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A community of working men : the residential environment of early Nanaimo, British Columbia, 1875-1891 Moffat, Ben Lawrence 1982

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A COMMUNITY OF WORKING MEN: THE RESIDENTIAL ENVIRONMENT OF EARLY NANAIMO, BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1875 - 1891 by BEN LAWRENCE MOFFAT B.A.(Hons.), SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Geography) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1982 Q Ben Lawrence Moffat, 1981 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head o f my department or by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 / DE-6 (3/81) i i A b s t r a c t T h i s t h e s i s d i s c u s s e s the growth of the c o a l mining town of Nanaimo, B r i t i s h Columbia an i n d u s t r i a l settlement i n a New World w i l d e r n e s s . The people who s e t t l e d Nanaimo came, f o r the most p a r t , from B r i t i s h c o a l mining r e g i o n s . They came to improve t h e i r standard of l i v i n g , but, as i n B r i t a i n , worked in a c a p i t a l and labour i n t e n s i v e i n d u s t r y . T h i s t h e s i s examines t h e i r p a t t e r n s of settlement i n t h i s new town on the P a c i f i c and s t r e s s e s the a n a l y s i s of o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y , r e s i d e n t i a l s e g r e g a t i o n , and l e v e l s of home ownership. P a r a l l e l s to and departures from B r i t i s h experiences are d i s c u s s e d . I n i t i a l l y Nanaimo's land was r e l a t i v e l y cheap, wages were steady, the town was c l e a n , s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s made an "open" settlement, and some o p p o r t u n i t i e s e x i s t e d f o r upward o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y . For these reasons B r i t i s h miners found Nanaimo an improvement over B r i t i s h c o l l i e r y towns. Yet as C o n t i n e n t a l Europeans and Asian immigrants i n c r e a s e d i n number, as the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n grew, as neighbourhoods became more segregated, and as c o a l markets soften e d unrest mounted. Increases i n land c o s t s , r a c i a l a n i m o s ity, and r e s i d e n t i a l s e g r e g a t i o n were a l l f o r c e s shaping Nanaimo i n 1891, the f i n a l year of the study. Table of Contents A b s t r a c t 2 L i s t Of Tables 5 L i s t Of F i g u r e s .6 Acknowledgement 7 I n t r o d u c t i o n 3 Chapter One - Coal Mining In Great B r i t a i n To The 1890s 7 1. The Men, Women, And C h i l d r e n Of B r i t i s h Mining .7 2. The Urban Landscape Of Coal Mining 10 3. Wages And U n i o n i z a t i o n 17 4. Non—working P u r s u i t s 23 Chapter Two - Nanaimo, B.C.: 1875 - 1891 33 1. The Hudson's Bay Company 33 2. The Vancouver Coal Mining And Land Company 38 3. Nanaimo - 1875 42 A) The People 42 B) Urban Morphology 50 4 . Nanaimo - 1 881 60 A) The People 60 B) Urban Morphology 68 5. Nanaimo - 1891 76 A) The 1880s 76 B) The People 80 C) Urban Morphology 83 i v Chapter Three - Nanaimo: Coal Town In B r i t i s h Columbia 97 1. The Workplace And P o p u l a t i o n 97 2. New Manners And Standards Of L i v i n g 102 3. T r a d i t i o n R e - e s t a b l i s h e d 120 B i b l i o g r a p h y 131 Appendices 136 V L i s t o f T a b l e s 1. Wages a n d R e n t s The B l a c k C o u n t r y , 1860 - 1890 13 2 . M o n e y , R e a l a n d A d j u s t e d Wages The B l a c k C o u n t r y , 1865 - 1895 1 8 3 . M i n i m u m S t a n d a r d o f L i v i n g The B l a c k C o u n t r y , 1865 - 1892 , 21 4 . M i n i n g D e a t h s , 1 8 8 0 s 78 5 . P r o s e c u t i o n s i n N a n a i m o , 1881 100 6 . O c c u p a t i o n s a n d A n n u a l W a g e s , C i r c a 1885 . . . . . . . . 1 2 4 v i L i s t of F i g u r e s 1. A Community of Working Men 2 2. Coal Mining Areas of B r i t a i n 8 3. B r i t i s h Housing and P o p u l a t i o n Increases, Coal Mining Areas, 1841 - 1851 12 4. Welsh C o l l i e r y Settlement 14 5. Coal Mining Employees S e l e c t e d Regions, 1870 - 1894 20 6. Nanaimo and I t s Harbour - 1858 32 7. Vancouver I s l a n d 34 8. Nanaimo, 1863 Census 38 9. Nanaimo C i r c a 1875 . 40 10. Nanaimo, Po p u l a t i o n C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s - 1875 44 11. The Economy of Coal 47 12. The Miners of Nanaimo - 1875 49 13. P o p u l a t i o n - B i r t h p l a c e s , 1875 51 14. P o p u l a t i o n — Descent, 1875 52 15. P o p u l a t i o n - R e l i g i o n , 1875 53 16. P o p u l a t i o n — Occupation, 1875 54 17. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Land Owners, 1875 56 18. Land Ownership - Sampled Bl o c k s , 1875 ....59 19. Nanaimo — P o p u l a t i o n C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , 1881 61 20. The Miners of Nanaimo, 1881 63 21. Chinese Mine Workers 67 22. P o p u l a t i o n - B i r t h p l a c e s , 1881 70 23. P o p u l a t i o n - Descent, 1881 71 24. P o p u l a t i o n - R e l i g i o n , 1881 72 25. P o p u l a t i o n — Occupation, 1881 73 26. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Land Owners, 1881 75 27. Coal Mining Output, 1880 - 1891 77 28. Waiting For The Dead, 1887 79 29. Nanaimo Area - Census of Canada, 1891 81 30. Nanaimo — Nominal Sample P o p u l a t i o n C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , 1891 82 31. P o p u l a t i o n - B i r t h p l a c e s , 1891 84 32. P o p u l a t i o n - Descent, 1891 85 33. P o p u l a t i o n - R e l i g i o n , 1891 ..86 34. P o p u l a t i o n - Occupation, 1891 87 35. Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway Lands, 1891 89 36. Wages, L i v i n g Costs, and Land Values 1875 - 1891 90 37. The Saloons of Nanaimo 100 38. The P r o p r i e t o r s , P r o f e s s i o n a l s and Managers of Nanaimo,1881 101 39. Miners and T h e i r Homes, 1881 108 40. The O c c u p a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e of Nanaimo 113 41. I n t e r n a l R e s i d e n t i a l M o b i l i t y of 1875 Sample, 1875 - 1881 118 42. I n t e r n a l R e s i d e n t i a l M o b i l i t y of 1881 P o p u l a t i o n , 1881 - 1891 119 v i i Acknowledgement So many to thank... yet how do I do i t ? F i r s t to Bob and Rene, the Ri c k a r d s , f o r t h e i r acceptance of a honeymoon—crasher. And Dean and Sheree, Nanaimo n a t i v e s , f o r s i l e n t l y s t e p p i n g over me day a f t e r day. Then to those of the Nanaimo C e n t e n n i a l Museum (Barry H a r d c a s t l e i m p a r t i c u l a r l y ) , the Nanaimo H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , and the s t a f f of the P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s of B.C. f o r t h e i r h e lp and permission to use tapes, pamphlets, books, and j o u r n a l s . To K r i s f o r use of h i s V i c t o r i a l i v i n g — r o o m f l o o r . To T e r r y who came to the rescue and to Cole who, with p a t i e n c e , saw i t through and taught me to wr i t e r e a l good. To my parents, Luba and Ted, f o r t h e i r support a l l through the ye a r s . And f i n a l l y to those who were there with good times, good chat, and good company — Margaret and Kyle, C a r o l e and Tom, E l l e n , Thorn, John, Gary, and the second best hockey team i n the world, The Armadillos....THANKS. 1 F i g u r e 1: "The community i s e s s e n t i a l l y a community of working men, who are s t r u g g l i n g hard to o b t a i n a home f o r themselves and f a m i l y . " 1 (Photo date unknown, P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s of B r i t i s h Columbia) 3 Introduct ion "There i s no ' t y p i c a l ' American small town any more than there i s a t y p i c a l American c i t y , t y p i c a l r e g i o n , or t y p i c a l human being. Towns, d i s t r i c t s and people a l l own p e c u l i a r i t i e s and e c c e n t r i c i t i e s t h a t , by t h e i r very d e v i a t i o n from o r d i n a r y norms, lend f l a v o r and i n t e r e s t to t h e i r p e r s o n a l i t i e s . Conversely, to be sure, no p l a c e i s u t t e r l y unique, and i t i s u s u a l l y the mixture of communality with i n d i v i d u a l i t y which makes p l a c e s (and people) i n t e r e s t i n g and worthy of n o t i c e . 2 From Nanaimo's beginnings i n the 1840s, the c o a l mining i n d u s t r y d i c t a t e d and, i n many ways, determined the p a t t e r n of i t s s o c i a l and economic development. These p a t t e r n s were impressed on the townscape and on the surrounding c o u n t r y s i d e . T h i s work examines t h i s settlement as i t developed from 1875 to 1891 - the p e r i o d of Nanaimo's e a r l y growth and i n c o r p o r a t i o n . The permanent white settlement of the p r o v i n c e of B r i t i s h Columbia lan g u i s h e d u n t i l the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway opened i t s t r a n s c o n t i n e n t a l s e r v i c e i n the 1880s. The m a j o r i t y of the p r o v i n c e had only been s u p e r f i c i a l l y e xplored by members of the Northwest and Hudson's Bay Companies and l a t e r by g o l d seekers. During t h i s era of B r i t i s h m e r c h a n t i l i s m and rough, r o g u i s h Gold Rush f e v e r , Nanaimo developed as a c o a l mining town. In the province i t was the f i r s t i n d u s t r i a l settlement; i t was at Nanaimo where l a r g e — s c a l e c o r p o r a t e mining began, where labour unions s t a r t e d , and where the f i r s t e x p o r t — o r i e n t e d i n d u s t r i a l 4 economy (and landscape) evolved. Nanaimo d u r i n g the 1870s and 1880s was a bellwhether f o r p l a c e s that would grow throughout the province as i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and settlement proceeded. T h i s t h e s i s uses both q u a l i t a t i v e and q u a n t i t a t i v e methods to understand more f u l l y the c i t y of Nanaimo — both as i t was and as i t was seen to be by those who l i v e d there d u r i n g the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century. A simple s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s and mapping of s a l i e n t s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s nested w i t h i n a more wide—ranging q u a l i t a t i v e examination of the p e r c e p t i o n s of the people of Nanaimo. Census data are used to r e c o n s t r u c t p o p u l a t i o n components. Landscape p a t t e r n s are examined as are some of the recognized p e r c e p t i o n s of the people. T h i s blending of both q u a l i t a t i v e and q u a n t i t a t i v e approaches e n r i c h e s the a n a l y s i s and adds to the c u r r e n t body of B r i t i s h Columbian urban and economic development l i t e r a t u r e . Nanaimo's s i z e and unidimensional economic development would seem to make i t s geographic study r e l a t i v e l y s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d . From 1874 i t was a c i t y by d e f i n i t i o n alone - i t had fewer than 7000 people u n t i l the mid 1890s. In many ways, however, Nanaimo was a B r i t i s h c o l l i e r y town overseas. For t h i s reason d i s c u s s i o n focuses on the emigrants who peopled Nanaimo, on t h e i r r e a c t i o n s to North America, and on the s o c i a l p a t t e r n s that were r e f l e c t e d i n the c i t y s c a p e . I t d e a l s with the p u l l s and pushes of B r i t i s h e m i g r a t i o n and with t h e i r e f f e c t s on the n i n e t e e n t h 5 century urban landscape of a small Western c i t y . The Canadian census f i r s t enumerated B r i t i s h Columbians in 1881. A n i n e t y — n i n e year f r e e z e on the p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s data was l i f t e d i n 1980. T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n p r o v i d e s the main body of data i n t h i s work. The nominal data l i s t e d a r e s i d e n t ' s name, b i r t h p l a c e , age, e t h n i c descent, r e l i g i o n , o ccupation, as we l l as a spouse's name, b i r t h p l a c e , descent, and r e l i g i o n . From other sources (newspapers, c i t y d i r e c t o r i e s , c i t y p r operty tax assessment r o l l s ) the res i d e n c e s of many of these people can be found. Maps have been produced that examine Nanaimo's white p o p u l a t i o n p a t t e r n s and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . These data are then i n t e g r a t e d with a c h r o n o l o g i c a l examination of the c i t y ' s development. Chapter Two (Nanaimo: 1875—1891) t r a c e s the development of Nanaimo using census sources as w e l l as l o c a l m u n i c i p a l documentation. The settlement of Nanaimo was dominated by B r i t i s h immigrants. T h e i r l i v e s i n the New World r e p l i c a t e d yet a l s o departed from B r i t i s h t r a d i t i o n s . These d i f f e r e n c e s and s i m i l i a r i t i e s are d e s c r i b e d i n Chapter Three (Nananimo: Coal Town of B r i t i s h Columbia) and are u l t i m a t e l y examined in l i g h t of the labour c o n f l i c t , segregated landscape, and s o c i a l l i f e that c h a r a c t e r i z e d the c i t y i n the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . 6 Footnotes — I n t r o d u c t i o n 1. E d i t o r i a l , Nanaimo Free P r e s s , January, 26, 1891, page 4. 2. Lewis, F. P i e r c e , "Small Town i n Pennsylvania" , Annals, A s s o c i a t i o n of American Geographers, . 62(2), 1972, pages 323 — 351, page 328. 7 Chapter One - Coal Mining In Great B r i t a i n To The 1890s 1. The Men, Women, And C h i l d r e n Of B r i t i s h Mining Coal has been mined i n Great B r i t a i n from the r e i g n of E l i z a b e t h the F i r s t . T y p i c a l l y , an E l i z a b e t h a n mine was simply an open, shallow p i t where c o a l was e x t r a c t e d by hand. Men, women and c h i l d r e n were o f t e n employed i n these works. As long as mines remained shallow and r e l a t i v e l y open, the.mining of c o a l d i d not i n v o l v e many of the dangers that would l a t e r become commonplace. Yet work was backbreaking and as mines became deeper, c o n d i t i o n s degenerated. As the e a r l i e s t and most e a s i l y mined c o a l d e p o s i t s were exhausted, new methods were de v i s e d to push t u n n e l s and chambers deeper beneath the e a r t h . As s h a f t s began to deepen and crude machines were r i g g e d to move deep c o a l to the s u r f a c e , a d i v i s i o n of labour took p l a c e w i t h i n the mining workforce. Men performed the s k i l l e d jobs while women and c h i l d r e n d i d more menial ones. Some men were miners who cut or knocked o f f great chunks of c o a l from rock faces while others broke—up the c o a l f o r women and c h i l d r e n to c a r r y to the s u r f a c e . As boys matured they would take on the task of mining. In t u r n , t h e i r c h i l d r e n would o f t e n become miners. A working t r a d i t i o n had been e s t a b l i s h e d i n only a few g e n e r a t i o n s . People were born i n t o mining f a m i l i e s and l i v e d i n mining regions (Figure 2 ) . Working c o n d i t i o n s were t e r r i b l e . Rats, s t a n d i n g , F I G U R E 2: C O A L M I N I N G A R E A S O F B R I T A I N * « Base map from Murphey, R., An Introduction to Geography, Rand McNally and Company, Chicago, U.S.A., 1°61, p.196. 9 p u t r i f y i n g water, f o u l a i r , almost unbearable heat and unending darkness along with long, t o r t u r o u s hours of labour (oft e n upwards of 14 per day), made mining a most d e p l o r a b l e , dehumanizing p u r s u i t . D e s p i t e t h i s , men, women, and c h i l d r e n worked i n these c o n d i t i o n s . T h e i r e x i s t e n c e depended on t h e i r a b i l i t y to e x t r a c t c o a l from the mine f o r the c o l l i e r owner or " b u t t y " . 1 E a r l y i n the 19th century c h i l d r e n worked i n most mines. Since few or no (or very l a x l y enforced) government r e g u l a t i o n s l i m i t e d the c o l l i e r i e s ' abuses of these young people, mining companies and owners saw no reason not to e x p l o i t t h i s segment of the workforce to i t s f u l l e s t . Assigned to the most menial (yet o f t e n most c r i t i c a l ) t a s k s , c h i l d r e n were f o r c e d to work long hours pushing heavy c o a l c a r t s , s tanding watch at t r a p s , 2 or f i l l i n g c o a l c a r r i a g e s at the s u r f a c e . Not u n t i l 1842, with the p u b l i c a t i o n of C h i l d r e n ' s Employment Commission's F i r s t Report on Mines, 3 d i d p u b l i c concern f o r c e l e g i s l a t i o n that l i m i t e d the worst excessess of c h i l d labour i n the mines. Yet lack of p o l i c i n g and l e n i e n t p e n a l t i e s perpetuated c h i l d abuse w e l l i n t o ensuing decades. A d u l t s too worked i n b r u t a l c o n d i t i o n s . Constant bending over i n enclosed areas o f t e n deformed backs, black dust coated lungs, rocks crushed arms, f i n g e r s and l e g s , c o a l dust permeated cu t s and ab r a s i o n s l e a v i n g black s c a r s , e y e s i g h t dimmed, knees and elbow s t i f f e n e d , and hearing was of t e n damaged by e x p l o s i o n s . By a r e l a t i v e l y young age, the 10 mine worker was an empty husk, a used—up human who was c a s t from h i s job because he c o u l d no longer work. The B r i t i s h government began to r e g u l a t e the o p e r a t i o n of c o a l mines i n the 1840s." U n t i l then there had been no l e g i s l a t i o n to improve working c o n d i t i o n s or mining p r a c t i c e s . Between the p u b l i c a t i o n of the Report of the  Commission on the Employment of Women and C h i l d r e n i n Mines  and C o l l i e r i e s of 1842 and the improvements c o n t a i n e d i n the "General Rules of Coal Mining" of 1869 , a number of s a f e t y and s o c i a l r e g u l a t i o n s came i n t o e f f e c t . Among these were the banning of women and c h i l d r e n from underground work, the employment of r e g u l a r mine i n s p e c t o r s , s a f e t y r e g u l a t i o n s c o n cerning v e n t i l a t i o n and open flames underground and, by 1860, the c r e a t i o n of the p o s i t i o n of a d e m o c r a t i c a l l y e l e c t e d checkweighman (a go—between who v e r i f i e d the weight of c o a l d e l i v e r e d by a miner to the s u r f a c e ) . Yet few of these improvements made mines s a f e r p l a c e s to work. Often enforcement of the law was i n e f f e c t u a l and p e n a l t i e s f o r t r a n s g r e s s i o n s were p a l t r y . 2. The Urban Landscape of Coal Mining From the time of the f i r s t development of c o a l mines, c o l l i e r y owners found i t expedient to e s t a b l i s h l i v i n g q u a r t e r s f o r t h e i r workers near the mining s i t e . Such housing was u s u a l l y on land belonging to the mine. Mine workers t h e r e f o r e became both employees and tenants of the c o l l i e r y owner. They depended upon the mine f o r both l i v l i h o o d and h o u s i n g . 5 There were t y p i c a l l y two types of B r i t i s h c o l l i e r y s e t t l e m e n t s . As demand fo r the mining of c o a l i n c r e a s e d , one of these types, the 'new' c o l l i e r y towns, sprang up a l l through c o a l r e g i o n s . There, l i f e - was focused on the p i t h e a d and the r a i l w a y s t a t i o n , o r d e r , e s t a b l i s h e d c o a l towns had developed slowly, t h e i r f o c i changing as they evolved from a g r a r i a n market v i l l a g e s to i n d u s t r i a l based towns or c i t i e s . These old e r settlements were s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from the newer c o a l towns. P r o v i d i n g a framework w i t h i n which i n d u s t r i a l settlement took p l a c e , they o f t e n resembled a "...queer jumble of the Old England and the new."6 Both o l d and new mining towns were grimy p l a c e s where the p a l l of smoke and c o a l dust almost o b i t e r a t e d the sun and turned snow to a sludgy, brown mass. Housing, o f t e n c o n s t r u c t e d q u i c k l y and cheaply ( F i g u r e 3 shows reasons why cheap housing, b u i l t q u i c k l y , p r o l i f e r a t e d ) , d i d l i t t l e to cheer the scene. There were few s i n g l e family; detached u n i t s . U s u a l l y , row or detached houses were b u i l t . . . " ( t h e r e were) ...two great hollow squares of d w e l l i n g s planked down on the rough steps of a h i l l , l i t t l e four room houses with the ' f r o n t ' l o o k i n g outward i n t o the grim, blank s t r e e t , and the 'back' with a t i n y square b r i c k yard, a low w a l l , and a W.C. And ash p i t , l o o k i n g i n t o the de s e r t of the square, hard ,uneven, j o l t i n g black e a r t h t i l t i n g r a t her s t e e p l y down, with these l i t t l e back yards a l l round and openings at the c o r n e r s . " 7 "the houses themselves were s u b s t a n t i a l and very decent...but that was o u t s i d e , that was the view on the un i n h a b i t e d p a r l o u r s of a l l the c o l l i e r s . w i v e s . The d w e l l i n g room, FIGURE 3 -Cheshire--Northumberland-— S t a f f o r d s h i r e -Durham —South Wales — D e r b y s h i r e - L e i s t e r s h i r e -Nottinghamshire-—Warwickshire -WorChestershir e-Lancashire 210 190 170 150 130 110 90 70 Percentage increase POPULATION INCREASE (%) - COAL MINING REGIONS  OF GREAT BRITAIN, 1841 - 1851* -5 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 Thousands of d w e l l i n g u n i t s INCREASE IN NUMBER OF INHABITED DWELLINGS  COAL MINING REGIONS OF GREAT BRITAIN, 1841 - 1851* *adapted from, The Census of Great B r i t a i n , page x c i v . ,_, 13 the k i t c h e n , was at the back of the house, f a c i n g inward between the b l o c k s , l o o k i n g at a scrubby back garden, and then the ash p i t s . And between the rows, between the long l i n e of ash p i t s , went the a l l e y . . . t h e a c t u a l c o n d i t i o n s of l i v i n g i n the Bottoms...were q u i t e unsavoury because people must l i v e i n the k i t c h e n , and the k i t c h e n s opened onto that nasty a l l e y of ash p i t s . " 8 For such housing, a miner t y p i c a l l y had to pay approximately one day's wages per week (Table 1). In p e r i o d s of e i t h e r low wages or of underemployment (when few days per week were spent working) such a burden ran to 33% of weekly wages while i n r e l a t i v e l y b e t t e r times l e s s than 20% of weekly wages went f o r housing. The l e s s a miner made, the g r e a t e r the burden of housing c o s t s . TABLE 1: WAGES AND RENTS THE BLACK COUNTRY, 1860 TO 1890 years weekly average days average % of average da i l y worked per weekly wages rent wage week wage rent 1 860s 3s.4.5d. 4s.3d. 5 22s.11d. 1 4 1870s 3s.9d. 3s.6d. 4 14s.1Od. 25 1 880s 3s.9d. 3s.4d. 3 1 0s. 37.5 1890s 4s.1.5d. 4s.4d. 4 17s.4d. 24 In the mid n i n e t e e n t h century Southern Wales developed as a c o a l mining region and i t s c o l l i e r y towns may be c o n s i d e r e d to be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . T y p i c a l l y , such towns developed i n three s t a g e s . 9 I n i t i a l l y , Welsh c o a l mining towns (F i g u r e 4a) developed at a mining s h a f t . A r a i l w a y served the town as d i d a p a r i s h road. C l u s t e r e d around the c o l l i e r y - a n d mine FIGURE 4j_ THREE STAGES OF WELSH COLLIERY TOWN DEVELOPMENTf * KEY Railway Railway Depot Parish Road Mine Shaft Colliery Pit Housing built for col l i e r y owner Owner occupant housing Speculative housing Building club housing Stage 1 Stage 2 Stage 3 B * Adapted from, Jones,P.M., C o l l i e r y Settlement In the Wales  C o a l f i e l d , U n i v e r s i t y of H u l l Occassional Papers i n Geography, H u l l , England, 1969, pages l\9 - 54. 15 s h a f t ( c o l l i e r i e s were u s u a l l y l o c a t e d at the f i r s t s h a f t ) was housing owned by the c o l l i e r y owner. Most o f t e n these were row houses, r a r e l y , detached s i n g l e f a m i l y u n i t s . Row houses were r a r e l y owner—occupied. Often only mine managers or owners were r e s i d e n t home owners. As the c o l l i e r y ' s output grew and new c o a l seams were mined, the settlement's p o p u l a t i o n s w e l l e d . New housing u n i t s were b u i l t . T h i s new housing was more l i k e l y b u i l t by p r i v a t e i n v e s t o r s or s p e c u l a t o r s , not by the c o l l i e r y owner. 1 0 By the second stage of growth (Figure 4b), urban development at s h a f t s had almost ceased. New ra i l w a y spur l i n e s ran to these new mines and neighbourhoods of common housing developed around the c o l l i e r y . These were areas of s p e c u l a t i v e b u i l d i n g . T h i s stage a l s o marked the beginning of b u i l d i n g by b u i l d i n g c l u b s . Owner—occupants i n c r e a s e d i n number. The settlement was elongated, streched—out along the r a i l r o a d l i n e that served as a l i n k out of the v a l l e y and as t r a n s p o r t f o r c o l l i e r s to and from work. The t h i r d stage of growth of a Welsh c o l l i e r y town was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the e v o l u t i o n of a complex settlement around a number of c o l l i e r i e s (Figure 4c) . No new settlement o c c u r r e d around mine s h a f t s . Strung along the r a i l r o a d t r a c k , housing was c o n s t r u c t e d e x c l u s i v e l y by p r i v a t e i n v e s t o r s or b u i l d i n g c l u b s . A town 'nucleus' had evolved. More a r e a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n emerged w i t h i n the townscape. Neighbourhoods d i f f e r e d . A h i e r a r c h y of settlement was e s t a b l i s h e d . Larger c o l l i e r i e s had l a r g e r 16 p o p u l a t i o n s and more s e r v i c e s nearby. The improvement of railw a y s e r v i c e ensured the dominance of c e r t a i n towns and e v e n t u a l l y changed the townscape i t s e l f . . . "In 1851 the ce n t r e [ed. The c o l l i e r y e s t a b l i s h e d townsite — stage 1] i s s t i l l the high q u a l i t y area, but by 1871 the f i r s t advances toward the p e r i p h e r y are being made; the break—out i n t o what was to become higher q u a l i t y suburbia i s j u s t being i n i t i a t e d . . . c l e a r i n d u s t r i a l areas with attached working c l a s s housing were f u l l y developed by mid c e n t u r y . . . f i n a l l y , there were areas c l o s e to the town c e n t r e s where the high demand f o r u n s k i l l e d labour became l i n k e d to the general exodus of the o l d urban wealthy and the abandonment of the houses they once occupied c r e a t i n g slums which d e t e r i o r a t e d even f u r t h e r and c o u r t s and c e l l a r s were b u i l t i n the one time g a r d e n s . " 1 1 As c e n t r e s expanded from t h e i r o r i g i n a l s i t e s , they began to e n f r i n g e upon lands not owned by the c o l l i e r y . Most o f t e n e s t a t e s of the n o b i l i t y bordered c o l l i e r y towns. The r e s u l t was a complex c a d a s t r a l p a t t e r n . Some areas were leased p o r t i o n s of e s t a t e s while others belonged to c o l l i e r i e s or i n d i v i d u a l home owners. The 1870s saw the advent of housing and zoning by—laws. Town d e n s i t y , s a n i t a t i o n and other community s e r v i c e s were r e g u l a t e d by l o c a l government. T h i s l e g i s l a t i o n , together with i n c r e a s i n g land values pushed up ren t s and c o s t s . As settlements grew, c o s t s to miners i n c r e a s e d . Throughout E.P.Thompson's work The Making Of The  E n g l i s h Working C l a s s runs the theme t h a t . . . " t h e g r e a t e s t o f f e n s e a g a i n s t property was to have none." 1 2 As a s i g n of s t a t u s , success, and wealth, none was as obvious nor as 17 r e s p e c t e d to the B r i t i s h as was land and i t s ownership. Property i n B r i t a i n was expensive. In the C o l o n i e s or the Uni t e d S t a t e s the s i t u a t i o n seemed much b e t t e r . . . " I n A u s t r a l i a the whole community may become landed p r o p r i e t o r s ; three or four years of t h r i f t w i l l make the A u s t r a l i a n l a b o u r e r the owner of the land which he c u l t i v a t e s . " 1 3 To a miner, the prospect of being a b l e to a c q u i r e land through only a few years of hard work and t h r i f t must have seemed l i k e an o p p o r t u n i t y that c o u l d not be ignored. In B r i t a i n , housing was expensive, land was not a v a i l a b l e , and towns were o f t e n ugly. Many l e f t hoping to f i n d something b e t t e r . 3. Wages and U n i o n i z a t i o n During the nin e t e e n t h century demand f o r B r i t i s h c o a l was d i r e c t l y l i n k e d to the requirements of i r o n and s t e e l , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , and manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s . During times of high demand, a miner's work was steady and pay was comparatively h i g h . An e a s i n g of demand l e d to worker l a y o f f s and s t o c k p i l e s of unsold c o a l . A miner's l i v l i h o o d , as that of the e n t i r e c o l l i e r y workforce, depended on demand fo r c o a l . Periods of l a y o f f s were common i n most c o a l mining areas. These i d l e p e r i o d s , coupled with meagre wages, the exhaustion of c o a l seams, market manipulation by major c o l l i e r y owners, 1" and time o f f due to work—related i l l n e s s or i n j u r y a l l reduced a miner's wages (Table 2). Rarely can 'day wages' be used to estimate y e a r l y or even Year TABLE 2 i MONEY. REAL AND ADJUSTED WAGES - THE BLACK COUNTRY 1865 - 1895 Miner's Wages/ Money per Day Miner's Wages Real Wages Indexed* Pull Employment Index of Economic Activity Real Wages (6 equals f u l l employ- (corrected for ment/days worked per unemployment & week) idle time) 1865 4s.3d. 142 118 5 98 1870 4s.9d. 158 133 6 133 1872 5s. 167 133 6 133 1874 5s. 167 131 6 131 1876 3s.6d. 117 99 4 66 1878 3s. 100 88 2 29 1880 3s. 100 84 3 42 1882 3s. 100 89 4 59 1884 3s.6d. 117 124 3 62 1886 3s.4d. 111 127 3 64 1888 3s.9d. 125 140 5 117 1890 4s.8d. 156 179 5 149 1892 4s.8d. 156 178 5 148 1895 4s.4d. 145 188 4 125 00 19 monthly pay. A miner's day—to—day e x i s t e n c e was i n e x o r a b l y l i n k e d to economic f o r c e s , i n t e r n a t i o n a l marketplaces, h i s luck and s k i l l i n a v o i d i n g i n j u r y , and the 'economic r a t i o n a l i t y 1 ( c o l l i e r y owners manipulated s u p p l i e s and s t o c k p i l e d ) of h i s employer. While miners wages were g r e a t l y reduced by l a c k of work, the employment of a g r e a t e r number of miners (Figure 5), and t e c h n o l o g i c a l 'improvements' w i t h i n the i n d u s t r y boosted c o l l i e r y prof i t s . . . . " T h e output of c o a l rose i n the i n t e r v a l [1870 to 1884] from 230 to 318 tons per miner; thus the c o s t of e x t r a c t i n g a ton of c o a l was 46d i n 1884 a g a i n s t 65d i n 1870." 1 S As c o l l i e r i e s ' s p r o f i t s i n c r e a s e d because of i n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i o n and d e c r e a s i n g c o s t s , miners l i v e s changed. T h e i r b a s i c c o s t s of l i v i n g and wages f l u c t u a t e d throughout the n i n e t e e n t h century (Table 3). During the e a r l y 1870s t h e i r wages and working time allowed a "minimum standard of comfort", but the l a t e 1870s and 1880s saw a s u b s t a n t i a l decrease i n r e a l income. During t h i s p e r i o d , a l l B r i t i s h miners s u f f e r e d , but none more than those of the Black Country (the M i d l a n d s ) . Poverty was normal, "absolute s t a r v a t i o n " was observed, and, in newspapers of the time, h o r r o r s t o r i e s of d e s t i t u t i o n were commonplace. 1 6 Low wages, i r r e g u l a r work and low standards and c o n d i t i o n s of l i v i n g pushed miners toward u n i o n i z a t i o n . In c o a l mining areas the union would e v e n t u a l l y become a strong s o c i a l and economic f o r c e . The b a s i s of o r g a n i z i n g miners TABLE 3« MINERS' WEEKLY ADJUSTED MAGES AND WEEKLY WAGE NECESSARY  TO MAINTAIN A FAMILY OF MAN, WIFE AND TWO SMALL CHILDREN  AT A MINIMUM STANDARD OF COMFORT/SUBSISTENCE LEVEL""-THE BLACK COUNTRY 1B65 - 1892 Year Miner's Wage Amount Needed for** Amount Needed pear Week* "Minimum Standard of Comfort" "To Subsist" *** 1865 21s.3d. 28s. 14s. 1872 30s. 26s.9d. 13s.l4id. 1876 13s.8d. 26s.9d. 13s.l*f§d. 1880 9s. 26s.9d. 13s.l4|d. 1884 10s.6d. 26s.9d. 13s.l*f§d. 1888 18s.9d. 26s.9d- 13s.l4|d. 1892 23s.4d. 23s.3d. lls.lO|d. •Computed on basis of d a i l y wage x index of economic a c t i v i t y (see Figure 2) ••Adapted from Barnsby, p. 229. * * * I b i d . 22 unions i n Great B r i t a i n was the lodge or l o c a l . Each lodge was comprised of miners who worked at i n d i v i d u a l c o l l i e r i e s . A h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e emerged. Country—wide o r g a n i z a t i o n s became the b a s i s of a n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , 1 7 and i n 1863 a Miners N a t i o n a l Union was formed. The 1860s were prosperous years of mining and unions made steady gains i n membership. The Depression of the 1870s l e d to a complete c o l l a p s e of the union movement, i n f a c t ...."by the year 1880 trade unionism had reached a low ebb amongst the c o l l i e r s of Great B r i t a i n . " 1 8 However, unions would re—emerge i n the next decade. The formation of a n a t i o n a l union of c o a l miners was a d i f f i c u l t t a s k . The l o y a l t i e s of c o l l i e r s tended to be r e g i o n a l , u s u a l l y only f o c u s i n g on a s i n g l e c o l l i e r y town or c o a l f i e l d . Even county—wide unions had d i f f i c u l t y i n accommodating i n t e r — c o u n t y d i f f e r e n c e s that grew out of v i l l a g e , town, or r e g i o n a l l o y a l t i e s . L o c a l mining p o p u l a t i o n s were i n s u l a r . They were w e l l — r o o t e d i n t h e i r own land — a v a l l e y , h i l l s i d e , or f o r e s t — and f e l t t h e i r problems were unique and t h e i r way of l i f e s p e c i a l . 1 9 The area was t h e i r s ' - a l l others were o u t s i d e r s . T h e i r f o r e f a t h e r s , l i k e them, had made a l i v i n g under the ground that they t r o d . T h e i r c h i l d r e n would f o l l o w them, working 'within' the land upon which they l i v e d . The u n i o n i z a t i o n of Welsh, S c o t t i s h or E n g l i s h c o a l miners r e f l e c t s a d e s i r e among the men to b e t t e r themselves. A strong union c o u l d work to improve l i f e i n the p i t s and 23 i n c r e a s e wages. Emigration was another means of change. One of the pushes that drove people from B r i t a i n was a low standard of l i v i n g . R a r e l y c o u l d a miner or other labourer r i s e above a l e v e l of poverty — e s p e c i a l l y i n areas of c o a l mining. " . . . f a m i l y earnings allowed j u s t over one—quarter of the p o p u l a t i o n to l i v e above a minimum standard of comfort; 20 per cent l i v e d almost p e r p e t u a l l y below the minimum l e v e l necessary to maintain l i f e , while the other 53 per cent l i v e d above s u b s i s t e n c e but below the minimum standard of comfort a l l t h e i r l i v e s . These p r o p o r t i o n s changed l i t t l e u n t i l the end of the c e n t u r y . " 2 0 4. Non—working P u r s u i t s Despite i t s dangers and p e r i o d i c i t y , B r i t i s h c o l l i e r s were proud of t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n . They found mining a 'manly' p u r s u i t — only the p h y s i c a l l y and mentally s t r o n g c o u l d stand the r i g o r s of a mining l i f e . C o — e x i s t i n g with t h i s a d miration however was an ' o u t r i g h t hatred of the p i t s , a day—by—day d e s i r e to depart and never r e t u r n . 2 1 Miners f e l t t hreatened yet at ease in the mines. Coal was t h e i r l i f e , and o f t e n the cause of i n j u r y or death. A t t i t u d e s concerning the a s p i r a t i o n s of a miner's son who wanted to emulate h i s f a t h e r were o f t e n c o n t r a d i c t o r y . I n i t i a l l y a t y p i c a l f a t h e r may have fo r b i d d e n the son from p i t work then beamed and g l o a t e d to h i s mates once the boy had underground employment. 2 2 The miner seemed to have a s t r o n g love/hate r e l a t i o n s h i p with h i s o c c u p a t i o n . He d i d i t , hated i t , yet 24 c o u l d not or would not do anything e l s e . Part of a miners f e e l i n g s toward mining sprang from t h e i r view of a nine t e e n t h century f a c t o r y worker's l i f e . While a miner's work was d i r t y , grimy and dangerous, a miner was at l e a s t ' h i s own man'; he d i d not work under the d i r e c t s u p e r v i s i o n of an overseer and c o u l d see the r e s u l t of h i s labo u r . His was not the l i f e of producing "a twenty—fourth p a r t of a p i n . " 2 3 The miner saw himself as b e t t e r — o f f than the hand—weaver or manufacturing employee of the day. In t h i s he found s a t i s f a c t i o n and a sense of achievement. Miners had many l e i s u r e time p u r s u i t s . In towns p r o v i s i o n s were o f t e n made f o r such d i v e r s e a c t i v i t i e s as s p o r t s , c h o i r s , reading rooms, and gardens. Men's c l u b s , both ' s p o r t i n g ' and ' r e c r e a t i o n a l ' f l o u r i s h e d . However, one of the most u n i v e r s a l of miner's a c t i v i t i e s , and one which was c l e a r l y impressed on the landscape of c o l l i e r y towns, was the d r i n k i n g that took p l a c e i n pubs and beer c l u b s . For B r i t i s h miners the consumption of beer had both a h i s t o r y and s o c i a l r e l e v a n c e . 2 " C o l l i e r s had long s i n c e thought of beer as a supplement to t h e i r everyday d i e t s (a no t i o n of some merit given the p r o t e i n c o n t e n t ) . In mining towns arrangements were o f t e n made whereby a miner had a d a i l y r a t i o n of beer at a ' l o c a l ' . These p i n t s were pr o v i d e d by the c o a l company. They were seen to r e p l a c e b o d i l y f l u i d s that had been l o s t d u r i n g the t o i l of the day. D r i n k i n g a f t e r a hard workday was a t r a d i t i o n , but the pubs a l s o served as s o c i a l c e n t r e s , where miners c o u l d meet 25 d a i l y , away from the worries and demands of f a m i l y l i f e . At a l o c a l , a miner c o u l d s o c i a l i z e with other men. I t served as a male enclave with d r i n k i n g as the f o c a l p o i n t . While beer d r i n k i n g can be seen as a h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i a l c o r o l l a r y of c o l l i e r y l i f e , drunkenness posed a s o c i a l problem that plagued many a c o a l mining f a m i l y . 2 5 While sometimes hard d r i n k i n g , hard f i g h t i n g 'rowdymen', miners were u s u a l l y q u i e t , sober men who a s c r i b e d to i d e a l s of t o l e r a n c e and belonged to A n g l i c a n , P r e s b y t e r i a n , Methodist or other e s t a b l i s h e d churches. At the beginning of the n i n e t e e n t h century most B r i t i s h miners were A n g l i c a n s or P r e s b y t e r i a n s . L a t e r , many miners d i s s a s s o c i a t e d themselves from the e s t a b l i s h e d denominations and began a t t e n d i n g d i s s i d e n t churches. Among these new groups were Methodists and B a p t i s t s . Founded by workingmen, these churches d i d not represent e s t a b l i s h e d s o c i a l groups for whom miners and other workingmen had l i t t l e t r u s t . Furthermore they taught a s c r i p t u r e that c o u l d e a s i l y be understood by them. F o l l o w e r s of these churches i n c r e a s e d r a p i d l y i n the mining d i s t r i c t s . By the l a t e 1820's d i s s i d e n t r e l i g i o n s had begun many Sunday School programmes. Education i n any i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d form had been s o r e l y n e g l e c t e d i n c o l l i e r y towns. 2 6 Sunday Schools were g r e a t l y valued by miners, who c o n s i d e r e d education a means whereby t h e i r c h i l d r e n might escape the r i g o r s of a mining l i f e . 26 5. The Emigration of B r i t i s h Miners During the early and middle 19th century, the United States and B r i t i s h North America were i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g and coal was frequently the ca t a l y s t . It had been found in abundance, but few men with mining s k i l l s l i v e d near the coal seams. North American mine owners and i n d u s t r i a l i s t s needed a s k i l l e d workforce. 2 7 For these workmen they frequently turned to the continent of Europe and to the B r i t i s h I s l e s . As mining began in North America, Continental Europeans and B r i t i s h e r s were employed. Frequently I t a l i a n s , Englishmen, Poles, Frenchmen, and Scots worked side—by—side. A l l were men who had found employment in the c o l l i e r i e s — their work was l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t from that which they had done at home.28 Coal miners, as well as a l l other immigrants who ventured to North America, had innumerable personal reasons for leaving their homes but, considered as a group, three reasons predominated: they wanted to advance their economic standing, to escape from p o l i t i c a l repression, or to find adventure. 2 9 There can be l i t t l e doubt that the miners of Br i t a i n sought material benefits in the New World. They came hoping and expecting to find high (or at least f a i r ) wages, cheap and available land and housing, f a i r food prices (and a wider variety of foodstuffs), and opportunity for economic and s o c i a l advancement. The p u l l of these benefits brought many a miner across the A t l a n t i c . They saw 27 North America as a land of o p p o r t u n i t y — where hard work and f r u g a l i t y would be rewarded with m a t e r i a l success and s o c i a l r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . 3 0 From the vantage of the B r i t i s h workingman, government was c o n t r o l l e d by a d i s t a n t e l i t e . Despite the democratic and reform movements of the 19th century most workingmen had l i t t l e impact on B r i t i a i n ' s p o l i t i c a l system. T h e i r v o i c e s were muffled at best. In terms of o p p o r t u n i t y f o r p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , the image of a more democratic North America a t t r a c t e d many who sought a government more responsive to t h e i r n e e d s . 3 1 With the development of c o a l mines in Nanaimo, economic and p o l i t i c a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s were presented to B r i t i s h miners who wished to emigrate, however, the l u r e of adventure cannot be underplayed. Men c r o s s e d and r e c r o s s e d the new c o n t i n e n t not only seeking f o r t u n e s , but a l s o journeyed to observe, study or experience. T h e i r ' s was o f t e n a quest f o r excitement, f o r something d i f f e r e n t . Many came to North America l o o k i n g f o r t h i s excitement. 28 Footnotes — Chapter One 1. A "butty" or the "butty system' was an independant c o n t r a c t o r who worked a crew of men i n the mine of a c o l l i e r y owner. T h e i r o p e r a t i o n s were d e c l a r e d i l l e g a l near the end of the 18th century due to u n f a i r working arrangements and u n j u s t i f i e d e x p l o i t a t i o n of men. 2. A canvas door designed to allow passage (or blockage) of a i r to s e c t i o n s of the mine. 3. B r i t i s h P arliamentary Papers, C h i l d r e n ' s Employment  Commission F i r s t Report on Mines, I r i s h U n i v e r s i t y Press, Shannon, I r e l a n d , 1968. 4. In 1833 the Fa c t o r y Act was passed. T h i s r e s t r i c t e d hours of labour w i t h i n f a c t o r i e s but ignored c o a l mining. The f a c t t h a t many members of Parliament and the House of Lords were c o l l i e r y owners may have delayed a c t i o n being taken to r e g u l a t e t h e i r o p e r a t i o n . 5. The i m p l i c a t i o n s of the c o l l i e r y owner as l a n d l o r d and employer are many. E v i c t i o n s i n times of labour s t r i f e , p o o r l y a d m i n i s t e r e d s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , and unhealthy s a n i t a r y r e g u l a t i o n s are some of those mentioned i n W i l l i a m s , J.E., The Derbyshire Miners, George A l l e n and Unwin L i m i t e d , London, Eng., 1962, pages 72 - 73. 6. See Lawrence, D.H., "Nottingham and the Mining C o u n t r y s i d e " , i n T r i l l i n g , D. ( e d i t o r ) , The P o r t a b l e D.H.  Lawrence, The V i k i n g Press, New York, N.Y., U.S.A., 1947, page 615. 7. I b i d , pages 614 — 615. 8. Lawrence, D.H., Sons and Lovers, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, Eng., f i r s t p u b l i s h e d 1913. Many other d e s c r i p t i o n s abound; see Llewelyn, R., How Green Was My  V a l l e y , The Ryerson Press, Toronto, Ont., 1940 and Coombes, B.L., These Poor Hands, V.Go l l a n c z L i m i t e d , London, Eng., 1939. 9. Based on the mode l l i n g of Jones, P.N., C o l l i e r y  Settlement i n the Wales C o a l f i e l d , U n i v e r s i t y of H u l l O c a s s i o n a l Papers i n Geography, H u l l , Eng., 1969, pages 49 — 5.4. 10. Housing p r o v i s i o n was t h e r e f o r e a " s p e c u l a t i v e , p r o f i t geared a c t i v i t y " and was "dominated by c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of p r o f i t , income, and s e c u r i t y of investment." I t was not b u i l t to s u i t the needs of the consumer. Jones, i b i d . , pages 11 - 12. 29 11. C a r t e r , H. And Wheatley, S., "Some Aspects of the S p a t i a l S t r u c t u r e of Two Glamorgen Towns", Welsh H i s t o r y  Review, Number 9, 1978 — 79, page 56. 12. Thompson, E. P., The Making of the E n g l i s h Working  C l a s s , Vintage Books, New York, N.Y., U.S.A., 1966, page 61. See a l s o pages 229 - 230 of h i s d i s c u s s i o n that focuses on some of the h i s t o r i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s that p r e c i p i t a t e d the equating of land with s e c u r i t y , r i g h t s , and s t a t u s as w e l l as the " r u r a l memories" that i n d u s t r i a l workers seemed to have had. 13. Fawcett, H., The Economic P o s i t i o n of the B r i t i s h  Labourer, MacMillan and Company, London, Eng., 1865, page 235. 14. See W i l l i a m s , J.E., op. c i t . , page 19. In r e f e r e n c e to market manipulation by a s e l e c t few c o l l i e r y owners. A l s o see Hammond, T.L. And Hammond, B., The Town Labourer, Longman's Green and Company, London, Eng., 1918, pages 194 — 220 f o r an i n t e r e s t i n g examination of the " reasoning" of the " r i c h c l a s s e s . " 15. M u l l h a l l , J . , The D i e t i o n a r y of S t a t i s t i c s , f o u r t h e d i t i o n , George Routledge and Sons, London, Eng^, 1903, page 581 . 16. Barnsby,G.J.,• "The Standard of L i v i n g i n the Black Country", Economic H i s t o r y Review, S e r i e s 2, Number 24, 1971, page 222. 17. Arnot, R.P., The Miners = A H i s t o r y of The Miners'  F e d e r a t i o n of Great B r i t a i n 1889 = 1910, George A l l e n and Unwin L i m i t e d , London, England, 1949, pages 46 — 47. 18. I b i d . , page 61. 19. D.H. Lawrence speaks of f i n d i n g "a new race of miners" not f a r from h i s home of Bestwood i n Sons and Lovers, op. c i t . See a l s o L l e w y l l a n , R., op. c i t . 20. Barnsby, op. c i t . , page 233. 21. Many of the statements made i n t h i s subchapter stem from impressions that I have gained through the reading of l i t e r a t u r e set i n B r i t i s h c o a l mining c e n t r e s . Where p o s s i b l e , ideas or s p e c i f i c r e f e r e n c e s are c i t e d , yet some impressions or f e e l i n g s have eluded n o t a t i o n . 22. The most i l l u s t r a i v e d i s c u s s i o n of these dichotomous f e e l i n g s e x i s t i n the D.H. Lawrence work i n T r i l l i n g , op. C i t . And L l e w e l l a n , op. c i t . 23. Hammond and Hammond, op. c i t . , page 247. 30 24. See Dennis, N., Henriques, F. and Slaughter, C , Coal  i s Our L i f e , Eyre and Spottiswoode, London, England, 1956. See e s p e c i a l l y those chapters t i t l e d "Food, Drink and P h y s i c " and " P u b l i c Houses". 25. Tobias, J . J . , Crime and I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y i n the  Nineteenth Century, B.T. B a t s f o r d , London, Eng., 1967, pages 2 1 0 - 2 1 2 . 26. Hammond and Hammond, op. c i t . Contains a d i s c u s s i o n of The Report on the Commission of C h i l d r e n s Employment i t s recommendations, the e d u c a t i o n a l system that e x i s t e d , and i t s b r i e f h i s t o r y . 27. Rosenberg, N., Technology and American Economic Growth, Harper and Row, New York, N.Y., U.S.A., 1972. Dis c u s s e s shortages of labour and North American s o c i e t y and i t s ada p t a t i o n to these shortages. 28. Mining and many s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s of mining seem to have been l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t , perhaps even c r u d e r , than B r i t i s h mines of the day. See C a u d i l l , H.M., Night Comes to  the Cumberlands, L i t t l e , Brown and Company, Boston, Mass., U.S.A., 1962; Br o e h l , W.G., The M o l l y Maguires, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P ress, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A., 1964. 29. See N o r r i s , J . , Strangers E n t e r t a i n e d , Evergreeen Press L i m i t e d , Vancouver, B.C., 1971. 30. See the d i s c u s s i o n s of these concepts i n Dennis, N., et a l . , op. c i t . And Roberts, R., The C l a s s i c Slum, Manchester U n i v e r s i t y P ress, Manchester, Eng., 1971. 31. E.P.Thompson, op. c i t . , found that f o r f r u s t r a t e d workers, " I t was e a s i e r to emigrate than to r e s i s t ; f o r r e i n f o r c i n g the e x p l o i t a t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p [ t h a t which e x i s t e d between the r u l i n g or owning and working c l a s s e s ] was that of p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s s i o n . " Page 225. 31 F i g u r e 6: Nanaimo and i t s harbour i n 1858: ( p a i n t i n g of E.Bedwell, crew member H.M.S. Plumper) Note the neat c o t t a g e s of Hudson's Bay Company employees, the B a s t i o n , the c o a l and ash burning chimney and the Indian canoe i n the foreground ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s of B.C.). P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s o f B . C . P h o t o no. 23797. N e g a t i v e n o . A-8794 DO NOT C O P Y 33 Chapter Two - Nanaimo, B.C.; 1875 - 1891 0 1. The Hudson's Bay Company The f i r s t c o a l mining on Vancouver I s l a n d was a response to demands made by the Royal Navy. The P a c i f i c F l e e t ' s new steam shi p s r e q u i r e d c o a l , and c o s t s c o u l d be reduced i f i t were found i n a P a c i f i c colony. Although F o r t V i c t o r i a had been a secure base s i n c e 1843, the Royal Navy d i d not seek c o a l on Vancouver I s l a n d u n t i l a f t e r the establishment of the American f r o n t i e r i n 1846. 1 During the p e r i o d of p r e l i m i n a r y e x p l o r a t i o n , the Navy l o b b i e d the B r i t i s h government to f o r c e the Hudson's Bay Company to search f o r c o a l . I t wanted the Company to open and administer mines, and i n t h i s p o l i c y i t succeeded. In June of 1849, the Hudson's Bay Company found s i g n i f i c a n t d e p o s i t s at F o r t Rupert (Figure 7). S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r a number of c o l l i e r s were imported from B r i t a i n . 2 By September, c o a l was being removed from a number of shallow p i t s . In the e a r l y mines of Vancouver I s l a n d experienced miners from Great B r i t a i n worked a l o n g s i d e n a t i v e Indians. L i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s and mining methods were p r i m i t i v e and l e d to complaints, f o r B r i t i s h e r s , "...were experienced c o a l d i g g e r s , who regarded themselves as being f a r above the st a t u s of common l a b o u r e r s . " 3 Because of these c o n d i t i o n s and the f a c t that they were indentured to the Hudson's Bay Company f o r a p e r i o d of f i v e years or more, miners o f t e n d e s e r t e d to the C a l i f o r n i a g o l d f i e l d s . Once they l e f t , 34 F I G U R E 7: V A N C O U V E R I S L A N D A N D B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A 35 these men were t r e a t e d as c r i m i n a l s , and the Company (with the c o - o p e r a t i o n of the C o l o n i a l government) t r i e d to f o r c e them to r e t u r n . However, many escaped. In 1850, when miners c a l l e d a g e n e r a l s t r i k e , the Hudson's Bay Company brought more men from Great B r i t a i n . By t h i s time the Company foresaw the p o s s i b i l i t y of s u p p l y i n g c o a l to San F r a n c i s c o . However, given the labour s i t u a t i o n (and the shortcomings of F o r t Rupert c o a l ) , i t seemed u n l i k e l y that such a venture c o u l d have been undertaken p r o f i t a b l y . At t h i s opportune time c o a l was found at "Sne—ny—mo" or, as i t would l a t e r become known, Nanaimo. In a l e t t e r of August 24, 1852 from Governor James Douglas to Joseph McKay, the s u p e r v i s o r of F o r t Rupert, McKay was i n s t r u c t e d to .... "Proceed with a l l p o s s i b l e d i l i g e n c e to Wentuhuysen I n l e t commonly known as Nanymo Bay and formerly take p o s s e s s i o n of the Coal bed, l a t e l y d i s c o v e r e d there f o r and i n behalf of the Hudson's Bay Company ."ft Within two months Douglas ordered miners moved from F o r t Rupert to the Nanaimo area and by e a r l y 1854 the Hudson's Bay Company was a d v e r t i s i n g f o r miners i n E n g l i s h newspapers. In the summer of 1854 the barque P r i n c e s s Royal l e f t London c a r r y i n g , among o t h e r s , 23 men and 23 women bound f o r Nanaimo. From B r i e r l e y H i l l , S t a f f o r d s h i r e , each of the men had been indentured to the Hudson's Bay Company as "[a] Working C o l l i e r , Miner, Sinker or Labourer f o r a complete term of f i v e years from the date of embarkation." 5 Almost a year e a r l i e r the company had begun p r e p a r i n g 36 Nanaimo 6 f o r the a r r i v a l of e n t i r e f a m i l i e s . . . "the company recommended p u t t i n g up 20 detached houses, c o n t a i n i n g 4 rooms i n each with chimney i n the Centre so that they may accommodate e i t h e r one or Two f a m i l i e s a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r Numbers, g i v i n g them separate Doors of entrance f o r each f a m i l y . Such b u i l d i n g s as so d e s c r i b e d should be about 40 x 25 f e e t . We s h a l l begin some houses on that plan when Cote has f i n i s h e d 4 smaller houses." 7 Nanaimo was about to become a town with a p o p u l a t i o n not only of s i n g l e men but a l s o of women and c h i l d r e n . By the end of 1854, a f t e r the e a r l i e s t mines had been o p e r a t i n g f o r almost two years, Nanaimo had 52 d w e l l i n g s , 3 s t o r e s and shops, 6 "outhouses" and one school (with 29 re g u l a r s t u d e n t s ) 8 — a l l l o c a t e d on a p e n i n s u l a . The Company s e l e c t e d t h i s s i t e because of i t s p r o x i m i t y to the mines and the harbour, and because i t c o u l d be defended more e a s i l y than other l o c a t i o n s nearby. 9 Of the 142 people who l i v e d t h e r e , 52 were under the age of ten (38 boys;14 g i r l s ) , 40 were between ten and twenty (21 men;19 women), and 85 were over twenty (61 men; 24 women). Only one man was over f o r t y . Nanaimo was a settlement of young people, both male and female, many of whom were married. Family settlement was Company p o l i c y f o r i t was thought f a m i l i e s p r o v i d e d a s t a b l e community environment that miners would not d e s e r t f o r C a l i f o r n i a . Yet the Hudson's Bay Company d i d not v i g o r o u s l y encourage permanent s e t t l e m e n t . Coal mining was a s i d e l i n e , a new undertaking f o r company o f f i c e r s i n England, Canada, and Vancouver I s l a n d - one they o f t e n found awkward and 37 d i f f i c u l t . While output i n c r e a s e d d u r i n g the Hudson's Bay Company tenure, i t d i d not do so c o n s i s t e n t l y . 1 0 The nature of Nanaimo c o a l made mining d i f f i c u l t . Q u a l i t y was o f t e n i n c o n s i s t e n t and a high sulphur content made mining dangerous and o f t e n ' l i m i t e d the c o a l ' s i n d u s t r i a l u s e . 1 1 Because of the exhaustion of seams or gas leakages temporary l a y o f f s were frequent. By 1860, the Hudson's Bay Company monopoly over m e r c h a n t i l e a c t i v i t i e s i n the West had been broken and the Company wanted to s e l l i t s mining i n t e r e s t s and 6000 ac r e s of a s s o c i a t e d l a n d . In 1862 the pr o p e r t y and mines were a c q u i r e d by the Nanaimo Coal Company. By t h i s date Nanaimo had grown to a p o p u l a t i o n of approximately 700 (400 "whites" and 300 " I n d i a n s " ) . In a census of 1 8 6 3 1 2 , more than h a l f of the whites were l i s t e d as E n g l i s h , 24% were Scots and 7% were I r i s h or Welsh (Fi g u r e 8 ) . Almost h a l f of the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n was "married" ( i n c l u d i n g c o h a b i t a t o r s ) . Obviously, the Hudson's Bay Company p o l i c y of r e c r u i t i n g married men from B r i t i s h mining areas had been s u c c e s s f u l . When the Hudson's Bay Company s o l d i t s i n t e r e s t s i n Nanaimo, the nature of the c o a l i n d u s t r y changed. I t became the major undertaking of a c o a l company and not a f r i n g e p u r s u i t of a fur t r a d i n g company. In a d d i t i o n , management of the mines and of the town was l o c a t e d much c l o s e r to the s i t e and was more concerned with problems of mining and set t l e m e n t . With these changes . . . " i n d u s t r i a l , and not b u r e a u c r a t i c or commercial a t t i t u d e s now dominated the c o a l 38 m i n i n g o p e r a t i o n . " 1 3 FIGURE 8-i NANAIMO - CENSUS. 1863 a) Descent n : 244 b) M a r i t a l Status n= 244 2. The V a n c o u v e r C o a l M i n i n g a n d L a n d Company I n 1862 a company o f i n v e s t o r s i n t e r e s t e d i n p u r c h a s i n g a w o r k i n g c o l l i e r y b o u g h t N a n a i m o ' s m i n e s . T h e s e men f o r m e d t h e V a n c o u v e r C o a l M i n i n g a n d L a n d Company a n d , a f t e r s e v e r a l months o f n e g o t i a t i o n , p a i d t h e H u d s o n ' s Bay Company 40,000 pounds s t e r l i n g f o r 6000 a c r e s o f l a n d , a l l c o a l m i n i n g e q u i p m e n t , and a number o f o t h e r b u i l d i n g s i n t h e Nanaimo a r e a . 1" The new company e m p h a s i z e d c o l l i e r y i m p r o v e m e n t , p r o f i t — m a k i n g , a n d p e r m a n e n t s e t t l e m e n t . W h i l e most o f t h e d i r e c t o r s o f t h e V a n c o u v e r C o a l M i n i n g a nd L a n d Company r e s i d e d i n E n g l a n d o r C a n a d a , t h e Company p l a c e d a r e s i d e n t manager a t t h e m i ne s i t e who c o n t r o l l e d l o c a l 39 a f f a i r s . T h i s " r e s i d e n t manager system", combined with a new " i n d u s t r y - f i r s t " a t t i t u d e 1 5 on behalf of the managers, in t r o d u c e d Nanaimo to a p e r i o d of steady growth. During the 1860s Nanaimo began to grow outward from i t s p e n i n s u l a r nest. The Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company had foreseen t h i s t r e n d and had prepared a town p l a n . The plan imposed a r a d i a l p a t t e r n , one that pushed s t r e e t s upward and outward from the c e n t r a l p e n i n s u l a ( F i g u r e 9). As Nanaimo grew d u r i n g the 1860s, the Company and people of the town encouraged the growth of s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . By the middle of the decade there were three churches (as w e l l as two Indian M i s s i o n s ) — a Methodist church (1859), an A n g l i c a n (1865), and a P r e s b y t e r i a n (1866). Presumably the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company co n s i d e r e d churches to be a s t a b i l i z i n g i n f l u e n c e , f o r i t donated land f o r church s i t e s . Concern with education i s best e x e m p l i f i e d by the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the Mechanics L i t e r a r y I n s t i t u t e . 1 6 The I n s t i t u t e had operated s i n c e 1862 i n the c o n f i n e s of the o f f i c e s of the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company . In 1864, Nanaimo's c i t i z e n s r a i s e d funds and the c o a l company donated land to c o n s t r u c t a permanent stone b u i l d i n g . The opening of the l i b r a r y and reading room was an important event, e p i t o m i z i n g the people's p r i d e i n the growth of t h e i r community and t h e i r hope f o r high education standards. " ...bunting, f l a g s and triumphal arches festooned with evergreen... g i v i n g a g a l a appearance to the town. Governor Kennedy l e d a p r o c e s s i o n to the s i t e of the new b u i l d i n g GURE 9j_ NANAIMO, B.C., circa 1891 Based on map of J.J.Honeyman and A.R.Heyland .Property of the New Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Co. Scale 1:14400 N > 41 where he was met by a guard of honour... there, with due ceremony, he l a i d the c o r n e r s t o n e . . . the b u i l d i n g was one of the l a r g e s t i n Nanaimo." 1 7 C l e a r l y , the people had not overlooked the symbolic and p r a c t i c a l importance of such a s t r u c t u r e . Burgeoning s o c i a l and economic development i n Nanaimo caught the c i t y i n a p e c u l i a r balance of power between c i v i c and company r i g h t s . When i t came to undertakings that concerned the whole p o p u l a t i o n , company guidance was o f t e n the only that was ava i l a b l e . . "the community t r a d i t i o n a l l y thought i n terms of the company r a t h e r than the government f o r i t s immediate sustenance and l o c a l improvements... t h i s f e e l i n g of dependence was a c c e l e r a t e d by the marked government d i s r e g a r d f o r p u b l i c works. I t was the Coal Company that b u i l t the roads and br i d g e s , f u r n i s h e d the low p r i c e d homes and property for the impecunious miner, and g e n e r a l l y c o n t r o l l e d the town i n an economic s e n s e . " 1 8 Dependence on the company, ra t h e r than the c o l o n i a l (or, l a t e r , f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l ) government was a fe a t u r e of the e a r l y town. Although the Company maintained a p a t e r n a l i s t i c a t t i t u d e regarding p u b l i c works and s o c i a l development, Nanaimo was r e l a t i v e l y f r e e of any s e r i o u s worker—management c o n f l i c t that such an approach c o u l d cause. There were a few d e s e r t i o n s but demand f o r c o a l was steady; wages were s t a b l e and deemed f a i r . Judging by the accounts of t r a v e l l e r s and w r i t e r s Nanaimo was not a t y p i c a l , grimy c o a l town. "Nanaimo presents l i t t l e of that sooty, opaque appearance, e i t h e r p h y s i c a l or moral, so common to the c o l l i e r y v i l l a g e of 42 E n g l a n d . " 1 9 Although Nanaimo d i d not outwardly resemble an E n g l i s h c o l l i e r y town, mining p r a c t i c e s were s i m i l i a r . The mines of Nanaimo had become much more than open, shallow p i t s dug i n t o beaches or outcrops at s e a — s i d e . As pr o d u c t i o n f i g u r e s rose, t u n n e l s became deeper and were o f t e n l o c a t e d under sea water. The deeper and more p r o d u c t i v e the mines, the gr e a t e r the number of a c c i d e n t s . 2 0 Combined with the hazards of a s p h i x i a t i o n and r o c k f a l l s were those of t r a i n d e r a i l m e n t s and e x p l o s i o n s — new technology employed by the end of the decade brought new dangers. Throughout the 1860s these t e c h n o l o g i c a l changes c r e a t e d a more dangerous workplace as p r o d u c t i o n i n c r e a s e d . 3. Nanaimo — 1875 A) The People Upon i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n 1874, Nanaimo had a white p o p u l a t i o n of 1884. A sample has been taken of these r e s i d e n t s that comprises 337 a d u l t males. Males mentioned i n the Canadian census of 1881 were 'traced back' to 1875 through the l o c a l Nanaimo newspapers ( Nanaimo Free Press ), town d i r e c t o r i e s , 2 1 p r o v i n c i a l v o t e r s l i s t s , 2 2 and c i t y p r o p e r t y ownership r e c o r d s . 2 3 I t was assumed that much of the 1881 data had not changed s i n c e 1875 ( r e l i g i o n , b i r t h p l a c e , descent) but that other f a c t o r s may have ( m a r i t a l s t a u s , occupation, p r o p e r t y ownership, r e s i d e n c e ) ; t h e r e f o r e , unless the l a t t e r were known f o r 1875, the data •were not i n c l u d e d i n the sample. While t h i s method i s 43 bi a s e d (only white, a d u l t males, and only those who had remained i n Nanaimo f o r at l e a s t s i x years were i n c l u d e d ) , the number of those sampled r e p r e s e n t s at l e a s t o n e — t h i r d of the white men i n Nanaimo. In a d d i t i o n to r e s t r i c t i n g the sample to r e s i d e n t s f o r a p e r i o d of at l e a s t s i x y e a r s , both n a t i v e Indian and O r i e n t a l s have been omitted. While these two groups each formed s u b s t a n t i a l m i n o r i t i e s throughout the second h a l f of the n i n e t e e n t h century, t r a c i n g t h e i r r e s i d e n c e s , movements, and occupations would be w e l l — n e i g h impossible given the data a v a i l a b l e . The p o l i c i e s of both the Hudson's Bay Company and the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company had brought a B r i t i s h p o p u l a t i o n to Nanaimo. In 1875, 83% of the sampled white males had been born i n England, Wales, S c o t l a n d or I r e l a n d ( F i g u r e 10). In descent, the p o p u l a t i o n was a l s o overwhelmingly B r i t i s h . The 10% of the p o p u l a t i o n born in B r i t i s h Columbia , Canada, or the U n i t e d St a t e s were, for the most p a r t , the sons of f i r s t — g e n e r a t i o n immigrants. They were l i s t e d as E n g l i s h , Welsh, I r i s h or S c o t t i s h i n descent, not as Canadian or American. These second—generation men, combined with the new immigrants, made Nanaimo's white p o p u l a t i o n over 90% B r i t i s h . The people of Nanaimo represented many d i f f e r e n t r e l i g i o u s denominations. Given the dominance of B r i t i s h men, i t i s not s u p r i s i n g that over 70% of the p o p u l a t i o n sampled were l i s t e d as A n g l i c a n , P r e s b y t e r i a n , or Methodist. A n g l i c a n s and Methodists accounted f o r 64% of the sample; 44 FIGURE 10: NANAIMO - WHITE POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS 45 E n g l i s h and Welshmen f o r 64%; 26% of the p o p u l a t i o n were P r e s b y t e r i a n while 28% were S c o t t i s h ; 3% of the men were C a t h o l i c and 3% were I r i s h . While not a l l Englishmen, Scots , or Irishmen were A n g l i c a n s or Methodists, P r e s b y t e r i a n s or C a t h o l i c s , r e s p e c t i v e l y , the r e l i g i o n that each group brought to North America seemed to have remained t h e i r r e l i g i o n i n Nanaimo. The work f o r c e of Nanaimo, c i r c a 1875, was dominated by l a b o u r e r s . F i g u r e 1Od shows the occupations of Nanaimo in 1875 (See Appendix I ) . S k i l l e d workers along with the semi and u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r e r s , comprised over 60% of the sample. They were the backbone of working Nanaimo. I t was upon t h e i r paypackets that most of the town's other workers ( s t o r e owners, c l e r k s , farmers), not to mention women and c h i l d r e n , depended (Figure 11). The second l a r g e s t o c c u p a t i o n a l group of Nanaimo were those employed i n some type of a g r i c u l t u r e , e i t h e r as farmers, farm l a b o u r e r s , or as hands on the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company farm. Many of these men l i v e d o u t s i d e c i t y l i m i t s . In 1875, mining companies i n the Nanaimo area claimed that 396 white men worked i n t h e i r mines. Of the s k i l l e d l a b o u r e r s , three q u a r t e r s were white employees of the c o a l mining companies ( the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company , Dunsmuir, D i g g l e and Company, and the Harewood Coal Company). In a d d i t i o n there were 176 Chinese and 51 Indian employees. 2" White miners employed were mainly from 46 F i g u r e 11: Nanaimo's economy was dominated by the c o a l company. In t h i s undated photograph (pre 1886) the c o a l c a r s of the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company dominate the landscape of sea s i d e Nanaimo. These c a r s t r a n s p o r t e d c o a l from the mines' to s h i p s i n the harbour P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s o f B . C . P h o t o n o . 5 6 9 1 9 . N e g a t i v e n o . C - 8 8 1 1 DO NOT C O P Y 48 the B r i t i s h I s l e s (Figure 12); i f not they tended to be of American, Canadian, or B r i t i s h Columbian b i r t h and i d e n t i f i e d t h e i r descent as B r i t i s h . In r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n they seemed i n c l i n e d to Methodism in i t s two forms and to P r e s b y t e r i a n i s m and were underrepresented among the A n g l i c a n s . T h e i r working—class r e l i g i o u s h e r i t a g e was r e p l i c a t e d i n North America. Miners tended to l i v e throughout Nanaimo, yet were p a r t i c u l a r l y c o ncentrated i n the South Ward (the area set a s i d e f o r miners by the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company ) and were underrepresented on the Downtown P e n i n s u l a . W e l l i n g t o n , the s i t e of Dunsmuir, D i g g l e and Company's mines, was a l s o a miner's area. Despite a c o n c e n t r a t i o n i n the South Ward, miners c o u l d be found i n every neighbourhood as c o u l d most workers — there seems to have been l i t t l e r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n on the b a s i s of o c c u p a t i o n . G e n e r a l l y , Nanaimo's white p o p u l a t i o n was e t h n i c a l l y and e c o n o m i c a l l y homogeneous. The average male c i t i z e n was l i k e l y to be B r i t i s h (and more than l i k e l y E n g l i s h ) ; a member of the A n g l i c a n , Methodist or P r e s b y t e r i a n church, and a working man (probably a miner). To a c o n s i d e r a b l e degree, the goals of the Hudson's Bay Company and the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company had been r e a l i z e d by 1875. In terms of i t s white p o p u l a t i o n , Nanaimo resembled nothing as much as i t d i d a B r i t i s h c o a l town on the west coa s t of North America. FIGURE 12j THE MINERS OF NANAIMO. 1875 Engl and Scot 1 and a) Birthplace n = 84 c) Religion n - 81 Engl 1sh •Ir i sh b) Descent n* 84 d) Residence n*84 50 B) Urban Morphology I n i t i a l settlement i n Nanaimo c e n t r e d around the harbor. Hudson's Bay Company b u i l d i n g s and e a r l y d w e l l i n g s were on a c e n t r a l p e n i n s u l a while Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company housing was c o n c e n t r a t e d to the south—west. A f t e r 1862, r e s i d e n t i a l and commercial developments spread out i n a manner conforming to the company's London p l a n . In 1875, Nanaimo , was s t i l l s p a r s e l y populated. Most people l i v e d i n r e s i d e n t i a l and commercial d i s t r i c t s e s t a b l i s h e d by the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company and Hudson's Bay Company (the Southward, Cross Ravine, and Downtown P e n i n s u l a ) . These areas' i n i t i a l advantages f o r settlement ( p r o x i m i t i t y to both e a r l i e s t and l a t e r mines, tide—water, and r e l a t i v e l y l e v e l land) had enabled them to grow r e l a t i v e l y r a p i d l y . In 1875 the people of Nanaimo l i v e d c l o s e to the m i n e s , 2 5 c l o s e to.the commercial c e n t r e , and c l o s e to the sea. Nanaimo's et h n i c and r e l i g i o u s groups were evenly spread about the c i t y ( F i g u r e s 13, 14, 15). Only the o v e r — r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of Englishmen i n the Downtown Penin s u l a bears examination. For these r e s i d e n t s , e a r l y a r r i v a l had been advantageous, f o r they dominated the c i t y ' s commerce and t r a d e . They c o u l d a f f o r d to l i v e w i t h i n the r e l a t i v e l y more expensive commercial c e n t r e . F i g u r e 16 shows the dominance of l a b o u r e r s throughout Nanaimo i n 1875. Except f o r s i g n i f i c a n t numbers of farmers and farm workers o u t s i d e the c i t y , s k i l l e d l a b o u r e r s O u t s i d e C i t y FIGURE 13: POPULATION - BIRTHPLACES, 1875 West C e n t r a l 55 dominate a l l r e g i o n s . Areas of most d i v e r s e o c c u p a t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n were the most populous (South Ward and Downtown P e n i n s u l a ) . Apart from these p a r t i c u l a r p a t t e r n s however, there seemed to have been l i t t l e to d i f f e r e n t i a t e one Nanaimo neighbourhood from another. The Hudson's Bay Company and Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company e n t i c e d miners to Nanaimo with the prospect of land ownership. Even the name of the c o a l company i l l u s t r a t e s that great c o n s i d e r a t i o n was given to land s a l e s . Indeed, land was w i t h i n the means of many of the area's r e s i d e n t s , f o r s a l i e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of land owners resembled those of the p o p u l a t i o n as a whole. The main body of owners were E n g l i s h or S c o t t i s h ; A n g l i c a n , Methodist or P r e s b y t e r i a n , and l a b o u r i n g workmen (Figure 17). Besides town l o t s s o l d by the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company , yet r e g i s t e r e d i n c i t y o f f i c e s , Nanaimo's c i t i z e n s bought land o u t s i d e c i t y l i m i t s . However, the p r o s p e c t i v e buyer s t i l l had to d e a l with the c o a l company because i t owned most of the land i n the a r e a . From the 1860s the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company encouraged i t s employees to s e t t l e on f i v e a c r e l o t s ( s u b d i v i d e d f o r t y acre blocks) that were "l e a s e d with o p t i o n to'buy." These l o t s were immediately to the west and southeast of the townsite. These f i v e acre p l o t s were thought by the company to be the key to a t t r a c t i n g and m a i n t a i n i n g a r e s i d e n t p o p u l a t i o n . J u s t how many men took advantage of the company's " F i v e Acre Plan" i s hard to d e t e r m i n e . 2 6 S u f f i c e 56 FIGURE 17J CHARACTERISTICS OF LAND OWNERS. 1875 a) Birthplace n . ^ Descent n s ? l W e s l e y a n M e t h o d i s t • c) Religion n = ^ d) Occupation n_ ^ e) Residence n . y 2 f) Age ns 72 r 60 57 i t to say that a 'suburb' d i d e x i s t , a p t l y named F i v e Acres, but there i s l i t t l e evidence that many s u c c e s s f u l l y s e t t l e d t h e r e . The manner i n which miners bought land was d i s c u s s e d in l a t e r years by the Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l Disputes i n B.C. 2 7 These documents r e v e a l the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by a p r o s p e c t i v e buyer. In 1904, while appearing before the Royal Commission of I n d u s t r i a l D isputes i n B r i t i s h Columbia , S.M. Robins, a former s e c r e t a r y and superintendent of the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company (who had served the company f o r f o r t y years) s t a t e d . . . "the person t a k i n g a homestead — a f i v e acre homestead — takes i t under a l e a s e f o r twenty—one y e a r s . He has the o p t i o n of buying at the end of ten y e a r s . A few of the homesteads i n the e a r l y days were on d i f f e r e n t c o n d i t i o n s , but the bulk of the homesteads were l e a s e d f o r 21 years with the o p t i o n of purchase i n ten. These l o t s being adjacent to the town, I was o b l i g e d to f i x rather a fancy p r i c e on the land i t s e l f and on the r e n t , otherwise i t would have d e p r e c i a t e d the value of c i t y p r o p e r t y . People h o l d i n g c i t y p roperty that they bought of the company years before, f o r which they would have p a i d 200 d o l l a r s to 400 d o l l a r s , these l o t s being o n e — f i f t h of an a c r e . Otherwise I would have been w i l l i n g to have s o l d these l o t s f o r something l i k e 50 d o l l a r s , but i f i t had been 50 d o l l a r s a l o t everybody would go to l i v e ouside the town l i m i t s , and c i t y p roperty would have d e p r e c i a t e d i n s t a n t l y . So i t was not only that I wanted to do as w e l l f o r the company as I c o u l d , but i n f a i r n e s s to the h o l d e r s of c i t y l o t s , I had to f i x a very h i g h p r i c e on the l o t s . These were the terms: a r e n t a l of a h a l f a d o l l a r per acre per annum. That would mean a man t a k i n g a f i v e acre l o t would pay the f i r s t year two d o l l a r s and f i f t y c e n t s , the second year the same, the t h i r d , f o u r t h and f i f t h years he would pay the two d o l l a r s and f i f t y c e n t s per annum per a c r e . 58 That would b r i n g h i s t o t a l payments f o r the f i r s t and second year to two d o l l a r s and f i f t y c e n t s ; f o r the other three years he would pay twelve d o l l a r s and f i f t y cents per annum f o r the whole f i v e a c r e s . A f t e r that he would pay f i f t y d o l l a r s per year f o r h i s f i v e a c r e s . I t was c a l c u l a t e d that a f t e r the f i r s t f i v e y e a r s , when he was paying a nominal r e n t , that the p l a c e would be c l e a r e d , and that he would be d e r i v i n g an income from the acerage that he had under c u l t i v a t i o n . " 2 8 Robins's r e f e r e n c e s to the high cost of land, coupled with the problems of c l e a r i n g and c u l t i v a t i o n when the purchaser was a working man, lends support to the s u p p o s i t i o n that few men a c t u a l l y succeeded i n making a f i v e acre homestead. When Robins was asked; "Have there been many of these l o t s f a l l e n back i n t o the company's hands?" He r e p l i e d , "Several have, c h i e f l y on account of the owner." 2 9 C l e a r l y , i t was d i f f i c u l t to maintain a f i v e acre l o t . Apart from the f i v e acre l o t s that were s o l d f o r a "fancy p r i c e " , were l o t s w i t h i n the c i t y l i m i t s . Ranging from a low p r i c e of 150 d o l l a r s to a c e i l i n g of 600 to 800 d o l l a r s , but averaging from 300 to 5 0 0 3 0 d o l l a r s , these o n e — f i f t h acre p l o t s seemed to have been much more a f f o r d a b l e . D e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company had been s e l l i n g l a n d i n Nanaimo to r e s i d e n t s and immigrants s i n c e 1862, most c i t y land s t i l l belonged to the company in 1875. A sample of 17 c i t y b l o c k s d i s p l a y s t h i s e f f e c t i v e l y ( F igure 18).. C l e a r l y , an incoming immigrant — who wished to purchase land — more than l i k e l y 60 d e a l t with the c o a l company. While Nanaimo was a f u l l y i n c o r p o r a t e d c i t y , i t was s t i l l c o n t r o l l e d o u t r i g h t l y by the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company — s o c i a l l y , p o l i t i c a l l y , and e c o n o m i c a l l y . 4. Nanaimo - 1881 A) The People The mines of the Nanaimo area i n c r e a s e d production throughout the l a t e 1870s (from 81,000 tons i n 1874 to 268,000 tons i n 1880). Increased c o a l p r o d u c t i o n was brought about by the expansion of e x i s t i n g and the development of new mines (by both the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company and Dunsmuir, D i g g l e and Company 3 140, and by the use of more modern mining techniques. Employment in the mines i n c r e a s e d from j u s t under 400 to n e a r l y 600. Nanaimo's p o p u l a t i o n rose to approximately 2800. Data f o r the a n a l y s i s of Nanaimo's p o p u l a t i o n i n 1881 have been drawn from the 1881 Census of Canada. Recorded in the census were the b i r t h p l a c e s , age, descent, r e l i g i o n , o c cupation, m a r i t a l s t a t u s , and number of dependants for each person l i v i n g i n the area. In 1881 the p o p u l a t i o n of Nanaimo was 2803. The white p o p u l a t i o n r e t a i n e d most of i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s from i n c o r p o r a t i o n , but while the numerical dominance of the B r i t i s h born was secure ( F i g u r e 19), there were more men from I r i s h , I t a l i a n , German, and French backgrounds than b e f o r e . The growing p o p u l a t i o n represented more r e l i g i o n s . 61 FIGURE 1 9 : NANAIMO - WHITE POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS b) Descent Q , 62 A decrease i n the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of A n g l i c a n s was o f f s e t by in c r e a s e s i n Roman C a t h o l i c s and, more modestly, i n Methodist and other smaller, groups (Lutheran, B a p t i s t , D i e s t , and Independent). There had been no s u b s t a n t i a l changes i n Nanaimo's o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . The c i t y was s t i l l dominated by s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d workmen. As i n 1875 the demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the white miners r e f l e c t e d those of the e n t i r e white p o p u l a t i o n . Men of B r i t i s h background s t i l l dominanted but s i g n i f i c a n t inroads had been made by those of B r i t i s h Columbian and I r i s h b i r t h (Figure 20). E n g l i s h and S c o t t i s h r e p r e s e n t a t i o n dropped s l i g h t l y , as men of I r i s h and I t a l i a n backgrounds were employed, but Englishmen and Scots s t i l l c o n s t i t u t e d the m a j o r i t y . During the e a r l i e s t settlement of Nanaimo, Indians had been employed as la b o u r e r s i n and around the m i n e s . 3 2 As demand f o r labour i n c r e a s e d , these Indian workers — whom t h e i r white employers o f t e n c h a r a c t e r i z e d as l a z y t h i e v e s 3 3 — were o f t e n r e p l a c e d by C h i n e s e . 3 " Many Chinese had come to B r i t i s h Columbia during the Gold Rush and i n the e a r l y 1880s others came as la b o u r e r s f o r the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway. As p l a c e r mining o p p o r t u n i t i e s faded, some found t h e i r ways to the c o a l mines. By 1881 there were almost 300 men and women of Chinese b i r t h i n the area, a small number of whom were employed i n s e r v i c e i n d u s t r i e s or as domestic h e l p (16%); the vast m a j o r i t y were simply " l a b o u r e r s " ( 8 4 % ) . Almost a l l of the c i t y ' s Chinese-born p o p u l a t i o n was 64 male. O p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r marriage and fa m i l y l i f e were v i r t u a l l y n o n - e x i s t e n t . Men came and worked the mines, o f t e n sending the m a j o r i t y of t h e i r pay home to a wife or f a m i l y . The Chinese p o p u l a t i o n was employed i n manual tasks and g e o g r a p h i c a l l y segregated from the r e s t of the p o p u l a t i o n . T h e i r p r e c a r i o u s s o c i a l p o s i t i o n i n the community would e v e n t u a l l y make them the f o i l s and scapegoats f o r many s o c i a l and i n d u s t r i a l p r o b l e m s , 3 5 while the l o n e l i n e s s of t h e i r e x i s t e n c e cannot be too g r e a t l y s t r e s s e d . P a t t e r n s of Indian and Chinese residence were n o t i c e a b l y impressed on the landscape. Since Nanaimo's i n c o r p o r a t i o n , most Chinese l i v e d i n a "Chinatown" ( F i g u r e 9). The few Chinese who d i d not l i v e there were cooks or domestics who l i v e d i n the homes of t h e i r employers. In Chinatown, the men found s t o r e s , r e s t a u r a n t s , rooming houses, and opium dens that c a t e r e d to t h e i r needs. I t was w i t h i n Chinatown, not Nanaimo, that these people l i v e d t h e i r non—working l i v e s . The Indian's s o c i a l p o s i t i o n d i f f e r e d from that of the Chinese. While a r e s e r v a t i o n abutted c i t y l i m i t s to the south—east ( F i g u r e 9), very few people seemed to have l i v e d there at the time of the census. Only 59 people l i s t e d as being of Indian descent l i v e d i n Nanaimo. Of these, 49 (83%) were women l i v i n g with or married to men of European descent. Among the Indian men the only occupation l i s t e d was " l a b o u r e r " . There were two r e l i g i o u s missions — one 65 C a t h o l i c , the other A n g l i c a n — i n the Indian Reserve, but no s t o r e s , h o t e l s or r e s t a u r a n t s . Many of the i n h a b i t a n t s of the Reserve l e f t the area d a i l y to work, but u n l i k e the Chinese, these Indians depended on Nanaimo'stores and r e s t a u r a n t s (when they were allowed entry) f o r t h e i r purchases and "entertainment". S o c i a l problems i n Nanaimo o f t e n arose because of labour r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the mines. A miner was a h i g h l y s k i l l e d worker. Miner's a s s i s t a n t s were u s u a l l y much l e s s s k i l l e d , t h e i r work was r e s t r i c t e d to l i f t i n g rock or c o a l i n t o or out of l o a d i n g c a r s at the mine's face or p i t h e a d ( F i g u r e 21). They were o f t e n a d o l e s c e n t s t r a i n i n g to become miners. At the urging of i t s miners, the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company had r e s t r i c t e d Chinese and Indians to the menial tasks of mining. They c o u l d only a s s i s t " s k i l l e d " miners. Other c o l l i e r i e s , notably Robert Dunsmuir and Company, employed Chinese as miners and p a i d them l e s s . In the view of the B r i t i s h miner, the Chinese threatened to undercut employment. They saw the Chinese as o p p o r t u n i s t s who would work for l e s s , l i v e on l e s s , and work under harsher c o n d i t i o n s . In an atmosphere of growing r a c i a l h o s t i l i t y white miners demanded r e s t r i c t i o n s on O r i e n t a l immigration. A n t i — C h i n e s e f e l i n g s had e x i s t e d s i n c e the e a r l y 1870s. L a t e r i n the decade, as s i g n i f i c a n t numbers of Southern Europeans and I r i s h immigrants were employed i n the mines, p r e j u d i c e was somewhat r e d i r e c t e d toward them. These men, 66 F i g u r e 21: The Chinese were kept i n menial p o s i t i o n s . Here we see them pushing c o a l c a r t s from the p i t h e a d (1875 photograph, P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s of B.C.). DO NOT COPY 68 too, would work for l e s s ; t h e r e f o r e , they were met with the same anim o s i t y as the Chinese. While r e l a t i v e l y few of these men were employed by the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company (most found work in W e l l i n g t o n ) , the company used the t h r e a t of importing l a r g e numbers of them to make t h e i r B r i t i s h employees "toe the c o r p o r a t e l i n e " . When miners threatened a walk—out i n p r o t e s t over unsafe c o n d i t o n s , a manager wrote to h i s s u p e r i o r . . . "I think i t w i l l be necessary f o r us to t r y and get f r e s h men atpgether ( s i c ) . But I do not t h i n k that i t would be of any use f o r us to t r y white men, as I am q u i t e sure that they would soon be induced to leave us. There i s I b e l i e v e a good many I t a l i a n s i n San F r a n c i s c o , and many of them are good Miners, and i f we f i n d i t necessary to get f r e s h hands, I t h i n k that we should t r y them, as they are a c l a s s t hat would not be e a s i l y advised or i n t i m i d a t e d " 3 6 While the Company d i d not f o l l o w up such t h r e a t s with importation of Southern Europeans, such views, h e l d by mine management c o u l d only l e a d to m i s t r u s t , miners of employers and one e t h n i c group of another, and formed a foundation f o r s o c i a l t e n s i o n s . B) Urban Morphology As the mines of the Nanaimo region expanded, the c i t y of Nanaimo grew. Notable areas of p o p u l a t i o n growth were Newcastle Township and the Northwest D i s t r i c t , areas where new i n d u s t r i a l development employed new r e s i d e n t s . Four new i n d u s t r i e s were l o c a t e d along the banks of the M i l l Stream. While the most obvious developments were a 69 brewery and a tannery ( e s p e c i a l l y to the noses of the c i t i z e n s ) , the more v i t a l to the c i t y were a newly expanded lumber m i l l and a s h i p yard, both of which were l i n k e d to c o a l mining and t r a n s p o r t . The numbers of men employed were not l a r g e , but these ventures p r o v i d e d a l t e r n a t e employment w i t h i n the c i t y . Furthermore, these i n d u s t r i e s , i n concert with commercial establishments l o c a t e d i n the Downtown Pe n i n s u l a , e x e m p l i f i e d Nanaimo's emerging economic d i v e r s i t y . No longer was the c i t y merely a mining town. However, these new i n d u s t r i e s had l i t t l e or no e f f e c t on the h o l d of the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company on c i t y l a n d s . A sample of the ownership of c i t y l o t s shows that the h o l d of the company remained as yet unchallenged — Nanaimo was s t i l l owned by the c o a l company. 3 7 J u s t as the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company 's h o l d i n g s w i t h i n Nanaimo changed l i t t l e from 1875 to 1881, p a t t e r n s of settlement remained r a t h e r s t a b l e ( F i g u r e s 22, 23 and 24). A l l areas (with the e x c e p t i o n of Chinatown and the Indian Reserve) remained dominated by the B r i t i s h workingman; the only change was a l a r g e r number of people from d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c and r e l i g i o u s backgrounds throughout the c i t y . The d i s t r i b u t i o n of o c c u p a t i o n a l groups a l s o remained r e l a t i v e l y unchanged ( F i g u r e 25). The only d i f f e r e n c e s were a decrease in the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of l a b o u r e r s i n the Southwest and Cross Ravine areas as managerial, s e m i — p r o f e s s i o n a l , p r o f e s s i o n a l , c l e r i c a l , and p e t t y p r o p r i e t a l groups i n c r e a s e d t h e r e . 74 The growing s o c i a l and economic d i v e r s i t y of Nanaimo du r i n g the l a t e 1870s was accompanied by steady employment. These were years of s e c u r i t y , times when long—term f i n a n c i a l commitiments c o u l d be made with c o n f i d e n c e . A home and land c o u l d be purchased. During years of mine .expansion, s t a b i l i t y was the hallmark of housing and p r o p e r t y ownership. Those . who c o u l d a f f o r d to purchase homes were able to maintain them. S l i g h t changes are found from the p r o f i l e of 1875 land owners as people from d i f f e r e n t backgrounds purchased l a n d (Figure 26) — an example of how steady employment allowed even the newest immigrants the o p p o r t u n i t y to purchase a l o t . Land owners were more l i k e l y married than the g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n (78% opposed to a c i t y — w i d e f i g u r e of 41%; furthermore only 17% of landowners were s i n g l e compared to 29% of the e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n ) . These men were the type of immigrant who Hudson's Bay Company and Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company had endeavoured to r e c r u i t . They remained on the land they had purchased or were buying. Behind the facade of the "rough and ready" miners of Nanaimo was a s t a b l e , married p o p u l a t i o n . At the beginning of the 1880s, a decade that has been d e s c r i b e d as "the p e r i o d of g r e a t e s t i n c r e a s e i n the i n d u s t r y [ c o a l mining] from the p o i n t of view of employment as w e l l as of p r o d u c t i o n " 3 8 , the people of Nanaimo looked ahead o p t i m i s t i c a l l y to the f u t u r e , to a day when Nanaimo would become one of the great c i t i e s of western Canada. 75 FIGURE 26t CHARACTERISTICS OF LAND OWNERS. 1881 a) Birthplace^, b) Descent -, c o d) Occupation c) Religion n = ^ e ) Residence n* 152 n - 166 g) Marital w n= 152 76 5. Nanaimo — 1891 A) The 1880s The year 1886 was important i n the development of Nanaimo f o r i t saw the coming of a r a i l r o a d . . . "On August 13, 1886, the s e r v i c e was inaugurated with the a r r i v a l i n Nanaimo of the f i r s t E. And N. [Esguimalt and Nanaimo] passenger t r a i n from V i c t o r i a . That in a u g u r a l run was done up i n s t y l e , with a flagdecked engine drawing two coaches, and the o f f i c i a l p a r t y — Prime M i n i s t e r S i r John A. Macdonald, Robert -Dunsmuir and t h e i r a i d e s — wearing t a i l c o a t s and top h a t s . " 3 9 Nanaimo was now l i n k e d by both sea, wagon road and r a i l to V i c t o r i a and by t e l e g r a p h to the r e s t of North America. The c i t y had a running water system, l i m i t e d e l e c t r i c a l power, and, by 1888, a s m a l l , p r i v a t e telephone system. During the 1880s the p o p u l a t i o n of the c i t y grew, c h i e f l y because of i n c r e a s e d mining employment. Throughout the decade p r o d u c t i o n i n both the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company and Robert Dunsmuir and Company i n c r e a s e d ( F i g u r e 27). However, as p r o d u c t i o n i n c r e a s e d so d i d the number of mining a c c i d e n t s . Nanaimo's mines had always been dangerous, yet during the 1880s, when many new t e c h n o l o g i c a l "improvements" were in t r o d u c e d , more miners than ever before were i n j u r e d or k i l l e d (Table 4). Despite major d i s a s t e r s in 1887 and 1888"° ( F i g u r e 28), the c i t y c ontinued to prosper throughout the decade and by the year 1891 had a p o p u l a t i o n of over 4500. 77 TABLE 4j_ MINING DEATHS , 1 880-1 891 * 1880 - 3 1886 - 3 1881 - 1 1887 - 157 1882 - 5 1888 - 82 1883 - 4 1889 - 4 1884 - 31 1890 - 4 1885 - 10 . 1891 - 15 *data from, The Mining Record, v a r i o u s dates. 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 « 500 " 400 ° 300 us 9 200 100 FIGURE 27: NANAIMO AREA COAL MINES OUTPUT 1830 - 1891 1880 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 Y e a r 78 F i g u r e 28: Waiting f o r the dead a f t e r the Great Mine E x p l o s i o n of 1887. Over 150 men were k i l l e d i n the d i s a s t e r ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s of B r i t i s h Columbia). P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s o f B . C . P h o t o n o . ^9563. N e g a t i v e n o . C-3709 DO NOT C O P Y 80 B) The People According to the 1891 Census of Canada , the p o p u l a t i o n of the Nanaimo census area was 6512. That f i g u r e however was c a l c u l a t e d f o r a r e g i o n much l a r g e r than the c i t y . Included i n i t was an area s t r e t c h i n g from Comox in the north to Cedar i n the south ( F i g u r e 7). For t h i s reason Canadian census data w i l l be compared to a sample drawn from 1881 nominal data. However, the sample i s only r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of those r e s i d e n t s who had l i v e d i n the c i t y from 1881 to 1891. D e s p i t e the drawbacks, an examination of each data set p r o v i d e s a s a t i s f a c t o r y view of the p o p u l a t i o n of Nanaimo i n 1891. By 1891, a higher percentage of the people of Nanaimo had been born i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Canada, and the United S t a t e s than ever before (Figure 29). The decrease i n B r i t i s h — b o r n i s the r e s u l t of the enumeration, over a l a r g e r a rea, of a l l r e s i d e n t s throughout the census t r a c t (women and c h i l d r e n ; Indian and Chinese) and the movement of more North Americans i n t o the d i s t r i c t . A comparison with 1881 data (Figure 19) shows that Nanaimo's ten—year r e s i d e n t s were s t i l l predominantly B r i t i s h . But t h e i r s u p e r i o r numbers were being threatened by an i n c r e a s e i n n a t i v e born and North American immigrants. While the b i r t h p l a c e of the m a j o r i t y of Nanaimo's r e s i d e n t s had changed, other s a l i e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the c i t y ' s p o p u l a t i o n remained s t a b l e . Although ."descent" data were not i n c l u d e d i n the 1891 census, the r e l i g i o n s of the 81 FIGURE 2 9 : NANAIMO AREA - CENSUS OF CANADA. 1891 a) Birthplaces *Sample from Henderson's D i r e c t o r y of B.C., 1 8 9 1 . 82 FIGURE 3 0 : NANAIMO - NOMINAL SAMPLE. 1891 83 people remained those of ten years bef o r e . The new North American m a j o r i t y a s c r i b e d to the same f a i t h s as d i d t h e i r p r e d e c e s s o r s . As F i g u r e s 29c and 30d show, the s i n g l e l a r g e s t o c c u p a t i o n a l group w i t h i n the census t r a c t were s t i l l miners and mine workers. Mining had remained the p r i n c i p a l occupation of the Nanaimo region and the economy of c o a l s t i l l dominated the c i t y . Among ten—year r e s i d e n t s however, s k i l l e d l a b o u r e r s decreased 11% and u n s k i l l e d 8% while other occupations i n c r e a s e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y . Labourers and miners were moving from jobs that they had h e l d ten years b e f o r e . C) Urban Morphology The s o c i a l geography of Nanaimo changed l i t t l e d uring the 1880s. Spread throughout the c i t y were d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c , r e l i g i o u s and o c c u p a t i o n a l groups (excepting the Chinese and Indians whose r e s i d e n c e s remained w i t h i n Chinatown and the R e s e r v a t i o n ) . Miners of a l l backgrounds s t i l l l i v e d i n the South Ward, and the Downtown Peninsula . remained the dominant commercial d i s t r i c t . Those who had l i v e d in Nanaimo at the time of both the 1881 and 1891 census remained w i t h i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l neighbourhoods or, had they moved—out, had been r e p l a c e d by another long—term r e s i d e n t of the s i m i l a r background, r e l i g i o n , and employment. As the f i g u r e s f o l l o w i n g i n d i c a t e , p a t t e r n s of settlement remained s t a b l e ( F i g u r e s 31, 32, 33 and 34). FIGURE 31: POPULATION -BIRTHPLACES, 1891 N FIGURE 34: POPULATION - OCCUPATIONS, 1891 88 The coming of the rai l w a y to Nanaimo was preceeded by the Esquimalt and Nanaimo's a c q u i s i t i o n of c i t y l a n ds. By the end of the decade i t had become the second l a r g e s t landholder w i t h i n c i t y l i m i t s ( F i g u r e 35). Although these h o l d i n g s were extremely l o c a l i z e d and r e f l e c t e d the r i b b o n — l i k e development of r a i l w a y l i n e s , they g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d c i t y p r o p e r t y v a l u e s . Land near the r a i l w a y ' s depot and yards became more expensive, as demand f o r i t rose among p o t e n t i a l i n d u s t r i a l , commercial, and r e s i d e n t i a l buyers. As pro p e r t y values rose, taxes l e v i e d on p r o p e r t i e s throughout Nanaimo soared and, by 1891, reached unprecedented h e i g h t s — o f t e n twelve times as much as ten years p r e v i o u s l y . 4 1 Miner's wages d i d not i n c r e a s e at the same r a t e as d i d land values (Figure 36). Therefore the op p o r t u n i t y of land ownership d i m i n i s h e d f o r newly landed immigrants. Those who had purchased before the coming of the r a i l r o a d c o u l d maintain lands ( i f they c o u l d meet the new taxes) or s e l l at a p r o f i t . With i n c r e a s e d land p r i c e s , the end of the decade saw the s t a r t of land s p e c u l a t i o n i n Nanaimo. Newcastle Township was emerging, by 1891, as a Nob H i l l 4 2 r e g i o n w i t h i n the c i t y . Nanaimo's homogeneous landscape began to break down and would continue to become more and more segregated as the 1890s progressed. Throughout the 1880s the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company had been s e l l i n g c i t y and f i v e acre l o t s to miners and other r e s i d e n t s . But i n 1891, t h e i r land h o l d i n g s were s t i l l s u b s t a n t i a l . 4 3 The company was s t i l l the s i n g l e N FIGURE 3 6 : WAGES. LIVING COSTS. AND LAND VALUES NANAIMO, 1875 ~ I 8 9 I $s 1875 77 79 81 83 85 87 89 91 Year Room and board costs per week ( l o c a l h o t e l a d v e r t i s i n g , Nanaimo Free Press, v a r i o u s dates) Miners' wages - y e a r l y (based on 21 working days per month) Assessed value of 30 sampled c i t y l o t s (average per l o t ) 91 l a r g e s t land owner and, i n e f f e c t , c o n t r o l l e d the housing and land market w i t h i n and immediately o u t s i d e the c i t y . But housing c o n s t r u c t i o n had not kept pace with p o p u l a t i o n growth. "Several men who have f a m i l i e s l e f t the c i t y today owing to t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to secure a necessary resi d e n c e f o r t h e i r f a m i l i e s . One of them remarked, ' i t i s p r e t t y hard fo r a man to be compelled to leave a c i t y where there i s p l e n t y of work but no p l a c e to l i v e i n . " 4 4 Nanaimo's c o a l company, other i n d u s t r i e s , and commercial ventures needed workers, yet i n 1891 c o u l d not house them. N e i t h e r the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company nor p r i v a t e b u i l d e r s had managed to c o n s t r u c t enough housing f o r the needs of a growing p o p u l a t i o n . As Nanaimo entered the 1890s i t was a f a i r l y l a r g e c i t y (by western Canadian s t a n d a r d s ) , yet the c i t i z e n s saw themselves as a town dependant on c o a l . During the 1880's other i n d u s t r i e s had been e s t a b l i s h e d (which loosened the 'economic g r i p ' of the c o a l company on the town), new e t h n i c groups had a r r i v e d , and new t r a n s p o r t a t i o n l i n k s had eased i s o l a t i o n . However, Nanaimo was s t i l l " . . . e s s e n t i a l l y a community of working men, who are s t r u g g l i n g hard to o b t a i n a home f o r themselves and f a m i l i e s . " 4 5 In 1886, problems such as Chinese labour, land and housing c o s t s , r a i l r o a d and c o a l company land g r a n t s , and mining s a f e t y and c o n d i t i o n s were a l l being r a i s e d d u r i n g p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n s . C l e a r l y , the miners and workers of Nanaimo wanted changes i n t h e i r community, changes in the mines, and changes in B r i t i s h Columbian s o c i e t y . T h e i r amiable 92 r e l a t i o n s h i p with mine managers and owners had begun to degenerate. 93 Footnotes — Chapter Two 1. Much i n f o r m a t i o n f o r the e a r l y Royal Navy i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i s c o n t a i n e d i n McKelvie, B.A., "Coal f o r the Warships," The  Beaver , June, 1951, pages 8 — 1 1 . 2. The Hudson's Bay Company intended to s e l l c o a l to the P a c i f i c M a i l Steamship Company, an American f i r m that c a r r i e d m a i l between Panama and the Oregon c o a s t . Ormsby, M. , B r i t i s h Columbia j_ h. H i s t o r y , MacMillan of Canada, Toronto, Ont., 1958, page 95. 3. McKelvie, op. c i t . , page 9. 4. Correspondence, Douglas to McKay from P u b l i c A r c h i v e s of B.C. (PABC). Quoted i n Norcross, E.B., Nanaimo  Retrospect i v e : The F i r s t Century , Nanaimo H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , Nanaimo, B.C., 1979, page 2. 5. Indenture of Edwin Gough to Hudson's Bay Company , 1854, P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s of B r i t i s h Columbia, Manuscript. 6. The settlement was o r i g i n a l l y named C o l v i l e t o w n , but t h i s name was not i n common use a f t e r 1860. 7. Correspondence Douglas to McKay, 27th September, 1853, in N orcross, op. c i t . , page 13. 8. A l l p o p u l a t i o n , housing, and l i v e s t o c k f i g u r e s are from Lamb, W.K., "the census of Vancouver Island,1855", B.C.  H i s t o r i c a l Q u a r t e r l y , Volume 4, Number 1, January, 1940, page 55. 9. I t was f o r p r o t e c t i o n from "marrauding bands of n o r t h e r n e r s " that the famous Nanaimo Bas t i o n was f i r s t e r e c t e d — i t a l s o served as Company s t o r e and c i t y gaol at v a r i o u s times. 10. See G a l l a c h e r , D.T., "Men, Money, Machines; S t u d i e s Comparing C o l l i e r y Operation and F a c t o r s of Production i n B.C.'s Coal Industry to 1891,"Unpublished Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia , 1979, page 204. 11. I b i d . , pages 1 3 — 15. 12. Data was p u b l i s h e d i n V i c t o r i a C o l o n i s t , January 24, 1863, page 3. 13. G a l l a c h e r , op. c i t . , page 82. 14. For a more d e t a i l e d examination of the purchase see G a l l a c h e r , i b i d . , pages 85 - 92. 94 15. The Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company saw the c o l l i e r y as a stepping—stone to bigger and b e t t e r t h i n g s . . . . " A s t h e d i r e c t o r s saw i t , c o a l mining would be the ba s i c i n d u s t r y upon which a wide range of economic a c t i v i t y u l t i m a t e l y would r e s t , and they were prepared to provide c a p i t a l f o r land purchases before a c h i e v i n g s i g n i f i c a n t r e t u r n s from the mines. In other words...the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company was i n t e r e s t e d i n e x p l o i t i n g more than the I s l a n d ' s m i n e r a l s , but u n l i k e i t s predecessor, the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company opted f o r an i n d u s t r y rather than t r a d i n g a c t i v i t i e s as i t s main economic base. Moreover, the c o l l i e r y ' s new owners were not adverse to pouring l a r g e sums of r i s k c a p i t a l i n t o c o a l mining, a step the Hudson's Bay Company had avoided s i n c e the mid-f i f t i e s . " G a l l a c h e r , ibid.,'page 89 - 90. 16. The I n s t i t u t e was p a r t of an e d u c a t i o n a l programme begun i n the 1860s i n Great B r i t a i n to promote the education of working men. 17. Norcross, op. c i t . , page 49. 18. Smith, B.R.D., "Some Aspects of the S o c i a l Development of E a r l y Nanaimo", Unpublished B.A. Essay, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, page 114. 19. B a n c r o f t , H.H., The Works of H.H.Bancroft , The H i s t o r y Company, San F r a n c i s c o , C a l i f o r n i a , U.S.A., 1887, page 574. 20. While f i g u r e s f o r the Nanaimo mines are not a v a i l a b l e f o r these e a r l y years, the works of Arnot, W i l l i a m s , and Wright d i s c u s s the r o l e of t e c h n o l o g i c a l developments and worker i n j u r i e s d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d (or e a r l i e r ) of development. 21. H a l l i d a y , W.M. [ c o m p i l e r ] , W i l l i a m ' s B r i t i s h Columbia  D i r e c t o r y , 1891 , R.T.Williams, V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1890. Hibben,T.N. ["compiler], Guide to B.C. , T.N.Hibben and Company, V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1877. Hibben, T.N. And Company [ c o m p i l e r s ] , B.C. D i r e c t o r y , 1882 - 8_3 , T.N.Hibben and Company, V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1883. 22. V o t e r s L i s t , Nanaimo, S e s s i o n a l Papers , B.C. L e g i s l a t u r e , 1875. 23. C i t y H a l l A r c h i v e s , Nanaimo, B.C., 1875 - 1891. 24. S e s s i o n a l Papers , Mining Record, B.C. L e g i s l a t u r e , 1876, page 617. 25. While the main mine of the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company was l o c a t e d w i t h i n the South Ward, other mines were f u r t h e r away, however, mine t r a i n s (and an a e r i a l tramway operated by the Harewood Coal Company) allowed easy 95 access f o r men employed at the p i t h e a d or mine f a c e . 26. C i t y r e c o r d s , of course, were only kept f o r c i t y lands and Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company records have long s i n c e been des t r o y e d . 27. Department of Labour, Minutes of Evidence, Royal  Commission on I n d u s t r i a l Disputes i n B.C., 1904 , Government P r i n t i n g Bureau, Ottawa, Ont., page 299. 28. I b i d . 29. I b i d . 30. I b i d , page 298. Corraborated by c i t y tax r e c o r d s , Nanaimo C i t y A r c h i v e s . 31. Dunsmuir, D i g g l e and Company became Robert Dunsmuir and Company i n 1880 when, under rather s u s p i c i o u s circumstances, Dunsmuir bought—out h i s former partner f o r a price-a p p a r a n t l y w e l l below market value of h i s share. 32. Most Indians employed were Coast S a l i s h people, although some west coast Vancouver I s l a n d and northern people were h i r e d . 33. Common complaints a g a i n s t Indian l a b o u r e r s were that they s t o l e , were l a z y , and independable. See correspondence, Douglas to McKay,in Norcross, op. c i t . 34. Mar, P., "From Segregation to I n t e g r a t i o n " , i n Norcross, op. c i t . , page 92. 35. Chinese mine workers were o f t e n blamed f o r many deaths and a c c i d e n t s ; the major reason c i t e d being t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to speak or understand E n g l i s h . In a d d i t i o n , the p o l i c e would o f t e n search Chinatown f i r s t f o r any b u r g l a r i z e d goods or f u g i t i v e s — o f t e n without due cause. 36. From John Bryden's Notebook , l e t t e r to S.M.Robins, March 18, 1878, Nanaimo C e n t e n n i a l Museum A r c h i v e s . 37. A sample of the same 17 c i t y b l o c k s examined in 1875 shows the Company owning 50 - 100% of 8; 25 - 49% of 4; 1 -24% of 2; and 0% of 2. 38. Matheson, M.H., "Some E f f e c t s of Coal Mining Upon the Development of the Nanaimo Area", unpublished M.A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1950, page 89. 39. Poikonen, H., "By Water, Road and R a i l " , i n Norcross, op. c i t . , page 96. 40. L i s t e n to S i s t e r Mary Lucas, " S a i n t Ann's Convent and 96 Academy, Nanaimo", O r a l H i s t o r y Tape, May 12, 1974, Nanaimo C e n t e n n i a l Museum A r c h i v e s f o r an e x c e l l e n t account of s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s i n the c i t y a f t e r the mining d i s a s t e r of 1887. 41. Tax Records, C i t y of Nanaimo A r c h i v e s , C i t y H a l l . 42. References abound i n The Nanaimo Free Press of land s p e c u l a t i o n beginning i n Nanaimo. As does use of the term "Nob H i l l " f o r Newcastle Township. 43. 50 - 100% of 16 sample b l o c k s ; 25 - 49% of 1 ; 1 - 24% of 2; and 0% of 7. 44. Nanaimo Free Press , January, 22, 1891, page 1. 45. I b i d , January 26, 1891, page 4. 97 Chapter Three — Nanaimo: Coal Town in B r i t i s h Columbia 1. The Workplace and P o p u l a t i o n Every night at s i x o'clock a s h r i l l w h i s t l e p i e r c e d the evening a i r of Nanaimo. Two short b l a s t s and c o l l i e r s were i d l e the next day. One and i t was work as u s u a l . Nanaimo was l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t from any c o l l i e r y settlement — the mines and mine work were the l i f e b l o o d of the community and a w a y — o f — l i f e f o r t h e i r employees. Under the ground or sea, methods of mining and the p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s of mining were not d i f f e r e n t from those of B r i t a i n . The lamps, sho v e l s , e x p l o s i v e s , c o a l c a r s , and r a i l t r a c k s 1 were i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from those of B r i t i s h c o l l i e r i e s . Miners used the same s k i l l s they had lea r n e d from t h e i r f a t h e r s and workmates i n Shropshire, Northumberland, or Wales. Below the ground, i n the mines, the men c o u l d have e a s i l y been t o i l i n g 9000 m i l e s away i n the Midlands. J u s t as the mining technology and p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s were the same as i n B r i t a i n , so were many economic and s o c i a l a spects of mining. Miners were d i r e c t l y s u p e r v i s e d by underground foremen. Every day c o a l was weighed at the p i t h e a d by a check weighmen (not always d e m o c r a t i c a l l y e l e c t e d ) , then at month's end wages were c a l c u l a t e d on the b a s i s of tons of c o a l d e l i v e r e d to the s u r f a c e . From t h i s base, deductions were made f o r powder, wages f o r a s s i s t a n t s , room and board ( i f a p p l i c a b l e ) , and medical insurance or expenses. Without independant a u d i t i n g the Company 98 c a l c u l a t e d the wages. C l e a r l y , miners spent t h e i r working hours under d i r e c t supervison of the c o a l company, and depended on the company's honesty when c o l l e c t i n g wages. Western North America had not changed miners' hours or methods of work, or the manner i n which they were p a i d . In the mines or out of them, the c o l l i e r s of Nanaimo were s t i l l p a r t of the i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t system that c h a r a c t e r i z e d l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century B r i t i s h c o a l mining. People of B r i t i s h background dominated Nanaimo's p o p u l a t i o n except f o r two m i n o r i t y groups. Chinese and Indians occupied separate r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s . The B r i t i s h m a j o r i t y dominated the c i t y ' s s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and made the new Canadian l i f e of a B r i t i s h immigrant r a t h e r f a m i l i a r . S o c i a l c l u b s , churches, p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , and even l i b r a r i e s a l l had a B r i t i s h f l a v o u r . Even the presence of the s h i p s and o f f i c e r s of the Royal Navy added to t h i s "home—away—from—home" f e e l i n g s i n c e the o f f i c e r s ' e ducation and c u l t u r e s u p p l i e d the c i t y with an a i r of q u a l i t y that was otherwise absent i n t h i s i s o l a t e d , f r o n t i e r outpost. Non—working a c t i v i t i e s of Nanaimo were those that were popular i n B r i t a i n . Some men spent time hunting and f i s h i n g , but these were r a r e l y c o n s i d e r e d r e c r e a t i o n a l p u r s u i t s — they s u p p l i e d a d d i t i o n a l food f o r the fami l y and supplemented i t s income. More popular l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s i n c l u d e d f o o t b a l l , c r i c k e t , pigeon r a i s i n g , horse races, gardening, " b i c y c l i n g , and b a s e b a l l (an American t r a d i t i o n 99 that was adopted. 240 For many men however, the landscape of l e i s u r e focused on p u b l i c houses, of which there were many w i t h i n the c i t y ( F igure 37). As i n B r i t a i n , the pub was an enclave of the working man, s e r v i n g as both boarding house (when a pub was p a r t of a h o t e l ) and d r i n k i n g c l u b . Because of the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of saloons and the d r i n k i n g h a b i t s of many of the patrons, c i t y gaol records of 1881 show a l c o h o l — r e l a t e d crimes as the most common (Table 5). L e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s i n Nanaimo were much the same as those which had evolved i n B r i t i s h working c l a s s towns duri n g the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . TABLE 5j_ PROSECUTIONS IN NANAIMO, 1881* number of percentage of p r o s e c u t i o n s t o t a l T o t a l p r o s e c u t i o n s 197 100 A l c o h o l r e l a t e d 151 77 Other " v a r i o u s " 19 10 Acts a g a i n s t p r o p e r t y 18 9 V i o l e n t a c t s 10 5 *see Appendix I I I , Crimes and C l a s s i f i c a t i o n . In 1881, and through the 1880s, Nanaimo's commerce and s o c i a l l i f e were dominated by the B r i t i s h — b o r n . 81 p r o p r i e t o r s , p r o f e s s i o n a l s , s e m i - p r o f e s s i o n a l s , and managers dominated the p o l i t i c a l , economic, and s o c i a l l i f e of the c i t y . At l e a s t 30% were E n g l i s h born ( F i g u r e 38) and at l e a s t 25% were A n g l i c a n . These men owned many of the c i t y ' s prime l o t s ; almost t w o - f i f t h s of them owned more than one FIGURE 3 7 : THE SALOONS OF NANAIMO N > 101 Of t h i s 1881 group, 59 (732) had been i n Nanaimo i n 1875 and 9^ (60%) remained u n t i l 1891. 102 l o t and 14% owned land valued at more than $1000. 3 While few were wealthy, they were an i n f l u e n t i a l and overwhelmingly B r i t i s h middle c l a s s . Miners had l e f t t h e i r homes i n B r i t a i n to t r a v e l h a l f way around the world to Nanaimo f o r many reasons. Yet most came to B r i t i s h Columbia to improve t h e i r standard of l i v i n g and t h e i r p r o s p e c t s . Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company a d v e r t i s i n g f o s t e r e d the b e l i e f that through hard work and f r u g a l i t y a working miner c o u l d buy land, b u i l d a home, p l a n t a garden, make a decent wage, and r a i s e a f a m i l y i n a s e t t i n g f a r removed from the f i l t h y c o l l i e r y — h e a d towns of B r i t a i n . These were most miners' g o a l s . They were rooted i n B r i t i s h experience and as i n B r i t a i n they would have- to be worked out w i t h i n the power r e l a t i o n s of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m . Yet Nanaimo was not a c o l l i e r y town i n B r i t a i n . I t bordered a d i f f e r e n t ocean, grew out of a recent w i l d e r n e s s , and contained new people who were q u i t e a l i e n to B r i t i s h e x perience. 2. New Manners and Standards of L i v i n g In B r i t a i n , the people of c o l l i e r y towns and c i t i e s were overwhelmingly n a t i v e born. Some areas were e t h n i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d ( I r i s h ghettos f o r example) and these may have been poor areas, but i n B r i t a i n s e g regation was based l e s s on r a c i a l than on economic d i f f e r e n c e s . 4 While Nanaimo's Indian and Chinese m i n o r i t i e s were poorer than most people, they l i v e d apart because they were not white. 103 Sharp r a c i a l c o n f l i c t was expressed i n the r e s i d e n t i a l landscape. M i s t r u s t , d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , and b i g o t r y formed the b a s i s of s e g r e g a t i o n . By keeping those of m i n o r i t y r a c i a l groups i n i s o l a t i o n , p l a n n e r s of the town, managers and d i r e c t o r s of the c o a l company, and the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d c o n f l i c t i n the landscape and kept overt a c t s of r a c i a l v i o l e n c e from e r u p t i n g . In the mines of the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company Chinese and Indians were r e s t r i c t e d to menial t a s k s . While these r e s t r i c t i v e p r a c t i c e s seem to have been based on r a c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s ( s t e r e o t y p i c images, s u s p i c i o n s , and m i s t r u s t of O r i e n t a l s and Indians c h a r a c t e r i z e d the Europeans' view of these people and t h e i r l i f e s t y l e s ) , d i s c r i m i n a t o r y r e l a t i o n s h i p s were f u e l e d by miners' f e a r s that t h e i r wages would be undercut by the importation and in c r e a s e d employment of Chinese and Indians. In Nanaimo, racism was encouraged by economic f e a r s . 5 The segregated landscape had i t s b a s i s i n both race and c l a s s r e l a t i o n s h i p s , with each s u p p o r t i n g and adding impetus to the other. Running c o n t r a r y to the se g r e g a t i o n and b i g o t r y that c h a r a c t e r i z e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between Indians and whites were a number of mixed marriages or c o — h a b i t a t i o n s i n v o l v i n g Indian women and white men. There were 49 such r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n Nanaimo i n 1881, many of them formed when Nanaimo was a much smaller s e t t l e m e n t . In those e a r l y years white women of a ma r r i a b l e age were not p l e n t i f u l i n the 104 c i t y (few s i n g l e women had emigrated to Nanaimo). The men turned to n a t i v e Indian women. Once common, t h i s p r a c t i c e d e c l i n e d as white women became a v a i l a b l e . By 1881 most of the men who had married Indians l i v e d o u t s i d e the c i t y i n i s o l a t e d a g r i c u l t u r a l or l o g g i n g communities such as Cedar, Nanoose Bay, or Englishman R i v e r . For B r i t i s h miners Indian and Chinese m i n o r i t i e s i n Nanaimo were new and t h r e a t e n i n g elements of t h e i r new home. Racism e x i s t e d from the beginning of the settlement. M i s t r u s t and anger that c o u l d have been d i r e c t e d towards company p o l i c i e s and management was o f t e n aimed at Chinese or Indians who were accused of being unable to l e a r n the methods or a p p r e c i a t e the dangers of mining. Mine e x p l o s i o n s and a c c i d e n t s were o f t e n blamed on the Chinese and brought about strong movements f o r O r i e n t a l e x c l u s i o n . The Chinese were e x p l o i t e d as cheap labour by the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company and served as scapegoats f o r workday problems. Although the Chinese and Indians were r e c o g n i z a b l e m i n o r i t i e s they s t i l l made up l e s s than 8% of Nanaimo's p o p u l a t i o n . While the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company threatened to import " f o r e i g n " (such as " I t a l i a n s from San F r a n c i s c o " ) , B r i t i s h - b o r n and North Americans of B r i t i s h background continued as the major supply of labour w e l l i n t o the twentieth c e n t u r y . By 1860 Great B r i t a i n was c r i s s - c r o s s e d with c a n a l s and r a i l w a y s . Coal mining areas, e s p e c i a l l y newer ones, were 105 p r i n c i p a l l y served by r a i l r o a d s . Settlement focused on the s t a t i o n and spur l i n e s served the mines. By the middle of the century, c o l l i e r y towns s i t u a t e d at tidewater, evolved i n t o more economically d i v e r s i f i e d c e n t r e s of manufacturing and trans—shipment. Nanaimo's p l a n , i t s s i n g l e i n d u s t r y economic base, and i t s l a c k of l o c a l , manufacturing and secondary i n d u s t r y r e s u l t e d i n a d i f f e r e n t type of settlement. While r a i l r o a d s were the main mode of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n Great B r i t a i n , r a i l w a y s to Nanaimo's mines were l a i d i n the 1860s but a ra i l w a y between Nanaimo and V i c t o r i a was not b u i l t u n t i l 1886. Far from i n f l u e n c i n g the design of the settlement, as they had i n many B r i t i s h c o l l i e r y towns, r a i l l i n e s simply cut across p r e — e x i s t i n g c i t y b l o c k s (see F i g u r e 29). Nanaimo had been planned as a seaport and remained o r i e n t e d to the harbour a f t e r the r a i l r o a d ' s c o n s t r u c t i o n . U n l i k e many B r i t i s h c o l l i e r y towns, Nanaimo was planned as an i n d u s t r i a l s e t t l e m e n t . With the ex c e p t i o n of the c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t , the pl a n adopted a r a d i a l p a t t e r n that spread outward from the harbour and f i r s t mines. Blocks formed by the s t r e e t p a t t e r n were d i v i d e d i n t o l o t s that were s u i t a b l e f o r detached s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s or for commercial development. T h i s p a t t e r n d i f f e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y from o l d e r B r i t i s h c o l l i e r y s e t t l e m e n t s , where a c o a l mining landscape had been superimposed on an e a r l i e r town. The towns of D.H.Lawrence's Lancashire c h i l d h o o d and the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c Welsh c o l l i e r y towns d e s c r i b e d by 106 P.N.Jones were very d i f f e r e n t from Nanaimo (see Chapter 1). There amid the p a l l of burning c o a l were back—to—back houses, winding narrow s t r e e t s , dominating s l a g heaps, and t i n y gardens devoted to a few fl o w e r s or v e g e t a b l e s . In Nanaimo most l o t s were o n e — f i f t h of an acre and, when developed, had only one house. Many people had l a r g e gardens and grew flowers, v e g e t a b l e s , or hardy f r u i t s . Throughout the c i t y , s t r e e t s were wide and s t r a i g h t and the a i r was r e l a t i v e l y c l e a r and c l e a n . East and west of the townsite rose mountains, t h e i r f o r e s t e d slopes reminding the newcomers of t h e i r new s i t u a t i o n . C l e a r l y , the n a t u r a l s e t t i n g and planned 'openess' of Nanaimo was v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t from what immigrants had known i n Northumberland, A y r s h i r e , or South Wales. In Nanaimo i n 1881 at l e a s t 30% of land owners were s k i l l e d workmen, most of whom were employed by the Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company , 6 During the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s i n the . v a l l e y s of Monmouthshire and South Wales, only "19.2% of houses were owned by c o l l i e r y workmen." 7 Because of t h i s f i g u r e the miners of South Wales were seen as "remarkably s u c c e s s f u l i n becoming house—owners." 8 Compared to these " r u r a l " c o a l mining areas of B r i t a i n , the miners of Nanaimo had i n c r e a s e d access to land and homes. Because of lower land c o s t s on Vancouver I s l a n d d u r i n g the e a r l y years of Nanaimo (to approximately 1890) i t was not uncommon for a miner or other labourer to buy a c i t y l o t . Of the miners who l i v e d i n 1 07 Nanaimo i n 1881, approximately one i n s i x (17 per cent) owned land i n the c i t y ( F igure 39). One of two l i v e d i n rented detached s i n g l e f a m i l y homes — e i t h e r alone or with a f a m i l y — and o n e — t h i r d of Nanaimo's miners l i v e d i n rented shared accommodations ( h o t e l s , boarding houses, and "group" homes). While many of Nanaimo's r e s i d e n t s l i v e d i n detached s i n g l e f a m i l y houses, most of these homes were very s m a l l . A t y p i c a l house was 10 x 20 f e e t and had two rooms; a bedroom and a s i t t i n g room. "Tacked—on" to the back were a k i t c h e n and a p a n t r y . 9 Outside, away from the house, was a w e l l and, f u r t h e r away, an outhouse. Small though these homes may have been, the f a c t t h at they were detached and were set upon a r a t h e r l a r g e l o t g r e a t l y impressed miners coming from overcrowded, urban, i n d u s t r i a l B r i t a i n . 1 0 In 1871, C a r d i f f , Wales averaged 7.4 persons per i n h a b i t e d house; i n 1881, 6.8 persons; and i n 1891, 6.3 p e r s o n s . 1 1 In Nanaimo the f i g u r e was 4.2 i n 1881, when the c i t y averaged 1.00 household per h o u s e . 1 2 The a c q u i s i t i o n of a home was paramount among immigrants d e s i r e s . Housing, e s p e c i a l l y i t s a c c e s s i b i l i t y , d i s t r i b u t i o n , and s t y l e , was the f a c t o r that most d i f f e r e n t i a t e d Nanaimo from the c o l l i e r y towns of Great B r i t a i n . As the century progressed, land and housing c o s t s would become one of the most c o n t e n t i o u s i s s u e s concerning the workingmen of Nanaimo. From the e a r l y years of Nanaimo, u n t i l the mid-l880s, the miners of the c i t y c o u l d a t t a i n a r e l a t i v e l y higher FIGURE 39: MINERS AND THEIR HOMES - l 8 8 l n= 259 109 standard of l i v i n g than they had known in B r i t a i n . The c o s t of land was much lower i n Nanaimo than i n B r i t a i n . In 1875, a miner would have spent approximately 51% of h i s annual wages to buy a house on an average l o t i n Nanaimo. 1 3 In the Black Country of Great B r i t a i n , at the same time, a miner was spending 25% of h i s income on r e n t . In 1881, the f i g u r e s were 49% and 37.5%, r e s p e c t i v e l y . Compared to B r i t a i n , a Nanaimo miner c o u l d buy a home f o r somewhat l e s s than twice what i t c o s t a B r i t i s h miner to rent one f o r a year. C l o t h i n g and other manufactured goods may have been more expensive i n Nanaimo than i n B r i t a i n but lower housing and r e n t a l c o s t s were more than s u f f i c i e n t compensation. Food c o s t s were not e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y high i n Nanaimo. Boardinghouses i n Nanaimo charged $6.00 per week f o r room and board throughout the study p e r i o d 1 " (see F i g u r e 36). Food and board, f o r a s i n g l e miner, would have made up approximately 30% of h i s annual wage. While food c o s t s f o r a f a m i l y were higher, they were not out of l i n e with B r i t i s h c o s t s — perhaps even lower. The n a t u r a l environment surrounding Nanaimo and the l a y o u t of the c i t y were very d i f f e r e n t from the densely s e t t l e d , d i r t y c o l l i e r y towns of B r i t a i n . Immigrants saw the c i t y ' s s e t t i n g as a r e a l advantage. A b i l i t y to purchase land amid t h i s t h i s scene was a p r i v i l e d g e — one that would have outweighed the disadvantages of i s o l a t i o n , O r i e n t a l and Indian p o p u l a t i o n s , and the expense of manufactured goods. But not a l l immigrants found l i f e b e t t e r i n Nanaimo . 110 Some found the c i t y too i s o l a t e d , f a i l e d i n business ventures, missed the Old Country, or were completely d i s s a t i s f i e d with what they found. For them, d i f f e r e n c e s from B r i t a i n outweighed the advantages Nanaimo o f f e r e d , but many of those who remained, whether they were s u c c e s s f u l or not, had improved t h e i r standards of l i v i n g . The e x i s t e n c e of o p p o r t u n i t y — an immigrant's chance f o r s o c i a l and m a t e r i a l advancement — cannot be a c c u r a t e l y measured. One man may view success as meat on the t a b l e f i v e evenings a week; another p e r c i e v e s i t as the chance to t u r n a small mining c l a i m i n t o a l a r g e company. However, o p p o r t u n i t y may be analysed through an examination of the upward m o b i l i t y of Nanaimo's p o p u l a t i o n . 1 5 A l l p o p u l a t i o n samples i n t h i s study are based on the 1881 Census of Canada. Samples were taken i n 1875 and 1891 of working men who r e s i d e d i n Nanaimo. These y i e l d e d 275 and 235 men, r e s p e c t i v e l y . Because of the manner i n which re s i d e n c e was e s t a b l i s h e d ( f i n d i n g the same man and h i s occupation l i s t e d or mentioned i n the Nanaimo Free Press , c i t y d i r e c t o r i e s , c i t y tax assessment r o l l s , or p r o v i n c i a l v o t e r s l i s t s ) , the samples may be "top—heavy"; there may be o v e r — r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s ' among the higher o c c u p a t i o n a l groups because of t h e i r g r e a t e r p r o p e n s i t y to own p r o p e r t y , to take out newspaper a d v e r t i s i n g , or to be c o n t a c t e d by d i r e c t o r y c o m p i l e r s . One way i n which t h i s may be t e s t e d i s by comparing the sample of men who changed jobs and stayed between 1875 and 1881 to the p o p u l a t i o n sample of 1875 and 111 to compare the sample of men who had changed jobs between 1881 and 1891 to the p o p u l a t i o n of 1881. To f a c i l i t a t e t h i s , Nanaimo's working p o p u l a t i o n has been d i v i d e d i n t o ten c a t e g o r i e s (see Appendix I ) . In e f f e c t , the q u e s t i o n s being asked a r e : Who remained i n Nanaimo d u r i n g the aforementioned p e r i o d s ? Were these " s t a y e r s " from c e r t a i n o c c u p a t i o n a l groups? If there were o v e r — r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s from upper groups can they be accounted f o r by the sampling methods? To t e s t whether the samples are s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from Nanaimo's p o p u l a t i o n i n 1881, the Kolmogorov-Smirnov one—sample t e s t has been u s e d . 1 6 However, s i n c e we are using only a sample from 1875 (not the e n t i r e 1875 p o p u l a t i o n ) , and only sampling those who who had remained f o r at l e a s t s i x years (and not examining the t o t a l 1875 p o p u l a t i o n and comparing the o c c u p a t i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of " s t a y e r s " to the o c c u p a t i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the t o t a l 1875 po p u l a t i o n ) an important assumption must be made, namely that changes i n the o c c u p a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r of Nanaimo between 1875 and 1881 were not s i g n i f i c a n t . R e s u l t s of using the K—S t e s t i n comparing the 1875 sample to the 1881 p o p u l a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n i n d i c a t e that the sample i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the p o p u l a t i o n (Appendix I V ) . While c l o s e to being s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t , , the f i n d i n g s i n d i c a t e that those who remained i n Nanaimo represented a l l o c c u p a t i o n a l groups; no single, o c c u p a t i o n a l group was over — r e p r e s e n t e d among those who stayed f o r s i x ye a r s . In comparing the 1881 p o p u l a t i o n to the sample of those who 1 12 remained u n t i l 1891, the r e s u l t s p r e v i o u s l y obtained were r e p l i c a t e d . Again, there were no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s between the sample and the " t h e o r e t i c a l " p o p u l a t i o n . While the samples seem to i n d i c a t e that men from a l l occupations were l i k e l y to have remained i n Nanaimo f o r the p e r i o d s d i s c u s s e d , some p a t t e r n s emerged i n the data. F i g u r e 40 shows that u n d e r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n was evident (but not s i g n i f i c a n t ) among s k i l l e d workers; the r e p l i c a t i o n of the p a t t e r n s of the " s t a y e r s " 1875-1881 and 1881-1891 would i n d i c a t e some "l e a n " toward those of higher o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s remaining. However, given the s u p p o s i t i o n of upper group b i a s and the sampling technique used, i t would seem that any member of any o c c u p a t i o n a l group i n Nanaimo was e q u a l l y l i k e l y to remain i n the c i t y d u r i n g the study p e r i o d . While somewhat i n d i c a t i v e of b i a s i n the sampling method, the f a c t that r e s u l t s d i d not d i s p r o v e the n u l l h y p o t h e s i s that samples were r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the p o p u l a t i o n , shows that a l l c a t e g o r i e s of workers remained i n Nanaimo f o r the per i o d s sampled. As the c i t y aged and grew, no s i n g l e o c c u p a t i o n a l group i n c r e a s e d i n number r e l a t i v e to any o t h e r . The o c c u p a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r of Nanaimo i n 1891 was much the same as i n 1875. Because i t has been found that men of a l l o c c u p a t i o n a l groups stayed i n Nanaimo through the study years, p a t t e r n s of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n among the sampled o c c u p a t i o n a l groups may now be t e s t e d f o r change. For t h i s t e s t there are two separate samples. Men who stayed from 1875 to 1881 and men 113 50 _ 40-30 • 20 10 FIGURE 40: THE OCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE OF NANAIMO 1875 - 1881 Sample i — r — r 2 o M E H < Z> Cu O cu u < 50 , 40 30 H 20 1 M 10 K O 1881 P o p u l a t i o n J—h - i o 1881 - 1891 Sample 1 14 who stayed from 1881 to 1891. Only men who remained through these p e r i o d s (and t h e i r occupations) were sampled. For grouped data such as these we may use K e n d a l l ' s tau t e s t which produces a non—parametric c o r r e l e t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t that i n d i c a t e s s t r e n g t h , d i r e c t i o n , and s i g n i f i c a n c e of ch a n g e . 1 7 Over time, we are t e s t i n g the d i f f e r e n c e s between occupations that men h e l d to see whether o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y e x i s t e d i n Nanaimo, the d i r e c t i o n of t h i s m o b i l i t y , and i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e . Because of the nature of the data gathered and i t s arrangement i n o r d i n a l c a t e g o r i e s , 1 8 a f u r t h e r t e s t may be run " w i t h i n " each sample. T e s t i n g focuses on sub—groups of each sample. Each sample has been d i v i d e d i n t o upper and lower s t a t u s occupations — i f m o b i l i t y , e i t h e r upward or downward, e x i s t e d , where were the e f f e c t s f e l t most? With t h i s breakdown of the samples, such a t e s t i s p o s s i b l e . Based on the K e n d a l l rank c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t , changes i n o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s among men who r e s i d e d i n Nanaimo and changed jobs from 1875 to 1881 were not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t (Appendix V), nor were those from 1881 to 1891, but each c o e f f i c i e n t was negative — i n d i c a t i n g a " l e a n " towards upward m o b i l i t y . The second p e r i o d ' s changes were very c l o s e to a s i g n i f i c a n t l e v e l , much c l o s e r than the e a r l i e r s i x year p e r i o d . Given such r e s u l t s , and the r e s u l t s of the a d d i t i o n a l "sub—group" t e s t s (Appendix V) that showed s i g n i f i c a n t degrees of upward m o b i l i t y among farming, p e t t y p r o p r i e t a l , s k i l l e d l a b o u r i n g , s e m i s k i l l e d 1 15 l a b o u r i n g , and u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r i n g groups (and r e s u l t s i n d i c a t i n g no s i g n i f i c a n t m o b i l i t y among higher o c c u p a t i o n a l groups — although the p o s i t i v e c o e f f i c i e n t i n d i c a t e s a lean toward downward m o b i l i t y ) , i t can be s t a t e d t h a t there was upward o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y i n Nanaimo, e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g the 1881—1891 p e r i o d and that those who were more l i k e l y to have r i s e n i n o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s were those from the lower ranking occupations. While the s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s only h i n t s at the presence of o p p o r t u n i t y , the tr e n d that emerges in the r e s u l t s and the c o n s e r v a t i v e nature of K e n d a l l ' s rank c o e f f i c i e n t i n d i c a t e a general movement among Nanaimo's working men toward higher ranking occupations. When compared with the workingman's s i t u a t i o n i n l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h century B r i t a i n and i n much of e a s t e r n North America Nanaimo shows higher l e v e l s of upward o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y . Miners and s k i l l e d workers of Nanaimo were more able to r a i s e the l e v e l of t h e i r o c cupation than were t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s who had remained i n B r i t a i n 1 9 , s t e e l m i l l workers of S t e e l t o n , P e n n s y l v a n i a 2 0 , or petroleum workers of Warren, P e n n s y l v a n i a . 2 1 Research i n t o changes i n occupations among B r i t i s h men from a l l o c c u p a t i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s , over three g e n e r a t i o n s , from 1870 to 1949 concluded that "...the p i c t u r e of r a t h e r high s t a b i l i t y over time i s c o n f i r m e d . " 2 2 In Pennsylvania, "the common experience f o r an i n d i v i d u a l who remained i n l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century S t e e l t o n was to encounter l i t t l e upward or downward m o b i l i t y " 2 3 . The workers of Nanaimo seemed to 116 be a b l e to r i s e a l i t t l e more r e a d i l y i n o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s , thereby a t t a i n i n g , however modestly, some measure of success. Reasons f o r these d i f f e r i n g l e v e l s of o p p o r t u n i t y were: 1) The miners of Nanaimo were s k i l l e d l a b o u r e r s ; t h e r e f o r e wages were higher than f o r many u n s k i l l e d workers employed in B r i t a i n or P e n n s y l v a n i a . Higher wages meant more o p p o r t u n i t y to leave the mines and purchase or rent a farm, home, or b u s i n e s s . 2) Land, on the west c o a s t , was cheaper and more a v a i l a b l e than i n B r i t a i n or P e n n s y l v a n i a . With higher wages and cheaper land, i t was r e l a t i v e l y e a s i e r to purchase land and a house. 3) The workers of B r i t a i n or Pennsylvania tended to remain i n the same job they o r i g i n a l l y h e l d . Jobs were found and maintained. The t h r e a t of massive labour importation from the American South and E a s t e r n Europe made the e a s t e r n North Americans' job tenure i n s e c u r e . Once men found a job they kept i t , not wishing to take the chance of not f i n d i n g another. Since most miners i n Nanaimo had come to Nanaimo to fi n a n c e a move from the mines to a more a t t r a c t i v e way of l i f e , they dared to change oc c u p a t i o n s . In North America, e s p e c i a l l y on the i s o l a t e d west coast of Canada, t h e i r s k i l l s were h i g h l y marketable. The miners reco g n i z e d t h i s and changed jobs, took r i s k s , and dared where the e a s t e r n labourer would not. If o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y r e f l e c t s some measure of o p p o r t u n i t y , then r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y may a l s o be i n d i c a t i v e of s t a t u s enhancement or. degeneration. However, w i t h i n Nanaimo , as has been shown, there were few i f any 1 17 socio-economic d i f f e r e n c e s between neighbourhoods ( e x c l u d i n g Chinatown and the Indian R e s e r v a t i o n ) . In a d d i t i o n , there was l i t t l e or no s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n around the c i t y . People l i v e d near t h e i r workplace, t h e r e f o r e any r e l o c a t i o n o u t s i d e the c e n t r e u s u a l l y meant new employment — o f t e n one a s s o c i a t e d with farming. While the number of sampled people moving i n t o and out of the c i t y between 1875 and 1891 was not l a r g e , t h e i r movements are s i g n i f i c a n t . The movements of these people have been examined with respect to the areas of Nanaimo that they l e f t or went to and with a t t e n t i o n given to the nature of t h e i r r e s ettlement - was i t r u r a l or urban? Most p o p u l a t i o n movements of 1875 — 1881 were w i t h i n the c i t y ; from one urban area to another (Figure 41). Very few people moved to r u r a l areas surrounding Nanaimo, more came from the surrounding r u r a l areas to the c i t y . There was some u r b a n i z a t i o n of the o u t l y i n g p o p u l a t i o n , although the small number of men moving pre c l u d e s g e n e r a l i z a t i o n . During the p e r i o d 1881 — 1891, there seems to have been more movement out of Nanaimo to r u r a l areas ( F i g u r e 42). More people went to r u r a l areas surrounding the c i t y than moved to urban areas. T h i s may be i n d i c a t i v e of success — long—term r e s i d e n t s were able to move from Nanaimo to land o u t s i d e the c i t y . However, i t cannot be a s c e r t a i n e d whether these movers purchased or rented t h e i r new homesites, nor i f t h i s movement i n any way s a t i s f i e d a dream of pro p e r t y a c q u i s i t i o n . S u f f i c e i t to say that as the l e n g t h of 118 FIGURE H i : INTERNAL RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY OF 1875 SAMPLE. 1875 - 1881 Number g a i n e d Number l o s t W' ' < S o u t h - S o u t h - C r o s s West Down- N o r t h -ward w e s t R a v i n e C e n t r a l town west NANAIMO AREA 119 FIGURE 42:INTERNAL RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY OF l 8 8 l POPULATION, 1881 - 1891 2 4 20 1 R 1 0 I 12 ^ .10 c 8 S C S o u t 11 -v arc! d umber g a i n e d N u n b c r l o s t .cr?:....... S o u t h - C r o s s W e s t Down- N o r t h - l i -v e s t R a v i n e C e n t r a l town v e s t i n £ t o n NANAIMO ARE/ 120 re s i d e n c y of Nanaimo's p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d the number of long—term r e s i d e n t s who r e l o c a t e d on r u r a l lands i n c r e a s e d . 3. T r a d i t i o n R e — e s t a b l i s h e d Aside from the Indians and the Chinese, the s o c i a l landscape of Nanaimo from 1875 - 1891, r e f l e c t e d l i t t l e n a t i o n a l or o c c u p a t i o n a l s e g r e g a t i o n but, by the end of t h i s p e r i o d there were i n d i c a t i o n s that a more segregated s o c i a l geography was emerging. Newcastle Township's d e s i g n a t i o n as a "Nob H i l l " , c o n c e n t r a t i o n s of miners and l a b o u r e r s i n the South Ward, and the o v e r — r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of p r o p r i e t o r s , p r o f e s s i o n a l s , and s e m i — p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n the Cross Ravine and Downtown P e n i n s u l a , imply that changes i n r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s had begun. More expensive l a n d on the Downtown Pe n i n s u l a and i t s commercial nature made i t a prime r e s i d e n t i a l area f o r "white c o l l a r " workers, and while there were r e l a t i v e l y few of these people i n Nanaimo they chose to l i v e on the Downtown P e n i n s u l a or acr o s s the r a v i n e that s p l i t the c i t y . However, Nanaimo was s t i l l a c i t y of working men. In 1891 Nanaimo had few wealthy c i t i z e n s ( i n 1891 there were only 10 houses made of stone or b r i c k — perhaps some i n d i c a t i o n of wealth — while 1326 were made of wood). Nanaimo was not segregated along c l a s s l i n e s , but the seeds of f u r t h e r r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n had been sown. As the p o p u l a t i o n grew and as merchants, p r o f e s s i o n a l s , and managers prospered, p a t t e r n s of re s i d e n c e changed. A 121 l a r g e i n c r e a s e i n p o p u l a t i o n from 2800 to over 4000 (estimated from the census area p o p u l a t i o n of 6500 i n 1891) dur i n g the 1880s had i n c r e a s e d demand f o r land thereby d e c r e a s i n g i t s a v a i l a b i l i t y . P r e ssures on a v a i l a b l e housing had i n c r e a s e d d r a m a t i c a l l y and by 1901, there were 4.8 persons per d w e l l i n g (an i n c r e a s e of .6 from 1881) and 1.01 f a m i l i e s or households per house. 2" While c o s t s of l i v i n g remained s t a b l e through the study p e r i o d , ( F i g u r e 36) land c o s t s had r i s e n d r a s t i c a l l y . As the 1880s drew to a c l o s e , a miner and h i s f a m i l y were f i n d i n g that the c o s t s of owning a home and l o t were becoming p r o h i b i t i v e . Given that one of the major a t t r a c t i o n s of Nanaimo was the a v a i l a b i l i t y of land and housing and that housing c o s t s made up the s i n g l e l a r g e s t f a c t o r of the c o s t s of l i v i n g , c o s t i n c r e a s e s and a low vacancy r a t e f o r r e n t a l accommodation struck at the very heart of miners' a s p i r a t i o n s . With housing expensive and becoming s c a r c e r , t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n i n c r e a s e d through the 1880s. R i s i n g land c o s t s l e d to many of the gri e v a n c e s miners would l a t e r v o i c e . The immigrants who s e t t l e d i n Nanaimo hoped to advance t h e i r standard of l i v i n g . Success depended on wages and the chance to work. Pay had to be f a i r and work had to be steady. In a d d i t i o n , wages had to keep pace with i n c r e a s e s i n c o s t s of l i v i n g . While miner's d a i l y wages would, at f i r s t glance, seem comparable to other occupations (Table 6), they were probably lower and, perhaps more im p o r t a n t l y , were more l i k e l y to be a f f e c t e d by seasonal and d a i l y 122 f l u c t u a t i o n s . R o c k f a l l s , market i n s t a b i l i t y , unseasonable weather, and d e b i l i t a t i n g i n j u r i e s a l l prevented " f u l l " pay. Although wages were not p r e d i c t a b l e , they seem to have been hig h enough fo r a s i n g l e miner to meet h i s immediate expenses and have cash l e f t over at month's end. 2 5 However, f o r a married man, with wife and c h i l d r e n to support, the budget would have undoubtably been t i g h t e r . TABLE 6: OCCUPATION AND ANNUAL WAGES, CIRCA 1885 Annual wage Occupation i n d o l l a r s c o a l miner 832* government agent 1200 mine i n s p e c t o r 1080 c o n s t a b l e 900 c o n v i c t guard 720 t e a c h e r — p r i n c i p a l 1080 — a s s i s t a n t 720 carpenter 693** labourer 504** Chinese mine labourer 285** *see The W i l l of Henry A r n o l d , June 1884, Nanaimo C e n t e n n i a l Museum A r c h i v e s . **based on an average 21 day working month. Other wages from the Nanaimo Free Press, v a r i o u s dates. From the beginning of mine labour on Vancouver I s l a n d there were worker's o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The e a r l i e s t s e l f — o r g a n i z e d miners groups were not unions but l o o s e l y formed brotherhoods or a s s o c i a t i o n s . 2 6 These had been formed to p r o t e c t members from the c o a l company's excesses, to educate members in mine s a f e t y , or to in s u r e members a g a i n s t i n j u r y or death in the mines. There were s t r i k e s i n 1 23 Nanaimo 2 7, but these d i s p u t e s d i d not embitter miners toward the Company. 2 8 Very e a r l y i n the h i s t o r y of the Nanaimo c o l l i e r y there was c o - o p e r a t i o n between miners and mine management. T h i s s i t u a t i o n was o f t e n the r e s u l t of the c o n c i l i a t o r y nature of the managers and workingmen's l e a d e r s i n v o l v e d 2 9 or of the f a c t t h at "the g r i e v a n c e s and f r u s t r a t i o n s of Nanaimo's miners were c h a n n e l l e d more o f t e n i n t o v i g o r o u s outdoor s p o r t s and heavy d r i n k i n g i n the numerous pubs i n town than i n t o labour d i s p u t e s . " 3 0 However, by the mid 1880s, a union, the Miners' Mutual P r o t e c t i v e A s s o c i a t i o n , with i n t e r e s t s i n a c q u i r i n g p o l i t i c a l power (through the Workingman's P a r t y ) , emerged. S i g n i f i c a n t numbers of miners wanted to change t h e i r working s i t u a t i o n and a l t e r the goals and substance of Canadian s o c i e t y . In B r i t a i n , the 1880s saw the resurgence of a number of strong county unions and a stronger n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . 3 1 Miners who emigrated to Nanaimo i n the 1880s brought an a f f i n i t y toward organized labour and an a p p r e c i a t i o n of i t s importance i n m a i n t a i n i n g worker's r i g h t s . C o n d i t i o n s that e x i s t e d i n Nanaimo d i d not d i s p e l the miner's attachment to unionism; i n f a c t , they f u e l e d i t s growth and promoted t h e i r acceptance among growing numbers of Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company employees throughout the d e c a d e . 3 2 By 1890, miners unions were p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e , p r e s e n t i n g a p l a t f o r m that urged men to vote only f o r those who spoke i n favour of p r i n c i p l e s they e s t a b l i s h e d . They b e l i e v e d t h a t . . . 124 "the f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s of R e p r e s e n t a t i v e Government should be to accomplish the g r e a t e s t good f o r the g r e a t e s t number. To secure the workers the f u l l enjoyment of the wealth they c r e a t e , s u f f i c i e n t l e i s u r e i n which to develop t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l , moral , and s o c i a l f a c u l t i e s , i n a word to enable them to share in the gains and honours of advancing c i v i l i z a t i o n . . . " 3 3 They a l s o p u b l i s h e d a number of c r i t e r i a which a voter should apply to each ca n d i d a t e . " . . . t h e r e f o r e vote only f o r men who w i l l advocate the f o l l o w i n g demands: 1. That the land, the h e r i t a g e of the people be reserved f o r a c t u a l s e t t l e r s , not another acre f o r C o r p o r a t i o n s or s p e c u l a t o r s , and a l l land so h e l d at present to be taxed to i t s f u l l r e t a i l v a l u e . 2. The adoption of measures p r o v i d i n g f o r the h e a l t h and s a f e t y of those engaged in mining, manufacturing, and b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r i e s , and f o r the i n d e m n i f i c a t i o n of those engaged t h e r e i n f o r i n j u r i e s r e c i e v e d through lack of necessary safeguards. 3. The enactment of laws p r o v i d i n g f o r a r b i t r a t i o n between employer and employees, and to enforce the d e c i s i o n of the a r b i t r a t o r s . 4. The adoption of a Mechanics L i e n Law g i v i n g to Mechanics and Labourers a f i r s t l i e n upon the product of t h e i r labour to the extent of t h e i r f u l l wages. 5. That a c l a u s e be i n s e r t e d i h a l l C h a r t e r s granted by the P r o v i n c i a l Government, p r o h i b i t i n g the employment of Chinese. 6. The r e p e a l of the unjust laws passed at the l a s t s e s s i o n g i v i n g vast t r a c t s of land and r o y a l t i e s on m i n e r a l s t h e r e i n to r a i l r o a d c o r p o r a t i o n s . 7. That we condemn the p o l i c y of c r e a t i n g and f o s t e r i n g monopolies, as they tend to prevent l e g i t i m a t e c o m p e t i t i o n , l e a v i n g i t p o s s i b l e f o r the few to accumulate vast f o r t u n e s at the expense of the many. 8. That we c o n s i d e r the present system of t a x a t i o n to be u n j u s t , t h e r e f o r e we demand that a graduated income tax be l e v i e d . 9. That we do a l l i n our power to f u r t h e r the advancement of the short hours movement. 10. In the i n t e r e s t s of Education we c o n s i d e r that the c o n t r o l of the Schools 125 should be l e f t i n the hands of the l o c a l Board, the Government merely e x e r c i s i n g a general s u p e r v i s i o n over them." 3 4 By 1891, the f i n a l year of t h i s study, the miners of Nanaimo had become p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e through labour unions. The end of the "contented community" was at hand. ° Looming in the f u t u r e were b i t t e r and v i o l e n t s t r i k e s that c h a r a c t e r i z e d labour/management r e l a t i o n s i n the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . Miners who came to Nanaimo had e x p e c t a t i o n s and hopes fo r a b e t t e r l i f e than they had experienced i n B r i t a i n . For them Nanaimo was a place where land was cheap, the n a t u r a l environment was c l e a n and w i l d , most of the people were B r i t i s h , and work was steady and w e l l — p a y i n g . The Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company promoted Nanaimo as a c i t y where o p p o r t u n i t i e s abounded — where many t y p i c a l B r i t i s h working c l a s s a s p i r a t i o n s c o u l d be s a t i s f i e d with hard work and f r u g a l i t y . Miners who a r r i v e d i n Nanaimo as immigrants from B r i t i s h c o l l i e r i e s i n i t i a l l y viewed Nanaimo as a c i t y of o p p o r t u n i t y — and i t was. Brotherhoods and loose a s s o c i a t i o n s of miners d i d not engage i n p o l i t i c s , nor were there strong movements towards u n i v e r s a l u n i o n i z a t i o n . But by the end of the study p e r i o d , when new immigrants who had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n strong p o l i t i c a l unions i n B r i t a i n , the o l d e r immigrants' o f f s p r i n g , and other North American migrants made up the m a j o r i t y of the mining workforce, unions took on a new r o l e that was more s o c i a l i s t i c and m i l i t a n t . As a backdrop to these developments the n a t u r a l 126 beauty of Nanaimo's s e t t i n g remained, but to a p o p u l a t i o n reared t h e r e , or r a i s e d i n other North American s e t t l e m e n t s , the dichotomy between B r i t i s h c o l l i e r y towns and Nanaimo d i d not mask s o c i a l and economic problems. Older miners, who remembered the back—to—backs of Y o r k s h i r e or Northumberland may have r e v e l l e d i n the openess and s i n g l e f a m i l y landscape of Nanaimo, but the newer miners, more schooled i n s o c i a l i s m and aware of e x p l o i t a t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s that dominated the c i t y , were not dissuaded by the sea, mountains, and open sky. By the middle of the 1880s, i n c r e a s i n g numbers of miners saw the need f o r a union — they saw the need because many of t h e i r e x p e c t a t i o n s were not s a t i s f i e d . Instead of a land of o p p o r t u n i t y , they found a c i t y with a r i s i n g p o p u l a t i o n , i n c r e a s i n g s o c i a l d i s c h o r d , s k y r o c k e t i n g land c o s t s , a l a c k of f a m i l y housing, unabashed c o r p o r a t e i n f l u e n c e over government, and massive i n c r e a s e s i n c o l l i e r y p r o d u c t i o n and p r o f i t . Embodied in the Workingmans' P l a t f o r m , each of these f a c t o r s embittered miners to t h e i r B r i t i s h Columbian s i t u a t i o n . They formed unions, as agents of s o c i a l , i n d u s t r i a l , and p o l i t i c a l change. By the 1890s, many of the b e n e f i t s and advantages of Nanaimo that had defused ove r t c l a s s and r a c i a l t e n s i o n and c o n f l i c t were l o o s i n g t h e i r e f f e c t i v e n e s s . Housing and land were no longer inexpensive; the atmosphere of c o o p e r a t i o n between miners and management was f a d i n g ; the homogeneous B r i t i s h p o p u l a t i o n was becoming d i l u t e d with North Americans, O r i e n t a l s , and C o n t i n e n t a l Europeans; and even though 127 o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y , r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y , and m a t e r i a l advancement d i d s t i l l e x i s t , these alone d i d not d i f f u s e c l a s s and r a c i a l t e n s i o n s as w e l l as they had i n the past. The " s a f e t y v a l v e s " of Nanaimo, the workingman's community, c o u l d not prevent the emergence of m i l i t a n t unionism, segregated neighbourhoods, and v i o l e n t c l a s s c o n f l i c t that c h a r a c t e r i z e d the c i t y i n the e a r l y years of the tw e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . 128 Footnotes — Chapter Three 1. Although most t o o l s and technology used i n Nanaimo's mines were American, they were comparable to those used i n B r i t a i n . The miners p r o t e s t e d a g a i n s t B r i t i s h Columbia j o i n i n g c o n f e d e r a t i o n becase of the high t a r i f f s that were imposed on American manufactured items. 2. For a complete l i s t of the s p o r t s and s e r v i c e c l u b s and t h e i r h i s t o r i e s i n Nanaimo see Brechin S u p e r i o r School, H i s t o r y of Nanaimo, Brechin S u p e r i o r School, 1939 (P.A.B.C.) and Nanaimo Senior Secondary School, Nanaimo Past and  Present, Nanaimo Senior Secondary School, 1962. 3. C a l c u l a t e d from C i t y Property Tax Assesments R o l l s ,  1881, Nanaimo C i t y H a l l A r c h i v e s . 4. The works of Dennis,N., et a l . , op. c i t . ; Hammond and Hammond, op. c i t . ; and Roberts, R.,op. c i t . A l l d i s c u s s r e s i d e n t i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the B r i t i s h c o n t e x t . 5. D i s c u s s i o n on race and c l a s s in B.C. Has r e c e n t l y been undertaken i n the f o l l o w i n g a r t i c l e s . Ward, W.P.,"Class and Race i n the S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e of B.C., 1870 - 1939," B.C.  S t u d i e s , Number 45, Spring 1980, pages 17 - 37. Warburton, R., "Race and C l a s s i n B.C.; A Comment, " B.C. S t u d i e s , Number 49, Sp r i n g 1981, pages 79 - 86. 6. T h i s percentage i s based on 166 landowners i n 1881, 30% of whom were s k i l l e d workmen, 4% who were u n s k i l l e d , 6% who were s e m i — s k i l l e d , 7% farming, 4% c l e r k s , 3% s e m i — p r o f e s s i o n a l , 6% p r o f e s s i o n a l s , 8% p r o p r i e t o r s , and 30% were of unknown occupations. 7. Daunton, M.J., Coal M e t r o p o l i s ; C a r d i f f 1870 = 1914, L e i c e s t e r U n i v e r s i t y Press, L e i c e s t e r , England, 1977, page 107. 8. I b i d . 9. Matheson, op. c i t . , page 173. 10. G a u l d i e , E., Cruel Habi t a t i o n s , George A l l e n and Unwin L i m i t e d , London, England, 1974, pages 82-92. 11. Daunton, op. c i t . , page 98. 12. Matheson, op. c i t . , page 190. 13. These f i g u r e s are based on a miner's s a l a r y of $832 per year (see F i g u r e 36), average la n d c o s t s i n Nanaimo (Appendix I I ) , and an average of $300 f o r house 129 c o n s t r u c t i o n . Black Country data i s from Table 1. 14. Boardinghouse charges of $6.00 per week f o r room and board were found throughout the years 1875 to 1891 i n the Nanaimo Free Press . i n a d d i t i o n , these l o d g i n g s had e x c e l l e n t r e p u t a t i o n s f o r p u t t i n g out "good spreads." 15. See Thernstrom, S., Poverty and Progress: Soc i a l  M o b i l i t y i n the Nineteenth Century C i t y , Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r ess, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A., 1964. 16. "The Kolmogorov—Smirnov one—sample t e s t i s a t e s t of goodness of f i t . . . i t i s concerned with the degree of agreement between the d i s t r i b u t i o n of a set of sample values (observed scores) [the 1875 sample or 1881 sample of changed oc c u p a t i o n s ] and some s p e c i f i e d t h e o r e t i c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n [the 1881 p o p u l a t i o n ] . I t determines whether the scores i n the sample can reasonably be thought to have come from a p o p u l a t i o n having the t h e o r e t i c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n . . . t h e sampling d i s t r i b u t i o n i n d i c a t e s whether a divergence of the observed magnitude would probably occur i f the o b s e r v a t i o n s were r e a l l y a random sample from the t h e o r e t i c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n . " From S e i g e l , S., Nonparametric S t a t i s t i c s  f o r the B e h a v i o u r a l S c i e n c e s , McGraw-Hill Book Company, Toronto, Ont., 1956, pages 47-48. 17. "the K e n d a l l rank c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t tau, i s s u i t a b l e as a measure of c o r r e l a t i o n . . . i f at l e a s t o r d i n a l measurement of both the X and Y v a r i a b l e s has been achieved, so that every subject can be a s s i g n e d a rank on both X and Y, then tau w i l l give a measure of the degree of a s s o c i a t i o n or c o r r e l a t i o n between the two s e t s of ranks. The sampling d i s t r i b u t i o n of tau f a l l under the n u l l h y p o t h e s i s , and t h e r e f o r e tau i s s u b j e c t to t e s t s of s i g n i f i c a n c e . I b i d , pages 213-214. 18. Debate may focus on t h i s p o i n t because of the nature of the data. Whether or not the data i s arranged and ranked i n an o r d i n a l manner i s a contencious i s s u e , but the work of L u r i a , J . And the manner i n which he c r e d i t s Thernstrom and others f o r i t s development s a t i s f i e s me as to the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the s t a t i s t i c a l t e s t s used i n t h i s study. 19. D i s c u s s i o n of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y among a l l walks of l i f e i n l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h century Great B r i t a i n i s based on the works of Glass,D.V. [ e d i t o r ] , S o c i a l  M o b i l i t y i n B r i t a i n , Routledge and Kegan Paul L t d . , London, Eng., 1954, e s p e c i a l l y two a r t i c l e s , G l a s s , D.V. And H a l l , J.R., " S o c i a l M o b i l i t y i n Great B r i t a i n ; A Study of I n t e r -Generation Changes in S t a t u s " , pages 177 to 218 and Mukherjee, R., "A Study of S o c i a l M o b i l i t y Between Three Genera t i o n s " , pages 266 to 291. 20. Bodnar, J . , Immigrat ion and I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , 1 30 E t h n i c i t y i n an American M i l l Town, U n i v e r s i t y of P i t t s b u r g h Press, P i t t s b u r g h , Pa., U.S.A., 1977. 21. Weber, M. P., S o c i a l Change i n an I n d u s t r i a l Town, The Pennsylvania State U n i v e r s i t y Press, State C o l l e g e , Pa., U.S.A., 1976. 22. G l a s s and H a l l , op. c i t . , page 188. 23. Bodnar, op. c i t . , page 68. 24. Matheson, op. c i t . , page 190. 25. See the W i l l of Henry A r n o l d , June 1884, Nanaimo Ce n t e n n i a l Museum A r c h i v e s . 26. See Loosmore, T.R., "The B r i t i s h Columbia Labour Movement and P o l i t i c a l A c t i o n , 1879 - 1906", M.A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B.C., 1954. 27. There were s t r i k e s i n the mines of Nanaimo i n 1861, 1865, 1870, 1874, and 1880. See P h i l l i p s , P.P.A., No Power  Greater, A Century of Labour in B.C. , B.C. F e d e r a t i o n of Labour, Vancouver, B.C., 1977. 28. "The a n t i - l a b o u r c o n d i t i o n s at Dunsmuir's mines c o n t r a s t e d s h a r p l y with those at the Nanaimo c o l l i e r y a f t e r 1881. The new manager, S.M. Robins, maintained i n d u s t r i a l peace for 20 y e a r s . He was w i l l i n g to co-operate with the men and n e g o t i a t e with unions formed l a t e r , a w i l l i n g n e s s that d i d not endear him to Dunsmuir." P h i l l i p s , op. c i t . , page 8. 29. G a l l a c h e r , op. c i t . , page 77. 30. Orr, A.D.,"The Western F e d e r a t i o n of Miners and the Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l Disputes i n 1903", unpublished M.A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968, page 67. 31. See Arnot, The Miners, op. c i t . For a f u l l d i s c u s s i o n of the growth of a n a t i o n a l miners union in Great B r i t a i n i n the 1880s. 32. P h i l l i p s , op. c i t . 33. Workingman's Campaign Committee, Nanaimo Free Press, May, 27, 1890, page 2. 34. I b i d . 131 B i b l i o g r a p h y Unpublished M a t e r i a l s Brechin Superior School, H i s t o r y of Nanaimo, Brechin Superior School, 1939 [ P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s of B r i t i s h Columbia]. Bryden, John, "Diary and Letterbook, February 1878 — August, 1880"," A r c h i v e s , Nanaimo C e n t e n n i a l Museum. F o r r e s t e r , E.A.M., "The Development of C e n t r a l Vancouver I s l a n d , " Masters T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B.C., 1966. G a l l a c h e r , D.T., "Men, Money, Machines; S t u d i e s Comparing C o l l i e r y Operations and F a c t o r s of Production i n B.C.'s Coal Industry to 1891," D o c t o r a l D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B.C., 1979. "Indenture of Edwin Gough to the Hudson's Bay Company, 1854", P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s 'of B r i t i s h Columbia, Manuscript. Loosmore, T.R., "The B r i t i s h Columbia Labour Movement and P o l i t i c a l A c t i o n , 1879 — 1906," Masters T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B.C., 1954. L u r i a , D.D., "Suburbanization, Homeownership and Working C l a s s Consciousness," D o c t o r a l D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Massachusetts, Amherst, U.S.A., 1976. Macgregor, W., " J o u r n a l , May 1887 - June 1888," A r c h i v e s , Nanaimo C e n t e n n i a l Museum. Matheson, M.H., "Some E f f e c t s of Coal Mining Upon the Development of the Nanaimo Area," Masters T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B.C., 1950. Nanaimo, C i t y of, "Gaol Records, 1881", Nanaimo C i t y H a l l . Nanaimo, C i t y of, "Property Tax Assessment L i s t s , 1875, 1881, and 1891", Nanaimo C i t y H a l l . Nanaimo Senior High School, Nanaimo Past and Present, Nanaimo Senior High School, 1962. Orr, A.D., "The Western F e d e r a t i o n of Miners and the Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l Disputes i n 1903," Masters T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B.C., 1968. Smith, B.R.D., "Some Aspects of the S o c i a l Development of E a r l y Nanaimo, " Undergraduate Essay, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B.C., 1956. 1 32 P u b l i s h e d M a t e r i a l s Arnot, R.P., The Miners; A H i s t o r y of the Miner's F e d e r a t i o n  of Great B r i t a i n , 1889 - 1910, George A l l e n and Unwin L i m i t e d , London, England, 1949. Arnot, R.P., A Hi s t o r y of the S c o t t i s h Miners, George A l l e n and Unwin L i m i t e d , London, England, 1955. B a n c r o f t , H.H., The Works of Hubert Howe B a n c r o f t , The H i s t o r y Company, San F r a n c i s c o , U.S.A., 1887. Barnsby, G.J., "The Standard of L i v i n g i n the Black Country During the Nineteenth Century," Economic H i s t o r y Review, S e r i e s 2, Number 24, 1971, pages 220 - 239. B l a l o c k , H.M., S o c i a l S t a t i s t i c s , McGraw-Hill Book Company, Toronto, Ont., 1960. Bodnar, J . , Immigration and I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n — E t h n i c i t y i n  an American M i l l Town, 1873 - 1940, U n i v e r s i t y of P i t t s b u r g h Press, P i t t s b u r g h , U.S.A., 1977. Bro e h l , W.G. J r . , The Mol l y Maguires, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, Cambridge, U.S.A., 1964. C a i l , R.E., Land Man, and the Law, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, Vancouver, B.C., 1974. C a r t e r , H. And Wheatley, S., "Some Aspects of the S p a t i a l S t r u c t u r e of Two Glamorgen Towns i n the Nineteenth Century, " Welsh H i s t o r y Review, Number 9, 1978 - 1979, pages 32 -56. C a u d i l l , H.M. Night Comes to the Cumberlands, L i t t l e , Brown and Company, Boston, U.S.A., 1962, Coombes, B.L., These Poor Hands, V. G o l l a n c z L i m i t e d , London, England, 1939. Dennis, N., Henriques, F. And Slaughter, C , Coal i s Our L i f e , Eyre and Spottiswoode, London, England, 1956. Fawcett, H., The Economic P o s i t i o n of the B r i t i s h Labourer, Macmillan and Company, London, England, 1865. G l a s s , D.V., [ e d i t o r ] , S o c i a l M o b i l i t y In B r i t a i n , Routledge and Kegan Paul L i m i t e d , London, England, 1954. H a l l i d a y , W.M. [ c o m p i l e r ] , W i l l i a m ' s B r i t i s h Columbia  D i r e c t o r y - 1891, R.T. W i l l i a m s , V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1890. Hammond, T.L. And Hammond, B., The Town Labourer, Longman's Green and Company, London, England, 1918. 133 Henderson's B r i t i s h Columbia Gazeteer and D i r e c t o r y , Henderson D i r e c t o r y Company, Vancouver and V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1891 . Hibben, N. And Company [ c o m p i l e r s ] , B r i t i s h Columbia  D i r e c t o r y , 1882 - 1883, V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1883. Hibben, T.N. And Company [compilers and p u b l i s h e r s ] , Guide  to B r i t i s h Columbia, 1877 - 1878, V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1877. Johnson, P.M., "Teacher and Preacher, C o r n e l i u s Bryant," Beaver, Winter 1961, pages 34 - 39. Johnson, P.M., Parker, J.G. And Sedola, G.A., Nanaimo,  Scenes From the Past, Nanaimo and D i s t r i c t Museum S o c i e t y , Nanaimo, B.C., 1966. Jones, P.N., C o l l i e r y Settlement i n the Wales C o a l f i e l d , U n i v e r s i t y of H u l l O c c a s s i o n a l Papers i n Geography, U n i v e r s i t y of H u l l , H u l l , England, 1969. Lamb, W.K., "The Census of Vancouver I s l a n d , 1855," B r i t i s h  Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Q u a r t e r l y , Volume 4, Number 1, 1940, pages 5 1 — 5 9 . Lambert, W.R., "Drink and Work D i s c i p l i n e i n I n d u s t r i a l South Wales, c. 1800 - 1870," Welsh H i s t o r y Review, Number 7, 1974 - 1975, pages 289 - 306. Lawrence, D.H., Sons and Lovers, Penguin Books, Hammondsworth, England, 1978 [ f i r s t p u b l i s h e d 1913]. Lewis, P.F., "Small Town in Penn s y l v a n i a , " Annals, American  A s s o c i a t i o n of Geographers, 62(2), 1972, pages 323 — 351 . L l e w e l l y n , R., How Green Was My V a l l e y , The Ryerson Press, Toronto, O n t a r i o , 1940. McKelvie, B.A., "The Founding of Nanaimo," B r i t i s h Colunmbia  H i s t o r i c a l Q u a r t e r l y , Volume V I I I , Number 3, 1944, pages 169 - 189. McKelvie, B.A., "Coal For the Warships, " Beaver, June, 1951, pages 8 - 1 1 . M i t c h e l l , B.R., A b s t r a c t of B r i t i s h H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s , Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, London, England, 1962. M u l h a l l , J . , The D i e t i o n a r y of S t a t i s t i c s , (Fourth e d i t i o n ) , George Routledge and Sons, London, England, 1903. Norcross, E.B., Nanaimo R e t r o s p e c t i v e ; The F i r s t Century, Nanaimo H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , Nanaimo, B.C., 1979. 134 N o r r i s , J . , Strangers E n t e r t a i n e d , Evergreen Press L i m i t e d , Vancouver, B.C., 1971. Ormsby, M., B r i t i s h Columbia, A H i s t o r y , Macmillan of Canada, Toronto, O n t a r i o , 1958. P h i l l i p s , P., No Power Gre a t e r ; A Century of Labour i n  B r i t i s h Columbia, B.C. F e d e r a t i o n of Labour, Vancouver, B.C., 1967. Roberts, R., The C l a s s i c Slum, Manchester U n i v e r s i t y Press, Manchester, England, 1971. Rosenberg, N., Technology and American Economic Growth, Harper and Row, New York, U.S.A., 1972. Royal Commission on I n d u s t r i a l Disputes i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Department of Labour, Government P r i n t i n g Bureau, Ottawa, O n t a r i o , 1904. S e i g e l , S., Nonparametric S t a t i s t i c s f o r the B e h a v i o u r a l  S c i e n c e s , McGraw-Hill Book Company, Toronto, Ont., 1956. Thernstrom, S. And Sennett, R. [ e d i t o r s ] , Nineteenth  Century C i t i e s , Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, New Haven, U.S.A., 1969. Thompson, E.P., The Making of the E n g l i s h Working C l a s s , Vintage Books, New York, U.S.A., 1966. T o b i a s , J . J . , Crime and I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y i n the Nineteenth  Century, B.T. B a t s f o r d , London, England, 1967. T r i l l i n g , D. [ e d i t o r ] , The P o r t a b l e D.H. Lawrence, The V i k i n g Press, New York, U.S.A., 1947. Ward, W.P., " C l a s s and Race in the S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1870 - 1939," B.C.Studies, Number 45, S p r i n g 1980, pages 17 - 37. Warburton, R., "Race and C l a s s i n B r i t i s h Columbia; a Comment," B.C. S t u d i e s , Number 49, Spring 1981, pages 79 — 86. Weber, M. P., S o c i a l Change in an I n d u s t r i a l Town, The Pennsylvania State U n i v e r s i t y Press, State C o l l e g e , U.S.A., 1976. W i l l i a m s , J.E., The D e r b y s h i r e Miners, George A l l e n and Unwin L i m i t e d , London, England, 1962. W i l l i a m s , L . J . , "The Coal Owners of South Wales, 1873 -1880; Problems of U n i t y , " Welsh H i s t o r y Review, Number 8, 1976 - 1977, pages 75 - 93. 1 35 I would a l s o l i k e to c i t e the o r a l h i s t o r y tapes made a v a i l a b l e to me by the Nanaimo H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y and the tapes h e l d at the main l i b r a r y of Malaspina C o l l e g e , Nanaimo. Appendices Appendix I The occupations of Nanaimo and t h e i r "groupings" P r o p r i e t a l mining foreman merchant lumberman butcher p o l i t i c i a n music ian innkeeper gentleman p r i n t e r 1iveryman brewer P r o f e s s i o n a l engineer clergyman medical doctor mining engineer a t t o r n e y accountant p o l i t i c i a n teacher mining i n s p e c t o r a r c h i t e c t Managerial mining foreman innkeeper warfinger w a t e r c a r r i e r merchant S e m i — p r o f e s s i o n a l m a r i n e r agent merchant policeman druggi st p o l i t i c i a n c o n t r a c t o r c l e r k butcher engineer accountant C l e r k — s a l e s c l e r k merchant agent h o t e l worker storekeeper salesman d r u g g i s t bookeeper Farming farmer labourer 137 Petty P r o p r i e t a l t a i l o r merchant salesman storekeeper innkeeper grocer fisherman S k i l l e d Labour butcher carpenter smith baker t i n s m i t h shoemaker p o l i t i c i a n watchmaker p r i n t e r f i reman miner mason machinist c o n t r a c t o r t a i l o r a p p r e n t i c e p a i n t e r compositor brewer weighman S e m i — s k i l l e d Labour engine d r i v e r cook c o n t r a c t o r shipwr i g h t shinglemaker teamster h o t e l worker p a i n t e r sawyer mariner—seaman U n s k i l l e d labour servant stage d r i v e r m i l l h a n d watchman labourer lumberman t e l e g r a p h operator l i g h t h o u s e keeper A l l c a t e g o r i e s are based on the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system of L u r i a , J . , who c r e d i t s Thernstrom and others f o r forming the b a s i s of h i s system. 138 Appendix II C i t y Lot Appraised Values, 1875-1891 C i t y l o t Value in Canadian D o l l a r s 1875 1881 1891 13 100 150 625 15 120 1 50 625 III 1 6 60 90 675 IV2 60 90 700 V9 100 60 300 VI11 4 1 50 1 20 750 VII110 120 1 50 1000 XI 0 100 50 650 XI11 2 100 50 650 XV 3 300 1 50 600 XVI 6 75 50 450 XVII 11 60 75 400 XX1 4 50 75 400 XXII 17 120 1 50 500 XXXVII 13 50 50 350 XLI 1 1 25 25 400 XLII10 40 25 80 XLVI15 60 40 1 25 XLVI118 75 . 60 650 XLIX11 80 1 50 700 LIII8 100 1 10 600 LIV9 200 100 650 LIV1 9 185 1 00 200 LV7 1 30 200 950 LVI2 400 350 1 000 LVI20 600 500 1 200 LVI25 700 200 750 KI 0 75 40 800 Z1 5 30 500 IV8NEWCASTLE 60 90 700 139 Appendix III The Crimes of Nanaimo, 1881 "A l c o h o l R e l a t e d " crimes i n c l u d e : g i v i n g i n t o x i c a n t s to Indians drunk i n t o x i c a n t s i n po s s e s s i o n having i n t o x i c a n t s i n an Indian's house "Acts Against Property" i n c l u d e : l a r c e n y wounding c a t t l e u n l a w f u l l y k i l l i n g sheep o b t a i n i n g money under f a l s e pretenses r e c i e v i n g s t o l e n goods m a l i c i o u s damage housebreaking " V i o l e n t A c t s " i n c l u d e : a s s a u l t c u t t i n g and wounding using t h r e a t e n i n g language "Other V a r i o u s " i n c l u d e : unsound mind d e s s e r t i o n from s h i p vagrancy o b s t r u c t i n g a c o n s t a b l e conveying tobacco i n t o gaol A l l crimes were committed i n Nanaimo durin g the year 1881, from C i t y Gaol Records, 1881. Appendix IV The Kolmogorov — Smirnov Test Occupation 1875 1881 1891 sample p o p u l a t i o n samp! p r o p r i e t o r 1 4 25 15 p r o f e s s i o n a l 10 45 1 1 manager i a l 4 6 8 s e m i — p r o f e s s i o n a l 9 18 1 3 c l e r k 12 32 1 4 farming 46 1 29 42 p e t t y p r o p r i e t a l 1 1 13 7 s k i l l e d labour 126 437 93 s e m i s k i l l e d labour 1 7 71 24 u n s k i l l e d labour 26 96 8 n = 275 n=872 n = 235 1875 - 1881 d=.079 d ( . 0 5 s i g level)=.082 1881 - 1891 d=.167 d( . 0 5 s i g level)=.089 141 Appendix V K e n d a l l ' s Tau Occupation 1875 1 881 * 1881* 1891 p r o p r i e t o r 14 17 1 1 15 p r o f e s s i o n a l 10 16 1 2 1 1 manager i a l 4 3 3 8 s e m i — p r o f e s s i o n a l 9 1 1 1 2 13 c l e r k 1 2 1 5 10 14 farming 46 53 40 42 p e t t y p r o p r i e t a l 1 1 9 1 7 s k i l l e d labour 1 26 107 1 1 1 93 s e m i s k i l l e d labour 1 7 19 19 24 u n s k i l l e d labour 26 25 16 8 SAMPLE SIZES n = 275 n = 235 1875-1881 — tau=-0. 063 sig= .119 1881-1891 — tau=-0. 086 sig= .082 1875—1881 — "upper o c c u p a t i o n s " ( p r o p r i e t o r , p r o f e s s i o n a l , managerial; s e m i — p r o f e s s i o n a l , c l e r k ) tau=.124 sig=.l8 "lower o c c u p a t i o n s " (farming, p e t t y p r o p r i e t a l , s k i l l e d labour, s e m i s k i l l e d labour, u n s k i l l e d labour) tau=-.099 sig=-.057 1 881-1891 - "upper occupations" tau=.077 sig=.288 "lower o c c u p a t i o n s " tau=-.142 sig=-.0!2 * 1881 samples are based on those who had been in Nanaimo e i t h e r s i x years p r e v i o u s to the census year or those who had remained u n t i l at l e a s t 1891. 

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