o b t a i n e d from T a b l e  E d u c a t i o n and S k i l l s  higher  handicap  words t h e y p i c k e d up were  I n some c a s e s  U n f o r t u n a t e l y no p a r a l l e l this  t o communicate,  the type o f workers they had, they t r i e d t o  them E n g l i s h .  English  could hardly  jobs, this  d i d not require  p r u n i n g and f e r t i l i z i n g .  satisfied teach  The f i r s t  Each  who h a d a  since  skills  from  i n Canada  a r e h i g h l y valued as  1967 t h e s e a r e among t h e  f o r b e i n g a c c e p t e d a s an  a system  "brain drain"  requirement,  i s that  immigrant.  i t has c r e a t e d a  the l e s s e r  developed c o u n t r i e s  -134TABLE X V I I Knowledge o f E n g l i s h  on A r r i v a l  Among t h e P o r t u g u e s e  Men  Knew n o t h i n g  Functionally TOTAL  (Source:  Interviews)  effective  Women  =  34  39  =  _5  _0  —  il  39  -135(Hawkins: 1972).  I t has a l s o e f f e c t i v e l y curbed  the r u r a l ,  u n s k i l l e d p o p u l a t i o n f r o m t h e s e same c o u n t r i e s f r o m ing.  T h i s a l s o h a s a t t r a c t e d a l a r g e r number o f s k i l l e d  personnel areas  from N o r t h e r n  of immigration  educational c r i t e r i a  and Western Europe, t h e " p r e f e r r e d "  to begin with.  r a c i a l biases  (Burnet:  c a n be o b t a i n e d  The i n t r o d u c t i o n o f  f o r immigration s e l e c t i o n  d i f f e r e n t has perhaps a t best  f u r t h e r served  1975).  although  to conceal  More i n f o r m a t i o n on e d u c a t i o n  from Table X V I I I .  I n t h e case o f t h e S i k h s , and perhaps o t h e r A s i a n s , i t has e f f e c t i v e l y curbed T h o s e who came, a t l e a s t d i d so because o f t h e i r my s a m p l e a l m o s t  The  migrat-  the immigration  South  process.  i n t h e s i x t i e s and e a r l y s e v e n t i e s , r e l a t i v e s who w e r e s e t t l e d h e r e .  75% had over  In  nine years of schooling.  Portuguese  I n terms o f t h e i r  e d u c a t i o n a l b a c k g r o u n d t h e r e was  f a r g r e a t e r h o m o g e n i e t y among t h e P o r t u g u e s e Sikhs.  O u t o f t h e 39 t h e r e w e r e f i v e who h a d a h i g h  education. Higgs:  t h a n among t h e  A l l o t h e r s had grade four  1976).  (see a l s o Anderson and  This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t  comparison t o the S i k h s , because the Portuguese themselves  as p r i m a r i l y working  school  i n terms o f saw  on farms which d i d n o t  -136TABLE Educational  Total 1.  = N  = 40  9  Between  of the  (couples)  years 9  Graduate  Sikhs  Men  years  Undergraduate university  -  12  degree  degree  years  Women  =  5  4  -  24  28  =  3  3  =  3  -  35  35  =  5  5  =  40  40  -  Pioneers Below  9  years  TOTAL  (Source:  Background  Newcomers Below  2.  XVIII  Interviews)  -137r e q u i r e knowledge or s p e c i a l i z e d s k i l l s . generation Portuguese,  The  t h e r e f o r e , d i d n o t have h i g h  expectations regarding s o c i a l acceptance community.  t h i s p r o f i l e w o u l d n o t be c o m p l e t e i f t h e r e  was no m e n t i o n o f j o b m o b i l i t y .  Although  on a c c u l t u r a t i o n i t i s i m p o r t a n t  a job i n the p a r t i c u l a r ed  f o r i s an i m p o r t a n t  result,  and s t a t u s i n t h e  F o r more d e t a i l s s e e T a b l e X I X .  Finally,  impact  first  immigrants  commitment t o b o t h  i t has a  t o note  limited  that  finding  area or i n d u s t r y t h a t they have hopstep i n the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n .  As a  f e e l a g r e a t e r sense o f a c h i e v e m e n t and t h e l o c a t i o n and i n d u s t r y .  F i r s t J o b s a n d M o b i l i t y - The S i k h s  In in  1976, a l m o s t  sawmills.  prior  Of t h i s g r o u p , f o u r h a d w o r k e d on t h e r a i l r o a d  t o becoming l a b o u r e r s i n t h e lumber m i l l s .  as a d a i r y f a r m e r as a p l a n e r . he  a l l t h e S i k h s I i n t e r v i e w e d worked  i n the lower  b e f o r e he t o o k  a job  Another had worked i n h i s u n c l e ' s s t o r e b e f o r e  took a j o b i n the s a w m i l l .  farm b e f o r e  mainland  One w o r k e d  they obtained  S i x o t h e r s h a d worked on a  jobs i n the sawmill.  Twenty  o t h e r s who w o r k e d i n s a w m i l l s i n K a m l o o p s , G o l d e n a n d V a n c o u v e r moved i n t o t h e v a l l e y b e c a u s e t h e i r l i v e d here.  Only three obtained  relatives  jobs i n the m i l l  r i g h t away.  -138TABLE Educational  N  =  39  More 4  of  the  (couples)  than  years  of  4  years education  TOTAL  (Source:  Background  XIX  Interviews)  Portuguese  Men  Women  =  5  0  -  34  39  —  12  39  -139-  The larly  a t t r a c t i o n of working  i n the sawmill i s p a r t i c u -  s i g n i f i c a n t , b e c a u s e a s t h e y saw i t ,  job t r a i n i n g future.  t h a t w o u l d p u t them i n g o o d s t e a d f o r t h e  W o r k i n g i n an o r g a n i z a t i o n r a t h e r t h a n on a  w o u l d make i t e a s i e r t o f i n d move.  i t was a f o r m o f  In particular,  jobs i f these  S i k h s were t o  s i n c e B r i t i s h Columbia r e l i e d so  h e a v i l y on i t s l u m b e r , j o b s c o u l d be f o u n d w i t h Finally,  of course,  t o understand  although almost pilers.  certainty.  t h e h o u r l y r a t e was v e r y h i g h , a n d t h e y  c o u l d work o v e r t i m e . hard  farm  From t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e i t i s n o t s o  their preoccupation with sawmill  jobs,  a l l were g r e e n c h a i n w o r k e r s and lumber  The f i v e p i o n e e r s found  work on f a r m s b e f o r e  b o u g h t l a n d o r became s m a l l e n t r e p r e n e u r s . jobs a t l e a s t suggest  Their  they  present  t h a t they a r e employed i n those  i n d u s t r i e s which they p r e f e r r e d .  I n some w a y s , t h e S i k h s a r e s a t i s f i e d w i t h what h a v e made o f t h e m s e l v e s  they  i n C a n a d a - a n d more s o w i t h what  they have a c q u i r e d through  h a r d work, such  and o t h e r c o n s u m p t i o n i t e m s .  a s c a r s , homes  Y e t they are not always  r e s p e c t e d b y o t h e r s o r have s t a t u s i n t h e community.  Their  commitment t o t h e c o m m u n i t y i s a l s o n o t v i s i b l e b e c a u s e i n the eyes o f t h e o t h e r s , they have n o t c o n t r i b u t e d t o the social  life  o f t h e community.  -140The  Portuguese  There on  were  the railroad.  orchards.  They  The hoped  selves.  At  of  holdings  a  their very  their the  present,  special work.  where they  end  of  though  land,  and  p o l i t i c a l  the  fruit  on  own The  their  l i f e  l i f e s t y l e  that  fact  orchards  that  are respected  views  good  the climate  l i f e s t y l e  not participate  t o move  of  the  community, during  they  do  since  A l -  i n the  social  participate  the elections  i s comparable to other  else-  In addition,  actively  on  i n the  i n the community.  do  has  about  with  1976).  size  a r e owners  a  not plan  the  the  have  do  & Higgs:  and  were  them-  although they  attitudes  they  i n Canada  p i c k e r s on  orchards,  are pleased  cooperative, vote  jobs  as  e v e n t u a l l y t o own  Anderson they  f i r s t  worked  the Portuguese  they  as y e t they  whose 35  the valley,  (see also own  other  a l l 39  effect  and  four  varies.  Since  orchards  southern  only  farmers  and  i n the  i n  have  a  area.  Conclusion  In to  provide  dimensions  the a  f i r s t  part  description  of  I have  problems  i n establishing  Although  I was  an  of  this  accepted  interested  and  had  chapter  I have  the problems and  the ethnographic  anthropologists,  as  of  my  situation. share  myself  of  Like  various other  inconveniences  i n the various  i n the various  sympathetic  the  attempted  circles,  outsider.  and  communities. I was  viewed  -141-  In the second h a l f I have p r e s e n t e d a p r o f i l e of the members of the two groups that I i n t e r v i e w e d . Among the pre-migrant c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s the f a c t o r s that were important to both the Sikhs and the Portuguese, were, motives t o migrate, f a m i l y background and a s p i r a t i o n s .  These  and p e r c e i v e d j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s  f a c t o r s a l l o w us t o understand  dimensions t h a t a r e r e l a t e d t o n a t i v e immigrant  models.  Both the Sikhs and the Portuguese had heard o f and seen the e f f e c t s o f immigration i n the towns and v i l l a g e s that they l i v e d i n .  Although the Portuguese had not come i n  l a r g e numbers to Canada b e f o r e the f i f t i e s ,  they had heard  about the p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f working and l i v i n g on farms and were aware o f the p r e f e r e n c e that Canada showed toward workers.  farm  I n i t i a l l y the Portuguese, l i k e the Sikhs, had o n l y  s h o r t term p l a n s .  They were sure o f farm jobs and were  c o n f i d e n t o f making money without much d i f f i c u l t y .  Their  e x p e c t a t i o n s were then more e a s i l y matched with the c o n d i t i o n s that they e x p e r i e n c e d .  The Sikhs, however, had h i g h e r  e x p e c t a t i o n s and had t o r e o r i e n t themselves t o the r e a l i t i e s of Canadian  life.  Apart from these d i f f e r e n c e s i n motives and j o b aspirations,  there were a l s o d i f f e r e n c e s i n f a m i l y  and background. extended beyond  lifestyle  The o b l i g a t i o n s and t i e s o f k i n s h i p t h a t the n u c l e a r household and which d i d not  -142-  c e a s e when t h e r e l a t i v e s came t o C a n a d a , made i t e a s i e r f o r the  Sikhs to s l i p  in India.  i n t o t h e ways o f l i f e  t h a t t h e y h a d known  E f f o r t s w e r e n o t q u i c k l y o r e a s i l y made t o accom-  modate t h e r u l e s o f t h e new c o u n t r y .  The and  Portuguese, not unlike the Sikhs,  f r i e n d s h i p networks  a l s o used k i n  t o immigrate t o Canada.  The m a r k e d  d i f f e r e n c e was t h a t o n c e t h e r e l a t i v e s w e r e h e r e , o b l i g a t i o n s t o extended k i n ceased.  The e m p h a s i s  f o r instance  was n o l o n g e r on t h e f a m i l y o f o r i g i n b u t on t h e f a m i l y o f procreation  - an i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e importance o f i n d i v i d u a l  achievement  and s t a t u s .  Other  f a c t o r s such as age, edu-  c a t i o n and knowledge o f E n g l i s h on a r r i v a l w h i c h a r e n o r m a l l y viewed as h e l p i n g little  use as p r e d i c t o r  comparable  or r e t a r d i n g  the p r o c e s s have  v a r i a b l e s s i n c e both groups  were  on t h e s e d i m e n s i o n s .  H a v i n g c o n s i d e r e d some o f t h e i m p o r t a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f b o t h g r o u p s , we s h a l l n e x t c o n s i d e r some  dimensions  o f t h e Canadian c u l t u r a l model a t t h e n a t i o n a l and r e g i o n a l level.  -143CHAPTER 5 THE MEANING OF WORK  T h e r e a r e s e v e r a l themes t h a t I e x p l o r e i n t h i s chapter.  First,  t h e w o r k p l a c e i s a n a r e n a where  cultural  e n c o u n t e r s o c c u r a n d w h e r e i n newcomers l e a r n e f f e c t i v e of  surviving  i n t h e system.  make t h e e f f o r t text.  The o n u s i s o n newcomers t o  t o u n d e r s t a n d a n d o p e r a t e i n t h e new  Secondly, that  lary sis  from a l l o t h e r d e f i n i t i o n s  to this  i s that, at least  i s on an i n d i v i d u a l ' s  t e c h n i c a l and s o c i a l  performance  individuals,  and i d e n t i t y  j o b , and n o t on any This i s not t o  b a s e d on a c o n t r a c t u a l s y s t e m i s But t h e essence o f such a  g r o u p e t h o s i s n o t b a s e d on e t h n i c o r k i n s h i p t i e s . e s s e n c e , t h e n , p u b l i c work i d e n t i t y with p r i v a t e e t h n i c or r e l i g i o u s  this cultural  i nthe  The work g r o u p composed o f  indeed extremely s i g n i f i c a n t .  For  corol-  i s the o n l y value that i s  emphasized i n the workplace. different  The  i n t h e w o r k p l a c e , t h e empha-  or ethnic l o y a l t y .  that individualism  "work i d e n t i t y " i s  of "self".  aspects of his/her  expressions of c u l t u r a l argue  con-  "work" i s s e p a r a b l e f r o m a l l o t h e r  s p h e r e s o f a c t i v i t y and c o n s e q u e n t l y t h a t distinct  means  new i m m i g r a n t s  In  i s n o t t o be c o n f u s e d  identity.  i n particular,  model a r e n o t so a p p a r e n t .  the dimensions of F o r t h o s e who  -144perceive is  painful  cleave is  or experience  and confusing.  t o traditional  t o an examination  The immigrant degree  T h e common  o r known of this  argument  that  accommodation  i n their  h o s t i l i t y ,  forms  process  switching response  that  i s advanced  native  here  tolerance,  models  or acceptance)  i st o  loyalty.  shall  now  I t turn.  i s that  i s dependent  of the spheres cultural  we  identities  t o this  of ethnic  and acceptance  of differentiation  embedded (of  discrimination,  of  on the  a c t i v i t i e s  and the that  contexts  they  find  themselves i n .  The the to  d i f f e r e n t i a l draw  immigrants that  large  took  worked  ( s e eMarchak were  and hence  producers,  between  a s wage  extent,  had t o learn  c a n b e made  their  that  as  that  no other  way up.  i s  primary  The  Portuguese Canadians  "rags  t o  i n the l i b e r a l  1975).  Also,  mostly  farmers  cultural  discuss  and the Sikhs  Portuguese  i ti s true  the belief  shown  t o  labourers.  jobs  had l i t t l e  i tcan be  that  of the Portuguese  low paid  reinforces  Portuguese  Canada  too  a  they  syndrome"  the  success  and Sikhs  To  Canada  argument  the distinction  producers  and  alternate  i fo n e were before  trouble (later  riches  ideology t o argue  they  i n becoming  the hard  i n that  immigrated  t o  commodity  i n the chapter)  principles  wanted  way.  that The  they  -145-  f u t u r e of the autonomous farmer was  bleak.  as we  s h a l l see i n Canada  Many Portuguese thus not o n l y had  members of the f r u i t c o o p e r a t i v e but a l s o had i n v o l v e d i n the " p e d d l i n g " of  to become to stop b e i n g  fruit.  In the case of the Sikhs, i t can be argued t h a t farmers, and s m a l l businessmen shared a b e t t e r chance of b e i n g accepted  i n the community than longshore men  sawmill workers.  Indeed i n the lower F r a z e r V a l l e y there  are many Sikh farmers who Manpower and  or  Immigration  L i k e w i s e , those who  own  have r e c e i v e d the a t t e n t i o n of through h i r i n g m a l - p r a c t i s e s .  l o c a l s t o r e s or newstands do  r e c e i v e any more acceptance  not  than sawmill workers.  Thus the f a c t t h a t the Portuguese were commodity producers  and  the Sikhs were wage l a b o u r e r s does not  completely e x p l a i n t h e i r  r e s p e c t i v e settlement p a t t e r n s i n  Canada.  In order to understand  one has  to examine the c u l t u r a l  Both the Sikhs and  the i n t r i c a c i e s i n v o l v e d , models.  the Portuguese do not make a  sharp d i s t i n c t i o n between work and non-work, but the s i g n i f i c a n c e  recognize  of k i n networks i n o r g a n i z i n g economic and  social activities.  However, while the Sikhs  (as we  shall  see) emphasize an u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i d e n t i t y d e f i n e d primari l y by r e l i g i o u s  principles,  the Portuguese make the d i s -  -146-  t i n c t i o n between r e l i g i o u s and e t h n i c i d e n t i t y and c o n f i n e both to t h e i r p r i v a t e l i v e s .  These models are i n t u r n  e v a l u a t e d and undergo a l t e r a t i o n s i n the settlement p r o c e s s .  Although a c c u l t u r a t i o n does not n e c e s s i t a t e a p o s i t i v e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the h o s t group, i t does i n v o l v e l e a r n i n g s t r a t e g i e s and s k i l l s by which the newcomer becomes effective.  By t h i s I mean, as a minimum requirement  i n d i v i d u a l has job.  t o not o n l y o b t a i n but a l s o keep h i s / h e r  The process might be arduous and may  such as e d u c a t i o n , s k i l l s , addition,  depend on  factors  p r i o r experience and so on.  i n d i v i d u a l s might encounter  hostility.  an  and  In  experience  N e v e r t h e l e s s an i n d i v i d u a l ' s success w i l l depend  on h i s or her a b i l i t y a t managing work i d e n t i t y w i t h i n such a context.  The use of the term  "work i d e n t i t y " i s i t s e l f  s u g g e s t i v e of the s e p a r a t i o n of such an i d e n t i t y from other aspects of one's l i f e .  In i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s i n g e n e r a l ,  the job t h a t one performs  p l a y s an important r o l e i n the  development of s e l f concepts and images.  Such segmentaliza-  t i o n f u r t h e r r e q u i r e s t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s move away from  the  a l l embracing n o t i o n s of c u l t u r a l or e t h n i c l o y a l t y .  The  Sikhs, who  environment, had  were t h r u s t i n t o such an  t o l e a r n very q u i c k l y that these  t i o n s were i m p e r a t i v e .  industrial separa-  However, r e a l or p e r c e i v e d h o s t i l i t y  r e t a r d e d the l e a r n i n g p r o c e s s .  Indeed, many of them saw i t  -147as  a  threat  on  the other  in  their  later,  to their  mode  they  and  o f employment:  Taking argued  farmers not  that  differ  from  those  t o say o f course  that  farmers  i n particular  or  that  they  As  Hedley  the  conflict  that  i n which  mode  have  formation  context.  the history developed  of agricultural  faced by  i tcan a l s o  styles  workers.  This i s  i n general and  sectors  of a  society,  as separate  of the family around  competing  of  them  modes  groups. farm  i s a  of production,  farmers  Within this  Valley,  c o o p e r a t i v e s , and the  who  context  com-  continuously subordinated  I n t h e Okanagan  response  and  i s the his-  the reproduction of the domestic  of capital.  of agriculture  problems  other  or studied  between  further,  communities  o f production has been  t h e hegemony  tion  argues,  of the conflict  modity to  (1979)  communities  tory a  should be seen  work  exception t o the  and cognitive  l a gb e h i n d  between  farm  society.  of industrial farm  and  of the world,  distinction  one step  values  alterations  workers,  an i n t e r e s t i n g  argument  cultural  farm  part  o f an i n d u s t r i a l  this  Portuguese,  themselves.  the sharp  a r e thus  The  any major  were  as i n any other  They  structures  they  owners  do n o t e x p e r i e n c e  general  be  farm  Canada,  non-work.  of "self".  d i dnot experience  became  In owners  hand,  definitions  mechaniza-  t o the constraints  a r e drawn  into  the  of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n  the  and  industrial and  -148m e c h a n i z a t i o n , l e a r n i n g t o be to the Portuguese. turned  i n t o one  The  e f f e c t i v e was  initial  experience of  o f m i l d h o s t i l i t y as  mented w i t h were i n c o n g r u e n t w i t h farmers i n the v a l l e y . identity  indeed  tolerance  the models they e x p e r i -  the models of  However, t h e i r  It t u r n i n the  acceptance i n the  i s to a d i s c u s s i o n of f o l l o w i n g pages.  t h a t w i l l be  provided  the degree of connectedness or of a c t i v i t y  that  advantage.  shall  descriptions  t h i s main argument -  separation  them, and  ethnic  t h e s e e v e n t s t h a t we  of v a r i o u s  the contexts  t h e m s e l v e s i n , h a v e a t r e m e n d o u s i m p a c t on acceptance or  of  i s l o c a t e d w i t h i n c u l t u r a l models  immigrants b r i n g with  other  community.  C a s e s t u d i e s and  illustrate  the  separation  from the p u b l i c sphere worked t o t h e i r  They f o u n d a g r a d u a l  stressful  non-acceptance i n the  that spheres  that  that they  the degree  c o m m u n i t y , and  find of  their  attempts to deal with a c c u l t u r a t i o n .  The  Pioneer  Of  Sikhs  t h e 40  w e r e f i v e who valley. discerned other  35  Sikh  f a m i l i e s that I interviewed,  were o l d t i m e r s  or l o n g term r e s i d e n t s  In these f i v e cases generational with  respect  t o a t t i t u d e s and  were r e l a t i v e l y newcomers.  there in  the  d i f f e r e n c e s can  work p r a c t i s e s .  I would l i k e  be The  to begin  -149with  a three  family and  g e n e r a t i o n a l case  i n order  strategies,  Case Study  1:  to h i g h l i g h t d e s p i t e the  First  study  their  of a t y p i c a l  acquisition  constraints placed  Generation  pioneer  o f new on  skills  them.  "Pioneers"  I n 1910, Mr. S i n g h came t o C a n a d a a s an i m m i g r a n t . H i s f i r s t j o b was as a l a b o u r e r i n a r a i l r o a d company i n Vancouver. I n 1914 he came t o K e l o w n a . He had v e r y l i t t l e e d u c a t i o n , knew p r a c t i c a l l y no E n g l i s h , and h o p e d t o s t a y f o r a few y e a r s , make some money and t h e n r e t u r n t o I n d i a . As h i s widow o b s e r v e d , he c o u l d n o t h a v e c h o s e n a more i n o p p o r t u n e moment t o a r r i v e i n C a n a d a . The h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d s E a s t I n d i a n s and O r i e n t a l s i n g e n e r a l was v e r y h i g h i n t h e p r o v i n c e . In the f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n , owing t o the tremendous s o c i a l p r e s s u r e s a g a i n s t I n d i a n s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , t h e y were e x c l u d e d from v i r t u a l l y a l l aspects of s o c i a l l i f e . Further, their p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e work w o r l d was c u r t a i l e d . Cooperation within t h e f a m i l y was t h e o n l y means b y w h i c h t h e y a d a p t e d t o t h e s t r u c t u r e of p r o d u c t i o n i n the v a l l e y . T h e y were v i r t u a l l y e x c l u d e d f r o m p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n t h e s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of t h e community. He was i n d e e d l u c k y t o f i n d a j o b on a farm. E v e n t u a l l y , he s h a r e c r o p p e d i n t h e R u t l a n d a r e a . T h e r e were a few C h i n e s e and J a p a n e s e who l i v e d t h e r e , u n l i k e other p a r t s of the v a l l e y . R e t u r n i n g t o I n d i a was a l s o not f e a s i b l e , c o n s i d e r i n g the l o n g d i s t a n c e , the l a c k o f t r a v e l f a c i l i t i e s and money. I n 1922, however, he went home, was m a r r i e d and i n t h e n e x t y e a r r e t u r n e d t o C a n a d a . I t was n o t u n t i l 1929, t h a t he c o u l d b r i n g h i s w i f e and c h i l d over. S i n c e t h e 1930's I n d i a n s were a l l o w e d t o own p r o p e r t y and h i s f a m i l y worked t o g e t h e r as a u n i t and were a b l e t o s a v e money and a c q u i r e l a n d . I n t h e 1950's he was a b l e t o s e t up a t r u c k i n g b u s i n e s s . He had t h r e e d a u g h t e r s and f i v e s o n s . 1  In the strategies  and  initial skills  p h a s e s any  attempt  at learning  would n o t have succeeded because  new of  -150th e  h o s t i l i t i e s  model  However, changes  and d i dnot a l t e r three  were  allowed  educated move  toward  Sikhs.  of family unity and cooperation  advantage  were  expressed  s e t into  worked  i n the f i r s t  motion.  schools.  First,  t o  their  f o r future  i n t h e 1930's  Secondly, Finally,  Sikh  generation.  had the potential  t o own p r o p e r t y .  i n Canadian  toward  Second  factors that  The n a t i v e  Sikhs  the children there  was a l s o  were a  entrepreneurship.  Generation  A l l t h e sons r e c e i v e d a high school education and a l l b u t o n e l e f t home t o f i n d e m p l o y m e n t . At the father's death, t h e l a n d was n o t d i v i d e d a n d a l t h o u g h t h e o l d e s t (Mr. A t w a l ) was t h e manager a l l o t h e r s r e c e i v e d t h e i r s h a r e s from the p r o f i t s on an annual b a s i s . While t h e daughters were m a r r i e d t o I n d i a n men o n l y t w o o f t h e s o n s m a r r i e d Indian women. The o l d e s t was one o f t h e two. The management o f h i s f a t h e r ' s f a r m a n d t h e t r u c k i n g b u s i n e s s was i n d e e d a v e r y t i m e c o n s u m i n g p r o p o s i t i o n . F u r t h e r , a s t h e owner o f a l a r g e o r c h a r d , h e was a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n t h e community. He f e l t t h a t h i s f a t h e r h a d n o t made a n a t t e m p t t o b r e a k t h r o u g h the social barriers. Living and l e a r n i n g i n a small community c a n be very t r y i n g , he observed, unless you are incorporated into the l i f e and a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e community. He w a s t h e p r e s i d e n t o f t h e water board three times. He d e v e l o p e d a p u b l i c o r work i d e n t i t y w i t h w h i c h h e was p e r f e c t l y a t e a s e . A t home l i k e w i s e he spoke Punjabi, a t e Indian food and enjoyed Indian music. According t o him, h i smarriage t o an Indian woman a l l o w e d h i m t o m a i n t a i n a n d d e v e l o p h i s " e t h n i c identity". By b e i n g a n e n t r e p r e n e u r , i n a s m a l l community, t h e i n t e r - c u l t u r a l encounters were e a s i e r t o manage. H i s father's e x c l u s i o n from white s o c i e t y had motivated him t o be i n b u s i n e s s . I n h i s time, being a businessman i n a small town brought h i m r e s p e c t and power. I n a d d i t i o n owning an  -151orchard brought him i n t o contact with other o r c h a r d i s t s i n the v a l l e y . Thus t h e development o f a b i - c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y was p o s s i b l e a t l e a s t i n t h e s e c o n d g e n e r a t i o n . Coupled w i t h t h e f a c t t h a t t h e r e w e r e n o t l a r g e numbers o f E a s t I n d i a n s i n t h e v a l l e y , p r i o r t o t h e 1960's, i t s e c u r e d f o r them a r e s p e c t f r o m t h e r e s t o f t h e c o m m u n i t y t h a t i s n o t s o apparent today. In t h e second g e n e r a t i o n , although t i n u e d t o b e owned j o i n t l y , jobs elsewhere. vistas  t h e c h i l d r e n l e f t home t o f i n d  f o r them, u n l i k e t h e i r  found time  the l o c a l  farmers  con-  T h e i r k n o w l e d g e o f E n g l i s h o p e n e d new  In p a r t i c u l a r , duties,  property  parents.  t h e o l d e s t s o n , d e s p i t e h i s many  t o s o c i a l i z e and i d e n t i f y h i m s e l f and businessmen.  with  Further, the separation  of p u b l i c and p r i v a t e a c t i v i t i e s a l l o w e d h i m t o d e v e l o p bi-cultural able  Third  identity.  Thus t o h i m S i k h i d e n t i t y was  f r o m l o c a l - r e s i d e n t i a l a n d work  a  separ-  identity.  Generation  I n g e n e r a l , Mr. A t w a l s c h i l d r e n a r e f i n a n c i a l l y independent. Of h i s f o u r c h i l d r e n , o n e o f t h e s o n s h e l p s h i s father run the trucking business. He i s m a r r i e d t o a n Indian while the other has married a Canadian. H i s two d a u g h t e r s l i k e w i s e work i n t h e c r e d i t u n i o n . One i s m a r r i e d t o a C a n a d i a n a n d t h e o t h e r t o a n I n d i a n . To a l l o f them "work" i s s e p a r a t e a n d a n i m p o r t a n t a s p e c t o f t h e i r i d e n t i t y i n Canada. 1  On t h e w h o l e , a l l f o u r c h i l d r e n a r e n o t a s b i 2 c u l t u r a l as t h e i r f a t h e r . Those w i t h I n d i a n spouses have  -152a higher  chance o f d e v e l o p i n g  a t home, w h i l e  at  an  I n d i a n or p r i v a t e  t h e same t i m e h a v i n g  identity  a p u b l i c or work  identity.  One in  the  third  cooperation Further,  the  other  factor  generation, in a strict  the  gesture the a  s e c o n d and  like  the  other  "work" i d e n t i t y  S i k h s who  unit  separate  c h i l d r e n were t w i c e  from  T h e y were g i v e n more o p t i o n s and parents  who  had  to  talk  and on  the development  For  daughters  i n s t a n c e , Mr.  their Punjabi  i n s t a n c e when Mr.  This of  Atwal's  heritage.  a b e t t e r e d u c a t i o n by o f how  of  the  their  Canadian  Atwal's daughter  said  me,  " I am she  For  autonomy.  dress,  t h e s o n s and  a b e t t e r understanding  system worked.  a  from e t h n i c group i d e n t i t y .  i n Canada. removed  matched b y  the de-emphasis  encouraged  when I i n t e r v i e w e d  were b o r n  Sikhs  Finally,  i s that  the d e c l i n e .  a c h i e v e m e n t and  generation  Canadians.  on  i d e n t i t y was  individual  third  to note, family  e c o n o m i c s e n s e was  f a m i l y as a c o r p o r a t e  became c l e a r  importance of  family's corporate  growing r e c o g n i t i o n of Also,  that i s important  not  was  different  m a k i n g an  r e a l l y were no t h e way  f r o m my  effort  friends  a t the C r e d i t Union,"  t o communicate  d i f f e r e n c e s between her  t h a t she  thought  about her  the and  idea that her  friends  job or performed  there in  i t .  She  -153had  gone t o s c h o o l w i t h them, p l a y e d w i t h them a n d h a d  a c q u i r e d t h e knowledge necessary t o g e t a j o b , r e t a i n i t , o r even l e a v e i t f o r a n o t h e r . understood  t h e c u l t u r e o f work a n d non-work i n C a n a d a .  The P i o n e e r  Portuguese  The f i r s t 1950's. to  I n o t h e r words, she had  s e t t l e r s came t o t h e v a l l e y i n t h e e a r l y  T h u s , u n l i k e t h e S i k h s , t h e r e was no n u c l e u s  this period.  A l s o , t h e y w e r e r e c e i v e d more f a v o u r a b l y  due t o t h e s h o r t a g e o f f a r m w o r k e r s . a grade  prior  f o u r e d u c a t i o n a n d knew l i t t l e  h i r e d as f r u i t p i c k e r s .  Most o f them h a d o n l y English.  They were  L i k e t h e S i k h s t h e y w a n t e d t o make  money, a n d t h e n r e t u r n home.  T h i s d i d n o t happen, however,  and w i t h i n a few y e a r s t h e y w e r e a b l e t o b u y t h e o r c h a r d s themselves.  Case Study 2  M r . C o r y came t o C a n a d a i n t h e m i d 1 9 5 0 ' s . He was one o f t h e f e w who i m m i g r a t e d t o t h e v a l l e y a t t h a t t i m e . He g o t a j o b a s a f r u i t p i c k e r . B u t h e was i s o l a t e d . There w e r e no o t h e r P o r t u g u e s e n e a r b y t o t a l k t o . H i s w i f e j o i n e d him a year l a t e r . He t h e n s p o n s o r e d h i s b r o t h e r , who w o r k e d f o r h i m f o r a w h i l e . The f a m i l y w o r k e d t o g e t h e r a s a u n i t a n d s a v e d e n o u g h money t o b u y t h e i r own o r c h a r d . He h a d t w o d a u g h t e r s who a t t e n d e d t h e l o c a l s c h o o l . T h e y h e l p e d i n t h e o r c h a r d i n t h e summer. T h i s f a m i l y d i d n o t e x p e r i e n c e much p r e j u d i c e o r  -154-  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t them. on o r c h a r d s  and t h e s e  J o b s were n o t h a r d  jobs required l i t t l e  t o come b y  s k i l l or  knowledge o f E n g l i s h .  I t was n o t l o n g b e f o r e t h e f a m i l y  could establish i t s e l f  firmly  i n t h e community.  t h e new o c c u p a t i o n d i d n o t r e q u i r e t h e s h a r p b e t w e e n work a n d n o n - w o r k . develop  from any o t h e r  The r e - l o c a t i o n o f members  s i b l i n g s ) as soon as t h e y were f i n a n c i a l l y suggests  distinction  Thus t h e r e was no p r e s s u r e t o  a "work i d e n t i t y " a s d i s t i n c t  of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n .  that individual  Further,  forms  (i.e.,  independent  s t a t u s a n d a c h i e v e m e n t was g i v e n  more e m p h a s i s t h a n c o r p o r a t e f a m i l y i d e n t i t y . a l t h o u g h Mr. C o r y s p o n s o r e d  For instance  h i s b r o t h e r a n d g a v e h i m a home;  the l a t t e r  e s t a b l i s h e d h i m s e l f s e p a r a t e l y a s s o o n a s i t was  possible.  L i k e the Cory's,  the  other Portuguese  families d i d  same.  Second  Generation  Mr. C o r y ' s d a u g h t e r s a r e a t u n i v e r s i t y . While they a r e h a p p y t h a t t h e i r p a r e n t s made i t , i n O l i v e r , t h e y do n o t w i s h t o l i v e t h e r e . To them, work meant l e a v i n g home a n d l i v i n g i n the c i t y . In  t h e s e c o n d g e n e r a t i o n t h e move t o w a r d  ed work i d e n t i t y was r a p i d . Portuguese  The c a s e  studies of the pioneer  a n d S i k h f a m i l i e s show t h a t t h e m o d e l s b o t h  g r o u p s b r o u g h t w i t h them w e r e a l t e r e d took  a segment-  i n Canada.  three generations o f Sikhs t o develop  a work  While i t identity  -155t h a t was  distinct  from  generation Portuguese Still, on  the c o n t e x t s  any  other  identity,  were moving i n t h e same  and  conditions varied.  t h e whole, were r e c e i v e d w i t h hostility.  i n g on  e v e n t u a l l y owning  less  farm  p r e s s u r e on  tity".  Finally,  from  forming  such  a  The  any  The  Portuguese,  t h e c h o i c e o f work-  i t , meant t h a t t h e r e  and  their  on  isolation  the  maintain the  a  farms p r e v e n t e d  e t h n i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and  was  "work i d e n them  seeking refuge  in  e x a m i n e d some o f t h e c h a n g e s t h a t h a v e  i n the  life-cycle  offspring  t h e newcomers. They had  (Sikhs)  Having  their  and  s e t t l e m e n t of  i n the v a l l e y ,  They c o n s t i t u t e  come t o C a n a d a m a i n l y  were m o s t l y  manual and  were o n l y s i x who  green  Secondly,  them t o d e v e l o p  Later Settlers  that  direction.  collectivity.  occurred and  and  second  more t o l e r a n c e , w h i l e  Sikhs experienced a  the  had  industrial  milieu,  i n the  unskilled  or m a g n i t u d e as  is their  These  1  In  fact,  men there  f o r e m e n or h e l d  skill; and  jobs  t h e r e s t were s o on.  everyday  work  t h a t we  experience.  shall  now  turn.  at  sample.  merely  The world,  them t h a t a r e n o t o f t h e same o r d e r  the Portuguese  d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s  as  lumber p i l e r s  imposed c o n s t r a i n t s on  take a look  1960 s.  workers.  jobs e i t h e r  which  now  pioneers  t h e m a j o r i t y i n my  i n v o l v e d some k n o w l e d g e and c h a i n workers,  l e t us  the  I t i s to a  -156The Sawmill S e t t i n g  As d i s c u s s e d i n an e a r l i e r chapter, one of the important changes that has taken p l a c e i n the lumber i n d u s t r y i s that s m a l l e r independent o p e r a t i o n s that e x i s t e d until  the f i f t i e s are a l l but gone.  They have been bought  out  or r e p l a c e d by l a r g e o r g a n i z a t i o n s with branch p l a n t s i n  the  valley.  Such a move r e p r e s e n t s a s h i f t  from a market  economy t o a planned or c o r p o r a t e economy ( G a l b r a i t h  One can a l s o argue that the change  i n the  s t r u c t u r e s have brought about a c o r r e s p o n d i n g change values.  1968).  i n the  The s t r o n g emphasis on a d i s t i n c t i o n between the  i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i e t y was no longer tenable w i t h i n the "managed economy". to  The l e g i t i m a c y o f such a new  system had  t h e r e f o r e come from more than a mere i n d i v i d u a l .  I t had  to come from the group - i n t h i s i n s t a n c e , the technocracy ( G a l b r a i t h 1968). the  The emphasis, thus, was on the group and  i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the group was d e f i n e d i n  terms of a p r o f e s s i o n a l commitment.  The group c o n s i s t i n g of  these important i n d i v i d u a l s p r o v i d e d emotional and s a t i s f a c t i o n t o i t s members.  social  However, values o u t s i d e of  work such as e q u a l i t y , community and f a m i l y were not n e c e s s a r i l y propogated by the group.  This s h i f t  i n emphasis  i n d i v i d u a l to one who  from the autonomous  i s p a r t of a group does not  -157n e c e s s a r i l y imply  the  importance of  requirements of a c a p i t a l i s t new  m a r k e t s y s t e m and  to i t .  the  technology  While not "technocracy"  is still  essentially  maintained  The  have o n l y c r e a t e d  i n d i v i d u a l continues  Thus, t h e v a l u e o f b e i n g  of h i s / h e r person"  the c o l l e c t i v e .  t o be  a  subject  "the p r o p r i e t o r  (Wright  1975).  a l l members o f a s o c i e t y b e l o n g  to  the  the g e n e r a l p r i n c i p l e of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of  the  i n d i v i d u a l to the group i s shared  by a l l (Wright  The  i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f s c i e n c e and  technology  1975). provides  t h e b a s i s f o r a p l a n n e d m a r k e t economy and  the l e g i t i m a c y of  s u c h an economy t o members o f t h e s o c i e t y .  Economic growth  and  profits  then continue  i n d i v i d u a l who  The  Local  works f o r i t .  sawmill  There were, b r o a d l y the c e n t r a l area  t h a t I v i s i t e d was speaking  two  sizes.  areas - the  t o c u t and  which i s  t r i m the l o g s  communication system.  a r e a w h i c h i s p e r i p h e r a l s p a t i a l l y and  ladder  first  I t i s a n o i s y o p e r a t i o n and  an e l a b o r a t e n o n - v e r b a l  the s o r t i n g ,  h i g h l y mechanized.  i s where t h e h e a d s a w y e r , t h e s e t t e r  s a w y e r s work t o g e t h e r  appropriate  jack  the  Sawmill  The  other  t o a f f e c t t h e c o r p o r a t i o n and  g r e e n c h a i n work and takes place  into  necessitates The  socially,  other  i s where  feeding of logs onto  (see Meissner  a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of  and  the s a w m i l l  and  P h i l p o t t 1975  setting).  the for  -158S i n c e most o f t h e S i k h s w e r e l u m b e r p i l e r s , s o r t e r s and  green c h a i n workers l i k e other co-workers they can  be d e s c r i b e d as b e i n g p e r i p h e r a l t o t h e c e n t r a l  also  operations  i n the s a w m i l l .  The  S i k h s w e r e a c k n o w l e d g e d as g o o d w o r k e r s  p a r t i c u l a r l y by  t h e management.  work i n most i n s t a n c e s . b o t h on and visit  They even o b t a i n e d  S i n c e many o f them h a d  o u t s i d e of the workplace,  e a c h o t h e r s homes, t a l k  w i t h e a c h o t h e r on  the job.  overtime  Sikh  friends  they continued  i n P u n j a b i , and  to  to  socialize  Such a c t i v i t i e s were i n the  e y e s o f C a n a d i a n s a v i o l a t i o n o f t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e work group.  As  a result,  t h e y d i s l i k e d and  o s t r a c i z e d them.  I n t e r - e t h n i c c o n f l i c t s b e t w e e n S i k h s and i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a has had Buchignan 1977).  a long history  (see L a i  In g e n e r a l the c o n f l i c t  d e n i g r a t i o n of v i s i b l e Canadians,  or  i s expressed  symbols, p a r t i c u l a r l y  three through  the  & Philpott  g r o u p s - S i k h s and  1975).  non-Sikhs.  It polarises  " c u r r y i n g f a v o u r " w i t h management t o  by  one  workers  S i k h s are seen  competing f o r w e l l - p a i d jobs w i t h other Canadians. d e s c r i b e d as  the  "turban"  e v e n t h o u g h many o f t h e S i k h s do n o t wear  (see a l s o Meissner i n t o two  1976,  I n t h e Okanagan i t i s more r e c e n t , s i n c e  l a r g e r numbers o f S i k h s came i n t h e l a s t two decades.  Canadian's  as  They get  are  -15 9-  o v e r t i m e work.  H o w e v e r , more r e c e n t l y when  b e t w e e n S i k h s and C a n a d i a n employers  workers  conflicts  erupted even t h e i r  were wary o f h i r i n g o t h e r S i k h s .  To t h e S i k h s , s u c h p r o b l e m s on t h e j o b w e r e v e r y stressful. their  They r e a d i l y  t u r b a n s and shaved  c o n f i d e d t h a t t h e y h a d removed their  beards  (their  religion  required  that they maintain these e x t e r n a l  faith).  B u t t h e y were r e f e r r e d t o as "ragheads".  ambivalence why t h e i r  was  further expressed  i n their  symbols o f the  q u e s t i o n s about  f r i e n d s h i p w i t h o t h e r S i k h s o n t h e j o b was  denigrated.  Was n o t f r i e n d s h i p a p r i v a t e m a t t e r ?  why w e r e t h e y n o t t r e a t e d l i k e o t h e r w o r k e r s job  Their  Besides  who d i d t h e i r  well?  I n o t h e r w o r d s , most o f my i n f o r m a n t s w e r e  confused  as t o t h e n a t u r e a n d m e a n i n g o f work i n t h e s a w m i l l s . most o f them t h e s o c i a l a s p e c t s o f t h e i r irrelevant. relative fore,  They found i t d i f f i c u l t  work were  to position  largely  themselves  t o o t h e r s (non S i k h s ) i n t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n .  i n most c a s e s  For  There-  t h e r e l e v a n t " o t h e r s " were S i k h s .  It  was n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h e n , t h a t t h e y f a c e d a t r e m e n d o u s measure of u n c e r t a i n t y . distinct of  T h u s , t o them work i d e n t i t y was n o t  from e t h n i c and/or f a m i l y i d e n t i t y .  Most  important  a l l , s i n c e r e l i g i o n was n o t s e p a r a t e f r o m e t h n i c i d e n -  -160tity,  i t permeated a l l t h e i r  life  activities  and g e n e r a t e d a  g r e a t d e a l o f h o s t i l i t y and c o n f l i c t .  Unlike the Sikhs, the Portuguese their  work a n d non-work  found  i t easier to discuss  activities.  S i n c e t h e m a j o r i t y were o w n e r s o f m e d i u m - s i z e d orchards by t h e l a t e their  achievement  work.  1960's and 1970's, t h e y were p r o u d o f  and i d e n t i f i e d v e r y c l o s e l y  Despite t h e use o f k i nnetworks  s t a g e s , members w e r e e n c o u r a g e d it  was p o s s i b l e .  Thus t h e i r  their  i n the i n i t i a l  t o be i n d e p e n d e n t  as soon as  n a t i v e model r e c o g n i z e d t h e  d i s t i n c t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l and  with  achievement  and f a m i l y s t a t u s  identity.  F u r t h e r , owing t o t h e n a t u r e o f t h e job, l i k e Canadian  f a r m e r s , t h e y d i d n o t make a s h a r p  b e t w e e n work arid n o n - w o r k . entailed  distinction  Ownership, they soon  many r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s  other  a n d much e f f o r t .  realized, However, i n  t h e l a s t few y e a r s t h e y h a v e b e e n f o l l o w i n g t h e C a n a d i a n p a t t e r n o f t a k i n g a c o u p l e o f weeks o f f t o t r a v e l Hawaii or t o v i s i t aspect of t h e i r  Portugal.  identity,  A l t h o u g h work was a  t o Reno, central  t h i s d i d n o t mean t h a t t h e y d i d  not c e l e b r a t e f e a s t s or enjoy c a r n i v a l s e t c e t e r a . t h e s e p a r a t i o n o f work f r o m o t h e r s p h e r e s  of l i f e  To most was  -161-  largely job,  unknown.  most o f  their  them f e l t  choice.  I t was  T h e y were t h e i r  Conflicting  Finally,  own  t h a t t h e y had not  noted  particular  the  expressed  i n Canada.  (of  removing  turban),  which  the  i s s u e of wearing hard  hats.  the  the v o c a t i o n  a way  Sikhs  of  life.  ambivalence  T h i s t o o k many f o r m s . one  particular  to the  religious  beliefs  of the  of  symbols o f the  of  faith.  being  t o be  distinct  Therefore,  critical  of h i s  Despite Sikhs  as  Sikhs,  (discussed i n Chapter 8 i n d e t a i l )  enjoined  In  issue  i s sometimes p r e s e n t e d  wearing a turban important  a  Workplace  According  the  of  experienced  a sense of  I wish to b r i e f l y e x p l o r e  Semantics of  the  Sikhs  e a r l i e r most o f  work l i f e  the  found  on  masters.  s e n s e o f m a r g i n a l i t y and their  fulfillment  o n l y work, b u t  S i t u a t i o n s f o r the  As  toward  i n terms of  this  faith.  one  A true Sikh i s  i n p h y s i c a l a p p e a r a n c e as  t o ask  is  an  article  a S i k h t o remove h i s t u r b a n  is  religion.  important  i n C a n a d a h a v e abandoned  religious their  i n j u n c t i o n , most  turbans  and,  in  keeping  -162w i t h company laws, worn hard hats i n the workplace. t h i s important concession  or accommodation has not r e c e i v e d  r e c o g n i t i o n from other workers, who s t i l l "ragheads". the r e f e r e n c e  In t h i s connection  particular reflect  i t i s a l s o important t o note  Yellow c o l o u r e d  Although i n t h i s context,  or white, there  1959).  i s t o the  from red, t o mustard  As one p e r c e p t i v e  i s an order  c l o t h e s people wear.  with  i s much t o be s a i d about the c o l o u r  of t h e i r c l o t h i n g as w e l l . out there  (Singh:  the r e f e r e n c e  of the turban that c o u l d vary  pointed  turbans i n  the happy mood that i s a s s o c i a t e d  the B a i s a k i F e s t i v a l and s p r i n g i n g e n e r a l  yellow,  r e f e r to them as  made to them as " f l a s h y " f o r e i g n e r s based on  the c o l o u r of t h e i r turbans.  colour  Yet  immigrant  t o be l e a r n t even i n the  An examination of the u n d e r l y i n g  assumptions and messages conveyed through a t t i r e  will  c l a r i f y the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n such a mundane matter.  In many s t u d i e s o f e t h n i c groups, r e f e r -  ences a r e made t o the d i f f e r e n c e s i n c l o t h i n g between e t h n i c groups and the host  society.  Usually  the occurrence i s  adjudged as a temporary f e a t u r e and t h e r e f o r e does not r e c e i v e much d i s c u s s i o n .  What i s not u s u a l l y h i g h l i g h t e d i s  the meaning a s s o c i a t e d with wearing the r i g h t c o l o u r s , and the r i g h t c l o t h e s a t the r i g h t time f o r members of the host society.  -163The c h o i c e o f c o l o u r , t e x t u r e a n d m a t e r i a l u s e d f o r clothing  i s a v e r y u s e f u l and u n o b t r u s i v e measure o f t h e  o c c u p a t i o n s and s t a t u s o f i n d i v i d u a l s An e x a m p l e o f t h i s  i n a community.  i s p r o v i d e d b y Newman ( 1 9 7 5 :  d e s c r i p t i o n o f Bud M c D o u g a l d a s a man  66) i n h i s  whose  "grooming i s i m p e c c a b l e ; (whose) t h r e e p i e c e s u i t s a r e f a s h i o n e d a t 271 p o u n d s e a c h , b y t h e f i r m o f H u n t s m a n ' s , one o f S a v i l e Row's most e x c l u s i v e t a i l o r s ; ( a n d whose) E n g l i s h b e n c h made s h o e s a r e c a r v e d f r o m t h e s k i n s o f y o u n g alligators." Although  Bud M c D o u g a l d i s t h e P r e s i d e n t o f a l a r g e  corporation,  t h o s e who work u n d e r h i m a t t h e m a n a g e r i a l  l e v e l s a l s o s h a r e some o f t h e s e c u l t u r a l n o r m s . respect, Molloy's is particularly  (197 7) g u i d e  instructive.  In this  t o d r e s s i n g f o r men a n d women The l a n g u a g e o f c o l o u r s ,  t e x t u r e s a n d s t y l e s h a v e t o be u n d e r s t o o d  i n o r d e r t o be  e f f e c t i v e a t o n e ' s o c c u p a t i o n o r e v e n when a n i n d i v i d u a l i s not working.  Although  can p r e d i c t w i t h a f a i r individuals  t h e r e i s room f o r i n d i v i d u a l i t y , o n e amount o f a c c u r a c y t h e s t y l e s  choose.  Clearly i n a blue-collar i s n o t common. approach  s i t u a t i o n such  formality  B l u e j e a n s , lumber j a c k e t s and t h e c a s u a l  to dressing i s the rule.  Sawmill workers  make a s h a r p d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n w o r k a n d non-work c l o t h i n g p r e f e r e n c e s as w e l l .  With  do n o t i n their  e x c e p t i o n s such as g o i n g  t o c h u r c h o r a t t e n d i n g f o r m a l community f u n c t i o n s  (primarily  -164on  weekends)  of  wood  of  the culture  cutters  associated the  they  myth  Whether  jeans  of the opening workers  However,  as w e l l .  clothes  sawmill  west  i n i t i a l  stages,  and ready"  jackets (Wright  can be equated  t o cowboys i s  that  associated  applied  the ethos  workers  wear,  t o other  i s part  these  with  1975).  that the  the westward  with  the  of the general  meaning  myth  f o r Sikhs.  stipulations  of  h i s t o r i c a l  associated  has l i t t l e  anyway,  look  are part  one can s t r e t c h t h e argument  Thus,  - a myth  i s reminiscent  up o f t h e west  can be g e n e r a l l y  periods  The d e s c r i p t i o n  days,  The "rough  and lumber  (including clothing)  expansion  the  blue  casually.  settlement  o f t h e cowboy.  with  debatable.  dress  i n the early  sawmill  symbols  generally  of  I n the  are not quite  clear.  Although general  remarks  appropriate defined  of time,  middle  extensive reasons  clothing styles  context.  and energy  i n India, classes  Proper  use o f such  coloured  over  i ta  material  i s common  polyester  pants,  prints  or plaids  lies  symbol.  shirts  between  and colours.  The i nthe  maintenance.  material  i n Canada.  a t t e n t i o n as t o t h e match  textures,  cottons  f o rcultural,  are  i s generally  clothes.  i n i t s  status  obtained,  made b y S i k h s  and pressed  involved  was n o t  attire  t h e use o f such  makes  of prestige  brightly l i t t l e  i n this  information  of synthetic material  Furthermore and  about  as the use o f clean  advantage saving  systematic  by t h e upper Thus t h e  f u n c t i o n a l , and  Many  Sikhs  and turbans materials  wear with  used,  -165I n t h i s c o n t e x t , i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o r e f l e c t on t h e S i k h c u l t u r a l model t h a t i n v o l v e s c a t e g o r y b l e n d s o r continuous h i e r a r c h i e s .  A c c o r d i n g t o t h i s model, t h e  combination of categories i s f l u i d  and t h e r e i s no c l e a r  r e c o g n i t i o n o f r i g h t a n d wrong c o m b i n a t i o n s . c o n c r e t e example, Canadians  (North Americans  To t a k e a i n general)  r e c o g n i z e t h e d i f f e r e n c e s between b l u e c o l l a r , and  collar  e l i t e s u b - c u l t u r e s i n t h e usage o f c a r s , c l o t h e s and  houses and perhaps The  white  work t o w a r d b e c o m i n g u p w a r d l y  f o l l o w i n g q u o t a t i o n from  Smith:  " M o v i n g Up I n S t y l e "  mobile. (Naifeh &  1 9 8 2 ; 23) h e l p s t o h i g h l i g h t what I mean.  "There's an o l d s a y i n g t h a t t r u e w e a l t h speaks o n l y i n w h i s p e r s b e c a u s e i t knows e v e r y b o d y i s l i s t e n i n g . T h e same is true of style. When y o u b u y a c a r , f o r e x a m p l e , a v o i d b u y i n g t h e most e x p e n s i v e c a r y o u c a n f i n d b e c a u s e i t ' s t h e most e x p e n s i v e c a r y o u c a n f i n d . The same a p p l i e s t o clothing. T h e r e ' s no r e a s o n t o b u y a $500 s u i t when y o u c a n b u y a p e r f e c t l y g o o d one f o r $300 o r e v e n $ 2 0 0 . Spending money j u s t t o s p e n d i t i s a l w a y s w a s t e f u l a n d a l m o s t a l w a y s unstylish. The  S i k h s , on t h e o t h e r hand, t e n d t o e r r i n t h e  d i r e c t i o n o f e x c e s s i v e m a t e r i a l i s m i n t h e c l o t h e s t h e y wear and  the cars they d r i v e .  A p a r t from b e i n g incongruous  t h e t y p e o f work t h e y d o , a n d n o t i n k e e p i n g w i t h s o c i a l s t a t u s they v i o l a t e t h e sense o f c u l t u r a l a s s o c i a t e d w i t h blue c o l l a r workers, the e l i t e s  i n this  society.  with  their order  white c o l l a r workers or  -166Among t h e 35 r e s p o n d e n t s , t h e r e w e r e o n l y t w o who had  removed t h e i r  them i n C a n a d a .  turbans  i n India.  With respect  t o removing the turban, a t  l e a s t most o f them ( 7 5 % ) f e l t for  compromise.  A l l o t h e r s h a d removed  t h a t i t was a n i m p o r t a n t  area  T h i s g r o u p we s h a l l r e f e r t o a s G r o u p 1.  O n l y a s m a l l number e x p r e s s e d over t h i s p r o p o s i t i o n .  i n t e n s e antagonism and anger  We w i l l r e f e r t o them a s G r o u p 2.  They f e l t  t h a t i t was a t r e m e n d o u s i m p o s i t i o n on t h e i r  religious  freedom, and they  "Shiromani A k a l i  supported  D a l A s s o c i a t i o n o f Canada"  t r a d i t i o n a l i s t group) t o f i g h t  freedom and  Thus, t h e S i k h s  issue, with only a small  r e f u s i n g t o make t h e n e c e s s a r y  (a s t r o n g  forreligious  exemption from w e a r i n g a h a r d h a t . d i v i d e d over t h i s  the e f f o r t s of the  were  proportion  c o g n i t i v e and b e h a v i o u r a l  adjustment.  I n t e r m s o f t h e r e s p o n s e s I r e c e i v e d , i t was a l s o not  so d i f f i c u l t  to classify  t h e r e s p o n s e s i n t o two l a r g e  c a t e g o r i e s - t h e s o c i a l and t h e p e r s o n a l .  The f i r s t  cate-  gory o f responses r e f e r r e d t o p o s i t i v e f a c t o r s such as conformity t i e s , being category  t o C a n a d i a n r u l e s , e n h a n c i n g one's j o b o p p o r t u n i p a r t o f t h e workgroup, and so on.  o f r e s p o n s e s was n e g a t i v e  cated displeasure a t being and  crafty.  The s e c o n d  i n i t s content  termed as f i l t h y ,  and i n d i -  unpredictable  -167FIGURE  Responses  of Sikhs with  Respect  1:  t o t h e I s s u e o f Removing t h e  Turban  SEEK  AVOID Being c a l l e d " f l a s h y raghead". Being  p a r t o f t h e work  Adjusting Improving  life.  Alien, outsider  one's j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s .  Avoiding hazards SOCIAL  t o Canadian  group.  to health.  Unpredictable,  untrustworthy, crafty Dirty, f i l t h y . PERSONAL  -168-  Group 1 - They r e c o g n i z e d the c o n t e x t u a l d i f f e r e n c e between Canada and I n d i a .  Thus the importance of the turban as a  mark of "Sikh i d e n t i t y " was  a l t e r e d , by r e - d e f i n i n g Sikh  i d e n t i t y a t the l e v e l of ideas and not at the day-to-day b e h a v i o u r a l l e v e l , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the workplace.  They a l s o f e l t conditions. Sikhs who  that they worked under hazardous  They knew t h a t employers p r e f e r r e d to h i r e  had  removed t h e i r turbans.  Besides,  i f they were  to move from the v a l l e y , the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of being h i r e d elsewhere were g r e a t e r .  Finally,  they deemed i t important  to a v o i d p u b l i c d e v i c e s of s e p a r a t i o n and  As was  social distance.  f a r as the p e r s o n a l f a c t o r s were i n v o l v e d , ther  b i t t e r n e s s and resentment.  The  term "raghead" had  i m p l i c a t i o n s of b e i n g s o c i a l l y f i l t h y and d i r t y : that i s , they were regarded as o u t c a s t s or a l i e n s .  There was  also  the c o n n o t a t i o n of b e i n g u n p r e d i c t a b l e , s t u p i d and u n t r u s t worthy.  Although  the responses  they gave were embedded i n  h i s t o r i c a l context, they were concerned would have on t h e i r l i f e Canada.  Thus i t was  about the e f f e c t i t  chances and o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n  necessary  f o r them to  compartmentalize  t h e i r work i d e n t i t y from t h e i r c u l t u r a l l o y a l t y . process, they were a f f i r m i n g the importance of the d u a l over the group to which he  belonged.  In the indivi-  -169Group 2 - From the p e r s p e c t i v e of the s m a l l group who a c t i v e l y sought  t o o b t a i n exemptions on r e l i g i o u s  the term "raghead"  grounds,  took on a completely d i f f e r e n t meaning.  They d i d not make a d i s t i n c t i o n between the s o c i a l and the personal. to  They f e l t  their self  that r e l i g i o u s f a c t o r s were important  i d e n t i t y , and should not be compromised.  Although a t present they have ceased t o wear turbans,  they  envisage a f u t u r e when they would r e v e r t to the same custom.  In p a r t i c u l a r they mentioned the case o f Great  B r i t a i n , where Sikhs a r e allowed t o wear t h e i r turbans, and they hope that i t would be the same i n Canada. perhaps  What i s  most s i g n i f i c a n t i s the case they make f o r the  r e l i g i o u s r i g h t s of i n d i v i d u a l s i n i n d u s t r i a l n a t i o n s .  Most o f them f e l t t h a t a l t e r a t i o n s i n the f a i t h was a s i g n o f weakness and l a c k of f a i t h .  They argued  m i l i t a n c y has been a h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r  i n the formation o f  the Sikh community (see McLeod: 1970).  that  They a l l agree  that  i n order to be a t r u e Sikh, one had t o maintain the t r a d i t i o n a l symbols of the f a i t h .  What i s i n t e r e s t i n g about t h i s group of informants i s t h e i r use o f h i s t o r i c a l problem.  i n s t a n c e s t o s o l v e a contemporary  By doing so they c o n t r i b u t e t o an i n c r e a s e d or  heightened sense of " i n group" or "we f e e l i n g " , and d i f f e r e n t i a t e themselves  from  "outsiders".  T h i s i n c r e a s e d sense  -170of e t h n i c i d e n t i t y cultural  c o n f l i c t , confusion  i n Canada. past,  i s a mechanism w i t h which t h e y  Finally,  since  reduce  and a l i e n a t i o n t h a t t h e y  feel  t h i s t e c h n i q u e has worked i n t h e  i t i s t h e i r hope t h a t i t w i l l work a t p r e s e n t .  I n summary, t h e n , t h e r e was d i v i s i o n w i t h i n t h e community w i t h felt  respect  to this particular  issue.  a normative reorganization of c u l t u r a l  feasible  (theextremist  some b e h a v i o u r a l  group), others  ideas  felt  W h i l e some i s not  that a t least  a l t e r a t i o n s are indispensible to l i f e i n  Canada.  The  importance o f the Sikh c u l t u r a l  model  that  e m p h a s i z e s work p r i n c i p l e s t h a t a r e i n f o r m e d b y m o r a l a n d s o c i a l values  can h a r d l y be i g n o r n e d .  The i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e  collective  o r the group i s a l s o u n l i k e the emphasis o f the  individual  a n d g r o u p i n a p l a n n e d economy.  p r i m a r i l y a work g r o u p c o m m i t t e d t o p r o f i t s of markets.  The f o r m e r , o n t h e o t h e r  traditional social  order  Situations  and t h e g r o w t h  hand, i n s u r e s a  that s u c c e s s f u l l y l i m i t s the growth  of subsystems o f p u r p o s i v e - r a t i o n a l a c t i o n  Conflicting  The l a t t e r i s  (Habermas:  1970).  (Portuguese)  I n t h e c a s e o f t h e P o r t u g u e s e t h e move t o w a r d t h e capitalization  of the f r u i t  i n d u s t r y had rendered i t  n e c e s s a r y f o r farmers t o t h i n k o f themselves as p a r t o f a  -171cooperative,  through  the s i g n i n g of contracts.  t h e autonomous r u g g e d farmer  The i m a g e o f  c o u l d no l o n g e r be  maintained,  b e c a u s e t h e f r e e m a r k e t economy c o u l d n o t e n s u r e survival fruit  ( f o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e market c o n d i t i o n s o f the  i n d u s t r y r e a d Ormsby, M.  1958).  Y e t t h e mechanism o f t h e c o o p e r a t i v e had  (work g r o u p )  o n l y m i n i m a l l y a f f e c t e d their~images of themselves  their daily activities.  themselves.  The c h e c k s a n d b a l a n c e s  a b e l i e f came o n l y w i t h a c t i v i t i e s  that threatened  t h e new e c o n o m i c  Although  new c o n c e p t s  such  orchards  as p e d d l i n g  order.  were n o t i m p o s e d o n them w i t h  o f s t r e s s were g e n e r a t e d necessitated their  involvement  independently  on t h e j o b .  entry into f r u i t  i n central selling  very l i t t l e knowledge.  ness,  Ownership of cooperatives  Their decision to s e l l  as w e l l as through  nonetheless  - an a r e a where t h e y h a d fruit  both  the cooperative provoked a  s t r o n g r e a c t i o n from o t h e r Canadians. of course,  still  that affected  t h e same v i g o r a s was t h e c a s e w i t h t h e S i k h s , sources  farmers  A l s o o n t h e o r c h a r d s , d e c i s i o n m a k i n g was  largely individual. such  in  Their representatives i n the  c o r p o r a t i o n t h a t m a r k e t e d t h e f r u i t were m a i n l y  and  their  This procedure  c o n t r a r y t o a l l n o t i o n s o f c o o p e r a t i o n and  and t h e y were c l a s s i f i e d a s " p e d d l e r s " .  was, fair-  Although  t h e r e w e r e n o n - P o r t u g u e s e i n t h e a r e a who w e r e a l s o i n v o l v e d i n t h i s p r o c e s s , p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n and c e n s u r e  was d i r e c t e d  -172toward  them.  As  the  cooperative;  ed,  were  associated of  result,  others,  some  of  them were  whose g u i l t  could  expelled  not  be  from  establish-  warned.  This  dent  a  activity  with  the  the  British  of  peddling  coming  of  Columbia  the  was  not  a  new  Portuguese.  Fruit  Growers  phenomenon  As  the  presi-  Association  observed,  "The s t o r y of t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n has been p a r t of the s t o r y o f w e s t e r n a g r i c u l t u r e t h e s t o r y o f men who h a d to f i g h t h a r d , f o r t h e r i g h t t o r u n t h e i r own a f f a i r s while at t h e same t i m e w r e s t i n g a l i v i n g f r o m a new l a n d and establ i s h i n g t h e i r homes... p e d d l i n g a c t i v i t y i s n o t a l o n e i n t r y i n g to undermine our i n d u s t r y , d e l i b e r a t e l y p l a n t e d r u m o u r s t h a t a r e u n f o u n d e d a r e a l s o t o b l a m e f o r some o f our problems. I t i s n o t e n o u g h t o be o r g a n i z e d i n name o n l y , we must a l s o be j o i n e d t o g e t h e r i n our o b j e c t i v e s and efforts."  Peddling that  plagued  were  implicated.  this  effect,  demonstrated telling the  me  the  therefore  fruit  industry,  Although  discussions this.  the  southern  was  with  Several  social  Okanagan,  made  and  the  problems  Portuguese  did  not  know  It  s u r p r i s i n g then,  hostile  not  fashion.  of  of  and  the  many  i n which  i s no  Canadians, the  ensued.  organized that  to  they  were  to  orchardists  the  the They  voluntary  Portuguese  reference  course  v a l l e y and  references that  in  problems  the  written  non-Portuguese  h i s t o r y of  Portuguese  was  there  one  of  particularly  coming  of  felt  that  the the  cooperation.  treated  in  a  -173A f t e r the i n i t i a l c o n f l i c t and the removal of o f f e n d e r s from the c o o p e r a t i v e l i s t , of  there was a l u l l .  Some  the o r i g i n a l members, who had e i t h e r l e f t or had been  thrown out, were now showing an i n t e r e s t i n g e t t i n g back. In the meantime, t h e i r orchards had grown i n s i z e , and the p r o c e s s o f h a n d l i n g , packaging  and f i n a l l y s e l l i n g  f r u i t was f a r t o o much of a s t r a i n on them.  their  Some who had  Canadian f r i e n d s i n the c o o p e r a t i v e sought t h e i r h e l p t o re-gain entry.  Once they were i n , they a l s o attended  c o o p e r a t i v e meetings and were aware of the new trends i n f r u i t growing. the procedures  Although  they d i d not q u i t e understand a l l  i n v o l v e d , they were concerned  about how t h e i r  p e r s o n a l l i v e s would be a f f e c t e d by such f a c t o r s and changes.  T h i s was an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r them t o demonstrate  t h e i r committment t o the l o c a l - r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t , and they did.  Working Women (Sikhs)  Among t h e newcomers, most women worked on farms a fruit pickers.  In some cases, they were h i r e d as a group t o  work on a p l a n t nursery, and worked a l l year around with other Sikh women.  However, there were o t h e r s who worked as  maids or k i t c h e n hands i n the l o c a l r e s t a u r a n t s .  Despite  the f a c t that they had c h i l d r e n they went out t o work. thus c o n t r i b u t e d t o the f a m i l y income.  They  -174Since  many o f them w o r k e d t o g e t h e r  worked w i t h o t h e r their  non-English  limited.  T h e r e were  c o m p l a i n t s a b o u t t h e i r w o r k , h o w e v e r , and  difficult  to obtain  I n my  automatically  their  i t was  chores.  they d i d not  no  the  farmers  find i t  with  t h e s e women a b o u t an  their  income d i d  not  house-  when t h e women e x p r e s s e d s a t i s f a c t i o n  seem v e r y  became u s e d t o t h e some i n s t a n c e s ,  since  to e g a l i t a r i a n i s m i n the  c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the  husbands d i d not  labour,  clear that earning  contribute  Initially,  or  jobs.  discussions  working l i v e s ,  hold.  seasonal  a farm,  speaking immigrant workers,  k n o w l e d g e o f E n g l i s h was  were d e p e n d e n t on  on  f a m i l y , and pleased.  made demands,  Gradually  the  the men  i d e a o f s e p a r a t e b a n k a c c o u n t s , and  helping  t h e i r wives with  Some e v e n p r o u d l y  proclaimed  the  over  in  household  t h a t t h e y had  "working  wives".  I n e v a l u a t i n g c h a n g i n g r o l e s o f w o r k i n g women, i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o b e a r i n mind t h a t t h e r e  i s no  linear  rela-  t i o n s h i p between c o n t r i b u t i n g t o economic a c t i v i t i e s higher  status  f o r women ( S a n d a y : 1 9 7 6 ) .  move t o w a r d " s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n " they d i d not non-work.  on  the  Nor job.  was  and  there  L i k e the  make a s h a r p d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n work  and  a men,  -175-  To  them, t h e j o b was a means o f s u p p l e m e n t i n g t h e  f a m i l y income.  Further,  i t b r o k e t h e monotomy o f t h e i r  d a i l y chores and enabled  them t o meet o t h e r women a n d make  friends.  W o r k i n g Women ( P o r t u g u e s e )  As  was t r u e i n t h e c a s e o f t h e S i k h s , t h e P o r t u -  g u e s e women w o r k e d a s w e l l . worked as p i c k e r s a l o n g  I n the i n i t i a l  years  w i t h t h e i r husbands.  b o u g h t t h e i r own o r c h a r d s  When  ( s m a l l farms a t f i r s t )  continue h e l p i n g t h e i r husbands.  they they  they had t o  The o n l y way t h e y  could  s a v e money t o b u y more l a n d was n o t t o u s e h i r e d h e l p . f a m i l y t h e r e f o r e worked as a u n i t . s i z e of orchard  But with the increase i n  a n d t h e r e t u r n s o n them, t h e r e was r e a l l y n o  n e e d f o r t h e women t o w o r k . orchard  work, o b t a i n e d  jobs  The women, t h u s f r e e d i n the packing  f r o m w o r k i n g on t h e f a m i l y o r c h a r d  situation  transition  t o working outside the  I n t h e i n i t i a l p h a s e s , i t was i m p e r a t i v e  h u s b a n d a n d w i f e work o u t s i d e  from  house.  There a r e s e v e r a l p o i n t s t o note i n t h i s  home.  The  that both  t h e home, a s p i c k e r s .  I n that  t h e w i f e worked w i t h t h e husband, o r i f she ob-  t a i n e d a j o b a s a d o m e s t i c , i t was on t h e r e c o m m e n d a t i o n o f t h e o r c h a r d i s t who s p o n s o r e d o r h i r e d them.  Thus t h e n e t -  work t h a t was e s t a b l i s h e d b o t h among t h e P o r t u g u e s e  them-  - 1 7 6 -  s e l v e s and between t h e i r Canadian employers and themselves -provided a s e c u r i t y f o r working o u t s i d e .  In the next phase when they were a b l e t o buy s m a l l orchards  themselves,  the women worked on the f a m i l y orchard,  whereas i t was customary f o r the man t o work on farms other than h i s own.  Thus, although  i t was imperative f o r women t o  work, they worked on t h e i r own farm. bigger  When the farms grew  i n s i z e , the revenue or r e t u r n s a l s o improved.  t h i s p o i n t i t was not even necessary time on t h e i r own o r c h a r d s .  f o r women t o work  full  They c o u l d have h i r e d h e l p .  Now a l l they d i d were the household k i t c h e n gardens or p o u l t r y .  At  chores, tended t o  Thus f r e e d from f u l l  time  orchard labour, many women obtained jobs o u t s i d e the home, u s u a l l y i n the packing house.  T h i s a c t of moving out of the house by the women can be seen as an i n d i c a t o r of a c c u l t u r a t i o n . Perhaps, t o some extent there was g r e a t e r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with t h e i r  jobs  and with other Canadian women who worked o u t s i d e the home. As one Portuguese woman observed,  "When I j o i n e d the packing house, there were not t o o many other Portuguese women here. Since I knew E n g l i s h , I c o u l d e a s i l y g e t along with the other Canadian women. I soon got a s u p e r v i s o r y p o s i t i o n , and i n the s e v e n t i e s when more P o r t u guese women were h i r e d , I was asked t o h e l p i n r e c r u i t i n g them. Some of them were extremely s e l f - c o n s c i o u s about u s i n g E n g l i s h . Others although f l u e n t i n E n g l i s h , s t i l l p r e f e r r e d to use Portuguese with t h e i r Portuguese f r i e n d s . There i s  -177y e t a n o t h e r g r o u p who f e e l t h e i r c h a n c e s h i g h e r i f t h e y speak o n l y i n E n g l i s h a t w e r e some p r o b l e m s b e t w e e n a few o f t h e other Canadian workers. Authorities i n t h e n made i t m a n d a t o r y t h a t a l l w o r k e r s E n g l i s h on t h e j o b . " On t h e w h o l e ,  of mobility are work. I n 1977 t h e r e P o r t u g u e s e women a n d t h e p a c k i n g house communicate o n l y i n  P o r t u g u e s e women, l i k e t h e i r  b a n d s , d i d n o t e x p e r i e n c e much d i s l o c a t i o n .  hus-  Farm l i f e  gave  them s e c u r i t y a n d c o n t r o l .  I n a n y e v e n t , b e i n g a f a r m owner  was what m o s t a s p i r e d  A s one o f them s a i d ,  for.  " I n P o r t u g u a l we w e r e p o o r . We c o u l d n e v e r own t h i s much land. We w o u l d h a v e b e e n w o r k i n g f o r o t h e r f a r m e r s o r o n o u r own s m a l l p i e c e o f l a n d w i t h n o t much hope f o r a b e t t e r life. H e r e we h a v e e v e r y t h i n g we w a n t . " In for  t h a t sense,  u n l i k e t h e S i k h women, t h e y h a d l i t t l e  cause  stress.  Vicarious  Ritualization  L a s t b u t not l e a s t of a l l , the use o f v i c a r i o u s ritualization Sikhs deserves  as a mechanism f o r c o p i n g w i t h change by t h e mention.  S i n c e most o f my S i k h i n f o r m a n t s were w o r k i n g hours, or had t o d r i v e long d i s t a n c e s t o get t o t h e i r they found t h a t they had v e r y l i t t l e their  ritual activities.  p r a y e r s which or  jobs,  time f o r performing  So t h e y o b t a i n e d t a p e s o f t h e  they p l a y e d i n t h e morning  o n t h e i r way t o w o r k .  long  while getting  Sometimes, s i n c e t h e n o i s e  ready,  level  -178-  was h i g h  i n the sawmill,  themselves. the  job.  they would say the prayers t o  Or a s o n e o f them s a i d t o me, h e m e d i t a t e s o n  S u c h v i c a r i o u s ways o f p e r f o r m i n g  suggest that the pressures  of l i v i n g  the r i t u a l  duties  i n a new a n d i n d u s t r i a l  m i l i e u a r e n o t t o t a l l y d i s r u p t i v e o f a t r a d i t i o n a l way o f life,  b u t c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e development o f techniques  that  allow  f o r t h e p e r f o r m a n c e o f b o t h s e t s o f r o l e s and d u t i e s .  However, i t i s a l s o c l e a r t h a t t h e y u s e t h e s e t e c h n i q u e s reduce a n x i e t y as w e l l . therapeutic  The  I n p a r t i c u l a r music i s an  to  important  tool.  Sikhs  l i s t e n e d t o and used t r a d i t i o n a l  m u s i c as a s t r e s s - r e d u c i n g mechanism.  religious  A s one o f them  observed,  " I f I c a n l i s t e n t o a few K i r t a n s w h i l e s h a v i n g o r d r i v i n g t o w o r k , I a l m o s t a l w a y s h a v e a g o o d d a y . When I come home, I l i k e t o l i s t e n t o l i g h t P u n j a b i m u s i c , most o f t h e t i m e . " The  u s e o f t h e s e two d i s t i n c t  worthy o f a t t e n t i o n . preparing  I t a l m o s t seemed a s i f t h e y w e r e  themselves with  sense o f being  the type o f music c r i t i c a l  to their  i n t h e morning and unwinding w i t h music  required less concentration o f t h e i r homes a t n i g h t . looked  forms o f music i s  that  and a t t e n t i o n w i t h i n t h e s a n c t i t y  The two m u s i c a l  upon a s r i t u a l s o f t r a n s i t i o n  forms can a l s o be  that separates  t h e home  from t h e w o r k p l a c e i n t h e morning and a l l o w s an i n d i v i d u a l t o r e t u r n t o i t a t t h e end o f t h e d a y .  -179Th e Portuguese, l i k e w i s e , especially orchard.  use s i m i l a r  techniques  i n the summertime, when they have t o work i n the The men i n v a r i a b l y  w h i l e the women and c h i l d r e n i s over they do not l i n g e r  s t a y back t o work on a Sunday a t t e n d mass.  t o meet t h e i r  However, when mass friends, but return  to t h e i r homes and j o i n t h e i r husbands a t work.  Some of the women f e e l that there i s no need t o a t t e n d mass every Sunday or on other weekdays p a r t i c u l a r l y when the workload i s heavy. because o f t h e i r the  priest  fear  But they are f o r c e d t o do so  of g o s s i p as w e l l as b e i n g c h a s t i z e d by  f o r t h e i r m a t e r i a l i s t i c ways.  Conclusions  The new  rules  immigrants.  o f the workplace p l a c e immense demands on  In i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s  such as Canada, i t  e x e r t s a powerful i n f l u e n c e on the s e l f concepts and images that people develop.  To be a m i s f i t  i n such a context can  have a c r i p p l i n g e f f e c t on i n d i v i d u a l s mance.  and t h e i r  T h i s was the experience of the S i k h s .  alterations  perfor-  While many  as recorded e a r l i e r were made, some fundamental  i s s u e s o f " s e l f - h o o d " had t o be examined. means an easy process, because  T h i s was by no  -1801)  the Sikhs  2)  and a l l other  Further,  they  not only  religion  from  ethnicity,  t o the private  issues.  a c t i v i t i e s , The l a t t e r  Canadian  norms  as a  development feasible  The  them  emphasis  they  distinctions work  identity  a  that  few began  they made  made  of  of ethnic  their  To  made  rather  than  of as  them t h e was  the only  took.  such  i te a s i e r f o r l i f e .  achievement  religious/ethnic less  with  d i dnot face  t o Canadian  transition  divided  any acceptance  they  hand  of occupation  between  t o terms  identity  i s the path  individual  were  compartmentalize  loyalty  knowledge.  and accommodate on  t o  and viewed  on t h e other  choice  placed  the confinement  the Sikhs  of cultural  existing  Portuguese  t o evaluate  and  the separation of  but also  threatened  and t h i s  Their  loyalty  a c t i v i t y .  s t r u g g l e d t o come  and maintenance  solution  pressures.  While  loss  addition t o their  work  sphere.  others  felt  cultural  work  involved  was n o t s u r p r i s i n g  t h e above  their  an  t o individual  this  between  of identification.  had t o subordinate  identity  It  i t .  forms  Finally,  both  on  the distinction  identity  family  3)  h a d t o make  The  and t h e identity  problematic.  and  -181CHAPTER 5 FOOTNOTES  See B u c h i g n a n i N. (1977) f o r d e t a i l s .  This  i s what K i e f e r  (1974) means when s h e t a l k s a b o u t  "acculturating to acculturation". dual  learns to prefer  very  i t was v e r y  little  indivi-  t h e new r o l e a n d i t s a t t e n d a n t  p r i n c i p l e s and b e h a v i o u r . sters,  T h a t i s , an  I n the case o f these young-  c l e a r t h a t a t l e a s t two o f them h a d  i n c l i n a t i o n t o c a r r y on a t r a d i t i o n  they had been s o c i a l i z e d i n .  T h e s e two w e r e  that  also  m a r r i e d t o C a n a d i a n s , a n d t h i s made i t more d i f f i c u l t for  them t o r e t a i n h a b i t s  and f a m i l y customs.  two h a d n o t s p e n t much t i m e i n I n d i a , a l t h o u g h spouses were P u n j a b i . of and  The  their  They were n o t f l u e n t i n t h e u s e  t h e l a n g u a g e and were n o t c u r r e n t w i t h  the procedures  r i t u a l performances t h a t t h e i r parents took f o r  granted.  other  -182CHAPTER 5 FIGURES  FIGURE  1:  Responses o f S i k h s w i t h to  Respect  t h e I s s u e o f Removing t h e T u r b a n  Page  167  -183CHAPTER 6 THE MEANING OF LAND AND PROPERTY OWNERSHIP  In t h i s chapter patterns  t h e main c o n c e r n i s w i t h l a n d use  and types o f p r o p e r t y  o w n e r s h i p among t h e S i k h s a n d  the P o r t u g u e s e i n t h e Okanagan V a l l e y . l a s t chapter, to take income.  one o f t h e f i r s t  t h a t an immigrant has  i s t o f i n d a s t a b l e j o b and a r e g u l a r s o u r c e o f I f he succeeds i n d o i n g  earned, the next step the  steps  A s we saw i n t h e  s o a n d s a v e s t h e money  i s t o send f o r h i s / h e r  f a m i l y a r r i v e s , (s)he takes  other  family.  Once  measures t o e s t a b l i s h  roots  i n t h e community.  until  s u c h t i m e when a n i n d i v i d u a l c a n a f f o r d o n e , a n d  entering a  into social  interactions with  "relevant others" i s  beginning.  However, t h e r e by  B u y i n g a home, o r e v e n r e n t i n g one  a r e c o n s t r a i n t s p l a c e d on immigrants  t h e l a r g e r community t h e y choose t o l i v e  instances h o s p i t a l i t y  in.  I n some  i s m i n i m a l t o w a r d a newcomer.  i s a f e a r that c e r t a i n groups would lower the value perty.  There of pro-  There i s a l s o t h e a d d i t i o n a l fear t h a t they would  i n t r o d u c e new e l e m e n t s t h a t m i g h t t h r e a t e n  a tenuous  communal s t a b i l i t y  that they envisage or perceive.  parameters provide  guides f o r immigrant a c t i o n s .  These  In keeping w i t h our d e f i n i t i o n o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n as  - 184-  th e l e a r n i n g o f s k i l l s g r o u p , we s h a l l settlement valley. and  and s t r a t e g i e s n a t i v e t o a n o t h e r  explore  t h i s p r o c e s s i n l a n d o w n e r s h i p and  pattern of the Sikhs  As i n t h e work w o r l d ,  generally undesirable  and t h e P o r t u g u e s e i n t h e S i k h s were c o n s i d e r e d  alien  i n t h e community, whereas t h e  Portuguese d i d n o t r e c e i v e such h o s t i l e r e a c t i o n s . hypothesis the  advanced here r e c o g n i z e s  contexts  The  both the s i g n i f i c a n c e of  w h i c h members o f b o t h g r o u p s e n c o u n t e r e d , a s  w e l l as t h e d i s p a r i t i e s between t h e i r n a t i v e c u l t u r a l models and  t h e new m o d e l s .  T h r o u g h o u t my e n t i r e s t a y i n t h e v a l l e y , I was c o n s t a n t l y aware o f t h e p r e - o c c u p a t i o n zoning,  land use p a t t e r n s  w i t h a few c i t i z e n s , cal  presentations,  core  values  and h o u s i n g .  From my  discussions  i t i s p o s s i b l e t o d e l i n e a t e some o f t h e They p r e s e n t  c l a s s i f i e d along  an  order  two d i m e n s i o n s .  first  i s general  tions  i n t h e r e g i o n as a whole; t h e other  and  with  and from j o u r n a l a r t i c l e s and h i s t o r i -  associated with land.  t h a t c a n be b r o a d l y  of Canadians  The  and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f l a n d use c l a s s i f i c a i s more s p e c i f i c  pertains to the l o c a l - r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t .  follows:  - s e e T a b l e XX -  They a r e as  -185TABLE XX L a n d Use C l a s s i f i c a t i o n  REGIONAL CATEGORIES  LOCAL CATEGORIES  Agricultural/Industrial  Renter/Owner  Urban/Rural  Single  Lake/Land  Family/  Multi-residential  Valley/Mountains  Low D e n s i t y / H i g h  Units Density  Suburb/City  (Note: obtained  G e n e r a l f e a t u r e s o f l a n d u s e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n were f r o m P l a n - V e r n o n 1 9 7 3 , Hudson's 1973 R e p o r t t o t h e  M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e , a n d The E c o n o m i c S t u d y o f t h e Okanagan-Shuswap  Region 1971.  estate agents, o l d timers sharpen t h e above  However, i n t e r v i e w s w i t h  a n d a few newcomers h e l p e d  contrasts.)  to  real  -186To newcomers s u c h a n o r d e r  i s not immediately  a p p a r e n t y e t t h e y must l e a r n t h a t c o m i n g t o t e r m s w i t h classifications  i s imperative  to adaptation.  c a t e g o r i e s opposed t o each o t h e r , e n c e s b e t w e e n them t h e y a s k ?  these  Why a r e t h e  a n d what a r e t h e d i f f e r -  I n a n s w e r t o t h a t , we h a v e t o  r e c a p i t u l a t e t h e main f e a t u r e s o f t h e r e g i o n a l model.  As  we saw e a r l i e r ,  until  a g r i c u l t u r e was t h e most i m p o r t a n t The  advent o f low cost r a i l  t h e S e c o n d W o r l d War industry i n the v a l l e y .  t r a n s p o r t a t i o n soon a f t e r the  g o l d r u s h days had been a t u r n i n g p o i n t agriculture.  A l t h o u g h a t f i r s t w h e a t a n d b e e f seemed t o be  the main p r o d u c t s , into  i n the h i s t o r y of  commercial f r u i t production  s o o n came  existence.  The orchard  i d e a t h a t o n e c o u l d make a g o o d l i v i n g  was v e r y p e r s u a s i v e  from an  b o t h i n Canada and a b r o a d , and  p e o p l e began t o pour i n t o t h e v a l l e y .  T h e r e was a n e x p e c t e d  l a n d boom, a n d l a n d d e v e l o p m e n t c o m p a n i e s a n d c o m m u n i t y i r r i g a t i o n p r o j e c t s came i n t o b e i n g . e x p a n d e d b a s e d on t h e o r c h a r d  Settlements  industry.  A l l others  s e c o n d a r y and s u p p o r t e d t h e e x i s t i n g c o r e . i n s t a n c e , a l m o s t e v e r y town had a s a w m i l l provided  a r o s e and were  Thus, f o r that  basically  t h e l o c a l m a n u f a c t u r e r s w i t h c r a t e s and s h i p p i n g  containers  f o r the f r u i t  (Okanagan Economic S t u d y :  1971).  -187-  However, the h i s t o r y of the Okanagan i s not e n t i r e l y congruent with the h i s t o r y of the f r u i t fact,  industry.  the l a t t e r has not e n t i r e l y been a s u c c e s s f u l  there were setbacks from the v e r y b e g i n n i n g .  In one;  F r o s t damage  to the crop, l a c k of a c e n t r a l marketing o r g a n i z a t i o n ,  lack  of a r e g u l a r and assured market f o r the f r u i t : a l l had served t o l e s s e n i t s economic v i a b i l i t y .  The opening of the  Hope-Princeton highway i n the south end of the v a l l e y , the Rogers Pass i n the n o r t h , brought  and  i n an i n f l u x of  t o u r i s t s and l e d to a s i g n i f i c a n t i n c r e a s e and expansion of this industry.  There was  i n d u s t r i e s ; what was  a l s o an expansion i n the f o r e s t  once a s m a l l l o c a l establishment i n  each town became a c e n t r a l i z e d and c a p i t a l venture.  intensive  There had a l s o been a marked i n c r e a s e i n the  manufacturing and s e r v i c e i n d u s t r i e s .  What has o c c u r r e d  over time, then, i s a g r a d u a l decrease i n the importance a g r i c u l t u r e and p a r t i c u l a r l y the f r u i t  industry.  of  I t i s no  longer the core i n d u s t r y ; indeed a t p r e s e n t , there i s not one core, but s e v e r a l i n the v a l l e y .  The tremendous. people who  impact of these changes i n the v a l l e y has been There has been an i n c r e a s e i n the number of  have v e r y l i t t l e  to do with a g r i c u l t u r e .  Conse-  q u e n t l y , t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to the l a n d i s of an order that is distinct  from t h a t of the farmers.  a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d has now and r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d .  What was  been apportioned i n t o  once industrial  T h i s has r e s u l t e d i n a c o n f l i c t of  -188-  i n t e r e s t s between farmers  and o t h e r s .  of l a n d use p a t t e r n s , the opposing  Therefore,  i n terms  categories of land f o r  i n d u s t r i a l purposes and l a n d f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l purposes a r e significant.  As  a r e s u l t o f , and i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h t h e above,  t h e r e h a s been an i n c r e a s i n g d e m a r c a t i o n r u r a l areas. orchards  between urban and  W h i l e i n an e a r l i e r phase, towns and o u t l y i n g  were d i s t i n c t ,  today  c i t y d w e l l i n g s and l i f e s t y l e s s i d e a r e tremendous.  the extensions  and i n r o a d s o f  into the surrounding  Further w i t h i n these  urban  countrycenters  d i s t i n c t i o n s between commercial space, m u l t i - f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s and s i n g l e - f a m i l y r e s i d e n t i a l For  areas  a r e more m a r k e d .  i n s t a n c e , i n Vernon and Kelowna t h e r e a r e a r e a s  w i t h i n t h e c i t y a n d on t h e o u t s k i r t s  (near  both  t h e l a k e s ) where  t h e p r o p e r t y v a l u e h a s r i s e n a s t r o n o m i c a l l y i n t h e l a s t few years.  These areas  are p r i m a r i l y s i n g l e - f a m i l y r e s i d e n t i a l  z o n e s , w h i c h h o u s e l a r g e r t h a n a v e r a g e homes a n d w e l l manicured  gardens.  I n t h e newer a r e a s there  i s more c o n c e r n  cheaper housing. triplexes,  of the c i t y ,  on t h e o t h e r  w i t h e f f e c t i v e use o f space and  A s a r e s u l t t h e r e a r e more  duplexes,  a p a r t m e n t s , townhouses as w e l l as s i n g l e  with smaller  gardens.  hand,  homes  -189-  In a d d i t i o n to the above there has been an i n t e r e s t on the p a r t of both a g r i c u l t u r i s t s and n o n - a g r i c u l t u r i s t s i n the p r e s e r v a t i o n of the cities  "wilderness".  t h i s finds expression  r e c r e a t i o n grounds, and  In the towns and  i n forms such as parks  camping grounds and  these urban boundaries.  and  reserves  outside  Notably, s i n c e the l a k e s are a  major a t t r a c t i o n to the v a l l e y , c e r t a i n s e c t i o n s of land around these l a k e s have been maintained as p u b l i c l a n d . Since  the l a k e i s an important a s s e t to the v a l l e y , land  around the l a k e has  a higher  value  than i n l a n d .  With  the  c u r r e n t shortage of l a n d f o r r e s i d e n t i a l purposes, l o t s  that  have been carved out of the mountainside, p r o v i d i n g a good view of the v a l l e y , have a l s o e s c a l a t e d i n v a l u e . stand l a n d use p a t t e r n s between a r g i c u l t u r a l / valley/mountains consideration.  As  i n the v a l l e y , the d i f f e r e n c e s  i n d u s t r i a l , urban/rural,  lake/land,  are major themes that have to be taken i n t o These concepts t h a t new  f r o n t e d with must be actions.  To under-  i n t e r p r e t e d and  immigrants are con-  incorporated  into their  i f these d i f f e r e n c e s between groups were not  enough, d i f f e r e n c e s i n terms of e t h n i c i t y have a l s o tended to complicate settlements,  matters.  In the e a r l y h i s t o r y of these  undesirable  immigrants were v i r t u a l l y excluded  from the main stream of community l i f e . ginality  found e x p r e s s i o n  Their s o c i a l  i n s p a t i a l segregation  mar-  as w e l l .  Thus, f o r example, there were Japanese and Chinese  enclaves  -190e i t h e r i n the o u t s k i r t s or i n the H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y Report: 1962:  As we was  saw  inner c i t y 109).  e a r l i e r , acceptance i n t o the  community  g e n e r a l l y d e f i n e d i n terms of the c o n t r i b u t i o n s made to  the g e n e r a l w e l l being of a l l i t s c i t i z e n s . participation  i t s r e l a t e d a c t i v i t i e s were a l l  i n c o r p o r a t e d w i t h i n such a d e f i n i t i o n . dependent on p e r s o n a l  participation.  Being a good c i t i z e n  i n t e g r i t y as w e l l as communal  A common code f o r conduct thus p r o v i d e d  framework f o r b e l o n g i n g  Sikh  Reciprocity,  in voluntary organizations, active contribu-  t i o n to the church and  was  (Okanagan  a  to the community.  Perspectives  By and  l a r g e , Sikh immigrants who  1960's, u n l i k e the p i o n e e r s , farm l a n d . criminated  d i d not wish to own  They were no longer  orchards or  l e g a l l y h e l p l e s s or  a g a i n s t as the o l d t i m e r s had been.  ownership was hostile  came i n the  dis-  Thus, land  not a s t r a t e g y f o r coping with a new  and  context.  They p r e f e r r e d to buy  land i n India instead.  By  sending money home on a r e g u l a r b a s i s , they c o u l d enhance their  f a m i l y s t a t u s i n the v i l l a g e or hometown.  concepts of l a n d ownership was  Their  thus t i e d to d e f i n i t i o n s  of  -191f a m i l y , communal and v i l l a g e s t a t u s (Helweg: 1979).  In Canada, however, they bought houses as soon as they c o u l d a f f o r d i t .  These homes are p r i m a r i l y i n the  newer areas of the c i t y which are a l s o m u l t i - r e s i d e n t i a l . Most of the Sikhs bought duplexes and brought  i n revenue.  t r i p l e x e s which  By choosing t o buy homes r a t h e r than  orchards, they i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the other n o n - a g r i c u l t u r i s t s i n the l o c a l communities.  Such an endorsement, i n t u r n ,  n e c e s s i t a t e d the a p p r e c i a t i o n of the c a t e g o r i e s that are meaningful  to n o n - a g r i c u l t u r i s t s .  see l a t e r ,  they had  Most of a l l ,  as we  to l e a r n to i d e n t i f y with the  shall  local-  r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t i n s t e a d of the e t h n i c group.  Portuguese P e r s p e c t i v e s  The Portuguese,  on the other hand, were f r u i t  p i c k e r s on orchards when they f i r s t a r r i v e d .  They were  a l l o c a t e d c a b i n s to l i v e i n by t h e i r employers.  With the  savings they made, they began t o work on improving them. Since many of them knew what t o do, they worked a t i t a t their leisure.  Such i n i t i a t i v e d i d not pass u n n o t i c e d .  They earned r e s p e c t i n the eyes of t h e i r employers.  They  were not seen as r e n t e r s , because they were concerned p r o p e r t y value, l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s and environment. s u b s c r i b i n g to behaviour  that was  with  Thus, by  valued by members of the  -192community, t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s were v i e w e d as a t t e m p t s become p a r t o f t h a t  community.  From a P o r t u g u e s e provement i n t h e i r  quality  a c a b i n i n t o a home was towards  ownership  peculiar  called  of l i f e .  The  a significant  live  step.  the Portuguese  a t t e m p t s t o s e t t l e were v i e w e d Eventually,  i s shared  (1974), f r u i t  follows: farms";  Orchards  (1977) d i s c u s s  Thus, t h e i r  f a v o u r a b l y by o t h e r  f r o m 1-5  a c r e s were d e f i n e d a s  a c r e s were c a l l e d  up t o 5 7 % o f t h e l a n d .  r a n g e d b e t w e e n 25-60 a c r e s ; a b o u t  was  about  themselves.  (Portuguese)  t h e Okanagan, 58% o f t h e f a r m e r s f a l l  and own  initial  Agricul-  o r c h a r d s i n t h e v a l l e y were c l a s s i f i e d a s  t h o s e w i t h 5-25  g o r y and own  by  In a study  A c c o r d i n g t o a r e p o r t of the M i n i s t r y of ture  attitude i s not  they bought the orchards  Land and P r o p e r t y O w n e r s h i p  im-  i n c r e a s e d the v a l u e of  p r o p e r t y i n a Montreal neighbourhood.  Canadians.  This  i n the Okanagan, b u t  O t h e r Economy", t h e a u t h o r K r o h n  i n which  an  idea of converting  i n o t h e r p a r t s o f Canada a s w e l l .  "The  t h e way  p e r s p e c t i v e , t h e r e was  as e x p r e s s e d b y t h e P o r t u g u e s e  t o t h o s e who  Portuguese  to  24% o f t h e l a n d .  "hobby  s m a l l farms.  under t h i s l a t e r c a t e Medium s i z e d  orchards  8% b e l o n g i n t h i s  Any  In  category  f a r m w i t h o v e r 60  acres  c o n s i d e r e d l a r g e and o n l y 1% o f t h e f a r m e r s b e l o n g e d  to  -193t h i s c a t e g o r y , a l t h o u g h t h e y owned up t o 1 1 % o f t h e l a n d . The h o b b y o r c h a r d o w n e r s c o n s t i t u t e 2 2 % o f a l l g r o w e r s a n d o p e r a t e a b o u t 6% o f t h e o r c h a r d l a n d . parameters  W i t h i n these  regional  t h e r e were l o c a l v a r i a t i o n s as w e l l .  Although  ownership  o f p r o p e r t y and l a n d i n t h e  v a l l e y was a means o f a c h i e v i n g s t a t u s ,  t h i s was b y no means  conclusive.  An i n d i v i d u a l ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d l e a d e r s h i p  capabilities  i n t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n and p r o d u c t i o n o f f r u i t  a crucial  factor.  that looked a f t e r to  which  The l o c a l  institutions  i n each community  t h e s e a f f a i r s were t h e f r u i t c o o p e r a t i v e s ,  most f a r m e r s b e l o n g e d .  Those Portuguese  f a r m e r s w e r e a l s o j u d g e d b y t h e same p r i n c i p l e s . we saw e a r l i e r , confined  was  their  who became Initially,  indifference to f r u i t peddling  them t o a m a r g i n a l  laws  role.  - see Table XXI -  Small  Farmers  Contrary to the general c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ,  the Portu-  g u e s e c o n s i d e r t h o s e who own b e t w e e n 2-5 a c r e s o f l a n d a s small farmers. families  I n my s a m p l e o f 39 f a m i l i e s t h e r e w e r e s e v e n  t h a t owned l e s s  than f i v e acres o f l a n d .  Among  t h i s g r o u p , many w e r e p r o p o s i n g t o b u y a l a r g e r o r c h a r d a s soon as they had saved  money.  From t h e i r p e r s p e c t i v e , t h i s  -194TABLE L a n d and  Property  O w n e r s h i p Among t h e in  Less  than  local  =  10  -  20 a c r e s  =  16  20  -  50 a c r e s  =  5  over  50 a c r e s  =  _1  =  39  cross-checked water  7  10  Information  board.)  was  with  Portuguese  Valley  acres  TOTAL  then  the  5 acres  5-10  (Source:  XXI  obtained  through  the assessment  list  interviews  and  p r o v i d e d by  the  -195was  just  most  an i n i t i a l p h a s e i n t h e i r  settlement pattern.  In  i n s t a n c e s t h e r e was a minimum o f f i v e y e a r s b e f o r e  c o u l d a c q u i r e even a s m a l l o r c h a r d . e a r l i e r p h a s e , t h e men  remodelled  1  As was  they  true i n the  t h e i r homes i n t h e i r  t i m e and t h e f a m i l y w o r k e d t o g e t h e r on t h e f a r m .  spare  In short,  s e l f h e l p a n d f a m i l y c o o p e r a t i o n made i t p o s s i b l e f o r t h e s e farmers  n o t o n l y t o b u y l a n d b u t a l s o t o make i t e c o n o m i c a l -  ly feasible. doubled  F u r t h e r , i n a decade the v a l u e o f t h e l a n d had  (Hudson R e p o r t :  1973).  N o t o n l y h a d l a n d become  more v a l u a b l e , b u t a l s o t h e i m p r o v e m e n t s made, s u c h remodelled  homes, c o l d  s t o r a g e rooms, g a r a g e s and s h e d s h a d  contributed t o the e s c a l a t i o n of orchard  In  as  prices.  t h i s p h a s e , ^then, t h e r e was a c l e a r u s e o f  communal s p a c e .  They were p r o p e r t y o w n e r s and p a i d t a x e s .  They had a s t a k e  i n the p r o p e r t y values of the  hood.  neighbour-  They w e r e a l s o i n v o l v e d i n t h e e c o n o m i c o r g a n i z a t i o n  o f t h e community such as t h e c o o p e r a t i v e s . o f p r o p e r t y cemented t h e i r  Medium S i z e d  community.  t o t h e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n made b y  t h o s e who owned b e t w e e n 5-20  medium s i z e d  ownership  Farms  According families,  t i e s t o the l o c a l  Thus  farmers.  differentiation  Portuguese  acres of land  were  But w i t h i n t h i s c a t e g o r y a f u r t h e r  was made b e t w e e n t h o s e who owned up t o 10  -196acres  (Category  Category  A  A)  those  this  category.  land  of which  rest  of the land  or  8.5  Like  vations.  The  Respondent  The h o u s e place and i t . He b u added a d i  they  by  patterns  the average, acres  they  was  under  had a a  l i t t l e  l i t t l e  others,  they  they  shed  had about  fruit  where  w i l l  f e l l  under  nine  acres  cultivation.  vineyard,  h a d made  example  families  a  they  the  small kitchen kept  extensive c l a r i f y  On  of  poultry  reno-  this  point.  w a s v e r y s m a l l a n d r u n d o w n w h e n we b o u g h t this J o e h a d t o spend a g r e a t d e a l o f t i m e a n d money i l t a u t i l i t y room, e n l a r g e d t h e l i v i n g room, n i n g room, and f i n i s h e d t h e basement.  improvements  were  many made  significant was  Portuguese  (Category B ) .  1  had bought  most  more  i n t e r v i e w e d , 10  the Canadians.  additions The  I  following  Such "new"  On  and sometimes  goats.  with  (5-10 Acres)  Among  garden  and those  that  were  no  Almost  years when  were  n o t seen  a l l o f them  ago, although  family  size  characteristic  their  surroundings  different.  as d i s t a s t e f u l lived  of their  or  i n houses  improvements  o r incomes  or  increased.  land  on  use  d i d n o t change.  The  -197Category  B  (10-20  acres)  T h e r e w e r e 16 be  thus c l a s s i f i e d .  11.5  The  pickers,  15 y e a r s .  not  Some o f them h a d They had  lived  in Oliver  a p a r t from t h i s i n t h e mid differences  orchards.  T h e r e was  f o r such  lived  in Oliver  o r i g i n a l l y worked  t h e n b o u g h t s m a l l o r c h a r d s , and  the s i z e of t h e i r  as  g r a d u a l l y expanded  o n l y one  family that  a l e n g t h of time.  But  f a m i l y most o t h e r s h a d b o u g h t t h e i r  s i x t i e s and h a d  made g o o d i n v e s t m e n t s .  i n p r i c e s of orchards, of course,  t h e t y p e o f h o u s e and  orchards The  varied with  f a r m e q u i p m e n t t h a t came w i t h i t .  1961  an e l e v e n a c r e o r c h a r d c o s t $ 3 8 , 0 0 0 .  both  a h o u s e a s w e l l a s a p i c k e r ' s c a b i n on t h e l o t .  1965  an e l e v e n a c r e o r c h a r d s o l d  p i c k e r ' s c a b i n and  could  r a n g e o f l a n d owned v a r i e d f r o m  a c r e s t o 20 a c r e s .  for at least  had  f a m i l i e s whom I i n t e r v i e w e d who  This included In  f o r $45,000, a g a i n w i t h  farm equipment.  a c r e o r c h a r d c o s t $122,500.  In  But by  1975,  Land p r i c e s had  an  indeed  a  eleven esca-  lated.  It  i s very clear  a c r e o f l a n d had  that i n Oliver  more t h a n d o u b l e d  the p r i c e of  s i n c e 1960.  Once an  one area  t h a t d i d n o t a t t r a c t many f a r m e r s ,  O l i v e r had  now  economically viable d i s t r i c t .  Portuguese  i n p a r t bene-  fited  The  from t h i s growth, although  responsible  become an  t h e y were t o a l a r g e e x t e n t  f o r i n c r e a s i n g the v a l u e of the p r o p e r t y .  In  -198addition to r i s i n g property  values,  i n 1972, t h e p o l i c y o f  the government t o f r e e z e a g r i c u l t u r a l  l a n d gave a tremendous  b o o s t t o a g r i c u l t u r e (Hudson: 1973).  Although  objected  farmers  t o t h i s p o l i c y , w h i c h p r e v e n t e d them f r o m  t h e i r own l a n d a t a g r e a t e r  profit,  t h e r e was g e n e r a l  ment t h a t t h i s was a m e a s u r e t h a t w o u l d b o t h h e l p p r e v e n t t h e i n d u s t r y from d y i n g with  selling  them a n d  out i n the v a l l e y .  Also,  t h e a d d i t i o n a l impetus from t h e crop insurance  gramme, f a r m e r s w e r e r e c e i v i n g b e t t e r p r o f i t s . economically  style.  Since  pro-  I t was  f e a s i b l e t o be i n t h e f r u i t b u s i n e s s ,  e n j o y a good l i f e  agree-  and a l s o  t h e y h a d h e l d on t o t h e  l a n d , t h e P o r t u g u e s e now w e r e t h e l a r g e f a r m e r s i n t h e district. one  They sought t h e i r  identity  through the land.  As  o f them o b s e r v e d ,  " I n P o r t u g a l we c a n n o t a f f o r d t o h a v e l a n d . L a n d was o n l y for the r i c h . We w o r k e d o n t h e l a n d o r h e l d s m a l l p l o t s . E v e n t h e n i t was t o o e x p e n s i v e a n d we n e v e r h o p e d t o h a v e t h e l a n d we h a v e h e r e . I n Canada t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s a r e better. We c o u l d s a v e enough money a n d b o r r o w t h e r e s t f r o m t h e Farm C r e d i t O f f i c e b e c a u s e we h a v e g o o d bank c r e d i t ratings. A t f i r s t I b o u g h t f i v e a c r e s , t h e n 1 0 , a n d now I h a v e a l m o s t 20 a c r e s . R i g h t now my p r o p e r t y v a l u e i s v e r y h i g h a n d I am a r i c h man. I c o u l d never have been so r i c h b a c k home. I r e a l i z e d t h i s when I v i s i t e d P o r t u g a l . My f r i e n d s w e r e s t i l l i n t h e p o s i t i o n t h a t I saw them i n . O w n e r s h i p o f p r o p e r t y was v e r y r e s t r i c t e d . " At there up  this point  i t i s a l s o important  t o note  that  a r e some q u a l i t a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n t h o s e who own  t o 10 a c r e s  this settlement  a n d t h o s e who own up t o 20 a c r e s . s t a g e some f a m i l i e s d e c i d e d  I t was a t  to build  new  -199homes way  on  to  Since be  their  get  ing to  a  in  acres  i n  several their "one  not  of  at  on  them  imposed the  their  the  land,  and  proposed  to  pickers  so  or  much  keep  in so  up  the  with  land  i s  a  freeze.  allow  homes  satisfaction  of  This,  to hav-  according  individual  owned  over  f a m i l i e s who  were  Thus  these  individuals  rented  This  the  the  this  house  process  that  and  me,  to  other  modern homes.  the  property.  f e a s i b l e i f an  business.  told  by  land  l e a s t have  house  f a m i l i e s are  to  problem  of  was  their  had  one  laws,  homes  land,  As  subdivide  could  modern  farm  workers  phase of  saying  Pereieras  began  while  in  they  1975,  and  b u i l d i n g new  homes  goes  Oliver  and  that  i n  Ferreiras  and  on  not  Jones".  In  summary,  phase  can  could  afford  only  be  a  was  applicable  began  to  be  their  status  established  old  one  at  old  only  applied  The  several of  least homes,  distinction  not  importantly,  settlers.  as  i t ,bought  remodelled clear  then,  described  was  Most  the  agricultural  older  lived  the  they  zoning  the  the  could  large  the  five  around  they  b u i l t ,  orchards-  to  they  among other  themselves  was  step  15  acre  they  be  made.  they  citizens in  the  maintained step  in  in  new  had  initiated  themselves, as  footsteps while the  the  who  They  ones.  Oliver  This  Those  orchards.  b u i l t  Portuguese  by  can  consolidation.  that  followed  order  points  not  There that but  well.  of  earlier  new  community.  groups  -200Large  Farmers  A n y o n e who owned more t h a n 20 a c r e s o f l a n d was, according t o thePortuguese, o n l y s i x f a r m e r s who f e l l six,  a large  farmer.  There  under t h i s c a t e g o r y .  were  Of t h e s e  one f a r m e r owned 105 a c r e s o f l a n d , b u t t h e o t h e r s h a d  l e s s t h a n 40 a c r e s .  Those w i t h l a r g e r  farms  tended t o  e m p l o y a l a r g e r number o f h i r e d w o r k e r s , many o f whom w e r e not o f Portuguese tendency  l o o k e d a t t h e major  a g r i c u l t u r a l purposes  purposes,  B u t b y a n d l a r g e t h e r e was a  t o h e l p each o t h e r o u t d u r i n g t h e f r u i t  Having for  origin.  and l a n d  l e t us take a c l o s e r  house and p r o p e r t y ownership  season.  d i f f e r e n c e s between  land  for non-agricultural  look a t the i m p l i c a t i o n s of  i n t h e towns a n d c i t i e s .  Home O w n e r s h i p i n C i t i e s a n d Towns  By c h o o s i n g t o l i v e are  i n an urban c e n t r e , i n d i v i d u a l s  forced t o take into consideration c e r t a i n c r i t e r i a f o r  e s t a b l i s h i n g themselves.  I n g e n e r a l , ownership  of property  i s viewed n o t o n l y as an i n v e s t m e n t , b u t a l s o g i v e s t h e i n d i v i d u a l more power i n t h e c o m m u n i t y .  Many i n d i v i d u a l s c h e r i s h t h e hope o f o w n i n g , t h a n r e n t i n g , a home.  rather  To s u b s t a n t i a t e t h i s p r o p o s i t i o n I  -201shall  use  Vernon  as  an  example.  In  1971,  out  of  the  4,175  2 households Census: the  i n  1971).  value  ownership  This  as  apartment  or  a  their  see  they  go  where  away  after  on  the  holidays  change  status.  h i s  because  areas  would  to  take  used  there  opposed  to  indicator  are  to  hierarchy  one  who  up  and  look  having  to  who  owns  l e f t .  of  after get  i n  i s  largely  They  l i v i n g the  an  single-  live  This  i n  detached  rated below  people  of  renting.  i s a  townhouses.  to  an  single-family  advantage  have  as  opposed  a  grown  without  bourhood.  agree  to  the  other  important  Although  most  are  There  on  i s more  keep  that  never  addition  as  to  have  not  renter,  What  in  of  (Canadian  do  i n a yard,  somebody  to  not  townor  can  look  house.  position.  important  as  sometimes  move  not  do  be  Townhouses  children  they  The  renter,  esteem,  homes  owned  above,  owner  although  should  could  the  duplex.  homes,  were  ownership  The  i n high  because  house,  figure  to  well.  single-detached  why  2,692  addition to  i s held  detached  city,  attached  In  home  the  an  i s a  factors  that  start  off  only  for  apartment  as  he  noise  up  space  and  insecure  may to  never be  way,  in and  a  i t i s -  People  single-family  going  c o n s t r a i n t on  such  i n an  that  categories distinct.  assigned to  i s  i s  i t i s acceptable  families  the  hand,  who  live  homes  their  neigh-  f a c i l i t i e s ,  pollution.  This  i s  i n  -202-  one  of the reasons people  f l e e from the i n n e r c i t y .  Further, i t i s very d i f f i c u l t  f o r people  t o keep the r u l e s  when they l i v e i n such c l o s e p r o x i m i t y .  Thus, t h e r e i s a s a n c t i t y a s s o c i a t e d with home and hearth.  There are a l s o the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r b e i n g a good  c i t i z e n and c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the community.  Sikh P e r s p e c t i v e s  From the p o i n t o f view of the Sikh community, r e n t ing was a very convenient  form o f tenure, e s p e c i a l l y when  the immigrants were s i n g l e .  I t saved them the t r o u b l e which  the maintenance o f a house i n v o l v e d .  Besides, i t was n o t  hard t o r e n t and i t d i d not i n v o l v e much r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Nor d i d i t i n v o l v e g e t t i n g loans from the bank and paying them back.  The u s u a l mode was f o r three or four b a c h e l o r s  to r e n t a home.  (Aurora: 1967 d e s c r i b e s a s i m i l a r p a t t e r n  among the Sikhs i n England).  On the other hand, they a l s o f e l t t h a t owning a house was very important, j o i n e d them. children.  e s p e c i a l l y when t h e i r  families  T h i s was p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e i f they had  A c c o r d i n g to them, they d i d n o t have to depend on  o t h e r s to a l l o w them t o r e n t t h e i r house or s u i t e .  They had  a l s o d i s c o v e r e d that i t was p o s s i b l e t o borrow money from  -203-  the  bank  was  a  means  buying  wanted  could  important respect  ethnic  do  a  local  type  however,  there  stages  great  distinct.  Family  In  a  The  towards  deal Sikhs  of tenure.  children  latter  corresponding  t o  t o keep  to indicate  the concern  cycle.  this  detached  a n d who  The  At a l l points,  of concern seemed  were  ownership  o f t h e community.  distinction  Units  i s not only  b u t one o f d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e l i f e  Single-family  consanguineal)  the interviews  Homes/Multi-Residential  Canada,  i . e . ,  and  i n the l i f e - c y c l e  and t h e form  was  from  i n attitudes  and the rest  several  o f an  1967).  t o emerge  and c o n t r a s t s  the settlement  Single  class  seemed  i s the  t o that  (affinal  i s an  People  however,  k i n members  of house  categories  t o note,  of brotherhood,  (Aurora:  few  or a car.  between setting  i fa  Thus  "ownership  of the city,  the Sikhs  identified  remarked,  i f i t i s a house  i s important  credit  neighbourhood,  i n a sector  s i m i l a r i t i e s  with  What  i n t h e same  one o f them  even  Besides,  l i v i n g  What  the  As  obtaining  i n t h e community.  at a l l .  together  of the principle  group  between  t o live  and that  oneself  not hard  so.  you."  cooperation in  was  thing,  extension  rates,  of establishing  a house  friends they  a t low interest  want  homes  cycle  are preferred by  t o escape  the horrors  one o f  as those  of the  well. who  have  crowded  -204inner c i t y .  Social arrival  witnessed by the ownership  i n the community i s u s u a l l y o f s i n g l e detached  A s s o c i a t e d with t h i s ownership  homes.  i s a c e r t a i n amount o f  freedom and p r i v a c y which other forms of home ownership do not l e n d themselves manipulated  to.  That i s , p h y s i c a l boundaries are  t o maintain s o c i a l d i s t a n c e and p r i v a c y .  Among the Sikh f a m i l i e s who l i v e d  i n Vernon alone,  17 from my sample of 20 l i v e d i n one p a r t i c u l a r h i g h dens i t y , r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood.  F u r t h e r , 14 out of the 20  owned duplexes, w h i l e s i x had s i n g l e detached homes. latter,  Of the  there were o n l y three who l i v e d i n low d e n s i t y r e s i -  d e n t i a l areas.  As most o f them observed,  the major  criteria  for l i v i n g here were low c o s t o f housing and p r o x i m i t y t o friends.  The average  c o s t of a duplex was $23,000 w h i l e a  s i n g l e detached home c o s t $38,000 or more.  The other advan-  tages they saw were the p o s s i b i l i t y o f c a r p o o l s and s h a r i n g l e i s u r e time a c t i v i t i e s .  In summary, then, the formation o f  an enclave was a spontaneous r e a c t i o n t o the a l i e n a t i o n i n the new c o n t e x t .  - see Table XXII and Table XXIII -  felt  -205TABLE Property  N  =  Ownership  XXII  Among  the Sikhs  i n Vernon  20  NEW Mixed lower  r e s i d e n t i a l and income neighbourhood  =  17  =  8  OWNED Adjacent  duplexes  Duplexes Single  family  6 homes  =  3 17  OLDER S i n g l e f a m i l y homes i n residential neighbourhoods  TOTAL  3  =  20  (Source: I n f o r m a t i o n was o b t a i n e d t h r o u g h interviews. D e s c r i p t i o n o f a r e a s was p r o v i d e d b y r e a l e s t a t e a g e n t s . )  -206TABLE Property  N  =  Ownership  XXIII of Sikhs  i n Rutland  20  Number  of  Households  S i n g l e f a m i l y homes i n residential neighbourhood  =  4  Homes zoned  =  4  =  8  Single family owners in mixed residential nei ghbourhoods  =  _4  TOTAL  =  20  on a g r i c u l t u r a l l y land  Duplex owners i n mixed residential ne i ghbourhoods  (Source: Information was o b t a i n e d through interviews. D e s c r i p t i o n o f a r e a s was p r o v i d e d by real estate agents.)  -207-  Low D e n s i t y A r e a s / H i g h D e n s i t y  Areas  A l o n g w i t h t h e c o n c e p t o f s i n g l e f a m i l y homes, i n d i v i d u a l s p r e f e r low d e n s i t y areas as w e l l . f a m i l y zone t h e r e  In a single-  i s a g r e a t d e a l o f p r i v a c y and space.  T h i s w o u l d n o t be p o s s i b l e i f t h e y were t o l i v e density area. crime,  High d e n s i t y areas are a l s o a s s o c i a t e d  delinquency,  racial  This  with  t e n s i o n s , p o l l u t i o n and n o i s e .  High d e n s i t y areas a l s o are l i k e l y areas.  i n a high  t o be m i x e d - r e s i d e n t i a l  i sparticularly distasteful  t o home o w n e r s  because of the lowering of t h e i r property they a r e t r a n s i e n t neighbourhoods.  values  and because  To members o f t h e com-  munity such t r a n s i e n t m i l i e u s are a t h r e a t t o the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l order. ous.  What i s o u t o f p l a c e  The f l i g h t  t i v e s people  The living  i s a l s o seen as danger-  t o t h e s u b u r b s i s one o f t h e many a l t e r n a -  choose.  S i k h f a m i l i e s i n Vernon can be d e s c r i b e d as  i n the suburbs.  T h e y p r e f e r r e d t o l i v e away f r o m t h e  c o r e o f t h e c i t y b e c a u s e t h e y d i d n o t want t o b e h a r a s s e d their property  vandalized.  T h u s , t h e move t o t h e s u b u r b was  a mechanism t o a v o i d o r m i n i m i z e r a c i a l lities  a n d was n o t m o t i v a t e d  local-Canadian  or  by a wish  residential patterns.  t e n s i o n s and h o s t i to identify  Besides,  once  with they  moved t o t h e s u b u r b s , t h e i r d e c i s i o n t o make i t an e t h n i c enclave  d e m o n s t r a t e d an o n - g o i n g i n t e r e s t  i n preserving  -208-  c u l t u r a l norms o f v i s i t i n g , activities  In  exchange o f g i f t s ,  leisure  and s o on.  summary, t h e n , t h e r e w e r e c o n s i d e r a b l e d i f f e r -  e n c e s b e t w e e n what t h e y c h o s e t o do a n d what C a n a d i a n s The  distinction  suburbs,  did.  t h e y made b e t w e e n t h e i n n e r c i t y a n d t h e  although s u p e r f i c i a l l y similar  were p r i m a r i l y a t t e m p t s  t o Canadian  to maintain c u l t u r a l  t h e y used were p r o x i m i t y t o k i n , f r i e n d s ,  networks  and low c o s t h o u s i n g .  They had,  l e a r n t o make t h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n and c u l t u r a l  table i n the larger  motives,  loyalty.  criteria  identity  time  The  travel  therefore, to  local-residential  l o y a l t y b e f o r e they would be accep-  community.  Portuguese P e r s p e c t i v e s  What i s i m p o r t a n t t o n o t e  i s that by t h e i r  decision  t o become f a r m e r s o r o r c h a r d o w n e r s , t h e y h a d c h o s e n a style  life-  t h a t i n v o l v e d low d e n s i t y d w e l l i n g s and low d e n s i t y  areas.  F u r t h e r , t h e y made a c o n c e r t e d e f f o r t t h e i r houses.  Although at f i r s t  cabins, they l e f t  their  t h e y d i d n o t own  mark o n t h e l a n d .  these cabins w i t h b e t t e r plumbing c o n v e r t i n g t h e c a b i n i n t o a home.  t o improve  They  these  improved  and e l e c t r i c i t y ,  thus  L i k e w i s e when t h e y b o u g h t  a s m a l l o r c h a r d , t h e y w o r k e d on t h e h o u s e .  Elaborate  -209changes were u s u a l l y made to the l i v i n g room and the k i t chen. adorned  The women c r o c h e t e d l a c e s and t a b l e c l o t h s the rooms, and  and c r y s t a l .  there was  that  a l s o e x t e n s i v e use of g l a s s  The k i t c h e n s were a l s o modernized  with a l l the  necessary a p p l i a n c e s .  When these farms were s o l d or expanded to become medium s i z e d  farms,  the houses were a l s o e n l a r g e d .  In some  cases, a new  house would be b u i l t on an adjacent l o t t h a t  they owned.  These new  houses were completely modern and  a t l e a s t three or four bedrooms, a t t a c h e d baths and a p l e t e d basement.  had  com-  3  In essence,  i t can be seen that the Portuguese  had  a step l i k e p r o g r e s s i o n from the p o s i t i o n of farm workers t o medium s i z e d farm owners.  Each p r o g r e s s i v e stage was  char-  a c t e r i z e d by t h e i r s p e c i a l e f f o r t s to improve and enhance their l i f e s t y l e s . them because,  Farming  was  a l u c r a t i v e occupation for  u n l i k e other farmers, they d i d not h i r e  o u t s i d e l a b o u r : i t was  a f a m i l y concern.  Since they had  bought l a n d when i t was  not expensive,  p r o f i t a b l e investment.  Each stage i n t h i s process of  m o b i l i t y was  any  they had made a  f u r t h e r h i g h l i g h t e d by s t a t u s markers.  Yet i t cannot be s a i d t h a t the Portuguese have been t o t a l l y accepted i n the community.  Rather  s t a n t l y n e g o t i a t i n g f o r s o c i a l space.  they are con-  As farm workers  -210-  they found g e n e r a l acceptance steady,  r e l i a b l e farm l a b o u r .  i n a community that l a c k e d T h e i r e f f o r t s to improve  t h e i r d w e l l i n g u n i t s , as i t enhanced p r o p e r t y values, favour  i n the eyes of t h e i r  g e n e r a l l y had their  a good r e p u t a t i o n .  settlement  homes and  employers.  As workers,  they  W i t h i n about f i v e years of  i n Canada they were a b l e to buy  orchards,  found  their  i n c r e a s i n g the market v a l u e .  own  So con-  t r a r y t o the f e a r s h e l d by Canadians t h a t with the coming of the Portuguese t h e i r p r o p e r t y values would d i m i n i s h , p r o p e r t y v a l u e s were i n f a c t enhanced. lies lived  i n separate households.  the  F u r t h e r , most fami-  Thus, the f a m i l y f o l l o w -  ed the p a t t e r n of s e p a r a t i o n i n the course of i t s l i f e c y c l e , and w i t h each marriage, out.  In the case of o l d p a r e n t s , they l i v e d c l o s e by a l -  though s e p a r a t e l y . i s a s s o c i a t e d with of  the son or the daughter moved  life  The  f e a r of h i g h d e n s i t y d w e l l i n g s t h a t  f o r e i g n e r s was  not experienced.  The  type  s t y l e they chose r e s u l t e d i n no neighbourhoods that  were e x c l u s i v e to the Portuguese.  They were s c a t t e r e d a l l  around the town, and were not v i s i b l e  i n the town center  u n l e s s they were a v a i l i n g themselves of the s e r v i c e s of the town.  D i s c u s s i o n s w i t h Canadians i n  suggested  t h a t although  01iver-Osoyoos  i t i s a s t e r e o t y p e , there i s a  g e n e r a l f e a r of over-crowding a s s o c i a t e d with  foreigners; i n  t h i s case the Portuguese.  Because t h e r e was  no gross v i o l a t i o n of the  prin-  c i p l e s t h a t were valued by the community, the Portuguese d i d  -211-  not s u f f e r  as much as other immigrants.  Although  they were  newcomers, i n many ways d i s t i n c t i n terms of t h e i r their  clothing,  food, t h e i r language, they were f i r s t c o n s i d e r e d as  good and t r u s t w o r t h y workers, then s m a l l orchard owners, subsequently zens.  l a r g e orchard owners, and f i n a l l y ,  I n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s ,  local-residential were accepted  their  good  citi-  commitment t o the  u n i t was the fundamental reason why they  i n the community.  Conclusions  Canadian zoning p a t t e r n s r e f l e c t , t o some e x t e n t , the values o f an i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y .  They do represent some  s o r t of an outcome o f the c l a s h o f i n t e r e s t s of a s o c i e t y .  between members  Even i n r u r a l areas such concerns  o n l y v i s i b l e but important.  are not  To a new immigrant the  u n d e r l y i n g order o f an i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y i s not r e a d i l y apparent.  To the Sikhs, f i r s t convenient  form of tenure.  as s i n g l e  men, r e n t i n g was a  There were no t i e s that bound  them t o the settlements that they l i v e d i n ; nor were there any r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s .  The image of the s p a t i a l  setting  f i t t e d very w e l l with the image of themselves as both newcomers and s i n g l e  adults.  married and/or when t h e i r  A l l t h i s changed when they were families  j o i n e d them.  They were  -212no longer s i n g l e nor newcomers. r e s u l t , took a d i f f e r e n t  form.  Settlement  p a t t e r n s , as a  Since they were employed a t  the sawmills, they began t o purchase homes i n the v i c i n i t y of the m i l l s . housing  P r o x i m i t y t o f r i e n d s and k i n , and low-cost  were t h e i r primary  The  criteria.  choice of a neighbourhood and the purchase of a  home a r e not, as many would have i t , p r i v a t e a c t i o n s .  They  are m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f an i n d i v i d u a l ' s values and p r e f e r e n c e s t h a t w i l l be e v a l u a t e d p o s i t i v e l y or n e g a t i v e l y by the community - gross v i o l a t i o n s of community norms rendered i n d i v i d u a l s marginal  to the community and i n c r e a s e d s o c i a l  distance.  By choosing a new, cheap, m u l t i - r e s i d e n t i a l h i g h d e n s i t y zone ( f o r reasons o f f r i e n d s h i p , k i n s h i p , and economy), the Sikhs found themselves o u t s i d e r s .  They were  seen as " f l a s h y " newcomers who d i d not understand the rules.  The most important  r u l e t h a t they had t o l e a r n was  the d i s t i n c t i o n between l o c a l - r e s i d e n t i a l i d e n t i t y and e t h n i c or c u l t u r a l l o y a l t y , the Sikhs chose the l a t t e r .  The Portuguese, disfavour.  on the other hand, d i d not f i n d  The importance o f ownership i n the d e f i n i t i o n of  Portuguese i d e n t i t y made r e n t i n g a short and ambivalent stage.  Even i f they l i v e d i n p i c k e r ' s cabins they made  s u b s t a n t i a l a l t e r a t i o n s to the house.  They r e - f a s h i o n e d the  -213-  d w e l l i n g , as i t were, t o s u i t t h e i r v a l u e s and i d e a s . working  By  on and subsequently buying the l a n d , they avoided  the formation of e t h n i c neighbourhoods.  Likewise, they d i d  not l i v e i n h i g h d e n s i t y or mixed r e s i d e n t i a l areas and  they  e v e n t u a l l y moved from the stage of s m a l l owners to medium s i z e d or l a r g e farm owners.  T h i s s t e p - l i k e p r o g r e s s i o n was  c r u c i a l t o b e i n g evaluated f a v o u r a b l y by o t h e r Most of a l l , they demonstrated  Canadians.  committment to the l o c a l u n i t  r a t h e r than to t h e i r e t h n i c group.  Being a member of the  "community" meant the s u b o r d i n a t i o n of e t h n i c or l o y a l t y to the l o c a l - r e s i d e n t i a l  unit.  cultural  -214CHAPTER 6 FOOTNOTES  Thus, f o r i n s t a n c e , i n the e a r l y 1960's one  of the o l d  timers had bought h i s orchard f i v e years a f t e r he  had  a r r i v e d i n Canada.  had  He had worked as a p i c k e r and  managed to save $1,600.  With an a d d i t i o n a l $5,000 he  borrowed from a f r i e n d he was 4 acre o r c h a r d .  a b l e to buy a house and a  Ownership of l a n d meant a g r e a t d e a l of  work and o r g a n i z a t i o n , and  the whole f a m i l y was  i n the e n t e r p r i s e .  t h e i r combined e f f o r t s t h a t  I t was  made i t p r o f i t a b l e to run the  Although  to 1971.  orchard.  we do not have the f i g u r e s f o r e a r l i e r  changes i n tenure  involved  forms can be t r a c e d through  decades,  from  1951  According to the Canadian Census (1951),  out  of the 2,225 households i n Vernon, 1,470  were owned and  755 were r e n t e d .  out of 3,005  households,  were r e n t e d .  In 1971,  In 1961,  2,005 were owned and  1,000  4,175, 2,692 were owned and 1971  alone there was  1,483  were r e n t e d .  a s m a l l setback  homes t h a t were owned.  out of  Thus i n  i n the number of  Although Vernon alone i s c i t e d  as an example, these f i n d i n g s can be extended to the other settlements as w e l l .  There have been homes b u i l t by the Portuguese that c o s t more than $150,000 i n c l u d i n g , f i v e bedrooms with  baths  -215-  attached.  T h e r e was  entire living  w a l l - t o - w a l l carpet  space e x c l u d i n g  h a d a l l t h e modern a p p l i a n c e s . swimming p o o l  the basement.  i n f r o n t of the house.  are status  symbols.  The  the kitchen  There i s a l s o a  the l a k e i s n o t as easy as i n o t h e r ming p o o l s  covering  Since access to communities,  swim-  -216CHAPTER 7 THE F A M I L Y  In the previous  chapters  on l a n d and work, r e f e r -  e n c e s w e r e made t o t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e f a m i l y a n d k i n networks i n the settlement Portuguese. the e x t e n t family.  In this  process of the Sikhs  chapter  we a r e i n t e r e s t e d i n k n o w i n g  o f change and p e r s i s t e n c e  In keeping with  and t h e  i n the s t r u c t u r e of the  the d e f i n i t i o n  the p r o c e s s o f l e a r n i n g s k i l l s  o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n as  and s t r a t e g i e s n a t i v e t o  a n o t h e r g r o u p , we w o u l d l i k e t o d o c u m e n t c h a n g e s i n behavioural  patterns  alterations  i n the t r a d i t i o n a l  both groups.  We w i l l  and see i f t h e r e  begin  In understanding unit  a r e any  attendant  meanings and symbols h e l d b y  with a Sikh  Sikh k i n t i e s  perspective.  i n Canada, t h e b a s i c  t h a t h a s t o be e x a m i n e d i s t h e h o u s e h o l d .  I t i s impor-  t a n t t o know what c o n s t i t u t e s t h e h o u s e h o l d i n t h e P u n j a b i n order  t o know t h e v a r i a t i o n s t h e r e o f  ting. has  In the l i t e r a t u r e  been p l a c e d  (Desai:  on t h e I n d i a n  1955, Gore: 1961, M o r r i s o n :  as c a u s a l  recognized,  1959).  family  Westernization,  have been u s u a l l y  f a c t o r s i n t h e move f r o m a j o i n t  to that of a nuclear is  f a m i l y , much e m p h a s i s  on t h e c h a n g e s w i t h i n t h e j o i n t  u r b a n i z a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n tified  i n the Canadian s e t -  household.  iden-  household  H o w e v e r , a s much a s c h a n g e  t h e r e h a s a l s o been a renewed i n t e r e s t i n  -217r e a s s e s s i n g the d e f i n i t i o n o f " j o i n t n e s s " i t s e l f . to Gould  (1975),  According  the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the n o t i o n of " f a m i l y  c y c l e " a l t e r s our u s u a l understanding o f the custom o f j o i n t household  living.  Even i n r u r a l s e t t i n g s the t r a d i t i o n a l  j o i n t household does not remain  u n a l t e r e d over the y e a r s .  U s u a l l y , i t moves from a stage o f " j o i n t n e s s " t o one of a n u c l e a r or subnuclear household  l i v i n g a f t e r the death of an  o l d e r male, or because of p e r s i s t e n t c o n f l i c t between siblings.  Kolenda's  study (1968) suggests t h a t , a t the very  l e a s t , when we r e f e r to a j o i n t  f a m i l y there must be a t  l e a s t two m a r r i e d couples r e l a t e d e i t h e r c o l l a t e r a l l y or lineally.  Secondly, unmarried  r e l a t i v e s , or those who are  d i v o r c e d or separated and who a r e not the c h i l d r e n of e i t h e r couple, may supplement the f a m i l y .  F u r t h e r , when there i s  no married couple and these r e l a t i v e s a r e p a r t of the same n u c l e a r f a m i l y , the group can be r e f e r r e d t o as a subnuclear household.  F i n a l l y , any d e f i n i t i o n o f j o i n t n e s s i s depen-  dent on one of three c r i t e r i a ; common r e s i d e n c e , commens a l i t y , or co-parcenary arrangements.  In Indian ethno-theory,  the f a m i l y can be d e f i n e d  both as a model and module o f i n t e r - c a s t e (Mandelbaum: 1968).  relations  Thus f a m i l i e s not o n l y r e l a t e t o other  f a m i l i e s w i t h i n t h e i r own subcaste or c a s t e , but a l s o with  -218f a m i l i e s of higher  or  lower c a s t e s .  I n any  v i l l a g e or  i n t e r a c t i o n between f a m i l i e s of d i f f e r e n t c a s t e s , i n an  e c o n o m i c s e n s e , i s done b y  t r a n s a c t i o n s of whereas the  the  defined  " i n s i d e and  family with  females maintain  c o n t i n u i t y on t h e n be  t h e i r own  "inside".  the  males i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h  This  The  the  family's  tradition  and  The  h o u s e h o l d and  patriarchal, status,  own.  o r o p p o s i t i o n was  p a t r i l i n e a l and  Finally,  l a n d and  given  sex  t o be The  are  to  the  family there  is  Given t h i s  male  "protect"  f a t h e r ' s h o u s e h o l d and that Sikhs  the  then i n  traditionally  their  farmers,  a r e u s e d as a s y m b o l i c medium the  H e n c e t h e amount o f l a n d ,  "outside" cows and  world  buildings  owned, i n a d d i t i o n t o t h e number o f p e o p l e w o r k i n g f o r together i n the  the  Indian  inferior  patrilocal.  ownership of p r o p e r t y  executed.  of  p o s s i b l e because  roles in  through which these t r a n s a c t i o n s with are  can  world.  t o Hershman ( 1 9 7 4 ) .  in their  caste  f e m a l e s r e m a i n i n g w i t h i n , and  i t i s u n d e r s t a n d a b l e t h a t t h e men  women, f i r s t  the  complementary o p p o s i t i o n  female i s considered  male, a c c o r d i n g  the  world,  of c e r t a i n p r i n c i p l e s underlying society.  Males maintain "outside"  the e x t e r n a l  separation  at l e a s t  the  i n terms of the  outside",  males.  town,  d e t e r m i n e t h e power t h a t an  i n d i v i d u a l can  exercise  village.  W i t h t h i s background I can  now  t a l k about  one,  the  -219families that I interviewed. t h e 40 other  As  came t o C a n a d a i n t h e l a t e  observed e a r l i e r , 1950's and  f i v e t h a t I spoke t o t r a c e d t h e i r  t o do  i s to begin  tional  w i t h a d i s c u s s i o n of the  s t r u c t u r e of the  compare and  f a m i l y o f one  contrast this  of  1960's.  The  i n the  valley  roots  back t o the e a r l y decades of t h i s century.  35 o u t  What I p r o p o s e three  pioneer,  genera-  and  then  f a m i l y w i t h more r e c e n t l y a r r i v e d  households.  A Sikh Pioneer  This  i s an  First  Family  extension  - Case Study 1  of the case study  i n Chapter  5.  Generation  At the time of the f a t h e r ' s death i n the m i d - s i x t i e s the f a m i l y owned a b o u t 400 a c r e s o f l a n d , most o f i t g i v e n o v e r to f r u i t growing. The p r o p e r t y was n o t d i v i d e d b u t h e l d i n t h e m o t h e r ' s name. A l l t h e s o n s h a d an e q u a l s h a r e . The daughters r e c e i v e d t h e i r p o r t i o n of the p a t r i m o n y i n cash or g i f t s a t the time of m a r r i a g e . The m o t h e r and t h e u n m a r r i e d d a u g h t e r were p r o v i d e d f o r i n t h e w i l l , a l t h o u g h t h e s o n s c o n t i n u e d t o be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r them. T h e y l i v e d t o g e t h e r i n t h e same h o u s e h o l d , w h e r e a s a l l o t h e r r e l a t i v e s h a d moved away. T h u s , a l t h o u g h t h e p r o p e r t y c o n t i n u e d t o be h e l d j o i n t l y , common r e s i d e n c e and c o m m e n s a l i t y w e r e n o t encouraged. The  Second  Generation  The o l d e s t s o n c h o s e t o l i v e i n t h e v a l l e y and make h i s l i v i n g o f f the l a n d . He was a l s o a p p o i n t e d as manager o f t h e e n t i r e e s t a t e and r e c e i v e d a p o r t i o n o f t h e a n n u a l i n c o m e f r o m t h e l a n d as s a l a r y . I n 1971, h o w e v e r , he h a d a m a s s i v e h e a r t a t t a c k and was a d v i s e d t o t a k e c o m p l e t e r e s t . I t was t h e n t h a t a f a m i l y m e e t i n g was c a l l e d , and i t was  -220d e c i d e d t h a t a t l e a s t some o f t h e p r o p e r t y w o u l d b e d i s p o s e d of. Thus o n l y l a n d c o m m i t t e d t o f r u i t f a r m i n g was m a i n t a i n e d , w h i c h a m o u n t e d t o 12 5 a c r e s . The p r o f i t s w e r e t h e n d i v i d e d among t h e m a l e s , a l t h o u g h c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o t h e mother and s i s t e r c o n t i n u e d . I t was a l s o d e c i d e d t h a t t h e l a n d w o u l d c o n t i n u e t o b e h e l d j o i n t l y a n d managed b y t h e oldest son. The  Third  Generation  None o f t h e s o n s w i s h e d t o i n h e r i t t h e l a n d o r make a l i v i n g on i t . One went i n t o t h e t r u c k i n g b u s i n e s s w i t h the f a t h e r and t h e o t h e r r e c e i v e d c a s h t o e s t a b l i s h h i m s e l f on h i s own. Of t h e two d a u g h t e r s t h e one who h a s m a r r i e d a Canadian has p r e f e r r e d cash as h e r share o f t h e patrimony. The o t h e r i n h e r i t e d t h e l a n d . H e r h u s b a n d i s now b e i n g t r a i n e d t o manage t h e e n t i r e p r o p e r t y t h a t i n c l u d e s n o t o n l y h i s wife's, but a l s o that of her uncles. Discussion  From t h i s b r i e f o v e r v i e w o f o n e f a m i l y ' s h i s t o r y i n t h e v a l l e y some s a l i e n t  features  c a n be e x t r a c t e d .  r e c a p i t u l a t e some o f t h e i s s u e s r a i s e d e a r l i e r . first  generation,  the f i n a n c i a l  L e t us  In the  and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s i n  C a n a d a p r o m o t e d d u t y a n d o b l i g a t i o n t o w a r d t h e members o f the  family i n India.  T h i s was e x p r e s s e d t h r o u g h l e t t e r s a s  w e l l as i n f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e .  Links with  distant  r e l a t i v e s were a l s o a c t i v a t e d a t t h e t i m e o f t h e m a r r i a g e o f the daughters.  Further,  of both p r o d u c t i o n  t h e f a m i l y i n C a n a d a was t h e u n i t  and c o n s u m p t i o n .  The l a n d owned b y t h e  f a m i l y was t h e o n l y means b y w h i c h r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e outside world  was m a i n t a i n e d ,  the  o f t h e males.  shoulders  and t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y l a y o n  -221Over the years the s i t u a t i o n changed.  The c h i l d r e n  d i d n o t experience the same d i f f i c u l t i e s as t h e i r They were a l l educated  i n Canada, and there were equal  o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r each o f them t o pursue ests.  father.  t h e i r own i n t e r -  As t h e r e was no need f o r them t o h o l d on t o t h e l a n d ,  they l e f t  t o seek employment i h other p a r t s of B r i t i s h  Columbia.  Only the o l d e s t son remained  r o l e of successor.  Although  and took over the  the b r o t h e r s had shares i n the  p r o p e r t y , which was owned j o i n t l y , the o l d e s t son a c t e d as manager.  Thus the t r a d i t i o n a l symbols of the household  t i n u e d t o be observed.  con-  Since i n h e r i t a n c e was co-terminus  with m a i n t a i n i n g r e l a t i o n s with the o u t s i d e world, he cont i n u e d t o a c t as the l i a i s o n between the f a m i l y and the community.  In the case of the daughters, o n l y two of them  were married and they moved t o other p a r t s of B r i t i s h Columbia.  The sons who married Canadian women were t r e a t e d  like  the o t h e r s , although t h e i r a c t i o n s were met with d i s a p p r o v al.  When the o l d f a t h e r d i e d , the widow and the unmarried  daughter  continued t o l i v e together, c r e a t i n g a sub-nuclear  household.  I n the second g e n e r a t i o n , then, there was not a  marked d i f f e r e n c e i n e i t h e r a t t i t u d e s or behaviour household.  i n the  I t was no longer a p r o d u c t i o n and consumption  u n i t , b u t was i n c r e a s i n g l y becoming a more s p e c i a l i z e d of l o v e and emotion.  Still,  unit  the complementary o p p o s i t i o n o f  i n s i d e / o u t s i d e r o l e s continued t o be maintained by females and males, r e s p e c t i v e l y .  The t u r n i n g p o i n t i n the f a m i l y ' s  -222history  came i n t h e s e c o n d g e n e r a t i o n a t t h e o n s e t  illness  affecting  decision  to s e l l  the o l d e s t son. the l a n d .  were r e a l l y d e p e n d e n t on l a n d under was  fruit  disposed  males,  management o f t h e tion  of  an  I n 1971,  orchard  area.  importance  land,  w o u l d be  the  shares  in their  that  only  maintained.  The  rest  sister.  sisters  sense,  the  self  the  the  jurisdic-  only received acres of  l a n d had  p r e s e n t a t i o n of  between  Further,  came under  f a m i l y owned o n l y 125  In a symbolic  siblings  decided  were s h a r e d  the m a r r i e d  an  t o make a  the o t h e r  it.was  unmarried  latter's  the o l d e s t son;  gifts.  the  the proceedings  t h e m o t h e r , and  f a m i l y had  S i n c e none o f  cultivation  o f and  The  of  prime  decreased  t o the  in  outside  world.  In the The  o l d e s t son  out of h i s r o l e ested  as  leave  settle  activating performed  and  on  son  was  one  was  married  of the patrimony  the l a n d .  Her  both  Thus,  employed  i n cash;  third  inter-  in a  the  local wished  the other  chosen  on  father i n  a C a n a d i a n and  h u s b a n d was  i n the  not  opt  depended  f o r her  a d i s t a n t k i n n e t w o r k arid t h e m a r r i a g e i n India.  to  estate.  worked w i t h h i s  the other  the daughters, share  other  the v a l l e y ,  forms o f employment: one  to have her to  The  wished  t h e l a n d , o r managing t h e  they d i d not  Of  c h a n g e s were made.  a C a n a d i a n woman and  successor.  trucking business, mill.  generation other  married  in inheriting  Although other  third  was  generation,  agreed by  -223i n h e r i t a n c e took  the form o f l a n d and o f shares  trucking business. l e a s t i n name.  i n the  There were r e a l l y two s u c c e s s o r s , a t  Although  the daughter i n h e r i t e d the l a n d , i t  was her husband who was t r a i n e d t o manage i t . The son took over the l e a d e r s h i p of the f a m i l y and represented  the mem-  b e r s i n many t r a n s a c t i o n s with the o u t s i d e world. r o l e o f successor continued, although The daughter,  The male  i n a modified  meanwhile, had i n h e r i t a n c e r i g h t s ,  form.  although  she d i d n o t have much autonomy i n making d e c i s i o n s . continued t o p r o v i d e emotional  She  support t o her f a m i l y , and  e s p e c i a l l y was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t a k i n g care o f her p a r e n t s .  Thus t h e t h i r d g e n e r a t i o n p r e s e n t e d both a reduction in f i l i a l of  r e l a t i o n s h i p s and an i n c r e a s e d  recognition  b i l a t e r a l k i n s h i p due t o improved economic c o n d i t i o n s i n  Canada (see a l s o Ames & I n g l i s : 1973). however, women s t i l l  In a l l i n s t a n c e s ,  continued t o r e p r e s e n t the f a m i l y on  the i n s i d e , while the men continued t o r e p r e s e n t the f a m i l y on the o u t s i d e .  T h i s d i s c u s s i o n would hot be complete  without  t a k i n g i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the two s i b l i n g s who married Canadians.  While emotional  parents s t i l l another  felt  t i e s were very s t r o n g , the  that they had l o s t  set of c u l t u r a l values.  their children to  I n p a r t i c u l a r , t h e r e was a  great d e a l o f r e g r e t w i t h regard to the daughter.  Since, i n  -224-  the c a s t e s t r u c t u r e , women are seen as gatekeepers, i t was harder t o accept her d e c i s i o n .  They f e l t t h a t the grand-  c h i l d r e n would not be accepted by other Sikhs as "Sikhs". too  As f o r the son and daughter  f e l t ambivalent about  community.  who  truly  married out; they  t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the Sikh  While they had no fear of b e i n g accepted by  other S i k h s , they found themselves marginal members of t h i s group.  to be  increasingly  They a l s o r e c o g n i z e d t h a t  t h e i r c h i l d r e n would not be accepted as S i k h s .  There are  not many mixed marriages i n the v a l l e y , however, and  clear  c o n f l i c t s of i n t e r e s t have not sprung up between those have married Canadians  who  and those who have not.  By the t h i r d g e n e r a t i o n , then, a wider m i l i e u became p a r t of the arena f o r f a m i l y  Canadian  interactions.  Nonetheless, t r a d i t i o n a l n o t i o n s of s t a t u s and i d e n t i t y were not r e p l a c e d e n t i r e l y by Canadian norms. while an i n c r e a s e d emphasis was all  For i n s t a n c e ,  p l a c e d on achieved s t a t u s by  f a m i l y members, c o r p o r a t e markers of s t a t u s  (such as  throwing a f e a s t f o r employees i n the household or orchard) were s t i l l d i s p l a y e d from time to time. the v a l l e y , i t was  To other Sikhs i n  c l e a r that the f a m i l y had r o o t s not o n l y  i n Canada but i n I n d i a as w e l l .  The major s e p a r a t i o n s that they had to make were between  -2251)  Corporate f a m i l y i d e n t i t y and i n d i v i d u a l  s t a t u s and  identity; 2)  Family i d e n t i t y and l o c a l r e s i d e n t i a l  3)  to a l e s s e r  i d e n t i t y ; and  extent, between f a m i l y i d e n t i t y and the  s t a t u s of women as independent of men.  The Portuguese Family  In most accounts of Portuguese s o c i e t y ,  reference  i s made t o the f a c t that the f a m i l y i s the most s a c r e d o f all  institutions  1976).  ( C u t i e l i e r o : 1974, Anderson and Higgs:  Like families  i n the West, they f o l l o w a n u c l e a r  household p a t t e r n , although k i n t i e s and o b l i g a t i o n s d u l y met.  are  A d i s t i n c t break w i t h the f a m i l y of o r i g i n i s  made when an i n d i v i d u a l jointly.  marries.  L i t t l e p r o p e r t y i s owned  In f a c t , j o i n t ownership i s incompatible w i t h an  a d u l t man's independence and i s made more d i f f i c u l t by the absence of any p r i n c i p l e which would c l e a r l y e s t a b l i s h the p r i o r i t y of r i g h t s is divided  f o r the e l d e s t .  e q u a l l y amongst a l l the  In most cases p r o p e r t y children.  Controversy over land occurs mainly amongst the w e a l t h i e r Portuguese, although as C u t i e l i e r o out,  (1974) p o i n t s  i t i s not absent among the working c l a s s e s .  There a r e  s e v e r a l cases i n the Okanagan where s i b l i n g r i v a l r i e s p r o p e r t y had t o be s e t t l e d a t c o u r t .  over  Thus marriage and  i n h e r i t a n c e serve  to separate the members of the  f a m i l y of  origin.  While r i v a l r y o f t e n severs  r e l a t i o n s h i p s between  male members, women g e n e r a l l y have emotional t i e s with female f a m i l y members.  The  a s t r o n g case i n p o i n t .  mother/daughter r e l a t i o n s h i p i s  U s u a l l y the daughter's husband i s  a l s o drawn i n t o the c i r c l e of h i s wife's and  Once the son  father. to the  father cohesive  i s a c e r t a i n amount of r e s p e c t  former, the r e l a t i o n s h i p , i s an ambivalent  f o l l o w s the l i f e  the Sikh f a m i l y ,  the Portuguese  Canadian f a m i l y .  family  At each stage s p e c i f i c d u t i e s respected.  The  shown  one.  c y c l e p a t t e r n s i m i l a r to t h a t of the  o b l i g a t i o n s are d e f i n e d and hold  The  i s married, he does not work f o r h i s  Although there  Unlike  age  kin.  son dyad, on the other hand, i s not always a  one.  other  nuclear  aver-  and house-  i s the u n i t of a c t i o n , although i t undergoes t r a n s -  formations i n the l i f e of an i n d i v i d u a l . are to one's f a m i l y of o r i g i n b e f o r e  One's o b l i g a t i o n s  marriage, and  to one's  a f f i n a l household t h e r e a f t e r .  Thus f a m i l y s t a t u s and i n t o the next g e n e r a t i o n . dual's  achievement and  socio-economic and  The  i d e n t i t y i s not c a r r i e d over emphasis i s on an  a b i l i t y to e s t a b l i s h and  political  s t a t u s i n the  indivimaintain  community.  -227I n a c c o u n t s o f t h e s t a t u s o f women i n t h e I b e r i a n peninsula,  p a r t i c u l a r l y during  been observed that my own r e s e a r c h , the  they are subordinate  I found that there  s t a t u s o f women v i s - a - v i s men.  s e n s e women w e r e n o t p e r c e i v e d and  the colonial period, t o spouses.  i t has In  1  was a m b i v a l e n c e a b o u t While i n an i d e o l o g i c a l  a s e q u a l s t o men b y b o t h men  women, c e r t a i n s t r u c t u r a l a r r a n g e m e n t s d i d a l l o w  sense o f independence. i n h e r i t property.  F o r i n s t a n c e , b o t h men a n d women c a n  As d i s c u s s e d  c o u p l e do n o t l i v e w i t h  them a  earlier,  s i n c e a young  e i t h e r family a f t e r marriage,  signi-  f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o t h e new h o u s e h o l d a r e made b y b o t h o f them.  Further,  matrilocality find  t o C u t i e l i e r o (1974)  i spreferred since  i t impossible  matrilocality  according  to live  i spreferred,  the f a t h e r and son o f t e n  together.  I n s i t u a t i o n s where  t h e women o f t h e h o u s e h o l d  find  themselves surrounded by k i n and f r i e n d s t h a t t h e y have known a l l a l o n g , live  whereas t h e husband might n o t c o n t i n u e t o  i n t h e same v i l l a g e o r n e i g h b o u r h o o d .  Further, a t  m a r r i a g e a woman d o e s n o t l o s e h e r m a i d e n name b u t a d d s t h e h u s b a n d ' s name t o h e r own.  Likewise,  a t baptism the  c h i l d r e n r e c e i v e b o t h t h e m o t h e r ' s m a i d e n name a s w e l l a s the  f a t h e r ' s name.  These arrangements suggest t h a t  men a c t a s i f t h e y h a v e more p o w e r , i n a r e a l s e n s e , are  c h e c k s on t h e e x t e n t  although there  t o w h i c h t h e y e x e r c i s e t h i s power  ( s e e Q u i n n : 1977 f o r a f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n ) .  -228I t a l s o must b e n o t e d , h o w e v e r , t h a t men the side  f a m i l y i n the p u b l i c sphere.  represent  A l t h o u g h women work  t h e home, i t i s s e e n a s " n e c e s s a r y w o r k " w h i c h  c e a s e when t h e f a m i l y h a s s u f f i c i e n t a s s e t s , p r e s t i g i o u s work.  out-  will  and n o t as  T h u s women work b e c a u s e t h e y h a v e t o , a n d  n o t b e c a u s e i t w o u l d b r i n g them i n d i v i d u a l s t a t u s .  Also,  women t e n d t o show d e f e r e n c e t o t h e i r h u s b a n d s o r f a t h e r s and,  i n general,  father.  c h i l d r e n a r e warned n o t t o provoke t h e  A l t h o u g h women p l a y a v e r y  church, they a r e conspicuously  a c t i v e r o l e i n the  absent i n both the o f f i c i a l  c o m m i t t e e s o f t h e c h u r c h and t h e adhoc committees t h a t a r e struck  for organizing  According  local  f e a s t s and c e l e b r a t i o n s .  t o C u t i e l i e r o ( 1 9 7 4 ) , a man who d o e s n o t e x h i b i t  c o n t r o l o v e r h i s f a m i l y , a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e women, i s described  as a " c u c k o l d " ;  y e t the structure of the family i s  s u c h t h a t h e d o e s n o t g e t many o p p o r t u n i t i e s such c o n t r o l .  Thus t e n s i o n s  e x i s t , because w h i l e  ideology  for displaying  between t h e males and f e m a l e s promotes male supremacy, i n  p r a c t i c e t h e y do n o t h a v e e x t e n d e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r dominance.  There a r e s e v e r a l examples t h a t c a n be c i t e d t o illustrate  this.  On o n e o c c a s i o n ,  w h i l e d o i n g my  fieldwork,  two  men were r e p o r t e d  as e x h i b i t i n g obnoxious behaviour i n  the  l o c a l pub and t h e w i v e s were i n f o r m e d o f t h i s .  the  f a m i l i e s were f r i e n d s , t h e two w i v e s t o o k i t upon  Since  -229themselves  t o go t o the pub.  They d i d not go i n t o the pub,  but waited o u t s i d e u n t i l the men came out. appeared,  the women dragged  When they  t h e i r husbands home w h i l e  v e r b a l l y abusing them a l l a l o n g the way.  There a r e two important p r i n c i p l e s i n o p e r a t i o n here.  First,  the women d i d not f e e l that they had a r i g h t  to enter the pub and i n s u l t t h e i r husbands, b u t they d i d not c o n s i d e r i t wrong t o wait f o r t h e i r husbands, t o abuse them v e r b a l l y , or t o drag them home.  Such behaviour would be  u n t h i n k a b l e among the Sikhs, b u t i t was not p e r c e i v e d as being out o f l i n e f o r the Portuguese.  But secondly, and  b a l a n c i n g the above, had the women entered the pub and dragged  t h e i r husbands away from the t a b l e , t h i s would have  been c o n s i d e r e d unseemly behaviour.  Given t h i s background we can t a l k about the changes w i t h i n f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e and i d e o l o g y among the Portuguese. Of the 39 f a m i l i e s that I i n t e r v i e w e d , there were f i v e who c o u l d be c l a s s i f i e d as " p i o n e e r s " . ences  But s i n c e the d i f f e r -  i n the time o f a r r i v a l between these and the other 34  is negligible,  i t would be more u s e f u l t o ask i f there are  d i f f e r e n c e s i n f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s between those whose c h i l d r e n were born and brought with grown c h i l d r e n on a r r i v a l . former.  up i n Canada and with  those  We w i l l b e g i n with the  -230Case Study  2  Mr. C o s t a came t o O l i v e r i n 1956. A few months l a t e r he s p o n s o r e d h i s b r o t h e r t o j o i n h i m . A year l a t e r h i s w i f e j o i n e d him. A l l o f them l i v e d i n t h e same c a b i n w i t h j u s t two rooms. The c o u p l e h a d a c h i l d t h e f o l l o w i n g year. The y o u n g w i f e h e l p e d t h e h u s b a n d and h i s b r o t h e r i n the o r c h a r d as w e l l as took c a r e o f the h o u s e h o l d c h o r e s . I n 1959 she s t a r t e d w o r k i n g a s a s o r t e r i n t h e l o c a l p a c k i n g house. I n 1960 t h e y b o u g h t t h e i r f i r s t two a c r e o r c h a r d and home. The same y e a r t h e h u s b a n d ' s b r o t h e r m a r r i e d h e r n i e c e by p r o x y . The two c o u p l e s t h e n l i v e d t o g e t h e r u n t i l 1963, when t h e y o u n g e r c o u p l e b o u g h t t h e i r own home. The w i f e t h e n s p o n s o r e d two o f h e r b r o t h e r s who came i n 1965. When they got jobs they a l s o l e f t t h e i r s i s t e r ' s household. Second  Generation  Mr. C o s t a h a s two d a u g h t e r s . The o l d e s t was a t u n i v e r s i t y w h i l e the other attended the l o c a l s c h o o l . Both were n o t k e e n a b o u t l i v i n g on an o r c h a r d o r e v e n i n O l i v e r . T h e r e was no p r e f e r e n c e f o r b e i n g i n a P o r t u g u e s e n e i g h b o u r hood, e i t h e r , i f t h e y were t o l i v e i n a c i t y . What was c l e a r was t h e i n t e r e s t t o l i v e and work i n a b i g c i t y . Work t o them was n o t p a r t o f a r u r a l s e t - u p . In  the f i r s t  g e n e r a t i o n , o b l i g a t i o n s and  ones f a m i l y o f o r i g i n were c l e a r l y e x p r e s s e d . c o - r e s i d e n c e and P o r t u g a l , was the sponsors  commensality  Newcomers l i v e d  and w o r k e d f o r them u n t i l t h e i r own  three years.  importance  The  home.  s o g r e a t t h a t e v e r y p e n n y was  But  i n C a n a d a , as i s t h e c a s e i n  a l i m i t e d phenomenon.  c o u l d r e n t o r own  s u c h t i m e as  and  with they  T h i s u s u a l l y t o o k up  a t t a c h e d t o o w n i n g a home  to was  saved.  T h u s d e s p i t e k i n o b l i g a t i o n s and d u t i e s , achievement  duties to  individual  s t a t u s w e r e e m p h a s i z e d o v e r and a b o v e c o r -  -231porate signs only  family that  identity.  financial  In  the  second g e n e r a t i o n  s e c u r i t y and  there  independence might  not  e r o d e e m o t i o n a l b o n d s b e t w e e n f a m i l y members, b u t  make them l o s e s i g h t o f  cherished  patterns  i s to l i v e near primary k i n .  - one  substantiate related valley  of which  this  t o me, since  issue,  by the  there  cultural  was  an  incident  a P o r t u g u e s e woman who mid-fifties.  values  had  According  to  also  and To  that  lived  are  was in  the  her,  "My s i s t e r ' s c h i l d r e n h a v e grown up i n Canada and w h i l e t h e y are very a f f e c t i o n a t e k i d s , they maintain a c e r t a i n d i s t a n c e from us. I c a n ' t r e a l l y d e s c r i b e i t , as g e n e r a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s or e d u c a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s . I t ' s a l m o s t as i f i t were a c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e b r o u g h t a b o u t b y l i v i n g i n Canada. T h e y no l o n g e r t h i n k i t ' s i m p o r t a n t t o l i v e n e a r f a m i l y and f r i e n d s . T h e y want t o go t o l i v e i n b i g c i t i e s , where nobody knows them."  Once a g a i n ,  the  second g e n e r a t i o n individual  The  Portuguese  autonomy and  Newcomers  The tured  e m p h a s i s was  i n two  arrival  significant  the  household.  created  ways i n w h i c h  interpreted  the  question  the of  individual status.  o f newcomers t o t h e  to  them i n t u r n  the  (Sikhs)  contributed nuclear  on  the  formation  i n terms o f  for their  ways.  We  the  members.  T h e r e were f a c t o r s  of both  will  v a l l e y was  the  discuss  structhat  e x t e n d e d as and  differential  well  a s s e s s each  constraints  of  they  as  -232The  Extended  Household  Those immigrants and  who came t o C a n a d a b e t w e e n 1960  1 9 6 7 , a n d who w e r e e l i g i b l e  t o sponsor  their  f a m i l y and  f r i e n d s , were i n v o l v e d i n t h e p r o c e s s o f e s t a b l i s h i n g  them-  s e l v e s i n more t h a n t h e f a m i l y o f p r o - c r e a t i o n .  Living tions.  i n C a n a d a meant m a k i n g n e c e s s a r y  The o l d p a r e n t s w e r e n o l o n g e r a l l o w e d  altera-  complete  d e c i s i o n making powers, a l t h o u g h t h e y were c o n s u l t e d .  The  s t a t e o f d e p e n d e n c y i m p o s e d on t h e o l d e r - f o l k s a n d o t h e r s i b l i n g s b y t h e p r o c e s s o f i m m i g r a t i o n , r e n d e r e d them h e l p less  i n some c a s e s .  s e v e r a l forms, support  c h i e f o f which  t h i s antagonism  took  was t h e s t r a t e g y t o r a l l y  f r o m o t h e r S i k h f a m i l i e s a n d t o i n v o l v e them i n t h e  ensuing debate. for  Yet i n other cases  F a m i l i a l d u t i e s and o b l i g a t i o n s ,  respect  t h e a g e d , and t h e r o l e o f t h e w i f e i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l  household line,  were a l l i n v o k e d t o b r i n g t h e r e c a l c i t r a n t s i n  which  i s illustrated  i n the f o l l o w i n g case  (see a l s o  H e l w e g : 1979 f o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f S i k h s i n B r i t i a n ) .  Case Study  3  M a r r i a g e t o a S i k h g i r l who h a d grown up i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a was t h e means b y w h i c h Mr. S a t i n d e r came t o C a n a d a . He h a d t h r e e b r o t h e r s a n d t w o s i s t e r s i n I n d i a . H i s f a t h e r h a d a s m a l l farm o f 5 a c r e s i n t h e J u l l u n d e r district. The p r o p o s a l f o r m a r r i a g e was s e e n a s t h e s i n g l e  -233-  most important event i n the contemporary h i s t o r y of the f a m i l y . He came t o Canada i n 1962. Two y e a r s l a t e r he sponsored h i s b r o t h e r t o j o i n him. By 1965 a l l the b r o t h e r s were i n Canada. Two of them married Punjabi women who had grown up i n B r i t i s h Columbia, while the t h i r d went through an arranged marriage with a woman from the Punjab. A l l the younger b r o t h e r s l i v e d with the o l d e s t brother u n t i l they were married. Two of them worked i n sawmills while the t h i r d worked on an orchard. They then pooled together t h e i r r e s o u r c e s and bought an orchard which the youngest b r o t h e r managed. In 1970, the o l d widowed mother and the two s i s t e r s came t o l i v e i n Canada. They l i v e d with the youngest son and h i s wife, whom they had chosen. However adverse r e l a t i o n s h i p s developed between the women, and the son and h i s wife had t o move out. In the meantime, the mother and daughters had t r i e d t o e n l i s t moral support i n condemning the a c t i o n s o f the daughter-in-law whom they d e f i n e d as having become "Canadian and having l o s t h e r Indian v i r tues". The j o i n t farm was then s o l d , and the youngest son broke away from the r e s t of the f a m i l y . The mother and s i s t e r s then went back t o I n d i a . L e t t e r s and r e m i t t a n c e s , however, continue t o be sent r e g u l a r l y . Discussion  In t h i s  i n s t a n c e , the formation of n u c l e a r house-  h o l d s o c c u r r e d a t marriage.  Although  the b r o t h e r s pooled  together r e s o u r c e s and owned p r o p e r t y j o i n t l y , there were clear stipulations  as t o each of t h e i r  although the youngest  orchard.  Likewise,  b r o t h e r managed the p r o p e r t y , h i s  p o s i t i o n was c l e a r l y d e f i n e d . mother and daughters  shares.  I t was a p p r o p r i a t e that the  l i v e with the youngest  son on the  But due t o d i f f e r e n c e s of o p i n i o n , the youngest  son decided t o break away completely from the f a m i l y . The p r o p e r t y was then d i v i d e d , and the women who d i d not wish t o  -234-  l i v e w i t h the other India.  sons had  no o p t i o n but  to r e t u r n  A d i s c u s s i o n with the wife of the youngest  further revealed According  some of the problems she  to  son  encountered.  to her,  "I have developed a sense of independence i n Canada s i n c e I began to work. I had work to do i n the h o t e l as w e l l as the chores a t home. My husband was understanding although the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was mainly on my shoulder. When my motherin-law and her daughters a r r i v e d , there were f a r too many e x p e c t a t i o n s p l a c e d on me. I had to c a t e r to a l l t h e i r needs and f a n c i e s . In I n d i a t h i s would have been i n e v i t a b l e , but i n Canada I f e l t that I c o u l d p r o t e s t . At f i r s t I t r i e d to accommodate, but i t was very d i f f i c u l t . When my behaviour was d i s c u s s e d with neighbours and f r i e n d s by my mother-in-law I f e l t t h a t I had enough. My husband, who understood my p l i g h t , supported me and f e l t that h i s mother and s i s t e r s would be happier i n I n d i a . It  i s q u i t e c l e a r that t h i s f a m i l y experienced  c o n f l i c t s i n t h e i r adjustments to l i f e a r r i v a l of other  members who  i n Canada.  c o u l d not a p p r e c i a t e  With  changes i n  lifestyle,  the c o n f l i c t s became too h a r d t o manage, and  f a m i l y had  to separate i n t o s m a l l e r  units.  the  the  Although p r o -  p e r t y i s not owned j o i n t l y , emotional t i e s are s t i l l  main-  tained .  To those who  c o u l d not sponsor anyone except  spouses or t h e i r aged parents, prevailed.  a d i f f e r e n t s e t of  conditions  In most cases the o l d parents d e c l i n e d the o f f e r  of s e t t l i n g i n Canada, on account of t h e i r other living  their  in India.  The  f a m i l y i n Canada was  children  therefore  nuclear  -235in structure.  As a r e s u l t , schisms and c o n f l i c t s were a l s o  minimal.  Case Study 4  In 1971 Mr. Singh came t o the v a l l e y on a v i s i t o r s v i s a . He had an uncle i n Kamloops who urged him t o come. On a r r i v a l he a p p l i e d f o r a work permit as w e l l as immigration. In the meantime he found a j o b i n the sawmill i n Vernon. When he had saved enough money, had r e c e i v e d h i s immigration papers, he r e t u r n e d t o Punjab and was married (1973). H i s w i f e j o i n e d him a year l a t e r . They d i d n o t have any immediate r e l a t i v e s i n the valley. T h e i r sponsor l i v e d about a 100 miles away. A l l the f r i e n d s or c o n t a c t s they had were the f r i e n d s of the husband. These f r i e n d s then became as c l o s e as " k i n " . They were t r e a t e d as b r o t h e r s and i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s were maintained. In one i n s t a n c e , an unmarried f r i e n d became a paying guest and l i v e d w i t h the f a m i l y . In the c h o i c e o f a house and a neighbourhood, f r i e n d s h i p networks were c r u c i a l . When i t was not p o s s i b l e to accommodate a l l o f them, v i s i t i n g on a r e g u l a r b a s i s was e s t a b l i s h e d . Through the years l e t t e r s and f i n a n c i a l h e l p continued t o be g i v e n t o the f a m i l y i n I n d i a . In t h i s case, the problems o f immigration had p l a c