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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Renaissance patronage of Hercules imagery Wilson, Shirley Conroy 1983

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RENAISSANCE PATRONAGE OF HERCULES IMAGERY By SHIRLEY CONROY WILSON Diploma i n Art History, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1976 . Mus. The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 19 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (The Department of Fine Arts) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA OCTOBER' 1983 (c)Shirley Conroy Wilson, 1983 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date O c t o b e r \"J 1983 i i ABSTRACT This thesis examines the patronage and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Hercules imagery i n I t a l y during the thir t e e n t h through early sixteenth centuries. The impact l i t e r a t u r e had on contemporary images of the hero, and the si g n i f i c a n c e of Hercules imagery f o r I t a l i a n society i s discussed. Chapter One deals with the h i s t o r y and transmission of mythology i n general and the Hercules legend i n p a r t i c u l a r from Greek Antiquity u n t i l the t h i r t e e n t h century. The means of transmission was Greek and Roman l i t e r a t u r e and i t s commentaries, and the t r e a t i s e s of early C h r i s t i a n and Medieval authors. The Greeks and Romans p r i m a r i l y viewed Hercules as a b e n e f i c i a l , c i v i l i z i n g f i g u r e , noted as an averter of e v i l , an exemplar of v i r t u s , and as a mortal who was made immortal. Early C h r i s t i a n authors, threatened by the s i m i l a r i t i e s between Hercules and Ch r i s t , denied Hercules' immortality and denounced the hero as a l i b e r t i n e , an adulterer and a lecher. Medieval w r i t e r s , through t h e i r use of a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , again perceived Hercules as an exemplar of v i r t u e and an averter of the e v i l s which threaten Mankind. Chapter Two discusses Hercules imagery i n I t a l i a n a r t and l i t e r a t u r e of the th i r t e e n t h and fourteenth centuries. Thirteenth century images depict Hercules as a virtuous, wise hero who conquers the e v i l s which threaten society. Despite the numerous p o s i t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s associated with Hercules i n fourteenth century l i t e r a t u r e , only one was developed i n the a r t : Hercules was portrayed as the wise hero who embodied the v i r t u e s of an i d e a l leader. A r t i s t i c representations of Hercules i n the t h i r t e e n t h and fourteenth centuries were r e s t r i c t e d to either a s o l i t a r y Hercules or to Hercules and the Nemean Lion, Hercules and Antaeus, and Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna. These images were located p r i m a r i l y i n the ambient of Church structures. The only exceptions were portrayals of the hero within "uomini famosi" cycles and on the seal of Florence. Chapter Three examines the patronage of Hercules imagery by four leading f i f t e e n t h century patrons: Lorenzo de'Medici of Florence, Ercole I d'Este of Ferrara, Ludovico Gonzaga of Mantua, and Federigo da Montefeltro of Urbino. The commissions of these i n d i v i d u a l s indicates the s h i f t of patronage from public i n s t i t u t i o n s to private patrons which occurred i n the f i f t e e n t h century. Hercules imagery was no longer commissioned for d i d a c t i c purposes, but rather because the patron wished to be i d e n t i f i e d with the v i r t u e s or p o l i t i c a l implications associated with the hero. Chapter Four discusses the patronage of Hercules imagery i n Rome and Mantua during the l a s t quarter of the f i f t e e n t h century and the f i r s t quarter of the sixteenth. Once other mythological themes were portrayed, beginning i n 1470, representations of Hercules were no longer r e s t r i c t e d to the commonly depicted labours, but enlarged to include a l l twelve. Expanded programs of Hercules' labours were portrayed i n the Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, commissioned by the Venetian c a r d i n a l ( l a t e r Pope Paul II) Pietro Barbo, and i n the Sala del Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina, comissioned by the Sienese Banker, Agostino C h i g i . The patronage of Hercules imagery originated by Ludovico Gonzaga i n Mantua was continued by I s a b e l l a d'Este and her son Federigo Gonzaga. Their commissions of Hercules imagery show the hero as a symbol of v i r t u e and immortality. Chapter Five contains a summary of the conclusions drawn throughout the t h e s i s . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS VI ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xi v CHAPTER ONE: THE HISTORY AND TRANSMISSION OF THE HERCULES LEGEND 1 A. The Survival of C l a s s i c a l Mythology i ) Greek and L a t i n L i t e r a t u r e i i ) V i s u a l Representations of Mythological Figures . B. The Hercules Legend i ) The Worship of Hercules i i ) The Image of Hercules i n C l a s s i c a l L i t e r a t u r e i i i ) The Image of Hercules i n Early C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e Notes 13 CHAPTER TWO: HERCULES IN ITALIAN ART AND LITERATURE A. Introduction B. Image of Hercules i n the Thirteenth Century C. Image of Hercules i n the Fourteenth Century i ) L i t e r a t u r e i i ) Art Notes 32 A. Introduction B. The Patrons i ) Lorenzo de'Medici i i ) Ludovico Gonzaga i i i ) Federigo da Montefeltro iv) Ercole d'Este Notes 61 OF THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES 18 CHAPTER THREE: PATRONAGE OF HERCULES IMAGERY IN FIFTEENTH CENTURY ITALY 41 V CHAPTER FOUR: PATRONAGE OF HERCULES IMAGERY IN ITALY DURING THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY 78 A. Introduction B. Hercules Imagery i n Roman Palazzi and V i l l a s i) Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia i i ) Sala del Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina C. Gonzaga Patronage of Hercules Imagery i n the early Sixteenth Century Notes 90 CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION 99 ILLUSTRATIONS 102 SELECTIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY 173 v i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS The Family of Hercules (source: Morford and Lenardon, C l a s s i c a l Mythology, f i g . 17) San Marco Facade, d e t a i l : Hercules with the Boar (source: Demus, The Church of San Marco i n Venice, f i g . 38) San Marco Facade, d e t a i l : Hercules with the Hind (source: Demus, The Church of San Marco i n Venice, f i g . 39) Nicola Pisano: P u l p i t 1260 (source: John White, Art and Architecture i n I t a l y , 1250-1400, f i g . 16) Nicola Pisano: P u l p i t 1260, d e t a i l (source: E l o i s e M. Angiola, "Nicola Pisano, Federico V i s c o n t i and the C l a s s i c a l Style i n Pisa " i n Art B u l l e t i n , V o l. 59, f i g . 14) Giovanni Pisano P u l p i t , 1302-1310 (source: John White, Art and  Architecture i n I t a l y , 1250-1400, f i g . 34) Giovanni Pisano P u l p i t , 1302-1310, .-detail: Hercules (source: Gian Lorenzo M e l l i n i , Giovanni Pisano, f i g . 283) Giovanni Pisano P u l p i t , 1302-1310, d e t a i l : Hercules (source: Gian Lorenzo M e l l i n i , Giovanni Pisano, f i g . 285) Hercules Seal, Dugento, After D.M. Manni, 1739 (source: E t t l i n g e r , "Hercules Florentinus" i n Mitteilungen, V o l . 16, f i g . 1) Giotto-Andrea Pisano, Hercules and Cacus (source: Trachtenberg, The Campanille of Florence Cathedral, f i g . 132) Hercules-Fortitude, Florence Cathedral, Porta d e l l a Mandorla. (source: E t t l i n g e r , "Hercules Florentinus" i n Mitteilungen, V o l . 1 6 , . f i g . 3) Three Expl o i t s of Hercules, Florence Cathedral, Porta d e l l a Mandorla. (source: E t t l i n g e r , "Hercules F l o r e n t i n u s " i n Mitteilungen, V o l . 16, f i g . 4) Hercules and the Lion, Hercules and Antaeus, Florence Cathedral, Porta d e l l a Mandorla . (source: E t t l i n g e r , "Hercules Florentinus i n Mitteilungen, V o l . 16, f i g . 5) Tomb of Leonardo Bruni, Bernardo Rossellino and a s s i s t a n t s , Florence, Santa Croce. (source: Ann Markham Schulz, The Sculpture of  Bernardo Rossellino and h i s Workshop, f i g . 49) v i i 15. L e f t support of Sarcophagus, Tomb of Leonardo Bruni. (source: Schulz, The Sculpture of Bernardo Rossellino and h i s Workshop, fig.52) 16. Antonio Federighi. Baptismal Font. Siena Cathedral (source: John Pope-Hennessy, I t a l i a n Renaissance Sculpture, f i g . 95) 17. Federighi Baptismal Font, d e t a i l : Hercules and the Nemean Lion. (source: Benjamin Rowland, The C l a s s i c a l T r a d i t i o n i n Western Art, f i g . 126) 18. Pietro Mocenigo Tomb, S.S. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, (source: John Pope-Hennessy, I t a l i a n Renaissance Sculpture, f i g . 155) 19. Pietro Mocenigo Tomb, d e t a i l : Hercules and the Nemean Lion, (source: Dr. Debra Pincus) 20. Pietro Mocenigo Tomb, d e t a i l : Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna. (source: Dr. Debra Pincus) 21. The Vendramin Tomb, S.S. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice: (source: John Pope-Hennessy, I t a l i a n Renaissance Sculpture, f i g . 162) 22. The Facade of the Coll e o n i Chapel, Bergamo, (source: John Pope-Hennessy, I t a l i a n Renaissance Sculpture, f i g . 119) 23. The Facade of the Co l l e o n i Chapel, Bergamo," d e t a i l : Hercules and Antaeus, (source: Benjamin Rowland, The C l a s s i c a l T r a d i t i o n  i n Western Art, f i g . 128), 24. The Facade of the Coll e o n i Chapel, Bergamo, d e t a i l : Hercules and the Nemean Lion, (source: Benjamin Rowland, The C l a s s i c a l  T r a d i t i o n i n Western Art, f i g . 128) 25. The Fagade of the Coll e o n i Chapel, Bergamo, d e t a i l : Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna. (source: Jean Seznec, The Survival of the  Pagan Gods, f i g . 11) 26. Certosa of Pavia Fagade (source: Charles R. Morscheck, J r . R e l i e f Sculpture f o r the Fagade of the Certosa d i Pavia, 1473-1499, f i g . 2) 27. Certosa of Pavia, Fagade, d e t a i l : Medallion: Infant Hercules strangling the serpents (source: Morscheck, R e l i e f Sculpture  f o r the Fagade of the Certosa d i Pavia, 1473-1499, f i g . 86) 28. Certosa of Pavia, Fagade, detail':' P r o f i l e P o r t r a i t of Hercules. (source: Morscheck, R e l i e f Sculpture for the Fagade of the Certosa d i Pavia, f i g . 88) 29. Antonio P o l l a i u o l o , Drawing: Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna. (source: E t t l i n g e r , Antonio and Piero P o l l a i u o l o , f i g . 79) 30. Antonio P o l l a i u o l o , Statuette: Hercules and Antaeus. (source: E t t l i n g e r , Antonio and Piero P o l l a i u o l o , f i g . 79) V l l l Antonio P o l l a i u o l o : Statuette: Hercules and Antaeus, (source: E t t l i n g e r , Antonio and Piero P o l l a i u o l o , f i g . 81) Antonio P o l l a i u o l o : Hercules, Nessus and Deianira. (source: E t t l i n g e r , Antonio and Piero P o l l a i u o l o , f i g . 94) Antonio P o l l a i u o l o : Hercules and Antaeus, (source: E t t l i n g e r , Antonio and Piero P o l l a i u o l o , f i g . 92) Antonio P o l l a i u o l o : Hercules and the Hydra (source: E t t l i n g e r , Antonio and Piero P o l l a i u o l o , f i g . 93) Antonio P o l l a i u o l o : Statuette: Hercules Resting, (source: E t t l i n g e r , Antonio and Piero P o l l a i u o l o , f i g . 75) Antonio P o l l a i u o l o : Statuette: Hercules Resting, (source: E t t l i n g e r , Antonio and Piero P o l l a i u o l o , f i g . 76) Antonio P o l l a i u o l o , Statuette, Hercules Resting, (source: F r i c k  C o l l e c t i o n , V ol. I l l : I t a l i a n Sculpture, p. 23) Antonio P o l l a i u o l o , Statuette, Hercules Resting (source: F r i c k  C o l l e c t i o n , V o l . I l l : I t a l i a n Sculpture, p. 25) Giorgio Vasari, Foundation of Florence (source: Kurt Forster, "Metaphors of Rule, i n Mitteilungen, Vol. 16, f i g . 33) Giorgio Vasari, Foundation of Florence, d e t a i l : Helmet of Marc Anthony. (source: E t t l i n g e r , "Hercules Florentinus" i n Mitteilungen, Vol. 16, f i g . 17) Bertoldo d i Giovanni, Statuette: Hercules on Horseback, (source: Maria G.C. Dupre, Small Renaissance Bronzes, f i g . 7) Bertoldo d i Giovanni, Statuette: Heraldi Wild Man. (source: F r i c k  C o l l e c t i o n Catalogue, Vol. I l l : I t a l i a n Sculpture, p. 39) Bertoldo d i Giovanni, Statuette: Hercules Resting with Apples of the Hesperides. (source: A. R a d c l i f f e , European Bronze Statuettes, Colour Plate 2) Bertoldo d i Giovanni, Statuette: Hercules Rending the Nemean Lion, (source: G.F. H i l l : "The S a l t i n g C o l l e c t i o n " i n Burlington  Magazine, Vol. XVI, Plate 2, #3) Style of Bertoldo. Hercules Resting, (source: F r i c k C o l l e c t i o n  Catalogue, Vol. I l l , I t a l i a n Sculpture, p. 45) Michelangelo. R e l i e f : "Battle of the Lapiths and Centaurs" (source: Frederick Hartt, History of I t a l i a n Renaissance Art, f i g . 478) F i l a r e t e , Marcus Aurelius. (source: A. R a d c l i f f e , European Bronze  Statuettes, plate 6) Antonio P o l l a i u o l o , Statuette: Hercules Resting, d e t a i l , (source: F r i c k C o l l e c t i o n Catalogue, Vol. I l l : I t a l i a n Sculpture, p.29) i x 49. Verrochio. Bust of Lorenzo de'Medici, (source: Christopher Hibbert, The House of Medici, Its Rise and F a l l , i l l . 6) 50. Lorenzo the Magnificent, Death Mask, (source: J.R. Hale, Florence and the Medici-The Pattern of Control, i l l . 19) 51. Ghirlandaio, Pope Honorius III Confirming the Rule of the Order of Saint Francis, d e t a i l : P r o f i l e P o r t r a i t of Lorenzo de'Medici, (source: Dennistoun, Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino, f i g . 52) 52. Mantegna, General View - Camera d e g l i Sposi (source: Splendours of the Gonzaga, i l l u s t r a t i o n , p. 118) 53. Mantegna, Camera d e g l i Sposi, C e i l i n g d e t a i l : The Oculus. (source: Martindale and Garavaglia, The Complete Paintings of Mantegna, Plate XLVIII) 54. Mantegna, Camera d e g l i Sposi, General View - C e i l i n g (source: E. Tietze-Conrat, Mantegna, f i g . 78) 55. Axiometric Projection of the Camera d e g l i Sposi. (source: Martindale and Garavaglia, The Complete Paintings of Mantegna, p. 100) 56. Mantegna, Camera d e g l i Sposi: Hercules Shooting, (source: E. T i e t z e -Conrat, Mantegna, f i g . 90) 57. Mantegna, Camera d e g l i Sposi: Nessus and Deianira. (source: E. T i e t z e -Conrat , Mantegna_, f i g . 91) 58. Mantegna, Camera d e g l i Sposi: Hercules and the Nemean Lion, (source: E. Tietze-Conrat, f i g . 87) 59. Mantegna, Camera d e g l i Sposi: Hercules and Antaeus, (source: E. Tietze-Conrat, f i g . 88) 60. Mantegna, Camera d e g l i Sposi':; Hercules and Cerberus (source: E. Tietze-Conrat, f i g . 89) 61. Mantegna, Camera d e g l i Sposi: The Meeting, (source: Martindale and Garavaglia, The Complete Paintings of Mantegna, plate XLI) 62. Plane Diagram, C e i l i n g , Camera d e g l i Sposi. (source: Martindale and Garavaglia, The Complete Paintings of Mantegna, p. 102) 63. Mantegna, Camera d e g l i Sposi: Court Scene, (source: Martindale and Garavaglia, The Complete Paintings of Mantegna, p. 105) 64. Mantegna, Camera d e g l i Sposi: The Meeting, (source: Splendours of the Gonzaga, i l l u s t r a t i o n p. 119) 65. Mantegna, Camera d e g l i Sposi; The Meeting, (source: Martindale and Garavaglia, The Complete Paintings of Mantegna, p l a t e XL), 66. Sala d e l l a Iole, Urbino, Ducal Palace (source:Pasquale Rotondi, The Ducal Palace of Urbino, f i g . 129) X Sala d e l l a Iole, d e t a i l : Hercules and Iole Chimneypiece. (source: Rotondi, The Ducal Palace of Urbino, f i g . 127) Por t a l d e t a i l : I n t a r s i a Panel: Hercules and the Nemean Lion (source: Rotondi, The Ducal Palace of Urbino, f i g . 124) Po r t a l , Sala d e l l a Iole, Urbino, Ducal Palace, (source: Harald Olsen, Urbino, f i g . 18) Po r t a l , Sala d e l l a Iole, Urbino, Ducal Palace, d e t a i l (source: Harald Olsen, Urbino, f i g . 18) Po r t a l , Sala d e g l i Angeli, Urbino, Ducal Palace (source: Rotondi, The Ducal Palace of Urbino, f i g . 188) Po r t a l , Sala d e g l i Angeli, Urbino, Ducal Palace, ^ d e t a i l : Marsy. (source: Rotondi, :The Ducal Palace of Urbino, f i g . 189) Po r t a l , Sala d e g l i Angeli, Urbino, Ducal Palace, d e t a i l : Hercules, (source: Rotondi, The Ducal Palace of Urbino, f i g . 190) The Studiolo, Drawing showing p o s i t i o n of P o r t r a i t s and I n t a r s i a . (Drawn by Renato Bruscaglia, Text f i g u r e , p. 49. source: Rotondi The Ducal Palace of Urbino*.) The Studiolo, Drawing, d e t a i l (source: Rotondi, The Ducal Palace of Urbino.) Reconstruction showing p o r t r a i t s of Cicero, Moses and Solomon, with Hercules and Cerberus, Caryatid f i g u r e (source: Pasquale Rotondi II Palazzo Ducale d i Urbino, Vol. 2 ; . f i g . 359) Reconstruction of P o r t r a i t s , d e t a i l : Hercules and Cerberus Caryatid figure (source: Rotondi, II Palazzo Ducale d i Urbino, v o l . 2, f i g . 360) Clement of Urbino, Medal of Federigo da Montefeltro, obverse, (source: H i l l , Renaissance Medals, f i g . 100 obv.) Clement of Urbino, Medal of Federigo da Montefeltro, obverse, d e t a i l Hercules and a Centaur (source: H i l l , Renaissance Medals, f i g . 100, obv.) Herakles Sarcophagus, V i l l a Borghese, Rome (source: E. L o e f f l e r , "Lysippos' Labors of Herakles" i n Marsyas VI (1950-1953) pl a t e IV, #1) Herakles Sarcophagus, V i l l a Borghese, Rome (source: L o e f f l e r , "Lysippos' Labors of Herakles"-in Marsyas VI-". (1950-1953) plate IV, #2) Herakles Sarcophagus, Palazzo Ducale, Mantua, (source: L o e f f l e r , "Lysippos' Labors of Herakles" i n Marsyas VI (1950-1953) plate V, #1) x i 83. Herakles and the Keryneian Hind. Palermo: National Museum (source: L o e f f l e r , "Lysippos' Labors of Herakles" i n Marsyas VI, plate VI #2) 84. Herakles Sarcophagus, Rome, Vatican, (source: L o e f f l e r , "Lysippos' Labors of Herakles" i n Marsyas VI, plate 8#1) 85. Clement of Urbino, Medal of Federigo da Montefeltro, reverse. (source: H i l l , Renaissance Medals, f i g . 100 rev.) 86. Coradino, Medal of Ercole d'Este, obverse (source: H i l l , Renaissance Medals, f i g . 38 obverse) 87. Coradino, Medal of Ercole d'Este, reverse (source: H i l l , Renaissance Medals, f i g . 38 reverse) 88. F r o n t i s p i e c e , Pietro Andrea d i Ba s s i : The Labours of Hercules (source: P i e t r o Andrea d i Bas s i , The Labours of Hercules, tra n s l a t e d by W.K. Thompson.) 89. F r o n t i s p i e c e , d e t a i l (source: P i e t r o Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, t r a n s l a t e d by W.K. Thompson.) 90. Infant Hercules with the Serpents (source: P i e t r o Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, tr a n s l a t e d by W.K. Thompson, p. 21) 91. Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna (source: P i e t r o Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, t r a n s l a t e d by W.K. Thompson, p. 35) 92. Hercules and the Arcadian Hind (source: Pietroo Andrea d i Bas s i , The Labours of Hercules, tr a n s l a t e d by W.K. Thompson, p. 41) 93. Hercules and the Nemean Lion (source: P i e t r o Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, translated-by W.K. Thompson, p. 45) 94. Hercules and the Boar of Erymanthius (source: Pietro Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, tr a n s l a t e d by W.K. Thompson, p. 51) 95. Hercules and Diomedes (source: P i e t r o Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, tr a n s l a t e d by W.K. Thompson, p. 55) 96. Hercules p i c k i n g the Apples of the Hesperides, (source: P i e t r o Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, tr a n s l a t e d by W.K. Thompson, p. 61) 97. Hercules and Antaeus, (source: P i e t r o Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, t r a n s l a t e d by W.K. Thompson, p. 67) 98. Hercules erecting the P i l l a r s (source: Pietro Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, translated by W.K. Thompson, p. 73) 99. Hercules shooting the Harpies (source: P i e t r o Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, tr a n s l a t e d by W.K. Thompson, p. 77) 100. Hercules and Cerberus (source: P i e t r o Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, tr a n s l a t e d by W.K. Thompson, p. 83) x i i 101. Hercules and Achelous (source: P i e t r o Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, translated by W.K. Thompson, p. 87) 102. Ercole Receiving a Book from i t s author. Dedication Page - V i t a B. Joannes a Tauxignano Episcopi Ferrariae (source: Gundersheimer, Ferrara, f i g . 11) 103. Wall View, Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, Rome (source: H. Ullman, Die Taten des Herkules, Taf. I) 104. Hercules and the Nemean Lion , Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, Rome (source: H. Ullman, Die Taten des Herkules, Taf. IV) 105. Hercules and Antaeus, 'Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, Rome. (source: H. Ullman, Die Taten des Herkules, Taf. II) 106. Hercules and the B u l l , Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, Rome. (source: H. Ullman, Die Taten des Herkules, T a f . V I ) 107. Hercules and Geryon, Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, Rome. (source: H. Ullman, Die Taten des Herkules, Taf. VII) 108. Geryon, Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, Rome, (source: H. Ullman, Die Taten des Herkules, Taf. VIII) 109. Hercules and Ladon, Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, Rome. (source: H. Ullman, Die Taten des Herkules, Taf. I l l ) 110. Hercules and the Cerynitian Hind, Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, Rome, (source: H. Ullman, Die Taten des Herkules, Taf. V) 111. Hercules sl a y i n g a Harpie, Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, Rome. (source: H. Ullman, Die Taten des Herkules, Taf. XI) 112. Hercules and a Centaur, Sala d e i Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, Rome. (source: H. Ullman, Die Taten des Herkules, Taf IX) 113. Peruzzi, Sala del Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina: Hercules and the Centaurs, Hercules and the Nemean Lion, (source: Josephine Jensen, An  Interpretation of Peruzzi's Frieze i n the Sala del Fregio  V i l l a Farnesina i n Rome, M.A. Thesis, U.B.C. 1975, Plate 1) 114. Peruzzi, Sala d e l Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina: Hercules and the Harpies, Hercules i n the Garden of the Hesperides, Hercules and Cerberus, (source: Jensen, Peruzzi's Frieze i n the Sala del F r e g i o , V i l l a  Farnesina-in Rome, Plate 2) 115. Peruzzi, Sala del Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina: Hercules feeding Diomedes to the-Horses, Hercules and the^Hydra. (source:: Jensen, Peruzzi' s  F r i e z e - i n the Sala d e l Fregio; V i l l a Farnesina i n Rome,.Plate 3) 116. Peruzzi, Sala d e l Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina: Hercules and Achelous, Hercules and Antaeus, Hercules and Cacus. (source: Jensen, Peruzzi's Frieze i n the Sala del Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina i n Rome, Plate 4) x i i i 117. Peruzzi, Sala del Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina, Rome: Hercules and the Erymanthian Boar (source: Jensen, Peruzzi's Frieze i n the Sala  d e l Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina-in Rome, Plate 5) 118. Hercules Shooting at the Stymphalian Birds (source: Wendy Stedman Sheard, Antiquity i n the Renaissance, Catalogue entry 57) 119. The Grotta I (source: Splendours of the Gonzaga, f i g 57, p. 60) 120. The Grotta II (source: Splendours of the Gonzaga, f i g . 58, p. 60) 121. Drawing of the Grotta (source: CM. Brown, "The Grotta of Is a b e l l a d'Este" i n Gazette des Beaux Arts, Vol. 89, f i g . 8) 122. Antico. Hercules Resting Statuette, (source: H.J. Hermann>"Pier Jacopo A l a r i - B o n a c o l s i , genannt Antico" i n Jahrbuch der  Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen i n Wien, Vol. 28, Taf. XL) 123. Antico. Hercules and Antaeus Statuette (source: H.J. Hermann, "Pier Jacopo A l a r i - B o n a c o l s i , genannt Antico" i n Jahrbuch  der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen i n Wien, V o l . 28 Taf. XLI) 124. Antico. Hercules and the Serpents, Roundel. (source: John Pope-Hennessy, a s s i s t e d by R. Lightbown, Catalogue of I t a l i a n  Sculpture i n the V i c t o r i a and Albert Museum, f i g . 346) 125. Antico. Hercules and the Erymanthian Boar, Roundel. (source: John Pope-Hennessy, a s s i s t e d by R. Lightbown, Catalogue of  I t a l i a n Sculpture i n the V i c t o r i a and Albert Museum, f i g . 347) 126. Antico. Hercules and the Nemean Lion, Roundel. (source: John Pope-Hennessy, a s s i s t e d by R. Lightbown, Catalogue of I t a l i a n  Sculpture i n the V i c t o r i a and Albert Museum, f i g . 348) 127. Antico. Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna, Roundel. (source: John Pope-Hennessy, a s s i s t e d by R. Lightbown, Catalogue of I t a l i a n  Sculpture i n the V i c t o r i a and Albert Museum, f i g . 349) 128. Antico. Hercules and the Cerynitian Hind, Roundel. (source: H.J. Hermann, "Pier Jacopo A l a r i - B o n a c o l s i , genannt Antico" i n Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen i n Wien, V o l . 28, Taf. XLIII) 129. Antico. Hercules Resting Plaquette (source: P l a n i s c i g , "Bronzes of the I t a l i a n Renaissance" i n Burlington Magazine, Vol. 66, pla t e 2) 130. Palazzo del Te, east and south walls of the Sala dei C a v a l l i . (source: Verheyen, The Palazzo del Te i n Mantua, f i g . 61) 131. Palazzo d e l Te, east wall of the Sala dei C a v a l l i , (source: Verheyenj The Palazzo del Te i n Mantua, f i g 62) 132. Palazzo d e l Te, elevation of the west wall of the Sala dei C a v a l l i , drawn by Hip p o l i t o Andreasi for Jacopo Strada 1567/68. (source: Verheyen, The' Palazzo del Te i n Mantua, f i g . 63) x i v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT S I would l i k e to express my gratitude to Dr. Joanna Woods-Marsden f o r her guidance and encouragement i n the preparation of t h i s t h e s i s . I' would also l i k e to thank Dr. Debra Pincus f o r suggesting the topic to me, and f o r supplying some photographs. I would l i k e to thank Dr. Timothy McNiven, C l a s s i c s Department, f o r his advice regarding the Federigo da Montefeltro Medal. I would l i k e to acknowledge Stephen Powell's very kind assistance with the L a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n s on the Federigo da Montefeltro Medal. A very s p e c i a l thanks to my family and friends who have provided so much encouragement and support. F i n a l l y , very s p e c i a l thanks to my husband, Paul Whaley f or h i s advice and constructive c r i t i c i s m s , f o r h i s assistance with the photographs, and e s p e c i a l l y f o r h i s moral support and optimism throughout. 1 CHAPTER ONE THE HISTORY AND TRANSMISSION OF THE HERCULES LEGEND A. The Surv i v a l of C l a s s i c a l Mythology Knowledge of, and i n t e r e s t i n c l a s s i c a l mythology continued from Antiquity through the Renaissance. This continuation was fostered by the study of Greek and Lat i n l i t e r a t u r e , including commentaries and handbooks, and by the s u r v i v a l of v i s u a l representations of mythological f i g u r e s . Theological t r e a t i s e s and encyclopediae of early C h r i s t i a n and Medieval wr i t e r s , while condemning the gods and heroes of c l a s s i c a l mythology, provided yet another means for t h e i r s u r v i v a l , i ) Greek and Lat i n L i t e r a t u r e The persistence of c l a s s i c a l mythology throughout the ages may be p a r t i a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to the importance of r e l i g i o n within Greek c u l t u r e . Legends or myths about the l i v e s and deeds of the gods evolved because these beings were perceived to be anthropomorphic."'" O r i g i n a l l y the legends were transmitted by means of an o r a l t r a d i t i o n and formed the basis of Greek l i t e r a t u r e . A written l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n was developed between the 2 seventh and fourth centuries, B.C., during the primacy of c i t y - s t a t e s . The s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y experienced by the c i t y - s t a t e s not only fostered the development of a written l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n , but also 3 the establishment of an education system. The two foremost subjects, 4 grammar - the a b i l i t y to read and comprehend written passages - and rh e t o r i c - the a b i l i t y to speak i n pub l i c using d i f f e r e n t o r a t o r i c a l forms and s t y l e s ^ - were based on a c a r e f u l study of l i t e r a t u r e . In order to 2 f a c i l i t a t e the understanding of l i t e r a r y texts grammarians wrote mythological handbooks which summarized and c l a s s i f i e d the events of mythology, as w e l l as commentaries and int e r p r e t a t i o n s of s p e c i f i c works.^ Four kinds of a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s were i d e n t i f i e d and used to c l a r i f y the events recorded i n l i t e r a t u r e . These were: 1) the h i s t o r i c a l , according to which r e a l persons and events are thought to be represented i n a covert manner; 2) the p h y s i c a l , by which gods of popular b e l i e f are equated with p h y s i c a l forces i n nature; 3) the moral, by which d i v i n i t i e s are i d e n t i f i e d with abstract q u a l i t i e s or by which e t h i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e s are ascribed to actions and si t u a t i o n s not ostensibly e t h i c a l ; • 4) the euhemeristic, by which gods are r a t i o n a l i z e d as d e i f i e d heroes,^ or mythological s t o r i e s are r a t i o n a l i z e d as h i s t o r i c a l occurrances. The study of Greek l i t e r a t u r e continued despite the decline of Greek p o l i t i c a l supremacy a f t e r the death of Alexander the Great i n 323, B.C. Q The p r i n c i p a l centre for t h i s a c t i v i t y was at the Library i n Alexandria. Following the r i s e of Republican and l a t e r Imperial Rome, and i t s subsequent adoption and emulation of Greek cult u r e , the study of the Greek language 9 and l i t e r a t u r e was also continued i n Rome. Although the Romans had t h e i r own gods and r e l i g i o u s c u l t s p r i o r to t h e i r absorption of Greek cult u r e , exposure to Greek l i t e r a t u r e , education and mythology l e d to the eventual r e - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Roman gods with those 10 of Greece. As Greek authors had written about the l i v e s and deeds of t h e i r gods and heroes, so also d i d the Roman.1"'" Some wrote works which were devoted e n t i r e l y to the actions of these beings, as i s the case with Ovid's Metamorphosis and V e r g i l ' s Aeneid; others only r e f e r to the gods and heroes i n the course of the text, as may be seen i n Cicero's Tusculan  Disputations. In a d d i t i o n to developing t h e i r own L a t i n l i t e r a t u r e Roman scholars 3 also t r a n s l a t e d numerous Greek l i t e r a r y and s c i e n t i f i c texts i n t o L a t i n . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of these t r a n s l a t i o n s a r i s e s not only because of the greater possible c i r c u l a t i o n and influence, but because they maintained the a v a i l a b i l i t y of Greek knowledge following the d i v i s i o n of the Roman Empire i n 364 A.D. and the subsequent diminution of the study of the 12 Greek language i n Western Europe. The continued use of the a l l e g o r i c a l methods of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , developed by the Greeks and adopted and used by the Romans i n t h e i r education system, contributed to the s u r v i v a l of c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e and mythology through to the Renaissance. Early C h r i s t i a n w r i t e r s , because they had studied i n the education system of the Roman Empire, were f a m i l i a r with c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e and the methods of a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n used to c l a r i f y the meaning of t h i s l i t e r a t u r e . These authors, however, employed the same a l l e g o r i c a l methods of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n f o r a d i f f e r e n t purpose. Instead of using these methods to c l a r i f y the meaning of the texts, they used them as a means of denouncing the actions of the pagan gods and heroes described therein. 1" 3 Euhemeristic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was the most i n f l u e n t i a l of the four methods. Its appeal derived from i t s denial of d i v i n i t y to any of the pagan gods, and i t s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of these figures as mortals on whom worship had wrongfully been bestowed by t h e i r descendants. The 14 Divmarum institutionem l i b r i septem, written by Lactantius Firmianus i n the fourth century,, exemplifies the early C h r i s t i a n use of the euhemeristic method. The equating of mythological gods and heroes with human beings, as proposed by the euhemeristic theory and i t s p r a c t i c e by early C h r i s t i a n writers, was important to the treatment which was accorded these figures by l a t e r C h r i s t i a n w r i t e r s . In the seventh century, Isidore of S e v i l l e , i n his 4 Etymologiae, attempted to place mythological figures within the h i s t o r i c a l context of Christianity."*"^ The Etymologiae, besides being one of the f i r s t h i s t o r i c a l t r e a t i s e s of an encyclopedic nature, was an important source of information f o r l a t e r authors w r i t i n g about mythological f i g u r e s . " ^ The reverence accorded the mythological benefactors of humanity i n Isidore's work helped to bring about t h e i r gradual acceptance. Early C h r i s t i a n and medieval writers also used moral a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n t h e i r w r i t i n g about the gods and heroes of Antiquity. The Mythologiae L i b r i I I I , written by Fulgentius i n the l a t e f i f t h or early s i x t h century, best exemplifies the use of t h i s method. The value of Fulgentius' work f o r l a t e r ages arises both from the summary and i n t e r p r e t -a t i o n of legends that i t provides, and from i t s de s c r i p t i o n and i n t e r p r e t -17 ation of the dress and appearance of mythological f i g u r e s . The adaptation of the figures and legends of c l a s s i c a l mythology by means of a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s to render both acceptable to a C h r i s t i a n society continued and expanded during the Middle Ages. Thus, by the l a t e eighth century i t was commonly believed that c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e was intended to be read a l l e g o r i c a l l y : Poets provide f a l s e s t o r i e s , ^ Philosophers turn these falsehoods i n t o truths. The study of the writings of V e r g i l and Ovid, i n p a r t i c u l a r the Aeneid and the Metamorphosis, increased during the eighth through thirteenth 19 centuries. This new prominence was e f f e c t e d by the contemporary production of commentaries which provided a l l e g o r i c a l , i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of these and other c l a s s i c a l texts. E s p e c i a l l y the mythology of the ancients had gradually come to be regarded as symbolical, thus admitting the comparison with symbolical tales employed i n C h r i s t i a n teaching; and the Metamorphoses, looked upon as an allegory of the mysteries of the true F a i t h , could be 5 read i n school and convent without prejudice to the regular t h e o l o g i c a l studies. In t h i s way hidden meanings were found i n Ovid, giving him, even with the Church, a c e r t a i n unwarranted and i l l o g i c a l authority, which was to l a s t through the Renaissance. Thus the many gods of the ancients became demons, while the personae of the myths were compared with characters i n the Bible or other sacred writings. The mgral of each t a l e , on the other hand, was c a r e f u l l y explained, . . . During t h i s same period i t was proposed that even the e a r l i e s t Greek authors had been f a m i l i a r with Old Testament theology and had based t h e i r writings 21 on t h i s knowledge. Thus, by the t h i r t e e n t h century mythological figures were commonly viewed as analogues of C h r i s t i a n f i g u r e s , i i ) V i s u a l Representations of Mythological Figures Interest i n creating images of the gods and heroes of c l a s s i c a l mythology waned i n the interim between the proclamation of C h r i s t i a n i t y as the state r e l i g i o n of the Roman Empire and the Renaissance. For t h i s reason, during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, information about the c l a s s i c a l conception of the appearance of mythological figures was derived from surviving imagery and from descriptions found i n Greek and L a t i n l i t e r a t u r e . The means by which mythological imagery survived through to the Renaissance include: 1) the appropriation and adaption of pagan r e l i g i o u s temples and t h e i r furnishings to meet the2i,mmediate need for C h r i s t i a n places and accoutrements of worship; 2) continued use or c o l l e c t i o n of items on which mythological images appeared. These objects included: coins, medals, gems, wall p a i n t i n g s r e l i e f and free-standing sculpture such as fonts, urns, and sarcophagi; 24 3) lack of recognition; 25 4) i l l u s t r a t i o n s of a s t r o l o g i c a l and astronomical manuscripts. Information about the appearance of mythological imagery survived i n Greek and La t i n l i t e r a t u r e as well as i n the t r e a t i s e s of Church Fathers and early C h r i s t i a n w r i t e r s . L i t e r a r y texts i n use during the Middle Ages and Renaissance i n which descriptions of the gods and t h e i r actions are to 6 be found include: Hyginus 1 Fabulae; Ovid's Metamorphosis; V e r g i l ' s Aeneid; Pliny's H i s t o r i a e Naturalis; Augustine's C i v i t a s Dei; Lactantius' Divinarum  institutionem; Isidore of S e v i l l e ' s Etymologiae; and Fulgentius' Mitologia  L i b r i I I I . 26 B. The Hercules Legend 27 Herakles was the o f f s p r i n g of an adulterous r e l a t i o n s h i p between Zeus and Alcmene, the betrothed of Amphitryon (see figure 1). From the time of his b i r t h u n t i l h i s death Herakles was the object of the jealousy and anger of Hera, Zeus' wife. Included i n the s p i t e f u l acts with which Hera was credited are: 1) the delay of Herakles' b i r t h so that he would not be the r u l e r of Mycenae, but rather a subject of h i s kinsman, Eurystheus; 2) the sending of poisonous snakes to Herakles' cradle during h i s infancy; 3) the madness of Herakles, during which he k i l l e d h i s wife Megara and t h e i r three sons. It was i n an e f f o r t to p u r i f y himself a f t e r these murders that Herakles went to the Oracle at Delphi for advice. The p r i e s t e s s there advised him to go to Tiryns and serve under Eurystheus, the King of Mycenae. She also t o l d Herakles that i f he completed the Dodekathlos, or twelve labours set 28 by Eurystheus, he would be awarded with immortality. The canonical labours performed by Herakles were: the k i l l i n g of the Nemean Lion; the k i l l i n g of the Hydra of Lerna; the capture of the Cerynitian Hind; the capture of the Erymanthian Boar; the cleaning of the Augean Stables; the d r i v i n g away of the Stymphalian Birds; the capture of the Cretan B u l l ; the capture of the Mares of Diomedes; the fetching of Hippolyte's G i r d l e ; the capture of the Cattle of Geryon; the fetching of the Apples of the Hesperides; and the capture of Cerberus, the watchdog of Hades. Deeds included i n the canonical parerga or tasks associated with 7 the labours are: the sl a y i n g of Cacus; the crushing of Antaeus; the B a t t l e with the Centaurs; the k i l l i n g of the centaur Eurytion; the founding of the Olympic games; the r e s t o r a t i o n of l i f e to A l c e s t i s ; the erection of the P i l l a r s of Hercules; the freeing of Prometheus; and the release of Theseus from Hades. Following h i s completion of the twelve labours and t h e i r parerga Hercules once more sought marriage. Because of a promise made to the Soul 29 of Meleager,. while i n Hades fetching Cerberus, Hercules entered a contest to win Deianira, Meleager's s i s t e r . After h i s successful b a t t l e against the river-god, Achelous, "who was horned l i k e a b u l l and had the power of changing himself i n t o d i f f e r e n t s h a p e s , H e r c u l e s and Deianira began the return t r i p to Tiryns. During t h i s journey the centaur Nessus offered to help Hercules by carrying Deianira across the River Everius. Once across he attempted to rape her, but was prevented by Hercules who, with h i s bow, shot the centaur. As Nessus lay dying he i n s t r u c t e d Deianira to keep some of h i s blood to use as a p h i l t r e which would prevent Hercules from lo v i n g any other woman but h e r s e l f . Ignorant that Hercules had dipped h i s arrows i n the powerful poison of the Hydra of Lerna, and that t h i s poison was now active i n Nessus' blood, Deianira did so. At some point a f t e r h i s marriage to Deianira, Hercules f e l l i n love with Iole, the daughter of Eurytus, King of Oechalia. Although she was the p r i z e promised the winner of an archery contest, and Hercules that winner, her father refused to give her to Hercules. In a rage at t h i s i n s u l t , Hercules k i l l e d Iole's brother Iphitus. Once more Hercules needed to undergo p u r i f i c a t i o n f o r murder, so he l e f t Deianira i n Trachis under the care of King Ceyx, and returned to the Oracle at Delphi. He was advised that i n order to be p u r i f i e d he must serve as a slave for one year. Accord-8 in g l y he was auctioned, and was bought by Omphale, Queen of the Lydians. Following h i s year of servitude Hercules determined to seize his wrongfully withheld p r i z e , I o l e . Together with an army, Hercules sacked Oechalia, k i l l e d Eurytus, and seized I o l e . Before making a celebratory s a c r i f i c e to Zeus, Hercules sent Iole and other captive women to Deianira at Trachis. Deianira, despairing that she was l o s i n g Hercules' love, dipped one of h i s s h i r t s i n Nessus' blood, and sent i t to Hercules by messenger. The poison on the s h i r t , warmed by the flames of the s a c r i f i c i a l f i r e , burnt Hercules' skin. When the hero attempted to tear the garment o f f , h i s f l e s h tore away with i t . He was c a r r i e d i n agony to Trachis, and then on to Mount Oeta where a funeral pyre was b u i l t , and his body placed on i t . As the pyre was burning, a cloud enveloped Hercules, and carried, him up to Olympus, where the hero was granted immortality, was reconciled with Hera, and married Hebe. Hercules' immortality, attained following h i s death on the funeral pyre, was f i r s t prophesized by the Oracle at Delphi. In c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e several of the labours are interpreted as representing the hero's conquest of death during h i s l i f e , p r e f i g u r i n g the immortality he was to gain a f t e r h i s 31 death. These labours include: the capture of the Cerynitian Hind; the res t o r a t i o n of A l c e s t i s to l i f e ; the capture of the Cattle of Geryon; the fetching of the apples of the Hesperides; the release of Theseus from Hades; and the fetching of Cerberus, the watchdog of Hades. i ) The Worship of Hercules Hercules was the object of c u l t worship i n both Greece and Rome. When t h i s worship originated i n Greece has not been established, however, i t has been suggested that worship may have been i n i t i a t e d during the 32 Mycenean Age. Widespread worship of Hercules continued from t h i s time 33 throughout the H e l l e n i s t i c Age and the supremacy of Rome. The dual 9 nature of Hercules the hero and the god was recognized by his c u l t . His c u l t i n Greece was unique i n that i t was dual: he was worshipped as both a god and a hero . . . Even i f the l i n e between hero and god was not always sharply drawn, e s p e c i a l l y i n Greek l i t e r a t u r e , the basic d i s t i n c t i o n between the two was well known. In contrast to the god the hero was o r i g i n a l l y a man who came to enjoy divine honours a f t e r h i s death. The l i t e r a r y evidence overwhelmingly supports the view th^at Herakles f i r s t was a man, than a hero, and then also became a god. The c u l t of Hercules was associated with the s i t e of Rome from very early times. Long before Romulus l a i d the foundation of Rome, the ev e r l a s t i n g c i t y ; Herakles had l e f t h i s mark on the s i t e . The t r a d i t i o n has i t that when he returned from Spain with the Cattle of Geryon, they were stolen from him on the pastures that were to be Rome. Herakles recovered the c a t t l e and punished the c u l p r i t . In memory of the event king Evander, a Greek e x i l e , or Herakles himself b u i l t what was the greatest a l t a r i n those regions at the time. The c u l t of Hercules at the Ara Maxima i n the Cattle Market, the^orum Boarium, continued through the entire pagan h i s t o r y of Rome. Hercules was i d e n t i f i e d by two epithets i n Greek r e l i g i o n and l i t e r a t u r e . These were: Herakles Alexikakos, the averter of e v i l - war, deat^ji, ghosts, sickness and the t r i a l s and t r i b u l a t i o n s of l i f e i n general; 37 and Herakles K a l l i n i k o s , the Resplendent V i c t o r . In Roman r e l i g i o n and 38 l i t e r a t u r e Hercules was i d e n t i f i e d as the Invictus, the i n v i n c i b l e one. i i ) The Image of Hercules i n C l a s s i c a l L i t e r a t u r e References to the mythology of Hercules appear throughout C l a s s i c a l 39 l i t e r a t u r e . As i s suggested by his epithets, which were common to both r e l i g i o n and l i t e r a t u r e , the image of the Hero i s generally p o s i t i v e despite 40 the v i o l e n t nature of h i s labours. In Greek l i t e r a t u r e Hercules i s presented as a fi g u r e worthy of emulation. Archaic texts reveal him to be a b e n e f i c i a l , c i v i l i z i n g force, 41 an exemplar of arete - excellence. The most s i g n i f i c a n t development of the l i t e r a r y image of Hercules i s seen i n writings dating from the f i f t h century. Poets during t h i s time not only j u s t i f y Hercules' behaviour p r i o r 10 to and throughout his performance of the twelve labours, but also present him as an e t h i c a l i d e a l . Through the ap p l i c a t i o n of a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t -42 ations h i s labours and parerga are viewed as moral accomplishments. In his parable, The Choice of Hercules, Prodicus, a f i f t h century teacher and 43 writer, a c c r e d i t s Hercules with both i n t e l l e c t u a l a b i l i t y and moral v i r t u e . During the H e l l e n i s t i c period attempts were made to e s t a b l i s h genealogical l i n k s between Hercules and some of the prominent f a m i l i e s , e s p e c i a l l y that 44 of Alexander the Great and the Ptolemies. This development may have been a response to the fourth century work, The Sacred History, by Euhemerus. In t h i s work i t i s suggested that the gods are merely mortals who, with the passage of time and embellishment of t h e i r l i v e s and deeds, had come to be 45 worshipped. I f , as suggested by Euhemerus, the gods were mortals, i t was a natural progression f o r court poets and philosophers to attempt to r e l a t e t h e i r patron with such venerable beings. Roman authors continued the treatment of Hercules mythology which ori g i n a t e d i n Greek l i t e r a t u r e . Just as Hercules was portrayed as the embodiment of arete by Greek authors, the Romans described him as an exemplar of v i r t u s . There were many possible i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the Roman v i r t u s . For Seneca i t could mean physi c a l strength, action, strength of mind, strength to s u f f e r and avoid anger, inner strength to control one's emotions, and the 47 48 49 a b i l i t y to co n t r o l strength. According to V e r g i l and Ovid v i r t u s could mean endurance or f o r t i t u d e . According to Stoic precepts, as expressed 50 by Cicero i n the Tusculan Disputations, v i r t u s i s rewarded with apotheosis, i i i ) The Image of Hercules i n Early C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e The image of Hercules exposed i n early C h r i s t i a n l i t e r a t u r e , written between the f i r s t and f i f t h centuries, A.D., d i f f e r s greatly from that presented i n pagan Greek and Roman l i t e r a t u r e . Hercules i s no longer shown 11 as a f i g u r e worthy of veneration, but of denigration. A l l of the bad aspects of Hercules' l i f e - h i s excesses i n drinking, i n anger, and i n his sexuality, as well as his frenzied murder of h i s wife and three sons - are emphasized to the detriment of h i s previous image as an exemplar of v i r t u s or arete. The reasons provoking t h i s denigration include: . 1) reaction against the everyday excesses of the pagan world; 2) C h r i s t i a n writers were attempting to promote the venerable q u a l i t i e s of C h r i s t by denigrating the characters of the pagan gods; 3) Hercules, because he had been mortal and was made a god, or was granted immortality, was p a r t i c u l a r l y threatening to the Christians fo r i n t h i s he was s i m i l a r to C h r i s t , who had been man, the Son of God, and then resurrected to Heaven as part of the T r i n i t y . An example of the kind of denigration mythological figures were subjected to by early C h r i s t i a n writers i s to be found i n Chapter 9, Book I, of Lactantius' Divinarum institutionem l i b r i septem. There, Hercules i s described as a mortal being f i t only to be r i d i c u l e d or despised. Lactantius l i n k s Herakles le s s with the d e v i l but i s even more e x p l i c i t about the hero's metaphysical l i m i t a t i o n s . " A l l these works," he proclaims, "are those of a strong man ( f o r t i s v i r i s ) but of a human nevertheless. For the things he overcame were f r a g i l e and mortal." Herakles had f o r t i t u d o , p h y s i c a l strength, but he f o r f e i t s any claim to v i r t u e by h i s outrageous conduct of l i f e . Lactantius excoriates him as a lecher, l i b e r t i n e and adulterer, thoroughly u n f i t to share ' i n any C h r i s t i a n notions of d i v i n i t y . From the seventh century on the l i t e r a r y image of Hercules was once more that of a f i g u r e worthy of reverence. Isidore of S e v i l l e , i n h i s Etymologiae, presented Hercules as a benefactor of humanity -Isidore of S e v i l l e held that as a benefactor of humanity, Herakles had every r i g h t to be remembered with gratitude. Since he and other ancient heroes were h i s t o r i c a l f i g u r e s , he assigned the^ m a place and date in. h i s t o r y and thus they acquired a new p r e s t i g e . Fulgentius, i n h i s Mythologiae L i b r i I I I , portrayed Hercules as a figure of v i r t u s , or moral excellence. 12 In h i s Mythologiae, Antaeus i s l u s t , Cacus - . . . e v i l incarnate, while the Hesperides represent the power of learning and study of which man must a v a i l himself. Herakles i s v i r t u s throughout, but a v i r t u s devoid of heavenly a s p i r a t i o n s . This e n t i r e l y mundane v i r t u s i s very akin to the Homeric klea andron; ^ .Fulgentius i n f a c t defines Herakles as . . . virorum fortium fama. 54 Theodolphus, Bishop of Orleans, Arnulph of Orleans and John of Garland 55 56 interpreted Hercules as V i r t u e . Hercules was equated with Samson, and 57 was seen as a p a r a l l e l to C h r i s t . The labours that Hercules performed were seen as acts which benefitted mankind. His conquest of the Underworld and h i s apotheosis to Olympus were inte r p r e t e d as p a r a l l e l s to Christ's c r u c i f i x i o n and resurrection."*^ As i s evident from the above discussion the image of Hercules changed between Antiquity and the thirteenth century. The Greeks and Romans i n both l i t e r a t u r e and r e l i g i o n perceived Hercules as a b e n e f i c i a l , c i v i l i z i n g f i g u r e , an exemplar of v i r t u s , and as a mortal who became immortal. Early C h r i s t i a n writers denounced Hercules as a lecher, a l i b e r t i n e , and adulterer, as well as proclaiming his m o r t a l i t y . Medieval authors, through t h e i r use of a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , again perceive and e x p l o i t Hercules as an exemplar of v i r t u e whose actions b e n e f i t t e d Mankind. 13 NOTES ""Mark P.O. Morford and Robert J . Lenardon, C l a s s i c a l Mythology, New York: David McKay Company Inc., 1977, p. 431 and 462. 2 R.R. Bolgar, The C l a s s i c a l Heritage and i t s B e n e f i c i a r i e s , Cambridge: At the University Press, 1958, p. 17-18. 3 i b i d . , p. 17-21 and p. 28-29. 4 i b i d . , p. 41: "The successful reading of an author depended upon three things: the possession of a~correct text, the understanding of the language, and the reader's a b i l i t y to make sense of mythological and h i s t o r i c a l references." " i b i d . , p. 38-39: "Schoolboys were given a good deal of p r a c t i c e i n inventing speeches to be uttered by mythological, h i s t o r i c a l or altogether imaginary characters. . . . The purpose i n a l l cases was to make the language true to t y p e . . . . Along with the general rules of good narrative and d e s c r i p t i o n , the student was given advice on how to ornament his material. . . . Further sections then deal with such problems as how to praise or blame a person, how to refute or confirm a story. . . . " 6 i b i d . , p. 19-21; Morford and Lenardon, p. 463-466. 7 J.W. Jones, J r . , " A l l e g o r i c a l Interpretation i n Servius" i n C l a s s i c a l Journal, Vol 56 (1960-1961) p. 217-218. 8 Bolgar, p. 20-21; Morford and Lenardon, p. 463. 9 Bolgar, p. 22. 1 0 M o r f o r d and Lenardon, Chapter 4: Roman Mythology, p. 431-461. i : L i b i d . , p. 431-432. G i l b e r t Highet, The C l a s s i c a l T r a d i t i o n , New York: Oxford University Press, 1957, p. 6. 14 13 Bolgar, p. 47 - 58 and John Daniel Cooke, "Euhemerism. A Medieval Interpretation of C l a s s i c a l Paganism" i n Speculum, V o l . II (1927) p. 397. 14 An English t r a n s l a t i o n of the L a t i n i s a v a i l a b l e : Lactantius, The Divine I n s t i t u t e s , Book I - VIII, translated by S i s t e r Mary Francis McDonald, O.P. Washington, D.C: The Catholic University of America Press, 1964. "^Jean Seznec, The Survival of the Pagan Gods, tra n s l a t e d from the French by Barbara F. Sessions. Bollingen Series XXXVIII, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972, p. 14-15. 1 6Cooke, p. 403. 17 Fulgentius the Mythographer, Translated from the L a t i n , with Introduction by L e s l i e George Whitbread. Ohio State University Press, 1971, p. 15-18. 18 This quote i s from the poem by Theodolphus, Bishop of Orleans -De L i b r i s quos legere solebam (On Books I am accustomed to Read). I t i s quoted i n Rudolf S c h e v i l l e "Ovid and the Renascence i n Spain" i n University  Of C a l i f o r n i a Publications i n Modern Philology, V o l . IV (1913),p. 11; and Seznec, p. 90. The t r a n s l a t i o n i s from Seznec, p. 90, footnote 29. The o r i g i n a l L a t i n i s : "Falsa poetarum s t i l u s a f f e r t , vera sophorum Fa l s a horum i n verum vertere saepe solent . . . " 19 According to Lester K. Born, "Ovid and Allegory" i n Speculum, Vo l . IX (1934), p. 363-364: "Traube has c a l l e d the eighth and ninth centuries the aetas V e r g i l i a n a , the tenth and eleventh centuries the aetas Horatiana, and the twelfth and t h i r t e e n t h centuries, the aetas Qvidiana. The predominating p o s i t i o n of V e r g i l i n the early centuries, which accepted him as a C h r i s t i a n seer, strongly m i l i t a t e d against the advance of Ovid. But as we have seen, even by the time of the Carolingian Renaissance, he was making progress, although he did not yet have a place i n the school curriculum. From then on, h i s influence on mediaeval writers i s e a s i l y d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e , and i n the twelfth and t h i r t e e n t h centuries he came in t o h i s own. In s p i t e of a l l attempts to prevent the reading of t h i s poet whose works were most to be avoided, he was read and used. . . . Ovid was made a part of legend, and mediaeval vi t a e were written to show he was a C h r i s t i a n poet, l i v i n g at Sulmona, and w r i t i n g with a moral purpose." 20 S c h e v i l l e , p. 13-14. 21 According to Ernst Robert Curtius, European L i t e r a t u r e and the  L a t i n Middle Ages, t r a n s l a t e d from the German by W i l l a r d R. Trask. Bollingen Series XXXVI, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973, p. 215-216, Albertino Mussato (1261-1329) revived the idea that there was a correspondence 15 between pagan mythology and the B i b l e . This idea originated i n la t e A ntiquity. For further discussion, see p. 219-220. 22 Dorothy Miner, " C l a s s i c a l Contributions to Medieval Art" i n The Greek T r a d i t i o n , edited by George Boas, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1939, p. 59. 23 W.S. Heckscher, " r e l i c s of Pagan Antiquity i n Medieval Settings" i n The Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e , Vol. I (1937-1938), p. 213-216, and Roberto Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of C l a s s i c a l  Antiquity, Oxford: B a s i l Blackwell, 1969, p. 1-15. 24 Erwin Panofsky and F r i t z Saxl, " C l a s s i c a l Mythology i n Medieval Art "'"in Metropolitan Museum Studies, Vol. IV, (1932-19-3), p. 264. 25 i b i d . , p. 233-248, and Seznec, p. 150-160. 26 Information about the Hercules legend i s drawn from Morford and Lenardon, p. 358-366, and from Apollodorus, Gods and Heroes of the Greeks:  The Library of Apollodorus, tr a n s l a t e d with introduction by Michael Simpson, Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1976, p. 92-100. 27 Herakles i s the Greek form of the hero's name. I t means "Glory of Hera". Other names by which Herakles was i d e n t i f i e d include Alcides (descendant of Alcaeus); Amphitryonides (son of Amphitryon) and Hercules -the L a t i n form of the hero's name. 28 The Greek word f or labour i s a t h l o i . Dodekathloi simply means twelve labours. 29 Morford and Lenardon, p. 366 and 369. 30 i b i d . , p. 369. "^Authors who a t t r i b u t e the v i c t o r i o u s conquest of death and apotheosis to Hercules include: Pindar, the Isthmian Ode 4:61-67; Homer the Odyssey; Ovid, the Metamorphoses; Cicero, the Tusculan Disputations; Seneca, Hercules Oetaeus. 32 G. Karl Galinsky, The Herakles Theme, Oxford: B a s i l Blackwell, 1972, p. 3. 33 i b i d . , -"Herakles d i d not belong to the e a r l i e s t stratum of A t t i c r e l i g i o n and mythology and therefore h i s c u l t was not l o c a l i z e d on the Acropolis, Athen's oldest c u l t centre. He was, however, ardently worshipped i n the suburbs, the A t t i c countryside, and c e r t a i n l y by the f i f t h century, throughout the c i t y . . . . In the second h a l f of the s i x t h century Herakles was o f f i c i a l l y adopted as an Athenian c i t i z e n so he could be i n i t i a t e d i n t o the Eleusinian mysteries." 16 3 4 i b i d . , p. 5. 3 5 i b i d . , p. 126-127. 3 6 i b i d . , p. 4. 37 i b i d . , p. 19. 3 ^ i b i d . , p. 127. 39 Michael Simpson i n the Notes to Gods and Heroes of the Greeks: The Library of Apollodorus, p. 112-124, l i s t s references to Hercules i n Greek and Lat i n l i t e r a t u r e . Galinsky, i n The Herakles Theme, examines the characterizations of Hercules i n l i t e r a t u r e from the Archaic period through to the Twentieth century. 40 Galinsky, p. 4. 41 i b i d . , p. 9-22. 4 2 i b i d . , p. 56. 4 3 i b i d . , p. 101 f f . 44 i b i d . , p. 116 f f . 4 5Cooke, p. 386-410. 46 Galinsky, p. 128. 4 7JoAnne Shelton, Seneca's Hercules Furens, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1978, p. 31-36; 47; 62; 68-69. 48 Galinsky, p. 135-146. 49 i b i d . , p. 159. Seznec, p. 11. 5 1 G a l i n s k y , p. 188-189. 52 i b i d . , p. 191. 53 i b i d . , p. 190. Klea andron i s defined by Galinsky, p. 9, as "glory of h i s deeds'. By my t r a n s l a t i o n virorum fortium fama means "of the strongest of men by reputation." 17 54 Seznec, p. 90. 55 Don Cameron A l l e n , Mysteriously Meant, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1970, p. 164-165. ^ C u r t i u s , p_ 220 states that Aldhelm and Eupolemius equate Hercules and Samson. Erwin Panofsky, Renaissance and Renascences i n Western Art, London: Paladin, 1970, p. 45 i n foot note 1, sta t e s : "I have not been able to discover a passage s a i d to equate Hercules with Samson" i n regard to Aldhelm. See a l s o the discussion i n Marcel Simon, Hercule e t l e Christianisme, P a r i s : Editions Ophrys, 1955, p. 169-191. 57 Simon, p. 174-176. i b i d . 18 CHAPTER TWO HERCULES- IN. ITALIAN.' ART .AND - LITERATURE OF THE THIRTEENTH. AND. FOURTEENTH CENTURIES A. Introduction I t a l i a n society experienced great economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l changes throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. During t h i s time the I t a l i a n s were active i n the development of industry and of i n t e r -n a t i o n a l trade and commerce, as well as i n banking and i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l f i n a n c e . 1 Population growth, migration to and expansion of c i t i e s , and development of c l a s s structures evolved i n response to society's experience 2 of p rosperity. A gradual economic decline occurred during the f i r s t h a l f of the fourteenth century as a r e s u l t of a Europe-wide recession, outbreaks of plague and famine, and t e r r i t o r i a l wars between democratic c i t i e s and 3 tyrants, Guelfs and G h i b e l l i n e s . New models of p o l i t i c a l l i f e and leadership were sought by I t a l i a n society because of the on-going p o l i t i c a l and economic i n s t a b i l i t i e s experienced during the t h i r t e e n t h and fourteenth centuries. These models were discovered by the humanists and t h e i r medieval predecessors, the 4 d i c t a t o r e s , i n t h e i r study of c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e and medieval commentaries. Both the humanists and the dictatores e x t o l l e d the re-discovered q u a l i t i e s of the v i t a a c t i v a - the active l i f e of the c i t i z e n i n which the i n t e r e s t s and needs of the community or c i t y were placed before the personal needs of the i n d i v i d u a l ^ - and v i r t u - excellence, manliness, courage and strength.^ 19 I t was of great s i g n i f i c a n c e that the Nicomachian Ethics by A r i s t o t l e and the r h e t o r i c a l writings of Cicero were studied by the dictatores f or these provided not only r h e t o r i c a l models but suggested p o l i t i c a l exemplars as 7 w e l l . Hercules was one of the figures i d e n t i f i e d by both A r i s t o t l e and Cicero as an outstanding model of v i r t u and the v i t a a c t i v a . Because of h i s acceptance by the Church and by the dictatores and humanists as a model of moral excellence, strength and leadership, and because of the need for powerful symbols engendered by the economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l i n s t a b i l -i t i e s of the th i r t e e n t h and fourteenth centuries, Hercules became the object of both l i t e r a r y and a r t i s t i c prominence. In t h i s chapter I s h a l l examine the image of Hercules presented i n thi r t e e n t h and fourteenth century I t a l i a n l i t e r a t u r e and a r t , to determine the impact l i t e r a t u r e had on contemporary representations of the hero, and the s i g n i f i c a n c e of Hercules imagery f o r I t a l i a n s o c i e t y . B. The Image of- Hercules i n the Thirteenth Century The e a r l i e s t undisputed images of Hercules i n I t a l y are found on 8 two r e l i e f panels located on the West Facade of San Marco i n Venice. One 9 of the panels, the one which was regarded as "antique" (see fi g u r e 2), shows Hercules carrying the Erymanthian Boar, and includes the figure of Eurystheus, hiding i n h i s j a r . " ^ The other panel, which i s believed to date from about 1230 (see f i g u r e 3 ) j 1 1 shows Hercules carrying the Cerynitian Hind on his shoulders. The figure of the dragon Ladon i s shown, trampled 12 13 under Hercules' f e e t . These panels, and four others, were set i n place 14 on the Facade of San Marco i n 1267. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the s i x r e l i e f 15 panels has not yet been determined. There i s some question as to the i d e n t i t y of the Hercules-Fortitude figure on Nicola Pisano's Pisa Baptist r y P u l p i t , dated c. 1260 (see figures 20 4 and 5). Although t h i s figure i s commonly i d e n t i f i e d as Hercules -Fortitude,"*"^ E l o i s e M. Angiola has recently proposed that t h i s figure 17 represents Daniel i n the Lion's Den. The i n c l u s i o n of the three " l i v i n g " l i o n s with the figure forms the basis of her argument, for Hercules i s more 18 usually shown with two a t t r i b u t e s - h i s club, and a l i o n s k i n . There are a number of factors which suggest that Angiola's r e - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n may be queried: 1) a precedent for depicting Hercules with a l i v i n g l i o n i s to be found i n the il l u m i n a t i o n s of an eleventh century Monte Cassino manuscript of Hrabanus Maurus' De Universo. 2) 20 Hercules, l i k e Daniel, 2 i w a s n o t e d a s a symbol of Resurrection and triumph over death. 3) Angiola substantiates her r e - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the female corner figures with quotations from Federigo V i s c o n t i ' s Sermones. She does not provide s i m i l a r substantiation f o r the r e - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the Hercules-Fortitude figure, as Daniel, and does not i n d i c a t e whether V i s c o n t i expressed any opinions whatsoever on e i t h e r Daniel or Hercules. 4) Although the appearance of Hercules with three " l i v i n g " l i o n s i s unusual, t h i s i s not the only.extant representation to show him thus. The l a t e r Pisano P u l p i t - the Giovanni Pisanb P u l p i t f o r the Cathedral of Pisa, c.1310, (see figures 6, 7 and 8) shows the figure- of Hercules with three " l i v i n g " l i o n s also: one l i o n i s at his feet , one across his shoulders, and a l i o n cub i s supported on h i s r i g h t arm. This Hercules figure also includes the t r a d i t i o n a l a t t r i b u t e s of the club and the l i o n s k i n . I t cannot be ignored that the two Pisa Pu l p i t s include figures commonly i d e n t i f i e d as Hercules, and that these figures are shown with three " l i v i n g " l i o n s . Whether t h i s r e f l e c t s a t r a d i t i o n no longer extant, or perhaps the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two sculptors - father, son; teacher, p u p i l - needs to be further explored. Angiola does not acknowledge that these s i m i l a r i t i e s e x i s t . 23 The f i r s t , and remarkably early, secular representation of Hercules i n I t a l y , i s found on the seal of Florence, c. 1275, known through an eighteenth 24 century woodcut (see fi g u r e 9). Hercules i s shown there, holding h i s two a t t r i b u t e s , the l i o n skin and the club, e n c i r c l e d by the i n s c r i p t i o n -21 HERCULEA CLAVA DOMAT FIORENTIA PRAVA - which means "with the club of Hercules, Florence subdues the wicked. II 25 Why the Commune of Florence chose to portray Hercules on t h e i r seal remains unknown. Two of the reasons suggested to date are: 1) a growing i n t e r e s t i n mythological imagery; 26 and 2) It may be s i g n i f i c a n t that Brunetto L a t i n i (c.1220-1292) was State Chancellor of Florence from 1272 to 1274, the period immediately preceding the appearance of the Hercules s e a l . The de s c r i p t i o n of L a t i n i ' s i d e a l leader given i n 28 Le Livres dou Tresor, resembles the antique l i t e r a r y c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of Hercules that L a t i n i would have been f a m i l i a r with: He (the i d e a l leader) must have prudence "the f i r s t v i r t u e " , which includes f o r e s i g h t , care and knowledge. He must have temperance, which i s sai d to involve honesty, sobriety and continence. He must have f o r t i t u d e or strength, enabling him to a t t a i n "magnificence i n war and peace" as well as constancy and patience " i n the face of assaults from adversity." And f i n a l l y , he must have a sense of j u s t i c e , a highly complex q u a l i t y which i s taken to include l i b e r a l i t y , r e l i g i o u s n e s s , p i t y , innocence, c h a r i t y , f riendship, reverence and the desire f o r concord. lawgiver^" i n Le Livres dou Tresor, or i t s I t a l i a n counterpart, II Tesoretto, 32 his t r a i n i n g as a d i t t a t o r e and an arringatore, and his studies undertaken 33 during a s i x year e x i l e from Florence would have brought him i n contact with the relevant antique texts. I f L a t i n i was i n f l u e n t i a l i n the adoption of the figure of Hercules f o r the seal of Florence, i t i s probable that the-seal symbolized the q u a l i t i e s of the i d e a l leader described i n Le Livres dou Although L a t i n i does not r e f e r to Hercules as a leader and a 30 Tresor. 22 C. The Image of Hercules i n the Fourteenth Century i ) L i t e r a t u r e Hercules i s frequently mentioned i n I t a l i a n l i t e r a t u r e of the fourteenth century. Some references continue the t r a d i t i o n of comparing the pagan hero with B i b l i c a l heroes; some compare Hercules and h i s labours with contemporary figures and events; and others attempt to l i s t a l l of Hercules' labours, complete with t h e i r l i t e r a r y sources and moralizing i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . The e a r l i e s t references to Hercules are found i n the writings of Dante A l i g h i e r i (1265-1321). These works, written a f t e r Dante's e x i l e from 34 35 36 Florence i n 1301, include a Canzone, the De Monarchia, and L'Inferno, 37 the f i r s t book of the Divina Commedia. Dante p r i m a r i l y presents Hercules as a counterpart or p a r a l l e l to C h r i s t . In L'Inferno, Dante refe r s to Hercules* descent i n t o H e l l to fetch 38 Cerberus as f o r e t e l l i n g and preparing Christ's descent. Hercules i s also 39 presented as a f i g u r e of j u s t i c e and as a p u r i f i e r , both i n L'Inferno and i n the Canzone. . . Dante . . . invoked Herakles to return to earth once more^jt-o do h i s work of r i g h t i n g a l l wrongs and p u r i f y i n g the lands . . . In De Monarchia, a work i n which the r o l e of the emperor, the legitimacy of the Roman Empire and i t s freedom from the authority of the 41 Church are examined and defended. Hercules i s again presented as a figure of j u s t i c e . In the context of h i s discussion of the statement 42 " . . . whatever i s acquired by duel i s acquired by r i g h t , " Dante uses the v i c t o r i o u s conquests of David and Goliath, and Hercules and Antaeus as p a r a l l e l C h r i s t i a n and pagan examples of the f u l f i l l m e n t , by duel, of God's . . . 43 j u s t i c e . The t r a d i t i o n of providing moral a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of Ovid's Metamorphoses was continued i n fourteenth century I t a l y . The e a r l i e s t version written i n I t a l y , the A l l e g o r i e librorum O v i d i i , was 44 written by a f r i e n d of Dante's, Giovanni d e l V i r g i l i o . This work, of 45 which four L a t i n and three I t a l i a n manuscripts are known, furnished s p i r i t u a l , moral, p h y s i c a l and euhemeristic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of Ovid's Metamorphoses. An extensive explanation of Hercules' labours was provided i n Giovanni's work. When he ar r i v e s at the tenth book, where the labours of Hercules are only alluded to by Ovid,,he devotes his whole discussion to the moral evaluation of "^J3e virtuous man" whose stepdame i s Juno, or "the act i v e l i f e . " Two other Ovid moralise t e x t s , both o r i g i n a t i n g i n France, were i n f l u e n t i a l throughout Europe. The f i r s t , .a French vernacular version of the Ovid moralise, dates from c. 1316-1328. This work has been variously a t t r i b u t e d to Chretien Legouais, Philippe de V i t r y and "an anonymous 47 minorite." The second work, the Ovidius moralizatus, was written by a 48 f r i e n d of Petrarch's, Pierre Bersuire (c.1290-1362). This work, written c.1342, was influenced by Petrarch's d e s c r i p t i o n of pagan d i v i n i t i e s i n 49 the A f r i c a . The image of Hercules presented i n Petrarch's writings revives the c l a s s i c a l image of the hero as an exemplar of v i r t u s . A " L i f e of Hercules" i s included i n the De v i r i s i l l u s t r i b u s , s t a r t e d c. 1338, and expanded i n 50 1351. This work was written by Petrarch f o r two reasons: 1) to e x t o l v i r t u e s and true glory, 2) to show the undisputed greatness of Rome rested b a s i c a l l y on the actions of i t s great men as i n d i v i d u a l s . The i n c l u s i o n of the " L i f e of Hercules" was i n s p i r e d by Petrarch's perception of the hero. Petrarch speaks of Herakles as "famosior philosophus" and defines him further as a prototype of "those who earned equally outstanding fame i n martial e x p l o i t s and natural c a p a c i t i e s , " the l a t t e r perhaps 24 r e f e r r i n g to the t a l e n t s of the mind. Yet the most s i g n i f i c a n t reason for h i s achievement and fame remained his corporal strength. Petrarch incorporates an enumeration*.of Hercules' labours i n the 53 A f r i c a , (c.1338), a work which g l o r i f i e s S c i p i o Africanus, Petrarch's 54 exemplar v i r t u t i s par excellence. Hercules i s portrayed there as the strong man who subdued w i l d beasts and brought freedom to the earth, and 55 a f t e r freeing mankind from oppression, set forth and conquered death. Petrarch wrote about the choice of Hercules i n h i s De v i t a s o l i t a r i a , 56 a work written during 1346 and 1347. This parable, o r i g i n a l l y described by 57 Prodicus, presents Hercules as a youth deciding between v i r t u e and pleasure. Hercules too attained i n solitude that wholesome plan of l i f e which I have mentioned i n the preceding book, when h e s i t a t i n g long and much as though at a parting of ways he ultimately spurned the way of pleasure and took possession of the path of v i r t u e , and marching indefatigably along- i t s course, he was r a i s e d not onlv^tb. the apex of human glory but even to a reputation; of d i v i n i t y . . . . Boccaccio (1313-1375) also wrote about the choice of Hercules. In 59 his Amorosa Visione, written c.1342-1343, Hercules i s shown choosing between his wife Deianira and h i s concubine, I o l e . Half way through the Amorosa Visione, i n canto WXI, we f i n d the narrator looking at a painting of Hercules serving Iole at her loom, holding her wool and spindle. Deianira, his former and abandoned love, . . . reminds him of h i s great deeds, k i l l i n g the serpents, the dragon, the hydra, the b u l l , Antaeus and binding Cerberus, the dog of h e l l . A l l of these feats could be and often were, inte r p r e t e d as v i c t o r i e s over the f l e s h , over l u s t , over s i n . . . . Hercules choice i s c l e a r l y not between one woman and another, but between two ways of l i f e , as a servant of the passions^ or as a heroic v i c t o r over the world, the f l e s h , and the d e v i l . Boccaccio also wrote about Hercules i n two other works: De casibus 61 virorum et feminarum i l l u s t r i b u m , written c. 1358, and Genealogia deorum, started c. 1340. and continued u n t i l h i s d e a t h . ^ In De casibus virorum et feminarum i l l u s t r i b u m , Boccaccio attempts to demonstrate by example that the weaknesses of i l l u s t r i o u s men lead to t h e i r eventual downfall. In t h i s work Hercules was shown not as the man who attained 25 d i v i n i t y because of h i s deeds, but as a man degraded by l u s t , the benefits of his accomplishments erased by h i s weakness. The Genealogia deorum, a work commissioned by King Hugo of Cypress, was intended to be a compendium of information about the gods and heroes of c l a s s i c a l mythology. In i t s f i n a l form i t included autobiographical informa-tionas well as information about figures and events of mythology and contem-porary l i f e . Boccaccio's examination of mytholgical gods and heroes includes not only the four standard a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of t h e i r actions, but 65 also an etymological study of t h e i r names. In t o t a l he i d e n t i f i e s four d i f f e r e n t Hercules f i g u r e s , and thirty-one labours performed by the hero. 66 The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s assigned to Hercules' labours by Boccaccio are generally 6 7 based on those of h i s sources. From Fulgentius he derives the allegory of Antaeus, the giant whom Hercules could subdue only by r a i s i n g him a l o f t from the ground - a type of earthly l u s t conquered. The impact of the Genealogia was widespread. The s t o r i e s which Boccaccio had c o l l e c t e d were read with great a v i d i t y . Manuscripts of the Genealogia Deorum m u l t i p l i e d even before the invention of p r i n t i n g , and eight editions of the Latin text appeared between 1472 and 1532. Translations were made int o I t a l i a n , French and Spanish, and although no English t r a n s l a t i o n i s extant, the influence of the work can be traced i n English poetry from the time of Chaucer. Influenced by the Genealogia deorum, Coluccio S a l u t a t i (1331-1406) also a t t r i b u t e d thirty-one labours to Hercules i n his De laboribus Hercules, ^ ° started c. 1378. Written i n response to a request f o r an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Seneca's Hercules furens, i t remained unfinished at the time of S a l u t a t i ' s 71 death i n 140 5. The o r i g i n a l form of the De laboribus Hercules was that of a long 72 l e t t e r addressed to Giovanni da Siena. Following Giovanni's death i n 1383, S a l u t a t i commenced on a second enlarged examination of Hercules' labours. This work had several t i t l e s , i n c l u d i n g : De laborious Hercules; Hercules 73 noster; De sensibus a l l e g o r i c i s fabularum Hercules and De gest i s Hercules. The form of the second version of S a l u t a t i ' s work included four books. The whole f i r s t book, . . . i s devoted to poetry, i t s meaning and purpose and importance, . . . Book I . . . consists of th i r t e e n chapters, . . . Even the f i r s t two chapters of Book II deal with poetry. The r e s t of Book II discusses the meaning of Ju p i t e r and Juno and the conception and b i r t h of Hercules. . . . Book I I I opens with the mention of the many heroes by the name of Hercules and then proceeds to the labours, l a r g e l y untouched i n the f i r s t e d i t i o n . Book IV i s divided i n t o two par t s : the f i r s t deals with the Lower World i n general and with the descent of Orpheus, Theseus and Amphiaraus; the second with the descent of Hercules. Other topics which S a l u t a t i intended to discuss i n t h i s book are indic a t e d i n one of h i s l e t t e r ^ : the wives of Hercules, Mt. Oeta, and the second capture of Troy. S a l u t a t i continues the t r a d i t i o n of providing a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t -ations of the events of mythology i n h i s explanations and categorization of Hercules' labours. . . . the hero's labours can be understood e i t h e r ad l i t t e r a m , or moraliter, or n a t u r a l i t e r , and allegory asserts i t s e l f as the dominant mode of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . As w e l l as providing a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the labours, S a l u t a t i gives an etymological explanation of the name of Hercules and other figures involved i n h i s labours. 7^ The image of Hercules derived by S a l u t a t i from h i s extensive researches i s that of a virtuous man. He i s not only homo virtuosus, virtuosissimus Herakles, homo virtuosus  i n f o r t i t u d i n e atque constantia, but he i s v i r t u e i t s e l f , "a higher state of virtue'','"reason:, and "both v i r t u e and reason"; he i s not only a concrete v i r contemplativus, but he i s the " l i g h t of explored t r u t h . " . . . He symbolizes v i r t u e i n a l l i t s aspects - p h y s i c a l , moral, s p i r i t u a l and even i n t e l l e c t u a l - and a l l t h i s v i r t u e i s ac t i v e , as i s indic a t e d by S a l u t a t i ' s etymology f o r "Herakles": heris^kleos i n Greek, g l o r i a  l i t i s i n L a t i n , or "glorious i n s t r i f e " . . . I t i s evident from the fourteenth century I t a l i a n l i t e r a t u r e examined that Hercules was i d e n t i f i e d with a broad range of p o s i t i v e 27 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . His v i r t u e was equated with that of B i b l i c a l exemplars, i n p a r t i c u l a r that of C h r i s t and David. He was presented as possessing the four c a r d i n a l v i r t u e s - J u s t i c e , Prudence, Temperance and Fortitude. Not only was Hercules' o r i g i n a l c l a s s i c a l image revived through the fourteenth century studies of c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e and the current g l o r i f i c a t i o n of the gods and great men of Imperial Rome, but he also became a contemporary symbol of v i r t u and the active l i f e , because of the economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l i n s t a b i l - : „ i t i e s being experienced i n I t a l y at t h i s time, i i ) A rt The fourteenth- century I t a l i a n v i s u a l t r a d i t i o n of Hercules imagery di d not r e f l e c t the broad characterizations of the hero seen i n the contem-porary l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n . Instead, the predominant Hercules image depicted .v i n the a r t of the fourteenth century emphasizes the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the hero as an exemplar of the active l i f e , a virtuous being whose concern was for j u s t i c e and freedom. The e a r l i e s t fourteenth century representation of Hercules, i n I t a l y , i s found on the P u l p i t by Giovanni Pisano for the Duomo of Pisa. I t 78 was commissioned i n 1302, and completed by 1310. Hercules i s shown here as a nude f i g u r e , with his l i o n skin draped over h i s l e f t shoulder and the club held i n his l e f t hand. Three " l i v i n g " l i o n s are represented with the hero - one at h i s feet, another across his shoulders and the t h i r d , a cub, i s held on his r i g h t arm (see figures 6, 7 and 8). Like the Hercules figure seen on Nicola Pisano's B a p t i s t r y P u l p i t , which also i s depicted with three " l i v i n g " l i o n s (see figures 4 and 5), the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of t h i s figure has been questioned. I t has been suggested 79 that t h i s i s a representation of Samson, not Hercules. However, although 80 Samson, l i k e Hercules, d i d slay a l i o n , t h i s i s not h i s usual a t t r i b u t e i n a r t i s t i c representations. He i s more commonly shown with a column or 28 81 a p i l l a r . Since Samson used h i s bare hands to slay the l i o n , the i n c l u s i o n of the club would be inappropriate f o r a figu r e intended to represent the B i b l i c a l hero. Hercules, on the other hand, i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y shown with the club and l i o n s k i n . I t seems more l i k e l y , f o r t h i s reason, that the fi g u r e included on Giovanni Pisano's P u l p i t f or the Duomo of Pisa was intended as Hercules. His s i g n i f i c a n c e within the iconographic program of the P u l p i t . 82 remains uncertain. The P u l p i t was dismantled i n 1595, following a f i r e i n 83 the Duomo and many of the pieces were stored i n the Campo Santo. Some 84 pieces have since been l o s t , and the o r i g i n a l d i s p o s i t i o n of those that . . . . 85 remain i s uncertain. The second fourteenth century image of Hercules i n I t a l y , i s the depiction of Hercules' conquest of Cacus, found on the Campanile of Florence Cathedral (see f i g u r e 10). This plaque, which i s part of an iconographic 86 program designed by Giotto, was completed by 1337. The representation of t h i s parergon of Hercules', on the Campanile 87 may p o s s i b l y suggest Dante's reference to i t i n L'Inferno. Dante alludes 88 to Hercules as a fi g u r e of j u s t i c e , and refer s to Cacus as a v i o l e n t t h i e f i n L'Inferno. Accordingly, t h i s scene on the Campanile may symbolize the 89 v i c t o r i o u s conquest of e v i l by j u s t i c e . The general acceptance of the figu r e of Hercules as a virtuous man was attested to by h i s i n c l u s i o n i n a r t i s t i c , , as w e l l as l i t e r a r y cycles of uomini famosi i n fourteenth century I t a l y . Although t h i s theme was not popularized u n t i l the 1340's, with the writings of Petrarch and Boccaccio, two fresco.cycles, which included Hercules, appeared during the 1330 Vs. The f i r s t was painted f o r King Robert of Naples, i n his Castlenuovo, by Giotto, c. 1332. 9 0 29 The nine exemplars i n the program assigned to Giotto included two figures from the Old Testament (Solomon and Samson), two from ancient h i s t o r y (Alexander the Great and J u l i u s Caesar) and f i v e from the legendary pagan past ( A c h i l l e s , Aeneas, Hector, Hercules and P a r i s ) . This p a r t i c u l a r combination of B i b l i c a l - a n d antique worthies constituted a unique grouping that both lacked precedence and was destined to produce no successors. The second fresco cycle to include Hercules was painted c.1335 by the same a r t i s t f o r Azzone V i s c o n t i i n h i s new palace i n Milan. The theme of t h i s cycle was not that of i l l u s t r i o u s men, but of Vanagloria. In addition to Charlemagne and Azzone V i s c o n t i himself, who apparently represented the modern i d e a l s of p r i n c e l y v i r t u e , the fresco portrayed Aeneas, A t t i l a , Hector^and Hercules among the i l l u s t r i o u s pagans surrounding Vainglory. Although the theme of the i l l u s t r i o u s men was popular, the image of Hercules i s not included again, during the fourteenth century. The image of Hercules re-appears i n Florence at the close of the fourteenth century, c.1391. The hero i s represented four times on the r i g h t 93 jamb of the Porta d e l l a Mandorla. The images shown include the nude f i g u r e of Hercules, with h i s two a t t r i b u t e s ; Hercules rending the Nemean Lion; Hercules crushing Antaeus; and Hercules K i l l i n g the Hydra of Lerna (see figures 11, 12 and 13). The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the four representations of Hercules on the Porta d e l l a Mandorla has not been determined, however, two i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s have been suggested: 1) Erwin Panofsky has argued that the s c u l p t u r a l decorations ori the jambs of the Porta d e l l a Mandorla - single figures or small scenes a l t e r n a t i n g with angels - are subject to what he aptly c a l l e d an i n t e r p r e t a t i o C h r i s t i a n a i n c l a s s i c a l guise. In f a c t , he explained the i n d i v i d u a l figures as representative of the four Cardinal Virtues, among whom Hercules stands for Fortitude, and "the profusion of Hercules scenes . . . can be accounted f o r not only of the v i r t u e Fortitudo i n ^ p a r t i c u l a r , but of v i r t u s generalis or v i r t u s g e n e r a l i t e r sumpta.. . ." 2) L.D. E t t l i n g e r suggests "On the Porta d e l l a Mandorla the s i n g l e f i g u r e of Hercules has no obvious counterpart, but the Hercules theme i s emphasized by the addition of three of the hero's e x p l o i t s . . . . Hercules' combat with the Nemean Lion so c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l s Samson's s i m i l a r feat that the two heroes and t h e i r rendering i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r 30 deed became interchageable. But i t i s a l i t t l e more d i f f i c u l t to account f o r the i n t e r e s t i n the Antaeus story. . . Fulgentius, . . . had seen v i r t u s p e r s o n i f i e d i n Hercules and l i b i d o i n Antaeus. . . . Dante i n De Monarchia had given a new twist to the story which i s highly s i g n i f i c a n t i n any Florentine context. While discussing ordeal, he observes that the ordeal of single combat may be held to reveal the judgement of God. . . . no firm i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Hydra episode can be offered, but i t might be suggested that the Hydra was perhaps i d e n t i f i e d with the dragon or snake, s i g n i f y i n g . e v i l , i n which case the three episodes would form a homogeneous u n i t . Erwin Panofsky's suggestion that the four scenes on the Porta.".della Mandorla represent the cardi n a l v i r t u e s of Prudence, J u s t i c e , Fortitude and Temperance seems very probable. I t may be possible to develp t h i s concept further and i n t e r p r e t the three a c t i o n scenes as symbolizing the successful conquest of the vices by the v i r t u e s . The f i r s t scene - Hercules f i g h t i n g the Nemean Lion - was interpreted i n Pierre Bersuire's Ovidius Moralizatus 96 as "a good wise p r i e s t who f i g h t s against the l i o n of pride and anger." 97 S a l u t a t i considered t h i s labour to symbolize the defeat of anger. The second scene - Hercules crushing Antaeus - was interpreted i n Dante's 98 De Monarchia as symbolizing Justice's defeat of i n j u s t i c e . S a l u t a t i 99 in t e r p r e t e d t h i s deed as the defeat of generic v i c e . The t h i r d scene -Hercules f i g h t i n g the Hydra of Lerna - may symbolize Prudence and/or Fortitude conquering deception and i r a s c i b i l i t y , f o r the Hydra was inte r p r e t e d i n Boccaccio's Genealogia Deorum as a Sophist Against t h i s background, i t i s possible to i n t e r p r e t the s o l i t a r y f i g u r e of Hercules on the Porta d e l l a Mandorla as standing, i n a general way, f o r the conquest of v i c e by v i r t u e , a reading which gains support from the i n s c r i p t i o n on the se a l of Florence - HERCULEA CLAVA DOMAT FIORENTIA  PRAVA - "With the club of Hercules, Florence subdues the wicked." Just as the representation of Hercules on the se a l of Florence may r e l a t e to Brunetto L a t i n i ' s o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n as State Chancellor of Florence and h i s i n t e r e s t i n the hero, so those on the Porta d e l l a Mandorla may r e l a t e to Coluccio S a l u t a t i ' s p o s i t i o n as State Chancellor and h i s researches on 31 Hercules. While the former was an extremely early appearance of the hero, occurring within twenty-five years of the f i r s t i n t e r e s t shown i n the c l a s s i c a l exemplars of v i r t u and p o l i t i c a l leadership, the l a t t e r appeared at the end of a century during which the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Hercules as a virtuous leader, committed to j u s t i c e and freedom, was consolidated i n the writings of Dante, Petrarch and Boccaccio. S a l u t a t i ' s De laboribus Hercules provided h i s contemporaries with a compendium of information about the hero, derived from c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , as w e l l as providing i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of h i s labours. That the De laboribus Hercules was a c t i v e l y being written at the time the imagery of the Porta d e l l a Mandorla was conceived and executed, strongly suggests a connection between the two. 32 NOTES John Lamer, Culture and Society i n I t a l y , 1290-1420, London: B.T. Batsford, 1971, p. 22-26. 2. i b i d p. 26-27. 3. i b i d p. 122-127. • r 4 'According to Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern P o l i t i c a l  Thought, 2 v o l s . : v o l . I: The Renaissance, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978, p. 35-41, the Ars.Dictaminis underwent extensive change during the t h i r t e e n t h century. "The changes which overtook the study of r h e t o r i c i n I t a l y at t h i s time were based on the idea that the subject should be taught not merely by the i n c u l c a t i o n of rules (artes) but also by the study and i m i t a t i o n of su i t a b l e c l a s s i c a l authors (auctores). Hitherto the curriculum of the Ars Dictaminis had generally been conceived . . . as nothing more elevated than a business course. The overwhelming emphasis had been placed on learning the rules of composition; l i t t l e space had been l e f t f o r the more "humanist" assumption - i n vogue at the same time i n the French Cathedral schools - that one should also make a study of the ancient poets and orators asv,models of the best l i t e r a r y s t y l e . . . . During the second h a l f of the th i r t e e n t h century, a number of leading I t a l i a n dictatores were educated i n France, imbibed t h i s very d i f f e r e n t approach to the subject, and returned to propagate these new methods of teaching i n I t a l i a n U n i v e r s i t i e s . . . . " 5 i b i d . , p. 44 i b i d . , p. 84-101; also Dictionary of the History of Ideas, 1973 s.v. " V i r t u i n and since the Renaissance" by J e r r o l d E. S e i g e l . Skinner, p. 41-48; p. 87. Information about the Hercules r e l i e f s on San Marco i s taken from Otto Demus, The Church of San Marco i n Venice, Washington, D.C: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and C o l l e c t i o n , 1960, p. 125-137. 9. i b i d p. 127. 33 According to Edward Tripp, The Meridean Handbook of C l a s s i c a l  Mythology, o r i g i n a l l y published as Crowell's Handbook of C l a s s i c a l Mythology, New York: New American Library, 1970, s.v. Herakles, p. 281 -"He (Hercules) trapped the boar i n deep snow on Mount Erymanthus and brought i t back a l i v e to the t e r r i f i e d Eurystheus who again took refuge i n h i s j a r . " ^Demus, p. 127. 12 According; to the d e s c r i p t i o n of t h i s labour i n Gods and Heroes  of the Greeks: The Library of Apollodorus (hereafter The Library of Apollodorus) p. 93-94 -"As a t h i r d labour Eurystheus ordered him to bring the Cerynitian deer a l i v e to Mycenae. I t l i v e d at Oenoe, had golden horns, and was sacred to Artemis. Because he wished neither to k i l l i t nor wound i t Herakles hunted i t f o r an e n t i r e year. When the animal, exhausted from running f l e d to Mount Artemisius and from there to the Ladon River, Herakles shot an arrow at i t as i t was about ;to cross the stream, caught i t and, putt i n g i t on h i s shoulders, hurried through Arcadia." Hercules met and k i l l e d the dragon Ladon i n h i s quest f o r the apples of the Hesperides (Morford and Lenardon, p. 364). The representation of the "Capture of the Cerynitian Hind" seen on San Marco conflates the image of Ladon, from Hercules' eleventh labour with the image of the Cerynitian Hind to depict the moment of the Hind's capture. The dragon Ladon symbolizes the r i v e r Ladon, where the Hind was f i n a l l y overcome. The placement of the dragon at h i s feet alludes to • Hercules' carrying of the Hind through the River Ladon. 13 The images on the four other r e l i e f panels include the V i r g i n , i n an Orant p o s i t i o n , S. George, S. Demetrios, and the Archangel G a b r i e l . 14 According to Demus, p. 126, a terminus ante quern f o r the place-ment of the s i x r e l i e f panels can be proved by t h e i r appearance i n a mosaic', above the Porta Sant'Alippio. The mosaic i s mentioned i n the early part of Martino da Canale's Chronique des Veniciens, started i n 1267 and continued through 1275, therefore the r e l i e f s must have been i n place by 1267 (see also p. 103-104, Demus). 1 5 A c c o r d i n g to Demus, p. 134-135, the allegory intended i n the Hercules r e l i e f s has not been interpreted. " . . . Heracles was introduced as a p a r a l l e l to, or as a substitute f o r , Samson. In some r e l i e f s showing the f i g h t with the l i o n i t i s even doubtful which of the two i s meant. In some programs of the : fourteenth century Heracles, vanquishing Geryones, i s equated with the dragon s l a y e r George. How f a r the mediaeval i n t e r p r e t a t i o n had p r e v a i l e d i n t h i r t e e n t h century Venice, can hardly be ascertained i n view of the almost complete lack of statements on s p i r i t u a l or even r e l i g i o u s matters, a lack that i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Venice i n almost every age. Thus i t i s hardly possible to say whether Saxl and Panofsky were r i g h t i n b e l i e v i n g that the Venetian representation of the hero trampling the hydra under foot and carrying the stag on h i s shoulders was meant to s i g n i f y "the Saviour conquering e v i l and saving the souls of the f a i t h f u l , " that i s , a s p e c i f i c allegory of Salvation." 34 This i s the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n given by Frederick Hartt, History of  I t a l i a n Renaissance Art, 3rd p r i n t i n g , New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1974; p. 38; Erwin Panofsky, Renaissance and Renascences i n Western Art, London: Paladin, 1970, p. 68; and John White, Art and Architecture i n I t a l y , 1250- 1400, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1966, p. 42. 17 E l o i s e M. Angiola "Nicola Pisano, Federxgo V i s c o n t i and the C l a s s i c a l Style i n Pis a " i n Art B u l l e t i n , V o l . 59 (1977) p. 13-16. 18 Morford and Lenardon, p. 359. 19 Panofsky and Saxl, p. 250. 20 Angiola, p. 15, quotes S. Hippolytus 1 "Commentary on the Sixth Chapter of the Book of Daniel" and the thir t e e n t h century B i b l e Moralisee as her a u t h o r i t i e s for the use of the figu r e of Daniel as a symbol of Resurrection and triumph over Death. 21 see above, Chapter 1, p. 8, footnote 31 (pi 15) 22 Angiola, p. 16-19. 23 This appearance seems unusually early i f one considers that the acceptance given Hercules by the Church res u l t e d a f t e r several centuries of a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e . Secular i n t e r e s t i n and examination of c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e f o r models of p o l i t i c a l leadership and l i f e s t y l e s only originated i n the second h a l f of the th i r t e e n t h century. This i n t e r e s t r e f l e c t s French influence (see e x c e l l e n t discussion i n Skinner, V o l . One, p. 35-48, i n p a r t i c u l a r p. 36-41),. 24 Berthold L. Ullman, The Humanism of Coluccio S a l u t a t i , Padova: E d i t r i c e Antenore, 1963, p. 23-24. 25 Translation of the i n s c r i p t i o n taken from Marvin Trachtenberg, The Campanile of Florence Cathedral, New York: New York University Press, 1971, p. 94. 2 6 Helene Wieruszowski, "Art and the Commune i n the Time of Dante" i n P o l i t i c s and Culture i n Medieval Spain and I t a l y , Rome: Edizione d i S t o r i a e Letteratura, p. 493-494. 27 This suggestion i s found i n Wieruszowski, p. 494, footnote 1. The f u l l quote i s : "The c i t y lay under the ban of the Church at t h i s time. This seal might have been considered as a means of underlining the c i t y ' s unlimited f e e l i n g of power and self-confidence despite the threats of the Church. As C h r i s t i a n and pagan imagery was used side by side to represent abstract ideas, the challenge to the Church - i f any - was i n t h i s new symbol of strength not i n the pagan motif. Together with S. Michael Hercules symbolizes the idea of strength on Pisano's P u l p i t i n the Pisan Cathedral." 35 ""Brunetto L a t i n i , Le Livres dou Tresor, ed. Francis J . Carmody, Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Publications i n Modern Philology, Vol 22, (1948) (hereafter r e f e r r e d to as Latini-Carmody). 29 Skinner, p. 47. 30 Jean Seznec's statement: "The Book of the Treasure of Brunetto L a t i n i places Hercules side by side with Moses, Solon, Lycurgus, Numa Pomphilius, and the Greek king Phoroneous as among the f i r s t l e g i s l a t o r s , who by i n s t i t u t i n g codes of law saved the nations of men from the r u i n which t h e i r own f r a i l t y and impurity would have condemned them." i s inaccurate. After checking the c i t e d source - C.V. Langlois, La - -Connaissance de l a nature et du monde au moyen age, i n idem. La Vie en  France au moyen age, V o l . I l l , P a r i s , 1927, p. 341-342 - I have ascertained that not only i s the page reference i n c o r r e c t - i t should be p. 345-346 -but that Hercules i s not even mentioned i n t h i s context. The f i g u r e i d e n t i f i e d with the f i r s t l e g i s l a t o r s i s Mercury, of the Egyptians. On comparing t h i s section with Latini-Carmody, I have found that the figure, i d e n t i f i e d there - Book I, Chapter 17-2 was Mercurius Trismegistus. Many of the q u a l i t i e s associated with the hero i n Greek and Roman l i t e r a t u r e resembled those l i s t e d i n L a t i n i ' s work. According to Galinsky, p. 148-149: "Herakles, i n many ways, summed up the national experience of that country. His beginnings, l i k e those of p r i m i t i v e Greece, were v i o l e n t , ahd-there were excesses with the concomitant anxiety to expiate them. Then, at the time of Hesiod, there was growing concern f o r law; we need only think of lawgivers such as Lycurgus, Dracon and Solon. Herakles came to personify the rudimentary c i v i l i z i n g e f f o r t s - he drains swamps, builds c i t i e s , and destroys wild beasts and tyrants. He, the supreme champion of j u s t i c e and c i v i l i z e r , precedes Greek c o l o n i s t s wherever they go. Herakles then became the supreme symbol of Greek in d i v i d u a l i s m and humanism i n the tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides. The sophists and philosophers f i n a l l y accentuated his mental powers. Every age i n Greece recast Herakles i n i t s own image, and he thus became the incarna-t i o n of her h i s t o r y and a s p i r a t i o n s . This i s p r e c i s e l y the r o l e which V e r g i l intended f o r Aeneas i n I t a l y and Rome, and i t i s p r i m a r i l y f o r t h i s reason that Herakles became an i n s p i r a t i o n a l model for Aeneas and, taking h i s i n s p i r a t i o n s from the Roman Hercules c u l t , V e r g i l doubtless hoped that h i s I t a l i c readers would regard Aeneasvwith the same kind of personal i n t e n s i t y with whch they worshipped Hercules." 31 Brunetto L a t i n i , I l Tesoretto (The L i t t l e Treasure) edited and translated by J u l i a Bolton Holloway. New York: Garland Publishing, Ind., 1981', (hereafter r e f e r r e d to as Latini-Holloway) . 32 Latini-Holloway, p. x v i - x v i i . Discussion of the t r a i n i n g involved i n the Ars Dictaminis and Ars Arengendi may be found i n Skinner, p. 35-41. 36 33 Brunetto L a t i n i was e x i l e d i n 1260, while on a diplomatic mission to King Alfonso X of S e v i l l e , on 'behalf of the Florentine Guelf f a c t i o n . During h i s embassy to S e v i l l e , according to Latini-Holloway, p. x i i - x i i i -" L a t i n i probably learned of the King's writings i n vernacular C a s t i l i a n and G a l i c i a n , and of h i s encyclopedic i n t e r e s t s i n law, astronomy, music, poetry, hagiography, and of his knowledge of Arabic. . . . The next s i x years were spent i n e x i l e from I t a l y . The t r a d i t i o n i s that Brunetto L a t i n i went to Par i s , and even, i t i s rumored to Oxford. . . . I t was important to I t a l i a n l i t e r a t u r e that L a t i n i steeped himself i n Spanish and French l e t t e r s , reading A l a i n of L i l l e , the "Chartrian" Neoplatonists of the previous century, who wrote i n L a t i n , and the great vernacular French dream-vision poem of h i s own century, the Romance of the Rose. He then t r a n s l a t e d t h i s new awareness i n t o h i s native I t a l i a n i n h i s Tesoretto." The importance of Brunetto L a t i n i ino.the h i s t o r y of Florence i s not l i m i t e d to h i s p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , nor to h i s l i t e r a r y e f f o r t s . He was a l s o noted f o r h i s r h e t o r i c a l a b i l i t i e s (Latini-Holloway, p. x i ) , h i s vernacular t r a n s l a t i o n s of Cicero, i n c l u d i n g a commentary on the De Inventione (Skinner,p. 37) and f o r his r e l a t i o n s h i p with Dante, as a f r i e n d and teacher (Latini-Holloway, p. x v i i ) . Although I have not been able to determine whether L a t i n i was personally f a m i l i a r with the writings of Plutarch, which, according to Galinsky, p. 190, d i d i d e n t i f y Hercules with q u a l i t i e s considered desirable i n both the i n d i v i d u a l and the community, i t i s possible that he was acquainted with them through hi s reading of the "Chartrian" Neoplatonists. I t i s known that the L i b r a r y at Chartres did possess some of Plutarch's w r i t i n g s . (See John W e s t f a l l Thompson, The Medieval L i b r a r y , Chicago: Un i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1939, p. 238). 34 Dante was e x i l e d i n 1301 while on a diplomatic mission i n Rome. He remained i n e x i l e f o r the remainder of h i s l i f e . 35 The canzone was published i n Deutsches Dante-Jahrbuch, Vol. 12 n.s. 3 (Weimar, 1930) p. 133 f f . Both Marcel Simon, p. 177-179; and Galinsky, p. 202-203 discuss Dante's treatment of Hercules i n t h i s work. 36 According to Skinner, p. 16-17, the De Monarchia was written c. 1309-1313. References to t h i s work are from Dante A l i g h i e r i , Monarchy  and Three P o l i t i c a l L e t t e r s , with an introduction by Donald N i c h o l l and a note on the Chronology of Dante's P o l i t i c a l Works by Colin Hardie, New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1972 (Hereafter r e f e r r e d to as Monarchy). 3-7iv Dante A l i g h i e r i , The Commedy: Vol. 1. H e l l , t ranslated by Dorothy L. Sayers. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, Ltd., 1949 (hereafter r e f e r r e d to as Commedy-Hell). 38 Simon, p. 177-179, and Galinsky, p. 202-203, discuss Dante's treatment of Hercules i n both the canzone and the Commedy-He11, as a p a r a l l e l of C h r i s t . References to Hercules' descent i n t o H e l l i n Commedy-Hell are Canto VIII:109-130 and Canto IX: 73-105. 37 39 References i n Commedy-He11 to Hercules as a figure of J u s t i c e and a p u r i f i e r include the slay i n g of Cacus, Canto XXV:16-33 and the s l a y i n g of Nessus and Pholon: Canto XII: 65-72. 40 Galmsky, p. 203. 41 . Skinner, p. 16-17. 42 Monarchy, Book Two, Chapter Nine, p. 51-53. 43 i b i d . , p. 53. This analogy i s extended i n Book Ten, p. 55, to the b a t t l e by the Roman people f o r the foundation of the Roman Empire. 44 A l l e n , p. 165, foot note 6: "His a l l e g o r i z a t i o n of the Metamorphoses consists of 796 verses, summar-i z i n g the work and sometimes b r i e f l y i n d i c a t i n g the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The deeper understanding i s f u l l y revealed i n the accompanying prose commentary, which, as G h i s a l b e r t i f i n d s , depends at times on Arnulph of Orleans or John of Garland. The bases of the readings are s p i r i t u a l , moral, p h y s i c a l and euhemeristic." 45 L.K. Born, "Ovid and Allegory" i n Speculum, V o l . IX (1934)p. 375. 46 A l l e n , p. 166. There i s an error i n Allen's footnote. The Book i n which the Labors of Hercules are examined i s Book 9 - see Fausto G h i s a l b e r t i "Giovanni del V i r g i l i o espositore d e l l e Metamorfosi" i n Giornale  Dantesca, XXXIV, n.s. i v (1933), p. 83-88. 47 Irving Lavin "Cephalus and P r o c r i s " i n the Journal of the Warburg  and Courtauld Institute,-,- V o l . XVII (1954) p. 262-263. 48 Ernest H. Wilkins, Studies on Petrarch and Boccaccio, Padova: E d i t r i c e Antenore, 1978, p. 75. "The Ovidius moralizatur - to give i t i t s common name - consists of a Prologue, a f i r s t book containing descriptions of several pagan d i v i n i t i e s with " l i t e r a l , h i s t o r i c a l , - n a t u r a l and a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s " and fifteencbooks containing "moralizations"." 49 Aldo S. Bernardo, Petrarch, S c i p i o and the " A f r i c a " , Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1962, p. 135-140.*• 5°Wilkins, p. 46-47.' ° "^Bernardo, p. 7-8. 52 Galinsky, p. 195. 38 53 Petrarch's A f r i c a , translated and annotated by Thomas G. Bergin and A l i c e S. Wilson. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1977. 54 Bernardo, p. 140-141. 55 Petrarch's A f r i c a , Book 3, l i n e s 477-509, p. 54-55. 56 Information about the De v i t a s o l i t a r i a i s derived from Theodor E. Mommsen, "Petrarch and the Story of the Choice of Hercules" i n the Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e , Vol. XVI (1953) p. 178-192. 57 According to Panofsky, Hercules am Scheideweg, Studien der Bibliothek Warburg, XVIII, L e i p z i g : B.G. Teubner, 1930, p. 156, S a l u t a t i revived the Prodicus t a l e . Mommsen, Choice of Hercules, states on p. 178, that Petrarch revives t h i s theme, c. 1346. Janet L. Smarr, "Boccaccio and the Choice of Hercules" i n Modern Language Notes, V o l . 92 (1977) , p. 146-152, provides a convincing argument that Boccaccio r e f e r r e d to the choice of Hercules i n h i s Amorosa Visione. According to Judith Powers S e r a f i n i - S a u l i , Giovanni Boccaccio. Boston: Twayne Publishers, p. 46, the Amorosa Visione dates from 1342-1343. 58 Mommsen, Choice of Hercules, p. 182-183. 59 Powers S e r a f i n i - S a u l i , p. 46. 60 Smarr suggests t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , p. 147-148. She also states that Boccaccio used Matthew 7:13-14, as a basis f o r the text as w e l l as the Prodicus parable. 61 Giovanni Boccaccio, The Fates of I l l u s t r i o u s Men, tr a n s l a t e d and abridged by Louis Brewer H a l l , New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing, Co., 1965. 62 Information about the Genealogy i s derived from Boccaccio, On  Poetry, i n an English version with introductory essay by Charles G. Osgood. Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1956 and from Cornelia C. Coulter, "The Genealogy of the Gods: i n Vassar Medieval Studies, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1923, p. 317-341. ^ B o c c a c c i o , The Fates of I l l u s t r i o u s Men: Book!".I: A gathering of the Mournful, p. 26-27. 64 Coulter, p. 318-319. 65 Boccaccio, On Poetry, p. xxv-xxvi. 39 66. . i b i d . , p xxvi 67 Coulter, p. 325-327. 68 i b i d . , p. 326. 69 i b i d . , p. 340. "^Coluccio S a l u t a t i , De Laboribus Hercules, 2 Volumes, edited by B.L. Ullman. Zurich: Artemis Verlag, 1951. 71 Ullman, Humanism - S a l u t a t i , p. 22-26; and 270-271. 72 i b i d . , p. 21. 73 i b i d . , p. 22-23. 74 i b i d . , p. 25-26. According to Mommsen, Choice of Hercules, p.188, S a l u t a t i included Prodicus' parable of Hercules' choice. 75 Galinsky, p. 196. "^Ulman, Humanism - S a l u t a t i , p. 24. Boccaccio also had been • concerned with etymological explanations, Coulter, p. 326-327. 77 Galinsky, p. 196-197. 78 John White, Art and Architecture i n I t a l y , 1250-1400. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1966, p. 83. 79 According to Michael Ayrton, Giovanni Pisano, with an introduction by Henry Moore. London:Thames and Hudson, 1969, p. 223-225, Peleo Bacci, (La Ricostruzione del Pergama d i Giovanni Pisano nel Duomo d i Pisa , Milan and Rome, 1926) i d e n t i f i e s the figu r e as Hercules-Samson, and Geza J.aszai, (Die Pisaner Domkanzel, Munich, 1968). i d e n t i f i e s i t as Samson. 80 Judges 14:5-6. 81 George Ferguson, Signs and Symbols i n C h r i s t i a n Art, Reprint, London: Oxford University Press, 1975, p. 61-62. 82 Ayrton, p. 223-227. ^ i b i d . , p. 223. 40 84 i b i d . 85 i b i d . , p. 223-227. Reconstructions have been attempted by both Bacci and J a s z a i , but both have been subject to c r i t i c i s m . 86 Trachtenberg, p. 49 and p.86. 87 Commedy-Hell, XXV: 17-35. 88 Monarchy, p. 53 89 A s i m i l a r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s proposed i n Trachtenberg, p. 94, r e l a t i n g the Campanile plaque with the Florentine Seal, and to current events. 90 Robert Louis Mode, The Monte Giordano Famous Men Cycle of Cardinal  Giordano O r s i n i and the "Domini Famosi" T r a d i t i o n i n F i f t e e n t h Century  I t a l i a n Art, Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1970, p. 166-267. 91 i b i d . , p. 167 92 i b i d . , p. 168 and f.n. 18, p. 245. 93 Charles Seymour, J r . Sculpture i n I t a l y , 1400 to 1500, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1966, p. 31-35. 94 L.D. E t t l i n g e r , "Hercules Florentinus" i n Mitteilungen des  Kunsthistorischen I n s t i t u t e s i n Florenz, 16 (1972) p. 126. 95 i b i d . , p. 126-127. 96 A l l e n , p. 173 97 Waith, p. 206, foot note 19. 98 see above, p. 22. 99 Michael A. Jacobsen, "A Note on the Iconography of Hercules and Antaeus i n Quattrocento Florence" i n Source, Vol. I, No. 1, (1981) p.16. Galinsky, p. 195. 41 CHAPTER THREE PATRONAGE OF HERCULES' IMAGERY IN FIFTEENTH.CENTURY ITALY A. Introduction The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Hercules as an exemplary f i g u r e , i n fourteenth century Italy, originated from the study of c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e and i t s commentaries, as well as from the study of early C h r i s t i a n and medieval texts. The impact of these studies, combined with the impact of the writings by Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio and S a l u t a t i , a l l of whom enjoyed widespread reputations, r e s u l t e d i n the general i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and acceptance of Hercules as a r i c h symbol of both p o l i t i c a l and moral i d e a l s . As we saw i n Chapter Two, during the t h i r t e e n t h and fourteenth centuries commissions of Hercules imagery were l a r g e l y associated with Church b u i l d i n g s . This imagery, commissioned by the Church, the State -including both the communal and s i g n o r i a l forms of government - and the Guilds, was of a d i d a c t i c nature, intended for the e d i f i c a t i o n of the p u b l i c . In the f i f t e e n t h century, images of Hercules continued to be displayed within the ambient of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l b u i l d i n g s . Although commissions which included Hercules imagery were predominantly administered by p r i v a t e patrons at t h i s time, there are two projects which may have resu l t e d from c i v i c or g u i l d commissions. These are the Leonardo Bruni Tomb, located i n Santa Croce, Florence, dating from c.1451 (see figure 14 and 1 5 ) a n d the Antonio Federighi Baptismal Font i n the Capella d i San Giovanni, the Cathedral, 2 Siena, dating from c.1482 (see figures 16 and 17). 42 Tomb monuments containing Hercules imagery were also commissioned 3 by private i n d i v i d u a l s . Two examples- are Venetian ducal tombs. One, the Tomb of Doge Pietro Mocenigo, f i n i s h e d i n 1481, incorporated two Hercules images - Hercules and the Nemean Lion, and Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna (see figures 18,19 and 20). The other, the Tomb of Doge Andrea Vendramin, f i n i s h e d c.1493, included one Hercules image - Hercules, Nessus and Deianira (see figure 21). Both tombs are located i n the Church of San Giovanni e Paolo. The decoration of the Co l l e o n i Chapel Fagade, Bergamo, contains four images of Hercules,- three of which are Hercules- and Antaeus',-Hercules and the Nemean Lion, and Hercules and,the Hydra of-Lerna (see figures 22, 23, 24 and 25) This chapel, intended to house the tombs of the Colleoni family, was commissioned by the noted condottiere, Bartolomeo C o l l e o n i i n c.1470. Three Hercules images resu l t e d from the private commissions f o r the foundation, b u i l d i n g and decoration of two Carmelite Monasteries. One of the monasteries, the Certosa of Pavia, was commissioned by Gian Galeazzo V i s c o n t i i n c.1393. Like the C o l l e o n i Chapel, t h i s structure was intended to serve as the family mausoleum."' Two Hercules images are included i n the depiction of i l l u s t r i o u s men of the B i b l e , mythology, and h i s t o r y , found on sixty-one medallions set i n t o the low socle of the Fagade (see figure 26). These images are a p r o f i l e p o r t r a i t of the adult Hercules, complete with an i d e n t i f y i n g i n s c r i p t i o n , on the obverse of a medallion, and an image of the i n f a n t Hercules strangling the snakes, again with an i d e n t i f y i n g i n s c r i p t i o n , on the reverse of the medallion.(see figures 27 and 2 8 ) T h e other Carmelite monastery, the Certosa of Ferrara was commissioned by Borso d'Este i n 1452. Following Borso's death i n 1471, h i s half-brother, Ercole d'Este assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the Certosa. This i s r e f l e c t e d by the image of Hercules found.on the roof'of. a twelve columned p a v i l i o n , found i n the centre of the ducal garden 7 of the Certosa. 43 As ind i c a t e d i n Chapter Two, private commissions of Hercules imagery, intended for the decoration of private residences i n fourteenth century I t a l y , were r e s t r i c t e d to the i n c l u s i o n of the hero i n representations of i l l u s t r i o u s men c y c l e s . The depiction of these cycles i n private residences continued during the f i f t e e n t h century, although t h e i r popularity declined somewhat g during the second h a l f of the century. The current study of c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e and the fourteenth century writings of Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio and S a l u t a t i resulted i n the acceptance and pre-eminence of Hercules as an exemplar of v i r t u , j u s t i c e , wisdom and immortality. This, combined with the c u l t of a n t i q u i t y , i n t e n s i f i e d by the spread of humanist learning, stimulated i n t e r e s t i n owning representations of figures from the. c l a s s i c a l past. Thus the popularity of Hercules imagery, f i r s t evidenced i n the commissions of the p u b l i c sector, was continued by the commissions of the p r i v a t e patron. The image of Hercules was now commissioned more as a symbol of q u a l i t i e s with which the patron wished to be i d e n t i f i e d than as an e d i f y i n g image, the purpose of which was d i d a c t i c . In t h i s chapter I s h a l l deal with commissions made by four leading f i f t e e n t h century patrons i n I t a l y : Lorenzo de'Medici of Florence> Ercole I d'Este of Ferrara, Ludovico.Gonzaga of Mantua, and Federico da Montefeltro-of Urbino. In conjunction with the examination- of t h e i r commissions and a c q u i s i t i o n s of Hercules imagery, I s h a l l attempt to determine the personal s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s imagery for i t s patron or owner. B. The Patrons i ) Lorenzo de'Medici Patronage was an important aspect of Medicean a c t i v i t y i n Florence 9 during the f i f t e e n t h century. Cosimo, perhaps i n an attempt to atone for his p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n usurious business p r a c t i c e s , commissioned the repair and construction of large a r c h i t e c t u r a l p r o j e c t s P i e r o , Cosimo's successor, 44 was in t e r e s t e d i n and responsible f o r the patronage of painters and dec-12 13 orators. Lorenzo, although knowledgeable about architecture, and 14 acquainted with d i f f e r e n t a r t i s t s a ctive i n Florence, appears to have preferred to devote h i s energies and finances to the enlargement of the Medici c o l l e c t i o n of gems, i n t a g l i o s , a n t i q u i t i e s and small a r t objects, including small bronze s c u l p t u r e . 1 ^ Numerous representations of Hercules have been associated with the patronage of the Medici family. Some, i t i s believed, were commissioned by the Medici f o r the decoration of the new Palazzo Medici on the Via Largo. "^ Others were created by a r t i s t s who worked i n the ambient of the Medici, and, 17 as a r e s u l t of t h e i r commendations, received commissions from other patrons. Many Hercules images created by a r t i s t s known to have worked f o r the Medici remain extant, although much of the documentation about t h e i r provenance has been l o s t . I t i s possible to i d e n t i f y some of the images of Hercules owned or commissioned by the Medici through reference to the Medici Inventory of 1492,^ and to contemporary writings and descriptions."'" 9 Unfortunately the a v a i l a b l e documents do not always provide adequate information about the appearance of Medicean Hercules imagery. This, combined with the di s p e r s a l of Medici belongings during t h e i r e x i l e from Florence between 1494 and 1512, makes i t very d i f f i c u l t to determine which images were commissioned by the Medici, f o r e i t h e r t h e i r personal use and enjoyment, or to be used as presents to friends and to other r u l e r s . Hercules imagery mentioned i n the Medici Inventory of 1492 and therefore known to have belonged to the Medici includes: 20 three canvases by Antonio P o l l a i u o l o depicting Hercules and Antaeus, Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna, and Hercules and the Nemean Lion. one bronze statuette of^^ercules and Antaeus by Antonio P o l l a i u o l o (see figures 30 and 31) 23 a p o r t r a i t of Hercules and many of h i s deeds 45 There are several Hercules images created by Antonio P o l l a i u o l o f o r which the documentation regarding the commission and provenance has been l o s t . Because P o l l a i u o l o i s known to have created Hercules imagery f o r the family i t i s possible that these works were commissioned by the Medici, i n p a r t i c u l a r , by Lorenzo. This imagery includes: three^paintings representing Hercules, Nessus^ and Deianira (see figure 32), Hercules and Antaeus (sgg f i g u r e 33) and Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna (see figure 34) Hercules s t a t u e t t e ^ w i t h foot of hero r e s t i n g on l i o n ' s head (see figures 35 and 36) Hercules statuette^gWith foot of hero r e s t i n g on head of an ox (see figures 37 and 38) 29 Presentation helmet f o r Federigo da Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino. Two other a r t i s t s associated with the Medici, and i n p a r t i c u l a r with Lorenzo, are also known to have created Hercules imagery. These two were Bertoldo d i G i o v a n n i , 3 0 and Michelangelo. 3 1 The Hercules imagery produced by Bertoldo includes: 32 Hercules on Horseback (see figure 41) 33 Resting Hercules holding the Hesperidean Apples (see figure 43) 34 Hercules and the Nemean Lion (see figure 44) 35 Hercules r e s t i n g (see fi g u r e 45) Hercules imagery by Michelangelo includes: Hercules s t a t u e 3 ^ 37 The B a t t l e of Hercules and the Centaurs (see figu r e 46) There i s one other bronze statuette, known to have belonged to the Medici, which includes a representation of Hercules. This i s the statuette of Marcus Aurellus, with accompanying helmet onowhich Hercules, Nessus and Deianira are portrayed. This sculpture was given by i t s creator, Antonio Averlino c a l l e d F i l a r e t e , to Piero de'Medici i n 1465, according to an 38 i n s c r i p t i o n on i t s base (see figu r e 47) . 46 Although t h i s i s an incomplete l i s t i n g of the Hercules imagery 39 owned by the Medici, i t i l l u s t r a t e s t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n the genre. From the above l i s t i t appears that the most commonly depicted scenes of Hercules, i n the Medici c o l l e c t i o n s , . were the Hercules and Antaeus, Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna, and Hercules and the Nemean Lion. Another theme which was repeated was the Hercules r e s t i n g , of which there are three surviving 4 - 4 - ' 4 0 representations. The personal s i g n i f i c a n c e of Hercules imagery f o r the Medici family has not been conclusively determined. Their p r e d i l e c t i o n f or the Hercules and Antaeus, Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna and Hercules and the Nemean Lion may r e f l e c t an attempt by the Medici to i d e n t i f y v i s u a l l y with the p o l i t i c a l i d e a l s of Florence, f o r these three scenes were also depicted on the Porta d e l l a Mandorla i n c.1391. C r i s t o f o r o Landino, i n h i s Disputationes Camaldulenses (c.1475) and De vera n o b i l i t a t e (c.1470), provided i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of Hercules' 41 labours which were influenced by Neoplatonic thought. In both of these works Hercules was presented as a symbol of the v i t a a c t i v a . Lorenzo de'Medici, the proponent of the active l i f e , r e p l y ing to Leon B a t t i s t a A l b e r t i ' s praise of the contemplative l i f e , (in the dialogue De v i t a a c t i v a et contemplativa of the Disputationes Camaldulenses) i s made to say: "Hercules was wise. But not wise f o r himself; rather, his wisdom served almost a l l men. For i n his wanderings over the greater part of the world, he destroyed horrendous w i l d beasts, vanquished pernicious and savage monsters, chastised the most c r u e l tyrants." Lorenzo's comment on Hercules comes between h i s praise of Frederick of Urbino (to whom Landino's dialogue i s dedicated) and of S t ^ P a u l - a contemporary and a B i b l i c a l example of such active wisdom. Landino in t e r p r e t e d Hercules' labours not only as b a t t l e s against i n j u s t i c e and other e v i l s which threaten mankind, but as moral conquests or psychomachia. 43 Accordingly the Hydra of Lerna symbolized "s o p h i s t i c deceit". The sl a y i n g of the Hydra, which was only accomplished by means of f i r e , symbolized the defeat of ignorance or sophistry through the a p p l i c a t i o n of the eager or 47 burning mind." 1 The sl a y i n g of the Nemean Lion was int e r p r e t e d by Landino "as the overcoming of anger, which'so perturbs the mind that i t t o t a l l y 45 extinguishes the l i g h t of reason'," The s l a y i n g of Antaeus symbolized the conquering of the i r r a t i o n a l appetite: We name that appetite which i s opposed to reason Antaeus. Moreover, i t i s c a l l e d Antaeus, that i s i n Greek 'opposite' because the i r r a t i o n a l appetite i s always opposed to reason; he i s the son of the earth, because earthly.and corruptible-things summon him in.our bodies. Therefore Hercules, the wise man, cannot destroy him so long as he (Antaeus) c l i n g s to the earth: that i s , so long as we"desire earthly and cor r u p t i b l e things; but only i f he i s l i f t e d to the d i v i n e . Then, a f t e r our souls have been s n a t c h e d away from love of these things, a l l passion f o r them perishes. These three labours, as int e r p r e t e d by Landino, continued and expanded c e r t a i n of the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s suggested by Boccaccio and S a l u t a t i . The three representations of Hercules Resting which may have been owned by the Medici, showed the hero a f t e r his completion of three d i s t i n c t labours. The Hercules Resting a f t e r the s l a y i n g of the Nemean Lion (see figures 35 and 36) may further i l l u s t r a t e the defeat of anger, possibly 47 a l l u d i n g to the defeat of s h o r t - l i v e d anger. The Hercules Resting holding the Apples of the Hesperides (see fi g u r e 43) may suggest the state of contemplation necessary to accomplish the learning and a b i l i t y symbolized by the Hesperidean Apples. According to Fulgentius: Hercules took golden apples from the Garden of the Hesperides: there are s a i d to be four Hesperides; namely, Aegle, Hespera, Medusa, and Arethusa, whom i n L a t i n we c a l l study, i n t e l l e c t , memory and eloquence, f o r the f i r s t task i s to study; the second to understand; the t h i r d to remember what "you have understood, and the f i n a l one, to adorn with eloquence what you have remembered. I t i s therefore i n g t h i s fashion that manliness seizes the golden jewel of learning. The t h i r d representation, Hercules Resting with his foot on the head of an Ox (see figures 37 and 38) may allude to Hercules' successful return 49 with the Cattle of Geryon, or may even have a more personal s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r Lorenzo. In A p r i l , 1478, Lorenzo and h i s brother Giuliano were attacked by 48 would-be assassins, members of the Pazzi family, and t h e i r s u p p o r t e r s . J U This attempt was only p a r t l y successful; Lorenzo survived and was able to avenge h i s brother's murder. There are numerous reasons why t h i s Hercules statuette may commemorate the Pazzi conspiracy and Lorenzo's conquest of the Pazzi family: 1) The ox head may suggest an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the Pazzi family, f o r , at Easter, they were driven i n a cart p u l l e d by white oxen. -The Pazzi were an old and proud family who had made f o r themselves a name i n Florentine h i s t o r y long before there i s any mention of the Medici. A Pazzi returned from the F i r s t Crusade bringing with him f i r e from the a l t a r of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. His descendants became guardians of the ancient f l i n t s from which each year the new f i r e i s k i n dled i n the Cathedral of Florence, and h i s e x p l o i t i s s t i l l commemorated i n the ceremony known as the Scoppio  del Carro. On Easter Eve the c h a r i o t of the Pazzi i s drawn by milk-white oxen to the Piazza d e l Duomo, and a mechanical dove f l i e s out of the west.^door to l i g h t the fireworks with which the carro i s decorated. 2) The attack on Lorenzo and Giuliano took place i n A p r i l , i n the Florentine Duomo. 52 3) The suggested date for t h i s statuette i s c.1475-1480. 4) This statuette i s unique i n ^ i t s depiction of an ox's head i n conjunction with Hercules. 5) The labour, the fetching of the Cattle of Geryon, was viewed as a conquest of death i n Antiquity. The statuette may therefore a l l e g o r i c a l l y symbolize Lorenzo's own conquest of death by surviving the Pazzi conspiracy. 6) A precedence f o r the depiction of Hercules triumphant over foes of both Florence and Lorenzo was shown i n the image of Hercules c r e s t i n g the P o l l a i u o l o Presentation helmet awarded to Federigo da Montefeltro following h i s v i c t o r y i n V o l t e r r a . 7) A comparison of the f a c i a l features of the Hercules statue with p o r t r a i t s of Lorenzo reveals some s i m i l a r i t i e s (see f i g u r e 48, 49, 50 and 51). From the above arguments i t seems possible that t h i s statuette may represent ah.-idealized Lorenzo-Hercules, Triumphant over Death, and over the Pazzi Family. 49 Hercules imagery, although i t almost c e r t a i n l y appears to have had personal s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the Medici, seems p r i m a r i l y to confirm t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the i d e a l s of Florentine p o l i t i c s . This i s emphasized by the r e p l i c a t i o n of the three labours of Hercules shown on the Porta d e l l a Mandorla. That Hercules was considered an exemplar of the active l i f e , of v i r t u , and the conquest of e v i l , provided even greater reason for the Medici to e s t a b l i s h p u b l i c a l l y t h e i r veneration of such a paradigm. i i ) Ludovico Gonzaga The Gonzaga family were the acknowledged leaders of Mantua from 55 1328 through to the seventeenth century. O r i g i n a l l y wealthy landowners, they established themselves as one of the foremost f a m i l i e s i n I t a l y a f t e r 56 s e i z i n g power i n the fourteenth century. This was accomplished through 57 t h e i r patronage of the a r t s , architecture and education, through marriages 58 i n t o other a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l i e s of I t a l y and Northern Europe, and through 59 t h e h o s p i t a l i t y they extended to Papal and p o l i t i c a l leaders. During the f i f t e e n t h and sixteenth centuries the Gonzaga prestige was further enhanced 60 by t h e i r employment as m i l i t a r y leaders. In the years following h i s accession to the Marquisate of Mantua, Ludovico Gonzaga was recognized as an important patron of architecture and the a r t s . He i s noted for h i s r e v i v a l of the, a l l ' a n t i c a s t y l e of a r c h i t e c t u r e . i n Mantua, with the help of Luca F a n c e l l i and Leon B a t t i s t a A l b e r t i . ^ Inspired by the humanist education he had received under V i t t o r i n o da F e l t r e , Ludovico was an avid reader and c o l l e c t o r of L a t i n , Greek and I t a l i a n 6 2 manuscripts. His i n t e r e s t extended to the a r t i s t i c decoration of h i s v i l l a s and p a l a z z i . He i s noted for his patronage of P i s a n e l l o , Donatello 6 3 and Andrea Mantegna. Hercules imagery associated with Ludovico Gonzaga 1s patronage was 50 painted or designed by Andrea Mantegna. This imagery was located i n two 64 rooms: one was located i n the Castle of Cavriana, the other was the 65 Camera d e g l i Sposi i n the Palazzo Ducale i n Mantua. Unfortunately the Hercules' labours painted i n Cavriana have been l o s t , so hypotheses about the use of Hercules imagery during Ludovico's r u l e can only be derived from that surviving i n the Camera d e g l i Sposi. The walls and c e i l i n g of the Camera d e g l i Sposi were frescoed by Mantegna between 1465 and 1474. 6 6 A l l four walls were decorated with i l l u s i o n i s t i c c u r t a i n s , however, on two of the walls these curtains are p u l l e d back to reveal the following scenes: Ludovico and Barbara of .. Brandenburg with t h e i r court; and Ludovico Meeting h i s son, Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga (see f i g u r e 52). The c e i l i n g decoration includes a simulated open oculus e n c i r c l e d by a marble balustrade on which ten winged p u t t i play. Ladies of the Court and a slave appear to be looking through the oculus i n t o the room below (see figures 53 and 54). The remainder of the 67 c e i l i n g i s divided by stucco framing elements which define the c e i l i n g as a series of eight caisons, twelve t r i a n g u l a r c e l l s and twelve lunettes (see f i g u r e 55). P o r t r a i t s of the f i r s t eight Caesars, each i d e n t i f i e d by i n s c r i p t i o n s and encased i n garlanded roundels held by p u t t i , are depicted i n the eight caisons. Mythological scenes of Hercules, Arion and Orpheus are shown i n the twelve t r i a n g u l a r c e l l s . Heraldic imagery and festoons of f r u i t and leaves against a blue sky background are shown i n the eight lunettes. The Hercules imagery i n the Camera d e g l i Sposi i s confined to s i x of the twelve t r i a n g u l a r c e l l s i n the c e i l i n g area, and to a statue of Hercules shown i n the background of the fresco of Ludovico meeting his son Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga. The labours and parerga depicted are: Hercules saving Deianira from Nessus; Hercules and the Nemean Lion; Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna,"" Hercules and Antaeus; and Hercules capturing Cerberus (see figures 56, 57, 58, 59 and 60). The background statue i n the "Meeting" fresco i s a representation of Hercules r e s t i n g (see fi g u r e 61). The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the c e i l i n g decoration of the Camera d e g l i Sposi has not yet been determined. The tendency, to date, has been to view the three areas of the c e i l i n g : the caisons, the t r i a n g u l a r c e l l s and the lunettes (which a c t u a l l y are part of the upper walls of the Camera d e g l i Sposi) as independent images. In accordance with t h i s way of examining the imagery,'.the p o r t r a i t s of the Caesars, located i n the caisons, may be intended to remind us that Mantua owed i t s allegiance to 'his Caesarian Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor, whose p o r t r a i t appears below. the mythological'imagery, could be s a i d to show the power of the libera!", arts to overcome e v i l , compared with that of heroic p h y s i c a l force. the h e r a l d i c emblems found i n the lunettes represent devices important to the Gonzaga. I t i s p o s s i b l e , however, that the imagery of the c e i l i n g was intended to be viewed as an i n t e g r a l unity rather than as independent components. This i s suggested by the use of the f i c t i v e gold mosaic f i e l d against which the images of the Caesars, Orpheus, Arion and Hercules appear. The placement of the p o r t r a i t s of the Caesars and the mythological imagery against t h i s Dome of Heaven may be an a l l u s i o n to t h e i r immortality caused by t h e i r l i v e s and deeds. The Caesars, because of t h e i r exalted po s i t i o n s 73 as Emperors, were d e i f i e d following t h e i r deaths by the Roman Senate. Orpheus, because of h i s outstanding musical a b i l i t y , was able to descend and return from the Underworld i n h i s quest f o r E u r i d i c e , h i s deceased wife. Although Orpheus was s l a i n following h i s return to the World, h i s Lyre was 74 immortalized as the c o n s t e l l a t i o n Lyra. Arion, a noted Greek poet and bard, challenged death when, on h i s return from S i c i l y , the s a i l o r s of the 52 boat on which he s a i l e d determined to k i l l him f o r h i s wealth. Before casting him overboard they permitted him to sing. Arion's singing so charmed the dolphins that, a f t e r he was thrown in t o the waters they c a r r i e d him s a f e l y to shore. Thus, by means of h i s music, Arion was able to vanquish Death. Accordingly Arion and the dolphin were immortalized by 75 t h e i r placement amongst the s t a r s . Hercules,.'as well as defeating the e v i l forces of nature which threaten mankind, s u c c e s s f u l l y conquered death by h i s descent to the Underworld and return with Cerberus, the Watchdog of Hades. Following his death, Hercules was received by the gods on Mount Olympus, thus ensuring h i s immortality. Hercules also was reputed to 76 have been immortalized as a c o n s t e l l a t i o n , Engonasin, the Kneeler. The c e i l i n g of the Camera d e g l i Sposi may have alluded to the Gonzaga aspirations f o r immortality. The Caesars were noted m i l i t a r y leaders who became p o l i t i c a l leaders or Emperors because of t h e i r prowess. They were d e i f i e d following t h e i r deaths. The Gonzaga family were also noted m i l i t a r y leaders who became the p o l i t i c a l leaders of Mantua because 77 of t h e i r a b i l i t y . The figures of Arion and Orpheus, who conquered death through t h e i r a b i l i t i e s as poets and musicians, may suggest the immortality 78 possible through the creation of music and poetry. The image of Hercules s l a y i n g Nessus, the Nemean Lion, the Hydra of Lerna, and Antaeus; and of the hero conquering Cerberus, may r e f e r to the conquest of e v i l forces i n c l u d i n g V. 4- • T 4- 7 9 8 0 V. • 4- 8 1 • • 4- " savagery or b e s t i a l i t y , anger, sophistry, •. i n j u s t i c e , generic vice or 82 i r r a t i o n a l appetite, and "bodily needs which i n t e r f e r e with the a c q u i s i t i o n 83 of knowledge." Thus both the p o r t r a i t s of the Caesars and the mythological scenes may allude to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of immortality to those who emulate the r u l e r s and the musical and poetic arts of a n t i q u i t y , through the-, suppression or conquering of human weaknesses. That Ludovico aspired to immortality i s suggested by the placement of the Gonzaga h e r a l d i c imagery 53 84 i n r e l a t i o n to the c e i l i n g frescoes. The wall frescoes of the Camera d e g l i Sposi: the "Court scene" and the "Meeting scene" may further develop the concept of Gonzaga aspirations f or immortality. The "Court scene" shows Ludovico, surrounded by h i s family and c o u r t i e r s , dealing with seri o u - a f f a i r s of s t a t e . This i s suggested by Ludovico's reading of a l e t t e r , and h i s turning to the 8 5 secretary to give d i r e c t i o n s i n response to the l e t t e r (see figure 63). The "Meeting scene" shows Ludovico, the Marquis of Mantua, his son, Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga, members of the Gonzaga family who w i l l i n the future be e i t h e r the Marquis of Mantua or Church o f f i c i a l s , i n the company of noted 86 contemporary leaders. The placement of the Hercules statue i n the background above the heads of current and future Gonzaga leaders, active both i n p o l i t i c s or i n the Church, suggests that Hercules symbolizes admirable q u a l i t i t e s of leadership which should: be emulated i f immortal fame i s to be attained (see figures 64 and 65). The use of Hercules imagery i n the Camera d e g l i Sposi appears s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t from i t s use by the Medici i n Florence. Once again the hero i s shown conquering e v i l forces. This time, however, he i s shown i n r e l a t i o n to the Caesars, or d e i f i e d p o l i t i c a l leaders from Antiquity; and to both Orpheus and Arion, two poets and musicians immortalized by t h e i r c r e a t i v e and performance a b i l i t i e s . As i n the Medici Palace on the 87 Via Largo, Florence, the Hercules imagery i s shown i n a reception room. The wall frescoes of the Camera d e g l i Sposi, with t h e i r depictions of Ludovico ably dealing with a f f a i r s of state within the Court; and meeting with other leaders, both secular and Church, stress Ludovico's importance as a progenitor of future leaders,--and as an equal to other contemporary leaders. The other leaders depicted are Ludovico's superiors. One i s the Holy Roman Emperor, the other i s the King of Denmark. This suggests that 54 Ludovico aspired to equality with them i n h i s current l i f e and i n h i s t o r y , through h i s veneration and emulation of the i l l u s t r i o u s m i l i t a r y and p o l i t i c a l leaders of a n t i q u i t y , through h i s study and veneration of the arts of a n t i q u i t y , and through h i s veneration and emulation of Hercules, the immortal c l a s s i c a l exemplar of v i r t u . i i i ) Federigo da Montefeltro Federigo da Montefeltro was i n s t a l l e d as Count of Urbino i n 1444. Although the natural son of Guidantonio, l e g i t i m i z e d i n 1424 during the 88 papacy of Martin V, the townspeople of Urbino considered him more desirable as t h e i r leader than h i s h a l f brother Oddantonio, whom they assassinated because of excesses and i n j u s t i c e s endured during h i s short 89 r u l e . The s e l e c t i o n of Federigo was probably influenced both by the a f f e c t i o n with which h i s father, Guidantonio, was remembered, and by the 90 reputation Federigo was earning because of h i s m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t i e s . Throughout h i s r u l e , Federigo was able to augment h i s wealth by income earned from h i s labours as a condottiere. "During h i s life'he-was employed by the papacy, the Kingdom of Naples, the Republics of Florence 91 and Milan, and the Este of Ferrara. I t was i n recognition of h i s valuable m i l i t a r y services and h i s l o y a l t y that Pope Sixtus IV r a i s e d Federigo to Duke of Urbino i n 1474. At the same time he also invested 92 Federigo as a Knight of Saint Peter. Federigo's a c t i v i t i e s as a patron began i n about 1450, with the 93 b u i l d i n g of h i s new palace. In t o t a l , three d i s t i n c t b u i l d i n g campaigns were undertaken i n the construction and decoration of the Ducal Palace. The f i r s t was begun i n about 1450, probably under the supervision of Maso d i Bartolommeo ( d . 1 4 5 6 ) . . . . I t consisted of renovations and additions to older b u i l d i n g s . . . . The larger part of the palace dates from two l a t e r campaigns. The second, begun about 1465, followed a model made by Luciano Laurana that established the palace's character. The t h i r d continued the work and added decorative and other elements apparently within 55 Laurana's f a b r i c . Begun i n 1472 when Laurana transferred t^ c- Naples, construction was directed by Francesco d i Giorgio M a r t i n i . Both p r i v a t e and p u b l i c rooms of the new Ducal Palace were decorated with Hercules imagery. Most representations of the hero, however, are to be found i n the p u b l i c rooms. The Sala d e l l a Iole, which possibly was used as 95 a council room, featured a decorated chimney piece by Michele d i Giovanni 96 d i Giesole. The elements of t h i s chimney piece included two c a r y a t i d figures - Hercules and Iole - which appear to support a l i n t e l decorated 97 with festoon-carrying p u t t i , bacchante and satyrs (see figures 66 and 67). The other images of Hercules which would have been exposed to the p u b l i c eye were two i n t a r s i a panels. One, Hercules sl a y i n g the Nemean Lion, (see fi g u r e 68), was included i n the p a n e l l i n g of the door opening i n t o the 98 Sala d e l l a Iole from the Grand Staircase (see figures 69 and 70). The 99 second panel, i d e n t i f i e d by Pasquale Rotondi as a Hercules, i s a companion to a representation of Mars. These two panels are located on the door entering i n t o Federigo's s o - c a l l e d Bedroom from the Sala d e g l i Angeli (see figures 71, 72 and 73). This image of Hercules does not conform with the usual depiction of the hero for the youthful figure i s shown holding a quiver, arrows and a bow, and i s dressed i n a cloak and boots. I t i s possible that t h i s image may represent Apollo, the God of Youth, Music, Prophecy, Archery and Healing. Considering Federigo's educational background and h i s a c t i v i t i e s as a condottiere t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n seems equally plausible."'" 0 0 Only one image of Hercules i s known to have been included i n the decoration of a p r i v a t e room - Federigo's Studiolo - i n the Urbino Palace. This i s the small c a r y a t i d figure of Hercules incorporated i n the i l l u s i o n -i s t i c framing elements of Justus van Ghent's i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the i l l u s t r i o u s men of Antiquity and the Renaissance (see figures 74, 75, 76, and 77) ,"'"0"'" There, Hercules, accompanied by Cerberus, was shown i n r e l a t i o n to two c l a s s i c a l authors, Cicero and Seneca, both of whom had written of h i s labours 56 and exemplary q u a l i t i e s , and two B i b l i c a l exemplars, Moses the lawgiver and Solomon, who was noted f o r h i s wisdom. In both c l a s s i c a l and contem-102 porary l i t e r a t u r e Hercules was i d e n t i f i e d as a lawgiver, and as an 103 exemplar of wisdom. The representation of Hercules was a minor motif within the depictions of i l l u s t r i o u s men i n the Studiolo. However, the placement of the hero i n r e l a t i o n to distinguished men who had written about him, or exemplars whose q u a l i t i e s he shared, emphasized h i s importance. Federigo da Montefeltro owned two personal representations of Hercules, independent of those included i n the decoration of h i s palace. These were the medal by Clement of Urbino, and the presentation helmet by Antonio P o l l a i u o l o . Clement of Urbino made a medal f o r F e d e r i g o ; i n 1468. The obverse (see figures 78 and 79) shows a p r o f i l e of Federigo, wearing a "mortier, 104 cuirass and mantle." On the breastplate of the cuirass i s a representation which I i d e n t i f y as Hercules f i g h t i n g a Centaur. 1 0"' The i n s c r i p t i o n e n c i r c l i n g the medal i s - ALTER ADEST CESAR SCIPIO ROMAN(US) ET ALTER SEV PACEM POPULIS SEV FERA BELLA DEDIT - which means "The elder General S c i p i o was at hand, as was the younger, whether they gave to the people peace or savage war." 1 0^ The reverse of the medal (see figure 85) shows: An eagle on a fulmen, supporting with spread wings a plate on which are cuir a s s , s h i e l d , sword, globe, brush, and olive-branch, above the stars of J u p i t e r , Mars and Venus. Around and i n the f i e l d MARS FERUS ET SUMHUM TANGENS CYTHEREA TONANTEM DANT TIBI REGINA PARES ET TUA FATA MOUENT: INVICTUS FEDERICUS C(OMES) U(R)BINI ANNO (DOMINI) MCCCCLXVIII OPUS CLEMENTIS U(R)BINATIS (Tameless Mars and his companion Venus, touching the heart of highest Jove the Thunderer, give kingdoms to you and actuate your destiny. F r e d e r i c k ^ ^ e I n v i n c i b l e , Count of Urbino. The work of Clement of Urbino.) 108 The s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s medal i s unknown. However, i t i s possible that t h i s medal commemorated the B a t t l e of La M o l l i n e l l a which took place i n 109 July, 1468. This was the f i r s t b a t t l e i n which " f l y i n g a r t i l l e r y " was used. According to Dennistoun: 57 The new weapons c a l l e d spingards and invented by Colleoni were long swivels measuring three c u b i t s , mounted upon c a r r i a j g s , and discharging b a l l s somewhat larger than a walnut or plum. . . . Thus, the globe i n the centre of the p l a t e , c a r r i e d on the back of the eagle, may allude to the cannon b a l l s used i n t h i s b a t t l e . The other imagery on the medal - the eagle, the brush, and the olive-branch, were a l l emblems used by the M o n t e f e l t r o . T h e c u i r a s s , the s h i e l d and the sword represent the Mars spoken of i n the i n s c r i p t i o n . The o l i v e branch and the brush, while having personal s i g n i f i c a n c e f or Federigo, may also r e f e r to the prosperity enjoyed i n peace, symbolized by the s i m i l a r mention of Venus (Cytherea) i n the i n s c r i p t i o n . The Eagle, perhaps, i s a reference to Federigo's "cautious p o l i c y " , f or the war i n which the B a t t l e 112 of La M o l l i n e l l a occurred was not concluded u n t i l winter. The juxtaposition of the two symbols of War and Peace, balanced by the e f f e c t s of Federigo's cautious p o l i c y (as symbolized by the wide-spread wings of the eagle) neutralizes the new method of warfare symbolized by the cannonball. This imagery i n conjunction with the i n s c r i p t i o n s suggests that Federigo i s the I n v i n c i b l e because he i s counselled i n both war and peace by the two S c i p i o s , exemplars of Roman m i l i t a r y leadership and statesmanship; and because the two gods, Mars and Venus touching J u p i t e r , give him kingdoms ( v i c t o r i e s ) and c o n t r o l h i s destiny. The presentation helmet by Antonio P o l l a i u o l o was given to Federigo by Florence and Lorenzo de'Medici, i n appreciation for h i s service i n the War on V o l t e r r a i n 1472. A fi g u r e of Hercules triumphant over the G r i f f i n 113 of V o l t e r r a crested the helmet. The use of Hercules imagery i n the Palazzo Ducale suggests that the image d i d have personal meaning f o r Federigo. Although the image i s seen p r i m a r i l y i n the p u b l i c rooms of the palace, i t s appearance i n the Studiolo, surrounded by Cicero, Seneca, Moses and Solomon, implies not only how 58 Federigo learned of Hercules, but which p a r t i c u l a r Herculean v i r t u e s he g l o r i f i e d and wished to emulate. The p u b l i c representations of the hero found i n the Sala d e l l a I o l e , and on the door which opens i n t o t h i s room seem appropriate for a room which may have served among other things, as a council room. The fig u r e of Hercules sl a y i n g the Nemean Lion, in t e r p r e t e d as the defeat of anger by Landino and S a l u t a t i , i s shown on an i n t a r s i a panel included i n the door which opens i n t o the co u n c i l room. This image suggests, perhaps, that the discussions held i n t h i s room should not be influenced by anger. The figures of Hercules and Iole on e i t h e r side of the Sala d e l l a Iole's f i r e p l a c e may have provided a v i s u a l reminder that Hercules died by f i r e , as a r e s u l t of h i s love f o r I o l e . This image may have suggested to Federigo and h i s c o u n c i l l o r s the personal c o n t r o l and s e l f d i s c i p l i n e 114 necessary to prevent t h e i r own demise. I f the figure portrayed with Mars on the i n t a r s i a panels of the door opening i n t o Federigo's Bedroom i s a Hercules, then t h i s conjunction of imagery may suggest that Federigo i s guarded by the God of War and the Resplendent V i c t o r and that no harm w i l l come to Federigo i n h i s personal domain. The Hercules, however, may also symbolize Herakles Alexikakos, the Averter of E v i l , which included i n j u s t i c e and war. Thus the Hercules could represent the Guardian of Peace. Federigo would then be guarded or guided by the God of War and the Guardian of Peace, a juxtaposition of 115 concepts already i l l u s t r a t e d on the Clement of Urbino Medal of 1468. iv) Ercole I d'Este Ercole I d'Este, the t h i r d son of Niccolo I I I , was i n s t a l l e d as the Duke of Ferrara i n August, 1471.^lt* He had been prepared f o r h i s 117 p o s i t i o n of Duke both by a "thorough m i l i t a r y and c h i v a l r i c education" 59 provided at the Aragonese Court i n Naples, and by "serving as governor of 118 Modena'/ the second c i t y of the realm" during Borso's r u l e . Ercole gained further leadership experience through h i s employment as a condottiere. Despite a serious foot wound, received i n the Battle of La M o l i n e l l a i n 119 1467, which affected him f o r the r e s t of h i s l i f e , Ercole continued to work as a condottiere and attained a reputation "comparable even to that of 120 Federigo da Montefeltro." Ercole's r u l e of Ferrara, from 1471 -1505, was noted f o r i t s 121 administrative s t a b i l i t y . I t was also distinguished by Ercole's ambitious and diverse patronage. Each of h i s brothers had been active patrons, however, t h e i r i n t e r e s t s were not as broad as E r c o l e 1 s . Leonello was known f o r h i s 122 l i t e r a r y patronage, and Borso f o r h i s a r c h i t e c t u r a l and a r t i s t i c patronage. Ercole's patronage extended further to music, drama, the arts and arch-123 i t e c t u r e . As might be expected of a patron named Ercole, the legends of Hercules provided thematic i n s p i r a t i o n f o r s c u l p t u r a l and painted imagery, 124 as w e l l as f o r l i t e r a r y and dramatic works associated with the Este court. The f i r s t image of Hercules associated with Ercole's rule of Ferrara was a lead statue of the hero placed on the top of a garden p a v i l i o n 125 located i n the Ducal Gardens at the Certosa of Ferrara. The placement of the Hercules statue on a Borsian foundation r e f l e c t s the change of sponsorship occasioned by Borso's death. I t may be presumed that t h i s figure was o r i g i n a l l y intended to be a unicorn, the most common of Borso's imprese and the subject of the figur e which Domenico had executed.for the top of the well i n the main c l o i s t e r of the monastery. The figu r e f o r the p a v i l i o n , however, was not completed by the time Borso died, and instead of a unicorn, Domenico cast a Hercules to occupy the place of honour. This modification represents an i n t e r e s t i n g instance of the superposition of Ercole I's iconography <j>ngBorso's foundation, and symbolized the change of sponsorship. 127 Sabadino d e g l i A r i e n t i ' s t r e a t i s e , De triumphis r e l i g i o n i s 60 i d e n t i f i e s two other Hercules images owned by Ercole. One was a statue of Hercules, t h i s time g i l d e d and holding a h e r a l d i c s h i e l d . This statue was sheltered i n a p a v i l i o n located i n the elaborate garden of the Castel 128 Vecchio. The other Hercules was a painted image, again located i n the Castel Vecchio. This image was included i n a "room painted with ( p o r t r a i t s of) wise men, with b r i e f and singular moral sentences, and with the image of 129 the ancient Hercules on a green f i e l d . " Ercole I owned numerous small representations of h i s namesake. The Bertoldo d i Giovanni bronze statuettes (see figures 41, 42, 43 and 44) may be 130 examples of diplomatic presents from Lorenzo de'Medici to Ercole I. The medal by Lodovico Coradino (see figures 86 and 87) may have r e s u l t e d 131 from a personal commission. This medal includes a p r o f i l e p o r t r a i t of Ercole on the obverse, and on the reverse, an image of Hercules standing, r e s t i n g on spear, holding s h i e l d charged with Este device of a r i n g and a flower; on l e f t , three columns i n the sea. Abve: GADES HERCULIS; below: OPUS CORADINI M(UTINENSIS). Throughout h i s l i f e Ercole was honoured by the dedication to him of numerous t r e a t i s e s . The e a r l i e s t , an illuminated manuscript c a l l e d 133 Le f a t i c h e d'Ercole, was composed by P i e t r o Andrea d i Bassi before 1435. 134 This t r e a t i s e was probably commissioned to celebrate Ercole's b i r t h . Each of Hercules' labours r e l a t e d by d i Bassi opens with an appropriate i l l u m i n a t i o n (see figures 88 through 101). Other t r e a t i s e s dedicated to Ercole which contain e i t h e r l i t e r a l or f i g u r a l Hercules imagery include 135 C r i s t o f o r o Landino's De vera n o b i l i t a t e ; Giovanni T r o t t i ' s t r a n s l a t i o n 136 of Matteo Maria Boiardo's De immortalitate anime; and the V i t a B. Ioannes a Tauxignano Episcopi Ferrariae (see i l l u s t r a t i o n 102), by an !37 anonymous author. 61 NOTES """The references to Hercules on the Bruni Tomb are r e s t r i c t e d to the supports of the sarcophagus chest. These supports are l i o n s ' skins -one of the t r a d i t i o n a l a t t r i b u t e s of Hercules. (See i l l u s t r a t i o n s 14 and 15). According to Ann Markham Schulz, The Sculpture of Bernardo Rossellino  and h i s Workshop, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977, p. 35 -"The l i o n skin i s the t r a d i t i o n a l a t t r i b u t e of Hercules .which, according to Coluccio S a l u t a t i , enabled Hercules to oppose l u x u r i a . The inference, therefore, i s that Bruni possessed the v i r t u e of Hercules, -and that, l i k e Hercules who was apotheosized as a reward for his v i r t u e , Bruni would be resurrected to etern a l l i f e i n heaven. In t h i s respect the iconography of the Bruni Tomb approaches that of Roman sarcophagi where the deceased was often represented with the at t r i b u t e s of Hercules to s i g n i f y that he would partake of the immortality of the hero. . . . " The c i v i c bodies responsible f o r the Bruni Tomb included the Signoria of Arezzo and of Florence. The Guild involved i n the commission was the Calimala, a g u i l d to which Bruni belonged. (see Lauro Martines, The S c o i a l World of the Florentine Humanists, 1390 - 1460, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966, p. 255-256 and p. 247. See also Schulz, p. 33). 2 The octagonal Baptismal Font by Antonio Federighi has two Hercules images - Hercules and the Nemean Lion, and Hercules and Nessus (see figures' 16 and 17). The remaining panels are devoted to scenes from Genesis. Information about t h i s font and Federighi himself i s scarce - he i s mentioned i n John Pope-Hennessy's I t a l i a n Renaissance Sculpture, 2nd ed. London, Phaidon, 1971, p. 60, where Pope-Hennessy sta t e s : "Federighi's slow a s s i m i l a t i o n of ant i q u i t y may be followed through two holy water basins at the entrance to the Duomo and a baptismal font carved f o r the Capella d i San Giovanni a f t e r 1482, where scenes from Genesis and from mythology are depicted i n a hybrid s t y l e based i n part oh Quercia and i n part on the antique." More information about Federighi and t h i s Font may be found i n Benjamin Rowland, J r . The C l a s s i c a l T r a d i t i o n i n Western Art, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963, p. 176-178. Neither author gives any information about the commission or the a v a i l a b i l i t y of documentation. I have assumed that t h i s work i s the r e s u l t of a commission by a p u b l i c body. 3 According to Wendy Stedman Sheard, The Tomb of Doge Andrea  Vendramin i n Venice by T u l l i o Lombardo, Ann Arbor, Mich: University Microfilms, 1971, p. 19 states -" . . . the expenses of most of the s p e c i a l ceremonies and r i t u a l s surrounding the o f f i c e , i n c l u d i n g the elaborate funeral, had to be borne by the doge's family. Ducal funerary monuments, too, were a pri v a t e expense." 62 4 I have been unable to locate or ascertain the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the fourth Hercules image. 5 Charles Seymour, J r . Sculpture i n I t a l y 1400-1500, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1966, p. 20. 6 Detailed information about the facade may be found i n Charles R. Morscheck, J r . R e l i e f Sculptures for the Facade of the Certosa d i Pavia, 1472-1499. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1978. 7 Charles Michael Rosenberg, Art i n Ferrara during the Reig'n of  Borso d'Este (1450-1471) A Study i n Court Patronage, Ann Arbor, Mich: University Microfilms, 1974, p. 93-5. g According to Robert Louis Mode, The Monte Giordano Famous Men  Cycle of Cardinal Giordano O r s i n i and the 'Uomini Famosi' T r a d i t i o n i n  F i f t e e n t h Century I t a l i a n Art, Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1970, p. 1 -"The I t a l i a n famous men or uomini famosi cycle apparently reached the zenith of i t s popularity during the second quarter of the f i f t e e n t h century, and then underwent a slow decline which l a s t e d u n t i l the s t a r t of the High Renaissance." 9 E.H. Gombrich, "The Early Medici as Patrons of Art" i n I t a l i a n  Renaissance Studies, ed. E.F. Jacob, London: Faber and Faber, 1960, p. 280 states -" . . . patronage was indeed one of the chief instruments of Medici p o l i c y during the century when they had no l e g a l t i t l e of authority." "*"°J.R. Hale, Florence and the Medici - The Pattern of Control, Plymouth: Thames and Hudson, 1977, p. 31-32. According to A.D. Fraser Jenkins, "Cosimo de 1Medici's Patronage of Architecture and the Theory of Magnificence" i n the Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s , Vo l . 33 (1970) p. 162, however, Cosimo's patronage develped as a r e s u l t of changing attitude^towards wealth and i t s spending as w e l l as from the developing concept of magnificence. ^ C u r t S. Gutkind, Cosimo de'Medici Pater Patriae 1389-1464, Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1938, Appendix 10, p. 304-307 - e n t i t l e d "Buildings erected and Restored by Cosimo" l i s t s a r c h i t e c t u r a l projects undertaken by Cosimo. 12 J.R. Hale, i b i d . , p. 44; and E.H. Gombrich, p. 297. 13 J.R. Hale, I b i d . , p. 57T58. 1 4 i b i d . , p. 56. 63 " " i b i d . , p. 58 -"To the patronage of architecture and pai n t i n g , Lorenzo preferred an a c t i v i t y which was more pr i v a t e , more s c h o l a r l y and, indeed, f a r more expensive- the c o l l e c t i o n of ancient gems, cameos and objets d'art." and Roberto Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of C l a s s i c a l Antiquity, Oxford: B a s i l Blackwell, 1969, p. 190 -"The c o l l e c t i o n s assembled by Lorenzo included a l l s o r t of treasures. There were bronze and marble statues, cups and vases i n semi-precious stones, and countless specimens of the g l y p t i c a r t of the ancient world... ." and E.H. Gombrich, p. 309-310 -"I t was Wilhelm von Bode who f i r s t suggested that the oeuvre of t h i s master (Bertoldo d i Giovanni) of small bronzes r e f l e c t e d what he c a l l e d Lorenzo's " a r t i s t i c p o l i c y " . . . " "^These include the three canvases painted by Antonio P o l l a i u o l o which are no longer extant. 17 J.R. Hale, p. 56-59. Two a r t i s t s who created Hercules images fo r both the Medici and other patrons are Antonio P o l l a i u o l o and Bertoldo d i Giovanni. ""The Medici Inventory was published by E. Mtintz, Les C o l l e c t i o n s  des Medicis au XVe siecle:, Tours: Jules Rouan, 1888. 19 Descriptions of Hercules imagery owned or commissioned by the Medici were given by Giovanni Santi i n h i s Chronicle, and by Giorgio V a s a r i , i n h i s discussion of the l i v e s of a r t i s t s , i n p a r t i c u l a r those of Antonio P o l l a i u o l o and Michelangelo. 20 Information about Hercules imagery created by Antonio P o l l a i u o l o i s taken from L.D. E t t l i n g e r , Antonio and Piero P o l l a i u o l o , Oxford: Phaidon Press, 1978 (hereafter E t t l i n g e r , P o l l a i u o l o ) . 21 According to E t t l i n g e r , P o l l a i u o l o , p. 164-165, these canvases were "Tempera (?) on canvas, 6 b r a c c i a square". Extant documents which provide information about the canvases include: a l e t t e r from Antonio P o l l a i u o l o to Genii Virgino O r s i n i , dated 13 July, 1494: the Medici Inventory of 1492; .information about the t r a n s f e r of the canvases from the Palazzo Medici to the Palazzo Vecchio (1495); A l b e r t i n i , i n the Memoriale, 1510; and Vasari, Lives of Painters, Sculptors and A r c h i t e c t s . I t has not been ascertained which of the Medici commissioned these p i c t u r e s . From the date established i n the P o l l a i u o l o l e t t e r of 1494, i t would appear that the paintings were done i n 1460, possibly during the decoration of Cosimo's new Palazzo on the Via Largo. According to J.R. Hale, p. 29 - "As f a r as i s known, he (Cosimo) personally commissioned no paintings." 64 E.H. Gombrich, on p. 297, stat e s : "From the outset there seems to have been a cl e a r divison of labour between Cosimo and h i s two sons i n matters of patronage. The r o y a l a r t of architecture was Cosimo"s preserve, and so, perhaps, was contact with a master of bronze foundry i f he was of Donatello's fame and excellence. Painters stood lower i n the estimates of the time and Cosimo seems to have l e f t negotiations with painters and decorators to Piero and Giovanni." Lorenzo i s the one Medici with whom Hercules was i d e n t i f i e d . I t i s u n l i k e l y that he was responsible f o r the commission of the P o l l a i u o l o canvases because, from the date established i n Po l l a i u o l o ' s l e t t e r to O r s i n i , Lorenzo would have been eleven years o l d when they were created. Lorenzo d i d not assume a ro l e of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y within the family u n t i l 1464, a f t e r the death of Cosimo , (J.R. Hale, p. 49). I f the paintings were created i n 1460, i t may be that Piero commissioned them i n response to Lorenzo's studies of L a t i n l i t e r a t u r e , i n p a r t i c u l a r Ovid. C e r t a i n l y Lorenzo would have been f a m i l i a r with the Labours of Hercules at t h i s t i m e . ( C e c i l i a M. Ady, Lorenzo dei Medici and  Renaissance I t a l y , London: The English U n i v e r s i t i e s Press, 1960 imp., p. 17). The drawing of Hercules and the Hydra (see i l l u s t r a t i o n 27) by P o l l a i u o l o i s believed to r e l a t e to the large canvas of t h i s theme ( E t t l i n g e r , P o l l a i u o l o , p. 160). 22 According to E t t l i n g e r , P o l l a i u o l o , p. 147, the Hercules and Antaeus statuette, which i s 45 cm - 18" high, i s located i n the Bargello, Florence. According to the Medici Inventory of 1492, t h i s statuette was i n Giulian's room. ""According to F i l a r e t e , Treatise on Architecture, t r a n s l a t e d with Introduction and Notes by John R. Spencer, 2 v o l s . New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965, V o l . I Translation, Book XXV, F o l i o 191r (p. 327) there was "a p o r t r a i t of Hercules and many of h i s labours" i n the garden loggia of the house given to Cosimo de'Medici by Francesco Sforza. F i l a r e t e does not i d e n t i f y the a r t i s t or the labours portrayed. '•'24 This p a i n t i n g , which unfortunately has been.poorly restored, i s now located i n the Yale University Art Ga l l e r y . Its s i z e i s 54.6x 80.8 cm., or 21.8 x 32.3". O r i g i n a l l y the pai n t i n g was on a fruitwood panel which suggests that i t may have been incorporated i n t o a piece of f u r n i t u r e or a chest. I t was transferred to canvas i n 1867 by J . J . Jarves. Information about the r e s t o r a t i o n of t h i s work and a bibliography may be found i n C. Seymour, J r . Early I t a l i a n Paintings i n the Yale University Art Galler y , 1970, p. 169-173. 25 This o i l on panel p a i n t i n g i s located i n the U f f i z i , Florence. Because of i t s small s i z e , 16 x 10.5 cm. or 6.4 x 4.2", E t t l i n g e r , P o l l a i u o l o -suggests on p. 141, that t h i s work, perhaps with the other panel - Hercules and the Hydra, may have been used to decorate a piece of f u r n i t u r e . 65 ""The Hercules and the Hydra panel, again o i l on a panel which measures 17.5 x 12 cm. - 7 x 4.8", i s p o s s i b l y a companion painting to the above mentioned Hercules panel. E t t l i n g e r , P o l l a i u o l o , p. 141, suggests that i f a t h i r d ipanel existed: Hercules and the Nemean Lion, t h i s second panel may have comprised the larger c e n t r a l panel of a piece of f u r n i t u r e decorated with three Hercules images. 27 This Hercules statuette, which measures 40.5 cm. - 16.2 ", i s located i n the Bode Museum, East B e r l i n . According to John Pope-Hennessy, as s i s t e d by Anthony F. R a d c l i f f e , The F r i c k C o l l e c t i o n , An I l l u s t r a t e d : Catalogue, V o l . I l l , I t a l i a n Sculpture, 1970, p. 26 (hereafter Pope-Hennessy, F r i c k Collection) suggests the p o s s i b i l i t y that t h i s statue and the statue i n the F r i c k C o l l e c t i o n predates the Hercules and Antaeus mentioned i n the Medici Inventory of 1492 which "has been c o n j e c t u r a l l y dated about 1475-80". ""This bronze statuette, which measures 44.1cm. - 17.6", has been i n the F r i c k C o l l e c t i o n since 1916. Its subject matter has not been determined. I t appears that the l e f t foot of the Hercules i s r e s t i n g on an ox head. This image may thus p o s s i b l y be a reference to Hercules' labour -the fetching of the c a t t l e of Geryon. The associated parergon was one which had a s p e c i a l meaning f o r Florence - the t h e f t of the c a t t l e by Cacus and his subsequent s l a y i n g by Hercules. The scene of Hercules triumphant over Cacus was depicted on a plaque on the Florentine Campanile (see figure 10). Hercules' association with c a t t l e i s further confirmed by the Cult of Hercules which was established e i t h e r by the hero or by King Evander, a f t e r the s l a y i n g of Cacus. The Ara Maxima i n the Cattle Market or Forum Boarium i n Rome, was the a l t a r erected to celebrate Hercules' v i c t o r y over Cacus. (Galinsky, p. 126). 29 The Presentation helmet was given to Federigo da Montefeltro i n appreciation for his services i n the War against V o l t e r r a i n 1472. According to the d e s c r i p t i o n by Giovanni Santi ( E t t l i n g e r , P o l l a i u o l o , p. 168) i t was "a decorated helmet on which was the v i c t o r i o u s Hercules, who, gnashing h i s teeth, holds under his f e e t a chained g r i f f i n , that r e b e l l i o u s beast, the ancient arms of V o l t e r r a . " This de s c r i p t i o n was confirmed i n a l e t t e r written by the Mantuan ambassador i n Urbino, who located the Hercules fi g u r e on the c r e s t of the Helmet ( E t t l i n g e r , P o l l a i u o l o , p. 168). I t i s possible that Vasari's representation of Marc Anthony's helmet, also crested with a Hercules f i g u r e , i n the Foundation of Florence fresco, located i n the Salone dei Cinquecento, Palazzo Vecchio (see figures 37 and 38) was i n s p i r e d by t h i s presentation helmet. Although E t t l i n g e r , P o l l a i u o l o . p. 168, provides documentary proof of the payment to P o l l a i u o l o by the B a l i a , i t seems probable that Lorenzo was involved i n the commission of t h i s helmet. 66 1) According to Ady, p. 53, Lorenzo h i r e d Federigo -'.' . . . Lorenzo made the f a t a l decision to suppress the (Volterran) r i s i n g by force of arms. He was both angry and a f r a i d . His friends had been assassinated, and Florentine e x i l e s had i n v i t e d the rebels to make a common cause with them for the overthrow of the Medici. The Bishop of V o l t e r r a pleaded with him on behalf of many peaceful and well-disposed c i t i z e n s , urging that order could be restored without recourse to arms; and cooler heads i n Florence took the same view. Lorenzo, however, could not be moved from his purpose. He engaged Federico, Duke of Urbino, to bring 5,000 men to the attack, i n s t r u c t i n g him to f i n i s h the business as quickly as p o s s i b l e . . . . " 2) Hercules imagery was common to both Lorenzo and Florence. Its appearance on the helmet might allude to the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of both p a r t i e s . Any suggestion of ostentation on Lorenzo's part would therefore be suppressed by the openly shared associated with the hero of both Lorenzo and Florence. 3°E.H. Gombrich, p. 310 states that Bertoldo d i Giovanni (cl420-1491) "Lived i n the Medici palace, perhaps as a kind of v a l e t de chambre; . . . His a r t i s concentrated on c o l l e c t o r s ' pieces?" J.R. Hale, p. 59, t a l k s of Lorenzo's patronage of Bertoldo: "But the sculptor he most favoured was Bertoldo, whom he retained to look a f t e r the c o l l e c t i o n of a n t i q u i t i e s begun by Cosimo and to produce bronzes, c l a s s i c a l i n s t y l e and subject matter, which ministered to hi s taste f o r the thumbable and the evocative. . . . " 31 In the L i f e , of' Micheahgelo written by Vasari (Giorgio Vasari, The Lives of the a r t i s t s , a s e l e c t i o n t r a n s l a t e d by George B u l l , reprinted with minor r e v i s i o n s , Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1975, p. 331, Michelangelo l i v e d i n the Medici Palace from 1488 - 1492. 32 This bronze statuette, 27.5 cm. - 11" high, was "probably part of a decorative complex, perhaps on a piece of f u r n i t u r e , which also included the Hercules i n the Liechtenstein C o l l e c t i o n i n Vienna and i t s counterpart, which i s known throu'gh.-.a version i n the F r i c k C o l l e c t i o n , New York. The representation symbolizes the house of Este, and p a r t i c u l a r l y Ercole I, 1471-1505." I t a l i a n Bronze Statuettes, V i c t o r i a and Albert Museum Catalogue, entry 15, 1961. Although I have been unable to locate documentation on t h i s statuette and i t s companion pieces , "I believe they may-have been commissioned by Lorenzo as a present, perhaps of a diplomatic nature, to Ercole. According to Kurt W. Forster, "Metaphors of Rule"in Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen  I n s t i t u t , V o l . XV, (1971), p. 65 f.n. 1 -"Lorenzo r e a l i z e d the value of a r t and a r t i s t s for diplomatic and propagandistic purposes; he strengthened t i e s with other princes and states by giving advice, a r t objects, and by recommending a r t i s t s . " The p o s s i b i l i t y likewise e x i s t s that Ercole I, because of Lorenzo's commendation of Bertoldo, may have commissioned these works himself. Figure 42 i s a p i c t u r e of one of the h e r a l d i c w i l d men believed to be interdependent with the Hercules on Horseback (see Pope-Hennessy, F r i c k  C o l l e c t i o n , p. 37-42, f o r further information on t h i s complex). 67 ""According to Anthony R a d c l i f f e , European Bronze Statuettes, London: The Connoisseur and Michael Joseph, 1966, p. 27 the t r i a n g u l a r base of t h i s statuette i s not o r i g i n a l , and i t "gives the figure a wrong f r o n t a l view.: Without the base the Hercules figure i s 33 cm. or 13.2" high. According to G.F. H i l l , "The S a l t i n g C o l l e c t i o n - I The I t a l i a n Bronze Statuettes" i n Burlington Magazine XVI (1910) p. 312, there are two versions of t h i s statuette, the one i n the S a l t i n g C o l l e c t i o n , the V i c t o r i a and Albert Museum, and the other i n the c o l l e c t i o n of Mr. Otto B e i t . 34 : This work was also part of the S a l t i n g C o l l e c t i o n , now i n the V i c t o r i a and Albe r t , London. The entry, #17, i n the Arts Council of Great B r i t a i n catalogue of an e x h i b i t i o n held 27th July to 1st October, 1961, e n t i t l e d I t a l i a n Bronze Statuettes, 1961, suggests that t h i s bronze may have been the cover of an inkstand or other receptacle, made for Ercole d'Este. 35 According to Pope-Hennessy, F r i c k C o l l e c t i o n, p . 43 The a s c r i p t i o n of t h i s statuette i s generally accepted, though with some reserve . . on the part of Bode and Maclagan. Pope-Kennessy suggests that t h i s work may have been r e a l i z e d by a member of Bertoldo's studio, from a design by Bertoldo (p. 44). 3 6 This Hercules statue was carved by Michelangelo from a block of marble, four b r a c c i a high, according to Vasari(George B u l l t r a n s l a t i o n , second e d i t i o n , p. 332) -. . he obtained a large block of marble from which he carved a Hercules eight feet high, which stood f o r many years i n the Palazzo S t r o z z i . This work, which was very highly regarded, was l a t e r (when Florence was under seige) sent to King Francis i n France by Giovanbattista d e l l a P a l l a . . This statue has since been l o s t , (see discussion i n E t t l i n g e r , "Hercules Florentinus" i n the Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorisches I n s t i t u t e s i n Florenz. V o l . 15 (1971) p. 138). 37 According to Vasari, i b i d . , p. 331 I t was at t h i s time that, with advice from P o l i t i a n , a distinguished man of l e t t e r s , Michelangelo carved from a piece of marble given to him by Lorenzo the B a t t l e of Hercules with the Centaurs. This r e l i e f dates from 1492. I t i s more commonly'identified now as a B a t t l e of the Centaurs or the B a t t l e of the Lapiths and the Centaurs. I t i s very d i f f i c u l t to determine a Hercules image i n t h i s scene., (see i l l u s t r a t i o n 44) . 38 .. ' Anthony R a d c l i f f e , European Bronze Statuettes,p. 22-23. 39 This i s necessitated by the lack of any documentary information-about t h e i r possession of more Hercules imagery. I t seems very l i k e l y that the Medici would have owned more of t h i s imagery. ^°0ne shows Hercules r e s t i n g with h i s foot on the Lion's head. Another shows his foot r e s t i n g on the ox head. The t h i r d shows the hero r e s t i n g , holding the apples of the Hesperides. 68 ' " E t t l i n g e r , "Hercules Florentinus", p. 136-137. 42 Eugene M. Waith, The Herculean Hero, London: Chatto & Windus, 1962, p. 42-43 (hereafter Waith). .43 This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was developed i n both Landino s Commentary on V i r g i l ' s Aeneid, The Disputationes Camaldulenses(Don Cameron A l l e n , Mysteriously Meant, p. 153)and the De vera n o b i l i t a t e , a s e l e c t i o n of which i s published i n E. Garin, T e s t i i n e d i t i e r a r i d i C r i s t o f o r o Landino e  Francesco F i l e l f o , F l o r e n c e , 1949 p. 25. 44 -Similar i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s had already been developed i n Boethius, The Consolation of Philosophy, tr a n s l a t e d with introduction and notes by Richard Green, Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1962, p. 91-Book IV, Prose 6 -This problem i s such that when one doubt i s cleared up many more a r i s e l i k e the heads of the Hydra, and continue to spring up unless they are checked by the most active f i r e of the mind, and i n Bernardus Silvestris,Commentary on the F i r s t Six Books of V e r g i l ' s  Aeneid, Translated with introduction and notes, by E a r l G. Schreiber and Thomas E. Maresca. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1979 ( Hereafter, Bernardus). On p. x i i , the t r a n s l a t o r s state that they b e l i e v e Landino was f a m i l i a r with t h i s work. The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Hydra i s given on p.69: The Hydra i s a multiheaded monster. Whenever one head i s cut o f f , more grow i n i t s place. People say that l i t e r a l l y and h i s t o r i c a l l y t h i s monster was the many arms of the sea: . . . But we i n t e r p r e t the Hydra a l l e g o r i c a l l y to be ignorance containing many ambiguities, which the i n f i n i t e heads s i g n i f y . . . . We i n t e r p r e t Hercules as wisdom . . . Hercules cuts o f f one of the Hydra's heads when he determines one ambiguity of a problem, and then others grow i n i t s place. Indeed, Hercules, seeing h i s useless labours, burns up the Hydra; a wise man, seeing h i s study i n s u f f i c i e n t l y u s e f u l , burns up ignorance with the most vigorous f i r e of the mind when he investigates ignorance with the fervour of inqui r y and illuminates i t with the splendor of knowledge. . . 4^Waith, p. 44. Waith continues, s t a t i n g : However, he makes much of the f a c t that Hercules keeps and wears the skin of the l i o n i n l a t e r encounters, f o r t h i s i s a sort of d e r i v a t i v e of anger which the brave man uses i n f i g h t i n g i n j u s t i c e . Landino reminds us that there i s a kind of anger which i s approved of by the P e r i p a t e t i c s and also by C h r i s t i a n s , and he quotes from S. Paul (Ephesians, IV, 26). "Be ye not angry and s i n not: l e t not the sun go down upon your wrath." He explains that the meaning i s that wrath must be kept within bounds but that righteous indignation i s praiseworthy. Instead of extinguishing the l i g h t of reason, i t serves to put an edge to f o r t i t u d e as f l i n t sharpens a sword. In the footnote, #19, p. 206, Waith continues: Landino's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n has a great deal i n common with S a l u t a t i ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h i s same labour. Both of them speak of two l i o n s , one representing hasty and s h o r t - l i v e d anger, the other l a s t i n g anger. Both i n t e r p r e t the l i o n skin as righteous anger. 69-46-Michael A. Jacobsen, "A Note on the Iconography of Hercules and Antaeus i n Quattrocento Florence" i n Source 1:1 (1981) p. 17. 47 Waith, p. 206, footnote 19. <48 Fulgentius the Mythographer, Translated from the L a t i n with Introduction by L e s l i e George Whitbread, Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1971, p. 129 (hereafter, Fulgentius). 49 „ . see above, t h i s chapter, footnote #31. 50 Ady, p. 68 51 i b i d . , p. 64 52 Pope-Hennessy, F r i c k C o l l e c t i o n , p. 26 53 I have been unable to locate any other representations of Hercules with an ox head. 54 Morford and Lenardon, p. 362-4. 55 According to D.S. Chambers "Mantua and the Gonzaga" i n Splendours  of the Gonzaga, London: V i c t o r i a and Albert Museum, 1981, p. x v i i 56 • i b i d . , p . x v i i . The f i r s t marquisate was awarded to Gianfrancesco Gonzaga i n 1433 by Emperor Sigismund. . Ludovico was the second Marquis of Mantua. 57 . William H. Woodward, Studies i n Education during the Age of the  Renaissance, 1400-1600. New York: Teachers' College Press, 1967, p. 11-12. 58 Chambers, p. x v i i - x v n i . 59 i b i d . , p. xx. . . . the distinguished v i s i t o r s they entertained: Pope Pius II i n 1459-60, Emperor Charles V i n 1530 and 1532, the King of Denmark i n 1474, the King of France i n 1574. . . 60 i b i d . , p. x i x . 61 Howard Burns, "The Gonzaga and Renaissance Architecture" i n Splendours of the Gonzaga, p. 27-38. Discussion of Ludovico's a c t i v i t y i s found on p. 28-30. 70 Information about the Gonzaga Library and Ludovico's contributions to i t i s to be found i n Dorothy M. Robathan " L i b r a r i e s of the I t a l i a n Renaissance" i n The Medieval Library by James Westfall Thompson, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1939, p. 534-535; and i n "Humanist education at the Mantuan Court and Gonzaga Book C o l l e c t i n g " i n Splendours of the  Gonzaga, p. 110-116, which mentions s p e c i f i c t i t l e s owned by the Gonzaga. J u l i a Cartwright (Mrs. Ady) i n I s a b e l l a d'Este, Marchioness of Mantua, 1474-1539, 2 v o l s . , London: John Murray, Albemarle Street, 1915, Vol. 1, p. 25-26 discusses some of the works owned by Ludovico, and mentions, p. 26, that "Under his patronage a p r i n t i n g press was set up i n Mantua, and Boccaccio's Decamerone was the f i r s t book published there i n 1473." ^ C a r t w r i g h t , V o l . 1, p. 26-27 discusses Ludovico's patronage of a r t i s t s . 64 According to Alessandro Luzio, La G a l l e n a dei Gonzaga, repr. Roma: Bardi Editore, 1974, p. 22 -". . a c e r t a i n Samuele had the commission to decorate the c a s t l e of Cavriana on the basis of cartoons by Mantegna; i t was a work of some importance since we hear, amongst other things of a Hercules room and a room of S o l , . . . " E. Tietze-Conrat, i n Mantegna, London: Phaidon Press, 1955, p. 13, states that these frescoes were done i n 1464. (Hereafter Tietze-Conrat). 65 This room was also i d e n t i f i e d as a "camera depincta"; "camera magna p i c t a " and ".camera p i c t a " according to documents quoted i n Andrew Martindale and Niny Garavaglia, The Complete Paintings of Mantegna, New York: Harry Abrams, Inc., 1967 (hereafter Martindale and Garavaglia). 18. 66 Caroline Elam, "Mantegna at Mantua" i n Splendours of the Gonzaga, 67 Martindale and Garavaglia, p. 100. 68 Information about the decoration of the Camera d e g l i Sposi i s derived from: Caroline Elam, "Mantegna at Mantua" i n Splendours of the  Gonzaga, p. 15-25 and Catalogue Entry #29, p. 118-121, i b i d . , Martindale and Garavaglia, p. 100-108, and P. K r i s t e l l e r , Andrea Mantegna, London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1901. 69 According to Martindale and Garavaglia, p. 104, the image of Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna has almost completely disappeared. 70 , Elam, p. 18. 71 Elam, Catalogue Entry #29, p. 120. 72 The use of gold, i n the c e i l i n g may allude to the Dome of Heaven, which was symbolized by the use of gold tesserae i n Byzantine mosaics. 71 73 Encyclopedia B r i t a n n i c a , 1963, s.v."EmperorV. 74 The Myths of Hyginus, translated and edited by Mary Grant, Lawrence: Univ e r s i t y of Kansas Publications, 1960, The Poetica Astronomica, Book II.7, "Lyre", p. 191-192 (hereafter, Hyginus). 7 S Edward Tripp, The Meridean Handbook of C l a s s i c a l Mythology, New York: New American Library, 1970, s.v. "Arion:, p. 100-101. 76 Hyginus, Book II.6, "The Kneeler", p. 190-191. 77 Chambers , p. x v n - xx. • 7fi Ludovico's i n t e r e s t i n music and poetry was i n s p i r e d during h i s youth, while a student of V i t t o r i n o da F e l t r e (Woodward , Studies i n Education, p. 11-21, discusses V i t t o r i n o ' s incorporation of music i n t o the studies at "La Casa Giocosa" as well as the studies of poetry that were undertaken by his students. 79 A l l e n , p. 153 - according to Landino, "The Centaurs, o f f s p r i n g of Ixion, were f i r s t imbued with humanity but f i n a l l y descended to savagery." 80 The Nemean Lion was interpreted by Bersuire as the Lion of Pride and Anger. S a l u t a t i and Landino both interpreted the Nemean Lion as anger, and i d e n t i f i e d two types of anger - the s h o r t - l i v e d and l a s t i n g anger. 81 Both Boccaccio and Landino i d e n t i f i e d the Hydra as s o p h i s t i c deceit (Galinsky, p. 195) and A l l e n , p. 153. Boethius and Bernardus S i l v e s t r i s recognized the Hydra as ignorance (see above, note 63). 82 Dante (De Monarchia, p. 51-53) interpreted Antaeus as i n j u s t i c e ; S a l u t a t i explained Antaeus as generic v i c e (Jacobsen, p. 16-17) and Landino explained Antaeus as i r r a t i o n a l appetite (Jacobsen, p. 17). 8 3 A l l e n , p. 161 -The barking represents a desire for food, drink, and sleep, desires without which meditation i s impossible, hence, the demands of the body need to be met moderately. 84 1 I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note the l o c a t i o n of the Gonzaga emblems i n r e l a t i o n to the mythological scenes and the emperors (see figure 62). According to the numbering used i n Martindale and Garavaglia the imagery re l a t e d thus: 47A J u l i u s Caesar 48A S p e l l Cast by Orpheus' 49A Dove and log music (vrai amour ne se cange) 47B Augustus 48C Death of Orpheus 49B the Sun (par un desir) 47C Tiberius 48D Arion and the Pirates 49C Bider C r a f t - Hind 47D C a l i g u l a 48F Periander & s a i l o r s 49D Tower 72 47E Claudius 48G Hercules Shooting 49E Mt Olympus 47F Nero 481 Hercules s Nemean Lion 49F Wolfhound 47G Galba 48J Hercules & Hydra 49G Winged Talons 47H Otto 48L Hercules & Cerberus 49H Hydra or Salamander According to Catalogue Entry #29, Splendours of the Gonzaga, p. 119, the members of the court include: Marquis Ludovico Gonzaga; Barabara of Brandenberg; ei t h e r Gianfrancesco or Federigo Gonzaga; e i t h e r Rodolfo or Gianfrancesco Gonzaga; Protonotary Ludovico Gonzaga, l a t e r Bishop of Mantua; Paola Gonzaga; Barbar (Barbarina) Gonzaga; and Rubino, the dog. 86 This scene includes Marquis Ludovico Gonzaga; Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga; Frederick I I I , Holy Roman Emperor; C h r i s t i a n I, King of Denmark; Federigo Gonzaga, future Marquis, Francesco Gonzaga, future Marquis; Sigismondo Gonzaga, future Cardinal; Ludovico Gonzaga, Protonotary, future Bishop of Mantua. 87 According to C l i f f o r d M. Brown, "New Documents f o r Andrea Mantegna's Camera d e g l i Sposi" i n Burlington Magazine V o l . 114 (1972), Addenda, p. 862-863, the Camera d e g l i Sposi was used both as a bedroom and as an audience h a l l . Martin Wackernagel, The World of the Florentine  Renaissance A r t i s t , trans, by A l i s o n Luchs, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981, p. 167, i d e n t i f i e s the Sala Grande of Lorenzo de'Medici as a pri v a t e l i v i n g room. One can argue that Lorenzo conducted p o l i t i c a l meetings i n t h i s room because as w e l l as the Hercules imagery the room was decorated with "several painted shields with arms of the c i t y and the Medici'.' This room a l s o held "three antique) Hercules f i g u r e s " which were seized i n 1495 88 James Dennistoun, Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino, New e d i t i o n with notes by Edward Hutton, London: John Lane, The Bodley Head, 1909, p. 61 (hereafter, Dennistoun). 89 i b i d . , p. 47 states there i s a discrepancy i n the death date of Guidantonio given i n the Chronicle of Gubbio and that which appears on h i s tomb. If the dating on the tomb i s correct, then Oddantonio ruled from 1443, if '9the chronicle i s correct he ruled from 1442. Because Oddantonio was created Duke by Eugenius IV on A p r i l , 1443, i t seems probable that Guidantonio died that year. I f t h i s i s true then Oddantonio only ruled f or about fourteen months. On p. 53-54, Dennistoun mentions some of the incidents which l e d to Oddantonio's assassination, as well as a d e s c r i p t i o n of the assassination i t s e l f . 90 i b i d . , p. 85 91 Information about Federigo's m i l i t a r y employment i s derived from Dennistoun, p. 72-269 and from the L i f e of Federigo i n Vespasiano, Renaissance  Princes, Popes and Prelates, translated by William George and Emily Waters. Introduction by Myron P. Gilmore, New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1963, p. 83-114. 73 92 Dennistoun, p. 220-224. Federigo was also recognized by King Alfonso of Naples, who made him one of the f i r s t knights of the Collare  d e l l ' E r m e l l i n o , and he was knighted by the Order of the Garter, a B r i t i s h honour. 93 CW. W e s t f a l l , " C h i v a l r i c Declaration: The Palazzo Ducale i n Urbino as a P o l i t i c a l Statement" i n Art i n the Service of P o l i t i c s , ed. H.A. Mellon and L. Nochlin, Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1978, p. 24 and Ludwig H. Heydenreich, "Federico da Montefeltro as B u i l d i n g Patron" i n Studies i n Renaissance and Baroque Art presented to Anthony Blunt, London: Phaidon Press, Ltd., 1967, p. 1 suggests that the b u i l d i n g of the Ducal Palace began i n about 1450. Heydenreich suggests that " i t was probably connected with the consolidation of h i s authority, and with h i s success as a condottiere. . ." However, Pasquale Rotondi, The Ducal Palace of  Urbino, New York: Tr a n s a t l a n t i c Arts, 1969, p. 11, states "There i s unfortunately no p o s i t i v e information on the year when the b u i l d i n g of the palace was begun. Even contemporaries disagree about the date." 94 W e s t f a l l , p. 24. 95 i b i d . , p. 31 - "Last was the l a r g e s t room i n the older wing, the Sala d e l l a Iole, a council room." 96 Rotondi, p. 20-21, suggests t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . 97 i b i d . , p. 20. 98 The Grand Staircase was=probably completed before 1474 (according to Rotondi, p. 55-58). 99 Rotondi, p. 77. 1 0°Tripp, s.v. Apollo, p. 61. "'"^"'"Originally the p o r t r a i t s of the ctwenty-eight i l l u s t r i o u s men were on a continuous panel. According to Rotondi, p. 82, the panel was divided i n 1631 on the orders of Cardinal Antonio B a r b e r i n i . 102 Galinsky, p. 148-149. 103 Eugene F. Rice, J r . The Renaissance Idea of Wisdom, Cambridge; Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1958, p. 69-70 quotes Lorenzo de'Medici's discussion i n Landino's Disputations Camaldulenses. 104 G.F. H i l l , Renaissance Medals, re v i s e d and enlarged by Graham P o l l a r d , London: Phaidon Press, 1967, p. 23 #100. 74 """""This image i s i d e n t i f i e d by H i l l as a Lapith f i g h t i n g a Centaur. I believe t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s i n c o r r e c t f or a number of reasons. 1) Although the Hercules i s shown without h i s l i o n s k i n , t h i s does not preclude an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the hero because Boethius, Consolation  of Philosophy, translated by Richard Green, p. 100, l i s t s Hercules f i r s t labour as the taming of the centaurs, and the second as the s l a y i n g of the Nemean Lion. Thus, Hercules could be shown without the l i o n s k i n , e s p e c i a l l y when shown f i g h t i n g a Centaur. 2) In the d e t a i l (see figure 79) the figure f i g h t i n g the Centaur appears to be using a club. This i s held i n h i s r i g h t hand, and ; !iis over h i s shoulder, i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of the action of h i t t i n g the Centaur. The Centaur's h a i r i s grasped by the hero's l e f t hand, so he i s unable to move away. 3) The stance of the f i g u r e f i g h t i n g the Centaur i s t y p i c a l of that shown i n representations of Hercules performing h i s labours. Examples may be found on Roman sarcophagi, as well as i n contem-porary sculptures (see figures 80, 81, 82, 83, 84 and 44). 4) The i n s c r i p t i o n on the medal refe r s to the two S c i p i o s . S c i p i o and Hercules were synonymous i n L a t i n l i t e r a t u r e - Galinsky, p. 127-128; p. 160ff. and Edward L. Bassett, "Hercules and the Hero of the Punica" i n The^Classical T r a d i t i o n . L i t e r a r y and H i s t o r i c a l  Studies i n Honour of Harry Caplan. ed. L u i t p o l d Wallach. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966, p. 258-273. 5) Im;consultation with Dr. Timothy McNiven, Cl a s s i c s Department, U.B.C., about t h i s image, he stated that "representations of Lapiths and the Centaurs f i g h t i n g would not have been known at t h i s time." I have not been able to locate any f i f t e e n t h century representations of t h i s theme, p r i o r to that of Michelangelo which dates from 1492. Dr. McNiven also concurred with my i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the f i g u r e as a Hercules on the basis of the stance and the i n s c r i p t i o n . 6) Another f a c t o r to be considered i s that Hercules imagery was used i n the decoration of the Palace i n both p u b l i c and p r i v a t e rooms. Therefore there was a precedence for r e l a t i n g Hercules imagery to Federigo, but none f o r a b a t t l e of a Lapith and a Centaur. """""Federigo was frequently compared to S c i p i o Africanus by h i s contemporaries: 1) C r i s t o f o r o Landino, Disputations Camaldulenses, Book IV (as quoted i n Rice, p. 69-70) "The r e a l l y wise man i s not s o l i t a r y and e g o i s t i c but puts h i s learning at the service of the state, l i k e Camillus, Cato and the Scipios i n a n t i q u i t y , or, i n contemporary times, l i k e Federigo da Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino, a man both wise, learned, c u l t i v a t e d i n l e t t e r s , and a great s o l d i e r and statesman, (the continuation of t h i s discussion by Lorenzo turns to a discussion of Hercules 1 wisdom and h i s services for the benefit of mankind). 2) Vespasiano, L i f e of Federigo da Montefeltro -"Like S c i p i o Africanus he took arms early and served f i r s t under Nicolo Pi c c i n o , . . . " 75 The two Sc i p i o s , the Elder and the Younger, were known for t h e i r v i r t u e and a b i l i t y both as statesmen and as m i l i t a r y leaders, from the writings of Cicero, Macrobius and from Petrarch's Lives of I l l u s t r i o u s Men, the A f r i c a , and the Secretum. Petrarch's treatment of S c i p i o i s discussed by Aldo S. Bernardo i n Petrarch, S c i p i o and the " A f r i c a " , Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1962. 1 0 ^ H i l l , p. 23. Translations of the l a t i n i n s c r i p t i o n s on t h i s medal were very kindly provided by a f r i e n d and former music colleague, Stephen Powell. 108 Edgar Wind, Pagan Mysteries i n the Renaissance, rev. and e n l . , New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1968, p. 95-96 says of t h i s medal: "The wise Federigo da Montefeltro, who, as a successful condottiere, delighted i n c u l t i v a t i n g the arts of peace, expressed h i s f a i t h i n harmonious balance through the discordant symbol of a cannon-ball, which he placed under the protection of the thundering J u p i t e r . On h i s medal the three stars i n the sky form a c o n s t e l l a t i o n of J u p i t e r between Mars and Venus, and t h e i r symmetry i s repeated i n the group of emblems below; the sword and cuirass belonging to Mars, the whisk-broom and myrtle to Venus, while the b a l l i n the centre i s dedicated to J u p i t e r tonans, whose f l y i n g eagle c a r r i e s the unusual s t i l l - l i f e on i t s wings. Although the balance looks safe, i t i s not s o l i d : f o r the s l i g h t e s t dip of the eagle's wings would set the cannon b a l l r o l l i n g . The i n s c r i p t i o n says, however, that Venus "touches" the threatening J u p i t e r , who enables her to counterbalance Mars. Yet contrary to other triumphs of Venus, the design suggests that her complete dominion over Mars might also set the cannon-ball r o l l i n g . The supreme god alone i s the guardian of equity, the source and a r b i t e r of the d i s c o r d i a concors, of which Mars and Venus are component parts. 109 Dennistoun, p. 187-190. 1 1 0 i b i d . , p. 189. 1 1 : l " i b i d . , Appendix V, p. 443-445. 112 i b i d . , p. 189. 113 see above, foot note 32 and figures 39 and 40. 114 The personal s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s image f o r Federigo may have been derived from the assassination of h i s brother Oddantonio. The towns-people of Urbino k i l l e d Oddantonio because of h i s , and h i s counsellors' seduction of t h e i r wives and daughters (Dennistoun, p. 53-55). Thus Oddantonio*s lack of personal d i s c i p l i n e l e d to h i s downfall. A s i m i l a r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n - o f Hercules and Iole i s suggested by Boccaccio i n The Fates  of I l l u s t r i o u s Men, translated and abridged by Louis Brewer H a l l , New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co'., 1965, p. 43-45. 76 Ercole I succeeded to the Dukedom following the death of h i s half-brother Borso. P r i o r to Borso's r u l e , another half-brother, Leonello was Duke. 117 Werner L. Gundersheimer, Ferrara, The Style of a Renaissance  Despotism, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973, p. 176 (hereafter Gundersheimer, F e r r a r a ) . 118., xbid., p. 177. 119 Vespasiano, L i f e of Federigo da Montefeltro, p. 89-90. Also Gundersheimer, Ferrara, p. 192. 120 Gundersheimer, Ferrara, p. 207. 121 The s t a b i l i t y of Ercole's rule was influenced by the continuity of administrative p o l i c i e s which had been established by Niccolo I I I , h i s father. These p o l i c i e s were continued and adapted by Ercole's two h a l f -brothers during t h e i r r u l e s . Another factor which influenced the p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y of Ferrara was Ercole's age, maturity and experience when he succeeded t o the Dukedom. The prosperity of Ferrara evolved as a r e s u l t of the i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y as well as from the development of i t s natural resources, e s p e c i a l l y a g r i c u l t u r e . This prosperity was undermined, however, by the e f f e c t s of war ( i . e . the War of Ferrara, 1482-1484 and the Wars of I t a l y i n i t i a t e d by Charles VII's invasion of I t a l y ) . The l a t e r years of Ercole's rule were marked by economic and s o c i a l problems. (Gundersheimer, Ferrara, p. 173-174; 273-278; 218-220). 122 Werner L. Gundersheimer, "The Patronage of Ercole I d'Este" i n Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Vol. 6 (1976) p. 5„(hereafter, Gundersheimer, Patronage). 123 i b i d . , p. 5-18. 124 Gundersheimer, Ferrara, p. 211 s t a t e s : "By the end of Ercole's reign, most of the major plays of Terence had made t h e i r appearance, the labors of Hercules had been presented i n pantomime, and the Passion of C h r i s t had also received due a t t r a c t i o n . " 12 5 The Carthusian monastery was sponsored by Borso d'Este. The construction of i t s buildings commenced i n 1452 and were completed by 1461. A small palace with garden was incorporated i n the monastery f o r Borso's personal use. Further information about the Certosa may be found i n Rosenberg, p. 90-118. i b i d . , p. 95. 127 Werner Gundersheimer published t h i s t r e a t i s e i n 1972 as: Art and L i f e at the Court of Ercole I d'Este: The De triumphis r e l i g i o n i s of  Giovanni Sabadino d e g l i A r i e n t i , edited with an Introduction and notes by 77 Werner L. Gundersheimer, Geneve: L i b r a i r i e Droz, 1972 (hereafter Sabadino). 128 Sabadino, p. 52. Con f a c i l i c i t a nel mezo d i questo zardino uno paviglione de conveniente a l t e c i a , de f o r t e l i g n i e l a b o r a t i , egregiamente de piombo duperto, havendo nela s u p e r f i c i e uno Hercule,, posto ad auro f i n e , tenente uno clypeo a l a insegnia tua ducale. A d e s c r i p t i o n of the p a v i l i o n i s given on p. 53. Sabadino does not provide any information about the sculptor who created t h i s statue, or the date of i t s creation. I t would have been commissioned sometime a f t e r Ercole's succession i n 1471 and before Sabadino's t r e a t i s e , which dates from 1497. 129 This t r a n s l a t i o n was taken from Gundersheimer, Ferrara, p.256. The o r i g i n a l i s located i n Sabadino, p. 59. ^ ^ s e e above, t h i s chapter, footnotes 35, 36 and 37. 131 Gundersheimer, Ferrara, p. 212. 132 H i l l , p. 13-14, #38. This parergon i s mentioned by Petrarch i n the A f r i c a , Book 1:1. 175-177; Book 3:1.496-504; and Book 5:1.673-676 (edition t r a n s l a t e d and annotated by Thomas G. Bergin and A l i c e S. Wilson). The reference i n Book 3 i d e n t i f i e s the P i l l a r s as the l i m i t s of human journeys. The i n s c r i p t i o n Gades Hercules, re f e r s to the Spanish town where one of the P i l l a r s was erected. Thus Ercole, i n using t h i s image, suggests that he, l i k e Hercules, w i l l go to the f a r t h e s t borders -be they the borders of p h y s i c a l endurance, or geography. 133 Selections from t h i s work were published i n 1972 - P i e t r o Andrea d i Bassi, The Labours of Hercules, I l l u s t r a t e d with facsimiles from the F i f t e e n t h century manuscript, t r a n s l a t e d by W. Kenneth Thompson. Barre, Mass: Imprint Society, 1971. 134 i b i d . , p. 9. 135 According to Jacobsen, p. 19, footnote 8 -"This dialogue was rewritten by Landino and dedicated to Ercole d'Este i n 1472 as the De n o b i l i t a t e anime." 1 3 6Gundersheimer, Patronage, p. 17., Further information about t h i s work i s given i n H.J. Hermann "Zur geschichte der Miniaturmalerei am Hofe der Este i n Ferrara" i n the Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des  Allerhochsten Kaiserhauses, V o l . 21 (1900), p. 210. 137 The dedicatory f r o n t i s p i e c e of t h i s work i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Gundersheimer, Ferrara, i l l u s t r a t i o n 11. 78 CHAPTER FOUR PATRONAGE OF. HERCULES' IMAGERY IN ITALY . DURING. THE-EARLY- SIXTEENTH CENTURY A. Introduction The popularity of a r t i s t i c representations of mythological imagery increased during the sixteenth century i n I t a l y . There were two sources f o r t h i s development. F i r s t , the humanist education developed i n the f i f t e e n t h century introduced a greater volume of c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e to a large audience of wealthy or p r i n c e l y i n d i v i d u a l s and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . When these i n d i v i d u a l s became patrons they were responsible for commissions of both r e l i g i o u s and mythological imagery - the r e l i g i o u s , to i n d i c a t e t h e i r p i e t y , and the mythological to show t h e i r e rudition and veneration of the c l a s s i c a l past, as well as to i l l u s t r a t e moral or p h i l o s o p h i c a l q u a l i t i e s with which they wished to be recognized. Concomitant with the change i n a t t i t u d e towards wealth, there was a change of attitud e about the s u i t a b i l i t y of thematic material for a r t i s t i c re-presentation. In h i s D e l i a P i t t u r a , written about 1435, A l b e r t i suggests that a r t i s t s should study c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e to f i n d new s t o r i e s suitable for a r t i s t i c r e p resentation. 1 Despite the eminence accorded mythological themes i n l i t e r a t u r e throughout the f i f t e e n t h century, i t was not u n t i l about 1470 that i l l u s t r a t i o n s of these themes attained prominence. The three Labours of Hercules painted f o r the Medici family i n c.1460 by Antonio P o l l a i u o l o 79 herald t h i s innovation. Although the P o l l a i u o l o canvases depicted the mythological scenes usually depicted during the f i r s t h a l f of the f i f t e e n t h century, they were s i g n i f i c a n t f o r both t h e i r monumental size and t h e i r 2 independence from a C h r i s t i a n context of a 'uomini famosi' c y c l e . Within about twenty years of the P o l l a i u o l o canvases B o t t i c e l l i created the f i r s t 3 large scale representations of mythological themes other than Hercules. These were the Primavera and the B i r t h of Venus painted f o r Lorenzo d i Pierfrancesco de"Medici, and the P a l l a s and the Centaur painted f o r Lorenzo 4 the Magnificent. Once mythological imagery was f r e e l y accepted, more of the labours of Hercules were depicted, culminating with the twelve labours of Hercules included i n the mythological f r i e z e of the Sala d e l Fregio of the V i l l a Farnesina i n Rome i n ca. 1510. During the f i r s t h a l f of the f i f t e e n t h century,representations of the labours of Hercules had been r e s t r i c t e d to those of the Slaying of the Nemean Lion, the Hydra of Lerna, and Antaeus. During the second h a l f of the f i f t e e n t h century, more of h i s labours were included i n the decoration of the Sala d e l l a I o l e , Palazzo Ducale, Urbino and the Camera d e g l i Sposi, Palazzo Ducale, Mantua.~* More f u l l y developed programs of the labours and parerga of Hercules may have been shown i n the Medici V i l l a i n Milan,^ and i n the decoration of a room i n the Gonzaga Palace 7 at Cavriana. In t h i s chapter I s h a l l discuss the Hercules imagery found i n the Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, and the Sala d e l Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina, i n Rome, as well as that found i n I s a b e l l a d'Este's c o l l e c t i o n i n Mantua. I s h a l l also mention some of the Hercules imagery commissioned by Federigo Gonzaga f o r the decoration of the Palazzo del Te. Where possible I s h a l l attempt to determine the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Hercules imagery f o r i t s patron. 80 B. Hercules Imagery i n Roman Palaz z i and V i l l a s An expanded program of Hercules 1 labours i s known to have been used i n the decoration of two rooms i n Rome. One of these was the Sala dei Paramenti i n the Palazzo Venezia, which dates from about 1471. The other was the Sala del Fregio i n the V i l l a Farnesina, decorated i n about 1510. i ) The Sala dei Paramenti The construction and decoration of the Palazzo Venezia was commi-ssioned by P i e t r o Barbo, a wealthy Venetian Cardinal, 1455. Following h i s Q e l e c t i o n as Pope Paul II i n 1464 the plans f o r the palace were enlarged. Much of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the completion of the Palazzo Venezia was; 9 assumed by Cardinal Marco Barbo, Paul II's nephew, by 1468. Only the southeastern section of the palace, an area which included the Sala dei Paramenti and the Sala del Pappagallo, was completed i n 1471 when Paul II died. The decoration of the Sala dei Paramenti was confined to the upper regions of the wall surface, and to the ceiling."'""'' The w a l l area i s divided i n t o three d i s t i n c t areas by i l l u s t i o n i s t i c niches, a d i v i s i o n which i s r e i n f o r c e d by decorated c e i l i n g beams (see f i g u r e 103). The c e n t r a l opening of each wall enframes a free-standing fountain, i n each case of d i f f e r e n t type, c y l i x or polygonal around which several p u t t i f r o l i c ; and i t s i flanked by scenes of the Labours of Hercules, which are depicted on^a nearly l i f e - s i z e scale and painted with b r i g h t , transparent t i n t s . The fresco decoration of the Sala dei Paramenti was s t a r t e d i n the l a t e 13 1460's, and was completed a f t e r c.1471. The Labours of Hercules depicted i n the Sala dei Paramenti include: Hercules and the Nemean Lion and Hercules s l a y i n g Antaeus on the west wall 14 15 (see figures 104 and 105); Hercules and the B u l l and Hercules and Geryon on the north w a l l (see figures 106, 107 and 108); Hercules and Ladon and 81 Hercules and the Cerynitian Hind^.on the east wall (see figures 109 and 17 110); and Hercules and a Harpy and Hercules and a Centaur on the south w a l l (see figures 111 and 112). The author of the program of Hercules' Labours shown i n the Sala dei Paramenti has not been determined. I t has been suggested that e i t h e r 19 Paul II or Marco Barbo may have been responsible. This i d e n t i f i c a t i o n seems p l a u s i b l e when the representations of Hercules and Ladon and the Hercules and the Cerynitian Hind are considered. The juxtaposition of those two images on the same wall strongly suggests that the author was f a m i l i a r with Venetian Hercules iconography, as i n the Facade of San Marco where the image of Hercules and Ladon and the Cerynitian Hind appear conflated. The person who designed t h i s program must have also been f a m i l i a r with c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , a v a i l a b l e commentaries on t h i s l i t e r a t u r e , and current i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the various labours. A conclusive i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the fresco decoration of the Sala dei Paramenti has not yet been..undertaken. I t has been suggested that the popular theme of the Labours of Hercules delineated i n the Sala dei Paramenti appears to celebrate both the v i c t o r y of heroic v i r t u e and the municipal pride of the prelate who commissioned the frescoes. An examination of the Hercules imagery of the Sala dei Paramenti, i n conjuction with an examination of contemporary l i t e r a t u r e which i n t e r p r e t s Hercules* labours p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y suggests a possible i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of a Triumph of L i f e and the defeat of vices which destroy L i f e . Extra emphasis i s given to the labours of Fetching the Cattle of Geryon and the Fetching of the Cerynitian Hind by expanding t h e i r representation., over two d i s t i n c t scenes. Both of these labours, e s p e c i a l l y the Slaying of Ladon which relates s p e c i f i c a l l y with the fetching of the Apples of the Hesperides, were 21 interpreted i n l i t e r a t u r e as symbolizing the conquest of death. The 82 juxtaposition of Hercules s l a y i n g Ladon with Hercules fetching the Cerynitian Hind suggests a personal symbolism f o r Paul I I , f o r these two images appear together on one of the r e l i e f panels located on the Facade of San Marco (see f i g u r e 3 ) . The :four i n d i v i d u a l labours probably symbolized the defeat of s p e c i f i c v i c e s . The defeat of the Nemean Lion was recognized as the defeat 22 of anger. The s l a y i n g of Antaeus was i n t e r p r e t e d as the defeat of l u s t , 23 i n j u s t i c e and the i r r a t i o n a l appetite. The s l a y i n g of the Harpie symbolized 24 the conquest of Greed. The s l a y i n g of the Centaur was i n t e r p r e t e d as the 25 suppression of b e s t i a l i t y . The Sala dei Paramenti was decorated with festoon bearing p u t t i , and four i l l u s i o n i s t i c water fountains around and on which p u t t i were playing. These fountains were depicted i n the c e n t r a l i l l u s i o n i s t i c niches separating the representations of Hercules' labours (see f i g u r e 10 3). Both the festoon/bearing p u t t i and the water fountains may have been a l l u s i o n s to l i f e and p r o s p e r i t y . 2 ^ There are two possible i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s suggested by the imagery decorating the Sala dei Paramenti. The f i r s t , a general i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , i s a Triumph of L i f e and Prosperity caused by Virtue's defeat of the e v i l s or vices which threaten mankind - a psychomachia of Virtue's conquest of v i c e . A more personal i n t e r p r e t a t i o n may be that these images symbolize the immortality to be enjoyed by Paul II because of his l i f e long labour, within the Church, attempting to suppress C u r i a l excesses (the vices symbolized by the i n d i v i d u a l Herculean labours) and attempting to re-27 e s t a b l i s h the glory and the Supremacy of the Church (Virtue?) on earth, i i ) The Sala del Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina The design, construction and decoration of the V i l l a of the C h i g i , 83 2 8 now known as the V i l l a Farnesina, was commissioned by Agostino Chigi i n 29 about 1505. With the exception of the gardens the V i l l a was completed by 30 1511. Baldassare Peruzzi, a Sienese painter and a r c h i t e c t working i n Rome from about 1 5 0 3 , w a s responsible f o r the completion of t h i s commission. 32 Although Agostino Chigi d i d have a c o l l e c i t o n of antique statuary, 33 frescoes were the p r i n c i p a l decoration of h i s v i l l a . Peruzzi began the decoration of one of the reception rooms on the ground f l o o r of the V i l l a , 34 the Sala del Fregio, i n 1510. The frescoes of t h i s room are confined to a continuous f r i e z e of mythological scenes on the walls immediately below the wooden c e i l i n g . The twelve labours of Hercules are included i n the. . f r i e z e . The Hercules labours depicted i n the Sala del Fregio conform to 35 the canon of labous c i t e d i n Boethius' Consolation of Philosophy. These include: The B a t t l e of the Centaurs; the Nemean Lion (see figure 113); 36 the Stymphalian Birds; the Dragon of the Hesperides; Cerberus (see figure-.'114) ; the horses of Diomedes and throwing Diomedes to h i s horses; the Hydra of Lerna (see f i g u r e 115); Achelous; Antaeus; Cacus (see figure 116); 37 the globe of At l a s ; and the Erymanthian Boar (see fi g u r e 117). The labours of Hercules included i n the mythological f r i e z e of the Sala del Fregio may constitute the f i r s t major representation of the twelve 38 since a n t i q u i t y . C e r t a i n l y i t was not u n t i l the 1470's that more than the usual Hercules and the Nemean Lion; Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna and Hercules and Antaeus were shown. The two rooms i n which an expanded program of Hercules labours were shown previous to the Sala del Fregio were the Camera d e g l i Sposi, Ducal Palace, Mantua, c.1465-1474, and the Sala dei Paramenti, Palazzo Venezia, Rome, c. 1471. I t i s possible that the decoration of both of these rooms may have influenced the depiction of the Labours of Hercules i n the Sala del Fregio. 84 The influence of the imagery of the Sala dei Paramenti on that of the Sala d e l Fregio i s most evident i n the representation of Hercules' t h i r d labour - the vanquishing of the Stymphalian Birds (see figures 111 and 114). Because of the appearance of the "birds" - b i r d l i k e creatures with female heads - i t i s possible that these images do not represent the Stymphalian Bi r d s , but Harpies. Late C l a s s i c a l writers described the two (or three) Harpies as ei t h e r birds W^th faces of women or women with wings, heads and talons of bi r d s . Boethius, himself, did not s p e c i f i c a l l y i d e n t i f y the birds of the t h i r d 40 labour as those of Stymphalia, but simply as b i r d s . The Commentary on Boethius' Consoloation of Philosophy, written by the Pseudo-St. Thomas Acquinas, "printed i n the early editions of Boethius, s p e c i f i c a l l y describes 41 i n the t h i r d Labor the Harpies at the table of King Phineus." Thus, both a l i t e r a l and f i g u r a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the t h i r d Labour as Hercules vanquishing the Harpies d i d e x i s t , and may possibly have influenced the representation seen i n the Sala d e l Fregio. The suggestion that the Camera d e g l i Sposi may have influenced the representation of the mythological f r i e z e i n the Sala del Fregio arises f o r three reasons. - F i r s t , the decoration of both rooms includes not only representations of Hercules' labours, but also representations of Orpheus 42 and Arion. In f a c t , the images of Orpheus i n the Sala del Fregio allude to, or show the same scenes as those depicted i n the Camera d e g l i Sposi -Orpheus playing h i s music and charming the animals; Orpheus and Eurydice (a reference to h i s t r i p to the underworld which i s shown i n the Camera de g l i Sposi by the depiction of Orpheus with Cerberu, the watchdog of the underworld); and Orpheus being s l a i n by the Maenads. Second, although i t has not been pointed out previously, i t appears that t h i s iconography i s unique to the Camera d e g l i Sposi and the Sala del Fregio. Third, negotiations 85 43 were undertaken, possibly early i n 1510, for a marriage between Agostino Chigi and Margarita Gonzaga, an i l l e g i t i m a t e daughter of Francesco Gonzaga, 44 the Marquis of Mantua. These negotiations were -terminated i n 1512. I t seems po s s i b l e , however, i n view of the correspondence i n timing for both the marriage negotiations and the decoration of the Sala d e l Fregio, that Chigi may have r e f e r r e d , c o v e r t l y , to h i s m a r i t a l aspirations i n the decoration of t h i s room. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that during t h i s same time period Federigo Gonzaga, held hostage i n Rome by Pope J u l i u s I I , was 45 frequently entertained at the V i l l a Farnesina. I t has been suggested that the mythological f r i e z e i n the Sala del 46 Fregio r e f l e c t s Neoplatonic influences. In view of the dependence of the 47 imagery, i n p a r t i c u l a r the scenes of Hercules' Labours and of Orpheus, on Boethius 1 Consolation of Philosophy, t h i s appears to be l i k e l y . Also, Chigi i s known to have associated with Neoplatonist members of the Roman Academy, and to have hosted some meetings of the Roman Academy at h i s 48 V i l l a . Accordingly, the imagery of the Sala del Fregio probably expresses 49 the Neoplatonic concern f o r the immortality of the s o u l . That Chigi was concerned with personally a t t a i n i n g immortality, i s suggested by both h i s attempts to marry i n t o n o b i l i t y , who themselves enjoy a c e r t a i n immortality, and by h i s possible i m i t a t i o n of the decorative program of the Camera d e g l i Sposi. C. Gonzaga Patronage of Hercules Imagery i n the early Sixteenth Century The Gonzaga patronage of Hercules imagery i n i t i a t e d during the rule of Ludovico, as has been discussed i n Chapter Three, was continued i n the l a s t decade of the f i f t e e n t h century and throughout the f i r s t three decades 50 of the sixteenth century by Marquis Francesco Gonzaga, his wife, I s a b e l l a d'Este, and t h e i r son, Federigo. 86 Although not much has been written about Francesco's commissions of Hercules imagery, hi s ownership of Hercules statuettes i s attested to by the 1496 Inventory of Francesco's a s s e t s . ^ According to t h i s document Francesco owned four bronze Hercules f i g u r e s : Hercules; Hercules with a 52 club; Seated Hercules; and a small Hercules with the l i o n s k i n , turning on one l e g . The commissioning of Hercules imagery during Francesco's r u l e appears p r i m a r i l y to have been associated with h i s wife, f o r , from the early years of her residence i n Mantua I s a b e l l a evinced strong i n t e r e s t i n the c o l l e c t i o n of both antique and modern a r t - paintings, sculpture, 53 and objet d'art. These objects were l a r g e l y used for the decoration: of Isabella's p r i v a t e apartments i n the C a s t e l l o d i San g i o r g i o , i n p a r t i c u l a r 54 her Studiolo. The contents of t h i s f i r s t Studiolo included a l l e g o r i c a l paintings by Mantegna, Perugino and Costa; as w e l l as "antique'and-modern gemsi and bronzes, i n addition to several c l a s s i c a l r e l i e f s and statues'.'" 55 (see figure 119). The Grotta, a "barrel-vaulted, cavernous space" 56 (see fi g u r e 120) was not used to house some of her c o l l e c t i o n u n t i l 57 1508. Following the death of Francesco i n 1519, and the subsequent ascendency of Federigo, I s a b e l l a i n i t i a t e d a move to a new apartment i n the Corte Vecchia. By 1522 she had re-established her Studiolo and Grotta, now side by side, with the Studiolo serving as an antichamber to the Grotta. The Studiolo was decorated with the a l l e g o r i c a l p i c t u r e s , commissioned o r i g i n a l l y f o r the Studiolo i n the C a s t e l l o , and expanded now by the a d d i t i o 59 of two a l l e g o r i e s by Correggio, while the r e s t of Isabella's c o l l e c t i o n was housed i n the Grotta. In t h i s room a t o t a l of some 1600 engraved gems, gold, s i l v e r and bronze medallions, p i e t r e dure vases, small scale bronze„and marble statuettes were located along the moldings^^in the cabinets of the wainscot and on the benches and the table. 87 Three images of Hercules were included i n the bronze statuettes displayed on the ledge of the wainscot of the South East wall (see figure 121) These were two representations of Hercules with a c l u b , ^ and a Hercules and Antaeus (see figures 122 and 123). Numerous representations of Hercules have been associated with Isabella's patronage. Besides the images known to have been displayed i n her Grotta, she i s known to have commissioned "a marble door with c i r c u l a r r e l i e f s of the labours of Hercules . . . i n honour of her father Ercole I d ' E s t e s " ^ I t i s possible that these r e l i e f s are re l a t e d to a serie s of 64 c i r c u l a r bronze r e l i e f s of Hercules labours created by Antico. The images of Hercules represented on these r e l i e f s include: The infant'..Hercules Strangling the Serpents (see figu r e 124) ; Hercules and the Erymanthian Boar (see figure 125); Hercules and the Nemean Lion (see figure 126); Hercules and the Lernaean Hydra (see fi g u r e 127) ; and Hercules and the Cerynitian Hind (see fi g u r e 1 2 8 ) I t i s possible that three separate castings were made of these r e l i e f s - one honouring Ercole I, one f o r Gianfrancesco Gonzaga d i Rodigo, and one for Is a b e l l a h e r s e l f Isabella's i n t e r e s t i n Hercules imagery, while i t c e r t a i n l y may r e f l e c t her veneration of her father Ercole I, probably also r e f l e c t s her i n t e r e s t i n learning and i n the c l a s s i c a l world. The two images of Hercules with a club, displayed i n the Grotta, possibly i d e n t i c a l to the extant images of Hercules Pomarius by Antico, may have symbolized the four aspects of learning associated with the apples of the Hesperides - study, i n t e l l e c t , 67 memory and eloquence. The symbolism associated with representation of Hercules and Antaeus, also displayed i n the Grotta, was the suppression of 68 generic vice or l u s t , or the conquering of the i r r a t i o n a l appetite. The images of Hercules displayed i n the Grotta a c t u a l l y repeat or emphasize the theme associated with the Studiolo - Study as the remedy to 88 v i c e . 69 There i s probably no o v e r a l l meaning with regard to the Hercules imagery c o l l e c t e d within the Grotta. 70 C e r t a i n l y I s a b e l l a was f a m i l i a r with the meanings associated with Hercules, the exemplar of v i r t u , from her early education at her father's court and from h i s personal use of images possibly i d e n t i f i e d with learning close to a representation of Hercules i n t e r p r e t e d as the suppression of v i c e , continues the a l l e g o r i c a l statement made i n therStudiolo. Federigo Gonzaga, whose learning and c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t s were fostereduby I s a b e l l a , was also responsible f o r commissions of Hercules imagery. This imagery i s p r i m a r i l y located i n the Sala dei C a v a l l i , i n 72 the Palazzo del Te, decorated between 1527-1528. There images of Hercules' labours are shown above images of the Gonzaga horses (see figure 130). The labours depicted include: Hercules and the Nemean Lion; Hercules saving Deianira from Nessus (see figures 131 and 132); Hercules and Antaeus; 73 Hercules and Achelous; Hercules and the Hydra; and Hercules and Cerberus. The other imagery of t h i s room includes: statues of the gods - J u p i t e r and Juno; Mars and Venus; and Vulcan; busts of s o l d i e r s and women - "obviously 74 references to the exempla v i r t u t i s , which any r u l e r should follow" and images of the Gonzaga horses. The meaning of the Sala dei C a v a l l i remains unclear. The images of Ju p i t e r and Juno, po s s i b l y represent the male and female " r u l e r of the 75 world." These figures appear opposite those of Mars and Venus, who 76 77 symbolize War and Peace, or War and Love. The image of Vulcan appears over the f i r e p l a c e . A suggested i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Vulcan i s The forger of A c h i l l e s " weapons, . . . Vulcan i s also the Blacksmith par excellence. A son of J u p i t e r and Juno and the lawful husband of Venus, who however, preferred Mars - these are the four other gods represented - he probably was chosen to symbolize the peace and Hercules imagery. 71 I t seems probable that her placement of two Hercules 89 happiness w^ich mankind enjoys through the arts and c r a f t s taught by Vulcan. The images of the exempla v i r t u t i s , the busts of s o l d i e r s and women, may allude to the exemplary figures Federigo i s modelling h i s own rule a f t e r . Hercules, another exemplar of v i r t u e , t h i s time a mortal who attained immortality as a r e s u l t of h i s virtuous labours, may r e f e r to any personal aspirations to immortality that Federigo had. The horses bred by the Gonzaga were noted racehorses. In 1512 Francesco Gonzaga, then Marquis, commissioned "an i l l u s t r a t e d record of 79 his racehorses and l i s t of the p r i z e s they had taken." Federigo, l i k e h i s father, was noted for h i s love f o r the Gonzaga horses - by the time 80 of h i s death there were 514 i n h i s stables. The images of horses shown i n the Sala dei C a v a l l i are those of some of Federigo's favourites. While these were understandably p o r t r a i t s ofL-his favourite horses i t i s also possible that they symbolized one of the means by which Federigo believed hi s immortality was to be gained. Thus the imagery of the Sala dei C a v a l l i may symbolize the prosperity enjoyed during the reign of Federigo, whether i n times of peace or war. Like Hercules, Federigo would a t t a i n immortality because of h i s labours, both as a r u l e r and as a m i l i t a r y leader. This immortality was not dependent on these labours alone, however, but was enhanced by h i s breeding of an i l l u s t r i o u s l i n e of racehorses, which a l s o enjoyed widespread renown. 90 NOTES "Leon B a t t i s t a A l b e r t i , On Painting, t r a n s l a t e d with introduction and notes by John R. Spences, rev. ed. New Haven: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1966, p. 91. 2 Most of the e a r l y representations of Hercules showed the hero e i t h e r with other C h r i s t i a n imagery - within Churches or Church r e l a t e d b u i l d i n g s , or as a t y p o l o g i c a l p a r a l l e l f o r C h r i s t i a n exemplars. The s e a l of Florence was an exceptional use of the Hercules motif. 3 Frederick Hartt, History of I t a l i a n Renaissance Art, 3rd p r i n t i n g , New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1975, p. 287-291, dates the Primavera to c.1478, and the B i r t h of Venus and Pallas and the Centaur to a f t e r 1482 4 According to E.H. Gombnch " B o t t i c e l l i ' s Mythologies: A Study i n the Neo-Platonic Symbolism of His C i r c l e " i n Symbolic Images, 2nd ed., Oxford: Phaidon Press, Ltd., 1978, p. 32 -"At the time when they were painted B o t t i c e l l i ' s Mythologies belonged to no established category. I t i s true that mythological themes were frequently represented i n secular a r t , on marriage chests, caskets or on t a p e s t r i e s , but as f a r as we know B o t t i c e l l i was the f i r s t to p a i n t mythological paintings of such a monumental kind, which i n t h e i r s i z e and i n t h e i r seriousness vied with the r e l i g i o u s a r t of the period. What became a commonplace i n the sixteenth century i n the a r t of Correggio and T i t i a n was c e r t a i n l y a novelty i n the l a t e 1470's, when the Primavera, the e a r l i e s t of B o t t i c e l l i ' s Mythologies was painted. . ." The three Hercules labours painted by P o l l a i u o l o not only predate the B o t t i c e l l i canvases by about twenty years, but also were la r g e r . The P o l l a i u o l o canvases were each 6 b r a c c i a square or today's equivalent of 9 fe e t square. The B o t t i c e l l i canvases measured: B i r t h of Venus 3.8 x 6.1 b r a c c i a 5'9" x 9'2" Pallas and the Centaur 4.53 x 3.24 b r a c c i a 6'11.5" x 4'10.25" Primavera 4.4 x 6.9 b r a c c i a 6'8" x 10'4" ~*A representation of Hercules and Iole was shown i n the Sala d e l l a I o l e , Palazzo Ducale, Urbino i n c.1450-1465. The images of Hercules shown i n the Camera:degli Sposi showed Hercules saving Deianira from Nessus and Hercules and Cerberus as w e l l as the usually shown Hercules labours. ^see above, Chapter 3, f.n. 42. see above, Chapter 3, f.n. 83. 91 Toby E.S. Yuen, I l l u s i o n i s t i c Mural Decoration of the Early  Renaissance i n Rome, Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms International, 1972, p. 80 st a t e s : "After ascending to the throne i n 1464 as Paul I I , he decided to transform the modest s u i t e of small rooms, which he had occupied as a c a r d i n a l and which lay i n the corner of the present southeast quarter of the palace, i n t o a grandiose papal residence which would boast i t s l o c a t i o n at the very heart„;of the c i t y . 9 i b i d . , f.n. 1 1 0 i b i d . , p. 80-81. "'"''"ibid., p. 82-84 describes the decoration of the walls i n the Sala dei Paramenti. According to Yuen, p. 84, the lower walls were probably covered "with e i t h e r suspended a r a z z i , . . . or with a r i c h non-figural f a b r i c . y 12., . , i b i d . , p. 83. 13 According to Yuen, i b i d . , by 1471 only the southeastern section of the palace was constructed. In f.n. 1, p. 81 Yuen mentions "An entry i n the papal accounts f o r July 1471 mentions both rooms f o r the f i r s t time i n a contract. . . . The painted s t r i p s of festoon bearing p u t t i on the sides of those beams, which are i d e n t i c a l to those of the wall f r i e z e s , must have been painted simultaneously or very soon a f t e r the decorations of the c e i l i n g was completed i n 1471, since the c e i l i n g s were o r d i n a r i l y embellished before the walls. 14 There are three possible i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s f or t h i s image: i ) the Cretan B u l l i i ) the r i v e r god Achelous i i i ) a b u l l from the c a t t l e of Geryon The f i r s t p o ssible i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , . ; the fetching of the Cretan B u l l , was Hercules' seventh labour. According to Morford and Lenardon, p. 361: "This b u l l was e i t h e r the one that had brought Europa to Crete or the one that Minos had refused to s a c r i f i c e to Poseidon; Herakles caught i t and brought i t back a l i v e to Eurystheus. I t was then turned loose and eventually came to Marathon, where i n time Theseus caught and s a c r i f i c e d i t . : The second possible i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s the B a t t l e between Hercules and the r i v e r god Achelous. According to Apollodorus, p. 103: "Herakles then went to Calydon where, seeking to marry Deianira, daughter of Oeneus, he wrestled with Achelous i n order to win her. Achelous changed himself i n t o a b u l l and Herakles broke o f f one of his horns. Herakles married Deianira and Achelous received back hi s horn, giving i n return for i t the horn of Almalthea, the daughter of Haemonius. For she possessed the, horn of a b u l l , which Pherecydes says, could provide food or drink i n abundance as one asked f o r them." 92 The t h i r d possible i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s , that t h i s b u l l was one from the herd of c a t t l e taken from Geryon. According to Apollodorus,,p. 97-98 "The tenth labor assigned to him was to bring the Cattle of Geryon from E r y t h i a , an i s l a n d near the ocean now c a l l e d Gadira, where Geryon, son of Chrysaor and of C a l l i r r h o e , daughter of Ocean, l i v e d . Geryon had three human bodies from the waist down. . . . Geryon met Herakles leading o f f the c a t t l e beside the Anthemus River and attacked him, .but Herakles shot him with an arrow and k i l l e d him. Herakles put the c a t t l e i n t o the golden cup and a f t e r s a i l i n g across to Tartessus, gave i t back to the Sun. . . . At Rhegium a b u l l broke away, leaped i n t o the Sea and swam across to S i c i l y . - The. b u l l going 'through the country nearby ( c a l l e d I t a l y from that time on because the Tyrrhenian word of b u l l i s i t a l u s ) , came to the p l a i n of Eryx who was the king of the Elymi. Eryx, a son of Poseidon, bred the b u l l with h i s herds. Herakles l e f t the c a t t l e with Hephaestus and hurried to look f o r i t . He found i t among the herds of Eryx who refused to give i t back to him unless he defeated him at wrestling. Herakles wrestled with him and defeated him three times, k i l l i n g him i n the f i n a l match. He then took the b u l l and drove i t and the r e s t of the c a t t l e to the Ionian S*3 ci • « • • The representation of Hercules and the B u l l (see fi g u r e 106) does not show Hercules struggling or wrestling With the creature. Instead, he appears to be leading the animal by means of h i s hold on the horn. For t h i s reason i t seems u n l i k e l y that the scene represents Hercules and Achelous. The proximity of Hercules f i g h t i n g with Geryon, depicted on the same w a l l , suggests that t h i s may be Hercules with one of the c a t t l e of Geryon, presumably the b u l l which escaped and was recaptured. "^Geryon i s i d e n t i f i e d i n Morford and Lenardon, p. 362 as "a three-bodied monster.: (see figures 107 and 108). "^The two scenes Hercules and Ladon and Hercules and the Cerynitian Hind (see figures 109 and 110), shown on the East wall of the Sala dei Paramenti, repeat the two images seen combined i n the Hercules r e l i e f on the Facade of San Marco (see f i g u r e 3). The representations seen i n the Palazzo Venezia have separated the two images, so they appear as two d i s t i n c t labours. See above, Chapter Two, foot note 12, p. 33. 17 The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the creature shown with Hercules, a winged creature with a female head, are synonymous with the de s c r i p t i o n of Harpies according to that given i n Morford and Lenardon, p. 97 -"the Harpies, . . . are depicted i n l i t e r a t u r e and in- a r t as b i r d l i k e creatures with the faces of women, often t e r r i f y i n g and a pestilence to mankind." Bernardus S i l v e s t r i s , i n h i s Commentary on the F i r s t Six Books of  V i r g i l ' s Aeneid (translated with introduction and notes by E a r l G. Schreiber and Thomas E. Maresca) p. 70-71 describes the Harpies and Hercules' b a t t l e with them, as w e l l as providing a p h i l o s o p h i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n f o r t h i s act. "(289) Arpie: the three Harpies are maidens who are covered with feathers of b i r d s , have sharp claws and f e e l hunger i n t h e i r b e l l i e s ; . . . They d e f i l e d Phineus's table and snatched h i s food a f t e r he had 93 blinded h i s sons and had then received the same punishment from the gods. But Hercules, received by Phineus, together with Zetes and Cal a i s , . . . k i l l e d those birds with arrows. . . . Arpia i n Greek i s rapacitas "greed", i n L a t i n : f o r Arpo i s rapio, "seizure" i n L a t i n . . . They are birds because they are quick to attack others. The claws are usuary and i n t e r e s t , which are the instruments of seizure; the feathers are the instruments of concealment such as purses and satchels; the hungry b e l l y i s the ravenous greed f o r money. They contaminate Phineus*s table when they befoul h i s way of l i f e by urging f i l t h . . . . They seize h i s food because they think i t i s necessary to ru i n the v i c t i m . For a greedy man "searches, and the wretch abstains from what i s found and fears to use i t . " Phineus welcomes Hercules when a greedy man receives a wise man. Hercules k i l l s the Harpies with arrows when the wise man argues against greed with sharp rebukes. . . ." Yuen, p. 92. 20 i b i d . , p. 96 Yuen also s t a t e s , on p. 94 -"The focus upon the Labours of Hercules without the company of e i t h e r C h r i s t i a n or pagan personages i n a room intended to serve as part of the papal apartment i n Palazzo Venezia strongly suggests that the Hercules myth was tran s l a t e d i n t o d i d a c t i c allegory and i n t e r l a c e d with other, p o l i t i c a l and e t h i c a l a l l u s i o n s r e f l e c t i v e of the i d e a l s of the period and of the Venetian patron who d i c t a t e d the program." and on p. 95 -"The Herculean struggles could be in t e r p r e t e d by humanists and ambitious princes e i t h e r as the C h r i s t i a n v i c t o r y , of good over e v i l or as the p u r s u i t of personal achievement and va l o r . But to Paul II and Marco Barbo, Hercules must also have represented a c i v i c personage a§ well as the champion of v i r t u e , f o r he had long held the r o l e of tu t e l a r y s a i n t and protector of t h e i r native Venice i n much the same fashion as another m i l i t a r y s a i n t , Saint George. The i n t e r j e c t i o n of the gr a c e f u l fountains, about which various p u t t i caper, may perhaps symbolize various aspirations of man such as l i f e , love or youth. 21 Morford and Lenardon, p. 362 and 364. 22 Waith, p. 44. 23 Jacobsen, p. 16-17. 24 Bernardus S i l v e s t r i s , Commentary, p. 70-71. 25 A l l e n , p. 153. 2^Yuen, p. 95. 94 27 A Concise Encyclopaedia of the I t a l i a n Renaissance, edited by J.R. Hale. New York: Oxford University Press, 1981, s.v. "Paul I I " by J.R. Hale. 28 David R. C o f f i n , The V i l l a i n the L i f e of Renaissance Rome, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979, p. 90 states that Cardinal Alessandro Farnese began negotiations f o r the purchase of the Chigi V i l l a and grounds i n the l a t e 1570's. The sale was completed by 1584. The V i l l a was renamed the Farnesina sometime following the s a l e . 29 i b i d . , p. 90 stat e s : "The date of commencement of the new b u i l d i n g must have been sometime between 1505 and 1508 since i t s existence i s b r i e f l y noted i n A l b e r t i n i ' s guide to Rome, which was completed i n 1509. 3 0 i b i d . , p. 90-91. 31.,.,, i b i d . , p. 91. 3 2 i b i d . , p. 97-98. 33 According to C o f f i n , i b i d . , p . 98, both the i n t e r i o r and the ex t e r i o r of the V i l l a was embellished with frescoes. 34 i b i d . , p. 98. 35 Boethius, The Consolation of Philosophy, tr a n s l a t e d with _ Introduction and Notes by Richard Green, Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1962, Book IV, end of Poem 7 -"Hercules i s famous f o r his hard labors. He tamed the proud Centaurs; won the s p o i l s of the f i e r c e Nemean Lion; sot down the Stymphalian Birds with h i s sure arrows; s t o l e the golden apples from the watchful dragon, and shackled Cerberus with a t r i p l e chain. He conquered Diomedes and fed the savage mares t h e i r c r u e l master's f l e s h . He burned the Hydra's poisoned heads, shamed the r i v e r Achelous by ... breaking h i s horns and made him bury h i s face i n his banks. He k i l l e d Antaeus on the Libyan Beach, and slew Cacus to slake the wrath of Evander. The boar marked with foam.those shoulders which were to bear the weight of heaven. For h i s l a s t labor .he bore heaven on h i s strong neck, and for t h i s he won again the p r i z e of heaven." The o r i g i n a l L a t i n , c i t e d i n Josephine Jensen, An Interpretation of Peruzzi's  Frieze i n the Sala d e l Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina i n Rome, unpublished M.A. Thesis, U.B.C, 1975, p. 19-20, footnote 10, from Boethius, De consolatione  philosophiae, trans. H.F. Stewart and E.K. Rand, London: Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y , 1946, Book IV, Poem 7, v.13-28. i s : "Herculem duri celebrant labores: I l l e Centauros domuit superbos, A b s t u l i t saevo spolium l e o n i , F i x i t et c e r t i s volucres s a g i t t i s : Poma cernenti r a p u i t draconi, 95 Aureo laeva gravior metallo: Cerberum t r a x i t t r i p l i c i catena: V i c t o r immitem posuisse f e r t u r Pabulum saevis dominum quadrigis: Hydra combusto p e r i i t veneno: Fronte turpatus Achelous amnis, Ora demersit pudibunda r i p i s : S t r a v i t Antaeum L i b y c i s arenis Cacus Evandri s a t i a v i t i r a s Quosque pressurus f o r e t altus o r b i s , Setiger spumis humeros not a v i t : Ultimus coelum labor i r r e f l e x o S u s t u i l i t c o l l o , pretium que rursus U l t i m i coelum mervit l a b o r i s . 3*S The representation of Hercules and the Stymphalian Birds (see figu r e 103) more c l o s e l y resembles the story of Hercules freeing King . Phineus of the Harpies (see above, t h i s chapter, foot note 17). According to C o f f i n , p. 98, footnote 70 -"In the t h i r d Labor Boethius speaks only of the k i l l i n g of the "birds" (volucres), presumably the Stymphalian B i r d s , but Peruzzi depicts the Birds as Harpies at the table of King Phineus. The Pseudo-St. Thomas Acquinas commentary, however, which was p r i n t e d i n the early editions of Boethius s p e c i f i c a l l y describes i n the t h i r d Labor the Harpies at the table of King Phineus. 37 Other mythological imagery depicted i n the f r i e z e includes: Mercury d r i v i n g the c a t t l e to the sea; the rape of Europa; the rape of Danae; Juno and Semele; Death of Semele; Diana and Actaeon and the Death of Actaeon; Apollo punishing Midas; Contest of Apollo and Pan; Midas washing; Midas i n s t r u c t e d by Bacchus and Triumph of Neptune; Sleeping Ariadne; Bacchus; Marsyas; Fla y i n g of Marsyas; Caledonian Boar Hunt; Meleager s l a y i n g his uncles; Three fates and Althaea and dying Meleager; Orpheus playing; Orpheus and Eurydice; and the Slaying of Orpheus. ( I d e n t i f i c a t i o n s taken from C o f f i n , foot note 70, p. 98-99). 38 Jensen, p. 21, foot note 13. 39 Tripp, p. 259-260. 40 C o f f i n , p. 98, f.n.70. 41., . . i b i d . , p. 98. 4 2 i b i d . , p. 98-99. 43 i b i d . , p. 100. 44 i b i d . , p. 100 i b i d . , p. 107. 96 46 i b i d . , p. 98 and Jensen, p. 66-91. 47 Jensen, p. 25-27. 4 8 i b i d . , p. 71-73. 49 i b i d . , p. 91. "^Francesco Gonzaga i s i d e n t i f i e d i n l i t e r a t u r e both as Gianfrancesco and Francesco. He w i l l be i d e n t i f i e d here as Francesco. 51 H.J. Hermann, "Pier Jacopo A l a r i - B o n a c o l s i , genannt Antico" i n Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen i n Wien, Vol. 28 (1910) , p. 214-215. 52 This image may resemble a Hercules Shooting at the Stymphalian Birds (see fig u r e 118) shown i n Wendy Stedman Sheard, Antiquity i n the  Renaissance, E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, Northhampton, Mass: Smith College Museum of Art, 1979, entry 57. 53 C l i f f o r d M. Brown with the co l l a b o r a t i o n of A.M. Lorenzoni, "The Grotta of I s a b e l l a d'Este" i n the Gazette des Beaux-Arts, V o l. 91 (1978) p. 73 (hereafter, Brown, Grotta, I I ) . 54 J.M. Fletcher, " I s a b e l l a d'Este, Patron and C o l l e c t o r " i n Splendours of the Gonzaga, p. 52. 55 Brown, Grotta, I I , p. 73-74. 56 Fletcher, p. 52. 57 Brown, Grotta, I I , p. 73. 58 C l i f f o r d M. Brown with the co l l a b o r a t i o n of A.M. Lorenzoni, "The Grotta of I s a b e l l a d'Este" i n the Gazette des Beaux Arts, V o l. 89 (1977) p. 157. (hereafter, Brown, Grotta, I ) . 59 Fletcher, p. 53 ^Brown, Grotta, I, p. 161. 61 i b i d . , p. 162. *5 2 i b i d . , p. 162 fig u r e 8 i d e n t i f i e s these figures as Hercules with the Mace. I t seems probable that these a c t u a l l y show Hercules with h i s club and the Apples of the Hesperides. Antico..created three such 97 images - one f o r Francesco Gonzaga (mentioned i n the Inventory of 1496), one f o r Ludovico Gonzaga, Bishop of Mantua, and one for I s a b e l l a i n c.1519. See also discussion i n Splendours of the Gonzaga, entry 53, p. 134. 6 3 John Pope-Hennessy, a s s i s t e d by Ronald Lightbown, Catalogue  of I t a l i a n Sculpture i n the V i c t o r i a and Albert Museum, London: Her Majesty's Stationery O f f i c e , 1964, Vol. I Text, entry 354, p. 322. i b i d . . 65 There are seven extant roundels - two r e p l i c a t e the Hercules and the Nemean Lion and the Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna. A l l of them measure 32.7 cm. and appear to be of the same general facture (see catalogue entry 58, 59, 60, 61 - i n Splendours of the Gonzaga, p. 139K The provenance of the rectangular plaque (see figu r e 129) by Antico, of Hercules Resting, i s unknown. I t may have been commissioned by e i t h e r Gianfrancesco Gonzaga d i Rodigo or I s a b e l l a . 66 i b i d . , p. 139. *5 7 see above, Chapter 3, p. 44-45, quote 69. 68 see above, Chapter 3, p. 44 text and quote 67. 69 Brown, Grotta I, p. 158. 70 i b i d . , p. 164-165. 71 George R. Marek, The Bed and the Throne, New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1976, p. 12-14. 72 Egon Verheyen, The Palazzo d e l Te i n Mantua, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1977, p. 115. 73 The imagery of the Sala dei C a v a l l i i s portrayed within i l l u s i o n -i s t i c a r c h i t e c t u r e . This i s perhaps reminiscent of the decoration of the Sala del Fregio, V i l l a Farnesina which Federigo v i s i t e d while held hostage i n Rome. 74 Verheyen, p. 30. 75.., . „ i b i d , , p. 29. 76 This i s the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n suggested by the Medal of Federigo da Montefeltro of Urbino, discussed above, Chapter 3, p. 57-58. 98 Verheyen, p. 29. i b i d . , p. 30 Splendours of the Gonzaga, catalogue entry 75, p. 147. i b i d . , entry 165, p. 189. 99 CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION Just as the use of Hercules imagery changed during the th i r t e e n t h , fourteenth and f i f t e e n t h centuries, so also d i d the in t e r p r e t a t i o n s associated with h i s labours. Although the same methods of a l l e g o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s were used by Greek, Roman, early C h r i s t i a n , Medieval and Renaissance authors, t h e i r perceptions of the hero d i f f e r e d . The Greeks and Romans p r i m a r i l y viewed Hercules as a b e n e f i c i a l , c i v i l i z i n g f i g u r e , noted as an averter of e v i l , an exemplar of v i r t u s , and as a mortal who was made immortal. Early C h r i s t i a n w r i t e r s , i n response both to the . excesses of Roman society, and the threat of pagan r e l i g i o u s c u l t s , denounced Hercules as a l i b e r t i n e , an adulterer and a lecher. Writers a c t i v e i n l a t e r centuries were to once again perceive and e x p l o i t Hercules as a figu r e of moral excellence whose actions b e n e f i t t e d mankind. A r t i s t i c representations of Hercules created i n I t a l y during the thi r t e e n t h century, in c l u d i n g those on the Facade of San Marco, the Florentine s e a l and the Pisano Pu l p i t s f o r the Baptistry and the Duomo of Pisa, depict Hercules as a virtuous, wise hero who conquered e v i l s which threaten mankind. These depictions continue the image of Hercules developed by writers active i n the seventh through thirteenth centuries. Hercules was associated with a broad range of p o s i t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n fourteenth century I t a l i a n l i t e r a t u r e . His v i r t u e was equated with that of B i b l i c a l exemplars, he was credited with J u s t i c e , Prudence, Temperance and Fortitude, and he was viewed as a contemporary symbol of virtu^and the active 100 l i f e . Only one of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s was developed i n the a r t of the period: Hercules was portrayed as the wise hero who embodied the v i r t u e s i d e a l f o r a p u b l i c f i g u r e or leader. He was shown i n t h i s r o l e on the Campanile and the Porta d e l l a Mandorla i n Florence. During the f i f t e e n t h century the use of Hercules imagery changed. Where the primary r o l e of the image during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries was d i d a c t i c , with the r i s e of p r i v a t e patronage, the patron commissioned Hercules imagery to i d e n t i f y personal i d e a l s and p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s . Ludovico Gonzaga, Federigo da Montefeltro, and Ercole d'Este adopted the Hercules image because of t h e i r p o s i t i o n s as hereditary r u l e r s and as condottiere. Each wished to be recognized as embodying the virtuous c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and leadership a b i l i t i e s of the hero. These, combined with the hereditary nature of t h e i r p o s i t i o n s as p o l i t i c a l r u l e r s , intimated the immortality to be enjoyed by a l l three. Lorenzo de'Medici's commissions of Hercules imagery, instead of i n d i c a t i n g h i s v i r t u e and leadership a b i l i t i e s . s u g g e s t e d a personal i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with Florentine Republican i d e a l s . Hercules was the acknowledged symbol of the Commune of Florence's freedom from tyranny. Because of the Medici wealth, Lorenzo was extremely powerful i n Florence. I t was important f o r .him, therefore, to v i s u a l l y reassure h i s fellow c i t i z e n s that h i s p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s were i n accordance with the established form of government. Thus Hercules, i n f i f t e e n t h century I t a l y , was used to emphasize e i t h e r the patron's p o s i t i o n as a r u l e r and leader, or as a fellow c i t i z e n . Mythological themes other than Hercules were accorded increased prominence from the 1470's. This greatly influenced the representations of 101 the labours of Hercules i n sixteenth century I t a l y . Where, i n the fourteenth and most of the f i f t e e n t h century, only Hercules and the Nemean Lion, Hercules and the Hydra of Lerna, and Hercules and Antaeus were portrayed, by about 1510 a l l twelve of the hero's labours were depicted. Once a wider range of mythological themes was common, the use of Hercules imagery to symbolize personal i d e a l s and character diminished. Hercules once more assumed his c l a s s i c a l r o l e as an abstract symbol of v i r t u s and arete..' 102 Zeus m. Danae I Perseus m. Andromeda I 1 1 ' 1 1 Perses Alcaeus Electryon m. Anaxo Sthenelus m. Menippe Mestor i 1 i 1 1 I Anaxo Amphitryon m. Alcmena m. Zeus Licymnius Eurystheus r - 1 1 , Iphicles Megara (1) m. HERACLES m. (2) Deianira I r - 1 H 1 1 lolaos 3 children Hyllus Macaria Others \ Figure 1 103 Figure 3 104 105 Figure 6 106 Figure 7 Figure 8 107 Figure 9 Figure 10 108 Figure 11 109 Figure 14 Figure 15 I l l Figure 17 112 Figure 18 113 Figure 19 114 Figure 20 115 Figure 21 116 117 Figure 24 Figure 25 118 Figure 26 119 Figure 28 120 Figure 29 121 Figure 30 Figure 122 Figure 32 123 Figure 33 124 Figure 34 125 Figure 35 Figure 36 126 Figure 37 Figure 38 127 Figure 39 Figure 40 128 Figure 41 129 Figure 42 Figure 43 130 131 Figure 47 132 Figure 49 133 Figure 50 Figure 51 134 Figure 53 135 136 137 138 Figure 62 139 Figure 64 140 Figure 65 141 142 Figure 68 w»):«M)M)jiK»)»)j»):«).t).*)t>;«a/*>:t):«)f - l!J|l|l'pil|l||li|l|i||!llllllliillilii •••v:c^ i^ \\\v-Figure 69 143 Figure 70 Figure 71 144 Figure 72 Figure 73 144A Figure 75 145 Figure 76 Figure 77 146 Figure 79 147 Figure 82 148 Figure 84 Figure 85 150 f Figure 87 152 153 Figure 92 Figure 93 154 155 156 Figure 98 Figure 99 158 Figure 102 159 160 Figure 105 Figure 106 161 Figure 107 Figure 108 162 Figure 109 Figure 110 163 — r e t — • r . ' . - t w T — — r r - - — r . - . c — r t - ; — r < - .11 m g w a w vet • . r - -Figure 114 165 Figure 116 Figure 117 Figure 118 166 Figure 120 167 Figure 122 Figure 123 168 Figure 126 Figure 127 170 Figure 128 Figure 129 171 Figure 130 Figure 131 172 Figure 132 173 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Ady, C e c i l i a M. Lorenzo dei Medici and Renaissance I t a l y . London: The English U n i v e r s i t i e s Press, Ltd., 1955. A l b e r t i , Leon B a t t i s t a . On Painting. Translated with'introduction and notes by John R. Spencer, rev. ed. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966. Ten Books on Architecture. Translated by James Leoni. London: Alex T i r a n t i , 1955. A l i g h i e r i , Dante. The Divine Comme'dy. 3 v o l s . Translated by Dorothy L. Sayers. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1949. Monarchy and Three P o l i t i c a l L e t t e r s . Introduction by Donald N i c h o l l and a Note on the Chronology of Dante's P o l i t i c a l Works by Colin Hardie. 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