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Takamure Itsue : social activist and feminist theorist, 1921-31 Carter, Rosalie Gale 1982

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TAKAMURE ITSUE: SOCIAL ACTIVIST AND FEMINIST THEORIST 1921-31 by ROSALIE GALE CARTER B.A., The University of C a l i f o r n i a , Riverside, 1974 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Asian Studies We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard . THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May 1982 Rosalie Gale Carter, 1982 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e head o f my department o r by h i s o r h e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f A s i a n S t u d i e s  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date May 14, 1982 / i n \ ABSTRACT T h i s s tudy f o c u s e s on the decade o f 1921-31 i n the c a r e e r o f s o c i a l a c t i v i s t - h i s t o r i a n Takamure I t s u e (1894-1964) . I t i s impor tan t to examine the c o n c e p t s which d e v e l o p e d e a r l y i n her c a r e e r as they formed the f o u n d a t i o n o f her l a t e r r e s e a r c h on Japanese mar r i age and women's h i s t o r y . Takamure emerged as a poet and a t h e o r i s t f o r the Japanese women's movement i n the 1920s amidst the growing l a b o u r , a g r a r i a n , and f e m i n i s t movements f u e l e d by the t u r b u l e n t economic change e x p e r i e n c e d n a t i o n a l l y and i n t e r -n a t i o n a l l y . I t i s e s s e n t i a l to unders tand the p i v o t a l themes which emerged i n I t s u e ' s work and to p l a c e these c o n c e p t s w i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f the c o n t r i b u t i o n s made by o t h e r female a c t i v i s t s i n the l a t e - T a i s h o to.(5iear,lyjShb,wa^period4! and moreover , w i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f the l e f t i s t movement i n g e n e r a l . D u r i n g the f i r s t h a l f o f the 1920s Takamure had g a i n e d r e c o g n i t i o n as a poet and deve loped her f o u r - s t a g e theory o f women's movements. In her p o e t r y and a r t i c l e s she e x p r e s s e d her v iews on such mat te rs as l o v e , n a t u r e , and f reedom. By the mid -1920s , Takamure had r e j e c t e d the Western s tage o f women's movements and advocated a Japanese model o f "New Feminism" which emphasized f reedom, e s p e c i a l l y f o r women. She advocated the elimination of p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l authoritarianism which was controlled by the male-centred bureaucracy. She urged a s h i f t towards an Asian society of agrarian self-government which emphasized harmony with nature, freedom from bureaucratic oppression, and women and men sharing i n the production of the essentials of l i f e . Through several debates i n the late 1920s, including one with Marxist Yamakawa Kikue, Itsue further developed her views of anarchism. The publication of her women's anarchis-t i c magazine, Fujin sensen (Women's front; March 1930-June 1931) allowed Itsue to focus her talents and express her position on issues such as urban versus r u r a l economics and the feminist movement. Involvement with Fujin sensen also gave Takamure the opportunity to broaden her contacts with other anarchists, both male and female, and to expand her knowledge of farmers' issues. When the pe r i o d i c a l ceased publication, Itsue, at the age of thirty-seven, embarked on a research plan which would take the rest of her l i f e . Intrigued by the work of the eighteenth-century scholar Motoori Norinaga, she decided f i r s t to investigate the history of marriage, which she f e l t played a major role in the long chronicle of women's oppres-sion. Itsue 1s decision resulted from a gradual process strengthened by her a c t i v i t i e s i n the 1920s. Some writers disagree with t h i s statement and argue t h a t Takamure's r e a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o Japanese h i s t o r y were made i n t h e l a t t e r h a l f o f her l i f e . O t hers contend t h a t t o i g n o r e o r negate the a c t i v i t i e s o f the f i r s t h a l f o f her l i f e p r e s e n t s a n i i m b a l a n c e d view o f her c a r e e r . T h i s t h e s i s t h e r e f o r e uses a v a r i e t y o f " r e - d i s c o v e r e d " p r i m a r y s o u r c e s , i n c l u d i n g s c h o l a r l y a r t i c l e s , p e r i o d i c a l s and b o o k s , k t o * r a i s e s e v e r a l h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l i s s u e s r e l a t e d t o t h e above two streams o f t h o u g h t . They i n c l u d e t h e r o l e o f I t s u e ' s husband, Kenzo, i n t h e v i r t u a l e l i m i n a t i o n o f her a n a r c h i s t i c t hought and v iews on t h e wartime p e r i o d from her c o l l e c t e d works. F u r t h e r , Takamure 1s i n t e l l e c t u a l development i s d i s c u s s e d w t i h r e s p e c t t o t h e f o l l o w i n g i s s u e s : (1) her a l l e g e d " i d e o l o g i c a l c o n v e r s i o n " i n 1940, (2) her a g r a r i a n c o n c e p t s o f t h e 1920s compared w i t h t h o s e o f t h e a g r a r i a n movement i n t h e 1930s, and (3) her c o n c e p t s o f t h e Emperor and e s p e c i a l l y S h i n t o t h o u g h t . v\\ i v TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE ABSTRACT fc . . . • , i i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . v i i CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1 The E a r l y Y e a r s . 5 2. RE-EVALUATING THE TRANSITIONAL EARLY YEARS: POET AND "NEW FEMINIST" 10 Changing R o l e s as a Poet and F e m i n i s t T h e o r i s t 11 Takamure' s Concept o f Love 15 Takamure*s Concept o f Beauty . 20 3. MANIFESTATIONS OF ANARCHIST THOUGHT 24 P a r t One: Views i n O p p o s i t i o n 24 I s s u e s o f Love and M a r r i a g e 24 F u t u r e S o c i e t y : "Communal S e l f -Government" V e r s u s " P o w e r f u l Communism" 27 The Roots o f "an A n a r c h i s t w i t h S u p e r f i c i a l Knowledge" 30 P a r t Two: S u f f r a g e I s s u e s 35 I n i t i a l D i v i s i o n o f Women by Yamakawa K i k u e 3 5 The New Women's A s s o c i a t i o n 36 O v e r l a p p i n g Ideas o f Yamakawa K i k u e and H i t o s h i 38 Takamure on S u f f r a g e : A Decade o f Ambivalence 39 The Next Step 43 4. THE PROLETARIAN WOMEN il!S ART LEAGUE AND FUJIN SENSEN: BEYOND THOUGHT TO ACTION v—v . 4 5 S i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e P r o l e t a r i a n Women's A r t League and F u j i n Sensen 45 v 1 Format of Fujin Sensen 4 7 Membership of the PWAL 50 Better-Known Members: Yagi _ Akiko and Hiratsuka Raicho 51 Lesser-Known Contributors: Matsumoto Masae and Mochizuki Yuriko 54 Ties Between the PWAL and the Farmers' Art League 57 Urban Versus Rural_Issues 59 Comparison of Seito and Fujin Sensen . . . 62 5. HISTORIC-GRAPHICAL ISSUES IN PERSPECTIVE . . . 67 Part One: Viewpoints Through the Fujin Sensen Years 67 Evaluations of the Yamakawa Kikue-Takamure Itsue Controversy 67 Different Opinions on the Significance of FS 73 Part Two: Viewpoints Through the Early 1940s 80 Issues of Ideological Conversion: Pro and Con 8 0 Part Three: Fundamental Agrarian:Lsm: Takamure Itsue and Gondo Seikyo . . . . . 90 Interpretations and Development o£ Agrarian Thought 90 Gondo Seikyo . . . ^  94 Takamure Versus Gondo 95 Part Four: Interpretations of the Emperor and Shinto Thought 98 Concept of the Emperor 98 Influence of Motoori Norinaga . . . . . . 100 6. CONCLUSION 107 NOTES: CHAPTER 1 120 CHAPTER 2 121 CHAPTER 3 123 CHAPTER 4 128 CHAPTER 5 130 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . . 13 9 v i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would f i r s t l i k e to thank my supervisor, Professor William Wray, for his guidance and helpfulssuggestions i n the preparation of t h i s manuscript. Appreciation should also be given to Professor John Howes for his patience and assistance in the f i n a l stage of i t s completion. Sincere&thanksffare expressed to Gonnami Tsuneharu and Usawa Kozue of the Asian Studies Library, UBC, for a l l the time and e f f o r t i t took to answer my frequent questions. My thanks to Professor Kitahara Itoko of Nagano, Japan for her help i n the early stages of t h i s study. I would l i k e to o f f e r special thanks to Mishima Masayukii for his constant encouragement and e f f o r t i n the a c q u i s i t i o n of research materials from Japan. A two-year fellowship from the Japan Foundation i s g r a t e f u l l y acknowleged, as i t allowed me to focus f u l l - t i m e on my research. I must thank my t y p i s t , Ruby Toren, for her patience and s k i l l s during the l a s t hectic days of preparation of the f i n a l manuscript. And f i n a l l y , I would l i k e to thank my family and friends, e s p e c i a l l y my mother - and H. B., for t h e i r kind understanding and constant support. Unless otherwise indicated, a l l translations and interpretations of primary source materials are my own. v i i CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The decade of 1921-31 i n Japanese history can be depicted as a period of unrest which added strength to the growing labour, agrarian, and feminist movements. Interest rose i n the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of p o l i t i c a l action through suf-frage and organization of the p r o l e t a r i a t . I t was also an important period of changing s o c i a l r e lations due to mass education, increasing government oppression, and turbulent economic change. This decade also formed an important developmental period i n the career of s o c i a l a c t i v i s t - h i s t o r i a n Takamure Itsue (1894-1964). During the 1920s she became known as a poet and a th e o r i s t for the Japanese women's movement, and extended her ideas on women and society through various means of expression such as poetry, a r t i c l e s , and books. To atta i n a balanced perspective of Takamure and her p r o l i f i c work on Japanese marriage and women's history, I believe i t i s important to begin with an examination of her early work from which her basic concepts germinated. Within the l a s t several years a variety of Japanese works concerning Itsue have emerged, and continue to develop into an ever-widening stream. The majority of them tend to 1 2 focus on the l a t t e r half of her career. Some works simply seem to "overlook" the f i r s t three and a half decades of her l i f e . Other works consciously ignore t h i s t r a n s i t i o n a l stage, r e f e r r i n g to i t i n negative terms l i k e "an immature period" 2 or "a barren"era." The present discussion w i l l focus on the decade of the 192 0s i n an attempt to show how certain p i v o t a l themes developed i n Itsue's thought. I think i t i s important to understand not only which, themes appeared, but also to place Itsue's concepts within the context of her era. By 1930, facets of Itsue's thought such as rej e c t i o n of Western urban-i z a t i o n and Japanese male-controlled bureaucracy had merged in her women's anarchist magazine, Fujin sensen (Women's fro n t ) . In i t , Takamure advocated development towards a rural-based society of self-government i n which women and men could a t t a i n equality and respect. The publication of Fujin sensen marked a t r a n s i t i o n i n Itsue's career between her e a r l i e r a c t i v i s t years and the l a t t e r t h i r t y years of her l i f e which she devoted so l e l y to scholarly research. In order to comprehend the contributions her l a t e r works make to Japanese history, i t i s important to understand the process through which her thought evolved. Murakami Nobuhiko, a student of the place of women in history, refers to the f i r s t half of Takamure's l i f e as a "period of preparation" (junbiki) for the " c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n " 3 of her research i n l a t e r works. 3 A number of questions relevant to Itsue's early l i f e come to mind. For example, what were the bases of Itsue's anarchistic thought and did they carry over into her l a t e r works? To what extent did Fujin sensen represent early Showa thought? Why have Itsue's anarchist a c t i v i t i e s been v i r t u -a l l y ignored u n t i l recently? The following chapters expand on answers to such questions. In recent years a number of sources concerning Itsue's e a r l i e r years have been uncovered. This new material defines Takamure's position i n the Japanese women's movement, and within the context of the l e f t i s t movement i n general. Itsue expressed her ideas on such matters as love, nature, and the rej e c t i o n of bureaucracy in her e a r l i e s t poetry. She continued to develop these themes throughout her career. She did not condone the Western u t i l i t a r i a n concept of love nor the Japanese p a t r i a r c h a l model. Instead, Takamure advocated free love and c a l l e d for the elimination of,the conventional marriage system. The European c r i t e r i a of beauty associated with the ac q u i s i t i o n of wealth and power were also rejected by Itsue. She f e l t such c r i t e r i a of male-controlled bureaucracy oppressed women. Therefore, Takamure urged a s h i f t towards an Asian society of agrarian s e l f -government i n which women and men could l i v e i n harmony free from bureaucratic oppression. Itsue developed her anarchistic stance i n several debates i n the late 1920s, including one with Marxist 4 Yamakawa Kikue. The publication of Fuj i n sensen allowed Itsue to focus her talents as a poet, a writer, and an editor and express her position on issues such as urban versus r u r a l economics and the women's movement. While involved i n edi t i n g arid writing Fujin sensen, Takamure had the opportunity to broaden her contacts with other anarchists, both male and female, and expand her knowledge of farmers' issues. When the p e r i o d i c a l ceased publication i n June 193.1, Takamure embarked on research which would take the rest of her l i f e . Intrigued by the work of the eighteenth-century scholar Motoori Norinaga, she began her research by i n v e s t i -gating the history of marriage which she f e l t played a major role i n the long chronicle of women's oppression. Takamure did not decide to pioneer the f i e l d of women's history on a momentary whim. Her decision resulted from a gradual process strengthened by her a c t i v i t i e s i n the 1920s. Through her experiences as a poet, a feminist t h e o r i s t , and a s o c i a l a c t i v i s t , Itsue had r e a l i z e d the bureaucratic, structured society of her era offered l i t t l e hope for change i n the position of women. Believing that women had commanded more power and respect i n ancient Japanese society, she decided to prove through her research that there was another side of history v i r t u a l l y ignored by conventional academics. Some writers contend that Takamure 1s r e a l contribu-tions to Japanese history were made in the l a t t e r half of her l i f e . Others argue that overlooking or negating Itsue's 5 e a r l y l i t e r a r y achievements and a c t i v i s t invo lvement p r e s e n t s an unba lanced view o f her c a r e e r , I w i l l r a i s e s e v e r a l h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l i s s u e s r e l a t e d to the above two streams o f t h o u g h t . They i n c l u d e the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f I t s u e ' s debates i n the l a t e 1920s and her F u j i n sensen a c t i v i t i e s . They a l s o touch upon the r o l e o f I t s u e ' s husband, Kenzo , i n the v i r t u a l e l i m i n a t i o n o f her a n a r c h i s t i c thought and views on the wart ime p e r i o d ' from her c o l l e c t e d works . F u r t h e r , I w i l l , d i s c u s s I t s u e 1 s i n t e l l e c t u a l development w i t h r e s p e c t to the f o l l o w i n g i s s u e s : (1) her a l l e g e d " i d e o l o g i c a l c o n v e r s i o n " i n 1940, (2) her a g r a r i a n concepts: o f the 1920s compared w i t h those o f the a g r a r i a n movement i n the 1930s, and (3) her c o n c e p t s o f the Emperor and e s p e c i a l l y S h i n t o t h o u g h t . I t seems a p p r o p r i a t e a t t h i s t ime to p r o v i d e a b r i e f s y n o p s i s o f Takamure 's e a r l y l i f e . How was her u p b r i n g i n g r e l a t e d t o her l i t e r a r y and academic p u r s u i t s ? What r o l e d i d I t s u e ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Kenzo p l a y i n the e a r l y y e a r s o f her c a r e e r ? Such q u e s t i o n s f i n d answers i n a g l i m p s e o f her l i f e . The E a r l y Years Takamure was born on January 18, 1894, i n the s m a l l town of Toyokawa (now known as M a t s u b a s e ) , which i s l o c a t e d between Kumamoto and Minamata on the western i s l a n d o f Kyushu. Her mother T o y o , the daughter o f a B u d d h i s t p r i e s t , and f a t h e r K a t s u t a r o , a b r i g h t p r imary s c h o o l p r i n c i p a l , were 6 overjoyed with the b i r t h of t h e i r eldest daughter. They had suffered the deaths of three infant sons and believed Itsue was a godsend as they had prayed to Kannon, the Goddess of Mercy, for a healthy daughter. Itsue's b i r t h on the f e s t i v a l day of Kannon further affirmed t h e i r b e l i e f . She was cher-ished by her parents as the c h i l d of Kannon, an experience which seems to have had a pos i t i v e e f f e c t on the formation of her character. Even after Itsue was joined by two brothers and a s i s t e r , she s t i l l continued to receive special t r e a t -ment . ^  With the guidance of her schoolmaster father, Itsue's l i t e r a r y talent became evident even before she entered school. She contributed regularly to Shonen no tomo (Youth's compan-ion), a monthly children's magazine published by the Kyushu Daily Newspaper Company. Katsutaro continued to promote her talent as she grew up, encouraging her to write for prefec-t u r a l educational magazines. In one instance, when Itsue f e l t too intimidated to receive an award which her essay had won, her father went to the d i s t r i c t o f f i c e s ' awards ceremony on her behalf i n the appropriate formal a t t i r e . ^ Beginning i n childhood and for the rest of her l i f e , Itsue loved nature, f e l t the needs and misfortunes of others, and preferred to maintain a low p r o f i l e . But she also had a more assertive side to her character with a very strong w i l l . Once Takamure decided something she was involved i n was r i g h t , she would t o t a l l y commit herself to her goal. This sense of 7 passion was implied when she c a l l e d herself the "woman from the land of f i r e " (hi no kuni no onna), a metaphor which also g referred to the volcano Mount Aso near her home town. Throughout her l i f e Itsue maintained a naive b e l i e f i n the goodness of people and a passionate commitment to the truth, as the following incidents i n her youth i l l u s t r a t e . A fter f i n i s h i n g primary school, at f i f t e e n Itsue entered a normal school i n Kumamoto, but was expelled shortly after' when she v i r t u a l l y questioned the educational p o l i c i e s of the school's p r i n c i p a l , unheard-of behaviour for a student of that era. Itsue went to a g i r l s ' private school for a while, then worked i n a t e x t i l e factory. She was f i r e d a f t e r she wrote a l e t t e r to the management complaining about the company's emphasis on duty to the company, the nation, and the Emperor, as well as the u n j u s t i f i a b l y low wages being 7 paid to the female employees. She was convinced that she was r i g h t and took appropriate action, ignoring the obvious consequences. In 1914 at the age of twenty, Takamure became a sub-s t i t u t e teacher and soon began to correspond with Hashimoto Kenzo, an i n t e l l i g e n t young teacher three years her junior who was to become her spouse. Although they shared many i n t e l l e c t u a l i n t e r e s t s , such as philosophy and l i t e r a t u r e , Kenzo's a t t r a c t i o n to n i h i l i s t thought c o n f l i c t e d with the Confucian-Buddhist upbringing Itsue had received. Confused and disturbed by her d i f f i c u l t r elationship with Kenzo, from 8 June to November 1918 Itsue went on a Buddhist-inspired pilgrimage to the many temples of Shikoku. She wrote about her experiences for a newspaper i n her native prefecture i n a series of a r t i c l e s which became quite popular, as i t was 8 unusual for a young woman to make such a pilgrimage. Following her journey, Kenzo and Itsue were engaged on A p r i l 14, 1919. They l a t e r c a l l e d t h i s date t h e i r wedding anniversary. Living together for a while where Kenzo was teaching, Itsue found the next few years quite unsettled, as she spent time i n both Tokyo and her native prefecture. Itsue f i r s t departed from Kenzo i n August 1920, when she went to Tokyo alone. While l i v i n g there for a year, two books of her poetry were published on the strong recommendation of the i n f l u e n t i a l l i t e r a r y c r i t i c Ikuta Choko (1881-1936). Taka-mure returned to Kumamoto with Kenzo, who had come to get her, in August 1921. The following spring they had returned to Tokyo, where 9 t h e i r f i r s t and only c h i l d Kempei arrived s t i l l b o r n . This great loss played a major role in Itsue's awareness of bosei (Women's natural i n s t i n c t s ) , which became an esse n t i a l element i n the development of her anarchistic thought. This development w i l l be discussed i n Chapter 3. In 1923 Kenzo and Itsue re-established t h e i r household in western Tokyo, only to have many of Kenzo 1s "kindred s p i r i t " friends flock i n . Itsue strained under the pressure created by the twin roles of t r a d i t i o n a l wife who should 9 c a t e r t o h e r husband and h i s g u e s t s , and t h e modern woman who s h o u l d c o n t i n u e t o pursue a w r i t i n g c a r e e r t o ea r n t h e i r l i v i n g . E x hausted by t h e s t r u g g l e , I t s u e l e f t home. T h i s second d e p a r t u r e i n 1925 r e s u l t e d i n r e c o n c i l i a t i o n w i t h Kenzo s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , from which time they began a t r u l y m utual r e l a t i o n s h i p . " ^ T h i s p o i n t marks the emergence o f Takamure as a f e m i n i s t . I n 1926, w i t h i n a y e a r , she p u b l i s h e d h er f i r s t book on women's i s s u e s c a l l e d R en'ai s o s e i (Genesis o f l o v e ) . The f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r examines some o f t h e i d e a s I t s u e e x p r e s s e d as a f e m i n i s t and a poet i n t h e e a r l y y e a r s o f her c a r e e r , w i t h t h e i r many ch a n g i n g c u r r e n t s . CHAPTER 2 RE-EVALUATING THE TRANSITIONAL EARLY YEARS: POET AND "NEW FEMINIST" The decade of the 1920s i n the l i f e of Takamure has already been introduced. This chapter w i l l evaluate Taka-mure ' s early works i n these years while she emerged as a poet and a c r i t i c of Western women's movements who espoused her own concept of "New Feminism." Although i t i s beyond the l i m i t s of the present discussion to examine the l i t e r a r y aspect of Itsue's career i n great d e t a i l , her poems cannot be ignored. Takamure voiced her ideas on such matters as love, nature, and modernity i n her poetry as well as i n other means of expression. Her essays and a r t i c l e s began to analyze how d i f f e r e n t l y European and Japanese so c i e t i e s treated these topics and to develop her own theory which argued for a sub-s t a n t i a l connection between beauty and love. In an age when arranged marriage (omiai) was the rule, Takamure advocated freedom i n love (ren'ai). While most Japanese were imbued with the Western standard of beauty as the norm, Itsue went against the main current to prefer a more natural Japanese model. Throughout the 1920s her anarchistic attitudes grew as she rejected the bureaucracy and modernity of both West and East. 10 11 Changing Roles as a Poet  and Feminist Theorist Takamure 1s f i r s t success was as a young poet. Although she had shown promise since childhood, Itsue's f i r s t poems were published in 1921 when she was twenty-seven. She continued to write poetry throughout her l i f e , even following recognition as a t h e o r i s t for the women's movement and l a t e r as a historian.''" As a recent review a r t i c l e has suggested, rather than think of Takamure as an author who worked i n numerous d i s t i n c t media, poetry, essays, novels and history, one should be aware of treating the int e r a c t i o n of the many 2 roles with more respect. In examining the period between 1921 and 1931, shades of anarchism become more pronounced i n her role as a th e o r i s t for the Japanese women's movement. I t i s important to comprehend these changes, not only because they s i g n i f i c a n t l y affected Takamure's work, but also because, as Akiyama Kiyoshi points out, they were ". . . an expression of the 3 s o c i a l thought of the period." Simply summarized, the development and d i r e c t i o n of Takamure's thought incorporated the following themes: (1) disagreement with theories of Western c i v i l i z a t i o n which led Takamure to re j e c t them, followed by advocacy of New Feminism and the unity of love and sexual desire; (2) re-examination of Japanese values l i k e the concept of beauty after r e j e c t i n g the bureaucratic state's c r i t e r i a of beauty; and (3) advocacy 12 o f a s e l f - g o v e r n i n g s o c i e t y f o c u s e d on " n a t u r e " and t h e c o u n t r y s i d e . I n d i r e c t c o n t r a s t t o h e r c r i t i c i s m l e v e l l e d a t s e v e r a l a s p e c t s o f Takamure's l i f e , I t o Ryoko d e s c r i b e s t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f her p o e t r y i n t h e f o l l o w i n g manner: . . . t h e e x t r a o r d i n a r y r e c e p t i v i t y and i n t u i t i o n she showed as a poet grew out o f . . . her a c t i v i -t i e s as a c r i t i c and as a r e s e a r c h e r o f women's h i s t o r y ; they g i v e heir work s t r o n g d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s . I t o a l s o adds t h a t many o f I t s u e ' s poems s e r v e as a 4 " p i e r c i n g m o t i f " o f her l i f e ' s work. Akiyama a g r e e s , t a k i n g t h e p o i n t a s t e p f u r t h e r : Takamure was a poet. Even more th a n a t h i n k e r o r a r e s e a r c h e r o f women's h i s t o r y , she was a po e t . . . . Her way o f l i f e and her work were s y n t h e s i z e d . . . . That ' p o e t i c ' c h a r a c t e r i n Takamure was i n s e p a r a b l e from h er f e m a l e n e s s ; [ h e r e i n ] l i e s t h e b a l a n c e . ^ I t s u e f i r s t appeared i n t h e w o r l d o f j o u r n a l i s m i n A p r i l 1921 w i t h t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f h e r l o n g poem " N i c h i g e t s u no ue n i " (Above t h e sun and moon) i n t h e l i t e r a r y magazine S h i n s h o s e t s u (New n o v e l ) . By June her poem was r e p u b l i s h e d as a book by Sobunkaku. Two days l a t e r , S h i n c h o s h a r e l e a s e d h e r c o l l e c t i o n o f poems Horosha no s h i (Poems o f a w a n d e r e r ) . Suddenly young I t s u e had " a r r i v e d " as a woman p o e t . Many o f the themes i n her poems have been compared t o th o s e i n C h i j o (On t h e g r o u n d ) , t h e b e s t - s e l l e r o f n o v e l i s t Shimada S e i j i r o (1899-1930). Both o f t h e i r works c o m p l a i n e d of i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y w i t h s o c i e t y w i t h which t h e i r y o u t h f u l r e a d i n g a u d i e n c e c o u l d i d e n t i f y . As a r e s u l t , Shimada's and 13 Takamure 1s early work was widely read by young people and students.^ Yet today Takamure1 s poems are v i r t u a l l y never-quoted i n the history of l i t e r a t u r e nor i n c o l l e c t i o n s of 7 poems. Why has the work of Itsue, the poet, largely been ignored? Since she gained d i s t i n c t i o n for her poetry, par-t i c u l a r l y i n the f i r s t half of her l i f e , one can assume that Itsue's poetry has been "overlooked" l i k e most of her early work. I t i s hoped that future l i t e r a r y s p e c i a l i s t s w i l l correct t h i s oversight. One noteworthy feature of Takamure's contributions as a Taisho poet i s her "anti-modern" viewpoint. This became a g common thread which ran throughout her l a t e r work. The following poem, "C a l l i n g Young Japanese Women" (Oide yo, Nihon no musume t a c h i ) , serves as an i l l u s t r a t i o n : C a l l i n g young Japanese women to l i g h t a f i r e on a winter's night. Your chests ache as you do not put on aprons. Donning aprons [going out] to spring f i e l d s , Picking herbs with baskets over your arms. Flee, young Japanese women from the rationale of modernity. When you come and see•the valleys deep within the mountains, You w i l l hear only the sounds of birds and t r i c k l i n g brooks And an old monk burning brushes in the garden of a temple.^ While Itsue's references to aprons are a b i t obscure, her message which urges young women to f l e e from the rationale of 14 modernity and enjoy nature i s very clear. This type of a n t i -modernity viewpoint played a major role i n her grievances against Western c i v i l i z a t i o n , which i n turn led her to re-examine Japanese culture and values. As we have noted, aft e r Takamure emerged as a poet i n the early 1920s, several personal d i f f i c u l t i e s arose to disturb the development of her career. These included the s t i l l b i r t h of her baby and her temporary separation from Kenzo. As painful as the loss of her c h i l d was, Kempei's death increased Takamure1s awareness of women's natural i n s t i n c t s , which became an important aspect Cojf; her anarchistic thought. This point w i l l be discussed further i n Chapter 3. In A p r i l 1926, Ren'ai sosei was published. In i t Takamure c r i t i c i z e d the women's movements of America and Europe, and advocated New Feminism as the next stage for Japanese women. She described women's movements i n four stages beginning with jokenshugi (women's suffrage movement), which was based on the removal of a l l sexual discrimination in voting, and referred to leaders i n the United States and to the B r i t i s h feminist Mary Wolstonecraft. The second stage was joseishugi (feminist movement), which advocated a woman's viewpoint of society, including reform of the marriage system, exemplified by the Swedish 'theorist E l l e n Key i n northern Europe. The next phase was shin jokenshugi (new women's suffrage movement), focused mainly on Russia, which argued that women's problems were a question of economics. The 15 f i n a l stage was shin joseishugi (New Feminism) i n i t i a t e d by Japanese women, of whom Takamure was the f i r s t , advocating a b o l i t i o n of both the marriage system and p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l authoritarianism (kyoken). The l a t t e r was related d i r e c t l y to her severe c r i t i c i s m of male-controlled modern society, which was based on maintenance of power and status. Ren'ai sosei can be described as a multi-faceted work which emphasized the protection of the mother and c h i l d i n a communal-care society and the freedom of love."*"^ In the context of New Feminism the ultimate love could be attained when male and female united according to the concept of i t t a i s h u g i ( l i t e r a l l y , "union-in-one-body"). In other words, Takamure argued that the foundation of a t r u l y mutual rela t i o n s h i p necessarily had to include emotional, physical, and s p i r i t u a l aspects. One can see some s i m i l a r i -t i e s between Itsue's concept of It t a i s h u g i and the unity-of-soul-and-body concept' of E l l e n Key. Takamure's Concept of Love The concept of love occurs frequently i n Takamure1s early work. Many of her a r t i c l e s published i n magazines l i k e r Fujin koron (Women's forum), Nyonin geijutsu (Women and a r t ) , Kuroiro sensen (Black f r o n t ) , and Chuo koron (Central forum) during the late 1920s, dealt with related themes. For example, i n the January 1929 edition of Fujin koron Itsue published "Ika n i ren'ai subeki ka: ren'ai to sonkei" (How should [we] love?: love and respect). Four months l a t e r i n Kuroiro sensen she published "Ren'ai to kyoken" (Love and 13 authoritarianism). Through th i s process she c l a r i f i e d her own interpretations and became more c r i t i c a l of various Western views. Takamure stressed going beyond the d i s t i n c t i o n s of male and female towards human love i n which the elements of s p i r i t u a l (love) and physical (sexual desire) were united. This type of universal thought opposed the concept put f o r -ward by the s o c i a l i s t s which defined r e a l love as a s p i r i t u a l phenomenon that could be attained only by those members of the p r o l e t a r i a t who had reached a c e r t a i n l e v e l of culture and education. U n t i l the p r o l e t a r i a t acquired a high degree of culture they could achieve only pseudo-love. Itsue was very skeptical of the s o c i a l i s t s ' interpretation as i t limited love to a type of c u l t u r a l phenomenon which only cert a i n people could acquire. Takamure believed love could 14 not be limited by such class concepts. Itsue's interpretation of freedom i n love seems simi l a r to that of Key: . . . we must s t r i v e for the freedom of love . . . [which] must only mean freedom for a f e e l i n g which i s worthy of the name of love.15 In spite of t h i s s i m i l a r i t y , Takamure opposed Key's "rights of motherhood." Claimed Key: The solution of the right of motherhood ought not to be the encouragement of the majority of unmarried women to . . . [bear] children without love. . . . But, on the other hand, the unmarried 17 woman . . . has a r i g h t t o motherhood, when she po s s e s s e s so r i c h a human s o u l , so g r e a t a mother's h e a r t . . . t h a t she can bear an e x c e p t i o n a l l o t . 1 6 I n Takamure's eye s , women o f the new e r a d i d n o t need t o s t r i v e f o r such " r i g h t s , " as th e y i m p l i e d a c l a s s s o c i e t y . C h i l d - r a i s i n g was a n a t u r a l phenomenon wh i c h was not the p r i v a t e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f mothers b u t o f s o c i e t y as a whole. Thus women d i d n o t have t o prove t h e y c o u l d endure "an 17 e x c e p t i o n a l l o t " i n o r d e r t o become mothers. A l t h o u g h I t s u e knew t h a t t h e work on r e p r o d u c t i o n supremacy p i o n e e r e d by A r t h u r Schopenhauer a l s o c o n t r a d i c t e d t h e l i m i t e d - c l a s s v i e w , she r e j e c t e d h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f l o v e . I n h i s scheme, l o v e was r e g a r d e d as a r e f i n e d v e r s i o n o f s e x u a l d e s i r e , t h e b a s i s f o r r e s t o r i n g r e p r o d u c t i o n and the advancement o f t h e r a c e . The l a c k o f a s p i r i t u a l b a s i s f o r l o v e i s e v i d e n t i n t h e f o l l o w i n g comment by M a u r i c e Mandelbaum: . . . t h e b r a i n , u n l i k e t h e s e x u a l o r g a n s , d i d not f u n c t i o n under t h e , d i r e c t and immediate needs o f the or g a n i s m as a whole. Thus we f i n d Schopen-hauer f r e q u e n t l y c o n t r a s t i n g t h e g e n i t a l i a and the b r a i n , as c o n s t i t u t i n g t h e two p o l e s o f human a c t i v i t i e s . . . .-^ As Takamure r e j e c t e d t h e above modern i n t e r p r e t a t i o n because i t was t o o p h y s i o l o g i c a l l y o r i e n t e d , she a l s o opposed p r e s e n t a t i o n s w h i c h o s t r a c i z e d s e n t i m e n t a l v iews o f l o v e l i k e t h o s e o f t h e p e t i t b o u r g e o i s . To I t s u e , t o deny t h e v a l u e o f such s e n t i m e n t a l v i e w s o f l o v e m i s t a k e n l y a s s o c i a t e d s e n t i m e n t a l i t y w i t h weakness. Takamure p o i n t e d t o the p a s t when l o v e i n c l u d e d "compassion," t o vi e w t h e weak as worthy 18 o f p i t y , not t o be i g n o r e d . Over t i m e , she f e l t , the compass ionate a s p e c t o f l o v e was d i s r e g a r d e d , so t h a t o n l y 19 the s t r o n g who p e r s e v e r e d were c o n s i d e r e d worthy o f l o v e . Perhaps i n p a r t t h i s was why I t s u e d i d not s u p p o r t D a r w i n ' s concep t o f " n a t u r a l s e l e c t i o n " w i t h i t s emphasis on the s u r v i v a l o f the f i t t e s t . In l o o k i n g to the p a s t , I t s u e d i s c o v e r e d the r e n ' a i t h e o r y o f Masuho Zanko (1655-1742) . W r i t t e n i n 1711, i t " . . . e x p r e s s e d the harmfu l i n f l u e n c e s o f s y s t e m a t i c l o v e and advocated the r i g h t f u l n e s s o f n a t u r a l l o v e . " He f e l t t h a t l o v e shared w i t h women the a t t r i b u t e s o f d i v i n e n a t u r e , s a n c t i t y ( s h i n s e i ) i t s e l f , and both s h o u l d be r e s p e c t e d as 20 s u c h . Masuho's thought on f r e e l o v e meshed w e l l w i t h I t s u e ' s i n i t s c r i t i c i s m o f " s y s t e m a t i c l o v e , " by which he meant o m i a i and the i n s t i t u t i o n o f m a r r i a g e , which I t s u e a l s o opposed . Masuho 's emphasis on n a t u r a l l o v e and women were impor tan t themes t o be deve loped i n Takamure 's l a t e r works l i k e J o s e i no r e k i s h i (The H i s t o r y o f Women). In sharp c o n t r a s t to the above was the u t i l i t a r i a n concept o f l o v e p o p u l a r i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s . Takamure c i t e d a book w r i t t e n i n 1919 by a young woman from Boston who d e f i n e d l o v e as "something to ease the t i r e d n e s s o f work" as an e x p r e s s i o n o f the omnipotence o f m a t e r i a l i s m i n Amer ican thought ( y u i b u t s u b a n n o s h u g i ) . But t h i s type o f s e l f - c e n t r e d thought was not new. Takamure added t h a t i n the f e u d a l age l o v e had been f o r c e d to s u r r e n d e r to those i n p o s i t i o n s o f 19 power i n p o l i t i c a l m a r r i a g e s ; i n modern t imes l o v e gave way to the p r i o r i t y o f the "a lmigh ty d o l l a r . " The s o l u t i o n was to deny c o n t r o l by power o r money t o a c h i e v e the essence o f 21 f r e e l o v e . By t h i s d e n i a l , Takamure 1 s p r o p e n s i t y f o r a n a r c h i s t i c v a l u e s was r e i n f o r c e d and her r e - e x a m i n a t i o n o f Japanese c u l t u r e and thought was i n t e n s i f i e d . She b e l i e v e d i n freedom i n l o v e , freedom from a r t i f i c i a l r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed by i n s t i t u t i o n s such as mar r i age and b u r e a u c r a c y . Her i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f l o v e grew more a n a r c h i s t i c as she s e a r c h e d f o r an a l t e r n a t i v e to the c o n s e r v a t i s m i n her own s o c i e t y and t i m e . Thus f a r , a f t e r b r i e f r e f e r e n c e to the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f Takamure, the p o e t , her g r i e v a n c e s w i t h v a r i o u s s t r a n d s o f Western thought have been d i s c u s s e d , p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h r e s p e c t t o the concep t o f l o v e . A f t e r examina t ion o f the bases f o r women 1s movements th roughout Europe and the U n i t e d S t a t e s , she had d e c i d e d t h a t none were a p p r o p r i a t e f o r J a p a -nese women. I t s u e thus advocated i t t a i s h u g i i n the c o n t e x t o f New Feminism and urged the a b o l i t i o n o f bo th the e s t a b -l i s h e d mar r i age system and a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m . I t s u e a l s o r e j e c t e d v iews o f l o v e which f o c u s e d o n l y on s e x u a l d e s i r e o r r e p r o d u c t i o n o r t r e a t e d l o v e as a phenom-enon l i m i t e d to c e r t a i n c l a s s e s o f s o c i e t y . She opposed any thought" w h i b h ^ r d not r e c o g n i z e the impor tance o f p h y s i c a l and s p i r i t u a l u n i t y i n l o v e . In h e r " s e a r c h f o r the i d e a l s o c i e t y she n e c e s s a r i l y began to re -examine her own v a l u e s 20 and those o f her c o u n t r y . Takamure b e l i e v e d i n n a t u r a l l o v e , f r e e from s o c i e t a l r e s t r i c t i o n s . Her c o n c e p t o f beauty s i m i l a r l y opposed the c r i t e r i a d e f i n e d by Western models as c i t y - c e n t r e d . In the next s e c t i o n , her concept o f beauty w i l l be a n a l y z e d as she i n c r e a s i n g l y f a v o u r e d Japanese r u r a l v a l u e s , which she f e l t emphasized n a t u r e , f reedom, and mutual a i d . To I t s u e the essence o f beauty l a y c l o s e r to such r u r a l v a l u e s , f r e e from the a r t i f i c i a l l i m i t a t i o n s imposed by u r b a n - c e n t r e d b u r e a u c r a c y . Takamure 's Concept o f Beauty A t the o u t s e t o f an a r t i c l e d e a l i n g w i t h u r b a n - r u r a l themes w r i t t e n i n 1930, Takamure a s k e d : what i s the v a l u e i n a n a l y z i n g the concep t o f beauty? She p o i n t e d out t h a t s i n c e s o c i e t y u s u a l l y d e p r e c a t e d o r i g n o r e d the concep t o f beauty e n t i r e l y , t h i s a t t i t u d e i n i t s e l f was a p r o b l e m . N e g l e c t i n g to a n a l y z e how the a c c e p t e d concep t o f beauty deve loped would o n l y p e r p e t u a t e the p rob lem. In Takamure 1 s t e r m s , modern s o c i e t y ' s c r i t e r i a o f beauty grew out o f money, s t a t u s , and power, a l l c o n t r o l l e d by the male b u r e a u c r a c y . She c i t e d the example o f an urban i n d i v i d u a l who went to the c o u n t r y s i d e and c o u l d f e e l c o m f o r t a b l e , p o s s e s s i n g a type o f c l a s s p r i d e , whereas a r u r a l pe rson who went t o the 22 c i t y walked humbly and f e l t somehow i n f e r i o r . T h i s i l l u s -t r a t i o n can e a s i l y be a p p l i e d to p r e s e n t - d a y Japanese s o c i e t y more than f i f t y y e a r s a f t e r I t s u e w r o t e . I t i s not uncommon 21 to hear someone modest ly r e f e r to h i m / h e r s e l f as a " c o u n t r y p e r s o n " ( inaka mono), the humble p o s t u r e t h i n l y d i s g u i s i n g the "I am j u s t a c o u n t r y bumpkin" a t t i t u d e so e v i d e n t beneath the s u r f a c e . That i s to s a y , the v iew o f s o c i e t y i n the 1980s i s s t i l l p r e d o m i n a n t l y c i t y - c e n t r e d . To I t sue the contemporary v iew o f beauty i n Japan r e f l e c t e d the c o n t r o l l i n g c r i t e r i a o f the p o w e r f u l E u r o p e a n -Amer ican mode ls . Focused on wea l th and power, urban a reas became the c e n t r e s where r a p i d change and c o m p e t i t i o n p r o -duced a c i t y type of beauty which became the norm. In o r d e r to be b e a u t i f u l one needed a c e r t a i n s t a n d a r d o f c l o t h e s and make-up. T h i s i m p l i e d the n e c e s s i t y o f an adequate economic base t o a c h i e v e t h i s s u r f a c e s t a n d a r d o f b e a u t y , one which 23 was more a c c e s s i b l e t o urban women. M a r x i s t s v iewed t h i s c o n f r o n t a t i o n between the c i t y and the c o u n t r y s i d e a s , i n the m a i n , a phenomenon o f the c a p i t a l i s t i c age . Takamure d i s a g r e e d , s e e i n g i t r a t h e r as something t h a t o r i g i n a t e d w i t h and c o n t i n u e d w i t h a u t h o r i -t a r i a n s o c i e t y . She c i t e d an example o f Tokugawa law which p r o h i b i t e d merchants from m a r r y i n g f a r m e r s ; i f the l a t t e r saw the l i f e s t y l e o f the fo rmer , a s p i r i t o f r e b e l l i o n might a r i s e . I t s u e p o i n t e d out how the problem had c o n t i n u e d i n t o her own t ime w i t h government a i d b e i n g g i v e n to the f a r m e r s . Economic a s s i s t a n c e was g i v e n not to improve the f a r m e r s ' c o n d i t i o n s , but to e n t i c e the urban unemployed back to the c o u n t r y s i d e to l i g h t e n the government 's economic b u r d e n . Opposed t o the type o f e x p l o i t a t i v e s o c i e t y t h a t would c r e a t e t h i s d ichotomy between urban and r u r a l a r e a s , Takamure urged d e p a r t u r e f rom•European power-based c r i t e r i a towards what she termed an " A s i a n s e l f - g o v e r n i n g s o c i e t y " i n which a 2 5 new sense o f beauty would emerge f o r both s e x e s . Unburdened by a r t i f i c i a l , m a t e r i a l i s t i c e l e m e n t s , beauty would n a t u r a l l y re -emerge i n what I t s u e c a l l e d a " f r e e a l l i a n c e " ( j i y u rengoshugi ) s o c i e t y . F r e e from b u r e a u c r a t i c c o n t r o l s , p e o p l e 2 6 c o u l d a t t a i n freedom i n l o v e . Imp l ied i n t h i s sense o f freedom was a g r e a t e r emphasis on the c o u n t r y s i d e , a r e t u r n to " n a t u r e . " I to Ryoko d e s c r i b e s Takamure 1 s l o n g i n g to r e t u r n to the v i l l a g e : . . . when h e l d i n the h e a r t o f na tu re [she] became aware o f a f e e l i n g o f complete f reedom, compared w i t h the remarkable sense of i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y she c o u l d not f o r g e t when sur rounded by c i t y l i f e . . .27 One can surmise t h a t Takamure was o n l y one of many o f her g e n e r a t i o n to r e j e c t the c i t y f o r the c o u n t r y s i d e . In c o n t r a s t to t h i s s i m i l a r i t y o f a t t i t u d e , she s e t out on a d i s t i n c t c o u r s e o f a c t i o n . A c c o r d i n g to Takamure 's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of b e a u t y , Western c r i t e r i a d i c t a t e d t h a t the modern concep t be c i t y -c e n t r e d . In o p p o s i n g t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , she deve loped her v iew o f a f r e e - a l l i a n c e s o c i e t y , one which emphasized n a t u r e and the a g r a r i a n v i l l a g e . T h i s p o i n t was an e s s e n t i a l p a r t o f Takamure 's 23 argument i n an e x t e n s i v e debate which took p l a c e i n 1928 between Takamure and Yamakawa K i k u e , a noted l e f t i s t p o l e m i -2 8 c i s t . I t i s hard to imagine two more o p p o s i n g v i e w p o i n t s than those e x p r e s s e d i n t h i s d e b a t e . To I t sue the c o u n t r y s i d e embodied e lements o f n a t u r e , mutual c o - o p e r a t i o n , and f r e e -dom, the essence o f a n a r c h i s m . Yamakawa 1s argument f o c u s e d upon the impor tance o f p r o d u c t i o n f o r the s t a t e . They argued from t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e a n a r c h i s t and M a r x i s t v i e w p o i n t s on such i s s u e s as the r o l e o f l o v e i n (or out o f ) m a r r i a g e , c h i l d c a r e , and the d i r e c t i o n f u t u r e s o c i e t y would t a k e . The next c h a p t e r w i l l p r o v i d e f u r t h e r d e t a i l s and an a n a l y s i s o f the Yamakawa-Takamure d e b a t e . CHAPTER 3 MANIFESTATIONS OF ANARCHIST THOUGHT P a r t One: Views i n O p p o s i t i o n I ssues o f Love and Marriage"*" The n ine -month debate (ronso) between Yamakawa Kikue and Takamure I t s u e began i n January 1928 w i t h an a r t i c l e by Yamakawa i n F u j i n koron i n which she r e f e r r e d to women as " b a r g a i n g o o d s . " In f a c t , t o emphasize s u p p o r t i n g p o i n t s Yamakawa f r e q u e n t l y employed the s t y l e o f a newspaper c l a s s i f i e d a d v e r t i s e m e n t to compare females t o everyday commodi t ies l i k e t e l e p h o n e s o r f u r n i t u r e . Her v iews can be summarized as f o l l o w s : women i n t r a d i t i o n a l Japan l a c k e d an economic f o u n d a t i o n i n t h e i r own r i g h t , and as s u c h , c o u l d be taken c h e a p l y i n t o mar r iage as t h e i r o n l y c h o i c e i n T i f e . But as some women became aware o f t h e i r own v a l u e they r e f u s e d to marry men whom they d i d not l o v e . In Yamakawa 1s t h i n k i n g , p l a c i n g such impor tance on the r o l e o f l o v e i n mar r i age was out o f p l a c e . To h e r , " t r a d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s between the c o u p l e based on the male as the economic s t a n d a r d " were the f o u n d a t i o n o f the f a m i l y . Pure s i m p l e l o v e was j u s t a "sweet r e c o l l e c t i o n " which " g a r n i s h e d " the b e g i n n i n g o f a 2 c o u p l e ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p . 25 The f o l l o w i n g statement i n d i c a t e s how s t r o n g l y T a k a -mure c r i t i c i z e d Yamakawa 1s use o f "pure s i m p l e l o v e . " I t a l s o g i v e s the r e a d e r a t a s t e o f her f i e r y w r i t i n g s t y l e : As l o n g . as Yamakawa h o l d s t o Marxism these phrases w i l l j u s t be i g n o r a n t , groundless, b l i n d , i r r e s p o n -s i b l e empty words w h i c h , to awakening women, have no a u t h o r i t y [and] s h o u l d be laughed a t . . . She f u r t h e r q u e s t i o n e d the p e r i p h e r a l r o l e Yamakawa gave to l o v e , which was unchanged through t ime and always i n the c o n t e x t o f the mar r iage i n s t i t u t i o n . I t s u e argued t h a t the d e n i a l o f c o n v e n t i o n a l mar r iage gave b i r t h to r e n ' a i , 4 freedom i n l o v e . As w i t h p r e g n a n c y , i t was a complex p r o c e s s . Takamure s t r e s s e d t h a t one impor tan t p a r t o f t h i s p r o c e s s was t o re -examine s o c i e t y ' s emphasis on the female body as a commodity which had to a s p i r e to a c e r t a i n sense 5 of beauty i n o r d e r to " l u r e " a man i n t o m a r r i a g e . I t s u e m a i n t a i n e d her f o c u s on freedom i n l o v e . Yamakawa d i d not b e l i e v e t h a t e lements l i k e f r e e l o v e e x i s t e d i n the b o u r g e o i s s o c i e t y o f e a r l y Showa J a p a n ; o n l y i n the p o s t - r e v o l u t i o n a r y M a r x i s t s o c i e t y c o u l d women a c h i e v e freedom i n l o v e . As Japanese s o c i e t y l a c k e d bo th the p r o s p e c t and the c a p a b i l i t y o f such a r e v o l u t i o n a t t h a t t i m e , one c r i t i c has l a b e l l e d such a view as " f a t a l i s t i c p e s s i m i s m . " The f u t u r e s o c i e t y Takamure e n v i s i o n e d was markedly d i f f e r e n t f rom t h a t o f the M a r x i s t s . The f o l l o w i n g q u o t a t i o n from her a u t o b i o g r a p h y e l u c i d a t e s s e v e r a l key p o i n t s i n her concep t o f the emerging s o c i e t y , i n c l u d i n g b o s e i (women's n a t u r a l i n s t i n c t s ) . ; 26 . . . as the age o f l a r g e i n d u s t r y has reached i t s summit, the appearance too o f a s i m p l e f r e e v i l l a g e age , c l o s e l y r e s e m b l i n g c o n d i t i o n s i n p r i m e v a l t i m e s , i s an i n e v i t a b l e p r o c e s s . S c i e n t i f i c s o c i e t y , and the s i m p l i f i c a t i o n o f s o c i e t y ' s l i f e s t y l e which i s dependent on i t , a l s o c o n c u r s w i t h the demands o f each type o f b o s e i , thus s o c i e t y a b s o l u t e l y does not have to go th rough the M a r x i s t p h a s e . By r e j e c t i n g a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m and c o n s t a n t l y m a i n t a i n i n g a g r a s p o f the c o n v i c t i o n to s e a r c h f o r s e l f -government , [I] know p r o g r e s s w i l l c o n t i n u e _ d i r e c t l y towards a f r e e - a l l i a n c e s o c i e t y ( j i y u  rengo no s h a k a i ) . ^ I t s u e opposed a s o c i e t y w i t h a s t r o n g c e n t r a l g o v e r n -ment, u r g i n g i n s t e a d one which was based on communal f a r m i n g . Takamure 's concept o f f u t u r e s o c i e t y f o c u s e d on farmers as they had the a b i l i t y to produce f o o d , the r o o t s o f s e l f -o government . I n t e r t w i n e d i n t h i s a n a r c h i s t i c v i e w p o i n t as w e l l was an a lmost s p i r i t u a l sense o f the c o u n t r y s i d e as c l o s e s t to the essence o f beauty and l o v e , impor tan t i n her d e v e l o p i n g concept o f b o s e i s h u g i ( l i t e r a l l y , " m o t h e r - a s - t h e -e s s e n c e - i s m " ) . Whi le d i f f i c u l t to d e s c r i b e i n p r e c i s e t e r m s , i t i n c l u d e d e lements o f S h i n t o s p i r i t u a l i s m i n a n o n - h i e r a r -c h i c a l s o c i e t y . Takamure had g r e a t r e s p e c t f o r n a t u r e and saw women as the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f n a t u r e who a l s o s h o u l d be r e s p e c t e d . Such r e s p e c t c o u l d o n l y be a c c o m p l i s h e d i n a s o c i e t y i n which women were f r e e from o p p r e s s i v e government. Takamure saw the impor tan t r o l e o f bo th men and women i n f a r m i n g , w i t h women too work ing ou tdoors as t h e i r a n c e s t o r s had f o r thousands o f y e a r s . Yamakawa 1s c o n t r a s t i n g v iew seemed q u i t e nar row, n e g l e c t i n g even s p e c i f i c ment ion o f f a r m i n g . She d e l i n e a t e d men's work as o u t s i d e the home, 27 women's as i n s i d e w i t h housework and c h i l d - c a r e u n t i l the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n , when the spheres of bo th had been 9 r e - d i r e c t e d o u t s i d e the home. The i n i t i a l s tage (January 192 8) o f the Yamakawa-Takamure debate l e n t i t s e l f to d i s c u s s i o n o f c r i t e r i a l i k e l o v e and m a r r i a g e , a l t h o u g h d e f i n i t e e lements o f t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e M a r x i s t and a n a r c h i s t s t a n c e s were e v i d e n t i n t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the i s s u e s . Takamure 's v iews c o n f l i c t e d w i t h those of Yamakawa on s e v e r a l p o i n t s such as f r e e l o v e and f u t u r e s o c i e t y . By the l a t t e r s tage (June 1928) the c o n t r o v e r s y became much more c a u s t i c and p e r s o n a l . Each tended to use the essay form to a t t a c k the o t h e r ' s p o s i t i o n , then expound on the bases f o r t h e i r own c o n v i c t i o n s . In f a c t , i t was not uncommon f o r them to d w e l l on t h e i r own views r a t h e r than c r i t i c i z e the o t h e r ' s p o s i t i o n . P e r s o n a l i s s u e s a s i d e , what f o l l o w s i s a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e i r v iews o f s o c i e t y from d i s t i n c t l y a n a r c h i s t i c and M a r x i s t r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s . F u t u r e S o c i e t y : "Communal S e l f - G o v e r n m e n t " V e r s u s "Power fu l Communism" In Takamure 's communal s e l f - g o v e r n i n g s o c i e t y , the organs o f p r o d u c t i o n would r e t u r n to the hands o f the p e o p l e . L i v i n g a s i m p l e l i f e s t y l e , t h e i r needs were min imal and a c c o r d i n g l y r e q u i r e d l i m i t e d p r o d u c t i o n . On the o t h e r hand , Marxism emphasized ; the means to m u l t i p l y m a n u f a c t u r i n g 28 c a p a c i t y so t h a t " a l l the s t r e n g t h o f wea l th would o v e r f l o w i n s o c i e t y i n an i n e x h a u s t i b l e s u p p l y . S i m p l y s t a t e d , Takamure d e s c r i b e d anarch ism as based on the " s p i r i t o f mutual a i d " and " thought c e n t r e d on p e o p l e " as opposed to Marxism t h a t was " thought which used economics as i t s standard.""'""'' Anarch ism had the s t r e n g t h to embrace the gamut of s o c i a l phenomena, both p r e s e n t and f u t u r e , because i t 12 used a human s t a n d a r d . In Yamakawa's t e r m s , w i t h p r o d u c t i o n as i t s g o a l , s o c i e t y n e c e s s a r i l y and a b s o l u t e l y p r o g r e s s e d by the e v o l u -t i o n a r y p r o c e s s from a "power fu l c a p i t a l i s t i c s o c i e t y " to a "power fu l communist s o c i e t y . " In her p l a n , o n l y the l a t t e r type o f s o c i e t y c o u l d f r e e women v i a the s o c i a l i z a t i o n o f c h i l d - c a r e ; t h a t i s , w i t h c h i l d r e n b e i n g c a r e d f o r i n government - run f a c i l i t i e s , women would be f r e e to work o u t s i d e the home as p r o d u c e r s . I t s u e was a g a i n s t s o c i a l i z e d c h i l d - c a r e , i n t h a t c h i l d r e n d i d not b e l o n g t o s o c i e t y but to t h e i r mothers th rough t h e i r n a t u r a l i n s t i n c t o f mother -hood . M o r e o v e r , I t s u e opposed the e n t i r e p r o c e s s which c u l m i n a t e d i n such a communist s o c i e t y as i t r e l i e d on M a r x ' s n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y m a t e r i a l i s t i c c o n c e p t i o n o f h i s t o r y i n which s o c i e t y was c i t y - c e n t r e d . She p r e f e r r e d a more modern view which saw c a p i t a l i s m drawing to an end i n t h i s c e n t u r y . I n c r e a s i n g urban l a b o u r s t r i f e i n d i c a t e d the d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f the complex c e n t r e s o f the c o u n t r y . G r a d u a l l y the 29 c o u n t r y s i d e would come to the f o r e w i t h the development o f the v i l l a g e m a n u f a c t u r i n g i n d u s t r y , the b a s i s f o r v i l l a g e autonomy. U t i l i z a t i o n o f e l e c t r i c i t y p l a y e d a key r o l e i n T a k a -mure ' s i d e a s , as i t encouraged the d i s p e r s i o n o f i n d u s t r y , whereas the use o f steam had tended t o c o n c e n t r a t e i n d u s t r y . I t i s i r o n i c t h a t i n her a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t i c v iew o f s o c i e t y , I t s u e c i t e d the example o f Amer ican i n d u s t r i a l k i n g Henry F o r d as someone who had r e - i n v e s t e d p r o f i t s f o r d i s p e r s i o n from l a r g e urban f a c t o r i e s to s m a l l r u r a l i n d u s t r y . Another a s p e c t o f p r o g r e s s i n f a v o u r o f v i l l a g e i n d u s t r y was the development o f a e r i a l e l e c t r i c i t y (kuchu d e n r y o k u ) , by which she meant e l e c t r i c i t y taken from the a i r , which i n consequence would r e q u i r e no d i s t r i b u t i o n g r i d . T h i s , she i n d i c a t e d , would a l l o w the expans ion o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s i n r u r a l a r e a s , and the use o f s m a l l e r more a c c e s s i b l e m a c h i n e s . K i k u e , by c o n t r a s t , b e l i e v e d t h a t s o c i e t y was s t i l l i n the age o f l a r g e machines and b i g i n d u s t r y and r e j e c t e d the i d e a 15 o f a s y n t h e s i z e d s o c i e t y . In what she r e a l i z e d were a b s t r a c t t e r m s , Takamure gave her own i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the d i v i s i o n o f the p r o l e t a r -i a n c l a s s i n an essay p u b l i s h e d i n Fuj i n undo (Women's movement), a l s o i n 1928. She d i v i d e d the p r o l e t a r i a t i n t o Marxis- t ; advocates of • " p r o d u c t i o n i s m " ( s e i s a n s h u g i ) , and a n a r -c h i s t ^.advocates o f : "consumpt ion ism" (shoh ishug i ) , and l i s t e d c r i t e r i a e x c l u s i v e to e a c h . Those o f Marxism i n c l u d e d 30 m a t e r i a l i s m , c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f power (shukenshugi) and t rea tment o f human i n s t i n c t s as i n s i g n i f i c a n t . Anarch ism she r e f e r r e d t o i n terms o f humanism, s o l i d a r i t y ( rengoshugi ) and the r e v e r e n t i a l t rea tment o f i n s t i n c t s , i n p a r t i c u l a r m o t h e r ' s l o v e and b o s e i . I t s u e saw Marxism as work ing towards a s o c i e t y w i t h c e n t r a l i z e d power th rough e c l e c t i c i s m ( s e t c h u s h u g i ) . On the o t h e r hand , th rough a n a r c h i s m she a n t i c i p a t e d a s o c i e t y based on c o - o p e r a t i o n and freedom w i th the v i l l a g e community ( j i y u kyosan sonraku) as i t s u n i t . She s t r e s s e d the s t r o n g u n i t y o f l a b o u r e r s and farmers i n t h i s new s o c i e t y i n t h a t both 16 d i d not want to be r u l e d . The m i s s i o n o f the l a b o u r movement was to d e s t r o y the s t r o n g h o l d s o f c a p i t a l i s m , the c i t i e s and the c e n t r a l g o v e r n -ment, th rough s t r i k e a c t i o n by f e d e r a t i o n s o f u n i o n s . When the urban a reas f e l l to r u i n , the p r o l e t a r i a t would r e t u r n to t h e i r own home towns and h e l p i n the g r a d u a l b u i l d i n g o f the new s o c i e t y . With s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t the farmers would a b o l i s h 17 a l l laws and systems o f i n h e r i t a n c e , f a m i l y and m a r r i a g e . In the type o f s o c i e t y she d e s c r i b e d , women and men would be a b l e to l i v e s i m p l y i n e q u i l i b r i u m , f r e e from b u r e a u c r a t i c o p p r e s s i o n and c o n t r o l . The Roots o f "an A n a r c h i s t  w i t h S u p e r f i c i a l Knowledge" By a n a l y z i n g the above d e s c r i p t i o n o f Takamure 's 31 a n a r c h i s t i c s o c i e t y a c c o r d i n g t o I r v i n g H o r o w i t z 1 s n e g a t i v e and p o s i t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f a n a r c h y , i t i s o b v i o u s t h a t her view o f anarchy was d i s t i n c t l y a p o s i t i v e one . To I t s u e , anarchy was based on harmonious r e l a t i o n s which would p r o s p e r once s o c i e t y ' s " s u p e r f l u i t y o f r u l e s " was e l i m i n a t e d , a p o s i t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , c o n t r a s t i n g w i t h n e g a t i v e v iews 18 which d e f i n e d anarch ism as a " c o n d i t i o n o f u n r u l i n e s s . " But was s h e , as K ikue r e f e r r e d to h e r , "an a n a r c h i s t w i t h 19 s u p e r f i c i a l knowledge"? One t h i n k s n o t . F i r s t , I t s u e c o u n t e r e d Yamakawa 1s women's t h e o r y , a r g u i n g t h a t i t l a c k e d r e a l c o n t e n t ; f i r s t and foremost Yamakawa b e l i e v e d i n Marx ism, then at tempted to f o r c e i s s u e s l i k e the s i g n i f i c a n c e of l o v e (to h e r , i t s i n s i g n i f i c a n c e ) 2 0 i n t o such a framework. S e c o n d l y , Takamure e x p r e s s e d her own i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f a n a r c h i s m : R e g a r d l e s s o f whether a p e r s o n i s uneducated o r from the lowest s t r a t a o f s o c i e t y , 'he /she too i s s u f f e r i n g under the a u t h o r i t a r i a n s t a t e and can become a r e a l , pure a n a r c h i s t . 2 1 I t s u e had begun to i n t e r p r e t anarch ism i n her own terms e a r l y i n l i f e . She d i d not sudden ly become an a n a r c h i s t o v e r n i g h t i n the t u r m o i l o f the Tokyo env i ronment . A c c o r d i n g to her a u t o b i o g r a p h y , her f i r s t exposure to a n a r -ch ism was not th rough r e a d i n g but r a t h e r v i a the 1910-11 High T reason I n c i d e n t , i n which Kotoku S h u s u i , Kanno Sugako,eand twenty- two o t h e r s were c o n v i c t e d . The f a c t t h a t some of the " i n n o c e n t s c a p e g o a t s , " i n Takamure 's words , were from her n a t i v e a rea o f Kumamoto c o n t r i b u t e d to the l a s t i n g i m p r e s s i o n the event made on h e r . Perhaps the young and i m p r e s s i o n a b l e I t s u e remembered i t a l s o f o r p e r s o n a l r e a s o n s : the v e r d i c t was announced on her s e v e n t e e n t h b i r t h d a y , January 18 , 1911. Some y e a r s l a t e r she a g a i n had c o n t a c t w i t h anarch ism through her spouse Kenzo , who was employed by H e i b o n s h a , a — 23 — — p u b l i s h i n g company headed by Shimonaka Y a s a b u r o . I to Ryoko t h o r o u g h l y expanded on t h i s p o i n t when she a t t r i b u t e d much o f I t s u e ' s r u r a l - b a s e d a n a r c h i s t i c thought to d i r e c t a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h Shimonaka. One o f Takamure 's e a r l i e r c o l l e c t i o n s o f poems, Tokyo wa netsubyo n i kakat teni (Tokyo i s s u f f e r i n g from a f eve r ) had been p u b l i s h e d i n 1925 by Manseikaku — Heibonsha under an e a r l i e r name. Shimonaka, a l o n g w i t h Ishikawa S a n s h i r o (known f o r h i s t r a n s l a t i o n s o f European a n a r c h i s t s 24 — l i k e K r o p o t k i n and Bakunin) had l e d the Nomin j i c h i k a i (Farmers ' s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t a s s o c i a t i o n ) . I t had been s t a r t e d i n December 1925 by N a k a n i s h i Inosuke and Sh ibuya T e i s u k e "wi th the purpose of p o l i t i c a l , economic and c u l t u r a l l i b e r a t i o n f o r f a r m e r s . " S p e c i a l f e a t u r e s o f the A s s o c i a t i o n i n c l u d e d the c o n -t e n t i o n t h a t farmers r a t h e r than urban l a b o u r e r s formed the c o r e o f the p r o l e t a r i a n c l a s s movement. The A s s o c i a t i o n a l s o c o n c e n t r a t e d on un ions as the economic c e n t r e o f the movement, w h i l e the f o r m a t i o n o f the P r o l e t a r i a n P a r t y i n May 1925 • 2 5 occup ied the a t t e n t i o n o f most o f the p r o l e t a r i a t . The emphasis on f a r m e r s ' s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t and un ions i n I t s u e ' s thought indeed s t r o n g l y resembles the above f o c i o f 33 the F a r m e r s ' S e l f - G o v e r n m e n t A s s o c i a t i o n . Her f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h f a r m e r s ' i s s u e s was extended even f u r t h e r by 1930 th rough c l o s e i n t e r a c t i o n between her own P r o l e t a r i a n Women's A r t League (Musan f u j i n g e i j u t s u renmei) and the F a r m e r ' s A r t League . T h i s w i l l be d e a l t w i t h i n more d e t a i l i n Chapter 4 when F u j i n sensen i s d i s c u s s e d . I t s u e ' s a n a r c h i s t i c p r o p e n s i t i e s have been s u b s t a n t i -a ted by her p e r s o n a l d i s c l o s u r e s ment ioned above as w e l l as by o t h e r f a c t s r e v e a l e d by s e v e r a l a u t h o r s . Both e a r l y e x p e r i e n c e s i n l i f e and c o n t a c t w i t h p e o p l e i n v o l v e d i n a n a r c h i s t i c a c t i v i t i e s h e l p e d t o f o s t e r I t s u e ' s r e j e c t i o n o f ma le -dominated a u t h o r i t a r i a n ; i n s t i t u t i o n s l i k e modern "govern-ment which o p p r e s s e d women. Another e s s e n t i a l e lement i n the development o f Takamure 1 s a n a r c h i s t i c thought was her concep t o f b o s e i s h u g i . A c c o r d i n g to her a u t o b i o g r a p h y , the death o f her i n f a n t Kempei i n the s p r i n g of 1922 p l a y e d a l a r g e p a r t 2 6 i n open ing her eyes to t h i s c o n c e p t . R e f l e c t i n g on her a n a r c h i s m , I t s u e r e c a l l e d t h a t , i n t u r n , i t was t h i s s e l f -awareness o f b o s e i t h a t caused her to f e e l a n t a g o n i s t i c 27 towards Marxism and thus l e d her to a n a r c h i s m . As she l a c k e d an awareness o f b o s e i , Yamakawa t r e a t e d the c h i l d - c a r e i s s u e e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t l y . I t sue p o i n t e d to the woman-centred s o c i e t y o f p r i m e v a l t imes i n which women had freedom i n c h i l d c a r e w i t h the c o - o p e r a t i o n o f the v i l l a g e (buraku) . R a i s i n g c h i l d r e n was not l o o k e d upon as the p r i v a t e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the mother but r a t h e r as an 34 endeavour t o be sh a r e d by the p e o p l e o f the v i l l a g e . . S o c i e t y r e c o g n i z e d t h e s p e c i a l i n s t i n c t s and t a l e n t s o f motherhood and c o - o p e r a t e d a c c o r d i n g l y . But g r a d u a l l y , w i t h t h e d e v e l o p -ment o f t h e f a m i l y system, c h i l d - c a r e came t o be l o o k e d upon as e x c l u s i v e l y "women's work." Then w i t h the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f i n s t i t u t i o n s o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y and l e g i t i m a t e h e i r s , t he r o l e o f women was changed t o b e a r e r s o f l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n who c o u l d i n h e r i t t h e p r o p e r t y o f t h e i r f a t h e r s . Takamure r e j e c t e d t h e c a p i t a l i s t i c economic system w i t h i t s c e n t r a l i z e d power wh i c h caused women t o abandon t h e i r c h i l d r e n t o work o u t s i d e t h e home. She a l s o c o u l d n o t a c c e p t t h i s a s p e c t o f Marxism. In c o n t r a s t t o Yamakawa, who argued t h a t i f women were t o t a k e t h e i r p l a c e i n M a r x i s t s o c i e t y s o c i a l i z a t i o n o f c h i l d - c a r e was e s s e n t i a l , I t s u e h e l d t h a t women d i d n o t want t o g i v e t h e i r c h i l d r e n t o o t h e r s t o r a i s e . Nor d i d t h e y want c h i l d - c a r e t o be i s o l a t e d w i t h i n t h e home and deemed as t h e i r j o b . Mothers d e s i r e d t h e freedom t o r a i s e t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n a manner somewhere between 28 t h e two extremes. A l t h o u g h the main p o i n t s o f b o t h t h e o r i s t s o f t e n have t o be g l e a n e d t h r o u g h c l o u d s o f r h e t o r i c , t h e s e a r c h i n i t s e l f i s a u s e f u l p r o c e s s . The c h o i c e o f d i f f e r e n t c r i t e r i a by t he two a d v e r s a r i e s was s i g n i f i c a n t as was t h e manner i n w h i c h t h e y e x p r e s s e d t h e m s e l v e s , i n t h a t b o t h r e f l e c t e d t h e thoug h t o f t h e 1920s. Henry Sm i t h p o i n t s o u t t h a t from t h e e a r l y 1920s t h e v a r i e t y and a v a i l a b i l i t y o f r a d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e 35 i n c r e a s e d g r e a t l y , i n c l u d i n g t r a n s l a t i o n s . By 1926 m u l t i -volume c o l l e c t i o n s of M a r x i s t t e x t s were o b t a i n a b l e . Such a b r o a d e n i n g i n t e r e s t i n r a d i c a l i s s u e s r e f l e c t e d the s o c i a l c l i m a t e o f the 1920s, which produced a d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n o f l a b o u r , f a r m e r , and women's movements. S u f f r a g e i s s u e s f o r men and women were a l s o the s u b j e c t o f much debate i n t h a t 29 p e r i o d . P a r t Two: S u f f r a g e I ssues I n i t i a l D i v i s i o n of Women  by Yamakawa K ikue The antagonism I t sue e x p r e s s e d towards Yamakawa i n her p o l e m i c s a l s o s u r f a c e d i n a r t i c l e s she wrote a t the same t ime c o n c e r n i n g s u f f r a g e . She p o i n t e d out t h a t i s s u e s l i k e s u f -f r a g e , the p r o t e c t i o n o f motherhood and the c a r e o f c h i l d r e n , unequa l l a w s , and m i d n i g h t l a b o u r were problems o f a l l women, not o n l y p r o l e t a r i a n women o r b o u r g e o i s women. Yet why were women d i s c u s s e d i n s u b - g r o u p s ? One r e s e a r c h e r w r i t e s : ' . . . female s o c i a l i s t i n t e l l e c t u a l s l i k e Yamakawa K ikue were a d i v i s i v e f o r c e i n the f l e d g l i n g women's movement because through the pages of magazines and from l e c t u r e p l a t f o r m s they denounced the a c t i v i t y o f the women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h a t c l a i m e d to work f o r the be t te rment o f women" but f a i l e d t o commit themselves to . . . s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n . 3 0 I t s u e ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n c o n c u r r e d w i t h the above , i n t h a t she s p e c i f i c a l l y a t t r i b u t e d the i n i t i a l concept o f d i v i s i o n o f women to Yamakawa's p r o l e t a r i a n women's c o n s c i o u s n e s s . 36 In l a t e 1919, H i r a t s u k a R a i c h o , Ichikawa Fusae., and Oku Mumeo had founded the New Women's A s s o c i a t i o n (Shin f u j i n  kyoka i ) w i t h the e n f r a n c h i s e m e n t o f women as one o f i t s b a s i c a i m s . Yamakawa r e t o r t e d t h a t p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s and a c q u i s i -t i o n of v o t i n g r i g h t s were i s s u e s o f b o u r g e o i s women, o f no c o n c e r n to p r o l e t a r i a n women l i k e h e r s e l f . In e f f e c t , women were d i v i d e d i n t o b o u r g e o i s and p r o l e t a r i a n g r o u p s , each 31 • e x p r e s s i n g h o s t i l i t y towards the o t h e r . B e f o r e an examina-t i o n o f how Kikue deve loped t h a t p a r t i c u l a r v i e w p o i n t , i t i s n e c e s s a r y to e l a b o r a t e on the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f the New Women's A s s o c i a t i o n . The New Women's A s s o c i a t i o n Whi le the f i r s t advocate o f female s u f f r a g e has been 32 — noted i n s o u r c e s da ted as e a r l y as 1877, and the S e i t o s h a ( B l u e s t o c k i n g s ) r a i s e d the i s s u e o f women's p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s 3 3 i n 1913, the New Women's A s s o c i a t i o n i s u s u a l l y r e c o g n i z e d as the f i r s t women's o r g a n i z a t i o n which a c t i v e l y pursued a p l a n to a c q u i r e female s u f f r a g e . The b a s i c aims o f t h e i r p l a n were as f o l l o w s : (1) e n f r a n c h i s e m e n t f o r women, (2) e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f w e l f a r e measures f o r mother and c h i l d , and (3) r e g u l a t i o n o f mar r i age where the p a r t n e r had v e n e r e a l d i s e a s e and r e c o g n i t i o n o f d i v o r c e s h o u l d the spouse become i n f e c t e d . Though t h e s e were the l o n g - t e r m g o a l s , the A s s o c i a t i o n ' s immediate o b j e c t i v e was to e l i m i n a t e A r t i c l e 5 o f the P u b l i c 37 Peace P o l i c e Law o f 1887, which e x c l u d e d women from p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . The membership v i s i t e d D i e t members and p e t i t i o n e d f o r "the r e v i s i o n o f t h e obnoxious law." K a m i c h i k a I c h i k o ' s d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e D i e t r e v e a l s what a c h a l l e n g e t h e y e n c o u n t e r e d : The m a j o r i t y o f t h e D i e t members o f t h e time con-s i d e r e d i t most unmanly t o be s y m p a t h e t i c w i t h women, and t h e i r u n d e r s t a n d i n g never d e v e l o p e d beyond t h e i r m i s g i v i n g s as t o why women s h o u l d abandon t h e home l i f e w h i c h , i n t h e i r o p i n i o n , was t h e o n l y w o r l d where women belong e d . W i t h the amendment o f t h e P u b l i c Peace P o l i c e Law i n A p r i l 1922, A r t i c l e 5 was r e p e a l e d a t l a s t , and women were g r a n t e d 34 t h e r i g h t t o a t t e n d and sponsor p o l i t i c a l m e e t i n g s . The New Women's A s s o c i a t i o n can be c a l l e d t h e f o r e -r u n n e r o f t h e Women's S u f f r a g e Union ( F u j i n s a n s e i k e n k a k u t o k u  k i s e i domeikai) o r g a n i z e d i n l a t e 1924 by I c h i k a w a Fusae and Yamataka S h i g e r i . T h i s group, w h i c h l a s t e d s i x t e e n y e a r s , became^ l a t e r known as t h e Women's S u f f r a g e A l l i a n c e (Fuj i n k a k u t o k u domei). I t s h o u l d be no t e d t h a t by t h e g e n e r a l e l e c t i o n o f 1928 t h e i s s u e o f female s u f f r a g e had become a 35 p r a c t i c a l i s s u e f o r t h e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . From f o r e i g n i n f l u e n c e s , as w e l l as from t h e need t o a c h i e v e s o l i d a r i t y i n t h e r a n k s o f t h e workers and t e n a n t f a r m e r s , women's p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l e q u a l i t y became p a r t o f the demands o f t h e s o c i a l d e m o c r a t i c as w e l l as t h e p r o l e t a r i a n 36 p a r t i e s . 38 O v e r l a p p i n g Ideas o f Yamakawa  K ikue and H i t o s h i A l t h o u g h both the e s t a b l i s h e d p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and the p r o l e t a r i a n p a r t i e s b e l i e v e d p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s , i n c l u d i n g women's s u f f r a g e , were impor tan t f o r a l l f e m a l e s , why d i d Yamakawa K ikue d i v o r c e these i s s u e s from the scope o f p r o l e -t a r i a n women's concern? E x a m i n a t i o n o f her s o c i a l i s t husband H i t o s h i ' s a c t i v i t i e s a t the t ime r e v e a l s o v e r l a p p i n g i d e a s between husband and w i f e on the s u f f r a g e i s s u e . H i t o s h i had s t u d i e d s u f f r a g e i s s u e s s i n c e h i s invo lvement w i t h one o f the e a r l i e s t s o c i a l i s t g r o u p s , the H e i m i n s h a . He espoused B o l s h e -v ism and opposed anarch ism a f t e r Wor ld War I, and become one o f the founders o f the Japan S o c i a l i s t League i n 192 0 and the 37 Japan Communist P a r t y i n 1922. In s p i t e o f growing p o p u l a r i n t e r e s t i n s u f f r a g e e x p r e s s e d by such a c t i o n s as the p o s t c a r d movement (hagaki undo) by 1918, the Hara K e i government seems to have been l i t t l e a f f e c t e d . The p o s t c a r d movement was s y m b o l i c o f growing p o p u l a r s u p p o r t f o r s u f f r a g e a f t e r World War I. Commoners from a l a r g e segment o f the p o p u l a t i o n appea led to t h e i r D i e t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , add ing f u e l to the n a t i o n - w i d e 3 8 s u f f r a g e movement, i n s p i t e o f the government 's a t t i t u d e . By the e a r l y 1920s, H i t o s h i i n c r e a s i n g l y f e l t t h a t the b e s t way to d i f f e r e n t i a t e s h a r p l y between the p r o l e t a r i a t and the democrats (minpon shugisha) was to r e j e c t the s u f f r a g e i s s u e . A c c o r d i n g l y , i n a F e b r u a r y 1922 a r t i c l e i n the 39 Communist Z e n ' e i (Vanguard) he urged a movement to d i s c a r d v o t i n g r i g h t s (k iken u n d o ) , i n the f a i t h t h a t t h i s new emphasis would i n c r e a s e the p r o l e t a r i a n c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f 39 l a b o u r u n i o n s and o t h e r l e f t - w i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s . K ikue seemed to have absorbed much o f the above argument i n her t rea tment o f women's s u f f r a g e . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t s i x months a f t e r he p u b l i s h e d the above a r t i c l e , H i t o s h i m o d i f i e d h i s view by 180 d e g r e e s , w i t h a l l e g e d "gu idance" from the C o m i n t e r n . By August 1922, as he then thought an excess o f r e v o l u t i o n a r y f e r v o u r was the g r e a t e s t t h r e a t t o the p r o l e t a r i a n movement, H i t o s h i p u b l i s h e d another a r t i c l e i n Z e n ' e i ; t h i s t ime he c a l l e d f o r compromising i d e o l o g i c a l p u r i t y f o r the sake o f i d e n t i f y i n g w i t h the masses and t h e i r g o a l s , even the s h o r t -ranged o n e s . The l e f t i s t s i n t e r p r e t e d t h i s s h i f t as s u p p o r t f o r the s u f f r a g e i s s u e . By l a t e 1922 H i t o s h i knew i t was o n l y a mat ter o f t ime b e f o r e the masses began to c r e a t e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , and he b e l i e v e d " there was hope f o r the development o f the r a d i c a l movement w i t h i n the framework o f 40 the i n s t i t u t i o n s o f b o u r g e o i s democracy . " But the l e f t had v a c i l l a t e d too l o n g . Takamure on S u f f r a g e : A  Decade o f Ambiva lence In . the at tempt to assess:_Takamure' s a t t i t u d e towards s u f f r a g e i n . the 1920s, . " v a c i l l a t i o n " o r . " a m b i v a l e n c e " a g a i n 40 come to mind . Whi le her v iews cannot be n e a t l y a n a l y z e d i n c h r o n o l o g i c a l o r d e r , t h e r e does seem to be a tendency f o r her to r e j e c t women's p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the e a r l y 1920s, then w i t h i n a few y e a r s to view u n i v e r s a l manhood s u f f r a g e as a premise o f female s u f f r a g e . Her ambiva lence grew as s h e . urged women to u n i t e i n a movement a g a i n s t p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , but then r e a l i z e d her " e r r o r " and r e j e c t e d even the p r o l e t a r -i a n p a r t i e s . By 1930, I t s u e had d e c i d e d a l l forms o f s t a t i s m were u n d e s i r a b l e ; the road to the i d e a l s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t s o c i e t y was through v i l l a g e communalism. The f o l l o w i n g cpoints i l l u s t r a t e t h i s amb iva len t a t t i t u d e towards s u f f r a g e . As e a r l y as 1921, i n Horosha no  s h i , I t s u e had r e f e r r e d to the "unusua l women" (hibon na onna) o f the New Women's A s s o c i a t i o n w i t h some degree o f s c o r n because i t s members were " c l a m o u r i n g to p a r t i c i p a t e i n g o v e r n -41 ment ." P o p u l a r i n t e r e s t i n s u f f r a g e r o s e i n the e a r l y 1920s, e s p e c i a l l y among the farmers and l a b o u r e r s . In the s p r i n g o f 1925 the D i e t a lmost s i m u l t a n e o u s l y p a s s e d the Peace P r e s e r v a t i o n Law and the U n i v e r s a l Manhood S u f f r a g e Law, d e s c r i b e d by George M. Beckmann as " s u p p r e s s i o n and c o n c e s -42 s i o n , " or "whip and c a n d y . " The p e r i o d which began the f o l l o w i n g year and c o n t i n u e d to 1932 was one i n which " o r g a n i z a t i o n a l change was most k a l e i d o s c o p i c " i n the s o c i a l d e m o c r a t i c movement, w i t h a 4 myr iad o f l e f t i s t and r i g h t i s t f a c t i o n s f i g h t i n g f o r c o n t r o l . D u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , i n a February 1928 s e r i e s o f newspaper 41 a r t i c l e s , I t s u e suppor ted the Women's S u f f r a g e League and noted t h a t , a l t h o u g h women were s t i r r e d by the f i r s t e n a c t -ment o f u n i v e r s a l manhood s u f f r a g e , the " p a r a s i t i c s i t u a t i o n " c o n t i n u e d . She r e f e r r e d t o the women's a l l i a n c e s which were l i k e p a r a s i t e s . .at tached to each o f the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , S e i y u k a i , M i n s e i t o , and Kakush in Kurabu — p a r a s i t e s because 44 they d i d not f u r t h e r the causes o f women. Takamure seemed to f a v o u r what she c a l l e d the " a l l i a n c e f a c t i o n " (rengoha) o f the p r o l e t a r i a n p a r t i e s as the o n l y group t h a t c o u l d f r e e women i n t h a t i t r e c o g n i z e d women's c o n s c i o u s n e s s . A c c o r d i n g to I t s u e ' s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n , most o f the p r o l e t a r i a n p a r t i e s o f the e r a were l e d by a "power f a c t i o n " (shukenha) . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , she d i d not g i v e p a r -4 5 t i c u l a r p a r t y names w i t h r e s p e c t to e i t h e r f a c t i o n . Perhaps i t was t h i s l a t t e r type o f p r o l e t a r i a n p a r t i e s she was r e f e r r i n g to when she l a t e r c a l l e d f o r women to u n i t e a g a i n s t p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s ( f u j i n h i s e i t o no u n d o ) . Takamure thought t h a t the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f power and the f o r f e i t o f f reedom 46 i n the f o r m a t i o n of p a r t i e s l e d to c o r r u p t i o n and r u i n . In the b e g i n n i n g o f 1930 she r e - a s s e s s e d her p o s i t i o n on s u f f r a g e once more i n an a r t i c l e p u b l i s h e d i n F u j i n undo c a l l e d " F u j i n undo no j i s s e n daimoku" (A p r a c t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n o f the women's movement). I t s u e s t a t e d t h a t i t was w o r t h -w h i l e f o r the p r o l e t a r i a t to deepen t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e i n p o l i t i c s , but s h o u l d they welcome e l e c t i o n s ? I f one b e l i e v e d t h a t the p r o l e t a r i a t would f r e e women, s h o u l d women h e l p the 42 p r o l e t a r i a n p a r t i e s ? How were they to c h o o s e , f a c e d w i t h d e c i s i o n s among the f o l l o w i n g : (1) Rodo Nominto (Labour -Farmer P a r t y ) ; (2) Nihon Ronoto (Japan Labour -Farmer P a r t y ) ; (3) Shaka i Minshuto ( S o c i a l Democra t ic P a r t y ) ; and (4) N ihon  Nominto (Japan F a r m e r s ' \ P a r t y ) ? I f they were to c o n s i d e r the p r o l e t a r i a n p a r t i e s i n the c o u n t r y s i d e as w e l l , the l i s t 47 would s w e l l to more than twenty! In terms of l o g i s t i c s , some type o f u n i f i c a t i o n appeared n e c e s s a r y i f a l l women were t o a c h i e v e some " c o n -c e n t r a t i o n o f p u r p o s e . " But was such an e c l e c t i c approach p o s s i b l e ? I t s u e thought i t was n o t , i n t h a t c o r r u p t l e a d e r s c o u l d ve ry w e l l i n v i t e the p r o l e t a r i a n p a r t i e s ' d o w n f a l l as 48 they had r u i n e d e s t a b l i s h e d p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . Takamure c o n c l u d e d t h a t the o n l y " d e m o c r a t i c system" r e s u l t e d from a form o f government which kept the f a t e o f the p e o p l e i n t h e i r own hands , t h a t i s , j i c h i ( s e l f - a u t o n o m y ) . The means t o a c h i e v e t h i s new s o c i e t y was the " f a r m e r s ' movement," which was c o n c u r r e n t l y a " p e o p l e ' s movement," a " l a b o u r - u n i o n movement" and a " c o n s u m e r s ' - u n i o n movement." By s h a r i n g common p r o d u c t s , bank ing f a c i l i t i e s and consumer u n i o n s , f o r example, s o c i e t y would s w i t c h from i n d u s t r y f o r p r o f i t t o i n d u s t r y f o r s i m p l e s u r v i v a l . Each p e r s o n , whether c i t y l a b o u r e r o r f a r m e r , female o r ma le , had the same v a l u e 49 as a " f i g h t e r " i n the movement. 43 The Next Step Research s o u r c e s a v a i l a b l e i n d i c a t e t h a t Takamure p r o b a b l y encounte red a n a r c h i s t thought f o r the f i r s t t ime as an a d o l e s c e n t th rough the p u b l i c i t y a t t e n d a n t upon the H igh T reason I n c i d e n t o f 1910-11. As she was the e l d e s t daughter o f an e lementary s c h o o l p r i n c i p a l who was prone to f r e q u e n t r e l o c a t i o n s around Kyushu , one can surmise t h a t t h e s e f r e q u e n t moves h e l p e d to f o s t e r two b a s i c e lements o f a n a r -c h i s t i c t h o u g h t : a deep r e s p e c t f o r na tu re and an independent s p i r i t . F i r s t , I t sue grew up i n an e r a when she c o u l d s t i l l be sur rounded by the s p l e n d o u r o f u n a d u l t e r a t e d n a t u r e as she moved w i t h her f a m i l y from v i l l a g e to v i l l a g e . From an e a r l y age she l e a r n e d to r e s p e c t the n a t u r a l o r d e r o f l i f e and n a t u r a l v a l u e s . S e c o n d l y , due to f r e q u e n t moves, I t s u e had l e s s o p p o r t u n i t y to e s t a b l i s h group t i e s among her p e e r s , t i e s which a re an impor tan t p a r t o f growing up i n any c o u n -t r y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n g r o u p - o r i e n t e d J a p a n . P a r t i a l l y from n e c e s s i t y , I t s u e l e a r n e d young t o be more i n d e p e n d e n t . Imbued w i t h e lements o f a n a r c h i s t t h o u g h t , Takamure was f u r t h e r a f f e c t e d th rough d i r e c t c o n t a c t w i t h Shimonaka Y a s a b u r o , who l e d the F a r m e r s ' S e l f - G o v e r n m e n t A s s o c i a t i o n . The 1928 debate w i t h M a r x i s t Yamakawa Kikue a l lowed I t s u e to c l a r i f y her a n a r c h i s t thought f o r h e r s e l f as w e l l as f o r the r e a d i n g p u b l i c . Though she v a c i l l a t e d th roughout the 1920s on s u f f r a g e i s s u e s , e s p e c i a l l y female s u f f r a g e , by. the b e -g i n n i n g o f 1930 Takamure d e c i d e d t h a t the r i g h t to vo te would 44 not b r i n g on the b e s t form of government. N e i t h e r the e s t a b -l i s h e d p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s nor the emerging p r o l e t a r i a n p a r t i e s c o u l d p r o v i d e the answer, as they tended to produce c o r r u p t l e a d e r s and , by growing too l a r g e and b u r e a u c r a t i c , to a l i e n a t e the p e o p l e they p u r p o r t e d to r e p r e s e n t . I t s u e became c o n v i n c e d t h a t o n l y s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t c o u l d meet the needs o f the p e o p l e . Only i n a s o c i e t y based on mutual a i d and r e s p e c t c o u l d women's n a t u r a l i n s t i n c t s l i k e . b o s e i g a i n r e s p e c t . She used the term j i c h i to d e s c r i b e t h i s type o f s o c i e t y . A term more commonly used by those who s tudy her i s m u s e i f u , "wi thout government ," or a n a r c h i s m . By the s p r i n g o f 1930, a t the age o f t h i r t y - s i x , I t s u e was ready to take the next s t e p , to go beyond t h i s a n a r c h i s t thought to a c t i o n . In March 1930 Takamure became the l e a d e r o f a group o f women w i t h s i m i l a r l i t e r a r y and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s c a l l e d Musan F u j i n G e i j u t s u Renmei. F o r the next s i x t e e n months, one o f t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s would be to p u b l i s h a monthly magazine c a l l e d F u j i n s e n s e n . The background o f the group and d e t a i l s o f t h e i r magazine form the s u b j e c t o f the next c h a p t e r . CHAPTER 4 THE PROLETARIAN WOMEN'S ART LEAGUE AND FUJIN SENSEN: BEYOND THOUGHT TO ACTION S i g n i f i c a n c e o f the P r o l e t a r i a n Women's  A r t League and F u j i n Sensen I t s u e ' s r e p u t a t i o n i n the l i t e r a r y w o r l d as a poet and as a s o c i a l commentator r e s t e d on her magazine and newspaper a r t i c l e s th roughout the 1920s. They i n t u r n r e s u l t e d i n her a c t i v i t y i n the P r o l e t a r i a n Women's A r t League (PWAL) and i t s monthly magazine F u j i n sensen (FS) which began i n 1930. T h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and i t s p e r i o d i c a l p l a y e d t h r e e s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e s i n the c a r e e r o f Takamure. F i r s t , F u j i n sensen gave I t sue the o p p o r t u n i t y to f o c u s h e r many t a l e n t s as an e d i t o r , a p o e t , and a w r i t e r who made f r e q u e n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the p e r i o d i c a l , o f t e n under s e v e r a l pseudonyms. One a u t h o r , a s t u d e n t o f her work, has i n c l u d e d c o m p i l e r and p u b l i s h e r among I t s u e ' s r o l e s as wel l ." ' ' T h i s m u l t i p l i c a t i o n of jobs seems e n t i r e l y p o s s i b l e , as r o l e s o f t e n o v e r l a p on s m a l l p u b l i c a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y f o r the p e r s o n i n charge w i t h a s m a l l s t a f f . S e c o n d l y , the PWAL p r o v i d e d a l e c t u r e p l a t f o r m f o r I t s u e which enab led her t o express her p o s i t i o n on a v a r i e t y o f i n t e r r e l a t e d i s s u e s such as the f a m i l y , urban 45 46 versus r u r a l economics,- and the women's movement. Moreover, the League made of i t s magazine a lecture platform by opening i t to contributions from the general public, t r y i n g to enlarge i t s audience beyond simply the "enlightened people" to include the masses as well. For t h i s purpose a special vocabulary was used which would be more e a s i l y understood by 2 the average person. Lastly, while dealing with the myriad of problems which emerged during the magazine's sixteen-month l i f e s p a n , Itsue had just about exhausted the p o s s i b i l i t i e s for magazine material. According to her autobiography, c r i t i c i s m from within the ranks of Fujin sensen regarding weaknesses i n her argument, New Feminism, for example, provided one incentive for her subsequent research to 3 substantiate her arguments. The above discussion demonstrates that the publication of Fujin sensen marked a s i g n i f i c a n t period i n Takamure's career, a "turning point" of sorts between her active years as a feminist theorist-anarchist and the l a t t e r half of her l i f e which she devoted to research on women's history and other unexplored f i e l d s . It i s unfortunate that research on the FS years i s greatly hampered by fragmentary source material. Sixteen issues of FS were published from March 1930 to June 1931, but a complete c o l l e c t i o n i s not available i n any l i b r a r y . The col l e c t e d works of Takamure include some 4 a r t i c l e s published i n FS, but t h e i r scope i n minimal. The reasons why t h i s s i t u a t i o n exists w i l l be discussed further 4 7 i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h h i s t o r i o g r a p h y i n Chapter 5. Based on a v a i l a b l e r e s o u r c e s , what f o l l o w s c o ncerns t h e form a t o f F u j i n sensen and i t s membership. Format o f F u j i n Sensen F u j i n sensen began p u b l i c a t i o n i n March 1930 w i t h a 5,000-copy r u n , which i t m a i n t a i n e d t h r o u g h o u t i t s s i x t e e n -5 month l i f e . By way o f compar i s o n , i n September 1911 the women's l i t e r a r y magazine S e i t o ( B l u e s t o c k i n g s ) began w i t h 1,000 c o p i e s , then soon expanded i t s c i r c u l a t i o n t o 3,000 c o p i e s per i s s u e . P a r t i a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e c i r c u l a t i o n d i f f e r e n t i a l was t h e f a c t t h a t S e i t o was i n i t i a l l y funded by founde r H i r a t s u k a R a i c h o ' s dowry, whereas FS_ was f i n a n c e d by the p u b l i s h i n g company Kaihosjha, t h r o u g h c o n n e c t i o n s e s t a b -l i s h e d by I t s u e ' s husband, Kenzo. Each i s s u e o f FS c o n t a i n e d s i x t y pages, w i t h two t o f o u r e s s a y s p e r i s s u e which d e a l t 7 w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r theme. Other f e a t u r e s i n c l u d e d a c o n s u l -t a t i o n column i n response t o l e t t e r s from t h e r e a d i n g p u b l i c , book r e v i e w s , s h o r t s t o r i e s , and p o e t r y . Takamure c o n t r i b u t e d t o a l l a r e a s o f t h e format as needed. Some o f the main themes r e f l e c t e d i n t e r e s t i n a woman's view o f an a r c h i s m : M u s e i f u r e n ' a i ( A n a r c h i s t i c l o v e ) , Warera no f u j i n undo (Our women's movement), and M u s e i f u j i d e n 8 ( A u t o b i o g r a p h i e s o f a n a r c h y ) . These and t h e o t h e r main themes o f FS_ can be broken down i n t o t h e f o l l o w i n g two g e n e r a l a r e a s : (1) women's p r o t e s t a g a i n s t t h e o r i e s which 48 d e f i n e peop le o n l y i n terms o f p r o d u c t i o n ( s e i s a n s h a h o n ' i  s e t s u ) , t h a t i s , p r o t e s t a g a i n s t M a r x i s t v iews o f s o c i e t y , and (2) emphasis on the female r o l e i n the n a t u r e o f r e p r o -d u c t i o n ( s e i s h o k u no s h i z e n ) . The theme of the June 193 0 i s s u e , Buru maru otoko o u t s u (At tack on b o u r g e o i s and M a r x i s t men), i l l u s t r a t e d the f i r s t a rea o f c o n c e n t r a t i o n . Of i t s two themes -FS d e a l t w i t h the second more e x t e n s i v e l y . A t l e a s t s i x o f the s i x t e e n themes s p e c i f i c a l l y t r e a t e d the n a t u r e o f r e p r o d u c t i o n , a s , f o r example, • K a t e i h i t e i r o n * ( D e n i a l o f the f a m i l y ; A p r i l 19 30) and ^'Dansei busshoku. 8;, 9 (Male s e l e c t i o n ; May 1931) . D a r i n g to c h a l l e n g e the t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y r e q u i r e d g r e a t courage i n e a r l y Showa J a p a n ; the f e m i n i n e i d e a l s t i l l r e q u i r e d a woman t o be r y o s a i kembo (good w i f e and w ise m o t h e r ) , and so h e l d her r e s p o n s i b l e f o r m a i n t a i n i n g the u n i t y and harmony o f the t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y . A more e l o q u e n t d e s c r i p t i o n o f the woman's r o l e w i t h i n the f a m i l y i s p r o v i d e d by M a r g i t Nagy i n her s tudy o f the prewar f a m i l y and f e m i n i s m : The s u b m i s s i v e n e s s o f the w i f e t h a t was e n j o i n e d by law h e l p e d ensure the smooth o p e r a t i o n o f the male-centered - ,^ a u t h o r i t a r i a n , t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y and b u t t r e s s e d the a u t h o r i t y o f the househo ld head whose a u t h o r i t y imaged t h a t o f the emperor i n r e l a t i o n to the f a m i l y - s t a t e (kazoku kokka).-*-^ Whi le not as comprehensive as the above , Takamure 's v iew o f the f a m i l y resembled i t . She saw the w i f e and c h i l d e x p l o i t e d by the head o f the t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y system as i f they were p e r s o n a l p o s s e s s i o n s . In p r e p a r a t i o n f o r r e j e c t i o n o f the t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y , I t s u e urged women to l o o k f o r 49 employment o u t s i d e the f a m i l y and not to have c h i l d r e n u n t i l they c o u l d s u p p o r t t h e m s e l v e s , which i m p l i e d advocacy o f b i r t h c o n t r o l . The r o l e i n s o c i e t y Takamure e n v i s i o n e d f o r women was not one o f "good w i f e and wise mother" but r a t h e r o f e q u a l p a r t n e r based on mutual a i d i n s t i n c t s (sogo f u j o  honno) which went beyond a r t i f i c i a l systems l i k e c l a s s o r f a m i l y . From i l l u s t r a t i o n s o f themes p r e s e n t e d i n FS_, the d i s c u s s i o n must now t u r n to another a s p e c t o f the magazine f o r m a t : s l o g a n s . As s t i l l h o l d s t r u e f o r many Japanese p e r i o d i c a l s , i n p a r t i c u l a r f o r those w i t h l e f t i s t l e a n i n g s , s l o g a n s c o n c i s e l y s e t the tone f o r a p u b l i c a t i o n as they u s u a l l y appear i n the i n a u g u r a l i s s u e . The March 1930 e d i t i o n o f FS_ s e t f o r t h the f o l l o w i n g s l o g a n s : (1) the d e n i a l o f b u r e a u c r a t i c power; (2) the e l i m i n a t i o n o f male d e s p o t i s m ; and (3) the r e b i r t h o f woman. The t h r e e p o i n t s c l e a r l y i n d i -c a t e a female s t a n c e a g a i n s t a u t h o r i t a r i a n i n s t i t u t i o n s . One c r i t i c has commented t h a t w h i l e such s l o g a n s imply a c e r t a i n degree o f i n n o c e n c e , they a l s o i n d i c a t e a s p e c i a l f r e s h n e s s and s p i r i t not found i n o t h e r women's groups o r 12 among male a n a r c h i s t g r o u p s . F u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n o f the s l o g a n s o f FS w i l l be r e s e r v e d f o r l a t e r i n t h i s c h a p t e r . Now t h a t we have e s t a b l i s h e d the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f F u j i n sensen and i t s b a s i c l a y o u t , i t i s t ime to l o o k a t the s t a f f who worked each month to ensure t h a t the p u b l i c a t i o n c o n t i n u e d . 50 Membership o f the PWAL A c c o r d i n g t o Jo N a t s u k o , one o f the f o u n d i n g members o f the P r o l e t a r i a n Women's A r t League , p r e p a r a t i o n f o r an a n a r c h i s t women's thought group began around 1928, perhaps even e a r l i e r , by a group o f s i x women which i n c l u d e d the younger s i s t e r o f noted a n a r c h i s t Osugi Sakae , Osug i Ayame, M o c h i z u k i Y u r i k o , and Takamure. Meet ing i n the Hongo a r ea o f Tokyo , they vowed to u n i t e i n s o l i d a r i t y as f r e e i n d i v i d u a l s who r e s p e c t e d each o t h e r ' s a b s o l u t e f reedom, thus s h a r p l y d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g themselves from the M a r x i s t s . T h i s i n i t i a l group c o n t r i b u t e d two members, M o c h i z u k i and Takamure, to the 13 f i f t e e n f o u n d i n g members o f the PWAL. Another group which had some b e a r i n g on the f o u n d i n g o f the PWAL was Nyonin g e i j u t s u (Women and a r t ) , s t a r t e d by Kamich ika I c h i k o i n the summer o f 1928 as a s tage f o r new women w r i t e r s . By the f o l l o w i n g year i t was swept up i n a t i d e o f Marx ism, as^a. c o n t r o v e r s y between a n a r c h i s t and 14 B o l s h e v i s t f a c t i o n s ensued from J u l y 1929 to January 1930. Two members o f Nyonin g e i j u t s u , Y a g i A k i k o and Matsumoto Masae, went on to become a c t i v e f o u n d i n g members o f the PWAL. The P r o l e t a r i a n Women's A r t League was e s t a b l i s h e d i n March 1930 by f i f t e e n women, f i v e o f whom have been ment ioned Other f o u n d i n g members i n c l u d e d Kamiya S h i z u k o , Sumi i Sue , and H i r a t s u k a R a i c h o . W i t h i n a s h o r t t ime the f o l l o w i n g f o u r members j o i n e d the League as w e l l : Inuzuka S e t s u k o , S h i r a i s h i 16 K i y o k o , Miyayama Fusako and Yamamoto A k i k o . 51 Fragmentary background i n f o r m a t i o n on many o f the above women n e c e s s a r i l y l i m i t s the d i s c u s s i o n . For the p r e s e n t , some d e t a i l s c o n c e r n i n g two o f the more wel l -known members o f F u j i n s e n s e n , Y a g i A k i k o and H i r a t s u k a R a i c h o , w i l l be d i s c u s s e d . Bet te r -Known Members: Y a g i  A k i k o and H i r a t s u k a Ra icho Y a g i , who was a l s o known i n the 1920s as an a n a r c h i s t l i k e Takamure, has p r e s e n t l y o u t l i v e d her peer by e i g h t e e n y e a r s . M a r r y i n g a t t w e n t y - t h r e e , she had a c h i l d b e f o r e r e a l i z i n g her t h i n k i n g was i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h a t o f her husband . A t the age o f twen ty -seven she d i v o r c e d him and l e f t her c h i l d . Under s i m i l a r c i r c u m s t a n c e s , a man might have l e f t h i s w i f e , but women o f t h a t e r a a lmost never l e f t t h e i r husbands . In an i n t e r v i e w , the e i g h t y - f o u r - y e a r - o l d Y a g i r e f l e c t e d upon t h a t p e r i o d o f her l i f e as f o l l o w s : Soon a f t e r g e t t i n g m a r r i e d I r e a l i z e d I 'd made a m i s t a k e . Our s e n s i b i l i t i e s were too d i f f e r e n t . . . . There was the f a m i l y , the h o u s e h o l d , but no human b e i n g s , and t h e r e were so many a t t e n d a n t t h i n g s I c o u l d n ' t s t a n d . . . . I have no r e g r e t s about my p a s t l i f e but t h a t was hard to b e a r . F o r a woman to abandon her c h i l d i n Japan a t t h a t t ime was p r a c t i c a l l y unheard o f . D i v o r c e was j u s t l i k e s u i c i d e i n those d a y s . F o l l o w i n g her d i v o r c e she worked as a p r imary s c h o o l t e a c h e r and as a r e p o r t e r f o r the N i c h i n i c h i shimbun b e f o r e becoming 17 i n v o l v e d w i t h Nyonin g e i j u t s u and F u j i n s e n s e n . Some o f Y a g i ' s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e a r t i c l e s i n c l u d e d i n FS were "Shaka i 52 j i h y o " ( S o c i a l Commentary; A p r i l 1930) and " S h i h o n s h u g i k e i z a i t o rodo f u j i n " (The economics of c a p i t a l i s m and /female 18 ' ' l a b o u r e r s ; May 1930). More wel l -known than Y a g i A k i k o among the FS members was H i r a t s u k a R a i c h o , b e s t known today as " tha t famous woman who d e c l a r e d ' i n the b e g i n n i n g woman was the s u n . ' " B e s i d e s i n i t i a t i n g S e i t o i n 1911, H i r a t s u k a a c h i e v e d r e c o g n i t i o n as a t r a n s l a t o r and a member o f F u j i n s e n s e n . Through e a r l i e r t r a n s l a t i o n s o f European works by male c o l l e a g u e s she l e a r n e d o f Swedish f e m i n i s t E l l e n Key and thought h i g h l y o f her m o t h e r h o o d - c e n t r e d i d e o l o g y . In o r d e r to p u b l i c i z e K e y ' s v i e w s , H i r a t s u k a t r a n s l a t e d s e v e r a l o f her works i n c l u d i n g The E v o l u t i o n o f Love ( t r a n s . 1912) and The R i g h t o f Mother -19 hood ( t r a n s . 1914). H i r a t s u k a i n t r o d u c e d the term f u j i n  mondai ( l i t e r a l l y , "the woman q u e s t i o n " ) through her t r a n s -l a t i o n s , a term s t i l l used i n Japan to r e f e r t o women's i s s u e s . The impor tance o f t h i s concep t as e a r l y as the T a i s h o ' e r a i s p l a c e d i n p e r s p e c t i v e by M a r g i t Nagy. R i c h i n c o n t e n t , her i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w i l l be quoted a t some l e n g t h : "Woman problem" o r "woman q u e s t i o n " was the term used by l a t e n i n e t e e n t h - and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h -c e n t u r y i d e o l o g u e s l i k e the German s o c i a l i s t August B e b e l , the Swedish f e m i n i s t E l l e n Key , and the I n d i a n c r i t i c o f f e m i n i s m , A . R. Wadia , to r e f e r to a much-debated i s s u e o f t h e i r t i m e — t h e n a t u r e , s t a t u s and p r o p e r sphere o f women. The J a p a n e s e _ t r a n s l a t o r s . . . (Kawata S h i r o , H i r a t s u k a R a i c h o , Nagai Toru) used the l i t e r a l e q u i v a l e n t o f . . . f u j i n mondai i n t h e i r t r a n s -l a t i o n s . W r i t e r s o f s c h o l a r l y t r e a t i s e s , o p i n i o n 53 l e a d e r s , b u r e a u c r a t s , and p o p u l a r j o u r n a l i s m i n the Taish'6 e r a a l s o used the term . . . i n t h i s sense o f an i n q u i r y about women's b e i n g and p r o p e r sphere t h a t i n v o l v e d c o n t r o v e r s y and r e q u i r e d a s o l u t i o n . 2 ^ A f t e r f o u n d i n g S e i t o , "one s m a l l but s i g n i f i c a n t 21 o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the development o f Japanese f e m i n i s m , " ..and s e r v i n g as i t s e d i t o r u n t i l January 1915, when the r e s p o n s i -b i l i t y was passed on to I to Noe, H i r a t s u k a remained a c t i v e i n women's i s s u e s by f o u n d i n g the New Women's A s s o c i a t i o n i n 22 1919. T h i s was d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter 3, as was the r o l e o f Yamakawa K ikue i n s p l i t t i n g the women's movement i n t o b o u r -g e o i s and p r o l e t a r i a n f a c t i o n s . A f t e r j o i n i n g F u j i n s e n s e n , H i r a t s u k a s t a t e d t h a t as the New Women's A s s o c i a t i o n had s p l i n t e r e d she had been s e a r c h i n g f o r a group t h a t would meet w i t h the c r i t e r i a o f the p r o l e t a r i a n movement. She found 23 t h i s i n Takamure 's concept o f "New F e m i n i s m . " H i r a t s u k a seems t o have w r i t t e n fewer a r t i c l e s f o r FS_ than o t h e r members, u n l e s s she used an unknown pseudonym. One o f her a r t i c l e s which came out i n the A p r i l 1930 i s s u e o f FS was " F u j i n sensen n i sanka s h i t e " ( P a r t i c i p a t i n g i n Women's 24 f r o n t ) . Perhaps H i r a t s u k a c o n t r i b u t e d more t o FS_ through her p s y c h o l o g i c a l and s p i r i t u a l suppor t than by w r i t i n g a r t i c l e s . Her p e r s o n a l commitment to FS i s e v i d e n t i n her naming Takamure her " s p i r i t u a l daughter" who had "made me d i s c o v e r the i n t e r e s t and response w i t h i n m y s e l f t o a n a r c h i s -25 t i c s o c i a l t h o u g h t . " More o f the s i m i l a r i t i e s between S e i t o and FS w i l l be d e a l t w i t h a t the end o f the t h i s c h a p t e r . 5 4 Lesser -Known C o n t r i b u t o r s : Matsumoto  Masae and M o c h i z u k i Y u r i k o Two o t h e r members o f FS_ who were perhaps l e s s e r known but n o n e t h e l e s s noteworthy c o n t r i b u t o r s were Matsumoto Masae, whose r o l e i n the magazine was secondary o n l y to t h a t o f Takamure, and who was m a r r i e d t o a n a r c h i s t Nobushima E i i c h i ; and M o c h i z u k i Y u r i k o , who l i v e d and worked w i t h l e f t i s t Ishikawa S a n s h i r o . The background o f each o f the above i n d i -v i d u a l s i s b r i e f l y i n t r o d u c e d to show t h a t t h e i r e f f e c t on both F u j i n sensen and Takamure was much g r e a t e r than i s u s u a l l y r e c o g n i z e d . The paths f o l l o w e d by Matsumoto and Takamure p r i o r to FS were o f t e n p a r a l l e l , which i n p a r t c o n t r i b u t e d to some o f t h e i r shared v iews on women's t h e o r i e s . T h e i r backgrounds had the f o l l o w i n g t h r e e a s p e c t s i n common: (1) invo lvement w i t h the Nomin j i c h i k a i (Farmers ' s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t a s s o c i a -t i o n ) , (2) c o n t r i b u t i o n s to Nyonin g e i j u t s u , and (3) b e l i e f i n the bond between economic t h e o r y and women's t h e o r y . F i r s t , encouraged by one o f i t s f o u n d e r s , Sh ibuya T e i s u k e , Matsumoto p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the Nomin j i c h i k a i as the l e a d e r o f the women's s e c t i o n . I t w i l l be remembered t h a t Takamure 1 s f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h f a r m e r s ' movements stemmed i n p a r t from her c o n t a c t w i t h Shimonaka Y a s a b u r o , one o f the l a t e r l e a d e r s o f the a s s o c i a t i o n . S e c o n d l y , as a member o f Nyonin g e i j u t s u , Matsumoto p u b l i s h e d more a r t i c l e s i n the p e r i o d i c a l than d i d Takamure. And t h i r d l y , much o f Takamure 's awareness o f 55 economic i s s u e s r e s u l t e d from Matsumoto 's i n t r o d u c t i o n and 2 6 development o f women's t h e o r y from an economic p e r s p e c t i v e . L i k e Takamure, Matsumoto p u b l i s h e d at l e a s t one a r t i c l e i n each i s s u e o f FS_, w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f the A p r i l 1931 i s s u e . Whi le she gave a woman's p o i n t o f v iew on communism, s o c i a l i s m , c o m p e t i t i o n , and j e a l o u s y , many of her a r t i c l e s were from the v i e w p o i n t o f e c o n o m i c s . Some o f the most i n t r i g u i n g t i t l e s i n c l u d e d " S e i s e i k a t s u no k e i z a i g a k u -t e k i k a n s a t s u " (Economic o b s e r v a t i o n s on s e x u a l l i f e ; January 1931) , " T e i s o no ke iza ' igaku" (The economics o f c h a s t i t y ; F e b r u a r y 1931) , and " N i n s h i n no k e i z a i g a k u " (The economics of 27 p regnancy ; June 1931) . Matsumoto 's un ique approach i n c l u d e d an a n a l y t i c a l framework f o r s u b j e c t s which are u s u a l l y c o n s i d -e r e d more s u b j e c t i v e and p e r s o n a l . She argued t h a t , s i n c e income was the b a s i s o f f a m i l y l i f e , i f s o c i e t y p r o v i d e d the freedom o f p r o d u c t i o n and consumpt ion f o r e v e r y o n e , t h e r e would no l o n g e r be any' r eason f o r the e x i s t e n c e o f the f a m i l y . As d i s c u s s e d e a r l i e r , Takamure too r e j e c t e d the f a m i l y i n s t i -t u t i o n a l o n g s i m i l a r economic l i n e s . Important as Matsumoto 's c o n t r i b u t i o n s were to FS i n t h e i r own r i g h t , the r o l e o f her a n a r c h i s t spouse Nobushima E i i c h i s h o u l d be ment ioned . Becoming a d i s c i p l e o f Osug i Sakae e a r l y i n l i f e , Nobushima h e l p e d w i t h the p u b l i c a t i o n of h i s magazine Rodo undo (Labour movement; 1920) and p a r t i c i -pa ted i n v a r i o u s s o c i a l and l a b o u r movements from an a n a r c h i s t p o i n t o f v i ew . As FS neared i t s f i n a l i s s u e , Nobushima was 56 p r e p a r i n g to become the e d i t o r o f another a n a r c h i s t p e r i o d i -c a l , Ka iho sensen ( L i b e r a t i o n f r o n t ) , to which Takamure a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d . Wi th the a s s i s t a n c e and s u g g e s t i o n s from a spouse w i t h such a broad background i n the t h e o r y o f a n a r c h y , Matsumoto e n e r g e t i c a l l y p u b l i s h e d many a r t i c l e s i n FS_. In 1932 Nobushima a s s i s t e d w i t h Kurohata no s h i t a n i (Under the _ 2 b l a c k f l a g ) , the a n a r c h i s t p u b l i c a t i o n o f Ishikawa S a n s h i r o , who l i v e d w i t h M o c h i z u k i Y u r i k o , the second l e s s e r - k n o w n member o f FS to be d i s c u s s e d . M o c h i z u k i p u b l i s h e d a few p i e c e s i n F u j i n s e n s e n , i n c l u d i n g an a r t i c l e c a l l e d " J i y u to k a t e i " (Freedom and the f a m i l y ; A p r i l 1930) and a s h o r t n o v e l e n t i t l e d Ubau (P lunder ; 30 May 1930) . Whereas Matsumoto a f f e c t e d bo th Takamure and FS through her own work, which was i n t u r n i n f l u e n c e d by her s p o u s e , M o c h i z u k i ' s s i g n i f i c a n c e was p r o b a b l y f e l t to a g r e a t e r e x t e n t th rough her r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h I sh ikawa . One o f h i s e a r l i e s t l e f t i s t a c t i v i t i e s was t o w r i t e "N ihon .shaka i -shugi" (Japanese s o c i a l i s m ) w i t h Kotoku Shusu i i n 1907; i t was o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n Heimin shimbun. A f t e r Kotoku was hanged f o r h i s a l l e g e d invo lvement i n the High Treason I n c i d e n t , Ish ikawa l i v e d i n European e x i l e f o r seven y e a r s . Whi le i n Europe he l e a r n e d about European a n a r c h i s t s whose 31 works he l a t e r t r a n s l a t e d . One source s t a t e s t h a t i t was through I s h i k a w a ' s pamphlets on noted a n a r c h i s t s l i k e Proudhon, Bakunin and K r o -p o t k i n t h a t Takamure l e a r n e d about European a n a r c h i s m . The J 57 a n a r c h i s t i c v iews o f o t h e r members o f FS were a l s o a f f e c t e d by I s h i k a w a , as h i s works were quoted w i d e l y i n F S . In a d d i -t i o n , he p u b l i s h e d a magazine c a l l e d Demokurashi (Democracy) 32 w i t h M o c h i z u k i Y u r i k o . Some o f Takamure 's emphasis on an emerging s o c i e t y based on communal fa rming d e r i v e d from c o n c e p t s Ish ikawa e x p r e s s e d i n Demokurashi , and Shimonaka Y a s a b u r o ' s Mannin rodo no t e t s u g a k u ( P h i l o s o p h y o f u n i v e r s a l 33 l a b o u r ) . In the above d i s c u s s i o n on the F u j i n sensen membership, I have emphasized the d e t a i l s o f e a r l i e r groups and o t h e r pe rsons who i n d i r e c t l y o r d i r e c t l y i n f l u e n c e d the development of FS o r Takamure 's t h o u g h t . The c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f members a c c o r d i n g t o "be t te r -known" or " l e s s e r - k n o w n " c a t e g o r i e s have been examined. But i n the c o u r s e o f the d i s c u s s i o n , i t became e v i d e n t t h a t members from both c a t e g o r i e s made s i g n i f -i c a n t , i f d i f f e r e n t , c o n t r i b u t i o n s . Y a g i brought p e r s o n a l e x p e r i e n c e s as a d i v o r c e d , s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g woman to F S ; Matsumoto f o c u s e d on merging economic and women 1s t h e o r i e s i n an a n a l y t i c a l framework. The i d e a s o f . b o t h . w e r e impor tan t e lements i n the development o f the magaz ine . T i e s Between the PWAL and  the F a r m e r s ' A r t League Another f a c t o r which had some i n f l u e n c e on FS_ was the Nomin g e i j u t s u renmei (Farmers ' A r t League: F A L ) . Takamure 's p r e v i o u s c o n t a c t w i t h the F a r m e r s ' S e l f - G o v e r n m e n t A s s o c i a t i o n 58 had g i v e n her some f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h f a r m e r s ' i s s u e s . Her awareness was f u r t h e r deve loped through the c l o s e r e l a t i o n between the PWAL and the F A L , which o f t e n j o i n t l y sponsored s tudy g r o u p s . The j o i n t meet ing o f the PWAL and the A l l -Japan F a r m e r s ' A r t League (Zen Nihon nomin g e i j u t s u renmei  godo koenkai ) i n May 1931 was t h e i r l a s t . ' In keep ing w i t h the j i n g o i s t i c mood o f the e r a , the speaker was s u p p r e s s e d by the p o l i c e ; the s i x t e e n t h and f i n a l i s s u e o f FS appeared . 34 the f o l l o w i n g month. The PWAL and the FAL were a l s o l i n k e d through t h e i r p u b l i s h e r , K a i h o s h a , who brought out bo th Nomin (Farmer) and 35 F u j i n s e n s e n . R e l a t i o n s between the members a l s o c r e a t e d some t i e s : Sumi i Sue o f the PWAL l i v e d w i t h Inuta S h i g e r u o f the F A L ; Matsumoto Masae was m a r r i e d to Nobushima E i i c h i . In a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t s e n s e , I to a l s o r e c o g n i z e s the i n f l u e n c e o f the f a r m e r s ' movement on the PWAL. She d e s c r i b e s the PWAL as more l i k e an e x t e n s i o n o f the Nomin j i c h i k a i r a t h e r than as p u r e l y an a n a r c h i s t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n l i k e the A l l - J a p a n Labour Union F r e e J o i n t A l l i a n c e (Zenkoku rodo kumia i j i y u rengoka i ) o r the B l a c k Youth League ( K u r o i r o — 37 — shonen renmei) w i t h which i t was a l s o a s s o c i a t e d . I to notes the impor tan t r o l e Takamure gave to fa rming i n her May 1930 FS a r t i c l e , "Muse i fu s h u g i no mokuhyo to s e n j u t s u " (The g o a l s and t a c t i c s o f a n a r c h i s m ) : To t h i n k o f p r e p a r a t i o n and f o u n d a t i o n f o r the r e v o l u t i o n i n terms o f thought o n l y i s a dream. We must wa i t now f o r the complete d e n i a l o f the 59 p r e s e n t system which w i l l g i v e b i r t h to the new s y s t e m . Takamure p o i n t e d to communal f a rming i n the v i l l a g e s , which was a l r e a d y s h a r i n g the l a b o u r and the l a n d . Such a system o f fa rming was "an i n s t r u m e n t i n the l a r g e symphony of the r e v o l u t i o n , " as were d i s p u t e s c o n c e r n i n g f a c t o r i e s , the f a m i l y , and the c o l o n i e s , and the un ion movement which 3 8 d i r e c t l y c o n f l i c t e d w i t h c a p i t a l i s m . Urban V e r s u s R u r a l I ssues A b r i e f l o o k a t some o f the themes e x p r e s s e d i n FS_ r e v e a l s a f r e q u e n t f o c u s on urban v e r s u s r u r a l i s s u e s . One can c o n s i d e r such a f o c u s as an i n d i c a t i o n o f the F A L ' s i n f l u e n c e on the thought o f PWAL members. Takamure was not a l o n e i n her p r e f e r e n c e f o r the c o u n t r y s i d e over the c i t i e s . Other members p a i n t e d Tokyo as a n o i s y , monstrous p l a c e to l i v e , where a l l jobs f o r women were i n s e c u r e . F o r example, M i d o r i Sh i zue wrote a r t i c l e s on i n s u r a n c e c a n v a s s e r s and female t e a and c o f f e e house w o r k e r s ; Jo Natsuko wrote about (female) s e c r e t a r i e s and women n o v e l i s t s . Women who were not members o f FS_, l i k e c r i t i c H i r a b a y a s h i T a i k o , a l s o wrote on the d i f f i c u l t l i v e s of urban women; i t was a common theme 39 among modern male i n t e l l e c t u a l s as w e l l . N ish ikawa o f f e r s two o t h e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the f r e q u e n t u r b a n - r u r a l themes i n F u j i n s e n s e n . One view argues t h a t , s i n c e many o f the members o f the PWAL were f i r s t -60 g e n e r a t i o n c i t y d w e l l e r s , they n a t u r a l l y r e j e c t e d the urban l i f e s t y l e . Wi thout r e a l r o o t s i n the urban env i ronment , when overcome by l i f e i n the c i t y they knew they c o u l d r e t u r n to a s i m p l e r l i f e s t y l e back home. The second view i n t e r p r e t s the r e j e c t i o n o f the c i t i e s as p a r t o f the i d e a l i z a t i o n of the v i l l a g e s and fa rming l i f e s t y l e . In r e a l i t y , the members o f FS were not ready to r e t u r n to the c o u n t r y s i d e . For i n s t a n c e , Sumi i Sue wrote a n o v e l on the poor c o n d i t i o n s o f the v i l l a g e i n which she had been r a i s e d . What she and some o t h e r members urged was a r e t u r n t o the "concept o f the v i l l a g e " (mura no rinert) as the i d e o l o g y o f t h e i r a n a r c h i s m , a r e t u r n to a p l a c e where p e o p l e h e l p e d each o t h e r and d i d not compete f o r power. Perhaps p a r t o f the a p p e a l o f the r u r a l l i f e s t y l e was t h a t 40 fa rming r e q u i r e d women and men to work t o g e t h e r . In c o n t r a s t , i n c r e a s e d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n had e f f e c -t i v e l y s e g r e g a t e d the work f o r c e i n the f a c t o r i e s . Women were predominant i n l i g h t i n d u s t r i e s such as s i l k p r o d u c t i o n and c o t t o n s p i n n i n g , w h i l e men worked m a i n l y i n heavy i n d u s -t r i e s l i k e s t e e l p r o d u c t i o n and s h i p b u i l d i n g . More than f i f t y y e a r s l a t e r , by and l a r g e , the " a p p r o p r i a t e s p h e r e s " o f employment f o r men and women are c o n s i d e r e d d i s t i n c t . F o r example , b o t h males and females work i n f a c t o r i e s which p r o -duce computer s o f t w a r e , but the assembly l i n e s which r e q u i r e the most i n t r i c a t e work are s t i l l "manned" p r e d o m i n a n t l y by young women. Females are c o n s i d e r e d to be more p a t i e n t and 61 s k i l l f u l a t such t e d i o u s work, w h i l e males are seen as more c a p a b l e o f h a n d l i n g work which e n t a i l s more m a n a g e r i a l s k i l l s . But g r a d u a l l y a t t i t u d e s towards what i s a p p r o p r i a t e work f o r women are c h a n g i n g . Wi th h i g h e r i n f l a t i o n and lower b i r t h r a t e s , more women are j o i n i n g the work f o r c e i n Japan as they a re i n Europe and N o r t h A m e r i c a , and employees are r e - a s s e s s -i n g the i s s u e s o f female employment. Perhaps i n t ime women and men w i l l be a b l e to work t o g e t h e r i n s o c i e t y on a more equa l b a s i s i n Japan as w e l l as i n the r e s t o f the w o r l d . T h i s s e c t i o n has i n d i c a t e d t h r e e ways i n which the P r o l e t a r i a n Women's A r t League and F u j i n sensen f o c u s e d t h e i r a n a r c h i s t i c thought on r u r a l i s s u e s : (1) th rough t h e i r c o n -n e c t i o n s w i t h the F a r m e r s ' A r t League and o t h e r r u r a l - b a s e d g r o u p s , (2) as a n a t u r a l r e a c t i o n o f p e o p l e unable to cope w i t h the new urban env i ronment , and (3) as p a r t o f t h e i r response to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and subsequent i d e a l i z a t i o n o f the s i m p l e l i f e i n the c o u n t r y s i d e . I f one w i l l r e c a l l the s l o g a n s o f FS_ ment ioned e a r l i e r , t h a t i s , the d e n i a l o f b u r e a u c r a t i c power, the l i q u i d a t i o n o f male d e s p o t i s m , and the OdS'efb'Mi&j/ o f woman, i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t what they advocated was the d e s t r u c t i o n " o f the u r b a n - c e n t r e d , male -dominated a u t h o r i t a r i a n s t a t e . In the new communal f a rming s o c i e t y women would be " r e b o r n " as equa l p a r t n e r s . 62 Comparison of S e i t o  and F u j i n Sensen E a r l i e r r e f e r e n c e has been made to the l i t e r a r y -f e m i n i s t magazine S e i t o i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h i t s f o u n d e r , H i r a -t s u k a R a i c h o . Whi le i t i s beyond our scope here to d i s c u s s t h i s magazine i n much d e t a i l , i t i s impor tan t t o make some compar ison between S e i t o and F u j i n sensen as both r e p r e s e n t e d the thought o f "new women" i n the T a i s h o and Showa e r a s , r e s p e c t i v e l y . In a work w r i t t e n a lmost t h i r t y y e a r s a f t e r S e i t o was i n a u g u r a t e d , Takamure commented on t h i s group as f o l l o w s : T h i s s m a l l g a t h e r i n g o f woman w r i t e r s . . . gave remarkable impetus to the s o c i e t y o f the t i m e , and e x e r c i s e d an e p o c h a l i n f l u e n c e on i t s f o l l o w -i n g g e n e r a t i o n . The n a t u r a l i s t l i t e r a t u r e f o l -low ing the Russo -Japanese War, the modern p l a y s o f Ibsen and the i d e a s o f motherhood advocated by E l l e n Kay [ s i c ] a l l a s t o n i s h e d the s t i l l s l e e p i n g f e m i n i n e w o r l d . 4 1 As Takamure i n d i c a t e d , S e i t o d e a l t w i t h f u j i n mondai (women's problems) th rough the l i t e r a r y e x p r e s s i o n o f i t s members. In the i n a u g u r a l i s s u e o f FS_, Takamure noted t h a t , w h i l e S e i t o was the f i r s t s t e p i n Japanese women's s e l f -awakening i n the i n d i v i d u a l s e n s e , FS was the b e g i n n i n g o f women's s o c i a l awakening; and i t too was " e p o c h - m a k i n g . " Other movements had urged the e q u a l i t y o f the s e x e s , l i b e r a -t i o n from f a m i l y b o n d s , o r s u f f r a g e , but FS was the f i r s t group w i t h the s o c i a l s e l f - a w a r e n e s s to advocate the d e n i a l o f b u r e a u c r a t i c s o c i e t y and freedom from male - imposed r e s t r i c t i o n s . Another source d e s c r i b e s S e i t o and FS_ i n terms o f women's " o l d " and "new" awareness , r e s p e c t i v e l y , r e f e r r i n g t o the j o k e n s h u g i (women's s u f f r a g e movement) and s h i n j o s e i s h u g i (new feminism) s t a g e s o f the f e m i n i s t move-43 ment d i s c u s s e d i n d e t a i l i n Chapter 2. Recent r e s e a r c h by o t h e r s c h o l a r s i n d i c a t e s t h a t a t d i f f e r e n t s t a g e s i n t h e i r development both S e i t o and FS d e a l t w i t h women's i s s u e s which e n t a i l e d a degree o f s o c i a l awareness , a l t h o u g h the a n a r c h i s t s t a n c e o f the l a t t e r n e c e s s i t a t e d a c a l l f o r more r a d i c a l change . As Nancy Andrew p o i n t s .out i n her a n a l y s i s o f S e i t o i Examin ing the c o n t e n t s o f S e i t o r e v e a l s t h a t i t s b a s i c na tu re underwent a p r o f o u n d change i n l e s s than a year and a h a l f o f p u b l i c a t i o n . I n s t e a d o f a p u r e l y l i t e r a r y magaz ine , i t became one c o n -c e r n e d w i t h s o c i a l q u e s t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y those a f f e c t i n g women.^4 When H i r a t s u k a passed on her r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to I to Noe i n January 1915, f u r t h e r changes o c c u r r e d . With I to as e d i t o r and p u b l i s h e r , S e i t o became a t r u e forum f o r d e b a t e . From F e b r u a r y 1915 t o the f o l l o w i n g F e b r u a r y when i t was d i s c o n t i n u e d , S e i t o f o c u s e d on the f o l l o w i n g t h r e e t o p i c s : (1) c h a s t i t y , (2) a b o r t i o n , and (3) a b o l i s h i n g the system o f 45 l i c e n s e d p r o s t i t u t i o n . Granted t h a t some o f the members may have had more p e r s o n a l c o n c e r n s w i t h some o f the above t o p i c s than w i t h o t h e r s , a l l t h r e e t o p i c s were r e l a t e d to women i n g e n e r a l , i m p l y i n g t h a t the S e i t o members may have had a s t r o n g e r sense o f s o c i a l awareness than i s u s u a l l y r e c o g n i z e d . 64 In the two decades t h a t passed between the demise o f S e i t o and the i n a u g u r a t i o n o f F u j i n s e n s e n , the s o c i a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f some women was sharpened c o n s i d e r a b l y , to the p o i n t where complete s o c i a l change was thought to be the o n l y a l t e r n a t i v e . One must a s k : what a s p e c t o f the s t a t u s  quo s o c i e t y d i d the members o f FS_ r e j e c t and why? Takamure argued t h a t the main problem w i t h the m a l e -c o n t r o l l e d s o c i e t y was i t s sharp d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between p u b l i c mat te rs (ko j i ) and p r i v a t e mat te rs ( s h i j i ) . She d e f i n e d p u b l i c mat te rs as l a b o u r which was u s e f u l f o r the r u l i n g c l a s s , and p r i v a t e mat te rs as i n d i v i d u a l a p p e t i t e s and d e s i r e s . S o c i e t y deva lued the s p e c i a l t r a i t s o f women, such as m e n s t r u a t i o n , p r e g n a n c y , and b i r t h , as p r i v a t e m a t t e r s , a p p r a i s i n g women o n l y on t h e i r p u b l i c v a l u e . In I t s u e ' s words , women might be a b l e to deny t h e i r p e r s o n a l f e e l i n g s , but they c o u l d not deny t h e i r " p h y s i o l o g -i c a l b u r d e n . " Even i f the f e m a l e ' s l o a d was l i g h t e n e d by b i r t h and c h i l d - c a r e f a c i l i t i e s p r o v i d e d by s o c i e t y , her " s p e c i a l t r a i t s " would c o n t i n u e to be a minus to her p u b l i c l i f e s t y l e . T h e r e f o r e , u n l e s s s o c i e t y changed i t s b a s i s f o r appra isa l , a woman's p o s i t i o n c o u l d not r i s e above a c e r t a i n l e v e l . By a c c o r d i n g s o c i a l s t a t u s o n l y th rough p u b l i c m a t t e r s , women's s t a t u s would remain below t h a t o f males * 46 f o r e v e r . I t s u e c i t e d a t y p i c a l c a p i t a l i s t ' s response to the q u e s t i o n o f p a y i n g female l a b o u r e r s equa l wages as a c a s e ' i n 65 p o i n t : As women have s p e c i a l weaknesses l i k e menses and p r e g n a n c y , i n terms o f e f f i c i e n c y , one cannot l o o k upon them i n the same way as male l a b o u r e r s . ^ 7 Takamure and the o t h e r members o f F u j i n sensen were adamant i n t h e i r d e n i a l o f the type o f s o c i e t y d e s c r i b e d above . Only by work ing towards a new s o c i e t y o f s e l f - g o v e r n -ment, they m a i n t a i n e d , c o u l d women hope to a t t a i n e q u a l i t y and r e s p e c t . T h i s c h a p t e r has d e a l t w i t h the female a n a r c h i s t group founded by Takamure, the P r o l e t a r i a n Women's A r t League , and i t s monthly magaz ine , F u j i n sensen ( p u b l i s h e d March 1930 to June 1931) . I n c l u d e d i n the d i s c u s s i o n were the f o l l o w i n g e l e m e n t s : (1) the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f bo th FS and the PWAL; (2) the format and membership, r e s p e c t i v e l y , i n c l u d i n g d e t a i l s o f f o u r noteworthy members; (3) t i e s between the PWAL and the F a r m e r s ' A r t League; (4) a s y n o p s i s o f some FS themes, i n c l u d i n g urban v e r s u s r u r a l i s s u e s ; and (5) a b r i e f compar ison o f S e i t o and F S . The above a n a l y s i s p r o v i d e s a p e r s p e c t i v e o f Takamure 's d e v e l o p i n g a n a r c h i s t i c t h o u g h t . F u j i n sensen d e s e r v e s a t t e n t i o n on two c o u n t s : (1) as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e magazine o f the e r a i n i t s message o f a n a r c h i s m , p a r t i c u l a r l y from a female p e r s p e c t i v e ; and (2) as a t u r n i n g p o i n t i n the c a r e e r o f Takamure. As Akiyama p o i n t s o u t : . . . Takamure 1 s e a r l y Showa a n a r c h i s t i c a c t i v i t i e s — her a c t i o n s and p u b l i c a t i o n s , are not to be n e g a t e d ; they are her h i s t o r y , and a r e c o r d o f women's s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s . ^ 8 66 In a d d i t i o n , i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t both the PWAL and FS_ were a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a number o f groups and p u b l i c a t i o n s which r e f l e c t e d the s o c i a l t u r m o i l o f the e r a , those o f women and men. F u t u r e r e s e a r c h i n t h i s a rea h o l d s f o r t h the promise o f a more a c c u r a t e p i c t u r e o f these s o c i a l movements i n the e a r l y Showa p e r i o d . Numerous v i e w p o i n t s r e f l e c t l i g h t on the a n a r c h i s t i c thought o f Takamure I t s u e . The v a r i o u s t h e o r i e s can be d i v i d e d i n t o the f o l l o w i n g two d i s t i n c t s t r e a m s : (1) those t h a t p r e d o m i n a n t l y r e c o g n i z e o n l y the l a t t e r h a l f o f I t s u e 1 s l i f e and t r y to d i s c r e d i t her e a r l i e r a c t i v i t i e s , such as F u j i n s e n s e n ; and (2) those t h a t emphasize the c o n t i n u i t y o f I t s u e " s e a r l i e r a n a r c h i s t i c thought because o f the l a r g e c o n t r i b u t i o n i t made to her l a t e r p i o n e e r i n g r e s e a r c h on Japanese mar r i age and women's h i s t o r y . The next c h a p t e r w i l l d e a l w i t h some o f these h i s t o r i c a l c o n t r o v e r s i e s . I t w i l l a l s o d e s c r i b e some r e c e n t h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l i s s u e s . In the i n t e r e s t s o f f u t u r e r e s e a r c h on the scope o f Takamure I t s u e ' s t h o u g h t , i t i s impor tan t to i n t r o d u c e such i s s u e s as i d e o l o g -i c a l c o n v e r s i o n ( t e n k o ) , and such c o n c e p t s as nohonshugi ( l i t i e ra l l y , " a g r i c u l t u r e - a s - t h e - e s s e n c e - i s m " ) and S h i n t o . I t i t hoped t h a t f u t u r e work i n these a reas w i l l expand the t i e s t h a t l i n k Takamure to the d e v e l o p i n g f i e l d o f i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y . CHAPTER 5 HISTORIOGRAPHICAL ISSUES IN PERSPECTIVE P a r t One: V i e w p o i n t s Through  the F u j i n Sensen Years E v a l u a t i o n s of the Yamakawa K i k u e - Takamure I t sue Controversy"*" The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the 192 8 Yamakawa Kikue-Takamure I t s u e debate i n I t s u e ' s c a r e e r w i l l f i r s t be a n a l y z e d a c c o r d i n g to both streams o f thought j u s t d e s c r i b e d , t h a t i s , v iews t h a t t r y to d i s c r e d i t I t s u e ' s e a r l y y e a r s , and views t h a t r e c o g n i z e the c o n t r i b u t i o n o f those y e a r s to her l a t e r t h o u g h t . In t h e i r book on Takamure, Kano Masanao and H o r i b a K iyoko c o n s i d e r I t s u e ' s l i f e i n g r e a t d e t a i l but tend to 2 f o c u s on i t s l a t t e r h a l f . Even though they document s e v e r a l p r e v i o u s l i t t l e - k n o w n a s p e c t s o f her e a r l y l i f e , the c a r e w i t h which they d e t a i l t h i s p e r i o d s h a r p l y c o n t r a d i c t s t h e i r f l a t d i s m i s s a l o f i t as " u n p r o d u c t i v e " ( fumo). One example i s t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n o f the Yamakawa-Takamure d e b a t e , which they p l a c e i n the h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t o f the e r a as f o l l o w s : N i n e t e e n t w e n t y - e i g h t to 1929, even to a c a s u a l o b s e r v e r , was a season o f e s p e c i a l l y b r i l l i a n t c o n t r o v e r s i e s (hanabanash i i r o n s o ) . They then l i s t the s u c c e s s i o n o f Takamure 1 s debates w i t h 67 68 Yamakawa K ikue i n F u j i n undo, F u j i n k o r o n , and Nyonin g e i j u t s u (January-September 1928); w i t h Kamich ika I c h i k o i n Tokyo a s a h i shimbun and Y o m i u r i shimbun (February 1928) ; w i t h Hayash i Fusao on the A l e x a n d r a K o l l o n t a i c o n t r o v e r s y i n Tokyo a s a h i shimbun and Chuo koron (May-August 1928); and the a n a r c h i s t - B o l s h e v i s t c o n t r o v e r s y i n Nyonin g e i j u t s u ( J u l y 3 1929-January 1920) . A l t h o u g h they i n c l u d e a two-page c h a r t o f f a c t u a l , i n f o r m a t i o n , ..they p r e s e n t v i r t u a l l y no a n a l y s i s b e f o r e t h e i r summary: . . . as a phenomenon, compared w i t h how c o n s p i c -uous they were , . . . _ the f r u i t o f the debates was u n p r o d u c t i v e ( fumo).^ To t a s t e a b i t o f t h i s " f r u i t " seems a p p r o p r i a t e a t t h i s p o i n t . As the Yamakawa-Takamure debate was examined e x t e n s i v e l y i n Chapter 3, i t w i l l not be d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r h e r e . However, two o t h e r debates s h o u l d be m e n t i o n e d , the f i r s t o f which was the Takamure-Kamichika c o n t r o v e r s y o f F e b r u a r y 1928. In r e s p o n s e t o Takamure 's f o u r - p a r t s e r i e s o f a r t i c l e s c a l l e d "Fusen to f u j i n " ( U n i v e r s a l manhood s u f f r a g e and women) p u b l i s h e d i n the Tokyo a s a h i shimbun, Kamich ika p u b l i s h e d a t h r e e - p a r t s e r i e s i n the Y o m i u r i shimbun c a l l e d " S e i j i , t o s o t e k i f u j i n nado" ( P o l i t i c s , f i g h t i n g women, and so f o r t h ) . I n c l u d e d i n K a m i c h i k a ' s s e r i e s were d i s c u s s i o n s on the r e v o l u t i o n a r y "modern g i r l " and chang ing f e e l i n g s about l o v e , which read l i k e p r e c u r s o r s to the 1960s "women's l i b b e r " image i n the West . One may summari ly d i s m i s s t h e s e t o p i c s as ..... -69 i n c o n s e q u e n t i a l i n t h a t s o c i e t y , b u t a 1926 n a t i o n - w i d e s u r v e y by t h e M i n i s t r y o f E d u c a t i o n p r o v i d e s s t r o n g e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e y w e r e v e r y much on t h e m i n d s o f many y o u n g women r e c e i v i n g h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n a t t h a t t i m e . R e s p o n s e s by s t u d e n t s a t t e n d i n g g i r l s ' h i g h e r s c h o o l s and women's n o r m a l s c h o o l s i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h e y c o n s i d e r e d two q u e s t i o n s e q u a l l y i m p o r t a n t : l o v e a n d em p l o y m e n t . , The s e c o n d d e b a t e t h a t s h o u l d be m e n t i o n e d was t h e a n a r c h i s t - B o l s h e v i s t c o n t r o v e r s y c o n d u c t e d i n N y o n i n g e i j u t s u i n l a t e 1929. A r t i c l e s i n c l u d e d w e r e Y a g i A k i k o ' s " B o n j i n no k o g i " ( P r o t e s t s o f o r d i n a r y p e o p l e ; O c t o b e r 1929) and Matsumoto's " B u r u j p a i d e p r o g i t o p u r . o r e t a r i a . no j i y u " (Bourgeois "ideology and 7 p r o l e t a r i a n f r e e d o m ; December 1929) . B o t h Y a g i and M a t s u -moto w e r e s o o n t o become members o f F u j i n s e n s e n t h e f o l l o w i n g s p r i n g (1930). F u r t h e r m o r e , when t h e a b o v e a r t i c l e s a r e p l a c e d i n an e v e n w i d e r . f r a m e o f r e f e r e n c e , t h e y s e r v e t o i l l u s t r a t e two p o i n t s : (1) h e i g h t e n e d s o c i a l i n t e r e s t i n p r o l e t a r i a n i s s u e s f o l l o w i n g t h e f o r m a t i o n o f t h e P r o l e t a r i a n P a r t y i n 192 5 a n d i t s s u b s e q u e n t p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , and (2) r e a c t i o n s t o t h e w o r l d - w i d e d e p r e s s i o n o f 1929, and i n t e n s i f y -i n g d o m e s t i c r e p r e s s i o n t h r o u g h t h e P e a c e P r e s e r v a t i o n Laws o f 1925 and 1928, t h a t i s , n a t u r a l r e s p o n s e s t o i n t e r n a t i o n a l a n d n a t i o n a l i n s t a b i l i t y w h i c h s u g g e s t e d a l t e r n a t i v e s t o t h e e s t a b l i s h e d o r d e r . The a b o v e two d e b a t e s aire i n d i c a t i v e o f t h e j o u r n a l i s m o f t h e i r e r a . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , many o f t h e p u b l i c a t i o n s o f t h e 70 1920s through the P a c i f i c War y e a r s d e a l t w i t h r h e t o r i c r a t h e r than w i t h a c l e a r p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the i s s u e s . The en thus iasm w i t h which the above w r i t e r s pursued t i m e l y s o c i a l i s s u e s s h o u l d be r e c o g n i z e d , but one i s a l s o i n c l i n e d to agree w i t h Takamure 's comment on the many c o n t r o v e r s i e s t h a t raged i n the l a t e 1920s: I t would have been b e t t e r i f [ they had] g rasped the f o c u s of the problem and c r i t i c i z e d , r a t h e r than [having engaged in ] such a b s t r a c t v i l i f i c a t i o n . ^ That i s to s a y , had the p o l e m i c i s t s o f the l a t e 1920s devoted more o f t h e i r energy to the i s s u e s r a t h e r than to p e r s o n a l r h e t o r i c , t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s would have been more v a l u a b l e . Akiyama K i y o s h i 1 s approach to the Yamakawa-Takamure debate i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from t h a t o f Kano and H o r i b a . I f the span of a d i s c u s s i o n can s e r v e as an i n d i c a t o r o f depth o f i n t e r e s t , the l e n g t h y s e c t i o n o f A k i y a m a ' s book which expands on t h i s debate speaks f o r : i t s e l f . He no tes t h a t i n the f i r s t s tage of t h e i r d e b a t e , the t ime r e f e r e n c e o f Yama-kawa and Takamure was d i f f e r e n t : Yamakawa d i s c u s s e d problems o f the p r e s e n t day , w h i l e Takamure t a l k e d o f the f u t u r e e q u a l i t y o f the sexes i n terms of f r e e l o v e and m a r r i a g e . In the l a t t e r s t a g e , bo th women wrote about c o n c e p t s o f s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n , i n accordance w i t h arguments over what k i n d of-s o c i e t y would f o l l o w the r e v o l u t i o n , but they d i d not s u f -f i c i e n t l y d e v e l o p the i s s u e s o f e i t h e r l o v e o r m a r r i a g e . In a d d i t i o n to h i s r e c o g n i t i o n o f the above o m i s s i o n , Akiyama a l s o i n d i c a t e s two o t h e r a reas o f the debate he 71 wishes had been d e v e l o p e d . F i r s t , he s u g g e s t s , Takamure and Yamakawa s h o u l d have p e r s o n a l l y r e l a t e d to i s s u e s o f l o v e and m a r r i a g e ' i n more r e a l i s t i c t e r m s . S e c o n d l y , he wishes t h a t they had g i v e n f u r t h e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n to s e x u a l i s s u e s . Yama-kawa e s p e c i a l l y i g n o r e d both a reas i n her arguments . Akiyama acknowledges the d i f f e r e n c e i n the way s e x u a l i s s u e s were t r e a t e d i n the 1920s and nowadays, but sugges ts t h a t i f t h i s p o i n t o f v iew had been f u r t h e r d e v e l o p e d , more depth and 9 a u t h e n t i c i t y would have been added to the d e b a t e . He c r i t i c i z e s i t i n a c o n s t r u c t i v e manner which sugges ts ways i t c o u l d have been improved , whereas Kano and H o r i b a s i m p l y d i s m i s s the e n t i r e exchange as u n p r o d u c t i v e . Akiyama extends h i s d i s c u s s i o n to i n c l u d e the r o l e o f c r i t i c H i r a b a y a s h i T a i k o i n the debate."*"^ F o l l o w i n g the two e s s a y s which Takamure and Yamakawa each w r o t e , H i r a b a y a s h i wrote an a r t i c l e c a l l e d "Romanchishizumu to r i a r i z u m u : Yama-kawa K ikue Takamure I t sue r y o s h i no ronso no h i h a n " (Roman-t i c i s m and r e a l i s m : a c r i t i q u e o f the Yamakawa Kikue-Takamure I t s u e d e b a t e ) , p u b l i s h e d i n the September 1928 e d i t i o n o f F u j i n k o r o n . Akiyama f e e l s t h a t t h i s a r t i c l e was "redundant" (dasoku) as i t made no at tempt t o g a i n any i n s i g h t i n t o T a k a -mure 1 s p o i n t o f v i ew . I n s t e a d , i t p o i n t e d out the n e c e s s i t y o f Marxism i n a f a t a l i s t i c type o f c o n c l u s i o n , . F u r t h e r , H i r a b a y a s h i wrote from the p o i n t o f view o f a t h i r d p e r s o n and as an e d i t o r who a d v i s e d what the c o n c l u s i o n o f the two w r i t e r s ' a r t i c l e s s h o u l d b e . Akiyama sugges ts t h a t t h i s 72 s t r a n g e c o m b i n a t i o n o f r o l e s i n i t s e l f c o n s t i t u t e d a s t a t e -ment on the c h a o t i c c o n d i t i o n s o f j o u r n a l i s m i n t h a t e r a . A k i y a m a ' s b i g g e s t c o m p l a i n t w i t h r e g a r d to H i r a b a -y a s h i ' s r o l e i n the debate i s the c o n c l u s i o n she reached on Takamure 1 s s t a n c e . Her i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f Yamakawa 1s and Takamure 's v i e w p o i n t s i l l u s t r a t e s the c rux o f Ak iyama 's o b j e c t i o n : Takamure and Yamakawa were both d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h the degree o f s e l f - a w a r e n e s s o f t o d a y ' s women. However, Yamakawa t e n t a t i v e l y acknow-ledged the degree o f s e l f - a w a r e n e s s . . . and from t h a t i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s e l f - a w a r e n e s s [she] demanded a s tep f o r w a r d . In c o n t r a s t , Takamure  r e q u e s t e d t h a t women r e t u r n once more to a f e u -d a l i s t i c type of l o v e r e l a t i o n s h i p . * In t h a t [ s e n s e ] , a c o n c i l i a t i o n c o u l d not p o s s i b l y be r e a c h e d . The menta l s t a t e o f each and every c l a s s , s t r a t u m , and group was d i f f e r e n t . The p e t u l a n t a t t i t u d e o f Akiyama towards the above m i s i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n o f Takamure 1 s p o s i t i o n i s c l e a r l y e v i d e n t i n h i s r e s p o n s e : . . . t h i s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i s e a s y . H i r a b a y a s h i read t h i s debate a s : the f e u d a l age f o l l o w e d by the e r a o f the b o u r g e o i s i e ; then a p e r i o d o f s o c i a l i s m would n e c e s s a r i l y f o l l o w , a f t e r which women would awaken, and s t e a d i l y p r o g r e s s . T h i s o p t i m i s t i c v iew saw i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - a w a k e n i n g . . . under the f low o f h i s t o r y , a n t i c i p a t e d . . . . To say t h a t Japanese women have s e l f - a w a r e n e s s when the day o f s o c i a l i s m has not y e t come somehow opposes [ H i r a b a y a s h i ' s view] . . . her d i s c r i m -i n a t i o n r e g a r d i n g t h i s debate i s s u r p r i s i n g l y u n r e a l i s t i c . H Akiyama c r i t i c i z e s H i r a b a y a s h i ' s p r o g r e s s i v e view of h i s t o r y which argued t h a t o n l y s o c i a l i s m would n e c e s s a r i l y l e a d to *Emphasis- i s t h a t o f H i r a b a y a s h i . 73 women's s e l f - a w a k e n i n g . Even more s o , he r e p r o a c h e s H i r a -b a y a s h i ' s p e r s p e c t i v e on Takamure which i m p l i e d t h a t she advocated a r e g r e s s i o n of women to a f e u d a l i s t i c s tage of l o v e , r a t h e r than an e v o l u t i o n i n a s o c i e t y which r e c o g n i z e d the modern view o f l o v e . D i f f e r e n t O p i n i o n s on the  S i g n i f i c a n c e of FS Another a rea o f c o n t e n t i o n among r e s e a r c h e r s o f T a k a -mure ' s l i f e i s the s i g n i f i c a n c e i n her work o f the a n a r c h i s t magazine F u j i n s e n s e n . Akiyama f e e l s t h a t i t r e p r e s e n t s the a n a r c h i s t t r a i n of thought which" r a n throughout her l i f e t i m e . He a t t r i b u t e s one o f her e a r l y a n a r c h i s t exposures to K e n z o ' s employer , H e i b o n s h a , which p u b l i s h e d magazines f o r t e a c h e r s ' un ion m e e t i n g s , though her e a r l i e s t i m p r e s s i o n o f anarch ism — • 12 seems to have come from the Kotoku I n c i d e n t o f 1910-11. Another w r i t e r c o n c u r s t h a t the young I t s u e was shocked to hear t h a t the two men i n v o l v e d i n the i n c i d e n t from her home town had r e s p e c t i v e l y r e c e i v e d sen tences o f l i f e impr isonment 13 and d e a t h . Akiyama argues t h a t f o l l o w i n g e a r l y e x p e r i e n c e s l i k e these and much s e l f - r e f l e c t i o n , I t s u e r e a l i z e d the impor tan t l i n k between a r e s e a r c h group and the r e v o l u t i o n a r y movement, and d e c i d e d t h a t she must be a r e v o l u t i o n a r y . She became so r e v o l u t i o n a r y t h a t Kenzo ceased to suppor t her r a d i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , i n c l u d i n g F u j i n s e n s e n , l e a v i n g I t s u e e n t i r e l y i n 74 charge o f the g r o u p . Takamure a l s o r e f e r s to t h i s i n c i d e n t i n her autobiography. *"^ F u r t h e r m o r e , Akiyama contends t h a t even a f t e r FS c e a s e d p u b l i c a t i o n i n June 1931, Takamure 1 s subsequent work r e f l e c t e d a n a r c h i s t i c a t t i t u d e s such as o p p o s i t i o n t o power and a u t h o r i t y . He p o i n t s out t h a t I t sue emphasized the r e l a t i o n s h i p between peop le and s o c i e t y i n her h i s t o r i c a l r e s e a r c h , which a l s o formed a f o c a l p o i n t o f the s o c i a l 15 thought o f a n a r c h i s m . Akiyama sees an impor tan t l i n k between I t s u e ' s FS_ a n a r c h i s t a c t i v i t i e s and her subsequent r e s e a r c h . T h e r e f o r e he s t r o n g l y opposed K e n z o ' s d e c i s i o n to omit much o f her FS_ work when he p u b l i s h e d Takamure 's ten -vo lume zenshu i n 1967, t h r e e y e a r s a f t e r her d e a t h . Akiyama notes t h a t Takamure h e r s e l f once s a i d i t was d u r i n g the FS p e r i o d t h a t her " h i s t o r i c a l sense o f l o v e " ( s h i t e k i r e n ' a i k a n ) d e v e l o p e d , and soon m a t e r i a l i z e d i n works l i k e Shose ikon no kenkyu (Research on u x o r i l o c a l marr iage) and Nihon k o n ' i n s h i (The h i s t o r y o f Japanese m a r r i a g e ) . As an example o f K e n z o ' s a r b i t r a r y e x c l u s i o n o f most o f I t s u e ' s a n a r c h i s t i c works , he l i s t e d e l e v e n o f her FS_ a r t i c l e s , o f which o n l y f i v e have been i n c l u d e d i n the seventh — 17 — volume o f her zenshu . Kenzo defended h i s e x c l u s i o n o f t h e s e e s s a y s by s a y i n g t h a t I t s u e ' s t h i n k i n g had a t t h a t t ime 18 "not f u l l y deve loped y e t " ( m i s e i j u k u d a t t a ) . Rather than emphasize the underdevelopment o f Takamure 's t h o u g h t , another 7 5 w r i t e r who has done e x t e n s i v e r e s e a r c h on the l i f e o f I t s u e and Kenzd i n d i c a t e s the d e c i s i o n to e x c l u d e most o f her a n a r c h i s t i c work may be e x p l a i n e d by K e n z o ' s d i s a p p r o v a l o f the way her thought d e v e l o p e d . In h i s at tempt to p r e s e n t a c e r t a i n image o f I t s u e to her r e a d i n g p u b l i c , Kenzo may have c o n s c i o u s l y d i s r e g a r d e d those o f her works t h a t d i d not f i t i n t o the mould he had c r e a t e d . S e t o u c h i Harumi i l l u s t r a t e s s e v e r a l o f the above p o i n t s v e r y w e l l i n her work " N i c h i g e t s u f u t a r i " (Two p e o p l e above the sun and moon): In the c o u r s e o f w r i t i n g ' N i c h i g e t s u f u t a r i 1 I came_to unders tand t h a t the image o f Hashimoto Kenzo r e c o r d e d by the p u b l i c as the r a r e , commend-a b l e w i f e ' s h e l p e r h idden by the shadow o f I t s u e ' s g e n i u s was the r e a l i z a t i o n of h i s l i f e t i m e B u d d h i s t p r a y e r (h igan no j o j u ) . In r e a l i t y , he was not . . . such an amiab le p e r s o n ; . . . he c o l o u r e d and c a r v e d an immorta l woman . . . [using] I t sue as raw m a t e r i a l . I began t.o th ink_ [Hash imoto] was more l i k e an a s c e t i c monk (kugyoso) who c l u n g t o a B u d d h i s t i c d e s i r e t o ' l e a v e b e h i n d such an image. Was an immorta l woman the image of an immorta l b o d h i s a t t v a (bosatsuzo) [Buddhis t s a i n t ] o r the image o f t h e , G o d d e s s o f Mercy (Kannonzo)? . . . to Kenzo , w a s n ' t I t s u e , more than a w i f e or l o v e r , s a n c t i f i e d as a r e v e r e d god (agabotoke)? S e t o u c h i c o n t i n u e s w i t h a r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t I t s u e d i d p o s s e s s some g e n i u s . But she a l s o a s k s : i f i t had not been f o r K e n z o ' s a c t i o n as a " p i l o t " o f s o r t s , might not t h i s g e n i u s 19 have gone a s t r a y ? Murakami Nobuhiko seems to answer S e t o u c h i 1 s q u e s t i o n i n the a f f i r m a t i v e by making a s i m i l a r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the r o l e Kenzo p l a y e d i n I t s u e ' s l i f e . As Murakami c o n c i s e l y s t a t e d , 76 . . . he d i s c o v e r e d her h idden a b i l i t i e s , made her r e a l i z e them, and gu ided her a l o n g the r i g h t d i r e c t i o n . Wi thout [Kenzo] Takamure I t s u e ' s r e s e a r c h on women's h i s t o r y would not e x i s t , as i s t r u e f o r o t h e r o f her immorta l works .^0 As both S e t o u c h i and Murakami have i n d i c a t e d above i n v a r y i n g d e g r e e s , Kenzo per formed an impor tan t r o l e f o r I t s u e . In the c o u r s e of t h e i r l i f e t i m e , a c c o r d i n g to s e v e r a l contem-p o r a r i e s o f Kenzo and I t s u e , they were a b l e to a c h i e v e the u l t i m a t e l o v e embodied i n I t s u e ' s i d e a l o f i t t a i s h u g i (see Chapter 2), r a r e among Japanese (and most Western) c o u p l e s . Rather than g i v e c r e d i t f o r her p r o l i f i c c a r e e r o n l y to I t s u e o r to Kenzo , t h a t i s , to one or t h e ' o t h e r , i t seems e s s e n t i a l t o r e c o g n i z e t h a t i t was t h e i r u n i t y which c o n t r i b u t e d g r e a t l y to I t s u e ' s c a r e e r . Through a c o m b i n a t i o n o f I t s u e ' s i n t e l l i g e n c e and i n s i g h t and Kfenzo's f i n a n c i a l and e m o t i o n a l s u p p o r t , I t sue was a b l e to devote h e r s e l f c o m p l e t e l y to her r e s e a r c h . Kenzo p r o v i d e d most o f t h e i r f i n a n c i a l base f o r many y e a r s and assumed a l l househo ld r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to f r e e I t s u e from any burden which would h i n d e r her c r e a t i v e energy and a b i l i t i e s . H i s a c t i o n s would be noteworthy even t o d a y , as i n most Japanese (and many Western) f a m i l i e s , r e s p o n s i -b i l i t y f o r the smooth r u n n i n g o f the househo ld s t i l l b e l o n g s to the w i f e . I t i s u n f o r t u n a t e t h a t Kenzo took the l i b e r t y o f e d i t -i n g much o f I t s u e ' s a n a r c h i s t i c thought from her c o l l e c t e d works i n h i s z e a l to s u p p o r t her work and p r e s e n t a c e r t a i n image o f her r e s e a r c h * : c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the r e a d i n g p u b l i c . 77 I t i s a l s o i r o n i c t h a t he e x c l u d e d most o f the FS m a t e r i a l when one r e c a l l s t h a t i t was through K e n z o ' s e f f o r t s t h a t • — 21 — K a i h o s h a d e c i d e d t o p u b l i s h F u j i n s e n s e n . As Kano M i k i y o s t a t e s : By e x c l u d i n g m a t e r i a l d e a l i n g w i t h [ t h i s area] from the c o l l e c t e d works the g e n e r a l r e a d e r i s p r e v e n t e d from f o l l o w i n g the c o u r s e o f Takamure 's t h o u g h t . T h i s i s a ve ry l amentab le s i t u a t i o n i n d e e d . ^ 2 Another w r i t e r r e f e r s more s p e c i f i c a l l y to the development of Takamure 's anarch ism as "a s o c i a l problem r e l a t i n g t o women," w h i c h , as. s u c h , h o l d s a p l a c e i n the a n a r c h i s t move-23 ment o f J a p a n . The v i e w p o i n t o f Kano and H o r i b a s h a r p l y c o n t r a s t s w i t h the above i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , which argues t h a t Takamure 's a n a r c h i s t i c thought was of s i g n i f i c a n c e . They extend t h e i r n e g a t i v e a t t i t u d e r e g a r d i n g the v a r i o u s c o n t r o v e r s i e s which e r u p t e d i n the l a t e 1920s to i n c l u d e F u j i n sensen as w e l l : Takamure d i d not d i s c o v e r a n y t h i n g from the d e b a t e s , not d i d she r e a l i z e any development i n t h o u g h t . T h i s tendency d i d not improve d u r i n g the . . . F u j i n sensen y e a r s e i t h e r . In a d d i t i o n , Kano and H o r i b a argue t h a t i n the FS y e a r s I t s u e ' s c r e a t i v e powers faded (sozoryoku ga shibonda) s i n c e some o f her e s s a y s e x t r a c t e d o r r e p e a t e d the emphasis o f 24 p r e v i o u s a r t i c l e s . Two p o i n t s s h o u l d be noted to p l a c e K a n o ' s and H o r i b a ' s v iews i n p r o p e r p e r s p e c t i v e . F i r s t , the p u b l i c a t i o n of FS_ s e r v e d as an impor tan t s t e p p i n g s tone f o r I t s u e i n the development o f the i d e a s on women's r o l e i n s o c i e t y which she pursued i n subsequent r e s e a r c h . How she 78 c o u l d "not d i s c o v e r a n y t h i n g " i s hard to comprehend. S e c o n d l y , I t s u e c o n t r i b u t e d a t l e a s t one a r t i c l e to each o f the s i x t e e n i s s u e s o f FS_, but more o f t e n than n o t , she wrote s e v e r a l under a v a r i e t y o f pen-names when the p u b l i c a t i o n was s h o r t on a r t i c l e s . Sometimes she deve loped p o i n t s made i n p r e v i o u s a r t i c l e s , a v a l u a b l e l e a r n i n g p r o c e s s , as any w r i t e r w i l l a g r e e . I t s u e r e g u l a r l y wrote poetry . - and book r e v i e w s , and responded t o l e t t e r s from the r e a d i n g p u b l i c . Rather than an i n d i c a t i o n t h a t her c r e a t i v e powers were f a d i n g , her many c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o FS i n d i c a t e c o n t i n u a l development and c r e a t i v i t y . Another a s p e c t o f K a n o 1 s and H o r i b a ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f FS_ i s the emphasis they p l a c e on the male r o l e , b e g i n n i n g w i t h Kenzo. F o r i n s t a n c e , the p l a n to s t a r t FS was K e n z o ' s ; f o r the f i r s t f i f t e e n i s s u e s he d i d a l l the o f f i c e work a s s o c i a t e d w i t h e d i t i n g , n e g o t i a t i n g , and f i n a n c i n g w i t h K a i h o s h a . They p o i n t out t h a t , w i t h the h e l p o f s t r o n g male s u p p o r t e r s l i k e Kenzo and Nobushima E i i c h i , FS a c h i e v e d r e c o g n i t i o n as "the second S e i t o . " C i t i n g remarks made by Kenzo i n I t s u e ' s a u t o b i o g r a p h y , and by FS member Sumi i Sue i n the December 19 3 0 i s s u e o f F S , they contend t h a t some o f Matsumoto M a s a e ' s a r t i c l e s w r i t t e n under the pseudonym Kawai 25 Kiwa a c t u a l l y came from the pen o f her husband Nobushima. The r o l e o f male s u p p o r t e r s i n FS_ d e s e r v e s a t t e n t i o n as i t i n d i c a t e s the chang ing c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f some women and men o f t h a t e r a , as the p r e s e n t f e m i n i s t movement i s a t t r a c t i n g 79 more and more men s e a r c h i n g f o r v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s to the r o l e s t h a t s o c i e t y has d e f i n e d f o r them. The most s i g n i f i c a n t p o i n t Kano and H o r i b a make i s I t s u e ' s l a t e r response to her FS_ i n v o l v e m e n t . About a year a f t e r F u j i n sensen ended, Takamure wrote " H i t o t s u no k e i k e n — F u j i n sensen no koto nado" (One e x p e r i e n c e — W o m e n ' s f r o n t and so f o r t h ) i n the September 1932 i s s u e of F u j o shimbun (Women's newspaper ) , i n which she commented: U s i n g . . . t h a t d e p a r t u r e p o i n t as a s t e p p i n g s t o n e , my endeavours to become r a t i o n a l d u r i n g t h a t y e a r and a _ h a l f were . . . q u i t e p a i n f u l ( kanar i no k u t s u ) . Takamure a l s o acknowledged t h a t p e r i o d to have been "angu ish on the way to [/jm-yi] own development" ( t enka i e no nay ami) . As f r u s t r a t i n g as I t s u e ' s work on FS_ may have been at t i m e s , i t was an impor tan t t r a n s i t i o n a l phase i n which she deve loped her thoughts and d e c i d e d on the f o c a l p o i n t f o r her l i f e t i m e work upon which she c o n s e q u e n t l y embarked. K a n o ' s and H o r i b a ' s p e r s p e c t i v e on Takamure 's l i f e d i f f e r s from t h a t o f Akiyama i n most r e s p e c t s . However, one can see some s i m i l a r i t i e s between A k i y a m a ' s r e c o g n i t i o n of Takamure 's a n a r c h i s m as "a s o c i a l problem r e l a t i n g to women" and the manner i n which Kano and H o r i b a i n t e r p r e t Takamure 's r o l e i n h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e : . . . the l a t e T a i s h o to e a r l y Showa p e r i o d ( for the most p a r t , the 1920s) was one i n which women's , problems e r u p t e d as p r o b l e m s . . . . p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , economic independence , guarantees o f motherhood, the na tu re o f e q u a l i t y as a w i f e , these problems which r e c o g n i z e d the l i b e r a t i o n o f women as human b e i n g s , o f t e n were r a i s e d i n a s s o c i a t i o n 80 w i t h s t r u c t u r a l r e f o r m , and formed movements d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . . . . one a f t e r a n o t h e r , women w i t h d i s t i n c t p r o -f i l e s appeared and deve loped the v iew of an h e r o i c age o f women's l i b e r a t i o n . Takamure a l s o extended h e r s e l f i n t h i s t r e n d ; fu r thermore . . . the r o l e she p l a y e d i s hard t o e r a s e . Only upon t h a t was her r e s o l u t i o n made [to e s t a b l i s h a n ^ h i s t o r i c a l f o u n d a t i o n f o r women's l i b e r a t i o n ] . ^ 7 A number o f c o n t r o v e r s i a l v i e w p o i n t s c o n c e r n i n g T a k a -mure ' s a c t i v i t i e s i n the l a t e 1920s have been a n a l y z e d . Kano and H o r i b a argued t h a t a l l o f her d e b a t e s , i n c l u d i n g the one w i t h Yamakawa K i k u e , and her F u j i n sensen i n v o l v e m e n t , produced n o t h i n g . As p a r t o f h i s p o s i t i v e view o f I t s u e ' s e a r l i e r y e a r s , Akiyama c r i t i c i z e d H i r a b a y a s h i ' s c r i t i q u e o f the Yamakawa-Takamure debate as redundant and r e g a r d e d FS as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f I t s u e ' s l i f e l o n g t r a i n o f t h o u g h t . S e t o u -c h i and Murakami suggested t h a t K e n z o ' s i n f l u e n c e i n I t s u e ' s l i f e was g r e a t e r than i s u s u a l l y r e c o g n i z e d . T h i s may account f o r h i s e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y which e l i m i n a t e d much o f Takamure 's a n a r c h i s t i c works from her c o l l e c t e d works . P a r t Two: V i e w p o i n t s Through  the E a r l y 1940s I ssues o f I d e o l o g i c a l C o n v e r s i o n : Pro and Con A second a rea o f Takamure 's works which . i s v i r t u a l l y i g n o r e d i n her zenshu i s her " h i s t o r i c a l v iew o f the Japanese 2 8 empire" d u r i n g the f i f t e e n - y e a r war p e r i o d . R e s e a r c h e r s ' 81 heated debates over Itsue's anarchistic thought i n the 1920s seem quite mild compared with the escalated controversies which have emerged over her wartime a c t i v i t i e s . Limited sources and space r e s t r i c t i o n prevent a lengthy analysis, but one can at least sketch a theory which argues that Itsue experienced i d e o l o g i c a l conversion, as well as several rebut-t a l s which indicate why she could not possibly have "changed her mind" so completely. The term translated here as "ideological conversion" i s tenko, a phrase widely used i n Japan r i g h t a f t e r World War II. William Wray has categorized as follows the two ways historians usually use the term: (1) l e f t i s t s , usually 29 Communists, who recanted under police pressure, and (2) i n a wider application, those who "changed" t h e i r ideas to 30 • . support the m i l i t a r i z a t i o n of Japan. . The present discussion w i l l address i t s e l f to the l a t t e r interpretation of tenko. Within t h i s context, Miki K i y o s h i 1 s i n t r i g u i n g i n t e r -pretation of the conversion process Bhould alscj) be mentioned: Such i d e o l o g i c a l conversion i s perhaps a phenom-enon peculiar to Japan and something that cannot be comprehended by the i n d i v i d u a l i s t and ra t i o n -a l i s t Occident. 'Conversion' connotates not a gradual, l o g i c a l process of development but an act o f suddenly turning away. As such, i t can take place naturally, and not ext r a o r d i n a r i l y , to Japanese minds which are d i a l e c t i c a l i n t h e i r thinking and i n which two things mutually c o n t r a -dictory can be synthesized into one.31 Through evidence presented concerning Itsue's alleged tenko, one r e a l i z e s that she did not "suddenly turn away" nor did she undergo any major moral or th e o r e t i c a l change during the 82 wart ime y e a r s . In response to the extreme government o p p r e s -s i o n of the t i m e s , o f n e c e s s i t y , she changed her t a c t i c s to 32 s u r v i v e and t o c o n t i n u e her l i f e t i m e r e s e a r c h g o a l s . T h i s p o i n t w i l l be expanded l a t e r i n the c h a p t e r . Hiyama Yuk io takes a d i f f e r e n t approach i n h i s b r i e f R e k i s h i koron ( H i s t o r i c a l review) a r t i c l e on Takamure, i n which he contends t h a t her " i n t e n s i v e i d e o l o g i c a l c o n v e r s i o n " (shuyaku s a r e r u s h i s o tenko) was r e c o r d e d i n I t s u e ' s J o s e i 2,600 n e n s h i ( H i s t o r y o f women through 2,600 y e a r s ; p u b l i s h e d i n 1940) . As f a c t o r s which c o n t r i b u t e d t o her d e c i s i o n , he c i t e s the f o l l o w i n g : (1) the f o u n d a t i o n o f l o y a l t y and r e v e r e n c e f o r the I m p e r i a l househo ld b u i l t under the i n f l u e n c e o f her f a t h e r from an e a r l y age , and (2) the way she i d o l i z e d the image (kyozoka) o f her p a r e n t s . Hiyama does not expand on these p o i n t s , but one assumes he r e f e r s to v a l u e s o f l o y a l t y t o f a m i l y and c o u n t r y i n s t i l l e d i n I t s u e e a r l y i n l i f e which l a t e r r e - e m e r g e d , c a u s i n g her to " c o n v e r t . " Hiyama c o m p l e t e l y i g n o r e s the development o f her a n t i - e s t a b l i s h m e n t thought and a c t i v i t i e s o f the decade o f thei:92Q:S.. I n s t e a d , he r e f e r s t o her response upon the news o f J a p a n ' s d e f e a t as an i n d i c a t i o n o f her changed t h o u g h t : The d e f e a t o f J a p a n , "the l a n d o f the g o d s , " was a g r e a t shock to the f i f t y - o n e - y e a r - o l d I t s u e . . . her o n l y means o f e x p r e s s i n g her r e s p o n s e to the I m p e r i a l R e s c r i p t on the d e f e a t o f the war was 'I bowed and c o u l d o n l y c r y ' ( fu s h i t e tada  n a k i nageku) ..33 A f t e r they had endured the i n t e n s i t y o f the wart ime o r d e a l f o r many y e a r s , a l l Japanese f e l t c o m p l e t e l y d r a i n e d 83 e m o t i o n a l l y . One can argue w i t h some a s s u r a n c e t h a t I t s u e ' s r esponse t o t h e t r a u m a t i c news a p p r o x i m a t e d , t h e r e f o r e , t h e r e a c t i o n s h a r e d by v i r t u a l l y a l l Japanese a t t h a t t i m e , not o n l y t h o s e who had changed t h e i r t h o u g h t . F u r t h e r m o r e , a r e v i e w o f I t s u e ' s J o s e i 2,600 n e n s h i mentions n o t h i n g about t h e a l l e g e d i d e o l o g i c a l c o n v e r s i o n o f Takamure. R a t h e r , i t s u g g e s t s : The a u t h o r e s s o f t h i s book, i n d e s c r i b i n g t h e c h a r a c t e r o f Japanese women, t h e i r p o s i t i o n and i t s changes t h r o u g h o u t th e ages, s t a r t i n g from the f o u n d i n g o f t h e n a t i o n t o t h e p r e s e n t e r a , has done her work i n such a manner t h a t s u b j e c t i v e p e r s o n a l o p i n i o n s have been a l m o s t e n t i r e l y e l i m i n a t e d . 3 4 I t s u e ' s c o n c l u s i o n t o t h i s work i n d i c a t e s h e r s t a n d -p o i n t on women 1s h i s t o r y as w e l l as t h e tone o f her p e r s o n a l c o n c e r n s when she chose t o i n t e r j e c t them: I n a n c i e n t t i m e s , when men and women c o - o p e r a t e d c l o s e l y w i t h each o t h e r , n o t because t h e y chose t o , but because i t was i n e v i t a b l e , we saw a.number o f v e r y c a p a b l e women make t h e i r appearance. As we came down t h r o u g h the ages, however, Japanese women l o s t t h e i r s o c i a l s t a n d i n g , a d e c l i n e b r o u g h t about by v a r i o u s s o c i a l phenomena, y e t whenever the oppor-t u n i t y p r e s e n t e d i t s e l f t h e y r e v e a l e d t h e i r t r a d i -t i o n a l a b i l i t y t o d e a l c a p a b l y w i t h t h e s i t u a t i o n . . . . I n s p i t e o f the e f f o r t s o f e n l i g h t e n e d men and women, we have y e t t o see t h e i n h e r e n t a b i l i t y o f womankind blossom f o r t h . I e a r n e s t l y hope t h a t not o n l y women but men t h r o u g h o u t th e c o u n t r y w i l l u n d e r s t a n d and t a k e an i n t e r e s t i n t h e problems o f our women as w e l l as our h i s t o r y . 3 5 As t h e above q u o t a t i o n from th e c o n c l u s i o n o f J o s e i 2,600 n e n s h i c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e s , Takamure's h i s t o r i c a l and p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t s f o c u s e d on t h e l o c a t i o n o f women's e x p e r i e n c e w i t h i n the g e n e r a l f l o w o f h i s t o r y , not i n e s p o u s i n g any 84 i d e o l o g i c a l c o n v e r s i o n . Nakayama A i k o c o n c u r s t h a t Takamure d i d not commit t e n k o , b a s i n g her p o s i t i o n upon a new i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e i s s u e : A woman l i k e h e r had no r e a s o n t o make a sudden 180-degree c o n v e r s i o n . That i s , [she] o f t e n r e s t r a i n e d t h e t h i n g s she wanted t o do . . . when she became aware o f h e r husband's w i s h e s . [Taka-mure] s t i l l r e t a i n e d enough o f t h e t h o u g h t p a t t e r n s o f a c o n v e n t i o n a l woman w h i c h c o u l d not be t r a n s -formed . . . b u t she d i d not want t o admit i t . Nakayama th e n s u g g e s t s t h a t Takamure pursued her r e s e a r c h t o c o n v i n c e o t h e r women (and perhaps h e r s e l f ) t h a t t h e y s h o u l d 36 not be t r a d i t i o n a l . As s t i r r i n g as Nakayama's p r o p o s a l s a r e , t h e y c a l l f o r f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f Kenzo's r o l e i n h i s u n i q u e r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h I t s u e , and o f t h e more conven-t i o n a l a s p e c t s o f Takamure 1s thought b e f o r e t h e y can be a c c e p t e d i n t h e i r e n t i r e t y . What i s r e l e v a n t a t p r e s e n t i s Nakayama's argument t h a t Takamure was n o t t h e t y p e o f p e r s o n who would s u d d e n l y change h e r mind. Hiyama, i n h i s c o n t e n t i o n t h a t Takamure underwent tenko i n 1940, c i t e s a c t i v i t i e s such as t h e s e : From J a n u a r y 1942 Takamure r e c e i v e d monthly manu-s c r i p t f e e s o f 150 yen f o r ' T r a d i t i o n a l Japanese women's h i s t o r y ' p u b l i s h e d i n N i n o n - f u j i n , t h e p e r i o d i c a l p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h e G r e a t e r Japan Women's A s s o c i a t i o n (Dai Nihon f u j i n k a i ) , w h i c h was not a p a s s i v e a ct.37 Perhaps I t s u e ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o t h i s n a t i o n a l i s t i c p e r i o d i c a l can be d e s c r i b e d more a c c u r a t e l y as an e x t e n s i o n o f h e r sometimes ambiguous s t a n c e d u r i n g t h e war y e a r s . ' Kano M i k i y o p o i n t s out t h a t I t s u e c o n t r i b u t e d t o the weekly 85 3 8 newspaper F u j o shimbun from the t ime she began her f u l l - t i m e r e s e a r c h i n J u l y 1931 u n t i l i t s topped p u b l i c a t i o n i n 1942. The f o l l o w i n g two o p p o s i n g p o s t u r e s seem t o be e v i d e n t i n her c o n t r i b u t i o n s : (1) a r e q u e s t f o r a b s o l u t e p e a c e , and (2) a v iew of the Manchur ian I n c i d e n t as a chance to b u i l d a new w o r l d o r d e r . Kano t r a c e s the development o f both p o s t u r e s through the f i r s t h a l f o f the 1930s, f o c u s i n g most o f h i s a t t e n t i o n on the l a t t e r . In 1931 I t s u e made ten c o n t r i b u t i o n s to F u j o but s a i d n o t h i n g about the Manchur ian I n c i d e n t . By the f o l l o w i n g y e a r she made a few comments about the i n c i d e n t from an a l o o f p o s i t i o n which s a i d t h a t war i s as n e c e s s a r y as p e a c e . F o r example, i n "Heiwa to f u j i n " (Peace and women), p u b l i s h e d i n the 31 January and 7 F e b r u a r y 1932 e d i t i o n s , I t s u e c r i t i c i z e d the vague a t t i t u d e o f women's groups and c a l l e d f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g a d e f i n i t e a t t i t u d e towards war and 39 v i o l e n c e i n g e n e r a l . W i t h i n the next c o u p l e o f months, I t s u e seems to have i n d i c a t e d her s t a n c e on war i s s u e s more c l e a r l y by her f a v o u r a b l e response t o "Chushakusho" (A commentary) , w r i t t e n by Tadokoro T e r u a k i o f the Japan Labour -Farmer Mass P a r t y — — — — 40 (Zenkoku rono t a i s h u t o ) . In A p r i l 1932 Takamure c a l l e d T a d o k o r o 1 s w e l l - d e f i n e d o p p o s i t i o n to the Comintern " . . . one s t e p i n the advancement o f N i h o n s h u g i , of f a s c i s m as i t 41 i s c a l l e d . " Kano M i k i y o i n t e r p r e t s Takamure 's s ta tement as a 86 42 " tendency towards f a s c i s m . " Rather than a t t a c h such a l a b e l to h e r c r i t i c i s m , one s h o u l d examine her i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f N i h o n s h u g i ( l i t e r a l l y , " J a p a n - i s m " ) . T h i s w i l l be done i n the l a t t e r p a r t o f t h i s c h a p t e r w i t h i n a d i s c u s s i o n o f S h i n t o e lements i n I t s u e 1 s t h o u g h t . I t s h o u l d be noted here t h a t to take a c e r t a i n s t a n c e on the Manchur ian I n c i d e n t a t the t ime d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y mean the same view would be m a i n t a i n e d throughout the war y e a r s . On the o t h e r hand , I t s u e ' s a n t i - M a r x i s t and a n t i - S o v i e t v iews o f the 1920s s h o u l d be r e c a l l e d , as they were s i m i l a r to her v iews which c o n t i n u e d i n t o the 1930s. Kano M i k i y o c o n c u r s t h a t I t s u e was " a n t i - M a r x i s t " i n the e a r l y 193 0 s , but goes on to say t h a t she was " q u i t e i n f l u e n c e d " by the June 1933 c o n v e r s i o n d e c l a r a t i o n s (tenko senmei) o f Communist l e a d e r s Sano Manabu (1892-1953) and 43 Nabeyama Sadach ika (1901-? ) . As he does not s p e c i f y what he means by " i n f l u e n c e d , " perhaps a b e t t e r c h o i c e o f words would be t h a t she "took n o t i c e o f " the j o i n t s ta tement i s s u e d by Sano and Nabeyama, and the f a c t t h a t w i t h i n a month o f t h e i r s t a t e m e n t , 30 p e r c e n t o f the n o n - c o n v i c t e d and 36 p e r c e n t o f the c o n v i c t e d p r i s o n e r s announced t h e i r d e c i s i o n 44 to c o n v e r t . As such a phenomenon was undoubted ly c o v e r e d e x t e n s i v e l y by the media o f the d a y , i t would have been 45 d i f f i c u l t f o r anyone to i g n o r e . F u r t h e r source m a t e r i a l s p e r t a i n i n g to I t s u e ' s wart ime s t a n c e may l e a d to a r e - e v a l u a t i o n o f t h i s a n a l y s i s . A t t h i s 87 p o i n t , one tends to agree w i t h Akiyama t h a t t h e r e was l i t t l e c o n s p i c u o u s change o f thought (k iwadat ta t e n k a i wa nakat ta ) i n Takamure from the F u j i n sensen p e r i o d (1930-31) u n t i l the 46 end o f the P a c i f i c War. F e e l i n g s o f n a t i o n a l i s o l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d f o l l o w i n g J a p a n ' s w i thdrawa l from the League o f N a t i o n s i n March 1933, which s p u r r e d on the c o u n t r y ' s n a t i o n -a l i s m , and government o p p r e s s i o n c o n t i n u a l l y e s c a l a t e d . In t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , I t s u e of c o u r s e c o u l d no l o n g e r c o n t i n u e to e x p r e s s her a n a r c h i s t i c v iews as o p e n l y as she had through the 1920s. However, by examining a r t i c l e s w r i t t e n by Takamure i n J u l y 1932 and A p r i l 1940, i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t she c o n t i n u e d to s c r u t i n i z e s o c i e t y from a woman's v i e w p o i n t and c r i t i c i z e those a s p e c t s she f e l t were not i n the b e s t i n t e r e s t s o f women. She was e s p e c i a l l y c r i t i c a l o f the Japanese m i l i t a r y ' s a c t i v i t i e s i n M a n c h u r i a , r e f e r r i n g to the " ty ranny of the b a n d i t s " (h izoku no bogyoku) which o p p r e s s e d women, both l o c a l women and Japanese p r o s t i t u t e s . , In a 3 J u l y 1932 a r t i c l e c a l l e d "Onozukara imashimu" ( S e l f - a d m o n i s h m e n t ) , I t s u e w r o t e : On a number o f p o i n t s , Japan has reached the s tage when r e v o l u t i o n i s n e c e s s a r y . In s p i t e o f t h i s , i n s e n s i b l e e m i g r a n t s , h i d i n g b e h i n d n a t i o n a l p r e s -t i g e , are c a r r y i n g our t y r a n n y beyond b a n d i t r y . Though they are Japanese [I am] d i s g u s t e d . S t r i c t l y s p e a k i n g , the b i g g e s t f a u l t o f the Japanese i s t h a t they d o n ' t have t h e i r own a t t i t u d e , t h a t i s , they d o n ' t t r y to d e v e l o p t h e i r own a t t i t u d e . A c c o r d i n g l y . . . i t i s n e c e s s a r y f o r men and women to l o o k w i t h i n t r o s p e c t i o n a t themselves and t h e i r c o u n t r y . Wi th p a r t i c u l a r r e f e r e n c e t o the " ty ranny o f the b a n d i t s , " 88 Takamure p o i n t e d out t h a t i t was not a new phenomenon, r e f e r r i n g t o the f o l l o w i n g e x p e r i e n c e s : In the M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n [of 1868] both the I m p e r i a l Army and the r e b e l s w i t h o u t d i s t i n c t i o n raped women and l o o t e d the p e o p l e ' s p r o p e r t y . S h e ' a l s o gave as an example her n a t i v e a r ea o f Kyushu , where " . . . because, government f o r c e s (kampei) s e r v e d t h e r e f o r t en y e a r s i t i s s a i d t h a t a l l the women o f the s u r r o u n d i n g 47 v i l l a g e s were s u f f e r i n g from v e n e r e a l d i s e a s e . " A l o n g s i m i l a r l i n e s to those drawn i n her 1932 a r t i c l e o f s e l f -admonishment, i n A p r i l 194 0 she c a l l e d f o r some s e l f - c o n t r o l ( j i shuku) i n " S h i n s h i n a k e n s e t s u to Nihon" no f u j i n " (The b u i l d i n g o f new C h i n a and Japanese women): [We] must withdraw Japanese p r o s t i t u t e s (shugyofu) from C h i n a . Because the C h i n e s e have o n l y t h i s v iew o f Japanese women, i t i s v e r y low.^8 By b r i e f r e f e r e n c e to two o f I t s u e ' s a r t i c l e s from the e a r l y 1930s and 1940s, one can thus see t h a t she s t i l l m a i n -t a i n e d her r o l e as a s o c i a l c r i t i c from a female p o i n t o f v i ew . A l t h o u g h her c r i t i c i s m was somewhat subdued compared w i t h t h a t o f the F u j i n sensen y e a r s , Takamure s t i l l c o n -demned the m i l i t a r y ' s o p p r e s s i o n o f l o c a l women and Japanese p r o s t i t u t e s i n Manchuria>with s u r p r i s i n g f r a n k n e s s . I t i s a c t u a l l y q u i t e amazing when one c o n s i d e r s the government o p p r e s s i o n o f such "dangerous thought" which e s c a l a t e d d u r i n g the wart ime y e a r s . The q u e s t i o n a r i s e s as t o why I t s u e c o u l d p u b l i s h such "dangerous" a r t i c l e s . K e n z o ' s f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h the p u b l i s h i n g 89 business may have been a factor. Morosawa suggests that Taka-mure was able to continue her f u l l - t i m e research throughout the war and publish her works (such as Bokeisei no kenkyu— Research on the matriarchal system; 1938) largely due to her spouse's advice, as he was "more f a m i l i a r with the trend of the times." Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s that Takamure wrote some a r t i c l e s which have been l a b e l l e d as "tending towards fascism" in an attempt to placate the government authorities; she was 49 thus able to continue her c r i t i q u e s and pioneering research. As more sources from t h i s period are uncovered, perhaps other answers w i l l shed more l i g h t on t h i s fascinating period of Takamure's l i f e , and contribute a more general understanding of the chaotic wartime years. Representative views of both sides of the tenko issue have been examined with reference to the development of Taka-mure ' s thought through the early 1940s. As material related to her wartime views was v i r t u a l l y excluded from her c o l l e c t e d works, h i s t o r i c a l controversies abound. Hiyama Yukio argued that Itsue underwent "intensive i d e o l o g i c a l conversion" i n 1940, but o f f e r e d . i n s u f f i c i e n t evidence to convince other scholars. Nakayama Aiko pointed out that Itsue "had no reason to make a sudden 180-degree conversion:," Kano Mikiyo defined Itsue's ambiguous wartime stance i n terms of two r i v a l postures. One way of thinking wanted absolute peace, while the other favoured the establishment of a new world order by Japan. Kano tended to dwell on the l a t t e r aspect 90 i n h i s a n a l y s i s . F i n a l l y , b r i e f g l i m p s e s a t two o f I t s u e 1 s a r t i c l e s from 1932 and 1940 demonstra ted how her r o l e as a c r i t i c o f women's o p p r e s s i o n c o n t i n u e d through the war y e a r s . The next s e c t i o n w i l l examine the a g r a r i a n a s p e c t o f I t s u e ' s thought i n the 1920s i n the c o n t e x t o f p o p u l a r nohon-s h u g i which was most a c t i v e i n the 1930s. What k i n d o f s i m i l a r i t i e s were t h e r e between the two d e c a d e s , and even more i m p o r t a n t l y , what were the d i f f e r e n c e s ? P a r t T h r e e : Fundamental A g r a r i a n i s m :  Takamure I t s u e and Gondo S e i k y o In examin ing Takamure 's a n a r c h i s t i c thought i n the 1920s (see Chap te rs 3 and 4 ) , one i s s t r u c k by the numerous p a r a l l e l s between the many a g r a r i a n e lements she espoused and the nohonshugi thought o f the 1930s, e s p e c i a l l y t h a t o f Gondo S e i k y o (1868-1937) . F o r example, bo th advocated v i l l a g e communalism and l o c a l s e l f - r u l e , and argued t h a t s o c i e t y ' s b i g g e s t problem was b e s t e x e m p l i f i e d by the gap between urban and r u r a l i s s u e s . B e f o r e f u r t h e r compar ison o f Takamure 's and Gondo 1 s a g r a r i a n i s m can be made, one must d e f i n e nohonshugi and unders tand i t s deve lopment . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and D e v e l o p -ment o f A g r a r i a n Thought Rona ld Dore i n t e r p r e t s the meaning o f nohonshugi a s : 91 . . . an i d e o l o g y bound up w i t h S h i n t o n a t i o n a l i s m and i n f u s e d w i t h a b e l i e f o f t h e uniqueness o f t h e Japanese p e o p l e . . . . P h y s i o c r a t i c economic t h e o r i e s were l a r g e l y s u b o r d i n a t e d i n a m y s t i c f a i t h i n t h e s p i r i t u a l v a l u e s o f r u r a l l i f e . 5 0 I n a d d i t i o n , t h e r e was an alm o s t a x i o m a t i c b e l i e f i n t h e 51 p o s i t i v e v a l u e o f numerous t e n a n t f a r m e r s . Thomas Havens p o i n t s o u t t h a t nohonshugi was the p r i n c i p a l form o f a g r a r i a n i s m i n Japan a f t e r 1868, a l t h o u g h i t became most i n f l u e n t i a l between t h e 1890s and the 1930s. Over t h e span o f i t s l i f e t i m e , t h e advoc a t e s o f nohonshugi i n c l u d e d such v a r i o u s elements as r a d i c a l s , p r a g m a t i s t s , and common r u r a l p e o p l e . D i v i d e d as t h e s e groups were i n many ways, t h e y were . . . l i n k e d by common exposure t o t h e mo d e r n i z a -t i o n p r o c e s s , a mutual c o n c e r n f o r t h e n a t i o n ' s f u t u r e , and a s h a r e d c o n v i c t i o n t h a t a g r i c u l t u r e was c r u c i a l f o r c r e a t i n g a s t a b l e , harmonious Japan.52 The above i n t e r p r e t a t i o n h o l d s t r u e f o r I t s u e ' s a g r a r i a n i s m i n t h a t h er r e j e c t i o n o f modern v a l u e s l e d h e r t o f i n d an a l t e r n a t i v e i n r u r a l v a l u e s . F u r t h e r , a l t h o u g h she f o c u s e d on women, her u l t i m a t e g o a l was a more e q u i t a b l e s o c i e t y as a whole. Three d i f f e r e n t s t a g e s i n t h e development o f Japanese a g r a r i a n thought demonstrate an o v e r l a p o f v a l u e s which span the time gap. F i r s t l y , i n an e a r l y t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y c r i -t i q u e on c a p i t a l i s m , Kawakami Hajime (1879-1946) argued t h a t whereas a c a p i t a l i s t economy i n c u l c a t e d such f a l s e v a l u e s as s e l f i s h n e s s and greed f o r money, t h e c o u n t r y s i d e h arboured 92 t r u e v a l u e s , l i k e harmony, f r u g a l i t y , and c o - o p e r a t i o n , which emphasized work ing t o g e t h e r to c u t c o s t s and to p reven t 53 the spread o f s e l f i s h norms. Kawakami 1 s p o s i t i o n c o n t a i n s ample e v i d e n c e o f the t r e n d begun by b u r e a u c r a t i c a g r a r i a n -i s t s i n the 1890s i n which nohonshugi became a form o f c o u n t e r t h o u g h t to o f f s e t the e f f e c t s o f c a p i t a l i s m on the c o u n t r y s i d e . S e c o n d l y , w i t h i n the next two d e c a d e s , as a r e s u l t o f the i n c r e a s e d tenancy d i s p u t e s o f the 1910s and 1920s and the r i c e r i o t s o f 1918, the a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t i c mood o f s o c i e t y 54 i n t e n s i f i e d , and p o p u l a r a g r a r i a n i s m grew s t r o n g e r . F o r example , Yokota Hideo (1889-1926) , who devoted the most impor tan t y e a r s o f h i s s h o r t l i f e to the t e n a n t movement i n n o r t h e r n and c e n t r a l J a p a n , urged t e n a n t s t o b i n d t o g e t h e r i n s e l f - d e f e n s e to reduce r e n t s . A f t e r Wor ld War I he c o n c e n t r a t e d more on l e g a l guarantees o f t e n a n t s ' r i g h t s , but u n t i l h i s death he r e t a i n e d the same b a s i c g o a l s , which i n c l u d e d ..the r e s t o r a t i o n o f s o c i a l harmony t o the v i l l a g e s and the c r e a t i o n of a c l a s s l e s s n a t i o n a l s o c i e t y w i t h a g r i -55 c u l t u r e a t i t s c o r e . L e a p i n g a lmost another two d e c a d e s , by the e a r l y 193 0s nohonshugi e n t e r e d a t h i r d s tage i n which i t took on even more i m p o r t a n c e , f o r two r e a s o n s : (1) the t u r b u l e n t economic s i t u a t i o n compounded by the g r e a t c r a s h of 1929 produced another c y c l e o f d e p r e s s i o n u n t i l the m id -1930s , and (2) the n a t i o n a l c o n t r o v e r s y touched o f f by the s i g n i n g o f the London 93 N a v a l Disarmament T r e a t y o f 1930. As e v i d e n c e o f t h e s e r i o u s -ness w i t h which t h e p o l i c e viewed a g r a r i a n i s t s , t h e y were i n c l u d e d i n a r e p o r t as f o l l o w s : . . . t h e r i g h t wing [of the Nippon s h u g i s h a , "the J a p a n i s t s " ] c o n t a i n s such d i v e r s e groups as the n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t s . . . and t h e a g r a r i a n s , who demand r e f o r m o f t h e c u r r e n t system, which they see as dominated by b u r e a u c r a t i c - i n d u s t r i a l f o r c e s and thus advocate t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a new Japan based on the p r i n c i p l e s o f a g r a r i a n i s m and r u r a l autonomy.^ ^  The a g r a r i a n demand f o r reforms a r o s e from r e a l need. Farm p r i c e s , w hich had been a r t i f i c i a l l y i n f l a t e d by the demands o f World War I , f e l l 30 p e r c e n t from 1919 t o 1921. By 1925 p r i c e s had s u b s t a n t i a l l y r e c o v e r e d , o n l y t o drop a g a i n by 1931 t o o n l y t w o - f i f t h s o f t h e i r 1919 l e v e l . 5 7 As a t l e a s t h a l f o f the Japanese p o p u l a t i o n engaged i n f a r m i n g and f i s h i n g i n 1930, s i n k i n g farm p r i c e s , combined w i t h h i g h t a x e s and the s u p p o r t o f unemployed urban f a m i l y members f o r c e d back home t o l i v e , c r e a t e d a burden t o o l a r g e f o r t h e r u r a l s e c t o r 5 8 t o b e a r , and added f u e l t o t h e a g r a r i a n movement. I t s h o u l d a l s o be noted t h a t b u r e a u c r a t i c a g r a r i a n i s m re-appeared i n t h e l a t e 1920s when t h e r u r a l community e x p e r i -enced t h e s e h a r d s h i p s . F o r example, government c i v i l s e r v a n t s p r e s s e d f o r r u r a l r e l i e f , and n a t i o n a l e t h i c s t e x t b o o k s r e c o g -n i z e d a g r i c u l t u r e as an i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e o f c i v i c v i r t u e . F u r t h e r , b u r e a u c r a t i c nohonshugi, l i k e p o p u l a r a g r a r i a n 59 t h o u g h t , s u p p o r t e d o v e r s e a s c o l o n i z a t i o n . 94 Gondo S e i k y o As the above d i s c u s s i o n has l o c a t e d the development o f nohonshugi w i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f Japanese s o c i e t y up to the e a r l y 1930s, a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n o f p r o b a b l y the best -known a g r a r i a n i s t o f the 1930s, Gondo S;eikyo, i s i n o r d e r , f o r h i s thought compares i n many r e s p e c t s w i t h t h a t o f Takamure. Gondo has been d e s c r i b e d as a " p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h e r " who was 60 a l s o an " a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t . " Another h i s t o r i a n p o i n t s out t h a t Gondo . . . f e l t t h a t Japan had been founded on the s p i r i t o f autonomous l i v i n g [and] . . . the s m a l l -s c a l e g r o u p i n g s o f s o c i e t y i n p r i m i t i v e t imes were the o n l y n a t u r a l and d e s i r a b l e o n e s ; . . . h i s w r i t i n g s show a p ro found d i s t r u s t o f b i g government and b i g army.61 Maruyama Masao c o n c u r s w i t h the above v i e w p o i n t s i n h i s comment: •". . . [Gondo] upholds the c o n c e p t i o n o f the 'commu-n i t y ' (shashoku) a g a i n s t the ' n a t i o n ' ( k u n i ) . One f e e l s t h a t 62 t h e r e i s even a t i n g e o f a g r a r i a n anarch ism h e r e . " The i s s u e of shashoku i s e s p e c i a l l y impor tan t as i t i s one of the e s s e n t i a l customs (se izoku) Gondo thought was n e c e s s a r y i n o r d e r f o r Japanese s o c i e t y to t r a n s f o r m i t s e l f . In Gondo 's a p p r o a c h , the f o l l o w i n g two s o c i a l e lements had to resume n a t u r a l development i f s o c i e t y was to change: (1) shashoku , which he d e f i n e d as the Japanese p e o p l e c o l l e c -t i v e l y o r g a n i z e d i n t o s e l f - g o v e r n i n g u n i t s beneath the 6 3 I m p e r i a l t h r o n e , and (2) j i c h i ( s e l f - r u l e ) . Some o f the n e c e s s a r y s t e p s r e q u i r e d to a t t a i n (1) were to depend on the goodness o f the e a r t h , and to promote harmony among men, which 64 resembled C o n f u c i a n a g r a r i a n i s m i n some r e s p e c t s , though h i s a s s e r t i o n t h a t the Japanese v e r s i o n had been d e c r e e d by Amaterasu , the Sun Goddess , s e t h i s approach a p a r t . ^ The v i t a l p a r t o f Gondo 1 s p l a n f o r s o c i e t y was found i n h i s concep t o f k o k u t a i ( n a t i o n a l e s s e n c e ) , which he c o n -s i d e r e d i n t r i n s i c to the Japanese p e o p l e as a n a t i o n a l g r o u p . The n a t i o n a l essence was i n h e r e n t i n the Japanese r u r a l economy, t h e i r system o f s e l f - r u l e , t h e i r s o c i e t y , as w e l l as t h e i r Emperor , who r u l e d j o i n t l y i n c o - o p e r a t i o n w i t h the p e o p l e t h e m s e l v e s . ^ Takamure V e r s u s Gondo In Takamure 1 s view o f the emerging Japanese s o c i e t y ( d e s c r i b e d i n Chapte rs 3 and 4 ) , s e v e r a l o f her p o i n t s resemble those o f Gondo. F o r example , she too b e l i e v e d i n a s o c i e t y a r ranged i n n a t u r a l , s m a l l - s c a l e g r o u p i n g s , and s e l f -government based on a g r i c u l t u r e , which promoted harmonious r e l a t i o n s . L i k e Gondo, Takamure d i s t r u s t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s such as government , the m i l i t a r y , and b u r e a u c r a c y . U n l i k e Gondo, she d i d not p l a c e g r e a t impor tance on the n a t i o n a l e s s e n c e which u n i t e d p e o p l e th rough t h e i r j o i n t r u l e w i t h the Emperor . One does not f i n d any. s p e c i f i c ment ion o f the Emperor i n T a k a -mure 1 s works o f the 1920s which have been examined. R a t h e r , she t r i e d to r e - e v a l u a t e women's n a t u r a l i n s t i n c t s l i k e b o s e i and t h e i r r o l e i n an a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y f r e e from b u r e a u c r a t i c 96 c o n t r o l . By the 1930s i t seems t h a t I t s u e g r a d u a l l y became more aware o f the Emperor c o n c e p t i n her d e v e l o p i n g b e l i e f i n S h i n t o . Both o f these a reas w i l l be examined l a t e r i n t h i s c h a p t e r . I f one a p p l i e s Thomas Havens' t e r m i n o l o g y o f the two i d e o l o g i c a l streams o f n a t i o n a l i s t thought to the v i e w p o i n t s o f Takamure and Gondo, bo th seem to f i t h i s d e f i n i t i o n o f k o k u m i n s h u g i , an e t h n i c o r c u l t u r a l n a t i o n a l i s m which s t r e s s e s p r imary a f f i n i t i e s f o r the Japanese as a p e o p l e . T h e i r demand f o r removal o f government s t r u c t u r e was i n keep ing w i t h t h e i r p r i o r i t i e s o f freedom f o r the p e o p l e . As Havens p o i n t e d o u t , kokuminshugi and k o k k a s h u g i , d e f i n e d as n a t i o n a l i s m f o c u s e d on 'the s t a t e , were never f u n c t i o n a l l y e q u a l , nor were they e n t i r e l y d i s t i n c t . T h u s , c e r t a i n a s p e c t s of kokkashug i c o u l d a l s o be a p p l i e d to the v iews of Gondo. F o r example, he s t r e s s e d b e l i e f i n the n a t i o n a l essence a l t h o u g h he r e j e c t e d 6 7 the government o f the Japanese s t a t e . As Havens c o n c i s e l y s t a t e s , Gondo . . . c o n s t r u e d a c r i t i q u e o f modern c e n t r a l i z e d r u l e , c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n , and urban l i f e which both r e j e c t e d the main t r e n d s o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n and r e a f f i r m e d the Japanese n a t i o n and k o k u t a i . 6 8 I t was p r o b a b l y t h i s c o m b i n a t i o n o f t u r n i n g away from modern-i z a t i o n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h W e s t e r n i z a t i o n , Md] r e S a f f i r m i n g the n a t i o n a l e s s e n c e , which caused s o c i a l a c t i v i s t s l i k e Ishikawa S a n s h i r o , who i s s a i d to have f a m i l i a r i z e d Takamure w i t h — — 69 European a n a r c h i s m , to t u r n t o the nohonshugi o f Gondo. I to Ryoko presumes t h a t s i m i l a r f a c t o r s , t h a t i s , the d e n i a l 97 o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n and an emphasis on the supremacy o f the Japanese c u l t u r e , i n d i c a t e how Takamure a f f i r m e d the n a t i o n a l 70 essence d u r i n g the wart ime y e a r s . T h i s l i n e o f thought w i l l be extended i n the l a s t s e c t i o n o f t h i s c h a p t e r . P a r t Three f i r s t d e f i n e d nohonshugi as an i d e o l o g y which i n c l u d e d a s p e c t s of S h i n t o and r u r a l v a l u e s , and then examined the development o f such a g r a r i a n thought through the 1930s, when i t reached i t s peak. The thought o f we l l -known a g r a r i a n i s t Gondo S e i k y o was c o n s i d e r e d w i t h p a r t i c u l a r r e f e r e n c e t o h i s concept o f the n a t i o n a l e s s e n c e . H i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f k o k u t a i emphasized a r u r a l economy based on s e l f - r u l e w i t h c o - o p e r a t i o n between the peop le and the Emperor . The thoughts o f Takamure and Gondo agreed i n s e v -e r a l r e s p e c t s , f o r example , i n t h e i r d e s i r e f o r an a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y a r ranged i n s m a l l - s c a l e g r o u p i n g s , and t h e i r d i s t r u s t o f i n s t i t u t i o n s such as government and the m i l i t a r y . Gondo emphasized the r o l e o f the Emperor i n the n a t i o n a l e s s e n c e , w h i l e Takamure f o c u s e d on a r e - e v a l u a t i o n of women's r o l e i n a n o n - b u r e a u c r a t i c s o c i e t y . F i n a l l y , Thomas Havens' t e r m i n o l o g y o f the two i d e o l o g i c a l streams o f n a t i o n a l i s t thought was a p p l i e d to the v i e w p o i n t s o f Takamure and Gondo. As both o f them d e n i e d the n e c e s s i t y o f government s t r u c t u r e and demanded the p e o p l e ' s f reedom, the v iews o f Takamure and Gondo seemed c l o s e r to k o k u m i n s h u g i , which f o c u s e d on a f f i n -i t y w i t h the p e o p l e , than t o k o k k a s h u g i , which f o c u s e d on the s t a t e . 98 Whi le the Emperor p l a y e d an impor tan t r o l e i n Gondo 's scheme to r e a f f i r m the Japanese n a t i o n , I t s u e was not a t r u e s u p p o r t e r o f the Emperor and d i d not i n c l u d e him i n her p l a n f o r a new s o c i e t y . When I t s u e ' s y e a r s of a n a r c h i s t a c t i v i s m came to a c l o s e w i t h the l a s t i s s u e of F u j i n sensen i n June 1931, she embarked on a p i o n e e r i n g - e f f o r t o f t h i r t y y e a r s ' r e s e a r c h i n t o Japanese women's h i s t o r y which was p a r t i a l l y i n s p i r e d by the S h i n t o s c h o l a r M o t o o r i N o r i n a g a (1730-1801). The l a s t s e c t i o n o f t h i s c h a p t e r w i l l touch on the minor r o l e o f the Emperor i n the development o f I t s u e ' s S h i n t o thought from the 1930s to the e a r l y 1940s. P a r t F o u r : I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the  Emperor and S h i n t o Thought Concept o f the Emperor At p r e s e n t , o n l y t e n t a t i v e c o n c l u s i o n s can be reached on Takamure 1 s concep t o f the Emperor because o f the f ragmen-t a r y n a t u r e o f the source m a t e r i a l . One t h e o r y i s p r e s e n t e d by I to Ryoko, who r e c o g n i z e s Da i Nihon j o s e i j i n m e i j i s h o (The u n a b r i d g e d b i o g r a p h i c a l d i c t i o n a r y o f Japanese women; 1936) and B o k e i s e i no kenkyu (1938) as p a r t o f I t s u e ' s c o n -t r i b u t i o n t o women's h i s t o r y . I to contends t h a t the bases o f her women's h i s t o r i c a l r e s e a r c h , t h a t i s , a s t r o n g d e n i a l o f Western modern i ty and an emphasis on the supremacy o f Japanese c u l t u r e , bo th suppor ted Takamure 's wart ime a t t i t u d e s ( s e n j i t a i s e i ) . The i m p l i c a t i o n i s t h a t , i f I t s u e f a v o u r e d the war , she a l s o a f f i r m e d the n a t i o n a l essence o f J a p a n , which was f o c u s e d on the Emperor . A t t h i s s tage o f r e s e a r c h , both a s p e c t s o f t h i s p o s i t i o n are s t i l l too t e n t a t i v e to be a c c e p t e d . Sugada Masaaki takes a more d i r e c t s t a n c e on the r o l e t h a t the n a t i o n a l essence p l a y e d i n I t s u e ' s thought by r e c o g n i z i n g " . . . th rough the r o o t s of Takamure 1 s thought c o n t i n u a l l y ran [a s t ream of ] Emperor -sys tem c o n s c i o u s n e s s . " But he argues t h a t . . . w h i l e the d i s s e n s i o n of such c o n s c i o u s n e s s [was] d e e p l y h idden i n a f o l d o f her m i n d , T a k a -mure d i d not become a t r u e s u p p o r t e r o f the Imper-i a l system ( t e n n o s e i s h u g i s h a n i n a r a n a k a t t a ) . Rather than a f f i r m Takamure 1 s u l t r a - n a t i o n a l i s m , Sugada c o n c u r s w i t h Kano Masanao 's v iew t h a t much o f the b a s i s f o r her r e s e a r c h emerged from her "deep fondness f o r ' t h e l a n d o f • 72 — — the g o d s ' " ( "sh inkoku" s h i b o ) . Kano Masanao 's a s s o c i a t i o n o f "the l a n d o f the gods" w i t h S h i n t o , the way of the g o d s , i s q u i t e o b v i o u s . Kano M i k i y o s u p p o r t s t h i s v iew when he s t a t e s t h a t by the t ime Takamure began her new d e p a r t u r e as a r e s e a r c h e r i n 1931 " . . . her i n c l i n a t i o n towards S h i n t o . . . was a l r e a d y d e c i d e d , " add ing t h a t t h e r e was l i t t l e t i n t o f any " h i s t o r i c a l v iew of the Emperor (kokoku shikan) i n I t s u e ' s thought-?/ - One i s prone to a s k : how was Takamure," a b l e to adopt v a l u e s o f S h i n t o , such as b e l i e f i n a g r a r i a n i s m and n a t u r e , w i thou t a l s o a d o p t i n g the eoncept o f the Emperor who r u l e d o v e r the l a n d o f the gods? 100 I n f l u e n c e o f M o t o o r i N o r i n a g a Much o f the answer can be found i n I t s u e ' s d e c i s i o n to b e g i n her r e s e a r c h w i t h K o j i k i d e n (Commentary on the K o j i k i ) , 74 w r i t t e n by M o t o o r i N o r i n a g a . In her a u t o b i o g r a p h y , T a k a -mure e x p l a i n e d : I began by c o n s i d e r i n g the Koj i k i d e n because f o r many y e a r s I had been c a u t i o u s o f the Japanese c l a s s i c a l s c h o l a r s ' v iew o f women's h i s t o r y . Another reason was the s c h o l a r s ' o p p o s i t i o n to C o n f u c i a n i s m and Buddhism, which l e d to the s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n [they gave] to Japanese c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s (Nihon no t o k u s h u s e i ) . S p e c i a l f e a t u r e s [of M o t o o r i ' s r e s e a r c h ] were c o n t r a s t i n g the male l i n e ( fuke i ) o f C h i n a w i t h the female l i n e (bokei) o f J a p a n , and h i s d i s c o v e r y o f the e x i s t e n c e o f v i r i l o c a l mar r iage (yometorikon) [ there] i n oppo-s i t i o n to u x o r i l o c a l mar r i age (mukotorikon) [ h e r e ] . Of c o u r s e . . . such a f ragmentary view w i thou t a h i s t o r i c a l system was . . . i n c o n s i s t e n t ; a t any r a t e , I thought t h a t through r e s e a r c h I would t r y to g r a s p h o l d [of the above i s s u e s ] . ^ 5 The l i n k between Takamure's- b e l i e f i n Japanese c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which were embodied.' i n S h i n t o and her deep i n t e r e s t i n r e -d e f i n i n g women's c o n t r i b u t i o n s to h i s t o r y i s e v i d e n t i n her above e x p l a n a t i o n . She r e j e c t e d f o r e i g n thought and t u r n e d to i n d i g e n o u s Japanese s o u r c e s , which i n d i c a t e d t h a t women had once o c c u p i e d a more predominant p o s i t i o n i n s o c i e t y w i t h the e x i s t e n c e o f u x o r i l o c a l m a r r i a g e . T h i s d i s c o v e r y c o n -t r i b u t e d to her growing i n t e r e s t i n women's h i s t o r y and her d e c i s i o n to i n i t i a t e her r e s e a r c h w i t h M o t o o r i ' s Koj i k i d e n . Kano M i k i y o p o i n t s out t h a t I t s u e had a r r i v e d a t her d e c i s i o n t o s tudy Koj i k i d e n as the s t a r t i n g p o i n t o f her r e -s e a r c h over an extended p e r i o d . Even as Takamure was a c t i v e 101 with the publishing of Fujin sensen, she wrote "Nihon j o s e i -ron" (A theory on Japanese women) i n the May 1930 edition of Fujo shimbun, which demonstrated great i n t e r e s t i n the type 7 6 of world described i n Koj i k i . Takamure 1s autobiography indicates that her research focus may have been decided even e a r l i e r : In my 1930 New Year's card, for the f i r s t time I announced a plan for a three-part women's theory . . . a theory on women, a theory on love, and the history of Japanese women. At that time I was t h i r t y - s i x years old.77 At f i r s t she estimated that i t would take.ten years to complete her project, but she soon re a l i z e d that t h i r t y years would be a more r e a l i s t i c goal. Murakami suggests that Itsue revised her schedule aft e r discovering that Motoori had spent 78 t h i r t y - f i v e years on his commentary. Itsue also re-defined her plan by l i m i t i n g i t to . . . Japanese women's history. To be exact, the focus of [my] research was to estab l i s h a women's s c i e n t i f i c view of history (josei shigaku), using Japanese history as the raw material.'^ One of the f i r s t works Itsue produced as part of t h i s new focus was Bokeisei no kenkyu, i n which i'she're-discovered the existence of a woman-centred society which had continued to 8 0 approximately the Taika period (645). This work has been 81 described as "a milestone for the freedom of women," and 8 2 "a new study of the Japanese c l a s s i c s " (shin kokugaku). Motoori played an important role i n Itsue's research on the matriarchal system. Not only did Motoori serve as a source of i n s p i r a t i o n because of the long years he had 102 l a b o u r e d to complete h i s r e s e a r c h g o a l , but he a l s o had c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e on I t s u e ' s r e s e a r c h methods. M o t o o r i r e j e c t e d the karagokoro (Confuc ian i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ) o f what was w r i t t e n i n the K o j i k i , and l i s t e n e d to the tones o f the k a t a r i b e , who were employed by the Yamato I m p e r i a l c o u r t (310-710) on c e r e m o n i a l o c c a s i o n s , to r e c i t e " i n d i g e n o u s " f o l k l o r e and accounts o f a n c i e n t e v e n t s . Takamure i n t u r n i n t e r p r e t e d karagokoro as a l l non-Japanese t h o u g h t , i n c l u d i n g "modern Western r a t i o n a l i s m and Marxism" and r e j e c t e d i t 83 a c c o r d i n g l y . She l e a r n e d from M o t o o r i t h a t many o f the k a t a r i b e (beg inn ing w i t h H i e d a - n o - a r e ) i n the Koj i k i were 84 f e m a l e . M o t o o r i a l s o p o i n t e d out t h a t Amaterasu , the Sun G o d d e s s , was supreme among a l l the Japanese d e i t i e s , which was the p o s i t i o n I t s u e had taken i n R e n ' a i s o s e i . Takamure 1 s r e s p e c t f o r the Japanese v a l u e system grew, as d i d her i n t e r e s t i n the r o l e women o c c u p i e d i n a n c i e n t t i m e s . Perhaps what appea led most to I t sue about M o t o o r i 1 s work was h i s v iew o f human n a t u r e , which was v e r y s i m i l a r to h e r s . M o t o o r i urged f r e e e x p r e s s i o n o f a l l human emotions because they were n a t u r a l , and f u r t h e r argued t h a t l o v e h e l d 8 5 a s u p e r i o r p o s i t i o n among the range o f human f e e l i n g s . Takamure 1 s v i e w p o i n t c o n c u r r e d c o m p l e t e l y . I t s u e ' s r e s p e c t f o r n a t u r a l v a l u e s and human e m o t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y l o v e , appeared i n her e a r l i e s t work. Her c o n c e p t o f s h i z e n k y o ( l i t e r a l l y , " t e n e t s o f na ture" ) seems b e s t to d e s c r i b e her p e r c e p t i o n o f Japanese s o c i e t y . I t s u e e n v i s i o n e d 103 a s o c i e t y which a c c e p t e d women as women and r e c o g n i z e d them as the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f n a t u r e which s h o u l d be r e s p e c t e d a c c o r d i n g l y . She e x p r e s s e d these v iews on s o c i e t y i n Chugai n ippo ( N a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l news) i n a November 1931 a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Sh izenkyo h a s s e i no k i u n " (Oppor tun i ty f o r 8 6 the c r e a t i o n o f n a t u r a l t e n e t s ) . .•. Throughout her c a r e e r , r e g a r d l e s s o f how a n a l y t i c a l she became, I t s u e always t r e a t e d i s s u e s r e l a t e d to l o v e w i t h h i g h r e g a r d . As ment ioned i n Chapter 4 , she opposed a s o c i e t y t h a t v a l u e d p u b l i c mat te rs over p r i v a t e m a t t e r s . In her s e a r c h f o r a f o c u s to b e g i n her l i f e t i m e r e s e a r c h , she t u r n e d t o such Tokugawa t h i n k e r s as M o t o o r i N o r i n a g a , and H i r a g a Gennai (1726-1779) who was known as a w r i t e r and a 87 •-•>-b o t a n i s t . They too believed' S h i n t o was e a s i l y unders tood as "the b e g i n n i n g " (genshi) o r "na tu re" ( s h i z e n ) . I t s u e d e s c r i b e d H i r a g a and M o t o o r i as " S h i n t o i s t s . . . [who] were ex t remely f r e e t h i n k e r s , and thought a r t i f i c i a l mora ls were . . . s a c r i l e g e . I t s u e a l s o d i s c o v e r e d the f r e e l o v e t h e o r y o f Masuho — 89 Zanko, as ment ioned i n Chapter 2. A c c o r d i n g to Takamure, Masuho 's l i t e r a r y work o f 1711 on f r e e l o v e c o u l d be compared to the most p r o g r e s s i v e l o v e o f her e r a . Masuho emphasized the " r i g h t f u l n e s s o f n a t u r a l l o v e " and the n e g a t i v e e f f e c t s o f c o n v e n t i o n a l l o v e . He b e l i e v e d t h a t l o v e and women were s a n c t i f i e d , and s h o u l d both be r e s p e c t e d as s u c h : " . . . e q u a l i t y between the sexes was the r i g h t pa th f o r J a p a n , the 104 l a n d o f the g o d s , to f o l l o w . " I t sue suppor ted views l i k e those o f Masuho, which r e l a t e d e q u a l i t y f o r women to such S h i n t o c o n c e p t s : I t i s not n e c e s s a r y f o r us to envy the West i n d i s -c r i m i n a t e l y . I f one r e s e a r c h e s Japan i t s e l f , the road to freedom can be found.^0 A b r i e f examina t ion o f two o f I t s u e ' s a r t i c l e s from 1934 and 1944 i n d i c a t e s t h a t her c o n n e c t i o n between S h i n t o v a l u e s and the image o f women grew s t r o n g e r over the y e a r s . In an August 1934 a r t i c l e c a l l e d "Gekka n i — s h i , shukyo , sono hoka o omou" (In the m o o n l i g h t , t h i n k i n g about d e a t h , ., r e l i g i o n , and o t h e r t h i n g s ) , Takamure made these comments about S h i n t o : There a re no d o c t r i n e s (kyogi) i n S h i n t o , but i n s t e a d t h e r e i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g ( e t o k u ) , t h a t i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f l i f e , i n o t h e r words s u b j e c t i v -i t y towards l i f e . . . . S h i n t o b e l i e v e s to the utmost i n i m m o r t a l i t y ( e i s e i ) , i n the t r a d i t i o n of the p r i m e v a l spirit .^"-*-W i t h i n the next decade I t s u e seemed to draw more p a r a l l e l s between the s p i r i t and u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f l i f e w i t h i n S h i n t o and the l i f e - g i v i n g , a lmost s p i r i t u a l r o l e o f women as mo t h e rs . In an August 1944 magazine a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Kamigokoro" ( l i t e r a l l y , "the h e a r t o f g o d s " ) , I t sue s t a t e d : In a word , the f o u n d a t i o n o f womanhood i n a n c i e n t t imes was hahagokoro ("the h e a r t o f mothers") . . . which i s now synonymous w i t h kamigokoro.92 The above-ment ioned two a r t i c l e s a l s o r e f l e c t the essence o f Takamure 1 s journey through h i s t o r y to prove t h a t Japanese women had not always been o p p r e s s e d . B e g i n n i n g w i t h the Koj i k i d e n , I t s u e t h o r o u g h l y examined v i r t u a l l y a l l the 105 e x i s t i n g h i s t o r i c a l and l i t e r a r y works to e s t a b l i s h a f o u n d a -t i o n f o r her own r e s e a r c h . I t i s impor tan t to note Sugada 's comment r e g a r d i n g I t s u e ' s r e s e a r c h on the Japanese c l a s s i c s : Takamure was not t a i n t e d w i t h narrow-minded E m p e r o r - c e n t r e d thought l i k e o t h e r c l a s s i c a l s c h o l a r s who f o l l o w e d the s c h o l a s t i c t e a c h i n g s o f M o t o o r i N o r i n a g a . T h i s was p a r t i a l l y because Takamure was a woman, and p a r t i a l l y due to her c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n between the l a t e r h i s t o r i c a l Emperor system and . . . the Emperor o f the age o f the gods (kamiyo no t e n n o ) . ^ 3 As a female l i v i n g i n a m a l e - c o n t r o l l e d b u r e a u c r a t i c s o c i e t y , I t s u e b e l i e v e d t h a t s tudy of the c l a s s i c s was an impor tan t i n i t i a l s t e p t o d i s c o v e r what women's p o s i t i o n had been i n a n c i e n t s o c i e t y . D i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h the s o c i e t y o f her e r a , Takamure devoted the next t h r e e decades o f her l i f e to show h i s t o r i c a l l y t h a t women had once en joyed g r e a t power and r e s p e c t , and had the p o t e n t i a l to a c h i e v e such a p o s i t i o n a g a i n . She c o n c e i v e d o f a new a g r a r i a n , s e l f - g o v e r n i n g s o c i e t y i n which men and women shared the l a b o u r and en joyed e q u a l r e s p e c t . As d e s i r a b l e as her model s o c i e t y o f the f u t u r e may have seemed, one must r e c o g n i z e i t as an i d e a l . One presumes t h a t Takamure a l s o r e a l i z e d t h a t the s o c i e t y she e n v i s i o n e d was an i d e a l . N o n e t h e l e s s , she spent the r e s t o f her l i f e i n s e c l u s i o n u n c o v e r i n g e v i d e n c e which would demon-s t r a t e the l o n g h i s t o r y o f women's o p p r e s s i o n . Her p r o l i f i c c a r e e r i n c l u d e d such works as B o k e i s e i no kenkyu (1938), S h o s e i k o n no kenkyu (Research on u x o r i l o c a l m a r r i a g e ; 1953) , and the f o u r - v o l u m e work J o s e i no r e k i s h i (The h i s t o r y o f women; 1954-58) . One can o n l y hope t h a t these r i c h 106 c o n t r i b u t i o n s to Japanese h i s t o r y w i l l c o n t i n u e to be " r e -d i s c o v e r e d " a l o n g w i t h so many o t h e r o f Takamure 1 s e a r l i e r works . By some u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the development o f I t s u e 1 s thought from the f i r s t h a l f o f her l i f e , one can b e t t e r comprehend her d e c i s i o n to devote the l a t t e r h a l f o f her l i f e to the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the groundwork f o r women's h i s t o r y . The l a s t s e c t i o n o f t h i s c h a p t e r b r i e f l y d i s c u s s e d the r o l e o f the Emperor i n I t s u e ' s S h i n t o t h o u g h t . I to R y o k o 1 s t h e o r y i m p l i e d t h a t Takamure a f f i r m e d the n a t i o n a l e s s e n c e ; t h i s i s s t i l l a t e n t a t i v e c o n c l u s i o n . Sugada argued t h a t I t s u e knew the Emperor system but not t o the e x t e n t t h a t she t r u l y s u p p o r t e d the system and i t s p o l i c i e s . E lements of S h i n t o , l i k e an a f f i n i t y w i t h n a t u r e and b e l i e f i n a g r a r i a n -i s m , were c o n s t a n t t h r e a d s throughout I t s u e ' s works . Through her d i s c o v e r y o f the works o f M o t o o r i N o r i n a g a and Masuho Zanko, f o r example , she l e a r n e d t h a t they shared s i m i l a r v iews o f human n a t u r e , e s p e c i a l l y the impor tance o f l o v e . Moreover , M o t o o r i 1 s K o j i k i d e n se rved as an i n i t i a l gu ide to B o k e i s e i no kenkyu , one o f I t s u e ' s e a r l i e s t works i n her t h i r t y y e a r s o f r e s e a r c h to uncover the h i s t o r y o f women's o p p r e s s i o n . Some o f the above i s s u e s w i l l be expanded on i n the c o n c l u d i n g c h a p t e r . CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION This thesis has attempted to demonstrate that the development of Takamure 1s anarchistic thought was s i g n i f i c a n t i n two respects. F i r s t , i t i s esse n t i a l to comprehend the bases of Itsue's e a r l i e r thought which l a i d the foundation for her l a t e r research on Japanese marriage and women's history. Her early r e j e c t i o n of i n s t i t u t i o n s such as marriage and male-controlled bureaucracy contributed to her l a t e r decision to prove, with reference to history, how such systems had b u i l t the framework for women'suppression. Secondly, by examining Itsue's anarchistic thought and a c t i v -i t i e s within the context of her era, available sources have provided the i n i t i a l groundwork for placing her contributions within the flow of modern Japanese history. Takamure did not l i v e i n a h i s t o r i c a l vacuum. Through contact with peers and adversaries, such as Hiratsuka Raich6 and Yamakawa Kikue, respectively, Itsue dealt with important p o l i t i c a l and socio-economic issues of her era l i k e women's suffrage and the 1920s anarchist movement. It i s important to place her role within the context of the contributions made by other female a c t i v i s t s of the late-Taisho to early-Showa period, and moreover, withinitthe context of the l e f t i s t / 107 108 movement i n g e n e r a l . Dur ing the f i r s t h a l f o f the 1920s Takamure had ga ined r e c o g n i t i o n as a poet and deve loped her f o u r - s t a g e t h e o r y o f women's movements. But even today her p o e t r y i n p a r t i c u l a r i s u s u a l l y n e g l e c t e d by s c h o l a r s . I t too i s an impor tan t r e s e a r c h a r e a , as she e x p r e s s e d her v iews on such mat te rs as l o v e , n a t u r e , and freedom i n her poems as w e l l as i n her a r t i c l e s . By the mid-192Os, Takamure had r e j e c t e d the Western s tage o f women's movements and advocated a Japanese model o f "New Feminism" which emphasized freedom e s p e c i a l l y f o r women. I t s u e urged the a b o l i t i o n o f o m i a i , which emphasized the u n i t y o f the c o u p l e ' s f a m i l i e s . I n s t e a d , she s t r e s s e d the importance o f r e n ' a i , which f o c u s e d on the c o u p l e ' s r e l a -t i o n s h i p . W i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f New Femin ism, the u l t i m a t e l o v e c o u l d be a t t a i n e d a c c o r d i n g to the e m o t i o n a l , p h y s i c a l , and s p i r i t u a l u n i t y o f male and fema le . Takamure a l s o advocated the e l i m i n a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m which was c o n t r o l l e d by the ma le -c e n t r e d b u r e a u c r a c y . The b u r e a u c r a c y d e f i n e d the l i m i t s f o r both concepts of f r e e l o v e and b e a u t y , c o n c e p t s which I t s u e ' s a n a r c h i s t i c thought emphasized . Takamure argued t h a t the modern view o f beauty was c i t y - c e n t r e d a c c o r d i n g to Western c r i t e r i a , and f o c u s e d on wea l th and power w i t h the b u r e a u c r a c y i n c o n t r o l . She r e j e c t e d t h i s c i t y - c e n t r e d concep t o f beauty and urged movement towards what she termed an " A s i a n s e l f -109 g o v e r n i n g s o c i e t y " which f o c u s e d on the c o u n t r y s i d e . The s o c i e t y she e n v i s i o n e d emphasized harmony w i t h n a t u r e , mutual c o - o p e r a t i o n , and men and women s h a r i n g i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f the e s s e n t i a l s o f l i f e . I t s u e u t i l i z e d her 1928 debate w i th M a r x i s t Yamakawa K ikue as a forum to express the a n a r c h i s t v i e w p o i n t , which she had deve loped on such i s s u e s as b u r e a u c r a t i c c o n t r o l and urban v e r s u s a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y . Takamure and Yamakawa c o u l d not have e x p r e s s e d more c o n f l i c t i n g v i e w p o i n t s . F o r example, I t s u e c o n t i n u e d to expresslfethe impor tance o f f r e e l o v e w i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f the emerging r u r a l s e l f - g o v e r n i n g s o c i e t y . Yamakawa, on the o t h e r hand, gave o n l y a p e r i p h e r a l r o l e to l o v e , and argued t h a t i f women were to a c q u i r e freedom i n l o v e , i t c o u l d o n l y be a t t a i n e d i n the p o s t - r e v o l u t i o n a r y M a r x i s t s o c i e t y - . Another i l l u s t r a t i o n o f the c o n t r a s t i n g v i e w p o i n t s o f Takamure and Yamakawa i s t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n of f u t u r e s o c i e t y . Takamure argued t h a t the c o u n t r y s i d e would come to the f o r e by the end o f t h i s c e n t u r y ; i n c r e a s i n g urban l a b o u r s t r i f e s i g n i f i e d the d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f the c i t i e s . Wi th s e l f - g o v e r n -ment the fa rmers would a b o l i s h a l l laws and systems of i n h e r i t a n c e , f a m i l y , and m a r r i a g e , and c r e a t e an e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t y i n which men and women would be f r e e from b u r e a u c r a t i c o p p r e s s i o n . Yamakawa p r e s e n t e d q u i t e a d i f f e r e n t v iew o f the f u t u r e . In her t e r m s , through the e v o l u t i o n a r y p r o c e s s , s o c i e t y n e c e s s a r i l y p r o g r e s s e d from a "power fu l c a p i t a l i s t i c 110 s o c i e t y " to a "power fu l communist s o c i e t y " w i t h p r o d u c t i o n as i t s g o a l . A l t h o u g h I t s u e used her debate w i t h Yamakawa t o c l a r i f y her a n a r c h i s t i c s t a n c e , I t s u e had been exposed to a n a r c h i s t thought from a d o l e s c e n c e . She had more d i r e c t c o n t a c t w i t h a n a r c h i s t thought s e v e r a l y e a r s l a t e r through K e n z o ' s employer , Shimonaka Y a s a b u r o , one o f the founders of the F a r m e r s ' S e l f - G o v e r h m e n t A s s o c i a t i o n and the head o f H e i b o n s h a . As an a n a r c h i s t I t sue b e l i e v e d t h a t such i s s u e s as unequal laws and s u f f r a g e were problems o f a l l women, not o n l y p r o l e t a r i a n women o r b o u r g e o i s women. But Yamakawa K ikue f e l t t h a t v o t i n g i s s u e s were o f no c o n c e r n to p r o l e t a r -i a n women l i k e h e r s e l f . K ikue seems to have absorbed much o f her husband H i t o s h i ' s argument to d i s c a r d v o t i n g r i g h t s , which he f e l t was n e c e s s a r y t o c r e a t e a g u l f between the p r o l e t a r i a t and the d e m o c r a t s . By August 1922 he v a c i l l a t e d a g a i n , w i t h . a l l e g e d " g u i d a n c e " from the C o m i n t e r n , but the l e f t i s t s ' s u p p o r t o f the s u f f r a g e i s s u e came too l a t e . Takamure 's a t t i t u d e towards the 1920s s u f f r a g e i s s u e can a l s o be d e s c r i b e d as one o f " a m b i v a l e n c e . " In the e a r l y 1920s she r e j e c t e d women's p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , but w i t h i n a few y e a r s a s s o c i a t e d the a c q u i s i t i o n o f u n i v e r s a l manhood s u f f r a g e w i t h female s u f f r a g e . She then suppor ted what she c a l l e d the " a l l i a n c e f a c t i o n " o f the p r o l e t a r i a n p a r t i e s , as t h i s group was aware o f women's c o n s c i o u s n e s s . B u t , by the I l l l a t e 1920s, I t s u e urged women t o u n i t e i n a movement a g a i n s t p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s ; she soon r e a l i z e d her "m i s t a k e " and r e j e c t e d even t h e p r o l e t a r i a n p a r t i e s . By 1930 she r e j e c t e d a l l forms o f e s t a b l i s h e d government and advocated a s o c i e t y o f s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t . She was c o n v i n c e d t h a t women's n a t u r a l i n s t i n c t s l i k e b o s e i c o u l d be e q u a l l y r e s p e c t e d o n l y i n a s o c i e t y based on mutual a i d and freedom from b u r e a u c r a t i c o p p r e s s i o n . Takamure took t h e n e x t s t e p beyond th o u g h t t o a c t i o n t h r o u g h the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e P r o l e t a r i a n Women's A r t League and i t s monthly magazine F u j i n sensen i n March 1930. The p u b l i c a t i o n o f FS_ was a " t u r n i n g p o i n t " i n Takamure' s c a r e e r between h e r a c t i v i s t y e a r s as a f e m i n i s t t h e o r i s t -a n a r c h i s t and t h e l a t t e r h a l f o f her l i f e when she p i o n e e r e d such f i e l d s as Japanese women's h i s t o r y . T i e s between t h e PWAL and t h e Farmers' A r t League deepened I t s u e ' s awareness o f f a r m e r s ' i s s u e s , which had been i n i t i a t e d t h r o u g h h er contact, w i t h the Farmers' S e l f -G o v e r n i n g A s s o c i a t i o n . One i n d i c a t i o n o f t h i s l i n k was t h e f r e q u e n t f o c u s on urban v e r s u s r u r a l i s s u e s i n FS. S e v e r a l FS members b e s i d e s I t s u e a l s o d e s c r i b e d Tokyo i n d i s m a l terms, and advocated a r e t u r n t o t h e "concept o f t h e v i l l a g e " as t h e i d e o l o g y o f t h e i r a n a r c h i s m . A b r i e f comparison has been made between S e i t o and F u j i n sensen, as b o t h r e p r e s e n t e d t h e tho u g h t o f "new women" i n the T a i s h o and Showa p e r i o d s , r e s p e c t i v e l y . The former i s 112 u s u a l l y d e s c r i b e d as marking the b e g i n n i n g o f Japanese women's i n d i v i d u a l awakening, and the l a t t e r as the f i r s t s t e p i n women's s o c i a l awakening. Recent r e s e a r c h seems t o c h a l l e n g e t h i s b e l i e f by i n d i c a t i o n t h a t a t d i f f e r e n t s t a g e s i n t h e i r development bo th S e i t o and FS_ examined women's i s s u e s which e n t a i l e d a degree o f s o c i a l awareness , such as a b o r t i o n and a b o l i s h i n g the system o f l i c e n s e d p r o s t i t u t i o n . In the two decades between the p u b l i c a t i o n o f S e i t o and FS_, the s o c i a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f some women was r a i s e d to the p o i n t where r e j e c t i o n o f the s t a t u s quo s o c i e t y was t h e i r l a s t a l t e r n a t i v e . The c r u x o f the p r o b l e m , Takamure a r g u e d , l a y i n s o c i e t y ' s sharp d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between p u b l i c and p r i v a t e m a t t e r s . As l o n g as s o c i e t y d e v a l u e d the s p e c i a l t r a i t s o f women, such as pregnancy and b i r t h , and a p p r a i s e d women o n l y on t h e i r p u b l i c v a l u e , women's s t a t u s would remain f o r e v e r below t h a t o f m a l e s . The PWAL thus worked towards the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f assmore e q u i t a b l e s o c i e t y which would t r e a t p r i v a t e mat te rs o f women and men withianore r e s p e c t . A number o f h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l v i e w p o i n t s have been p r e s e n t e d to p l a c e e a r l i e r - r a i s e d i s s u e s i n p e r s p e c t i v e . Arguments from bo th streams o f thought w i t h r e g a r d to the a n a r c h i s t i c thought o f Takamure were d i s c u s s e d . Kano and H o r i b a e v a l u a t e d the 1928 Yamakawa-Takamure debate by p l a c i n g i t w i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f o t h e r i n t e l l e c t u a l c o n t r o v e r s i e s i n which I t s u e was i n v o l v e d i n the l a t e 1920s. Wi th l i t t l e a n a l y s i s , Kano and H o r i b a d i s m i s s e d a l l o f the c o n t r o v e r s i e s 1 1 3 as u n p r o d u c t i v e . On the o t h e r hand , Akiyama K i y o s h i f o c u s e d on I t s u e ' s debate w i th Yamakawa and o f f e r e d c o n s t r u c t i v e c r i t i c i s m of bo th p a r t i e s ' v i e w s . He sugges ted t h a t i f I t s u e and Kikue had expanded t h e i r arguments r e l a t e d to s e x u a l i s s u e s , more a u t h e n t i c i t y would have been added to t h e i r d e b a t e . F u r t h e r , Akiyama c r i t i c i z e d H i r a b a y a s h i T a i k o 1 s d u a l r o l e i n the debate as t h i r d p a r t y - e d i t o r , e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e she m i s i n t e r p r e t e d Takamure 's p o s i t i o n . I t s u e d i d not advocate t h a t women r e g r e s s to a f e u d a l i s t i c type o f l o v e , as H i r a b a y a s h i a r g u e d , but r a t h e r e v o l v e i n a s o c i e t y which r e c o g n i z e d the v a l u e o f f r e e l o v e . Akiyama s i m i l a r l y d e s c r i b e d the r o l e o f FS_ i n I t s u e ' s c a r e e r i n p o s i t i v e t e r m s , emphas iz ing t h a t I t s u e ' s work d u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d r e p r e s e n t e d the a n a r c h i s t t r a i n o f thought which r a n throughout her l i f e . T h e r e f o r e , he s t r o n g l y opposed K e n z o ' s o m i s s i o n o f I t s u e ' s a n a r c h i s t i c work from her c o l l e c -ted works i n the b e l i e f t h a t her c o n c e p t s ' w e r e . ' s t i l l ' : :•. *. I, '. underdeve loped a t t h a t p o i n t i n her c a r e e r . S e t o u c h i Harumi and Murakami Nobuhiko o f f e r e d c o n s i d e r a b l e e v i d e n c e t o i n d i -ca te t h a t Kenzo may have " o v e r l o o k e d " a reas o f Takamure 's work which d i d not f i t i n t o the a lmost g o d - l i k e image he had c r e a t e d o f h e r . S e v e r a l c o n t e m p o r a r i e s o f Kenzo and I t s u e have acknowledged the g r e a t c o n t r i b u t i o n t h e i r un ique r e l a -t i o n s h i p made to I t s u e ' s p r o l i f i c c a r e e r . I t i s u n f o r t u n a t e t h a t K e n z o ' s s u b j e c t i v e e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y on I t s u e ' s c o l l e c t e d 114 works has resulted i n a limi t e d presentation of the scope of Takamure1s thought. Unlike Akiyama, Kano and Horiba described the FS_ years in negative terms, just as they had Itsue's e a r l i e r debates, and claimed that she "did not r e a l i z e any development i n thought" i n either period. They neglected the following two important points: (1) FS served as a gestation period for much of Itsue's subsequent research on women, and (2) Itsue continued to develop her c r e a t i v i t y and writing a b i l i t y through involvement with FJ>. The above points indicate the , positiv e aspect of the FS years i n Itsue's i n t e l l e c t u a l development, rather than the reverse. A claim made by Kano and Horiba which can be interpeted i n a favourable sense was that several men l i k e Kenzo and Nobushima also supported FS. I think that i t i s important to note such male support of a feminist publication as i t shows the changing s o c i a l aware-ness of some women and men i n the early-Showa period. Another p o s i t i v e aspect of Kano's and Horiba's approach was th e i r description of Itsue's l a t e r response to the FS_ years. In Takamure's terms, her work at Fujin sensen was "anguish on the way to [my] own development," that i s , a necessary phase she had to undergo to develop the focus of her l i f e t i m e research. Kano and Horiba recognized i n h i s t o r -i c a l perspective that Itsue's role i n the early-Showa women's movements was "hard to erase," similar to Akiyama's descrip-tion of Itsue's anarchism as a " s o c i a l problem r e l a t i n g to women. " A second a rea which has v i r t u a l l y been e l i m i n a t e d from Takamure 1 s c o l l e c t e d works i s her, - thought d u r i n g the f i f t e e n -year war p e r i o d . Hiyama Yuk io contended t h a t her i d e o l o g i c a l c o n v e r s i o n was r e c o r d e d i n her 1940 work, J o s e i 2,600 n e n s h i , i n which she "changed" her i d e a s to s u p p o r t the m i l i t a r i z a t i o n o f J a p a n . There seems to be no e v i d e n c e to s u p p o r t H iyama's c l a i m . Nakayama A i k o c o n c u r r e d t h a t Takamure was not the type of p e r s o n to make a sudden 180-degree c o n v e r s i o n . Others w r i t e r s such as Kano M i k i y o p o i n t e d out I t s u e ' s somewhat ambiguous s t a n c e d u r i n g the wart ime y e a r s and c i t e d her c o n t r i b u t i o n s to F u j o shimbun from J u l y 1930 to 1942. There were i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t by 1932 she suppor ted the Manchu-r i a n Inc ident / febut s p e c i f i c grounds f o r her d e c i s i o n were not g i v e n . Moreover , t a k i n g a c l e a r s t a n c e on the Manchur ian i s s u e d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y de termine o n e ' s p o s i t i o n throughout the wart ime p e r i o d . As f u r t h e r s o u r c e s on I t s u e ' s p o s t u r e a re u n c o v e r e d , a more e x t e n s i v e a n a l y s i s o f her wart ime v iews can be made by h i s t o r i a n s . One p o i n t which i s c l e a r i s I t s u e ' s c o n t i n u i n g r o l e o f c r i t i c who s c r u t i n i z e d s o c i e t y from a woman's p o i n t o f v i ew . In s p i t e o f the e s c a l a t i o n o f government o p p r e s s i o n , an examina t ion o f a r t i c l e s w r i t t e n by Takamure i n 1932-and 1940 r e v e a l e d sharp c r i t i c i s m o f the Japanese m i l i t a r y ' s a c t i v i -t i e s i n M a n c h u r i a , e s p e c i a l l y o f t h e i r t rea tment o f l o c a l women and the Japanese p r o s t i t u t e s the m i l i t a r y had taken 116 w i t h them. There are two p o s s i b l e answers as t o why I t s u e was a l l o w e d to p u b l i s h a r t i c l e s t h a t c o n t a i n e d such "danger -ous t h o u g h t s . " Morosawa Yoko suggested t h a t the c e n s o r s p e r m i t t e d i t because Kenzo, more aware o f the chang ing s o c i a l c l i m a t e due t o h i s e x p e r i e n c e i n the p u b l i s h i n g b u s i n e s s , a d v i s e d I t s u e s k i l l f u l l y on j u s t what she c o u l d s a y . Another answer i s t h a t I t sue may have w r i t t e n some s o - c a l l e d " f a s c i s t i c " a r t i c l e s to p l a c a t e government a u t h o r i t i e s i n o r d e r t o c o n t i n u e p u b l i s h i n g her r e s e a r c h and c r i t i q u e s . T h i s i n t r i g u i n g concept o f i d e o l o g i c a l c o n v e r s i o n w i l l c o n t i n u e to c h a l l e n g e f u t u r e r e s e a r c h e r s f o r many y e a r s . Another a s p e c t o f I t s u e ' s thought d u r i n g the i n t e r w a r y e a r s was the p a r a l l e l drawn between the a g r a r i a n e lements o f her 1920s thought and the nohonshugi thought o f the 1930s. In p a r t i c u l a r , I t s u e ' s thought was compared w i t h t h a t o f Gondo S e i k y o i n r e g a r d to t h e i r s t r o n g b e l i e f i n v i l l a g e communalism and l o c a l s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t . A g r a r i a n thought grew more a c t i v e from the 1890s but reached i t s peak i n the 1930s. Over the span of i t s l i f e t i m e , the v a r i o u s e lements i n s o c i e t y who b e l i e v e d i n nohonshugi were l i n k e d by t h e i r c o n v i c t i o n t h a t a g r i c u l t u r e p l a y e d a key r o l e i n the u n i f i c a t i o n o f the c o u n t r y . Throughout the development o f a g r a r i a n thought t h e r e was an o v e r l a p o f v a l u e s , such as the v iew o f the c o u n t r y s i d e as the r e p o s i t o r y o f harmony and c o - o p e r a t i o n . Even as p o p u l a r a g r a r i a n i s m grew s t r o n g e r by the 1920s due to the 117 h e i g h t e n e d tenancy d i s p u t e s and t h e r i c e r i o t s o f 1918, l e a d e r s l i k e Mokota Hideo s t i l l sought t o c r e a t e a c l a s s l e s s a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y . B u r e a u c r a t i c a g r a r i a n i s m , w h i c h was a s s o -c i a t e d i n t h e 1890s w i t h r e s i s t a n c e t o Japanese m o d e r n i z a t i o n , re-emerged i n t h e l a t e 1920s i n an attempt t o i n s t i l l v a l u e s o f c i v i c v i r t u e t h r o u g h a g r i c u l t u r e . By t h e 1930s, nohon-s h u g i took on added i m p o r t a n c e t o even more p e o p l e a f f e c t e d by t h e d i s m a l economic environment and the complex f o r e i g n s i t u a t i o n . The above d i s c u s s i o n s e t t h e st a g e f o r the thought o f well-known a g r a r i a n i s t Gondo S e i k y o . He emphasized t h a t t h e Japanese p e o p l e had t o o r g a n i z e c o l l e c t i v e l y i n t o s e l f -g o v e r n i n g u n i t s below t h e I m p e r i a l t h r o n e and e s t a b l i s h s e l f -r u l e as decaseed by Amaterasu, t h e Sun Goddess, i f s o c i e t y was t o change. The key t o Gondo 1s p l a n was h i s concept o f t h e n a t i o n a l e s s e n c e , i n t r i n s i c t o t h e Japanese as a p e o p l e who r u l e d j o i n t l y w i t h t h e Emperor. Takamure had s e v e r a l p o i n t s i n common w i t h Gondo. They s h a r e d a b e l i e f i n a s o c i e t y o f n a t u r a l , s m a l l - s c a l e g r o u p i n g s , and s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t based on an a g r a r i a n l i f e s t y l e . I t s u e a l s o d i s t r u s t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s such as t h e government and the m i l i t a r y , b u t t h e Emperor d i d not occupy a major r o l e i n he r c o n c e p t o f f u t u r e s o c i e t y . R a t h e r , she c o n c e n t r a t e d on r e - e v a l u a t i n g women's n a t u r a l i n s t i n c t s and t h e i r r o l e i n a more e q u i t a b l e a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y . The views o f Gondo and Takamure can be r e l a t e d t o the con c e p t o f ko k u m i n s h u g i , as 118 they both m a i n t a i n e d t h e i r p r i o r i t y o f freedom f o r the p e o p l e , an impor tan t a s p e c t o f t h i s i d e a . I to Ryoko contended t h a t one a s p e c t o f I t s u e ' s r e s e a r c h on women's h i s t o r y such as her emphasis on the supremacy o f Japanese c u l t u r e was a c o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r to h e r s u p p o r t o f the P a c i f i c War. I t o ' s c o n t e n t i o n i m p l i e d t h a t I t s u e a f f i r m e d the n a t i o n a l essence as w e l l . F u r t h e r r e s e a r c h i s n e c e s s a r y b e f o r e her c l a i m can be a c c e p t e d . Sugada Masaaki and Kano Masanao argued t h a t Takamure had some c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f the Emperor system but " d i d not become a t r u e s u p p o r t e r o f the I m p e r i a l s y s t e m . " R a t h e r , they a s s o c i a t e d the b a s i s f o r her r e s e a r c h more c l o s e l y w i t h her tendency towards S h i n t o . T h i s tendency seems to have been p a r t o f a p r o c e s s which was i n t e n s i f i e d by her a c t i v i s t invo lvement i n the 1920s. I t s u e r e j e c t e d Western m o d e r n i z a -t i o n as w e l l as a s p e c t s o f m a l e - c o n t r o l l e d Japanese s o c i e t y such as government s t r u c t u r e which o p p r e s s e d women. By s e a r c h i n g i n her own c u l t u r e , Takamure i n c o r p o r a t e d S h i n t o v a l u e s , such as an a f f i n i t y w i t h n a t u r e and b e l i e f i n an a g r a r i a n l i f e s t y l e , i n t o her c o n c e p t o f a s o c i e t y which would r e s p e c t women and men e q u a l l y . U n s a t i s f i e d w i t h the v iews o f Japanese c l a s s i c a l s c h o l a r s on women's r o l e i n h i s t o r y , I t sue d e c i d e d t o devote the r e s t o f her l i f e to p i o n e e r the f i e l d o f women's h i s t o r y . The work o f M o t o o r i Nor inaga i n f l u e n c e d Takamure 's r e s e a r c h methods as he r e j e c t e d the C o n f u c i a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and emphasized the female r o l e i n the Koj i k i , 119 p o i n t s which I t sue expanded upon i n her own works . The above d i s c o v e r i e s were i n complete harmony w i t h Takamure 1 s view o f s o c i e t y , as were M o t o o r i 1 s emphasis on human e m o t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y l o v e , which he f e l t o c c u p i e d a s u p e r i o r p o s i t i o n i n the range of human f e e l i n g s . I t s u e a l s o d i s c o v e r e d the f r e e l o v e t h e o r y o f Masuho Zanko, who emphasized t h a t l o v e and women were s a n c t i f i e d and t h e r e f o r e s h o u l d bo th be r e s p e c t e d . F u r t h e r , he urged " e q u a l i t y between the sexes" i n J a p a n , " the l a n d o f the g o d s . " One can see t i n t s o f Masuho 1 s t h e o r y r e f l e c t e d i n I t s u e ' s a r t i c l e "Kamigokoro ," w r i t t e n i i n 1944, i n which she r e f e r r e d to hahagokoro as synonymous w i t h kamigokoro . Through the next t h i r t y y e a r s o f l a b o r i o u s r e s e a r c h , Takamure produced such monumental works as B o k e i s e i no kenkyu and J o s e i no r e k i s h i . Both works are r i c h h i s t o r i c a l s o u r c e s i n terms of women's h i s t o r y and p l a c i n g the e s t a b l i s h e d f i e l d o f Japanese h i s t o r y i n b roader p e r s p e c t i v e . But I b e l i e v e t h a t the f u l l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f Takamure 's c o n t r i b u t i o n s to Japanese h i s t o r y can be comprehended o n l y when one has s t u d i e d some o f her e a r l i e r t h o u g h t , e s p e c i a l l y her works o f the 1920s i n which she deve loped her v iews on Japanese femin ism and f u t u r e s o c i e t y . [pp. 1-8 o f t h i s t h e s i s ] CHAPTER 1 — NOTES George O. T c t t e n , The S o c i a l and Democra t ic Movement  i n Prewar Japan (New Haven: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1966) , p p . 4 , 31-38 p a s s i m , 49-58 p a s s i m . 2 — N ish ikawa Yuko, "Takamure I t s u e to F u j i n sensen" [Takamure I t s u e and Women's f r o n t ] , S h i s o [Thought] (March 1975) , p. 81. 3 — — Murakami Nobuh iko , "Ninon k o n ' m s h i n i mi to no k y o c h i o h i r a i t a : Takamure I t s u e " [The u n e x p l o r e d sphere o f Japanese mar r i age h i s t o r y opened by Takamure I t s u e ] , K i n d a i s h i no onna [Women o f modern h i s t o r y ] (Tokyo: Daiwa shobo , 1980) , p. 176. T h i s source w i l l h e r e a f t e r be r e f e r r e d to as Murakami, K i n d a i s h i . 4 S e t o u c h i Harumi , " N i c h i g e t s u _ f u t a r i " [Two p e o p l e above the sun and moon], Bungei tembo [View o f l i t e r a t u r e ] , n o . 2 (Summer 1973) , p. 411. T h i s s e r i e s o f a r t i c l e s by S e t o u c h i on_the l i f e o f I t s u e and Kenzo was p u b l i s h e d i n Bungei tembo as f o l l o w s : n o . 2 (Summer 1973) , p p . 408-23; n o . 3 (Autumn 1973) , p p . 448-69; n o . 5 (Spr ing 1974) , p p . 405-27; n o . 7 (Autumn 1974) , p p . 410-25; and n o . 8 (Winter 1975) , p p . 420-37 . ^Morosawa Yoko, K i n d a i Nihon no j o s e i s h i 2 [Modern Japanese women's h i s t o r y ] , e d . E n c h i Fusako (Tokyo: S h u -e i s h a , 1980) , p p . 220-21 . ^See Takamure I t s u e , Takamure I t sue zenshu [The c o l -l e c t e d works of Takamure I t s u e ] , e d . Hashimoto Kenzo , v o l . 10: H i no k u n i no onna no n i k k i [D iary o f a woman from the l a n d o f f i r e ] (Tokyo: R i r o n s h a , 1967) . 7 Murakami Nobuhiko , "Takamure I t s u e to ' j o s e i s h i g a k u ' " [Takamure I t s u e and "women's s c i e n t i f i c v iew o f h i s t o r y " ] , A s a h i shimbun (Tokyo) , 11 June 1973, p. 12. Murakami pub-l i s h e d f o u r a r t i c l e s on Takamure i n the s e r i e s " S h i s o s h i o aruku" [A walk through i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y ] , on 4, 11 , 18, and 25 June 1973, page 12 i n each e d i t i o n . T h i s source s h a l l h e r e a f t e r be r e f e r r e d to as Murakami , A s a h i . 8 I b i d . 9 _ Hashimoto Kenzo and H o r i b a K i y o k o , Waga Takamure I t s u e [Our Takamure I tsue] (Tokyo: A s a h i sh imbunsha, 1981) , 2 :367 . 120 121 [pp. 8-16] "^Murakami, A s a h i , 11 June 1973, p. 12 CHAPTER 2 — NOTES "'"Nishikawa, p. 81. 2 — — Nakaj ima Kazuo , " J o s e i s h i kenkyu no s h i n o o k a i j i " [A p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the h idden mystery o f women's h i s t o r y r e s e a r c h ] , Shukan d o k u s h o j i n [Weekly book review] (Tokyo) , 2 November 1981, p. 3. 3 — — Akiyama K i y o s h i , J i y u onna r o n s o : Takamure I t s u e no anakizumu [ D i s c u s s i o n o f a f r e e woman: $he anarch ism o f Takamure I tsue] (Tokyo: S h i s o no kagakusha , 1973) , p . 153. 4 — — I to Ryoko, "Takamure I t s u e : b o s e i no hakken" [Taka-mure I t s u e : The d i s c o v e r y o f m a t e r n a l i n s t i n c t s ] , i n Sen  kyuhyaku s a n j u nenda i mondai no shoso [Various_ a s p e c t s o f the 1930s' p r o b l e m s ] , e d . Miyakawa TCru (Tokyo: Noson gyoson bunka k y o k a i , 1979) , p. 150. 5 Ak iyama, p. 191. 6 I t o R . , p p . 150-53 . 7 N i s h i k a w a , p. 80. Q I to R . , p. 158. 9 _ _ Takamure, Takamure z e n s h u , v o l . 8: Zen s h i s h u , n i c h i -g e t s u no ue n i [ C o l l e c t e d poems, above the sun and moon), p. 159. I am i n d e b t e d to Hagiwara Takao f o r h i s a s s i s t a n c e i n t r a n s l a t i o n . " ^ N i s h i k a w a , p. 82. A l s o see I to R. , p p . 166-67 . Koto Kanno, P h . D . s t u d e n t i n the Department o f S o c i o l o g y a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o , a n a l y z e s these c o n c e p t s t h o r o u g h l y i n "Takamure I t s u e and Her D e c i s i o n t o Embark Upon the M a t r i -a r c h a l Systems R e s e a r c h , " paper p r e s e n t e d a t the Canadian A s i a n S t u d i e s A s s o c i a t i o n C o n f e r e n c e , H a l i f a x , N. S . , May 1981, p p . 4 - 5 , 8 -9 , 15. _ "'""'"Takamure, Takamure zenshu", v o l . 7: Hyoronshu: r e n ' a i s o s e i [ C o l l e c t i o n o f c r i t i q u e s : G e n e s i s o f l o v e ] , p. 10. 12 Idem, "Ika n i a i s u b e k i k a : r e n ' a i to s o n k e i " [How s h o u l d [well l o v e ? : l o v e and r e s p e c t ] , i n F u j i n undo no j i s s e n  daimoku [A p r a c t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n o f the women's movement], e d . J o s e i s h i kenkyuka i (Tokyo: J o s e i s h i k e n k y u k a i , 1974) , p p . 122 [pp. 16-22] 1-10. T h i s a r t i c l e w a s _ o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n the January 1929 e d i t i o n o f F u j i n koron [Women's f o r u m ] . I t has been i n c l u d e d i n Takamure zenshu 7:320^24. T h i s source w i l l h e r e -a f t e r be r e f e r r e d t o as F u j i n undo no j i s s e n . I am i n d e b t e d to E . P a t r i c i a Tsurumi f o r making t h i s v a l u a b l e source a c c e s s i b l e to me. 13 — Idem, " R e n ' a i to kyoken" [Love and a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m ] , F u j i n undo no j i s s e n , pp . 38 -43 . T h i s a r t i c l e was o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n the May 1929 e d i t i o n o f K u r o i r o sensen [Black f r o n t ] . 14 I d e m , _ " R e n ' a i to s e i y o k u " [Love and s e x u a l d e s i r e ] , Takamure z e n s h u , 7:283. The o r i g i n a l p u b l i c a t i o n date i s g i v e n as 1931. 15 E l l e n Key , Love and M a r r i a g e , t r a n s . A r t h u r G. Cha te r (New Y o r k : K n i c k e r b o c k e r P r e s s , 1911) , p. 129. 1 C. E l l e n Key , "The R i g h t o f M o t h e r h o o d , " i n The Woman  Q u e s t i o n , e d . T . R. Smith (New Y o r k : Modern L i b r a r y , 1919) , p. 130. 17 — Takamure, " R e n ' a i to s e i y o k u , " Takamure z e n s h u , 7:286. 18 Maur ice Mandelbaum, H i s t o r y , Man and Reason ( B a l t i -more and London: Johns Hopkins P r e s s , 1971) , p. 320. 19 Takamure, "Ninon no f u j i n to a i no kokoro" [Japanese women and the h e a r t o f l o v e ] , Takamure z e n s h u , 7 :337. The o r i g i n a l p u b l i c a t i o n date i s g i v e n as " a p p r o x i m a t e l y 1927." 2 0 — — Idem, " S h i n t o to j i y u r e n ' a i " [Sh in to and f r e e l o v e ] , Takamure I t s u e ronshu [ C o l l e c t i o n o f e s s a y s on Takamure I t s u e ] , e d . Takamure I t s u e ronshu henshu i i n k a i (Tokyo: T a k a -mure I t s u e ronshu henshu i i n k a i , 1979) , p. 192. ( D i s t r i b u t e d by J . C . A . shuppan.) T h i s a r t i c l e was o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n the 6 December 1931 e d i t i o n o f F u j o shimbun [Women's news-paper] . The essay c o l l e c t i o n w i l l h e r e a f t e r be r e f e r r e d to as T . r o n s h u . 21 — Idem, "Ika n i , " F u j i n undo no j i s s e n , p p . 3 -6 . 22 Idem, " B i j i n r o n : t o k a i h i t e i r o n no i c h i " [The t h e o r y of human b e a u t y : d e n i a l o f the c i t y t h e o r y , p a r t o n e ] , T a k a -mure z e n s h u , 7 :288-89 . The o r i g i n a l p u b l i c a t i o n date i s g i v e n as 1930. 2 3 I b i d . , p. 294. 2 4 I b i d . , p p . 288-89 . 123 [pp. 22-24] 2 5 ''\ — — — Idem, "Yo no buotoko jujo n i ataeo: bishu ronsoron" [Impact on the ugly men and women of the world: theory on beauty], Fujin undo no i i s s e n , p. 23. This a r t i c l e was o r i g -i n a l l y published i n the A p r i l 1929 edition of Fu j i n koron. 2 6 Idem, "Ren'ai to kyoken," Fujin undo no j i s s e n , pp. 42 -43 . 2 7 I t o R., p. 160. 2 8 Yamakawa Kikue was married to l e f t i s t leader Yama-kawa Hitoshi. He was the editor of many r a d i c a l journals, including Shakaishugi kenkyu [Study of socialism], the u n o f f i c i a l organ of leftwing socialism i n the post-World War I period. Included i n Hitoshi's many l e f t i s t a c t i v i t i e s was his instrumental role i n forming the Japan S o c i a l i s t League in 1920, and i n 1922 the Japanese Communist Party, which he directed for two years. CHAPTER ,3;— NOTES To accustom the reader to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between Yama-kawa Kikue and Yamakawa Hitoshi, the noted l e f t i s t leader who was also her husband, she w i l l sometimes be referred to as Kikue i n the following discussion of the debate with Takamure Itsue. Much of the material concerning the Yamakawa Kikue-Takamure Itsue debate i s based on the following: (1) Takamure Itsue, "Musan kaikyu to f u j i n : tsutsu-shinde Yamakawa Kikue joshi n i tatematsuru". [The proletarian class and women: re s p e c t f u l l y addressing Ms. Yamakawa Kikue] in Fujin undo no tan'itsu t a i k e i [A simple system for the women_|_s movement], ed. Jo s e i s h i kenkyukai (Tokyo: J o s e i s h i kenkyukai, 1975]_, pp. 5 1 - 6 9 . _ This w i l l hereafter be c i t e d as "Musan kaikyu," Fujin undo no tan'i t s u . This a r t i c l e was o r i g i n a l l y published i n the March 1928 e d i t i o n of Fujin undo [Women's movement]. I am indebted to E. .Patricia Tsurumi for making t h i s valuable source accessible to me. (2) Idem, "Yamakawa Kikue shi no ren'aikan o nanzu" _ [A c r i t i q u e of Yamakawa Kikue 1s concept of love], Fujin undo  no t a n ' i t s u , pp. 70-84 . This w i l l _ h e r e a f t e r be c i t e d as "Yamakawa no ren'aikan," Fujin undo no tan ' i t s u . This article_was o r i g i n a l l y published i n the May 1928 edition of Fujin koron. (3) Idem, "Fumareta inu ga hoeru: futatabi Yamakawa Kikue n i " [The trampled dog howls: addressing Yamakawa Kikue once again], Fujin undo no tan'itsu, pp. 85-100. Hereafter 124 [pp. 24-28] i t w i l l be c i t e d as "Fumare ta , " F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u . T h i s a r t i c l e _ w a s o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n the J u l y 1928 e d i t i o n o f F u j i n k o r o n . The above t h r e e , p l u s s i x o t h e r Takamure a r t i c l e s d e a l i n g w i t h p o l i t i c a l l y r e l a t e d themes, were p u b l i s h e d p r i m a r i l y i n magazines i n the l a t e 1920s. These p e r i o d i c a l s i n c l u d e d Nyonin g e i j u t s u [Women and a r t ] , Chuo koron [ C e n t r a l f o r u m ] , and Tokyo a s a h i shimbun, a Tokyo d a i l y newspaper. A l s o see Akiyama K i y o s h i , p p . 44 -82 . In a d d i t i o n to o u t l i n i n g and a n a l y z i n g (2) and (3) l i s t e d above , he goes through a s i m i l a r p r o c e s s f o r Yamakawa's " K e i h i n ^ s u k i t o k k a h i n t o s h i t e no onna" [Women_as b a r g a i n goods w i t h a premium] and "Doguma k a r a de ta y u r e i : Takamure I t s u e s h i s h i n hakken no marukusu s h u g i s h a k a i n i t s u i t e " [An a p p a r i -t i o n emerged from dogma: c o n c e r n i n g the new d i s c o v e r y o f Takamure I t s u e , M a r x i s t s o c i e t y ] , p u b l i s h e d i n the January and June 1928 e d i t i o n s , r e s p e c t i v e l y , o f F u j i n k o r o n . Akiyama a l s o d i s c u s s e s the a r t i c l e ( p u b l i s h e d i n F u j i n k o r o n , Septem-ber 1928) and r o l e o f c r i t i c H i r a b a y a s h i T a i k o i n the d e b a t e v F o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n o f the debate see Oka M i t s u o , F u j i n z a s s h i j anar i zumu [The j o u r n a l i s m o f women's magazines] (Tokyo: Gendai j anar i zumu s h u p p a n k a i , 1981) , p p . 114-18. Oka l i s t s Takamure 's F u j i n undo no j i s s e n daimoku and F u j i n undo  no t a n ' i t s u t a i k e i among -his s o u r c e s on page 240. F i n a l l y , see I to Ryoko, pp . 170-72. 2 Ak iyama, pp . 48 -50 . 3 Oka, p. 115. 4 _ Takamure, "Yamakawa no r e n ' a i k a n , " F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u , p. 81. ^Akiyama, p. 62. ^ I b i d . , p. 75. 7 I b i d . , p. 77. Akiyama took t h i s quote from H i no  k u n i no onna no n i k k i [D iary o f a woman from the l a n d of f i r e ] , Takamure z e n s h u , v o l . 10; u n f o r t u n a t e l y , he does not i n c l u d e the page number. g Takamure, "Fumare ta , " F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u , p. 90. 9 I b i d . , p. 94. 1 0 I b i d . , p. 97. Idem, Takamure zenshu, 7:127-28. 125 [pp. 28-33] 12 — _ Idem, " S h i n j o s e i s h u g i no t e i s h o : kekkon s e i d o to kyoken kyoka" [The advocacy o f new f e m i n i s m : The i n s t i t u t i o n o f mar r iage and a u t h o r i t a r i a n c u l t u r e ] , i n T a i s h o s h i s o s h u , e d . Kano Masanao, K i n d a i Nihon s h i s o t a i k e i 34 (Tokyo: Chikuma shobo , 1977) , 2 :371 . T h i s essay was o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n the June 1926 e d i t i o n _ o f Ka iho [ E m a n c i p a t i o n ] . T h i s new magaz ine , a l o n g w i t h K a i z o [ R e c o n s t r u c t i o n ] , bo th o f which began i n 1919, i s u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the spread o f M a r x i s t i d e a s . 51-52, 13 — — Idem, "Musan k a i k y u , " F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u , p p . 1 4 I b i d . , pp . 59-60 . 15 — Idem, "Fumare ta , " F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u , p . 91. 2^ g Idem, " F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u t a i k e i no s h i n t e i s h o " [New a d v o £ a c y of a s i m p l e system f o r the women's movement], F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u , p p . 28-30_. I t w i l l h e r e a f t e r be r e f e r r e d to as " F u j i n s h i n t e i s h o , " F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u . T h i s a r t i c l e was o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n the January 1929 e d i t i o n o f F u j i n undo. 17 Icier:, "Musan k a i k y u , " F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u , p. 62. 18 I r v i n g L . H o r o w i t z , e d . , The A n a r c h i s t s (New Y o r k : D e l l P u b l i s h i n g C o . , 1 9 6 4 ) , p . 15. 19 — Takamure, "Fumare ta , " F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u , p. 89. 20 I b i d . , p. 87. 2 1 I b i d . , p. 89. 22 — Takamure z e n s h u , 10:236. 23 Ak iyama, pp . 164-65. 24 See N i s h i k a w a , p. 92. F o r d e t a i l s on a n a r c h i s t s M i c h a e l Bakunin (1814-1876) and P e t e r K r o p o t k i n (1842-1921) , see H o r o w i t z , p p . 120-21 , 145. 2 5 I t o , R . , p p . 173-75 . 2 g Takamure zenshu , 10:196. 27 — Idem, "Fumare ta , " F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u , p. 87. The concep t o f b o s e i s h u g i was v e r y impor tan t i n Takamure 's l a t e r r e s e a r c h as w e l l . I t was a r i c h c o n c e p t , the d e v e l o p -ment o f which became apparent i n the 6 0_0-page f i r s t volume o f her c o l l e c t e d works , B o k e i s e i no kenkyu , o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n 1938. 126 [pp. 33-38] 2 8 Idem, " F u j i n s h i n t e i s h o , " F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u , p p . 26 -27 . F o r a h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l d i s c u s s i o n o f b u r a k u , see Irokawa D a i k i c h i , ; "The S u r v i v a l S t r u g g l e o f the Japanese Community," Japan I n t e r p r e t e r 9 (Spr ing 1975): 466-94. 29 Henry DeWitt Smith I I , J a p a n ' s F i r s t S tudent  R a d i c a l s (Cambridge, M a s s . : Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1972) , pp . 83-84 p a s s i m , 133-34. 3 0 M a r g i t M. Nagy, "'How S h a l l We L i v e ? ' : S o c i a l Change, the F a m i l y I n s t i t u t i o n and Feminism i n Prewar Japan"}" (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f Wash ing ton , 1981) , p. 62. 31 — — Takamure, " F u j i n s h i n t e i s h o , " F u j i n undo no t a n ' i t s u , p p . 21-22 . 32 Hani S e t s u k o , The Japanese F a m i l y System as Seen  from the S t a n d p o i n t o f Japanese Women (Tokyo: I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i s h i n g C o . , 1948) , p. 5. _ F o r a r e - e x a m i n a t i o n o f the P e o p l e ' s R i g h t s Movement ( j i y u minken undo) o f the 1870s-1880s, which s t r e s s e s i t s endorsement o f a c t i v e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women through the e f f o r t s o f Uek i E m o r i , p o l i t i c a l a d v i s e r to o l i g a r c h I t a g a k i T a i s u k e , and Nakaj ima T o s h i k o , "who embodied the government 's wors t f e a r s about women i n p o l i t i c s , " see Nagy, p p . 19-2 5. 33 Dee Ann V a v i c h , "The Japanese Woman's Movement: Ichikawa F u s a e , a P i o n e e r ?in Woman_]_s S u f f r a g e , " Monumenta  N i p p o n i c a 22 (1967): 408-10.' S e i t o , the l i t e r a r y - f e m i n i s t g r o u p , w i l l be d i s c u s s e d a t the end o f Chapter 4. F o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n o f s u f f r a g e i s s u e s among o t h e r s by Yamakawa K i k u e , H i r a t s u k a R a i c h o , Atsuno A k i k o and Yamada Waka, see Kouch i Nobuko, " B o s e i hogo r o n s o " [Cont roversy over the p r o t e c t i o n o f motherhood] , R e k i s h i hyoron [ H i s t o r i c a l review] (November 1966) , c i t e d i n Maruoka H i d e k o , Fu j i n  s h i s o k e i s e i s h i noto [Notes on the h i s t o r y o f the f o r m a t i o n o f women's thought] (Tokyo: K a b u s h i k i g a i s h a domesu shuppan, 1975) , pp . 106-8 . 34 . Kamich ika I c h i k o , "Japanese Women E n f r a n c h i s e d , " Contemporary Japan 24 (1956): 104-5 . See a l s o 'Nagy, pp . 68 -69 , 113. 3 5 V a v i c h , p p . 415-18. 3 6 George 0. T o t t e n , "Labor and A g r a r i a n D i s p u t e s i n Japan F o l l o w i n g World War I," Economic Development and  C u l t u r a l Change 9 supp. (October 1960): 188. 37 Idem, The S o c i a l and Democra t ic Movement i n Prewar  Japan (New Haven: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1966) , p p . 155-56. 127 [pp. 38-42] 3 8 F o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s see John H. B o y l e , "The Role o f the R a d i c a l L e f t Wing i n the Japanese S u f f r a g e Movement," S t u d i e s on A s i a (1965): 85-86 . 3 9 I b i d . : 86-88. 4 0 ... - . . I b i d . : 92 -93 . 41 — I t o , R . , p. 163. 42 George M. Beckmann, "The R a d i c a l L e f t and the F a i l u r e o f Communism," i n Dilemmas o f Growth i n Prewar J a p a n , e d . James W. Mor ley ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1971) , p. 150. 4 3 T o t t e n , The S o c i a l and D e m o c r a t i c , pp . 54-62 p a s s i m , 63. 44 Takamure, "Fusen to f u j i n : h i t o t s u no t a c h i b a k a r a no k e n k a i " [Su f f rage and women: one v i e w p o i n t ] , F u j i n undo  no t a n ' i t s u , p p . 38-40 . T h i s a r t i c l e was o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n Tokyo a s a h i shimbun, 7-10 F e b r u a r y 1928. F o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n o f women and s u f f r a g e see T o t t e n , The  S o c i a l and D e m o c r a t i c , p p . 360-63. 45 I b i d . , p. 42. 4 6 I b i d . , pp . 48 -49 . 47 — Takamure, " F u j i n undo no j i s s e n da imoku ," [A p r a c -t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n o f the women's movement], F u j i n undo no  j i s s e n , pp . 120-21 . T h i s a r t i c l e was o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n the January 1930 e d i t i o n o f F u j i n undo. I t w i l l h e r e a f t e r be c i t e d as " F u j i n undo no j i s s e n , " F u j i n undo no j i s s e n . I am i n d e b t e d to E . P a t r i c i a Tsurumi f o r making t h i s v a l u a b l e source a c c e s s i b l e to me. S t u a r t Dowsey d e s c r i b e s the f o u r main p r o l e t a r i a n p a r t i e s i n 1925 a s : (1) the r i g h t - w i n g Shaka i Minshuto [ S o c i a l Democra t ic P a r t y ] , i n c l u d i n g a Sodomei [Japanese _ F e d e r a t i o n o f Labor] un ion r e p r e s e n t a t i v e ; (2) Nihon Nominto [Japan F a r m e r s ' P a r t y ] , w_ith r u r a l s u p p o r t , o f n e c e s s i t y c o n s e r v a t i v e ; (.3) Nihon Ronoto [Japan Labor Farmer P a r t y ] , i n the c e n t e r , i n c l u d i n g l a b o r l e a d e r s and i n t e l l e c t u a l s ; and (4) Rodo Nominto [Labor -Farmer P a r t y ] under Communist c o n t r o l . See S t u a r t J . Dowsey, e d . , Zengakuren: J a p a n ' s R e v o l u t i o n a r y  S tudents ( B e r k e l e y : I s h i P r e s s , 1970) , p. 25. 48 — — I d e m , " F u j i n undo no j i s s e n , " F u j i n undo no j i s s e n , p p . 125-26. 4 9 I b i d . , p p . 129-33 . 128 [pp. 45-51] CHAPTER 4 — NOTES "*"Nishikawa, p. 80. 2 I b i d . , p p . 87-88. 3 _ I to R . , pp . 176-77 . 4 N i s h i k a w a , p. 80. She l i s t s the f o l l o w i n g r e f e r e n c e s which note the e x i s t e n c e o f F u j i n s e n s e n : (1) the c o l l e c t e d works o f Takamure I t s u e , volumes 7 [pp. 281-344] and 10 [ o c c a s i o n a l r e f e r e n c e s ] ; (2) the a u t o b i o g r a p h y of_ H i r a t u k a R a i c h o ; and (3) Akiyama K i y o s h i ' s J i y u onna ronso (see C h . 3, note 1 ) . 5 I b i d . r Ken Miyamoto, " I to Noe and the B l u e s t o c k i n g s , " Japan  I n t e r p r e t e r 9 (Autumn 1975) , p . 192. 7 Ak iyama, p . 160. g N i s h i k a w a , p p . 86 -87 . 9 I b i d - . , p p . 94-95 . 1 0 N a g y , pp . 41 -43 . •'"•'"Takamure, Takamure z e n s h u , " K a t e i h i t e i r o n " [Theory on the d e n i a l o f the f a m i l y ] , 7 :297-99 . 12 Ak iyama, p. 173. 13 — Jo N a t s u k o , " F u j i n sensen no h i t o b i t o " [The members o f Women's f r o n t ] , i n Uzumoreta j o s e i a n a k i s u t o : Takamure  I t sue to F u j i n sensen [Bur ied female a n a r c h i s t s : Takamure I t s u e and Women's f r o n t ] (Tokyo: S h i s o no kagakusha , 1976) , p. 5. T h i s p u b l i c a t i o n w i l l h e r e a f t e r be c i t e d as Uzumoreta j o s e i . The o t h e r members o f t h i s i n i t i a l group are c i t e d a s : Nakamura \Sh izuko , Kawaguchi Harue , and A k i z u k i S h i z u k o . 1 4 I b i d . , p. 4. 15 Ak iyama, p. 15 9. 16 N i s h i k a w a , p. 85. She l i s t s the r e m a i n i n g seven f o u n d i n g members o f the PWAL: I fukube Keiko,^Nomura Takako , Futagami E i k o , Y a r i t a Sadako, T a k e u c h i T e r u y o , Nozoe M a s u g u r i , and M i d o r i S h i z u e . 17 Kakinuma Miyuki", " Y a k i A k i k o : Japanese A n a r c h i s t , " 129 [pp. 51-58] F e m i n i s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l , n o . 2 (1980), p p . 35-36 . 18 Uzumoreta j o s e i , pp . 48 -49 . A l s o see an a r t i c l e by Akiyama K i y o s h i i n which he r e m i n i s c e s about Y a g i , pp . 37-46 . 19 Nagy, p. 6 0. 20 I b i d . , p. 54. 21 — Nancy Andrew, "The S e i t o s h a : An E a r l y Japanese Women's O r g a n i z a t i o n , 1911-16," Harvard U n i v e r s i t y E a s t A s i a n Research C e n t e r , Papers on Japan (1972), p. 45. 22 I b i d . , p. 53. 23 N i s h i k a w a , pp . 84-85 . 24 Uzumoreta j o s e i , p. 48. 25 Maruoka, 1:169. 2 g Nihon s h a k a i undo j i n m e i j i t e n [ B i o g r a p h i c a l •; d i c t i o n a r y o f J a p a n e s e : s o c i a l movements] , 1979 e d . , s . v . "Matsumoto, Masae . " T h i s w i l l h e r e a f t e r be c i t e d as Nihon  s h a k a i . 27 Uzumoreta j o s e i , p p . 57, 58, 62. See p p . 47-62 f o r the complete 1 6 - i s s u e t a b l e o f c o n t e n t s o f F u j i n s e n s e n . 2 8 I b i d . , p. 6. 29 Nihon s h a k a i , s . v . "Nobushima, E n c h i . " 3 0 •"• "' -•• Uzumoreta j o s e i , p p . 4 8, 49. . ', 31 . — Nihon s h a k a i , s . v . " I sh ikawa , S a n s h i r o . " A l s o see L e f t w i n g S o c i a l Movements i n Japan (An Annota ted B i b l i o g r a p h y ) , 1959 e d . , s . v . " S h i r y o Nihon s h a k a i undo s h i s o s h i . " 32 N i s h i k a w a , p. 92. 33 — I t o , R . , p. 175. 34 Ak iyama, p. 172. 35 . — . — From the end o f 1930, Ka ihosha a l s o p u b l i s h e d Kaiho sensen [ L i b e r a t i o n f r o n t ] , e d i t e d by Nobushima E i i c h i , r e f e r r e d to e a r l i e r . See Uzumoreta j o s e i , p p . 63 -67 , f o r the t a b l e o f c o n t e n t s o f t h i s magaz ine , which was p u b l i s h e d from October 1930 t o F e b r u a r y 1931. 3 6 N i s h i k a w a , p. 91. 130 [pp. 58-68J 37 — I t o , R . , pp . 175-76. 3 8 Takamure I t s u e , " F u j i n sensen n i t a t s u " [Upon the f o u n d a t i o n o f Women's f r o n t ] j T o k y o , J o s e i s h i k e n k y u k a i , n . d . ) , p p . 78 -79 , c i t e d i n I t o , R . , p . 176. 39 N i s h i k a w a , p p . 89 -90 . 4 0 I b i d . , p . 90. 41 Review o f J o s e i 2,600 n e n s h i [ H i s t o r y o f women through 2,600 y e a r s ] , by I t s u y g Takamura [ s i c ] , i n Contem-p o r a r y Japan 9, A p r i l 1940, p. 489. ^ T a k a m u r e , " F u j i n sensen n i t a t s u , " c i t e d i n Ak iyama, p p . 173-74. 4 3 N i s h i k a w a , p . 83-84 . 44 Andrew, p. 55. 45 Miyamoto, pp . 196-98. 4 ^ A k i y a m a , p p . 175-76. 47 Takamure, " F u j i n sensen n i t a t s u , " i n Onna no e ros e r o t i c a ] (Tokyc Ak iyama, p. 78 [Woman's kyo: Shaka i h y o r o n s h a , 1973) , p. 144 48 CHAPTER 5 — NOTES x F o r a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n o f the Yamakawa-Takamure debate see Chapter 3, pp . 24-36 . 2 — _ Kano Masanao and H o r i b a K i y o k o , Takamure I t s u e , A s a h i hyodensen , n o . 15 (Tokyo: A s a h i sh imbunsha, 1977) w i l l h e r e -a f t e r be r e f e r r e d to as Kano and H o r i b a when a b b r e v i a t e d . As T had the o p p o r t u n i t y t o meet t h i s h u s b a n d - a n d - w i f e team a t Waseda U n i v e r s i t y i n the s p r i n g o f 1980, I was l e f t w i t h the d i s t i n c t i m p r e s s i o n t h a t t h e i r work, Takamure I t s u e , was a j o i n t e f f o r t , - and a c c o r d i n g l y s h o u l d be r e c o g n i z e d as s u c h . R e f e r r i n g to Kano and H o r i b a i n t h i s manner w i l l a l s o d i s -t i n g u i s h them from both Koto Kanno and Kano M i k i y o . 3 I b i d . , p p . 157, 160. A d e t a i l e d c h a r t o f the works and o r i g i n a l p u b l i c a t i o n i n f o r m a t i o n c o v e r i n g a l l o f these c o n t r o v e r s i e s i s p r o v i d e d by Kano and H o r i b a on pp . 158-59. 131 [pp. 68-72] Kamich ika I c h i k o (1888-?) was one o f the founders o f Nyonin g e i j u t s u (see C h . 4, p. 50 ) . In 1935, w i t h her h u s -band S u z u k i A t s u s h i , she p u b l i s h e d another women's magaz ine , F u j i n bunge i ; {Women's l i t e r a t u r e ) . L a t e r known as a s o c i a l c r i t i c , Kamich ika became a member o f the House o f R e p r e s e n t a -t i v e s from A p r i l 1953. F o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s see Nihon s h a k a i , s . v . " K a m i c h i k a , I c h i k o . " Hayash i Fusao (1903-1975) was one o f the founders o f Gakuren (The s t u d e n t s ' f e d e r a t i o n ) i n 1924. A t a p p r o x i m a t e l y the same t ime he p u b l i s h e d a magazine c a l l e d Marx ism. He l a t e r wrote f o r Bungei sensen ( L i t e r a r y f r o n t ) and was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h s e v e r a l l i t e r a r y , p r o l e t a r i a n , and communist groups throughout the 1920s; he was sometimes i m p r i s o n e d f o r h i s a c t i v i t i e s . In 193 6 Hayash i i s s a i d to have become an u l t r a - n a t i o n a l i s t ' . F o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s see Nihon s h a k a i , s . v . " H a y a s h i , F u s a o , " and S m i t h , p p . 247, 255-57. F o r d e t a i l s on A l e x a n d r a K o l l o n t a i see Nagy, p. 84. Nagy d e s c r i b e s K o l l o n t a i (1872-1952) as "a R u s s i a n f e m i n i s t , w r i t e r , and the f i r s t female S o v i e t d i p l o m a t to become an a c c r e d i t e d m i n i s t e r to a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y . Her n o v e l Love o f  the worker bees ( t r a n s l a t e d i n t o E n g l i s h as F r e e l o v e and_ i n t o Japanese as Red love) was v e r y p o p u l a r i n l a t e T a i s h o -e a r l y Showa J a p a n . . . . see A l i x H o l t , t r a n s . , S e l e c t e d  W r i t i n g s o f A l e x a n d r a K o l l o n t a i (Westpor t , C o n n . : Lawrence H i l l and C o . , 1971) . " K o l l o n t a i ' s Japanese t r a n s l a t o r was Yamakawa K i k u e , who i n 1925 completed work on Women and the  f a m i l y system (see Nagy, p. 61.) 4 — Kano and H o r i b a , p. 160. 5 I b i d . , p. 159. g _ S a n - i n shimbun, 22 October 1926, Shimbun shuroku  T a i s h o s h i , 14: 373, c i t e d i n Nagy, p. 170. 7 _ Kano and H o r i b a , p. 158. 8 Takamure, "Fumare ta , " (see C h . 3 , note 1, p a r t 3 ) , c i t e d i n Kano and H o r i b a , p. 160. 9 Ak iyama, p. 80. 1 0 H a r a b a y a s h i T a i k o (1905-1972) made her w r i t i n g debut i n 192 7 w i t h a s h o r t s t o r y i n a magazine o f p r o l e t a r i a n l i t e r a t u r e c a l l e d Bungei s e n s e n . As a member o f the L a b o u r -Farmer A l l i a n c e , she was i m p r i s o n e d i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the P o p u l a r F r o n t case o f 193 8. She:jwasin!married:»tofewriter K o b o r i J i n j i . "''"'"Akiyama, p p . 81 -82 . 132 [pp. 72-82] 1 2 I b i d . , p p . 164-65 . 13 Morosawa, p. 241. 14 — Ak iyama, p. 165. A l s o see Takamure z e n s h u , 10:236-37. 15 I b i d . , p. 162. " ^ I b i d . , p . 161. 17 I b i d . , p p . 165-66. 1 8 I b i d . , p. 158. 19 — S e t o u c h i , " N i c h i g e t s u f u t a r i , " Bungei tembo, -no. 7 (Autumn 1974) , p. 425. 20 Murakami , K i n d a i s h i , p . 191. 21 Ak iyama, p. 162. 22 — — Kano M i k i y o , "Takamure I t sue to kokoku s h i k a n " (Takamure I t s u e and her h i s t o r i c a l view of the Japanese e m p i r e ) , T . r o n s h u , p . 181. 2 3 I b i d , p. 187. 24 — Kano and H o r i b a , p. 160. 25 I b i d . , p p . 161-62 . 2 6 I b i d . , p . 169 . 27 I b i d . , p p . 171-72 . 2 g KanoSyMS k i y o , f°>p. %>1B1. 29 — _ Toyama S h i g e k i and o t h e r s , Showashi ( H i s t o r y o f the Showa p e r i o d ) , r e v . e d . (Tokyo, 1959) , p p . 110-11 , c i t e d i n W i l l i a m D. Wray, "Aso H i s a s h i and the Search f o r Renovat ions i n the 1930s ," Harvard U n i v e r s i t y E a s t A s i a n Research C e n t e r , Papers on Japan (1970), p. 56. Wray, p. 56. 31 M i k i K i y o s h i , "The C h i n a A f f a i r and Japanese T h o u g h t , " Contemporary Japan 6 (March 1938) , p. 602. 32 F o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s on i s s u e s o f " i d e o l o g i c a l c o n -v e r s i o n " see R i c h a r d H. M i t c h e l l , Thought C o n t r o l i n Prewar  Japan ( I t h a c a , N. Y . : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1976) f o r a u s e f u l account o f the l e g a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t e c h n i q u e s o f 133 [pp. 82-85] thought c o n t r o l , and Tsurumi Kazuko, S o c i a l Change and the  I n d i v i d u a l : Japan B e f o r e and A f t e r Defea t i n Wor ld War II ( P r i n c e t o n , N. 'J>. : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970J . An e x c e l l e n t Japanese source i s S h i s o no kagaku k e n k y u k a i , e d . , Tenko ( I d e o l o g i c a l c o n v e r s i o n ) , 3 v o l s . (Tokyo: H e i b o n s h a , 1959). 33 . — Hiyama Y u k i o , "Takamure I t s u e , " R e k i s h i koron [ H i s t o r i c a l review] (December 1979), p. 116. 34 J o s e i n i s e n , p. 488. 3 5 I b i d . , p. 490. 3 6 Nakayama A i k o , " T e n s a i onna s h i j i n to n a i j o no o t t o no a i ga u c h i t a t e t a j o s e i s h i no kagayaku k i n j i t o " " [ T h e . b r i l l i a n t monumental work on women's h i s t o r y c r e a t e d by the l o v e between a gen ius female poet and her helpmate h u s b a n d ] , i n J i r i t s u s h i t a onna no e i k o [The g l o r y o f independent women]Q (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1980), p. 133. 37 . Hiyama, p. 116. When the G r e a t e r Japan Women's A s s o c i a t i o n was o r g a n i z e d i n June 1941, a l l m a r r i e d women o f twenty o r over were a u t o m a t i c a l l y made members. P u b l i c a t i o n o f Nihon f u j i n was i n i t i a t e d f i v e months l a t e r . W i t h i n a y e a r o f the a s s o c i a t i o n ' s e s t a b l i s h m e n t , i t i i s s a i d to have had about two m i l l i o n members, o r g a n i z e d i n t o ne ighbourhood a s s o c i a t i o n s ( t o n a r i gumi ) . Da i Nihon f u j i n k a i worked f o r _ s e r v i c e to the Japanese e m p i r e , s o c i e t y and the f a m i l y . Kano M i k i y o p o i n t s out t h a t u n t i l the end o f the P a c i f i c War, N ihon f u j i n [Japanese women] was one o f o n l y f o u r women's magazines which were a l l o w e d t o c o n t i n u e p u b l i c a t i o n . For f u r t h e r d e t a i l s see Kano M i k i y o , p. 190. 3 8 F u j o shimbun w i l l h e r e a f t e r be r e f e r r e d t o as F u j o when a b b r e v i a t e d . 39 — Kano M i k i y o , p p . 183-84. F o r an i n v a l u a b l e source o f i n f o r m a t i o n on Takamure 's thought d u r i n g the wart ime y e a r s , see the twenty r e d i s c o v e r e d s h i r y o [source m a t e r i a l s ] w r i t t e n by Takamure_at the back o f t h i s essay c o l l e c t i o n , Takamure  I t s u e r o n s h u . F o r "Peace and women" see p p . 196-99. I t was o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n the 31 January and 7 F e b r u a r y 1932 e d i t i o n s o f F u j o shimbun. 40 Tadokoro T e r u a k i (1900-1934), an e a r l i e r d i s c i p l e o f l e f t i s t Yamakawa H i t o s h i , h e l p e d him s e t up Z e n ' e i s h a (Vanguard s o c i e t y ) , which e s t a b l i s h e d a M a r x i s t g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e f o r the p r o l e t a r i a n movement to d i s t i n g u i s h i t f rom a n a r c h i s m . He was a r r e s t e d i n the f i r s t mass Communist a r r e s t (1923) and i m p r i s o n e d f o r two y e a r s . In 1926, he p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the Japan Labour -Farmer P a r t y o r g a n i z e d by 134 • Cfpp.i.J85i88] Aso H i s a s h i . When the p r o l e t a r i a n p a r t i e s were amalgamated i n t o the S o c i a l Mass P a r t y (1932) he became one o f i t s p l e a d e r s . F o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s see Japan B i o g r a p h i c a l E n c y c l o -p e d i a and Who's Who, 2 v o l s . , 3d e d . , 1964-65, s . v . "Tadokoro , T e r u a k i . " T h i s work w i l l h e r e a f t e r be a b b r e v i a t e d as Japan  B i o g r a p h i c a l . 41 — — _ Kano M i k i y o , p. 18 4. A l s o see "Fasshoka no k e i k o o ko mi ru"_ [V iews on the t r e n d towards f a s c i s t i z a t i o n ] , i n T . r o n s h u , p. 199. I t was o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n the May 1932 e d i t i o n o f H i t o no uwasa [ P e o p l e ' s r u m o u r s ] . 4 2 I b i d . . , p p . 184-85. 43 • I b i d . , p. 185. Both Sano and Nabeyama were a p p o i n -t e d by the Comintern i n 1927 t o the C e n t r a l Committee o f the Japanese Communist © a r t y . They were a r r e s t e d i n A p r i l 1929 and sen tenced to l i f e impr isonment i n 1932. A f t e r an exchange o f i d e a s w h i l e i n p r i s o n , they i s s u e d a j o i n t s ta tement o f t h e i r " i d e o l o g i c a l c o n v e r s i o n " i n June 1933. In 1934 t h e i r sen tences were reduced t o f i f t e e n y e a r s . F o r d e t a i l s see Tsurumi Kazuko, p p . 46 -52 , and George M. Beckmann and Okubo G e n j i , The Japanese Communist P a r t y 1922-1945 ( S t a n f o r d , C a . : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s 1969) , p p . 245-50. 44 • Takabatake M i c h i t o s h i , " Ikkoku s h a k a i s h u g i s h a ;— Sano Manabu, Nabeyama S a d a c h i k a " [One-s ta te s o c i a l i s t s : Sano Manabu and Nabeyama S a d a c h i k a ] , i n Tenko, 1 :164-65 . 45 F o r f u r t h e r examples o f Takamure 's wart ime s t a n c e see her f o l l o w i n g a r t i c l e s i n T . r o n s h u : "Nemmatsu no shuku-fuku" [The y e a r - e n d b l e s s i n g ] , p p . 194-95 ( o r i g i n a l l y pub-l i s h e d i n the 24 December 1931 e d i t i o n o f Fu jo ) and "Nihon s e i s h i n n i t s u i t e " [Concern ing the s p i r i t o f J a p a n ] , p p . 205-8 ( o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n the 12 August 1934 e d i t i o n of F u j o ) . A l s o see Morosawa, p p . 242-43 . 46 Ak iyama, p. 168. 47 Takamure, "Onozukara imashimu" [ S e l f - a d m o n i s h m e n t ] , i n T . r o n s h u , pp. 200-201. I t was o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n the 3 J u l y 1932 e d i t i o n o f F u j o shimbun. 48 Idem, " S h i n s h i n a k e n s e t s u to Nihon no f u j i n ^ [The b u i l d i n g o f new C h i n a and Japanese womenjj i n T . r o n s h u , p. 218. I t was o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n the A p r i l 1940 e d i t i o n o f J o s e i tenbo [Women's v i e w p o i n t ] . For a d i s c u s s i o n o f the problem o f o v e r s e a s p r o s t i t u t e s from approxjima^te'l'yfefehe %im% midd le o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , i n c l u d i n g the Japanese and Korean women the Japanese t r o o p s took w i t h them a s ^ R-and-R g i r l s " ( i a n f u ) , see Yamazaki Tomoko, "Sandakan No. 8 B r o t h e l , " 135 [pp. 88-94] B u l l e t i n o f Concerned A s i a n S c h o l a r s (October-December 1975) , p p . 52 -60 . 49 Morosawa, p. 242. F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f why some Japanese w r i t e r s were a l l o w e d to p u b l i s h c r i t i c a l work i n the 1930s, see Ben-ami S h i l l o n y , P o l i t i c s and C u l t u r e i n Wartime  Japan (Ox ford : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1981) . 50 R. P. D o r e , Land Reform i n Japan (London: Ox ford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1959) , p p . 56-57 . 51 I b i d . , p. 61. 52 Thomas R. H. Havens, Farm and N a t i o n i n Modern  J a p a n : A g r a r i a n N a t i o n a l i s m , 1870-1940 ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1974) , p. 7. 53 — Kawakami Ha j ime , "Nihon sonnoron [Respec t ing J a p a -nese a g r i c u l t u r e ] , Kyoyuken bunko, e d . Y o k o i T o k i y o s h i (June 1904) , p. 166; c i t e d i n Havens, p . 119. F o r a d e t a i l e d b i o g r a p h i c a l s k e t c h o f Kawakami, see Beckmann and Okubo, p. 3 6 9. J V ° 54 Havens, p p . 9 -10 . 55 I b i d . , p p . 129-31 . F o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s on Y o k o t a 1 s l i f e , see Havens, p. 121. "^Naimusho ke ihokyoku [Min is t ry_of_home a f f a i r s , P o l i c e bureau] , comp.Q, Shaka i undo no jokyo [The_cur ren t s t a t e o f s o c i a l movements, 1934] , p. 323; c i t e d i n I to T a k a s h i , "The Ro le o f R i g h t - w i n g O r g a n i z a t i o n s i n J a p a n , i n P e a r l  Harbor as H i s t o r y , e d . Dorothy Borg and Okamoto Shumpei , t r a n s . Okamoto Shumpei (New Y o r k : Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1973) , p. 490. 57 Takekazu Ogura , e d . , A g r i c u l t u r a l Development i n  Modern J a p a n , 2d e d . (Tokyo: F u j i P u b l i s h i n g C o . , 1968) , p. 28; c i t e d i n Havens, p p . 135-36. 5 8 Havens, p p . 138-3 9. 59 I b i d . , p. 11 . ^ D o r e , p. 91. 6 1 W i l l i a m T . de B a r y , Tsunoda Ryusuke, and Donald Keene, e d s . , Sources o f the Japanese T r a d i t i o n (New Y o r k : Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1958) , p. 769. 6 2 Maruyama Masao, "The Ideo logy and Dynamics o f J a p a -nese F a s c i s m , " i n Thought and B e h a v i o r i n Modern Japanese 136 [pp. 94-100] P o l i t i c s , ed. Ivan M o r r i s , t r a n s . Andrew F r a s e r (London: O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1963), p. 40. Maruyama a l s o p o i n t s out Gondo 1s r o l e as an a d v i s e r ( a l o n g w i t h Kanokogi Kazunobu), t o Shimonaka Yasaburo, who s e t up the New Japan N a t i o n a l League i n 1932. Much o f I t s u e ' s e a r l y a n a r c h i s t i c thought has been a t t r i b u t e d t o her a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h Shimonaka. F o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s see p. 31. (One wonders i f Gondo and Taka-mure e v e r had t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o meet t h r o u g h t h e i r mutual a c q u a i n t a n c e , Shimonaka.) 6 3 H a v e n s , pp. 194-95. 6 4 — Gondo S e i k e i , J i c h i minpan [P e o p l e ' s g u i d e t o s e l f -r u l e ] , 2d ed. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1932), p. 4; c i t e d i n Havens, p. 195. 6 5 I b i d . , p. 195; c i t e d i n Havens, p. 195. ^ H a v e n s , p. 200. 6 7 I b i d . , pp. 184-87. ^ I b i d . , p. 228 . 69 N i s h i k a w a , p. 92. 7 0 I t o R., pp. 148-49. I b i d . 72 — — Sugada M a s a a k i , " B o k e i s e i t o k y o d o t a i , " [The m a t r i -a r c h a l system and c o m m u n i t i e s ] , T. r o n s h u , p. 132. 73 — Kano M i k i y o , pp. 185-86. 74 The K o j i k i [ C h r o n i c l e ] ! o f a n c i e n t t i m e s ] i s c o n s i d -e r e d t o be t h e o l d e s t e x i s t i n g h i s t o r y o f Japan, c o m p i l e d i n 712 by Ono Yasumaro by o r d e r o f Empress Regent Gemmei. The K o j i k i c o v e r s t h e p e r i o d from c r e a t i o n t o t h e r e i g n o f Empress Regent S u i k o ( r . 592-628). The K o j i k i d e n [Commentary on t h e Koj i k i ] i s an a n n o t a t e d e d i t i o n o f t h e Koj i k i , w h i c h t h e s c h o l a r M o t o o r i N o r i n a g a worked on f o r t h i r t y - f i v e y e a r s . I t i s s a i d t o c o n t a i n " a l l h i s t h o u g h t s , v i e w s , and d o c t r i n e s , " i n c l u d i n g e v i d e n c e o f t h e u x o r i l o c a l m a r r i a g e system i n a n c i e n t Japan compared w i t h t h e v i r i l o c a l m a r r i a g e system i n C h i n a . F o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s see Japan B i o g r a p h i c a l , s.v. "Koj i k i , " "Koj i k i d e n . " M o t o o r i N o r i n a g a was a s c h o l a r who a l s o was known by the psudonym Suzunoya. As h i s f a t h e r went b a n k r u p t , he was educated by h i s mother, who made arrangements f o r !cffi;imT! t o s t u d y C o n f u c i a n i s m and m e d i c i n e . He l a t e r became i n t e r e s t e d i n Japanese c l a s s i c s , and w i t h g r e a t d e t e r m i n a t i o n p u b l i s h e d h i s K o j i k i d e n . F o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s , see Japan 1 3 7 [ p p . 1 0 0 - 1 0 4 ] B i o g r a p h i c a l , s . v . " M o t o o r i , N o r i n a g a , " and Matsumoto S h i g e r u , M o t o o r i N o r i n a g a (Cambridge, M a s s . : Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 0 r , p p 2 - 5 y ' • 6 3 - 6 7 , 1 8 6 - 8 8 . 75 — Takamure z e n s h u , v o l . 1 0 , page number not c i t e d i n Sugada, p p . 1 3 2 - 3 3 . 7 6 Kano M i k i y o , p . 1 8 6 . 77 — Takamure z e n s h u , 1 0 : 2 4 5 . 7 8 Murakami, K i n d a i s h i , p. 1 8 7 . 79 — Takamure z e n s h u , 1 0 : 2 4 5 . 8 0 Murakami, A s a h i, 18 June 1 9 7 3 , p. 1 2 . 81 Sugada, p. 1 0 9 . g2 Comment o f Kano Masanao i n I b i d . , p. 1 3 2 . g 3 Kano M i k i y o , p. 1 8 6 . 84 Sugada, p. 1 3 3 . H i e d a - n o - a r e was the f i r s t c o n t r i b -u t o r o f Japanese f o l k l o r e ; her work l a t e r became the t e x t o f the Koj i k i , 'r?feA.efe . A.S gxs?;U©-vf.-f, &@ ®m<& feK-sss <&im$)&*/sl£ 7/Ji? 8 5 Haga Noboru , M o t o o r i N o r i n a g a (Tokyo: Maki s h o t e n , 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 1 3 ; c i t e d i n Kanno K o t o , p. 1 1 . g g Kano M i k i y o , p. 1 8 6 . 8 7 H i r a g a Gennai has been d e s c r i b e d assa f f i "pro l i f i c mind" who was known f o r h i s " c r i t i c a l way o f t h i n k i n g which was s t i l l unacceptable i n the s e c l u d e d Japanese s o c i e t y o f h i s t i m e . " He was known a l s o as the f i r s t Japanese to exper iment w i t h e l e c t r i c i t y . Other p u r s u i t s i n c l u d e d m i n i n g i n C h i c h i b u (Saitama p r e f e c t u r e ) and o p e r a t i n g a s h i p p i n g l i n e on the Arakawa R i v e r . F o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s see Japan E n c y c l o p e d i a , s . v . " H i r a g a , G e n n a i . " g g Takamure, " S h i n t o to j i y u , " T . r o n s h u , p. 1 9 2 . 8 9 — ^ Masuho Zanko ( 1 6 5 5 - 1 7 4 2 ) was a S h i n t o p r i e s t who o r i g i n a l l y s e r v e d the Konoe f a m i l y i n _ K y o t o but l a t e i n l i f e became the head p r i e s t o f the A s a h i m y o j i n S h r i n e i n K y o t o . Through a unique s y n t h e s i s o f C o n f u c i a n i s m , Buddhism, and T a o i s m , he found a new way t o p r e a c h the t e n e t s o f S h i n t o t o the common p e o p l e . F o r f u r t h e r d e t a i l s see Japan B i o g r a p h -i c a l , s . v . "Masuho, Zanko ." 90 • — — — Takamure, " S h i n t o t o j i y u , " T . r o n s h u , p p . 1 9 2 - 9 3 . 138 [pp. 104-5] 91 — — Idem, "Gekka n i — s h i , shukyo , sono hoka o omou" [In the m o o n l i g h t , t h i n k i n g about d e a t h , r e l i g i o n , and o t h e r t h i n g s ] , T . r o n s h u , pp . 2 03-4. 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