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Transitivity in (Nicola Lake) Okanagan Hébert, Yvonne M. 1982

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TRANSITIVITY IN (NICOLA LAKE) OKANAGAN by YVONNE MARIE HEBERT B.A. magna cum laude, The University of Utah., 197^ A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES .Department of Linguistics We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH: COLUMBIA July 19.82 © Yvonne Marie Hebert, 1982 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date irfw, lO J3Z-ii ABSTRACT This' d i s s e r t a t i o n i s a srtudy of c e r t a i n c l a u s e - l e v e l constructions: i n the Okanagan language and. an exploration of the adequacy of R e l a t i o n a l Grammar for describing these, constructions. Four major issues- are addressed: (1.1 the nature: of t r a n s i t i v i t y i n Okanagan; ( i i ) the i d e n t i t y of the grammatical r e l a t i o n s which, are. necessary to the syntactic analysis of Okanagan; (.iii) the occurrence of re-evaluations of these grammatical r e l a t i o n s i n t h i s language; and ( i v ) the nature of the Middle voice i n this- language. Arguments- and language, data are. brought to bear on these. Issues;, providing evidence, to support (1) the. characterizationoof t r a n s i t i v i t y as a property of s t r a t a or l e v e l rather than of clause or of verb; ( i i ) . the. necessity M R e l a t i o n a l Grammar of the grammatical r e l a t i o n s : Subject, Direct Object, Indirect Object, Dative, Instrumental, Locative, Topic, and Chomeur f o r the syntactic analysis: of the language.; and .(.I'ii). the occurrence of the following re-evaluations: 2 - ^ 1 Advancement A and 1 - ^ 1 Demotion i n Passive constructions; Phantom Advancement of a non-nuclear object, non-distinct with. the. i n i t i a l subject; Unaccusative Advancement; Dative, Locative, R e l a t i o n a l and Instrumental Advancements, with, concomitant Demotions of the nominal previously b e a r i n g the. target r e l a t i o n ; and Possessor Ascension; and ( i v ) a Phantom Arc s o l u t i o n for the syntactic analysis of the Middle, voice, construction i n this, language. It is- concluded (a) that, the analyses- presented contribute i n an explanatory way to the. study of Salishan l i n g u i s t i c s ; (h) that these analyses- a t t e s t to the p r o d u c t i v i t y of the t h e o r e t i c a l model, R e l a t i o n a l iii Grammar, with, respect to c e r t a i n c l a u s e - l e v e l constructions of Okanagan; (c) that some rules' r e f e r r i n g to t r a n s i t i v i t y require reference to non-d i s t i n c t ivenes 'S- as- well as- to 1 and to 2; (d) that one of the p r i n c i p l e s of R e l a t i o n a l -Grammar, the 1-Advancement Exclusiveness Law, must he modified to allow language-particular condtiions: on i t s a p p l i c a b i l i t y ; and (e) that the theory of R e l a t i o n a l Grammar needs further elaboration to deal with_the mapping of thematic r e l a t i o n s onto grammatical r e l a t i o n s . iv TABLE. OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Acknowledgements ^x Dedication x^ I INTRODUCTION 1 0 I d e n t i f y i n g the Language: 1 1 Orthography 3 2 Posing the Problem 5 3 Organization of this- Study 8 k Theoretical Framework. 8 Footnotes 15 I I BASIC FACTS ABOUT OKANAGAN l6 0 Introduction l6 1 Basic Data l6 1.1 Word Order l6 1.2 Form of Nominals: IT 1.3 Form of Predicate 18 1.3.1 Subject and Object Markers i8 1.3 .2 Verbal Paradigms: 20 l.h Complementizers- and Determiners 26 1.5 Animacy Hierarchy 29 1.6 Case Marking 32 1.7 Aspect and T r a n s i t i v i t y Marking 32 1..T.1 A Rule for Perfective and Imperfective Aspect 32 1.7.2 Rule f o r -t Marking 39 V 2 Tests: f o r Grammatical Relations k3 2.1 Tests-: for F i n a l Grammatical Relations: k3 2..1.1 Subject and Object Marking 1+3 2.1.2 Question Formation hk 2.1.3 R e l a t i v i z a t i o n and C l e f t Constructions 45 2.1.4 T o p i c a l i z a t i o n hf 2.1.5 Quantifier Float hQ 2.2 Tests f o r Non-final Grammatical Relations: 50 2.2.1 Moving G l o t t a l i z a t i o n 50 2.2.2 Clefts- with. ?incaV?inca ?kn 52 Footnotes- 5h III: INTRANSITIVE CLAUSE IN OKANAGAN 57 0 Introduction 57 1 Passive Clauses- 60 1.1 Person and Number Marking 6l 1.2 l o r d Order 62. 1.3 Relative Clause Formation 62 l.h Instrumental Case Marking: A Job is- Lost . 63 1.5 Aspect and T r a n s i t i v i t y Marking Sh 1.6 Thematic Relations: 66 1.7 Posting the Bans 67 1.8 Question Formation 70 2 Unaccusative Clauses 72 2.1 The Basic Claim 72 2.2 The. Proposal f o r Okanagan Ih 2.3 Supporting Evidence 80 wi 2.3.1 Choice of ?inca ?/ <?inca'?kn QJ_ 2.3.2 Moving G l o t t a l i z a t i o n gii 2.4 Representation of Unaccusatlve Clauses: 3 Middle Clauses- 87 3.1 Four Possible: Analyses: Q Q 3.2 Selection of ?inca ?/?Inca ?kn 90 3.3 Quantifier' Ban P2. 3.4 L e x i c a l Incorporation 3.5 A Phantom to the Rescue. JQQ 3.6 Consequences- f o r the. —UJ Morphology- ]_05 Foot not esr 2.(56 IV TRANSITIVE CLAUSES IN OKANAGAN 10'9 0 Introduction 109 1 Dative Advancement: Benefactive and In d i r e c t i v e Constructions-112 1.1 Case Marking . 2.1H 1.2 Question Formation l l 6 1.3 Quantifier Float 118 I.U Relative Clause Formation 122 1.5 P a s s i v i z a t i o n 124 2 R e l a t i o n a l Clauses: 128 2.1 Three Classes 128 2.2 Evidence for I n i t i a l I n t r a n s . i t i v i t y ±k2 2.3 Evidence for F i n a l T r a n s i t i v i t y IU5 2.3.1 P a s s i v i z a t ion I 4 5 2.3.2 Quantifier Float ik6 v%i 2.3.3 R e l a t i v l z a t i o n l 4 ? 2.4 Evidence f o r Obligatory Advancement 1 4 8 2.5 The Class C Verbs- 1 4 9 2.5.1 Three Proposals- • 1 4 9 2.5.2 Choosing Between These Proposals: 152 2.6 Instrumental Advancement 156 3 Locative Clauses: l60 3.1 The Basic Pattern 160 3.2 Consequences of R e l a t i o n a l and Locative Advancement n : for Limited Control 165 .3.3 ' Locative. Advancement with. Body Parts 171 3.4 Dative Advancement with, Pronominals: 174 4 Possessor Ascension 178-4.1 Ascension i n I n t r a n s i t i v e Clauses: 1 8 0 4 .2 . Ascension i n Transitive. Clauses: 1 8 3 4.3 A Statement of L e x i c a l Incorporation 187 4.4 Ascension i n Middle Clauses 188 Footnotes: 191 V RELEVANCE. OF ANALYSES' 200 1 Relevance to Salishan L i n g u i s t i c s 200 1.1 Benefactive and I n d i r e c t i v e Constructions 200 1 . 2 R e l a t i o n a l Constructions 203 1.3 Locative Constructions ' 204 1.4 The Existence of Indirect Objects 204 1.5 T r a n s i t i v e - t 205 1.6' The Kiddle Voice 207 viii 2 Relevance to R e l a t i o n a l Grammar 207 2.1 The D e f i n i t i o n of T r a n s i t i v i t y 207 2.2 The. R e l a t i o n a l Class* B verbs: and the 1AEX 208 2.3 The. Mapping of Thematic and Grammatical R e l a t i o n s ' 211 Appendix I: : Consioltants: 214 Appendix IT: Abbreviations 219 Appendix I I I : The Middle and R e l a t i o n a l Constructions R e v i s i t e d 221 References 228 ix Acknowledgements My study of the Okanagan language has been funded generally by I. W. K i l l am Pre-doctoral Fellowships (.1977-1980) and a Tina and Morris Wagner Foundation Fellowship (198O-81), a l l held at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. F i e l d work has been funded by the Canadian Ethnology Service, National Museum of Man, under i t s Urgent Ethnology Programme (198O-I982), the L i n g u i s t i c s D i v i s i o n of the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum (.1978, 1979), and the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h , Columbia under i t s Summer Fellowship Programme (.1977)- F i e l d notes and tapes: of the language have been deposited i n the archives of the p r o v i n c i a l and nation a l museums i n correspondence with the time span covered by the funding agency. For t h e i r continuing h o s p i t a l i t y , understanding and companionship, I thank, the people of Nicola V a l l e y , for they added the dimension of human experience and compassion to my work. For t h e i r pride and keen i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r native language, and f o r i t h e i r faith, i n me, I thank, the native, speakers of Okanagan, e s p e c i a l l y those who served as language, consultants: Joseph. Albert.'.Michel, Joe Pete Saddleman, Sharon Lindley, Johnny Archachan, N e l l i e Quiterrez, Louisa Roper, Rosie Tom, a l l of Quilchena (Nicola V a l l e y d i a l e c t ) ; Clara Jack, and Adam Eneas, both, of the Penticton d i a l e c t and area; Teresa Terbasket of Keremeos; and T i l l i e George of C o l v i l l e , Washington. For h i s i n s i g h t f u l comments and for helping me to think, talk, and write aoout Okanagan, I thank, Tom Hukari who served as- major member of my supervisory committee. Sarah. J . Bell,and Guy Carden also served as members of my supervisory committee. For his: guidance, and his: support, my sincere appreciation goes to David LI. Williams- - without him, i t i s un l i k e l y that the process of graduate work, here could have been completed. X Thanks as well to the many f r i e n d s , colleagues and teachers, who encouraged and aided me along the way. For t h e i r generous understanding, encouragement and love, I thank my chi l d r e n L i s a and Martin. The sketch of Joseph. Albert Michel i s L i s a ' s . For h i s gentle patience and h i s valuable i n s i g h t s into his; language, f or the many long hours of tedious work., for the warmth, of h i s a f f e c t i o n , f o r the shared excitement and s a t i s f a c t i o n s as; the work, progressed, I thank. Joseph. Albert Michel, the main language, consultant, a f f e c t i o n a t e l y known as Uncle. This work Is. i n many ways h i s and forms-part of h i s legacy to h i s people. In dedication Qwaymalst, Joseph A l b e r t M i c h e l , November 1978. 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 0 Identifying the Language Okanagan i s an I n t e r i o r Salishan language spoken i n I n t e r i o r B r i t i s h . Columbia and Washington State. The following tree structure shows the proposed genetic r e l a t i o n s h i p of Okanagan to the other languages i n the Salishan language family: 1 t 2 Okanagan Is spoken i n Nicola V a l l e y at the end of Lake Nico l a , i n Okanagan V a l l e y In an area extending south, of Kamloops, a l l i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and i n Washington State on the C o l v i l l e Reservation as far south as Incheleum. Two d i a l e c t s may be distinguished: Northern and Southern. Colvllle-Okanagan (Mattina 1 9 7 3 ) f a l l s within the southern d i a l e c t and (Nicola Lake) Okanagan f a l l s within the. northern d i a l e c t . The",l,bulk. of the data presented herein i s from Joseph. Albert Michel of Quilchena, i n Ni c o l a V a l l e y , B r i t i s h . Columbia. Some syntactic phenomena have been contributed by other speakers; these are noted i n footnotes. (See also Appendix I: Consultants.) Variations i n languages, inc l u d i n g Okanagan, due to i n d i v i d u a l differences- such, as age, sex or schooling, due to geographical d i f f e r e n c e s , or due to language obsolescence, may lead to d i f f e r e n t data and d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . Other major works on t h i s language are doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n s by Mattina ( 19 .73) and Watkins ( 1 9 7 0 ) , a masters t h e s i s by PatfaSson ( . 1 9 7 8 ) , as well as papers by Thompson (.19.79.1, Mattina ( . 1 9 8 2 ) , and Hehert ( 1 9 8 2 a , b ) . Okanagan i s an ohsolesclng language. ( M i l l e r 1 9 . 7 2 ) . I t s most fluent speakers are elders In t h e i r seventies and e i g h t i e s , and most of these are f l u e n t l y b i l i n g u a l Engli.sh-Okanagan. Very few c h i l d r e n are. learning the language at home In i t s natural context. According to data compiled by Levine ( 1 9 8 1 ) , Okanagan has approximately 2 0 0 speakers, with., a minimum age. of 1+0-50 years."'" Language retention programs are presently being i n i t i a t e d by speakers- i n t h e i r twenties thru e a r l y s i x t i e s i n an. e f f o r t to maintain the language, i n i t s present-day form. 3 1 Orthography Some of the major challenges facing a":.student of Salishan languages are phonological i n nature, such as- stress placement, schwa epehthesis, s y l l a b i c i t y , and f o r the I n t e r i o r Salishan languages, pharyngealization and r e t r a c t i o n . The orthography described below i s used as a p r a c t i c a l measure and should not be taken as a s t a r t i n g point for phonological a n a l y s i s . In the orthography used here, word stress i s indic a t e d by means of as primary stress marker and v as secondary stress marker. Epenthetic schwas are generally excluded from the orthography. Exceptions to t h i s p r a c t i c e are few, but when they occur, forms with and without an epenthetic schwa are given. For example, the agentive. p r e f i x i s S9x w-/sx w- . The former Is used when the preceeding a r t i c l e i s i . e . , i s v o w e l-final; the l a t t e r is- used when the preceeding a r t i c l e i s 1 t, i . e . , i s consonant-final, i n which, case an epenthetic schwa occurs between the a r t i c l e and the f i r s t consonant of the p r e f i x . The net r e s u l t i s a d i f f e r e n t assignment of s y l l a b l e ity.. Epenthetic vowels do not take stress: and are. g e n e r a l l y audible as:- l i g h t , passing vowels.. For a statement of the conditioned schwa v a r i a t i o n , see Mattlna (.1973).. 2 To account f o r the pharyngealization and r e t r a c t i o n , two abstract segments are used In t h i s orthography: ? and . Both, of these, indicate that the following segment i s ret r a c t e d and i s the locus- of the pharyngealization which, also generally spreads to the Immediately neighbouring segments.' from, the l o c i : of the r e t r a c t i o n . The ? symb.ol also Indicates, that the following segment, always a vowel, Is glottali.zed. This accounts: f o r the twelve phonetic vowels- with, primary stress charted below, where indicates tongue root r e t r a c t i o n . The V notation represents a g l o t t a l i z e d vowel,. These are characterizable for Okanagan: ( i ) as r e c e i v i n g one s t r e s s ; ( i i ) as: having two energy peaks, c l e a r l y Interrupted by a g l o t t a l stop; ( I i i ) as. functioning as one unit with, respect to vowel reduction to schwa; (iv) as: occurring only as r e t r a c t e d , pharyngealized vowels; and (v) as having low, f a l l i n g pitch.. 2 a phonetic b orthographic i i i Si I as ' % ?a a &, a 9 „ a ?a <?a u 0 9 ? ? u In terms of graphemes, the dual symbols of the two right-most columns of 2b may be termed digraphs, as are the .th, sh symbols: of the English, orthography. For t h i s d i a l e c t , no phonetic sequences of ?and V are. found. The gammas of (Nicola Bake) Okanagan are considred here to be phonetic since they are the only voiced f r i c a t i v e s : In the system, since they function as resonants, f o r example, with, respect to Dimlnuative Glottali.zati.on, and since they always occur pharyngealized, with. some, of them r e t r a c t e d as w e l l . The orthography makes, use of the digraph. 9r. and for [ y ] a n d [y] r e s p e c t i v e l y . There i s no other known instance of a single, r occurring r e t r a c t e d or pharyngealized. Although, l i m i t e d i n d i s t r i b u t i o n , the h's of Okanagan are 'heavy' and have a s i m i l a r e f f e c t on the. following segments as do the abstract segments. - h precedes only r e t r a c t e d vowels and h' precedes only r e t r a c t e d g l o t t a l i z e d vowels-. 5 The inventory of orthographic symbols or graphemes used here for (Nicola Lake) Okanagan is. g i v e n i n 3 below. The C i s an a l v e o p a l a t a l a f f r i c a t e , ' V i n d i c a t e s a g l o t t a l i z e d segment, $ i s a g l o t t a l i z e d l a t e r a l affricate., and X is. a uvular f r i c a t i v e . 3 Consonant graphemes: p t c k k w q qw ? p* i t •A? tf? < s X x w X m n y 1 r w h ? rf rf i 1' -i vf rf 7oweZ graphemes: i u a a (Michel and Hehert 1979:1). 2 Posing the Problem This d i s s e r t a t i o n i s a study of c e r t a i n c l a u s e - l e v e l constructions i n Okanagan. It attempts to determine the syntactic constructions i n which the verbal a f f i x e s l i s t e d i n k below occur. In the l i s t i n g below, the t r a d i t i o n a l terms used i n Salishan l i n g u i s t i c s are contrasted with those used herein:^ , k AFFIX. TRADITIONAL TEEM TERM USED HEREIN -t 1. T r a n s i t i v e -t -t marking 2. Stative -t -tim/-tem Passive ending Passive ending 6. -p Non-control Unaccusative ending, f o r n a t u r a l l y occurring states -cut Reflexive Agentive Reflexive -myst Reflexive Unaccusative Reflexive -am/-m Middle Middle -x Benefactive Benefactive ^ % Dative - i I n d i r e c t i v e I n d i r e c t i v e J -mi R e l a t i o n a l R e l a t i o n a l -(i)na •: (Unidentified ) Locative -nu Limited Control Success Limited Control In order to focus t h i s study of the syntax of the Okanagan language, four major questions were formulated: (1} What is the nature of transitivity in Okanagan? This: questions subsumes more thahr.one. point: ( i ) the d e f i n i t i o n of t r a n s i t i v i t y as: a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of verbs, clauses, or o f something e l s e ; ( l i ) the r e l a t i o n s h i p of t r a n s i t i v i t y to distinctiveness, of subject and d i r e c t object nominals, as i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h i s t r a n s i t i v e r e f l e x i v e , with, ' i n t r a n s i t i v e ' morphology: (See Chapter 2 , section 1.1, on word order.) 5 Si ttivftt trq - n - cut - 0 . the boy kick—PFTV—REFL—S3 T, T r T T D The boy kicked himself. C i l t ) : the. accurate statement of a rgener.ali.zati.oni'for morphological markers-, for example, of the. ' t r a n s i t i v e ' -t, present i n 6 Ca), below but ab.sent' In 7 6b 'below; and ( i v ) types o'f i n t r a n s i t i v e clauses s-uch. as- Middle v o i c e constructions- as w e l l as s t a t i v e and non - s t a t i v e i n t r a n s l t i v e s . (.2) What grammatical relations are necessary to the syntactic analysis of Okanagan? T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the S a l i s h a n languages: have been analyzed as having s u b j e c t s , d i r e c t o b j e c t s , and oblique objects but not i n d i r e c t o b j e c t s . ( 3 ) What re-evaluations of these grammatical relations may occur in this language? More s p e c i f i c a l l y , what advancements, demotions and ascensions, may occur at the clause l e v e l of t h i s language? 0 0 . What is the nature of the Middle voice of Okanagan? A l s o , what i s i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p , i f any, t o i t s counterpart a c t i v e voice.? The sentences i n b i l l u s t r a t e counterpart c o n s t r u c t i o n s : ACTIVE 6a Si xixwtm ikinf ( - n• - t ) - s Ti cf?axnutiya?. the g i r l s e w -PFTV-t-S3 T R A N S the mocassin The g i r l sewed the mocassins. MIDDLE b Si xixrtnf ikinf - m - 0 t q^axrfutiya?. the g i r l sew-MIDDLE-S3^^ some mocassin The g i r l sews mocassins. 8 3 The Organization of t h i s study The d i f f i c u l t y i n approaching these questions i s that they are not independent of one another. Okanagan syntax i s complex and m u l t i -dimensional. One thread cannot "be unraveled without being aware of the weave of the en t i r e f a b r i c . Cross-referencing i s the device used most frequently to f a c i l i t a t e the task. This study i s organized around the major question of t r a n s i t i v i t y . Chapter Two provides basic facts about Okanagan as necessary background information on the language. Chapter Three examines c l a u s e - l e v e l construc-t i o n s which, are f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e : the Passive, Unaccusative and Middle constructions. Chapter Four examines: c l a u s e - l e v e l constructions which, are f i n a l l y t r a n s i t i v e : the Dative, R e l a t i o n a l , Locative, and Possessor Ascension constructions.. Chapter F i v e discusses the relevance of the analysis f or Salishan l i n g u i s t i c s and for R e l a t i o n a l Grammar, the. t h e o r e t i c a l framework i n which, the analyses are cast. k Theoretical Framework. This study i s an exploration of the adequacy of R e l a t i o n a l Grammar for describing the c l a u s e - l e v e l syntax of Okanagan. Only those, parts of Relational Grammar of general importance are discussed In t h i s section; other concepts are introduced throughout as: they are needed. The. theory o f R e l a t i o n a l Grammar i s discussed i n Perlmutter and Po s t a l (19.74, 19.7841, Johnson (19.741 and i n other works c i t e d . '9 h.l Some P r i n c i p l e s o f R e l a t i o n a l Grammarr The c e n t r a l c l a i m of R e l a t i o n a l Grammar i s t h a t the s y n t a c t i c processes of human languages are "best expressed hy r u l e s r e f e r r i n g t o grammatical r e l a t i o n s r a t h e r than hy r u l e s r e f e r r i n g t o s t r i n g s of ordered elements, t o cases, or to c o n s t i t u e n t - s t r u c t u r e t r e e s . Grammatical r e l a t i o n s : are considered to he the most appropriate b a s i s f o r s t a t i n g s y n t a c t i c g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s , both, f o r u n i v e r s a l r u l e - t y p e s and p r i n c i p l e s , and f o r l a n g u a g e - p a r t i c u l a r data. To exemplify, the f o l l o w i n g sentences may be considered: Ta Grannie gave a basket to the g i r l , b Grannie gave the g i r l a basket. The u n d e r l i n e d nominal i n the a_ sentence, i s considered an i n d i r e c t object i n English., and may a l s o be r e f e r r e d t o as a Dative o b j e c t , or i n R e l a t i o n a l Grammar, as a 3- In the approach, taken here, the d i f f e r e n c e between a and b i n 7 above i s best expressed u n i v e r s a l l y as a r u l e that promotes an i n d i r e c t object t o d i r e c t objecthood, termed 3 - ^ 2 Advancement, r a t h e r than a s r a l r u l e . of Dative Movement permuting the second NP a f t e r the verb t o immediate p o s t - v e r b a l p o s i t i o n . See Perlmutter and P o s t a l (.19.77)-f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s c e n t r a l c l a i m vis- a. v i s P a s s l v i z a t i . o n . Another fundamental p r i n c i p l e of t h i s theory i s t h a t the. s t r u c t u r e of a clause i s the set of grammatical relations o b t a i n i n g between the. elements: o f a c l a u s e . The predicate, bears the. Predicate r e l a t i o n to i t s clause. The chart below i l l u s t r a t e s - the types of nominal-to-clause r e l a t i o n s . Of these, the ones th a t f i g u r e the most i n t h i s work, are.: 1). the term -non-term r e l a t i o n s , i i ) the oblique r e l a t i o n s , i i i ) the retirement r e l a t i o n o f chometir3 and 10 i v ) the nuclear r e l a t i o n s . 8 C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of nominal-to-claus:e relations: (adapted from Perlmutter and Postal 1278): Grammatical relations Nominal relations 11 Predicates- and nominals; are said to be dependents: of the clause to which, they bear grammatical relations:. The Predicate r e l a t i o n . Term r e l a t i o n s and Oblique r e l a t i o n s are held to be undefined p r i m i t i v e s of thettheory; retirement relations- are. defined by the theory. The grammatical r e l a t i o n s which, elements bear to the clause are i l l u s t r a t e d here, informally, for English.: 9 The g i r l tanned the hide for her grandmother. The g i r l bears the Subject r e l a t i o n to the clause ;and". Is l a b e l l e d 1; tanned bears the Predicate r e l a t i o n to the clause and i s l a b e l l e d P; the hidel)bears the Direct Object r e l a t i o n to the clause, and i s labelled-.2 for her grandmother bears one of the Oblique r e l a t i o n s , the Benefactive one, to the clause and i s l a b e l l e d BENE. More formally, the grammatical r e l a t i o n s which, elements bear to the clause, are represented n o t a t i o n a l l y i n relational networks. In the diagram 10 below, the p r i m i t i v e l i n g u i s t i c element b bears the r e l a t i o n whose name i s GR^ . to the p r i m i t i v e l i n g u i s t i c element a: 10 a I f , for example, GR is: l a b e l l e d 1, the name of the Subject r e l a t i o n , then b_ bears the Subject r e l a t i o n to a_, the clause node,:-. I f , for example., GR^ . is: l a b e l l e d 2, the. name of the Direct Object r e l a t i o n , then b_ bears the Direct Object r e l a t i o n to a, the. clause node, The formal arcs for the English, example i n 9- are: 12 11 tanned the g i r l ^ h i d e for her grandmother The diagram i n 10 i s however incomplete. To represent the notion"of linguistic levels n o t a t i o n a l l y , sequences of numbersr.called coordinates are associated with, the incomplete arc i n 10 to y i e l d arcs, as diagrammed i n 12: 12 c. , c. , l i i In 12 above, the element b bears, the Subject r e l a t i o n to the c l a u s a l node a at both, the f i r s t and second l e v e l s of a. Thus i t i s possible for b to bear the Subject r e l a t i o n at one l e v e l , c^, while a d i s t i n c t element c_ might be the Subject of a_ at the c ^ l e v e l : 13 i i :.. b c T h i s i s i l l u s t r a t e d f o r English, with, a Passive which, may be analyzed as c o n s i s t i n g of two l e v e l s of c l a u s a l structure: 1 3 lha. The boy was kissed by the grandmother. b was kissed by the grandmother One further observation may be. made about how the coordinates on arcs, permit a c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of l e v e l f o r a f i x e d node. This i s done by defining the notion stratum. The. c t£u.stratum of a node b i s the set k. of a l l arcs. with, t a i l a which, have, the coordinate c, . In 1 0 and 1 1 above, — k. a l l of the arcs, are i n a sin g l e stratum. In other cases, there i s more than one stratum. .-.This: may be represented f o r the English, example l 4 a i n r e l a t i o n a l network, as. i n lUb or intterms of a s t r a t a l diagram as: i n lUc: Ike a was kissed by the grandmother This may be. represented f or an Okanagan example i n a r e l a t i o n a l network, as: i n 1 5 b below or i n terms of a s t r a t a l diagram as i n 1 5 c below: 1 5 a ? i ttvfrt c^fimqs - n - tarn ? i t stamtima 7. the boy kiss-PFTV-PASS INSTR grandmother The boy was ki s s e d by the grandmother. lit 1 stsmtima? c Pairs l i k e Ikh and lhc, 15b. and 1 5 c , are e n t i r e l y equivalent notations f o r the same l i n g u i s t i c object, i . e . , a graphic representation of the structure of lha and 1 5 a r e s p e c t i v e l y . T r a n s i t i v i t y i s characterized i n Re l a t i o n a l Grammar as a property, not of clauses or of verbs, but of s t r a t a : l 6 Transitivity in Relational Grammar A stratum is- considered transitive if it has a 1 and a 2; otherwise it is intransitive. 15 FOOTNOTES - CHAPTER ONE 1 Sharon Lindley, nee Michel, of the Upper N i c o l a Band, estimates that the number of fluent speakers of Okanagan Is more than 200 and f e e l s that an examination of the band l i s t s i s necessary to accurately establish, the number of remaining f l u e n t speakers and t h e i r ages. 2 The orthographic conventions used throughout t h i s work, r e f l e c t the phonological speech, system of the primary language consultant. The r e t r a c t e d segments, are a l l c l e a r l y audible ln';theospeech. of the main language consultant and have been v e r i f i e d by him. He i s respected i n his community as a p a r t i c u l a r l y knowledgeable speaker with, very c l e a r a r t i c u l a t i o n and with, an a b i l i t y to describe to others how to a r t i c u l a t e the sounds. Retraction and pharyngealization i s also c l e a r l y audible i n the speech. of the oldest members of the. community. Some of the. other elders have, also been able, to confirm the existence and frequency of these sounds. 3 The t r a d i t i o n a l terms are generally from Mattina (19.731-k This may also be written i n another type, of notation: CGRx(b.,a)c.j.l which, is. read as: the. p r i m i t i v e l i n g u i s t i c element b. bears: the r e l a t i o n GR to the primitive, l i n g u i s t i c ' element a i n coordinate, c.. 16 CHAPTER TWO BASIC FACTS ABOUT OKANAGAN 0 Introduction This chapter, i n which, necessary p r e l i m i n a r i e s about the Okanagan language are presented, i s organized as: follows. Section 1 gives basic data, section 2 gives t e s t s f o r grammatical relations:, with, t e s t s f o r f i n a l grammatical r e l a t i o n s i n 2.1 and t e s t s f o r non-final grammatical r e l a t i o n s i n 2.2. 1 Basic Data Data on word order (.1.11, the. form of nominals (1.2), the form of predicates (1.3), complementizers and determiners: (l.U)_, an animacy hierarchy (1-5)_, case-marking prepositions: (1.6)., aspect and t r a n s i t i v i t y marking (.1.7) are presented i n this: section, i n the order indicated. 1.1 Word Order The basic word order of Okanagan is: VSO, i . e . , the. language, i s v e r b - i n i t i a l . In the basic order, the verb. is. followed by the. subject : ( l l and i n turn by 2s: and oblique objects.. However, subject and object markers, whether c l i t i c s : or a f f i x e s , are not us u a l l y included i n statements- of basic word order since, i t is: well known that c l i t i c s , and affixes: have, d i f f e r e n t l i n e a r order than other elements. Sentences la-e i l l u s t r a t e , the basic word order. l a qk^o- s - t - is ?i ttv/it ?i qqwalx. chew-IMPF-t-S.3 T R A N S the boy the f i s h . The boy is: chewing the fish.. 17 b ks - S n - Ax - aPx Si Si( n) - stamtima? t lkalat kl cniic. UNR-CONT- fry-INCEP the my-grandmother a galette to S3 My grandmother i s going to s t a r t to f r y some bread f o r h e r s e l f . c kn dxw - am t IkSapi 1 lplpSut. S 1INTR pour-MIDDLE some coffee LOC cups I poured some coffee i n the cups. c ks - k^ul' - m - s Si skmxlst Si slwps - c t klq'aqljdnn - s. UNR-work-MIDDLE-S3xl-1T, the blackbear the t a i l - h i s a hook. - h i s The blackbear was going to use h i s t a i l as his: hook.. e kwiafcSus - x t siwik w t k i - l t ? i - tat. b o i l - S 2 T 1 . T m r , some water some own-tea-our IMP B o i l some water f or our tea.' In R e l a t i o n a l Grammar, word order of i n d i v i d u a l languages i s accounted for by means of the Linear Precedence r e l a t i o n s . Language-p a r t i c u l a r LP r u l e s , formulated i n terms of grammatical r e l a t i o n s , state, which, elements: bear t h i s r e l a t i o n with, respect to which, other elements, and at which, l e v e l . For Okanagan, the. basic unmarked word order would be expressed as 2 BASIC WORD ORDER: P 1 2 3 Obi, at the surface stratum. 1.2 Form of Nominals Nominals i n Okanagan may be charted i n t h e i r f u l l e s t expansion as:: 3 directional.Preposition Demonstrative Determiner 1 2 3 cqs-e-marking.Preposition Adjective Determiner Head. Noun. 4 5 6 7 1 8 This i s exemplified below: k wik C - n - t ) - n Si kkw"?ap kl?ix wtms S 3la? see-PFTV-t-Sl, TRANS the dog underneath. t h i s i n v i s i b l e , proximate Si 1 sic Si citx w. the LOC new the house.. I saw the dog underneath, the new house. Nominals are characterized by t h e i r a b i l i t y to occur as. l o g i c a l arguments and by t h e i r a b i l i t y to bear grammatical r e l a t i o n s : Subject, Direct Object, Indirect Object, Oblique, Chomeur, and Topic. The head of a nominal argument i s distinguishable by i t s l i n e a r p o s i t i o n , by i t s a b i l i t y to take possessive a f f i x e s , to t r i g g e r p l u r a l agreement of the modifier and of ce r t a i n classes- of verbs. 1.3 Form:-of. Predicates Members of diverse l e x i c a l categories, such, as Adjective, Verb, Adverb, Demonstrative, Noun, may bear the Predicate r e l a t i o n . The discussion here is: l i m i t e d to clauses with. Predicates that take the a f f i x e s under study. 1.3.1 Subject and Object Markers The verbal paradigms vary according to the person and number of thessubject and d i r e c t object. There are three sets: of subject markers. These, are charted and l a b e l l e d below. :,cThe'abbreyiatidnsrSl.; 'S2, and S3 r e f e r to f i r s t , second and t h i r d person si n g u l a r , and P l , P2 and P3 to f i r s t , second and t h i r d person p l u r a l . 1 9 Subject Markers IRREALIS MOOD REALIS MOOD . I n t r a n s i t i v e / T r a n s i t i v e I n t r a n s i t i v e . . . T r a n s i t i v e SI Tin-... kn -CDn S2 ~an-... k w - ( i ) x w S3 .. .-s -CDs PI ... .-tat/-t kwu ... -Ci)t P2 ...-mp/-p ... p -CDP P3 ...-s lx -s(i)lx The d i r e c t object markers may be ei t h e r a f f i x e s or c l i t i c s : 6 Direct Object Markers as C l i t i c s as suffixes; SI S2 S3 PI P2 P3 kwu k w kwu P .. lx i n the -n paradigm i n the -s paradigm -s- -m--i(ul)m- -4C.ul)m-In the two charts above, the lack, of an entry i n d i c a t e s that there. Is no overt markers- for that person, number and mood. For example, there i s no -marker fo r t h i r d person i n t r a n s i t i v e r e a l i s subject. 20 The i r r e a l l s subject markers; are similar to. the possess;i.ye markers: 7 .Possessive .Markers si Tin-. Pi ...-tat S2 Tan-. • P2 ...-mp S3 .-s P3 ...-salx 1 . 3 . 2 Verbal Paradigms F u l l conjugations are presented of two verbal roots: txt'- 'look, a f t e r ' and sTiw- 'ask', the former being a verbal root with, which, the su f f i x e s are stressed and the l a t t e r being a verbal root which, i s stressed i t s e l f . Three paradigms are presented f o r each. verb. These are conjugated i n the -n t r a n s i t i v e r e a l i s paradigm, i n the ks- 'Unrealized Action' paradigm and i n the sac- 'Past Perfect' paradigm. The parentheses- (. ) enclose paradigmatic information which, i s absent i n the surface manifestation of the p a r t i c u l a r example. The . brackets C . 1 enclose combinations: which, show Passive morphology; a discussion of these follow the charts.. The charts are to be read as follows. For example, the entry 'Subject SI and Object S 3 ' i s read as txt* - n - t - In "I look, a f t e r him." i n the -n 'Perfective' paradigm, as Ti(n) -ks-txt'-am "I'm going to look a f t e r him." i n the ks- 'Unrealized Action' paradigm, and as <i,ifn)-sac-txt'-ani "I've been looking a f t e r him." i n the "'Past Perfect' paradigm. The verb s^iw- 'ask' follows the charts of the verb tXtV 'look a f t e r ' . It should be noted that when the subject and object markers are both, s u f f i x e s , the object marker comes f i r s t . 21 VERB txtf- 'look after' S 3 S2 s 6ubj ect Singular Subject and Singular Object S2 Si txlf-n-t-in txt?-n-t-s-£n txt'-n-t-ix" k"u txt'-n-t-ix" S3 txtf-n-t-is txt?-n-t-s-is k m txt--n-t-£s ks-S3 S2 SI SI fiCnJ-ks-tx^-am k" ?i(n)-ks-txt?-am S2 (n)-ks - txtf-lm kw(u) ?a(n)-ks-txt?-am S 3 ks-txtf-n'-t-£s ks-txt?-n-t-s-is k m ks-txt?-n'-t-is sac- S i S2 S3 S2 SI ?iCn]-sac-txt?-am k w Si(n)-sac-txt?-am ^aCnl-sac-txt^-ani kwCu) ?a(n)-sac-txtf-am S3 sac-txtf-am-s k" sac-txt?-am-s k m sac-txt'-am-s Plural Subject and Singular Object Pl S3 [ txt'-n-t-im] S2 txt--n-t-s-lt SI P2 txtf-n-t-lp k m txt?-n-t-ip P3 txtf-n-t-is lx txt?-n-t-s-is lx k m txlf-n-t-is lx ks- | Pl S3 [ ks-txtf-rf-t-inf ] S2 ks-txf- n-t-s-£t s i P2 ks-txf-rf-t-Ip k"u ks-txt?-rf-t-ip P3 ks-txtf-n'-t-is ix. ks-txt^-n'-t-s-is Ik km ks-txtf-n'-t-is ix sac-1 Pl S3 sac-txt?-am-tat S2 k" sac-txtf-am-tat SI P2 sac-txtMm-p k m sac-txtf-aro-p P3 sac-txlf-ani-s lx k w sac-txtf-am-s lx km sac-txt^-am-s lx 22 -n ks-s a c -ks-ssc-Singular Subject and Plural Object P3 P2 PI P3 P2 PI P3 P2 PI P3 P2 PI SI txt?-n-t-in lx txt?C-n-t)-i?ulm-n s i ?iCn)-ks-txlMm lx p ?i(n)-ks-txf-am s i 7iCn)-sac-tx^-am p ?iCn)-s8c-txt?-am S2 txtf-n-t-lxw lx S2 "^(rO-ks-txt'-am S2 ^(iO-sac-txtf-am lx Plural Subject and Plural Object PI P2 [txf-n-t-im l x ] txt?-n-t-£p lx txt?C-n-t) -i?ulm-t * P i P3 [ k s ' - t x t ' - n ' - t - i n f I k ] P2 k s - t x t ? C - n - t ) - i ? u l m - t PI P2 ks-txt'-n'-t-ip ix P3 P2 PI PI s s c - t x t f - a m l x s a c - t x t ^ - i m l m - t P2 sac-txt?-am-p lx S3 t x t ? - n - t - i m l x t x t , ( - n - t ) - i T u l m - s k " u txt ' -n-t-Im S3 k s - t x t ? - n ' - t - i n f l'x k s - t x t f - n - t ) - i ? u l i r f - s k " u k s - t x t ' - r f - t - i n f S3 s a c - t x t f - a m l x s a c - t x t ? ( - n - t ) - i ^ u l m - s k m sac - txtMm P3 [txtf-n-t-im lx] txt?(-n-t)-imlm-s lx [km txt?-n-t-Im] P3 [ks-txt'-n-a-inf l'x] ks-txtfC-n-t)-i7dlrf-s lie tk"u ks-txt?-n-t-infl P3 S9c-txtf-am lx sac-txt?-i?ulm-s lx k m sac-txt?-am 23 VERB S?£w- ' a s k ' -Bubject-Singular Subject and Singular Object ks-S9C-ks-S 3 C -S3 S2 SI S3 S2 SI S3 S2 SI SI s ? £ w ( - n - t ) - n s T i w - n - t - s - n s i '""iCiO-ks-s'Tiw-in k" ?i(n)-ks-s?iw-m SI ? i ( n ) - s a c - s ? £ w - m kw " i ( n ) - s a c - s ? i w - m S2 s^iw-n-t-x" k"u s^iw-n-t-x" S2 ?a(n)-ks-s^iw-m ku(u) <>'a(n)-ks-s(i'£w-r, •S2 ?a (n)-sac-s'i'iw-m k"(u) ^3Cn)-S8C-s?£w-Plural Subject and Singular Object Pl S3 [s?£w-n-t-am ] 52 s?lw-n-t-s-t SI Pl 53 [ks-sfiw-rf-t-arf ] 52 ks-s?£w-rf-t-s-t SI Pl 53 sac-s^iw-m-tat S2 k" sac-s^iw-m-tat SI P2 s^lw-n-t-p km s^iw-n-t-p P2 ks-s^w-rf-t-p km ks-s^iw-n'-t-p P2 sac-s?iw-m-p km s a c - s T i w - m - p S3 s?£wC-n-t)-s s^iw-n-t-s-s k"u sfiwC-n-tJ-s S3 ks-s?rw-/(-t)-s ks-s?iw-n'-t-s-s k m ks-s?£w-y*(-t)-s S3 sac-s?iw-m-s k u sac-s^iw-m-s k"u sac-s^iw-m-s P3 s^wf-n-tO-s lx s?£w-n-t -s-s lx k m s^lwC-n-^-s lx P3 k s - s ' i ' £ w - y ,(-t ) - s ix ks-sTIw-n'-t -s-s la k m ks-s^iw-yC-tD-s ix P3 sac -s?£w-m-s lx k w s a c - s ^ i w - m - s lx k m s a c - s T i w - m - s lx 2k ks-S 8 C ks-S 3 C -P3 P2 PI Singular Subject and Plural Object SI P3 P2 PI P3 P2 PI s?iwC-ri-t)-n lx s?iw(-n-t) - i n - n SI ?i(n)-ks-s?iw-m lx p ?i(n)-ks-s?iw-m SI ^iCiO-ssc-s^iw-m lx p ""lCnJ-sac-sfiw-m S2 sTiw-n-t-x" lx S2 'iaCrO-ks-s^iw-m S2 ^(rO-sac-sTiw-m lx Plural Subject and Plural Object PI P3 [ s?iw-n-t-am lx ] P2 s^iwC-n-1) - i n - 1 PI P i P3 [ ks-sSiw-rf-t-anf lie ] P2 ks-s?iwC-n-t)-4nf-t PI P2 s?lw-n-t-p lx P2 ks-s?iw-n'-t-p l5c P3 P2 PI PI sac-s?iw-m lx sac-s^Iw-m-tat P2 sac-s?im-m-p lx S3 's'i'iw-n-t-ain lx s^iwOn-t) -im-s k w u s'i'iw-n-t-am S3 ks-s^iw-n'-t-anf & ks-s^iwC-n-t) -4trf -s k"u ks-sfiw-rf-t-arf S3 sac-s?iw-m sac-s'i'iw-lm-s k"u sac-s^iw-m P3 [ s?iw-n-t-am lx ] s?iwC-n-t)-3m-s lx [ k"u s^iw-n-t-am ] P3 [ ks-s?xw-n'-t>anf lx ] ks-s?lwC-n-t)-iif-s lx [ k"u ks-s'i'lw-n'-t-anf ] P3 sac-s^lw-m lx sac-s?iw-3m-s lx k"u sac-s^lw-m 25 In the preceding charts, there, are c e r t a i n gaps-, i . e . , c e r t a i n combinations of affixes: do not occur. These are summarized below: 10 S2 Subject and PI Object: You V us:. P2 Subject and PI Object: You-guys V us. These were indic a t e d i n the charts- with, an a s t e r i s k . In a d d i t i o n , the subject a f f i x e s are. not mentioned i n c e r t a i n other combinations and, i n the -n and ks-- paradigms:, Passive morphology -im/-am Is used. These are summarized below: 11 S 3 Subject and P 3 Object: He/She V them. S 3 Subject and PI Object: He/She W rus , P 3 Subject and P 3 Object: They V them.. P 3 Subject and P i Object: They V uus. PI Subject and P 3 Object: l e V them, PI Subject arid S 3 Object: We V him/her. These were in d i c a t e d on the charts: w i t l i square, brackets:. For Okanagan, two statements: need to be formulated to account for the gaps i n the verbal paradigms:: (1) a statement of which, combinations of subject and object markings absolutely may not occur; and ( l i ) . a statement of which, combinations; of subject and object markings-p r o h i b i t mention of the subject's person and number. These statements follow. 12 Absolute Prohibition of Combination PI outranks- 2, This rule, states- that f i r s t person p l u r a l outranks second person singular or p l u r a l , i . e . , that the. combination of second person subject and f i r s t person p l u r a l object is: absolutely prohibited. The. combination 26 you • - V us i s outlawed and hence non-existent, a sg, pl 1-3 Partial Prohibition of Mention of Subject Marker Pl, PS outrank 3 which outranks Pl. This r u l e states that f i r s t and t h i r d person p l u r a l outrank, t h i r d person, e i t h e r singular or p l u r a l , which, outranks f i r s t person p l u r a l . In these combinations, we V him/them and. he/they V us/them, the subject marker i s p rohibited. This p a r t i a l p r o h i b i t i o n on c e r t a i n combinations i s circumvented by the use of ' i n t r a n s i t i v e ' morphology with, an object c l i t i c , as follows:"'" ( i ) . In the r e a l i s t r a n s i t i v e paradigm, e i t h e r the -n or -s 'Perfective' or 'Imperfective' paradigms, and i n the. r e a l i s paradigm with, p r e f i x k s - 'Unrealized Action', a Passive, with. -im/-am is: used.. ( i i ) In the s a c - 'Past Perfect' paradigm, the subject i s omitted and the i n t r a n s i t i v e -m marker i s used. The P a r t i a l P r o h i b i t i o n does not outlaw mention of the d i r e c t object's person and number, and i n each of these cases, an object c l i t i c i s used. l.h Complementizers and Determiners The words S i and t occur as members, of both, l e x i c a l ; c a t e g o r i e s : Complementizer and Determiner. However these are. distinguishable since the complementizers carry tense whereas the Determiners do not, as d e t a i l l e d below: Complementizers Okanagan has eight l e x i c a l items: which, introduce subordinate clauses and which, c a r r y i t s temporal reference with, respect to the matrix clause or to the. speech, event: 27 ika m?i future; b k?i non—future, present; c k?a non-future., past; d ?a past; e ?! non-past, s p e c i f i c ; f t non-past, non-specific; g 4^9 simultaneous:; h. S- untensed. These eight l e x i c a l items can be categorized together as introducers* of subordinate clauses and the l e x i c a l category i s termed •Complementizer 1, abbreviated as COMP. Determiners-Two of these complementizers are also members of the category 'Determiner': 1 5 a ?i and i t s predictable, allomorph. ?9 for 'S p e c i f i c ' ; b . t 'Non-specific'. • Sentences l 6 a - i exemplify some of the l e x i c a l items which, occur as Complementizers: 1 6 a kn ks - nSacus - a?x m?i kW8?nu - n ( - t) - n ?i k^ikScna7. SI UNR-trap-INCEP COMP catch.-PFTV-t-Sl m T, A1VT_ the mouse Hun IKANb I'm going to s t a r t to set a trap to catch, a mouse, .b t?ikwnfii k£i qw<>%p lx. suddenly COMP s l i d e / s l i p P 3 I N T R A l l of a sudden, they s l i d e . / s l i p , c c - k%s?uswa?t - s - t - m - n Sala? 4 ? 3(n] - ks - cxaluwis • PF-wish. - I M P F - t - y o u - S l T R A N S here COND S2 I R R-UNR-present 28 4Sa cVatf* - m Si COMP bloom-MIDDLE the. flower I wish, you were here when the l i l a c was i n f u l l bloom. . Sixi? 9a ?a n - kwSap Sa nacf" -•qv - nu - 4 - t - s - in. t h a t the your-horse .'COMP s t e a l -UNACCUS-LTDC-INDIR-t-you-Sl T R M S That's your horse t h a t I s t o l e a c c i d e n t a l l y . . kSfjm - 4 - t lx t scVSin Si. ks - c - ?i4n ( - n - t ) - s lx store-INDIR-t - S 2 T T l / m them some salmon COMP UNR-PF-eat-PFTV-t-P3-™ lJYLr I K K 4 ?lstkrf.. TRANS COND wi n t e r Put away some, salmon f o r them t o eat t h i s w i n t e r ( i . e . , j u s t f o r them t o eat.)_) . kSfjm - 4 - t lx t scw'Sin t ks - c - ?l4n C - n - t) - s lx store-INDIR-t - S 2 T „ m them some salmon COMP UNR-PF-eat-PFTV-t - P 3 T T I R > lJYLr IKK 4 ?lstkrf.. TRANS COND wi n t e r Put away some salmon f o r them t o eat t h i s : w i nter ( i . e . , them and anybody who's, around t o eat - the c u l t u r a l norm). g. sdkli& kSa 4 xwu/ Si ttwit k*l tawn ?. why COMP COND go the. boy to town Why has. the boy gone t o town?, (.could be awhile, ago) h, sdkinx kSi 4 xwu/ Si ttwit k*l tawn 1 why COMP COND go t h e boy t o town Why i s the. boy going t o town?./Why d i d the. boy go t o town?., (.just r e c e n t l y I 2 9 -i. lut ?i(h) - s - mil - am t sdvTin. NEG S 1 I R R - COMP-dipnet-MIDDLE .some; salmon T'm not dipnetting s-ome salmon. Sentences 1 7 a - c exemplify the l e x i c a l items which, occur as Determiners: 1 7 a titait- Tunix" smTimay*. very true the story The story i s very true, h t i t a i t ?unixw t sm?im%y\ very true some/a story Some s t o r i e s are very true../A story i s very true, c Ti. stamtima7 cut Ti cfw<^ cWiya? nacf" t siya ?. the. grandmother t e l l - S 3 ^ the. chipmunk. s:te.al-S3j N T R some saskatoon.berry The grandmother s a i d (.that 1 the chipmunks: s t o l e some saskatoons. As members: of the category 'Determiner', these, l e x i c a l items do not carry tense. The allomorph. Ta; .occurs; p r e d i c t a b l y before the possessive p r e f i x Tan- 'your' and before nouns or adjectives containing the sequence: Resonant-Pharyngeal-Stressed Vowel, i n that order or i n the reverse, (cf. Michel and Hebert, 1 9 . 7 8 , for examples;.). A member of the. l e x i c a l category 'Determiner' marks a nominal argument, preceding and marking both, modifier and head, with, the exception of a personal name, or a f u l l independent pronominal. ' 1 . 5 Animacy Hierarchy Languages frequently recognize, a hierarchy of animacy; 1 8 Animacy Hierarchy for Common Nominals Animate, Human ^ Animate, Non-human ^ Inanimate. On such, a hierarchy, those nominals- which, are closer to the top are. most 30 l i k e l y to serve as subject, whereas those nominals which, are furthest from the top are l e a s t l i k e l y . Okanagan permits animate beings, but not inanimate beings, as subject i n clauses- with, t r a n s i t i v e s t r a t a . The c l a s s of animate beings includes- humans and animals, as i n 1 9 , acts of nature as i n 2 0 , and c u l t u r a l items that are marked as- possessed by an animate being, as- i n 2 1 - 2 2 . 1 9 a Si tklfflilx" ccfa- n - t - is Si sqal?tmlxw Si t xAfot. the woman hit-PFTV-t-S 3 m _ . . T C J . . the. man. INSTR rock The woman h i t the. man with, a rock.. 13 Si sq9l,tmixw cq'acf - 0 Si t x^ut. the man hit-UNACCUS -S3 I N T R INSTR rock. The man was h i t with, the rock., c * Si ^ xMat cofa - n - t - is Si sqaftmixV. the rock. h i t - P F T V - t - S 3 T R A N S the man. d ? i snina? cf^ Ss - n - t - is Si sk'^imalt. the owl b i t e . - P F T V - t - S 3 T R A W g the baby The owl b i t the baby. ^ Sj scfit k wu diw - 4 - t - s Si Si n - - kar. the r a i n me wash-INDIR-t -S3 T R A Kg the my-car The r a i n washed me my car. 2 1 a ccf - mi ( - n - t ) - n Si pTukMa? ?SU4 throw-REL/2-PFTV-t-Sl T R A N S the b a l l and ccf - cf - nu ( - n - t ) - n Si ttw*it. hit-UNACCUS-LTDC-PFTV-t-Sl m T D. w„ the boy I threw the b a l l and I un i n t e n t i o n a l l y h i t the boy. 31 -b dfcf - ml C - n - t ) - n Ti p^ukMa? ?TU4 * ccf - cf - nu C - n - t ) - s Ti ttWtt. bit-UNACCUS-LTDC-PFTV-t-S3 T R A W S the. boy * ccfa - n - t - is Ti ttw^t. •..hlt-PFTV-t-S3 T R A N S the boy I threw the b a l l and It a c c i d e n t a l l y h i t the boy. i t h i t the boy. 22a ?i Tin - pTukwla? cq'a - n - t - is Ti x*frt / Ti kkw^ ap. the my-hall h i t - P F T V - t - S 3 T R A W S the rock. / the dog.. My b a l l h i t the rock. J the. dog., b * Ti p*uikwla? cq'antis Ti x&ut. The "hall h i t the rock... c Ts. Tan - cfTaxn'utiya? ccfa - n - t - is Ti x&Tit. the your-mocas:sln hit-PFTV-t-S3 T R A Wg. the. rock. Your mocassin h i t the rock., d * r Ti cfTaxnutiya? cq'antis Ti x^ut. The mocassin h i t the rock, e iaq - 4 - tarn Ti skl\f - lea? - s u t sqal'tmixw. stretch-INDIR-PASS the heaver-skin-his: INSTR man His beaver p e l t was stretched by the man. f * iaqitam Ti sklwica? Ti..' t sqal'tmixw. The beaver p e l t was: stretched by the man. g * Ti xAfrt - s cefntis Ti kkw^ap. His. rock h i t the. dog. h. * Ti x*ut cefntis Ti kWTap. The rock h i t the dog. 32 1 . 6 Prepos i t i o n a l Case-Marking Non-term objects-, i . e . , oblique objects, are marked by one of the set of case-marking prepositions: 2 3 a t l * from, source; b k*L t o , at, goal, r e c i p i e n t , dative; c Ic" f o r , benefactive; d 1 on, l o c a t i v e ; e nSai with., comitative; f S i t with, by, instrumental. The prepositions . l i s t e d i n a-e may o p t i o n a l l y be preceeded-by a'determiner, usually \ ?i. , whereas-^t he.-preposition given.- i h - f_ must occur i n t h e form l i s t e d , with no a d d i t i o n a l determiner. - ' 2 1 . 7 Aspect and T r a n s i t i v i t y Marking Rules are given f o r the occurrence, of the. markers: -n 'Perfective', -s 'Imperfective', and -t 'Transitive'. The -n/-s are exemplified i n sentences 2 5 c , e, 2 6 b - c , 2 8 b - c , and 22'a-b. The - t i s exemplified i n these examples as well as i n 2 5 b - e , 3 2 b - c , 3 3 b , 3^b, and 3 6 - 3 9 . 1 . 7 . 1 A Rule for Pe r f e c t i v e and Imperfective Aspect Perfective or Imperfective aspect i s marked on the head of a predicate phrase of a clause, where 'head' i s taken to be the verbal root: 24 optionally (1) if there is an initial 2-arc which is a 1-arc in the final stratum with no other nuclear term arc 'in • tfie"-final stratum otherwise, obligatorily (21 if there is. an initial or advancee 2-arc which is a nuclear term arc in the final stratum; 33 (13} if there is no Dative or Phantom arc, i.e., if there is- no register of an i n i t i a l oblique object as- in a Dative clause (the Indirective and Benefactive constructions} or if the clause is a Middle construction under a Phantom analysis. The clauses which, t h i s rule statement encapsioles- are i l l u s t r a t e d and exemplified "below. However, the discussion and motivation of these p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n a l networks: i s undertaken i n Chapters- Three and Four. Part (.!)_ of the rule, refers: to the: class of Unaccusative. clauses ending i n - t where an aspectual marking i s po s s i b l e . Only the -s 'Imperfective' -marker i s attested i n these clauses. Other classes of Unaccusative. predicates: end i n -p f o r n a t u r a l l y occurring a c t i o n , i n a reduplicated consonant ("the f i n a l one. of the. root 1, or show-no d i s t i n c t i v e ending. Inchoative clauses- are also considered Unaccusative.; these are. marked e i t h e r by g l o t t a l i z a t i o n of a resonant i n second p o s i t i o n or by the ending -wiix. None of these other classes of Unaccusatives are attested with, an aspectual marker of Perfective or Imperfective aspect.. Unaccusative clauses are discussed i n Chapter Three, section 2 , Part (JLL of the r u l e covers the following case:,-25 i n an Unaccusative clause, of the - t clas;s; a C - s ) - t "° k n q w o l ' - t . S 1INTR w a r m - t I'm warm. 3k c kn q^al' - s - t. S 1 I N T R warm-IMPF-t I'm warming (.myself I./I'm keeping warm, a crcar - t - 0 . s t r e t c h - t - S 3 I N T R It i s stretched ( l i k e a heaver pelt)1 e k"wu crcar - s - t. P 1INTR s t r e t c h - - M P F - t We are stre t c h i n g . Part (.21 of the ru l e covers the following cases, where there, i s an i n i t i a l 2-arc and a f i n a l nuclear arc: 26 i n an a c t i v e clause with, a t r a n s i t i v e stratum; -n or -s Si sk'Su?* l?r - n - t - is Si Si(n) - sk^uy5. the bee r i g i d - P F T V - t - S 3 T R A W S the my-male's.mom The bee stung my mother. •imSam - s_ - t - x w Si sqal'tmix". y e l l . a t - I M P F - t - S 2 T R M S the man You are y e l l i n g at the man. 35-i n a passive clause with, f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e stratum: -n or -s Ti TiCn) - slMV l?r - n - tim Ti t stfTu?i. the my-male's.mom rigid-PFTV-PASS INSTR bee My mother was stung by a bee. Ti sqal'tmlx™ imTam - s_ - tarn Ti t stamtima7 - s. the man yell.at-IMPF-PASS INSTR grandmother-his: The man was: y e l l e d at by his grandmother, i n a r e f l e x i v e clause: -n or -s -cut Ti ttWit q wT a - n - cut 4 T a c - pfTukH - am. the. boy slide-PFTV-REFL COMP PF-b.all-MIDDLE The boy s l i d himself while, playing b a l l . Ti ttwit xribm - £ - cut. the boy hurt-IMPF-REFL The boy i s h u r t i n g himself. 36, 3 29. m a r e c i p r o c a l clause:-^ a k wu kwan - n [ - t ] - w£xw. PI,,,™ catch.-PFTV-t-RECIP 11\ In We caught each, other, b Ti scfcmala? xnum - s_ - t - wlxw» lx. the c h i l d r e n hurt-IMPF-t-RECIP P3-, The c h i l d r e n are hurting each, other. The following are. c o r r e c t l y excluded by part (2.1 of the. rule formulation: 30 In a MIDDLE voice clause: (The r u l e s a t i s f i e s : the "-fiyst three . p o s s i b i l i t i e s for an analysis:. Chapters: Three and Four provide evidence i n support of the. fourth, ( i v ) , the Phantom Arc solution.). INTR or or -m -am/-m am/-m -am/-m ( i ) Antipasslve ( i i ) Spontaneous ( i i i ) 2 -* 3 Retreat ( i v ) Phantom Arc Demotion Solution b Ti Ti(n) - kikHra? c - manxw - m t qvalTs - 4 - malx q'sapi?. the my-grandfather PF-smoke-MIDDLE some k i n n i c k - l i n k - p l a n t long.ago My grandfather smokes kinnickkinnick. long ago. c Ti Ti(n) - l&kHra? mTa/-- am cfsapi?. the my-grandfather tell.stories-MIDDLE long.ago My grandfather t e l l s t o r i e s long ago. 3 7 31 i n an Unergative clause, i . e . , a clause with, an i n t r a n s i t i v e stratum with, an i n i t i a l 1-arc: a b Ti ttwit qicslx. the boy run The boy runs. Part (.3) of the r u l e formulation excludes Middle clauses under a Phantom Arc- .solution, i l l u s t r a t e d " above i n 30a, i n which, there i s an advancee 2-arc non-distinct from the i n i t i a l 1-arc. I t also excludes. Dative clauses i n which, there i s a morpheme r e g i s t e r i n g • 'Benefactive 1 or ' I n d i r e c t i v e ' object, regardless of any possible advancements: to 3, 2, or 1 ( c f . , Chapter Four, section 1 for discussion of these clauses): 32 i n a: .Dative 1 clause : a -x or -4 b Ti Tin - ftiif x w i c - x - t - s Ti sTnl&cTasqaxa? k*L ttwit. the my-father g i v e - B E N E - t - S 3 T R A K S the horse to boy Myjfather gave the horse to the boy. 3 8 ; c Ti ttwat - i - t - is Ti ci(f*sxrf kl sqol*tmixw. the. b.oy put .out-INDlR-t - S 3 T R the. l i g h t to man The hoy put.out the l i g h t on the man. However, an advancee 2 i n a' 'Relational' or Locative clause triggers- the aspectual marking, as- stated i n part ( . 2 ) of the r u l e formulation: (.cf. , Chapter Four, section 2 , 3 r e s p e c t i v e l y for discussion of these, clauses): 3 3 i n a R e l a t i o n a l clause with, obligatory advancement, where NN refers: to a Non-nuclear term: a -mi/-m -n or -s b Ti sqal'tmixw k l - cinmTals - m- s - t - s Ti kwTgp - s. the man DIR-tighten-. cih:ch'-REL/2-IMPF-t-S .3 M T 3 the horse-his I n The man tighten the cinch, of -,his horse. 3h i n a Locative clause with, advancee to 2 i n a_, b_," but not with, advancee LOC to 1 In c_,d_: a -n or -s 39, b k - dxw - ina? - n - t - x w t Talti? S?upi?. Dist-pour-L0C/2-PFTV-t-S2 T R Mg. some tea Sophie You s p i l l t some tea on Sophie, -ina?/-na'? d kn k - nfcf^ cf^  - lna ?. S 1 I N T R Dist-snow-LOC/l It snowed on me./ I was snowed on. 1.7.2 Rule f o r -t Marking The following rule i s proposed to account for the -t marking on predicates:: 35 -t marking: The morpheme -t marks the presence of an initial or advancee 2 in some stratum Swhich remains a distinct nuclear term in the same and in successive final strata, including the final stratum, S^^. Where S^ i s i n t r a n s i t i v e , the marking is: l i m i t e d to Unaccusative Class B predicates. Moreover, i n the subclass, of Unaccusative Class B predicates, when two nominals meet the conditions above, two -ts are possible (.see section 2.1, Chapter Four, Class B vs: Class A3 Re l a t i o n a l verbs 1. This r u l e covers the following cases:: 36 a f i n a l l y t r a n s i t i v e , active clause., with, or without an Initial oblique object, with, f i n a l 1 and 2: ho. a a Regular T r a n s i t i v e clause.: ii wik - n - t - x w Ti xixwtm\ s ' e e - P F T V - t - S 2 T R M S the g i r l You see the g i r l , b a Dative c o n s t r u c t i o n ( c f . Chapter Four, s e c t i o n l ) : the man give-BENE-t-S3„ R fllNTq some salmon the woman The man give some salmon t o the woman, i i i Ti ttwit *Tvf - i - t - is Ti cfiq^sxn' Ti xixwtm\ the boy pu t . o u t - I N D I R - t - S 3 T R the l i g h t the g i r l ' The boy put out the l i g h t on the g i r l , c a R e l a t i o n a l c o n s t r u c t i o n ( c f . Chapter Four, s e c t i o n 2): hi . i i Sasi? c - k - papasilx - m - s - t - s Ta Tnq waTlq wiTitn. Uncle PF-DIst-think-REL/2-IMPF-t-S3 T R M S the language Uncle i s thinking/pondering about the language. i i i i v xas - t - mi - n - t - x w Ta Ta(n) - c - ? i i n . l i k e / g o o d - t - R E L / 2 - t - S 2 T R A w S the your-PF-eat You l i k e your food. 37.1. a f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e , passive clause: a-b Ti ttwit sTiw - n - t - am u t t&milx w. the boy ask-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR woman The. boy was asked by the. woman. 38 In one sub-class of Unaccusative clauses, i n i t i a l l y r a n d f i n a l l y I n t r a n s i t i v e (see Chapter Three, Unaccusative Class' B, section 3 . 2 ) : b Ti sqal'tmixw tai - t. the man s t r a i g h t - t The man i s s t r a i g h t , t r u s t a b l e , true. 39 i n a r e c i p r o c a l clause (see footnote 3 ) : Ti xxixwxwtnf cu(t) - n - t - wixw lx ks - x wust - s lx. the P L - g i r l tell-PFTV-t-RECIP P 3 T n m n D UNR-hurry .up-P3 T 1 3 1 3 The g i r l s t o l d each, other to hurry up. 1+2 This rule, formulation c o r r e c t l y excludes: the following cases:; l+0a a f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e Middle clause (cf. Chapter Three, section 3 ''and Chapter Four, section 1+.1+)'.: Ms * - t i i T i pptw^na ? x w k M U ' - m t ymyamx w a' ? . the old.woman work-MIDDLE some PL-basket The. o l d woman makes baskets:, b an Unergative clause, i n i t i a l l y and f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e : * - t i i T i sppl ' lna? q l c a l x . the rabbit run The rabbit runs. c a Reflexive clause, t r a n s i t i v e b,ut with, non-di.sti.nct f i n a l 1 and f i n a l 2: ) ; ' 5 1+3-i i T i x x i x w x w t i r f wik - n - c u t l x . the P L - g i r l see-PFTV-REFL P 3 I W T R The girls- see themselves:. The discussion and motivation of these, p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n a l networks follow i n sections- 2-1+ of Chapter Three and i n sections 1-3 of Chapter Four. 2 Tests for Grammatical Relations These are presented here, i n two sub-sections: f i r s t , the tests: for f i n a l grammatical r e l a t i o n s and secondly, the tests, f o r non-final grammatical r e l a t i o n s . These t e s t s are included here for organizational convenience and are u t i l i z e d i n the analyses presented i n Chapters Three and Four. 2.1 Tests f o r F i n a l Grammatical Relations 2.1.1 Subject Marking The r e a l i s subject person and number markers are distinguished according to f i n a l t r a n s i t i v i t y and distinctiveness:. The ' T r a n s i t i v e ' set, as t r a d i t i o n a l l y termed i n Salishan l i n g u i s t i c s , are used i n r e a l i s clauses, where the f i n a l l.rand 2 are d i s t i n c t from one another. The ' I n t r a n s i t i v e ' set i s used elsewhere. 1+1 INTRANSITIVE TRANSITIVE 51 k n - ( i ) n 52 k w - ( . i )x . w 53 0 - ( i ) s P i k w u - ( i ) t P2 p - C i ) p P3 l x - C i ) s l x 44 These are exemplified helow, for the. f i r s t person singular (SlJ_: 42a kn q i c a l x . SI INTR run I run. h tk^a - n - t - In ? i sp'ic*n k l i p s S i c i t x w . put - PFTV-t-Sl, TRANS the rope r i g h t '."Behind the house I put the rope r i g h t behind the. house.. Combinations of subject and object markers i n surface t r a n s i t i y e clauses are subject to the Absolute and P a r t i a l P r o h i b i t i o n s , already discus.sed i n section 1.3.2., of t h i s Chapter. Question Formation with swit distinguishes between final oblique and nuclear terms. When an i n i t i a l oblique, non-chomeur object i s being questioned, t h i s i n t e r r o g a t i v e i s preceded by a case-marking preposition as i n c_, e_ below. I f a nuclear term i s being questioned, no case-marking preposition appears, as i n a_, b_ below. I f the nominal being questioned i s not the subject i n the f i n a l stratum, the nominal subject of the lower clause i s r a i s e d into the upper clause, as i n b, c_, e_ below. 43a swit S i ks - ?Saq^« - s - a ?x n i x w ? who COMP UNR-s.crape-face-T.NCEP again Who ' s gonna shave next ?. b swit S i stamtima? S i sSiw ( - n - t ) - s i who the ^grandmother COMP ask.-PFTV-t-S3 T R A N g. Who did the grandmother ask.?. 2.1.2 Question Formation 45 c k*L swit T i t t w i t T i q l c a l x ? to who the' hoy COMP run To who did the hoy run?, d * swit T i ttWSt T i q i c a l x (!&)?-* e t i swit T i ttvfit k T i y a l t l from who the hoy COMP run, away From who did the. hoy run away?.. . f * swit T i t t w i t k T i y a l t ( t i l ? 2 . 1 . 3 R e l a t i v l z a t i o n and C l e f t Constructions Relative clauses: i n Okanagan may he characterized at l e a s t s u p e r f i c i a l l y as follows-: (1)_ the. complementizer T i i s u s u a l l y used, although, the: otherocomplementizers Ta, t , k T i , k.Ta, mTi, hut not iTg., are attested; ( 1 1 1 the complementizer Ti, may he o p t i o n a l l y deleted; (.iii). a head nominal is: present and precedes the r e l a t i v e clause; ( i v ) . r e l a t i v e clauses may he distinguished from other clauses: by the presence, of a head nominal; (v)_ a subject marker is- o b l i g a t o r i l y present on the predicate of the. downstairs clause and, i f t r a n s i t i v e , a d i r e c t object marker as: w e l l , i.e., , no delet i o n of subject or object marking occurs; ( v i ) a nonpronominal NP r e f e r r i n g to the head i s absent within the clause. Okanagan permits relative, clauses to be constructed on a downstairs: f i n a l 1 or 2 , but not on an oblique object: On a downstairs. 1: 44 c - mTy'r s - t - in T i t t w i t ( Ti) ?iiCn) (> n - t ) - s PF-know-IMPF-t-Sl T R M S the. boy COMP e a t - P F T V - t - S 3 T R M S y T 3 y T 3 ? t T i Ta?T usa ?. a l l the egg I know the boy who ate a l l the eggs. he On a downstairs- 2: 1+5 c - mTy - s - t - In Ti sqal'tmix* PF-know-IMPF-t-Sl T R M S. wik ( - n - t ) - s. the. man (Til Ti Tilmixwm COMP the ch i e f s e e - P F - r v - t - S 3 T R M S . I know the man that the c h i e f saw. Not on a downstairs oblique object: h6 * Ti ttwit wik ( - n - t ) - s the "boy see -PFTV-t-S3, pTul's C " s 1 " t - S: Ti nikmn (Ti) ? i sqal'tmix™ the knife COMP the man TRANS Ti XTaXTa? (Ti t ) k i l l - IMPF-t-SS, the crow INSTR TRANS The hoy saw the knife that the. man k i l l e d the. crow with.. 1+7 * Tixi? Ti latap Ti ktkwTiWs [ - n - t ] - n ?i pukw. that the table COMP p u t / p l a c e - P F T V - t - S l ^ t h e . book. TRANS 1+8 PF-know-IMPF-t-Sl T R A N S the man That's: the table that I put the book. on. * c - mTy - s - t - in t sqal'tmixw Ti Ti ttwit qicalx. COMP the. boy run .,1 know the man that the boy run to/towards:/from. C l e f t constructions' on a downstairs: nominal/pronominal are s i m i l a r l y r e s t r i c t e d to f i n a l Is and 2s (see section 2.3, Chapter Three 1: l+2a Tixi? Tanwi? Ti Tn - saxwmTa - n - t - x w Ti patak. that you COMP Cont-weigh.-PFTV-t-S2 T R M S the potatoes. That's, you who weighed the potatoes, b Tixi? Tinea?kn Ti k wu c - tr^ q - s - t - is Ti sax^fTic/am. that I,-me • COMP me P F - k i c k . - I M P F - t - S 3 T R M S the policeman That's- me that the policeman is- k i c k i n g . 47 c * T i x l 7 c n i i c ? t • ;-..?i;^t^:'.4?P?'^V- •'•'» that he/she COMP the hoy run That's him that the hoy run to/towards-/from, d * ? i x i ? t ::''.sqal,tmixw T i T i ttwat q l c a l x . that a man COMP the hoy run That's- the man that the hoy run to/towards:/from. 2 . 1 . 4 T o p l c a l i z a t i o n Only a f i n a l 1 may he t o p i c a l i z e d i n Okanagan: Ih the examples below, the f i n a l 1 i s underlined. 5 0 a tmTus: - m Tj s q i l x w t kkrft 7. trap-MIDDLE the people some, kokanee The people trap some, kokanee. b. T i s q i l x w tmTusm t Weal?. The people trap some kokanee.. c - t RKni ? tmTusm Tj s q i l x " . some kokanee trap the people 5 1 a T n - pTfts ( - n - t ) - s ? i t k l m i l x w T i s4iq w. C o n t - h o i l - P F T V - t - S 3 T R A ^ s the woman the meat The woman b o i l e d the meat. h Tj t k l m i l x " TnpTuss- T i s i i q w . The woman h o i l e d the. meat, c * T i s l i q w TnpTuss Tj, tk4milxw. the meat h o i l e d the woman 5 2 a Tn - pTus - n - tarn Tj s4iq w T i t tk4milxw. Cont-hoil-PFTV-PASS- the. meat INSTR woman The meat was: h o i l e d hy the. woman. 48 b Si s i i q w SnpSusntam Si t t t S m i l x w . The meat was- b o i l e d by tne woman, c * Si t tk4milx w SnpSusntam Sj siiq". a INSTR woman * waaohbiled tne meat 53a yalt ?i ttv/it t l ' sqal'tmix". rum.away the boy from man The boy ran away from the man. b Si ttwit yalt tl' sqal'tmixw. The boy ran away from the. man. c * tl' sqal'tmixw yalt Si ttwit. from man run.away the boy 54a wikw C - n - t) - n Si p'Sukna?. hi.de-PFTY-t-Sl T R A N S. the. b a l l X h i d the. b a l l , b * Si p 5Suk wla ? wikw C - n - t ) - n. the b a l l hide-PFTV-t-Sl m o A l x T Q. 2 . 1 . 5 Q u a n t i f i e r Float The q u a n t i f i e r ySaySg?t ' a l l ' is: permitted to f l o a t to pre-predlcate p o s i t i o n from a f i n a l 1 or a 2 and not from an oblique object. This fact i s exemplified below: From a final 1: 55a ySaySg?t Sj s c f d n a l a 7 ? S 3 t x i l x . a l l the chil d r e n asleepp^ . A l l the chil d r e n are. asleep, b Si s d j i i a l a ? ySaySg?t ?Satxi,lx. The. children a l l are asleep.. 4 9 From a final 2: 5 6 a wik w - n - t - 0 y ? 9 y?g ?t ? i ?d ??usa?. h i . d e - P F T V - t - S 2 T R M S a l l tne egg IMP Hide a l l the eggs! b yTay^g^t wik wnt ? j ? a ? ? u s a ? . Hide a l l the. eggs I Not"fsomoaniqB> liquet --odjeot: 5 7 a T i t t w i t q i c a l x yTayTg?t xxix wx wtnf. the hoy run a l l to P l - g i r l The hoy runs to '.all the g i r l s . h * T i t t w i t yTayTg?t q i c a l x k*L x x i x ^ t n f . the hoy a l l ! run to P l - g i r l 5 8 a kn c x w - c x w - am t lkTapi yTayTg?t 1 lp l p T u t . S 1INTR I T E R - P o u r - M I I ) r ) L E s o m e coffee a l l LOC PL-cup I pour coffee i n a l l the cups, b * y? 9y?g?t kn c'xw - c x w - am t lkTapi 1 l p l p T u t . a l l S 1INTR I a ? E R - P ° u r - M I D D L E s o m e coffee LOC PL-cup It should he noted with, respect to Quantifier Float that, i n the case of a p l u r a l subject and a p l u r a l object, a f l o a t e d q u a n t i f i e r i s p r e f e r e n t i a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d as having come o f f the subject. This i s predicted by the R e l a t i o n a l Hierarchy (Perlmutter and Postal 1 9 7 8 a ) which, ranks Subject as the highest p o s i t i o n . 5 9 a sccmala? yTayT 9?t wik w ( - n - t ) - s l x T i T^Tusa?. the children a l l hide-PFTV-t-P3 m T 3 A 1, T C,. the egg. .The ch i l d r e n a l l h i d the eggs. i . e . , A l l the, ch i l d r e n h i d the eggs../ * The ch i l d r e n h i d a l l the eg 50 2.2 Tests' f o r Non-final Grammatical Relations-2 . 2 . 1 M o v i n g G l o t t a l i z a t i o n 0 Okanagan shows- a g l o t t a l i z a t i o n pattern on. the predicate, phrase, to i n d i c a t e that the object moves or varies* as a r e s u l t of having undergone, an action. For example, i f a h a l l is* kicked and i t goes- bouncing or f l y i n g , then the g l o t t a l i z a t i o n pattern appears*. I f a person hides* himself and stays: put, there is* no g l o t t a l i z a t i o n , but i f the person goes- from hiding place to hiding place, then there is* glottalization... 60 MOVING GLOTTALIZATION: If the initial 2 of a clause mopes or varies in response to the action or event, the resonants are glpttalicized as follows: a. in the 1st or 2nd person subject, the final resonant of the predicative phrase; b. in the Zrd person subject, all the resonants of the verbal root and suffixes- of the predicative phrase. ft This, is: i l l u s t r a t e d below, f i r s t with, a p h y s i c a l object that moves., then with, words: that vary: 61 a tr*qntin I kick, something s o l i d . trqntix w You kick, something s o l i d . sg trqntis: He kicks something s o l i d . trqntim le. kick, something s o l i d . trqntip You , kick, something s o l i d . p l trqntis. lx They kick, something s o l i d , b trqntlrf I kick something that moves. trqntjx" You kick, something that moves, trqntis. He kicks something that moves. "51 trqntinf. tr'qn'tip trqn'tis; rx ?Wtipn Si ttw'it. /?Saw'tipntixw Si ttw'it. ?Saw,tipy's: Si ttwit. S^aw'tipntim' Si ttw'it. ?Sa^tipn'tp Si ttwit. ? cWtipys rx Si. ttw'it. We kick, something that moves:. You ., kick. something that -moves-, p l They' kick, something that -moves-. X follow- the. hoy. You follow- the hoy. He follows- the. hoy, Ce. follow the hoy. You follow- the. boy. They- follow the boy. Sn - cawcin' I repeat aTter him. Sn - C9wcin'txw You repeat a f t e r him. Sn - cavfcy's: He repeats a f t e r him. Sn - cawcintanf, We repeat a f t e r him. Sn - eawcintp You _, repeat a f t e r him, P l Sn - cawcy's rx They repeat a f t e r him. Sn - cawcin lx I repeat a f t e r them. Sn - cawcintx" You repeat a f t e r them. Sn - cawcy's l'x He repeats a f t e r them. Sn - cawcintam l'x We repeat a f t e r them. Sn - eawcintp l'x You _ repeat a f t e r them P l Sn - cawcy's rx They repeat a f t e r them. That Moving G l o t t a l i z a t i o n r e f e r s to the. i n i t i a l or non-final 2 of a clause, not nec e s s a r i l y \ a f i n a l 2 , is; shown i n the Passive and C l e f t constructions- below: 6 2 a Si klo/Sap tr* - tax* - q - n - tim\ the dog ITER-back&forth.-kick-PFTY-PASS The dog was kicked repeatedly back, and forth.. 52 b T i kkw^ap T i tr* - tar* - q - rfc- t -:is l'x. the dog COMP ITER-back&forth-kicfc-PFTV-.-t S' P3 m t 3 f l l, T C,. TRAMS I t ' s the dog that they kicked repeatedly back and forth.. I n i t i a l Is- do not t r i g g e r this- g l o t t a l i z a t i . o n pattern, as: exemplified below i n an Unergative clause: 63a q i c a l x l x . run P3 INTR They run. b * q i c a l j c l'x. They run here and there... (See Chapter Three section 2 for chara c t e r i z a t i o n of Unergative clauses.),. This phenomenon of Moving Glottalizati.on was- discovered very l a t e i n the process; of fieldwork, and i s u t i l i z e d i n only one an a l y s i s , to show that the f i n a l 1 of c e r t a i n classes- of Una c c us at ive s: is: a 2 i n a non-final stratum, i . e . , In the i n i t i a l stratum since only two s t r a t a are posited (of. , Chapter Three, section 2.2.1).. ^ ' 2.2.2 C l e f t s with Tinea 7/Tinea 7kn In c l e f t constructions with, f i r s t person pronominals, the choice of the form, e i t h e r T i n e a 7 or ?inca 7kn, is. s e n s i t i v e to the r e l a t i o n borne by this; pronominal i n the downstairs clause. (See section 2.1.3, t h i s chapter, f o r a more general discussion of c l e f t s and relative, clauses.) The form T i n e a 7 i s selected i f the pronominal bears the 1-r e l a t i o n downstairs: 6k, T i x l 7 { T i n e a 7 1 . T i kn q i c a l x k l sTntTurnystn. * c 7kn j that me, I COMP S i run to store. That's me who runs to the store. 53 The form Sinca^kn i s selected i f the. f i r s t person pronominal hears* the 2-r e l a t i o n downstairs: 65 S i x l ? ( Sinca?kn1 ? i k m c - t r q - s- - t - i s Si sgxnvSicfam. V" Sinca'-' 3 that me,I COMP me PF-kick-IMPF-t - S 3 T R A N S the. policeman That's me that,.the".policeman isr k i c k i n g . In a Passive where the pronominal hears the 2-re l a t i o n i n i t i a l l y and the 1-rela t i o n f i n a l l y , e i t h e r form may he selected: 66 S i x i ? ^ Sinca^knl S i t r q - n - tim S i t sSnklcSasqaxa ?. LSinca? > that me,I COMP kick-PFTV-PASS INSTR horse That's me who was kicked by the horse. Thus, Sinca ?/Sinca ?kn i s a t e s t f o r 2-hood at some stratum S^, not nece s s a r i l y the i n i t i a l or f i n a l stratum. 5^ FOOTNOTES - CHAPTER TWO 1 It should he noted that no claim is: being made here that the c l a u s a l structure i t s e l f i s i n t r a n s i t i v e , only that c e r t a i n morphological markers are used under c e r t a i n well-defined conditions on a clause with, t r a n s i t i v e f i n a l stratum. For example, 'we look a f t e r them' as In (.1.)., represented g r a p h i c a l l y as: i n ( H i , . / ^ " " ^ X . (I) txt* - n - tim l x ( H i / \ 2X look.after-PFTV-PASS / I \ Weo look a f t e r them. \ p-^  P 3 w i l l be r e a l i z e d with the object c l i t i c l x and with, the verbal morphology -tim without n e c e s s a r i l y claiming that t h i s i s indeed a true Passive. 2 Other analyses for -n/-s are proposed by L. C. Thompson (.19.72.1 for the Thompson language' and by A. Mattina (19.73, 19.78). f o r Colville-Okanagan. Thompson suggests that -n-t marks a cont r o l t r a n s i t i v e , Implying control by the subject, agent or Implied agent, whereas- the. -s-t .marks: a causative. Mattina suggests that -st predicates; always: imply e i t h e r purposeful or customary Involvement on the part of the actor wh.ereas--nt lacks; t h i s Implication. Hehert (19.82). discusses the. a p p l i c a b i l i t y of these, hypotheses to (_NL 1 Okanagan, and proposes- and defends the. aspect hypothesis given i n the text. 3 Reciprocals are l i k e reflexives. In that the. sets containing subject and object are. non-distinct. Reciprocals are. unlike, r e f l e x i v e s with respect to the d i r e c t i o n of the action, of -members of the set. In r e f l e x i v e s , members: of the set act upon themselves whereas i n r e c i p r o c a l s the. action takes: place between members, of the set.. R e l a t i o n a l networks such, as: these, two could be. suggested for reciprocals: on. semantic grounds; 55 The r e l a t i o n a l network, i n a. v i o l a t e s the Chomeur Condition as o r i g i n a l l y proposed, hut s a t i s f i e s the weakened Chomeur Condition (Perlmutter and Postal, 1 9 7 8 a , section 8 ) which, allows a chomeur only under c e r t a i n conditions hut does not require that the nominal i n question n e c e s s a r i l y hear the Chomeur r e l a t i o n . The antecedent conditions; under which, a chomeur.may arise, are s a t i s f t a b l e i n three known ways;: when terms arise. In s t r a t a v i a (.1.1 re-evaluatlona (advancement and demotions;)., ( i l l ascensions, and ( i l l 1 the existence.-of dummy nominals. The r e l a t i o n a l network. In h violates, the S t r a t a l Uniqueness Law which, claims that no stratum can contain more than one 1-arc, one 2-arc, or one. 3-arc (Perlmutter and Postal 1 9 . 7 8 a L To f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h a r e l a t i o n a l network, f o r reciprocals; would require syntactic evidence, which. Is; presently unavailable.. k The s u f f i x -cut i s not being analyzed as -t-sut or -t-cut since there Is no independent synchronic evidence or known t e s t to support such a segmentation. Hale (external examiner's report, August 1 9 8 2 ) notes that making t h i s segmentation would r e s u l t i n the s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of the rule statements f o r aspect and for - t marking, thus, reducing the ro l e of 56 argumental d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s i n the grammar of Okanagan. However, I do not consider rule s i m p l i f i c a t i o n to he s u f f i c i e n t basis: for morphological segmentation without other corroborating independent evidence, so I choose not to segment - c u t further at this. time. 5 For the Reflexive and Reciprocal constructions, the. morphemes - c u t and - w i x w r e s p e c t i v e l y are. being treated as"verbal morphology that shows, up under the appropriate conditions rather than as dependents of the clause. 6 This; phenomenon, of Moving G l o t t a l i z a t l o n was f i r s t noticed In my f i e l d notes as an unexpected g l o t t a l stop i n [ - m i S t / - n i i ? s t ] . Mattina had also noticed t h i s i n his. notes (personal conversation, August 1979.1. The hint that t h i s might be more, extensive and meaningful came from examples provided by Dave Parker, native, speaker and language Instructor, during an interview i n Kelowna, J u l y 1 1 , 1 9 8 1 . One of h i s examples: Is: presented as 5 7 b , p. Qk. It was i n subsequent fine, and detailed, work. with. the. main language consultant, Joseph. A. Michel, thatv-thls phenomlnon was; elucidated. It would not.be s u r p r i s i n g i f speakers of l e s s e r age or of other dialects; did not have, exactly the same phenomenon. 7 Data are unavailable, at the time, of w r i t i n g to show whether advaneee. 2 s , 2-chSmeurs, obliques and putative 3s; could also t r i g g e r t h i s g l o t t a l i z a t l o n pattern. It Is; c l e a r however that, a nominal that Is; a 2 at some l e v e l may t r i g g e r Moving G l o t t a l i z a t l o n where f e l i c i t o u s .• 8 This d i f f i c u l t pattern was obtained from the. main language consultant and confirmed by s l i p p i n g examples f o r judgment i n t o other e l i c i t a t i o n patterns;. See. also p. 8 2 . As In English., c l e f t s beginning with. "It's; me. who/that..." are. used infrequently. 57 CHAPTER THREE INTRANSITIVE CLAUSES IN (NL)1 OKANAGAN 0 Introduction This: chapter discusses basic clauses: which, are. f i n a l l y i n t r a n -si t i v e , i n (NL)_ Okanagan. Chapter Four- discusses: basic clauses: which, are. f i n a l l y t r a n s i t i v e , i n t h i s language. Both, chapters address: three, questions with, respect to possible re-evaluations of grammatical r e l a t i o n s of nominals:: i)_ What advancements, i f any, are possible i n Okanagan 1 . i i ) . What demotions, i f any, are possible, i n Okanagan?. i l l ) _ What ascensions, i f any, are possible i n Okanagan?. . These, questions presume the existence, of a R e l a t i o n a l Hierarchy, with, some grammatical r e l a t i o n s ranked higher than others-. Perlmutter and Postal (1978a J. have proposed such, a hierarchy-, which., ranks the grammatical relations: borne by nominal s-; 1 Subject G Q J> Direct Object (.2)1 > Indirect Object (.3) > Non-terms, This hierarchy ranks, the Subject r e l a t i o n as the. highest. "In the case of c e r t a i n s y n t a c t i c phenomena, languages draw a l i n e at some point along the. hierarchy, permitting these syntactic phenomena, such, as R e l a t l v l z a t i o n , to i n t e r a c t with. the. grammatical r e l a t i o n s above that l i n e and not those below i t . It l a proposed that Okanagan. permits- a number of advancements-, demotions.- and ascensions along t h i s hierarchy. This chapter discusses 58 advancements: and demotions, which, r e s u l t In clauses- that are f i n a l l y -i n t r a n s i t i v e . Chapter Four discusses: advancements: and ascensions which, r e s u l t i n clauses that are f i n a l l y t r a n s i t i v e . This chapter proposes and argues- for the. following re-evaluations: 2a Passive clauses, with. 2-^1 Advancement and 1 -> 1 Demotion and with. - ( X j i n as a marker of f i n a l i n t r a n s i t i v i t y - : and a sub-class of Reflexive Unaccusatives, marked by -myst -myst c Middle voice clauses, with. Phantom Advancement to 2 to 1, and 2 - ^ 2 Demotion, where NN abbreviates Non-Nuclear term, and with. -(.a)m 59 as a marker of f i n a l i n t r a n s . i t i v i t y : The. evidence for these, re-evaluations Is: taken from Morphological Markings:, Word Order, R e l a t i v e Clause. Formation, L o g i c a l Structure, Animacy and R e l a t i o n a l Hierarchies, Question Formation, Choice of form Sinca?/ ?inca?kn, Moving G l o t t a l i z a t i o n , L e x i c a l Incorporation and Quantifier Ban. This chapter i s organized as follows. Section 1 deals with. Passive clauses, arguing f o r a b i - s t r a t a l a n alysis of the Okanagan passive. In section 2 , s i x sub-classes of Unaccusative clauses are distinguished and some supporting evidence f o r these i s presented. In section 3 , four;: analyses for Middle voice clauses are examined, arguing f o r ar-Phantom-arc to deal with, a serious problem. 60 Passive Clauses Two universals- of p a s s i v i z a t l o n have "Been' claimed to.be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of p a s s i v i z a t l o n i n every language manifesting tfits-phenomenon (Perlmutter and Postal 12771..''* These, are i ) A direct object of an active clause is- the (superficial) subject of the 'corresponding' passive. i i ) The subject of an active clause is- neither the (superficial), subject nor the (.superficial) direct^ object of the 'corresponding' passive. Taken together, these have the following consequence: i i i ) In the absence of another rule permitting some further nominal to be direct object of the clause, a passive clause is a (..superficially) intransitive clause. Examples of a passive and the 'corresponding' active i n Okanagan are: 3a Si sSrtf&cSasqaxa? t r q - n - t - i s S i sqal'tmlx w. the horse k i c k - P F T V - t - S 3 T R A N S the man-The horse kicked the man. b S i sq9l'tmix w t r q - n - t - im S i t sSnl&cSasqaxa 7. the man kick-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR horse The man was kicked by the horse. 4ac ' S i sk^q^imalt cSumqs (' - n -. t ) - s S i xix wtm\ the baby k i s s - P F T V - t - S 3 T R M S . the g i r l The baby kis s e d the g i r l , b S i xix wtrrf cSumqs - n - t - am Si t sk" wq^imalt. the g i r l kiss-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR baby The g i r l was ki s s e d by the baby. 61 The claim made by the u n i v e r s a l c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of pas:s;lyi.zati,on i s that a passive construction is: f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e . Two analyses of a passive construction are. consistent with, t h i s claim: a -monostratal analysis; and a h i s t r a t a l analysis-, as- diagrammed below: 5 a MONOSTRATAL ANALYSIS h BISTRATAL ANALYSIS Evidence is: given f i r s t to the e f f e c t that a passive construction i n Okanagan i s f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e and secondly that i t is: b i s t r a t a l and i n i t i a l l y t r a n s i t i v e , 1.1 Person and Number Marking Person and number marking show f i n a l 1-hood. I f the Okanagan Passive i s f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e , then t h i s p r edicts that the I n t r a n s i t i v e set of subject markers, would be used to mark, person and number of the f i n a l subject. The t h i r d person singular marker i s 0 but the t h i r d person p l u r a l i s lx. The sentences below demonstrate that t h i s p r e d i c t i o n i s borne out: 6a Ti twtwit cf-'To - n - t - im lx T i t kWTap. the PL-boy bite-PFTV-t-PASS P 3 I W T R INSTR dog The hoys were b i t t e n by the dog. h Ti soxw - wTl - wTlq^ m trq - n - t - im be. the. agentive-PF Tpoliceman kick-PFTV-t-PASS P 3 T I M T T O IN in The policeman were kicked. 62 1.2 Word Order Only the. f i n a l au.15je.ct can be. topi.cali.zed i n Okanagan, as- was-shown i n section 2.I .U, Chapter Two. This- fact provides an a d d i t i o n a l means: of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the f i n a l subject i n a Passive construction: Ta kwTnun.tam Tj scVTjn Ti t sqal ,tmix w. The salmon was caught by the: man, "° ? i scVTin k wTnuntam T i t sqal ,tmlx w. The. salmon was- caught by the. man. c * T i t sqal'tm£xw k wTnuntam Tj scVTln. These facts of word order provide, evidence that the d i r e c t object of the. 'corresponding' active is- the. f i n a l 1 i n the Okanagan Passive and the. subject of the. 'corresponding' active is: not the f i n a l subject i n the Passive. 1.3 Relative Clause Formation In Okanagan, r e l a t i v e clauses -may o n l y be. formed on downstairs; Is: and 2s, as was shown i n section.'.211.3, Chapter Two, This fa c t provides evidence, that a Passive construction i s s u p e r f i c i a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e , with, the agentive nominal bearing neither a 1-relation nor a 2 - r e l a t i o n i n the f i n a l stratum: 8 a wik. C _ n - t } - n T i scwTln T i k wTnu - n - t - sm see-PFTV-t-Sl _ the. salmon COMPo catch.-PFTV-t-PASS TRANS T i t sqal'tmlx™. INSTR man : 1 saw the salmon that was caught by the man. h •*.".. \gXkni T i sqal'tmix w T i k wTnuntam T i scwTin. I saw the man that the salmon was.- caught by. 6 3 9a S i x i ? t kkv^ap ?t ti^q - n - t - .tm t t t w i t . that a dog COMP krck-PF'LV-t.-PASS INSTR boy That's- a dog that was- kicked by the. hoy. b * Six.1? t ttw'it S i trqntim ? i - k t f S p p i t } . That' s the boy that the. dog was kicked by, c * S i x i 7 S i t t t w i t Si, tr'qntim S i kkvfSap. That's by the boy that the dog was- kicked by-. 1.4 ' Instrumental Case. Marking: ' A Job i s Lost The agentive nominal i n a Passive, i n Okanagan is: -marked with., the instrumental case, preposition: S i t. It i s not unusual for a language, to select this: case, to mark. the. agentive nominal i n a Passive, Russian, for example., does so: 10 Etot zavod b y l postroen inostrannymi rabocimi. t h i s factory was PFTV-bulld foreigh. " w o r k e r a I W S T R U M E W T A L This factory was. b u i l t by foreigh workers. Okanagan: n a S i tl&ntbr sSiw C - n - t ) - s Si ttw'it. the woman a s & V P . F T V - t » S 3 T R A N G T H E -The woman asked the boy. b S i t t w i t sSiw - n - t - am S i t _ tk l m i l x " . the boy ask-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR woman The boy was asked by the woman. That the agentive nominal i s marked with, one 6f> the oblique cases i s consistent with, the universal c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the Passive, i n which, the. i n i t i a l 1 i s demoted to non-term and is; neither a 1 nor a 2 i n the 6h f i n a l stratum. This nominal i s termed a chomeur. Stated formally, .2 12 The.Chomeur Condition: (Perlmutter and 'postal 12.771 If some nominal Bears a given term relation in a given stratum S'.. and some other nominal il/r bears- the same term relation i b in the following stratum S\ then bears- the Chomeur relation i n S U r . Stated informally, the chomeur has l o s t h i s job. and may not hold a p o s i t i o n as a term i n any successive stratum. 1.5 Aspect and T r a n s i t i v i t y Marking The head of the predicate phrase i n an Okanagan Passive i s marked by a - t , preceded by e i t h e r an -n for P e rfective aspect or l e s s frequently an - S for Imperfective aspect. These markings provide ah a d d i t i o n a l argument based on s i m p l i c i t y f or a "••M.stratal structure fo r the Passive construction. These markings; are exemplified below: 13a k w?i - n - t - 3m Ti scwTln Ti t Tin - l^iw. take-PFTV-t-PASS the salmon INSTR my-male' s;. dad The salmon was. taken by my father, b ?Tick(n) - s - t - am Ti sk^qMmalt Ti t xixwtm\ play - IMPF-t-PASS the : baby INSTR g i r l The baby was being played with by the: g i r l . I f the Passive i s taken to be. monostratal, there is; no 2-arc present i n the r e l a t i o n a l network and the r u l e statements for both- '.-t marking and -n/ - S aspectual marking are complicated considerably. Under a b i s t r a t a l a n a l y s i s , the r u l e of -t i s as follows.(see section l'.'7.2, Chapter Two, p. 38 for conditions on t h i s r u l e ) : ih -t marking: The morpheme - t marks the presence of an initial or advancee 2 in some stratum S.. which remains- a distinct nuclear term in the same and in successive final stratum . Under a monostratal analysis--, .:>.a statement srucnr-,as: *astthec"following "one. must be added to the above r u l e : ihr. The morpheme - t is also present in a passive construction. However, i f the. Passive is- taken to be b i s t r a t a l , no a d d i t i o n a l statement needs to be added to ther> rule for the - t marking. Under a b i s t r a t a l analysis-, the r u l e for the. obligatory-marking <5<f -n/-S Is- as- follows:: (from section 1.7.1, Chapter Two, page. 31).'• 15 Perfective or Imperfective marking: The morpheme -n 'Perfective' or -s 'Imperfective '• is marked on the head of a predicate phrase of a clause, where 'head'" 'isrtaken to de the verbal root: optionally XU if there is an initial 2-arc which- is. a 1-arc in the final stratum with no other nuclear term arc; or otherwise obligatorily Cii) if there is an initial or advancee 2-arc which is a nuclear term arc in the final stratum; and (iii) if there is no Dative or Phantom arc. i.-.c,_ Under a/monostratal an a l y s i s , a statement such, as the following one must be added to the above r u l e : 15' Perfective or Imperfective aspect is obligatorily marked on the head of a predicate phrase in a Passive construction, if there is no register of an initial Dative object. However, i f the Passive is: taken to be b i s t r a t a l , no a d d i t i o n a l statement 66; needs to be added to this^rulelstatementrieither. Thus:, these markings- and t h e i r r u l e statements: provide support f o r a b i s t r a t a l analysis: f o r the Passive i n Okanagan. 1.6 ' Thematic Relations: Both, b i s t r a t a l and monostratal analyses: require a rule. f o r the assignment of thematic r o l e s . Consider ahoactiye t r a n s i t i v e sentence below: 16 qS^Ta - n - t - is Ti ttwit Ti, k qqwalx. chew--PFTV-t-S'3TRANS. the: boy the f i s h . The boy chewed the fish.. In the. i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of 16, the. boy must be interpreted as the. chewer and the. fish, as the. chewed. Ih the corresponding Passive below, the roles: of the boy and the. f i s h , remain the- s:ame. In general, the p a r t i c i p a n t roles: (.thematic relations-), of the subject of the Active and the oblique i n the Passive are. the same, and so are. the. p a r t i c i p a n t r r o l e s (thematic relations), of the. d i r e c t object of the Active and the subject of the Passive. 17 q^ cf'Tb - n - t - im Ti qqwalx Ti t ttwit. chew-PFTV-t—PASS the f i s h . INSTR boy The f i s h , was: chewed by the boy. I f thematic r o l e s are assigned with, the i n i t i a l stratum, then a b i s t r a t a l a n a l y s i s f or the Passive, with, an i n i t i a l t r a n s i t i v e stratum, i d e n t i c a l to the. i n i t i a l stratum of the corresponding active t r a n s i t i v e stratum, adequately captures the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n f a c t s , with, only one; assignment of thematic r e l a t i o n s In the I n i t i a l stratum..- This avoids assigning the 'patient' r o l e to the' subject and the 'agent' r o l e to the OBL of the-Pass ive:: which, would be necessary under a monostratal analysis. •67 18 a ACTIVE TRANSITIVE CLAUSE b. PASSIVE CLAUSE C = 1 6 1 C - 1 7 1 t t w i t ? i q c * w o l x 1.7 Posting the Bans-The Animacy Hierarchy (see section 1,5, Chapter Two! . . - | provides- evidence that the Passive, of Okanagan i s a b i s t r a t a l construction, i n i t i a l l y t r a n s i t i v e . The Animacy Hierarchy ranks: common nouns:, p l a c i n g a l i m i t a t i o n on what can hear the subject r e l a t i o n inaa clause with, a t r a n s i t i v e stratum: 19_ Human > Animate > Inanimate, Okanagan draws a l i n e between Animate and Inanimate, p r o h i b i t i n g inanimate subjects and permitting only animate, ones- i n clauses with, a t r a n s i t i v e stratum. However, inanimate subjects are permitted i n clauses with, only i n t r a n s i t i v e s t r a t a : 2 0 a Vi p^uk^la? sal't. The h a l l Is/was- l o s t . saft ?i p"Sukwla?. 68 21a Ti xafot cq'aq'. The rock/is/was h i t . cq'aq' Ti x&ut The Animacy Hierarchy provides: an a d d i t i o n a l argument for p r e f e r r i n g a V h i s t r a t a l analysis over a monostratal a n a l y s i s . A monostratal analysis: with, only an i n t r a n s i t i v e stratum predicts, that an inanimate subject i s permissible i n a Passive construction since a Passive would " be i n t r a n s i t i v e throughout, whereas a b i s t r a t a l analysis with an i n i t i a l t r a n s i t i v e stratum predicts that an inanimate f i n a l subject i s not permissible i n a Passive construction. This l a t t e r p r e d i c t i o n i s borne out, as i l l u s t r a t e d below where a Passive with, inanimate f i n a l subject i n an i n t r a n s i t i v e f i n a l stratum i s ungrammatical. 22a Ti ttwit trq - n - t - is Ti x£xwtm\ The boy kicked the g i r l , b Ti xixwtnf trq - n - t - im Ti t ttwit. the g i r l kick-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR boy The g i r l was kicked by the boy. 23a Ti ttwit trqntis Ti kkvAap. The boy kicked the dog. h Ti kkWTap trqntim Ti t ttwit. The dog was kicked by the boy. 2ka Ti ttwit trqntis Ti pTuk^a?. The boy kicked the b a l l . the boy kick-PFTV-t-S3, TRANS the g i r l 69"' b *Si pSukwla? tr'qntim Si t ttwit. The b a l l was kicked by the hoy. 2 5 a . cq" - n - t - in Si x&*ut. h i t - P F T V - t - S l T R M g the rock I h i t the rock, b *Si x*ut ccf - n - t - im. the rock hit-PFTV-t-PASS The rock was.ihit. This provides evidence that the Passive i s b i s t r a t a l , with, an i n i t i a l t r a n s i t i v e stratum, as represented below i n the r e l a t i o n a l network of:.24b: 2 6 P Si t ttw'it ? i It can be pointed out that 1 9 b (of Chapter Two, p. 2 9 ) when contrasted motivates with. 2 5 a - b above ' t r e a t i n g the Chpmeur and an Instrumental d i f f e r e n t l y even though the case marking i s the same. Although, not apparently germane to the argument, Passives: i n Okanagan cannot occur with a f i r s t or second person chomeur. 2 7 a ?Sick(n) - s - t - am Si sk^q^imalt Si t xlxwtm\ play - IMPF - t - PASS the baby INSTR g i r l The baby was played with, by the g i r l , b * ?Sick(n)stam Si sk vcf wim9lt Sj t Sanwi?. The baby was played with, by you. TO c * ??ick(n)stam Ti skS^lmglt Tj t Tinea?. The baby was played with by me. d ?Tick(n)st9m Ti sk'wqvim9lt Tj t cniic. The baby was played with by him/her. e * ?T-ick(n)st9m Tinea? Tj t Tgnwi?. I was played with by you. f * ?TickCn)st9m ffsnwi? Tj t Tj nca?. You were played with by me. This a d d i t i o n a l r e s t r i c t i o n does not seem to have c. bearing on the argument that the Passive i s b i s t r a t a l . 1.8 Question Formation Question Formation with, swit distinguishes between f i n a l oblique and nuclear terms. When an oblique, non-chomeur object i s being questioned, t h i s i n t e r r o g a t i v e i s preceded by a case-marking preposition as i n c_, e_ below. I f a nuclear term i s being questioned, no case-marking preposition appears, as i n a_,b_ below. I f the nominal being questioned i s not the subject i n the f i n a l stratum, the nominal subject of the ' 3 lower clause i s r a i s e d i n t o the upper clause, as In b_, c_, e_ below. 28a swit Ti ks - ?T9q^ - s - a?x nix w ? who COMP UNR-scrape-face-INCEP again Who's- going to shave next? b swit Ti stgmtima? Ti sTiw ( - n - t ) - s ?. who the grandmother COMP a s k - P F T V - t - S 3 M T 3 A 1 1 T 0 . Who did the. granmother ask? c 71 c k"l swit S i ttw'it S i qicalx to who the hoy COMP run To whom did the hoy run? d * swit S i ttwit S i qicalx (k*l) ?. e t l ' swit S i ttwit kSi yalt ? from who the hoy COMP run. away From whom did the hoy run away?, f * swit S i ttwit kSi yalt (tr*) ? In a Passive, an in t e r r o g a t i v e with. swit. provides: evidence that the passive agent i s not an oblique object since i t i s not questioned with a case-marking preposition: This shows that a Chomeur i s not treated l i k e an Instrumental, a fac t explained by the b i s t r a t a l a n a l y s i s , but req u i r i n g an a r b i t r a r y statement i n the monostratal a n a l y s i s . 29_a swit S i xalit - n - t - am Sj t Sj( n) - stamtima? ? who COMP call-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR my-grandmother Who was i n v i t e d by my grandmother? b swit S i cSumqs - n - t - am Sj t sk^ cf'-'imalt ? who COMP kiss-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR baby Who was: k i s s e d by the baby? c swit S i sk^q^imalt kSi cSunfqs - n - t - am ? who the baby COMP kiss-PFTV-t-PASS Who was the baby ki s s e d by? d * S i t swit S i sk^q^imalt k.?i, cSunfqsntam ? e swit S i Sj(n) - stomtima? kSi Xalit - n - t - am ?. who the my-grandmother COMP call-PFTV-t-PASS Who was my grandmother i n v i t e d by? f * S i t swit S i Si(n) - stamtima'? kSi Xalitntam ? 7 2 It may "be concluded from the evidence based on Person and Number Marking, Word Order, Relative Clause Formation, Instrumental Case -Marking, Aspect and T r a n s i t i v i t y Marking, Thematic Relations, Animacy Hierarchy, and Question Formation with swit that the Passive i n Okanagan i s b i s t r a t a l , i n i t i a l l y t r a n s i t i v e and f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e . 2 Unae c usat i ve C l aus e s 2 . 1 The Basic Claim The basic claim of the Unaccusative Hypothesis (Perlmutter 1 9 7 8 ) i s that: 30 Certain -intransitive clauses have an initial 2 but no initial 1. This can be exemplified for English.: 31a Sasquatch exists. b pS^ 2 exists Sasquatch The F i n a l 1 Law (Perlmutter and P o s t a l : 1 9 7 8 a ) p r e d i c t s that clauses with, f i n a l Unaccusative s t r a t a are not well-formed i n any language and requires advancement to 1. The r e l a t i o n a l network 31b above, is-diagrammed i n accordance with, the F i n a l 1 Law. Unaccusative clauses d i f f e r from Passive clauses i n that the stratum containing the 2-arc i n the Passive also contains a 1-arc, although, advancement-to-1 occurs i n both types of clauses. 32a The berries were eaten by Sasquatch. were eaten by Sasquatch 73 I n i t i a l l y Unaccusative clauses contrast with, i n i t i a l l y Unergative clauses, which have an i n i t i a l 1 hut no i n i t i a l 2: 33a Sasquatch plays at night. b plays \1" Sasquatch at night At l e a s t three degrees of strength of the Unaccusative Hypothesis: can he distinguished (Perimutter 1978): 3^a that -initial Unaccusativity vs Unergativity varies unpredictably from language to language; h that there exist principles which predict initial Unaccusativity vs Unergativity for certain classes of initially intransitive clauses in all languages and that there exist another class of such clauses which vary unpredictably; c that there exist universal principles which predict initial Unaccusativity vs Unergativity for all initially intransitive clauses in all languages; without variation. The basic idea i s that predicates with equivalent meaning to those c i t e d i n English, below w i l l behave the same way with, respect to i n i t i a l Unaccusativity vs Unergativity. The following i s a tentative c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of i n t r a n s i t i v e predicates with respect to i n i t i a l Unergativity vs Unaccusativity i n English (Perimutter 1978):^ 35 I n i t i a l Unergatives: a. w i l l e d or v o l i t i o n a l acts, ex., work., play, smile, frown, think., meditate, walk, skip, run, hammer, pray; manner-of-speaking verbs, i . e . , whisper, shout, grumble, b l u r t out, sounds made by animals:, i . e . , roar, bark., neigh.; b. i n voluntary b o d i l y processes: cough., sneeze, burp, vomit, cry, sleep. 36 I n i t i a l Unaccusatives: a. Predicate adjectives; b. Predicates whose i n i t i a l nuclear term i s semantically a Patient: ex., burn, f a l l , f l o a t , s l i d e , t r i p , hang, dangle, shake, etc. ; inchoatives: melt, freeze, r o t , germinate, choke, blush, burst, dry up, vanish., etc.; c. Predicates of e x i s t i n g and happening: e x i s t , happen, t r a n s p i r e , occur, take place, a r i s e , show up, disappear, end up, etc.; d. Non-voluntary s t i m u l i on the senses: shine, glow, snap, crackle, smell, s t i n k , etc.; e. Aspectual predicates: begin, s t a r t , stop, cease, continue, etc.; f. Duratives: l a s t , remain, stay, survive, etc. 2.2 The Proposal f o r Okanagan The purpose of the discussion here, isr to establish, a class of predicates determining i n i t i a l Unaccusative s t r a t a i n Okanagan. Although, not at issue here, i t can be noted from the many examples of Okanagan throughout t h i s work., that membership i n the two broad classes: of i n i t i a l Unaccusatives vs Unergatives- i s not i d e n t i c a l i n English, and Okanagan and thus the strongest form of the Unaccusative Hypothesis cannot be. supported. At l e a s t s i x sub-classes of Unaccusatives: may be. distinguished at l e a s t tentatively i n Okanagan» • These .,clas.ses--with; respect <to • i n i t i a l Unaccusativity are based mostly on morphological grounds, with a d d i t i o n a l semantic d i v i s i o n s and, where known, syntactic patterning with respect to the R e l a t i o n a l construction; otherwise, these classes are distinguished on semantic grounds. 75'-37 I n i t i a l l y Unaccusative P r e d i c a t e s i n Okanagan A: the Final Consonant Reduplication class, which includes predicates whose initial nuclear term is semantically a Patient: Tncfixx f r i e d , f r y i n g xalitt c a l l e d , i n v i t e d naq^cf" s t o l e n cx wax w he s p i l t klpp pinched pTlaTl grow ( p l a n t s ) cq^acf" C r y S G dead d/aw* pour/gush out Tnskpip cracked (eggs) Tnxwaw' go dry, dry up ml'al' b l e e d , b l e e d i n g TnswaW* evaporate • dm burnt, f i r e ccfacf he h i t ckak count, counted q^aypp pants s l i p p i n g down x ^ l a ^ l come t o l i f e , born, recover B: the -t class, which includes- predicates having stative meaning, including j incrementals: BI xast good xastwilx get b e t t e r V v ** . xxasat h e a u t i f u l cfast had cfstwil'x get worse, more s p o i l t cfcjasat ugly pypayt happy, l i v e l y pypytwilx get l i v e l i e r k wcaMact s t r o n g , hard (animate) xadt s t r o n s t r o n g (inanim) *'axt paxpaxt f a s t f u l l smart j-wcc^wV3ctw£]5c get stronger, harder (anim) xacftwil'x get st r o n g e r , harder (inanim) ft'axtwil'x get f a s t e r cfwTc'twiTjc get f u l l e r pxpxtwil'x get smarter sysytwil'x get b e t t e r (at sport or game) 76 B2: those which occur as Relational Class AS; see Chapter Four. sal't l o s t (around where the geography is. known) y?axwt f a l l o f f li>ny<i>axwt f a l l i n tait t r u s t a b l e , s t r a i g h t , true tfiSl't ripped BS: those which occur as Relational Class B; see Chapter Four._ lSimt glad yalt run away mil't v i s i t l A k^isst he jealous Saymt he mad q w a V l q w £ ? i t t a l k a t i v e i i p t forget B4: those for which occurrence in a transitive construction or a Relational construction is unknown. ^cxapt grow (human), PL iaqit stretched (pelt) C^fexw^"axwt paralyzed (human) tntant t a u t , t i g h t ntfa^t Sayt Sayx'-'t su?lt cfilt cfrlcjfelt broken t i r e d (from i n a c t i v i t y ) t i r e d (from a c t i v i t y ) frozen (anim) s i c k aching xSsrxSrt wasting time i^aq't wide nix wt deep nwlst high. xar"xar*t steep xw<5*i.t. l o t s , many crcert stretched (human) q ^ i l t back-packed x walx walt a l i v e "uxt frozen (inanim). k"int a f r a i d , worried kinkant dangerous qSj/q^iy't calm, no wind qalt green, fr e s h , unripe plait t h i c k ?nlMt"?apt shallow xwq*wxw<~*8q*wt tidy:; i n order tfaxt sweet 77 BS: those which include predicates of involuntary process. xn'umt hurt Akyinit c r y p L ?niamt coughed t?it?i?ak wt f i g h t qwqw?Imt burped x w x w 9 9 t t awful 4?act bruised up k^nk^anfat p i t i f u l ??ilx wt hungry <$xwc(sQC't show o f f B'6 Predicates which permit semantic extension , to notions 'to ; begin to ' and 'around/back & forth'. x w?ist amble, walk, s t r o l l x wTix w?ast begin to walk xw9 a xw<rj s t amble around, <u?akwt begin to crawl back & forth. TamTut begin to s i t q^a^lq^Tlat begin to be t a l k a t i v e C: Predicate adjectives, including inchoatives and colours, with some overlap with the -t class. Cl c o l d (weather) TncVai getting co l d (weather) kiyt cold (human) kVt g e t t i n g co l d (human) q w 9 U q w 9 9 c warm (weather) qw?bc getting warm (weather) qw?acwiix get warmer q^uct f a t q^^uc getting f a t cf^acwlTjc get f a t t e r cTwcTaw't clean c'SW turning clean nTacf rotten n^ acf getting rotten wTik' shiny - w^ik5 turning shiny q ^ i l ' w i l t q ^ i i ' w i l t i n g • Waft warm (house, human) k^al' getting warm (house, hum k^al'st be warming y?at f a l l i n g apart 78 p"?ixw bright pYaxw dawning, getting l i g h t C*?aqt sour cVaq turning sour X?al c l e a r (weather, glass) x^al c l e a r i n g up piq p^a white grey p^q p?a turn white from the sun, sun-bleached faded q*w?ay blue qw?a.y turning blue c^ax red c?aX turning red d i / dark xw?*al be i n a hurry k wri? yellow- kVa? get stuck p*?um brown klkVo? get crowded out qcf ay* multi-coloured W i l orange q w?in green C2; Predicates without known inchoative form. t"iq*wlqw t a l l pfyaq* r i p e nXil scared t i l s t r a i g h t ( l i n e a r ) tf?ik young wisxn long tfitfimu* l a z y xaxi? mixed up k"ik*l?ak"l?a?m?ul (always) j.ealous (over wife) Ipiptul f o r g e t f u l kw?a?kw?a?mui easy to get used to ciax w h o l e y S G clx wliX v ' h o l e y p L yaya^k^a? stin'gy p^ wpSwalx drumming I, banging qiwlx o l d s^ysSy^alx noisy nir smooth, (surface) nirnart compact p i l f l a t milk*" round, spherical yir r i n g , round 79:-D: the vp class, whieh -includes predicates of naturally occurring states; tfs'ap harden (by i t s e l f ) &*xap grown up (human) t^rrap untangled Tacap caught h'rap soaked c - t?rap running (water) k^nap grabbed tt^rap t r i c k l e (water) k w?alp lose a game tc^ap shake, j ar qw?alap moldy qw<i>avp pants way down c??nap get t i g h t lf?l'ip ripped xwcap broken (arrow) sal'p twisted XnmSap broken (eggs: & othert??ap d i r t y d e l i c a t e things:) Snsl'ipiost . l o s t (where geogra-^ tV s p getting d i r t y phy i s unknown). ?amap melt qwSap s l i p itfap bounce up o r, qw?ap s l i p p i n g , sliding i i f p t it^ap (involuntary) bounce, up bounce o f f •bounce u p ^ ^ g ( } **Slap stop. iaiitfpt bounce u p I T E R j p L E: Aspectual and durative predicates. t i a l s t a r t i^uwin l e f t behind F: Reflexive Unaccusatives, a class- with Reflexive meaning, ending in /-myst/ [ m i s t ] , listed with English and French translations. ifamyst h i r e f o r oneself; s'engager q.qn. kamysst be hir e d ; s'etre engager t^umyst buy f o r oneself; s'acheter X wuymyst/ x w a y m i s t take oneself; s-temener 80 hawKawrif/st loosen oneself up; se degager, s ' e t i r e r wTiknnyst hide oneself; se cacher hide oneself around; se cacher i c i et la, lTrmist -. -, faint'.; r i g i d oneself; se r a i d e r ?akwmyst take, check, oneself i n ; s:'( entrer, s'enregistrer timist straighten oneself; se redresssr s?aymyst noisy (anim., l i k e coyotes, kids, yapping) 2.3 Supporting Evidence Evidence for f i n a l subjecthbod i s a v a i l a b l e from Person/Number Marking and from T o p i c a l i z a t i o n . The: correct person/number marking consists of the set of i n t r a n s i t i v e subject markers.: 38 39 1+0 1+1 1+2 1+3 kn xalitt. k w pypayt. 0 ?uxt. k wu l&ykiy t. ^y&ap p. wTik^myst lx. I was c a l l e d . / I was i n v i t e d . You're happy. It ' s frozen. We're cold. You-guys are grown up. They h i d themselves. ' Only a f i n a l subject may be t o p i c a l i z e d ( cf. section 2.1.4, Chapter Two), 44a sTaymyst Tj snk*Lip. The coyote i s noisy. b 45a b 45a b 4?a b ?! snklip s^aymyst. itftatap ?i p*?ukwla?. ?i p*njkwla? it&atap. tfiq^lq" ?i xixwtnf. ?i xixwtrrf t5q vlq w. q^Tucwil'x ?i ttwit. ?i ttwqt q^ucwil'x. The b a l l bounces up and down. The g i r l i s t a l l . The. boy got f a t t e r . 8 1 4 8 a ? T i l x w t T i sl'axt - s. His buddy i s hungry. b Tj sl'axt - s Wilx*t. 4 9 a paxpaxt Tj s q i l x w . The Indian/person/man i s smart. b Tj s q i l x w _ - paxpaxt. Limited evidence f o r i n i t i a l 2-hood forathelnaminal i n the B, D, and F su.b-classes tentatively proposed above i s a v a i l a b l e from two phenomena: the choice of f i r s t person singular pronoun as- head nominal i n a c l e f t construction and Moving G l o t t a l i z a t i o n . 2.3.1 Choice of Tinea?/Tjnca?kn C l e f t constructions i n Okanagan may be characterized at l e a s t s u p e r f i c i a l l y as follows: I) a c l e f t begins with a member of the set of demonstratives, frequently T i x l ? 'that' C v i s i b l e , non-proximate1, followed by the focus followed by the complementizer and downstairs clause; i i ) . the complementizer T i ±s used and may o p t i o n a l l y be deleted; Ta- occurs i n sentence - 5 6 ; the other •complementizers- are unattested; i i i ) l i k e the. r e l a t i v e clauses;, Okanagan permits; c l e f t constructions on a downstairs; f i n a l 1 or 2, but not on a downstairs oblique object; i v ) . i n a c l e f t , the upstairs nominal bearing the predicate r e l a t i o n i s r e s t r i c t e d to the t 'non-specific' determiner, except for pronominals-and properrnames which, do not take, a determiner and f o r a possessed nominal which, requires: the s p e c i f i c determiner. (See also section 2.1.3, Chapter Two.?;)) In a c l e f t construction i n v o l v i n g the. f i r s t person singular as head nominal, with, c e r t a i n predicates downstairs, e i t h e r form of Tinea? or ?inca?kn may be chosen. However, i n constructions: with, c e r t a i n 82 other predicates: downstairs:, only one. of these may he chosen. It should he noted that native speaker judgments' involved i n t h i s phenomenon are d i f f i c u l t to make and ea s i l y confusing and that data are s u f f i c i e n t hut sparse. F i r s t of a l l , the choice is- r e s t r i c t e d to Sinca 7 i n regular t r a n s i t i v e constructions, with, an agentive nominal hearing the f i n a l 1-relation i n the. downstairs- clause: 50a S i x i ? f Sinca 7 | Si Sn - sax^Sa ( - n - t) - n Si patak. \* Sinca7knJ that me COMP Cont-weigh#PFTV-t-Sl T R M S. the potato That's me who weighs: the potatoes. h Tixi? f Sinca7 "}Si trq - n - t - in Si p*?ukwla7. \ * Sinca?knJ COMP kick-PFTV-t-Sl M g the h a l l That's; me who kicked the h a l l , c Sixi? ( Sinca 7 ") Si cq* - n - t - in Si x^ut Si t 'xflfrt. ( S i n c a 7 "Jl \f Sinca^knJ COMP h i t - P F T y - t - S l T R A N S the. rock. INSTR rock. That' s me who h i t the rock. with, a rock., d Sixi? ( Sinca 7 7 ? i ? n " c*ix ( - n - t ) - n Si S9?Susa7. Sinca 7 Y Sinca 7knJ COMP C 6 h t - f r y - P F T V - t - S l T R M S the egg That's: me who f r i e d the eggs. The choice i s also r e s t r i c t e d to Sinca 7 i n a putative '.intransitive Unergative clause, which, has: an i n i t i a l 1 hut no 2: 83-. 51a T i x i ? ( Sinca? ] S i kn q i c a l x k l sSntSumystn. i * Sinca ?kn COMP s l j N T R r u n t o store That's-me who runs- to the store. The choice i s r e s t r i c t e d to Sinca 7kn i f the c l e f t construction r e l a t i v i z e s upon a f i r s t person nominal hearing the. 2-relation i n the. downstairs clause: 52 S i x i 7 ( Sinca?kn") S i k w u s - c - t r q - s - t - i s S i sax^Siqam. j* S i n c a 7 J COMP -me s-PF-kick-IMPF-t-S3 T R A N S. the policeman That's- me that the policeman i s kick i n g me. A choice of either S i n c a 7 or Sinca 7kn can he -made i f the c l e f t construction r e l a t i v i z e s upon a f i r s t person nominal hearing an i n i t i a l 2-relation and a f i n a l 1-relation i n the downstairs Passive clause; 53 S i x i ? ( Sinca 7kn ~) S i t r q - t - im S i t sax^wSicfam. J / S i n c a 7 COMP ki.ck-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR policeman That's, me. that was. kicked by the policeman. . Given t h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n , i t i s predicted that i n the putatlye Unaccusatives, a choice of either S i n c a 7 or Sinca 7kn could be made, r e f l e c t i n g both, grammatical relations borne by the r e l a t i v i z e d nominal, a 2 i n the i n i t i a l stratum and a 1 i n the. f i n a l stratum: CLASS B 54a S i x i 7 f S i n c a 7 1 Si kn sal"t. S i x i 7 j Sinca 7kn j That's me. who's, l o s t (around here.).. S i x i 7 ( S i n c a 7 ")Si kn Saymt. d 7 f * * | < i ) Sinca 7kn V That's me who's mad. 8U-c Tixl? ( Tinea? 1 Ti kn qMcft t qqwoix.: I Tinca?kh J That's me who's f u l l of fish.. CLASS* D 55 Tixi? C Tinea? 1 Ti kn slip. C Tinea?kn ^ That's-me who's l o s t (up high, i n the timber). CLASS F 56 Tixl? (Tinea? 1 Ta kn c - wTlkwmyst. I Tinca?kn 5 That's me who hide myself. This- p r e d i c t i o n i s borne out, providing support f o r both. the. 2-hood and the 1-hood of the r e l a t i v i z e d nominal of the downstairs: clauses- i n the putative Unaccusatlves. ' ' T h a t the nominal is: a f i n a l 1 is: supported by the presence of a subject marker (kn, f i r s t person sin g u l a r , i n t r a n s i t i v e ) and not an object marker; hence the nominal i s a 2 i n the previous and i n i t i a l stratum. 2.3.2 Moving G l o t t a l i z a t l o n In Chapter Two, section 2.2.1, a rule, of Moving G l o t t a l l z a t i o n was stated and f u l l y exemplified, as g l o t t a l i z i n g the verbal root and suffixes- i f the i n i t i a l 2 of the clause moved or varied. In the t h i r d person, a l l the resonants of the verbal root and su f f i x e s are glottalt.zed. In the f i r s t and second person, only the f i n a l resonant i s glottali.zed. Data are ava i l a b l e from only two classes: of putative Unaccusatiyes, with, respect to Moving G l o t t a l i z a t l o n : 85 CLASS D 5 7 a kn SI b. kn SI CLASS F INTR INTR bounce 4t*Jap - irf - n - cut. 7 bounce-REL/2-PFTV-REFL 5 8 a k wu howfcaw' - rd/st. P 1INTR loosen.up-UNACCUS R E F L haWfiaw* - mVst Ix. loosen.up-UNACCUS R E F L P 3 J N T R 5 9 a kn w?ikw - myst. S 1INTR hide-UNACCUS^^ b W*iW?ikw - nfyst l'x. REDUP-hide-UNACCUS R E F L P 3 I N T R I bounce. I bounce myself up and down. We loosen ourselves, up. They loosen themselves up. I hide myself (and stay put), They hide themselves, around here • and" there. Thus, Moving G l o t t a l i z a t l o n also provides evidence f o r i n i t i a l 2-hood and f i n a l 1-hood i n the i n t r a n s i t i v e putative Unaccusative clauses. 2.4 Representation of Unaccusative Clauses: The structure of the P l a i n Unaccusatlves (Classes A t h r u E). i s represented i n the s t r a t a l diagram a_ below and i n the equivalent r e l a t i o n a l network. aj_. The structure o f the Reflexive Unaccusative (Class F l i s represented i n b, with, the equivalent r e l a t i o n a l network, b'. For eas.e of comparison, the agentive Reflexive network diagram i s repeated below as c_ and c'. 8 1 3 Middle Clauses: In Okanagan, the construction, known as the 'Middle voice' i n Salishan l i n g u i s t i c s , i s l o g i c a l l y and i n i t i a l l y t r a n s i t i v e J hut f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e , morphologically and s y n t a c t i c a l l y , as exemplified helow: 6 l a kn k^ul" - m t yamxwa'?. S l T , T m T 3 work-MIDDLE a basket IN i n I f i x , make a basket, b kn Sn - cix - m t Sa??usa?. S1INTR C o n t - f r y - M I D D L E s o m e ese I f r y some eggs, c kn txtf - am t ^cx^cap. S l T 1 , T r T m look.after-MIDDLE some PL-elder XJM i n I look, a f t e r elders. Morphologically, these are i n t r a n s i t i v e i n the choice of subject marker. S y n t a c t i c a l l y , these are analyzed here as i n i t i a l l y t r a n s i t i v e , since the nominals of the Middle voice bear the same i n i t i a l thematic r e l a t i o n s as do t h e i r counterpart counstructions i n the active 8 voice, the i n i t i a l 1 and i n i t i a l 2 : 6 2 a k^ul' C - n - t ) - n Si yamxwa?. make-PFTV-t-Sl^.^ the basket I made the basket. b Sn - cix £ - n - t ) - n Si Sa?Susa?. C o n t - f r y - P F T V - t - S l T R M S . the egg I f r i e d the eggs. txtf - n - t - in Si ^oc^xap. look:. a f t e r - P F T V - t - S l T R A | J S fche PL-elder I looked a f t e r the elders. 88 However, unlike t h e i r active counterparts-, the i n i t i a l 2 of the Middle voice construction i s not ava i l a b l e f or P a s s i v i z a t i o n which promotes a 2 to a 1, fo r R e l a t i v l z a t i o n which, permits- a r e l a t i v e clause only upon a downstairs 1 or 2, or for Quantifier Float which, permits the q u a n t i f i e r ySaySa?t • a l l 1 to f l o a t o f f of a 1 or a 2. PASSIVIZATION 63a * . Si kwSap k^ui* - m Si t sqsl'tmlx". the horse work-MIDDLE INSTR man • '"The horse was worked by the man. b Si kwSap k^ul' - n - t - am Si t sqal'tmixw. the horse work-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR man The horse was worked by the man. c * Si kwSap k'Kii" - m - n - t - am ... the. horse work-MIDDLE-PFTV-t-PASS d Si sqal'tmixw k^ul" - n ( - t ) • s Si kwSap. the man work.-PFTV-t-S3Tpjy^g the horse The man worked the horse. RELATIVIZATION 6k- * Si ttwit nitn} C - n - t ) - s Si S3?Susa'? Si kn Sncix - m. the boy eat - P F T V - t - S 3 T R A N S the egg COMP S l I N T R fry-MIDDLE '. The boy ate the eggs that I f r i e d . QUANTIFIER FLOAT 65 * Si tk^milx" ySaySg?t tx¥-- am t *&x*xap. the. woman a l l look.after-MIDDLE some PL-elder -The woman looks a f t e r a l l the elders. 89. 3.1 Four Possible Analyses-Four analyses are possible for the structure of these clauses: a) the Antipassive, f i r s t proposed by Postal (.1976) as a c l a u s a l structure e x i s t i n g i n many languages; b) 2 -j. "3 Retreat; c) Spontaneous Chomage; or d) a.jPhantom Arc s o l u t i o n . These are diagrammed below: 66 a ANTIPASSIVE b 2 - ^ 3 RETREAT A l l four possible structures are i n i t i a l l y t r a n s i t i v e and f i n a l l y I n t r a n s i t i v e . The 2 - ^ 3 Retreat proposal claims that the i n i t i a l d i r e c t object is: f i n a l l y an i n d i r e c t object whereas: the other two claim that t h i s nominal i s a 2-chomeur. The Antipassive proposal claims that the i n i t i a l and f i n a l 1 i s also a 2 i n an intervening stratum. The Phantom Arc solution claims that a non-nuclear term advances to 2 and f i n a l l y to 1 with which i t i s non-distinct. 90 Three arguments- are. presented i n support of the Antipassive proposal: Selection of Tinea?/Tinca?kn i n section 3.2, L e x i c a l Incorporation i n section 3.3, Quantifier Float i n section 3.4. Section 3.5 points out a serious problem and proposes- a Phantom Arc s o l u t i o n . 3.2 Selection of Tjnca?/Tinca?kn This t e s t provides evidence that the f i n a l 1 i s a 2 i n some, stratum. In section 2.2.2, Chapter Two and section 2.3*1, Chapter Three, i t was: shown that i n a c l e f t construction, the s e l e c t i o n of ei t h e r Tinea? or Tinca?kn as head nominal was: r e s t r i c t e d as follows: (a) to Tinea? i n the case of a r e l a t i v i z e d downstairs nominal which, i s a 1 i n a l l s t r a t a ; (bi to Tinca?fcn i n the case, of a r e l a t i v i z e d downstairs nominal which, i s a 2 but i s never a 1; and (c). to eit h e r Tinea? or Tinca?kn i n the. case of a r e l a t i v i z e d downstairs-nominal which, i s both, a 1 and a 2. This predicts that i f the f i n a l subject In a Middle, voice clause, i s b.oth. a 2 and a 1, as claimed by the Antipassive proposal*- • ;' ei t h e r Tinea? or Tinca?kn would he suitable i n a c l e f t with, a downstairs; Middle voice clause. 67a T i x i ? f Tinea? ") .. T i kn cTacTayp - m. 1 Tinca?kn? that me COMP s l j N T R scream-MIDDLE That's me who screamed. b T i x i ? [Tinea? 7 T i kn T;n - s s x ^ T a - m t patak. ) Tinca?kn I COMP S l I B r T R Cont-welgh-rMIDDLE some potato That's: me who weighed some potatoes. 91 c Tixi? { Tinea? } Ti kn ccf - am Ti. t xtf&t. ) Tinca?kn3 COMP S l T i m T m hit-MIDDLE INSTR rock. IN IK That !s me who was h i t with a rock. d Tixi? ^ Tinea? 1 Ti kn T n - cx w - am t lkTapi. Y Tinca?knj COMP S 1 I W T R Cont-pour-MIDDLE some coffee That 1s me who poured some coffee. e Tixi? C Tinea? 1 Ti kn T n - cix - m t Ta??usa?. Tinca?kn j COMP S 1 I N T R Cont-fry-MIDDLE some egg That's me who f r i e d some eggs. This supports; the Antipassive proposal with, respect to the f i n a l * subject being a 2 at an intermediate, l e v e l . The Chomeur Condition, c i t e d i n foothote.22:, Chapter Two, page 54}. p r e d i c t s that the object nominal i s f i n a l l y a 2 - c h 3 m e u r ; however, no syntactic evidence i s ava i l a b l e to support t h i s p r e d i c t i o n . 3 . 3 Quantifier Ban The q u a n t i f i e r ban proposed below shows that the putative i n t i a l 2 i s not a f i n a l 2 or a f i n a l 3 . Both 2 s and 3 s may he modified by the. q u a n t i f i e r yToyTg?t ' a l l ' . The a,c sentence") exemplify al .quantified 2 - nominal, the b sentence a qua n t i f i e d 3-nominal. (.See Chapter Four, section 1 . 3 f o r evidence that the qu a n t i f i e d nominal i n b bears: the 3 - r e l a t i o n . ). 68a x w i c - i - t - s y?ay?9?t Tj sklaw1 Ti tkimilx". give-INDIR-t-SS^ a l l the beaver the woman He give a l l the money (to) the woman. 92 b k M U ' - x - t - n Si stxltq w ySaySg?t Si sd& i a l a ? . work-BENE-t-Sl T R A N S. the broth. a l l the ch i l d r e n I f i x the broth, (for) a l l the ch i l d r e n , c #*uf - x - t - n ySaySg?t Sj s d M l a ? Si stxitq w. I f i x a l l the children the broth.. However, i n the Middle voice clause, the object nominal may not be qua n t i f i e d at a l l . This provides- evidence that this: nominal is: no longer a 2 nor is: i t a 3 : 6 9 a * k n S n - cix - m yS 3 ySa?t ^Si ^  S3?Susa?. S 1INTR C o n t - f r y - M I D D L E a 1 1 the/some, egg I f r y a l l the eggs, b k n Sncixm t Sq?Susa?. I f r y some eggs. 7 0 a * k n txt* - am ySaySg?t ) / *"xx*"xap I looknafter a l l the elders, b k n txtam t ^xx^cap . I look, a f t e r some elde r s . / I look, a f t e r elders. The. fa c t s with, respect to Quantifiers show that t h i s i s not a case of 2 - ) 3 Retreat. The facts: with, respect to C l e f t C o n s t r u c t i o n with., choice of Sinca 7/Sinca ?kn show that the Middle voice construction involves a 1 which, i s a 2 at some point, thus, arguing against Spontaneous Chomage and 2 3 Retreat. 93 71 ANTIPASSIVE ANALYSIS FOR THE. MIDDLE VOICE CLAUSES OF OKANAGAN kMilm. Si ?i(n)-stsmtima" ' J b.' Si-,.-, Si(n) - stamtima? k^ul' - m t ym - yamxwa?. the my-grandmother work-MIDDLE aome PL—basket My grandmother worked some, basketsr/makes baskets_/fixes baskets. The phenomenon of Quantifier Ban on 2-chomeurs- i s i n fa c t broader. Data from Passives shows that 1-chomeurs may not take the q u a n t i f i e r ySaySg?t ' a l l ' : 7 2 a ?Sick(ji)stam Si sk^q^imalt Sj t xxixwxwtm*. ' The baby was played with>by the. girls:;., b * ?Sick(n)st9m Si sk^q^imalt f* ySaySg?t Si t xxixwxwtm\ I * Sa?t ] * Si, , t <'yS3yS3?t Si xxixwxwtm. The baby was played with, by a l l the. g i r l s . 7 3 a ?Sick(n)st3m Si sk^q^imalt Sj t sdcmala? The baby was played with, by the c h i l d r e n , b * ?Sick(n)stam Si s^q^imalt f* ySaySg?t Si t sctmala7. / * Si-'t >ySaySa?t Si sc'cmala?. The baby was played with, by a l l the c h i l d r e n . However 2-chomeurs i n a Dative clause may take the q u a n t i f i e r ySsySg?t ' a l l ' which points to a d i s t i n c t i o n between the Dative and Middle clause types: 9 4 74 T n - dix - x - t - n T i sdcrnala? yT 9yTg?t Tj %s&ma?. C o n t - f r y - B E N E - t - S l T R M S . the ch i l d r e n a l l the egg. I f r y the. c h i l d r e n a l l the eggs. This- d i s t i n c t i o n w i l l he us e f u l l a t e r i n evaluating the proposed Phantom Arc s o l u t i o n . The relevant generalization with, respect to Quantifier Ban i n Okanagan i s : 75 Quantifier Ban The quantifier yTayTa?t 'all' is- not -permitted with a 2 2-chdmeur nominal in the Middle voice or a 1—chdmeur. 2. 3 . 4 L e x i c a l Incorporation L e x i c a l incorporation also provides evidence that the. putative i n i t i a l 2 i s neither a f i n a l 2 nor a f i n a l 3 . In a Locative construction, a nominal hearing a Locative r e l a t i o n i n the i n i t i a l stratum may advance to 3 (cf. Chapter 4 , section 3 . 3 for evidence). The basic pattern i s exemplified below: 76a T i t t w i t t r q - n - t - i s T i xix wtnf Tj 1 sq^Tgxt. the boy kick TPFTV-t-S3„ R.„„ the g i r l the LOC foot The boy kicked the g i r l on the foot, b T i t t w i t t r q - 4 - t - i s T i xlx wtnf Tj sq^Taxt - s. the boy k i c k . - I N D I R - t - S 3 T R A K S the g i r l the foot -his /her The boy kicked t h e j g i r l on her foot/the g i r l ' s foot. A small set of nouns .may incorporate into the verb, although, the l e x i c a l s u f f i x that incorporates need not have the same form as the independent word. In Chapter Three, section 3 . 3 , i t i s shown that a nominal bearing the Locative r e l a t i o n i n the i n i t i a l stratum may optionally incorporate into the verb while bearing a 3 r e l a t i o n , and moreover may not 95 advance, to 2 . This optional incorporation i s exemplified i n the Passives below which, guarantee that the i n i t i a l Locative has not gone, on to advance to 2 since a Passive is: f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e : 7 7 a T i xix wtnf t r q - 4 - t - im Tj s q V a x t - s T i t t t w i t . the g i r l kick-INDIR-t-PASS the foot-his/her INSTR boy The g i r l was kicked on her foot by the boy. b T i xix wtnf t r q - x n ( - n ) - t - i m T i t t t w i t . the g i r l kick-foot-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR boy The g i r l was kicked i n the foot by the boy. 7 8 a T i t t w i t tfq w - 4 - t - im Tj c/Tgsiyaqn - s T i t sqal'tmix" the boy slap-INDIR-t-PASS the head-hls INSTR man The boy was slapped on h i s head by the man. b T i t t w i t tfq w - iyaqn ( - n ) - t - 9m T i t sq9l'tmix w. the boy slap-head-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR man The boy was slapped on the head by the man. This optional incorporation of a nominal bearing a/.3 r e l a t i o n contrasts with, the f a c t s f o r a Middle voice clause, where the incorporation i s obligatory i f a l e x i c a l s u f f i x i s a v a i l a b l e : 7 9 a T i t t w i t k - t x i l x w - sqaxa? - m na?ip. the boy Dist-curry-horse-MIDDLE always: The boy curri e s horses a l l the time, b * T i t t w i t k - t x i l x w - m t sTriAcTgsqaxa?. the boy Dist-curry-MIDDLE some, horse 8 0 a T i tk4milx w k - tx - q i n - m. the woman Dist-comb-hair-MIDDLE The woman combs her h a i r . 9.6 b * Si. tklmilx™ k - tx - am t qpqiiitn - s. the woman Dist-comb-MIDDLE some hair-her 8 l a Si xix wtm" t - k^us - iyaqn - m. the g i r l Dist-curl-top.of.head-MIDDLE The g i r l c u r l ed her own h a i r . b * S i xix wtnf t - k"Sus - m t qpqint - s / t c"Sos iyaqn - s. the g i r l Dist-curl-MIDDLE some hair-her/ some head-her 8 2 a kn iSaq - ca - m. S l T l u r m 3 stretch-skin-MIDDLE UN In I'm s t r e t c h i n g out my (beaver) p e l t , b * kn iSgq - m t Sj(n) - sklw" - i c a ? . SI ^ stretch-MIDDLE some- my-beaver-skin It should be noted that i n the examples above, that the object nominals are. not modified by an adjective. I f the object nominal i s modified by an adjective, the l e x i c a l incorporation must s t i l l occur; however, the equi-valent independent words are also retained. 8 3 a S i sqal'tmix" k^ul" - 4 x w - m t s i l x w a S t c i t x w k l S i i m l x ^ . the man work-house-MIDDLE a b i g a house for c h i e f The man b u i l t a b i g house for the chief, b * S i sqal'tmix" iHtf - m t s i l x w a S t c i t x w k l S i l m i x ^ . the man work-MIDDLE a b i g a house for c h i e f Sentence 8 3 a above also i l l u s t r a t e s the fa c t that l e x i c a l incorporation i s not l e x i c a l l y determined s o l e l y by the predicate as do the sentences below: 9 7 8 4 a T i t k l m i l x w k - tx - 4 - t - i s T i qpqintn - s. the woman Dist-comh-ITOIR-t-S3rp R the hair-her The -woman comhs- her h a i r , b T i cfTasiyaqn - s t - k*Tus- - 4 - t - am T i t xix wtm\ the head Ther Dist-curl-IEDIR-t-PASF INSTR g i r l Her head was- curled by- the g i r l . The. evidence from l e x i c a l incorporation, optional with.a nominal hearing a 3 r e l a t i o n , demonstrates; that the. object nominal i n a Middle: voice clause does not bear t h i s r e l a t i o n since incorporation is-obligatory."^ This provides an a d d i t i o n a l argument against an analysis-of these, clauses as- 2 -) 3 Retreat. This: argument i s b.ase.d on s i m p l i c i t y . I f Middles involve 2 - ^ 3 Retreat, 3s; r e s u l t i n g from this: r u l e would act d i f f e r e n t l y from advancee. 3s with., respect to incorporation, r e q u i r i n g an extra statement. Aithough.not germane to the. argument, this; d i s t i n c t i o n between obligatory and optional l e x i c a l incorporation may cast some, l i g h t on the r o l e of putative 3s;. Certain verbs; which, determine i n i t i a l Unaccusative s t r a t a take an object nominal which, i s c l e a r l y non-nuclear and probably not an oblique e i t h e r . Which, grammatical r e l a t i o n i s borne by such, a nominal i s unclear. These verbs are exemplified below with. tTumyst 'buy' , a member of Unaccusative Class F (Reflexive. Unaccusatlves)., and J^C-.up 'win, beat out', a member of Unaccusative Class D (the -p class).: 8 5 a kn tTw - tTu - myst t sTnklcTasqaxa?. SlT7iTm„ ITER-buy-UlACCUS^^ some, horse I bought several horses. kn tSwtSumyst SI t sSnklcSasqaxa? 86a kn - ^ "up t s Snl&cSgsqaxa?. S 1INTR W ± n ' a n o r s e I won/beat out a horse (as. i n a horse race against another horse) b s P kn AMp SI t sSnklcSasqaxa? F i r s t , the object nominal i n question does not take, a case-marking p r e p o s i t i o n , hence i t does not bear an Oblique r e l a t i o n i n the f i n a l stratum. Second, no Passive clause and no Relative clause may be formed with, the object nominal i n question, so i t i s not a 2: 87a * Si sSnklcSasqaxa7 tSwtSumystntgm Si t SiMix™!]!. The horses were bought by the ch i e f . b * Si sSnklcSasqaxa? ^"xwupnt9ni Si t Silni£xwm. The horse was won/beat out by the chief. 88a * Si sq9l'tmlxw wik (• n - t ) - s u sSnklcSgsqaxa7 Si the man see-PFTV-t-S3mtJ.,T0. the horse COMP IKAJSIp kn tSwtSumyst. S 1INTR ITER-W-UNACCUS R E F L The man saw the horses that I bought. 9 9 b * T i sqol'tmlx" wiks T i sTnklcTosqaxa 7 T i kn ^c wup. The man saw the horse that I won/beat out. Third, the morphological -markings- provide evidence that this.- is- not a 2, The person and number markings i n 85 and 86 are. those, for subject of i n t r a n s i t i v e clauses and there is- no plural-marker for d i r e c t object i n a t r a n s i t i v e clause. (See charts- of verbal conjugations? with, t r a n s i t i v e person marking i n Chapter Two, pp. 21^24..) Fourth, the object nominal i n question accepts a q u a n t i f i e r , as i s permissible f o r a 3 , v a r i a b l y f or a 2-chomeur (see section 3 . 3 on Quant i f i e r Ban): 8 9 a kn tTwtTumyst yTayTg?t Tj sTnJ&cTasqaxa?. I bought a l l the horses, b kn &x wup yTayTg?t Tj sTnklcTasqaxa 7. I won/beat out a l l the horses (as i n a race against more than one horse with, the speaker beating them a l l ) . Fifth., l e x i c a l incorporation i s optional, as i t is: f o r the 3 nominal i n the Locative clauses: (see above and Chapter Four, section 3 . 3 ) : 9 0 a kn ttTwtTurnyst t s Tnl&cTa sqaxa?. I bought several horses:, b kn tTwtTw - sqaxa?. I bought several horses-. 2 1 a kn ^K wup t s TnlAcTasqaxa?. I won/beat out a horse, b kn ^txwap - sqaxa?. I won/beat out a horse. Thus, the. underlined nominals i n the a_ sentences above may bear a 3 r e l a t i o n i n the i n i t i a l stratum. 1 0 0 3.5 A Phantom to the. Rescue There Is a serious- problem -with, the Antipassiye analysis- f o r the Middle, voice clauses of Okanagan. Many Middle voice clauses do not have an i n i t i a l d i r e c t object: 9.2a kn cSscSgyp - m. S 1 I K T R scream-MIDDLE I soream. b kn k^ul" - m. S 1INTR TOrk-lyiir)DLE I work.. c kn xw^S - am. S 1INTR whittle-MIDDLE I w h i t t l e . d kn dc - am. S l T . T m T 3 count-MIDDLE IJMIK I count. According to P o s t a l ' s o r i g i n a l proposal Cl°_T7l for an Antipassiye, the. i n i t i a l 1 demotes to 2 i n order to place, the. i n i t i a l 2 en chomage, thus providing an explanation f o r the. f i n a l I n t r . a n s i t i v i t y of such, clauses. Consequently, i n the Okanagan clauses a—d above, the i n i t i a l 1 would demote f o r no good reason. One obvious s o l u t i o n i s simply to l i s t t h i s as an i r r e g u l a r fact of Middle voice clauses i n Okanagan. However, another possible, s o l u t i o n i s to pos i t a covert nominal, non-distinct from the subject i n the f i n a l stratum, to account f o r the Middle voice, clauses. A l l e n , Frantz and Gardiner (.19.81). propose such, a s o l u t i o n , p o s i t i n g a covert nominal, r e f e r r e d to as the 'phantom arc analysis-' to account f o r c e r t a i n 101 apparently i r r e g u l a r verbs- of Southern Tiwa. Their proposal i s supported with, evidence from advancements, pronominal agreement, posses-sor ascension and . impersonal passives. Evidence for a Phantom arc i s d i f f i c u l t to discover j however, three arguments-may be advanced i n support of a 'phantom arc s o l u t i o n ' f o r the Middle, voice: clauses- of Okanagan, one from the semantic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of these clauses-, the: other from advancement, and a t h i r d from Possessor Ascension. ( l ) In the Middle voice, i n Okanagan, the. subject is; i n t e r p r e t e d as acting upon i t s e l f , f o r i t s own b e n e f i t , or as having some p a r t i c u l a r s k i l l at the act. For example, i h a below, I have. the. p a r t i c u l a r s k i l l of w h i t t l i n g w e l l . In b below, I am able to count, i . e . , to calculate.. Ih c_, i t is-my job, to look, a f t e r the elders;. In d_, the boy enjoys; h i s work, and does i t w e l l . 23a Kn xw^am. I w h i t t l e , b kn dcam. I count, c kn txtarri t ?Scx&xap. I look, a f t e r elders, d T i ttwit k - txilx™ - sqaxa? - m na?ip. The boy horse-curries a l l the time. By comparison, the counterpart active voice clauses do not carry t h i s a d d i t i o n a l semantic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . (,2a). The semantics of the Middle voice clauses of Okanagan are s i m i l a r to the t r a d i t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the Middle, voice i n Homeric Greek: Homeric Greek: 9h 1067. The middle voice denotes the subject as acting reflexively 11 upon itself, 21 for itself, 3} upon something belonging to 102 •itself, or in which it has: a special interest. . 1068. It is often difficult to distinguish in translation between the active and the middle, but the action of the middle always has-some reference, either direct or indirect, to the subject, and the subject has an interest in, or is affected by the action. C P h a r r 1939:: 3 2 8 1 To po s i t a phantom nominal, i n i t i a l l y a non-nuclear term, advancing to 2 then to 1, with which i t i s no n - d i s t i n c t , would he to provide the semantics: of the Middle voice with a syntactic structure and motivation. ( 2 b ) This proposal of a Phantom arc i s also supported by a difference, i n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n between Middles and Actives i n a Benefactive construction. (se'e.ethe treatment of Benefactives i n t h i s work, under the. cover term Datives: i n Chapter Three section 1.) In a Benefactive construction with, a t h i r d person pronominal oblique, there are two possible readings f o r the reference of the pronominal. In a Middle voice construction, the reference of the pronominal i s r e s t r i c t e d to only one reading, i . e . , as having the same referent as the subject. The examples: below show that the d i s t i n c t i o n may not be accounted f o r by some condition r e q u i r i n g co-reference, stated on the i n i t i a l grammatical r e l a t i o n s . 95 Si xixwtnf ikiirf - x - t - s t q'SaxnUtiya? k"l cniic. the g i r l sew-BENE-t-S3 T R A J^g some mocassin for S3 i ) The g i r l . sew some mocassins f o r him/her . J k i i ) The g i r l , sew some mocassins for h e r s e l f . . 103 96.' S i xix wtnf ikinf - m t cfSoxnutiya? : k"l c r i i l c . the g i r l sew-MIDDLE some, mocassin f o r S3 i j * The g i r l , sew some-mocassins- f o r him/her . J K. i l l The g i r l , sew some -mocassins f o r h e r s e l f , . J J A statement i s necessary to account f o r the. r e s t r i c t e d reference i n 96, with, an anaphoric link, between the. f i n a l 1 and k*L c n l i c . Such., a link, can be guaranteed by an?.analysis- i n which, the Dative. Is: a copy of the. Phantom arc. The following r e l a t i o n a l network might be suggested f o r 9.6, with, an anaphoric link, between the 1 and the f i n a l DAT, where. Dative, could serve as~ a cover term f o r other oblique rel a t i o n s : i n c l u d i n g a 'phantom' nominal o f the Middle: 27 ._ However, there are four problems with, t h i s suggested network.: ( i ) It appears to be a v i o l a t i o n of the Oblique Law, not i n i t s i n t e n t , but i n i t s wording: 98 Oblique Law (Perlmutter and Postal 1978) A nominal that bears a term relation in a given clause may or may not bear that relation int'the i n i t i a l stratum in that clause. A nominal that bears an oblique relation in a clause, on the other hand, bears that relation in the i n i t i a l stratum. This: suggested network (.97 above) i s not introducing a new oblique but 10U. one. with, an anaphoric link, connecting i t with. the. i n i t i a l .oblique arc, ( i l l The semantics- of the Middle voice i n t e r p r e t a t i o n are. l e f t unaccounted f o r . There i s a difference i n -meaning between the r e s t r i c t e d readings- of 2 5 and 2 6 . The- Benefactiye. i n 2 5 lacks- t h e i i h t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Middle i n 9J$ where the g i r l i s : considered as: having some, s p e c i a l s k i l l i n sewing, ( i i i ) . In Middle voice, clauses: of Okanagan, no advancements: to 2, where; 2 i s d i s t i n c t from the 1, are permitted. T h i s i s quite, unlike, the counterpart t r a n s i t i v e constructions: i n theaactiye voice., which, permit several advancements-to 2: Dative (Beneifactiye/Indirective. 1 Advancement, Rel a t i o n a l Advancement, Locative Advancement, Instrumental Advancement and Limited Control Advancement (.'see Chapter Four f o r details).. ( i v l The. d i s t i n c t i o n between Dative and Middle clauses with, respect to Quantifier Ban (section 3.3). also argues, against the a p p l i c a -b i l i t y - of DAT as; a cover term. Thus, an a n a l y s i s with. Dative as, cover term f o r Phantom cannot be maintained f o r a l l cases, hence the cover term NN for Non-Nuclear is, used: 2.2a INITIALLY INTRANSITIVE b INITIALLY TRANSITIVE MIDDLE CLAUSES MIDDLE CLAUSES -(a)m -(a)m 105 C3). 'A t h i r d argument i s : a v a i l a b l e from Possessor Asoenslon. i n support of the Phantom arc sol u t i o n overtthe Antipassive. This follows-from the analysis: of Possessor Ascension i n Chapter Four. The t h i r d argument i s given i n section k..h of Chapter Four. The Phantom Arc sol u t i o n accounts- f o r a l l the known facts of the Middle -voice clauses- of Okanagan: i ; l i n i t i a l l y t r a n s i t i v e , as- exemplified i n 6la-c; i l l i n i t i a l l y - i n t r a n s i t i v e , as- exemplified i n 92a£d; i i l l no P a s s i v i z a t i o n , R e l a t i v i z a t i o n or Quantifier Float permitted from the i n i t i a l 2, which, is- therefore, not a f i n a l 2\ i v ) o b l i g a t o r y l e x i c a l incorporation of the i n i t i a l 2 nominal, i f there exists- a l e x i c a l s u f f i x a l form, showing that the i n i t i a l 2 i s not a . f i n a l 3; v) . Quantifier banned from the. i n i t i a l 2 nominal which, i s therefore neither a f i n a l 2 nor a f i n a l 3, but a chomeur; v i ) a d d i t i o n a l semantic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of subject as affe c t e d by the act ion. 3.6 Consequences for the -m Morphology The -m occurs on two types.- of clauses: discussed i n this- work.: 1)_ The -(a)m of the Middle voice marks: a f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e clause.. 2)1 A d d i t i o n a l l y , the verbal morphology of the Passive construction ends i n the same consonant: -torn/-tim, but not i n the same stressed vowel. The -m consonant may now be i s o l a t e d as a marker of i n t r a n s i t i v l t y i n 11 the f i n a l stratum. io6 FOOTNOTES - CHAPTER THREE 1 The issue of how the passive i s r e l a t e d to the active has heen widely discussed i n l i n g u i s t i c t h e o r i e s (see f o r example, Chomsky 1957} Bresnan 1978, F r e i d i n 1275). In R e l a t i o n a l Grammar, t h i s Issue i s cast as a discussion of a monostratal vs a h i s t r a t a l analysis f o r the Passive. 2 See Footnote 3, Chapter Two, page 54. 3 See section 2.6, Chapter U, on swit with, animate and Inanimate instrumentals. h I f one assumes that there, i s a constant r e l a t i o n s h i p between thematic and grammatical r e l a t i o n s and that thematic r e l a t i o n s are determined with, the i n i t i a l assignment of grammatical r e l a t i o n s , then the Unaccusative Hypothesis r a i s e s an i n t e r e s t i n g issue.: whether a p a r t i c u l a r verb or c l a s s of verbs, could receive more than one. assignment of grammatical and thematic r e l a t i o n s . In Canadian-French., a number of i n t r a n s i t i v e , verbs may take, e i t h e r avoir or etre as. a u x i l i a r y verb (.Canale, Mougeon, Belanger 1978).: a. Je suis tombe. I f e l l a c c i d e n t a l l y . b. J'ai tombe. I f e l l on purpose. This, verb tomber i s a candidate f o r r e c e i v i n g two assignments of thematic/ grammatical r e l a t i o n s , one as determining Unaccusative stratum, as i n a_ above, and the other as determining Unergatlve stratum, as In b above. The d i f f e r e n t assignments correlate with., the semantic differences, i n purposiveness., agency or co n t r o l or whatever else, t h i s should be termed. The. advantage, of t h i s assignment l i e s , i n the s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of r u l e statement for the presence of etre: i n a b i s t r a t a l Passive, construction and i n Unaccusative construction, both, of which, are characterized by an i n i t i a l 2-nominal advancing to 1. In Okanagan, i t appears that a verb may determine both. Unaccusative. stratum and an active t r a n s i t i v e . 1 0 7 stratum. See examples of this, i n section 3 . 2 , Chapter Four, and i n section 2 . 3 , Chapter Five. 5 It should he noted that the -myst c l a s s of r e f l e x i v e verbs appears to have only one thematic r e l a t i o n , that of patient or theme, unlike the agentive r e f l e x i v e s with, -cut which, c l e a r l y have two: agent and patient or theme. Compare 'I slap myself' (an agentive r e f l e x i v e In Okanagan) with 'I hide m y s e l f (an Unaccusative r e f l e x i v e In Okanagan).. In the. former, the. s e l f which, has undergone the a c t i o n i s separable, from the s e l f which, has. performed the action. In the l a t t e r , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to separate these out. If:the r u l e of Moving G l o t t a l i z a t i o n proves with, further fieldwork. to r e f e r to advancee. 2 s as- well as i n i t i a l 2s~, example. 5 7 b would no longer s u f f i c e to establish. I n i t i a l 2-hood of the Unaccusatives In question.. The s t r a t a l diagram for 57b i s S I 6. The morpheme /-myst/ [-mist] may appear s i m i l a r to the. -ml of the R e l a t i o n a l construction (.cf. section 2 , Chapter Three), however i t i s Moving G l o t t a l i z a t i o n that provides the. evidence that these, are. dissimilar.. The. voc a l i z e d y i n /-myst/ [-mist] undergoes; g l o t t a l i z a t i o n like, a resonant, so I t ' s a consonant not a vowel. Moreover, t h i s morpheme/patterns d i f f e r e n t l y s y n t a c t i c a l l y than does the. R e l a t i o n a l morpheme. 108 7 The reflexive, morphemes: - c u t and -myst may not he taken as-a l t e r n a t i v e forms. Because - c u t and -n/-S PerfeetIve/Imperfective marking whereas -myst does not. 8 Note that t h i s argument, appealing to constant thematicorelationships, i s not inconsistent with/the Unaccusative analysis (.cf. footnote k above), where differences In c o n t r o l and agency are. Involved. 9 The ungrammaticality of 65 follows from Quantifier Ban, independently from Q u a n t i f i e r F l o a t . 10 An a d d i t i o n a l argument, that the nominal i n question i s not a f i n a l 2, may als'Of.be..based on l e x i c a l incorporation since l e x i c a l Incorporation i s not permissible on a f i n a l 2. See. Chapter Three, section 4.3, for the r u l e statement of L e x i c a l Incorporation. 11 The k s - and s o c - p r e f i x e s , f o r 'Unrealized a c t i o n ' and 'Past Perfect' r e s p e c t i v e l y , also take the -m morphology, as I l l u s t r a t e d In the verbal paradigms i n Chapter Two, section 1.3. I f one considers- and argues f o r these two prefixes: as. upper predicates, then.the genera l i z a t i o n that -m marks i n t r a n s i t l v i t y i s retained. 109 CHAPTER FOUR TRANSITIVE CLAUSES IN OKANAGAN 0 Introduction This chapter discusses "basic clauses which, are f i n a l l y t r a n s i t i v e i n Okanagan., As i n Chapter Three, three questions are addressed with respect to possible re-evaluations of grammatical r e l a t i o n s of nominals: 1) what advancements, i f any, are possible i n Okanagan?. 2) what demotions, i f any, are possible i n Okanagan? 3) . what ascensions, i f any, are possible i n Okanagan? It i s proposed that Okanagan permits the. following advancements and ascensions: i ) DATIVE 3 -> 2 Advancement, where the - X and -4 morphemes, r e g i s t e r the presence of an i n i t i a l Dative object, with. Benefactive or I n d i r e c t i v e meaning r e s p e c t i v e l y : i i ) LOCATIVE 3 -> 2 Advancement, where. -(l}na? marks: an advancement from an i n i t i a l Locative object: i i d i i i ) RELATIONAL -> 22 Advancement, where -m(i). marks an advancement of a non-nuclear object CNN), i . e . , 3s or c e r t a i n obliques, excluding Datives and Locatives, d i r e c t l y to 2, with, three classes, of verbs determining c l a u s a l type A, B, or C: A I l l i v ) POSSESSOR ASCENSION, where N i s a r e l a t i o n borne by a nominal: The evidence f o r these proposed advancements and ascensions, comes from Morphological Markings, Question Formation, Quantifier F l o a t , Relative Clause Formation, P a s s i v i z a t i o n , R e l a t i v i z a t i o n , and L e x i c a l Incorporation. This; chapter i s organized as follows. Section 1 deals with. Dative clauses, arguing that the Benefactive and I n d i r e c t i v e constructions are s y n t a c t i c a l l y the same with, respect to grammatical r e l a t i o n s and possible re-evaluations, but d i f f e r e n t morphologically and semantically. Section 2 deals with three classes of R e l a t i o n a l clauses. For the t h i r d c l a s s , C, three analyses are proposed: two i n v o l v i n g b i s t r a t a l causative constructions and one i n v o l v i n g Instrumental Advancement. Arguments are advanced i n support of the l a t t e r : Instrumental Advancement. Section 3 examines Locative clauses, arguing f o r advancement. The consequences of these analyses of R e l a t i o n a l and Locative clauses with, respect to Limited Control are examined. I t i s argued that Limited Control clauses involve obligatory re-evaluation from a non-nuclear term to d i r e c t object. Section h examines Possessor Ascension, arguing that a Possessor may ascend to bear the grammatical r e l a t i o n of i t s nominal, from a 2 only i f the Poss may advance to a 1 and from <^ non-nuclear terms. 112 only i f the Possessor advances to 2. 1 Dative Advancement: Benefactive and I n d i r e c t i v e Constructions Two constructions o f Okanagan are discussed i n t h i s section. These are known as the 'Benefactive' and the ' I n d i r e c t i v e ' . In the Benefactive construction, the verbal root of the predicate i s marked with -x(l) whereas i n the I n d i r e c t i v e construction, the verhal root i s marked by -4 . They occur with obligatory T o p i c a l i z a t i o n regardless of whether or not Advancement takes place.^" These constructions are exemplified below: l a Ti fc%*xap x wlc - x - t - s t sx wiccx kl pptv^na?xw. the elder give-BENE-t-S3,j,R some present to old.woman The o l d man give a present f o r / t o the o l d lady, bv; Ti ?&a&ap x wicxc t swic'cx Ti pptwina^x". The o l d man give a present (to) the o l d lady, c Ti *x?&ap x wlcxc Ti pptwina?xw t sx wiccs (t ks-r;-c: r. .k'Tum - s ). COMP UlIR-PF-store-SS-r^^ The o l d man give the o l d lady a present (to put away). 2a Ti $&*xap x w i c - 4 - t - s Ti skl&v! kl ppt^ina?xw. the elder give-INDIR-t-S3 m r,,„„ the money to old.woman The o l d man give the money to the o l d lady, b. Ti *x*xap x wic4c Ti skW Ti p ptwina?x w (ks - txt,:-~n'- t - is ). UNR-look. after-PFTV-t-S3 T R The o l d man give the money (to) the o l d lady (to look a f t e r ) , c Ti *x?&a.p x wic4c Ti pptwina?xw Ti sklaw\ The. o l d man give the o l d lady the. money. 113 The d i f f e r e n c e between these two constructions; is; two-fold; morphological with, the -x(l) f o r the 'Benefactive' and the -4 for the 'In d i r e c t i v e ' , and semantic as the. parenthetical purposive clauses demonstrate. The -x(i) constructions generally mean that the action i s performed 'for the Benefit of someone' and the -4 ' constructions, generally mean that the action i s performed 'to/on someone'. The former i s l a b e l l e d the benefactive case and the l a t t e r the unmarked case, i n c l u d i n g malefactive, r e c i p i e n t , etc. S y n t a c t i c a l l y , they manifest s i m i l a r structure and they w i l l be considered together here. Similar phenomena i n other s non-Salishan languages are commonly known as Dative constructions. Dative i s used here as a cover term f o r both, the Bene fac t ive and I n d i r e c t i v e constructions. Two proposals: are being made with, respect to these two constructions, i n Okanagan. l ] It is. proposed that -x(i) and' - 4 " r e g i s t e r the presence of the relevant oblique object i n the i n i t i a l s t r a t a . 2\ It Is. proposed that these two constructions have the following s t r u c t u r e , with, possible, advancements to 3 and to 2; 3 c.... .C 1.11. -xCi) or -4 More s p e c i f i c a l l y , i t i s proposed that the a_ sentences of examples 1 and 2 have the. structure represented by the c. stratum., the.' b sentences- the structure of c plus c..., and the c_ sentences the structure of c.., c...., 1. IX X. x_x. and c..... stratum. l l h Evidence to support t h i s analysis comes from Case-Marking, Quantifier F l o a t , Relative Clause Formation, Passive Formation, and Question Formation. Evidence to support the i n i t i a l stratum i s given f i r s t ; next, evidence to support advancement to 2, and then evidence to support advancement to 3. 1.1 Case-Marking The evidence that these two constructions have an i n i t i a l stratum with, an oblique object comes from the presence of a case-marking preposition: kl 'to, goal, r e c i p i e n t ' . These are exemplified below: ha Si Si( n) - sk^ uy* k wu ikinf - x - t - s t cfSaxriutiya? kl Sinca?. 0 kl swit. the my-male's.mom me sew-BENE-t-SS^j^^g. some mocassins to me to somebody My mother sew some mocassins f o r me/for somebody, b S n -cix - x - t - n yS3ySg?t Si S3?SUsa? kl sc'cmala?. C o n t - f r y - B M E - t - S l T R A M S a l l the egg to ch i l d r e n I f r y a l l the eggs f or the ch i l d r e n , c t i - m - x - t - in t pitk 1^ kl ttw'it. straight - R E L 7 2-BEWE-t-Sl T R some, n a i l to boy I straightened several n a i l s f o r the. boy. d Si tklmilx w ks - k"wul' - x - t - s t yamxwa? Sj kl xixwtnf. the woman UNR^work-BENE-t-SSm^.^p, some basket the to g i r l The woman i s going to make, a basket f o r the g i r l . e Si sqai'tmix" x w i c - x - t - s t scwSln Sj kl kikHfa? - s. the man give-BENE-t-S3 m r ) some, salmon the to grandfather-his: T n The. man give some salmon to his: grandfather. 115. 5 a Si xixwtm* tfak™ - 4 - t - is Si q'Saxn'utiya? - s kl 4qaqca? - s. the g i r l patch-INDIR-t-S3 m l-, A„ a the mocassin-his- to older .hrother-her The g i r l patched up h i s mocassins f o r her older brother, b Si ttwit - 4 - t - is Si cicfwsxn kl sqal'tmix". the boy put.out-INDIR-t-S3 T R the l i g h t to man The boy put out the l i g h t on the man. c t4 - m - 4 - t - in Si p l t k 1 ^ kl ttwit. straight-REL / 2-INDIR-t-Sl T R the n a i l to boy I straighten the n a i l f o r the boy. The presence of a ease-marking preposition is. taken as. evidence 2 of an i n i t i a l oblique object. Given the. close paraphrase r e l a t i o n between sentences: with, and without a v i s i b l e case-marking p r e p o s i t i o n , such, as l a , 2 a and l b ^ c , 2 b , c r e s p e c t i v e l y , i t is: assumed that the b,c__ sentences also have the same i n i t i a l stratum. This assumption also s i m p l i f i e s the statement for the d i s t r i b u t i o n of -x(i) and -;4 which, may be taken as obligatory r e g i s t e r s of t h i s i n i t i a l oblique object since one or the 3 other, and never both., appear with, t h i s i n i t i a l Dative object. The I n d i r e c t i v e i s also used with/the Locative, case-marking preposition: 1: 6 a Si sk^q^imalt t - kip - 4 - t - s Si pSus (Sj) 1 siwps. the baby Dist-pinchr-INDIR-t-S3 T R the cat the LOC t a i l The c h i l d pinched the cat on the t a i l , b Si ttwit tr*q - 4 - t - is Si xixwtnf Si l sq^Sgxt. the. boy kick.-INDIR-t-S3 T R M S the g i r l the LOC leg'; The boy kicked the g i r l on the l e g . This use of the I n d i r e c t i v e i n possessor ascension constructions and i n 116 l o c a t i v e body part constructions i s discussed i n sections 3.3 'Locative Advancement -with Body Parts'; k.k 'A Statement of L e x i c a l Incorporation'; and k.6 'A Statement o f Possessor Ascension.' 1.2 Question Formation In question formation with. S W l t 'who', the i n t e r r o g a t i v e takes the case-marking of the grammatical r e l a t i o n being questioned, as i l l u s t r a t e d below with, the Sourcevc case-marking p r e p o s i t i o n : Ta T i t t w i t q i c a l x C?i) t l * sqal'tmix". the boy run the nfr.oma man The boy ran from the man. b t l * swit T i t t w i t k T i q i c a l x . from who the boy COMP run From whom did the boy run? It should be noted that i n question formation with, i n t e r r o g a t i v e s , i f the subject i s not questioned, the subject nominal i s r a i s e d to the upper clause and may be t o p i c a l i z e d as exemplified i n Tb above. As. shown previously i n Chapter Two, section 2.1.2, and exemplifed below, the presence of a case-marking prep o s i t i o n i n a svswit construction marks: the f i n a l grammatical r e l a t i o n borne by the nominal i n question. The Passive below shows that alputative Dative nominal, advanced to subject, does: not receive the case-marking p r e p o s i t i o n of the i n i t i a l oblique r e l a t i o n borne: 8 * k*L swit k T i x w i c - x - t - am t scwTin T i t sqal'tmlx w. to who COMP give-BENE-t-PASS some salmon INSTR man To whom was given some salmon by the man? This example shows that i n t e r r o g a t i v e s w i t l u S W l t are not s e n s i t i v e to the HY non-final grammatical r e l a t i o n s . With, the Indirective/Benefactive constructions, the. case-, marking of. the nominal heing questioned shows- up on the i n t e r r o g a t i v e : 9 a k*L swit Si ttw'it - 4 - t - is Si clq^sxn - salx ? * -0 the hoy put.out-INDIR-t-S3 T R the l i g h t - t h e i r To who did the. hoy put out t h e i r light?. 1 5 kl swit Si Si( n) - sk^ uy" 4k*5jrf - x - t - s t cfSaxnutiya? ? * 0 the my-male's.mom sew-BENE-t-S3mT5 some mocassin i n For whom did my mother sew some mocassins? c kl swit Si sqal'tmlxw kSi x w i c - x - t - s t scwSin. ? * 0 the man COMP give-BENE-t-S3 T R A N g some, salmon To whom did the man give some, salmon? d kl swit Si tklrailx w ks - k"wul" - x - t - s t yanixwa'? ? *, 0 the woman UWR-work.-BENE-t-S3TRANS a basket Fbfowhom i s the woman going to make a basket? Moreover, as shown above, the case-marking prep o s i t i o n must be present. Under the proposed a n a l y s i s , t h i s can be dealt with, by a r e s t r i c t i o n b a r r i n g Dative Advancement of in t e r r o g a t i v e swit.*1 I f the i n i t i a l stratum of the construction exemplified i n lh,c 2b,c did not involve, an i n i t i a l obli'que, then a more complex r u l e would he needed to block the ungrammatical sentences. I f t h i s were assumed, swit should be able to occur i n the d i r e c t object p o s i t i o n i n constructions p a r a l l e l to l c , 2c and some s p e c i a l r u l e would then be required.to block, question formation with, swit, when swit is, r e g i s t e r e d on the verb with, e i t h e r -x(i) or -4. 1 1 8 1 . 3 Quantifier Float In these two constructions:, the case-marking p r e p o s i t i o n preceding the nominal hearing the oblique r e l a t i o n i n the i n i t i a l stratum may be deleted, i n which, case the nominal may be positioned a f t e r the di r e c t object ( . 2 ) , as i n a below or immediately a f t e r the predicate, as i n b below: 1 0 a T n - dix - x - t - n y T 9 y T a ? t T i T 9?Tusa ? Tj sdMla?. Cont-fry-BENE-t-Sl™™ a l l the egg the chil d r e n i r l A ! \ l b I f r y a l l the eggs: (for) the child r e n , b Tncixxtn Tj sccmala? yToyTg?t T i Ta^usa?. I f r y the ch i l d r e n a l l the. eggs. 1 1 a x w i c - 4 - t - S y T a y T 5 ? t T i skW Tj t l & i i i l x " . give-INDIR-t -S3 T R a l l the: money the. woman He gives; a l l the money (to) the woman, b x w l c 4 c Tj tk4milx w yTayTa?t T i sklaw\ He gives: the woman a l l the money. It i s proposed here that i n the b sentences, the nominal i n question bears the d i r e c t object r e l a t i o n and that i n the a_ sentences the nominal i n question bears the i n d i r e c t object r e l a t i o n . Quantifier F l o a t , Passive Formation, Relative Clause Formation and : • Question Formation provide evidence to support t h i s a n a l y s i s . These are discussed i n sections: 1 . 3 and 1 . 6 r e s p e c t i v e l y . A q u a n t i f i e r yTayTg?t ' a l l ' may f l o a t to pre-predicate p o s i t i o n from a f i n a l 1 or 2 , i . e . , from a f i n a l subject or a f i n a l d i r e c t object, and may not f l o a t from an oblique object.^ With, the Benefactive/Indirective constructions;, the q u a n t i f i e r yTayTa?t ' a l l ' 119 may- f l o a t from tne. nominal immediately following the predicate, i . e . , from the i n i t i a l d i r e c t object: 12a Sn - c i x - x - t - n ySaySg?t S i ? a ? S u s a ? S i sc'cmala?. Cont-fry-BENE-t-Sl m_ a l l the egg the ch i l d r e n in I f r y a l l the eggs (.for} the ch i l d r e n . y S o y S g ? t S n c f i x x t n S j ? o ? S u s a ? S i sc&mala?. I f r y a l l the eggs f or the child r e n . ( A l l I f r y theoeggs. .-. ). 13a x w i c - i - t - s ySay?a?t S j sklaw* S i t k l m i l x w . giye-IlTDIR-t-S3rn-DAT\Ta a 1 1 the money the woman He give a l l the money ( t o l the woman, h y S a y S a ? t x w l c i c S j sklaw* S i t k " i m i l x w . He give, a l l the money to the woman .(.All he give the money.. . ) It may be concluded that the. underlined nominal above., i n immediate post-predicate p o s i t i o n , i . e . , the i n i t i a l d i r e c t object, i s s t i l l the d i r e c t object and that the i n i t i a l oblique object no longer bears the. oblique r e l a t i o n since i t i s l a c k i n g the necessary case-marking pr e p o s i t i o n . It i s assumed at t h i s point that t h i s second object nominal is: a 3 since i t is- neither a 2 nor an oblique. A q u a n t i f i e r may not f l o a t from t h i s putative. 3 nominal; Ika k' wul" - x - t - n S i s t x i t q w y S a y S g ? t S j s d c m a l a ? . work-BENE-t-Sl T R A N S. the broth. a l l the chil d r e n I f i x the. broth, ( f o r i a l l the child r e n , b * y S a y S a ? t kHilxtn S i s t x i t q w S j scfdnala?. 15a S i s q a l ' t m i x " x w i c - i - t - s t s c w S i n y S a y S g ? t S j p t p t w " i n a ? x w . the man give-INDIR-t-S3 m T 3.„„ some salmon a l l the PL-old.woman The man give some salmon (to)", a l l the o l d ladies:. 1 2 0 b *1 Ti sqsl'tmlx" yTayTa?t x wic4c t sew?in Tj ptptwina?xw. I f the i n i t i a l oblique nominal, advanced to a 3 , is- permuted to the immediate post-predicate p o s i t i o n , i t functions l i k e a 2 with, respect to q u a n t i f i e r f l o a t : l 6 a kMl.'- x - t - n yTayTg?t Ti scfcfnala? Ti stxitq". work-BENE-t-Sl^ a l l the. ch i l d r e n the broth. I f i x e d a l l the chil d r e n the. broth., b yTay?g?t kMiixtn Ti sdcinala? Ti stxitq w. I f i x e d a l l the chil d r e n the: broth.. ( A l l I f i x e d the chi l d r e n -;•:;.-> \ 1 7 a x wic-- 4 - t - s yTayTg?t Tj ptptwina?xw t scwT£n. g i v e - T N D I R - t - S 3 M „ a l l the PL-old.woman some salmon He gives a l l the o l d l a d i e s some: salmon, b yTayTg?t x wic4c Tj ptptwina?xw t scwTin. He gives a l l the o l d l a d i e s some salmon. ( A l l he gives the o l d ladies...).. It may be concluded that the advancee 3 has advanced to bear the 2 r e l a t i o n . The former 2 no longer functions l i k e a 2 with respect to Quantifier Float and i s , according to the Chomeur Condition (see Chapter Three, section l.h f o r a statement of t h i s c o n d i t i o n ) , a 2-chomeur: 1 8 a Tnclx - x - t - n Ti sc'cmala? yTayT9?t Tj T9?Tusa'?. f r y - B E N E - t - S l T R M g the ch i l d r e n a l l . the egg I f r y the ch i l d r e n a l l the eggs, b yTay?a"?t Tncfixxtn Ti sddn&la* Ti Ta??Hsa?. * I f r y the c h i l d r e n a l l the eggs:, ok. 1 f r y a l l the children the eggs. 1 2 a x w l c - 4 - t - s Ti tklmilx w yTayTg?t Tj skW. give-IWDIR-t-S'3urpjyjjg the woman a l l the money He gave, the woman a l l the money. 121 b * y? ay?9?t x wic4c ?i tklml:lxw ?i sklaw". He gave the woman a l l the money. (.All he gave the woman the money. I In conclusion, i t has been seen 1) that there i s an i n i t i a l oblique object, termed Dative, case-marked with a prepo s i t i o n and r e g i s t e r e d on the verb with. - x ( l ) or -4 for ^ Benefactive' or - I n d i r e c t i v e ' respectively;'' 2) that t h i s i n i t i a l Dative object may advance to 3, l o s i n g i t s : case-marking p r e p o s i t i o n ; and 3) that t h i s advancee 3 may advance to 2, pl a c i n g the. ini t i a l L ' 2 en chomage, as was shown by Quantifier F l o a t . This i s represented i n the r e l a t i o n a l network, below; 20a DATIVE ADVANCEMENT: h The o l d man give a l l the o l d ladies, the money. 122 1.h Relative Clause Formation A d d i t i o n a l evidence that a Dative object, in.va Benefactive/ I n d i r e c t i v e construction, may advance to 3 and to 2 i s provided by R e l a t i v i z a t i o n . In Okanagan, a r e l a t i v e clause or a c l e f t construction may be formed only on a downstairs 1 or 2 and not on a downstairs oblique object, as was shown i n Chapter Two*,. - section 2.1.3. When sentences containing r e l a t i v e clauses formed on a downstairs oblique are presented to speakers, patterns of grammaticality differcdepending on the surrounding context. The a n a l y s i s presented here allows us to explain these d i f f e r e n t patterns. When sentences with. Benefactive and In d i r e c t i v e constructions- are presented f i r s t to speakers, only the 1 and the 2 may be r e l a t i v i z e d , as expected: 21a Sixi? t ttw'it Si x w i c - x - t - s t s k W Si sl'axt - s. that a boy COMP give-BENE-t-S3.jp some, money the. brother-his That's the hoy who gives some money (to), h i s brother. b Sixi? t sklaw" Si Si ttwit x wicxc Si sl'axc. That's the money that the boy gives i t o ) . h i s brother. c * Sixi? t slaxt C-s) Si Si ttw'it x wicxc Si skla.w\ * That's the/his brother that the boy gives h i s money (.to). 22a ?SUc v. c - mSy - s - t - i x w Sj ttw'it Si - i '- t - is. QU , PF-know-IMPF-t-S2mTD.^TC, the boy COMP put.out-INDIR-t-S3 m yes/no TRANS T. Si ciq^sxn' k"l sqal'tmix". the l i g h t to man Do you know the boy who put out the l i g h t on the man?, b ?SUc cwikstx" Sj cic^sxn Si Si ttw'it *'Swltis k*L sqal'tmixw? Did you see the l i g h t that the. boy put out on the man? 123 c, * ?<mc mTystix" Tj ;sqsl'l3iiixw Ti ?i ttwit ^.Wltis Ti ciq^sxn' (Kl) ? * Do you know the man that the hoy put out the l i g h t on?. . This provides: evidence that the i n i t i a l Dative nominal, without i t s case-marking p r e p o s i t i o n , i s not a 2 and i s thus an advancee 3 , I f the two object nominals- are. permuted and presented to speakers- p r i o r to sentences of the. form of 2 1 c and 2 2 c , the. i n i t i a l Dative and advancee 3 i s ava i l a b l e f o r r e l a t i v i z a t i o n , as. i n ' 2 3 b and 2 4 b , and thus bears the 2 r e l a t i o n , with, the i^itial221plac^dnenV :chomage,:;and unavailable f o r r e l a t i v i z a t i o n , asr i n 2 3 c and 2 4 c . 2 3 a Ti stamtima? qt ' - xi - t - s Tj xixwtnf t ya~ixwa?. the grandmother weave-BENE-t-S3,pR the g i r l a basket The grandmother weaves: the g i r l a basket. b Tixi? t xixwtnf Ti Ti stomtima? q'cxic t yatnx^a?. That's the g i r l that the. grandmother weaves: a basket ( f o r i , c... * Tixi? t yamxwa? Ti <Ti stomtima? q'cxic Ti xlxwtm\ * That's the basket that the grandmother weaves the g i r l . 2 4 a Ti ttwit * V - i - t - is Tj sqol'tmixw Ti cXq^sxn'. the boy put.out-INDIR-t -S3 T R the man the l i g h t Thetboy put out (on) the. man the l i g h t , b ?Tuc cTystix w Tj sqal'tmix^ Ti Ti ttwit *Tw4tis Ti clq^sxn'? Do you know- the man that the boy put out the. l i g h t (on).?, c * ?TUc cwlkstx" Ti cicfexn Ti Ti ttwit *Twltis Ti sqol'tmixw? * Did you see the. l i g h t that the boy put out (on) the man? It I s concluded that, i n a Benefactive/Indirective construction, the advancee 3 , an i n i t i a l Dative, may advance to 2 at which, point i t is: available for R e l a t i v i z a t i o n . 1 2 V 1 . 5 P a s s i v i z a t l o n In section 1 , Chapter Three, i t was: argued and supported that the Passive construction advances- a 2 i n the-' S. stratum to a 1 i n the l S. , . stratum. This- i n t e r a c t s with, the Bene.factive/Tndirective construction 1+1 to provide evidence f o r advancement to 2 . The i n i t i a l Dative nominal may he pa s s i v i z e d from an immediate, post-predicate p o s i t i o n . I t i s possible to establish, t h i s from patterns: of judgments of grammatieality. When sentences containing passives of the. form 2 5 b - 2 9 h . are presented to speakers:, patterns: of grammatieality d i f f e r depending on the surrounding context. I f these, b passives- follow the a sentences: with. the. i n i t i a l Dative nominal an advancee to 2 i n immediate post-predicate p o s i t i o n , then the b. sentences: are judged grammatical. I f the b passives f o l l o w sentences i n which, the Dative nominal has not advanced to 2 , then the b passives are. judged as ungrammatical. 2-5a Si ttw'it x wicxc Si sl'axc t sklaw\ The boy give his brother some money. 1 3 Sj sl'axt - s x w i c - x - t - am t sklaw" Si t ttw'it. the brother-his give-BENE-t-PASS some money INSTR boy His brother was given some money by the boy. 2 6 a Si stamtima'? qtxic Sj xixwtnf t yamxwa'?. The grandmother weaves the g i r l a basket. b Sj xixwtnf qfc' - xi - t - am t yamxwa/? Si t stamtima? - s. the g i r l weave-BENE-t-PASS a basket INSTR grandmother-her The g i r l was woven a basket by her grandmother. 2 7 a Si sqal'tmixw kwSnunxc Sj pptvfina^x" t scwSln. The man caught the o l d lady some salmon. 1 2 5 b Ti pptwina?xw kwTnun - x - to- am t scwTln Ti t sqal'tmix". the old.woman catch-BENE-t-PASS some salmon INSTR man The o l d lady was caught a salmon by the man. 2 8 a Ti xix"tni **n&tls Tj ttw*it Ti Aq^sxris. The g i r l put out the boy's l i g h t / t h e Iboyi. h i s l i g h t . b Tj ttwit ^T^ - 1 - t - am Ti ciq^sxris Ti t xixwtnf. The hoy was put out h i s l i g h t by the. g i r l . 2 9 a Ti ttwit la?itis Tj sl'axc Ti lkTapu?s. The boy wears h i s brother's coat/his brother his. coat. b Tj sl'axt - s la? - i - t - im Ti lkTapu? - s Ti t ttwit. the brother.-his. wear-INDIR-t-PASS the coat-his. INSTR boy. J i J i His. brother, was worn h i s . coat by the boy... i J J i These examples provide evidence that the underlined nominal, i n i t i a l l y a Dative bearing an Oblique r e l a t i o n , has advancedtto 2 i n the. a sentences where i t i s accessible to p a s s i v i z a t i o n as i n the b sentences-. The structure of the b sentences i s represented i n l . the r e l a t i o n a l network, below: 30 126 An argument showing that the i n i t i a l 2 is- not a f i n a l 2 may he based on Quanti f i e r F l o a t . A q u a n t i f i e r may f l o a t from a 1 or a 2 , as shown i n section 1 .3 . However, i n a pas s i v i z e d Dative construction, whereothe i n i t i a l oblique nominal has- advanced to 1, a q u a n t i f i e r may not f l o a t from the i n i t i a l 2: 31 * Si xixwtnf ySaySg?t q'cf - xl - t - am ?i ym - yamx"a? the g i r l a l l we ave-BENE-t-PASS the PL-basket Si t stamtlma? - s. INSTR grandmother-her *.ie The g i r l was woven a l l the. baskets by her grandmother. This shows that the i n i t i a l oblique nominal had advanced to 2 , p l a c i n g the i n i t i a l 2 en chomage. Given the a n a l y s i s proposed, the fact that the i n i t i a l 2 of a Benefactive/Indirective construction i s accessible to p a s s i v l z a t i o n i f the i n i t i a l oblique nominal nas not advanced to bear the 2 - r e l a t i o n does not detract from t h i s argument: 32 Sj scwSjn kwSnunxtam Si pptWina?xw Si t sqal'tmlx™. the salmon catch^-BENE-PASS the old.woman INSTR man The salmon was caught f o r the o l d lady by the man. 33 Sj s&acinm tSap - xi - t - am Si tklmllx w Si t sqal,tmixw. the deer shoot-BENE-t-PASS the. woman INSTR man The deer was shot f o r the. woman by the man. The structure o f sentences_"32 and 33 above i s represented i n the r e l a t i o n a l network, below: 127 Thus, P a s s i v i z a t l o n has provided evidence that an i n i t i a l l y oblique nominal i n a Benefactive/Indirective construction of Okanagan may advance to bear the 2 - r e l a t i o n , at -which, point i t is: accessible f o r promotion to 1 by means of • P a s s i v i z a t l o n . It may be concluded l ) that the Benefactive/Indirective construction has a nominal bearing an oblique r e l a t i o n i n the i n i t i a l stratum; 2] that t h i s fact i s r e g i s t e r e d by one. of the. morphemes, -x(i) or - 4 r e s p e c t i v e l y , on the verbal root o'f the predicate; 3} that t h i s nominal may advance to hear the 3-relation,.?.r.and again to bear the 2- r e l a t i o n . Evidence from Cas:e-Marking and Question Formation was brought to bear to support the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the i n i t i a l oblique, evidence from Quantifier F l o a t , R e l a t i v i z a t i o n and P a s s i v i z a t i o n was used f o r support of t h i s nominal as. an advancee 3 and f i n a l 2. 1 2 8 2 R e l a t i o n a l Clauses Certain clauses i n Okanagan occur with a -m(l) morpheme following the verhal root of the predicate. These are morphologically t r a n s i t i v e . I t i s proposed: 1 ) . •' that these clauses: involve, an obligatory advancement of a non-nuclear (WN) object, I.e., 3 s and obliques, to 2 , without Intervening status; as a 3 In the. case: of the. obliques; and 2) that the -m(i) morpheme. Is a marker of t h i s advancement.. The abbreviation OT Is used as a cover term f o r non-nuclear terms, I.e., 3s. and obliques., where obliques may be. Goal, Source, Instrumental, Ben e fact i v e , et c. 2 . 1 Three Classes: Three, classes of verbs: can. be. i d e n t i f i e d as occurring i n a Rel a t i o n a l type, clause.. Verbs; In two classes;, A and B, may not occur In regular t r a n s i t i v e , constructions or In Middle voice clauses, CLASS A: Verbs whose initial stratum £s- intransitive, consisting., of an agentive 1 .and no 2. 35 'Class A R e l a t i o n a l Clause: This: c l a s s sub-divides into three groups: 129 Class Al: Verbs that are members of this sub-class have independent word status, for instance: 36a knSiya? l i s t e n (.to)_ b naqv s t e a l (of) c qays dream (.of) a nlxal' hear (of) e. nSunxwina? believe (in 1 f Sayncut laugh. g qicalx run (to). h. cfiwlx climb, (.on). 1 papasilx ponder/think, (on). j susuwilx whisper Pairs of sentences- below exemplify these, as unergative and as R e l a t i o n a l clauses i h b 3Ta kn kn^iya?. si I l i s t e n . "INTR k wu 38a kn SI l i s t e n c - kn^iya - m - s; - t - s. me PF-listen-REL./2-IMPF-t-S3 T R M S nag*" t naqs t sSnklcSasqafxa'?. a horse He. i s l i s t e n i n g to me. s t e a l a one INTR I s t e a l one horse. nacfw - m ( - n - t ) - n ?i sSri&cSasqaxa?, s t e a l - R E L / 2 - P F T V - t - S l T R M S the horse I s t o l e the horse, 130 39a kn gays t skmxist ckklaw\ S l ^ ^ R dream a blackbear last'..night' I dreamed ab.out a blackbear l a s t night, b c-ays - m- n - t - s - n Tanwi"7. dre.am-REL/2-PFTV-t-you-Sl _ you. TR I dreamed about you. hOa, kn nixal' . S 1INTR ftear I hear. b. nixal' - mi ( - n - t) - n swit To c - susuwllx kl naqs- l"ix w, h e a r - R E L 7 2 - P F T V - t - S l T R M S . someone COMP PL-whisper to one-house 1 hear somebody whispering i n the next house. I l a Ti Ti(n) - stamtima? nTunxwina? Ti ks - xast - wilx - rrfp. the my-grandmother beli e v e COMP UlIR-good-Developmental^P2_13T, i n n My grandmother be l i e v e s that you-guys are. get t i n g b e t t e r , b nTunxwina? - m- n - t - s — n. believe - R E L y 2-PFTV-t-you-Sl T R A Ng,. I believe, i n you. 4 2a Ti sc'dnala? na ?lp Tay - Tayncut. the c h i l d r e n always ITER-laugh. The ch i l d r e n always; laugh... b Ti sccfnala? k. - Tayncut - m (> n - t 1 - s lx Ti ttwit. the c h i l d r e n Di.st-laugh-REL/2-PFTy-t-P3 m D ) , 1 , T O - the boy The chi l d r e n laugh, at the boy, 43a kn qicalx yTayTa?t kl sdcmala7. S l T l v r n T _ , run a l l to chil d r e n INTR rv^. I run to a l l the c h i l d r e n . 131 M'b t - q i c a l x - m ( - n - t ) - n ySaySa?t S i sdckala?. D i s t - r u n - R E L / 2 - P F T V - t - S l T R M S. a l l the c h i l d r e n I run to a l l the ch i l d r e n . hha S i sklaw' t - cfiwlx 1 Sac - r S i p . the heaver Dist-climb LOD PF-upright The heaver climbs on the tree . ".. b S i sk^q^imalt t - cfiwlx • ra ( - n - t ) - s "fW. the baby Dist-climb-REL/2-PFTV-t-S3 T R M g. Smile (Joe Pate I The baby climbed up on Joe Pete. 45a Si *&?&ap c - papasilx na?ip. the elder PF-ponder/think. always The o l d man i s thinking/pondering a l l the. time., b Sasi? c - k - papasilx - m - s - t - s Sa Saq^aSlqwlSitn. uncle PF-Dist-ponder-REL/2 - IMPF-t-S3 T R A N S. the language Uncle, i s thinking/pondering about the language. 46a S i pptWina?xw susuwilx na ?ip. the old.woman whisper always The. o l d l a d y i s whispering a l l the time., b S i pptwina?xw c - k - susuwilx - m - s - t - s Si ^fxap. the old.woman PF-Dist-whisper - R E L 7 2-IMPF-t-S3 T R M S the elder The o l d l a d y i s whispering about the o l d man. The case marking prepositions on the i n i t i a l oblique nominal i n sentences 43a and 44a provide evidence to support the i n i t i a l stratum of the A verb c l a s s . 132 Class A2: Verbs that are members: of this- sub-class- do not have independent word status. They obligatorily occur in a Relational construction with the Relational morpheme. Members-, of this- .class include: • 6 4 7 a dxw- s p i l l ( s c m e l of/from/out of b Tayp- scold c kwTa?- get used to d TniTukM^- think, of The sentences- 4 8 - 51 i l l u s t r a t e these, members;: 4 8 dxr - mi C. - n - t ) - n Ti sq'Tuct Ti i latap. s p i l l - R E L / 2 - P F T V - t - S l T R A B f S the grease/fat the LOC table l s p i l l e d the grease on the ta b l e . 4 9 a Ti tk%mllxw Tayp - mi ( - n - t ) - s Ti sdcmala7 tTl tM:'-; .woman.'--•' •• \"fcold-REL/2-PFTV-t-S3 f m,. 1 V T Cj the chil d r e n reason mTa? ( - n - t ) - s lx Ti sTnkiijTutn. break-PFTV-t-P3 T R A N g the. chair The woman scolded the chil d r e n f o r breaking the chair, b Ti tklmilx w na^ip sac - Tayp - mi - n - m. the. woman always PPF-scold-REL/2-PFTV-IETR- .' The woman always scolds. 5 0 - kwTa? - m i - n - t - s - n . get.used.to-REL/2-PFTV-t-you-Sl T R A N S I'm getting used to you. 51 TniTuk^k^ - mi - n - t - s - n. t h i n k - R E L / 2 - P F T V - t - y o u - S l T R M S I think about you. 133 Class A3: Verbs that are members of this class also do not have independent word-status. However, they differ from members of the A2 sub-class, in that they may also occur with a - t or -p suffix as Unaccusatives, i.e., in an initially intransitive stratum with a 2 and no 1, having stative T meaning. Members of t h i s sub-class, having agentive meaning i n a Re l a t i o n a l construction, include: 52a sal'-, l o s t b t i i - straig ght ( l i n e a r ) c t a i - strain ?ht, true, t r u s t a b l e d y?ax w- drop e k w?an- p i t y These are exemplified below: 53a kn sal' - t Sala?. S 1INTR l 0 s t t - h e r e [ i n v i s i b l e , proximateD I'was l o s t around here. k n s l i - p k l w i s t . S 1 I N T R l o s t - p to high. I was l o s t up i n the mountains, k n sjfr - p ? i 1 ?i(.n) - s q a y s . S l T w n T 5 l o s t - p the LOC my-dream I was l o s t i n my dreams. - mi C - n - t ) - n S i p * a i k w l a ? . l o s t - R E L / 2 - P F T V - t - S l T R A N S the b a l l I l o s t the b a l l . 13h o e Si scfcfmala? saj - mi ( - n - t ) - s lx Si kkwVap. the c h i l d r e n lost-REL/2-PFTV-t-P3 r T O A W C the dog The c h i l d r e n l o s t the dog. f S n - sal* - p - n - cut - m - n - t - x w . Cont-lost-p-PFTV- REFL -REL/2-PFTV-t-S2 m T 3 English.: You l o s t something and can't rememher where you put i t . i . e . , You l o s t y o u r s e l f of something. French: Tu t'es perdu de quoi. 5^a tai - t - x t sqal'tmixw. straight-t-IMP a man qp INTR Be a straight and true man! h t i - tai - t - x t sqal'tmixw. ITER-straight-t-IMP a man qp INTR Be a very st r a i g h t and true, man.' c kn k{i) - s - t i - tai - t i Si(n) - ks - qws - plx - m. S l T 1 V T r r r o own-NOM-ITER-straight-t COND S1 T T 5 -UNR-go - hunt - INTR I N i n I n n I got r i g h t s to go hunting, d Si sqal'tmixw t i - tai - t. ; the man ITER-straight-t The man i s s t r a i g h t , true, t r u s t a h l e . e xast ?ac - n - t - 0 ; t i - m - s - t - Sum - n .' good watch^PFTV-t-IMP straight-REL/2-IMPF-t-you-Sl^^g. S 2TRANS Better watch out; I ' l l straighten you out! 135 55a Si pitkwmn tTi t i i / t i - t i i . the n a i l EMPH s t r a i g h t / PL-straight The n a i l i s straight.// The n a i l s are s t r a i g h t , b t i - m - 4 - t - in T i pitk^ 'mn T i ttwit. straight-REL/2-IIiroiR-t-Sl the n a i l the hoy I straighten the n a i l f o r the hoy. c t i - m - x - t - i n t pitkwmn Ti ttWrt. straight-RELy2-BENE-t-Sl T R some n a i l the hoy I straighten several n a i l s f or the hoy. 56a kn yTaxw - t t*L Tin - kwTap. S l j N T R f a l l - t from my-saddle.horse I f a l l o f f from my horse, h kn Tn - yTaxw - t S 1INTR C o n t - f a l l - t I f a l l i n . c Ti tklmllx" y_Txw - mi C - n - t ). - s Ta Tlput Ti l sxlilp. the. woman fall-REL/2-PFTV-t-S3 m r > A 1, T C,. the. cup the. LOC f l o o r The woman dropped, the cup on the. f l o o r , d Teresa yTx w- m - n - cut k*L sTnkimTutn. T fall-REL/2-PFTV-REFL to chair Teresa got h e r s e l f up o f f of the chair, e Ti skVq^imalt t - yTx w - m - n - cut kl sk^u/ - s. the oahy Dist-fall-REL/2-PFTV-REFL to male's.mom-his The baby got himself up o f f of h i s mother. 1 3 6 57a ?i Afe&ap kw?ifo w?anat. the elder p i t i f u l The o l d man i s p i t i f u l , h ?n - kw?n - m i - n - t - s - n . Cont-pity-REL/2 TPFTV-t-you-Sl T R A W S I p i t y you. CLASS B: Verbs whose i n i t i a l stratum is intransitive, consisting of a 2 and no 1. It i s proposed that verbs of t h i s class have the following g structure i n a Relat i o n a l construction: 58 Verbs of t h i s class have independent word status and are members of the -t class of Unaccusatives, i . e . , i n t r a n s i t i v e with, a 2 and no 1, having s t a t i v e meaning. They r e t a i n the -t i n a R e l a t i o n a l clause, providing evidence f or the i n i t i a l stratum proposed above. Members of t h i s c l a s s include: 59a xast good, l i k e b yalt run away from c mil't v i s i t d i i p t forget e klk w <i >isst jealous f 'i'aymt mad g q wa^lq wi!ilt t a l k a t i v e h. l^imt glad 137 Like Class A, members of Class B do not occur i n the Middle voice clauses or i n regular t r a n s i t i v e clauses. Members of Class B l i s t e d above are exemplified below, showing the roots i n Unaccusative constructions and i n R e l a t i o n a l constructions: 6 0 a xast Ti ttwit. good the boy The boy i s good, b xast - mi - n - t - x w Ta Ts(n) - c - ? i i n like-REL/2-PFTV-t-S2 m o n i v T C, the your-PF-eat You l i k e your food, c xast - mi - n - t - s - n. l i k e - R E L / 2 - P F T V - t - y o u - S l T R M S I sorta l i k e you./ I'm beginning to l i k e you. 6 i a ?Tuc k wu ks - y l - ylt - mix - a?x ? QU , Pl-r^rm UNR-PL-run. away-PROG—INCEP yes/no INTR Sh a l l we fun away?, b Ti ttwit yalt t l &^*&ap. the boy run. away from elder The boy runs away from the o l d man. c Ti ttwit y l t - mi ( - n - t ) - s Ti $x$&ap. the. boy run.away-REL/2-PFTV-t-S3rnl, the elder I K The. boy ran away from the o l d man. 6 2 a Ti Ti(n) - stamtima? milt, the my-grandmother v i s i t My grandmother v i s i t s . 1 3 8 b xast - Ti ?i( n) - sp"us t?l k - milt - m- n - t - s - n . good the my-heart reason D i s t - v i s i t - R E L / 2 - P F I V - t - y o u - S l T R ^ s My heart i s glad to v i s i t you. 6 3 a kn lTjmt. S 1 I N T R glad I'm glad. b lTim - l?mt , k w Tifn) - sl'axt »• 9 ITER-glad, S 2IOTR my-friend Greetings, my f r i e n d .' i . e . , Greetings (to) you (who) are my f r i e n d ! c lTjmt - m - n - t - s - n . g l a d - R E L/ 2 - P F T V - t - y o u - S l T R M S I f e e l happy for you. d tait kTi lTjmt - m - n - t - s - n . very COMP gla d - R E L/ 2 - P F T V - t - y o u - S l T R M S I'm very proud of you. e lTjmt - m - n - t - x w Ta ? a n - xax?itt. g l a d - R E L/ 2 - P F T V - t - S 2 T R M S the your-ancestors You're proud of your ancestors. 64a kn Tn - i i p t . S 1IWTR C o n t - f o r g e t I forget. b kn ip - ipt - ui. S 1 I N T R ITER-forget-? I'm f o r g e t f u l , c Tn - i i p t - m ( - n - t ) -n. C o n t - f o r g e t - R E L/ 2 - P F T V - t - S l T R M S I forgot i t . 139' 65a V i sqal 'tmix w l £ k w V i s s t . the man jealous The man i s jealous, h V i sqal 'tmix w l & k w V i s s t - m ( - n - t ) - s V i sl 'axt - s . the man jealous - REL/2-PFTV-t-S3 T R A N S the brother-his The man i s jealous- over h i s brother. 66a kn Vaymt. S 1 I N T R mad I'm mad. b Susap Vaymt - m - n - c u t . Joseph. mad-REL/2-PFTV-REFL Joseph, i s mad at himself, c V i twtWit Vaymt - m ( - n - t) - s V i x x i x w x w t m \ the PL-boy mad-REL/2-PFTV-t-S3 T R M S the P L - g i r l The. boys are mad at the girls:. 67a V i t t w i t q w a V l q w i V l t myai . the boy t a l k a t i v e much. the hoy t a l k s too much., b V i s k ? w q v i m a l t q w a V l q w a V l a t . 1 Q the. baby begin, to.be. t a l k a t i v e The baby i s beginning to talk.. c q w a V l q w J V l t - x t Vn - s i l x - - c n . talkative-IMP a Cont-nation-mouth. qp IRTR Speak. Okanagan! /. Speak, of the language of the nation! d n i x a l ' - m ( - n - t ) - n V i sqal'tmix w c - q w a V l q w i V . l t . hear-REL72-PFTV-t-Sl T R the man PF-talkative I hear the man talk.. 140 e q wa?lq wi?l - s - t - m - n . speak/talk - I M P F - t - y o u - S l T R M S I'm t a l k i n g to you. f t - q wa?lq wiglt - m - n - t - s - n . D i s t - t a l k a t i ve-REL/2-PFTV-t-you-Sl m r,. w_ I talk e d about you. g T i Tiimix"]!! t - q waTlqwj?lt - m ( - n - t ) - s Ti scTnqTay'st - s the c h i e f Dist-talkative-REL/2-PFTV-t-S3 m o A 1, T O the husiness-his na ?ip. always The c h i e f t a l k e d about h i s business a l l the time, h swit T i T i i m i x w Ti t - qyaTlq wjTlt- j i ( - n - t ) - s ?. who the c h i e f COMP D i s t - t a l k a t i v e - R E L / 2 - P F T V - t - S 3 T R M S Who did the c h i e f t a l k about? CLASS C: Verbs- which occur in regular transitive constructions, but which may receive a weak causative interpretation in a Relational construction. Constructions with this class are restricted to Imperfective aspect. Members of t h i s class include: 68a ?ax w- sweep b 'Tiin- eat c k^ul- work, f i x These verbs -may occur i n a Middle voice construction or not: 6g kn k M t f - m T 9 i a ? t x"Tlt / xwTa? - spln'tk. . S l T 1 V T m T , work-MIDDLE here a l o t / many - year I work here a l o t . / many years:. i h i TO kn ?Vito. S 1IWTR S a t I eat. What i s s i g n i f i c a n t is: that these verbs occur i n both, a regular t r a n s i t i v e construction and a R e l a t i o n a l construction: 7 1 a Vi sqsl'tmix™ kSil' ( - n - t ) - s Vi tmxwula?xw. the man wor k - P F T V - t - S 3 T R M S the land The man worked the land, b Vi sq9l'tmixw k^ul' - m- s - t - s Vi twtwit. the man work-REL/2-IMPF-t-S3 T R the PL-boy (Vi) 1 . trnx^ula?^-'- . Ir sklr/Su^n.: -the LOC land LOC Monday The man had the h i r e d hands working on the land on Monday. 7 2 a Vi xixwtm ?Vii(n) ( - n - t ) - s Vi patak ?V ui scwVin. the g i r l eat- PFTV-t-S3 lj R^jyg the potato and salmon The g i r l ate the potatoes and salmon, b Vi xlxwtnf ?Viin - m - s - t - s Vi pptWina?xw Vi patak ?Vui scw?in. the g i r l eat J 3 E L / 2 - I M P F - t - S 3 T R ^ N g the old.woman the potato and salmon The g i r l i s feeding the o l d lady the potatoes and salmon. i . e . , the g i r l had the o l d lady eat... (.context: the o l d woman i s cripped and the g i r l fed her)_ 7 3 a kn ki - ?ax w - lp - m. SI J J J T J I ^ at op - s we ep- s l a t s-MIDDLE I'm sweeping the f l o o r , b kl - ?axw ( - n - t ) - n Vi ?i( n) - sVncjutn. under-sweep-PFTV-t-Sl I N T R the. my-bed I swept under my bed. l42 c Ti Ti(n) - stsmtima? k wu k i - ? a x w - l p - m i - s - t - s the my-grandmother me atop-sweep-slat-REL/2-IMPF-t-S3 T R A N S (Ti sxlilp.) the f l o o r My grandmother had me sweeping -(thef floor')) The discussion of the c l a u s a l structure of verbs- of Class C is. delayed u n t i l a f t e r the discussion of Classes A and B, i . e . , to section 2 . 6 . 2.2 Evidence for I n i t i a l I n t r a n s i t i v i t y Evidence f o r the i n i t i a l stratum of Class: A l and A 3 , and Class B verbs as i n t r a n s i t i v e comes: from a) the case-marking prepositions; markihgfinttialnoblique objects, as exemplified i n sentences such as 4 3 a , 4 4 a , 5 3 b , 5 3 c , 5 6 a , 5 6 d and 6 l b ; b) the absence of object i n 3 7 a , 40a, 4 l a , 42a, 4 5 a , 4 6 a , and 5 3 a ; and c) the. non-specific a r t i c l e , o b l i g a t o r y on non-case-marked objects i n examples: suchaas 3 7 a , 3 9 a and 5 4 a , b . These objects may be i n i t i a l 3 s since, they do not appear to be e i t h e r 2s or.obliques. d) Moreover, f or Class B verbs, a d d i t i o n a l evidence comes; from the retention of the Unaccusative - t / -p morphemes, marking a 2 i n the. S^ . stratum occurring as a nuclear term i n the. ^ or f i n a l stratum (see section 2, Chapter Three). These morphemes are exemplified i n 6 0 b,c, 6 l c , 62b,c, 6 3 c-e, 6 4 c - d , 6 5 a , 6 6 b-c, and 67£-h.. Syntactic evidence f o r i n t r a n s i t i v i t y is available, from t e s t s with. Pass!vization, Quantifier F l o a t , and R e l a t i v i z a t i o n . A l l of these are possible from 2s. However, when verbs: of R e l a t i o n a l Class A and B occur without -m(i) i n paraphrase constructions:, as i n the a_ sentence.s helow, these, t e s t s r e s u l t i n ungrammaticality, as shown i n the b sentences: ih3 PASSIVIZATION Class A 71+a Vi *%?&ap naq*" t sVnl&cVasqaxa?. the elder s t e a l a horse The elder s t o l e a horse h * Vi / t sVnklcV§sqaxa ? naq^ - n - t - am u t $&&xap. the/ t a . : horse steal-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR elder 75a Vi ttw'it qa/s t sknkist. the. hoy dream a hlackhear The hoy dreamed about a blackbear. b * Vi / t skmxist qays - n - t - am Vi t ttw'it. the/ a blackbear dream-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR boy C l a s s B 76a Vi x i x w t m y a l t t l ' p p t w i n a?x w. the g i r l run.away from old.woman The g i r l ran away from the o l d lady, b * Vi pptWi .na ?x w y a l t - n - t - am u t xix w t m \ the old.woman run.away-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR g i r l QUANTIFIER FLOAT 1 1 77a Vi &%2&ap naq^ yVayVa ?t Vi sViil&cVosqaxa?. the elder s t e a l a l l the horse The o l d man s t o l e a l l the hors-es. b * Vi M c a p yVayVa?t naq'w Vj ft sVnl&c casqaxa?. the elder a l l s t e a l the/a horse 78a Vi xix wtnf q i c a l x yVayVa?t lc*I sc 'dna la? . the g i r l run a l l to c h i l d r e n The g i r l ran to a l l the chi l d r e n . Ihh b * Vi xixwtnf yVayVa?t qicalx k*L sc'cmala?. the g i r l a l l run to chil d r e n 7 9 a Vi pptWana?xw nixal' yVayVa^t Vi sccmala?. the old.woman hear a l l the chil d r e n The o l d lady hear a l l the ch i l d r e n , h * Vi pptWina?xw yVayVa?t nixal' Vi scfcmala?. the old.woman a l l hear the chil d r e n RELATIVIZATIQN 8.0a kn naq^ t sVnklcVasqaxa?. S l ^ ^ ^ c l ' . s t g a l a horse I s t o l e a horse. h * Vi V i M i x ^ wik C - n - t ) - s Vi sVrik-icVasqaxa?. Vi kn nacf". the c h i e f s e e - P F T V - t - S 3 T R M S the horse . COMP S 1 I N T R s t e a l 8 l a kn qays t skntxist. ^INTR d r e a m a "blackhear I dream about a blackbear. b * wik ( -' n - t ) - n Vi sknkist Vi kn qays. see - P F T V - t - S l T R M S the blackbear COMP S l ^ 8 2 a Vi xixwtnf yalt t l ' pptwina?xw. the . g i r l run.away from old.woman The g i r l ran away from the o l d lady, b * wik ( - n - t ) - n Vi pptwina?xw Vi Vi xixwtm' yalt. s e e - P F T V - t - S l T R A W g . the old.woman COMP the g i r l run.away 8 3 a Vi xixwtnf "qicalx kl •ttw'it-. the g i r l : - .run to boy The g i r l run to the boy. Ih5 b * wlk ( - n - t ) - n ?i /.ttwit Ti ?i xixwtm qicalx. s e e - P F T V - t - S l T R A N S the boy COMP the g i r l run Evidence from these t e s t s shows: that the nominals i n question are not i n i t i a l 2s, and hence bear a non-nuclear r e l a t i o n . 2.3 Evidence f o r F i n a l T r a n s i t i v i t y Morphological evidence that R e l a t i o n a l clauses are f i n a l l y t r a n s i t i v e comes from a) the -t t r a n s i t i v e marker, of an i n i t i a l or advancee 2 occurring as a nuclear term i n the f i n a l stratum; b) the choice of the t r a n s i t i v e set of r e a l i s subject markers, i n d i c a t i n g surface t r a n s i t i v i t y , i . e . , a 1 and a 2 i n the f i n a l stratum; c). the obligatory aspect marking, Imperfective or P e r f e c t i v e , required i f there i s an i n i t i a l or advancee 2-arc which i s a nuclear term arc i n the f i n a l stratum, (see section 1.7, Chapter Two f o r the relevant rules 12 statement and diagrams.) Syntactic evidence i s a v a i l a b l e from P a s s i v i z a t i o n , R e l a t i v i z a t i o n , ?, .".and Quantifier Float to show that these R e l a t i o n a l clauses are t r a n s i t i v e . As discussed e a r l i e r , a l l the phenomena a f f e c t 2s. P a s s i v i z a t i o n promotes a 2 to a 1; R e l a t i v i z a t i o n on a downstairs clause and Quantifier Float are both l i m i t e d to Is and 2s. Should the post-predicate nominal i n a Re l a t i o n a l construction function as a 2 with respect to these phenomena, t h i s w i l l e s t a b l i s h the 2-hood of the nominal i n question. 2.3.1 • P a s s i v i z a t i o n The sentences below, formed with, verbs of class: A and B, show-that a R e l a t i o n a l clause may p a s s i v i z e : CLASS A: 8 4 a Ti sqal'tmix" t - qicalx - m - n - t - am Ti t ttwit. the man Dist-run-REL/2-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR hoy The man "was, run to hy the boy. b Tj sqal'tmix" khTiya - m - n - t - am T i t ttwit. the man llsten-REL/2-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR boy The man i s l i s t e n e d to by the boy. CLASS B: 8 5 a Tj xxixwxwtnf Taymt - m - n - t - am lx Ti t twtwit. the P L - g i r l mad'.at-REL/2-PFTV-t-PASS P 3 ™ m l 3 INSTR PL-boy IN IK The g i r l s are mad at by the boys, b Tj 3&j&ap ylt - mi - n - t - am T i t ttwxt. the elder run.away-REL/2-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR boy The elder i s run away from by the boy. From these examples, i t may be. concluded that the.mominal serving as f i n a l subject bears the 2- r e l a t i o n i n the. previous stratum. 2.3.2 Quantifier Float The data a v a i l a b l e for Class- A and B verbs with, respect to Quantifier Float also provides, support f or the 2-hood of the post-predicate, nominal: CLASS A: 8 6 yT 9yTg?t t - qicalx - m ( - n - t ) - n Tj sccfrtala?. a l l D i s t - r u n - R E L / 2 - P F T V - t - S l T R M S the c h i l d r e n I run to a l l the c h i l d r e n . /(..All I run to the ch i l d r e n . ) 8 7 yTayTg?t k - susuwilx - m - s - t - x w Tj aSo&xap. a l l Dist-whisper-RELy2-IMPF-t-S2 ] I I R M S the PL-elder You whisper about a l l the o l d men, / .(All you whisper about the old'man. I. IkJ 88 V y?ay?a?t cxw - mi ( - n - t ) - n ?i lk?api 1 sxlilp. a l l s p i l l - R E L y 2 - P F T V - t - S l T R M S the coffee LOC f l o o r I s p i l l e d a l l the coffee on the f l o o r . / ( A l l I s p i l l e d the coffee on . . . ). CLASS B: 89 y ^ a y ^ t y l t - mi ( - n - t ) - n ^ i sc&nala?. a l l run.away-REL/2-PFTV-t-Sl T R A W S the chil d r e n I run away from a l l the c h i l d r e n . / (.All I run away from the children.). 90 y T a y ^ t k - mift - m - n - t - x w ^ i ptptwina?xw. a l l D I s t - v i s i t - R E L / 2 - P F T y - t - S 2 T R A N S the PL-old.woman You v i s i t a l l the o l d l a d i e s . / ( A l l you v i s i t the o l d ladies.1 2 . 3 . 3 R e l a t i v i z a t i o n S i m i l a r l y , evidence i s a v a i l a b l e from R e l a t i v i z a t i o n which demonstrates that the nominal r e l a t i v i z e d upon i s e i t h e r a 1 or a 2 downstairs. Since the downstairs clauses exemplified below have a nominal bearing the 1 - r e l a t i o n i n the f i n a l stratum, i t may be concluded that the nominal r e l a t i v i z e d upon i s a downstairs 2. CLASS A: 91 ^ixi? ?inca?kn ^ i ?i ttw'it kwu c - kV^iya - m - s - t - s . that me COMP the boy me PF-listen-REL/2-JJff'F-t-S3 T R A N S That's me that the boy i s l i s t e n i n g t o . 92 kwu cu(t) - 4 - t - 0 ^ i s?rikic^qaxa? ^ i nacf" - m ( - n - t ) me tell-INDIRrt-IMP the horse COMP steal-REL/ 2-PFTV-t-Sl ao TRANS Show me. the horse that I s t o l e . 93 c - nf5y - s - t - in ?ixi ? t 3m*?infra/ ?a c - nixal' - m - s - t - n. PF-remember-IMPF-t-Sl m D that a story COMP PF-hear-REL/2-IMPF-t-Sl m_ IK IK I remember the s t o r y that I heard. 1 4 8 CLASS B: 9 4 Tj flfo&gp To c - ylt - mi - s - t - sm Ti t ttwit. the elder COMP PF-run.away-REL/2-IMPF-t-PASS INSTR hoy It ' s the o l d man who has: been run away from by the boy. 9 5 c - mTy - s - t - in Ti sqsl'tmixw Ti Ti xxixwxwtnf PF-know-IMPF-t-Sl T R M S the man COMP the P L - g i r l t - q wsTlqwi?lt - m - s - t - s lx. D i s t - t a l k a t i v e - R E L / 2 - I M P F - t - P 3 T R A N S I know the man that the g i r l s are t a l k i n g about. It may be. concluded that the post-predicate nominal i n a Re l a t i o n a l clause bears: the 2 - r e l a t i o n i n the. second stratum, i . e . , the i n i t i a l p lus one stratum, based on evidence from P a s s i v i z a t i o n , Quantifier F l o a t , and R e l a t i v i z a t i o n . 2 . 4 Evidence, f o r Obligatory Advancement Syntactic evidence, is: a v a i l a b l e from Question Formation to show that, i n a -m(l) construction, the advancement o f the i n i t i a l l y oblique object is: obligatory. As shown i n section 1.2, Chapter Three and section 1.8, Chapter Two, the. i n t e r r o g a t i v e swit 'who' takes: case-marking when questioning a nominal which, bears ar.final oblique r e l a t i o n i n the downstairs clause. With, a R e l a t i o n a l clause with. the. R e l a t i o n a l morpheme on the verb, no case-marking appears: 96a swit Ti T i M i x ^ Ti t - qwsTlq«lTlt - m ( - n - t ) - s Z who the c h i e f COMP Di s t - t a l k a t i v e - R E L / 2 - P F T V - t - S 3 T R M S . Who did the. c h i e f talk, about? b swit Ti ttwat Ti t - qicslx - m (. - n - t ) - s ?. who the boy COMP Dist-run-REL/2-PFTV-t-S3 T R M S Who did the boy run to? 11*9' c kl:., swit ttwit Ti qicalx ?: to who the hoy COMP run To who d i d the hoy run? d * kl swit Ti ttw'it Ti t - qicalx - m ( - n - t ) - s ? This fact that the oblique nominal may not be questioned as- an oblique nominal as i n a_, h, and d_. above, leads one to conclude that the R e l a t i o n a l advancement i s obligatory. That i s , -m(l) occurs only when the i n i t i a l l y oblique object has advanced to 2. This: contrasts: with, the occurrence, of - X and -4 which, r e g i s t e r the presence of the relevant oblique. 2.5 The Class C Verbs The structure of the Class: C R e l a t i o n a l verbs i s s t i l l at issxie.. SucK'.constructions may receive a weak, causative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , as i l l u s t r a t e d i n sentences 71-73. This: section w i l l examine three proposals for the structure, of these, clauses and choose between them. 2.5.1 Three Proposals Three proposals-may be. made for the structure of these clauses: ( l l a True Causative proposal, claiming that these are true causative constructions with, a b i c l a u s a l source, subject to obligatory Clause. Union (Aissen and Perlmutter 1976). Under Clause Union, i n v o l v i n g a downstairs t r a n s i t i v e clause., the downstairs 2 -> u p s t a i r s 2 and the downstairs 1 upstairs: 3, as diagrammed.'! below: 97; xlxwtirf ^Tlin - m- s - t - s Ti pptWina?xw. the g i r l eat-REL/2-IMPF-t-S3 m x D the o l d . woman Ti patak ?Tu4 scwTin. the potato and salmon The g i r l had the o l d lady eat the potatoes and salmon. / The g i r l feed the o l d lady the potatoes and salmon. 1 5 0 Since the unmarked surface word order of Okanagan i s P 1 2 3 OBL, i t would appear that i n 9 7 the putative union 3 has: advanced to 2 i n the next stratum, demoting the putative union 2 to 2 . (.2) an Inheritance Causative proposal, claiming that these R e l a t i o n a l clauses:, Class C, are b l c l a u s a l causative constructions, suhjecttto a d i f f e r e n t type of Clause Union, as proposed by Gibson ( .1980) for Chamorro, whereby the downstairs 1 the upstairs 2 , the downstairs: 2 the u p s t a i r s 2 , and the downstairs 3 -> the u p s t a i r s 3 : 151 or (3) an Advancement proposal, claiming that these clauses are l i k e the other two classes of R e l a t i o n a l constructions, i n v o l v i n g an obligatory advancement of an i n i t i a l oblique object to d i r e c t object i n the next stratum: 100 A l l of these proposals are compatible with, the fact s with, respect to P a s s i v i z a t i o n : 101a Si pptwina ?x w ? S i i n - m - n - t - a m t patak ?Su4 scwSin the old.woman eat-REL/2-PFTV-t-PASS some potato and salmon Si t xixwtm\ INSTR g i r l The o l d lady was had to eat some potatoes and salmon by the g i r l . b Si twtwit - s k^ul' - m - n. - t - am 1 tmxwula'?xw the PL-boy-his work-REL/2-PFTV-t-PASS LOC land Si t Sin - kikH-a?. INSTR my-grandfather His h i r e d hands were had to work on the. land by my grandfather. 1 5 2 2 . 5 . 2 • Choosing Between These. Proposals: These are two major differences- between the two Causative proposals: and the Advancement proposal. The former claim that these constructions- are b i c l a u s a l i n structure. The l a t t e r claims that these constructions are monoclausal and non-causative, i . e . , neither b i c l a u s a l nor causative. According to Shibatani ( . 1 9 7 6 ) , two conditions: characterize a causative s i t u a t i o n . Their statement is; reduced to the e s s e n t i a l s below: 1 0 2 Condition 1: the speaker believes that the occurrence of the caused event has been realized at t^ , which is after t^3 the time of the causing event. Condition 2: the speaker believes that the occurrence of the caused event is wholly dependent in the occurrence of the causing event, provided that all else remained constant. A causative s i t u a t i o n may be r e a l i z e d e i t h e r as a two-event or a one-event causative. F i r s t , i t i s argued that these constructions are nottwo-event causatives, based on evidence from temporal adverbials, and are not b i c l a u s a l , based on lack, of evidence for 3-hood for a downstairs 1 . -Secondly, four arguments: are presented showing that these constructions are not one-event causatives e i t h e r . Whether or not these Class: C Relationals involve two events can be. tested with the presence of temporal adverbials. I f a construction 1: consists of two events, i t is;;possible to q u a l i f y the time of each, event with, an adverbial, as argued i n Fodor ( .1970) and Shibatani ( . 1 9 7 6 ) , and as i l l u s t r a t e d below: 1 0 3 a pisciit cu(.t) - n (. - t ) - n Vincent ks - k^ayilsxn - a?x fapna?. yesterday t e l l - P F T V - t - S l T R A N S V UNR-haircut-IWCEP today Yesterday I t o l d Vincent to cut h i s h a i r today. 1 5 3 b cninwys S i Sin - kik^wa? k^amist t sqsl'tmix", a . l i t t l e . w h i l e . a g o the my-grandfather .hire a man ks - k^ul' - i ( - t ) - s S i tmx wula?x w xlap. UNR-work-PFTV-t-S3 I R R t h g l a n d tomorrow A l i t t l e while ago my grandfather h i r e d a man to work, the land tomorrow. Both, of the verbs i n the lower clauses i n the two examples above are members of the Class: C R e l a t i o n a l verbs: I04a k'Sayilsxn - m - s - t - n\ haircut-REL/2-IMPF-t-S1 TRANS, movable I had him cut h i s h a i r , b S i Sin - k i k H r a ? k^ul' - m - s - t - s Si sqal'tmix" 1 trnx wula?x w. the my-grandfather work-REL/2-IMPF-t-S3 T R the man LOC land My grandfather had the man work, on the land. I f these Class C Relationals involve two events, i t should be possible to q u a l i f y each event with a temporal adverbial. However t h i s i s not possible and the r e s u l t i s ungrammatlcal: 1 0 5 a * p l s c r l t k'Sayilsxn - m- s - t - n Sapna7. yesterday haircut-REL/2-IMPF-t-Sl m n ^ today TR, movable b * cninwys S i Sin - k i k H r a ? k^uT - m - s - t - s a . l i t t l e . w h i l e . a g o the my-grandpa" work-REL'/2iIMPF-t-S3 mT3.„„ TRANS Si- sqol'tmix w 1 tmx wula'?x w xlap. the man LOC land tomorrow This: provides evidence that these constructions are not two^event constructions and do not s a t i s f y Shibatani's c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of causative s i t u a t i o n s . A further argument, s p e c i f i c a l l y r u l i n g out the. True Causative proposal^, with. 3-to-2 Advancement i s the lack, of evidence from l i n e a r p o s i t i o n 1 5 U to support 3-hood, for the downstairs: 1 , as: there was i n the case of the Dative (Indirective/Benefactive ). construction, which permitted Advancement to 3: 1 0 6 * Ti xixwtnf ? T i m . - m - s - t - s Ti patak ?TU4 scVTin the g i r l eat-REL/2-lWF-t-S3 r r r o., T O the potato and salmon Tj pptwana?xw. the old.woman * The. g i r l had eat the potatoes, and salmon (.to) the o l d lady. Thus, the True:.. Causative proposal,*'would require making 3-to-2 Advancement obligatory, thus causing complications. There remains the weak causative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of these constructions to be accounted f o r and with, i t , the p o s s i b i l i t y that these may he one-event causatives. nevertheless. Three arguments are presented below to argue against the putative c a u s a t i v i t y of these Class C R e l a t i o n a l constructions. i ) • F i r s t of a l l , these sentences do not always receive a (''causative' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : 1 0 7 a Tlqmtinak ^Tacf" - s - m - s - t - s Ti sxalwi 7 Ti sTupcin - s. T. scrape-face-REL/2-IMPF-t-S3 T R the husband the mustache-his Tiqm asked her husband to shave o f f his- mustache. Tiqm had her husband shave o f f h i s mustache, b Ti Ti(n) - stamtima? km k i - ?ax w - lp - m- s - t - s the my-grandmother me atop-sweep-slats-REL/2-IMPF-t-S3 T R^g Ti sxlilp. the f l o o r . My grandmother asked me to sweep the f l o o r . / My grandmother had me sweep the f l o o r . 1 5 5 ii.) Secondly, such, a construction, when subordinated to a d i r e c t i v e , loses the force of the 'causative' Interpretation (.cf. 1 0 4 a ) : 108 cu(t) - n ( - t ) - n Vincent Ti k^ayilsxn - m - s - t - n . t e l l - P F T V - t - S l T R A N S V COMP haircut-REL/2-IMPF-t-Sl I t o l d Vincent to cut h i s own h a i r . * I t o l d V. that I make, him cut. . . i i i ) T h i r d l y , the 'caused event' need not have occurred, i . e . , have been caused, thus, i n v o l v i n g a contradiction i n v i o l a t i o n of the condition that the caused event i s believed to be wholly dependent upon the causing event (Shibatani 1 9 7 6 ) : 1 0 9 Ti stamtima? ki - ?axw - l p - m - s - t - s Ti ttwit the grandmother atop-s.weep-slats-REL/2-IMPF-t-S3,j R the boy Ti sxlilp ?Tui lut s - x?ina? - s. the f l o o r '.and NEG s-ob.ey-S3TT3„ IKK Grannie, had the boy sweep the f l o o r but he didn't obey. Three arguments: have been advanced that the Class C Relationals are.-.not 'causative': i ) that the constructions do not involve two-events; i i ) that there is. no evidence f o r a downstairs 1 advancing to be an upstairs: and i i i ) . that there i s no consistent causative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . It may be concluded that the Class C R e l a t i o n a l constructions 13'"; are not causative, of e i t h e r the two-event or one-event type. Therefore, the t h i r d p o s s i b i l i t y , the Instrumental: Advancement proposal, i s selected as the appropriate structure f o r the Class C R e l a t i o n a l constructions. 156 2.6 Instrumental Advancement Evidence to support t h i s s e l e c t i o n as the appropriate one comes from Instrumental constructions: 110a Si sqol'tmix" k^ul' ( - n - t ) - s Si tmxwula?xw the man work-PFTV-t-S3 m D A 1, T Q the land ?i t t ^ l - ula?x w - tn. INSTR r i p - l a n d - I n s t r The man worked the land with, a plough., h Si xlxwtnf ?Srl(n) ( - n - t ) - s Si patak ?Su4 scwSin the g i r l eat-PFTV-t-S3 T R A Ng the potato and salmon 'Si. t iumh. INSTR spoon The g i r l ate the potatoes and salmon with, a spoon. In such. Instrumental constructions, the i n i t i a l Instrumental nominal may advance to d i r e c t ohject, t r i g g e r i n g the R e l a t i o n a l morpheme on the verh: I l i a Si sqol'tmixw kSal' - m ( - n - t ) - s ?i t^lula?x wtn the man work-REL/2-PFTV-t-S3„„.„ a the plough. Si tmx wula ?x w. the land The man worked the'^plough. (on) the land./ The man worked-with. the. plough, the land./ The man used the plough, on the. land, b Si xixwtrrf ? S i i n - m ( - n - t ) - s Sj jumn Si patak ?Su4 scwSin. the g i r l eat-REL/2-PFTV-t-S3 T R^g the spoon the potato and salmon The g i r l used the spoon to eat the potatoes and salmon./ The g i r l eat-with. the spoon the potatoes and salmon. 157 For such. Instrumental constructions, both, the i n i t i a l Instrumental nominal and the advancee-to-direct object nominal may the' •• questioned. With, the R e l a t i o n a l morpheme present on the. -verb, only the advancee nominal may be questioned, without the case-marking p r e p o s i t i o n , as: was seen i n section 2.k of t h i s chapter: 112a Tj t stinf Ti sqai'tmix" kTi kMil' ( - n - t ) - s Ti tmxwula'?xw ?. INSTR what the man COMP work-PFTV-t-S3 T R A Ng. the land ¥ith. what the man worked the land?, b * stinf , Ti sqal'tmixw kTi k^ul's Ti tmxwula?xw ? c stinf Ti sqal'tmixw Ti k^ul' - m ( - n - t ) - s Ti l tinxwula?xw ?. what the. man COMP work -REL72-PFTV-t-S3 T R A : Ng. the LOC land What the man worked-with. on the land? d * Tj t stinf Ti sqal'tmixw Ti krulms Ti 1 tmxwula?xw ?. , 113a Tj t stinf Ti xixwtnf kTi ?Tii(n) C - n - t ) - s INSTR the g i r l COMP e a t - P F T V - t - S 3 T R M S Ti patak ?Tu4 scwTin?. the potato and salmon With, what d i d the g i r l eat the. potatoes and salmon? b * stinf Ti xlxwtnf kTi ?Tiis Ti patak ?T U4 scwTin ? c stinf Ti xixwtnf Ti '?Tiin - m ( - n - t ) - s Ti patak ?TU4 scwTin ? what the g i r l COMP eat-REL/2-PFTV-t-S3 T R Mg the potato and salmon What did the g i r l use to eat the potatoes and salmon? d * ? i t stinf Ti xixwtnf Ti ?Ti4nms Ti p atSk ? T u i scwTin?. With, an animate Instrumental nominal, the. nominal must advance and the nominal may be questioned only when advanced: 158 114a * Si sqal'tmix™ k^ul' ( - n - t ) - s Si tmxw(ila?xw Si t ttwit. * The man worked the land with, the h i r e d hand. h Si sqal'tmix™ k^ul' - m- s - t - s Sj ttwit Si tmxwula?xw. the man;--. work-REL/2-B"PF-t-S3mr, the hoy the land I n The. man has the hi r e d hand working the land./ The man use the h i r e d hand to work the land, c swit Si sqal'tmlx" Sa c - k^ul' - m- s - t - s t k^q^Sact ? who the mam: COMP PF-work.-REL/2-IMPF-t-S3TR a strong Who does the man have working hard? d * Sj t swit ?i sqal'tmixw Ta ckMiifinsc t ^cq^Tact ? 115a * Si xixwtnf ?Sii( n) ( - n - t ) - s Si patak ?SU4 sdvTin the g i r l eat - PFTV-t-S3 T R the potato and salmon Sj t stamtima? - s ? INSTR grandmother-her * The g i r l ate the potatoes; and salmon with/by means: of her grandmother. b Si xlxwtnf ? S i i n - m- s - t - s Sj stamtima? - s Si patak ?Sui scVTin. the g i r l eat-REL/2-IMPF-t-S3 T R the grandmother-her the potato & salmon The g i r l has her grandmother eating the potatoes and salmon. c swit Ti xixwtnf Ta c - ? T i i n - m- s - t - s Si patak ?Su4 scwSin. who the g i r l COMP PF-eat-REL/2-IMPF-t-S3 m T, the. potato and salmon I n Who the g i r l has eating the potatoes and salmon? d * Sj t swit Si xixwtnf Sa c?Siinmsc Si patak ?Tui scVSln? Moreover, i t may be noted that only one Instrumental nominal i s permitted i n these constructions.- The Okanagan equivalent f or 'The g i r l fed her grandmother the potatoes and salmon with, a spoon' i s not permitted. 15.9-The d i s t i n c t i o n between an Instrumental construction with, an inanimate Instrumental nominal and one with, an animate Instrumental nominal i s that with, the l a t t e r , I) Advancement-to-2 i s obligatory, and i i ) Imperfective aspect i s required. It may be concluded that the Class: C R e l a t i o n a l constructions: also involve an advancement to 2, obligatory f or animate Instrumental nominals:, as: represented i n the r e l a t i o n a l network below: 1 1 6 -m(i) This a n a l y s i s permits the following three statements: C i ) It allows: f o r the. statement of a l i n g u i s t i c g eneralization with, respect to the structure of a l l three classes: of Re l a t i o n a l verbs: 1 1 7 that all three classes of Relational verbs involve advancement of an initial non-nuclear nominal to direct object, triggering the -m(l) morpheme on the verb as a marker of the advancement. ( i i ) It accounts for the vagaries of the "weak, causative" i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which, does, not withstand close examination. ( i i i ) It accounts for the p a r a l l e l i s m between the inanimate, and animate Instrumental constructions. 160 3 Locative Clauses 14 Two types: of l o c a t i v e clauses are discussed: 1) Locative Advancement: the basic pattern; and 2) Locative Advancement with. L e x i c a l Incorporation of body parts. It i s proposed ( i ) that i n i t i a l Locative nominals: may, like, other oblique, objects:, advance up the R e l a t i o n a l Hierarchy (Perlmutter and Postal 19.781: Subj (I), > D i r . Obj. (.2) > Ind i r . Obj. '(-35 > Oblique Obj. (OBLl :(i.il that the verbal morpheme -(i)na? marks this- advancement; and ( i i i . ) t hat, when the Locative, nominal i s a body part, the verbal morpheme. -4 'I n d i r e c t i v e ' r e g i s t e r s the presence, of an i n i t i a l oblique object. 3.1 The Basic Pattern Locative, clauses-, with, the -(T)na?- verbal morpheme, are. exemplified below: 1 1 8 a km t - eft - ina?. P 1INTR D i s t - r a i n - L 0 C We were rained on, i . e . , It rained on us-, b: Ti. ttwit XI*' - m k*L sq^slq^alt ?TU4 t - q't - ina? the. boy climb-MIDDLE to mountain and Dist-rain-LOC t kslcla^x". a day The boy climb to the mountain and he. was rained on a l l day. c Ti sqal'tmlx™ s - c - pix - x t kskla?xw ?TU4 k - mq^ q^  - ina?. the. man s- PP - hunt-PROG a day and Dist-snowing-LOC The man was hunting a l l day and he. was snowed on. 1 6 1 d kn Tn - mTy - p - ina ?. S l T n w m n Cont-know-UNACCUS-LOC -find.out I understand, e kn Tn - s5xw - na ?. S 1 I N T R Cont-recognize-LOC I understand, f kn k - cx w - na - n - cut t falti?. S l T 1 1 T m T 3 Dlst-spill-LOC-PFTV-REFL a tea INTK I s p i l l e d tea on myself. In the. i n t r a n s i t i v e , examples above, the putative. Advancement i s obliga t o r y and the i n i t i a l l o c a t i v e with, case-marking prep o s i t i o n cannot he recovered. However, that i s not the. case. with, t r a n s i t i v e l o c a t i v e constructions: 112 k i - cx w - ml C. - n - t ) - n Ti lkTapi Tj l sxlllp. a t o p - s p i l l - R E L y 2 - P F T V - t - S l T R M S the: coffee the LOC f l o o r I s p i l l e d the coffee on the f l o o r . 120a k - cx w - ml ( - n - t ) - n t slwik w Tj 1 statakm. Dlst-spill-REL/2-PFTV-t-Sl a 11quia the LOC puppies I s p i l l e d some water on the puppies. b k - cx w - na ( - n - t ) - n t siw4kw Tj slat&km. D l s t - s p i l l - L O C - P F T V - t - S l m l 3 a l i q u i d the puppies in I s p i l l e d some water (on). the puppies:. c k - dxw - na ( - n - t ) - n Tj stfatakm t slwik w. D i s t - s p i l l - L O C - P F T V - t - S l m T D the puppies a l i q u i d IK I s p i l l e d Con), the puppies some water. 1 6 2 The proposed structure f or 1 2 0 c can he represented g r a p h i c a l l y i n the s t r a t a l diagram below: 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 LOC; LOC X V S i s tatakm kdx v 'nan . SI t s i w i kw with, the i n i t i a l assignment of grammatical r e l a t i o n s i n the c^ stratum, with NN -h 2 advancement i n the c.. stratum, marked by - m f i ) which, i s replaced by the - n a marking LOC 3 advancement i n the e^-^ stratum, and with, optional 3 - ^ 2 advancement i n the c. stratum. Morphological evidence i s a v a i l a b l e to support Locative Advancement. That the underlined nominals above bear the Locative r e l a t i o n i n the i n i t i a l stratum as i n 1 1 9 and 1 2 0 a i s shown by the Locative case-marking preposition. That i t does not bear the Locative r e l a t i o n i n the next stratum, as i n 1 2 0 b , i s shown by the absence of the case-marking preposition. It should be noted that 1 2 0 b demonstrates the\,-C£)na ? morpheme on the verb. This morpheme replaces the - m ( i ) R e l a t i o n a l marker of Advancement-to-2, thus providing evidence that - ( l ) n a ? also marks an Advancement (.see also section 3 . 2 , page l 6 3 ) . Syntactic evidence for Locative Advancement-to-2 i s a v a i l a b l e from Quantifier F l o a t , P a s s i v i z a t i o n and R e l a t i v i z a t i o n . Evidence for intervening status as a 3 , as exemplified i n 1 2 0 b , i s given further below. 163 QUANTIFIER FLOAT: 122 yT9y?g?t kdx wnan Tj statakm t s i w i k w . I s p i l l e d (on) a l l the puppies some water./.(All I s p i l l e d (on), the. puppies...). PASSIVIZATION: 123 Tj statakm k - c x w - na - n - t - am t s l w i k w T i t t t w i t . the puppies- Di.st-spill-LOC-PFTV-t-PASS some l i q u i d INSTR hoy The puppies were s p i l l e d water on hy the hoy. RELATIVIZATION: 121+ T i x l ? t stfatfakm T i k - c x w - na ( - n - t ) - n t s i w i k w . that a puppies COMP Dist-spill-LOC-PFTV-t-Sl a l i q u i d IK That's the puppies that I s p i l l e d water ton). An a d d i t i o n a l argument rests on Unaccusatives, which, involve, an i n t r a n s i t i v e i n i t i a l stratum with, a 2 and no 1, and a f i n a l stratum i n which, the 2 advances- to 1, to serve as- f i n a l subject. One class (A), of Unaccusatives i s recognizable from the. Second Consonant Reduplication (see Chapter Three). This i s exemplified below with, a'topical!zed f i n a l subject: 125a Tj stfalakm k - c x w - x w - i n a ? t s i w i k w . the puppies: Dist-spill-UNACCUS-LOC a l i q u i d The puppies: were s p i l l e d water.on. b T i siw4k w k - dx w - x w - ina? Tj stfatfakm. the. l i q u i d Dist-spill-UNACCUS-LOC the. puppies-The. water s p i l l on the puppies, c T i lkTapi k - CxvV - x w - ina? Tiqmtinak. the coffee Dist-spill-UNACCUS-LOC female.name The coffee s p i l l e d on Tiqmtinak.. 1 6 4 Sentences 1 2 2 - 12l+, 1 2 5 a show that the i n i t i a l Locative nominal advanced to 2 , with, further advancement to 1 i n 1 2 5 a , whereas i n sentences 1 2 5 b , c , the i n i t i a l Locative has advanced to 3 i n a f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e clause, as w i l l be shown below. Syntactic evidence i s also a v a i l a b l e to show that the i n i t i a l l y Locative nominal advances: to 3 i n an intervening stratum, from Quan t i f i e r Float and from R e l a t i v i z a t i o n (but not from P a s s i v i z a t i o n because of the effects: of the Animacy Hierarchy)". QUANTIFIER FLOAT: 1 2 6 a y?9yT9?t kcxwnan ?i lk?api Tiqm. I s p i l l e d a l l the coffee (on) Tiqm./ ( A l l I s p i l l e d the coffee. ...) b * y ? 9 y ? 9?t kdxwnan t siwik w ?i stfalakm.. I s p i l l e d .--the water i(pn) a l l the puppies. / ( A l l I s p i l l e d ...the puppies.) The examples above with. Quantifier Float show that the i n i t i a l Locative, nominal cannot be a f i n a l 2 , since i t cannot be. modified by a f l o a t i n g q u a n t i f i e r , as. i n the b examples, whereas, a f i n a l 2 , as i n the a example, can f l o a t a q u a n t i f i e r . RELATIVIZATION: 1 2 7 a y?aySg?t Si. IkSapi Si k6cwnan Tiqm. I t ' s a l l the coffee that I s p i l l e d on Tiqm. b qgyxw - nu ( - n - t ) - n Si IkSapi Si kcxwnan ?i stfatakm. smell-LTDC-PFTV-t-Sl—,..^. the coffee COMP I smell the coffee that I s p i l l e d (on) the puppies. The examples above show that the i n i t i a l Locative nominal cannot be a f i n a l 2 since only downstairs Is and 2 s can be r e l a t i v i z e d upon. In the sentences above., the coffee is: r e l a t i v i z e d upon, as a f i n a l 2 , thus the Locative i s a 3 by default. 16-5 3.2 Consequences of R e l a t i o n a l arid Locative Advancement f or Limited; .Control The morpheme -nu marks- Limited Control. In s-uch. a construction, the agent is: not f u l l y i n control of the: a c t i o n . The, action may have occurred a c c i d e n t a l l y or u n i n t e n t i o n a l l y , as i n 131d, or the action may have occurred with complete v o l i t i o n hut without f u l l c o n t r o l , as. i n 131e. It i s proposed here that -nu has: a grammatical function as well as a semantic one, and marks advancement-to -2 .^ Sentences a-c helow exemplify i n t r a n s i t i v e constructions with. qayxw 'smell, have an odour', an Unaccusative verh, Class C. (This verb constrasts with, the verh sum*- 'to smell something d e l i b e r a t e l y , to pick, up something and smell i t ! . ) 128a Ti st^ atfakm Ti s - qayxw - s ^cxii t lkTapi. the puppies COMP s-smell-S3- r i- > 0 l i k e some coffee I R K I t ' s the puppies that smell l i k e coffee, h k w qayxw. S 2INTR S 1 ^ l l / s t i n : , You smell/stink, c Ti s - qayxw - tat xast. the NOM-smell-our good We smell good./ Our smell i s good. By comparison, the sentences below exemplify the t r a n s i t i v e use of t h i s verb, with, o b l i g a t o r y -nu marking. It has already been shown that Unaccusative verbs involve advancement to' 2 of an i n i t i a l l y non-nuclear nominal i n a t r a n s i t i v e clause, (see section 2 on Re l a t i o n a l verbs Class: B and Chapter Three^osection 2 on Unaccusative clauses). 1 6 6 1 2 9 a qyxw - nu C - n - t ) - n Si stim\ smell-LTDC-PFTV-t-Sl^^g. the something I smell something. h qyxw- nu ( - n - t ) - n Si sSnwSal?Sula'?xw ^lap. smell-LTDC-PFTV-t-Sl T R A N S the toast burn I smell the toast burning. The Limited Control morpheme: replaces: the -m(i) Re l a t i o n a l i n '(.NL) Okanagan, morpheme as: does: the Locative morpheme, thus: providing a d d i t i o n a l evidence A that -nu marks: an Advancement of a non-nuclear term to 2: 1 3 0 a naq^7 - m - i - t - s - n Sa San - kwSap. steal-REL/2-INDIR-t-you-Sl T R the your-horse I s t o l e your saddlehorse. b nacf" - cf* - nu - 4 - t - s - n Sa San - kwSap. s.teal-UNACCUS-LTDC-IWDIR-t-you-SlTR the your-horse. I a c c i d e n t a l l y s t o l e your saddlehorse. c Si Sin - lkapo? nacf* - cf*. the my-coat steal-UNACCUS My coat was. stolen, d kn nacf* t sSnk4c^asqaxa?. ^INTR s t e a l a horse I s t e a l a horse. 131a Si(n) - ks - t i 4 - m - s -' t - m Si Si( n) - snkmiqn. S 1 T T 3 D - UNR-straight-REL/2-IMPF-t-INTR the my-back. inn I'm going to straighten -my back., b cnf t i i - ra - s - t - Sum - n. w i l l s traight-REL/2-B5PF-t-you-Sl T R M g. I ' l l straighten you out. 1 6 7 c Ti p!tkwmn. t i t i i . the n a i l s t r a i g h t ^ ^ The n a i l i s s t r a i g h t . d t i i - 4 - nu ( - n - t ) - n Ti pitkwmn. straight-UWACCUS-LTDC-PFTVit-Sl the. n a i l I straightened the n a i l , a c c i d e n t a l l y ./unintentionally, e t i i - nu ( - n - t ) - n Ti pltk^mn. straight-LTDC-PFTV-t-Sl m T 3 the. n a i l I f i n a l l y managed to straighten the n a i l . The d i s t i n c t i o n between sentences. d_ and e above, are represented i n the r e l a t i o n a l networks below, which, diagram the two types: of Limited Control constructions- possible.: 132a TYPE A ( = d.1 Accidental Reading, which, requires i n i t i a l Unaccusative stratum: . P t i i - 4 - nu Ti pltkwmn TYPE B .( = e.1. F i n a l l y Managed To Reading; p'itkwmn 168 Predicates which., occur i n tran s i t i v e , constructions;, wi.th:,an agentive smhject, as i n 133a below, require, f o r an accidental/unintentional reading, that an Unaccusative form of the root, u s u a l l y of Class- A with. Second Consosnant Reduplication, be used, as i n 133b below: 133a -dqw - n - t - s - In. slap-PFTV-t-you-Sl^ iR I slapped you. b. tq w - q w - nu ( - n - t ) - n. slap-UWACCUS-LTDC-PFTy-t-Sl T R A Eg. I slapped you ac c i d e n t a l l y , c * tfqw - nu C - n - t } - n. * I slapped you ac c i d e n t a l l y , d Ti ttwit tq waq w. the. boy s l a p U M C C U S The hoy was slapped. Some, verbs require t h e Unaccusative. form of another c l a s s , as- does- f o r example, the verb. mTy-'know', r e q u i r i n g the Class D form with, the -p morpheme: I3ka c - mty - s - t - in Ti sqal'tmix". PF-know-IMPF-t-SlmT3.-TC1. the. man I know the man. b mTy - p - nu [. - n - t ] - n Ti cTaptiq"!. know-UNACCUS-LTDC-PFTV-t-Slmn..T0. the. myth. I found out about the o l d myths. Sentences 129_a,h, with, the verb qayScw 'smell, have an odour', u t i l i z e a verb of Class C Unaccusatives. 169 Syntactic evidence, that -nu constructions- Involve 2-hood i s avai l a b l e from R e l a t i v i z a t i o n and P a s s i v i z a t i o n . PASSIVIZATION: 1 3 5 a Tj sk^c^Imolt nacf* - m - n - t - am Ti t sqal?tmixw. the baby steal-REL72-PFTy-t-PASS INSTR man The hahy was- stolen by the man. b Tj kwTap nacf' - cfw - nu - n - t - am Ti, t sqal'tm£xw. the horse steal-UNACC-LTDC-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR man The horse was a c c i d e n t a l l y stolen by the man. c Tj statakm qyx w - nu - n - t - am T i t ttwxt. the. puppies smell-LTDC-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR boy. The puppies were smelled by the boy. RELATIVIZATION: 1 3 6 a T i x i ? To T 9 n - kw?ap naq^ - q v - nfi - i - t - s - n. that the your-horse s.teal-UNACCUS-LTDC-INDIR-t-you-Sl T R A K S. That's: your saddlehorse. (that). I stole, a c c i d e n t a l l y , b sal' - mi ( - n - t ) - s Tj pltkwmn' Ti t i i - nu C - n - t ) - n. lose-REL / 2-PFTV-t-S3 T R A N S the n a i l COMP s:tralght-LTDC-PFTy-t-Sl T R He. l o s t the n a i l that I f i n a l l y straightened.' As with, the R e l a t i o n a l constructions, no evidence, i s - available, f o r advancement to an intervening status as: a 3 . Both, the Locative Advancement marker -(i^na? and the. Limited Control marker -nu replace the R e l a t i o n a l advancement marker -m(l).I In the case of a Locative Advancement construction i n v o l v i n g an unintentional a c t i o n , both. the. Limited Control and Locative Advancement markers appear: 137a k l - cx w - mi C - n - t ) - n Ti lkTapi Ti l s x l i l p . atop-spill-REL/2-PFTV-t-Sl m n.. T C,. tne coffee the LOC f l o o r I s p i l l e d the coffee on the f l o o r , h k - cx w - x w - na - nu - n - t - s - n. Dist-splll-UMCC-LOC-LTDC-PFTV-t-you-Sl g I s p i l l e d on you a c c i d e n t a l l y . On the basis- of the preceding discussion, i t can be. noted that the -na i n 137b marks; you, as- having advanced from Locatlve-to-3, and that -nu specifies- the advancement to 2. The l a t e r advancement marker does not replace the earlierimarker, as- i t did -with. -m(i) . This can e a s i l y be explained: -mi is; s o l e l y a grammatical marker of advancement-to-2, without semantic content, however -nu has- semantic content which, would be. l o s t I f this-marker were deleted. The structure of b i s represented g r a p h i c a l l y i n the. r e l a t i o n a l network, below: 138 cx w-with. the Second Consonant Reduplication marking the c~ stratum, the -na marking the advancement i n the c . . stratum, and -nu marking the i n advancement i n the c._ stratum. 171 3.3 Locative Advancement wita Body Parts Locative clauses- i n v o l v i n g Body parts- require the -4 'Indirective' morpheme which, r e g i s t e r s the presence of an oclique ohject, as discussed i n sections 1 and 3 of t h i s chapter. Sentences a_ - d. below i l l u s t r a t e the constructions- with, body parts: 139a Ti sqol'tmixw tfqw - 4 - t - is Ti ttwit Tj 1 cfTasiyaqn. the man slap-INDIR-t-S3 m T 3 A 1, T C the boy the LOC head The man slapped the boy on the: head, b Ti ttrwat trq - 4 - t - is Ti xixwtri Tj 1 sqvToxt. the boy ki.ck.-Iin)IR-t-S3mT,.,TC,. the g i r l the LOC foot The boy kicked the g i r l on the foot. c Ti skH^imolt t - kip - 4 - t - s Ti pTus Tj 1 siwps. the baby Dist-pinch^INDIR-t-SS^ the cat the LOC t a i l The. c h i l d pinched the. cat on the t a i l , d Ti tklmlxw kp - p - nu - 4 - t - s Ti pTus Tj 1 siwps the woman pinch-UNACCUS-INDIR-t-S3 T R the cat the LOC t a i l Ti 1 k4Tnkmip. the LOC door The woman a c c i d e n t a l l y pinched the cat on the t a i l i n the door. It i s proposed that nominals r e f e r r i n g to body parts of the 2-nominal, bearing the Locative r e l a t i o n i n the i n i t i a l stratum: ( l ) may advance, to 3, (.2) may o p t i o n a l l y incorporate into the verb while bearing a 3 r e l a t i o n ; and (.3) may not advance to 2. • '. ' Evidence that a l o c a t i v e body part may advance to 3 i s a v a i l a b l from the i n t e r a c t i o n of case-marking and P a s s i v i z a t i o n : 17.2 ll+Oa Ti ttw'it trq - 4 - t - is ?! xixwtm' Tj sq^Taxt - s. the boy kick-INDIR-t-S3™ the g i r l the foot-her i n The boy kicked the g i r l (on)" her foot, b Ti xixwtnf trq - 4 - t - Im Tj scf^Tgxt - s Ti t ttWat. the g i r l kick-INDIR-t-PASS the foot-her INSTR hoy The g i r l was: kicked (on) her foot by the boy. lkla Ti sqol,tmixw tq w - 4 - t - is Ti ttw'it, Tj c'Tasiyaqn - s. the man slap-INDIR-t-S3 T R the boy the head-his The. man slapped the boy (on) his: head, h Ti ttwit tq w - 4 - t - im Tj <5asiyaqn ~ s: Ti t sqal'tmix" the boy slap-INDIR-t-PASS the. head-his INSTR man The boy was slapped (on), his: head by the. man. Advancement of the. underlined nominal from I n i t i a l Locative i s i n d i c a t e d by the absence of the case-marking prep o s i t i o n 1. The. Passive constructions: demonstrate that t h i s is: not advancement to 2. The proposed an a l y s i s allows: an account of the. d i s t i n c t i o n ; so by default, i t is: advancement of the underlined nominals; to a 3. I t should also be noted that when the underlined nominals bear the f i n a l Locative r e l a t i o n , these, may not take a possessive a f f i x , as i n 1139a-d above. When the. nominals i n question bear the putative 3 - r e l a t i o n , these may take a possessive, a f f i x as i n l'+O-l'L above. This fact provides a d d i t i o n a l evidence of a d i s t i n c t i o n and hence i n d i r e c t l y supports an a n a l y s i s ' with, advancement. Evidence that a Locative body part may incorporate into the verb while, a putative 3 i s also available from Pass!vization. It should be noted that the l e x i c a l s u f f i x e s which, incorporate are. not n e c e s s a r i l y 17-3 i d e n t i c a l to the corresponding independent word. Ik2a T i t t w i t t r q - xn ( - n ) - t - i s T i xix wtnf. the hoy kaick-foot-PFTV-t-S3 T R A Ng. the g i r l The hoy kicked the g i r l (on) the foot. h T i xix w t n f t r q - m ( - n ) - t - im T i t t t w i t . the g i r l kick-foot-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR hoy The g i r l was kicked (onI the- foot by the boy. lU3a T i sqol'tmix w t q w - iyaq(n) ( - n - t ) - s. T i ttwat. :' the man slap-head-PFTV-t-S3 T R A Ng. the boy The man slapped the boy (on) the. head. b T i t t w i t •tq" - iyaqn ( - n ) - t - om T i t sqol'tmix". the hoy slap-head - PFTV-t-PASS INSTR man The b.oy was slapped (on) the head by the man. The. nominal bearing a 3-relation may Incorporate into the verb, with, the l o s s of the. I n d i r e c t i v e morpheme. See the sentences- above as-17 w e l l as: those b.elow: ihka. kwTap - x ; - sus - n - t - s - n. shut. up-IMP s l a p - f orehead-PFTV-t-you-Sl m T 3. op IKAlMb INTR Shut up I I slap you on the forehead! b k i - t q w - i l s x i L (' - n ) - t - s - n. ( < kikmilsxrf 'forehead') at op - s i ap-fo r ehe ad-PFTV-t-y O U T S l T R ^ g I slap you on the forehead, c Tn - t?qw - awsqn ( - n ) - t - s - n. Cont-slap-top. of .head-PFTV-t-you-Sl^^g. I slap you on top of the. head. That a Locative body part may not advance: to 2 is: shown by the ungrammat l e a l i t y of a Passive, and the lack, of a corresponding active.; These examples: show; that i t i s - t h e i n i t i a l possessor ,:mot the Locative, that i s a 2 as- f a r as Passive is- concerned. l 4 5 a * Ti sq w?9Xt - s trq - 4 - t - im Ti xixwtnf Ti t ttwit. the foot-her kiek.-INDIR-t-PASS the. g i r l INSTR boy * Her foot was: kicked on the. g i r l by the boy. b * Ti, ttwat trq - 4 - t - is Tj sq^Taxt - s Ti xixw'tnf. the boy kick-INDIR-t-S3^ R the foot-her the g i r l * The boy kicked (on) her foot the g i r l . 1 4 6 a * Tj cTasiyaqn - s tq w - 4 - t - Im Ti ttwit Ti t sqal'tmlx". the head- his slap-INDIR-t-PASS the boy INSTR man * His head was slapped on the boy by the man. b * Ti sq9l'tmlxw tq w - 4 - t - is Tj cftosiyaqn - s Ti ttwit. the man slap-INDIR-t-S3 T R the head-his the boy * The man slapped (on) h i s head the boy. 3 . 4 Dative Advancement with. Pronominals Dative clauses i n v o l v i n g pronominals require the -4 'In d i r e c t i v e ' or - x i 'Benefactive' morpheme which r e g i s t e r s the presence of an oblique nominal, as discussed i n section I • of t h i s chapter. The 18 sentences below i l l u s t r a t e the constructions with pronominals: 147 wik - 4 - t - s - n Ta T 9 n i cltx w kl Tanwi?. see-INDIR-t-you-Sl T R the your-house to you I see you your house to you. / I see your house. 1 7 5 ikQ T i tklmilx™ k w u 4klnf - x - .t -: s t Ti(n) - k4 - q'Taxnutiya? the woman me sew-BENE-t-S3 some my-own- mocassin k l Tinea?. to me The woman sewed me my mocassins for me., lk9 4aq - 4 - t - n T i sklWica ? - s k l cni4c. stretch-INDIR-t-Sl the heaver.pelt to him I K I stretched h i s heaver p e l t f or him. The t h i r d person object marker i s 0 and does- not appear i n example l<+9. (See Chapter Two, section 1.3 f o r a chart of the object markers.! It i s proposed that a pronominal bearing the Dative, r e l a t i o n i n the i n i t i a l stratum: ( i ) . o b l i g a t o r i l y advances to 2, i n a clause with, a tran s i t i v e , f i n a l stratum, p l a c i n g the i n i t i a l 2-nominal en chomage, ( i i ) o p t i o n a l l y leaves a copy of i t s e l f i n the sentence:, and (.iii). requires, agreement of a possessive marker on the 2- nominal, a possessor which may be deleted i f the Dative copy i s present. The r e l a t i o n a l network, below i l l u s t r a t e s the proposed a n a l y s i s : 1 7 6 Morphological and synta c t i c evidence support an analysis of a Dative pronominal o b l i g a t o r i l y advancing to 2 i n a clause, with: t r a n s i t i v e f i n a l stratum. F i r s t , an object -marker 'Is- o b l i g a t o r i l y present: 1 5 1 a wik - 4 - t - s _ - n Ta ?an - c l t x w ( k l Tanwl?). see-INDIR-t-you-Sl T R the your-houseo to you I see you your house to you. / I see your house, b * w l k i t n Ta T a n c i t x w ( k l Tanwl?). 1 5 2 a T i t k l m i l x w k m ikiirf - x - t - s t Ti(n) - k i - cf?axnutiya? the woman me sew-BENE-t-S3 T R A N S some my-own^mocassin ( k l Tinea?). to me. The woman sewed me my mocassins for me., b * T i t k l m l l x w i]<?imxc.. t TikicfTaxrfatiya? ( k l Tinea?). Second, a Passive i s ungrammatical with, the i n i t i a l 2-nominal as f i n a l 1 , a fact which, i s explained under t h i s a n a l y s i s since the i n i t i a l 2 is: now a 2-chomeur due to Dative Advancement-to-2: 1 5 3 * Ta Tancitx" wik - 4 - t - s_ - m ( k l T 9 nwl?) T i t t k l m i l x w . the your-house. see-INDIR-t-you-PASS to you INSTR woman 1 5 4 * Tj T i ( n ) k ^ a x n f t t i y a ? k m ikinf - x - t - am ( k l Tinea?) the my-own-mocassin me. sew-BENE-t-PASS to me T i t t k l m i l x w . INSTR woman The following sentences, together with. 1 5 2 a , demonstrate that the possessive'marker of agreement on the i n i t i a l 2-nominal may be o p t i o n a l l y deleted i f the Dative copy i s present: 1 7 7 15 H a T i t k l m i l x w k w u ik'imxc t Tj(n) - k j ^ a x n t i t i y a ? I c l Tinea?. the. woman me. sew-BENE some my-own-mocas-sin to me. The woman sewed me. some, of my-mocassins- f o r me, h T i t k l m i l x " k w u iklnf - x - t - s t q^axnutiya? k l T j n c a ? . the woman me. sew-BENE-t-S'Sijip some mocassin to me The woman sewed me some mocassins- f o r me. c * T i tklmllx™ k w u ikinf - x - t - s t q'Taxn'utiya?. the woman me sew - BENE-t-S3rpR some mocassin It should he r e c a l l e d that, although the Dative pronominal i t s e l f need not appear on' the surface, -x/ -4 as r e g i s t e r s of an i n i t i a l oblique, show that i t must be present. R e s t r i c t i n g the. o b l i g a t o r y Advancement-of-Dative-pronominals-to-2 to clauses, with, t r a n s i t i v e f i n a l stratum is. necessary to account for the following Passives, which, show only the agreement possessive marker on the i n i t i a l 2-nominal: 1 5 5 Tj Tjfn) - k i - q^axntitiya? iklnf - x - t - am ( k l Tinea?) the my-own-mocassin sew-BENE-t-PASS to me Ti t t k l m i l x w . INSTR woman My own mocassins were sewn (for me) by the woman. 1 5 6 i a q - i - t - am Tj sklwlda? - s ( k l e n l i c ) T i t sqal'tmix". stretch-INDIR-t-PASS the beaver.skin-his to him INSTR man His beaver p e l t was stretched (for him) by the man. 1 5 7 T 9 Tan - c i t x w wik - 4 - t - am ( k l Tanwl?) T i t tklmilx™. the your-house. see-INDIR-t-PASS to you INSTR woman Your house was seen (to you) by the woman. .178 The s i m i l a r i t y between' this: analysis- f o r o b l i g a t o r y advancement of Dative pronominals to 2 and the analysis- f o r advancement of Locative body parts- to 3 should b e noted. In a l l the examples- of Locative body parts, sentences 1 3 9 . - 1 V 7 of the. previous- section, the body part i s part of the person r e f e r r e d to by the i n i t i a l d i r e c t object. To permit a l o c a t i v e body part to advance beyond 3 would be to permit a port i o n of a human being to outrank, an e n t i r e human being. Hence i t is: p r o h i b i t e d and the grammar permits incorporation i n t o the verb., and e f f e c t i v e l y places the body part out of play. Somewhat s i m i l a r l y , f o r the Dative pronominals, to permit a pronominal to remain as an oblique would be to permit an inanimate. 2:'.wi.thout human reference, (whether contextual; ror l i n g u i s t i c a l l y marked! to outrank, a human being. Hence, advancement is: obligatory i n a clause with, t r a n s i t i v e f i n a l stratum, assuring that the pronominal i s a f i n a l 2 , and i n a Passive, the copy possessive marker on the i n i t i a l 2 assures- that the human reference i s part of the f i n a l 1 . k Possessor Ascension A r u l e of Possessor Ascension i s needed i n the grammar o f Okanagan. Such, a rule, allows a Possessor of a nominal to ascend and bear the grammatical r e l a t i o n of that nominal, p l a c i n g that nominal en c h S m a g e . Such, a r u l e (generalized from B e l l , 1 9 7 6 1 can be stated as: 1 5 8 POSSESSOR ASCENSION If a is a Possessor in nominal b_ and b_ bears the grammatical relation N_ to clause c_, then a may bear the grammatical relation N_ to c_ and b_ bears the chomeur relation. il Under certain conditions, the chomeur nominal may; incorporate, 1 7 9 if there exists a lexical suffixal form. iii If. it does not incorporate, ' a pronominal copy bearing the Possessor relation to nominal b_ remains behind. This: i s diagrammed i n the r e l a t i o n a l network, below: 159. It i s proposed f o r Okanagan that Possessor Ascension i s permitted from a 2 only i f the Possessor -may advance to a 1 . A case where Possessor Ascension i s possible i s an Unaccusative clause. Two structures: are p o s s i b l e : l 6 0 a Ascension from a 2 b Ascension from a f i n a l 1 i n an Unaccusative clause. i n an Unaccusative clause There i s some evidence, supporting l 6 0 a _ as the correct struct (a). a difference i n meaning with, unergative clauses suggests: that 1 8 0 -Possessor Ascension from f i n a l Is i s barred, and (b.1 data from t r a n s i t i v e s confirms this:. k.l Ascension i n I n t r a n s i t i v e Clauses A Possessor may ascend from a nominal bearing the 2 - r e l a t i o n i n an Unaccusative clause, p l a c i n g that 2-nominal en chomage, with; obligatory incorporation: l 6 l a Xast ?i '?i(,n) - sp*?us. good the my-heart My heart i s -glad, b kn Xasp^us. S 1INTR good.heart I'm glad at heart. l 6 2 a Xast Sj Tin - kw?ap. good the my-saddle .horse. My horse i s good, b. kn Xasqaxa7. S 1INTR • S o o d - n o r s e I --got a good horse. 1 6 3 a ?i $i(nl - sq^asiya? si' - salt. the. my- o f f s p r i n g ITER-lost My kids- are l o s t . b. kn -si' - si' - l i t . S l T w m D ITER-lost-child I got l o s t c h i l d r e n , c ?i sqal'tmixw ?i sqVosiya? - s si' - sal't. the' man the. o f f s p r i n g - h i s ITER-lost The. man's ch i l d r e n are. l o s t . 18-1-d Ti sqal'tonlx™ si' - si' - l i t . the man IT E R - l o s t - c h i l d The man got l o s t -children. l6h& ?i ?i(n) - scf"?asiya? xast. the my - o f f s p r i n g good My kids, are good, h kn Xs - l i t . S 1INTR goo^-child I got good kids:. 1 6 5 a Tj Tj( n) - sq^asiya? X"?-. l i t . the. my - o f f s p r i n g many - c h i l d My kids are many, h kn t - x w - x w - l i t . S i Dist -ITER-many- c h i l d J.JLM IK I got l o t s of k i d s . l 6 f i a Tj ?i(n) - scfrq^asi 7 cq waq w. the. my-hahy ^UNACCUS -My hahy i s crying, b. kn Cq wq w - l i t . S 1INTR C r yOTACCUS~ c h l I d I got a cry i n g baby. 1 6 7 a Ti k w?lk w?l'ola?x w kHfill. the. small, c a l f born The small c a l f i s born, b kn k w T n - k w ? n - l i t . S 1 I N T R ITER-born-child I have borne chi l d r e n (twins:).. 182 c kn k wTn - l i t . S 1INTR " b o r n - c n i l d I am borne a c h i l d . That the Possessor has- ascended and hears- the .final 1 - r e l a t l o n i n examples h and c_ i n l 6 l - 1 6 7 above is- shown by the use of the. appropriate. subject marker: kn ' f i r s t person, si n g u l a r , i n t r a n s i t i v e , r e a l i s : , ' Evidence from Unergatives- suggests that Possessor Ascension from f i n a l I s as: diagrammed i n l 60b_ is- barred. The' examples- below involve. Unergatives paired with. Unaccusatives. With: Unergative -.verbs: i n the a sentences, the f i n a l subject i s agent l y e , whereasr i n the h. sentences, the. f i n a l subject is: a s t a t i v e Possessor; l 6 8 a Ti Ti(n) - kwTap qqical5c. the my-saddle.horse t r o t (Diminuative. form of run I My horse i s t r o t t i n g . h kn q q c l ' - sqaxa?. S 1INTR t r o t - h o r s : e 1 got a t r o t t i n g horse. l 6 9 a Ti ? i ( n j - st5nkTllt q i c a l x . the. my-daughter run My daughter runs ( l i k e out i n a f i e l d 1, b. kn q c a l x - i l t . S 1IWTR r u n - c h i l d I got a c h i l d who runs around (.like. with, her boyfriends or h i s girlfriends:)., 1 7 0 a T i Ti(n) - sq^Tasiya? ? T i c - T c - kn'. the my - o f f s p r i n g p l a y - PL.REDUP My kids are. playing (not me though..).. 183 b kn ?T 9ckrf - l i t . S1INTR P l a y - c h : i : l d I got to playing with, tHe: lids- (me included)!. The fact that the b sentences: cannot receive an Unergative, agentive i n t e r p r e t a t i o n supports- not having Possessor Ascension from a 1. This evidence supports: the structure, diagrammed i n l60a as- correct. k.2 Ascension i n T r a n s i t i v e Clauses: A d d i t i o n a l evidence, from a Regular T r a n s i t i v e construction shows: that Possessor Ascension is: not permitted from a nominal bearing the 1 - r e l a t i o n : 171a Tj. Tj(n) - stfokT" I t dk - n - t - Is T i sTnklcTosqaxa?. the. my-daughter countsPFTV-t-SSrn^.nTo the. horses inANo My daughter counted the horses. b * Tj Tj(n) - stmkTilt dk - n - t - i n T i sTnk" cTosqaxa?. the. my-daughter count-PFTV-t-Sl^ the horses-c * d t - l i t - n - t - i n T i sTnklcTasqaxa' 7. count-child-PFTV-t-Sl the horses i R d * kn dk - l i t T i / t sTnklcTasqaxa?. S l T 1 . T m r . count-child the/some horses J LM In T e * kn -de- am t Tj(n) - s t m T i l t T i / t sTnklcTasqaxa 7. S l T 1 . T m T , count-MIDDLE :a -.i.- my-daughter the/some horses O L Sentences h - e_ i l l u s t r a t e a l l the p o s s i b i l i t i e s for ascending a Possessor from a 1 i n a Regular T r a n s i t i v e construction. In sentence b, the verb has: f i r s t person, t r a n s i t i v e marking with, the i n i t i a l 1 nominal with. Possessor Copy r e t a i n i n g independent word status. In sentence c_, 1 8 4 the verb, also shows f i r s t ' p e r s o n , t r a n s i t i v e , marking with. the. i n i t i a l 1 incorporated into the verb, with, i t s lenxical s u f f i x a l form-i.lt ' c h i l d ' . In sentences d_ and e_, the verb shows- f i r s t person i n t r a n s i t i v e marking, with, l e x i c a l incorporation i h d_ and without ih'e_. A l l p o s s i b i l i t i e s : are ungrammatical. T h i s supports: the evidence presented i n section l+.l that Possessor Ascension from an Unergative clause i s ungrammatical. Moreover, i t may be. shown that a Possessor may not ascend from a 2 to bear the 2 - r e l a t i o n i n a Regular T r a n s i t i v e construction: 1 7 2 a wik C - n - t ) - n So Ton - citx w. aee.-PFTy—t-Sl m T, the. your-house IK I saw your house. b. * wik - n - t -_s - n Sa Son - cltx w, see-PFTV-t-you-Sl the: your-house IK c S wik- i 4 x w - n - t - £ - n. s:ee-house-PFTV-t-you-Sl T R A K S However, a Possessor may ascend from a nominal bearing the 2-relati.on i n a t r a n s i t i v e clause., p l a c i n g that 2-nominal en chSmage, with, obligatory incorporation, only i f the Possessor may advance to 1 . A case where t h i s i s possible is: i n a Passive clause, as i l l u s t r a t e d b e l ow: 2 0 1 7 3 a Si tklmllx w wik (; - n - t ) - s So Son - citx w. the woman see-PFTV-t-S3 T R^g the. your-house. The woman saw your house. b Sonwi?" wik .- i t o w - n - t - om Si t tklmilx w. you see-house-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR woman You were house-seen by the. woman. 1 8 5 c * "onwi? wik - n - t - am Tg. ["on) - citx w Ti t tklmilx w. you see-PFTV-t-PASS the. your-house INSTR woman d * Tanwi? wik - n - t - am Ti t tkimilx w Ta pari}- citx w. you see-PFTV-t-PASS' INSTR woman the your-house 1 7 W To Ta(n) - stmkTilt dk - n - t - is Tj Tin - kwTwTap. the your-daughter count -PFTV-t-S'3 T R A Ij S. t n e my-PL-saddlehorse Your daughter counted my hors:e.s. ^ ?inca?kn c3c - sqaxa? - n - t - am ?i t Ta(n) - stmkfilt. I I count-horse-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR your-daughter I was hors:e-counted by your daughter, c * Tinca?kn dk - n - t - im Ti ( S i n ) - kwTwTap Ti t stmkTilt. I count-PFTV-t-PASS the. my-PL-saddlehorse INSTR daughter d * Tinca?kn dkntim Ti t Ta(n) - stmkTilt Ti (Tin) - kwTwTap. I count-PASS INSTR your-daughter the my-PE-saddlehorse 1 7 5 a Ti sqal'tmix™ dk - n - t - is Tj stmkTilt - s. the man c o u n t - P F T V - t - S 3 T R M S the. daughter - S 3 p o s s The man. counted h i s . . / her daughters. '• h cniic dk - i l t - n - t>i am Ti t sqal'tmlxw. S3./V ecount-child-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR man He./She was child-counted by the man. c * cniic dk - n - t - im Ti stmkTilt ( -s) Ti t sqal'tmix". S3 count-PFTV-t-PASS the daughter -^3^00 INSTR man d * cniic d k - n - t - i m Ti t sqal'tmixw Ti stmkTilt ( r s ) . S3 count-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR man the d a u g h t e r - S S ^ ^ JrUbb This: supports: a n J i a n a l y s i s permitting Possessor Ascension from a 2-nominal, with, obligatory incorporation, only i f the Possessor advances to a 1 . 1 8 6 Four c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s may now he noted'with, respect to. Possessor Ascension i n Okanagan: i l Possessor Ascension is- permitted from a 2 only i f the Possessor may advance to a 1; i l ) These are f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e clauses;; i i i ) Possessor Ascension occurs only i f there exists: a ' l e x i c a l s.uffixal form of the head nominal, 'whichobligatorily incorporates-: 176a T i ?i(n) - stSn?slt x w <Sllt. the my-— cows many My cows are many. h * kn t - x wx w -* I got many cows. i v ) The p a i r s of sentences 16I-I67 and 173a,h - 175a,h show- noir change i n meaning: the f i n a l suh.je.ct i s stative' i n the a_ sentences and a s t a t l v e Possessor i n the h and c_ examples-. A generalization with, respect to Possessor Ascension i n Okanagan may now he formulated. Based on the data and constructions: examined herein, the relevant gener a l i z a t i o n i s : 177 Possessor Ascension in Okanagan is permissible only from a 2 in some stratum 5 " . , only if the Possessor may advance to 1 in stratum S\ ^ 3 with the 2-chomeur obligatorily incorporating. 1 8 7 '" .3 ' ' 'A Statement of L e x i c a l ''Incorporation Evidence that a 2-chomeur-may not incorporate into tne verb i n a f i n a l l y t r a n s i t i v e clause is- a v a i l a b l e : 1 7 8 a cfk - 1 - t - s -' n ?a ' ?s> Cn) - sq,w?o siya?. count-INDIR-t-you-Sl m T, tne' your-offspring I count you your kids:, b * ck - i l t - t - s - In count-chlld-t-you — 51,-pp A l i s t ing'. o f .cases: \ ,w±th\;'respect to:.:Lexlca-l< Incorporation i s now pos s i b l e : 179. LEXICAL INCORPORATION IS PERMISSIBLE: i l . obligatorily from a 2-c%amew> in an "Unaccusative clause, finally intransitive (iMe case in section 4, Chapter Fours); HI obligatorily from a 2-chomeur in a Middle voice clause, finally intransitive Cihe case in sectionZI, Chapter Three I; iii) o p t i o n a l l y from an i n i t i a l 3 in a Reflexive Unaccusative clause Cthe case in section 3,4, Chapter Three I; iv).. optionally from an advancee 3 in a Locative Advancement clause, finally transitive Cthe case in section 3.3, Chapter Three). LEXICAL INCORPORATION IS NOT PERMISSIBLE: i l from a 2 or a 1 Cthe case in sections- 4.1 and 4.2, Chapter Four). The. relevant g e n e r a l i z a t i o n with, respect to L e x i c a l Incorporation i n 2 1 Okanagan for nominals having a l e x i c a l s u f f i x a l form is:: 1 8 0 LEXICAL INCORPORATION IN PRINSCAN is r e s t r i c t e d to non-nuclear terms and chomeurs as follows: i ) optionally from a 3; i i ) obligatorily from a 2-chomeur in a monocldusal, finally intransitive construction. 1 8 8 k.k Ascension i h Middle Clauses A Middle -voice clause does: not permit a Possessor as-part of the i n i t i a l d i r e c t ohject nominal phrase: l 8 i a * k n clc - am t ?a(n) - s c j ^ a s l y a ? . S l T l l T m T , co.unt-MIDDLE some your-offspring INTR co-,r?.v, h. * k w u m^a - m t ?ari - l p l p ? u t . P l T 1 . T m _ break. - MIDDLE some, your-PL-cup Moreover, i n a construction with. L e x i c a l Incorporation, obligatory with, a 2-chomeur i n a Middle clause, the 2-chomeur i s not n e c e s s a r i l y i n t e r p r e t e d as being possessed by the; subject, i . e . , possessive reference i s unspecified. l 8 2 a k n dk - l i t - m. S l T „ m T 3 count-chll d-MIDDLE. IN i n I count anybody's- kids./my kids:. b k n d c - s q a x a ? - m. S l T . T m T 3 count-horse-MIDDLE IN in I count anybody' s horse.s;/my horses-, c ? i t t w i t k - t x i l x w - sqaxa? - m. the boy Dist-curry-horse-MIDDLE The hoy curries: anybody's; horses/his horses. These two facts: of 2-chomeurs i n Middle clauses: serve, to distinguish, them from 2s- r e s u l t i n g from Possessor Ascension: 1 8 3 DEMOTION 2 s (Middle voice clauses} ASCENDEE 2 s (.From Possessor Ascension) 1 . Pronominal marking of 1 . Pronominal marking of i n i t i a l 2 i s ungrammatical; i n i t i a l 2 i s obligatory."; 189 2. Reference, of the possessor 2. Reference, of the. possessor I s -unspecified and of the 2 is: s p e c i f i e d , u n r e s t r i c t e d . As: already pointed out, l e x i c a l incorporation of 2s may only occur i n f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e clauses-. These f a c t s have, a hearing on the. correct analysis: of the Middle voice clauses:. In Chapter Three, section 3, two analyses-of Middle clauses were discussed: l8ka ANTIPASSIVE h The. PHANTOM ARC Solution The Phantom Arc Solution accounted f o r a l l the facts presented as-well as r e s o l v i n g a serious: problem with, the Antipassive analysis-. The facts from Possessor Ascension provide a t h i r d argument for the Phantom Arc Solution. In an Unaccusative clause, Possessor Ascension may occur from thermominal bearing the 2- r e l a t i o n i n the. i n i t i a l stratum: 1 9 0 Both, the Antipassive analysis: and the. "Unaccusative. involve. Unaccusative 2 - t o - l Advancement, from the penultimate, i n t r a n s i t i v e stratum 'with, a 2 hut no 1 , to 1 i n the ultimate: stratum. T h i s predicts- that Possessor Ascension from the yo-yo-ed 1 -> 2 1 nominal i n the Middle voice clause, cum Anti-passive should he pos s i b l e . However t h i s p r e d i c t i o n i s not borne out: 1 8 6 a T i ?i(n) - soMssiya? k^ul' - m". the my - o f f s p r i n g work-MIDDLE My E l d s work., h * kn kMll' - i l t - ni. S 1 I N T R work-child-MIDDLE This: provides- an a d d i t i o n a l argument i n support of the Phantom Arc Solution which, does not involve. Unaccusative advancement of the i n i t i a l 1 nominal. >- - -It -may- be-.noted that ^Possessor 3Ascension...does- not occur from a 2 i n * a t r a n s i t i v e stratum-where- the 2-are and the 1-arc multi-attach, and- where the 2 and the 1 are n o n - d i s t i n c t , I.e., i n Reflexive and i n t h e • Middle voice under a Phantom Arc.^solution. Further work, on this; language, and on others: i s desirable to determine whether m u l t i -attachment- or non-distinctlveness; i s incompatible with. Possessor Ascension, 1 9 1 FOOTNOTES - CHAPTER FOUR 1 I t appears that Okanagan permits only two NPs or PPs following the verb. When a t h i r d i s present, T o p i c a l i z a t i o n i s obligatory. 2 By -virtue', o f the Oblique Law, a nominal that bears an oblique r e l a t i o n f i n a l l y bears that r e l a t i o n i n i t i a l l y : The Oblique Law (Perlmutter and Postal 1978} A nominal that hears a term relation in a given clause may or may not bear that relation in the initial stratum in that clause. A nominal that bears an oblique relation inaa clause, on the other hand, bears that relation in the initial stratum. Thus, the nominals i n question rhere^ bear the oblique r e l a t i o n i n the i n i t i a l stratum. 3 It does; not appear to be possible to say 'The. p r i e s t wrote, a l e t t e r f o r me to the agent', with double Dative nominals. I t is; p o s s i b l e to say one or the other. k Interrogativesswit can advance i n other constructions, such, as a R e l a t i o n a l ; see section 2.h t h i s chapter. 5 A competing hypothesis f o r Quantifier Float is; p o s s i b l e : that a f l o a t i n g q u a n t i f i e r must modify the NP close s t to the. V. However, i n a NP V NP construction, the NPs are equally close to the. V. Thev.example below i s such, a construction and shows that a f l o a t e d q u a n t i f i e r is: p r e f e r e n t i a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d as having come o f f the subject: a. S i sc'dnala? ySay?9?t wikw ( - n - t ) - s lx ?i So^usa 7. the c h i l d r e n a l l hide-PFTV-t-P3 T R A J fg. the eggs The c h i l d r e n a l l h i d the eggs. i . e . , A l l the c h i l d r e n h i d the eggs. * The ch i l d r e n h i d a l l the eggs. 192 When the nominal subject i s singular and the nominal object i s p l u r a l , a sentence with, a f l o a t e d q u a n t i f i e r i s awkward hut the q u a n t i f i e r is: unambiguously in t e r p r e t e d as having f l o a t e d o f f the d i r e c t object: b. T i sqal ' t m i x w y?ay?g?t x w i c i c ?j scwTin T i p p W i n a?x w. the man a l l give-INDIR "the . salmon the old.woman The man give a l l the salmon to the o l d lady. A revised a l t e r n a t i v e hypothesis: is; possible.: that a f l o a t i n g q u a n t i f i e r must modify the NP immediately following the V and that this, precedes: Topi.calization. However t h i s cannot be maintained as; shown by the following example: c- y ? a y T a ? t H i s • T i sqal'tmix w T i sdtfTJn. a l l e a tTRANS' t h e m a n ^ & salmon The. man ate a l l the salmon. A further argument against word order as the b a s i s f o r q u a n t i f i e r f l o a t rests: on the. i n t e r a c t i o n of Passive, 3 2 Advancement and Quantifier F l o a t . A f l o a t e d q u a n t i f i e r cannot modify the i n i t i a l 2 i n a Passive where the i n i t i a l 3 i s f i n a l 1: d. * T i xtx wtnf yTgyTg?t cfc? - x i - . t - am T i ym - yamx w a' ? the g i r l a l l - . weave-BENE-t-PASS the PL-basket T i t stamtima? - s. INSTR grandmother - her A d d i t i o n a l evidence against the. hypothesis that word order r e s t r i c t s : Quantifier Float £ s a v a i l a b l e v ' The following examples Cfrom p.. Ih3\ show - that i t cannot he s a i d that a q u a n t i f i e r f l o a t s from a nominal d i r e c t l y a f t e r the verb: e. (= 77a).. T i * x * x a p n a q " y T a y T a ? t Tj sTn&cTasqaxa?. the elder s t e a l a l l the horse The o l d man stole a l l the horses. 1 9 3 f. (=77*0 * ? i * % & a p '/?ayf-a?t nacf* ? i ' s ? n k l c ? a s q a x a ? . the., elder a l l s t e a l the. horse Thus an account of Quantifier Float i n terms- of l i n e a r order cannot he supported and reference must he made to grammatical relations.:. 6 It should he noted that the verb c x w - ' s p i l l ' d i f f e r s from the verb" 'pour' which, may occur i n the Middle voice and i n a regular t r a n s i t i v e construction without the. R e l a t i o n a l s u f f i x : a. k n c x w - am t l k ? a p l 1 ? i n - ? l p u t . S l T „ m o pour-MIDDLE a coffee LOC my-cup U s i n I pour some coffee In my cup.. b. ?n - c'x w - dxw - n - t - i n y?oy?o?t S i l k ? a p l Cont-ITER-pour-PFTV-t-Sl T R M S a l l the coffee. I poured a l l the coffee.. It should also he. noted that k w?o?- 'get used t o 1 may occur i n the I r r e a l i s mood, with. the. upper predicate k s - 'Unrealized action' which, requires Subject. Raising, as. ei t h e r a t r a n s i t i v e or i n t r a n s i t i v e clause, exemplified i h o and d below. However, In the R e a l i s mood, the R e l a t i o n a l construction, exemplified above In 48, i s obligatory. c. t ^ i t ' S i m k s - k"?o? - m - s t s q i l x w . easy UNR-get.used.to-IWTR-S3TT5T, a people I n n I t ' s easy to get used to the people. d. k w S i ( n ) - k s - k w?o? - m l - n - m. you SI _,,_-UNR-ge.t. used. t o-REL/2-PFTV-LNTR I n K I'm going to get used to youl 7 See footnote 4, Chapter Three, p. 1 0 6 , and footnote 1 2 following, discussing the assignment of thematic r e l a t i o n s . 8 It I s not c l e a r whether the s t r a t a l diagram f o r Class; B R e l a t i o n a l verbs i s a of b: 19k The question of whether'two advancements may occur i n the same stratum as i n a above has not been discussed i n R e l a t i o n a l Grammar nor i s any evidence available to choose'between a_ and b_ here. 9 This i s an idiomatic use of the root lTimt 'glad'. 10 This predicate i s a member of Unaccusative Class B 6 , p. 7 5 . See also ' t a l k a t i v e ' i n Class B3, p. lk. 11 '-In examples 7 7 a and 7 9 a , i t should be noted that the q u a n t i f i e r vTayTa?t ' a l l ' requires the presence of the s p e c i f i c a r t i c l e li rather than the non-specific, t. 12 1 2 It should be noted here that the argument that R e l a t i o n a l clauses are i n i t i a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e and f i n a l l y t r a n s i t i v e u t i l i z e s the cover term Non-Nuclear Object and need not claim for example that Ts ?lput 'cup.' i n 5 6 c bears the scone i n i t i a l grammatical r e l a t i o n as itl Tinkw^clp 'from my horse' i n 5 6 a , although i t i s quite l i k e l y that i n examples 6 l h , c , the word ^c^cap 'elder' bears the same i n i t i a l grammatical r e l a t i o n . Moreover, f o r predicates of Class A3 which also determine Unaccusative statum, taking -t marking, i t should be noted that as R e l a t i o n a l Class A3 predicates, these take a d i f f e r e n t assignment of i n i t i a l grammatical r e l a t i o n s C l , Non-nuclear!] than as Unaccusative Class B2 L~2, Non-nuclear' 195 13 Readers, familiar with. Thompson (19J2-1 may wish, to consider the -s morpheme in the. Class C Relatlonals as Instances of a "causative -s". In^addition-vto the reasons given In Hebert (19.821..against.-the -s analyzed as 'Imperfective! herein, the arguments presented In section 2.5.2 of this chapter argue, against taking the -S in the Class C Relatlonals as a causative markers These arguments show that: a) the constructions do not involve two-events; b) there i s no evidence for a downstairs 1 advancing to he an upstairs 3; and c)_ there Is: no consistent causative interpretation. 14 It i s not possible, at the time of writing, to indicate whether almost a l l stems- or some, or just a few permit LOC ^ 3. 15 It Is not know, at the time; of writing, whether - n u occurs on few or many roots. 16 The. data, would also be compatible, with, an analysis of incorporation directly from Locative. However as well be seen In section 4.3, the. rule, statement for Lexical Incorporation Is simpler' i f 3s are incorporated. 17 In some, languages, an Incorporated nominal i s a chomeur. It would be Interesting to investigate, i f this nominal Is a 3-chomeur in Okanagan. 18 This should not be confused with. Dative constructions involving nominals: as in examples: 4b. and 5a, this chapter. 19. Three other analyses: may be considered for these Dative pronominals: i l Possessor Ascension t c Dative.; i l l Possessor Ascension to 2, obligatory In a clause with, f i n a l transitive, stratum, or i l i l Ascension from Copied Dative.. The. f i r s t of these, Possessor Ascension to Dative, proposes that the Possessive marker on the i n i t i a l 2-nominal, ascends- to bear the Dative 1 9 6 r e l a t i o n . This, analysis; has four problems;: ' one, .the I h d i r e c t i y e or Benefactive. morphemes r e g i s t e r the: presence, of an i n i t i a l Oblique nominal, as argued i n section I of this: chapter; ' two, this- i s p r o h i b i t e d by the Oblique Law (Perlmutter and Postal 1 9 J 8 1 which, requires that OBLIQUE LAW: A:r nominal that Bears- a term relation in a given clause may or may; not Bear that relation in the initial stratum in that clause. A nominal that Bears an oBlique relation in a clause, on the other hand, Bears that relation in the initial stratum. three, the analysis i s more complex, since a r u l e of Possessor Ascension to Dative-, i s added to the grammar, while r e t a i n i n g a l l the other rules needed under the proposed an a l y s i s ; and . four, i t makes the r u l e of Possessor Ascension (section h) subject to d i fferent condit ions. The second of these possible analyses., Possessor Ascension to 2, obli g a t o r y i n a clause with, f i n a l t r a n s i t i v e stratum, proposes: i ) that an optional copy Is. l e f t on the 2, i l ) that a Dative i s o b l i g a t o r i l y present, as shown by the presence o f - 4 , - x ( l ) , r e g i s t e r s of an i n i t i a l Dative on the verb; and i i i ) that there i s an agreement rule, between t h i s Dative and the Possessor. A possible r e l a t i o n a l network, i s given as: 1 9 7 This, analysis- also has problems: one, the r e s t r i c t i o n to a clause with f i n a l t r a n s i t i v e , stratum, and two, the 'arbitrariness- of the agreement r u l e . These two problems are also shared with, the analysis- o f Obligatory-Advancement -of-Dati.ve-to-2 adopted above, however without allowing for•the s i m i l a r i t y with, the advancement of the Locative: body parts, as- discussed at the end of this, s e c t i o n , 3.h. The t h i r d of these i s the. most elegant of the four analyses considered: Ascension from Copied Dative, which, proposes i l that the. i n i t i a l Dative i s copied onto the. 2-nominal, from which, i l l e i t h e r the 2 1 i n a Passive construction, or 1 1 1 ) the Possessor Copy ascends to 2 , p l a c i n g the i n i t i a l 2-nominal en chomage. A possible r e l a t i o n a l network, for the f i n a l l y t r a n s i t i v e case i s given: However, this: analysis r a i s e s three problems: one, i t proposes a new type of r u l e for R e l a t i o n a l Grammar, that of allowing an Oblique to be copied onto a Term nominal, making a strong claim for the. theory and for other languages; two, i t loses: a s i m i l a r i t y with. the-Locative body parts; phenomenon; and three, i t makes the. r u l e of Possessor Ascension (discussed i n the following s e c t i o n , k, of t h i s chapter! subject to d i f f e r e n t conditions. 198 B a s i c a l l y , that rule, state that Possessor Ascension i s possible from a 2 only i f i t can advance to a 1 whereas- t h i s Dative r u l e of Possessor Copy Ascension would he possible, to a 2, without advancing to 1. 20 This pattern of Possessor Asrcensi.on i n Passive constructions was obtained from Sharon Lindley of Quilchena. See also Appendix I: Consultants. 21 That L e x i c a l Incorporation i s r e s t r i c t e d to non-nuclear terms; (.i.e., 3s and obliques) and chomeurs: may be. supported from a p o s s i b l e analysis of the p r e f i x ks- 'Unrealized Action' as an upper predicate, r e q u i r i n g Subject Raising. In a ks- construction, Involving Pronominal Dative. Advancement to 2, and a downstairs- clause that I s I n i t i a l l y t r a n s i t i v e , and f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e , L e x i c a l Incorporation i s permissible fo r a 2-chomeur: a. k™ ?i(n) - ks - dk - 4 - t - i m ?s ?an - kwTwTap. you SlT_T3---UNR-count-INDIR-t-PASS the your-EL-horse IKK I'm going to count your saddle, horses. b. k™_ ~i(n) - ks - dk - sqaxa? - m. you S1 T T 3 T D - UWR - count - horse - INTR IKK I'm going to count your horses. The. r e l a t i o n a l network, representing the structure i h a,h above, i s diagrammed below: 199 Ti kwTwTap The grammatical r e l a t i o n borne by the downstairs clause to the upstairs, clause, whether i t i s a l or a 2, has been l e f t , unspecified, as W, since, i t Isiimmaterial to the analysis here — the. head of the i n i t i a l 2 nominal i s a 2 In eit h e r case. The two sentences a_,h also show that L e x i c a l Incorporation i s sensitive, to monostratal vs putative.-bistratal structure, since the L e x i c a l Incorporation i s optional from a 2-chomeur In a b i s t r a t a l structure but obligatory from a monostratal structure.. 2 0 0 CHAPTER FIVE RELEVANCE OF ANALYSES This chapter discusses the relevance of the preceding analyses f o r Salishan l i n g u i s t i c s i n section 1 , and for the theory of Re l a t i o n a l Grammar i n section 2 . 1 Relevance to Salishan L i n g u i s t i c s The analyses presented i n Chapters Three and Four contribute to the study of Salishan l i n g u i s t i c s . Each, of the following topics w i l l be reviewed i n turn: the Benefactive and In d i r e c t i v e constructions- ( .1 .1) . the R e l a t i o n a l construction ( . 1 . 2 ) , the Locative construction ( . 1 . 3 ) . , the existence of i n d i r e c t objects (l.k 1, the 'Transitive -t' ( .1 .5) . and the char a c t e r i z a t i o n of the Middle, voice ( .1 .6) . . 1 . 1 Benefactive and In d i r e c t i v e Constructions The -x(i) , -4 -morphemes- of the. Dative, clauses:, termed 'Benefactive' and 'Ind i r e c t i v e ' r e s p e c t i v e l y , are. the Okanagan tokens- of a class- of-morphemes which. Kinkade (.19.80) terms- 'Redirective' f o r "suffixes- i n I n t e r i o r Salishan languages which, are used when two goals-are implied f o r t r a n s i t i v e stems." Three important papers discuss: these morphemes,-.;,*. Thei»^irtherii^]^te^^ri§|dlah.aa languages.ihaye multiple, -members i n t h i s class whereas the Northern I n t e r i o r Salishan languages- • have reduced the set of members to one. For Columbian, Kinkade ( .1980) reports,- three or more members, -xi, -4, -tu4 with, p o s s i b l y -ca4, -c, -S and 1 X 1 X , -xax. The phenomena appear to be s i m i l a r s y n t a c t i c a l l y to the Okanagan data, with, advancements: from Oblique to 3 to 2 , as 201 exemplified below, as s'hown by case-marking and l i n e a r p o s i t i o n : COLUMBIAN: l a (.= MDK 13) ? a c - y a y 4 n sttanftanf k l Mary. I'm weaving a bag f o r Mary, b (.= MDK ik) q i y l t a ? q l ? m i n s Mary. Write a l e t t e r f o r Mary! '7c (- MDK 1 1 ) ? a c - k a i x t n sttanftanf Mary. I gave Mary a bag. d (.= MDK 1 0 ) ? a c - y a y x t n Mary sttanftanf. I made a bag f o r Mary. The case-marking distinctions, between the multiple members: of the Columbian redirectives- i s not reported, and the semantic d i s t i n c t i o n s need further c l a r i f i c a t i o n . Columbian is: reported as permitting r e d i r e c t i v e s i n i n t r a n s i t i v e clauses:, with, e i t h e r - X I X or - x a x , as i n a_,b below. These i n t r a n s i t i v e clauses are reported as-occurring t r a n s i t i v e l y i n R e l a t i o n a l clauses, as i n c_ below: 2a (= MDK h3) x a s m x i x . he l o s t something f d r / o f someone, b (.= MDK hk). xasmxax. he l o s t something belonging to someone else, c (.= MDK ks.) x o s x i x m o n . I l o s t i t for them (not deliberately).. For Spokane.(:a d i a l e c t of the K a l i s p e l language),, Carlson (.19.80} reports -si and -4, which., he terms: 'benefactive./substitutive' and ' r e l a t i v e ' , r e s p e c t i v e l y , with. -4 ' also occurring i n possessive constructions, The case-markings ind i c a t e that d i f f e r e n t oblique grammatical r e l a t i o n s may be involved i n i t i a l l y : 202 SPOKANE-KALISPEL: 3 a (.= BFC 3 9 ) k^ulltan iu? yamxwe? 4u ? x wol Agnes. I made a "basket f o r Agnes, b (.= BFC kl) x wldtton 4u? yamxwe? in? C Agnes. I gave a basket to Agnes. Moreover, a f t e r putative advancement of the i n i t i a l oblique nominal to 2, the i n i t i a l 2, now a 2-chomeur according to R e l a t i o n a l Grammar, takes obliqueccase-marking: ka (=vBFe)38) k^ul^tsn 4u? Agnes in? t yamxwe?. I made Agnes a basket. OBL b (= BFC kOI x wicstan 4u? Agnes in? t yamxwe?. I gave Agnes a basket. OBL For Thompson, a Northern I n t e r i o r Salishan language, Thompson and Thompson (.1980) report one morpheme, -xi with, benefactive, malefactive, i n d i r e c t i v e or possessive meaning. Again, these seem to involve an i n i t i a l oblique object: 5 a (= T&T kl) ma?xtxw e smuiec ta szelts. break.-BEN-t-S2 dish. OBL woman You smashed the woman's dish.. For Shuswap, Kuipcrs (.12741 also reports: only one. morpheme, -xl, u s u a l l y 'benefactive'. Based on the. facts as- reported i n the sources: reviewed and the a n a l y s i s of the (LNL)_ Okanagan, a hypothesis can be made with, respect to language, change i n the I n t e r i o r Salishan languages: 203 6 that originally, these "redirective" clauses involved different oblique grammatical relations, which merged, with a subsequent loss of membership in the class of morphemes which register the presence of that initial oblique nominal; and that this language change occurred first in the Northern branch and is incomplete in the Southern branch. An a l t e r n a t i v e hypothesis i s 7 that originally, these !'redirective" clauses involved a general oblique grammatical relation which split with a subsequent increase of membership in the class of morphemes which register the presence of an initial oblique nominal and that this: language change occurred first in the Southern branch and is: incomplete in the Northern branch. To v e r i f y e i t h e r hypothesis, further work, i s needed, i n hoth. Coast and In t e r i o r languages, synchronically with, respect to case-marking and putative advancements from Oblique, to 3 to 2, supported by synta c t i c evidence. 1.2 R e l a t i o n a l Constructions R e l a t i o n a l clauses are. also reported as- occurring i n other I n t e r i o r Salishan languages (Shuswap, Thompson, Columbian, and Colyille-Okanaganl, with, the -mi-morpheme, having a t r a n s i t i . v l z i n g function. The. (Nicola Lake) Okanagan a n a l y s i s contributes to Salishan l i n g u i s t i c s by i d e n t i f y i n g three classes of Re l a t i o n a l clauses-, by examining the c l a u s a l structure of each, of these c l a s s e s , by deciphering the. 'weak, causative' -meaning of one. of these classes and by sp e c i f y i n g 201+ the -mi morpheme, i n R e l a t i o n a l Grammar terminology, as a marker of advancement of a non-nuclear nominal to 2 . Similar constructions to the Okanagan Relational.Glass C, with weak causative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , have been reported for the Thompson language: 8 (= LCT 16) a sexw - m - s - C. 'she makes him bathe' b $acfv - m - s - t - x w . 'you make him do the n a i l i n g ' c k w3n - m - s - t - e s . 'she made him take hold' According to L.C. Thompson's (1979) a n a l y s i s , these are assumed.to be causativized middle forms. Further work on the syntax of t h i s language may reveal whether these are true causatives i n v o l v i n g b i c l a u s a l structure with Middle voice clauses or Instrumental Advancement l i k e the (,NL) Okanagan constructions. 1.3 Locative Constructions The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the Locative clauses with, a morpheme -ina? marking advancement i s new, as. is. the analysis with, respect to Possessor Ascension. Possessive constructions occurring with, a Redirective morpheme, have been exemplified and/or noted i n other I n t e r i o r Salishan languages-, with, r i i n Columbian and Spokane-Kalispel, and wi.th.--xl i n Thompson, although the analysis here for Okanagan as ob l i g a t o r y Pronominal Dative Advancement to 2 with, optional copy and agreement i s new. 1.1+ ' The Existence of Indirect Objects Another^problemlin.iSallshanillhguistics .cisrthe.^exi.s.te'nc.e.eofaihdirect objects, i . e . , 3s. The t r a d i t i o n a l view i s that Salishan languages have only subjects., d i r e c t objects and oblique objects, but no i n d i r e c t objects:. As a consequence of the analyses presented i n Chapter Three, an i n i t i a l 3 2 0 5 has been proposed by default. This f a l l s out of the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of two classes of Unaccusatives, the Reflexive Unaccusatives and the. -p c l a s s . L e x i c a l incorporation and Quantifier Ban serve to distinguish. between t h i s putative 3 and the grammatical r e l a t i o n borne, by the i n i t i a l 2 / f i n a l 2 of the Middle voice clauses. In Chapter Four, three more instancesr.of 3s are discussed: an advancee 3 i n Indirective/Benefactiye. clauses, an i n i t i a l 3 with some members of Class A, B R e l a t i o n a l clauses; and an advancee 3 i n Locative clauses. The:-; cleares t cases of 3 s are: i). an advancee 3 i n Dative (Benefactive/Indirective).. clauses (cf. section 1 , Chapter 3 ) ; i i ) an advancee 3 i n Locative clauses ( c f . section 3, Chapter 3)..; and i i i ) . a 3 with. L e x i c a l Incorporation (cf. sections 3 . 3 , 4 . 3 , Chapter 3 L The following cases of 3s' are not as c l e a r , but are possible.: i v ) an i n i t i a l 3 i n Reflexive Unaccusative clauses: (cf, section 4 . 4 , Chapter 3)_; v) an i n i t i a l 3 with. some. Class; A, B R e l a t i o n a l verbs (cf. , sections-2 , 2 . 2 , Chapter 4 ) . Further work, w i l l be. required to demonstrate, c l e a r l y that a nominal may bear a 3-relati,on i n an i n i t i a l stratum. 1 . 5 T r a n s i t i v e - t The. - t marking is: a morpheme, appearing i i i : i a l l Salishan languages.-and i s commonly known as- Transitive t. In Okanagan, as i n the other Salishan languages, this: morpheme, appears- i n regular t r a n s i t i v e clauses-: 9_ ?i srfina? cf'Sa - n - t - is ?i slcS^imalt. the owl b i t e - P F T V - t - S 3 T R A N S . the baby The owl b i t the baby. 206 However, t h i s morpheme i s not r e s t r i c t e d to f i n a l l y t r a n s i t i v e clauses, appearing i n the f i n a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e passive: 10 Si sk'wq^im9lt q v? 3 - n - t - im Si t sn'ina?. the hahy b i t e - PFTV-t-PASS INSTR owl The baby was b i t t e n by the owl. That the -t morpheme i s not a marker of t r a n s i t i v i t y i n the i n i t i a l stratum i s demonstrated by t h i s benefactive construction, which, i s l o g i c a l l y i n t r a n s i t i v e i n the i n i t i a l stratum: 11 £ - &xd - t'Snf - s - x - t - 0 Si ^cx^xap. DIM-smil e -REDUP-fac e-BENE-t-IMP the PL-elder both.sides S 2TRANS Smile f o r .the elders.' D e t a i l s of an a n a l y s i s , p o s i t i n g -x as a marker of an i n i t i a l l y oblique object, permitting advancement to 3 and to 2, are given i n section 1 of Chapter Four. The problem i s then that the Transitive t~ marks neither i n i t i a l t r a n s i t i v i t y hor f i n a l t r a n s i t i v i t y . The rule given i n section 1.7 of Chapter Two for -t marking i n Okanagan i d e n t i f i e s the. -t as ..marking the presence of an i n i t i a l or advancee 2, i n stratum S^, which, remains a d i s t i n c t nuclear term i n a successive, f i n a l stratum ^ i + 1 (-^ee the conditions on t h i s r u l e , p. 38)). Besides capturing the facts- exemplified above, the rule statement has two advantages: (1) . of r u l i n g out the -t marker from Middle voice clauses; and (2) of i n c l u d i n g the 'stative -t' of the Unaccusative Class.- B, within the same, statement, thus s i m p l i f y i n g the grammar. 2 0 7 1 .6 Trie Middle Voice The c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of Middle clauses Is another Salishan thorn. More hroadly, d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between active and middle voice has remained a problem h i s t o r i c a l l y , from Homeric Greek to modern-day Okanagan. Gerdts (198O) has characterized the Middle voice i n Halkomelem, a.",Coast Salishan language, as i n v o l v i n g Spontaneous Chomage, i . e . , demotion of the i n i t i a l 2 to 2, la c k i n g evidence f o r the yo-yo ac t i o n of the Antipassive with, respect to the i n i t i a l 1 demoting to 2 then advancing to 1. For Okanagan, the ava i l a b l e data provided support f o r an Antipassive a n a l y s i s , subsequently modified with a Phantom arc. The. Phantom Arc solution., provides a cha r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the syntactic structure of Middle voice clauses, which does not countermand the t r a d i t i o n a l semantic c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n . 2. Relevance to R e l a t i o n a l Grammar The analyses of Okanagan c l a u s e - l e v e l constructions presented i n t h i s study attest to the p r o d u c t i v i t y of the t h e o r e t i c a l model Re l a t i o n a l Grammar with respect to c l a u s a l structure. However these analyses: also address two p r i n c i p l e s of Relat i o n a l Grammar and point to an area of the grammatical theory i n need of elaboration. The d e f i n i t i o n of t r a n s i t i v i t y ( 2 . 1 ) , the 1-Advancement Exclusiveness Law ( 2 . 2 ) , and the mapping of thematic and grammatical r e l a t i o n s (.2.3) are. discussed i n turn. 2 . 1 The D e f i n i t i o n of T r a n s i t i v i t y T r a n s i t i v i t y is; defined i n R e l a t i o n a l Grammar as a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of stratum, not of clauses or of verbs, as; follows: 208 12 Transitivity in Relational Grammar A stratum is considered transitive if it has a 1 and a 2; otherwise it is intransitive. However, Okanagan may provide evidence that t h i s d e f i n i t i o n i s i n s u f f i c i e n t i n and of i t s e l f , hecause of the necessity of r e f e r r i n g to d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of 1 and of 2 with respect to Agentive Reflexives and to Middles. The Agentive Reflexives are t r a n s i t i v e according to d e f i n i t i o n hut unlike other t r a n s i t i v e s , as f a r as morphological marking i s concerned, r e f l e x i v e s i n Okanagan are treated as i n t r a n s i t i v e , i . e . , do not take, - t and do takeI I n t r a n s i t i v e Subject Marking. The Middles contain at l e a s t one: t r a n s i t i v e stratum, again with, the 1 and the 2 r e s u l t i n g from advancement of the Phantom nominal, being n o n - d i s t i n c t . These are treated as i n t r a n s i t i v e vis; a v i s -t marking, -n/-s Perfect!ve/Imperfective aspect marking, and Person/Number subject marking. Thus, for at l e a s t some languages, rules r e f e r r i n g to t r a n s i t i v i t y require reference, to distinctiveness- as well as- to 1 and 2. 2.2 The Re l a t i o n a l Class B verbs and the 1AEX The Class B Re l a t i o n a l clauses: may be of considerable relevance to the 1-Advancement Exclusiveness Law (Perlmutter and Postal 1978).. This Law can be stated formally: 13 The 1- Advancement Exclusiveness Law Let A and B be distinct neighboring 1-arcs. Then, if A is: an advancee arc, B is not an advancee arc, where two arcs A, B. are neighbors if andcohiy if they have the same tail node; and where an arc is an advancee arc if the Relational-sign of the arc has re-evaluated up the Relational hierarchy. 209 The claim made by the 1AEX can be stated informally: Ik Claim of 1AEX The set of advancements to 1 i n a single clause contains at most one member. The proponents of t h i s claim i d e n t i f y two df the possible r e l a t i o n a l networks r u l e d out by the 1AEX: f a The 1AEX predicts that a Passivized R e l a t i o n a l clause with. an Unaccusative Class B predicate would be ungrammatical since t h i s would involve two advancements to 1 i n the same clause: 16 210 However, this- p r e d i c t i o n i s not borne out since Passives occur with Class B R e l a t i o n a l verbs f or which i t was shown that the f i n a l 1 i s an i n i t i a l 2 (section 2 . 3 , Chapter Four): 1 7 a 2 -> 1 GR ^ 2 Si twtwit Saymt - m ( • n - t ) - s lx Si xxixwxwtm'. the PL-boy mad-REL/2-PFTV-t-P3 T R M S the P L - g i r l s The boys are made at the g i r l s . b GR 2 1 2 ^ 1 -> 1 x Sj xxixwxwtnf Saymt - m - n - t - a m lx Sj t twtwit. the P L - g i r l mad-REL/2-PFTV-t-PASS P3 T n v m r o INSTR PL-boy The g i r l s are mad at by the boys. 1 8 a 2 •> 1 GR - > _ 2 ' x Sj ttwit y l t - mi ( - n - t ) - s Sj a%j&ap. the boy run.away-REL/2-PFTV-t-S3 T R A N S the elder The boy run away from the o l d man. b GRx 2 -} 1 2 - ^ 1 ^ 1 Sj fl&j&ap ylt - mi - n - t - am Sj t ttwit. the elder run.away-REL/2-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR boy The elder Is run away from by the boy. The Okanagan data, from the Class B R e l a t i o n a l verbs, c o n s t i t u t e s a counter-example to the 1-Advancement Exclusiveness Law, a law proposed as a possible u n i v e r s a l . Halkomelem has also been reported as c o n s t i t u t i n g a counter-example to the 1AEX. Gerdts ( .1980) discusses the me? constructions of Halkomelem, arguing l)_ that the approximately 3 0 verbs, psychological predicates, which, can occur with, t h i s s u f f i x , determine i n i t i a l Unaccusative s t r a t a ; 211. 2) that the me? constructions are hest analyzed as i n v o l v i n g Unaccusative Advancement to 1 and 'causal* (her term f or the i n i t i a l oblique nominal of these constructions), to 2 Advancement; and 3) that p a s s i v i z e d me? constructions constitute a counter-example to the 1AEX. Hence Salishan languages provide two counter-examples to the 1AEX: Okanagan, an I n t e r i o r Salishan language, and Halkomelem, a Coast Salishan language, both, i n v o l v i n g i d e n t i c a l structure (see the R e l a t i o n a l network given i n l6 above). It may he concluded that the 1AEX should be modified so that language p a r t i c u l a r conditions must be. allowed on i t s a p p l i c a b i l i t y . 2.3 The Mapping of Thematic and Grammatical Relations These analyses: of Okanagan clauses: point to a p o t e n t i a l problem for R e l a t i o n a l Grammar: the mapping of thematic relations: onto grammatical r e l a t i o n s . I f i t i s assumed that t h i s mapping occurs i n the i n i t i a l stratum, then the fact that some Okanagan verbs: may have an assignment of d i f f e r e n t i n i t i a l grammatical relations: i n d i f f e r e n t clause-types is-of i n t e r e s t . For example, some verbal roots can determine both. Unaccusative stratum and active or middle voice stratum: 19_a TaSaPt, TnmTap 'broken'; Unaccusatives with, an i n i t i a l 2 but no 1; m?am 'break.'; Middle, with, an i n i t i a l 1 and a Phantom NN term; b mSyp 'know'; Unaccusative, with, an i n i t i a l 2 but no 1, also i n Limited Control, with, i n i t i a l 2 and a NN term; m?y-- 'know'; i n i t i a l l y t r a n s i t i v e , with, an i n i t i a l 1 and 2; c t fq w - slap'; with, an i n i t i a l lviand 2; or with, i n i t i a l 1 and a NN term i n a Limited Control construction, with. Managed-To reading; 212 tq^ " - q w - 'slap'; as: Unaccusative i n a Limited Control construction, with. Accidental/Unintentional reading; d t i i - 'stra i g h t ' , with, an i n i t i a l 1 and a M term i n a Rel a t i o n a l construction; t i i - i - 'straight'; as an Unaccusative with, i n i t i a l 2 hut no 1 i n a Limited Control construction, with Accidental/Unintentional reading. S i m i l a r l y , some verbs can determine both. Unaccusative and Unergative stratum: 20i qicalx 'run'; Unergative, with, an i n i t i a l 1 but no 2; qcalx- 'run'; Unaccus-ative, with, an i n i t i a l 2 but no 1, i n a Possessor Ascension clause. One p a i r of these verbs- i s exemplified below, with, s t r a t a l diagrams: 21a mSy - ,p - nu ( - n - t ) - n Si c?aptiq wi. know-UNACCUS-LTDC-PFTV-t-Sl T ] R A 1 J S the. myth. I found out the o l d story. b SI Si c S 3 p t l q w i 22a c - mSy - s - t - in Si Silmix^. PF-know-IMPF.-t-Sl T R M S the ch i e f I know the'chief. 213 These Okanagan facts demonstrate that the theory of R e l a t i o n a l Grammar requires further elaboration to deal with, multiple assignment of i n i t i a l grammatical and thematic r e l a t i o n s i n c e r t a i n types of clauses. 2lh APPENDIX I: CONSULTANTS This; is a l i s t of native speakers consxilted during the f i e l d work, period, spanning from Summer 1277 thru Spring 1982. The hulk of the data presented herein Is from Joseph. Albert Michel, the primary language consultant. Some, syntactic phenomena reported on here have been contributed by other speakers; these are.moted in the footnotes. Other native speakers l i s t e d below have been helpful In many ways, although, their words and stories may not have been included. The data presented on the preceeding pages is only a portion of the material collected. Joseph. Albert Michel is respected In his community as a particularly knowledgeable speaker and patient teacher of his mother tongue. He excels and delights in figuring out his own language. 1. Uncle, i.e., Joseph. Albert Michel, was born on June 30, 1208 and was raised on Qullchena Reserve, Nicola Valley, B.C. He remained a constant resident of Nicola Valley. His: native and f i r s t language, i s Okanagan which he learned from his mother. Later, he learned some Shuswap and some Chinook. Jargon from his father, as well as some Thompson (the. other Salishan language spoken in the valley). He learned English, from his father who taught him to read and to write, and spoke English, to his boss on the ranch., especially the. Abbott ranch, where he cowb.oyed for over thirteen years. His parents, Fred MicheieoT Kamloops and Josephine C h i l l i h i t z a Michel of Quilchena, had fifteen children. Three of the older children a l l died in residential school. This formed part of the reason for keeping Uncle back, from school. A bout with, rheumatic fever also played a role here. Although, he considers his lack of formal schooling as a sorrow of l i f e , 215 this; time, at home provided the opportunity for close, and intensive t r a i n i n g i n the language and culture,, enabling him to be a ve r y valuable, bearer and transmitter of the traditions:.. • Throughout the work, he has b.een conscious of recording his: language., and so contributing to the knowledge, and memory about h i s people.. This work, forms: part of his legacy to his- people.. 2 . Sharon Lindley (.1953 - ), nee Michel, i s also of the Quilchena Reserve, a daughter of Francis and Amelia Michel. Her grannie, Josephine C h i l l l h i t z a Michel, and her uncle, Joseph. Albert Michel, were instrumental In her l i f e and are her main teachers of the language. She introduced me to Okanagan, to her Uncle, and to Ni c o l a V a l l e y . At the time of w r i t i n g , she i s completing her teacher t r a i n i n g at UBC. I am fortunate to consider her as: my f r i e n d . 3 . N e l l i e Quiterrez ( . 1 8 9 2 - 1 9 8 0 V was a respected and admired elder. Born i n Hedley, between Princeton and Keremeos, of Eddie John F a l l A l l i s o n and Emily (nee Tom), she spent her young years i n Shulus i n Nicola V a l l e y . She received her schooling i n Mission and has l i v e d at Douglas Lake since 1 9 . 0 8 , the home area of her maternal grandfather, N a r c l s s i s Tom, known as. 'Chinook. Tom' because he knew Chinook Jargon. Nellie, grew up speaking Thompson, Okanagan, Chinook., and English.. N e l l i e had three c h i l d r e n with, her f i r s t husband, Baptiste. Tom; these are Michel ( . 1 9 0 9 ) , L i l y ( I 9 1 l ) _ , and Charlie. (1913). A f t e r h i s death., she worked as a cook, for the Douglas-Lake ranch, f o r many years. Her second husband, A l f r e d Quiterrez, died i n the war. A grand o l d lady, she could s t a r t the proceedings at Elders Day with, a solemn prayer i n Okanagan, then contribute a t r a d i t i o n a l song,- and end wi.th_ an enthusiastic 'yahoo!' 2l6 k. Louisa Roper, (1896-19811» the, l a s t near-monolingual speaker of Okanagan In Nic o l a V a l l e y , was: horn Christmas: Eve, I896, of Mr, and Mrs. Williams- Jack.. Her only surviving o f f s p r i n g are Louis- and Isaac Lindley. Although, bed-ridden, she generously permitted an Interview i n August 1 2 7 9 . 5 . Rosie Tom (.1912- ) of Douglas Lake Reserve a s s i s t e d i n the language work, with, her neighbour Louisa Roper. 6. Johnny Archachan (.1913- 1, e l d e r l y s t o r y - t e l l e r , of Quilchena, w i l l i n g l y recorded h i s s t o r i e s to be put i n the museum so his children's c h i l d r e n could hear them. 7 . Joe. Pete Saddleman (l9_2k- )., also of Quilchena Reserve, t r a i n e d as a language i n s t r u c t o r at the Un i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a . He spent eight years: at the r e s i d e n t i a l school In Kamloops. He i s well-known f o r h i s p r a c t i c a l jokes and h i s ever-eready smile. 8. Clara Jack. (.19.28- ). of Pentlcton also graduated from U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a ' s native, language program as Instructor. She returned home to teach: her language, and produced some lessons on Okanagan. Although, her a c t i v i t i e s are now severely r e s t r i c t e d by the c r i p p l i n g e f f e c t s of rheumatoid a r t h r i t i s . , , she r i s e s to the, challenge and continues to work, on a dic t i o n a r y of her language. She. i s also a s s i s t i n g A. Mattina with, work, on a reference grammar and t e x t s of her d i a l e c t . 9.. Adam Eneas (.19.'2- 1 of both. Pentlcton and Vancouver, was ch i e f of the Pentlcton band u n t i l 1 2 7 5 . This was: the l a s t year that he a c t i v e l y used the. language i n public and formal s i t u a t i o n s ( s i t - i n s , roadblocks:, -meetings, etc.). He learned his: language, at home from h i s 2 1 7 parents, Angellne. (nee: "Francois) and Gideon Eneas.. He spoke no English u n t i l he. went to school. He completed grade 1 2 and one. year of u n i v e r s i t y . He has: l i v e d i n Vancouver f o r four years-. 1 0 . Teresa Terbasket (.19.33- • 1 of Keremeos- attended U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a f or t r a i n i n g both, as: a language. Instructor and as a teacher. While i n V i c t o r i a , she. a s s i s t e d i n some fine, d e t a i l e d language, work.. 1 1 . T i l l i e George of C o l v i l l e , Washington State, i s approximately 55 years of age. She spoke two languages at home: Okanagan to her mother and Columbian to her father. She received eight years of schooling, f i v e years of pub l i c school and three years of r e s i d e n t i a l school. She also graduated as a language i n s t r u c t o r from U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a ' s NILDP. She has taught her language to the young people and children on the C o l v i l l e "reservation. 1 2 . Robert W. S t e r l i n g ( . 1 9 3 7 - ). i s d i r e c t o r of Indian Education for Nico l a V a l l e y Indian Administration and chairman of the Advisory Council f o r the Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h . Columbia's Native Indian Teacher Education Program. He i s a native speaker of Thompson and a member of the Lower Nicola Indian Band. He holds a BA In S o c i a l Psychology from UBC. We collaborated on a j o i n t paper which, attempted to link, the language, the culture, of Nicola V a l l e y and Indian Education. His Insights: into h i s people and h i s view of Indian Education have, b e n e f i t t e d me as a l i n g u i s t and as; a person. 1 3 . Mary Coutlee ( 1 9 1 5 - 1.of M e r r l t t , also a graduate of U n i v e r i s t y of V i c t o r i a ' s NILDP, speaks:, reads, and writes Thompson f l u e n t l y . Her h o s p i t a l i t y and our many discussions of both, her language and of Okanagan 218 have Been very encouraging and h e l p f u l to ne. She. c h e e r f u l l y continues her work, on her language and Has r e c e n t l y taught her language to adults i n N i c o l a V a l l e y t h r u Cariboo College /(Winter 19.81-82). Ik. Jim Toodlican (1949.- 1 of Shackan Reserve, i s also a graduate of U n i v e r s i t y of Vict o r i a ' s : NILDP. He has taught. Thompson to the chi l d r e n of Nicola Valley. My meager efforts; to a s s i s t him to tran s c r i b e a small c o l l e c t i o n of Thompson s t o r i e s one summer helped me f a r more, than they helped him. He i s - the youngest of the. consultants and language Instructors -may h i s l i f e be productive. 15. Dave Parker, an elder from Westhank, now l i v e s i n Kelowna. He has devised his own orthography f o r Okanagan; i t i s an English-based system. He taught h i s language and h i s system at Mt..Bushery Secondary School, i n Kelowna, during the 1980-91 school year. Each, of h i s lessons was typed and read onto tape, cassettes. The same format was used f o r each, lesson: f i r s t , sentences: were presented, then a breakdown of-words followed, and as conclusion,, a text of a l l the sentences: In that p a r t i c u l a r lesson. Dave works Independently and i s proud of his. work.. 219 APPENDIX I I : ABBREVIATIONS The following abbreviations are used i n the sub-linear glosses for verbal markers: of time: PF Perfect C-PPF Past Perfect sac-PFTVV Perfective -n IMPF Imperfective -S PROG Progressive -x/-nux INCEP Inceptive -aTx UNR Unrealized action ks-f o r markers; of number: S Singular, as: i n SI: f i r s t person singular P P l u r a l , as- i n P3: t h i r d person p l u r a l PL P l u r a l Reduplication • for verbal prefixes:, i . e . , l e x i c a l formatives: Cont Contained Tn-Dist D i s t r i b u t e d k-/ t-Dir D i r e c t i o n a l : atop ki-Dir D i r e c t i o n a l : under kl-' f o r verbal morphology: MIDDLE Middle voice -(a)m LOC/2, / l Locative-to-2 or to-1 Advancement -(l)na? REL/2 Relational-to-2 Advancement -mCi) UNACCUS' Unaccusative LTDC Limited Control -nu 220 BENE INDIR PASS ITER REFL R E F LUN. RECIP ACCUS Benefactive I n d i r e c t i v e Passive I t e r a t i v e Reduplication Agentive Reflexive Unaccusative Reflexive Reciprocal for assorted particles:: NEG LOC INSTR EMPH COMP COND QU Negative Locative preposition Instrumental p r e p o s i t i o n Emphatic -xC.1) -4 -im/-am -cut -myst -wixw lut 1 n t tl t T i / tfa confirm QU. Complementizer-Conditional 4 Yes/ho,:'q_uestion marker f o r confirmation Yes/no question marker f or information T i / Ta / t / mTi / kTi / kTa / 4Ta / s-'infor for subject markers: IRR I r r e a l i s Mood TRANS, TR T r a n s i t i v e INTR I n t r a n s i t i v e f o r d i a l e c t areas: PEN Pentict6n;:dialect NL Nicola Lake d i a l e c t ha ?T Uc the Tin- set the - ( i ) n set the kn set -221 APPENDIX III. THE MIDDLE. AND RELATIONAL CONSTRUCTIONS' REVISITED Hale (external examiner'1 s report, August 1281} suggested a l t e r n a t i v e analyses- f o r the Middle and R e l a t i o n a l constructions, i n terms of the i n i t i a l assignment of thematic relations- to grammatical relations:. Each, of these w i l l be considered i n turn. THE MIDDLE CONSTRUCTION Under the suggested a l t e r n a t i v e , I t i s proposed that these verbs assign the thematic relations- evgativeZy ( c f . , Marantz 198l), so that the patient is: assigned the:;subject r e l a t i o n (l)_, while the agent i s assigned the object r e l a t i o n (.2). The middle construction, then, Is simply a version of the Passive,- promoting the I n i t i a l 2 (agent), to 1, thereby f o r c i n g the i n i t i a l 1 (patient) to go en chomage. Hale suggests that such, an analysis: i s e n t i r e l y consistent with, a maximally constrained theory of r e l a t i o n a l grammar and moreover f i t s i n with, a hig h l y promising theory of the e r g a t l v i t y parameter, I.e., that developed by Marantz. Under t h i s proposal, -:m;: i s simply the mark, of the passive (2 •> l ) , -t (of the passives and tran s i t i v e . In general) can be seen as; a mark of I n i t i a l accusative, l i n k i n g (agent = 1, patient = 2), while the -a of the Middle can be seen as a mark, of I n i t i a l ergative l i n k i n g (patient = 1, agent = 2). This proposal Is represented below In s t r a t a l diagram l a , using a superscript f o r the I n i t i a l assignment of thematic r e l a t i o n s . I t Is placed next to the s t r a t a l diagram of the Passive 222 (cf. , Chapter I I I , section.'!')., and of the. Phantom a n a l y s i s of the Middles (cf. , Chapter I I I , section 3; Chapter V, section k.kh l a A l t e r n a t i v e Analysis- for h. Passive Analysis Middles c Phantom A n a l y s i s for Middles: -Ca)m These proposals: f o r the Middle voice construction d i f f e r on three 'points- discussed "below: ( l ) According to the A l t e r n a t i v e A n a l y s i s (AAl, the object nominal In the f i n a l stratum Is a 1-chomeur, however I t does: not take the.. 1-chSmeur marking of the. Passive: S i t. 2a S i stamtima ? cSumqs - n - t - am Sj t ttwat. the. grandmother kiss-PFTV-t-PASS INSTR boy The grandmother was- kissed by the. boy.. .223. Ti. stamtlma'" k ^ u l ' - m ( t ym-- yamxwa'?. the. grandmother work-MIDDLE. J a/some PL-basket * Ti t ym - yamx wa ?. INSTR PL-basket This: fact is: not problematic f o r the Phantom analysis df Middles- because under this: a n a l y s i s , the patient nominal is- an i n i t i a l 2 which, demotes to a 2-chomeur and hence does- not take. 1-chomeur marking. (Ii). The. second and most persuasive argument against AA l i e s with. its- p r e d i c t i o n f o r the phenomenonoo'fr Possessor Ascension. T h i s i s permitted only from a 2 In some stratum S„, only i f the. Possessor may advance, to 1 i n the S..,_ stratum, with. the. 2-chomeur o b l i g a t o r i l y i.+l incorporating, i . e . , In Passive and Unaccusative constructions (see Chapter IV, section h)_. The structure proposed f o r Middles under AA p r e d i c t s that Possessor Ascension should be possible f or the i n i t i a l 2 (agent)., however Possessor Ascension is: not permitted from the. agent i n Middle clauses: 3a Ti Ti(n) - sq^Tasiya? k ^ u l ' - m. the my-offsprlng work-MIDDLE My k i d s work. b * k n k M i l ' - i l t - m. S l T 1 V T r T O .work-child-MIDDLE I N I n This fact Is c o r r e c t l y accounted f o r under a Phantom Arc analysis: whereby the agent nominal bears- the 1 r e l a t i o n i n the I n i t i a l and subsequent s t r a t a . Thus the facts: from Possessor Ascension argue against Hale's A l t e r n a t i v e Analysis (AA). ( i i i ) A further argument against the AA for Middles i s presented 22k below, i n l i g h t of Hale's: analysis f o r Relatlonals.. Under Kale's, proposal for Middles:, the. - a of the Kiddle i s a mark, of i n i t i a l er gat ive l i n k i n g (patient = 1, agent = 2 \ and the. - t is- a mark, of I n i t i a l accusative l i n k i n g (agent = 1, patient - 2)_. However these, assignments of linkage cannot be maintained for Hale's proposal for R e l a t l o n a l s , as shown i n (.1 ) below. A further t e s t of these two a l t e r n a t i v e proposals- could be. based on the. phenomenon of Moving G l o t t a l i z a t l o n however such, data i s not a v a i l a b l e (see footnote 6, Chapter I I , page. 56)_. Thus, the A l t e r n a t i v e Analysis for the Middle voice construction i s rejected and the Phantom Arc s o l u t i o n retained. THE RELATIONAL CONSTRUCTION Hale, suggests: that the' -m(x) element s i g n a l s , not an advance-ment as proposed In t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , but rather an I n i t i a l assignment of an "oblique" thematic r e l a t i o n (say "instrument" or "means") to the 2 grammatical r e l a t i o n . The paraphrase r e l a t i o n between ordinary inanimate instrumentals would l i e / i n the. sharing of the same thematic r e l a t i o n a l structure and not of the same I n i t i a l grammatical r e l a t i o n a l . s t r u c t u r e . The advantage, to t h i s analysis, is' that R e l a t l o n a l s of Class B would not v i o l a t e the 1AEX when passivized. Okanagan would not counter-exemplify i t and a proposed law of the theory of R e l a t i o n a l Grammar would be saved. The one-stratal a n a l y s i s (OA) proposed by Hale Is: diagrammed below as- i s the. b i s t r a t a l analysis: (.BA) proposed herein where NN stands for a non-nuclear term, I.e., a 3 or an oblique.. 225 These proposals for.the. R e l a t i o n a l construction d i f f e r on three points-discussed below: (1.) Hale's proposal, that -t 'marks; the linkage between thematic and grammatical r e l a t i o n s (agent =• 1, patient = 2)., I s problematic f o r 226 f o r the. ' one-stratal analysts- of Relatlonals (OA)., In each.of the. three classes-, • a 2 i s assigned a thematic r e l a t i o n , other .than, patient,. l,e.,, 2 oblique In Classes-A and B, and 2 Instrument In Class- C, This^ problem is: doubled for the. Class B Relatlonals- which, r e t a i n Unaccus-atlve.-morphology-, Including the. -t. Here the 1 would be l i n k e d to a thematic r e l a t i o n such as patient or experlencer. Hale's: two proposals for Middles and Relationals are incompatible with respect to -t marking. • ( i i ) Under the OA, the I n i t i a l 2 grammatical r e l a t i o n I s assigned to . the oblique, thematic r e l a t i o n , egg., instrumental. T h i s raises'the question of the i n i t i a l grammatical r e l a t i o n assigned to the patient. Assigning two 2's i n Class C R e l a t l o n a l s , i . e . , a 2 and a 2^ , faces both, t h e o r e t i c a l and empirical d i f f i c u l t i e s : . At the l e v e l of theory, this: v i o l a t e s the S t r a t a l Uniqueness: Law'; (Perlmutter and Postal 1978a) which, claims that no stratum can contain, more than one. 1-arc, one 2-arc, or one 3-arc. Furthermore, the i n s t r a n a l y s i s Is dlsconfirmed at the empirical l e v e l , since only the 2 acts l i k e a 2 with, respect to P a s s i v i z a t i o n . (see. examples 101a,b, section 2.5.1) Chapter IV). Efforts; could be made to resolve t h i s d i f f i c u l t y , by assigning 3-hood to the patient nominal: 3 ; however, teaming these two together, I.e., 3-hood with, patlenthood, appears to be unmotivated. An assignment of DcVb 3 i s e s p e c i a l l y problematic f o r Okanagan since, as has already been noted ( c f . , Chapter V, section 1.3), further work. Is needed to demonstrate c l e a r l y that a nominal may bear a 3-relatIon In an I n i t i a l stratum. ( i l l ) . A b i c l a u s a l a n a l y s i s of Class C Relatlonals- would eliminate the problems noted In (II.) above, however, a b i c l a u s a l a n a l y s i s runs into the problems: discussed e a r l i e r under the: Causative proposals., ( c f . , sections 2.5.1 - 2.5.2, Chapter IV)_. Moreover, two a d d i t i o n a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , present themselves; f o r a b i c l a u s a l a n a l y s i s , diagrammed below: 2 2 7 potatoes and salmon (a). The assignment of an oblique thematic function to the. downstairs; 2 i s an ad'ihoc assignment, simply to preserve the. gene r a l i z a t i o n proposed for -m(i) under the. OA. (h). The. pre-dlctiori f o r which, nominal would function l i k e a 2 with, respect to P a s s i v i z a t i o n i s s t i l l i n c o r r e c t . The analysis; diagrammed above predicts i n c o r r e c t l y that the downstairs/upstairs: 2 would act l i k e a .2 i n a Passive, however the downstairs l / u p s t a i r s 3 acts l i k e a 2 i n a Passive, (see. examples I01a,b, section 2 . 5 . 1 9 Chapter IV). A d d i t i o n a l t e s t s to choose between these, two proposals could be based on Moving G l o t t a l i z a t i o n , Tinca^/Tinca^kn, and Possessor Ascension, however such, data Is not a v a i l a b l e . 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