Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Chastity and individuality in the renaissance : Lorenzo Lotto’s London Portrait of a woman Goodspeed, Rhona Elizabeth Cliffe 1982

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1982_A8 G66.pdf [ 14.01MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0095559.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0095559-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0095559-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0095559-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0095559-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0095559-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0095559-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0095559-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0095559.ris

Full Text

CHASTITY AND INDIVIDUALITY IN THE RENAISSANCE: LORENZO LOTTO'S LONDON PORTRAIT OF A WOMAN RHONA ELIZABETH CLIFFE/GOODSPEED B.A., Carleton U n i v e r s i t y , 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (The Department of Fine A r t s ) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA By A p r i l 1982 © Rhona E l i z a b e t h C l i f f e Goodspeed In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f f-uvot Piflks  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 ABSTRACT Lorenzo Lotto ( c a . 1480-1555/6) made a s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n to the development of female Veneto p o r t r a i t u r e w i t h the execution of h i s P o r t r a i t  of a Woman of ca. 1533 i n the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London. Here he gave b r i l l i a n t e x p r e s s i o n to h i s unique g i f t o f employing emblematic m a t e r i a l to pin p o i n t the e s s e n t i a l meaning of the s i t t e r ' s p r e s e n t a t i o n of him or her-s e l f . The p o r t r a i t shows the s i t t e r d i s p l a y i n g three o b j e c t s : a drawing, a c a r t e l l i n g bearing a L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n , and a w a l l f l o w e r . Chapter One i s a summary of the l i t e r a t u r e on the p o r t r a i t . While the theme of the Roman heroine L u c r e t i a , conveyed by the drawing and the i n s c r i p t i o n — a q u o t a t i o n , as given by L i v y , of L u c r e t i a ' s f i n a l words — has at times been recognized as an a l l u s i o n to the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e , w r i t e r s have focussed r a t h e r on aspects of the p a i n t i n g which seem to suggest that the s i t t e r i s , i n f a c t , a woman of questionable v i r t u e . Michael Jaffa's important suggestion, made i n 1971, t h a t the noblewoman i s L u c r e z i a V a l i e r , who married Benetto Pesaro i n 1533, has not been f u l l y explored. Few s t u d i e s on Renaissance p o r t r a i t u r e have been w r i t t e n and l i t e r a -ture on the Veneto and Venetian p o r t r a i t i s fragmentary. Chapter Two w i l l provide a summary of elements c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Veneto p o r t r a i t and the d i f f e r e n t types which were popular'there i n the years preceding the execu-t i o n o f L o t t o ' s London p o r t r a i t . As the concepts u n d e r l y i n g the male and female p o r t r a i t fundamentally d i f f e r e d , these two areas w i l l be examined s e p a r a t e l y . The emblematic p o r t r a i t was well-developed i n the Veneto and Lotto made h i s c h i e f c o n t r i b u t i o n to p o r t r a i t u r e i n t h i s area. With h i s s e r i e s of l i f e - s i z e p o r t r a i t s of h o r i z o n t a l format, he combined a d e t a i l e d - i i -d e s c r i p t i o n of the s i t t e r ' s environment w i t h a l l e g o r i c a l statements about the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e . The two most important p o r t r a i t s of t h i s group are the p o r t r a i t which i s the subject of t h i s t h e s i s and the p o r t r a i t of the c o l l e c t o r , Andrea Odoni. Odoni's p u r s u i t of a n t i q u i t y i s defined by s c u l p -tures which appear to be n a t u r a l to h i s environment but have been invested with symbolic meaning i n order to play out a n a r r a t i v e about the s i t t e r . This chapter w i l l provide a background against which to evaluate the inno-vations of the London p o r t r a i t . Chapter Three w i l l provide a summary of the r o l e s which could be assumed by the Venetian noblewoman i n s i x t e e n t h century Venice. Her most important f u n c t i o n i n s o c i e t y was wife and bearer of noble o f f s p r i n g , and as a r e s u l t her v a l u a t i o n rested on her c h a s t i t y , as i n f i d e l i t y to her husband. An i n t e r e s t i n g s ide i s s u e i s a l s o r a i s e d i n t h i s chapter. Within the context of Neoplatonic philosophy, women's importance rested i n t h e i r beauty, which could a s s i s t men on t h e i r s p i r i t u a l journey to t r u t h . F i n a l l y , C a s t i g l i o n e ' s Book of the C o u r t i e r , of 1528, and i t s d e f i n i t i o n of a new r o l e f o r women w i l l be considered. For the f i r s t time i n the Renais-sance, i t was unequivocally argued that i t was appropriate f o r women to have i n t e l l e c t u a l attainments equal to those of men. In Chapter Four, the p r i n c i p a l m o t i f s of Lotto's London p o r t r a i t w i l l be examined. L u c r e t i a , the Roman heroine who committed s u i c i d e i n order to preserve her honour a f t e r being raped was a popular f i g u r e i n the s i x t e e n t h century, r e f l e c t i n g a general vogue f o r antique h e r o i c f i g u r e s . In connec-t i o n w i t h p o r t r a i t s , she was oft e n emblematic of c h a s t i t y and al s o had a s p e c i a l connection w i t h marriage. Lotto's s i t t e r employs the L u c r e t i a emblems, the drawing and the i n s c r i p t i o n , to define her own status as a - i i i -modern h e r o i c exemplar of w i f e l y c h a s t i t y . The theme of marriage i s f u r -ther played out by other elements. A common a s s o c i a t i o n i n Veneto female a l l e g o r i c a l p o r t r a i t u r e was the flower and the bared b r e a s t . Drawing upon t h i s iconography, Lotto has employed the flower as a symbol of the s i t t e r ' s o f f e r i n g of l o v e to her husband, and her bared upper body as an a l l u s i o n to her p r o c r e a t i v e r o l e i n marriage as w e l l as to her v i r t u e . Another import-ant l e v e l of meaning i s embodied i n the L u c r e t i a emblems — an a l l u s i o n to the s i t t e r ' s c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t s . The i n s c r i p t i o n d e f i n e s the s i t t e r as having some knowledge of c l a s s i c a l h i s t o r y and the drawing, the f i r s t to appear i n p o r t r a i t u r e , may w e l l have been executed by her. Far from being a woman of unsound v i r t u e , the s i t t e r emerges as a woman of out s t a n d i n g v i r t u e , c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i d e a l s a p p r o p r i a t e to the Venetian noblewoman of her time. At the same time she conveys an i n d i v i d u -a l i t y unprecedented i n female p o r t r a i t u r e . - i v -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - v i -ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS - I x -CHAPTER ONE. INTRODUCTION: THE LITERATURE 1 CHAPTER TWO. PORTRAITURE IN THE VENETO: MALE AND FEMALE 19 In t r o d u c t i o n to the Sixteenth Century P o r t r a i t . 19 The P o r t r a i t i n the Veneto, 1520-1535. 21 The Male P o r t r a i t . 25 The Female P o r t r a i t . 37 CHAPTER THREE. THE RENAISSANCE NOBLEWOMAN OF VENICE 54 The Renaissance Woman. 54 Women i n Venice. 57 V i r t u e f o r Women: C h a s t i t y . 61 Neoplatonic Love. 64 Education and I I L i b r o d e l Cortegiano 68 CHAPTER FOUR. LOTTO'S PORTRAIT OF A WOMAN 82 The L u c r e t i a Theme: The Drawing and the I n s c r i p t i o n . 82 The Wallflower. 91 The Costume. 98 The Bared Breast. 99 The Colours of the Costume. 107 The Chair. 108 C u l t u r a l P u r s u i t s . 110 The Expression. 116 Conclusion. 117 ILLUSTRATIONS 130 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 157 - v -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Lorenzo L o t t o , P o r t r a i t of a Woman, London, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y (photo: N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London). 2. I n s c r i p t i o n and Wal l f l o w e r , d e t a i l of Lotto's P o r t r a i t of a Woman, Nat i o n a l G a l l e r y , London (photo: N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London). 3. Jewelled Pendant, d e t a i l of Lotto's P o r t r a i t of a Woman, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London (photo: N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London). 4. Chair and V e i l , d e t a i l of Lotto's P o r t r a i t of a Woman, London, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y (photo: N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London). 5. T i t i a n , Man w i t h a Glove, P a r i s , Louvre (photo: Wethey, P o r t r a i t s , p i . 29). 6. T i t i a n , Alfonso I d'Este, Marquess and Duke of F e r r a r a , New York, M e t r o p o l i t a n Museum of A r t (photo: Wethey, P o r t r a i t s , p i . 40). 7. P a r i s , Bordone, P o r t r a i t of a Doctor, formerly New York, N.J. Heimann (photo: Arte Veneta 19(1965): f i g . 203). 8. Lorenzo L o t t o , Dominican Steward, T r e v i s o , Museo C i v i c o (photo: Berenson, L o t t o , 1956, p i . 199). 9. Moretto da B r e s c i a , Young Humanist, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London (photo: N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y Catalogues: S i x t e e n t h Century I t a l i a n Schools. P l a t e s (London: P u b l i c a t i o n s Department N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , 1964), f i g . 130). Imi t a t o r of L o t t o , Andrea Ravagero, Eastnor C a s t l e , The Hon. Mrs. Hervey Bathurst (photo: Berenson, L o t t o , p i . 271). Lorenzo L o t t o , Young Gentleman i n h i s Study, Venice, Accademia (photo: Berenson, L o t t o , p i . 142). Lorenzo L o t t o , Man i n Black w i t h a S k u l l , Rome, G a l l e r i a Borghese (photo: Berenson, L o t t o , p i . 237). Lorenzo L o t t o , Antonio M a r s i l i o and h i s B r i d e , Madrid, Prado (photo: Berenson, Venetian School, v. 2, p i . 768). Married Couple With S q u i r r e l , Leningrad, Hermitage (photo: Berenson, L o t t o , p i . 219). Lorenzo L o t t o , Andrea Odoni, Hampton Court Palace (photo: Berenson, p i . 219). Hercules and Diana of Ephesus, d e t a i l of Lotto's Andrea Odoni, Hampton Court Palace (photo: Berenson, p i . 219). T i t i a n , Laura d e l D i a n t i , Kreuzlingen, Heinz K i s t e r s (photo: Wethey, P o r t r a i t s , p i . 41). - vi> -18. T i t i a n , I s a b e l l a d'Este, Vienna, K u n s t h i s t o r i s c h e s Museum (photo: Burckhardt, The C i v i l i z a t i o n of the Renaissance i n I t a l y , Vienna: the Phaidon Press, f i g . 18). 19. Bartolommeo Veneto, Young Woman, Ottawa, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y (photo: B u l l e t i n : The N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y of Canada, Ottawa 22(1973): c o v e r ) . '20. Bernardino L i c i n i o , A Lady, Boston, Mrs. Edward D. Brandegee (photo: Berenson, Venetian School, p i . 851). 21. Girolamo Savoldo, Lady as St. Margaret, Rome C a p i t o l i n e G a l l e r y (photo: Pope-Hennessy, 1966), f i g . 264). 22. P i e t r o d e g l i Ingannati, P o r t r a i t o f a Lady as a V i r g i n Martyr, P o r t l a n d , Oregon, Po r t l a n d A r t Museum (photo: Shapley, v. 2, f i g . 416). 23. T i t i a n , F l o r a , Florence, U f f i z i (photo: Wethey, M y t h o l o g i c a l  P a i n t i n g s , p i . 35). 24. Palma i l Vecchio, Lady as F l o r a , London: N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y (photo: Valcanover, p i . 50). 25. T i t i a n , La B e l l a , Florence, P i t t i (photo: Berenson, Venetian School, p. 978). 26. Crescent Moon, d e t a i l of Lotto's Lucina Brembate, Bergamo, Accademia Carrara (photo: Berenson, 1956, p i . 137). 27. Lorenzo L o t t o , Lucina Brembate, Bergamo, Accademia Carrara (Berenson, 1956, p. 137). 28. Marcantonio Raimondi, L u c r e t i a , Engraving, Boston, Museum of Fine A r t s (photo: Sheard, 1979, f i g . 102). 29. A t t r i b u t e d to Antonio Lombardo, L u c r e t i a r e l i e f , Baltimore Walters A r t G a l l e r y (photo: Sheard, 1979, f i g . 103). 30. B a r t h e l Bruyn, L u c r e t i a , verso of U r s u l a Rolinxwerth, The Hague, Mauritshuis (photo: Westhoff-Krummacher, no. 14). 31. B a r t h e l Bruyn, Ursula (Sudermann) Rolinxwerth, The Hague, Mau r i t s h u i s (photo: Westhoff-Krummacher, no. 14). 32. Jacopo T i n t o r e t t o , A Venetian Gentleman w i t h a Sculpture of L u c r e t i a , Munich, Pinakotek (photo: Dube, The Pinakotek, Munich, 1970, p. 173). 33. T i t i a n , La Schiavona, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London (photo: Wethey, P o r t r a i t s , p i . 13). 34. Verrocchio, Bust of a Lady, Florence, Museo Nazionale (photo: Pope-Hennessy, 1958, p. 77). - v i i -X35. School of Domenico G h i r l a n d a i o , Costanza Caetani, London, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y (photo: N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y Catalogues: Sixteenth Century I t a l i a n  Schools. P l a t e s (London: P u b l i c a t i o n s Department Nat i o n a l G a l l e r y , 1964). 36. T u l l i o Lombardo, Double P o r t r a i t , r e l i e f , Venice, Ca' d'Oro (photo: Wilk, Marsyas 14(1969):fig. 1). 37. A l c i a t i , Emblemata, "In fidem uxoriam" (photo: Reff, Pantheon 21(1963), f i g . 2, p. 362). 38. Giorgione, Laura, Vienna, K u n s t h i s t o r i s c h e s Museum (photo: P i g n a t t i , Giorgione, p i . 44). 39. Bartolommeo Veneto, Young Br i d e as F l o r a , F r a n k furt on the Main, Staedel I n s t i t u t e (photo: Berenson, Venetian School, p i . 545). 40. A t t r i b u t e d to C a r i a n i , Young Lady, Modena, G a l l e r y (photo: Berenson, 1957, v. 2, p i . 732). 41. Bernardino L i c i n i o , Woman With a P o r t r a i t of her Husband, M i l a n , C a s t e l l o Sforzesco (photo: Berenson, Venetian School, p i . 853). 42. Bernardino L i c i n i o , Woman With a Book, Madrid, Prado (photo: A. V e n t u r i , v. 9, p t . 3, p. 476). 43. Andrea d e l Sarto, G i r l Holding a Volume of P e t r a r c h , Florence, U f f i z i (photo: Freedberg, Andrea d e l Sarto , Cambridge, Massachusetts, (The Belknap Press of Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1963). 44. I m i t a t o r of L o t t o , Wife Reading Under the Guidance of Her Husband, formerly Madrid, Jose* P i j o a n (photo: H a l l , Connoisseur 192(1976), p. 294). 45. Bernardino L i c i n i o , An A r t i s t and h i s P u p i l s , Alnwick C a s t l e , Duke of Northumberland (photo: Berenson, Venetian School, p i . 843). 46. Baccio B a n d i n e l l i , S e l f - P o r t r a i t , Boston, I s a b e l l a Stewart Gardner Museum (photo: I s a b e l l a Stewart Gardner Museum). 47. T i t i a n , G u i l i o Romano, London, Mark O l i v e r (photo: Wethey, P o r t r a i t s , p i . 82). 48. Drawing of L u c r e t i a , d e t a i l of Lotto's P o r t r a i t of a Woman (London, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y ) . - v i i i -ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to express my g r a t i t u d e to Dr. Debra Pincus f o r p r o v i d i n g i n v a l u a b l e m a t e r i a l and references, but more p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r her constant support and generous involvement with my work which, together w i t h her perceptive comments and id e a s , have made the w r i t i n g of t h i s t h e s i s both a pleasure and a true l e a r n i n g experience. I would l i k e to thank Dennis Sexsmith f o r h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n of v a l u a b l e references and h i s a s s i s t a n c e i n the f i n a l stages of the pre p a r a t i o n of the t h e s i s , and als o Maryos Kuiper whose kindness and ti m e l y help i n a v a r i e t y of ways has been a source of great encouragement. F i n a l l y I must al s o thank my f a t h e r , Dr. Fre d e r i c k Goodspeed, f o r h i s ge n e r o s i t y i n p r o v i d i n g me w i t h f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e during the w r i t i n g of t h i s t h e s i s . - ix -CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION: THE LITERATURE 1 Lorenzo Lotto's P o r t r a i t of a Woman i n the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y i n London, has taken i t s i d e n t i t y from the drawing of the Roman heroine L u c r e t i a pro-minently held and d i s p l a y e d by the s i t t e r ( F i g u r e 1 ) . The work i s l a r g e by ordinary e a r l y s i x t e e n t h century standards f o r the p o r t r a i t and unusual i n i t s h o r i z o n t a l format. The p o r t r a i t i s painted on wood; i t s dimensions are 95 x 110 centimetres; the s i t t e r i s represented l i f e - s i z e . The p a i n t i n g appears to be i n e x c e l l e n t c o n d i t i o n , w i t h the exception of some rubbing i n c e r t a i n areas, and appears not to have been c u t . 1 The s i t t e r i s shown standing i n an i n t e r i o r s e t t i n g . Facing away from her on the l e f t i s a c h a i r , of which only the upper part i s v i s i b l e (Figure 4). On the r i g h t i s a t a b l e covered w i t h a red c l o t h on which l i e two o b j e c t s : a c u t t i n g of a yellow flower, and a c a r t e l l i n g (Figure 2) bearing the L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n i n Roman c a p i t a l s : NEC VLLA IMPVDICA LV/CRETIAE EXEMPLO VIVET. 2 This d i s p l a y i s completed by the drawing of the Roman L u c r e t i a which the s i t t e r holds i n her l e f t hand, d i r e c t l y above the objects on the t a b l e (Figure 48). The woman i n the drawing i s nude except f o r the drapery which she presses to her body i n a Venus pudica gesture. Holding a dagger i n her r i g h t hand, aimed at her heart, she gazes upward, open-mouthed. The pose of the nude and the s t y l e of the drawing are expressive, conveyed by the f l o w i n g , d i s h e v e l l e d h a i r , the forward bend of the t o r s o , the uneven pres-sure of the l o o s e l y drawn curved l i n e s , the rough, uneven hatching, and the c h i a r o s c u r o . The background of the drawing i s a n e u t r a l gray and the f i g u r e appears to stand on an a r t i f i c i a l base. The composition i s framed by a pale, unmarked border. 2 . The s i t t e r gestures towards t h i s d i s p l a y with her r i g h t hand. She t i l t s her head towards the t a b l e and at the same time gazes, u n f l i n c h i n g l y , at the s p e c t a t o r , e x h i b i t i n g a determination bordering on aggression and anger. Her costume i s elaborate and sumptuous. Her h a i r i s covered by a b a l z o , here made up of a p r o f u s i o n of t i n y i m i t a t i o n c u r l s decorated w i t h white bows. Her gown i s of s t r i p e s of f a b r i c , probably v e l v e t and s a t i n , a b r i g h t orange-red a l t e r n a t i n g w i t h green. The bodice i s t i g h t l y f i t t e d and the s k i r t i s gathered at the w a i s t . Above the elbows, the sleeves b a l l o o n i n t o huge p u f f s ; below they are more t i g h t l y f i t t e d . A diaphanous c l o t h covers her l e f t shoulder and i s attached at the corner of the bodice, then thrown over her l e f t shoulder. The edge of the c l o t h i s v i s i b l e above her r i g h t shoulder and i t s t i p , near her r i g h t elbow, f a l l s onto and i n f r o n t of the c h a i r . Further d e t a i l s adding to the e f f e c t made by the dress i n c l u d e the s t i t c h i n g along the n e c k l i n e of the bodice, the l a c i n g of the f r o n t of the bodice, the tuck i n the s k i r t below the w a i s t 3 , and the f u r edging at the c u f f s and at the slashes at the elbows, suggesting a f u r l i n i n g to the garment. Into the f r o n t of her bodice has been tucked a gold quintuple chain w i t h a pendant of gold p u t t i and cornucopiae set w i t h rubies and sapphires 1*, from which i s suspended a s i n g l e tear-shaped p e a r l (Figure 3 ) . The placement of t h i s elaborate jewel allows f o r an unobstruc-ted view of the s i t t e r ' s bare f l e s h , f u r t h e r emphasized by the pronounced decolletage which exposes most of her r i g h t shoulder as w e l l as a l a r g e s e c t i o n of her upper chest. She wears a r i n g on the r i n g f i n g e r of her l e f t hand, her only a d d i t i o n a l piece of j e w e l l e r y . The s i t t e r ' s body i s angled s l i g h t l y away from the p i c t u r e plane 3. towards the t a b l e . Her upper torso i s t w i s t e d s l i g h t l y back i n the d i r e c t i o n of the spectator and t i l t e d to the l e f t . Her pose draws the spectator's a t t e n t i o n to the d i s p l a y on the r i g h t but at the same time allows f o r f u l l p r e s e n t a t i o n of the d e t a i l s of her costume. Colour and l i g h t are both dynamic elements i n the p a i n t i n g . The few c o l o u r s - the green and orange-red of the dress, and the red of the t a b l e -c l o t h - are b r i g h t and dissonant. The w a l l behind the s i t t e r i s a n e u t r a l gray. The l i g h t from the upper r i g h t h i g h l i g h t s the dress, p i c k s out the objects on the r i g h t , the s i t t e r ' s face, and the expanse of her pale, creamy chest. Above the c h a i r , her shadow i s cast on the w a l l , suggesting that the l i g h t source i s a doorway, or p o s s i b l y a l a r g e window. The provenance of Lotto's P o r t r a i t of a Woman can be traced backwards, beginning on J u l y 15th, 1927, when the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y i n London purchased i t through C h r i s t i e ' s . 5 From 1855 i t had been i n the c o l l e c t i o n of R.S. H o l f o r d , who had acquired i t from the S c o t t i s h l o r d , S i r James Carnegie, Lord Southesk, i n whose possession the work was recorded i n the previous y e a r . 6 The work had presumably been purchased by Lord Southesk's f a t h e r from the S c o t t i s h a r t d e a l e r , James I r v i n e , whose c l i e n t he had been. 7 Correspondence has revealed that I r v i n e had purchased i t from Abate L u i g i C e l o t t i of Venice i n November 1828 f o r h i s c l i e n t S i r W i l l i a m Forbes, who died before the p o r t r a i t reached Edinburgh i n 1830. 8 The e a r l i e s t document to r e f e r to the work appears to be an inventory of October 1797 of approximately 190 p a i n t i n g s i n the possession of the Pesaro f a m i l y at Ca' Pesaro, S. Stae. Among the works on the main f l o o r of the palace, hanging i n the p r i n c i p a l g a l l e r y which overlooked the Grand Canal, was: "No. 39. Giorgione, b e l l a c o p i a . Donna con r i t r a t t o d i 4. L u c r e z i a i n mano. 2:9 x 3:3. 88." 9 The l i n k with the Pesaro f a m i l y and the l i n k w i t h the Roman heroine L u c r e t i a l e d Michael J a f f e i n 1971 to hypothesize a p o s s i b l e i d e n t i t y f o r the s i t t e r : that of L u c r e z i a V a l i e r , who on January 19, 1933, married Benetto Pesaro of the S. Benetto branch of the f a m i l y . Jaffe"'s use of genealogy charts i n d i c a t e d that there was no other Pesaro daughter or daughter-in-law named L u c r e z i a who was of an age to be married around t h i s t i m e . 1 0 On the basis of t h i s evidence, J a f f e has proposed that the work was commissioned i n the s i x t e e n t h century by the Pesaro f a m i l y at S. Benetto. In 1687, when t h i s branch of the f a m i l y became e x t i n c t , the work could w e l l have been included among the f a m i l y p i c t u r e s which, i t i s known, passed i n t o the hands of the Pesaro at S. S t a e . 1 1 Here i t remained, Jaffe" has suggested, along with o t h e r s , u n t i l the 1797 inventory. In the f i r s t h a l f of the s i x t e e n t h century, the Pesaro f a m i l y was wealthy and i n f l u e n t i a l . 1 2 Belonging to the branch at S. Benetto was Benedetto Pesaro who had been Captain General of the Venetian f l e e t and Procurator of San Marco. In 1501, he had been a candidate f o r the Dogeship, 1 3 and l a t e r was immortalized by T i t i a n i n the Madonna d i Ca'  Pesaro i n the Church of the F r a r i . 1 4 His son Girolamo, f a t h e r of Benetto who married L u c r e z i a V a l i e r , 1 5 succeeded him i n the o f f i c e s of Captain General and Procurator. 1 6 I t should be noted that i n the s i x t e e n t h century the Pesaro at S. Benetto possessed a c o l l e c t i o n of p a i n t i n g s which had already achieved a c e r t a i n fame by 1581 when Francesco Sansovino, i n Venetia C i t t a  N o b i l i s s i m a , described t h e i r c o l l e c t i o n as "una copiosa r a c c o l t a d i 5. E c c e l l e n t i P i t t u r e , c o s i a n t i c h e , come moderne". 1 7 An i n d i c a t i o n of the Pesaro i n t e r e s t i n f a m i l y p o r t r a i t s l i e s i n the presence among these works, of two p o r t r a i t s of Benedetto and Girolamo by Pordenone. 1 8 The e a r l i e s t a t t r i b u t i o n we have f o r the Lotto p o r t r a i t , i n the 1797 inventory, l i s t s i t , as has been noted, as "Giorgione, b e l l a c o p i a " . 1 9 In the nineteenth century, the work was considered to be by Giorgione, as evidenced by the correspondence of 1828-9 between I r v i n e and C e l o t t i and i t s a t t r i b u t i o n to Giorgione i n the e x h i b i t i o n at the B r i t i s h I n s t i t u t i o n i n 1854. 2 0 In 1871 Crowe and C a v a l c a s e l l e removed the p o r t r a i t from Giorgione's oeuvre and r e - a t t r i b u t e d i t to Lotto on s t y l i s t i c g r o u n d s . 2 1 In 1893, M o r e l l i l i s t e d the p o r t r a i t among Lotto's p a i n t i n g s . 2 2 The e a r l i e s t a r t h i s t o r i c a l work to deal w i t h Lotto's oeuvre as a whole was Bernard Berenson's monograph, f i r s t published i n 1 8 9 5 . 2 3 Accepting the Lotto a t t r i b u t i o n , he included comments about the London p o r t r a i t . He was the f i r s t to propose a date f o r the work. On the evidence of s t y l e , he suggested 1528-33. 2 4 His a d d i t i o n a l remarks were l a r g e l y d e s c r i p t i v e . He saw the s i t t e r ' s expression as "discontended and morose". He i d e n t i f i e d the c h a i r as a c r a d l e . 2 5 That same year, Gronau wrote a short i n t e r p r e t i v e comment on the p a i n t i n g , s t a t i n g that the s i t t e r wished to be represented i n the r o l e of the Roman L u c r e t i a . He too mentioned the s i t t e r ' s expression, r e f e r r i n g to i t as "strange, even a n n o y i n g " . 2 6 Adolfo V e n t u r i i n 1901 included the p o r t r a i t i n h i s short survey of Lotto's oeuvre, p r i n c i p a l l y remarking on the elegance of the costume and the luminous c o l o u r s . 2 7 The purchase of the p o r t r a i t , as a L o t t o , by the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y i n 1927, gave r i s e to another f l u r r y of c r i t i c i s m . The short d i s c u s s i o n s by 6. W.G. Constable and S i r Charles Holmes focussed upon what they saw as an ambiguity or c o n t r a d i c t i o n w i t h i n the work. Constable, a f t e r noting the presence of the drawing of the Roman L u c r e t i a , provided a quotation of L u c r e t i a ' s l a s t words from Shakespeare's Rape of Lucrece: "No, no," quoth she, "no dame he r e a f t e r l i v i n g , By my excuse s h a l l c l a i m excuses g i v i n g . " For Constable, the s i t t e r ' s a t t i t u d e b e l i e d the theme of v i r t u e : Not, indeed, that Lotto's s i t t e r suggests the moral s t a t u r e of a L u c r e t i a . Her p r o t e s t i n g and r e s o l u t e gesture i s that of an a c t r e s s , and i s b e l i e d by the sensuous, h i g h l y - f e m i n i z e d atmosphere w i t h which the p a i n t e r has invested her. P o s s i b l y she i s a Venetian great l a d y , more probably a model or l i g h t -o - l o v e . . . 2 8 Holmes considered that Lotto was i n t e n t i o n a l l y experimenting w i t h the ambi-guous. A f t e r c a l l i n g her "a handsome and r i c h l y dressed l a d y " , he addressed h i m s e l f , l i k e Constable, to the question of who the s i t t e r r e a l l y was: ...there i s j u s t that l i t t l e u n c e r t a i n t y about her which e n t i c e s us to a l l the mysteries of a d e t e c t i v e s t o r y . Is our L u c r e z i a the p o r t r a i t of a lady w i t h a past? Or i s she merely that d i s a p -p o i n t i n g t h i n g , an a l l e g o r y - .... 2 9 Further commentary appeared i n 1953. Of the three monographs on Lotto published i n that year, only Anna Banti's mentioned the p o r t r a i t . 3 0 As previous w r i t e r s , she focussed on the demeanor of the s i t t e r . B a n t i considered the woman i n the p o r t r a i t to be no match f o r the contemporary Venetian " b e l l e " i n p o r t r a i t s by Giorgione, T i t i a n and Palma. A " s u b t l e mischievousness, almost i r o n y " conveyed by the s i t t e r i n her emulation of these other " b e l l e " , was at the same time undercut by an accumulation of d e t a i l s - the s i t t e r ' s pose and d e f i a n t gesture, her manner of wearing her j e w e l l e r y and of holding the drawing, as w e l l as the c o l o u r s : 7. Ecco una d e l l e " b e l l e " cinquecentesche, emula d e l l e Laure, d e l l e F l o r e , d e l l e V i o l a n t i , o r n a t i s s i m a ed a s t r a t t a : ma non dea, semmai i d o l o i n q u i e t o e t u t t o s c a t t i , d a l l a posa d i traverso a l i o s g r i g i o l i o quasi s t r i d u l o d e l l e s e t e , d a l g i o i e l l o che s c i v o l a e pesa s u l seno, a l f o g l i o c o l disegno a l l e g o r i c o , come c r e p i t a n t e , s t r e t t o e a l l o n t a n a t o d a l l o mano s i n i s t r o , con un gesto d i s f i d o p i u r u s t i c o che a u l i c o e c i t t a d i n o . L'accostamento stesso d e i c o l o r i , quel mordere freddo d e l verde e d e l bianco s u l rosso bruno, a l l e g a dolcemente e denuncia un m i s t e r i o s o scompenso, ben lontano d a l l ' e q u i l i b r i o p l a c i d e e t r i o n f a n t e d i T i z i a n o , d a l l a f e s t a opulenta de Palma. Even her beauty, B a n t i wrote, i s punctuated by polemical i n t e n t i o n s . 3 1 In 1955, Berenson 1s r e v i s e d monograph on Lotto was published. On the P o r t r a i t , he l a r g e l y repeated h i s comments of 1895, i n c l u d i n g a s i m i l a r dating b r a c k e t . 3 2 He noted, without i n d i c a t i n g the source, that i t has been proposed that the " s o - c a l l e d Lucretia....was meant as a pendant" to Lotto's P o r t r a i t of Andrea Odoni, a dated work of 1527, a proposal that he r e j e c t s as having been made "without any p l a u s i b l e r e a s o n " . 3 3 The drawing held by the s i t t e r he described as "Titianesque". The a r t i c l e of f u r n i t u r e was now c a l l e d a "Savonarola c h a i r " instead of a c r a d l e . His f i n a l comment i s reminiscent of those of 1927: "One cannot help f e e l i n g that the a r t i s t was not persuaded of the lady's s i n c e r i t y . " Berenson does not elaborate on t h i s p o i n t . A r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the work was presented i n 1959 by C e c i l Gould i n h i s entry on the p o r t r a i t i n h i s N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y Catalogue on the Venetian School. 31* As B a n t i , Gould l a b e l l e d the work A Lady as L u c r e t i a . This i s the t i t l e which has now become standard i n the l i t e r a t u r e . Gould compared the p a i n t i n g w i t h p o r t r a i t s which represent the s i t t e r e i t h e r i n the costume of a c l a s s i c a l f i g u r e , or with the a t t r i b u t e s of a s a i n t , c i t i n g Bronzino's Andrea Doria as Neptune and Sebastiano d e l Piombo's Lady as S t .  Agatha as examples. Gould was the f i r s t to r a i s e the i s s u e of a theme of 8. v i r t u e , s t a t i n g that the s i t t e r was " a s s e r t i n g her v i r t u e " by i d e n t i f y i n g w i t h the Roman L u c r e t i a , a "sentiment" present not only through the use of the drawing, but a l s o by the s i t t e r ' s p o i n t i n g to the i n s c r i p t i o n . However, Gould, l i k e other h i s t o r i a n s , remained unconvinced. He footnoted h i s d i s c u s s i o n of v i r t u e w i t h a quote from Hamlet - "Methinks the lady doth pr o t e s t too much" - and commented that though there i s no evidence ( s i n c e the s i t t e r i s u n i d e n t i f i e d ) that the work "was painted to counteract the impugning of her v i r t u e a t t e n t i o n may be drawn to a comparable a l l e g o r i c a l p o r t r a i t of the seventeenth century - Van Dyck's Lady Venetia Digby as  Prudence. Lady Venetia was n o t o r i o u s l y imprudent." As regards the d a t i n g , Gould brought i n t o the d i s c u s s i o n a new f a c t o r f o r c o n s i d e r a t i o n - the s i t t e r ' s costume. An extensive a n a l y s i s by S t e l l a Mary Newton concluded t h a t , on the b a s i s of the s t y l e of the dress and the b a l z o , the work could be q u i t e a c c u r a t e l y dated to the year 1530 or 1531, though Newton extended the range from 1529 to 1533 f o r those who doubt the accuracy of dating p o r t r a i t s on the evidence of costume. 3 5 This supports the range of bracket proposed by Berenson on the b a s i s of s t y l e , and i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h J a f f e ' s proposal f o r the s i t t e r ' s i d e n t i t y . In e a r l y 1963, i n h i s short catalogue of Lotto's oeuvre, B i a n c o n i , 3 6 l i k e the e a r l y Berenson, considered the c h a i r to be a c r a d l e , the only other h i s t o r i a n to i d e n t i f y i t as such. Bianconi introduced a new element i n t o the d i s c u s s i o n - the meaning of the i n s c r i p t i o n . He pointed to L i v y , 1, 58, as the source and provided a t r a n s l a t i o n : "No woman s h a l l lead a l i f e of shame i n future i f she r e c a l l s L u c r e t i a 1 s example." 3 7 Upon t h i s r e s t s , he s t a t e d , "the assumption that the s i t t e r i s a courtesan". He d i d not e x p l a i n how the i n s c r i p t i o n enabled one to i d e n t i f y the s i t t e r ' s occu-9. pa t i o n . Furthermore, Bianconi's t r a n s l a t i o n i s inaccurate and hence mis-l e a d i n g from an iconographic point of view. By 1969, another inaccurate r e n d i t i o n had been put f o r t h , one which appeared i n Natio n a l G a l l e r y p u b l i c a t i o n s and elsewhere: "By L u c r e t i a ' s example, l e t no v i o l a t e d woman l i v e " . 3 8 In 1969, John Sparrow pointed out the e r r o r : The words do not mean that henceforth no woman s h a l l s u r v i v e the l o s s of her honour; they mean that no woman who wishes to go on l i v i n g a f t e r she has l o s t her honour w i l l be able to appeal to L u c r e t i a ' s case as p r e c e d e n t . 3 9 In s p i t e of Sparrow's obs e r v a t i o n , N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y p u b l i c a t i o n s continued to f u r n i s h the i n c o r r e c t t r a n s l a t i o n as l a t e as 1977; 1 + 0 i n 1979 Braham provided a rewording of e s s e n t i a l l y the same v e r s i o n . 1 + 1 I suggest that an accurate t r a n s l a t i o n of the phrase would read: "...no unchaste woman who wishes to go on l i v i n g w i l l be able to appeal to L u c r e t i a as examplar." In 1971, i n the study by Jaffe* p r e v i o u s l y d i s c u s s e d , costume was used as an a i d to deciphering the iconography of the work. Jaffe* suggested that the p o r t r a i t was painted approximately one year a f t e r the s i t t e r ' s marriage, "at the time of p u t t i n g her h a i r up i n sign that she was to be considered a married woman, no longer a young b r i d e . " 1 * 2 A l i s t a i r Smith, w r i t i n g i n 1973 i n a Nat i o n a l G a l l e r y p u b l i c a t i o n on Renaissance p o r t r a i t s i n the c o l l e c t i o n , 1 + 3 i s the f i r s t to dwell on the theme of c h a s t i t y and introduce the flower as an element f o r c o n s i d e r a t i o n . The s i t t e r , he b e l i e v e d , as w e l l as being a " l i v i n g person" i s a l s o a " p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n of v i r t u e " . The drawing of L u c r e t i a , as w e l l as probably a l l u d i n g to the s i t t e r ' s name, embodies the theme of v i r t u e and the i n s c r i p t i o n "invokes" her example. This "elaborate demonstration of the 10. s i t t e r ' s c h a s t i t y " , he explained by the "nosegay" - "evidence of a s u i t o r ' s a t t e n t i o n s " , as i t was "doubtless presented to her by an admirer." How-ever, Smith returns to the question of the s i t t e r ' s demeanor, and as the e a r l i e r male h i s t o r i a n s , seems to have been "seduced" by the s i t t e r ' s pre-s e n t a t i o n of h e r s e l f . Her exaggerated i n s i s t e n c e . . . w i t h her bold s t a r e and non-too-d i s c r e e t a t t i r e , serve to a t t r a c t r a t h e r than r e p u l s e . The spectator seems almost dared to take h i s place i n the empty c h a i r . The l a d y , i s qu i t e simply, a c t i n g a part which d i s p l a y s an almost provocative c h a s t i t y . Smith makes a f u r t h e r comment of i n t e r e s t - that the s i t t e r i s d i s p l a y i n g "her knowledge of antique l i t e r a t u r e " , but does not develop the p o i n t . Giordana Canova i n 1975 was the f i r s t to attempt a f u l l - s c a l e i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n using J a f f e 1 s research as a point of departure. She began by noting the s i t t e r ' s probable i d e n t i t y as L u c r e z i a Pesaro, married i n 1533. She accepts J a f f e ' s viewing of the work as a marriage p o r t r a i t , and concludes that the Roman L u c r e t i a , as w e l l as a l l u d i n g to the s i t t e r ' s name, i s an a l l u s i o n to conjugal f i d e l i t y . 4 ' 1 In the same year, F l a v i o C a r o l i , i n h i s monograph on L o t t o , adopted the opposite extreme. His short comment on the London p o r t r a i t appears to be based s o l e l y on Bia n c o n i , f o r he makes the assumption that the s i t t e r i s a courtesan, a c o n c l u s i o n t h a t , he s t a t e s , i s to be drawn from the i n s c r i p t i o n . 1 + 5 In 1977, J a f f e ' s conclusions were included i n the book on the Na t i o n a l G a l l e r y by Homan P o t t e r t o n . His b r i e f comment summed up the main points of the previous l i t e r a t u r e , i n c l u d i n g the s i t t e r ' s a s s e r t i o n of her v i r t u e through the L u c r e t i a emblems, and her apparently ambiguous manner of pro-c l a i m i n g i t "which serves only to arouse our s u s p i c i o n s " . Attempting to r e c o n c i l e these two extremes, he concluded that "the p o r t r a i t i s not w i t h -out w i t on the part of the pa i n t e r and the s i t t e r " . 1 * 6 In 1979, Mary E. Hazard incorporated Lotto's p o r t r a i t i n t o her d i s c u s -s i o n of the Roman L u c r e t i a i n Renaissance l i t e r a t u r e and a r t . 1 * 7 D e f i n i n g L u c r e t i a as a well-known exemplum of womanly decorum and c h a s t i t y , she set Lotto's p o r t r a i t w i t h i n the context of v i r t u e . She considered that the work represented the s i t t e r i n the act of reading, and that the Roman L u c r e t i a was to be understood here as an exemplum. She i s the only w r i t e r to point out that the i n s c r i p t i o n i s an adapted quote of L u c r e t i a ' s f i n a l words. 1 + 8 The p i c t u r e that emerges from t h i s review of the l i t e r a t u r e provides few d e f i n i t e conclusions about the inconography. The question of the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e , c a r r i e d through the L u c r e t i a references, as opposed to what has been seen as the s i t t e r ' s suggestive, i n v i t i n g , or ambiguous pre-s e n t a t i o n of h e r s e l f remains unresolved. Nearly a l l scholars have focussed on one of these aspects, i g n o r i n g the other, or have acknowledged both without attempting to i n t e g r a t e them i n t o a coherent, convincing a n a l y s i s . Important aspects of the work have been touched on but not examined i n terms of t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n to the meaning of the work: the s i t t e r ' s f a c i a l expression, the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the costume, the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the fl o w e r , and the meaning of the i n s c r i p t i o n . This problem a r i s e s i n part from lacunae i n the l i t e r a t u r e . Lacking i s a thorough examination of motifs of costume and the emblems, gesture and expression, as they occur w i t h i n p o r t r a i t u r e . Nor have scholars given serious a t t e n t i o n to the context of the p o r t r a i t w i t h i n Lotto's oeuvre and w i t h i n the area of contemporary Venetian and Veneto female p o r t r a i t u r e . 12. This i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the general l a c k of l i t e r a t u r e on these two s u b j e c t s , as w e l l as the inadequate treatment of Venetian s i x t e e n t h century p o r t r a i t u r e as a whole. 1* 9 Comments are g e n e r a l l y fragmentary, i n c o n c l u -s i v e , and i s o l a t e d from each other throughout p e r i o d i c a l s , catalogue e n t r i e s , monographs on a p a r t i c u l a r a r t i s t ' s oeuvre, and d i s c u s s i o n s and books on p o r t r a i t u r e or Renaissance a r t i n general. Further, female por-t r a i t u r e i s r a r e l y examined as d i s t i n c t from male p o r t r a i t u r e 5 0 as i t should be i n l i g h t of the widely d i f f e r i n g r o l e s of and expectations f o r men and women. While a number of stu d i e s have been produced on Renaissance women, few attempts have been made to apply these conclusions i n an i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n of the female p o r t r a i t and i t s various types, though female por-t r a i t s are sometimes used to i l l u s t r a t e w r i t e r s ' points on the subject of women. 5 1 The attempts to examine Lotto's l a r g e p o r t r a i t oeuvre as a u n i t and hi s own unique c o n t r i b u t i o n to the development of the emblematic p o r t r a i t remain summary and incomplete. In 1956, Berenson recognized Lotto's " p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n t e r e s t " i n h i s s i t t e r s and h i s success i n p o r t r a y i n g f a c i a l expressions r e f l e c t i n g t h e i r "inner l i f e " . 5 2 However, h i s chapter on the p o r t r a i t s solves few iconographic problems. Seidenberg's d o c t o r a l t h e s i s on Lotto's p o r t r a i t s , published i n 1964, i s l a r g e l y r e s t r i c t e d to s t y l i s t i c development. 5 3 G a l i s ' s d o c t o r a l t h e s i s of 1977 provides a much-needed chapter on a number of Lotto's emblematic p o r t r a i t s , but she does not deal with the London p o r t r a i t . 5 1 * A short general survey of contemporary Venetian and Veneto p o r t r a i t u r e w i l l provide a framework f o r an assessment of Lotto's conception of the emblematic p o r t r a i t , both male and female, i n the decade preceding h i s 13. London P o r t r a i t of a Woman. Following t h i s , an o u t l i n e of the r o l e of Venetian women of the s i x t e e n t h century w i l l provide the background against which to view s a l i e n t elements of the London p o r t r a i t . Within t h i s con-t e x t , an a n a l y s i s of the i n d i v i d u a l m o t i f s of the p o r t r a i t w i l l make p o s s i b l e some conclusions about i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e . FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER ONE 14. 1. C e c i l Gould, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y Catalogues: The S i x t e e n t h Century  Venetian School (London: W i l l i a m Clowes and Sons, L i m i t e d , 1959), p. 54, reports that the orange-red of the dress has been rubbed and retouched, as has the background but to a l e s s e r extent than the f l e s h areas, p a r t i c u l a r l y the neck and bosom where t h i s has been extensive. 2. Gould, Venetian School, p. 54, s t a t e s that the "o" of "exemplo" seems to have o r i g i n a l l y been "m". However t h i s i s u n l i k e l y as the i n s c r i p -t i o n i s quoted from L i v y , where the word i s c l e a r l y "exemplo". See below, t h i s chapter. I t was read i n 1871 as "exemplo" by J.A. Crowe and G.B. C a v a l c a s e l l e , A H i s t o r y of P a i n t i n g i n North I t a l y , 2nd Ed., (London: John Murray, 1912):3:43. 3. S t e l l a Mary Newton i d e n t i f i e s t h i s as a tuck i n "Lorenzo L o t t o : L u c r e z i a , " an unpublished paper i n the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y a r c h i v e s , n.d. A copy of t h i s study was made a v a i l a b l e to me through the courtesy of the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y . For d i s c u s s i o n of Newton's co n c l u s i o n s , see below, t h i s chapter. 4. The stones i n the pendant i n t h i s p o r t r a i t are i d e n t i f i e d by Joan Evans, A H i s t o r y of J e w e l l e r y : 1000-1870 (London: Faber & Faber, 1953), p. 53. 5. Gould, Venetian School, p. 54. 6. I b i d . 7. Michael J a f f e , "Pesaro Family P o r t r a i t s : Pordenone, L o t t o , and T i t i a n , " B u r l i n g t o n Magazine 113(1971): 696-702, esp. 696. 8. I b i d . , p. 701-2. 9. The dimensions are i n Venetian fee t and inches and the v a l u a t i o n i n l i r e quoted by J a f f e , "Pesaro Family P o r t r a i t s , " p. 696, from G. Fio c c o , R i v i s t a mensile d e l l a C i t t a d i Venezia, 4 (1935), pp. 377 f f . 10. J a f f e , "Pesaro Family P o r t r a i t s , " p. 700. 11. J a f f e ' s suggestion f o r the provenance i n "Pesaro Family P o r t r a i t s , " p. 696 and 700-1 begins w i t h Benetto Pesaro. From him the work would have passed to h i s son Gerolamo M e l c h i o r r e , born i n 1536, to Lorenzo, born January 18, 1573, to Girolamo, born A p r i l 18, 1607, to another Lorenzo, born September 2, 1650 to Andrea, born J u l y 28, 1673 but who died as a boy on January 22, 1687, ending t h i s branch of the Pesaro f a m i l y , the Pesaro at S. Benetto. From here the f a m i l y p i c t u r e s , i n c l u d i n g the L o t t o , would have then passed to the head of the next senior s u r v i v i n g branch, Antonio Pesaro at S. Stae, who re s i d e d i n the new palace b u i l t f o r h i s f a t h e r Lunardo by Baldassare Longhena. From Antonio, the p i c t u r e would have passed to h i s son Senator Lunardo and Continued. 15. then h i s grand-sons Francesco, Zuanne, and P i e r o , i n whose possession the p o r t r a i t was i n v e n t o r i e d i n 1797. That year, the p r o v i s i o n a l M u n i c i p a l i t y of Venice posted p u b l i c n o t i c e s that the goods of the e l d e s t , Francesco, were to be c o n f i s c a t e d , as he had been too f r i e n d l y with the A u s t r i a n Empire. 12. Robert F i n l a y , P o l i t i c s i n Renaissance Venice (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers U n i v e r s i t y P ress, 1980), p. 83. Here he s t a t e s that i n 1527 the Pesaro made up of a c l a n of 25 (male) members. 13. I b i d . , p. 151. For f a c t s about Benedetto, see a l s o p. 81, 82 and 131. 14. Harold Wethey, T i t i a n : The R e l i g i o u s P a i n t i n g s (London: Phaidon Press L t d . , 1969), p. 101-2. Benedetto, i n a robe on red brocade, kneels i n the r i g h t foreground. 15. J a f f e , "Pesaro Family P o r t r a i t s , " p. 701. 16. I b i d . , p. 701; and Francesco Sansovino, Venetia Ci t t a : n o b i l i s s i m a e  s i n g o l a r e , a d d i t i o n s by G i u s t i a n i n i M a r t i n i o n i (Venice: Appresso steffauo C u r t i , 1663; r e p r i n t ed., Farnborough, Hants, England: Gregg, 1968), p. 376. For f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n about Girolamo, see F i n l a y , p. 62 and 132. Benetto's p u b l i c l i f e does not appear to have become consequential u n t i l he became an " o f f i c i a l i s camerae imprest!torum" on November 11, 1547. Jaffe", "Pesaro Family P o r t r a i t s , " p. 701. 17. Sansovino, Venetia C i t t a n o b i l i s s i m a , p. 376. 18. I b i d . , According to J a f f e , "Pesaro Family P o r t r a i t s , " p. 702, no other record of these p o r t r a i t s has come to l i g h t and they appear to have l e f t the Pesaro c o l l e c t i o n before the 1797 inven t o r y . 19. See above, p. 4. 20. J a f f e , "Pesaro Family P o r t r a i t s , " p. 696. 21. P a i n t i n g i n North I t a l y , 2nd ed. (London: John Murray, 1912): 3:43. Here the authors s t a t e d , " I t d i s p l a y s the well-known smorphia and a f f e c t a t i o n of L o t t o " . Tancred Borenius added a note to t h i s e d i t i o n s t a t i n g — as an annotation to the c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of t h i s work as " i n the s t y l e of Lot t o " — that " i t may be c o n f i d e n t l y a s c r i b e d to him". I b i d . , p. 430. Crowe and C a v a l c a s e l l e on p. 43 i n c o r r e c t l y describe the s i t t e r as "seated i n an armchair". Gould, Venetian  School, p. 54, notes that Banti/Boschetto e r r i n a s c r i b i n g a C a r i a n i a t t r i b u t i o n to Crowe and C a v a l c a s e l l e and maintaining that M o r e l l i was the f i r s t to recognize the work as L o t t o ' s . Nevertheless P i e r o B i a n c o n i , A l l the P a i n t i n g s of Lorenzo L o t t o , t r a n s . Paul C o l a c i c c h i (London: Oldbourne; M i l a n : R i z z o l i E d i t o r e , 1963), 2:81-2; and F l a v i o C a r o l i Lorenzo Lotto (Florence: E d i z i o n i d'arte i l F i o r i n o , 1975), p. 222 repeat that the a t t r i b u t i o n to Lotto was made by M o r e l l i . 16. 22. Giovanni M o r e l l i , I t a l i a n P a i n t e r s : C r i t i c a l Studies of Their Works;  The G a l l e r i e s of Munich and Dresden, t r a n s . C.J. Ffoulkes (London: John Murray, 1893), p. 51. 23. This e d i t i o n was included i n the b i b l i o g r a p h y by Anna Ban t i and Antonio Boschetto, Lorenzo L o t t o (Florence: Sansoni, 1953), p. 98. 24. Bernard Berenson, Lorenzo L o t t o : An Essay i n C o n s t r u c t i v e A r t  C r i t i c i s m , rev. ed., (London: George B e l l & Sons, 1901), p. 191. Here the author considers the pose of the head to suggest the Madonna of 1533 i n Bergamo, then i n the Lochis C o l l e c t i o n and now i n the Accademia Carrara. He notes that the s t y l e i s more s i m i l a r to the works of 1529-30, while the "look" r e c a l l s St. Catherine's i n the Santa Conversazione of 1528 i n Vienna, K u n s t h i s t o r i s c h e s Museum. 25. I b i d . , p. 190. 26. G. Gronau, "L'Art Venetian k Londres," Gazette-des-Beaux-Arts 13 (1895), p. 436. 27. S t o r i a d e l l ' a r t e i t a l i a n a 9 La p i t t u r a d e l cinquecento Part 4 ( M i l a n : U l r i c o H o e p l i , E d i t o r e L i b r a i o d e l l a Real Casa, 1901; r e p r i n t ed., Nadln, L i e c h t e n s t e i n : Kraus Reprint L t d . , 1929), p. 86-88. In connection w i t h Lotto's p o r t r a i t s , V e n t u r i here published a bust-l e n g t h drawing of a woman, i n the Oppenheimer C o l l e c t i o n , London, whom he considered to be the same person, p. 87-8. Her costume i s however d i s s i m i l a r to that i n Lotto's p o r t r a i t . Another drawing has been published i n connection w i t h the p o r t r a i t by Wilhelm Suida, " E i n i g e Zeichnungen des Lorenzo L o t t o , " Pantheon 2 (1928): 531-3, esp. 531. This i s a pen and ink sketch i n Haarlem, Teyler Museum, of a woman i n three-quarter l e n g t h . The costume resembles that i n the Lotto i n s t y l e but not i n d e t a i l s , nor i s the pose s i m i l a r . Suida's a t t r i b u t i o n of these drawings to Lotto has not been accepted by other s c h o l a r s . For example n e i t h e r drawing i s included i n P h i l i p Pouncey, Lotto disegnatore (Vicenza: Neri Pozza E d i t o r e , 1965). 28. W.G. Constable, "Recent A c q u i s i t i o n s by the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , " A p o l l o 6(1927), p. 93-4. Constable took t h i s quote from Shakespeare from Benson's catalogue of p i c t u r e s at Dorchester House, where the p o r t r a i t hung when i n the possession of H o l f o r d . 29. S i r Charles Holmes, "Recent A c q u i s i t i o n s at T r a f a l g a r Square," B u r l i n g t o n Magazine 51(1927), p. 112. 30. T e r i s i o P i g n a t t i , Lorenzo Lotto ( M i l a n , 1953); L u i g i C o l e t t i , Lorenzo  Lotto (Bergamo: I s t i t u t o i t a l i a n o d'arte graphiche, 1953); and Banti/Boschetto, L o t t o , p. 40 and 83. 31. I b i d . , p. 40. 1 7 . 32. Bernard Berenson, Lorenzo Lotto (London: The Phaidon Press, 1956 E n g l i s h ed.), p. 99. Gould, Venetian School, p. 54, Berenson reports that i n 1955 i t could not have been executed before 1529-30. 33. I have been unable to l o c a t e the o r i g i n a l source of t h i s suggestion. 34. Venetian School, p. 54-5. 35. Newton, " L u c r e z i a " . The aspects of the costume which f i g u r e i n her dating are the s t y l e of the balzo of which a s i m i l a r v e r s i o n i s shown i n Bartolommeo Veneto's P o r t r a i t of a Woman of 1530, Lady Rosebery c o l l e c t i o n , Mentmore; and the f r o n t of the l a c i n g of the dress; the d e c o l l e t a g e ; the break i n the s k i r t , a tuck; and the shape and bulk of the sleeves. Newton c i t e s eighteen examples of costume i n p a i n t i n g s to argue her p o i n t , p. 1-3. Gould, Venetian School, p. 55, mentions t h i s paper under Newton's maiden name, Pearce. 36. Pi e r o B i a n c o n i , A l l the P a i n t i n g s of Lorenzo L o t t o , t r a n s . Paul C o l a c i c c h i (London: Oldbourne, 1963), p. 81-2. 37. This same t r a n s l a t i o n i s provided by Mary E. Hazard, "Renaissance A e s t h e t i c Values: 'Example', f o r Example," Art Q u a r t e r l y , n.s., 2 (1979), p. 25. 38. Carlo Lucovico Ragghianti, ed., N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London (New York, New York: Newsweek; M i l a n : Arnoldo Mondadoni E d i t o r e , 1969), p. 74; N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y I l l u s t r a t e d General Catalogue (London: P u b l i c a t i o n s Department N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y London, 1973), p. 391. 39. V i s i b l e Words: A Study of I n s c r i p t i o n s i n and as Books and Works of  Ar t (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ) , p. 80. This was con-firmed by Dr. E l i z a b e t h Bonghi, C l a s s i c s Department, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, August 1981. A s i m i l a r meaning i s provided i n L i v y , The E a r l y H i s t o r y of Rome, tr a n s . Aubrey de Se"lincourt (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1971), p. 99: "Never s h a l l L u c r e t i a provide a precedent f o r unchaste women to escape what they deserve". Sparrow, V i s i b l e Words, p. 80, suggests Boccaccio as a p o s s i b l e source f o r the i n s c r i p t i o n although L i v y ' s phrase corresponds more c l o s e l y to L o t t o ' s . L i v y wrote "....nec u l l a deinde impudica L u c r e t i a e exemplo u i u e t " . Boccaccio's corresponding phrase i n De M u l i e r i b u s C l a r i s reads, "...nec u l l a deinceps impudica L u c r e t i a e v i v e t exemplo". Lotto's i n s c r i p t i o n does not i n c l u d e L i v y ' s "deinde". 40. Homan P o t t e r t o n , The N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London (London: Thames & Hudson, L t d . , 1977), p. 84. 41. A l l a n Braham, The N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y Lends I t a l i a n Renaissance P o r t r a i t s ( K e t t e r i n g , Northamptonshire: The George Press, 1979), p. 8, o f f e r s h i s t r a n s l a t i o n as, "According to the example of L u c r e t i a no unchaste woman should l i v e " . 18. 42. J a f f e , "Pesaro Family P o r t r a i t s , " p. 700. 43. Renaissance P o r t r a i t s (London: P u b l i c a t i o n s Department N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y London, 1973), p. 33 and 37. 44. Rodolfo P a l l u c c h i n i , L'opera completa d e l L o t t o , catalogue by Giordana Mar i a n i Canova ( M i l a n : R i z z o l i E d i t o r e , 1975), p. 114. On p. 9 of t h i s , P a l l u c c i n i c a l l s the drawing a p r i n t - "una stampa". However a l l other w r i t e r s who mention i t c a l l i t a drawing. This i n c l u d e s Pouncy, L o t t o disegnatore, p. 13. 45. C a r o l i , L o t t o , p. 222. 46. N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , p. 84. Braham, Renaissance P o r t r a i t s (1979) pro-vides nothing new of i n t e r e s t , p. 7-8. 47. Hazard, "Example," p. 24-6. 48. See above, t h i s chapter. 49. John Pope-Hennessy, The P o r t r a i t i n the Renaissance ( P r i n c e t o n , New Jersey: P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P ress, 1966) i s an important c o n t r i b u t i o n to the study of p o r t r a i t u r e , as i s Marianna Jenkins, The State  P o r t r a i t : I t s O r i g i n and E v o l u t i o n (New York: College Art A s s o c i a t i o n of America i n conj u n c t i o n w i t h the Art B u l l e t i n , 1947). 50. Some important a r t i c l e s f o r an understanding of female p o r t r a i t u r e i n the Veneto i n c l u d e Johannes Wilde, "Uber e i n i g e venezianische Frau e n b i l d n i s s e der Renaissance," Homage a. A l e x i s P e t r o v i c z (Budapest: 1934): 206-212; Egon Verheyen, "Die Sinngehalt von Giorgione's Laura," Pantheon 26(1968): 220-227; J u l i u s Held, " F l o r a , Goddess and Courtesan," Essays i n Honour of Erwin Panofsky, ed. M i l l a r d Meiss (New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1971):1:201-218; E l i z a b e t h Cropper, "Parmigianino, Petrarchismo and the Vernacular S t y l e , " Art B u l l e t i n 58(1976):374-94. 51. As f o r example Hannelore Sachs, The Renaissance Woman, t r a n s . , Marianne H e r z f e l d (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971). 52. Berenson, Lotto (1956), p. 147. 53. Margot Seidenberg, Die B i l d n i s s e des Lorenzo Lotto (Lorrach: Buchdruckerei K a r l Schahl, 1964), p. 64. 54. Diana Wronski G a l i s , "Lorenzo L o t t o : A Study of His Career and Character, With P a r t i c u l a r Emphasis on h i s Emblematic and H i e r o g l y p h i c Works," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Bryn Mawr College, 1977), p. 190-258. She a l s o i n c l u d e s a chapter on works which have been considered to be Lotto's s e l f - p o r t r a i t s . CHAPTER TWO PORTRAITURE IN THE VENETO: MALE AND FEMALE 19. I n t r o d u c t i o n to the S i x t e e n t h Century P o r t r a i t By the s i x t e e n t h century, the independent p o r t r a i t as a genre i n I t a l y has developed s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n form and content. While the p r i n c i p a l motive behind i t s i n i t i a l development i n the f i f t e e n t h century had been the pre s e r v a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s l i k e n e s s f o r p o s t e r i t y , 1 the s i x t e e n t h century focus was on the c r e a t i o n of an image of a ' l i v i n g ' person which would convey a sense of character and/or p e r s o n a l i t y . Many more p o r t r a i t s were produced than before. The r a t i o of three to one i n favour of male as opposed to female p o r t r a i t s remained, however, roughly c o n s t a n t . 2 Patron-age increased among the r u l i n g c l a s s e s and, i n c o n t r a s t to the f i f t e e n t h century, extended to the middle c l a s s e s as w e l l . 3 The t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l aspects of the genre became a matter f o r c o n s i d e r a t i o n by theor-i s t s of a r t as w e l l as a r t i s t s . In 1549, Francisco de Hollanda completed the f i r s t t r e a t i s e that d e a l t e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h p o r t r a i t u r e , Da T i r a r Polo  Natural (On Taking P o r t r a i t s from L i f e ) ; the subject was the I t a l i a n por-t r a i t . 4 P o r t r a i t s were produced f o r both p u b l i c and p r i v a t e d i s p l a y , and incorporated messages extending from the c e l e b r a t i o n of heads of st a t e i n t h e i r c a p a c i t i e s as r u l e r s to p r i v a t e statements about i n d i v i d u a l s . P o r t r a i t s were f r e q u e n t l y acquired by i n d i v i d u a l c o l l e c t o r s . Marcantonio M i c h i e l , i n h i s N o t i z i e , l i s t e d many p o r t r a i t s i n the posses-si o n of northern I t a l i a n c o l l e c t o r s . 5 The s i t t e r s were o f t e n f a m i l y mem-bers and the works f r e q u e n t l y served to commemorate the i n d i v i d u a l and/or the f a m i l y . P o r t r a i t s were used to decorate the home and were sometimes simply considered objects of beauty. One of the f i r s t cases where a p o r t r a i t 20. appears to have been so l d as a work of a r t r a t h e r than as a record of a p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l i s the Duke of Urbino's purchase of La B e l l a (Figure 25) from T i t i a n i n 1536. 6 An important i n d i c a t i o n of t h i s new i n t e r e s t i n the p o r t r a i t i s the very l a r g e p o r t r a i t c o l l e c t i o n s which were being b u i l t by a number of people, i n c l u d i n g Cosimo de'Medici i n Florence and Catherine de'Medici i n F r a n c e . 7 The most famous c o l l e c t i o n belonged to the humanist Paolo G i o v i o , and included copies of canvasses and frescoes as w e l l as o r i g i n a l p a i n t i n g s — many by T i t i a n . The i n s p i r a t i o n behind Giovio's c o l l e c t i o n was appar-e n t l y the theme, P e t r a r c h i a n i n o r i g i n , of the v i r i i l l u s t r e s . 8 This theme had been developed i n the f i f t e e n t h century w i t h i n the framework of the painted s e r i e s of modern-day heroes and legendary heroines — as i n the frescoes by Andrea d e l Castagno executed f o r the V i l l a Carducci at Legnaia i n 1448 — intended to awaken emotions ranging from c i v i c p r i d e to d e l i g h t . ' Underlying t h i s focus upon the modern v i r i i l l u s t r e s was the c l a s s i c a l l y i n s p i r e d b e l i e f that p o r t r a i t s of great men could f u n c t i o n as moral exempla to others and, as such, e x c i t e men to v i r t u e and good a c t i o n s . Ludovico Dolce i n L'Aretino: Dialogo d e l l a p i t t u r a , published i n Venice i n 1557, recounted the anecdote, along w i t h s i m i l a r ones, of Caesar so moved as a young man by a statue of Alexander that he was i n s p i r e d to emulate h i m . 1 0 By the e a r l y s i x t e e n t h century, the p o r t r a i t had a status v i r t u a l l y equal to biography, and the two o f t e n came together. In 1546 G i o v i o published a catalogue, modelled on Varro's Imagines, c o n t a i n i n g b i o g r a p h i -c a l sketches of the people depicted i n h i s c o l l e c t i o n . 1 1 A f u r t h e r example i s V asari's use of p o r t r a i t s to i l l u s t r a t e h i s second e d i t i o n of Le V i t e i n 1568. 1 2 21. As a r e s u l t of t h i s increased demand f o r p o r t r a i t s , major a r t i s t s devoted considerable time to t h e i r production and developed various means of c h a r a c t e r i z i n g t h e i r s i t t e r s . Statements about i n d i v i d u a l s became more v a r i e d as the p o r t r a i t developed i n response to the d i f f e r i n g requirements of the patron. S i t t e r s now wished to be shown i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c r o l e s . Men were portrayed i n t h e i r c a p a c i t i e s as r u l e r s , as members of the no b i -l i t y , i n terms of t h e i r occupations, and/or as adopting a persona which would p r o j e c t t h e i r v i r t u e or an aspect of t h e i r inner l i f e . Elements which had tended to remain i n e r t i n the f i f t e e n t h century — such as emblems, i n s c r i p t i o n s , gestures, and expressions — were brought i n t o an a c t i v e i n t e r p l a y . As a r e s u l t , the s i x t e e n t h century p o r t r a i t took on a new complexity both i n i t s underlying concepts and i n the s p e c i f i c messages i t conveyed. While t h i s i n t e g r a t i o n of elements a l s o occurred i n the female por-t r a i t , the underlying concepts were more l i m i t e d and the p o r t r a i t s them-selves r a r e l y embodied a complexity equal to that of male p o r t r a i t s . The usual concepts and c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n s a p p l i e d to the female p o r t r a i t grew out of the notions of woman as wife or beauty, and these were a p p l i e d to the female court p o r t r a i t , the a r i s t o c r a t i c l ady, as w e l l as to emblematic and a l l e g o r i c a l p o r t r a i t s . The P o r t r a i t i n the Veneto, 1520-1535 Venetians i n p a r t i c u l a r commissioned f a m i l y p o r t r a i t s . This had already been observed i n the s i x t e e n t h century by V a s a r i who considered that they were p a r t i c u l a r l y r i c h i n a n c e s t r a l p o r t r a i t s , 1 3 an i n t e r e s t which may have been i n s p i r e d by the Roman custom of a c q u i r i n g a n c e s t r a l p o r t r a i t s . 1 1 * This i n t e r e s t i s f u r t h e r evidence by M i c h i e l ' s accounts of 22. Venetian c o l l e c t i o n s , as w e l l as by h i s own which c o n s i s t e d mainly of p o r t r a i t s - two of himself and the remainder of f a m i l y members. 1 5 The Pesaro f a m i l y has already been mentioned i n t h i s connection. New ideas i n p o r t r a i t u r e were r a p i d l y transmitted i n I t a l y as w e l l as between I t a l y and the n o r t h . 1 6 However, c e r t a i n elements were developed i n the Veneto to a greater extent than elsewhere or i n a way p e c u l i a r to the region, and were used i n a v a r i e t y of ways. Li g h t became an a c t i v e element i n r e v e a l i n g p e r s o n a l i t y and at times meaning. Costume was a way of pro-v i d i n g b i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n about the s i t t e r , and i n a d d i t i o n — e s p e c i a l l y i n female p o r t r a i t u r e — added to the a e s t h e t i c appeal of the work. The p o r t r a y a l of the s i t t e r w i t h i n a dramatic s i t u a t i o n or n a r r a t i v e context was invented by Giorgione and T i t i a n w i t h i n the double or group p o r t r a i t , 1 7 and l a t e r developed w i t h i n the s i n g l e p o r t r a i t . This n a r r a t i v e approach u s u a l l y made use of b i o g r a p h i c a l objects and/or emblematic content, as i n works by T i t i a n and Savoldo, but most importantly by L o t t o . Patrons and a r t i s t s ( i n the Veneto) had a p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i n p o r t r a i t s which c a r r i e d emblematic or a l l e g o r i c a l content. Their o r i g i n a l ideas i n t h i s area put the Veneto i n the f o r e f r o n t of I t a l y f o r these types of statements. Glance and f a c i a l expression acquired symbolic as w e l l as dramatic meaning. Lotto i n p a r t i c u l a r introduced i n t o the mainstream of Venetian p a i n t i n g the use of expression and glance to portray the s i t t e r i n terms of the psychology of a p a r t i c u l a r moment, c h a r a c t e r i z e d by an unusual emphasis on the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of the s i t t e r and the immediacy of h i s or her p r e s e n t a t i o n . 1 8 The use of gesture i n p a i n t i n g f i g u r e s to make evident the inner workings of the mind at a given moment had been developed p r e v i o u s l y by Leonardo, who wrote i n ca. 1505-1510, "In any process of communication, 23. the hands and arms should d i s p l a y the i n t e n t i o n of the mind which moves them..." 1 9 This became an important element of s i x t e e n t h century p o r t r a i t -ure as a whole and i n the Veneto was one of the p r i n c i p a l means of charac-t e r i z i n g the s i t t e r i n a given p o r t r a i t . L o tto made p a r t i c u l a r use of dynamic gesture, and by combining t h i s with an intense expression or glance on the part of h i s s i t t e r — often d i r e c t e d at the viewer — he created a greater sense of i n t e r a c t i o n between the subject of the p o r t r a i t and the s p e c t a t o r . In female p o r t r a i t u r e , Venetians i n p a r t i c u l a r developed p o r t r a y a l s of feminine beauty. Sensuousness of t e x t u r e , a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c feature of much Venetian p a i n t i n g i n g e n e r a l , took on a p a r t i c u l a r l y dynamic r o l e w i t h i n t h i s context. By the t h i r d decade of the s i x t e e n t h century, the p r i n c i p a l a r t i s t s a c t i v e i n p o r t r a i t u r e i n the Veneto were T i t i a n , Palma Vecchio, and L o t t o . T i t i a n was the l e a d i n g p e r s o n a l i t y . Patronized by r u l e r s and the r u l i n g c l a s s , he succeeded i n g i v i n g h i s p o r t r a i t s a sense of i d e a l presence by combining physiognomic l i k e n e s s and a b s t r a c t concepts r e f l e c t i n g the s i t t e r ' s s o c i a l p o s t i o n . During t h i s time, T i t i a n a l s o made s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the development of the female p o r t r a i t , o f t e n drawing on Giorgionesque imagery to create new a l l e g o r i c a l types and new statements about beauty. Palma, a major f i g u r e i n Venice of t h i s p e r i o d , as w e l l as Bernardino L i c i n i o and P a r i s Bordone, tended by the t h i r d decade to t r e a t both male and female p o r t r a i t s i n ways s i m i l a r t o , or growing out of the example of T i t i a n . While as l a t e as the 1520's, there was s t i l l i n the Veneto a current of Giorgionismo — a s t y l e which i m i t a t e d Giorgione's l i t e r a r y themes and mood — i t was by t h i s time e p i s o d i c and confined to 24. p o r t r a i t s by Palma, and a r t i s t s of l e s s e r r a n k . 2 0 The c h i e f exponent of the emblematic p o r t r a i t was L o t t o , who had spent h i s e a r l y years i n the p r o v i n c e s . 2 1 L i v i n g mostly i n Bergamo from 1512 to 2 5 , 2 2 he absorbed Venetian i n f l u e n c e s at a d i s t a n c e . His approach, more-over, departed from t r a d i t i o n a l Venetian modes, and was o f t e n s t r o n g l y marked by the i n f l u e n c e of northern examples. Lotto shared w i t h Giorgione an i n t e r e s t i n h i s s i t t e r ' s mood, though i n h i s hands i t had a completely d i f f e r e n t character — marked, as already noted, by a p s y c h o l o g i c a l approach to the i n d i v i d u a l rather than a l i t e r a r y one. In c o n t r a s t to T i t i a n , Lotto's s i t t e r s are u s u a l l y i n d i v i d u a l i z e d rather than i d e a l i z e d . By the end of the t h i r d decade, there was a major s h i f t i n the a r t i s -t i c s i t u a t i o n i n Venice. T i t i a n had become i n c r e a s i n g l y i n v o l v e d i n court c i r c l e s and was patronized only by Venetian n o b i l i t y of the highest rank. Giorgionismo was by t h i s time n o n - e x i s t e n t . 2 3 In 1529, Palma d i e d . A r t i s t s of l e s s e r importance moved to the foreground to f i l l the gap which was created. The p r i n c i p a l f i g u r e was L o t t o , who had a r r i v e d i n Venice by December 1 5 2 5 . 2 4 Of l e s s e r standing was the Lombard, Girolamo Savoldo, s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by L o t t o . While a r t i s t s no longer attempted to create a Giorgionesque mood, they d i d on occasion c o n s c i o u s l y adopt c e r t a i n e a r l y m o t i f s of both Giorgione and e a r l y T i t i a n . U n l i k e Giorgione, however, they tended to portray the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h i n the context of Venetian s o c i a l r o l e s r a t h e r than i n terms of a l i t e r a r y i d e a l . A work that e x e m p l i f i e s t h i s s h i f t i s Savoldo's Self- P o r t r a i t of ca. 1531-2 i n the Louvre where he made use of h i s own image i n contemporary costume i n a work which, i t has been argued, was designed to demonstrate the s u p e r i o r i t y of p a i n t i n g over s c u l p t u r e . The reproduction of h i s image from various angles, set up w i t h m i r r o r s , appears to be an adaptation of a motif from a l o s t p a i n t i n g by Giorgione to the realm of p o r t r a i t u r e . 2 5 Although many of the above g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s are d e s c r i p t i v e of both male and female p o r t r a i t s , t h e i r character was markedly d i f f e r e n t . In my d e s c r i p t i o n of the main p o r t r a i t "types" of the t h i r d decade i n the Veneto and my assessment of Lotto's c o n t r i b u t i o n to the development of the female p o r t r a i t , I w i l l examine those two areas s e p a r a t e l y . The Male P o r t r a i t I t was b e l i e v e d i n the s i x t e e n t h century that p o r t r a i t s of great men could f u n c t i o n as moral exempla to i n s p i r e v i r t u e and good a c t i o n s i n the viewer. This idea reached i t s f u l l e s t expression i n the court or s t a t e p o r t r a i t which i n northern I t a l y was l a r g e l y the i n v e n t i o n of T i t i a n . I t showed the s i t t e r i n h i s o f f i c i a l c h a r a c t e r , and beyond t h i s , embodied a b s t r a c t notions of power and l e a d e r s h i p which a t t e s t e d to the n o b i l i t y of h i s o f f i c e . 2 6 T i t i a n gave e a r l y expression to these concepts i n h i s f i r s t r u l e r p o r t r a i t — that of Alfonso d'Este, Marquess and Duke of F e r r a r a (Figure 6) of ca. 1523-6. 2 7 The l i f e - s i z e standing image and three-quarter length format extending to the knees, unusual i n p o r t r a i t u r e u n t i l t h i s d e c a d e , 2 8 create a sense of grandeur, f u r t h e r emphasized by the s i t t e r ' s bulk, which f i l l s the p i c t u r e . The arrangement of the arms conveys d i g n i t y - Alfonso r e s t i n g h i s r i g h t arm on a cannon, a l l u d i n g to h i s m i l i t a r y l e a d -e r s h i p of F e r r a r a and h i s l e f t on the h i l t of h i s sword. Forcefulness of expression, energy and d e t e r m i n a t i o n , 2 9 c h a r a c t e r i z e the n o b i l i t y of the s i t t e r and h i s o f f i c e . Here, as i n a l l T i t i a n ' s p o r t r a i t s , h i s grasp of 26. form and i d e a l i z i n g of f a c i a l features and other d e t a i l s c o n t r i b u t e d to h i s success i n p o r t r a y i n g presence, confidence, and wholeness of p e r s o n a l i t y . 3 0 This v i s u a l c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n was e q u a l l y adaptable to the p o r t r a y a l of the Venetian male p a t r i c i a n . Before T i t i a n became p r i m a r i l y i n v o l v e d i n court c i r c l e s , these were the p r e v a i l i n g subject f o r h i s p o r t r a i t s . This p o r t r a i t "type" was o f t e n intended to embody the n o t i o n of the i d e a l Vene-t i a n gentleman, c h a r a c t e r i z e d by d i g n i t y and refinement, as w e l l as an i n d i v i d u a l l i k e n e s s . A r e l a t e d i d e a l had been described i n d e t a i l by Baldassare C a t i g l i o n e i n h i s I I L i b r o d e l Cortegiano, published i n Venice i n 1528, w i t h i n the framework of the Neoplatonic i d e a l of the p e r f e c t c o u r t i e r . Among the manifold q u a l i t i e s and accomplishments required f o r the p e r f e c t i o n of the r o l e were p r o f i c i e n c y at arms and sport; knowledge of, above a l l , l e t t e r s , but also of music, a r t , and dancing; noble b i r t h ( p r e f e r a b l y ) ; and grace of c a r r i a g e and coutenance. 3 1 I t would seem that T i t i a n ' s Man w i t h a Glove i n the Louvre (Figure 5) of ca. 1520-22 3 2 was conceived w i t h i n the same framework of i d e a l s out of which C a s t i g l i o n e ' s t r e a t i s e grew. 3 3 The young s i t t e r appears i n every way to be a h i g h l y c u l t i v a t e d , noble gentleman. P a r a l l e l i n conception to h i s r u l e r p o r t r a i t s , the p a t r i c i a n status of the s i t t e r i s i n t e g r a l to h i s persona. This i s r e f l e c t e d i n the n a t u r a l and d i g n i f i e d ease of pose, showing a s l i g h t t w i s t of the body, and the d e l i b e r a t e l y casual arrangement of the hands, one r e s t i n g on the h i l t of h i s sword and the other g r a c e f u l l y holding a glove. The s i t t e r ' s expression i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by r e s t r a i n t and c u l t i v a t i o n . His averted gaze separates him from the s p e c t a t o r , i s o l a t i n g him i n h i s own i d e a l world of the p i c t u r e . His s o c i a l s t a tus i s f u r t h e r c h a r a c t e r i z e d by h i s costume, a popular means ( i n p o r t r a i t u r e i n the 27. Veneto) of p r o v i d i n g i n f o r m a t i o n about the s i t t e r . C l o t h i n g i n Venice had s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r Venetian men beyond f a s h i o n : what one wore was i n d i c a t i v e of one's character as w e l l as one's s t a t i o n . In p u b l i c l i f e p o l i t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n s were expressed by costume - apparel worn was determined by the p o s i t i o n occupied i n the government. Costume changed again f o r p r i v a t e l i f e . 3 1 * Black was g e n e r a l l y considered to be the most d i g n i f i e d colour f o r c l o t h i n g , 3 5 and gloves, f a i r l y rare i n the s i x t e e n t h century, were a means i n p o r t r a i t u r e of i n d i c a t i n g the s i t t e r ' s high s t a t i o n . 3 6 T i t i a n ' s Man w i t h a Glove i s b r i l l i a n t l y simple i n design. L i g h t f u n c t i o n s to r e v e a l a minimum of e s s e n t i a l s : the face, emphasized by the white "V" of the s h i r t , the hands and gloves, and the pose. These few elements i n f u s e the s i t t e r w i t h the 'essence' of the i d e a l gentleman and c h a r a c t e r i z e him as an upper c l a s s gentleman of refinement. Often introduced i n t o the "upper c l a s s " gentleman p o r t r a i t type were more s p e c i f i c , n a t u r a l i s t i c , b i o g r a p h i c a l a l l u s i o n s to the s i t t e r ' s s t a t i o n i n l i f e . Such o b j e c t s served to i d e n t i f y h i s occupation, to r e f e r to an event i n h i s l i f e , or to define h i s s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t s . One e a r l y example i s P a r i s Bordone's P o r t r a i t of a Doctor (Figure 7) of ca. 1520, where the i d e a l character of the pose, f e a t u r e s , and expression - i n c l u d i n g the averted gaze - demonstrate the i n f l u e n c e of T i t i a n . Here the s i t t e r ' s p r o f e s s i o n i s s i g n a l l e d by the book, i n s c r i b e d IPPOCRATES, on which he r e s t s h i s l e f t h a n d , 3 7 and f u r t h e r a l l u s i o n to l e a r n i n g i s provided by a sma l l e r , u n i n s c r i b e d volume held i n h i s r i g h t . The costume and the two books define the s i t t e r not only as a p a t r i c i a n , but as a h u m a n i s t . 3 8 A s i m i l a r approach to the p o r t r a i t was taken by T i t i a n i n h i s G i u l i o  Romano (Figure 47), of ca. 1536, i n London. 3 9 Here the p r e s e n t a t i o n of the 28. s i t t e r takes on a stronger n a r r a t i v e tone and more s p e c i f i c b i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n i s provided by the ground plan - almost c e r t a i n l y of the s i t t e r ' s own execution - which he holds up f o r i n s p e c t i o n . The drawing not only c h a r a c t e r i z e s G i u l i o Romano i n h i s r o l e as a r c h i t e c t , but s p e c i f i c a l l y a l l u d e s to h i s p o s i t i o n as Court A r c h i t e c t to Frederico Gonzaga and r e f e r s to one of h i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important p r o j e c t s - the Chiesa P a l a t i n a i n Mantua. 4 0 Unlike the Bordone where the books are simply held by the s i t t e r as marks of h i s s o c i a l r o l e , the drawing i n the T i t i a n provides a focus f o r an a c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n . He i s shown g e s t u r i n g to i t with h i s f r e e hand, as i f i n c o n v e r s a t i o n , and seems to catch the eye of an anonymous p a r t i c i p a n t outside the p i c t u r e . While G i u l i o was not a p a t r i c i a n , the p o r t r a i t could nevertheless be considered as a v a r i a n t or an outgrowth of the type of the s i t t e r charac-t e r i z e d as a humanist. The s i t t e r i s presented i n terms of h i s s o c i a l s t a t us as an a r t i s t , a s t atus which i s g l o r i f i e d by the commemoration of h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n an important court p r o j e c t . At the same time, T i t i a n has brought out n o b i l i t y i n h i s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n by the modelling and t i l t of the head which c e r t a i n l y seem to define the a r t i s t as a f i g u r e of refinement. L o t t o a l s o made c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the p o r t r a i t type which defined the s i t t e r ' s r o l e i n s o c i e t y . However, L o t t o , i n a departure from p r e v a i l i n g Venetian approaches, introduced a new trend — emphasizing the s i t t e r ' s own i n d i v i d u a l i t y , r a t h e r than an i d e a l conception of h i s r o l e , and c r e a t i n g a sense of greater immediacy by the s i t t e r ' s engagement with the spectator 29. through d i r e c t eye contact. These elements f i n d expression i n h i s Dominican Steward of 1526 1 + 1 (Figure 8 ) , where the s i t t e r i s shown l o o k i n g up from h i s a c t i o n of w r i t i n g , as i f ar r e s t e d i n motion by the presence of the spectator. The objects on the desk - keys, i n k - w e l l , and account book - a l l u d e to h i s occupation and at the same time create the context of h i s n a t u r a l environment to define h i s p e r s o n a l i t y . The physiognomic d e t a i l and the c a r e f u l d e p i c t i o n of n a t u r a l objects are the r e s u l t s of e a r l y northern i n f l u e n c e s on Lotto's work. 1 + 2 Lotto's use of l i g h t here r e c a l l s T i t i a n ' s , p i c k i n g out the e s s e n t i a l s and perhaps more impo r t a n t l y , the l a t e Giorgione's use of c h i a r o s c u r o , as i n the San Diego P o r t r a i t of a Man,1*3 where the l i g h t i n g p a r t i a l l y r e v e a l s the s i t t e r ' s p e r s o n a l i t y but leaves much shrouded i n mystery. Emblems — objects which were not ' n a t u r a l ' to the s i t t e r ' s e n v i r o n -ment — served as another means of pr o v i d i n g i n f o r m a t i o n about the s i t t e r . The emblem, a " v i s u a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of an idea or c o n c e p t i o n " , ^ 4 allowed f o r an a l l u s i o n to s p e c i f i c aspects of the s i t t e r ' s persona, such as mood, thoughts, v i r t u e or a s p e c i f i c , d e c i s i v e l i f e event: references which could not e a s i l y be made without symbolic imagery. Emblems could embody meaning on more than one l e v e l and could i n t e r r e l a t e w i t h each other or w i t h other aspects of the p a i n t i n g to convey ideas of some complexity, thus c r e a t i n g an a l l e g o r i c a l message about the s i t t e r . By the t h i r d decade the p r i n c i p a l p r a c t i t i o n e r of the emblematic or a l l e g o r i c a l p o r t r a i t i n the Veneto was L o t t o . An a l l e g o r i c a l p o r t r a i t type that had been popular e a r l i e r i n the century had shown the s i t t e r i n the guise of a s a i n t , as i n Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s Fra Teodoro as S t . Dominic, i n the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London, 4 5 or a B i b l i c a l f i g u r e , as i n Giorgione's 30. S e l f - P o r t r a i t as D a v i d . 4 6 For the male s i t t e r , t h i s type seems g e n e r a l l y to have f a l l e n i n t o disuse by ca. 1 5 3 0 . 4 7 Lotto's emblematic p o r t r a i t s had a markedly d i f f e r e n t c h a r a c t e r . His use of the emblem seems to have grown out of e a r l y exposure to a p a t t e r n set by Cranach's P o r t r a i t of Johannes  C u s p i n i a n , 4 8 where the s i t t e r ' s s p i r i t u a l , i n t e l l e c t u a l , and humanist o r i e n t a t i o n i s defined by numerous symbols i n the landscape background as w e l l as by c e r t a i n a c c e s s o r i e s , i n t h i s case by the book he holds. The s i t t e r ' s e x p ression, here the upward gaze, i s charged w i t h meaning, icono-g r a p h i c a l l y i n t e g r a t i n g him i n t o t h i s complex network of i n t e r r e l a t e d s y m b o l s . 4 9 The development of a p s y c h o l o g i c a l u n i t y between emblem and s i t t e r was introduced i n t o the Veneto p o r t r a i t t r a d i t i o n 5 0 by L o t t o , p o s s i b l y as e a r l y as 1505 i n h i s P o r t r a i t of Bishop Bernardo de' R o s s i . The determined gaze here may w e l l r e f l e c t the Bishop's r e s o l u t i o n to conquer v i c e through c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t s — which f o r the Renaissance man meant v i r t u e — a choice a l l e g o r i z e d on the cover to the p o r t r a i t , and d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to events i n h i s l i f e . 5 1 L o t t o ' s i n t e r e s t i n and use of emblematic content was l a t e r s i g n i f i -c a n t l y developed through the commissions he received i n 1523 and 1524 f o r the i n t a r s i e of the c h o i r or Sta. Maria Maggiore i n Bergamo. These c o n s i s -ted of a s e r i e s of h i s t o r i e s from the Old Testament, each of which was to be accompanied by a coperto i n which Lotto i n t e r p r e t e d , by means of complex emblematic statements, the p r i n c i p a l theme of the B i b l i c a l s t o r y and p i n -pointed i t s meaning — u s u a l l y , as G a l i s has shown, from a m o r a l i z i n g point of v i e w . 5 2 The use of the emblem to convey a m o r a l i z i n g message, o f t e n a s t a t e -ment about the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e , and the i n t e g r a t i o n between the emblems and 31. the s i t t e r ' s p s y c h o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n or mood i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Lotto's emblematic p o r t r a i t s . He employed t h i s approach to create what might be termed " a l l e g o r i c a l n a r r a t i v e s " , one of h i s fundamental c o n t r i b u t i o n s to p o r t r a i t u r e i n the Veneto. One theme he treated i n t h i s way was marriage. Two double marriage p o r t r a i t s , showing man and w i f e , were executed by Lotto In the 1520's. 5 3 The f i r s t , Antonio M a r s i l i o and h i s B r i d e of 1523 i n the Prado announ-ces (Figure 13) the s i t t e r ' s marriage by showing the husband p l a c i n g the r i n g on h i s brid e ' s f i n g e r . 5 4 The event i s f u r t h e r c h a r a c t e r i z e d by emblems: the l a u r e l i n the background, symbolic of marriage and m a r i t a l v i r t u e s , 5 5 and Cupid, who places a yoke on the couple's shoulders. The theme makes use of a v i s u a l play on the L a t i n word coniugium - the couple are married, that i s , u n i t e d con iugo, w i t h a yoke. However, the weight of the yoke r e s t s e n t i r e l y upon Antonio's shoulders to whom Cupid d i r e c t s a g l e e f u l and perhaps ra t h e r mischievous s m i l e , suggesting that i t i s upon hi s shoulders that the burdens of marriage w i l l f a l l , an idea p o s s i b l y i n s p i r e d by Petrarch's De remediis utriusque F o r t u n a e . 5 6 The i n t e g r a t i o n between the symbolism and the s i t t e r ' s mood takes an i r o n i c t w i s t as Antonio, l o s t i n sentimental r e v e r i e , appears unaware of h i s burden. While mood i n p o r t r a i t u r e had been developed by Giorgione, i n Lotto's hands i t i s no longer p o e t i c but becomes a means of c h a r a c t e r i z i n g the i n d i v i d u a l at a p a r t i c u l a r , d e c i s i v e l i f e moment. In the second double marriage p o r t r a i t , the Married Couple with  S q u i r r e l , i n Leningrad, of ca. 1523-4 (Figure 14), the theme i s the mar-r i a g e bond and the p a r t i c u l a r r o l e s of husband and wife w i t h i n i t . 5 7 The i n t e r l o c k i n g gestures of the couple and the c a r t e l l i n g held by the husband 32. bearing the words HOMO NUM/QUAM ("man never") s i g n i f i e s the i n d i s s o l u b i l i t y of the marriage bond and may be explained by a passage from the marriage ceremony, spoken when the couple j o i n e d hands, "What God has joined toge-t h e r , l e t no man put asunder". The animals d e f i n e the v i r t u e s appropriate to the r o l e s of the couple. The husband's a t t r i b u t e , the s q u i r r e l , symbo-l i z e s "cleverness and mental a g i l i t y " , appropriate to him as head of the marriage. The dog held by the wife i s a common symbol of m a r i t a l f i d e l i t y , and defines her p a r t i c u l a r v i r t u e . The windblown trees seen i n the land-scape through the window represent the winds of f o r t u n a , and i t i s w i t h i n t h i s context that the couple, p a r t i c u l a r l y the husband who i s seated near-est the window, must e x e r c i s e t h e i r appropriate v i r t u e s . G a l i s considers that an element of humour i s present i n the work through the d e p i c t i o n of the s q u i r r e l as asleep, i n d i c a t i n g i n her o p i n i o n , that the husband's "wits are out". The gaze of the s i t t e r s , e s p e c i a l l y the husband's - c l e a r l y d i r e c t e d toward the viewer - and the formalized poses of the s i t t e r s -turned towards the spectator rather than emphasizing the intimacy between them - draw the spectator i n t o the dialogue and underscore t h i s as a .work which presents the viewer w i t h a message. As w e l l as symbolizing v i r t u e or c h a r a c t e r i z i n g a s i t u a t i o n , the emblem was a l s o a means of d e f i n i n g the s i t t e r ' s mood or thoughts at a p a r t i c u l a r time. In t h i s sense, i t could be considered as t h e i r v i s u a l embodiment. This was a l s o developed by L o t t o , and can be i l l u s t r a t e d by h i s l i f e - s i z e three-quarter length Man i n Black w i t h a S k u l l , of ca. 1530, ( i n the Borghese G a l l e r y i n Rome) (Figure 1 2 ) . 5 8 The emblems, a t i n y s k u l l surrounded by pink rose p e t a l s and t i n y white f l o w e r s , r e s t beneath the s i t t e r ' s r i g h t hand on a t a b l e . Whether or not G a l i s i s c o r r e c t that the 33. meaning of the p a i n t i n g i s disease ( i n d i c a t e d by the presence i n the l a n d -scape of St. George, a plague s a i n t ) , 5 9 the message i s c e r t a i n l y sombre i n tone, with the s k u l l probably a l l u d i n g to death and the rose p e t a l s to the passage of time. This theme i s echoed i n the posture and expression of the s i t t e r . His pose and the t i l t of h i s head betray a l a c k of confidence; h i s expression i s sad and r e f l e c t i v e , as i f meditating on the themes whose v i s u a l equivalent we see i n the emblems. Unlike T i t i a n ' s s u b j e c t s , the s i t t e r does not i n h a b i t an i d e a l world i n a c c e s i b l e to the s p e c t a t o r . The s i t t e r here again gazes at the viewer, as i f i n v i t i n g him to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a s i m i l a r m e d i t a t i o n . A more d i r e c t means of d e f i n i n g the s i t t e r ' s mood or thoughts was the i n s c r i p t i o n . In Andrea Ravagero of ca. 1520 (Figure 10), by an i m i t a t o r of L o t t o , the i n s c r i p t i o n f u n c t i o n s as a k i n d of a c r i de coeur. Out of the rape plant which the s i t t e r holds (a v i s u a l pun on h i s name) appears a s c r o l l above h i s head proclaiming i n l a r g e l e t t e r s SE 10 PENSO NO D0RM0 ( I f I t h i n k I don't s l e e p ) . 6 0 The s i t t e r ' s melancholic pose, h i s head r e s t i n g on h i s hand, a l s o a l l u d e s to thought and m e d i t a t i o n . A second example of a s i m i l a r use of the i n s c r i p t i o n i s Moretto's Young Humanist i n London of ca. 1530 (Figure 9 ) . The l a v i s h l y dressed young s i t t e r i s surrounded by objects a l l u d i n g to h i s humanist i n t e r e s t s . Here the s i t t e r a l s o adopts a melancholic pose, h i s head r e s t i n g on h i s hand as he gazes unseeingly i n t o the d i s t a n c e . His mood or thoughts are defined by a Greek i n s c r i p t i o n -the language p r o v i d i n g a f u r t h e r a l l u s i o n to h i s humanistic p u r s u i t s -which when t r a n s l a t e d reads: " A l a s , I d e s i r e too much". 6 1 Lotto's most outstanding c o n t r i b u t i o n to the development of the emble-matic p o r t r a i t was the i n v e n t i o n of a new type of a l l e g o r i c a l statement 34. which he r e a l i z e d i n h i s s e r i e s of l a r g e , l i f e - s i z e , three-quarter l e n g t h p o r t r a i t s of h o r i z o n t a l format painted between 1525 and 1533. This format was h i g h l y unusual f o r the s i n g l e p o r t r a i t and may w e l l have been Lotto's own i n v e n t i o n . I t allowed f o r the opening up of space on e i t h e r side of the s i t t e r , p r o v i d i n g room f o r a freedom of gesture on the part of the s i t t e r and a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of the s i t t e r ' s environment. The s e t -t i n g s are n a t u r a l i s t i c and include b i o g r a p h i c a l o b j e c t s . Emblems are a l s o i n c l u d e d , and convey an a l l e g o r i c a l statement about the s i t t e r focussed on v i r t u e . One of the f i r s t i n t h i s s e r i e s was h i s Young Gentleman i n h i s Study of ca. 1526-7 (Figure 11) i n the Accademia i n V e n i c e . 6 2 The objects n a t u r a l to h i s environment are depicted i n great d e t a i l , but that the message i s a l l e g o r i c a l l y i n d i c a t e d by the 'unnatural' appearance of s c a t t e r e d rose p e t a l s and a l i z a r d or chameleon on the t a b l e . Whether these emblems a l l u d e to a passing love a f f a i r 6 3 or the passage of t i m e , 6 4 the s i t t e r 's recourse i s the p u r s u i t of l e a r n i n g , 6 5 as i n d i c a t e d by h i s t u r n i n g to a l a r g e volume open on the t a b l e i n f r o n t of him. The theme of v i r t u e , l e a r n i n g , and c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t s formed throughout Lotto's l i f e a subject f o r many of h i s emblematic p o t r a i t s . This was the theme of one of h i s f i r s t p o r t r a i t essays, as i n the p o r t r a i t of Bishop  Bernardo de' Rossi complete with emblematic cover discussed above. This theme i s i n t r i c a t e l y developed i n another work belonging to the l a r g e h o r i z o n t a l s e r i e s , h i s Andrea Odoni of 1527 i n Hampton C o u r t 6 6 (Figure 15), one of Lotto's greatest achievements i n p o r t r a i t u r e . Because t h i s work i s , I b e l i e v e , c l o s e l y r e l a t e d i n conception to Lotto's London P o r t r a i t of a  Woman, I w i l l examine i t here i n some d e t a i l . Andrea Odoni was w e l l known i n Venice as a c o l l e c t o r . He i s shown 35. surrounded by s i x antique fragments and a seventh which he o f f e r s to the s p e c t a t o r , as w e l l as a book, c o i n s , and s e v e r a l other o b j e c t s . I t has been shown that these p a r t i c u l a r items d i d not form a part of the contents of h i s c o l l e c t i o n , 6 7 which was described i n d e t a i l by M i c h i e l i n 1 5 32. 6 8 I t has therefore been concluded that on one l e v e l the p o r t r a i t serves to c h a r a c t e r i z e Odoni as a c o l l e c t o r per se, without a l l u s i o n to the works he p o s s e s s e d . 6 9 I t has a l s o been concluded that the s c u l p t u r e s could not have been arranged i n r e a l i t y the way they are i n the p a i n t i n g . 7 0 This 'quasi-l i t e r a l ' approach to r e a l i t y has been adopted i n order to a l l o w f o r the a l l e g o r i c a l message to be played out by the symbolism of the fragments. While the references embodied i n the i n d i v i d u a l fragments have been d i s c u s s e d , 7 1 the f u l l meaning of the a l l e g o r y remains unclear. The s i g n i -f i c a n c e f o r the s i t t e r of the s t a t u e t t e of Diana of Ephesus, which he o f f e r s to the s p e c t a t o r , remains a mystery, though i t i s known that i n the Renaissance she was a symbol of e a r t h . 7 2 The nude female torso and the l a r g e head of the emperor Hadrian, shoved u n n a t u r a l l y up under the t a b l e may a l l u d e to v i c e ; and two Hercules statues framing Odoni - Hercules and Anteus on the l e f t , and Hercules r e s t -ing a f t e r h i s labours on the r i g h t — almost c e r t a i n l y a l l u d e to the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e . The p l a y i n g out of the message i n the form of antique s c u l p t u r e i s h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t . The use of sculpture appears to be a Venetian or North I t a l i a n i n v e n t i o n and i t s use i n p o r t r a i t s i s rare u n t i l t h i s t i m e . 7 3 Just as c l a s s i c a l w r i t i n g s were considered to f u r n i s h exempla f o r v i r t u o u s and h e r o i c conduct, so too, by the s i x t e e n t h century, i t was f e l t that a r t could a l s o provide moral exempla. 7 4 Here i t i s c l a s s i c a l a r t - the 36. c o l l e c t i o n i t s e l f - which provides the model f o r , and the expression o f , the s i t t e r ' s conduct. The value of c o l l e c t i n g a n t i q u i t i e s i s s p e l l e d out, and the c o l l e c t i o n i t s e l f i s defined by i t s content, as a c a r r i e r of the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e . As i n Lotto' s other emblematic p o r t r a i t s , expression and gesture are i n t e g r a l to the meaning of the Odoni p o r t r a i t . Lotto has worked to provide a profound sense of the s i t t e r ' s i n ner l i f e , the dimensions of which have been elevated to a l e v e l of greater seriousness and i n t e n s i t y than before. Odoni's expression i s profoundly r e f l e c t i v e and i s echoed by the gesture of the l e f t hand on the bre a s t , an a s s e r t i o n of h i s s i n c e r i t y . 7 5 I b e l i e v e that the meaning of t h i s gesture f u n c t i o n s , as the s c u l p t u r e s , on more than one l e v e l . I t i s an a s s e r t i o n of h i s i d e n t i t y i n h i s p u r s u i t of a n t i q u i t y and of h i s choice of v i r t u e through the p u r s u i t of c o l l e c t i n g . Serious r e f l e c t i o n i s a part of the s i t t e r ' s humanist r o l e , hence h i s tho u g h t f u l expression. The meaning, both of h i s c o l l e c t i o n arranged around him and of h i s r o l e as a c o l l e c t o r , i s summed up by the p r o f f e r e d s t a t u e t t e . By h i s d i r e c t eye contact w i t h the s p e c t a t o r , and the o f f e r i n g f i r s t of h i s c o l l e c t i o n and then of himself as a model c o l l e c t o r , he d i r e c t l y i n v i t e s the spectator to consider at one and the same time h i s r o l e , the meaning of h i s c o l l e c t i o n , the a c t i v i t y of c o l l e c t i n g — and to choose the path of v i r t u e f o r h i m s e l f . The l i g h t f u n c t i o n s as an important i n t e r p r e t i v e device, p i c k i n g out the key areas of the work: the s c u l p t u r e s , and the s i t t e r ' s gesture and expression. L o t t o ' s o r i g i n a l i t y i n t h i s work l i e s i n h i s t i g h t i n t e g r a t i o n and i n t e r p l a y between biography and emblem, gesture and expression, and compo-s i t i o n a l devices of arrangement of mot i f s and l i g h t to create the s i t t e r ' s 37. p r e s e n t a t i o n of h i s persona at a given moment, as w e l l as i n the dynamic r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s i t t e r both as i d e a l and as an i n d i v i d u a l who i s able to 'speak' d i r e c t l y to the sp e c t a t o r . While T i t i a n ' s s i t t e r s , as exempla of t h e i r types, are intended to i n s p i r e the viewer through a glimpse i n t o a world of i d e a l concepts, Lotto's s i t t e r s , even when embody-ing an i d e a l as i n the Odoni, seek more a c t i v e l y through t h e i r i n d i v i d u a -l i t y and uniqueness to e l i c i t a response from the sp e c t a t o r , reaching out to h i s world as much as they are p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h e i r own. The Female P o r t r a i t Two important f a c t o r s i n the Veneto conception of the female p o r t r a i t were the general preoccupation i n Venice w i t h love and female beauty and the i d e a l of woman as w i f e . E i t h e r and sometimes both of these found expression i n most female p o r t a i t types. Beyond t h i s , women were r a r e l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d i n terms of s o c i a l r o l e s . Female v i r t u e was an important component i n the female a l l e g o r i c a l p o r t r a i t , as i t was i n the male, and was o f t e n conveyed by c l a s s i c a l m o t i f s and themes. The a t t i t u d e to a n t i q u i t y here was however more f a n c i f u l than i n the male emblematic por-t r a i t but at the same time served to define the s i t t e r ' s sexual and/or b i o l o g i c a l r o l e w i t h i n marriage and the v i r t u e s appropriate to i t , the p r i n c i p a l one being her c h a s t i t y . As one might expect, there were s i g n i f i c a n t l y l e s s female court por-t r a i t s than male. As a male 'type', the court p o r t r a i t was intended to convey notions of l e a d e r s h i p . The equivalent female type was c h a r a c t e r i z e d p r i m a r i l y by sumptuousness of costume, as an a l l u s i o n to the s i t t e r ' s high s t a t u s , and o f t e n a l s o by beauty. T i t i a n ' s Laura d e i D i a n t i , Duchess of Alfonso d'Este and mother of h i s 38. two sons, painted ca. 1523-5 (Figure 1 7 ) 7 6 , makes use of the l i f e - s i z e three-quarter l e n g t h format. This allowed f o r the d i s p l a y of the s i t t e r ' s costume to maximum advantage, and here allowed f o r the i n c l u s i o n of a r i c h l y dressed l i t t l e s l a v e . Both the h i g h l y sumptuous costume and slave make c l e a r the s i t t e r ' s high s t a t i o n , and simultaneously set o f f her beauty. Her f a c i a l features are i d e a l i z e d and her eyes are averted and s l i g h t l y cast down. Her prese n t a t i o n as an object to be admired f o r her status and her beauty i s underscored by the awed, admiring gaze of the sla v e . The importance of the r o l e of beauty i n the female court p o r t r a i t i s w e l l documented i n the case of I s a b e l l a d'Este, who commissioned a number of p o r t r a i t s of h e r s e l f . She was g e n e r a l l y d i s p l e a s e d w i t h the r e s u l t s -one, she complained, made her look too f a t . G i u l i o Romano's s o l u t i o n , i n h i s p o r t r a i t of ca. 1524 i n Hampton Court, l a y i n a c a r e f u l d e p i c t i o n of her e l a b o r a t e l y cut v e l v e t dress r a t h e r than a t t e n t i o n to her f a c i a l f e a -t u r e s . The one which seemed to please I s b e l l a the most was an i d e a l i z e d work by T i t i a n based on an e a r l i e r p o r t r a i t done i n her youth (Figure 18). T i t i a n ' s i d e a l i z a t i o n of the s i t t e r seems to have made i t the most success-f u l i n her eyes — i n her pleasure I s a b e l l a doubted whether she had been as b e a u t i f u l at that age as the p o r t r a i t made her seem. 7 7 While the a r i s t o c r a t i c gentleman was understood i n terms of the i d e a l of refinement, w i t h a number of elements i n the p o r t r a i t working i n harmony to convey an i d e a l concept of h i s s o c i a l c l a s s , the status of the a r i s t o -c r a t i c lady was c h a r a c t e r i z e d almost e n t i r e l y by costume, which a l s o conno-ted her r o l e as w i f e . In Venice, costume was a mark of status f o r women as w e l l as men. While on the whole Renaissance women were advised to dress 39. simply ( i n order not to appear to be a t t r a c t i n g men), 7 8 women i n Venice dressed l a v i s h l y as the accounts of v i s i t o r s 7 9 and the many unsuccessful attempts to l e g i s l a t e moderation i n dress show. 8 0 This custom was i n har-mony with the dress requirements f o r upper c l a s s women whose apparel was intended to define not j u s t her own s t a t u s , but more importantly i n the Renaissance view, her husband's. Francesco Barbaro advised that the well-born (woman) should not dress meanly i f able to dress b e t t e r s i n c e moderate adornment re v e a l s the husband's rank, wealth, and p o s i t i o n and l e s s than that serves as a derogation to h i m . 8 1 Women were-also expected to wear jewels f o r s i m i l a r reasons. Giovanni C a l d i e r a considered i t among a husband's d u t i e s to give h i s wife "valuable j e w e l s , which are not only b e a u t i f u l i n themselves but a l s o b r i n g honour upon the h o u s e h o l d . " 8 2 Costume as a r e s u l t i s an important element i n female p o r t r a i t u r e i n the Veneto. By the t h i r d decade — and p a r t i c u l a r l y around 1530 — s i t t e r s are f r e q u e n t l y shown i n sumptuous dresses, f i n e l y worked b a l z i , j e w e l l e r y , and o f t e n gloves, a f u r t h e r i n d i c a t i o n of wealth f o r women as w e l l as men (Figur e 20). The importance of costume i n female p o r t r a i t u r e i n the Veneto i s s t r i k i n g l y i l l u s t r a t e d i n a work by Bartolommeo Veneto, i n the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y of Canada i n Ottawa (Figure 19). X-rays have shown that the s i t t e r ' s costume has been r e p a i n t e d , p a r t i c u l a r l y the balzo and the camic i a, while her face has remained una l t e r e d . The present costume conforms to the s t y l e of c l o t h i n g worn ca. 1525-30 while the one beneath i s that of ca. 1 5 2 2 . 8 3 I t would seem that the s i t t e r wished her p o r t r a i t to show her wearing the l a t e s t f a s h i o n . The focus on costume as an e s s e n t i a l element i n female p o r t r a i t u r e i s confirmed by Lotto's assessment of the value of h i s p o r t r a i t of Antonio M a r s i l i o and h i s Bride (Figure 13) i n 40. terms of the care he had taken i n i m i t a t i n g the br i d e ' s elaborate costume and j e w e l l e r y . n Female 'costume' p o r t r a i t s of t h i s period u s u a l l y make i t c l e a r that the s i t t e r i s a married woman. The wearing of the balzo r e f l e c t s the s i x -teenth century custom f o r married women of wearing t h e i r h a i r up, and o f t e n c o v e r e d . 8 5 The balzo appears w i t h i n the context of marriage i n Lotto's two double marriage p o r t r a i t s - M a r s i l i o and h i s Bride (Figure 13) and Married  Couple w i t h a S q u i r r e l (Figure 14), as w e l l i n L i c i n i o ' s l a r g e h o r i z o n t a l Woman wi t h a P o r t r a i t of her Husband of ca. 1530 (Figure 41). The faces of most of these a r i s t o c r a t i c women appear i n e x p r e s s i v e , p r o s a i c , and r e s t r a i n e d (Figure 19). This may be explained by the expecta-t i o n s f o r wives. They were admonished to be at a l l times s i l e n t , r e s t r a i n e d , and obedient to t h e i r husbands. 8 6 Bartolommeo Veneto's por-t r a i t ( Figure 19) a l s o makes use of a pose f o r the arms folded at the waist which had been standard f o r female p o r t r a i t s i n the f i f t e e n t h and at the beginning of the s i x t e e n t h century. Rules f o r decorum i n c a r r i a g e f o r women advised, i n the words of a f i f t e e n t h century g i r l ' s manual: "Whether you are standing s t i l l or walking, your r i g h t hand must always r e s t upon your l e f t , i n f r o n t of you at the l e v e l of your g i r d l e " . 8 7 Leonardo had al s o considered that women, i n h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g , should be represented " i n modest a t t i t u d e s . . . t h e i r arms c l o s e l y f o l d e d . . " 8 8 , the pose he had used f o r the Mona L i s a . In Venice, T i t i a n had freed to a c e r t a i n extent the repre-s e n t a t i o n of gesture i n female p o r t r a i t s . As i n Laura d e i D i a n t i (Figure 17), the s i t t e r could now appear with her arms by her sides or r e s t i n g on some o b j e c t , as i n male p o r t r a i t s . By 1532, L i c i n i o showed the female 41. s i t t e r i n a 'male' pose (Figure 20): her r i g h t hand placed on her hip and l e a n i n g on a p l i n t h , h o l d i n g a p a i r of gloves i n her l e f t hand. Her expression, however, s t i l l shows a p r o s a i c r e s t r a i n t . The a r i s t o c r a t i c lady - or w i f e , as she i n v a r i a b l y was - was r a r e l y further, c h a r a c t e r i z e d . Not u n t i l ca. 1530 do p o r t r a i t s appear of a r i s t o -c r a t i c women holding b i o g r a p h i c a l o b j e c t s . The examples are l i m i t e d i n number, and the objects seem to be r e s t r i c t e d to small u n i d e n t i f i e d books. One i s L i c i n i o ' s p o r t r a i t of a women i n the Prado shown i n three-quarter length holding a p a r t i a l l y open book i n her r i g h t hand and g e s t u r i n g as i f i n speech w i t h her l e f t hand (Fig u r e 4 2 ) . 8 9 Another female p o r t r a i t type l y i n g , i t might be s a i d , on the verge of p o r t r a i t u r e , was that of the b e a u t i f u l woman i n b e a u t i f u l c l o t h e s portrayed not to preserve her l i k e n e s s as an i n d i v i d u a l , but to d i s p l a y her beauty f o r i t s own sake. The type seems to have appeared i n Venice by the second decade of the century. One example i s La V i o l a n t e , of ca. 1520 i n the K u n s t h i s t o r i s c h e s Museum i n Vienna, a t t r i b u t e d to Palma. The s i t t e r i s the v i s u a l embodiment of ah i d e a l of womanly beauty as described i n , f o r example, Bembo's G l i A s o l a n i . 9 0 T i t i a n ' s La B e l l a of ca. 1536 i n the P i t t i Palace i n Florence (Figure 25) no longer seems to be even the v i s u a l i z a t i o n of a Neoplatonic i d e a l . Her beauty i s more obviously voluptuous. Even i n 1536 her i d e n t i t y was considered of minor i n t e r e s t , as evidenced by the Duke of Urbino's reference to the p i c t u r e when he expressed a d e s i r e to purchase i t : " i l r i t r a t t o d i q u e l l a donna che ha l a veste a z z u r a " . 9 1 Female a l l e g o r i c a l p o r t r a i t u r e had been developed i n Venice i n the f i r s t decade of the s i x t e e n t h century by Giorgione i n such works as Laura (Fig u r e 38) and Col Tempo as w e l l as by h i s f o l l o w e r s , and the e a r l y T i t i a n 42. (Figure 33). I t remained popular throughout the century. Various types of female a l l e g o r i c a l p o r t r a i t s were developed by a number of a r t i s t s . One type p a r t i c u l a r l y popular i n Venice was the s i t t e r i n the guise of a s a i n t , 9 2 the purpose of which was o f t e n to a s s o c i a t e the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e with that of a p a r t i c u l a r s a i n t by the i n c l u s i o n of the s a i n t ' s emblem. As i n P i e t r o d e g l i Ingannati's P o r t r a i t of a Lady as a V i r g i n Martyr of ca. 1530 i n P o r t l a n d (Figure 2 2 ) , 9 3 where the martyr's palm may be taken as a l l u d i n g to the lady's v i r g i n i t y , the s i t t e r s were n e a r l y always shown i n contemporary costume. A second important example of t h i s type by Savoldo shows the i n f l u e n c e of Lotto i n the use of the l a r g e h o r i z o n t a l format. His Lady as S t . Margaret of ca. 1530 i n the C a p i t o l i n e G a l l e r y i n Rome (Figur e 21) shows the s i t t e r i n fancy costume, w i t h a dragon chained to her waist i n i m i t a t i o n of St. M a r g a r e t . 9 4 The a l l u s i o n to t h i s s a i n t i s probably not intended so much as a statement on the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e , but rather as an a l l u s i o n to St. Margaret i n her c a p a c i t y as patron s a i n t of c h i l d b i r t h . The s i t t e r holds a small book, probably a prayer book. Although she does not seem to be pregnant, she i s probably meant to be seen as praying to the s a i n t f o r the future safe d e l i v e r y of a c h i l d . This work shows f u r t h e r i n f l u e n c e of Lotto i n the s e r i o u s , pensive, u n i d e a l i z e d expression of the s i t t e r . A second a l l e g o r i c a l type was the s i t t e r i n the guise of a c l a s s i c a l f i g u r e . In Venice t h i s seems to have been r e s t r i c t e d to the female por-t r a i t . Both T i t i a n ' s F l o r a of ca. 1520-2 i n the P i t t i Palace i n Florence (Figure 23) and Palma's Lady as F l o r a of ca. 1520 i n the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y i n London ( F i g u r e 24) show the s i t t e r i n the guise of the Roman goddess, o f f e r i n g f l o w e r s . 9 5 Further c l a s s i c i z i n g imagery in c l u d e s the costume. 43. Both s i t t e r s wear camicie - the s i x t e e n t h century undergarment, which was a l s o used f o r costuming nymphs, goddesses, and female characters i n c l a s s -i c a l Roman comed i e s . 9 6 A f u r t h e r antique motif i s the r e v e a l i n g of one breast, already used by Giorgione i n the Laura. T i t i a n ' s F l o r a blends p e r f e c t l y a c l a s s i c i z i n g r e s t r a i n t and i d e a l i z e d beauty w i t h a provocative pose and gesture and a sensuous i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of text u r e s and c o l o u r s . This sensuous approach to the female i n p o r t r a i t s was j u s t i f i e d by the philosophy of Neoplatonic l o v e , which saw sensuous a p p r e c i a t i o n of e a r t h l y beauty as a step to the a p p r e c i a t i o n of true s p i r i t u a l beauty. Palma's F l o r a e x h i b i t s more i n d i v i d u a l i z e d f a c i a l f e a t u r e s . Related to t h i s work are h i s female f i g u r e s shown h a l f - l e n g t h , dressed i n camicie, who r e v e a l one b r e a s t , and on one occasion both b r e a s t s . These works have been t r a d i t i o n a l l y considered to represent c o u r t e s a n s , 9 7 of which there was a l a r g e p o p u l a t i o n i n V e n i c e , 9 8 though the evidence upon which t h i s r e s t s remains i n c o n c l u s i v e . This w i l l be disucssed f u r t h e r i n Chapter 4. While a r t i s t s g e n e r a l l y a p p l i e d d i f f e r e n t p r i n c i p l e s to p o r t r a i t s of men and women, Lotto a p p l i e d c e r t a i n p r i n c i p l e s to the female p o r t r a i t which he had a l s o used f o r the male. These i n c l u d e a p o r t r a y a l of the s i t t e r ' s psychology or frame of mind at a p a r t i c u l a r moment and a coordina-t i o n between t h i s aspect and the meaning of the work as a whole. In these works emblems a l s o pinpoint the meaning of the s i t t e r ' s look and gestures. E a r l y examples of t h i s approach occur i n the two double marriage p o r t r a i t s by Lotto which have been discussed above. In the Leningrad Married Couple (Figure 14), the female s i t t e r , i t w i l l be remembered, holds a l i t t l e dog as a symbol of m a r i t a l f i d e l i t y . I t s meaning i s echoed by the placement of her r i g h t arm on her husband's. In Antonio M a r s i l i o and h i s Bride (Figure 44. 13), the wife i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d i n her a t t i t u d e towards her marriage at the moment by her f a i n t s e l f - s a t i s f i e d smile and the t i l t of her head i n the d i r e c t i o n of her husband. These p r i n c i p l e s are f u r t h e r developed i n Lotto's emblematic Lucina  Brembate of 1523 (Figures 26 and 27) i n the Accademia Carrara i n Bergamo. A waxing crescent moon i n a night landscape a l l u d e s to the s i t t e r ' s given name through a kind of rebus - a device used by Leonardo i n h i s Ginevra d i '  Benci of 1475 where the branches of j u n i p e r make reference to the name Ginevra, and perhaps by Giorgione i n h i s Laura where the l a u r e l may a l l u d e to her name. In the Bergamo p o r t r a i t , between the horns of the moon LUNA, are placed the l e t t e r s 'CI' which together s p e l l the s i t t e r ' s given name LUCINA." The moon, however, embodies s i g n i f i c a n c e beyond i t s punning a l l u s i o n . Lucina was al s o the Roman goddess of c h i l d b i r t h , an aspect of the goddess Juno-Lucina; i n c l a s s i c a l times she was invoked by women i n c h i l d b i r t h . L i ke Diana, with whom she was l a t e r a s s i m i l a t e d , she was asso-c i a t e d w i t h the moon. 1 0 0 In the F a s t i , Ovid wrote: When i n the tenth c i r c u i t the moon was renewing her horns, the husband was suddenly made a f a t h e r and the wife a mother. Thanks to Lucina! This name, goddess, though d i d s t take from the sacred grove (lucus) or because w i t h thee i s the fount of l i g h t ( l u c i s ) . Gracious Lucina, spare, I pray, woman with c h i l d , and ge n t l y l i f t the r i p e burden from the womb." 1 0 1 The theme r e c a l l s Savoldo's Lady as S t . Margaret. Pehaps here the s i t t e r i s pregnant, or hoping f o r the fu t u r e conception of a c h i l d . Lucina wears a proud, s e l f - s a t i s f i e d s m i l e . This has e l i c i t e d a num-ber of derogatory remarks from w r i t e r s , who have seen her as " v a i n , proud, and smug". 1 0 2 However, I consider that her expression i s not intended to imply v a n i t y but rather i s an expression of her pride i n her r o l e as c h i l d -bearer and her preoccupation w i t h her hopes f o r a forthcoming c h i l d . This 45 . i s another example where the emblem e s t a b l i s h e s a context f o r i n t e r p r e t i n g the s i t t e r ' s expression. L o t t o ' s P o r t r a i t of a Woman i n London i s h i s p r i n c i p a l statement i n the area of female p o r t r a i t u r e . Before attempting a d e t a i l e d iconographic a n a l y s i s of i t s m o t i f s , and an assessment of i t s c o n t r i b u t i o n to the d e v e l -opment of the female a l l e g o r i c a l p o r t r a i t , a short o u t l i n e of the r o l e of the Venetian noblewoman i n Venice w i l l b r i n g i n t o focus a number of issues which w i l l be r a i s e d i n the d i s c u s s i o n of the p o r t r a i t . 46. FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER TWO 1. John Pope-Hennessy, The P o r t r a i t i n the Renaissance (New Jersey: P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1966), p. 8. This posthumous i n t e n t i s p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l documented i n the case of a p a i r of p o r t r a i t s d e p i c -t i n g Alessandro d i Bernardo Gozzadini and h i s wife Donna Canonici of F e r r a r a , a t t r i b u t e d to Lorenzo Costa and l o c a t e d i n the Robert Lehman C o l l e c t i o n , New York. They are unite d by a L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n on the f r i e z e of the b u i l d i n g which runs i n t o both p i c t u r e s and reads: VT SIT NOSTRA FORMA SVERSTES (so that our image(s) may s u r v i v e ) . For t h i s see George Szabo, The Robert Lehman C o l l e c t i o n (New York: The M e t r o p o l i t a n Museum of A r t , 1975), p. 57-8. 2. This was a bias noted as o c c u r r i n g i n donor, i n d i v i d u a l , and group p o r t r a i t s i n I t a l y . Linda Nochlin and Anne Sutherland H a r r i s , Women  A r t i s t s : 1550-1950 (Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of A r t ; New York, A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1979), p. 25. 3. Creighton G i l b e r t , "Bartolommeo Veneto and h i s P o r t r a i t of a Lady," B u l l e t i n . The N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y of Canada, Ottawa, 22(1973) , p. 12. 4. For t h i s , see John Bury, "The Use of Candle-Light f o r P o r t r a i t P a i n t i n g i n the Sixteenth Century," B u r l i n g t o n Magazine 119(1977), p. 434-7. Bury's E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n , which i s the f i r s t , remains unpublished. 5. George C. Williamson, ed., The Anonimo, tr a n s . Paolo Mussi (New York/ London: Benjamin Blom, 1969). 6. Pope-Hennessy, P o r t r a i t , p. 144. A second s i m i l a r example may have been Charles V s d e s i r e to purchase T i t i a n ' s P o r t r a i t of the Duke of  F e r r a r a of 1520-25, f o r h i s own c o l l e c t i o n , on the basis of T i t i a n ' s own statement of i t s e x c e p t i o n a l q u a l i t y , even though the s i t t e r was not e x a c t l y h i s f r i e n d . Johannes Wilde, Venetian A r t from B e l l i n i to  T i t i a n (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), p. 244. The work i s i n New York, M e t r o p o l i t a n Museum of A r t . 7. Other p o r t r a i t c o l l e c t i o n s were those of W i l l i a m IV of Hesse, Ferdinand of T y r o l , Lord Lumley, and Maria of Hungary. Marianna Jenkins, The State P o r t r a i t : I t s O r i g i n and E v o l u t i o n (New York: College Art A s s o c i a t i o n of America i n conjunction w i t h the A r t B u l l e t i n , 1947), p. 5-6. The s i z e of some of these c o l l e c t i o n s was enormous as, f o r example, that of Catherine de' M e d i c i , which included 341. Encyclopedia of World A r t (1966), s.v. " P o r t r a i t u r e " and "Museums and C o l l e c t i o n s " . 8. Encyclopedia of World A r t , s.v. "Museums and C o l l e c t i o n s " and '"Historiography" . 9. Encyclopedia of World A r t , s.v. " P o r t r a i t u r e " , and Frede r i c k H a r t t , H i s t o r y of I t a l i a n Renaissance A r t (Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: P r e n t i c e - H a l l Inc; and New York.: Harry N. Abrams Inc., n.d.), p. 223-4. f o r Castagno's frescoes i n the V i l l a C a rducci, see Ma r i t a H o r s t e r , Andrea d e l Castagno: Complete E d i t i o n w i t h a C r i t i c a l Catalogue ( I t h a c a , New York: C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P ress, A Phaidon Book, 1980), pp. 29 f f . 47. 10. Mark W. R o s k i l l , Dolce's " A r e t i n o " and Venetian A r t Theory of the  Cinquecento (New York: New York. U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1968), p. 112 and 113. This i s followed by an anecdote concerning Quintius Fabius and P u b l i u s S c i p i o who, when they beheld the statues of t h e i r ancestors, " f e l t themselves on f i r e to show t h e i r worth...the flame i n the souls of these men...grew high when they remembered i l l u s t r i o u s deeds, nor di d i t subside u n t i l with t h e i r own acts of prowess they had equal l e d that a n c e s t r a l g l o r y . So...images of the upright and the v i r t u o u s e x c i t e mankind to v i r t u e and good deeds". 11. Encyclopedia of World A r t , s.v. "Historiography". 12. I b i d . 13. Quoted from J e n n i f e r F l e t c h e r , "Marcantonio M i c h i e l : h i s f r i e n d s and c o l l e c t i o n , " B u r l i n g t o n Magazine 123(1981), p. 466. 14. Jenkins, State P o r t r a i t , p. 4. 15. F l e t c h e r , " M i c h i e l , " p. 466. 16. John Shearman, Andrea d e l Sarto (London: Clarendon Press Oxford, 1965): 1:120. 17. John Steer, A Concise H i s t o r y of Venetian P a i n t i n g (New York and Washington: Praeger P u b l i s h e r s , 19 70), p. 114-6. 18. Berenson, Lotto (1956), p. 147. See a l s o Paolo Dal Poggetto and P i e t r o Zampetti, Lorenzo L o t t o n e l l e Marche. I I suo tempo, i l suo  i n f l u s s o (Florence: Centro D i , 1981), p. 21. For a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h i s aspect of Lotto's p a i n t i n g as a n t i c i p a t i n g developments i n l a t e r c e n t u r i e s , see C a r o l i , "La n a s c i t a d e l l a p s i c o l o g i a moderna," L o t t o , p. 27-36. 19. Quoted from Martin Kemp, " I I concetto d e l 'anima i n Leonardo's E a r l y S k u l l Studies," J o u r n a l of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s (1971): 125-6. 20. S.J. Freedberg, P a i n t i n g i n I t a l y , 1500-1600 (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 19/1), p. 164. DiTe such example mentioned here i s Lorenzo Luzzo (Morto) da F e l t r e ' s p o r t r a i t of a young man i n shepherd's gu i s e , Padua, Museo C i v i c o . 21. Lotto spent h i s e a r l y years, 1498-1508, l a r g e l y i n T r e v i s o . He was however p e r i p a t e t i c most of h i s l i f e , and i n 1509, made a v i s i t to Rome where Raphael had an important i n f l u e n c e on h i s s t y l e . The most recent chronology f o r Lotto's l i f e i s i n Pogetto and Zampetti, Lotto  n e l l e Marche, p. 554-561. For f u r t h e r documentation, see P a l l u c c h i n i and Canova, L'Opera completa, p. 83-5. See a l s o Lotto's own account book f o r 1538 and the f o l l o w i n g years: I I Idbro d i spese d i v e r s e , ed. P i e t r o Zampetti (Venice/Rome: I s t i t u t o per l a colaborazione c u l t u r a l e , 1969). 22. Because of Lotto's a r t i s t i c c o n t r i b u t i o n i n Bergamo, the c i t y became the second major a r t i s t i c centre of the Veneto, a f t e r Venice. For u s e f u l comments on the Bergamask a r t i s t i c m i l i e u , see Pogetto and Zampetti, Lotto n e l l e Marche, p. 21-3; P i e t r o Zampetti, " T i t i a n o e L o t t o " , T i z i a n o e l i l manierismo Europeo, ed. Rodolfo P a l l u c c h i n i Continued. 48. (Florence: Leo S. Olschki E d i t o r e , 1978), p. 159-61; Freedberg, P a i n t i n g i n I t a l y , p. 171, 338-40, and 359; G i o r g i o Mascherpa, Lorenzo L o t t o a Bergamo ( M i l a n : Cassa d i Risparmio d e l l e p r o v i n c i e lombarde, 19/1). 23. Freedberg, P a i n t i n g i n I t a l y , p. 164. 24. In a l e t t e r Lotto wrote from Venice on February 7, 1526, he s t a t e d that he was there on December 20, 1525. Diana Wronski G a l i s , Lorenzo Lot t o : A Study of h i s Career and Character, with P a r t i c u l a r Emphasis on h i s Emblematic and H i e r o g l y p h i c Works (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Bryn Mawr College, 1977), p. 467. Based on s t y l i s t i c evidence, i t has been considered l i k e l y that Lotto v i s i t e d Venice during h i s Bergamask years. Bernard Berenson, Lorenzo Lotto (London: Phaidon Press, 1956), p. 31-2; S.J. Freedberg, P a i n t i n g i n I t a l y , p. 304. I t i s g e n e r a l l y accepted that Lotto was born i n Venice. For t h i s , see G a l i s , " L o t t o , " p. 1-13. 25. Janet Cox-Rearick, La C o l l e c t i o n de Francois Ier ( P a r i s : Musee du Louvre, 1972), p. 41-2. This l o s t p a i n t i n g i s described by G i o r g i o V a s a r i i n h i s l i f e of Giorgione. The L i v e s of the P a i n t e r s , S c u l p t o r s  and A r c h i t e c t s , t r a n s . A.B. Hinds (London: Dent; New York: Dutton, Everyman's L i b r a r y , 1963):2:171. 26. Jenkins, State P o r t r a i t , p. 1 and 4-7. 27. The dates f o r T i t i a n ' s p o r t r a i t s throughout t h i s t h e s i s have been taken from Harold Wethey, The P a i n t i n g s of T i t i a n , 2 The P o r t r a i t s (London: Phaidon, 1971), unless otherwise i n d i c a t e d . 28. I t s dimensions are 127 x 98.4 cm. T i t i a n e a r l i e r employed the three q u a r t e r - l e n g t h format of l i f e - s i z e f o r La Schiavona i n 1511, a work i n the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London. 29. Wethey, The P o r t r a i t s , p. 94-5. 30. For T i t i a n ' s p o r t r a i t s , see a l s o Wilde, Venetian A r t , pp. 212 f f . 31. Baldassare C a s t i g l i o n e , The Book of the C o u r t i e r , t r a n s . Charles S. S i n g l e t o n (Garden C i t y , New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday and Company, 1959). The p e r f e c t c o u r t i e r i s described i n Books One and Two. 32. For t h i s work, see a l s o Wethey, The P o r t r a i t s , p. 118. 33. The p o r t r a i t most f r e q u e n t l y c i t e d as being the embodiment of the i d e a l C o u r t i e r i s Raphael's P o r t r a i t of Baldassare C a s t i g l i o n e of c a . 1514-5 i n the Louvre, P a r i s . S.J. Freedberg, P a i n t i n g of the High  Renaissance i n Rome and Florence (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961): 1:331-5 considers T i t i a n to have been the source of i n s p i r a t i o n f o r t h i s p o r t r a i t . 34. Robert F i n l a y , P o l i t i c s i n Renaissance Venice (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers U n i v e r s i t y P ress, 1980), p. 23-24 and 26. C a s t i g l i o n e w r i t e s i n The C o u r t i e r on p. 122-3 " I wish our C o u r t i e r to be neat and d a i n t y i n h i s a t t i r e , and observe a c e r t a i n modest elegance...He ought to consider what appearance he wishes to have and what manner of man he wishes to be taken f o r , and dress a c c o r d i n g l y ; and see to i t that h i s a t t i r e a i d him to be so regarded even by those who do not hear him speak or see him do anything whatever". 49. 35. I b i d . , p. 121-2. 36. Jenkins, State P o r t r a i t , p. 20, quoting Henri Hymens, Antonio Moro, son Oeuvre et son Temps" ( B r u s s e l s , 1919), p. 75. C a s t i g l i o n e mentions gloves and the manner i n which they should be worn, so as to best show o f f the hands, i f they are " d e l i c a t e and b e a u t i f u l " . The C o u r t i e r , p. 66. 37. For t h i s work see Giordana Ma r i a n i Canova, "Note on P a r i s Bourdon," Arte Veneta 19(1965), p. 153-4. 38. For the P o r t r a i t of a Man by Bernardino L i c i n i o where the s i t t e r holds a book i n s c r i b e d F./PETRAR/CHA, see I r i n a Smirnova, "Un nuovo Bernardino L i c i n i o a Mosca," A r t e Veneta 21(1967), p. 213-4. 39. For t h i s work see Wethey, The P o r t r a i t s , p. 133-4; and John Shearman, " T i t i a n ' s P o r t r a i t of G i u l i o Roman," B u r l i n g t o n Magazine 107(1965), p. 172-177. 40. I b i d . , p. 174. 41. T r e v i s o , Pinacoteca C i v i c a , signed and dated "Laurentius Lotus 1526" (78 x 68 cm). The s i t t e r i s g e n e r a l l y considered to be a Dominican of the monastery of SS. Giovanni e Paolo i n Venice where Lotto r e s i d e d from January to J u l y of 1526. P a l l u c c h i n i / C a n o v a , L'opera completa, p. 108. 42. For the i n f l u e n c e of Durer on L o t t o , see T e r i s i o P i g n a t t i , "The R e l a t i o n s h i p Between German and Venetian P a i n t i n g i n the Late Quattrocento and E a r l y Cinquecento," Renaissance Venice, ed. John Hale (London: Faber & Faber, 1973), p. 244=73": 43. For t h i s work, see T e r i s i o P i g n a t t i , Giorgione (London: Faber & Faber, 1971), p. 110-111. 44. Encyclopedia of World A r t , s.v. "Emblems and I n s i g n i a " . 45. Fra Teodoro da Urbino was a member of the community of SS. Giovanni e Paolo i n Venice i n 1514 and h i s name appears i n l a r g e l e t t e r s on the canvas. He holds a l i l y , the emblem of St. Dominic and the s a i n t ' s name i s i n s c r i b e d on the copy of the r u l e he holds i n h i s l e f t hand. Pope-Hennessey, P o r t r a i t , p. 239. 46. The work i s f i r s t mentioned by V a s a r i and i s known through an engrav-in g by Wenceslaus H o l l a r . A p o s s i b l e fragment of the work i s l o c a t e d i n Brunswick, Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum. I b i d . 47. The only male p o r t r a i t I have found of t h i s date of the s i t t e r as a s a i n t i s one Berenson a t t r i b u t e s to Lotto o f a Man as S t . Wenceslas which he dates ca. 1530. Berenson, L o t t o (1956), p. 94. For another l a t e r example, see Lotto's P o r t r a i t of a Man as S t . Peter Martyr, Cambridge, Fogg Art Museum of 1548 or 1549. Pa l l u c c h i n i / C a n o v a , L'opera completa, p. 119 and 120. 48. For t h i s work and i t s companion, Anna Cuspinian ? both of 1502 i n Winterhur, Reinhart C o l l e c t i o n , see D i e t e r Koepplin, Cranachs  E h e b i l d n i s des Johannes Cuspinian von 1502: Seine c h r i s t l i c h - humanistische Bedeutung (Dusseldorf: Rudolfe S t e h l e , 19/3. TEis book was reviewed by Larry S i l v e r , A r t B u l l e t i n 58(1976):290-2. 50. 49. Koepplin, Cuspinian, p. 177-84. 50. The p o r t r a i t i s l o c a t e d i n Naples, Pinacoteca, and the A l l e g o r i c a l  Cover i n Washington, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y o f A r t , Kress C o l l e c t i o n . The a l l e g o r y makes extensive use of c l a s s i c a l symbolism and i s based on the choice of Hercules, w i t h the r i g h t s i d e symbolizing v i c e and the l e f t v i r t u e . De'Rossi's choice to pursue v i r t u e through l e a r n i n g i s i n d i c a t e d by a putto on the l e f t who gathers up a compass, square, and f l u t e , symbolic of c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t s which f o r the Renaissance man meant v i r t u e . For a more d e t a i l e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the cover and the i n s c r i p t i o n which was o r i g i n a l l y on the back, see Fern Rusk Shapley, P a i n t i n g s from the Samuel H. Kress C o l l e c t i o n , 2, I t a l i a n Schools: XV- XVI Century (London: Phaidon Press, 1968), p. 157-8; and Guy de Tervarent, A t t r i b u t s et Symboles dans l ' A r t profane: 1450-1600 (Geneva: L i b r a r l e E. Droz, 1958), p. 390. 51. Berenson, L o t t o , p. 3. For b i o g r a p h i c a l d e t a i l s about d e 1 R o s s i , see p. 1-2. 52. " L o t t o " , p. 89-189. 53. Lotto's double p o r t r a i t s of man and w i f e have t h e i r roots i n f i f t e e n t h century northern p o r t r a i t s of man and w i f e , p a r t i c u l a r l y German betro -t h a l p o r t r a i t s . See Pope-Hennessy, P o r t r a i t , p. 226-7. For Northern double p o r t r a i t s of husband and w i f e , see Sarah Wilk, " T u l l i o Lombardo's 'Double-Portrait' R e l i e f s , " Marsyas 14(1969), p. 71-73. 54. Signed and dated on the yoke and the r i g h t hand of Cupid: "L. Lotus p i c t o r 1523" (71 x 84 cm) For t h i s work see G a l i s , " L o t t o , " p. 234-6; and F l e t c h e r , " M i c h i e l , " p. 459-60. 55. For l a u r e l as a symbol of marriage i n t h i s and other works, see Egon Verheyen, "Die Sinnghalt von Giorgiones Laura", Pantheon 26(1968): 220-27. 56. G a l i s , "Lotto," p. 235. 57. I t s dimensions are 98 x 118 cm. A preparatory sketch f o r t h i s work i s i n Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum. My summary of the iconography of t h i s p a i n t i n g i s based on G a l i s ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n "Lotto," p. 237-241. 58. I t s dimensions are 118 x 105 cm. 59. G a l i s , " L o t t o , " p. 230-33. f o r the question of whether t h i s i s a s e l f - p o r t r a i t , p. 266-9 and 413-4. 60. Berenson, Lotto (1956), p. 101. 61. For t h i s work, located i n the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , see Smith, Renaissance  P o r t r a i t s , p. 37. The t r a n s l a t i o n of the i n s c r i p t i o n i s quoted from the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y I l l u s t r a t e d General Catalogue, 1973. 62. I t s dimensions are 98 x 116 cm. The e a r l i e s t i n t h i s group by Lotto seems to be h i s p o r t r a i t of a Man on a Terrace of 1525 i n Cleveland, Ohio. 51. 63. For t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , see L u i g i C o l e t t i , "Un r i t r a t t o d i Lorenzo L o t t o " , L'Arte 33(1930): 467-70. 64. G a l i s , " L o t t o , " p. 233-4. 65. I b i d . 66. The p o r t r a i t i s signed on the lower l e f t corner: "Laurentius lotus/1527". I t s dimensions are 103 x 117 cm. In 1532, M i c h i e l reported that t h i s work hung i n Odoni's house i n a room along w i t h two other p a i n t i n g s — one by T i t i a n and the other by Palma. Williamson, Anonimo, p. 99. 67. Lars Olof Larsson, "Lorenzo Lottos B i l d n i s des Andrea Odoni i n Hampton Court," K u n s t h i s t o r i s k T i d s k r i f t 38(1968):21-33, esp. 24-7. 68. Williamson, Anonimo, p. 96-102. 69. Larrson, "Odoni," p. 24-7. 70. Pope-Hennessy, P o r t r a i t , p. 228. 71. For a summary of these and a new i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , see G a l i s , " L o t t o , " p. 226-9 and 378-9. 72. The s t a t u e t t e was i d e n t i f i e d by Pope-Hennessy, P o r t r a i t , p. 231, f o l l o w i n g , i t seems, the suggestion of Burckhardt. Diana of Ephesus formed part of the base of the throne of Philosophy on the c e i l i n g of the Stanza d e l l a Segnatura, a work which Lotto must have seen when he was i n Rome, working i n the V a t i c a n . 73. Larrson, "Odoni," p. 27-30. Larrson s t a t e s that La Schiavona may have been the f i r s t . 74. J e n k i n s , State P o r t r a i t , p. 4. 75. In 1644, John Bulwer c a l l e d t h i s gesture "conscientur a f f i r m o " , and i n t e r p r e t e d i t i n the f o l l o w i n g way: "To l a y the hand open to our heart using a kind of bowing gesture i s a garb wherein we a f f i r m a th i n g or c a l l God to witness a t r u t h , and so we seem as i f we would openly e x h i b i t unto sense the testimony of our conscience or take a t a c i t oath, p u t t i n g i n s e c u r i t y that no mental r e s e r v a t i o n doth basely divorce our words and meaning, but that a l l i s t r u t h that we now prot e s t unto". James W. Cleary, ed., C h i r o l o g i a : or the Na t u r a l Language of the Hand, and Chiromania: or the A r t of Manual R h e t o r i c (Carbondale & E d w a r d s v i l l e : U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s Press, 1974), p. 74. This gesture was f a i r l y common i n s i x t e e n t h century p o r t r a i t u r e . In P i e t r o D e g l i Ingannati's P o r t r a i t of a Lady as a V i r g i n Martyr the s i t t e r employs the same gesture as an a l l u s i o n to v i r t u e (Figure 22). Sometimes i t a l l u d e s to m a r i t a l f i d e l i t y . For t h i s , see below ch. 4. 52. 76. I t s dimensions are 119 x 93 cm. For t h i s work, see Wethey, The  P o r t r a i t s , p. 92-3. 77. Pope-Hennessy, P o r t r a i t , p. 164-5. 78. Ruth Kelso, Doctrine f o r the Lady of the Renaissance (Urbana, I l l i n o i s : U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s Press, 1956), p. 107-8. 79. For B e a t r i c e d'Este's d e s c r i p t i o n of women's dress i n Venice, see Mary R. Beard, Woman as a Force i n H i s t o r y (New York, New York: The McMillan Company, 1946), p. 232. 80. For the sumptuary laws, see F e l i x G i l b e r t , "Venice i n the C r i s i s of the League of Cambrai," Renaissance Venice, ed. John Hale (London: Faber & Faber, 1973), p. 278. 81. Kelso, The Lady, p. 108. 82. Margaret Leah King, "Personal, Domestic and Republican Values i n the Moral Philosophy of Giovanni C a l d i e r a , " Renaissance Q u a r t e r l y 28(1975), p. 551. 83. G i l b e r t , "Bartolommeo Veneto," p. 3. 84. F l e t c h e r , " M i c h i e l , " p. 460; and P i e t r o Zampetti, ed. I I L i b r o d i Spese Diverse (Venice and Rome: I n s t i t u t o per l a c o l l a b o r a z i o n e c u l t u r a l , 1969), p. 260. 85. E l i z a b e t h B i r b a r i , Dress i n I t a l i a n P a i n t i n g : 1460-1500 (London: John Murray P u b l i s h e r s L t d , 1975), p. 80; Richard Corson, Fashions i n H a i r :  the F i r s t F i v e Thousand Years (London: Peer Owen, 1965), p. 171. 86. G i l b e r t , "Bartolommeo Veneto," p. 2. 87. Roy McMullen, Mona L i s a : The P i c t u r e and the Myth (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Company, 1975), p. 76. 88. Jean Paul R i c h t e r , The L i t e r a r y Works of Leonardo da V i n c i (London: Phaidon, 1970):1:341. 89. For t h i s work, see Adolfo V e n t u r i , S t o r i a d e l l ' a r t e i t a l i a n a 9 La  p i t t u r a d e l Cinquecento, part 3 ( M i l a n : U l r i c o H o e p l i , E d i t o r e L i b r a i o d e l l a Real Casa, 1929; Nedln, L e i c h t e n s t e i n : Kraus Reprint L t d . ) , p. 476. 90 See below, ch. 3. 91. Wilde, Venetian A r t , p. 248. See als o Pope-Hennessy, P o r t r a i t , p. 144. 53. 92. S.J. Freedberg, P a i n t i n g of the High Renaissance i n Rome and Florence (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961):1:179. This p o t r a i t type was imported to Rome by Sebastiano d e l Piombo. I b i d . 93. For t h i s work, see Shapley, Kress C o l l e c t i o n , p. 175. I t s dimensions are 52.7 x 46.3 cm. 94. I t s dimensions are 91 x 123 cm. 95. For T i t i a n ' s F l o r a , see Harold Wethey, T i t i a n 3 The My t h o l o g i c a l and  H i s t o r i c a l P a i n t i n g s (London: Phaidon, 1975). For Palma's Lady as  F l o r a , see Giovanni Mariacher, Palma i l Vecchio ( M i l a n : Bramante E d i t r i c e , 1968), p. 74; and C e c i l Gould, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y Catalogues:  The S i x t e e n t h Century Venetian School (London: W i l l i a m Clowes and Sons, L i m i t e d , 1959), p. 61-62. 96. Emma H. Mellencamp, "A Note on the Costume of T i t i a n ' s F l o r a , " A r t B u l l e t i n 51(1969): 174-177, esp. 175. 97. For example, see Freedberg, P a i n t i n g i n I t a l y , p. 162-4. 98. For the courtesan i n Venice, see J u l i u s Held, " F l o r a , Goddess and Courtesan," Essays i n Honour of Erwin Panofsky, ed. M i l l a r d Meiss (New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1971):1: 374-94, esp. 213-6. Venice i s s a i d to have had ne a r l y 12,000 p r o s t i t u t e s i n 1500 of a t o t a l population of 100,000. The "courtesan" belonged to a high c l a s s of p r o s t i t u t e and a s t i l l l o f t i e r group was that of the "honoured courtesan". "Many of these 'honoured courtesans' dressed e l e g a n t l y , l i v e d i n sumptuous q u a r t e r s , and could r e c i t e poetry and play the lute...They seem to have catered to both wealthy f o r e i g n e r s and Venetian p a t r i c i a n s . " James C. Davis, A Venetian Family and i t s  Fortune, 1500-1900: The Dona* and the Conservation of t h e i r Wealth ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : Independence Square, 1975), p. 105. 99. For t h i s and f o r the s i t t e r ' s i d e n t i t y , see G a l i s , " L o t t o , " p. 291-2. 100. MM. CH. Daremberg and EDM. S a g l i o , eds., D i c t i o n n a i r e des Antiquite*s  grecques et romaines 3 ( P a r i s : L i b r a i r i e Hachette ET C i e , 1899), p. 682-3. 101. I I , 447-452. Quoted from S i r James George Fra z e r , ed. and t r a n s . , The  F a s t i of Ovid: Fastorum L i b r i Sex 1 (London: Frazer: F r a z e r , MacMillan & Co., L t d . ) , p. 83. 102. G a l i s , " L o t t o , " 292-3. On p. 223-5, she argues that the p o r t r a i t i s a momento mori or va n i t a s p i c t u r e , a warning that there i s no s e c u r i t y i n the c l o t h e s , f u r s and jewels the s i t t e r wears. However, as elegance of costume was such a common element of female p o r t r a i t s , I cannot agree with her con c l u s i o n s . 54. CHAPTER THREE THE RENAISSANCE NOBLEWOMAN OF VENICE The Renaissance Woman Jacob Burckhardt was the f i r s t to s t a t e i n 1860 that Renaissance women enjoyed e q u a l i t y w i t h men.1 Though t h i s view has gained wide acceptance, i t has been disproved by a number of recent s t u d i e s 2 which have reevaluated Renaissance woman's r o l e i n s o c i e t y . One important landmark i s Ruth Kelso's Doctrine f o r the Lady of the Renaissance of 1956 3 which c l e a r l y r e v e a l s t h i s r o l e as subordinate to that of the Renaissance male. In 1977, Kelly-Gadol went a step f u r t h e r , showing that h i s t o r i c a l l y Renaissance noblewomen as a group experienced a c o n t r a c t i o n of p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , and sexual o p t i o n s , p r e v i o u s l y a v a i l a b l e to her medieval counterpart. Under the Feudal system, p a t r i a r c h a l marriage commanded by the Church did not c o n f l i c t with the e x e r c i s e of a c t i v e p o l i t i c a l r o l e s by women. Women had l e g a l r i g h t s to i n h e r i t property — both o r d i n a r y f i e f s and vast c o l l e c t i o n s of counties — and exer c i s e i n t h e i r own r i g h t the accompanying S e i g n o r i a l powers. During the absence of t h e i r husbands, the lady a l s o resided over the c o u r t . 4 The medieval i d e a l s of c o u r t l y l o v e , though c o n t r a d i c t i n g the i d e a l s of marriage and the Church, provided the s t r u c t u r e f o r love r e l a t i o n s h i p s between men and women,and themes f o r the great love l i t e r a t u r e of the age. Love as an i d e a l was infused with the C h r i s t i a n n o t i o n of passion, d i r e c t e d to the l o v e r rather than to God, and found expression p h y s i c a l l y and emo-t i o n a l l y i n sexual l o v e , the goal of which was ecstasy. This n e c e s s a r i l y took place outside of marriage as the Church defined the f u n c t i o n of sex 55. w i t h i n marriage to be s o l e l y the pr o c r e a t i o n of c h i l d r e n . Women, l i k e men, a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the p r a c t i c e s of c o u r t l y l o v e . While the knight served h i s Lady and made every e f f o r t to please her, so too women could and di d express t h e i r f e e l i n g s , a c t i v e l y seeking union w i t h t h e i r l o v e r s and ecstasy. Women al s o c o n t r i b u t e d to the l i t e r a t u r e of c o u r t l y l o v e , both as patrons i n the courts and as w r i t e r s . 5 The i d e a l s of c o u r t l y love d i d not c o n f l i c t w i t h the dominant p o l i t i -c a l feudal values. Adultery posed no threat as marriages were contracted to create p o l i t i c a l a l l i a n c e s , and the p r a c t i c e of primogeniture determined the r i g h t of i n h e r i t a n c e of the el d e s t son. Once an h e i r was e s t a b l i s h e d , i l l i g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n posed no threat to the claims of i n h e r i t a n c e . C o u r t l y l o v e , which f l o u r i s h e d outside the i n s t i t u t i o n of p a t r i a r c h a l marriage, owed i t s p o s s i b i l i t y as w e l l as i t s model to the dominant p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n of feudal Europe that permitted a c t u a l v a s s a l homage be paid to women.6 During the Renaissance, w i t h the r i s e of autonomous c i t y s t a t e s , the n o b i l i t y no longer held S e i g n o r i a l power and the p r i n c i p a l s o c i a l u n i t became, at a l l l e v e l s of s o c i e t y , the f a m i l y . In a l l of Europe, throughout s o c i e t y there was an e l e v a t i o n of the pleasures of l i f e i n the nuclear f a m i l y . . . More i n t i m a t e bonds of a f f e c t i o n ( w i t h i n the family) challenged c o u r t l y i d e a l s , a l l e g i a n c e to c o n s o r t i a and medieval a r i s t o -c r a t i c eroticism...The nuclear f a m i l y became a q u i n t e s s e n t i a l element of man's humanitas...The f a m i l y was the focus of man's moral l i f e and women and c h i l d r e n served to s u s t a i n and e n r i c h the e a r t h l y p i l g r i m a g e . 7 In the f i f t e e n t h century a number of t r e a t i s e s on marriage and the fa m i l y were produced. In Florence, A l b e r t i ' s I I L i b r i d e l l a F a m i g l i a w r i t t e n before 1441, described an i d e a l f a m i l y w i t h i n the context of F l o r e n t i n e c i v i c humanism. 8 In Venice, Francesco Barbaro's De re u x o r i a , composed i n 1415-16, d e a l t s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h marriage, defending the 56. p r i v i l e g e and p u r i t y of noble f a m i l i e s . 9 Giovanni C a l d i e r a ' s De veneta  iconomia of 1463-4, a l s o concerned w i t h the Venetian n o b i l i t y , set f o r t h i n i d e a l terms the r e l a t i o n between I n d i v i d u a l , f a m i l y , and s t a t e , arguing that "the i n d i v i d u a l i s not s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t but i s f u l f i l l e d , f i r s t i n the f a m i l y , and u l t i m a t e l y i n the s t a t e . " 1 0 A l l three works view woman's r o l e as i d e a l l y confined to marriage, w i t h i n which she i s subordinate to her husband and bearing of c h i l d r e n i s her primary f u n c t i o n . The medieval i d e a l s of c o u r t l y love were not compatible w i t h Renais-sance ideology of the f a m i l y . In the e a r l y Renaissance, new i d e a l s of lo v e were described: Dante's love f o r B e a t r i c e and Petrarch's f o r Laura were s p i r i t u a l and a l l e g o r i c a l i n nature rather than p h y s i c a l , and centered on the poets' own f e e l i n g s , not t h e i r l o v e r s ' . This s h i f t to the male view was accompanied by the placement of women i n a r o l e of powerless and passive, chaste and b e a u t i f u l o b j e c t , whose f u n c t i o n was e i t h e r to i n s p i r e the male with v a l o u r , as P e t r a t c h i a n m i s t r e s s , or elevate him to a s p i r i -t u a l l e v e l of experience. In the second h a l f of the f i f t e e n t h century, the philosophy of Neoplatonic love was formulated, where woman's r o l e was defined i n terms of her beauty, which would a s s i s t men on t h e i r journey to s p i r i t u a l enlightment. Even the p r i n c i p a l f u n c t i o n of C a s t i g l i o n e ' s accomplished i d e a l Court Lady was to please, f l a t t e r , and charm the C o u r t i e r , and the motive behind her formation was to i n s p i r e him to be g r a c e f u l , p l e a s i n g , brave, and to perform g a l l a n t deeds of c h i v a l r y . 1 1 The c o n d i t i o n of Renaissance noblewoman - confinement w i t h i n the f a m i l y , r e i n -forced by an ideology which excluded her from a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n matters of love outside the f a m i l y - has been a p t l y summed up by Kell y - G a d o l i n her observation that Renaissance women experienced a "Renaissance of 57. c h a s t i t y " . 1 2 Nowhere was t h i s more true than i n Venice. Women i n Venice As other European s o c i e t i e s , Venice was male-dominated. The t r a d i -t i o n s from which she drew her laws and customs, the Roman and Germanic, were p a t r i a r c h a l ; she i n e v i t a b l y followed t h e i r l e a d . 1 3 The Great C o u n c i l , Venice's governing body, was made up of a r u l i n g c l a s s whose r i g h t to mem-bership was based on descent through the male l i n e . A s e r i e s of l e g i s l a -t i v e measures at the end of the t h i r t e e n t h and beginning of the fourteenth c e n t u r i e s closed the p a t r i c i a t e to a l l but those f a m i l i e s represented i n the government i n the 1290's. l l t By the age of t w e n t y - f i v e , and sometimes e a r l i e r , every male p a t r i c i a n became a member of the Great C o u n c i l . I t was impossible f o r a c i t t a d i n o (middle c l a s s c i t i z e n ) to earn or buy h i s was i n t o i t . Women were barred from a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the Republic. The d e s t i n y of a Venetian noblewoman was, without exception, marriage ( f r e q u e n t l y followed l a t e r by widowhood, as most wives were considerably younger than t h e i r husbands), or the convent. This r e a l i t y was r e f l e c t e d i n the w r i t i n g of C a l d i e r a who wrote that matrimony was "the f i r s t and most important of the c o n d i t i o n s of woman i n s o c i e t y " . 1 5 I n s t r u m e n t a l l y women played an important p o l i t i c a l r o l e through marriage. Marriages were always arranged, u s u a l l y by the parents, and the betrothed p a i r d i d not see each other before the marriage was contracted. By means of marriages, p o l i t i c a l and business a l l i a n c e s were formed or cemented between the f a m i l i e s of the upper c l a s s . Women 58. f i g u r e d prominently i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s ' s o c i a l s t r a t e g y , representing an important means of improvement, or at l e a s t maintenance, of t h e i r f a m i l i e s ' s o c i a l and economic status through marriage t i e s . 1 6 In Venice, the f a m i l y was "at the heart of Venetian p o l i t i c s " . 1 7 I t d i d not j u s t imply the nu c l e a r , or even the extended f a m i l y (which could include i n a d d i t i o n to the nuclear f a m i l y , s i s t e r s , b r o t h e r s , uncles, aunts, nephews, n i e c e s , and/or grandparents, l i v i n g under one r o o f ) , but even q u i t e d i s t a n t f a m i l y connections. Family members shared i n the successes and f a i l u r e s , favour of l a c k of i t , of both near and d i s t a n t r e l a t i v e s , "whether f e l l o w c l a n members or i n - l a w s " . 1 8 The Great C o u n c i l was made up of networks of f a m i l i e s l i n k e d by blood, marriage, and member-ship i n the same c l a n . P o l i t i c a l and business c o n s i d e r a t i o n s thus f i g u r e d prominently i n the choice of a wife (or husband). V a l u a t i o n of p a t r i c i a n women as s u i t a b l e wives rested on a number of other f a c t o r s as w e l l . Wealth was an important c o n s i d e r a t i o n . 1 9 While a l l nobles had equal p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , only the most wealthy a c t u a l l y played l e a d i n g r o l e s i n the government — those who could a f f o r d an imposing palace i n the c i t y , a v i l l a on the mainland, and a s t a f f of many servants and go n d o l i e r s - as w e l l as the expense of serving as governors i n subject c i t i e s or ambassadors i n major European c a p i t a l s . 2 0 Wealth was a l s o necessary to provide an education s u i t a b l e f o r the more powerful p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n s . 2 1 A br i d e ' s dowry, sometimes extremely l a r g e ( a t t e s t e d to by laws passed, attempting, u n s u c c e s s f u l l y to l i m i t the amount), could be of considerable f i n a n c i a l a i d . 2 2 While a b r i d e ' s dowry was considered to be her share i n the p a t r i m o n y 2 3 and was to be returned to her on her husband's death, there were no laws l i m i t i n g her husband's use of i t . 2 4 59. Youth was a l s o an important f a c t o r i n the choice of a b r i d e . In an age of high i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y , a wife would need an e a r l y s t a r t to produce s u f f i c i e n t c h i l d r e n to ensure the s u r v i v a l of a male h e i r . P h y s i c a l beauty may have been another c o n s i d e r a t i o n . A low marriage r a t e coupled w i t h a high pool of marriageable b r i d e s may have made i t f a i r l y easy f o r parents to f i n d an a t t r a c t i v e spouse f o r t h e i r son. U n a t t r a c t i v e g i r l s were l e s s l i k e l y to marry. In a g i r l ' s middle teens, the parents decided whether she was to marry, or stay permanently i n the convent as a n u n . 2 5 Of equal, i f not greater c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n the choice of a w i f e , was n o b i l i t y . The i d e a l wife was of noble b i r t h ; a stigma was attached to marriage w i t h a non-noble woman. 2 6 Though an infrequent p r a c t i c e , a noble-man co u l d , however, l e g a l l y marry a middle c l a s s woman (but not a peasant or servant) without l o s i n g h i s noble s t a t u s , — h i s wife would then be admitted to the n o b i l i t y . A noblewoman, on the other hand, would lose hers i f she married a non-noble man. By the s i x t e e n t h century i t became neces-sary to provide witnesses to vouchsafe f o r the n o b i l i t y of the b r i d e . 2 7 The purpose of these r e s t r i c t i o n s was, of course, to preserve the noble l i n e a g e , on which a very high value was placed. As Francesco Barbaro stated i n De re u x o r i a , "For the sake of p o s t e r i t y , one should marry a noblewoman; f o r the best f r u i t produces the best s e e d " . 2 8 Thus women's primary s o c i a l r o l e became b i o l o g i c a l - the bearing of noble o f f s p r i n g , p a r t i c u l a r l y male, who would be worthy members of the Venetian p a t r i c i a t e . According to Barbaro 60. The primary end of marriage...is the p r o c r e a t i o n of noble descendents capable of b e t t e r i n g and r u l i n g s o c i e t y . The pre s e r v a t i o n of p a t r i c i a n f a m i l i e s , alone capable of supply-i n g men to lead the r e p u b l i c , becomes an imperative as c l e a r as the p r e s e r v a t i o n of the sta t e i t s e l f . 2 9 Women's part i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of Venetian p a t r i c i a n s o c i e t y became, on the one hand, that of a passive l i n k i n a chain extending outwards i n space, u n i t i n g noble f a m i l i e s and c l a n s , and on the other, connecting through time, p a t r i c i a n s of the present with t h e i r noble ancestors of the past and t h e i r f u t u r e noble o f f s p r i n g . This i d e o l o g i c a l focus on women's b i o l o g i c a l r o l e and her e x l u s i o n from a c t i v i t i e s outside of marriage l e d to a general d e f i n i t i o n and v a l u a -t i o n of women i n sexual terms. For example, C a l d i e r a ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of the a l t e r n a t i v e s t a t e s to matrimony f o r women c o n s t i t u t e the cat e g o r i e s of v i r g i n s or widows i n convents, v i r g i n s before marriage, widows not i n con-vents, and p r o s t i t u t e s (whom he f u l l y condemns). This c o n t r a s t s to h i s s o c i a l v a l u a t i o n of men, which rested upon t h e i r s o c i a l f u n c t i o n s as p o l i t -i c i a n s , husbands or r e l i g i o u s . 3 0 This noti o n of women was of f a r greater concern to male w r i t e r s and t h e o r i s t s than her important non-sexual func-t i o n s of management of the household ( c h i l d r e n , servants, and s l a v e s ) , the entertainment of v i s i t o r s , and the e a r l y r a i s i n g and t r a i n i n g of c h i l d r e n . As a woman's highest f u n c t i o n w i t h i n marriage was considered to be b i o l o -g i c a l , her most necessary v i r t u e was n a t u r a l l y one which would protect the e f f e c t i v e e x e r c i s e of t h i s f u n c t i o n . A woman's c h a s t i t y (or l a c k of i t ) became the key f a c t o r upon which her v a l u a t i o n r e s t e d . To no group was female c h a s t i t y more important than the r u l i n g c l a s s i n Venice, where a l l sons of p a t r i c i a n men were h e i r to p a t r i c i a n s t a t u s . Unlike other parts of Europe, Venice made infrequent use of primogeniture, 61. thus a l l sons were h e i r to portions of t h e i r f a t h e r ' s e s t a t e . In 1242 a law had been passed which stated that "henceforth a l l brothers s h a l l have equal share of t h e i r f a t h e r ' s good"; from t h i s time n e a r l y every nobleman's w i l l ends w i t h the statement that the balance of h i s lands and houses are to be l e f t i n equal shares to h i s sons or nephews. 3 1 There was c l e a r l y no place f o r i l l i g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n w i t h i n t h i s framework. V i r t u e f o r Women: C h a s t i t y Barbaro stated that v i r t u e i n a wife was to be even more h i g h l y p r i z e d than noble b i r t h . He b e l i e v e d t h a t , " V i r t u e . . . . a l o n e s u f f i c e s to make a spouse d e s i r a b l e even i f a l l other q u a l i t i e s are l a c k i n g " f o r i t s " p u r i t y p u r i f i e s the race". Through her v i r t u e , the wife was expected to set an example f o r other f a m i l y members. According to Barbaro, her v i r t u e i n s p i r e s a l l other members of the f a m i l y who f o l l o w her example as c i t i z e n s f o l l o w t h e i r r u l e r s ' and s o l d i e r s f o l l o w t h e i r generals'. The d i l i g e n c e , f r u g a l i t y , and d i g n i t y of the wife i n s p i r e s and i n s t r u c t s the f a m i l y and renders i t honest; and without the experience of a n c e s t r a l v i r t u e s the c i t y ' s leaders could not j u s t l y r u l e the r e p u b l i c . 3 2 Thus the v i r t u e of the wife was b e l i e v e d to c o n t r i b u t e to the fineness of the stock. Among the many v i r t u e s expected of her were obedience and f i d e -l i t y to her husband; d i l i g e n c e , prudence, and f r u g a l i t y i n the care of the household; and p i e t y . 3 3 The key component of her v i r t u e was, however, c h a s t i t y . This meant v i r g i n i t y upon marriage (though i n p r a c t i c e men could and d i d marry widows) and sexual f i d e l i t y to her husband i n thought, word, and deed. The importance of c h a s t i t y f o r the Renaissance woman, p a r t i c u -l a r l y the Venetian noblewoman, cannot be overemphasized. From a p l e t h o r a of contemporary passages where authors s t r e s s the importance of female c h a s t i t y , I quote from A l b e r t i ' s d e l l a F a m i g l i a , where Gianozzo r e l a t e s to 62. Lionardo the advice he gave to h i s w i f e : My dear wife...You should r e a l i z e that...nothing i s so import-ant f o r y o u r s e l f , so acceptable to God, so p l e a s i n g to me and precious i n the s i g h t of your c h i l d r e n as your c h a s t i t y . The woman's character i s the jewel of her fa m i l y ; the mother's p u r i t y has always been a part of the dowry she passes on to her daughters; her p u r i t y has always f a r outweighed her beauty. A b e a u t i f u l face i s p r a i s e d , but unchaste eyes make i t ugly through men's scorn...Unchastity angers God, and you know that God punishes nothing so severely i n women as he does t h i s l a c k . 3 4 Female c h a s t i t y not only meant absence of a d u l t e r y and adulterous thoughts, but was a l s o to c h a r a c t e r i z e the behaviour of wife and husband towards each other. Trotto's advice was t y p i c a l , where he i n s t r u c t e d that a wife was never to pass the bounds of sweetness or approach l a s c i v i o u s n e s s ( w i t h her husband), or she w i l l arouse s u s p i c i a n , harm him, and l o s e h i s l o v e . Even i n her most secret caresses she ought to be true to her r e p u t a t i o n and not o f f e r h e r s e l f to her husband l i k e a bold p r o s t i t u t e . I t i s f o r her to remain bound to show r e s t r a i n t as a chaste w i f e . 3 5 In t u r n , a husband was to be chaste i n h i s behaviour towards h i s w i f e . He was not to t r e a t her as a l o v e r or mistress but was to e x h i b i t r e s t r a i n t . This was an o p i n i o n shared even by w r i t e r s who f e l t that "unhampered, n a t u r a l pleasure" was one of the b e n e f i t s of married l i f e . 3 6 Husband and wife were expected to love each other. As t h e o r i s t s saw i t , t h i s d i d not mean a romantic or passionate attachment, "but something a k i n to an amalgam of C h r i s t i a n c h a r i t y and the v i r t u e s of c h a s t i t y and endurance". 3 7 A l b e r t ! c a l l e d i t "conjugal f r i e n d s h i p " . 3 8 Bembo, i n Book Two of G l i A s o l a n i , f i r s t published i n Venice i n 1505 considered that marriage and w i t h i n i t sex were n a t u r a l r e s u l t s of a love which he defined as "...a n a t u r a l a f f e c -t i o n of our minds and th e r e f o r e necessary, sober, reasonable, and good." This love he f e l t brought about p r o c r e a t i o n : "Unless love j o i n e d two separ-ate bodies formed to generate t h e i r l i k e , nothing would be conceived or 63. b o r n " . 3 9 While the p r i n c i p a l purpose of sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n marriage was unanimously considered to be p r o c r e a t i o n , beyond t h i s husband and wife had d u t i e s to please and s a t i s f y each other to prevent the temptation of a d u l t e r y . 4 0 Underlying these views may have been the n o t i o n that the s o l i -d a r i t y of marriage could not be r e i n f o r c e d by a romantic or passionate l o v e , by nature i n t r a c t a b l e and'prone to change, 4 1 as i t could by a love which had grown out of f r i e n d s h i p and reason. As marriages i n the upper c l a s s were contracted on the ba s i s of p r a c t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , marriage as an end to love was not i n any event a p r a c t i b i l i t y f o r the n o b i l i t y . 4 2 The n o t i o n of female c h a s t i t y a l s o extended to a wife's r e p u t a t i o n outside the home, which was of equal i f not greater importance to her behaviour w i t h i n i t . While f o r a man honour r e f e r r e d to e x c e l l e n c y and v i r t u e i n many t h i n g s , f o r a woman i t rested e n t i r e l y upon her c h a s t i t y . 4 3 A woman's r e p u t a t i o n was h i g h l y f r a g i l e , as stat e d by C a s t i g l i o n e i n I I  L i b r o d e l Cortegiano through C a r d i n a l Bibbiena: ....we ourselves (men) have set a r u l e that a d i s s o l u t e l i f e i n us i s not a v i c e , or f a u l t , or d i s g r a c e , w h i l e i n women i t means such u t t e r opprobrium and shame that any woman of whom i l l i s once spoken i s disgraced f o r e v e r , whether what i s sa i d be calumny or not. Therefore, since even to speak of women's honour runs the r i s k of doing them grave o f f e n s e , I say that we ought to r e f r a i n from t h i s . . . 4 4 To safeguard t h e i r c h a s t i t y and preserve them from seduction by young men, young g i r l s were sent to convents j u s t before p u b e r t y . 4 5 Women were adivsed to be modest, g e n t l e , r e s t r a i n e d , and d i g n i f i e d i n conduct; t h e i r -speech and gestures were to be c o n t r o l l e d and measured; t h e i r eyes were to be cast down, so as not to meet the gaze of men. 4 6 A l b e r t i wrote, "a shameless gesture or an act of incontinence i n an i n s t a n t renders her (a woman's) appearance v i l e " . 4 7 64. To argue the importance of female c h a s t i t y , w r i t e r s and t h e o r i s t s looked to ancient Roman laws and customs f o r f u r t h e r j u s t i f i c a t i o n of t h e i r views. C a l d i e r a , f o r example, r e c a l l s the Romans i n h i s argument on the dangers of a d u l t e r y , 4 8 an offense f o r Roman wives l e g a l l y punishable by death as was the d r i n k i n g of wine which, i t was b e l i e v e d , could lead to ad u l t e r y . In c l a s s i c a l Rome too the double-standard p r e v a i l e d — men could not be s i m i l a r l y punished f o r the same b e h a v i o u r . 4 9 In keeping with the Venetian p r a c t i c e of r e c a l l i n g c l a s s i c a l heroes as models f o r personal c o n d u c t , 5 0 heroines s u i t a b l e as models f o r female as w e l l as male conduct were r e c a l l e d . Of these, the most popular i n the s i x t e e n t h century was the Roman L u c r e t i a who committed s u i c i d e i n order to preserve her v i r t u e , a subject which w i l l be discussed f u r t h e r i n Chapter Four. Chaste and monogamous marriage commanded now by both church and s t a t e was necessary to maintain the s o l i d a r i t y of the f a m i l y , and hence the s t a t e . A c o n t r a s t to the medieval a r i s t o c r a t i c l a d y , the Renaissance noblewoman was now, n e a r l y u n i v e r s a l l y , rendered dependent upon husband, marriage, and f a m i l y f o r d e f i n i t i o n . The Renaissance lady, through her acceptance of these p a t r i a r c h a l v a l u e s , l o s t the p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r s e l f -expression and e x e r c i s e of power which had been a v a i l a b l e to her medieval counterpart. Neoplatonic Love Supplementing the confinement of women w i t h i n marriage was the human-i s t philosophy of Neoplatonic l o v e . Non-sexual and s p i r i t u a l i n nature, i t d i d not c o n t r a d i c t the p r a c t i c a l requirements of marriage and female chast-i t y . By the s i x t e e n t h century, the philosophy of Neoplatonism was, accord-i n g to Panofsky, as inescapable as psychoanalysis i s today. During t h i s 65. p e r i o d , the "terms 'love' and 'beauty' were not only taken s e r i o u s l y but dominated the thought and conversation of the i n t e l l e c t u a l and s o c i a l e l i t e . " 5 1 Neoplatonic love was i n i t i a t e d by M a r s i l i o F i c i n o i n Florence i n the s i x t h decade of the f i f t e e n t h century, w i t h the p u b l i c a t i o n of h i s commen-t a r y of P l a t o ' s Symposium. For F i c i n o , the l o v e d e s c r i b e by Socrates, "a p h i l o s o p h i c a l i d e a l b u i l t upon the Greek conception of h e r o i c f r i e n d s h i p " between two m a l e s , 5 2 became the framework f o r d e f i n i n g love between the sexes o r , more p r e c i s e l y , a model f o r the a t t i t u d e which the male was to have towards h i s l a d y . This view of love enjoyed immense p o p u l a r i t y i n court c i r c l e s and was introduced i n t o Venice by the p u b l i c a t i o n there of the Venetian P i e t r o Bembo's G l i A s o l a n i i n 1505. This l i t e r a r y work was immensely popular. I t was r e p r i n t e d at l e a s t seven times before 1530 when i t was r e v i s e d and r e p u b l i s h e d . 5 3 I t became the prototype f o r the l a t e r T r a t t i d'amore ( c o u r t l y love t r e a t i s e s ) 5 4 of which more were produced i n the f i r s t h a l f of the s i x t e e n t h century than i n any other period i n h i s t o r y . 5 5 In 1528, C a s t i g l i o n e r e s t a t e d Bembo's philosophy i n I I  Cortegiano where the subject of Neoplatonic love forms the climax of the work. G l i A s o l a n i and I I Cortegiano are s i m i l a r i n that the female p a r t i c i p a n t s of the dialogues c o n t r i b u t e nothing to the formation of i d e a s . Love and a l l other subjects are considerd s o l e l y from the male view, by the male p a r t i c i p a n t s , c o n s i s t e n t l y throughout both works. Male ideas and f e e l i n g s alone are d i s c u s s e d . In c o n t r a s t , the females form the background, drawing out the males i n t h e i r c onversation. In Bembo's G l i A s o l a n i , each of the three p r i n c i p a l (male) speakers sets f o r t h h i s own view of l o v e . The f i r s t , P e r o t t i n o , describes i t s 66. sorrows and disappointments. The second, Gismondo, describes love as a n a t u r a l and c i v i l i z i n g i n f l u e n c e , which r e s t s i n the senses of s i g h t and h e a r i n g . 5 6 The p r a i s e of s i g h t introduces a d e s c r i p t i o n of the p h y s i c a l i d e a l of womanly b e a u t y , 5 7 a type long since e s t a b l i s h e d by P e t r a r c h , which p e r s i s t s i n l a t e r Renaissance t r e a t i s e s , and al s o f i n d s expression i n p a i n t i n g , i n c l u d i n g female p o r t r a i t u r e . 5 8 The t h i r d speaker, L a v i n e l l o , through h i s encounter with a hermit, s e t s love w i t h i n a Neoplatonic context: love of e a r t h l y o b j e c t s , i n c l u d i n g women, i s to be understood at i t s best as a step i n the s p i r i t u a l progress towards the apprehension of supreme beauty. L a v i n e l l o t e l l s how the hermit exhorted him not to enjoy e a r t h l y objects f o r themselves: .. . v i r t u o u s l o v e i s not merely d e s i r e of beauty...but d e s i r e of true beauty, which i s not of that human and mortal k i n d which fades, but i s immortal and d i v i n e , and yet these beauties which you p r a i s e may l i f t us to i t , provided that we regard them i n the proper way... 5 9 . . . a l l beauties which e x i s t outside of the d i v i n e , e t e r n a l beauty are derived from i t , and when our minds perceive these secondary beauties, they are pleased and g l a d l y study them as l i k e n e s s e s and sparks of i t , but they are never wholly s a t i s f i e d w i t h them because they yearn f o r that d i v i n e , e t e r n e l l o v e l i n e s s . . . 6 0 The end of Book Four of I I Cortegiano repeats t h i s same view of Neoplatonic l o v e . 6 1 C a s t i g l i o n e ' s mouthpiece here i s a p p r o p r i a t e l y P i e t r o Bembo, who goes on to p r a i s e a sensuous a p p r e c i a t i o n of beauty: But to speak of the beauty we have i n mind, namely, that only which i s seen i n the human person and e s p e c i a l l y i n the face, and which prompts the ardent d e s i r e we c a l l l o v e , we w i l l say that i t i s an ef f l u e n c e of the d i v i n e goodness...it agreeably a t t r a c t s the eyes of men to i t s e l f , and entering through them, impresses i t s e l f upon the s o u l , and moves and d e l i g h t s i t through out with a new sweetness; and by k i n d l i n g i t , i n s p i r e s i t w i t h a d e s i r e of i t s e l f . 67. At t h i s point the l o v e r has a choice. I f he t r i e s to u n i t e himself physic-a l l y w i t h the object of h i s d e s i r e and possess her, he w i l l remain u n s a t i s -f i e d . I f , however, he recognizes t h i s d e s i r e f o r beauty as a step toward the attainment of the true love of beauty, he w i l l begin a s p i r i t u a l ascen-s i o n . I t i s decided that the ol d e r c o u r t i e r makes a b e t t e r l o v e r than the younger, who tends to be misguided by sense. The older C o u r t i e r i s to leave " t h i s sensual d e s i r e behind as the lowest rung of that ladder by which we ascend to true l o v e " . 6 2 The pe r f e c t C o u r t i e r i s t o : ...keep a l o o f from the b l i n d judgement of sense, and wi t h h i s eyes enjoy the radiance of h i s Lady, her grace, her amorous s p a r k l e , the smiles, the manners and a l l the other pleasant ornaments of her beauty. Likewise w i t h h i s hearing l e t him enjoy the sweetness of her v o i c e , the modulation of her words...Thus, he w i l l feed h i s s o u l on the sweetest food by means of these two senses- which par-take l i t t l e of the c o r p o r e a l , and are reasons m i n i s t e r s - without passing to any unchaste a p p e t i t e through d e s i r e f o r the b o d y . 6 3 P h y s i c a l beauty i n the female form i s to be appreciated w i t h i n a s p i r i t u a l context — as a stimulus to sensuous d e s i r e , the lowest rung of the ladder l e a d i n g upwards to true l o v e . The question at the end of Book Four i s posed whether women als o are capable of the d i v i n e love d e s c r i b e d , confirming the obvious, that the d i s c u s s i o n has been about men. The answer i s , however, postponed u n t i l the f o l l o w i n g day, not included i n the dialo g u e . The question i s not a serious p r a c t i c a l or p h i l o s o p h i c a l one, but a l i t e r a r y device to provide a n o s t a l -g i c ending to the work. No philosophy c o n t r i b u t e d more to the development of the d e f i n i t i o n of woman as a passive, b e a u t i f u l object whose f u n c t i o n was to be seen and contemplated. By r e q u i r i n g and j u s t i f y i n g the subl i m a t i o n of (male) sexual d e s i r e i n t o a " g l o r i f i c a t i o n , even s a n c t i f i c a t i o n of the e r o t i c and 68. a e s t h e t i c e x p e r i e n c e , " 6 4 Neoplatonic love f u r t h e r r e i n f o r c e d the i d e a l o f c h a s t i t y f o r women. While the r i s e of humanism widened the i n t e l l e c t u a l scope f o r men and provided them with new avenues f o r expression, women's "Renaissance of c h a s t i t y " r e i n f o r c e d the c o n s t r i c t i o n of s i m i l a r p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r women. Renaissance ideology about women, w r i t t e n by men, and e n t i r e l y permeated by male values i f w r i t t e n by women, re-defin e d women's r o l e , and i t was here that "the r e l a t i o n of the sexes assumed i t s modern f o r m " . 6 5 Education and "IL L i b r o d e l Cortegiano" Equal education f o r men and women, at l e a s t f o r the upper c l a s s e s , has o f t e n been r e f e r r e d to as one of the achievements of the Renaissance, an idea which, once again o r i g i n a t e d w i t h Burckhardt. Evidence f o r t h i s r e s t s upon the I t a l i a n Renaissance women who were noted f o r t h e i r outstanding humanist l e a r n i n g and achievements, most of whom began to emerge i n the l a s t twenty years of the f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y . 6 6 One of the e a r l i e s t of the Renaissance female humanists was Maddalena Scrovegni, a noblewoman of Padua. In 1389 Antonio L o s c h i , a Milanese nobleman, wrote a po e t i c t r i b u t e to her, the Domus p u d i c i c i e , h i s personal response to her, w r i t t e n out of admiration and respect f o r her l e a r n i n g . King considers that t h i s work " c o n s t i t u t e s one of the e a r l y steps by which was defined the f i g u r e of the learned woman of the I t a l i a n R e n a i s s a n c e . " 6 7 Though Loschi admires Scrovegni f o r her l e a r n i n g , the p r i n c i p a l theme of the poem i s h i s p r a i s e f o r one v i r t u e i n p a r t i c u l a r : her c h a s t i t y . In h i s poem she becomes i t s very embodiment. Loschi's p o e t i c imagination transforms the learned Maddalena seated i n her study i n t o the "analagous 69. f i g u r e of c h a s t i t y seated i n her Temple". The key points upon which the male view of the learned woman r e s t are the a s s o c i a t i o n s of c h a s t i t y w i t h power, on the one hand, and c h a s t i t y with i n t e l l i g e n c e on the other. The no t i o n of c h a s t i t y as powerful i s conveyed by a s s o c i a t i o n s of i t wit h m i l i -t a r y strength - c h a s t i t y i s " r i g i d , s t e r n , imposing", "aggressive, b e l l i -cose and v i r i l e " . At the same time c h a s t i t y i s a s s o c i t e d w i t h i n t e l l i g e n c e - her Temple i s the s i t e of her i n t e l l e c t u a l a c t i v i t i e s . These a s s o c i a -t i o n s , King has argued, became t y p i c a l of the male v i s i o n of the learned woman of the Renaissance, a v i s i o n which l a t e r f i n d s l i t e r a r y expression i n the male e u l o g i e s of I s o t t a Nogarola, and Cassandra F i d e l e . 6 8 The learned Renaissance woman was, however, the exception rather than the r u l e . Renaissance women having a humanist education came almost u n i v e r s a l l y from Florence or c e r t a i n northern I t a l i a n c i t y s t a t e s such as M i l a n , F e r r a r a , Mantua, and Urbino. Venice was not among them. 6 9 For a wealthy young Venetian p a t r i c i a n male, a humanist education was designed to prepare him f o r an a c t i v e r o l e i n government l i f e . The sta t e u n i v e r s i t y of Padua, f o r which the ginnasio (a high school founded i n 1470) was u s u a l l y the preparatory s t a g e , 7 0 was attended by a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of the youth of the o l d Venetian houses". 7 1 No community attached so great importance to the l i b e r a l educa-t i o n of the scions of i t s r u l i n g c l a s s as Venice, and c a r e f u l t r a i n i n g i n c l a s s i c s , mathematics, and the a r t s of drawing was incumbent on a l l who were l o o k i n g to o f f i c i a l s e r v i c e . 7 2 A Venetian noblewoman, on the other hand, d i d not attend e i t h e r school or u n i v e r s i t y . 7 3 Her education was designed to prepare her f o r marriage, and began at home w i t h lessons i n spinning and needlework, u n i v e r s a l a c t i -v i t i e s of Renaissance women, of both the upper and middle c l a s s e s . 7 4 L a t e r , 70. during puberty, she would have received an education i n the c o n v e n t , 7 5 though i t was not l i k e that of her male counterpart. G e n e r a l l y the stand-ard of education i n convents during the Renaissance was low, as they were cut o f f from the mainstream of i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e , the u n i v e r s i t y . 7 6 While i t has been considered that Venetian g i r l s " l e a r n t nothing outside the ro u t i n e of home d u t i e s " and were "allowed to read n o t h i n g " , 7 7 i t i s pos s i b l e that they d i d have o p p o r t u n i t i e s to pursue some studies i n the convent. P i e t r o Bembo i n h i s l e t t e r s of 1539-42 to h i s daughter i n the convent at Padua r e f e r r e d to her "maestro" (teacher) and her study of l e t t e r s w i t h him, an a c t i v i t y which Bembo encouraged. She a l s o had an opportunity to l e a r n to play a musical instrument, though Bembo counselled her against t h i s , saying that i t would r e q u i r e years of study and she would probably f a i l i n the e n d . 7 8 Her "maestro" may w e l l have been as s o c i a t e d w i t h the u n i v e r s i t y of Padua, and other p a t r i c i a n g i r l s must have had s i m i -l a r e ducational o p p o r t u n i t i e s . However, Venice i n the f i f t e e n t h and the f i r s t h a l f of the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s , u n l i k e Mantua, Urbino, or Florence, does not seem to have boasted a s i n g l e prominent, h i g h l y educated Venetian noblewoman, 7 9 a f a c t supporting the l i k e l i h o o d that i n general the standard of education f o r g i r l s was low. Humanist t r e a t i s e s d e a l i n g w i t h education r a r e l y considered the p o s s i -b i l i t y of humanist studies f o r g i r l s . I t i s mentioned n e i t h e r by A l b e r t i i n h i s d e l l a F a m i g l i a nor Barbaro i n De re U x o r i a . 8 0 Lionardo B r u n i , Chancellor of Florence, i n h i s t r e a t i s e De S t u d i i s e L i t e r i s of ca. 1429, was f i r s t i n the Renaissance to argue that c e r t a i n humanist s t u d i e s should form an i n t e g r a l part of a g i r l ' s education. Women's education, the sub-j e c t of the e n t i r e work, i s defended on moral grounds. Though Bruni 71. imposed r e s t r i c t i o n s on subjects appropriate f o r g i r l s ( e x c l u d i n g a r i t h -metic, astronomy, geometry, and r h e t o r i c ) , he considered that they should study ancient l i t e r a t u r e . 8 1 A necessary p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r t h i s was a know-ledge of L a t i n . As other humanists, Bruni b e l i e v e d t h a t : The foundation of a l l true l e a r n i n g must be l a i d i n the sound and thorough knowledge of L a t i n : which i m p l i e s study marked by a broad s p i r i t , accurate s c h o l a r s h i p , and c a r e f u l a t t e n t i o n to d e t a i l s . Unless t h i s s o l i d b a s i s be secured i t i s useless to attempt to rear an enduring e d i f i c e . Without i t the great monu-ments of l i t e r a t u r e are u n i n t e l l i g i b l e . 8 2 W i t h i n the realm of ancient l i t e r a t u r e , which included h i s t o r y , o r a t o r y , and poetry, h i s t o r y he considered to be the most p r o f i t a b l e area of study f o r g i r l s , 8 3 because i t allowed f o r an understanding of the past, provided f o r e s i g h t f o r the f u t u r e , and f u r n i s h e d a s t o r e of examples of moral pre-c e p t s . 8 4 B r u n i , implying that women's minds possessed a l i m i t a t i o n which men's d i d not, b e l i e v e d that women could read h i s t o r y w i t h the g r e a t e s t e x p e c t a t i o n of success because i t i s easy to l e a r n presenting no s u b t l e t y and r a i s i n g no question, c o n s i s t i n g wholly i n the n a r r a t i o n of the simplest matters of f a c t which, once grasped by the k i n d of mind under c o n s i d e r a t i o n are f i x e d i n the memory f o r g o o d . 8 5 Authors he named as appropriate f o r t h i s study were L i v y , as w e l l as S a l l u s t , C u r t i u s , and J u l i u s C a e s a r . 8 6 While Bruni's t r e a t i s e marks an important c o n t r i b u t i o n to the develop-ment of education f o r women, i t was not u n t i l the p u b l i c a t i o n of I I L i b r o  d e l Cortegiano i n 1528 that a Renaissance i d e a l was set f o r t h which advoca-ted equal education f o r men and women. One e n t i r e chapter of the work was devoted to the formation of the Court Lady, modelled upon an i d e a l female member of an a r i s t o c r a t i c household such as the Court i n Urbino, where i t was composed and s e t . 8 7 The f a s h i o n i n g of the Court Lady was based i n part on the premise that women's i n t e l l e c t u a l c a p a c i t i e s were equal to men's. On t h i s the speaker 72. G u i l i a n o de'Medici said: I say that women can understand a l l the things men can understand and the i n t e l l e c t of a woman can penetrate wherever a man's c a n . 8 8 Her i n t e l l e c t u a l attainments were thus to be the same as the C o u r t i e r ' s , as stated by G u i l i a n o : . . . I would have her know that which these gentlemen wished the C o u r t i e r to know...And to repeat b r i e f l y a part of what has already been s a i d , I wish t h i s Lady to have a knowledge of l e t t e r s , of music, of p a i n t i n g . . . 8 9 The i n t e l l e c t u a l accomplishments of the C o u r t i e r , discussed e a r l i e r i n the dialogue were here a p p l i e d to the Court Lady as w e l l . On l e t t e r s f o r the Co u t i e r , the importance of L a t i n and c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , i n c l u d i n g h i s t o r y , had been emphasized: I would have him more than passably learned i n l e t t e r s , at l e a s t i n those s t u d i e s which we c a l l the humanities. Let him be conver-sant not only with the L a t i n language, but w i t h the Greek as w e l l , because of the abundance and v a r i e t y of things that are so d i v i n e l y w r i t t e n t h e r e i n . Let him be versed i n the poets, as w e l l as the o r a t o r s and h i s t o r i a n s , and l e t him be p r a c t i c e d a l s o i n w r i t i n g verse and p r o s e . . . 9 0 Important a l s o f o r the C o u r t i e r , and hence the Court Lady, were drawing and p a i n t i n g . . . . I would discu s s another matter which I consider to be of great importance and which I t h i n k must ther e f o r e i n no way be neglected by our C o u r t i e r : and t h i s i s a knowledge of how to draw and an acquaintance w i t h the a r t of p a i n t i n g i t s e l f . 9 1 While opening up p o s s i b l e avenues of a c t i v i t y f o r women, and d e f i n i n g a r o l e which was, i n C a s t i g l i o n e ' s view, to take precedence over that of w i f e , 9 2 the i d e a l Court Lady was nevertheless set w i t h i n l i m i t s which d i d not fundamentally c o n t r a d i c t male Renaissance values. Her d e f i n i t i o n rested upon her r e l a t i o n s h i p to the C o u r t i e r , as the wife's d i d to her husband. While the p r o f e s s i o n of the C o u r t i e r was to be arms, 9 3 and h i s 73. c h i e f aim was to win f o r h i m s e l f , by means of the accomplishments a s c r i b e d to him...the favour and mind of the Pr i n c e whom he serves that he may be able to t e l l him the t r u t h about everything he needs to know... 9 4 the f u n c t i o n of the Court Lady was to i n s p i r e , p e r f e c t and adorn the C o u r t i e r . She was to be able to e n t e r t a i n g r a c i o u s l y every k i n d of man with agreeable and comely conversation s u i t e d to the time and place and to the s t a t i o n of the person w i t h whom she speaks, j o i n i n g to serene and modest manners, and to that comeliness that ought to inform a l l her a c t i o n s , a quick v i v a c i t y of s p i r i t whereby she w i l l show h e r s e l f a stranger to a l l boorishness; but w i t h such a kind manner as to cause her to be thought no l e s s chaste, prudent, and gentle than she i s agreeable and w i t t y , and d i s c r e e t . . . 9 5 Her i n t e l l e c t u a l accomplishments were to a s s i s t her i n t h i s , i n s p i r i n g her with v i r t u e , so that she would be worthy of "being honoured". 9 6 Beauty f o r her was considered i m p o r t a n t 9 7 and c h a s t i t y remained e s s e n t i a l . 9 8 The r e l a t i o n s h i p s of Court Lady to C o u r t i e r , and C o u r t i e r to Prince r e f l e c t e d the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e of wife to husband, and f a m i l y to s t a t e . 9 9 E q u a l i t y of education was not meant to imply s o c i a l e q u a l i t y . I I Cortegiano was an immensely popular work i n the s i x t e e n t h century, during which time over t h i r t y e d i t i o n s were produced i n I t a l y , France, England and Spain. I t s i n f l u e n c e on " s o c i a l behaviour and educational theory extended f a r beyond the Renaissance courts where i t o r i g i n a t e d , to a l l l e s s e r noble f a m i l i e s and a l l s u c c e s s f u l merchants wealthy enough to emulate that way of l i f e " . In s p i t e of the l i m i t a t i o n s set fo r women, C a s t i g l i o n e made i t proper, f a s h i o n a b l e , even praiseworthy f o r women to engage i n a wide range of a r t i s t i c , m u s i c a l , and l i t e r a r y p u r s u i t s . 1 0 0 By the time of the Venetian Ludovico Dolce's d i s c u s s i o n on education f o r women i n h i s Dialogo d i M. Ludovico Dolce d e l l a i n s t i t u t i o n d e l l e donne, published i n Venice i n 1545, he advocated not only a knowledge of L a t i n and c l a s s i c a l authors, as w e l l as P e t r a r c h , Dante, and Bembo, but a l s o I I Cortegiano from which could be learned " a l l the v i r t u e s and good chaste h a b i t s which belong to a gentlewoman". 1 0 1 75. FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER THREE 1. Jacob Burckhardt, The C i v i l i z a t i o n of the Renaissance i n I t a l y , I n t r o . Benjamen Nelson and Charles Trinkaus (New York: Harper Colophon Books, Harper and Row, P u b l i s h e r s , 1958):2: 389-395. 2. Joan K e l l y - G a d o l , "Did Women Have a Renaissance?" Becoming V i s i b l e :  Women i n European H i s t o r y , Eds. Renate B r i d e n t h a l and Claudia Koonz (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1977), p. 139-164. Ian MacLean, The  Renaissance Notion of Woman: A Study i n the Fortunes of S c h o l a s t i c i s m  and Medical Science i n European I n t e l l e c t u a l L i f e (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1980). See a l s o the Renaissance s e c t i o n i n J u l i a O'Faolain and Lauro Martines, eds., Not i n God's Image (New York: Harper Colophon Boks, Harper & Row, Harper Torchbook, 1973). Recent s t u d i e s on women a r t i s t s have al s o brought to l i g h t women's subordinate r o l e : Ann Sutherland H a r r i s and Linda N o c h l i n , Women  A r t i s t s : 1550-1950 (New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1979), esp. p. 21-25; and Germaine Greer, The Obstacle Race: the Fortunes of Women P a i n t e r s  and Their Work (New York: Far r a r Straus Giroux, 1979), esp. p. 79-180. 3. (Urbana: U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s Press, 1956). Kelso i n c l u d e s a b i b l i o g r a p h y of 891 Renaissance works d e a l i n g wth women. 4. K e l l y - G a d o l , "Women," p. 141-8 provides a summary on women under the Feudal system. For the Feudal l a d y , see a l s o Mary R. Beard, Women as  a Force i n H i s t o r y : A Study i n T r a d i t i o n s and R e a l i t i e s (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1946, esp. p. 219-20. 5. K e l l y - G a d o l , "Women," p. 139-64. 6. I b i d . , p. 149. 7. Marvin B. Becker, "An Essay on the Quest f o r I d e n t i t y i n the E a r l y I t a l i a n Renaissance," F l o r i l e g i u m H i s t o r i a l e , eds., J.G. Rowe and W.H. Stockdale (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1971), p. 294-312, esp. 306. 8. Leon B a t t i s t a A l b e r t i , The Family i n Renaissance Florence ( I L i b r i  d e l l a F a m i g l i a ) , Trans. Ren^e Neu Watkins (Columbia, South C a r o l i n a : U n i v e r s i t y of South C a r o l i n a Press, 1969). 9. Margaret Leah King, " C a l d i e r a and the Barbaros on marriage and the f a m i l y : Humanist r e f l e t i o n s of Venetian r e a l i t i e s , " The J o u r n a l of  Medieval and Renaissance Studies 6(1976) pp. 19-50, esp. 31-32. 10. I b i d . , p. 22. 11. Baldassare C a s t i g l i o n e , The Book of the C o u r t i e r , Trans. Charles S. S i n g l e t o n (Garden C i t y , New York: Anchor Books Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1959), p. 204-5. 76. 12. K e l l y - G a d o l , "Women," p. 152. 13. Stanley Chojnacki, " P a t r i c i a n Women i n E a r l y Renaissance Venice," Studies i n the Renaissance 21(1974), pp. 176-203, esp. 178. 14. I b i d . , p. 17; James Cushman Davis, The Decline of the Venetian  N o b i l i t y as a R u l i n g Class (Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, 1962), p. 18. Here he points out the only important exception made by the Great Council u n t i l the middle of the seventeenth century the ennoble-ment i n 1381 of t h i r t y men who had fought w e l l or c o n t r i b u t e d money to the cause of the Republic during the war of Chioggia against Genoa. 15. Margaret Leah King, "Personal, Domestic and Republican Values i n the Moral Philosophy of Giovanni C a l d i e r a , " Renaissance Q u a r t e r l y 28(1975), pp. 535-574, esp. 554. 16. Chojnacki, " P a t r i c i a n Women," p. 180. 17. Robert F i n l a y , P o l i t i c s i n Renaissance Venice (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1980), p. 8. 18. I b i d . 19. James Cushman Davis, A Venetian Family and I t s Fortune: 1500-1900: The  Dona and the Conversation of Their Wealth ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : Independence Square, 1975), p. 102. 20. I b i d . , p. 52. 21. I b i d . 22. I b i d . , p. 103; Stanley Chojnacki, "Dowries and Kinsmen i n Renaissance Venice," J o u r n a l of I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y H i s t o r y , 4(1975):571-600. 23. I b i d . , p. 578. 24. In the t h i r t e e n t h century, laws were passed r e q u i r i n g the husband to render an account to h i s wife on h i s use of her dowry. An u n f a i t h f u l wife f o r f e i t e d her dowry. (Beard, Women as a Force, p. 230-1.) In a d d i t i o n to t h e i r dowry, women sometimes had a d d i t i o n a l assets from i n h e r i t a n c e s and bequests, and even r e a l estate and commercial i n v e s t -ment. (Chojnacki, "Dowries and Kinsmen," p. 586). Women could not, however, i n h e r i t houses. (Davis, A Venetian Family, p. 91-2). Chojnacki, " P a t r i c i a n Women" and "Dowries and Kinsmen" has shown that women exerted a considerable economic force i n cementing t i e s between f a m i l i e s . While men favoured male k i n i n t h e i r w i l l s , women tended to d i v i d e t h e i r bequests evenly between n a t a l and m a r i t a l k i n , and among t h e i r n a t a l k i n they favoured women over men. I b i d . , p. 180-5. 25. Davis, A Venetian Family, p. 102-104 and 110. 77. 26. I b i d . , p. 103. 27. Pompeo Molmenti, La V i e privee a Venise depuis L'Origine jusqu'a l a Chute de l a Republique (Venice: F. Ongania, 1895), v. 1, p. 103. 28. King, " C a l d i e r a and the Barbaros," p. 34. 29. I b i d . , p. 35. 30. King, "Moral Philosophy of C a l d i e r a , " p. 534-574. 31. Davis, A Venetian Family, p. 84 and 85. 32. King, " C a l d i e r a and the Barbaros," p. 33-4. 33. For a d e s c r i p t i o n of the v i r t u e s required f o r the w i f e , see Kelso, The  Lady, chs. 3 and 4. 34. A l b e r t i , D e l i a F a m i g l i a , p. 213. 35. Kelso, The Lady, p. 100. 36. I b i d . , p. 87-88. 37. MacLean, Notion of Women, p. 59. 38. D e l i a F a m i g l i a , p. 98. 39. P i e t r o Bembo, G l i A s o l a n i , Trans. Rudolf B. G o t t f r i e d (Bloomington, Indiana U n i v e r s i t y P r ess, 1954), p. 100, 110 and 112. This view of love was not only described as the foundation of marriage and sex but as "...the generator and preserver of a l l c r e a t u r e s , and the foundation of a l l c i v i c usages, f a m i l y and c i v i c l i f e , laws, f r i e n d s h i p , and a l l the a r t s and amenities by which man has e x c e l l e d the brutes." N.A. Robb, Neoplatonism of the I t a l i a n Renaissance (London: George A l l e n & Unwin L t d . , 1935), p. 81. 40. Kelso, The Lady, p. 88. 41. I b i d . , p. 166. 42. Marriage as an end to love i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p made by C a s t i g l i o n e . In the formation of the i d e a l Court Lady, the speaker says: " . . . I t h i n k l o v e , as you are now speaking of i t , i s proper only f o r unmarried women; f o r when t h i s love cannot lead to marriage, the lady i s ever bound to f e e l the remorse and s t i n g that i s caused by i l l i c i t t h i n g s , and r i s k s s t a i n i n g that r e p u t a t i o n f o r c h a s t i t y which i s so important to her." The C o u r t i e r , p. 262. 43. Kelso, The Lady, p. 98-9. 44. C a s t i g l i o n e , The C o u r t i e r , p. 188-9. 78. 45. Davis, A Venetian Family, p. 110. 46. Kelso, The Lady, p. 106. 47. D e l i a F a m i g l i a , p. 213. 48. King, "Philosophy of C a l d i e a , " p. 555. 49. O'Faolain and Martines, Not i n God's Image, p. 35-6. 50. F e l i x G i l b e r t , "Venice and the C r i s i s of the League of Cambrai," Renaissance Venice, ed. John Rigby Hale (London: Faber & Faber, 1973), p. 287-8 and 290. 51. Erwin Panofsky, Problems i n T i t i a n : Mostly Iconographic (New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1969), p. 109. 52. N.A. Robb, Neoplatonism of the I t a l i a n Renaissance (London: George A l l e n & Unwin L t d . , 1935), p. 81. 53. Bembo, A s o l a n i . p. x i i i - x i v . 54. Robb, Neoplatonism, p. 184. 55. Panofsky, Problems i n T i t i a n , p. 109. 56. Robb, Neoplatonism, p. 185; Bembo, A s o l a n i , p. 71-144. 57. "...her comely h a i r , more l i k e gold than anything e l s e . . . i s parted s t r a i g h t down the middle of her l o v e l y s c a l p and wound i n many c u r l s behind, but f a l l i n g on e i t h e r side of the temples i n two f l o w i n g l o c k s . . . t h e calmness of her forehead, whose glad expanse r e v e a l s unerring honesty, the l a r g e black eyes which mingle g r a v i t y w i t h n a t i v e charm...the tender cheeks...in t h e i r more v i v i d c o l o u r i n g they sometimes v i e w i t h morning roses...the l i t t l e mouth below...her snowy bosom", I b i d . , p. 116-117. 58. Robb, Neoplatonism, p. 185. See also E l i z a b e t h Cropper "On B e a u t i f u l Women, Parmigianino and the Vernacular S t y l e , " Art B u l l e t i n 58(1976), p. 374-394. One p o r t r a i t which corresponds to Bembo's i d e a l of beauty i s Palma Vecchio's La V i o l a n t e . 59. Bembo, A s o l a n i , p. 182. 60. Bembo, A s o l a n i , p. 184. G l i A s o l a n i was followed by the p u b l i c a t i o n of a number of other T r a t t i d'Amore. For these see Robb, Neopla- tonism, Love: The Context of Giordano Bruno's ' E r o i c i f u r o r i " (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1958), p. 67-162. 61. See Robb, Neoplatonism, f o r the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Neoplatonic love i n Bembo's A s o l a n i and C a s t i g l i o n e 1 s C o u r t i e r . 79. 62. C a s t i g l i o n e , The C o u r t i e r , 337-340. 63. I b i d . , p. 347. 64. Panofsky, Problems i n T i t i a n , p. 109. 65. K e l l y - G a d o l , "Women," p. 152. 66. Burckhardt, C i v i l i z a t i o n of the Renaissance, p. 389-391; see a l s o Paul Monroe, ed. A Cyclopedia of Education (New York: MacMillan Co., 1926):5:799. 67. Margaret Leah King, "Goddess and Captive: Antonio Loschi's P o e t i c T r i b u t e to Maddalena Scrovegni (1389), Study and Text," M e d i e v a l i a et  Humanistica n.s., no. 10 (1981), pp. 103-127, esp. 104. 68. I b i d . , p. 105-8. 69. In F e r r a r a , Mantua and Urbino, the courts played an important r o l e i n the l i v e s of the r u l i n g f a m i l i e s and were patrons of the a r t s and " c h i e f centres of higher humanist teaching." W i l l i a m H a r r i s o n Woodward, Studies i n Education During the Age of the Renaissance (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967), p. 261. A daughter of such a f a m i l y received a sound and thorough humanist education, u s u a l l y from p r i v a t e t u t o r s , and o f t e n i n preparation f o r marriage to a member of a s i m i l a r r u l i n g f a m i l y , where she would be expected to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the l i f e of the c o u r t . Examples of such women are I s a b e l l a and B e a t r i c e d'Este. This d i d not apply i n most parts of I t a l y . I b i d . , p. 206, and 266-7; Monroe, Cyclopedia, v. 5, p. 155. 70. Woodward, Education, p. 261. 71. I b i d . , p. 7. 72. I b i d . , p. 216. 73. I b i d . p. 206 and 266-7; Monroe, Cyclopedia, v. 5, p. 155. 74. Kelso, The Lady, p. 44. 75. Davis, The Donk, p. 110. 76. Generally the standard of education i n European convents at i t s z e n i t h i n the m i d - t h i r t e e n t h century, d e t e r i o r a t e d p r o g r e s s i v e l y afterwards. With the i n v e n t i o n of p r i n t i n g , convents no longer f i l l e d the f u n c t i o n of copying manuscripts. Monroe, Cyclopedia, v. 2, p. 198-9. In general g i r l s i n convents learned s i n g i n g and p o s s i b l y reading i n the v e r n a c u l a r . Monroe, v. 4, p. 1798. 77. Woodward, Education, p. 266-7. 78. P i e t r o Bembo, Opere i n Volgare (Florence: Sanson!, 1961), p. 876-9. 80. 79. The renowned Venetian poet and humanist Cassandra F i d e l e ( c a . 1465-1558), though born i n Venice, was not of p a t r i c i a n s t a t u s , as her parents were of noble Milanese o r i g i n . Biographie U n i v e r s e l l e  (Michaud) ancienne et moderne, Nouvelle E d i t i o n ( P a r i s : Madame C. Desplaces; L e i p z i g Brockhaus, n.d.) v. 13, p. 478-479; Catherine B. Avery, ed., The New Century I t a l i a n Renaissance Encyclopedia (New York: Meredith Corporation, 1972), p. 378. She was educated by p r i v a t e t u t o r s . Monroe, Cyclopedia, v. 5, p. 799. S i m i l a r l y , the famous poet, Gaspara Stampa (1520-1554), born i n Padua, was from a Milanese f a m i l y . Biographie U n i v e r s e l l e v. 40, p. 137. 80. According to Woodward, Education, p. 266 the idea of equal education f o r g i r l s had no f o l l o w i n g i n Venice. 81. I b i d . , p. 205. The motive behind h i s t r e a t i s e was the defense of a humanist education i n gen e r a l . Kelso, The Lady, p. 69-70. See als o Monroe, Cyclopedia, v. 5, p. 154 and 155. 82. Mary Agnes Canaan, Education of Women During the Renaissance (Washinton, D.C: N a t i o n a l C a p i t o l Press, Inc., 1916), p. 31. 83. I b i d . , p. 34; Kelso, The Lady, p. 70. 84. I b i d . 85. I b i d . 86. Canaan, Education, p. 34-5; Kelso, The Lady, p. 70. 87. H a r r i s and Noc h l i n , Women A r t i s t s , p. 24. 88. C a s t i g l i o n e , The C o u r t i e r , p. 214. 89. C a s t i g l i o n e , The C o u r t i e r , p. 211. See p. 210 f o r the r e s t r i c t i o n s placed on the Court Lady's a c t i v i t i e s . 90. I b i d . , P- 70. 91. I b i d . , P- 77. 92. I b i d . , P- 207 and 209. 93. I b i d . , P- 32. 94. I b i d . , P- 289. 95. I b i d . , P- 205-7. 96. I b i d . , P- 212. 97. "...beauty i s more necessary to her than to the C o u r t i e r , f o r t r u l y that woman l a c k s much who l a c k s beauty". I b i d . , p. 206. 98. I b i d . , p. 240-1. 99. K e l l y - G a d o l , Women, p. 138-164. 100. H a r r i s and No c h l i n , Women A r t i s t s , 101. Kelso, The Lady, p. 71. 82. CHAPTER FOUR LOTTO'S PORTRAIT OF A WOMAN The London P o r t r a i t of a Woman (Figure 1) i s the l a s t i n Lotto's s e r i e s of l i f e - s i z e p o r t r a i t s of h o r i z o n t a l format. As i n the case of the oth e r s , the h o r i z o n t a l format allows f o r space on e i t h e r side of the s i t t e r , p r o v i d i n g room f o r d e t a i l s of the environment and emblematic mater-i a l . I t i s my aim i n t h i s chapter to examine these d e t a i l s and to explore t h e i r meaning i n terms of the p o r t r a i t as a whole. The L u c r e t i a Theme: The Drawing and The I n s c r i p t i o n In the London p o r t r a i t , the s i t t e r draws the viewer's a t t e n t i o n to a c o n s t e l l a t i o n of three items on the r i g h t : a drawing, a c a r t e l l i n g bearing a L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n , and a flower. Lotto's s i t t e r employs the L u c r e t i a emblems, the drawing and the i n s c r i p t i o n — to de f i n e her own status as a modern heroic exemplar of w i f e l y c h a s t i t y . The s i t t e r engages the viewer's a t t e n t i o n by means of d i r e c t eye contact, and her p o i n t i n g gesture then d i r e c t s t h i s a t t e n t i o n i n p a r t i c u l a r to the c a r t e l l i n g d i s p l a y e d on the ta b l e and to the drawing held up f o r view i n her l e f t hand. The most obvious and simple f u n c t i o n that suggests i t s e l f f o r the use of the L u c r e t i a motif i s to a l l u d e to the s i t t e r ' s given name. In t h i s respect the work can be ass o c i a t e d w i t h the l o n g - e s t a b l i s h e d t r a d i t i o n i n female p o r t r a i t u r e , discussed i n Chapter Two, f o r suggesting s i t t e r s ' names by means of v i s u a l puns. In t h i s case, the s i t t e r ' s name i s not only implied by the subject of the drawing, but i t i s p r i n t e d w i t h i n the i n s c r i p t i o n as " L u c r e t i a " , the L a t i n s p e l l i n g f o r the I t a l i a n name L u c r e z i a . However, the heavy emphasis placed upon the L u c r e t i a theme here im p l i e s a more complex meaning, and re q u i r e s more e x p l o r a t i o n . 83. Before f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of the s i t t e r ' s personal use of the L u c r e t i a imagery i n the London p o r t r a i t , the s i g n i f i c a n c e of L u c r e t i a i n the Renais-sance as a f i g u r e of he r o i c v i r t u e must be brought i n t o focus. A secondary a s s o c i a t i o n i s the s p e c i a l connection of L u c r e t i a w i t h marriage. The Incor p o r a t i o n of L u c r e t i a i n t o p o r t r a i t u r e i l l u s t r a t e s how p a r t i c u l a r kinds of emblematic m a t e r i a l could be incorporated i n t o the p r i v a t e sphere of the s i t t e r i n order to make both a personal and corporate statement. L u c r e t i a was w e l l known i n the Renaissance as a Roman h i s t o r i c a l f i g u r e from the accounts of Ovid and L i v y . 1 The f o l l o w i n g i s a short summary of her s t o r y . One day, w h i l e the Romans were l a y i n g siege to Ardea, the young Roman pr i n c e s , sons of Tarquin the Proud, were d r i n k i n g i n the quarters of Sextus Tarquinius. With them was C o l l a t i n u s , son of Egerius. The young men began to boast about t h e i r wives u n t i l C o l l a t i n u s c r i e d that h i s was incomparably s u p e r i o r . Together they rode to Rome to f i n d out how t h e i r wives were occupying t h e i r time. Those of the r o y a l princes were found enjoying them-selves i n great l u x u r y , w h ile C o l l a t i n u s ' s w i f e , L u c r e t i a , was discovered hard at work s p i n n i n g , surrounded by her maid-servants. Hence she won the contest of w i f e l y v i r t u e . The young men dined at C o l l a t i n u s ' s house during which time Sextus was so taken by L u c r e t i a ' s beauty and proven v i r t u e , that he became determined to debauch her. A few days l a t e r he returned there alone and was h o s p i t a b l y r e c e i v e d . Having been escorted to the guest-chamber, he waited u n t i l a l l were asleep, then drew h i s sword, and entered L u c r e t i a ' s room, demanding that she submit to him. Under the threat of death she refused. Upon h i s f i n a l threat that he would then place her dead body next to that of a dead s l a v e , so i t would appear that she had been • 84. caught i n adultery w i t h a servant, she y i e l d e d . A f t e r h i s departure, L u c r e t i a wrote to her f a t h e r i n Rome and her husband i n Ardea, urging them to come at once. Upon t h e i r a r r i v a l , L u c r e t i a recounted the t r a g i c i n c i -dent and asked f o r a solemn promise that Sextus be punished. L u c r e t i a was determined to die though her husband and fa t h e r t r i e d to dissuade her, arguing that she was innocent and Sextus alone was g u i l t y . She r e p l i e d , " . . . I am innocent of f a u l t , but I w i l l take my punishment. Henceforth, no unchaste woman who wishes to go on l i v i n g w i l l be able to appeal to L u c r e t i a as exemplar." With these words, she drew a k n i f e from under her robe, drove i t i n t o her heart, and d i e d . 2 L u c r e t i a ' s l a s t words make her, i n e f f e c t , an examplar of c h a s t i t y . 3 L u c r e t i a ' s s t atus as a f i g u r e of her o i c v i r t u e i n the Renaissance i s evident from her context i n l i t e r a t u r e . 4 In the l a t e t h i r t e e n t h century, Dante included her i n the c i t a d e l along w i t h other pagan heroes, i n c l u d i n g A r i s t o t l e , P l a t o , and Socrates, In the f o u r t h Canto of the Inferno. L a t e r P e t r a r c h i n "The Triumph of C h a s t i t y " placed L u c r e t i a , along w i t h Penelope, f i r s t of the women i n the f o r e f r o n t of t r u e s t honour amo.ng the host of holy women.5 Boccaccio recounted her s t o r y i n h i s De C l a r i s M u l i e r i b u s , the purpose of which was to i n s t r u c t the reader on v i r t u e and v i c e . 6 Here, i n h i s short biography, he introduced her as "..the outstanding model of Roman c h a s t i t y and sacred g l o r y of ancient v i r t u e " , and i n co n c l u s i o n he wrote, "She cleansed her shame ha r s h l y , and f o r t h i s reason she should be ex a l t e d with worthy p r a i s e f o r her c h a s t i t y , which can never be s u f f i c i e n t l y l auded." 7 By the 1530's, A r i o s t o i n h i s Orlando Furioso could be confident that h i s readers would recognize h i s reference to L u c r e t i a without a c t u a l l y mentioning her by name. 8 L u c r e t i a was a l s o held i n high esteem out-85. side of I t a l y : her s t o r y was t o l d by Chaucer i n The Legend of Good Women and Shakespeare i n h i s e p i c poem, The Rape of L u c r e c e . 9 In a r t , the theme of L u c r e t i a i n her r o l e as a Roman heroine enjoyed considerable p o p u l a r i t y i n the e a r l y s i x t e e n t h century. As Wolfgang Stechow has suggested, t h i s may have been brought about by Leo X's passion f o r an antique statue b e l i e v e d to represent L u c r e t i a found i n Rome ca. 1500. Stechow suggested that i t was the Pope's enthusiasm f o r t h i s piece that brought about i t s p o p u l a r i t y f o r the type of the s i n g l e , f u l l - l e n g t h standing L u c r e t i a , as i n Marcantonio Raimondi's engraving of 1510-11 (Figure 2 8 ) . 1 0 Here, as i n the vast m a j o r i t y of s i x t e e n t h century r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s , she i s shown i n her f i n a l moments, p o i n t i n g a dagger towards h e r s e l f . A n ' i n s c r i p t i o n on the lower l e f t of t h i s work emphasizes her c l a s s i c a l (though not Roman) o r i g i n and her heroic s t a t u r e . The i n s c r i p t i o n , i n Greek, reads: " I t i s b e t t e r to d i e than l i v e i n d i s h o n o u r " . 1 1 A somewhat l a t e r engraving by Enea Vi c o , a f t e r a l o s t work by Parmigianino, again makes c l e a r her heroic s t a t u r e by an I t a l i a n i n s c r i p t i o n , a c r e a t i v e paraphrase of her f i n a l w o r d s . 1 2 Venice had i t s own well-developed i n t e r e s t i n hero i c antique f i g u r e s . This was p o s s i b l y an expression of Venetian d e s i r e to emulate i n p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y l i f e deeds of Roman courage and heroism i n s e r v i c e of the s t a t e . 1 3 This i n t e r e s t found expression i n a s e r i e s of r e l i e f s c u l p t u r e s of 1510-16, a t t r i b u t e d to Antonio Lombardo, of heroes and heroines from antique h i s t o r y and myth, which have i n common the "theme of h e r o i c s a c r i f i c e and s u f f e r i n g " . The p o p u l a r i t y of the group i s evidenced by the f a c t that a number of ver s i o n s of each f i g u r e were carved. 1 4 L u c r e t i a was one i n the s e r i e s ( F i g u r e 29). She i s shown f u l l - l e n g t h i n he r o i c n u d i t y , 86. lo o k i n g upward i n expression of her v i r t u e . The s l i g h t forward bend and t w i s t of her torso and her furrowed brow express s u f f e r i n g and anguish. Her r i g h t arm i s broken but o r i g i n a l l y she would have held a dagger. A L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n beneath makes c l e a r the p a r t i c u l a r nature of her heroic s t a t u r e : CASUS EXEMPLAR VXORIBUS 1 5 (chaste exemplar f o r w i v e s ) . L u c r e t i a i n her r o l e as c l a s s i c a l heroine was a l s o portrayed i n Germany, where she was s e l e c t e d ca. 1500 as one of three pagan women, coordinated w i t h three C h r i s t i a n and three Jewish heroines i n a s e r i e s invented to compliment the nine h e r o e s . 1 5 This group was again i l l u s t r a t e d i n woodcut by Hans Burgkmair i n 1 5 1 9 . 1 7 The general p o p u l a r i t y of the L u c r e t i a theme i n the s i x t e e n t h century i s evident from the many p a i n t i n g s showing her i n h a l f - l e n g t h or f u l l -l e n g t h , dressed, p a r t i a l l y dressed, or nude. U s u a l l y she i s alone holding a dagger but a second type i n c l u d e s her husband and f a t h e r as w e l l . Various types were executed by a r t i s t s from I t a l y and the N o r t h 1 8 i n c l u d i n g the major Venetian a r t i s t s of the e a r l y s i x t e e n t h century - Giorgione, T i t i a n , P a l m a 1 9 and L o t t o . In n e a r l y every case, the reason f o r the commission i s unknown. While the existence of some of these must r e f l e c t the t a s t e f o r antique heroines, there was at l e a s t one example where a document connected L u c r e t i a and marriage. Lotto's account book records a no longer extant v e r s i o n , commissioned i n 1540, as one of two "ornamenti d i noce", the other being a male p o r t r a i t . 2 0 L u c r e t i a i n the context of marriage undoubtedly a l l u d e s to c h a s t i t y — the v i r t u e f o r which she received p a r t i c u l a r p r a i s e from Boccaccio and P e t r a r c h . While Lotto's entry i n d i c a t e s that she could have been associated w i t h male as w e l l as female c h a s t i t y , a more usual 87. connection seems to have been with w i f e l y c h a s t i t y . L u c r e t i a ' s connections wit h marriage and w i f e l y c h a s t i t y go back to the f i f t e e n t h century when she was a popular subject f o r p a i n t i n g s on cassone. Here her st o r y was represented i n n a r r a t i v e scenes, or she appeared as a s i n g l e f i g u r e w i t h other c l a s s i c a l heroines. Schubring l i s t s at l e a s t f i f t e e n such c h e s t s , i n c l u d i n g one by B o t t i c e l l i . 2 1 Later she appeared as a character on a f l o a t which greeted L u c r e z i a Borgia on her way to her wedding i n F e r r a r a . 2 2 Her image must have had a s i m i l a r connotation as model of w i f e l y v i r t u e , when i t appeared, unaccompanied by an i n s c r i p t i o n , on the f r o n t i s p i e c e of Juan L u i s Vives' t e x t on the i n s t r u c t i o n of women, 2 3 as education f o r women i n the Renaissance was designed to prepare them f o r t h e i r r o l e as wives. Chaucer c a l l e d L u c r e t i a "the veray w i f " . 2 4 The important Venetian example of the Lombardo r e l i e f has already been mentioned, where the L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n d e f i n e s her s t a t u s as an exemplar of c h a s t i t y f o r wives. L u c r e t i a was al s o incorporated i n t o the context of p o r t r a i t u r e . In the North she appears on the verso of at l e a s t three s i x t e e n t h century p o r t r a i t s . In 1529, B a r t h e l Bruyn painted her image (Figure 30) on the back of Ursula Sudermann (Figure 31), a companion p o r t r a i t to one of her husband, Melchior von Rolinxwerth. The p o r t r a i t p a i r commemorates the s i t t e r s ' m a r r i a g e 2 5 and L u c r e t i a must be emblematic of m a r i t a l c h a s t i t y . A s i m i l a r meaning i s i m p l i e d by her appearance on the verso of Jan van Scorel's h a l f - l e n g t h P o r t r a i t of a Man i n B e r l i n , 2 6 where the s i t t e r places h i s hand on h i s breast i n a gesture which has been described elsewhere i n p o r t r a i t u r e as i n d i c a t i n g f i d e l i t y or " m a r i t a l f a i t h " . 2 7 L u c r e t i a on the verso of Jan Gossart's P o r t r a i t of a Gentleman 2 8 probably has a s i m l i a r connotation. 88. Later i n Venice, Jacopo T i n t o r e t t o made d i f f e r e n t use of the image of L u c r e t i a i n h i s Venetian Gentleman of 1553-5 (Figure 32). Here the s i t t e r i s shown r e s t i n g h i s hand on a sc u l p t u r e of L u c r e t i a as an a l l u s i o n to h i s an t i q u a r i a n and c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t s . 2 9 Lotto's London p o r t r a i t (Figure 1) seems to have been the f i r s t p o r t r a i t to include an image of L u c r e t i a d i r e c t l y w i t h i n i t s format. The drawing of the heroine d i s p l a y e d by the s i t t e r (Figure 48) shows her f u l l -l e n g t h , l o o k i n g upward and about to plunge a dagger i n t o her breast. Her almost complete n u d i t y and the sense of s u f f e r i n g she conveys by the s l i g h t forward bend and t w i s t of her t o r s o , r e i n f o r c e d by her flowing h a i r and d i s h e v e l l e d drapery, suggest a l i n k w i t h the heroine theme as conceived i n the Venetian L u c r e t i a r e l i e f of 1510-16 (Figure 29). The drawing represents a moment i n the s t o r y simultaneous to that of the i n s c r i p t i o n . D i r e c t l y beneath the drawing on the t a b l e , the c a s u a l l y unfolded c a r t e l l i n g d i s p l a y s i n handsome Roman c a p i t a l s a quo t a t i o n of Lu c r e t i a ' s f i n a l words as stated i n L i v y — the words that made her an exemplar of c h a s t i t y . The i n s c r i p t i o n and t h i s p a r t i c u l a r image of L u c r e t i a together i n d i c a t e that i n t h i s context L u c r e t i a i s to be understood as a he r o i c exemplar of c h a s t i t y . At t h i s point i t i s necessary to pause and look more c l o s e l y at the d i s p o s i t i o n of the s i t t e r ' s hands. The pr e c i s e meaning that the L u c r e t i a theme has f o r the s i t t e r i s p r e c i s e l y c l a r i f i e d by the s i t t e r ' s gesture. The drawing i s d i s p l a y e d i n her l e f t hand, held r a t h e r h i g h , above the t a b l e . At the same time, the p o i n t i n g a c t i o n of her r i g h t hand c a l l s a t t e n t i o n to o b j e c t s s e t on the t a b l e , and seems i n p a r t i c u l a r to be d i r e c t e d toward the contents of the c a r t e l l i n g . The gesture of her r i g h t 89. hand i s not a simple p o i n t i n g gesture — one i n which the index f i n g e r p r o j e c t s from a hand contracted i n t o a f i s t — termed i n d i c o by John Bulwer, w r i t i n g i n 1644. 3 0 I t i s r a t h e r , i t would appear, a t h r u s t i n g forward gesture e x h i b i t i n g unfolded f i n g e r s and an open hand, which as Bulwer puts i t , " a f f o r d s a f a m i l i a r force to any p l a i n continued speech or uniform d i s c o u r s e . " 3 1 The s i t t e r ' s gesture i s , I b e l i e v e , i n d i c a t i v e of speech. The i n s c r i p t i o n i n the n a r r a t i v e of the p a i n t i n g i s shown to us as a phrase "spoken" by the s i t t e r . The words to which she points c o n s t i t u t e her l i n e s . John Sparrow wrote about the i n s c r i p t i o n i n t h i s p a i n t i n g , "...the text i s not simply a t i t l e or a comment or an appendix: i t s message i s a part of the p i c t u r e . 3 2 I would go f u r t h e r and say that here i t i s the f o c a l point of the n a r r a t i v e , and f u n c t i o n s as the clue to the c e n t r a l meaning of the p o r t r a i t . As discussed i n Chapter Two, an i n s c r i p t i o n i n a p o r t r a i t of t h i s period has d i r e c t bearing on the way i n which we are intended to understand the s i t t e r ' s p r e s e n t a t i o n of him or h e r s e l f . L o t t o , as we have seen, had a p a r t i c u l a r genius f o r using the emblem to give v i s u a l expression to the s i t t e r ' s thoughts, and define the meaning of h i s or her p r e s e n t a t i o n . I t must be remembered that there are very good reasons to b e l i e v e that i n Lotto's London p o r t r a i t the s i t t e r ' s given name i s L u c r e z i a . The words of the i n s c r i p t i o n take on t h e i r f u l l meaning w i t h -i n the p o r t r a i t only when they are understood as applying e q u a l l y to the s i t t e r — the I t a l i a n L u c r e z i a — a s w e l l as to the Roman heroine. The f u l l i m p l i c a t i o n of the i n s c r i p t i o n emerges only when i t i s understood as d i r e c t l y c h a r a c t e r i z i n g , i n a s i m i l a r way, the I t a l i a n woman L u c r e z i a and her Roman counterpart. The i n s c r i p t i o n reads: NEC VLLA IMPVDICA LVCRETIAE EXEMPLO VIVET,that i s , "No unchaste woman who wishes to go on l i v i n g w i l l 90. be able to appeal to L u c r e t i a as exemplar". The I t a l i a n L u c r e z i a , by speaking these l i n e s , d e f i n e s her own s t a t u s , not j u s t as a chaste woman, but as an exemplar of c h a s t i t y . L i k e her Roman counterpart, she h e r s e l f sets no example f o r unchaste women. The omission of the word "deinde", meaning "henceforth," included i n the o r i g i n a l phrase from L i v y , i s s i g n i f i c a n t : as the s i t t e r L u c r e z i a has been preceded h i s t o r i c a l l y i n her r o l e as exemplar by the Roman L u c r e t i a , i t would make l i t t l e sense f o r her to repeat the word "henceforth". The drawing, i n one way, may be understood as an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the t e x t . In a d d i t i o n i t echoes the s i t t e r ' s p r e s e n t a t i o n of h e r s e l f . The Roman L u c r e t i a ' s open mouth i n d i c a t e s that she, l i k e the s i t t e r , i s shown speaking her l i n e s . The Roman L u c r e t i a ' s a s s e r t i o n of her v i r t u e , conveyed by her anguished pose, her Venus pudica gesture, i n d i c a t i n g modesty, and the dramatic p o i n t i n g of the dagger to her heart i s echoed i n the s i t t e r ' s a s s e r t i o n of her v i r t u e through her dramatic p r e s e n t a t i o n of the L u c r e t i a theme, her emphatic gestures, and bo l d , u n f l i n c h i n g gaze. As the s i t t e r presents the viewer w i t h the Roman exemplar of c h a s t i t y , L u c r e t i a , the p o r t r a i t as a whole, on a l i f e - s i z e c o l o u r f u l s c a l e , presents the "modern" exemplar of c h a s t i t y , the Venetian L u c r e z i a . The essence of the s i t t e r ' s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n i s defined by the antique imagery of the L u c r e t i a emblems. In conception, the p o r t r a i t i s p a r a l l e l e d by T i t i a n ' s La Schiavona of ca. 1511 (Figure 33) where a p r o f i l e r e l i e f a l l ' a n t i c a of the s i t t e r i n c luded i n the p o r t r a i t c h a r a c t e r i z e s the f u n c t i o n of her contemporary image: by the r e l i e f ' s own h i s t o r i c a l reach i n t o the past, i t suggests the fu t u r e p r e s e r v a t i o n of the s i t t e r ' s e f f i g y . 3 3 91. As L u c r e t i a i s o f t e n , and e s p e c i a l l y i n connection with p o r t r a i t u r e , a symbol of w i f e l y c h a s t i t y and conjugal f i d e l i t y and as, i n a d d i t i o n , female emblematic p o r t r a i t s f r e q u e n t l y i n c l u d e a l l u s i o n s to conjugal f i d e l i t y , she almost c e r t a i n l y embodies t h i s meaning here. I t i s to be remembered that c h a s t i t y , while important f o r a l l women, was above a l l the v i r t u e of wives as i t was j u s t i f i e d on the grounds of the p r e s e r v a t i o n of the p u r i t y of o f f s p r i n g . For these reasons, the L u c r e t i a emblems are almost c e r t a i n l y a a l l u s i o n to marriage and the s i t t e r ' s r o l e as w i f e . In Lotto's London p o r t r a i t , the theme of the s i t t e r ' s status as a "modern" hero i c exemplar of c h a s t i t y i s f u r t h e r played out and given a d d i -t i o n a l nuances of meaning through contemporary Venetian imagery. These i n c l u d e the fl o w e r , and aspects of the s i t t e r ' s costume. The Wallflower Beneath the i n s c r i p t i o n on the tabl e i n the foreground i s the c u t t i n g of a yellow f l o w e r . I t s prominent placement on the r i g h t i n c l o s e p r o x i -mity to the L u c r e t i a emblems, and i n the area to which the s i t t e r wishes to draw our a t t e n t i o n , i n d i c a t e s that i t too i s intended to embody an important s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r our understanding of the s i t t e r ' s p r e s e n t a t i o n . Here f o r the f i r s t time the species i s i d e n t i f i e d as a w a l l f l o w e r . 3 4 I t s I t a l i a n name i s " v i o l a c c i o c c a " . Before a n a l y z i n g the p a r t i c u l a r use of the w a l l f l o w e r i n the London p o r t r a i t , I w i l l provide as a background a short survey of the use of the flower i n p o r t r a i t s of the f i f t e e n t h and s i x t e e n t h century i n I t a l y and the North. While they were g e n e r a l l y i n p o r t r a i t s emblematic of marriage or b e t r o t h a l , i n Veneto female p o r t r a i t u r e they seem to have embodied a more 92. s p e c i f i c a l l u s i o n to sexual love and were i n v a r i a b l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h imagery focussing on the breast area. The most usual species of flower i n p o r t r a i t s was the c a r n a t i o n or i t s v a r i a n t , the pink. In the Netherlands, the ca r n a t i o n was ass o c i a t e d with marriage through a custom where the b r i d e , on her wedding day, would wear a concealed c a r n a t i o n and the groom would search her i n order to f i n d i t . 3 5 This was a l s o a p r a c t i c e i n Germany, as we know from a d e s c r i p t i o n of the marriage i n 1477 of Marie de Bourgogne and Maximil i a n of A u s t r i a . 3 6 I t must have been as a r e s u l t of t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n , that the c a r n a t i o n and the pink became symbols of engagement or marriage i n p o r t r a i t s of betrothed or newlyweds. 3 7 The flower was u s u a l l y but not always held i n the s i t t e r ' s hand. Some e a r l y examples of such p o r t r a i t s are f i f t e e n t h century Flemish works. These i n c l u d e the Man w i t h a Pink by an i m i t a t o r of Van E y c k 3 8 and Hans Memlinc's Young Fiancee, the l e f t h a l f of a d i p t y c h showing a young woman gazing to the r i g h t , h olding a pink i n a gesture of o f f e r i n g . The r i g h t h a l f portrays her f i a n c e i n the guise of a dark s t a l l i o n , who i n turn looks i n her d i r e c t i o n . 3 9 In the f i r s t h a l f of the s i x t e e n t h century, German p o r t r a i t s f r e -quently i n c l u d e c a r n a t i o n s ; i n most cases the context lends f u r t h e r support to the idea that i t i s emblematic of marriage. Anna Cuspinian holds a carnat i o n i n Cranach's famous marriage p o r t r a i t of her of 1502, a pendant to that of her husband, Johannes Cuspinian. B a r t h e l Bruyn painted twenty-one p o r t r a i t s between 1517 and 1555 i n which the s i t t e r s , u s u a l l y women, hold c a r n a t i o n s . 4 0 Among these i s the p o r t r a i t of Ursula Rolinxwerth (Figure 31) discussed already i n connection w i t h the image of L u c r e t i a on 93. the verso. As t h i s work, many of these are paired with p o r t r a i t s of the s i t t e r s ' spouses. Another example i s Holbein's Georg Giesze of 1532, where the c a r n a t i o n s , an a l l u s i o n to h i s engagement, appear i n a g l a s s vase on the t a b l e as a n a t u r a l part of the s e t t i n g . 4 1 Other species of flower a l s o a l l u d e d to marriage or b e t r o t h a l . Diirer employed the eryngium as a symbol of b e t r o t h a l , 4 2 and the Master of F r a n k f u r t ' s Married Couple of 1496 shows the wife o f f e r i n g her husband an u n i d e n t i f i e d f l o w e r . 4 3 The appearance of flowers i n f i f t e e n t h century I t a l i a n p o r t r a i t s may w e l l have been a r e s u l t of northern i n f l u e n c e . The e a r l i e s t I t a l i a n example where the s i t t e r holds flowers seems to be Verrocchio's sculpted p o r t r a i t Bust of a Lady i n the B a r g e l l o , Florence, a F l o r e n t i n e work of 1475-80 (Figure 3 4 ) , 4 4 a period of i n f l u x of F l emish i n f l u e n c e on I t a l i a n p o r t r a i t u r e . With her l e f t hand, the s i t t e r presses to her heart a small bouquet. The s i t t e r ' s i d e n t i t y has never been a s c e r t a i n e d , 4 5 nor have the flowers been discussed. They almost c e r t a i n l y a l l u d e to m a r r i a g e . 4 6 This hypothesis i s r e i n f o r c e d by the s i t t e r ' s gesture which pledges f i d e l i t y . 4 7 The placement of the flowers on the s i t t e r ' s heart i n conjunction w i t h t h i s gesture seems to be unprecedented and may w e l l i n d i c a t e that they are intended to symbolize the s i t t e r ' s love f o r her husband. 4 8 Flowers appear again held by the female s i t t e r s i n two F l o r e n t i n e p o r t r a i t s of the 1480's. In Costanza Caetani, from the School of Domenico Ghi r l a n d a i o (Figure 35), the flowers are set w i t h i n the context of marrige by the L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n on the l e f t : GHOS /TANZA / DEMED/ICIS IO/ANFRA/ NCISC/HVS D/OMINI/FRAND/ICI DE / GHAE/TANIS / VXOR. Costanza de'Medici married Giovan-Francesco d i Benedetto Caetani before 1489 and t h i s work 94. must be commemorative of the o c c a s i o n . 4 9 A c o m p o s i t i o n a l l y and almost c e r t a i n l y i c o n o g r a p h i c a l l y r e l a t e d work i s the p o r t r a i t of a Young Woman i n F o r l i a t t r i b u t e d to Lorenzo d i C r e d i , 5 0 where the s i t t e r arranges a bouquet i n a bowl on a ta b l e i n f r o n t of her, probably again i n a l l u s i o n to marriage. The c a r n a t i o n as a symbol of matrimony made i t s appearance i n northern I t a l y by around 1490 with Lorenzo Costa's Gozzadini p o r t r a i t d i p t y c h of a married couple, where i t i s held by the male s i t t e r . 5 1 The symbolism of the c a r n a t i o n must a l s o have been known i n Venice, as evidenced by Andrea S o l a r i ' s P o r t r a i t of a Gentleman holding a pink, executed i n the 1490's during h i s Venetian p e r i o d . 5 2 Flowers were a l s o used as emblems i n s i x t e e n t h century Veneto female p o r t r a i t s . One s t r i k i n g element about these works, i n co n t r a s t to the p o r t r a i t s so f a r di s c u s s e d , i s t h e i r i n v a r i a b l e a s s o c i a t i o n between flowers and h i g h l y sensuous imagery. Up u n t i l ca. 1530, n e a r l y a l l Venetian female p o r t r a i t s which i n c l u d e flowers show the s i t t e r r e v e a l i n g one or both b r e a s t s , or at l e a s t s t r o n g l y emphasizing the breast area. P o s s i b l y the e a r l i e s t s i x t e e n t h century example i s T u l l i o Lombardo's Double P o r t r a i t r e l i e f i n Venice (Figure 36) of a couple, where a t i n y s t y l i z e d flower appears between the bare breasts of the female. The p r i n c i p a l subject of t h i s i d e a l p o r t r a i t i s , according to Sarah Wilk, "the Venetian n o s t a l g i a f o r l o s t ancient c i v i l i z a t i o n " . 5 3 The precedents f o r t h i s compositional arrangement l i e , as Wilk has shown, i n northern double marriage p o r t r a i t s and Roman grave p o r t r a i t s of husband and w i f e . 5 4 The couple i s shown turned s l i g h t l y towards each other. Wilk has suggested that here the flower and the motif of the bare breasts may both be intended 95. as a l l u s i o n s to l o v e . 5 5 The placement of the flower between the bare breasts of the female s i t t e r and the s l i g h t t w i s t of her torso i n the d i r e c t i o n of the male would seem to suggest that the flower a l l u d e s to a love that would f i n d expression i n a p h y s i c a l union between the couple. Bartolommeo Veneto's Young Bride as F l o r a of ca. 1506 shows the s i t t e r p r o f f e r i n g a mixed bouquet (Fig u r e 39). Both Panofsky and Verheyen have argued that the s i t t e r i s a young b r i d e , as she i s wearing a wreath of m y r t l e , myrtus c o n i u g a l i s , symbol of e v e r l a s t i n g love and conjugal f i d e l -i t y , 5 6 on her v e i l , and that she i s shown In the guise of F l o r a , i n d i c a t e d by the f l o w e r s . 5 7 The bouquet a s s o c i a t e s the image w i t h the by now w e l l -e s t a b l i s h e d t r a d i t i o n of a l l u d i n g to marriage by means of f l o w e r s . How-ever, the c l a s s i c i z i n g connection w i t h F l o r a , Roman goddess of f l o w e r s , suggests a new i c o n o g r a p h i c a l reference which creates an a s s o c i a t i o n between f l o w e r s , F l o r a , and sexual union. Ovid's account of the F l o r a legend i n c l u d e s the transformation of C h l o r i s i n t o F l o r a which occurred when she was embraced by Zephyr, at which time flowers s p i l l e d from her l i p s . 5 8 The image of the bare breast i n t h i s context f u r t h e r suggests a connection between flowers and sexual l o v e . As Panofsky wrote, "...the mythological image which the p o r t r a i t i s meant to evoke i s . . . t h a t of F l o r a , the happy wife of Zephyr, who proudly proclaims that her marriage bed i s never disturbed by any d i s s e n s i o n . " 5 9 The flowers symbolize here the young bride's o f f e r i n g of l o v e to her husband. This i s l e n t f u r t h e r support by the i n c l u s i o n i n the bouquet of a d a i s y , c a l l e d i n I t a l i a n a margherita, almost c e r t a i n l y an a l l u s i o n to S t . Margaret, patron s a i n t of c h i l d b i r t h . Bouquets are l a t e r p r o f f e r e d by T i t i a n ' s F l o r a (Figure 23) of ca. 1520-22, 6 0 and by Palma's Lady as F l o r a (Figure 2 4 ) . 6 1 In both these 96. cases, the flowers are again associated w i t h the bared b r e a s t . J u l i u s Held has argued that these works a l l u d e to F l o r a i n her r o l e as c o u r t e s a n . 6 2 However, i n l i g h t of the e a r l i e r choice of F l o r a as the guise f o r a young b r i d e , i t i s reasonable to consider that the works may w e l l be marriage a l l e g o r i e s , as Verheyen considered them to b e . 6 3 A d d i t i o n a l support f o r t h i s l i e s i n the presence of roses i n T i t i a n ' s F l o r a . Roses were an a t t r i b u t e of the t e r r e s t r i a l Venus i n T i t i a n ' s Sacred and Profane Love, who a l s o wears a myrtle wreath symbolizing the l a s t i n g and l e g i t i m a t e joys of m a r r i a g e . 6 4 In T i t i a n ' s F l o r a , the appearance of the flowers i n the s i t t e r ' s hand held i n a gesture of o f f e r i n g , her revealed b r e a s t , and her apparent engagement of eye contact w i t h an anonymous p a r t i c i p a n t l o c a t e d to the lower l e f t of the p i c t u r e seem to i n d i c a t e that they symbolize an o f f e r i n g of sexual l o v e . A s i m i l a r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n may be a p p l i e d to Palma's Lady as F l o r a . The flower was l a t e r set c l e a r l y w i t h i n the context of marriage by A l c i a t i w i t h the p u b l i c a t i o n of h i s h i g h l y i n f l u e n t i a l Emblemata. In the 1534 e d i t i o n , h i s emblem "In Fidem Uxoriam", i n c l u d e s an i l l u s t r a t i o n of a married couple where the woman holds a flower i n her h a n d . 6 5 Lotto's London p o r t r a i t appears to be the only p o r t r a i t to i n c l u d e the species w a l l f l o w e r (Figure 2) and i t i s l i k e l y that t h i s choice has a par-t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e . The w a l l f l o w e r i n the Renaissance was symbolic of e a r t h l y or d i v i n e l o v e . The o r i g i n s of i t s meaning i n two c l a s s i c a l legends i n d i c a t e a par-t i c u l a r a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h sexual l o v e . The f i r s t t e l l s how the I o n i c nymphs off e r e d Ion a chaplet of w a l l f l o w e r s before he spent the night with them. The second concerns J u p i t e r and l o . In order to have sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h 97. Io and remain undiscovered by h i s wife Juno, J u p i t e r changed lo i n t o a cow. On t h i s occasion the e a r t h brought f o r t h w a l l f l o w e r s to congratulate J u p i t e r f o r h i s success and to please I o . 6 6 In the London p o r t r a i t , the flower i s placed on the t a b l e d i r e c t l y beneath the i n s c r i p t i o n and the drawing, u n l i k e most p o r t r a i t s where flowers are held i n the s i t t e r ' s hand. I t s l o c a t i o n here, at a distance from the s i t t e r and as an element i n the c l u s t e r of emblematic objects on the r i g h t , suggests a p o s s i b l e iconographic a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the L u c r e t i a emblems. This i s l e n t support by the w a l l f l o w e r ' s I t a l i a n name, " v i o l a c c i o c c a " , which may be meant, f u r t h e r , to suggest a pun on the word " v i o l a r e " , to v i o l a t e . Can i t be that on one l e v e l the w a l l f l o w e r i s intended as a pun to a l l u d e to the rape of L u c r e t i a ? 6 7 As the drawing and the i n s c r i p t i o n , the w a l l f l o w e r a l s o has an import-ant s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the s i t t e r , as i t i s one of the three items to which she wishes to draw our a t t e n t i o n . I t s f u l l meaning emerges by a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the flower symbolism i n Venetian female p o r t r a i t s , and through the w a l l f l o w e r ' s p a r t i c u l a r context i n c l a s s i c a l legend. I t i s h i g h l y l i k e l y t h at the w a l l f l o w e r symbolizes the s i t t e r ' s own o f f e r i n g of sexual l o v e . That t h i s o f f e r i n g occurs w i t h i n marriage i s i n d i c a t e d by the L u c r e t i a emblems which d e f i n e the s i t t e r as exemplar of c h a s t i t y . The w a l l f l o w e r must symbolize her o f f e r i n g of love to her husband. The London p o r t r a i t i s f u r t h e r r e l a t e d to e a r l i e r Veneto female "flower" p o r t r a i t s by the a s s o c i a t i o n of the flower w i t h sensuous imagery a l l u d i n g to the breast area. The pronounced de"colletage, r e v e a l i n g the broad expanse of the s i t t e r ' s bosom, i s a l s o an important element of the work. This w i l l r e c e i v e f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n below. 98. The Costume The d e t a i l s of the s i t t e r ' s h i g h l y elaborate costume provide the viewer w i t h a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n about the s i t t e r . Among these are the d e f i n i t i o n of her s t a t u s as a member of the p a t r i c i a n c l a s s . C e r t a i n d e t a i l s of the costume provide f u r t h e r a l l u s i o n s to her married s t a t e . The elegance and d e t a i l of the s i t t e r ' s costume ( F i g u r e 1) i s unsur-passed i n contemporary female "costume" p o r t r a i t s . The r i c h n e s s of the c o l o u r s ; the elaborate and f i n e l y worked d e t a i l i n the a l t e r n a t i o n of the d i f f e r i n g f a b r i c s , the s t i t c h i n g of the bodice, the f r o n t l a c i n g , and the tuck i n the s k i r t i n d i c a t e the care which has gone i n t o the sewing of t h i s sumptuous dress. The d e c o r a t i o n of the balzo w i t h a mass of i m i t a t i o n c u r l s and ribbons i s a l s o unique and unusually e l a b o r a t e . The u l t i m a t e statement on the elegance of the costume i s the gold pendant (Figure 3 ) , u n p a r a l l e l e d i n contemporary p o r t r a i t s i n i t s s i z e , f i n e l y worked d e t a i l , and number of stones with which i t i s set - two rubies and three sapphires - and i n a d d i t i o n a tear-shaped p e a r l . There can be no doubt that one f u n c t i o n of the s i t t e r ' s costume i s to present her as the wife of a member of a wealthy f a m i l y of p a t r i c i a n s t a t u s . Two d e t a i l s of the costume a l l u d e d i r e c t l y to her married s t a t e . One i s her b a l z o . As I have pointed out i n Chapter Two, the balzo was commonly worn by married women and can be taken as a s i g n of woman's married s t a t u s , by reference to other female p o r t r a i t s where the s i t t e r s are c l e a r l y married. The second d e t a i l i s the r i n g the s i t t e r wears on the r i n g f i n g e r of her l e f t hand, b a r e l y v i s i b l e beneath the crumpled corner of the drawing ' held i n the same hand. That i t was customary f o r a married woman of the 99. Veneto to wear her wedding r i n g on t h i s f i n g e r at t h i s time can be shown by reference to Lotto's Antonio M a r s i l i o and h i s Bride (Figure 13) where the husband places the r i n g on the equivalent f i n g e r on the b r i d e ' s l e f t hand. Further evidence f o r t h i s l i e s i n p o r t r a y a l s of the mystic marriage of St. Catherine where the C h r i s t c h i l d i s shown p l a c i n g a r i n g on the same f i n g e r of St. Catherine's l e f t hand. One of s e v e r a l such examples by Lotto i s the Mystic Marriage of St. Catherine of 1523 i n the Accademia Car r a r a , Bergamo. 6 8 The Bared Breast Another important aspect of the s i t t e r ' s costume, and of the p a i n t i n g as a whole, i s the pronounced de*colletage. The imagery of the de"colletage and the sensuousness of the s i t t e r ' s revealed upper t o r s o , e s p e c i a l l y i n conjunction w i t h her r e s o l u t e gesture and expression, has as I have shown i n Chapter One, e l i c i t e d more comments from h i s t o r i a n s w r i t i n g on the por-t r a i t than any other element i n the p a i n t i n g , and has l e d them to doubt the s i n c e r i t y of her d e c l a r a t i o n of her v i r t u e . This motif c l e a r l y r e q u i r e s c l o s e r examination. According to accounts of s i x t e e n t h century v i s i t o r s to Venice, women's cloth e s there were c o n s i s t e n t l y l e s s modest than those i n other parts of I t a l y . 6 9 The p o p u l a r i t y of the de"colletage i n Venice i s f u r t h e r evidenced by i t s appearance i n numerous p o r t r a i t s of s i m i l a r date. Three such examples are L i c i n i o ' s Woman with a P o r t r a i t of her Husband (Figure 41), Woman wi t h a Book, (Figure 42), and h i s p o r t r a i t of A Lady of 1532 (Figure 20). While the d e c o l l e t a g e i n i t s e l f cannot be c a l l e d i n d i s c r e e t , n e i t h e r these works, nor others e x h i b i t i n g a low-cut contemporary dress, emphasize the breast area to the same degree as Lotto's London p o r t r a i t . 100. Here the d e c o l l e t a g e r e v e a l s an uninterrupted expanse of bare f l e s h , reminiscent i n s t y l e of the "luminous, enamelled s e n s u a l i t y " 7 0 of Palma's female h a l f - l e n g t h s of the previous decade. I t s whiteness and smoothness i s heightened by the l i g h t from the upper r i g h t which seems to draw the viewer's a t t e n t i o n i n p a r t i c u l a r to the s i t t e r ' s chest. The brightness of t h i s area i s f u r t h e r emphasized by i t s c o n t r a s t w i t h the s e c t i o n o f shadow immediately above, around the s i t t e r ' s neck. The almost unnatural t w i s t of her upper body and r i g h t shoulder i n the d i r e c t i o n of the viewer emphasizes her n e a r l y f u l l y revealed r i g h t shoulder. This t w i s t combined w i t h the apparent weight of the r i g h t puff of her sleeve conveys the impression that the r i g h t side of the dress i s almost f a l l i n g o f f . The a r t i s t ' s i n t e n t to give a p a r t i c u l a r emphasis to t h i s s e c t i o n of the p a i n t i n g i s f u r t h e r borne out by two elements of the manner i n which the costume i s worn, which are unique i n female p o r t r a i t s of t h i s period and which would normally cover a part of the s i t t e r ' s chest: the chain and v e i l . The odd placement of the chain and pendant i s not p a r a l l e l e d i n any other female p o r t r a i t . A l l other s i t t e r s who wear chains e x h i b i t them hanging around the neck (Figures 20 and 41), or sometimes t i e d at the waist as b e l t s . That t h i s arrangement i n i t s e l f i s not an i n d i c a t i o n of i n d i s -c r e et or suggestive a t t i r e i s c l e a r from the s i m i l a r way i n which St. Catherine of Alexandria wears her chain tucked i n t o her bodice i n Lotto's a l t a r p i e c e of ca. 1529 i n V i e n n a . 7 1 The second d e v i a t i o n i n Lotto's p o r t r a i t i s the arrangement of the c l o t h or v e i l , attached to the upper l e f t of the bodice. I t covers the s i t t e r ' s l e f t shoulder and f a l l s down and across her back. The edge i s 101. v i s i b l e above her r i g h t shoulder and beside her r i g h t elbow, where i t f a l l s onto and i n f r o n t of the back of the c h a i r ( F i g u r e 4 ) . According to E l i z a b e t h B i r b a r i on f i f t e e n t h century I t a l i a n costume, "The v e i l or k e r -c h i e f , or s c a r f was an important item i n the feminine wardrobe...it could be worn e i t h e r on the head or over the s h o u l d e r s " . 7 2 In the s i x t e e n t h century, diaphanous v e i l s are o f t e n worn by the V i r g i n and s a i n t s i n con-temporary Venetian costume, modestly covering both s h o u l d e r s . 7 3 The v e i l i s , however, rare i n female "costume" p o r t r a i t s of the 1520's and 1530's, 7 4 though v e i l s s i m i l a r to that worn by Lotto's s i t t e r do appear i n s e v e r a l e a r l i e r Venetian examples: T i t i a n ' s La Schiavona (Figure 33), the Young  Lady i n Modena a t t r i b u t e d to C a r i a n i (Figure 40), and a woman i n C a r i a n i ' s Young Men and Women of the A l b a n i Family of 1519, i n the possession of Conte R o n c a l l i i n Bergamo. 7 5 In each of these three cases the v e i l i s attached to the upper l e f t of the bodice but r a t h e r than f a l l i n g down the back, i t i s brought around the s i t t e r ' s back and draped over the r i g h t shoulder, modestly covering a part of the s i t t e r ' s upper chest. T i t i a n ' s Laura d e i D i a n t i (Figure 17) wears a d i f f e r e n t v e r s i o n of the v e i l , but i t too covers a part of the breast area otherwise l a i d bare by the s i t t e r ' s d e c o l l e t a g e . The manner i n which Lotto's s i t t e r wears both her pendant and her v e i l c l e a r l y departs from the norm and i s not casual but c a l c u l a t e d . This mani-p u l a t i o n of the costume, which has the e f f e c t of a l l o w i n g not only f o r a c l e a r view of, but f o r a strong emphasis on the breast area, i s , I b e l i e v e , a conscious m o d i f i c a t i o n of the motif of the s i n g l e bared breast i n e a r l i e r Venetian marriage p o r t r a i t s (Figure 39), or the baring of both b r e a s t s , as i n T u l l i o ' s Venice r e l i e f (Figure 36). Lotto's purpose i n drawing the viewer's a t t e n t i o n to the s i t t e r ' s breast area i s to i n d i c a t e that i t has 102. iconographic s i g n i f i c a n c e . This hypothesis i s l e n t f u r t h e r support by the p o r t r a i t ' s a s s o c i a t i o n , through the combined imagery of the flower and the sensuous a l l u s i o n to the breast, w i t h the e a r l i e r T u l l i o r e l i e f and the " F l o r a " a l l e g o r i e s by Bartolommeo (Figure 39), T i t i a n ( F i g u r e 23), and Palma (Figure 24). These works are f u r t h e r r e l a t e d to each other through t h e i r common theme of r e v e a l i n g an aspect of the s i t t e r , normally con-cealed. The "bared breast" i n the London p o r t r a i t , by a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h these works and by the d e f i n i t i o n of i t s context w i t h i n the p o r t r a i t as marriage, must have a s i m i l a r iconographic meaning to that of the bared breast i n r e l a t e d p o r t r a i t marriage a l l e g o r i e s . In order to understand the breast symbolism i n the L o t t o , the meaning of the bared breast i n female Veneto marriage p o r t r a i t u r e must be d e f i n e d . The work which set the motif of the bared breast i n the foreground f o r the Venetian a l l e g o r i c a l female p o r t r a i t seems to have been Giorgione's Laura of 1506 (Figure 38). O r i g i n a l l y shown i n three-quarter l e n g t h , i n c l u d i n g both hands, the s i t t e r may s t i l l be seen holding open one side of her red f u r - l i n e d cloak to r e v e a l her r i g h t b r e a s t . 7 6 I t s s o f t , sensuous texture i s brought out and emphasized by the l i g h t f a l l i n g from the upper l e f t . Verheyen has c o n v i n c i n g l y argued that the l a u r e l branches behind the s i t t e r are emblematic of marriage and m a r i t a l v i r t u e . 7 7 Here, as i n Bartolommeo Veneto's Young Bride as F l o r a , where the myrtle wreath s i g n i f i e s conjugal f i d e l i t y , the bared breast i s set w i t h i n the context of marriage. The bared breast i n p o r t r a i t s has u s u a l l y been considered to have sexual connotations. I t has f r e q u e n t l y been a f a c t o r i n h i s t o r i a n s ' iden-t i f i c a t i o n of the s i t t e r s i n these works as courtesans, of which there was a l a r g e population i n Venice, famous f o r t h e i r wealth and beauty, and o f t e n 103. fo r t h e i r l e a r n i n g . 7 8 Both Laura and Bartolommeo 1s Bride as F l o r a were a t one time thought to represent c o u r t e s a n s . 7 9 G.F. Hartlaub i n 1954, suppor-ted he stated by Berenson, considered the bared breast i n s i x t e e n t h century Venetian p o r t r a i t s to be i n i t s e l f a s i g n of t h i s . 8 0 J u l i u s Held i n 1961 employed the bared b r e a s t s , loosened garments, and gestures of o f f e r i n g i n T i t i a n ' s F l o r a and Palma 1s Lady as F l o r a as evidence to lend support to h i s argument that the works al l u d e d to F l o r a i n her r o l e as c o u r t e s a n . 8 1 L o t t o ' s London p o r t r a i t i s thus f u r t h e r r e l a t e d to these works through a s i m i l a r problem i n the l i t e r a t u r e concerning i t - h i s t o r i a n s ' conclusions that the s i t t e r ' s prominent and sensuous d i s p l a y of her body i s a s i g n of her l a c k of v i r t u e . This n o t i o n concerning these p o r t r a i t types i s o f t e n r e i n f o r c e d , w r i t e r s c o n s i d e r , by t h e i r own personal responses to these s i t t e r s . For example Held considered that Hans T i e t z e ' s remark was j u s t i -f i e d , that upon l o o k i n g at c e r t a i n p o r t r a i t s of women from T i n t o r e t t o ' s workshop, "one i s tempted to ask f o r t h e i r names, p o s s i b l y even addresses." However, since the only concrete evidence suggests that i n at l e a s t two cases the bared breast was l i n k e d w i t h marriage, i t must be considered w i t h i n t h i s context. That the bared breast has a sexual connotation i n these works i s l e n t support by i t s a s s o c i a t i o n with the flower symbolism, a l l u d i n g to l o v e , and i n Lotto's London p o r t r a i t , s p e c i f i c a l l y sexual l o v e . Verheyen thought the bared breast represented the wife's r e l a t i o n s h i p to her husband, c h a r a c t e r i z e d by voluptas both i n the Bartolommeo Young Bride as F l o r a and i n L a u r a . 8 3 Panofsky i m p l i e d s i m i l a r l y that i n the Bartolommeo, i t a l l u d e d to "sexual abandon." 8 4 However, si n c e women's p r i n c i p a l r o l e w i t h i n marriage was to bear o f f s p r i n g , and the p r i n c i p a l f u n c t i o n of sex 104. w i t h i n marriage was considered to be p r o c r e a t i o n , 8 5 the imagery of the bared breast i n the context of marriage suggests an a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the theme developed i n Venetian a r t i n the e a r l y years of the s i x t e e n t h century where the nude female was portrayed as a symbol of the "generative f o r c e of nature". Sheard has argued that the nude female i n the Widner Orpheus repre-sents Venus i n her c a p a c i t y as Venus physizoa: the female generative f o r c e of nature. Another r e l a t e d example i s Giorgione's Sleeping Venus which has been i n t e r p r e t e d as a Venus Genetrix, i n her c a p a c i t y as ancestress of the M a r c e l l o f a m i l y , and brought i n t o connection w i t h the e p i t h e t "to the a l l -bearing" or "parent of a l l " . 8 5 The theme of f e r t i l i t y and the female reproductive aspect of c r e a t i o n was a l s o a theme given expression by Leonardo i n one of h i s l a r g e s t panels — the now l o s t Leda and the Swan begun i n ca. 1504, known through copies by h i s Milanese f o l l o w e r s , such as Cesare de Sesto's i n Wilton House, painted between 1507 and 1510. The theme of f e r t i l i t y and p r o c r e a t i o n i s conveyed by the nude Leda's embrace of the swan and the two sets of twins hatching from two eggs at her f e e t , as w e l l as the l u s h landscape of grasses, p l a n t s , and f l o w e r s . 8 7 This same p r i n c i p l e seems to have found expression i n the F l o r a h a l f - l e n g t h s by Leonardo's f o l l o w e r s , a f t e r a l o s t design by Leonardo. As goddess of f l o w e r s , F l o r a was l i n k e d w i t h f e r t i l i t y and c o n c e p t i o n . 8 8 These h a l f - l e n g t h F l o r a s are shown nude or p a r t i a l l y nude, holding flowers. One example of ca. 1510 i n the Hermitage i n Leningrad i s by the Milanese Francesco M e l z i . 8 9 The reproductive f o r c e of nature i s s t r o n g l y suggested by the p l a n t s and flowers overgrowing the rocky landscape w i t h i n which the young woman i s seated, as w e l l as her l e f t 105. breast, revealed by the open corner of her blouse. The nude breast must a l l u d e to her p r o c r e a t i v e r o l e as mater f l o r u m . 9 0 She holds flowers i n both hands and gazes with l o v i n g a t t e n t i o n at the columbine i n her r i g h t . This p r i n c i p l e may w e l l have been incorporated i n t o s p e c i f i c por-t r a i t s , such as T i t i a n ' s F l o r a or Palma's Lady as F l o r a , thus a s s o c i a t i n g the i n d i v i d u a l woman w i t h p r o c r e a t i o n , and a l l u d i n g to her r o l e i n marriage as bearer of o f f s p r i n g . I t could a l s o have been a p p l i e d to the e a r l i e r Young Bride as F l o r a , by Bartolommeo Veneto, an a r t i s t who had contacts w i t h M i l a n . The notions of l o v e and p r o c r e a t i o n , and p r o c r e a t i o n and marriage were brought together a number of times i n Book Two of Bembo's immensely popular G l i A s o l a n i . The l o v e described here was a n a t u r a l i n s t i n c t moving along the path of reason; t h i s love brings f o r t h c h i l d r e n ; i t should endure a l i f e t i m e . 9 1 G l i A s o l a n i has been considered to be p a r t i c u l a r l y c l o s e i n i t s l y r i c i s m and romance to the p a i n t i n g of G i o r g i o n e , 9 2 the a r t i s t who set the motif of the bared breast i n the foreground f o r Venetian a l l e g o r i c a l marriage p o r t r a i t s w i t h the execution of Laura. The bared breast i n Venetian and Veneto female marriage p o r t r a i t u r e , I consider, i s a r e d u c t i o n of the female nude as symbolic of the generative force of nature and, as such, symbolizes the wife's sexual and b i o l o g i c a l r o l e w i t h i n marriage, c h a r a c t e r i z e d by love and p r o c r e a t i o n . In Lotto's London p o r t r a i t , I b e l i e v e the same meaning i s intended through the unusual emphasis placed on the s i t t e r ' s breast area. In the London p o r t r a i t , the i n c l u s i o n of the unusually l a r g e pendant set with four stones i n c l u d i n g one l a r g e square ruby juxtaposed w i t h the breast area f u r t h e r a s s o c i a t e s the p o r t r a i t w i t h the generative f o r c e of 106. nature theme as conceived w i t h i n female h a l f - l e n g t h s . M e l z i ' s F l o r a e x h i b i t s a l a r g e square ruby attached to her blouse and set between her b r e a s t s . Bartolommeo's young br i d e as F l o r a a l s o wears a pendant set w i t h jewels. A s i m i l a r j u x t a p o s i t i o n of bared breast and jewel occurs i n Dosso Dossi's Nymph and Satyr i n the P i t t i G a l l e r y i n Florence, showing two h a l f -l e n g t h f i g u r e s . 9 3 The nymph's f u r cloak f a l l s to r e v e a l her breast and a jewel hanging from a pendant which she touches l i g h t l y with her hand. The odd placement of the pendant i n Lotto's p o r t r a i t i s not only an element i n r e v e a l i n g the breast area but at the same time c a l l s a t t e n t i o n to the pendant i t s e l f and i t s subject matter, which echoes the theme of l o v e . The pendant shows two a m o r e t t i , attendants of Cupid i n secular p a i n t i n g s , f l a n k i n g the l a r g e ruby, turned towards each other w i t h hands j o i n e d , symbolic of union i n l o v e . Each one r a i s e s a l e g to r e s t a foot on two small sapphires, placed on top of v e g e t a t i o n growing out of two gold cornucopiae, an a l l u s i o n to the f r u i t s t h i s love w i l l b r i n g . The bared breast was a l s o a c l a s s i c a l m o t i f . I t appears f r e q u e n t l y i n a number of female themes i n both a n t i q u i t y and the s i x t e e n t h century. In c l a s s i c a l times i t was employed f o r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of Venus Ge n e t r i x , as w e l l as f o r chaste f i g u r e s such as Diana, Amazons, and wives on Roman s a r -c o p h a g i . 9 4 In the s i x t e e n t h century i t was o f t e n a motif used f o r chaste and v i r t u o u s women such as Diana, J u d i t h , and L u c r e t i a as i n the Raimondi engraving (Figure 28). The bared breast was a l s o employed f o r Minerva, a symbol of c h a s t i t y i n the R e c o n c i l i a t i o n of Minerva and Cupid, i n C a l i f o r n i a , by Dosso Dossi a f t e r an engraving by Raimondi, which has been argued to symbolize c h a r i t y . 9 5 The bared breast i n these examples i s c l e a r l y connected with v i r t u e . 107. Within a l l e g o r i c a l marriage p o r t r a i t s , the bared breast, by i t s a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h a n t i q u i t y and w i t h v i r t u e , s p e c i f i c a l l y c h a s t i t y , defines the b i o l o g i c a l and sexual aspects of the wife's r o l e as v i r t u o u s , a meaning which must a l s o be embodied i n the Lotto "bared breast". The theme of wife as c h i l d b e a r e r , as we have seen, had already been t r e a t e d by Lotto i n h i s Lucina Brembate of 1523 where the crescent moon symbolizes Lucina, Roman goddess of c h i l d b i r t h , and by Savoldo i n h i s Lady  as S t . Margaret of ca. 1530 where the dragon a l l u d e s to St. Margaret, patron s a i n t of c h i l d b i r t h . The b r i l l i a n c e of Lotto's p o r t r a i t here l i e s i n h i s i n c o r p o r a t i o n of the emblematic "bared breast" imagery of e a r l i e r Venetian marriage a l l e g o r i e s , i n t o a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the s i t t e r i n contemporary costume. This f u s i o n allowed f o r a simultaneous a l l u s i o n t o , on the one hand, a l l the most important aspects of the wife's r o l e as i t was then understood, connecting through the breast imagery p r o c r e a t i o n , sex, l o v e , f i d e l i t y , and c h a s t i t y ; and d e f i n i t i o n on the other hand of the s i t t e r ' s r o l e w i t h i n Venetian s o c i e t y , through her sumptuous costume, as a wealthy member of the n o b i l i t y . The s i t t e r ' s b i o l o g i c a l and sexual r o l e i s here not only set w i t h i n marriage, but a l s o w i t h i n the Venetian s t a t e s t r u c t u r e , d e f i n i n g her r o l e as bearer of noble o f f s p r i n g . The Colours of the Costume "As colour t h i s i s one of Lotto's most d a z z l i n g p i c t u r e s " , Berenson wrote i n 1 9 5 6 . 9 6 The b r i g h t e s t colours — the orange-red and green of the dress — are i n t e n s i f i e d by t h e i r repeated contrast w i t h each other through the a l t e r n a t i n g s t r i p e s and by the shimmering h i g h l i g h t s cast by the l i g h t from the upper r i g h t . They are f u r t h e r set o f f by the n e u t r a l gray of the 108. background and the grayish-white of the elaborate balzo. S t r i p e d dresses are extremely unusual i n s i x t e e n t h century Venetian p a i n t i n g and no other comparable example seems to e x i s t i n p o r t r a i t u r e . This i s a l s o the only p o r t r a i t i n which the s i t t e r wears a white b a l z o . In the Renaissance s p e c i f i c meanings were o f t e n attached to s p e c i f i c c o l o u r s . 9 7 As the s i t t e r ' s costume embodies symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e i n other r e s p e c t s , i t i s probable that these p a r t i c u l a r colours were chosen and emphasized i n order to convey a d d i t i o n a l symbolic meaning about the s i t t e r . One p o s s i b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s that they were to underscore f u r t h e r the s i t t e r ' s s t a t us as an i d e a l woman by c l o t h i n g her i n the col o u r s of f a i t h , hope and c h a r i t y , those that B e a t r i c e wore i n Dante's v i s i o n of her i n the Pur g a t o r i o . Here Dante described her as ...olive-crowned o'er v e i l of white, Clothed i n the colour of a l i v i n g flame, Under a mantle green.... Unlike the V i r g i n and s a i n t s i n r e l i g i o u s p a i n t i n g s , married women i n contemporary costume i n Renaissance p o r t r a i t s are r a r e l y shown wearing v e i l s on t h e i r heads, nor were mantles an item of contemporary female costume. As we have seen i t would, however, be e n t i r e l y i n keeping w i t h the r i c h symbolism of t h i s p o r t r a i t and of Lotto's approach to p o r t r a i t u r e i n general f o r such a symbolic a l l u s i o n to have been incorporated i n t o the n a t u r a l features of the costume. The Chair On the l e f t of Lotto's London p o r t r a i t i s a c h a i r , of which only the upper s e c t i o n i s v i s i b l e (Figure 4 ) . I t i s a t y p i c a l Renaissance c h a i r , made of curved wooden s l a t s which i n t e r l o c k a t the base of the seat and 109. curve outwards and down to form l e g s . In p o r t r a i t s , fragments of such c h a i r s are o f t e n v i s i b l e and serve to convey a sense of the environment. In the L o t t o , the placement and d e p i c t i o n of the c h a i r i s unique. Chairs i n other p o r t r a i t s are e i t h e r occupied by the s i t t e r o r , i f the s i t t e r i s standing, are placed immediately behind, f a c i n g towards him or her, as i n Lotto's Agostino and N i c o l b d e l l a Torre of 1515 i n the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London, where a c h a i r arm i s v i s i b l e behind the standing Agostino. In no other example i s one shown w i t h i t s back to the s i t t e r as i n the Lotto P o r t r a i t of a Woman. Even more s t r i k i n g i s i t s unusual prominence — i t i s set c l e a r l y i n the foreground and occupies over one t h i r d of the h o r i z o n t a l width of the p a i n t i n g . To the modern viewer, the c h a i r appears at f i r s t s i g h t to be a c r a d l e , a f a c t borne out by Berenson's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of i t as such i n 1895, an observation he c o r r e c t e d f i f t y years l a t e r . This same i d e n t i f i c a t i o n was p r e f e r r e d by Bianconi i n 1963. This perception i s an i l l u s i o n created by the p o r t r a y a l of only i t s upper p a r t , o m i t t i n g the base of the seat and the ends of the arms, l e a v i n g the object's p r e c i s e dimensions up to the viewer's imagination. I t i s p o s s i b l e that Lotto intended t h i s arrangement as a d i s g u i s e d a l l u s i o n to a c r a d l e , and as such i t would be a f u r t h e r development w i t h i n the p a i n t i n g of the theme of p r o c r e a t i o n , a l l u d i n g spe-c i f i c a l l y to the s i t t e r ' s hope f o r a forthcoming c h i l d . An a d d i t i o n a l c l u e i n support of t h i s may be the v i s u a l connection between the v e i l and the c h a i r : the v e i l ' s t i p f a l l s onto the c h a i r ' s back, a f u r t h e r odd element i n the work. This imagery could be c a l c u l a t e d to i n d i c a t e a l i n k between the "bared breast" imagery and the c h a i r or d i s g u i s e d c r a d l e . The s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t i n the theme of c h i l d b i r t h i n contemporary p a i n t i n g s has already 110. been discussed. Lotto made use of a comparable approach to symbolism i n h i s Lucina  Brembate where the moon i s a n a t u r a l feature of the landscape background, but i t s p r i n c i p a l f u n c t i o n i s to c a r r y symbolic meaning. S i m i l a r l y i n h i s Odoni p o r t r a i t , s c u l p t u r e i s a n a t u r a l part of the s i t t e r ' s environment but the p a r t i c u l a r s c u l p t u r e s depart from r e a l i t y i n content, i n order to play out a n a r r a t i v e about the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e . While c r a d l e s belonging to the n o b i l i t y were almost c e r t a i n l y more l a v i s h than t h i s — Venetian houses were noted f o r t h e i r l a v i s h f u r n i s h i n g s and d e c o r a t i o n s " — wooden c r a d l e s sometimes appear i n r e l i g i o u s p a i n t -i n g s , as i n Lotto's N a t i v i t y of ca. 1527-8 i n the Pinacoteca i n Siena. I t i s p o s s i b l e that the patron of Lotto's London p o r t r a i t and the members of h i s (or her) f a m i l y would have understood the arrangement of the c h a i r as an a l l u s i o n to a c r a d l e . C u l t u r a l P u r s u i t s I t has already been noted i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n that a suggestion had been made, according to Berenson, that Lotto's p o r t r a i t was executed as a pendant to h i s p o r t r a i t of Andrea Odoni of 1527. Though the evidence suggests that t h e i r execution was separated by a number of years, I b e l i e v e that these works are r e l a t e d i n conception i n the type of symbolism they use and i n the message conveyed. In the Odoni p o r t r a i t the s i t t e r i s char-a c t e r i z e d by the emblematic m a t e r i a l - the s c u l p t u r e s - on two l e v e l s : f i r s t i n h i s s o c i a l r o l e as c o l l e c t o r , and second i n terms of a n a r r a t i v e played out by the subject matter of the s c u l p t u r e . In the London p o r t r a i t , I consider that the L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n and the drawing not only define the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e — her h e r o i c s t a t u s as exemplar of w i f e l y c h a s t i t y — but 111. serve simultaneously to present her as a woman engaged i n c u l t u r a l pur-s u i t s . L otto's London p o r t r a i t i s the only female p o r t r a i t of t h i s date to r e f e r to a c l a s s i c a l f i g u r e by means of a d i r e c t quote from c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e . F u r t h e r , the drawing i s the only image of the Roman L u c r e t i a which i s accompanied by a quotation from L i v y . L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n s are extremely rare i n female p o r t r a i t s of t h i s p e riod: no other contemporary Venetian examples seem to e x i s t . Though Moretto da B r e s c i a i n h i s s o - c a l l e d Salome of ca. 1530 i n the Museo C i v i c o i n B r e s c i a , c h a r a c t e r i z e d h i s s i t t e r by means of a L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n on a p a r a p e t , 1 0 0 i t i s , i n c o n t r a s t to Lotto's p o r t r a i t , a comment about the s i t t e r , not a statement spoken by her. Though the source of the i n s c r i p - . t i o n i n the Moretto i s u n i d e n t i f i e d , i t does not appear to be c l a s s i c a l . Precedents e x i s t f o r L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n s from c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e to e u l o -g i z e the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e i n f i f t e e n t h century female p o r t r a i t s . One example i s Domenico Ghirlandaio's Giovanna d e g l i A b i z z i i n Lugano where the q u o t a t i o n , an epitaph from M a r t i a l , appears on a c a r t e l l i n g i n the back-ground. 1 0 1 However, t h i s i s again a comment about the s i t t e r . The choice of a L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n and the q u otation from L i v y i s , I b e l i e v e , s i g n i f i -cant i n i t s e l f . As the s i t t e r i s shown "speaking" these l i n e s , i t i s reasonable to suppose that she i s meant to be seen as understanding them and being aware of t h e i r source. She i s , I b e l i e v e , c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the i n s c r i p t i o n not only as an exemplar of v i r t u e , but as a woman who can read L a t i n and has some knowledge of c l a s s i c a l h i s t o r y . I t has already been noted that the theme of v i r t u e and c u l t u r a l pur-s u i t s was f r e q u e n t l y treated by Lotto i n h i s emblematic p o r t r a i t s , examples 112. being the A l l e g o r i c a l Cover f o r h i s Bishop Bernardo de'Rossi of 1505, Young  Gentleman i n h i s Study of ca. 1526-7 and the Odoni p o r t r a i t . Later i n the 1540's, Lotto developed s i m i l a r themes i n A Man Aged Thirty-Seven, i n the Dor i a , Rome, and A Man With Symbols, i n the Museum of A r t , E l Paso, where a l l u s i o n s to the s i t t e r s ' l e a r n i n g are conveyed e n t i r e l y through emblems. 1 0 1 I t has been shown i n Chapter Two, that the theme of v i r t u e and c u l -t u r a l p u r s u i t s i s u s u a l l y r e s t r i c t e d to male p o r t r a i t s . This occasion f o r Lotto to portray a female s i t t e r as learned may have been brought about by the p u b l i c a t i o n of I I Cortegiano i n 1528, the work that made i t p r a i s e -worthy and fashi o n a b l e f o r women to engage i n i n t e l l e c t u a l p u r s u i t s . The London p o r t r a i t could w e l l have been painted i n response to the beginning of t h i s new trend. The choice of L a t i n and c l a s s i c a l h i s t o r y to demon-s t r a t e the s i t t e r ' s l e a r n i n g may w e l l r e f l e c t Bruni's argument that these were among the most s u i t a b l e areas of study f o r women. 1 0 3 I t was, i n f a c t , a f t e r 1528 that p o r t r a i t s of women reading began to appear. Savoldo's Lady as S t . Margaret of ca. 1530 (Figu r e 21) holds an open prayer book. A double p o r t r a i t of ca. 1530 by an i m i t a t o r of Lotto (Figure 44) shows a woman reading under the guidance of her h u s b a n d . 1 0 4 In ca. 1530, L i c i n i o painted h i s Woman With a Book (Figure 42) where the s i t t e r appears to be i n con v e r s a t i o n , engaging eye contact w i t h an anony-mous p a r t i c i p a n t outside the p i c t u r e and d i s p l a y i n g the same "speaking" gesture employed i n Lotto's London p o r t r a i t . In ca. 1529 i n Florence Andrea d e l Sarto painted a p o r t r a i t of a g i r l holding and ge s t u r i n g to an open volume of Pet r a r c h ( F i g u r e 43). Around the same time, Andrea executed a drawing of a lady gazing upward and holding i n her l a p a l a r g e open v o l u m e . 1 0 5 The engagement of women i n l i t e r a r y a c t i v i t i e s was a new 113. subject f o r female p o r t r a i t u r e . As the i n s c r i p t i o n embodies s i g n i f i c a n c e beyond the emblematic asso-c i a t i o n w i t h the Roman L u c r e t i a , i t i s necessary to pose the question whether the drawing has s i g n i f i c a n c e as a drawing, apart from i t s theme. Drawing i n p o r t r a i t s are new i n t h i s p e r i o d , and i n male p o r t r a i t s they i n v a r i a b l y had a b i o g r a p h i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e as drawings, apart from t h e i r s ubject. In three p o r t r a i t s they served to c h a r a c t e r i z e the s i t t e r s ' a c t i v i t i e s as a r t i s t s . T i t i a n ' s p o r t r a i t of G i u l i o Romano of ca. 1536 (Figure 47), already discussed i n Chapter Two, shows the a r t i s t holding up f o r view a ground plan f o r the Chiesa P a l a t i n a i n Mantua, c h a r a c t e r i z i n g him i n h i s r o l e as a r c h i t e c t . A l a t e r example i s L i c i n i o ' s group P o r t r a i t  of an A r t i s t and h i s P u p i l s (Figure 45) where two students are shown, chalk i n hand, drawing s t a t u e t t e s under the guidance of t h e i r t e a c h e r s . 1 0 6 The s t a t u e t t e s and a c t i v i t y of drawing d e f i n e the s e t t i n g as a studio and the emphasis i s on the a c t u a l execution of drawings i n the t r a i n i n g of an a r t i s t . The t h i r d p o r t r a i t of an a r t i s t i s F l o r e n t i n e — Baccio B a n d i n e l l i ' s S e l f P o r t r a i t of ca. 1540 i n the I s a b e l l a Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston, (Figure 46), where the s i t t e r supports a l a r g e h i g h l y f i n i s h e d drawing i n sanguine of Hercules and Cacus, to which he gestures w i t h h i s r i g h t hand. His authorship of the drawing i s i n d i c a t e d by the red chalk held i n h i s l e f t with which he produced i t . 1 0 7 While the chalk emphasizes the a c t i v i t y of drawing, the s i z e and prominence of the drawing, i t s c a r e f u l f i n i s h , and i t s he r o i c subject matter (which has not been s u c c e s s f u l l y l i n k e d to any of the a r t i s t ' s p r o j e c t s ) i n d i c a t e s the importance of the drawing i t s e l f . However, the e a r l i e s t s i t t e r s f o r p o r t r a i t s which i n c l u d e drawings 114. were not a r t i s t s . Pontormo's Alessandro de'Medici of 1534 shows the Duke of Florence drawing. Leo Steinberg has r e l a t e d the patron's choice to be thus shown to the d e s c r i p t i o n i n I I Cortegiano of the P e r f e c t C o u r t i e r to whom drawing was considered to be an appropriate a c t i v i t y . The subject of the drawing, the head of a woman, i s however important. Alessandro gave t h i s p o r t r a i t of h i m s e l f to Taddea Malaspina, and Steinberg argues that he i s being shown i n "an a c t i o n that r e v e a l s h i s mind". I t i n d i c a t e s to the viewer, Taddea, "that he has eyes only f o r h e r " . 1 0 8 Lotto's London p o r t r a i t i s the e a r l i e s t p o r t r a i t where the s i t t e r holds a drawing. L i k e Pontormo's Alessandro, the image of L u c r e t i a serves to r e v e a l the s i t t e r ' s thoughts, as discussed e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter. In l i g h t of the new focus upon drawings i n p o r t r a i t s as references to the a c t i v i t y and the object i t s e l f - I consider that as an o b j e c t , apart from i t s theme, i t i s here too intended to have meaning. This i s r e i n f o r c e d by the f a c t that a r t i n p o r t r a i t s - which at t h i s time was u s u a l l y s c u l p t u r e - has s i g n i f i c a n c e i n i t s e l f . The s c u l p t u r e i n the Odoni p o r t r a i t has already been discussed i n t h i s regard, where i t c h a r a c t e r i z e s the s i t t e r as a c o l l e c t o r . In female p o r t r a i t s too, a r t had s i g n i f i c a n c e i n i t s e l f . In La Schiavona by T i t i a n (Figure 33), the s c u l p -t u r e , a r e l i e f a l l ' a n t i c a - conveys a message, p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, con-cerning the endurance of a r t through time. As drawings i n a l l other contemporary p o r t r a i t s a l l u d e to an a c t i v i t y of the s i t t e r , I would l i k e to pose the question whether Lotto's L u c r e z i a i n being presented as the author of her drawing. C a s t i g l i o n e i n 1528 included drawing (and even p a i n t i n g ) i n h i s l i s t of accomplishments f o r the 115. i d e a l Court Lady, and stressed that her i n t e l l e c t u a l accomplishments were to equal those of the i d e a l C o u r t i e r . Young male Venetians were taught how to draw as part of a humanist education. I f the Court Lady provided the stimulus f o r presenting the s i t t e r as having a knowledge of c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , the case may be the same with the drawing. While i t i s extremely u n l i k e l y that the s i t t e r i s an a r t i s t , i t i s worth noting that two of the e a r l i e s t women a r t i s t s were members of the n o b i l i t y . The Cremonese Amilcare Anguissola sent two daughters to l e a r n p a i n t i n g i n the house of Bernardino Campi i n 1 5 4 6 , 1 0 9 and i n Venice T i t i a n i n s t r u c t e d the grand-daughter of h i s f r i e n d , Paolo d i Ponte - Irene d i Spilimbergo (1539-59) - i n p a i n t i n g . 1 1 0 I t may be argued that i n three of the four other examples of p o r t r a i t s with drawings, an important element i s the chalk, s p e c i f i c a l l y d e f i n i n g the s i t t e r ' s a c t i v i t y . However, the conventions f o r the female p o r t r a i t of a woman as wife d i d not al l o w f o r statements that were not predominantly concerned w i t h marriage. The s i t t e r i n the London p o r t r a i t , I b e l i e v e , i s presented as learned, engaged i n c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t s , but t h i s i s to be understood as supplementing and even r e i n f o r c i n g her r o l e as w i f e . To show the s i t t e r engaged i n drawing would be to emphasize t h i s a c t i v i t y at the expense of her more important r o l e , as i t was understood, w i t h i n the f a m i l y . Even to show men engaged i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a c t i v i t i e s was r e l a -t i v e l y new. The s i t t e r , I b e l i e v e , i s being presented as a woman who engages i n c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t s — p u r s u i t s which have been defined by C a s t i g l i o n e as appropriate to the i d e a l woman. In the London p o r t r a i t they are f u r t h e r signs of the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e . L i k e the sculptures i n the Odoni p o r t r a i t , 116. the drawing and the i n s c r i p t i o n f u n c t i o n both on the l i t e r a l , b i o g r a p h i c a l l e v e l , as w e l l as on a symbolic one, to play out a n a r r a t i v e about the s i t t e r ' s v i r t u e . The Expression The s i t t e r ' s bold gaze, d i r e c t e d u n f l i n c h i n g l y at the sp e c t a t o r , e x h i -b i t s a determination bordering on aggression and anger. I t i s unpreceden-ted and u n p a r a l l e l e d i n female p o r t r a i t u r e . I t has already been shown that a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c element of Lotto's emblematic p o r t r a i t s i s h i s c o o r d i n a t i o n between the emblematic content and the s i t t e r ' s expression and pose, an element which he had already a p p l i e d to the female p o r t r a i t i n Lucina Brembate. The s i t t e r ' s expression i n the London p o r t r a i t i s , I b e l i e v e , an attempt to c h a r a c t e r i z e her p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t a t e at the moment as v i r t u o u s , e s p e c i a l l y chaste. V i r t u e f o r women In the Renaissance, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the case of the learned woman, was o f t e n described m e t a p h o r i c a l l y , employing language normally c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t y . The example of Antonio Loschi's Domus P u d i c i c i e of 1389, has already been mentioned i n Chapter Three where the learned Maddalena Scrovegni as C h a s t i t y was described i n terms of m i l i t a r y and masculine s t r e n g t h , c h a r a c t e r i z e d as "aggressive, b e l l i c o s e " and " v i r i l e " . As stated e a r l i e r , t h i s was t y p i c a l of the Renaissance male view of the learned woman. Another female f i g u r e i n l i t e r a t u r e a s s o c i a t i n g female c h a s t i t y and male strength i s Bradamente, the c h i e f heroine of A r i o s t o ' s Orlando F u r i o s o . As f i c t i t i o u s ancestress of the house of Este she was n e c e s s a r i l y chaste, but she was c h a r a c t e r i z e d i n terms of m i l i t a r y s t r e n g t h and prowess. A m i l i t a r y metaphor was a l s o 117. app l i e d to the r o l e of the Venetian wife by Francesco Barbaro i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of her v i r t u e w i t h i n the f a m i l y : ...her v i r t u e i n s p i r e s a l l other members of the f a m i l y to f o l l o w her example as c i t i z e n s f o l l o w t h e i r r u l e r s ' and s o l d i e r s f o l l o w t h e i r g e n e r a l s 1 . . . 1 1 1 The c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n i s eminently appropriate to her status as h e r o i c exemplar of w i f e l y c h a s t i t y . Conclusion As we have seen, Lotto's P o r t r a i t of a Woman synthesizes a number of elements from d i f f e r e n t types of both male and female p o r t r a i t as conceived i n the Veneto. Lotto's achievement here l i e s i n h i s c r e a t i o n of a s t a t e -ment about a woman who i s the embodiment of the i d e a l s that were considered appropriate to a Venetian noblewoman of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r time, and which i s simultaneously a f o r c e f u l and dynamic expression of the s i t t e r ' s own i n d i -v i d u a l i t y as a person. The work may w e l l have been commissioned as a marriage p o r t r a i t . The s i t t e r ' s i d e n t i t y as a member of the Pesaro f a m i l y however must remain i n doubt: as the Pesaro were c o l l e c t o r s , demonstrated by Sansovino's account of t h e i r c o l l e c t i o n of p a i n t i n g s i n Ca' Benetto i n 1581, as w e l l as by the la r g e c o l l e c t i o n i n the possession of the S. Stae branch i n 1 7 9 7 , 1 1 2 the p a i n t i n g could have been acquired by the f a m i l y at any time between the execution of the work i n ca. 1533 and the end of the eighteenth century. On the other hand, i n favour of the hypothesis that the s i t t e r i s L u c r e z i a Pesaro i s the fa m i l y ' s i n t e r e s t i n p o r t r a i t s of f a m i l y members. The l a r g e s i z e of Lotto's London p o r t r a i t , i t s dynamic q u a l i t y , and the iconographic richness with which Lotto has invested i t i n d i c a t e that t h i s must have been a major commission. The occasion of the marriage of L u c r e z i a V a l i e r and 118. Benetto Pesaro was an important event. Benetto's e l d e s t brother, N i c o l o , had died unmarried i n 1527. Neither h i s next e l d e s t brother nor h i s younger were married. 1 1 3 The production of an h e i r must have been o f concern to the "eminent noblemen of the Casa P e s a r o " 1 1 4 as Dolce c a l l e d them, i n c l u d i n g to Gerolamo Pesaro, Procurator of San Marco and once Captain of the Venetian f l e e t , who was s t i l l a l i v e i n 1 5 3 3 . 1 1 5 Gerolamo, whose p o r t r a i t s t i l l hung i n the fa m i l y Palazzo at S. Benetto i n 1581 could w e l l have been the stimulus behind the commission of such a work. With the marriage of h i s son Benetto and L u c r e z i a V a l i e r r ested the hopes f o r the co n t i n u a t i o n of the l i n e of t h i s branch of the f a m i l y . I f indeed the s i t t e r i n the London p o r t r a i t i s L u c r e z i a Pesaro, t h i s occasion would e x p l a i n the emphasis i n the p o r t r a i t on the themes of v i r t u e , c h a s t i t y and reproduction. A f u r t h e r l i n k between the p o r t r a i t and the Pesaro a t S. Benetto i s suggested by t h e i r documented i n t e r e s t i n Roman themes. Marino Sanudo, f o r example, s p e c i f i c a l l y mentions on February 14, 1514, the p r e s e n t a t i o n of Plautus's comedy M i l e s G l o r i o s u s at the Pesaro Palazzo, a h i g h l i g h t of the season, attended by " m o l t i g e n t i l u o m i n i e dame, riccamente v e s t i t e . " 1 1 6 The i n c l u s i o n of the Roman L u c r e t i a d i r e c t l y w i t h i n the format of t h i s p o r t r a i t , apparently the f i r s t such example i n p o r t r a i t u r e , must have been s p e c i f i e d by the patron. The Pesaro i n t e r e s t i n a n t i q u i t y makes them l i k e l y candidates f o r requesting such a theme. However, Lotto's b r i l l i a n c e here l i e s beyond the s y n t h e s i s of v a r y i n g t r a d i t i o n a l and contemporary p o r t r a i t elements and the i n c l u s i o n of an antique heroine. His emphasis on the s i t t e r ' s own i n d i v i d u a l i t y as a person i s unprecedented i n female p o r t r a i t s . His approach to the s i t t e r 119. here p a r a l l e l s that he used f o r the male s i t t e r , as may be demonstrated by the comparison between t h i s work and h i s Andrea Odoni. In each case the s i t t e r ' s r o l e i n s o c i e t y i s defined by b i o g r a p h i c a l objects set w i t h i n a d e t a i l e d environment. This environment and other n a t u r a l f e a t u r e s such as the costume i n the London work and the scu l p t u r e s i n the Odoni have been inv e s t e d w i t h symbolic a l l u s i o n s that make both p o r t r a i t s come a l i v e and shimmer before the viewer as he "reads" i t , suggesting varying nuances of meaning by the placement of the obj e c t s i n the composition and t h e i r r e l a -t i o n s h i p to the spe c t a t o r . The sense of i n d i v i d u a l i t y of the s i t t e r s them-selves i s brought out by the r e l a t i o n s h i p Lotto creates between the objects and the s i t t e r , defined by gesture and expression. Lotto understands h i s s i t t e r s through an apparent p e n e t r a t i o n of t h e i r minds and i t i s the s i t t e r ' s consciousness at a p a r t i c u l a r moment that he seeks to convey. This i s combined w i t h an I n v i t a t i o n extended to the viewer to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the s i t t e r ' s own thoughts by gesture and d i r e c t eye contact. With the execution of Andrea Odoni and the London p o r t r a i t , Lotto reached the high point i n h i s career as a p o r t r a i t a r t i s t , a chieving a pe r f e c t balance between the s i t t e r as an embodiment of an i d e a l , and the expression of an i n d i v i d u a l p e r s o n a l i t y w i t h i n a n a t u r a l i s t i c s e t t i n g . A f t e r t h i s p o i n t , h i s p o r t r a i t s become l e s s ambitious and f a r - r e a c h i n g i n t h e i r range of reference. I t may be that Lotto's achievement i n the London p o r t r a i t i n terms of the female p o r t r a i t type does not f i n d i t s true successor u n t i l some hundred years l a t e r . 1 1 7 120. FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER FOUR 1. L i v y , The E a r l y H i s t o r y of Rome (Harmondsworth, Middlesex, 1971), p. 57-60; Ovid, F a s t i I I , 761-812. 2. My summary i s based on L i v y ' s v e r s i o n of the s t o r y . 3. Mary E. Hazard, "Renaissance A e s t h e t i c Values: 'Example' f o r Example," Art Q u a r t e r l y n.s. 2(1979), p. 1-36, esp. 26. 4. For L u c r e t i a i n l i t e r a t u r e and a r t , see the f o l l o w i n g : Benedetto Croce, Aneddoti d i v a r i a l e t t e r a t u r a , l ( B a r i . Gius. Lateza & F i g l i , 1953), p. 400-410; Hazard, "Example," p. 24-6; Madlyn M i l l n e r Kahr, "Velazquez's Las Hilanderas: A New I n t e r p r e t a t i o n , " Art B u l l e t i n (1980), p. 376-384; Wolfgang Stechow, "L u c r e t i a e Statua," Essays i n  Honour of Georg Swarzenski (Chicago: Henry Regnery Co., Chicago and B e r l i n : Verlag Gebr. Mann., 1951), p. 114-124; Idem, "The Authorship of the Walters L u c r e t i a , " J o u r n a l of the Walters A r t G a l l e r y 23(1960), p. 72-85. 5. Petrarch wrote: " I could not f a i r l y c e l e b r a t e i n rhyme, Nor could C a l l i o p e and the Muses a l l , The host of holy women who were there; But I w i l l t e l l of some i n the f o r e f r o n t Of t r u e s t honour; and among them a l l L u c r e t i a and Penelope were f i r s t " The Triumphs of P e t r a r c h , t r a n s . Ernest Hatch W i l k i n s (Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1962), p. 44. 6. Giovanni Boccaccio, Concerning Famous Women, Trans. Guido A. Fuarino (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1963), p. x. This work, the f i r s t c o l l e c t i o n of women's biographies ever w r i t t e n ( I b i d . , p. i v ) , i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the growing Renaissance i n t e r e s t i n biography i n general. 7. I b i d . , p. 101 and 103. the F l o r e n t i n e Colaccio S a l u t a t i wrote two r h e t o r i c a l e x e r c i s e s about L u c r e t i a - the f i r s t concerned w i t h her f a t h e r ' s and husband's attempt to persuade her to abandon her s u i c i d e , and the second w i t h L u c r e t i a ' s d e c i s i o n to uphold i t s n e c e s s i t y . Stechow, " L u c r e t i a e Statua," p. 116. 8. Ludovico A r i o s t o , Orlando Furioso (The Frenzy of Orlando) Part Two, t r a n s . Barbara Reynolds (London: Penguin Books, 1977), p. 187. 9. There are a few d e v i a t i o n s from t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of L u c r e t i a . St. Augustine i n The C i t y of God (Bk. I , Ch. 19) "condemns L u c r e t i a ' s k i l l i n g , by s u i c i d e , of a chaste woman. M a c h i a v e l l i c i t e s L u c r e t i a among h i s examples of "How Women have brought about the Downfall of States" because the Tarquins were deprived of t h e i r power a f t e r the King's son had raped her. M a c h i a v e l l i . . . c a u t i o n s r u l e r s , t h e r e f o r e , Continued.... 121. to be wary of involvements with women. ( I , 539). Hazard, "Example," p. 26. P i e t r o Bembo i n G l i A s o l a n i c i t e s L u c r e t i a as an example of the unhappiness brought about by l o v e , that i s Tarqulnius's passion f o r L u c r e t i a . Trans. Rudolf B. G o t t f r i e d (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1954), p. 26. 10. Stechow, L u c r e t i a e Statua," p. 114-124, esp. 118. 11. For t h i s engraving see Wendy Stedman Sheard, A n t i q u i t y i n the Renais- sance (Northampton, Massachussets: Smith College Museum of A r t , 1979), c a t . 102. 12. For t h i s see Adam Bartsch, Le Peintre-Graveur (Estampes de d i f f g r e n t s  graveurs anonymes qui semblent e t r e de l'e'cole de Marc-Antoine  Raimondi 15 (Wurzburg: Ve r l a g s d r u c k e r e i Wdrzburg G. m. b. H., 1920), p. 162-3. The engraving i s i n s c r i b e d E.V. / FRAN. PAR. / INVENTOR. For an i l l u s t r a t i o n , see Sydney Freedberg, Parmigianino: His Works i n  P a i n t i n g (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1950), Figure 119. 13. F e l i x G i l b e r t , "Venice i n the C r i s i s of the League of Cambrai," Renaissance Venice, ed. John Hale (London: Faber & Faber, 1973), p. 274-292, esp. 287-290. See also F e l i x G i l b e r t , "Biondo, S a b e l l i c o , and the Beginnings of Venetian O f f i c i a l H istoriography," F l o r i l e g i u m  H i s t o r i a l e , 1971), pp. 275-293, esp. 271. 14. Sheard, A n t i q u i t y , c a t . 103. 15. I b i d . 16. Stechow, " L u c r e t i a e Statua," p. 115 mentions Jacob Burckhardt's a l l u -s i o n to such a f i f t e e n t h century German c y c l e which i n c l u d e s L u c r e t i a , i n "Die Sammler", Beitrage zur Kunstgeschichte von I t a l i e n , Basel 1898, p. 415. 17. Stechow, " L u c r e t i a e Statua," p. 118-9; and Bartsch, Peintre-Graveur, v. 7, p. 110. 18. E a r l y s i x t e e n t h century I t a l i a n examples were executed by Sodoma, F r a n c i a , G i o l f i n o , P u l i g o , Parmigianino, Bramantino, Giampietro. Northern a r t i s t s who painted L u c r e t i a i n c l u d e Durer, Jacopo de'Barbari, Lues Cranach, Joos van Cleve, Lucas van Leyden and the Master of St. Sang. A number of these a r t i s t s executed more than one v e r s i o n . 19. A l o s t L u c r e t i a by Giorgione i s mentioned by T e r i s i o P i g n a t t i , Giorgione, Complete E d i t i o n , t r a n s . C l o v i s W h i t f i e l d (London: Phaidon Press, 1971), p. 156. T i t i a n executed a f u l l - l e n g t h nude L u c r e t i a i n ca. 1520, now i n Hampton Court. A l a t e r v e r s i o n by T i t i a n shows Tarquin and L u c r e t i a (1568-71) i n Cambridge, F i t z w i l l i a m . For these see Harold Wethey, The P a i n t i n g s of T i t i a n 3 The M y t h o l o g i c a l and  H i s t o r i c a l P a i n t i n g s (London: Phaidon, 1975), p. 180. Continued. 122. Palma a l s o executed two versions of L u c r e t i a , both h a l f - l e n g t h s . For these see Wethey, M y t h o l o g i c a l P a i n t i n g s , p. 219; and Giovanni Mariacher, Palma I I Vecchio ( M i l a n : Bramante E d i t r i c e , 1968), p. 72. 20. Lotto's entry reads: "22 novembre, d o i ornamenti d i noce per un meza f i g u r a de una L u c r e t i a et ornamento de messer A l o v i s e / Darmano mio nipote cioe suo r e t r a t o . " P i e t r o Zampetti, ed. I I " L i b r o de spese  d i v e r s e " (Venice and Rome: I s t i t u t o per l a c o l l a b o r a z i o n e c u l t u r a l e , 1969), p. 232-3. See a l s o p. 234. 21. Paul Schubring, Cassoni; Truhen und Truhenbilder der i t a l i e n i s c h e n  Friiherenaissance ( L e i p z i g ; K.W. Hiersemann, 1923). 22. Hazard, "Example," p. 25. 23. I b i d . 24. In the Legend of Lucrece, Part 5 of The Legend of Good Women, l i n e 1686. 25. Hildegard Westhoff-Krummacher, B a r t h e l Bruyn der A l t e r e a l s  B i l d n i s m a l e r (Munich and B e r l i n : Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1965), p. 108. 26. I l l u s t r a t e d i n B e r l i n c a t . S t a a t l i c h e Museum. Die Gemaldegalerie: Die  deutschen und a l t n i e d e r l a n d i s c h e n Meister (1929), p. 239. 27. Ronald Lightbown, Sandro B o t t i c e l l i (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r ess, 1978), v. 1, p. 32. Here the author considers that t h i s same gesture i n B o t t i c e l l i ' s P o r t r a i t of a Young  Man i n Washington, Mellon C o l l e c t i o n , "pledges f i d e l i t y " . See a l s o Erwin Panofsky. Problems i n T i t i a n : Mostly Iconographic (New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1969), p. 127. 28. P r i v a t e C o l l e c t i o n . For an i l l u s t r a t i o n , see Max F r i e d l a n d e r , E a r l y  Netherlandish P a i n t i n g 8 Jan Gossart and Bernart van O r l e y , t r a n s . Heinz Nordon (Leyden: A.W. S i j t h o f f ; B r u s s e l s : La Connaissance, 1972), Figure 60. 29. Paola Rossi and Rodolfo P a l l u c c h i n i , Jacopo T i n t o r e t t o : L'opera  completa 1 I r i t r a t t i (Venice: A l f i e r i , n.d.), p. 58 and 115. 30. C h i r o l o g i a : or the N a t u r a l Language of the Hand, and Chironomia: or  the A r t of Manual Rh e t o r i c (Carbondale and E d w a r d s v i l l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Southern I l l i n o i s Press, 1974), p. 124. 31. Ibid.,, p. 174. Here Bulwer describes t h i s gesture as f o l l o w s : "The gentle and well-ordered hand, thrown f o r t h by a moderate p r o j e c t i o n , the f i n g e r s u n f o l d i n g themselves i n the motion and 123. the shoulders a l i t t l e slackened a f f o r d s a f a m i l i a r f o r c e to any p l a i n continued speech or uniform d i s c o u r s e , and much graceth any matter that r e q u i r e s to be handled with a more l o f t y s t y l e , which we would f a i n f u l l y present i n a more gorgeous excess of words. The comeliness of t h i s a c t i o n (which best s u i t s with them who remove and s h i f t t h e i r standing) appears h e r e i n , that by t h i s emanation of the arm and d e l i v e r y of gesture, speech i s so w e l l pronounced and poured f o r t h that i t seems to flow out of the hand." 32. V i s i b l e Words; A Study of I n s c r i p t i o n s i n and as Books and Works of  A r t (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1969), p. 78. 33. David Rosand, T i t i a n (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1978), p. 76. 34. I owe t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n to David A. Tarrant, B o t a n i c a l Gardens, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, June 1981. The flower's L a t i n name i s m a t t h i o l a incana. 35. M i r e l l a Levi D'Ancona, The Garden of the Renaissance: B o t a n i c a l Symbo- l i s m i n I t a l i a n P a i n t i n g . (Florence: O l s c h k i , 1977), p. 81. 36. Fernand Merc i e r , "La valeur symbolique de l ' o e u i l l e t dans l a peinture du moyen-age", Revue de l ' A r t ancien et modern, 71(1937):233. 37. I b i d . , p. 233-6; D'Ancona, B o t a n i c a l Symbolism, p. 81. 38. Panofsky, E a r l y Netherlandish P a i n t i n g (New York, Hagerstown, San F r a n c i s c o , London: Icon E d i t i o n s , Harper & Row, P u b l i s h e r s , 1971), p. 201 and 438. The p a i n t i n g i s i n the K a i s e r - F r i e d r i c h Museum. 39. I b i d . , p. 349 and 507. I t i s usual i n diptychs and p o r t r a i t p a i r s of couples f o r the female s i t t e r to be on the r i g h t or s i n i s t e r s i d e . Panofsky considers that here i t i s n a t u r a l f o r her to occupy the dexter s i d e " i n view of the f a c t that she was not yet the donor's wife; i n the guise of a s t a l l i o n , he looks up to h i s beloved as he would look, i n human form, to the Madonna." 40. Westhoff-Krummacher, B a r t h e l Bruyn, i l l u s t r a t e s a l l these p o r t r a i t s . 41. Paul Ganz, The P a i n t i n g s of Hans Holbein (London: The Phaidon Press, 1950), p. 238. Pinks i n a vase appear a l s o i n the P o r t r a i t of a Woman of ca. 1495 by an a r t i s t of the Cologne School, l o c a t e d i n the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London. 42. In Diirer's S e l f - P o r t r a i t of 1493 i n P a r i s , Louvre, and h i s P o r t r a i t of  Katharina (?) F u r l e g e r i n w i t h her h a i r done up of 1497, i n Lutzschena, F r e i h e r r Speck von Sternburg c o l l e c t i o n . Erwin Panofsky, A l b r e c h t  Purer ( P r i n c e t o n , New Jersey: P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1945), p. 14; and M. Stahlhelm, "Das Liebeskraut Eryngium auf den B i l d e r n Albrecht Durers", Numberger Hefte 1(1949). 124. 43. The theme of marriage i s f u r t h e r s p e l l e d out by various other o b j e c t s , i n c l u d i n g bread and wine, which r e f e r to the sacramental and r i t u a l i s -t i c aspects of marriage. Berthold Hinz, "Studien zur Geschichte des E h e p a a r b i l d n i s , Mahrbtlrger Jahrbuch f u r Kunstwissenschaft 19(1974), p. 163. 44. In the B a r g e l l o , Florence. The a t t r i b u t i o n to Verrocchio i s g e n e r a l l y accepted save by s c h o l a r s who a s c r i b e i t to Leonardo because of i t s resemblance to the P o r t r a i t of Ginevra d i ' B e n c i and a Leonardo drawing of hands at Windsor C a s t l e (no. 12558). John Pope-Hennessey, I t a l i a n  Renaissance Sculpture (London: Phaidon press, 1958), p. 312. For the drawing, see below, f n . 48. 45. I t has been c o n j e c t u r a l l y i d e n t i f i e d as L u c r e z i a Donati, m i s t r e s s of Lorenzo de'Medici. Pope-Hennessey, Sculpture, p. 312. I t has a l s o been c a l l e d F l o r a . C e c i l Gould, Leonardo: The A r t i s t and the Non- A r t i s t (Boston: New York Graphic S o c i e t y , 1975), p. 31. 46. I know of no f i f t e e n t h century I t a l i a n p o r t r a i t s where the flower c l e a r l y does not i n d i c a t e marriage or b e t r o t h a l . In a l l cases where there i s evidence f o r i t s meaning, i t points to one of these two. 47. See above, t h i s chapter. 48. A r e l a t i o n s h i p has been post u l a t e d between a Leonardo drawing i n Windsor C a s t l e (no. 12558) of female hands and those of the Verrocchio bust. I t has a l s o been suggested that t h i s drawing was a study f o r Leonardo's P o r t r a i t of Ginevra d i ' B e n c i , of which the lower s e c t i o n was truncated and must have o r i g i n a l l y included the hands and arms. Leonardo's drawing of hands i n c l u d e s one which i s i n a p o s i t i o n as i f folded over the breast area. Between the thumb and index f i n g e r i s the stem of a p l a n t , q u i t e p o s s i b l y of a f l o w e r . I t i s p o s s i b l e that Ginevra o r i g i n a l l y held a flower i n her hand, or some other symbol of her marriage i n 1475. For the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the drawing and the bust on the one hand, and the p a i n t i n g on the other, see Kenneth C l a r k and Carlo P e d r e t t i , The Drawings of Leonardo da V i n c i i n the  C o l l e c t i o n of Her Majesty the Queen at Windsor Ca s t l e (London: Phaidon, 1968), v. 1, p. 10405. 49. G i g e t t a D a l l i R e g o l i , Lorenzo d i Credi (Cremona: E d i z i o n i d i Communita, 1966), p. 123. The p o r t r a i t i s i n the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London. For a short d i s c u s s i o n of i t , see I b i d . , p. 122-3; and M a r t i n Davies, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y Catalogues: The E a r l i e r I t a l i a n Schools (London: W i l l i a m Clowes & Sons, L i m i t e d , 1951), p. 174-5. 50. In the Pinacoteca. The s i t t e r was once considered to be C a t e r i n a Sforza but R e g o l i has pointed out that her costume i s F l o r e n t i n e . Lorenzo d i C r e d i , p. 130. For t h i s work and a colour reproduction see I b i d . , p. 130-131 and p l a t e I I . 125. 51. These p o r t r a i t s are f i l l e d w i t h symbols that a l l u d e to marriage. The works represent Alessandro d i Bernardo Gozzadini and h i s w i f e Donna Canonici, both from F e r r a r a , and can be found i n the Robert Lehman C o l l e c t i o n , New York. For these, see George Szabo, The Robert Lehman  C o l l e c t i o n (New York: The M e t r o p o l i t a n Museum of A r t , 1975), p. 57-8. 52. Davies, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y Catalogues, p. 381. 53. This work, lo c a t e d i n the Ca' d'Oro, Venice, has been dated as e a r l y as the 1490's and as l a t e as the 1520's. Sarah Wilk, " T u l l i o Lombardo's 'Double-Portrait' R e l i e f s , " Marsyas 14(1969), p. 67-86, esp. 67. 54. I b i d . , p. 82. 55. I b i d . , p. 19-77. According to Wilk, there i s no precedent i n e i t h e r of these t r a d i t i o n s f o r the bared breasts of the woman. 56. James H a l l , D i c t i o n a r y of Subjects and Symbols i n Art (New York, Hagerstown, San F r a n c i s c o , London: Icon E d i t i o n s , Harper & Row, P u b l i s h e r s , 1974), p. 219. 57. Egon Verheyen, "Die Sinngehalt von Giorgiones Laura," Pantheon 26(1968), p. 223; Panofsky, Problems i n T i t i a n , p. 137. 58. H a l l , D i c t i o n a r y , p. 125. 59. Panofsky, Problems i n T i t i a n , p. 137. 60. For t h i s work, see Wethey, The M y t h o l o g i c a l Works, p. 154-5. 61. For t h i s work, see Giovanni Mariacher, Palma i l Vecchio ( M i l a n : Bramante E d i t r i c e , 1968), p. 74. 62. J u l i u s Held, " F l o r a , Goddess and Courtesan," Essays i n Honour of Erwin  Panofsky, ed. M i l l a r d Meiss (New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961), p. 201-218. 63. Verheyen, "Laura", p. 226. 64. Panofsky, Problems i n T i t i a n , p. 116. 65. The accompanying motto i s quoted by Theodore Reff, "The Meaning of T i t i a n ' s Venus of Urbino," Pantheon 21(1963), p. 361. 66. D'Ancona, B o t a n i c a l Symbolism, p. 402. The f i r s t legend i s t o l d by Nicander of Colophon, Georgica, fragment 74, l i n e s 2-8, and the second i s from V i r g i l , Eclogae, 2.18. 126. 67. That Tarquin's rape of L u c r e t i a could i n the s i x t e e n t h century be considered a form of "lo v e " i s evidenced by i t s i n c l u s i o n i n Book One of G l i A s o l a n i by Bembo, as an example of the sorrows brought about by l o v e . The speaker P e r r o t t i n o r e f e r s to t h i s as Tarquin's "passion" for L u c r e t i a , p. 26. 68. Other examples by Lotto i n c l u d e Madonna and C h i l d w i t h S a i n t s John the  B a p t i s t and Catherine of A l e x a n d r i a , Costa d i Mezzate (Bergamo), Palma Camozzi, dated 1522; Mystic Marriage of St. Catherine, Munich, A l t e Pinakothek, ca. 1506-8. In the Mystic Marriage of S t . Catherine i n Rome, Nati o n a l G a l l e r y , dated 1524, St. Catherine already wears her r i n g on the same f i n g e r . 69. M i l l i a Davenport, The Book of Costume, 2 v o l s . (New York: New York Crown P u b l i s h e r s , 1948), 1, 491. 70. S.J. Freedberg, The P e l i c a n H i s t o r y of A r t : P a i n t i n g i n I t a l y : 1500- 1600 (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1975), p. 163. 71. Madonna and C h i l d w i t h S a i n t s Catherine of A l e x a n d r i a and James the  Greater and an Angel, Vienna, K u n s t h i s t o r i s c h e s Museum. 72. E l i z a b e t h B i r b a r i , Dress i n I t a l i a n P a i n t i n g : 1460-1500 (London: John Murray P u b l i s h e r s L t d . , 1975), p. 82. 73. For example, T i t i a n ' s Madonna and C h i l d w i t h St. Catherine and the  Infant B a p t i s t i n a Landscape, ca. 1530, London, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y . 74. I have found no other examples. 75. This i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Bernard Berenson, I t a l i a n P a i n t e r s of the  Renaissance: Venetian School (London: Phaidon, 1957) 2:728. 76. For t h i s work, see T e r i s i o P i g n a t t i , G iorgione, Complete E d i t i o n , t r a n s . C l o v i s W h i t f i e l d (London: Phaidon Press, 1971), p. 100. 77. "Laura," p. 220-27. 78. For the courtesan i n Venice, see James C. Davis, A Venetian Family and  i t s Fortune ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : Independence Square, 1975), p. 105. The best a r t i c l e on the courtesan i n p o r t r a i t u r e i s Held, " F l o r a " , p. 201-218. 79. Laura was thought to be a courtesan by G.M. R i c h t e r , Giorgione da  C a s t e l f r a n c o , c a l l e d Giorgione (Chicago, 1937), p. 251-2, quoted by John Pope-Henness. The P o r t r a i t i n the Renaissance ( P r i n c e t o n , New Jersey: P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P ress, 1963), p. 218; and a l s o by C e c i l Gould and P i e t r o Zampetti, The Complete P a i n t i n g s of Giorgione (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc. P u b l i s h e r s , 1968), p. 90. G.F. Hartlaub, "Die Kurtisane i n der I t a l i e n i s c h e n Kunst," A t l a n t i s 26(1954), p. 121-8, esp. 123 considers the Bartolommeo Veneto p o r t r a i t as a courtesan, supported i n h i s o p i n i o n by Berenson. 127. 80. "Kurtisane," p. 123. 81. " F l o r a , " p. 212, 213 and 218. 82. I b i d . , p. 212. 83. Verheyen, "Laura," p. 223. 84. Problems i n T i t i a n , p. 137-8. 85. See above, chapter 3. 86. Wendy Stedman Sheard, The Widner Orpheus: A t t r i b u t i o n , Type, Invention," C o l l a b o r a t i o n i n I t a l i a n Renaissance A r t , eds. Wendy Stedman Sheard and John T. P a o l e t t i (New Haven and London: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1975), p. 189-213, esp. 218-219. 87. Kenneth C l a r k , Leonardo da V i n c i (Harraondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books), p. 114-7; Eve r e t t Fahy, The Legacy of Leonardo, I t a l i a n  P a i n t i n g s from Leningrad (New York, New York: M. Knoedler & Co. Inc., 1979), p. 49. 88. I b i d . Also Held, " F l o r a , " p. 203. 89. The o r i g i n a l a t t r i b u t i o n to M e l z i has been confirmed through x-rays which revealed traces of M e l z i ' s signature i n Greek l e t t e r s i n the lower r i g h t corner. Fahy, Leonardo, p. 43. 90. I b i d . , p. 50. Held, " F l o r a , " p. 206 considers that t h i s i s the meaning of the bared breast i n F l o r a p i c t u r e s . 91. Bembo, A s o l a n i , p. 99-100, 110, 112. Also see above, chapter 3. 92. P i g n a t t i , Giorgione, p. 24. For Giorgione's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c u l t u r a l c i r c l e s of Venice, see p. 19. 93. For an i l l u s t r a t i o n and catalogue entry on t h i s work, see F e l t o n Gibbons, Dosso and B a t t i s t a D o s s i , Court P a i n t e r s at F e r r a r a ( P r i n c e t o n , New Jersey: P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1968), p. 175-6, p i . 21. 94. For the revealed breast i n a n t i q u i t y , see Margarete Bieber, Ancient  Copies: C o n t r i b u t i o n s to the H i s t o r y of Greek and Roman A r t (New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977), p. 59 and 63. See Figure 215 f o r a sarcophagus showing a husband and wife w i t h a bared b r e a s t . 95. Rudolf Wittkower, "Transformations of Minerva i n Renaissance Imagery," Jo u r n a l of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s 2(1939), p. 194-205, esp. p. 199. See al s o Gibbons, Dosso, p. 218-9. 96. L o t t o , p. 99. 128. 97. Mario E q u i c o l a , I I L i b r o d i Natura d'Amore published i n Venice i n 1525 described i n the f i f t h book the s i g n i f i c a n c e of c o l o u r s , as state d by N.M. Robb, Neoplatonism of the I t a l i a n Renaissance (London: George A l l e n & Unwin L t d . , 1935), p. 189. The symbolic meaning of col o u r s i n the Renaissance i s an area which re q u i r e s f u r t h e r research. 98. XXX, 31-33. Quoted from Paolo Milano, ed. The Po r t a b l e Dante (Harmond sworth, Middlesex, 1969), p. 345. The symbolism of the colours i s mentioned on p. 344. 99. Molmenti, La V i e p r i v e e a Venise, p. 90. 100. This work and the i n s c r i p t i o n are discussed by Verheyen, "Laura," p. 222; and Sparrow, I n s c r i p t i o n s , p. 78. 101. Sammlung Thyssen-Bornemisza. For t h i s work, see Pope-Hennessey, P o r t r a i t , p. 24 and 27-8. The i n s c r i p t i o n reads ARS VTINAM MORES / ANIMVM QVE EFFINGERE / POSSES PVLCHRIOR IN TER / RIS NVLLA TABELLA FORET ("0 a r t , i f thou wert able to de p i c t the conduct and the s o u l , no l o v e l i e r p a i n t i n g would e x i s t on earth".) I b i d . A r e l a t e d f i f t e e n t h century example i s P i e r o d e l l a Francesca's P o r t r a i t of  B a t t i s t a S f o r z a. For t h i s see P h i l l i p Hendy, P i e r o d e l l a Francesca  and the E a r l y Renaissance (New York, The MacMillan Co., 1968), p. 135-142, esp. 137. 102. For these two works, see Rodolfo P a l l u c c h i n i and Giordana M a r i a n i Canova, L'opera completa d e l L o t t o , ( M i l a n : R i z z o l i E d i t o r e , 1975), p. 118 and 119. 103. See above, chapter 3 f o r women's education. 104. For t h i s work, see Ma r i e t t e van H a l l , "Messer M a r s i l i o and h i s B r i d e , " Connoisseur 192(1976), p. 292-7, esp. 294. 105. John Shearman, Andrea d e l Sarto (London: Clarendon Press Oxford, 1965) discusses these works. For G i r l w i t h a Volume of P e t r a r c h , see v. 1., p. 123-4 and v. 2, p. 270-1. For the drawing, see v. 1, p. 222-3 and v. 2, p. 348-9. 106. Howard Burns, Andrea P a l l a d i o , 1508-1580: The P o r t i c o and the Farmyard (London: The A r t s Council of Great B r i t a i n i n c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h Lynda Fairburn and Bruce Boucher, 1975), p. 65. 107. P h i l i p Hendy, European and American P a i n t i n g s i n the I s a b e l l a Stewart  Gardner Museum (1974), p. 12. 108. Leo Steinberg, "Pontormo's Alessandro de' M e d i c i , " A r t i n America 63(1975), p. 62-65. 109. Germaine Greer, The Obstacle Race: The Fortunes of Women P a i n t e r s and Their Work (New York: F a r r a r Straus Giroux, 1979), p. 180. 129. 110. I b i d . , p. 182. For other d e t a i l s of her l i f e see Wethey, The P o r t r a i t s , p. 178. He i n c l u d e s a p o r t r a i t of her executed by Gian Paolo Pace and T i t i a n of ca. 1560, located i n Washington, N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y of A r t . 111. Margaret Leah King, " C a l d i e r a and the Barbaros on marriage and the f a m i l y : humanist r e f l e c t i o n s of Venetian r e a l i t i e s , " The J o u r n a l of  Medieval and Renaissance Studies 6(1976), p. 19-50, esp. 33-4. 112. See above, chapter 1. 113. Michael J a f f e , "Pesaro Family P o r t r a i t s : Pordenone, L o t t o , and T i t i a n , " B u r l i n g t o n Magazine 113(1971), pp. 696-762, esp. 701. 114. Mark W. R o s k i l l , Dolce's " A r e t i n o " and Venetian A r t Theory of the  Cinquecento (New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1968), p. 189. 115. J a f f e , "Pesaro Family P o r t r a i t s , " p. 701. 116. Giuseppe T a s s i n i , C u r o s i t a veneziane (Venice: F i l l i p i , 1970; a f t e r ed. of 1872), s.v. O r f e i , (Corte dei) a S. Benetto, p. 462. 117. As f o r example A r t e m i s i a G e n t i l e s c h i 1 s S e l f - P o r t r a i t as P i t t u r a of 1630 i n Kensington Palace. For t h i s work, see Mary D. Garrard, "Artemisia G e n t i l e s c h i ' s S e l f - P o r t r a i t as the A l l e g o r y of P a i n t i n g , " A r t B u l l e t i n 62(1980), p. 98-112. 130 . F i g . 2. I n s c r i p t i o n and W a l l f l o w e r , d e t a i l o f L o t t o ' s P o r t r a i t o f a Woman . 3. Jewelled Pendant, d e t a i l of Lotto's P o r t r a i t of a Woman 4 . Chair and V e i l , d e t a i l of Lotto's P o r t r a i t of a Woman 1 3 2 . F i g . 8. L o r e n z o L o t t o , D o m i n i c a n S t e w a r d . Fig. 10. Imitator of Lotto, Andrea Ravagero. F i g . 11. Lorenzo Lotto, Young  Gentleman i n his Study. F i g . 12. Lorenzo Lotto, Man i n Black With a S k u l l . Lorenzo Lotto, Antonio M a r s i l i o and h i s Bride. 14. Lorenzo Lotto, Married  Couple With S q u i r r e l . F i g . 16. Herculus and Diana of Ephesus, d e t a i l of Lotto's Andrea Odoni. F i g . 18. T i t i a n , I s a b e l l a d'Este. F i g . 20 . B e r n a r d i n o L i c i n i o , A L a d y . F i g . 2 2 . P i e t r o d e g l i I n g a n n a t i , P o r t r a i t  o f a Lady as a V i r g i n M a r t y r . 141. F i g . 23. T i t i a n , F l o r a . F i g . 24. Palma i l Vecchio, Lady as F l o r a . 142. F i g . 25. T i t i a n , La B e l l a . F i g . 26. Crescent Moon, d e t a i l of Lotto's Lucina Brembate. F i g . 27. Lorenzo Lotto, Lucina Brembate. F i g . 28. Marcantonio Raimondi, L u c r e t i a , Engraving. F i g . 29. A t t r i b u t e d to Antonio Lombardo, L u c r e t i a , r e l i e f . F i g . 30. Barthel Bruyn, L u c r e t i a , verso of Ursula Rolinxwerth. F i g . 31. Barthel Bruyn, Ursula (Sadermann) Rolinxwerth. 146. F i g . 32. Jacopo Ti n t o r e t t o , A Venetian  Gentleman With a Sculpture of L u c r e t i a . 147. F i g . 33. T i t i a n , L a S c h i a v o n a . 149. F i g . 36. T u l l i o Lombardo, Double P o r t r a i t , r e l i e f . E M B L E M A T V M L I B B L L V S . «J In fiiemuxorum. 1X1. Ear purmro qui itxtr* iumnmr,rtn Vt[edtt,ut amlmlafiat Mttftdesf Htcfidci ejl fjpda.Vcmrii qum p eiuat trior, M J lor urn m Uiu non nuli nmut erit: torn etenim Vcmrafuntfic Schtniii* Mat H ippomnc J.prt lyt fit QtUtbu mm. F i g . 37. A l c i a t a , Emblemata, "In fidem uxoriam". 150. F i g . 3 9 . Bar to lommeo V e n e t o , Young B r i d e as F l o r a . F i g . 40. Attributed to C a r i a n i , Young Lady. 152. F i g . 41. Bernardino L i c i n i o , Woman With a P o r t r a i t of her Husband. F i g . 42. Bernardino L i c i n i o , Woman With a Book. F i g . 43. Andrea d e l Sarto, G i r l Holding a Volume of Petrarch. H CO F i g . 44. Imitator of Lotto, Wife Reading Under the Guidance of Her Husband. 156. F i g . 47. T i t i a n , G i u l i o Romano. F i g . 48. Drawing of L u c r e t i a , d e t a i l of Lotto's P o r t r a i t of a Woman. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 5 7 . B a n t i , Anna. Lorenzo L o t t o . Chronology, Notes, Catalogue by Antonio Boschetto. Florence: Sansoni, 1953. Bembo, P i e t r o . G l i A s o l a n i . Translated by Rudolf B. G o t t f r i e d . Bloomington: Indiana U n i v e r s i t y P ress, 1954. Berenson, Bernard. I t a l i a n P a i n t e r s of the Renaissance. Venetian School. 2 v o l s . London: Phaidon Press, 1957. Berenson, Bernard. Lorenzo L o t t o ; Complete E d i t i o n . London: Phaidon Press, 1956. Bianconi, P i e r o . A l l the P a i n t i n g s of Lorenzo L o t t o . 2 v o l s . Translated by Paul C o l a c i c c h i . London: Oldbourne, 1963. B i r b a r i , E l i z a b e t h . Dress i n I t a l i a n P a i n t i n g 1460-1500. London: John Murray ( P u b l i s h e r s ) L t d . , 1975. Cannan, Mary Agnes. Education of Women During the Renaissance. Washington, D.C: Na t i o n a l C a p i t a l Press, Inc., 1916. C a s t i g l i o n e , Baldassare. The Book of the C o u r t i e r . Translated by Charles S. S i n g l e t o n . Garden C i t y , N.Y.: Dcmbleday and Co., Inc., Anchor Books, 1959. Chojnacki, Stanley. "Dowries and Kinsmen i n E a r l y Renaissance Venice." J o u r n a l of I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y H i s t o r y 4(1975):571-600. Chojnacki, Stanley. " P a t r i c i a n Women i n E a r l y Renaissance Venice." Studies i n the Renaissance 21(1974):176-203. Constable, W.G. "Recent A c q u i s i t i o n s by the N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y . " A p o l l o 6 (1927). Crowe, J.A. and C a v a l c a s e l l e , G.B. A H i s t o r y of P a i n t i n g i n North I t a l y . V o l . 3. London: John Murray, 1912. D'Ancona, M i r e l l a L e v i . The Garden of the Renaissance. B o t a n i c a l  Symbolism i n I t a l i a n P a i n t i n g . Florence: O l s c h k i , 1977. Davis, James Cushman. The De c l i n e of the Venetian N o b i l i t y as a R u l i n g C l a s s . Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1962. Davis, James Cushman. A Venetian Family and I t s Fortune 1500-1900: The  Dona and the Conservation of Their Wealth. P h i l a d e p h i a : American P h i l o s o p h i c a l S o c i e t y , 1975. (Memoirs, V o l . 106). Evans, Joan. A H i s t o r y of J e w e l l e r y : 1100-1870. London: Faber & Faber, 1953. 158. F i n l a y , Robert. P o l i t i c s i n Renaissance Venice. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers U n i v e r s i t y P r ess, 1980. Freedberg, S.J. P a i n t i n g i n I t a l y , 1500 to 1600. The P e l i c a n H i s t o r y of A r t . Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1971. G a l i s , Diana Wronski. "Lorenzo L o t t o : A Study of His Career and Character, With P a r t i c u l a r Emphasis on h i s Emblematic and H i e r o g l y p h i c Works." Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , Bryn Mawr C o l l e g e , 1977. G i l b e r t , Creighton. "Bartolommeo Veneto and h i s P o r t r a i t of a Lady." B u l l e t i n . The N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y of Canada, Ottawa 22(1973):2-16. Gould, C e c i l . N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y Catalogues: The S i x t e e n t h Century Venetian  School. London and Beccles: W i l l i a m Clowes and Sons, L i m i t e d , 1959. Gronau, G. "L'Art Venetien a Londres, a propos de l ' E x p o s i t i o n de l a New G a l l e r y . " Gazette des Beaux-Arts 13/1(1895):427-40. Hale, John Rigby, ed. Renaissance Venice. London: Faber & Faber, 1973. H a l l , James. D i c t i o n a r y of Subjects and Symbols i n A r t . Icon E d i t i o n s . New York: Harper and Row, 1974. Hazard, Mary E. "Renaissance A e s t h e t i c Values: 'Example', f o r Example." A r t Q u a r t e r l y n.s. 2, v. 2 (1979):l-36. Held, J u l i u s S. " F l o r a , Goddess and Courtesan." Essays i n Honour of Erwin  Panofsky. 2 v o l s . Edited by M i l l a r d Meiss. (New York: New York Universty Press, 1961):201-18. Hinz, Ber t h o l d . "Studien zur Geschichte des Ehepaarbildnisses." Marb'iirger  Jahrbuch f u r Kunstwissenschaf t 19(1974) :139-218. Holmes, S i r Charles. "Recent A c q u i s i t i o n s at T r a f a l g a r Square." B u r l i n g t o n Magazine. 51(1927):106-13. J a f f e , M ichael. "Pesaro Family P o r t r a i t s : Pordenone, Lotto and T i t i a n . " B u r l i n g t o n Magazine 113(1971):696-762. Jenkins, Marianna. The State P o r t r a i t ; I t s O r i g i n and E v o l u t i o n . College A r t A s s o c i a t i o n Monographs, 3. New York: College Art Assocation i n conjunction with the Art B u l l e t i n , 1947. Kelso, Ruth. Doctrine f o r the Lady of the Renaissance. Urbana: U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s Press, 1956. King, Margaret Leah. " C a l d i e r a and the Barbaros on Marriage and the Family: Humanist R e f l e c t i o n s of Venetian R e a l i t i e s . The J o u r n a l of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 6(1976):19-50. 159. King, Margaret Leah. "Goddess and Captive: Antonio Loschi's P o e t i c T r i b u t e to Maddalena Scrovegni (1389), Study and Text." Medievalia et  Humanistica n.s., v. 10, (1981):103-27. King, Margaret Leah. "Personal, Domestic and Republican Values i n the Moral Philosophy of Giovanni C a l d i e r a . " Renaissance Q u a r t e r l y 28(1975):535-74. Larsson, Lars Ol a f . "Lorenzo Lottos B i l d n i s des Andrea Odoni i n Hampton Court." K u n s t h i s t o r i s k T i d s k r i f t 38(1968):21-33. MacLean, Ian. The Renaissance Notion of Woman; A Study i n the Fortunes of  S c h o l a s t i c i s m and Medical Science i n European I n t e l l e c t u a l L i f e . Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1980. Mariacher, Giovanni. Palma i l Vecchio. M i l a n : Bramante E d i t r i c e , 1968. Mellencamp, Emma H. "A Note on the Costume of T i t i a n ' s F l o r a . " A r t  B u l l e t i n 51(1969):174-7. M o r e l l i , Giovanni. I t a l i a n P a i n t e r s : C r i t i c a l Studies of Their Works: The  G a l l e r i e s of Munich and Dresden. Translated by Constance Jocelyn Ffoulkes. London: John Murray, 1893. P a l l u c h i n i , Rodolfo. L'opera completa d e l L o t t o . Catalogue by Giordana M a r i a n i Canova. M i l a n : R i z z o l i E d i t o r e , 1975. Panofsky, Erwin. Problems i n T i t i a n , Mostly Iconographic. New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1969. P i e r c e , S t e l l a Mary [Newton]. "Lorenzo Lo t t o : L u c r e z i a . " Unpublished paper on costume of Lorenzo Lotto's P o r t r a i t of a Woman. London: Na t i o n a l G a l l e r y A r c h i v e s . P i g n a t t i , T e r i s i o . • Giorgione. Translated by C l o v i s W h i t f i e l d . London: Phaidon Press, 1971. Pogetto, Paolo Dal, and Zampetti, P i e t r o . Lorenzo L o t t e n e l l e Marche. I I  suo tempo, i l suo i n f u s s o . Florence: Centro D i , 1981. Pope-Hennessy, John. The P o r t r a i t i n the Renaissance. The A.W. Mellon Lectures i n the Fine A r t s . B o l l i n g e n Series 35/12. P r i n c e t o n : Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1966. Po t t e r t o n , Homan. The N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , London. London: Thames and Hudson, L t d . , 1977. Seidenberg, Margot. Die B i l d n i s s e des Lorenzo L o t t o . Lorrach: Buchdruckerie K a r l Schahl, 1964. Shapley, Fern Rusk. P a i n t i n g s from the Samuel H. Kress C o l l e c t i o n . I t a l i a n Schools XV-XVI Century. London: Phaidon Press, 1968. 160. Sheard, Wendy Stedman. A n t i q u i t y i n the Renaissance. Northampton, Mass.: Smith College Museum of A r t , 1979. Smith, A l i s t a i r . Renaissance P o r t r a i t s . Themes and P a i n t e r s i n the Na t i o n a l G a l l e r y , no. 5. London: The N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y , 1973. Sparrow, John. V i s i b l e Words: A Study of I n s c r i p t i o n s i n and as Books and  Works of A r t . Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1969. Stechow, Wolfgang. "The Authorship of the Walters ' L u c r e t i a ' . " J o u r n a l of  the Walters A r t G a l l e r y 23(1960):72-85. Stechow, Wolfgang. "L u c r e t i a e Statua." Essays i n Honour of Georg Swarzenski. (Chicago: Henry Regnery Co. i n cooperation w i t h B e r l i n : Verlag Gebr. Mann, 1951):114-24. Steinberg, Leo. "Pontormo's Alessandro de'Medici." A r t i n America 63(1975):62-5. V e n t u r i , Adolfo. S t o r i a d e l l ' a r t e I t a l i a n a . V o l . 9: La p i t t u r a d e l Cinquecento Parte 4. M i l a n : U l r i c o H o e p l i , 1929; Reprint ed., Nedln, L i e c h t e n s t e i n : Kraus R e p r i n t , 1967. Verheyen, E. "Der Sinngehalt von Giorgione's Laura." Pantheon 26(1968):220-7. Wethey, Harold. The P a i n t i n g s of T i t i a n . V o l . 2: The P o r t r a i t s . London: Phaidon Press, 1971. Wethey, Harold. The P a i n t i n g s of T i t i a n . V o l . 3: The M y t h o l o g i c a l and  H i s t o r i c a l P a i n t i n g s . London: Phaidon Press, 1975. Williamson, George C , ed. The Anonimo. Translated by Paolo Mussi, New York and London: Benjamin Blom, 1969. Woodward, W i l l i a m H a r r i s o n . Studies i n Education During the Age of the Renaissance. New York: Teachers College Press, Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , 1967. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0095559/manifest

Comment

Related Items