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Ma Shou-chen : Ming Dynasty courtesan/artist Truscott, Eileen Grace 1981

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MA SHOU-CHEN: MING DYNASTY COURTESAN/ARTIST by EILEEN GRACE TRUSCOTT B.I.D., UNIVERSITY OF MANITOBA, 1970 DIP.F.A., UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1979 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Fine Arts) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA SEPTEMBER 1981 ^Eileen Grace Truscott, 1981 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Eileen Grace Truscott Department of FINE ARTS  The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date September 3, 1981 m?_ a i o /-7Q ^ ii ABSTRACT: Ma Shou-chen, poet, calligrapher and painter was a courtesan of the Ming dynasty. By studying the life and works of Ma Shou-chen, who was not a member of either the scholar or the academic/ professional class of artists but who was very desirous of conforming to literati aesthetic tastes in her artistic works, new light is thrown upon the problem of identifying new aspects of Ming dynasty literati aesthetic taste. A study of Ma Shou-chen1 s works illuminates the question of identifying qualities of literati painting and also serves to examine the question of female artists in China. Female artists were known for their weak brush stroke and other negative qualities. Was this true, or was the "conventional wisdom" based on an attitude toward a female's social position rather than her ability as an artist? • J Ma Shou-chen provides us with a good example for examining these points. She is well-known in Chinese art history, yet she is discussed by Siren largely in sections restricted to female artists. In Chinese biographies too, mention of Ma Shou-chen is included with other female artists. The purpose of this thesis is to discuss a limited, though it is felt, a represent ative cross-section of her works with the aim of determining Ma Shou-chenfs place in art history. In Section I, biographical data concerning Ma Shou-chen is discussed. This includes an estimate of her active period (1570-1604). Her relationship with Wang Chih-teng, a leading literatus of the Suchow area, is examined together with an exploration of the relationship of special courtesans to the iii literati as a class. What this meant in Chinese society and the repercussions on the artistic output of courtesans is also discussed. Section II includes a discussion of the Chinese historical records which comment on Ma Shou-chen's works. There is also an exploration of the reason why certain artists and not others were named in records as having an influence on Ma Shou-chen's works. A brief discussion of the history of Chinese flower painting explains the relevance of placing Ma Shou-chen's works within the framework of literati rather than academic artists' works. A discussion of the critical comments regarding Ma Shou-chen's works by Chinese art historians gives rise to the poss ibility that critical comments were often based more upon social status than actual works. In Section III an analysis of Ma Shou-chen's artistic works, largely concerned with her speciality of orchid paintings, shows an historical process. However, there is no final class ification of her undated works. In addition;the typical qualities of her works involves rather sfeable compositions, a propensity for stretching the brush strokes across the surface of the painting, little concern with atmospheric qualities or far distance. These facts serve to enhance the two dimensional quality of her paintings. This factor in turn serves to focus the attention of the viewer upon Ma Shou-chen's calligraphy. Section IV discusses the findings of the analysis of Ma Shou-chen's works in relation to Ming dynasty literati artists. This thesis concludes with the theory that smaller and more intimate literati works are more representative of the main-iv stream of literati artists in the Ming dynasty* The works of Ma Shou-chen, who was trained to respond to literati tastes and was an accomplished artist, show the more relaxed social atmosphere of the Ming dynasty. Two appendices are included. The first is a catalogue of the works of Ma Shou-chen discussed in this thesis. The second is a translation of the Chinese literary sources concerning Ma Shou-chen. V Abstract ii Table of Contents v List of Illustrations vi Acknowledgement viIntroduction 1 Section I - Life and Times 3 Section II - Historical References and Criticisms 12 Section III - Artistic^Works 26 Section IV - Ming Dynasty Literati Artists 45 Conclusion 54 Notes: Introduction 56 Notes: Section INotes: Section II 63 Notes: Section III SB Notes: Section IV 72 Notes: Conclusion 6 Bibliography of Non-English Literary Sources 77 Bibliography 79 Appendix I - Catalogue 83 II - Translations 91 III - Illustrations 108 Notes: Appendix I 121 Notes: Appendix II 3 vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure 1. Orchid, Bamboo and Rock Hanging Scroll. H. 52.5 cm. W. 29.1 cm. Ink on Paper. Dated 1572. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Loan 19&1.2.12, The Edward Elliott Family Collection. Figure 2. Orchid Hanging Scroll. H. 56 cm. W. 33 cm. Ink on Paper. Dated 1603. Dr. James Caswell Collection, Vancouver, B.C. Figure 3. (A) to (F) Orchids and Bamboo Hand Scroll. Ink and Colour on Paper. Dated 1604. Indianapolis Museum of Art, Indianapolis, U.S.A. Figure l+. Lotus Plant Hanging Scroll Undated Ostasiatiska Museet, Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm, Sweden. vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to express my appreciation to many people: Dr. Edwin G. Pulleyblank, who gave me an excellent start on the long road to understanding classical Chinese; Dr. Jerry D. Schmidt, who took the time to look through some of the translations and explain the significance to me; Professor Chia-ying Chao, who kindly helped explain some of the more obscure references in the translation. My special thanks to these people does not infer any responsibility for any errors in translation in this thesis. I am a beginning student in the intricacies of the classical and the*modern Chinese languages and hope the reader will look with tolerance upon the inevitable errors and omissions. I would also like to thank Dr. James Caswell and Dr. Mary Morehart for their encouragement and help during the writing of this thesis and during the time of my studies in the depart ment; and Kian Kwok, whose beautiful calligraphy appears in this thesis. Last but not least, I want to thank Mr. Yim Tse, the Librarian of the Asian Library, at the University of British Columbia, and my calligraphy teacher, for his patience, kindness and willingness to share his vast knowledge. - 1- -INTRODUCTION: During the Ming dynasty, the literati artists of the Wu school came to be incorporated within the Southern school in the bipolar theory propounded by Tung Ch*i-ch*ang.^ However, the philosophy of Northern and Southern schools developed by Tung Cht*i-ch*ang often expressed more political ideas than a history of art. The literati, although often vocal in stating art theories, frequently expressed sentiments that did not correspond with perceived reality. This has left the modern student of Chinese art history with an unsure understanding of what were the characteristics of the mainstream, or literati, painting during the Ming dynasty. This is a study of the works of the female artist, Ma Shou-chen of the Ming dynasty (I368-I644)• By studying the life and works of Ma Shou-chen, who was not a member of/either the scholar or the academic/professional class of artists, but who was very desirous of conforming to literati aesthetic tastes in her artistic works, new light is thrown upon the problem of identifying these characteristics. Thus, this thesis attempts to explore the link between Ma Shou-chen1s artistic endeavors and her social status. To do this, information available in Chinese history records regarding Ma Shou-chen is discussed and the critical treatment of her work by Chinese scholars (i.e., literati) is explored. A discussion of the training and the life style of a courtesan in general and Ma Shou-chen in part icular demonstrates a definite link between courtesanship and artistic activities. There is also a bond between the literati - 2 -and courtesans, as exemplified by Ma Shou-chen and her friend Wang Chih-teng, a leading literatus of the Suchow area. This thesis is addressed to the existence and the limits of this relationship. An examination of some of Ma Shou-chen's paintings demonstrate her stylistic tendencies and her possible position in the very complicated history of Chinese flower painting. A comparison of Ma Shou-chen's work with major literati art ists reveals many common characteristics. Reasons for these similarities are explored in the light of information gleaned from a discussion of the history of Chinese flower painting, literati and courtesans. As courtesans were trained to respond to the wishes of literati, therefore their work is important as an indication of prevailing taste. A comparison with literati painting also presents the possibility of suggesting a new aspect of Ming dynasty painting which would be the natural result of a more relaxed attitude within certain members of groups (e.g. merchants) in Ming society. - 3 -SECTION I: LIFE and TIMES Ma Shou-chen J| v^f ft was called Yiian-erh 7__ .as a ichild. Her hao is listed as Hsiang-lan a name given to her for her ability to paint orchids. Her nickname was Yiieh-chiao A , the name of a person in a southern style opera.^ Relatively little is known about Ma Shou-chen. However, we can estimate her active working period by studying the available historical records. We are less confident in identifying her dates of birth and death, as some of the information is in conflict. Some historical records state that Ma Shou-chen was born in 154#.2 Siren gives the dates of her activity as an artist to be 1592-1623 though he does not cite the source of his information. This would make her forty-four when, according to Siren, she became active as a painter and eighty at her terminus date.3 Instead of these dates, I would like to suggest Ma Shou-chenTs active period to be 1570/1572-1604, based on the evidence of her dated paintings. There are two works of Ma Shou-chen in collections that bear the reign year jen-shen <t ^ As well, both bear signed inscriptions by her friend Wang Chih-teng J. ^-^5 As he died in 1612 this would indicate that the .jen-shen year should be 1572 (rather than the potential alternative, 1632). Though there is a record of a painting by Ma Shou-chen that is dated 1570^ the two 1572 paintings are among the earliest of her works in collections. One of these paintings the Metropolitan Museum scroll, is - 4 -described and the inscription is quoted in a Chinese historical record.^ This same record reports two more paintings by Ma Shou-chen dated to the reign years of keng-niu jfe and wu-yin fy, ^ which would indicate dates of 1570 and 1578 (though they could be interpreted as I63O and 1638). The same source describes a work done in 1596. There is also a fan painting by Ma Shou-chen that bears an inscription that would date it 1578.7 Another historical record describes a painting by Ma Shou-chen that bears the signature of the artist and her seals as well as having an inscription by Wang Chih-teng. This painting is dated 1599. Another, also with an inscrip tion by Wang-Chih-teng, is dated 1600.^ Still another historical record describes a painting signed by her in 1603."^ This paper will discuss two additional paintings which are dated 1603 and 1604. Thus, all of these paintings are dated between 1570 and 1604. The Sung Yuan Ming Ch'ing shu hua chia nien piao cites two sources that give 1604 as the date of Ma Shou-chen's 11 death. This tallies fairly well with other reports. The Yo hsueh lou shuhualU states Ma Shou-chen died shortly after Wang Chih-teng's sixty-ninth birthday celebration on 1602, 12 when she was fifty-six. This is incorrect, according to Goodrich and Fang, who state Wang Chih-teng was sixty-nine in 1604.^ The Yo hsueh lou shuhua lu also records a I853 colophon which states Ma Shou-chen died three years after the 1602 erroneously dated birthday celebration of Wang Chih-teng (i.e. 1605).Other records also list her death as occurring -- 5 -shortly after Wang Chih-teng*s birthday celebration.15 Perhaps the most complete biography of her life, the Lieh-ch'ao shih- chi hsiao-chuan,1^ also states that she was fifty-six years old when she held the birthday party celebration for Wang Chih-teng and then died shortly thereafter.'^ Ma Shou-chen organized this celebration that so amazed the people of Soochow. Indeed the celebration must have been quite a sight for it is recorded that she brought a multi-storied boat for the occasion and carried down several young ladies to celebrate the occasion with Wang Chih-teng and his id friends. The drinking and celebration lasted for several 19 months. Ma Shou-chen apparently had known him years before and had met him again after a long absence. This tallies with our record of Wang Chih-teng's colophons on her paintings. There are some dated the early 1570's and then there is a gap of some years until Wang Chih-teng's inscription next appears 20 on a painting dated 1599. However, it is known that Wang Chih-teng wrote a preface in 1591 to Ma Shou-chen's two chuan 21 of poetry, now not extant. The birthday celebration thrown by Ma Shou-chen, underlines the special relationship between courtesans and literati. It was at such gatherings that poetry was composed and paintings were made" by the literati artist and by talented courtesans such as Ma Shou-chen. Such a relationship was not possible between literati and wives or female relatives, as I shall explain below. In fact, a suggestion that an "improper" gathering (such as a friend being introduced to a wife at a - 6 -feast) had taken place, could have disastrous consequences for 22 a literatus' career. The reverse would be true for a literat friend and a courtesan. The institution of courjesanship and expertise with the brush were not independent activities but were directly-related. Thus, the special relationship between the literati and courtesans developed almost independently of sex. But what did the term "courtesan" (chi^fe ) mean at the turn of the seventeenth century?2^ We have little direct information regarding Ma Shou-chen's background and training, but enough is known of the institution of courtesanship to allow us to reach some understanding. Though some sources call Ma Shou-chen a prostitute this is not entirely appropriate. Prostitutes generally were untrained persons. Courtesans were accomplished women who were trained in such entertainment skills as singing and the playing of musical instruments. However, only some had a small proficiency with the written language.2^" Ma Shou-chen was accomplished in the written language—so accomplished that she could compose poetry, tz'u and prose and could write freely and spontaneously. We do not know if she was accomplished with musical instruments. We could presume so, however, for at her own residence she taught apprentices at the Pear Garden, Li Yuan if] , named after the music school for ladies in the T'ang dynasty (618-916), and the sounds of musical instruments were heard by feast guests.2^ There were numerous ways in which girls would have been - 7 -recruited into the profession of courtesanship. These would include purchase from poor families, kidnapping or entering of their own free will.2^ Other reasons include having been born in a brothel or being the relatives of criminals, or being women of Mongol descent. The only information we have regarding Ma Shou-chen was that she was the youngest of a 29 family group consisting of three daughters and their mother. However, this may not have been her natural mother as the same term is used for the madam of a house of prostitution. Ma Shou-chen would have started her training as a courtesan in this house at a very early age. During her period of training her feet would have been bound. She would have been regarded as a valuable investment and therefore care would have been taken to attempt achieving the three-inch Golden Lotus, chin-lieny^ jf _ feet that were so admired.-^0 The Chfin-huai area of Nanking was the brothel quarters. Its name derives from the canal entering Nanking. During the Ming-Ch'ing dynasties brothels lined both of its banks.^ Ma Shou-chen lived there in a house that has been described as being in one of the /better locations on the Ch'in-huai canal—the implication being that there was a view of the water. The property is described as having a garden and with so many passages and adjoining rooms that the visitor became disoriented.32 Ma Shou-chen would have spent many years of her life looking over the waters of this canal from within her gardens. As orchids grow naturally in this area and the lotus plant is abundant throughout China, it is most likely that her view included these flowers.^ - 8. -The Ch'in-huai district was conveniently near the Hall of Tribute, the official testing ground of candidates for 34 advancement as officials in the Chinese bureacracy. In addition to the celebrations of successful candidates, and the consolation parties of the unsuccessful, the courtesans whiled away the hours with the aesthetically inclined scholar who, lacking an official appointment, occupied his time with calligraphy, painting and collections.35 The fact that there were many literati not involved in an official capacity was not entirely due to choice. The literary inquisition in the early Ming dynasty had resulted in a cut back in the degrees being granted.^ Also, because of a quota 37 system the competition in the Soochow area was intense. With more time available, the social life of the literati and the courtesans became inter-dependent. The most popular political and literary group of the late Ming period was the Revival Society. This Society- numbered in the thousands. This society was also 39 called the Little East Forest Society for it resembled the last Forest Society (Tung-lin hui .i'k ) both in its ideology and its popularity with the literati.^ This society was most .popular 1604-1625, slightly late for Ma Shou-chen to have been present at any of its meetings, but it is an indication of the prevalence of the mingling of scholars and courtesans throughout the Ming dynasty. The courtesan was a natural partner to a scholar because of Confucian attitudes, attitudes which are at the very heart of Chinese social and governmental order. To a Confucianist, - 9 -stability was the ideal goal and so stability within social relationships was of paramount importance. Consequently, the Confucian classic, the Li Chi, focuses upon the proper relations between a man and his wife and virtually limits all mention of physical contact to the marriage couch.^2 There the age-old belief that a man's yangfr|oessence would be strengthened by replenishment from the female's yin essence during the sexual act was combined with Confucian ideas. The early Chinese believed that a man's semen was the source of his life and health and each emission diminished his force. Therefore^ although sexual contact was beneficial, ejaculation was to be reserved for providing children for the family.^ With such a belief in the powers of the sexual act, it is not surprising that each well-to-do Chinese gentleman required not only an official wife but also secondary consorts and concubines. The male children of all such unions could make sacrifices to ancestors. But Confucian ideals restricted all wives and concubines to the women's quarters where the only real contact they had with any male was with their men, in bed. It was considered very unseemly for a wife or concubine to associate with her husbands' friends and out of the question for a wife or concubine to be present at a social gathering, such as a banquet. Thus, a situation arose where there was such a separation between a man and his wives and - concubines that a courtesan became the invaluable partner of a scholar during his leisure time. A courtesan would be able to entertain his friends , - 10 -and encourage his own enjoyment in artistic pursuits. Sex in such a situation was not of primary importance. Indeed, as a Confucian gentleman was required to visit each of his wives every five days and bring each complete satisfaction, it was probably as a rest from carnal love and obligations that he visited courtesans.^ He would have no sexual obligations to her and either one could break off the relationship at will. For her part, the courtesan would also hot be so likely to promote an active interest in a sexual relationship:,for simple economic reasons.^ A courtesan brought in large amounts of money when she was deflowered (after having achieved renown for her skills in entertaining) and at the time she was per manently bought out of a brothel. The remaining time a courtesan acquired money through the feasts at the brothel, where the establishment provided wine and food. Only a small fraction of a brothel's income represented money gained from patrons sleeping with the girls. Also, as intercourse in-47 creased the risk of disease as well as pregnancy it thus was naturally not encouraged. A woman's reputation for being able to entertain her guests would vastly improve her worth.^ She was encouraged to learn poetry because poetry could be used in a game involving wine drinking, and wine drinking increased the money earned by a 49 brothel. In addition, it was the dream of each courtesan to be bought out, with her name being dropped from the registers, by a well-known scholar.^ Consequently, a courtesan's skills were considered the most important factor in her position, - 1.1 -certainly more important than physical appearance,^1 and: it was to her own as well as the brothel's interest that she be accomplished in the arts and able to entertain a scholar. Therefore, the ability to paint and write to the taste of the scholar class advanced her own and the brothel's interests. Thus, it became fiancially feasible to invest the quantities of time and money necessary for such training. Ma Shou-chen falls in very well into this general descrip tion of courtesans. Our records mention her pure complexion 52 and charm without really mentioning her beauty. Her ability to entertain and charm people is mentioned as long lasting, 53 at least into her fifties. Also, Ma Shou-chen longed, unsuccessfully as it turned out, to be married to Wang Chih-teng (1535-1612), a poet, calligrapher and leading literatus of the Soochow area. Much of the information we have from Chinese historians concerning her is in regard to her relation ship with Wang Chih-teng.Consequently, a study of Ma Shou-chen's life, works and relationship with Wang Chih-teng helps us to understand her not only as a eourtesah but as a painter as well. Her artistic endeavors developed from and affected her personal individual experience. 1 - 1.2 -SECTION II: HISTORICAL REFERENCES and CRITICISM Historical records of Ma Shou-chen's works show frequent references to certain Chinese artists whose works had in fluenced her own. An exploration of why these artists, and not others, were named in these records advances further evidence of the close relationship between Ma Shou-chen, a courtesan, and literati artists. A brief discussion of the history of flower painting in China helps place Ma Shou-chen's works within the literati tradition of flower painting, a tradition going back to the tenth century which was founded on the paint ings of Hsu Esi^- f& rather than on the professional/ academic paintings of Huang Ch'uan %y%r • A discussion of the critical comments by Chinese historians of Ma Shou-chen's works suggests that her social status more than her artistic endeavors influenced these comments. Chinese historical records note Ma Shou-chen's paintings and the paintings discussed in this paper have flowers, or plants, or rocks as their subject matter and all apparently utilize near or middle, but never far, distance. The Mustard Seed Manual, the Tfu t'ai hua shih and the fiev> Chung-kuo hua chia .jen ming ta tz'u all note that Ma Shou-chen excelled in painting orchids in the double outline technique (shuang-kou ^ ) in the manner of Chao Meng-chien J&_ (1199-1267?). They add- that her bamb 00 was known to be in the manner of Chao Meng-fu's J^JI^ wife, Kuan Tao-Sheng^^^ (I263-I319).1 - 13 -In order to understand the relevance of these statements and to fit Ma Shou-chen's paintings within the larger frame work of Chinese art history, and not just the smaller frame work of paintings by women, it is necessary to give a brief history of flower painting in China. Flower painting has a different significance in Chinese art than it has in Western art. This fact is underlined by the willingness of Chinese to have their personalities identified with certain flowers. It is hard to imagine, for example, a Western philosopher being referred to by a painting of a flowei?. In Chinese civilization, flowers have long been closely associ ated with the arts and therefore are woven into the fabric of Chinese culture.2 For example, the lotus and the orchid, indigenous to China, through repeated use gradually acquired a rich symbolic meaning while their constant presence in gardens would permit subtleties to be appreciated. To the Chinese, a flower's presence recalls its fragrance which recalls a memory. The memory can relate to a person a place or an emotion. This value fits in well with the literary arts of China. An example of the union of literature, painting and such a symbolic ref erence is the painting of the poet and sometime official,;-T*ao Yuan-ming (365-427), whose face is shown in portraits as buried in his favorite flower, the chrysanthemum.3 China had an elite class of official scholars with the education and leisure to develop strong artistic traditions. Generally, the literati artists preferred a more spontaneously - -14 -rendered representation than the more specifically rendered professional/academic artist. The Confucian scholar pre ferred not to delineate images because, when putting down the specific, the general might be forgotten. This most important factor was the Harmonizing movement of life breath, ch'i yiin  shen tung Jf^ ^ A The artistic traditions of the literati were naturally based upon the interest of the creators. Skill with the brush and learning based upon a Confucian education are at the foundation of Chinese art traditions. Flower painting is no exception to this. But, as Cahill notes^, the fundamental difference between literati and non-literati painting was the literati insistence that painting revealed the nature of man and his mood and feeling at that moment. The quality of the personality of the artist became more important than the subject. The schism between literati and non-literati paintings was defined during the time of Su Shih jgfc. jjr£ (1063=1101), but differences were observed before this date. Bird and flower painting has often been described by the Chinese as having two distinct schools. Although there had been artists specializing in bird and flower painting before the Five Dynasties period, two schools are said to have emerged during this period.^ The originator of one school, Huang Ch'uan (d.965) was a Szechuan painter known for his realism, detail and rich use of colour. The second school's founder was Hsii Hsi a Nanking artist who first used a sketch technique - 15 -of broad strokes of ink and then followed with a colour wash. The difference was that Hsu Hsi did not have Huang Ch'uan's interest in an exact representation of form; Hsu Hsi attemped to capture the essential essence of a particular flower, its life-breath.7 The first school started by Huang Ch'uan, quickly became a favorite in the court circles due to its artists' ability to provide a colourful and technically perfect painting. This precise, realistic and colourful painting style was the paint ing style practised at the Emperor Hui-tsung's painting academy of the NQrthern Sung (96O-II35). There, the principles °f Hsieh-sheng || ^_ or drawing from life were perfected. The results corresponded to the Emperor iHui-tsung's, and the court's aethetic taste. Succeeding Emperors and courts naturally wanted to followuthis tradition. Painters following Hsu Hsi?s painting technique responded to Taoist and Buddhist beliefs that inanimate objects were an important part of the balance of the universe. Man must be in unity with all things. Indeed, flowers were believed to express their own needs and emotions, though silently, through their perfume and their graceful shapes. It was felt that Huang Ch'uan captured their outer appearance but Hsu Hsi was able to express their inner essence. Perhaps this is more easily understood when it is compared to poetry. There is a belief that poetry naturally lends itself to the expression of an inanimate object. Chinese poetry is particularly able to express these thoughts because the structure of the language - L6 -lends itself to concise but indefinite expressions. This is because a character can represent not just words but symbols . ' of ideas.^ The same desire to capture mood and feeling through concise phrases led the literati painters, whom Su Shih defined as poets who painted,9 to use a technique of painting whereby relatively simple brush strokes and a simple composition were believed to be more able to capture the spirit or the essence of the subject. In fact, the Hsuan-ho hua-p'u, a twelfth century text exhibiting some literati biaslO, stated that the intellectual significance of paintings of flowers is the same as poems. Therefore, Hsu Hsiis school of painting became known for its hsieh-yi ^ ^ff, or idea/concept painting and the concept of hsieh-sheng ^ ^_ or drawing from life with its emphasis on form-likeness was relegated to a position of secondary import ance. The new aim of expressing the artist's inner feelings fits in well with literatus Su Shih's idea that painting existed not to depict things but to express one's own feeling and give lodging for the moment to these feelings.-'-2 In the Yuan dynasty the predilection for literati to paint flowers in the manner of Hsii Hsi was reinforced. Chao Meng-chien,jj^ J^^' , the artist previously mentioned as influencing Ma Shou-chen, was a relative of the Imperial Sung family and managed to survive in Chekiang Province after the fall of the Northern Sung. He specialized in the kou-le %f) or outline method of painting narcissi, plum-blossoms;, epidendrum and bamboo. His scroxi Narcissi is almost a botanical drawing of a specific plant in different states of maturity and within - 17 -a palpable atmosphere. Ghao Meng-chien was able to involve the viewer in the graceful play of the leaves. The viewer can feel the movement of the blades in the breeze. As you draw closer your memory recalls the slight but pervasive perfume that is so characteristic of this flower. The secret perfume, is interpreted by the Chinese as an expression or personification of intimate friendship and love.1^ Chao Meng-chien apologized for his forms by saying their appearance was due to his failing sight or lack of practise.^ But Chao Meng-fu, his cousin, praised his painting saying it demonstrated proper order.^ In other words, Chao Meng-chien's compositional elements and painting technique were right in themselves and not dependent on nature. Huang Ch'uan's emphasis on resemblance'to nature had been relegated to non-importance. The division between academic and literati painting started in the Northern Sung and was exemplified in the Southern Sung by Chao Meng-chien. He, as a member of the Sung Imperial clan and a prefect of Yen-chou, was well away from the academic painting circles in the capital.17 It has been suggested by Bush that perhaps Chao Meng-chien and others of the Southern Sung literati circle chose non-academic themes such as flowers, instead of the popular academic landscape theme, to purposely separate themselves from academic painters.1^ The argument that literati artists of the Southern Sung deliberately chose styles and themes to separate their painting from those of academic artists is reinforced by the fact that Chao Meng-chien's - 18 -outline painting style supposedly followed the style of Yang Pu-chih A%] (active 12th c). It has been suggested that Yang Pu-chih's works gained their popularity from the fact that he refused to serve Ch'in Kuei who intrigued with the Tartars.1^ For this act Yang ,Pu-chih became a hero to the Chinese, and his painting style became associated with his political actions. When Chao Meng-chien preferred to disassociate himself from the contemporary government and travel the rivers while painting orchids and narcissi, it was significant that' he chose the rebellious hero's, Yang Pu-chih, style of painting. Chao Meng-chien's paintings were viewed as representing the integrity of a worthy man because they personified a Confucian statement about a worthy man. Confucius said "this orchid's fragrance should be for a king; now it blooms in solitude, with common grasses for companions;This is just like the worthy man ( chun -tzu -j- ) who in an in opportune time must associate with the common herd (chung^ ).2® Also, the Chinese classic, the Tso Chuan, also refers to the unique fragrance of an orchid, giving the fragrance its association with a worthy man.21 Although Chao Meng-chien's paintings were viewed as representing the integrity of a worthy man, there is no text with his paintings to substantiate this belief. A more directly stated message in orchid painting is the painting by Cheng Su-hsiao }| , a contemporary of Chao Meng-chien, who is quoted as saying his orchids have no soil because "the earth has been taken away by barbarians".22 - 19 -Later Yuan dynasty artists such as Chang Chung ><r (mid 14th) continued this literati style of painting that is characterized by the use of outline with expressive yet minimal use of brush strokes and diminished use of colour. We see this style of painting in Wu Chen's /^Jl, paintings of bamboo. According to Wu Chen, "ink play"(mo hsi %^ ) is the scholars' painting.23 This statement included the outline pai-miao 4> style narcissi that were originally painted by Yang Pu-chih.2^ Several factors came to characterize the literati painting at this time. The paintings were non-imitiative, demonstrating a disinterest in form likeness. The expressive quality of the brush stroke increased in importance.25 Also characteristic of literati paintings in the Yuan dynasty was the increased use of colophons on the painting. The word of the artist and his image became interdependent while colour was omitted or at least greatly reduced. When colour was used, for example in Chao Meng-fu's painting Autumn Colors on the Ch'iao and Hua  Mountains2^, it was used to refer back to a happier time in Chinese history, the T'ang dynasty (618-917). This brief outline of the history of flower painting bring us to the Ming dynasty. It is important to note that a literatus during the Yuan dynasty should not have served as an offical in what was regarded as a barbarian government.2? But it could generally be said that politics prevented a vliteratus from serving and denied him the opportunity to demonstrate - -20 -hi,-?: learning in the offical examinations. This changed in the Ming dynasty. A literati scholar at the time of the Ming dynasty was not necessarily an official, for many Ming scholars chose not to serve in public office.2^ Therefore, the term literati is hereafter used to denote education rather than official recogni tion. A literatus may or may not have served as an official but would have been proficient in calligraphy, painting and poetry. The literati painters of the Ming dynasty belonged mainly to the Wu school. This geographically-derived term refers to the Soochow area in Ktangsu Province, east of T*ai-hu, an area that contained much of the wealth of China.29 There was a rivalry between the Wu school and the Che school with each side having its supporters,Wang Shih-chen j£ _.rifi^ (1526—1540) promoted calligraphy of the Wu school artists and its principal member, Wen Cheng-ming '"IjjL ^ , but preferred the Che school painters.30 Wang Chih-teng, Ma Shou-chen*s friend, only considered the painters of the Wu school in his treatise Wu-chun  tan-ch*ing chih Wang Chih-teng did not mention Ma Shou-chen in this treatise. But there are critical comments of Ma Shou-chen*s works at the time of Wang Chih-teng as well as at a later date. Unfortu nately, due to the habit of Chinese scholars of carefully recording information but not noting sources, it is difficult to ascertain the dates of critical comments. - -21 -Most Chinese historians used the word "accomplished", shaniil- , when referring to Ma Shou-chen's paintings, partic ularly her orchid paintings.32 Others are rather non committal, reporting merely that her paintings were in accord with the spirit of the Hsiang River maidens. This reference will be dealt with extensively below during the discussion of Ma Shou-chen?s works. Others report that her paintings were elegant and refined, even of financial value. These same writers noted that officials purchased her paintings and she was known as far as Thailand.34 The praise, however, of Ma Shou-chen1s painting is generally rather luke-warm, if respectable. The Shih ku t'ang shu hua lu k'ao was critical of her paintings, saying they demonstrated a weak brush stroke and were not successful.35 Another writer says that, on the contrary, her brushstroke was elegant and powerful with an individual style.3^ But more praise is shown Ma Shou-chen for. her poetry and calligraphy. Historians note that her poetry demonstrated a spirited rhythnand was extremely excellent. Her friend Wang Chih-teng, totally non-committal as to her paintings, stated that her poetry was so popular that she caused the price of paper to rise.3^ Wang Chih-teng was much more .interested in impressing the reader with Ma Shou-chen's credentials as to her character than as to her artistic ability. Much of his writing about her concerned her credentials as a courtesan. He wanted to link her with the famous courtesans of the past. He felt that she was as good as, or better than, they were. According to Wang Chih-teng, Ma Shou-chen could wear ornate female clothing and also have the heart of a warrior. In addition, she could write poetry.39 The elevation of status of an individual by accomplishment in the literary arts is a traditional device in Chinese history. As previously noted, Su Shih defined a literatus as one who wrote poetry. Wang Chih-teng assured us that Ma Shou-chen expressed herself through her writing.^ Moreover, he said she did not take money very seriously. This was a further comment on her noble character, for disinterest in financial matters was recognized quite early as being a desirable characteristic of a worthy person (chun tzu) the goal of a literatus.^1 Ma Shou-chen's calligraphy was infrequently mentioned, and one exuberant report stated that her calligraphy achieved the depth of the Duke of Wu Hsing (Chao Meng-fu) and in fact was so similar that some people were confused.42 But, in spite of these comments, Chinese historians generally placed her biography with other female artists and not with literati artists.43 This was considered to be her category. She was primarily a female. This hesitancy to accept Ma Shou-chen's paintings and calligraphy and a willingness to accept her poetry may be due to traditional Chinese prejudices towards women artists. There is a tradition of female poets in China so it was not too unusual and therefore more acceptableBut a painter, poet and calligrapher such as Ma Shou-chen would come up against many prejudices. Lady Pan Chao, (d 1125 A.D.) - .23 -the author of Nu Chieh (Women's Precepts), stated that the virtues of women were not brilliant talent, distinction or elegance.^ Lady Pan Chao's teachings encouraged the education of females, but only in order to teach women their inferiority to men and stress the importance of their obedience. This book became the basis for other similar treatises and enjoyed great popularity, especially during the Ch'ing dynasty.^ From the teachings, a Chinese proverb was formulated that stated "a chen was not a virtuous woman i.e. a wife or concubine so she was able to develop her talents, but she still may not have been able to overcome prejudices and be judged on her own merit. Kuan Tao-sheng was a virtuous women who at first glance appears to repudiate the theory that it was generally only courtesans who received the^benefit of a scholarly education and that a female artist was not .given due credit for her work but critically judged on the basis of her status as a female. ' Kuan Tao-sheng was the only child of a father that doted on her ability to paint bamboo. While she is famous for her talent, the Chinese give her special note as the partner in a "perfect marriage". This is in spite of the fact that one of her best known poems is a rather sad one lamenting her husband's choice of a new concubine.^ When art historians mention Kuan Tao-sheng it is usually in a section devoted to talented female artists, with a reference to her famous husband. For example, in spite of her supposed ability to paint bamboo, when Siren virtuous woman has no talents" Ma Shou-- 2k -mentions the famous masters of the Yuan dynasty who served as guides to later generations of bamboo painters, he does not mention her name.^ Thus Kuan Tao-sheng received her education as the exception to a rule, and is better known as the wife of a famous man than for her own talent. A hint that Ma Shou-chen's works were judged on other than their own merit is found in the opera Pai-lien ch'un.5® This Ming dynasty opera (no longer extant) was very popular in its time. Within the opera, Ma Shou-chen was openly ridiculed. The commentary on this opera states that the purpose was that, by satirizing Ma Shou-chen, ridicule would reach Wang Chih-teng.51 Censors repressed this opera but it left its mark in history and may account for the comment found in Yo hsueh lou shu hua lu on her "chicken skin" (chi p'i , not a compliment to any woman, even as a joke.52 As noted above, physical beauty of a courtesan was unimportant when compared to her talent and charm. Why in spite of this were personal comments regarding her appearance regarded as suitable material for inscriptions on her paintings? Possibly, such criticism of Ma Shou-chen was used to ridicule Wang Chih-teng, the champion of the Wu school, in the rivalry between the Wu and the Che schools. It is very unusual for a mere courtesan to be singled out for such treatment. Comments in Chinese historical reports about Ma Shou-chen's work, though interesting, are not very illuminating as to her work, as they seem to be involved with her social status more than her creations. It is necessary to now look at her paintings, poetry and calligraphy in understand Ma Shou-chen's - 25 -order to objectively be able place in Chinese art history. - 26 -SECTION III: ARTISTIC WORKS The Metropolitan Museum hanging scroll, Orchid, Bamboo and  Rock, by Ma Shou-chen (see figure 1 and Appendix Part 1, Catalogue item I), is dated 1572, which would make it one of the earliest of her works. The compositional elements of the painting are massed at the bottom of the scroll, very slightly off center. An orchid plant (in this case the grass orchid, of a rather large and rounded stone. Bamboo reaches out from behind the stone at the right. The slight incline of the ground has been rendered with a rather dry and fibrous brush stroke. Some delicate grass plants with a few leaves are sprinkled on the ground. The rock has been rendered with a light outline and various tones of .ink. The texture strokes begin with dark ink and then diminish in size and become lighter in tone as they are drawn across the paper. The bamboo provides a compositional balance as well as contrasting sharp detail and dark tones with the rest of the composition. The orchid plant has been executed in single brush strokes of varying tones. The long, sinuous strokes flow, giving the viewer a sense of fragility and grace. The blossoms accentuate this sense of delicacy and add an element of actual weight and presence. In this painting the viewer is struck with an impression of a miniature setting; elements of nature seen as a microcosm' and with the attempt by the artist to represent a real orchid in a real but miniature setting. All the elements have been with its flowering spike is rooted in front - 27 -carefully combined to create a rather stable quality. The light blossoms of the orchid appear poised and motionless, waiting for a light breeze to bring them into motion. They wait in vain, for there is no motion in the long blades of the orchid plant. The rock texture strokes have been rendered in the fei-po ^ or "flying white" brush stroke manner that we can see in the works of P'u-ming, a fourteenth century artist.1 The 2 orchid plant has also been executed in the P'u-ming tradition and not the outline style made popular by Chao Meng-chien. This is rather surprising as Ma Shou-chen was known for her outline style in the Chao Meng-chien manner. Perhaps this painting is representative of her earlier and more experimental period. The painting composition would be a complete entity with out the three colophons at the top of the scroll. However, assuming Ma Shou-chen's inscription was added at the time the painting was done, this would create an imbalance. With her inscription added, there would be an unbalanced composition without the Wang Chih-teng inscription of the far left. The compositional balance require either the two inscriptions or none at all. The Wang Chih-teng inscription, with its very dark and strong ink calligraphy, not only balances the compo sition of the painting and poetry but also serves to emphasize the dark tone of the brush strokes used to depict the orchid blossoms. It seems therefore safe to assume that Wang Chih-teng' s inscription was written the same time that Ma Shou-chen's painting and calligraphy was executed. Therefore, the painting, - 2.8 -Ma Shou-chen's inscription, Wang Chih-teng's inscription and 3 perhaps Hsueh Ming-i's inscription were all executed in 1572. Thus, this painting would be a testimonial to the early friend ship between Ma Shou-chen and Wang Chih-teng. The poetry written by Ma Shou-chen helps explain the meaning of this painting. Her inscription reads: Green shadows spread over the Hsiang River, Clear fen incense flows down to the hidden valley. Written on the fourth month of 1572 in the little pavilion of Ch*in Huai. Wang Chih-teng's colophon reads: The fragrant land is submerged, Three months of spring have watered The secret orchids of the nine fields. In the Green Hills Study People sit with wine in front of them and read the Li These two poems contain similar imagery to the Caswell Collection painting and poem written by Ma Shou-chen that we will discuss later in this paper. The Hsiang River and the "nine fields" of orchids we understand to be a reference to Ch'u Yiian's Li sao.^ The fragrance that is mentioned is a further allusion to the orchids, for they are associated with their delicate yet pervasive fragrance. It is the leisurely, elegant yet long lasting quality of permeating the atmosphere that cause the orchid fragrance to be linked with a true 5 friend or a perfect man. Another factor that is brought out by Wang Chih-teng's poem is the link of wine, friendship and scholarly activities— such as painting, calligraphy and reading—while in the company of courtesans.^ As previously discussed, courtesans often participated in writing poetry while drinking games were in - 29 -progress. Thus. Wang Chih-teng*s poem emphasizes the link that courtesans shared with literati endeavors. Ma Shou-chen's poetry refers to China's legendary past. Her individual painting style links her to well known traditional flower painting brush techniques. The Caswell collection orchid painting by Ma Shou-chen, (see figure 2 and Catalogue item II), shows the leaves, flowers and buds of the orchid cymbidium ensifolium, or Fukien (Min) l_an &*_ §?! . This plant's eight or more flowered spike blooms in the early summer with a less strong fragrance than the spring flowering Ch'un jj^ orchid.^ The painting's composition is composed of a single broad cluster of the orchid plant, grouped in the lower left hand corner of the scroll with a few long, yet sturdy, blades reaching across to the right border of the painting and also reaching up to gesture to the colpphon in the upper right corner. The leaves and stems are indicated as suddenly appearing. That is, they float in mid-air. There is no indication of ground, nor of water, nor. of roots. The painting has been executed in the shuang kou (outline) style that Ma Shou-chen has been described as using. The spikes with blossoms are similar to the ones illustrated in the Mustard Seed Manual. Different tones of ink have been used throughout the painting. There are different tones used to depict the blades, with the more distant blades rendered in a paler tone. The petals on the blossoms are also painted in a lighter tone with - 30 -even paler texture strokes on each petal's body. The tips of the petals have a dark stroke added that give a lively contrast that focuses the eye on the heart of the flowers. The dark tonal wash on each blossom's heart is even further augmented by dark texture dots. Each blossom's heart appears palpably vulnerable yet ^protected by the sheath of petals. The erotic associations that could be drawn from this description are quite obvious and probably intentional. The long brush strokes depicting the blades are impress ively firm yet delicate. Slight increases of pressure on the hairs of the brush have changed the character of each line along the blade. Yet no extenuated and graceful line is marred by a moment's hesitation in the drawing process. The calligraphy has been drawn in the "Regular script" (k'ai shu % )style. The hand is quite firm and sure yet each character is regular and even. There is no evidence of eccentricity in the artist, no example of a whim that has been spontaneously carried out. Instead there is evidence of a talented and well-practised artist who confidently, yet cautiously carries out her work. The effect induced intthe observer is one of admiration for the graceful calligraphic lines of the leaves, the delicate intertwining of the blades that wind through each other without being lost in confusion. But there is no real sensation of movement with no suggestion of air or cloud; the effect is of elegance and the distillation of a mood. The sturdy blades and the blossoms appear suspended in a state of dynamic equilibrium. This effect of suspended motion is increased by the artist's - 31 -disinterest in depicting; ground. However, the lack of motion and the airless quality do not infer a sense of lifelessness. Instead, the massed compositional elements contain a sense of vitality that is conveyed by the animated faces of each blossom's heart, peering out from behind its petals and twisting around the blades. These are the same worthy gentlemen blooming in solitude that Confucius noted. The painting could not have been an accident of design.*, The multitude of strokes needed to depict the orchid plant necessitates a careful study to have been pre viously made by the artist, in order to avoid the painting's elements being lost in a confusion. There is a good possibility that this painting would be the result of numerous previous studies and perhaps a preliminary background charcoal sketch. The composition of the painting would be complete without the calligraphy. However, the calligraphy has been written in the same firm, regular and controlled brush style of the painting. Indeed, the calligraphy and the painting elements could both have been drawn with the same brush. This factor, with the fact that the orchid blades gesture toward, and almost enclose, the poem, cause the viewer to consider the painting and the colophon as a symbiotic entity. It is obvious that this painting is derived from the Chinese tradition of orchid painting. Not only is there a similarity with drawing in the Mustard Seed Manual (which although printed after this artist's death, was derived from pre-existing works in the Nanking area), but there are also strong similarities with works of artists that Ma was known to have been influenced by. When we examine the works of Chao Meng-chien, for example the Narcissi scroll, we can < see the double outline technique and agree with Chinese historians' statements linking her style with his. Ma Shou-chen's poem, which as already been noted as an integral part of the composition, conveys, some of the signi ficance of the painting. It reads: In the \air there is a fragrance of nine fields of orchids The dew sparkles in the cool weather; Three Hsiang River moons shed their tears, Only traces of the dried tears remain; The autumn sky is clear, Yet so vast and broad it appears limitless. Who will travel once more To ising of the marsh border scenes? Painted and composed in the Ch'in-huai Water Pavilion At the request of fifth elder sister Su Ching. In 1603 at the time of hoar frost descending. This poem illustrates some of the symbolism mentioned previously. The term nine fields refers to the poem "Encountering 10 Sorrow", by Ch'u Yuan. We are sure the poem refers to the Li sao and not to any other event.^ The reference to the LI sao is made clear by the word ch'u^ which can mean clear/ distinct as well as refer to the State of Ch'u, where Ch'u Yuan came from. The three Hsiang River moons refer to Hsiang Chun and Hsiang Fu-jen, who were originally divinities presiding over the Hsiang River, and later looked on as the daughters of the 12 Emperor Yao. Ma Shou-chen includes herself as the third of the Hsiang River moons as she is also known as Hsiang-lan and Yueh (moon)-chiao. Yueh-chiao could be translated as the Beauty of the Moon. - 33 -Thus, the poem links the illustration of the blooming orchids to the past, to the literary traditions of pre-Taoist legends and also links the author's identity to these traditions. There is also a suggestion that Ma Shou-chen is using the allusion to orchids in order to equate her stature as a courtesan to that of a noble man in adverse circumstances. The Indianapolis Museum hahdscroll(see figure 3 and Catai logue item III) by Ma Shou-chen, is one of the largest of her works. This long scroll, entitled Orchids and Bamboo, is signed and dated the fall of 1604 and does not bear a poem by the artist. It was drawn in the outline style with shading added later. It is almost a botanical treatise with various marsh grasses, water plants and moss executed in exacting detail. Many of these blossoms and plants are recognizable as visually similar to the blossoms and plants illustrated in the Mustard 13 Seed Manual. The artist has displayed an accomplished technical virtuosity in her handling of the various tones of ink in the painting. The small orchid at the base of the water and at the base of the rock formation illustrates an interesting contrast between the lighter tone of the water and the dark strokes used to convey the graceful twists of the leaf blades. In turn, this treatment provides a rich contrast with the short fine lines of the marsh grass and the fibrous brush strokes used to depict the fock formation. The artist has used the artistic device of employing the long, supple blades of the orchid to gesture to the next pictorial element. Long graceful calligraphic lines point to - '34 -the soft rounded shapes of the rocks and the delicate texture of vegetation. At the same time we note these lines have a broad, stretched-out quality that emphasizes the surface of the horizontal scroll. Light tonal washes are anchored by dark and heavy clumps of rocks. But despite the grace and technical virtuosity there is a certain fragmental and compartmentalized effect that has not been overcome.by the artistic devices. The viewer is struck by the realistic quality of the various plants and impressed with the artist's technical virtuosity. However, the composi tional elements have been arranged along the lower edge of the scroll in such a way as to provide a visual barrier. The near bank, at the water, has become a blockade and the far bank, a barely suggested shape that is depicted without an indication of its relationship to water or to distance. No breeze can be felt to stir the fragrance of these flowers. There is the same sense of suspended animation nsted in Orchids of the Caswell collection and Orchid, Bamboo and Rock of the Metropolitan Museum collection. This is very different to Hsueh Wu's scroll in the Honolulu Academy of Arts.lif Hsueh Wujpf (d. I637) , a contemporary of Ma Shou-chen and a courtesan of Nanking, was also known for her orchid paintings. Hsueh Wu's painting in Honolulu is a scroll with every element relating to each other in such a way as to create a bold rhythm throughout, with no fragmented effect. Nearby orchids gesture over and across the water to close islands of still more orchids. Hsueh Wu also has a far distant bank we can faintly see on the far shore. Thus, the reader can penetrate the surface quality created by the sinuous shape of orchid blades stretched across the surface in Hsueh Wu's painting;to become aware of the far shore. This introduction of far distance does not appear in Ma Shou-chen's work. Hstieh Wu was a courtesan, calligrapher, poet and painter of Nanking (although a generation older according to my calculations) and would therefore have had much in common with Ma Shou-chen. However, there were substantial differences in personality. Tseng^describes Hstieh Wu as a person who liked to ride horseback and shoot balls from her maid's head, and called herself "Fifth Boy". Ma Shou-chen was also noted 16 for her boldness and non-conformity, but Hsueh Wu carried this several steps further. Hsueh Wu's propensity for archery and horseback riding, traditionally male activities, indicate a female who did not accept her position in life and longed for the freedom enjoyed by males. It is fitting that we can see the far distance, the far side of the bank, in her paintings. This is in contrast to Ma Shou-chen who seemed less of a rebel and more willing to accept her position in society. The fact that Ma Shou-chen had a devoted scholar friend and Hsueh Wu did not may have helped cause this difference. In Orchids and Bamboo, the viewer does not obtain so much a feeling for a close and intense fragment of nature as the scroll is unrolled, but instead has a feeling of being restrained with the vision blocked. Perhaps this is the result of the ~ 36 -psychological viewpoint of Ma Shou-chen when she looked from her garden across the Ch'in-huai canal. Although Ma Shou-chen is best known for her orchid paintings, she painted other subjects. The Lotus Plant by Ma Shou-chen (see figure U and Catalogue item IV), is a tall, slender hanging scroll painting that demonstrates again Ma Shou-chen's very real talent for using the tones of ink in her paintings. The dark tones are contrasted with the light tones, while the fine lines at first glance appear to be so casual and unlaboured that a very spontaneous effect is captured. Th^e lines suggest stems and lotus blossoms that have been so cursively drawn that each line hints of a shape without confusing the composition nor taking away from the painting's simplicity. The composition is very simple and fits in well with the slender hanging scroll shape. The narrow sides of the painting contain and support the weight of the lotus blossoms on their delicate stalks. Siren has translated the undated colophon the upper left of the scroll to read: I passed my childhood at the river banks, not knowing any sorrows, but now the storms and rains have brought the autumn chill to Ch'in-huai. I dare not turn my head again to the roads of old along the dykes. The trees are thin, the sun is low, and I am in a public house.17 The lotus (ho^ or lienj^ ) is a popular motif in Chinese painting and, like the orchid, has several layers of symbolic meaning. It is rather interesting to note its selection as the subject matter to accompany Ma Shou-chen's poem. Although the lotus is often associated with Buddhist teachings it was known in China from ancient times. In fact special ideographs were used in ancient times to deSBote all the different parts of 18 the lotus plant. No doubt a specialized vocabulary developed for this plant because, like the bamboo, all parts'.-of the plant 19 were considered useful. Lotus seed became symbolic of longevity as seeds that are hundreds of years old have been 20 known to germinate. Legends have immortals clothed in fibres from the tubers of this plant.2-'- Because these fibres are elastic, a saying developed that states "though the lotus tuber 22 is broken the silks are still connected." This signifies an affair that is fated to continue. More recent symbolism associates the lotus with eleventh-century Confucianism (no doubt via Buddhism). Chou Tun-i 'D 1$L*fL (1017-1173)23 loved the lotus plant, singling it out for its purity and tranquility. He described the lotus in these words: It emerges from muddy dirt but is not contaminated; it reposes nobly above the clear water; hollow inside and straight outside, its stems do not straggle or branch. Its subtle perfume pervades the air far and wide...the lotus is the flower of purity and integrity. 24 It is possibly the reference to Chou Tun-iTs symbolism of the lotus plant that inspired Ma Shou-chen to choose the lotus as the subject of a painting to accompany her poetry. We have noted the possible allusions to her own life and the mixture of poetic and subjective allusions in the Caswell collection painting as well as this one. We have also noted that it is -Ma Shou-chen's poetry and calligraphy, more than her painting that has captured the praise of Chinese historians (all Confucian scholars). There is a good possibility that the poem was created before the painting. In this painting Ma Shou-chen has chosen the seemingly frail but resilient, single stemmed flower to suggest her solitude. The disappointments that she resolutely faced in her life were endured with what can only be described as a very resilient strength. This work is a perfect blend of poetry and painting or respectively, suggested imagery and pictorial qualities. Another interpretation could be that Ma Shou-chen, in painting the lotus, referred to a love affair, perhaps to her affair with Wang Chih-teng. Siren quotes a note added to the inscription on Lotus Plant that expressed Ma Shou-chen's disappointment over the fact that a friend of hers had taken 25 a new concubine. The Lotus Plant could have been painted during the many years that Wang Chih-teng and Ma Shou-chen were separated. It is unlikely that a courtesan such as Ma Shou-chen, having had an affair with such a well known scholar as Wang Chih-teng, would not want to continue. Perhaps the sadness expressed is in response to thoughts of Wang Chih-teng. It is a well known convention for an artist to address the subject matter, such as a flower, coincidentally speaking to a lover. The word lotus, lien, is often used in poetry because of its phonetic similarity to the word beloved, lien. There are precedents to suggest Ma Shou-chen addressed a lover and the subject of her painting at the same time. In Yo hsueh lou shu  hua lu there is a report of a painting by Ma Shou-chen with a - 39 -stone added by Wang Chih-teng. Ma Shou-chen addresses the painting in an inscription by saying "I love your tender leaves.. There are other paintings attributed to Ma Shou-chen. It is not the purpose of this thesis to discuss her complete works, but some of her paintings are reporoduced in accessible publications. Among these is the orchid fan painting illustrated in Ku-kung Chou-K'an, see Catalogue- item V, This fan painting is signed, bears an inscription by the artist, and is dated 1578. The subject matter primarily involves orchids but there is also some bamboo. The illustration of bamboo is too small to be able to understand why Chinese historians stated that Ma Shou-chen's painting style for bamboo was in the manner of Kuan Tao-shen (1262-I325), Chao Meng-fu's wife, and not any 28 other well known bamboo painter. The linking of Ma Shou-chen and Kuan Tao-sheng may have had more to do with their sex than their painting styles (see Section II). The orchids in this fan painting are drawn in the outline style of Chao Meng-chien. Although bamboo, and not orchid blossoms are used as textural and tonal contrasts to punctuate the interweaving calligraphic lines of the blades of orchids, this painting is very similar in composition to the horizontal scroll by Ma Shou-chen illustrated in Shina Meiga Hokan (Catalogue item VI)J It also has the same quality of being stretched across the surface of the painting with little interest in depicting depth. Another fan painting of Ma Shou-chen in Ku-kung Chou-k'an - 40 -(Catalogue item VII) bears the CK'ien lung Imperial seal and a signed inscription by Wang Chih-teng as well as by Ma Shou-chen. This painting has no pretensions of being a unified and comprehensive composition. Instead, it is simply a charming and decorative painting of various floral motifs with butterflies. This small fan painting, signed but undated, is a study of nature, lacking in the planned compositional quality of Ma Shou-chen's other works. As a botanical study it is similar to the study of the scroll in the Indianapolis Museum and to the study of orchid blossoms in the National Palace Museum (see Catalogue item VIII). The painting in the National Palace Museum is signed with a seal and shows the orchid blossom painted in both outline and wash technique. The spikes of the blossoms are shown in isolation, not in any imagined setting. Another painting by Ma Shou-chen in the National Palace Museum is a small signed landscape (see Catalogue item IX). In this painting orchids executed in a wash technique grow out of the bank of a stream. The rocks have been painted with the 29 texture strokes similar to those of P'u Ming. The spikey brambles that off-set the languid appearance of the orchid can 30 -be found in other P'u Ming paintings. Again the viewer has the impression of seeing nature in miniature. In this painting, the dark diagonal line, used to demarcate the near ground from the blank void beyond, gives the composition an effect of being stretched across the picture plane with no real depth. The conscious use of many brush techniques and tonal effects in such a small composition also give the effect of this being a - 41 -study more than a finished painting. In a different category is the painting Epidendrums (see Catalogue item X), by Ma Shou-chen in the Soyeshima collection. This small album leaf shows a tall, elongated rock with a single spike of orchid blossoms and a few blades of orchid leaves. This composition is similar to the painting by Ma Shou-chen illustrated in Chung-kuo(Ming hua chi (see Catalogue item XI). In this painting, Slender Rock, Orchids and Bamboo, a convoluted rock has an orchid plant growing at its base and a bamboo plant stretching above the rock. Both Epidendrums and Slender Rock, Orchids and Bamboo have a similar composition and motifs. Also, both paintings share the elongated vertical shape with a diagonal composition held in balance by a prominent vertical element. In the Slender Rock, Orchids and Bamboo painting this vertical element is a branch of bamboo while in the Epidendrums, the vertical element is a spike of orchid blossoms. The Slender Rock, Orchids and Bamboo painting bears a seal and signed inscription by Wang Chih-teng and a signed inscription with two seals by Ma Shou-chen, dated 1572. Neither inscription is a visual necessity to the balance of the composition of the painting. Additional inscriptions are above. Unusual rock shapes are a popular element in Chinese paintinj But the similarity in the two paintings by Ma Shou-chen would suggest that one painting was a study for a later work. It is possible that the album leaf is the earlier work, as album leaves characteristically lend themselves to a more experimental 32 approach. However, the undated Soyeshima album leaf may be - 42 -a simplified version of earlier studies and like the undated Stockholm lotus painting, an indication that Ma Shou-chen's works became simpler in composition as she grew older. Both the painting Slender Rock, Orchids and Bamboo and the album leaf in the Soyeshima collection have orchids done in the outline technique. But the manner used to paint the rock is different in each case. The rock painted in Slender Rock, Orchids and Bamboo demonstrates the fibrous brush stroke I 33 or fei-po technique made famous by ChaoMeng-fu. In the fei-po technique, many parts of the ground are left untouched by the separating hairs of the brush. This is very different to the rock illustrated in the Soyeshima collection, which is more similar to the works of Ma Lin. Both the Petrucci and the Sze translations of the Mustard Seed Manual have illustrations 35 of orchids painted in the style of Ma Lin and Ma Hsiang-lan. In both cases the illustrations appear to be switched. This may be because both use reproductions of later editions rather than the original woodcut illustrations, or it may be because there is a genuine confusion due to a similar painting style sometimes used by Ma Shou-chen. From this visual analysis of a few of Ma Shou-chen's works, we can see a pattern emerge. According to Chinese historians, she was famous for her outline technique of painting orchids in the manner of Chao Meng-chien, and famous for her technique of painting bamboo in the manner of Kuan Tao-sheng. But Ma Shou-chen was accomplished in painting with other techniques as well. She was able to paint with similar techniques used by such - _43 -artists as P'u Ming and Ma Lin. Her painting compositions tend to be stable, in facfe rather more static than the compositions of Chao Meng-chien or Hsueh Wu. Ma Shou-chen had a propensity for stretching her brush strokes across the surface of the painting, not being overly concerned with atmospheric qualities or far distance. This may be deliberate as the sense of suspended animation noted above and the emphasis on the brush strokes stretched across the paintings both serve to enhance the two-dimensional quality of her paintings. This factor in turn serves to focus the attention of the viewer upon the callig raphy which is often present on Ma Shou-chen's paintings. The same skill and care that is shown in Ma Shou-chen's painting is present in her calligraphy. Though there is mention of Ma Shou-chen's "Running style" (hsing-shu-^ ) calligraphy, the examples we have seen reveal a preference of a;style that is rather conservative in its tradition.^ we can see an example of her "Running style" script on the Orchid and Bamboo fan (see Catalogue item V). There, the "Running style" flowing lines fit in well with the orchids' very long blades. However, all other examples of Ma Shou-chen's calligraphy (see Catalogue items I-XI) are of the "Regular script". Chao Meng-fu was also noted for calligraphy that seldom deviated'fram the traditional 37 accepted standards. It may be this factor that led one Chinese historian to state Ma Shou-chen's calligraphy was similar 38 to Chao Meng-fu's. The imagery present in Ma Shou-chen's poetry links past traditions to the subject matter and the author. The sad, world-weary note present in these images, such as the Stockholm painting and inscription, may be more a convention than an actual reality. Men originally wrote love poems from a female viewpoint, ascribing emotions that they felt were 39 appropriate, and this later became a convention. Ma Shou-chen's most inspired and creative works are in paintings with simple compositions and few elements. In fact, in her larger works, such as the Indianapolis scroll there is a tendency to treat the whole composition by separating various components. Simple compositional elements complement her poetry. The rather straight-forward allusions in the poetry, upon examination, give up layer upon layer of possible symbolic meaning, conveyed with a direct and intense feeling. Ma Shou-chen's simple compositions enforce this and lead the viewer to contemplate the possible symbolism. Both poetry and painting can be appreciated on several levels of understanding. However, the viewer is directed back to the poetry and, indeed, the poetry seems to have been foremost in Ma Shou-chen's mind. i- 45 -SECTION IV: MING DYNASTY LITERATI ARTISTS If :Ma Shou-chen's work is representative of a painting style handed down by the traditions of centuries past, how can we compare her style of painting to the painting style of her contemporaries in the established mainstream of Chinese painting, that is to say the literati artists? Through her social contacts with Wang Chih-teng, it is likely that Ma Shou-chen knew many literati artists of the Suchow area. Ch'en Shun 1^^(1483-1584) was greatly admired by Wang Chih-teng, who gave him a prominent spot in his history of painting.'*" Thus, although Ma Shou-chen would not have known him personally, she would have been aware of Ch'en Shun's work. As Ch'en Shun was a friend of Shen Chou ^ (1427-1509) and a pupil of Wen Cheng-ming (1470-1567), we begin to see how entirely feasible it would be that Ma Shou-chen was in turn familiar with these artists' works. Hsiang Yiian-pien ^ XJ ~/\ (I525-I59O) was a friend of the Wen family, in particular Wen Chia jiC^Jfa (I5OI-I583). Also, there is a record of an inscription and seal of Wen Chao-chih jl^ %~ J\-jk. , Wen Cheng-2 ming's grandson, on a painting by Ma Shou-chen. Hsiang Yuan-pien was also close to Tung Ch'i-ch'ung ^ %2 (I555-I636), who served the Hsiang family as a tutor. Hsiang Yiian-pien was also an influential collector who was an intrinsic part 3 of the literati Wu school painters. In fact, Hsiang Yiian-pien was said to have operated a pawn shop where painting scrolls 5 4 were a part of his inventory. Ma Shou-chen is recorded as having often visited pawn shops and may have been his customer. - 46 -In this closely connected society, it is quite likely that Ma Shou-chen would have been familiar with the works of Chfen Shun, Shen Chou, Wen Cheng-ming and Hsiang Ytian-pien. Her own studies of their works would have been used to refine her artistic techniques. Within the Wu school of the Ming dynasty, flower painting continued to be a popular theme. Shen Chou and Wen Cheng-ming, the acknowledged leaders of the Wu school artists, were both known for their flower painting, although these paintings 6 were minor works supposedly done only as amusement. When we examine these works we see definite correlations between their works (and their students' works), and the paintings of Ma Shou-chen. 7 Shen Chou's Duck in a Lotus Pond illustrates the accomplished tonal variations that we have also come to recognize as character- • istic of Ma Shou-chen's work. However, his compositional arrangement is only reminiscent of Ma Shou-chen's composition in the Stockholm painting. The two compositions are only generally similar, in their vertical shape, theme and painting technique with the brush. Also, Shen Chou's painting is dissimilar in its very tangible treatment of atmosphere. Another painting, by Ch'en Shun, Shen Chou's friend and Wen Cheng-ming's 8 pupil, the Lotus and Duck, perhaps provides us with the link between the literati painting and the Stockholm painting by Ma Shou-chen. In his painting, Ch'en Shun shows little interest in retaining Shen Chou's atmospheric quality but retains interest in tonal variations and gives the long stems the - 47 --calligraphic quality so strongly present in Ma Shou-chen's painting. Chen Shun's painting has similar composition, shape, theme and brush technique to Ma Shou-chen's painting. Another painting by Ch'en Shun, Studies from Life,^ is a study of flowers done in the outline style used by Ma Shou-chen. Shen Chou's Fungus, Orchid and Magnolia1*"* has a composi tional arrangement that is quite reminiscent of Ma Shou-chen's painting Slender Rock, Orchids and Bamboo. In both paintings we see the diagonal composition held in balance by the same vertical element reaching up and beyond the twisted rock shape. Both rocks have been rendered with similar fei-po brush strokes. The ground is sloping in both paintings giving a tilted effect and establishing a rather "uncertain equilibrium" that we later recognize as typical in Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's works.11 This is not to say that Ma Shou-chen copied Shen Chou's painting. There are numerous paintings that have this same compositional arrangement. In fact tall, narrow compositions 12 are rather typical of the Wu school. An example of another painting like this would be Hsiang Yuan-pien's painting, 13 Longevity Wishes. There we see a similar rock, with the bamboo beyond, on a sparsely rendered and slanted ground. Hsiang Yuan-pien's stylistic technique is similar to Shen Chou's but also reminiscent of Ni Tsan, whom he also admired. It is interesting that such a painting, with so few compositional elements, can bring to mind the work of such different artists as Shen Chou and Ni Tsan. This emphasizes how varied a "copy" r.can be and how it is possible to have the Chinese method of "copying" or "in the manner of" without ^stifling the artistic - 48 -expression of individual artists. Wen Cheng-ming has been called the greatest orchid painter since the Yuan dynasty.1^" When we look at an example 15 of one of these paintings, such as Orchid and Bamboo. we see the same asymmetrical one corner compositional arrangement, the tonal variation between various elements, and the fei-po brush strokes in his painting that is also characteristic of P'u-ming, the "fourteenth century Ch'an artist.1^ This paintings composition and theme is repeated, though in a 17 much simpler composition, by Hsiang Yuan-pien in Ink Orchids. Here we see the same technique and composition that we noted in Ma Shou-chen's painting Orchid, Bamboo and Rock (Catalogue item I), as well as her small study in the National Palace Museum (see Catalogue item VIII). Wen Cheng-ming also did 18 orchids in the outline technique used by Ma Shou-chen. Thus, Ma Shou-chen fits in well with contemporary literati artists. That is to say, her works are comparable in theme, composition, technical execution of the brush and ink tones to the major literati painters of her time. Also, the majority of her paintings bear the prominent inscriptions that are also present in the majority of the works by Shen Chou, Wen Cheng-19 ming, Ch'en Shun and Hsiang Yuan-pien. This is not to say that Ma Shou-chen's work was of the same scope. For the samples given of Shen Chou, Wen Cheng-ming, Ch'en Shun and Hsiang Yuan-pien are but a small selected sampling of their many diverse works. Ma Shou-chen was known only for her paintings of flowers. But within her chosen sphere - 49 -her works were of a style and quality that reached the standards of Ch'en Shun or Hsiang Yiian-pien. Cahill in Parting at the Shore, notes a correspondence between an artist's position in society and his style of 20 painting. This observation is quite applicable to Ma Shou-chen. Ma Shou-chen, educated, talented and obviously cognitive of traditions of flower painting, was a courtesan and would be trained and anxious to please the literati - her patrons. This desire to please the literati would most likely have been shared by Hsiang Yuan-pien. Because his fortune was based on pawnshops, Hsiang Yiian-pien would have been a member of the 21 merchant class. This class was not one of the four classes recognized by Confucius. Thus, merchants theoretically were not to mix with literati. However, in Nanking and Suchow there was an intermingling of merchants and literati during the Ming 22 dynasty. This was a new phenomenon. However, neither Hsiang Yuan-pien nor Ma Shou-chen, nor anyone in a similar position, could be expected to stray far beyond the borders of the accepted taste of their desired peer group. Voyages into non-conformity would be left for individuals who genuinely did not care about social acceptance or else were so firmly entrenched socially that they had no fear of being rejected. Shen Chou.:could be considered an example of this. But while Ma Shou-chen and Hsiang Yiian-pien did not go beyond any established literati taste in their paintings, we can appreciate their works for their own genuine merit and in fact, use Ma Shou-chen's works as a window to the understanding - 50 -of the literati at the end of the Ming dynasty, a time of shifting values. As a courtesan, Ma Shou-chen was trained to respond to the wishes of the literati; therefore her work is important as an indication of their taste. Her close association with them can show them in a new light. As to Ma Shou-chen's and other female artists' predilection for painting flowers, it is unfair to denigrate their activity 23 as merely a suitable feminine interest. Ma Shou-chen referred to the Li sao in her poetry and used orchids as its allegory in her paintings. The Li sao is a major work in Chinese classical literature. This poem is particularly noted for its mystery and magic, its hint of eroticism and its sincerity of purpose in one person's journey of passionate integrity. To achieve this, the poem suggests multiple allegories of fragrant plants. When Ma Shou-chen painted a reference to the Li sao and empha sized this with her own poetic references, she linked herself to this image of mystery, sexuality and magic. Ma Shou-chen used the flowers as an artistic convention. This is an inescapable factor in all Chinese art forms. Every scholar is trained to know the past and to use its traditions to express himself, whether in essay writing, poetry, calligraphy or painting. Ma Shou-chen did not try to excape this tradition but used the existing framework to express her own feelings. Her poetry and paintings both referred to something without o tightly defining it. This leaves tHe viewer, assumed to be educated and sensitive, able to transmit his or her own senses and interpret the artist's exact sentiments as he feels fit. - 51 -The transmission of an allegorical allusion requires the involvement of the imagination of the viewer. An evocative, but not totally representational image is more successful in this process because a specific and detailed work would not stimulate the imagination. How Ma Shou-chen felt about the interpretations of tragic 2L allusions to her own life is impossible to say. We cannot be sure that she regretted the circumstances of her life as much as her Chinese biographers and Siren (all male) think. But this is unimportant — just as it is relatively unimportant to decide if all the artists who painted scenes of Taoist fishermen really wanted to live a life of simplicity. Contag speaks of the adoration of the eternal in Chinese 25 art. It is this desire to abstract the general feeling and yet remain detached from anything specific that we can see in Ma Shou-chen's painting. Ma Shou-chen was able to transmit a feeling to the viewer but we are unable to tightly define it. We do not know if the orchids refer to her own despair in undesirable circumstances or are the symbol of a carefree spirit. Hers was a spirit that had matured, uncultivated in a secluded valley, where the wind traces its path across the field of orchids and carries a pervasive perfume. Ma Shou-chen expressed so much in both her poetry and her painting with just the --• i; suggestion of a brush stroke and the allusion to a historical reference. Wang Chih-teng praised Ma Shou-chen's poetry and calligraphy because ability in calligraphy and poetry are the criteria of a - 52 -noble person. She would have to be accepted as a poet before there could be any acceptance of her painting. As noted by Su Shih, an artist is first a poet. But the conventions against such acceptance are very strong in Chinese society. The fact that Ma Shou-chen was a woman would always be considered first in Confucian China. This would be one of the reasons why Ma Shou-chen's paintings were not given very much attention by Chinese art historians. It appears that sometimes, when a woman's paintings were found to show some talent, it was suggested that they must be the work of another. Thus, in Ma Shou-chen's case it was suggested that her paintings could 27 have been done by Wang Chih-teng. Ma Shou-chen's painting demonstrated a continuing tradition of flower painting based on an ancestry of Hsu Hsi's painting technique. Hsu Hsi's method of painting flowers first was used because it was felt it lent itself better to what the literati artists wanted to express. In the Yuan dynasty this desire to paint in a non-academic style was reinforced by the previous association of academic style painting with the court artists of the Southern Sung dynasty. Academic/court artists became associated with the downfall of a Chinese dynasty and the domination by foreign barbarians in the succeeding dynasty. Thus, a painting style was also a badge of membership within a group. The literati (Wu school) and the non-literati (Che school) painting styles were less strongly defined in the Ming dynasty, but it still is a fact that a painting style can signal acceptance or non-acceptance within a group. While it - 53 -may seem that restrictions on permitted painting styles of an artist would be damaging to creativity, what happened was that the artist learned to express himself or herself within the established conventions. Ma Shou-chen was able to express herself within this system. It is significant that she chose to become known for a painting style strongly associated with the literati of the Ming dynasty. -54 -CONCLUSION: In this thesis I have discussed the life and artistic works of the Ming dynasty courtesan, Ma Shou-chen. Ma Shou-chen's works were created with real talent and a desire to please one of the most discerning of Chinese art historians - Wang Chih-teng. We could generalize Ma Shou-chen's works as being rather small and intimate with a decorative quality in their interest in rhythmic calligraphic brush strokes that sweep across the painting surface and emphasize the picture plane. There is little interest in atmosphere or depth. The composition is fo.cussed upon depicting a segment of nature and thus can appear to be hastily done. But examination reveals the composition, like the brush work and ink tones, were carefully and skillfully done to incorporate the poetry and inscriptions that are frequently present. The total effect is lyrical and evocative with a sense of unobtrusive?, quiet. If this could be said about Ma Shou-chen's works, the same could be said about many of Shen Chou's works. Yet Siren, for example, has stated that Shen Chou's fame "was based rather on his.; personality • as^a?:whole: than J s ;as.- a painter l"^"while Edwards o stressed Shen Chou's non-conformity, and Wang Chih-teng 3 stated that Shen Chou was in the divine class of painting. The opinions of Shen Chou's works by Siren, Edwards and Wang Chih-teng are all based upon the personal qualities of the artist. In spite of the fact that their opinions of the artist are based upon his personal qualities (qualities that - 55 -are more often expressed in small and intimate works), Shen Chou's major works are not likely to be represented by, for example, his small album leaves. Historians have often fallen into the trap of looking for the grand moment in each period by examining the major (large) works of the most important artists. Perhaps this is not the case in the Ming dynasty. After examining Ma Shou-chen's works it is possible for us to appreciate the more informal characteristics of Ming dynasty society and the changing role of the literati artist. The literati artists enjoyed their leisure hours, often without the restraints of official appointments, in a mixed company that often included merchants and courtesans. The focus of their lives was no longer upon public service but on private pleasures and expressions. There would be no better person to express the new aesthetics of the Ming dynasty literati than the courtesan who was trained to respond to their desires. - 56 --INTRODUCTION NOTES 1-. Susan Bush, Chinese Literati, page 175• SECTION I NOTES 1. Non-English language literary sources have been translated for this thesis (see Appendix 2). Most sources state that Ma Shou-chen was called Yuan-erh as a child but Chung-kuo ,jen ming ta tzu tien, by Li-ho Tsang states she was called Yueh-chiao as a child. TTa Sun in Chung-kuo hua chia• jen ming ta tz'u tien states she was given the name Yueh-chiao after a person in a southern style opera. 2. Wei-chfu Kuo, Sung Yuan Ming Ch'ing shu hua chia nien  piao, pages 160,183,186,189. 3. Osvald Siren, Chinese Painting, Vol.7 page 218. 4. Orchid, Bamboo and Rock (see Appendix 1, Catalogue item I) and Slender Rock, Orchids and Bamboo (see Catalogue item XI) bear an inscription dating them 1572. 5. E Li in Yu t 'ai shu shih records a painting dated keng-niu or 1570. 6. E Li in Yu t'ai shu shih and Sou-yu T'ang in Yu t'ai  hua shih. 7. See Catalogue item V, Appendix 1. 8. Kuang-t'ao K'ung in Yo hsueh lou shu hua lu. SECTION I NOTES (cont'd) 9. Yuan-chi P'ang in Hsu chai ming hua lu. 10. Shang-jen K'ung in Hsiang chin pu. 11. Wei-ch'u Kuo in Sung Yuan Ming Ch'ing shu hua  chia nien piao cites two sources for giving 1604 as the date of Ma Shou-chen's death. These are and j& % Jft^ % fa . 12. Kuang-t'ao K'ung in Yo hsueh lou shu hua lu'; The Chinese method of dating would call this his seventieth birthday. All ages given in the body of this thesis are stated according to the Western method. However, in an attempt'-to give a literal translation, the ages are stated according to the Chinese method in Appendix 2. 13. Good*and Fang, Dictionary of Ming Biography, Vol. 2, page 1362. 14. Kuang-t'ao K'ung in Yo hsueh lou shu hua lu. 15. Li-ho Tsang in Chung-kuo jen ming ta tz'u tien. 16. Ch'ien-i Ch'ien in Lieh ch'ao shih chi hsiao chuan. 17. Ibid. However, Fan-t'ing Wang in Chung hua li tai fu nu disagrees stating she lived until she was sixty-nine years 18. Kuang-t'ao K'ung in Yo hsueh lou shu hua lu gives an interesting account of this event. - 58 -SECTION I NOTES (cont'd) 19. Ch'ien -i Ch'ien in Lieh ch'ao shih and I-tsun Chu in Mine; shih tsung and Li-ho Tsang in Chung-kuo jen ming. 20. Kuang-t'ao K'ung in Yo hsueh lou shu hua lu describes a painting by Ma Shou-chen that bears a signature dating it 1599 and also has an inscription by Wang Chih-teng. 21. Ch'ien-i Ch'ien in Lieh Ch'ao shih and I-tsun Chu in Ming shih tsung. 22. Such a situation occurred in the late sixteenth century to T'u Lung who was introduced to a close friend's wife only to be accused by his enemies of attending an improper gathering. Goodrich and Fang, Vol. 2, p.1325. 23. E Li in Yu t'ai shu shih and Ch'ien-i Ch'ien in Lieh ch'ao shih call Ma Shou-chen chi Chi was the royal surname of the ruling family of the Chou dynasty (1027-256 B.C.). Thus, chi is an honorific term. However, Kuang-t'ao K'ung in Yo hsueh  lou shu, I-tsun Chu and Ch'ang Wang in Ming tz'u tsung, I-tsun Chu in Ming shih tsung and Li-ho Tsang in Chung-kuo ,jen ming call Ma Shou-chen, chi~£$L . This chi means prostitute or sing song girl. 24. Howard Levy in A Feast of Mist p. 9 lists the skills of courtesans. 25. Fan-t'ing Wang in Chung hua li tai fu nu. 26. Ch'ien-i Ch'ien in Lieh ch'ao shih. It is interesting to note that according to Cahill in Parting, p. 198, the p\'i-p'a - 59 -SECTION I NOTES (cont'd) was associated with women entertainers while the ch'in was associated with scholarly activities. Levy in Feast of Mist, p. 141, states that mention of the deerskin drums allude to the drum favored by the T'ang Emperor Hsuan-tsung. All of these instruments were referred to in reports of Ma Shou-chen's residence. 27. Van Gulik, Sexual Life in China, p. 171. 28. Levy, A Feast of Mist, p.18. This may explain why Ma Shou-chen and her family were involved in prostitution. Ma is a well known Moslem name. 29. Fan-t'ing Wang in Chung hua li tai fu nu. 30. Van Gulik, p. 265 mentions the frequency of foot-binding during the Ming dynasty. However, for a more complete description of this phenomenon see Levy, Chinese Footbinding. 31. Van Gulik, p. 3O8 and Levy, A Feast of Mist, p. 9. 32. Ch'ien-i Ch'ien in Lieh ch'ao shih. 33. H.L. Li, Garden Flowers of China, p. 73 describes orchids growing wild and p. 64 describes lotus plants growing throughout China. 34. Levy, A Feast of Mist p. 25 states the Hall of Tribute, where examinations were held every three years, had 20,644 tiny rooms for the examinees. - 60 -SECTION I NOTES (cont'd) 35. According to Levy, A:Feast of Mist, pg.17, the concept of the aesthetically inclined scholar developed with Yang Wei-chen (Yuan/Ming dynasty poet), who showed no interest in becoming an official. 36. According to Bush, p.151, only one-half the chin-shih degrees granted during the Sung dynasty were granted at the time of the Ming dynasty. The chu-.j en degree became more important and harder to achieve in a quota system. 37. Ibid. 38. Levy, A Feast of Mist, p. 26. 39. Ibid, p. 27. 40. Ibid, p. 27. 41. Ibid, p. 26. 42. Van Gulik, p. 59» explains that the paucity of contact between couples did not imply a belief that the sexual act was a sin, instead a desire to regulate the family life and procreation. In Yuan dynasty time, the Neo-Confucian Chu Hsi took this one step further, stressing the inferiority of women while limiting sexual contact to the wedding couch. Van Gulik, p. 223, states that it was Chu Hsi who laid the foundations of Neo-Confucianism as the only State religion. 43. According to Van Gulik, p. 47, the Chinese believed 61 _ -SECTION I NOTES (cont'd) a man's essence could be strengthened by acquiring yin essence x from a woman who has reached orgasm. 44. See note 22, this section. 45. Van Gulik, p. 60 quotes from the Li Chi for this regulation. 46. Van Gulik, p. 182. 47. Syphill-sswas not introduced to China until the beginning of the sixteenth century, according to Van Gulik, p.311. 48. Shang-ren K'ung, Peach Blossom Fan, p. 43 describes a game where a courtesan encouraged guests to drink wine by suggesting games involved with poetry. Each participant would recite his own poetry after every cup of wine. 49. Levy, A Feast of Mist, p. 9 & 74 and Van Gulik, p. 178. Courtesans were praised when they could hold a large volume of liquor and still record the number of drinks consumed at a feast. Another story praises a girl who could encourage others to drink. 50. Levy, A Feast of Mist, p. 42, states that the Bureau of Rites Preservation could eliminate a girl's name from the register. Van Gulik, p. 171 discusses the cases of courtesans being bought out by distinguished guests. 51. Van Gulik, p. 181, stresses that skills were more important than beauty to a courtesan. SECTION I NOTES (cont'd) 52. Ch'ien-i Ch'ien in Lieh ch'ao shih. 53. Fan-t'ing Wang in Chung hua li tai fu nu. Li-ho Tsang in Chung-kuo .jen ming ta tz'u tien states that she was not only charming but also good at guessing people's intentions (a very valuable talent for a courtesan). 54. Goodrich and Fang, Vol. 2, p.1361-1363. SECTION II NOTES 1. There are numerous references to this in Chinese literary sources. See Sou-yu T'ang, Yu t'ai hua shih, T'a sun, Chung-kuo hua chia and translations of the Mustard Seed  Manual. 2. H. Li, Garden Flowers, p. 8, discusses Emperor Wu Ti of the Han dynasty who had a well known garden of exotic flowers. 3. Cahill, Chinese Painting, p. 157, illustrates an example of this. 4. Contag, "Unique Characteristics", p. 57. 5. Cahill, "Confucian Elements", p.129. 6. Chu-tsing Li, A Thousand Peaks, p. 263 and 264 discusses the two schools of flower painting. 7. Ledderose, Mi Fu, p. 30, explains that the interest in expressing subjective qualities in painting is a development of the belief in the subjective qualities of calligraphy. As early as the fourth century it was believed a brush stroke could reveal the character of the calligrapher. A desire to express character increased a spontaneous use of the brush. 8. Hummel, Autobiography of a Chinese Historian, p.XL, quotes Arthur Legge's explanation of this. 9. Bush, p. 29 quotes SuAiShih stating that an artist is a poet not a painter. SECTION II NOTES (cont'd) 10. The Hsuan-ho hua-p'u was the catalogue of the Emperor Hui-tsung's painting collection. It was compiled after the fall of the N. Sung dynasty by literati and reveals its literati bias in such ways as quoting the Confucian Analects in the preface - according to Cahill, "Confucian Elements", p.139. 11. Siren, Chinese Painting, Vol.11, p.6l. 12. Michael Sullivan, Symbols of Eternity, p. 80. 13. For an illustration of an example of this see Wen Fong, Sung and Yuan Paintings, plate no. 12. 14. Siren, Chinese Painting, Vol. IV, p. 73• 15. Bush, p. 123. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid. 19. Siren, Chinese Painting, Vol. II, p.158. 20. Chu-tsing Li, "Freer Sheep and Goat", p. 321 quotes this poem by Confucius. He includes the sentence "this is just like the worthy man who in an inopportune time must associate with the common herd" as among the words of Confucius. In two Chinese literary sources, I could not see this sentence included with the words of Confucius. Perhaps the quotation marks were SECTION II NOTES (cont'd) inserted wrongly in Li's article. 21. Chu4tsing Li, "Freer Sheep and Goat", p. 321. 22. Chu-tsing Li, "Oberlin Orchid", p. 52. 23. Bush, p. 131. 24. Ibid. 25. Bush, p. 139, quotes Chao Meng-fu as saying that when sketching bamboo, eight strokes of calligraphy are used. It is statements like this that stress the link between calligraphy and painting. 26. An illustration of an example of this can be seen in Cahill, Chinese Painting, p. 103. 27. Chao Meng-fu is the exception to this rule and the critical comments of his work often reflect the sentiment that he was a traitor to the Chinese people. See Li, "Freer Goat". 28. Bush, p. 151. 29. Cahill, Parting, p. 59. 30. Goodrich and Fang, Vol. 2, p.1402, states that the most prominent member of the classicist school during the Ming dynasty was Wang Shih-chen (1526-1590). 31. Goodrich and Fang. Vol. 2, p.1362, states that this - 66 _ -SECTION II NOTES (cont'd) treatise concerned the painters of the Soochow area while Ma Shou-chen lived in Nanking. However, it is quite likely he would not have included her in any case. 32. Kuang-t'ao K'ung. Yo hsueh lou shu and T'a Sun, Chung- kuo hua chia. 34. Sou-yu T'ang, Yu t'ai hua shih. 35. Ibid. 36. Shang-jen K'ung, Hsiang chin pu. 37. E Li, Yu t'ai shu shih. 38. Ch'ien-i Ch'ien, Lieh ch'ao shih. 39. Ibid. 40. Ibid. Wang Chih-teng uses the same terms as Su Shih when speaking of Ma Shou-chen's writing. According to Bush, p. 35, Su/Shih said that writing is like a flow of water as a force of nature. Wang Chih-teng described Ma Shou-chen's writing in these same words. 41. Cahill, Parting, p. 216 addresses himself to this problem. Apparently the literati, such as Wen Cheng-ming, solved the problem of money by accepting services in exchange for their paintings. - 67 -SECTION II NOTES (cont'd) 42. Fan-t'ing Wang, Chung hua li tai fu nu. 43. Ch'ien-i Ch'ien in Lieh ch'ao shih lists Ma Shou-chen with other female artists. The Yu t'ai shu shih by E Li is a separate volume of a series. It is a compilation of female artists. Chinese editors traditionally separate people according to classification (e.g.literati, Taoist). 44. Lucy Ho, Life and Works of Li Ch'ing-chao discusses the works of possibly China's most famous female poet. 45. F.Ayscough, Chinese Women, p. 237-249. 46. Van Gulik, p. 98. 47. Ibid, p. 257. 48. Ibid. 49. Siren, Chinese Painting, Vol. V, p. 74« 50. Hsi-hua Fu, Ming tai chuan ch'i ch'uan ch'ieh. 51. Ibid. 52. Kuang-t'ao K'ung, Yo hsueh lou shu hua lu. - 68 " SECTION III NOTES 1. For an illustration of this painting, see Sherman Lee, Colours of Ink, p. 47. 2. Chu-tsing Li, "Oberlin Orchid", p. 50. 3. See Section I for a discussion of this. 4. Ch'u Yuan was a statesman of Ch'u in Chou dynasty times. He was banished to the region of the Yangtze River(in particular to the Yuan, Hsiang and Mi-lo tributaries), where he eventually committed suicide in despair that his king had rejected his counsel. Today, the Dragon Boat Festival commemorates this event on the fifth day of the fifth month. The "orchids of the nine fields", in Wang Chih-teng's poem, refer to Ch'u Yiian's line in the Li sao that reads,"I have tended many an acre (nine, fields of orchids". For a translation of this poem see David Hawkes, Ch'u Tz'u, p. 23. 5. See Section II 6. Van Gulik, p. 178, gives an example of this. He mentions Li Po and Confucian scholars in countless poems with such titles as "composed on an excursion to x, taking courtesans with us". 7. H. Li, Garden Flowers, p. 77. 8. Mai-mai Sze, The Tao of Painting, Vol 2, p.356. 9. For an illustration of this painting see Wen Fong, Sung and Yuan Painting, plate no. 12. - 69' -SECTION III NOTES (cont'd) 10. See note 4, Section III. 11. Chu-tsing Li in "Oberlin Orchid" discusses another poem that used the image of "nine fields of orchids" to criticize those who served the Yuan dynasty foreigners and in doin so ^ betrayed the Chinese. 12. Hummel, Autobiography, p.121. 13. For an illustration of various plants see the Mai-mai Sze, The Tao of Painting, Vol. II, p.65,66,&67. 14. Yu-ho Tseng, "Hsueh Wu and Her Orchids", Arts Asiatiques T_T__ No. 3 (1955): 197-208. 15. Ibid. 16. Ch'ien-i Ch>';ien, Lieh ch'ao shih. 17. Siren, Chinese Painting, Vol. V, p.72. 18. H. Li, Garden Flowers, p.65-69. 19. Ibid. For example, underground stems and seeds are edible and leaves are used for wrapping. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid. 23. Chou Tun-i, the pioneer of Neo-Confucionism, assimilated 70 SECTION III NOTES (cont'd) the Taoist element of non-being into Confucian thought. Wing-tsit Chan, Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, p, 460. 24. H. Li, Garden Flowers, p. 66. 25. Siren, History of Later Chinese Painting, Vol*?,p.54. 26. Burton, Chinese Lyricism, p. 54. 27. Kuang-t'ao K'ung, Yo hsueh lou shu hua lu. 28. T'a Sun, Chung-kuo hua and Sou-yu T'ang, Yu t'ai hua shih. 29. For an illustration of this see Lee, Colours, illustration number 16. 30. Chu-tsing Li, "Oberlin Orchid", p. 50 discusses other P'u Ming Paintings. 31. Alfreda Murck and Wen Fong, "Astor Court: Chinese Garden Court", Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin (1980/81), p. 51-57, "Rocks and Plantings". 32. Cahill in Parting, p. 92 suggests that the album paintings done in the Ming dynasty encouraged experimentation, intimacy and immediacy. 33. There are several Chinese terms that describe the fibres of a brush separating — ma p'i ts'un J^j^. ^ , p'i ma ts'un ^jLj^fofc & fei-po ^ ^ . All these terms *71 " SECTION III NOTES (cont'd) describe a separation of the fibres of the brush, (see March, Some Technical Terms of Chinese Painting;, nos. 209, 210 and 117). The brushstroke used to paint the rock in Slender Rock, Orchids  and Bamboo, by Ma Shou-chen is similar to the brushstroke used by Chao Meng-fu in Rock, Bamboo and Old Tree (see Cahill, Hills, plate 80). Perhaps Ma Shou-chen was adapting a brush stroke she used for her calligraphy as did Chao Meng-fu (see Cahill, Hills, p. 162). 34. For an illustration of Ma Lin's work see Wen Fong, Sung and Yuan Painting, plate 11. 35. Raphael Petrucci, Kiai-Tseu-Yuan Houa Tchouan (translation of the Mustard Seed Manual), p. 255. 36. Kuang-t'ao K'ung, Yo hsueh lou shu hua lu mentions "Running style" script used by Ma Shou-chen. 37. Richard Barnhart, "Chinese Calligraphy", p. 237. 38. Fan-t'ing Wang, Chung hua Ii tai fu nu. 39. Van Gulik, p. 172 discusses the doubted authenticity of various courtesan poems and notes the distressing uniformity. - 72 SECTION IV NOTES (cont'd) 1. Siren, .'Chinese Paint ing, Vol. IV, p.219 quotes what Wang Chih-teng said about Ch'en Shun: "he possessed a beautiful talent by nature and his brushwork was highly original...his paintings were done in such a free and spontaneous fashion that they seemed like living things before the eye". 2. In Hsu chai ming hua lu by Yuan-chi P'ang, Wen Chao-chih is referred to as being from the district of Heng. According to Goodrich and Fang, Dictionary of Ming Biography Vol.11 p.1471, Wen Cheng-ming's Kao is Heng-shan^"J ^ because he traced his ancestry back to that district where an ancestor defended the Sung dynasty. Therefore, the Wen Chao-chih referred to must be the grandson of Wen Cheng-ming. However, Wen Chao-chih, according to the Dictionary of Ming Biography, Vol.1 p.405, died in 1587 and Ma Shou-chen's painting is dated by an inscription to 1600. I would like to point out at this time that the relationship between Wang Chih-teng and Wen Cheng-ming was further cemented by the marriage of Wang Chih-teng's daughter to Wen Cheng-ming's grandson and Wen Chia's son (Dictionary of Ming Biography, Vol.11 p. 1362). 3. Chu-tsing Li, A Thousand Peaks, p. 267. 4. Wai-kam Ho, Collection of the Nelson Gallery, Kansas  City and the Cleveland Museum of Artt p. xxxvi. 5. Kuang-t'ao K'ung, Yo hsiieh lou shu hua lu. SECTION IV NOTES (cont'd) 6. Siren,,History of Later Chinese Painting Vol. 1, p. 148. 7. Duck in a Lotus Pond can be seen illustrated in Paintings by Ming and Ch'ing Masters, plate no. 14. 8. Lotus and Duck is illustrated in Siren, History of Later  Chinese Painting, plate no. 108. 9. Studies From Life, National Palace Museum archive no.6l44. 10. Fungus, Orchid and Magnolia, National Palace Museum archive number 5498. 11. Cahill, Chinese Painting, p.153 speaks of Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's "uncertain equilibrium". 12. Cahill, Parting, p. 85. 13. Longevity Wishes, National Palace Museum archive no. 5567. 14. Chu-tsing Li, "Oberlin Orchid", p.62. 15. Orchid and Bamboo, National Palace Museum archive number 884. 16. Chu-tsing Li, "Oberlin Orbhid", p. 59. 17. Ink Orchids, National Palace Museum archive number 2007. "7V SECTION IV NOTES (cont'd) IB. Flowers, National Palace Museum archive number 1517. 19. Flowers by Wen Cheng-ming, Ink Orchids by Hsiang Yiian-pien, Orchids and Bamboo by Wen Cheng-ming, Longevity Wishes by Hsiang Yiian-pien, Fungus, Orchid and Magnolia by Shen Chou, Studies from Life by Ch'en Shun, Duck in a Lotus Pond by Shen Chou — all bear long and visually dominating inscriptions by the artists. 20. Cahill, Parting, p. 163. 21. Sullivan, Symbols of Eternity, p. 109. 22. Cahill, Parting, p. 97. 23. Flower paining, as a suitable female interest, is mentioned in Petrucci's (page 235,236) translation of the Mustard Seed Manual. There it is explained that courtesans who painted orchids hoped to allude to themselves and thereby relate themselves and orchids to the daughters of the Emperor Yao. 24. We have conflicting information because several sources speak of her fondness of giving young men gifts. She did this so often she was a frequent visitor at pawnshops. Fan-t'ing Wang in Chung hua li tai fu nu says Ma Shou-chen turned down a rich merchant's offer of marriage saying that although she was old, there was plenty of time to get married. -75 " SECTION IV NOTES (cont'd) 25. Contag, "Unique Characteristics", p. 62. 26. Kuang-t'ao K'ung, Yo hsueh lou shu hua lu. The only-words that Confucius spoke on the subject of his attitude to women were that "women and small minded people are like this, if you are far away they are resentful and if you are close they are insubordinate". -f X tffr. /J' X % %*i 27. YU-ho'Tseng, "Hsueh Wu", p. 199-76 -CONCLUSION NOTES 1. Siren, History of Later Chinese Painting,Vol."1. p.73. 2. Richard Edwards, The Field of Stones: A Study of  the Art of Shen Chou. 3. Bush, p.153. - 77 -BIBLIOGRAPHY OF NON-ENGLISH LITERARY SOURCES Ch'ien, Ch'ien-i^ §#K ed. Lieh ch'ao shih chi hsiao chuan 9'J Pi i% % 'if 1 Shanghai _t : KuTien wen hsueh ch'u pan she % sjfc ^ # H^jfi. » 1957. Chu, I-tsun^Ljfe & . Ming shih tsung gfl t£ • Vo1* 30. Ch'ing k'ang hsi k• o ben -ft ifo &i| V (edition). No publisher, 1705. * ^ Chu, I-tsun^M^Jt- i and Wang Ch'ang 3t jfcl , ed. Ming tz'u  tsung M *f\ . Vol. 1 & 2: Ssu pu pei yao $0 fyM-. Shanghai ; J; : Chung-hua shu chu ^ ^ ^. ^ ^ Chung-kuo ming hua chi . Vol. 15: Shanghai : Yu Cheng Book Co., 1920/23. Fu, Hsi-hua $ ed. Ming tai chuan ch'i ch'uan ch'ieh ^ ^ % J$ £ . Peking >b ^s : Jen rain wen hstieh ch'u pan she, 1959. li, Ch'in^Xj' , ed. Ming hua lu ^^MJL. Vol. 27: Mei shu ts'ung shu Taipei: Kuan wen Hsu. shu chu, 1963". ed. jiu Kung wen shu chu, 1963. Huang, Pin-chiang $t % %u and Teng, Shih% X Mei shu ts'ung shu |• '/f\ jfc % Vol. 1-iO. Taipei; Ku kung chou k'an jjj V$\ 4>\ Vol. 1-15. Peking: Palace Museum, 1930/3$• K'ung, Kuang-t'aCv-IU^> ^) , ed. Yo hsueh lou shu hua lu &^fflr%fL/&L Vol. 5~ Yang cheng (Canton): Wan chuan t'ang , 1889. K'ung, Shang-jen %\j $y # , ed. Hsiang chin pu . Vol 7: Mei shu ts'ung shu * * £ . Taipei? Kuang wen shu chu, 1963. J Kuo, Wei-ch'u '•If' !^-_JJs- , ed. Sung Yuan Ming Ch'ing shu hua chia nien piao j£,-7U gfl %J%%^ ~ ~ Pekxng: Chung-^kuo ku tien i shu chu pan she, 1958. Li, E |] f|, ed. Yii t'ai shu shih 3, *§r % J . Vol. 33: Mei shu ts'ung shu . Taipei: Kuang wen shu chu, 1963. P'ang, Yuan-chi M^TO , ed. Hsu chai ming hua lu Vol. 8. Shanghai: Ma chUng p*ang'sKiff, 1909. -78' -BIBLIOGRAPHY OF NON-ENGLISH LITERARY SOURCES (cont'd) Shang, Ch'eng-tso and Huang, Hua f ^ , ed. Chung-kuo li tai shu hua suan k'e chia tzu hao so yin Vol* 1 &2. Peking: Ren min mei shu chu pan she, I960. Shina Meiga Hokan jl tft fa % ld A|L . Tokyo: Otsuka-Kogeisha, 1936. " ^ Ssu pu pei yao %f $fy$r- . Shanghai: Chung hua shu chu, 1936. bun, T'a4 > ed. Chung-kuo hua chia jen ming ta tz'u tien * «SI I ?L_A & • Tapiei: T'ai wan tung fang shu tien, 1959* T'ang, Sou-yu m ifr&^X- , ed. Yii t'ai hua shih jt»xf_4^j£__ . Vol. 33: Mei shu ts'ung shu jfe- tyfr Taipei: Kung wen shu chu, 1963. ^ ^ Tsang, Li-ho ^ftW-^- , ed. Chung-kuo iIn ming ta tz'u tien <f i| A 4 • Shanghai: Commercial Wang, Fan-t'ing _t ^ . Chung hua li tai fu n'u ^$M~*K -J^-lj- • Taipei: Commercial Press, i960. Yin t& pien tsuan chu 5l .^^jftu , ed. Pa shih chiu chung Ming tai chiian chi tsung ho yin te yV 4 A_ifj_ Peking: Chung hua shu chu, 1959. - 79 " BIBLIOGRAPHY Acker, William, annotated translation. Some T'ang and Pre- T'ang Texts on Chinese Fainting. Vol. 1. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1957. Ayscough, Florence. Chinese Women Yesterday and Today. London: Jonathan Cape Ltd., 1938. Barnhart, Richard. "Chinese Calligraphy: The Inner World of the Brush." Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art Apr./May (197271 230-241. " Bush, Susan. The Chinese Literati on Painting. Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1971. Cahill, James. "Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting". In Confucian Persuasion, pp.115-140. Edited by Arthur F. Wright. Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, I960. Cahill, James. Hills Beyond a River: Chinese Painting of the Yuan Dynasty, 1279-1368. New York: John Weatherhill Inc., 1976. Cahill, James. Parting at the Shore: Chinese Painting of the Early and Middle Ming Dynasty." New York: John Weatherhill inc., 1978. Cahill, James, ed., Restless Landscape: Chinese Painting of the  Late Ming Period. Berkeley: Univ. Art Museum, 1971. Cahill, James. "Style as an Idea in Ming-Ch'ing Painting." In Mozart Historian: Essays on the Works of Joseph R.  LevensonT Edited by Maurice Meisner and Rhoads Murphey. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif. Press, 1976. Chan, Wing-tsit. Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1969. Ch'en, Shou-yi. Chinese Literature: A Historical Introduction. New York: Ronald Press Co., 1961. Contag, Victoria. "Unique Characteristics of Chinese Landscape Pictures." Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America. (1952): 45-53": : Contag, Victoria and Wang, C.C. Seals of Chinese Painters and  Collectors of the Ming and Cn^ing Periods. Hong Kong: Univ. Press, 1966. Edwards, Richard. The Field of Stones: A Study of the Art of Shen Chou. Washington, D.C: Freer Gallery of Art, 1962. - 80 -BIBLIOGRAPHY (cont'd) Fairbank, John, K., ed. Chinese Thougrt and Institutions. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1957. Fong, Wen and Fu, Marilyn. Sung and Yuan Paintings. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1972. Goodrich, L. Carrington and Fang, Chaoying, ed. Dictionary  of Ming Biography. Vol. 1 & 2. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1976. Hawkes, David. Ch'u Tz'u: The Songs of the South. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959• Ho, Lucy Chao. Life and Works of Li Ch'ing-ohao: More Graceful Than the Yellow Flower. Hong Kong: Mayfair Press, 1968. Ho, Wai-kam; Lee, Sherman;^Sickman, Lawrence and Wilson, Marc. The Collection of the Nelson Gallery - Atkins Museum,  Kansas City, and the Cleveland Museum of Art." Kansas: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1980. Hummel, P.W.,. annotated translation. Autobiography of a  Chinese Historian. Leyden: E.J. Brill, Ltd., 1931. Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period. Washington, D.C: U.S. Gov't Printing Office, 1943. K'ung, Shang-ren. Peach Blossom Fan. Translated by Chen Shih-hsiang and Harold Acton. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif. Press, 1976. Ledderose, Lothar. Mi Fu and the Classical Tradition of Chinese  Calligraphy. Princeton: Univ. Press, Princeton, 1979. Lee, Sherman E. Chine se Landscape Paint ing. Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1962. Lee, Sherman E. Colours of Ink. New York: Asia House Gallery, 1974. Levy, Howard S. Chinese Footbinding: The History of a Curious  Erotic Custom. New York: Walton Rawls Pub., 1966. Levy, Howard S, annotated translation. A Feast of Mist and Flowers: The Gay Quarters of Nanking at the End of the  Ming. By Yu Huai. Yokohama, Japan: private publication, 19bo. Li, Chu-tsing. "Freer Sheep and Goat and Chao Meng-fu's Horse Paintings." Artibus Asiae (Vol. 30): 279-3-6. - 81 -BIBLIOGRAPHY (cont'd) Li, Chu-tsing. "Oberlin Orchid and the Problem of P'u-ming." Archives: of the Chinese Art Society of America (1962): 49-73. : Li, Chu-tsing. A Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines. Vol. 1 & 2. Ascona, Switzerland: Artibus Asiae Pub. 1974. Li, H.L. Garden Flowers of China. New York: Ronald Press Co., 1959— -Lin, Yutang, annotated translation. Chinese Theory of Art. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1967. Loehr, Max. Great Painters of China. New York: Harper & Row, 1980. : Loehr, Max. "The Question of Individualism in Chinese Art." Journal of the History of Ideas Vol. 22 (Apr.June 196l): 147-159. ' March, Benjamin. Some Technical Terms of Chinese Painting. Baltimore: Waverly Press, Inc., 1935. Murck, Alfreda and Fong, Wen. "Astor Court: Chinese Garden Court." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin (winter 1980/ 1981);Ma, Y.W and Lau, Joseph S.M., ed. Traditional Chinese Stories:  Themes and Variations. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, vm~. : Petrucci, Raphael. Kiai-Tseu-Yuan Houa Tchouan, Les Enseigne-de la Peinture du Jardin Grand comme un Grain de Moutarde. Paris: Librairie Renouard, 1918. Rexroth, Kenneth and Chung, Ling. The Orchid Boat. New York: Seabury Press, 1972. Siren, Osvald. Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles. Vol. 1-7. London: Lund, Humphries and Co., 1956. Siren, Osvald. History of Later Chinese Painting. Vol. 1&2. New York: Hacker Art Books, 1978. Siren, Osvald. "Shih-t'ao, Painter, Poet and Theoretician." Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities Bulletin No. 21 (1949): 31-62. Sullivan, Michael. Arts of China. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif. Press, 1977. - 82 -BIBLIOGRAPHY (cont'd) Sullivan, Michael. Symbols of Eternity. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979. Sze, Mai-mai. The Tao of Painting: A Study of the Ritual  Disposition of Chinese Painting. Vol. 1&2. New York: Pantheon Books Inc., 1956. Taipei, Taiwan. National Palace Museum and National Central Museum. Signatures and Seals on Painting and Calligraphy. Vol. 1-4, Supp. 5&6. Kowloon, Hong Kong: Cafa Co. Ltd., 1964. Tseng, Yu-ho. "Hsueh Wu and Her Orchids." Arts Asiatiques II No. 3 (1955): 197-208. Van Gulik, R.H. Sexual Life in Ancient China. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1961. Watson, Burton. Chinese Lyricism. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1971. Watson, Burton. Chinese Rhyme-Prose. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1971. Watson, Burton. Early Chinese Literature. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1962. Watson, William. Style in the Arts of China. Middlesex: Penquin Books Ltd., 1974. Wolf, Margery et al. Women in Chinese Society. Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1975. Yang, Hsien-yi and Yang, Gladys, annotated translation. The  Courtesan's Jewel Box: Chinese Stories of the Xth -XVIIth CenturiesT Peking: Foreign Language Press, 1957. = _3 " APPENDIX I - CATALOGUE Notes to the reader: This catalogue of Ma Shou-chen's works is not entirely chronological. The Chinese painting titles may be the one inscribed on the painting or recorded in literature or assigned by myself in the interest of identifying the work by a distinctive feature. Inscriptions refer to calligraphy written on the painting surface while colophons refer to calligraphy on component parts added to the painting surface. I. Orchid, Bamboo and Rock (see figure 1) Metropolitan Museum Collection. Dated 1572. J Hanging scroll. Paper, ink. Height 52.5 cm., width 29.1 cm. Inscriptions: Ma Shou-chen f Green shadows spread over the Hsiang River, Clear fen incense flows down to the hidden valley. Written on the fourth month of 1572 in the little pavilion of Ch'in-huai. Ma Shou-chen. Hsueh Ming-i1-The empty valley's hidden orchids flourish, No one follows the fragrance,, Or goes to see the leisurely, Yet elegant and colourful moist dew Send out a clear fragrance. Hsueh Ming-i. Wang Chih-teng -The fragrant land is submerged, Three months of spring have watered The secret orchids of the nine fields. In the Green Hills Study People sit with wine in front of them And read the Li sao. Wang Chih-teng. - $4 " Colophon: 2 Sung Ch'uang -Faint fragrance and thin shadows are lodged on the silk, The red of the small seal identifies Yueh-chiao, The charm of the old gathering place has dispersed. The old scholar and the old cypress mourn the willing dynasty, Now I recall- the curtain and the old smile that welcomed me. The profusion of orchids diminish like the people in the scroll, But the sound of shattering jade bring back to me The southern court and recalls spring. Written on the sixteenth day of the twelfth month of yi-mao (1639), in front of the lamp. Sung Ch'uang. Seals: ~ Ma Shou-chen, two seals.^ Hsueh Ming-i, one seal.4 Wang Chih-teng, one seal.-> Two unidentified seals at the lower left of the scroll. Remarks: ' Previously in the C.C. NWang-.Collection,. N.Y. . . .• -It is presently in the Metropolitan Museum of Art," Loan 1981.2.12-, The Edward Elliott Family Collection. Orchid (see figure 2) Dr. James Caswell Collection. Dated 1603. Hanging scroll. Paper, ink. Height 56 cm., width 33 cm. Inscription: Ma Shou-chen -In the air there is a fragrance of nine fields of orchids, The dew sparkles in the cool weather; Three Hsiang River moons shed their tears, Only traces of the dried tears remain; The autumn sky is clear, Yet so vast and broad it appears limitless. Who will travel once more To sing of the marsh border scenes? -85- " Painted and composed in the Ch'in-huai Water Pavilion At the request of fifth elder sister Su Ching In 1603 at the time of hoar frost descending. Hsiang-lan, Ma Shou-chen. Seals: 5 Ma Shou-chen, two_seals. Ku Yun, one seal, on the lower right of the scroll. One unidentified on the1lower right of the scroll. Two unidentified on the lower left of the scroll. Remarks: The painting has been drawn with ink line on a paper that has turned putty colour with age. The putty colour quite attractively rests on the plain cream coloured background of the hanging scroll. There is one damaged spot on the central flowered spike in the painting. This spot has been repaired from the back but hasenbt been touched up on the front. There is a horizontal crease towards the bottom of the scroll that has obliterated any traces of ink on that crease. This has also not been touched up. There are some damaged spots at the top and at the bottom of the painting that would have occurred before the present mounting. But in spite of this moderate damage the painting remains in quite remarkable shape considering its age. III. Orchids and Bamboo (see figure 3(A) to (F)) Indianapolis Museum of Art. Dated 1604. Handscroll. Paper, ink colour. Dimensions unknown. Inscription: Ma Shou-chen -The fall month of 1604, seated in the Ch'in-huai Water Pavilion. Lady Hsiang-lan, Ma Shou-chen. Seals: g Ma Shou-ehen, two seals. One unidentified seal at the end of the scroll. Three unidentified seals at the beginning of the scroll. Remarks: This painting was formerly in the E. Lilly Collection. It is presently in the Indianapolis Museum of Art, accession number 60.25. The gold flecks on the paper were present before the painting was executed. The title on the outside roll is unsigned but could be translated as "Lady Hsiang-lan's Coloured Orchids and Bamboo". The mounting consists of three colours of silk, cut in a manner that the silk designs are - 86 -continuous. For this information and for his assistance I would like to thank James Robinson, Assistant Curator of Oriental Art, Indianapolis Museum of Art. IV. Lotus Plant (see figure 4) National Museum, Stockholm Collection. Undated. Hanging scroll. Materials and dimensions unknown. Inscription: Ma Shou-chen -I passed my childhood at the river banks, not knowing any sorrows, but now the storms and rains have brought the autumn chill to Ch'in-huai. I dare not turn my head again to the roads.of old along the dykes. The trees are thin, the sun is low, and I am in a public house.° Siren quotes a note added to the inscription that expressed Ma Shou-chen's disappointment over the fact that a friend of hers had taken a new concubine.10 Seals: Ma Shou-chen, one seal. One unidentified seal on the upper right. Four unidentified seals on the lower left. V. Orchid and Bamboo Fan Collection unknown. Dated the ninth month of 1578. Folding fan. Paper, ink, colour (?). Dimensions unknown. Inscription: Ma Shou-chen -A trace of the spring wind's fragrance comes from afar Through the half opened window The misty, unshrouded image of the moon Begins to cast its beams. Ninth month of 1578, drawn by Ma Hsiang-lan. Seals: -^2 Ma Shou-chen, one seal. One unidentified seal on the upper right. Remarks: This fan is illustrated in Ku kung chou k'an,Vol. 4, page 759-Orchids Collection unknown. Remarks: This painting is illustrated in Shina Meiga Hokan, page 646. Nothing is known of this seldom reproduced painting by Ma Shou-chen and unfortunately the reproduction is of such poor quality that it is impossible to decipher the three small seals at the middle of the scroll. It is not known if this illustration shows the complete handscroll or merely a section of it. Flowers.and Butterfly Fan Collection unknown. Undated. Folding fan. Gold-flecked paper, ink with colour. Total height 1 ch' ih 4 fen 8 li, fan face width 1 ch'ih 6 ts'un, fan face height 3 ts'un 3 fen 6 li. Inscriptions: Ma Shou-chen -Creation of Nanking Lady Ma Shou-chen. Wang Chih-teng — A variety of flowers; two or three crowded together, Planted to contend with each others' seductive and bewitching beauty. In response, butterflies fly toward them Dipping and hovering, They could not endurecleaving. Wang Chih-teng of T'ai Yuan. Seals: -jo Ma Shou-chen, one seal. Wang Chih-teng, one seal. ^ Ch'ien lung Emperor, one seal. Remarks: This fan is illustrated in Ku kung chou k'an, Vol. 5, page 1504. The outside ribs of the fan are of Hunan bamboo, the inside ribs are of ordinary bamboo. There are sixteen ribs in total. - 88 -VIII.Orchid Blossom Study National Palace Museum, Taiwan Collection. Undated. Materials and dimensions unknown. Inscription: Ma Shou-chen -Hsiang-lan tzu, drawn by Ma Shou-chen. Seals: Ma Shou-chen, one seal. One unidentified seal on the lower left. Remarks: National Palace Museum accession number 588O. IX. Landscape Study National Palace Museum, Taiwan Collection. Undated. Materials and dimensions unknown. Inscriptions: Ma Shou-chen -Yueh-chiao, Ma Shou-chen. Seals: Ma Shou-chen, one seal. Remarks: National Palace Museum accession number 588O. X. Epidendrums Soyeshima Collection. Undated. Album leaf. Materials and dimensions unknown. Inscriptions: none Seals: One unidentified seal on lower left of album leaf. Remarks: This album leaf is illustrated in Siren, History of  Later Chinese Painting, plate I63B. XI. Slender Rock, Orchids and Bamboo Collection unknown. Dated 1572. -89 ~ Hanging scroll. Materials and dimensions unknown. Inscriptions: Ma Shou-chen -Two days before the second month of jen-shen ( (1572), in Ch'in-huai Water Pavilion. Hsiang-lan, Ma Shou-chen. Wang Chih-teng -Leaves clothe the early morning fog The green of Lu-ho1' is in the distance. Flowers savour the spring fog -. * There is the purple of the Wei-jui A beautiful lady is separated From me by the waters of the Hsiang River. Who am I going to send the fragrance to? Inscription by Wang Chih-teng. 19 Hsueh Ming-i -There is a fragrance fcpm the islands of abundant plants and the Tu Jo. ^ The Yuan River of Hunan in the spring flows dry When the river becomes small and indistinct The ingenious young bamboo departs And we hear no more of it. But there is an irregular band of its clothing Left along the bank. Hsiieh Ming-i. 21 Wen Ts'ung-kuang Beautiful ladies love to paint the garments of the Hsiang River's Imperial doncubines. After one thousand years the painting's fragrance is still concentrated. Last night the spring wind penetrated the secluded valley. Dwelling high on a cliff the idea elegantly grows. Wen Ts'ung-kuang. Tu Ta-shou22-The beginning fragrance was the peach and plum of the abundant spring. Their brightness does not entertain the roadsides of the coming autumn How could it compare with the abundance of the islets of the Hsiang River? On a pure wind there is never a day without the breath of fragrance. -90 -Tu Ta-shou. 23 Wen Ch'ong-kuang In the empty courtyard the birds announce the rising sun of a new day The wind sends a fragrance which brushes against the hempen robe. I arise from sleep-and peer through the little window There are no worldly worries The bamboo bed supports the pillows and I read The Li sao. Wen Ch'ong-kuang. Seals: Ma Shou-chen, one seal. Wang Chih-teng, one seal,7^ Hsueh Ming-i, two seals.2" Wen Ts'ung-kuang, two seals.2' Tu Ta-shou, one seal.28 ?Q Wen Ch*ong-kuang, one seal. " Vara Remarks: This painting is illustrated in Chung-kuo ming hua chi, Vol. 15, page 8. --91 -APPENDIX II -TRANSLATIONS Notes: Although I do not have a special profieiency with the classical Chinese language, I have included these translations in the hope that they will be of some help to the reader. There has been every attempt to keep the translation as literal -\ as possible with explanations of literary references kept separate in the notes. Where some passages have been para phrased they are noted by being enclosed in brackets. The more romantic and evocative descriptions are, by nature, the most difficult to translate. Though I included my trans lations of these passages, it is with a note of caution to the reader. The translations were made to provide raw data for my thesis. Therefore, the sense of these works was used with the full knowledge that it is beyond my present capabilities to achieve a translation that is correct and as evocative as the original. Where possible, I have included dates of the authors or compilers in order to give some idea of the dates of the sources. Ch'ien-i Ch'ien, Lieh ch'ao shih chi hsiao, Vol. 2, page 765. Ch'ien-i Chtien I582-I664. Ma Hsiang-lan: Concubine Ma named Shou-chen, was also .V called Hsuan-erh and Ylieh-chiao. Because of her accomplished orchid paintings, she became known by the name of Hsiang-lan. Her facial appearance was like that of an ordinary person. Her spirit and feelings were open and pure. She glistened 92 -like the spring willow and early oriole." She could spit out words and let fly anger. She was a clever observer of people's intentions. No one who saw her did not loose himself. She dwelt at a superior place at Ch'in-huai. There, the waters and dwellings were fine and not crowded. The flowers and stones (of a garden) were secluded and pure. Curving passages and convenient rooms (were so numerous that the visitor) became confused and he could not get out. She taught small slaves and apprentices at the Pear 2 Garden. Daily, she provided feast" for guests. The sounds of the deer skin drum and pipa mingled with the sounds of the 3 hong-ya and chin-lu. By nature she delighted in light and bold themes. Sometimes she squandered money in order to present (gifts) to youths. Her head-dress and bracelet were always at the pawnbroker but she did not look back. She was often distressed by Mo-tz'u.^" Mister Wang, Bo-gu, fled from her. She proposed to Wang but Wang couldn't accept. In the fall of the wan-li reign era, the year of chia-chen (1604), Bo-gu turned seventy years old. Hsiang-lan came from Nanking and set wine (in front of him to celebrate his) longevity. They ate and drank for several months; singing and dancing until morning. This was counted as an expensive affair by the people of Chin-ch'ang for several years. She returned home and not long afterwards fell ill. She lit a lamp and paid respects to Buddha. §he took a bath and changed her clothes, sat up properly and passed away. It was her fifty-seventh year. There were two chuan of poetry. In the wan-li era of hsing-mao (1591), Bo-gu wrote a preface, saying: Mo-ling is a place of excellence and beauty; a house of courtesans amidst debauchery. The peach trees annotate love and the willow strands draw out „ resentment. Confused heaven and confused Emperor ' Teng-t'u8, if here, would have worn out his eyes. Because clouds make rain and because of Sung-yu,9 the heart is in turmoil. This is the rare realm of qualities of warmth and softness. There is a beautiful person (here). The most charming of an era. If you would like to know her surname then it is the steedlO of a thousand pieces of gold from the town of Yan. Her name is the herb that grows in the area of the Hsiang River. She takes money as lightly as earth. Surprisingly, she has kingfishers* green sleeves with the spirit.,' of the Chu family.l-^ This is as weighty in importance as a mountain — to not regard oneself (worthy of) the joyous decorations of Chi-pu.^2 As for the jade ornament, it is not for Chiao-fu to decline separation.13 As for the weaver's shuttle it is not tenderly given when it is thrown. Culture is shamed by Ma. The Lu and the Ch'in are chosen and not thrown away. The ability to greet the music teacher and women's handicrafts disappoint her quiet and comfort. She is the refined spirit of six ages; the spiritual power and grace of San-shanl4, combined together, to express her beauty. Your holding in the hand a glazed pipe (part of a musical instrument), each word is like the wind and clouds. Letters of pieces of jade with each speech are like dew under the moon. "Small as fly heads characters" describe her resentments. This heart is tied. Fish stomach1-* seals shut emotions and anyone who listens to her spirit will fly away. She entrusts tranquillity and happiness to five character poems. The sound resembles the early morning oriole's singing melodiously in the valley. She expresses her inner feelings in four lines. The feeling is akin to the spring silkworms regurgitating silk. - 94 -She is in accord with the new sound of the tz'u and y_i poems. She innovates the old songs of the courtyard flowers.1" In the flow beneath the tiled official pavilion, I want to cross over but the song is broken off. At the tree in front of the pavilion, happiness is not seen and the song breaks off. I would like to ride the fog with the beauty of the Lo River nymph.17 (By) avoiding troubles of the Empress Chao, (she) instead is able to write poems about the bright moon. Don't call it weak or gross, (her)tz'u poetry combines the white snow. Surely you can speak of an attractive and charming lady... She is capable and able, like a green suitcase.18 (She caused the price of paper to rise) Thus the flowing Chiang-su is deeply dissatisfied. The night moon covers it and spies on men. In front of the jade mirror tower, she recites (poems) and the early mist enshrouds trees. How is it that there is only Chin-chiang's Yiieh-t'ao20 who was put down in the catalogues? How is it that they stop at (the trouble) of Soochow's Du-wei?21 Hsiang-lan died, Bo-gu wrote a biography and a funerary poem. New when poets pass through official places they compose poetry to mourn her. I-tsun Chu, Ming shih tsung, Vol. 30, chuan 98, leaf 3. I-tsun Chu'iiju I-tsun Chu 1629-1709. Ma Shou-chen: Shou-chen, tzu Hsiang-lan was called Hsuan-erh and Yueh-chiao. She was a Nanking prostitute . The Tz'u hua (criticism of poetry) said her appearance was only average. She was boastful and talented in letters but unconventional in life style. She was good at observing people's intentions. By nature, she was repeatedly out standing and bold. She always squandered money by presenting (gifts) to young men. She assisted Wang Bo-gu of Wu in his - 95 -difficulty. She proposed to Bo-gu but he could not (accept). In the wan-li reign era, the fall of 1604, Bo-gu turned seventy years old and Hsiang-lan bought a multi-storied boat to carry fifteen small slaves to the Willow Catlin Garden. She set up the wine to celebrate Wang's longevity. Morning and evening, they sang and danced; enjoying themselves for several months. This became a famous event. Bo-gu prefaced her poems by saying: Note: This source then quotes the preface reported by Ch'ien-i Ch'ien in Lieh ch'ao shih chi hsiao chuan. See above translation. This source ends with a shih (poem) by Ma Shou-chen. It has not been translated for this thesis. I-tsun Chii and Ch'ang Wang, Ming tz'u tsung, Vol. 2, chuan 12, page 3. I-tsun Chu 1629-1709 and Ch'ang Wang 1725-1807. Ma Shou-chen, tzu Yiieh-chiao, hao Hsiang-lan; Nanking prostitute. Note: This source quotes a tz'u by Ma Shou-chen that was sent to Chen Hu-shan (unidentified). This has not been translated for this thesis. Hsi-hua Fu, Ming tai chuan ch'i ch'uan ch'ieh, pages 124-125. Hsi-hua Fu is a contemporary author and editor. According to the Lu t'ien ch'eng ch'u lu, which comments on this drama; when Cheng (Cheng Chih-wen) was a hsiao-lien degree, he was romantic but not vulgar, and casual and elegant. When he was in Ch'in-huai, he made a satire of an old prostitute, ridiculing her in the Pai lien ch'un. This was - 96 -criticized by an official, Ta Chung, and consequently (this 23 opera was)not distributed. The songs were not of a proper pattern but they were humorous and full of flavour. According to the Yuan shan t'ang ch'u lu; Pao-hsien (Cheng Chih-wen), when he was a hsiao lien degree, wandered around Ch'in-huai. Many operas were written at this time. He wrote in great richness about a famous^sing song girl. He gave himself a role in this drama. Moreover, by satirizing the courtesan Ma Hsiang-lan, simultaneously ridicule reached Wang Bo-gu. At that time a grand censor scolded and one half the edition was printed before it was stopped. Also, the Ku ch'u tsa yen says that at the time, the price of paper was high (because of such great demand). The next year, li Chiu-wo was appointed (as administrator).--He sought out the bookstores and print shops, destroying the printing blocks, so the opera could not be transmitted. He did not pay any attention to what was already in circulation. Ch'in Hsu, Ming hua lu, Section 3, Part 7, page 135. Prostitutes/sing song girls: Ma Shou-chen, hao Hsiang-lan of Nanking was well known for her poetry and painting. She had an individual style for painting ink orchids unperturbed and elegant. She was extremely charming. Kuang-t'ao K'ung, Yo hsueh lou shu hua lu, Vol. 5, chuan 5, double leaf 17. Kuang-t'ao K'ung is a nineteenth century author. Ming dynasty Ma Hsiang-lan's narcissus. Wang Bo-gu added a stone to this long scroll. The height of the paper 97 -is one ch'ih two ts'un four fen. The length of the scroll is ten chang four chlih nine ts'un five fen. It is a flax paper scroll of four sections, no colour was used. There are two seals: one with the character "Ta"2^, one with the characters "chiang shang ta shih t'u shu yin". I love your tender leaves. Lush flowers blossom often to be frozen. (Yet) the fragrance flourishes. Now if you had ;been together with an orchid then certainly it would have been like the sentences of the poet Ch'u.2? Created in the third month of 1599 for Bo-gu, elder brother. Written by Hsiang-lan, Ma Shou-chen. Two seals: one with the characters "Yiieh-chiao", another with the characters "Shou-chen, Yuan-tzu". . Six lines,;-of "Running style" script, on the upper part at the end of the scroll. The robe of spring is thin an bland. With light make-up and elegance she stands, swaying. There is a countryside of water and clouds. Her green skirt shakes and drags. Her waist and limbs are soft. Her powdered neck and hands (bend and bow) low. The make-up on her brow is fragrant. The wind penetrates the little window. She is not polluted by dust. The moon's profile is jade. The Nymph of the Lo River's refined form is overwhelmingly the same.28 Would she be willing to compete with the ordinary blossom's beauty and fragrance. Wang Chih-teng supplied the stone and also added this inscription. Two seals: one seal with the characters "ching yang chun, another with the characters"Wang yin Chih-teng". Four lines of "Running style" script at the end of the scroll. Ma Shou-chen, a famous prosititute (chi~^_) of Ch'in-huai. Due to her accomplished paintings of orchids her hao was Hsiang-lan. She was an outstanding and bold person whose colourful skill poured out. At - 9a -one time Mister Bo-gu had already escaped from Hsiang-lan. During the wan-li era's thirty years of trouble, in the fall of 1602, Mister (Wang) was seventy years old. Hsiang-lan bought a multi-storied boat to carry several tens of young maids to the Willow Catlin Garden to set up wine"(and celebrate). Amongst the people of Wu this became a famous affair. At this time Hsiang-lan was fifty-seven years old. Her youthful beauty was decreased but she had the same style as before. Mister Wang jokingly spoke to her, saying:"(you are a) country-bumpkin, a real chicken skin3(hsiang chen chi p'i 4>$f t ^krS---. ) • Three pities for the shen kung wu presented to Wang, who added a stone and an inscription in a winter month of 1599* It was presented to him three years previous to (her) death. Huang Fu-weng's^O poetry says that when the waves advance a fairy is born. With dust bearing socks, she steps on the lightly reflected moon on the water. Her style is like an immortal^s./i Isn'tithis like a self-portrait of Hsiang-lan?" 31 Colophon by Kuang-t'ao, on a spring day of I853. Shang-jen K'ung, Hsiang chin pu, Part 7, pages 221 and 222. Shang-jen K'ung was born 1648. Nanking professional singer/dancer, Ma Hsiang-lan painted an orchid painting with double outline style of orchid leaf. Her brushstroke is elegant and powerful. In the background are bamboo and stones. All (elements) have a distinct style. Her own inscription says: Distant, desolate and orderly. (These qualities) are not worthy of the valuable nine fields of orchids of the high land- along the" Hsiang' Riverv3?M .--(when the orchid)enters a room, it is able to forget odours and aromas. I,begin*to understand that the empty valley has superior people. Written on the fourth day of the fourth month of 1603, by Hsiang-lan, Ma Shou-chen. There are two seals, one "Hsiang-lan, and one "Shou-chen, Yiian-yuantzu. They were obtained at the Yellow Sunflower Pavilion. drawn (by her and 99 -E Li, Yu tfai shu shih,Vol, 8, ch'uan 8, double leaf 71. E Li , 1692-1752. Ma Hsiang-lan: courtesan Ma Shou-chen as a child was called Yuan-erh. Her hao was Yiieh-chiao. Because of her accomplished orchid paintings she was called Hsiang-lan. She lived in a better section of Ch'in-huai. (Lieh ch'ao shih chi). There is a vertical hanging scroll with double outline ink orchids. It is composed of closely grown and slender bamboo, narrow stone and has a spirited rhythm that is extremely excellent. The inscription says: Green shadows spread over the Hsiang River, clear fen incense flows down to the hidden valley. Written on the fourth month of 1572, in Ch'in-huai*s little pavilion. Hsiang-lan tzu, Ma Shou-chen.33 Another small scroll also has double outline ink orchids. an inscription says: Mysterious orchid is born in the vast valley. No one follows to savour the fragrance. I want to express whole heartedly and leave the long and vast river road. Written by Hsiang-lan, Shou-chen tzu on a spring day of 1596. These two scrolls are now stored at my friend Ma Pan-34 cha's Kuang ling studio. Ylian-chi P'ang, Hsu chai ming hua lu, Vol 8, chuan 8, double leaf Ming dynasty Ma Hsiang-lan's orchid, bamboo and stone scroll. On paper with ink, double outline technique of painting orchids. The background uses bamboo, stones and — 100 -36 a withered branch. Height is two ch'ih six ts'un seven fen and the width is seven ts'un six fen. The bottom half is painted while the upper half bears an inscription dating it a fall day in 1600 and signed Hsiang-lan, Ma Shou-chen. Two seals are shown: one in red characters "Shou-chen, Hslian-erh-tzu" and one with while characters "Hsiang-lan". When you describe bamboo and arrange orchids, you rely on Juan-lang.35 Traces of powder (pollen?) and subtle (yet) glossy ink traces and fragrance rely on the rare flowers of the daughters of heaven. The profusion readily drives out the spring winds. On a.stone bed, Wang Chih-teng. Three seals: one with red character^chih", one with red character "teng", and one with white characters "Wang shih bo-gu". New snow accumulates. Lush growth, stones, Hao-lan and a^practised blossom. A beautiful lady blends the Lu-ch'i (musical instrument) with abstruse thoughts in Fan's t'ien-kuei.37 One seal: white characters "chu chih fan". The empty valley gives birth to the secluded orchid. No one follows to savour the fragrance. I want to rely upon the child that has the same mind. The river is far away and long. Ta Chung.38 Two seals: one with red characters "Tu ta chung" another 39 with red characters "k*ang-tzu". I have heard of the princesses of the Hsiang River. This painting is truly like the place of nine fields of orchids. OhJ Surely a beautiful man is in accord with a woman? Ju Chin.4° One seal: red characters "Ju Chin".^1 (If) leaves scatter, why not the flower's many fragrances? Certainly, in spring the chilly disposition of the Hsiang River's highlands and the appropriate deepness of the water permit us to see the (delicacy) of the image of the branch. Yet - 101 -the same elegant and graceful heart is not collect ively stored and indulged. It is destroyed by frost. The withdrawal of spring should change the endless nine fields of orchids of a poet. A vagrant woman resents the three Hsiang orchids. The lady is sweet and alone. It is not for her that the fragrant empty valley is silent. There is no one who is secluded and fragrant at any place. Spring arrives at the countryside of Ch'in-huai. The soul disperses and the Ch'u River women**-2 spill out to gather the spring winds. Flowers are threaded to make spring clothing. Green leaves are worn. Chien lang kan's purple heart cuts the turtle hawksbill.^3 Nanking, at the same time, the frosted grass is not willing to flatter spring. (But here) sunshine and jade (coloured) legions of trees float. This is so and the ones who rule are fragrant. For instance, the flowers abundantly clothe that peach tree and that plum tree. Clearly and single mindedly I sniff the real water and speak. The original plan of both you and me was to (include) the Lu-ch'in (musical instrument), to exercise and to open up the green fields of orchids. This world's flat highland along a river is endless. It jealously kills passers-by along the Hsiang River. The orchid tower is bare. A game of "go" and Kuei Garden both hasten to contain its brilliant (yet) subtle colours. The court is filled with rooms. The clear and fragrant night inherits its clothing. Written on the sixteenth day of the eleventh month of 1600 by Wen Ohao-chih of the district of Heng, in Ch'in-huai's Accumulated Brocade Studio. Four seals: one with white characters "Wen Chao-chih yin", one with red character "yiieh hsing t'ien chih feng yueh", another with white characters "t'ing li kuan chu jen" and another with red characters "t'ai p'ei chih chia chen tsang. T'a Sun, Chung-kuo hua chia jen ming ta tz'u tien, page 340. Ming dynasty Ma Shou-chen was a woman of Nanking. According to the Lieh ch'ao shih chi hsiao chuan; she became Ma Hsiang-lan because she was said to be an accomplished painter. Therefore she was named Hsiang-lan. Ming hua lu lists her hao as Hsiang-lan. As a child she was called 102 -Yuan-erh and her name Yueh-chiao came from the name of a person in a southern style opera. She lived in a better section of Ch'in-huai. She was a great friend of Wang Bo-gu, and for a while wrote poetry with him. Misty flowers ! (prostitution) was not her intention. Some say her orchids imitated Chao Tzu-gu (Chao Meng-chien) while her bamboos followed the method of Kuan Chung-chi (Kuan Tao-sheng). Her manner was casual and elegant, sedate and refined. Others say she spoke with abundant charm. (Ming hua lu; Wu  sheng shih shih; T'u hui•pao chien hsu tsuan; and Lieh ch'ao  shih chi hsiao chuan). Sou-yu T'ang, Yu t'ai hua shih, Section 4, Part 3, page 219, 220 According to the Lieh ch'ao shih chi hsiao chuan: Courtesan Ma Shou-chen (as a child was called Yuan-erh), was also named Yueh-chiao. Because of her accomplished paintings of orchids she was called Hsiang-lan. She lived in a better section of Ch'in-huai. She was joyful, light-hearted and bold. Sometimes she squandered money in order to present (gifts) to youths. Her head-dress and bracelets were left at the pawnbroker's, but she never looked back. Wang Bo-gu prefaced her poetry saying: She regards money lightly. This is as (importantgas) an earthquake. .IShe has) green sleeves and the Chu family (heart)To regard as important a promise is like Mount Ch'iu's red decorated seasonal cloth. 50 According to the Shih ku t'ang shu hua lu k'ao: Ma Hsiang-lan 's orchid flower scroll is of gold sprinkled paper with applied colour. There is one flower with numerous leaves. - 103 -{It demonstrates) a weak brushstroke and is not successful. The signature indicates a summer day of 1570. It is signed by Hsiang-lan, who composed this "ink play" for Lung-chih, elder brother.^1 On the right of the painting is a seal with 52 red characters "hsien t'ing". Also, there is Lady Ma Hsiang-lan's flower and stone painting on plain white silk with no colour. The inscription dates the painting to a dark day of chrysanthemum month, in 53 1578. The inscription is signed Hsuan-tzu for Wen Mao-hsieh. According to the Wu sheng shih shih: Hsiang-lan's (style) of orchids followed (the style of) Chao Tzu-ku (Chao Meng-chien). Her technique of bamboo painting (followed) the method of Lady Kuan (Kuan Tao-sheng). In both cases she is able to utilize the surplus from literature and apply it to her painting. Her drawings were not only elegant and refined, but also were of (financial) value. Moreover, her name is heard beyond the seas to Thailand. Officials also know to purchase her paintings and fans and to store them. According to the Y'u t'ai shu shih: Ma Hsiang-lan's double outline ink (painting). At the side she painted slips of bamboo and a narrow stone. The spirited rhythm is extremely fine. The inscription says: Green shadows spread over the Hsiang River, clear fen incense flows down to the hidden valley. Written on the fourth month of 1572 in the little pavilion of Ch'in-huai. Hsiang-lan tzu, Ma Shou-chen. There is also a small scroll with double outline ink orchids. The inscription says: 104 -The mysterious orchid is born in the vast valley. No one follows to savour the fragrance. I want to be at one (with the idea of travelling) along a long river road). Written by Hsiang-lan, Shou-chen tzu on a spring day of 1596. Today these two scrolls are stored at Kuang-ling, the 55 studio of Ma Pan-cha. Li-ho Tsang, Chung-kuo jen ming ta tz'u tien, page 868 Li-ho Tsang is a contemporary author. Ma Hsiang-lan was a Ming dynasty prostitute in Nanking. She was called Shou-chen and Yiian-erh. As a child she was called Yueh-chiao. She composed poetry and was an accomplished orchid painter. She lived in the better section of Ch'in-huai. She was talented in letters, unconventional in life style and boastful. She was good at observing people's intentions. She proposed to Wang Chih-teng but Chfli-teng could not (accept). During the Wan-li reign era, Chih-teng was seventy years old. Hsiang-lan went to set up the wine to celebrate (his) longevity. They ate and drank for several months. This became a renowned affair in Chiang-su. After returning home she fell ill. She paid her respects to Buddha, sat up properly and passed away. There were two chuan of poems. Chih-teng wrote the preface for her. Fan-t'ing Wang, Chung hua li tai fu nu, pages 429, 430 Fan-t'ing Wang is a contemporary author. Ma Ma Hsiang-lan was named Shou-chen. She was also called Yiieh-chiao. (At this time) during the Ming Dynasty,' the -105 country was at peace. The dynasty was wildly prosperous. Nanking flourished with its center on the left bank. On the Ch-Jin-huai riverbank, at the entrance to Ping kfang lane (jbhere was a person) distinguished in letters but unconvention al in life style. (She) was in accord with the prosperous times. At that time, there was a new building; a lovely, splendid house with twelve women. Hsiang-lan was the chief person in a group of mothers and daughters that numbered four. She was the youngest. (Ma Shou-chen composed) various rhythms of high spirit. Glowing like a young willow she.(could) spit out words like a golden oriole (or a) swallow. She looked after the grain harvest and the water. She skilfully and excellently could take care of men. The. sound of flowers filled the southern part of the Yangtze. Those up to the rank of kung , noble men, and those below (including) peddlers and soldiers could not (help but) know of her fame. All looked for the fragrant, noble guest. In her youth, when she travelled to Ma Chang t'ai, all took not knowing her as a shame. Where she lived; the courtyard, pond and hall were clear and spacious. Flowers and stones were deep and clean. There were curved rooms and deeply arched doors. The (visitor) became so confused he could not get out. By nature, she was an outstanding and bold person of good actions. Passers-by (could) hire a harlot (ch'an t'ou ) for 1000 pieces of gold. Without hesitation, she squandered (money), exhausting each day's (supply). Although the day often (brought) an - 106 -accumulation of jade and full beds, poverty was extreme. (Her) life for several decades was colourful and famous throughout Kiangsu and Anhwei. In her later years, when she was past fifty, she was as charming as before. Anyone who saw her said she was as great as Hsia dynasty courtesans. There was a wealthy person who travelled to Nanking. (When) he saw her he was amazed and extravagantly spent 10,000 pieces of gold to buy a mansion at Ch'in-huai. He wanted to marry her. Hsiang-lan said: I am old and the traffic has lessened; soon to become sparse. Even if I marry this merchant, I couldn't tolerate (the situation). I would rather have fifty men from the brothels. I still can grasp the dust pan and broom and become a new wife (later). She laughed and refused him. Hsiang-lan understood poetry and prose. She (could write a letter in reply with flowing words). She filled in lines of poetry with a clear and elegant meaning. People spoke of her poetry saying: It is like the spotted clothing of shadows of flowers and drifting smoke method of writing. She excelled in painting orchids, achieving the depth of the writing method of Wu Hsing-chao, Tzu-ang (Chao Meng-fu). Several people were confused. In her sixty-ninth year, she became ill in Nanking. Several tz'u were gathered and recorded. Note: This source then quotes three tz'u not translated in - 107 -this thesis. The selection ends with a letter from Ma Shou-chen to Wang Bo-gu. It is an evocative, poetic passage that states how she misses him and how often she thinks of him. This passage has also not been translated in this thesis. - 108 -APPENDIX III - ILLUSTRATIONS FIGURE I Orchid, Bamboo and Rock Hanging Scroll H. 52.5 cm. W. 29.1 cm. Ink on Paper Dated 1572 The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Loan 1981.2.12, The Edward Elliott Family Collection. - 110 -FIGURE 2 Orchid Hanging Scroll H. 56 cm. W. 33 cm. Ink on paper. Dated 1603 Dr. James Caswell Collection, Vancouver, B.C. - Ill -FIGURE 2 - 112 -FIGURE 3(A) to (F) Orchids and Bamboo Handscroll. Ink and Colour on paper. Dated 1604 Indianapolis Museum of Art, Indianapolis',' U.S.A. FIGURE 3(A) FIGURE 3(B) FIGURE 3(C) FIGURE 3(D) - 117 -- 118 -- 119 -FIGURE 4 Lotus Plant Hanging Scroll Undated Ostasiatiska Museet, Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm, Sweden. -121-APPENDIX I - CATALOGUE NOTES 1. According to Taipei, Taiwan, National Palace Museum and National Central Museum, Signature and Seals, Vol. 4, p. 3^8", Hsueh Ming-i, Ming dynasty, alias Yu-ch'ing. His calligraphy* of formal script was the best after Wen-Cheng-ming. 2. Unidentified. 3. Unidentified. 4. Unidentified. 5. Taipei, National Palace Museum, Signature and Seals, Vol.2'•i.page 52 bottom row second from left. 6. Both unidentified. 7. Ku Yun (1835-1896)• 8. Bottom seal unidentified. Top seal, according to Taipei, National Palace Museum, Signature and Seals,Vol. II, page 207, left seal. 9. Siren, Chinese Painting, Vol. V, page 72. 10. Ibid. 11. Unidentified. 12. Taipei, National Palace Museum, Signature and Seals, Vol. V, page 278, left seal. 13. .^Unidentified. --122 -APPENDIX I - CATALOGUE NOTES (cont'd) 14. Unidentified. 15. Taipei, National Palace Museum, Signature and Seals, Vol. 2, page 207, left seal. 16. Ibid. 17. Lu-ho is a county of Chiangsu. 18. Wei-jui is a plant (poly gonatum vulgare), or a description of a maiden of tender years. 19. See note 1, this section. 20. Tu Jo is a plant (pollia .japonica) . 21. Unidentified. 221., According to Taipei, National Palace Museum, Signature and Seals, Vol. 4, page 329 Tu Ta-shou, alias Tzu-yu was a native of Wu-hsien of Kiangsu Province. He was excellent in calligraphy and landscape painting. His seal is the same as shown in Vol. 2 page 779. Ming dynasty. 23. Unidentified. 24. Taipei, National Palace Museum, Signature and Seals, Vol. V. 278, middle seal. 25. Taipei, National Palace Museu, Signature and Seals, Vol. II, page 52, bottom left seal. - 123 --APPENDIX I - CATALOGUE NOTES (cont'd) 26. Taipei, National Palace Museum, Signature and Seals, Vol. 2, page 36O, seal number 1210. 27. Unidentified. 28. See note 22, this section. 29. Unidentified. - 124 -APPENDIX II - TRANSLATIONS-NOTES 1. This refers to her nice complexion. 2. This refers to the music school for ladies during the T'ang dynasty. 3. See note 26, Section I 4. Possibly someone at the Gay Quarters. 5. Seventy years by Chinese count, sixty-nine years by Western count. Dates in this appendix have been left in the Chinese system. 6. Soochow. 7. This is a quote from the Shih ching, from a passage that describes beautiful women. 8. A Han dynasty person associated with debauchery. 9. An ancient poet of the Chou dynasty. 10. A pun on the name Ma (horse). 11. The Chu family was famous for sword fighting. Therefore, he is saying that she wears female clothing but has the heart of a woman warrior. 12. A woman famous for her word. 13« This is a reference to a goddess who gave a jade ornament to Chiao-fu. 125 -APPENDIX II - TRANSLATION NOTES (cont'd) 14. The legendary spiritual mountains of China. 15. A fish stomach was often used to transmit secret letters. 16. Women's poems. 17. According to Hummel, Autobiography, page 138, the Numph of the Lo River was the daughter of the legendary Emperor Fu Hsi, who became the spirit of the River Lo after drowning herself. This goddess was the subject of a miraculous vision that inspired the poem by Ts'ao Chih (192-232 A.D.). However, some say the poem involves an allegorical interpretation of loyalty or youth. For the purposes of this thesis, it is * sufficient to note that many of the images and evocative passages found in this poem are repeated in the literary works concerning Ma Shou-chen. A translation of this poem is available,(Watson, Chinese Rhyme-Prose)pages 55-60. 18. This is a metaphor for a son who follows his father's scholarship. 19. People were in such a hurry to get copies of her poems they tore down forests to make the prints. 20. Yiieh-t'ao was a T'ang dynasty courtesan from a good family of scholars. 21. Du-wei was a courtesan who was deceived by a lover and drowned herself after throwing her fortune in jewels into the river. See Yang, The Courtesan's Jewel Box. 126 --APPENDIX II - TRANSLATION NOTES (cont»d) 22. According to Goodrich and Fang, Dictionary of Ming  Biography, page 1362, Cheng Chih-wen was the author of the opera Pai lien chTun. 23. Ta Chung is unidentified but his signature and seal have been recorded as being on a painting by Ma Shou-chen. See note 38 this section. 24. Unidentified. 25. Ibid. 26. Ibid. v ; • ?r : -27.. Reference to Chfu Yuan. See note 4, Section III. 28. See note 17, this section. 29. It has been suggested that this refers to a passage in the Tso chuan. 30. Unidentified. 31. Contag, Seals of Chinese Painters, page 530, lists the signature and seals of this 19th century scholar. Note that Kuang-t'ao Kuang is also the editor of this selection. 32. See note 4, Section III. 33• This is the same inscription and probably the same painting now in the Metropolitan Museum. See Catalogue item I. Also note that this painting has not been executed in the double outline technique. 34. Unidentified. - 127 -APPENDIX II - TRANSLATION NOTES (cont'd.) 35. The ideal of a handsome man. 36. Perhaps the name of a specific type of orchid. 37a Unidentified. 38. Ibid. 39. Ibid. 40. Unidentified. 41. Ibid. 42. See note 4, Section III. 43. Unidentified. 44. Wen Cheng-ming's grandson. See note 2, Section IV. 45. Ibid. 46. Unidentified. 47. Unidentified. 48. Contag, Seals of Chinese Painters, page 627, states T'ai P'ei-chih was a 19th century collector. 49. See note 11, this section. 50. Meaning of this passage is unclear. Perhaps this is the fall season. 51. Unidentified. 52. Ibid. 53. Ibid. 54. See note 33> this section. 55. Unidentified. 

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