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Perception of the city : the urban image in Canadian fiction Morrison, Carolyn Patricia 1981

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PERCEPTIONS OF THE CITY: THE URBAN IMAGE IN CANADIAN FICTION by CAROLYN PATRICIA MORRISON B.A., McGill University, 1978 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Geography) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1981 © Carolyn P a t r i c i a Morrison, 1981 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Geography  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 ABSTRACT That imaginative l i t e r a t u r e can be used as a data source f o r geo-graphical analysis and understanding of place seems a reasonable (and poten-t i a l l y rewarding) p o s s i b i l i t y , based as i t i s on the premise that a r t mirrors l i f e . However the mode in which — and the extent to which — l i t e r a t u r e r e f l e c t s the society that engenders i t must be addressed and c l a r i f i e d . Geographers seem p r i n c i p a l l y to have engaged l i t e r a t u r e f o r i t s capacity to describe landscape and render a 'sense of place,' or to depict i n d i v i d u a l experience of place. These approaches assume that l i t e r -ature presents a simple, straightforward, representative r e f l e c t i o n of eith e r r e a l i t y or the experience of r e a l i t y and geographers have too often neglected to specify the l i n k s that they assume between l i t e r a t u r e and geography. Some writers have however suggested more comprehensive approaches to geographical analysis of l i t e r a r y data and others have t h e o r e t i c a l l y addressed the issue of analogical representation in every-day l i f e , i n l i t e r a t u r e and in geographical a n a l y s i s . This thesis i s concerned with urban imagery as i t can symboli-c a l l y reveal the perceptual framework through which we order and understand our world. It examines the urban imagery that permeates our f i c t i o n and that can reveal how we fundamentally view our c i t i e s as l i v i n g places. Thus the focus i s on imagery and symbolic depiction, rather than r e a l i s t i c depiction of place or experience', with the a p p l i c a t i o n of an ordering framework rather than i n t u i t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of l i t e r a r y data; with an e x p l i c i t mode of analysis that defines the l i n k s i t po s i t s between a r t .. and society. I t i s fundamentally concerned with the perception of urban place as i t i s imaginatively rendered. A preliminary survey of Canadian urban novels of the past two decades revealed two points that became the nexus of t h i s a n a l y s i s . F i r s t , the image of the c i t y i s a remarkably consistent one — and i t i s remark-able as well for i t s negative emphasis. The c i t y i s overwhelmingly char- ... a c t e r i z e d as a menacing presence, a landscape defined by incoherence and disorder, provoking a sense of unease and v u l n e r a b i l i t y . Second, i t became apparent that a framework would be necessary to organize and system-a t i z e the urban imagery, to reveal pattern in the amorphous mass of data, and to achieve more than a mere l i s t i n g or cataloging of images. Further, a d e f i n i t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a r t and i t s s o c i a l context must precede and guide any probing of l i t e r a t u r e f o r data. The concept of garrison mentality, borrowed from Northrop Frye and the f i e l d of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m , provided the basis from which to develop such a framework. The linked themes of garrison and wilderness proved a comprehensive schema within which to analyze image and reaction i n the urban novels. The image of c i t y as wilderness that pervades these works i s summarized and i s i l l u s t r a t e d by examples from urban anthologies; the three types of garrison provoked by t h i s threatening f i c t i v e environment are d e t a i l e d with r e f e r -ence to representative novels. The l i t e r a r y material, organized in t h i s way, strongly suggests themes current in the work of various urban and s o c i a l t h e o r i s t s . Such p a r a l l e l s serve to substantiate the hypothesis that image and reaction i n f i c t i o n c o r r e l a t e c l o s e l y with perception and behaviour in the everyday world. This suggests that l i t e r a r y symbolism i s a v a l i d way to explore i v our elemental modes of perception and frames of reference. It also r a i s e s further questions of the r o l e of the i n t e r p r e t e r — creative writer or s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t — in promulgating a perspective, and of why a p a r t i c u l a r society gives r i s e to a p a r t i c u l a r v i s i o n of i t s e l f . V TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i LIST OF FIGURES v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT v i i i Chapter I LITERATURE AND GEOGRAPHY: MAKING THE CONNECTIONS 1 A. Reflections i n D i f f e r e n t Mirrors 4 1. The F i r s t Mirror 5 2. The Second Mirror 5 3. The Third Mirror 19 B. A Framework Suggested 26 Footnotes 29 II THE URBAN IMAGE 34 Footnotes 49 III THE FRAMEWORK REVISED 52 Footnotes 65 IV THE FRAMEWORK APPLIED 68 A. The Garrison Remembered 70 B. The Garrison Transplanted 80 C. The Garrison Contracted 88 Footnotes 103 V FICTION AND FACT 108 Footnotes 125 v i VI CONCLUSION 127 A. Putting the Canadian Urban Image in Broader Perspective . 129 B. The Urban Image and the Urban Re a l i t y 136 Footnotes 142 BIBLIOGRAPHY 144 v i i LIST OF FIGURES Number ; Page 1 FRYE'S CONCEPT SCHEMATIZED 60 2 THE SCHEMA REVISED 60 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I acknowledge with gratitude the support of the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation Scholarship Programme during my graduate studies at the Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. I would l i k e to extend thanks to my advisor, Jim Duncan, f o r giving me the freedom to muddle my way through t h i s somewhat e c l e c t i c t o p i c , and f o r h i s penetrating questions; to David Ley f o r h i s comments and for h i s Social and Behavioural Geography course which kindled my i n t e r e s t i n the p o t e n t i a l of l i t e r a t u r e f o r socio-s p a t i a l a n a l y s i s ; to John Mercer, whose Urban Geography 350 course detoured me into Geography i n the f i r s t place; and to my office-mates and fellow graduate students, f o r the stimulation and the friendship that they offered. Special thanks are due to my family — to Ken f o r h i s encourage-ment and moral support, and to Scott and Lindsay, who so c h e e r f u l l y accepted that some mothers bake cookies, some mothers do geography. 1 CHAPTER I LITERATURE AND GEOGRAPHY: MAKING THE CONNECTIONS It would seem i n t u i t i v e l y obvious that l i t e r a t u r e can t e l l us much about things geographical. Both l i t e r a t u r e and geography deal essen-t i a l l y with the same c e n t r a l area of concern - the human condition, man in and of h i s environment. C e r t a i n l y geographers have suggested that a connection can be made between l i t e r a t u r e and geography: There i s a continuum between values and a t t i t u d e s , l i f e s t y l e s , i n s t i t u t i o n s and the bric k s and mortar of the ph y s i c a l c i t y . [How] can we grasp such a complex r e a l i t y ? ... We can turn to those whom Ottawa economist G a i l Stewart has c a l l e d the " s t i l l unsurpassed experts i n the use of s o c i a l indicators - the a r t i s t s , poets, dramatists and w r i t e r s . " The appeal to creative l i t e r a t u r e i s rewarding i n many ways. 1 The human r e a l i t y presented by a talented n o v e l i s t i s much more complex than that of which a s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t i s normally aware ... The s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t can learn to ask questions and formulate hypotheses from l i t e r a r y works. 2 How can we know the thought of a people concerning urban s p a t i a l structure and landscape? Novels of c i t y l i f e are sources of evidence that on the surface appear to o f f e r a plentitude of information on i n d i v i d u a l , everyday geographical awareness. 3 The s k i l l f u l n o v e l i s t often seems c l o s e s t of a l l i n capturing the f u l l flavour of the environment. 1* Some n o v e l i s t s have had an even c l e a r e r v i s i o n of the fa c t s of geography that are of most s i g n i f i c a n c e to the average man than do professional writers on geographical s u b j e c t s . 5 From the other perspective, those i n the l i t e r a r y f i e l d a lso suggest that l i t e r a t u r e has something v a l i d to say in a geographical context. Indeed the connection between the two f i e l d s i s underscored by the number of times writers of and about l i t e r a t u r e f a l l into 2 geographical metaphor. For example: The authors featured ... have i d e n t i f i e d the habits and a t t i t u d e s of the country, as Fraser and Mackenzie have i d e n t i f i e d i t s r i v e r s . 6 L i t e r a t u r e i s not only a mirror; i t i s a map, a geography of the mind. Our l i t e r a t u r e i s one such map, i f we can learn to read i t as our l i t e r a t u r e , as a product of who and where we have been. 7 Because, imaginative l i t e r a t u r e remains one of our most d e l i c a t e and accurate means of j o i n i n g emotion with ideas, public with p r i v a t e experience, I believe that i t can provide i n s i g h t s into the r e l a t i o n s between mind and environment which are unavailable elsewhere. 8 Writing f i c t i o n i s , in a serious emotional sense, w r i t i n g s o c i a l h i s t o r y ... Place and r e a l i t y have come together, in women's work, e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y . Roy's i s o l a t e d family i n Where  Nests the Water Hen gives us a humanized French s i t u a t i o n , not a s o c i o l o g i c a l t r a c t . Margaret Laurence's Manawaka i s no less Manawaka because i t i s not on the map. Place i s always, to a degree, f i c t i o n ; your Toronto i s not mine, we have d i f f e r e n t eyes. 9 ' It would seem then that p r a c t i t i o n e r s from both sides of that great divide between the sciences and the creative arts recognize at l e a s t i n t u i t i v e l y that l i t e r a t u r e and geography have something of s i g n i f -icance to say to each other. For geographers, the appeal of l i t e r a t u r e i s obvious. In that part of the d i s c i p l i n e which has become fundamentally concerned with the more subjective aspects of man's r e l a t i o n s h i p to envi-ronment — with man's actions in and reactions to place, with place as man perceives i t and as i t i s meaningful to him — the subject matter i s elusive and d i f f i c u l t to secure. L i t e r a r y expression serves to cap-ture the ephemera of experience and meaning and to present i t i n man-ageable form f o r examination. It o f f e r s a p o r t r a y a l , s t i l l e d and d i s t i l l e d , of human interactr>m with place. The c r e a t i v e w r i t e r , h i s format and 3 s e n s i b i l i t i e s more s e n s i t i v e than a survey questionnaire, more comprehen-sive and wide-ranging than p a r t i c i p a n t observer research, i s able to evoke the r e a l i t y of the everyday world. L i t e r a t u r e provides a r e f l e c t i o n of l i f e and of man's experiencing. And i t i s t h i s function as r e f l e c t i o n that makes l i t e r a t u r e a tempting source f o r the geographer. That l i t e r a t u r e i s a mirror of l i f e seems a truism, obvious to the point of b a n a l i t y . The mirror metaphor recurs i n various d i s c i p l i n e s in work dealing with l i t e r a t u r e and with place. From Margaret Atwood's assertion that l i t e r a t u r e i s both mirror and map, 1 0 to Raymond Williams' p o s i t i o n that l i t e r a t u r e i s response as well as r e f l e c t i o n , 1 1 to William Lloyd's comment that images i n l i t e r a t u r e are "plausible r e f l e c t i o n s of an underlying r e a l i t y " 1 2 — a l l assume the r e f l e c t i v e function of l i t e r a t u r e . E l i Mandel suggests that l i t e r a t u r e i s "a mirroring of experience" as well as the creation of i d e n t i t y . 1 3 Audrey Kobayashi notes that in geography l i t e r a t u r e i s often seen as "a mirror of s u b j e c t i v i t y . " 1 1 * For l i t e r a r y c r i t i c Northrop Frye, " l i t e r a t u r e ... neither r e f l e c t s nor escapes from ordinary l i f e . What i t does r e f l e c t i s the world as the human imagination conceives i t ..." 1 5 And in geography Y i - f u Tuanechbes t h i s sentiment: "Literature and painting induce an awareness of place by holding up mirrors to our own experience." 1 6 L i t e r a t u r e "mirrors human r e a l i t y " 1 7 and further "mirrors and mediates among the contradictions of s o c i e t y . " 1 8 L i t e r a t u r e may indeed be more than imirror, and t h i s mirror may be focussed on d i f f e r e n t aspects of l i f e or of l i t e r a t u r e , but the metaphor remains p e r s i s t e n t . The power of creative a r t to r e f l e c t l i f e i s a deeply embedded theme in work dealing with l i t e r a t u r e . Indeed, f o r the s o c i a l s i c e n t i s t , i t i s the j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r examining l i t e r a t u r e as proxy f o r l i f e . 4 A. Reflections i n D i f f e r e n t Mirrors Although the mirror a l l u s i o n i s a commmon way to r e f e r to the representative function of l i t e r a t u r e , that simple euphemism masks some great v a r i a t i o n s in basic assumptions, in purpose and in the eventual conclusions that attend the examination of l i t e r a r y sources. L i t e r a t u r e can be used in d i f f e r e n t ways to r e f l e c t d i f f e r e n t things in the prism of very d i f f e r e n t conceptual lenses. One of the p r i n c i p a l d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered in the geographical use of l i t e r a t u r e stems from a f a i l u r e to examine these assumed mirrors. This section w i l l attempt a clos e r examination of the various mirrors advocated in geography in order to reveal the often unstated t h e o r e t i c a l bases of t h i s fundamental assumption that a r t mirrors l i f e , and w i l l look more c a r e f u l l y at the various purposes f o r which geographers hold l i t e r a t u r e up to t h e i r various mirrors. As well i t w i l l suggest some of the problems and weaknesses that attend these approaches and that l i e behind the c l i c h e that l i t e r a t u r e i s a mirror of l i f e . S a l ter and Lloyd's summary of the approaches in geography which advocate using l i t e r a t u r e as geographic s o u r c e 1 9 provides a useful s t a r t i n g point from which to review these approaches and to examine the mirror each assumes. The authors characterize these as: (1) l i t e r a t u r e used to i l l u s -t r a t e objective landscape, insofar as i t accurately reproduces that objec-t i v e landscape; (2) l i t e r a t u r e used to " a r t i c u l a t e human exp e r i e n c e " 2 0 of the environment; (3) l i t e r a t u r e as interpreted at a symbolic l e v e l to 5 demonstrate "valuable insights into the e s s e n t i a l nature of space and s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . " 2 1 1. The F i r s t Mirror The f i r s t approach i s obviously l i m i t e d i n scope and value. Im-p l i c i t i n i t i s the assumption that the n o v e l i s t does indeed present an accurate and f a c t u a l p i c ture of an i d e n t i f i a b l e place. The mirror assumed in t h i s approach i s the simple mirror of realism; i t precludes any l i t e r -ary work that i s not r e a l i s t i c i n tone, form or content, and i t does not address e i t h e r the s u b j e c t i v i t y of the author or the question of h i s representativeness. (These c r i t i c a l issues w i l l be examined in more d e t a i l i n the next section.) Salter and Lloyd themselves admit that "focusing on the l i t e r a l d e s c r i p t i o n of an objective landscape may not be the strongest method f o r studying landscape in l i t e r a t u r e . " 2 2 2. The Second Mirror Instead they advocate the second method — an approach s t i l l based on the premise of l i t e r a l realism but a l t e r e d in focus to encompass a more subjective view — an approach coming from an e x i s t e n t i a l phenomenological perspective. L i t e r a t u r e i s considered a medium f o r presenting the subjec-t i v e meanings of landscape, and authors valued f o r " t h e i r s e n s i t i v e i n -sights into the subjective human q u a l i t i e s of landscape." 2 3 The phenome-n o l o g i c a l c r i t i c deals with the image in l i t e r a t u r e as i t elucidates man's 6 subjective reactions. As Tuan notes: "Art provides an image of f e e l i n g " 2 " * and t h i s world of subjective meaning, of f e e l i n g , reactions and perception i s the realm of i n t e r e s t of the phenomenologist. Such analysis a r t i c u l a t e s "the taken-for-granted patterning of ordinary ... e x p erience," 2 5 the d i -mensions and the meanings of the everyday world in which we l i v e . L i t e r a t u r e i s considered useful not as i t presents f a c t u a l data about a time and place but rather as i t reveals the experience of l i v i n g i n that time and place. It does not show us objective r e a l i t y (or what Tuan c a l l s God's view of the w o r l d 2 6 ) ; instead i t shows us man's view of the world, h i s p a r t i c u l a r and p a r t i a l ways of seeing and experiencing. The writer i s psychic cartographer who sketches the landscape of the mind. "Real places aren't on maps" 2 7 but i f what i s r e a l and meaningful about the society in which we l i v e cannot be found on maps, i t can perhaps be revealedf.in our l i t e r a t u r e . This mirror that Salter and Lloyd f l a s h i s an e x p e r i e n t i a l one — i t purports to r e f l e c t the landscape as i t i s humanly experienced. But in f a c t t h i s glass i l l u m i n a t i n g subjective landscape experience .is funda-mentally s i m i l a r to the previous one: both mirrors r e f l e c t l i t e r a r y de-s c r i p t i o n as r e a l i t y , both methods assume that what i s written i s a v a l i d , straightforward, f a c t u a l representation (either of the ' r e a l ' landscape or of the 'real- way the landscape i s experienced). This assumption of " v e r i s i m i l i t u d e , " as Salter and Lloyd term i t , constitutes one of the major d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent in t h i s type of approach. The authors recognize t h i s problem and suggest several adaptive s t r a t e g i e s . Conceding that not a l l f i c t i v e work i s in a r e a l i s t i c mode (though ignoring the f a c t that t h i s mode i s becoming increasingly l e s s common), they suggest that only novels that do present a 'true' p i c t u r e 7 of landscape and experience are useful f o r t h e i r purpose. A l l others must be discarded as source material. A tautology i s evident here: novels can be used to discover the essence of landscape experience, but we must f i r s t know what that essence i s before we try to f i n d i t , i n order to decide whether or not the author i s presenting a true or f a l s e p i c t u r e . They further suggest some guidelines to determine the v e r i s i m i l i t u d e of an author's work — f o r example, that the author has had f i r s t - h a n d exper-ience of the place portrayed (which obviously assumes that a l l f i c t i v e l o c a l e s are simply transcribed r e a l ones); that contemporary c r i t i c a l response to an author's work may be an i n d i c a t i o n of v e r i s i m i l i t u d e (which appears to assume that a strong and obvious c o r r e l a t i o n to f a c t u a l r e a l i t y i s a c r i t e r i o n of p o s i t i v e c r i t i c a l r e a c t i o n ) ; that geographers "avoid the problem altogether by consulting only the better known and more highly respected authors of f i c t i o n , authors whose ent i r e work, including presuma-bly t h e i r use of landscape, i s e s s e n t i a l l y beyond c r i t i c i s m at the l e v e l of a geographer's concern." 2 8 But surely a geographer's concern must i n -deed be c r i t i c a l , and i f he i s , as Salter and Lloyd presume,to pass judge-ment about v e r i s i m i l i t u d e , h i s l e v e l of concern must be both c r i t i c a l and comprehensive. The assumption that a 'good' or well-known n o v e l i s t ' s depiction of place w i l l n e c e s s a r i l y be more t r u t h f u l and r e a l i s t i c than that of a le s s popular writer seems a r b i t r a r y at best. Indeed the whole process of deciding which novels are true and therefore useful and which are not seems a r b i t r a r y . Salter and Lloyd do suggest that^research i n -volving a number of works set in the same place during the same period would provide a " p a r t i c u l a r i l y strong check on the f a i t h f u l n e s s of an author's landscape e x p r e s s i o n s " 2 9 but they concede that the dearth of such i n t e r r e l a t e d material and the time required by such studies have led 8 to the trend i n geography to "emphasize le s s time-consuming studies of a single work by a single a u t h o r . " 3 0 This c r i t e r i o n of v e r i s i m i l i t u d e and the necessity of choosing sources that are adjudged to portray a r e a l i s t i c p i c t ure i s a strongly l i m i t i n g aspect of t h i s type of phenomenological a n a l y s i s . (Though indeed i t may be argued that that i t i s not a necessary axiom of a phenomenologi-c a l approach.) In using l i t e r a t u r e s e l e c t i v e l y geographers are open to the charge of exampling, of using l i t e r a r y imagery not to show what i s there, what images of place do emanate from a comprehensive study of l i t e r a t u r e , but rather to merely support what they aready think i s there, to justify, those pictures of and reactions to place that they consider v a l i d ones. As well i t precludes v i t a l questions about the l i t e r a r y landscape that other more i n c l u s i v e approaches do address. For example, a Marxist analysis of l i t e r a t u r e takes the f i c t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of landscape and i n t e r a c t i o n within that landscape as given, not to be judged r e a l i s t i c or not but instead r e l a t e d to the socio-economic conditions from which that p i c t u r e of the world derives. An example of such a Marx-i s t study of place i s Raymond Williams' The Ci t y and the Country, 3 1 a com-prehensive assessment of the impact of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urbanization i n England over the past four centuries. Williams uses l i t e r a r y sources to take measure of that change and to i l l u s t r a t e how the image of the c i t y evolved over time and in response to changes in the socio-economic order. He i s s p e c i f i c a l l y concerned with the contradictory images of c i t y and country (the former t y p i f i e d as progress, chaos, disorder, i s o l a -t i o n ; the l a t t e r seen as embodying peace, plenty, and s o c i a l cohesion). He demonstrates that the basic dichotomy between these images in l i t e r a -ture, while p e r s i s t e n t over time, can be also seen to change s i g n i f i c a n t l y 9 in form and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . This i s because the images are d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to both prevalent a t t i t u d e s and the actual socio-economic condi-tions of the time and thus must be seen and understood in the context of a p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r y , the context of a process i n change. They must also be understood in terms of what Williams c a l l s the force behind "the basic process of what we know as the h i s t o r y of the c i t y and country," 3 2 — the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production. Our powerful images of c i t y and country have been ways of responding to a whole s o c i a l development. 3 3 The image, at a p a r t i c u l a r point in time, i s 'a response,' and as such r e f l e c t s a world-view, an a t t i t u d e , as well as presenting a r e f l e c t i o n of actual s o c i a l conditions. This more comprehensive approach goes beyond the simple plumbing of l i t e r a t u r e f or f a c t s or f a c t u a l experience and therefore does not depend on the c r i t e r i o n of v e r i s i m i l i t u d e . In a Marxist analysis (as in a hermaneutic one), the image i s as t e l l i n g in i t s d i s t o r t i o n as in i t s o b j e c t i v i t y . The l i m i t a t i o n s evident in analysis such as advocated by Salter and Lloyd a r i s e p r i m a r i l y from the premise that l i t e r a t u r e , to be u s e f u l , must r e f l e c t r e a l i t y i n a d i r e c t , d e s c r i p t i v e , representative way. This i s a very simple mirror; there can be no d i s t o r t i o n , no exaggeration, no transformation in i t s monochrome glass, f o r i t excludes any examination of symbol, allegory or image. I t admits only d i r e c t , not f i g u r a t i v e , representation, f a c t f o r f a c t , place f o r place, reaction for r e a c t i o n . F i c t i o n i s considered s o l e l y as representative and not as representation-a l , as a re-presentation of r e a l i t y but not as a representation. C e r t a i n -l y the representative function of l i t e r a t u r e cannot be denied, but nor 10 should i t be defined so narrowly. Another problem that attends the phenomenological approach when : t h i s mode of analysis i s so f i r m l y connected to the premise of v e r i s i m i l i -tude, i s the assumption of representativeness that i s associated with t h i s premise. And t h i s assumption i t s e l f i s open to c r i t i c i s m . Is the a r t i s t representative or i s he often a member of a c e r t a i n socio-economic group, an educated and therefore biased e l i t e ? (Certainly, our Canadian writers are preponderantly of WASP, i n t e l l e c t u a l , middle-class persuasion and perhaps t h i s d i s t o r t s the picture that together they paint of society.) Is the a r t i s t ' s view universal — could i t be an i d i o s y n c r a t i c one? By h i s very s e n s i t i v i t y , h i s concern with examining and recording, does the a r t i s t set himself apart from the mundane world of the r e s t of us and from the way we perceive things? While he may reveal the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of one man, can we assume that h i s work reveals the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Man? The assumption of v e r i s i m i l i t u d e has been shown to be problematic because the very concept of v e r i s i m i l i t u d e i s problematic. But the f a c t that i t i s an assumption leaves i t open to c r i t i c i s m on t h e o r e t i c a l as well as conceptual grounds. Tuan has noted that: From time to time geographers have asked the question What i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between l i t e r a t u r e and geography? Relationship i s a vague word, and answers to the question have not been s a t i s f a c t o r y * 3 4 In work such as Landscape in L i t e r a t u r e t h i s s i g n i f i c a n t question goes unasked. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between l i t e r a t u r e and geography i s assumed: t h e i r s i s a d i r e c t mirror r e f l e c t i n g the simple connection of v e r i s i m i l i -tude. There i s no attempt to c r i t i c a l l y address the foundation of t h i s assumed r e l a t i o n s h i p . The preceding section has attempted to suggest that the answers that l i e behind these unasked questions are not 11 altogether s a t i s f a c t o r y . Even le s s s a t i s f a c t o r y i s the f a c t that l i k e Salter and Lloyd, most geographers ask such questions only "from time to time," rather than grounding t h e i r empirical work on a f i r m t h e o r e t i c a l b a s i s . This fundamental r e l a t i o n s h i p between l i t e r a t u r e and geography depends t h e o r e t i c a l l y on the l i n k s that we draw between a r t and society, the v i t a l connections that we assume between the c r e a t i v e work of the writer and the m i l i e u about which and within which he writes. I t i s these l i n k s that underlie the analysis of l i t e r a t u r e as s o c i a l document. The broader question that geographers must address becomes: What i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a r t and society? For in suggesting that l i t e r a t u r e can t e l l us something geographical and v a l i d , we are assuming that there" are e s s e n t i a l , d i r e c t and consistent l i n k s between cre a t i v e a r t and the society from which i t comes. As Tuan suggested, in geography, these l i n k s have not been proper-l y examined. To geographers i t does seem obvious that there are l i n k s ; we recognize on an i n t u i t i v e l e v e l that l i t e r a t u r e can t e l l us s i g n i f i c a n t things about landscape, about place, about the s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n that occurs within i t . And further, i t would seem to be a s i n g u l a r l y useful method of discovering the subjective reactions to and perceptions of place that are increasingly being recognized as a facet of geographical inquiry • as important to complete understanding of man and h i s place as maps or s t a t i s t i c s . But the form of the connection between a r t and society has not been c r i t i c a l l y examined or c l e a r l y stated. The l i n k s may seem obvious, se l f - e v i d e n t , i m p l i c i t , b u t i n not c r i t i c a l l y addressing the v i t a l assumptions thatundeirlie any attempt, to use l i t e r a t u r e as geographical data, geographers run the r i s k of 12 methodological sloppiness, of espousing a t h e o r e t i c a l l y naive p o s i t i o n , and of doing 'fuzzy' geography. The necessity f o r t h i s sort of c r i t i c a l examination goes beyond the f a c t that the analysis cannot simply be based on the assumption of a l i n k , f o r there are indeed several d i f f e r e n t l i n k s that can be made between society and a r t , several d i f f e r e n t ways of drawing the connection between f i c t i o n and f a c t of place. There are various approaches, each founded on a general t h e o r e t i c a l p o s i t i o n , each emphasizing a d i f f e r e n t way of l i n k i n g a r t and s o c i e t y . 3 5 "When we consider the s o c i a l o r i g i n s and s o c i a l meanings of works of a r t and l i t e r a t u r e , the procedures which we employ w i l l of course determine our f i n a l judgements about them." 3 6 In not c r i t i c a l l y examining these l i n k s , we also remain unaware of the weaknesses or l i m i t a t i o n s of the s o c i a l theory upon which our analysis i s i m p l i c i t l y based. Furthermore the absence of c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s and the assumption of simple and d i r e c t connections preclude c r i t i c a l questions about l i t e r a t u r e and imagery and society with which t h e o r i s t s i n such areas as l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m , the sociology of l i t e r a t u r e and the ph i l o s o -phy of l i t e r a t u r e are c e n t r a l l y concerned. Addressing Tuan's question of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between l i t e r a t u r e and geography would also r a i s e impor-tant issues of the function of these interconnections as well as t h e i r form. For example, why does a p a r t i c u l a r society choose to present a p a r t i c u l a r v i s i o n of i t s e l f ? How do such images, the l i t e r a r y depictions of people and place, a r i s e ? How do s o c i a l l y powerful images such as those i n f i c t i o n react back upon society? These questions, which must be centr a l to an examination of l i t e r a t u r e and society, can be addressed i n d i f f e r e n t ways from d i f f e r e n t t h e o r e t i c a l perspectives, but the f a c t remains that i t i s only in the context of an e x p l i c i t and informed s o c i a l 13 theory that they a r i s e at a l l . To merely assume that a r t mirrors r e a l i t y (sometimes, i . e . i n selected works) i s to eschew important aspects of the fundamental r e l a t i o n -ship between l i t e r a t u r e and geography that Tuan chides geographers f o r having neglected. To not e s t a b l i s h or explicate the t h e o r e t i c a l basis of p r e s c r i p t i v e or empirical work i s to tread on shaky ground,and i t would seem that the geographer with one foot i n the amorphous realm of l i t e r a t u r e and one planted on the t e r r a firma of geography i s in a somewhat shaky p o s i t i o n to begin with. The type of approach advocated by Salter and Lloyd may be c r i t i -c i z ed on methodological grounds as w e l l . While t h i s approach makes a v a l i d case that l i t e r a t u r e can indeed demonstrate the subjective experience of r e a l i t y , geographers seldom make i t c l e a r j u s t whose r e a l i t y they assume i s being examined. Salter and Lloyd state that "the actual l i t e r a r y expression of a landscape suggests a p a r t i c u l a r subjective view of that landscape. 1 , 3 7 But they neglect to splecify whose view i n p a r t i c u l a r they consider to be suggested — that of the f i c t i v e characters, the author or society. The subject of t h i s "subjective view" i s seldom p r e c i s e l y d e f i n e d . 3 8 In much of t h i s type of work the l e v e l of analysis goes unspeci-f i e d : the world view, of the f i c t i v e characters i s presumed to be that of the author, i s further presumed to be that of "people" — society at large. The analysis does not specify whose experience, whose v i s i o n of the land-scape i s being explored, nor does i t stay within the terms of that r e f e r -ence . .> (Again the Marxist approach provides a comparison. A Marxist l i t e r a r y a n alysis i s far more precise about whose view i s being considered, f o r the h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s t analysis addresses the issue of perception 14 and a t t i t u d e at several s p e c i f i e d l e v e l s : l i t e r a t u r e i s seen to reveal the writer's attempt to depict the a t t i t u d e s he recognizes around him and by which h i s w r i t i n g can r e f l e c t the world-view of s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l groups or c l a s s e s ; i t can revel the personal perceptions and a t t i t u d e s of the writer himself and show h i s way of subjectively perceiving objective r e a l i t y ; and f i n a l l y i t may be analyzed to demonstrate the a r t i s t as •falsely conscious, as he himself i s a prisoner of h i s own s o c i a l l y deter-mined categories.) Yet another c r i t i c i s m can be directed at the objective of such an approach. The aim of many of the geographical studies which use l i t e r a t u r e as source material appears to be the c o l l e c t i n g and l i s t i n g of s o c i o - s p a t i a l references from various f i c t i o n a l works. The usefulness of such a catalogue seems l i m i t e d , even as i t s completeness must be suspect. As Aldous Huxley noted: We have Shakespearean f e e l i n g s [but] we t a l k about them l i k e automobile salesmen, teenagers, or college professors. We p r a c t i c e alchemy i n reverse — touch gold and i t turns to lead; touch the pure l y r i c s of experience and they turn into the verbal equivalent of t r i p e and hogwash. 3 9 C e r t a i n l y our writers of f i c t i o n have the golden touch necessary to capture and reveal the pure l y r i c s of environmental experience. Yet merely l i s t i n g these, paraphrasing the paraphrasing of t h i s experience, must jeopardize both l y r i c i s m and p u r i t y . It i s u n l i k e l y that the geographer can reproduce the i n t r i c a c y of tone and nuance that makes the author's de s c r i p t i o n so impelling in the f i r s t place. This conundrum in the use of l i t e r a t u r e i s recognized by Salter and Lloyd who, while admitting that a l i t e r a r y image of landscape i s "an e s s e n t i a l l y irreduceable expression," 1* 0 s t i l l maintain that t h e i r primary objective i s to communicate, through the evidence of creative w r i t i n g , a " s e n s i t i v e a r t i c u l a t e image of the 15 phenomenon we c a l l landscape." 1* 1 There i s no question that the n o v e l i s t can reveal t h i s s e n s i t i v e and a r t i c u l a t e image; there i s some question that the geographer can e f f e c t i v e l y re-reveal i t , summarize or- paraphrase t h i s " e s s e n t i a l l y irreduceable expression." Merely l i s t i n g images of place, s o c i o - s p a t i a l references that may be lumped under the amorphous l a b e l 'sense of place,' does not seem to be a p a r t i c u l a r i l y useful or methodical way to extend or elaborate our knowledge of man in r e l a t i o n to h i s environment. If we confine ourselves to l i s t i n g fragments we are c o l l e c t i n g impressions that remain e s s e n t i a l l y unique, disconnected, unrelated. C e r t a i n l y such a method w i l l s u f f i c e i f our more l i m i t e d goal i s "to develop a keener eye;" 1* 2 to be more s e n s i t i v e to landscape (as Salter and Lloyd purpose) or to s t r i v e f o r "a more crea-t i v e geographical d e s c r i p t i o n of landscape a c t u a l i t y and p o t e n t i a l , " 1 * 3 or i f we turn to l i t e r a t u r e p r i m a r i l y f o r i t s evocative power!,'1*1* to use it.-., as a supplemental teaching t o o l , to "engage in geographical speculation" 1* 5 or to stimulate "personal speculation on the author's use of landscape." 1* 6 But i f our objective i s to examine l i t e r a t u r e to further our understanding of man in h i s s o c i a l and physical m i l i e u , then such a method abjures ques-tions of coherence, consistency and unity, and, most important, of pattern. For i t i s t h i s pattern that i s useful to our understanding of man and place, that i s indeed i m p l i c i t in the word image. ... the kind of a r t i c u l a t i o n , patterning, and s i g n i f i c a -t i o n we mean by the term "image" suggests that we are looking f o r impressions and responses that have been ra i s e d into the order of thought. 1* 7 And i t i s t h i s order that l i t e r a t u r e can r e v e a l . This i s one of the fundamental drawbacks of an e x i s t e n t i a l phenomenological approach, f o r i t emphasizes d e s c r i p t i o n , not a n a l y s i s ; i t i s s o l e l y concerned with 16 "the a r t i c u l a t i o n of landscape and experience, not explanation of that e x p e r i e n c e . 8 And f u r t h e r : "the desire to see landscape more c l e a r l y and completely i s a primary concern of geography. This search leads to land-scape 'description ..."'*9 While Salter and Lloyd suggest that sight leads to v i s i o n leads to i n s i g h t , 5 0 in f a c t t h e i r i n t e r e s t focuses s o l e l y on sight. Their uncomplicated mirror r e f l e c t s a view, a d e s c r i p t i o n , and no attempt i s made to go beyond that to v i s i o n (which implies an orderly over-view of a whole) or to i n s i g h t , understanding or explanation. This preoc-cupation with d e s c r i p t i o n not a n a l y s i s , l i s t i n g not c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , f i n a l l y l i m i t s the value of such an approach, f o r : The danger l i e s i n redefining geography as culture c r i t i c i s m , less concerned with gathering data from diverse sources to construct geographical v i s i o n s of the earth than with piecemeal i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of someone else's i m a g i n a t i o n . 5 1 And f u r t h e r : The human explorer must be able to do more than convey an image of the whole. He must be able to demonstrate order in unequivocal language ... 5 2 To "construct geographical v i s i o n s , " to "demonstrate order," i t i s necessary not merely to describe but to c l a s s i f y and analyze, to i n t e r - r e l a t e imagery in f i c t i o n in order to f i n d patterns within i t , and to r e l a t e image to r e a l i t y , f o r as geographers our geographical v i s i o n s must be f i r m l y rooted i n the r e a l world. Such objectives, very d i f f e r e n t from those of Salter and Lloyd, require a method of systematization. Again there i s a point of contrast with the approach outlined in Landscape in L i t e r a t u r e , which r e j e c t s the use of any r i g i d methological construct and advocates instead i n t e r p r e t a -t i o n by a "motivated geographer." 5 3 By implication such inte r p r e t a t i o n s must be personal, unique and e s s e n t i a l l y uncomparable — neither r e l a t e d 17 to society nor to each other. The authors charge that the strength of l i t e r a t u r e ( i . e . d e s c r i p t i o n characterized by i n t r i c a c y and delicacy of language) i s d i l u t e d by "methods of o b j e c t i f y i n g l i t e r a t u r e such as content analysis and s t r u c t u r a l analysis." 5"* C e r t a i n l y content analysis i s neither suitable nor subtle enough f o r such a s e n s i t i v e data source, and s t r u c t u r a l analysis (by which they presumably mean l i t e r a r y a n alysis of form and s t y l e rather than content) should be the concern of the l i t e r a r y c r i t i c whose objectives are quite d i f f e r e n t from those of the geographer. However, i t should not be concluded that no framework of analysis can be applied to l i t e r a t u r e , merely that the a n a l y s i s must be suited both to the medium and the objective. It may be argued that many of the c r i t i c i s m s that have been directed against the phenomenologically based approach espoused by Salter and Lloyd against the concept of v e r i s i m i l i t u d e , the emphasis on d e s c r i p t i o n and on l i s t i n g , and the l i m i t e d objective of increased s e n s i t i v i t y in land-scape reading — are not n e c e s s a r i l y i n t r i n s i c to the phenomenological approach but rather r e f l e c t the c u l t u r a l geographical bias from which Salter and Lloyd and other geographers have applied t h i s approach. For indeed t h e i r focus i s on the c u l t u r a l landscape and, more s p e c i f i c a l l y , on 'reading' and describing such landscapes in the context of culture patterns.as well as in terms of c u l t u r a l a r t i f a c t s (houses and gardens, f o r example) which r e f l e c t i n d i v i d u a l decisions. They read landscape as i t reveals the r e l a t i o n s h i p between culture groups and the b u i l t environ-ment. Their emphasis i s on t h i s landscape i t s e l f , not on understanding man in the landscape or explaining h i s actions and reactions, h i s s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n within t h i s landscape. 18 In summary, these c r i t i c i s m s of current geographical work in t h i s vein perhaps derive more from i t s focus on a c u l t u r a l approach that neces-s a r i l y does not address the s o c i a l questions that are considered p i v o t a l in t h i s t h e s i s , and from the f a c t that i t s t h e o r e t i c a l basis remains v i r t u a l l y unexamined. The simple and u n c r i t i c a l supposition that a r t mirrors r e a l i t y ignores the larger issue of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a r t and i t s s o c i a l context on which that assumption must be grounded. The d e f i n i t i o n of such r e l a t i o n s h i p s should precede and thereby guide any probing of l i t e r a t u r e f o r data. The ingenuous assumption that l i t e r a t u r e has something v a l i d to say about society i s i n t u i t i v e l y (and i t may be shown t h e o r e t i c a l l y ) sound. But indeed i t must be demonstrated, addressed and c l a r i f i e d , and i n the process i t becomes evident that the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not so simple, nor. so l i m i t e d l y u s e f u l , as has been assumed i n geography. The r e a l i s t i c mirror of Salter and Lloyd proves too simple; i t neglects many unexamined a_ p r i o r i s that lurk beneath i t s shiny surface. This i s not to r e j e c t an e x i s t e n t i a l phenomenological approach — f o r indeed i t s basic premise that l i t e r a t u r e i s a valuable tool f o r e l u c i d a t i n g experience of and reaction to place i s c r i t i c a l l y important, but merely to suggest that the p o s i t i o n must be examined and not assumed by geographers, and that i t has, in the version adopted by some geographers,conceptual and methodo-l o g i c a l weaknesses. We must be aware of the range of our mirrors. These c r i t i c i s m s — conceptual, methodological and t h e o r e t i c a l — provide a basis on which to summarize the focus and the objectives of t h i s t h e s i s . The concern i s with imagery, not " v e r i s i m i l i t u d e " (an approach i n which a l l urban imagery rather than j u s t selected works can be incor-. porated); with pattern and order, not d e s c r i p t i o n ; with the a p p l i c a t i o n of a framework,not "geographical speculation" or "motivated i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ; " 19 with an e x p l i c i t mode of analysis which has the capacity to define the l i n k s i t posi t s between a r t and society and which addresses the question that Tuan has ra i s e d . This metaphoric mirror must n e c e s s a r i l y be more complex and comprehensive than the ones so f a r examined. 3. The Third Mirror The t h i r d approach to the geographical use of l i t e r a t u r e outlined by Salter and Lloyd appears i n some respects to be the one most compatible with the o r i e n t a t i o n of t h i s paper. They assert that the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of l i t e r a t u r e "at a more fundamental and more symbolic l e v e l " 5 5 may provide "valuable i n s i g h t s into the e s s e n t i a l nature of space and s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n -s h i p s . " 5 6 They c i t e Tuan's "L i t e r a t u r e , Experience and Environmental Knowing" 5 7 as a useful example of t h i s approach but caution that the methods he advocates w i l l not nec e s s a r i l y "put geographers at ease i n attempting to grapple with such elusive meanings." 5 8 While conceding that the use of- l i t e r a t u r e to reveal meaning at a symbolic or metaphoric l e v e l may be applicable to some l i t e r a r y landscapes, they also note that "uncertainty and even confusion may be unavoidable" 5 9 and that such an approach appears more appropriate f o r students of l i t e r a t u r e than of land-scape. They dismiss i t as a " l a s t r e s o r t " 6 0 f o r geographers. It would appear that Salter and Lloyd are d i r e c t i n g t h e i r c r i t i c i s m at one facet of a multi-faceted approach. Indeed i t i s t h i s attention to the various facets of l i t e r a r y analysis that makes Tuan's approach an appealing one. In the a r t i c l e c i t e d by Salter and Lloyd, Tuan has l i s t e d the several ways in which the analysis of l i t e r a t u r e can expand and extend 20 geographical knowledge. It can reveal objective data and h i s t o r i c a l f a c t (to which Tuan consigns the "humble status of rather u n r e l i a b l e d a t a " 6 1 ) ; of more c r i t i c a l concern i s the use of l i t e r a r y material to indicate a d i s t i n c t i v e viewpoint or conceptual frame; even more valuable i s i t s capacity to a r t i c u l a t e experience,: to reveal the e x p e r i e n t i a l world inso-f a r as " l i t e r a r y a r t uses words to r e a l i z e images of e x p e r i e n c e . 1 , 6 2 (Thus fa r the geographical uses of l i t e r a t u r e outlined by Tuan do not seem to be incompatible with those suggested by Salter and Lloyd. His s p e c i f i c a t i o n of the function of l i t e r a t u r e to reveal a conceptual framework perhaps goes beyond t h e i r terms of reference but i s not incompatible with t h e i r general approach that emphasizes meaning. However the fundamental difference in Tuan's approach becomes apparent in the examples he uses to i l l u s t r a t e the l a t t e r use of l i t e r a r y data. The f i v e examples of perceptual/cognitive experiences that may be explored through l i t e r a t u r e are: the perception of absence, the physiognomy of places, the world of f l e e t i n g l i g h t and noises, ambiguous perceptual i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and at t i t u d e s toward nature. These are not experiences of substantial places, not reactions to p a r t i c u l a r and r e a l places — as i s the focus of Lloyd, f o r example, i n h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the l i t e r a r y d e s c r i p t i o n and experience of l a t e nineteenth century Boston, 6 3 or in the examples outlined by Salter and Lloyd of landscapes of settlement and landscapes of a g r i c u l t u r e . 6 1 * Rather they are shared and f a m i l i a r reactions to anyplace; they reveal the way man experiences environment rather than how he reacts to a p a r t i c u l a r environment or type of environment. The focus i s on experiencing rather than on the exper-ienced s p e c i f i c s of a c e r t a i n place. Thus, i f Salter and Lloyd's use of the term "student of landscape" 6 5 encapsulates the focus of t h e i r i n t e r e s t , Tuan might better be l a b e l l e d a student of environmental knowing.) 21 Further, in deference to the s t r u c t u r a l i s t p r e d i l e c t i o n of Tuan's phenomenological cum-structuralist appraoch to geography, 6 6 6he suggests that l i t e r a t u r e i s useful i n demonstrating the innate ordering patterns of man's mind — the p r e d i s p o s i t i o n to organize into b i p o l a r opposition and to mediate between these contradictions, the elemental motifs of opposition that are inherent i n myth and cosmological symbol. Certain types of l i t e r a -ture, he asserts, can illuminate "favored patterns of thought. 6 7 (It would seem to be t h i s aspect of the representative function of l i t e r a t u r e that Salter and Lloyd f i n d e l u s i v e , uncertain and inappropriate.) F i n a l l y Tuan notes that the study of l i t e r a t u r e i s s i g n i f i c a n t to environmental knowing since l i t e r a t u r e and the images i t presents and l e g i t i m i z e s have a r e c i p r o -c a l impact on our society and on our learned ways of perceiving. The common thread that unites these various proposed uses of l i t e r a -ture i s Tuan's focus on cognition and perception. The underlying theme of h i s approach i s i t s f i r m phenomenological grounding — he i s v i t a l l y con-cerned with how man knows and experiences h i s world. But rather than narrowing t h i s focus to the confines of r e a l i s t i c re-presentation, he expands i t to include symbol, image and mythic representation. Thus works do not have to be evaluated for t h e i r f a i t h f u l n e s s or r e p o r t o r i a l accuracy of depiction, f o r a l l c r e a t i v e works come from and reveal perception and modes of experiencing. Symbolization, rather than being regarded as 'untrue' to the r e a l i t y of our environment, indicates f o r c e f u l l y and drama-t i c a l l y how we see and react to that environment. Response to environ-ment i s important in that i t t e l l s us something c r i t i c a l about response, rather than merely about landscape. Tuan advocates an i n c l u s i v e rather than a s e l e c t i v e approach, in which accuracy i s not problematic. Indeed Tuan addresses the question of accuracy by redefining accuracy — to 22 emphasize accuracy of meaning rather than depiction. The appeal of the mirror that Tuan outlines i s two-fold: f i r s t , i t c l e a r l y and i n c l u s i v e l y s p e c i f i e s the various l e v e l s of insi g h t that can be garnered from l i t e r a t u r e and i s d i a l e c t i c a l i n i t s recognition that the images manifest i n l i t e r a t u r e react back upon, even as they come out of, a s o c i a l context. It i s a comprehensive approach. F i n a l l y , i t encompasses symbolic and metaphoric depictions of m i l i e u , not merely d e s c r i p t i v e ones. Tuan incorporates these into h i s s t r u c t u a l i s t model of man; yet t h i s recog-n i t i o n of the symbolic can be incorporated into a n o n - s t r u c t u r a l i s t para-digm as w e l l . These metaphoric images and symbolic depictions reveal dramatic evidence of impression and response to place. For Tuan, "favored patterns of thought" are i n d i c a t i v e of an innate structure of mind. The landscape depicted in l i t e r a t u r e reveals a landscape of mind. Less am-b i t i o u s l y (and from a n o n - s t r u c t u r a l i s t position) "favored patterns of thought" about place, as revealed by images, show how man h a b i t u a l l y r e -sponds to the environment he experiences, the conceptual frame through which he sees and understands h i s world. Such images reveal the reaction to landscape rather than, as Tuan extrapolates, the landscape of mind. As Mandel was quoted e a r l i e r , images are responses and impressions r a i s e d to the order of thought. It i s these images as they symbolically reveal conceptual frames, impressions, and ways of perceiving, not ne c e s s a r i l y as they reveal the workings of man's mind, that are of i n t e r e s t here and that give Tuan's approach a broader appeal even outside a s t r u c t u r a l i s t paradigm. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of symbolic representation to t h e o r e t i c a l under-standing has recently been examined by David Livingstone and Richard Harrison i n t h e i r study of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between metaphor, myth 23 and model. 6 8 They explore the r o l e of analogical thinking in s c i e n t i f i c i n v e s t i g a t i o n and, more s p e c i f i c a l l y , the s i g n i f i c a n c e of myth and metaph in the development of geographical epistemology. Metaphor, myth and t h e o r e t i c a l models a l l "involve a quest f o r new perspectives on phenomena A myth, which derives from a metaphor, i s "a dramatised cosmic framework" which i s ''always explanitory. " 7 1 Such symbolic representations as myth and metaphor, besides having the capacity to generate new t h e o r e t i c a l models (the aspect of the r e l a t i o n s h i p upon which the authors focus) are also shown to have explanatory value insofar as they reveal man's "partie ular ways of ordering experience." 7 2 They "function epistemologically in the s o c i a l reconstruction of r e a l i t y . " 7 3 In other words, symbolism can reveal the conceptual frame through which man orders and understands h i s world. Thus: The categories we most require i n order to deal with these [ l i t e r a r y ] c i t i e s are therefore not h i s t o r i c a l , s o c i o l o g i c a l or epistemological but .metaphoric. 7 4 As geographers our i n t e r e s t should be comprehensive and therefore our categories, as Tuan advocates, must include the metaphoric. Several weaknesses evident in the approach advocates by Salter and Lloyd are avoided in Tuan's more i n c l u s i v e approach. For example he i s c a r e f u l to s t i p u l a t e that l i t e r a t u r e can be read at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s . At one l e v e l i t reveals the perceptions and reactions of the author; at another i t explicates the p a r t i c u l a r a t t i t u d e s , values and customs of a people; and f i n a l l y i t can demonstrate ubiquitous human c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and responses insofar as l i t e r a r y works aspire to the u n i v e r s a l . L i t e r a -ture i s "simultaneously confession, ethnography and universal symbol." 7 5 Salter and Lloyd propose, to concentrate on the ethnographic aspect, but they i m p l i c i t l y include the singular and subjective, though without 24 defining i t as such, nor specifying what part of t h e i r analysis r e f e r s to the author's viewpoint, opinion or technique (the confession) and what part to the f i c t i v e characters (the ethnography). These are assumed to coincide. (They of course r e j e c t the symbolic and ignore any aspect of the u n i v e r s a l for they admit only d e s c r i p t i o n of experience of p a r t i c u l a r landscape.) Tuan c a r e f u l l y distinguishes between the three — stressing the unique uses of each and, by implication, the necessity f o r c l e a r l y defining and separating ;these l e v e l s of i n q u i r y . 7 6 Tuan explicates h i s mirror: "Literature mirrors human r e a l i t y . " 7 7 He c a r e f u l l y s i g n i f i e s the various l e v e l s of r e a l i t y that are r e f l e c t e d and recognizes that the image can f l a s h back upon society. The t h e o r e t i c a l basis f o r h i s approach i s e x p l i c i t ( c l e a r l y the same phenomenological/ s t r u c t u r a l i s t stance evident i n h i s other work ). He d i r e c t s our atten-t i o n to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between geography and l i t e r a t u r e and to the ensu-ing questions that must be posed. As well Tuan i s aware of the larger issues that lurk behind a marriage of l i t e r a t u r e and geography — f o r example, in "Humanistic Geography" 7 9 he explores the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a r t and science. His mirror i s a multi-faceted one. And, as w i l l become evident, many of these facets w i l l be borrowed and incorporated into the mirror that w i l l be developed in t h i s analysis of Canadian f i c t i o n . The approach Tuan advocates seems comprehensive and t h e o r e t i c a l l y informed. However because i t i s a synoptic approach, i t does not f u l f i l l another c r i t i c a l requirement outlined e a r l i e r : i t does not provide a s p e c i f i c framework f o r a n a l y s i s . Tuan uses l i t e r a r y examples to i l l u s t r a t e the points he makes and to demonstrate the uses he foresees f o r l i t e r a r y data but he does not give an example of a comprehensive a p p l i c a t i o n of the approach he prescribes. His work does not reveal a methodical way to put 25 these t h e o r e t i c a l suggestions into p r a c t i c e . (Further, the use of unrelated l i t e r a r y examples leaves him open to the charge of exampling.) The broad brush that Tuan uses to sketch h i s overview of l i t e r a t u r e and geography does not pairt i n such i n t r i c a c i e s as how to proceed with an empirical piece of work. Unlike Salter and Lloyd (who p o s i t a method without examining i t s larger context or t h e o r e t i c a l underpinnings) Tuan c a r e f u l l y examines the larger context, persuasively argues that l i t e r a t u r e i s a useful data source, explicates the l e v e l s on which i t can be approached, and addresses the underlying t h e o r e t i c a l issues — but he gives l i t t l e i n d i c a t i o n of how to proceed. In commenting on the merits of an approach to l i t e r a t u r e such as Tuan's, David Seamon notes: Such analysis [of imaginative l i t e r a t u r e ] perhaps best provides a phenomenological function, in that i t a r t i c u l a t e s the taken f o r granted patternings of ordinary and extraordinary geographical experience, and gives them a presence that concerned students can organize and then probe in greater depths. 8 0 The organization of such subtle and ephemeral data i s the p r i n c i p a l c h a l -lenge facing "concerned students" in any geographical study of l i t e r a t u r e . It i s necessary to focus t h i s data within a coherent framework, to discover the pattern that appears and to order images and themes that characterize the perception of places. For such a task an organizing framework i s e s s e n t i a l . The images r e f l e c t i n g back from the mirror must be ordered, even as the mirror i t s e l f must be examined and defined. 26 B. A Framework Suggested The framework proposed in this analysis w i l l be derived from one suggested by Northrop Frye. As w i l l be shown in a subsequent chapter, Frye's model, grounded as i t i s i n i d e a l i s t structuralism, w i l l be sub-s t a n t i a l l y altered in the tr a n s i t i o n from l i t e r a t u r e to geography. None-theless his concept of 'garrison mentality,' cer t a i n l y a central" paradigm in Canadian l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m , provides the basis from which to organize and c l a r i f y the main themes that characterize the urban exper-ience in contemporary Canadian f i c t i o n . For a l l i t s subsequent influence on l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m and anal-ys i s in Canada, the term garrison mentality appeared in Frye's wr i t i n g not as a defined or d e f i n i t i v e model but as l i t t l e more than a metaphor, a direction for analysis proposed en passant i n his concluding chapter i n Literary History of Canada. I t i s sketched in few sentences: If we put together a few of these impressions, we may get some approach in characterizing the way in which the Canadian imagination has developed in i t s l i t e r a t u r e . Small and isolated communities surrounded by a physical or psychological ' f r o n t i e r , ' separated from one another and from thei r American and B r i t i s h c u l t u r a l sources: communities that provide a l l that their members have i n the way of d i s t i n c t i v e human values, and that are compelled to f e e l a great respect for the law and order that holds them together, yet confronted with a huge, unthinking, menacing and formidable physical setting — such communities are bound to develop what we may provisionally c a l l a garrison mentality. In the e a r l i e s t maps of the country the only inhabited centres are f o r t s , and that remains true of the c u l t u r a l maps for a much later t i m e . 8 1 From this- short and provocative.reference has-blossomed-considerable c r i t i c a l work. What f i r s t appeared as "an h i s t o r i c a l reference to an 27 actual state of mind c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of pioneer communities," 8 2 has been elevated to the status of myth. As myth, the concept of garrison mentality has become an important one in the s t r u c t u r a l i s t analysis of Canadian l i t e r a t u r e . Writers and analysts such as Atwood, Moss, Lee and Mandel eit h e r espouse, transfigure or r e j e c t Frye's paradigm (for which they are graced with the l a b e l s " F r i g i a n , h a l f - F r i g i a n , or q u a r t e r - F r i g i a n , 1 , 8 3 or indeed a n t i F r i g i a n . There has been considerable controversy over the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the 'garrison mentality' concept to Frye's o v e r a l l mytho-poeic s t r u c -t u r a l i s t approach, the s u i t a b i l i t y of the model as a universal concept applicable to the whole of Canadian l i t e r a t u r e and, as a h i s t o r i c a l model, i t s relevance to current w r i t i n g . But these controversies have a l l arisen within the d i s c i p l i n e and thus are fundamentally concerned with questions of l i t e r a r y a n a l y s i s , the examination of l i t e r a t u r e as l i t e r a t u r e . Because the model (or rather a s u b s t a n t i a l l y a l t e r e d version of i t ) w i l l be used in t h i s paper to examine l i t e r a t u r e as s o c i a l document, i n terms of what i t can t e l l us about the society from which i t springs, the e f f i c a c y of the concept as a l i t e r a r y model i s not of concern. Nor i s i t s v e r a c i t y as a made-in-Canada myth. Instead the concept of the garrison i n Canadian f i c t i o n provides a useful way to reveal the patterns, to organize the jumble of themes that become evident through a survey of urban f i c t i o n , and to attempt to r e l a t e and thereby define more c l e a r l y the Canadian experience of urban place as i t i s revealed by our w r i t e r s . One of the things f i c t i o n a l writers can do i s lay out the cards a l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t l y so that the pattern can be more c l e a r l y seen'- ...••• ^ ' . . . . The next chapter w i l l introduce these themes at a general (and u n c r i t i c a l ) l e v e l . Chapter I I I w i l l then outline i n d e t a i l the basic 27 a changes that w i l l be superimposed upon Frye's model to make i t both s u i t the primary objective of organizing the data and el u c i d a t i n g the pattern, and to counteract what I f e e l are fundamental weaknesses inherent i n the s t r u c t u r a l i s t model i t s e l f . In Chapter IV t h i s model, revised and extended, i s applied to a representative cross-section of contemporary Canadian novels; the basic pattern that recurs i n f i c t i o n dealing with the urban experience becomes evident. Chapter V suggests that both t h i s pattern and the model come to display i n t e r e s t i n g p a r a l l e l s to the work of other s o c i a l and urban t h e o r i s t s . The model, though used i n i t i a l l y i n order to merely focus the amorphous data within a coherent framework, seems as well to provide an insi g h t into the process behind the pattern. In e f f e c t , the material, organized in t h i s p a r t i c u l a r way, strongly suggests themes current i n other areas of s o c i a l science. These s i m i l a r -i t i e s , which imply that our actions and reactions i n the 'real world' can be understood i n terms of a perspective that c l o s e l y resembles the image that obtains i n f i c t i o n , r a i s e larger questions regarding the r o l e of the inter p r e t e r (be he author or s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t ) i n promulgating a perspective. They also r a i s e questions of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of r e a l i t y and f i c t i o n and broad s o c i a l , l i t e r a r y and i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n s . Such issues w i l l be r a i s e d , discussed but not d e f i n i t e l y answered i n Chapter VI — a strategy dictated by both the nature of the questions and the scope of the t h e s i s . The process of in v e s t i g a t i o n that has been outlined i n Chapters II through V provides a graphic i l l u s t r a t i o n of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between metaphor, myth and model that i s delineated i n the work of L i v i n g -stone and Harrison outlined e a r l i e r . They p o s i t a r e l a t i o n a l schema be-tween symbolic representation and t h e o r e t i c a l models that prescribes the 28 connections that t h i s analysis of Canadian urban f i c t i o n s u b s t a n t i a l l y demonstrates. Central to the analysis i s Frye's mythic construct of garrison mentality. The a n a l y t i c framework i s premised on l i t e r a r y myth. This myth i s transferred from the realm of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m and used metaphorically as an ordering device to examine the s o c i o - s p a t i a l behaviour that i s portrayed in l i t e r a t u r e . The metaphor of garrison/wilderness i s then l i b e r a t e d from i t s l i t e r a r y context and applied to the 'real world' to suggest p a r a l l e l s between image and reaction in f i c t i o n , and perception and behaviour in everyday l i f e . From the l i t e r a r y myth ( i t s e l f , generated by metaphor) comes the ordering metaphor that i s applied f i r s t to the l i t e r a r y universe from which i t s p e c i f i c a l l y derives and then, by implication, to the 'real world.' This sequence i l l u s t r a t e s the "metaphor-myth-model" model that Livingstone and Harrison schematize 8 5 and that explicates t h e i r contention that metaphoric usage has explanatory value and should be a r t i c u l a t e d and developed. Beyond these procedural and epistemological s i m i l a r i t i e s , the example Livingstone and Harrison use to i l l u s t r a t e the a n a l y t i c p o t e n t i a l of analogical thinking — the f r o n t i e r myth — i s s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r to the organizing concept around which t h i s t hesis revolves. They describe how the f r o n t i e r symbol has been used in two separate studies "as metaphor to the dimension of time and as model f o r understanding aspects of contem-porary i n n e r - c i t y s o c i a l behaviour." 8 6 This thesis examines yet another aspect of f r o n t i e r imagery and serves to substantiate t h e i r contention that s c i e n t i f i c models are indeed systematically developed metaphors. Livingstone and Harrison suggest that myth i s "a valuable h e u r i s t i c instrument in the development of models f o r the understanding of s o c i e t y ; " 8 l i t e r a t u r e , according to Frye, " i s conscious mythology." 8 8 29 Footnotes Chapter I •"•Leonard 0. Gertler and Ronald W. Crowley, Changing Canadian C i t i e s , (Toronto: McClelland & Steward Ltd., 1977), p. 311. 2 Y i - F u Tuan, "Literature and Geography" in Humanistic Geography, ed. D. Ley and M. Samuels (Chicago: Maaroufa, 1978), p. 200. 3 W i l l i a m J. Lloyd, "Landscape Imagery in the Urban Novel: A Source of Geographic Evidence," i n Environmental Knowing, ed. G.T. Moore and R.G. Golledge (Strondsbere, Pa: Dowden, Hutchinson & Ross, 1976), p. 279. ^Donald W. Meinig, "Environmental Appreciation: L o c a l i t i e s as Humane A r t " in Western Hamanities Review, no. 25, p. 4. 5J.K. Wright, "A Plea f o r the History of Geography," I s i s , no. 8, p. 490. 6Northrop Frye, "Conclusion" in L i t e r a r y History of Canada, 2nd ed., edited by Karl F. Klinck (Toronto: Un i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1976), p. 361. 7Margaret Atwood, Survival, (Toronto: Anansi, 1972), p. 19. 8Leo Marx, "Pastoral Ideals and C i t y Troubles" in The Quality of  Man's Environment, Smithsonian I n s t i t u t e Symposium (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian I n s t i t u t e Press, 1966), p. 122. 9Marion Engel, Communique, May 1975, p. 6. 1 0Atwood, Survival, p. 19. 1 •'•Raymond Williams, The Country and The C i t y , (England: Paladin, 1975), p. 356. 1 2 C h r i s t o p h e r L. Salter and William J . Lloyd, Landscape in L i t e r a - ture, Resource Papers for College Geography, No. 76-3, (Washington, D.C.: Association of American Geographers, 1976), p. 5. 1 3 E l i Mandel, Another Time, (Eri n , Ontario: Press Porcepic, 1977), p. 58. 30 l l fAudrey Kobayashi, "Landscape Aesthetics in Geography," paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association of American Geographers, L o u i s v i l l e , Ky., 1980. 1 5Northrop Frye, The Well Tempered C r i t i c , (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1963), p. 32. 1 6 Y i - F u Tuan, "Place: an E x p e r i e n t i a l Perspective," The Geographical  Review, Vol. LXV, no. 2 (Apr. 1975), p. 161. 1 7Idem, "L i t e r a t u r e , Experience and Environmental Knowing," i n Environmental Knowing, p. 269. 1 8 I b i d . , p. 261. The mirror image i s a favourite of Tuan::'in "Geography, Phenomenology and The Study of Human Nature," The Canadian  Geographer, Vol. XV, (1971), p. 181, he asserts that " l i t e r a t u r e mirrors man." 1 9 S a l t e r and Lloyd, Landscape in L i t e r a t u r e , pp. 3-6. 2 0 I b i d . , p. 3. ? 1 2 1 I b i d . , p. 10. 2 2 I b i d . , p. 4. 2 3 I b i d . , p. 3. 21*Tuan, "Place, an E x p e r i e n t i a l Perspective," p. 161. 2 5 D a v i d Seamon, "Phenomenological Investigation of Imaginative L i t e r a t u r e : a Commentary," in Environmental Knowing, p. 289. 2 6Tuan, "Lit e r a t u r e and Geography," p. 203. 2 7Ross Mendes, "Real Places Aren't on Maps" i n Notes f o r a Native  Land, ed. A. Wainwright (Toronto: Oberon Press, 1979). 2 8 S a l t e r and Lloyd, Landscape i n , L i t e r a t u r e , p. 5. 2 9 I b i d . , p. 5. 3 0 I b i d . , p. 5. 3 1There i s some controversy about whether Williams' work incorpo-rates a t r u l y Marxist viewpoint - a c r i t i c i s m r a i s e d by other Marxists. They charge that h i s a n a l y t i c framework juxtaposes culture and i n d u s t r i a l -i z a t i o n rather than culture and c a p i t a l i s m . Thus he does not situate h i s analysis f i r m l y in the c a p i t a l i s t accumulative process, the context of the cl a s s struggle. Two points a r i s e in t h i s regard: f i r s t , in l a b e l l i n g Williams' analysis a Marxist c r i t i q u e , i t i s perhaps important to do so within the terms of h i s own d e f i n i t i o n of Marxism. He argues that Marxism, rather than "being a s e t t l e d body of theory or doctrine" has become an "open and f l e x i b l e t r a d i t i o n of thought." He recounts that, having put aside a more r i g i d Marxist t r a d i t i o n , he then discovered an active and developed Marxist theory i n the work of Lukacs and Goldmann. He obvious-l y considers h i s mode of analysis to be fundamentally, though modified, Marxism and he presents and defends these modifications i n Marxism and  L i t e r a t u r e . Further, i t would seem that in The Country and the C i t y Williams does incorporate the mode of production as the c e n t r a l s o c i a l force in some chapters (e.g. ch. 17) although i t must be admitted that i n others he does deal more generally with the process of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n 31 and seems to be more interested in the process i t s e l f than i n the impelling force behing t h i s process. 3 2 W i l l i a m s , The Country and the C i t y , p. 363. 3 3 Ibid., p. 356. 3 1 +Tuan, "Literature and Geography," p. 194. 3 5 F o r example, a phenomenological approach has been outlined, facets of a Marxist approach are used to i l l u s t r a t e c e r t a i n points and a s t r u c t u r a l i s t approach w i l l be described i n d e t a i l i n Chapter I I I . 3 6 P a u l Cappon, In Our Own House, (Toronto: McClelland & Steward, 1978), p. 10. 3 7 S a T t e r and Lloyd, Landscape i n L i t e r a t u r e , p. 4. 3 8 I n the a r t i c l e "Signatures and Settings" i n Dimensions of Human  Geography, ed. Ka r l Butzer, Dept. of Geography Research Paper 186 (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1978), Salter's concept of signatures i t s e l f de-monstrates t h i s confusion. He considers that landscapes i n f i c t i o n are "scribbled with the signatures of men and epochs" (p. 74) and advocates analysis of l i t e r a t u r e i n terms of two categories of signature — behavioural and s t r u c t u r a l . But the most fundamental and obvious signature imprinted upon a l i t e r a r y work — that of the author — i s ignored i n the analysis despite being so strongly suggested by the very image of signature that i s invoked as an ordering p r i n c i p l e . 3 9 C i t e d i n Tuan's review i n Annals, The Association of American Geographers, Vol. 69, #2, p. 325, of J. Burgess, Image and Identity: a  Study of Urban and Regional Perception, Occasional Paper No. 23 (Hu l l , England: Dept. of Geography, Uni v e r s i t y of H u l l , 1978). t , 0 S a l t e r and Lloyd, Landscape i n L i t e r a t u r e , p. 2. l f l I b i d . , p. 2. " 2 I b i d . , p. 8. " 3 I b i d . , p. 2. ^ S a l t e r , "Signatures and Settings," p. 70. •* 5Ibid., p. 83. "^Ibid., p. 75. "^Mandel, Another Time, p. 45. U ft • • Salter and Lloyd, Landscape i n L i t e r a t u r e , p. 3. •* 9Ibid., p. 2. 5 0 I b i d . , p. 28. 5 1Review by Robert Freestone i n Progress i n Human Geography, Vol. 4, #2, 1980, p. 22, of Dimensions of Human Geography, ed. Karl Butzer. 5 2 D a v i d Ley, The Black Inner C i t y as Fr o n t i e r Outpost, Monograph Series, (Washington: Association of American Geographers, 1974). 5 3 S a l t e r , "Signatures and Settings," p. 75. 32 5 l > S a l t e r and Lloyd, Landscape in L i t e r a t u r e , p. 2. 5 5 I b i d . , p. 3. 5 6 I b i d . , p. 3. 5 7 i n Moore and Golledge, Environmental Knowing. 5 8 S a l t e r and Lloyd, Landscape in L i t e r a t u r e , p. 5. 5 9 I b i d . , p. 5. 6 0 I b i d . , p. 5. 6 1Tuan, " L i t e r a t u r e , Experience and Environmental Knowing," p. 261. 6 2 I b i d . , p. 263. 63W.J. Lloyd, "Landscape Imagery i n the Urban Novel" in Environ- mental Knowing. 6 4 i n Landscape in L i t e r a t u r e . 6 5 I b i d . , p. 5. 6 6An approach outlined, f o r example, in "Structuralism, Existen-t i a l i s m and "Environmental Perception" in Environment and Behaviour, Vol. 4, 1972. 6 7 I b i d . , p. 267. 6 8 D a v i d N. Livingstone and Richard T. Harrison, "Meaning Through Metaphor: Analogy as Epistemology" in Annals, The A s s o c i a t i o n of American Geographers, Vol. 71, no. 1, March 1981, p. 95. Also D.N. Livingstone and R.T. Harrison, "The F r o n t i e r : Metaphor, Myth and Model" in The Profes- sional Geographer, Vol. 32, no. 2, May 1980, p. 127. 6 9 L i v i n g s t o n e and Harrison, "Meaning Through Metaphor," p. 100. 7 0 I b i d . , p. 98, quoting C a s s i r e r . 7 1 I b i d . , c i t e d on p. 106. 7 2 I b i d . , p. 99. 7 3 I b i d . , p. 99 ? 1*David R. Weimer, The C i t y as Metaphor, (New York: Random House, 1966), p. 6. 7 5Tuan, " L i t e r a t u r e , Experience and Environmental Knowing," p. 270. 7 6However i t should be acknowledged that in "Landscape Imagery in the Urban Novel" Lloyd makes an a l l i e d but l e s s subtle d i s t i n c t i o n . He claims that only the " i n d i v i d u a l character geographies" ( i . e . the "thought, dialogue and behaviour ... a t t r i b u t e d by authors to s p e c i f i c characters" (p. 279) are useful f o r a n a l y s i s ; the author's depiction of place as narrator i s not u s e f u l , indeed i s properly the realm of the geographer rather than the author and i s valuable only as landscape d e s c r i p t i o n . This would seem to ignore the f a c t the i n d i v i d u a l character 33 geographies are as much a product of the author's cr e a t i v e imagination as are the more d e s c r i p t i v e background passages that he incorporates into the story..-. Indeed these passages reveal the author's perception of and sub-sequent image of place as much as any of the percepts and reactions he ascribes to h i s characters. One cannot e d i t out the author; instead of t r y i n g to do so, i t i s necessary to be conscious of that l e v e l of in t e r p r e t a t i o n and to address i t c l e a r l y i n a n a l y s i s . 7 7Tuan, "L i t e r a t u r e , Experience and Environmental Knowing," p. 269. 7 8 F o r example, "Structuralism, E x i s t e n t i a l i s m and Environmental Perception" i n Environment and Behaviour, Vol. 4, 1972, and "Space and Place: Humanistic Perspective" i n Progress i n Geography, Vol. 6, eds. C. Board et a l . (London :Edward A r r o l d Ltd., 1974). 7 9Annals, The Association of American Geographers, Vol. 66, 1976. 8 0 D a v i d Seamon, "Phenomenological Investigation of Imaginative L i t e r a t u r e " i n Environmental Knowing, p. 289. 8 1Northrop Frye, "Conclusion," p. 342. 8 2Malcolm Ross, " C r i t i c a l Theory," i n L i t e r a r y History of Canada, p. 162. 8 3 I b i d . , p. 168. 8 1 fMarion Engel i n Eleven Canadian Nove l i s t s, interviews by Graeme Gibson (Toronto: Anansi, 1973), p. 89. 8 5See Livingstone and Harrison, "Meaning Through Metaphor," p. 101. 8 6 L i v i n g s t o n e and Harrison, "The F r o n t i e r Myth," p. 127. 8 7 L i v i n g s t o n e and Harrison, "Meaning Through Metaphor," p. 106. Northrop Frye, "Conclusion," p. 348. 34 CHAPTER II THE URBAN IMAGE Research for t h i s project involved reading as many urban-oriented novels as I could f i n d , focussing p r i m a r i l y on Canadian works written during the past two decades. During the course of t h i s reading i t became evident that there has been a r e l a t i v e l y small amount of Canadian f i c t i o n set i n the urban context, su r p r i s i n g in view of the prominence of c i t i e s , both demographically 1 and h i s t o r i c a l l y , in t h i s country. Furthermore there has been l i t t l e c r i t i c a l discussion of urban l i t e r a t u r e ; 2 indeed Canadian l i t e r a t u r e has been most widely analyzed as regional l i t e r a t u r e . In the process of becoming f a m i l i a r with the novels, a composite p i c t u r e of urban l i f e began to take shape. "... To read novels i s to gain impressions ..."3 The impression emerging from t h i s pastiche of images was remarkably consistent and p e r s i s t e n t — and i t was remarkable as well f o r i t s negative emphasis. The c i t y i n Canadian l i t e r a t u r e i s a menacing presence. Recurring imagery evoked v i s i o n s of hazard, hardness, coldness, incessant speed, clamor and confusion. A l t e r n a t e l y , though f a r le s s frequently, the setting was blank — u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d , s t e r i l e , unimportant to the story, meaningless: a place defined p r i m a r i l y by i t s placelessness, i t s f acelessness. But the predominant impression of c i t y as s e t t i n g was one of pervasive threat and h o s t i l i t y , an atmosphere provoking a profound sense of unease. It was characterized by complexity and confusion. It was a landscape without order or coherence, d i f f i c u l t to comprehend and 35 therefore d i f f i c u l t to deal with. The sense of co n t r o l over environment . was tenuous; the sense of control over one's own l i f e and destiny even more so. Indeed the milieu of the c i t y dweller was portrayed as c o n t r o l l e d , i f c o n t r o l l e d at a l l , by anonymous external forces, nameless f a c e l e s s others. There emerged a picture of an urban l i f e world of high stress and anxiety, features which engendered the f e e l i n g s of v u l n e r a b i l i t y and impotence that often defined the characters and accounted for t h e i r actions and reactions. This v i s i o n of l i f e i n the c i t y portrayed by Canadian w r i t -ers was marked by an e s s e n t i a l i s o l a t i o n . Relationships appear to provide l i t t l e solace from the loneliness of urban l i v i n g f o r they were often depicted as ultimately u n s a t i s f y i n g , emphasizing an intense lack of communi-cation, the dangerdf t r u s t i n g or the s u p e r f i c i a l i t y of f r i e n d s h i p . In many works, disconnection from others was coupled with disconnection from r e a l i -ty, e i t h e r stemming from the i n a b i l i t y to make sense of the seething physical and s o c i a l environment or from a profound sense of detachment in which setting becomes an inchoate, meaningless flow of background, rather l i k e an unwatched t e l e v i s i o n set that i s always l e f t on, to which the progatonist has no e s s e n t i a l or immediate connection. A high proportion of works of f i c t i o n that are set in urban Canada depic t characters who have come to the c i t y from elsewhere, from small towns or other countries. The city, seen from afar, symbolizes opportunity; i t i s the c a t a l y s t of dreams, and most e s p e c i a l l y , the dream of 'making i t . ' But 'making i t ' becomes making do, disillusionment, weary resignation, the dream quickly shattered by urban r e a l i t y . It i s on t h i s l a t t e r aspect of c i t y l i f e that Canadian n o v e l i s t s most frequently choose to focus t h e i r attention and n o s t a l g i c regret f o r places l e f t behind pervades t h e i r work — a comment on urban l i f e not confined to contemporary f i c t i o n but e x p l i c i t 36 in w r i t i n g decades e a r l i e r : The Great C i t y ! There's no such place. It's j u s t where people go, bravely enough, to earn the money to get back home.5 Indeed bravely — f o r contemporary f i c t i o n shows courage to be e s s e n t i a l f o r s u r v i v a l — psychic, emotional or economic — in the urban m i l i e u . And indeed 'home' i s 'back-' there, f o r although the dwelling place in the c i t y i s often a metaphoric refuge from the d i s c o m f i t t i n g environment, i t i s 'back' there that symbolizes the ultimate safety and acceptance, that i s t r u l y home. This theme flows deeply through much of Canadian f i c t i o n : journeys of return to the small town of childhood, of memory or of mythic forebears abound. Yet i t i s almost always a temporary return, f o r there can be no easy escape from the c i t y . The walls and locks that serve to protect a l s o e f f e c t i v e l y confine and the imagery of entrapment i s p e r s i s t e n t . The car i s perhaps the ultimate urban symbol. Auto imagery i s f r e -quently used by authors as a device to heighten the sensation of stress, i s o l a t i o n from others, detachment from the environment or mechanized, impersonal danger. Interaction with others i n t h i s non-human scale landscape occurs by proxy — encased i n cars, over the telephone, through t e l e v i s i o n . Other recurring symbols include locks, fences and i n s t i t u t i o n s (notably h o s p i t a l s and p s y c h i a t r i c f a c i l i t i e s , both of which serve to s t r i p away the l a s t vestiges of personal control over environment and s e l f ) . Themes of death and old age are common, as i s the depiction of psychological d i s -o r i e n t a t i o n and mental and physical d i s a b i l i t y . Characters are presented as p s y c h i c a l l y wizened and stunted, attempting to cope with but often overwhelmed by the demands of t h e i r environment. In the face of t h i s protopypic v i s i o n of the c i t y and c i t y l i f e , a small series of anomalies appeared. Certain works eluded t h i s o v e r a l l 37 c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n ; c e r t a i n authors seemed to see and in turn portray a s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t c i t y . For example, Hugh Garner and Mordecai Richler embue t h e : c i t i e s of t h e i r f i c t i o n with a s e t t i n g that seems broadly personal and supportive, an environment f a m i l i a r , understood, under c o n t r o l . S i m i l a r l y Hugh Hood's c i t y - s i t u a t e d novels also exhibit t h i s less menacing demeanor. It i s evident that such writers were indeed portraying a d i f f e r e n t c i t y : i n general they were either w r i t i n g of the c i t y of t h e i r r e c o l l e c t i o n — the smaller urban community of an e a r l i e r , slower paced time — or t h e i r novels were set i n neighborhoods within the larger c i t y , neighborhoods f i r m l y defined and bounded by l i n e s of e t h n i c i t y or poverty. C l e a r l y t h i s was another, though less common aspect of the f i c t i v e c i t y that had to be taken into consideration. More t y p i c a l l y , however, the contemporary c i t y in Canadian l i t e r a -ture i s depicted as a place incoherent and d i s o r d e r l y , a place in which inhabitants f e e l l i t t l e sense of c o n t r o l , choice, competence or s e c u r i t y . It i s a landscape perceived as h o s t i l e and inhospitable. The perception of urban place i s defined by images of anxiety and by an elemental sense of detachment, of disconnection from environment, from others, and, at times, from r e a l i t y . In view of t h i s forbidding p o r t r a i t of the Canadian urban environ-ment, i t seems appropriate that the seventy-second Psalm, which includes the phrase " l e t His dominion also be from sea to sea," and from which the Fathers of Confederation chose the designation f o r t h i s country, begins: Let men f l o u r i s h out of the c i t y ... Such a b r i e f summary does l i t t l e j u s t i c e to the s u b t l e t i e s of tone, nuance and symbol by which a writer evokes a s e t t i n g , the s e n s i t i v e word-picture that paints a sense of place and of l i f e i n that place. But 38 perhaps a more serious l i m i t a t i o n of such a summary i s i t s s u b j e c t i v i t y — i t represents the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of a single reader, based on the choice of works (despite the attempt to range as widely and comprehensively as pos-s i b l e ) of one reader. Since p r a c t i c a l l y no c r i t i c a l work has been done on Canadian urban f i c t i o n , i t i s impossible to confirm the accuracy of t h i s impression by reference to other a n a l y s i s . However there are a few anthol-ogies of short s t o r i e s based on urban themes and settings that can serve to e s t a b l i s h that the image derived from the novels indeed represents the predominant perception of urban place and that i t i s not skewed by choice of. material or bias of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The f i r s t , The Urban Experience, 7 one of the Themes in Canadian L i t e r a t u r e s e r i e s , i s a c o l l e c t i o n of poetry, f i c t i o n and n o n - f i c t i o n . Of the six works of f i c t i o n , three are set in contemporary c i t i e s , three are r e c o l l e c t i o n s of the urban past. Toronto Short S t o r i e s , 8 i s more e x p l i c i t l y concerned with f i c t i o n , with sixteen of the twenty s t o r i e s dealing with contemporary l i f e i n that c i t y , two reminis-cences and two st o r i e s revolving around the immigrant experience of Toronto. (The t h i r d c o l l e c t i o n that looked promising, Winnipeg S t o r i e s , 9 proved to be of l i t t l e value, since the c r i t e r i o n f o r s e l e c t i o n was not that the works were set i n Winnipeg or said something about that urban m i l i e u but rather that "they are s t o r i e s by Winnipeggers and ex-Winnipeggers and they are about Winnipeg and about other p l a c e s . " 1 0 The e d i t o r has chosen f i c t i o n that reveals what she terms "the Winnipeg s t y l e " 1 1 rather than Winnipeg i t s e l f . It i s also a statement about the r e l a t i v e lack of i n t e r e s t in urban f i c t i o n i n Canada that I could f i n d no c o l l e c t i o n of Montreal short s t o r i e s , although a good deal of c i t y - o r i e n t e d , English language work has come out of that c i t y . ) 39 The short s t o r i e s in these two c o l l e c t i o n s , presumably a representa-t i v e s e l e c t i o n , provided a useful sounding board against which to test the v a l i d i t y of the impressions gained from a summer's reading of Canadian novels. And the major themes outlined previously did indeed recur, with varying degrees of emphasis, throughout the anthologies. In The Urban  Experience, the c i t y appears as a place of vaguely defined, underlying threat. In the f i r s t story, "The Happiest Man in the World," the protagonist^ after;"locking a l l h i s f i l e s , " 1 2 proceeds past "the uniformed watchman" 1 3 to get h i s car from the security of the underground car-park. Once home he notices with annoyance that h i s garage door has been l e f t a j a r ; i t too must be kept locked so that "children on the street wouldri-' t take things from h i s workbench or s p i l l h i s paint. " 1 I f Urban l i f e i s secured by locks and doors. Indeed l i f e i s a passage from one place of security to another: d r i v i n g home on the parkway he must be wary of the "Friday night drunks and the unmarked p o l i c e cars that p a t r o l l e d the r o a d . " 1 5 Both law-breaker and law-enforcer are regarded as threatening in a landscape where the sense of order i s problematic. In t h i s story the c i t y at large appears as nothing more than a series of highways and roads, driveways and parking l o t s . Indeed the p i v o t a l action takes place in a plaza parking l o t when a b e l l i g e r e n t driver scrapes the protagonist's car, f o r even human disagreement i s reduced to mechanical i n t e r a c t i o n . S o c i a l acceptance i s rendered in terms of the auto-mobile as well — the c e n t r a l character, happily contemplating a new car to celebrate h i s promition, i s c a r e f u l to consider that h i s choice must be "nothing too ostentatious, of course, f o r the short suburban street in Green B r i a r H i l l s . 1 1 1 6 The landscape symbolically circumscribes h i s choice even as i t circumscribes h i s l i f e . 40 The suburban setting of t h i s story makes i t a notable exception in urban l i t e r a t u r e , f o r suburbia has received l i t t l e a t tention from Cana-dian w r i t e r s . Green B r i a r H i l l s , once considered a suburb (" the in-place for f a m i l i e s on t h e i r way up" 1 7) was now "a part of the c i t y to those who l i v e d i n the newer subdivisions further out;" 1 8 swallowed up by the encroach-ing c i t y despite the natural and r u r a l pretensions of i t s name. Garner's story reveals a man suddenly p r e c i p i t a t e d into an acute awareness of h i s discomfort with h i s time and place. The picture of urban society i s bleak: a shallow world of s u p e r f i c i a l i t i e s and appearances. It depicts the protagonist as a s o l i t a r y i n d i v i d u a l , cut off from h i s detached and distant wife, even as she presents a perfect picture of an executive wife; cut off from h i s son (with whom he i s unable to communicate, reaching the boy and f i n a l l y e s t a b l i s h i n g a r e l a t i o n s h i p only through a v i o l e n t act that he abhors); cut off from h i s co-workers (wo do not ' r e a l l y know' him and whose reaction to h i s promotion i s jealous antipathy); cut off from h i s family (a l e t t e r from h i s s i s t e r brings a sharp pang of regret over t h e i r estrangement, and h i s desire f or more chi l d r e n and n o s t a l g i a f o r the family mealtimes of h i s childhood a l l symbolize the f e e l i n g of family that he r e a l i z e s has been l o s t ) ; cut o f f from h i s neighbours (for s o c i a l i n t e r -action has been formalized — "we owe them an i n v i t e " 1 9 — , subject to rules and undertaken for the purpose of status maintenance — f o r example, to announce h i s promotion); and, f i n a l l y , alienated froiji a society whose ethos he has never before consciously examined and which he finds he does not share. I t i s a bleak picture of a man t r u l y alone, suddenly r e a l i z i n g the depth of h i s estrangement. He marvels "sadly at the univer-sal meanness shared by a l l the frightened, f r u s t r a t e d p e o p l e " 2 0 who share hi s urban l i f e space. 4 1 The sense of place depicted in Hugh Hood's "Flying a Red K i t e " i s equally bleak, as the terms he uses to describe the c i t y reveal — "sweaty bath of shimmering glare from the sidewalk," 2 1 grimy, clamoured, trampled, pushed f u r i o u s l y , the " j i t t e r of the c i t y . " 2 2 Again the p e r s i s t e n t image of s h u t t l i n g movement i s featured, as Hood gr a p h i c a l l y depicts the sensa-t i o n of being trapped in a hot bus, encapsulated by windows that would not open, fellow passengers who would not move. It i s only when the protagonist climbs the mountain above the c i t y , i t s c l e a r dry a i r , sunshine, green f o l i a g e and wild raspberries painted i n stark contrast to the s t i f l i n g environment from which he has momentarily escaped, that he can get the red k i t e to soar, symbol of competence and co n t r o l and ult i m a t e l y , of freedom. Fog, in the piece by that name by Ethel Wilson, blankets the c i t y , s i g n i f y i n g "danger and warning," 2 3 a " r e l e n t l e s s blank," 2 1* rendering the "unpleasant part of Mt. P l e a s a n t " 2 5 in which old Mrs. Bylow l i v e s , as grey as her l i f e . Her world has shrunk to the lonely confines of home and tentative journeyings to the corner store, to a "closed-up dry well of boredom" 2 6 and l o n e l i n e s s . Yet even that shrunken world proves ultimate-, l y h o s t i l e , f o r Mrs. Bylow i s f a t a l l y injured by boys who have j u s t robbed and k i l l e d Wong Kee in h i s grocery store. She i s "... wiped out by forces quite outside h e r s e l f l i k e a moth in a storm (not much more and no l e s s ) " 2 7 — forces that Wilson f i r m l y connects to the anonymity of the c i t y , to the foggy grey landscape of d i s o r i e n t a t i o n and concealment. Wilson's simile i s apt: the urban environment she portrays i s indeed stormy. Jack Ludwig's "Requiem f o r B i b u l " i s set in the c i t y of a d i f f e r -ent era. The r i c h l y populated, intensely personal environment of pre-World War II Winnipeg provides a marked contrast to the anonymity of contemporary Vancouver that Wilson depicts. The setting echoes the c e n t r a l theme of the 42 story. It i s a world of people known and f a m i l i a r , accepted i n spite of th e i r e c c e n t r i c i t i e s , of place described with warmth and a f f e c t i o n , a polyglot world r i c h with character and characters. The harsh economic r e a l i t y of the time i s r e f l e c t e d in Ludwig's picture of the landscape: Into the l i s t s Malkeh dragged the keening wagon, onto the " i s l a n d " in ruins l i k e a medieval c i t y ... Foundationless hovels kids might have b u i l t out of assorted-sized decks of cards sagged, leaned at crazy-house angles to astound P i s a . Gates tips y as Malkeh's wagon swung on one hinge from a l a s t l o s t post; dry cracking wood fences leaned in surrender toward the ground ... 2 8 But the s o c i a l r e a l i t y i s j u s t as s e n s i t i v e l y revealed — a pi c t u r e of a warmly textured world of i n t e r a c t i o n . Ludwig juxtaposes two points of contrast to t h i s urban world remembered — within the story Bibul leaves f o r r a b b i n i c a l school i n New York. His friend' s caution neatly catches the essense of the mi l i e u that Ludwig has d e t a i l e d : " ... doesn't the idea of a c i t y the size of New York scare you? Y o u ' l l be strange. Winni-peg's a v i l l a g e ..." 2 9 Within a year Bibul i s dead, h i s l i f e symbolically s t i f l e d by the heat of the metropolis. The second counterpoint takes the form of a nar r a t i v e comment when Bibul's f r i e n d , as narrator, brings the r e c o l l e c t i o n to the present. Winnipeg has become a c i t y comparable to the New York of decades ago, where indeed many f i n d themselves 'strange,' strangers. The c i t y has changed p h y s i c a l l y , s o c i a l l y , v i t a l l y . He laments that "I cannot f i n d Bibul's l i k e i n Winnipeg today" 3 0 and that "someone waved a T-square wand over the old is l a n d , bringing i n the 90-degree angle unknown in Bibul's f a r - o f f day. Progress pretends Bibul's " i s l a n d " never r e a l l y e x i s t e d . " 3 1 Winnipeg has been homogenized and sa n i t i z e d into a place of strangers, of "River Heights, S i l v e r Heights, Garden C i t y , places of Togetherness, Betterness, Spotlessness, the p o l i t e answers Comfort has given to the sad old questions of C i v i l i z a t i o n . " 3 2 C i v i c v i r t u e 43 has o b l i t e r a t e d c i t y l i f e : "The f a c t remains I cannot f i n d Bibul's l i k e i n Winnipeg today." 3 3 The f i n a l two s t o r i e s , "The Great E l e c t r i c a l Revolution" by K. Mit-c h e l l and "The Saga of the Fine-toothed Comb" by J.H. Gray also r e f l e c t back on times past. Like Ludwig, these authors make no attempt to soften the harsh f a c t s of r e a l i t y — the economic hardship of the Depression, the ever-present threat of unemployment, the prevalence of r a c i a l prejudice and tension. Yet they also point up, le s s s e l f - c o n s c i o u s l y than Ludwig, the supportive aspects of the urban past. In t h e i r recreations the environ-ment, for a l l i t s harshness, i s perceived by i t s inhabitants as reasonable, manageable, human, e s s e n t i a l l y humane. For example, in "The Great E l e c -t r i c a l Revolution" Grandad achieves symbolic (though short l i v e d ) v i c t o r y over the L i g h t and Power Company — "Cut off my power, w i l l they?" 3"* In those days, the ominous "they" who control the c i t y and the l i v e s of i t s c i t i z e n s were not perceived as impregnable, as Grandad proved by tapping into the power l i n e and g l e e f u l l y f u r n i s h i n g free e l e c t r i c i t y f o r himself and h i s neighbours. In those days, a man could r e t a l i a t e ; h i s destiny s t i l l lay i n h i s own hands. A strong sense of self-determination and purposefulness c h a r a c t i r i z e s both these s t o r i e s and contrasts with the sense of resignation and ineptitude with which the characters i n the three contemporary s t o r i e s cope with t h e i r urban environment. The perception of the c i t y that i s contained in these six s t o r i e s from The Urban Experience echoes the imagery in the novels and also portends a s i m i l a r v i s i o n of the c i t y i n the second anthology, Toronto Sto r i e s . Again the contemporary c i t y i s depicted as a place of anxiety, an environ-ment i n which people are always aware of t h e i r e s s e n t i a l v u l n e r a b i l i t y . 44 "For heaven's sake, i t ' s only Toronto," Greta said. She worked in De t r o i t f o r three years and she never l e t s you forget i t , i t ' s l i k e she's a war hero or something, we should a l l admire her j u s t f o r the f a c t that she's s t i l l walking t h i s earth, though she was r e a l l y l i v i n g i n Windsor the whole time,1 she j u s t worked in D e t r o i t which f o r me doesn't r e a l l y count. It's where you sleep, r i g h t . 3 5 This sense of v u l n e r a b i l i t y underlies much of the action i n the s t o r i e s and predicates the re a c t i o n of characters to t h e i r environment. "You can't spend your whole l i f e i n the F i l i n g Department or cooped up in your own apartment with a l l the doors and windows locked and the shades down." 3 e In "Home Grown in the East End" t h i s sense of v u l n e r a b i l i t y leads to the ultimate defensive posture in which the son r e t r e a t s to the a t t i c , withdraw-ing completely from the outside world, which "saw only h i s hand reaching out for n e c e s s i t i e s then drawing i n again ... He had diminished to signs and t r a c e s . " 3 7 Even t h i s protective diminution f a i l e d to s h i e l d him from r e a l i t y however, and h i s body i s found frozen beneath the a t t i c window. He had pushed and squeezed and thrust himself through the narrow space that had been h i s hold on l i f e , h u r t l i n g to the earth i n silence and landing with a great mellow t h u d . 3 8 This 'narrow space' i n a protective wall also appears i n "Something f o r O l i v i a ' s Scrapbook, I Guess." A f u g i t i v e g i r l , deaf and mute, i s hidden from the a u t h o r i t i e s in a shed — "You could d r i l l a hole in the wall and charge a dime to peek i n . " 3 9 The comment..is made f a c e t i o u s l y but the symbol endures: r e a l i t y , the outside world, can always breach the barricade. In t h i s story the a u t h o r i t i e s are the enemy and the i n s t i -t u t i o n threatens, both p e r s o n i f i e d by the ever-present 'they': "They're going to put you in j a i l , do you know that? Or they're going to send the men in the white coats f o r you. Eit h e r way, there's going to be nothing l e f t of you One character "had diminished to signs and t r a c e s ; " of another there would be "nothing l e f t . " The urban r e a l i t y erodes i d e n t i t y , crushes 4 5 s p i r i t and symbolically extinguishes s e l f . Concurrent with the themes of threat and v u l n e r a b i l i t y i s the theme of escape. Death of course i s the ultimate escape, whether by accident (as i n "The Premeditated Death of Samuel Glover"), suicide ("Home Grown i n the East End", "Death of a Fr i e n d " ) , hanging ( " A d r i f t " ) , murder ("House of the Whale") or old age ("The Old Lady's Money"). Indeed six of the twenty s t o r i e s i n t h i s c o l l e c t i o n involve death. The compulsion to escape the stresses inherent in the environment i s depicted in forms les s extreme as w e l l , and i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that escape i s usually psychological — into daydreams,1*1 or withdrawal into s e l f — rather than physical escape from the c i t y . The deaf mute i s the ultimate symbol of detachment from others and from environment 1* 2 as are the mentally retarded or n e u r o l o g i c a l l y impaired who represent another form of escape from urban r e a l i t y . Four of the twenty s t o r i e s i n t h i s anthology are set in or involve p s y c h i a t r i c f a c i l i t i e s . 1 * 3 Detachment from others as well as from r e a l i t y i s featured prominently; the few r e l a t i o n s h i p s portrayed are depicted as empty and un s a t i s f y i n g . Communication i s problematic — sharing a landscape does not imply sharing a world. A piece of music i s "a communique from the other country where she live s . " 1 * 1 * "He was always moving on to another world that they knew nothing about." 1* 5 "... a stranger from a country she had never dreamed of v i s i t i n g . " 1 * 6 "I might have known from the s t a r t , the two of us, — worlds apart — were bound to have our share of [disagreements]." 1* 7 I s o l a t i o n i s basic to urban l i f e even at the most casual l e v e l s of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n : on the subway "strangers to the c i t y t a l k r i g h t out loud, and — very worst — sometimes they look across the a i s l e and catch t h e i r f ellow t r a v e l l e r s eye-to-eye." 1* 8 46 The car i s frequently used to delineate something e s s e n t i a l about c i t y l i f e . In "The Premeditated Death of Samuel Glover" i t i s the instrument by which 'fate' k i l l s Glover. In "The B u t t e r f l y Ward" the se t t i n g i s "the h o s p i t a l in the b i g , shining car c i t y , so many cars here, with streets of sparkling l i g h t at night 9 But these streets of sparkling l i g h t repre-sent a network of danger with images of f a s t moving, anti-human t r a f f i c often serving to heighten the atmosphere of tension within a s e t t i n g . The p i c t u r e of the physical environment parodies that of the s o c i a l m i l i e u . It i s a c i t y characterized by hard planes, co l d surfaces, by ex-. tremes of heat and co l d . When I moved here, twelve years ago, other homes l i k e t h i s surrounded i t . Now when I look out the window past the two oaks that survive i n the front yard, I see metal balconies and c o n c r e t e . 5 0 Behind us was Bay Street and I turned and l e t my eyes r o l l down the narrow canyon toward the lake. "That's the Wall Street of Toronto," you said. "Street of money, street of w a l l s . " 5 1 But the physical environment of the c i t y cannot be disconnected from the people who l i v e i n i t : "At f i r s t I spent a week in Vancouver, watching the people carry the c i t y back and f o r t h i n l i t t l e b ags." 5 2 Nor can i t be disconnected from the reaction of those who l i v e i n i t : "Some days I hate the c i t y , i t smashes up against me — a jungle of smoke and f l e s h . And then there are other times, when i t l i v e s again f o r me, and i t s l i f e presses out of the new a i r , s t a r t i n g again'." 5 3 The c i t y indeed has an autonomous (though often threatening) e x i s -tence: " ... and i t was as though the b u i l d i n g was a l i v e , shivering, with bones and sinews and tendons, with a l i f e of i t s own. I didn't t r u s t 47 The picture of place sketched by a writer can neatly d i s t i l l the geographer's socio-spatial'map: Far from the c i t y centre, the buses had the blank serenity of people on t h e i r way to church and the further away one got, the paler and more homogeneous the faces seemed. Heading back, on the other hand, the buses and t r a i n s would become microcosms of cosmopolitan fervour: the Greek and Jamaican and Chinese returning home from f a c t o r i e s and f i s h shops, chattering i n a language they would have i d e n t i f i e d as English, though no English-speaking person could hope to understand more than the occasional word. 5 5 Misunderstanding,confusion }is perhaps the single d e f i n i t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c by which Canadian authors epitomize urban r e a l i t y : In the c i t y a f e r r y i s a big boat. They're l i k e painted p i c t u r e s . From f a r off they look so clear and r e a l . Real the way you imagine things to be r e a l . Or the way you want them to be. But up close they look lousy. D i r t y and cracked, and the kind of r e a l that makes you f e e l old and t i r e d . 5 6 In the c i t y , r e a l i t y i s tenuous and s h i f t i n g ; i l l u s i o n becomes, "up c l o s e , " d i s i l l u s i o n . And i n these short s t o r i e s anxiety and disillusionment, con-fusion and un-ease are the predominent reactions to and within t h i s f i c t i v e urban environment. These few examples demonstrate that the same v i s i o n of urban r e a l i t y that obtained i n the novels also permeated the anthologies. Furthermore, t h i s a nalysis of the anthologies reveals an image of the c i t y and of c i t y l i f e that has been derived from ch a r a c t e r i z a t i o n and thematic focus as well as from phy s i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n and symbolic reference to the s e t t i n g . Intertwined, theme, character and background serve to present a composite v i s i o n of the urban experience. These three elements are, of course, r e l a t e d — f i r s t , i n terms of l i t e r a r y technique (as, for exam-ple, an author uses setting to enhance theme and, vice versa, when theme serves to i n t e n s i f y the f e e l i n g or mood of the s e t t i n g ; as the characters' imputed reactions to and within the environment r e i n f o r c e and extend the picture of place depicted or conversely, in the device of pathetic f a l l a c y , 48 where aspects of the environment portend p l o t or character development). Further — and perhaps of more i n t e r e s t to the geographer — these three elements are r e l a t e d insofar as they can each separately address the mood, tone and ambiance of the landscape and together can contribute a composite word-picture of place. Thus the summary goes beyond gathering graphic de-t a i l s of d e s c r i p t i o n limned from the texts and i l l u s t r a t e s the broader ap-proach to using l i t e r a t u r e as s o c i a l document. In t h i s chapter an attempt has been made to present (and to j u s t i f y as well as to i l l u s t r a t e by reference to examples from two anthologies) the p r o t o t y p i c a l v i s i o n of urban place. A collage of imagery has been convoked, the accretion of examples plucked from the works, 5 7 perhaps at best o f f e r i n g a broad overview, a f e e l f o r the urban p o r t r a i t — indeed the type of impression that began to take shape in my mind as I read the novels. Yet ult i m a t e l y t h i s i s only an overview. And i f the objective of t h i s exercise i s , to borrow the words of Salter and L l o y d , 5 8 to go beyond sight to v i s i o n and i n s i g h t , then c l e a r l y t h i s i s only the f i r s t step in the process of t r y i n g to arrange and ultimately better understand t h i s unwieldy, rewarding material. 49 Footnotes Chapter II 1In 1971, 76.1% of Canadians l i v e d in urban centers and one in two l i v e d i n census metropolitan areas (with populations of over 100,000). Source: Canadian Urban Trends; National Perspectives, v o l . I, ed. D.M. Ray (Ottawa: Copp Clark i n ass o c i a t i o n with the Ministry of State f o r Urban A f f a i r s , 1972). 2 E l i Mandel has examined the c i t y in poetry in a chapter by that name in Another Time; Esther Bobak i s working on a doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n on the Canadian urban novel (unfinished at t h i s w r i t i n g ) ; a few theses have explored the treatment of s p e c i f i c c i t i e s i n Canadian l i t e r a t u r e , e.g. Anthony K i l g a l l i n , "Toronto in Prose and Poetry" (M.A. t h e s i s , University of Toronto, 1966). 3Warren Tallman, "Wolf in Snow" in Contexts of Canadian C r i t i c i s m , ed. E l i Mandel, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977), p. 245. "*This treatment was e s p e c i a l l y evident i n the more recently pub-l i s h e d work of some of the younger w r i t e r s . These works (e.g. Canadian  Healing O i l by Juan Butler, Five Legs by Graeme Gibson) tend to be s u r r e a l i s t i c i n tone, sometimes experimental in s t y l e and often taking the form of an i n t e r n a l dialogue or exploration i n which the environment i s of l i t t l e immediate concern. These novels that said nothing, ei t h e r symbolic or s p e c i f i c , about c i t i e s or c i t y l i f e f urther reduced the small number of urban-set novels that could be used as material. It i s important to note that i t i s not the s t y l e of surrealism or psychological realism per se that precludes a novel from being useful as a source of data (indeed some of these works of psychological realism, a form current in the past decade, proved a valuable source of comment, both l i t e r a l and symbolic). Rather i t i s t h e i r focus on the inner landscape, sometimes to the exclusion of any reference to the external one, that l i m i t s t h e i r function as urban i n d i c a t o r . 5Stephen Leacock, "The Hidden Secret of the C i t y " i n The Leacock  Roundabout (New York: Dodd Mead & Co., 1959), p. 375. 7 John Stevens, ec., The Urban Experience (Toronto: McMillan, 1975). 8Morris Wolfe and Douglas Daymond, eds., Toronto Short Stories (Toronto: Doubleday Canada, 1977). 50 9Joan Parr, ed., Winnipeg Stories (Winnipeg: Queenstone House, 1974). 1 0 I b i d . , p. 6. l x I b i d . , p. 5. 1 2Stevens, The Urban Experience, p. 3. 1 3 I b i d . 9 P- 3. " I b i d . , P- 6. l i 5 I b i d . , P . 5. 1 7 I b i d . 9 P- 6. 1 8 I b i d . , P- 6. 1 9 I b i d . , P . 10 • 2 0 I b i d . 9 P- 17. 2 1 I b i d . , P . 23. 2 2 lb id • > P- 23. 2 3 l b i d . 9 P- 77. 2 " l b i d . » P . 79. " i b i d • » P- 77. 2 6 I b i d . 9 P- 79 2 7 I b i d . , P . 84. 2 8 I b i d • > P- 92. 2 9 I b i d . 9 P- 96. 3 0 I b i d . , P . 98. 3 1 I b i d • 9 P- 98. 3 2 I b i d . 9 P- 99. 3 3 I b i d . , P . 99. 3 "lb i d • » P- 61. 3 5Wolfe and Daymond, eds., Toronto Short Sto r i e s , p. 3. 3 6 I b i d . , p. 10. 3 7 I b i d . , p. 142. 3 8 I b i d . , p. 147 3 9 I b i d . , p. 227. '^°Ibid., p. 227. 4 1 F o r example "Rape Fantasies," "The Walrus and the Carpenter." 1 > 2In "Something f o r O l i v i a ' s Scrapbook, I Guess." 3"Dance of the Happy Shades," "The Walrus and the Carpenter," "Bu t t e r f l y Ward," "Something f o r O l i v i a ' s Scrapbook, I Guess." ""Wolfe and Daymond, eds., Toronto Short Sto r i e s , p. 272. " 5 I b i d . , p. 254. " 6 I b i d . , p. 205. " 7 I b i d . , p. 150. 4 8 I b i d . , p. 235. " 9 I b i d . , p. 130. 5 0 I b i d . , p. 177. 5 1 I b i d . , p. 199. 5 1 I b i d . , p. 197. 5 3 I b i d . , p. 189. 5 " l b i d . , p. 200. 5 5 I b i d . , p. 157. 5 e I b i d . , p. 101. The f a c t that these examples, l i k e the o v e r a l l impression, were 'plucked' from t h e i r context tends perhaps to exaggerate the negativeness of impression, and to overemphasize t h e i r r e l a t i v e importance within the l i t e r a r y work i t s e l f . Isolated and strung together, rather than appearing as background or incorporated thematically or symbolically within the larger context of the story, the imagery assumes much more impact than when i t functions merely as part of the story. In any separate work the v i s i o n of the c i t y i s u n l i k e l y to be as s i n g u l a r l y malevolent as t h i s compendium suggests; the examples r e i n f o r c e each other, compounding a 5 1 picture that appears extreme. Yet any d i s t o r t i o n of impression i s one of quantity not q u a l i t y , f o r the examples have been c a r e f u l l y chosen to be representative of the perception of place that does occur i n the work. Salter and Lloyd, Landscape in L i t e r a t u r e , p. 28. 52 CHAPTER I I I THE FRAMEWORK REVISED The preceding section has b r i e f l y i l l u s t r a t e d some main themes c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Canadian urban l i t e r a t u r e and has introduced the prevalent images of the c i t y as l i v i n g place. From t h i s preliminary survey of the l i t e r a t u r e , two points emerged which subsequently became the nexus of t h i s t h e s i s . The f i r s t i s obvious — that the urban s o c i a l environment was overwelmingly portrayed e i t h e r as empty and meaningless, peripheral to the story and e l i c i t i n g l i t t l e response, or more t y p i c a l l y , as h o s t i l e , menacing, uncontrolled and unordered, engendering f e e l i n g s of detachment, uncertainty and impotence. The degree of consensus about t h i s l a t t e r imagery i s i t s e l f s i g n i f i c a n t ; very few exceptions were evident. Second, i t became apparent, as noted e a r l i e r , that a framework or model would be necessary to organize and c l a r i f y t h i s data, to reveal pattern in the various reactions to urban l i v i n g and to achieve more than a c o l l e c t i o n or cataloguing of urban image-ry. For to l i s t t h i s imagery i s merely to paraphrase i t and to remove i t one step further from i t s source in the r e a l world of experience. This i s surely data that must lose something in t r a n s l a t i o n (or t r a n s c r i p t i o n ) . To attempt to convey t h i s image i s important, but i t i s not an end in i t s e l f . It i s merely a preliminary step — a data-gathering, a reconnais-sance . 1 These two considerations led to the search f o r a suitable framework and ultimately to the choice of Northrop Frye' s garrison mentality model. 53 I t encompassed both terms of reference: i t served to provide a framework (or, more p r e c i s e l y , the basis f o r developing one) and i t was formulated on the premise of a h o s t i l e environment. That i t came from a l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n seemed e s p e c i a l l y appropriate. A model, however, cannot be adopted naively, merely transferred u n c r i t i c a l l y from l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m to serve geographical purposes; i t must be examined within the founding context of Frye's l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m , informed by the s o c i a l theory on which i t i s i m p l i c i t l y based. In adopting a model, i t i s necessary to be c r i t i c a l l y aware of the kinds of l i n k s , the forms of connection between a r t and society that i t assumes. The a n a l y t i c a l procedures employed by Frye and i m p l i c i t i n the t h e o r e t i c a l base of the model o r i g i n a t e i n the mythic — s t r u c t u r a l i s t c r i t i c a l theory that he espouses. This method of defining the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a r t and society i s a dominant paradigm i n the f i e l d of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m . While i t i s fundamentally a s t r u c t u r a l i s t mode of explanation, in i t s own f i e l d i t i s commonly i d e n t i f i e d by the l a b e l mythic, perhaps because the term s t r u c t u r a l i s t i n l i t e r a t u r e has become f i r m l y associated with l i n g u i s t i c structuralism, semiotic theory and writers such as Barthes. And since s t r u c t u r a l i s m i n l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m does not deal with the structure of words, of language (as, f o r example, does Barthes), but rather with the underlying structure evident in the works themselves, taken as a whole, perhaps mythic i s a les s confusing l a b e l to apply to t h i s mode of an a l y s i s . As w e l l , the term distinguishes the model more c l e a r l y from a Marxist approach which can also take a s t r u c t u r a l i s t mode. However, the terms structure and s t r u c t u r a l i s t w i l l appear frequently i n t h i s section because the mythic mode of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m i s e s s e n t i a l l y a d i r e c t descendant of Levi-Straussian structuralism, c u l t u r a l 5 4 anthropological theory applied to l i t e r a t u r e . Frye's t h e o r e t i c a l work has been d e f i n i t i v e i n the f i e l d of l i t e -rary c r i t i c i s m . He approaches l i t e r a t u r e , not in terms of explaining, analyzing or understanding any single text, but from a h o l i s t i c perspective which focusses on l i t e r a t u r e as an i n t e g r a l u n i t . He advances a s p e c i f i c conceptual framework whose p r i n c i p l e s apply to l i t e r a t u r e as a whole and which "has an end i n the structure of l i t e r a t u r e as a t o t a l form as well as a beginning in the text studied." 2 Further, " e x i s t i n g monuments of l i t e r a t u r e form an i d e a l order among themselves and are not simply c o l l e c -t ions of the writings of i n d i v i d u a l s . " 3 It i s t h i s o v e r a l l order that i s the focus of Frye's concern and which i s the basis f o r the schematic s t r u c -ture upon which he sets up elaborate taxonomies. The framework centres on h i s concept of mythos; he defines the r o l e of myth in l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m as a " s t r u c t u r a l , organizing p r i n c i p l e of l i t e r a r y form."1* These myths express basic views of man's destiny and they become the recurring p l o t s and metaphors of l i t e r a t u r e . They form the categories and themes within the structure of which Frye analyzes l i t e r a r y works. As i s t y p i c a l of a s t r u c t u r a l i s t mode of explanation, t h i s mythic and symbolic structure can be diagrammed into complex patterns of opposition. Thus Frye i s concerned with the general, thematic and archetypal s i m i l a r i t i e s i n l i t e r a r y works. He sees these categories, t h i s schema, as uni v e r s a l and suggests that the function of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m i s to examine various works in terms of t h i s o v e r a l l order. The focus i s on the underlying structure or form rather than on the content or context of the work. The method, therefore, constitutes a f o r m a l i s t approach to l i t e r a t u r e — an approach in which a work i s analyzed i n terms of i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to other works; i t i s to be understood in and of i t s e l f , 55 without any reference to the biography or times of the wri t e r . " I t can be analysed o b j e c t i v e l y , without recourse to personal taste or to such f i e l d s as h i s t o r y , p o l i t i c a l science and psychology." 5 In view of th i s literature-as-self-contained-system approach, i t would seem that Frye and other l i t e r a r y c r i t i c s would have l i t t l e to say about the l i n k s between a r t and society. Indeed society does not appear to come into t h e i r analysis at a l l ; l i t e r a t u r e i s seen in terms of an autonomous conceptual universe, apart from society. As Frye concludes, l i t e r a t u r e i s made out of other l i t e r a t u r e , not out of l i f e , 6 and, further, that "the imaginative element i n works of a r t ... l i f t s them c l e a r of the bondage of h i s t o r y . " 7 Thus h i s conceptual schema i s predicated on a fundamental separation of l i t e r a t u r e and i t s s o c i a l dimension. But t h i s i s perhaps an o v e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n f o r Frye does address the issue of the s o c i a l context ' of l i t e r a t u r e and c r i t i c i s m . 8 In The C r i t i c a l Path he notes that: ... seeing l i t e r a t u r e as a unity i n i t s e l f does not withdraw i t from a s o c i a l context: on the contrary i t becomes f a r easier to see what i t s place i n c i v i l i z a t i o n i s . C r i t i c i s m w i l l always have two aspects, one turned toward the structure of l i t e r a t u r e -and one turned toward the other c u l t u r a l phenomena that form the s o c i a l environment of l i t e r a t u r e . 9 Frye advocates a balance of both these aspects, a u n i f i c a t i o n of t h i s d u a l i t y (hardly a su r p r i s i n g p o s i t i o n f o r a s t r u c t u r a l i s t , f o r the funda-mental schema of structuralism i s the d i a d i c , d i a l e c t i c a l framework that permits the mediation of bipo l a r oppositions). For Frye the un i f y i n g p r i n c i p l e that e f f e c t s t h i s r e c o n c i l i a t i o n i s the imagination of man. Thus: L i t e r a t u r e ... neither r e f l e c t s nor escapes from ordinary l i f e . What i t does r e f l e c t i s the world as human imagination conceives i t , i n mythical, romantic, heroic and i r o n i c as well 56 as r e a l i s t i c and f a n t a s t i c terms ... [It] i s the world man exis t s and p a r t i c i p a t e s in through h i s i m a g i n a t i o n . 1 0 Thus i n the s t r u c t u r a l i s t analysis imagination i s the key l i n k that connnects a r t and society, that subsumes both categories, that permits the concept of a transcending l i t e r a t u r e that i s s t i l l f i r m l y anchored i n the " r e a l " world. Imagination i s , i n Frye's terms, the cr e a t i v e force of the mind; i n other words, the structuring power of mind. From t h i s we can conclude that h i s concept of structure i s i n t r i n s i c to the mind of man, one that e x i s t s as an ordering p r i n c i p l e rather than one that i s inherent i n the world, external to but discoverable by the mind of man. Imagination, he suggests, "creates r e a l i t y . " 1 1 It also creates l i t e r a t u r e . And insofar as a r t and r e a l i t y (the r e a l world, society) are products of man's imagination ( i . e . h i s categories f o r understanding), they are linked. The fundamental structuring power of man's imagination i s basic to and underlies both a work of a r t and society as man creates and perceives i t . It i s thus the e s s e n t i a l connection between them, as well as being the schema through which both a r t and society must be under-stood. The mythic s t r u c t u r a l i s t method of analyzing l i t e r a t u r e deals not with the landscape of environment but rather with the landscape of mind. I t s focus of concern i s the mythic structure, not the s o c i a l dimen-sions revealed i n a work of a r t . Therefore i t does not deal with s o c i a l conditions, i n t e r a c t i o n with others or any s o c i a l or h i s t o r i c a l context of place. Nor does i t incorporate any view of l i t e r a t u r e as a s o c i a l force or agent of change. Since both a r t and society e s s e n t i a l l y r e f l e c t the same basic structure, a r t can have no e f f e c t on society, j u s t as in t h i s f ormalist mode of ana l y s i s , society has no e f f e c t on a r t . 57 Within t h i s f o r m a l i s t i c l i t e r a r y focus, the world, r e a l or perceived, i s inconsequential and i t therefore seems d i f f i c u l t to f i n d much relevance in t h i s method to geographical inquiry. Thus the s o c i a l theory on which i t i s based would seem to impose severe r e s t r i c t i o n s on the value of the garrison mentality model as an explanatory framework f o r our purposes. Garrison mentality i s , f o r Frye, e s s e n t i a l l y a mythic structure; l i t e r a t u r e i s analyzed to reveal the pervasiveness of t h i s myth in the l i t e r a r y imagination. It i s a theme r e -lat e d not to external r e a l i t y but "to a s o c i a l i m agination." 1 2 Conversely, the objective of t h i s study i s the analysis of l i t e r a t u r e to reveal modes of perceiving, images of place, reactions and behaviour. Its terms of reference are f i r m l y set in the r e a l world. Thus changes must be made to Frye's model and, more fundamentally, to i t s t h e o r e t i c a l b a s i s . A c a r e f u l reading of the a r t i c l e i n which Frye outlines the mythos of garrison mentality reveals the r e l a t i o n s h i p he po s i t s (or implies) be-tween the s p a t i a l order, the s o c i a l order, the garrison mentality and l i t e r a t u r e (See Figure 1, p. 60). The s p a t i a l order of that formative era was characterized by "defensive i s o l a t i o n of scattered pioneer com-munities ; m 1 3 4 t h i s h i s t o r i c a l nature of communities "engenders" 1 1* a gar-r i s o n mentality. This garrison mentality in turn "produces" 1 5 l i t e r a t u r e . "Imagination creates r e a l i t y " 1 6 and thus the garrison mentality, as a structure of the imagination, also influences the attendant s o c i a l order, which Frye describes as u n i f i e d and homogenous. (Early settlements were "communities in which writers were dogmatically sure of t h e i r d e r i v a t i v e moral and s o c i a l v a l u e s . " 1 7 ) The garrison mentality underlies both the s o c i a l order and the works of l i t e r a t u r e and thus they are related:."the l i t e r a t u r e [the garrison mentality] produces tends to be r h e t o r i c a l , 5 8 an i l l u s i o n or allegory of c e r t a i n s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s . " 1 8 Further "we have said that l i t e r a t u r e creates a detached autonomous: mythology, and that society i t s e l f produces a corresponding mythology ... to which a great deal of l i t e r a t u r e b e l o n g s . " 1 9 But Frye's i n t e r e s t i s confined to that autonomous realm of f i c t i o n a l and f i c t i v e mythology; neither society, the s o c i a l mythos nor the connections between l i t e r a t u r e and society concern h i m . 2 0 The s o c i a l order i s as peripheral to Frye's i n t e r e s t as i t i s to the i d e a l i s t - s t r u c t u r a l i s t schema that he i s elaborating. His focus i s on l i t e r a t u r e as i t r e f l e c t s the garrison mentality. His mirror i s a mythic prism, a glass that r e f l e c t s the innate structure of man's mind, the c o l l e c t i v e imagination that forms and informs cr e a t i v e l i t e r a t u r e . He holds l i t e r a t u r e to t h i s glass to illuminate the interconnection be-tween f i c t i v e work and myth. L i t e r a t u r e ... neither r e f l e c t s nor escapes from human l i f e . What i t does r e f l e c t i s the world as the imagination 2 1 conceives i t ... This " l i t e r a r y imagination" i s , he concedes, a "force and function of l i f e g e n e r a l l y , " 2 2 but h i s a n a l y t i c emphasis i s on II and III in the schema — l i t e r a t u r e as i t r e f l e c t s the garrison structure of mind, and the garrison structure as i t 'produces' l i t e r a t u r e — and not on " l i f e g e nerally." Nor does he address (indeed barely acknowledges) the i n t e r -connections between the s o c i a l order and t h i s mythic theme of garrison. While such a paradigm i s undoubtedly useful within the context of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m , i t s d e f i c i e n c i e s f o r the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t focussed ultimately on society, on environment and on " l i f e g enerally," are apparen While Frye's basic concept of garrison/wilderness i s c l e a r l y valuable, i t i s obvious that the model cannot be adopted u n c r i t i c a l l y but must be changed in focus, in intent, and in t h e o r e t i c a l grounding. 59 The second schema (Figure 2, p. 60) indicates the scope of these changes. In t h i s paradigm both the s o c i a l and the s p a t i a l order are seen as providing a context for the development of a garrison mentality. The construct i t s e l f i s not mythic but r e f e r s rather to a way of perceiving, a conceptual frame, an image-ing. Indeed i t i s revealed in l i t e r a r y work as image. Furthermore the a n a l y t i c focus of t h i s schema (as indicated by the broken l i n e ) i s not as narrow as Frye's: (III) l i t e r a t u r e , insofar as i t reveals images of (II) the garrison mentality, r e f l e c t s (I) the socio-s p a t i a l order from which context that image of garrison a r i s e s . The garrison model becomes the l i n k between a r t and society, between f i c t i o n and the s o c i o - s p a t i a l order. The garrison mentality has become a double-faced mirror: holding l i t e r a t u r e up to one side w i l l show us images of the garrison; at the same time the other side of the mirror w i l l r e f l e c t the actual s o c i a l and s p a t i a l environment from which t h i s image, t h i s way of perceiving — and t h i s l i t e r a t u r e — has ultimately come. (It i s the former r e f l e c t i o n , of course, that i s of concern here, that w i l l provide the mirror whose glass w i l l r e f l e c t the patterns c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of urban f i c t i o n . It w i l l serve as the framework within which the data from l i t e -rary sources can be focussed and analyzed. But i t i s important to note that the schema incorporates the other side of the mirror as w e l l , that i t addresses the r e a l world as well as the f i c t i v e , and thereby elaborates the c r i t i c a l connection that i s assumed between them.) The garrison mentality i t s e l f has become the mirror — f i g u r a t i v e l y set midway between II and I I I , between the r e a l and f i c t i v e worlds, r e -f l e c t i n g both but also serving as a focussing lens through which the experience and perception of r e a l i t y i s transposed into l i t e r a t u r e . This doubly r e f l e c t i v e yet also r e f r a c t i v e mirror i s a more complex symbol than 60 THE ATTENDANT SOCIAL ORDER I I . / I I I . SPATIAL ORDER '^gendered' > GARRISON ' P r o d u c e s ' > LITERATURE MENTALITY / (defensive i s o l a - x / \ / \ . . / t i o n ; the h i s t o r - (an ordering prxnci- / i c a l nature of pie; a mythic theme ' communities) revealing a structure • of the mind) ^ ^  ^ ' (* "the l i t e r a t u r e [the garrison mentality] produces tends to be r h e t o r i c a l , an i l l u s i o n or allegory of certain social a t t i t u d e s " 1 8 . ; Figure 1: FRYE'S CONCEPT SCHEMATIZED I I . as embodied > GARRISON and revealed in I I I . SPATIAL ORDER " (context for deve- MENTALITY SOCIAL ORDER LDpjnerrt_ofJ > j \ ^ — 1 (a mode of per-\ ceiving; re-\ vealed by V > LITERATURE N images) I I I . Literature, as a product of I I . garrison mentality re-f l e c t s I. socio-spatial order. Figure 2: THE SCHEMA REVISED 61 the mirrors examined in Chapter I. Though i t appears i n t u i t i v e l y obvious that l i t e r a t u r e can be seen as s o c i a l r e f l e c t i o n , the simile proves to be more complex than those simpler versions indicated. In t h i s model the question of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the author and society ( i . e . i s the author representative or does he present a biased, personal or i d i o s y n c r a t i c view?) i s not problematic. The s o c i a l and physic a l environment (which both a r t i s t and others presumably share) provides a context f o r the development of a way of perceiving. Thus to the extent that the a r t i s t and otheis share a common context, at a general l e v e l they share common ways of perceiving, categories of understanding, ways of ordering t h e i r world that w i l l i n turn be evident i n the creative expression of the author. 2 3 "A way of saying i m p l i c i t l y establishes a way of knowing." 2" S i g n i f i c a n t t h e o r e t i c a l changes have been made- to Frye's version of the garrison mentality paradigm to encompass the complexity, to incorpo-r a t e the s o c i a l as well as the s p a t i a l order, and to draw more s p e c i f i c l i n k s between r e a l i t y and f i c t i o n . The a n a l y t i c emphasis (broken l i n e s ) has changed i n response to the more pronounced s o c i a l focus of - geo-graphy v i s - a - v i s the self-contained realm of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m . The e a r l i e r section revealed Frye's t h e o r e t i c a l basis to be formal-i s t — h i s focus i s on the form of the crea t i v e work within a l i t e r a r y context of analysis/within the autonomous world of l i t e r a t u r e . He notes that: "discursive verbal structures have two aspects, one d e s c r i p t i v e , the other constructive, a content and a form!' 2 5 His emphasis i s wholly on the l a t t e r . By contrast t h i s a nalysis (and t h i s model) approach l i t e -rature not in terms of form but of content and, as well, of context — f o r the e x t r a - l i t e r a r y , s o c i o - s p a t i a l context i s fundamental to, such an analysis 6 2 of place. The preceding evaluation of Frye's basic s t r u c t u r a l i s t p o s i t i o n a l s o revealed i t to be an e s s e n t i a l l y i d e a l i s t s t a n c e , 2 6 whereas t h i s a n alysis seeks a pattern s o c i a l l y grounded, anchored i n community. For Frye the garrison model p r i n c i p a l l y serves to illuminate a b a s i c , innate and underlying structure of mind; in t h i s a n alysis the garrison model functions to provide a method of l i n k i n g a r t and society. The two paradigms also d i f f e r in scale of a n a l y s i s . Frye's construct i s a h o l i s t i c one (as, by d e f i n i t i o n , i s any s t r u c t u r a l i s t mode of explana-tion) ; the revised schema i s predicated on an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c or micro l e v e l of explanation. Frye speaks i n c o l l e c t i v e terms: the "Canadian imagi-n a t i o n , " 2 7 the " s o c i a l imagination. 1 , 2 8 "The [ s o c i a l ] imagination has i t s own modes of e x p r e s s i o n . " 2 9 He asserts that "communities ... develop ... a garrison m e n t a l i t y . " 3 0 In contrast, the second model addresses such issues i n i n d i v i d u a l terms — persons develop a garrison mentality. The focus i s on the i n d i v i d u a l experience of the s o c i o - s p a t i a l environment, the subjective reaction to r e a l i t y , the i n d i v i d u a l perception of garrison as i t i s revealed by garrison/wilderness imageryi These changes to Frye's paradigm have res u l t e d i n a model that i s more e x p l i c i t l y s o c i a l and i s based on a fundamentally d i f f e r e n t theo-r e t i c a l perceptive. However the revised model s t i l l has^ Frye's complemen-tary concepts of garrison and wilderness as i t s f o c a l point; i t s t i l l r e -volves around the notion of garrison mentality. Yet even t h i s conceptual basis did not go unaltered in the t r a n s i t i o n from l i t e r a t u r e to geography. In the process of applying the model to contemporary f i c t i o n i n order to analyze r e a c t i o n to urban place, a pattern soon became evident which proved consistent, and comprehensive. This i n turn necessitated further a l t e r a t i o n to the model While these consisted only of changes in 63 d e f i n i t i o n and not in structure or intent, nonetheless they a l t e r e d the model even futher. The images of garrison and wilderness indeed remained notable in a body of work produced a century a f t e r the era of s p e c i f i c s o c i a l and s p a t i a l conditions that led Frye to formulate t h i s concept. Further-more they s t i l l retained t h e i r ordering capacity. But i t became apparent that the objective referents of both notions had a l t e r e d . Imagery of wilderness no longer l i t e r a l l y r e f e r r e d to the untamed phys i c a l environ-ment; instead the metropolis had metaphorically become the wilderness. As can be seen from the summary presented i n Chapter II , the c i t y i t s e l f was perceived and depicted as h o s t i l e , problematic, an environment of uncertainty, r i s k and i n s e c u r i t y . The l i t e r a r y evidence supports Tuan's observation, that "as a state of mind, true wilderness e x i s t s only in the great sprawling c i t i e s . " 3 1 The image of community — once garrison — had been subsumed under the l a b e l of wilderness. However the other h a l f of the paradigm, the concept of garrison, did not disappear in t h i s s h i f t in image, t h i s a l t e r e d perception of place. A wilderness, however redefined, s t i l l necessitates a garrison. And the garrison was found to p e r s i s t in contemporary urban f i c t i o n i n three major forms — the garrison remembered, the garrison transplanted and the garrison contracted. These three themes, to be expanded i n the next chapter, constitute the pattern that was sought. They provide the basis of the framework that organizes the material into a comprehensive r e l a t i o n s h i p . That such changes of d e f i n i t i o n within the model are necessary to make i t applicable to contemporary experience seems hardly s t a r t l i n g . It i s obvious that a physical wilderness of defensive i s o l a t i o n no longer e x i s t s as an immediate and h o s t i l e presence i n contemporary experience. 6 4 It i s equally obvious that our concepts of community (as well as our actual communities) have a l t e r e d over the past century. Indeed Frye never intended that the garrison mentality model should apply only to the era from which i t was derived. In h i s writing i s contained the suggestion that i t would be modified accordingly. "As the center of Canadian l i f e moves from the f o r t r e s s to the metropolis, the garrison mentality changes correspondingly." 3 2 The changes that Frye focussed upon were the changes that came from and within the l i t e r a t u r e i t s e l f , e.g. the change from r h e t o r i c a l to d i a l e c t i c a l , from narrative to l y r i c a l forms, 3 3 and the change from a l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n expressive of the moral values of the group to a t r a d i t i o n that questions the status quo, that rebels against "the a n t i - c r e a t i v e elements in l i f e ..."3I* The writer becomes part of a l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n that i s "increasingly more of a revolutionary garrison within a metropolitan s o c i e t y . " 3 5 I t i s these changes in l i t e r a t u r e qua l i t e r a t u r e , and in the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the writer to society, that Frye analyzes in terms of a garrison mentality. It i s the analysis of l i t e r a t u r e as s o c i a l document and the r e l a t i o n s h i p of l i t e r a r y content to society that i s the c e n t r a l concern in t h i s paper. For l i t e r a t u r e , as i t r e f l e c t s society, may also be analyzed in terms of a garrison, with a changed society p r o f f e r i n g a changed d e f i n i t i o n of g a r r i -son. Not only did the concept of garrison mentally p e r s i s t in contempo-rary f i c t i o n but i t appears to be an underlying theme throughout the urban l i t e r a t u r e . It proved to be a useful and i n c l u s i v e a n a l y t i c concept which exposed the pattern that lay behind the disparate jumble of urban imagery. In sum, i t proved a useful framework f o r organizing and under-standing the f i c t i v e reactions to and characterizations of urban place. 65 Footnotes Chapter I I I •""The word reconnaissance i s appropriate in a semantic sense, deriving' as i t does from re (again) and cognoscere (to know). Its.roots imply getting to know again, becoming reacquainted with what we already know — even as f i c t i o n a r t i c u l a t e s essences and experiences that we 'know' at an immediate l e v e l but do not a r t i c u l a t e . I t makes concrete the ephemera of e s s e n t i a l experience so that we may recognize i t , come to know i t again. As Margaret Laurence comments (in Margaret Laurence by Clara Thomas (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1969), p. 43), she s t r i v e s to "put down on paper what everyone knows but nobody has thought of saying ..." 2Northrop Frye, The Anatomy of C r i t i c i s m (Princeton, N.J.: Prince-ton University Press, 1957), p. 242. 3 I b i d . , p. 16. " i b i d . , p. 341. 5Maclean's magazine, March 1978, p. 36f. 6R. Denham, Northrop Frye and C r i t i c a l Method, (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1978), p. 141. 7N. Frye, The Anatomy of C r i t i c i s m , p. 347. Although i t may be argued that h i s in t e r e s t seems p r i m a r i l y to focus on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between society and l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m , as suggested i n the s u b t i t l e of A Stubborn Structure: Essays on C r i t i c i s m and Society; and of The C r i t i c a l Path: An Essay on the S o c i a l Context of L i t e r a r y C r i t i c i s m . 9N. Frye, The C r i t i c a l Path (Bloomington, Indiana: Bloomington Univ e r s i t y Press, 1971), p. 24. 1 0From The Well-Tempered C r i t i c , c i t e d in Denham, Northrop Frye  and C r i t i c a l Method, p. 152. X 1Ibid.., p. 153. 1 2N. Frye, "Conclusion," p. 334. 1 3M. Ross, " C r i t i c a l Theory" in L i t e r a r y History of Canada, ed. Ka r l Klinck, p. 162. 66 1 Ibid., p. 165, summarizing Frye's approach. 1 5N. Frye, "Conclusion," p. 345 — "The l i t e r a t u r e i t produces ..." 1 6R. Denham, Northrop Frye and C r i t i c a l Method, p. 153. 1 7M. Ross, " C r i t i c a l Theory," p. 165. 1 8N. Frye, "Conclusion," p. 345. 1 9 I b i d . , p. 354. 2 0 T h i s neglect of the s o c i a l context and i t s impact i s not, of course, unique to Frye but i s a common stance i n Canadian l i t e r a r y analyses. For example, Desmond Pacey concludes i n "The Canadian Imagination" in Essays i n Canadian C r i t i c i s m (Toronto: Ryerson, 1969) that "the Canadian imagination thus .far i s mainly a function of a landscape and a climate and only secondarily of a s o c i e t y . " (p. 234). 2 1 C i t e d in R. Denham, Northrop Frye and C r i t i c a l Method, p..' 152> 2 2N. Frye, "Conclusion," p. 334. 2 3 T h i s point w i l l be expanded at some length in Chapter VI. 21|W.H. New, " F i c t i o n " i n L i t e r a r y History of Canada, p. 281. 2 5N. Frye, The Anatomy of C r i t i c i s m , p. 353. 2 6 F r y e ' s idealism i s evinced, f o r example, in h i s conclusions that "imagination creates r e a l i t y " (noted e a r l i e r ) and that both a r t and r e a l i t y are products of the mind of man. 2 7N. Frye, "Conclusion," p. 342. 2 8 I b i d . , p. 334. 2 9 I b i d . , p. 334. 3 0 I b i d . , p. 342. It i s unclear whether F r y e ^ i s merely r e f e r r i n g to c o l l e c t i v i t i e s , i s g u i l t y of r e i f i c a t i o n , or i s p o s i t i n g a Jungian c o l l e c t i v e consciousness. A sentence near the end of the a r t i c l e suggests the l a t t e r : "Yet I keep coming back to the f e e l i n g that there does seem to such a thing as an imaginative continuum, and that writers are c o n d i t i o n -ed in t h e i r a t t i t u d e s by t h e i r predecessors, or by the c u l t u r a l climate of t h e i r predecessors, whether there i s a conscious influence or not." (p. 361). 3 1 Y i - F u Tuan, Topophilia (New York: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1974), p. 112. 3 2N. Frye, "Conclusion," p. 345. 3 3 T h e o r i g i n of r h e t o r i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , according to Frye, can be explained i n terms of the unquestioned s o c i a l and moral values charac-t e r i s t i c of a garrison and a garrison mentality. This proves f e r t i l e ground for what he terms 'a dominating herd mind' that questions only what i s d i f f e r e n t from i t s e l f , , never i t s own ambient values. As Frye c i t e s Yeats ("Conclusion," p. 343), "we make rh e t o r i c out of quarrels with one another, poetry out of the quarrel with ourselves." Frye regards the i n t e r n a l changes i n Canadian l i t e r a t u r e from the ' r h e t o r i c a l impulse to assert' to the 'poetic impulse to construct' to be a sign of maturation of the Canadian l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n . 31*N. Frye, "Conclusion," p. 345. 3 5 I b i d . , p. 345. 68 CHAPTER IV THE FRAMEWORK APPLIED The preceding chapter has outlined the framework within which a c l e a r e r , more coherent p i c t u r e of urban images could be systematized. As w e l l , i t indicated the f i r s t r e s u l t of applying that ordering framework to the novels. As the concepts-of wilderness and garrison were extended beyond the h i s t o r i c a l , l i t e r a l and t h e o r e t i c a l context i n which they o r i g i n -ated, they became expansive enough to encompass changes in d e f i n i t i o n . Most c l e a r l y , the c i t y had come to be seen as wilderness; in contemporary f i c t i v e v i s i o n , community, once garrison, had metaphorically s h i f t e d to threat. (The words of Livingstone and Harrison s u c c i n c t l y apply: "Like the old f r o n t i e r concept, which was i t s e l f based on metaphor, the new f r o n t i e r s are analogical extensions of c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s derived from t h i s potent h i s t o r i c a l image." 1) The v i s i o n of c i t y l i f e that was summarized in Chapter II can e a s i l y be subsumed under a d e f i n i t i o n of wilderness — even as the d i c t i o n a r y d e f i n i t i o n progresses from "a t r a c t or region uncultivated to "an empty or pathless way or region," to !'a confusing multitude or mass," to f i n a l l y "a bewildering s i t u a t i o n . " 2 Thus the image of urban place that predominated from a cursory review of the l i t e r a t u r e appears consistent with the f i r s t h a l f of the wildernerss/garrison construct. This aspect of the construct provides us with a neat l a b e l , a summarizing concept, an image to encapsulate the imagery. And i t i s i n terms of such an image of wilderness that the i 69 garrison mentality can be j u s t i f i e d and understood, f o r the image provides the r a t i o n a l e behind t h i s 'way of thinking.' However, i t i s the second complement of the framework that o f f e r s the most useful ordering capacity of the model and that, further, permits the i n c l u s i o n of those anomalous v i s i o n s of c i t y outlined in Chapter I I . For i f the concept of wilderness summarizes the urban image, i t i s the concept of garrison that holds up f o r analysis the reactions, responses and a t t i t u d e s that r e s u l t from such an image, and that can explicate behaviour in terms of perception. The garrison mentality — and i t s various manifestations — c o n s t i -tue the basis of the model and the f o c a l point of t h i s a n a l y s i s . It r e -mains to demonstrate that garrison mentality i s evident in Canadian urban f i c t i o n and, more s p e c i f i c a l l y , the forms in which i t occurs. Armed with the ordering concept of garrison mentality, i t was necessary to return to the novels 3 to determine whether the complementary theme of garrison was evident in the l i t e r a t u r e . Three types or manifesta-tions of garrison, mentioned b r i e f l y i n Chapter I I I , were discovered and l a b e l l e d : the garrison remembered, the garrison transplanted and the gar-r i s o n contracted. These modern f i c t i v e versions of garrison, whether psychic, symbolic or l i t e r a l i n form, co n s t i t u t e three d i f f e r e n t responses to an imaged urban wilderness. Although they d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y , as w i l l become evident in the succeeding sections, they are a l l i e d by the f a c t that they can each be seen as, and explained in terms of, a reaction to urban wilderness. Furthermore, together they appear to c o n s t i t u t e an i n c l u s i v e set of categories within which the garrisons rendered i n . . . the f i c t i o n seem to f i t . 1 * 70 A. The Garrison Remembered Of the three categories of garrison mentality evident i n Canadian f i c t i o n , the most prominent i s the garrison remembered. This garrison takes the form of the small town — of childhood, of memory, of mythic forebears. In these urban novels the smaller community epitomizing order, acceptance, coherence and manageability i s presented as symbol of safety and s e c u r i t y . Of the three categories of garrison t h i s one corresponds most l i t e r a l l y to Fry's o r i g i n a l garrison (although h i s complementary concept of wilderness has of course s h i f t e d i n both context and l o c a t i o n ) . The small town i s perceived as garrison against the h o s t i l e urban environ-ment in which the characters l i v e , and the journey of return to t h i s place of security i s s u r p r i s i n g l y common in urban f i c t i o n . Indeed t h i s category could equally be l a b e l l e d 'the r e t r e a t to the garrison' f o r i t very often involves an actual v i s i t or return. The small town i s an important point of reference not only i n urban-set f i c t i o n , but in Canadian f i c t i o n in general. A disproportion-a t e l y large number of Canadian works are set in the small town and i t s si g n i f i c a n c e i n t h i s broader t r a d i t i o n has been widely addressed. 5 The incidence of i t s use and the emotional i n t e n s i t y of i t s p o r t r a y a l combine to suggest tht the image of the small town has p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the l i t e r a r y imagination. 6 What i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t in the s p e c i f i c a l l y urban f i c t i o n i s the juxtaposition of t h i s small town v i s - a - v i s the urban present, as i t serves to symbolize something fundamental about the urban state of mind. 71 Commenting on t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p , n o v e l i s t Robert Kroetsch has said: Our roots are very much in small towns and r u r a l communities. Yet we're an urban people. We have come into our urban centres with a way of thinking that dates back a generation ... This i s what's r e a l l y f a s c i n a t i n g about Canada r i g h t now. How in h e l l do we go.about inventing these brand new c i t i e s ? Calgary, Edmonton and Vancouver are surely the three most i n t e r e s t i n g c i t i e s in Canada because each one of them i s f u l l of people t r y i n g to define a new version of urban. 7 Kroetsch a t t r i b u t e s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the small town to our roots — roots to which i n f i c t i o n we often return when the business of inventing c i t i e s (or merely surviving i n them, since inventing implies a degree of .:: p a r t i c i p a t i o n and con t r o l that the f i c t i v e v i s i o n of the urban experience, denies) becomes too onerous. And while the journey of return to the small town may represent a journey back to actual or s p i r i t u a l beginnings, i t can equally be seen in terms of a r e t r e a t from present urban r e a l i t y to a p r o t o t y p i c a l g a r r i s i o n , and thus as a manifestation of garrison mentality. For the image of small town that appears i n the urban f i c t i o n would seem to display the major c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of garrison that Frye o u t l i n e d : con-fr o n t a t i o n with a menacing presence (in t h i s case the urban environment) and "a great respect f o r law and order." 8 As well i t provides a counter-point to the urban milieu of h o s t i l i t y and incomprehensibility. The essence of t h i s contrasting v i s i o n of place i s well summed up by n o v e l i s t A l i c e Munro: "... I loved the order, the wholeness, the i n t r i c a t e arrangement of town l i f e . " 9 If disorder, detachment and fragmentation symbolize the urban wilderness, then the 'wholeness' of the town must appear as haven and r e t r e a t . The l i t e r a r y image also a l i g n s well with Frye's d e f i n i t i o n of "communities that provide a l l that t h e i r members have i n the way of d i s t i n c t i v e human values and are compelled to f e e l a great respect f o r the law and order that holds them t o g e t h e r . " 1 0 For with security comes 72 r i g i d i t y ; with safety comes dullness; with f a m i l i a r i t y comes loss of p r i -vacy; with being accepted and lab e l l e d comes the prison of expectations. The psychological garrison walls that serve to unite and protect also confine, and the pa r o c h i a l , s t u l t i f y i n g aspect of the close and closed s o c i a l order of the small town i s r e a l i s t i c a l l y rendered i n t h i s f i c t i o n . The p o r t r a i t i s not sentimentalized nor s i m p l i f i e d . Indeed, l i t e r a r y analysts have i d e n t i f i e d t h i s paradoxical image (a place both loved and hated, supportive and suffocating) as the basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c by which Canadian authors define the small town. But the small town that i s so r e a l i s t i c a l l y rendered i s more important as a symbol than as a place, more t e l l i n g in what i t s i g n i f i e s than how i t i s described, more s i g n i f i c a n t in i t s function i n the urban l i t e r a t u r e than i n i t s form. For although the d e s c r i p t i o n affords a r e a l i s t i c p i c t ure of the town and l i f e therein, i t s primary function in t h i s analysis i s not that i t d e t a i l s any (or every) small town, but rather that i t symbolically represents garrison. The essence of the small town and i t s r o l e as a revealing reference point to the urban state of mind are summed up by l i t e r a r y c r i t i c E l i Mandel: Once we were at "home" in the world, i n the ^ definable l o c a l place. Once we knew the l i t t l e town with i t s square streets and trim maple trees, almost within echo of the primeval f o r e s t . Or did we dream i t ? "Mariposa," Leacock says, " i s not a r e a l town." And he goes on to suggest i n ... Sunshine Sketches where he dreams of how one returns to that other place, other time, that i t e x i s t s only as a version of the town that we i n c i t i e s think we remember. Mariposa i s not a place; i t i s a state of mind. 1 1 It i s as a state of mind that the small town in urban f i c t i o n w i l l be addressed, as a manifestation of the garrison mentality which i s , a f t e r a l l , nothing more or less than a way of perceiving, a state of mind. 73 There are several v a r i a t i o n s on the theme of journey of return to the small town: i t can take the form of ei t h e r permanent, temporary or n o s t a l g i c return. The Glassy Sea and Joanne by Marian Engel and The  Diviners by Margaret Laurence are examples of the f i r s t category. The-Box Garden by Carol Sheilds, The Honeyman F e s t i v a l by Marian Engel, The  Weekend Man and In the Middle of a L i f e by Richard Wright and Jennifer by David Helwig a l l contain or r e f e r to a journey of temporary return. And such novels as F i f t h Business by Robertson Davies, Lives of G i r l s and  Women by A l i c e Munro and The Stone Angel and The F i r e Dwellers by Margaret Laurence present a reminiscent return to the small town of childhood or e a r l i e r l i f e , a flash-back in the mind's eye to times past and places p a s t . 1 2 The theme of the small town as garrison w i l l be i l l u s t r a t e d i n greater d e t a i l by reference to Joanne by Marian Engel, which recounts one such return — a r e t r e a t from the c i t y , from an urban l i f e s t y l e and, more e s p e c i a l l y , from a d i s i n t e g r a t i n g marriage. The book examines the death-throes of a r e l a t i o n s h i p and a c i d l y comments on the l i f e s t y l e that spawns, or at l e a s t sustains, such marriages. I t d e t a i l s a woman's struggle to break the bonds of s o c i a l expectations and to f i n d h e r s e l f . In t h i s work l i f e in the c i t y i s characterized by a s u p e r f i c i a l i t y that i s shown to pervade every facet of upper middle c l a s s urban existence in Toronto. The atmosphere of urbane facade i s introduced in one of the opening chapters in which Joanne comments that the party she and her hus-band are giving i s to " c u l t i v a t e people," " i t ' s a working party ... You don't have to worry about making b r i l l i a n t conversation with [the guests]. You j u s t tank them up. Lead them up to the bar and say " F i l l 'her up. 1'" 1 3 For such s o c i a l gatherings, setting i s more important than s e l f . 7 4 " I t doesn't matter how I look, though I try to be decent. The house has to look good, but I don't e x i s t i n a l l t h i s . " 1 " Indeed Joanne's i d e n t i t y i s r e a l i z e d s o l e l y through her husband and ch i l d r e n and house: "... the agony of not knowing what footing I'm on with B i l l , which amounts to not knowing who I am anymore." 1 5 And l a t e r , when her c h i l d r e n are taken by her mother-in-law: "My l i f e , my personality, my whole being went down the kitchen drain. I became a transparent e n t i t y , Mrs No-One ... without my chi l d r e n I am nothing...", 1 6 "... The me I know has f o r eighteen years been determined and defined by her environment ..." 1 7 Identity and sense of s e l f f o r the urbanite — and e s p e c i a l l y the middle-class woman i n t h i s m i l i e u — are precarious. L i f e consists of l i t t l e more than s u p e r f i c i a l i t i e s : "They're hollow people, the Laurences. You wear good clothes and go to church to keep appearances up." 1 9 And the pri c e of maintaining that sleek surface i s high: "I"m not sorry that I refused both to hold down a paying job and keep your smart, smart home and model c h i l d r e n ready f o r house tours and c o c k t a i l p a r t i e s . I see no reason to work from 8 a.m. to 11 p.m.. Gradually the protagonist becomes aware both of the emptiness of th i s l i f e s t y l e and the emptiness of her marriage. "The big bourgeois l i f e . Doing everything yourself but under someone else's r u l e . Buying expensive food he was never coming home to eat, catering to people who don't give a damn." 2 0 "... I lead a t r i v i a l l i f e . " 2 1 Cracks begin to appear i n the surface of an urban l i f e world ob-sessed with, indeed defined by, surface appearance. It's her birthday. She has a l l her chandeliers b l a z i n g . The apartment i s a g l i t t e r with a l l the shiny birthday presents from a l l the years: a l l the china b i r d s and flowers and 75 bonnetted l a d i e s , a l l the c r y s t a l vases and g i l t c a ndlesticks. For a moment everything looks pretty and perhaps even happy; but ...2 2 But indeed no one i s happy. The protagonist r e c i t e s a l i t a n y of broken r e l a t i o n s h i p s , of lonely, unhappy people. "We're shedding our husbands l i k e leaves. It's autumn, of co u r s e . " 2 3 She laments that she has no one to confide i n : ... Whom w i l l I t e l l ? My good f r i e n d Myra, who'd love to know what's going on in t h i s house and would t e l l every-one? Heartha? She's too bound up in her own l i f e ... My mother-in-law B e r t i l l a , who's ... sure her dear son B i l l married beneath him? 2" 1 Relationships are u n s a t i s f y i n g and people are lonely both within them and outside them. "At the moment she's t e r r i b l y lonely, and i t s a d i f f e r e n t kind of loneliness than mine ... She's s t i l l looking for someone who w i l l be permanent company ... searching f o r someone to give a l l her con-fidences t o o . 1 , 2 5 The protagonist comes to see the emptiness of her marriage and to r e a l i z e the extent to which she has t r i e d to compensate: How I have consoled myself in t h i s marriage with things! I own so many things, so many po i n t l e s s t h i n g s . 2 6 Unifying two independant s p i r i t s requires an enormous e f f o r t . We t r i e d to do i t through our l i f e s t y l e s — within things, objects, possessions. It didn't work. 2 7 Indeed her house in the c i t y , a renovated "great red b r i c k c a v e r n " 2 8 i s i t s e l f the most symbolic d i v e r s i o n . "What I r e a l l y f e e l l i k e doing i s getting down to work on the house" 2 9 "Better to clean out my bureau drawers and not think i d l e thoughts." 3 0 O f f i c e routine, l i k e housework, helps compensate f o r the lack of order, the e s s e n t i a l unmanageability of l i f e . I l i k e o f f i c e work. Its l i k e house work, b l i s s f u l l y f i n i t e . You deal with things in order and order ensues. 3 1 76 But such small pockets of order cannot d i s p e l l the e s s e n t i a l d i s -order that l i e s beneath the smooth surface of the s o c i a l and physical environment. In t h i s m i l i e u "... the l i t t l e man w i l l never win and I'm the l i t t l e man. I'm worse off than that though: I'm the l i t t l e woman."32 (As indeed the cent r a l theme of the book i s an examination of the s o c i a l l y -defined r o l e of women in upper middle c l a s s urban society.) Her powerless-ness i s evinced in many ways: "I love being at the cottage where there's no telephone. Here I'm a slave to i t . Why do I have to answer i t ? " 3 3 And i t surfaces as outrage when her ten year o l d daughter i s fondled by a stranger in the subway. It turns out that thirty-two men have t h i s year pinched, pummelled, mauled or touched her. She hates i t ... i t ' s only been touching. But i t scares her. With a l l the l i t t l e kids who've been murdered i n hotel rooms and vacant l o t s , she knows she has to be c a r e f u l . 3 " The c i t y , f r i g h t e n i n g to her c h i l d , i s a l i e n to her, though not to her husband who f i t s smoothly into the world she increasingly sees as s u p e r f i c i a l . "To him there aren't any strangers i n t h i s town;" 3 5 to her everyone i s a stranger — even the man to whom she i s married. If urban l i f e i s symbol of s u p e r f i c i a l i t y , then Engel presents the small town as the contrasting symbol of r e a l i t y . The protagonist takes her two chil d r e n and moves to the Ontario town where she had l i v e d f o r a year as a c h i l d . It i s a metaphorical journey back in time, as well as back to the basics, to the things that matter i n l i f e . ... I've r o l l e d my calendar back and I'm l i v i n g my mother's l i f e f o r t y years ago, struggling with r e a l i t i e s instead of c o c k t a i l p a r t i e s . 3 6 And the r e a l i t i e s of small town l i f e are not a l l pleasant. F i n a n c i a l problems loom; the rented quarters have mice, bugs, d i r t y linoleum and 77 i n s u f f i c i e n t heat; with her job comes c o n s t r i c t i o n s on her freedom; the school "was b u i l t i n 1894 and s i t s on the side of the h i l l looking vigorous-l y p unitive. When I took them up i t s high i n s t i t u t i o n a l steps into the front door, and t r a i l e d them between high windows, grey tongue-and-groove wainscoting and green cast iron radiators ... I wanted to scream and run away." 3 7 At f i r s t impression, "the people have grey cross faces and no spring to t h e i r step. Their faces are closed. "We've always done i t this, way," they s a y . " 3 8 Reality has a grey demeanor. But she soon r e a l i z e s that people i n the town are fundamentally caring and h e l p f u l . The school p r i n c i p a l finds her a job, gives advice: It'd be a long walk but I grew up here, too: I can show you the shortcut." I was suddenly watery-eyed with gratitude. The town's great stone face softened f o r me ... I f e l t a l l a f l u t t e r with sentimentality: looked a f t e r a g a i n . 3 9 She runs into an old f r i e n d M e r r i l l , another refugee from the c i t y and from a broken f i r s t marriage, who i s "tremendously pleased with h i s new l i f e and h i s joy radiates as energy. He's l i v i n g with Jane i n a log house in the country north west of here." 1* 0 He too 'looks a f t e r ' her, f i n d i n g her a place to l i v e , seeking assistance from the network of townspeople he knows. She finds caring concern i n the person of Mrs. Brodhurst who nurses her sick son: "A f a t woman in a b i g apron, out of another time. I had forgotten there was such kindness in the world." 1* 1 Such encounters lead her to muse over "... a town where people look so grim and are so kind." 1* 2 R e a l i t y h ere has l i t t l e to do with appearances. Nor does i t always have a pleasant facade: Suddenly a sepulchral voice said, "May I help you." and there loomed out of the darkeiess a grey woman with the world's larges t goitre on her neck. ... Poor woman. She takes the bland appearance off modern l i f e : Andrew w i l l never forget that in 1973 78 there was one person in t h i s world that didn't look l i k e a Barbie D o l l . " 3 As the people in the town are r e a l , so are the r e l a t i o n s h i p s she sees. Rosie i s "a d e l i c i o u s l y u n l i k e l y person: b i g and gutsy, but not gross; no, she stands f o r something I value and haven't seen much of l a t e -l y , independence and pigheadedness and strength."" 1* Rosie's r e l a t i o n s h i p with her farmer husband, with whom she l i v e s only s p o r a d i c a l l y , i s an unconventional one, but one founded on true caring. "Hey, Pete, they're here, Merry Christmas." The d r i v e r opened the back gate of the truck, whistled, stomped and two enormous heads poked out: b u f f a l o . Bison. A male and a female, great big humped r e a l things. Pete.sat down on a stump and wiped h i s eyes on the back of h i s b i g red wrist. Rosie had worked double-shift f o r a year to earn them." 5 V i s i t i n g M e r r i l l and Jane was " l i k e walking into a homespun f a i r y t a l e ... I would c h e e r f u l l y have stayed a l l night i n t h e i r warm rooms of wood and apples and c a n d l e l i g h t . " " 6 People are interconnected, accepted for what they are, tolerated in s p ite of t h e i r e c c e n t r i c i t i e s , there to help i n times of trouble. The s t r i c t u r e s that such interconnections imply are d e t a i l e d as well, f o r Engel's message i s that r e a l i t y includes both pain and pleasure, but i t i s u ltimately more rewarding than l i v i n g under the anaesthetizing super-f i c i a l i t y of modern urban l i f e . The ph y s i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n of the town further suggests t h i s i l l u s i o n of safety, of garrison. Fresh from the c i t y , the heroine meditates: It's a lov e l y town, as i f that matters. I mean, aesthetics don't make money. But some perverse conservative s t r a i n i n t h i s c i t y has preserved a graceful Dutch-looking c i t y h a l l , a gothic federal b u i l d i n g , and a f i r e h a l l with wooden l e t t e r i n g on i t s gable." 7 79 Later, i t comes to matter; the beauty, solidness, the sense of place become more valuable to her and money matters l e s s . ... the downtown i s s t i l l j u s t f i n e . Not hacked up as much as most Ontario towns — o v e r l a i d with t i l e signs but not destroyed by pick, hammer and wrecking b a l l , and the bu i l d i n g s that are l e f t are remarkably f i n e . The stonemason who put the place up had a f i e l d day. There's a factory a few blocks down the r i v e r near the k i d s ' school that i s r e a l l y grand, a place with b i g buttresses. And the Federal. Building across the r i v e r from me has great loopy stone decorations on i t s towers and cornices ... I can f e e l us tt ft s e t t l i n g into t h i s place. In the d e s c r i p t i o n of towers and buttresses and foursquare stone buildings are evocative echoes of garrison. Coupled with the s o l i d i t y of the buildings are t h e i r l i n k s to the past, to ancestors and t r a d i t i o n , further symbol of permanence and s e c u r i t y : The house i s b e a u t i f u l though: i t was b u i l t by her mother's people i n about 1845, and has three-foot-thick walls and window seats. "*9 The physical order of the town, l i k e the s o c i a l one, comes to imply security, a place to ' s e t t l e i n . ' To return permanently to Toronto and to the house that she i n h e r i t s i s "a temptation, now I'm back here ... But i t ' s f r i g h t e n -ing l y busy a f t e r our l i t t l e town." 5 0 Her c h i l d r e n concur: " I t ' s n i c e r in the country. We can go a l o t more places by o u r s e l v e s . " 5 1 When they return to the town — "we're home a g a i n . " 5 2 I think, we've started a new l i f e here. Its not as easy and p r i v i l e g e d as the old one was, but i t has i t s own f l a v o u r . We have a few f r i e n d s , we'll f i n d more, we can go to the Y and the l i b r a r y , and out i n the country to Rosie's and M e r r i l l ' s . We've a landlord, a doctor, Mrs Brodhurst and a l i s t of baby-s i t t e r s . Why, we e x i s t . That's a m i r a c l e . 5 3 They e x i s t i n a r e a l senses.that she found so lacking in the super-f i c i a l urban world, in a web of interconnections with others, i n a place where l i f e i s l i v e d at the l e v e l of r e a l i t y not of appearance. And those interconnections, as much as the s o l i d stone and b r i c k walls of the old 80 town buildings and the l i n k s to the past they represent, become the g a r r i -son from which "to see l i f e s t e a d i l y and whole."5"* B. The Garrison Transplanted The second type of garrison evident in the urban l i t e r a t u r e i s s i m i l a r to the small town/garrison remembered in form and features. Here again the garrison i s represented by community; again i t i s a community that i s broadly supportive, personal and f a m i l i a r but whose c o n s t r i c t i v e , less desirable c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are displayed as w e l l . However the l o c a -t i o n of the garrison has s h i f t e d — the small town has been transplanted into the heart of the c i t y , immediately surrounded by the urban wilderness. A p o r t r a i t of the p r o t o t y p i c a l v i l l a g e - i n - t h e - c i t y emerges and in every such p o r t r a i t , neighborhood i s defined by ethnic homogeneity or low economic status. This category incorporates into the schema some of the novels that had appeared to be anomalies i n the face of the f i c t i v e v i s i o n of the c i t y — those that had rendered the c i t y and c i t y l i f e i n a p o s i t i v e focus. The radius of that focus proved to be a narrow one however, aiming only at a small p a r t i c u l a r section of the c i t y ; the urban environment at large i s no l e s s a wilderness — indeed i t appears even more h o s t i l e and unamangeable when contrasted with the protective ' v i l l a g e ' within i t . This category includes the powerful novels depicting the immigrant exper-ience of Canadian c i t i e s , such as Crackpot, by Adele Wiseman, Under the  Ribs of Death by John Marlyn, Storm of Fortune and The Meeting Point by 81 Austin Clarke. (Since the author of such work i s l i k e l y to be an immigrant, the c r i t e r i o n that only Canadian authors should be considered in t h i s analysis has been strained by t h i s category. S i m i l a r l y one of the most s t r i k i n g examples of a f i c t i v e v i l l a g e - i n - t h e - c i t y i s the portrayal of St. Henri i n The Tin F l u t e (Bonheur d'Occasion) by G a b r i e l l e Roy — a novel excluded by the f a c t that i t was written in French.) C e r t a i n l y the v i v i d portrayals of the Jewish urban community can be considered in t h i s group, e.g. A Good Place to Come From by Morley Torgov and the novels of Mordecai R i c h l e r set in the St. Urbain Street area of Montreal. The no s t a l g i c reminiscences of c i t y l i f e of times past can frequently be i n -cluded as w e l l . Such works as Cabbagetown by Hugh Garner and The Swing  in the Garden by Hugh Hood, both set in Toronto h a l f a century ago, d e t a i l the c l o s e - k n i t community of the smaller c i t y i n simpler times. They nos-.' t a l g i c a l l y , sometimes sentimentally, describe l i f e i n c i t y neighborhoods which were often outgrowths of v i l l a g e s encompassed by metropolitan growth and which retained t h e i r i d e n t i t y , had a h i s t o r y and therefore a sense of community and s t a b i l i t y . Time past, c i t y past, a s o c i a l order past — such works often reveal a look back through the rose-coloured glasses of n o s t a l g i a and a yearning f o r a simpler way of l i f e . That these various examples of urban v i l l a g e can be construed as garrison w i l l be i l l u s t r a t e d by reference to one of Mordecai.Richler's works, The Apprenticeship of Duddy K r a v i t z . The underlying l e i t m o t i f running through t h i s novel set i n a Jewish immigrant enclave i s the d i v i -sion into i n s i d e r and outsider. This dichotomy i s presented at several l e v e l s : R i chler explores the separation between the Jewish community and the g e n t i l e c i t y at large, between the prosperous second or t h i r d genera-t i o n and t h e i r immigrant parents and grandparents, between family and 82 others and, most pointedly, between s e l f and others. This l a t t e r c o n s t i -tutes the p i v o t a l theme in the novel, which depicts the s e l f - s e r v i n g , d r i v i n g opportunism that motivates Duddy K r a v i t z and f i n a l l y estranges him from h i s m i l i e u , h i s family and h i s f r i e n d s . This main dramatic thread of the n a r r a t i v e , elaborated e s p e c i a l l y over the l a s t two-thirds of the book, says l i t t l e about aspects of or a t t i t u d e s toward s p e c i f i c a l l y urban places. It does however revolve around a c e n t r a l image of place that s i g n i f i e s something fundamental about l i f e i n the urban wilderness. I r o n i c a l l y i t i s unspoiled farmland north of the c i t y that Duddy struggles to obtain which i s the f o c a l point of the book, and that represents f o r him the epitome of power and success. For "a man without land i s a nobody." 5 5 This land i s not perceived as r e t r e a t from the urban m i l i e u ; rather from f i r s t glimpse Duddy i s enamoured with i t s speculative p o t e n t i a l , i t s development p o s s i b i l i t i e s : He could watch the lake over her shoulder and in h i s mind's eye i t was not only already h i s but the children's camp and the hotel were already going up. 5 6 To own such property i s to taste power; "I'm giving you f i v e minutes to get off my land. I'm king of the c a s t l e here, sonny." 5 7 But the p r i c e i s high. 'A man without land i s nothing ... Well I'm a somebody. A r e a l somebody.' 5 8 The p r i c e i s Duddy's estrangement from those who mean most to him — from Yvette and V i r g i l whose love and t r u s t he abuses, from his grandfather whose acceptance he sought, indeed at the cost of every r e l a t i o n s h i p that had meaning f o r him. The land i s yours, he thought, and nothing they do or say or f e e l can take i t away from you. You pay a p r i c e ... 5 9 Apart from t h i s symbol of land beyond the c i t y as power and f i n a n -c i a l status, the main nar r a t i v e recounting the p r i c e of Duddy's s e l f i s h and 83 all-consuming ambition says l i t t l e about aspects s p a t i a l or urban. I t i s in the secondary themes of separation into i n s i d e r and outsider that a sense of place as garrison appears most strongly. Such separation also implies l i n k s — seeing themselves as separate from outsiders strengthens the bonds that define the group as i n s i d e r . Both the separation and the l i n k s are shown to be acted out i n the landscape, are portrayed s p a t i a l l y as well as p s y c h i c a l l y , and denote garrisons i n many important respects. The most dramatic example of t h i s d i v i s i o n into i n s i d e r and out-sider (and the one most i l l u s t r a t i v e of garrison) i s found in the depiction of the neighborhood that i s presented in the f i r s t chapters of the book. St. Urbain i s an area well defined by s p a t i a l boundaries and by s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s ones as w e l l . ... There were already three g e n t i l e s in the school (that i s to say, Anglo-Saxons; for Ukrainians, Poles and Yugoslavs, with funny names and customs of t h e i r own, did not count as true g e n t i l e s ) , and ten years hence FFHS would no longer be the Jewish high school. At that time, however most of the Jewish boys in Montreal who had been to high school had gone to FFHS. 6 0 The streets around St. Urbain that bound the Jewish immigrant enclave comprise a f a m i l i a r and, despite i t s chaotic appearance, an orderly world: To the middle-class stranger, i t ' s true, one street would have seemed as squalid as the next. On each corner a ci g a r store, a grocery, and a f r u i t man. Outside staircases everywhere. Winding ones, wooden ones, rusty and r i s k y ones. Here a prized p l o t of grass splendidly barbered, there a s p i t e f u l l y weedy patch. An endless r e p e t i t i o n of precious peeling balconies and waste l o t s making the occasional gap here and there. But, as the boys knew, each street between St. Dominique and Park Avenue represented subtle differences in income. No two c o l d -water f l a t s were a l i k e ... No two stores were the same e i t h e r . Best F r u i t gypped on the scales, but Simley's didn't give c r e d i t . 6 1 The various neighborhood meeting places serve a s o c i a l function and inten-s i f y a cohesiveness sustained by mutual i n t e r a c t i o n . For example, Eddy's Cigar and Soda provides both s e t t i n g and audience f o r Max's s t o r y t e l l i n g , 84 a m i l i e u i n which he i s accepted, admired and in which he f e e l s at home: Not j u s t l i k e that, mind you, because before he could begin Max required the r i g h t atmosphere. His customary c h a i r next to the Coke freezer, a hot coffee with a supply of sugar cubes ready by h i s side, and a supporting body of old f r i e n d s . Then, speaking slowly and evenly, he would begin ... 6 2 Richler's passages describing the FFHS Cadets marching through t h e i r neighborhood g r a p h i c a l l y suggests the interconnection between the boys and t h e i r m i l i e u . "Turning smartly r i g h t down Esplanade Avenue they were at once joined and embarassed on e i t h e r side by a following of younger brothers on sleighs, l i t t l e s i s t e r s with running noses, and grinning delivery boys stopping to make snowballs." 5 3 "... past the Jewish Old People's home ...,"61* past Mel Brucker's father's store — recently burned. "Mel had expected i t because that afternoon h i s father had said c h e e r f u l l y , 'you're sleeping at grandmaw's tonight, ' and each time Mel and h i s brother were asked to sleep at grandmaw's, i t meant another f i r e , another s t o r e . " 6 5 Past the synagogue where "led by the arm, drum and a l l , L i o n e l Zabitsky was pu l l e d from the parade" 6 6 — h i s grandfather needed one more man for prayers. "Past Moe's warmly l i t Cigar Store where you could get a lean on rye f o r 15 cents and three more cadets defected; ... one of the deserters ran into h i s father who was on h i s way home from work." 6 7 The neighborhood was bound by a close web of interconnections, comprised of people, known and f a m i l i a r , as well as places: Simcha's hard thin dark fi g u r e was a f a m i l i a r one i n the neighborhood. Among the other immigrants he was trusted, he was regarded as a man of singular honesty and some wisdom ... Simcha's shop was a meeting p l a c e . 6 8 The bond between those within the neighborhood was important and sustaining. "'A boy from the boys', he said, 'that's what you a r e . " ' 6 9 Such connections remained even f o r those whose economic success permitted 85 them to leave the old area, such as Jerry Dingleman, l o c a l l y known as the Boy Wonder: The Boy Wonder was only a St. Urbain Street boy to begin with, he remembered h i s own early hardships and he l i k e d to lend a helping hand ... 7 0 The l i n k s of people and place that defined t h i s m i l i e u of support and^social order were strong; equally well depicted i s the separation from the r e s t of the c i t y that metaphorically served as garrison walls and that further strengthened these l i n k s . They — the outsiders, the non-Jewish, the others — are regarded with suspicion: "... they'd s t i l l make us t r o u b l e . " 7 1 A distance e x i s t s between the teachers at FFHS (outsiders) and the parents of t h e i r charges: Fanning themselves [the parents at the graduation ceremony] watched as the s t a f f f i l e d i n , s i l e n t and severe, and took t h e i r places on the platform at l a s t . 'White men,' Panofsky saxd sourly. Teachers and students e x i s t in an uneasy atmosphere of mutual misunderstand-ing and d i s l i k e ; the teachers are aware of t h e i r e s s e n t i a l separation and t h e i r r o l e as outsiders. "Once in the tavern Mr. MacPherson was c a r e f u l to seat himself two tables away from the nearest group of l a b o u r e r s . 1 , 7 3 Indeed any authority was regarded as external and very often a r b i t r a r y : 'Hey, did I t e l l you about l a s t week? The cops caught this young punk from Griffintown t r y i n g to s t e a l the radio out of Debrofsky's new Dodge ... Anyway the cops took the k i d into the can and broke his arm.'7"* Physical symbols of separation from the r e s t of the c i t y are as pervasive as the s o c i a l ones. And the strongly defined v e r t i c a l s t r a t i f i c a -t i o n of the physical landscape takes on p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e . Westmount was where the t r u l y r i c h l i v e d in stone mansions driven l i k e stakes into the shoulder of the mountain. The higher you climbed up splendid t r e e - l i n e d streets the thicker the ivy, the more massive the mansion, and the more important the men 86 i n s i d e . Mr. Calder's place was almost at the top. 'Jeez,' Duddy said aloud, getting out of h i s car ... Below, the c i t y and the r i v e r hummed o b l i g i n g l y under a s t i l l cloud of factory fumes. In the f i r s t part of the book which recounts Duddy's adolescence in the area, St. Urbain i s depicted as a supportive and f a m i l i a r m i l i e u , the essence of garrison. But the walls that protect also confine and the r e s t of the novel revolves around t h i s struggle against these psychic and physical boundaries, h i s determination to leave the confines of the neighborhood, and h i s subsequent estrangement from i t s s o c i a l and moral order. The outside world o f f e r s opportunity and the p o t e n t i a l f or e x p l o i t a -t i o n , and Duddy ex p l o i t s i t to the f u l l e s t . The ultimate schemer, he manipulates every s i t u a t i o n and contact to h i s advantage. But the c i t y outside St. Urbain i s h o s t i l e and manipulative in return. His brother's attempt to renounce h i s Jewish roots, to move permanently into the univer-s i t y world of WASP companions and f r a t e r n i t y p a r t i e s and to leave behind the garrison walls, r e s u l t s in h i s being used and almost destroyed by those whose acceptance he craved. Leaving the physical m i l i e u of St. Urbain was no guarantee of integration into the c i t y outside; the walls remained. 'They inhabit a psychological ghetto, ' he had said, 'and dare not step outside of i t ,..' 7 5 More successfully than h i s brother, Duddy dared to step outside, but in doing so he l o s t touch with h i s e s s e n t i a l human connections, the i n t e g r i t y that bound him to a s o c i a l and moral order. His grandfather stepped out-side the walls only in h i s dreams; when presented with the land that he had convinced Duddy meant freedom and manhood, he renounced i t . 8 7 'Have you read any Yiddish poetry?' ... 'Certainly not,' Dingelman continued. 'But i f you had you'd know about these old men. S i t t i n g in the i r dark cramped ghetto corners they wrote the most mawkish, s c h o o l - g i r l i s h stuff about green f i e l d s and sky. Terrible poetry, but touching when you con-sider the circumstances under which i t was written. Your grandfather doesn't want any land. He wouldn't know what to do with i t ... They want to die i n the same suffocating way they 1ived ...'7 7 The walls of the garrison are strong. And the world outside the garrison of St. Urbain drawn by Richler i s indeed a wilderness — a wilderness of a p a r t i c u l a r kind: Autumn leaves floated on the s t i l l surface of the lake ... 'A wilderness,' Max said. 'Sure,' Duddy said, jumping up and down, 'a goddam wilder-ness, and remember i t , goddam i t , take a look, goddam everything to heaven and h e l l and kingdom come, because a whole town i s going up here. A camp and a hotel and cottages and stores and a syna-gogue — yes, Zeyda, a re a l shul — and a movie and ... well everything you can think o f . ' 7 8 Duddy's wilderness i s the urban jungle of materialism, opportunism and greed and his foray into that wilderness serves to sever the v i t a l bonds that l i n k him to his own world and to a social and moral order. There's a brute inside you, Duddel — a regular behemoth — and this being such a hard world i t would be the easiest thing for you to l e t i t overpower you ,..79 His driving ambition to make i t in "such a hard world" led Duddy outside the supportive and ordered garrison, forced him to play by the rules of the jungle, and ultimately, brutalized him. 88 C. The Garrison Contracted In both preceding categories the garrison has been represented by community — e i t h e r the urban Neighborhood of the past, the low income or ethnic enclave within the modern c i t y or the small town that seems to embody the essence of what we c a l l community. The f i n a l manifestation of garrison d i f f e r s i n an important respect for garrison i s no longer s i g n i f i e d by community in any form; instead the walls of the garrison have shrunk inward to enclose the s o l i t a r y i n d i v i d u a l , to protect and defend s e l f . The.iridividual has become the garrison while the c i t y environ-ment remains the e s s e n t i a l wilderness that erodes i d e n t i t y , sense of s e l f and personal c o n t r o l . The r e t r e a t to the walled-off enclosure of s e l f appears i n two major v a r i a t i o n s in Canadian f i c t i o n . The f i r s t depicts a withdrawal into s e l f coupled with (and symbolized by) a physical r e t r e a t from c i t y to a remote area. I r o n i c a l l y , i n t h i s version, Frye's primeval f o r e s t wilderness has become a place of solace. Its meaning has s h i f t e d from threat to r e s p i t e , a place that embodies both physical withdrawal and psychic renewal. As the garrison has shrunk to the l e v e l of the i n d i v -i d u a l , so the search as well as the answers are couched i n i n d i v i d u a l rather than s o c i a l terms; other people are l e f t behind in the c i t y . The s u p e r f i c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s that are portrayed are both symptoms and symbol of what i s wrong with the c i t y and i t s way of l i f e . 89 In one sense these novels demonstrate a physical journey back to nature — the untouched and unspoiled places that the c i t y has o b l i t e r -ated even as i t can o b l i t e r a t e i d e n t i t y . And as the urban environment threatens to d i s t o r t or destroy s e l f , t h i s r e a l or 'natural' s e l f can only be rediscovered away from the pressures of the h o s t i l e c i t y in a 'natural' environment. Thus i t i s i n one sense a journey of escape from the urban wilderness, in another, a journey to a 'natural' environment to regain the non-urbane s e l f . These journeys appear in such well-known novels as Bear by Marian Engel, The Stone Angel by Margaret Laurence, Surfacing by Margaret Atwood, and as a lesser theme in Laurence's The  F i r e D w e l l e r s . 8 0 Surfacing w i l l be examined i n greater d e t a i l to i l l u -s trate the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h i s garrison transformed into s e l f . The second version of the s e l f - a s - g a r r i s o n does not involve phys-i c a l r e t r e a t from the c i t y but psychological r e t r e a t into s e l f . F a l l i n g within t h i s category are the novels of psychological realism (a form increasingly common over the l a s t decade) as well as the s u r r e a l i s t i c novels that explore, often i n experimental st y l e and format, the inner landscape of mind. Examples of these are The Garbageman by Juan Butler, Place d'Armes by Scott Symons, A Short Sad Story by George Bowering. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c of such work i s the pe r s i s t e n t use of i n t e r i o r monologue — a device of dramatic irony that serves to heighten tension but that also emphasizes the inner, singular focus of the work. Many of these novels are written i n the f i r s t person singular (the ' I ' novels of i n d i v i d u a l experience), or in diary form (as in Cabbagetown Diary by Juan Butler, Combat Journal f o r Place d'Armes, s u b t i t l e d A Personal Narrative by Scott Symons, and the diary format of The Day Before Tomorrow by David Helwig. 90 Indeed many of these novels are concerned completely with the i n t e r i o r landscape and make l i t t l e or no reference to the e x t e r i o r land-scape. Because of t h i s i t i s d i f f i c u l t to categorize some of these impres-s i o n i s t i c works as urban novels. Others, while ostensibly set in the c i t y , are so lacking i n any reference to the setting beyond t h e i r nominal s i t u a t i o n i n i t , that they can be included in t h i s category only in the broadest sense. However there remain a number of books that are set spe-c i f i c a l l y i n c i t i e s and that contain e x p l i c i t comment on that environment. Richard Wright's The Weekend Man w i l l be used to elaborate the type of statement that such novels make about the c i t y and the extent to which t h i s statement can be seen as a manifestation of garrison. In both these versions — the s e l f - a s - g a r r i s o n coupled with with-drawal to the bush and the inward exploration of s e l f as the l a s t and ultimate garrison — the c i t y environment i s not n e c e s s a r i l y the predom-inant landscape. Indeed c i t y i s symbol and a f f e c t i v e force more often than physical s e t t i n g . The landscape here i s ei t h e r i n t e r n a l (therefore placeless) or the bush, a place untouched by man. The implication i s that ultimate solutions must be found outside the man-manipulated landscape, either in the landscape of the mind which i s an atomic,internal place or in untouched landscapes which permit transcendence of physical place. Often in these s t o r i e s place i s no -longer s e t t i n g ; l o c a t i o n i s no longer c i t y . C i t y i s not setting but symbol, a pervasive symbol of modern, urbanized i n d u s t r i a l l i f e . Nonetheless that t h i s inner place i s s t i l l garrison and c i t y i s s t i l l (indeed more e x p l i c i t l y ) . w i l d e r n e s s w i l l be demonstrated with reference f i r s t to Surfacing and then to The Weekend Man. 9 1 Surfacing, by Margaret Atwood, i s a r i c h panoply of symbolism, working on many l e v e l s , addressing many questions — or, rather, addressing the single elemental question of l i f e and meaning i n many forms. It i s replete with images of death and l i f e , of l i f e i n death and of death i n l i f e . These b i p o l a r oppositions are transposed into myriad forms — c a p t i v -i t y and freedom, l o s i n g and searching, pleasure and pain, past and present, male and female, technological c a p i t a l i s t society (America) versus the unspoiled natural wilderness (Canada), and, the most s i g n i f i c a n t opposition and one which constitutes the underlying theme of the book, r a t i o n a l l o g i c a l thought versus i n s t i n c t i v e , 'natural' f e e l i n g . The former, reason, c o n s t i -tutes the veneer of c i v i l i z a t i o n ; the l a t t e r , emotion, i s to be discovered (or rediscovered) in nature. The protagonist has been truncated by c i v i l i z a t i o n , in and by the c i t y which she has temporarily l e f t ; she sees h e r s e l f as h a l f a person who grieves "the missing part of me."82 She has denied her animal, emotional s e l f , unable to f e e l even as " l o g i c excludes l o v e . " 8 3 She has "allowed he r s e l f to be cut in two ..."81* The other h a l f , the one locked away was the only h a l f that could l i v e ; I was the wrong h a l f , detached, terminal. I was nothing but a head ... 8 5 At some point my neck must have closed over, pond freezing or a wound, shutting me into my head; since then everything has been glancing off me ... 8 6 Away from the c i t y (symbol, as w i l l become evident, f o r the l o g i c a l , r a t i o n a l turn of mind), back to search f o r her father on the uninhabited is l a n d of her childhood summers, the heroine comes to recognize t h i s amputa-ti o n of f e e l i n g — "the l o s s , the vacancy." 8 7 She r e a l i z e s that in the natural environment she can rediscover the atrophied side of her being and reconnect the two halves of s e l f . Her father, a d i s c i p l e of r a t i o n a l i t y 92 ("His way. Everything had to be measured" 8 8) experienced a " f a i l u r e of l o g i c " 8 9 and found true v i s i o n , the "sacred places, the places where you could learn the t r u t h ; " 9 0 in her search f o r him she too fi n d s such aware-ness. She experiences a primordial unity with the l i v i n g things around her that permits her to release that "other h a l f " 9 1 of i n s t i n c t and f e e l i n g : "Feeling was beginning to seep into me .,." 9 2 Alone on the isl a n d she ph y s i c a l l y as well as p s y c h i c a l l y melds with her environment: I am not an animal or a tree, I am the thing in which the animals and trees move and grow, I am a p l a c e 9 3 But t h i s elemental unity, achieved through the tension of her dead father and her aborted c h i l d , must be temporary. I have to get up, I get up. Through the ground, break surface, I'm standing now; separate a g a i n . 9 " And separate from primal l i f e but made whole by her p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n i t , she returns to the c i t y and c i v i l i z a t i o n , the place where she must l i v e . It i s a s o l i t a r y inner search, unshared — f o r true communication i s ultimately impossible. "Language divides us into fragments, I wanted to be whole." 9 5 Language i s l o g i c . The narrator i s ref e r r e d to only as ' I ' and her r e l a t i o n s h i p with those who accompany her to the i s l a n d , her lover and fri e n d s David and Anna, i s s u p e r f i c i a l and detached. "I am by myself, t h i s i s what I wan t e d . " 9 6 Anna i s ' 'my best f r i e n d , my best woman f r i e n d ; I've known her two months. 1 , 9 7 Of her lover she says "I'm fond of him, I'd rather have him around than n o t . " 9 8 David and Anna's marriage i s revealed to be a r e l a t i o n s h i p of mutual hurt and humiliation, fueled by subterfuge. On one l e v e l her journey to the i s l a n d i s a search — f o r her father, f o r her other h a l f of s e l f . At the same time i t i s also a r e t r e a t . As a c h i l d she had discovered that "... the only defense was f l i g h t , 93 i n v i s i b i l i t y " 9 9 and her r e t r e a t to the island i s a f l i g h t from urban r e a l i t y , from her l i f e i n p a r t i c u l a r , and from modern technological society i n general. (The l a t t e r i s symbolized i n the novel as the United States, with the American despoiling of the p r i s t i n e Canadian north a recurring theme. 1 0 0) The c i t y becomes another important symbol of t h i s detached destructive way of l i v i n g . Relationships within i t are depicted as u n s a t i s -f y i n g and communication impossible. She recognizes If I go with him we w i l l have to t a l k ... we can no longer l i v e i n spurious peace by avoiding each other ... For us i t s necessary, the i n t e r c e s s i o n of words; and we w i l l probably f a i l , sooner or l a t e r , more or le s s p a i n f u l l y . That's normal, i t s the way i t happens now . . . 1 0 1 'Now' i s the c i t y : "After that we'll t r a v e l to the c i t y and the present t e n s e . " 1 0 2 C i t y i s a place of c a p t i v i t y : "... a rope noosed round my neck, leash, he w i l l lead me back to the c i t y and t i e me to fences and doorknobs." 1 0 3 The c i t y i s where there i s " e l e c t r i c i t y and d i s t r a c - . t i o n " 1 0 " * and the image of e l e c t r i c i t y reappears throughout the book to s i g n i f y America, technology, machinery, mechanical danger, — even as the power company has desecrated the lake with i t s dam and i t s surveyors have k i l l e d the heron, f l y i n g i t s body l i k e a f l a g . Straight power, they mainlined i t ; I imagined the surge of e l e c t r i c i t y , nerve j u i c e , as they h i t [the b i r d ] , brought i t down, flapping l i k e a c r i p p l e d p l a n e . 1 0 5 The c i t y i s associated with work. "My work, my deadline, the career I suddenly found myself having, I didn't intend to but I had to f i n d some-thing I could s e l l . " 1 0 6 And the meaninglessness of work in the c i t y i s reaffirmed i n a "Department of Manpower manual, young people with lobotomized grins, rapturous in t h e i r padded s l o t s : Computer Programmer, 94 The c i t y i s a place of threat. "Then back to the c i t y and the passive menace . . . 1 , 1 0 8 "How have I been able to l i v e so long in the c i t y , i t i s n ' t s a f e . " 1 0 9 That i s what used to bother me.most about the c i t i e s , the white zero-mouthed t o i l e t s i n t h e i r clean t i l e d c u b i c l e s . Flush t o i l e t s and vacuum clearners, they roared and made things vanish, at that time I was a f r a i d there was a machine that could make people vanish l i k e that too, go nowhere, l i k e a camera that could s t e a l not only your soul but your body a l s o . 1 1 0 The c i t y , where things are made to vanish (elemental things l i k e waste and d i r t ) also destroys something n a t u r a l , primordial in man's being. C i t y people are atrophied in the elemental s k i l l s of s u r v i v a l : "They were from the c i t y , I was a f r a i d they might chop t h e i r feet [cutting wood]." 1 1 1 "Joe s i t s on the ground: he's breathing hard, too much c i t y . . . " 1 1 2 And f i n a l l y : "I can't see them c l e a r l y but I can smell them and the scent brings nausea, i t ' s stale a i r , bus s t a t i o n s , n i c o t i n e smoke, mouths l i n e d with s o i l e d plush, a c r i d taste of copper or money ... They are evolving, they are halfway to machine . . . " 1 1 3 Although c i t y dwellers mouth p l a t i t u d e s : "This i s good ... i t ' s good f o r us to get away from the c i t y , " 1 1 3 0 1 they are anxious to return. And indeed they bring the c i t y with them into the bush, l i t e r a l l y and imaginatively: But David says "Naaa, why read when you can do that in the c i t y ? " He's twiddling the d i a l of h i s t r a n s i s t o r radio . . . 1 1 1* We ought to s t a r t a colony, I mean a community up here . . . 1 1 5 A colony of the c i t y , an imposition of the urban ethos on the wilderness — surely not, despite h i s hasty c o r r e c t i o n , a community — f o r i n t h i s novel there i s nothing of community in the v i s i o n of c i t y . 95 If the c i t y i s menace, d i s t o r t i n g and destroying a v i t a l part of the human s e l f , then the bush provides the contrasting image. The c i t y i s present; the bush i s past: The future i s in the North, that was a p o l i t i c a l slogan once; when my father heard i t he said there was nothing in the north but the past . . . 1 1 6 They l i v e i n the c i t y now, in a d i f f e r e n t time . . . 1 1 7 "This i s the twentieth century" "No i t i s n ' t , " I said. "Not h e r e . " 1 1 8 The northern wilderness i s symbol of a way of l i f e past, a way of l i f e where man was in touch with himself and h i s environment. He was whole in h i s e s s e n t i a l connection with nature and the natural side of himself. And the bush i s the place to regain that v e s t i g i a l u nity: "The truth i s h e r e . " 1 1 9 Again, t h i s i s a s o l i t a r y objective which cannot be regained in community. It i s seen in terms of the "two anonymities — the c i t y and the b u s h . " 1 2 0 The one threatens and erodes s e l f ; the other o f f e r s redemp-t i o n . But the route to rediscovery of the atrophied f e e l i n g side of s e l f l i e s f i n a l l y through madness — the r e j e c t i o n of r a t i o n a l thought, as', indeed going mad 'is termed becoming "bushed." Bushed, the trappers c a l l i t , when you stay in the f o r e s t by yourself too long. And i f insane, perhaps not dead: none of the rules would be the same. 1 2 1 "Madness i s p r i v a t e " 1 2 2 f o r the garrisoned s e l f i s ultimately alone and the e f f o r t to r e b u i l d the damaged psyche must be a s o l i t a r y one. Atwood presents an archetypal journey into s e l f , a r e t r e a t from the c i t y to the wilderness p a r a l l e l i n g a psychological r e t r e a t from a l l that the c i t y symbolizes — threat, impersonality, soul-destroying mechan-i z a t i o n . The garrisoned s e l f f inds solace and wholeness i n the wilderness. 96 As may be evident from the foregoing, Atwood's symbolism i s a s t r u c t u r a l i s t ' s d e l i g h t , a treasury of oppositions that can be interpreted at many l e v e l s . Because the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n here has focussed on the c i t y / self/wilderness imagery, i t i s hardly a comprehensive c r i t i c a l analysis — leaving out or b r i e f l y skimming much of what Atwood has to say about male/ female r e l a t i o n s h i p s and r o l e s , the American c u l t u r a l 'invasion' of Canada, l i f e and death, and the ce n t r a l imagery of water as absolution. This n e c e s s a r i l y p a r t i a l view r e f l e c t s the objective, which was not to attempt an in-depth analysis of a complex book. Rather i t was to examine the picture Atwood draws of the c i t y and the i n d i v i d u a l as beleaguered by urban r e a l i t y , attempting to restore s e l f and repair the garrison that has been breached. The novel chosen to i l l u s t r a t e the second category of s e l f - a s -garrison, The Weekend Man by Richard Wright, i s a les s complicated, l e s s i n t r i c a t e l y patterned work than Atwood's Surfacing. The imagery i s more d i r e c t , the view of urban l i f e sketched in less obtuse, less symbolic terms. The structure as well as the imagery of the novel i s more s t r a i g h t -forward. The p i v o t a l theme i s the e s s e n t i a l emptiness of the l i f e of urban man and the novel documents the reaction of the bewildered and be-;, mused narrator to h i s s i t u a t i o n . I t reveals a r e t r e a t from urban wilder-ness to the s i d e l i n e s of l i f e , from meaningful contact with people to mere spectating upon the l i v e s of others, to a world peopled by t e l e v i s i o n programmes and fantasy. It i s a r e t r e a t into s e l f ( " l i v i n g i n your own wierd l i t t l e w o r l d " 1 2 3 ) both to escape and to attempt to make sense of the urban m i l i e u . (It i s important to recognize that both Atwood and Wright are commenting generally on l i f e i n technological i n d u s t r i a l urban society. 97 They depict not j u s t a v i s i o n of urban l i f e but, more broadly, of twentieth century c a p i t a l i s m and materialism within the c i t y . Their commentary flows from a broader context. But the r o l e of the urban setting i n the novel i s an important one f o r the c i t y plays a f o c a l r o l e i n the depiction of l i f e . It serves to summarize a l i f e s t y l e that, while not s o l e l y or simply a t t r i b u t a b l e to the c i t y i s nonetheless i n t e g r a l to the c i t y . At an every-day l e v e l we do not l i v e in an i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t technology; we l i v e in a c i t y . ) More s p e c i f i c a l l y (and not t y p i c a l l y , f o r depictions of suburbia are unusual in Canadian f i c t i o n ) i t i s the suburban mil i e u that Wright describes. ... Union Place i s a part of metropolitan Toronto; a large suburb that has wandered east of the c i t y along the lakefront and then northward to meet the Macdonald-Cartier Freeway. I t ' s much l i k e the environs of any modern c i t y ; f l a t farmland which has been paved over and seeded with trim b r i c k bungalows, small factory and o f f i c e b u i l d i n g s , service stations and shopping plazas ... and now at l e a s t three or four dozen h i g h - r i s e apart-- ment buildings have climbed to the sky ... I myself l i v e in one of those towering boxes . . . 1 Z k The l i f e he l i v e s , l i k e the s e t t i n g , i s an e s s e n t i a l l y urban one. The winds "scream down the grey canyons of these buildings in search of f l a t streets and s c h o o l y a r d s ; " 1 2 5 the apartments compartmentalize t h e i r inhabi-t a n t s — to make any meaningful contact beyond " p o l i t e a c q u a i n t a n c e " 1 2 6 i s impossible. The g i r l on the neighboring balcony "looks r i g h t through me to a point beyond my head. I am as i n v i s i b l e to her as the balcony I stand on . . . " 1 2 7 Indeed the protagonist's primary contact with those around him comes from hi s balcony, high above, cut off from i n t e r a c t i o n : ... stepping out onto her balcony to reconnoitre. This i s a usual p r a c t i c e with people who l i v e i n apartment bu i l d i n g s l i k e Union Terrace. We are always stepping out onto our b a l -conies to reconnoitre ... Some l i k e , myself, have t e l e s c o p e s . 1 2 8 98 The m i l i t a r y imagery emphasizes the aura of b a t t l e ; l i f e in the urban wilderness necessitates v i g i l a n c e . And i t also emphasizes detachment, a looking down on l i f e — a distance suggested further by the telescope that brings things close only v i s u a l l y , that permits an o p t i c a l i l l u s i o n of closeness. The protagonist states (but does not lament): "Most of the time I keep unto myself. I have mo. friends worth speaking of nor do I seek a n y . " 1 2 9 "I was a l l set to i n v i t e her to my apartment when over-night a c h i l l developed between us. The temperature dropped alarmingly and the great solemn r i v e r that flowed between our souls congealed to i c e . " 1 3 0 "He w i l l not stop at my o f f i c e door f o r I keep i t closed and anyway Ron doesn't l i k e me." 1 3 1 Relationships are fraught with problems. At dinner with his estranged wife the protagonist notes that "Molly r e l i s h e s the distance between us and the high ground she now o c c u p i e s . " 1 3 2 Another woman with-draws from a r e l a t i o n s h i p because she "does not want to complicate her l i f e . " 1 3 3 The c e n t r a l character maintains a formalized r e l a t i o n s h i p with hi s brother, who addresses him in "that tone of mock severity used by a l l older brothers when t a l k i n g to younger brothers they've never r e a l l y i _ MIS'! known. Urban l i f e i s menacing and overwhelming and withdrawal into s e l f seems the ultimate s o l u t i o n , although i t i s one to which not a l l the char-acters r e s o r t . Molly f r a n t i c a l l y attempts escape into other d i s t r a c t i o n s : This yoga business i s another of her spe c i a l diversions and i t w i l l lead her down the same path. On some non-committal Tuesday i n February she w i l l cast i t aside and then we w i l l a l l be i n for a bad time. It w i l l go the way of the French lessons and the f o l k singing and the volunteer work for retarded c h i l d r e n . 1 3 5 Another character f i n a l l y explodes i n pent-up rage at the o f f i c e Christmas p a r t y — "disturbing the waters with h i s heavy boatload of grievances. 99 Only now he has taken a punch in the mouth f o r h i s t r o u b l e s . " 1 3 5 The s e t t i n g i s i n v a r i a b l y depicted as uncomfortably: s t i f l i n g l y hot, freezing in winter, unremittingly depressing. The r a i n has taken away the l a s t of the snow and has l e f t Union Place the color of an old bruise. Its dark-brown streets now stand waiting m the d r i z z l e f o r n i g h t f a l l . Three dominant symbols echo throughout the book and serve to r e -emphasize the atomism and impersonality that c i t y l i f e imposes. The f i r s t i s the r e c u r r i n g device of connecting car and i d e n t i t y — a p a r t i c u l a r car i s linked to a p a r t i c u l a r person who otherwise exhibits l i t t l e uniqueness. People are described by the car they drive; i t becomes t h e i r most d i s t i n -guishing personal t r a i t , an extension, indeed often the only d i s t i n c t i v e feature, of s e l f . 1 3 8 Wright uses images of t r a f f i c flows pouring i n and out of the c i t y , a c t i v i t y i n parking l o t s , behaviour at t r a f f i c l i g h t s as metaphor f o r human l i f e and often as sole evidence of human i n t e r a c t i o n . For example, the only occasions the protagonist has seen an old high school f r i e n d are car-connected: Once i n f r o n t of Loblaws on a b r o i l i n g July day I watched him load a Ford s t a t i o n wagon with parcels ... Another time a couple of years l a t e r , a man who looked very much l i k e Harold nodded to me gravely from the front seat of a station wagon as i t went by on a wet Sunday afternoon . . . 1 3 9 The automobile i s metaphor f o r death as well as l i f e : the parents of the hero died in a t r a f f i c accident. 1 1* 0 The second image that Wright uses frequently i s t e l e v i s i o n and the r o l e i t s fantasy world assumes i n the protagonist's l i f e . It f i l l s h i s evenings and weekends with "a torpor too f l a t for words" 1 1* 1 and becomes not only proxy f o r but preferable to human contact. In f a c t I do believe that i f one of us were to suggest that i t might not be such a bad idea to forget about the drink, b i d each other farewell and make our separate r e t r e a t s 100 into the night, the other would not mind at a l l ... I would l i k e nothing better than to climb into my snug l i t t l e Dart and drive away ... Channel Six i s showing a movie from the l a t e f o r t i e s t o n i g h t . 1 1 * 2 L i f e i s peopled by old movies and t e l e v i s i o n p e r s o n a l i t i e s . The f i n a l set of recurring images revolves around the a c t i v i t y of shopping, "... innocent custom of our land," 1 1* 3 and the Union Plaza i n which t h i s a s o c i a l , t i m e - f i l l i n g , formalized a c t i v i t y takes place. People shop r i t u a l i s t i c a l l y , t h e i r actions and appearances c a r e f u l l y orchestrated to project and p r o t e c t — anonymity: " l i k e many persons who f i n d themselves alone in public places, he does not wish to appear i l l at ease ...,'1'*'* "I t i s a c a r e f u l l y arrived-at posture and has probably taken years to p e r f e c t . " 1 1 * 5 The Plaza i t s e l f appears frequently to shape the story — thronging but impersonal, deserted at night, mocking the r e a l emptiness of the holiday. "An abeyant melancholy seems to c l i n g to the store fronts and to the Christmas l i g h t s which b l i n k solemnly out at the empty parking l o t . " 1 1 * 6 These images of psychic and physical separation from m i l i e u , the r e t r e a t into s e l f and the resultant vacuousness of d a i l y l i f e are portrayed by Wright d i r e c t l y as well as symbolically. L i f e i n the c i t y has become l i t t l e more than emptiness that must be f i l l e d (an emptiness well captured in a few spare paragraphs of des c r i p t i o n on page 142, for example). And fu r t h e r : "we now f i n d ourselves cast up on lonely shores; two t i r e d stran-gers t r y i n g to be p o l i t e to one another." 1 1* 7 "We are l i k e l y to wake up tomorrow to the same ordinary f l a t n e s s of o u r . l i v e s ; M l 1 * 8 and to " t h i s lonely business of l i v i n g a l i f e ; " 1 1 * 9 to "the numbness of d a i l y p a ssage;" 1 5 0 to "the old f a m i l i a r gloom, the b a f f l i n g ordinary sadness..." 1 5 1 101 The search f o r meaning within s e l f i s not an easy one: ... unlike a monk of old I would not t e l l my beads or pray to the Heavenly Father. It has been c l e a r f or some time now that the Heavenly Father had taken off and was now l i v i n g among the stars of another galaxy. Material success does not seem to o f f e r an answer; indeed "The truth i s that I am not a success because I cannot think straight f o r days on end, bemused as I am by the weird trance of t h i s l i f e . . . 1 , 1 5 3 L i f e i s over-whelming, incomprehensible and even retr e a t into the innermost corner of s e l f produces not answers but only detachment and l o n e l i n e s s and, at best, a place of security from which to cope in the urban wilderness. In the f i n a l paragraphs, the c e n t r a l character stands on h i s bale as "the damp cold seeps up through the cement," 1 5 1* gazing down at the Shopping Plaza, "a bereaved look about i t , " 1 5 5 and then up at the night sky. He muses that "perhaps in the new year on another f i n e n i g h t " 1 5 6 he w i l l seek out the north star, that ancient guiding l i g h t . But f o r now a l l he can do i s "... wait f o r sleep and try to remember what i t i s I was supposed to d o . " 1 5 7 Unlike Atwood's protagonist, Wright's hero finds neither solace nor answer but only lonely desperation within h i s s o l i t a r y g a r r i s o n . 1 5 8 In summary: in these representative selections Canadian f i c t i o n appears to present three d i f f e r e n t manifestations of garrison mentality. These analyses, while only suggestive and c e r t a i n l y not comprehensive, serve to indicate the c r i t e r i a that seem to define garrisons and to show how d i f f e r e n t authors give form to an e s s e n t i a l v i s i o n of garrison. 102 Insofar as they are reaction to an image, these various garrisons can expand our picture of that urban image. But as they are reaction to image, they can also expand our understanding of reactio n . The implica-t i o n that l i t e r a r y images and reactions have something useful to say about our perception and behaviour in the 'real world' w i l l be explored in the next chapters. The metaphors that underlie and define the f i c t i v e exper-ience appear to have p o t e n t i a l to do so i n the 'real world' of s o c i a l behaviour as well — thereby substantiating the comment of Livingstone and Harrison that a metaphor i s "not an i l l u s t r a t i o n of an idea already e x p l i c i t l y spelled out, but a suggestive i n v i t a t i o n to the discovery of future s i m i l a r i t i e s . " 1 5 9 103 Footnotes Chapter IV David N. Livingstone and Richard T. Harrison, "The F r o n t i e r : Metaphor, Myth and Model" in The Professional Geographer, Vol. 32, no. 2, May 1980, p. 131. 2Webster's New C o l l e g i a t e Dictionary, rev. ed. (1979), p. 1331. 3As in Chapter I I , the novels were used as the primary source of data. Although the short s t o r i e s proved useful in demonstrating urban imagery (and i n substantiating in a concise way the impressions gleaned from the broader reading of the novels), t h i s genre i s much less s a t i s -factory as source of evidence of garrisons. The n e c e s s a r i l y t i g h t e r , sharply focussed and more r e s t r i c t i v e format must deal leanly and s p e c i f i c a l l y with a single theme; the scope i s narrower. The novels were selected according to several c r i t e r i a : they are a l l English language works (since French Canadian novels c o n s t i t u t e a d i f f e r e n t genre, express a fundamentally d i f f e r e n t ethos and should, I f e e l , be studied separately or comparatively); they are novels published during the past two decades; the novel i s either set in a Canadian c i t y or the c i t y plays a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i f other than s e t t i n g ; and the authors are Canadians and w r i t i n g i n Canada. (This l a t t e r eliminated a large number of works including those of Brian Moore (e.g. The Luck of Ginger  Coffey), Leo Simpson (Arkwright) and expatriot author Mavis Gallant. It also necessitated value judgements: whether to include f o r example the works of Mordecai Richler although he had l i v e d and worked overseas at various times). I t also eliminated such novels as David Helwig's The Day  Before Tomorrow which contains many urban references but i s set i n London, and Austin Clarke's The Prime Minister which documents a return to the Caribbean. 4 I t should be noted that the t o t a l number of urban-set novels i s small, and the number useful in t h i s endeavor i s l i m i t e d further by the c r i t e r i a of Canadian author and s e t t i n g , etc. Therefore the categories w i l l contain only a few novels. This small number of representatives i s l e s s important, I f e e l , than the f a c t that the categories seem to be comprehensive ( i . e . the urban novels can a l l be contained within t h i s schema) and that together they display a pattern that seems both l o g i c a l and consistent. Nonetheless there i s a drawback in categorizing what i s i n f a c t a small number of works (about 25 novels i n a l l ) ; the caveat remains that a novel or novels may have been overlooked that c o n s t i t u t e another separate category. 104 5For a comprehensive l i t e r a r y a n alysis of the small town i n Cana-dian novels, see, f o r example, Verna H. Reid, "Perceptions of the Small Town i n Canadian F i c t i o n " (M.A. the s i s , U niversity of Calgary, 1972). 6 I b i d . , p. 1. 7Book review by Alan Twigg of Robert Kroetsch, What the Crow Said (Don M i l l s : General Publishing, 1979) in The Magazine Section, The Vancou- ver Province, Sept. 16, 1979, p. 16. 8Northrop Frye, "Conclusion" i n L i t e r a r y History of Canada, 2nd ed., edited by K a r l F. Klinck (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976), p. 342. 9 A l i c e Munro, Lives of G i r l s and Women (Scarborough, Ontario: New American Library (Signet), 1974), p. TCh 1 0 F r y e , "Conclusion," p. 342. 1 1 E l i Mandel, Another Time (Erin, Ontario: Press Porcepic, 1977), p. 114. Emphasis h i s . 1 2Indeed Laurence's Manawaka, a basic reference point i n a l l her Canadian-set novels, i s perhaps the best known f i c t i o n a l town i n Canadian l i t e r a t u r e . It plays a p i v o t a l r o l e i n her work and i s an important force on both her characters and the shaping of her s t o r i e s . 1 3Marian Engel, Joanne (Don M i l l s : Paper Jacks, 1975), p. 6. " I b i d . , P- 6. 1 5 I b i d . , p. 7. 1 6 Ib i d . , p. 84. 1 7 I b i d . , P. 84. 1 8 I b i d . , p. 55. 1 9 I b i d . , p. 20. 2 0 I b i d . , P- 107. 2 1 I b i d . , p. 27. 2 2 I b i d ., p. 17. 2 3 I b i d . , P- 27. 2 " l b i d . , p. 1. 2 5 l b i d . , p. 10. 2 6 I b i d . , P- 50. 2 7 I b i d . , p. 86. 2 8 I b i d . , p. 5. 2 9 I b i d . , P- 15. 3 0 I b i d . , p. 15. 3 1 I b i d . , p. 49. 3 2 Ibid. , P- 8. 3 3 I b i d . , p. 5. 3 1*Ibid., p. 11. 3 5 I b i d . , P- 1. 3 6 I b i d . , p. 78. 3 7 I b i d . , p. 79. 3 8 I b i d . , P- 80. 3 9 I b i d . , p. 84. "°Ibid. , p. 13. " i b i d . , P- 110. ^ I b i d . , p. 42. * 3 lb id ., p. 106 ""Ibid., P- 93. ^ I b i d . , P- 122. Emphasis hers. The word ' r e a l ' runs echo through the second ha l f of the book which depicts small town l i f e , 105 e.g. the process of separating from her husband was "... a nightmare of fi n d i n g out how the world r e a l l y works." (p. 57) " 6 I b i d . , p. 79. " ' i b i d . , p. 73. 4 8 I b i d . , p. 103. " 9 I b i d . , p. 120. 5 0 I b i d . , p. 127. 5 1 I b i d . , p. 128. 5 2 T b i d . , p. 133. 5 3 I b i d . , p. 134. 5 1*Ibid., p. 134. 5 5Mordecai R i c h l e r , The Apprenticeship of Duddy K r a v i t z (Middlesex, England: Penguin, 1964), p. 48. 5 6 I b i d . 9 P- 100. 5 7 I b i d . , P . 311. 5 8 I b i d . , p. 313 5 9 I b i d . 9 P- 313. 6 0 I b i d . > P . 8. 6 1 I b i d . , p. 13. 6 2 I b i d . 9 P- 23. 6 3 I b i d . , P- 40. " " i b i d . , p. 40. 6 5 I b i d . 9 P- 42. 6 6 lb i d . , P- 43. 6 7 I b i d . , p. 43. 6 8 I b i d . 9 P- 45. 6 9 I b i d . , P- 151. 7 0 I b i d . , p. 131. 7 1 I b i d . 9 P- 173. 7 2 I b i d . , P . 63. 7 3 I b i d . , p. 17. " I b i d . 9 P- 108. 7 5 l b i d . » P . 171. 7 6 I b i d . , p. 185 7 7 I b i d . 9 P- 311. 7 8 l b i d . , P . 308. 7 9 I b i d . , p. 279 8 0 T h i s novel focusses on the urban l i f e of i s o l a t i o n and loneliness engendered by an e s s e n t i a l lack of communication, from which the heroine t r i e s to temporarily escape to the wilderness and to a lover she meets there. That the c i t y i s symbol of the emptiness of l i f e within i t and that i t i s ultimately inescapable are neatly captured i n the l a s t l i n e s of the novel: "She f e e l s the c i t y receding as she s l i d e s into sleep. W i l l i t return tomorrow?" (p. 264). Sleep, the deepest r e t r e a t into s e l f , i s the ultimate escape. In The Stone Angel Margaret Laurence s t r i k e s not ju s t t h i s f i n a l category of psychological garrison, but many notes i n the o v e r a l l schema of garrisons. The protagonist Hagar, l i v i n g as an old woman in the c i t y with her son and h i s wife, r a i l s against her r e s t r i c t i o n s , the narrow lonely confines of her existence. Much of the book narrates her reminis-cences as she takes refuge i n the memories of her e a r l i e r l i f e i n the town of Manawaka — a v i v i d p o r t r a i t of a proud enduring woman and of a f a m i l i a r yet repressive town. As a f i n a l gesture of r e b e l l i o n against her helplessness and to escape being i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d (ultimate symbol of dependency), Hagar manages to plunge h e r s e l f into the f o r e s t . Symbolic-a l l y the c i t y i s associated with old age and i t s attendant confusion, the bleak prison of narrow and confining l i f e ; the small town i s associated with the past, the v i t a l i t y of youth, the connections of community and in t e r a c t i o n ( a l b e i t often r e s t r i c t i v e ones); the f o r e s t with escape from the c i t y and dependence on others, a f i n a l attempt to assert h e r s e l f , to regain charge of her l i f e . 106 Even as t h i s single novel compresses several d i f f e r e n t v a r i a t i o n s of garrison mentality, so, taken o v e r a l l , Margaret Laurence's Canadian-set work seems to capture something elemental about the garrison/wilderness view of place. As noted e a r l i e r , her novels revolve around the f i c t i v e town of Manawaka, the necessity of leaving and the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of return, i t s imprint on those who come from i t and i t s influence on those who remain.. Her p o r t r a i t s of t h i s town and the juxtaposed c i t i e s summarize many aspects of the garrison/wilderness dichotomy. 8"""This l a t t e r theme of transcendence through the untouched natural s e t t i n g , a r e l a t i v e l y minor one i n Canadian f i c t i o n , i s p a r t i c u l a r l y strong in the American t r a d i t i o n of f i c t i o n and thought. I t would appear that wilderness has not been construed as threatening, as i s frequently the case i n the Canadian f i c t i v e experience, but rather as u p - l i f t i n g and re s t o r a t i v e — a t r a d i t i o n i d e n t i f i e d with Thoreau, evident i n popular mythology (see, f o r example, Back to Nature by Peter J. Schmitt), i n symbol (as i n Leo Marx' s t r u c t u r a l i s t analysis of American f i c t i o n i n The Quality of Man's Environment), and in American i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y (e.g'. M. White and L. White, The I n t e l l e c t u a l versus the C i t y ) . 8 2Margaret Atwood, Surfacing (Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 1957), p. 108. 8 3 I b i d . , P- 182. 8 " l b i d . , p. 108. 8 5 I b i d . , p . 108. 8 6 I b i d . , P- 105. 8 7 I b i d . , p. 39. 8 8 I b i d . , p. 104. 8 9 I b i d . , P- 45. 9 0 I b i d . , p. 45. 9 1 I b i d . , p. 108. 9 2 l b i d . , P- 146. 9 3 I b i d . , p. 181. 9 i*Ibid., p . 181. 9 5 l b i d . , P- 146. 9 6 I b i d . , p. 169. 9 7 I b i d . , p . 2. 9 8 I b i d . , P- 83. " i b i d . , p. 135. 1 0 0 F o r example, pp . 66, 89, 112, 116, 121, 130. 1 0 1 I b i d . , P . 192. 1 0 2 I b i d . , p. 102. 1 0 3 I b i d . , p. 163 1 0 " l b i d . , P . 51. 1 0 5 I b i d . , p. 127. 1 0 6 I b i d . , p. 52. 1 0 7 I b i d . » P . 52. 1 0 8 I b i d . , p. 189. 1 0 9 I b i d . , p. 123. 1 1 0 I b i d . , P . 118. 1 1 1 Ibid., p. 77. 1 1 2 I b i d . , p. 49. 1 1 3 I b i d . , P . 183. 1 1 3 ( X I b i d . , p..31. x l l t I b i d . , p. 39. 1 1 5 I b i d . , P . 89. l i e I b i d . , p. 9. 1 1 7 I b i d . , p . 188. 1 1 8 I b i d . , P . 151. 1 1 9 I b i d . , p. 120. 1 2 0 I b i d . , p. 59. 1 2 1 I b i d . , p. 60. 1 2 2 I b i d . , p. 67. 107 1 2 3 R i c h a r d Wright, The Weekend Man (Toronto: Macmillan, 1970), 1 2 " l b i d . , P- 5. 1 2 5 I b i d . , p. 64. 1 1 2 6 I b i d . , p. 241 1 2 7 I b i d . , P- 244. 1 2 8 I b i d . , p. 249. 1 2 9 I b i d . , p. 8. 1 3 0 I b i d . , P- 23. 1 3 1 I b i d . , p. 24. 1 3 2 I b i d . , p. 224. 1 3 3 I b i d . , P- 231. 1 3 " l b i d . , p. 56. 1 3 5 I b i d . , p. 226. 1 3 6 I b i d . , P- 203. 1 3 7 I b i d . , p. 205. 1 3 8 S e e , f o r exampl e, pages 12, 15, 17, 23, 49, 89, 103, 210. 1 3 9 I b i d . , P- 90. l l t 0 I b i d . , p. 61. 1 * 1 I b i d . , p. 250. 1 I t 2 I b i d . , P- 149. l l t 3 I b i d . , p. 29. " " i b i d . , p. 246. " 5 I b i d . , P- 247. ^ 6 lb i d . , p. 261. l l f 7 I b i d . , p. 149. " 8 I b i d . . , P- 10. 1 I f 9 I b i d . , p. 245. 1 5 0 I b i d . , p. 255. 1 5 1 I b i d . , P- 258. 1 5 1 T b i d . , p. 129. 1 5 2 I b i d . , p. 222. 1 5 " l b i d . , P- 261. 1 5 5 I b i d . , p. 261. 1 5 6 I b i d . , p. 261. 1 5 7 I b i d . , P- 261. 1 5 8 I n this ; novel the small town appears as a minor theme, more place of o r i g i n than of r e t r e a t . The protagonist comes from Middlesburg where h i s brother and family s t i l l l i v e and to which he r e c a l l s v i s i t s . The bleak summary of another character's l i f e includes spending an unsatis-f y i n g Christmas holiday i n the small town where she was born (p. 142). And on a t e l e v i s i o n talk-show at Christmastime, " I t seems that he too was brought up in a small town in New England" and h i s reminiscences cause the host to comment: "... I think that what we r e a l l y ha-vahere i s a beau-t i f u l varnished thing i n American l i f e ..." He i s very excited. It i s a l l too much f o r him and he can't work i t out. I think he would l i k e to c r y . " (p. 234) The small town i s e s s e n t i a l l y a place of o r i g i n s and symbol of time and l i f e past. In t h i s novel return i s not considered an option or a p o t e n t i a l escape from urban l i f e . 1 5 9 L i v i n g s t o n e and Harrison, "The F r o n t i e r : Metaphor, Myth and Model," p. 128. 108 CHAPTER V FICTION AND FACT In using the garrison/wilderness model to elucidate the pattern of f i c t i v e imagery (as was the o r i g i n a l intent), the i m p l i c i t process behind t h i s pattern has perhaps come to be revealed as w e l l . The model has shown a pattern of garrison remembered, transplanted or contracted, a pattern which seems to comprehensively describe the various garrison themes i n urban f i c t i o n . Frye's model, as well as being a l t e r e d in other fundamental ways, was reduced to accommodate t h i s more narrow a p p l i c a t i o n , as indeed the objective of t h i s analysis was defined i n terms f a r more narrow than h i s . The goal was merely to discover t h i s pattern, to f i n d a way to systematize a jumble of data that by i t s nature was clumsy to manage, impossible to quantify, d i f f i c u l t t o ^ c o r r e l a t e . Frye's more encom-passing objective was to understand the larger processes behind the patterns of l i t e r a t u r e . The processes he sought were imaginative ones, the ones which explain why, not ju s t how, a work of f i c t i o n i s r e l a t e d to other works. His processes are couched i n terms of mythic imagination and the scope of h i s objective i s evident i n the h o l i s t i c mythic structure that, f o r Frye underpins and explains the Canadian l i t e r a r y imagination. It i s a grand scheme that explains the ( l i t e r a r y ) world — pattern and pro-cess, how and why. Although the fundamental question addressed by t h i s study has been how (how the themes of urban experience r e l a t e to one another and 1 0 9 form a cohesive and coherent pattern), nonetheless from t h i s model and method come a hypothesis, a suggestion that the model of garrison/wilderness, applied at both an i n d i v i d u a l and a s o c i a l l e v e l , provides a v a l i d basis fo r understanding the process behind t h i s pattern. It reveals not only the ( f i c t i v e ) image of urban place but also suggests that c e r t a i n ( f i c t i v e ) behaviour can be explained as a process of reaotion to that image. Thus the reasons f o r as well as the patterns of behaviour may ostensibly be explained i n terms of garrison and wilderness. The garrison mentality, or more p r e c i s e l y , i t s manifestation in l i t e r a t u r e , would appear to give us " h i n t s " 1 as to why human beings behave the way they do, as well as " a r t i f a c t s " 2 that allow us to better chart the patterns of t h i s experience. Thus perhaps i t i s possible;.to expand our l i m i t e d objectives and to assume, as Frye did, that the model can t e l l us something fundamental about process as well as pattern. C l e a r l y the answers w i l l be couched in terms very d i f f e r e n t than Frye's — f o r the concerns of t h i s study are concrete, s o c i a l and immediate rather than i d e a l i s t , the focus the s o c i a l m i l i e u not the l i t e r a r y one, the ultimate concern r e a l people not f i c t i v e characters. Nor are we searching f o r an i n t r i n s i c structure, to be found i n e i t h e r man or society. Nonetheless the garrison model appears to have the capacity to suggest answers to the question of why — not in terms of cosmic order but in terms of human action, reaction and behaviour — and to demonstrate l i n k s between image and behaviour. It would seem to have p o t e n t i a l as an explanatory device as well as an order-ing one, a metaphor that can d i r e c t us to speculation about the r e a l as well as the f i c t i v e worlds. The suggestion that the garrison concept, derived to analyze data from l i t e r a r y sources, can t e l l us something v a l i d about the reasons 110 behind man's reaction to place may seem a large leap of context, crossing as i t does that r i g i d border between f a c t and f i c t i o n , ' r e a l ' and 'imagi- ..." nary,' objective observation and subjective c r e a t i o n . How can i t be de-monstrated that such a t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r a r y construct as garrison mentality bears any r e l a t i o n to 'real behaviour,' the 'real world?' Surely not through further reference to l i t e r a t u r e , to data s t i l l once removed from that r e a l world. But there are s t r i k i n g p a r a l l e l s between aspects of t h i s analysis of l i t e r a t u r e and more t r a d i t i o n a l work by s o c i a l and urban t h e o r i s t s that lend credence to the hypothesis that the garrison model may be a v a l i d way to understand the processes of s o c i a l behaviour i n an e x t r a - l i t e r a r y context as well as in the l i t e r a r y realm. 3 The following quotation from Richard Sennett, neither l i t e r a r y analyst nor geographer, but a s o c i a l commentator who draws h i s data from a wide v a r i e t y of sources, i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s p a r a l l e l : Community has become both emotional withdrawal from society and a t e r r i t o r i a l barricade within the c i t y . The warfare between people and society has acquired a r e a l geogra-p h i c a l focus ... This new geography i s communal versus urban; the t e r r i t o r y of warm f e e l i n g versus the t e r r i t o r y of imper-sonal blankness." "This new geography" i s p r e c i s e l y what has been documented so i n t r i c a t e l y and c o n s i s t e n t l y by Canadian authors f i c t i o n a l i z i n g the urban experience. That i t has a "geographical focus" makes i t the concern of geographers; that i t i s basic to human experience makes i t the material of l i t e r a t u r e . And that Sennett's statement says e s s e n t i a l l y the same thing about garrisons and community and the urban experience as does the l i t e r a r y analysis substantiates the suggestion that a l i t e r a r y model such as garrison mentality can indeed give us v a l i d i n s i g h t into actual s o c i a l and psychological processes. I l l The quotation can, of course, be re l a t e d more d i r e c t l y to the categories defined i n Chapter IV, translated quite p r e c i s e l y into the vocabulary of the garrison mentality: "emotional withdrawal from s o c i e t y " equates with the garrison shrunk; the " t e r r i t o r i a l barricade within the ci t y ' 1 could be the garrison transformed; "the t e r r i t o r y of warm f e e l i n g versus the t e r r i t o r y of impersonal blankness" might e a s i l y describe the metaphor of the small town remembered and juxtaposed against the emotional wilderness of the metropolis. And c e r t a i n l y Sennett's c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of urban l i f e i n such terms as 'barricade,' 'warfare,' 'versus' proves a convincing metaphor f o r the e x p l i c i t garrison approach of the l i t e r a r y model. Such analogies of terminology and category, though s t r i k i n g , are perhaps s u p e r f i c i a l ; deeper s i m i l a r i t i e s are, however, evident between the image of man in society derived from f i c t i o n and informed by the focus of the garrison model, and Sennett's version of s o c i a l man (as elaborated in The F a l l of Public Man). Like the f i c t i o n a l accounts, Sennett's analysis i s based on a changing v i s i o n of community. He charts a s h i f t i n g i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between man and community in terms of a decline in "public l i f e " ( i n which impersonal s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s were p r e c i s e l y regulated by convention) and the recurrent r i s e of "privatism" (the intimate emotional sphere which he claims has s p i l l e d over to encompass a l l our s o c i a l r e l a -tionships and which, for Sennett, defines our age). The boundaries between s e l f and the r e s t of the world have changed — indeed, according to Sennett, have collapsed; no longer do s o c i a l l y accepted conventions guide and buffer our r e l a t i o n s with others in the community. The c e n t r a l tenet of society today i s markedly i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c . Sennett presents an ;: h i s t o r i c a l analysis to demonstrate that public modes of self-presentation have changed and that 1 1 2 public l i f e — the socially-governed interconnection of man and community — has been fundamentally a l t e r e d . That the boundaries between s e l f and re s t of the world have changed i s c e n t r a l to Sennett's p o s i t i o n . Such changed boundaries are fundamental to the garrison analysis as well — f o r the psychological wall of the psychological garrison i s c l e a r l y a boundary. The wall previously enclosed the community: i t shut i n the inhabitants as well as shutting out external threat. To operate within the confines of such a bounded s o c i a l space, a structure of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n was necessary, a structure that Sennett would c a l l the ordered impersonality of the res publ i c a . Erye incorporates t h i s concept i n the i n i t i a l version of the garrison model. He notes that i s o l a t e d communities surrounded by "a physical or psychological f r o n t i e r ... provide a l l t h e i r members have in the way of d i s t i n c t l y human values and are compelled to f e e l a great deal of respect f o r the law and order that holds them together." 5 What Frye terms order, Sennett discusses as conventions i n the public sphere. C l e a r l y both are speaking of the same thing; both view in.the same way the boundaries that e n c i r c l e commu-n i t i e s as well as the bonds that entwine them. In looking at s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n that occurs i n the modern c i t y , Sennett explores "the concrete t e r r i t o r i e s of community ... — thejneigh-borhood, the q u a r t i e r . " 6 Under the chapter t i t l e "Barricades B u i l t Around a Community," he r e l a t e s the process by which a middle c l a s s community ghettoized i t s e l f , " b u i l t i t s own w a l l s . " 7 "Outsiders ... were to keep away."8 The c i t y at large was defined as outside, as a threatening f o r c e ; Sennett suggests that by t h e i r very d e f i n i t i o n of selves as i n s i d e r s , a garrison was established. What i s c e n t r a l about the garrison f o r Sennett i s the fundamental need to regard i n s i d e r s as intimates and that the 113 i n i t i a t i o n and sustaining of intimate personal .relationships underlies the community bond that i s then translated onto the landscape. The bond i s no longer s o c i a l but personal; the community i s no longer defined by a network of s o c i a l but of personal interconnections. This view of commu-n i t i e s past has obvious p a r a l l e l s with Frye's early garrison and with the l i t e r a r y examples. Sennett's example of a contemporary "walled" community equates n i c e l y with the second type of garrison evident in l i t e r a -ture — the v i l l a g e - i n - t h e - c i t y , whose members are conjoined by l i n k s of intimacy. In f i c t i o n t h i s intimacy i s depicted as being established and sustained by a shared r e l i g i o u s , ethnic or economic s i t u a t i o n . Sennett regards such intimacy to underlie the expression of community as i t i s now evinced in the modern .urban m i l i e u . The i n d i v i d u a l increasingly operates in the intimate emotional realm of p r i v a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s . He i s garrisoned o f f , lacking the " p r i n c i p l e s of public order" (Sennett's terms), the "... order" (as Frye c a l l e d i t ) , within which to p a r t i c i p a t e s o c i a l l y with others in h i s larger community. He has suffered disconnection from the impersonal s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s that had previously governed s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n (and thereby made public l i f e understandable, manageable and s a f e ) . This parenthetical point reveals the connection between the view of Sennett and the v i s i o n of man in society that emanates from the f i c t i o n a l data and model. Sennett's view i s that the decline in the public sphere of i n t e r a c t i o n has engendered a garrison response (a term which he does not use, but which c l e a r l y f i t s the concept that he i s d e s c r i b i n g ) . Conversely, previous sections of t h i s paper have suggested that the changing perception of community leads, in r e a l i t y as in f i c t i o n , to a garrison response. Thus i t would seem that these versions each p o s i t a d i f f e r e n t reason f o r the phenomenon of garrison response — the f i r s t i n d i c t i n g the decline of the 114 public sphere, the second the perception of urban community as wilderness. Further examination proves that these are two sides of the same coin. Attending the decline of t h i s regulated impersonal s o c i a l realm must be the consequent d i f f i c u l t y i n p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n t h i s realm, i n e f f e c t i v e l y dealing with society at large. While i n an ordered and orderly realm we know the rules and public i n t e r a c t i o n i s rendered predictable, manageable and safe, the lack of such ordering conventions must make the s o c i a l environ-ment appear d i s o r d e r l y , unpredictable, chaotic and therefore unmanageable. Such an environment proscribes our a b i l i t y to safely or e f f e c t i v e l y p a r t i c i -pate and i s thus beyond our c o n t r o l . Such an environment w i l l indeed be perceived as wilderness. The i n d i v i d u a l ' s garrison i s no longer the well-ordered community; h i s garrison (and, according to some observers, h i s obsession) has become himself. Sennett r e f e r s to the collapse of the old boundaries and to the r e d e f i n i t i o n of the l i n e of garrison. The confusion between public and priv a t e spheres of s o c i a l a c t i v i t y that he perceives to underlie much of the angst of modern society, the emphasis on s e l f and the s e l f - r e f e r e n t i a l mode of operating i n society a l l indicate a s e l f garrisoned off from the unordered and threatening wilderness of community. Public man has f a l l e n ; that garrison has been breached from within, but ever the survivor, man has b u i l t new barricades against t h i s new wilder-ness. Sennett i s in e f f e c t i n v e s t i g a t i n g the impact on community of th i s singular s e l f , t h i s same beleaguered i n d i v i d u a l that the garrison model revealed. He i s exploring the new ways of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n that occur because .man perceives himself as garrisoned and ultimately apart from his larger urban environment. 115 Thus there appear to be s i g n i f i c a n t conceptual p a r a l l e l s to the garrison model i n the work of an urbanologist l i k e Sennett — in terminol-ogy, i n his underlying concept of community and in the basic terms of reference of h i s a n a l y s i s . Indeed i t i s probable that Sennett would even be sympathetic to the use of l i t e r a t u r e as s o c i a l document, f o r in h i s l a t e s t book, Authority, he notes that: It i s a common reproach that one can learn more about the complexity of motives and mutual perception from a reasonably good novel than from a " s o l i d " piece of s o c i a l science research. 9 The concept of i n d i v i d u a l as garrison (with the attendant s h i f t from the perception of community as garrison) a l i g n s i t s e l f e s p e c i a l l y well with much of the work of s o c i a l i n t e r p r e t e r s who, l i k e Sennett, are-.currently concerned with the r i s e of s e l f and privatism. C e r t a i n l y the category of the garrison transformed has i t s prece-dents and p a r a l l e l s i n urban theory as w e l l . Indeed the image of the small town transplanted into the c i t y , a garrison enclosed and bound togeth-er by s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , i s a common one in sociology. It i s a theme invoked by the t i t l e as well as the analysis of Herbert Gans in h i s book, The Urban V i l l a g e r s . 1 0 The urban v i l l a g e of Gans' research displays the basic character-i s t i c s of the l i t e r a r y garrison transformed. In f i c t i o n a l l the instances of the transformed garrison involve membership i n an ethnic, r e l i g i o u s or low income group; as working-class, Roman Cat h o l i c , I t a l i a n Americans, Gans' West Enders display a l l three of these c r i t e r i a . 1 1 S u p e r f i c i a l l y then,Gans' r e a l i t y aligns neatly with the images portrayed by f i c t i o n . And as well h i s analysis can be couched i n terms consistent with the garrison model. Ce r t a i n l y Gans found that the West Enders defined the c i t y around them as threatening and h o s t i l e . He notes 116 t h e i r f unctional separation from "the outer world, and t h e i r fear of i t s 'chaotic and catastrophic q u a l i t i e s . ' " 1 2 This world i s "strange and unhelp-f u l ; " 1 3 the inhabitants adopt "a conspiracy theory to explain the outside world" which breeds further suspicion and "as a r e s u l t , the already e x i s t i n g gap between the working c l a s s and the larger society i s widened." 1 1* Within t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n i s ample evidence that the surrounding urban environment could indeed be l a b e l l e d wilderness. Gans also notes that the West Enders' d e f i n i t i o n of the outside world as threat stems from t h e i r conviction that they have no control over or within t h i s larger world and therefore no control over t h e i r own fate in that environment. This sense of unmanageability i s basic to a d e f i n i t i o n of wilderness in the r e a l world as i t was in the l i t e r a r y examples and to the garrison model. In Frye's o r i g i n a l paradigm, the country was s e t t l e d and tamed as population grew and physical nature was subdued; over time the wilderness recedes or, as Frye phrased i t , "society..... . gets more in control of i t s environment." 1 5 This sense of control (or lack of i t ) i s a c e n t r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of wilderness, as both Gans and Frye assert. That the community of the West End serves as garrison against the perceived wilderness i s c l e a r l y demonstrated by Gans' an a l y s i s , but commu-n i t y or neighborhood i s s o c i a l l y rather than s p a t i a l l y defined. While Frye's archetypal garrison community was s p a t i a l l y bounded by actual or f i g u r a t i v e walls, Gans' community i s both bounded and bonded by s o c i a l interconnections. And these psychological walls, l i k e those of Ric h l e r ' s St. Urbain, are as s o l i d as any stockade; the separation they provide from the ambient environment i s palpable. Gans uses the term 'the outside world,' a phrase which r e f l e c t s the fundamental d i v i s i o n between 'us' and 'them,' to describe the West Enders' v i s i o n of Boston outside t h e i r peer 117 group society. One of the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e i r commu-n i t y was i t s "detachment from the larger s o c i e t y " 1 6 — a detachment that rei n f o r c e d psychic walls. Indeed the problems encountered by those who attempt to leave the community and the low incidence of s o c i a l mobility reported by Gans a t t e s t s to the strength of the i n v i s i b l e walls of the garrison. They are as d i f f i c u l t to breech from within as from without. In Gans' an a l y s i s , the walls of the garrison, l i k e the bonds that define the community and the wilderness surrounding i t , are psychological constructs. These three v i t a l aspects of the model, (at one time s p a t i a l as well as s o c i a l ,— indeed in Frye's model pr i m a r i l y s p a t i a l and only consequently s o c i a l ) have in Gans' work, as i n the l i t e r a r y r e n d i t i o n s , become e s s e n t i a l l y s o c i a l . It i s c l e a r that the actions and behaviour which Gans reveals and by which he analyzes and defines the urban v i l l a g e can be e a s i l y translated into the concepts of garrison and wilderness. The twin themes by which Frye defined h i s i n i t i a l garrison — a community enclosed by a garrison in response to a wilderness and a community bound together in an ordered system of i n t e r a c t i o n , a shared value system — also characterize Gans' Italian-American community in inner c i t y Boston. The West End' i s a contemporary example of what Frye c a l l e d "communities surrounded by a p h y s i c a l or psychological ' f r o n t i e r ' ... that provide a l l t h e i r members have i n the way of d i s t i n c t l y human values, and that are compelled to f e e l a great deal of respect f o r the law and order that holds them together, yet confronted with a huge, .unthinking, menacing and formidable physical s e t t i n g . . . " 1 7 In Boston the order i s a s o c i a l one; the menace psychological rather than p h y s i c a l , yet not any l e s s huge, unthinking or formidable. The value system of the urban v i l l a g e i s indeed homogenous and commonly-held, 118 f o r a shared value system i s the basis of t h i s community that provides protection against the urban wilderness. Frye's image i s Gans' r e a l i t y ; the v i s i o n of place that Mordecai Richler revealed in f i c t i o n c o r r e l a t e s well with Herbert Gans' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h i s r e a l place. The two previous examples demonstrate that the basic concepts that were derived from and define the pattern of urban reaction in l i t e r a t u r e are ones not foreign to s o c i a l science. Other work can e a s i l y be tran-scribed in the terms fundamental to the model; i m p l i c i t p a r a l l e l s i n anal-y s i s can be demonstrated. But there are also examples of work dealing with place that present a more d i r e c t and e x p l i c i t analogy to the ideas presented in Chapter IV. Perhaps the analysis most obviously congruent with the garrison model i s David Ley's study of The Black Inner C i t y as F r o n t i e r Outpost. 1 8 This work, as well as being based on a conceptual s i m i l a r i t y obvious from the t i t l e , points out a c e n t r a l problem inherent i n basing analysis on imagery. In the f i r s t section of the book ( s u b t i t l e d "The Shadows"), Ley elaborates the "view from the o u t s i d e " 1 9 — the images of the inner c i t y that are current i n the thinking of white America and in the media, and that are assumed a p r i o r i within the t r a n s a c t i o n i s t t r a d i t i o n i n s o c i a l science. The mainstream image ascribed a d i s t i n c t i v e teleology of violence and antiwhite f e e l i n g to the inner c i t y . It also ascribed a high l e v e l of organization and c o n t r o l to the black communities, a theme elaborated more f u l l y through the second 2 o image. The popular stereotype of the black urban area was a community "homogenous, h o s t i l e and c o n s p i r a t i o n a l . " 2 1 An analogy with Caesar's Gaul i s suggested 119 by t h i s imagery and from i t i s derived a model of the black community as f r o n t i e r outpost. The second section of the book — "The Real" — d e t a i l s p a r t i c i p a n t observation within the community. From t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n emerges a picture of d a i l y l i f e that presents sharp discrepancies with the assumptions of the proposed model; indeed the model derived from the popular image i s revealed to be d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed to the ' r e a l , ' the actual experience of d a i l y l i f e within the community. The model becomes "elusive and mis-l e a d i n g " 2 2 because i t i s based on a f a l s e image, a v i s i o n of place.quite a n t i t h e t i c a l to the perception of the inhabitants. In f a c t the community proved to be characterized not by an integrated and i n t e g r a t i v e s o c i a l system, but by one in which s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s were problematic; the environment was not one of i n t e r n a l security but of enveloping uncertainty and immanent danger; i t did not display a high l e v e l of control but instead was characterized by a lack of c o n t r o l . Thus the f r o n t i e r model (incorpora-ti n g concepts of an ordered, orderly i n t e r n a l system, organized to withstand external threat and h o s t i l e to the outside) seems not to apply to the actual atmosphere of uncertainty and threat that c h a r a c t e r i z e : l i f e within the community. The 'shadow' does not approximate the ' r e a l . ' Therefore a deduc-t i v e model derived from the shadow does not explicate the r e a l i t y . This conclusion has p o t e n t i a l l y grievous implications f o r the l i t e r a r y analysis attempted here, based as i t i s on image as data and on a model derived from imagery. For i t would seem to imply that the-relationship of e i t h e r data or model to r e a l i t y may be tenuous, since the underlying image may be merely a misleading shadow. 120 Two points should be considered i n t h i s regard. The f i r s t i s that both the popular and the t r a n s a c t i o n i s t images of the black inner c i t y are the views of outsiders. This external view proved erroneous — t o t a l l y at variance with the perception of those who l i v e d in the community. In contrast the image presented in the work of contemporary Canadian w r i t -ers i s a view from the inside, the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by a writer of and from the society in which he l i v e s and writes. Indeed i t may be submitted that the writer i s p a r t i c i p a n t observer par excellence, in the semantic i f not i n the res e a r c h - s p e c i f i c d e f i n i t i o n of the word, — p a r t i c i p a n t in the society from which he draws h i s material, observer by the very nature of h i s task. The second point i s that, while Ley discarded the outpost model as inappropriate at the community wide l e v e l , he suggests that the model in a l t e r e d form i s nonetheless applicable to the r e a l i t y of l i f e within that community. C l e a r l y the conditions that define the f r o n t i e r outpost (security a r i s i n g from a well-defined and organized system, characterized by i t s l e v e l of con t r o l and teleology of aggressive defense) d i d not pre-v a i l . At a systems l e v e l , the f r o n t i e r outpost model did not f i t the community. This h i s t o r i c a l analogy, l i k e Frye's h i s t o r i c a l analogy, could not be transposed i n t a c t over time. But l i k e Frye's paradigm, with some changes i n d e f i n i t i o n , scale and emphasis, the model i s c l e a r l y s t i l l of value. For the black inner c i t y i s doubtless a metaphoric wilderness — a menacing atmosphere of un c e r t a i n t l y , h o s t i l i t y and physical danger which i s on occasion r e f e r r e d to as "the j u n g l e " 2 3 by the inhabitants. (Again the issue of control seems c e n t r a l to the d e f i n i t i o n of wilderness. I t i s necessary to know the rules i n order to f e e l in con t r o l of a s i t u a t i o n or environment; Ley emphasizes the d i f f i c u l t y of discovering 121 dependable rules of behaviour in a s o c i a l s e t ting characterized by such extreme l e v e l s of uncertainty. L i f e becomes an ongoing quest f o r cognitive "hard ground" 2 4 on which to base action and i n t e r a c t i o n . Both the f a l s e , stereotypic image and the i n s i d e r s ' perceived r e a l i t y were defined in terms of c o n t r o l . The outsiders, v i s u a l i z i n g the black community as threat-ening, ascribed to i t a high degree of i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l ; one of the two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that Ley regards as d e f i n i t i v e of the actual environment was an absence of c o n t r o l . (The second c h a r a c t e r i s t i c was the absence of a coherent teleology at the community l e v e l . 2 5 ) Control (or lack thereof) would seem to be a c e n t r a l c r i t e r i o n i n the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of environment as wilderness in the work of s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s as well as in the f i c t i o n a l accounts.) That the i n d i v i d u a l has become garrison i s basic to t h i s a nalysis of the black inner c i t y : Such a cognitive " s h e l l " between environment and i n d i v i d u a l or organization i s usual, but i t seems as i f a hardening of that s h e l l occurs under stress. Just as a physical stockade i s a product of a h o s t i l e environment, so the perceptual struc-ture becomes more r i g i d when the outside world i s h o s t i l e . The simile i s apt. The i n d i v i d u a l defends himself by and from within h i s tempered perceptual s h e l l . This perceptual structure c o n s t i t u t e s the i n d i v i d u a l ' s f i r s t l i n e of defence against a wilderness of uncertainty. But garrisons are invoked at many l e v e l s i n t h i s environment of extreme stress and high r i s k . It i s perhaps not s u r p r i s i n g that outposts abound in the black inner c i t y — s p i l l i n g over every l e v e l of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , rather than f i t t i n g the neat sparse pattern evident in e i t h e r Canadian ifiction or the other studies examined. That environment, c e r t a i n l y more h o s t i l e a wilderness than the others, provokes defensive reactions i n extremis. 122 The perception of uncertainty and lack of control i n Gans' urban v i l l a g e and i n f i c t i o n set i n Canadian c i t i e s (as in Canadian c i t i e s i n f a c t ) i s f a r less intense and immediate, producing psychological stress but not such extremes of physical and psychic danger. In those environments, s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s were not uniformly problematic but often constituted a bonding force. The garrison reaction i s consequenty le s s pronounced, less ubiquitous than in an environment where "applications [of a garrison model] are possible over the whole spectrum of human experi e n c e . " 2 7 Such a menacing wilderness provokes the m u l t i p l i c a t i o n of garrison that Ley d e t a i l s . The symbolic stockade i n the black inner c i t y can shrink to many l e v e l s : He c l i n g s tenaciously to h i s cognitive hard ground, h i s representation of r e a l i t y , and i t s physical manifestation, h i s f r o n t i e r outpost, whether i t narrows to the home, or expands to the street gang, a small group, a corner bar, a community ac t i o n movement. 2 8 That the i n d i v i d u a l perceives h i s environment as wilderness provokes the development of a s e l e c t i v e , image-based perceptual structure that serves as defence against the extreme uncertainty. The study outlines t h i s cognitive process of reaction to environmental s t r e s s . The garrisons that can be i d e n t i f i e d i n the l i f e of the inner c i t y resident are manifes-tations of th i s defensive mentality. Thus Ley connects wilderness and garrison in causal terms, l i n k i n g them through t h e i r basis i n the cognitive process. From the h o s t i l e environment comes an i n d i v i d u a l perceptual structure predicated on defence against uncertainty; from t h i s mental stance come garrisons acted out at various s o c i a l scales. Ley i s suggest-ing that the garrisons ultimately have t h e i r base i n the perception that the environment i s a wilderness, and i n the cognitive attempt to deal with t h i s perception. He addresses two fundamental questions: why 123 i n d i v i d u a l s construct garrisons ( i . e . because the environment i s perceived as threatening), and how i n d i v i d u a l s construct the psychological defenses subsequently manifested as physical and s o c i a l garrisons. This l a t t e r question i s answered in terms of the cognitive process. The case can be made that t h i s cognitive process, " t h i s perceptual s t r u c t u r e , " 2 9 i s a more sophisticated version, more c a r e f u l l y construed and elabored in terms of cognitive and behavioural theory, of garrison mentality. The l i t e r a r y model suggests that the perception of environment as wilderness has engen-dered a garrison mentality. Ley reveals in d e t a i l how a menacing behav-i o u r a l environment r e s u l t s in the development of a defensive perceptual stance. In both analyses image of environment leads to a mental stance, a way of seeing, which i s manifested in behaviour (real and f i c t i o n a l ) as garrisons. Ley has explicated the l i n k s between the image.-and the reaction to that image; he has d i r e c t l y addressed those questions of why and how, that the survey of f i c t i o n a l image and reaction served to suggest. The garrisons i n f i c t i o n are evidence of a garrison mentality, a socio-psychological reaction to environment, as recorded by w r i t e r s . The garrisons in the black inner c i t y are evidence of a cognitive process (an i n d i v i d u a l perceptual structure), a psychological reaction to environ-ment; as recorded by the p a r t i c i p a n t observer. Thus we have come f u l l c i r c l e — back to f i c t i o n and l i t e r a r y garrisons, to questions of process as well as pattern, the questions of why as well as how that were ra i s e d at the beginning of t h i s section. The f i r s t two examples (one a broadly i n t e r p r e t i v e , speculative work, the other a s p e c i f i c , data-based study) served to suggest that the g a r r i -son/wilderness model could indeed be applicable to human behaviour in r e a l i t y as well as in f i c t i o n . The l a s t work examined proposes the 124 mechanism by which an image of wilderness i s transcribed into the behaviour of garrisoning. The process suggested in f i c t i o n , l i k e the image revealed, seems indeed to be a v a l i d representation of r e a l i t y . These p a r a l l e l s between f i c t i v e image and reaction, and ' r e a l ' perception and behaviour tend to substantiate the suggestion of Livingstone and Harrison that meta-phor and myth have the capacity to "generate a s p e c i f i c model f o r the explanatory understanding of some aspect of the r e a l w o r l d " 3 0 and that imagery, "both r e l y i n g on and generating metaphor" 3 1 can indeed be "a valuable h e u r i s t i c instrument in the development of models f o r understanding s o c i e t y . " 3 2 For indeed t h i s l i t e r a r y model, derived from metaphor through myth, would seem to be a useful explanatory concept, as applicable to c e r t a i n s o c i o - s p a t i a l behaviour in the r e a l world as i t i s to the l i t e r a r y one from which i t derives. 125 Footnotes Chapter V •"•Yi-Fu Tuan, "Literature and Geography: Implications f or Geograph-i c a l Research" in Humanistic Geography, ed. D. Ley and M. Samuels (Chicago: Maaroufa, 1978), p. 205. 2 Ibid., p. 205. 3 I t should be noted here that there has been a successive s h i f t in scale with each chapter — from the p a r t i c u l a r (in time and space) to the general (in temporal aspect) to, in t h i s section, the general in space (place) as well as in time. Chapter I outlined the model, which had i t s o r i g i n s f i r m l y rooted in the s p e c i f i c s o c i o - s p a t i a l order of a p a r t i c u l a r time. Chapter I I I , in a l t e r i n g and updating t h i s model, r e -moved i t from the p a r t i c u l a r i t y of an h i s t o r i c a l era and at the same time removed the element;'cf causation i m p l i c i t in the model. No longer did the h i s t o r i c a l f a c t of geographic i s o l a t i o n 'produce' or cause a g a r r i -sonal mentality; instead both the s o c i a l and s p a t i a l orders i n which Canadians l i v e provide a context f o r the development of a way of perceiving that may be termed garrison mentality. The scope (and the setting) had s h i f t e d from the p a r t i c u l a r of a s p e c i f i c pioneer time and place to the general arena of- observed propensities, then and now. In removing the element of causation from Frye's model, the anchor to a p a r t i c u l a r time was severed. Chapter V takes t h i s s h i f t in scale yet another step, to expand the scope of inquiry even more widely with references to the North American urban context (indeed with three examples of work done in the United States). It would, of course, have been methodologically neater to stay within the Canadian context (and content), but a v a i l a b i l i t y of data rendered t h i s impossible. Thus garrison mentality, deriving from a l i m i t e d , p a r t i c u l a r and causative model, evolved into an ordering concept which could be applied to contemporary communities in Canadian f i c t i o n . In t h i s chapter the focus w i l l be further extended fromthe realm of f i c t i o n and a s p e c i f i c -a l l y Canadian context to r e a l i t y and the larger North American scene. "Richard Sennett, The F a l l of Public Man (New York: Knopf, 1977) p. 301. 5Frye, "Conclusion," p. 342. 6Sennett, The F a l l of Public Man, p. 294. 126 7 I b i d . , p. 308. 8 I b i d . , p. 308. 9Richard Sennett, Authority (New York: Knopf, 1980), p. 9. 1"Herbert Gans, The Urban V i l l a g e r s (New York: 'Macmillan, 1962), p. 14. 1 1 I n . h i s study, however, Gans found that although ethnic and r e l i g i o u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n were indeed marked, the p r i n c i p l e differences between the West Enders and mainstream society could ultimately be ex-plained in terms of c l a s s v a r i a b l e s , or what he termed a "working c l a s s subculture." The low socio-economic status of the u n s k i l l e d or semi-s k i l l e d was a s i g n i f i c a n t factor in understanding behaviour and response in the urban v i l l a g e and of course such socio-economic status i s often continguous as well with ethnic or r e l i g i o u s group membership. 1 2Gans, The Urban V i l l a g e r s , p. 231, c i t i n g Richard Hoggart. 1 3 I b i d . , p. 231. "-Ibid., p. 265. 1 5 F r y e , "Conclusion," p. 345. 1 6Gans, The Urban V i l l a g e r s , p. 253. 1 7 F r y e , "Conclusion," p. 342. 1 8 D a v i d Ley, The Black Inner C i t y as F r o n t i e r Outpost, Monograph Series (Washington: Association of American Geographers, 1974). 1 9 I b i d . , p. 23. 2:°Ibid., p.- 242.. 2 1 I b i d . , p. 105. 2 2 Ibid., p. 20. 2 3 Ibid., p. 244. 2kVaid., p. 252. 2 5 I b i d . , see flow diagram p. 243. 2 6 I b i d . , p. 252. 2 7 I b i d . , p. 249. 2 8 I b i d . , p. 260. 2 9 I b i d . , p. 252. 3 0 D a v i d N. Livingstone and Richard T. Harrison, "Meaning Through Metaphor: Analogy as Epistemology" in Annals, The Asso c i a t i o n of American Geographers, Vol. 71, no. 1, March 1981, p. 102. 3 1 I b i d . , p. 106. 3 2 I b i d . , p. 106. 127 CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION The s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t can learn to ask ques-tions and to formulate hypotheses from l i t e r a r y works ... 1 This analysis of the urban image in Canadian f i c t i o n has evolved into an example of Tuan's dictum. It" began by posing a question — how are urban l i v i n g places rendered i n Canadian f i c t i o n ? In imposing a framework on the l i t e r a r y data i n order to formulate a coherent answer to the question, a hypothesis was introduced concerning why people (in f i c t i o n ) react the way they do i n Canadian c i t i e s . This hypothesis derived from the answer to the f i r s t question: the c i t y i s viewed as a wilderness, and people act the way they do p r e c i s e l y because they perceive the urban environment in t h i s way. The concept of garrison mentality, i n i t i a l l y used as an ordering device (to order the imagery into a coherent pattern) appeared also to be an explanatory device (positing a connection between image and behaviour). It served to explain action as reaction. In the search f o r a pattern, t h i s process of reaction became evident; i n posing a question, a hypothesis came to be introduced. The data, the pattern and the hypothetical process had thus f a r been confined to the f i c t i o n a l universe. It seemed reasonable to wonder to what extent the l i t e r a r y concept of garrison mentality, as a l i n k 1 2 8 between image and behaviour, correlated to everyday r e a l i t y . Could aspects of our s o c i a l behaviour in the urban environment be explained i n terms of a defensive r e a c t i o n to an image, in terms of a garrison mentality? To substantiate the hypothesis that c e r t a i n s o c i o - s p a t i a l behaviour can be understood as a reaction to a perceived wilderness, some conceptual analogies in the work of several s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s were presented. The f i r s t two examples suggested that the garrison/wilderness concept could indeed be shown to underlie analyses that were not always presented in those s p e c i f i c terms of reference. The f i n a l example, specifying actual behaviour and i t s underlying cognitive process, neatly aligned with the hypothetical process derived from the f i c t i o n a l image and r e a c t i o n . These examples lend credence to a hypothesis that was, as Tuan advocated, f o r -mulated from l i t e r a r y works. They would suggest that garrison mentality i s not j u s t a l i t e r a r y construct, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c only of the ' l i t e r a r y imagination' (the realm to which Frye confined i t ) but has a p p l i c a t i o n i n the 'real world' as w e l l . The broad patterns revealed by mapping the l i t e r a r y t e r r a i n show i n t e r e s t i n g correspondence to analyses of the r e a l world. That t h i s map of the l i t e r a r y t e r r a i n should resemble the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s ' map of the 'real world' i s hardly s u r p r i s i n g , i f indeed l i t e r a -ture i s assumed to be more than a simple mirror. For the danger in saying that l i t e r a t u r e i s a mirror i s the implication that i t i s nothing more than a second-hand r e f l e c t i o n of something e l s e , a r e p l i c a once removed from the r e a l , a representation of l i f e . And i n an important sense, l i t e r a -ture i s not merely a representation, a re-presentation of r e a l i t y ; i t i s instead a presentation — a presentation of the landscape of mind, 129 of the way we perceive, image, imagine our world to be. Embodied in l i t e r a t u r e are the modes of perception, the ways of seeing, that also provide the basis f o r our actions and reactions i n the r e a l world, the same perceptual frame which guides the s o c i a l discourse that i s the object of analysis of the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t . These modes of perceiving are ex-pressed in l i t e r a t u r e even as they-are expressed in the actions and reac-tions of everyday l i f e . The s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t concerns himself with the s o c i a l consequences of that mode of perception; the l i t e r a r y analyst with that perception as i t i s i m p l i c i t in (and can be revealed by) l i t e r a t u r e . In t h i s a n a l y s i s , the mirror a l l u s i o n has been al t e r e d and expanded. L i t e r a t u r e i s not simply a r e f l e c t i o n of l i f e . Instead both l i t e r a t u r e and our everyday l i f e r e f l e c t the fundamental ways of perceiving, the prism through which we focus, organize and understand our world. In int e r p r e t i n g image and reaction revealed i n l i t e r a t u r e , we are not exam-ining a pale proxy f o r l i f e . We are mapping at f i r s t remove the human t e r r a i n of perception and meaning. ... people do not l i v e i n t h e i r immediate environment; rather they l i v e i n t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of t h e i r environ-ments . 2 A. Putting the Canadian Urban Image in Broader Perspective While t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l (perhaps overly simple) d e f i n i t i o n of the re l a t i o n s h i p between the l i t e r a r y and the ' r e a l ' world seems appealingly neat and ti d y , t r a n s l a t i n g i t into the s p e c i f i c s of empirical work serves to r a i s e some complicating questions, (as indeed applying neat theories 130 to untidy r e a l i t y often does). To r e c a l l two points made e a r l i e r : i t was suggested that the garrison mentality, discovered by examining the Canadian f i c t i v e realm, seems also to be applicable to the American 'real world. ' It was further suggested that a conceptual frame extant in a society w i l l be given expression in i t s c o l l e c t i v e l i t e r a t u r e . The obvious question a r i s e s : j u s t what s o c i a l ethos, Canadian or American, i s expressed i n Canadian l i t e r a t u r e ? Do Canadian authors write as part of a larger North American society? C e r t a i n l y the anti-urban imagery in t h i s f i c t i o n echoes the American anti-urban i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n that i s analyzed by such observers as White and White and Leo Marx. 3 And indeed anti-urbanism i s not d i s t i n c t i v e l y North American, f o r the Canadian imagery i s also reminiscent of the t r a d i t i o n of anti-urbanism connected with the broader h i s t o r i c a l analysis of Western i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n (detailed, f o r example, in Raymond Williams' The Country and the C i t y ) . The Canadian imagery also bears close correspondence to a v i s i o n of the c i t y that obtains outside the l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n i n the American s o c i a l sciences — that scholarly v i s i o n of the disordered c i t y evident in the c l a s s i c s o c i o l o g i c a l work of Tonnies and Simmel, and perpetuated in North American urban sociology and s o c i a l psychology. Indeed i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note how s t r i k i n g l y t h i s l i t e r a r y r e n d i t i o n of c i t y c orre-sponds to the .social science r e n d i t i o n that has t r a d i t i o n a l l y characterized urban s o c i a l analysis and to note, more p a r t i c u l a r l y , the s i m i l a r i t i e s between the view of place presented by contemporary Canadian authors and the conception of c i t y outlined i n the analyses of Tonnies and Simmel a h a l f century ago. There are s i g n i f i c a n t points of s i m i l a r i t y between the l i t e r a r y constructs and the a n a l y t i c a l ones 131 Simmel suggested that urban l i f e can be seen in terms of i n d i v i d u a l -i z a t i o n , of the forces that the urban environment exerts on the i n d i v i d u a l , and of "how the personality accommodates i t s e l f in the adjustments to ex-ter n a l forces." 1* This accommodation takes the form of a distancing from others, an emotional reserve, "a detached r a t i o n a l i s t i c view of the world." 5 Such adaptation i s occasioned by the bombardment of the i n d i v i d u a l by an excessive number of s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l s t i m u l i that threaten to over-whelm him unless he can r a t i o n a l l y discern between them and concurrently blunt h i s s e n s i t i v i t y to them. Thus h i s personality adaptation must stress c r i t i c a l r a t i o n a l i t y — as well as an a t t i t u d e of indifference — both of which s i g n i f i c a n t l y a f f e c t the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s he establishes with others. It i s these adaptive mechanisms that i n turn make "an i n t e l l e c t u a l and i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c l i f e p sychologically p o s s i b l e . " 6 Simmel's conceptualization of overwhelming, often inconsistent and therefore unmanageable urban s t i m u l i , bombarding an i n d i v i d u a l who takes refuge in withdrawal into increasing i n t e l l e c t u a l i z a t i o n and i n d i v i d u a l i z a -t i o n , reveals a pattern that i s not fundamentally d i f f e r e n t from the gar-rison/wilderness construct. He outlines a reaction (as personality adapta-tion) that echoes the garrison contracted. The psychological process that defines Simmel's personality adaptation might, without d i s t o r t i o n , be termed a garrison mentality. Simmel's c l a s s i c a l observations of the c i t y seem to correspond c l o s e l y to the Canadian w r i t e r s ' contemporary observations. The c i t y they are observing a h a l f century apart must obviously (though, i t might be argued, not fundamentally) have changed; what seems not to have changed i s the lens through which they observe i t . 132 Such conceptual s i m i l a r i t i e s can also be seen in another seminal work i n urban sociology, Gemeinschaft und G e s e l l s c h a f t by Ferdinand Tonnies. Tonnies attempted to explain the changes in the structures of s o c i a l rela-:. tionships that were associated with the r i s e of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m . He posited two a n a l y t i c a l concepts of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft and showed that the s o c i a l structure of r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the r e a l w orld 7 tended to resemble one or the other of these id e a l types. The former was characterized by close bonds of kinship, consensus, mutual a f f e c t i o n and proximity, common values and i d e n t i t y — the type of r e l a t i o n -ship pattern associated with the t r a d i t i o n a l , p r e - i n d u s t r i a l community. The l a t t e r was defined by heterogeneity of value and t r a d i t i o n which served to lessen s o c i a l cohesion and increase individualism. The s o c i a l r e l a t i o n -ships in the Gesellschaft mode are contractual and impersonal and the development of t h i s mode of r e l a t i n g i s strongly associated with the growth of commerce and commodity exchange. Indeed as r e l a t i o n s h i p s become business oriented and cash based, the i m p l i c i t tendency i s to value s o c i a l r e l a t i o n -ships in terms of money — "the ultimate essence of interpersonal r e l a t i o n -ships in the c i t y . " 8 These two s o c i a l forms were based i n human w i l l — (for Tonnies' explanation of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s was couched in psychological terms) — and he posited two forms of w i l l , natural and r a t i o n a l , that lay behind these s o c i a l patterns. Even as both forms of w i l l are intertwined within the i n d i v i d u a l , so there can be no pure forms of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. In essence, they are i d e a l types — ordering concepts that serve to place concrete s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s on a continuum between the poles they describe.. But i t i s obvious that the r e l a t i o n s h i p s character-i s t i c of Gemeinschaft occur most purely in the p r e - i n d u s t r i a l community 133 or, perhaps more p r e c i s e l y , in an i d e a l i z a t i o n of that community. For Tonnies bias i s toward the (perhaps sentimentalized) past and away from the a l i e n a t i o n of urban r e l a t i o n s h i p s of self-concern. This a r t i f i c i a l s o c i a l order, "contrived" by the r a t i o n a l w i l l to further i n d i v i d u a l eco-nomic s e l f i n t e r e s t and which underlies an i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g economy orders an environment where "everybody i s by himself, i s o l a t e d , and there e x i s t s a condition of tension against a l l others." 9 In t h e i r d e l i n e a t i o n of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , Gemeinschaft and GeselTsehaft capture much of the essence of urban wilderness, of small town/urban community supportiveness, and of i n d i v i d u a l as garrison. Tonnies has explicated in terms of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s what Canadian authors symbol-;, ize as urban wilderness and garrison of s e l f or small community. The s i m i l a r i t i e s between the c l a s s i c a l s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s ' v i s i o n of t h e i c i t y — with i t s influence traceable from early t h e o r i s t s l i k e Tonnies and Simmel through the Chicago School of Urban Sociology in the 1920's and '30's, to such contemporary s o c i a l psychologists as Stanley Milgram — and the v i s i o n of the contemporary authors are marked. The s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t i n t h i s t r a d i t i o n and the writer seem to see the c i t y through the same eyes — the lens of t h e i r perception shows a bleak grey image. Of course i t might be suggested that the image may be a function of the colour of t h e i r lenses rather than the colour inherent i n the urban m i l i e u that they i n t e r p r e t . Do author and s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t share a preconceived view of place, an i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n that they impose upon the c i t y and c i t y l i f e ? Have observers (whether creative or a n a l y t i c a l ) tended to stress the a l i e n -a t i n g , disordered aspects of the c i t y — a charge that has c e r t a i n l y been l e v e l l e d at t r a d i t i o n a l urban sociology? Put another way, both writer 134 and s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t are i n t e r p r e t e r s . The s i m i l a r i t i e s that are evident may be in t h e i r interpretations rather than inherent within the object of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ; in t h e i r common f i l t e r — that anti-urban i n t e l l e c t u a l stereotype to which they are both i n t e l l e c t u a l h e i r . Such speculation r a i s e s the broad question of what connection Canadian l i t e r a t u r e and the urban image i t renders have to these larger t r a d i t i o n s of thought and scholarship? Both t h i s question and the one r a i s e d e a r l i e r that perhaps encompasses i t (From what society does the Canadian image of garrison mentality emanate?) serve to put the Canadian l i t e r a r y image into a wider context. Such questions suggest others: What is the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h i s image, t h i s garrison mentality, and the way Canadians a c t u a l l y perceive t h e i r c i t i e s as l i v i n g places; between t h i s l i t e r a r y image and the writer's singular, unique experience of place? Just what i s the mirror r e f l e c t i n g ? To attempt to assess the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l influences upon ei t h e r a society's world view or on a body of creative work that embodies i t , i s a task beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s . But i t i s necessary to recog-n i z e that these influences must e x i s t and that we a l l , writer and analyst among us, are affected in many and complex ways by our i n t e r a c t i o n within our society, by our s o c i a l heritage, our i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n s and pat-terns of thought. The questions r a i s e d are general and answers to them w i l l be conjectured only generally. At t h i s broad l e v e l of inquiry, the model i t s e l f can be used to suggest general answers. In the schema outlined in Chapter I I I , the s o c i a l and s p a t i a l order were seen to provide a context conducive to the develop-ment of a garrison mentality. To the extent that t h i s s o c i o - s p a t i a l con-text i s shared, a d i s t i n c t i v e frame, a way of seeing i s shared. But of 135 course s o c i a l context i s not f i x e d or defined — there i s no s i n g l e , simple s o c i a l context: To the extent that a Canadian writer does not share h i s context (as he alone experiences the unique set of events that shape h i s l i f e and h i s perception), to that extent h i s viewpoint i s unique, singular, personal, s o l i p s i s t i c . To the extent that a w r i t e r shares an i n t e l l e c t u a l / e d u c a t i o n a l / s o c i a l l i t e r a r y content with other Canadian w r i t e r s , to that extent he shares s i m i l a r views of environment and a s i m i l a r symbolic<.language of repre-sentation. Thus the image i s part of a l i t e r a r y , ' i m a g i n a t i v e t r a d i -t i o n ; i t i s according to Frye, the product of a ' l i t e r a r y imagination' — which i s i t s e l f a context in which writers share. To the extent that a writer shares a s o c i o - s p a t i a l national context with other Canadians (defined however vaguely, by geography, nation-alism, common t r a d i t i o n s ) so h i s work w i l l display a broadly t y p i c a l shared point of view, a shared heritage of value and meaning — an ethos. To the extent that a writer shares the larger North American i n t e l l e c -t u a l context, he i s part of an American ariti-urban i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i -t i o n and h i s work w i l l display that underlying valuation of urban place. He p a r t i c i p a t e s in what has been c a l l e d the i n t e l l e c t u a l stereotype of the c i t y . To the extent that a writer shares the broad h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n of modern Western i n d u s t r i a l i s m , so h i s images, h i s perception of the c i t y , share and are shaped by these patterns of thought. 136 It must be recognized that the writer, as indeed any one of us, p a r t i c i p a t e s in the s o c i a l order at a l l these scales (or, put d i f f e r e n t l y , in various s o c i a l orders expanding out in ever increasing concentric c i r c l e s around the f o c a l i n d i v i d u a l ) . Thus the Canadian l i t e r a r y urban image i s t i e d to a series of broader contexts, as well as representing a personal experiencing of place, a personal l i f e context — even as these c i r c l e s , progressively larger, contain each other. The urban image can be i n t e r - . . preted, explained, co r r e l a t e d to i t s s o c i a l context, at each of these l e v e l s , from the most broad l e v e l of a shared background of urbanization concurrent with i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n to that most unique set of s o c i a l exper-iences that c o n s t i t u t e a single l i f e . The Canadian urban image does not just r e f l e c t any single one of these s o c i a l contexts; i t r e f l e c t s them a l l . As Tuan has commented, l i t e r a t u r e i s simultaneously confession, ethnography and universal symbol. 1 0 B. The Urban Image and the Urban R e a l i t y 'Untidy r e a l i t y ' r a i s e s yet another complicating question. By reference to various studies or to empirical data i t may be demonstrated that the anti-urban v i s i o n i s pervasive in the i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n , in an a n a l y t i c one in s o c i a l science, and indeed in the Canadian l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n ; however i t i s f a r more d i f f i c u l t to v e r i f y that such an image accurately r e f l e c t s the sum t o t a l of the everyday v i s i o n of the Canadian experience of the c i t y . There have been few attempts to gather such 137 subjective data in a systematic manner. Indeed, evidence gained i n t u i -t i v e l y from personal experience of l i v i n g i n Canadian c i t i e s and extra-polated from various s o c i a l indices and measures of r e s i d e n t i a l s a t i s f a c -t i o n or q u a l i t y of l i f e , would seem to suggest that the general perception of urban place i s hardly as overwhelmingly negative as the writers of f i c t i o n c a t e g o r i c a l l y portray. The predominant myth seems discordant with the mundane r e a l i t y . Canadian c i t i e s appear to be far more benign in f a c t than in f i c t i o n . The persistence of high urban r e s i d e n t i a l property values i n d i c a t i n g high demand f o r urban accommodation, the increasing phenomenon of inner c i t y neighborhood r e v i t a l i z a t i o n i n such c i t i e s as Vancouver, Toronto and Montreal and the resultant inflow into c e n t r a l c i t y areas of those whose economic status allows them a wide range of l o c a t i o n a l choice — a l l seem to indicate that the Canadian c i t y i s generally viewed as a d e s i r -able place to l i v e . Studies of s o c i a l and r e s i d e n t i a l s a t i s f a c t i o n would appear to confirm that the urban environment i s not perceived to be as a l i e n a t i n g and anomic as l i t e r a r y evidence suggests. For example, Barry Wellman's study of interpersonal linkages i n T o r o n t o 1 1 indicates that supportive networks of intimates do e x i s t f o r residents in that inner suburb though they are not s p a t i a l l y bounded. These linkages are multiple, and each i s d i s c r e t e — i . e . not interconnected with the other s o c i a l l i n k s that the i n d i v i d u a l maintains, wellman i n t e r p r e t s t h i s as evidence that a sense of community s t i l l e x i s t s though i t has been ' l i b e r a t e d ' from i t s s p a t i a l bounds. "Rather than an unambiguous membership i n a s i n g l e , almost concrete, solidary community, East Yorkers' l i v e s are now divided among multiple networks." 1 2 It might, however, be argued that such d i f f e r e n t i a t e d 138 networks could be considered symptomatic of the increasing and d i s o r i e n t i n g fragmentation of urban l i f e , and might be a t r i b u t e to man's e s s e n t i a l need f o r intimate s o c i a l connections despite the r e s t r i c t i o n s placed on him by an urban environment that does not encourage nor e a s i l y o f f e r oppor-tunity f o r such r e l a t i o n s h i p s . William Michelson, in his study of intra-urban housing moves in Toronto, 1 3 found that h i s respondents claimed a generally high l e v e l of r e s i d e n t i a l s a t i s f a c t i o n i n terms of such variables as l o c a t i o n , housing type and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , proximity to shopping and transportation, access to work and play. "Thus, although some c l e a r differences in degree of s a t i s f a c t i o n are defined, there i s hardly any evidence of h o s t i l i t y to any form of housing or l o c a t i o n studied, l e t alone simmering discontent." 1'* Again, Michelson's study might be more i n d i c a t i v e of comparative s a t i s f a c -t i o n (one type and l o c a t i o n v i s - a - v i s another) than of a generally perceived congeniality of environment. Also, as Michelson admits, h i s data could be biased by the s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophecy of expectations or h e s i t a t i o n about admitting that one's housing choices might be less than optimal. Furthermore, t h i s study applies very s p e c i f i c a l l y to housing and housing types rather than to the o v e r a l l image of the c i t y . It i s an objective evaluation of the p h y s i c a l environment rather than a subjective evaluation of the perceptual one. This l a t t e r point applies as well to other measures of urban s a t i s -f a c t i o n : f o r example, the urban ind i c a t o r s used to assess and compare qu a l i t y of l i f e i n 22 Canadian c i t i e s i n Urban I n d i c a t o r s 1 5 include 32 variables such as number of missing persons, public l i b r a r y usage, voter turn-out, percentage Canadian born and a i r q u a l i t y . Such measurements proceed from and o f f e r a very d i f f e r e n t approach to urban evaluation than 139 the subjective, e x i s t e n t i a l v i s i o n that has been examined here. Furthermore, i t could be argued that the very benevolence that we i n s t i n c t i v e l y a t t r i b u t e to the Canadian c i t y i s derived from and coloured by an in e v i t a b l e comparison with American c i t i e s . The extremes of h o s t i l -i t y and personal threat evident i n the American experience are simply not present in Canadian c i t i e s : The low l e v e l of public safety and the fears f o r personal and family safety expressed by urban Americans have been a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r contributing to the diminished quality of l i f e in many US urban areas and have accelerated the search f o r the safe suburb or even beyond — the f i r m ground where personal control and greater c e r t a i n t y can be achieved. There are also strong and well-known r a c i a l overtones to the l e v e l s of c r i m i n a l i t y and the nature of the out-migration; v i o l e n t street crime i s associated with urban non-whites and the out-migration has been predominantly, though not ex c l u s i v e l y , white. Urban crime and violence to persons, e s p e c i a l l y i n the inner c i t y , lead to dire predictions which are of l i m i t e d a p p l i c a b i l i t y to the Canadian c i t y . 1 6 The extremes of the urban jungle, l i k e the dire p r e d i c t i o n s , seem indeed to be of l i m i t e d a p p l i c a b i l i t y to the Canadian c i t y . But while the experience of and in Canadian c i t i e s may be mild i n comparison, such r e l a t i v e assessments may not necessar i l y indicate that our perception of urban environment i s p o s i t i v e , but merely that i t i s less negative. In addition the s l i g h t demographic s h i f t away from c i t i e s and the propor-t i o n a l population growth of non-urban areas in Canada over the past few 17 * * years suggest that the c i t y i s increasingly being seen as a less than s a t i s f y i n g environment. This trend i s further demonstrated by a recent survey of community conc e r n s 1 8 which includes r e s i d e n t i a l s a t i s f a c t i o n i n 23 Canadian c i t i e s by four r e s i d e n t i a l zones — inner c i t y , mature suburbs, new suburbs and exurbs. In every case but one, the inner zone was the l e a s t s a t i s f a c t o r y location; the new suburbs (presumably a much less 'urban' environment) 140 were the most favoured. Despite such considerations however, i t i s hard to dispute that Canadian c i t i e s are generally benign and mainly s a t i s f y i n g places to l i v e ; the f i c t i v e image appears to be excessively p e s s i m i s t i c . In view of t h i s apparent discrepancy between f i c t i o n and r e a l i t y , i t seems reasonable to question whether indeed the f i c t i v e v i s i o n i s expressive of our n a t i o n a l s o c i e t a l response. The answer to t h i s apparent incongruity again l i e s within the t h e o r e t i c a l mirror. As outlined e a r l i e r , the r e f l e c t i o n in the mirror i s not a simple one-to-one representation, a f a c t u a l r e p l i c a t i o n . The a n a l y s i s has attempted to go beyond t r e a t i n g l i t e r a t u r e as truth or i n t e r -preting f i c t i o n a l account as f a c t u a l account. Thus any discordance between f a c t and f i c t i o n , rather than introducing c o n t r a d i c t i o n , serves instead to r a i s e s i g n i f i c a n t questions: Why does the f i c t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n overwhelm-ingly stress the negative aspects.of urban l i f e ? How does such a p e r s i s t e n t (and, i t would seem misleading, or at l e a s t , exaggerated) image influence our a t t i t u d e s and perception and i n turn our actions and reactions? How does i t come about that a p a r t i c u l a r society gives r i s e to the p a r t i c u l a r version or v i s i o n of i t s e l f that i s represented in i t s l i t e r a t u r e ? The c e n t r a l question then becomes not whether the f i c t i v e image i s t r u l y expressive, but how that image i s expressive of our n a t i o n a l s o c i e t a l response. In h i s cogent a n a l y s i s of r u r a l imagery, E l i Mandel notes: •.'.•.•-•.'.•:;.).•••.'.••• . The question we have come to then i s not who i s p r a i r i e man, but what images does he choose? 1^ To paraphrase — not who i s urban man but what images does he choose? The analysis c l e a r l y reveals that our ways of perceiving are i n t r i c a t e l y 141 linked with the process of s o c i a l i z a t i o n . Our cognitive and perceptual powers are s e l e c t i v e ; we see what we expect to see, and socially-produced images must colour that expectation. The choice of c e r t a i n imagery empha-sizes that the meaning of place i s s o c i a l l y constructed even as i t i s i n d i v i d u a l l y expressed. And the reason why p a r t i c u l a r imagery a r i s e s i n a society t e l l s .us something about the society that engenders i t . This exegetic approach i s c l e a r l y expressed i n Scott Symons' novel Place d'Armes. Although the protagonist i s r e f e r r i n g to a museum, the statement i s equally applicable to a l i t e r a r y heritage, as both l i t e r a t u r e and museum bear witness i n much the same way to the society that has pro-duced them. And then I r e a l i z e how wrong I am. I r e a l i z e that t h i s museum i s not important now f o r what i t t e l l s us about who we were ... but f o r what i t t e l l s us about who we thought we were (just l i k e academic texts ... but with better, more spontaneous evidence) ... and suddenly, as I*recognize t h i s r e a l i t y ... as I recognize that t h i s museum i s not what i t p u r p o r t s — a witness of some distant past, but rather the f a i t h of a past s t i l l upon us as to what that past was ... To understand our imagery i n i t s s o c i a l context i s to better under-stand t h i s r e a l i t y , to better understand ourselves. L i t e r a t u r e can reveal the v i s i o n s of our present and the myths of our past; i t can a r t i c u l a t e the perceptions, a t t i t u d e s and inter p r e t a t i o n s to which we are unconscious h e i r . I t can help us to k n o w — in a most s i g n i f i c a n t sense of that word — how we imagine our world to be. It can help us to know how we funda- : . mentally perceive our c i t i e s and therefore what our c i t i e s are, f o r P o l i s ... i s never more than the aggregation of people who have so joined themselves together, and i t s members define i t . Their perception constitutes the c i t y . 2 1 142 Footnotes Chapter VI •"•Yi-Fu Tuan, "Literature and Geography" in Humanistic Geography, ed. D. Ley and M. Samuels (Chicago: Maaroufa, 1978), p. 200. 2David A. Karp, et a l . , Being Urban (Lexington, Mass: D.C. Heath, 1977), p. 15. 3Morton White and Lucia White, The I n t e l l e c t u a l versus the C i t y (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1962). Leo Marx, "Pastoral Ideals and C i t y Troubles" in The Quality of  Man's Environment, Smithsonian I n s t i t u t e Symposium (Washington, D.C: Smithsonian I n s t i t u t e , 1966). "Cited in Karp, et a l . , Being Urban, p. 29. This book provides a concise summary of the work of both Simmel and Tonnies and i t s r o l e i n the development of American s o c i a l psychology. 5 I b i d . , p. 29. 6 I b i d . , p. 33. 7 I t should be noted that Tonnies dealt only with r e l a t i o n s h i p s of mutual a f f i r m a t i o n ; he excluded c o n f l i c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s from h i s anal-y s i s . 8Karp et a l . , Being Urban, p. 13. 9 l b i d . , c i t e d on p. 13. 1 0 Y i - F u Tuan, " L i t e r a t u r e , Experience and Environmental Knowing" in Environmental Knowing, ed. G.T. Moore and R.G. Golledge (Strondsberg, Pa.: Dowden Hutchinson & Ross, 1976), p. 270. i : LBarry Wellman, "The Community Question: The Intimate Networks of East Yorkers" in The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 84, No. 5, March 1979. 1 2 I b i d . , p. 1226. If} • • William Michelson, Environmental Choice, Human Behaviour and Residential S a t i s f a c t i o n (New York: Oxford Un i v e r s i t y Press, 1977). 14 Ibid., p. 278. 143 1 5John Stewart, Urban Indicators (Ottawa: Ministry of State f o r Urban A f f a i r s , Dec. 1975). 1 6John Mercer, "Continentalism and Comparative Urban Geography," The Canadian Geographer, Vol. XXIII, No. 2, Summer 1979, p. 135. 1 7The 1976 Census data show a proportional d i s t r i b u t i o n change from 76.1% urban and 23.9% r u r a l i n 1971 to 75.5% urban and 24.4% r u r a l f i v e years l a t e r . (Census of Canada, 1976, catalogue number 92-807, p. 7-1, 7-2.) This trend i s represented g r a p h i c a l l y i n Perspectives Canada  II I (Ottawa: S t a t i s t i c s Canada, A p r i l 1980) on page 11. Chart 1.8 shows the 1976 decline i n percentage of t o t a l population c l a s s i f i e d as urban to be the f i r s t such decline since 1871. 1 8 P u b l i c P r i o r i t i e s i n Urban Canada: a Survey of Community Concerns, Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 1)979. See e s p e c i a l l y p. 25, table 6. 1 9 E l i Mandel, Another Time (Erin , Ontario: Press Porcepic, 1977), p. 52. Emphasis h i s . 2 0 S c o t t Symons, Place d'Armes (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, ". 1978), p. 250. 2 1Robert Creeley, A Quick Graph (San Francisco: Four Seasons Foundation, 1970), p. 167. 144 BIBLIOGRAPHY URBAN, SOCIAL AND GEOGRAPHIC WORKS CITED Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Public P r i o r i t i e s in Urban  Canada. Ottawa: Canada Mortgage and Housing Corp., 1979. Gans, Herbert J . The Urban V i l l a g e r s . New York: Macmillan, 1962. G e r t l e r , Leonard 0., and Ronald W. Crawley. Changing Canadian C i t i e s . Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1977. Karp, David A.; Gregory P. Stone; and William C. Yoels. Being Urban:  A So c i a l Psychological View of Ci t y L i f e . Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath & Co., 1977. Ley, David. The Black Inner Ci t y as F r o n t i e r Outpost. Monograph Series. Washington, D.C: Association of American Geographers, 1974. Livingstone, David, N., and Richard T. Harrison. "The F r o n t i e r : Metaphor, Myth and Model." The Professional Geographer, Vol. 32, No. 2 (May 1980). and . "Meaning Through Metaphor: Analogy as Epistemol-ofy." Annals. The Association of American Geographers, Vol. 71,' No. 1 (March 1981). Lloyd, William J . "Landscape Imagery in the Urban Novel: A source of Geographic Evidence." In Environmental Knowing. Edited by G.T. Moore and R.G. Golledge. Strondsberg, Pa.: Dowden Hutchinson & Ross, 1976. Marx, Leo. "Pastoral Ideals and Ci t y Troubles." In The Quality of Man's  Environment. Smithsonian I n s t i t u t e Symposium. Washington, D.C: Smithsonian I n s t i t u t e Press, 1979. Meinig, Donald W., ed. The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes. New York: Oxford University Press, 1979. . "Environmental Appreciation: L o c a l i t i e s as Humane A r t . " In Western.Humanities Review, no. 25. Mercer, John. "Continentalism and Comparative Urban Geography." In The  Canadian Geographer, Vol. XXIII, No. 2 (Summer 1979). 145 Michelson, William J . Environmental Choice, Human Behaviour and Residen- t i a l S a t i s f a c t i o n . New York: Oxford University Press, 1977. Sal t e r , Christopher L. "Signatures and Settings." In Dimensions of Human Geography. Edited by K a r l Butzer. Research Paper 186. Chicago: Uni v e r s i t y of Chicago, Department of Geography, 1978. , and William J. Lloyd. Landscape i n L i t e r a t u r e . Resource Papers fo r College Geography #76-3. Washington, D.C. : Association of American Geographer s, 19 76. Schmitt, Peter J. Back to Nature: The Arcadian Myth in Urban America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1969. Seamon, David. "Phonomenological Investigation of Imaginative L i t e r a t u r e : A Commentary." In Environmental Knowing. Edited by G.T. Moore and R.G. Golledge. Strondsberg, Pa.: Dowden, Hutchinson & Ross, 1976. Sennett, Richard. The F a l l of Public Man. New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1977. • . Authority. New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1981. Stewart, John. Urban Indicators. Ottawa: Ministry of State f o r Urban A f f a i r s , December 1975. Tuan, Yi-Fu. "Geography, Phenomenology and The Study of Human Nature." In The Canadian Geographer, Vol. XV, 1971. "Structuralism, E x i s t e n t i a l i s m and Environmental Perception." In Environment and Behaviour, V o l . 4, 1972. . "Space and Place: Humanistic Perspective." In Progress in Geo-graphy . Edited by C. Board, et a l . London: Edward Arnold, 1974. ... Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes and Values. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1974. . "Place: an E x p e r i e n t i a l Perspective." In The Geographical Review, Vol. LXV, No. 2 ( A p r i l 1975). . "L i t e r a t u r e , Experience and Environmental Knowing." In Environ- mental Knowing. Edited by G.T. Moore and R.G. Golledge. Strondsberg, Pa.: Dowden Hutchinson & Ross, 1976. . "Li t e r a t u r e and Geography." In Humanistic Geography. Edited by David Ley and Marwin Samuels. Chicago: Maaroufa, 1978. Weiman, David R. The C i t y as Metaphor. New York: Random House, 1966. Wellman, Barry. "The Community Question: The Intimate Networks of East Yorkers." In American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 84, No. 5 (March 1979). 146 White, Morton and Lucia White. The I n t e l l e c t u a l Versus the C i t y . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press and the M.I.T. Press, 1962. Williams, Raymond. The Country and The C i t y . England: Paladin, 1975. LITERARY CRITICISM AND COMMENT Atwoodj Margaret. S u r v i v a l . Toronto: Anansi, 1972. Cappon, Paul. ed. In Our Own House. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1978. Creeley, Robert. A Quick Graph. San Francisco: Four Seasons Foundation, 1980. Denham R.D. Northrop Frye and C r i t i c a l Method. Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1978. Engel, Marian. "The Woman as S t o r y t e l l e r " i n Communique, May 1975. Frye, Northrop. The Anatomy of C r i t i c i s m . Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Uni v e r s i t y Press, 1957. _. The Well Tempered C r i t i c . Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana Uni-v e r s i t y Press, 1963. . The C r i t i c a l Path. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1971. - "Conclusion." In L i t e r a r y History of Canada. 2nd ed. Edited by K a r l F. Klinck. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976. Gibson, Graeme. Eleven Canadian N o v e l i s t s . Toronto: Anansi Press, 1973. Jones, D.G. B u t t e r f l y on Rock. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973. Kroetsch, Robert; James Bacque; and Pierre Gravel. Creation. Toronto: New Press, 1970. Mandel, E l i a s W. Another Time. E r i n , Ontario: Press Porcepic, 1977. . Contexts of Canadian C r i t i c i s m . Toronto: Un i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1977. McCourt, Edward A. The Canadian West in F i c t i o n . Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1970. 147 New, William H. " F i c t i o n . " In L i t e r a r y History of Canada. 2nd ed. Edited by K a r l F. Klinck. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976. Pacey, Desmond. Essays in Canadian C r i t i c i s m . Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1969. Reid, Verna M. "Perception of the Small Town in Canadian F i c t i o n . " Master's t h e s i s , University of Calgary, 1972. Ross, Malcolm. " C r i t i c a l Theory." In L i t e r a r y History of Canada. 2nd ed. Edited by K a r l F. Klinck. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976. Twigg, Alan. Review of What the Crow Said by Robert Kroetsch. Vancouver: The Province, September 16, 1979. Wainwright, Andrew. Notes f o r a Native Land. Ottawa: Oberon Press, 1969. CANADIAN LITERATURE Atwood, Margaret. Surfacing. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1972. Bowering, George. A Short Sad Book. Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1977. Butler, Juan. Cabbagetown Diary. Toronto: P. Martin & Associates, 1970. __. The Garbageman. Toronto: P. Martin & Associates, 1972. . Canadian Healing O i l . Toronto: P. Martin & Associates, 1974. Clarke, Austin. Storm of Fortune. Toronto: L i t t l e Brown, 1971. . The Prime Mi n i s t e r . Toronto: General Publishing, 1977. Davies, Robertson. F i f t h Business. Toronto: Macmillan, 1970. Engel, Marian. The Honeyman F e s t i v a l . Toronto: Anansi, 1970. . Joanne. Don M i l l s , Ont.: General Publishing,! Paper Jacks, 1975. . The Glassy Sea. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1978. Garner, Hugh. Cabbagetown. Markham, Ont.: Simon & Schuster, Pocket-books, 1971. Helwig, David. The Day Before Tomorrow. Ottawa: Oberon, 1971. 148 Helwig, David. Jennifer. Ottawa: Oberon, 1979. Hood, Hugh. Around the Mountain. Toronto: Peter Martin Associates, 1967. . The Governor's Bridge i s Closed. Ottawa: Oberon, 1973. . The Swing i n the Garden. Ottawa: Oberon, 1975. Laurence, Margaret. Stone Angel. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1964. . A Jest of God. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1966. . The F i r e Dwellers. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1973. . The Diviners. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1974. Marlyn, John. Under the Ribs of Death. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1957. Moore, Brian. The Luck of Ginger Coffee. Toronto: L i t t l e Brown, 1960. Munro, A l i c e . Lives of G i r l s and Women. Scarborough, Ontario: New American L i b r a r y , Signet, 1974. Ric h l e r , Mordecai. The Apprenticeship of Duddy K r a v i t z . Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1964. Shields, Carol. The Box Garden. Toronto: McGraw H i l l Ryerson, 1977. Simpson, Leo. Arkwright. Toronto: Macmillan, 1971. Stevens, John, ed. The Urban Experience. Toronto: Macmillan, 1975. Symons, Scott. Place d'Armes. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1978. Parr, Joan, ed. Winnipeg S t o r i e s . Winnipeg: Queenstone House, 1974. Torgov, Morley. A Good Place to Come From. Toronto: Lester & Orpen, 1976. Wiseman, Adele. Crackpot. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1974. Wolfe, Morris and Douglas Daymond, eds. Toronto Short Sto r i e s . Toronto: Doubleday, 1971. Wright, Richard. The Weekend Man. Toronto: Macmillan, 1970. In the Middle of a L i f e . Toronto: Macmillan, 1973. 

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